Princes of Beauty. Boy Prostitution in Sydney

PRINCES OF BEAUTY

Boy Prostitution in Sydney

Dr. Paul W. Mathews

Copyright 2016 Dr. Paul W. Mathews

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Table of Contents

Abstract

Prologue

Snatches of Snatches

Chapter One

INTRODUCTION

Notes to Chapter 1

Chapter Two

PROSTITUTION TYPOLOGIES & CASE STUDIES

Typologies

A Proposed Typology

Table 1. Australian Typology-Summary

Colin

T.C.

Matthew

Marcel

Tony

Roy

Neville

Grant

Damien

Bobby

Neil

Brett

Ken

Danny

Steven

Stuart

Bill

Tim

Jamie

Mark

Dennis

Wayne

Michael

Table 2. Summary of Australian Sample

Table 3. Sample by Class & Type

Table 4. Social Cohesion of Sample

Notes to Chapter 2.

Chapter Three

FEATURES OF MALE PROSTITUTION.

Introduction

Definitions & Identifications

Reasons for Prostitution

Numbers in the Game

Venues & Contacts

Remuneration

Sex Acts

Risks & Violence

Class, Appearance & Dress

Clientele

Princes of Beauty

Brothels, Pimps & Callboys:

Brothels & Pimps

Callboys

Gigolos and Lesbians

Retirement

Conclusions

Notes to Chapter 3.

Chapter Four

IDEOLOGY, SEXUALITY, & PROSTITUTION.

Notes to Chapter 4.

Chapter Five

THE LAW, THE MEDIA, and PROSTITUTION.

Notes to Chapter 5.

Chapter Six

SOCIAL STRUCTURAL DETERMINANTS OF MALE PROSTITUTION.

Introduction

Medical Models of Delinquency

The Concept of Innovation

Isolate & Gang Delinquency

Delinquency & Class

Prostitutional Delinquency, Sexuality & Age

Notes to Chapter 6.

Conclusion

Works Cited

About Paul Mathews

Other works by Paul Mathews

Connect with Warrior Publishers

Abstract

This book seeks to address the yawning gap in both academic and general knowledge of male prostitution (in Sydney, Australia), with some comparison with UK & USA. Its central argument is that such prostitution is a form of delinquency, in part motivated by an aspiration to achieve, and that male prostitutes and their clients cannot be considered in purely psychological terms as sexually deviant or mentally aberrant. The book argues that, because prostitution is a sociological phenomenon—and derived from social conditions—boys from both the working and middle classes make a largely conscious choice to be or become prostitutes vis-a-vis the classical stereotype of them wholly coming from broken homes and/or the working class and being victims of child abuse/incest and other physical or psychological childhood traumas. This counters recent discourse and notions about childhood sexuality.

My particular approach arises out of the general inadequacy of deviance theory, and in particular past attempts to explain a social phenomenon in psychological terms, with particular emphasis on either poverty or childhood sexual exploitation/abuse combined with vague notions of homosexuality as causal factors. These past approaches fail to take account of the commonality of sex per se between males and females, the subordinate social and economic position of both boys and women in society, as well as being inadequate in explaining prostitution historically as social conditions changed. They also fail to acknowledge—least of all explain !—male prostitution in non-psycho-sexual terms among middle-class boys.

This book is controversial. It challenges the notion that boys as young as 12 cannot make conscious decisions to engage in sexual activity; it denies that they have some form of power. It asserts that such sexuality occurs with consent among both the working and middle classes. It questions the commonly held view that male prostitutes and their clients are homosexual, and that prostitutes are dirty and unmotivated.

It is an (accessible) sociological study, with some case histories; a comparison of overseas prostitution; and an extensive review of the characteristics and causes of and literature on prostitution; it has an extensive bibliography.

It is therefore my contention that the male prostitute in fact retains the basic goals of the middle-class, even if only symbolically. It is at this point that the concept of (functional) innovation, in conjunction with a Capitalist Success Ethic (CSE) accounts for juvenile delinquency and, in particular, the special form of delinquency known as male prostitution.

For the prostitution-delinquent the most efficient available procedure, whether socially legitimate or not, in netting the culturally approved value of success, is innovation, which, whether at a level of action or as an underlying frame of reference, arises out of tensions between societal values and available means to achieve goals consistent with those values. With such differential emphasis upon goals and institutional procedures, the latter may be so vitiated by the stress on goals as to have the behaviour of many individuals limited only by considerations of technical expediency [Merton, 1968: 189]. Thus aberrant behaviour may be regarded sociologically as a symptom of dissociation between culturally prescribed aspirations and socially structured avenues for realizing those aspirations.

Essentially, Western capitalist societies sanction high status and success as goals, and hard work as a means. However, because of class and age differences in economic and social conditions, access to employment and thereby the means to goals are unequally distributed, perpetuating relatively disadvantaged sectors of each society. One such sector is that of adolescents: a pre-adult's social position as adolescent and as occupationally unskilled structurally conflicts with the ideal work ethic.

This book derived from experience in dealing with such prostitutes whilst a Youth (Outreach) Worker in Sydney.

TOP

Prologue

SNATCHES OF SNATCHES

"Can I ask you a question ? Why do you do...this ?"

"Well, if you were 17, and living on the streets, paying $50 a night for a room, and female, what would you do ?" said Kelli without a tone of resentment.

"So, what are you going to do with your life ?"

"Get it together, I hope, some day...."

"The reason I ask....I used to be a youth worker up here, in the Cross,...a long time ago."

"That's what I want to be, Kelli responded rather enthusiastically, perhaps, I thought, to be agreeable, or to be noble, a welfare worker."

"Don't, no one appreciates you."

"Oh, I do. I appreciate them, my welfare workers. They've done a lot for me...."

What ?—I couldn't help wonder ? Paying $50 a night for a room, and....

As I left I felt I wanted to take her home, to take care of her. She was really a sweet kid.....

I don't know Kelli's story. She was so sweet and well spoken that it would be difficult to imagine her coming from a broken home on the NSW North Coast; she was outwardly likeable, and in another context it would be difficult to imagine her as being or having been a prostitute. But it might be in fact that very style that gave her the confidence and aspiration to become a prostitute and not to be exploited. Our fling was just that; but in that short moment of our lives she was not just a body to pump, she was a companion; it was a genuine companionship and one which I, untrained as I was, and far less than Kelli, reciprocated. Kelli was in control, although quietly so. What she was not in control of was the social structures, the moralistic glances and nuances, that pulled the strings of her life.[1]

What makes a person a prostitute ?

The boy prostitute, as with girl prostitutes/sex-workers, is typically seen as a victim, a disturbed runaway from a violent or unloving home, or often perceived as the subject of some previous sexual abuse. Destitute, looking for love and a sense of belonging from a substitute father figure, he is, so it is often claimed, easy prey for the exploitative older homosexual or paedophile. Welfare agency and government reports, as well as various documentaries such as Johnny Come Home, shockingly reinforce this all-encompassing image of the—presumably homosexual—male prostitute.

But suppose that male prostitution is not the result of a twisted child psyche? As I argue throughout this book, suppose it was, instead, an occupation, perhaps not quite like any other, but chosen by boys (and girls) from a wide set of social backgrounds, with diverse personalities, skills and expectations? No one tries to uncover the uniform childhood conditions that drive someone to become a lawyer or a plumber. Why should prostitution necessarily be different?

After a number of years researching, talking to and at times closely associating with male prostitutes, I have been confronted not by carbon-copy psychological disasters, but by diversity, freshness, enthusiasm, and affection. While there was certainly cases such as Troy from a broken and undisciplined family, and Steven, Grant, Neil and others who might be said to have suffered some family deprivation or trauma, there were equally boys such as Bobby, Nigel, Bill, Jamie and Cameron who came from loving, and often middle-class homes. Some drifted, in, through and out of prostitution, others made a more conscious choice; some targeted sugardaddies, while some took drugs and drank excessively, while others did not. Some would do anything sexually, others limited their activities; most identified as heterosexual, a few as bisexual or homosexual.

For the past 40 years or more the study of male homosexual prostitution has been bedeviled by sensationalism and academic myopia and moralism. While there are some titles such as Boys For Sale and The Meat Rack which present prostitution as exciting, titillatingly dangerous and erotic and exotic, being spicier and more enticing than the average sociology article, they nevertheless employ imagery that ultimately provokes moralistic outrage.

As my review of the literature indicates, the academic and popular writer of male prostitution present boys as arising from shattered homes deplete of love and caring. And more recent writings continue this moral obsession. Within this genre the spectre of child abuse has been added, with even some former prostitutes claiming that prostitution is such an essentially degrading and corrupt activity that no one could choose it for a career [cf. Robinson, 1990]. Male prostitutes, therefore, must be ultimately powerless, out of control, and victims.

Yet, as my and other reported case studies clearly show, few such boys report child sexual abuse; rather, many boys speak of sexual encounters as positive and as learning experiences.

Our bourgeoisie ideas of childhood sexual innocence implicitly disempowers children, assuming that the younger partner inevitably becomes the object of abuse and exploitation, and the elder lover the powerful one.

Notes to Chapter 1.

[1] I had just finished writing my PHD thesis after 6 long years. I was drained of all desire and motivation to write further papers; I had writer’s block, and felt I could not, and did not want to, write anything anymore. Then I met Kelli, on that occasion, and felt I needed to, and indeed wanted to, tell Kelli’s story, regardless of how brief it may be. I began to write….again. Thank you Kelli, wherever you are and whomsoever you have become.

I am well aware that Kelli is female, and so one may wonder why begin a book about male prostitution with a heterosexual story. Put simply, is there any real difference between male and female sex-workers? Each of them are providing a sexual service for money, have similar backgrounds or orientations toward sexuality and sex-work. Perhaps male sex-workers fail even less to fit a hetero-normative ideal, but only if we think of that hetero-normativity as sexual, for as the case studies herein illustrate, some of the boys and their clients/lovers did form relationships that were patterned on social hetero-normality. Kelli’s story is succinct in telling us many things, indeed, asking us many things…

TOP

Chapter One

INTRODUCTION

For the first time I had the feeling of being loved for myself.

(Boy, aged 14)*

Prostitution is deviant only in terms of a society's perception and treatment of it as such. Before reaching that conclusion, however, we must work through a labyrinth of social constructs.

I use the term prostitution to refer to male or boy prostitution unless otherwise specified.[2] The term male prostitution calls for some clarification, particularly in view of the other term, homosexual/ity, which is commonly associated with male prostitution. I deliberately omit the word homosexual/ity, invented in 1869, which was meant to refer specifically to sexual behaviour among males who are identified by others and identify themselves as such according to the sex of their partner and independently from the role taken during sexual intercourse.

The word homosexual in the term homosexual prostitute is used only in the sense of a same-sex sexual interaction, without any inference that the boy's motivation is sexual fulfillment with another male. Just as sexual satisfaction per se cannot be the primary reward for the boy prostitute, so too it cannot be the motivation, for if it were so the transaction would be more than a commercial exchange and the (monetary) reward would be secondary or peripheral to the main motivation of sexual desire or fulfillment. Since many prostitutes identify as heterosexual, it would be incongruous for them to be motivated to seek a homosexual relationship or an encounter with the aim of sexual fulfillment as a primary objective. And in the case of a bisexual or homosexual prostitute, the question of the simultaneous or sequential occurrence of behavioural components of homosexuality and prostitution does not arise, given the motivation for monetary (and other non-sexual) reward, which I detail in Chapter 3. Whether the prostitute identifies as gay or not, the role adopted is that of prostitute, which is congruent with his motivation and the rewards he seeks and attains [see Ginsburg, 1967: 172].

All this assumes that prostitution is for monetary or material gain, or for some other substantive gain. While one's identification as homosexual may be a factor in taking up prostitution, it cannot be considered a primary causal factor; the desire for homosexual liaisons may be in a few exceptional cases a sufficient motive, but not a necessary one, and as such is theoretically limiting. Prostitution involves a calculated exchange of service for some gain; admittedly a gay-identified boy may engage in homosexual liaisons in exchange for wisdom, patronage, protection, companionship, etc, and any monetary reward may be secondary or even incidental. But is this prostitution, and where does one draw a distinction between such prostitutional behaviour and a sexual relationship per se, even of short duration ? [cf. Boyer, 1989].

Confusion and error reign, however, when reading earlier texts which make no distinction between male-to-male prostitution in which boys do not identify as homosexual and the cases when they do. This failure to distinguish between male-to-male prostitution as prostitution per se and homosexuality simply reflects the discourse of sexual construction at the time. For example, Harris [1973: 27] says that typically prostitutes are, among other things, in jobs of a refined nature such as cosmetics, hairdressing or decorating, and they may find opportunities for sex from people they meet in the course of their work. While this clearly suggests that all effeminate males are (or readily could be) prostitutes and/or homosexual, to call male-to-male prostitution as homosexual prostitution, even when both participants identify as homosexual, is to misconstrue the exchange and motive

The social view of prostitution and delinquency is one of deviance or non-conformity—a view having general social consensus; and that male prostitution is a special case of that socially perceived deviance. However, I argue that, since delinquency is in reality conformist behaviour, then it must follow that prostitution is a special case of that conformity. The only thing deviant about delinquency or prostitution is the social perception of it as deviant.

Yet, constrained by technical expedience, we must at first use the evaluative terms deviant and delinquent. In so doing we are for the time being merely reiterating the social perception of those concepts, for in the concluding Chapter it will be argued that prostitution is not intrinsically deviant, and thus not a delinquency, and that much of what a society labels as delinquent is in fact conformity to larger socio-cultural structures.

Until we dispel this social construct[3] of the nature of delinquency, we shall use the term delinquent to refer to a (specifically juvenile) person who consistently or repetitively engages in intentional behaviour which, if detected, would normally result in legal and/or social sanctions being applied. In short, delinquency consists of behaviour which contravenes legal or socially prescribed expectations, the values and norms of a society (at any given time).

For the purpose of my argument, then, I shall refer to deviance as:

any behaviour or attribute for which an individual (or group) is regarded as objectionable in a particular social system. It denotes anything that violates prevailing norms on what makes a person acceptable. There is nothing inherently deviant in any human act; something is deviant only because some people have been successful in labeling it so, and according to G. H. Mead, one considers himself (sic) a deviant only when he sees himself as such by taking the role of others in his web of interactions [Bliss, 1977: 3].

Similarly, Shur [1971: 24] presents a working definition of deviance:

behaviour is deviant to the extent that it comes to be viewed as involving a personally discreditable departure from a group's normative expectations, (and which) elicits interpersonal or collective reactions that serve to isolate, treat, correct, or punish individuals engaged in such behaviour.

It will suffice here to use the above definitions in the analysis of male prostitution. However, I emphasize that the view articulated in a hegemonic discourse may not concur with my own view.

Having defined deviance as socially constructed, it remains for me to argue two somewhat paradoxical points: first, that prostitution is a form of delinquency; and second, that in fact prostitution is not deviant, and therefore not a delinquency in the popular sense. Broadly, in reference to a notion of innovation, the delinquent only distorts the means to evaluative and expected norms, and in fact does not contravene basic, underlying, and at times unrecognized, norms related to Western capitalist culture.

If delinquency refers to illicit behaviour performed by juveniles, then male prostitutes are delinquent. As my data and other case studies will show, prostitutes commit many delinquencies other than prostitution [see for example, Cohen and Short, 1971: 131], and at times closely associate with general delinquents; thus they may be socially constructed as delinquents in terms of delinquent acts and association.

However, prostitution is a delinquency given the special name of prostitution because its sexual element is the primary focus of social perception. A deviance stigma produces a master status, a status that overrides all others and provides a continuing focus for identification, however unfair or inappropriate [Hughes, 1945, cited in Jackson, 1978: 262].

This can be illustrated by the social perception of the persistent juvenile offender labeled as criminal once he/she reaches adult status; whereas the adult prostitute remains socially constructed as sexually deviant.

By this focus upon the sexual life of an offender various studies have overlooked the possibility of sexual behaviour being a manifestation of disorders of other kinds [Gagnon and Simon, 1982: 217]. Thus prostitution, for the boy, may not be directly related to sex at all.

While in some cases there may be a psychological or pathological disposition for prostitution, in the past much prostitution has been explained in terms of genetics, disease, or seduction. Subsequently, it was recognized that social determinants may contribute to aberrant behaviour, or in fact precede psycho-pathological dispositions. But these social determinants were hitherto labeled as home environment, peer group influence, gangs, paedophilia involvement and seduction, broken or disturbed home, etc, all of which ignored the overall structure of a capitalist competitive society; [see Durkheim, 1897; and Aron, 1967: 36-44].

As I show later, in becoming prostitutes it is not the boys' disposition toward delinquency which changes, but the form that disposition takes. It may well be because of the prostitute's marginality to various subgroups, and lacking unequivocal validation by any one subgroup, there has been a confusion and ambiguity about the male prostitute's identity. He has been seen as a victim, a deviant, as idiosyncratic, neurotic, aberrant, or just plain immoral. These are labels which carry more than undertones of psychiatric connotation. Seldom has the male prostitute been perceived as enterprising and innovative.

The confusion is further abetted by the perceived association of prostitution with vice, an association assumed to be caused by the deviant nature of prostitution. But this overlooks the fact that male prostitution is not, as a rule, organized. Rather, by its very clandestine nature it is forced, physically, geographically, into redlight areas where prostitutes may operate with relative safety, and where other vice coincidentally and structurally exists. Thus regarded as a vice, prostitution then lends itself to vice.

My assertion that male prostitution is in one sense a delinquency carries with it the assumption that the wide diversity of delinquent behaviour or the individuals engaging in one or another form of such behaviour are of theoretically like kind; and that to encompass a wide array of behaviour under one rubric is to assume that a single theory will account for the entire range of behaviour placed in this category. But as I will argue in the following pages, it is in fact possible to have such a blanket concept and cause of delinquency, with other social variables affecting the forms that delinquency takes [cf. Merton, 1968: 231].

Having suggested that male prostitution is in a technical sense a delinquency, and in the popular sense a sexual or psychological aberration, it remains for me to argue that it is in fact neither, but may in fact be perceived as a distinct form of conformity:

If we accept the perceived anti-social nature of general delinquency—in Cohen's [1955] terms: malicious, negativistic, and non-utilitarian—it will be shown (in Chapter 3) that male prostitution is not characterized by these factors. Rather, the characteristics of prostitution are such that they more acutely conform to a middle-class[4] Capitalist Success Ethic.[5]

The factor of age is also relevant: although various overseas studies [eg. Elifson, Boles and Sweat, 1993; Pleak and Meyer-Bahlburg, 1990] cite a significant number of prostitutes beyond adolescence, in Australia prostitutes are almost invariably between 12 and 20 years of age, whereas general delinquents range from as young as 5 or 6. It will be shown in later pages that when a prostitute ceases his sexual role he takes on a normative and socially prescribed role, or he becomes a legally and socially defined criminal associated with sex offences. The general non-prostitute delinquent, however, may maintain his mode of behaviour and consistent role of criminal.

Perhaps the prime distinction is the consistent sexual characteristic of prostitution. Although according to Doshay [1969] some 50% of general delinquents also engage in some homoerotic acts for reward, it is the prostitute alone who makes this factor a consistent and prime feature of his delinquency.

Other factors such as working alone, the redlight area of operation for professional prostitutes, the association with homosexuals and the gay community, also serve to distinguish the prostitute from other delinquents.

* * *

Boy prostitution, then, is a social phenomenon, although for some people it is, like homosexuality, not just a social phenomenon but also a sexual and maybe even a psychiatric one. In popular terms, if a boy is a prostitute then he must be a homosexual, for only homosexuals enjoy being male prostitutes; if the boy prostitute is not homosexual then he is viewed in psychiatric terms. In more general terms, and as Becker [1963: 33] puts it:

possession of one deviant trait may have a generalized symbolic value, so that people automatically assume that the bearer possesses other undesirable traits allegedly associated with it.

A socio-sexual or psychiatric view of behaviour seeks to enforce standard heterosexual normality, in which male prostitution is presented as either an illness or as an evil. Prostitution is evil because it has no socially desired consequences; it is regarded as a vice—something intrinsically evil—and is approved of only when it is made to serve socially desired goals [Davis, 1971: 341].

Others have criticized the psychiatric perspective of prostitution and homosexuality; they suggest the condemnation of such sexual vices is derived from repressed homosexual urges:

Discussing Sartre's view of Genet, Laing and Cooper wrote in Reason and Violence: 'The honest people are able to hate in Genet that part of themselves which they have denied and projected into him.' Those who are sexually insecure will often bolster up their confidence by directing hostility at [homosexuals] who threaten their own egos [Altman, 1971: 55-56].

In a certain literary way we are all prostitutes: we sell our body, labour, power, mind, knowledge, expertise, for survival or gain. Prostitutes, male or female, merely sell their body and other characteristics more directly, more commercially and openly. Thus as Havelock Ellis [1936: 225] notes, if the idea of venality, the intention to sell the favours of the body, is essential to the conception of prostitution, then a prostitute is any person for whom sexual relationships are subordinated to gain.

This raises the question: is a prostitute a capitalist, or is a capitalist a prostitute ? For one may well define a capitalist as any person for whom social relationships are subordinated to gain. Sexual relationships are social relationships.

Thus it may be that prostitutes, far from being deviant, are quintessential constructs in a capitalist society. As it will become evident, the boy prostitute may be a delinquent in terms of a formal legal definition; and equally, many people may see him as deviant, even criminal. But, in terms of an objective examination of social construction and of ideological justifications, the boy prostitute is a conformist to a capitalist success ethic and an example of commoditized, objectified social relations. Because the fit between ideology and action is so perfect and yet so unacceptable, it is a blatant exposé of the nature of capitalism, leading to strong sanctions in law and custom, including stigmatization, attempting to suppress the practice of prostitution and oppress its practitioners.

Although this argument applies to prostitutes in general, it is all the more threatening to the capitalist logic in the case of male prostitution because it involves the exploitation of male by male, revolving around a key moral issue and significant age disparity.

But because we as prostitutes and because real prostitutes as such sell the same things, basically for the same reasons, then the only criterion which differentiates the two can be the manner—the social how—in which each sells his/her self.

Prostitution, then, according to social terms, lies at the opposite end of the social scale from true love; but what lies between may become blurred. For example, it is generally accepted that a man taking a girl out to dinner in the hope that she will go to bed with him later is not inviting her to indulge in prostitution [Sandford, 1975: 1; also see: Millett, 1973: 89-90]. Or, does marrying one richer than oneself constitute prostitution ?

Sexual prostitution is defined by Sandford, however, as sex for sale or barter, and not given; there is a transaction and the sale of a sexual act is its sole or primary purpose; a sex favour then becomes a sex commodity. There may be a degree of pretence, or a pretence of love in the transaction. What maintains that pretence and sanctions it is the social ideology of love and marriage, validating the relationship as non-prostitutional [Sandford, 1975: 1-2].

* * *

Often it is said that most men can get sex without having to pay for it; yet there are millions of men who do (or have to) pay for it, for various reasons:

1. buying sex is quicker or more convenient, for example, for people who travel a lot;

2. there are no personal complications, nor is there emotional involvement;

3. there is teenage (male) initiation and/or the desire of the male to lose his virginity;

4. there is the illusion that love can be bought;

5. some clients buy perversions [See Winter, 1976: Chapter 7];

6. buying a father-child relationship;

7. lastly, but not least, there are men and women without partners, and those socially, sexually or physically inhibited [Sandford, 1975: 109-22; cf. Caldwell, 2011].

Why then do prostitutes sell sex ? The most frequent reason given, according to Sandford, is that of money. And given that almost all prostitutes are either women or children/adolescents, both of whom are relatively powerless and discriminated against economically and socially owing to their age or sex, it is not surprising to find some of them attempting to compensate for their disadvantage. [On these points also see: Millett, 1973: 82; Davis, 1971: 320-321; Ellis, 1936: 250-300; and Winter, 1976: 134]. [6]

The situation may be summed up as one where social institutions and opportunities which a boy/girl anticipated would remain constant or possible had in fact produced for him/her feelings of unimportance, apathy or frustration, rendering him/her open to alternative opportunities promising some compensation [Wilkinson, 1955: 131].

While this may not explain why people who experience the same conditions do not become prostitutes, underlying the summation of causality is the assumption that the sole question of prostitution concerns itself with the factors which lead people to enter the occupation. Rather, there are perhaps five separable questions, all of which I shall touch upon in following pages:

1. the reasons for the existence of prostitution;

2. the different forms or types of prostitution;

3. the rate or amount of prostitution;

4. the causes leading some people to enter, and remain in, the activity, whilst others do not;

5. the causes leading some people and not others to patronize prostitutes. [Davis, 1971: 345].

Notes to Chapter 1.

[2] I also make the distinction between prostitution (or sex work) and child sexual abuse; the former refers to sexual engagement knowingly and willingly undertaken for some positive reward, usually money.

[3] Each person born into a society assumes its social institutions and perspectives to exist sui generis as real. This reality is given, confronting the individual in a manner analogous to the reality of the natural world [Berger and Luckmann, 1966: 77]. Thus reality is socially defined. But the definitions are always embodied; ie., concrete individuals or groups serve as definers of reality [ibid: 134]. When a particular definition of reality comes to be attached to a