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2010

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ISBN 978-5-7017-1653-5

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60


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61

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63

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65

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67

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68

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69


.., 1992 Andrejev N.D. Early Indo-European Homeland in Saxony, Thuringy, Czechoslovakia and Southern Poland // Materialen des vom 2122 September
1989 in Jena in Zusammenarbeit mit der indogermanischen Gesselshaft durchgef
rten Kolloqiums. INDOGERMANISCH, SLAWISCH UND BALTISCH. M nchen
, 1985 //
.., .., 1984 //
., 2006 : // (.
M. Gimbutas. The civilization of the Goddess. Harper San-Francisco, 1991). .
.., 1989
//
, 1962 5 // .
, 1968 Kirkbraide D. Early Neolithic village life to the South of the Dead
Lake // Antiquity, vl. 42.
.., 1973 . // . 1, .
-, 1968 M ller-Karpe . Handbuch der Vorgeschichte // . 2,
M nhen
.., .., 1999 // .
.., 2006 //
, , 1.
, 1984 // 20 . .
.., 1989 //
.., .., 2003 // .
.., .., 1984 // . . .

70

The Indo-European Homeland and the Steppe


Hypothesis: Research Agenda
Mallory J.P. (Belfast)
Among the various solutions to the Indo-European homeland problem at
the present time there are at least three main contenders. In terms of chronology the earliest popular homeland is the Anatolian hypothesis that seeks to explain the dispersal of the Indo-European languages by the spread of agriculture
from Anatolia in the 7th millennium BC (Renfrew, 1987). Geographically close but
temporally later is the theory of T. Gamkrelidze and V. Ivanov (1984) that seeks
the Indo-Europeans at a later period in eastern Anatolia; a theory which has been
given archaeological legs in the work of S. Grigorev (1999) and also underlies
treatments of Indo-Iranian origins in the many works of V. Sarianidi (e.g., 1998).
But among the various solutions to the Indo-European homeland problem, the
steppe hypothesis has been the most durable and is the most-widely accepted among specialists in Indo-European studies. This theory proposes that the
homeland of the Indo-Europeans lay broadly in the Eurasian steppe and although
some researchers sought to focus on the Asiatic steppe (Brandenstein, 1936,
Nichols, 1997; 1998), most supporters of this theory seek the earliest IndoEuropeans in the steppe and forest-steppe of the Pontic-Caspian region. This
theory emerged in the early 20th century in the works of Otto Schrader and was
embraced or expanded by subsequent scholars such as V. Gordon Childe and
G. Poisson (Mallory, 2010). It achieved its greatest popularity in the works of M.
Gimbutas (1991, p. 351401; 1994) whose theories have been examined by the
author (Mallory, 1989) and recently updated in much greater detail, at least with
respect to the Russian and Ukrainian evidence, by D. Anthony (2007). It should
also be noted that this theory has also had its critics, most notably perhaps
A. H usler (1996; 1998; 2003 etc.).
There are a number of reasons for the popularity of the steppe hypothesis
that one can list (Mallory 1997):
1. The location (the Ukraine, south Russia) is geographically central to the
distribution of the Indo-European languages that extends from Celtic (Ireland)
in the west to Tokharian (Xinjiang, China) in the east. This is not simply a matter
of geographical position but also logistics as a Pontic-Caspian homeland positions the Proto-Indo-Europeans along a natural communication corridor that
leads into both central Europe and western Asia.
2. The area accords in general with the Indo-European culture as reconstructed from its vocabulary, i.e., names of plants, animals, technology.

71

3. The proposed homeland lies in a region where there is no evidence of a


non-Indo-European substratum.
4. The steppe homeland lies in an area not too distant from the regions of
other language families (Uralic, Semitic, Kartvelian) that linguists believe were in
some genetic or contact relationship with early Indo-European. As Uralic is probably the language family that linguists would position closest to Indo-European,
the Pontic-Caspian region at least sets the Indo-European homeland proximate
to most solutions to the Uralic homeland problem (Napolskikh, 1995).
5. The Pontic-Caspian region is sufficiently large to have fostered the development of a major language family but is also sufficiently remote (geographically, environmentally and culturally) from its neighbours that it cannot be easily
subsumed by any other culture or cultural trajectory.
6. The cultures of the proposed homeland (Sredny Stog, Khvalynsk, Jamnaja, etc) show very early evidence of mobile economies and innovations in
transport (cattle-drawn wagon, horse riding) that provide plausible vectors for
the rapid spread of a new language.
7. The archaeological cultures associated with the proposed homeland
date to a period immediately preceding and contemporary with traditional dates
for Proto-Indo-European as suggested by most though not all linguists, i.e., c.
45002500 B.C.
8. There is archaeological evidence that can be used to support expansions of steppe populations to both the east and west of the proposed homeland region at a time commensurate with the earliest spread of the Indo-European languages and in directions that can potentially explain the dispersal of all
the Indo-European languages.
Although a steppe hypothesis does have many points in its favour, it also is
subject to criticism. Generally, there have been three types of objections:
1. The archaeological evidence for steppe dispersals into central and
western Europe is too poor to support the notion of a homeland in the PonticCaspian, i.e., a steppe homeland cannot explain the dispersal of most of the
Indo-European languages of Europe outside that of the Slavs and possibly Dacians and Thracians.
2. The continuity of the steppe cultures appears to lead directly to the Iranians or Indo-Iranians but not to the ancestors of the entire Indo-European language family (Telegin, 2005).
3. The steppe cultures derive from the initial spread of agricultural populations from Anatolia through the Balkans. In this way the steppe hypothesis is
subsumed within the Anatolian hypothesis and is not regarded as the origin of
the Indo-European languages but only of the Asiatic Indo-Europeans (Indo-Iranians, Tokharians).
The various problems involved above may be treated in the context of a series of fault lines. In 1998 the author suggested that discussions of the dispersals of the Indo-Europeans of Asia might be concentrated along three fault lines
(Mallory, 1998). If we extend our discussion to Europe we might add at least
another two fault lines or barriers which must be transgressed if one is to accept
the steppe hypothesis. The purpose of this paper is to investigate briefly the

72

main problems associated with each of these fault lines as these form the centers of debate for both proponents and critics of the steppe hypothesis. Many
of the problems involved here have been the subject of debate among Russian
and Ukrainian archaeologists although these often occur without reference to
the Indo-Europeans. In short, I am proposing a series of research questions or
issues for anyone wishing to explore through archaeology the problem of IndoEuropean origins. It will also be obvious that most of these problems will be far
more competently resolved by archaeologists who specialize in the archaeology of the steppe and forest-steppe of Eurasia (Russian, Ukrainian, Moldovian,
etc.) and the purpose of this article is to acquaint such specialists with the wider
context of some of their own debates.

Dnieper-Dniester
The Dnieper-Dniester line is probably the most important of the fault lines
and it is chronologically the earliest that must be discussed. The critical issue
is to what extent the Pontic-Caspian region can be regarded as a linguistically
autonomous entity with respect to the Balkans during the Neolithic and Eneolithic. Supporters of the steppe hypothesis accept that there were contacts between the Balkans and the steppe but these were not of a kind that would have
permitted a language to spread from the Balkans across the entire steppe and
forest-steppe.
Discussion of the Dnieper-Dniester line specifically involves the economic,
social and linguistic relations on both sides of these rivers from the 7th to 5th millennia BC. On the west we have the earliest Neolithic societies of the Balkans
such as the Cris and Linearbandkeramik cultures that were moving eastwards.
To this we might also add the acculturation of the Bug-Dniester culture that
experiences a transition from a purely hunting-gathering to an early agricultural
economy. In the centuries either side of 5000 BC we also have the rise and
eastward expansion of the Tripolje culture. West of the Dnieper then is a region
of Balkan farmers or acculturated communities, whose ultimate economic and
cultural origins may be sought in the earlier development of food-producing
economies of Anatolia and southwest Asia. According to the Anatolian hypothesis, these farming communities constituted the driving force of Indo-European
expansions eastward across the steppe.
To the east of these farmers we find Neolithic and Eneolithic communities
whose roots appear to lay initially in the local Mesolithic cultures of the region.
These too see the adoption of domestic livestock, presumably from the west,
into the Dnieper-Donets culture and, in subsequent cultures, e.g., Sredny Stog
(Telegin et al, 2004; Kotova, 2008).
The principle issue with this fault line is to what extent it formed what D. Anthony (2007) has described as a persistent border that separated two very
different cultural worlds? While there is clear evidence for exchange contacts
between the different regions, e.g., copper between Tripolje and Sredny Stog/
Khvalynsk (Rassamakin, 1999), is there any case to conclude that there was such

73

an intense cultural influence from the west that we should accept the spread of
the Indo-European language from the Balkans to the Pontic-Caspian region?
The detailed problems can be listed as a series of questions:
1. Is there evidence for a migration of Balkan populations eastwards into
the steppe and forest-steppe that might support the wave of advance model
of Neolithic expansions? The nature of anthropological discourse has often
discussed steppe populations in terms of native Proto-Europoids and Mediterranean physical types but to what extent do these terms have real historical meaning and can they really be used to support arguments for population
movement? Obviously, the application of ancient DNA studies to much of this
material may resolve the issues raised here.
2. What is the date and social circumstances for the spread of both domestic livestock and cereals from the Balkans to the Pontic-Caspian region?
Are there alternative sources for the introduction of domesticates into this region such as the Caucasus as once suggested by V. Shnirelman (1992). And,
less likely, should we completely dismiss earlier attempts to derive the Neolithic economy from the south-east Caspian (e.g., Danilenko, 1974; Matyushin,
1986)?
3. Accepting that language shift is a product of a host population choosing to identify themselves with an intrusive target language, is there evidence
of either material culture or behaviour from the Balkans in the Pontic-Caspian
region that might indicate the introduction of a new ideology or language? The
most obvious commodity was copper that spread from the Balkans across the
steppes until it stimulated the local development of copper mining and working
in the Urals and beyond. But can one construct a serious argument that would
suggest that the spread of copper eastwards was a plausible vector for changing the language of all the populations of the Pontic-Caspian?
If the answers to all these questions still permit one to accept a strong ethno-cultural border between the Balkans and the Pontic-Caspian, then there is
little reason to regard the Pontic-Caspian Neolithic and Eneolithic cultures as
extensions of the Balkan Neolithic. Supporters of the steppe hypothesis argue
that the nature of the contacts between the Balkans and the Pontic-Caspian do
not provide any grounds for subsuming the steppe hypothesis within the Anatolian but rather support an independent cultural and linguistic trajectory for the
Pontic-Caspian peoples.
Another aspect of the Dnieper-Dniester line is the evidence for transgression from east to west. The steppe hypothesis demands this and the evidence
for it has traditionally run from exchange expeditions (Kotova, 2008) to outright
conflict and the settlement of steppe peoples on western sites (Dergachev,
2007). What has also been emphasized are patterns of mutual interrelationships that involved the spread of traits from the west to the east in the later Neolithic/Eneolithic (Vander Linden, 2004). Recent writers such as Vander Linden
(2004) and Parpola (2008) have emphasized the critical significance of the Late
Tripolje which has been viewed by supporters of the steppe hypothesis as a
linguistically Indo-European involving the acculturation of Balkan farmers by
steppe populations who subsequently spread these innovations still further.

74

Although some have sought to deny or reduce the importance of expansions to


the west, it can hardly be disputed that aspects of the steppe cultures, particularly the later Jamnaja culture, are found across the Balkans and beyond into
Hungary as far as the Tisza (Ecsedy, 1979). These expansions take us to two
other fault lines the Anatolian and the Tisza.

Anatolian
Any viable model of Indo-European dispersals must be able to at least
make a case for explaining all the Indo-European groups. Throughout the history of Indo-European studies there have been tendencies to propose solutions
that may appear plausible for a restricted area of the Indo-European world but
which cannot provide a convincing case for the other Indo-European groups.
One of the tests of the steppe hypothesis is whether it can provide a solution to
Anatolian origins. The early Indo-European languages of Anatolia (Luvian, Hittite, Palaic) are treated as either a co-ordinate branch with the other Indo-European languages, all of which are assigned to a common Indo-Hittite language
family or the Anatolian branch is treated as a merely a group of Indo-European
languages that separated at a very early date. Either way there should be an
early separation of Anatolian from the other Indo-European languages. Supporters of the Anatolian hypothesis insist that as the homeland lay in Anatolia, it
was all the other Indo-European languages that moved off at an early date and
out of contact with the Anatolian branch. Conversely, the steppe hypothesis
seeks to explain the Anatolians as the result of a migration to Anatolia by cultures whose ancestral cultural roots lay in the Pontic-Caspian.
Supporters of the steppe hypothesis suggest two possible routes that
might tie Anatolia to the cultures north of the Black Sea: the Caucasus or the
Balkans. The first of these requires an assessment of any evidence for steppe
connections with the Caucasus, eastern Anatolia and central Anatolia where
Majkop, Alaca H y k, etc. play major roles in any discourse and involve extremely complicated issues of the entire relationship between Mesopotamia,
Anatolia and the area north of the Caucusus (Kristiansen, 2010).
Alternatively, there is also the suggestion that steppe intruders played a
major part in the reorganization of the Balkans that continued with a dispersal
to northwest Anatolia. The first part of this movement has been tied to M. Gimbutas first wave that saw the spread of kurgan burials and horse-headed sceptres (Gimbutas, 1994, . 3537; Dergachev, 2007; Anthony, 2008) or the later
second wave (Gimbutas, 1994, 39) that saw the Karanovo VII period and the
Early Bronze Age of the eastern Balkans (Ezero, etc) that may have formed a
prelude to expansions into northwestern Anatolia (Troy). There are other models as well that emphasize frequent interaction between the Balkans and northwest Anatolia that may play a part in furthering the steppe hypothesis as an
explanation for the earliest Indo-Europeans in Anatolia. Much of this rests on
sorting out the chronology of the earliest migration of steppe tribes into the
Balkans and assessing their impact on the local cultures. So some of the main
issues appear to be:

75

1. Can one make a plausible case for the migration from the Pontic-Caspian through the Caucasus that might explain the rise of the Anatolian (IndoEuropean) languages of the Bronze Age?
2. Can one make a plausible case that eastern Balkan society, following
the incursions of steppe populations, may have moved into northwest Anatolia and established Bronze Age cultures ancestral to the historical Luvians
and Hittites?

Tisza
The presence of steppe tribes in the Carpathian Basin is well established
but other than an occasional exception such as the Jamnaja-like burial at Bleckendorf in eastern Germany, clear evidence of steppe expansions any further
west of the Tisza remains elusive. Unless the steppe hypothesis can demonstrate that a steppe culture crossed the Tisza line, it is incapable of providing
an attractive solution to the Indo-Europeans of central, northern and western
Europe. From an archaeological point of view it requires there to be some form
of historical relationship between the steppe cultures and the formation and expansion probably of the Globular Amphora Culture and certainly the horizon of
Corded Ware (Single-grave, Battle-axe, Fatjanovo, etc) cultures. If the steppe
hypothesis fails to make a case for identifying these central, north and west European cultures as descendents (socially, linguistically) of the Pontic-Caspian
cultures, then it fails to resolve the Indo-European homeland problem. There
have been two approaches to explaining the Indo-European expansion to the
north and west:
1. Migration. This model has been most vigorously argued by M. Gimbutas who assimilated the various steppe cultures into a single Kurgan tradition
and noted parallels between the Kurgan tradition of the Pontic-Caspian and the
central European cultures. Here she emphasized a series of traits such as single
burial, construction of a tumulus, use of ochre, animal remains in the grave, association of males with weapons, strong dichotomy between male and female
burials in posture or orientation. These she believed indicated that the central
European cultures were a continuation of the expansion of the Pontic-Caspian
cultural tradition to the north and west. Critics have pointed out that the Kurgan
tradition is not an actual taxonomic entity but rather a group of very diverse
cultures that have been grouped together under a single name that in fact share
only a few generic (and not genetic) traits such as tumulus burial. Much of the
criticism here can be found in the works of A. H usler.
2. Transference of a social ideology. This model emphasizes the existence
of a Jamnaja social package that comprised technological (arsenical copper,
two piece moulds, shaft-hole axes, etc.), economic (emphasis on cattle herding, introduction of woolly sheep, wagons, domestic horses), material (tanged
daggers, shaft-hole axes, cord decorated pottery, etc) and social (burial ritual,
metal hoards, anthropomorphic stelae) components. Elements of this package
were introduced into the Balkans from the Pontic-Caspian and adopted by local
populations who accepted many of the components of the package which they

76

carried to the north, west and south (Harrison and Heyd, 2007; Kristiansen,
2010). This model should leave a cultural and social trail but it need not leave a
genetic trail, i.e., similar physical types. On the one hand, this model accords
well with the type of situation that one might associate with language shift, i.e.,
the spread of an ideological package or identity that encourage foreign populations to shift their language (Mallory, 2002). On the other hand, it may not offer
the hard archaeological evidence (burials, ceramics, etc.) that supporters of
the cultural-historical approach regard as convincing.
The linguistic identity and the temporal position of the earliest steppe dispersal to the west raises some important issues. M. Gimbutas final wave, associated with the Jamnaja culture, is obviously the one that might account for the steppe
burials in Hungary. But what layer of Indo-European should this be attributed to?
A. Parpola (2008), for example, associates the Jamnaja spread with the GraecoArmenian-Indo-Iranians, the latest tier of Indo-European development. Chronologically this makes sense but then one can hardly identify the Jamnaja package
as the vector that spread the more archaic Indo-European languages (e.g., Celtic, Germanic) to the north and west. D. Anthony (2008), on the other hand, seeks
Pre-Germanic in the Usatovo culture of Tripolye C2 which was formed under the
influence of the Jamnaja culture. Clearly, supporters of the steppe hypothesis
have much to do if they want to integrate the proposed linguistic phases of IndoEuropean into the archaeological record of steppe expansions.

Ural
The Ural line must be crossed to account minimally for the eastern Iranians
and the Tokharians and maximally for all the Indo-Iranians of central and southwest Asia. This is recognized by both supporters of the steppe hypothesis and
those who believe that the Anatolian hypothesis subsumes the steppe hypothesis (Renfrew, 1999). That the Andronovo cultural-historical entity (the taxonomic unit that embraces a series of Asian steppe and forest-steppe cultures)
is genetically related to its Late Bronze Age counterpart in the European zone
(the Srubnaja culture) is hardly in doubt. There are, however, a series of major
issues that still remain difficult to resolve:
1. There is uncertainty where precisely the Andronovo horizon intersects
with the linguistic entities that occupied western Asia. Spatially, its surest identification would be with eastern Iranian, the branch of the Iranian languages
associated, for example, with the Scythian/Saka tribes of the first millennium
BC. But is this true of the earlier phases of Andronovo or the related Sintashta
burials that precede 2000 BC? By then one should be able to conceive of either
early Iranian or Indo-Iranian, the major branch that linguists might date to c.
2500-2000 BC. All these issues are treated in detail by E. Kuzmina (2007).
2. The Andronovo culture is preceded by the Afanasievo culture which
has long been regarded as an outlier of the European steppe cultures despite
the vast distance between the western cultures on the Volga and Ural and the
Afanasievo in the Altai and in the Minusinsk Basin. In terms of some artifact

77

types (censers), ritual behaviour and physical anthropology, the Afanasievo


culture has been often derived from the Jamnaja culture despite the fact that
the only intermediate sites tend to be a few burials near Karaganda. The Afanasievo culture has been proposed as a likely candidate for the prehistoric
Tokharians of the Tarim Basin by a number of scholars (e.g., Mallory and Mair,
2000, p. 294296). But problems have been emerging over the past decades
because of a number of extremely early Afanasievo graves that would actually
predate the Jamnaja culture. Although Poljatkov and Svyatko (2009) suggest
that the dates for Afanasievo begin somewhat later than those for the Jamnaja
culture, i.e. 3300 BC for Afanasievo and 3600 BC for Jamnaja, Kiryushkin et al
(2009, p. 121) have no problem in describing the Afanasevo floruit in the Altai
as early as 38002400 BC (at two sigma). For this reason, D. Anthony (2007,
p. 307311) has sought the origins of the Afanasievo in the still earlier Repin
culture. But this still does not resolve all the issues. In a paper (in press) by M.
Frachetti (2011) it is argued that the case against the Afanasievo culture, at
least its domestic livestock, deriving from the European steppe is fairly strong.
The intermediate area has, so far, only one major distinctive type of culture to
its north, the Botai culture, and Afansievo does not in any way resemble Botai.
Nor does the economic basis of the Afanasievo sites mirror those of the western steppe. Frachetti suggests that the spread of domestic animals to the east
was actually undertaken along a southern route from Central Asia rather than
from the Volga-Ural region. This theory is currently being examined by ancient
livestock geneticists at Trinity College, Dublin.

Central Asia
The final fault line is between the steppe cultures of Eurasia and the agricultural oases of Central Asia. The problem here is that while Andronovo material,
especially pottery, can be found on sites of the Bactria-Margiana-Archaeological Complex (BMAC) they are not really found to the south on the approaches
to either greater Iran or northern India. V. Sarianidi (1998) has long championed
the idea that the BMAC itself reflects an earlier stage of Iranian which he derives
from the southwest, in keeping with the well-known hypothesis of Gamkrelidze
and Ivanov to set the Indo-European homeland in eastern Anatolia. While this
suits a local development for eastern Iranian urban society, it does not provide a
very satisfactory solution for identifying the Iron Age steppe tribes with the eastern Iranians nor does it provide a solution to how the Iranians relate to the IndoAryans of India. The steppe theory as it stands provides a critical link between the
Asian Indo-Europeans and the Europeans. But other than noting the presence
of Andronovo populations on BMAC sites, we are far from being able to see how
they might have risen to positions of dominance or how their language might have
been adopted by the much more numerous populations to their south.
As for connections between the steppelands and India, the situation is even
worse. There are occasional parallels between the two regions, e.g., scepters
(Kuznetsov, 2005; 2007) but the arguments that bring the Eurasian steppe and
northern India into some form of historical relationship tends to rest on a list of

78

general cultural parallels (Kuzmina, 2004; 2007) that are extremely interesting
but lack a clear trail of archaeological sites that would convince scholars that
there had been a cultural trajectory that carried a new language to India that
effected a major shift in language.
The challenges and problems outlined are quite formidable and some may
find it difficult to imagine that the steppe hypothesis is the best solution to the
Indo-European homeland problem. On the other hand, it does include serious
proposals that, if verified, can explain the distribution of all the Indo-European
languages. And when compared with the competing theories, it is still probably
to be reckoned the least bad of the various theories and is still well worth investigating further.

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. 30]. - .
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118

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119

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. 38), ,
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1973, . 109127) .

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// , . 176, .
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120


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// - . .
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. ., 1975 // i, . 17,
. ., 1982 ( ) // ,
. ., 1985 - //
,
Escedy I., 1979 h l f the pit-grave in Eastern Hungary. Budapest
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127

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.., 1970 // , . 3, .
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18 000 // . , . 9, . 4,

129


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// , . . .
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// , 9. http://ecoclub.nsu.ru/books/Step-9/
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.., .., 1991 - //
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.., 2000 - // Stratum plus, 2
.. ., 2000 .., .. // .
.., 1999 , // , 1416, 19971999
.., 2000 - // . . . . .
Konikov E. et al., 2007 Likhodedova O., Pedan G. Paleogeographic reconstructions
of sea-level change and coastline migration on the northwestern Black Sea shelf over the
past 18 kyr. Quaternary International, doi:10.1016/j.quaint.2006.11.012

130

Age,
ky BP

Section

Division

1
800 000
( Konikov, 2006)
MIS

Alps

Holocene

Upper

0.0

Fedorov, 1978, 1982

North-western shelf of the Black Sea


(Voskoboinikov et al.,1982; Konikov,
2004, 2006; Konikov and Fachtchevsky,
1999; Fachtchevsky, 2002)

Recent
Korsunian
Nymphaean
Phanagorean

Medieval (0.6 kyBP)***

Recent*
Nymphaean (1.2 kyBP)*
Olbian (2.5 kyBP)***

4.5
New Black Sea
7.8

Upper Novochernomorean (3.2 kyBP)*


Khadzhibeian (4.0 kyBP)***

Holocene

Lower Novochernomorean (5.0 kyBP) *


Tyraean (6.1 kyBP)***
Upper Drevnechernomorean (6.8
kyBP)*

Old Black Sea


Lower

9.5

Drevnechernomorean (8.2 kyBP)***

27

Lower Drevnechernomorean*
?**
23

120
200

5
Pleistocene

240

500

Upper
Eopleistocene

Lower

Middle

Eopleistocene

Lower Neoeuxinian

Lower Neoeuxinian ***


Antsky subhorizon (Gozhik,1984)

Surozhean (~3235 kyBP) **

780

Postkarangatian-IV***

Riss
Wrm

Riss

Upper

Wrm

Upper Neoeuxinian **

Upper
Karangatian

Postkarangatian III***-IV**
Postkarangatian II**

Lower Karangatian

Postkarangatian-I*** (Loess strata)


Upper Karangatian (~80 kyBP)*
Lower Karangatian (~130 kyBP) *

R3

Regression

?***

R2

Uzunlarian
Upper Old Euxinian
Regression
Paleouzunlarian

R1

Postuzunl-arian

56

Upper Neoeuxinian

?**

?***

811

Mindel-Riss

Lower Old Euxinian

Upper Old Euxinian Uzunlarian *

1214

Mindel

Regression

1521

GnzMindel

Paleouzunlarian Lower Old Euxinian**


Upper Chaudinian*

Chaudinian

Gnz

Gurian Chauda

2223

?
Lower Chaudiniain**

* Mediterranean-type transgressions; ** Caspian-type transgressions, ***regressions

131


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172




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., .., 2005 2 .
// Revista Arheologic, SN, vol. I, nr. 1, Chiinu
.., 1985 - // - ,
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II . .. //
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182



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213

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216


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. . . .

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217


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.
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: , . V,
. 1,
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// . .
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//
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// .
Kirillov A.K., Zdanovich D.G., 2002 Archaeoastronomical research in steppic TransUrals: fortified settlements of the Country of Towns and their surroundings // Astronomy of ancient societies. M.

218


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.

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219

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223

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225

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227

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//
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(: ) //
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. IV - . .
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//
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( 1971, 1980, 1981 .) // .
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// , 10 (92).

228

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(
( 10-06-00408)

III . . . I . . ., ,
.
, , 1.
(, , (),
.), ( ), -, /
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Jakobsohn, 1922, s. 184222; Korenchy, 1972; Joki, 1973, s. 364), , -
:
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1


, , ,
.

229

) 2 (. ).
( ) ltym 3 ( 7 (Rdei, 1986, c. 4043) . (,
1997, c. 146148; , 2000, c. 498);
. . (, 2000, c. 489501, 511535;
, , 2000; Ritter, 1993). ,
, -, , , , .

, , : ,
-
(Janhunen, 1983, c. 121124):
*pul ~ *p2l .-.-. *puhl < . *ptu, (.
- ).
,
( . I .
..) ,
.
. -
*e / *o (> . *a),
(, 1990), ( , : (Joki, 1973; Rdei, 1986):

( ,
, )
. (Katz, 2003),

(
III . ..). , ,

(Katz, 2003, . 186223), -
II . .. .

. , .

230

.-. *ert(s) , () (. urd- .) .


*erdha- > *ardha-: .-. rdha- , , / . *dha( )
() .*- *er- ;
*orpa(s) (. orpo .) . *orbha- > *arbha-: .. arbha- / . *arbha- . *a- *o- .
, , ,
:
*mekAe (. muA .) . *mekAa- > *makAa-:
.-. makEa- , ;
*mete (. mu .) . *medhu- > *madhu-: .. madhu- .
, -- :
( )
, - (
, , - :
.-. *Si(k)At / *Ai(k)St (. SuS .) .: -.
(madhu-)SiEYa (Blaek, 1990, c. 43) (
).
- ,
-
( (Veres, 1971),
).
,
- , - . - ,
,
III . .. , , - III . .. ,

, (, ),
.
, -
- , /
- ,

231

- ,
III . ..
, - *o / *e
, *o / *e / > . *a ( *a),
. *S *s ( > . *S *s; > . *s *h )
*S *s ( , ), :
*asr , (. uz2r .) .: .. asura- . ahur ;
*Sata (. Su .) .: .-. Sat- .
satm;
.-. *sasare () (. suzer .) .: .-.
svsar- . {va\har;
.-. *set (*sejt) , ( sojd .) .: .-.
stu- , , . hatu- , . x1d / xed .
. *s > . h ,
(Szemernyi, 1977; . : (Lipp,
2009, c. 318322)4, *s , *S
,
( : (, 1972). , ,
- , ,
4

, , , : 1) .-. +(h)6Xa
*s6Aa
, : .-. , ,
+
(h)uvaJa, huv- , ,
, ; 2) .-. Hindu () .-. sindhu-: , .-.
( .
. i), ; 3) II (722705 . . .)
das-sa-ra dma-za- < *asura-mazds ..
: das-sa-ra dma-za- ,
- , , .
ahur . asura-, mazd ~ medha-.
*s > h ,
.

232

: *K, *G, *Gh > .


*, *, *h > -. (*) *, (*) *, (*) * > . *S, *Z, *Z >
. / .-. s /}, z /d, z /d,
(, 1986, c. 3845). , ,
, -
: , ,
. (Jacobsohn, 1922, s. 143
160) ( , , , . : (Joki, 1973, . 137155),
(, 1986, . 40, 42) ,
circulus in probando: . *S
,
*S .
, ,
, *S
: *K, *G, *Gh > . *, *, *h > . (.-.) *c, *, * > . (.) *ts /*ts, *dz /*dz, *dz /*dz >
. / .-. s /}, z /d, z /d (Lipp, 2009, . 139149, 330336).
, -
- ( II . ..,
;
). , ,
, :
.-. *utare (. udar .) .: .-. 6dhar- (
);
.-. *terne (. terni) .: .-. tarMa-
. tauruna- ;
*Sums .: .-. sy6man. , . (. xujun, . swm- .),
;
.-. (.-.) *akAter ; .: .. a-kEetra- , , (
. .) (Blaek, 1990, . 40).

- , , . ,
, ,
. .

233

,
. ., : ,
- 5, .
,
(, 2000, . 508) < ..> :
( )
, (, 2000, . 509).
: < . .> (resp. )
, I . . ., , (,
2000, . 509510). *a * /* -. ,
a , :
*a , ( a [], , ); *k
*a * (, 1986, . 129), . . -
: , ().
, , , - -
- / : ,
-
/ . , , ,
5

, . . -
, , , , - ( (, 2000, . 509).
. .
, :
,
. , (, 2000, . 508510) , , , .

234

- , ,
,
, , ,
() . -
/ , , --
II . .. (
).
, . . , - :
,
-, ,
(. * *s > . *S *s / . *s *h
*S *s > *s *})
,
( (Joki, 1973; Rdei 1986) (Korenchy, 1972):
*spt (. () st .) .: .-. sapta- .
hapta- ( (Napolskich, 2001, . 375);
*Se\k , , (. szg .) .: .-.
Sa?k6 , , ;
. (C) AAw (< *SSU) .: .-. SaSa- . *sa\
ha-: .-. saha- (Blaek, 1990, . 42).
, , , ,
. , -
(, , -), ( - ), ,
, -
, :
*oCa ~ *oNCa (, *oNCa ,
. (UEW, . 333, 339) . *ana- , (.. a.Sa- ~ . sa- < *onKo-) *, . *anSa- **oNSa.
. :
*Sasra . *(sa)hasra- ()
< *s-Gheslo- (KEWAI III, . 451452), . *(sa)
hasra- (> .-. sahasra- ~ . hazanrm) **Casra 6.
6

. *h (< *Gh)
. &aAanna , < .-. *&ahana- (~ .-.

235

-, :
.-. *waSara , . *vara- ,
. *vara- (> .-. vajra- ~ . vazra), .-. , **waCara ,

: *K, *G, *Gh || *k(&)i, *g(&)i,
*gh(&)i > . *, *, *h || *T, *D, *Dh > . (
) *, *, *h || *, *, *h
* * > *, *h *h > *h S [], c [], j [], h.
:
*oCtr , (. ostor, . () Str) .: .
aAtr , , .-. aEYr- . . *atr < *a-tr (<
*aG- ), ,
*t > *At (> . *st) (Lipp,
2009, . 155, 202). ,
, , . woAtr , ,
( , , (UEW, . 333),
II .
.., *t > *At.
, *t > *At
( ,
, (, 1999, . 12), *atr / *atr
( )
, .
- , ,
.
( - . ).
(-) :
.-. *oV(w) . *acwa- (> .
aspa- ) .-. aSva- (Koivulehto, 2001, . 257)7.
, , , . oXo ~ . uX(pi) ~ uX , , ,
*-w- (. *aA / *oA : (UEW, 607), , -,
vhana- < *&eGh-) (Lipp, 2009, . 145).
7

. . - ,
. .

236

.

*u(r)A- (< *vAana-) . . (w)urs ( )
. wAng -, . (.) wAn (, )
( ) . (-, 1999, . 400]. :
*oVa (. 2X .) (UEW, . 541) *uV, *oVa
(Napolskikh, 2002, . 271). enfant
terrible : , - -.
, :
,
- (UEW, . 541). - (-) ,
: *oVa *ov!V : . ov!ca < *ovik /
(?) *ovikj < *ovi- (Napolskikh, 2002, . 271),
. ,
-. *aa- , (> .-. azak ) .-. aja(< *aGo-). , -
-, (
,
) : ,
. ,
, , , . ,

.
- , ,
- - ( ):
.-. ajAa (. vaj2X .) . *a@Aa- (. aAa )
( ), .-. 1E , ( );
.-.*ajwa , , . *a@va- (. aiva,
ava , , ) .-. eva , , ;
, , ,
( - );

237

*saraNa (. arany .) . *zaranya- (.-.


zarn) .-. hiranya-. . *zarNi
.-.
II . ..
- ,
, , , :
*krt || ., . kANi (< *krt-Ni) || . k7rtN || . ()
kr ( ,
) .-.: . kard , , , . krt ; .
karti ;
.-. *wasa .-.: . wss, . wasak ;
. *Saka .-.: . saU ( .-. chga);
*poda . *pda- ;
*eks .-.: . xs1n , ,
. aksaj (< *xAaja-);
*gn .-. *gun : . Uun . gaona-.
,
, I . .., (
) , , - ,
- .
,
-
., , (
, ):
.-. *Suka , ( Su , , ( )
. - ) .: .. S6ka- ; ( . s7k , ) :
.-. *suk , , (. zu .)
.: . s6ka- ,
( ?) .

, :
. rav (< *raUo-) .: . Ra\h-
(? ?), . `Ra- ( )
(Munkcsi, 1901, . 533; Joki, 1973, . 307). ,
,
, ;

238

*sarQ , (-Q, ,
; , , . sarajas ( ), ) .: . zraya- , . dary , . , (, , ,
) - (. meri .),
,
,
;
.-. *mrt-maU . *mart
*sarQ.

, -, I . . . ( , , -, ),

() -:
. *}Ur .-.: . zUr ;
. *srm .-.: . fsrm ;
. *ArkA .-.: . crgs ;
. *AirU .-.: . c1rq ;
. hd .-.: . x1d / xed . hatu.
*gundr : , .: .
(qf)qwyndar ;
*andan .-.: osset. ndon ~ . (.) indnikos (sidros) ~ . ( ) andanicum . *(h)ind(aw)ni (Kalima, 1934,
. 1011; Szemernyi, 1988, . 58) . *han-dna ( .
) ( I, . 157);
. badQ2n .-.: . bzGin , ;
(.-.) idg .-.: . idawg ;
(.-.) nebg .-.: . n1beg ;
, -
, ,

: 1) ( . III . ..) (
III . ..) ( III II . ..);
2) ( , II . ..) ( I . ..) ( I . ..)8.
, -
8

, , (-).

239

II . .. ,
/ , , .
( , . III II .
..) -,
-- - . ,
, ,
.
-

II . ..
, , ( )
, ,
() () ,
II . , ,
.
,
, ,
, , , (
)
. . , , ,

, -,
( , , ), ,
(
XIII . .. , ). -
XIXII ,
( , , ,

240

, , ,
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( - ,
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II . ..,
,
.

-. ,

. ,

. ,

. ,

. ,

. ,

. ,

. ,

.-. -,

.-. -,

. ,

. (.)
(),

. (.)
(),

.-. ,

.-.-.
,

. ,

. ,

.-. ,

.-. ,

. ,

.-. ,

.-. ,

. ,

.-. ,

. ,

. ,

.-. -,

. ,

. ,

.-. ,

.-. -,

. ,
. ,
. ,
. ()
(),

,
,
,
,

. ,

-,

.-.
,

.
,

241

. ,
. ,

.-. -,
.-. -,
-,
. ,
. ,
.-. ,
. .

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.. ()
XX XXI .,
,
.
.. , .. , .. , .. , .. , .. , . ,
. , . , . , . .
. , ,
, , 2000
( - ) , , , ,
, .
(Renfrew, 1989, p. 8290). .
- (Mellaart, 1981,
p. 135149).
(, 2004, . 4159).
. III . ..

, , . , - 1
IVIII . .. , ,
1

. .. - .

243

, IV .
.. (, 1989, . 190205).
- ,
. (, 1997, . 6182; Mallory, 1992, p. 215221). . ,
. , . , , , ,
.
,
. ..
(, , , , , , ) (, 1989, . 5664).
, , , - , ().
- .
, . ,
-
,
(, 1958, . 242, 247, 272277; , 1988, . 24121, 532533).
, , ,
.
- ,

. -
. (,
1992, . 3240).
,
, . (banana
languages), (, 1986, . 128153; , 1983,
. 9093; , 1992, . 5966; , , 1985, . 48
49).
IV . ..
III . .. ( eme-KU eme-sal, 3040 ) ,

244

(1 4050 ) ( III . ..
, ) (,
1967, . 2129, 3537, 4451, 179189; , 1985, . 318349;
, . 1, . 616, 7071, 110111; , . 2, . 268269).

IIIII . ..
, IV III .
.. XVIII . .. , ( ), .
, ,
(, 1999,
. 4455; , 2000, . 192200; , 2004, . 97106;
, 2005, . 3067; , 2007, . 7483; ,
2009, . 303311). , ,
(, 1958, . 109
110, 144145, 247). , (, 1976, . 335338). .
- (,
1958, . 194197). ,
, .
, , Ver sacrum
( ) (, 2009, . 232251).
50 50 (
) , . ,
. , ,
(., , ).
,
.-.
( centum ~ atm) ( , ),
, ( , p ~ b ~ m, t ~ d ~ n, k ~ g ~ ). .


.-. (, 1981).

245


.-. ( ).
( ), ,
, .
( ),
( , ,
..). , .
.
.-. ,
/, ,
.
, , ,
. ,
.
,
VII . .. (, 1978, . 2027; , 1988, . 1923; ,
1973, . 198; , 1969; , 1970, . 3241).
-
(, 1973, . 170171). , , .
,
VIII . .., (, 1992,
. 143). ,
(V . ..) , . ,
. ,
, VII . ..
(, 1969, . 214; Renfrew, 1990, p. 106109).
( ,
< .-. *omb(h)-/*ump-, . .-.
, , , (Chantraine,
1974, p. 795, 800801)), ..

246

(. . VII, 3, 3031). ,
, , () 2.
, , 60 , ( VII VI . ..)
(, , 1980, . 576; , 1988, . 1923; ,
1969, . 195219; Renfrew, 1990, p. 198200). .
, . ,
. ,
, . . , .
.
, , . , , ,
, .
.
. , , -
, . (-, , , .) . , ,
,
,
2

,
. . ,
, .. (Hmus, , ) .-. (< .-. *saim ), .. (. . , 6, 3).
.-. hema, haima < .-. *gheima ,
(. . Hima-laya () , . Demavend <
*aimavant-) . Hmus , Bhmia
< *Boio-haim-ia () (. .-. hm =
. home, . Heim) () .

247

.
.
.
, .
,
, .
-, -, , , . ,

(, 1982,
. 107111; Yakar, 1981, p. 94112). - -
, . ( ..) (, , 1980,
. 576; , 1988, . 1923; , 1969, . 200210; ,
, 1993, . 1593).
, ,
, IV III . .. . , , , . ,

,
(, )
(, ) (. . I, 1, 1 2).

., 1986 : -
/ . . . .. . .
.. , .. // .
.., 1958 - : // .
.., 1981 // .
., 2004 . / . . . // .
., 1992 //
(.), 2.
.., 1967 // .
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248


., 2009 -
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: http://u620.17.spylog.com/cnt?f=3&p=1&rn=0.4546501018963074.
., 1976 //
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// Studia Praehistorica, 4,
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// : / . .
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., . // .
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.., 2004 // Slavica Slovaca (Bratislava). R. 39. . 2.
.., 2005 Indoarica // (.). 2005, 5.
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ii, ii
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250


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255

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260

Lambert D. and the Diagram Group, 1987 The Cambridge Guide to Prehistoric
Man // London
Mallory J.P., 1991/1992 In Search of the Indo-Europeans. Language, Archeology
and Myth // London
Renfrew C., 1988 Archeology and Language: the Puzzle of Indo-European Origins // New-York
Renfrew C., 1989 The Origins of Indo-European Languages // Scientific American
.., .., 1984 //
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262



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268

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, ,

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) (Cavillier, 2005, P. 7074) .
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T S
(Dietrich, Loretz, 1972, S. 41).

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276


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Litvinskij B.A., Piikjan I. R., 1999 Handles and Ceremonial Scabbards of Greek
Swords from the Temple of the Oxus in Northern Bactria // East and West, 49.
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318


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Dom. 131; 137; Mil. 90; Liv. I. 30. 2; XXVI. 30. 11; 31. 11; 33. 4; XXIX. 19. 3;
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323

, .
, , (Szemler,
1971, p. 106; Beard, 1990, p. 38, 40; Gordon, 1990, p. 180; Rosenberger,
2007, p. 293). ,
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1976, p. 5358; c. : Scheid, 1984, p. 269), . .
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, . .
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, (Ibid. 13).
,
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S. 366). .
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lege statuturos cum senatu). , , ,
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324

, , - ,
. , ,
, .
, .
,
, .

.., 2006 Lex Ius:


VIIIIII . .. // .
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325


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367


.. ., 1990 .., - .., .. // , . 59, . 1.
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// , . 73, 2.
Anderson J.P.E., Domsch K.H., 1978 A physiological method for the quantitative
measurement of microbial biomass in soils // Soil Biol. Biochem. V, 10, 3.
Demkina T.S. et al., 2008 Khomutova T.E., Kashirskaya N.N. and et al. Age and activation of microbial communities in soils under burial mounds and in recent surface soils
of steppe zone // Eurasian Soil Science, vol. 41, 13.
Friedmann E.I., 1993 Antarctic microbiology // Willey-Liss
Tiedje J.M. et al., 1999 Tiedje J.M., Asuming-Brempong S., Nuesslein K., et al.
Opening the black box of microbial diversity // Applied Soil Ecology, vol. 13.

368



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379


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Gaffney V., Tingle ., 1989 The Maddle Farm Project // British Archaeological Reports, Oxford
Gosden C., Lock G. 2003 Becoming Roman on the Berkshire Downs: The Evidence
from Alfreds Casle // Britannia, vol. 34.
Turova I. et al., 2001 Bronnikova V., Chichagova O. Slope terrasing as an example
of early medieval landscape exploitation and transformation in piedmonts of the North
Caucasus // Proceedings of the 1st International Conference on Soils and Archaeology,
Szazhalombatta

380



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388


. E-mail:
agulnikov-budjak@mail.ru.
,
.
, - ( ).
E-mail: a.v.borisov@rambler.ru.
,
,
. E-mail: stgrig@mail.ru.
, , . -
( ), . . E-mail: demkin@issp.serpukhov.su.
,
.
, , . - , , .
, , - , . . E-mail: ivanov-v-28@mail.ru.
,
. E-mail:
svi1956@gmail.com.
,
.
, . .

389

, ,
().
,
. E-mail: dkorobov@mail.ru.
,

. -mail: korin3@yandex.ru.
,
,
. .
,
, . .
, ,
- (). . E-mail: kpf58@sama.ru.
Mallory James Patrick rofessor of Prehistoric Archaeology, Queens
University Belfast, Northern Ireland, UK.

. -mail: malyukevich@mail.ru.
, , .
, .
,,
- (), . E-mail: oleg-mochalov00@rambler.ru.
,
, . -mail:
vovia@udm.ru.
A
, .
E-mail: sidelts@inbox.ru.
, .
, , .
. -mail: otrok@i.com.ua.

390

,
- . E-mail: LSPesch@rambler.ru.

.

.
Rn Petre doctor-hab., professor-universitar, Universitatea Ovidius
Constanta, Bucureti, Romania.
, - .
.
,
, .

, .
, () (). E-mail: smorchkovtuber@yandex.ru.
, .
- .
,
.
,
. -mail: cherednichenko@bsu.edu.ru.
, . .. .
Dr. Shephard Henry member signature of Archaeological Institute of
America, Philadelphia. -mail: drhenryshephard@yahoo.com.
, , . . -mail:
jar.evgenijj@rambler.ru.

391


, .

, .


AnOr Analecta Orientalis, Roma
SCIV Studii si cercetetari de Istioria Veche, Bucureti
SCIVA Studii si cercetetari de Istioria Veche si Arheologie,
Bucureti
PZ Prahistoriche Zite, Berlin
RGTC Rpertoire gographique des textes cuniformes, Wiesbaden

392

1979 . . .
IX .



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