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Albanian

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ALBANIAN E T Y M O L O G IC A L D IC T IO N A R Y

ALBANIAN ETYMOLOGICAL DICTIONARY
BY

VLADIM IR OREL

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BRILL LEIDEN • BOSTON • KÖLN
1998

To my beloved Natasha

CONTENTS

Preface ................................................................................... Introduction .......................................................................... List o f references ............................................................... ......................

ix xv xxiii
xli

Abbreviations for languages and dialects Dictionary Indices

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1 529

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PREFACE
The present Dictionary results from twenty years of my work in the field of Albanian etymology. A considerable number of my etymologi­ cal studies were published as a series of articles on Balkan etymologies. Since 1985, I have been accumulating material for a comprehensive etymological dictionary of the Albanian language corresponding to con­ temporary standards applied to the works of this genre. The present Dictionary is based on works of my predecessors G U S ­ TAV M E Y E R and H Ö R E M Ç a b e j , authors of earlier Albanian etymologi­ cal dictionaries (Ç A B E J’ s work, unfortunately, remained unfinished), as well as on studies of other outstanding scholars such as N O R B E R T JO K L , M a x V a s M E R , and E R IC H a m p . At the same time, dozens of words in my Dictionary have received new explanations suggested here for the first time or already mentioned in one of my Balkan etymologies or oth­ er publications. The Dictionary is based on a certain view of the prehistory of Alban­ ian. It is a purely etymological work; hence, its lack of interest in early Albanian texts (unless their data are, occasionally, of crucial etymologi­ cal importance). As far as the inherited vocabulary is concerned, the Dictionary deals with three main stages in the development of the Albanian lexicon: Indo-European, Proto-Albanian and (contemporary) Albanian. While Indo-European in the framework of this book is treat­ ed as reconstructed for the latest period of its existence immediately preceding its disintegration and the appearance of the ancient IndoEuropean languages, particularly, as far as the phonetic history is con­ cerned (where I follow mainly B r u g M A N N ’ s reconstruction with cer­ tain minor changes such as laryngeals), Proto-Albanian language and reconstruction are relatively new concepts developed in my earlier pub­ lications. They denote a stage of development between Indo-European and (contemporary) Albanian immediately preceding the intensive lin­ guistic contacts with Latin, i.e. before the I - II centuries C.E. Thus, Proto-Albanian may be functionally compared to the notion of Late Proto-Slavic in modern Slavic linguistics. The following period from II century to VII century remains unnamed in the present work (I used a rather clumsy term, Early Albanian, in my Russian articles), but its main developments can be described in terms of the Proto-Albanian sit­ uation changed by Romance and Slavic lexical and phonetic influences.

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PREFACE

As to (contemporary) Albanian, this period starts with the language attested in the earliest written documents of the Albanian culture. Proto-Albanian, as demonstrated by its vocabulary and isoglosses linking it to other Indo-European languages, is connected with a certain type of material and spiritual culture and with a certain territory. There are serious reasons to believe that this territory did not coincide with the contemporary Albania, i.e. with the ancient Illyrian coast of the Adriatic (see W E IG A N D BA III 277-286; G E O R G IEV Trakite 212-215). On the contrary, numerous proofs (the absence of indigenous sea-faring terminology in Albanian borrowing corresponding words from Romance and Greek or using transparent metaphors; the existence of Albanian-Rumanian bilateral isoglosses; the lack of Proto-Albanian toponymy in Illyria and so on) seem to corroborate the original settling of Proto-Albanians in Dacia Ripensis and farther North, in the foothills of the Carpathian Mountains and the Beskidy/Bieszczady (believed by some to come from Proto-Albanian definite plural *beskâi tai, see bjeshkë). The Proto-Albanian migration to Illyria via the Eastern slopes of the Balkans must have taken place before (but not considerably ear­ lier than) their contact with Romance speakers and the end of the ProtoAlbanian period in the history of the Albanian language. The Dictionary includes an Introduction, a short reference source where the reader will find basic information on the development of the phonetic system from Indo-European to Proto-Albanian to Albanian as well as the basic historical phonology of early loanwords in Albanian. A much more detailed description of Proto-Albanian will appear in my Historical Grammar o f Albanian which I hope to publish soon. The Introduction also includes short notes on the Albanian phonetics and orthography. In the main body of the Dictionary, every item contains basic lexicological information (main word form, including the Geg variant after tilda if differing from Tosk, meaning, basic paradigmatic forms for nouns and verbs or characteristic of the part of speech and the like) and the suggested etymology with a reference (if this etymolo­ gy has been given earlier). Other etymologies and references are adduced after the sign of 0. In this section, some references are adduced with their etymological versions briefly summarized, while other sources are just mentioned, for the convenience of the reader. A blank reference normally means that the source may be helpful but does not contain an etymological explanation of its own. Occasionally, Geg forms having no Tosk parallels are adduced as separate etymological entries, marked as (G). The Dictionary also contains indices of forms.

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The alphabetic order used in the Dictionary as far as Albanian forms are concerned corresponds to the accepted standard of the Albanian lexicography: ë follows e; gj and nj are separate letters following g and n correspondingly; the same is true of II and rr appearing after / and r as separate symbols and of sh, zh, xh and th after .v, z, x and t. It should be kept in mind that in Albanian there still exist certain problems of agreeing on a standard orthography. My orthography sim­ ply follows the main lexicographic sources I used and may well be not quite consecutive in some cases. The dictionaries on which the choice of words for the present work (as well as the orthography and meanings) was based, were K R ISTO FO R ID H I, L e o t t i , D R IZ A R !, Fjalor, B U C H H O L Z F i e d l e r - U h l i s c h and M a n n HAED. Other lexicographic sources mentioned in the List of references were also used occasionally. The Dictionary includes the following layers of the contemporary Albanian vocabulary: (1) Inherited words of Indo-European origin; (2) Words of expressive origin, onomatopoeias and the like; (3) Loanwords from ancient Greek, Latin (and Romance), Slavic and other languages. The approximate limit post quern non chosen in this Dictionary is X XII century. Therefore, 1 did not include here most of the Italian, Rumanian, modern Greek and Turkish loanwords as well as many local and dialectal loans from Bulgarian, Macedonian and Serbo-Croatian. However, some difficult or interesting words of these groups were included, if they were of any specific etymological interest, particularly, if there was a discussion on their etymologies. The omitted lexical lay­ ers were successfully studied and described elsewhere (see HE L B IG , B o r e t z k y , H a r d y Gk. and other sources). In the case of Slavic loan­ words, I was often unable to distinguish older borrowings from recent ones, and it seemed proper to keep Slavic material in case of any doubts. Non-Latin scripts other than Greek have been transliterated. This applies in particular to Cyrillic for which a compromise system is used, preserving t, and b as signs for vowels in Bulgarian, Church Slavonic and Old Russian but presenting a as a palatalization sign (’) elsewhere. As already mentioned above, Indo-European reconstructions reflect a pragmatic compromise, too, and may be generally described as modi­ fied Brugmannian. Laryngeals (wherever necessary) are represented by a generalized symbol *H (also used in quotations of other scholars as a convenient label for various laryngeal phonemes). I did my best to

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check and double-check cited forms and meanings using the basic and most authoritative reference sources. Thus, Greek words were normal­ ly controlled with L lD D E L L -S C O T T , Sanskrit words - with M O N IE R W IL L IA M S , Old Irish - with D1L and so on. Bibliographic references are abbreviated. References to books con­ sist either of the author’s name (D IE FE N B A C H , V A SM E R ) or of the author’s name and an italicized and abbreviated name of the book (JO K L Stucl., D ESN IC K A JA Sravn.). References to papers in journals and collec­ tions of articles consist of the author’s name and an italicized and abbreviated name of the serial edition (PE D E R SE N Festskr. Thomsen, D U R ID A N O V 1IBE). In the list of references, only books and serial edi­ tions are listed. Roman numerals after the reference indicate the vol­ ume, Arabic figures are page numbers. In rare cases when the serial edition has no numbered volumes, I adduce the year of publication instead. Occasional combinations of the Roman and Arabic numbers stand for the volume and the fascicle. *** I owe a debt of gratitude to my late teacher of etymology Leonid A. Gindin (blessed be his memory) and my late teacher of Albanian Roza Koçi (blessed be her memory). At early stages of my etymological work, I benefited from valuable advice and help provided by my colleagues of the Russian Academy of Sciences: Vladimir Dybo, Sergei Nikolaev, Sergei Starostin and Vladi­ mir Toporov in Moscow and Alexander Rusakov in St. Petersburg. I also think with gratitude of my former co-author Irina Kaluzskaja and of the late Agnija Desnickaja. In 1981-1990 I was greatly assisted by the librarians of the Institute for Slavic and Balkan Studies in Moscow. The whole work would not have been carried out without the everyday help and co-operation of the staff of th é Greek and Slavonic Annexe of the Taylorian Library where I spent most of my time in Oxford in 1995-1996. In particular, I would like to thank David Howells and Richard Ramage. I am also grateful to the staff of the Slavic and East European Library of the University of Illinois (Urbana-Champaign) and, in particular, to Helen Sullivan. Important material was collected in the National Library in Tirana and in the Celtic Library (Jesus College, Oxford), where I was admitted due to the courtesy of my respected friend D. Ellis Evans who was always generous in sharing his vast knowledge of Celtic with me. Invariable

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friendliness and competence of my Brill editors, Trudy Kamperveen and Jan Fehrmann, greatly contributed to my work at its last stage. As mentioned above, a considerable part of this work was written during my stay in Wolfson College (Oxford) whose members and staff were of great help. Finally, I would like to record my special thanks to numerous col­ leagues and friends: Bahri Beci, Merita Bruci and Shaban Demiraj (Tirana), Michael Nicholson, Gerald Smith, Andrew Sherratt and John Moorey (Oxford), John Greppin (Cleveland), Aron Dolgopolsky (Haifa), Jens Elmegârd Rasmussen (Kopenhagen), Benjamin Isaac (Tel Aviv), and Vitaly Shevoroshkin (Ann Arbor). My friend Jean Rosen (Seattle) kindly agreed to edit my English. Indices were prepared in collaboration with my wife Natasha Orel and my student Gregory Zubakov. I am particularly indebted to my friend Çlirim Bidollari (Tirana) who carried out the difficult, boring and dedicated task of reading through the Albanian part of the present book and correcting it, in the midst of the Albanian national tragedy of 1996-1997.

IN TR O D U CTIO N
A lbanian P honetics
an d

O rthography

Modern Albanian (spoken in Albania as well as in large Albanian colonies in Italy, Balkan countries, Northern America and the Ukraine) exists in two basic forms based on two main groups of dialects, Tosk (Southern Albania) and Geg (Northern Albania). These two dialectal groups differ in a number of phonetic features as well as in certain mor­ phological phenomena (mainly, in the analytical forms of the verb such as infinitive, future, imperfect, conditional and plusquamperfect). The main phonetic differences are as follows (according to Ç A B E J St. Ill 9698):

1. In Geg there exist nasal vowels corresponding to non-nasal vowels in Tosk, cf. Geg pêsë ~ Tosk pese, Geg lì ~ Tosk li. 2. In Tosk there exists (stressed) ë, an equivalent of Rum â, î, Bulg i,. This Tosk vowel corresponds to various nasal vowels in Geg. 3. There is an opposition of short : long vowels in Geg (historically explained by contractions and positional lengthenings). In Tosk there is no such opposition. 4. Old Albanian uo and Tosk ua correspond to Geg ue. In most of Geg dialects, ue, ie, ye yielded long vowels u:, i:, y:. 5. In several words, initial Tosk va- corresponds to initial Geg vo-. 6. In Tosk, voiced consonants are unvoiced in the auslaut. In Geg they are not. 7. Tosk dialects preserve groups mb, ngj and nd assimilated to m, nj and n in Geg. 8. Old Albanian groups kl and gl (preserved today in Chameria as well as in Dardha and Italy) changed to q, gj in most of Albanian dialects. However, in the North one finds k, g, in the Catholic part of Shkodra - ki, gi. 9. Intervocalic -n- is preserved in Geg but underwent the process of rhotacism in Tosk; hence, Tosk verë as an equivalent of Geg vene. The contemporary literary standard is based on the Tosk variant. There also exists a parallel Geg literary norm. In order to read in Albanian, it is essential to make a few notes of the orthography (for details see B u c h h o l z - F ied ler Alb. Gr. 27-42):

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c stands for [ts]. f is a sign for [ts]. dh denotes an apicodental [ö], ë stands for [a] or zero if unstressed. When stressed, it denotes a cen­ tral unrounded vowel [t>] similar to Bulg i,. gj denotes a palatalized velar [g’]. j stands for [i]. I stands for “clear” European [1], It can also denote a palatal [F] being a separate phoneme in certain local dialects. II is a “dark" [1] similar to the non-palatalized [1] in Russian. It is opposed to / as an alevolar-dental to an alveolar. nj denotes a palatalized [n’]. q stands for a palatalized velar [k*]. rr represents a long and/or intense [R], sh is a palato-alveolar spirant [s]. th denotes an apicodental [0], X stands for |dz], xh is a sign for [dz], y denotes a front rounded [ü]. zh is a palato-alveolar spirant [z]. Nasality of vowels in Geg is shown by the sign of circumflex A: â stands for a nasal [à], ê is [ë| and so on.
A lbanian H istorical P honetics

Vocalism 1. ShortTE *e was preserved as *e in Proto-Albanian but later, after or during the period of Albanian - Latin contacts, it yielded a diphthong *ie w'hile in certain positions it remained unchanged (a similar process took place in Rumanian). These positions have not been accurately defined. Short *e remains unchanged before n and nj (vend, ndenja, rend), after */ (mbledh, lehtë, lend), after clusters containing *r (kredh, shkrep, bredh) but not after the initial *r (rjep), after *j (ngjesh). The diphtong *ie was generally preserved as ie ~ je (bie, pjek, djeg, diell). In some cases, presumably, before a syllable containing PAlb *i and/or before some clusters, *ie changed to ia ~ ja (gjalmë, jam, mjaltë, jashtë). The initial element of the diphthong was lost again after ç, gj, nj (çel, gjerb, njeri, qengj). The earliest Latin loanwords in Albanian reflect Lat ë as je ~ ja (pjesë, vjersh, mjek).

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2. Short IE *o changed to PAlb *a > Alb a (nate, gardh, gjak, mardh). Lat ö is reflected as u (krushk, kundër, shpuzë) or o (popull, porte, korb) in loanwords. Short IE *a coincided with *o in PAlb *a > Alb a (kap, dal, bathe). Lat à appears as a in Albanian loanwords ifaqe, larg, shtat). In some cases, Alb a, ë < PAlb *a reflects the old IE *9 (dhënë ~ dhanë < *danti-, part, of jap, mëllënjë < *mehniä). However, in other words (probably, before the old stress) *3 disappears (baltë). 3. Narrow short vowels *i and *u were preserved in Albanian (gdhij, ligë, vidh\ dru, gjumë, ujë, butë). The same applies to Lat / and ü (këmishë, këshill, iriq; luftë, popull, shumë). At the same time, in some words (belonging to a later chronological layer?) Lat i appears as Alb e (shenjë, meshë, kreshpë). 4. Before nasal consonants. Proto-Albani an short vowels *a, *e, *i, *u were nasalized and turned into *â, *ë, *z, *«. Later they were pre­ served as such in Geg dialects (where they are marked as a, ê, f, û if not followed by a nasal consonant). In Tosk, *J and *ü lost their rhinesm while *a changed to ë and *ê - to ë, e; hence such pairs as Tosk kërp ~ Geg kanp, Tosk hënë - Geg hanë. 5. Long IE *ë changed to PAlb *a and then to Alb o (mos, plotë, kohë, ngroh). In one case (mish) *ë is reflected as Alb i (this develop­ ment clearly preceding the application of the “ruki” rule). In Latin loan­ words, Lat ë is usually rendered as Alb e (regj,femër, prëndverë). Occa­ sionally, however, it yields Alb i (bishë, ligj, kishë). Long IE *a merged with *ë in PAlb *ä > Alb o (motër, kollë, kopshtë). As to Lat ä, it is always preserved in Alb a (blatë, shkallë) while Gk ä appears as o in loanwords (mokër). 6. Long IE *ö yielded PAlb *o later reflected as Alb e (tetë, pelë, blerë). The same result is found in earlier Latin loanwords with ó (pemë, tërmet, tmerr). Later, Latin loanwords display u (kanushë, shullë) or even o (orë, kore) as a reflex of ö. While IE *ö was palatal­ ized to *ö, IE *a gave PAlb *w usually appearing as y in the inlaut (dyllë, gjysh) and i in the auslaut (mi, ti, thi). Lat û is normally rendered as y (gjyq, shqyt,fytyrë, vërtyt) but, occasionally, also as u (rrushkult). 7. Long IE *f was preserved as PAlb *F > Alb i (pi, di, pidh). In iso­ lated cases, however, Alb _ reflects *F (ay). In Latin loanwords, Lat I y yields Alb i (fill, linjë). 8. In unknown conditions (probably, in the originally non-final sylla­ ble) before *n, *m, *r long PALb *a and *o merged into *ö that was later reflected by diphthongs: Tosk ua, Geg (old) uo, (new) ue (muaj, krua, duar - pi. of dorë). In some cases, these diphthongs were further

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INTRODUCTION

umlauticized into Tosk ye, Geg y (dyer - pi. of derë, lyej). In Latin loan­ words, Lat 0 gives the same results (kapua,ftua, shërbetuar, arsye). 9. IE *ei was preserved as PAlb *ei but later coincided with *i in Alb i (dimer, mire). As to IE *ai and *oi, they yielded PAlb *ai reflect­ ed as Alb e (vere, be, degë). 10. Indo-European diphthongs in u lost their second element in Al­ banian. Thus, IE *eu preserved as PAlb *eu appeared as Alb e (deslía aor. of dua, det, nëntë). IE *au and *ou merged into PAlb *au further reflected as Alb a (dashur - part, of dua, dash, agoj, thaj). In Latin loan­ words, Lat au is also rendered as a (ar, gaz, lar). 11. Syllabic liquida *r and */, both long and short, changed to PAlb *ri, *il and, less often and in uncertain conditions, to *ru, *ul. Those clusters were either preserved as Alb ri, it, ru, ul or metathesized before vowels (krimb, trim, grurë, kulpër, ujk, birë). Syllabic nasals *n and *m changed to PAlb *a > Alb a (shtatë, gjatë, mat). 12. Under the influence of front vowels of the following syllable, Alb a of various origins was umlauticized and changed to e, as for example in plural of nouns or certain forms of verb (eh, elb, end, gjem, ter). Later this e was often generalized to the whole paradigm and, thus, appears in singular of nouns and present of verbs. A similar umlaut led to the transformation of e into i. 13. In Proto-Albanian, the vowels of the final syllable were pre­ served under the old stress but lost one mora when unstressed. Result­ ing new short vowels were reduced, mainly to ë. When a new system of stress came into being in Albanian, new unstressed vowels in all posi­ tions were reduced to ë, u or zero. If afterwards an inlaut consonant fell, the sequence of two vowels was contracted and colored according to the accented vowel (pyll, kij). 14. In the vocalic anlaut, a prothetic h- may well appear (armë ~ harmë, yll - hyll). In early loanwords, the initial o was substituted by *a > Tosk va, Geg vu (varfër, vadhë, vatër). Consonantism 15. Non-syllabic liquida were preserved as PAlb *r, *1. PAlb *r is reflected as Alb r (dru, tre, motër) and occasionally as rr (kërr, vjehërr, nap). For unknown reasons, the intervocalic r was altogether lost in bie. In Latin loanwords, initial r is usually rendered as rr (rrallë, rregull, rrem). In other positions it yields r (prill, drejtë, kundër). PAlb *1 tends to yield / in the anlaut (lehtë, lendë, lidh) but gives both I and II

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in other positions {pelë, mjultë, hell, mjegull). In Latin loanwords, inter­ vocalic I appears as Alb II (popull, ulli, mënjollë). Otherwise it gives I (larg, lëti, plagë). Geminated Lat II is reflected as I (pule, gjel, bule). 16. IE *m remained unchanged in PAlb *m > Alb m (mjaltë, muaj, mjekër). The same is true of Lat m in loanwords (mik, mijë, mënd). IE *« yielded PAlb *n that also remained unchanged in the anlaut and in various consonantal clusters (ne, nëntë, natë, nuk). Initial Lat n is ren­ dered as Alb n (natyrë, nëmëroj, nyje). In the intervocalic position PAlb *n remained unchanged in Geg but yielded r in Tosk (verë ~ venë, emër ~ emën, llërë ~ llanë). Latin loanwords reflect the same process of Tosk rhotacism (kërp ~ kanp, rërë ~ ranë,femër ~ femën). 17. The reflex of IE *u is PAlb *w > Alb v (ve, verë, vehte). PAlb *w was lost before rounded vowels (derë). In a few words, the develop­ ment of *-îwî- to Alb y is attested (grykë, hyll, qytet). As to Lat v, it also yields v in Albanian (vjershë, verdhë, gjuvengë). As to IE */, it was pre­ served as PAlb *j. In the initial position, *j remained unchanged before back vowels (ju,josh) but yielded gj otherwise (gjesh, gjaj, gjem). In the inlaut, PAlb *j disappeared after front vowels (di, hi, fie, bie) but changed to *jr > h after other vowels (bahe, shtrohë, ngroh, ftoh). The shift to *x covers the earliest Slavic loanwords (llohë, krahe, krahinë). In Latin loanwords, the anlaut ./ is reflected as gj (gjuvengë, gjyq, gjymtyrë) and later as j (janar). 18. Initial IE *s > PAlb *s yields Alb gj- (gjashtë, gjalpë, gjallë, gjarpër). In two cases where *s > th (thi, thaj) the interdental results from the dissimilation of two sibilants. In the intervocalic position, *s yields to *x > h (kohë, Geg nahe, acc. of ne). However, after *?, *u PAlb *s changed to *s > sh (breshër, push, gjysh, plish, kush). In Latin loan­ words, Lat s is always rendered as sh (shekull, pëshoj, shelg). The same is true of earlier borrowings from other languages (shakë). 19. IE *p remains unchanged as PAlb *p > Alb p (pelë, pesë, pjek). IE *bh yields PAlb *b > Alb b (bie, bathë, dhëmb, baltë). Labials in Latin loanwords are preserved as p, b (popull, pjepër, bulë, bishë). 20. IE *t > PAlb *t is reflected as Alb t (tre, tetë, ti, trap). The voiced TE *d is unchanged (darkë, ditë, dritë). IE *dh coincides with *d in PAlb *d > Alb d (derë, djeg, dal). Unless lost, PAlb *d in the intervo­ calic position or before *r changed to dh (bredh, ledh, pjerdh, gardh). In the anlaut, dh < PAlb *d is explained either by apheresis (dhunë, dhashë) or by sandhi (dhjetë). In Latin loanwords, dentals yield t and d (tmerr, troftë, dëm, drejtë). Lat d changes to Alb dh in the same position as PAlb *d (shurdh, urdhër).

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INTRODUCTION

21. So called “pure” velars were preserved as such in Albanian. IE *k remained PAlb *k > Alb k (krua, karpë, kedh). As to *g it appears as PAlb *g > Alb g (agoj, lige, gungë). The same reflex continues IE *gh > PAlb *g > Alb *g (shteg, gardh, mjegull). Latin velars were not changed in Albanian borrowings: Lat c is rendered as Alb k (këmishë, këngë, këshill), Lat g - as Alb g (gaz, grigj, plagë). In contemporary Albanian initial k is sometimes voiced in Geg (gëlbazë ~ këlbazë, gështenjë ~ kështenjë). 22. Indo-European palatal stops were asibilated to affricates in Proto-Albanian. IE *k changed to PAlb *ts > Alb th (thorn, thëri, thep, djathtë) but occasionally PAlb *ts appears as c. Both IE *g and *gh yielded PAlb *dz > Alb dh (lidh, vjedh, herdhe, madh, rrjedh). Howev­ er, in the anlaut only IE *g gave the same reflex (dhëmb, dhëndër, dhallë) while IE *gh reflected as PAlb *d > Alb d (dorë, dimër, dyllë) with some irregularities. In many words where palatals were neighbors of sonants the process of asibilation did not take place (grurë, quaj, mjekër). The development of IE *k in vjehërr is explained by an assimi­ lation *swetsurä > *swesurä > *swexurä. 23. The history of labiovelars was particularly complicated in Albanian. At first, IE *k", *gl/ and *gL changed to biconsonantal clusters h *kw and *gw. In front of non-palatal vowels, these clusters lost their labial element and merged with pure velars so that IE *k* yielded Alb k (pjek, katër, ndjek), *g“> Alb g (gur, gak, gërshas) and *g"h > Alb g (djeg, garbe). Before front vowels, the clusters *kw and *gw changed to *k'w and *gV with a palatalized first element and (together with groups IE *ku, *gu > PAlb *k’w, *g’w) yielded *tsw, *dzw > *ts, *dz > Alb s, z (sjell, sy, pesë, zorrë, zë, zulë, zjarr, ndez). 24. In Proto-Albanian, some of the intervocalic voiced dentals and velars were lost (ve, le, nge, dra). The conditions of this process are unknown but may be of accentual origin. At the same time, a similar change\(including also b) occurred in numerous Latin loanwords (mjek, përrallè\ pre, tra). 23. tn the auslaut, most consonants were lost already during the Proto-Albanian period (probably, before the vowel shortening in the last syllable). The only definite exception is r (motër). 24. Before the old *j, the following PAlb *t, *d and *.v changed to *ts, *dz and *s in a process that may be described as the first palataliza­ tion (mas, nesër, tres, buzë, shosh, vesh). Latin clusters tj and dj were also affected by this process (pjesë, pus, rrezë, shpuzë). Lat sj coincided with s in Alb sh (këmishë).

INTRODUCTION

XXI

25. Before j (including the new j developed as the first part of the diphthong ie/je < PAlb *e) as well as before i, PAlb *k and *g yielded q and gj (qoj, qerthull, gjemb) and */, *n changed to j ~ I and nj (majë, bëj, njeri). This process may be called the second palatalization. It is also attested in Latin loanwords (qetë, qëndër, regj, ligj, gështenjë). 26. The cluster *rj changed to rr (ënderr, den), also in early Slavic loanwords (purrë). However, there are difficult forms where *rj is reflected as j (mbaj). 27. Proto-Albanian clusters *rw, *wr as well as *lw changed to rr and II (arrë, rribë, gjallë, mieli). Later Latin loanwords follow this pat­ tern (rryle) but then, probably in words coming from Balkan Eastern Romance (proto-Rumanian) one also finds -rb- < Lat -rv- (shërbej). Also, as in proto-Rumanian, Latin groups -br- and -bl- change to -ur-, -ul-\ then the labial forms a diphtong with the preceding vowel and (in Albanian) disappears (farkë, shtallë). 28. When combined with nasals, stops yield various results. Thus, *pn changes to m (gjumë), *dm to m (,bram) while *gn (with g of any origin) is reflected as nj (njoh, enjë). In Latin loanwords gn is also changed to nj (shenjë) but in some words (of Eastern Balkan origin?) it appears as ng (peng). 29. In Proto-Albanian *rn and *ln were preserved. These clusters lived long into the pre-historic Albanian period until they yielded rr and Il (verr, barrë, pjell, shtjell). The same reflexes are found in Latin loan­ words (ferr, furrë, kërrutë). In loanwords one can also trace the old cluster mn reflected as m or, with a secondary final -b, mb (dëm, shkëmb, shtëmbë). Geminate nn in borrowings was preserved as n or nd (similar to -m > -mb) and, apparently, was not affected by the Tosk rhotacism (gunë, pendë). The cluster *nr developed an epenthetic *d and changed to *ndr > ndër (ëndërr, dhëndër). 30. Before spirants and affricates of various origins, nasal sonorants disappeared (pese, mish, pëshoj, mëz). 31. As noted above, auslaut m and n occasionally changed to mb and nd (shkëmb, shtëmbë, pëllambë, pendè'). On the other hand, mb, nd and ng resulted from various clusters consisting of a nasal and a stop, both in Indo-European roots and in loanwords (lëndë, pëndë, ndëj, nga, tembull, prind, këngë). Some of these clusters tended to lose their sec­ ond element (anë, dhunë). 32. In the anlaut, Alb *kl, *gl yielded q, gj in standard literary Albanian and some dialects (qaj, qetë, qesh, gjatë, gjemb) while other dialects have [ts], [dz] or [ki], [gi] or even depalatalized [k], [g]. The

XX II

INTRODUCTION

same change was applied to loanwords (gjëndër) including those from Slavic (gjobë). In other positions *gl changed to gull (mjegull). ProtoAlbanian clusters *lk, *lg fluctuate between Ik, Ig (shelg, balgë) and jk ,jg (bujk, bajgë). 33. Clusters *sw, *sm and *sn lost their first element (vjehërr, vjerr, mjekër, mug, thaj < *sausnja). Clusters *sr and *sl yielded rr and Il (try me, korr, kolle). Clusters *rs and *ls gave the same results (djerr, kalli) but the group *lst changed to *st > sht (kashtë). 34. PAlb *sp underwent a metathesis into *ps and y ield e d /(fâj, fai, fare, ferrë, fier) while in loanwords sp is reflected as slip (shpatull, shpuze). PAlb *st changed to sht both in Indo-European words and loanwords (shteg, shtatë, shtyj, shtallue, shtat). The voiced cluster zd was metathesized to *dz and changed to dh (pidh) and, occasionally, to th (drithë). 35. PAlb *sk < IE *sk, *sk“ changed to shk (shkak, shkal, shkas, shkep) and, before front vowels, to shq (shqarr, shqerr, shqyej). In other cases, PAlb *sk (apparently, continuing also *sk) underwent a metathe­ sis into *ks and yielded h (hale, hap, hair, hedh) thus coinciding with the original *ks (huaj). No obvious distribution between shk and h as reflecting *sk has been found. Moreover, in some words the initial *sk (preceded by a prefix *eks-l) yielded ç before a front vowel (çaj, çalë). 36. The rare but diagnostically important cluster *tt gave PAlb *tst > *ts > s (pasur, part, of kam). Other clusters consisting of two stops lost their first element (dritë, nate, dhe, dje). In Latin loanwords clusters of two stops were represented mainly by ct and cs = x. Their develop­ ment was twofold. When borrowed from East Balkan Romance of the Rumanian type, ct coincided with pt in ft (prift, qift, ftua, luftë, trofìe) and cs gave fsh (kofshue, lafshë). When borrowed from Dalmatian (i.e. Western) Romance, ct yielded jt (drejtë, trajtë, pajtoj) while cs devel­ oped to sh (frashër, ushunjëz).

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ABBREVIATIONS FOR LANGUAGES AND DIALECTS
A kk - A kkadian Alb - A lbanian A rag - A ragon A rm - A rm enian A rum - A rum anian Av - A vestan Balk - B alkanic B alt - Baltic B ret - B reton Bulg - B ulgarian C alabr - C alabrian Catal - C atalan C elt - C eltic Chag - Chagatai Class. P e rs - C lassical Persian Copt - C optic CS - C hurch Slavic C yren - C yrenean Dac - D acian Dalm - D alm atian Dor - D oric E - E nglish Eg - E gyptian Engad - Engadine E pidaur - E pidaurian Etr - E truscan Fr - French F riul - F riulan Gaul - G aulish G eorg - G eorgian G erm - G erm an Gk - G reek Gmc - G erm anic Goth - G othic Hbr - H ebrew H isp-C elt - H ispano-C eltic H itt - H ittite H ung - H ungarian IE - Indo-E uropean llly r - Illyrian lr - Irish Iran - Iranian L angob - L angobardian (L om bard) Latv - L atvian L G erm - L ow G erm an L ith - L ithuanian L om b - Lom bard Lyc - L ycian Lyd - L ydian M - M iddle (as a first com ponent) M aced - M acedonian M B ret - M iddle B reton MDu - M iddle Dutch M E - M iddle English M essap - M essapic M Fr - M iddle French M G k - M iddle G reek M H G - M iddle H igh G erm an M ingr - M ingrelian M Lat -M edieval Latin M LG - M iddle Low G erm an M P ers - M iddle Persian M W - M iddle W elsh N - New (as a first com ponent, = M odern) N eapol - N eapolitan N G k - M odern G reek NI tal - N o rth Italian N orw - N orw egian N P ers - N ew Persian O - O ld (as a first com ponent) O B avar - O ld B avarian O B ret - Old B reton O C orn - O ld C ornish OCS - O ld C hurch Slavic O E - O ld E nglish O Fr - O ld French O F ris - O ld Frisian O H G - Old H igh G erm an OTr - O Irish O ltal - O ld Italian O Lith - O ld L ithuanian ON - O ld N orse

XLII

ABBREVIATIONS

O P ers - O ld Persian O P ort - Old Portuguese O P rus - O ld Prussian O Russ - O ld R ussian OS - O ld Saxon O S ard - Old S ardinian Ose - O sean O sset - O ssetic P ers - Persian P hryg - Phrygian Pieni - Piem ontan Pol - Polish P o rt - Portuguese P rov - Provençal Rom - Rom ance R um - Rum anian R uss - R ussian

S ard - S ardinian SCr - Serbo-C roatian Sicil - Sicilian Skt - S anskrit Slav - Slavic Sogd - Sogdian Sp - Spanish Sw ed - Sw edish T hr - T hracian T okh - T okharian T urk - T urkish U kr - U krainian V enet - V enetian W - W elsh Y agn - Y agnob Y azg - Y azgulam

A -

A FËR

1

A
a part. ‘whether’, conj ‘o r’. The particle is etymologically identical with the conjunction (Ç a b e j St. I 27-28). From PAlb *a connected with Gk T ‘indeed’ (PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 322) or with the pronominal stem ) *e-l*o. 0 BOPP 498 (to Skt a-, demonstrative particle); CAMARDA 1313314 (to Gk i], interjection); M e y e r Wb. 1 (borrowing from Lat an ‘whether’ but the nasal could not be lost without any traces; conjunction a continues Lat aut ‘o r’); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 21 1047, 1057; JOKL ArRom XXIV 19; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 67 (follows PEDERSEN); FRISK I 619; HAMP HSyn. 177; ÇABEJ St. I 27-28 (from an exclama­ tion), Et im. II 5-6 (follows M e y e r ); H u l d 36 (accepts M e y e r ’s view); K o r t l a n d t Arm-IE 44; DEMIRAJ AE 69 (to Lat an, Gk av, from PAlb *an < IE *Hen). acar m, pi. acare ‘steel’. From PAlb *atsara ‘sharp’ with c preserving the old affricate. Further connected with OIr aicher ‘sharp’, Gk ockpov ‘point, to p ’, Lith astrus ‘sharp’, Slav *ostri, id. 0 POKORNY I 21. acar m ‘frost, strong cold’. Historically identical with acar ‘steel’, with a semantic development ‘strong cold’ < ‘sharp’. 0 M E Y E R Wb. 20 (explains the derivative acëroj ‘to fester [of a wound J’ as a borrowing from Slav *cirb, *citbjb ‘wound, furuncle’); Ç A B E J St. I 28 (suggests a division a-car with prefix a- and the root identified with that of cirris), Etini. II 9 (to ther). adhuroj aor. adhurova ‘to adore’. Borrowed from (learned) Lat adorare id. (M lK L O S IC H Rom. Elemente 1). 0 M E Y E R -L Ü B K E Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1047; M lH Ä E S C U RESEE IV /1-2 21; Ç A B E J Etim. II 11 (from Italian); L a n d i Lat. 79.
a f ë r adv., prep.

‘near’. From PAlb *apsera representing a contamina­ tion of *aps, a variant of IE *apo reflected by Gk ocy ‘backwards’, and of *apero, a derivative of * a p o Skt apara ‘posterior, later’, Goth afar ‘after’ and the like. Thus, PAlb *apsera reflects IE *apero influenced by *aps (O R E L Festschr. Shevoroshkin 257). Possible but less proba­ ble is the borrowing of afër from Germanic: Goth afar, OHG avar ‘again’ and the like. 0 G lL ’FE R D lN G Otn. 20 (to Skt ápara-)\ M lK L O S IC H Rom.

2

AFSH—

AH

Elemente 26 (from Lat finis)-, M E Y E R Wb. 3 (borrowed from Rom *affinare ‘to approach’ ~ Lat affinis ‘near’ with Geg < Tosk); JO K L Studien 103104 (preposition a followed by -fër borrowed from Goth fera ‘side’); B A R IC Lingv. Studien 87 (links afër to Lat spernö ‘to sever, to sepa­ rate, to rem ove’, Gk Grcaipco ‘to gasp, to pant, to quiver’), Hymje 71; T r e i m e r KZ LXV 87-88; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 67; F r i s k I 204; P o k o r n y I 53-54; M a y r h o f e r I 38; Ç a b e j St. I 28-29 (privative a- < *n- and -fër compared with E far), Etim. II 11-12; HULD 36; D E M IR A J AE 7071. afsh m, pi. afshe ‘heat, hot breath, smell’. From PAlb *aweisa, a suf­ fixal derivative of IE *auei- ‘to blow’ structurally close to M W awyd ‘gust of w ind’, OCorn awit ‘a ir’ < *aueido- (O R E L Fort. 78). Another derivative of the same root is PAlb *aweita > aft ‘blow of wind’ (D E M IR A J AE 72). ô C a m a r d a I 305, II 100, 150 (aft to Gk axvri ‘chaff’); M e y e r Wb. 3 (from Ital afa ‘heat coming from the ground’); JO K L IF XLIII 63 (to ënj); P O K O R N Y I 82; Ç A B E J Etim. II 13 (to avull). aftë adj. ‘capable, proper’. Borrowed from Lat aptus id. II 13). 0 M A N N Comp. 29 (related to Lat aptus).
( Ç A B E J Etim.

ag m. pi. agje ‘twilight, dusk’. From PAlb *auga etymologically related to Gk auYT] ‘ray of light’ and further based on IE *aug- ‘to increase’ (M E Y E R Wb. 4, Alb. St. Ill 37). The verb agoj ‘to dawn’ is derived from ag. 0 C A M A R D A 1 94 (to Gk i|ci>ç ‘dawn’); B A R IC ARSt I 60 (wavers between M e y e r ’ s and C a m a r d a ’ s etymologies); PERSSO N Beiträge 369; G O N D A Anc. 73-83; M A N N Language XXVI 382; P IS A N I Saggi 99; C h a n t r a i n e 137; P o l á K ZfBaili I 87 (to Basque ego ‘light’); TRU BA CEV Ètnogenez 151 (identifies the first element of ’AyciSupaoi with ag)\ Ç A B E J St. I 30 (to G k op<pvr) ‘darkness, night’), Etim. II 16-17; D E M IR A J AE
72.

agjëroj - agjënoj aor. agjërova ~ agjënova ‘to fast’. Borrowed from Rom *adjünare id., cf. Rum ajuna id. ( M e y e r Wb. 4 ). 0 CAMARDA I 8 0 (to Lat jejünium ‘fast’); M eyer-L Ü B K E Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1049; PUSCARIU EWR 5; MlHÄESCU RESEE I V / 1-2 12; ÇABEJ Etim. II 18-19 (from jejuna re). ah m, pi. ahe, aha ‘beech-tree’. Goes back to PAlb *aksa identical with IE *osk-: Gk ó^úa ‘beech’, Arm haci ‘ash-tree’, ON askr id,, Maced

A I, AY —

AKULL

3

â^oç- T .T ( M e y e r Wb. 4; P e d e r s e n IF V 44). 0 P e d e r s e n Kelt. Gr. JÀ ) I 86; B u g a II 286; B a r i ç ffymje 24; A C A R E A N HAB III 65; PIS A N I Saggi 128; PO K O R N Y I 782; F r i s k II 400; C h a n t r a i n e 806; H a m p Laryn­ geals 132; H U L D 36-37; Ç A B E J Etim. II 19-20; D E M IR A J AE 73. ai, ay pron. ‘he’, f. ajo ‘she; that’. Mase, ai goes back to PAlb *a-ei con­ sisting of a proclytic particle *a and a demonstrative *ei, identical with IE *ei- in Skt ayant ‘he’, Lat is (eis in early inscriptions) and the like. The feminine form is from PAlb *a-ja continuing IE *jä id., fern. sg. of the demonstrative *io- ( B o p p 519; C a m a r d a I 209; M e y e r Wb. 5). 0 M e y e r ZfromPh XI 268-269 (a- from Lat atque)\ Alb. St. Ill 40, 63, 79, IV 24; JO K L Studien 4 (a- from Lat ad), LKUBA 271 (a- from IE *ad or *o), IF XXXVI 98-100; P E D E R S E N Festskr. Thomsen 248-252, KZ XXXIV 288, XXXVI 309 (derives -jo from IE *sa treating -j- as a hiatus filler), Pron. 315 (a- from IE *au-)\ T A G L IA V IN I Dalmazia 68; PO K O R N Y I 282-283; C A M A J 103 (follows M E Y E R ); Ç A B E J St. I 31, Etim. II 22-23; H a m p St. Whatmough 81 (on neut. ata in com parison with Messap ic); DEMIRAJ Gr. 467-468 (in tera ctio n o f IE *e- and *so-)\ OREL FLH V III/1-2 43; HULD 38 (repeats PEDERSEN’s versio n ); KORTLANDT SSGL X 224-225 (-jo < IE *ija or *ejä), XXIII 174; DEMIRAJ AE 70, 73. aj m ‘bite’. Borrowed from Lat alium II 23-24 (to anëzë).
(M E Y E R

Wb.

6 ). 0 ÇABEJ

Etim.

ajkë f ‘cream, wool fat’. In dialects, a more phonetically archaic form alkë has been preserved. Goes back to PAlb *alka related to Lith dlkti ‘be hungry’, alka ‘hunger’, Slav *olkti ‘be hungry’ (O R E L Festschr. Shevoroshkin 257). 0 M E Y E R Wb. 5 (from Lat alica ‘kind of grain, spelt’ with an obvious discrepancy of meaning); O S t i r Anthropos VIII 165167 (to Lat sebum ‘lard ’); FR A E N K E L 8; C A M A J Alb. Worth. 57-58 (to Iule); Ç A B E J St. I 31-32 (reconstructs *olka and compares ajkë with Lat alga ‘sea-weed’), Etim. II 26-28 (to IE *ol- ‘fat, dirt’); D E M IR A J AE 74. akull m, pi akuj ‘ice’. Loanword from Gmc *jakulaz ‘icicle, glacier’, cf. ON jokull ‘icicle’, OE gicel id. (O R E L Linguistica XXVI 171). In Albanian, the source may be East Germanic (Balkan Gothic?). The loss of the anlaut probably, shows that the loan penetrated into ProtoAlbanian at a stage when there was no 7-like sound there. 0 C a m a r d a

4

AME

AHULL

an

(c;) A N G ËRR

5

161 (suffix -ull-)', M e y e r Alb. Studien I 6 6 , Wb. 7 (comparison with

of dialectal an, anë ‘vessel’. As to the latter, it is identical with a m ‘side’ ( K l i n g e n s c h m i t t Koll. idg. Ges. 223). 0 C a m a r d a I I 31 (com­ parison of enë with Gk àyyeîov ‘vessel’), 71 (to Gk ëv-cea ‘vessel’); 74. M E Y E R Wb. 12 (identifies enë with anë ‘side’), Alb. St. IV 9; JO K L Studien 3 (compares anë, enë with Skt ukhà- ‘vessel, boiler’ and/or Goth auhns am ë f, pi. ama ‘source, river-bed’. A metaphoric use of amë ‘m other’ ‘oven’, reconstructing *augv nä); B a r i c I ARSt 8 6 (to Lat auxilia)', (V a s m e r ZfslavPh X V I 337; T a g l ia v in i Melanges Pedersen 162 -1 6 3 ), R 98: C a b e j St. I 3 4 Æ A M " " J i/Ta y r h o f f-.r J f 1 1 M a n n Comp. 20 (an ‘caul’ related to Gk àpviov ssel for sacrifibed ’ (to *mati ‘m other’). 0 MEYER Alb. St. Ill 64; JOKL Reallex. Vorgesch. <ic amnisy, b a k iC //i/i/to í n 7' 380 (lollows JO K L ); C H A N T R A IN E 70; Ç A B E J Etim. I I 39 (agrees with T a g l i a v i n i ); G a m k r e l i d z e - I v a n o v I I 8 8 6 (to G k ájaúpri ‘pit, ai daj conj. ‘therefore’. A compound of a (as in ai) and ndaj (MEYER canal’); D E M IR A J AE 75-76. H b. 11). am ë f. pi. ama ‘mother’. In Tosk where amë comes from Geg, there exists ai ië f, pl. anë ‘side’. From PAlb *anta related to Skt anta- ‘end’, Goth è me as well. A widespread Lallname (M E Y E R Wb. 5). 0 T A G L IA V IN I a, ideis id. ( Ç a b e j St. I 35, IV 56-57) with *-nt- > 0 M e y e r Wb. Stratificazione 111 ; S a i n é a n ZfromPh XXX 3 1 4 (borrowed from Lat 1 (reconstructs *ausnâ related to IE *öus- ‘mouth’), Alb. St. Ill 12, anima)', D E M IR A J AE 170. 6 I, 90; JO K L Studien 12; F e i s t Goth. 49; M A N N Language XXVIII 40 0 ame as M E Y E R ); M A Y R H O F E R I 90; T A G L IA V IN I Dalmazia 211; amëz f ‘odour, arom a’. Derivative in -ëz from (G) amë < PAlb *admá p )L Á K Orbis XVI 127 (to Georg hana ‘field’); Ç A B E J Etim. 11 47-49; connected with Gk óópr| id., Lat odor id., Lith úosti ‘to smell’ (JOKL Ji .NSO N Unt. 90-92; D E M IR A J AE 77-78 (supports Ç A B E J). Studien 3; M a n n Language XXVIII 3 9), 0 T a g l ia v in i Melanges Pe­
ig m ‘fear, nightm are’. From P A lb *anga corresponding to Skt

Gk àxkvq ‘fog’, Lat aquilö ‘North wind’ and the like; these forms, however, reflect IE *aghlu-, cf. FRISK I 5 5 ), Alb. St. Ill 5; JOKL Studien 112 (suffix -ull), LKUBA 2 6 8 -2 6 9 (negative *n added to -hull related to the semantically misinterpreted Slav *kaliti ‘to make hot, to harden (of iron)’ and not ‘to be cold’); W a ld e - H o f m a n n I 60; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 68 (agrees with JOKL); ClMOCHOWSKl ABS 40-41 (< a- + *kel‘to strike’); C a m a j Alb. Worth. 5 3 -5 4 (to ehull); HULD 3 8 -3 9 (follows JOKL); OREL Koll. Idg. Ges. 355; ÇABEJ Etim. II 3 1 -3 2 ; DEMIRAJ AE

amull as ‘burning’); WEIGAND 2 (amull ‘very hot’ borrowed from Turkish); JOKL LKUBA 2 7 0 -2 7 2 (to mbulim); L a P ia n a Studi 9 9 (to ovuli)-, F r a e n k e l 471; N e v s k a j a BGT 53; T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa IX 124; ÇABEJ St. I 34; MANN Comp. 20 (to Arm amul ‘barren’, Olr amba I ‘dark’); DEMIRAJ AE 7 5 (to amë).
an m ‘uterus’. A metaphoric transformation of enë, singularized plural

nhas- ‘fear’, Lat angor ‘unrest, fear’, Olr cumcae gl. ‘angor’ < Celt :om-ong-iâ (OREL Antic, balk. 5 32; OREL ZfBalk X X III/2 147) and rther connected with IE *anghu- ‘narrow’, *anghos ‘narrowness, opreson’ (ÇABEJ St. I 36). 0 JOKL IF XLIII 61 f. (links ang, ankth to Skt liti ‘to breathe’ < IE *ana~); O S tir AArbSt I 104 (fantastic compar­ ons with Slav *mora ‘(mythic incarnation of) fear', Gk Xapicc and e like); MANN Language XXVIII 39; POKORNY I 42-43; HAMP Èriu XVIII 147-148, LB XXX 131-132; OREL Koll. Idg. Ges. 350. i) angërr f, pi. angrra ‘skin; intestines’.
F ro m

dersen 162; F risk II 352-353; F r a e n k e l 1167-1168; W a l d e -H o f m a n n II 203; P o k o r n y I 7 7 2 -7 7 3 ; C h a n t r a in e 777; D u r id a n o v BE XVI 66 (reconstructs *am-); Ç abej Etim. I I 40-41 (derived from amë ‘mother’, cf. Fr mère de vinaigre)', DEMIRAJ AE 76. amull adj. ‘stagnant (of water)’. As to amull ‘very hot’, it is the same word ( Ç a b e j Etim. II 4 2 ) reflecting a specific way of iron tempering, first made hot and then cold by means of water or dirt. The same devel­ opment is attested in Slav *kaliti ‘to temper iron’ based on *kali, ‘dirt’. Continues PAlb *amulwa with a prothetic a- etymologically related to Lith niulve ‘silt, m arsh’, multi ‘to get dirty’. 0 C A M A R D A I 61 (com­ parison with avuliy, M e y e r Wb. 21 (follows C A M A R D A and translates

a * fl s: d ií
tl

PAlb *angarä < IE

6

A N G U LLTJ —

AQ,

*anghrirä related to Arm anjn ‘soul, person’, ON angi ‘smell, odor4. 0 JOKL Melanges Pedersen 127-129 (zero-grade derivative of IE *gW‘to eat, to swallow’); TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 86; CiMOCHOWSKILP II 232 (follows JOKL); ACAREAN HAB I 202-203; POKORNY 142; ÇABEJ St. I 35 (identifies angërr with the participle hangër ‘eating’), Etim. II 50; L u k a HD XXIV 41-42; D e m ir a j AE 78.
an g u llij ao r. angullita ‘to how l’. Deverbative of *angull < PAlb *ankula, related to Gk oyKaopat ‘to cry’, Lat uncö ‘to growl (of bears)’. 0 M e y e r Wb. 304 (to ankth); P o k o r n y 1 322; Ç a b fj Etim. I I 51 (follows M e y e r ).

(G) ankoj aor. ankova ‘to cry, to weep’T his verb also appears as nëkoj, rëkoj and rënkoj. A denominative verb that is probably based on PAlb *anaka borrowed from Gk àvccyiori ‘grief, distress’. 0 M e y e r Wb. 304 (to angullij and Slav *jçcati ‘to groan’); LUKA HD XXIV 44-46; D e m ir a j AE 7 8 -7 9 .
ankth m, pi. ankthe ‘fear, nightmare, restlessness’. Derived from ang. If -th may be treated as a continuation of *-st-, ankth goes back to PAlb *angasta and is identical with IE *anghosto- ~ *anghosti-\ Lat angustus ‘narrow ’, O H G august ‘fear’ ( M a n n Language XXVIII 39; Ç a b e j St. I 36). 0 M e y e r Wb. 13, 304 (compares with ankoj and its variants); B ariC ARSt I 16-17 (to emakth id., ëmë ‘m other’); JOKL /f ’XLIII 6162 (to Lat animus, Skt dniti); OâTIR AArbSt I 104 (to Basque amets ‘dream ’); POKORNY I 43; OREL Z ß a lk XXIII 147, Koll. Idg. Ges. 350; Ç a b e j Etim. II 53-54; B e e k e s CIEL 263; D e m ir a j AE 79. apë m ‘elder brother; dad’. A typical Lallname. 0 JOKL LKUBA 39 n .l (from Hung apa ‘father); Ç A B E J Etim. II 56 (to abej ‘term of respect to elder brother’ borrowed from Turkish). aq adj., adv. ‘so, such’. Goes back to PAlb *akja opposed to kaq ‘so’ < PAlb *kakja in the same way as Slav *ako ‘as, if’ is opposed to *kako ‘how’ (MEYER Wb. 7). Hence, the analysis of these forms as compounds beginning with pronominal *a~ and *ka- (as in ai vs. ky) and another stem or a suffix *-kja (ÇABEJ St. I 3 6 -3 7 ). 0 PEDERSEN Proti. 315 (to Gk a\> ‘again’); TRUBACEV ÈSSJA I 64-65; ÇABEJ Etim. II 58-59; H a m p Numerals 8 3 6 (-q identical with OPrus quai)', DEMIRAJ AE 80.

AR —

ARE

7

ar m ‘g o ld ’. B o rro w ed from Lat aurum id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente

4; MEYER Wb. 14). 0 M e y e r -LU b k e Gr. Grundriß21 1047, 1056; M a n n Language XXVI 381; MlHÄESCU RESEE I V /1-2 12; HAARMANN 112; Ç a b e j Etim. II 59-60; L a n d i Lat. 72.
arbër ~ arbën m, pl. arbër ~ arbën ‘Albanian (particularly, of Italy and Greece)’. A Proto-Albanian loanword with the assimilation of liquids, from Rom *albanus rendering the West Balkan ethnonym attested as Illyr ’AA.ßavoi (Ptol.). The form arbëresh ~ arbënesh ‘Italo- or Graeco-Albanian’ reflects Rom *albanensis (JOKL Arch. Rom. XXIV 137). 0 C a m a r d a I 30; M e y e r Wb. 14; P e d e r s e n KZ X X X V I299 (to Gk ôpipavoç ‘orphan’); < 0YPIKIX ’A0r|v& XL1II 3-7, XLVI 9-12 (to the I> name of the Alps and Illyr Arbona): S p it ze r M RIW I 334; T r o m b e t ­ ti AArbSt III 1-6 (from proto-Indo-European); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 71-72 (“sicuramente indigeno”); MAYER Illyrier I I 4 (to Gk ôp(pvôç ‘dark’); LANGE-K o w a l ZfBalk XVIII/2 134-136 (< *arb- parallel to *alb-)\ K a c o r i EB 1977/1 122-129; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV/3-4 327; L u k a KKF 281-291; Ç a b e j St. I 37-38, V 62-67; Etim. II 61-68 (to Lat arvum); LUKA HD XXIV 47-51.

ardhi f ‘vine, grapes’. The word is known in many phonetic variants: hardhi, erdhi, rdhi, dhri, urdhi, orli. It may go back to *ardhe and, further, to PAlb *ardz- related to the aorist stem erdha (see vij), cf. CAMAJ Alb. Worth. 51; OREL ZfBalk XXIII 6 5 -6 6 . Semantically, ‘vine’ < ‘climb­ ing, going’ as in Slav *loza ‘vine’ ~ *loziti, *lezti ‘to climb’ (cf. BRUCK­ NER AfsiPh XXXIX 4; VASMER I I 512). An alternative etymology (M ey er Wb. 147) is based on the variant rdhi and connects it with IE *ureg‘to break, to cut'. 0 BUGGE BB XVIII 1 6 1 -1 6 2 (to Arm o r f ‘vine’); PE­ DERSEN BB XX 2 3 1 , KZ XXXVI 341 (follows BUGGE); JOKL Sprache IX 152; PISANI Saggi 120; BARIÇ Hymje 4 3 , 57 (compares ardhi with Basque ardao ‘wine’); POKORNY I 1 1 8 1 -1 1 8 2 ; POLÁK ZfBalk I 87 (to Basque ardao ‘wine’); WEITENBERG KZ LXXXIX 6 8 -7 0 ; ÇABEJ St. I 38 (a phonetically difficult comparison with urth), Etim. II 6 9 -7 0 ; OREL Koll. Idg. Ges. 355; DEMIRAJ AE 1 9 5 -1 9 6 .
arë f. pi. ara ‘field’. From PAlb *ara etymologically connected with Latv eira id. (GÄTERS KZ LXXIII 108-109) and, probably, with Hitt arha- ‘border, area’, Lyd aara- ‘farmstead, land’, Mess aran (HAMP KZ LXXV 237-238). 0 C a m a r d a I 96 (to Gk ocpovpoc ‘tilled land’); MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 3 (from Lat área ‘ground, space, thresh-

8

A RËZ ~ A NEZ —

ARI

ing-floor’); M e y e r Wb. 14 (from Lat area or from arvurn ‘plowed land’ but -rv- would be rendered as -rr-); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1041, 1048 (from Lat ärea): F r a e n k e l 5 1 8 ; Ç a b e j St. 1 39 (follows G A t e r s ) , Ç a b e j Etim. II 7 1 -7 2 ; H a a r m a n 111 (from Lat àrea); POLÁK Orbis XVI 128 (to Georg are ‘field’); ÖLBERG Festschr. Pisani 6 8 8 -6 8 9 (to Gk ày p ô ç ‘field, land’); HAMP St. Whatmough 7 7, RRL XXI 51 (same as ÖLBERG, reconstructs are < *ager in view of the dialec­ tal long a: in the anlaut); OREL ZfBalk XXIII 149; HULD 38; TISCHLER 1/1 55-56; KORTLANDT Arm-IE 4 4 (adds Arm arawr ‘plow’); KARULIS LEV I 76; DEMIRAJ AE 8 0 -8 1 .
arëz ~ an ëz f, pl. arëza ~ am a ‘wasp’. Continues PAlb *auna derived from IE *au(d)- ‘to weave’ similarly to Lith vapsà, Slav *osa and the like based on IE *uebh- ‘to weave’. 0 M e y e r Wb. 14 (borrowing from Turk ari ‘bee’ with a suffix -ëz - but how to explain the rhotacism in Tosk?), Alb. St. V 68; B a r i Í ARSt. I 8 3 -8 4 (reconstructs *aícna com­ pared with Lat acüleus ‘sting’); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 70; ÇABEJ St. 4 0 -4 1 (agrees with B a r i C); ÇABEJ Etim. II 8 7 -8 8 (from *aíc- ‘sharp’ ). arëzë f, pl. arëza ‘nape’. Note a more phonetically conservative variant

arrëzë. Another derivative of the same stem is represented by arrç ‘upper jugular vertebra’. Both words are based on arre in its metaphoric sense of a round protuberance ( C a m a r d a 1 1 8 1 ; M e y e r Wb. 7 ). 0 Ç a b e j St. 141, Etim. II 90.
argësh m ‘crude raft supported by skin bladders, crude bridge o f c r o ss­ bars, h a r r o w ’. F rom P A lb *argusa related to Skt argala- ‘b o lt’, OE

reced ‘b u ild in g , h o u s e ’. 0 P o k o r n y I 65; Ç a b e j St. I 3 9 (co m p a riso n w ith IE *yerg- ‘to w ork , to d o ’). argjend ~ argjand m ‘silver’. Borrowed from Lat argentum id. (M lK ­ LOSICH Rom. Elemente 27; M e y e r Wb. 15). 0 C a m a r d a I 55 (unspec­ ified comparison with Lat argentum); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 1 I 1052; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 237; M a n n Language XVII 22; H a m p St. Whatmough 77; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV / 1-2 12; HAARMANN 111; ÇABEJ Etim. II 7 5 -7 6 ; LANDI Lat. 5 4 , 7 9 , 116. ari m, pi. arinj ‘bear’. From PAlb *arina (JO K L LKUBA 310) derived from *ara > OAlb ar (B O G D A N I). The feminine froms are arushe and areshë. A tabooistic transformation of IE *rkso- ~ *rkto- id.: Hitt hartag-

ARK —

ARNOJ

9

ga-, Skt fksa-, Gk apK ioc, Lat ursus and the like (CAMARDAI 86; MEYER Wb. 15, Alb. St. IV 20). T he exp ected A lb *arth m ust have b een treated as a dim inutive in -th, from w here the existing form ar w as later derived (DEMIRAJ AE 82 ). 0 STIER KZ XI 146; M e y e r Gr. Gr. 2 3 2 , 344; PE­ DERSEN KZ XXXVI 106, Kelt. Gr. I 8 9 , B B X X 231; JOKL LKUBA 310; TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 1 3 2 -1 3 3 ; MANN Language XVII 16: POKORNY I 875; M a y r h o f e r I 118; H am p Laryngeals 1 4 0 -1 4 1 ; WATKINS ¡ESt II 5 0 4 -5 3 9 ; OREL ZfBalk X X III/ 1 6 6 (er ro n eo u sly co n n ects ari w ith G k a p v u p a i ‘to ob tain , to g et, to r e c e iv e ’ and the lik e); H u l d 38; Ç a b e j Etim. II 77; K ö d d e r i t z s c h Festschr. Mac Eoin 66 . ark m. pi. arqe ‘bow’. Borrowed from Lat arcus id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 3; M e y e r Wb. 15). 0 M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. G rundriß1 1 1042; MlHÄESCU RESEE I V /1-2 12; H a a r m a n n 111; L a n d i Lat. 79, 148149. arkg f, pi. arka ‘chest, box, coffin’. Borrowed from Lat area id. (C a m a r d a I 186; MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 3; MEYER Wb. 15). 0 M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. G rundriß2 1 1042; J o k l LKUBA 126; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 72; HAARMANN 111; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 21; ÇABEJ Etim. II 78-79; LANDI Lat. 175. armë f, pi. arme ‘weapon’. Borrowed frrom Lat arma id. (G il ’f e r d Otn. 25; M ik l o sic h Rom. Elemente 3; M e y e r Wb. 15). 0 M e y e r L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß21 1042; M ih ä e sc u RESEE IV / 1-2 12; H a a r m a n n 111; Ç a b e j Etim. II 81; L a n d i Lat. 79.

in g

armik ~ anëmik m, pl. armiq ~ anemiq ‘enem y’. Borrowed from Lat inimïcus id. (CAMARDA I 38; MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 33; M e y e r Wb. 15). 0 GlL’FERDING Otn. 25 (derived from arme); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1044; MlHÄESCU RESEE I V /1-2 23; HAARMANN 131; JANSON Unt. 49; ÇABEJ Etim. II 81. arnoj aor. arnova ‘to mend, to repair’. Note a more conservative form arënoj as well as a back formation am ë ‘patch’. The source is Lat renovare ‘to renew ’ (MEYER Wb. 16). 0 CAMARDA I 140 (to Gk àp a p ia icco ‘to produce, to m ake’); T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 73; M i h ä e s c u RESEE IV / 1-2 24; ÇABEJ St. Il 4 0 (to harr ‘to weed’), Etim. II 8 3 -8 4 ; HAAR­ MANN 145; M a n n Comp. 3 4 -3 5 (related to Gmc *armiz ‘arm ’).

10

A R Q .IT Ë —

ASHKË

arqitë f, pl. arqita ‘rod (for basket weaving)’. Borrowed from Slav *orkyta ‘broom (plant), kind of willow’ (cf. in particular SCr rakita, Bulg rakita) in its form preceding the metathesis in the *TorT- group (Ç a b e j Etim. II 85 ). 0 S v a n e 128.
a rsye f, pi. arsye ‘reason, understanding’. From Lat ratiönem id. (M lK ­ LOSICH Rom. Elemente 54; M e y er Wb. 14). ö M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grund­

r iß 2 1 1051; Jo k l Stud. 10; O r e l FIJI V III/ 1-2 37; M ih ä e s c u RESEE I V /1-2 24; Ç a b e j Etim. II 85-86; H a a Ri ANN 145. M
arrç m, pl. arrça ‘cricket’. Derived from ar ‘bear’, cf. ari. For the seman­ tic development cf. Russ medvedka ‘cricket’ based on medved’ ‘bear’. 0 Ç a b e j St. I 41 (identifies arrç with harç ‘uncastrated pig’ and arrç ‘thorny bush'), Etim. II 89. arrç m. pl. arrça ‘kind of thorny bush, Rhamnus’. Derived from arre. 0 ÇABEJ St. I 41 (identifies arrç with harç ‘uncastrated p ig ’), Etim. II 89.

ASHPËR —

ATJE

11

IE *aícs- ‘a x is’: Skt áksa-, Gk ä^cov, Lat axis and the like (OREL Festschr. Shevoroshkin 2 5 8 ). 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 34 (from N ea p o l asea for aschia ‘sp lin te r’ ); M e y e r Wh. 17 (b o rro w ed from R om * ascia)', J ok l. LKUBA 104-105 (supports M e y e r ); F risk 1116; C am aj Alb. Worth. 114 (su ffix -key, M i h ä e s c u RESEE IV / 1-2 12; H a a r m a n 111; Ç a b e j Etim. II 100; LANDI Lat. 7 9 , 110.

ashpër adj.

‘hard, sharp, rough’. Borrow ed from Lat asper ‘rough, uneven’

( C a m a r d a I 86; M i k l o s i c h Rom. Elemente 34; M e y e r Wb. 19). 0 M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 1 1 1042, 1053; MlHÄESCU RESEE I V /12 12; H a a r m a n n 111; Ç a b e j Etim. II 100-101; L a n d i Lat. 79, 136.

asht m, pl. eshtra ~ eshtëna ‘bone’. From PAlb *asti or *asta further connected w ith IE *ost(i) - ‘bone’: Hitt hastai, Skt dsthi, Gk òoxéov and the like (XYLANDER 298; BOPP 461; GlL'FERDING Otn. 22; CAMARDA 1 36; M e y e r Wb. 19). 0 M e y e r Alb. St. Ill 2 3 , 62; P e d e r s e n Kelt. Gr. I 85; T a g l ia v in i Stratificazione 86; P o k o r n y 1 783; F r isk II 43 6 -4 3 7 ; MAYRHOFER I 67; T is c h l e r 1 /2 2 0 2 -2 0 3 ; H a m p Laryngeals 133, Rie.

12

ATY —

AV IH . I.

St. Ill 2 5 ), cf. tut je. 0 P e d e r s e n Pzon. 315 (-tje < -teje)-, Ç a b e j Etim. II 108.

aty adv.

‘th e r e ’. A com p oun d o f a and ty < *tiI w ith a le n g th en in g , ety -

m o lo g ic a lly c lo se to -tu o f ashtu. 0 M e y e r Wb. 20 (-ty co n n ected w ith the p ronom inal stem *to-); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 73 (fo llo w s MEYER); Ç a b e j Etim. II 109.

athët adj. ‘harsh, sour, rancid’. From PAlb *ats-eta etymologically related to IE *ak- ‘sharp’, with some derivatives developing the meaning ‘sour’ as Lat acidus (M e y e r Wb. 2, Alb. St. Ill 13). 0 C a m a r d a I 161 (com­ pares athët with uthull); MEYER Gr. Gr. 99; PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 332; Jo k l Reallex. Vorgesch. I 89, LKUBA 49; O r el Ètnogenez 110-114 (athët as a source of Slav *ocbfh ‘vinegar’); Ç a b e j Etim. II 109-110; M a n n Comp. 12 (identical with Gk (xktîç ‘ray of light’); KORTLANDT ArmIE 44; DEMIRAJ AE 83-84. avdos m ‘chaffinch’. Identical with avdos ‘ice-floe’ (see avër), for the
semantic development cf. bors. 0 POKORNY I 86; ÇABEJ Etim. II 110 (related to bors ); D e m ir a j AE 84-85 (compound of two elements: avrelated to Lat avis ‘bird’ and dose).

avër f, pi. avra ‘ic e - f lo e ’. C f. also avdos id. P ro b a b ly , co n n ected with IE *ayer-, *aued- ‘to m ake w e t’. 0 P o k o r n y I 7 8 -7 9 ; ÇABEJ St. I 4 5 (to varrë), Etim. II 112-113 (avdos d erived from borë); LUKA HD XXIV 60-61.
avull m. pi. avuj ‘steam, vapor’. From PAlb *abula continuing an earlier *nbh(u)lo- (H a m p RRL XX 499-500: reconstructs *nbhlo- but erroneously compares it with Skt abhrá- ‘cloud’ with a definite *-r- > -r-). Thus, *abula is close to OHG nebul ‘fog’, OS nifol < Gmc *nebulaz < *nebhelo. Etymologically, belongs to IE *nebh- ‘wet, water; fog, cloud’. As to -v-, it reflects the unfinished process of spirantization and loss of inter­ vocalic voiced stops; the expected change of -v- to zero did not occur as it p reced ed a back rounded vow el. Rum abur ‘fo g ’ was borrowed from Proto-Albanian. 0 CAMARDA I 57 (to Gk àéXXa ‘tempest’); MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 69 (from Lat vapor id.); MEYER Wb. 21 (comparison with Skt abhrá- ‘cloud’; ultimately, to *nebh-), Alb. St. Ill 36, 81; JOHANSON IF IV 139; Jo k l LKUBA 270-271 (par­ ticle a- and -v w // connected with vale); W e ig a n d BA III 210(ofT hra-

BABË -

BAG ËM

13

cian origin); HASDEU EMR I 106; PASCU RE 21 (reconstructs Rom *vapulus); PU§CARIU EWR 1; B aric ARSt 107-108, Lingv. stud. 39 (avull < *o-g'î- compared with Germ Qualm ‘fumes, smoke’); L a P ia n a Studi 99; SCHMIDT KZ LVII 14 (comparison with Messap atabulus ‘sirocco’); PISANI REIE IV 17 (from Rom *nebla, a variant of Lat nebula ‘mist, fog’); ZALIZN’AK Ètimologija 1964 175; PETROVICI CL X 357-358 (to Lat Boreas ‘North wind’); PoGHiRC 1st. limb. rom. II 335; R o se t t i ILR I 271; Ç a b e j St. I 45-46 (follows J o k l ); H a m p Si. Whatmough 80-81 (same as SCHMIDT), ÏA XXIX 90; OREL ZfBalk XXIII 144; HULD 3940; M a n n Comp. 46 (follows C a m a r d a ); Ç a bej Etim. II 116-117; DEMIRAJ AE 85 (to aft and afsh).

B
babë f ‘old woman’. Borrowed from Slav *baba ‘woman’ (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 15). 0 S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 183; TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 111-112; Ç a b e j Etim. II 120; S v a n e 189. bac m, pi. baca ‘elder brother, uncle’. From PAlb *batja, a Lallwort

similar and, perhaps, related to Slav *bat'a ~ *batja ‘elder brother, father’ (OREL Subst. 4 ). The Albanian word is the source of Rum baci ‘chief shepherd, cheese-maker’, Megleno-Rum bats id. from where Slavic and Hungarian words for ‘shepherd’ were borrowed (MEYER Wb. 29). 0 MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 15: B a r i É ARSt 2-3 (from *barc, to bari)', TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 112; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 335; R o setti ILR I 272; TRUBACEV Term, rodstva 21, 195-196, ÈSSJa I 163-164; ÇABEJ Etim. II 122-124; S v a n e 188.
badër f, pi. badra ‘narcissus, daffodil’. More phonetically advanced vari­

ants are badhe'r and, especially, bather (HAHN). The word is identi­ cal with Skt bhdstra ‘bellows’, further based on *bhes- ‘to blow’. Alb -d(ë)r- goes back to IE *-str- as in thadër ( O r e l Fort. 78-79). 0 MEYER Wb. 22 (borrowed from Turk badruk ‘basil’); ÇABEJ St. I 46-47 (with a metathesis, from bardhë), Etim. II 124-125; MURATI Pro­ bleme 63-66 (same as ÇABEJ).
b agëm m ‘oil for anointment’. Borrowed from Gk ß<iima|aa ‘baptism' ( M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /3-4 350; Ç a b e j St. I 48, Etim. II 128). For the

phonetic development of the inlaut cf. pagëzoj.

14

BACJËTI ~ RAKTI

BAKULL

bagëti ~ bakti f, pl. ‘domestic animal, (head of) cattle’. Based on an unattested adjective borrowed from Slav *bogatb ‘rich’ (S e liS C e v Slav, naselenie 165) or going back to the otherwise unregistered Slav *bogatjbe ‘richness’ (OREL ZfSlaw XXX/6 912, Ètimologija 1983 137-138). 0 G i l ’FERDING Otn. 20 (to Skt pas'u- ‘cattle’); M e y e r Wb. 22 (compares with OFr bague ‘bundle’ and the like’); JOKL Studien 5-6 (links bagëti with Skt bhdga- ‘prosperity, happiness’, Slav *s-bboibje ‘prop­ erty, cattle’), Slavia XIII 310; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 77, Stratifi­ cazione 147; HOLUB-KOPECNY 261 (to OHG packe ‘pack’ and the like); S k o k I 179; Ç a b e j St. I 48, Etim. II 129-130. bahe f, pi. bahe ‘sling’. A singularized plural based on a more archaic form bahë < PAlb *baja etymologically close to Slav *bojb ‘fight’. Both forms are further related to IE *bhei- ‘to strike, to beat’ (OREL FLH VH I/1-2 45). 0 MEYER Wb. 22-23 (to ON baugr ‘ring’, IE *bheugh‘to bend’), Alb. St. Ill 35; ÇABEJ St. I 47 (compares with Gmc *bautan ‘to beat’, Lat fusti s ‘knobbed stick, cudgel’), Etim. II 126-127; POKORNY I 117-118. bajgë f, pi. bajga ‘dung’. A more archaic form is balëg(ë), bulge. The word is also attested in a metathesized form bagël. Goes back to PAlb *balga probably related to Gk ßoXßuov ‘cow dung’ if the latter is based on *bolg“ (OS t ir AArbSt II 370). It is the source of Rum balegä id. 0 MEYER Wb. 23, IF VI 116 (from Nital bagola, bagula); TAGLIAVI­ NI Dalmazia 11 (from SCr balega id.); L a PIANA Studi 1 77; C apidan DR I I 467-470 (borrowed from substratum); B a ri C IF II 297-298 (recon­ structs *bdlno-gl'â, cf. Slav *govbno ‘dung’ < IE *g“ öu- ‘cattle’), AArbSt II 80-81, Hymje 22; iLINSKIJ JF V 183-185 (bajgë borrowed from Slavic); HASDEU EMR III 124; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 335; ROSETTI ILR I 272; M o u t so s ZfBalk X/2 68-72 (from NGk y(K )aßaX a < Lat caballus ‘horse (dung)’); ROHR ZfBalk X V II/1 80; ÇABEJ St. I 49 (agrees with OS t ir ), Etim. II 132-133; DEMIRAJ AE 86-87. bajzë f, pi. bajza ‘coot, kind of water-fowl’. The same word is attest­ ed as balzë and may be interpreted as a derivative of *bal- ‘white’ ( D o d b ib a St. Leks. 256). 0 CAMAJ Alb. Worth. 125; ÇABEJ St. 1 50, Etim. II 134-135 (to Lat fúlica). bakull
adj.

‘robust, vigorous’. Derived from bakë ‘belly’, a variant of

BAL

-

BALTE

15

bark (ÇABEJ Etim. II 137). 0 M a n n Comp. 62 (to Gk (paKeÀoç ‘bunch’).
bal m, p. bala ‘dog with a white spot on its forehead’, adj. ‘white-haired’.

Also bale ‘white spot’. From PAlb *bala etymologically close to Lith bâlas ‘white’, Latv bàls ‘pale’, Gk (paXóq■Àeuicôç (Hes.) and the like. As to balash, balosh ‘horse or ox with a white spot on its forehead’, it was borrowed from Slav *belasb. *belosb ‘white animal’ (MEYER Wb. 25; O rel Ètimologija 1983 133-134) with *-é- rendered as -a- under the influence of bal. 0 MEYER NGriech. St. IT 69 (treats balash, balosh as cognates of Lith bâlas and the like); MANN Language XXVI 380 (to Bret bal' id.), XXVIII 36; F r a e n k e l 32; F r is k II 988-989; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 328; KLEPIKOVA SPI 65; HAMP Anc. IE 112; ÇABEJ St. I 50-51, Etim. II 138-140; KALUZsk a ja Slavjanovedenie 1992/2 80-86; D e m ir a j AE 87.
balçëm m ‘balm’. Attested in a more archaic form balshëm in Old Alban­ ian (BUZUKU). Borrowed from Lat balsamum id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 5; M e y e r Alb. St. IV 25; JOKL LKUBA 115 n .l). 0 MEYER Wb. 2 4 -2 5 (together with balsam id. treated as a Turkish loanword); MlHÄESCU RESEE IV / 1-2 21; HAARMAN 112; ÇABEJ St. I 5 1 , Etim. II 1 43-144; LANDI Lat. 111. b alë f, pi. ‘badger’. Related to bal taking into account the light-

colored spots on the badger’s snout.
b altë f, pl. balte ‘swamp, marsh, dirt, earth'. Goes back to PAlb

*balta (singularized pi. neut.) closely related to Slav *bolto with which it continues IE *bhohtom (MEYER Wb. 25). This form belongs to the paradigm of the adjective *bhohto- ‘white’ represented in Lith bdltas further derived from IE *bheh- ‘shining, white’. Rum baltä ‘swamp’, NGk ßaA/coq id. seem to be borrowed from Albanian. 0 GlL’FERDlNG Otn. 20 (to Skt pi thvi ‘earth’); B r ü CH Glotta VII 83 f. (balte as an autochtonous Illyrian word in Albanian); MEYER BB XIX 154; SCHUCHARDT KZ XX 242 (from Lomb palta); T r e m e r ZfromPhil. XXXVIII 392 (borrowed from Slav *bolto); SKOK AArbSt. II 114, Slavia III 115 (accepts the Slavic origin of balte); B a r i C AArbSt. II 386; TROM­ BETTI AArbSt. Ill 21-22; JOKL Reallex. Vorgesch. I 86; TAGLIAVINI Dal­ mazia 78, Origini 309; HASDEU EMR III 135; M a n n Language XXVI 385 (from Slavic); PORZIG Gliederung 159, 175; F r a e n k e l 32, KZ LIV

16

BALLE -

BAR

294-295; VASMER I 190; PISANI Saggi 123 (isogloss uniting Albanian with Balto-Slavic); POKORNY I 118-120; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 328; ROSETTI ILR I 2 7 2 ,1st. limb. rom. II 97 (Slavic *bolto in Balkan languages); HUBSCHMID RRL XXIV/4 343-352; H a m p L S XIV/2 14, Anc. IE 109; TOPOROV PJa I 189 (reconstructs OPrus *balt-)\ SOLTA Balkanlinguistik 47, 100; ÇABEJ St. I 51-52, Etim. II 144-147; OREL Koll. Idg. Ges. 350; MURATI Probleme 127; DEMIRAJ AE 87-88.

ballë m/n, pi. balle

‘fo r e h e a d ’. S in g u la rized pl. neut. *balâ related to

Skt bhäla- id., O P rus ballo id. (GlL'FERDING Otn. 20; MEYER Wb. 2 4 , Alb. St. Ill 33). 0 PEDERSEN KZ XXXIH 544; JOKL ZONE X 194, Sprache IX 128; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 7 8 , Stratificazione 86; M a n n Language XXVI 3 8 0 (reco n stru cts an /-stem ); MAYRHOFER II 4 9 6 -4 9 7 ; H a m p St. Whatmough 77; POKORNY I 118-119; OREL Z ß a lk XXIII 144; Ç a bej St. I 5 3 , Etim. II 148 -1 5 0 ; HULD 40; DEMIRAJ AE 8 8 -8 9 .

ballungë f, pi. ballunga ‘bump, swelling’. With a secondary assimila­
tion of vowels, also bullungë. A derivative in -unge based on balle. 0
MEYER Wb. 53 (borrowed from Rom *bulluca and related to buie and/or

to mellé); SCHMIDT KZ L 236 (to bulë < *bhulnâ in connection with Gk cpúAAov ‘le a f); BARIC AArbSt. I 144-145 (follows M e y e r ’ s comn a r i s o n w i t h m ë llë i- C a h k i St I 8 ? i a o r w c w i t h R a u h * ' !

bares aor. barita ‘to go for a walk, to stroll’. From PAlb *bar-ötja derived from *bar ‘shepherd’ preserved in bari (WEIGAND Balkan-Archiv I 252-253). 0 JOKL Die Sprache IX 144 (to rnbaj); ÇABEJ Etim. II 164 (denominative of bar ‘grass’). bari m, pi. barinj ‘shepherd’. Based on an unattested *bar < PAlb *bara (the derivation is similar to that of ari, njeri, cf. DEMIRAJ AE 91) related to OHG baro ‘(free) m an’. As to OAlb bëruo ‘shepherd’ (BUZUKU, Budi), it is not connected with bari and should be rather analyzed as a loanword from Lat bärönem ‘simpleton’. 0 CAMARDA I 341 (mis­ taken translation of bari as ‘bestiame’; comparison with Gk ßapixov cxpveç, Hes.); MEYER Alb. St. I 69, Wb. 27, 33 (to berr); JOKL Mélanges Pedersen 156 (follows MEYER); WEIGAND Balkan-Archiv I 252-253 (compares bari with bares ‘to go for a walk, to stroll’); T a g l i ­ a v in i Stratificazione 147; CiMOCHOWSKI LP IV 191 (to bar); HAMP

BARDHË —

BA R I

17

related to Lat fa r ‘sort of grain, spelt’ < *bhars-, ON ban- ‘spelt’ and the like (CAMARDA I 336; MEYER Wb. 2 6 , Alb. St. Ill 7 1 ). 0 POTT KZ VI 321 (to Lat herba id.); MEYER Alb. St. Ill 33 (to Gk (pôpoç ‘(agri­ cultural) yield’); KRETSCHMER Gioita III 3 3 8 -3 3 9 , VI 9 6 (to Gk cpáppaicov ‘drug, healing rem edy’); J o k l Vox Rom. VIII 192 (Alpine Romance parallels); BA R IÍ ARSt. I 30 (to NPers bar ‘fruit’); M a n n Language XVII 16; C h a n t r a in e 1179; H a m p ZfceltPh XXXIX 9 0 (close to K r e t s c h m e r ); Ç a b e j St. I 54 (agrees with K r e t s c h m e r ), Etim. II 156-158; D e m ir a j AE 8 9 -9 0 (from IE *bheu- ‘to g r o w '). bardhë adj. ‘w h ite’. From PA lb *bardza continuing *bhordgo-, a d eriv ­ ative o f IE *bher9g- ‘to sh ine; w h ite ’, c f. Skt bhräjate ‘(h e) sh in es, b eam s, g litte r s ’, G oth bairhts ‘lig h t, sh in in g ’ and a lso the w ord for ‘b ir c h ’: Lith berzas, S lav *berza (MEYER Wb. 29, Alb. St. Ill 17, 33, 72). P A lb *bardza is p articu larly c lo s e to Skt bhdrga- ‘sh in in g ’ w ith
an irregular d ev elo p m en t o f T he A lb an ian w ord is the so u rce o f R um barzä ‘sto rk ’. 0 HASDEU EMR III 216; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia

79; L a P ia n a Studi 141; F r a e n k e l 40-41; M a y r h o f e r II 479-480, 529-530; POKORNY I 139-140; K l e p ik o v a SPT 68-69; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. IT 336; ROSETTI ILR I 272-273; ÖLBERG Beitr. Idg. 57; GREPPIN JIES V/2-3 203-207 (D a c *barÖo- ‘sto rk ’ related to A rm brdor ‘1amm erpever’1: Hi.I D 40: C a b e j Etim. II 161-1*4 (to r .l mnnmy.:....... uânë f, pi. bana ‘dwelling’. From PAlb *banti, a rci/'-derivative of bëj ‘to make, to do’ (for semantic parallels see ÇABEJ I 52). 0 JOKL Studien 6-8 (from IE *bhoyono-, cf. Skt bhavana- ‘dwelling, home’ despite the irregularity of Tosk -n- < *-«-); M a n n Language XXVI 382; Ç a b e j I 5 1 -5 2 (explains bane as a Geg participle of bëj identical with Tosk bërë but banë is well attested in both dialects of Albanian), Etim. II 1 51-153; M a y r h o f e r 1 1 4 8 5 -4 8 6 ; O r e l SBJa Leksikol. 148 (explains bane as a phonetic variant of adv. mbanë ‘near, nearby’); D e m ir a j AE 89.
banjë f, pi. banja ‘bath’. Borrowed from Slav *banja id.: OCS banja, Bulg ban’a, SCr banja and the like (MlKLOSICHSlav. Elemente 15; MEYER Wb. 24; WEIGAND 4 ). 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 4; (from Latin); H e l b ig 90 (from Italian); ÇABEJ Etim. II 155 (from Rom *banea or Ital bagno). bar m, pi. bar èra ~ barèna ‘grass’. From PAlb *bara etymologically

18

BARK —

BARRË

ZfceltPh XXXIX 212 (same as ClMOCHOWSKl); ÇABEJ St. I 55-56 (sug­ gests an etymological link to bie, mbar), 64 (compares bari with bëruo), Etim. II 165-167; DEMIRAJ AE 92 (both bari and bëruo borrowed from Lat barö, barönis). bark m, pi. barqe ‘b e lly , w om b , ab d o m en ’. F rom P A lb *baruka id en ­ tical w ith ßap{\>>Ka- a iô o îo v rcapà T a p a v n v o iç (DURANTE Ric. Ling. Ill 158; KRAHE Spr. Illyr. 41) and, furth er, co n tin u in g *bhor-uko-, a derivative o f IE *bher- ‘to carry’ (MEYER Wb. 27). The loss o f the inlaut -u- points to the stress on the first syllab le in P A lb *bdruka, cf. barukë < *baritkä. 0 CAMARDA 1 58 (correctly com pares bark and barre)', PED­ ERSEN KZ XXXVI 327 ( fo llo w s MEYER), BB XX 238, Pron. 344 (to Gk (pápvy^); WIEDEMANN BB XXVIII 231 (to Lat farciO ‘to cram , to s t u f f ) ; B a r i í ARSt I 22; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 79, Stratificazione 86; MANN Language XVII 7 (com parison w ith W brych ‘afterbirth’, W bru ‘b e lly ’); FRISK I 221; CAMAJ 29, 114 (a ccep ts M e y e r ’s v ie w ); O r e l Zßalk XXin 145; ÇABEJ St. I 56-57, Etim. II 167-169; HULD 41; DEMIRAJ AE 92. barkë f , pi. barka ‘boat’. B orrow ed from Lat barca id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 5; MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1042); LANDI Lat. 9 3 . barmë f ‘bast’. A parallel form is masculine barm. From PAlb *bardzmâ ~ *bardzma derived from *bardza > bardhë ‘white’, with a typical semantic pattern for the nomination of bark and bast (ÇABEJ St. I 57, Etim. II 170), cf. Slav *lyko ‘bast’ from IE *leuk- ‘to shine; shining, white’. 0 MANN Language XVII 19 (to Gk (poppôç); TRUBACEV Rem. term. 164-166; OREL Linguistica XXVI 172; D e m ir a j AE 90. barukë f ‘fleece’. From PAlb *baruka derived from *barwa > berr ‘sheep, goat’ (OREL Linguistica XXVI 172-173). 0 DEMIRAJ AE 92 (to barre). barrë f, pl. barrë ‘load, burden’. From PAlb *barä further related to bie and mbar (B O P P 4 71; MEYER Wb. 2 8 , Alb. St. Ill 7 3 ) and partic­ ularly close to G k (popá ‘load’ ( Ç a b e j Etim. II 174). 0 G i l ’f e r d i n g Otn. 21 ; B u g g e KZ XX X II 4; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 78-79; PISANI Saggi 103, 121; BARIC Lingv. stud. 3 4 (stresses the similarity with G k (pépvr| ‘dow ry’); M a n n Language XVII 19; F r is k II 1 0 0 3 -1 0 0 5 ; P o k o r n y

BARRË —

BATHË

19

T 128-132; HAMP ZfceltPh XXXIX 210 (from *bhornä); Ç a b e j 5/. I 57; M a n n Comp. 94 (from IE *bhormä); H u l d 41; D e m ir a j AE 9293 (a g r e e s w ith ÇABEJ). barrë f. pl. barre ‘fetus’. From PAlb *barnâ, a singularized plural cognate with Gmc *barnan ‘child’. The word must be strictly differentiated from barré ‘load, burden’. 0 Z a liz n ’ak Ètimologija 139; ÇABEJ Etim. II 173-174. bashkë f ‘fleece’. From PAlb *bar(u)ska etymologically connected with barukë id. and derived from berr ‘sheep, goat’ (OREL Linguistica XXVI 172-173). For a similar semantic development cf. Skt ajina- ‘skin, hide’ ~ ajó- ‘goat’. The Albanian word was borrowed to Rum based id. 0 B a r t h o l o m a e IF IX 252 (to Av varasa- ‘hair’); MEYER Wb. 28 (from *vars-ké connected with Cyren ßaoaapoc ‘fox’); JOKL LKUBA 170; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 3236; ROSETTI ILR I 273; R e st e ll i R/L XCI 467 (to Germ Bürste); ÖLBERG Festschr. Bonfante 566; MANN Language XVII 13, Comp. 67 (identical with bashkë ‘together’; was borrowed from Thracian or ancient Macedonian); VRACIU LB VIII 20 (from sub­ stratum); ÇABEJ I 58 (to Gk (papooç ‘piece, part’ and its cognates), Etim. II 178-180; D e m ir a j AE 93 (identical with bashkë ‘together’). bashkë adv. ‘together’. Goes back to PAlb *bakska related to Lat fastis ‘bundle’, fascia ‘band, bandage’ (MEYER Alb. St. IV 80, IF VI 106). 0 G i l f e r d i n g Otn. 21 (to Skt pas'cá- ‘back, posterior’); B a r i C ARSt. 1 95, AArbSt III 215 (follows MEYER); PEDERSEN Kelt. Gr. I 77; JOKL LKUBA 170 (to Skt badhate); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 80 (agrees with Jo k l ); M a n n Language XVII 13; W a l d e -H o f m a n n I 459-460; O rel Sprache XXXI 282; ÇABEJ I 58-59 (follows M e y e r ), Etim. II 180-181; D e m ir a j AE 93-94. batis aor. batisa ‘to press together’. Borrowed from Slav *batiti ‘to beat’, presently preserved in South Slavic only as SCr botiti ‘to rebound, to jump away’. bathe ‘broad b ean ’. C ontinues PAlb *bat sä < IE *bhakâ also p reserv ed in G k <paKÍj‘d ish o f le n tils’, «paicôç ‘le n til’ (MEYER Wb. 22, Alb. St. Ill 13, 33). 0 P e d e r s e n KZ XXXVI 332; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 80; M a n n Language XXVI 380; PISANI Saggi 118; JUCQUOIS Muséon LXXVIII 445; POKORNY I 106; F r isk I I 985; CHANTRAINE 1173, 1180;
f, pi.

bathë

20

BE —

B E LB IC E

CAMAJ Alb. Worth. 18; HULD41-42 (finds a parallel in Burushaski bu.'kak

‘beans’); OREL Ètimologija 1985 181; OREL ZfBalk XXIII 145; Koll. Idg. Ges. 356; Ç a b e j Etim. II 184-185; D e m ir a j AE 94.
b e f, pi. be ‘oath’. From P A lb *baida connected with Slav *beda ‘d is ­

aster’, Lat foedus ‘league, treaty’ and other nominal derivatives of IE *bheidh- ‘to persuade, to force’ (MEYER Wb. 30, Alb. St. Ill 33). 0 E r n o u t - M e i l l e t 233; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 81-82; S c h m id t KZ LVII 26; M a n n Language XXVI 385; O r e l ZfBalk XXIII 149; T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa II 54-56; P o k o r n y 1117; H a m p AZ LXXVII 252253; HULD 42; ÇABEJ Etim. II 186-187 (to Gk jiîg u ç, Lat fidês ‘b e lie f ’); DEMIRAJ AE 94-95.
b egatë adj. ‘rich’. Other variants are bëgatë and bugatë. Borrowed from

Slav *bogat-i id., cf., in particular, South Slavic: OCS bogati,, Bulg bogat, SCr bogat (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 16; MEYER Wb. 50). 0 S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 326; ÇABEJ Etim. II 190-191; S V A N E 267.
bejkë f ‘white sheep’. Borrowed from Slav *bel-hka ‘white animal, white

sheep’ (Ç a b e j Etim. II 192).
bekoj aor. bekova ‘to bless’. A more phonetically conservative variant

is bënkoj. Borrowed from Lat benedlcere id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Ele­ mente 6; M e y e r Wb. 3 1 ). 0 C a m a r d a 1 1 4 1 (to be and besëf, M e y e r L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß11 1052; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 81; KÖDDERITZSCH Asp. Alb. 121-130; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV / 1-2 21; HAARMAN 112; ÇABEJ Etim. II 193.
b elb ë adj. ‘stammering, dumb’. Borrowed from Lat balbus ‘stammering,

stuttering’ (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 4; M e y e r Wb. 31). From belbë such synonymous forms as belbër and belbët were derived. 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1042; MlHÄESCU RESEE I V /1-2 13; HAARMAN 112; ÇABEJ Etim. II 194-195 (onomatopoeia).
b e lb ic ë f, pi. belbica ‘kind of trout’. Another variant is belvice. Bor­ rowed from B u lg belvica id. (WEIGAND 6 , JOKL Slavia XIII 311) . 0 MEYER Wb. 3 2 (from Lat barbus ‘barbel’); K r is TOFORIDHI 43; V a s m e r Alb. Wortforsch. 7; Ç a b e j Etim. II 195, St. IV 9 7 -9 8 ; S v a n e 150.

BELCË —

RF.RR

21

belcë f ‘wool cover’. Borrowed from Slav *helica ‘white object’ (Ç abej Etim. II 195). beng m, pl. hengje, bengë ‘oriole, finch’. Borrowed from one of the con­ tinuants of (West) Gmc *finkan ‘finch’, cf. especially Bavarian pienk (M e y e r Wb. 3 2 ). 0 H a h n 13 (to zbehem); Ç a b e j Etim. II 198 (agrees with M e y e r ). ber m ‘bow, arrow, spear’. From PAlb *böra, derivative of bie < *bera ‘to strike, to fall’ (JOKL LKUBA 244). 0 ÇABEJ I 61, Etim. II 199-200 (to Gk (pâpoç ‘plow ’); OREL ZfBalk X X III/1 67; DEMIRAJ AE 95 (to bri). berk m ‘bast’. From PAlb *bardz(i)ka derived from PAlb *bardza > bardhë ‘white’ (OREL Linguistica XXVI 172). For the semantic evo­ lution cf. barmë. 0 CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 114 (suffix -k); ÇABEJ Etim. II 201 (from Slav *ob(T>)vbrtka > Russ obertka). beronjë f, pi. beronja ‘barren woman; holly; kind of serpent’. Another phonetic variant is buronjë. A derivative with a feminine suffix -onjë of an unattested *ber < PAlb *bara ‘naked, barren’, borrowed from Gmc *bazaz: OHG bar ‘bare’, O N berr id. (OREL Festschr. Shevoroshkin 258). 0 M e y e r Wb. 33 (comparison with berr and Slav *baram> ‘ram ’); BUGGE BB x v m 174 (from Romance, cf. OFr baraigne ‘barren’); TAGLI­ AVINI Stratificazione 147; ÇABEJ Etim. II 201-202; DEMIRAJ AE 95 (derived, as two separate words for ‘barren woman’ and ‘holly’, from ber and berr). berr m, pi. berra ‘sheep, goat’. From P A lb *barwa etymologically con­ nected with ON borgr ‘hog’, O H G barug, baruh id., Slav *borvz ‘boar’ > ( O r e l Linguistica XXVI 173; M a n n Comp. 95). Note a deminutive berk ‘goat’ only in era berk ‘stench of a goat’ (ÇABEJ Etim. II 201). 0 S t i e r KZ XI 208 (to Gk ß a p tx o i- apveç, Hes.); M e y e r Wb. 33 (an Alpine Wanderwort)\ JOKL LKUBA 242 (from an interjection used to address the sheep); HASDEU EMR III 637; SCHUCHARDT KZ XX 253 (to Engad bar and other Alpine words); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 81, Strat­ ificazione 132-133; HUBSCHMID V o x Romanica XIV 195; TRAUTMANN 27 (*bhoru- as an areal word for ‘sheep and goats’); POGHIRC 1st. limb, rom. II 3237; R o s e t t i ILR I 273 (to Rum bîr, cry with which the shep­

22

BESË —

BËRKOQ .

herd calls the sheep); ÇABEJ Gioita XXXVI 50, St. 161, Etim. II 202204; D e m ir a j AE 95-96. besë f, pi. besa 'pledge, truce, trust’. From PAlb *baitsä traced back to IE *bhoidh-tä (H a m p KZ LXXVII 252-253 follows S t ier KZ VII 160 and CAMARDA I 43 in reconstructing *bhidh-tä as an exact equivalent of Gk 7uaTÔç ‘faithful, trustworthy’) or *bhoidh-tià (PISANI Saggi 129) further connected with IE *bheidh- ‘to persuade, to force’ and Alb be. 0 M ey er Wb. 33 (compares with Alb bind and reconstructs *bhendhtia), Alb. St. II 50, III 25, IV 97; P e d e r s e n KZ XXXVI 308 (thinks of *bhendhta); WIEDEMANN BB XXVII 201; BUGGE BB XVIII 163; JOKL LKUBA 262 n. 2; SCHMIDT KZ LVII 26 (derivative of *bheidhin *-ätiä); T r e im e r KZ LXV 110; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 81-82; P isa n i Saggi 129; F risk I I 487-488; P o k o r n y 1 117; O rel Z ßA lk XXin 148; Ç a b e j St. I 61-62, Etim. II 204-206; HULD 42; WATKINS Dragon 83; DEMIRAJ AE 96-97. bëj ~ bâj aor. be'ra ~ bana ‘to do, to make’. From PAlb *banja com ­ pared with Gk (potivco ‘to appear’ (MEYER Wb. 23-24, Alb. St. Ill 33), a zero grade further connected with IE *bha-. For the semantic devel­ opment cf. Oír bann ‘deed’ of the same root (BUGGE BB XVIII 162). 0 C a m a r d a I 48 (to IE *bhu- ‘to grow ’); T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 8485; K l in g e n s c h m it t Verbum 113; H u l d 43; Ç a b e j Etim. I I 207-208; D e m ir a j AE 97-98. bërcel m ‘kind of wheat, Triticum monococcum’. Derived from an unat­ tested *bërcë ~ *bricé' borrowed from Slav *borica > Bulg brica ‘kind of white wheat’ (OREL Festschr. Shevoroshkin 258). 0 JOKL apud ÇABEJ St. 1 62 (related to bardhë)', T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa III 125; ÇABEJ Etim. II 209-210 (from Maced pcenica ‘wheat’ < Slav *pbsenica). bërçik m bërçikë ‘span (b e tw ee n thum b and in d e x )’. B o r ro w e d from S lav *b'irëik'b, cf. B u lg bn.cka ‘fo ld , w r in k le ’. 0 MEYER Wb. 3 4 (to an unattested B u lg prbza); VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. I 7 (b o rro w ed from SCr *br¿ik related to P ol bark ‘a rm ’); TRUBACEV ÈSSJa III 125; Ç a b e j Etim. II 210; S v a n e 89. bërkoq m ‘little p ig ’. A n oth er variant is bërkuq. D eriv ed from berk, see berr. 0 Jo k l IF X L IV 5 6 (borrow ed from Lat porcus)\ Ç a bej Etim. II 211 (to koqe).

BËRS1 —

BËRRYL

23

bërsi f, pl. bérsi ‘husks of grapes, m arc’. Borrowed from Rom *brütea reflecting Thracian ß p itx ea . 0 MEYER Wb. 3 4 (from Lat brisa); BRÜCH IF XL 2 4 1 -2 4 4 (from “Illyrian”, cf. Thr ßpütov ‘beer’); HAARMAN 113; ÇABEJ Etim. II 2 1 2 (reconstructs *bris-); DEMIRAJ AE 98 (borrowed from Thracian). (G) bërshc m ‘juniper’. Continues *eburusa, a form somehow connected with OIr ibar id., Gaulish eburo- (JOKL Festschr. Rozwadowski I 2 3 5 2 3 7 ). 0 B e r t o l d WuS XI 155 (fo llo w s Jo k l ); Ç abej Etim. II 2 1 2 -2 1 3 ; DEMIRAJ AE 9 8 -9 9 (critical o f the Celtic parallels). bërtas aor. brita ‘to shout, to cry’. Borrowed from Slav *b'brtvati ~ *b'brtviti ‘to babble’, cf. Bulg b i’ tv ’a. 0 C a m a r d a I 68 (compares h bërtas with Gk ß p u x a o (ia i ‘to bellow’); MEYER Wb. 4 7 0 (to verras), Alb. St. Ill 38; M a c h e k LP V 5 9 -6 0 (follows C a m a r d a ); T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa III 132; Ç a b e j St. I 63 (to Latv brèkt ‘to cry’, OIr bressim id.), Etim. II 213. bërthamë f, pl. bërthama ‘(fruit) stone’. A compound consisting of bërth < birth (with a vocalic shift in the unstressed position) and amë; thus, bërth-amë is something like ‘mother of the fruit’. Its synonym, bërthokël is to be analyzed as a formation with two suffixes -ok- and -ël of the same root. 0 M e y e r Wb. 3 4 (from Rom *petramen derived from petra ‘stone’); B a r i Í ARSt. I 3 0 (divides bërthamë into bër and tha(l)më, the latter to be compared with thelb); ÇABEJ St. I 6 3 -6 4 (a derivative of bathë > *barthë), Etim. II 2 1 3 -2 1 4 ; M u r a t i Probleme 6 6 -6 7 (root bër-). bërrakë f, pl. bërraka ‘muddy pool, pond, swamp’. Derivative of birë. Note a similar change of -r- > -rr- in bërryl. 0 M EY ER Wb. 33 (to Slav *bara ‘pool, rivulet’; JO K L Reallex. Vorgesch. I 84-87 (identifies the root of bërrakë with the ancient Balkan stem bar- in river-names); M LADE­ NOV lORJaS XV n/4 228-230 (to Skt barbará-); ÇABEJ St. I 64 (to ßpciyoc • ëÀoç, Hes.), Etim. II 215-217. bërryl m, pl. bërryla, bërryle ‘elbow, forearm ’. Other variants reflect an original -II in the auslaut. From PAlb *börei ul(e)nû ‘turn of the bow’ > ‘elbow’ (for the first element - ÇA BEJ I 65, Etim. II 217-219). Thus, the structure of the word is close to that of Gmc *alinobogon ‘elbow ’: OHG elinbogo, ON olnbogi and the like ( O r e l ZfBalk

26

BIR —

B IR Q

apud W a l d e -H o f m a n n 1495 (to Skt bädhate ‘to push, to press’); P isa n i Saggi 129; SCHMIDT KZ LVII 26; M a n n Language XXVI 385; HAMP KZ LXXVII 253 (a g re es w ith BOPP); ÇABEJ St. I 66-67, Etim. II 235236 (from IE *bhedh-no); D e m ir a j AE 101.

bir

m, pi. bij ‘son’. From PAlb *bira compared with Goth baur ‘son’ < IE *bhcro- ( P e d e r s e n BB XIX 295; KZ XXXIII 541), with further link to IE *bher- ‘to give birth’. 0 C A M A R D A I 79 (to Gk inôç ‘son’); M EYER Wb. 37 (from IE *bhü-l-, cf. Gk (pûXov ‘race, tribe’). Alb. St. Ill 33; SO LM SEN KZ XXXIV 4; W IED EM A N N BB XXVII 220; JOKL IF XXXVII 109, LKUBA 194 (to Latfllius ‘son’); R lB E Z Z O Riv. Alb. I 136 (bir as a secondary formation based on bijë); TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 112-113; P i s a n i Saggi 226; B a r i ç Hymje 57; H a m p BSL LXVII 213217 follows P e d e r s e n ) ; H u l d 44-45; Ç a b e j Etim. II 239-240; K l i n GENSCHMITT LIdg. 103 (to bij): DEM IRAJ AE 102 (agrees with K l i n -

GENSCHM ITT).

birë f, pi. bira ‘hole’. From PAlb *birä, a zero-grade derivative of IE
*bher-: Lat foro ‘to bore, to pierce’, OHG borön id. and the like (MEYER Wb. 37). 0 PEDERSEN KZ XXXIII 541 ; JOKL IF XXXVII 94; LA PIANA Studi I 91; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 83; E r n o u t -M e il l e t 249; W a l d e H o f m a n n I 481-482; H a m p RRL XXI 51 (from IE *bhid-ra), ZfceltPh XXXIX 211 (from IE *hherHuâ); ÇABEJ Etim. II 241-242; DEMIRAJ AE 102-103 (to brej).

birko adv. ‘good, fine, excellent’. Related to birq ( O

r e l Linguistica XXVI 174). 0 M e y e r Wb. 37 (compares with mire); B a r i C ARSt 3 (compound of *bher- as in mbarë and ko- < kohë); Ç a b e j Etim. II 242 (derived from bir).

birq m ‘heap, heap of sand, sand-dune’. In Tosk also berq. Diminu­
tive birth ‘pimple’ is derived from birq. A singularized plural of PAlb *bit'ka formally identical with an isolated Slav *b-brki> ‘moustache, hair, trunk’. Thus, the original meaning of the Albanian word could be ‘upright, vertical (heap)’. 0 CAM ARDA 59 (identical with pirg ‘tower’ < NGk Tcùpyoç id.); M EY ER Wb. 98 (follows C A M A R D A ); TR U BA C EV ÈSSJa III 128-129; O R EL Linguistica XXVI 173-174 (to IE *bher- ‘to bring’, cf. Russ borona ‘many, a great amount’ going back to the same root according to V a r b o t Praslav. 170-171); Ç a b e j Etim. II 242.

RISEDÈ —

B1SHTAJË

27

b ised ë f, pl. biseda ‘talk, conversation, speech’. Borrowing from Slav

*besêda id., cf., in particular, South Slavic forms: OCS beseda, Bulg beseda, SCr beseda (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 16; MEYER Wb. 33). 0 SELlSCEV Slav, naselenie 143, 192; MANN Language XXVIII 35; ÇABEJ Etim. II 243; S v a n e 1220, 23 0 .
b isk m, pi. bisq, bisqe ‘branch, twig’. Borrowed from a diminutive Slav

*bicbki, derived from *bicb ‘whip’ (OREL Festschr. Shevoroshkin 258).
A s to bisk ‘rivulet’, it may also belong here. 0 MEYER Wb. 37 (from

NGk ß i i a a ‘switch, rod’ borrowed from Bulg vita id.); ÇABEJ Etim. II 2 4 3 -2 4 5 (borrowed from Slav *bicb or derived from mbij); M a n n Comp. 78 (to Lith biskis, biskis ‘bit, fragment’ - a German [East Pruss­ ian] loanword); PAGLIARO Shêjzat X 3 1 5 -3 1 7 ; DEMIRAJ AE 101 (derived from mbij).
b istër adj. ‘agile, nimble, sour’. Borrowed from Slav *bystr-h ‘agile, quick’, cf. South Slavic forms: OCS by stri,, Bulg bister, SCr bistar (D e s n ic k a j a Slav. zaim. 13). 0 Ç a b e j Etim. II 246; S v a n e 150. b ish ë f, pi. bisha ‘b east, wild a n im a l’ . Borrowed from Lat béstia id. (M e y er Wb. 38). 0 M ihäescu RESEE IV /1-2 21; H a a r m a n n 112; Ç abej Etim. II 246-247; L a n d i Lat. 119. b ish t m, pi. bishta, bishtra ~ bishtna ‘ta il’. F rom P A lb *büsta, d e r iv ­ a tive o f IE *bhü- ‘to g r o w ’. T h e m etaphor v ie w s the tail as a b o d ily ou tgrow th . 0 XYLANDER 2 8 7 (to B asq u e bustan id.); CAMARDA I 58 (to Gk Ö7uo0ev ‘b ack, b e h in d ’); MEYER Wb. 38; JOHANNSON IF XIV 268 (from *bhid-to- and, further, to Lat findere ‘to clea v e’); JOKL LKUBA 261 n. 2; OSTIR AArbSt. I 127; T r e im e r KZ L X V 109 (fo llo w s J o h a n n s o n ) ; P e d e r s e n KZ XXXIX 429; T a g l i a v i n i RIEB I 165 n. 1, Dalmazia 8 3 -8 4 (again st JOHANNSON), Stratificazione 143; B a r i ç Hymje 57; CAMAJ Alb. Worth. 102; ÇABEJ Sí. I 6 7 -6 8 (fro m *mb-ithsht, to ith), Etim. II 2 4 8 -2 5 0 ; H u l d 45 (d is a g r e e s w ith Ç a b e j); D e m ir a j AE 103 (to bij). bishtajë f, pi. bishtaja ‘pod, hull, pea, green bean’. Borrowed from Rom

*pistalia > Rum pästaie ‘pod, hull’, cf. Lat pistare ‘to pound’
(C a n d r e a - D e n s u § ia n u I 2 0 4 ). 0 Ç a b e j St. I 68 (to bisht), Etim. II 250.

28

BJERR —

BLEGËRIJ ~ BLEGËRÎJ

bjerr aor. borra ‘to lose’. Numerous phonetic variants of the anlaut are attested in dialects: djerr, dëbjerr, vdjerr, dzjerr. They seem to go back to PAlb *dis-bera or *dis-berna further related to bie ‘to fall’ (PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 325). 0 MEYER Wb. 70 (to Gk Ôépco ‘to skin’, Slav *dbrati ‘to tear’ and the like), Alb. St. Ill 73; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 83; L a P ia n a Varia 21 (related to djerr)', M a n n Language XXVIII 33 (to Gk (pSeipco ‘to destroy’ or Lai ferió ‘to strike’); H am p ZfceltPh XXXIX 210 (to Lith berti ‘to disperse’); Ç a b e j Etim. II 253-255; D e m ir a j AE 104 (follows H a m p ). bjeshkë f, pl. bjeshkë ‘mountain pasture’. Borrowed from Rom *pastica based on Lat pastus ‘pasture’. Note that this word belongs to a compact group of Latin loans with p- rendered as b-. 0 M EYER Wb. 58 (identifies bjeshkë with byshkë and connects it with Romance words for ‘splinter’, cf. Ital busca)', SK O K ZfslavPhil II 3 9 6 -3 9 7 (from Lat basilica ‘church’ despite the differences in meaning); J o k l LKUBA 165167 (from *bjershkë as a derivative of bie ‘to fall’); CAM AJ Alb. Worth. 114; TR U BACEV Nazv. 281 (against the connection with the name of the Beskidy); ÇABEJ St. I 68 (follows J o k l and derives the name of the Beskidy Mountains from bjeshkë), Etim. II 2 5 5 -2 5 6 ; O REL Antic, balk. 5 32 (from *bheug-iska). blanë f, pi. blana ‘heart of tree; sapwood; scar, mark, pockmark’. Bor­ rowed from Slav *bolna, cf. South Slavic forms: Bulg blana ‘turf, piece of dried dung’, SCr blana ‘coopers instrument’ (OREL Ètimologija 1983 1 3 4 -1 3 5 ). Closer meanings have been preserved in East Slavic: Russ botona ‘young wood between the bark and the trunk; lump or scar on the bark’. 0 T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa II 1 75-177; ÇABEJ Etim. II 2 5 7 ; SVANE
120 .

blatë f, pl. blatë ‘w a fe r ’. B o r ro w e d from Lat oblata id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 44; MEYER Wb. 38). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1040, 1049; M ih ä e sc u RESEE IV /1-2 24; H a a r m a n 138; L a n d i Lat. 87, 109, 158. blegërij ~ blegërîj aor. blegëriva ‘to bleat’. Onomatopoeia (M EY ER Wb. 38-39, cf. Gk ßÄrixaojiai id.). 0 P o k o r n y I 102; Ç a b e j Etim. II 258 (same as M e y e r ) ; D e m i r a j AE 104.

BLEUI RE —

B IJ ~ BLÎ

29

blehurë adj. ‘p a le ’. F rom PAlb *blaid-ura rela ted to S la v *blëdr id., h OE blát id. (M e y e r Wb. 38 ). 0 P o k o r n y I 160; T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa II 1 11-112; D e m ir a j AE 105. blej aor. bleva ‘to buy’. Borrowed from Rom *able váre ‘to lift up, to relieve (from )’ (MEYER Wb. 3 9 ). 0 JOKL Studien 4 4 (divides blej into a prefix b- < mb- and a root identical with that of laj in its meaning ‘to pay’); T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 84; B o r g e a u d RRL 4 (1 9 7 3 ) 3 2 7-331; HAMP St. albanica X / 2 8 3 -8 5 ; ÇABEJ 5?. I 71 (to Latv blènst ‘to see badly; to look’ and its other Baltic cognates), Etim. II 2 5 9 -2 6 0 . blertë adj. ‘green’. There exists a derivationally more archaic variant Italo-Alb hiere. The word goes back to PAlb *blöra related to Lat floras ‘shining, bright’, Oír blár ‘gray’, W blawr id. < IE *bhlôros ( Ç a b e j Etim. II 260-261). 0 M EYER Wb. 38 (compares with Slav *blëéh ‘pale’); W a l d e - H o f m a n n 1 513-514; H u ld 45 (from *hhlëudhro-, to IE *bhleuo‘light-colored’); DEM IRAJ AE 104-105. bletë f, pl. bletë ‘bee, swarm, hive’. Goes back to *mblete borrowed from Rom *melettum, cf. mellûrium ‘beehive, apiary’ (JOKL LKUBA 284-296). 0 POTT KZ VI 321 (comparison with Gk p i / U n a ‘bee’); C a m a r d a I 44 (the same); M e y e r Alb. St. II 79 (from Rom *albiettus, cf. Rum albina ‘bee’), Wb. 39 (from Rom *apetta - *abetta ‘bee’); S c h m id t KZ L 235 (follows C a m a r d a in deriving bletë from *melit); SKOK AArbSt I 225 (from Rom *albeâta), Arch. Roman. VIII 148-150; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 84 (agrees with JOKL); PISANI Saggi 120 (from Gk *niXiTja); MlHÄESCU RESEE IV/3-4 350 (follows POTT); ÖLBERG IBK XVII 38 (borrowed from Gk (lEÀtaoeov ‘beehive’); Ç a b e j St. I 69-70 (borrowed from Gk ju'Àuxa with a shift of accent), Etim. I I 261263; DEMIRAJ AE 105 (from P A lb *m(e)lita). blëndës ~ blandës m, pi, blëndësa ~ blandësa ‘paunch, stomach’. Another form is blënxë ~ blanxë. Variants of plëndës ~ plandës. bli ~ blî m, pl. blirë, blinj ‘linden’. From PAlb *blina further connected with Lith blindis, blendls ‘Salix caprea’ (ÇABEJ St. I 7 0 -7 1 , Etim. II 2 6 4 ) and derived from *bhlen- ‘to shine’, semantically motivated by the color of the bast and bark typical of linden (OREL Linguistica XXVI 174). 0 M e y e r Wb. 4 0 (treats bli as a loanword from Rom *(li)brinam);
F r a e n k e l 49.

related to the moti­

Slav, naselenie 154; ÇABEJ Etim. II 271. SVANE 73. bludë f ‘(film of) mould, scum on wine, skin on milk’. Borrowed from an unattested South Slavic continuant of Slav *bigda reflected in Bulg dial, hl-bda ‘unclean pimples’ and Slovene bloda ‘mistake’. 0 MEYER Wb. 40 (from SCr bluta ‘mould’); M e y e r -L ü b k e REW 32 (from Rom *abluta ‘rinse water’); ÇABEJ St. 1 72, Etim. I I 271; SVANE 117; TRUBAÍEV ÈSSJa II 125. boj aor. bova ‘to mate’. Usually, attested in passive as bohet. Metaphor­ ic use of boj ‘to drive’ attested in North Geg. From PAlb *bagnja related to Lith begti ‘to ru n ’, Latv bêgt id., OPrus begeyte id., Slav *begti id., Gk (peßo^ai id. (ÇABEJ St. I 1 1 9 ). For the semantic development in Albanian cf. Russ gon ‘heat (of animals)’ < gnat’ ‘to drive’. 0 MEYER Wb. 4 1 -4 2 (to NGk .unaivea); T reim er MRIW I 3 7 3 -3 7 5 (to Germ Bahn ‘road’); B u G G E ß ß XVIII 174 (from Rom *disbinö); BARld ARSt 6 8 6 9 (from *bhöreiö); Jo k l IF XXXVII 103, 118 (related to mbaj, bie); L a P ia n a St. Varia 2 3 -2 4 (from *deboj further connected with Lith vyti ‘to drive (away)’ and the like); M a n n Language XXVIII 3 2 (to Gk jiToéo) ‘to frighten’); FRAENKEL 38; FRISK II 9 9 8 -9 9 9 ; ÇABEJ St. 1 73 (follows La P i a n a ); D e m ir a j AE 1 0 5 -1 0 6 . bolbë f ‘accident, disaster, sorrow’. Borrowed from the otherwise unat­ tested Slav *bolbba, derivative of *bolh ‘pain’ (KRISTOFORIDHI487; SeliS cev Slav, naselenie 193). C VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. 8 (against Slavic etymology); JOKL Slavia XIII 322 (from Rom *volva or from IE *bhel-); Ç a b e j St. I 73, IV 98, Etim. II 281-282 (to Lat bulla, OIr bolach). bolle pi. ‘testicles’. From PAlb *balnai connected with IE *bhhno-\ Gk ipaXkóq ‘phallus’, Latfollis ‘bellows’, OIr ball ‘limb, member’ (OREL Zfôalk X X III/1 67-68). 0 M e y e r Wb. 41 (from Itai bolla ‘lump, knob’ or balla ‘testicle’); R o h r ZfBalk XVII/1 80; FRISK II 987-988; W a l d e -H o f m a n n I 524-525; L e w is -P e d e r s e n 23; V e n d r y e s B-12; POKORNY I 120; Ç a b e j Etim. II 282 (“elementary creation”); M a n n Comp. 63-64 (to Skt bhala- ‘forehead’). bolle r, pi. bolla ‘kind of harmless snake’ Borrowed from Rom *bola,

vivi 174).
Gk <pàXÀ,T| SK I 242>c); Ç abej

lut variant \ Prefisso itical with

i from IE
L a P ia n a

60; Ç a b e j

ong grade N blekkja
POKORNY

lb. Worth. )Iack\ Gk E St. 1 7 1 , J 0 (to Lat

? id. (MlK-

lerivatives azia 84; (from IE

ER-LÜBKE

orm binde , cf. South

IlKLOSICH

BLUDË —

BOLLE

31

M ------------

7 1 ) . Further

the same IE *bhlen- ‘to shine’ as bli ‘linden’; in this case, vation is based on the color of the fish (OREL Linguistica X 0 ClMOCHOWSKl LP 1 165-182 (further connections o f bli with ‘w h a le ’ and the lik e); TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 133; F r 243; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV/3-4 350 (borrow ed from Gk ß?uv Etim. II 264-265 (id e n tic a l w ith bli ‘lin d en ’). bligë f ‘forked piece of wood’. From PAlb *bligâ, a zero abl related to Gk (páXay^ ‘stem ’, ON bialki ‘log’. 0 L a P ia n 14 (from *ie-bigë); POKORNY I 122; Ç a b e j Etim. I I 265 (ide

Mge).

blokër f ‘rubbish, trash’. Continues PAlb *bläukä derive *bhlëuos ‘blue, yellow’, cf. Lat flavas ‘yellow’ and the like. C Prefisso 15 (préfixai form related to Lat baca); POKORNY I I Etim. 267 (to bluaj).

blorë f ‘sling’. Continues PAlb *blâgrâ, a form reflecting a variant comparable with Lat flagrum ‘whip’, cf. further C ‘to beat, to strike’. 0 La PIANA Prefisso 15 (from *le-borë); 1 154; Ç a b e j Etim.268 (derivative of bahe).

blozë f, pl. blozé, bioza ‘s o o t’. D er iv a tiv e o f bluaj (CAMAJ / 124). 0 MEYER Wb. 40; JOKL Studien 8-9 (to Skt malina- ‘ p,É/laç id .); LA PIANA Prefìsso 1 3 -1 4 (fr o m *le-bozè')\ ÇAB Etim. II 269-270 (a g r e e s w ith CAMAJ); M a n k Comp. Í fiam m a ‘fla m e ’). bluaj bluej
aor.

blova ‘to grind’. Borrowed from Lat moler

LOSICH Rom. Elemente 42; M e y eR Wb. 40). Among various i note bluaslike, blloshkë ‘splinter’ (Ç a b e j St. I 71). 0 M e y

Gr. G rundriß2 1 1054; JOKL IF XLIX 291; TAGLIAVINI Da K l i n g e n s c h m i t t Verbum 146; H a m p IF LX V II 147 *mel-); Ç a b e j Etim. II 270-271.

blud f, pi. binde ‘wooden bowl’. Singularized plural of the ! attested in dialects. Borrowed from Slav *bl’udo ‘dish, plate Slavic forms: OCS bijudo, Bulg b l’udo, SCr bljudo (1\

32

BORE -—

B O SH T

cf. Lat bolea ‘salamander’ (JOKL ZRomPh XLI 228-230). 0 M e y e r Wb. 41 (borrowed from Lat bêlua ‘beast, m onster’); SPITZER M RIW I 295 n. 1 (to Skt bhdla- ‘with shining skin’); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 85, Stra­ tificazione 133; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 328; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /12 31; HAARMAN 112; ÇABEJ Etim. II 283-285 (from IE *bhul- ‘to swell’); L a n d i Lat. 126. borë f, pl. bore, borëra ~ borna ‘snow’. Dialectal variants dè'bor, vdor, zborë, xborë and the like reflect PAlb *dis-bârâ with a borrowed suffix (JOKL IF XXXVII 193) or, rather, *is-bârâ with a Proto-Albanian suffix. The semantic structure of the word is similar to Rum zapada ‘snow’ < Slav *zapada ‘falling down (snow)’ and, therefore, *-bärä is linked to bie ‘to fall’ (ibid.; ClORANESCU DER II 9 1 0 ). In fact, borë may be a caique of the Slavic word (TRUBACEV Slav. jaz. XI 19). Its verbal correlate is zbjerr ‘to lose’ < *-ber-na. 0 CAMARDA I 100 (to Gk popéaç ‘North wind’); MEYER Wb. 4 2 (to Rum bora ‘North wind’ and - at the same time! - Slav *bur'a ‘storm ’); T h u m b IF X X V I 5 (from Gk ßopea«; ‘North wind’); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 85; HASDEU EMR I 106; L a PIANA St. Varia 2 4 -2 5 (to var); KRAHE IF LVII 113114 (to Maced Bora); CAMAJ 38; H a m p ZfceltPh XXXIX 210; ÇABEJ St. I 7 3 -7 4 (follows JOKL), Etim. II 2 8 7 -2 8 9 ; HULD 45-46; DEMIRAJ AE 1 0 6 -1 0 7 . borigë f, pi. boriga ‘kind o f pine; sp lin te r’. A nother variant is borikë. B o r ro w e d from South S lavic: B u lg borika ‘f ir -tr e e ’, SCr borika ‘pine’ (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 16; M e y e r Wb. 42). 0 JOKL/F XXXVII 94-95 (related to G k (pápuyí; ‘throat’ and IE *bher- ‘to cu t’); SELlSCEV Slav, naselenie 164; ÖLBERG /FLX X III 206 (fo llo w s J o k l) ; GAMKRE­ LIDZE - I v a n o v n 707 (follow Ö lb e r g ); Ç a b ej St. 1 74 (supports M e y e r ), Etim. II 289; S v a n e 125; D e m ir a j AE 107. bors m, pi. borsa ‘chaffinch, Fringilla’. Derived from borë as shown by names of chaffinch in other languages, cf. Fr pinson de neige, Germ Schneefink and the like (Ç a b e j St. I 7 5 , Etim. II 2 9 0 -2 9 1 ). 0 M e y e r Wb. 4 8 2 (borrowed from Slav * s k v o r b C b ‘starling’). bosht m, pi. boshte, boshtinj ‘spindle, axis, axle’. From PAlb *bästa close to Gmc *bôsta > OHG buost ‘rope made of bast’. Further related to Gmc *bastaz ‘bast’ as well as Lat fastis, Alb bashkë (O r el Festschr. Shevoroshkin 258). The spindle is, thus, described as ‘junc-

BO TË —

BRAZË

33

ture’. Note that boshtër ‘Forsythia’ is derived from bosht ( Ç a b e j St. I 75). 0 M e y e r Wb. 42 (derived from Ital bosso ‘box-tree’); GUYON St. Glott. Ital. V 11 (borrowed from Slav * b o d b C b ‘thorn, sharp stick’); T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 86; K l u g e 55; Z a l i z n ’a k Ètimologija ¡964 166; C a m a j Alb. Worth. 102 (préfixai b-)\ Ç a b e j Etim. II 292-293 (to bie ‘to carry’ or to Skt bhrsti-).

botë f. pi. bota ‘earth; world’. From PAlb *bwûtâ based on IE *bheu~ *bhfi- ‘to be, to grow ’ (JOKL Studien 7). Among derivatives of botë note botëm ‘pale’. 0 M EYER Wb. 43 (comparison with Lat bëtere, baetere ‘to go’); M a n n Language XXVI 380 (to Skt bhâta- ‘shining’, cf. Rum lume), Comp. 67; O r e l ZfBalk XXIII 144; Ç a b e j Etim. II 294-296; D e m i r a j AE 107.

bram m ‘residue, scoria, rust, ear-wax’. From PAlb *bradma connected
with Skt bradhná- ‘reddish, yellow’, Slav *brom, ‘colored’ < *brodrvh (Ç a b e j Etim. II 300; OREL Linguistica XXVI 174). For the semantic development cf. OHG rost ‘ru st’ based on IE *reudh- ‘red ’. 0 M a y r h o f e r I I 4 51; T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa III 41-42; M a n n C om p. 9 8 (to Lat fragmen ‘scrap, fragm ent’).

branë

f, pi. brana ‘harrow ’. Continues a South Slavic reflex of Slav *borna id.: Bulg brana, SCr brana (M ey er Wb. 44-45, mistakenly claims the Bulgarian form non-existent). The verb branis ‘to harrow ’ is bor­ rowed from S lav * borni ti. 0 SELlSCEV Slav, naselenie 15, 156; ÇABEJ Etim. II 301; S v a n e 31, 253.

bravë f ‘herd’. Borrowed from Slav *borvT> ~ *borva ‘cattle’, cf. in
particular Bulg brava, SCr pi. bravi (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 17; M e y e r Wb. 4 5 ). 0 S k o k I 203; Ç a b e j Etim. II 3 0 1 -3 0 2 ; S v a n e 134.

bravë f, pi. brava ‘door-lock’. A relatively late borrowing from SCr
brava id. (SKOK I 203) which might be connected with Rom *barra ‘bar’ (M ey er Wb. 45),0 S eli Sc e v Slav, naselenie 150, 306; Ç abej Etim. II 302; S v a n e 83.

braze f, pi. braza ‘furrow ’. Another (and more conservative) variant
is brazdë. Borrowed from Slav *borzda id., cf. South Slavic forms: Bulg brazda, SCr brazda (WEIGAND 9; S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 158, 3 2 2 ) 0 S e l i S c e v Slav, naselenie 158; Ç a b e j Etim. II 3 0 2 .; S v a n e 37.

34

BRAZIM

BREJ ~ BREJ

BREKË —

BRF.SHËR

BRESHËN

35

brazim m 'hoar-frost’. Derivative based on braze and semantically moti­
vated by the form of hoar-frost looking like wrinkles or furrows. 0 M e y e r Wb. 45 (from Venet brosa id., Friul brose id.); H UBSC H M ID Vox Rom. Ill 133 (from Venet bro.zima id.); Ç a b e j St. I 75 (derived from mraz), Etim. II 302; SV A N E 173.

JËGERS KZ L X X X 109. 0 M e y e r Alb.St. V 7 0 - 7 1 (to U n f rendó); JOKL

Studien 9; L a P ia n a Studi I 73 (fro m *bhoreiö); MAYRHOFER II 5 3 2 533; W a l d e -H o f m a n n I 5 4 9 ; R a s m u s s e n Morph, (re co n str u c ts *bhr-n-H-elo-); S v a n e GjA II 39 (brij < brej in flu en ced by aorist); D e m ir a j AE 1 0 8 -1 0 9 .

bredh m, pi. bredha ‘fir-tree’. From PAlb *brada etymologically con­
nected with Slav *bredrh ‘willow’ and, further, with *brodr ‘ford’, h Lith bradas id., all these forms based on IE *bhredh-, cf. bredh ‘to jump, to spring’ (O REL Ètimologija 1985 29-30). For the semantic moti­ vation, similar to that of Slav *bredT, (a tree growing or “walking” along the rivers or hill-slopes), cf. VASM ER I 210 and TRUBACEV ÈSSJa III 11-12. R u m brad ‘fir-tree’ is a Proto-Albanian loanword reflect­ ing the original root vowel of PAlb *brada. Note a derivative breshtë ‘fir-tree forest’. 0 C a m a r d a II 62 (to Lat bratus); D i e f e n b a c h I 50 (to Latv priëdé ‘pine’); JOKL IF XXX 208-210 (from IE *bhrozdh-); M e y e r Wb. 45-46 (compares bredh with the IE *bherag- ‘birch’); ClM OCHOWSKl LP II 231 (to ON barr ‘pine needle’); F r a e n k e l 58-59; C a m a j 121, 123 (reconstructs suffix *-dh-)\ POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 3237; R o s e t t i ILR I 273; P i s a n i Saggi 126 (reconstructs *bhreg- and links bredh to the IE name of birch, following M e y e r ) : H U L D KZ XCIX 247 (borrowed from Gk ßpaOu); TRUBACEV ÈSSJa III 13, 36-37; ÇABEJ Etim. II 303-305 (follows C A M A R D A ); DEM IRAJ AE 107-108.

brekë pi.

‘pants’. B orrow ed from Lat bracae ‘trousers, b reech es’ (M lK­

LOSICH Rom. Elemente 7; MEYER Wb. 4 6 ). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr.

Grundriß2 1 1043; MlHÄESCU RESEE I V /1-2 13; HAARMANN 112; ÇABEJ Etim. II 3 0 7 -3 0 8 ; LANDI Lat. 2 7 , 38.

brendaadv. ‘inside’. Together with other phonetic and morphonological
variants, brënda and mbrënda ~ mbrenda, continues a sequence of prepo­ sitions and adverbs PAlb *(en) per enta (C a m a r d a I 3 1 8 ). For the last component cf. nde. The derivative brëndës ‘intestines’, is the source of the Balkan word for goat- and sheep-cheese prepared in sheep’s stomach, cf. Rum brînzâ. 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 33 (from Lat intra); MEYER Wb. 4 7 -4 8 ; M a n n Language XVII 20-21 (from *en-preen-do); PASCU RE 27 (Rum brînzâ related to berr); RUSSU Etnogeneza 2 7 0 -2 7 3 ; Ç a b e j Etim. II 30 8 -3 1 0 ; H a a r m a n n 141 (from Lat per intu).

bredh aor. brodha ‘to jump, to spring’. From PAlb *breda identical with
Slav *bredç, *bresti ‘to wade, to ford’, Lith brendu, basti id. (M e y e r Wb. 4 6, Alb. St. Ill 28, 35, 71). 0 F r a e n k e l 58; P is a n i Saggi 125; H a m p ZfBalk X X V 43; ÇABEJ St. 1 7 5 -7 6 (to O E bregdan ‘to stir’), Etim. II 305; C a m a j Alb. Wortb. 113 (prefix b-); T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa III 14-15; D e m ir a j AE 108.

brengë f, pi. brenga ‘grief, sorrow ’. From PAlb *brain(i)ka connect­ ed with *brainja > brej ‘to gnaw’. For the semantic development cf. E remorse ( O r e l ZfBalk X X III/1 68). Rum brinca denoting a conta­ gious disease was borrowed from the intermediate Albanian form *brenka < *brain(i)kä and, quite probably, preserves its earlier meaning; thus, ‘illness’ > ‘grief’ ( Ç a b e j St. 1 7 6 , Etim. II 311 -3 1 2 ). 0 M e y e r Wb. 46; PHILIPPIDE Viat_a romaneascâ XVII 39; DiCU LESCU DR IV 4 7 7 (to Rum brîncâ < Gk ppàyxoç); M a n n Comp. 5 3 -5 4 (to Goth ana-praggan ‘to oppress’). breshër ~ breshën m ‘hail’. Singularized plural of *brash
-----------■■■■■---...I. r;;■ W? ■ X ; ff'.f.i
O ,

breg m, pi. brigje, bregje ‘hill, bank’. Borrowed from Slav *bergb ‘bank,
3 b reak ’ : Oír brúu id., M W breu ‘fr a g ile ’, OHG brosma 'er Wb. 47, Alb. Studien III 35, 61, 72). 0 C a m a r d a I X® 'to w e t’); W ie d e m a n n BB XXVII 245-247; P e d e r rgues against the above etym ology). Kelt. Gr. I 55; T a g LIa 87; L e w is -P e d e r se n 17; POKORNY I 171; CAMAJ Alb. -resh-ën 'fa llin g ’); ÖLBERG IF LXXII1 217; OREL ZfBalk econ stru cts *bhroisino- and co n n ects breshër ~ breshën

(Ç A B E J

St.

^

fiirtli

breg (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 17; MEYER Wb. 46). 0 SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 188; ÇABEJ Etim. II 305-306: SVANE 161. brej ~ brêj aor. brejta ~ brêjta ‘to gnaw’. From PAlb *brainja further connected with IE *bhrei- ‘to cut’: Skt bhrïnâti ‘(he) injures', Lat frió ‘to ru b ’, Slav *briti ‘to shave’ and the like (ORELZfBalk X X III/1 68; Ç a b e j Etim. II 306-307). For similar semantic development see

IE *bhreus- ‘I ‘c r u m b ’ (M e 78 (to Gk ßpi SEN IF V 38 (£ A VINI Dalmaz

Wortb. 53 (< I X X III/1 69 (i

38

BRUKK —

BRYMË

brymës id. (derivative of brymë) under the influence of brej AE 1 1 1 ) . 0 M e y e r Wb. 50 (derived from brej).

(DEM IRAJ

brukë f ‘tamarind’. From PAlb *bruka identical with Slav *b’ rkh ‘twig, b stalk, sharp end’. 0 H A M P Anc. IE 102; TRU BA C EV ÈSSJa III 128-129; ÇABEJ Etim. II 332 (borrowed from Gk jiuptKri via Dor *ßpt)Kt|). brume m, pl. brumë ‘dough’. Derived from mbruaj ~ mbruej, mbryj ‘to knead’ (ÇABEJ Etim. II 3 3 3 -3 3 4 ). From P A lb *bruma related to Gmc *barma ‘yeast’ (O E beorma) and Lat fermentimi ‘leaven, yeast’ (MEYER Wb. 49). 0 JOKL Studien 11, LKUBA 263; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 89; E r n o u t -M e il l e t 230; P is a n i Saggi 126; M a n n Language XVII 15 (reconstructs *bhreumo-)\ KLUGE 52; DEMIRAJ AE 111. brushtull f, pi. brushtulla ‘heather’. From PAlb *brust-ula related to Slav *br~hstb ‘sprout, bud’ and OS brustian ‘to shoot, to sprout’. 0 VAN W ij k /F X X I V 235; PUDIC IX ICL 8 6 2 -8 6 4 (from EGmc *brustilô, cf. E bristle); POGHIRC 1st. limb. rum. II 329 (to Dac riborasta, plant name); NEROZNAK Paleob. 197 (follows POGHIRC); TRUBACEV ÈSSJa III 58; G in d in - K a l u 2 s k a j a - OREL Bissi. 249; ÇABEJ Etim. II 3 3 5 -3 3 6 (bor­ rowed from Slav *bl’uscb). bruz adj. ‘blue, indigo’. From PAlb *brudja comparable with Slav *brudrb ‘dirt’, *brudbm, ‘dirty’ < IE *bhrou-dh-, cf. *bhrou-t- in Thrac Ppoûxoç ‘barley beer’ (OREL Linguistica XXVI 175). 0 DETSCHEW Thr. Sprachreste 93; ÇABEJ Etim. II 3 3 6 (to barrë); TRUBACEV ÈSSJa II 44. brydh adj. ‘weak, pliant, mild’. From PAlb *brüdza related to Lat früx ‘fruit’, Goth brukjan ‘to use’ (where IE *g should be reconstructed) The meaning in Albanian is based on the original notion of ‘used, worn out’. 0 MANN Language XXVIII 34 (to Slav *bT>rzT>), Comp. 5 4 , 111 (to W brydd ‘feeble, ailing’); POKORNY T 173; OREL Linguistica XXVI 175 (to Slav *bryd-bki, ‘disgusting, sharp’); Ç a b e j Etim. II 33 7 3 3 8 (to bredh ‘to jum p’). brymë f. ‘frost’. Borrowed from Lat bruma ‘cold, frost’ (CAMARDA I 53; M e y e r Wb. 49 ). 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 53 (from Lat pruína id.); C a m a j 4 7 (to IE *bher-); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 1 1 1046; M ih ä e s c u RESEE I V / 1-2 13; H a a r m a n 113; H u l d 46; Ç a b e j Etim. II 338; L a n d i Lat. 6 8 -6 9 .

BU A U . ~

BUELL

BUKË

39

buall ~ buell m , pl. buaj ~ buej 'buffalo’. An early borrowing from Slav
*byvoh> id. (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 16; SCHUCHARDT KZ XX 2 4 3 ) with the diphtongization of the group *-yvo- similar to that in patkua. The feminine form buallicë ~ buellicë goes back to Slav *byvolica. 0 STIER KZ XI 150 (borrowed from Lat bübalus id.); MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 1 (from Lat bübalus or Gk ßo\)ßaXo<;); MEYER Alb. St. I 6 4 , Wb. 5 0 (same etymology); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß21 1048 (agrees with M e y e r ); P e d e r s e n KZ XXXIII 5 3 5 ,5 4 1 ; M n iä e s c u RESEE IV / 12 13; H a a r m a n 113; Ç a bej St. I 7 9 (questions the phonetic validity of M e y e r ’ s etymology), Etim. II 3 3 9 -3 4 0 (identical with Thracian pôÀivôoç ‘bull’); T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa III 1 58-15 9 ; L a n d i Lat. 107, 137.
aor. buçita ‘to roar, to thunder’. Borrowed from Slav * bucati id., cf. South Slavic forms: Bulg buca, SCr bucati (DESNICKAJA Slav, zaini. 1 6 ) . 0 ÇABEJ Etim. II 3 4 5 (from SCr bucati)', SV A N E 2 6 0 . aor. bujta ~ bâjta ‘to accommodate (a guest); to stay overnight’. From PA lb *bunja related to Goth bauan ‘to stay’ and other derivatives of IE *bheu- ~ *bhü- ‘to be, to grow’ (CAMARDA 1 59; MEYER Wb. 5 1 , Alb. St. Ill 3 3 ). As to bunë ‘alpine hut', it continues *bunta derived from buj, cf. Lith butas ‘dwelling’ and OIr both ‘hut’ derived from IE *bhü-, 0 B UGGE BB XVIII 163; M e y e r Alb. St. V 71 (from IE *bheug(h)- ‘to bend’); FEIST Goth. 83-84; HASDEU EMR I 101; JOKL Studien 7 -8 , Reallex. Vorgesch. I 87; PORZIG Gliederung 150; PISANI Saggi 117, 121; GEORGIEV Issledovanija 119 (bunë to Thrac -ßouvov); ÇABEJ St. I 8 0 -8 1 (reconstructs *budnja and connects it with Slav *buditi ‘to wake up’ and its cognates), Etim. II 3 5 1 -3 5 3 ; DEMIRAJ AE 111-

buças

buj ~ bûj

112.

bujk m , pi. bujq ‘peasant’. Also attested as bulk. Borrowed from Lat bubulcus 'ploughman, herdsm an’ ( C a m a r d a I 180; M e y e r Wb. 53). From this stem, bulk, bulkth, burkth ‘cricket’ is derived. 0 MEYER Wb. 55 (burkth to *murk- ‘black’); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1050; TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 133; POGHIRC LB VI 99-100 (to murk); M i h ä e s c u RESEE I V / 1-2 30-31; H a a r m a n 113; M a n n Comp. 112 (burkth related to O E beorcan ‘to bark’); ÇABEJ Etim. II 356; LANDI Lat. 89, 135-136. bukë
f, pl. bukë ‘bread; m eal, m e a l-tim e ’. B o r ro w e d from Lat bucca ‘m o u th ’ w h ich in B alkan R om an ce m ean s ‘f o o d ’ as in R um bucà, cf.

40

BIJK ËI, —

BULBËR

also Rom *buccella ‘bread’, Ital baccella ‘mouthful’ (CAMARDA I 132; MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 7; MEYER Wb. 51). This semantic shift is typical of all the Carpatho-Balkan area (H am p AT?/, XXIV 315). 0 XYLAN­ DER 277 (to Phryg ßeico; ‘bread’); PU§CARIU EWR 19; MEYER LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß21 1046; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 46, Stratificazione 133; O S tir AArbSt I 84; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 90, Origini 190; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 27; H a a r m a n 113; H am p RomPh XXX1V/4 434; HULD 46; ÇABEJ Etim. II 357-358; DESNICKAJA Sravn. 317-323; L a n d i Lat. 66, 134.

bukël f, pl. bukla ‘weasel’. From PAlb *buklä connected with bukur
(MEYER Wb. 51-52). The variant bungël seems to be secondary (influ­ enced by bung?). Taking into account the lust as a specific feature of weasel (cf. bukur), to be further connected with IE *bheu- ‘to swell’, with its characteristic semantic development in Slavic (OCS bui lucopôç, òuppcov, Slav *bujbni> ‘violent, wild, lusty, fertile’), and in par­ ticular with Germanic formations in *-k-: OHG buhil ‘hill’ < *bhuk/-, ON boia ‘lump, knob’ < *bhukl-ön- (OREL ZfBalk X X III/1 69-70).0 B a riC AArbSt. II 79-80 (to Mir bocc, Skt bhugna-); TAGLIAVINI Strat­ ificazione 133 (thinks of a Romance loanword); SCHUCHARDT ZfromPh XXXIV 215 (to MFr bacoule id.); POKORNY I 98 f.; CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 119; MANN Comp. 124; Ç a b e j Etim. II 358.

bukur adj. ‘beautiful, fine, nice, pretty; good, noble; dim’. From PAlb
* bukur a etymologically connected with bukël, cf. Slav *laska ‘weasel’ ~ ‘caress’, Lith loksnus ‘tender’ (SCHUCHARDT KZ XX 254; M e y e r Wb. 51; O r e l ZfBalk X X III/ 1 6 9 -7 0 ). The semantic tertium comparationis is the weasel’s remarkable lust occasionally related to the notion of beauty and good (TRUBACEV in VASMER II 4 6 2 ; TOPOROV PJa III 2 7 9 -2 8 0 : on OPrus caune ‘m arten’). From (Proto-)Albanian the word was borrowed to Rum bucur (MEYER Wb. 5 2 ). 0 STIER KZ VII 160 (identical with Lat pulcher)-, ClHAC II 715 (borrowed from Turk buhur ‘incense’); BARIC AArbSt. II 7 9 -8 0 (to Ir boce ‘ark’); TAGLIAVINI Dal­ mazia 133; H a a s LB I 3 5 , 4 3 , III 51 (to Gk ß a u K p o q ) ; R O S E T T I ILR I 274; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 338 (explains both Albanian and Ruman­ ian words from the Balkan substratum); CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 119; ÇABEJ Etim. II 3 6 0 -3 6 2 . bulbër m ‘street dust’. Borrowed from Lat pulverem ‘dust’. Note the

BULË

HUNG

41

irregular voiced anlaut. 0 MEYER Alb.St V 71 (from Ital polvere id.); H e l b ig 39; Ç a b e j Etim. II 362. bulë f, pi. bula ‘b ud ’. B o r ro w e d from Lat bulla ‘b ub ble, b o ss, k n o b ’ ( M e y e r Wb. 5 3 ). 0 S c h m i d t KZ L 2 3 6 (to Gk tpúM-ov ‘le a f ’); B a r iC AArbSt I 145; PEDERSEN KZ XXXIII 536; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 90; MANN Language XXVI 387 (follow s S ch m id t); MlHÄESCU RESEE IV / 12 13; H a a r m a n n 113; M a n n Comp. 122 (to M H G bolle ‘bud’); Ç a b e j St. I 81 (a ccep ts M e y e r ’s e ty m o lo g y ), Etim. II 3 6 2 -3 6 3 ; L A N D I Lat.
93.

bulë f ‘soft flesh (on the rear side of the finger)’. Borrowed from MLat bulla ‘seal’ (Ç A B E J Etim. II 3 6 3 ). 0 H e l b i g 8 4 (from Ital bolla, Venet hola id.). bullar m. pl. bullarë ‘blindworm ’. Together with its variant bollar this word is derived from bolle (TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 9 0 ). It is the source of Rum bälaur ‘dragon’ from where other Balkan forms were borrowed. 0 M e y e r Wb. 41; B ari C ARSt 3-5 (from *bala ‘water, marsh’ and *var ‘snake’); PASCU RE 25 (reconstructs Rom *belluarius); D u r a n t e Rie. Ling. 1950, 2 7 0 -2 7 1 ; SKOK ZfromPh L 5 1 3 -5 1 7 ; ROSETTI ILR I 272; OREL Vestnik MGU. Filologija 1 9 8 1 /2 7 2 -7 6 (ancient Balkan ties of bullar)\ Ç a b e j Etim. II 3 6 6 -3 6 7 . bullog m ‘dragon’s dwelling’. Transformed from *burllog under the influence oí bullar. Borrowed from South Slav *b-hiiogb < Slav *bhiiogb ‘den, dwelling’, cf. Bulg b-brlog, Slovene brlog. Alb -ur- < South Slav -~br- indicates an early loanword. Another trace of Slav *bbtiogT> is bërllok ‘den’ (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 16 on bëtilok). 0 OREL Koll. Idg. Ges. 356; ÇABEJ Etim. II 211; SVANE 4 3 . bullungë f, pi. bullunga ‘lump, knob’. Formation in -unge (JOKL RIEtBalk. II 7 6 ) derived from *bull < PAlb * buina, etymologically con­ nected with IE *bheh- ‘to swell’ (OREL Zflìalk X X III/1 68). 0 MEYER Wb. 53 (from Rom *bullüca); SCHMIDT KZ L 2 3 6 (compares with Gk (p'úA.A.ov ‘leaf’); B a r i £ AArbSt 1 /1 -2 1 4 4 -1 4 5 (< bu- + lungë)', ÇABEJ St. I 8 2 (connects bullungë with ballë), Etim. II 3 6 8 -3 7 0 (to mullâ ~ mullë). bung m, pl. bunga ‘kind of oak, Quercus sessiflora’. From PAlb

42

BURDHË —

BURRË

I

* b u n fi

f**«m TP ^

‘t o rrro.w’ iiriH plo«p lv r^la tprl. to Arm ìli

/ord was son with inword); ‘thick’); onsume’ 102-103
1; M a n n •8; H a m p

Trakite 74 (same as GEORGIEV); Ç.ABEJ St. I 84-85 (accepts WIEDE­ MANN’s etymology), Etim. II 389-391; K l u g e 57; H u l d 46-47; K l in GENSCHMITT apud DEMIRAJ (from PAlb *burnas); D e m ir a j AE 113114.
bush m ‘boxwood’. Borrowed from Lat buxus id. (WEIGAND 10). 0 M eyer

Wb. 56 (from SCr bus id.); H elb ig 43, 76 (from Ital bosso); ÇABEJ Etim. II 392 (follows W eig an d 10).
bushtër f, pi. bushtra ‘bitch’, adj. ‘raging, wild’. An early borrowing

UEDRICH

II 3238;
ïL ZfBalk

)m PAlb Ige’, OE
•); H a m p

from Slav *bystrh, fem. *bystra ‘quick’ (TREIMER AArbSt I 27), cf. Russ borzoj ‘borzoi’ < ‘fast’. 0 C a m a r d a I 162 (to Lat bustum); M eyer Wb. 56 (to ON bikkja id., E bitch or to Lat bestia); JOHANSSON IF IV 268 (to Lat findö); La P ia n a Prefisso 14-15 (to bush ‘bogy, werewolf’); Ç a b e j Etim. II 394-395 (same as LA P i a n a ); M a n n Comp. 127 (related to Slav *by stri,).
but m, pl. bute ‘big barrel’. Borrowed from Lat buttis id. (M eyer-Lübke

: *burge (O r e l
D iefen CH Rom.

Gr. Grundriß21 1046). 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 6 (from Ital botte); H a a rm a n 113; Ç abej Etim. II 396; L andi Lat. 83-85.
b utë a d j. ’soft, smooth’. From PAlb *buta < IE *bhugh-to- compara­

prelimi. II 379-

ï gibüro :r *gb- >
j

ble with Nlr bog ‘soft’ < *bhugho-, Arm but‘ ‘blunt’ (PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 341). The source of both forms is IE *bheugh- ‘to bend’. 0 M e y er Wb. 57; P e d e rs e n Kelt. Gr. I 159; J o k l/F X L IV 54; M la d e ­ n ov IF XXXVIII 169-171; P o k o rn y I 152-153; O r e l Z ß a lk XXIII/1 70 (to buj); Ç abej Etim. II 397-398; M ann Comp. 121; K o r t l a n d t Arm-IE 114; DEMIRAJ AE 114.
b uzë f, pi buzë ‘lip, end, edge, bank, stitch, rock’. The word goes back

IL’FER-

ogically III 74; (follows - further (follows 1 (agrees h V 368iNI Saggi IEV IssleXXXIX

to PAlb *budja identical with Lith budë ‘tree-fungus, tinder, whet­ stone’ (O r e l LB XXVII 4 9 f.); semantically, cf. Slav *gçba ‘lip, treefungus’ (TOPOROV Balcanica 2 4 3 f.) and Rum buzä (see below). Both the Lithuanian and the Albanian words are related to IE *bhudh-men ‘bottom’ (Ç abej St. I 86, KALUZSKAJA SBJa Leksikol. 152 f.); the devel­ opment of meaning is paralleled in Alb fund ‘bottom, end, edge’. Alb buzë is the source of Rum buzä ‘lip, edge, sharp edge, top of a rock’, Arum hudzä ‘lip, edge’. The latter forms were borrowed into Slavic: Bulg buza ‘cheek’, Maced buza ‘lip’, SCr budza ‘mouth, lip’, buza

BUSH —

BUZË

43
P
a u a i

p'm/ï irunK (Ç’ ôtÿ'ôil i o3, ¿urn, n J / J - 375). The Albanian i  borrowed to Rum bunget ‘thicket’. 0 MEYER Wib. 5 4 (compar Slav *buky, *buki, ‘beech’ which, however, is a Germanic lo BARIC I 103 f. (to Lith bìngìis ‘brave, courageous’ or Gk nay\y. JOKL LKUBA 1 7 7 -1 7 9 (to Skt bhundkti ‘to enjoy, to use, to c because of the edible nature of acorns!); LA PIANA Studi I (to Gk <pàyoç and Phryg Bayatoç); ACAREAN HAB I 4 8 3 -4 8 Language XXVI 387 (to OHG bunga ‘lum p’); POKORNY I 1 4 6 -1■ LB X X 117 (to the Indo-European name of ‘beech’ *bhâgnâ)\ F Trees 108; CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 118; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. R o setti ILR I 274; H a m p I ß X X / 1-2 117 (from *bhäg-n-)\ O r X X III/ 1 70; D em ir a j AE 1 1 2 -1 1 3 (supports H a m p ). burdhë f ‘kind of sack’. Attested in Albanian of Greece. Fr *burdä < IE *bhrdh- further related to ON bord ‘board, e bord id. 0 POKORNY I 138; Ç a b e j SCL X 556 (to Germ Biird, RRL IV 335 (reconstructs *bhorH-da)\ D e m ir a j AE 113. burg m, pi. burgje ‘prison, stable’. B orrow ed from Gm ‘borough, fenced area’: Goth baurgs, OHG burg and the lil Festschr. Shevoroshkin 258). 0 C a m a r d a I I 145 (to Gk rcùpyoç) BACH apud M e y e r Wb. 54-55 (from M Lat burica ); MlKLOS Elemente 7 (from Rom *burgus)\ MEYER Wb. 54-55 (variou itiary guesses); ZALlZN’AK Ètimologija 1964 206; ÇABEJ Etir 383 (follows C a m a r d a ). burrfi m, pi. burra ‘m an, h u sb a n d ’. B o r r o w e d fro m OH<
‘p easan t, v illa g e r ’ w ith the sim p lifica tio n o f the anlaut clu st

O ^ f l-

T > t T D J i^ a ^ T Q sV

b-. C f. a sim ilar so u rc e o f H ung por id. < O B avar *pour. 0 DING Otn. 21 (to Skt púrusa- ‘m a n ’); M e y e r Wb. 55 (etym o id en tifie s burrë w ith O H G gibiiro, G erm Bauer), Alb. Si SCHUCHARDT KZ X X 254 (fro m M Lat barro)-, PISANI Saggi M e y e r ); W i e d e m a n n BB X X V II 219 (reco n stru cts *bhornc co n n ected w ith O H G baro ‘(fr e e ) m a n ’); JOKL LKUBA 230 W ie d e m a n n and reconstructs *bhe rno-); T ag lia v in i Dalmazia i w ith Jo k l ), T a g l ia v in i Stratificazione 113; V a s m e r Zfslavf 369 (to Illyr B oû p oi); RlBEZZO Riv. Alb. II 135 n ote 1; Pis. 121; M a n n Language X V II 13 (reconstructs *hhfnio-); G eorg dovanija 119 (to Thrac -ßoup); H a m p St. Whatmough 76, ZfceltPi

44

BYR —

CA

‘mouth, lip, kiss’. T h e status of Pol buzia ‘mouth, face’ and Ukr buz'a id. (< Polish?) is dubious. Alb buzëm ‘edge, stone at the edge of the hearth, piece of wood burned down at Christm as’ is a late derivative of buzë and, therefore, cannot be a base for a deep semantic recon­ struction as suggested by TOPOROV (Ètimologija 1976 1 3 6 f.) in con­ nection with SCr badnjak. 0 C A M A R D A I 5 2 (cognate of Lat bucca ‘mouth’); MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 5 (from Lat basium ‘kiss’); MEYER Wb. 5 7 (from *bus-zë compared with Lat bucca ‘mouth’ and derived from IE *buk-); PU §C A R IU EWR 2 1 , LR I 1 7 7 ; PEDERSEN Alb. Texte 1 1 4 (compares with Lith burna ‘mouth’, Arm heran id.); JOKL Studien 1 1 -1 2 , LKUBA 1 4 3 , 2 7 8 (follows PEDERSEN; identifies -zë as a collective suffix); TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 8 7 (onomatopoeia); L A PIANA Studi I 1 0 3 (from IE *bheu<)- ‘to swell’); PISA N I Paideia XXI 3 4 3 ; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 3 2 9 ; POK O RNY I 1 7 4 (to IE *bu- ‘lip, kiss’); ÇABEJ St. I 8 6 - 8 7 (derives buzë from *bhrdhja and compares it with E board'.), Etim. II 4 0 0 - 4 0 2 ; NIK O LA EV Antic, balk. 5 30 (buzë borrowed from North Caucasian); BU G A I 3 2 4 (identifies Lith bucle ‘fungus’ and Imcle ‘whetstone’); F r a e n k e l 6 1 - 6 2 ; B a r iç Hymje 6 6 ; V a il l a n t BL X IV 1 6 (Rum buzä < Slav *loh-hza): BER I 8 7 ; ROSETTI ILR I 2 7 4 ; OREL Roll. Idg. Ges. 3 5 6 ; D e m ir a j AE 1 1 4 - 1 1 5 . byr aor. byra ‘to carry out, to perform , to execute’. Continues PAlb *büra related (as a causative) to IE *bhü- ‘to be, to grow ’. It is prob­ able that the Proto-Albanian verb is a denominative based on an unat­ tested abstract noun *bhürom > *büra. 0 X H U V A N I KLetr 1/3 2 (based on bëj); Ç A B E J Etim. TI 408-409 (derived from bie). bythë f, pl. bythë ‘backside, buttocks’. A Proto-Albanian compound of mbë and vit he, with -v- resulting from PAlb *-iwi- as in qytet. 0 B a r i C AArbSt I 141-142 (compound of mbë and ith); TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 87; S c h m id t KZ L 236 (to IE *bhü-); H a m p ZfceltPh XXXIX 211-212; Ç abej Etim. I I 410-411; M a n n Comp. 57-58 (from IE *busd(h)b, related to Gk Puaoôç ‘depth’).

c
ca
pron. ERSEN

‘some’. From the sequence of article të and pronoun sa (P E D ­ Alb. Texte 20, KZ XXXVI 316). 0 C A M A R D A 1214 (links ca to

CA LIK

CEP

45

sa); M e y e r Wb. 383 (connects ca with the pronominal stem s-); Ç a b e j St. I 87 (follows P e d e r s e n ), Etim. Ill 3-4. calik m, pl. calikë ‘goat-skin'. Borrowed from Slav *celikh ‘whole object’, in this case, ‘whole skin’ (OREL Ètimologija 1983 135). 0 Mey'ER Wb. 439; POLÁK Orbis X V I131 (to Gk GaÀÀiç); ÇABEJ St. I 87 (unacceptable comparison with cull), Etim. 6-7. camërdhok m ‘little b o y ’. O f unclear o rig in . 0 G a z u l l i 18 (p refix ca-); ÇABEJ Etim. 8 (to callok id.). carac m, pi. caraca ‘nettle tree’. Of unknown origin. 0 ÇABEJ St. I 88 (cognate of ther). carbë f, pi. carba ‘scrap, rag’. Borrowed from Slav *carbba ‘daub, dirt’ attested only in Czech carba but believed to be of much wider distri­ bution originally. 0 M e y e r Wb. 439 (to NGk xaepßot>A,ia ‘kind of shoe’ and the like); ÇABEJ St. I 88 (to carac and ther). care f, pi. care ‘witch’. Borrowed from Slav *cara ‘witchcraft’, cf. South Slavic forms: SCr cara, Slovene cara id. (M e y e r Wb. 439; OREL Ètimo­ logija 1983 138). 0 S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 185; SVANE 214. carrok m, pl. carrokë ‘lad, youth’. The etymology is uncertain. 0 ÇABEJ St. I 88-89 (to carac and ther). cek aor. ceka ‘to touch’. A variant of cerk. The noun ceke ‘intention, aim’ is a deverbative. 0 ÇABEJ Etim. Ill 16-17 (onomatopoeia). cemtë adj. ‘cold (of w ater)’. Derived from cermë ‘cold’ (ÇABEJ Etim. Ill 18-19). cenis aor. cenita ‘to value’. Borrowed from Slav *ceniti id., cf. in South Slavic: Bulg cen'a, SCr ceniti (JOKL Studien 103). 0 SKOK AArbSt II 3 43 n. 3 (identical with cmoj); ÇABEJ Etim. Ill 2 0 (follows JOKL). cep ra, pi. cepe ‘angle, edge’. Phonetic variant of thep (JOKLBalkangerm. 125). 0 M e y e r Wb. 446 (mistaken spelling çep); Ç a b e j Etim. Ill 2021 (agrees with JOKL); DEMIRAJ AE 115-116.

46

CERK

C IL I

cerk aor. cerka ‘to hit’. From PAlb *tserka related to ther. The form cerk preserved the original affricate. cermë f ‘arthritis’. Borrowed from Slav *cbrnrb ‘inflammation’ attest­ ed in South Slavic as Slovene crm (OREL Festschr. Shevoroshkin 258). 0 Ç a b e j St. I 90 (historically identical with thermë - this view can be only accepted for cërmë ‘cramp, spasm’), Etim. Ill 22-23. cermë adj. ‘cold, cool’. Continues PAlb *tserma related to Lith sarmh ‘frost’, Latv sarma id . 0 Ç a b e j St. I 9 0 (identical w it h cermë ‘arthri­ tis’). cëmoj aor. cëmova ‘to hurt’. Derived from thermë with a dialectal change of th-. Thus, cëmoj < *thermoj. 0 JOKL LKUBA 3 1 8 - 3 1 9 (related to thimth, thumb)', ÇABEJ St. I 9 0 (same as JOKL), Etim. Ill 2 4 - 2 5 . cërij aor. cërita ‘to m elt b u tter’. B ased on P A lb *tsira rela ted to Skt srdyati ‘to cook, to fry’, Gk KÍpvT|pi ‘to m ix’. 0 FRISK I 824-825; POKORNY I 582; ÇABEJ Etim. Ill 25 (o n o m a to p o eia cër cër o f b o ilin g o il). cëril m ‘thrush’. Another variant is cërlle. An early Slavic loanword, borrowed from *c¡,rnidlo ‘black (object)’ (MEYER Wb. 440). 0 K r ist o FORIDHI 202; Skok I 278 (same as MEYER); VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. I 62-63 (from Romance, cf. Ital merla id.); ÇABEJ Etim. Ill 25-27 (ono­ matopoeia). cfurk m, pi. cfurqe ‘pitchfork’. Derived from fu rkë (M ey er Wb. 114). cicë f, pi. cica ‘breast, nipple’. An element of the child language, cf. thithë (T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 290). 0 M e y e r Wb. 90 (adduces S la v ic and Romance parallels), Alb. St. Ill 44; SCHUCHARDT KZ X X 255 (from Romance); JOKL Balkangerm. 127-128; ClMOCHOWSKl LP II 234; Ç a b e j 5/. I 91 (follows T a g l ia v in i ), Etim. Ill 30-31. cili pron. ‘which’. Together with its older variant cilë, cili continues *të silë, cf. ca (MEYER Wb. 383). As to *silè\ it appears to be a recent formation based on si (PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 316). 0 JOKL LKUBA 50 (derives -/- of cili from *-/«-); LAMBERTZ IF XXXIV 113 n. 2 (recon­ structs a suffix *-/- in cili similar to that of Lat talis ‘such’); Ç a b e j St. I 91-92 (follows PEDERSEN), Etim. Ill 34-38.

C.'IMB

CM AG

47

cimb m, pi. cimba ‘sting’. A dialectal form related to thimth as well as cimak id. (JOKL Idg. Jb. XXIV 217). 0 ÇABEJ St. I 92, Etim. Ill 39. cip m ‘point, tip; upper part’. A d ialectal form stand in g for *thip and co n n ected w ith thep id. 0 ÇABEJ Etim. Ill 2 0 -2 1 . cipë f, pi. cipa ‘thin skin; milk skin’. Derived from cip in its meaning of ‘upper part’ (Ç a b e j £ ? îw . Ill 44-45). 0 MEYER Wb. 441 (borrowed from Slavic). cirlë f, pi. cirla ‘blackbird’. An onomatopoeia similar to that of Slav *cirbk'b ‘teal’. 0 MEYER Wb. 440 (mistakenly reconstructs *cënilie as borrowed from Slav *cbrnidlo). citë adj. ‘full, brim -full’. From PAlb *tseita etymologically identical with Slav *cifh ‘whole’, Lith kietas ‘hard’ and continuing IE *k“ eiatos. The verb eis ‘to saturate, to stuff < *tsitja also belongs here. 0 C a m a r d a 1 8 7 -8 8 (cis to Gk c u e t x o ‘to feed’); MEYER Wb. 4 41 (compared with NGk Tcmoùvo) ‘to fill holes with lim e’); VAILLANT RÉS VI 1 0 6-107; F r a e n k e l 252; T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa IV 1 24-1 2 5 ; Ç a b e j Etim. Ill 4 8 -4 9 (from Slavic). cjap m, pi. cjep ‘he-goat’. Various forms including cap and sqap con­ tinue P A lb *tsapa which, together with Slavic *cap-h id., Rum lap id. and Ital zappo id., reflects an Oriental Wanderwort of Iranian or Altaic origin, cf. NPers capis ‘one year old goat’, Osset ccew ‘goat’, OTurk cäbis ‘six-months old kid’. 0 POTT KZ IV 7 0 (connected with Lat caper ‘he-goat’); M e y e r Wb. 3 8 7 -3 8 8 (the same); PHILIPPIDE Or. Rom. II 738 (Rum lap from Albanian); DENSUSIANU GS I 2 4 3 -2 4 4 (against the Latin etymology of Rum lap)-, SPITZER MRIW I 2 9 2 (Rumanian loanword); R o z w a d o w s k i Roczn. S4aw. II 109 (Iranian parallels); R o h l f s ZfromPh XLV 6 6 2 -6 6 4 (independent sources of Romance, Albanian and other words for ‘goat’); TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 1 3 3 -1 3 4 ; A b a e v I 307; HUBSCHMID Pyren. 4 9, Kult. SOE 89; RUSSU TD 203 (Rum lap from Dacian); TRUBACEV ¿iv. 89; ROHLFS ZfromPh XIV 6 2 4 (preRomance nature of Rum lap = Ital dial, zappo id.); R o se t t i ILR I 282; K l e p ik o v a SPT 4 8-50; M eier Etym. 56; T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa IV 172-173; Ç a b e j Etim. Ill 4 9 -5 1 (follows M e y e r ). cmag m, pl. cmage ‘peg’. Another variant is cmak. Together with

48

CUB

CV S

cimak this w ord is related to cimò (ÇABEJ St. I 9 3 , Etim. Ill 5 1 -5 2 ). 0 V a s m e r Alb. Wortforsch. 6 2 -6 3 .
cub adj. ‘with a short tail, with a tail cut o ff. An early borrowing from

Slav *cub:b ‘tuft of hair’ and also ‘stump, a cut off piece’. 0 M e y e r 442 (to SCr cupa ‘tuft of h air’); ÇABEJ Etim. Ill 58-59 (to cup).
cu b m ‘robber, brigand’. Borrowed from a Germanic source, cf. Goth

piubs ‘thief’, OHG diob ( M a n n Language XXVI 384). 0 Ç a b e j Etim. Ill 58 (to cub ‘with a short tail’).
c u cë f, pi. cuca ‘girl, maiden’. An onomatopoeic form with parallel for­

mations in Slavic as well as in Hung csucsa ‘loved one’ (M e y e r Wb. 443). 0 MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 17; JOKL apud ÇABEJ St. 1 93-94 (from *cull-ce to cull)\ TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 113; MANN Language XXVI 384-385 (to Goth piwi); BRÎNCU§ SCL 1 (1961) 25-28; ÇABEJ Etim. Ill 59-60.
cu ll m, pi. culle ‘youth, boy’. A relatively recent loanword from Ital ciullo

‘nincompoop’ < fnaciullo (MEYER Wb. 4 4 9 -4 5 0 ; TAGLIAVINI Dal­ mazia 3 1 5 -3 1 6 ). 0 ÇABEJ St. I 95 (reconstructs the original meaning as ‘skin’), Etim. Ill 6 3 -6 5 .
cup adj. ‘odd (uneven)’. Continues PAlb *tsupa from IE *i(e)u-po-, based on *keu(a)- ‘to swell’, cf. in particular Skt sünyá- ‘em pty’. As far as the suffix is concerned, cf. Skt só-pha- ‘swelling’. 0 POKORNY 1 5 9 2 5 9 3 ; ÇABEJ Etim. I l l 6 7 (identical with sup). curr aor. curra ‘to prick up (ears)’. A phonetic and semantic variant

of thur.
curr m, pi. curra ‘high rock’. A nominal derivative of the verb curr. 0 JOKL Studien 115-116 (borrowed from Hbr sòr ‘rock’); BARIÍ ARSt.

I 104 (reconstructs *krno-, to OIr cam), AArbSt. II 388; ÇABEJ St. I 96 (to Arm sur ‘sword’, Goth hairus id.), Etim. Ill 68-69.
c y s aor. cyta ‘to spur on, to tease’. A difficult word. Maybe, a secondary

formation in -s based on thyej. 0 JOKL Mélanges Pedersen 105-106, 149 (to qoj and, further, to Lat ciere ‘to move’); M a n n Language XXVIII

CYTH

ÇAM

49

31-32 (from *teudio)\ ÇABEJ St. I 96-97, II 327 (related to nxis), Etim. Ill 71; DEM IRAJ AE 116. cyth aor. cytha ‘to prick’. An onomatopoeia or an unusual derivative of thyej. Not at all clear.

Ç
çafkë f, pl. çajka ‘heron’. Borrowed from Slav *cavbka ‘daw, magpie’, cf. South Slavic forms: Bulg cavka. SCr cavka (M E Y E R Wb. 443). A homonymie çafkë ‘glass, cup’ is borrowed from Slav *casbka ‘small bowl’. 0 ÇA BEJ St. I 97 (adducing dialectal cap id., reconstructs *capkë > çafkë), Etim. Ill 75-76 (from çap)\ SV A N E 145. çaj aor. çava ‘to split, to cleave, to smash, to batter, to chop up’. A par­ allel variant is NGeg shaj. From PAlb *tsenja, formed on the basis of IE *sked- ‘to split’: Skt skhadate id., Gk OKe5ávv\)(j.v id. and the like (JOKL IF X X X 196). Note çazë ‘le a f representing a derivative in -zë. 0 M EY ER Wb. 444 (to Gk a x â Ç c o ‘to cut, to incise’); TAG LIA VIN I Dal­ mazia 97; PISANI Saggi 119; POKORNY I 918-919; M AYRHOFER III 507; F r i s k II 721; C a m a j Alb. Wotb. 60; O r e l Z ß a lk X X III/1 71; Ç a b e j St. I 98, Etim. Ill 77; H ULD 47-48 (reconstructs *-a- in the Proto-Alban­ ian root); D e m i r a j AE 116-117 (çaj < *dë-shaj, related to Lat sariO ‘to weed’). çajme f, pl. çajme ‘red-backed shrike, heron’. Derived from Slav *caja, *cajbka ‘gull, lapwing’, cf. South Slavic forms: Maced âajka, Slovene cdjka (Ç A B E J Etim. Ill 77). 0 M EY ER Wb. 443 (uncertain rela­ tion to Slav *capja ‘heron’). çalë a d j. ‘lame’. From PAlb *stsala related to Gk c t k o A.i ô ç ‘crooked’, Lat scelus and their cognates (M E Y E R Wb. 443). 0 JOKL IF X X X 194 (from IE *skel-no-); M A N N Language XXVIII 40 (from IE *eksskolffios); PISANI Saggi 128; F r i s k II 723-724; CH ANTRAINE 1013; P o k o r n y I 928; Ç a b e j Etim. Ill 80 (to shale); D e m i r a j AE 117-118 (reconstructs *dë-shalë). çam m, pl. çamë, çamër ‘Chamerian, inhabitant of the western part of Epirus’. Borrowed from early dial. Slav *camb or *cama rendering

50

ÇANDER —

ÇA S

an earlier *tjama, the latter reflecting the Greek river-name 0 ù a |iiç of Epirus. 0 L e a k e Greece 13 (establishes the connection between çam and 0{kxuic); ÇABEJ St. 198 (treats çam as a direct continuation of 0ùa|iiç), Etim. Ill 82-83.
çandër f, pl. çandra ‘prop, support’. F rom *stsentra reflecting a singularized plural of the Indo-European neut. *skentrom with j-mobile, close to IE *kentrom (O r el Festschr. Shevoroshkin 2 5 9 ): Gk K cvtpov ‘goad, spur’, cf. also Latv sits ‘spear, lance’ < Balt *sintas. The anlaut ç(a)- excludes the possibility of a borrowing from Latin or a Romance language, cf. qendër. 0 POKORNY I 5 6 7 ; F r is k I 8 2 0 -8 2 1 ; OREL ZfBalk X X III/ 1 71 (mistaken comparison with çaj); ÇABEJ Etim. Ill 8 4 (variant of dialectal qandër < qendër). çap aor. çapa ‘to chew’. From P A lb *stsepa connected with IE *sícep-

‘to cut, to split’ (J o k l IF XXX 192-193). Note that çapë ‘step’, çap ‘to step, to pace, to go’ represent a metaphoric usage of çapë ‘bite, piece’, çap ‘to chew’. 0 MEYER Wb. 444 (connects çapë ‘step’ with Turk çapmak ‘to run’ as well as with Slav *stgpiti ‘to step’); MANN Language XXVIII 40 (prefix *eks- followed by hap); POKORNY I 930-932; OREL ZfBalk XXIII/1 72; Ç a b e j Etim. Ill 84-85.
çapua ~ çap u e m, pl. çaponj ‘spur (of a rooster)’. Derivative of çapë ‘step’ (ÇABEJ Etim. Ill 89). çarë f, pl. çara ‘fissure, crack’. Borrowed from Slav *cara ‘line, rent,

cleft’, presently attested in South Slavic only in Slovene cara (O r el Ètimologija 1983 135-136). 0 OREL ZfSlaw XXX/6 914.
çars aor. Çarta ‘to d estro y , to s p o il’. F rom P A lb *stsertja b a sed on IE

*sker-ti-, cf. O N skera ‘to cu t’, Lith skirti id. and the lik e (Jo k l IF XXX 195-196, XXXVII, 1 0 0 -1 0 1 , LKUBA 156). 0 F r a e n k e l 8 0 3 ; P o k o r n y I 9 3 8 -9 4 2 ; Ç a b e j Etim. Ill 9 1 -9 2 ; D e m ir a j AE 118 (o r ig in a lly , from *dë-shart-).
ças m, pl. çase ‘moment, tim e’. Another variant is çast (with -t gener­ alized from locative as in në çast, cf. ÇABEJ Etim. III 9 3 -9 4 ). Borrowed

from Slav *casi> ‘tim e’, cf., in particular, South Slavic forms: OCS casi> Bulg cas, SCr cas (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 17; M e y e r Wb. , 4 4 5 ). 0 S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 197; SVANE 176.

ÇEK

— ÇERDHE

51

çek aor. çeka ‘to to u c h ’. A n o n o m a to p o e ia ex istin g in m any p hon etic
v arian ts, cf. cek id ., cik id. and cok id. (Ç a b e j Etim. Ill 9 8 ).

çel aor. çela ‘to open’. From P A lb *stsela etymologically related to Hitt iskallâi- ‘to tear up’, ON skilja ‘to split’, Lith skeliu, ske'lti id. (JOKL IF XXX 194-195, WuS XII 70). 0 PISANI Saggi 125; MANN Language XXVIII 40 (from IE *eks-skeliö)\ FRAENKEL 800; BORETZKY Z ß a lk V III/1-2 21-26 (on çelës ‘key’ < ‘opener’ as an Oriental semantic caique); ÇABEJ Etim. Ill 100-101; H a m p Münch. St. Spr. XL! 52 (< *dz-sel- < IE *sel- ‘to put’). çelê f ‘best part’. Borrowed from Slav *ëelo ‘head’, its South Slavic reflexes (Bulg celo and SCr celo) having a specific meaning of a ‘front, visible place’ and ‘end, edge’ (ÇABEJ St. I 98, Etim. Ill 101). 0 SVANE 180. çelitet refi, ‘to recover, to get well’. Borrowed from Slav *celiti ‘to heal’, cf. South Slavic continuants: OCS celiti, Bulg cel’a, SCr cijeliti. çelnik m, pl. çelnikë ‘senior shepherd’. Borrowed from Slav *celbnikT> ‘leader, head’, cf. South Slavic reflexes: Bulg celnik, SCr ceonik (S eli Scev Slav, naselenie 179). As to geling ‘senior shepherd’, it goes back to NGk xoéXiyKaç id., ultimately, from the same Slavic source (ÇABEJ St. I 98). The variant çelik was influenced by an Albanian Turkism çelik ‘steel’. 0 S v a n e 194; Ç a b e j Etim. Ill 102. çem aor. çema ‘to bring to light, to disclose, to reveal, to broach’. From PAlb *stsepna etymologically connected with çap (OREL ZfBalk X X III/1 72). For the semantic development cf. O N skilja ‘to separate, to divide’ > ‘to understand’ (BUCK 1207). 0 JOKL Studien 91 (divides çem into prefix ç- and -em < *apniö compared with Lat apiö ‘to fasten, to attach’); ÇABEJ St. I 98-99, Etim. Ill 103. çerdhe f, pl. çerdhe ‘nest’. A singularised plural of the original *çerdhë. An early borrowing from Slav *cerda ‘row, herd, flock’ (Bulg creda, SCr (reda) with a particularly interesting shift of meaning (MEYER Wh. 4 4 6 ). 0 JOKL AArbSt I 38 (reconstructs *skerdh- related to Lith skerdzius ‘shepherd’ and its cognates); ÇABEJ LP VII 199, St. I 99, Etim. Ill 108-109.

52

ÇE R R —

ÇMOJ

çerr m, pl. çerra ‘w ren ’. A substantivized use o f a borrow ed S lavic adjec­ tive *cbrm> ‘b la ck ’ (OREL Festschr, Shevoroshkin 2 5 9 ). 0 Ç a b e j Etim. I ll 111 (o n o m a to p o eia ). çe të f, pl. çeta ‘clan , arm ed g r o u p ’. B o r ro w e d from S la v *ceta id ., cf. S outh S la v ic form s: B u lg ceta , SC r ceta (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 17; M e y e r Wb. 4 4 6 -4 4 7 ). 0 S e l i S c e v Slav, naselenie 184; S v a n e 202; Ç a b e j Etim. I ll 112. çetinë f, pl. çetina ‘pine-tree’. Borrow ed from Slav *cetina ‘bristle, needles’, cf. in particular South Slavic: B u lg cetina, SCr cetina ( Ç a b e j St. I 9 9). 0 S v a n e 125; Ç a b e j Etim. I ll 112.

çë pron. ‘w hat’. W ith a fu ll redu ction o f v o w e l, a lso is u sed in the form o f ç ’. F rom P A lb *tsi con tin u in g IE *k“ H itt knit, Gk x i, Lat quid id: and the lik e (B a r iC AArbSt I 2 0 6 , II 399; H u ld 4 7 ). 0 MEYER Wb. 218 (b orrow ed from R um ce id.); PEDERSEN KZ X X X V I 3 2 8 (from *qish); TREIMER KZ L X V 3 88 (b o rro w ed from SCr ca id.); M a n n Language
X X V III 35; F r is k II 9 0 3 -9 0 4 ; W a ld e - H o f m a n n II 4 0 4 -4 0 5 ; Ç a b e j

St. I 97 (id en tica l w ith që), Etim. I ll 7 3 -7 4 .
çim k ë f, pl. çimka ‘b u g ’. A nother variant is qimkë. B o r ro w e d from Lat clmicem id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 14). A nother w ord for ‘b u g ’, çimërr, se em s to be an e x p r e ssiv e form a tio n b ased on çimkë. 0 STIER KZ X I 137; MEYER Wb. 2 2 7 (from SC r kimak id.); TAGLIAVINI Dal­ mazia 146; MlHÄESCU RESEE I V / 1-2 22; H a a r m a n n 117; Ç a b e j Etim. I ll 1 1 9 -1 2 0 (fo llo w s M ik l o s ic h ). çjerr aor. çorra ‘to tear up’. From P A lb *stsera e ty m o lo g ic a lly related to OIr scaraim ‘to se p a r a te’, O N skera ‘to c u t’, Lith skiriii, skirti ‘to separate’ and the like (C a m a r d a I 69, 87; M e y e r Wb. 410-411). 0 M a n n Language X X V III 4 0 (from *eh-skerjö); F r a e n k e l 808; VENDRYES [SJ 3 3 -3 4 ; Ç a b e j Etim. I ll 124. çm oj aor. çmova ‘to e s tim a te ’. B o r r o w e d fro m Lat aestimäre id. (M e y e r Wb. 4 4 8 ). 0 M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1052; M a n n

Language X X V III 35 (related to Gk iifiá co ); MlHÄESCU RESEE I V / 12 12; H a a r m a n 110; Ç a b e j Etim. I ll 1 2 6 -1 2 7 .

ÇNDEROJ —

ÇU N

53

çn d eroj aor. çnderova ‘to dishonor’. Borrowed from Lat exhonoräre

id.
çoj aor. çova ‘to bring, to rise, to send’. Borrowed from Lat excire, exciëre

‘to call out, to cause, to wake’. 0 C a m a r d a I 68 (to Gk kíco); M e y e r Wb. 4 4 8 (from Lat excitare); T r e im e r MRIW I 341 (against M e y e r , reconstructs *skë- in the anlaut); JOKL Studien 81 (accepts the view of CAMARDA), Mélanges Pedersen 145 (close to CAMARDA’ s view, from *ds-qoj); B a r iC ARSt. I 73 (to Goth skewjan ‘to go’); TAGLIAVINI Dal­ mazia 9 8 (agrees with MEYER); SCHMIDT KZ LVII 8 -1 0 (to Lat sâgiô ‘to feel’); MANN Language XXVIII 40 (from *eks-skëuio); Ç a bej Etim. Ill 128 -1 3 0 ; DEMIRAJ AE 119.
ç o tillë f, pl. çotilla ‘stamp, kind of long blender’. A metathesized form

of toçillë (Ç a b e j St. I 102, Etim. Ill 134). 0 B a r i C ARSt. I 73, AArbSt I 1 5 6 -1 5 7 (compares with Lat quatiO ‘to wield, to beat’); JOKL Mélanges Pedersen 145 n. 1 (to çutër ‘stream, brook’).
çu b ë f, pl. çuba ‘bush, shrubbery’. Borrowed from Slav *cuba ‘lock,

forelock, curl’ (SCr cuba) with a semantic innovation. 0 MANN Lan­ guage XXVI 380 (related to Slav *cuba); ÇABEJ Etim. Ill 135-136 (related to kaçubë).
çu d is aor. çudita ‘to astonish’. Borrowed from Slav *¿uditi id. as well

as Geg çudë ‘wonder’ - from Slav *cudo id. (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 18; M e y e r Wb. 449). As to çudi id., it is an Albanian derivative of çudis. 0 S e l i S c e v Slav, naselenie 1 9 1 , 3 2 3 ; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 98; T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa IV 1 27-129; S v a n e 231; Ç a b e j Etim. III 1 3 6 -1 3 7 .
ç u k ë f. pl. çuka ‘peak’. Borrowed from South Slav *cuka id. 0 M e y e r

Wb. 449; MLADENOV AfslPh XXXIV 385 (borrowed from Bulgarian); S e l i S c e v Slav, naselenie 189; POGHIRC Ist. limb. rom. II 339; R o s e t t i ILR I 275 (comparison with Rum ciuco); Ç a b e j St. I 103, Etim. Ill 138MO; S v a n e 1 61, 181. ç u llë f ‘sheep with little ears’. Borrowed from Slav * c u I t> id., cf. in South Slavic: Bulg cula, SCr cula. 0 ÇABEJ Etim. Ill 141-142 (Balkan

parallels). çun m. pl. ç una ‘boy, youth’. Together with çunë ‘penis’, borrowed from

54

DAC —

DALTË

DALLÊNDYSHE

DANGË

55

Ila! donno ‘p e n is’ (MEYER Wb. 4 4 9 -4 5 0 ). 0 CAMARDA II 6 7 (from Ital dullo ‘little ’); L a P ia n a St. Varia 77 (from *qun b o rro w ed from S lav *cçdo ‘c h ild ’); MOUTSOS ZfBalk VII 101 (çunë b o rro w ed fro m N G k T ooovvt ‘branch, tw ig , p e n is ’); ÇABEJ St. I 103-104 (related to cung ‘stu m p ’), Etim. I ll 142-143; SVANE 88.

(M e y e r Wb. 6 0 ). 0 S k o k Slavia III 1 1 5 -1 1 6 ; B a r iç Hymje 75; J o k l Slavia XIII 3 0 5 -3 0 6 ; SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 173, 319; Ç a b e j St. 105 (treats daltë as a co g n a te o f S lav *delbto or o f Skt ddlayati ‘to sp lit’), Etim. I ll 1 5 4 -1 5 6 ; SVANE 78; MURATI Probleme 1 2 9 -1 3 0 . d a llën d y sh e t', pl. dallëndyshe ‘swallow’. A relatively recent com­

pound motivated by the swallow’s forked or “double” tail - *dalluan dysh ‘appearing to be double’, with *dalluan > Tosk dalluar, Geg dalluen representing the participle of dalloj (OREL ZfBalk X X III/1 72-73 with dac m, pi. daca ‘cat’. An onomatopoeic formation or a hypocoristic based some differences). 0 CAMARDA I 37 (to Gk laÀavieùco ‘to swing, to on a personal name (MEYER Wb. 62). 0 TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 134. rock, to shake’); MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 31 (from Lat hirundö); M eyer Wb. 59-60 (from Lat hirundinem ‘swallow’ + suffix -yshë, influenced daj aor. dava ‘to divide’. Often used with prefix n- as ndaj id. Goes back by dallëndis ‘to take heart, to be brave’); PEDERSEN KZ XXXIII 544 to PAlb *danja, transform ed from *daja under the influence of other (to Gk xeÀiòcóv ‘swallow’); B aric ARSt I 5 (contamination of Lat hirundö verbs in -nja. Further connected with Gk 8aio|iou ‘to divide’, Skt daya te and *dallë, to Germ Schwalbe ‘swallow’); SCHMIDT K Z L 236-237 (to id. (B o p p 483; C a m a r d a 1 144; M e y e r Wb. 59, Alb. St. Ill 26). 0 Jo k l Germ Schwalbe)', MAYER KZ LXVI 89-96 (comparison with Illyr Taulan^ _ Ids. Jb. IX 58 (to Skt ddlavati ‘to split"). Sprache IX 128 (folUm K tiS 1 b L L l K l i . a l i ¿ t /r - 4 /z ; m a n n Language aX V I 381; CAMAJ Alb. XeÀiSoviotç, H ecat.); H a s d e u E M R II 51; TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione Wortb. 54; C MOCHOWSKI LP II 2 3 9 (verb in *-niö); F r is k I 3 4 1 -3 4 2 ; 134; H altmi GjA (1 9 7 2 ) 124 (fro m *da-në-dyshe); KNOBLOCH AIAK K l in g e n s c l MITT Verbum 117; ÇABEJ Etim. Ill 150 -1 5 1 ; DEMIRAJ AE 3 3 5 -3 3 7 (a g re es with P e d e r s e n ); Ç a b e j St. I 1 0 5 -1 0 6 , Etim. Ill 157119-120.

D

159.

m ’. From PAlb *dauka further related to Lith dvêkti ‘to :as ‘breath’ and other derivatives of *dheu- on which dash (Ç a b e j Etim. Ill 153: related to dash). 'to go out’. From PAlb *dala etymologically related to 3 bloom ’, i.e. ‘to appear, to come out’ (MEYER Wb. 60, )). 0 PEDERSEN Alb. Texte 114-115, Kelt. Gr. II 648 (to , KZ XXXIII 542; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 99; M a n n Lan380, XXVIII 36; PISANI Saggi 121; POKORNY Vox Rom. daille < Gaul *dal(l)ja); F r is k I 649-650; ClMOCHOWS), St. IE 43 (from *dainô); C a m a j Alt. Wortb. 37; 421 ; HAMP Sprache XXX/2 156-157 (< IE *dhalniO); OREL 6-77; KLINGENSCHMITT Verbum 172; Ç a b e j Sí. 104 (recon5 and compares dal with Lat dolo ‘to cut’), Etim. III 153DN LR 118; D e m ir a j A E 120. i ‘chisel’. An early borrowing from Slav *dolbto id., preth Slavic as Bulg dlato and also borrowed as Rum daltä

d a llg ë f, pl. dallgë, dallga ‘wave’. dalloj aor. dallova ‘to discern, to recognize’. Continues PAlb *dalnänja based on an adjective in *-no- - *dalna related to Skt ddlayati ‘to split’, Lat dolö ‘to chip, to hew’ and the like (JOKL Studien 12). 0 ClMOCHOWSKI LP I I 239; M a y r h o f e r I I 24; W a l d e -H o f m a n n 1 3 6 4 -3 6 6 ; X h u v a n i KLetr. 1 / 1 1 2 (to daj); Ç a b e j St. Etim. Ill 1 5 9 -1 6 0 ; DEMIRAJ AE

dak m ‘big r;

breathe’, dvâ is also based
dal aor, dola

121 .
d an gë f ‘belly’. Another variant is dëngë. Goes back to PAlb *dangâ etymologically identical with Lith dangà ‘table-cloth, cover’, Latv dañga ‘puddle, m arshland’, Slav *dçga ‘arc’ ( O r e l Festschr. Shevoroshkin 2 5 9 ). All these forms are deverbatives related to Lith dengiu, deñgti ‘to cover’. Adjectival dëng ‘full, stuffed up’ continues PAlb *danga and also belongs here. As to deng ‘bundle, full sack’, it is rather a bor­ rowing from Turk denk ‘bale’ (MEYER Wb. 6 3 ) than a cognate of the above forms. 0 MEYER Wb. 61 (to Slovene danka ‘rectum’); FRAENKEL 8 8 -8 9 ; Ç a b e j St. I 106 (to deng), 121, Etim. Ill 162 (back formation

Gk 9àÀA.(0 ‘1 Alb. St. Ill 2 OIr dui ‘go’) guage XXVI X 241 (to Fr KI LP II 24
C h a n t r a in e

ZfBalk X X II1 structs *daln 154; C l a c k s
daltë f, pi. dah

served in Soi

56

DARDHË —

DAROVF.

of Turk dangalak ‘stu p id ’ > Alb dëngallak); T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa V 9 8 9 9. dardhë f, pi. dardha ‘pear, pear-tree’. From PAlb *darda, a derivative of derdh ‘to tip out, to pour’ < PAlb *derda (OREL Ètimologija 19861987 220-221) with a semantic motivation established for Slav *grusa, *krusa ‘pear, pear-tree’ < *grusiti, *krusiti ‘to crumble, to break’, IE *peisom ‘pear’ < *peis- (TRUBACEV ÈSSIa VII 156). 0 H a h n I 236 (con­ nects dardhë with the name of Dardania); MEYER Wb. 61 (follows H a h n ), Gr. Gr. 50; BUGGE BB XVIII 164 (to G k axepSoç, àxpàç ‘wild pear, wild pear-tree’); JOKL Festschr. Kretschmer 89-90 (to IE *gher(s)- ‘to stiffen’); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 106; MANN Language XVII 17 (recon­ structs *nghrdis), XXVIII 34 (from IE *ghard-); PISANI Saggi 118; JUCQUOIS Muse'on LXXVIII 440; FRISK I 199, 203; CAMAJ Alb.Wortb. 121 (to *der- ‘to split’); G in d in Onom. 124; Ç abej St. I 107 (to OIr draigen ‘wild p ear’), Etim. Ill 165-167; H u l d 48; D e m ir a j AE 121-122. darë ~ danë f, pl. darë - danë ‘pincers, tongs’. From PAlb *dana, a par­

ticipial form related to daj (ÇABEJ St. I 107-108, Etim. Ill 1167-168). 0 CAMARDA II 61 (to Gk òàtcvio ‘to bite’); M e y er Wb. 61 (considers the unchanged Tosk -a- to indicate a lost consonant before -r----- «-); JOKL Studien 12-13 (develops C a m a r d a ’ s etymology based on IE *denk); ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 239 (to OHG zanga id.); MANN Language XXVIII 40; HAMP LP XXVIII 78 (same as ClMOCHOWSKI); JUCQUOIS Le Muse'on LXXVIII 442; L e h m a n n GED 338 (follows Jo k l ); O lberg apud D emiraj (to IE *dhau-); JANSON Unt. 21; DEMIRAJ AE 122.
darkë f, pi. darka ‘supper’. From PAlb *darka, originally a singular -

ize neut. pi. of IE *dork“ reflected in Gk ôôprcov id. (CAMARDA I om 67; M e y e r Wb. 6 1 ). On the other hand, the connection with drekë is doubtless. 0 MEYER Alb. St. Ill 3, 26, 72, Gr. Gr. 245; B u g g e BB XVIII 189; PEDERSEN BB XX 231 (reconstructs *d{3k'1 in order to explain drekë); KRETSCHMER Einleitung 101 n. 3; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 99-100; ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 239; M a n n Language XVII 19, XXVI 384; P is a n i Saggi 118; PORZIO Gliederung 178; POKORNY Vox Rom. X 2 3 9 (to Illyr ApocKottxva < *darkuinä); PISANI Saggi 118; H a m P/4/ îc. IE 116 (adds Bret dibri ‘to eat’); FRISK 1 4 1 0 -4 1 1 ; CHANTRAINE 294; ANTTILA Schw. 2 9 , 100; ÖLBERG Festschr. Bonfante 563; ÇABEJ St. I 108, Etim. Ill 1 68 -1 6 9 ; H u l d 4 8 -4 9 ; D e m ir a j AE 1 2 2 -1 2 3 .
d a ro v ë ‘bride’s gift’. Borrowed from Slav *darovb ‘gratuitous’. The

DASMË —

DEH

57

corresp ond ing verb darovis ‘to m ake a present, to g iv e m oney as a g ift’ seem s to continue an unattested Slav *daroviti, cf. the widespread *darovati ‘to make a present’ (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 18; M eyer Wb. 61) w hile dari ‘d o w r y ’ is b ased on *dar b o rro w ed from S la v *dari, ‘g ift, p resen t’. 0 S e li Sc e v Slav, naselenie 183; S v a n e 2 1 2 , 2 3 1 , 252; Ç a b e j

Etim. I ll 169.
d asm ë pi. dasma ‘wedding’. Another widespread and historically

important variant is darsmë. Goes back to PAlb *dartsima, original­ ly, * ‘wedding feast’, derived from darkë (ÖLBERG apud DEMIRAJ; Ç a b ej St. I 108-109, Etim. Ill 169-170). 0 MEYER Wb. 62 (to Rum zestre ‘dowry’); P e d e r s e n BB XX 2 3 2 , KZ XXXVI 3 0 9 (reconstructs *dam-ësë to be compared with Gk yà|ioç ‘marriage, wedding’); JOKL LKUBA 14; H u ld 49; D e m ir a j AE 12 3-124. dash m, pi desh ‘ram ’. From PAlb *dausa reflecting IE *dhouso- ‘breath, breathing, animal’ (MANN Language XXVI 387 ), cf. Gmc *deuzan ‘wild animal’ (Goth dius, O N dyr), Lith pl. daüsos ‘paradise’, Slav *dux-h ‘breath, spirit’. The Albanian word was borrowed to Rum da$. 0 C a m a r d a II 7 0 (to Gk 5ôokiA,à,oç ‘kind offish’); M e y e r Wb. 62; B ariC ARSt. 6 (dash < *dalsh connected with dele); JOKL LKUBA 2 4 0 -2 4 1 , 3 2 9 f. (compares dash < *dhuosj- with Lat béstia ‘anim al’); T a g l i a ­ v in i Stratificazione 134-135; LA PIANA Studi I 91 (dash ~ Lat dênsus, difficult both semantically and phonetically); BUGGE BB XVIII 164 (links dash to desha); IVANESCU SAO VIII 2 7 4 - 2 7 6 ; POKORNY I 2 7 0 ; F r a e n k e l 1 15-116; F e i s t Goth. 1 2 1 -1 2 2 ; Z a l i z n ’a k Ètimologija 139; POGHIRC ist. limb. rom. II 341; ROSETTI ILR I 276; O r e l Die Sprache XXXI 28 0 , Z ß a lk XXIII 144, Koll. Idg. Ges. 3 5 1 , 356; ÇABEJ St. I 109110, Etim. I ll 1 7 1 -1 7 3 (to Goth tagl ‘hair’); TRUBACEV ÈSSJa V 153154; D e m ir a j AE 1 2 4 -1 2 5 (related to dem).
f, pl. degé, dega ‘twig, branch’. From PAlb *dwaigä etymologi­ cally related to OHG zwïg id., Germ Zweig (M e y e r Wb. 6 2 , Alb. St. Ill 9, 2 6 , 39 ). 0 C a m a r d a I 80 (to Gk tckvov ‘child, sprout’); B u g a II 319; Jo k l Studien 15; PISANI Saggi 103, 122; ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 240; K l u g e 897; HAMP Trends LV II 906; HULD 145 (against MEYER); Ç a b e j Etim. III 179-180 (dubious Alpine-Romance parallels); DEMIRAJ AE 1 2 5 -1 2 6 . deh aor. deha ‘to in eb riate’. From PA lb *degska. At the sam e tim e, co n ­

degë

58

DFJ -

UEI.F,

tinuants of *degnja are attested in dej - de'nj id. Both *degska and *degnja are related to djeg. 0 BOPP 539 (to IE *dhe(i)- ‘to suckle’); MEYER Wb. 62-63 (to Goth dauns ‘vapor’), Alb. St. Ill 29, 90; JOKL Reallex. Vorgesch. I 88 (to dyllë); SCHMIDT KZ LVIl 6-7; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 110; MANN Language XXVIII 32 (to IE *dhues- ‘to destroy’); ÇABEJ Sí. I 111 (com­ pares deh with dend), Eîim. Ill 182-183; DEMIRAJ AE 125-126. dej adv. ‘the day after tom orrow’. From PAlb *daja continuing IE loc. dual *duoi-ous (DEMIRAJ AE 127). For the development of IE *duo> PAlb *da- see OREL Antic, balk. 3 37-39. 0 CAMARDA I 310 (to Gk 8r|v); MEYER Wb. 62, Alb. St. Ill 39 (to IE *duoin-l*duein-): JOKL Reallex. Vorgesch. I 88; OStir AArbSt. I I 307; F ra en k e l 108; O rel ZfBalk XXIII/1 73 (close to MEYER); Ç a b e j Etim. Ill 183-184 (back formation based on andej. (G) dêjë f ‘place where the snow melts, low place’. Denominative forms: dejet ~ dêjet. From PAlb *danja related to Skt dhdnvan- ‘dry land’, OHG tenni ‘threshing-floor’ (D EM IR A J AE 1 2 7 ) . 0 JOKL Reallex. Vorgesch. I 8 8 (to deh)-, SCHM IDT LVII 6 - 7 (to Skt ádhvanlt ‘to burn out, to fade away’); M a n n Language XXVIII 3 2 (to IE *dhues-); POKORNY I 2 4 9 ; ÇA BEJ Etim. Ill 1 8 0 - 1 8 2 (to ndej). dele f, pi dele, dhen, dhën ‘sh e e p ’. T he G eg variant delme rep resen ts a form ation in *-ma (and hardly has anything in com m on with the nam e o f Dalm atia pace M e y e r Wb. 63 and ÇABEJ St. I 111). The w ord is based on P A lb *daila ‘sh e e p ’ < ‘su c k lin g ’ and related to v a rio u s /-d e r iv a ­ tiv e s from IE *dhe(i)- ‘to su c k le ’ ( M e y e r Wb. 63, Alb. St. Ill 29 o p e r ­ ates w ith *dailja < IE *dhailiâ or *dhoiliâ), cf., in particular, A rm dayl ‘c o lo str u m ’ < IE *dhailo-. S u p p le tiv e p lural fo rm s dhen, dhën sh o u ld
b e treated sep arately as a P roto-A lb a n ia n (c o lle c tiv e ) d e r iv a tiv e in

*-anti b ased on dhi ‘s h e -g o a t’. T h us, the so u rce o f dhen, dhën is to be re co n stru cted as *aiganti-, w ith ap h eresis o f the anlaut v o w e l (OREL Koll. Idg. Ges. 357). 0 B r u g m a n n 117; P e t e r s s o n LUÀ XIX/6 12; B ariC ARSt. 6 (dhën com pared with IE *dhe(i)-)\ JOKL LKUBA 239 (m is­ takenly ex p la in s -I- from * -/« -), 251-253 (co m p a res dhen, dhën w ith C elt *damatos ‘sh e e p ’ > W dafad, Bret dauat or w ith « -d e riv a tiv e s o f IE *dhe(i)- ‘to s u c k le ’, in p articu lar, w ith Skt dhenä ‘m ilk c o w ’, cf. a lso OIr dinu ia m b ’ and the lik e ), Reallex. Vorgesch. I 87 (tra ces o f this ro o t in B alk an p la ce n am es); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 101, Stratifi­ cazione 135; L a P ia n a St. Varia 77-78; SCHMIDT KZ L 238; PORZIG

DELTINË —

DEND

59

Gliederung 150; ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 240-241; M a n n Language XVII 20-21 (dhen to Latgê«s ‘kin, tribe’); POKORNY I 241-242; D u r id a n o v 2a XVIII 37 {dhen - to Thr AavSaÀrjxai); Ç a b e j St. I 152 (compari­ son of dhen, dhën with Gk Strick; ‘fat’), Etim. Ill 184-186 (follows Meyer); H u l d 143; K ö d d e r it z sc h LB X X X I108; R a s m u s s e n Morph. 52; O re l Koll. Idg. Ges. 357; D e m ir a j AE 127-128, 157-158 (agrees with
M a n n ).

deltinë f ‘clay’. Borrowed from an unattested Slav *delbtina further connected with *delbto ~ *dolbto ‘chisel’. The semantic development seems possible but not quite obvious: ‘clay’ < *‘pounded mass’? 0 JOKL ArRom XXIV 24 (from *ndë-baltinë)', ÇABEJ St. I 112 (compares deltinë with daltë), Etim. Ill 187-188 (to dyllë). dell m, pi. dej ‘tendon’. From PAlb *daisla probably related to Lith gysla ‘blood-vessel, tendon’, Slav *zila ‘tendon’ (MEYER Wb. 63, Alb. St. Ill 18) if the latter are treated separately from Skt jiyd- ‘bow-string’, Gk ßioq ‘bow’ (B r u g m a n n Grundr. I 345). 0 C a m a r d a 171 (to Gk ôéco ‘to tie’); P e d e r s e n IF V 68 (to Lat ftlum ‘thread’), KZ XXXVI 326 (agrees with M e y e r ); JOKL Studien 13 (comparison with Gk Séco ‘to bind’); TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 87-88; FRAENKEL 150; FRISK I 237; M a y r h o f e r I 448; V a s m e r II 57-58; C im o c h o w s k i LP II 239; ÇABEJ St. I 112-113 (connects dell with Slav *dotb ‘valley’ and Gk 0ôA,oç ‘mud’ - those two having nothing in common), Etim. Ill 189-190; DEMIRAJ AE 128 (against ÇABEJ). dem m, pi. dema ‘young bull’. From PAlb *dama etymologically related to OIr dam ‘ox’ and, probably, to Gk Ôà(iaÀ,oç ‘calf (CAMARDA I 73; MEYER Wb. 6 3 , Alb. St. Ill 26, 6 4 ). 0 PEDERSEN Kelt. Gr. I 164; JOKL Festschr. Kretschmer 9 2 , Festschr. Rozwadowski I 236; TAGLI­ AVINI Stratificazione 135; ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 239; M a n n Language XXVI 385; F r is k I 345; Ç a b e j St. I 113, Etim. Ill 1 9 0 -1 9 1 ; D em ir a j AE 12 8-129. dend aor. denda ‘to stuff’. An archaic non-assimilated variant is NGeg tend. From PAlb *tenda related to Skt tandate ‘to weaken’, Lat tendo ‘to stretch’. 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 21 (based on Lat densus); M eyer Wb. 65 (related to Lat dënsus). Alb. St. V 72 (borrowed from Lat tendere)', B a r t h o l o m a e IF I 300 (to Lat densus ‘thick’); JOKI, apud WALDEH o f m a n n I 341 (to gdhënd); MANN Language XVII 19; ClMOCHOWSKI

60

DENJË —

(T) DERË

DERGJ —

df .t

61

L P II 239; POKORNY I 1065-1066; ÇABEJ Etim. Ill 193-194 (agrees with JOKL); DEMIRAJ AE 129 (to ndej).
denjë adj. ‘worth’. Borrowed from Lat dignus id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Ele­

d ergj aor. dorgja ‘to lie d o w n , to lay sic k , to be i l l ’. A m ore frequ en t fo rm o f p resen t is p a ss.-re fi, dergjem. F rom P A lb *dergja further e ty ­ m ologically connected with Lith dirginti ‘to m o v e’, dirgti ‘to lose energy, to b eco m e w ea k ’, S lav *dbrgati ‘to pluck, to p u ll’ and particularly with tea r’ : M H G zergen ‘to p lu ck , to p u ll’ (VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. 9 ). 0 PEDERSEN ß ß XX 2 3 8 (to L ith sergit ‘to be ill’, OIr serg ‘illn e s s ’ su p p o sin g IE *su- > A lb d-), Kelt. Gr. I 71; TRAUTMANN BSlWb. 56; F r a e n k e l 96; V a s m e r I 5 0 0 -5 0 1 ; H am p IF LXXIX 155 (fo llo w s PEDERSEN ); Ç a b e j St. I 1 1 5 -1 1 6 (to Lith ddrga ‘rain y w eather’, Slav *dorga ‘road’), Etim. Ill 201-203; HULD49-50; LlNDEMAN IF XCVIII 4 8 -5 0 ; DEMIRAJ AE 131 (a g re es w ith VASMER). d eri prep, ‘to, up to, t ill’. F rom P A lb *deur(e)i h a v in g the sam e stru cG m c *targjan ‘ o t

mente 21). 0 M e y e r Wb. 63 (borrowed from Ital degno); Ç a b e j Etim. Ill 195.
d ep ërtoj aor. dep irto m ‘to penetrate’. Borrowed from Rom *dë-

peneträre (MEYER Wb. 65). 0 MANN Hist. Gr. 146 (borrowed from Lat dêpartïre); ÇABEJ Etim. Ill 195-196 (derived from ndëpër ‘across’).
derdh aor. derdha ‘to pour out’. In Old Albanian the stem is not umlau­

ticized: dardh (BUZUKU, BUDI). Continues PAlb *darda close to onoE M « *dori ‘to’);
Fraenk el niflfnnoe.ic Lith darde'ti ‘to rattle’. Latv dàrdêt ‘to crea k ', W go-dyrMUm m u m m e, to gru m o ie . v iv it ït K v y ú . o^ lu o i ; Alb. St. Ill 13, 26; F r a e n k e l 83; P e d e r s e n BB XX 238 n. 2 (to Skt

Gk x o îp o ç t d eriv a tiv e

srjdti ‘to sell off, to discharge’ ), KZ XXXVI 289, Kelt. Gr. I 494; JOKL Studien 13-14 (to Skt dharä ‘stream ’); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 101; LA PIANA Studi I 42-43 (to Skt ksarati ‘to flow’); ÇABEJ St. I 114-115 (to Gk Oopôç ‘sperm ’), Etim. I ll 197-198.
d erë f, pi. dyer ‘door’. From PAlb *dwörä, a secondary a-stem based

Elemente 18; MEYER Wb. 2 9 9 (b o r ro w ed from South S lav M a n n Language X X V I 383 (to Lat ferì); F r isk I 'ill-3 1 2
26; BARTHOLOMAE 175.

derr m, pi. derra ‘p ig ’. F rom P A lb * darja co n n ecte d wit! id. < IE *ghorjos (CAMARDA I 96; MEYER Wb. 6 4 ). N o te

II 18; JOKL OERSEN KZ Pia n a Studi 230; P is a n i *suoinro-); im. Ill 205-rj- > -rr-);

IE *dheube phonetic ¡t, dejet and is particuj dêpede, E ) go out’); ss), Wb. 64 ra), Alb. St. 15 f. (reconT a g l ia v i -

on IE *dhuer- id.: Skt dvdr-, Gk 0úpa, Tokh B twere and the like (C a m a r d a I 17; M e y e r £ 5 VIII 188, Wb. 63, Alb. St. Ill 29, 39, 71). 0 JOKL IF XXXVI 132, LKUBA 240, 255; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 101; ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 240; MANN Language XXVIII 32 (reconstructs * dhuer es); PISANI Saggi 103; FRISK I 695-696; MAYRHOFER II 83-84; POKORNY I 278; OREL Antic, balk. 3 37-39 (on the development of the anlaut); HAMP LP XX 9; KLINGENSCHMITT Münch. St. Spr. XL 104, 125; H u l d 49; O r e l ZjBalk XXIII 149; Ç a b e j Etim. Ill 198-201; D e m ir a j AE 129-130. (T) derë adj. ‘bitter; difficult’. From PAlb *deuna etymologically iden­ tical with OS tiono ‘evil’, OE teoria ‘wrong’ ( J o k l Studien 1 9 -2 0 with further erroneous link to dhunë). 0 H a h n 29 (connected with dhunë); M e y e r Wb. 87 (accepts H a h n ’s etym ology with some doubt); H o l t h a u s e n AEW 346; ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 241; ÖLBERG Festschr. Pisani I 689; ÇABEJ St. I 115 (to the Indo-European word for ‘tear’: G k ô o c K p u ) , Etim. Ill 201; DEMIRAJ AE 130 (dialectal phonetic devel­ opment of hidhur).

derk ‘p ig le t’ co n tin u in g P A lb *darika. 0 MEYER Alb. St. Festschr. Kretschmer 78 f. (re co n str u c ts *ghör-n-); PE XXXVI 333 (to dose); TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 135; LA I 4 5 -4 6 (to Skt -dòri- ‘m aking b urst’); ClMOCHOWSKI LP II Saggi 116, 118; F r is k II 1 1 0 7 -1 1 0 8 ; HULD 148 (from IE ÇABEJ St. 1 1 1 6 (ex p la in s -rr- by ex p r e ssiv e gem in a tio n ), E 206; OREL ZfBalk XXIII 147; FLH V III/ 1-2 39 (on P A lb K o r t l a n d t SSGL X 220; D e m ir a j AE 1 3 1 -1 3 2 .
d et m, pi. dete ‘s e a ’. F rom P A lb *deubeta ‘d ep th ’ based on ‘d e e p ’ ( J o k l Studien 1 4 -1 5 ). In term ed ia ry sta g es o f tl d ev elop m en t are preserved in the uncontracted Italo-A lb dt in d ia lecta l fo rm s w ith a lo n g v o w e l - dêt. P A lb *deubetc larly c lo s e to G m c *deupipo ‘d ep th ’ > M D u diepde, ML< depth. 0 BUGGE BB X V III 165 (co n n e cted w ith dal ‘t M e y e r BB V III 187 (to Gk © étiç , n am e o f the sea-godde (reco n stru cts dejt < *delt to be com p ared w ith Gk 0 á^ ao< IV 54 (follow s BUGGE); RIBEZZO Riv. Indo-greco-italica X V I structs *dakti com p ared w ith Epir ó á ^ a • GdcXaaaa H es.)

62
ni

DETYRE — DËGJOJ

Dalmazia 102; Ç a b e j St. 1118, Etim. Ill 209-210; P o k o r n y I 267268; ONIONS 258; OREL SBJa Lekiskol. 148-149 (Baltic toponymie par­ allels: Lith Duobyté, Latv Daublte); H u l d 50.

detyrë f, pi. detyra ‘duty, debt’. Borrowing from Rom *debitüra id. (M l­ KLOSICH Rom. Elemente 20; MEYER Wb. 66). The verb detoj ~ de tonj

reflects Rom *debitare. 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1047; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 111; M ih ä e s c u RESEE I V /1-2 15; H a a r m a n n 122; ÇABEJ St. I 118-119 (derived from detorës ‘debtor’), Etim. Ill 210211; L a n d i Lat. 39, 41, 82-83.
dëboj aor. dèbova to drive away . Other variants are zboj, xboj, eboj.

Related to boj (ÇABEJ St. I 119, Etim. Ill 212-214). 0 BUGGE BB XVIII 174 (borrowed from Rom *disbinare); MEYER Alb. St. IV 44 (agrees with BUGGE); JO K L/f XXXVII 119 (reconstructs *bhöreiö connect­ ed with bie); L a P ia n a St. Varia 23-24 (to IE *yei-); M a n n Language XXVIII 32 (to Gk Tixoéco < *de-bhoiëiô).
d ëfrej aor. dëfreva ‘to enjoy oneself’. Based on the recombination of

its antonym, shëfrej, shufrej ‘to suffer’ < Lat sufferäre id., as a pré­ fixai formation in shë- (ÇABEJ Etim. Ill 214-215). 0 MEYER Wb. i l l (from Rom *disfrenare or *dëfrenare); KRISTOFORIDHI 98 (to fryj).
d ëftoj aor. dëftova to show, to point . Borrowed from Rom 'indictate (MEYER Wb. 64-65, Alb. St. IV 41). ô CAMARDA I 64 (derives dëftoj from IE *deiíc-); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2I 1054 (borrowed from Rom *doctäre); JOKL RIEB II 65-67 (analyzes the verb as *dë-fëtoj, its root borrowed from MGk cpcoxiÇco ‘to shine, to illuminate’); BARIÇHymje 63 (follows M e y e r ); Jo k l RIEB II 65-67 (based on *ftoj, to fo ti ‘oil lam p’); MlHÄESCU RESEE I V / 1-2 23; HAARMANN 122, 130; D l GIOVINE Gruppo -et- 16-24; ÇABEJ St. I 120 (to *f-tonj further related to Gk Gxéycû ‘to cover’, Lat tegö id.), ÇABEJ Etim. Ill 215-217 (from Lat digitare). d ëgjoj aor. dëgjova ‘to hear’. Dialectal forms ndëgoj and, particular­

ly, dëlgonj, diligonj reflect the obvious Latin source - intelligere ‘to per­ ceive’ (M e y er Wb. 66-67).0 M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß21 1054; B a ri C ARSt 33-34 (related to Gk ôtKoùœ ‘to hear’, Goth hausjan id.); ÇABEJ Etim. Ill 217-218.

DËKOJ —

DËRMOJ

63

dëkoj aor. dëkova ‘to hit, to strike’. Borrowed from Lat indicere in its

specific meaning ‘to impose, to inflict’ > * ‘to inflict pain’. 0 M e y e r Wb. 65 (from R om *dêcôleâre based on cöleus ‘bag, sack’); G a z u l l i 19 (-koj to Gk xéoj); P e d e r s e n KZ X X X V 5 39 -5 6 0 (agrees with M e y e r ); Ç a b e j St. I 120-121 (connects dëkoj with koj and mëkoj); Ç a b e j Etim. Ill 2 1 8 -2 0 0 (from *dërkoj, to darkë).
d ëlir aor. delira ‘to clean, to cleanse, to deliver’. The variant dëliroj

is morphologically more regular. Continues Rom *deliberäre and is connected with lirë (CAMARDA 1 172; MEYER Wb. 247). 0 PEDERSEN KZ XXXIII 538 (derived from lire); ÇABEJ Etim. Ill 221 (agrees with
P e d e r s e n ). d ëllin jë f, pl. dëllinja ‘juniper’. A more archaic variant dëllënjë seems

to reflect PAlb *daislanja (for the derivational structure cf. mëllënjë) related to dell < *daislä (OREL Festschr. Shevoroshkin 2 5 9 ). Semantically, the juniper is described as a wiry, sinewy plant, cf. Russ mozzevel’nik id. derived from Slav *mozgb ‘brain, marrow’, Lith mazgas ‘knot’. 0 M e y e r Wb. 65 (from Rom *cedrulanea or *cedrulina derived from cedrus ‘cedar, juniper’); VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. 9 -1 0 (to Lith dûlis ‘fog’, Skt dhiili- ‘dust’ and the like); JOKL LKUBA 1 9 1 -193 (same as VASMER); JAG«: AfslPh VIII 6 5 4 -6 5 5 ; ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 241; F r a e n k e l 4 2 6 -4 2 7 ; VASMER II 637; Ç a b e j St. I 121 (related to daltë and dalloj), ÇABEJ Etim. Ill 222; DEMIRAJ AE 132.
d ëm ~ dam m. pi. déme ~ dame ‘damage’. Borrowed from Lat damnum

‘hurt, harm, damage’. As to dënoj ‘to condemn, to punish’, it is an Italian loanword (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 20; M e y e r Wb. 6 0 ). 0 MEYERLÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1042, 1047, 1050; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV / 1-2 15; H a a r m a n n 122; Ç a b e j St. I 121, Etim. Ill 2 2 2 -2 2 4 ; L a n d i Lat.
4 8 , 9 4 , 115. d ërgoj aor. dërgova ‘to send’. Borrowed from Lat delegare id. with an irregular change of liquida (OREL Festschr. Shevoroshkin 259). 0 C a m a r d a 1 67 (to Gk xpé^co ‘to run’); M e y e r Wb. 65 (borrowing from

Lat dirigere ‘to arrange, to lay straight’); JOKL IF L 43; MlHÄESCU RESEE I V /1-2 27; H a a r m a n n 122; Ç a b e j Etim. Ill 226 (follows M e y e r ).
dërm oj aor. dërmova ‘to cut into pieces, to plummet down’. Borrowed from Lat *de rama re, cf. Rum dáríma ‘to tear o ff (M e y e r Wb. 65, Alb.

64

DËRRASË —

Dl

St. IV 56). Note a derivative dërmë ‘steep slope’. 0 PU§CARIU EWR 42; Ç a b fj St. I 122 (reconstructs *dromoj and connects it with dromeë), Etim. Ill 227-229.
dërrasë f, pl. dërrasa ‘board, stone plate’. From PAlb *deratja based on IE *der- ‘to tear, to split’, see djerr (ClMOCHOWSKI LP III 158-161: to Slav *dbrati ‘to tear’). 0 CAMARDA II 143 (to dru ); MEYER Wb. 66 (from Ital terrazza ‘terrace’); MANN Language XXVIII 33 (to Gk xápa^); C im o c h o w s k i LP III 158-159; H e lb i g 70; Ç a b e j Etim. Ill 230-231 (derived from rrasë ‘flat stone’). dëshiroj aor. dëshirova ‘to wish’. Borrowed from Lat desiderare ‘to long

for, to desire’ (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 21; MEYER Wb. 6 5 ). As to the noun dëshirë ‘desire’, it seems to be a deverbative rather than a continuant of Lat dësïderium id. (Ç a b e j St. I 123, Etim. Ill 2 3 3 ). 0 CAMARDA I 176 (wavers between the correct etymology and the comparison with dashur, participle of dua); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grund­ riß 2 1 1048, 1052; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 15; HAARMANN 122.
d ësh m oj aor. dëshmova ‘to testify’. Borrowed from Rom * testimoniare (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 66; MEYER Wb. 64). 0 ÇABEJ St. I 124, Etim.

Ill 233-234 (denominative); HAARMANN 153.
d ësh p ëroj aor. dëshpërova ‘to make desperate’. Borrowed from Lat desperare ‘to despair’ (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 22). 0 MEYER Wb. 68 (from Ital disperare id.); ÇABEJ Etim. Ill 235. dështoj aor. dështova ‘to have a m iscarriage’. Borrowed from Rom .*depositare used as a replacement of dëpônere in its meaning ‘to give birth’ (MEYER Wb. 66, Alb. St. V 72). 0 M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 21 1049; SPITZER MR IW I 318-319 (connects dështoj with Ital tosto ‘fast, quick’); BARIC ARSt I 38 (derives the verb dështoj from a noun *dushytë ‘m iscarriage’ explained as IE *dus-siito- ‘badly born’); ÇABEJ St. I 124 (a préfixai derivative of shtoj), Etim. Ill 235-236. d ì aor dita ‘to know’. From PAlb *dlja connected with IE *dhei(a)- ‘to

see’, cf. Skt dhyati, dhyayati ‘to observe, to feel, to think’, Av dä(y)‘to see’ (MEYER Wb. 66, Alb. St. Ill 29; OREL FLH V III/1-2 46). Aorist dita and participle ditur ~ ditun are based on PAlb *dita, a formation in *-to-, cf. Skt part, dhyata- and dhlta-. 0 G lL’FERDING Otn. 22 (to

DIÇ — DIKTOJ

65

Skt vid- ‘to know’); M EYER Alb. St. Ill 29; JOKL IF XXXVI 112, Sprache IX 128; T a g l i a v i n i 104; C i m o c h o w s k i LP II 240; P o k o r n y 243; M a y r h o f e r I I 45; H u l d 152; Ç a b e j St. I 125 (reconstructs PAlb *din< IE *gen<>- ‘to know’), Etim. Ill 237-238; D e m i r a j AE 132-133 (di < *dhiH-m).

diç pron. ‘something’. As all other pronouns in di-, contains an element
identical with the verb di as the first part of the compound (C A M A R D A I 214; M e y e r Wb. 66). 0 P e d e r s e n KZ X X X V I316; T a g l i a v i n i Dal­ mazia 105; Ç a b e j * . I 125.

diel f ‘Sunday’. Derivative in * -ja or in *-n& based on diell, a caique
of Lat dies solis id. 241.
(PEDERSEN

KZ XXXIII 43).

0 ÇABEJ

Etim. Ill 240-

diell m, pi. diej ‘sun’. From PAlb *delwa, a tabooistic substitute of the original word for the sun based on a color adjective, cf. Skt hdri- ‘pale, yellowish’, Av zairi- id., Lat helvus ‘yellowish’, Lith zelvas id. 0 BOPP 513 n. 3 (to Skt diva ‘by day’); C a m a r d a I 123 (comparisons with Gk íí/aoc ‘sun’ and, on the other hand, with ôiaÀ.oç- (pavepôç, Àa|in:pôç); M E Y E R Wb. 69 (links diell to dal or, alternatively, reconstructs *dheg“ h-lo-, cf. djeg); PEDERSEN BB XX 238 (to IE *suel- ‘sun’, cf. C A M A R D A ); T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 103; M a n n Language XXVIII 36 (follows M EYER in reconstructing *dheg'hdlos)\ M AYRHOFER III 581; W a l d e - H o f m a n n I 639; P i s a n i Saggi 118 (to Gk azXaq ‘light, shine’); FRAENKEL 1297; ÇABEJ St. I 125-126 (to Oír delirad ‘shine’, OE dealt ‘bold, splendid’, Arm delin ‘green’), Etim. Ill 241-242; H u l d 50-51 (accepts PE D E R SE N ’ s etymology). dihas
aor. dihata ‘to pant’. Borrowed from Slav *dyxati ‘to breathe’, cf. in particular South Slavic forms: OCS dyxati, Bulg dixam, SCr diluiti ( M e y e r Wb. 67). 0 S v a n e 256; Ç a b e j Etim. Ill 242.

dike f ‘desire, lust’. Continues PAlb *dïkâ, a substantivized fem. adj. related to Lith dÿkas ‘idle, empty’, Slav *diki> ‘wild’. 0 FRAENKEL 95; T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa V 29-30; ÇA BEJ Etim. Ill 243 (borrowed from SCr dika ‘pride’). diktoj aor. diktova ‘to discover, to find out’. Borrowed from Rom *dëcaptare. 0 M E Y E R Wb. 61 (from Lat dëtegere); JO K L RIEB II 59-60

66

DIMËR

DIMËN

D iri.

DJALË

DJATHTR

67

(from Rom *dis-captäre); ÇABEJ Etim. III 243-244 (unclear). dimër ~ HimSn m, pi. dìmra ~ dimna ‘w inter’. From PAlb *deimena related
to IE *gheimen- id.: Skt heman loc. ‘in w in te r’, G k xeì^cx ‘w in te r’ and the like (G il ’ferding Otri:, M eyer Wh. 67, Alh. St. ID 18 ,6 4 ). 0 C a m a r d a

dienà id.), Alb. St. Ill 26; PEDERSEN BB XX 230 (to -di in perëndï), KZ XXXIV 546 (follows M e y e r ); Jo k l Studien 22; M l a d e n o v 1st. 216; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 103; O n io n s 923; Z a l iz n ’ a k Ètimologija 1964 190; M a y r h o fe r II 44-45; Ç a b e j St. I 126-127, Etim. Ill 251-253; H u l d 51-52.
d jalë m, pi. djem, djelm ‘boy, youth’. From PAlb *deia probably con­

I 9 6 (to G k ö|xßpo<; ‘ra in ’, Lat imher id.); BUGGE BB XVIII 164; JOKL IF XXXVI 130, Sprache IX 123; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 103; PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 3 3 3 , Kelt. Gr. I 66; L a PIANA Studi I 5 2 -5 3 (to tym); ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 229; E r n o u t -M eil l e t 294; PORZIG Gliederung 190; PISANI Saggi 99; MANN Language XXVI 384 (erroneous com parison w ith O E tima ‘tim e ’); MAYRHOFER III 6 0 7 ; F r is k II 1 0 7 9 -1 0 8 1 ; A n t t il a Schw. 3 5 ,1 3 4 ; H a m p IF L X V I 5 2 -5 5 ; H u l d 51; O r e l Z/BAlk XXIII 146; JANSON Unt. 2 1-23; Ç a bej Etim. Ill 245; D e m ir a j AE 133.
din (3 sg.) aor. diu ‘to break (of the day)’. Also appears as reti, dihet

nected with Latv dels ‘son’, Lat film s id. as a derivative of IE *dhei‘to suck’ (XYLANDER 317; ÇABEJ St. I 127-128). Note that the vocalism in Proto-Albanian is irregular so that a secondary transformation of the stem must be presumed. 0 M e y e r Wb. 60 (derives djalë from dal). Alb. St. Ill 29; KRETSCHMER Gioita XIV 310-311 (to dal); JOKL IF X X X V I 115; OS t ir AArbSt. I 114 (to Gk xâXiç ‘maiden’); V a s m e r ZfslavPh III 269 (to Thr -TfÀ.|itç); TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 113-114; ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 240; PISANI Saggi 121; H a m p S ì . Whatmough 78; HULD 52; O r el ZfBalk XXIII 143; Ç a b e j Etim. III 255-258; DEMIRA i 1 ,rn ua) vjivL àìna- ‘d a y ’, S la v +dbnb MEYER Wb. 6 8 (d e riv a tiv e o f dite); JOKL Studien 2 2 (a d érivât

MEYER Wb. 60, Alh St. V 73). 0 CAMARDA l 98 (con­ nection with Gk StdßoXoc id.); T hum b IF XXVI 12-13 (from Gk SiaßoXoc): M e y e r-L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1041, PEDERSEN KZ XXXIII 535: JOKL LKUBA 20 (from G reek): H a a r m a n n 122; ÇABEJ Etim. ti> 258-259: L a n d i Lai. 75. 137-138.

Rom. Eli-mena: 21;

Bulg dir'a : III 248. dishtë t. pi. i from Lat a Wortb. 123

djathe m/n, pl. djathëra ~ djathna ‘ch eese’. A dim inutive in -the (C am aj Alb. Worth. 12 1) o f *djadh < PAlb *dedi-, the latter to be com ­ pared with Skt dad hi 'sour milk ’ and O Prus dudan ‘m ilk’, derivatives of *dhèi- ‘io suck' (JOKI, Studien 15-16, WuS XII 70). For the irreg­ ular developm ent of the root vowel cf. djalë. 0 TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 102, Stratificazione 147; ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 240; TRAUTMANN APSpr. 316; PISANI Saggi 123; MAYRHOFER IT 15; POKORNY J 2 4 1; MANN Hist. Gr. 54, 91, 97 (from IE *ghesito-)\ Hamp Word IX 140, KZ LXXXIV 140-141; T o p o ro v PJa I 284-286; H u l d 52-53; Ç a b e j Etim. Ill 259260; D e m ira j AE 135-136. djathte adj. rig h t'. Old A lbanian lexis preserve djathë ‘right (sid e)’ (B u z u k u ), thus showing that djathte is a relatively new form ation in -të based on PAlb *detsa (PEDERSEN KZ XXX VI 291; Ç a b e î St. Í 128129), The latter is etym ologically connected with IE *deks- ‘right:: Ski

dishull m, pi variants (dyi

types of foil B orrow ed t o f leaves. ( ■

diti I pi. dit. Gmc *ttdiz

d o r’ ( V a s v Otn. 22 (to ‘ Wb. 68 (fro

68

DJ E —

D JE P

dàksina-, G k ô e ^ i ô ç , L a t dexter a n d the like (M E Y E R Wb. 6 9 ) . O M e y e r Alb. St. I I 17, ill 13, 26; P e d e r s e n KZ XXXVI 291, Kelt. Gr. I 36; ClM OCHOW SKI LP II 239; PISA N I Saggi 131; M AYRHO FER II 1011; W a l d e - H o f m a n n I 346-347; M a n n Language XXVI 383; F r i s k I 366-367; POK O RNY I 190; JUCQUOIS Le Muse'on LXXVIII 445 (pho­ netically impossible *deksto- with *-kst- reflected as Alb H AM P RESEE XIX/1 141-145 (reconstructs *deksino-)\ H u l d 53; ÇABEJ Etim. Ill 260-261 (to Lat decus ‘beauty, decoration’); DEM IRAJ AE 137-138.
dje adv. ‘yesterday’. From P A lb *de etymologically identical with Skt

hyás id., Gk %0éç id., Lat. heri id. and the like (CAMARDA I 96; MEYER Wb. 69, Alb. St. Ill 18, 63). 0 M e y e r Gr. Gr. 37, 345; PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 333, Kelt. Gr. I 89; ]OKL LKUBA 26; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 103; E r n o u t -M e il l e t 292; M a y r h o f e r II 29; P is a n i Saggi 101; F r is k II 1097-1098; H a m p BSE LXVI 222; H u l d 53; Çabej Etim. Ili 261; P u h v e l Festschr. Hoenigswald 317; DEMIRAJ AL 138.
d jeg aor. dogja ‘to burn’. From PAlb *dega etymologically related to

IE *dheg“ ‘to burn’: Skt ddhati, Tokh AB tsak-, tsäk-, Lit degù, dègù hand the like (B O P P 5 0 8 ; G i l ’FERDING Otn. 2 2 ; M e y e r Wb. 6 9 , Alb. St. I l l 9 , 2 9 ) . 0 M EYER Gr. Gr. 2 7 5 ; PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 3 2 3 - 3 2 4 , Kelt. Gr. I 1 0 8 ; TAG LIA V IN I Dalmazia 1 0 3 ; E r n o u t - M e i l l e t 2 5 0 ; M a n n Language XXVI 3 8 2 , XXVIII 3 6 ; ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 2 4 0 ; P i s a n i Saggi 1 2 5 ; F r a e n k e l 8 5 - 8 5 ; I v a n o v Slav. 1 2 9 ; H u l d 5 3 - 5 4 , KZ CVII 1 6 6 ; KLINGENSCHM ITT Münch. St. Spr. X L 1 0 1 , 1 2 7 ; ÇABEJ Etim. I l l 2 6 1 2 6 2 ; D e m i r a j AE 1 3 8 - 1 3 9 . (G) d jem ën pi. ‘demons, devils’. A lexicalized plural of djall similar to that of djalë ~ djem (SKOK AArbSt I 220-221). 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 20 (from Lat daemönem ‘demon’); MEYER Wb. 69 (same as MlKLOSICH - but the stress is placed differently); M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1043; THUMB IF X X V I 13 (borrowed from Gk ôaifioveç id. - but the development of -ai- > -je- would be quite unique); JOKL LKUBA 18 (agrees with T h u m b ), IF X L IV 13 n. 1 (follows SKOK); V a s m e r Alb. Wortforsch. I 10-11 (borrowed from OCS demorrh id.); M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /3-4 350 (follows T h u m b ); Ç a b e j St. I 129 (repeats T h u m b ’s etymology), Etim. Ill 262-264; L a n d i Lat. 72, 83. djep m, pi. djepe, djepa ‘cradle’. Borrowed from Gk ôém ç ‘beaker, goblet’ (C a m a r d a II 191). For the semantic development cf. E cradle ~ OHG

DJERSË —

nom s

69

kratto ‘basket’. 0 M e y e r Wb. 69-70 (related to Slav *zyb-hka id.), Alb. St. Ill 18, 36; PEnERSEN KZ XXXVI 333; Jo k l IF XXXVI 158-159, Melanges Pedersen 155 (reconstructs *ghoiibha thus slightly correct­ ing M e y e r ); B a r i çH ym je 77; Ç a b e j Sr. I 129-130 (from IE *dheubh~ *dheup-\ Gk ôércaç is explained as an ancient Albanian loanword), Etim. Ill 264-265.
d jersë f, pl. djersë ‘perspiration’. Another variant is dirsë. From PAlb

*widertjä with the loss of the unstressed first syllable. Further related to Gk iôpcibç id. < *siiidröt-s, cf. also Latv sviêdri id., Lat sudor id. (PE­ DERSEN KZ XXXVI 288-290). 0 CAMARDA I 48, 96 (to Gk epon ‘dew’); MEYER Alb. St. I 81 (to Gk ôpôcoç ‘dew’), Wb. 70 (to Gk 8<xkvco ‘to bite’); BUGGE BB XVIII 165 (to zjarr); J o k l Studien 92-93 (accepts P e d e r s e n ’ s etymology); F r isk 1710-711; C h a n t r a in e 456; W a l d e H o f m a n n II 623-624; ÇABEJ Etim. Ill 265-266; HULD 148; KORTLANDT SSGL X 219; DEMIRAJ AE 139-140.
djerr aor. dora ‘to destroy’. From PAlb *dera or *derna related to Skt

drnáti ‘to burst, to tear’, Gk ôépco ‘to skin’, Goth gatairan ‘to tear’ and the like (MEYER Wb. 70, Alb. St. Ill 26). 0 JOKL Studien 8; FRISK I 368370; M a y r h o f e r II 59; F e is t Goth. 203.
djerr m, pi. djerre ‘fallow lan d ’. From P A lb *dersa ety m o lo g ic a lly id en ­ tical with Gk %épooç ‘dry land' (CAMARDA 196) < IE *ghersos. 0 R e st e l Ll RIL LXXXIX - XC 412 (sam e as CAMARDA); MEYER Wb. 70 (to djerr ‘to destroy’); PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 325-326 (to bie ‘to bear’); La PIANA

St. Varia 21-23 (to var, vjerr); FRISK II 1089-1090; Ç a b e j Etim. Ill 266268 (to bie ‘to f a ll’).
d ob ët adj. ‘weak’. Derived from dobë id. The latter is borrowed from

Slav *dob-h ‘good, fine’ unattested in South Slavic where a more usual *dob>~h id. is widespread. Note dobi ‘profit, use’ related to dobë. 0 PISANI Saggi 129 (to Lat de bilis)', Ç a bej St. I 131 (based on udob ), Ç a b e j Etim. Ill 272-273; S v a n e 273.
d ob is aor. dobita ‘to win’. Borrowed from Slav *dobyti ‘to acquire, to win’ (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 18; MEYER Wb. 70). The Albanian verb is semantically closer to SCr dobiti than to Bulg dobija. 0 SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 178; OREL Ètimologija 1983 136; SVANE 199-200; ÇABEJ

Etim. Ill 273.

70

D O JK Ë —

D O R F,

dojkë f, pl. dojka ‘nurse’. Borrowed from Slav *dojka id., cf. in par­ ticular South Slavic continuants: Bulg dojka, SCr dojka (Ç a b e j St. I 131, Etim. Ill 2 7 7 ). 0 S v a n e 190. doke f ‘trad ition s’. B o rro w ed from Gk S o k t ) ‘o p in io n , v ie w , m ea n in g ’. 0 J o k l LKUBA 5 3 -5 6 (related to duket); Ç a b e j St. 1 1 3 1 (a g re es w ith JOKL), Etim. Ill 2 7 7 -2 7 8 . dokërr f, pi. dokrra ‘big bone, bone of arm or leg’. Derived from *dok (for the formation pattern cf. kokërr), borrowed from Gk S o k o ç ‘rafter, beam’ (OREL Festschr. Shevoroshkin 260). 0 CAMARDA 1 85 (to Gk ôÔKava ‘a structure of two joined upright bars’); M e y e r Wb. 70 (to Turk dogru ‘direct’); B a r iG ARSt I 8 (from *dorkr- composed of dorë and krah); CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 119 (suffix -ërr); ÇABEJ St. I 132 (an expressive form compared with doçkë ‘little hand’ and the like). doline f, pi. dolina ‘valley’. Borrowed from Slav *dolina id., cf. South Slavic forms: Bulg dolina, SCr dolina. 0 TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 106 (bor­ rowed from SCr dolina). dorbëri f ‘herd’. A secondary phonetic transformation of *doberi derived from Slav *dobro ‘property’ (VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. I 12-13). 0 M e y e r Wb. 71 (borrowed from Ital turba ‘crow d’); JOKL Studien 1 6 -1 7 , IF X X X V II 100 (a compound consisting of dor- < IE *ghuer- ‘animal, beast’ and -beri compared with Lith bürÿs ‘crow d’); BARIC AArbSt I 215; TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 147; ÇABEJ St. I 133 (derived from *torbar based on torbe ‘shepherd’s bag; knapsack’), Etim. Ill 2 8 6 -2 8 7 . dorë f, pi. duar ~ duer ‘h an d ’. A sin g u la rized neut. p lural P A lb *därä < IE *ghesr- (PISANI Saggi 121; H a m p Anc. IE Dial. 115) rela ted to Gk Xeîp id., H itt kessar id., T okh A tsar- id., B sar- id., Arm jern id. (BOPP 492; M e y e r Wb. 72, Alb. St. Ill 18, 71). 0 M e y e r Alb. St. I 92 (to Gk ôrôpov ‘p a lm ’); Gr. Gr. 81; JOKL LKUBA 90, IF XXXVI 132, XLIX 274; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 101, Stratificazione 88; ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 230; E r n o u t -M e il l e t 295, 300; M a n n Language XXVIII 34 (from *ghard-s-); FRISK II 1082-1083; CHANTRAINE 305; PORZIG Gliederung 187; P is a n i Saggi 99, 121; P o k o r n y I 203; V a n W in d e k e n s I 521; H a m p Anc. IE 115; H u l d 54; KORTLANDT Arm-IE 40; Ç a b e j Etim. Ill 288-291; S c h r u v e r BC 58; D e m ir a j AE 140.

DOSE —

DRAGË

71

dose f, pl. dosa ‘pig, sow’. From PAlb *dû(i)tjâ, a derivative of IE *dhë(i)~ ‘to suckle’ (Ö LBERG apud D e m i r a j ; Ç a b e j T 1 3 4 - 1 3 5 ) . 0 CAM A RDA II 2 0 3 (to Gk 0cûç ‘jackal’); J o k l Studien 17 (reconstructs IE *sijätiä further connected with *sü- ‘pig’); Baric"' ARSt 1 6 - 7 (from *dërgiü related to derk < *dergo- as darkë to dasmë)', PEDERSEN KZ X X X V I I I 3 9 3 (to derk, dirk, from *dêrk4ay, VA SM ER Alb. Wortforsch. I 13 (borrowed j from Bulgaro-Turk do%s ‘pig’); T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 1 0 0 (agrees with JOKL), Stratificazione 1 3 5 ; RIBEZZO RivAlb I 1 4 0 , II 1 4 4 (from *ghëtiû, to Maced yo x áv úv); H U L D 1 4 8 (follows JOKL); ÇABEJ Etim. Ill 2 9 3 2 9 6 ; D e m i r a j AE 1 4 0 - 1 4 1 . dot part, o f irreal. A lexicalized sequence o f tw o particles, do and të (LAM­ BERTZ LP VII 9 2 ). 0 MEYER Wb. 7 2 (b orrow ed from Lat in tötö)\ PED­ ERSEN BB XX 2 3 3 - 2 3 5 , KZ XXXVII 2 3 6 -2 3 8 (r e c o n str u c ts acc. *dhëtim o f a d everb ative related to IE *dhë- ‘to p u t’); M a n n Language XXVI 381; MlHÄESCU RESEE I V / 1-2 2 0 (from Lat tötum ); ÇABEJ St. I 135 (fo llo w s LAMBERTZ), Etim. Ill 2 9 6 -2 9 7 ; M a n n Comp. 129
(id en tical w ith Gk ôi]Ta); H a a r m a n n 154 (sa m e as M ih ä e s c u ). dra ~ drâ f ‘o il-ca k e, m elted butter’. R eflects P A lb * draga (MEYER Wb. 7 2 -7 3 , Alb. St. I ll 2 9 , 37, 7 2 w ith b asic e ty m o lo g ic a l p a ra llels) w ith secon d ary n asalization in G eg and the lo ss o f (he co n so n a n t p reserv ed in the variant w ith a lo n g v o w e l drâ. C lo se p a ra llels are foun d in G e r­ m anic (O N pi. dreggiar ‘y e a s t’) and in B altic: O P rus dragios ‘y e a s t’ ( if not b o rrow ed from G erm a n ic), O L ith dragis id. ( if not from O ld P ru ssian ), Lett dial, dradzi ‘sed im en t in m elted b u tter’. C f. a lso S la v

*drozdzi ‘y e a s t’ (but B u lg drozde ‘so m eth in g ea sy to m elt or b rea k ’ !)
and a corresponding verb *drozgati ‘to press, to knead’. The w ord seem s to r e p r e se n t a N o r th E u ro p ea n in n o v a tio n in In d o -E u ro p ea n . 0 C a m a r d a I 74 (to Gk rpúu ‘m ust’); M e y e r Gr. Gr. 69; J o k l IF X X X V I 101; Die Sprache IX 149; PISANI Saggi 124; REICHELT KZ X L V I 322; D u r i d a n o v Thr.-Dak. 9 4 (re co n str u c ts D ac *draga)', H i r t BODS X X III 3 49 f. (O ld P russian < G erm anic); T o p o r o v PJa I 3 6 3 f.; BOGA RR III 2 0 6 (on L ett dradzi); T r a u t m a n n APSpr. 322; ENDZELIN KZ X L IV 65; F r a e n k e l 100; P is a n i Saggi 124; A n t t i l a Schw. 122; P o k o r n y 1 251; T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa V 128 f. (on the Slavic form as derived from *drozg~): VASMER I 5 4 0 (S la v *drozga < *drogska)\ OREL ZfBalk X X III 140, Koll. Idg. Ges. 357; DEMIRAJ AE 141.

dragfi f, pi. draga ‘avalanche’. Borrow ed from Slav *dorga ‘ravine’ (Ç abej

72

DRAGUA

~

1>Ra (n )G U E

1)R I. ~

DRK

St. I 136) unattested in the meaning ‘avalanche’. 0 J o k l IF XLIII 4749 (reconstructs *dë-ra-gë and connects it with rashë); SV A N E 81, 161; Ç A B E J Etim. Ill 299-300. dragua - dra(n)gue m, pi. dragonj ~ drangoj ‘dragon’. Another variant is (T) drangua. It represents a borrowing from Rom *drancônem, a modification of Lat dracönem id. (M EY ER -LÜ BK E Gr. Grundriß 21 1 0 4 6 , 1 0 5 0 : also considers the possibility of borrowing from Italian). 0 STIER KZ X I 1 3 4 (borrowed from G k SpcxKcov id.); C a m a r d a I 8 2 (to G k öpaKcov id.); M EYER Alb. St. I 5 2 , Wb. 7 3 (directly from dracönem or from Ital dragone); MlHÄESCU RESEE IV / 1-2 2 2 ; HAARMANN 123; ÇABEJ Etim. Ill 3 0 0 - 3 0 2 (from Latin). drang m, pi. drangje ‘barge-pole, punting-pole; young creature, cub’. From PAlb *dranga further to be compared with ON drangr ‘stone pillar’, drengr ‘thick trunk’, Lith dránga ‘perch, pole’, Slav *drggi> ~ *drçga

DREDH

O R E JT Ë

73

(and also ‘bug’) ~ *bykati ‘to roar, to bellow’. 0 STIER KZ VII 1 6 0 (to Messap ßpev8o v è'Xacpov); SCHEFTELOWITZ BB XXVIII 2 9 7 (to Arm er in] ‘heifer’); CHARPENTIER KZ XL 4 3 2 ; V A SM E R ZfslavPh III 2 8 8 (to Thr Apéviç); TAG LIAVINI Stratificazione 1 3 5 - 1 3 6 ; GEORGIEV Issle­ dovanija 1 2 0 (to a Thracian name Apévtç); M AYRHOFER II 1 1 5 - 1 1 6 ; ÇA BEJ Sr. I 1 3 6 - 1 3 7 (to OIr darn ‘head’, cf. G k icápa ‘head’ - îcépaç ‘horn’ ~ Lat cervus ‘deer’), Etim. Ill 3 0 5 - 3 0 7 ; DEM IRAJ AE 1 4 2 - 1 4 3 (from *d-ran- based on IE *UfHn ). dredh aor. drodha ‘to turn, to rotate’. From PAlb *dredza continuing IE *dregh- closely related to Arm darnam ‘to turn’, d a r}'curve, turn’ < IE *dfgh- (LlDÉN Arm. Studien 1 0 1 - 1 0 2 ) . Note a derivative of dredh - dridh ‘to shake, to vibrate’. As to dredhëz ‘straw berry’, it is identical with dredhëz ‘cord, string’ derived from dredh. 0 CAMARDA I 74 (to Gk xpéo) ‘to flee’); M eyer Wb. 74 (secondary connection between dredhëz and dredh), Alb. St. Ill 18, 29, 72, IF V 181 (related to Gk ipá^m

74

DREKË — DRINJË

drekë f, pl. drekë ‘lunch, dinner, midday m eal’. Connected with darkë and reflecting PAlb *drika related to darkë (M EYER Wb. 61) and reflect­ ing a zero-grade *drk“ close to Bret dibri ‘lunch’, OBret diprim ‘to a eat’ (H A M P i4 « c . IE Dial. 116). However, the development of *-i- > -e- remains unclear. 0 M EYER Gr. Gr. 245; PEDERSEN BB XX 231 (recon­ structs *dn>k"-)\ HlRT Ablaut 126; PORZIG Gliederung 178; CAM AJ Alb. Wortb. 114 (suffix -kë)\ L e w t s - P e d e r s e n 314; HAMP KZ LXXVII 253; M a n n FL\ED6\ (zero grade in the root); A n t t i l a Schw. 29, 100; Ç a b e j St. I 108, Etim. HI 315-316; H u l d 48-49; KÖDDERITZSH Festschr. Mac Eoin 62-63; D e m i r a j AE 144-145. dremis aor. dremita ‘to slum ber’. Borrowed from South Slav *dremiti
‘to doze, to slum ber’, cf. Maced dremit, SCr dramiti. Cf. also a Slavic derivative in drëmkë ‘nap’. 0 M e y e r Wb. 65 (borrowed from Slav *drëmati id.); POLÁK ZfBalk I 78 (from SCr drijemati); SvANE 253; ÇABEJ Etim. Ill 4 8 4 .

drenjë f, pi. drenja ‘quail’. From PAlb *dranja, derivative from dre ~
drê (Ç a b e j Etim. Ill 3 1 6 ). 0 C a m a r d a II 159 (to G k xexpáwv); M e y e r Wb. 7 4 (from Rom *tetraonem, cf. Lat tetraönem ‘heath-cock’); SPITZER M RIW l 3 1 9 -3 2 0 (to dr a).

dreq m, pl. dreqër ~ dreqën 0

‘d e v il’. B o r ro w e d fro m the n om . sg . or pi.

o f Lat dracô ‘d ra g o n ’ (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 22; M e y e r Wb. 7 3). M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1043, 1051; JOKL IF XXX 291; S c h u c h a r d t KZ XX 246; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 107; M i h ä e s c u

RESEE I V /I -2 28; HAARMANN 123; ÇABEJ St. I 140, Etim. Ill 3 1 6 -3 1 7 (from Gk Spáiccov); L a n d i Lat. 28, 112, 1 4 3 -1 4 5 .

drënjë f ‘cornel-cherry’, adj.
* S T > -d o rv b

‘h ealth y, sound’. From PAlb * d r a u n j ä ,

a derivative of IE *dreu- ‘tree’. For the evolution of meaning cf. Slav

‘healthy’ ~ *dervo ‘tree’ and Lat röbustus ‘healthy’ ~ robur ‘oak’. 0 MEILLET Etudes I 88; BENVENlSTE Word X 2 5 9 , Inst. I 108110 (semantic analysis of *dreu-); VASMER II 90; ÇABEJ St. I 140 (deriva­ tion based on B u lg or Maced dren ‘cornel-cherry’), Etim. Ill 31 8 .

drinjë f, pi. d r i n j a ‘brushwood’. From PAlb * d r ü n j ä related to d r u and the Indo-European word for ‘tree’. Ô JOKL/F XXXVI 101 n. 1 (from SCr d r i j e n ‘cornel-cherry’); Ç a b e j E t i m . Ill 320-321 (from Slavic).

DRTTF, —

DROKTH

75

dritë f, pl. drita ‘light, luster, pupil (of an eye)’. From *drikta based on IE *deríc- ‘to look’ and, in particular, close to OE torht ‘bright’, OHG zoraht (M E Y E R Wb. 7 4 , Alb. Sr. Ill 2 7 , 4 3 ) . 0 BR U G M A N N 1 3 1 ; JOKL Studien 5 3 , Reallex. Vorgesch. I 9 0 , Sprache IX 1 2 0 ; PEDERSEN Kelt. Gr. I 4 2 ; M a n n Language XXVIII 3 3 ; PORZIG Gliederung 1 4 9 ; POKORNY 1 2 1 3 ; C h a n t r a i n e 2 6 5 ; Ö l b e r g Festschr. Pisani I I 6 8 8 ; Ç a b e j St. I 1 4 0 - 1 4 1 (to Lith zeriii, zerëti ‘to shine’, Slav *zbreti ‘to see’ and the like), Etim. Ill 3 2 2 - 3 2 3 ; H u l d 5 5 ; O r e l ZfBalk XXIII 1 4 8 ; D e m i r a j AE 1 4 5 . drithë m /n, pl. drithëra ~ drithna ‘grain’. From PAlb *dritsa etymologically connected with Lat hordeum ‘barley’, O H G gersta id. < IE *ghrzd- (JOKL IF XXX 302). In Albanian, the development of the voiced Indo-Euro­ pean cluster seems to be surprising. 0 HOLTHAUSEN AEW 351; SPITZER MRIW I 335 (from *ghrsuo-)\ TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 108; W a l d e HOFMANN I 656-657; MANN Language XXVIII 40; E r n o u t - M e i l l e t 299; PISANI Saggi 118; P o r z i g Gliederung 209; C h a n t r a i n e 583; POKORNY I 446; SGGJa I 88; CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 123; ÖLBERG Festschr. Pisani II 685; HAMP KZ LXXVI 277; Ç A B E J BUShT X V / 3 57 (to IE *der- ‘to tear’), Etim. Ill 323-325; H u ld 55-56; RASMUSSEN Morph. 91; D e m ir a j AE 145-146.

drizë (', pi. driza ‘blackthorn, sloe’. From PAlb *dridzjä etymologically
connected with IE *dergh- ‘to hold, to be firm ’: Skt drhyati ‘to be firm ’, Slav *dbrzati to hold’ < *dwzjati and, in particular, *dbrza > Russ dereza ‘kind of thorny plant’ (with a secondary polnoglasie), see K a lu Z S K A J A Antic, balk. 3 27. 0 M e y e r Wb. 75 (related to dru); J o k l IF XXXVI 101, LKUBA 248 (suffix -zë); M AYRHO FER II 61-62; VA SM ER I 502; M a n n Hist. gr. 34 (to OIr driss ‘blackthorn’); TRUBACEV ÈSSJa V 231; H a m p KZ LXXVI 275; O r e l FLH V III/1-2 38; K l i n g e n s c h m i t t apud D e m i r a j (to Gk ôpioç ‘bush’); Ç a b e j Etim. Ill 325-326 (to drithë); D e m i r a j AE 146.

drobis

aor. drobita ‘to tire ’. Borrowed from Slav *drobiti ‘to break, to crush’ in an otherwise unattested meaning (DESNICKAJA Slav. zaim. 16). 0 ÇABEJ Etim. Ill 326-327 (from Maced dr obi); S v a n e 232.

drokth m, pi. droktha ‘broom ’. A deminutive based on *drok probably borrowed from Slav *drok-b ‘genista’ which, however, is not attested in South Slavic.

76

DROM GË

DRUDHE

dromcë f, pl. dromca ‘crumb, bit’. Borrowed from Slav *drobbnica ‘trifle, small object’, cf. in particular South Slavic forms: Maced drobnica ‘trifle’, Bulg drobnica ‘pear-tree with small fruit’, SCr drobnica ‘particle’ (Ml­ KLOSICH Slav. Elemente 18; M e y e r Alb. St. I 82, Wb. 75). 0 Ç.ABEJ St. I 142 (connects dromcë with drudhe and IE *der- ‘to tear’ or *dhreu‘to break’), Ç a b e j Etim. Ill 329-331. dru ~ drû m, pi. drunj, drurë ~ drun ‘tree; wood (f, pl. dru)'. From PAlb *druwa etymologically compared with Slav *drhvo ‘wood’, Skt druid., Av dru- id., Gk Spûç ‘tree, oak’ (BOPP 541; G il ’FERDING Otn. 22; CAMARDA I 76; M e y e r Wb. 75). The nasalization in Geg is secondary (Ç a b e j St. I 142-143) and, probably, influenced by the plural forms. The word was borrowed to Rum druete ‘thick and short tree’.O M e y e r Alb. St. I ll 27, 72, Gr. Gr. 232, 269; B r u g m a n n - D e l b r ü c k I I / 1 161 (borrowing from Slav *drbva); PEDERSEN KZ XXXIV 291, Kelt. Gr. I 144; JOKL IF XXXVI 100-102; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 109; MANN Language XVII 15 (from IE *drno-)\ MAYRHOFER II 36; FRISK I 421-422; PISANI Saggi 123; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 330; ROSETTI ILR I 276-277; H a m p KZ LXXVI 275 (original «-stem), LB XXV 78 (collective *druuä); A n t t il a Schw. 16; T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa V 141-142; H u l d 56; Ç a b e j Etim. I ll 332-334; D e m ir a j AE 146-147. draaj ~ druej aor. druajta, drojta, drova ‘to be afraid’. From PAlb *draunja derived from dre, droe ‘fear’ < PAlb *drawa. T he noun is related to Latv druvas ‘fear’ and, further, to Lith draudziu, drausti ‘to forbid, to deter, to scare off’. 0 CAMARDA I 73 (to Skt trdsati ‘to be afraid’, Gk ipécù ‘to flee in fright’); MEYER Wb. 75 (etymologically connect­ ed with OHG droa ‘threat’ but its anlaut continues IE *t-),Alb. St. Ill 24 (explains Alb d- from *en-t-); TREIMER MRIW I 371 (to Gk ToepaGoco ‘to stir, to frighten’); M a n n Language XXVI 382 (to Lith drovà ‘self-consciousness, awkwardness’ which is, in fact, a Germanic loanword); FRAENKEL 102; ROSETTI ILR I 276 (to Rum droaie ‘band, gang; a lot’); Ç a b e j St. I 143-144 (to E dread), Etim. Ill 334-337. drudhe f, pi. drudhe ‘cr u m b ’. A sin g u la rized plural o f *drudhë. F rom P A lb *drudza related to Lith drhzgas ‘sp lin ter, fra g m en t’, driizti ‘to b ecom e w ea k ’. 0 CAMARDA I 115 (to Gk Bpwruco ‘to tear’); MEYER Wb. 370 (to rrudhë ‘w rinkle’); FRAENKEL 107; L a PIANA St. Varia 26 (derived from -rrudh related to rrjedh); M a n n Hist. Gr. 176 (to OIr druidim

DRUG E —

DUA

~

DUE

77

‘to close’); CAM AJ Alb. Wortb. 121 (suffix -dhe); SlR O K O V ZFL X X IV /1 14 (to Lith dirginti ‘to puli’); Ç a b e j St. I 144 (connects drudhe with dromcë and IE *dhreu- ‘to break’), Etim. Ill 231-233. drugë f, pi. druga ‘spindle, shuttle’. Borrowed from SCr druga id. < Slav *drçga ( M e y e r Wb. 75). 0 S e l i S c e v Slav, naselenie 171, 295; JOKL Slavia XIII 313-314 (from NGk Tpoúya, ôpoùya ‘thread’); B a r i ç Hymje 74, 79; POLÁK ZfBalk I 81; ÇABEJ St. I 144, Etim. Ill 337-338; SV A N E 47, 81. drushtë f, pi. drushta ‘pole, mast’. From PAlb *drusta further connected with dru. druth m ‘wrath’. A derivative in -th of droe, dre ‘fear’, cf. druaj ~ druenj. (G) dry m ‘kind of lock, bolt’. From PAlb *dr fina related to the IndoEuropean word for ‘tree’ and, probably, referring to the strength of the lock, cf. Gk Spoóv- íoxupóv (B U G G E BB XVIII 1 6 5 ) . The closest formal parallels of PAlb *drüna are Skt druna- ‘bow ’, Iran *drüna‘bow’ in Pers durüna ‘rainbow’, Ossetic cerdyn ( H a m p KZ LXXVI 2 7 6 ) and Slav *drynr ‘stick, pole’. 0 BUGGE BB XVIII 165 (to OIr dron ‘hard, h strong’); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 1 0 9 (suggests Skt dróna- ‘wooden trough’ as an exact parallel); M ILLER Oss. 3 0 ; F r isk 1 4 1 9 ; M AYRHOFER II 7 8 ; ÇABEJ St. I 1 4 5 , Etim. Ill 3 3 9 - 3 4 1 ; T r u b a c e v VJa 1 9 7 5 / 1 1 3 5 , ÈSSJa V 1 4 5 ; D e m i r a j AE 1 4 8 - 1 4 9 . drydhët adj. ‘easy to plane (of wood)’. Continues PAlb *drüdza (with a secondary suffix -ët) close to Slav *dry:gati, *druzgati ‘to squeeze, to crush’. 0 T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa V 133, 145. dryshk m ‘rust’. From PAlb *drildz(i)ska derived from *drüdza > drydh(ët). 0 M e y e r Wb. 76 (explains the verb ndryshk ‘to rust’ from Rom *inrussicö based on russus ‘rusty’); H A A R M A N N 131; ÇABEJ St. I 372-373 (a préfixai derivative of IE *reudh- ‘red ’). dua ~ due aor. desha ‘to love’. From PAlb *dâusna connected with IE *geus- ‘to taste’, cf. Skt jósati ‘to be fond o f , Gk y£V>o(tou and the like (JOKL/F XXXVII 101-102, LKUBA 127). The diphthongization of the root vowel into -ua- may be explained by the original long diphthong in Proto-Albanian *dausna (JOKL). The aorist goes back to PAlb *deusa.

78

DUAJ ~

DUE] —

DUQ.

Rom. Elemente 2 0 (from Lat dêbeo ‘must’); M e y e r Wb. Alb. St. Ill 1 7 , 6 1 , 9 0 ; PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 3 3 3 , Kelt. Gr. I 8 0 ; P i s a n i Saggi 9 9 , 1 0 1 ; ClM OCHOW SKI LP II 2 3 0 ; L a P i a n a Studi I 4 9 51 (to Gk ôéojiat ‘to lack, to miss’); E r n o u t - M e i l l e t 2 8 6 ; M a y r h o f e r 1 4 4 1 ; FRISK I 3 0 2 ; POKORNY I 3 9 9 - 4 0 0 ; H u l d 1 4 4 ; K l i n g e n s c h m i t t Verbum 1 5 1 , Münch. St. Spr. XL 1 2 4 ; ÇABEJ Etim. Ill 1 7 3 - 1 7 5 ; OREL Sprache XXXI 2 8 0 , Koll. Idg. Ges. 3 5 1 {-sh- < *-s- in de sha < IE *geusrp according to the “ruki” rule); DEM IRAJ AE 1 4 9 .
O M lK LO SICH 76, du aj ~ d u ej pi. ‘sheaf’. Continues PAlb *dönja related to Skt dhäna ‘grain, cereals’, dhänyd- ‘grain’, Lith dúona ‘bread’. 0 M e y e r Wb. 7 8 , Alb. St. Ill 26, 86 (to Gk ôéco ‘to tie’); JOKL Sprache IX 117; SCHMIDT KZ L 2 3 8 ; ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 2 2 3 , 2 3 9 ; POKORNY 1 2 4 2 ; CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 3 7 ; OREL ZfBalk XXIII 1 4 5 ; ÇABEJ Etim. Ill 3 4 1 - 3 4 2 (plural of dorë); DEMIRAJ AE 1 4 9 - 1 5 0 (to Skt daman- ‘band’).

d u d ë f,

pi. duda ‘gum’. An onomatopoeic formation (ÇABEJ Etim. Ill

3 4 2 -3 4 3 ).

its widespread variant tuke seems to be more conservative. In Old Alban­ ian as well as in some dialects one also finds tue (BUZUKU) and tu ( B o g d a n i ) . All these particles reflect compounds of tu (for the ety­ mology see këtu) and ke (identical with ku) or e (PED ER SEN Alb. Texte 1 2 0 ) . 0 Ç a b e j St. I 1 4 6 - 1 4 7 (from tuke where e is a proclitic pronoun), Etim. Ill 3 4 9 - 3 5 2 .
r e f i, ‘to appear, to be visible’. Borrowed from MGk or NGk ô o k e î ‘to seem, to appear’. 0 C a m a r d a 1 5 3 (to Gk ô o k é c o ‘to see, to observe’); M e y e r Wb. 7 6 - 7 7 (follows CAMARDA and, alternatively, compares duket with Goth pugkjan ‘to think’); THUMB IF X X V 1 2 (against comparisons with Gk ô o k ê c o ) ; JOKL Studien 18 (to Lith zvâkè ‘light’, Lat fa x ‘torch’ and the like), LKUBA 5 3 - 5 5 ; PISANI Saggi 1 1 8 ; Ç a b e j Etim. Ill 3 5 2 -

duket

354. d u q m. pi. duqe ‘bung; cock (of a gun)’. Borrowed from Lat ducem appear­ ing in similar meanings in several Romance languages (Ç abej St. I 1 4 8 ). 0 M e y e r Wb. 7 7 (from Lat ductus ‘connection’, *‘canal’); M ih ä e s c u RESEE I V / 1 - 2 2 2 ; H a a r m a n n 1 2 3 ; Ç a b e j Etim. Ill 3 5 9 ; L a n d i Lat. 8 3, 112.

DUROJ

DYNU

79

duroj

aor.

durava ‘to be p a tie n t’. B o r r o w e d fro m Lat düräre id.

( G i l ’f e r d i n g Otn. 25; M i k l o s i c h Rom. Elemente 23; M e y e r Wb. 77). N o te , h o w e v er , that the reflex o f Lat -ft- is irregular. 0 MEYER-LÜBKE

Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1049; MlHÄESCU RESEE I V / 1-2 15; HAARMANN 123; ÇABEJ St. I 148 (from Ital durare), Etim. Ill 3 6 1 -3 6 2 . dushk m, pi. dushqe ‘oak’. Another variant of this word is drushk. It continues PAlb *druska, a derivative of dru (DIEFENBACH I 49; M e y e r Wb. 77). 0 C a m a r d a 1 50 (to Gk tó^ov ‘bow’); Jo k l LKUBA 166, Vox Rom. VIII 151-152 (from Alpine Illyrian substratum); SKOK ZfromPh XLVIII 411, AG lt XXIV 19 (from Rom *drusculum)\ S c h u c h a r d t KZ XX 254 (to Raeto-Rom dasa ‘branch of a conifer’); PISANI KZ LXXI 62-63 (to Lat dümus ‘smoke’ < *dus-mos and OHG züsach ‘bushes’); CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 117; ÇABEJSY. I 148-149 (follows M e y e r ), Etim. Ill 363-365; DEMIRAJ AE 148, 150-151.

■ !

;

dy num. ‘two’. From PAlb *duwo, fem. *duwai with a contraction similar to that of qytet and grykë. Further parallels are reflexes of IE *d(u)uö(u), fem . *d(uiuaL ^Ropp 511: C a m a r d a I 53: M e y e r Alb. St. II 2 7 , III 2 6 , IV 4 6 ). Ó MEYER Wb. 78 (th in ks ot it i *dü ana com p a res with Lith dà); PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 282 (from IE *duoie); SKOK AArbSt II 307 (from *dui); L a PIANA St. Varia 35 (from *duui > *dui); TAGLI­ AVINI Dalmazia 109; M a n n Language XXVIII 32; ÇABEJ St. I 149-150 (reco n stru cts *dui-), Etim. Ill 366-369; HULD 56-57 (co m p a res fem . dy: w ith S lav *di>ve); HAMP Numerals 905-906; DEMIRAJ AE 151-152. i dyllë m/n ‘wax’. From PAlb *dilla related to Gk x "u  ô ç ‘juice’ ( M E Y E R Wb. 78, Alb. St. Ill 18, 76 but reconstructing *ghü-dlo-). Both forms, going back to IE *gheu- ‘to pour’, appear to reflect *ghu-slo- with a compensatory lengthening. 0 JOKL Reallex. Vorgesch. I 88 (to IE *dheu- ‘to flow’), Sprache IX 154; P e d e r s e n KZ XXXVI 334; T a g l i ­ a v i n i Dalmazia 110 (follows M e y e r ); L a P i a n a Studi 1 54-55 (to Gk ôodôç ‘burning wood’); P IS A N I Saggi 118 (reconstructs *ghülo-); ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 230; B a r i ÇHymje 36; F risk 1123-1124; POLÁK Orbis XVI 132-133 (same as L a PIANA); ÇABEJ St. I 150-151 (com­ pares dyll with IE *ghel- ‘yellow’), Etim. Ill 371-373 (to Gk Gì)oc ‘burning offering’); HULD 57, KZ XC 181; LlUKKONEN SSF X 58 (identical with Slav part. *davih, ‘pressing, squeezing’); DEMIRAJ AE 152. dynd aor. dynda ‘to shake’. An onomatopoeia. Note a deverbative dyn-

80

D Y S JI —

DHE

dalle ‘flo o d , in u n d ation ’. 0 ÇABEJ St. I 150 (a variant o f (lend), Etim. Ill 3 7 3 -3 7 5 .
d ysh m, pi. dysha ‘two, pair’. A derivative based on dy (MEYER Wb. 78)

and reflecting PAlb *dwis identical with Skt dvfh ‘twice’, Gk ôiç id., Lat bis id. 0 M a y r h o f e r II 86; F r is k I 398-399; W a l d e -H o f m a n n I 107; ÇABEJ Etim. Ill 376-377.

Dh
dhallë ~ dhalltë f ‘b u tterm ilk ’. From P A lb *dzala related to Gk yáXa,
gen . yàÀocKxoç ‘m ilk ’ (MEYER Wb. 83). A pp arently, the A lbanian form is the result o f a d eep m orp h ological transform ation as far as Gk yaXa co n tin u es *yáXaKx. N o te that p h o n etica lly *dzalä < *ghkt- is sim ilar to *ara ‘b e a r ’ < *rkto- (cf. ari). R um zarä is an A lb anian lo a n w o rd . 0 PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 334; JOKL LKUBA 273 (follow s MEYER), Sprache

IX 153 (to dele); TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 147-148; M a n n Language XVII 17 (recon stru cts *galakto-); LA PIANA Vocale 33 (from *dlagos); ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 228; PISANI Saggi 118; F r is k I 2 8 3 -2 8 4 ; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 354; ROSETTI ILR I 283; RUSSU Etnogeneza 4 1 9 -4 2 1 ; REICHENKRON Dakische 170 (substratum w ord); Hamp KZ LXXVI 27 6 2 7 7 (reco n stru cts *golH-); ÖLBERG Festschr. Pisani II 686; HULD 57; K o r t l a n d t Arm-IE 41 (to dele); D e m ir a j AE 1 5 3 -1 5 4 (to Skt jala‘w a te r ’).

dhe m/f/n, pi. dhera ~ dhena ‘earth, land’. From PAlb *dzö reflecting IE *dhghöm ‘earth’: Hitt tekan, Tokh A tkam, B kem, Skt ksam-, G k X Ó (M e y e r Wb. 83, Alb. St. Ill 18). 0 G i l ’f e r d in g Otn. 22 (to Gk 0C V yri ‘earth’, örj id.); CAMARDA I 46 (same as G i l ' f e r d in g ); M e y e r Wb. 83 (does not exclude the connection with yfj); P e d e r s e n KZ XXXVI 334, Kelt. Gr. I 89; J o k l IF XXXVI 135-136; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 170; SCHMIDT KZ L 237-238 (equal to Arm *ti ‘earth’); MANN Lan­ guage XXVI 382-383 (follows C a m a r d a ); L a P ia n a Vocale 32; P i s a ­ n i Saggi 101; ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 228, ABS III 37-40; MAYRHOFER I 288-289; F ris k II 1098-1099; POKORNY I 414-415; H a m p Minos IX 199 (different anlauts of dje and dhe make the connection with *dhghöm less probable), FLH IV 137, KZ CI1I 289-292 (from IE *dhegHo-); V a n W in d e k e n s 1 506-507; S c h in d l e r Sprache XIII 200; H u l d 58

DHEL

D H E M JE

81

(dhe < *dhoigho-, to Gk xoîxoç ‘wall’); OREL Balcanica 110-112, Koll. Idg. Ges. 357; ÇABEJ apud DEMIRAJ (to the first component of Ati-ht)tt|p); D e m ir a j AE 155-156. dhel aor. dhela ‘to fondle, to caress, to flatter . Metathesis of ledhê (ÇABEJ St. I 151). Note that its derivatives dhelatoj id. and dhelatar ‘only son’ also have their counterparts in unmetathesized ledhatoj and ledhatar. 0 M e y e r Wb. 84 (treats dhelatar as a borrowing from Ital diletto ‘delight, pleasure’); TAG LIAVINI Stratificazione 114-115. dhelpër ~ dhelpën
f, pl.

dhelpra ~ dhelpna ‘f o x ’. F rom P A lb *dzelpinâ

transform ed by a taboo typical o f w ords for ‘fo x ’ (MEILLET BSL XXVIII

45) from *welpinä, a d erivative co n n ected w ith Lith vilpisÿs ‘w ild ca t’ (STIER KZ XI 143-144; VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. I 15) and, further, w ith other irregular form s: L at volpês ‘f o x ’, Gk àÀ,(Ó7tr|ì; id. and the lik e. T h e d ev elo p m en t o f *welpinâ to *dze!pina c o u ld be in flu en ced by dhel or by dhe. 0 CAMARDA I 96 (to G k á ta o rá , ‘f o x ’); BUGGE BB XVIII 165 (from Lat volpês or a m odification o f CAMARDA’s etym ology); M e y e r Alb. St. IV 16 (against BUGGE); lOKL LKUBA 297299 (to IE *ghel- ‘y e llo w ’); B aricÍ1AArbSt. I 214; TAGLIAVINI Strati­ ficazione 136; ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 229; FRAENKEL 1254; WALDEH o f m a n n II 830; F r isk I 83; C a m a j Alb. Wortb. 119 (suffix -p-); Ç abej St. VII 217, 268; DEMIRAJ AE 156 (to Gk yccAir) ‘w e a s e l’). dhemb aor. dhemba ‘to ache’. In Tosk also dhemb. From PAlb *dzemba etymologically identical with Skt jdmbhate ‘to snap at’, Lith zembiu, zembti ‘to cut’ and Slav *zebç. *zebti ‘to freeze, to feel cold’ (PEDERSEN KZ X X X V I 3 3 4 ) . 0 BO PP 4 6 0 (to Skt dam- ‘to tam e’); M EYER Wb. 8 4 8 5 (to Lat gemö ‘to sigh, to groan’), Alb. St. I l l 1 6 , 6 4 ; TAG LIAVINI Dalmazia 1 7 3 - 1 7 4 ; F r a e n k e l 1 2 8 9 ; P o k o r n y I 3 6 9 ; M a y r h o f e r I 4 1 9 ; V a s m e r II 1 1 1 ; D e m i r a j AE 1 5 6 - 1 5 7 . dhemje f, pi, dhemje ‘caterpillar’. Another variant is vemje. Derivative of dhe ( M e y e r Wb. 84; lO K L IF XXXVI 136) that may be reconstructed as PAlb *dzömjd. 0 L i d é n AfslPh XXVIII 33; PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 335,Kelt. Gr. I 89; JOKL LKUBA 200; TAG LIAVINI Stratificazione 136; ClM OCHOW SKI LP II 228-229, IV 189-191 (to ôe|xeÀ.éaç, 8e|ißÄ.ei<;ßSeMiou, Hes.); X H U V A N I BUShT XII 97-99 (analogical influence of dhjes and dhemb in the secondary form in dh-)\ Ç a b e j St. II 276-277 (to ve ‘egg’); DEM IRAJ AE 157.

82

DHF.UT.Ë -

DHËNDËR ~

D H A N D ËR

dheulë f. pl. dheula ‘an t’. A recen t d eriv a tiv e in -lë b ased on dheu, the d efin ite form o f dhe (ÇABEJ St. T 153). dhez aor. dheza ‘to set on fire, to burn’. From PAlb *dagja with a sandhial change of the initial *d-, cf. ndez id. Further connected with djeg. 0 MEYER Wb. 84 (separates dhez from djeg); JOKL LKUBA 333; ÇABEJ St. VII 200, 235; O r e l FLH V III/1-2 38. dhëmb ~ dhamb m, pl. dhëmbë ~ dhambë ‘tooth’. From PAlb *dzamba, a dialectal Indo-European word for ‘tooth’ shared by Albanian togeth­ er with Tokh A kam ‘tooth’, B keme id., Latv zuobs id., Slav *zçbi, id. (M EY ER Wb. 83, Alb. St. Ill 16, 35, 64). T h e original meaning seems to be preserved in G k yôjt(poç ‘peg’, Skt jdmbha- ‘bit, peg’. 0 G lL ’FERDING Otn. 22 (to Skt dánta- ‘tooth’); M EYER Gr. Gr. 264; PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 334; JOKL Reallex. Vorgesch. I 89, Sprache IX 123; TA G LI­ AVINI Dalmazia 168, Stratificazione 88; ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 228; M a n n Language XVII 19, XXVIII 33; PORZIG Gliederung 185; PISA N I Saggi 100, 128; FRISK I 319-321; FRAENKEL 1288-1289; M AYRHOFER I 419; V a n W i n d e k e n s I 186; H u l d 58; O r e l Sprache XXXI282, ZfBalk XXIII 143; K l i n g e n s c h m i t t Roll. Idg. Ges. 225; DEM IRAJ AE 158. dhëndër ~ dhandër m, pl. dhëndurë ~ dhandurë ‘bridegroom, son-inlaw’. In the auslaut -rr is also possible. From PAlb *dzanra with a sec­ ondary epenthesis in *-nr- > -nd(ë)r-, cf. ëndërr. The plural form in -ur- is not clear. The word is etymologically identical with Skt järd‘suitor’, Gk ya (ip p ô ç ‘son-in-law’, Lat gener id. (SCHUCHARDT KZ X X 247; M a n n Language X X V I 383, X X V III 33). PAlb *-an- seems to con­ tinue IE *-ema- or a similar cluster. 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 30 (from Lat gener); M e y e r Wb. 85 (to Lith zéntas ‘son-in-law’. Slav *zqtb id.), Alb. St. I ll 16, 24, Gr. Gr. 250; ÌOKL LKUBA 46-48 (to Skt jämätar‘son-in-law’, Av zärnatar- id.); TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 114 (com­ bines M e y e r ’ s and Jo k l ’ s views); E r n o u t -M e il l e t 270; L a P ia n a Studi I 42 (reconstructs *genros); PISANI Saggi 130 (dhëndër as a con­ tamination of Skt jâmâtar- and Lat gener ‘son-in-law’); FRISK I 287; C h a n t r a in e 209; M a y r h o f e r I 431 ; C im o c h o w sk i LP II 228 (from *genater); FRAENKEL ZfslavPh X X III 348 (-ërr < *-urr influenced by vjehërr); FRISK I 287; A n t t il a Schw. 132-133 (from *genH-tr-); H u l d 58-59 (reconstructs IE *gomH-ter-); OREL 7.fBalk X X III 143; D e m ir a j AE 159-160.

D H I ---- DHJES

83

dhi f, pi dhi ‘sh e -g o a t’. F rom P A lb *aidzijá co r re sp o n d in g to Gk a ïç id. (CAMARDA 75 w h o also adduces L acon 8 iÇa- aï£, and A rm aye id.). T h e A lb an ian w ord m ay b e an an cien t ad jectiv e, c f. Gk a v y e(i)o ç ‘o f a goat’. 0 P o t t KZ IV 70; MEYER Wb. 85 (com pares with Skt ajd- ‘g o a t’, Lith ozÿs id. or w ith OHG ziga, L acon S iÇ a- oui;), Alb. St. Ill 28, 37; PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 320, 335; J o k l Festschr. Rozwadowski I 241, Sprache IX 149; T a g l i a v i n i Stratificazione 136; A c a r e a n HAB I 169170; B o n f a n t e R E IE II 61-63; P o r z i g Gliederung 181; P is a n i Saggi 122 (to OHG ziga)\ BARIÇ Hymje 77; JOKL Symb. gramm. I 241 ; FRISK I 41-42; H a m p Laryngeals 140; H u l d 59 (supports P ISA N I); K a r u l i s LE V I 56 (to Lith oda ‘skin‘, Latv cida id.), 94 (to Lith ozÿs ‘goat’, Latv âzis id.); OREL FLH V ili/1-2 47, Koll. Idg. Ges. 358; KORTLANDT ArmIE 38; D e m i r a j AE 160. dhjamë f, pl. dhjamëra ~ dhjamna ‘(animal) fat, lard, suet, tallow’. The dialectal variant vjam, vjamë is secondary. From PAlb *dzel-ma, related to dhallë. 0 MEYER Wb. 86 (to Gk ôr|(iôç ‘fat’ but how to explain the initial *d-l), Alb. St. Ill 28; VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. 15 (treats vjam as the original form); JOKL Sprache IX 153; ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 241; C h a n t r a i n e 274; P o k o r n y I 175; P i s a n i Saggi 118 (follows M e y e r but does not explain the short * e vs. Gk -r|-); PORZIG Gliederung 126, 178; F r i s k I 381; C h a n t r a i n e 274; M a n n Hist. Gr. 55; H u l d 59-60; Ö LBERG IBK XVII 47 (borrowed from Late Gk Çé)j.a ‘decoc­ tion, cooking’); OREL ZfBalk XX III/1 74 (derivative of ve as Slav *sadlo ‘fat’ goes back to *saditi ‘to put, to place’); DEM IRAJ AE 161. dhjes aor. dhjeva ‘to d e fe c a te ’. F rom P A lb *dzetsa or *dzetja related to Skt hadati id., Gk xéÇto id. (C a m a r d a I 96; MEYER Wb. 86, Alb. St. Ill 18, 27). A s far as n eith er *-ts- nor *~tj- co u ld co rresp o n d to IE *-d-, the resu lting form in A lbanian m ay be exp lain ed either by a taboo
tran sform ation or as a r e fle x o f a verb al form based on a p a rticip le *ghed-to-\ the latter w o u ld re g u la rly y ie ld *dzetsa. 0 MEYER Gr. Gr.

274; JOKL Studien 61; PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 335, Kelt. Gr. I 160; L a P ia n a Studi I 55-56 (to Gk ô e î a a ‘d irt’); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 172; P is a n i Saggi 117; C im o c h o w s k i LP II 237; F r is k I 1078-1079; C h a n t r a in e 1250; M a y r h o f e r III 573; K l in g e n sc h m it t Münch. St. Spr. XL 109; ÇABEJ St. I 153-154 (to ON dr ita ‘to d e fe c a te ’, E dirt, Slav *driskati ~ *dristati ‘to d efeca te); ÇABEJ apud DEMIRAJ (to Lat foria ‘d iarrh ea ’); DEMIRAJ AE 161-162 (reco n stru cts *gh(e)de'tio-).

84

DHJF.TË —

OHUROJ

d hjetë num . ‘ten ’. A re la tiv ely recen t d eriv a tiv e in -të based on *dhjeth
<

*detsa e ty m o lo g ic a lly co n n ecte d w ith IE *dekm ‘ten ’: Skt dds'a, Gk
<

S éra , Lat decerti and the like (BOPP 459-460; GlL'FERDING Otn. 21; M e y e r

Wb. 86). T he irregular in itial dh-

*d- is ex p la in ed by sandhi in the

n um erals from 11 to 19 w h ere *-d- is p reced ed by v o w e ls ( M e y e r LÜBKE Idg. Anz. II 184). 0 MEYER Alb. St. Ill 14, 28 (fro m *dekr¡iti p h o n etica lly im p o s sib le as the sy lla b ic *-m- m ust be v o c a liz e d ); B l a n k e n s t e i n IF XXI 110-111; P e d e r s e n Kelt. Gr. 1 46, KZ XXXVI

284-285; JOKL Balkangerm. 131; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 172; MANN Lan­ guage XXVIII 33; P is a n i Saggi 106; SZEMERÉNYI Numerals 70-71, 112114; M a y r h o f e r II 26; F r is k I 359-360; W a ld e - H o f m a n n 1327-329; H u ld 60; K ö d d e r i t z s c h St. albanica X X /2 123-124; H am p Trends LVII 901-902, 916-917, Numerals 916-918; DEMIRAJ AE 162-163.
dhu në f, pl. dhunë ‘labor p ain s, sh am e, d isg r a c e ’. F rom P A lb *edunti or *adunti, further com p ared w ith Gk ò8ijvr| ‘labor p a in s’, A rm erkn id. (O r e l LB XXVIII/4 51-52, AArmL VIII 17-19). T h ese fo rm s m ay be d eriv ed from *ed- ‘to e a t’ (FRISK II 351). 0 CAMARDA I 160 (to Gk 8 é v v o ç ‘reproach , in su lt’); MEYER Wb. 87 (co m p a res w ith derë, dherë ‘b itter’); JOKL Studien 19-20 (recon stru cts *dus-n-â and lin k s it to Skt

dus- ‘e v il, bad, d iffic u lt’, dunóti, (h e) b u rn s’, Gk 8aio> ‘to ligh t up, to k in d le’); ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 251-252; L a PIANA Studi I 63 f. (fo llo w s C a m a r d a ); A c a r e a n HAB II 64; P is a n i Saggi 118 (to Gk a io p jv r i, re con stru cts *ghunâ); MAYRHOFER II 49-50; POKORNY I 180; ÇABEJ BShkSh II/4 34 (to Lat fuscus ‘dark b ro w n ’, St. I 154-155; ÖLBERG IBK XIV 112 (to G erm dunkel ‘d ark ’); OREL Koll. Idg. Ges. 350; JANSON Unt. 91-92; DEMIRAJ AE 163-164 (fo llo w s OREL).
dhuroj aor. dhurova ~ dhunova ‘to make a present’. Borrowed from Lat donare id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 22; MEYER Wb. 8 7 ). In Geg the form *dhunoj was replaced by Tosk dhuroj. The intervocalic Geg -nis, however, preserved in derivatives, such as dhurëti ~ dhunëti ‘present, donation’. Occasionally, the forms with the “correct” d- have been attested in dialects. Forms with initial dh- may reflect *addönäre. 0 C a m a r d a I 4 3 (to Gk Sropéoirai ‘to make a present’); JOKL LKUBA 300; MlHÄESCU RESEE I V / 1-2 22; H a a r m a n n 123; Ç a b e j St. I 155156; JANSON Unt. 4 9 -5 0 .

E —

EDHE

85

E
e conj. ‘and, also’. From PAlb *ö(d) (OREL SBJa Leksikol. 145-146) going back to IE *ëd ~ *ôd, abl. sg. of the pronominal stem *e-/*o-, cf. Skt at ‘then, and’, Av at, äat id., Lith ö ‘and, but’ (if not borrowed from Slavic, S a d n i k - AlTZETM ÜLLER Vgl. Wb. I 1-2), Slav *a and, but’. 0 M EYER Wb. 93 (from Lat et ‘and’ with an inexplicably preserved -1); M E Y E R -L Ü B K E Grundr. rom. Phil. I 1057 (questions the Latin origin of e)\ PUÇCARIU Etym. Wb. I 565 (< Lat et); TAG LIA VIN I Dalmazia 111 (follows M e y e r ) ; F r a e n k e l 514; M a y r h o f e r 1 72; Ç a b e j St. 1 156; M A N N Language XXVI 380; H A M P Bono homine donum 127-131 (e < *ioi); O REL Koll. Idg. Ges. 358; H U L D 60-61. ec(i) aor. eca ‘to go, to run’. Another variant is ecê'j. From *etes < PAlb *aitatja based on a derivative in *-to- of IE *ei- ‘to go’ (O R E L Festschr. Shevoroshkin 260). 0 CAM ARDA 195 (to Gk eifxi ‘to go’); M EYER Wb. 97 (from Rom *itiö replacing itô ‘to go’); B ariC ARSt. 118 (to erdha); JOKL apud ÇABEJ St. I 158 (related to hedh); ÇABEJ St. I 157158 (reconstructs *itiö as a source). edh m, pi. edha ‘he-goat’. From PAlb *aidza connected with Gk die, ‘goat’, Arm aye id. ( T r e i m e r ZfRomPh XXXVIII 408; M A N N XXVI 381), cf. dhi. 0 M EYER Wb. 98 (borrowed from Lat haedus ‘kid’); M EYER-LÜ BK E Gr. Grundriß 21 1043; A c a r e a n HAB I 169-170; JAH UK IAN OA1 122; C i m o c h o w s k i LP IV 201; F r i s k I 41-42; C l a c k s o n LR 90; Ç a b e j I 158 (to Skt ajd- ‘goat’, Lith ozÿs id.); H U L D 61. edhe conj. ‘and, also’. A sequence of enclitics e and dhe, with -dh- < *-d- in the intervocalic position. The first element e is identical with e ‘and, also’. As for dhe, it reflects PAlb *dö < IE *dö (in the inter­ vocalic position) as preserved in Slav *da ‘and, so that’. Note Slovene ada < Slav *a da, a full correspondence of edhe. The variant dhe is secondary ( Ç a b e j St. I 151). The Geg form ende may be explained as a different compound including en- < IE *ani (cf. POK O RNY I 39) and de < PAlb *dö. 0 M EYER Wb. 83 (derives dhe from Turk de ‘and’); Ç a b e j St. I 158; OREL SBJa Leksikol. 146 (mistakenly derives edhe from IE *öge and compares it with Lith àgi where there are no traces of a palatal); BenvenisTEÄ . Balt. Ill 121 f. (pronominal sources of *dö); H a m p St. Whatmough 78, Bono homine donum 127-131 (dhe < *ghö

86

EGER

ELB

related to Lat hoc); OREL Koll. Idg. Ges. 358; H u l d 60-61 (dhe < *ghoi compared with Lat huit). egër adj. ‘wild’. Borrowed from Gk aypioç id. (VASM ER Alh. Wortforsch. I 1 5 ) . 0 G i l ’f e r d i n g Otn. 2 5 (from Lat agrestis); C A M A R D A I 2 8 , 3 6 (comparison with Gk âypioç); M e y e r Wb. 9 4 (borrowed from Lat âcer ‘sharp, violent’), Alb. St. I V 10; SC HU CH ARD T KZ X X 2 4 8 ; L A PIA N A Studi I 6 6 (follows C a m a r d a ) ; B A R ld ARSt. I 15 (reconstructs *n-g"ori‘living in the mountains’); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 1 1 1 - 1 1 2 (agrees with VASM ER); ö l b e r g Festschr. Pisani II 6 8 7 (from Indo-European); ÇABEJ
I 159.

egjëll adv. ‘on an empty stomach’. A compound of a privative parti­ cle c- < PAlb *a- < IE *tj- and gjell; thus, egjëll means ‘without food’ ( P e d e r s e n Kelt. Gr. I 4 5 ) . See also esëll. 0 M EYER Wb. 9 4 (connect­ ed with esëll); ÇABEJ I 1 5 9 (to agull ‘dawn’, derivative of agoj). egjër f ‘Lolium temulentunv. Borrowed from Lat ebria f. ‘drunk’, prob­ ably, influenced at some stage by egër. For the semantic development cf. the French name of the same plant ivraie < Lat ebriâca (MEYER Wb. 94). 0 JOKL WuS XII 78-79 (privative e- followed by gjër ‘soup’ which is compared with Lith sóra ‘millet’; thus, the resulting meaning is ‘not m illet’ > ‘wild grass’); ÇABEJ I 159-160 (identifies egjër with egër or, alternatively, follows JOKL but compares -gjër with grurë). eh
aor.

eha ‘to sharpen’. From PA lb *akska derived from IE *ak- ‘sharp’:

( M e y e r Wb. 3 5 2 ) . 0 P o k o r n y 1 1 8 - 2 2 ; F r is k 1 5 2 ; W a ld e - H o f m a n n

I 8. ehull m, pi. ehuj ‘icicle’. Derivative of eh (ClMOCHOWSKI LP ITI 191192). However, cf. a similarly looking akull. 0 ÇABEJ I 160 (compound consisting of the prefix e- and hell); M a n n Comp. 13 (related to Gk ocKUÂ.oç ‘edible acorn’). elb m. pl. elbëra ~ elbëna ‘barley’. From PAlb *albi identical with Gk a?u p i ‘kind of grain’ ( C a m a r d a I 6 0 ; M e y e r Wb. 9 4 , Alb. St. Ill 3 6 ) . 0 VA SM ER Alb. Wortforsch. 1 6 (looks for Iranian and Altaic parallels to the Greek - Albanian isogloss); JOKL Festschr. Kretschmer 9 2 , Festschr. Rozwadowski I 2 3 5 (to Turk arpa); T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 1 1 2 ; M a n n

EMËR ~ EMËN

END

87

Language XXVI 380, XXVIII 36; PORZIG Gliederung 178; PISANI Saggi 119; F r isk I 81; C h a n t r a in e 67; P o k o r n y I 29; B e r n a r d LB IX /2 86; HAMP Laryngeals 132; H u l d 61; OREL ZfBalk XXIII 146; KORTLANDT Arm-IE 44; DEMIRAJ AE 164-165. emër - emën m, pi. entra ~ emna ‘n a m e ’. F rom P A lb *enmen- or *inmen-, ety m o lo g ica lly c lo se to O ír ainm id., S lav *jhmç id.. OPrus eni nes id. and, further, to other con tin u a tio n s o f IE *(o)noHmç (G il ’f e r d ING Otn. 22; CAMARDA I 41; MEYER Wb. 9 4 ). 0 MEYER Gr. Gr. 114; PEDERSEN Kelt. Gr. I 46; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 112 (reconstructs *enmen); FRAENKEL T Ï III 4 8 4 (on the first sy lla b le in B a ltic); MANN Language XVII 21; P is a n i Saggi 132; P o k o r n y I 321; L e w is -P e d e r s e n 5; V e n d r y e s [A ] 3 6 -3 7 ; C h a n t r a in e 804; S z e m e r é n y i Syncope 2 4 4 245; A nttila Schw. 126; V a il l a n t G r comp. 1 96; H u l d 61-62; Ö lberg Unt. 79; HAMP AlON-L II 1 8 5 -1 9 0 , Laryngeals 138; KLINGENSCHMITT Verbum 68; B e e k e s Sprache XXXIII 5, Lar. 102; Ç a b e j St. VII 272; JANSON Unt. 2 3 -2 6 ; TRUBACEV ÈSSJa VIII 2 2 7 -2 2 8 ; KORTLANDT Arm-IE 44; OREL Z ß a lk XXIII 146; DEMIRAJ AE 165. emtë f, pi. emta ‘au n t’. B o r r o w e d from Lat amita ‘paternal au n t’ (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 2; MEYER Wb. 94). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1042; TAGLIAVINI Origini 189; M a n n Language XVII 23; H a m p St. Whatmough 82; MlHÄESCU RESEE I V /1-2 12; HAARMAN 110; L a n d i Lat. 47-48, 129. end m ‘pollen’. From PAlb *anda etymologically connected with Skt dndhas- ‘herb’, Gk âvôoç ‘flow er’ (CAMARDA I 55; MEYER BB VIII 184). Note a denominative verb end ‘to blossom’ < PAlb *anda. 0 M ey er Wb. 9 4 (to ej)\ SCHMIDT KZ LVII 3 0 (to O H G anado ‘w rath’); M a n n Language XVII 2 0 -2 1 (to G k axto^iai), XXVI 380; F r is k I 1 0 8 -1 0 9 ; C h a n t r a in e 136; M a y r h o f e r I 36; K l in g e n s c h m it t Verbum 113; HAMP Laryngeals 141 (to Arm and ‘field’); OREL Z ß a lk XXIII 147; K o r t l a n d t Arm-IE 44; ÇABEJ I 160-161 (borrowed from or related to Gk avGoç); DEMIRAJ AE 166. end aor. enda ‘to weave’. From PAlb *enda, a secondary formation based on an unattested noun *anda ‘weaving tool’ related to Lith iñdas‘vessel’, Latv endas ‘part of sledge’, Slav *çda ‘fishing rod’ - all of these reflect­ ing *en-dhe- ‘instrument, something applied’ with various vocaliza-

88

END —

ENJTE

tio n s o f the p refix . 0 M e y e r Wb. 95 (related to vej). Alb. St. I ll 2 4 (to Gk a iT o jia i); M a n n Language XVII 21; F r a e n k e l 92; V a s m e r IV 148; D e m ir a j AE 1 6 6 -1 6 7 .

end aor. enda ‘to lay eggs (of flies)’. Etymologically identical with end ‘to blossom’. endem reti ‘to r o a m ’. M eta p h o rica lly u sed end ‘to w e a v e ’.0 ÇABEJ St. II 161 (to Illyr a v Ô iv o ç ’ 7tEpirca'Coç); DEMIRAJ AE 167 (to D or evG eîv
‘to c o m e ’ but it is a d ia lecta l form o f *éA,0eîv).

enë f, pl. enë ‘vessel’. Singularized plural of anë id., see an. eng m ‘deaf and dumb’. From PAlb *anga etymologically related to Lith angiis ‘sluggish, lazy, idle’, e'ngti ‘to strangle’, Latv îgt ‘to wear off, to languish’. 0 FRAENKEL 10; M a n n Comp. 25 (to Goth aggwus ‘narrow ’ and the like). engjëll m, pl. engjëj ‘a n g el’. B orro w ed from Lat angelus id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 2; MEYER Wb. 9 5 ). 0 CAMARDA I 13 (to Gk rr/yeÂoç id.); M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1042; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV / 1 2 12; H a a r m a n 110; L a n d i Lat. 4 7 -4 8 , 117. enjë f ‘juniper, yew’. Another variant is venjë displaying a phoneti­ cally secondary initial v-. From PAlb *aignja related to the Indo-Euro­ pean, and in particular Germanic, word for ‘oak’: ON eik, OHG eih (O r e l Festschr. Shevoroshkin 2 6 0 ). 0 ÇABEJ II 281 (to Lat acus ‘needle’, Lith astriis ‘sharp’). enjë ~ êjë f, pl. enja ~ êja ‘dairy goat’. From PAlb *agnja connected with Gk <x|avôç iam b ’, Lat agnus id. (ÇABEJ I 162). 0 JoklLK U BA 237238 (to Gk o\)9ap ‘udder’ and the like); TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 148; F r is k I 93-94; P o k o r n y I 9; W a l d e -H o f m a n n I 23; Ç a b e j St. VII 187; JANSON Unt. 79-81. enjte f, pi. enjte ‘Thursday’. A morphologically more conservative form is outdated enjtë, an adjective in -të. As other Albanian words of week­ days rendering Latin names, this words seems to translate Lat Iovis diem. If so, enj- must be an early Albanian equivalent of Jupiter. It con­ tinues PAlb *agni-, presumably, reflecting the archaic Indo-European

EPEM

ERR

89

word for ‘fire’ (T r e im e r AArbSt I 32 ). For the phonetic development cf. enjë. 0 M e y e r Wb. 9 5 (“dunkel”); OSTIR AArbSt II 31 or 2 8 2 (to Etr ais ‘god’!); T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 112-1 1 3 ; M je d e apud Ç a b e j I 162 (from Gk evr| ‘the day after tom orrow ’). epem refi, ‘to bow down, to bend’. Related to ap ~ jap, cf. Germ nachgeben ‘to give way, to stretch’ (ÇABEJ I 1 6 2 -1 6 3 ). The variant hepem has a secondary h-.O R e s t e l l i RIL LXXXIX - XC 4 1 7 -4 1 8 (to Gk g k cx ^ Ô ç ‘curved, crooked’). epër adj. ‘upper’. From PAlb *eupera, a secondary analogical ablaut variant of IE *uperos id.: Skt lipara- ‘low er’, Av upara- ‘upper’, Gk ünepoç id. (BA R IÍ ARSt. I 1 7 -1 8 ). 0 MEYER Wb. 9 6 (derivative of IE *epi), Alb. St. Ill 86; FRISK II 9 6 6 -9 6 7 ; CHANTRAINE 357; MAYRHOFER I 105; HAMP Laryngeals 136 (to Goth iup); Ç a b e j I 163 (prefix e- fol­ lowed by për)\ DEMIRAJ AE 1 6 7 -1 6 8 . erë f, pl. erëra ~ erëna ‘wind’. From Rom *er(a) based on Lat üër ‘a ir’ (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 3; MEYER Wb. 96: reconstruction of Rom *aira). The feminine form in Albanian may go back to an original pi. neut., the gender o f erë being motivated by its meaning. 0 M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1043, 1048; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 113 (from Lat aer); M i h ä e s c u RESEE I V / 1-2 12; Ç a b e j St. I 165; H u l d 62. ergjënd ~ argjand m ‘silv er’. Borrow ed from Lat argentum id. (G i l ’f e r d in g Otn. 25; M ik l o s ic h Rom. Elemente 3; M e y e r Wb. 15). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1044. ergjëz m, pl. ergjëz, ergjëzë ‘young louse’. Another variant is ergjiz. A derivative in -ëz based on arg id. attested in Italo-Albanian < PAlb *arga related to Arm orjil io u se ’ and its more problematic cognates Skt liksä ‘nit’, Lith erke ‘tick’ (MEYER Wb. 15; BUGGE Beiträge 17). 0 PEDER­ SEN KZ XXXVI 99, 329; H e r m a n n KZ X L I 48; P isa n i Saggi 120; T a g l i A v in i Stratificazione 136; POKORNY I 335 ; A n t t il a Schw. 106; M a y r h o f e r III 100; F r a e n k e l 122; Ç a b e j * . I 1 6 5 -1 6 6 (to IE *ak‘sharp’); KORTLANDT KZ XCIV 2 47; DEMIRAJ AE 81. err m ‘darkness’. From PAlb *ausra related, with a frequent change of meaning from ‘morning dawn’ to ‘evening dawn’, to Lith ausrà ‘dawn’, Gk ëcoç id. and the like. The verb err ‘to keep smb. till late in the night’

90

ESËLL —

ET

is a d en o m in a tiv e. 0 MEYER Wb. 9 6 -9 7 ; Alb. St. IV; Jo k l Studien 21 (to G k ep eß o g ‘d a rk n e ss o f the u n d e r w o r ld ’); F r ís k I 6 0 5 -6 0 6 ; FRAENKEL 27; Ç a b e j St. I 1 6 6 -1 6 7 (a n a ly z es err as c o n sis tin g o f the p refix e- and a root id en tical w ith re ‘c lo u d ’).

esëll adv. ‘on an empty stomach’. Another variant is esuli. A compound consisting of a privative e- < PAlb *a- < IE *n- and the root identi­ cal with siile (PEDERSEN Kelt. Gr. I 45). 0 CAMARDA I 131 (to Gk èaQXóq ‘courageous, brave’); MEYER Wb. 97 (comparison with egjëll)', ÇABEJ St. I 167 (agrees with PEDERSEN).
esh m, pl. eshë ‘h e d g e h o g ’. A b ack -form a tio n or a p h o n etic m utation o f the attested and, ob viou sly, m ore con servative variant eshk. T he latter re fle c ts P A lb *etska < *edz-k-a e ty m o lo g ic a lly related to Gk è%îvoç id ., OHG igil id ., Lith ezÿs id ., S la v *ezb id. 0 STIER KZ XI 141 (b o r­ rowed from Slavic); MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 21; M e y e r Wb. 97 (follow s STIER); TRAUTMANN BSWb 73; SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 199; FRAENKEL

118; K l u g e 324; F r is k 1 601; Ç a b e j St. VII 266; T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa VI 37; S v a n e 142. eshke f, pi. eshke ‘kidney’. Singularized plural of an earlier form *eshkë continuing *aiskä. The latter continues IE *oid-ska to be compared with Slav *ji,sto id. and O N eista ‘testicle’ < *oidsto-, derived from IE *oid‘to swell’ (P e d e r s e n KZ XXXII 273). For the semantic development cf. Slav *pr btjbka ‘kidney’ from IE *peu-t- ‘to swell’. As to Alb veshke, it is a contamination of eshke and veshje (OREL ZfBalk X X III/1 74). 0 M ey er Wb. 97 (to eshke)\ SCHEFTELOWITZ KZ LVI 209 f. (to Lat inguen ‘groin’); Ç a b e j St. II 283-284; POKORNY I 774; T r u b a Ce v ÈSSJa VIII 242-243.
eshk ë f ‘fungus’. Borrowed from Lat esca ‘food, bait’ (MlKLOSICHRom.

Elemente 23; M e y e r Wb. 9 7 ). 0 M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr. G rundriß 2 1 1044; H a a r m a n n 123; O r e l ZfBalk X X III/1 7 4 .
eshtë f, pl. esh ta ‘fiber, m uscle fib er’. E tym ologically identical w ith ashte as a variant o f its sin g u la riz ed plural. 0 ÇABEJ St. VII 192. et m ‘thirst’. From PAlb *alk-ti- closely related to Lith dlkti ‘to be hungry’, Slav *olkati id., OHG ilgi ‘hunger’. 0 CAMARDA I 15 (to Gk odGoç ‘fire’); M eyer Wb. 97 (to IE *eus-ti- or to Gk aixéco ‘to demand, to beg’); TAGLIA-

ETHE —

ËNDË ~ ANDE

91

VINI Dalmazia 114; ClMOCHOWSKI LP III 161-163 (repeats C a m a r d a ’ s etymology); F r a e n k e l 8; O a c m e p II 4 5 2 ; Ç a b e j St. I 1 6 7 -1 6 8 (accepts M e y e r ’s view). eth e pi. ‘fever’. Singularized plural of *eth, a derivative in -th based on PAlb *aida. The latter is etymologically close to Skt edhas- ‘fire­ wood, fuel’, Gk a i0 o ç ‘fire’ and the like (CAMARDA I 77; ClMOCHOWSKI LP III 1 6 2 -1 6 3 ). 0 MEYER Wb. 93 (to IE *eus- ‘to burn’); BARlC ARSt. I 112 (related to athët)', M a n n Language XXVI 381 (to Lat aestas)\ F r is k 1 37; M a y r h o f e r 1 128; P is a n i Saggi 120 (borrowing from Gk cciGôç ‘burning’); Ç a b e j St. I 16 8 -1 6 9 (follows B a r i £ ); F r is k I 3 7 -38; H u l d 62; O r e l Z ß a lk XXIII 147; D e m ir a j AE 1 6 8 -1 6 9 .

Ë
ëj ~ âj aor. ëjta ~ âjta ‘to blow, to swell’. From PAlb *anj related to

Skt dniti ‘to breathe’, Goth us-anan ‘to blow out’ and the like (MEYER Wb. 5, Alb. St. IV 67). 0 CAMARDA I 57 (to Gk oiôéra, oiôàco ‘to swell’, 111 (to Gk aio ‘to blow’); JOKL Studien 37; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 210 (follows M e y e r ); P o k o r n y I 39; M a y r h o f e r I 33; F e is t Goth. 538; H a m p Laryngeals 131; ÇABEJ St. I 171 (follows CAMARDA I 57); ÖLBERG KZ LXXXVI 128; KLINGENSCHMITT Verbum 256-257; HULD 63; KORTLANDT Arm-IE 44 (repeats ÇABEJ’s etymology); DEMIRAJ AE 171172.
ëm b ël ~ am bël adj. ‘sweet’. From PAlb *amla identical with Skt amld‘sour’ (T o m a s c h e k ZÖG 1875, 529). Ô M e y e r Wb. 10 (agrees with TOMASCHEK); JOKL Reallex. Vorgesch. I 87; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 69; M a y r h o fer 146; M a n n Language XVII 19 (reconstructs *amlos); ÇABEJ

St. 1 170 (to mjaltë), V II230; D em iraj AE 169-170 (against T o m a sc h e k on semantic grounds; reconstructs *Hen-m(e)lit-).
ë n d ë - andë f ‘appetite, desire, wish’. From PAlb *antà derived from *anja > ëj (M e y e r Wb. 5-6) and specifically close to Gk a v ra i - ävenoi, àvrâç- rcvoàç, Hes. (DEMIRAJ AE 170). 0 Ba r i Í ARSt I 19 (reconstructs *handë < *khonti with further fantastic comparisons); ÇABEJ St. I 170171 (follows MEYER but, at the same time compares ëndë with Hitt anza‘desire’); MANN Comp. 21-22 (comparisons with non-existent Tokha-

rian and Irish forms).

92
v ony û __ j..»

(T) ËNDE
i> A 11-.

FAJKË

FAJKUA ~

FAJKUE

FARË

93

/ I . t ì v i 'H t 'r n m * u n í a > g y i n t L

f a i l n ia ~ fa iln u »

I; M iklosich Rom. Elemente 24; M e y e r Wb. 98), 0 S tier iER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1046; Jo k l /F X X X V I137, HÄESCU RESEE IV/1 -2 22; HAARMANN 125; ÇABEJ St.

thu s, h isto r ic a lly id en tica l w ith ëndë ‘d e s ir e ’. 0 MANN Language

XVII 22; Ç a b e j Sí. I 171 (to end). ëndërr ~ andërr f, pl. ëndrra ~ andrra 'dream , sleep’. C o n tin u es PAlb *anrja with an epenthetic -d-. Identical with the Indo-European word for sleep *oner- (Gk ovap) ~ *onerio- (Gk öveipov, ovetpoç, Arm anurj), cf. C a m a r d a I 38; M e y e r Wb. 11, Alb. St. Ill 66. Note that the Alban­ ian feminine noun corresponds to the original Indo-European neuter and may go back to a singularized plural form. For the development of the cluster *-nr- cf. dhëndër. 0 MEYER Gr. Gr. 101 ; BA R lé ARSt 12 (to Gk e5ap0ov, aor. ‘to sleep’, Lat dormiö ‘to sleep’); JOKL IF XXXVI 133, LKUBA 6; MANN Language XVII 19; PISANI Saggi 121; PORZIG Gliederung 179; FRISK II 393; CHANTRAINE 802; POKORNY 1779; A nttila Schw. 127; H a m p AION-L II/2 187; ÇABEJ St. VII 208, 230, Etim. IV apud D em iraj (to nder)\ H u l d 63; CLACKSON LR 236; O r el FLH V III/12 39 (on PAlb *-rj- > -rr), Koll. Idg. Ges. 350; DEMIRAJ AE 171 (to Skt nidra ‘sleepiness, drowsiness’, formally possible).

at. 143, 145. ive, to present, to offer’, refi, ‘to set (of the sun)’. From mologically connected with Gk c<páM.(o 'to overthrow’ > 0 MEYER Wb. 98 (borrowed from Slav *xvaliti ‘to )■ IV 61; SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 192 (follows MEYER); I 15 (follows M e y e r ); BARIÓ ARSt 24, Hymje 35 (repeats ymology); FRISK II 827-828; ÇABEJ St. I 173-174
RDA).

(C a m a r d a II 7i KZ XI 136; M e LKUBA 306; M 1 173; L a n d i L

fai ao r fata ‘to j PAlb *spala et] (C a m a rd a I 7 praise’), Alb. Si HAMP LB XIV/
CAMARDA’s e

(follows CAMÍ famë f ‘good r fam e’. famuli m, pi. fa,
attendant’, othe

:putation, rum or’. Borrowed from Lat fam a ‘rumor,

nuj ‘godchild’. Borrowed from Lat fam ulus ‘servant, wise lost by Romance languages (MlKLOSICH Rom. Ele5R Wb. 9 9 ). 0 PEDERSEN KZ XXXIII 535; HAARMANN [ 174; L a n d i Lat. 137. ce, cheek’. As many other feminines of this morphological 5to continue an earlier *faq. Borrowed from Lat faciès lud HULD 63; G i l ’ f e r d in g Otn. 26; CAMARDA I 338; ■. Elemente 24; MEYER Wb. 98). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. z H; M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 15; H a a r m a n n 124-125; > Lat. 83-85, 149-150. 1 ira ‘seed, semen, kin’. From PAlb *spara < IE *spora ed with Gk fem. O7 iopá ‘seed’ and further related to to sow’: Gk aneipoj id., arcépiia ‘semen, seed1 (BARIÍ Language XVII 17, MANN XXVI 386-387; OREL SBJa As to fa r o f faros ‘to destroy, to exterm inate’, it is a ised on fare (ÇABEJ St. I 175). 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. EleRWb. 100 (Germanic loanword, cf. Langob fara ‘descenn ’); B ARIC ARSt 24 (faroj from IE *spher- ‘to kick with WINI Dalmazia 114 (follows M e y e r ), Origini 295; ; F r is k II 762-763; H u l d 62-63; O r e l Koll. Idg. Ges.

mente 25; M ey 125; Ç a b e j St. faj m, pt. faje ‘gu ilt, sin ’. B o rro w ed from R om *fallia, d eriv a tiv e o f Lat fallere ‘to d e c e iv e , to tr ic k ’ (MEYER Wb. 9 8 , Alb. St. IV 16). 0 T r e im e r KZ L X V 9 6 (fro m IE *spel- ‘to b rea k ’); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß2 1 1050; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV / 1-2 22; HAARMANN 125; ÇABEI St. I 172; L a n d i Lat. 126. (G) fâj aor. fana ‘to fill, to cram, to surfeit’. From PAlb *spanja related to Gmc *spannjan ‘to tighten’ with a secondary expressive gemina­ tion (ON spenna and the like). 0 BARlé ARSt I 22-23 (to Skt pürna‘fuir and the like, with/- < *ph-)\ KLUGE 720; ÇABEJSt. I 172 (to dialec­ tal fe'ngem ‘to eat much’ ). fajkë t, pi.fajka ‘side (of a ship)’. Borrowed from the Dalmatian reflex of Lat facies (ÇABEJ St. I 172 - 173). Note a derivative in fa j koj ‘to polish’. 0 C a m a r d a I I 7 0 (treats fajkoj as a variant o ffërkoj); MEYER Wb. 103 (follows C a m a r d a ) ; P e d e r s e n KZ XXXIII 5 5 0 .

faqe t. pi.faqe ‘fc
ty p e ,/i/i/e seem ‘f a c e ’ (R a s k aj MlKLOSICH Roi

G rundriß21 10 H u l d 63; L ani farë f, pi .fare, f
c lo s e ly co n n ec *sper- ‘to sp ill,

ARSt 24; MAN> Leksikol. 147.)

d en o m in a tiv e b mente 25; M e y i dants, fa m ily , k a f o o t ’);TAGLl POKORNYI 9 9 2

352.

94

FARKË —

FFAIC

farkë f. pi.farka ‘smithy’. Borrowed from hat fabrica ‘workshop’ (M eyer Wb. 9 9 ). 0 M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1054; MlHÄESCU RESEE I V / 1-2 22; H a a r m a n n 124; Ç a b e j * . VII 280; L a n d i Lat. 9 4 , 111,
118.

fashqe f, pi.fashqe ‘d iap er’. A sin gu larized plural o f *fashqë also attest­ ed as fashë ‘diaper, strip e’. B o rro w ed from Lat fascia ‘band, bandage' ( M e y e r Wb. 100). 0 MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 15; Ç a b e j St. VII 184; H a a r m a n n 125; L a n d i La?. 120. fat m , pi fate ‘fate; bridegroom, husband, friend’. Borrowed from Lat fätum. Undoubtedly, fa t ‘fate’ is identical with fa t ‘fate’ (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 25; MEYER Wb. 100) - a widely attested metaphor, cf. Alb shortë ‘fate; spouse, wife’ < Lat sorte(m) (ÇABEJ St. I 1 7 6 -1 7 7 ). 0 M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 21 1041; JOKL Studien 107, LKUBA 15 (fa t ‘bridegroom ’ borrowed from Goth *fadi- ‘master, lord’); BARIÍ ARSt 2 4 -2 5 , Hymje 71 (arbitrary comparison with Skt sphayate ‘(he) grows fat, increases’); PUDIC IX Ling. Cong. 862; MlHÄESCU RESEE I V /1 -2 22; H a a r m a n n 125; O re l Koll. Idg. Ges. 358; L a n d i Lat. 109. fe f, pi.fe ‘belief, religion’. Borrowed from Lat fidem ‘faith’ (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 26) as the long [ë] in fe reflects a contraction of the intermediate *feë (ÇABEJ St. I 177). The verb fejoj ‘to betroth’ is a late derivative of fe (ÇABEJ St. I 178). 0 MEYER Wb. 101 (from Ital fe id.), 106-107 (f ejoj borrowed from Ital fidare ‘to entrust’); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß11 1045 (from Italian); MlHÄESCU RESEE IV/1-2 22; HAAR­ MANN 126; L a n d i Lat. 46, 133. feje pi. ‘nostrils’. A plural form offyell, normally appearing in a phrase fejet e hundës id. (ÇABEJ St. VII 224, 235). felë f, pi .fela ‘honeycomb’. Borrowed from Rom Sfavalia, cf. Ital fiale id. (M e y e r Wb. 101). The homonymous fe lë ‘piece, slice’ is, in fact, a phonetic variant of thelë. 0 T r e im e r KZ LXV 98 (from IE *spel-)\ ÇABEJ Sí. VII 235. feme m ‘sting (of insects)’. A phonetic variant of thimth, thimc (J O K L //X X IV VII 217). 0 M e y e r Alb. St. V 76 (to themboj ‘to bore’); T r e i m e r KZ LVI 98 (connects fem e with Lat spina ‘thorn’); T a g l i a v i n i Strat­ ificazione 8144; Ç a b e j St. I 178 (to feme ‘awl’).

FEM ËR ~

FEMËN —

FËNDYELL

95

‘w om an '. Borrowed from Lat f emina id. (C a m a r d a I 122; M ik l o s ic h Æèwî. Elemente 25; M e y e r Wb. 101). 0 M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1044, 1048; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 115; M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV/1-2 15; H a a r m a n n 126; JANSON Unt. 50.

femër ~ femën f, pi .femra ~ femna

fend hot. fenda ‘to fart’. From PAlb *spenda related to Skt spandale
‘to shiver', Gk acpaSâÇco ‘to shiver, to tremble’. 0 F r isk II 825; POKORNY 1 989.

ferr

m ‘h e ll’. B o r ro w e d from Lat infernum id. (MEYER Wb. 1 01). 0

SCHUCHARDT KZ X X 248; M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1049; MlHÄESCU RESEE I V /1 - 2 23; H a a r m a n n 131.

ferrë f, pi. ferra ‘thorn, thorny bush’. From PAlb *sperna derived from
IE *sper- ‘spear, stick’: Lat sparus ‘short spear’, Gmc *speru- ‘spear’ > ON spjçr ( c f . OREL SBJa Leksikol. 1 4 7 ). Note a derivative / m ë / ‘stalk, stem’ ( Ç a b e j St. I 179). 0 M EYER Wb. 101 (to ther ‘to cut’), 102 (ferrei borrow ed from Lat ferula ‘fennel-giant’); JOKL LKUBA 217-218 (follows M E Y E R ); T r e i m e r KZ LXV 99 (to W ffern ‘talus, malleolus’, Lat spernö ‘to sever, to separate’); M A N N Language XXVIII 37; W a l d e - H o f m a n n I I 568; P o k o r n y 1 990-991 ; Z a l i z n ’a k Ètimologija 1 9 6 4 225. fëiiigë f ‘ignominy, shame’. A variant of this word seems to be fëllegë ‘sloppy work’. The verb fëlliq ‘to make dirty’ also belongs here as a denominative. The form fëlligë is an irregular transformation of fëdigë ‘tiredness, strain, w ork’ borrowed from Ital (Venetian) fadiga id. 0 M e y e r Wb. 102 (fëdigë < Venetian fadiga', fëlliq < Lat fornicem ‘brothel’); PEDERSEN KZ XXXIII 539; Ç a b e j St. I 180 (to t heile). fëmijë m/f, p]. fëm ijë ‘child, family, spouse’. Borrowed from Lat fam ilia ‘fam ily’ (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 24-25; M e y er Wb. 103). 0 M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 21 1045, 1047 (from Ital famiglia id.); T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 120; M ih ä e sc u RESEE IV/1-2 15; Ç a b e j St. VII 280; H a a r m a n n 125; H u l d 64; L a n d i Lat. 80, 108, 126. fëndyell m, pi.fëndyej ‘awl’. A derivative of fund. 0 CAMARDA I 201 (to Gk C(pôvô\)A,oç ‘cervical vertebra’); M e y e r Wb. 103 (to Lat findere ‘to cleave, to split’); Ç a b e j St. I 180 (related io feme).

96

FENG ~

FANG —

(G) FIJAN

feng ~ fang m, pi.fëngje ~ fangje

‘v irgin land, land d ifficu lt to cu ltivate,

law n, m ea d ow ’. B orrow ed from hai fango ‘m ud ’ (MlKLOSICH Rom. Ele­

mente 25 ). 0 JOKL Balkangerm. 120-121 (fro m G oth waggs ‘p a ra d ise’ < *’meadow’); PUDlC IX Ling. Cong. 862 (follows Jo k l ); ÇABEJ St. I 180-181 (agrees with MlKLOSICH).

fergoj aoT.fé'rgova ‘to roast, to fry’. Borrowed from Lat frlgere id.

(M lK­

LOSICH Rom. Elemente 28; MEYER Wb. 103). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grund­

r iß 2 1 1055; S c h u c h a r d t KZ XX 260; M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV/1-2 16;
H a a r m a n n 127.

férkoj aoT.fërkova ‘to rub’. Borrowed from Lat fricare id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 28; M e y e r Wb. 103). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß2 1 1050; S c h u c h a r d t KZ XX 260; Ç a b e j St. V I I 198; M ih ä e sc u RESEE IV/1-2 16; H a a r m a n n 127; H u l d 64.

fërroj not. fërrova ‘to grind roughly’. Clearly connected with ferrate
‘gruel’ (borrowed from Rom Sfarinata) and seems to continue Rom Sfarinare related to Lat farina ‘ground corn, flour’. 0 ÇABEJ St. I 182 (related to ther). fic aor .fica ‘to make soft’. Derived from an unattested *fij < PAlb *spija related to Skt spháyate ‘to become fat’, Slav *spéti ‘to ripen’. 0 POKORNY 1 983; V a s m e r III 734.

fier m ‘fern’. From PAlb *spera or *sperna that may be somehow con­
nected with other Indo-European words for ‘fern’ (presumably based on the word for ‘wing’), e.g. Gmc *farnaz: OHG far(a)n. In any case, in the name of fern various irregular changes of taboo origin cannot be excluded. 0 B a r i C ARSt 25 (to Slav *paporotb id.); M a n n Language XXVIII 40 (to Gk Jtxépiç id.); F r i s k II 611; M i h ä e s c u RESEE I V /12 22 (from Latin), 3-4 350 (from Gk Trxépiç); Ç a b e j St. VII 250; H a a r ­ m a n n 126 (from Rom *filicaria). (G) fijan m , pi.fijanë ‘child to be baptized’. A Geg church form of Rom *filianus (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 26; MEYER Wb. 104). 0 MEYERL ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1039; PEDERSEN KZ XXXIII 536; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 15; HAARMANN 126; Ç a b e j St. I 183; L a n d i Lat. 75,
1 2 6 ,1 3 3 .

j

j

FIK —

K1SHKËLLOJ

97

fík m, p\.fiq ‘fig’. Borrowed from Lat ficus id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Ele­ mente 26; M e y e r Wb. 104). 0 M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 1 I 1044; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 116; M ih ä e s c u RESEE I V /1 - 2 15; H a a r m a n n 126; L a n d i Lat. 113, 140. fik aor .fika ‘to extinguish (of fire); to bring misfortune, to ruin, to destroy’. From PAlb *speika related to Lith peikti ‘to despise, to scold’, pÿkti ‘to be angry’, Latv pelkt ‘to be spoilt’. 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 2 6 (from Ital ficcare); TREIMER KZ LXV 100-101 (to Lat spTca ‘point, top’); F r a e n k e l 5 2 5 ; Ç a b e j St. I 183-184 (to Swedish spink ‘lean man’, Norw spiken ‘dry ’). fill m, pi.fij.fije ‘thread’. Borrowed from L at filum id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 26; MEYER Wb. 104). The verb filloj ‘to begin’ is derived from fill as it is clear from zë fill ‘to begin’ (CAMARDA I 76). Note that the morpheme -fish in dyfish ‘twice’, trifish ‘thrice’, appearing as -fijesh in Old Albanian ( B u d i , BOGDANI) goes back to abl. pi. of fill (K r is t o FORlDHi 427). 0 M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß21 1044, 1050, 1053; M a n n Language XXVIII 39 (to Gk cnuXoç); MlHÄESCU RESEE IV/1-2 16; HAAR­ MANN 126; SlROKOV ZFL X X IV /1 14 (to OHG spll ‘spear tip’); ÇABEJ St. I 186 (accepts K r is t o f o r id h i ’ s explanation of -fish), IV 9596; L a n d i Lat. 142. fink m, p i .finkë ‘finch’. Recent borrowing from Germ Fink id. As to sfingës id., it comes from NGk CJtiyyoç id. 0 ÇABEJ St. I 185 (onomatopoeia or a cognate of Gmc *finkan ~ *finkjan ‘finch’). finjë f, pi .finja ‘soapwater, soap suds’. Historically identical with thinjë (ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 233). 0 BUGGE BB XVIII 166 (identical with hie); T r e im e r KZ LXV 101 (to OHG spi5 ‘spit’); Ç a b e j St. I 185-186 (to SCr sinjav ‘grey’). fishkem ~ fyshkem refi, ‘to wither, to fade’. Based on the adjectivefishkët withering, dry’. Goes back to PAlb *spiiska etymologically related to Lith pìiskas, pùskas ‘blister, fin, pim ple’, Latv pusks ‘tuft’. 0 M e y e r Wb. 468 (together with its variant veshkem ~ vyshkem, to Lat vescus ‘small, week, feeble’); J O K L IF XLIV 35-38; F R A E N K E L 680; Ç a b e j St. I 186 (related to fyell). fishkëlloj aor.fishkëllova ‘to whistle’. Belongs to a group of phonetic

iKe. / \ n n ie se
112 ). 0
çabej

98
'

FISHNJAR —

FLAKË

1

FLAM E —

FLEGË

99

187 (onomatopoeia).
fla m ë f ‘cold (illness), epilepsy, cholera (of animals)’. Borrowed

variants such as véshlloj, féshëlloj, frusMculiij ana me forms continue Rom *fistulàre or *fisciù re (M e y e r Wb. St. I 186 (onomatopoeia).

ariant is fu shictly an earlier cinici, deriva­ si. IV 60). 0 I 201 (on Old

from Lat nom. sg. flamen ‘blowing, blast’ used metaphorically as Russ povetrie ‘infection’. 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 27 (from Lat fiamma); M e y e r Wb. 107 (from Ital flemma ‘phlegm’); LA P ia n a Vocale 50 (related to flake); T r e im e r KZ LXV 101 (to Germ flink ‘nimble, quick’); ÇABEJ St. I 187-188; L a n d i Lat. 103, 135.
fla s not. fo la ‘to speak’. The present fla s is obviously a recent form a­ tion based on the lost *fal, and the verb belonged to a group with the quantitative ablaut in aorist (MEYER Wb. 106). Continues P A lb *psala, further related to fjalë. 0 MEYER Wb. 106 (from Lat fäbulö ‘to speak’, cf. in particular Dalm faular); ANTTILA Schw. 100; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV/1-2 22; H a a r m a n n 124; O r e l SBJa Leksikol. 146. fla sh k ët adj. ‘sluggish, lame’. Phonetic development of *plashket con­

fishnjar m, pVfishnjarë ‘harpoon’. A more conservative ■

njar, itself derived from fushnje id. The latter, or more ex and unattested *fushnje, was borrowed from Rom *fu tive of Lat fascina ‘trident’ (MEYER Wb. 106, Alb. M ih ä e sc u RESEE IV /1-2 22; H a a r m a n n 127; Ç a b e j Si Albanian fushqinë id.).
fish njar m, pi.fishnjaré ‘m arten’. Historically identica

with fishnjar

‘harpoon’.
fja lë f, pi .fja lë ‘w ord , sp ee ch , ta le'. F rom P A lb *spelei

etymological;tory, speech’, e' (OREL SBJa irrowing from r. Grundriß 21 (from *spelgä, 3 I I 6 (follows VII 272; H a a r sp-'y, p o k o r n y

ly co n n ected w ith G oth spill ‘sto ry , fa b le ', ON spjall ‘

tinuing P A lb *plakska identical with L ith plókscias‘flat’, Slav *ploski, id. and, in particular, Slav *plox~b ‘flat, bad, evil, poor’. 0 B r ü c k n e r 419; P o k o r n y I 831-832.
flatër f, pl.flatra ‘wing’. A singularized plural of flete. 0 Ç abej Si. I

188 (“elementary formation” cognate with fleté). 7, derived with MHG lecken lèkt ‘to spring, ER Wb. 107 (to ARSt I 251 (to •J St. I 186-187 throw on the i of derivation
fle ~ flê aor.fleté, fjeta ‘to sleep’. From PAlb *awa-leja etymologically connected with Slav *lëjç, *léjati ‘to doze, to slumber’ (O rel FLH V III/12 46). 0 C a m a r d a I 108-109 (to Gk <pA 'to crush’); M e y e r Wb. 107,dcto 108 (borrowing from Lat fio ‘to blow’, with insurmountable difficul­ ties in semantics), Alb. St. IV 67; P e d e r s e n KZ XXXIII 544 f. (to Gk KÀivco 'to lean, to bend’ with Alb f- < th- < *k-): BARld ARSt 21-22 (to *fell ‘to blow’); SCHMIDT KZ XLVI1 1 f. (from IE *bhlend-); TREIMER *Z L X V 103 (reconstructs IE *sphlend-); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 116H 7; G o r ' a c e v a Ètimologija 1981 76; ÇABEJ Sí. I 188-189 (to Slav *lenh laziness’, Lith lënas ‘quiet’). fle g ë f. pl. flegë ‘splinter'. From PAlb *awa-laga, a préfixai derivative

OE spell id ., OHG spel, spell id. and A rm araspel ‘fab Leksikol. 146-148; H u l d 64-65). 0 M e y e r Wb. 106 (bi Lat fabella ‘fa b le , sh ort sto ry , ta le ’); M e y e r -L ü b k e G 1044; S c h u c h a r d t KZ XX 252; T r e im e r KZ LXV 103 to Lat flagro ‘to fla m e , to b la z e ’); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazi M e y e r ), Origini 190; A c a r ea n HAB 1253-254; Ç abej St. MANN 84-85; M a n n Language XXVIII 39 (on A lb /- < IE ! I 985; H a a r m a n n 124; L a n d i Lat. 50, 107.
fla k
à O T . f l a k a ‘to throw, to fling’. From PAlb *awa-lak a prefix *awa- from IE *lek— *bk- to bend, to jump ‘to throw back, to spring’, Lith lekiù, lëkti ‘to fly', Latv to jum p’ and the like (OREL Z ß a lk X X III/1 75). 0 M e ì Lat flaccus ‘flabby’, Ital fiaccare ‘to weaken’ ); BARIC Gk 0 <páM.cú ‘to overthrow’); F r a e n k e l 353-354; Ç a b (from flakë; semantically, cf. Ital dial, lampare ‘to ground, to drop' ~ lampo ‘lightning’ but the directio is opposite there).

sed on an unatI Rom *flacula ng f acula ‘little a metathesized AJA Sravn. 231

flakë f, Pl.flakëra ~ flakëna ‘flame’. A back formation b;

of IE *legh- ‘to lie' in 0-grade, cf. Gk Xóxoq ‘ambush’. Derived from flege (as its singularized plural?) is flegër, fregali ‘nostril, door-leaf, probably, reflecting a secondary influence of fleté on its semantics.

tested *flakull. The latter is a borrowing from dialecti reflected in Ital fiaccola id., Rum flacärä id. and replac torch’. 0 M e y e r Wb. 107 (borrowed from Rom *flac from *facla < Lat facula); Pi s c a r iu EWR 53; DESNICI

100

I-1.1. I h —

FLOSKË

0 J O K L LKUBA 149 (to flugë)-, F r i s k II 111-112; Ç a b e j Sr. I 188 (“ele­ mentary form ation” cognate with fiele and flugë), O r e l F O R T . 79 fletè f, pi .fletè' ‘wing, le a f. From PAlb *awa-lekta, a préfixai deriva­ tive of IE *iek- ‘to fly’: Lith lekiit, lékti, Latv lekt, OHG lecken ‘to jump, to kick’. 0 C a m a r d a II 192 (to flutur); M e y e r Wb. 108 (borrowed from Ital foglietta ‘little barrel’); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß21 1049; TAGLI­ AVINI Dalmazia 117; SKOK AArbSt I 226 (borrowed from Lat fem. foliota ‘leaved, leafy’ - but the cluster -li- [lj] would yield Alb -/'-); L a PIANA Studi 1 104 (to OHG blat ‘leaf’ and the like); F r a e n k e l 353-354; Ç a b e j St. I 189-190 (“elementary formation”). fli ~ flî f. pl./// ~ flî ‘sacrifice’. Identical with f eli, ferii ‘kind of pastry’ (originally baked to celebrate baptism) and borrowed from Rom *firigittnum ( M e y e r Wb. 103). 0 J o k l Balkangerm. 121,/FX L IV 3032 (borrowed from MGk evXojia ‘wafer, communion bread’ - but how to account for the Geg nasal?); Ç a b e j St. I 179 (agrees with J o k l ). flojere f, pi. flojere ‘flute’. Known to all languages of the Carpathian and Balkan areas, this is a relatively late borrowing from Rum fluier id. continuing Lat adj. flütûrûlis ‘blowing’, cf. flâtüra ‘blowing’. Q C a m a r d a 1161 (comparison with Lat flare ‘to blow’); M ik l o s ic h Wander. 23 (to fryj)\ MEYER Wb. 108 (borrowed from Rom *flatuäria; on the other hand, connected with fyellY, GlUGLEA Dacoromania III 587589 (borrowed from Gk *(pA.ouxpiov based on cpXoiôç ‘bark’); SKOK Glasnik SND II 302 (borrowed from Rum fluier < Rom *vivulellus)\ POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 341; ROSETTI ILR I 277; ÇABEJ St. I 190191 (to Geg/Zuer ‘draw er’); DEMIRAJ AE 172 (against ÇABEJ). flok m, pi.flo k ë ‘h a ir’. B o r ro w e d from Lat floccus ‘lo c k , f lo c k ’ (M l­ KLOSICH Rom, Elemente 27; M e y e r Wb. 1 0 8 -1 0 9 ). 0 M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1 045, 1054; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 1 1 6 -1 1 7 , Stratifi­ cazione 84; M ih ä e s c u RESEE I V / 1-2 16; H a a r m a n n 126; L a n d i Lat.
103, 139.

fiori ~ fiorì m, pi.florinj ‘gold; (pl.) golden coins’. Borrowed from MLat florlnus ‘gold piece’ (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 27; MEYER Wb. 109). 0 H a a r m a n n 126; Ç a b e j Si. I 191-192. floskë f ‘layer (of snow)’. Borrowed from Slav *ploska unknown in

FLUG

l'O RTL

101

this meaning in South Slavic languages. Cf., however, Bulg fem. sg. ploska ‘flat’ and SCr ploska ‘flat vessel’.
flu g m ‘swing, zest, zeal’. Continues P A l b *awa-luga that may be con­

nected with IE *leug- ‘to break’ (see flugë) or wilh *leugh- ‘to lie’: Goth liugan, Slav *fegati. 0 M e y e r Wb. 109 (borrowed from NGk <pA,ôyoç ‘flam e’); V a s m e r II 469; P O K O R N Y I 686-687; F e i s t Goth. 334; Ç A B E J St. I 192 (“elementary form ation”).
flu g ë f, p i .fluga ‘shingle’. From PAlb *awa-luga, a préfixai derivative

of IE *leug-, cf. Skt rujdti ‘to break’, Lat lügeö ‘to mourn, to deplore’ 0 JOKL LKUBA 146-150 (to luge); TR E IM E R KZ LXV 102 (to MUG splïzen ‘to split’); M a y r h o f e r III 6 4 -6 5 ; W a ld e - H o f m a n n I 8 3 0 -8 3 1 ; P o k o r n y I 686; Ç a b e j St. I 192 (“elementary form ation”); D e m ir a j AE 1 7 2 -1 7 3 .
flutur f, pi.flutura ‘butterfly’. A back formation based on fluturoj ‘to

fly’. The latter is borrowed from Rom *fluctuläre, a modification of Lat fluctuare ‘to move in waves, to move to and fro’ (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 27; M e y e r Wb. 109). 0 CAMARDA II 192 (related to flete); M e ier Etym. 92; C a n d r e a -H e c h t Romania XXXI 310-311; ÇABF.J St. VII 244; Di GIOVINE Gruppo -ct- 33-39 (opposes the Latin etymolo­ gy); Io n e s c u LR 6 (1984) 476-479. flladis aor. flladita ‘to cool’. Borrowed from Slav *xolditi id., cf., in particular, SCr hladiti ( S e l i S c e v Slav, naselenie 193, 3 0 6 ). 0 S v a n e
175, 23 2 .

forbël f, pi forbla 'peelings, sweepings (of nuts), empty nut-shell’. Other
variants ar e form ël and forlë. Borrowed from bai formella ‘small form’ Festschr. Shevoroshkin 260). 0 C A M A R D A IT 64 (compares formël with G k ( p o p u ô ç ‘basket’); M E Y E R Wb. 110 (derives forbël from *vorbël < Rom *orbulus and form ël from Ital forfore ‘scabs’); Ç A B E J St. I 192-193 (“of unclear origin”).
(O R E L

fortë adj.

‘stro n g ’. B orrow ed from Lat fortis id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Ele­ mente 27; C a m a r d a 1 167). 0 M e y e r Wb. 110 (from Ital forte id.); M e y e r L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 21 1045 ¡TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 117; Ç a b e j St. VII 281.

102

FO SH N JË —

FRE ~

FRÊ

foshnjë f, pi.foshnja ‘infant’. The Geg form is foslii. Both forms reflect an unattested *fosh that may result (irregularly as far as the anlaut is concerned) from *ftosh, the latter being a borrowing from Lat fëtôsus, to fetus ‘offspring’. 0 MEYER Wb. 100 (related to fashqe); B a r k M Æ S î 23-24 (to Skt phanas- ‘foam’); ÇABEJ St. VII 184. fqinjë m/f, pi-fqinjë ‘n e ig h b o r ’. B o r ro w e d fro m R om *vïcînius based on Lat vîcuius id. (CAMARDA 1 92; MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 71; M eyer Wb. 107). 0 M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1044, 1048; MlHÄESCU RESEE I V /1 - 2 21; HAARMANN 157. fqollë f, pi.fqolla ‘flax ready for spinning; first combings of flax’. Another variant of this word is fjollë. Borrowed from MGk (paKiôXriç ‘hand­ kerchief. napkin’ (M e y e r Wb. 107). 0 M ey er Wb. 106 (separates fjollë as a continuation of Rom *fileötum)\ M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1045; M ih ä e s c u RESEE I V / 1-2 15; H a a r m a n n 125; Ç a b e j Sí. 1 193. fraq m,pl.fraqra ~ fraqna 'biting cold, frost’. Singularized form of the original *frak continuing PAlb *awa-raka, a préfixai formation ety­ mologically related to Lith raku, ràkti ‘to peck open, to lance’, Latv rakt ‘to dig’. 0 JOKL Festschr. Rozwadowski I 248 (reconstructs * ve­ ra/:-/«?- related to OIr diorain ‘to sprinkle’); SGGJa I 55; FRAENKEL 694; ÇABEJ St. I 193-194 (considers dialectal thrak in mot thrak ‘cold period’ to be the older form and uses it to reconstruct *ther-ak, further to ther). frashër ~ frashën m, pi.frashëra ~ frashna ‘a sh -tr e e ’. B o r ro w e d from Lat frax inus id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 28; MEYER Wb. 111). 0 M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1048; M i h ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 16; Ç a b e j Sí. VII 244; H a a r m a n n 127; J a n s o n Unt. 51; L a n d i Lat. 102, 124. frashuall ~ frashuell m ‘haricot’. Borrowed from Lat phaseolus ‘kind of bean’ ( Ç A B E J St. I 175) with a secondary epenthetic -r- ( M E Y E R L Ü B K E Gr. Grundriß21 1045). In Tosk the NGk cpcxooij/a id. was adapted as fasul. O H a a r m a n n 142; L a n d i Lat. 78, 85, 93. fre - frê m, pl.frerë ~ frena, frenj ‘bridle; grape-stalk; comb’. Borrowed from Lat frcnum id. ( M lK L O S I C H Rom. Elemente 28; M E Y E R Wb. 111). 0 M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr. G rundriß2 1 1044; M i h ä e s c u RESEE IV/1-2 16;

(G)

FRU ER —

FRYT

103

H a a r m a n n 127; Ç a b e j St. I 194; Ja n s o n Unt. 51; L a n d i Lat. 55.

(G) fruer m ‘February’. Borrowed from Lat februârius id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 25; MEYER Wb. 109). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1043, 1054; M ih ä e s c u RESEE I V / 1-2 15; H a a r m a n n 125; Ç a b e j St. I 194-195; La n d i Lat. 2 8 , 7 5 -7 6 , 127, 157. frushkull m, pl. frushkuj ‘whip’. A transform ation of the original *fushtull borrowed from Rom *fustulum, cf. Lat fustis ‘knobbed stick, cudgel, club’. The variant fshikull is explained by the influence of fshike. 0 M e y e r Wb. 112 (identifies this word with frushkull ‘whistle’); T R E IM E R KZ LV1 104 (connects frushkull with \Và\ frusta ‘whip’); ÇABEJ St. I 195 (onomatopoeia), 199. frushkull f, pl. frushkulla ‘whistle’. Another variant is frushull. A radical phonetic transformation of the original Lat fistula ‘pipe, tube’ (M e y e r Wb. 112). 0 Ç a b e j St. I 195 (onomatopoeia). fruth - frûth m ‘measles’. Deminutive or collective in -th based on PAlb *spruga related to Skt sphurjati ‘to thunder, to rumble’, Gk aipapayeopcxt ‘to burst with a noise’, Lith sprdgstu, sprógti ‘to break, to crack up’ (M a n n Language XVII 13). 0 MEYER Wb. 154 (related to hurdhe), Alb. St. Ill 32; BARIC ARSt. I 29; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 242; FRAENKEL 882883; F r is k II 828; MAYRHOFER III 5 4 5 -5 4 6 ; TlCHY Onom. 1 7 7 -1 8 1 ; Ç a b e j St. I 195 (f-ruth related to IE *reudh- ‘red’). fryj ~ fryj aor.fry va, fryjta ~ fryna ‘to blow’. Continues PAlb *sprügnja etymologically connected with Lith sprûgstu, sprügti ‘to escape, to get out’, Slav *prygati ‘to jump, to spring’. The nounfrym ë ‘breath’ is derived from fryj. 0 CAMARDA 1 1 12 (to Gk nvéxo ‘to blow’); B a r i £ ARSt. I 26 (reconstructs *sphrügniö, to Gk acpapayéopai ‘to burst with a noise’); T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 98; L a P ia n a Studi I 94; M a n n Language X V II15 (to Gk arcai pai), XXVIII 37; F r a e n k e l 883; Ç a b e j St. 1 195196; VASMER III 390-391; H u l d 65. fryt m, pi.fryte ‘fruit’. Borrowed from Lat früctus id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 28; MEYER Wb. 112) through the intermediary stage of early Alb *früjt. 0 M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1054; SCHUCHARDT KZ XX 259; M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 16; H a a r m a n n 127; Di G io v in e Gruppo -ct- 39-41; LANDI Lat. 121, 148.

106

FU NI) —

FU SH Ë

fund m, pi. funde ‘b ottom , e n d ’. B o r ro w e d from Lat fundus ‘b o tto m ’
(MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 28; MEYER Wb. 114). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr.

Grundriß21 1046; M ih ä e sc u RESEE IV/1-2 16; H a a r m a n n 127; L a n d i Lat. 116, 139. fuqi f, pi.fu q i ‘power, strength, force’. If the intermediary form was *fujqi, it could be a borrowing based on Rom *fulcius, the latter derived from fu ta re ‘to prop up, to support, to make strong’ (MEYER Wb. 114). 0 B A R lé ARSt 25 (to Latv spèks ‘strength’). furfur it aor. furfurita ‘to sparkle, to shine’. A descriptive stem. furkë f, pi.furka ‘distaff, fork’. Borrowed from Lat furca ‘fork’ (M l­ KLOSICH Rom. Elemente 28-29; M e y e r Wb. 114). 0 T a g l ia v in i Dal­ mazia 120, Origini 190, 239; ClMOCHOWSKI LP IV 190; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 16; ROHLFS Spr. 117; HAARMANN 127. fuir m, pl.furre ‘oven’. Another variant is /a rre . Borrowed from Lat furnus id. (M ik l o s ic h Rom. Elemente 29; M e y e r Wb. 114). 0 M e y e r L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1049; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV/1-2 16; HAAR­ MANN 127; LANDI Lat. 114. furrik m, plfurriqë, furriqe ‘chicken-coop, fowl-pen, roost, nesting-box’. Another variant of singular h fu rriq . The modern form furrik is a back formation based on the original furriq borrowed from Lat fornicem ‘arch, vault’. 0 MEYER Wb. 115 (uncertain comparison with /«; /); JOKL AArhSl 1 39-41 (to farë); Ç a b e j St. I 201; L a n d i Lat. 112-114, 158. fus aor .futa ‘to put in, to thrust in, to insert; to plant’. From PAlb *sputja, a form with .v mobile etymologically related to Lat puto ‘to trim, to prune’, Tokh A, B putk- ‘to divide’. 0 CAMARDA I 132 (to Gk cpijonou ‘to grow ’); T r e im e r KZ LXV 107 (to Lith spdudyti ‘to smooth with, to m ash’); W a l d e -H o f m a n n II 393-394; V a n W in d e k e n s I 397. fushë f, pl.fusha ‘plain, open field, meadow’. Borrowed from Lat fossa ‘ditch, trench, gutter’, also ‘furrow ’, and originally describing an irri­ gated plot of land. Note that fushate ‘campaign’ was formed already in Albanian, probably, as a caique of Ital campagna ‘country, campaign’. 0 M ey er Wb. 115 (borrowed from Lat füsum ‘pouring, poured'); B aric

FYEJ

GABONJE

107

ARSt. I 23 (reco n stru cts *pjthuiaml)', TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 120-121; Ç a b e j St. VIT 238, 277. fyej aor.feva ‘to offend, to insult, to make a mistake’. Identical with fe'jej ‘to make a m istake’ derived from fa j (Ç a b e j St. I 201). fyell ~ fyll m, pl. fyej, fej, fyje ‘flute’. Goes back to PAlb *spali- ety­ mologically related to Gk aJuiXaiov ‘cave, cavern’ < * ‘hollow’. 0 M ey er Wb. 108 {to flojere), Alb. St. V 76; BARltMÄSf I 21-22 (to Gk (pDoáco ‘to blow’, Lat pustula ‘bubble, blister1 T relmer KZ LXV 103 (to Lith ); pliüsë ‘rush, reed’); SKOK Glasnik SNDII 297-299 (borrowed from Rom *vivula ‘viola’); F r is k II 765-766; ÇABEJ St. I 201-202 (from IE *spel‘to split’). fyl adj. ‘hollow’. Akin to fyell (ÇABEJ St. I 202-203). Note fyçkë ‘hollow, stupid’ and fyrbë ‘hollow’ < *fyl be derived from fyl. It is possible that fyshtë ‘thoroughly baked (of bread)’ and fyshtër ‘Forsythia’ also belong here (ibid.). fyt m ‘throat, gullet’. F rom PAlb *spüta etymologically related to Lat spuO ‘to spit’, sputum ‘spittle’, Gk m v w ‘to spit’ and the like ( B a r i ¿ ARSt I 25). 0 MEYER Wb. 115 (borrowed from Lat fui is ‘vessel, pitcher’); T reim er KZ LXV 112 (to Skt sphâvayati ‘to fatten, to strength­ en’ and the like); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 121, Stratificazione 88; F r is k II 617-618; WALDE-HOFMANN II 580-581; POKORNY I 999-1000; Ç a b e j St. VII 217, 258. fytyrë f, pi .fytyra ‘face’. Borrowed from Lat factura ‘formation, crea­ ture’ (MEYER Wb. 116). 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 305 (from Lat facies ‘face’); BARIÓAArbSt I 144; MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 21 1055 (from Ital fattura ‘magic’); TAGLIAVINI St. albanesi III - IV 222, Dal­ mazia 116 (follows M e y e r -L ü b k e ); M ih äescu RESEE IV /1-2 15; H a a r ­ m a n n 125; Dì G io v in e Gruppo -ct- 45-49; Ç a b e j St. 1 203 (agrees with M e y e r ); L a n d i Lat. 68, 121.

G
gabonjë f, pl. gabonja ‘eagle’. A suffixal formation in -onjë based on *gabë, related to shkabë id. The latter consists of the prefix sh- and

108

GAGE —

GAI.INF,

the same stem (JOKL LKUBA 2 4 4 , 3 0 4 ). The source is PAlb *gaba that seems to go back to a cultural Wanderwort also attested in Lat capys, capus ‘bird of prey’ (ibid.). 0 TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 140.
gacë f, pl. gaca ‘heat, hot ashes’. Borrowed from an unattested Slav *garbca, deminutive of *garb ‘ash, fire ’. 0 JOKL Studien 21 (from IE *g“ horti-ä, to *g“ her- ‘to be hot’), ZONF X 186; CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 48; ÇABEJ St. VII 234; D em ir a j AE 174-175 (borrowed from Turk garra ‘shining’ or kor). gagaç m, pl.gagaçë ‘stammerer’. Borrowed from an unattested Slav *gagacb

derived from *gagati ‘to cackle, to shout’, cf. in particular South Slavic reflexes: Maced gaga, SCr gagati.
gajgë f, pi.gajga ‘kind of nut’. Borrowed from a deminutive Slav *galbka

derived from *gal’a ‘lump, pebble’.
gaju sh ë f, p\.gajusha ‘bush, shrubbery’. Derivative of *gaj borrowed

from Slav *gajh ‘grove, bush’, cf. South Slavic reflexes: SCr gaj, Slovene gaj (POLÁK ZfBalk I 78).
gak m, pi. geqe ‘boar’. From P A lb *gauka, a derivative of IE *g“ öu- ‘dung,

excrem ents’, similar to Maced yoxáv (leg. yoûxav)- i>v (Hes.) 0 MEYER Wb. 117-118 (comparisons with Fr coche and Germ Hacksch ‘breeding boar’); P e d e r s e n KZ XXXVI 328 (secondary form of plural as demonstrated by the lack of palatalization in g-); TAGLIAVI­ NI Stratificazione 136-137; P o k o r n y I 484; Ç a b e j St. I 203-204 (related to hakoç).
galam sh m, pi. galamsha ‘lame person’. A préfixai derivative of lëmsh (M e y e r Wb. 119, 243). 0 V a s m e r Alb. Wortforsch.80-81 (from *gy ou+ lam-sh); C a m a j Alb. Wortb. 107 (prefix ga-)\ ÇABEJ St. I 204. galë f, pi .gala ‘jackdaw; black sheep’. Borrowed from Slav *gal ’a ‘black animal, jackdaw ’ (M e y e r Wb. 118). While the meaning ‘black sheep’

is attested in SCr galja, the meaning ‘jackdaw ’ is known only in East Slavic: ORuss and Russ gal’a. 0 S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 198; SVANE 146. galinë f ‘lump of earth’. A relatively early borrowing from Slav *golina

GAM IS

GARBË

109

‘empty place, hill withour grass’, with the unstressed *-o- rendered as -a-. garnis aor.gamita ‘to bark". Borrowed from Slav *gamiti ‘to shout, to be noisy’ unattested in South Slavic. gamule f, pi .gamule ‘heap’. A singularized plural of gamut ë id. going back to PAlb *gamula and etymologically identical with Lith gämulas ‘bale, lump’, Slav *gomola id. The metathetized form magulë was bor­ rowed to Rum mägurä. 0 ClHAC I 152 (Rum mägurä from Lat macula = maculimi ‘bag’); M e y e r Wb. 118- 119 (to Slav *mogyla ‘tomb, hill’); V a sm e r Alb. Wortforsch. 18-19 (to Slav *mogç ‘I can’); SCHWARZ AfslPh XLI 139 (borrowed from early Proto-Slavic *magiila)\ VALEK CMMZ 14 (to Pre-Rom ma- and Slav *gora ‘mountain’); S a h m a t o v AfslPh XXXIII 91 (to Celt *mogo- ‘great’); CHARPENTIER KZ XL 467 (to Av maya- ‘hole, pit’); G e o r g ie v Festschr. Rosetti 287-290; FRAENKEL 132; P o p /?/5 234-257; R o s e t t i ILR I 279; Z a l i z n ’a k VSJa 40; T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa VIT 18-19; OREL OLA 1981 301-306 (a suffixal derivative of IE *dhghom ‘earth’). gand m ‘accident, vice, defect’. From PAlb Uganda further connect­ ed with Lith gandas ‘rumor’, gañdinti ‘to frighten’, Latv gañdét ‘to spoil’. 0 H e l b i G 61, 121 (connected with gënjej ‘to deceive’, of Italian origin); FRAENKEL 138-139; Ç a b e j St. I 204 (identical with ganë, par­ ticiple of gas, cf. ngas): A jeti ZfB alkV /2 142-143 (gandoj from SCr ganuti). gánguil adv. ‘whole; poached (of egg)’. Goes back to PAlb *gangula, a suffixal derivative of *ganga connected with Lith ganga ‘movement’, gdngytis ‘to move’. 0 MANN Language XXVI 3 8 2 (to Gk 70yyùÀoç);
F r a e n k e l 134.

gar be f, pi. garbe ‘flower-pot’. A singularized plural of the original garbë going back to PAlb *gar(i)ba. As the Slavic word for ‘pot’ *ghrnr derived h from the name of ‘oven’ * g i.n n , and further from IE *g%er- ‘to burn’, the Albanian lexeme is derived from the same Indo-European root. 0 T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa VII 210-211, Rem. term. 190-201. garbë f, pi garba ‘notch, nick’. Goes back to PAlb *garba etymologi­ cally related to OIr gerbach ‘wrinkled’, ON korpna ‘to get wrinkled’,

110

G A RD H -

GASHTF.I.I.F,

OPrus *garbis ‘mountain’, Slav *gbrbT> ‘hump’and the like (ORELFestschr. Shevoroshkin 260). 0 T r a u t m a n n BSlWb. 78; FRAENKEL 135; SLAWSKI SEP I 256. gardh m, pl. gardhe, gjerdhe ‘fence’. Continues PAlb *garda related to Goth gards ‘house’, Lith gardas ‘fence’, Slav *gordi, ‘town, fence’ and the like (MEYER Wb. 119-120, Alb. St. Ill 9, 72). Geg gardhën ‘croze’ is derived from gardh. Rum gard is an early Albanian loanword. 0 WEIGAND BA IV 26-27 (borrowed from Slav *gordb)\ SKOK Slavia III 115 (follows WEIGAND); F e ist Goth. 197-198; SELISCEV Slav, nase­ lenie 147, 319 (a Slavic loanword); JOKL Slavia X III297-301 (corroborates M e y e r ’ s view); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 122, Origini 308; MANN Lan­ guage XVII 19, Language XXVIII 35; PISANI Saggi 126; FRAENKEL 135; ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 246; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 341; ROSETTI ILR I 277; TRUBACEV ÈSSJa VII 37-38; ÇABEJ St. I 205; OREL Z ß a lk XXIII 147; M u r a t i Probleme 130; D e m ir a j AE 175. garë f, pl.gara ‘competition, race’. Continues PAlb *gara probably con­ nected with Gk xoupco ‘to rejoice’ and its derivatives, cf. in particu­ lar Gk xápttri ‘joy of battle; battle, fight’. Together with %aipco, garë belongs to IE *gher- ‘to wish, to feel inclination’. 0 POKORNY I 440441; FRISK II 1062-1064. garguii adv. ‘full’. From PAlb *garg-ula related to Lith gargalas, gargölas ‘thickening, knotted thread, thread' (O r e l Festschr. Shevoroshkin
2 6 0 ). 0 F r a e n k e l 134.

gargull m, pi, garguj ‘starling’. A more rare variant is garbull. The source of this loanword is Rom *galbulus ‘blackbird’ (MEYER Wb. 119). 0 MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 26 (from Lat galgulus); HAARMANN 128; ÇAREJ St. I 206. garris aor. garrita ‘to neigh’. Borrowed from an expressive verb, Slav *gavbriti ~ *gavbrati ‘to tease, to spoil’, cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg gavr 'a, SCr gavrati. 0 MEYER Wb. 119 (borrowed from Lat garrire ‘to chatter’); HAARMANN 128; TZITZILIS LB X X X /2 102; ÇABEJ St. I 2 0 6 (onomatopoeia); TRUBAÒEV ÈSSJa VI 1 1 2 -1 1 3 . gashtellë f, pl. gashtellë ‘knee-cap’. A suffixal derivative of gashtë id.

G A SH T Ë —

GAZ

111

that m ay be id en tified w ith gashtë ‘w h e tsto n e’. 0 Ç a b e j St. VII 2 4 4 (to

shtjell).
g a sh të f, pi. gashta ‘whetstone’. From PAlb *galstâ, a suffixal deriva­

tive related to Lith gälas ‘end’, Latv gals id. A similar motivation in a word for ‘whetstone’ may be traced in Lith bade ‘fungus; whetstone’. On the other hand, it is extremely tempting to compare gashtë with Lith galgsti ‘to sharpen’, galástuvas ‘whetstone’, Latv galuôda ‘whetstone’ but this is only possible if these verbs are analyzed as *gal-and-, i.e. not according to the accepted view according to which *gland- is recon­ structed. 0 BOGA I 324; FRAENKEL 130; ÇABEJ St. VII 195, 2 44. gatëf, pi. gata ‘heron’. From PAlb *gata continuing *ghnta, a deriva­ tional variant of IE *ghan-s- ‘goose’, cf. Gmc *ganta < IE *ghand-. 0 MEYER Wb. 121 (borrowed from Rom *ganta ‘stork, wild goose’ > Fr jante, Prov ganta with serious phonetic and dialectal complications); P is a n i Saggi 123; P o k o r n y 1 412-413; M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 31 (from Rom *catta)', Ç a b e j St. VII 195; H a a r m a n n 116.
gatuaj ~ gatuej aor. gatova ‘make ready, prepare’. Note that gat

‘ready’, gati id. are secondary formations based on the verb which is an early Slavic loanword, from *gotovati, *gotoviti ‘make ready, pre­ pare’. As in patkua < *podi>kova, -ua- < *-<?«- (MlKLOSICH Slav. Ele­ mente 19; JOKL IF XLIX 277) renders Slav *-ova- with a bilabial v [u] (O r e l LÆ XXIX/4 70). Rum gata ‘ready’ was borrowed from Alban­ ian. 0 CAMARDA I 130 (to Gk àyaGoç ‘good, fine’); MEYER Wb. 121 (treats gat and Slav *gotovh ‘ready’ as cognates), Alb. St. Ill 7, 23; JOKL IF XLIX 290, L 36; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 122; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 3341; ROSETTI ILR I 277; Hamp RRL X V III/4 333-345; ÇABEJ St. VII 198; TRUBACEV ÈSSJa VII 70-72; OREL SBJa Leksikol. 152.
gath m, pi.gathë ‘catkin’. A deminutive in -th of an unattested *gat bor­ rowed from Rom *gat(t)us ‘c a t’ (OREL Festschr. Shevoroshkin 2 6 1 ).

For the meaning cf. Germ Kätzchen and E catkin.
gavër f, pi.gavra ‘hole’. From PAlb *ga-wara, a préfixai derivative related to varr (MEYER Wb. 3 7 ). 0 ÇABEJ St. VII 184. gaz m, pi. gaze ‘jo y , lau ghter’. From Lat gaudium ‘j o y ’ (MlKLOSICHRom. Elemente 29; MEYER Wb. 120). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß2 1 1052;

112

GDHE ~

GDHÊ —

GF.LBAZË

T a g lia v in i Dalmazia 122; M a n n Language XXVI 382; MlHÄESCU RESEE

IV /1-2 22; Ç abej St. VII 230, 267; H a a r m a n n 128; H u l d 65-66; L a n d i Lat. 72, 125.
gdhe ~ g d h è m, pi. gdhenj 'gnarl, knot’. Another variant in Tosk is gdhë.

From PAlb *ga-daina, a préfixai formation based on an adjective in *-no- that belongs to the same root as Skt dáyate ‘to divide’, Gk Saiopai id. 0 MEYER Wb. 471 (links gdhe to gdhend and, further, to vgje); ÇABEJ St. I 207 (connects gdhe with gdhend)-, ÖLBERG apud DEMIRAJ (to OHG tanna ‘fir-tree’); DEMIRAJ AE 175. gdhend aor.gdhenda ‘to plane’. In Old Albanian there is a parallel form dhend (BOGDANI). A denominative verb derived from gdhe with a suffix -d- < *-t-. Thus, one might reconstruct PAlb *ga-den-ta 0 MEYER Wb. 471 (compares gdhend with vgje); JOKL Studien 21-22 (to ON detta ‘to hit, to strike’); ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 241; CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 106; FRISK 1 341-342; M a y r h o f e r I I 20-21; P o k o r n y 1 175-176; Ç a b e j St. 1 207 (follows J o k l ); D e m ir a j AE 175-176. gdhij ~ gdhîj aor. gdhiva ~ gdhina ‘to stay awake at night’. Also used impersonally as u gdhi ‘the day began’. Goes back to a préfixai *gadeinja related to din (JOKL Studien 22). 0 PEDERSEN KZ XXXIII 546; ÇABEJ St. VII 242 (from *ditnja); DEMIRAJ AE 176.
g e g ë m, pi.gegë ‘Geg, North Albanian’. An onomatopoeia of babbling,

indistinct speech as contrasted to shqipe. 0 Ç a b e j St. VII 193, 249.
g e m m ‘branch’. Together with gemb id., a phonetic variant of gjemb (JOKL Studien 2 6 -2 8 ). The adjective gemtë ‘crooked’ is derived from

gem. 0 MEYER Wb. 122 (from Ital gambo ‘stem, stalk’); ÇABEJ St. I 207 (agrees with JOKL).
ger m, pi.gera ‘squirrel’. From P A lb *gaura related to Lith gaiiras ‘hair,

down, tuft of hair’, Latv gauri ‘pubic hair’, Mir gúaire ‘hair’ and describ­ ing the squirrel as ‘fu rry ’. 0 F r a e n k e l 140; POKORNY I 397-398.
g ëlb a zë f, pi.gëlbaza ‘liver illness of sheep caused by worms’. Another variant is këlbazë. Borrowed from Slav *k-blbasa ‘stuffed gut, sausage’, a derivative of *k-hlbi> ‘stomach (of anim als)’ (OREL Festschr. Shevoroshkin 261). The irregular change of Slav *-s- > Alb -z- is explained

G ËLOJ

GËRDALLË

113

by the analogical influence of suffixal forms in -az(ë). Rum gälbeazä, cälbeazä is borrowed from Albanian. 0 MEYER Wb. 222 (to qelb); POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. 11 338 ; ROSETTI ILR I 274; DESNICKAJA Slav. jaz. VIII 155 (to kalb): ÇABEJ St. VII 224, 233. gëloj aor. gelova ‘to burst out; to be gathered, to be accumulated, to blaze (of fire)’. A denominative continuing PAlb *gal-anja related to OHG quellan ‘to well up, to pour out, to stream from ’, Skt gálati ‘to drip, to drop, to ooze’. 0 K l u g e 574; MAYRHOFER I 329; POKORNY I 4 7 1 472.

gëlltis aor.ge'llttta to swallow . Borrowed from Slav 'gioitati —:g~i>ltiti id., cf. South Slavic forms: Bulg gßltam ‘to swallow’, SCr gutati ‘to swallow’, gufiti ‘to squeeze’, Slovene goltiti ‘to swallow’ (S v a n e 254). gëras aor. gerita ‘to creak’. An onomatopoeia of uncertain origin. gërbë f, pl. gërba ‘hump’. Borrowed from S la v *gi>rba id. (M lK ­ LOSICH Slav. Elemente 20; M e y e r Wb. 1 23), cf. South Slavic contin­ uants: Bulg gbrba, SCr grba. 0 S e liS c e v Slav, naselenie 188, 195; S v a n e
184.

gërbulë f ‘mange, scab, lepra’. From PAlb *garb-uli-. Derived from garbë ‘notch, nick’ and thus formally identical with Lith garbulis ‘hairlock’. 0 M e y e r Wb. 125 (to gè'rvish); L a PIANA St. Varia 95 (deriva­ tive of kalby, F r a e n k e l 154; Ç a b e j St. 1 2 0 8 (agrees with L a P i a n a ). gërç m ‘convulsion, cram p’. Borrowed from Slav *gi>rcb id., a variant of *kbrcb, cf. South Slavic forms: Bulg grbc, SCr grc (M EYER Wb. 125). 0 MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 20; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 124; SV A N E 184, 232. gërçak m ‘jug, pitcher’. Another variant is kërçak. Borrowed from Slav *kbrcagb ‘clay vessel, pitcher’, cf. South Slavic continuants: OCS krbcagb, Bulg kbrcag, SCr krcag (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 23; MEYER Wb. 190). 0 SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 153; POLÁK ZfBalk I 78; SVANE 74. gërdallë f ‘old horse’. D erivative based on Slav *gbrd-b ‘ugly, bad; proud’, cf. gërditet.

114

G Ë R D IT E T —

GËRK

gërditet refi, ‘to fe e l sic k e n e d , to be s ic k ’. B o r r o w e d fro m S la v *gbrditi ‘to be p rou d ’, in som e lan guages a lso - ‘to fe e l bad, to be sic k ’ as in SCr grditi, S loven e grdeti se (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 20; MEYER Wb. 123). 0 S e l i S c e v Slav, naselenie 1 91, 289; SVANE 182, 2 3 2 . gërdhatë f, pl.gërdhata ‘barren, rugged mountain chain’. As well as gerdhele ‘boulder, clod’ and gerdhet ‘cellar’, a derivative of gardh. 0 ÇABEJ St. I 208 (divides gerdhet into a prefix ge(r)- and a root dhe ‘earth’). gërdhij a o r . gërdhiva ‘to scratch’. Continues PAlb *grad-ïnja, a denom­ inative verb with *grad- < *ghrridh- related to OE grindan ‘to grind’, Lith gre'ndziu, gre'sti ‘to scrape, to sc ra tch ’. 0 FRAENKEL 167; H o l t h a u s e n AEW 137-138. gërfej m ‘cave with two entrances’. Apparently, this dialectal word from Mirdita was misintepreted as far as its meaning is concerned. Perhaps, the original meaning was ‘study, office room ’. Its source is, clearly, MGk Ypowperov ‘record-office, registry’. 0 ÇABEJ St. I 208 (prefix gërfollowed by -fej, plural o í fyell). gërgaUe f, pi.gërgalle ‘rocky area’. A singularized plural of *gërgallë further related to gargull and continuing PAlb *garg-alä. gërgas aor. gërgita ‘to irritate, to in c ite ’. B o r ro w e d from SCr grgati ‘to
tinket, to putter, to pick (teeth or n ose)’. 0 MEYER Wb. 123 (onomatopoeia); T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 125; Ç a b e j St. V II 2 4 2 .

(G) gërhanë f, pl.gërhanë ‘card, hackle’. Another form is kërhanë. Sin­ gularized plural of krehër ~ krahen ‘comb’ (ÇABEJ St. I 208), Note the voicing of the initial k- as in many other examples. gërhas aor .gërhita ‘to sn o r e ’. B o rro w ed from S lav *ki,rxati ‘to co u g h , to ex p ec to ra te’, represented in South S lav ic by SCr krhati ( M e y e r Wb. 1 2 3 -1 2 4 , Alb. St. IV 103). 0 L a P ia n a Studi I 7 0 (reco n stru cts *grikhak-iô), St. Varia 32 -3 3 (from *gher-ghark-iö, to Skt gharghara- ‘thun­ d erin g , r in g in g ’); ÇABEJ St. I 2 0 8 -2 0 9 (o n o m a to p o eia or a co g n a te o f grahmë ); SVANE 261.
gërk m, pl. gërqe ‘G reek ’. A p arallel form o f singular is gërq. B o rro w ed from Slav *grbth id., cf. South Slavic form s: B ulg grbk, SCr grk (MEYER

GËRLAC

G Ë R SH E T

115

Wb. 124). The fem in in e form gërqinjë g o e s back to S lav *grbkyni (M lK­ LOSICH Slav. Elemente 2 0 ). C f. a lso grek. 0 S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 197; Ç a b e j St. I 21 3 .
gërlac m ‘windpipe’. Borrowed from an unattested Slav *g-hrdlacb or

directly derived from Slav *gi>rdlo ‘throat’ ( M e y e r Wb. 124).
gërlas
a o r . gërlata

‘to bend’. O f obscure origin.

gërlicë f ‘turtle dove’. Borrowed from Slav *gi,rd¡ica id., cf. South

Slavic forms: Bulg gw lica, SCr grlica (TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 125).
gërmadhë f, pl.gërmadha ‘ruin’. A relatively early borrowing from Slav

*gromada ‘heap, m ass’, cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg gramada, grhmada, SCr gramada (MEYER Wb. 124). 0 MANN Language XVII 12;
S v a n e 52.

gërm is

aor.

gërmita ‘to pick, to gnaw’.

A

denominative based on

grimë.
gërm oj aor. gërmova ‘to dig’. A denominative verb derived from

gërmë ‘letter’ in its otherwise unattested meaning ‘line, scratch’ so that the original meaning of gërmoj would be ‘to scratch lines’. If so, gërmë must be considered a borrowing from ancient Greek rather than a loan from NGk ypdc,una the only meaning of which is ‘letter’ and which is reflected in Albanian as grame. 0 MEYER Wb. 125 (to gënnsh), 128 (gërmë < N G k yp á|a p a ); ÇABEJ St. VII 2 5 4 -2 5 5 .
gërm uq
adv. ‘c r o o k e d ’.

An e x p r e ssiv e d eriv a tiv e o f gërmoj.

gërshas aor. grisha ‘to in v ite ’. A variant o f grish, aor. grisha id. O r ig ­ in a lly , from PAlb *grisa, a ze r o grad e o f IE *g*er-: Skt grnati ‘to ca ll, to in v o k e ’, L ith giriu, girti ‘to p r a is e ’ (JOKL IF XXX VI 133). 0 M e y e r Wb. 124 (to Lith garsas ‘sound’), Alb. St. Ill 7, 72; ClMOCHOWSKI St. IE 44; F r a e n k e l 154; M a y r h o f e r I 343; P o k o r n y I 478; Ç a b e j St. VII 201, 224; HAMP apud SCHRIJVER BC 143 (to C elt *bardos ‘bard’

< *barsdo- < * frs-)\ DEMIRAJ AE 180.
gërshet m. pi, gërsheta ‘plait’. A parallel form is kërshet. The source

of this word is Gk Kopatoxôç ‘tasseled (hair)’, cf. also Kopacoxrip ‘barber’.

116

G R R SIIËR Ë ~

G Ë R SH A N Ë

GËRRYEJ ~

GËRRYJ

G ËSH TA LLË

G ISH L

1 17

0 MEYER Wb. 124 (to Ital grisola ‘wicker-work'); ÇABEJ St. I 2 0 9 -2 1 0

(divides the word into gë(r)- and -shet, the latter to be compared with shatë).
g ërsh ërë ~ gërshanë f, pl. gërshërë ~ gërshanë ‘scissors’. Borrowed from

Xpaivto); ÇABEJ apud DEMIRAJ (to various form s in gërr-lkër-)-, D e m ir a j AE 177-178 (prefix gë-).
gësh ta llë f ‘splint, piece of wood’. A parallel form is kështallë. Goes

Rom *carsänia, an irregular phonetic transformation of *caesânia, cf. Ital cesoie id. < Rom *corsôria. 0 CAMARDA I 6 6 (to IE *kers- ‘to cut ); MEYER Wb. 124 (reconstructs Rom *carpsöria as a source); JOKL LKUBA 1 5 5 -1 5 7 (to IE *sker- ‘to cut’); Ç a b e j St. VII 2 5 8 .
g ë rth a p ë pl. ‘garden scissors; claw, nipper (of a scorpion)’. Another

back to PAlb *ka-sta!nä, a préfixai derivative related to shtjell (ÇABEJ St. I 210-211).
gështenjë f, pi.gështenja ‘chestnut’. Together with a parallel form kështenjë, borrowed from Lat castanea id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 12; M e y e r Wb. 191). 0 M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1042, 1048; M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 14; Ç a b ej St. V II279; H a a r m a n n 115; L a n d i Lat. 47-48, 81, 97. g ë z o f m, pl. gëzofë ‘fur, pelt’. Borrowed from Gk Yat>Ga7toç ‘frieze’ (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 29), the latter itself being an Oriental loan­

variant is gëthapë. Together with the umlauticized form gëthep ‘hook’, continues PAlb *ga-tsap- related to thep.
gërthas aor.gërthita ‘to cry, to shout’. A variant of kërcas, with the dialec­

tal substitution -th- > -c- and the voicing of the anlaut. 0 ÇABEJ St. VII
25 8 .

word (from Akk guzippu ~ kuzippu). The phonetic details of the Alban­ ian word, however, remain irregular: the place of the stress, the voiced

ER I 169; F r is k I 789-780;

!

apud WALDE-HOFMANN I 5 8 5 (borrowed from an ancient Balkan lan­ guage to Albanian and Greek), JOKL Beiträge (< *g“ öu-di-äpos ‘bovine’); F r is k I 202.
gëzhojë f, pl. gëzhoja ‘nut s h e ll’. A sin gularized plural o f gëzhollë w hich
is a m etath etic fo rm o f zhgoll ~ zhguall. T he latter is a p réfix a i d e r iv ­ ative o f guall (Ç a b e j St. I 2 1 1 ). 0 H e lb i g 78 (borrow ed from Ital guscio

crab, c r a y fish ’, Lat cancer id. 0 MAYRHOF W a l d e -H o f m a n n I 151 ; P o k o r n y 1531.

:r variant is gërvisht. As formation based on *gërvij. Æ y e r Wb. 125 (from Slav e

g ë rv ish aor. gërvisha ‘to scratch'. Anoth

other derivatives in -ish(t), this is a secondary The source of the latter remains unclear. 0 ’ *grebg ‘to rake up’).
g ë rre s ë f, pi.gërresa ‘scraper’. From PAlb

‘nut s h e ll’). *garatjâ, a suffixal derivbased on grij (M e y e r Wb. lien 9-10 (suffix -esë), 23POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II
gica pi. ‘first teeth of an infant’. A word of the expressive vocabulary.

Cf. also gic ‘darling’.
g ilcë f, pi.gilca ‘sinew’. Other variants are gilzë ~ kilzë ‘groin, hollow

ative of an unattested o-grade noune *gara 130). Borrowed to Rum gresie. 0 JOKL Stu 24 (related to OHG krazzôn ‘to scratch’); 3342; R o se t t i ILR I 278.
g ë rric aor. gërrica ‘to scratch with nails’,

\ denominative verb con-

of knee or elbow’. The word is derived from an unattested *kilë going back to PAlb *külä and identical with Lith kula ‘thickening, swelling’, Slav *kyla id. 0 FRAENKEL 306; TRUBACEV ÈSSJa XIII 262-263.
gisht m, pl. gishta, gishtëra ~ gishtna, gishtërinj ‘finger, thumb’. The GreekAlbanian and South Tosk form glisht leads to the reconstruction of PAlb *glista. Related to Lith getti ‘to prick, to sting’, galas ‘end, tip’ and

nected with gërresë.
gërry ej ~ g ërry j aor. gërreva ‘to scrape, to si

our’. A denominative verb 24 (from *gred-, cf. OHG /II 15, XXVIII 35 (to Gk

connected with gërresë. 0 JOKL Studien 23 krazzôn ‘to scratch’); M a n n Language X

118

GLASE —

G L IST E R

the like (P E D E R S E N KZ XXXIX 393; J O K L IF XXXVI 125). 0 B O P P 498 (to Skt añgusthá- ‘thumb’); M e y l r Wb. 141 (follows B O P P ); B R U G M A N N 1F XI 285-286 n. 1 (to Gk ßAi|xa^co ‘to feel hens to see if they are fat’); B U G G E BB XVIII 167 (to Skt añgúli- ‘finger, thumb’); P E D E R S E N KZ XXXIIT 547 (to Slav *gi,rstb ‘handful’), Kelt. Gr. I 79 (to Arm ciwt ‘twig, fin g er’); T A G L I A V I N I Dalmazia 123, Stratificazione 88-89; P i s a n i Saggi 132; C a m a j Alh. Wortb. 124; O r e l ZfBalk XXIII 147, Ètimo­ logija 1986-1987 222-224 (reconstructs *glista but connects it with ngjis); Ç a b e j St. VII 200; K o r t l a n d t Arm-IE 40; D e m i r a j AE 178-179 (to W bys, OCorn bis, bes ‘finger’). glasë f, pi. glasa ‘bird’s droppings’. Borrowed from Rom *galiiatia, a derivative of Lat gallus ‘rooster’, cf. Rum gâinaj ‘fowl’s droppings’ < *gallînâtia ( M E Y E R Wb. 122). 0 P U Ç C A R IU EWR 60; M lH Ä E S C U RESEE IV /1-2 16 (from Lat gallinacea)', L A N D I Lat. 137-138. gledhë f, pi. gledha ‘caress’. From P A lb *gladä, a substantivized adjec­ tive related to Lat glaber ‘smooth’, OHG^/öf ‘shining, even, smooth’, Lith glodus ‘sm ooth’, Slav *glad’ b id., *gladiti ‘to caress’. 0 bk’ FRAENKEL 158; W a l d e -H o f m a n n I 603; POKORNY I 4 3 2 ; T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa VI 1 14-116. glepë f, pl. glepa ‘matter from eyes, rheum (in eyes)’. Also attested as gëlepë. From PAlb *ka-laipa, derived from IE *leip- ‘to smear with fat’ (JOKL LKUBA 314). For the development of the prefix *ka- see gloq. 0 MEYER Wb. 125 (thinks of OHG chlëbên ‘to glue’), Alb. St. Ill 31; MANN Language XXVIII 34 (to MHG klepe)', POKORNY I 670-671 ; CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 101 (adduces a dubious variant gëlapë); ÖLBERG IF LXXIII 2 1 4 (against C a m a j ); OREL Linguistica XXIV 427; ÇABEJ apud D e m ir a j (to lyej); D e m ir a j AE 1 7 6 -1 7 7 (to Gk Âorcôç ‘shell, scale’). glinë f ‘c la y ’. B orro w ed from S lav *glina ‘c la y ’, cf. in particular South S la v ic re flex e s: B u lg glina, SC r glina (JOKL Studien 109). 0 S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 173, 308; S v a n e 169. gliqe pi. ‘k nee ten d o n s’. A su ffixal d eriv a tiv e g o in g back to *gëliqe and further co n n ecte d w ith gilcë. 0 MEYER Wb. 126 (b o r ro w ed from S lav * kl’uka ‘stick , c a n e ’). glistër f, pi. glistra ‘r a in w o rm ’. D er iv ed from *glistë b o rro w ed from

GLOQ. -

GODIS

119

Slav *glista ‘w orm ’, cf. in South Slavic: Bulg glista, SCr glista
(S v a n e 157).

gioq m, p!.gloq ‘matter from eyes, rheum (in eyes), testis’. Note a dialec­ tal form gëluq. Goes back to PAlb *ka-laukja, a formation with a prefix *ka- occasionally voiced in Albanian. The stem reflects a lengthening of IE *leuk- ‘to shine; shining, white’ and is also found in loqe (OREL Linguistica XXIV 427). 0 POKORNY I 687-690. gllanik m, pi.gllanikë ‘hearth stone’. Borrowed from Slav *golvbniki> derived from *golvn’a ‘charred log, charcoal’, cf. Bulg glavn’a, SCr glavnja (JOKL Studien 108, LKUBA 3 1 5 ). 0 VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. 1 9 -2 0 (from Bulg klanik ‘space between the fireplace and the wall’); BARIC AArbSt I 2 1 6 (agrees with JOKL); SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 149, 307; K r is t o f o r i 64; ÇABEJ St. I 2 1 1 -2 1 2 (supports VASMER); SVANE
56.

gllavinë f, pi.gllavina ‘wheel hub’. Borrowed from Slav *golvina id., cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg glavina, SCr glavina (DESNICKAJA Slav. zaim. 11). 0 SVANE 35. gobellë f, pi.gobella ‘deep place (in water)’. Together with gobetë ‘hollow’, derived from *gobë continuing PAlb *gâubâ, further etymologically connected with ~Li\hgaübti ‘to cover, to w rap’, Slav *ghbnçti ‘to bend’. 0 F r a e n k e l 140; T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa VII 18 8 -1 8 9 . gocë f, pl. goca ‘g ir l’. D er iv ed from gop. gocë f, pl. goca ‘o y s te r ’. O ther v arian ts are guacë, guaskë, guazë d esc rib in g any sh ell. A d eriv a tiv e o f guall (ÇABEJ St. I 2 1 2 ). godas aor.godita ‘to strik e, to b ea t’. B o r ro w e d fro m Slav *goditi used in a m ean ing unattested in South S la v ic (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 19; M e y e r Wb. 126). 0 S v a n e 2 2 9 , 23 2 . godinë f, pi. godina ‘b u ild in g ’. A n A lb an ian d eriv a tiv e o f godis. godis aor. godita ‘to b u ild ’. H isto r ica lly id en tica l with godas , this v erb has a m ean in g d ev elo p p ed in A lb anian from a d ifferen t u sa g e o f godis

120

GOGËL —

G O ST IS

‘to fit, to adjust’ (T ag lia v in i Dalmazia 123). 0 MLADENOV 1st. 77; R eiter Z ß a lk V II/1-2 125-129. gogël f, pi.gogla ‘ball, acorn’. A descriptive stem. 0 M e y e r Alb. St. V 78 (to gogë, an expressive word denoting ‘Vlach’); JOKL Studien 2425 (to OHG chliuwa ‘ball’, Lat galla ‘gall-nut’ and the like); DEMIRAJ AE 179 (reduplicated stem related to Arm kaiin ‘acorn’, Gk ßaXavoq id.). gogësij dO . gogësiva, gogësita ‘to yawn’. An expressive formation (MEYER T Wb. 126). 0 D e m ir a j AE 179 (to Gk xocgkcd ‘to yawn’). gojë f, pi.goje ‘mouth’. As immediately clear from the variant gole pre­ serving -/-, this element of the basic vocabulary is an Italian loanword from gola id. (MEYER Wb. 126). 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 31 (from Lat gula); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 123. golle f, pl. golle ‘hole’. A singularized plural based on *goll borrowed from Gk YW^eôç ‘cave, cavern’. gomë f, pl. goma ‘resin’. Borrowed from Rom *gumma, a variant of Lat gummi. gomilë f, pi. gomita ‘heap of stones, stone hill’. Borrowed from South Slavic: Bulg gomila id., SCr gomita id., metathesis of Slav *mogyla (MlK­ LOSICH Slav. Elemente 19). gop m ‘vagina, vulva’. From PAlb *gâupâ related to Gk ywtri ‘cave’, ON kofi id. (VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. 21). 0 TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 89; F ris k I 335; P o k o r n y I 395-396. gorricë f, pi. gorrica ‘wild pear’. Borrowed from Slav *gorbnica, cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg gornica (MEYER Wb. 127). 0 SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 164, 309; SVANE 125. gosë f, pi. gosa ‘water-hole’. Continues PAlb *gâtjâ formally close to Slav *gatb/*gati> ‘dam, pool’ and Skt gütú- ‘passage, way’. 0 TRUBACEV ÈSSJa VI 108-109.
g o stís aor.gostita ‘to receive guests’. Borrowed from Slav *gostiti id.

GO ZH DË

GRAM

12 1

Bulg gost'a, SCr gostiii (MlKLOSICHSlav. Elemente 19; M e y e r Wh. 127), 0 S e l i S c e v Slav, naselenie 183, 191; M l a d e n o v 1st. 77; M a n n Lan­ guage X V II 12; S v a n e 212, 233. gozhdë f. pl. gozhdë, gozhda ‘nail’. Borrowed from Slav *gvozdb id., cf. South Slavic forms: Bulg gvozd, dialectal gozd, SCr gvozd (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 20; M e y e r Wb. 128). 0 S e l i S c e v Slav, naselenie 172; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 124; H a m p LB XIV/2 12; S v a n e 30, 88, 229. gozhup m. p\.gozhupa ‘lambskin waistcoat’. Borrowed from Bulg dial. kozuf, kuzuf ‘leather-coat, fur-coat’, Maced kozuv id. continuing Slav
*kozuxb.

grabë f. pi. graba ‘erosion, hollowing out’. From PAlb *graba etymo­ logically related to OHG graft ‘grave’, Slav *grobi> id. and other deriv­ atives of IE *ghrebh- ‘to dig’ (MANN Language XXVI 380). 0 POKORNY 1 455-456; TRUBACEV ÈSSJa VII 133-134. grabis aor. grahita ‘to steal, to r o b ’. B o r ro w e d fro m S lav *grabiti id., cf. South S la v ic r e fle x e s: B u lg grab’a, SCr grabiti (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 19; MEYER Wb. 128). 0 B o p p G /\ comp. I 6 6 (rela ted to Slav *grabiti); JOKL IF XLIX 295; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 124; S eli Sc e v Slav, naselenie 178, 191; MLADENOV 1st. 77; SVANE 233. gradë f, p].grada ‘nest’. Borrowed from Slav *gordr ‘fence, wall, town’, b cf. Bulg grad, SCr grad. Note the change of gender in Albanian. gradine f, pi .gradina ‘garden’. Borrowed from Slav *gordina, cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg gradina, SCr gradina. (MlKLOSICH Slav. Ele­ mente 19; MEYER Wb. 128). 0 S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 151; SVANE 58. grah ~ graf aor. graha — grafa to spur on, to call, to roar . From PAlb *graska etymologically related to Skt grnati ‘to call, to invoke’, Lith giriti, girti ‘to praise’. 0 MEYER Wb. 128 (to Goth hrops ‘call’ and the like); F r a e n k e l 154; M a y r h o f e r I 343; P o k o r n y I 478; Ç a b e j St. VII 200-201.
g ra m m, pi. grama, gramra ~ gramna ‘c o u c h -g r a ss, k n o t-g r a ss’. B o r ­

12 2

G R A SH IN Ë —

G RELLE

row ed from R om *gräma (> Spanish grama) replacing Lat grämen ‘grass’ (M e y e r Wb. 128). 0 M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV/1-2 23; H a a r m a n n 128; L a n d i Lat. 103, 147.

grashinë f, pi. grashina ‘vetch, sweet pea’. Borrowed from Slav *gorsina ‘pea’, cf. in South Slavic: SCr grasina (JOKL LKUBA 185). 0 SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 162, 326; SVANE 104. grath m, pl. grathë ‘tooth, prong (of a device), bristle’. A deminutive derived from PAlb *graba, an o-grade noun related to kreh. gravë f, pi. grava ‘cave, den, lair’. From PAlb *grava etymologically identical with Lith griovà, Latv grava, gçava ‘ravine, precipitous valley’, OPrus grauwus ‘side’ further connected with Lith griuti ‘to decline, to collapse’, Latv gçüt id. (OREL Festschr. Shevoroshkin 261). 0 T r a u t m a n n APSpr. 342; F r a e n k e l 171. grazhd m, pi.grazhde ‘m anger’. Borrowed from South-Eastern Slavic, cf. Bulg grazd id. < Slav *gordjb (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 20; M e y e r Wb. 129). 0 M l a d e n o v 1st. 77. grebash m, pi.grebasha ‘rake’. Borrowed from Slav *grebasb, a deriv­ ative based on *grebç, *grebti ‘to rake’. 0 TRUBACEV ÈSSJa VII 109110. grehull m. pi. grehuj ‘thicket’. Derived from greh, a variant of kreh. grek m, pl. grekë ‘G reek’. Borrowed from Lat graecus id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 30). 0 M e y e r Wb. 124 (from Ital greco); SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 197 (agrees with M e y e r ); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 21 1043; MILETIC Sp. BAN XVI/9 35-42 (from West Macedonian with *7, > [äj); M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV/1-2 16; H a a r m a n n 128; Ç a b f j St. 1 213 (follows M e y e r -LU b k e ); L a n d i Lat. 71, 140. grellë f, pi. grella ‘deep place’. Continues PAlb *gritla with a secondary e < *i based on the analogy with i < *e in singularized plurals. PAlb *gritla is formally identical with Lith gurklÿs ‘crop’, OPrus gurcle ‘throat’, Slav *g-brdlo id., cf. also *zerdlo ‘river-bed; opening’. Together with Balto-Slavic, the Proto-Albanian word reflects IE *gftlom (O r e l Fort. 7 9 ). 0 P o k o r n y I 4 7 5 ; T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa VII 2 0 4 -2 0 5 .

G REP

G RIG J

123

grep m, pi.grepa ‘hook, fish-hook’. A more archaic form of the word

is preserved in its variant gërjepë. It continues PAlb *ga-repa related to rjep. Note grremç < *grepç id. as one of derivatives of grep. 0 M e y e r Wb. 129 (borrowed from Ital grappa ‘hook’); SCHUCHARDT KZ X X 242; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 3342; ROSETTI ILR I 277; ÇABEJ St. I 218 (on grremç as derived from grem ~ grep).
grerë ~ g re n z ë f, pi.grera, grerëz ~ grenëz, grenza ‘wasp, hornet’. From PAlb *graisna < *grisnâ that, despite its voiced anlaut, must be equated with Lat cräbrö ‘hornet’, OHG horna$ id., Lith sirsuö id., Slav *sbr$enb id. 0 CAMARDA I 346 (to Skt gar- ‘to swallow’); JOKL LKUBA 89 (singularized plural in Geg); K l u g e 316; M a n n Language XXVIII 32 (to Gk ßpovxfj), Language XXVIII 35; FRAENKEL 988; WALDEHOFMANN I 283-284; POKORNY I 576; VASMER IV 432; ÇABEJ St. VII 258. greth m ‘flax-combings’. Derived from kreh (MEYER Wb. 204). g rëm ëratë f ‘beestings, clots of curdled m ilk’. Borrowed from Lat glomerâtum, participle of glomerâre ‘to wind into a ball, to gather into a round heap’, with assimilation of liquida. Borrowed to NGk ypcc^eváTa with a dissimilation of sonorants. 0 MEYER Wb. 130 (from Rom * crémorcltum), Alb. St. V 7 8 -7 9 (goes back to Lat glomus ‘ball’); PASCU RE 56 (from Arum *grumurata)\ ÇABEJ St. VII 2 0 4 , 2 5 8 . g rifsh ë f, pi. grifsha ‘jay, m agpie’. Borrowed from Rom *gripsa based

on Lat gryps ‘griffin’. The form grizhël magpie’ seems to be a form of grifshë. 0 CAMARDA II 71 (from Gk y p w ‘griffin’); MEYER Wb. 130 (from Friul gripp ‘kind of bird’ or Italgn'va ‘thrush’); ÇABEJ St. I 214215 (related to krip ‘hair’, krife).
g r ifsh ë f, pi. grifsha ‘arbutus, wild straw berry-tree’. A metaphoric use of grifshë ‘mane’ for a bushy tree. Other variants are krifshë and kripçë. 0 ÇABEJ St. I 2 9 1 -2 9 2 (to krife). g rifsh ë f, pi. grifsha ‘m ane’. Derived from *grifë id., a variant of krife. grigj m, pi. grigje ‘flock, herd’. Another variant is fem. grigjë. Borrowed from Lat gregem id. (G i l ’ f e r d in g Otn. 25; MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente

126

G R U SH T -

G U I.

w ith MlKLOSICH); M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß21 1043, 1054 (fo llo w s MEYER); B a r i Ó A4rW>/. II 4 1 4 (links grurë to Lith grudas ‘grain, w heat’, Latv graüds id ., OHG grûz ‘g r o a ts ’); M a n n Language X V II 13; M a y r h o f e r I 4 3 9 , 443; L e w is -P e d e r s e n 8; F e is t Goth. 3 0 9 -3 1 0 ; W a l d e -H o f m a n n I 6 1 8 -6 1 9 ; V a s m e r II 9 5 -9 6 ; F r a e n k e l 1314; P o k o r n y I 391; ÖLBERG Festschr. Pisani I I 684; H a m p KZ L X X V I 2 7 8 279; Ç a b e j St. I 2 1 8 -2 1 9 ; O r e l Koll. Ig. Ges. 351 (*-/■//- > *-f- > -ruafter lab ials and la b io v ela rs); JANSON Unt. 8 3 -8 4 .

grusht m, pi. grushte, grushta ‘fist’. Early borrowing from (South-Eastern) Slav *gbrstb ‘handful, hand’ (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 20; MEYER Wb. 133). Ô B a r i C ARSt 32-33 (related to Slav *g-brstb)\ JOKL LKUBA 33; S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 143; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 126; M a n n Language XVII 13; HAMP LB XIV/2 14. grykë f, pl.gryka ‘throat’ From PAlb *grlwïkâ related to IE *grlua ‘neck’: Skt grivd, Av grîvâ, Latv griva ‘river mouth’, Slav *griva ‘mane’ (OREL Linguistica XXIV 438). 0 CAMARDA 65 (correctly links grykë to IE *g“ er‘to swallow, to eat’); M e y e r Wb. 133 (compares, without certainty, with Slav *kbrkb ‘neck’, ON kverk ‘throat’ and the like); TAGLIAVINI Strati­ ficazione 89; MANN Language XVII 15-16; M a y r lio fer 1 3 5 3 -3 5 4 ; POKORNY I 475; CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 114 (suffix -kë); TRUBACEV ÈSSJa VII 129-1 3 0 ; ÇABEJ St. VII 25 7 . grrykë f, pl. grryqe ‘cool wind’. A derivative of gërryej: a cool wind described as a scratching one. guall m, pl. guaj ‘shell, skull’. From PAlb *gala, a long-grade deriva­ tive related to the dialectal Indo-European word for ‘head’ (and, orig­ inally, also ‘tum or’): Arm glux < *ghôlu-, Lith galvà, Slav *golva. 0 A c a r e a n HAB I 5 6 5 -5 6 6 ; F r a e n k e l 1 3 1 -1 3 2 ; T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa VI 2 2 1 -2 2 2 ; P o k o r n y I 350; Ç a b e j St. VII 2 3 6 . gugë f, pl. guga ‘baby shirt’. An expressive word. gul adj. ‘hornless’. Attested only in Italo-Albanian. From PAlb *gula further related to OHG kalo ‘naked, bald’, Slav *gol-b 'naked' *guliti ‘to skin’. 0 MEYER Wb. 209 (to ON kolla ‘hornless animal’); TRUBACEV ÈSSJa VII 15; D e m ir a j AE 181.

G U LÇO J

GU RM AZ

127

gulçoj aor.gulçova ‘to w o rry , to d istu rb ’. A nother form is kulçoj. B o r ­
r o w e d from R om *colluctiàre, c f. Lat colluctârï ‘to str u g g le , to c o n ten d ’. 0 M e y e r Wb. 2 0 9 (uncertain com p a riso n w ith N G k r is k ’).
kotcò

‘to

gulm m, pl.gulma ‘w o r r y ’. A d eriv a tiv e o f gulçoj co n tin u in g *gulçm. gultoj aor.gultova ‘to get rid o ff'. B orrow ed from Lat colluctârï ‘to strug­ g le , to co n te n d ’. C f. gulçoj. gunë f, pl. guna ‘g oatsk in co a t w ith h o o d ’. B o r r o w e d fro m M G k
you v a ‘fur’ (MEYER Wb. 134-135). 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 31 (from M Lat gunna); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1046 (fr o m R om

*gunna); M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /1 -2 23; Z a l i z n ’a k VSJa 39; H a a r m a n n 129; ZOJZI St. albanica III 3 1 9 -3 3 7 ; LANDI Lat. 101. gungë f, pl. gunga ‘bum p, s w e llin g ’. F rom P A lb *gunga e ty m o lo g ic a l­ ly con n ected w ith Lith gugà ‘hum p, h illo c k ’, gungà id. (MANN Language X X V III 3 4 ). 0 F r a e n k e l 1 74-175; Ç a b e j St. 1 2 1 9 -2 2 0 . gur m, pl.gure ‘stone, rock’. From PAlb *gura continuing the zero-grade of IE *g“ ‘mountain’: Skt giri-, Av gairi-, Lith girià ‘wood’, Latv erdziria id., Slav *gora ‘mountain, wood* (CAMARDA I 50; MEYER Wb. 135 with much uncertainty). 0 PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 3 1 8 -3 1 9 (follows M e y e r and reconstructs *g“er-); ; BARTHOLOMAE 514; JOKL IF XLIV 50, LKUBA 230, Sprache IX 150; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 127; MANN Lan­ guage XVII 13; P o r z ig Gliederung 198; P is a n i Saggi 126; F r a e n k e l 153; M a y r h o f e r I 335; P o k o r n y I 4 7 7 -4 7 8 ; H am p BSE L 45; T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa VII 2 9 -3 1 ; H u ld 6 6 -6 7 ; O r e l Z ß a lk XXIII 144; W a t k in s Dragon 164 (from IE *gfH-u-); D e m ir a j AE 181. gurmac m, pi.gurmacë ‘sm all round sto n e ’. D eriv ed from *gurm based on gur. gurmaz m ‘g u lle t’. A d eriv a tiv e o f kurm w ith a seco n d a ry v o ic in g o f the anlaut k-. B orrow ed to Rum grumaz. 0 PU§CARIU EWR 63-64; PASCU RE 56; P o g h ir c 1st. limb. rom. II 343; ROSETTI ILR I 278; K a l u Zsk a ja - O r e l SBJa Kontakty 17-22 (com p arison w ith G k ßapocGpov throat’).

128

G U SH Ë —

GJAJ

gushë f, p\.gusha ‘th roat’. B o rro w ed fro m Rum gu$à id. (TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 127 ). 0 MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 20 (from S la v ic); MEYER Wb. 135-136; PU^CARIU EWR 64; MEYER-LÜBKE ZfromPhil XV 242; BARIC ARSt. I 106-107 (fro m IE *gursia, related to grykë); PUSCARIU EWR I 64; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 343; ROSETTI ILR I 278; MURATI Probleme 130. gusht m ‘August’. Borrowed from Lat augustus id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 4; MEYER Wb. 136). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 21 1046; M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 12; H a a r m a n 112; L a n d i L ai. 91, 177. gushtericë i. pl. gushterica ‘lizard’. Borrowed from South Slavic, cf. Bulg gusterica id., SCr gusterica (ÇABEJ St. I 220). gutë f ‘gout’. Borrowed from Rom *gutta ‘drop’ used as a name of the disease, cf. Rum gutä id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 31). 0 MEYER Wb. 136 (from SCr guta id.); PU§CARIU EWR 65; M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1046 (same as MlKLOSICH); MlHÄESCU RESEE IV/1-2 16; H a a r m a n n 129; Ç a b e j St. 1 220 (follows M e y e r -L ü b k e ; L a n d i Lat. 101, 127.

Gj
gjaj aor. gjava, gjajta ‘to resemble, to be like; to suit, to become; to seem; to happen’. Dialectal forms glaj, gëlaj require the reconstruction of PAlb *ga-lanja < *ga-lab-nja, a denominative verb based on *lab- etymo­ logically identical with Lith läbas ‘good’, Latv labs id. (OREL Festschr. Shevoroshkin 261). Thus, the original meaning must have been ‘to suit, to become’. Note another verbal form gjas ‘to resem ble’ also belong­ ing here and continuing *ga-labtja. 0 CAMARDA I 336 (to Gk yXaóaoco ‘to shine’, an obvious derivative of ytacuKoc ‘shining’); MEYER Wb. 137 (related to qas), Alb. Studien V 79 (to Gk ßaM.a> ‘to launch, to reach’, Skt gdlati ‘(he) drops, falls down’); PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 331 ; JOKL apud Ç a b e j St. I 221 (compares with Germ glänzen ‘to shine’); P is a n i Saggi 125; F r a e n k e l 327; Ç abej St. I 221 (reconstructs *galaig- and links it to Goth galeikan ‘to please’ but this ablaut grade is unknown in *leig- ~ *llg-); OREL IF XLIII 102-104, FLH V III/1-2 43 (from PAlb *janja related to IE *ja- ‘to go, to walk’).

GJAK — GJALLK

129

gjak m, pl. gjaqe, gjakra ~ gjakna ‘blood’. From PAlb *saka related to Gk otcôç ‘juice’, Lith sakdi ‘resin’, Slav *sok-h ‘juice’ and the like con­ tinuing an Indo-European word fo r‘juice’ *sok*o- (M e y e r Wb. 136, Alb. St. I ll 4 ,4 3 ; P e d e r s e n KZ X X X V I 285). 0 C a m a r d a 1 38 (to Gk ì^cóp ‘blood’); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 128 (reconstructs *o- in the root), Strat­ ificazione 89; M a n n Language XXVI 386-387; F r a en k e l 756-757; PISANI Saggi 126; F r isk I I 4 0 5 -4 0 6 ; P o k o r n y I 104 4 -1 0 4 5 ; V a s m e r III 708; OREL Sprache XXXI 279, ZfBalk XXIIl 149, VDl 1986/1 130-144 (Alban­ ian and ancient Indo-Europeans formulas connected with ‘blood’); Ç abej St. VII 20 0 , 254; HULD67; KORTLANDT SSGL X 219; DEMIRAJ AE 181182.

gjalm m , p l . gjalma, gjalmitër, gjelmitër ‘rope, lace’. From PAlb *salpna, connected with Slav *salpiti ‘to stick out’, Lith is-selpineti ‘to get divided’. 0 MEYER Alb. St. Ill 43, 89 (to Gmc *sailaz ‘rope’), Alb. St. Ill 43; PEDERSEN KZ XXXIV 286-287; JOKL Studien 47 (agrees with MEYER); FRAENKEL 971-972; VASMER III 714, Alb. Wortforsch. I 36 (rejects M e y e r ’ s etymology as far as Indo-European diphtongs in -i do not yield Alb -a-); PETERSSON LUÂ XIX/6 12-14 (to G k ôcAajcjiç ‘chain’); LA P ia n a Studi I 58 (agrees with PETERSSON but treats -mit- in gjelmitër as a separate root); ÇABEJ St. I 222 (to Lat glomus ‘ball’ and the like); A n ik in Ètimologija 1982 65-70. gjalpë m / n ‘butter’. Continues PAlb *selpa identical with Gk e'Àjtoçè'Àatov, crtéccp, eùGrjvia (Hes.), Skt sarpis- ‘clarified butter’, OHG salba ‘ointment’ (CAMARDA I 93; MEYER Wb. 137, Alb. St. Ill 31, 4 3 ). 0 PED­ ERSEN KZ XXXIII 549; TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 148; L a P ia n a Studi I 85; M a n n Language XXVI 3 8 3 , XXVIII 36; PISANI Saggi 127; F r isk 1 503; M a y r h o f e r III 4 4 6 ; P o k o r n y 1 901; H a m p Kratylos V 105 (to shtjalp); OREL Sprache XXXI 279; ÇABEJ St. VII 253; HULD KZ CVII 169 (5-stem); DEMIRAJ AE 182. gjallë adj. ‘alive’. Reflects PAlb *salwa etymologically close to Skt sárva‘complete, whole’, Gk oA,oç ‘whole’, Lat salvus ‘healthy’, Tokh A salu ‘completely’ (MEYER Wb. 137, Alb. St. Ill 43, 75). 0 PEDERSEN KZ XXXIII 544, Kelt. Gr. I 53; JOKL Sprache IX 122; La PIANA Studi I 78 (to Lat vtvus); M a n n Language XXVIII 39; PISANI Saggi 131; FRISK I 381; C h a n t r a in e 795; M a y r h o f e r III 446-447; W a l d e -H o f m a n n II 472-473; POKORNY I 979-980; HAMPSr. Whatmough 82, BSL LXVI/1

130

GJARK.ËZ -

G JA l'Ë

223, RRL XXI 49-51; VAN WINDEKENS 412; RASMUSSEN Morph. 205, 263; D e m ir a j AE 182-183. gjarkëz pl. ‘peritoneum ’. A dialectal plural form of qark.
g ja rp ë r ~ g ja rp ë n m, pl. gjarpinj, gjërpinj, gjarpanj, gjarpërinj ~ gjarpninj ‘snake’. From P A lb *serpena etymologically related to Lat serpens ‘snake, serpent’, serpo ‘to craw l’ and, further, to IE *serp- ‘to craw l’ (G i l ’ fe r d in g Otn. 21; C a m a r d a I 79; M e y e r Wb. 137, Alb. St. Ill 31, 43, 72). There is no connection between gjarpër and shtërpinj ‘vermin, reptiles’ (see shtrep) despite the widely accepted opinion. 0 S t ie r KZ X I 235; J o k l IF X X X V I113-114; E r n o u t -M e il l e t 113; M a n n Language XVII 17, XXVI 383; H a m p Kratylos V 105; P e d e r ­ s e n KZ XXXVI 284; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 129, Stratificazione 137; P isani Saggi 129; W a l d e -H o fm a n n I I 524-525; P o k o r n y 1 912; Ç abej St. VII 268; HULD 67-68; OREL Sprache XXXI 279; JANSON Unt. 26; D e m ir a j AE 183-184. g jash të num. ‘six’. From PAlb *sesti-, a derivative in *-ti- close to col■ ''' c' 1 * í T i K M C / „ A / f . I V V V III

GJAZË

GJELLË

131

gjazë f ‘riverside forest’. From PAlb *sedjâ, a derivative of IE *sed‘to sit, to be settled’, cf. in particular Slav *sadi, ‘garden, grove’ derived from the same root. 0 V a s m e r III 543-544; POKORNY I 884-887. gjedh m. pl.gjedha ‘cattle’. From PAlb *sada or *seda, a deverbative based on IE *sed- ‘to go, to walk’ (ORELFestschr. Shevoroshkin 262). Semantically, cf. other descriptions of cattle as ‘walking’, i.e. movable: G k Hpoßaxa ‘cattle, sheep’, Hitt iiant- ‘ram ' and the like. 0 PISANI Saggi 125; P o k o r n y I 887; Ç a b e j St. I 223 (to IE *g“ öu- ‘cattle’ and in particular to Slav *go vedo)-, B e n v e n is t e Inst. I 37-45; O r e l IF XLIII 104-105 (from IE *g“ mdhos connected with IE *g“ em- ‘to go’; however, thr development of the umlauticized *a to -je- is dubious), Fort. 79.
gjej ~ gjêj aor. gjeta ‘to find’. From PAlb *gadnja < *ght}d- etymologically related to G k xàvôavoo, aor. e^aSov ‘to seize, to grasp’, L atpre-hendö id., ON geta id. (MEYER BB VIII 187, Wb. 140, Alb. St. Ill 10). The full grade is represented in refi, gjëndem, gjindem ‘to be present’. 0 CAMARDA I 285 (to G k y x fy jv o n ai ‘to be born’); JOKL Balkangerm. 105-106, Sprache IX 123; BARIC AArbSt. II 383; L o e w e KZ XXXIX 312 (from Goth bigi tan); S c h m id t KZ L V II12-14, 33; T a g l ia v in i Dol­ or to Slav *$estb six , ana runner reiaiea io ic, -s(u)eks- ‘six’: Skt

132

GJET.LËZ

GJERB

gjellëz f ‘salt’. Another variant is gjillesë ‘salt, taste’. Although the com­ parison with IE *sali- ‘salt’ could be tempting, connection with gjellë is much more probable. Thus, ‘salt’ is treated as a ‘taste’ of food. gjem m ‘bridle’. From PAlb *jama identical with Skt ydma- id. and forming one of the isoglosses of Albanian with Southern Indo-Euro­ pean dialects, particularly, in horse breeding (OREL IF XCIII 105-106). Note gj- as a regular reflex of the initial IE *i- (OREL FLH V III/1-2 43). 0 POKORNY I 505; MAYRHOFER III 2-3; OREL Ètnogenez 34-36; OREL Koll. Idg. Ges. 350. gjemb m, pl. gjemba ‘thorn’. A Greek-Albanian form glëmb preserves the original anlaut gl-. Goes back to PAlb *glamba, comparable with Slav *glçb-ok-h ‘deep’ < ^ ‘hollowed’, *glçb~b ‘trunk, stump, cabbagestump’, cf. also Gk yXxitpco ‘to scrape up’ (OREL Festschr. Shevoroshkin 262). Rum ghimpe ‘thorn’ was borrowed from Albanian. 0 M e y e r Wb. 140 (to Lith ge'mbè ‘nail used to hang clothes’ - impossible in view of the initial gl-), Alb. St. Ill 8, 36, 64; JOKL Studien 26-28 (to Lith geliit, ge'lti ‘to stick’); PEDERSEN KZ XXXIII 547 (against MEYER); PISANI Saggi 123; POKORNY I 367; F r is k 1311; ROSETTI ILR I 277; ÇABEJ St. VII 231; TRUBACEV ÈSSJa VI 141-143; DEMIRAJ AE 186-187. gjep m, pl. gjepa ‘spool’. A phonetic variant of djep. (to gjemb and qep).
0 M eyer

Wb. 138

gjer prep. ‘till’. Other variants are deri, ndjer, ngjer. From PAlb *(a)jeri identical with Gk rjpi < * T |e p i ‘early’ further related to Gmc *airiz ‘before, ere’ (Goth air, ON dr) and Av ayar ‘day’ (O R E L FLH V III/1-2 43). 0 JOKL Studien 59-60 (to ndër)\ TAG LIAVINI Dalmazia 101; M a n n Language XXVI 383 (to Lat ferê ‘near’); FRISK I 643; FEIST Goth. 24-25; B a r t h o l o m a e 157; Ç a b e j St. VII 187; K o r t l a n d t SSGL XXIII 175; D e m i r a j AE 288-289 (to Gk néxpi ‘till’). gjer m. pl. gjera ‘dorm ouse’. Borrowed from Lat glirem id., with the long -I- treated as a short one (MEYER Wb. 138-139). Ô TRUBACEV Slav, jaz. X I 11 (related to Lat glls and the like); L a n d i Lat. 83, 104. gjerb aor. gjer ha ‘to gulp, to d r in k ’. F ro m PA lb *serba co n n ected with L at sorbed ‘to sup up, to suck in ’, G k pocpéco id., L ith surbiu, surbti id., Slav *shrbati ‘to gu lp , to sup u p ’ (M eyhr Wb. 139, Alb. St. Ill 36,

GJERË ~ GJANË

- GJETH

133

43, 72). 0 M e y e r Gr. Gr. 237, 299; E r n o u t -M e il l e t 636; M a nn Language X X V ili 31 (re c o n stru c ts *ö in the ro o t); PISANI Saggi 131; F r a e n k e l 945; F r is k IT 663; C h a n t r a in e 978; W a l d e -H o f m a n n II 561; POKORNY I 1001; V a s m e r III 604; H u l d 143 (su g g ests IE *sorbh-ej-ö), KZ C V II 169; KLINGENSCHMITT Verbum 273; ANTTILA Schw. 27; DEMIRAJ AE 187.

gjerë ~ gjanë adj. ‘broad, wide’. There also exists Tosk gjërë. From PAlb *saina, a zero-grade derivative in *-no- based on IE *sëiio n g , late’, cf. OE sid ‘long, wide’, Goth seipus ‘late’, OIr sith ‘long’, Lat serus ‘late’ and the like (JOKL Studien 28). 0 TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 128; HOLTHAUSEN AEW 292; FEIST Goth. 415-416; VENDRYES [S] 120-121; WALDE-HOFMANN II 526-527; POKORNY I 890-891; Ç a b e j St. VII 258; H u l d 68-69; J a n s o n Unt. 28. gjesh aor. gjesha ‘to knead’. From PAlb *jesja identical with Skt yásyati ‘to boil’, Gk Çéco ‘to boil, to cook’ (MEYER Wb. 139, Alb. St. Ill 39, 61). 0 M e y e r Gr. Gr. 35, 292; PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 327, Kelt. Gr. I 65; PISANI REIEIV 10, Saggi 102, 123; MINSHALL Language XXXII 629; F r isk I 612; M a y r h o f e r ITI 13; P o k o r n y I 506; H a m p Laryn­ geals 134; K l in g e n s c h m it t Verbum 152; H u l d 99; ö l b e r g KZ LXXXVI 129; O r e l FLH V III/1-2 38; Ç a b ej apud D e m ir a j (to Germ kneten ‘to knead’); D e m ir a j AE 300. gjeshtër f, pl.gjeshtra ‘broom ’. Borrowed from Rom *genistra (cf. Ital ginestra id.) based on Lat genista, genesta ‘broom-plant, broom’. 0 ÇABEJ St. VII 237. gjeti adv. ‘elsewhere’. A number of parallel forms exist, e.g. gjetiu, gjetkë, ngjeti, njeti and the like. A fossilized form of aorist of gjej with various other elements including kë, acc. of kush, and u, reflective pronoun. 0 C a m a r d a I 307 (to tjetër)\ Ç a b e j St. I 225-226 (treats njeti as an older form and links it to Skt anyd- ‘other’). gjetkëz f, pl. gjetkëza ‘goose-coop’. Identical with OAlb gjethkë ‘stall, pen’ (B a r d h i ) continuing *gjerdhkë, a deminutive of gardh (ÇABEJ St.
1 226).

gjeth m, pi.gjeth ‘foliage, green leaves’. F rom

P A lb *gadza with an irre g ­ ular unvoicing o f the auslaut o r, ra th e r, w ith a secondary r/i-suffix. The

134

GJKZDIS -—

G JËM OJ

variant with a voiced -dh- is registered by some scholars but it may well be an artifact. Etymologically connected with OHG questa ‘tuft’, ON kvistr ‘branch’, Slav *gvozdb ‘wood, forest’ (JOKL/FXXX 199204, LKUBA 130, 221). Note the development of the initial cluster *guo> *ga- in Albanian. The form gjeshk ‘dry leaves’ is derived from gjeth. 0 C a m a r d a I 72 (compares with Gk k M ô o ç ‘branch’); M e y e r Wb. 138 (develops CAMARDA’s etymology); PEDERSEN KZ X X X III547; TAGLI­ AVINI Dalmazia 130; L a PIANA Varia 103-104; ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 230; PISANI Saggi 125; XHUVANI BUShT III/3 93 (connected with gath); V a s m e r I 263; P o k o r n y I 480; T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa V II 185-186; ÖLBERG St. Bonfante 562; ÇABEJ St. I 226-227 (to L at hasta ‘spear’ and its cognates); HULD 69; OREL ZfBalk X X III 147; DEMIRAJ AE 187-188.
g jezd is aor. gjezdisa ‘to go for a walk, to roam ’. An early borrowing from Slav *jezditi ‘to rid e’ with the initial j- substituted by Alb gj-, cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg ja z d ’a, SCr jezditi (OREL Festschr. Shevoroshkin 262). gjë ~ g jâ f, pl. gjê'ra ~ gjana ‘thing’. F ro m PAlb *san(s) going back to the participle of IE *e„ï- ‘to be’, *sont-s: Skt sant-, Gk cov and the like (M e y e r Wb. 139). 0 M a y r h o f e r III 42 5 -4 2 6 ; F r is k I 46 3 -4 6 4 ; P o k o r n y I 341; Ç a b e j St. VII 201, 212; H u l d 69; J a n s o n Unt. I l ­ ls-, D e m ir a j AE 188.

gjëlpërë ~ gjylpanë f, pl.gjèïpè'ra ~ gjylpam ‘needle’. Goes back to *salpanâ further connected with gjalm and its cognates. The Geg vocalism in gjylpanë is secondary. 0 MEYER Wb. 143 (borrow ed from Rom *acücula pani)', BARIC ARSt. I 34 (to IE *gfel- ‘to stick, to prick’); TAGLI­ AVINI Dalmazia 131-132; MANN Language XVII 20-21 (from *sauilp?tno- ‘eye-thread’).
gjëm oj aor. gjëmova ‘to resound, to rumble, to thunder, to shout’. As the variant glëmoj shows, there was gl- in the anlaut. Borrowed from Lat clamare ‘to cry, to shout’, with the voicing of the initial group cl-. The noun gjëmë ‘thunder, shout, illness’ is a deverbative. 0 M lK­ LOSICH Rom. Elemente 30 (from Lat gemere ‘to cry, to shout’); MEYER Wb. 139-140 (same as MlKLOSICH); M thäeSCU RESEE IV/1-2 16; HAAR­ MANN 128.

gjëmoj aor. gjëmova ‘to run after, to hurry after’. A dialectal form of

GJËMTOJ —

GJIJE

135

gjurmoj, d e riv a tiv e o f gjurmë. 0 M e y er Wb. 140 (to gjuaj)', M e y e r L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 1 I 1048, 1052. gjëmtoj aor.gjëmtova ‘to collect bit by bit, to gather’. Borrowed from Lat colllmitdre ‘to draw boundaries’, *‘to unite’. gjëndër - gjandër f, pl. gjëndra ~ gjandra ‘gland’. Borrowed from Lat gianduia ‘gland of the throat’ with the dissimilation of liquida (H e l b ig 120; SCHMIDT KZ LVII 22). Tosk variants glëndër and grëndël reflect the anlaut gl- and thus exclude the Italian etymology. Rum ghindurä id. continues the same Lat gianduia. 0 MEYER Wb. 140 (from Ital ghi­ andola ‘gland’); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß21 1042, 1050, 1054 (follows MEYER); PUSCARIU EWR 62; SKOK ZfromPhil XLIV 332-334 (from Rum ghindurä, Arum glindurä id.); JOKL apud WALDE-HOFMANN I 605 (from Rom *glandura); MANN Language XVII 23; HAARMANN 128; ÇABEJ St. I 227 (follows JOKL); LANDI Lat. 47, 145-146. (T) gjër m ‘so u p ’. C o rresp o n d s to G eg gjanë ‘m udbed, a llu v iu m ’. Goes back to P A lb *jausna re la te d to S kt neut. yüs ‘so u p ’ (cf. in p a rtic u la r gen. sg. yüsndh), L a t jüs id ., L ith jiísé ‘fish so u p ’ (if not fro m P r u s s ­ ian, cf. BIGA I 478-479), O P ru s iuse ‘s o u p ’ and the like (C a m a r d a I 80). 0 M e y e r Wb, 308 (to L at jentâre ‘to b re a k fa s t’), Alb. St. Ill 39; J o k l apud W a l d e -H o f m a n n I 734; P is a n i Saggi 248; F r a e n k e l 191, 199; M a y r h o f e r I 26; W a l d e -H o f m a n n 1 734; M in s h a l l Language XXXII 629; POKORNY I 507; H a m p Laryngeals 134; K a r a l i ÜNAS Bal­ tistica I 116; ÇABEJ St. I 227-228 (d e riv a tiv e of gjë); DEMIRAJ AE 183 (b o rro w e d fro m Slav *glcm, ‘s ilt’). gji ~ gjî m, pl. gji ~ gjî ‘breast, chest’. From PAlb *sina identical with Lat sinus ‘curve, fold’ (MEYER Wb. 140, Alb. St. Ill 67). 0 JOKL IF L 45; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 130, Stratificazione 89; WALDE-HOFMANN II 546; Ç a b e j St. VII 252. gjíje f ‘stable, house’. A singularized plural of a form attested in Geg as gjê ‘stable, pen’. Goes back to *saina identical with the Baltic word for ‘wall’: Lith siena, Latv siêna further derived from IE *sëi- ‘to bind’ (O r e l Festschr. Shevoroshkin 262). 0 PISANI Saggi 129; FRAENKEL 782783; P o k o r n y I 891-892; Ç a b e j St. I 228 (important lexical m ateri­ al but no etymology).

136

GJINDF, —

O JO C

G JO I.L Ë —

GJUAJ ~

G jU E J

137

gjinde pl. ‘people’. Borrowed from L at gentem id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 30; CAMARDA I 42; M e y e r Wb. 141). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 21 1044, 1048; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 131; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 16; H a a r m a n n 128; L a n d i Lat. 51, 83, 116, 146. 'Ig'f“ ^ “ 'wi'fiTTne cluster ~-t Albanian form goes back to IE *sem¥sem- ‘one’ attested in Arm ez < *sem14). IE *sem- is also attested alone in in Alb gji [dzi] ‘all’ (TAGLIAVINI Dalji. 0 MEYER Wb. 140 (comparison with f id.); F a y IF XXXII 330-332 (to Germ M a n n Language XXVIII 39 (to Gk Wortb. 106 (from *g-li-sht); POKORNY \ Brandenstein 111 ; ÇABEJ St. VII 217; -189 (from *siH-ko-, to Gk iôç). lerivative of an unattested *gjin- (ÇABEJ ount the cheese-making technology in an animal stomach and tying the latter), Jb *sina identical with OIr sin ‘chain’, Av hinu- ‘band’ and further related to ien 28, LKUBA 89 (to Lat serum ‘watery X 153; B a r ic AArbSt 1 158 (comparison 4 (to Lith gaizus ‘rancid, bitter’), AASF itificazione 148; M a n n Language XXVIII i(iT| ‘leaven’); VASMER KZ L 247 (to Ir ige XXXII 628; CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 124 -892; VENDRYES [S] 112-113; OREL ed from Slav *gliza ‘swelling’, cf. SCr ;heese making’); D e m ir a j AE 189-190 ke). ’. Borrowed from Slav *globa having Slavic forms, Bulg globa and SCr globa JOKL Slavia XIII 296). 0 S e liS c e v Slav.
1, 234. ly, p in e -w e e v il’. As a n o th e r v a ria n t o f

this word, gjonth, show's, it is a deminutive of gjon historically iden­ tical with gjon ‘night-owl’ and going back to the Latin proper name Joannes > Gjon. 0 M e y e r Wb. 141 (on gjon < Joannes).

gjollë f, pi. gjollë ‘clearing or pasture where salt is strewn for sheep; nt Qiidhë (cf. also eiilliL < siidhë) s e e m t a H to be a direct continuation ot PA Gk akc, id., Lat sal and the like (H a m p GjA VI 45). The Albanian äed as -i-, cf. mish. The Proto stem may well replace the Indo-European athematic stem with a long gho-, a suffix derivative of IE vowel in nom. sg. (OREL IF XCI1I 106, ZfBalk XXIII 144). 0 JOKL Studien gho- ( P e d e r s e n KZ XXXIX ¿ 29 (to OE seIma ‘bed’, Lith sitólas ‘bench’); TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione the same meaning, in Dalmati 148; MANN Language XXVI 383 (to Ir siol, Lith sëkla); F r is k I 78mazia 130), with -i as in një ~ ¡ 79; W a l d e -H o f m a n n II 465-466; P o k o r n y I 878-879; D e m ir a j AE Germ ganz ‘all’ and Kurd gi, gi 190. ganz); A c a r e a n HAB II 4-5 ioxv>ç‘strength’); CAMAJ Alb. gjorë adj. ‘p o o r, m iserab le , w re tc h e d ’. A suffixal d e riv a tiv e o f gjuaj. I 902-903; ÖLBERG Gedenksch T hus, the o rig in al m eaning o f the adjectiv e is ‘ch ased , p e rs e c u te d ’. 0 H u l d 69-70; D e m ir a j AE 18i H a h n 30 (to djeg); M eyer Wb. 141 (from T urk kör ‘blind’); J o k l Studien 109, IF XXXVII 113 (b o rro w e d fro m Slav *gor’e ‘g r ie f ’); S e l i Scev Slav, naselenie 193, 324; XHUVANI KLetr 1/6 6 (related to djerr); ÇABEJ St. I 229 (ag rees w ith XHUVANI). gju ~ gjû m. pl. gjunjë, gjunj ‘k n e e ’. D ialectal fo rm s p re se rv e the initial cluster gl-. G oes back to PA lb *gluna dissim ilated from *g(a)nuna. The latter is a seco n d ary « -d eriv ativ e based on IE *genu- ‘k n e e ’; H itt genu, Skt jänu-, G k yóvu, L at genü and the like (C a m a r d a I 39). As to the phonetics o f gju, it is close to Oír glúin id. < *glHno-wiih a sim ilar d is­ sim ilatio n o f sonants (M e y e r Wb. 142, Alb. St. Ill 9, 67). 0 PEDERSEN Kelt. Gr. I 156; JOKL Festschr. Rozwadowski 237 (on the in a cc u ra cy o f the A lb an ian - C eltic p a ra lle l), Sprache IX 156; PETERSSON apud D e m ir a j (to G k yiyyÀunoç ‘jo in t’); T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 127, Strat­ ificazione 89; MANN Language XXVIII 34; PISANI Saggi 131 ; H a m p KZ LXXVI 275-276; L e w is -P e d e r s e n 159; M a y r h o f e r 1 429; W a l d e H o f m a n n I 5 92-593; POKORNY I 380-381; F r is k I 321; CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 102 (fo llo w s M e y e r ); Ç a b e j St. VII 229, 231; HULD 70; ÖLBERG Studi Pisani II 685; BoRGEAUD RRL XX 4; JANSON Unt. 2829; R a s m u s s e n Morph. 263; K ö d d e r it z s c h Festschr. Mac Eoin 62; D e m ir a j AE 190-191. gjuaj ~ gjuej a o r . gjova. gjuajta - gjujta, gjojta ‘to hunt’. Goes back to PAlb *jâgnja based on the noun *jaga > gjah ‘hunt, hunting’. Further

gjizë ~ gjîzë f ‘goat cheese’. A St. I 228-229). Taking into ao the Balkans (putting cheese intc *gjin- may be derived from P> ON sin ‘sinew’, OHG senawa. IE *së(i)- ‘to bind’. 0 JOKL Stuc part of curdled milk’), Sprache with urdhë); LlDÉN KZ LXI 1 XXVn 115-117; T a g lia v in i Str 33; P is a n i Saggi 102 (to Gk seig ‘milk’); MlNSHALL Langu. (suffix -zë); POKORNY I 891 Ètimologija 1983 137 (borrow gliza ‘calf’s stomach used for (to W hufen ‘cream ’ and the 1 gjobë f, pi. gjoba ‘fine, p en alt' the sam e m eaning in its South (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 19; naselenie 144, 181; SVANE 20 gjoc
m, pl.

gjoca ‘ap h id , green)

138

G JU H Ë —

GJU RM K

etymological connection is OHG jagön ‘to hunt’ (HAMP Laryngeals 134). 0 C a m a r d a I 122 (to Gk ÔiÇnnou to seek’); M e y e r Wb. 136 (to Slav *zenç, *g-bnati ‘to drive away’, Lith genù, giñti id.), Alb. Studien III 7; T h u m b IF XXVI 18; P e d e r s e n KZ XXXVI 3 3 0 -3 3 1 ; K l u g e 329; V a s m e r I 4 1 9 (follows M e y e r ); H u l d 7 0 -7 1 ; D e m ir a j AE 1 9 1 -1 9 2 (to Lat sägiö ‘to feel, to suspect’, OIr saigim ‘to go towards, to seek’). gjuhë f, pl. gjuhë ‘tongue, language’. Dialectal forms reflect the initial gl-: Cham gluhë, Calabr g l’uyz. From PAlb *ghisa, further connected with the Indo-European dialectal word for ‘sound’ *golso-: ON kail ‘shout’, Lith galsas ‘echo’, Slav *gols~b ‘voice’. PAlb *-ul- (> Alb ul-,-lu-) seems to go back to *-/- so that the source of the Albanian form should be reconstructed as IE *glso-, a zero-grade opposed to the full grade of Balto-Slavic and Germanic. 0 CAMARDA 2 6 (connection with Gk yX àaoa ‘tongue, language’); M e y e r Wb. 142 (to gjuaj ‘to call, a secondary variant of quaj id.); B a r ic ARSt. 35 (to the Indo-European word for ‘tongue’, with gjuhë < *gl’undh(uâ) < *dlonghuâ); TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 89-90; La P ian a 94 (compares with Gk y S còcca); PISANI Saggi 102, /F L X I 146 (borrowed from Gk y ^ tò a c a ); P o k o r n y I 350; F r a e n k e l 131; S c h m id t KZ L V II 34 (reconstructs *dlnghuâ); T a g l ia ­ v in i Dalmazia 132 (borrowed from Gk yXâaaa), Stratificazione 8990; T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa VI 2 1 9 -2 2 0 ; Ç a b e j St. VII 193, 2 6 8 ; O r e l Lin­ guistica XXIV 4 2 7 -4 2 9 (to IE *geb- ~ *g“ - ‘to swallow’); H u l d 71 eh (from *ghnud-sk-l).

gjumë m ‘sleep’. From PAlb *supna identical with a nominal deriva­
tive of IE *suep- ‘to sleep’ - * s u p - n o Gk ô j j w o ç ‘sleep’, Slav *s-htir h id. ( M e y e r Wb. 142, Alb. St. Ill 32). In other Indo-European languages another ablaut variant *syep-no- is represented. 0 CAMARDA I 55 (to G k Kffijia ‘deep sleep’); PEDERSEN Kelt. Gr. I 94; J o k l Reallex. Vorgesch. I 90; M a n n Language XVII 15, XXVI 387; TAGLIAVINI Dal­ mazia 132; P o r z i g Gliederung 179; P is a n i Saggi 117, 127; V a s m e r III 7 1 6 -7 1 7 ; F r isk II 9 7 0 -9 7 1 ; C h a n t r a in e 1160; P o k o r n y I 10481049; H u l d 7 1 -7 2 ; D e m ir a j AE 192. gjurmë f, pi. gju m ie. gjurma ‘trace’. From PAlb *surma, a zero-grade variant of IE *sor-mo- reflected in Skt sárma- ‘flow ’, Gk óp|ur| ‘assault, attack’, further connected with IE *scr- ‘to flow’ (OREL Festschr. Shevoroshkin 2 6 2 ). 0 MEYER Alb. St. II 5 9 (borrowed from Romance

GJUVENGË —

GJYSMË

139

via NGk yoûp}r(x id.), Wb. 142 (uncertain link to Ital orma ‘footmark’, Rum urmä id.); BARIC ARSt 103 (to Lat serpö ‘to crawl’); MAYRHOFER III 471; F r isk II 419; P o k o r n y I 909-910; Ç a b e j St. VII 216, 227.
g ju ven gë f ‘harlot’. Borrowed from Lat adj. fem. juvenca ‘young’, also

‘young cow ’ (MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 16). 0 HAARMANN 131;
Ç a b e j St. I 229.

gjykoj aor. gjykova ‘to judge, to try ’. Borrowed from Lat jüdicäre id.
(CAMARDA I 99; MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 33; M e y e r Wb. 142-143). A s to gjyq ‘trial, court’, it continues Lat judicium id. (ÇABEJ St. I 229-

230). 0 M e y e r Alb. St. IV 74; MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 1 10461048; M ih ä e s c u RESEE I V /1-2 16; H a a r m a n n 131; L a n d i Lat. 101, 109, 112. gjymtë adj. ‘defective, incomplete, cripple, stunted’. Borrowed from Rom *junctus ‘joined’ or secondarily derived from gjymtyrë. 0 O R E L RRL X X X I/1 3 (comparison with gjysmë).

gjymtyrë f, pl.gjymtyrë ‘joint, limb’. Borrowed from Lat junctura ‘junc­
ture, joint’ (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 33; MEYER Wb. 143). Note the East Romance treatment of Lat -nkt- > *-npt- > -mt-. 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1046, 1049; MlHÄESCU RESEE I V /1-2 23; ÇABEJ St. VII 267; H a a r m a n n 131; Di G io v in e Gruppo -et- 49-50; L a n d i Lat. 69, 89, 101, 121.

gjysmë f, pl. ,1 {jysma ‘h a lf. A metathesis from a widespread dialectal
form gjym(è')së. The latter represents a formation in -ése < *-atja derived from *gjym < PAlb *jumi- or *jüma, to be further compared with Latv jumis ‘double fruit’ (with an unexpected -u- reminiscent of the unclear Alb -y- < *-ii-) and other continuants of IE *iemo-: Skt yamd- ‘dupli­ cate; twin’, M ir emon ‘twins’, Lat im-ägö ‘imitation, copy’ (HAMP Numer­ als 920; OREL RRL X X X I/ 1 3 -4 , FLH V III/ 1-2 4 3 ). Rum jumätate was borrowed from Proto-Albanian. 0 C a m a r d a 1 9 3 (to Gk rimouç ‘h a lf with unsurmountable phonetic difficulties); MEYER BB VIII 192 (to Lat semi- ‘half’), Wb. 143 (follows C a m a r d a but treats gjysmë as a Greek loanword with gj- filling hiatus in ó ii(iiaoç ); SPITZER MRIW I 3 2 2 (from *iumos ‘bound together’); BARIC ARSt. 3 5 -3 6 (supports M e y e r BB)\ P o g h ir c 1st. limb. rom. II 32 4 4 ; ROSETTI ILR I 278;

140

GJYSH

-

HA

M a y r h o f e r III 8; W a l d e -H o f m a n n 1 6 8 0 ; P o k o r n y I 505; I v a n o v Bsl. Etnojaz. 81,

gjysh m, pl.gjyshë, gjyshër ~ gjyshën ‘grandfather’. From PAlb *siisa identical with Skt süsa ‘progenitor’ further derived from IE *seu- ‘to give birth’ (WIEDEMANN BB XXVII 243). Borrowed to Rum ghiuj ‘old man’. 0 C a m a r d a I 72 (from *gëlysh, related to Gk yocÀcoç ‘sister-inlaw’); MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 5 (from Rom *avüsius)\ M e y e r Wb. 143; B u g g e BB XVIII 176 (from Rom *aviüsius); JOKL LKUBA 2837 (agrees with W i e d e m a n n ), Sprache IX 152; T a g l ia v in i Stratifi­ cazione 115; M a y r h o f e r III 492; P o k o r n y 1 913-914; P o g h ir c 1st. limb. rom. II 330 (to yuyai- jia7 ioi, Hes.); ROSETTI ILR I 277; NEROZ­ t7 NAK Paleob. 198 (to Hitt huhhas, Lyc yuga ‘grandfather’); O rel Sprache XXXI 280, ZfBalk XXIII 147; Ç A B E J*. VII 258; Huld/sTZCVII 168; LiUKKONEN SSF X 58 (from *sauisia- related to Lith sävas ‘own’); D e m ir a j AE 192-193.

H
ha aor hëngra ~ hangra ‘to eat’. Reflects PAlb *eda derived from IE *ed- id. (H a m p St. albanica VIII/2 153-154). In Albanian, it is an accen­ tual archaism with a stressed thematic vowel in 1 sg. pres. *edd < IE *edom (PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 341). Pretonic *-d- > -h-, -0- is regular (OREL SBJa Kont. 22-23), as well as the apheresis. The «^/-participle ngrënë ~ ngranë is derived from IE *g*er(d)- ‘to swallow’ (B o p p Alb. 82). The aorist hëngra ~ hangra is a secondary formation based on the original *ngra and contaminated with the paradigm of ha (OREL Ètimologija 1982 154), cf., typologically, ME geode contaminated from gdn ‘to go’ and ëode ‘went’ (K o n e c k a ja Suppl. 421-423). 0 C a m a r d a 132 (compares with Gk %aivco ‘to yawn, to gape’); M e y e r Wb. 144 (from IE *(s)khed-, Skt khadati ‘to eat, to devour’), Alb. St. Ill 59; BRUG­ MANN Grundriß I 759 (from *ghz-, cf. Skt ghas- ‘to eat’); PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 341 (compares hëngra ~ hangra with Arm 1 sg. aor. eker ‘(I) ate’ and analyzes hë- as a continuation of the augment *e-); JOKL Melanges Pedersen 139-142; B a r ic ARSt 26, 73 (agrees with MEYER), Hymje 43 (follows PEDERSEN in his etymology of ha); TAGLIAVINI Dal­ mazia 70; LA PIANA Studi I 34, 96; PISANI Saggi 110, Paideia XXVIII 183 (repeats B r u g m a n n ’s etymology); ClMOCHOWSKI LP IV 196-198; POKORNY I 287-289, 474-475; CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 47; KLINGEN-

IIABI'I' —

HALL

141

SCHMITT Verbum 279-280; ÇABEJ St. I 306; B a d e r BSL LXXI/1 97

(archaic thematic formations of *ed-); OREL Ètimologija 1982 151-156, Koll. Idg. Ges. 359; Iv a n o v Slav. 92-93, 185 (to Tokh A , B swä- ‘to eat’); HULD 72 (to Lat avere ‘to enjoy, to be well’); KORTLANDT ArmIE 40; ÇABEJ apud DEMIRAJ [ngrënë - to O E grindan ‘to grind’); DEMIRAJ AE 297-298.
habit aor. habita ‘to surprise, to astonish’.Borrowed from Slav *xabiti

‘to destroy’, cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg.vab’a, SCr habiti (M l­
KLOSICH Slav. Elemente 21; MEYER Wb. 144). 0 S e l i S c e v Slav, nase­

lenie 191; OREL Ètimologija 1983 133; SVANE 234. hajmë adj. ‘thin, lean’. Another derivative of the same root is hajthëm id. Both forms are based on halë (Ç a b e j St. I 231). hakël f ‘fish bone’. Metathesis from *halkë, a deminutive of halë. 0 Ç a b e j St. I 231 (to hokoç). hakrri f ‘readiness for copulation (of pigs)’. From *harkrri, derived from *hark, see hokoç. From hakrri the verb hakërrohem ‘to threat­ en, to frighten’ is derived (Ç a b e j St. I 231-232). halë f. pl. hala ‘fish bone, splinter; pine’. From PA lb *skala etym ologically related to Lith skalà ‘stick o f fir e w o o d ’, L atv skala ‘sp lin ter (u sed to furnish lig h t)’. T h is w ord is further co n n ected w ith IE *skel- ‘to sp lit’ ( M e y e r Wb. 144, Alb. St. Ill 59). 0 JOKL IF XXX 192, XXXVII 99,WuS XII 7 0 (a g re es w ith M e y e r ); PEDERSEN Kelt. Gr. I 77; PISANI Saggi 122; F r a e n k e l 7 9 2 -7 9 3 ; P o k o r n y I 9 2 3 -9 2 6 ; H am p Laryngeals 130 (to Gk àJiéco ‘to grin d ’); HULD 151 (to Lat alnus ‘a ld er’); OREL ZfBalk XXTII 148 (sam e as H u ld , to Lith alksnis ‘alder’); Ç a b e j St. I 233 (recon­ structs *skolnä)\ D e m ir a j AE 1 9 3 -1 9 4 (to elb). halbë f ‘scab on the bark’. From PAlb *skalba close to Latv skalbs ‘sharp, shrill’ with a further link to IE *skel- ‘to split’, see halë. 0 POKORNY I 923-926; ÇABEJ St. I 233 (to halë and helm); OREL Orpheus VI 65. hall m, pi. halle ‘trouble, misery, plight, sorrow ’. From PAlb *skalna connected with Gmc *skallaz ‘thin, dry, shallow’ (E shallow and the like) ~ *xallaz ‘weak, tired’ (MHG hel, hellec). 0 M e y e r Wb. 145 (from

142

HA M ULL —

HARLIS

H A R M Ë SH O R —

HEDH

143

Turk hai ‘state, situation’); B a r i cA R St 2 6 (to Skt khilá-); O n io n s 816; OREL IF XLIII 107-108 (from *edolos based on IE *ed- ‘to eat’).
h am u ll f, pi. hamulla ‘stubble-field’. A derivative in -ull based on ha.

harm ëshor m, pl. harmëshorë ‘stallion, stud-horse’. Borrowed from Rom

Thus, the stubble-field is descrihed as
UU ÒKU[ J U ^ U l l l l C U t C U WILI1 I E * X KCf J -

‘e a te n n n ’ .

b. 146, Alb. St. Ill 31, 59). Note hapë INY Í 366-368; OREL ZfBalk X X III/1 mgeals 125 (to Hitt apa ‘afterw ards’).
. B orrow ed from Slav *vorhb!b id., here we only find *vorbhch id. (MEYER

harm oj aor. harmova ‘to destroy, to exhaust . Together With another derivative, hanni ‘broken wind, pursiness (in horses), goes back to *harm continuing PAlb *skarima. The latter is based on IE *sker- ‘to cu t’, cf. harr (ÇABEJ St. I 234-235). Note harmoç ‘crum bled plaster; stonepine’ and Geg hartinë 'kind of pine’ also belonging to this root (Ç a b e j Sí. I 235). 0 P o k o r n y I 938-947.

*armessarius, also preserved in Rum annasar, a phonetic variant of Lat admissârius id. ( M e y e r Wb. 148). 0 M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1042; PU§CARIU EWR 11; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 12; .*.7.»*A\ 1 11 1» T ri

um r i

‘to c u t, to sp lit, to d ig ’ ( M e y e r V I ‘s te p ’ d e r iv e d f ro m hap. 0 POKO 72; Ç a b e j St. VII 2 0 0 ; H a m p Lar

. A nominal derivative of harr (ÇABEJ

r variants are

hardhje, hardhicë, hard-

all these derivatives m ust have been
‘lizard ’ are safely etym ologized as

g u scen id.), hardhë continues PAlb vith Lith skerdziu, skersti ‘to slaugh‘to split’, and with the o-vocalism -

h arr aor. hurra ‘to weed, to cut dow n’. F ro m PAlb *skarna, a denom ­ inative related to IE *sker- ‘to cu t’, cf. Goth us-skarjan ‘to tear out’, Lith skiriii. skirti and the like (M EY E R Wb. 148, Alh. St. Ill 59, 73). 0 C a m a r d a I 36-37 (to Gk x a p á o a c o ‘to sharpen’); B u c c e BB XVIII 167 (to Lat sariö ‘to hoe‘); LEWY ZfslavPh 1 4 1 6 (the same); JOKL LKUBA 156; B a ric ARSt 27 (from IE *sker-); F e is t Goth. 534; F r a e n k e l 808; POKORNY I 938-947; ClMOCHOWSKI St. JE 43; ÇABEJ St. VII 224; HAM P Laryngeals 129-130(to Hitt arnumi ‘to b rin g ’); ÖLBERG KZ LXXX VI 126; D e m ir a j AE 196-197. h arrje f. pl. harr je ‘m idge’. H istorically identical with harlë ‘kind of m ite’. A dem inutive of *harr, herr ‘small cre a tu re ’. 0 ÇABEJ St. I 2 3 4 (to harr).
S p it z e r IF XXXIX 105-106; B a r i c ARSt. 26 (to Gk éa^apóc ‘kind of fish’), AArbSt. Ill 217; MLADENOV RFV LXXI 454-458; PETERSSON LUÂ XVI/3 40-41 (to Gk KopSùÀoç ‘triton’); T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 239, Stratificazione 137; FRAENKEL 797, 803; VASMER IV 572 (follows JOKL); TRUBACEV ÈSSJa I 88; DEMIRAJ AE 194-195.

har abel m. pl. harabela ‘sparrow a form unattested in South Slavic w . Wb. 17). 0 S v a n e 144. hare m, pl. harca ‘rocky landscape" St. I 2 3 3 ).

t ‘to divide’. 0 S t i e r KZ XI 2 23 (to oSeiXto); M e y e r Wb. 147 (a trans- IF XXXVII 110 n. 1 (related to Slav
.1,1,, r a o fn r A n r h n \ -

hardhBl f, pl. hardhla ‘lizard’. Othe hucë, hardhushkë. The source of * hardhë. Since other w ords for ‘d ig g ers’ (cf. Slav *aScerb id., H *skarda to be further com pared ’ ter, to p ric k ’, Latv skçrzu, skêrs ; Lith skardiis ‘steep’, Latv skärd Gk xapSoúv • Çtpov öjroiov Kpoi form ation o f Lat lacerta id.); JOKi
(for a tim e )’. N o te p rothetic h-, 0 ÇABEJ St. VII

e of unattested *harr :r connected with Gk »2; FRISK II 714-715;

harrok m, pl. harrokë ‘he-goat’. A suffixal derivati1

related to Lith skerÿs ‘ram ’, Latv sfceris id., furth OKaipco ‘to spring, to dance’. 0 FRAENKEL 801-8' POKORNY I 934.
h ed h aor. hodha ‘to throw, to shoot’. Another v í

riant is hjedh. From ioym and other con‘to throw, to shoot’ idien 43; SPITZER IF ith sciuju ‘to shoot’);

hark m, pl. harqe, herq, herqe ‘bow’. Variant of ark id., borrowed from Lat arcus id. (G i l ’ f e r d in g Otn. 26; MEYER Wb. 15),
h a rlis aor. harlisa ‘to bring into high spirits (of a horse)’. Borrowed

from NGk *xapa^iÇco, a derivative of %ocpi^a> ‘to do something agreable’. 0 Ç a b e j St. I 2 3 4 (derivative of harlë, variant of harrje).

PAlb *skeuda connected with ON skjóta, OHG .v < tinuants of Gmc *skiutan ‘to shoot’ < IE *skeud (M e y e r Wb. 150, Alb. St. I ll 28, 59). 0 L i d é n St XXXIX 111; BOGA II 200; BARIC ARSt 27 (to L

144

HEDHE —

HELM

P is a n i Saggi 122; C im o c h o w sk i LP I I 251; P o k o r n y 1 955-956; H a m p Laryngeals 129 (to Gk ayco), St. Whatmough 88, Ètimologija 1971 268269 (reconstructs *skeud-). St. albanica X /2 86-88; ÖLBERG KZ LXXXV1 126 (against HAMP Laryngeals)', ÇABEJ St. VII 219, 250; OREL Koll. Idg. Ges. 352 (metathesis of IE *sk- > P A lb *ks-)\ HULD 72-73; DEMIRAJ AE 197-198 (reconstructs *skedho-).

hedhe f, pl. hedhe ‘dandruff’. Singularized plural of *hedh(ë), deriva­ tive of hedh. For the semantics cf. Russ sy p ’ ‘rash’ related to sypat’ ‘to throw, to drop’.
h ejë f ‘food supply (for a year)’. From PAlb *skalja identical with Lith

àt-skala ‘supply, stock’ etymologized as a derivative of skalà ‘stick of firewood’, see halë. 0 FRAENKEL 7 9 2 .
hejzë f,pi. hejza ‘w ater-shed’. D erived from hejë ‘spear’, see hell (G azulli 1 7 3 -1 7 4 ). 0 Ç a b e j * . I 23 7 . h ek ë f ‘agony’. From PAlb *skaka etymologically connected with Lith

so'kti ‘to jump, to dance’, Slav *skoki> ‘jump’, O h sce'n ‘horror’ < *skekno~. 0 P e d e r s e n Kelt. Gr. I 125; F r a e n k e l 1021-1022; V a s m e r III 645; POKORNY I 922-923; VENDRYES [S] 40-41.
h ekur m, pl. hekura ‘iro n ’. Plausibly borrowed from G k oiyKupa

‘anchor’ (JOKL apud ÇABEJ St. I 236), cf. hekur i anijes ‘anchor’, lit. ‘iron of the ship’. However, some phonetic details remain obscure. Initial h- may be secondary. As for -e-, it could well appear as a result of umlaut in plural and then in singular - a process widely spread in Albanian. This leads to the reconstruction of PAlb *akura. However, -nkshould yield Alb -ng-. 0 CAMARDA 90 (comparison with G k %a^KÔç ‘copper’); MEYER Wb. 150 (compares with Skt siñcati ‘to pour out, to sprinkle’), Alb. St. Ill 5, 43; PISANI Saggi 120 (to Arm erkaf); IVANOV SBJa Antic. 21 (a farfetched hypothesis close to that of CAMARDA); MlHÄESCU RESEE IV/3-4 350; H a m p Laryngeals 130 (to Goth aiz ‘ore’), StF XXII (V) 121-122; IVANESCU SAO VIII 274-276; O r e l Koll. Idg. Ges. 359. helm m, pl. helme ‘poison; grief, sorrow ’. From *skal(i)ma connected with hall. (O r e l IF XC 107-108) 0 MEYER Wb. 107 (compares with OHG scalmo ‘pestilence, epidemic’, scelmo id.), Alb. St. Ill 59, 64; JOKL

HELL —

HERDHF,

145

Elf. Idg. 142 (to Thr GKÓ.Àjir| ‘sword’); ; BARIC ARSt 27; L a P ia n a Studi 1 9 4 (to Gk xàX.ijuoç ■(papiaÙKoç, Hes.); ÇABEJ St. I 2 3 6 -2 3 7 (to hell)-, DEMIRAJ AE 198 (compared with Skt ala- ‘poison’; borrowed to Greek as xà^xpoç). hell m , pl. helle, heje, hej ‘spear, spit’. Another form of the same word, hejë, is derived from plural. From PAlb *sköla identical with Gk ctkôàoç ‘pointed stake, thorn’ (JOK.L IF XXXVI 124). Further related to IE *skel‘to cut, to split’ ( M e y e r Wb. 151). 0 M a n n Language X X V I386; Ham p St. albanka VI/1 125-126 (to OPr aycolo ‘needle’), StF XXII (V) 119120; FRISK II 745-746; POKORNY I 923-927; O r e l ZfBalk XXIII 147; Ç a b e j St. I 237; D e m ir a j AE 199. hep m, pl. hepa ‘furrow, scratch’. From PAlb *skapa etymologically connected with hap (ÇABEJ St. T 237-238; O r e l ZfBalk X X III/1 72). heq ~ hek aor. hoqa ~ hoka ‘to draw, to puli’. In dialects, a more con­ servative form helq is attested. It goes back to PAlb *ska!kja, a causative identical with Gk *òÀ,Kéco < *solkeiO based on e^kco ‘to draw’ ( C a m a r d a I 81; M e y e r Wb. 150-151). The initial h- in Albanian is irregular (H u ld 73) so that an assimilative development *salkja > *skalkja must be reconstructed. 0 M e y e r St. Ill 4,43; P e d e r s e n KZ XXXVI 278; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 133; E r n o u t - M e i l l e t 664; P is a n i Saggi 120 (heq as a borrowing from Gk eàkcû); PISANI Saggi 120; PORZIG Namen 236 f. (Greek data for the reconstruction of *òÀ,icéco), Gliederung 172; F r is k 1 497-4 9 8 ; C h a n t r a in e 340; P o k o r n y 1901; Ç a b e j St. V II 227; H am p Laryngeals 132 (suggests *Huolkeiö); H u l d 7 3 (groundless com­ parison with OE ealh ‘temple, sanctuary’). herdhe pl. ‘testicles’. From PAlb *ardzai related to IE *orghi- ~ *rghiid,: Av dual, drszï, Gk opxiç, Arm orjik\ M ir uirgge id. (CAMARDA I 42; M e y e r Wb. 151, Alb. St. I ll 18, 7 2 , 86). The initial h- is a secondary prothetic consonant. 0 MEYER Gr. Gr. 6 7 , 275; PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 335; T a g l ia v in i Stratificazione 90; P is a n i Saggi 132; F r isk 1 4 3 3 -4 3 4 ; CHANTRAINE 831; HAMP Laryngeals 129 (h- as a continuant of the IndoEuropean laryngeal); POKORNY 1 782; VENDRYES [V] 20-21; HAMP Laryn­ geals 129; RiX Münch. St. Spr. XXVII 93 (reconstructs *Hrghija); Ç a bej St. VII 2 3 8 , 251; OREL ZfBalk XXIII 148; ÖLBERG KZ LXXXVI 126; K o r t l a n d t Arm-IE 44; H u l d 7 3 -7 4 ; D e m ir a j AE 199.

146

HERDHE -

H ËN Ë ~

HANF.

herdhe f, pl. herdhe ‘nest’. A singularized plural of an unattested *hardh < *skordhos related to Skt sárdhas- ‘herd, crow d’, W cordd ‘crow d’ < *kordho-, Goth hairda ‘herd’, Slav *cerda id. ( M e y e r Wb. 151). These forms reflect a root with the alternation of *k- ~ *k- in the anlaut. In Albanian, the initial *sk- must be reconstructed. 0 BARIC ARSt 27; JOKL AArbSt I 38-40 (specially on W cordd)\ KLUGE 310; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 113, Stratificazione 144; MAYRHOFER III 310; POKORNY I 579; F e is t Goth. 234; T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa IV 60-63. herë f, pl. here ‘time, moment of time, hour’. Borrowed from Lat höra ‘hour’ (MEYER Wb. 151). 0 T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 113; MANN Language XXVI 387; Ç a b e j Sí. VII 2 0 0 , 280; H a a r m a n n 129. hermoj aor. hermova ‘to dig’. Initial h- is due to prothesis. Borrowed from Rom *exrïmârï ‘to hoe, to dig out’, cf. Lat rïmârï ‘to hoe’. herr m, pl. herra ‘d w a r f’. F rom PAlb *skarna d eriv ed from IE *sker‘to cu t’, see harr (ÇABEJ St. I 2 3 8 ). hesht aor. heshta ‘to stay silent’. Derived from the interjection hesht ‘hush’ (M e y e r Wb. 151). 0 T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 113; Ç a b e j Sì. VII 220 . heshtë f, pl. heshta ‘spear’. A derivative in -shtë based on hell (JOKL IF XXXVI 124, LKUBA 214, 330). 0 MEYER Wb. 151 (from Lat hasta id.); Ç a b e j St. I 238 (follows Jo k l ). hetoj aor. hetova ‘to search, to inquire, to discover’. The initial h- is prothetic. Borrowed from Lat êdictâre ‘to announce’. 0 M a n n Lan­ guage XXVI 387 (to Lith skaityti)\ ÇABEJ St. VII 273. h ë ~ h ê adv. ‘now ’, interj. ‘well’. From PAlb *skainai, dative-locative of a noun related to Goth skeinan, OHG skinan ‘to shine’, with a seman­ tic development similar to that of E in a twinkling. 0 FEIST Goth. 431; K l u g e 640. hëpërhë ~ hêpërhê adv. ‘just, actually, in fact’. A univerbation of hë për hë, a sequence including the advedrb hë. hënë ~ hanë f hëna ~ hana ‘moon’. From PAlb *ksandâ further com-

HI ~

HÎ —

HIJE

147

pared with Skt cándati ‘(he) shines, is bright’, candrá- ‘shining; moon’ (MEYER Wb. 151 ,Alb. St. Ill 59). From the point of view of wordformation, the Albanian word is particularly close to Celt *kando-: W cann ‘white’, M B ret cann ‘full moon’. 0 SCHEFTELOWITZKZ LVI 2 08 (to Av sand- ‘to be visible’); GÜNTERT Ablaut 9 1 -9 2 ; BARIC ARSt 27 (to Skt chandati); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 6 9 -7 0 (reconstructs *skandnä); H a s d e u E M R I I 37; E r n o u t -M eillet 92; M a y r h o f e r 1 3 7 2-373; POKORNY I 526; Ç a b e j St. IV 57 (on the development of -nd- > -«-); HULD 74; SCHRIJVER Latin 4 2 8 ; OREL Koll. Idg. Ges. 3 5 2 (metathesis of IE *sk- > PAlb *ks-); DEMIRAJ AE 1 9 9 -2 0 0 (to hie or to Lat annus ‘year’). hi ~ hî m ‘ash’. From PAlb *skina, a form with s mobile related to Lat cinis ‘dust, ash’ (MEYER Wb. 152, Alb. St. Ill 5 9 , 6 7 ). 0 BARIC ARSt 2 7 -2 8 ; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 132 (reconstructs *skino-); WALDEHOFMANN I 2 1 7 -2 1 8 ; H am p Laryngeals 126 (to Skt edhas- ‘fire­ wood’); H am p Laryngeals 126 (groundless reconstruction of *Hidhno-); ÇABEJ St. VII 210; ÖLBERG KZ LXXXVI 124; HULD 74. hidhëtadj. ‘bitter, sad’. Derived from hidhem ‘to jump, to overflow, to walk over’, reflexive of hedh. The verb hidhëroj ~ hidhënonj ‘to sadden’ has the same source. 0 MEYER Wb. 157 (to Pol jçdza ‘fury’ and the like), Alb. St. Ill 16; JOKL Studien 2 9 -3 0 (to Gk aï0{o ‘to burn’); B a r ic ARSt. I 28; LOEWENTHAL WuS XI 6 0 (to aïÇ ‘goat’); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 134; H a m p Laryngeals 127 (to hi); ÇABEJ apud DEMIRAJ (to Lat scindo ‘to split’); DEMIRAJ AE 2 0 0 -2 0 1 .
h idhës m, pl. hidhës ‘stin ging n ettle’. R elated to hidhët (ÇABEJ St. 1 2 3 8 ). 0 M e y e r Wb. 152 (u n certain co n n ectio n w ith Gk k v í S ti id.); BARIC ARSt 28; JOKL Studien 2 9 -3 0 (to G k od'0ß> ‘to b u rn ’). hije f, pi. hije ‘shadow’. Singularized plural of an archaic hë going back

to PAlb *skijâ. This form is connected with IE *skâi- ~ *ski-: Skt châya id., Gk OKiá id. (CAMARDA 1 7 1 ; M e y e r Wb. 149-150, Alb. St. Ill 59). 0 Jo k l LKUBA 60-63; PISANI Saggi 119 (separates hije from he); MANN Language XXVIII 39; JUCQUOIS Le Muséon LXXVIII 439; H a m p Laryn­ geals 131; F r is k II 730-731; C h a n t r a in e 1017; M a y r h o f e r I 407; P o k o r n y 1917-918; Ç a bej St. m 139, v n 277; H u l d 74-75; R a s m u s s e n Morph. 33, 61; OREL FLH VIII/1-2 46; Koll. Idg. Ges. 352 (metathe­ sis of IE *sk- > PAlb *ks-); DEMIRAJ AE 201.

148

H IK Ë R R -

IH R

hikërr f, pl. hikrra ‘sour milk; buckwheat’. This form, with a secondary prothetic h-, goes back to PAlb *eikra, an /-derivative of ik, ikëj. For the semantic development of the Albanian word cf. Germ gerinnen ‘to coagulate’ < rinnen ‘to run’. hime pl. ‘bran’. From PA lb *skeidma, a m orp hological innovation based
on IE *skeid-men-, further co n n ected w ith G oth skaidan ‘to d iv id e ’, Lith skiedzu, skiesti ‘to m ak e th in ’ and, in p a rticu la r, w ith Lith skiemuö ‘o p en in g used to in sert the sh u ttle’ < *skeid-men-. 0 KLUGE 641; FRAENKEL 805-806; P o k o r n y I 921; F e is t Goth. 427; Ç a b e j St. I 239 (id en tica l w ith imtë).

himtë

adj.

'g rey ’. Derived from hi.

hingël f, pl. hingla ‘girth’. Borrowed from Rom *hinnicula, derivative of Lat hinnus ‘m ule’. hingëlloj aor. hingëllova ‘to whinny, to neigh’. Borrowed from Rom *hinniculäre, an expressive form based on Lat hinnlre. 0 MEYER Wb. 151-152 (connected with Lat hinnlre ‘to whinny, to neigh’); ÇABEJ St. VII 221. hinje interj. ‘behold, now, there’. A sequence of two interjections: hi identical with he and nje, a form of njoh (CAMARDA II 156; M e y e r Wb. 314). 0 Ç a b e j St. 1 239 (follows C a m a r d a but also compares hinje with inf). hip(ëj) ~ hypi
aor.

hipa ~ hypa ‘to g o u p ’. From P A lb *sküpa. If .v m obile

can b e su g g ested h ere, the v erb w ith its unusual lo n g grad e co u ld be com p ared w ith Lith kùpti ‘to r is e ’, Latv kupt ‘to gather, to b uild u p ’. Ö B a r i c ARSt. 17 (to IE *upo ‘o v er , up’); T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 135; F r a e n k e l 314; P o k o r n y 1 591; H am p Laryngeals 127-128 (to Skt tipa ‘up, hither’), St. Whatmough 88, SCL XXVIII/1 74.

hire ‘grace, favor, m ercy’. From PAlb *sklra etymological­ ly connected with Goth skeirs ‘clear’, Slav *scirb ‘clean’ (MEYER Wb. 152, Alb. St. Ill 5 9 , 7 1 ). 0 C a m a r d a I 7 0 (identifies hir with xàpiç ‘favor, grace’); MlKLOSICH Bulg. Siebenb. 123 (from Gk %àpiç); BUGGE BB XVIII 167 (to Gk aicipov "white parasol born by a priest­ ess’); JOKL LKUBA 67 (follows B ltg g e ); L a P ia n a Studi I 6 6 -6 7 (similar
h i r m, pl.

H IR R Ë —

HJEKËS

149

to C a m a r d a ); K l u g e 647-645; M a n n Language XXVIII 39 (agrees with M e y e r ); F e ist Goth. 432; P o k o r n y I 917-918; V a s m e r IV 507508; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV/3-4 350 (borrowed from Gk x«piç); Ç a bej St. I 239-240 (singularized plural of *her which, in its turn, is an umlau­ ticized form of *har; the latter comes from Gk j^àpiç); D e m ir a j AE 201-202 (possibility of hir borrowed from Gk ÎEpôç ‘holy’). hirrë f ‘whey’. From PAlb *ksirä to be compared with Skt ksJrd- ‘milk’, Osset œxsir id. (PEDERSEN IF V 45; KZ XXXVI 277). Note that Alb -rr- seems to reflect an intervocalic *-r-, 0 CAMARDA I 47 (to Gk ôpôç id., Skt sarà- ‘flowing’); MEYER Wb. 152 (to Slav *syro> ‘cheese’ - pho­ netically impossible), Alb. St. Ill 43 (to Lat serum)', B a r ic ARSt 28 (to Lith kartüs ‘bitter1 AArbSt 1/1-2 145-146; ÌOKLLKUBA 273 (follows ), PEDERSEN); LlDÉN KZ L X I9-10 (to O N skyr ‘sour milk’ < Gmc *skurjan); P o r z ig Gliederung 132; PISANI Saggi 132 (follows LlDÉN); TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 148-149; MAYRHOFER I 290; M ILLER Osset. 15; HUB­ SCHMID XII LFR II 978 (connected with Mantuan scaron id. borrowed from Messap *skar-); ÇABEJ St. VII 234; H a m p LB XXIV/4 49 (links hirrë to urdhë and reconstructs *skerHina)\ HULD 75; OREL ZfBalk XXIII 144; D e m ir a j AE 202-203. hisëll ~ hîsëll m, pl. hisëlla ~ hîsëlla ‘burning nettle’. Goes back to *hithëll, a derivative of hith. Another form belonging here is hiskull id. influ­ enced by hisk ‘sharp and long (of bull’s horns)’. Nasalization in Geg is secondary. 0 ÇABEJ St. I 240 (connection between hisk and hiskull). (G) hitas aor. hite ta ‘to hurry’. Borrowed from Slav *xytati, cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg xitam id., SCr hitati (ÇABEJ St. I 240). 0 Svane 256. hith m, pl. hitha ‘blight, burning nettle’. Apparently, from *hidh with an irregular auslaut unvoicing (but cf. gjethi), further connected with hedh, see JOKL Stud. 29-30. 0 M e y e r Wb. 152 (to Gk icviSr) id.). hjedhët adj. ‘slim, long and thin’. Derived from hjedh, a phonetic variant of hedh. Note also hjedhë ‘chaff’ coming from the same source. hjekës m, pl. hjekës 'm ediator, accessory, receiver o f stolen g o o d s’. D er iv ­ ative o f hjek, a d ialectal variant o f heq (M a n n HAED 160).

150

HO BE —

HU ~

H l)

höbe f, pl. höbe ‘catap ult, s lin g ’. A d ialectal form o f bahe (Ç a b e j St. I 240). hoje f, pl. hoje ‘h o n e y c o m b ’. A sin g u la rized plural o f huall (Ç a b e j St. I 240). 0 M e y e r Wb. 146 (to halë). hokë f ‘jo k e , j e s t ’ . An o n o m a to p o eia im itating lau ghter. 0 LA PIANA Studi I 95 (borrow ed from Lat jocus ‘jest, jo k e ’); ÇABEJ St. I 240 (iden ­ tifie s hokë w ith okë ‘m easu re o f w e ig h t’, from T u rk ish ). hokoç m ‘uncastrated boar’. Other variants are hakoç, harkoç. A suf­ fixal derivative of *hark ~ *hork imitating pig’s grunting. 0 MEYER Wb. 153 (to Pers xuk ‘pig’); ÇABEJ St. I 232 (related to harr). hollë adj. ‘thin, fin e , slen d er, s lim ’. F rom P A lb *skdla further c o m ­ pared with IE *skel- ‘to cu t’: Lith skeliu, ske'lti ‘to sp lit, to d iv id e’ , M ir scáilim ‘to let g o ’ and the lik e (JOKL IF XXXVII 99). 0 L e w y ZfslavPh I 416 (to Slav *xoliti); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 210 (fo llo w s JOKL); BARIC ARSt 72 (to Gk c t k c o â o ç ‘picket, stake’), Ftymje 34; F r a e n k e l 800; H am p Laryngeals 130 (to Gk àAico ‘to grind’); ÖLBERG KZ LXXXVI126 (against H am p); V e n d r y e s [S] 28-29; P o k o r n y I 924-925; Ç a b e j St. V I I 199, 227; H u l d 75-76; C l a c k s o n LR 219; D e m ir a j AE 203 (to Gk avXóq
‘reed flu te ').

hop m, pl. hope ‘instant, moment; jum p’. A descriptive stem, cf. E to hop (M e y e r Wb. 153). horr m, pl. horra ‘villain, scoundrel, rogue, pauper, m iser’. Together with fem. horre ‘shameless woman, whore’, it represents a pair of Ger­ manic loanwords, cf. Goth hors ‘adulterer’ - ON hora ‘whore’, OHG huora id. 0 M e y e r Wb. 153 (borrowed from Turk hor ‘bad, small’); KLUGE 321; ÇABEJ St. VII 234; O r e l Orpheus VI 65. hu ~ hû m, pl. hunj ‘p ick et, stake, p o le , p e n is’. C o n tin u es P A lb *skuna w ith a secon d ary n asal su ffix , g o in g b ack to the ea rlier *skuja id en ­ tical w ith Slav *xujb ‘p e n is’. Further p a ra llels are rep resen ted by OIr see ‘h aw th o rn ’, Lith slcujà ‘p in e -n e e d le ’, L atv skuja id ., S la v *xvoja id. (P e d e r s e n Zb. Jagië2\%). 0 B a r i C ARSt. I 29; V a s m e r Alb. Wortforsch. 83-84 (to Gk ^vkov); TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 90; L e w is -P e d e r s e n 15; V e n d r y e s [S] 37; F r a e n k e l 821; P o k o r n y I 958;

H LAJ ~

H U EJ ---- H U LU M T O J

151

T r u b a ò EV ÈSSJa V ili 114; O r e l Koll. Idg. Ges. 3 5 2 (m e ta th esis o f

IE *sk- > PAlb *ks-).
huaj - huej adj. ‘foreign , strange’. From PAlb *ksanja further connected w ith an iso la te d Gk ^évoç, D or ÇevÇoç ‘stran ger, g u e st’ ( M e y e r Wb.

154, Alb. St. Ill 59-60). 0 CAMARDA II 204 (to Lat hostis ‘stranger, fo r­
e ig n e r , g u e s t’); M e y e r Gr. Gr. 124; PEDERSEN IF V 59; BARIC ARSt

29 (b ased on ha, cf. Lat hostis - Skt ghdsati ‘to e a t‘); L a PIANA Studi I 106; JOKL IF XXXVII 93 (fo llo w s MEYER ), L 55; PORZIG Gliederung 178; PISANI Saggi 119; FRISK II 333-334; HAMP Laryngeals 131, Anc. IE 116; ÇABEJ St. I 240-241 (a d d u ces OAlb uoj as an argu m en t again st M e y e r ’ s e ty m o lo g y ); HULD 76; O r e l Sprache XXXI 282; D em iraj AE 203-204 (sem antically unacceptable hypothesis: from *ouos
‘that’ — th e r ’ — ‘stra n g e’). »‘o > h uall ~ h u ell m,pl. hoje ‘honeycomb’. Goes back to PAlb *skála further

related to hollë (ÇABEJ St. I 241).
h udhër f, pl. hudhra ‘garlic’. A more archaic phonetic form is repre­

sented by the variant hurdhë continuing PAlb *skurdä, etymological­ ly connected with Gk oKÓpoSov id. ( C a m a r d a I 50; M e y e r Wb. 154, Alb. St. Ill 28, 5 9 ,7 2 ) . 0 M e y e r Gr. Gr. 160, 331; B a r ic ARSt 29; J o k l Festschr. Kretschmer 7 8 -8 0 , LKUBA 2 3 0 , Sprache IX 121; TAGLIAVI­ NI Dalmazia 273; F r isk I I 738; C a m a j Alb. Wortb. 30, 121 ; C h a n t r a in e 1021; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 344; H A M PL ß XX 1 1 6 -1 1 7 (recon­ structs o-grade); Ç a b e j St. VII 237; D e m ir a j AE 2 0 4 -2 0 5 .
hudhëroj aor. hudhërova ‘to throw, to fling’. Derived from hudh-, a mor-

phonological variant of hedh. 0 Ç a b e j St. VII 2 3 4 .
hukas aor. hukata ‘to sh o u t’. B o r ro w e d from S la v *xukati id. (SVANE

257).
hulum toj aor. hulumtova ‘to follow up, to track out, to investigate’. A parallel form hulmëtoj is phonetically closer to the source which is Rom *inventare based on Lat invenlre ‘to find out’. The complicated pho­ netic history of this word includes the assimilation of -v- to the pre­ ceding -n- and then the dissimilation of two nasals and the loss of the second one. Finally, a prothetic h- was added. The irregularities may reflect an unusual way of the word acquisition (via hunters’ slang?).

152

H ULLI —

H IJR D H Ë

hulli f, pl. hulli ‘furrow ’. Another variant is holli. A derivative of hollë (Ç a bej St. I 241). 0 M a n n Language XVII 14 (to Lith skiïvis). humb aor. humba ‘to leave, to lose, to spoil, to m iss’, to drown. From a nasal present *skumba compared with IE *skeubh-: Goth af-skiuban ‘to push away, to reject’, Lith skumbu, skubti ‘to hurry, to hasten’ (PISANI Saggi 109). As to hup ‘to lose, to spoil, to m iss’, it may be a back fo r­ mation based on humb. 0 MEYER Wb. 154 (connects humb with hup)', BARIC ARSt 36-37 (hup to Lat stipò ‘to upset, to overturn’); PISANI Saggi 124; F r a e n k e l 820; P o k o r n y I 955; H a m p Laryngeals 128 (to hipëj), SCL XXVIII/1 75; FEIST Goth. 9; ÇABEJ St. VII 217, 232; OREL IF XCIII 109 (compares with hup and reconstructs *skupa ~ *skumpa further connected with Slav *cupati to pinch, to tear, to break’), TBK 192. hundë f, pl. hundë ‘nose’. Goes back to PAlb *skun-tä derived from *skuna > hu (MEYER Wb. 152-153). The verb hundohem ‘to sneer, to turn up nose’ is derived from hundë (CAMARDA II 143-144). 0 SCHMIDT KZ LVII 16; B a r ic ARSt 103 (to Lat sentw ‘to feel1 T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia ); 276, Stratificazione 90; ÖLBERG KZ LXXXVI 127 (accepts M e y e r ’ s etymology); HULD 76 (fantastic comparison with IE *nas- ‘nose’); ÇABEJ St. I 240 (on hundohem)-, OREL Ètimologija 1985 180 (against H u l d ).

hupte aor. ‘stale (of bread); forming a hard crust (of snow)’. Deriva­ tive of hup, see humb.
hurbë f, pl. hurba ‘swallow, mouthful’. Another variant is hurp which also functions as a verb ‘to swallow’.From PAlb *skurbä etymologi­ cally linked to Lith skerbiu, skerbti ‘to cut deep’, Latv slçirba ‘fissure, slot’, Slav *schrba id. 0 F r a e n k e l 801, 807; V a sm e r IV 503-504; Ç abej St. I 2 4 2 (onomatopoeia). hurdhe f, pl. hurdhe ‘iv y ’. T he p arallel form is urdhe. A sin g u la rized p lural g o in g back to P A lb *wurda co n n ected w ith other r e fle x e s o f IE *urdho-\ OE word ‘th o rn -b u sh ’, Lat rubus ‘b ra m b le-b u sh ’. 0 MEYER Wb. 154 (to Skt pfs'ni- ‘sp o tte d ’); W a l d e -H o f m a n n II 445-446; H o l t h a u s e n AEW 405; Ç a b e j St. VII 236. hurdhë f, pl. hurdha ‘pond, pool’. Another variant is urdhë. Continues PAlb *wurdâ, a derivative in *-dh- further related to Slav *vin> ‘whirlpool’, *variti ‘to cook’, Lith ve'rdu, virti id. 0 JOKL Studien 30-

(G)

HUT —

HYJ ~

HYJ

153

31 (to Skt vdr- ‘water’); PISANI Saggi 119; FRAENKEL 1263; VASMER I 275; POKORNY I 1166; ÇABEJ St. VII 236-237; DEMIRAJ AE 205. (G) hut adj. ‘vain, em pty’. The initial h- is prothetic. From PAlb *uta, an adjective in *-to- based on IE *eua- : *uä- ‘empty’, cf. similar for­ mations in *-no-\ Skt üná- ‘missing’, Lat va nus ‘em pty’ and the like. 0 JOKL Studien 31 (to Gk ocutîoç ‘vain, empty’); WALDE-HOFMANN II 731-732; C h a n t r a in e 382; P o k o r n y 1 345; K o pec n y ESSI 1262; H a m p Laryngeals 126; ÖLBERG KZ LXXXVI 124 (onomatopoeia); KORTLANDT Arm-IE 44; ÇABEJ St. VII 227; DEMIRAJ AE 205. hutë f, pl. ‘vulture, ow l’. Another variant is utë. Borrowed from MGk (¿toç ‘horned owl’. 0 MEYER Wb. 460 (borrowed from Lat ötus ‘horned owl’ < Gk cotoç); MlHÄESCU RESEE IV/1-2 31 (from Lat ôtus); ÇABEJ St. VII 227.

hutloj aor. hutlova ‘to deceive’. Together hutrrohem ‘to be astonished’,
derived from unattested nouns *hutël and *hutërr (cf. hutrrojë ‘silly old woman’), both of them based on hutoj.

hutoj aor. hutova ‘to astonish, to daze’. Derived from hutë figurative­
ly denoting ‘fool, dolt’ (MANN HAEW 164). 0 HAMP Laryngeals 126 (to Geg hut); ÇABEJ St. VII 206, 227.

hyj m, pl. hyja, hyj

‘g o d ’. S in g u la rized plural o f yll, hyll ‘sta r’ (OREL Linguistica XXIV 4 3 8 ) c o in e d by BOGDANI (ÇABEJ apud DEMIRAJ). 0 MEYER Wb. 150 (connects hyj with hije); K r is t o f o r id h i 135, 139 (sam e as MEYER); J o k l LKUBA 6 4 -6 5 (re co n str u c ts *hye co n tin u in g IE *skëini-); M a n n Language XXVIII 39 (to ON skuggi < IE *skuui-); Hamp St. Whatmough 88.; DEMIRAJ AE 20 5 .

hyj ~ hyj aor. hyra ~ hyna ‘to enter’. The anlaut h- is prothetic. Goes back to a denominative PAlb *eiwinja or *eiwanja based on *eiwi- ~ *eiwa, related to IE *ei- ‘to go, to walk’ and etymologically close to Ski e'va- ‘speedy’, Lith at-elvis, at-e'iva ‘newcomer, stranger’, pe'r-eiva ‘tramp, vagrant’. 0 BARIC ARSt. I 17-18 (reconstructs *supniO, further to Lat sub ‘under’ and the like); FRAENKEL 119; MAYRHOFER I 129; P o k o r n y I 293-297; H am p Laiyngeals 125-126 (to Skt ava- ‘off’); ÇABEJ St. I 2 4 2 (connects hyj with -y-, reflecting a contraction of *-oi- < *odi-, to IE *sed- ‘to go’).

154

ijë

-

im i

i-:

I
ijë f, pl. ijë ‘hip, side’. Borrow ed from Lat pi. Ilia ‘groin, flank’ (CAMARDA I 70-71; MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 32; M e y e r Wb. 158). 0 M e y e r L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß21 1044, 1050; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV/1-2 16; HAAR­ MANN 130; Ç a b e j St. I 243; L a n d i Lat. 126. ikëj aor. ikëna ‘to go away, to run away’. A more archaic form of present is ik; there exists also a form with a secondary initial h-. Continues PAlb *eika further belonging to IE *ei- ‘to go’ (ÇABEJ St. I 243). Sim­ ilarly to Slav *jbdç ‘(I) go’ based on *idhi, an old imperative of *<?/'(POLIVANOV lORJaS XXIV/2 349-350), Albanian present forms ik. ikëj are derived from the imperative ik which can be compared with Lith elk, elki ‘go!’ (OREL Lingv. issled. II 35-36, Baltistica XXI/2 156-157), with the suffix of imperative -k- of dubious origin (STANG NorwJLing. XXX 127-131). 0 M e y e r Wb. 158; B r u g m a n n IF XXIX 404-412; L a PIANA Studi alb. I 193 (compares ik with Gk ikco ‘to come’); BUGA REV LVII 240 (on Lith eJki); POKORNY I 293-294; ÇABEJ St. VII 205, 227; OREL ZfBalk X X II/1 82, Koll. Idg. Ges. 352.

CSM.

245). As to ishull between ishull ‘sunny place’ and shullë). ith prep, ‘behind’. From PAlb *its, a form of IE *eghs ‘from, out of’ (M e y e r Wb. 158, Alb. St. I l l 16). The change of meaning is a part of a wider semantic shift in the system of prepositions (see nga); the old meaning is preserved in the prefix sh- < *is- < *its- (partly influenced by a homonymous prefix of Latin origin continuing Lat dis-). The vowel of ith makes it extremely close to Slavic (*jbz) and Baltic (OPrus is, Lith is, dial. Latv iz). Cf. normal vocalism of the same root in jashtë. 0 M e y e r BB XIV 53; P i s a n i Saggi 125; I 98 f.; P e d e r s e n KZ XXXVIII421 (*/- as the original vowel in this root); KARSTIEN Festschr. Vasmer 213; E n d z e l in Latys. predi. I 98; F r a e n k e l 188; W a l d e H o f m a n n 1 423 (reject the co n n ectio n b etw e en ith and *eghs); PISANI Saggi 125; P o k o r n y I 292-293; P o l á K apud K o p e c n y ESSJ I 82; O r ft Koll. Idg. Ges. 359.

rrowed from driß 21 1044,

: demonstra­ te .

Derived from

.lb *ima con(sas ‘short’,

AENKEL 187;

derived from

INJ

ITH

155

inj prep, ‘up to ’ . A g h o st w ord reg ister ed o n ly by MlTKO and b ein g , in fact, a p h on etic variant o f hinje (ÇABEJ St. I 2 4 4 ). 0 M e y e r Wb. 159 (to IE *eni ‘in ’), Alb. St. I ll 66; H a m p Laryngeals 136; D e m ir a j AE 2 07. irë adj. ‘d u n '. R elated to err , w ith i- resu ltin g from the p arad igm atic a lternation e ~ i in n oun s. 0 ÇABEJ St. I 2 4 4 -2 4 5 (lin k s ire to irëmadh ‘h e r o ic ’ but the latter is a com p ou n d o f ire ‘h e r o ism ’ and madh). irë f, ‘wrath, heroism ’. Borrowed from Lat Tra ‘wrath’.

iriq m, pl. iriqë, iriqa ‘hedgehog’. Borrowed from Lat ëricius id. (S tier KZ X I 141; MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 23; MEYER Wb. 159). 0 M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. G rundriß 2 1 1048; MlHÄESCU RESEE I V /1 - 2 15; Ç a b e j St. VII 254; L a n d i Lat. 8 4 , 112, 139.
iskër I. pl. iskra ‘spark’. B orrow ed from Slav *jbskra id., cf. South Slavic continuants: B u lg iskra, SC r iskra (MEYER Wb. 159). 0 TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 135; SVANF, 57.

ishull m r.i ;

J
I V , O V A JN t, lM-y.

immmmmmmiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiimiiiiiii^j^^iiiMjpiìroireiniig’

form s: B u la ikra. SCr ikra (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 2 1 ). 0 SELIi

ilq e f, pl. ilqe ‘h o lm -o a k ’. A sin g u la rized plural o f *ilqë b( 1048; H a a r m a n n 130. im pron. ‘m y ’. A u n iv erb a ted se q u en ce c o n sistin g o f th tiv e p ron oun *is (se e ay) and u n stressed 1 sg . p ron oun im sh të f, pl. imshta ‘oak g r o v e ’. A nother variant is ipshtë.

Lat ïlicem id. (MEYER Wb. 158). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Gruí

imë, imtë (Ç a b e j St. I 2 4 4 ).

im të adj. ‘tiny, sm a ll’. A nother variant is imë. R efle cts P7 tin u in g *îs-mos, cf. Skt Tsdt ‘little, a little , s lig h tly ’, L iti L atv îss id. 0 MEYER Wb. 158 (to IE *em~ ‘to s e iz e ’); F f M a y r h o f e r 1 96; P o k o r n y 1 2 9 9 -3 0 0 ; Ç a b e j St. I 2 3 9 ( hi), 2 4 4 (to hime).

156
Î V C t , p l. I V U C lliu i u i u c i y p d ï i ô ï 11

IV Ë —

JA M
¿ V 'U " « i 'i k ï v ’ü w i ï v

u u i ï u v v v v i H v>kïi"O 'àuv

m ean in g as rep resen ted by B u lg iva and SCr iva (DESNICKAJA Slav,

zaini. 11). 0 Ç a b e j St. I 245-246; S v a n e 99. izbë f. ‘cellar’. Borrowed from Slav *istT>ba ‘house, cellar’ attested in South Slavic in Bulg izba and SCr izba (S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie
149). 0 S v a n e 54.

J
ja interj. ‘behold, here, now’. A shortened form of javo, javua id., an early borrowing from Slav *avi.nb ‘manifest, obvious’ in its adver­ bial function, with -o, -ua continuing *-wn>. For South Slavic continuants of *avbm> cf. Bulgjaven, SCr javan. 0 M e y e r Wb. 160 (uncertain con­ nection with Slav *aviti sç ‘to appear’); Ç a bej St. I 246 (from NGk y iá in y iá ôéç id.); OREL Orpheus VI 65. jakë interj. ‘c o m e ’. A n iso la te d im p era tiv e form in -k (cf. ik) based on IE *ja- ‘to g o ’. 0 BUGGE BB XVIII 191 (com pou nd co n sistin g o f ja and p ron om in al At?-); POKORNY I 296; ÇABEJ St. 1 2 4 7 (tra n sfo rm a tio n o f the p hrase eja këtu ‘co m e h e r e ’). jam
aor. qeshë ‘to b e ’. From P A lb *es-mi further connected with IE *esid. and id en tical w ith Skt ásmi, G k e ip i (B O P P 460, 4 7 2 , 526; G i l ’f e r -

DING Otn. 22; C a m a r d a I 36; M e y e r Wb. 1 6 0 -1 6 1 ). T he a o rist m ay be ten ta tiv ely ex p la in ed as a sig m a tic form ation b ased on IE *k"el- ‘to turn, to r e v o lv e ’ (CAMARDA I 4 5 ), c f. G m c *werdan ‘to b e c o m e ’ in its co n n ectio n w ith IE *uert- ‘to turn, to r e v o lv e ’. 0 S t i e r KZ VII 9; M e y e r Alb. St. Ill 63, 85; L a P ia n a Studi 1 86; J o k l LKUBA 83; M a n n Language XXVI 383; PISANI KZ LXXI 64 (a o rist com p ared w ith Latv k(ût ‘to b ecom e’). Saggi 103; MAYRHOFER 1 67; F r isk 1 463-464; POKORNY I 3 4 0 -3 4 2 ; HAMP Festschr. Beeler 3 3 7 -3 4 6 (d e r iv e s 3 sg. është ~ âsht from *en esti to be com p ared w ith G k eveo x t); ÇABEJ St. I 2 4 7 -2 4 8 ; KLINGENSCHMITT Münch. St. Spr. XL 113; OREL Lingv. issled. II 3133 (n asa liza tio n in 3 sg . është ~ âsht < P A lb *ensti ex p la in ed by the in flu e n c e o f 3 p l . janë < *enti < *es(o)nti), Koll. Idg. Ges. 3 5 2 (a c c e n ­ tual o p p o sitio n b etw een 1 sg. jam and 1 pl. jenti in P roto-A lb an ian ); H u ld 7 6 -7 7 ; D e m ir a j AE 2 0 7 -2 0 8 .

JA P
J M J / ' a ò ’ì « r i i V i i i ï I " " i ’ü ” ^ ï » v " / l ’ ’p m U 11V ^ 1

JA R M
1 U 1 111 IO t i-fS. V J L -g tllA JJ lU S U ild i l U lU

157

PAlb *en-apa while./- in jap is explained as filling hiatus (PEDERSEN Festskr. Thomsen 2 4 7 ) or resulting from the analogical influence of jam (DEMIRAJ AE 79). Thus, for Proto-Albanian, *apa should be recon­ structed as a parallel for IE *ap- ~ *ep- ‘to seize, to take’: Skt apnoti ‘(he) reaches, overtakes’, Gk mmo ‘to fasten, to bind’, Lat apiscor ‘to grasp’ and the like (B O PP469; MEYER Wb. 13, Alb. St. Ill 3 1 ). Seman­ tically, the Albanian word is particularly close to Hitt epzi ‘(he) gives’ ( H u l d 7 7 ). For the paradoxical semantic development replacing one conversive with another cf. Hitt da- ‘take’ < IE *dö- ‘to give’. The aorist dhashë < PAlb *e-das-a is based on the zero grade of IE *do- ‘to give’ ( C a m a r d a i 7 3 ,1 2 7 ; M e y e r Alb. St. Ill 14). 0 C a m a r d a i 7 3 ,1 2 7 (jap compared with Gk ia 7 txco ‘to send, to drive on’; dhashë derived from *dö-); JOKL Studien 3 2 , LKUBA 2 6 , IF XLIII 5 1 -5 2 , Sprache IX 118 (augment in dhashë); PEDERSEN Kelt. Gr. I I 475; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 168; ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 240; La PIANA Vocale 2 5 , Studi I 23; M a y r h o f e r I 76; F r is k I 1 2 6 -1 2 7 ; W a l d e -H o f m a n n I 5 7 -5 8 ; POKORNY I 5 0 -5 1 , 2 2 3 -2 2 6 ; CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 30; ÇABEJ St. VII 195; H am p St. Whatmough 8 2 , Miinch. St. Spr. XL 4 (< IE *epi-d(o)H-iö, cf. Gk éjuóíóopi ‘to give freely’); HULD 150; KORTLANDT Arm-IE 4 2 (reconstructs *dodHs- as the source of dhashë); KLINGENSCHMITT Miinch. St. Spr. XL 123 (reconstruction of the aoristic paradigm); OREL Etimologija 1982 154 (parallelism of dhashë < *e-das-m and Slav *daxrb\ traces of the augment), Koll. Idg. Ges. 3 4 9 , 352; HAMP KZ CIII 291 (repeats JOKL and OREL in reconstructing the anlaut augment); D e m ir a j AE 1 5 4 -1 5 5 .
ja rg ë f, pl.jarga ‘spit, phlegm’. From PAlb *ergá related to Av srazant‘bad’, OHG arg ‘bad, evil’, Lith arzus ‘lusty’. 0 POKORNY I 338; ÇABFJ

St. VII 212, 243.
jariçkë f,pl. jariçka ‘pullet, chick’. Another variant is jarickë. Borrowed from Bulg jaricka. 0 POLÁK ZfBalk I 78 (derived from Slav *jarica ‘one year old creature’); SVANE 140. jarin ë f ‘ripe fruit’. Borrowed from Slav *jarina ‘harvest’, cf. in South Slavic continuants: SCr jarina (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 21). 0 S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 160.

ja rm m ‘yoke’. Borrowed from Slav *arbm-b id., cf. South Slavic con-

tinunants: OCS jarhm-b, Bulg jarem, SCr jaram (MEYER Wb. 161). 0 S e l i S c e v Slav, naselenie 156; SVANE 2 8 .

158

JASH TË —

JES

jashtö adv. ‘outside’. From PA lb *e(k)sta derived from IE *egh-s ‘out’:

Gk ë^, Lat ex and the like ( C a m a r d a I 36, 87; Ç a b e j St. I 248-249). 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 24 (from Lat extra)', M e y e r Wb. 161 (from Rom *extus parallel to Lat intus), Alb. St. IV 49; L a P ia n a Studi I 85 (reconstructs *eghs-to-)\ TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 133 (follows MEYER); M a n n Language XXVI 383; F risk 1527; W a l d e -H o f m a n n 1423; Ç abej St. VIT 232, 257; H u l d 77.
ja v ë f, plJ a v ë ‘week’. Borrowed from Lat hebdomas id. (MEYER Wb.

162) treated as a nominative in -a. The group -bdm- yields Alb -v-. 0
S k o k AArbSt. II 343 n. 3; SCHUCHARDT KZ XX 252; TAGLIAVINI Dal­

mazia 133; M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV/1-2 23; H a a r m a n n 129; H a m p GjA XVII (8) 121-129.
ja z m, pl. jaza ‘mill-stream’. Borrowed from Slav *ëzr ‘dam, w eir’, cf. b

South Slavic continuants: Bulg yaz, SCr jaz (DESNICKAJA Slav, zaimstv.
11). Ö S v a n e 44.

je f. ‘p e r m issio n ’. A p h on etic variant o f leje. 0 MEYER Wb. 162 (to Skt yo's- ‘w elfa r e, h a p p in e ss’ and the lik e ), Alb. St. Ill 40, 63; PEDERSEN Festskr. Thomsen 253 (again st MEYER); JOKL Studien 32 (to Skt dvi‘fa v o r a b le ’); ERNOUT-MEILLET 330; ÇABEJ St. I 249 (je as a variant o f the p a rticle le sem a n tica lly m isin terp reted by MEYER).
jeh m. ‘echo’. A scholarly borrowing from Lat echo id. Used as a basis

for the formation of jehoj ‘to echo’ and jehonë ‘echo’. 0 ÇABEJ St. I 249 (Greecisized Ital eco id.).
jer m m ‘delirium, absent-mindedness’. Goes back to PAlb *erma ety­

mologically identical with Lith ermas ‘m onster’. Latv çrms ‘wonder­ ful apparition’, qrmi ‘wonders, miracles’. 0 JOKL Studien 32; FRAENKEL 122; POKORNY I 58; D u r id a n o v Trakite 56, 75 (to Thr *ermas); ÇABEJ St. I 250, VII 205, 247; DEMIRAJ AE 208.
jes aor. jeta ‘to remain’. From PAlb *etja, a denominative of jete. 0 M e y e r Wb. 163 (suggests IE *et- or *ed- but without any meaning); BARIC ARSt I 76 (to IE *sed- ‘to sit); T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 134, 186; XHUVANI KLetr I 5; ÇABEJ St. I 250-251 (to Phryg eirou, 3 sg. opt. ‘let

him be’).

.JETE —

JU

159

jetë f, pl.jetë ‘life’. Goes back to PAlb *eta, related to the isolated group of Gk éxeôç ‘true, real’, e tà - 0cX.r|0f), àyocGà (Hes.), ètàÇco ‘to test’. 0 C a m a r d a I 122 (to jes)\ M e y e r Wb. 163 ( from Rom *aeta > Arum eta ‘world, life’, a back-formation of Lat aetas ‘age’), Alb. St. IV 12; M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr. G rundriß2 1 1043, 1056; PEDERSEN Alb. Texte 156 (follows C a m a r d a ) ; B a r i c AArbSt. I 216; V a s m e r Alb. Wortforsch. 23 (reconstructs IE *aiuotä > M W oed ‘world’); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 1 33-134; S c h u c h a r d t KZ X X 242; L e w is - P e d e r s e n 9; Ç a b e j St. I 2 51-252; F r is k I 5 78-581; HAMP ERPh. 41 -4 3 (supports M e y e r ); H u ld 78; L a n d i Lat. 71; O r e l Orpheus VI 65. jezull m ‘cloud of dust or smoke; ashes’. A secondary formation based on jezer id. - a metaphoric usage of Slav * e zen ‘lake’ (Çabej St. I 252). Ô MANN Comp. 7 (to Gk ai'GaXoç ‘soot’). jo part. ‘no’. Borrowed from Germ ja via Slavic languages of AustroHungary (F r ie d r ic h IF LX 164). Ö BARIC ARSt 37 (from IE *eneu: Goth inti ‘without’, Skt ano ‘not’); ÇABEJ St. VII 227. jonfi f, pl.jona ‘e c h o ’. Phonetic transformation o f jehonë, see jeh. 0 ÇABEJ St. I 249 (seco n d a ry attraction o f jo n ë and jehonë). josh aor. josha ‘to curl, to fondle, to caress’. From PAlb *jaudsja ety­ mologically connected with IE *ieudh-\ Skt yúdhyate ‘to fight, to strug­ gle’, Tokh A yutk- ‘to take care of, to trouble about’, Lith jdudinti ‘to excite, to arouse’ (OREL FLH VIII 44). 0 FRAENKEL 195-196; POKORNY 1 511 ; M a y r h o f e r III 19-20; V an W in d e k e n s 1 612; Ç a b e j St. 1 252253 (identifies josh with osh ‘skimming’, from Turkish hos> ‘pleasant’); K o r t l a n d t SSGL XXIII 174 (against O r e l ). joshë f, pi. josha ‘grandm other’. Originally an element of the nursery vocabulary, this word is based on josh and identical with joshë ‘caress’ (D e m ir a j AE 209). 0 M e y e r Wb. 163 (to gjysh); B a r ic ARSt 1 37-38 (same etymology); JOKL LKUBA 37-39 (to *ât-siâ derived from atë)\ T a g l ia v in i Stratificazione 115; Ç a b e j St. 1 253; D em iraj AE 209. ju pron. ‘you’. From PAlb *ju identical with Lith jü s id., Goth jus id., Gk ùp.eîç id., Skt acc. yusman id. (BOPP 4 6 4 ; CAMARDA I 95; MEYER Wb. 163, Alb. St. Ill 4 0 ), with the short vowel generalized from the oblique stem. 0 G i l ’f e r d t n g Otn. 21; MEYER Gr. Gr. 29 1 ; PEDERSEN

160

.JUD —

KABISHT

Festskr. Thomsen 252-253 (elim in ates the hiatus j- and recon stru cts *« < *ues), KZ XXXVI 103; JOKL IF XLIX 275; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 135 (follow s PEDERSEN); M a n n Language XXVIII 38 (reconstructs MANN Language XXVIII 38; P is a n i Saggi 132 (a g re es w ith MEYER); MlNSHALL Language XXII 627; MAYRHOFER III 24; FEIST Goth. 305; F r a e n k e l 199; F r isk II 963-964; P o k o r n y I 513-514; H u l d 78-79, JIES VII 203-207 (rejects MEYER’s etym ology because o f the short vocalism reflected in A lbanian, and reconstructs ju < *ues); OREL FLH VIII/12 43; K o r t l a n d t SSGL X X III174 (cliticized form o f IE *iuH); D em iraj AE 209 (from *usm- p resen t in o b liq u e ca ses based on *ues). jud m ‘mythological m onster’. Borrowed from Slav *jud~b ~ *juda id., cf. in South Slavic: Buigjuda. 0 L A M B E R TZ Alh. Märchen 26 n. 8 (links jud with the name of Judas); Ç A B E J St. I 253 (agrees with L A M B E R T Z ). jug m ‘South, Southern wind'. Borrowed from Slav *jugb id., cf. in South Slavic: Bulg jug, SCr jug (M e y e r Wb. 164). 0 T a g l ia v in i Dal­ mazia 135; SELISCEV Slav., naselenie 197; S v a n e 175.

K
ka m, pl. qe ‘ox’. From PAlb *kaxa going back to *koso-, a nominal derivative of IE *kes- ‘to scratch, to cut’; cf. Slav *voh, ‘ox’ ~ *valiti ‘to throw down’ > ‘to castrate’ (O r e l ZJ? XXVIII/4 52-53). 0 B opp 491 (from IE *gi‘ u-); S t ie r KZ XI 150 (same as B o p p , adduces Venet ö ce va ‘cow’); G i l ’ f e r d in g Otn. 22 (same as STIER); M e y e r Wb. 164 (compares ka with Lith kárvé ‘cow’, Slav *korva id. and the like); JOKL 'WuS XII 68-69, Sprache IX 150; TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 137; MANN Language XVII 22 (to Goth auhsa); PORZIG Gliederung 175; POKORNY I 585; SGGJa I 58; H a m p St. Whatmough 86, Münch. St. Spr. 59; Ç a b e j St. VII 201; ÖLBERG Festschr. Pisani II 684; O rel Balcanica 114 (a substratum loanword reflecting IE *g"öu- ‘bull’), LB XXVIII/4 52-53, Koll. Idg. Ges. 360; T r u b a c e v ¿iv. 43-44, ÈSSJa XI 108; TOPOROV PJa IV 47 (repeats M e y e r ’s etymology); D em ir a j AE 210 (to Gk iceiaàç ‘deer’s c a lf). kabisht m, pl. kabishta ‘earwig’. A derivative in -shtë based on an unat­ tested *kab continuing PAlb *kaba. The latter is related to Lith kaheti

K ACABU ~

KACABÛ —

KAÇ

161

‘to hang’, kabà ‘crooked tree’ and the like. 0 F r a e n k e l 2 0 0 -2 0 1 ;
POKORNY 1 9 1 8 . kacabu - k acab û pl. kacabunj ‘beetle, stagfly’. A compound consist­

ing of kaca and bu < PAlb *buna, a word of descriptive nature for ‘beetle’. As to kaca, it is a form of kac ‘goat’ (see kec). In several words, it appears as an expressive prefix (cf., for example, kacafik ‘hut’, kacafytem ‘to fight’), occasionally meaning ‘up, over’.
k acad re ~ k acad rê m ‘stagbeetle, grasshopper’. A compound of kaca

(see kacabu ) and dre ‘deer’. 0 M e y e r Wb. 178 (a variant of karkalec). kacagjel adv. A part of an idiom rii kacagjel ‘to brag’. Represents a com­ pound of kaca (see kacabu) and gjel.
kacam it m ‘stag’. The word kacamic ‘roebuck’ is obviously a phonetic

variant of kacamit. A compound of kaca- (see kacabu) and mite. For the meaning of the latter cf. dialectal mitez ‘roe’ (Ç a b e j St. I 2 5 4 ). 0 MEYER Wb. 182 [kacamitë ‘deer, roe’ borrowed from Ital *camozzetta ‘chamois’, cf. camozza id.).
kacarroj aor. kacarrova ‘to climb, to clam ber’. A compound of kaca

(see kacabu) and rroj.
k acarrum aor. kacarruma ‘core of corn-cob, corn-cob’. A compound

of kaca (see kacabu) and rrum.
k acek m, pl. kacekë ‘w in e sk in ’. B ack -form atio n b ased on kaciq (ÇABEJ St. I 2 5 4 ). k a cë f, pi. kacë ‘butt, barrel, bin’. Borrowed from Slav *kadbca ‘barrel’, cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg kaca, SCr kaca ( S e liS c e v Slav, naselenie 154). 0 SVANE 68. kaciq m, pl. kaciq ‘kid, wineskin’. Borrowed from NGk ko.toÍkv id. (MEYER Wb. 185). 0 ÇABEJ St. I 2 5 4 (related to kec). k aç m, pl. keç, keçër ~ keçën ‘weaver’. Borrowed from Slav *tr bkacb id., cf. South Slavic continuants in Bulg t-bkac (MlKLOSICH Slav. Ele­ mente 35; M e y e r Wb. 182). 0 S e liS C e v Slav, naselenie 171.

164

KAFSHOJ —

K A K O LK

St. I 2 5 6 -2 5 7 (fo llo w s M e y e r Wb.); H a a r m a n n 116; L a n d i Lat. 7 3 ,
110 .

kafshoj

aor. kafshova ‘to bite’. Another variant is kapshoj. Borrowed from Lat capessere ~ capissere ‘to seize, to snatch at' (MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 11 1055). 0 M e y e r Wb. 176 (from Rom *capsare based on Lat capere ‘to take’); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 21 1052 (from Rom *captiäre ‘to grasp’); JOKL I.KUBA 19 n. 1 (to Gk koottcd ‘to snap, to snatch’, Slav *xapati ‘to seize, to grasp’); MlHÄESCU RESEE I V /12 21; HAARMANN 115; Ç abej St. I 257 (agrees with JOKL and also adduces kap).

kah prep, ‘from, out, out of’. Immediately connected with nga id. Both prepositions require nominative. The underlying Proto-Albanian phraze must have been *(en) kaxa continuing *(en) k"o(d) so ‘(in) which (is) this’. The original meaning, therefore, may be reconstructed as ‘in’ or ‘wherein’ but the whole system of prepositions was semantically transformed in Albanian, cf. ith. 0 CAMARDA I 66-67 (to Gk 7 ‘in tr| some way, to some place’); MEYER Wb. 304 (to Gk Kara ‘down’), Alb. St. Ill 4; v o n B l a n k e n s t e i n IF X X I 112 (follows M e y e r ) ; Ç a b e j St. VII 201. kakë f ‘excrements’. A usual Kinderwort (MEYER Wb. 166). 0 MlKLOSICH
Rom. Elemente 8 (from Lat cacare ‘to defecate’).

kakërdhi f, pi. kakërdhi ‘dung (of sheep or goat)’. A modified sequence
consisting of kakë and dhi. 0 M a n n Language XXVI 386-387 (kakërto Gk K07tpoç).

kakërdhiçë f, pl. kakërdhiça ‘lizard’. Based on kakërdhi, a compound
consisting of kakë and rdhi (to hardhi), cf. a similar formation in hardhje. Other compounds of the same type are kakëzorrë, kakërdhok ‘frog (to kakë and zorre) and kakëzog ‘blindworm’ - to kakë and zog, i.e. a crea­ ture excreting its children: the blindworm is viviparous. 0 MEYER Wb. 147 (variant of hardhje), 166-167 (on kakëzog and kakëzorrë); SC H M ID T KZ L 242-243 (borrowed from Gk KpOKÔôeiÀoç ‘crocodile’).

kakole f, pl. kakole ‘hip bone’. A phonetic variant oí ko kail ‘bone’ bor­
rowed from NGk kókkocàov id.

K A K R K .U K —

K A I .ESH

165

kakrruk m, pi. ‘stone-fruit, hard nut’. A suffixal derivative of kokërr

with a dialectal change of the unstressed -o- > -a- ( M u r a ti Probleme 79). 0 M e y er Wb. 195 (to Slav *orexT> ‘nut’).
kalakiç adv. ‘piggyback’. A compound of of an expressive prefix kala(n)-

(see kalaveshi) and Lie.
kalam an ~ kalam âm , pl. kalamaj, kalamanë ‘child (till the age of 8-9)’.

A compound of of an expressive prefix kala(n)- (see kalavesh) and *man, derivative of maj. 0 MEYER Wb. 170 (to Slav *kah> ‘dirt’, *kal'avi, ‘dirty’); B a ric ARSt. I 94-95; Ç abej St. I 257-258 (from Bulg kalimana ‘female witness at a wedding’). kalamend aor. kalamenda ‘to entangle, to confuse’. A compound of of an expressive prefix kala(n)- (see kalavesh) and mend.
kalaqafe adv. ‘piggyback’. A compound of of an expressive prefix kala(n)-

(see kalavesh) and qafë. kalavesh m, pl. kalavesha ‘grape’. A compound consisting of an expres­ sive prefix kala(n)- (cf. kalamend, kalangërç ‘cram p’ ~ gërç id.) and vesh, cf. vesh rrush ‘grape’ (ÇABEJ St. I 258). As far as the origin of kala- is concerned, with its original meaning ‘upside down’, ‘topsy­ turvy’, it may continue PAlb *kala related to IE *k“ ‘to turn’. 0 MEYER elWb. 167 (kala- to Turk kara ‘black’); JOKL LKUBA 214 (kala- to Turk kalan ‘rest, surplus’); POKORNY I 639-640; CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 102 (pre­ fixes ka-la-). kalb aor. kalba ‘to let ro t’. A denominative derived from PAlb *kalba, see the singularized plural qelb. 0 MEYER Wb. 221-222 (to qelb)\ BARIC ARSt. I 53 (reconstructs IE *go!bh- and compares kalb with Slav *zely ‘tum or’); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 137; ÇABEJ SY VII 203, 284. .
k a le c ë adv ‘gently, quietly’. Other variants are kalehtazi and kaletas.

The original form must have been *ka-leht-az, consisting of the prefix ka- and *leht-az derived from lehtë. kalesh adj. ‘hairy’. A préfixai derivative of lesh (M eyer Wb. 170). 0 Cam aj Alb. Wortb. 104.

166

KALE —

(T) K A LTËR

kalë m, pl. kual, kuaj ‘h o r se ’. B o r ro w e d from Lat caballus id. (STIER KZ X I 146; MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 7; M e y e r Wb. 167). 0 CAMARDA I 66 (to G k KaßocX^nq ‘w o rk in g h o r se ’); G i l ’f e r d i n g Otn. 2 2 (to Skt khdra- ‘d o n k e y ’); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1050; PISANI AAL VIII 345 (back form ation o f pl. kuaj borrow ed from Slav *kon ’i>); TAGLI­ AVINI Origini 190; MlHÄESCU RESEE I V /1 - 2 13; HAARMAN 113; L a n d i Lat. 9 7 , 1 3 7 -1 3 8 . kalibe f, pl. kalibe ‘hut’. A relatively early borrowing from Slav *kolyba id. Cf. kolibe. 0 O r e l Sov . slav. 1 9 8 5 /5 7 9 -8 4 . kalibobë f, pl. kaliboba Mote, n ettle -tre e ’. Borrow ed from Slav *kalibob'h, a compound of *kaliti ‘to make dirty’ and *bob% ‘bean’ unat­ tested in South Slavic. kaliboç adv. ‘on one’s back’. A compound of an expressive prefix kali(a variant of kala-, see kalavesh) and boçë. 0 XHUVANI - ÇABEJ BShkSh 1956/4 74 (on kali-). kalihum adv. ‘downwards, over and over’. A compound of an expres­ sive prefix kali- (see kaliboç) and hum < humb (ÇABEJ St. I 258). kalis aor. kalita ‘to sharpen, to cleanse (of metal)’. Borrowed from Slav *kaliti id., cf. South Slavic forms: Bulg k a l’a, SCr kaliti (DESNICKA­ JA Slav. zaim. 16). 0 MEYER Wb. 155,386 (from NGk ‘to carve’); Ç a b e j St. I 258; S v a n e 234. kalivaç adv. ‘in a group of three on a stem (of fruit and the like)’. Deriv­ ative in -ç of kalivare (Ç a b e j St. I 258). kalivare adv. ‘trickling down’. A compound of an expressive prefix kali(see kaliboç) and var (ÇABEJ St. I 258-259). kaloj aor. kalova ‘to pass, to go past’. Borrowed from Rom *coalläre < Lat coambuläre ‘to go with’. kalptoj aor. kalptova ‘to fill with tow, to plug, to caulk’. A denomina­ tive based on a Turkish loanword kallp, kallëp ‘form, m odel’. (T) kaltër adj. ‘blue, sky blue’. From Rom *calthinus ‘yellow, yellowish’,

KALL

KAM

167

based on Lat caltha ‘Calendula officinalis’, cf. calthula ‘yellow robe’
(M e y e r Wb. 170-171). 0 OREL Balcanica 113-114 (from a substratum

reflex of IE *ghel- ‘yellow’); HAARMAN 114; ÇABEJ St. VII 218. kail aor. kalla ‘to insert, to thrust, to place, to incite, to set on fire’. From PAlb *kalna, a denominative based on *kala. The latter continues IE *k!olo- and must be related to sjell (JOKL LKUBA 266 n. 1). 0 CAMARDA ‘ I 149 (to Gk xeXXa ‘to urge, to drive on’); MEYER Wb. 168 (repeats CAMARDA’ s etymology), Alb. St. Ill 3; PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 329; PISANI Saggi 123; ÇABEJ St. I 259 (follows JOKL); JANSON Unt. 161; HULD 106107; D e m ir a j AE 210-211. kalla pl. ‘slander, calumny’. Literally, ‘incitation’. Derivative of kail (C a m a r d a II 67; M e y e r Wb. 168). 0 Ç a b e j St. I 259 (to kalli). kallëzoj aor. kallëzova ‘to slander, to tell stories’. Derived from an unat­ tested *kallêz, a collective form of kalla. 0 MEYER Wb. 168 (to kail); ÇABEJ St. I 260-261 (identifies this verb with kallëzoj ‘to put ears of corn together’, derived from kallëz ‘ear of corn’). kalli m, pl. kallinj, kallëza ‘ear of grain’. An archaic variant kail ‘straw, chaff’ is attested in Italo-Albanian. From PAlb *kalsa related to Slav *kols-h ‘ear of grain’ (MEYER BB XIV 53; Wb. 168). 0 PEDERSEN KZ XXXIII 544; JOKL IF XXXVI 124, Sprache IX 151; TREIMER KZ LXV 79; P is a n i Saggi 123; Ç a b e j St. I 270; O r e l Z ß a lk XXIII 143; T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa X 152-153; R a s m u s s e n Morph. 203; D e m ir a j AE 211-212 (to Slav *koh, ‘picket, stake’). kallm m. pl. kallma ‘reed, straw ’. Borrowed from Lat calamus ‘reed, cane’ (Ç a b e j St. I 261). 0 M e y e r Wb. 168-169 (together with kallam ‘reed’ borrowed from NGk K aX á|ii id.); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß2 I 1042; M ih ä e s c u RESEE I V /1-2 13; H a a r m a n 113; L a n d i Lat. 28, 138-139. kam aor.pata ‘to have’. From PAlb *kapmi, an athematic verb based on IE *kap- ‘to seize, to grasp’, cf. Lat capul id., Goth hahan ‘to have’. The aorist is etymologically related to Lat potior ‘to take possession of’ and its cognates (MEYER Wb. 171, Alb. St. Ill 36). 0 CAMARDA I 69 (to Gk ‘to possess, to have’); MEYER Wb. 171 (to Goth haban and Lat habeô ‘to have’), Alh. St. Ill 6; PEDERSEN Kelt. Gr. I 93, KZ

168

RAM ARE

- KANUSHF.

IXXXVI 308 (derives the aorist form *pot-to-); J o k l LKUBA 261; JOHANSON IF XIX 115; T r e im e r Slavia III 4 5 5 ; S c h m id t KZ LVII 2 7 -2 8 ; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 216; E r n o u t - M e i l l e t 97; P is a n i Saggi 9 8, 130; K l u g e 278; W a ld e - H o f m a n n I 1 59-16 0 , II 3 5 0 -3 5 1 ; P o k o r n y 1 4 0 8 , 842; F e i s t Goth. 229; CAMAJ Beitr. SOE 4 1 -4 4 (fro m *kè'-am. to *t>s‘t o b e ’); H u ld 167; J a n s o n Unt. 1 49-15 1 ; Ç a b e j * . Ili 130, VII 253; H am p KZ LXXVII 252; K l i n g e n s c h m i t t Koll. Idg. Ges. 230; H u ld 143; DEMIRAJ AF. 212, 3 13-314 (pashë treated as a denom inative derived from *poti-). kamare f ‘c o b w e b ’. A m etap h oric u sag e o f kamare ‘v a u lt’ b o rro w ed from NGk K ap áp a id. 0 MEYER Wb. 171-172 (borrow ed from Lat cammarus ‘se a -c ra b , lo b s te r ’ or Gk K àppotpoç id.); ÇABEJ St. I 263
( fo llo w s M e y e r ).

kandër f, pl. kandra ‘jar, vessel’. Borrowed from Lat cantharus ‘large drinking vessel, tankard, pot’ (LANDI Lat. 116, 145). 0 MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /3-4 350 (from Gk îcàvGocpoç); ÇABEJ St. I 264 (borrowed direct­ ly from Gk m vOapoç ‘drinking cup’). kandërr f, pl. kandrra ‘insect’. Borrowed from Lat cantharis ‘beetle, w orm ’. 0 MEYER Wb. 173 (to Ital canterella ‘Spanish fly’); MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /3-4 350 (from Greek); ÇABEJ St. I 2 6 3 -2 6 4 (from Gk r á v Gapoç ‘beetle, scarab’). kanë I ‘reed, rush’. Borrowed from Lat canna ‘reed, cane’ (M e y e r Wb. 173-174), with the geminate preventing rhotacism in Tosk. 0 M eyer L ü BKE Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1041, 1051; HAARMAN 114. kangjel m ‘song’. Borrowed from Rom *canticellum reflected in Rum cäntecel id. (M e y e r Wb. 187). C f. këngë. 0 ÇABEJ St. I 2 6 4 (Albanian derivative in -el- based on këngë). kanushë f, pl. katiuska ‘stork’. Borrowed from Rom *cänösus, deriv­ ative of Lat cänus ‘white’ MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 21; ÇABEJ St. I 265). 0 MEYER Wb. 174 (from Ital cicogna ‘stork’); VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. 24 (to SCr kanja ‘vulture’ and the like); SELISCEV Slav, nase­ lenie 198; H e l b ig 90 (follows M e y e r ); H a a r m a n 114; L a n d i Lat. 63, 110, 114.

KAP

KAPIS

169

a o r . kapa ‘to seize, to grasp’. From P A lb *kapa connected with IE *kap- ‘to seize’: Gk rámeo to ‘snap’, Lat capiö ‘to seize, to take’, Goth haban ‘to hold, to have’ and the like ( J o k l Studien 34 ). See kam. 0 M e y e r BB VIII 185, Wb. 174 (from Turk kapmak ‘to catch’); T a g l i ­ a v in i Dalmazia 139-140; M a n n Language XXVI 380; F r is k 1 783-784; F e i s t Goth. 229; W a ld e - H o f m a n n I 159; P o k o r n y I 527-528; Ç a b e j St. VII 254; O r e l Koll. Idg. Ges. 350; DEMIRAJ AE 212-213.

kap

kapasë f, pl. kapasa ‘oil-b arrel’. B orrow ed from NGk ko.kugo. id. (ÇABEJ

St. I 265). 0 J o k l Studien 33-34 (to kap); ÇABEJ St. VII 206. 266; D em ira j AE 21 3 .
kapë f, pl. kapë ‘armful of corn; shock, pile’. From PAlb *kapa iden­

tical with Gk K07tT| ‘manger, crib’, further related to kap (KRISTOFORIDHI 141). 0 MANN Language XXVI 387 (to Slav *kup-h, Lith kaupas); FRISK 1 783-784; ÇABEJ St. IV 73.
k apërcej aor. kapërceva ‘to cross, to jump over’. A préfixai derivative

of ecej, *ka-për-ecëj. 0 MEYER Wb. 175 (from Rom *capitiare).
kapërdij aor. kapërdiva ‘to swallow’. A préfixai derivative in ka- based

on përdij. 0 ÇABEJ St. VII 242, 244.
kapërdhij aor. kapërdhiva ‘to overturn, to subjugate’. A préfixai deriv­

ative in ka- based on pè'rdhe. 0 MEYER Wb. 175 (from Ital capovol­ gere ‘to turn upside down’).
kapërthej aor. kapërtheva ‘to entangle, to entwine’. A préfixai deriv­

ative in ka-për- based on thyej.
k a p in ë f ‘bramble, blackberry’. A recent loanword from Maced

kapina ‘blackberry’ with -a- < *-q-. 0 Ç a b e j St. I 266 (from Bulg thpina or SCr kupina id.).
k ap is aor. kapita ‘to exhaust, to wear out’. Often in passive - kapitem.

Borrowed from Slav *kapiti - *kapati ‘to get tired’, cf. Bulg kap’a id., SCr kapati (DESNICKAJA Slav. zaim. 16). 0 MEYER Wb. 176 (based on NGk KÔrcoç ‘toil, suffering’); VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. 24; JOKL Studien 34 (to c/em); Ç a b e j St. I 266 (to kap); SVANE 247; DEMIRAJ AE 213.

170

K A PRUA LL ~

KA PRUELL

- KARABUSH

kapruall ~ kapruell m, pi. kaproj, kaprej, kaprenj ‘roebuck’. Borrowed from Lat capreolus id. with an innovative penultimate stress ( S t i e r KZ XI 136; M e y e r Wb. 176). 0 M E Y E R - L Ü B K E Gr. G rundriß21 1045, 1047; M lH Ä E S C U RESEE IV /1-2 13; Ç A B E J St. VII 239; H A A R M A N N 115; L a n d i Lat. 78-80, 118. kapt m, pl. kapte ‘irrigation ditch’. A parallel form kaptë ‘lee-side of mountain’ also belongs here. An adjective in *-to- based on kap (Ç A B E J St. I 266). 0 M E Y E R Wb. 175 (to kaptoj). kaptoj aor. kaptova ‘to cross, to pass through’. A more conservative form is kapërtoj. A phonetic variant of kapërcej. 0 M E Y E R Wb. 175 (from Ital capitare ‘to arrive, to turn up’); Ç A B E J St. I 266-267 (derivative of kap). kapth m, pl. kaptha ‘path, mountain path’. A derivative in -th based on an unattested *kap continuing PAlb *kapa. The latter is related to Lith kâpas ‘grave’, kopà ‘dune’, Latv kâpa ‘dune’ continuing IE *(s)kep-. 0 F r a e n k e l 217; P o k o r n y I 932. kapua ~ kapue m, pl. kaponj ‘rooster’. Borrowed from Lat câpônem ‘capon’ ( M E Y E R Wb. 176). 0 M lK L O S I C H Rom. Elemente 11 (from Ital capone id.); M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr. G rundriß21 1046, 1047 (same as M lK L O S I C H ); M lH Ä E S C U RESEE IV/1-2 13; Ç A B E J St. VII 254; H A A R M A N N 115; L A N D I Lat. 143-145. kaq adv. ‘so, so much, so many’. For the structure of this adverb see ag. 0 M E Y E R Wb. 167 (related to aq). kar m ‘penis’. Borrowed from Gypsy kar id. MRIW 1 366; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 141.
(M
eyer

Wb. 176). 0

TREIM ER

karabobe f, pl. karabobe ‘lo te , n ettle tr e e ’. V arian t o f kalibobë (M a n n HA ED 185). karabush m, pl. karabusha ‘c o r n -c o b ’. A p réfix a i d eriv a tiv e o f rabush. 0 TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 141 (fro m Turk kara ba§ ‘b la ck h e a d ’); Ç a b e j St. VII 244.

KARAVELË —

KARPË

171

karavelë f, pl. karavela ‘sm all round b read ’. A nother variant is kravelë. A sin g u la rized plural o f the o rig in a l *karavalë b o rro w ed fro m Slav *korvajb ‘round bread ’, cf. in particular SCr kravaj (MEYER Wb. 177). T he g rou p -ara- < South S la v ic -ra- is ex p la in ed by the a n a lo g y w ith Turk kara ‘black’. 0 S e liS c e v Slav, naselenie 155; Ç a b ej St. I 268; SVANE 92.
karbë r ‘vulture’. From PAlb *kar(i)ba related to Lith kárti ‘to hang’ and its cognates, cf. the semantic development of Slav * k o b b C b ‘vulture’ - to Lith kabeti ‘to hang’. In both cases, the basis of the seman­ tic motivation is the well-known hunting position of the vulture “hanging” in the sky. 0 MEYER Wb. 178 (to Bulg kraguj, SCr kraguj 'haw k '); JOKL LKUBA 304 (to shkabë, with an unorganic -/•-); FRAENKEL I 224-225; T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa X 101-102 (on the etymolo­ gy of *kobbCb). k ark alec m, pl. karkaleca, karkalecë ‘grasshopper’. A transformation

of Bulg skakalec id. (MEYER Wb. 178 ), probably, under the influence of karkal ‘excrements’ and similar descriptive forms.
karkashinë f, pl. karkashina ‘lean sickly sheep; pottage of pulse and grain’.

Derived from SCr karkasa ‘carcass’. 0 MEYER Wb. 179 (the word for pottage - from SCr adj. fem. kokosinja ‘belonging or related to hen’). karkas a o r . karkata ‘to quack’. Borrowed from Slav *ki,rkati ‘to caw, to croak, to quack’, cf. South Slavic continuants; Bulg k'brkam, SCr krkati. 0 TRUBACEV ÈSSJa XIII 216.
k arm ë f, pl. karma ‘rock’. From PAlb *karpnâ further related to karpë (J o k l Studien 35). 0 Ç a b e j St. 1 269. karpë f. pl. karpa ‘rock’. From P A lb *karpâ related to Lith kerpii, kirpti

‘to cut’, Latv cirpt ‘to shear, to clip’, O N harfr ‘harrow ’ and the like
(Jo k l Studien 34-35). 0 K r ist o f o r id h i 144 (related to the name of the

Carpathian mountains, Kap7 iocrriç opoç); ROZWADOWSKI J P II 161-162;
Jo k l Reallex. Vorgesch. I 89; VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. I 24-26 (same

as K r is t o f o r id h i ); F r a e n k e l 257-258; P o k o r n y 1 944; C a m a j Alb. Wortb. 119 (suffix -pe)\ Ç a b e j St. I 268-269, IV 74; O r el ZfBalk XXIII 148; D e m ir a j AE 213.

172

KARSH; —

KARROQE

karsh m, pl. kersh ‘rocky area’. A parallel form is kërshë. Continues PAlb *kar-usa, a derivative of IE *(s)ker- ‘to cut’, semantically similar to karpë. 0 M e y e r Wb. 207 (from SCr krs id.); POKORNY I 938947; ÇABEJ St. I 269. kartë f 4measure of grain’. Borrowed from Lat quarta ‘fourth part’ (Ç a b e j * . I 269-270). 0 M ih ä e sc u RESEE IV/1-2 14; H a a r m a n n 144; L a n d i Lat. 134. karthi f, pi. karthi ‘dry firewood’. The same root is represented in karthë ‘laburnum, golden rain’. A derivative in -th- based on *karë from PAlb *karâ etymologically identical with Slav *kora ‘bark’, Lith keru, kérti ‘to become separated’ and further with IE *(s)ker- ‘to cut’. 0 MEYER Wb. 178 (from NGk icàp(poç ‘brushwood’); FRAENKEL 245; POKORNY I 938-947; T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa XI 44-45. karrabisht m, pl. karrabishta ‘earw ig’. A compound of an expressive morpheme karra- (a variant of kala-) and bisht. karrapuc adv. ‘squatting’. A compound of an expressive karra- and an unidentified morpheme. Unclear. karravesh m, pl. karraveshë ‘stick’. A variant of kalavesh. karrem m, pl. karrema ‘rainworm ’. A préfixai derivative of rrime. karrë f, pl. karra ‘cart’. Borrowed from Lat carrum ‘two-wheeled wagon’ (M e y e r Wb. 180). 0 M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß2 1 1044; H a a r m a n n
115; L a n d i L ai. 4 6 , 128, 139.

karrigë f, pl. karriga ‘chair’. Borrowed from Lat quadriga ‘set of four’ (here, of four legs). 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 12 (from Ital cadrega, carega ‘chair’); M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1047 (from Ital Venet carega ‘chair’); ÇABEJ St. VII 280. karroqe f, pl. karroqe ‘bushel, milk-can’. A parallel form is krroqe ‘measure made of bark, bucket’. Borrowed from Gmc *krCik- ‘jug’, cf. OHG krüche, OE crúce. 0 M e y e r Wb. 180 (uncertain comparison with Germanic and Celtic names of vessels); BÜGA III 721; K l u g e 407; HOLTHAUSEN AEW 61.

K A R R IP —

K A TË R

173

karrup m, pl. karrupa ‘fish-trap’. An early borrow ing from Slav *korup'b attested in Bulg korup (BER 648). 0 KLEPIKOVA Sb. Bernstejna 419-427. karrutë f, pl. karruta ‘ferm enter’. An ea rly borrowing from S lav *koryto ‘trough’, see koritë (SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 78, 142). 0 S v a n e 67. kasnec m, pl. kasnecë, kasneca ‘herald’. Borrowed from Slav *kaznbcb id., cf. SCr kaznac (J o k l LKUBA 56-58). 0 SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 179, 286; S v a n e 193. kastravec m, pl. kastravecë, kastraveca ‘cucumber’. Borrowed, with a metathesis, from Slav *kosirovbCb id, cf. Bulg krastavec, krastavica, SCr krastavac (M eyer Wb. 180). 0 SeliSCev Slav, naselenie 162, 286; ÇABEJ St. VTI 244; SVANE 106. kashër f, pl. kashra ‘reed, rush’. From *kashtër related to kashtë (ÇABEJ St. I 270). kashnjet m, pl. kashnjete ‘chestnut grove’. Borrowed from Lat castanetum id. See gështenjë. kashtë f ‘straw’. From PAlb *kalsta, derivative of kalli (JOKL IF XXXVI 124, LKUBA 214, 274). 0 M e y e r Wb. 180 (to Gk kootou- Kpi0ai or aKoaxri ■ Kpi0f| 7 p à Kurcpioiç, Hes.); T r e im e r MRIW 1 366-367 ia (borrowed from Gypsy kast ‘wood’); VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. 26-27 (to Slav *kosth ‘bone’); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 143; CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 104 (prefix k- and equivalent of Slav *ostb); H a m p St. albanica X /2 87-88, Ètimologija 1971 270-271; O r e l Sprache XXXI 283; Ç a b e j St. VII 236; K o r t l a n d t SSGL X 221; D e m ir a j AE 213-214. kashtup m, pl. kashtupë ‘skin of corn-cob’. A derivative in -up based on kashtë. katër n u m . ‘four’. From PAlb *katur(a) etymologically related to IE *k'ctur- ~ *k“ etuer- id.; Skt catvara-, Gk zé a a a peç, Lat quattuor and the like (C a m a r d a 1 169; G i l ’ f e r d in g Otn. 22; M e y e r BB VIII 185). The vocalism of the second syllable is generalized according to the form eturm. The vowel in the first syllable presents serious of accusative *ke

174

KA TU A ~

K A TU E —

K EDH

K EM —

KETËR

175

difficulties. It may be explained by reduction similar to that of Lat quattuor (M a n n Language XVII 17; H u l d 79 ) and Slav *cbtyre co-existing with *cetyre (but cf. T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa IV 9 7 ). 0 MEYER Wb. 181 (from Lat quattuor); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß21 1051 ; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 144 (agrees with M eyer Wb.); M a n n Language XVII 17; PISANI Saggi 102; FRISK II 883-884; MAYRHOFER 1 371-372; W a l d e -H o f m a n n I 4 0 0 -4 0 1 ; POKORNY I 6 4 2 -6 4 4 ; Ç A B E J* . VII 2 2 8 , 244; L a n d i Lat. 75, 79; HAMP Numerals 907-910. katua ~ katue m, pl. katonj ‘stable, basement, cellar’. Borrowed from NGk KOrtfflYi < kcxtcoyeiov id. ( M E Y E R Wb. 183). 0 O R E L Subst. 12 (from Iran *xata- ‘basement’). katund m, pl. katunde ‘village’. A préfixai derivative of tund representing a caique of Slav *kolyba ‘hut’ as based on *kolybati ‘to tremble, to shake’(cf. O R E L Sov. slav. 1985/5 79-84). From Albanian, the word originally, a name of a hut - was borrowed to other Balkan languages. 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 10 (from Ital cantone); MEYER Wb. 183; B r ü c k n e r KZ XLVIII 168; Jo k l IF XXXIII 421-424 (from ka- and tund < *tnto-, participle o f ndej); VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. I 28-30 (from P ro to -B u lg a ria n ); T r e im e r ZfromPhil XXXVIII 388; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 144; CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 102; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 339; R o s e t t i ILR I 275; T a n a s , O c a RESEE XXVII/1-2 139-144; Ç a b e j St. VII 200, 230; MOUTSOS KZ LXXXVIII 59-73 (from M G k k o t o i>va ^ l M i^ W ,l ^ K 7 , ^ ,,;..a.aeues m qua quis azia r 4 3 .'rrcjec"'"‘‘ o k l s en-mology lor 1 ^ ( r e j e c t s jfc^KL s e t y m o l o g y j
T T ./ .1.. .1 .1 .'If.. .1.1. .. .T... a. . .TYr. a. m . » . .

T a g l ia v in i Stratificazione 137-138; M l a d e n o v 1st. 192; P isa n i Saggi

130; T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa XII 19-21; M u r a t i Probleme 131. kem m ‘incense’. Another form is qem. From PAlb *kapna etymologically identical with Gk k o c tiv Ô ç ‘smoke’ and its cognates reflecting IE *kyep- (J o k l Studien 37, IF XLIV 14). 0 M e y e r Wb. 222 (from *kedmo- and to Slav *cad'h ‘fumes, smoke’); B a r ic ARSt. 131; F r isk I 781 782; P o k o r n y I 596-597; Ç a b e j St. I 272-273 (borrowed from Gk 0 u n ia |ia ‘incense’ or Lat thymiama id.); DEMIRAJ AE 215-216. kep a o r . kepa ‘to hew’. The basic deverbative is kep ‘quarry; tip, point’. Continues the umlauticized PAlb *kapa etymologically related to Gk k o j t t © ‘to hit, to hew’, Lith kapiu, kàpti ‘to hew’ and the like (M ey er Wb. 185, Alb. St. Ill 4, 31). ö JOKL Studien 39-40 (connects kep with sqep); M a n n Language XXVI 386-387; P isa n i Saggi 127; F r isk II 914915; F r a e n k e l 218; P o k o r n y I 931; Ç a b e j St. I 272-273 (dialectal form of qep); DEMIRAJ AE 216. keq a d j. ‘bad, evil’. From PAlb *kakja related to Gk k o c k c k ; ‘bad’ (BOPP 490; C a m a r d a I 43; M e y e r Wb. 184-185, Alb. St. Ill 3). The disyl­ labic keiq, këeq seems to be an artefact going back to K.AVALLIOTIS, 0 MEYER Alb. St. V 85 (borrowing from Rom *cadöcus), Gr. Gr. 258; PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 327; JOKL Studien 35-36 (divides këeq > keq into M n'àôi'îSf'J; feu?® 1 ŸProblème ! sick’); TAGLIAVINI Da In
Saggi

C*..

T (\A , D ie

g ì

- D c u i d . a

t

A1.

T 1 , 1 . 0 1 ^

e AAVl JÖ D (IO IIO W S Wortb. 100 (from kë + eq ; ÇABEJ St. I 273-274 (borj with the consequent ana80; D e m ir a j AE 216-217. auticized form of karrmë,

kazhup m, pl. kazhupë ‘peasant coat’. An early borrowing from Slav *kozuxr ‘coat made of skin’, cf. gozhup. b ke prep, ‘to , at’. F rom P A lb *kO c o n tin u in g the p ro n o m in a l fo rm *£*0/' or *k"öd (M e y e r Wb. 218, Alb. St. Ill 2). 0 P e d e r s e n KZ XXXVI 326 (a n a lo g ica l fo rm a tio n based on ku); Ç a b e j St. I 272 (a g re es w ith PE­
DERSEN).

128 (follows MEYER); MANN L an g u aj M e y e r Wb.); F r is k I 758-759; C a m a j Alb = Latv Igns); ÖLBERG Festschr. Bonfante 56: rowing from Gk k o ik Ô ç > Alb *kak, pl. *qe logical transfromation into keq); HULD 79kerrm ë f, pl. kerrma ‘thorn-bush’. The uml variant of karmë. kerrnjoj aor. kerrnjova ‘to purr (of cat)’. A kerrmëz ‘p u rr’, the verb continues an earli therefore, is a loanword from Lat carminär

1

; it becomes obvious from ;r form *kerrmnjoj which, z ‘to sing, to make verses’. r variants are ketërr, kitër

kedh m, pl. kedhë, kedha ‘kid’. Other variants are kec and keç. An umlau­ ticized form of PAlb *kadza related to Slav *koza ‘she-goat’ (Alb. St. Ill 4, 16; ClMOCHOWSKI L1I 231). 0 POTT KZ IV 70 (to Lat hoedus); MlKLOSICEl Slav. Elemente 21 (from SCr keca ‘sound used to call goats’); MEYER Wb. 185 (borrowed from Gmc *kidjaz ‘kid’ or Turk käci ‘goat’);

ketër m, pl. ketra ‘squirrel, dormouse’. Othi

176

KEZË —

KËLYSH

KËLLAS

+1preux Ke- ionowea oy tysn < '"iuan-sio-, to in teuanM ERM RIW I 357-358 (to Lat lutum ‘dirt’); TAGLIAVINI 149; C a m a j Alb. Wortb. 105 (prefix kë-'y, F r is k II 741; Ik XXV/2 154-156 (from MGk k o v à ,o Ù k i ( o v ) ‘puppy, •EMIRAJ AE 218-219. i, kalla ‘to put into, to insert, to dig, to instigate’. Deriv­ ate various deverbatives based on këllas, such as këllëç i ’f id. 0 Ç a b e j St. VII 257. qe ‘hip bone’. Borrowed from East South Slavic conIk-b ‘hip’: Bulg fo lk, Maced kolk, khlk. î f, pl. këmbë ~ kambë ‘leg, foot’. From Rom *camba ~ MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 9; MEYER Wb. 178). Note io traces of the variant camba in Balkan Romance. 0 (compares with Gk Kaputt) ‘bend’); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. 142; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 138; M a n n Language XVII mpä, cf. C a m a r d a ); M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 13; H a a r ­ e l Balcanica 114-115; COROMINAS DEC II 645-646; '-94 (borrowed from Gk mprcri ‘foot joint of a horse’); 79; HULD 80 (“the direction of borrowing is uncertain”); 48, 115.
bonë f, pl. këmborë, këmbora ~ këmbonë, këmbona ‘bell’,

KËNAQ. , vCon-

177

structed from kuokìné ‘dancing party’) and Slav *skakati ‘to jump, to spring’. At an early stage, borrowed to dialectal South Slavic *katerb, attested in Bulg katerica ‘squirrel’ (OREL Ètimologija 1980 6 0 -6 1 ). 0 F r a e n k e l 3 1 1 -3 1 2 ; P o k o r n y I 9 2 2 -9 2 3 ; Ç a b e j St. I 2 7 4 (derivative of SCr kita ‘tuft, cluster’, Bulg kita id.); GEORGIEV V-hprosi 4 1 -4 2 (Bulg katerica from Thracian, with the ultimate reconstruction of *skokter-y S t a n g LS 86; BER 2 7 1 -2 7 2 (agrees with GEORGIEV); GlNDIN, K a lu Z s k a j a , OREL Bissi. 251; MURATI Probleme 83. ‘woman’s head-dress, bonnet, hair-net’. Another variant is kesë. Derivative in -zë of an unattested PAlb *kaxâ ‘plaited hair’ etymologically related to Slav *kosa id., ON haddr ‘woman’s hair’ and the like. 0 CAMARDA I 114 (to Gk yaixT\ ‘long hair’); ÇABEJ St. I 2 7 4 (from *krezë, derivative of krye); TRUBACEV ÈSSJa XI 1 3 1 -1 3 3 .
kezë f k ë l b o q e f, pl.

MÍ7BA Zjy-ZO ‘to grow’); TRI Stratificazione MOUTSOS ZfB( young dog’); I
k ë lla s . aor.

këllit ative of kail. N ‘case’ and këll

k ë llk

m, pl. këll tinuants of *ki

këm bë ~ kam b

këlboqe ‘sputum’. A suffixal derivative of kalb (ÇABEJ

St. I 2 7 5 ). f ‘lim e’. Borrowed from Lat fem. adj. calcaría ‘pertaining to lime’ (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 8; MEYER Wb. 186). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1 0 4 3 , 1 047, 1048; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 21; H a a r m a n 114; L a n d i L ai. 4 6 , 8 1 , 111-112.
k ë lq e r e

*gamba ‘leg’ ( that there are C a m a r d a 1 55 Grundriß 2 1 II 19 (from IE *kc MANN 114; Ol R o h l f s Spr. 9. Ç a bej St. VII 2 L a n d i Lat. Alk ëm b o rë - k ë n

i Rom *campona, a secondary variant of Lat campana I Rom. Elemente 9; MEYER Wb. 186: directly from ^MARDAI 57 (to Gk Kupßr) ‘drinking vessel’); M eyertndriß 2 I 1042; JOKL Litteris IV 197 (from Dalm canXIII 287. mishë ‘shirt’. Borrowed from Lat camisia ‘linen shirt, V l o s ic h Rom. Elemente 9; M e y e r Wb. 187). 0 íik Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1047; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 13;

(G) k ë l s h ê j t m ‘communion cup, chalice’. Borrowed from Lat calicem sanctum id. ( M e y e r Wb. 221) both parts of which are preserved in qelq and shenjtë. 0 ÇABEJ St. I 272 (believes the compound to be formed in Albanian rather than in Latin).
k ë lth a s

Borrowed fror id. (MIKLOSIC campana). 0 C. LÜBKE Gr. Gr, puone), Slavia
k ë m is h ë

aor. këlthita, klitha ‘to cry’. Together with këlcas ‘to make noise’, this form reflects a strong secondary influence of kërcas. However, originally, these verbs go back to a different source, Slav *klicati ~ *klikati ‘to shout, to call’. 0 MEYER Wb. 189 (identifies këlcas with kërcas); A n t t i l a Schw. 100.

f, pi. kt night-gow n’ (

M e y e r -L übke H a a r m a n 114
kënaq

qa ‘to please, to satisfy’. From PAlb *ka-nakja closely ga-nah ‘to be enough’, OHG gi-nah id. (OREL Fort. 79). e based on IE *nek-: Skt ndsati ‘to reach’ and the like, jpment of IE *-ki- > Alb -q- that seems to be phoneti-

k ë ly s h

m, pl. këlyshë, këlysha ‘young of animal, cub’. A derivative in -ysh of an unattested *kul related to Gk KvXXa ■GKViXat,. ’HÀ,eîoi, Hes. further connected with OKÚA-ai; ‘young dog, cub’ (ÇABEJ apud D em ir a j). 0 S t ie r KZ X I 145 (borrowed from Lat catulus ‘cub’); M e y e r Wb. 186 (to Lith kale ‘dog, bitch’ or W colwyn ‘young dog, cub’); JOKL

aor. këna related to Goth These forms ai Note the devel cally regular.

178

KËND

~

KAND —

KËNETË

0 JOKL Studien 36 (to Lith nokti ‘to become ripe’, Latv näkt ‘to come’); WEIGAND 36 (préfixai derivative of ëndë); KLUGE 248; MAYRHOFER II 145; POKORNY I 316-318; F e is t Goth. 194; Ç a b e j Sr. I 275 (sup­ ports W e i g a n d ); D e m ir a j AE 219. ~ k a n d m, pl. kënde ~ kande ‘corner, angle’. An early borrowing from Slav *kçtb id. 0 M e y e r Wb. 174 (from Ital canto id.); MANN Lan­ guage XVII 19 (to Gk kocv0ôç).
kënd k ë n d pron.

‘somebody’. From PAlb *kan tan, a sequence of two pro­ nouns continuing IE *k“ and *to- in acc. sg. See kush. 0 JOKL AArbSt. o1 35 (related to kë, acc. sg. of kush); ÇABEJ St. I 275-276 (follows JOKL).

- k a n d e ll aor. kë tide Ila- kandella ‘to make red-hot, to revive’. A denominative of këndellë (MANN HAED 193). 0 JOKL Studien 40 (ana­ lyzes a dialectal variant knell as a préfixai form related to Goth ganisan ‘to be healthy’); ÇABEJ St. 1 276 (repeats M a n n ’s explanation); D e m ir a j AE 219.
k ë n d e ll k ë n d e llë

~ k a n d e llë f, pl. këndella ~ kandella ‘la m p ’. B o r ro w e d from Lat candela ‘w ax-lig h t, ta llo w -c a n d le’ (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 10). 0 M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. G rundriß21 1044; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV/1-2 21; H a a r m a n 114; Ç a b e j Sí. I 276; L a n d i Lat. 81, 116.
këndë

- k a n d ë f ‘p lea su re, a p p etite’ . A p réfix a i d eriv a tiv e fro m ëndë (MEYER Alb. St. V 85). T he verb kënditem ‘to be sated ’ is derived from këndë as w ell as këndis ‘to d e c e iv e ’, literally, ‘to satiate som eb ody (w ith l ie s ) ’. 0 MEYER Wb. 187 (këndis ‘to d e c e iv e ’ - to T urk ki namak ‘to to rm en t’ or to gënjej); JOKL Studien 33 (to gdhij). këndirra ‘to choke, to suffocate’. A préfixai derivative of djerr: kë-n-dirr.
k ë n d ir r aor.

këndova ‘to sing’. B orrow ed from Lat cantare id. ( G i l ’feR DING Otn. 25; MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 10; MEYER Wb. 187). 0 M e y e r LüBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1047, 1051; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 139; M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 13; H a a r m a n n 115; H u l d 80; L a n d i Lat.
k ë n d o j aor.

40, 155.
k ë n e të

f, pl. këneta ‘marsh, valley’. Borrowed from Lat cannëtum ‘reeds, thicket of rushes*.

KËNGË

~

K A N G ft —

KËRBAÇ

179

këngë ~ kangë

f, pl. këngë ~ kangë ‘song’. Borrowed from Lat canticum id. ( M e y e r Wh. 187). As to këngjelë - kangjelë id., it continues Rom *canticella. 0 M E Y E R -L Ü B K E Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1042; M a n n Language XVII 23; Ç a b e j St. VII 236; M lH Ä ESC U RESEE IV /1-2 26; H A AR M A NN 115. f, pl. këpucë ‘shoe’. Derived from këputë ‘sole’, see këpus. 0 I 67 (from NGk TraTroúxcn ‘slipper’); M E Y E R Wb. 188 (from Turk papu$ ‘slipper’); Ç A B E J St. VII 214, 216.
CAM ARDA

këpucë

k ë p u jë

f, pl. këpujë, këpuja ‘round fruit, drop’. Borrowed from Slav *kapul’a , derivative of *kapati ‘to drip’.

k ë p u r d h ë f,pl. këpurdha ‘fungus, mushroom ’. Another variant is kërpudhë. A derivative in -dhe of an unattested *këpur related to Lith kèpurë ‘cap’, Latv cçpure id. Thus, the mushroom is described as having a cap. 0 M E Y E R Wb. 187 (borrowed from Bulg pecurka id., SCr pecurka id.); ClM O CH O W SKI LP III 163-165 (préfixai form related to Gk rcapôaKÔç); C A M A J Alb. Worth. 105 (prefox kë-); FR A E N K E L 241; NEPOKU PNYJ BSS 40 (follows M e y e r ); Ç a b e j St. V I I 221. k ë p u s aor.

këputa ‘to tear off, to pluck’. Another variant is kërpuc ‘to pinch, to pluck’. From PAlb *karputja, a derivative verb based on an adjective in *-uta reflected in këputë ‘sole’. As to PAlb *karputa, it is further related to karpë. 0 CAMARDA I 56 (to Gk icònico ‘to strike, to hew’); M e y e r Wb. 187-188 (from Rom *carputiô, to Lat carpo ‘to pick, to pluck’); Ç abej St. VII 258.
k ë p u s h ë f,

pl. këpusha ‘tick, cattle-tick’. Other variant, with an unorganic -r-, is kërpushë. Derivative of kap (Ç A B E J St. I 276-277). B or­ rowed to Rum cäpu$ä. 0 M e y e r Wb. 188 (to SCr krpelj ‘sheep louse’); PU ^C A R IU Dacoromania II 594 (from Rum cäpusä id. based on cap ‘head’); J o k l 1J XXIII VII 176 (derived from Lat capere ‘to take’); P o g h i r c 1st. limb. rom. II 338; RO SETTI ILR I 274-275; D e s n i c k a j a Slav. zaim. 13 (from Bulg kapus id.).
k ë q y r aor.

Wb. 230)

këqyra ‘to look, to observe’. A préfixai derivative of qyr (MEYER 0 J o k l Studien 22; Ç a b e j St. VII 258.

kërbaç m ‘whip’. Borrowed from Slav *thrbacb, a derivative of *la,rbati

180

KËRBË —

KËRCËLLOJ

‘to scratch , to b rea k ’, cf. SCr korbac (DESNICKAJA Slav, zaini. 11). 0 SVANE 48.

kërbë f, pl. kërba ‘tub, barrel’. From PAlb *karbä related to Lat
corbis ‘basket’, Lith karbas id., Latv karba ‘birch bark vessel’, Slav *korb-h ‘basket’. 0 MEYER Wb. 188 (to SCr krbulja ‘small basket for berries’ and the like); FRAENKEL 220; TRUBACEV ÈSSJa XI 52-54.

kërbisht m ‘sacrum, sacral bone’. A derivative of bisht with a prefix
containing an unorganic -r- ( Ç a b e j St. I 277). 0 MEYER Wb. 123 (to gërbë). kërc m ‘stump’. Borrowed from Slav *ki,rcb id. (Czech krc id., Slovene krc ‘stubbed area, area cleaned of trees and stumps’). Note Alb -c- reflecting Slav *-c-. Alb kërci ‘shinbone’ and kërcë ‘cartilage, gristle’ belong to the same root. Cf. also kërcu. 0 MEYER Wb. 189; B a ric ARSt 39 (compares kërci with Lith kdrka ‘pig’s foreleg’); TAGLIAVI­ NI Stratificazione 90-91; VASMER II 340; TRUBACEV ÈSSJa XIII 210211; ÇABEJ St. VII 191; O r e l Koll. Idg. Ges. 360. kërcas aor. kërcita, kërcisa ‘to cry, to shout, to rattle, to thunder, to sound’. Borrowed from Slav *kricati ‘to cry, to shout’ (MEYER Wb. 189; JOKL LKUBA 93). An early loanword with Alb -c- reflecting Slav *-c-. Note that the verb *kricati is not attested in this meaning in South Slavic where we have only SCr kricati ‘to w arn’ (Slovene kricati ‘to shout’ could not be the source of the Albanian word). 0 OREL Ètimologija 1980 61 (connects kërcas with kërcej), Koll. Idg. Ges. 360.
aor. kërceva ‘to dance, to jump; to pour’. Further phonetically developed to këcej. This verb is derived from kërc ‘stump’, the main element of the Albanian pre-Christian sacral rite similar to South Slavic badnjak. The original meaning was ‘to dance, to take part in a ritual dance’. The meaning ‘to pour’ is secondary - for a similar semantic development in Rom *sallre see BUCK 6 7 7 -6 7 8 ; ANIKIN Ètimologija 1982 6 7 -6 9 . 0 MEYER Wb. 189 (from Slav *skociti ‘to ju m p ’); SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 192; GEORGIEV V'bprosi 4 1 -4 2 (derives kërcej from *katerj-), Trakite 253-2 5 4 ; OREL Ètimologija 1980 61 (mis­ takenly connects kërcej with kërcas), Koll. Idg. Ges. 3 60.

kërcej

kërcëlloj

aor.

kërcëllova ‘to grind one’s teeth, to crack, to creak’. Based

KËRCËNOJ

-

KËRLESII

181

on kërcyell ‘stem, stalk’ which is, in its turn, derived from kërc. 0 C a m a j Alb. Wortb. 107 (analyzes kër-cyell as a préfixai form); Ç a b e j St. VII 199, 239. kërcënoj aor. kërcënova ‘to threaten’. A recent derivative of kërcej. 0 ÇABEJ St. I 2 77 (identical with kërcëlloj). kërcu ~ kërcû m, pl. kërcunj ‘stump, block, log, root’. Derived from kërc (JOKL LKUBA 264). Used in semi-pagan Christian rites (TOPOROV Ètim­ ologija 1974 3 f.; ROSETTI Rom. slav. 1960 6 5 -7 0 ; Z o jz i BUShT 1949 4 9 f.), kërcu as a name of a sacral log was borrowed into Slav *korcun-b ‘Christmas day, winter solstice’ from where it was passed on to Rum cräciun ‘Christmas; ritual bread baked at Christm as’ (DESNICKAJA Slav. jaz. 1978 1 69-171). 0 MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 23 (from Slavic); ÇABEJ St. I 2 7 7 -2 7 8 (reconstructs *kortjo-); VAILLANT JF X X IV / 1-2 7 2 -7 6 (kërcu < Rum cräciun < Lat quartum jejünium)\ MLADENOV 2 5 6 (Rum cräciun < Lat calátionem)\ D en su§IA N U Hist. I 2 62 f. (Rum cräciun < Lat creätiönem); PüÇCARIU EWR 3 5 -3 6 ; SCHUCl LARDT AfslPh IX 526 (Rum cräciun < Lat Christi jejünium); M e lic h MNr XXXVII 177 f. (Slav *koröum, from *korkh ‘leg’, *ko r citi ‘to walk’); PREOBRAZHENSKIJI 361 (Slav *korcum, from *korciti ‘to walk’ as a caique of Lat adventus); ROSETTI Etudes 204-206; CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 106 (prefix kër-)\ ROHLFS Spr. 1 91-196; OREL Koll. Idg. Ges. 3 6 1 . kërçep m, pl. kërçepë ‘stump, log, branch’. A derivative of kërc. 0 ÇABEJ St. I 278 (reconstructs the original sg. *kërçap and explains it as a pré­ fixai derivative of çapë). kërdhokull f, pl. kërdhokulla ‘hip bone’. See krrokull. kërkoj aor. kërkova ‘to look for, to seek’. Borrowed from Rom *circare id. with the assimilation of velars in the original *qërkoj (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 14; M e y e r Wb. 188). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. G rundriß2 I 1048, 1051; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 158-159; Ç a b e j St. VII 253; H a a r m a n n 117. kërlesh aor. kërlesha ‘to stand on end (of hair)’, refi, kërleshem ‘to quarrel’. A derivative of lesh with a prefix kë(r)- (CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 104). Cf. also ngërleshem ‘to bristle, to stand on end (of hair)’.

184

KËRRABË —

KF.SULfc

kërrabë f, pl. kërraba ‘hook, staff. A suffixal derivative of an unattested
PAlb *kara further related to karthi. 0 M e y e r Wb. 129 (to grep).

kërris aor. kërrita ‘to grunt (of pigs), to gurgle’. A descriptive stem imi­
tating corresponding sounds.

kërrlë f

‘sloppy m ud, slim e ’. A nother variant is kërlë. F rom P A lb *karilâ related to ON hqrr ‘s n iv e l’, OHG horo ‘e x c r e m e n t’, Gk KÔpuÇa ‘s n iv e l’. A d erivative kërrnjotë ‘m ucus from n o se, sn iv e l’ also b elon gs h ere. 0 FRISK I 924; POKORNY I 573.
aor.

kërrus

kërrusa ‘to bend’. From PAlb *karnutja, based on a nominal derivative in *-ut- further connected with Gk KUptôç ‘curved, bent’, Lat curvus id. (CAMARDA I 178; MEYER Wb. 190). The origi­ nal nominal form is represented by krrutë ‘hunch-backed old woman’. 0 SCHUCHARDT KZ XX 248 (to Lat curvò id.); M a n n Language XXV ili 33 (to ON hnjópa < *kneudhöy, FRISK I I 55; WALDE-HOFMANN 1 317-318; P o k o r n y I 309, 935; Ç a b e j St. VII 258; D e m ir a j AE 220 (to ON hverfa ‘to turn’).

kërrutë f, pl. kërruta ‘ewe with horns’. Borrowed from Lat fem. adj.
cornuta ‘horned’ (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 18; MEYER 11-7;, 190, Alb. St. Ill 7 3 ). 0 C a m a r d a I 178 (to Gk Kepocxiocç ‘horned one’); KRISTOFORIDHI155 (to Gk KDpîoç ‘curved, crooked’); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grund­ riß 2 1 1049; BariC AArbSt 1/1-2 148 (from *ko-Hru-to- ‘horned’); PASCU RE 4 0 (from Rumanian); KLEPIKOVA SPT 75 (from Arumanian); Ç a b e j St. IV 76; H a a r m a n n 120; L a n d i Lat. 88, 9 9 , 114.

kësen impers, ‘to ache (of the stomach), to have griping pains’. Based
on PAlb *kantsa < *kankja related to Lith kenkiu, keñkti ‘to damage, to harm ’, ON ha ‘to torment’ < Gmc *xanxön and the like (BariC ARSt. I 39-40). 0 M e y e r Wb. 190 (from Turk ki smak ‘to pinch’); FRAENKEL 240; POKORNY I 565; ÇABEJ St. I 281 (dialectal form of këcej ~ kërcej).

kësulë

f, pl. kësula ‘bonnet, cap’. Borrowed from Rum cäciulä ‘cap’, with -ci- > PAlb *-ts- > -s-. The Rumanian word itself goes back to Alb kaçule. 0 MEYER Wb. 190-191 (from Lat casula ‘hooded coat’ via Gk KucovXa ‘thick coat’); PUÇCARIU EWR 21; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 338; R o se t t i ILR I 274; MOUTSOS ZfBalk X IX /1 48-65 (from NGk
K o e a o û X o c ).

KilSHKTE —

KIKË

185

këshete pl. ‘bran’. A p réfix a i d eriv a tiv e o f shete (CAMARDA I 7 0 ).
k ë sh ill m, pl. këshilla ‘c o u n c il’. B o r ro w e d fro m Lat consilium id. ( C a m a r d a I 80; MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 17; M e y e r Wb. 208-209). 0 M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß21 1049, 1053; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /12 22; H a a r m a n n 119; L a n d i Lat. 87, 99, 117.

kështallë f, pl. këshlaUa ‘splint (in medicine)’. From PAlb *ka-stalä, a derivative related to Goth stols ‘chair’, Lith stäias ‘table’, Slav *stolr b ‘table, pole’. 0 VASMER III 764-765; FRAENKEL 893; KLUGE 761; FEIST Goth. 455-456. kështër ~ kështën adj. ‘C h ristia n ’. B o r ro w e d from Lat christiänus id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 13). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß21 1042; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 14; HAARMANN 117. kështjellë f, pl. keshtjella ‘c a stle , fo r t’. B o r ro w e d from Lat castellum id. (Ç a b e j St. I 2 8 1 -2 8 2 ). 0 M e y e r Wb. 191 (fro m Ital castello id.); M ih ä e s c u RESEE I V /1 - 2 22; H a a r m a n n 116; L a n d i Lat. 5 0 , 81. këshyre f, pl. këshyre ‘mountain path, path in the ravine’. Borrowed from Lat clausura, clüsüra ‘lock, bar, bolt; castle, fort’ (ÇABEJ St. I 282). 0 M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 29; H a a r m a n n 117; L a n d i L a i. 68, 103, 110. këtu
adv.

‘here’. From PAlb *ka tu including a pronominal stem *ka

< IE *k“ and adverbial *tu, cf. Skt tú ‘now, but’ (BOPP 496-497; VASMER o-

Alb. Wortforsch. 5-6). While the prevailing form for ‘there’ is aty, certain dialects preserve atu (E l e z o v i C AArbSt. II 2 4 9 ). 0 TAGLIAVINI Dal­ mazia 161; M a y r h o f e r I 507; Ç a b e j Sï. I 282; H u l d 8 0 -8 1 . kic
aor.

kica ‘to bite’. A descriptive stem.

kij aor. kiva ‘to prune, to trim ’. Another variant is kiej. From *këinj < PAlb *kadinja, a denominative verb related to kadhë (Ç A B E J St. I 2 8 2 283). Derived from kij is kizë ‘pruning-hook’. 0 M E Y E R Wb. 2 2 6 (from Lat incìdere ‘to cut’); B A R IC ARSt. I 4 0 (to shc/yej, from *kledniö)\ A JE T I ZfBalkW11 1 3 9 -1 4 0 (to Slav *kyjb ‘stick’) . kikë f, pi. kika ‘top, tip; mane’. Borrowed from Slav *kyka ‘tuft of hair,

186

K IN S E

kllanë

plaited hair’, cf. in South Slavic: Bulg kika, SCr kika (S vane 181).
k in se conj. ‘as, just as, as i f . A univerbation of kini se ‘you (pl.) have

that, you assume that’ (ÇABEJ St. I 283-284). Cf. also kish ‘if only’ from 3 sg. imperf. kish, form of kam.
k ish ë f, pl. kisha ‘ch u rch ’. A nother variant is qishë. B o rro w ed from Lat

ecclesia id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 23; MEYER Wb. 2 2 8 ). 0 CAMARDA I 4 6 (to late Gk ¿K K lrjaia id.); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grund­ riß 21 1044, 1048; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 146; ÇABEJ St. VII 2 3 0 , 279; H a a r m a n n 123; L a n d i Lat. 81, 119, 125.
k itë f, pl. kita ‘icicle’. Borrowed from Slav *kyta ‘tuft, bundle, branch’,

cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg kita, SCr kita. This Albanian word is historically identical with the singularized form kite ‘sheaf; ear of grain’ (ÇABEJ St. I 284). 0 SVANE 103.
k ith m ‘veil of m ist’. A derivative of kite. k leçkë f, pl. kleçka ‘splinter, piece of wood’. Borrowed from Slav *klecbka

id., cf. Bulg klecka, SCr klecka (SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 172, 308). 0 S vane 81.
k lek ë f, pl. kleka ‘kind of mountain pine’. From PAlb *klakä related to

Slav *klok-b ‘tuft, tow’. 0 VASMER II 252.
k lla b ë f ‘pick, pick-axe’. Borrowed from Slav *klapa, a derivative of

*klapati, with an irregular substitution of *-p- > -b-. A more phonet­ ically regular reflex of the same loanword is kllapë ‘fetter, chain’ (BER 419). Note a derivative kllabëz ‘door-bolt’. 0 TRUBACEV ÈSSJa IX 184.
k llan ë f ‘last day of the year, New Year eve, first snow’. Other vari­

ants are kullana, kollanë, këllanë, kllandë. Borrowed from Rom *calandae, a form of Lat calendae ‘first day of a month’ attested in Romance and borrowed to Celtic (Ç a b e j St. I 296-297). 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 8; MEYER Wb. 196 (from Slav *kolçda ‘New Year day’); M e y e r -L ü b k e REW 115; M ih ä e sc u RESEE IV/1-2 27; H a a r m a n 113; L a n d i Lat. 98, 116.

K LLAPË —

KOCK

187

k llap ë f, pl. kllapa ‘puddle’. From *kë-llapë further related to llap. As

to kllaçë id., it continues *kllapçë. 0 Ç a b e j St. VII 2 0 8 .
k llap it aor. kllapita ‘to eat like a dog’. Either derived from llap or bor­

rowed from Slav *klapiti ~ *klapati ‘to sound, to clatter’, cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg klapam, SCr klapati (SVANE 2 2 2 ). kllashe f, pl. kllasha ‘cape of sheep and goat wool’. Borrowed from South Slavic: Bulg klasn'a ‘woolen shawl’, SCr klasnje ‘kind of cloth’.
k llo ç is aor. klloçita ‘to brood, to cluck’. Borrowed from Slav *klociti

‘to cluck’, cf. in South Slavic: Bulg klocam, Slovene klociti. As to kllukas id., it is a local borrowing from dialectal Bulg klukam < klokam. 0 MEYER Wb. 191 (adduces various Balkan forms but is uncertain of the actual source of the Albanian verb); VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. 31 (from Bulg kloca id.); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 147; S v a n e 2 3 6 . kllupit aor. kllupita ‘to gulp’. From a dialectal form of Bulg klupam < klopam ‘to clap, to beat, to quack’ belonging to Slav *klopati ~ *klopiti, cf. also SCr klopati id.
k m esë f , pl. kmesa ‘billhook, sickle’. Another form is kamesë. D er iv ed

from kame. 0 Jo k l Studien 9 (to kep, suffix -esë); HULD 145, 154 (recon­ structs *Hekmrt-tieIf); DEMIRAJ AE 220-221 (crossing of kizë id. and kame).
k o b ë f ‘th eft, au gu ry, d e c e p tio n , d is a s te r ’. B o r r o w e d fro m S la v

*kobb, *koba id., c f. B u lg koba, SCr kob, koba (MEYER Wb. 193, but
treats kobë ‘th e ft’ as an Italian lo an w ord ). 0 K r i s t o f o r i d h i 149, 493; VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. 32; SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 185: SVANE 2 22, 23 6 . k oc m, pl. koca, kocinj ‘bone, sk u ll’. Borrowed from Slav *kostb id. with

a metathesis in the consonantal cluster *-st- > -ts- (SELISCEV Slav, nase­ lenie 195). The Slavic deminutive *kostbka id. is the source of Alb kockë id., koskë id. 0 MEYER Wb. 202-203 (from Ital coccio ‘cracked pot’); Ç a b e j St. VII 203.
k o c ë f, pl. koca ‘black goat; girl from 8 to 10 years old’. An allegro

188

KOGË

KOHË

form of Slav *kozblim ‘(young) she-goat’, cf. CS kozblica, SCr kozlica.
k o c ë f, pl. koca ‘rush-trap for fish’. Borrowed from Slav *kotbCb id.,

cf. in South Slavic: Bulg koce, SCr kotac. koç m ‘penis’. Another form is pl. koçet ‘testicles’. Borrowed from Bulg koc ‘ram ’. 0 MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 22 (from Slav *kocam> ‘head of cabbage’); S eli SCe v Slav, naselenie 162, 194; TAGLIAVINI Dal­ mazia 149 (to kokë); OREL Ètimologija 1983 140-141.
k od ër f, pl. kodra ‘hill, angular stone, corner’. Borrowed from Rom

*codrum < Lat quadrimi ‘square’ on which also Rum codru ‘forest’ is based (SCHUCHARDT Vokalismus II 510). 0 MEYER Wb. 193 (com­ pares kodër with Rum codru); PEDERSEN KZ XL 212-213 (from Rum codru); C ap id an Dacoromania 1509 (follows P ed e r se n ); S c h e f t e l o w i t z BB XXVIII 157 (to Alb katar ‘peak’); PU§CARIU EWR 34; TAGLIAVI­ NI RivAlb II 185 (repeats PEDERSEN’s etymology); SKOK AfslavPhil XXXVIII 83-84 (agrees with SCHUCHARDT); B a r iC ARSt. I 40 (to Lat castrimi ‘castle, fort’); POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 340; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 29-30; HAMP SCL XXXI 664 (from early Rumanian); PlCClLLO Rl.iR XLV 146-157 (from Rumanian); Ç a b e j St. I 284-285 (follows
S c h u c h a r d t). k o fs h ë f, pl. kofshë ‘hip, thigh’. B o r r o w e d fro m Lat coxa ‘h ip ’ ( C a m a r d a 1 65; MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 18; MEYER Wb. 193). 0 M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1045; T a g l i a v i n i Origini 2 4 6 , 366; H a a r m a n n 120; L a n d i L ai. 9 9 , 124, 134. k o h ë f. pl. ko he ‘time’. From PAlb *käxä etymologically related to Slav

*casb id. (M e y e r Wb. 194, Alb. St. Ill 3). 0 P e d e r s e n BB XX 279, KZ XXXVI 279; JOKL Melanges Pedersen 144, Sprache IX 151; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 148; S c h e f t e l o w it z KZ L V I209 (reconstructs an inlaut cluster *-sk-); MLADENOV 1st. 226; M a n n Language XXVI 383, XXVIII 35; PORZIG Gliederung 174; PISANI Saggi 124 (follows S c h e f t e l o w it z and reconstructs *keskä), R E IE IV 6; E c k e r t ZfSlaw VIII 890; ÖLBERG Festschr. Bonfante 567; H a MP StFil XXVII (V)/3 68 (reconstructs *kêskâ or *këksâ), St. albanica X /2 86-87, Etimologija 1971 268-269; H u l d 81; O r e l Sprache XXXI 279, ZfBalk XXIII 143; S c h m a l s t ie g 265; R a s m u s s e n Morph. 66; K o r t l a n d t SSGL X

KOj —

KOT,LB

189

222; D emiraj AE 221-222 (to OPrus kisman, reconstructs kohë < *kêsuü). koj
aor.

kova ‘to feed (children or an im als)’. A phonetic variant o f mëkoj,

0 C a m a r d a 11 73 (to G k Kovéto ‘to h a ste n ’); Ç a b e j St. VII 24 4 .

kokë L pl. kokë, koka ‘head, bulb, berry, grain’. Borrowed from Lat coecum ‘b erry ’ (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 15; WEIGAND 37). 0 MEYER Wb. 165 (from Rom *coca, Lat cauca ‘kind of dish, bowl’), 194 (on kokë ‘berry, grain’); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 149; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 14; HAARMANN 117; Ç a b e j St. I 285-286 (agrees with
WEIGAND).

kokërr f, pl. kokrra ‘berry, grain’. Derived from kokë (JOKL ArRom XXIV 2 9 ). 0 MEYER Wb. 195 (from Ital coccola ‘globular fruit ( o f plants)’); T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 149 (to kokë)\ Ç a b e j St. I 2 8 6 -2 8 7 (agrees with
JOKL).

koleshkë f. pl. koleshka ‘cart’. An early borrowing from Slav *kolesT>ka id. otherwise unattested in South Slavic. kolibe f, pl. kolibe ‘hut’. Borrowed from Slav *kolyba id., cf. in South Slavic: Bulg koliba, SCr koliba. Cf. kalibe (SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 165). 0 O r e l S ov . slav. 1 9 8 5 /5 7 9 -8 4 ; SVANE 52. kolmë adj. ‘pretty, winsome’. From P A lb *kâlima, a suffixal deriva­ tive of IE *kal-: Skt kalyá- ‘healthy’, Gk Horn kôcA,ôç ‘beautiful’. The long vowel in Proto-Albanian remains unclear. 0 FRISK I 766-767; P o k o r n y I 524; Ç a b e j St. VII 202. koll m ‘plow-beam’. Borrowed from Slav *ko!i> ‘pole’, cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg ko I, SCr kolac. kollë f ‘cough’. From PAlb *kâslâ identical with Slav *kaslb id., Lith kosulfs id. (M e y e r Wb. 195, Alb. St. Ill 2, 63). These forms are derived from IE *k‘äs- ‘to cough’. 0 PEDERSEN Kelt. Gr. I 79; JOKL Sprache ‘ IX 117-118; V a s m e r II 214-215; F r a e n k e l 284; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 150; M a n n Language XXVI 380, XXVIII 35-36; PISANI Saggi 125; P o k o r n y 1649; H u l d 81; O r el Sprache XXXI 280; K o r t l a n d t SSGL X 220; D e m ir a j AE 222.

190

KOM

KOQE

kom m ‘inane’. Another variant is komë. Borrowed from Lat coma ‘hair’ (JOKL Studien 110). 0 B a r i C ARSt. I 40-41 (from *(s)kep-no-, related to Germ Schaf ‘sheep’); MlHÄESCU RESEE IV/1-2 26; HAARMANN 118; ÇABEJ St. I 287 (agrees with JOKL). kongjill m, pl. kongjij ‘charcoal’. A variant of thëngjil with a different prefix *k-. 0 ÇABEJ St. VII 254. kopër f, pl. kopra ‘fennel’. Borrowed from Slav *kopri, id., cf. South Slavic continuants; Bulg kop'hr, SCr kopar (SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 162, 287). 0 S v a n e 109. kopicë f, pl. kopica ‘m oth’. Borrowed from an unattested Slav *kopica id. (M e y e r Wb. 198). kopil m, pl.kopilë, kopila ‘lad, chap, bastard’. Borrowed from Slav *kopyli> ‘shoot, sprout, bastard’, cf. South Slavic reflexes: Bulg kopil, kopile, SCr kopil. Rum copil is of the same origin. 0 CAMARDA I 162 (to Gk kôtcoç ‘toil and trouble’); MEYER Wb. 198 (from Rom *côpîlis ‘son born from cöpa, tavern-keeper’); VASMER IORJaS LXXXVI 96 (from Gk KOTiiXka ‘girl’); OS tir WuS V 220 (prefix ko- and -pii related to pjell); JOKL LKUBA 6, 14, 311 (follows OSTIR), IJb XXIII 227 (from Modern Greek); TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 116-117; SCHÜTZ WSl III 17-18; R e ic h e n k r o n Dakisches 112-113 (from Dacian *kolp!los, to IE *guelbh- ‘cub, uterus’); HUBSCHMID ZfBalk XVI 61-63, ZfromPh XC1X/5-6 497-511; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 340; ROSETTI ILR I 276; A b a e v II 279 (to Osset qœbül ‘child’); TRUBACEV Ètimologija 1979 129-130, 177; ÇABEJ St. VII 230. kopsht m, pl. kopshte, kopshtinj, qipshte ‘garden’. A derivative in -sht based on PAlb *kapa identical with Gk Kf|7toç id., OHG huoba ‘plot of land' (M e y e r Wb. 1 9 8 -1 9 9 , Alb. St. Ill 4 , 3 1 ). 0 Jo k l Sprache IX 118; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 153; CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 123; PISANI Saggi 127; F r is k I 842; K l u g e 318; P o k o r n y I 529; Ç a b e j St. Ill 2 7 5 -2 7 6 ; D e m ir a j AE 222. koqe f, pl. koqe ‘corn, berry’. A singularized plural of kokë (CAMARDA I 112; ÇABEJ St. I 287-288). The latter is the source of Rum coacäzä.Q SCHUCHARDT KZ XX 249 (from Rom *cocceum, b ased on Lat coccum, or from Ital coccia); MEYER Wb. 194-195, 210 (repeats SCHUCHARDT’s

KORB —

KORP

191

etym ology); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß2 1 1045 (the same explanation); SKOK ZfromPhil X L V III 3 9 8 -4 0 0 (from R om *cocceum); ROSETTI ILR 1 276; Ç a b e j St. V II 23 8 .

korb m,pl. korbë, korba ‘raven’. Borrowed from Lat corvus id. (STIER KZ XI 136; GlL-HERDING Otn. 25; MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 18; MEYER Wb. 200). 0 M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1045, 1054; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV/1-2 14; ÇABEJ St. VII 268; HAARMANN 120; LANDI Lat. 139140. korbull f, pl. korbulla ‘keg, cask, wooden pail’. Borrowed from Lat corbula ‘little basket’. kordhë f, pi. kordha ‘gut string’. Borrowed from Lat chorda ‘gut, catgut’ (MlHÄESCU RESEE IV/1-2 14; HAARMANN 119). kordhë f, pl. kordha ‘sword’. Borrowed from Slavic, cf. CS kor-hda id., SCr korda id. (MEYER Wb. 199). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß21 1052 (from Romance); M u r a t i Probleme 131. korë f, pl. kora ‘crust, bark’. Borrowed from Slav *kora ‘bark’, cf. in South Slavic: Bulg kora, SCr kora (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 22; M eyer Wb. 199). 0 SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 173; SVANE 94, 121. kore f, pl. kore ‘chicory’. Borrowed from L at cichoream id. (M e y e r Wb. 201). 0 M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV/1-2 27; H a a r m a n n 1 17. koris aor. korita ‘to shame, to dishonor’. Borrowed from Slav *koriti id., cf. South Slavic reflexes: Bulg kor’a , SCr koriti (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 22; MEYER Wb. 2 0 0 ). 0 T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 1 5 3 -1 5 4 ; SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 191; SVANE 2 3 6 . koritë f, pl. korita ‘trough’. Borrowed from S la v *koryto id., cf. Bulg korito, SCr korito (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 22 -2 3 ; MEYER Wb. 200). 0 S e l i SCe v Slav, naselenie 142, 1 70-171; Ç a b e j St. VII 254; SVANE
67.

korp m, pl. korpe ‘b ody’. B orrow ed from Lat nom. corpus id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 18; MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1045). 0 TAGLI­ AVINI Stratificazione 84.

192

K O RSËM

KOSË

korsëm adv. ‘perhaps, as if’. Another variant is korse. A univerbated phraze kur se (Ç a b e j St. I 288-289). 0 B a r i C ARSt. I 89 (from *kosrem based on *kosë < IE *k“ e). û-k“ kortë f ‘quarter of a slaughtered animal; liquid m easure’. Borrowed from Lat quarta ‘fourth part, quarter’ (Ç a b e j St. I 289). Cf. kartë. korube f, pl. korube ‘beehive’. Borrowed from Slav *koruba ‘hollow trunk, beehive’, cf. Bulg koruba, SCr koruba (SELISCEV Slav, nasele­ nie 167). 0 MEYER Wb. 170 (connected with kolibe); ÇABEJ St. I 2 8 9 (agrees with SELISCEV); S v a n e 159. korr aor. korr ‘to reap, to harvest’. Goes back to PAlb *kasra. Related to Lith kasu, kàsti ‘to dig’, Slav *kosa ‘scythe’ (MEYER Wb. 2 0 0 ). The name of July korrik as well as korriqe ‘measure of grain’ are derived from korr. 0 P e d e r s e n IF V 4 6 (follows M e y e r ) ; J o k l IF XXXVII 1 0 0 -1 0 2 (to IE *sker- ‘to cut’); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 153; PISANI RIL CXII 12 (from Ital corre < cogliere ‘to reap’); FRAENKEL 2 2 6 -2 2 7 ; POKORNY I 585; T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa XI 133-135; ÖLBERG Festschr. Bon­ fante 567; O r e l Sprache XXXI 280; Ç a b e j apud D e m ir a j (from IE *kër-nô); DEMIRAJ AE 2 2 2 -2 2 4 . korropitet refi, ‘to become tired’. A préfixai derivative related to rropatet ‘to strain’. korropesh adj. ‘dark, dark-haired’. A compound of korr and peshë struc­ turally similar to korr ozi id., a compound of korr and zi. .korrovesh m, pl. korroveshë ‘jug with a handle; grape’, adj. ‘without ears’. A compound of korr and vesh. kos m ‘yogurt, clotted curds’. Borrowed from Slav *kvasi, ‘sour sub­ stance’, cf. in South Slavic: OCS kvas-b, Bulg kvas, SCr kvas (MEYER Wb. 201). 0 TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 149; HA VIP LB XIV/2 14. kosë f, pl. kosa ‘scythe’. Borrowed from Slav *kosa id., cf. South Slavic: Bulg kosa, SCr kosa (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 23; MEYER Wb. 2 0 1 ). 0 S e l i SCe v Slav, naselenie 157; S v a n e 2 3 6 .

KOSE

KRAH

193

k o së f, pl. kosa ‘plait’. Borrowed from Slav ^kosa id., cf. South Slavic:

Bulg kosa, SCr kosa (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 23; MEYER Wb.
2 0 1 ). 0 S v a n e 181. k o sis aor. kosita ‘to mow’. Borrowed from Slav *kositi id., cf. South

Slavic: Bulg kos’a, SCr kositi (MEYER Wb. 201). 0 SeuSC evSlav, nase­ lenie 157; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 155; S v a n e 236.
k o so r e f. pi. kosore ‘small scythe’. Borrowed from South Slavic

*kosoFh ‘scythe, pruning knife’: Bulg kosor, SCr kosor (SVANE 33).
k osh m, pl. kosha, koshe ‘b a sk e t’. B o r ro w e d from S lav *kosb id.: B u lg

kos, SCr kos (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 23; M e y e r Wb. 201-202). 0 SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 151, 154; SVANE 67, 159.
k o sh ë z f, pl. koshëza ‘b o t-fly ’. A nother form is koshas < *koshaz. A c o lle c tiv e form o f *kosh b o rro w ed from Lat cossus ‘k ind o f la r v a ’ ( C a n d r e a GS III 4 3 0 ). 0 M i h ä e s c u RESEE I V /1 - 2 14; H a a r m a n n 120; Ç a b e j St. I 289; L a n d i Lat. 138. k o t m. pl. kota ‘useless, vain’. From PAlb *käkta related to Lith kokths

‘disgusting’. The latter is further explained as a derivative of koks ‘which’, Slav *kakb ‘how’. 0 C a m a r d a I 132 (to Gk k ô t o ç ‘rancor’); M e y e r Wb. 202 (to kot ‘darkness’ and Gk c i k ô t o ç id.); FRAENKEL 280; T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa IX 118-119. kot m ‘darkness’. From PAlb *kata further related to Oír scáth ‘shadow’ < *skâto-, Gk o k o t o ç ‘darkness’ and the like (MEYER Wb. 202). 0 F r is k II 739-740; L e w is -P e d e r s e n 19; V e n d r y e s [S] 36; P o k o r n y I 957.
k o v a ç m, pl. kovaçë ‘smith’. Borrowed from Slav *kovacb id., cf. South Slavic reflexes: Bulg kovac, SCr ko vac (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 23; M e y e r Wb. 203). 0 S e l i SCe v Slav, naselenie 172,181; T a g l ia v in i Dal­ mazia 156; Ç a b e j St. VII 268; S v a n e 87, 197. k ozh u p ni, pi. '(ozhiipe ‘shepherd’s fur jacket’. A variant of kazhup. krah m, pl krahë ‘arm, shoulder, side’. Borrowed from Slav *kraji, ‘end,

194

KRAHËROR

KRAHNUER

K R A I'

KRAI

KREPULL

195

side, extrem ity’. For the semantic development cf. Bulg krajnik ‘arm, leg’, kraiste id. (O r e l FLH V III/1-2 46). Note the development of -j> -h- characteristic of early loanwords from Slavic. 0 M e y e r Wb. 203 (comparison with Lith kdrka ‘shin, shank’ and Slav *korkh id., morphonologically difficult), Alb. St. Ill 6, 71; LlDÉN Studien 92, Arm. St. 43 (comparison with Skt kisku- ‘forearm’); WIEDEMANN BB XXVII 251 (derives krah from *krok-skä)\ SCHEFTELOWITZ KZ LVI 209 (recon­ structs *kar-ska and compares krah with Skt kard- ‘hand, elephant’s trunk’); B a r i C AArbSt. II 384-385; SCHMIDT KZ LVII 18; TAGLIAVI­ NI Dalmazia 156 (agrees with WIEDEMANN), Stratificazione 91; PISANI Saggi 126 (follows LlDÉN); POKORNY I 945-946; ÇABEJ St. VII 207, 210, Ç abej apud D em iraj (from *korok-); H u l d 81-82; O r e l Koll. Idg. Ges. 361; K o r t l a n d t SSGL XXIII 174 (against O r e l ); D e m ir a j AE 224 (to Arm srunk1‘calf (anat.)’, Lat crus ‘shank’).
k rah ëror ~ krahnuer m. pl. krahërorë ~ krahnuerë ‘b reast, c h e s t’. D er iv ed from krah (CAMARDA II 66; MEYER Wb. 203). 0 WIEDEMANN BB XXVII 250 (to krehër)-, WEIGAND Grammatik 55 (fo llo w s WIEDE­ MANN); Jokl LKUBA 154 (agrees w ith W e ig a n d ); Ç a b e j St. I 290 (sup­ ports C a m a r d a ) . krahinë f, pl. krahina ‘region, area’. An early loanword from Slav *krajina

krat m ‘back’. Borrowed from Lat era t is (spinae) ‘spine’. 0 M eyer

Wb. 204 (from SCr hrbat id.).
kredh aor. krodha ‘to plunge, to immerse, to steep, to smother, to bespat­ ter’. From PAlb *kröda identical with Slav *kradç, *krasti ‘to steal’, refi. *kradç sç, *krasti sç ‘to sneak, to steal up, to approach unnoticed’ (OREL IF XL11I 110-111). Further connections of the Slavic verb (includ­ ing a popular comparison with Latv krâju, krât ‘to galher, to collect’) are uncertain. The aorist in -o- must be secondary as it is, normally, characteristic of presents in -e- < PAlb *-e-. 0 M e y e r Wb. 204 (to Slav *grçznçti ‘to sink’, phonetically improbable), Alb. St. Ill 8, 17, 71; PISANI Saggi 124; VASMER II 364; TRUBACEV ÈSSJa XII 103-105. k reh ~ k r e f aor. krc ha ~ krefa ‘to comb’. From PAlb *krebska related

(with an irregular unvoicing of the anlaut) to Lith grebti ‘to rake’, Slav *grebo, *grebti ‘to row, to rake’ (MEYER Wb. 204-205, Alb. St. Ill 8, 71). Derived from kreh are krehër ~ krehën ‘comb’, a singularised plural of *krah, and kresë ‘curry-com b’. 0 FRAENKEL 165-166; POKORNY I 455-456; Ç a b e j St. I 290 (on krehër)-, T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa VII 109-100.
krej aor. kreva ‘to pull out’. From PAlb *krebnja connected with kreh

~ kref ( M e y e r Wb. 205). id,; OCS kraina. Maced kraina, SCr kraina id. (J o k l LKUBA 175). 0
LANDT SSGL XXIII 174 (-h- is a hiatus filler).

Borrowed from L-* .......... r-...-,,-....... maple ( m e y e r wïï."2ü5).

rain, s k u ii . t-or me semani\ Metathesized in klerë ‘curly, fizzy’. pilarized plural of a less usual kremtë. kreme is attested. A suffixal form in

OHIO C l . lU w <Vw p 3Y w ^T avwiy, w ~ * yi/*uuvxiwu; V Y wt. " from Slav *krajiti ‘to cut, to winnow’, otherwise unattested in South Slavic.
IS it

tic development cf. cerebellare ‘ca
krem te t. pi. kremte ‘holiday’. A sir

krap m, pl. krep ‘carp’. Borrowed from South Slavic, cf. Bulg krap id.,

SCr krap id. (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 23; M e y e r Wb. 2 0 4 ). 0 M l­ KLOSICH Rom. Elemente 11 (from Lat carpio or Ital carpa). iticized form of PAlb *krapa related 1 greppo ‘steep, rocky bank’ and the > Ç a b e j St. I 268-269; O r e l ZfBalk ; constructs *krHp- or *krop-).
w ed fro m R o m *crâpulus, c f. Lat krap m ‘collar-bone’. From PAlb *krapa related to W craff ‘strong’

In dialects, a form without suffi> -m- based on krye.

< *krap nos, ON hrœfa ‘to tolerate, to bear with’, Slav *krëprhkh ‘strong, firm ’ continuing IE *krep- ‘strong’. The same root is found in krape

‘ovary’. 0

POKORNY

I 620;

TRUBACEV

ÈSSJa XII 1 3 5 -1 3 8 .
k rep u ll adj. ‘inebriated’. Borre

196
I / I-1 /¿.

KRESHKf: — KRI ~ KRÎ

crupuiti

iin/ui l u u u i i ^ zyu-zy I , w ith an altern ative link to Ital crepare ‘to burst, to s p lit’).
c A tc ô ô ivt n iiiL -u i n u k in g ,

I

g of both 13). The : exclud-

kreshkë f ‘foliage’. A suffixal derivative in -shkë of krënd (attested also as krend). As to kreshk ‘fish scale’, it also belongs here. 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 19 (from Ital crusca); JOKL LKUBA 166 (to kreshte). kreshmë pl. ‘fast’. Borrowed from Lat quadragesima ‘Lent, fast of forty days’, cf. Ital quaresima id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 53; M e y e r Wb. 2 0 5 ). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1051 (from Ital quaresima)-,
H a a r m a n n 144.

om *car-

cts PAlb ; and the
; M eyer

ase of u; PEDER3; T a g li P is a n i

kreshnik m, pl. kreshnikë ‘hero, knight’. Borrowed from SCr krajisnik ‘inhabitant of a border region’ (SCHMAUS apud ÇABEJ St. I 291). 0 JOKL Balkangerm. 116 (to kreshtë). kreshpë f, pl kreshpa ‘sheep with long and rough wool’. From Lat fem. adj. crispa ‘curled, crisp, uneven’. The verb kreshpëroj ‘to anger’ is based on the same Latin adjective in its different meanings - ‘quiver­ ing, trem ulous’. 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 19; MEYER Wb. 205 (on kreshpëroj)-, HAARMANN 120. kreshtë
f

21, Etim. Idg. Ges. Mac Eoin

onnected v kraüpis
1; P isa n i M ladeÎAENKEL

‘m ane, r o o s te r ’s co m b ’. B o rro w ed from Lat crista ‘r o o s te r ’s

com b , crest o f a h e lm e t’ (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 19; M e y e r Wb. 2 0 5 ). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. G rundriß1 1 1054; MlHÄESCU RESEE I V / 12 14; H a a r m a n n 120; L a n d i Lat. 5 7 , 102, 119.

XIII 43-

~ krishtlom. Ele-

krënd ~ krande m, pl. krënde ~ krande ‘foliage; brushwood; leaves used as fodder; chips; branch without leaves’.. From PA lb *ka-randa, a prefix formation connected with IE *rendh- ‘to tear (asunder)’ and, in par­ ticular, with OHG rinda, rinta ‘rind’, OE rinde id. and the like (OREL IF XLIII 111). 0 M e y e r Wb. 2 0 4 (to OIr grend ‘side-whiskers’, OHG grana ‘mustache’ and the like), Alb. St. Ill 8, 71; JOKL Festschr. Rozwad­ owski I 240; M a n n Language XVII 20 (to Gk K p á v o v ) ; POKORNY I 865; H o l t h a u s e n AEW 261; O r e l IF XCIII 111 (to IE *sker- ‘to cut’); D e m ir a j AE 22 5 . kri ~ krî f, pl. kri ~ krî ‘w o o d w o r m , m o th ’. F rom P A lb *kriwi- c o n ­ tin u in g a d ialectal In d o-E u rop ean form *k“ i'ui-: S la v *cbrvt ‘w o r m ’ (O r e l FLH V I I I /1-2 4 6 -4 7 ). N azalisation in G eg is secondary. 0 TRAUT-

j. *cruda

d to Goth

K R IF E

KRODHË

19 7

MAJNIN B O I V V O . 1 JH-; V Ä S M t K i V j J J - J J O , I K U B A L B V C J O J U 1 V

krife f, pl. krife ‘mane’. Borrowed, with the irregular unvoicir voiced consonants, of Slav *griva id. (D e sn ic k a ja Slav, zaini influence of kri ne ‘m ane’ borrowed from Romance cannot b ed. 0 HAMP KZ CV I/2 305-306.

kriklloj aor. krikllova ‘to creak (of wheels)’. Borrowed from P riculäre based on Lat car rus ‘wagon’.

krimb ~ krym m, pl. krimba, kërminj ~ kryma ‘w orm ’. Re tit *krim- connected with IE * k jm i- id.: Skt kfm i-, Lith kirmi like (S tier KZ XI 247; G il ’f e r d in g Otn. 22; C a m a r d a I 6: Wb. 2 0 6 ). Geg -y- remains unexplained: could it be a rare c umlaut suggesting P A lb *krimu-‘i 0 MEYER Alb. St. Ill 4, SEN Kelt. Gr. 1 43; JOKL LKUBA 23, 191-192, 318, Sprache IX 12 A viN i Dalmazia 160; M a y r h o f e r I 2 6 1 -2 6 2 ; F r a e n k e l 25 Saggi 132; B a r iç Hymje 36; POKORNY I 6 4 9 ; ÇABEJ St. VII 2 II 323; H u l d 82; O r e l IF XLIII 116, ZfBalk XXIII 148, Koll. 351 (irregular -ry-, -ri- < IE K Ö D D E R IT Z S C H Festschr. 64; D e m ir a j AE 2 2 5 -2 2 6 .

kripë - krypë f, pl. kripëra ~ krypna ‘salt’. From PAlb *krüpâ < with ON hrufa ‘scab’, Lith kraupus ‘rough’, kraupis ‘scab’, Lai ‘frail, brittle’, Slav *krupa ‘groats’ (M e y e r Alb. St. Ill 4, 31, 7 Saggi 124). 0 M e y e r Wb. 206 (borrowing from Slav *krupa) N o v 1st. 220; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 161 (follows M e y e r ); F 290; P o k o r n y I 623; O r e l IF XLIII 106; T r u b a c e v ÈSSJû 45.

Krisht m ‘Christ’. Borrowed from Lat Christus while krishten enë ‘Christian’ goes back to Lat Christianas id. (MlKLOSICH ¡ mente 14; M e y e r Wb. 191). 0 T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 158. krocë
f,

pl. kroca ‘dogrose’. A derivative in -cë from kromë.

krodhë f, pl. krodha ‘bread crust’. Borrowed from Lat fem. ac < cruda ‘crude, rough’. krodhë f, pl. krodha ‘beehive’. Goes back to PAlb *krâdâ relate

198

KROM Ë

K RU SH K

hrot ‘ro o f, Slav *krada ‘heap, pile’. 0 POKORNY I 617-618; FEIST Goth. 270-271; T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa XI 58-60.
krom ö r, pl. kronia ‘scabies; d o g ro se’. D erived from kruaj. Another deriv­ ative from the sam e so u rce is krosë ‘sc a b ’. 0 MEYER Wb. 130 (to grij),

krongjill m, pl. krongjij ‘icicle’. Borrowed from Rom *corniculus based on Lat corna ‘horn’. krua ~ krue m, pl. kronj, kroje ‘spring, fountain’. From PAlb *krana < *krasna with compensatory lengthening of the vowel. Related to Gk Kpfjvr] id., OE hrœn ‘wave’ < Gmc *xraznö (CAMARDA I 50; MEYER BB v n i 185, Wb. 207). 0 M e y e r /M . St. Ill 4, 71; T o r p IF V 204; T hum b IF XXVI 3-14 (borrowed from Greek); PETERSSON IF XXIV 50 (from *krênuo-); H o l t h a u s e n AEW 146; JOKL IF XXXVII 92 (prefix k- and root -rua identical to that of pernia); B a r iC ARSt. I 81-82 (to krye and Skt khánati ‘to dig’); RlBEZZO/frM/fr II 137 n. 3 (agrees with T h u m b ); M a n n Language XXVI 381; PISANI Saggi 120; CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 107 (prefix k-); F r is k II 16; Ö l b e r g Festschr. Pisani II 685; Ç a b e j Sí. I 292-293. kruaj ~ kruej aor. krova ‘to sc ra tch ’. F rom P A lb *kmbnja w ith a lo n g grade o f ablaut, further con n ected with kreh. 0 MEYER Wb. 130 (to grij); JOKL Studien 23-25 (sam e identification with grij), IF XXXVII 99; M a n n Language XVII 19, XXVI 3 81(to Gk icvfko, Lith knoju); Ç a b e j SiF I I I / 1 26; D e m ir a j AE 2 2 6 . krunde pl. ‘bran’. Another form is gründe. Derivative of kruaj ~ kruej. 0 M e y e r Wb. 1 32-133 (exp lain s gründe in con n ection w ith O E grindan ‘to g r in d ’), Alb. St. Ill 8; J o k l Studien 23 (reco n stru cts ze r o grad e un- < *-«-); T r e im e r M RIW I 3 5 8 (to S la v *krupa ‘g r o a ts’); Ç a b e j Si. 1 2 9 3 (to Gk Kpivoj ‘to separate’). krup aor. krupa ‘to lo a th e ’. F rom P A lb *krupa e ty m o lo g ic a lly related to L ith krauphs ‘e a s ily s c a r e d ’, krupus id ., krupti ‘to s c a r e ’ . 0
F r a e n k e l 29 1 .

krushk m, pl. krushq ‘bride’s man, unmarried relative’. A metathesis of *kushk(e)r, borrowed from Lat consocer ‘father-in-law’ > Rum cuscru (M e y e r Wb. 207). 0 M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. G rundriß2 1 1039, 1045; Pu§-

K R Y B E ----- K R R O K

199

cartu EWR 41; M ih ä e sc u RESEE IV/1-2 26; T a g l ia v in i Origini 189; H a a r m a n n 119; L a n d i Lat. 61, 117-118.

krybe f, pl. krybe ‘oakum, tow’. From PAlb *krüba, a derivative in *-b-, connected with Gk Kpimico ‘to hide’ (where old *-bh- may be alleged), Lith kráuti ‘to pile up’, Slav *kiyti ‘to cover, to hide'. 0 Fr a en k el 291; SCHWYZER I 333 (on the nature of the labial in KpúnTco); F r isk II 29-30; POKORNY I 617; TRUBACEV ÈSSJa XIII 71-72.
k ryd h aor. krydha ‘to plunge; to steal, to rob’. An Elbasan form. Con­

nected with kredh (OREL IF XLIII 110).
k ry e n, pl. lerere ~ krenë ‘head’. From PAlb *kranja < *krasnja with a

compensatory lengthening of the root vowel. Etymologically identi­ cal with G k Kpávíov ‘skull, head’ (MANN Language XXVIII 33) and further related to IE *keras- ‘head’ (G il ’ f e r d in g Otn. 23). The word for ‘head’ is the source of kryej ‘to finish’. 0 MEYER Wb. 206 (bor­ rowed from Lat cerebrum ‘head, brain’); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß2 I 1054; T r e im e r M RIW I 360 (reconstructs *kreunom connected with Slav *krusiti ‘to destroy, to grind’); B a r i C ARSt. 181 (comparison with OIr centi ‘head’); Jo k l IF XLIV 47; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 160, Strat­ ificazione 91-92; MANN Language XVII 16, XXVIII 33; PISANI Saggi 120; F r is k II 6-7; P o k o r n y I 574-577; H a m p Sí. Whatmough 86, KZ LXXVI 279-280; ÖLBERG Festschr. Pisani II 684; H u l d 83 (reconstructs *irlLeuno-).
k ryq m, pl. kryqe, kryqa ‘c r o s s ’. B o r r o w e d from Lat crucem id. with an irregu lar su b stitu tion o f the sh ort Lat -u- ( C a m a r d a II 201; MiKLOsiciT Rom. Elemente 19; M e y e r Wb. 207). 0 M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grund­

riß 21 1054; T a g lia v in i Origini 198; M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV/1-2 14; H a a r ­ m a n n 121; L a n d i Lat. 68, 83, 146. krrilë f, pl. krrila ‘crane’. Other forms are korrilë, kurrilë and kojrrilë. Borrowed from Gmc *kran-ila, a deminutive of *krcmaz id.: OHG krano, OE cran. 0 KLUGE 399-400; HOLTHAUSEN AEW 59; ZALIZNÄK Ètimo­ logija 1964 179; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV/1-2 31; HAARMANN 129 (from Rom *gruilla).
k rrok aor. krroka ‘to caw ’. A descriptive stem similar to Lat crocio id.

200

KRROKULL —

KUÇ

krrokull f, pl. krrokulla ‘hip bone, joint, knuckle’. An allegro form of kërdhokull id. The latter is a derivative of *kerdhok ‘round object’ pre­ served as a singularized plural in kërdhoq ‘eye-ball’. As to *kërdhok, it reflects a suffixal derivative based on the unvoiced variant of gardh. krrokull f, pl. krrokulla ‘saffron’. Borrowed from Rom *crocidimi, deminu­ tive of Lat crocum id. kshetë f, pl. kshetë ‘nymph, m erm aid’. Identical with kshetë ‘plait’, a variant of gërshetë. kthej aor. ktheva ‘to tu rn ’. A p réfix a i d eriv a tiv e o f thyej. 0 CAMARDA I 101 (to Gk eK-u0r]jui ‘to set o u tsid e’); MEYER Wb. 185 (from Lat convertere ‘to turn ro u n d ’); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1054; JOKL Studien 94 ( fo llo w s MEYER); ÇABEJ St. VII 258. kthetër f, pl. kthetra ‘claw (particularly, of vulture)’. Derivative in *-ter of kthej. kthill aur. kthilla ‘to make clear, to brighten’. An older Tosk form is kthiell. A préfixai derivative (CAMARDA I 101) of unattested *thiell reflect­ ed in thjeshtë. 0 M e y e r Wb. 184 (to Italo-Alb jjejonem ‘to clear up’); BUGGE BB XVIII 191 (from *kthej diell)', JOKL Studien 37-38 (to IE *skëi- attested in hije); ÇABEJ St. I 294 (to fill). ku pron. ‘where’. From P A lb *ku identical with Skt kiiha id., Slav *hbde id., Lith kur id. and the like, originating from IE *kw a variant of u-, the pronominal stem *k"o-. 0 CAMARDA I 67 (to IE *k"o-); M e y e r Wb. 218 (follows C a m a r d a ); P e d e r s e n KZ XXXVI 317, 326; T a g l ia v i ­ n i Dalmazia 161; P o r z ig Gliederung 168; F r a e n k e l 314; M a y r h o f e r 1249; P o k o r n y 1 647-648; Ç abej St. VH 232, 254; H u l d 83-84; D em iraj AE 226-227. kuar ~ kuer m ‘measure, order, free time’. Borrowed from Lat chorus ‘dance in a ring, harmony, harmonious motion’. 0 MEYER Wb. 333 (përkuar ‘m oderate’ based on *përkoj < Lat parcere ‘to spare’); ÇABEJ St. I 294-296 (to korr, IE *sker- ‘to cut’). kuç m ‘dog’. Borrowed from South Slavic *kucq ‘dog, cub’, cf. Bulg

K UÇEDËR

KULAÇ

201

kuce, SCr kuce. 0 M e y e r Wb. 218-219 (various Slavic and Romance parallels); BUGA II 220; M a c h e k ZfslavPh XXI 154 (onomatopoeia); MURATI Probleme 131.
k u çed ër f. pl. kuçedra ‘dragon (with many heads)’. Another variant is

kulshedër. Borrowed from Lat chersydrus ‘kind of snake’ (MlHÄESCU RESEE I V /1 - 2 31 ; HAARMANN 116). 0 CAMARDA I 192 (compound of kulish ‘whelp, young’ or kuç and gen. of \58poc ‘hydra’); MEYER Wb. 2 1 9 (from Lat excetra ‘snake, serpent’); POLÁK EBTch V 2 9 -3 0 .
k uh et refi, ‘to redden (of skin)’. Derived from kuq. kujtoj aor. kujtova ‘to remember, to think’. Borrowed from Lat cogitare ( C a m a r d a I 99; MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 15; MEYER Wb. 194). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß2 1 1049; BARIC ARSt. 141-42 (to OIr ciall

‘reason’); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 162, Origini 190; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 14; H a a r m a n n 117.
kuk adv. ‘alone’. From PAlb *kuka continuing IE *kv u-k“ ‘whoever, o-

anybody’, cf. Lat quisquam, quisquís and the like.
kukas aor. kukata ‘to wail, to shriek’. Borrowed from Slav *kukati ‘to be alone, to wail’, cf. South Slavic forms; Bulg kukam, SCr kukati. kukoj aor. kukova ‘to make fast, to seal (of a barrel)’. Literally, ‘to isolate’.

Derived from kuk.
kukur m ‘q u iv e r ’. B o r r o w e d from late Lat cucurum id. or M G k KoÚKoupov id. ( M e y e r Wb. 2 1 1 ). kukutë f ‘fennel’. Borrowed from Lat cicüta id. (MEYER-LÜBKE Gr.

Grundriß 2 I 1048) 0 HAARMANN 121.
kuk zoj aor. kukzova ‘to bend, to arch over’. Based on *kukëz, a suf­

fixal derivative of *kukëborrowed from *kuka ‘hook’, cf. South Slavic continuants; Bulg kuka, SCr kuka.
kulaç m, pl. kulaçë, kuleç ‘pancake’. Borrowed from Slav *kolach ‘round bread’, cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg kolac, SCr kolac (MlKLOSICH

Slav. Elemente 22). O S eli SCev Slav, naselenie 155, 303; H a m p L/i XIV/2 14; S v a n e 93.
kular m, pl. kularë ‘cu rved p ie c e o f w o o d , o x -c o lla r ’. B o r ro w e d from Lat collare ‘co lla r’ ( M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß2 1 1049) 0 MlHÄESCU

RESEE I V /1 - 2 14; HAARMANN 118; LANDI Lat. 2 8 , 88, 9 9. kulbë f, pl. kulba ‘kind of freshwater fish’. Anolher form is kubël. Early Slavic loanword: note Alb -u- rendering Slav - t>-. The source is (South) Slav *ia,lba ~ *h,lhi, (Pol kielb, Rus kolba), see M e y e r Wb. 212; O r e l Ètimologija 1983 143. 0 MlKLOSICH EW 154 (the Slavic and Albanian words are genetically related); B e r n e k e r I 659; VASMER II 286; OREL Ètimologija 1983 143; MlHÄESCU RESEE I V /1 - 2 22; HAARMANN 117; ÇABEJ St. I 2 9 6 (from Rom *cuplea)\ OREL Koll. Idg. Ges. 3 61.
k u lë f ‘h ern ia ’. A n early b o rrow in g from Slav *kyla id., w ith *-y- ren ­ dered as A lb -u-. 0 MEYER Wb. 212-213 (from Lat culleus ‘leather sack’); VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. 34; SVANE 182.

kulrn m, pl. kulrne ‘ridge, peak; wave’. Borrowed from Lat nom. culmen id. (MEYER Wb. 2 1 3 ). 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 19 (from Lat culmus); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 21 1046; MlHÄESCU RESEE I V /1 - 2 15; D o d b ib a St. Leks. 2 4 4 (to Gk Kotabvri ‘hill’, Lat columen ‘top’); H a a r m a n n 121; L a n d i Lar. 147.

KU LTES.

KUM B

203

of Lat cucurbita ‘gourd’ (MlHÄESCU RESEE IV/1-2 15; ÇABEJ St. I 296) 0 L a n d i Lat. 114. kultër f. pl. kultra ‘pillow, cushion’. Borrowed from Lat calcitra id. (M eyer Wb. 2 1 3 ) 0 H a a r m a n n 121. kulloj aor. kullova ‘to sieve, to sift, to filter’. Borrowed from Lat colare ‘to filter, to strain’ (MEYER Wb. 2 1 2 ). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß1 1 1049; M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 14; H a a r m a n n 117. kulloshtër f ‘beestings’. Borrowed from Lat colostra id. (MlHÄESCU RESEE IV/1-2 14; H a a r m a n n 118). 0 K l e p ik o v a SPT 116 (from Italian). kullos aor. kullota ‘to put out to pasture, to graze’. A derivative of kulloj. 0 C a m a r d a I 295 (to Gk ßou-icoXeco ‘to tend cattle’); M e y e r Wb. 212 (from Lat colere ‘to cultivate’); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 163 (against M e y e r ). kullumbri f, pl. kullumbri ‘blackthorn, sloe; turtle dove’. A derivative of *kullumbe borrowed from Lat columba ‘dove’, the plant being called after the bird as Rum porumb ‘maize, corn’ after palumbes ‘dove’ (M eyer Wb. 2 1 2 ). 0 P u ç c a r iu EWR 119; S c h u c h a r d t KZ X X 2 4 9 (from Lat palumbes); H a a r m a n n 118. kullusmë f, pl. kullusma ‘thicket’. A metathesis from *kullumesë (cf. gjysmë) borrowed from Rom *çolumnâtia, cf. Lat columnätiö ‘supporting

204

KUM BULL

KUNDËR

kumbull f, pl. kumbulla ‘plum tree’. Other variants are kumull and kumëll. Borrowed from G k K O K m priX ov id. ( M e y e r Wb. 2 1 3 ) . 0 SCHUCHARDT KZ XX 249 (from Rom *columbula)\ TA G LIA VIN I Dalmazia 1 6 3 ; M A N N Language XXVIII 31; M i h ä e s c u RESEE IV/3-4 350; Ç a b e j St. I 297 (borrowed from Doric). kumerë f ‘fear, fright’. A préfixai derivative of mer, truer. kumerq m ‘toll, duty’. Borrowed from Lat commercium ‘trade, com­ m erce’ (G i l ’ f e r d in g Otn. 25; MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 16). 0 M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1048. kumt m ‘news, announcement’. Borrowed from Lat commonitus, par­ ticiple of commonere ‘to remind, to put in mind’. From kumt the verb kumtoj ‘to announce’ is derived. 0 ÇABEJ St. I 297-298 (from Lat computare ‘to sum up, to reckon’); HAARMANN 118. kumtër m, pl. kumtër ‘godfather’. Borrowed from Lat compater id. (MlK­ LOSICH Rom. Elemente 16; M e y e r Wb. 214). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grun­ driß 2 1 1 045 , 1048; H a a r m a n n 118; Ç a b e j St. I 2 9 8 -2 9 9 (based on fem. kumëtër borrowed from Lat commater ‘godm other’); LANDI Lat. 4 1 , 115, 143. kunat m, pl. kunetër ~ kunetën ‘brother-in-law’. Borrowed from Lat cognätus ‘kinsman, blood relation’. The feminine form cognata is reflected as Alb kunatë (C a m a r d a I 158; MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 15; M e y e r Wb. 214). Note a derivative kunatoll ‘brother-in-law (wife’s brother)’ that may continue Rom *cognäteölus. 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1041, 1048; T a g l ia v in i Origini 189; M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV/1-2 14; H a a r m a n n 117; L a n d i Lat. 27, 125, 138. kund adv. ‘somewhere’. Goes back to PAlb *kum to(m), acc. sg. of ku and a pronominal stem *to-, see ay. 0 WEIGAND 4 1 (to Lat unde ‘whence’); JOKL AArbSt I 35-36 (acc. sg. of *k“ and a pronominal *to-); Ç a b e j oSt. I 299-300 (phonetic transformation of kit). kundër prep, ‘again st’. Borrowed from Lat contra id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 17; MEYER Wb. 214). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß21 1045, 1048; M i h ä e s c u RESEE I V /1-2 14; H a a r m a n n 119.

KUNDOJ

KUQ.

205

kundoj aor. kundova ‘to hesitate’. Borrowed from Lat cunctürl id. (M e y e r

Wb. 214). 0 H a a r m a n n 121; Di G io v in e Gruppo -et- 52-54 (against
MEYER). kungoj aor. kungova ‘to communicate’. Borrowed from Lat communicate

id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 16; M e y e r Wb. 214). As to kungë ‘altar (of the Orthodox church)’, it is a back-formation derived from the verb. 0 M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1048; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 163; M ih ä esc u RESEE IV/1-2 14,22; H a a r m a n n 119; Ç abej St. 1300 (kungë borrow ed from Lat concha ‘sh ell-fish , m u ssel, *vau lt’); L a n d i Lat. 117. kungull m, pl. kunguj ‘marrow, pumpkin, bottle’. From PAlb *kunkula identical with Lith kuñkulas ‘bubble’ (M a n n Language XXVI 387). 0 M e y e r Wb. 214 (from Lat cucumis ‘cucumber’); T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 163 (against MEYER).
kunj m, pl. kunja ‘peg, wedge’. Borrowed from Lat cuneus ‘wedge' (MEYER

Wb. 215). The verb kunjoj ‘to close a sack with a peg’ continues Lat cuneare ‘to wedge’. 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 21 1046; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 15; HAARMANN 121; L a n d i Lat. 138.
kup m ‘h eap, p ile ’. B o r ro w e d from S lav *kupr. id ., cf. South S la v ic form s: B u lg kup, SCr kup. 0 MEYER Wb. 2 15 (from R om *cuppus ‘kind o f v e s s e l’); SVANE 4 3 . kupë f, pl. kupa ‘g la ss, bowl’. Borrowed from Lat cuppa ‘tu b ’ (M lK ­ LOSICH Rom. Elemente 19; M e y e r Wb. 215). 0 M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /12 15; H a a r m a n n 121; L a n d i Lat. 100. kuptoj aor. kuptova ‘to u nd erstan d ’. B o r ro w e d from Lat computare ‘to sum up, to re ck o n ’ ( M e y e r Wb. 215). 0 M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 1

1 1048; S c h u c h a r d t KZ XX 250; M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 14; H a a r m a n n 118: Ç a b e j St. I 300-301 (derived from kap).
kuq adj. ‘re d ’. Borrowed from Rom *cocceus, cf. Lat coccineus ‘scarlet’ (MEYER Wb. 210). 0 BOPP 490 (to Skt siici- ‘fiery, bright’); C a m a r d a I 164 (compares with NGk kokkivoç ‘red’); M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß2 1 1045; SCHUCHARDT KZ X X 249; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 162; M i h ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 22; H a a r m a n n 117; H u ld 84.

206

KUR —

KURRË

kur adv. ‘when’. From PAlb *kur formally identical with Arm ur, Lith

kur ‘where’, Latv kùr id. (VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. 34 ), derived from IE *k“ (see ku). 0 SCHUCHARDT KZ X X 2 5 0 (from Lat qua hörä ‘at uwhat hour, when’, with an irregular development of the inlaut vocalism); M e y e r Wb. 2 15 (accepts S c h u c h a r d t ’s etymology); P e d e r s e n KZ XXXVI 3 1 7 , Kelt. Gr. I 127; MEILLET MSL X 2 5 9 , XX 92; TAGLI­ AVINI Dalmazia 164 (follows VASMER); ACAREAN HAB III 6 1 3 -6 1 4 ; P is a n i Saggi 123; F r a e n k e l 314; P o k o r n y 1 6 4 7 -6 4 8 ; K o p e c n y ESSJ 1 324 (on -r); HULD 84; HAARMANN 144; OREL Sprache XXXI 280; D e m ir a j AE 227-228.
k u rorë ~ k un orë f. pl. kur ora ~ kunora ‘c r o w n ’. B o r ro w e d from Lat

corona id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 18). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß21 1046, 1048; ERNOUT-MEILLET 144; MlHÄESCU RESEE I V / 12 14; Ç a b e j St. VII 277; HAARMANN 120; J a n s o n Unt. 52-53; LANDI Lat. 63, 88.
kursej aor. kurseva ‘to spare’. Derived from *kurt ‘short’ borrowed from

Lat curtus id. 0 CAMARDA I 101 (to Lat curtus); MEYER Wh. 2 1 6 (from Rom *curtiâre)\ MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß21 1051; HAARMANN 122.
kurt m, pl. kurte ‘yard’. Borrowed from Lat cortem id. (MEYER Wb. 216).

0 GlUGLEA Dacoromania I II 472 (from N G k Koúprn id.); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. G rundriß21 1045; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 15; HAARMANN 122; ÇABEJ St. I 301 (on Old Alb kurtë id. preserving the gender of Lat cortem).
kurth m, pl. kurthe ‘snare, trap’. Derivative in -th of kurp ~ kulp, cf.

kulpër. Somehow connected with Rum cursa id. Ô M ey er Wb. 216 (from Turk kurs ‘disk’); BARIC ARSt 42 (to OHG hurt ‘wicker-work’); MANN Language XVII 14 (to Lat cratis, Goth haurds)', ROSETTI 1ER I 276; Ç a b e j St. VII 237.
k u rvë f, pl. kurva ‘whore, prostitute’. Borrowed from Slav *kury, gen. *kui~bve id., cf. South Slavic forms: Bulg kurva, SCr kurva (MlKLOSICH

Slav. Elemente 24; MEYER Wb. 216). 0 S e liS C e v Slav, naselenie 194; S v a n e 200.
k u rrë adv. ‘never, ever’. Goes back to PAlb *kur ne of which the first

element is identical with kur and the second reflects the Indo-Euro­ pean negation *ne ‘not’ ( P e d e r s e n KZ XXXVI 3 17). 0 MEYER Wb. 215

K IJ R R IZ

- K -U S H T R IM

207

(id e n tifie s w ith kur); PEDERSEN Alb. Texte 145; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 164; H am p HSyn. 177; Ç a b ej St. I 302 (phonetic variant o f kur); D em ir a j

AE 22 8 .
kurriz m ‘spine, backbone, hump'. A derivative in -iz based on PAlb

*kurna < *kfnos related to Lith kèras ‘stump’, kirna ‘pointed end of a trunk, bush’, Slav *korenb ‘root’. 0 MEYER Wb. 190 (to kërrus); TAGLI­ AVINI Stratificazione 92; F r a e n k e l 241; POKORNY I 573; T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa X I 6 2 -6 6 .
kush pron. ‘who’. From PAlb *kusa going back to an Indo-European

pronominal compound *k"u-so- consisting of *kl‘ a morphonologiu-, cal variant of *kv id., and demonstrative *so-. The Albanian form is, oIhus, quite close to Tokh A kus id., B kuse id. < *k“ u-so- (MEILLET Idg. Jb. I 13; OREL LB X X X /1 57-58). Note -sh- < *-s- explained by the “ruki” rule (OREL Die Sprache XXXI/2 114). As to acc. kë ~ kâ, it con­ tinues PAlb *kam < IE *kl'om (MEYER Wb. 217, Alb. St. Ill 2, 88). 0 BOPP 463 (to IE *k"o-); G i l ’f e r d i n g Otn. 22; CAMARDA I 212 (to IE *k“ M e y e r Wb. 217-218 (kush treated as a borrowing from Lat quis o-); with some reserve); PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 317 (related to IE *k“ o-), Kelt. Gr. I 128; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 165; M a n n Language XXVIII 39 (follows M e i l l e t ) ; V a n W in d e k e n s I 246; P o k o r n y I 647-648; Ç a b e j St. I 275-276, 302-303; H u l d 84; O r e l Sprache XXXI 280, LB X X X /1 58-59, Koll. Idg. Ges. 351; DEMIRAJ AE 218, 228 (from *t e ­ siti).
k u sh ë r i ~ k u sh ë r î m, pl. kushërinj ‘cousin’. Borrow ed from Lat

consôbrînus id. (CAMARDA I 120; MEYER Wb. 218). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß21 1049; TAGLIAVINI Origini 189; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /12 14; H a a r m a n n 119.
kush t m, pl. kushte ‘vow, bet, boundary, condition’. Back-formation of kushtoj ‘to cost’ continuing MLat constare id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Ele­ mente 17; M e y e r Wb. 217). 0 Ç a bej St. I 303 (borrowed from Ital costo

‘price’).
k u sh trim m ‘h u e-a n d -cry , w ar cr y , ca ll-u p , en ro llm en t, a la rm ’. A r e ­ gular d ev erb a tiv e in -im b ased on *kushtroj b o rro w ed from R om *conscrîptâre, cf. Lat conscrTbere ‘to en ro ll ( o f tr o o p s)’. 0 WEIGAND BA I 2 5 7 (to kusht); LAMBERTZ Volkspoesie 247 (d iv id es into kush trim

208

KUSHULL

LAB

‘w h o is b ra v e? ’); Ç a b e j St. I 303-304 (a g re es w ith LAMBERTZ).

kushuU m ‘consul’. Borrowed from Lat consulem id. (M lK L O S IC H Rom. Elemente 17). 0 M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1046, kut m, pl. kut ‘m easu re o f le n g th ’. B o r ro w e d fro m Lat cubitus ‘c u b it’ (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 19). 0 M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß21 1046; M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 15; H a a r m a n n 121; L a n d i Lat. 138, 141. kutë f, pl. kuta ‘young dog, cub’. Borrowed from Slav *kute id. attest­ ed in East Slavic (SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 198). Cf. kuç. kutëndoj aor. kutëndova ‘to thank’. Borrowed from Lat contentare id. (M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1049) 0 H a a r m a n n 119. kuvend m. pl. kuvende ‘sp eech ; c o u n c il, m e e tin g ’. B o r ro w e d fro m Lat conventus ‘m eetin g, a sse m b ly ’ (CAMARDA I 340; MlKLOSICH Rom. Ele­ mente 17; M e y e r Wb. 219). A p arallel form pl. tantum kuvise ‘sp e e c h ­ e s, w o r d s’ co n tin u es R om *conventiae. 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grund­ riß 2 1 1039, 1044, 1048; JOKL Idg.Jb. XI 190 (kuvise as a d ev erb a tiv e o f *kuvij b o rro w e d from Lat *convenire); TAGLIAVINI Origini 190; M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 29; H a a r m a n n 119; Ç a b e j St. T 304 (kuvise as a p lural o f kuvend, cf. h is in terp retation o f vise : vend)-, LANDI Lat. 55, 88, 148-149. ky pron., f. kjo ‘this’. From PAlb *ka-ei, f. *ka-ja, based on a pronom ­ inal element *ka- and a demonstrative, see ai, ajo. 0 PEDERSEN Pron. 315; H u l d 84-85 (to k’o-)\ K o r t l a n d t SSGL XXIII 174 (from *ku-i, with *-/ < IE *eiom): D e m ir a j AE 217-218. kyç m, pl. ‘key’. Other forms are klyç and qyç. Borrowed from Slav *kl’uch id., cf. in South Slavic: Bulg k l’uc, SCr kljuc (MlKLOSICHSlav. Elemente 21 ; MEYER Wb. 193). 0 JOKL Slavia XIII 296; S e l i SCe v Slav, naselenie 144, 150, 308; H a m p L S XIV/2 12; SVANE 84.

L lab m, pl. labë, lebër ~ leben ‘Lab, inhabitant of Laberia’, Back-formation based on Labëri ‘L aberia’ borrow ed from an unattested South

LABËRGOJ —

T.AFSHF,

209

Slavic *labanbja < *olhattbja rendering the native pre-Albanian name of the country: Albania, ’AAßosvia. 0 DESNICKAJA VÈI 194 (directly from ancient *arb-/*alb-)\ ÇABEJ St. VII 193. labërgoj aor. labërgova ‘to undo, to untie'. A phonetic variant of the same word is represented in lahërkoj ‘to reduce, to diminish, to wear out’. A derivative of an unattested *lapërkë based on laper (Ç a b e j St. I 304). labiç m 'ghost, bogey’, adj. ’importunate, rotten’. From *lamiç. a deriva­ tive of lamjë ‘bogey’ (from NGk X ap ia , cf. M e y e r Wb. 2 3 1 ). 0 M e y e r Wb. 2 3 0 (from Ital * larvicelo, based on Lat larva ‘specter, shade’); JOKL LKUBA 77-78 (from Slav *l'ubicb ‘lover’). labrik m ‘sea-w olf. Borrowed from Gk XàPpixoç id. 0 M lK LO SICH Rom. Elemente 34 (from Lat labrax); M EY ER Wb. 233 (from Rom *labracum < Gk A,aßpa£, id.); M lH Ä ESC U RESEE IV /3-4 350; OREL Orpheus VI 65. lacë f ‘gusset, inlet; white goat’. Continues *larcë, a phonetic variant of larëz id., a derivative of lare ( Ç a b e j St. I 304-305). 0 B a r d h i apud ÇABEJ ibid. (to IE *leuk- ‘white’). laçkë f, pl. laçka ‘household goods’. One of the rhyming words appear­ ing together with plaçkë ‘thing, booty’ (of Modern Greek or late Slavic origin, cf. M EYER Wb. 344): me laçkë e me plaçkë ‘bag and baggage’, plaçkë e raçkë id. ladut m, pl. ‘rogue, rascal’. Probably, borrowed from an unattested Bulg *kbgut ‘liar’ derived from Slav *lbgati ‘to lie’. lafatë f, pi. lafata ‘Judas tree’. Another phonetic variant is lajthatë. A form lofatë is also attested. Derived from lajthi. 0 MEYER Wb. 2 4 8 (from Ital siliquastro ‘Judas tree’). lafshë f, pl. lafsha ‘crest (of bird), comb". Borrowed from Lat laxa (cutis) ‘loose (skin)’ (MEYER Wb. 234). 0 K r ist o f o r id h i 197 (to lape): M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1055; V a s m e r Alb. Wortforsch. 84 (deminutive of lapë); MlHÄESCU RESEE I V /1 - 2 31; H a a r m a n n 133; Ç a b e j St. IV 7 7 -7 8 .

210

LA G —

L A JK Ë

lag aor. laga ‘to wet, to soak, to bathe, to wash'. From PAlb *lauga to be further compared with legate. 0 G i l ’ f e r d i n g Otn. 23 (to Skt iT‘to m elt’); CAMARDA 140 (to Gk Xovm ‘to wash’); M e y e r Wb. 235 (from Slav *volga ‘liquid’); VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. I 37 (related to Slav *volga); BARIC ARSt I 45-46; S e liS C e v Slav, naselenie 159 (follows M e y e r ) ; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 166; M a n n Language XVII 17 (same as V a s m e r ) ; P o l á k Z ß a lk I 83; Ç a b e j * . I 319-320; H am p apud DEMIRAJ (to Lith liugas ‘swamp’); OREL Linguistica XXIV 429430; DEMIRAJ AE 229-230. lagaterë f ‘p erio d o f ch an geab le w eather (in M arch - A p r il)’ . A c o m ­ pound o f lag and ter (JOKL LKUBA 2 9 3 ). lagje f, pl. lagje ‘district, quarter’. Singularized plural of *lag etymo­ logically identical with Gk Xó%oq ‘ambush, place for lying in wait’, Slav *log-h ‘den, narrow valley’ and other continuants of IE *loghos, a deverbative of *legh- ‘to lie’ (JOKL RIEB I 58-60). 0 POKORNY I 658659; F r is k II 110-112; P o l á k ZfBalk I 79 (borrowed from Gk taixoç); ÇABEJ St. I 305 (agrees with JOKL, adduces sg. lag 'band, horde’); T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa X V 248-250; D e m ir a j AE 230. laj ~ lâj aor. lava ‘to wash’. Originates from P A lb *launja related to Gk Áoútú id., Lat lavo id. (PEDERSEN Krit. Jahresbericht IX 211, 215). 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 35 (b o r ro w ed from Lat lavare)', M e y e r Wb. 2 3 5 (a g re es w ith MlKLOSICH); M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1050; JOKL IE X L III 51; VASMER A lb. W o rtfo rsch . 8 4 -8 6 (to R uss solovyj); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 175 (fo llo w s M e y e r ) ; F r is k II 138139; W a ld e - H o f m a n n I 7 7 3 -7 7 4 ; P o k o r n y 1 692; K l i n g e n s c i i m i t t

Verbum 117, Münch. St. Spr. 109; HAMP A/CW-L II (X III) 186 (fo llo w s PEDERSEN); Ç a b e j St. V II 2 1 1 , 247; HULD 85 ( if b o rro w ed , Lat lavare w ou ld y ie ld *lëvoj or *loj); DEMIRAJ AE 2 3 0 -2 3 1 . lajkë f, pl. lajkë ‘caress; flattery’. From *larkë further related to lare. Semantically, the development is identical with that of laroj ‘to speckle, to spot’ and ‘to flatter’ (Ç a b e j St. I 305-306). 0 C a m a r d a 1 37 (to Gk À,aiKàÇ(o ‘to wench’); MEYER Wb. 235 (borrowed from or related to Slav *laska ‘caress’); JOKL LKUBA 204-205 (to Gk XáoKto ‘to shout’ and its cognates); Ç a b e j St. VII 207, 276; D e m ir a j AE 231 (to laj).

L A JLE —

LAKUR

2 11

lajle f, pl. lajle

‘orn am en tation , d e c o r a tio n s’. A con tam in ation o f lajkë

and laie. 0 ÇABEJ St. I 3 0 6 (related to larë).

lajthi f, pl. lajthi ‘hazel-tree, hazel-nut’. In Borgo Erizzo, lakthi is attest­
ed (T A G L IA V IN I Dalmazia 166-167). Based on lakth - *laqth ‘loop, noose’, derivative in -th of lak ( Ç a b e j St. I 3 0 ). 0 M e y e r Wb. 2 3 4 (to Slav *lëska ‘hazel-nut’, Lith lazda id.); B A R IC ARSt 4 4 (to Skt vleska‘sling’); J o k l LKUBA 2 0 3 -2 0 5 (supports M e y e r and reconstructs an earlier *ladh with an epenthetic -j-); PORZIG Gliederung 176; C A M A J Alb. Wortb. 109 (from *l-al-thi)\ D EM IRAJ AE 2 3 1 -2 3 2 .

lak m, pl. leq, leqe

‘trap, sn are, rop e, b ow ( o f a m u sica l in stru m ent),

p ass (in the m ou n tain s), b en d, c u r v e ’. F rom P A lb *laka ‘bend, c u r v e ’ co n n ecte d w ith IE *lëk- ~ *tek-, see flak (OREL ZfBalk X X III/ 1 7 5 ). 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 3 4 (from Lat laqueus ‘n o o s e , sn a re’); MEYER Wb. 2 3 5 (from R om *laquus, c f. Lat laqueus); MEYER-LÜBKE

Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1041; JOKL IF XXXVI 160; DESNICKAJA Gr. str. 9; POKORNY I 674; ÇABEJ St. VII 2 0 7 , 22 7 .

lakë f ‘defilé, valley’. Borrowed from Gmc *lakaz ‘brook, river, swamp’,
cf. OHG lahha, OE lacu and the like. 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 34 (from Lat lacus); MEYER Wb. 235 (from Ital lacca ‘deep bottom ’, itself from Germanic); KLUGE 416.

lakër ~ lakën f, pl. lakra ~ lakna ‘cabbage, greens’. Borrowed from Gk }.a%avov ‘greens’ ( T h u m b IF X X V I 14; M e y e r Wb. 236). 0 J o k l LKUBA 208; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 166; ö l b e r g SPhAen 41; M i h ä e s c u RESEE IV /3-4 350; JANSON Unt. 41.
lakmi f, pi. ‘greed, avarice’. Derived from *lakëm ‘greedy’ borrowed from Slav *olkom-b id., cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg lakom, SCr lakom (M lK L O S IC H Slav. Elemente 24; M E Y E R Wb. 236). As a result of erroneous segmentation of *lak-ëm, a new form lakut ‘greedy, glutton’ was produced. 0 M L A D E N O V 1st. 77. lakshte f ‘dew’. Derivative in -sht(ë) from lag.

lakuq adj. ‘red (of earth)’. A préfixai derivative of kuq. lakur adj. ‘naked’. From PAlb *lauk-ura derived from IE *Ieuk- ‘to

212

LA LE —

LA PA RO S

shine, to be white’. The derivative *lauk-ura > lëkurë ‘skin, bark’ also belongs to the same root. For the semantic motivation of words for ‘bark’. From lakur the word for bat lakuriq, laskuriq is derived. 0 M E Y E R Wb. 2 3 6 (to Gk Àércco ‘to peel’), Alb. St. Ill 3; J o k l Studien 4 6 , n. 1 (compares lëkurë with Gk à.<xkîç ‘tear, break, crack’, Slav *lgcg, *Igeiti ‘to split’), 51 (prefix lë- in lëkurë); T A G L IA V IN I Dal­ mazia 166 (agrees with J o k l ), Stratificazione 9 2 -9 3 ; E R N O U T M e i l l e t 335; T R U B A C E V Remesl. term. 1 6 5-166; P O K O R N Y I 6 8 7 -6 8 9 ; H u l d 86; O r e l Z ß a lk XXIII 145, Orpheus VI 66; D e m i r a j AE 2 3 2 2 3 3 , 2 40-241 (dialectal form of lakuriq, further related to lëkurë and based on IE *skeua- ‘to cover’). lale f, pl. lale ‘ornamentation, decorations’. A result of assimilation of liquida in the plural form of lar.

lalë m ‘uncle, father’ (used as a title). Represents a Lallwort wide­
spread in the Balkans, cf. NGk Xa.Xö.c, ‘grandfather’ and the like (M E Y ER Wb. 236; T A G L IA V IN I Dalmazia 167, Stratificazione 117). From this stem lalush ‘to fondle, to caress’ is derived. landër f,pi. landra ‘tendril (of plants); oleander’. Borrowed from MLat lorandrum, a transformation of Lat rhododendron (OREL Orpheus VI 66). lanok m, pl. lanokë ‘robber, th ie f. Another variant is landok. Borrowed from Slav *lëm ,kb ‘lazy person, idler’, cf. Bulg lenk’o. 0 ÇABEJ St. I 3 0 7 (derivative of lëndë with the original meaning ‘woodcutter’). lap aor. lapa ‘to slurp, to lap up’. From PAlb *lapa, an onomatopoeia relate to Gk Axirc-cm ‘to lick’, Lith lapth ‘to swallow greedily, Slav *lopati ‘to eat greedily’ and the like ( C a m a r d a I 127; M e y e r Wb. 231, Alb. St. Ill 31). Among derivatives, note lëpij ‘to lick’ and lëpis ‘index’ (literally, the licked finger). 0 SCHUCHARDT KZ X X 253 (equal to Friul lapa ‘to lick’); F r i s k II 8 5, 92; P O K O R N Y I 677; F r a e n k e l 3 3 9 -3 4 0 ; T r u b a ô e v ÈSSJa XVI 4 5 -4 6 ; D e m i r a j AE 2 4 2 (influenced by p ij, form of pi).

laparos

aor. laparosa ‘to make dirty’. Together with Bulg lapardosvam id. borrowed from a Modern Greek formation based on Gk Âxxra.pôç

L A PË —

LAR

213

‘s o f t ’. 0 JOKL Studien 4 7 -4 8 (to lapërdhi), LKUBA 90; D e m ir a j AE 2 3 3 (n e w form ation in -os b ased on laper ‘c lo th ’).

lapë f, pl. lapa ‘hard piece of meat or skin; peritoneum; le a f. Con­ tinues PAlb *lapâ related to Lith lapas ‘leaf’, Gk Àxmôç ‘shell, husk, bark’ and the like. Derived from lapë are lapetë ‘peritoneum (of a slaughtered animal); triangular patch of cloth’ and laper ‘peritoneum, dewlap’, adj. ‘foul, evil, bad’. As to labe ‘bark’, it is a secondary dialec­ tal variant of lapë, cf. ÇABEJ St. I 307. 0 MEYER Wb. 237 (to Lith lópas ‘spot’ and its cognates); JOKL Stud. 44 (labë to Lith lúobas ‘bark’), LKUBA 88-89; MANN Language XXVI 387 (to Slav *lup'b ‘scale’, ON lauf ‘leaf’), XXVI 386 (labë to Gk Xopôç ‘pod’); F r a e n k e l 339-340; F r is k II 105-107; C h a n t r a in e 632; P o k o r n y I 678; Ç a b e j St. VII 208, 230; OREL Z ß a lk XXIII 147; DEMIRAJ AE 229, 233. lapërdhi f, pl. lapërdhi ‘d ew lap ; o b sc e n ity , dirty j o k e ’. D e r iv a tiv e o f lapër, cf. lapë (DEMIRAJ AE 2 3 4 ). 0 VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. I 36 (to Skt lápati ‘(h e) w h isp e r s’, S lav *lepetT> ‘b a b b le’); JOKL Studien 4 7 -4 8 (togeth er w ith laparos ‘to m ake d ir ty ’ related to IE *leip- ‘fat, g re a se , d irt’), LKUBA 90. laps aor. lapsa ‘to exhaust, to wary’. Although in other cases the cluster -ps- indicates the Greek origin, this word may continue PAlb *lapitja related to Gk taxrapôç ‘weak’, la n a ta ) ‘to weaken’ (JOKL Studien 4 8 ). 0 FRISK II 8 4-85; ÇABEJ St. I 3 07 (from Gk ßX.outTto ‘to disable, to weaken’); DEMIRAJ AE 23 4 . laps aor lapsa ‘to wish, to want’. From P A lb *laubitja related to Skt hibhyati ‘to wish’, Slav * l’ubiti ‘to love’ and the like (JOKL Studien 48). 0 M a y r h o f e r III 107-108; P o k o r n y 1 683-684; Ç a b e j St. I 308 (identical with laps ‘to exhaust, to w ary’); T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa XV 174176. lapush adj. ‘big-eared’. Borrowed from Slav *lapusa ‘plant with big leaves’, cf. SCr lapusa ‘kind of oak’. The Albanian usage is obviously metaphorical. lar m ‘laurel’. Borrowed from Lat laurus id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Ele­ mente 35; MEYER Wb. 237). From lar a deminutive larth ‘holly’ as well as larëz ‘wild vine’ and larushk id. are derived. 0 M e y e r -

214

1.ARA —

LASHTË

LÜBKE Gr. G rundriß21 1Ü47; MANN Language XXVI 382; MlHÄESCU

RESEE IV /1-2 17 (larushk from Lat labrusca); H a a r m a n n 132; L a n d i Lat. 72, 110, 140. lar a pl. ‘menstruation; rinse water’. Substantivized form of lare ~ lane, participle of laj. laracoj aor. laracova ‘to variegate’. Together with laraman ‘motley, spotted’ and laragan id. derived from lare. lardh m fat bacon . Borrowed from Lat laridunt, latdum id. (MlKLO SlC H fom Elemente 34; MEYER Wb. 238). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grund­

riß 2 I 1052; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 169. larë f, pl. lara ‘white spot’, adj. ‘spotted, m otley’. From PAlb *laurâ, derivative in -r- based on laj. 0 MEYER Wb. 238 (to laros, cf. laroj). lar g
adv. ‘far (a w a y )’. B orrow ed from Lat

largus ‘b ig, la r g e ’ ( G i l ’f e r -

d in g Otn. 25; M ik lo s ic h Rom. Elemente 34; M e y e r Wb. 238). 0 M e y e r L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1042, 1050; HASDEU EMR 1 583; TAGLIAVI­ NI Dalmazia 169; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 17; HAARMANN 132; HULD 85 (g r o ss m isin terp retation o f MEYER’s v ie w ); L a n d i Lat. 49.

laroj aor. lar ova ‘to speckle, to variegate; to flatter’. Another m or­ phological variant is laros. Derived from lare. 0 M e y e r Wb. 238 (bor­ rowed from NGk À.£p(óva> ‘to dirty’); BARIC AArbSt I 153 (laroj ‘to flatter’ to Slav *laskati); JOKL / . / X VII 67 (united laroj ‘to speckle’ and laroj ‘to flatter’ by comparing it to Gk jioikÎÂA.cü ‘to speckle, to paint, to flatter’); ÇABEJ St. I 308 (follows JOKL). lartë - naltë adj. ‘high’. Based on the adverbial Lat in altum id. (M lK ­
LOSICH Rom. Elemente 2; MEYER Wb. 297). 0 MEYER BB XIV 54, Wb. 238 (rejects his earlier explanation); JOKL LKUBA 228 (from PAlb

*laudra, to IE *leudh- ‘to grow ’); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 34 (on prothetic /-), 201; BARIC AArbSt 1/1-2 147-148 (< *th-ro-, to Lat tollö); M ih ä e sc u RESEE IV /1-2 16; Ç a b e j 5/. VII 246; H a a r m a n n 130; L a n d i Lat. 49. lashtë adj. ‘old; early, premature (of fruit)’. A parallel form is lashë. An adjective in -të going back to PAlb *lausa related to Goth laus

L A IE

LE

215

‘empty, loosen’, with further connection with Gk Xvm ‘to loose, to release’. Semantically, the development may be compared to that of Gmc *alda- ‘old’ if, in our case, an intermediate link ‘to release’ > ‘to let grow ’ > ‘to grow old’ is admitted. 0 MEYER Wb. 2 3 8 (from Lat lassus ‘faint, languid’); JOKL LKUBA 2 2 6 -2 2 8 , Slavia XIII 3Ü9 (to IE *leudh- ‘to grow ’); KLUGE 446; FRISK II 149-150; POKORNY I 6 8 1 68 2 ; F e is t Goth. 325; HAARMANN 132; LlUKKONEN SSF X 56 (to Lith 'ilgas ‘long’); ÇABEJ St. I 3 0 8 -3 0 9 (derivative of lag); OREL Orpheus VI 66. late f, pl. lata ‘small axe’. From PAlb *laptâ related to lapë (JOKLStudien 4 7 , LKUBA 88) and reflecting a derivation close to (thematic) Slav *lopata ‘spade’, Lith lópeta id. and (athematic) OPrus lopto (D em iraj AE 234). On the semantic link between ‘leaf’ and ‘spade’ see TRUBACEV ÈSSJa XVI 4 3 . 0 MANN Language XVII 17 (related to Slav *de lb to); T o p o r o v PJa IV 3 5 8 -3 6 3 . latredh m, pl. latredha ‘uncastrated ram or g o a t’. A p réfix a i d eriv a ­ tiv e o f tredh (C a m a j Alb. Wortb. 110). latyrë f, pl. latyra ‘rinse water’. Borrowed from Rom *lavatura from Lat lavare ‘to wash’ (M e y e r Wb. 2 3 7 ). lavare f, pi. lavare ‘noose, hangman’s rope’. Singularized plural of lavar ‘dog-collar’. A préfixai form of var (Ç a b e j St. 1 309). The corresponding verb is lavirem ‘to hang down’. lavij aor. lavila ‘to become mad’. Another variant is lavem id. His­ torically identical with lavos ‘to wound, to injure’ from NGk Xaßcovco id. (Ç a b e j St. I 3 0 9 ). 0 M e y e r Wb. 2 3 9 (on lavos); B a r i c ARSt I 108. lavire f, pl. lavire ‘filthy rags; whore; brook, rill; ridge (of a hill)’. Derivative of lavirem, see lavare (ÇABEJ St. I 3 1 0 ). lbardh
aor.

Ibardha ‘to make white’. A préfixai derivative of bardh.

le part. Accompanies verb in jussive. Goes back to PAlb * laide iden­ tical with the Baltic particle of optative and permissive: Lith la!, Latv lài, leí, OPrus -lai. It coincides with the old unattested imperative as well as with 2 sg. pres, of lë (CAMARDA I 255; PEKMEZI 7 6 -7 7 ). 0 F r a e n k e l 329; Ç a b e j St. 1 3 1 0 .

218

LELË

-

I.E P T Y R Ë

le lë f, pl. lela ‘dirty woman, slut’. Borrowed from Slav *lel'a ‘aunt’, cf. South Slavic continuants: OCS lël’a, lei’a. Bulg lel’a, SCr Ijelja (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 25). lem arak m, pl. lemarakë ‘glutton’. Another variant is lemacak. Expres­

sive derivatives based on lemcë.
le m c ë f ‘uterus (of animals)’. A morphological variant in -zë is re ­ presented by lemzë ‘female sexual organ’. Both words are based on lemë, a participle of lej (GAZULLI 234). As to klemzë id., it is a pré­ fixai derivative of lemzë (GAZULLI 204). 0 ÇABEJ St. 1313. le m e r i f, pl. lemeri ‘fear, terro r’. Préfixai derivative of (t)merr. len d m, pl. tende ‘acorn’. From PAlb *lenta compared with the IndoEuropean word for ‘lentil’ *lent-: Lat lëns, lëntis, OHG Unsi, Slav *lqtja (ÇABEJ St. I 313-314). 0 MlKLOSICH Kom. Elemente 30 (from Lat glände(m) ‘acorn’ but how to explain Lat gl- > Alb /-?); M e y e r Wb. 243 (follows MlKLOSICH); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1054; SCHMIDT KZ LVII 22 (compares with lënd); MANN Language XVII 20-21 (to Gk ßtxXavoq id.); VASMER II 553-554; WALDE-HOFMANN I 783; POKORNY I 677; FRIEDRICH Trees 131-132 (same as MANN); MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 16 (from Latin); TRUBACEV ÈSSJa XV 6365; OREL IF XLIII 111 -113 (unconvincing comparison with lej). le n ic ë f, pl. lenica ‘female salmon’. Derivative of lej using a suffix of

Slavic origin. The specific term is connected with the salmon spawn­ ing.
len oj aor. lenova ‘to mitigate, to soften, to relieve’. Borrowed from

Ital lenire id. ( M e y e r Wb. 2 4 4 ). 0 C a m a r d a I 173 (to Lat lenire ‘to make soft, to alleviate’); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1048; ÇABEJ St. I 3 1 4 (derived from leh, lehtë).
lep ër f ‘le p r o s y ’. B o r ro w e d from Lat lepra id. (ÇABEJ St. I 3 1 5 ). 0 MEYER Wb. 241 (from N G k Â-Ércpa id .). leptyrë f ‘muddy place’. Borrowed from Rom *lippirüra, cf. Lat lippitüdo

‘blearedness, rheum ’.

LEPUR —

I.ESH

219

lepur m, pi. lepra, lepuj ‘h a r e ’. B o r ro w e d from Lat leporem id. (S tier KZ XI 139; G il ’f e r d in g Otn. 25; MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 35; M eyer Wb. 241). 0 M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 21 1043, 1049; JOKL LKUBA 9; M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 17; H a a r m a n n 133; L a n d i Lat. 51, 83, 144-145. lerë f, pl. lerë ‘dirt, mud’. From PAlb * laura etymologically identical with Lith laüré ‘dirty person’, further related to *leu- reflected in lum. 0 CAMARDA 1 146 (to òÀepóv- K Ó rcpov, Hes.); MEYER Wb. 238 (to laroj, óÀepóv); JOKL LKUBA 67 (derivative in -ré' of lyej), Reallex. Vorgesch. 1 86; LAMBERTZ KZ LIII 12 (follows M e y e r ); F r a e n k e l 346-347; ÇABEJ Sr. I 315 (agrees with JOKL); DEMIRAJ AE 237 (dialectal form of lyrë, cf. lyej). lerë f, pl. lera ‘heap o f sto n es, p eb b le b an k ’. C o n tin u es P A lb *laura
related to Gk Xorúpa ‘a lle y , p ass b etw e en r o c k s’ (JOKL RIEB I 43-

46). 0 F r is k II 91; P is a n i Saggi 85; P o k o r n y I 683; G in d in JaDN 164; POLÁK ZfBalk I 79 (b o rro w ed from Á a ú p a ); OREL ZfBalk XXIII 149; D e m ir a j AE 237-238 (o rig in a lly G eg ). lerth m ‘ivy’. Another variant is lerdh. Deminutive in -th of lar. lesë f, pi. lesa ‘harrow, wicker-work, frame’. Borrowed from Slav *lesa id., cf. in South Slavic: Bulg lesa, SCr Ijesa (SELISCEV Slav, nasele­ nie 156). A parallel form le she id. belongs to an earlier layer of Slavic loanwords. 0 SVANE 31. lesë f, pi. lesa ‘cleaning rag, cloth’. A derivative of lyej (ÇABEJ St. I 315). leskër f, pi. leskra ‘scale (of fish), shred, slate, thin metal shavings’. A derivative of *lesk borrowed from Slav *lisfhk-b ‘small le a f, cf. South Slavic continuants: Maced listok, SCr listak. 0 ÇABEJ St. I 316 (from SCr liska ‘metal plate’); S v a n e 149. lesh m, pl. leshra ~ leshna ‘wool, fleece, hair’. From PAlb *lai$a ety­ mologically connected with the Balto-Slavic word for ‘foliage’: Lith laiskos ‘leaf’, Latv lai ska ‘leaf on a linen stalk; stalk’, Slav *listh ‘leaf. 0 M e y e r Alb. St. I (to Slav *volsi, ‘hair’); Wb. 241 (comparison with Gmc *fleusaz ‘fleece’), Alb. St. Ill 24, 38, 61; Jo k l Studien 49 f. (to

220

LËSHKO

LËBY R

Skt lavi- ‘sickle’, Gk Xaîov id.), Slavia XIII 2 9 2 (borrowed from Slav *lësa); K r i s t o f o r i d h i 2 05 (to Gk tax%vr| ‘down, fleece, frizzy hair’); BARIC ARSt 45 (to Gk oùXoç ‘curly’), Hymje 26 (same as KRISTOFORIDHI); VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. I 3 8 -3 9 (to ON vlóh ‘hair’, Gk M%vr|. same as K r is t o f o r id h i) ; R ib e z z o Riv. indo-gr.-it. I 16 (to Gk Xáaxoc, ‘hairy, covered with hair’); T a g l i a v i n i Stratificazione 92; P is a n i Saggi 122 (agrees with M e y e r Wb.); PUDIC IX Ling. Cong. 8 6 2 (follows M e y e r ); P o g h i r c 1st. limb. rom. I I 331; Ç a b e j St. 1 3 1 5 -3 1 6 , IV 78; F r a e n k e l 333-334; VASMER II 5 0 0 -5 0 1 ; POKORNY 1 681; NEROZNAK Paleob. 198 (borrowed from Slav * v o Ist,); T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa X V 1 4 3 -1 4 4 (Slavic and Baltic words derived from IE *lei- ‘to spring up [of plants]’); HULD 8 5 -8 6 (to OS wlöh ‘fringe’) ; DEMIRAJ AE 2 3 8 -2 3 9 (to Lat vellus ‘wool’). leshko m, pl. leshko ‘credulous, gullible’. This homonym of leshko ‘hairy one’ (to lesh) is borrowed from Bulg lecko, Ihcko, adv. ‘lightly’, cf. lecok ‘light’. leshnje f ‘m oss’. Derivative of lesh. lez m,pl. leza, lezë ‘wart, mole, pimple, birthmark’. Another morphological variant is lezë. There exists a dialectal form lemzë that reflects the original structure of the word and allows to identify it with lemzë ~ lemcë and, in the long run, with lej (JOKL ArRom XXIV 31). For the semantics cf. E birthmark. 0 ÇABEJ St. I 316-317 (to lyej). lë ~ là aor. lashë ‘to let’. From PAlb *laidna, a present in *-ne/o- replac­ ing a more archaic *laida (see lej). Related to IE *leid- attested in Baltic and Germanic: Lith le'isti id., Latv laîst id., Goth letan id. (MEYER Wb. 2 4 2 , Alb. St. I ll 2 8 , 6 5 , IV 2 4 ). 0 JOKL LKUBA 2 5 2 , Sprache IX 118; PISANI Saggi 130; FRAENKEL 351-352; POKORNY I 666 ; F eist Goth. 3 2 9 -3 3 0 ; ÇABEJ St. I 3 17 (to Lat Ieri is ‘soft, smooth’ - semantically difficult); D e s n ic k a j a Sravn. 227; O r el IF XLIII 113; H u l d 155; Ja n s o n Unt. 81 (on part, lënë); D e m ir a j AE 2 3 9 . lëbarke f ‘d y se n te r y ’. A p réfixai d eriv a tiv e o f bark (MEYER Wb. 2 4 2 ). 0 JOKL Studien 51; CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 109. lëbyr aor. lëbyra ‘to dazzle, to maze, to confuse’. A préfixai deriva-

I .W O R K

-

L Ë K IJN D

221

tiv e o f byr. 0 ÇABEJ St. I 3 1 7 -3 1 8 (reco n stru cts tw o p r e fix e s lë- and

b-)\ MURATI Probleme 8 6 -8 7 (to lyej).
lë fo r ë f, pl. lëfora ‘rind, p eel, scale o f fish ’. A dialectal phonetic variant o f lëvore (ÇABEJ St. I 3 1 8 ). lë fo s m, pl. lëfosë ‘glutton’. From *lëpues ‘lapping’, see lap. The fem­

inine form lëfosë is attested in a different meaning - ‘woman or animal with hanging breasts’.
lë fy t m, pl. lëfyta ‘pipe, tube’. A préfixai derivative offy t (MEYER Wb.

115). 0 CAMAJ Alb. Worth. 109; ÇABEJ St. VII 242.
lë g a të f, pi. legata ‘m arsh’. Cf. also lëngatë under the influence of lëng

~ lang. From PAlb *leugata connected with Illyr eÀoç Aoúyeov tcatanjiievov (Strabo 7 .4 3 ), Lith liugas id., Slav *luza ‘pool' (MEYER Wb. 2 4 2 ). 0 M e y e r Alb. Studien IV 52 (to G k A.ép<poç ‘mucus’); BARIC ARSt 4 5 -4 6 (to lag)’ JOKL Reallex. Vorgesch. I 86 , IF XLVI 383; KRAHE , BNF XIV 1 20-124 (Illyrian parallels); FRAENKEL 379; POKORNY I 686 ; Ç a b e j St. I 3 1 9 -3 2 0 ; OREL Linguistica XXIV 4 2 9 -4 3 0 ; DEMIRAJ AE 2 3 9 -2 4 0 (to lag, lagë).
lë k o r e f, pl. lëkore ‘chicory’. A préfixai derivative of kore id., prob­ ably influenced by lëkurë. lëk o stër f ‘bast’. A préfixai derivative of unattested *kostër borrowed

from Slav *kostra ‘bark, grass’. In South Slavic only a derivative *kostr’ava ‘kind of grass’ has been registered: Bulg kostr'ava, SCr kostrjava. (G) lë k u e m, pl. lëkonj ‘water lily’. Borrowed from Lat (lilium) Lacönem ‘Spartan (lily)’.
lëk u n d aor. lëkunda ‘to rock, to swing, to sway, to shake’. A préfix­

ai derivative of an unattested *kund, a nasal present reflecting PAlb *kunda and related to Gmc *xutan ‘to swing’: MHG hutzen. 0 BUGA RFV LXV 3 1 7 (compares Germanic forms with Lith kuzdeti ‘to trem ble’, kudulti ‘to pull hair or beard’); POKORNY I 9 5 6 -9 5 7 ; ÇABEJ St. VII 2 6 9 .

222

LËKUQ. —

I.Ë M O S H Ë

lëkuq aor. lëkuqa ‘to tinge red, to dye red ’. A préfixai derivative of kuq (CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 101). lëkurë f, pl. lëkurë ‘skin, h id e’. D erived from lakur. 0 TAGLIAVINI Strat­ ificazione 92-93; E r n o u t -M e il l e t 335; C a m a j Alb. Wortb. 102, 108 (p refix lë-)\ DEMIRAJ AE 240-241. lëmaqe f, pl. lëmaqe ‘expanse of rubble, stoneslide, pile of stones’. A singularized plural of *lëmak, a derivative in -ak of lëmë. lëmashk m, pl. lëmashqe ‘mud, scum, moss, fur on tongue’. Another variant is lëmyshk ‘moss, fur on tongue’. A préfixai derivative from my shk. lëmazë f, pl. lëmaza ‘thin skin, shell’. A préfixai derivative of mazë (C a m a j Alb. Worth. 108). lëmehem refi, ‘to put on make-up’. A reflexive form of lëmoj ‘to smooth, to polish’. 0 ÇABEJ St. I 318 (derived from lyem, participle of lyej ). lëmekem reti, ‘to become wet; to faint’. A préfixai denominative (CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 110) of an unattested *mek ‘w et’ continuing PAlb *maka and connected with makë. 0 ÇABEJ St. VII 242. lëmë ~ lamë f, pl. lëmë ~ lamë, lëmënj ~ lamënj, lëmenj ~ lamenj ‘thresh­ ing-floor, wine-press’. There also exists a more archaic masculine form lëm ~ lam. From PAlb *lamâ etymologically identical with OHG lam ‘lame’, Slav *lonrh ‘breaking; crow-bar; broken branches’, reflect­ ing *lomos further derived from IE *lem- ‘to break’ (M e y e r Wb. 243, Alb. St. Ill 64). 0 S c h m id t KZ L V II17 (to lej); T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 167-168 (follows M e y e r ); P is a n i Saggi 124; P o k o r n y I 674; Ç a b e j St. I 318-319 (to Lith lomà ‘pit, hole’); O rel ZfBalk XXTII 145; T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa XVI 25-27; DEMIRAJ AE 241 (to Gk astori ‘threshing-floor’). lëmoj lëmova ‘to file, to polish’. Borrowed from Lat limare id. ( M e y e r Wb. 243). 0 Ç a b e j St. VII 184.
aor.

lëmoshë f, pl lëmosha ‘alms, charity’. Borrowed from Germanic, cf. OHG alamuosa id., OS alemösa id. Based on lemoshë is lemoshtër

LËMSH ~ LAM S H

LËNDOJ ~

LËNDOJ 2 2 3

‘crumb, speck, offering to the dead enclosed in coffin with corpse’.
0 K l u g e 15; O r e l Orpheus VI 66.

lëmsh ~ lamsh m, pl. lëmshe ~ lamshe ‘ball (of wool, thread), globe (of earth), pool, spellet’. The meaning ‘globe of earth’ < *‘broken lump of earth’ may be one of the oldest. The word goes back to PAlb *lemesja and is formally identical with Latv lemesis ‘sharp edge of the plouw’, Slav *lemesb ‘plouwshare’, with a parallel form with a voiced auslaut in Lith lëmezis ‘wooden part of plough to which the ploughshare is fixed’, Slav *lemezb ‘plouwshare’. The resulting IE *lemesjo- is a derivative of *lem- ‘to break’, cf. lëmë. 0 M e y e r Wb. 24 3 (from Rom *glemus, cf. Lat glomus ‘ball, clue of yarn, thread’); M e y e r -LÜBKF, Gr. Grundriß 1 I 1054; JOKL LKUBA 2 3 -2 4 (follows M e y e r ); T r eim er Slavia III 451 (against M e y e r for phonetic reasons: Lat gl- cannot yield Alb /-; suggests a comparison with Slav *lomiti ‘to break’); SPITZER M RIW I 3 2 4 {-sh explained as the ending of loca­ tive!); SCHMIDT KZ LVII 2 0 (to Oír loman ‘cord’); TAGLIAVINI Dal­ mazia 168; FRAENKEL 354; Ç a b e j St. I 3 1 9 (from IE *ulo-m- based on *uel- ‘to turn’); TRUBACEV ÈSSJa XIV 108-110; O r e l Orpheus VI 66 . lëmuq
adv. ‘in a heap, p iled up’, m ‘p ile ’. A nother variant is

lëmuç.

A variant o f lëmaqe. 0 ÇABEJ St. VII 255.

lëndë ~ landë f, pl. lëndë ~ landë ‘wood, timber, m aterial’. Goes back to PAlb *lenta etymologically related to Gmc *lendö ‘linden’ (OHG Unta, OE lind). Lith lenta ‘board’, Slav *lçti, ‘bast’ (MEYER Alb. Studien IV 117; V a s m e r Alb. Wortforsch. 3 6 ). 0 JOKL LKUBA 152, Reallex. Vorgesch. I 93; MANN Language XVII 20; HOLTHAUSEN AEW 203; F r a e n k e l 357-3 5 8 ; V a s m e r II 536; Z a l iz n ’ a k Ètimologija 1964 217; Ç a b e j * . VII 277; T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa X V I 15 0 -1 5 1 ; H u l d 87; C l a c k ­ s o n LR 135, 2 2 7 . lëndinë f, pl. lëndina ‘untilled land, fallow field, grassland’. Borrowed from Slav *lçdina id., cf. South Slavic forms: Bulg ledina, SCr ledina (S e l i SCe v Slav, naselenie 187). 0 S v a n e 166. lëndoj ~ lendoj aor. lëndova ~ lendova ‘to irritate, to make sore, to hurt’. Borrowed from Lat tentare ‘to make flexible, to bend’. 0

224

LËNG

~

LANG

L Ë P IZ Ë

M e y e r Alb. St. V 9 2 (to linda); ÇABEJ St. 1 3 1 9 (from Lat laedere ‘to hurt, to w o u n d ’).

lëngje ~ langje ‘ju ice, liquid, broth’. From P A lb *langa o b v io u sly co n n ecte d w ith lag and legate but re flec tin g an u n e x p e ct­ ed nasal in fix. M orp h o n o lo g ica lly not clear. 0 MEYER Wb. 2 4 4 (to Slav *slçknçti ‘to b ecom e w et’); ÇABEJ St. I 319-320; OREL Linguistica XXIV
m. pl.

lëng ~ lang

4 2 9 -4 3 0 .

lëngatë f, pl. lëngatë ‘illness, sickness, ailment’. Another variant is ligate ‘liver phthisis (in sheep)’. From PAlb *ligata derived from *liga > lig. The inlaut -ën- has appeared under the influence of lëngoj. 0 MEYER Wb. 2 4 4 (to lëngoj). lëngoj aor. lëngova ‘to weaken, to languish’. Borrowed from Lat languëre ‘to be faint, languid’ (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 34; MEYER Wb. 244). Note a nominal derivative lëngjyrë ‘typhus’. 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 1 1 1047; MlHÄESCU RESEE I V /1 - 2 28; HAARMANN 132. lëngor adj. ‘p lian t, su p p le’. D er iv ed from lëngoj (MEYER Wb. 2 4 4 ). 0 JOKL Studien 5 0 (to Lith leñkti ‘to b en d ’); ÇABEJ St. I 3 2 0 (to lëng); D e m ir a j AE 24 2 . lënur - lnuer
aor.

lënura ~ Inora ‘to card, to co m b (fla x )’. A p r é fix ­

ai d eriv a tiv e o f nvar, a variant o f mvar. 0 MEYER Wb. 2 4 4 (fro m R om

*länörius ‘w ork er in w o o l’). lëpec m ‘old ox or cow ; ailin g p e r s o n ’. D e r iv a tiv e o f lopë (M e y e r Wb. 2 4 8 ). 0 Ç a b e j St. I 3 2 0 (to lapë). lëpiskë f, pl. lëpiska ‘scale (of fish)’. A préfixai derivative of pisk. lëpitkë f, pl. lëpitka ‘slipper’. A derivative of lapë with a Slavic suffix. A homonymie lëpitkë ‘blade (of knife)’ is borrow ed from Bulg lepidka, deminutive of lepida id., itself a Modern Greek loanword (BER 3 6 4 ). 0 MANN HAED 241 (explains lëpitkë ‘blade’ directly from Greek). lëpizë f, pl. lëpiza ‘shelf, rack’. As well as lëpozë ‘roof’, related to lapë (J o k l LKUBA 8 6 -9 5 ).

L Ë P JE T Ë —

LEVARE

225

lëpjetë f, pl. lëpjeta ‘orach, dock’. Borrowed from Gk Äojcaöov id. (Thum b

IF XXVI 14-16) or, rather, from an unattested *A.a7te9ov. 0 M e y e r Wb. 241 (from Lat lapathum id.). Alb. St. V 92; JOKL LKUBA 119 (agrees with T h u m b ); M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 31; H a a r m a n n 132; Ç a b e j St. I 320 (Albanian and Greek forms derived from the same M editer­ ranean source).
lë p lu n g ë f, pl. lëplunga ‘webbing for tying cradle to m other’s back,

cheese-cloth used as a strainer’. A secondary phonetic variant of naplungë. 0 Ç a b e j St. VII 254.
lë p u sh ë f, pl. lëpusha ‘mullein; broad-leafed plant’. Derived from

lapë.
lëroj aor. lërova ‘to cultivate, to till’. Borrowed from Lat laborare ‘to

labor, to take pains’.
lëru sh k ë ~ laru shkë m lërushq ~ larushq ‘wild vine, kind of grape,

clematis’. Borrowed from Lat labrusca ‘wild vine’ (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 34; MEYER Wb. 244). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß2 1 1049;
H a a r m a n n 132. lësh oj aor. lëshova ‘to let, to leave, to free’. Borrowed from Lat

lassare ‘to render faint, to tire, *to let’ ( M e y e r Wb. 244). 0 CAMARDA 1 86 (to Gk A-íooopat ‘to beg, to pray’); MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 35 (from Ital lasciare ‘to let’); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1047 (agrees with MlKLOSICH); MlHÄESCU RESEE IV/1-2 17; ÇABEJ St. VII 228, 243; H a a r m a n n 132.
lë ti ~ lë tî adj ‘Italian, Latin, Catholic’. Borrowed from Lat Latlnus

‘L atin’ (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 35; MEYER Wb. 238-239). 0 M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß21 1044, 1047; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 169170; M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 23; H a a r m a n n 132; Ç a b e j St. I 309.
lëvare f, pi. levare ‘waterfall’. Another variant is livare. A préfixai deriv­

ative of var (ÇABEJ St. I 310) structurally close to ujvarë id. < ujë varë ‘hanging water’. For the original meaning of lëvare cf. a deriv­ ative livarzë ‘catkin’ < *‘hanging’.

226

LËVERE -

U D II

lë v e r e f ‘cloth, rag, laundry’. A singularized plural of *levar, the latter

being a préfixai derivative of var, cf. lëvare (ÇABEJ St. I 309-310). 0 MEYER Wb. 244 (with a metathesis, from Lat velarium ‘covering, screen’);
C a m a j Alb. Wortb. 109. lë v ir e m ~ lë v y r e m refi, ‘to beg, to beseech’. A semantic development of an older lëvyrem ‘to scratch oneself (as a sign of grief)’, the latter being based on lëvyr ‘to scratch, to lacerate’, a préfixai derivative of var, vjerr. lë v iz aor. lëviza ‘to move, to stir . Related to luaj from which it is derived

with an unusual suffix -iz < PAlb *-idja.
lë v o r e f, pl. lëvore ‘peel, skin; rag'. A formation parallel to lëvere but

with a different vocalism (ÇABEJ St. I 321). 0 CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 108 (prefix lë-).
lëvorzoj aor. lëvoriova ‘to peel’. Based on lëvorzë~ lëvorxë ‘peel, skin’, derived from lëvore. lëvozh gë f, pl. lëvozhga ‘hard shell, peel, skin’. Other variants are lëvezhgë, lëvexhgë, levoxhgë. Derivative in -kë or -shkë of lëvorxë. 0 MEYER Wb. 476 (borrowed from Slav *luska ~ * l’uska ‘peel, shell’); ÇABEJ St. I 321 (derived directly from lëvorë). li ~ lì m, pl. linj ‘flax, linen’. Borrowed from Lat linum id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 36; MEYER Wb. 244-245). 0 CAMARDA II 161 (com­ pares li with Gk Mvov id., Lat linum id.); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grund­ riß 21 1044, 1056; JOKL LKUBA 256; M a n n Language XXVI 384 (same as C a m a r d a ); M ih ä e s c u RESEE I V /1-2 17; H a a r m a n n 133; J a n s o n Unt. 53. lic ë f, pl. lica ‘flax tow’. A metaphoric usage of Slav *lice ‘face’ as

‘face side’ or ‘upper part’, cf. such meanings as Bulg lice ‘upper part’ or SCr lice id. lidh aor. lidha ‘to bind, to tie’. From PAlb *lïdza etymologically close to Lat ligare id. ( C a m a r d a I 42; M e y e r Wb. 2 4 5 , Alb. St. Ill 17). 0 BARIC ARSt 4 3 -4 4 (to Lat volvö ‘to ro ll1 JOKL Reallex. Vorgesch. I ); 89; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 173 (agrees with M e y e r ); C im o c h o w s k i

L IFQ E R

LIJE

227

LP II 230; E r n o u t -M e ill e t 358; M a n n Language XXVI 384; P is a n i Saggi 129; JUCQUOIS Le Muse'on LXXVIII 448; H a m p 1F LXVI 53; Ç a b e j St. VII 254; H u l d 86-87; D e m ir a j AE 242-243. lifqer m , p l. lifqere ‘waterfall’. Another form is lifqar. Borrowed from Rom *lav cär um < Lat laväcrum ‘bath’. The vowel of the first sylla­ ble results from the development of the unstressed -ë- to 0 XHUVANI KLetr 1/5 9 (from Lat liquor ‘liquid’); Ç a b e j St. I 321-322 (related to lëvare); OREL Orpheus VI 67. lig a d j. ‘bad, ill’. Reflects PAlb *liga while ligë ‘illness’ goes back to PAlb *ligd. Further connected with Gk ôMyoç ‘small, few’, Axnyôç ‘destruction, death’, Lith ligà ‘illness’, Latv liga id. (CAMARDA I 66 on Aop/oq; MEYER Wb. 2 4 5 , Alb. St. Ill 7). The related adjective ligshtë ‘ailing’ is identical with Lith ligustas ‘ill’ (DESNICKAJA Sravn. 2 0 3 ). 0 PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 6 0 -6 1 ; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 173 (follows MEYER); L a p i a n a St. Varia 45; M a n n Language XXVI 385; PISANI Saggi 127; FRAENKEL 370; FRISK II 376; CHANTRAINE 645; H a m p 4/£W L II (XIII) 190; POKORNY I 667; Ç a b e j St. VII 199; H u l d 87; O r e l ZfBalk XXIII 149; RASMUSSEN Morph. 164; DEMIRAJ AE 2 43. ligj m, pl ligje ‘law ’. Other morphological variants of sg. are ligje and ligjë. The word is borrowed from Lat lege(m) id. (CAMARDA II 69; MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 35; M e y e r Wb. 2 4 5 ). Note Alb -i- < Lat -ë- (explained by the Sicilian dialectal mediation in MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1044). 0 JOKL LKUBA 4 3 (ligj vs. zakon), WuS XII 83; S ir o k o v ZEL X X IV / 1 15 (related to Lith lygùs ‘equal’, OPrus lïgan ‘court’); T o p o r o v SBJa Ètnokul’t. 25 (follows SlROKOV); ÇABEJ St. VII 266; H a a r m a n n 133; O r e l Koll. Idg. Ges. 3 6 1 -3 6 2 ; L a n d i Lat. 5 3 , 85. ligje pl, ‘m ou rn in g, d ir g e ’. H isto r ica lly id en tical w ith ligj. 0 M e y e r Wb. 245 (from R om *elegium in stead o f Lat elogium)’ MEYER-LÜBKE , Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1044. lijë f, pl. lija ‘smallpox’. Borrowed from Slav *lixo ‘evil’. 0 MANN Language XXVI 384 (to Lat lira ‘furrow ’).

228

LIK —

L IN G

I.TNGF, —

LLSMË

229

lik m ‘lev el’. Borrowed from Slav *li!cb ‘face, surface’, cf. Bulg lik, SC r lik (Ç a b e j St. I 322). 0 S v a n e 126. likardhë f ‘chickenpox’. Probably, from *lëkurdhë, a suffixal deriv­ ative of lëkurë. As to the unexpected -a- in likardhë it could be explained by the analogy with the dialectal likar ‘doctor’ of Serbo-Croatian origin. 0 ÇABEJ St. IV 369 (to R uss k o r’ ‘chickenpox’); RUSAKOV U s 1980 173.

'to run (unattached)’. For forms with a nasal infix cf. Lith lingúoti ‘to sw ing’. 0 M e y e r Wb. 246 ( ling ‘trotting’ from Turk link ‘trot’); F eist Goth. 319-320; F r a e n k e l 330-331; M a y r h o fe r III 72; P o k o r n y I 667.
lin g ë f, pi. Unga ‘small bell’. From PAlb *lingä etymologically identi­

cal with Lith fìnge ‘flexible pole; bend’, Latv liñga ‘loop’. 0 F r a e n k e l 331; P o k o r n y I 676; Ç a b e j St. I 322 (onomatopoeia). linjë f, pl. Unja ‘linen shirt; linen’. Borrowed from Lat llneum ‘linen garment’ (M e y e r Wb. 245). The homonymie linjë ‘line’ either goes back to Lat linea ‘thread, line’ or to its continuations in Romance. 0 M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1044; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 26; H a a r m a n n 133.
lip ë f, pl. lipa ‘lime-tree’. Borrowed from Slav *lipa id., cf. South Slavic

likogjone pi. ‘sacrum, loins, lumbar regions’. An adaptation of the unat­ tested Slavic compound *lçdvo-gom, ‘place from where hips begin’, based on *lçdva ‘hip, kidney, loin’. 0 MEYER Wb. 245 (to Gk KO'/cóvr) ‘part between the pudenda and the anus’); ÇABEJ St. VII 195. likoq m ‘animal with one testicle’. A préfixai derivative of koqe one
of the meanings of which is ‘testicles’. liktyrë f ‘rope for binding a bundle o f wood; band, bandage’. Another variant is lyktyrë. Borrowed from Lat ligatura ‘band, bunch’ (MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 17). 0 HAARMANN 133; ÇABEJ St. I 327-328. lil m, pl. lila ‘lily’. Borrowed from Lat lllium id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 35).

continuants: Bulg lipa, SCr lipa (ÇABEJ St. I 322). 0 SVANE 126.
liq m ‘woof, w eft’. A singularized plural o f *lik going back to PAlb

*lika. A nominal deverbative o f IE *leik“ ‘to leave, to remain’: Skt rinákti ‘to leave’, Lat linquö id., O H G llhan and the like. 0 MAYRHOFER
III 59; W a l d e -H o f m a n n I 808-810; P o k o r n y I 669-670; O rel Orpheus VI 67.
liroj aor. lirova ‘to free’. Borrowed from Lat liberare id. (MEYER Wb. 5, fle x ib le ai IC IÉU C U T atv l i ß l c id 6 M R V R BiiihufláfeA ariha lim ë f, pl. lima ‘file ’. Borrowed from Lat lima id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 35; MEYER Wb. 246). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß21 1044; M i h ä e s c u RESEE I V / 1-2 23; Ç a b e j St. VII 28 1 ; H a a r m a n n 133. lin d aor. linda ‘to bear, to beget; to be born’. A nasal present of lej (O r e l IF XCIII 1 1 2 -1 1 3 ). 0 P e d e r s e n Alb. Texte 12; Jo k l Studien 63; S c h m id t KZ LVII 3 3 -3 5 ; P is a n i Saggi 120; Ç a b e j St. VII 2 0 5 , 2 1 7 ; D e m ir a j AE 2 4 3 -2 4 4 . lin g m ‘hurry, haste’. From PAlb *linga, a substantivized nasal present

d, lurttier, to netas o ig ,

¿,-r,,. H ! b b w b c t i w . * . . . i . . w .. MlHÀESCll RfcSEE [ V / l - 2 23; HAAKMANN 133. lis m, pl. Usa ‘oak, high tree’. A borrowing from Slav *les7, ‘wood, forest, tree’ (M E Y E R Wb. 247). The Slavic dialect from which the word was borrowed must have had a narrow *e > Alb i, i.e. it may be iden­ tified as “ikavski” Serbo-Croatian (J o k l LKUBA 177). 0 B a r i c ARSt 48 (to Gk a^aoç ‘holy grove1), AArbSt 1/1-2 205-206; H U LD 87 (compares lis with leude and lëndë as a parallel o f vise ~ vend).
lis ë f, pl. lisa ‘woof, weft’. Goes back to PAlb * lit sä continuing *leik“ ia and related to liq. 0 ÇABEJ St. I 322 (borrowed from Bulg lesa ‘fishing-line, rope, plaiting'); OREL Orpheus VI 67. lis m ë f, pl. Usma ‘slate, fr a g ile earth, ston y fie ld , c la y ’. F rom P A lb

lilë f, pl. / U n . — Limali irnn riña Inon-rinp. link’. From PAlb *U'ilâ_____

■ I

related to Skt réjate ‘to spring’, Goth laikan ‘to jump’, Lith Idigyti

230

I.O C

-

LO PA TË

* litsimä. A derivative of liq, lise. The original meaning of the word might be ‘remaining (earth), rem ainders’.
lo c m ‘dear, darling’. As demonstrated by the derivative loçkë ‘pupil

(of the eye)’, also used metaphorically as a synonym of loc, the orig­ inal meaning of the latter must have been ‘pupil’. It is, therefore, a continuation of PAlb *latja, derivationally connected with lot. Another derivative of toc is loke ‘dear’ (addressed to mother).
lod roj aor. lodrova ‘to spring, to dance, to play’. Derived from lodër

‘game, play’ based on loz (SPITZER MRIW I 326). 0 TAGLIAVINI Dal­ mazia 175. lodh aor. lodha ‘to tire, to w eary’. From PAlb *lada related to Goth letan ‘to let’, Gk â i i S e î v ■Komâv, k e k l i i i KÉvai (Hes.) and the like (MEYER Wb. 242, Alb. St. Ill 28). 0 CAMARDA I 124 (to Gk Ätoßii ‘m altreat­ ment’); ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 250; M a n n Language XXVIII 32, 36; PISANI Saggi 130; P o r z i g Gliederung 104; F r is k II 114; K l u g e 424; F e i s t Goth. 329; POKORNY I 666; HULD 143; B e e k e s IF XCI11 36; RAS­ MUSSEN Morph. 54; DEMIRAJ AE 244-245.
lo g m, pl. logje ‘meadow’. Borrowed from Slav *logb ‘ravine, low place’ (SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 7 5 , 187). Note that in these meanings the

word is not attested in South Slavic where it usually stands for ‘lying’ or ‘den’. 0 SVANE 167.
lo g o r i f, pi. logori ‘wailing, mourning, dirge’. Assimilated from *legori.

Borrowed from Lat allegoria ‘allegory’. 0 M e y e r Wb. 2 4 5 (to ligje)', KRISTOFORIDHI 211 (related to Gk Àxiyoç used to denote ‘dirge’); J o k l WuS XII 88 (from NGk pupoÀ-oyco ‘to m ourn’); ÇABEJ St. I 3 2 2 (iden­ tical with llogaris ‘to count’, of Modern Greek origin), IV 78.
lojc adj. ‘unstable’. Literally, ‘playful’. Derived from lojë ‘play’ < *loë

related to loz.
lop ate f, pl. lopata ‘shovel, oar’. Borrowed from Slav *lopata id., cf. South Slavic continuants: OCS lopata, Bulg lopata, SCr lopata (M lK ­ LOSICH Slav. Elemente 25; MEYER Wb. 245). The derivative lopatëz

‘tadpole’ has derived its unusual meaning from the South Slavic usage in which Bulg lopata and SCr lopata may stand for ‘unpro-

LO PF, —

LOZ

231

portionately large parts of the body’. 0 T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 176; S eli SCev Slav, naselenie 169, 303; POLÁK ZfBalk I 81 (from SCr lopata)', H a m p LB XIV/2 12; Ç a b e j St. VII 254; S v a n e 76. lopë f, pl. lope ‘cow’. Continues PAlb *leipä related to Latv luöps ‘cattle’ ( E n d z e l i n KZ XLIV 6 2 ). 0 S t i e r KZ XI 206; M e y e r Wb. 2 4 8 (par­ allels with Alpine words for ‘cow’); PEDERSEN Kelt. Gr. II 22 (to Celt *ldpego- ‘calf’: Oír láeg, Bret leue); JOKL IF XLIII 5 7 , Sprache IX 149; MlKKOLA BKIS XXI 2 1 9 -2 2 0 (to ON lamb ‘lamb’); PETERSSON Heter. 22; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 175-176, Stratificazione 138; POKORNY I 654; Ç a b e j Ciotta XXV 51; H am p RomPh XII 153; S c h r i j v e r BC
309; D e m ir a j A E 24 5 .

loqe f, pl. loqe ‘penis; testicles’. A singularized plural going back to a paradigm sg. *lok ~ pl. loqe. From PAlb *lâuka closely related to Lith liaukà ‘gland’ further based on IE *leuk- ‘to shine; shining, white’ (ÇABEJ St. I 3 2 2 -3 2 3 ). 0 M e y e r Wb. 2 4 8 (compares with SCr lokanja ‘belly’, Bulg Gypsy lokatsi ‘penis’); PEDERSEN St. Balt. IV 152 (on Lith liaukà); T a g l i a v i n i Stratificazione 93; F r a e n k e l 3 6 1 -3 6 2 ; POKORNY I 6 8 7 -6 9 0 ; OREL Linguistica XXIV 4 2 7 . lorzë f ‘parrot’. Used in a phrase fla s si lorza ‘to chat like a parrot’. A suffixal diminutive of an unattested *lori ‘parrot lori, one of the Lorinae’. losh
adj.

‘tearful’. Continues *lot-sh, derived from lot.

lot m, pl. lot ‘tear’. From PAlb *la(i)ta, an adjective in *-to- based on IE *lëi- ‘to pour, to flow’ (BARIC AArbSt I 1 4 8 -1 5 0 ). 0 MEYER Wb. 2 4 9 (from Lat flêtus ‘weeping, wailing’); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 176 (agrees w ith B a r ic ) ; P o k o r n y I 6 6 4 -6 6 5 ; Ç a b e j St. VII 25 8 . loz aor. lojta ‘to move, to shake, to play’. From PAlb *ládja, a denom­ inative verb based on . T h e latter is etymologically identical with Slav *lad-b ‘order, peace’ from which a similar verb *laditi ‘to make order, to make peace’ is derived. 0 CAMARDA I 50 (related to luaj); MEYER Wb. 248 (related to Lith palo'da ‘lack of restraint, licentiousness’ and separated from luaj); PEDERSEN Alb. Texte 152 (connects loz with luaj); J o k l Studien 75, LKUBA 224; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 177; ÇABEJ St. I 323-324 (to OIr luaid ‘to move’); TRUBACEV ÈSSJa XIV 9-12.

232

LOZ E

LUCE

LU FTË

LUKËR

233

loze f, pl. loze ‘tendril (of a plant)’. A singularized plural of a less wide­ spread lozë id. Borrowed from Slav *loza ‘vine, tendril’, cf. South Slavic continuants: OCS loza, Bulg loza, SCr loza (SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 164). 0 SVANE 118.

‘swamp, marsh; podzol (a kind of soil)’); KORTLANDT SSGL XXIII 174 (against OREL). luftë f, pl. Iufta, luftëra ~ luftna ‘fight, w ar’. Borrowed from Lat lucta ‘wrestling’ > Rum luptä ‘fight’ (CAMARDA I 65; MlKLOSICH Rom. Ele­ mente 37; MEYER Wb. 250). Note the East Romance type of the devel­ opment of -ct- in this word. The verb lëftoj, luftoj ‘to fight’ corre­ sponds to Lat luctâri id. 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 21 1046, 1049, 1054; PU§CARIU EWR 86; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV/1-2 17; TAGLIAVINI Origini 145, 366; Ç a b e j St. VII 230, 267; Di G io v in e Gruppo -ct 5556; H u l d 86; H a a r m a n n 133; L a n d i Lat. 22-123, 135. lug m, pi. lugj, lugje ‘trough, water-trough, long gutter, pipe’. Related to lugë ‘spoon’ with which it continues PAlb *luga ~ *lugä etymo­ logically connected with Slav *li,ga ‘spoon, blade’, *li>zica id. (JOKL LKUBA 143-145. Reallex. Vorgesch. I 93). Both Albanian and Slavic forms are based on IE *leugh- ‘to break’, cf. Skt rujdti ‘to break’. Note lugatë ‘oar’ derived from lugë under the structural influence of lopatë and lukth ‘stomach’ based on lug (MEYER Wb. 250). 0 M lK­ LOSICH Slav. Elemente 250 (lugë borrowed from Slavic); MEYER IF II 368-369, Wb. 250 (lug treated as a Turkish loan, from oluk, uluk ‘channel’; for lugë follows MlKLOSICH); PEDERSEN Kelt. Gr. I 101; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 177; M a n n Language XVII 14; M a y r h o f e r III 64; P o k o r n y I 686; H a m p SCL XXVII/2 183; Ç a b e j * . VII 201, apud D e m ir a j (to OE long ‘vessel’); T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa XVI 257-260; D e m ir a j AE 245-246. lugat m, pl. luget, lugetër ‘bogey, vam pire’. Another variant is luvgat. Borrowed from an early Romance compound the first element of which was, undoubtedly, Lat lupus ‘wolf’ (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 37;

Iter m ‘a lta r ’. B o rro w e d fro m L at altärium id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Ele­
mente 2). 0 M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 1 1 1040, 1043; M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV/1-2 12; Ç a b e j St. VII 280; HAARMAN 110: LANDI Lat. 27, 38, 115.

luaj ~ luej aor. lojta ~ luej ta ‘to move, to shake, to play’. From PAlb
*ladnja, a denominative verb closely connected with loz (CAMARDA I 50). 0 MEYER Wb. 248 (borrowed from Lat ladere ‘to play’); S c h u c h a r d t KZ X X 250; M ih ä e sc u RESEE IV/1-2 23; Ç a b e j St. VII 227; H a a r m a n n 133.

luan ~ luâ m. pl. luaj ~ luanj, luanë iio n ’. Borrowed from Lat leönem
id. ( S t i e r KZ XI 141-142; MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 35; M e y e r Wb. 249). 0 M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1046; JOKL LKUBA 89, IF L 49-52 (from Slav *lbVb id.); M a n n Language XXVI 384 (related to Gk Âéwv id.); Ç a b e j St. I 324 (follows M e y e r ) .

lubenicë f, pl. lubenica ‘water-melon’. Borrowed from Slav *lubenica id., cf. South Slavic forms: Bulg lubenica, SCr lubenica (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 25; MEYER Wb. 249). 0 S e liS C e v Slav, naselenie 162, 304; S v a n e 106. lubi f, pl. lubi ‘ogress, dragon-woman with seven heads’. Another variant

is luvgi. Note also luvgji ‘voracity, greed’ representing a metaphoric ° f 'bis word. It seems DrobaW based on luvgat, see lugat. 0 JOKL LKUBA 12-1A (to Slav */ 'ubiti ‘to love’).
e r to r m s a r bjuce, juci a n a Wb. 251). 0 C a m a r d a XOSICH Rom. Elemente 37 Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1050; ) llucc0; MlHÄESCl RESEE I I I / 1-2 44 (to L ith jáudra
íter

peccätus ‘false w o lf’. 0 POLÁK EBTch V 3 4 - 2
iu te i , p i . ÏÜ CÜ iïïu c i,

* l’uxati ‘to strike’, cf. in South Slavic - Bulg Vuxam ‘to strike at a short stick while playing chelik’.
lukër f. ‘sheep’. Borrowed from Lat lucrum ‘gain, profit, wealth’ (JOKL LKUBA 257-259). 0 MlHÄESCU RESEE IV/1-2 28; ÇABEJ St. I 324 (agrees with Jo k l ); H a a r m a n n 133; L a n d i Lat. 118.

m ire ’. Im p o rta n t paral

juzi. B o rro w ed fro m Lat lutea ‘m u d d y ’ (M e I 88 (co n n ected w ith L at Iut um ‘m u d ’); Mil (b o rro w e d fro m lutum); MEYER-LÜBKE F r a e n k e l 198-199; K r is t o f o r id h i 143 (t IV/1-2 31; H a a r m a n n 133; O r e l FLH V

234

LULL — - LUNDËR iu n g e f, pi. lunga 'swelling, tumor . hrom F A lb ' lunkä, a derivative

LUNGË

LUSPË

235

auree, p robably, from Copt ou rce is p ostu lated for Gk

50 (from Lat Ilham w ith i

q u estio n s M e y e r ’s ex p la -

00-101; C a m a j Alb. Worth.

ULD 87-88.

of IE *leu-k- ‘to bend’ with a nasal infix, similar to that of OPrus lunkis ‘angle’, Lith luñkanas ‘supple’, Latv lunks id. 0 MEYER Wb. 252 (to bulë, bulungë); BUGA RR I 369; JOKL Studien 53 (to Skt ro'ga‘pain, illness’); FRAENKEL 390; POKORNY I 681-682; Ç a b e j BUShT XV /4 76-77 (follows M e y e r ), apud D e m ir a j (Lat volvö ‘to ro ll’); D e m ir a j AE 248 (to lëng).
lu p esh m ‘glutton’. Derivative of Ilup (P e d e r s e n Alb. Texte 153). 0 ÇABEJ St. I 326 (from a non-existent Bulg lupez ‘thief’). lu qerb ull f, pl. luqerbulla ‘werewolf. Other variants are ruqerbull, riqe-

ancient Balkan loanword from an oriental s hr èri, Mèli ‘lily’ < Eg hrr.t id. The same ; Äevptov id., Lat lïlium id. 0 M e y e r Wb. 1 > u after /-); T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 178 i nation); M a n n Language XVII 16; F risk II 109 (prefix /-); ÇABEJ St. VII 203, 254; F

ro m PAlb *lubna, an adjec)ve, to w ish ’ (JOKL Studien icu lar G oth liufs ‘d e a r ’. 0 Ç a b e j St. I 325 (to lus);

)ther fo rm is lëmak. A su f-

bull. Borrowed from Rom * lupus cervulus, cf. a more usual Romance * lupus cervarias as in Fr loup-cervier id. (L a PIANA Prefisso 21). 0 ÇABEJ St. I 326 (a préfixai derivative of qelb).
lu q erë f ‘lamp, lantern’. Borrowed from Lat lucerna id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 37; MEYER Wb. 250, Alb. St. IV 80). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. G rundriß2 1 1049; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV/1-2 23; HAARMANN 133; ÇABEJ St. I 326 (adduces Old Albanian data); L a n d i Lat. 89, 112-114. luroj a o r. lurova ‘to howl, to wail’. A phono-morphological variant of

lum adj. ‘blessed, happy, lucky, fortunate’. I tive in *-no- derived from IE *leubh- ‘to 1 52-53, Reallex. Vorgesch. I 86), cf. in par F e ist Goth. 333; P o k o r n y I 683-684; D em ir a j AE 247-248.
lu m ak m , p l. ‘bud, shoot; lichen, m oss’. An

itinuing P A lb *lubna. T he

*leubh- ‘to p eel, to sk in ’, luba ‘bark, b o a rd ’, O Prus ’. 0 M e y e r Wb. 251 (from C ARSt I 48 -5 0 (a p réfixai n k e l 388; Ç a b e j St. I 325125-228; O r e l Orpheus VI

fixai derivative of an unattested *lum coi latter is an adjective in *-no- based on IE cf. Lith lubà ‘board (of a ceiling)’, Latv lubbo ‘board’, Slav *h,b-h ‘forehead, skul Lat limäcem ‘snail’), Alb. St. IV 94; BAR derivative of makë); POKORNY I 690; F r a i 326 (from lumë); TRUBACEV ÈSSJa XVI ; 67.

ta ety m o lo g ically identical d to IE *leu(a)- ‘d ir t’. 0 VltKLOSlCH Rom. Elemente YERWfr. 251 (follow s MlK) p o u r ’); F r i s k II 144-145; ULD 88 (to IE *(s)leub- ‘to

lurtoj a o r. lurtova ‘to cajole, to flatter, to caress’. A phonetic modifi­ cation of *larëtoj, to laroj (ÇABEJ St. I 326-327). lu s a o r. luta ‘to pray, to invoke, to beg’. From PAlb *lugtja related to

lu m ë m, pl. lumenj ‘r iv e r ’. F rom P A lb *lur, w ith Gk Äünot ‘d irt’, and further relatt CAMARDA 1 38 (to Gk tamco ‘to w a sh ’);

27 (b o rro w ed from L a t ßUrnen ‘r iv e r ’); Ml
LOSICH); JOKL Studien 51-52 (to IE ~*Iei- ‘t be slick , w e t’); DEMIRAJ AE 246-247. lu nd ër f, pi. landra ‘boat, b arge, fe r r y ’. B e cf. R um luntre (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemen Pu^CARiu EWR 86; M ih ä e sc u RESEE I \ L a n d i Lat. 116, 129. lundër f, pi. tundra ‘o tte r ’. B o rro w ed fro n LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1046).

rrowed from Rom *lunter, fe 36; M e y e r Wb. 251). 0 /1-2 17; H a a r m a n n 133;

Lith lügate ‘to ask, to pray’, Latv Ihdzu, lugt ‘to ask, to invite’, OHG lockOn ‘to lure, to entice’ ( T r e im e r MR1WI 377-378), further related to IE *leugh- ‘to lie, to cheat’. 0 CAMARDA I 53 (to Gk Àiaaonou ‘to beg, to pray’); MEYER Wb. 251 (repeats CAMARDA’ s etymology), Alb. St. Ill 25; B a r i c ARSt 150-51 (to IE *leubh- ‘to love, to wish’); T a g l i ­ a v i n i Dalmazia 177; MANN Language XXVIII 31 (to Slav * l’utiti ‘to be fierce, to be violent’); KLUGE 444; FRAENKEL 389; POKORNY I 686687; J o k l Die Sprache IX /2 150 (agrees with T r e im e r ) .
lu sp ë f, pl. luspa ‘scale ( o f f is h ) ’. B o rro w e d fro m Slav *luspa ‘scale,

POKORNY I 681 ; Ç a b e j St. VII 227, 258; F

Rom *lunter id. (MEYER -

s h e ll’, cf. in S outh S lavic: B ulg luspa, S C r ljuspa (Ç a b e j St. I 327). 0 S v a n e 119, 237.

236

LU SH

LYP

lush m, pl, lushë ‘berserk; carrion’. Back-formation based on fem. lushë

‘bitch; berserk woman’. As far as the latter has a parallel form lute ‘bitch, glutton’, lushë must be explained as resulting from *lut-shë based on an unattested *lutë, borrowed from Slav *l'utb ‘angry, wild, violent’ (in particular, of animals).
luzm ë f ‘swarm (in particular, of bees)’. From *luazmë ~ luezmë, deriv­ ative of loz. 0 Ç a b e j St. VII 195. lu zh i f ‘flo o d ’. B ased on *luzhë b o rro w e d fro m Slav *luza ‘p o o l’, cf. in South Slavic: OCS hi za, SCr luza (ÇABEJ St. I 327). 0 XHUVANI Shkëndija III/4 5 (re la te d to lëgatë); SVANE 170. lyç adv. ‘in a mess, in a muddle, out of joint’. Derived with an adver­ bial marker -ç from lyej.

lyej aor. leva, lyejta ‘to smear, to oil’. Since the original meaning seems to be ‘to cover with oil’, the expected Proto-Albanian form may be reconstructed as *elaiwanja, with -ye- resulting form the contraction of the inlaut cluster *-aiwa-. This is a denominative verb based on an unattested *elaiwa borrowed from G k eX ai(f)ov ‘oil’. Note lyre ‘fat- derived from lyej. 0 C a m a r d a I 242 (to G k a t a n c o ‘to oil’); M e y e r Wb. 2 5 1-252 (borrowed from Lat lino ‘to daub, to besm ear’ or related to IE *M - ‘to flow, to pour’); B a r ic ARSt I 50 (to IE *leip‘fat’, thus repeating C a m a r d a ’s etymology); JOKL LKUBA 67; TAGLI­ AVINI Dalmazia 177; ÇABEJ St. I 327 (to IE *lei- ‘to flow, to pour’).
ly ly v e r m, pi. lylyvere ‘rainbow ’. A phonetic variant of y liber. ly m m, pl. lyme ‘mud, alluvium’. Borrowed from Gk ‘d irt’, cf. him. 0 JOKL Reallex. Vorgesch. I 86 (to lerë); ÇABEJ St. VII 225; ÇABEJ apud D e m ir a j (to lum); D e m ir a j AE 248-249.

lyp aor. lypa ‘to beg, to ask, to seek, to need’. In Tosk also lip. Despite an irregular development of the root vowel, continues PAlb *leipa related to Gk ÀÀrcxojaou ‘to be eager, to long for’, Lith liepiu, liepti ‘to order’. 0 M e y e r Wb. 247 (to lipsern ‘to miss’, itself a Modern Greek loanword); B a r ic ARSt I 50-51 (to IE *leubh- ‘to love, to wish’); TAGLI­ AVINI Dalmazia 179 (against M e y e r ); F r a e n k e l 367; F r is k II 127128.

LYR

LLAPUSHË

237

ly r aor. lyra ‘to make dirty’. Derived from lerë ‘dirt’.

lyrdhëz f, pl. lyrdhëza ‘w art’. Apparently, from *lyr-th-ëz, a deriva­ tive of lyre. Cf. ¡yih. lyshtër f, pl. lyslttra ‘flotsam, alluvium; crow d’. Borrowed from Lat lustrum ‘slough, bog, morass, puddle; house of ill-repute, debauch­ e ry ’. 0 Ç a b e j St. I 328 (to lyej). lyth m, pl. lytha, lythë ‘w a rt, c o r n ’. A d e riv a tiv e in -th o f lyej (Ç a b e j St. I 328).

LI llabiç m, pl. Ilabiçë ‘bogey, vampire; glutton’. From *lubiç, derivative of lubi. llacë f. pl. 11acá ‘ladder’. Borrowed from an unattested Slav *lazbca related to *laziti ‘to climb’. 0 OREL Orpheus VI 67. llallë f, pl. llalla ‘wet-nurse; moth’. An onomatopoeia. In its second meaning llallë may be a caique of Slav *baba ‘woman, grandmoth­ er; butterfly, moth’. llap aor. llapa ‘to lap up’ (of animals). From P A lb *lapa compared with Gk Xó.nTK> ‘to gulp, to drink greedily’, Lith lape'nti ‘to swallow food’ (of pigs), Slav *lopati ‘to eat u p ' (C a m a r d a 127; M e y e r Wb. 237). 0 F r a e n k e l 340; F r is k II 85; P o k o r n y I 651; O r e l Linguis­ tica XXTV 429. llapë f, pi. llapa ‘tongue, language’. From PAlb *lapel connected with the verb llap. 0 MEYER Wb. 237; OREL Linguistica XXIV 429. llapush adj. ‘long-eared’. An early borrowing from an unattested Slav *lop(o)usL, id., cf. *lopouxr id. b llapushë f, pl. llapusha ‘broad-leafed cabbage, covering leaf of m aize’. Borrowed from Slav *lopusb. derivative of *lopuxb ‘burdock, broad-

238

L L A S K O N JE —

LLOM

leafed plant’, cf. in South Slavic: Bulg lopux, SCr lopuh. 0 S v a n e 112; OREL Orpheus VI 67. llaskonjë f ‘twig, shoot’. A derivative in -onjë of *laskë borrowed from Slav *loz-bka, deminutive of *loza ‘vine’. Another form of *laske is attested as llashkë ‘shoot’. llazurë f ‘agitation, noise, swarm ’. Borrowed, with dissimilation of liquids, from Slav *orzoi~b ‘ravage, destruction’, cf. SCr razoriti. llënjëz f ‘mud, silt’. A derivative from PAlb *slinjä related to Lith sliënas ‘saliva, mucus, slim e’, Slav *slina ‘saliva’. Ô FRAENKEL 826; VASMER III 672; O rel Orpheus VI 67. llërë ~ llanë f, pl. llërë ~ llanë, llëra ~ llana ‘fo rea rm , e l l ’. F rom P A lb *alena related to G k cûÀÉvti ‘e lb o w ’, Lat ulna, O H G elina and the lik e (MEYER Wb. 233). 0 MEYER Alb. St. Ill 76 (b o rro w ed from R om *ulnâna)\ PEDERSEN KZ XXX111 44, Kelt. Gr. II 59; TAGLIAVINI Strat­ ificazione 93; MANN Language XXVIII 37; F r is k 1146-1147; WALDEH o f m a n n I I 812; Po k o r n y 1 307; H uld KZ XCIX 247 (from Gk còÀévri); H a m p AlON-L II 185-187; J a n s o n Unt. 30; O r el Z ß a lk XXIII 149; D e m ir a j AE 249-250. lloç m ‘mud, mire, sludge’. Derived from llohë. 0 ÇABEJ St. I 328 (from Bulg locka ‘mud’). llohë f ‘rain w ith sn o w , sn ow broth, d a m p n e ss’. A n early b o rro w in g from Slav *lojb * ‘anything liq u id ’ (SLAWSKI V 259) > ‘fat, lard; flooded area; crater, fu n n el’ (OREL FLH V III/1-2 46). 0 MEYER Wb. 233 (co m ­ pares with S lav *loky ‘p ool, pit’); SvANE 173; KORTLANDT SSGL XXIII 174 (again st O r e l ). llokmë f, pl. llokma ‘lump, chunk’. Another variant is llomkë. Borrowed from Turk lokma id. (M e y e r Wb. 233). 0 Ç a b e j St. I 328 (from Bulg dial, lomka id.). Horn m ‘mud, sludge, sediment’. Derived from llohë. 0 MEYER Wb. 233 (from the non-existent Slav *lonrh ‘swamp’); MANN Language XXVIII 36.

L L O M IS —

M ACE

239

llomis aor. llomita ‘to pound, to crush’. Borrowed from Slav *lomiti id., cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg lom ’a, SC r torniti (DESNICKA­ JA Slav. zaim. 16). 0 S e liS C e v Slav, naselenie 188; S v a n e 91, 237. llomotis aor. llomotita ‘to brawl, to chatter’. Borrowed from Slav *lomotiti id., cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg lom ot’a, SCr lomotiti. lloskë f, pl. ‘kind of fish, roach’. Borrowed from Slav *loska unat­ tested in South Slavic except for Slovene losk ‘kind of insect, Ixodes ricinus’. llosh m, pl. lloshe ‘nest, den’. Borrowed, with the unvoicing of the anlaut consonant, from Slav *loza ~ *lozb id., cf. South Slavic reflexes: Bulg loza, SCr loza, loz. lloz m, pl. lloze ‘bolt, bar'. Another variant is loz. Derived from the verb loz. Illibate f ‘sediment’. A derivative from llurbë as well as lluburdinë id. llukë f, pl. lluka ‘lime-tree’. An early Slavic loanword, from *lyko ‘bast’ and, in particular, ‘lime-tree bast’. 0 OREL Orpheus VI 67. llukë f, pl. lluka ‘foul egg’. From PAlb *lukâ related to lerë and derived from IE *leu(a)- ‘dirt’. 0 POKORNY I 681. llup aor. llupa ‘to gulp down, to swallow’. Continues P A lb *lupa ety­ mologically connected with Skt lumpáti ‘to break, to injure’, Lith liipti ‘to peel’, Latv lupt ‘to peel; to eat’, Slav *lupiti ‘to peel’ (hesitantly - M e y e r Wb. 233). 0 F r a e n k e l 391-392; P o k o r n y I 690-691; M a y r h o f e r III 108-109; T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa XVI 183-184. llurbë f ‘sediment, mud’. Continues PAlb *lur(i)ba derived from */«r-a, a form related to lerë.

M
macë f, pl. maca ‘cat’. Borrowed from Slav *maca id., cf. South

240

M ACOLLE —

MAGAR

Slavic forms: Bulg maca, SCr maca (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 25; M e y e r Wb. 2 6 3 ). Derived from mace is mache ‘cat; bush (on wheel)’. 0 S e l i SCe v Slav, naselenie 166; S v a n e 138. macollé f, pl. macolla ‘m allet’. Dissimilated from *malolle, borrowed from Lat malleolus id. macukë f ‘shepherd’s staff’. A lexicalized phonetic variant of matukë. maçë f, pl. maça ‘hard soil’. Borrowed from Slav *maca ‘swamp, marsh4 (Czech maca) unattested in South Slavic. madh adj. ‘b ig , la r g e ’. F rom P A lb *madza rela ted to H itt mekkis id., Skt mahânt- ‘great, la r g e ’, G k |i iy a ç id ., Lat magnus id. and the lik e (B op p 4 8 9 ,4 9 1 ; G i l ’f e r d i n g Otn. 23; C a m a r d a 1 6; M e y e r Wb. 252).
The irregular vocalism m ay be explained by an unusual reduction (MANN

Language XXVI 3 8 5 , XVII 17); in any ca se, it is rem in isce n t o f -ain Lat magnus and OIr maige id. R um mare id. se em s to h ave b een b o rro w ed fro m dial. A lb mall w ith -II- < -dh-. 0 MEYER Alb. St. Ill 18, 6 3 , 8 1 , Gr. Gr. 277; PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 535; JOKL IF XLIV 57; PUÇCARIU EWR -88-89; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 180-181; M akn Lan­ guage XVII 17; E r n o u t - M e i l l e t 379; F r isk II 189-190; C im o c h o w s k t LP II 230; M a y r h o f e r II 6 0 9 -6 1 0 ; W a ld e - H o f m a n n II 10-12; POKORNY I 708; P o g h i r c Ist. limb. rom. II 344; ROSETTI ILR I 279; JUCQUOIS Le Museon LXXVIII 448; HULD 8 8 -8 9 ; OREL ZfBalk XXIII 146; D E M IR A J StF XXVI/3, 9 5 -9 6 (reco n stru cts *magios), AE 2 5 0 251.

magar m, pi. magare ‘d o n k e y ’. A nother variant is magjar. A s it is clear from margaç id ., the o rig in a l fo rm o f magar w as *margar, w ith the
d issim ilation o f sonorants. B oth w ord s are d eriv a tiv es o f an unattested

*margë. T h e latter appears to b e a b o rro w in g from Gmc *marxjö, cf. OHG mar(i)ha ‘m a re’, mar(a)h ‘h o r s e ’, ON merr ‘m a re’ and the lik e. T he form magar w as b orrow ed to other Balkan languages. 0 CAMARDA II 73 (from gomar); M e y e r Wb. 2 53 (rep eats C a m a r d a ’ s e ty m o lo ­ gy); B a r ic ARSt 5 4 (p refix ma- + krric); KLUGE 4 5 4 ; lL ’lNSKIJtfoc/«a ree VII 9 -1 0 (to IE *mek- ~ *meg- ‘to b e llo w ’); SKOK AArbSt IV 124132; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 345; Z a l i z n ’AK Ètimologija 1964 180; KLINGENSCHMITT Verbum 218; Ç a b e j St. I 3 2 9 (p r éfix a i d eriv a tiv e o f O ld A lb gare ‘s h e -a ss’), Etim. 14-15.

M A I IA JË R

M A JM Ë

241

m ahajër f ‘fallow'. A compound mah ajër "feeds the air’, cf. for the

semantic motivation Russ pole pod parom ‘fallow’ = ‘field under the vapor’. 0 Jo k l Gioita XXI 121-124 (from Rom *majârium, cf. Ital maggiatico id.); M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 31 ; Ç a b e j St. I 329 (agrees with Jo k l ); H a a r m a n n 134.
m ahnis aor. mahnita ‘to astound, to stu p e fy ’. A nother variant is manis. B o rro w ed from S lav * maniti ‘to lu re, to ch a rm ’, w ith -h- in flu en ced by *maxati ‘to w a v e ’. 0 M e y e r Wb. 2 5 4 (from *maxati). 0 S v a n e 2 50. m aj ~ m âj aor. majta ‘to feed, to fatten’. Another morphological

variant is mah id. From PAlb *mazdnja, a deverbative based on IE *mazd- ‘feeding’: OHG mast, Skt me'das- ‘fat, m arrow ’ ( D e m iraj AE 251-252). 0 C a m a r d a I 37 (to TE *megh- ‘big’); M e y e r Wb. 259 (to Lat mandò ‘to chew’), Alb. St. Ill 28, 63; JOKL Studien 54, LKUBA 183 (to Skt mddati ‘to boil’); KLUGE 465; MAYRHOFER II 683-684; P o k o r n y I 694.
maj m ‘May’. Borrowed from Lat Mâjus id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Ele­ mente 38; M e y e r Wb. 255). 0 H a a r m a n n 134. maj m, pl. maja ‘hammer’. Borrowed from Lat malleus id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 38; MEYER Wb. 255). 0 PEDERSEN KZ XXXIII 536 (uncer­ tain of Latin origins of the word); M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 21 1050 (from Ital maglio id.); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 180; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV/1-2 17; Ç a b e j St. I 330; H a a r m a n n 134. m ajere f ‘terraced land’. Derived from majë. 0 ÇABEJ St. 1 3 2 9 (from

Rom *majdrium ‘fallow’ reconstructed by JOKL for mahajër).
m ajë f, pl. maja ‘tip, top, point, peak, summit’. Another form is male.

From PAlb *malâ, a feminine form of mal (M e y e r Wb. 2 5 5 ). Derived from majë is majos ‘to fill to the brim ’. 0 CAMARDA II 6 9 -7 0 (from IE *megh- ‘big’); MEYER Alb. St. Ill 63 (to Lat möns ‘mountain’); JOKL LKUBA 1 62-163 (from *moliâ): P e d e r s e n KZ XXXIII 542; T a g l i ­ a v in i Dalmazia 8 8 -1 8 9 ; HULD 89; DEMIRAJ AE 2 5 2 -2 5 3 .
m ajm ë adj. ‘fat’. Derived from maj ‘to feed, to fatten’ (C A M A R D A I

242

M A JT Ë

~

M Â JT Ë —

M AKTH

~

M ÂKTH

37; M e y e r Wb. 259). 0 G r ie n b er g e r Got. 156-157 (to Goth mats ‘food ', Skt mádati ‘to b o il’, M ir mat ‘p ig ’).

majtë ~ mâjtë adj. ‘left’. Borrowed from Rom *manctus, based on Lat mancus ‘maimed, infirm ’, cf. also Ital manca ‘left hand’ (MEYER Wb. 273). Cf. mëngjër. 0 ÇABEJ St. VII 203. makar adv. ‘at least’. The word is also used as an interjection. Based on M G k p a ic á p i < p a icá p to v , neut. ‘blessed’ (F il ip o v a -B a j r o v a Gr. zaemki 122). The same word is attested in other Balkan languages. 0 MlKLOSICH EWb 181 (from Turk meyer ‘but, however, only’ < Pers meger); MEYER Wb. 255 (follows MlKLOSICH ); SKOK II 359 (from NPers mä ‘not’ and ägär < Iran *hakaram ‘unless, maybe’). makë f, pl. maka ‘glue, scum, skin (on the milk or other liquids)’. Goes back to P A lb *makd related to Lith makenti ‘to walk through a swamp’, Slav *mokrr ‘w et’, *moknçti ‘to become wet’ (M e y e r Wb. b 2 5 5 ). 0 P o k o r n y I 698; F r a e n k e l 3 9 9 -3 4 0 ; T r u b a î e v ÈSSJa XIX 7 0 -7 1 ; D e m ir a j AE 2 5 3 -2 5 4 . makërr m ‘stagnant g re en on p o n d s’. A d eriv a tiv e o f make (D e m ir a j AE 254) reflecting PAlb *makra, an exact correspondence o f Slav *mokrh ‘w e t ’. F rom *makra other fo rm s are d eriv ed : makrohem ‘to get covered with a film (o f liq u id s)’ and makrosë ‘stagnant green on p on d s’. 0 OREL Orpheus V I 67. makth ~ mâkth m ‘kind of clover’. A parallel form is mokth. Derived from mak ‘opium poppy’. The latter is borrowed from Slav *makT, ‘poppy’. 0 O r e l Orpheus VI 67. makth ~ mâkth m ‘place where the cattle gives birth to their young’. Based on an unattested *mak ~ mak derived from maj. 0 T a g l ia v i ­ n i Stratificazione 138. makth ~ makth m ‘bogey, nightmare’. Other variants are mangth, mankth. A secondary formation based on ankth with an expressive prefix m-. 0 D e m ir a j AE 25 4 . makth ~ m âkth m ‘le v e r e t ’. D e r iv e d from mang. 0 JOKL IF XLIII 57 6 0 (related to G oth magus ‘y o u th ’ and co n tin u in g IE *maghu-)\ BARIC

M A KUSH —

M A L L Ë N G JF J

243

ARSt. 16 -17; TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 138 (agrees with JOKL); D emiraj AE 254. makush m, pl. makushë ‘ostrich’. Derived from makut. makut adj. ‘greedy, gluttonous’. Suffixal form in -ut based on an unat­ tested *mak ~ mûk derived from maj. Cf. also makth. 0 Ç a b e j St. VII 195. mal m, pl. male ‘mountain’. From PAlb *mala identical with Lith mala ‘land’, Latv mala ‘bank, shore’ (JOKL LKUBA 162 f., 320, Reallex. Vorgesch. I 87); cf. also *mal- reflected in the ancient Balkan toponymy: Illyr Maluntum, Dac Dacia Maluensis vs. Dacia Ripensis. Note an archaic derivative in PAlb *maljâ > majë ‘summit, peak’ (MEYER Wb. 273, Alb. St. Ill 63, 78; OREL FLH V III/1-2 39). From Proto-Albanian *mala was borrowed into Rum mal ‘bank’. 0 G tl’ f e r d in g Otn. 23 (to Skt marú- ‘mountain’); PEDERSEN KZ XXXIII 543; JOKL ZONF X 198200; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 181, Origini 149; KRAHE Balkan-ill. 5355; K r e t sc h m e r Ciotta XIV 90; M ü h l e n b a c h - E n d z e l in II 556; M a y e r II 73-74; La P ia n a Studi I 112 (to Skt mürdhán- ‘top, summit’, O E molda ‘forehead’); M a n n Language XXVI 386-387, XXVIII 36 (to rare Ir mol ‘heap’); PISANI Saggi 126; FRAENKEL 400-401; POKORNY I 722; P o g h ir c 1st. limb. rom. II 331; R o se t t i ILR I 278; H u l d 89 (follows La P i a n a ); D em iraj AE 254-256. malcoj aor. malcova ‘to inflame, to make sore’. Borrowed from Rom *malitiâre, cf. Lat malitia ‘badness, spite’ (MEYER Wb. 256). 0 M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV/1-2 23; ÇABEJ St. I 330 (euphemistic use of mëlcoj); H a a r m a n n 134. mall m ‘h o m e sick n ess, lo n g in g , a ffe c tio n ’. B o r ro w e d from Lat malum ‘e v il, m isfo r tu n e ’ (M e y e r Wb. 256). 0 MlHÄESCU RESEE IV/1-2 23; Ç a b e j St. VII 255; H a a r m a n n 134; L a n d i Lat. 142. mallesë f, pi. mallesa ‘pasture, meadow’. A variant of mballesë, see mballoj. mallëngjej aor. mallëngjeva ‘to touch, to move, to stir’. Used in the figurative sense only. Borrowed from Lat malum angere ‘to cause pain’, instead of angere proper (MEYER Wb. 256). 0 Ç a b e j St. VII 233.

244

M A L I.K O J —

M ARAJ

m allkoj aor. mallkova ‘to curse, to excommunicate’. Another form is malkoj. Borrowed from Lat maledîcere id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Ele­ mente 38; M e y e r Wb. 256). 0 C a m a r d a I 105 (to Gk paÀ,ocicôç ‘soft, gentle’); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1047, 1050; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 23; Ç a b e j St. VII 253; H a a r m a n n 134. m allth m ‘pad under the claw (of animals)’. Based on an unattested

*mall continuing P A lb *maldwa and related to Lat mollis < *molditis ‘soft’, Skt mrdú- id. and the like. 0 POKORNY 1 7 1 8 ; W a l d e -H o f m a n n II 1 03-104; M a y r h o f e r II 676; O r e l Orpheus VI 67.
m a m ic ë f, pl. mamica ‘wet-nurse, m idwife’. Borrowed from Slav

*mamica ‘m other’, cf. South Slavic reflexes: Bulg mamica, SCr mamica (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 25). 0 SVANE 190.
m am u z m, pl. mamuza, mamuze, mamuzë ‘spur’. A suffixal derivative

of mamis ‘to allure, to embroil, to spur’ borrowed from Slav *marniti. id., cf. Bulg mam'a, SCr marniti.
m an m, pl. mana, mane ‘m ulberry’. Other variants are (T) mën, (G)

mand. From PAlb *manta. The same word is attested in Dac ^xavxeia ‘blackberry’, Diosc. 4.37, mantla, App. Herb. 87 ( P o n A'Z XIV; M eyer Wb. 257). 0 W e ig a n d BA II 213, III 236; BERTOLDI Ciotta XXI 258260 (Dac pavieicc to Gk pàxoç ‘blackberry’); JOKL Reallex. Vorgesch. I 88; M a n n Language XXVIII 32; P is a n i Saggi 124; Ç a b e j St. I 330331 (quotes mani ‘straw berry’ of the Alpine Romance).
m an d ile f, pi. mandile ‘kerchief’. Borrowed from Lat maritile ‘towl, napkin’ (M e y e r Wb. 258). m ang m ‘small (of animals); urchin’. Borrowed from Lat mancus ‘maimed,

infirm ’. The adjective mangët id. with a recently added suffix -ët and the adverb mangut ‘less, missing, short’ go back to the same source. 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 38 (mangut from Ital manco ‘maimed’); M a n n HAED 262 (metaphorical usage of mangë ‘flax-breaker’, see mëngë)-, T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 182; M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 17; ÇABEJ St. I 331 (to IE *men- ‘little’); LANDI Lat. 48.
m araj m ‘fennel’. Other variants are mërajë and maraq. Borrowed from Rom *marathrium, derivative of Lat marathrum ‘fennel’ (M e y e r

M ARAUZHGË

M ARTE

245

Wb. 259) or, as reflected by maraq, from *marathricum. The inter­ mediate form *mararja was borrowed to R um murar. 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 39 (from Lat marathum or G k pápotGov); MlHÄESCU RESEE IV/3-4 350 (from Gk *papa0piov); R o se t t i ILR I 279; Ç a b e j St. VII 280; H u l d KZ XCIX 247.
m arau zh gë f, pl. marauzhga ‘horse-fly’. Borrowed from an unattest­ ed Bulg *maravuska, deminutive of dialectal marave ‘ant’ (DESNICK­ AJA Slav. zaim. 13). 0 OREL Orpheus V I 68. m ardhë f ‘chill, frost, ice’. Goes back to PAlb *mardzâ etymologi­ cally identical with Slav *morzi, ‘frost’ (MEYER Wb. 260, Alb. St. Ill 17, 63, 72). Both forms continue IE *mergh- ‘to rot, to soak’. The verbs mardh ‘to chill, to freeze’ and mërdhij id. are deverbatives. 0 PEDERSEN KZ XXXIII 535, Kelt. Gr. I 105; LA PIANA Studi 141; MANN Language XVII 18; ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 231; PISANI Saggi 124; POKORNY I 739; O r e l ZfBalk XXIII 147; T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa XX 1014; DEMIRAJ AE 256. m are f, pl. mare ‘bearberry, strawberry-tree’. Borrowed from Lat marum

‘cat-thyme, kind of sage’.
m arenë f, pl. marena ‘marsh rosem ary’. Borrowed from Slav *marena

‘plant Rubia tinctorum ‘ attested in West and East Slavic.
m argaç m, pl. margaçë ‘ass, donkey’. A derivative of *marge, see magar.

0 K o n it z a Albania VIII/Ser. 9 52 (from Rom *marcätum ~ *mercätum ‘m arket’). (G) m argjën uer m ‘ledge of a rock serving as a cover’. A suffixal derivative of *margjen borrowed from Lat marginem ‘edge, brink’ (ÇABEJ St. I 332).
m arm ur m ‘m arble’. Borowed from Lat marmurem id. (M e y e r LU b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1049). 0 ÇABEJ St. I 332. m ars m ‘M arch’. Borrowed from Lat Martins id. ( M e y e r Wb. 261). 0 M ih ä e s c u RESEE I V /1-2 17; Ç a b e j St. VII 215; H a a r m a n n 135. m artë f, pl. marta ‘Tuesday’. Borrowed from Lat Martis (dies) ‘(day

246

M ARTESË

- MAS

of) M ars, T u e sd a y ’ (MEYER Wb. 261). 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 40 (from Ital marte id.); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 183 (supports MEYER); M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV/1-2 17.

martesë

f, pl.

martesa ‘m arriage’. Borrowed from Rom *maritätiö id.

( P e d e r s e n KZ XXXVI 3 0 8 ). 0 G i l ’f e r d i n g Otn. 23 (to Lith marti

‘sister-in-law’); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 183.

martoj aor. martora

‘to m arry’. B o rro w ed from Lat maritare id. (M lK ­

LOSICH Rom. Elemente 39; M e y e r Wb. 261). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grund­

riß 2 I 1047, 1050; PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 308; JOKL LKUBA 13-15
(to IE *meri ‘yo u n g w o m a n ’); SKOK AArbSt. I 2 1 0 (d eriv ed from IE

*merï ‘y o u n g w o m a n ’); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 183 (q u estio n s JOKL’s ety m o lo g y ); ÇABEJ St. VII 266; HAARMANN 135; DEMIRAJ AE 2 5 6 257.

mora ‘to take, to grasp’. From PAlb *marna, a deverbative based on the heteroclytic word for ‘hand’ preserved in Gk (lápti, Lat manus ( N e is s e r BB XIX 1 2 1 -1 2 2 ). 0 M e y e r Wb. 261 (to Skt mrsáti ‘to touch’); P e d e r s e n BB XX 231 (to Gk pápirrco ‘to grasp, to seize’); JOKL Studien 5 3 -5 4 (agrees with N e is s e r ) ; L a PIANA Studi I 9 4 (to Gk neipo|ioa ‘to divide’); P o r z ig Gliederung 178; FRISK II 175;
aor.

marr

C h a n t r a i n e 667; W a ld e - H o f m a n n I I 34 -3 5 ; P o k o r n y 1 740; C im oCHOWSKI St. IE 43; H am p Laryngeals 140 (compares marr with Gk apv-oni ‘to take’ and reconstructs *(s)med-Hernö), Norw. JLing. XXIII 13-14, Sprache XXX 157; HULD 89-9 0 ; DEMIRAJ AE 2 5 7 -2 5 8 (to Skt prá-mrna, imper. ‘to pack’).

marre adj. ‘mad, foolish, crazy’. Literally, ‘dim, m urky’. See marrtë.
0 G il ’ f e r d in g Otn. 23 (to Skt milra- ‘stupid’); M a n n Language XXVIII 37 (to Hitt marsas). marrtë ‘murky, cloudy, dim. dull’. A suffixal derivative of PAlb *marsa related to Slav *morx~b ‘dusk, fog’. 0 TRUBACEV ÈSSJa XIX 222; OREL Orpheus VI 68.

mas aor. mata ‘to m easure’. From PAlb *matja, a denominative verb based on an adjective in *-to~, *ma-ta- further related to IE *me- id.: Skt mimäti, Tokh A me- and the like ( C a m a r d a I 35; M e y e r BB VIII 190, Wb. 262-263, Alb. St. Ill 24, 63, 81). 0 P e d e r s e n Kelt. Gr. II

MASI IK —

MATUKF.

247

575; JOKL Sprache IX 118-119; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 184; PISANI Saggi 123; P o k o r n y 1 703-704; Ç a b e j StF I (XIX)/3 41; C im o c h o w s k i St. 1E 44; M a y r h o f e r li 638; V a n W in d e k e n s I 295-296; H u ld 95; DEMIRAJ AE 258. mashë f ‘gum, paste, glue’. Borrowed from Lat massa ‘lump, mass,
adhering stuff’.

(G) mashën f ‘barn, hayloft, cowshed’. A singularized plural of *mashë borrowed from Lat nom. mansiö ‘place of abode, dwelling’. 0 ÇABEJ St. I 3 3 2 (from Lat massa). mashkull m, pl. meshkuj ‘m a n ’, adj. ‘m a le ’ . B o rro w ed from Lat masculus ‘m a le, m a sc u lin e ’ (CAMARDA I 86; MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 40; MEYER Wb. 2 6 2 ). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 1 1 1042, 1049; JOKL LKUBA 143; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 184; MlHÄESCU RESEE I V / 1 2 17; H a a r m a n n 135; L a n d i Lat. 9 4 , 1 3 7 -1 3 8 .
m. pl. mashkuj ‘hook’. Borrowed from Lat masculus ‘male, masculine’ used to denote the part of the hinge which is inserted into another called fem ina ‘fem ale’. Thus, Lat masculus et fëm ina > Alb mashkull e fem ër ‘hook and eyelet’. 0 OREL Orpheus VI 68.

mashkull

mashterk m. pl. mashterq ‘big wooden platter, dish’. Another variant
is mashtër. Borrowed from Rom *magistericus, literally, ‘master’s (dish)’. 0 ÇABEJ St. I 332-333 (from SCr masur ‘wooden platter’).

mashurkë f, pl. mashurka ‘green bean, pod’. Derived from mashë. mat m ‘bank, shore’. Continues PAlb *mata < *mnto- related to Lat möns ‘mountain’ ( V a s m e r Alb. Wortforsch. I 3 9 -4 0 ). 0 J o k l LKUBA 3 1 4 -3 1 5 (borrowed from Gk â|aa0oç ‘sand, sandy soil’); B a r i c Lingv. stud. 17 (agrees with V a s m e r ); W a ld e - H o f m a n n II 1 0 8-109; POKORNY I 726; Ç a b e j St. I 3 3 3 -3 3 4 (related to OIr math ‘sand’). matkë f, pl. matka ‘queen-bee’. Borrowed from Slav *matbka id., cf.
South Slavic forms: Bulg matka, SCr matka ( J o k l LKUBA 2 8 6 -2 8 7 ). 0 SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 167; SVANE 158.

matukë f ‘mattock, hoe’. An early borrowing from Slav * moty ha id.

248

M A ZA ! O R K -

M BARRSHTOJ

MBAROJ —

M BA TI I

249

...................n m mM m ,o..,., , _, o ; ,J : \n. s o n WUi • 01- M c v fr Wh ......t w n - g sjuo .if ç r a . F Â ' Î ’/ w ttçw im m w
nt.

0 SK T

tenie

7 8 , 142; S v a n e 76. f, pl.

54.

i, to end, to complete’. A préfixai deriv55 (to mbar)-, T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 1 8 5 St. VII 230. ■egnant, to fecundate’. Derived from the gnant’. The latter continues PAlb *engive birth’ ( M e y e r Wb. 2 8 ) . 0 P o k o r n y with *bher- ‘to bear’); ÇABEJSr. I 334dentical with Illyr [equa] bardia ‘preg-

mazatore
see mëz.

mazatore ‘one year old heifer’. Derived from mëzat,

mbaroj aor. mbarova

‘to fin is

ative o f pare. 0 MEYER Wb. (a g rees w ith M e y e r ); Ç ab e,

mazë f, pl. maza ‘cream, skin on the milk’. The same word is attest­
ed as madh. mazë ‘corn skilly with cream’. Borrowed from Slav *mazb ~ *maz-h ‘fat, ointment’, cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg m a z\ SCr maz. 0 JOKL Studien 5 4 (to maj); TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 1 4 9 ; ClM OCHOWSKI LP II 2 5 1 ; D e m ir a j AE 2 5 0 (madh- to Skt médas- ‘fat’); ÇABEJ apud DEM IRAJ (to Goth mats ‘food, meal’); DEM IR AJ AE 2 5 8 2 5 9 (related to Slav *mazb); OREL Orpheus VI 6 8 .

mbars aor, mbarsa ‘to make p

adjective mbarsë, barsë ‘pn hartja related to IE *bher- ‘to I 1 2 8 - 1 3 2 (presented togethe 3 3 5 ; M a n n Comp. 7 2 (barsë nant [mare]’).

:arry (back)’. Continues PAlb *en-barta - and related to mbar. ihonetic variant is marre. The original ed from mbar. d ’. A préfixai variant of pas id. These -tsi from *en apo k id , cf. pa. 0 M e y e r ter, behind’); HAMP KZ LXXV/1-2 23.
■om mba(j) se (M e y er Wb. 264). 0 Ç abej

mbaj aor. mbajta ‘to hold, to carry’. From PAlb *en-barnja, a causative
derived from *bera > bie ( M e y e r Wb. 3 5 ) . 0 JOKL LKUBA 1 9 6 (reconstructs *-bhoreiO but Italo-Albanian forms preserve -nj), IF XXXVII 1 0 3 - 1 0 5 ; TAG LIAVINI Dalmazia 1 8 7 ; H a m p S í. Whatmough 8 2 ; ÇABEJ St. VII 2 0 1 , 2 2 7 ; H u l d 9 0 (believes that in the cluster *-rnj- the first element is preserved); O REL FLH V III/ 1 -2 3 9 ; DEM IRAJ AE 8 6 .

mbart aor. mbarta ‘to bear, to

based on an adjective in *-to

mbarre f ‘shame’. Another j
meaning was ‘burden’. Derh

mbas mball
rnbolla ‘to bung’. A préfixai derivative of ballë. Wb. 264 (to Gk epßocMuo ‘to throw in, to put in’).
aor. 0 M
eyer

prep, ‘after’, adv. ‘behir forms continue PAlb *en-apa Wb. 3 2 2 - 3 2 3 (to Skt pascal ‘a

mballoj

aor. mballova ‘to turn out to graze’. The noun mballesë ‘meadow, pasture’ is derived from mballoj. From an earlier *mbëlloj reflecting a loan from Lat ambulare ‘to walk (around)’.

mbase adv. ‘perhaps, maybe’. F
St. VII
193, 247.

from a variant mbassi, continues a

mbasi mbar
mbara ‘to bring (back)’. From PAlb *en-bara, further related to mbaj and bie (BOPP 5 4 0 ; C A M A R D A I 1 3 5 ; M e y e r Wb. 3 5 ) . 0 JOKL IF XXXVII 1 0 4 ; TAG LIA VIN I Dalmazia 1 8 5 ; ÇABEJ St. I 5 4 aor. 55.

conj.

‘s in c e ’ As elea

seq u en ce mbas si.

(shoes)’. From PAlb *amb(i)-autsa, a < *ou-k-. The latter is an extension of it on (clothes)’, Lat ex-uO ‘to draw out, lav *uti. Q M e y e r Wb. 264 (from Rom /ea r’); BARIC ARSt. 54-55 (from IE he above *eu-); TAGLIA v in i Dalmazia ) (to IE *auedh-)\ A c a r e a n HAB I 76; síN 1 434-436; P o k o r n y I 346; V a s m e r o Slav *bosT> ‘barefooted’, Lith basas root!); OREL Orpheus VI 68.

mbarë adj. ‘right, good, favorable’. A tabooistically used Lat impar
‘uneven, unequal’.
0 M EYER

Wh.

35

(to mbar);

ÇA BEJ

St. VII

230.

mbarështoj

aor. mbarështova ‘to arrange, to dispose, to administer’. Another variant caused by the analogical influence of shtroj is mbarështroj. Goes back to the phraze mbarë shtoj (ÇABEJ St. I 334). 0 Jo k l ZfromPhil XLI 233 (from Lat ministrare ‘to take care of, to

mbath aor. mbatha ‘to put on préfixai verb based on *autso IE *eu- id.: Arm aganim ‘to p to pull off’, Lith aunu, aüti, S *bassus ‘lower part, under; *ambhi-oudhö, derivative of 186; L a P ia n a St. Varia 18-21 F r a e n k e l 27; W a ld e - H o f m a III 109; Ç a b e j St. I 335-336 ( id. - but there is no *fc in this

250

M BES

M B Ë R R IJ

~

M B ËR R ÎJ

mbes aor. mbeta ‘to remain, to stay’. A préfixai derivative of jes I 134; M e y e r Wb. 163). 0 T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 186.

(C a m a r d a

mbesë f, pl. mbesa ‘n ie c e , gran d d au gh ter’. B o r ro w e d from Lat nepötia id. known only in Dalmatia, > O D alm nepoça (M EYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grund­ riß 21 1 0 4 0 ; TAG LIAVINI Stratificazione 1 1 7 - 1 1 8 ) . 0 M EYER Wb. 2 6 4 2 6 5 (phonetically incredible com parison with Lith mésa ‘sister-in -la w ’); BUGGE BB XVIII 1 8 0 (from R om *neptia); PEDERSEN BB XX 2 3 2 (recon­ stru cts IE *nepötiä), KZ XXXVI 3 0 8 , Kelt. Gr. I 9 3 ; JOKL LKUBA 2 7 (again st the Latin e ty m o lo g y ), WuS XII 8 2 ; W IED EM A N N BB XXVII 2 0 1 ; T a g l i a v i n i Stratificazione 1 1 7 - 1 1 8 ; E R N O U T -M E IL L E T 4 3 8 ; H u l d 9 0 ; O r e l ZfBalk XXIII 1 4 9 ; D e m ir a j AE 2 5 9 . mbë prep, ‘at, in’. Another variant is me. From the atonic form of PAlb *ambi continuing IE *ambili: Gk ot|u<pi ‘about, around’, Goth bi, OIr imm- < Celt *mbi and the like ( M e y e r Wb. 2 6 5 , Alb. St. Ill 3 5 , 6 4 ) . 0 B o p p 4 9 9 (to Skt dpi)-, C a m a r d a I 1 7 0 (to Gk é n t ‘upon’); F e i s t Goth. 8 7 - 8 8 ; F r i s k 1 9 8 ; P o k o r n y I 3 4 ; C a m a j Alb. Wortb. 9 5 ; H a m p Laryngeals 1 3 0 , Ériu XXVIII 1 4 5 ; M a n n Language XVII 2 2 ; Ö L B E R G KZ LXXXVI 1 2 8 ; K O R T L A N D T Arm-IE 4 5 ; D E M IR A J ZfBalk XXIX 6 4 6 7 , AE 2 6 0 - 2 6 1 . mbëltoj aor. mbëltova ‘to plant’. Borrowed from Rom * implantare ‘to plant’, cf. Lat plantare id. 0 K r is t o f o r id h i 227 (derived from balte)', Ç a b e j St. IV 79, VII 230. mbërdhe adv. ‘on the ground’. A compound of mbë and dhe with an epenthetic -r-. mbërthej aor. mbërtheva ‘to fasten, to button’. A préfixai derivative of birth (see birk). For the semantic development cf. Germ knöpfen ‘to button’ ~ Knopf ‘button, knob, bud’. 0 M e y e r Wb. 265 (from Lat invertere ‘to turn upside down’); ÇABEJ St. I 336-337 (phonetic trans­ formation of mbath). mbërrij ~ mbërrîj aor. mbërrita ~ mbërrina ‘to arrive’. Another variant is mërrij. Derived from arrij (M EY ER Wb. 17). 0 ÇABEJ St. I 337 (related to mbar).

M BËSH EL

M BLED H

251

mbëshel aor. mbëshela ‘to shut, to c lo s e , to lo c k '. O ther variants are mbëçel and mbërshel. A p réfix a i d eriv a tiv e o f çel (JOKL Studien 5 5). mbështet aor. mhështeta ‘to stand, to prop’. From PAlb *ambhi-stata based on an adjective *stata identical with IE *st(h)atos ‘standing’, cf. Skt sthità-, Gk oiaxôç id., Lat status id. (JOKL LKUBA 250). 0 F risk I 739; M a y r h o f e r III 526-527; W a l d e -H o f m a n n II 596-599; P o k o r n y I 1006; D e m ir a j AE 259. mbi adv. ‘on, upon’. Oiginally, an adverb. From a tonic form of PAlb *ambi, cf. mbë. mbiatu adv. ‘immediately, at once’. A Calabrian phonetic variant of mbi ato ‘on this’ > ‘at once’ (Ç a b e j St. I 337). 0 C a m a r d a II 153 (mbi + Ital atto ‘act’); M e y e r Wb. 265 (repeats CAMARDA’ s etymol­ ogy). mbij - mbij aor. mbiva ‘to th riv e, to g ro w , to sh o o t’. F rom P A lb *enbiinja related to IE *bheu- : *bhu- ‘to g r o w , to b e ’ (CAMARDA I 48; M e y e r Wb. 36-37, BB VIII 189). 0 M e y e r Alb. St. Ill 35; J o k l apud WALDE-HOFMANN I 504 (to IE *bher- ‘to b r in g ’); POKORNY I 146150; Ç a b e j St. I 66 (to IE *bhei- ‘to beat, to strik e’); D e m ir a j AE 100-101 (fo llo w s Ç a b e j). mbjell
aor.

mbolla ‘to sow’. A préfixai derivative o f pjell (MEYER Wb.

3 4 2 ). 0 P e d e r s e n Kelt. Gr. I 124; Ç a b e j St. VII 2 4 2 .

mblatë f, pl. mblata ‘shew bread’. Borrow ed from Lat oblata id. (M ey er Wb. 38), with a non-etymological nasal in the anlaut. 0 JOKL LKUBA 292; Ç a b e j St. I 337-338. mbledh aor. mblodha ‘to gather, to collect’. Continues P A lb *ambiledza, a préfixai verb related to Gk Xeym id., Lat lego ‘to read, *to gather’ ( M e y e r Wb. 265, Alb. St. Ill 17). 0 PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 335; B a r i c ARSt I 13; JOKL LKUBA 8; L a P ia n a Studi I 56; M a n n Lan­ guage XXVI 382; ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 231; PORZIG Gliederung 192, 211; P is a n i Saggi 129; E r n o u t - M e i l l e t 350; F r i s k II 94-96; C h a n t r a i n e 626; W a ld e - H o f m a n n 1 780; P o k o r n y 1 658; S ir o k o v ZFL XXIV/1 15 (to Goth lisan ‘to gather’); KLINGENSCHMITT Verbum 28; Ç a b e j St. VII 243; H u ld 145, 156; D e m ir a j AE 261-262.

252

M B LO I —

M BRO D H

mbloj aor. mblova ‘to fill’. Borrowed from Lat implêre id. (M E Y E R Wb. 265). 0 C a m a r d a T 125 (related to piote)-, L a m b e r t z LVII 71 (follows C a m a r d a ); M a n n Language XXVI 383; K l i n g e n s c h m i t t Verbum 254-255; Ç ABEJ St. I 338. mbloj aor. mblova ‘to betroth’. Historically identical with mbloj ‘to fill’. mbrapa adv. ‘behind, back’, prep, ‘behind’. Together with prapa id. continues PAlb *(en)-per-apa, cf. per and pa (C A M A R D A 161; M e y e r Wb. 351). 0 J o k l MRIW I 302; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 188. mbraz adj. ‘empty, void’. Results from the recombination of mbrazëm < *(m)brazen, borrowed from Slav *porzdbm> id., cf. Bulg prazen, SCr prazan (MEYER Wb. 266). 0 SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 193, 323325; H AM P LB XIV/2 15. mbrej aor. mbrejta ‘to harness, to yoke’. Another variant is mbreh. From PAlb *en-breunja, further related to brez (M E Y E R Wb. 46). 0 T A G L IA ­ VINI Dalmazia 1 8 8 . mbrenda mbres
adv.,

prep, ‘inside, within’. Variant of brenda.

aor.

mbreta ‘to bruise, to beat’. A préfixai derivative of pres.

mbret m, pl. mbretër ~ mbretën ‘king’. Borrowed from Rom *imperätus for Lat imperätor ‘em peror’. 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 32; MEYER Wb. 266 (directly from imperätor)-, MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1043; T a g l ia v in i Origini 191, 256; R o se t t i RRL XXVII/6 495; M ih ä e sc u RESEE IV /1-2 26; Ç a b e j * . VII 239,280; H a a r m a n n 130; L a n d i Lat. 145. mbrëma ~ mbrama adv. ‘in the evening’. From PAlb *en-prama the second element of which is identical with Gk 7tpôp,oç ‘foremost man’, Goth from ‘from ’, OHG fram id. (M E Y E R Wb. 266, Alb. St. ITT 64, 72). 0 F e ist Goth. 164; M a n n Language XVII 20; F r is k II 600; P o k o r n y 1 814. mbrodh aor. mbrodha ‘to h elp , to do g o o d ’. A su ffix a l d eriv a tiv e o f prodh ‘to p r o d u c e ’, a b a ck -form ation o f prodhoj. 0 MEYER Wb. 2 6 6 (con tin u ation o f Ital prode ‘b rave, v a lia n t’); MANN Comp. 4 (from IE *en-pro-ago).

M BRO J

-

M BU TO J

253

mbroj aor. mbrojta ‘to defend, to protect’. Borrowed from Rom * imparare id. (HAARM ANN 140). mbruaj ~ mbruej aor. mbrujta ‘to k n ea d ’. F rom P A lb *brunja related to brume ( M e y e r Wb. 266) and, furth er, to Lat ferveO ‘to b o il’ (JOKL LKUBA 263). D er iv ed from mbruj is mbrits ‘to stu ff fu ll’ . 0 M a n n Language XVII 15 (to OE beorm ‘b arm ’, Lat fermentimi); P is a n i Saggi 126; D e m ir a j AE 111. mbufas aor. mbufata ‘to inflate, to swell’. A préfixai derivative of *bufas borrowed from Slav *buxati ‘to beat, to swell’ (Ç a b e j St. I 338). 0 MEYER Wb. 54 (to Ital buffare ‘to blow’). mbulim m ‘source; burial, grave’. Deverbative o f mbuloj. 0 ÇABEJ St. I 339-340 (to buie). mbuloj aor. mbulova ‘to cover, to bury’. Another variant is mbloj. Bor­ rowed from Rom *manipulare ‘to dig in handfuls’, cf. Lat manipulus ‘handful’. 0 MEYER \\1t. 267 (from Rom *invëlâre ‘to cover’); M e y e r LüBKE Gr. Grundriß 11 1049; PEDERSEN KZ XXXIII 538 (agrees with M e y e r ) ; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 187; H a a r m a n n 131; K l i n g e n SCHMITT Verbum 172; ÇABEJ St. I 339-340 (identical with mbloj). mbuloj aor. mbulova ‘to seal’. Attested only in BUZUKU. Based on *bulë borrowed from MLat bulla ‘seal’ (ÇABEJ St. I 340). 0 H e lb i g 84 (from Ital bolla id.). mburr
0 M aor.

ann

mburra ‘to praise’. Denominative of burrë Comp. 1 2 6 (to Lat furo ‘to rage’).

(M

eyer

Wb.

5 5 ).

mbush

aor. mbusha ‘to f i l l ’. C on tin u es P A lb *en-busa rela ted to Gk ßuveco < *ßvo-v-£co ‘to fill up’ and its cognates (CAMARDA I 52; MEYER

Wb. 267, Alb. St. Ill 32, 61, 80). 0 L a P ia n a Studi 191; M a n n Lan­ guage XXVIII 39 (to Gk (pXútü); F r is k I 276-277; C h a n t r a i n e 202; P o k o r n y I 101; D e m ir a j AE 262 (reco n stru cts a n asal p resen t for
P ro to -A lb an ian ).

mbutoj tub’.

aor.

mbutova ‘to seal, to bung’. Denominative based on but ‘barrel,

254

M BYLL —

M EH

~

MF.F

mbyll aor. mbylla ‘to shut, to fasten’. Continues PAlb *ambi-wela, orig­ inally, * ‘to encircle’, related to Skt vaiati ‘to turn’, Gk eiXém ‘to roll tight up, to close’, OIr fillid ‘to bend’ and the like (HAMP Evidence 139-140). 0 ÖLBERG KZ LXXXVI 130; F r is k I 457-458; M a y r h o f e r III 161; POKORNY I 1140-1143; Ç a b e j St. VII 230, 233. mbys aor. mbyta ‘to strangle, to drown, to kill’. From PAlb *ambiwitja with the regular development of *-iwi- > -y-. Further related to Skt vyáthate ‘to sway, to rock’, Goth wipon ‘to pour’. 0 JOKL Studien 56 (to Lat confutare ‘to suppress, to restrain’, ON bauta ‘to strike’); P o k o r n y I 1178; C i m o c h o w s k i St. IE 130; Ç a b e j St. VII 233, 254; H u l d 90-91; ÖLBERG KZ LXXXVI 130; HAM P Laryngeals 139 (derived from IE *ijed— *ud- ‘w ater’, cf. also zhys ‘to dive’); DEM IRAJ AE 262-263 (derived from pi). me m ‘insufficience, lack’, adj. ‘insufficient, scanty, not full’. From PAlb *manu etymologically close to Gk póvir piKpóv. ’A0uu«vfç (Hes.), pavôç ‘thin’ and Arm m am ‘small, thin’ (O REL Linguistica XXIV 430). The form mete ‘insufficient’ is derived from me after the fall of the final nasal. Related to me is mej ~ mêj ‘to reduce, to diminish’. 0 MEYER Wb. 273 (comparisons with Lat minuö ‘to lessen’, Ital meno ‘less’ or Slav * n ib n b ‘small(er)’); M EILLET MSL VIII 164; KRISTOFORIDHI 227 (to mangut, mungoj)\ A C A R E A N HAB III 257; M A N N Language XVII 20-21 (mej < IE *nu}iö)\ FRISK II 171-172; POKORNY I 728-729; NEROZ­ NAK Paleob. 199 (to IE *(s)meik- ‘small’); ÇABEJ St. IV 79. me prep. ‘with’. From PAlb *me(t) etymologically connected with Goth mip id., Gk p é ta ‘in the middle, between’ (M a n n Language XXVIII 32). 0 C a m a r d a I 314 (identifies me with NGk né); M e y e r Wb. 268 (borrowed from NGk |aé); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 188 (against M e y e r ); F e is t Goth. 364; F r isk II 216; P o k o r n y I 702; Wmav Laryngeals 140, NTS XXTII 13 (follows M a n n ); H u l d 91. meçkë f, pl. meçka ‘she-bear’. Borrowed from one of South Slavic tabooistic names for bear: Bulg mecka, SCr mecka. < ÇABEJ St. VII 184. ) mefshtë
adj.

‘slow, sluggish’.

A

suffixal derivative of mehem.

meh - m ef aor. meha ~ mefa ‘to soak’. From PAlb *meu-ska related to Latv maût ‘to dive’, Slav *myti 'to wash' and other continuants of

MEHEM —

MEMEC

255

IE *meu- ~ *meua- ‘w e t’. 0 VASMER III 26; POKORNY I 7 4 1 -7 4 2 ; O r e l Orpheus V I 68.

mehem refi, ‘to f a il’. G o e s back to P A lb *nwja related to O H G muoan ‘to w ork d ilig e n tly ’, G k nô>À.oç ‘toil ( o f w a r )’, S lav *majati ‘to w o rk s lo w ly ’. 0 FRISK II 282; P o k o r n y I 746; BER 702; T r u b a C e v ÈSSJa X V II 132-134; OREL Orpheus V I 68. mekem
r e f i ‘to gasp , to c h o k e ’. R elated to

meke't ‘w e t’

(JO K L apud

W A LD E-H O FM A N N I 5 0 8 ) a cco rd in g to a sem an tic u n iv ersa l lin k in g

w ord s for ‘b ein g sile n t’ and ‘m e ltin g ’. 0 M e y e r Alb. St. I ll 4 , 63 (to S lav *mblcati ‘to be sile n t’); PEDERSEN KZ X X X III 549; TRUBACEV

PlEJa 1 00-105 (ex a m p le s o f this sem an tic d ev elo p m en t); A n i k i n 6 7 78 (sem a n tic p arallels); DEM IRAJ AE 2 6 4 (e x p r e s siv e w o rd ). mekët adj. ‘w e t’. C f. a lso the v erb mek ‘to m ake w e t’. C on tin u es P A lb *maka related to makë (ÇABEJ apud DEMIRAJ). 0 J o k l apud WALDEH o f m a n n I 50 8 (to Lith minkau ‘to k n ead ’); C im o c h o w s k i LP V 193; C a m a j Alb. Wortb. 1 10; DEMIRAJ AE 2 6 3 -2 6 4 (b o rro w ed from SCr mek, Bulg mek). meksh m, pl. meksha ‘buffalo-calf’. Another variant is meshk ‘bull-calf’. From *megsh continuing PAlb *magusa related to OIr maug ‘slave’, Goth magus ‘youth’ (from IE *maghu- : *maghos). 0 F e ist Goth. 339; P o k o rn y I 696; Ç abej St. I 3 4 0 (related to meke't). mel m ‘m ille t’. B o r ro w e d from Lat milium id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Ele­ mente 523; M e y e r Wb. 2 6 8 ). 0 T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 189; M e y e r L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1045; MIHÄESCU RESEE I V /1 - 2 18; HAAR­
MANN 136.

mellë f ‘clay, lo e s s ’. B orrow ed from S lav *meh, ~ *melb ‘chalk, lo e s s ’, c f. B u lg mel, SC r mel. memec m, pl. memecë, memeca ‘deaf-mute, dumb’. Borrowed, with assimil­ atio n of nasals, from Slav *nembcb ‘stranger, mute person’, cf. Bulg nemec, SCr nemac, nijemac (M E Y E R Wb. 269). Such assimilation is, in fact, attested in Bulg dial, memkin’a < nemkin'a ‘kind of haricot’, originally, ‘Germ woman’, fem. of * n e m b C b . 0 S c h u l z e Kl. Sehr. 2 1 4 ; SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 1 9 5 - 2 8 6 ; SV A N E 1 8 5 .

256

M EM ZI

M ERË

memzi

adv. ‘h ardly, s c a r c e ly ’. A nother variant is

mëzi. B ased on mem,

a p articipai form o f mej ~ mej ‘to red u ce, to d im in ish ’, se e me.

menati

adv. ‘early in the m o r n in g ’. A le x ic a liz e d p hrase

me nate w ith

an ad verb ial m arker.

mençëm adj. ‘c le v e r , in te llig e n t’. A d eriv a tiv e in -ahem o f mend LKUBA 106).

(JOKL

mend pl. ‘m in d ’. B o rro w ed from Lat mentem id. (G i l ’ f e r d in g Otn. 25; C a m a r d a I 306; MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 4 0 -4 1 ; MEYER Wb. 2 7 4 ). N o te the d en o m in a tiv e verb mendoj ‘to think, to c o u n t’ . 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß21 1044, 1048; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 189; M a n n Language XVII 20-21 (from IE *mt}tis), XXVIII 32 (from Latin); M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV / 1-2 17; Ç a b e j St. V II 255; H a a r m a n n 136; L a n d i Lat. 5 5 , 8 3 -8 5 , 116. mendër f, pl. mendra ‘m int’. A suffixal derivative based on *mende borrowed from Lat menta id. (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 41; MEYER Alb. St. I 55 ). 0 M e y e r Wb. 2 7 2 (from Ital menta id.); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1044; JOKL LKUBA 232; ÇABEJ St. I 3 4 0 (from Gk |iiv0T| id.); L a n d i Lat. 5 5 , 135. mendull f ‘almond’. Borrowed from Rom *amendula, cf. Ital dial, ammennola < *amendula (ÇABEJ St. I 3 4 1 ). 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 4 8 5 (from Ital Venet mandola id.); MEYER Wb. 258-259 (follows MlKLOSICH); T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 189-190; M ihäescu RESEE IV / 1-2 21; H a a r m a n 110 (from Lat amyndala). (G) merajë f ‘w inter pasture’. A derivative o f mera ‘pasture’, o f Turkish o rig in (Ç a b e j St. I 3 4 1 ). 0 M e y e r Wb. 2 5 9 -2 6 0 (from Lat hibernälis
‘w in tr y ’); JOKL LKUBA 2 65 (fr o m R om *invernälia ); MlHÄESCU RESEE I V /1 - 2 31; H a a r m a n n 129.

merendoj aor. merendova ‘to a rr a n g e’. A recen t fo rm a tio n b ased on the ad verb merend ‘in o r d e r ’, a le x ic a liz e d p hrase me rend, cf. rend. merë f ‘fea r’. A p hon etic variant o f tmerr (TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 190). merë f ‘m ea su re’. B o rro w ed from S lav *méra id., cf. in South S lavic;

M ERË

-

(Cr)

M ETEH

257

Bulg m ’ara, dial, mera, SCr mera, mjera (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 26; M e y e r Wb. 270). 0 S e l i SCe v Slav, naselenie 182; S v a n e 89.
m erfi f ‘scent, fragrance’. Borrowed from Lat myrrha ‘m yrrh’ > Rom

*mirra.
m erim a n g ë t' ‘spider’. Other variants are merimagë, mirëmangë, mil-

imangë, milingonë and merimajkë. Tabooistic transform ations of merming id. borrowed from NGk pt>p|ifjyYi ‘ant, midget’ (M e y e r Alb. St. I 77). 0 M e y e r Wb. 274-275 (compound the first element of which is compared with Slav *paçlch ‘spider’); KRISTOFORIDHI 220, 234 (to Gk juùppriç); MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /3-4 350 (from Gk Dor púppai; ‘ant’); ÇABEJ St. I 341-342 (follows MlHÄESCU).
m esë ‘skin (of onion), milk-skin, film ’. Goes back to PAlb *matsä related to make and reflecting IE *mokv Thus, Albanian seems to i-. reflect a labiovelar in this root. m esn ik m ‘meat pasty’. Borrowed from Bulg mesnik id. 0 M e y e r Wb.

270 (to Slav *mçso ‘meat’).
m esh ë f, pl. meshë ‘mass’. Borrowed from Lat mis sa id. (CAMARDA I

86; MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 42; MEYER Wb. 270). 0 MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 26 (from Slavic); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß21 1045; JOKL LKUBA 22; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV/1-2 23; ÇABEJ St. VII 209; HAAR­ MANN 136; L a n d i Lat. 56.
m esh n o h em refi, ‘to become senile, to dote, to be childish’. A pré­

fixai derivative (in me- < mbë-) of *shenoj borrowed from Lat senëre ‘to be old’.
m etale f, pi. metale ‘snow-drift’. Borrowed from Slav *metadlo ‘heap’,

cf. in South Slavic: Bulg metalo, SCr metalo. 0 ÇABEJ St. I 3 4 2 (from Bulgarian). 0 S v a n e 174. (G) m eteh m ‘boundary, frontier’. Another variant is metef. A dever­ bative based on an unattested *meteh ‘to partake, to share’. The latter is borrowed from MGk hetÉx® id. From MGk ^etóxiov ‘priory, farm ’, metoq ‘stable’ has been borrowed. 0 Ç a b e j St. I 3 4 2 (borrowed from MGk hetÓjciov ‘priory’, later - ‘farm ’).

258

M E TË —

M ËKRESË

metë f, pl. meta ‘swallow, mouthful’. A deverbative based on Slav *metati ‘to throw’ (depicting a swallow as a ‘throw ’ of food into the mouth).
m ezh d ë f, pi. mezhda ‘baulk, strip of land between fields’. Reflects a

Bulgarian continuant of Slav *medja ‘boundary’ > mezda. Another regional loanword, megjë id., reflects a Serbo-Croatian continuant of the same provenance, SCr medja (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 26).
m ë ~ m â adv. ‘m ore’. Continues P A lb *mai from IE *males with a

secondary nasalization. Related to Goth maiza id., Osean mais id. 0 MEYER Wh. 271 (borrowed from Lat ma gis id.); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1042; VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. 86-88 (< IE *maison-); M a n n Language XVII 23 (same as M e y e r ); K l u g e 470; F e i s t Goth. 342; P o k o r n y I 704.
m ëgash tër f, pl. mëgashtra ‘sage’. Another variant is mugashtër. Bor­

rowed from Rom *medicaster reflected in Ital medicastro (JOKL LKUBA 211-213). 0 MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 31; Ç a b e j St. I 342; H a a r m a n n 136; L a n d i Lat. 82, 109, 136.
m ëkat m, pl. mëkate ‘sin’. Borrowed from Lat peccatimi id. (MlKLOSICH

Rom. Elemente 48; C a m a r d a II 199; M e y e r Wb. 271). The initial mresults from mp- as demonstrated by the form mpkat in B o g d a n i (WEIGAND BA III 205) and seems to be a prefix added already in Alban­ ian. 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1051; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 180; M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV/1-2 18; Ç a b e j St. I 343; H a a r m a n n 141.
m ëk eq aor. mëkeqa ‘to anger’. A préfixai derivative of keq. m ëk ëm b ~ m ëk am b aor. mëkëmba ~ mëkamba ‘to set up, to erect’. A

préfixai denominative of këmbë.
m ëk oj aor. mëkova ‘to feed’. Borrowed from Lat medicare ‘to heal,

to cure’ (M e y e r Wb. 282). 0 M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 23; Ç a b e j St. VII 184, 244; HAARMANN 135.
m ëk re së f, pl. mëkresa ‘tombstone’. Together with its morphonologi-

cal variant mëkrejcë ‘baulk’, reflects a préfixai derivative of krye.

M ËLCOJ

-

M ËLT.EZË

259

mëlcoj aor. mëlcova ‘to sweeten’. Other variants are ëmbëlcoj ~ ambëlcoj. Derivative of ëmbël (M a n n HAED 279; Ç a b e j St. I 343). 0 M e y e r Wb. 281-282 (from Rom *mellïtiâre based on Lat mellïtus ‘of honey, related to honey’); i O K L LKUBA 212, 287-288 (derivative of mjaltë in -ësoj); PEDERSEN Philologica II 111 (agrees with J o k l) . mëlçi f, pl. mëlçi ‘lung, liver’. Also used in phrases mëlçi e bardhë ‘lung’ and mëlçi e zezë ‘liver’ and, originally, representing a word for spleen borrowed from Ital milza id. (MEYER Wb. 2 7 1 -2 7 2 ). 0 H a m p Festschr. Kahane 3 1 0 -3 1 8 , Festschr. Shevoroshkin 95. mëlmej aor. mëlmeva ‘to add fat and oil to food’. Based on majmë even though the origin of -I- is not clear. mëltoj aor. mëltova ‘to graft, to wed (of plants)’. Borrowed from Lat maritare ‘to m arry’, also used in the sense of mëltoj. mëllagë f, pl. mëllaga ‘marsh mallow’. Another variant is mullagë. From the original *mëllakë, with an unexplained sonorization of the auslaut. Borrowed from G k paA-axil id. (M e y e r Wb. 2 7 1 ). 0 T a g l ia v in i Dal­ mazia 193 (considers g < x to be strange); ÇABEJ St. I 3 4 3 -3 4 4 (from the same pre-Indo-European source as Lat malva ‘mallow’ and G k |aoc?uxxr| id.); ÇABEJ St. VIT 208; H u l d KZ XCIX 2 4 7 . mëllenjë f, pl. mëllenja ‘blackbird’. There exist also phonetic variants mëllënjë, mëllinje and the like. Continues PAlb *melanja from IE fem. adj. *mebnia ‘black’ > Gk péÀouva id., cf. also Skt malina-, fem. malin! ‘dirty, unclean, Latv mçïns ‘black’ (V a s m e r Alb. Wortforsch. 4 2 -4 3 ; Ç a b e j St. I 3 4 4 ). 0 C a m a r d a I 45 (borrowing from Gk |.iéÀ,ociva); S c h u c h a r d t KZ XX 2 07 (Greek origin); M e y e r Wb. 271 (from Rom *mer(u)lanea, derivative of Lat menda ‘blackbird’); PEDERSEN KZ XXXIII 5 3 7 (accepts M e y e r 's etymology); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1048; W e ig a n d 5 8 (from Rom *merlönia, cf. Rum merloi < Rom *merlönius)\ Jo k l LKUBA 1 93-194; TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 138; POKORNY I 7 2 0 -7 2 1 ; M a y r h o f e r II 598; F r is k II 1 9 8 -1 9 9 ; Ç a b e j St. Pisani I 1 7 6 -1 7 7 , St. Ill 259; JANSON Unt. 205; OREL ZjBalk XXIII 149, Koll. Idg. Ges. 362; DEMIRAJ AE 2 6 4 -2 6 5 (to OHG amasia, amsala ‘thrust’). mëllezë f, pl. mëlleza ‘kind of elm; blackbird'. Another variant is mullezë.

260

M ELLE

~

M L 'L L Â

M ËN GË

~

M AM GË

A d eriv a tiv e in -zë o f mëllenjë (VASMER Alb. St. I 42; JOKL LKUBA 1 9 3 -1 9 4 ). 0 ÇABEJ Festschr. Pisani I 1 7 6 -1 7 7 , St. I 345; DEMIRAJ AE 2 8 0 -2 8 1 .

mëllë - mullâ m, pl. mëllënj ~ mullanj ‘grief. From PAlb *melana ‘black’, the masculine form of the adjective represented in mëllenjë (MEYER Wb. 283). 0 MEYER Wb. 285 (from Ital malanno ‘m isfortune’); JOKL LKUBA 195 (follows M e y e r Wb. 283); M a n n HAED 298 (figurative use of mëllë ‘swelling’). mëllë ~ mullâ m, pl. mëllënj ~ mullanj ‘s w e llin g , lu m p ’. D er iv ed from mullë (ÇABEJ St. I 3 4 5 -3 4 6 ). 0 MEYER Wb. 53 (fro m R om *bullâna, to bulla ‘b u b b le’); B a r i c AArbSt I 145 (p réfix a i form ation w ith -llâ b ein g related to lungë); SCHMIDT KZ L 2 3 6 (related to bulë); T r e im e r Slavia III 5 4 5 (co n n ected w ith mall ‘p rop erty, g o o d s ’, a T urkish lo a n ­
w ord ).

mëllugë f, pl. mëlluga ‘scale; scar, m ark’. Related to mëllë. „L~:zr -.ÌMmàrv’JvfbYmÍ7il¿?."Srrif 6$ (iWäfÄTö'Sßk jianjia);
T a g l ia v in i Stratificazione 117; ERNOUT-MEILLET 381; ÇABEJ St. V II 21; D e m ir a j AE 26 5 .

m ënd m. pi. mènde ‘m o m e n t’. B o r r o w e d fro m Lat momentum id. (M e y e r Wb. 2 7 4 ). mënd aor. mënda ‘to suckle, to feed’. Continues P A lb *manzda, a nasal present further related to maj. 0 MEYER Alb. St. Ill 6 4 (to Gk |iaÇ ôç); T o m a s c h e k BB IX 101; K r e t s c h m e r Glotta X V I 182; L a P ia n a Studi 1 1 1 3 ; M a n n Language XVII 2 0 (to Lat mentum); D e m ir a j AE 2 6 5 (related to même). mëndafsh m, pl. mëndafshra ~ mëndafshna ‘silk’. Borrowed from Lat metaxa ‘raw silk’ (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 40; MEYER Wb. 2 7 2 ) or from M G k p é t a l a id. (CAMARDA I 4 5 ), in both cases, through an intermediary stage of Rom *mentaxa. 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1050; H a a r m a n n 136; L a n d i Lat. 135, 140. mëngë ~ mangë f, pl. mëngë ~ mangë ‘armful, sleeve’. Borrowed from

M ËN GËR

~

M A N G EN

M Ë N JA N Ë

261

Lat manicae ‘s le e v e ’ (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 39; M e y e r Wb. 272). N o te a d eriv a tiv e mëngore ‘short jack et, fu r -c o a t’. 0 MEYER-LÜBKE

Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1042; M a n n Language XVII 23; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 17; H a a r m a n n 135; L a n d i Lat. 48, 111. mëngër - mangën
f,

pl. mëngra ~ mangna ‘o il-p re ss, p ress, r o lle r ’. B o r­

ro w ed from Gk p á y y a v o v ‘a x is o f a p u lley , b o lt’ (THUMB IF XXVI 9 ) or, rath er, from M G k p a y y a v o v ‘m ach in e, c o n tr iv a n c e ’ . 0 M e y f.r

Wb. 272 (from N G k p a y y a v o v ‘p r e s s ’); JO K L/F XXXVI 250, XLIV 24-27; MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1042, 1050; M a n n Language XVII 23; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV/3-4 350; ÇABEJ St. I 346 (a G eg variant mangë resu ltin g from the d eco m p o sitio n o f mangën); ÖLBERG SPhAen 42; JANSON Unt. 42. mëngoj aor. mëngova ‘to rise e a r ly ’. B o r ro w e d from Lat manicare ‘to co m e in the m o rn in g ’, d erivative o f mane ‘m o rn in g ’ (MEYER Wb. 272273). 0 CAMARDA I 141 (to Lat mäne); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1039, 1047; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 26; ÇABEJSr. VII 184; HAAR­ MANN 135. (T) m ëngjër adj. ‘left’. Borrowed from Rom *mancinus, cf. Lat mancus ‘maimed, infirm ’ ( M e y e r Wb. 273). 0 HAARMANN 134; R o h l f s Spr. 161; Ç a b e j St. VII 203. mëngji ~ man gji f, pl. mëngji ~ mangji ‘sorcery, witchcraft; medicine’. Borrowed from Lat magia ‘magic, sorcery’ (M e y e r-L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1050) influenced by the popular etymology linking it to mëngjër. 0 MEYER Wb. 253 (from Gk payera ‘sorcery’); JOKL IF XLIV 24-27 (from Gk páyyavov ‘charm, drug’); ÇABEJ St. I 346-347 (de­ rived from mjek). mënoj aor. mënova ‘to halt, to be la te ’ . P h o n etic variant o f vënoj id. ( M e y e r Wb. 274, IF VI 105), see vonë. ô C a m a r d a 1 44, 61 (to vonë); MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 39 (from Lat manëre ‘to stay, to re m a in ’); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1047 (a g r e e s w ith MlKLOSICH); T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 287; M i h ä e s c u RESEE IV/1-2 17; H a a r m a n n 134.
mënjanë adv. ‘at the s id e ’. A u n iverb ation o f me nj(ê') anë. F rom it,
a verb mënjanoj ‘to a v e r t’ is d erived .

262

M Ë N JË

M ËRKURË

M ËRLAQET

M ËSOJ

263

VI g l i ,

1UO V . -

m ën ië f ‘manna: drizzle'. From Rom *mannia, cf. Lat manna ‘manna’.
J J V » 1 V/ VV\ ^^4

*

m ërla q et refi, ‘to eat greedily’. An expressive verb of onomatopoeic t f%r
v i . j.®

ll

EYER Wb. 2 7 3 -2 7 4 ) with the further assimilation 4IHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 23 (from Lat mane vigil);

I «
I

m ërm ëris aor. mërmërita ‘to murmur, to m utter’. Borrowed from Slav

*m'hrmr hrati id., cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg m w rnor’a, SCr mrmrati.
m ërq in jë f ‘jujube, kind of b rie r’. Borrowed from Rom *myrïcïnia

^ at vlS '^ a vigil to Rom *mingilia. 0 ]
HAARMANN 157. m ënjollë f. pl. mënjoll

i ‘sapling, shrub, shoot’. Borrowed from Lat malleith a dissimilation of sonorants (MEYER Wb. 274). <111 542; ÇABEJ St. I 347 (from Ital Venet magli134. fascinated, to be charm ed’. Borrowed from Lat □ be astonished’. 0 exile, to drive away’. Borrowed from Lat mergere ;M e y e r Wb. 274). 0 M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundscu RESEE IV/1-2 28; H a a r m a n n 136; H a m p
\.

based on Lat mynca ‘tamarisk, kind of shrub’ ( M e y e r Wb. 2 7 4 ). 0
H a a r m a n n 137. m ërsh ë f ‘corpse, carrion’. From PAlb *merusa based on IE *mer-

olus ‘mallet-shoot’ v 0 P e d e r s e n KZ X X olo id.); H a a r m a n ?

‘to die’: Skt mriyàte, Lith mirti. Slav *merti and the like. 0 FRAENKEL 4 5 7 -4 5 9 ; MAYRHOFER II 6 9 6 -6 9 7 ; POKORNY I 7 3 5 ; TRUBACEV ÈSSJa XVIII 101-102.
m ërsh in ë f, pl. mërshina ‘wineskin’. Borrowed, with an epenthetical

m ëreh em refi, ‘to be mîrârï ‘to wonder, 1

m ërgoj aor. mërgova ‘

s f, pl. mërgjyze ~ mërgjize ‘marigold, narcissus’,

from Slav *mësina id., cf. in South Slavic: Bulg mesina, SCr mjesina, mesina (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 26; MEYER Wb. 2 7 5 ). 0 ÇABEJ St. VII 185; SVANE 68.
m ëru ~ m ir û m, pl. mërurë ~ mërun ‘handle’. Borrowed, with a

‘to thrust, to push’ riß 2 I 1039; MIHÄI SCL X X V III/1 73-7
m ër g jy z ë ~ m ër g jiz

id of mër- < Maria and gji, ‘M ary’s breast’. 1 ~ mëni ‘hate, wrath’. Borrowed from Lat mania Wb. 273). Note, however, that an alternative xavia with its stress corresponding to that of the ^ a r m a n n 134; J a n s o n Unt. 54-55. sha ‘man lying in w ife’s bed after childbirth and ver’. Borrowed from Rom *märicösus ‘husband­ man ‘m ale’. For the formation cf. bellicösus CUBA 10-13 (related to Skt márya- ‘young man, ÇABEJ apud D e m ir a j (borrowed from a poorly \is ‘m iserable, broken’); DEMIRAJ AE 267-268 meraki ‘hypochondriac’); OREL Orpheus VI 68. ! ‘Wednesday’. Borrowed from Lat Mercurii (dies), !. Elemente 5 1 6 . 0 TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 190;
\RMANN 136.

Based on a compou metathesis, from Rom *manurus. The latter is a derivative of Lat manus ‘hand’. 0 M e y e r Wb. 275 (from *manöbrium or mamibrium ‘handle’); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 T 10 5 4 .
m ërzej aor. mërzeva ‘to rest at n oon ( o f a n im a ls)’. B o r ro w e d fro m Lat m ëri ~ m ën i f, pl. m ëi

‘m adness’ (MEYER source could be Gk Albanian word. 0 H
m ërk o sh m, pi. mèrla

meridiäre ‘to take a m id-d ay n a p ’ (MEYER Wb. 274). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 21 1052; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 17; HAARMANN 136.
m ë r z is aor. mërzita ‘to bore, to hate’. Borrowed from Slav *nibrziti

‘to hate’, cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg mi~bzi, SCr mrziti (M lK ­
LOSICH Slav. Elemente 27; M e y e r Wb. 275). 0 S e liS C e v Slav, nase­

lenie 191; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 198; S v a n e 237.
m ëso j aor. mësova ‘to teach, to train’. Borrowed from Rom *invitiare id. > Rum învefa, Prov envezar and the like (MEYER Wh. 276, Alb. St. IV 81). 0 M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1051; PU§CARIU EWR 78; PEDERSEN KZ X X X III 538; VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. 43 (from

receiving visitors; lc like’, based on Lai ‘warlike’. 0 JOKL L. lover’ and the like): attested Bulg mi.rh (derived from Turk

m ërkurë f, pl. mërkun cf. MlKLOSICH Ron ÇABEJ St. I 347; h a

264

M Ë SY J —

M ËSHTEKOHEM

Gk p.av0àvcû ‘to learn’); Ç a b e j St, I 3 4 7 -3 4 8 (a préfixai derivative of pësoj). mësyj aor. mësyta ‘to attack’. A préfixai derivative of sy, cf. Germ ins Auge fassen (MEYER Wb. 276; ÇABEJ St. I 3 4 8 ). 0 WEIGAND BA I 2 5 9 (from mbë syj)\ JOKL Mélanges Pedersen 149-150 (related to qoj)\ ÖLBERG ¡B K X IV 109; DEMIRAJ AE 3 5 7 -3 5 8 .
m ëshere f ‘small piece of cheese’. Borrowed from Rom *mensöra for

Lat mensura ‘m easure’. 0 ÇABEJ St. I 3 4 9 (identical with mueshirë).
mëshikë f ‘bubble, blister, bladder’. Borrowed, with an irregular change

of the anlaut, from Lat vesica ‘bladder’ (MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 70; MEYER Wb. 2 7 6 -2 7 7 ). 0 MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 2 6 (from Slavic); M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1 0 4 4 , 1053.
m ëshirë f ‘pity, m ercy’. Borrowed from Lat miseria ‘wretchedness’.
0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 42; MEYER Wb. 2 7 7 (based on an unat­ tested *m ësh(ijroj borrow ed from Lat miserere ‘to feel p ity ’); MlHÄESCU RESEE I V /1 - 2 18; ÇABEJ St. V II 224; HAARMANN 136. m ësh k en jë f, pl. mcshkenja ‘cad aver, c a r r io n ’. D er iv ed from mërshë.

mëshoj aor. mëshova ‘to be heavy, to bear down’. Another variant is pëshoj. Borrowed from Lat pensare ‘to weigh’ > Rom *pesare (MEYER Wr 3 3 6 ). 0 P is a n i Saggi 124. b. m ëshqerrë f, pl. mëshqerra ‘heifer’. A préfixai derivative of shqerra
(MEYER Wb. 4 1 7 ).

m ështekër ~ m ështekën f, pl. mështekra ~ mështekna ‘b irc h ’. B o rro w ed
from Lat masticinus ‘rela ted to the m a stic -tr e e ’ (> R um masteacan ‘b ir c h ’). 0 M i h ä e s c u RESEE I V /1 - 2 29; Ç a b e j St. I 3 4 9 (fro m Gk ô é v ô p o v |ia o tí% iv o v ‘m a stic -tr e e ’).

m ështekohem refi, ‘to b e c o m e w ild , to ra v e, to r a g e ’. B o r ro w e d from
Lat masticare ‘to c h e w ’, w ith an unusual sem an tic d ev elo p m en t partly refllected by Rum mesteca ‘to chew, to m ix’ (MEYER Wb. 277) 0 PijSCARHJ EWR 91; M i h ä e s c u RESEE I V /1 - 2 17; H a a r m a n n 135.

M E T R IK

M IE T I,

265

m ë tr ik m ‘disease of cattle, tumor, gangrene of intestines’. Borrowed from Rom *mâîricus based on Lat matrix ‘womb’ MlHÄESCU RESEE

IV/1-2 17). 0 Ç a b e j St. I 349; H a a r m a n n 135.
m ë z ~ m â z m, pl. mëza ~ mâza ‘f o a l’. F ro m P A lb *mandja r e la te d to

mënd ‘to s u c k le ’ ( M e y e r Wb. 276, Alb. St. I l l 28). A c lo s e ly re la te d
f o rm is a tte s te d in M e s s a p ic , in J u p it e r ’s n a m e Menzana (STIER KZ X I 148). F ro m P r o to - A lb a n ia n , R u m mînz ‘f o a l’ w a s b o r r o w e d w h ile Ital manzo ‘o x ’ a n d o th e r f o rm s g o b a c k to M e s s a p ic . 0 MlKLOSICH

Rom. Elemente 39 ( fro m Ita! manzo ‘ta m e o x ’); TOMASCHEK BB IX 101; KRETSCHMER Einleitung 266; PU§CARIU EWR 94; CHARPENTIER KZ X L 436 (to L a t mandas); T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 184, Stratifi­ cazione 138; J o k l Reallex. Vorgesch. I 87; E r n o u t - M e i l l e t 384; P o r z i g Gliederung 150; PISANI Saggi ì l i ; SCHMIDT KZ L V II 33; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 332; ROSETTI ILR I 279; POKORNY I 729; HAMP St. What­ mough 79; ÇABEJ Ciotta X X V 51-52; St. V II 204, 212; JANSON Unt. 27; D e m i r a j AE 267.
m i ~ m î m, pl. minj ‘m ouse’. From PAlb *mü(s) related to IE *müs

id.; Skt mus-, Gk pî>ç, Lat mils and the like (M e y e r BB V III 190, Wb. 278). The nasalization in Geg is secondary. 0 STIERÂZ X I 139 (bor­ rowed from Greek); MbYLR Alb. St. I ll 63-64, 81; PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 282; J o k l Studien 77; T a g l ia v i n i Dalmazia 190, Stratificazione 138; L a P ia n a Studi I 95; M a n n Language XXVI 387; E r n o u t -M e il l e t 424; F r is k II 275-276; M a y r h o f e r II 668; W a l d e -H o f m a n n II 132133; p o k o r n y 1752-753; H u l d 91-92; O r e l ZfBAlk X X III 149; D e m ir a j KZ CVI 100-103, AE 267-268.
m ic ë f, pi. mica ‘cat’. A word of onomatopoeic origin represented in

Romance: Rum mita, Ital micio. 0 MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 25 (from SCr mica id. - but there is no such word); M e y e r Wb, 263 (follows M i k l o s i c h ); T a g l ia v i n i D abm zia 192.
m id ë r f, pl. ntidra ‘raspberry’. Another variant is miter. A figurative

use of miter ‘womb, uterus’, of Modern Greek origin.
m ie li m, pl. miellra ~ miellna ‘flour’. Continues P A lb *melwa closely

related to OHG melo id., ON mjçl id., Slav *melvo ‘grain for grind­ ing’ and continuing IE *melyo-, further - to *mel- ‘to grind’ (MEYER Wb. 2 8 2 , Alb. St. I l l 6 4 , 7 5 ). 0 T a g l ia v i n i Dalmazia 191; K l u g e 4 7 0 ;

266

M IH

~

M IF —

M IL I.

MANN Language XXVIII 36; PISANI Saggi 122; CAMAJ Alb. Wortb. 9; K l in g e n s c h m it t Verbum 145; T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa XVIII 92-93; P o k o r n y I 716-718; D e m ir a j AE 268.

mih ~ mif aor. miha ~ mifa ‘to dig, to hoe’. F ro m PAlb *mik-ska related to Skt mimiksati ‘to mix’, Gk jjiayco < *(jiyoKco id. (with a voiced velar), Lat misceö id., OHG miskan id. and the like. 0 FRISK II 192-193; M a y r h o f e r I I 632-633; W a l d e -H o f m a n n II 95-96; P o k o r n y 1 714; C o p ÏA IV 294-295; H a m p Sprache XI 139 (< IE*(s)mi(d)-sk-)\ Ç a b e j St. VII 254. mijë f, pl. mije, mija, mijëra ‘thousand’. A phonetically more archaic variant is mile. Borrowed from Lat ml lia id. (CAMARDA 1171; M l­ KLOSICH Rom. Elemente 41; MEYER Wb. 278). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1044, 1050; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 18; ÇABEJ St. VII 193; H a a r m a n n 136; H a m p Numerals 920.
m ik m. pl. miq ‘f r ie n d ’. B o r r o w e d f ro m L a t amicus id. ( G i l ’ f e r d in g

Otn. 25; MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 2; M e y e r Wb. 278). T h e d e r iv a ­
tiv e mikloj ‘to fla tte r, to fo n d le , to c a r e s s ’ se e m s to be b a se d o n *mikull c o n tin u in g L a t amlculus ‘f r ie n d ’. 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 I

1044, 1049; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 192, Origini 209; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 21; HAARMANN 110; H u l d 92 (o n th e a p h e r e s is o f th e p r e ­ to n ic v o w e l); Ç a b e j St. VII 257; L a n d i Lat. 59, 136. milak m, pl. mi lake ‘leveret’. Borrowed from SCr milak ‘dear one’. 0 M e y e r Wb. 2 78 (to milor ‘young ram ’, of Rumanian origin); PASCU RE 65 (suffixal derivative of *mel borrowed from Rum mel ‘lam b’); M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /3-4 350 (from G k |iéA.Âa^ ‘boy’); Ç a b e j St. I 350 (follows M i h ä e s c u ). milingër f ‘b ligh t on le a v e s ’. A su ffix a l d eriv a tiv e o f *milingë b o r­ ro w e d from S lav *melirn>ka ‘crum b, p in c h ’, o th e rw ise unattested in S outh S la v ic . 0 M e y e r Wb. 279 (c o m p a r iso n w ith SCr medljika
‘m ild e w ’); SCHUCHARDT ZfromPhil XI 489-490 (fr o m G k -R o m

melandrya). mill m , pl . mille ‘sheath’. From PAlb *meila ‘fastening (of a knife)’ related to Skt minoti ‘to fasten’, OIr -tuidmen id. and the like. 0 POKORNY I 709; Ç a b e j St. VII 233.

.M IRE —

M IS H K O N J Ë

267

mire adj. ‘good’. From PAlb *mira forming a separate isogloss with Slav *mii~b ‘peace’ ( V a s m e r Alb. Wortforsch. 43-44; as to OLith mieras, it was borrowed from Slavic despite VASMER II 626). Further con­ nections are OPrus mils ‘nice’, Lith meilus ‘dear’, Slav *mil'b ‘nice, pleasant’ (MEYER Wb. 279, Alb. St. Ill 64, 78) and other continua­ tions of IE *mei- ~ *ml- ‘mild, weak, nice’. 0 G i l ’f e r d i n g Otn. 23 (to Skt mitra- ‘friend’ ); PEDERSEN KZ XXX111 541; iOKL LKUBA 228 (on suffixes *-/- ~ *-r- in this stem); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 192; MANN Language XXVI 386-387 (from Lat mints ‘wonderful, amazing’); P i s a n i Saggi 125 (follows V a s m e r ) ; H o l u b - K o p e c n ÿ 224 (follow V a s m e r ) ; F r a e n k e l 449; P o k o r n y I 711-712; P o g h i r c 1st. limb, rom. II 345; HULD 92 (confused account of JOKL’s analysis); ÇABEJ apud D e m ira j (to G k opùpiç ‘emery’); O r e l Koll. Idg, Ges. 362; DEMIRAJ AE 268-269. mis m, pl. misa ‘limb, m em ber’. Continues PAlb *mitja related to Lith miklas ‘supple’, mitrùs id. (for the semantics, cf. Germ gelenkig as a usual translation of miklas), Latv mikls id., mitrs id., mikât ‘to knead’. 0 F r a e n k e l 447-448, 452. miskë f, pl. miska ‘turkey’. Unclear. misur m, pi. misure ‘deep plate’. Derivative of an unattested *mise bor­ rowed from Slav *misa ‘plate’, cf. South Slavic reflexes; Bulg misa, SCr misa (MEYER Wb. 280). 0 VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. 44. mish m/n, pl. mishra ~ mishna ‘flesh, m eat’. From PAlb *misa further related to IE *memso- id.: Skt mâmsa- ‘flesh, m eat’, Arm mis, Goth mimz, Slav *mçso (G i l ’ f e r d in g Otn. 23; M e y e r Wb. 280, Alb. St. Ill 61, 64, 68). The development of *-em- to *-i- seems to precede the “ruki” rule. 0 PEDERSEN KZ XXXIII 56, Kelt. Gr. I 82; JOKL LKUBA 326; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 192, Stratificazione 93; L a PIANA Studi I 113-114; BARIÇ Hymje 39; A C a r e a n HAB III 323-324; PISANI Saggi 100; E r n o u t -M e il l e t 395; M a y r h o f e r II 615; F e is t Goth. 361; P o k o r n y I 725-726; T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa XIX 7-11; H a m p S SL LXVI/1 222; Ç a b e j LP VIII 128, St. VII 242; H u l d 92-93; OREL Sprache XXXI 280; K o r t l a n d t SSGL X 221; D e m ir a j StF I X /1 359, AE 269-270. mishkonjë f, pi. mishkonja ‘midge, gnat’. Another variant is mushkonjë . A feminine derivative of *mushkë ~ *mushkue borrowed from Lat

268

M IT Ë —

M JA L 'l'Ë

M JA L L O J

M JE K Ë R

269

RESEE IV /1-2 31;

HAARMANN

137 (from Rom *mnscönea).

onomatopoeic origin.

îulberry; tares’. Other variants are mjetërr, sed ti a phrase mane mjedhëra id. A suffixîlated to Lith mëdis ‘tree’, Latv mezs ‘wood’, as a wood berry. 0 FRAENKEL 4 2 3 -4 2 5 ; l BEJ St. I 3 5 0 -3 5 1 (from *mer-dâ related to

mitë f, pl. mita ‘shoot’. Continues PAlb *meita related to Skt methi‘pillar, post’, ON meiÔr ‘beam’, Lith miëtas ‘post, stake’. 0 FRAENKEL 451; M a y r h o f e r I I 683; P o k o r n y 1 709; Ç a bej St. 1 350 (to Gk pixuÀoç ‘hornless’). mitë f ‘bribe, tip’. Borrowed from Slav *myto ‘payment’, cf. in South Slavic: Bulg mito, SCr mito (M e y e r Wb. 2 8 1 ). 0 S e l i SCe v Slav, nase­ lenie 181, 299; S v a n e 2 0 8 . mizë f, pl. miza ‘fly’. A derivative in -zë of PAlb *müjä identical with ON my id., further connected to Gk ju n a d., Lat musca id. and the like (CAMARDA I 75; MEYER BB VIII 190, Wb. 2 8 1 , Alb. St. Ill 6 4, 81). 0 BUGGE BB XVIII 168 (derives mizë from *tints- rather than *müjä); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 193, Stratificazione 139; L a P ia n a Studi I 9 3, 107; P is a n i Saggi 131 (to Arm mzil); E r n o u t - M e i l l e t 4 2 4 ; F r i s k II 2 6 5 -2 6 6 ; W a ld e - H o f m a n n II 133; P o k o r n y I 7 5 2 ; Ç a b e j 5/. VII 2 5 4 , 268; DEMIRAJ AE 2 7 0 . i z( aor. mizova ‘to rage, to snarl, to hate’. Borrowed from Rom *invidiare id., cf. Lat invidia ‘envy, jealousy’ (M E Y E R Wb. 268). 0 M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1049; H A A R M A N N 131. mizon aor. mizoi ‘to sn o w ( o f ght f lo c k s ) ’. D er iv ed from mizë ( Ç a b e j St. I 3 5 0 ), a fig u r a tiv e u sa g e w lespread both in R o m a n ce and S la v ic. mjalcë f, pl. mjalca ‘b e e ’. C o n tin u es PAlb *melitja id en tica l w ith G k ,uá/U oaa ( *|xéÀtxja id. (C a m a r d a 1 7 9 ). Cf. mjaltë. 0 M e y e r Wh. 281; Jo k l LKUBA 287; F r is k II 2 0 0 -2 0 1 ; Ç a b e j St. VII 2 0 3 . altë m /n / f ‘honey’. Continues PAlb *melita related to Hitt milit id., Gk (L .1 id., Goth milip id. (C A M A R D A I 79; M e y e r Wb. 281-282, Alb. téX St. Ill 64, 78). 0 M lK L O S IC H Rom. Elemente 40 (from Lat mel); P E ­ D E R SE N Kelt. Gr. I 162; JO K L LKUBA 287-289; T A G L IA V IN I Dalmazia 190; F e i s t Goth. 359-360; E r n o u t - M e i l l e t 394; P i s a n i Saggi 132; M a n n Language XXVI 383; P O R Z IG Gliederung 203; P O K O R N Y I 723-724; F r i s k II 200-201; C h a n t r a i n e 682; Ö l b e r g IBK XVII 38; Ç A B E J St. VII 230; D e m i r a j AE 270-271.
B

mjedhër f, pl. mjedhra ‘r miter and mjedër. Also i al derivative of *mjedh r thus defining m ulherrj P o k o r n y I 706-707; Ç^ OIr merenn ‘m ulberry’)

d ’. O ther variants, mjergull and njegull, are 1., S la v *mhgla ‘d ark n ess, m ist’ (CAMARDA îe w ord with an unusual vocal m w as reshaped idard pattern w ith *-e- in the root. 0 M e y e r fro m Lat nebula ‘c lo u d ’ or co g n a te o f S lav JGMANN - DELBRÜCK I I / 1 362; JOKL Studien

1). From PAlb *meg(u)lâ related to Gk ópí/Xr)

by in v o k in g the in flu e n c e o f *mergl! d ark ’, LIAVINI Dalmazia 191; MANN Language XXVI ;; ClMOCHOWSKI LP IV 2 0 2 -2 0 4 (derived from 0; F r is k II 387; F r a e n k e l 451; V a s m e r II .; H a m p St. Whatmough 80; Ö l b e r g Festschr. 3 5 1 -3 5 2 ; H u l d 93; O r e l Z ß a lk XXIII 149; j Lat nühës ‘c lo u d ’, W nudd ‘f o g ’ and a lso

mjegull f, pl- mjegulla ‘cl< secondary (Ç A B E J St. 1 35 ‘fog, m ist’, Lith miglà i 1 70). In Proto-Albanian, t according to a more stai Wb. 283-284 (borrowing *ntbgla and the like); B R 57-58 (explains mjergul cf. ON myrkr ‘dim’); T ac 385-386; PISA N I Saggi 121 *mjergë with suffix -ull 587-588; P O K O R N Y I 7L Pisani II 687; Ç A B E J St. D e m i r a j AE 271-273 (t to nate).

ian, doctor’. Borrowed from Lat medicus id. mte 40; M e y e r Wb. 282). 0 M e y e r -L ü b k e 352; M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 23; Ç a b e j Si. 6; L a n d i Lat. 51, 109, 137, 139.
i, b ea rd ’. F rom P A lb *smekra e ty m o lo g ic a l-

mjek m. pi. mjekë ‘physic (M lK L O S IC H Rom. Elem Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1043, 1 VII 184; H A A R M A N N \ z

kur- ‘b ea rd ’, Skt s'mdsru- id ., A rm mawruk‘ (M e y e r Wh. 282, Alb. St. Ill 4, 58, 71, 84). P e d e r s e n Kelt. Gr. I 86; Jo k l LKUBA 268; 191 ( f o llo w s MEYER), Stratificazione 93; [ANN Language XXVIII 39; PORZIG Gliederung , 839; M a y r h o f e r III 382; P o k o r n y I 968; ÖLBERG Festschr. Pisani II 683, 687; HAMP 33-94; A d a m s JIES X V I/1-2 76; K o r t l a n d t

mjekër f, pl. mjekra ‘chii ly related to Hitt zamar id., Lith smäkras ‘chin’ 0 BUGGE ß ß XVIII 169; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia A c a r e a n HAB III 375; N 75, 126, 161; F r a e n k e i C a m a j Alb. Wortb. 11( BSL L X V I/1 222; HULD

270

M JE L

M JE T Ë

SSGL X 220;

RASMUSSEN

Morph. 263;

D E M IR A J

AE 273.

mjel aor. mola ‘to milk’. From PAlb *melga identical with Gk aue^y® id., Lat mulgeö id., Lith mélziu, meliti id. and the like ( C a m a r d a I 40; MEYER Wb. 283, Alb. St. Ill 17, 64). The loss of -g- may be rather late if the variant mjelg adduced by CAMARDA is not an artefact. 0 MEYER Gr. Gr. 23; PEDERSEN KZ XXXIII 550, Kelt. Gr. I 43; JOKL LKUBA 275; BARIC ARSt 20; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 192; M a n n Lan­ guage XXVI 382, XXVIII 37; FRAENKEL 434-435; FRISK 1 91; WALDEH o f m a n n II 121; POKORNY I 722-723; H am p Laryngeals 139; H u ld 94-95; D e m ir a j AE 273-274. mjellme f, pl. mjellme ‘swan’. Derived from miel, cf. similar connec­ tions of Slav *olbçdb ‘swan’ related to Lat albus ‘white’, Gk ccÄcpt ‘barley flour’. 0 MEYER Wb. 283 (to Slav *belbmo ‘wall-eye, white spot’); V a s m e r II 470; P o g h ir c LB VI 98 (follows M e y e r ). m jerë adj. ‘unhappy, unfortunate’. Borrowed from Lat miserem id. > Rom *mis rem (CAMARDA I 133). 0 MEYER Wb. 283 (to TE *mehn‘black’), Alb. St. Ill 64, 78; JOKL LKUBA 193-194 (from *mel-); PED­ ERSEN KZ XXXIII 541 (to Lat morior ‘to die’); M a n n Language XXVIII 39 (to Lat miser); ÇABEJ St. VII 254, 264, apud DEMIRAJ (to OIr meirb ‘lifeless’); D e m ir a j AE 274 (to Gk puxpôç ‘stained’). mjeshtak m, pl. mjeshtakë ‘brother-in-law ’. Borrowed from Rom *domestiâcus, cf. Lat domesticas ‘belonging to the house’, mjeshtër m, pi. mjeshtër, mjeshtra ‘m aster, b u ild e r ’. B o rro w ed from Lat magister ‘m a ste r’ (CAMARDA II 204; MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 37; M e y e r Wb. 284). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1045; M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV/1-2 17; Ç ab ej St. V II252; H a a r m a n n 134; L a n d i Lat. 56, 136, 139. mjet p re p /a d v . ‘(up) to, among, between’, m, pl. mjete ‘means; bound­ ary’. From PAlb *meta related to Gk p e tá , p éra ‘among’, Goth mip ‘with’ (JO K L Reallex. Vorgesch. I 87). 0 T A G L IA V IN I Dalmazia 191192; Ç a b e j St. VII 187; D e m i r a j AE 274-275. mjetë f ‘coarse wool, lint, yarn’. Borrowed from Gk pixoç ‘thread

M J E Z D IT Ë —

M O DHULL

271

( o f the w o o f ) ’ w ith the ch an ge o f v o w e l sim ila r to that o f mjegull. 0 C a m a r d a I 4 4 (to Gk p iio ç ) ; M e y e r Wb. 2 8 4 (fro m R om *migetta

~ *micetta > Fr miette ‘cr u m b ’); ÇABEJ St. I 352 (a p réfix a i d eriv a ­
tiv e o f jes). m jezd itë f ‘n o o n ’. W h ile in the p arallel fo rm s mesditë and mestiate ‘m id n ig h t’ the first elem en t is mes ‘m id d le ’ o f M od ern Greek o rig in , in mjezditë and mjeznatë ‘m idn igh t’ tnjez con tinu es Lat medius ‘m id d le’ (MEYER Wb. 2 8 4 ). 0 C a m a r d a I 89 (mjez- to Gk piaoç ‘m id d le ’); M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1043; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 191. m k eq em refi, ‘to g et w o r s e ’. A p réfix a i d eriv a tiv e o f keq. m ly sh m, pl. mlysha ‘kind offish , pike’. Another variant is mlyç. B or­

rowed from Rom *maris lücius ‘sea pike’, even though in Albanian the word refers to a sweet water fish. 0 M e y e r Wb. 284 (a hesitant comparison with Ital merluzzo ‘cod, hake’), NGr. St. Ill 39; ÇABEJ St. I 352 (from Lat lücius ‘pike’); MTHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 23; HAAR­ MANN 133. (G) m lle f m ‘rancor, wrath’. (ÇABEJ St. I 352-353).
A

derivative in - /( = Tosk -h) of mëllë

m nerë f ‘fear, frig h t’. A p h on etic variant o f tmerr. m o ç m. pl. moça ‘one year old wether’. From PAlb *matusa derived

from mot.
m oçoj aor. moçova ‘to insult, to offend'. Borrowed from Lat monsträre

‘to show, to report, to witness against’.
m od h m ‘bushel’. Borrowed from Lat modus ‘m easure’. m o d h u ll f, pl. modhulla ‘v e t c h , c h i c k l i n g , c h i c k - p e a ’ . C o n t i n u e s PAlb

*madzula d e r i v a t i o n a l l y c l o s e t o L i t h mazidis ‘s m a l l ’ ( P E D E R S E N KZ XXXVT 335) a n d f u r t h e r r e l a t e d t o L i t h mazas i d . ( M E Y E R Wb. 284285, Alb. St. Ill 16, 64, 83). B o r r o w e d t o R u m mazare. 0 C A M A R D A I 178 ( t o G k j i ô ô o ç ' k i n d o f p l a n t ’ ); J O K L LKUBA 182-186 ( t o G o t h mats ‘d i s h , f o o d ’ , OIr maisse i d . ) ; B A R I C ARSt 55-56 ( t o S k t mäsa‘b e a n ’ ); T R E I M E R Slavia III 453 ( t o mot)’ C lM O C H O W S K I LP 11 233; ,

272

M OKËR ~

M OKËN

- M O LLË

C a m a j Alb. Wortb. 117 (su ffix -«//); F r a e n k e l 4 2 2 -4 2 3 ; P o g h ir c 1st.

limb. rom. II 332; ROSETTI ILR I 278; KLINGENSCHMITT Verbum 218; H a m p SCL XXX 89; BURROW Hennins 95; OREL ZfBalk XXIII 149; DEMIRAJ AE 2 7 6 . mokër ~ mokën f, pl. mokra ~ mokna ‘millstone’. Borrowed from Gk (XTixavTi ‘device, instrument’ (THUMB IF XXVI 16). 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 37 (from Lat machina ‘machine, instrument’); MEYER Wb. 285 (from Latin); BARIC ARSt. I 19 (follows THUMB); JOKL Reallex. Vorgesch. I 89; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 195 (prefers the Latin etymol­ ogy); M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV/1-2 31; O l b e r g SPhAen 42; H a a r m a n n 134 (from Latin); JANSON Unt. 43; LANDI Lat. 27, 112. m okërr f, pl. mokrra ‘millipede, woodlouse’. Borrowed from the sub­ stantivized Slavic adjective *mokra, fem. ‘w et’, cf. *mokrica ‘milli­ pede’. molar adj. ‘dirty, muddy’. A préfixai formation based on lare, a par­ ticipial form of lyej. molë f, pi. mola ‘moth’. Borrowed from Slav *molb id., cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg mol, SCr molj. A parallel form molicë continues S lav *molica id. (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 26; MEYER Wb. 285). The verb molis ‘to eat away (of m oth)’ is derived from molë. 0 S e l i SCev Slav, naselenie 198; SVANE 154. molikë f, pl. molika ‘silver fir ’. An early b orrow in g from S lav *moldika ‘y o u n g tall tr e e ’, cf. B u lg mladika, SC r mladika. 0 JOKL LKUBA 196197, 2 0 0 (to mëllenjë and its cogn ates); SELlSÒEV Slav, naselenie 164;
S v a n e 127.

molis aor. molisa, molita ‘to make tired, to weaken’. Borrowed from Slav *m'bdbliti id., cf. CS mbdliti, Slovene medliti. mollë f, pi. molle ‘apple, apple tree’. Borrowed from Lat mälum id. ( G i l ’ f e r d i n g Otn. 25; M lK L O S IC H Rom. Elemente 38; M E Y E R Wb. 285). 0 C a m a r d a I 46 (compares with G k jafi^ov id.); M i h ä e s c u RESEE IV/3-4 350 (from G k ia.TjA.ov); Ç a b e j St. VII 210, 254; H U L D 94 (molle described as a cognate of Lat mälum and G k jxrjÄov).

M OLLOK

M ORTH

273

mollok m, pl. mollokë ‘boulder, rock, lump’. Derived from molle. moraçë f ‘fennel’. Borrowed from South Slavic *moracb id.: Bulg morar, SCr morac (M ik l o s ic h Slav. Elemente 26; MEYER Wb. 259). more interj. A vocative particle used in a call to a man. Other variants are mre, bre, ore. In feminine forms mo] and mori are used (but vore in Italo-Albanian). The same interjection is used in all Balkan lan­ guages. The source of more may be one of the aoristic forms of marr. 0 CAMARDA I 323 (to Gk òpàco ‘to see’); MEYER Wb. 28 6 . more f ‘bogey, nightmare’. Borrowed from Slav *mora id., cf. South Slavic reflexes: Bulg mora, SCr mora (MEYER Wb. 2 8 6 -2 8 7 ). 0 SVANE
2 1 6 , 23 7 .

mori f ‘swarm, mass, crowd’. Borrowed from Slav *m or’e ‘sea; (fig.) large amount, swarm ’, cf. in South Slavic: Bulg more, SCr more. 0 ÇABEJ St. VII 2 0 9 , 281 mornica pi. ‘shivering fit’. Borrowed from Slav *morbnica ‘shiver­ ing; kind of illness’, cf. Bulg mornica, Slovene mornica (SVANE 184). morovicë f ‘ant’. Borrowed from South Slavic *mor\ica id., cf. Bulg mravica, SCr mravica (MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 27; M e y e r Wb. 287). Alb -oro- seems to reflect an analogical change of *morvica to *morovica, cf. Ukr muravic'a and the like. 0 S e l i SCev Slav, naseleriie 198; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 196 (contamination with morr). morovinë f ‘sultriness’. Borrowed from Slav *morovina, deverbative of *moriti ‘to destroy’ otherwise unknown in South Slavic. 0 SVANE
172.

m ort m ‘death’. Borrowed from Lat mortem id. (G il ’ f e r d in g Otn. 25; CAMARDA II 145; MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 42; M e y e r Wb. 2 8 7 ). 0 M e y e r -LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß21 1045, 1048; MTHÄESCU RESEE IV / 12 18; H a a r m a n n 137; L a n d i Lat. 85. morth m ‘chilblain’. Derivative of morr, cf. a similar semantic rela­ tionship in Rum paducci ‘chilblain’ ~ päducel ‘small louse, n it’

274

M ORR —

MOT

(ÇABEJ St. I 353). 0 MEYER Wb. 260 (to mardh)\ MURATI Probleme

91. m orr m, pi. morra ‘lo u s e ’. F rom P A lb *merwa based on IE *mer- ‘to d ie ’ as Gk q>0eip ‘lo u s e ’ is b ased on (p 0 e ip r o ‘to d e s tr o y ’(OREL Fort. 79 ). 0 STIER KZ XI 2 4 5 (to Lat mordeO ‘to b ite ’ or to NCik ¡ K o p á ) ; M e y e r Wb. 2 8 7 (fo llo w s S t ie r ) ; J o k l Studien 58 (to Skt marcdyati ‘to en d a n g e r’); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 196, Stratificazione 139; F r is k II 1 0 1 2 -1 0 1 3 ; D e m ir a j AE 27 7 . mos
adv.

‘not’ (prohib.). From P A lb *mats connected with TE *më id.

(BOPP 497; CAMARDA I 102, 214; MEYER Wb. 2 8 7 ). The Indo-Euro­

pean prohibitive *mê is directly reflected in a simple form mo. The second element may go back to IE *k“ ‘and’ so that mos continues e *me k^e as reflected in Gk nr|te ‘and not’ (OREL SBJa Leksikol. 149150). 0 BO PP497 (identifies -s in mos with s ’ ‘not’ so that mos is treated as a double negation); MEYER Wb. 2 8 7 (-s = s ‘not’ < Lat dis-)', PE­ DERSEN KZ XXXVI 322; JOKL AArbSt. I 3 7 -3 8 (connects - i with the pronominal stem ~ *k“ TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 197; M a n n Lan­ i-); guage XXVI 383; ClMOCHOWSKl LP IV 205; LA PIANA Studi I 2 2 , 90; P is a n i Saggi 110; P o k o r n y 1 703; C h a n t r a i n e 692; Ç a b e j St. 1 3 5 3 3 5 4 (analyzes mos as two subsequent negations mo + s’; HAMP SCL X X X / 1 89; H u l d 9 4 -9 5 (follows O r e l ) ; O r e l Koll. Idg. Ges. 349; ; D e m ir a j AE 2 7 5 -2 7 6 . moshë f ‘age’. In dialects, a more phonetically archaic form mocë is preserved. Goes back to PAlb *mätusä derived from *mäti- > mot. Borrowed to Rum mos, ‘grandfather’ after the change of *-t(u)s- to *-s- (JOKL LKUBA 33: reconstructs *met-sio-). 0 M e y e r Wb. 263 (to mas): POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 345; ROSETTl 1LR I 279; ÇABEJ St. I 354; H u l d 95; D e m ir a j AE 278. mot m, pi. mote ‘time, weather, storm, thunderbolt’. Goes back to PAlb *mati- etymologically identical with Skt mäti- ‘m easure’, Gk nfjxiç id., OE rne'd id. derived from IE *me- ‘to m easure’ and, in particu­ lar, to Iran *maty a- ‘day’; Sogd my 8, Yagn met, Yazg mlO, and also Osset met, mît ‘snow’ (T r u b a c e v Ètimologiia 1965 14). Semantical­ ly, mot is also close to Lith mëtas ‘time, year’ (G il ’ f e r d in g Otn. 23; M e y e r Wb. 263, Alb. St. Ill 23, 63, 87) which, however, displays a

M OTËR —

M REKULL

275

short vowel in the root, and to Hisp-Celt maTus ‘(favorable) period of time’ reflecting a zero-grade. 0 JOKL LKUBA 33, 40, 326, Sprache IX 117; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 197; L a P ia n a Studi I 114; M a n n Lan­ guage XXVI 383; PORZIG Gliederung 176; F r a e n k e l 445; F r is k II 232-233; M a y r h o f e r II 638; P o k o r n y I 703-704; M o r g e n s t ie r n e Frontier II 24, 229 (Baltic ~ Iranian comparison); A b a e v II 124 (iso­ lates the Ossetic word from the rest of Ianian); ÇABEJ St. VII 187, 252; H u ld 95; ESKA Botorrita 75-76; OREL ZfBalk XXIII 148; D e SNICKAJA Sravn. 203; D e m ir a j AE 278. motër f, pi. motra ‘sister’. From PAlb *mater going back to IE *mater‘m other’: Skt matar-, Gk |ar\xnp. Eat mater and the like (G i l ’ f e r d ING Otn. 23; CAMARDA I 72; MEYER BB VIII 190 ( ‘m other’ > ‘elder sister’), Wb. 287-288, Alb. St. Ill 24, 64, 72, 82). 0 PEDERSEN Kelt. Gr. I 48; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 197, Stratificazione 118; L a P ia n a Studi I 22; E r n o u t -M e il l e t 390; F r isk II 232; C h a n t r a in e 699; M a y r h o f e r li 619-620; W a l d e -H o f m a n n I I 49-50; P is a n i Saggi 99; B a r iç Hymje 38, 71; POKORNY I 700; HULD 95-96 (reconstructs the Omaha-kinship system for Proto-Albanian); OREL ZfBalk XXIII 146; D e m ir a j AE 278.
m o to v ile f. pi. motovile ‘reel, spool'. Borrowed from Slav *motovid-

lo id., cf. in South Slavic: Bulg motovila, SCr motovilo (MEYER Wb. 287). 0 S e l i SCe v Slav, naselenie 171, 306; ÇABEJ St. VII 254; SvANE 46, 252.
m pij ~ m pîj aor. mpiva ~ mpiva ‘to benumb, to make stiff’. Goes back to PAlb *en-paginja related to Gk rcnyv\)(ii ‘to make firm, to make stiff’, Lat pangö id., Goth fähan ‘to catch’ and the like (CAMARDA II 157; M e y e r Wb. 265). 0 F r is k II 525-526; W a ld e - H o f m a n n II 245246; F e i s t Goth. 134-135; POKORNY I 787; ÇABEJ St. I 354-355 (reconstructs *en-paginja). m raz m, pi. mraze ‘rain-storm, bitter frost’. Borrowed from Slav

*morzT> ‘cold, frost’, cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg mraz, SCr mraz ( S v a n e 174, 237). mrekull f, pi. mrekull, mrekullra ‘m iracle’. A singularized plural of *mrakull borrowed from Lat miräculum id. (M IK I.O S IC II Rom. Elemente

276

M RET

MUF

41-42; M e y e r Wb. 288). 0 M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß21 1043, 1048; P e d e r s e n KZ XXXIII 536; Ç a b e j St. I 355; H a a r m a n n 136; L a n d i

Lai. 4 5 , 86, 1 4 1 -1 4 2 . m ret
m, pi.

mreta ‘arbutus, wild straw berry’. Derivative of mare id.

mrezhë f ‘net’. Borrowed from Slav *merza id., cf. South Slavic: Bulg mreza, SCr mreza (MlKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 27; M e y er Wb. 2 8 8 ). 0 S e l i SCe v Slav, naselenie 170; SVANE 153. m ti ~ m tì tri ‘churn’. Other variants are bëti, peti, muti, tpî. Borrowed from Rom *patina for Lat patina ‘broad dish, pan’. 0 MEYER Wb. 295 (based on Slav *mçsti ‘to sweep’ or *moliti ‘to stir’); ÇABEJ St. I 355356 (to tire ‘barrel’). mu ~ mû adv. ‘just, right, exactly’. Borrowed from Lat imnnlne ‘freely, absolutely’. 0 CAMARDA I 311 (to me)-, ÇABEJ St. I 356 (to me ‘m ore’). muaj ~ muej m, pi. rtiuaj ~ muej ‘month’. From PAlb *mäsnja, derived from an earlier *mesn-, metathesis of IE *mëns- ‘moon, month’: Skt más-, Gk |xt|v, Lat mênsis, Oír m i and the like.The same metathesis may be supposed for Slav *mësqcb < *mësen-ko- id. 0 BOPP 4 6 7 (direct comparison with reflections of IE *mëns-)\ CAMARDA I 58 (follows BOPP); MEYER Wb. 2 8 8 , Alb. St. I ll 64; PEDERSEN Festskr. Thomsen 2 4 7 , Kelt. Gr. I 86; JOKL IF X L IX 2 7 6 , WuS X II 8 1 , Sprache IX 150; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 194-1 9 5 ; L a P ia n a St. Varia 44; M a n n Lan­ guage X X V I 383; CiMOCHOWSKJ LP II 223; E r n o u t - M e i l l e t 398;
F r is k II 2 2 7 -2 2 8 ; M a y r h o f e r II 6 3 1 -6 3 2 ; W a ld e - H o f m a n n II 7 1 72; L e w is - P e d e r s e n 24; V e n d r y e s [MJ 46; P o k o r n y 1 731-732; K lin GENSCHMITT Münch. St. Spr. X L 127; T r u b a c e V ÈSSJa X V III 192194; HULD 9 6 (treats -j in muaj as a suffix similar to -i in ari % O r e l Z ß a lk X X III 142; D e m ir a j AE 2 7 9 -2 8 0 .

muf adj. ‘unripe’. From PAlb *muska (with -/< -h) related to IE *meu‘w et’, cf. Latv maût ‘to plunge, to swim’, Slav *myti ‘to wash’ and, formally, Lat muscus ‘m oss’ belonging to the same root. 0 POKORNY
1 7 4 1 -7 4 2 .

M U FA S —

MUND

277

m u fas aor. mufata ‘to puff up, to swell, to inflate’. From *mpufas, a

préfixai derivative of puhas.
m ug m, pi. mugje ‘twilight’. From PAlb *smuga related to OE smoca

‘smoke’, Oír múch id., Arm mux id. (ÇABEJ St. I 356). 0 C a m a r d a I 131 (to Gk p/ujcôç ‘in sid e ’); MEYER Wb. 272-273 (to mëngoj); BARIC ARSt. I 104 (to Gk àx^vç, ‘m ist, g lo o m ’ < IE *ipgh-); ACAREAN HAB III 353; V a s m e r Alb. Wortforsch. I 45 (to O N mykr ‘d u n g ’); L e w is P e d e r s e n 41; V e n d r y e s [M ] 69-70; POKORNY I 971.
m u gu ll m, pi. muguj ‘shoot, bud, sprout’. Another variant is mungali.

From PAlb *mugula identical with Lith *mugulas on which muguliúoti ‘to move’ is based. The latter is further related to mugóti ‘to go through the mud’, miiginti ‘to touch, to move’ and the like. Borrowed to Rum mugur. 0 MEYER Wb. 288 (quotes the non-existent Skt mulula- ‘bud’); BARIC ARSt 54 (prefix mu- and a cognate of Gk (iÀaoxôç ‘sprout, shoot'); JOKL LKUBA 267 (suffix -ull); FRAENKEL 468; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 345; ROSETTI ILR I 279; I o n i t a SCL XL 485 ( fr o m an unattested R o m *muculus)\ OREL Orpheus V I 68.
muj ~ muej aor. mujta, mufta ‘to be able, to prevail’. From PAlb *mundnja,

a secondary formation based on mund.
m ujoj aor. mujova ‘to disprove’. Derived from muj (ÇABEJ St. I 356).

0 C a m a r d a I 47 (to Lat müniâre ‘to defend, to protect’).
m u llë r ‘stomach’. Borrowed from Rom *mula > OFr mule id. (M e y e r

Wb. 289). 0 JOKL LKUBA 285; M a n n Language XXVIII 33 (to Skt miirdhan-).
mulli ~ m ullí m, pi. mullinj ‘mill’. Borrowed from Lat mollnum id. (MEYER

Wb. 289), 0 MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 43 (from Ital molino id.); M ey ERL übke Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1044, 1049; JOKL IF L 47; T a g l ia v in i Dal­ mazia 199; E r n o u t -M e il l e t 411; M ih ä e SCU RESEE IV /1-2 23; HAARMANN 137; JANSON Unt. 55; LANDI Lat. 88, 137, 158.
m und aor. munda ‘to be able’. Continues PAlb *munda, a nasal present

related to Lith muda ‘possibility’, mudúoti ‘to try, to attempt’, Skt mo'date y ‘to rejoice, to be m erry’. 0 M e y e r Wb. 291 (to OHG muntar

278

MUNGOJ —

M L 'R T A J Ë

'fresh’, Lith mundrits ‘cheerful, m erry’), Alb. St. IT 64, 80; JOKLStudien T 58 (adds Lith mandrils ‘high-spirited’, Slav *mçdr'b ‘wise’ to M e y e r ’ s parallels), Reallex. Vorgesch. I 91, IF XXXIII 127, XXXVI 131; B a r ic ARSt. I 105; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 198; S c h m id t KZ LVII 37; L a P i a n a Studi I 23; F r a e n k e l 467; C h a n t r a in e 664; M a y r h o f e r II 693; POKORNY I 741-742; HAMP Laryngeals 138 (adduces Lith isminfis ‘to be able’); ÇABEJ St. I 357-358 (to OHG magari ‘to be able’ or to Gk (¿ôyoç ‘trouble, distress’); D e m ir a j AE 281-283 (follows ÇABEJ). mungoj aor. mungova ‘to lack’. A more archaic variant is mëngoj. Bor­ rowed from Rom *mancare > Ital mancare id. (MEYER Wb. 273). 0 ÇABEJ St. VII 251. murg ~ mung m, pi. murgj ~ mungj ‘m o n k ’. B o r ro w e d fro m Lat monachus id. (MEYER Wb. 289). 0 M a n n Language XVII 14; ÇABEJ St. I 358; ÖLBERG SPhAen 49; MlHÄESCU RESEE I V /1-2 23; HAARMANN 137; J a n s o n Unt. 45-46; LANDI Lat. 61, 138-139. murg adj. ‘dark, grey’. From PA lb *murga related to Lith margas ‘m ul­ ticolored’, mirgúoti ‘to sparkle, to shine’, Latv mirga ‘gleam’, murgs ‘fantastic image’. The word for ‘mould’, murgjan, is derived from murg. Borrowed to Rum murg ‘brown’. 0 SCHUCHARDT KZ X X 250 (from Lat amurca); MANN Language XVII 14 (to ON myrkr)\ FRAENKEL 410411; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 333; PISANI Saggi 122; ROSETTIÌLR I 279. murgë f ‘lees of oil’. Borrowed from Lat amurga id. 0 C a m a r d a II 163 (from Gk à|aópyri id.). murmë adj. 'dark, grey’. Related to murret. 0 M e y e r Wb. 2 8 6 (related to muer ~ mor id. borrowed from Turk mor id.). murmuroj aor. murmurara ‘to m urm ur’. B orrow ed from Lat murmurare id. ( M i k l o s i c h Rom. Elemente 43; M e y e r Wb. 2 9 2 ). murtajë f ‘plague’. Another variant is mortaje. Borrowed from Rom *mortalia, based on Lat mortälis (M e y e r Wb. 287). Ô M e y e r -LDBKL Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1049; HAARMANN 137; LANDI Lat. 28, 88, 147.

M U RRASH

MUS HK

279

m urrash m, pl. murrashë ‘sparrow ’. Identical with murrash ‘dark, dark grey’, cf. tnëllenjë. m urrelë f, pl. murrela ‘horsefly, gadfly’. Related to murrët. m urrë ~ m urrâ m ‘North wind’. Borrowed, with an assimilation of the initial b-, from Rom *boreânus, an adjectival formation of Boreas id. (M e y e r Wb. 42). 0 M e y e r -LU b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1052; Ç a b e j St. I 358-359 (to murrët). m urrët adj. ‘dark’. A derivative in -ët based on *murr continuing PAlb *mura. The latter is etymologically related to Lith muras ‘mud’, murinas ‘dirty’, Latv mûrît ‘to besm irch’ and other reflexes of *meu-ro‘dirt’. 0 F r a e n k e l 419; POKORNY I 7 4 2 . m urriz m, pi. murriza ‘brier, hawthorn, whitethorn’. Since it is also translated as ‘Schwarzdorn’ by M e y e r , murriz may be linked to murrët. 0 SCHUCHARDT KZ XX 250 (connected with Ital marruca ‘Christ-thorn’); M eyer Wb. 292 (from *mburniz- connected with NGk TtpouveÄaa ‘briar’); JOKL/F XXXVI 148 (agrees with SCHUCHARDT); TREIMER Slavia III 455 (from a compound *mollë drizë)\ Ç.ABEJ St. I 359 (to morr). mushicë f, pi. mushica ‘midge’. Another variant is mushiqe. Borrowed from Slav *musica id., cf. South Slavic reflexes: Bulg musica, SCr musica (M ik lo sic h Slav. Elemente 27). 0 S e li SCev Slav, naselenie 198; S v a n e 155. mushk m, pi. mushqe ‘mule’. Together with Bulg nibsk id., ORuss mi,ski, id. and other Slavic forms (presumably, spreading from the South), mushk forms an areal Balkan word for ‘mule’. Rum mu§coi id. is derived from *mu§cu borrowed from Albanian. 0 M i k l o s i c h Slav. Elemente 26 (from Slavic); C a m a r d a II 158; S t i e r KZ XI 149; HlRT IF XII 2 2 5 (to Lat mains id., G k jju x^ ôç id.); M e y e r Wb. 2 9 3 -2 9 4 (to Lat mulus id. < *muslus; adduces Ital dial, musso ‘ass’), Alb. St. Ill 64; BARIC AÄ& 56; TAGLIAVINI Stratificazione 139; E r n o u t - M e i l l e t 420; P is a n i Saggi 129; P o g h i r c 1st. limb. rom. II 346; R o s e t t i H R I 279; C h a n t r a i n e 7 2 0 ; H a a r m a n n 137; C l a c k s o n LR 23 1 . mushk m ‘shoulder’. Results from the recomposition of mushkull. 0

280

M U S H K Ë I.L Y E R

MUT

MlKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 5 4 9 (borrowed from Lat musculus ‘muscle’); CAMARDA II 1 5 8 ; M e y e r Wb. 2 9 4 (follows M i k lo s ic h ) ; B a r i c ARSt
56

(to Lat umerus ‘shoulder’); T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia

200; Ç abej

St.

I

3 5 9 -3 6 0 : H a a rm a n n 137.

mushkëllyer adj. ‘dun, grey-brown, red-brown’. A parallel form is mushkylluar. Borrowed from Rom *muscellärius ‘colored like a m ouse’, cf. Lat muscellärium ‘m ouse-trap’. mushkëri ~ mushkni f, pl. mushkëri ~ mushkni ‘lu n g, liv e r ’. A s mëlçi, this w ord m ay be used in phrases mushkëri e bardhë ‘lu n g ’ and mushkëri e zezë ‘liv e r ’. D er iv ed from mushk ‘sh o u ld er’. 0 MIKLOSICH Rom. Ele­ mente 4 3 (from Lat musculus). mushkuar ~ mushkuer m ‘buffalo steer’. A préfixai derivative of shkuar, participle of shkoj. Here a wide-spread pattern of calling cattle as ‘walking’ is used (cf. B e n v e n i s t e Inst. I 1 4 5 ). 0 ÇABEJ St. I 3 6 0 (somehow related to Gk (iôo%oç ‘young bull’). mushkull f ‘m uscle’. Borrowed from Lat musculus id. mushllinzë f, pi. mushllinza ‘clambering vetch’. A parallel (secondary) form is bushllizë. Based on *mushllî borrowed from Rom *mustëlïna. The latter is a derivative of Lat mustèla ‘weasel’. For the semantic development cf. Russ mysij gorosek ‘mouse vetch’. 0 ÇA BEJ St. I 3 6 0 (from *mbështëllizë, to mbeshtjell). Rom. Elemente 43; MEYER Wb. 294). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1046, 1053; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 18; HAARMANN 137. mushtëkohem refi, ‘to settle down’. Borrowed from Rom *domesticare based on Lat domesticus ‘belonging to the house’. mushtuar ~ mushtuer adj. ‘adult, ripe (of human beings)’. A participial form of mushtoj ‘to train, to accustom, to make ferment (of wine)’, derived from musht. mut m, pi. mutra ~ mutna ‘excrement’. Continues PAlb *mukta for­

MUZ —

MYS

281

mally identical with Skt muktá- ‘released’ ( M e y e r Wb. 294, Alb. St. Ill 5, 64). The latter is derived from muñcáti ‘to loose, to free’, cf. also Lith mukti ‘to get free, to flee’ and the like. 0 FRAENKEL 418; M a y r h o f e r II 649-650; P o k o r n y I 744. muz m ‘corn-m easure’. A rare word from a Shkodran document in Turkish reflecting a Latin loanword from modius id. (Ç A BEJ St. I 360). muzg m ‘dusk’. From PAlb *muzga borrowed from to Slav *tm,zga ‘rainy weather’. The position of muzgë ‘m ud’ is not clear: it may be related to muzg or, less probably, to represent a borrowing from Slav *muzga ‘sap, mud’ (but neither Bulgarian, nor Serbo-Croatian pre­ serve the meaning ‘m ud’). (T) mvrojtur adj. ‘dark’. A secondary phonetic form of mvrëjtur, a participle of mvrëj ‘to cloud over’. The latter is a préfixai derivative of vrër. mycö f, pi myca ‘brushwood’. Derivative in -ce of my je. myjë f ‘hardwood interior of trees, medulla’. Another variant is my ~ mi, mí id. Borrowed from Lat medulla id. 0 JOKLLKUBA 195 (related to mëllenjë and based on IE *m eh- ‘black’). myk
m

‘mould, slime’. Borrowed from Lat mucus ‘slime’ ( M e y e r Wb.

n

M.HJ—

«

i «

.

mykë f ‘back edge (of knife)’. From PA lb *mükâ etymologically related to Gk |iD%ôç ‘innermost part’, A rm mxem ‘to put into, to insert’. 0 M e y e r Wb. 360 (identical with pykë); F r isk II 279; POKORNY I 745. myll m ‘mule’. Borrowed from Lat mülus id. (M ey er Wb. 295). 0 MEYERL ü BKE Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1046; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 24. mys m ‘clod (of earth); bread crust’. From PAlb *mütja, based on IE *meu3- ‘wet, dirty, to wash’. For the development of meaning, cf. LGerm

2H4

NDES —

N I) ËR

Rom. Elemente 31 (b orrow ed from Lat honorem id.); M e y e r Wb. 2 9 8 2 9 9 (co n tin u es an unattested *ner b o rrow ed from Lat honorem id.); MEYER-LübkE Gr. Grundriß2 1 1046, 1049; T A G L IA V IN I Dalmazia 20220 3 (fo llo w s M e y e r ) , Origini 366; T r e im e r ZfromPhil XXXVIII 4 0 2 (p r éfix a i form ation in nd-)\ MANN Language XXVI 3 8 6 -3 8 7 ; ÇABEJ St. I 3 6 1 -3 6 3 (to ëndërr)', L a n d i Lat. 6 4 -6 5 , 101. ndes aor. ndesa ‘to have troubles’, refi, ndeset ‘to get tangled up (of threads)’. Goes back to PAlb *en-datsa reflecting IE *dek-- and closely related to the isolated Lith dàkyti ‘to mix up, to put in disor­ der’, dhknyti id., dàkanoti id. 0 FRAENKEL 80-81; ÇABEJ St. VII 184; OREL Orpheus VI 69. ndesh aor. ndesha ‘to meet’. Continues PAlb *en-da-sja etymologically related to Gk ôrjco ‘to find’ (OREL Orpheus VI 69). 0 PEDERSEN IF V 47 (to Slav *desiti ‘to meet’ - but it continues IE *dek~); JOKL Studien 60-61 (follows and compares ndesh with ndieh)\ TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 203; F r is k I 383; P o k o r n y I 217; D e m ir a j AE 285. ndez aor. ndeza ‘to set alight, to ignite’. From PAlb *en-dadzja, a causative formation based on djeg and continuing *-dog hew (PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 323-324). 0 JOKL LKUBA 333; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 208; La P ia n a Studi I 74, St. Varia 33; ÇABEJ St. Ili 124, VII 217, 219; HULD 147; D e m ir a j AE 286. ndë prep, ‘in, into’. A frequently used parallel form is në; in Old Alban­ ian the initial vowel was still preserved in ende (B U Z U K U ) . Goes back to PAlb *en-da composed of IE *en ‘in’ (cf. Gk ev, Lat in and the like) and IE *do: Slav *do ‘to’, Gmc *tö id. (M E Y E R Wb. 299). 0 T A G L I ­ AVIN I Dalmazia 201; M A N N Language X V II22; F R ISK I 508-509; W A L D E H o f m a n n I 687-688; O N IO N S 927; P O K O R N Y I 181-183, 311-313; K O P E C N Y ESSJI 59-66; T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa V 37-38; H u l d 97-98 (sep­ arates ndë from në and derives the latter from IE *eni).
ndër
prep, ‘under, between’. Borrowed from Lat inter ( M E Y E R Wb. 299). 0 B O P P 500 (related to Lat inter); P E D E R S E N Krit. Jahresbericht IX 213; M a n n Language XXVIII 32; H a m p Laryngeals 136 (recon­ structs *I/enter)-, Ç a b e j St. VII 201, 208; D E M IR A J AE 286-287.

NDËRGOJ

-

N D IEJ

285

ndërgoj aor. ndërgova ‘to suck’. Borrowed, with a metathesis, from Lat integrare ‘to restore, to refresh’. ndërliq aor. ndërliqa ‘to tangle up threads; to interlace, to w ea v e’. Another variant is ndërlik p reser v in g the o rig in a l form o f the auslaut v elar. D e r iv e d from liq ( K r i s t o f o r i d h i 2 7 1 ). T he d ia lecta l form ndrëliks id. < *nderliks is d eriv ed from ndërlik (ÇABEJ St. I 3 6 4 ). 0 CAMARDA 1 4 2 (to G k évxn X íaao) ‘to ro ll, to wrap u p ’); M e y e r Wb. 301 (fo llo w s C a m a r d a ) ; Ç a b e j Sr. IV 80. ndërtoj aor. ndërtova ‘to build, to construct’. A derivative of Rom *direttóre, cf. Lat directus ‘straight’ ( M e y e r Wb. 66). 0 CAMARDA I 123 (derived from drejt)\ WEIGAND 6 0 (follows CAMARDA); MIHÄESCU RESEE I V / 1-2 25; ÇABEJ St. I 3 6 4 -3 6 5 (to trajtoj). ndërzej aor. ndërzeva ‘to m a te’ . A p réfix a i d eriv a tiv e o f zë. 0 MEYER Wb. 3 0 0 (b o r ro w ed from S la v *drazniti ‘to irritate, to a r o u se ’ ); Ç a b e j St. V II 2 5 0 . ndërroj aor. ndërrova ‘to change, to alter’. Borrowed from Lat alterare id., with an irregular change of the sonorant (MEYER Wb. 3 0 0 , Alb. St. IV 15). 0 C a m a r d a I 45 (to tjetèr); T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 203; H a a r m a n 110; ÇABEJ St. I 3 65 (to Skt ántara- ‘other’ and the like); M a n n Comp. 27 (same as ÇABEJ). ndëshkoj aor. ndëshkova ‘to punish’. A préfixai derivative of *dëshkoj borrowed from Lat dêspicârï ‘to despise’. 0 MlHÄESCU RESEE I V / 12 14; Ç a b e j St. I 3 6 5 -3 6 6 (from Lat castigare ‘to correct, to chastise, to punish’); H a a r m a n n 116 (same as Ç a b e j ). ndiç adv., conj. ‘well, at any rate’. Another form is ndish. Goes back to në diç ‘if you know’ ( Ç a b e j St. I 366). ndiçëm adj. ‘old, withered, stale’. Another form is ndishëm. Histori­ cally identical with ndishëm ‘sensitive’, an adjectival derivative of ndiej. ndiej aor. ndjeva ‘to fe e l, to p e r c e iv e , to h ea r’. A p réfix a i d eriv a tiv e o f di ( M e y e r Wb. 66). 0 C a m a r d a 1 8 1 (to Gk voeco ‘to se e , to p er­ c e iv e ’); M e y e r Alb. Gr. (to gjegj, variant o f dëgjoj); J o k l Studien 6 0 , IF XXXVI 112; B a r i c ARSt. I 3 3 -3 4 ; P e d e r s e n KZ XXXIII 5 4 7 (to

286

NDIH ~ NDIF — NDODH

dè'gjem); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 203; Ç a b e j St. I 366-367 (related to Goth pagkjart ‘to think’); DEM IRAJ AE 287-288.
ndih - n d if aor. ndiha ~ ndifa ‘to help’. Continues P A lb *en-diska related

to Gk öiepai ‘to hurry, to drive’, Skt dlyati ‘to fly, to soar’ and the like. For the semantic development cf. Russ s-po-spes-estvovat’ ‘to assist, to help’ ~ spesit’ ‘to hurry’. 0 CAMARDA I 135 (to Gk xet^oç ‘wall’ or Tt>XT) ‘luck, fortune’); MEYER Wb. 3 0 0 (to Goth peihan ‘to thrive, to flourish’), Alb. St. Ill 6-7; SCHEFTELOWITZ KZ LVI 2 0 8 -2 0 9 (to the non-existent Skt day- ‘to take care’); F r is k I 3 8 9 -3 9 0 ; ÇABEJ St. I 367-368 (continues IE *deik- ‘to show’); MAYRHOFER I I 46; POKORNY I 187.
ndikoj aor. ndikova ‘to influence’. Borrowed from Lat indicare ‘to impose, to inflict’. 0 ÇABEJ St. VII 257-258. ndjej aor. ndjeva ‘to pardon, to forgive’. More archaic forms are ndëjej

and ndëlej. Borrowed from Lat indulgere ‘to be indulgent, to concede’ (MEYER Wb. 299). Note the development of the group -Ig- as in mjel. 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 21 1050; MlHÄESCU RESEE I V /1-2 23; H a a r m a n n 130.
n d jek aor. ndoqa ‘to fo llo w , to ch ase, to p u r su e’. F rom P A lb *en-teka, a p refix form ation related to IE *tek“ ‘to run, to f lo w ’: OIr techim ‘to f le e ’, Lith teku, tekëti ‘to ru n ’, Slav *tekg, *tekti ‘to flo w , to ru n ’ ( M e y e r BB VIII 185, Wb. 300-301, Alb. St. Ill 3, 24). A n oth er v erb ,

*awa-teka , is r e clec te d as vdjek ‘to p u r su e’ instead o f *ftjek under the in flu e n c e o f ndjek. 0 F r a e n k e l 1074-1075; L e w is - P e d e r s e n 291; V e n d r y e s [TJ 40; V a s m e r IV 37; P o k o r n y I 1059; P is a n i Saggi 120 (to G k SicoKG) ‘to p u rsu e’); CAMAJ Alb. Worth. 96; H a m p Laryngeals 126 (on V- in vdjek); ÇABEJ St. VII 269; HULD 97; KLINGENSCHMITT Koll. Idg. Ges. 227; DEMIRAJ AE 288.
n d jell aor. ndolla ‘to entice, to lure; to call (to an animal)’. Continues

PAlb *en-delna, a denominative related to the Balto-Slavic word for ‘palm (of the hand)’: Lith délna, Slav *dolnb. 0 MEYER Wb. 301 (to Lith délka ‘fishing-rod’); FRAENKEL 87-88; TRUBAÓEV ÈSSJa V 6364. ndodh
aor.

ndodha ‘to h appen, to take p la ce , to o c c u r ’. F rom P A lb

(T)

NDOHTË

NDREQ,

287

*en-tâdza continuing IE *täg- (or *tâg- as implied by Baltic): Gk xáooco ‘to arrange, to put in ord er’, Tayp ‘ordering, array’, Lith pa-togus ‘com fortable’, su-togti ‘to m arry’. 0 MEYER Wb. 301 (to Lat tangö ‘to touch’ or to Goth tekan id.), Alb. St. Ill 17; PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 335; B ark? ARSt. I 5 7 -5 8 (to Lat cadö ‘to fall’); F r isk II 8 4 5 -8 4 6 , 859; F r a e n k e l 551; POKORNY I 1055; Ç a b e j St. I 3 6 9 -3 7 0 (to Gk T£\)X® ‘to prepare’). (T) ndohtë adj. ‘d irty, f o u l’. B ased on ndoh ‘to m ake d irty ’, an in ch o a ­ tive d eriv a tiv e o f ndyj (MEYER Wb. 301; KRlSTOFORlDHl 2 2 9 ). 0 JOKL Studien 6 1 -6 2 (to dhjes)\ DEMIRAJ AE 2 9 0 -2 9 1 . ndorë f ‘charge, tutelage, patronage’. A back-formation based on ndoroj ‘to manage, to control, to protect’. A metathesized borrowing from Rom *pantöräre < Apatronare, cf. Lat patrönus ‘protector, defend­ e r’. ndormë adj. ‘unleavened; ordinary’. Derived from dorë with the orig­ inal meaning ‘handy, easy to m ake’ (ÇABEJ St. I 3 7 0 ). 0 ClMOCHOWSKI LP II 321 (to Skt táruna- ‘young, fresh’); Ç a b e j St. VII 2 1 2 ,
242.

ndorrina conj. ‘although’. Other variants are ndorina and ndori. More frequent variants use the adverbial element -na but the original con­ junction is ndori, a form of ndor ~ ndorë. The underlying meaning is ‘(even) with the protection of’. 0 ÇABF.J St. I 3 7 0 -3 7 1 (from ndo rri ‘although you are sitting’). ndoshta adv. ‘perhaps, maybe’. Derived from ndosh ‘to happen’, a sec­ ondary formation based on ndodh (KONITZA apud Ç a b e j St. I 3 7 1 ). 0 WEIGAND BA I 2 6 0 (from në do të ishte)\ ÇABEJ St. I 3 7 0 -3 7 1 (from SCr doista ‘truly’); MURATI Probleme 92. ndrag aor. ndraga ‘to m ake d ir ty ’. F rom P A lb *en-traga, a d en o m i­ native verb related to OHG dree ‘dirt, dung’, O N Iprekkr id., Gk axepyàvoç ‘d u n g ’ (H es.) and the like ( M e y e r Wb. 3 0 1 ). 0 K l u g e 141; F r is k II 790; POK O RNY I 1032. ndreq aor. ndreqa ‘to put in ord er, to a rra n g e’ . D er iv ed from ndreq ~ ndrejt, adv. ‘straigh t, d ir e c t’, c f. drejtë.

288

N D R IK U I.I, —

NDUK

ndrikull f, pi. ndrikulla ‘godmother; midwife’. Borrowed from Lat matrícula used in the sense of Roin *mâtrïna id. > Ital madrina (M IK LOSICH Rom. Elemente 40; M EYER Wb. 301).0 M E Y E R -L ü B K E Gr. Grund­ riß 2 I 1054 (from Lat nutrïcula); H a a r m a n n 135. ndrizë f, pi. ndriza ‘band, bandage’. Continues *n-dridh-ze related to dredh (JOKL Studien 18). ndrydh aor. ndrydha ‘to press, to squeeze, to tw ist’. From PAlb *en­ trada etymologically connected with Lat trüdö ‘to thrust, to push, to press on’, Goth us-priutan ‘to burden’ and the like. The verb ndrydh is a source of secondary expressive forms ndryp ‘to press, to squeeze’ and ndi-ys ‘to massage’ (the later may be a derivative in *-tja). 0 M e y e r Wb. 301 (from Rom *intrudo)', TAG LIAVINI Dalmazia 261; W a l d e H O FM ANN IT 710; F e i s t Goth. 535-536; P o k o r n y 1 1095-1096; Ç a b e j St. I 372 (to dredh). ndryj aor. ndryva ~ ndryna ‘to lock’. Derived from dry. guage XVII 16 (from dru). (> ÇA BEJ St. VII 243. ndryqem ~ ndriqem
i

M ANN

Lan­

refi,

‘to stretch oneself’. Continues PAlb *en-truka
itn n r f» c c ’ T itVi

N D U I.K F .M

— NEM AK

289

Language XXVI 384; KLUG E 885; FEIST Goth. 4 7 8 -4 7 9 ; W a l d e - H o f m a n n I 3 7 7 -3 7 8 ; POKORNY I 2 2 0 -2 2 1 ; Ç a b e j St. I 3 7 3 -3 7 4 ; D e m i r a j AE 291.
E R N O U T -M e i l l e t 186; M A N N

ndulkem refi, ‘to ripen’. From PAlb *en-tulka etymologically linked to Lith telkiii, telkti ‘to gather, to bring together’, Slav *telkti ‘to beat, to pound’. M e y e r Wb. 313 (derived from Lat dulcís ‘sweet'); V a s m e r IV 7 3 -7 4 ; F r a e n k e l 1078; Ç a b e j St. I 3 7 4 (to tul); O r e l Orpheus V I
6 9.

ndyj ~ ndyej aor. ndyra ‘to make dirty, to soil, to dip, to imm erse’. From PAlb *en-dünja related to Gk 8úco ‘to sink, to cause to sink, to plunge in ’. 0 M e y e r Wb. 3 0 7 (to OHG tühhan ‘to immerse’); F risk
I 4 2 7 -4 2 8 ; POKORNY 1 2 1 7 - 2 1 8 .

ne pron. ‘we’. From PAlb *nö(s) etymologically related to Skt nas-, Av no, Lat nos id. and other continuations of this stem in Indo-Euro­ pean (BOPP 464; G i l ’f e r d i n g Otn. 23; CAMARDA 1 2 1 6 -2 1 7 ; M e y e r Wb. 2 9 6 , Alb. St. Ill 6 3 , 6 5 ). Oblique cases have na from the IndoEuropean form of accusative with a short vowel. In some dialects, na appears in nom. sg. while ne represents oblique cases. 0 JOKL Sprache IX 142; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 204; L a P ia n a Studi I 8 5 , 90; E r n o u t -

290

NEM EC

NEVO) E

nemec m, pl. nemeca ‘dumb, stuttering person’. Borrowed from Slav *nembci, id. a lso denoting Germans, cf. in South Slavic Bulg nemec, SCr nijemac, nemac (MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 2 7 ). The form nemc ‘G erm an’ goes back to the same source, 0 T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 204; S e liS C e v Slav, naselenie 195, 286. nepërkë f, pl. nepërkë ‘adder, viper’. A more archaic form is nepërtkë. Borrowed from Slav *nepr rtkb attested in Bulg neprhthk ‘buttercup, b yellowgold’ (its other name being zabun'ak ‘related to toads’) con­ nected with some other marginal Slavic forms such as *jbzportbk’ b ‘miscarried fetus’ and *vyporthkb id. The original form being the source of nepërkë described a freshly hatched snake. The Albanian word was borrowed to Rum nàpîrcà.0 MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 71 (from Lat vìpera ‘viper’); MEYER Wb. 303 (follows MIKLOSICH); TAGLIAVINI Strat­ ificazione 139; V a SMER I 369; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 346; ROSETTI 1LR I 279; ÇABEJ St. V il 195. 204; MOUTSOS Z ß a lk XXXII/2 204 (borrowed from Rum nàpîrcà continuing Rom *natricipertica)’ OREL , Orpheus VI 69. nesër adv. ‘tom orrow ’. From PAlb *natsör continuing *nok“ tiör, an adverbial derivative of ^nok^t- ‘night’, cf. W neithiwr, neithwyr ‘last night’, Bret neizœr, neiziir id. (M a n n Hist. Gr. 2 0 4 ). 0 CAMARDA I 3 09 (to Gk úaxepaíoc ‘the day after tom orrow ’); M e y e r Wb. 3 0 3 (to Goth neha ‘near’ and the like), Alb. St. Ill 13, 65; PEDERSEN BB XX 2 3 6 -2 3 7 , KZ XXXVI 3 3 6 (from an earlier *nati herë ‘at the hour of night’), Kelt. Gr. I 123; B a r i ÓARSt. I 5 8 -6 0 (from *en auso- ‘at dawn’); T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 20 4 (supports P e d e r s e n ) ; L e w is - P e d e r s e n 4 1 , 109; VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. I 4 5 -4 6 (compound of nes- < *en öku‘swift’ and herë)\ Ç a b e j St. I 3 7 4 -3 7 5 (from në esëll herë ‘at the time of morning fast’); DEMIRAJ AE 2 9 2 -2 9 3 . neveris aor. neverita ‘to d esert, to n e g le c t’. B o rro w ed from Slav *ne vëriti ‘not to b e lie v e ’ (MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 27; MEYER Wb. 3 04). 0 S e l i SCe v Slav, naselenie 192; SVANE 24 6 . nevojë f, pi. nevoja ‘need’. Borrowed from Slav *nevol’a ‘lack of freedom, necessity’, cf. South Slavic parallels: Bulg nevol'a, SCr nevolja (M I­ KLOSICH Slav. Elemente 27; MEYER Wb. 304). 0 S e l i Sc e v Slav, nase­ lenie 178; S v a n e 222

NËM E

~

NAM Ë —

NËNTË

~

N A N I)

291

nëmë ~ namë f, pl. nëmë ~ name ‘curse’. From PAlb *namá related to nëm ~ nam ‘to curse’ from PAlb *nama. Etymologically connect­ ed with Gk vepco ‘to distribute’, Goth niman ‘to take’ and the like, with the semantic shift justified by the development in Greek, cf. vé(ieaiç ‘wrath’ (CAMARDA I 36; M e y e r Wb. 2 9 7 , Alb. St. Ill 6 4 -6 5 ). 0 F r i s k II 3 0 2 -3 0 4 ; F e i s t Goth. 3 7 5 -3 7 6 ; P o k o r n y I 7 6 3 ; Ç a b e j Festschr. Pisani I 184; O r e l ZfBalk XXIII 145; D e m i r a j AE 293. nëmëroj aor. nëmërova ‘to number, to count’. Borrowed from Lat numerare id. ( M i k l o s i c h Rom. Elemente 44; MEYER Wb. 3 1 2 , Alb. St. IV 19). Other similar forms, such as numër ‘num ber’, are of Italian or learned Latin origin (Ç a b e j St. I 3 8 4 ). 0 M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr. G rundriß21 1046, 1050; MiHÄESCU PESEE I V / 1-2 18; H a a r m a n n 138. nën prep, ‘under’. A more conservative variant is ndè'n. An extended form of ndë ( M e y e r Wb. 299). nënë ~ nanë f, pl. nëna ~ nana ‘m other’. An onomatopoeia compara­ ble with that of SCr nana id., Rum nana id. and the like (MEYER Wb. 291, Alb. St. Ill 6 5 ). 0 MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 27 (fro m Slavic); SCHMIDT KZ LVII 18; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 2 0 1 , Stratificazione 118; H u l d 98 (traces nënë ~ nanë back to Indo-European); JANSON Unt. 9 7 -9 8 ; D e m i r a j AE 29 4 . nënëris
aor.

nënërita ‘to m urm ur’. An onomatopeia.
adv. ‘n o t’ . A

nëng ~ nang

difficult form . Probably, a Latin loanword,

cf. Lat numquam ( M e y e r Wb. 3 0 4 ), but then the vowel remains unex­

plained. Is it a double negation from *ne nuk developed to *nenk > nëngl 0 H u l d 99. nëngj m ‘knot’. Borrowed from Rom *nodunculus Grundriß 2 1 1054).
(M E Y E R -L Ü B K E

Gr.

nëntë ~ nand num . ‘nine’. The Tosk form is an analogical innovation that has replaced *nëndë. Continues P A l b ne unti- representing a tiderivative of IE *neyn id.: Skt nava, Lat novern, Goth niun and the like (BOPP459; M e y e r Wb. 304, Alb. St. Ill 65). 0 JO K L Reallex. Vorgesch. I 85; P E D E R S E N Kelt. Gr. I 61; L a P i a n a Studi I 84; P i s a n i Saggi 106;

292

N ËPER

N GALEM

a n n Language XVII 2 0 ; MAYRHOFER II 1 4 1 - 1 4 2 ; W a l d e - H o f m a n n II 1 7 9 - 1 8 0 ; F e i s t Goth. 3 7 8 - 3 7 9 ; P o k o r n y I 3 1 8 - 3 1 9 ; H a m p IF LXXXI 4 3 - 4 4 (to Ulyr Neunt(i)us), Numerals 9 1 5 -9 1 6 ; H ULD 154; D e m t r a j AE 2 9 4 - 2 9 5 .

M

nëpër nëse

prep,

‘through’. A compound of në and për. 0 ‘if’.
A

ÇABEJ

St. VII St. I

193.

eonj.

lexicalized sequence of në and se

(Ç A BEJ

3 7 5 ).

nga prep. ‘out’. Goes back to PAlb *en-ka, a compound consisting of *en- identical with IE *en ‘in’ and *ka (also preserved as dialectal ka ‘out’), a reflex of IE *kom, cf. Slav *k'b ‘to, towards’ (O R E L SBJa Leksikol. 1 5 0 ) . A particularly interesting parallel of PAlb *en-ka is found in Slav *vbn-kT> (Czech venku, Ukr vonka) < IE *en-kom. The unusual semantic shift of nga is a part of a general transformation of prepositional meanings in Albanian, cf. ith. 0 C A M A R D A 8 4 ; M EYER Wb. 3 0 4 - 3 0 5 (ka < Gk Kociá ‘down’ with an inexplicable loss of the second syllable); POK O RNY I 3 1 1 - 3 1 2 , 6 1 2 - 6 1 3 ; K OPECN Y ESSJ I 1 0 5 - 1 0 6 (on Slavic prepositions); ÇA BEJ St. VII 2 1 1 . ngac aor. ngaca ‘to check, to halt’. A denominative based on *ngalcë derived from ngalem. ngacmoj aor. ngacmova ‘to incite, to tease’. A form parallel to ngallmoj and based on *ngac me, derivative of *ngacë - ultimately, to nga s. ngaj aor. ngava, ngajta ‘to run’. Another variant is nga(h). From PAlb *en-ganja related to the reduplicated Skt jáháti ‘to leave, to abandon’, OHG gân, gën ‘to go’ and the like (M E Y E R Wb. 3 0 5 , Alb. St. Ill 6 - 7 ) . Other morphological variants of the verb are nga(h) < *en-gaska and ngas < *en-gatja. 0 C a m a r d a I 4 0 (to NGk ‘to touch’); P e ­ d e r s e n KZ XXXVI 3 3 1 (borrowed from Slav *nukati ‘to prompt, to urge’); TAG LIA VIN I Dalmazia 2 0 5 ; K LUG E 2 4 1 ; ClM OCHOW SKI St. IE 4 4 (to Slav *kotiti ‘to roll’); MAYRHOFER I 4 2 6 ; POKORNY 1 4 1 8 ; ÇABEJ apud D e m i r a j (to Lat quatiö ‘to shake’); D e m i r a J AE 2 9 5 - 2 9 6 . ngalem refi, ‘to be limping, to be lame, to be paralyzed’. From PAlb *en-gala, a denominative based on an unattested *gala ‘end, obsta­ cle’ related to Lith galas ‘end’, Latv gals id., OPrus gallan ‘death’. 0 M e y e r Wb. 3 0 5 (from Ital incagliare ‘to halt’); H e l b ig 2 3 - 2 4 (from Rom *incalleäre); O S tir Anthropos VIII 1 6 5 - 1 6 8 (to gui ‘hornless’);

N GALLI S —

NGAS

293

F r a e n k e l 130; ÇABEJ St. I 375-376 (to Lat callum ‘hardened, thick

skin’). ngallis aor. ngallita ‘to sprout, to shoot’. Another morphological variant is ngalloj. Denominative based on ngallë ‘flowering head of an onion’ <*‘sprout, shoot’. The latter is derived from *ngall ‘to sprout, to shoot’, a préfixai verb built from kail ~ kalli (ÇABEJ St. I 376-377 with differences in details). A related form with a different prefix cis ckalloj id. (ÇABEJ Et im. Ill 51). Ô JOKL Studien 80 (to shkal, shqelm). ngallis aor. ngallita ‘to annoy, to irritate’. A derivative of ngas based on an unattested nominal form *ngall(e). ngallmoj aor. ngallmova ‘to urge, to irritate, to arouse’. Based on *ngallme, a deverbative noun in -me related to *ngall, see ngallis (ÇABEJ St. I 376). 0 M e y e r Wb. 305 (from Ital incalmare ‘to inoculate’ or Rom *incalamâre); JOKL LKUBA 269 (to akull and Slav *kaliti ‘to temper [iron]’); HAARMANN 130. ngardhuliqe f, pi. ngardhuliqe ‘goldfinch’. Borrowed, with a secondary n- and an additional suffix -iq-, from Lat carduëlis id. 0 MEYER Wb. 305 (reconstructs Rom *cardellicula). ngarend aor. ngarenda ‘to run fast’. A univerbation of nga rend or ngas rend still preserved in Old Albanian (ÇABEJ St. I 377). ngarkoj aor. ngarkova ‘to load, to charge, to burden’. Borrowed from Rom *incaricare id. (MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 11). 0 M e y e r Wb. 305 (from Ital incaricare id.); M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2I 1048 (from Italian); MlHÄESCU RESEE IV/1-2 14, 16; Ç a b e j St. VII 184; H a a r m a n n 130. ngarmoj aor. ngarmova ‘to drive away, to incite, to irritate’. A pho­ netic variant of ngallmoj. Cf. also ngërmoj id. 0 M e y e r Wb. 12 (from Ital angheria ‘oppression, tyranny’); KRISTOFORIDHI 261 (to gërmoj); Ç a b e j St. I 378-379 (agrees with K r is t o f o r id h i ). ngas
aor. ngava ‘to u rg e, to in cite , to a n n o y ’. F rom PAlb *en-gatja, a ca u sa tiv e related to ngaj. 0 M e y e r Wb. 221 (to qas)\ P e d e r s e n KZ

294

NGASTËR —

N G ËRDHFJ

N G Ë R IIIS

N G O R D II

295

XXXVI 331 (borrowed from Slav *nukati ‘to urge, to say nu')\ Ç a b e j St. VII 154, 218. ngastër f, pi. ngastra ‘piece, part, section; block, quarter’. Another variant is ngascr. Derived from ngas ( M E Y E R Wb. 221). Note a secondary cluster -st- < -s-, 0 Ç A B E J St. I 377 (from NGk yáoxpa ‘wide part of a ja r ’). ngashërej a o r. ngashëreva ‘to touch, to move, to affect’. Another variant is ngashëroj. The Geg form is preserved in ngashnjej ‘to incite, to rouse’. Built on the basis of Rom Hnmusinare, cf. Lat causa ‘cause’.

ngërhis a o r. ngërhita ‘to snore, to snort’. Another variant is ngërhas. A préfixai derivative of gërhas. ngërthej a o r. ngërfheva ‘to press, to encircle’. A préfixai derivative of k(e)thej with an epenthetic Cf. kthej. 0 Ç a b e j St. I 379 (to gardhë). ngërzis aor. ngërzit ‘to annoy’. A préfixai derivative of an unattested *gërzis borrowed from Slav *groziti ‘to threaten’, cf. in South Slavic: Bulg groz’a, SCr groziti.

ngij ~ ngîj a o r. ngiva ~ ngina ‘to sate, to suckle’. Dialectal forms pre­ ngatërroj a o r. ngatërrova ‘to entangle, to complicate’. The antonym is | serve gl- and gj-. From PAlb *gleinja related to Lith gliejit, glieri ‘to shkatërroj ‘to undo, to disentangle’. Derived from ngatërr ‘hair 1 sm ear’, OHG klënan id. and the like. 0 B A R I Í ARSt. I 62 (from *niribbon’ < *‘thread’. The latter is based on ngas. 0 M E Y E R Wb. 305 (to g‘ no- ‘swallowed down’); F r a e n k e l 157; P o k o r n y 1 362-363; Ç a b e j f ‘.... ............. . /,'.7wVn'lK(Vrn ' 7nqualërhârë)\"QAkid' ÄR'S'r.' o u -o'i (io sntie ana sntriy, fvo, ,Ç\I ?,,, ,TT\o ,, f «y»,< > Ç A B E J St. I 377-378 (back-formation of shkatërroi based on katër). _________ neoio’ ngalth related to ngoloj a®f. ngolova 'to try, to taste’. Histo: ■w»***“ ™ t # jgöffw stilt l-rom 1 ically identical with ngojoj ngalem. Derived from golë, a phonetically archai ; variant of gojë. . Derived from golle on the MEYER Wb. 3 0 6 (from Slav ARSt. 61 (prefix n- followed nge f, pi. nge ‘time, leisure, chance, opportunity’. Goes back to ngae preservec: in dialects. From PAlb *en-gada etymologically related to Slav *godr ‘time, year’ with which it shares the temporal meaning h (JOKL Studien 6 2 - 6 3 ) . 0 M EY ER Wb. 3 0 5 - 3 0 6 (to Lith gaivùs ‘cheer­ ful, m erry’), Alb. St. IIT 7 , 3 9 ; V a s m e r Alb. Wortforsch. 4 6 ; T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa V I 1 9 1 - 1 9 2 ; M U R A T I Probleme 9 2 - 9 3 . ngec aor ngeca ‘to get stuck, to halt, to hesitate’. A morphonological variant of ngac. ngel aor. nge Ia ‘to get stuck, to rem ain’. A morphonological variant of ngalem. 0 ÇABEJ St. VII 238-239. ngeq
aor,

ngollar m ‘sodomite; sodomite sexual act basis of an intermediate verb *(n)golloj. 0 *gozlari,, to *gQzi, ‘anus, bottom’); BARIC? by a cognate of Gk kt|A.t|).

to gop ‘greedy, gluttonous’, related to IE *gep-l*gebhs back to *en-gaptja (ClMOEJ St. I 3 7 9 (ngos borrowed

ngop aor. ngopa ‘to sate, to cram ’. Related The latter continues PAlb *gapd probabb ‘to eat’. A parallel form ngos ‘to sate’ goe CHOW SKlLV 194). 0 POKORNYl 382; ÇAI from NGk *àyx<i)vo) ‘to choke’).

) stiffen, to become erected Continues PAlb *kâr(i)da t ’, hence - ‘to stiffen’ and, cf. Lith këras ‘root’, Slav cordare, cf. kordhë); K ris TOlow o ff); F r a e n k e l 241; Cl 62-65; Ç abej St. IV 80,

ngeqa ‘to become worse, to get bad’. Derived from keq.

ngërç m ‘cramp, stiffness’. Derived from kërç. ngërdhej aor. ngërdheva ‘to mock, to sneer, to mimic’. Another variant is ngërdhesh. Derived from ngrydh.

ngordh aor. ngordha ‘to die (of animals), t (of penis)’. A synonymic form is kordh going back to IE *kër dhë- ‘to take a ro< finally, ‘to die’. For the first componen! *korenb id. 0 MEYER Wb. 3 0 6 (from Rom *ii FORIDHI 2 6 5 (to NGk Kopóóvonoci ‘to s POK O RNY I 5 7 2 - 5 7 3 ; T r u b a C e v ÈSSJa ' VII 184.

296

NGRATË

NGRYS

ngratë adj. ‘wretched, m iserable, unhappy’. Borrowed from Lat ingratus id. (MEYER Wb. 306). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 21 1041; HAARMANN 131. ngre aor. ngrita, ngrejta ~ ngrêjta ‘to lift, to r a is e ’. A p arallel form is ngreh ~ ngref r e fle c tin g an in ch oative in *-sk-. C o n tin u es P A lb *engrada and *en-gradska related to Lat gradior ‘to step, to w a lk ’, G oth a cc .grid ‘step ’, OIr in-grenn- ‘to pursue’, S lav *grçdç, *grçsti ‘to w a lk ’. 0 CAMARDA I 5 6 (to G k éyeípoo ‘to ro u se, to stir u p ’); MEYER Wb. 3 0 6 (rep eats CAMARDA’s e ty m o lo g y ), Alb. St. Ill 8 , 7 1 ; PEDERSEN KZ XXXIII 5 4 5 ; JOKL Sprache IX 1 2 8 ; L a PIANA Studi I 9 3 ; W a l d e HOFMANN I 6 1 5 - 6 1 6 ; FEIST Goth. 2 2 2 ; POKORNY I 4 5 6 - 4 5 7 ; HAMP Laryngeals 1 3 9 ; KLINGENSCHMITT Verbum 7 6 ; T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa VII 1 2 3 - 1 2 4 ; DEMIRAJ AE 2 9 6 - 2 9 7 (to Lat cresco ‘to g r o w ’). ngrij ~ ngrîj aor. ngriva ~ ngrina ‘to freeze’. From PAlb *en-kreinja, a denominative verb related to Lith krenh ‘film, thin skin (on m ilk)’, Latv kriena id. For the semantics cf. another Baltic cognate - Lith krygà ‘floating pieces of ice’. 0 MEYER Wb. 306-307 (to Gk K p ù o ç ‘frost’); JOKL Studien 63-64 (to Slav *cbrstvb ‘hard, dry’); SCHUCHARDT KZ XX 245 (to Frioul criure ‘cold’); FRAENKEL 297; POKORNY I 618; ÇABEJ St. VII 243. ngroh ~ ngrof aor. ngroha ~ ngrofa ‘to warm ’. From PAlb *en-gräja etymologically identical with Slav *grejy, *greti id. ( M e y e r Wb. 3 0 7 , Alb. St. Ill 8 , 7 1 ; O REL FLH V III/ 1 -2 4 6 ) , continuing IE *g“ her- ‘to burn’ . 0 PEDERSEN KZ X X X V I 3 2 1 , 3 2 4 - 3 2 5 , Kelt. Gr. I 1 0 8 ; PISA NI Saggi 1 2 5 (follows M e y e r ); V a s m e r I 4 5 6 {ngroh from *en-grêsko)\ P o k o r n y 1 4 9 3 - 4 9 5 ; C a m a j Alb. Worth. 4 8 ; K l i n g e n s c h m i t t Verbum 7 7 ; ÇA BEJ St. VII 2 1 7 , apud DEM IRAJ (to Lith kdrstas ‘warm ’); H U L D 9 8 (on ¿¿-formations in Albanian), KZ CVII 1 6 9 ; D e m i r a j AE 2 9 8 . ngrydh - ngridh aor. ngrydha ~ ngridha ‘to work up, to foment, to ferment’, ‘to be in heat (of horses)’. From P A lb *en-krüda etymological­ ly related to Lith gruziu, grusti ‘to stamp, to punch’, Latv grûst id. 0 MANN Language XXVIII 33 (to Slav *sbrditi sç ‘to get angry’); F r a e n k e l 173-174; P o k o r n y I 460-462; ö l b e r g Festschr. Pisani II 684 (to Skt gfdhyati ‘to wish’).
aor.

refi,

ngrys

ngrysa ‘to darken’. Goes back to PAlb *en-krütja further

NOUC —

NOUS

297

connected with Slav *kryti ‘to cover’, Lith kráuju, kráuti ‘to pile’. 0
JOKL Studien 64 (to Lat creper ‘dusky, dark’); B a r i <Í Glasnik SND II 167-170 (to Gk yvôipoç ‘darkness, gloom’); F r a e n k e l 291: P o k o r n y I 616-617; Ç a b e j St. I 379-380 (to IE *kers- ‘black’); T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa

XIII 71-72. nguc
aor.

nguca ‘to ro u se , to in c ite ’. A p h o n etic variant o f ngus.

ngujoj aor. ngujova ‘to e n c lo se , to lock u p ’. A p réfixai d eriv a tiv e o f kunjoj. 0 WEIGAND 62 (d en o m in a tiv e based on kunj ‘p eg , w e d g e ’); Ç a b e j St. I 380 (fo llo w s W e ig a n d ) . ngul
aor.

ngula ‘to thrust in, to stick in ’. F rom P A lb *en-kula , a zero

grade etym ologically related to Lith kulti ‘to thresh’, Latv knit ‘to strik e’ and further co n n ected w ith IE *kel(a)- ‘to str ik e ’ (MEYER Wb. 307, Alb. St. Ill 4). 0 T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 206; M a n n Language XVII 14; F r a e n k e l 211; P o k o r n y I 545-546; Ç a b e j St. VII 243.

ngulmoj

aor.

ngulmova ‘to in s is t’. D e r iv e d from ngulmë ‘in s is te n c e ’,

a d ev erb a tiv e o f ngul.

nguq aor. nguqa ‘to red d en ’. A p réfix a i d erivativ e o f kuq (MANN HAED 322). nguroj aor. ngurova ‘to growl, to howl’. Based on an unattested noun *gur etymologically related to Skt gavate ‘to sound’, Gk yôoç ‘lamen­ tation’, Latv gaura ‘chatter’, Lith gáuti ‘to howl’ and the like. 0 M ey er Wb. 307 (onomatopoeia comparable with Germ gurren ‘to coo’ and similar); FRAENKEL 141-142; MAYRHOFER I 445; F r is k I 317-318; P o k o r n y I 403. nguroj
aor.

ngurova ‘to harden, to p e tr ify ’. D er iv ed from gur. A nother

form based on gur is ngurr ‘to stiffe n ’.

ngurroj aor. ngurrova ‘to hesitate, to falter, to stop’. From late Lat incurrere ‘to commit (a fault)’, see WEIGAND BA I 259. 0 ÇABEJ St. I 380381 (to gur and nguroj). ngus aor. nguta ‘to urge, to force’. From PAlb *en-kutja related to Lith

298

N G U SH

N G JE L M Ë T

káuti ‘to s tr ik e ’, Slav *kovati ‘to f o r g e ’, L at cüdö ‘to s trik e ’, OHG houwan id. 0 VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. 46-47; BOGA li 153; FRAENKEL 232; W a l d e -H o f m a n n I 300-301; POKORNY I 535; OREL Orpheus VI
69.

ngush a o r. ngusha ‘to annoy, to irritate’. Continues PAlb *en-kusa related to Lith klisti ‘to move’, Latv kustinât ‘to move, to touch’. 0 FRAENKEL
321-322.

ngush

aor.

ngusha ‘to embrace, to neck’. Derived from gush.

ngushtë adj. ‘narrow ’. Borrowed from Lat angustus id. ( G i l ’f e r d i n g Otn. 25; CAMARDA II 61; MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 2; M e y e r Wb. 307). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1046; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 206; MlHÄESCU RESEE I V / 1-2 12; ÇABEJ St. VII 184; H a a r m a n I I I ;
H u l d 98.

ngushulloj a o r . ngushullova ‘to comfort, to give consolation’. Another variant is ngushëlloj ~ ngushëllonj. Based on an unattested *kushulloj borrowed from Lat consolare, id. (MEYER Wb. 307) 0 HAARMANN
119.

ngjalë f, pi. ngjala ‘eel’. A back-formation of *ngjelë understood as an umlauticized plural. The latter is borrowed from Lat anguilla id. (MIK­ LOSICH Rom. Elemente 15; MEYER Wb. 308). 0 CAMARDA I 36 (to Gk eyy.tÀDç id.); PEDERSEN BB XX 232, KZ XXXVI 283; MlHÄESCU RESEE I V / 1-2 21; H a a r m a n 110; ÇABEJ St. I 3 81-382 (from Illyr *engella related to Lat anguilla). ngjat adv. ‘near’. Derived from gjatë, cf. Ital lungo ‘along, beside’, Fr le long de ‘along’ and similar coinages (ÇABEJ St. I 382-383). 0 C a m a r d a I 323 (to ngas); M e y e r Wb. 2 20 (to qas); W e ig a n d BA I 254 (to ngjis). ngjelmët adj. ‘salty, briny’. Another variant is ngjelbët < ngjelmët. The source of this word is PAlb *en-salma related to IE *sal- ‘salt’: Gk aXç, Lat sal, O Ir salanti, Arm ai and the like (PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 285). 0 J o k l Studien 64 -6 5 , LKUBA 231; ACAREAN HAB I 114-116; L a P ia n a Studi I 41; F r is k I 78-79; V e n d r y e s [S] 17-18; W a l d e H o f m a n n II 4 6 5 -4 6 6 ; POKORNY I 8 7 8 -879; OREL IF XCIII 106 (reconstructs PAlb *en-salima); DEMIRAJ AE 298-299.

N G JE S H

N G JIZ E M

299

ng jesh aor. ngjesha 'to gird’. From PAlb *en-jäusa etymologically con­

nected with Av yarjhayeiti id., Gk Çcovv'um. id., Lith júosti id., Slav *jasati ‘to tear clothes’ <*‘to tear into bands’, *po-jasr ‘belt’ (M e y e r h Wb. 308, Alb. St. Ill 39, 61). The development of PAlb *-s- to -sh is explained by the “ruki” rule rather than by derivation of -sh- from *-sj-. 0 MEYER Gr. Gr. 105; L a P ia n a Studi I 92; P is a n i Saggi 102, R E IE IV 10; POKORNY I 513; F r a e n k e l 198; V a s m e r III 351; F r isk I 617-618; HAMP Laryngeals 134; B a r b e r JIES ITI/4 294-320; Ç a b e j St. VII 219; HULD 99, KZ CVII 169; ÖLBERG KZ LXXXVI 129; OREL FLH V III/1-2 38, IF XCIII 103; DEMIRAJ AE 299-300.
n g jesh
a o r.

ngjesha ‘to knead’. Derived from gjesh.

n g jë ro j aor. ngjërova ‘to try, to sample, to taste’. The corresponding Geg form is gjinonj. Borrowed from Lat jëjünâre ‘to fast’, with the further semantic development from ‘not eat’ to ‘taste only’. The meaning ‘to fast’ is preserved by Geg ngjinoj. 0 MEYER Wb. 308 (to gjër): OREL Orpheus VI 69.
a o r. ngjërova ‘to encircle; to jump over, to wade through’. Another variant is gjeroj. Derived from gjer. A relatively rare case of a verb based on a preposition/adverb.

ngjëroj

n g jir m, pi. ngjire ‘whirlpool’. Another form is ngjirr. Derived from gjerë. 0 SCHMIDT KZ L 241-242 (to Skt sira ‘stream ’). n g jire m refi, ‘to get hoarse’. The same verb is attested without prefix

as qirem ‘to get hoarse’, cf. also shqirem id. An onomatopoeia (H e r m a n n KZ XLI 47). 0 M e y e r Wb. 308 (to Gk Kép/voç ‘hoarse­ ness’ or E hoarse)', PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 329 (to Gk icépxvoç); Ç a b e j St. I 383 (to shqerr)-, D e m ir a j AE 300-301. ngjis aor. ngjita ‘to stick to’. Continues PAlb *en-gleitja related to Lith glieju, gliëti ‘to sm ear’, glitùs ‘sticky’, Gk yXoioç ‘sticky stuff’ and similar (MEYER Wb. 309). 0 CAMARDA I 135 (to Gk eyiceiiioa ‘to press upon’); B a r i C ARSt 62-63 (to Skt sájati)-, F r a e n k e l 157; F r is k 1312313; POKORNY I 363; Ç a b e j St. VII 219, 243.
n g jizem
refi,

‘to clot, to curdle’. Derived from gjizë.

300

N G JO K

N O FKË

n g jo k aor. ngjoka ‘to knock'. Derived from qok (ÇABEJ St. I 383). 0 MEYER Wb. 192 (derived from klokë ‘hooked stu ff of Romance

origin). ngjyej aor. ngjyeva ‘to dip, to p lu n g e, to dye, to c o lo r’. B o rro w ed fro m Lat unguere ‘to sm ear, to anoint’ (MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 69; M ey er Wb. 308). 0 C a m a r d a I 67 (to G k %eco ‘to p o u r ’); MlHÄESCU RESEE IV / 1-2 20; Ç a b e j St. VII 225; H a a r m a n n 156. ninë f ‘cradle’. Borrowed from Rom *ninna id.: Ita! ninna iu lla b y ’, Sard ninna ‘cradle’ and sim ilar (M e y e r Wb. 3 09). The lack of rhotacism may be explained by a specific development of the gemi­ nate. Derived from nine is ninnile ‘lullaby’. nip m, pl. tlipa, nipër ‘nep h ew , g ra n d s o n ’. B o rro w ed fro m L at nepös ‘g ra n d s o n ’ (MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 44; MEYER Wb. 310). A ra re case o f a L atin lo a n w o rd based not on the oblique stem nepötem but on the re s tru c tu re d nom . sg. *nepos. T h e vocalismi o f nip m ay re fle c t a re la tiv e ly late b o rro w in g fro m D alm L a t nepo < L at nepös. 0 CAMARDA I 200 (tre a ts nip and L at nepös as cognates); PEDERSEN BB XX 99 (from IE *nepöt-), Kelt. Gr. I 92; B a r t o l i Daim II 414; JOKL LKUBA 15-28; S k o k AArbSt. I 221 (fro m D a lm atian R o m an ce); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 207 (agrees w ith PEDERSEN), Stratificazione 118119; H uld 99 (follows P e d e r s e n ); L a n d i Lat. 51, 143-145; O r e l Z ßalk X X III 146; B e e k e s CIEL 139 (sam e as P e d e r s e n ); K l in g e n s c h m it t Koll. Idg. Ges. 226; D e m ir a j AE 301-302.

nis aor. nisa ‘to start, to begin, to prepare for journey’. Continues PA lb
*neitsa going back to IE *neik-iö and related to Lith su-riikti ‘to set upon, to attack’, Slav *niknçti ‘to rise, to grow ’. If this comparison is accepted, the dubious Greek parallel in v e î k o ç ‘quarrel, struggle’ should be dropped. 0 M e y e r Wb. 310 (from Gk ¿KÍvrioa ‘to set off, to start out’ - not without doubt); LAMBERTZ - PEKMEZI Lesebuch 107 (follow M e y e r); B a r i£ ARSt 63 (to Gk ¿veyiceív); F r a e n k e l 503; F r is k II 297; VASMER III 74-75; ÇABEJ St. VII 258; OREL Orpheus VI 69.
n o çk ë f, pl. noçka ‘knuckle, joint’. There exists a close form noçë id.

Unclear.
nofkë f, pi. nofka ‘nickname’. Borrowed from an unattested South Slavic

N O FU LL

NU HAS

301

*novhka ‘new (name)’, cf. SCr Novka, a feminine proper name.
n o fu ll f, pi. nofulla ‘jaw, jawbone, cheekbone'. Back-formation based

on the borrowing of Lat in offulae, cf. offula ‘small piece, little bit’ St. I 383-384), with a semantic evolution opposite to that of bukë, cf. Ital dial, gnoffele ‘jaw ’ of the same origin. 0 M EYER Wb. 310311 (compares nofull with Ital ganascia ‘jaw, jow l’; similarity with offula is accidental); B a r k '’ AArbSt. I 150-151 (compound of no- related to Lat gena ‘face, cheek’ and of -full compared with Slav *cel’ustb ‘jaw ’); T r e i m e r KZ LXV 114 (to Skt snâpayati ‘to make wash’); TAGLI­ AVINI Stratificazione 93-94.
(Ç A B E J

n o k ë r adj. ‘small, tiny’. Derivative of *nokë borrowed from Lat innocuus ‘harmless, innocent’. 0 CAMARDA I 137 (to G k piKpôç id.); M e y e r Wb. 311 (repeats C a m a r d a ’ s etymology). n o sh të r f, pi. noshtra ‘sprout, young plant, sapling’. Borrowed from

Rom *novaster > Ital dial, novastro id. (JOKL IF XXXVI 98-100, LKUBA 2 1 2 -2 1 3 ). 0 MlHÄESCU RESEE IV / 1 -2 31; HAARMANN 138; LANDI Lat.
129, 136.

n otoj aor. notova ‘to swim’. Borrowed from Rom *notclre replacing

classical Lat natäre id. (M IKLO SICH Rom. Elemente 43-44; M e y e r Wb. 311). 0 MANN Language XXVIII 39 (from IE *sne- id.); M lHÄESCU RESEE I V /1-2 18; HAARM ANN 138.
n o zik ë f ‘knife worn at the belt’. An early loanword from Slav

*nozikb unattested in South Slavic, a diminutive of *noib ‘knife’ (MEYER Wb. 311). Note a peculiar substituion of Slav *-z-. 0 S v a n e 85. nu adv. ‘when’. Continues P A lb *nu etymologically identical with IE *nu ‘now’: Skt nú, Gk vûv, Goth nu, OHG nñ and the like. Ö FRISK II 325; K L U G E 515-516; F e i s t Goth. 380; M A Y R H O FER II 175; P o k o r n y I 770.

nuhar m, pl. nuharë ‘lair of young deer’. Derivative of nuhas, cf. also
its derivative nuhuris ‘to track (of hounds)’. 0 (nuhuris from Slav *n’uxati ‘to smell’).
M EY ER

Wb. 311

n u h as aor. nuhata ‘to s m e ll, to s n if f ’. A n o th e r v a r ia n t is njuhas. B o r -

304

N JE G U IX

N JË

~

N JT

similation of sonorants, from Lat reiterare ‘to repeat’. 0 ÇABEJ St. I 386 (onomatopoeia).

Nj
n je g u ll f ‘fog, m ist’. A dialectal phonetic variant of mjegull (Ç A BEJ St. 1 386). 0 MEYER Wb. 283-284 (from Lat nebula ‘fog’); JOKL Studien 57. njeh - n je f aor. njeha ~ njefa ‘to count, to consider’. From PAlb *nemska

further connected with IE *nem- ‘to divide, to take, to arrange, to count’, cf. Gk vé|aro ‘to divide’, Goth niman ‘to take’, Lat numerus ‘member, element, num ber’ and minimus ‘coin, money’ (OREL IF XLIII 113114). 0 MEYER Wb. 314 (identifies njeh with njoh which is not very plausible semantically); BENVENISTE Inst. I 81; FEIST Goth. 375-376; W a l d e -H o f m a n n II 186-187; F r is k 1 302-304; P o k o r n y 1 763-764.
n je ri m, pl. njerëz ‘man, person, human being’. A more archaic form of sg. njer is preserved in Geg dialects. Goes back to PA lb *nera further connected with Skt ndr- ‘m an’, Gk àvr)p id., Arm ayr id. (BOPP 461 462; G i l ’ f e r d i n g O í /l 23; CAMARDA I 186; M e y e r Wb. 313, Alb. St. Ill 66, 71). Note a rare plural in -ëz < *-adja (JOKL LKUBA 89). 0 PEDERSEN Krit. Jahresbericht IX 242; JOKL Studien 102; ACAREAN HAB I 173-174; F r is k I 107-108; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 208-209; M a n n Language XXVIII 38; PORZIG Gliederung 155; PISANI Saggi 131; M a y r h o f e r II 148-149; P o k o r n y 1 765; H u l d 100-101; O r e l Z ß a lk XXIII 142; D e m ir a j AE 304-305.

njerkë f, pl. njerka ‘stepm other’. Borrowed from Lat noverca id. (M I­ KLOSICH Rom. Elemente 44; M e y e r Wb. 313). The masculine form njerk is built on the basis of njerkë (Ç a b e j St. I 3 8 6 ). 0 M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1 043, 1048; MlHÄESCU RESEE I V / 1-2 18; HAARM ANN
138.

n je th e t refi, ‘to fertilize, to be fertile, to grow, to b u d ’. From *ngje-

thet, derivative of gjethe.
n jë - n ji num . ‘one’. From PAlb *ainja, a derivative of IE *oi-no- id.: Lat ünus, Goth ains, OPrus ains and the like (C a m a r d a I 169). 0 MEYER

N JIC Ë

N JO M Ë

~

N G JO M Ë ,

N GLO M Ë

305

Wb. 313-314 (p refers an erron eou s com p arison with Skt anyá- ‘o th er’,
Gk ë v io i ‘s o m e ’), Alb. St. I l l 66; B a r i Û ARSt 64-65 (fro m *rt-sem-); Ham p Anc. IE 113 (follow s M e y e r and connects një w ith M essap enrían); T r a u t m a n n APSpr. 296-297; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 209 (a g rees w ith M e y e r ) ; F e i s t Goth. 24; W a ld e - H o f m a n n II 821-823; P o k o r n y I

286; HULD 101 (w ith ou t any serio u s reaso n , p o stu la tes a b a ck -fo r­ m ation from fem . *smieH ); OREL FLH V I I I / 1-2 39; H am p Numerals 903 -9 0 4 ; CLACKSON LR 175.

njicë f, pi. njica ‘big fish in g n e t’. F ro m *ngjicë, d e riv e d fro m ngjis in view o f the ex p re ssio n (peshku) ngjis ‘(the fish) sticks to the n e t’ = ‘gets into the n e t’ (ÇABEJ St. I 386-387).

njilë

f, pi. njila ‘te n c h ’ . A d ialectal form o f ngjalë ( Ç a b e j St. I 387).

njoh ~ njof aor. njoha - njofa, njova ‘to k n o w ’. F ro m P A lb *gnäska
re la te d to IE *gena- ~ *gnö- id., cf. p a rtic u la rly , G k yvyviooKco, E p id au r yvàoK m , L at (g)nôscô ( G i l ’f e r d i n g Otn. 23; CAMARDA I 47; MEYER Wb. 314, Alb. St. Ill 17, 66). The vocalism o f present was changed u n d er the in flu en ce o f ao r. njova w hich is identical w ith O E cnáwan id. < *gne-v- (OREL ZfBalk X X I I /1 8 2-83). 0 ASCOLI KZ X V II 351; B a r iC ARSt 65-6 6 ; F r i s k I 3 0 8 -3 0 9 ; P e d e r s e n KZ X X X V I 339 (re c o n stru c ts *gne-sk-), Kelt. Gr. II 547; LlNDEMAN IF L X X I 283 (to ON knd, kne'gum < G m c *knë-jan); HOLTHAUSEN AEW 54; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 209; L a P ia n a Studi 1 93; M a n n Language XXVIII 34; W a ld e H o f m a n n II 176-177; P o k o r n y I 376-378; A n t t i l a Schw. 71; Ç a b e j St. VII 239; H u l d 101-102 (clum sy reconstruction o f a causative *gnoHèskoH ); KLINGENSCHMITT Münch. St. Spr. X L 130; OREL IF X C IIl 113; DEM IRAJ AE 3 05-306 (sim ila r v o calism in H itt ganês- ‘to k n o w ’). n jo llë f, pl. njolla ‘spot, m a rk , sta in ’. D ialects p re se rv e a m o re arch aic fo rm ngjollë. F ro m PA lb *en-sälä re la te d to O N sçlr ‘d ir ty ’, O Ir sal ‘d ir t’ (JOKL Studien 65-66). 0 VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. I 47 (to njoh); V e n d r y e s [S] 16; P o k o r n y I 879; Ç a b e j St. I 387 (to ngjyej).
adj. ‘w e t’. T he v e rb njom ‘to m ake w e t’ is d eriv ed from the adjective. B ased on PA lb *glaima related to O E cldm ‘c la y ’, L ith gléimés ‘slim e ’ and o th e r co n tin u a n ts o f IE *glei- (JOKL Studien 66). 0 M e y e r Wb. 315 (b o rro w e d fro m L at unguö ‘to spread, to s m e a r’); POKORNY I 364; ÇABEJ St. I 387-388 (v e rb a l adjectiv e o f

njomë ~ ngjomë, nglomë

306

OBORR -

O P 1N G Ë

ngjyej)', DEM IRAJ AE 306-307 (to Goth hnasqiis ‘soft, fine’ or to OHG naz ‘w et’).

o
ob orr m, pi. oborre ‘yard , c o u r t’. B o r ro w e d from Slav *obvori> id., c f. South S la v ic continuants: B u lg obor, SCr obor (MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 28; MEYER Wb. 3 1 4 ). 0 TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 210; S e lt S c e v Slav, naselenie 1 5 0 -1 5 1 ; MLADENOV 1st. 77; SVANE 5 8 . o fiq m, pi. ofiqe ‘service, function’. Borrowed from Lat officium id. o fsh m ‘glow, heat’. Variant of afshë. 0 MEYER Wb. 3 (to afe ‘breath’). o fsh ë f, pi. o f sha ‘curse’. Derived from ofsh. 0 Ç a b e j St. VII 220. o grajë f, pi. ograja ‘pasture’. Borrowed from Slav *ogordja ‘fencing’, cf. SCr ograda. As to Alb -j-, it may either reflect an early South Slavic *-dj- or, rather, go back to *-gj- < SCr -dj-. 0 MEYER Wb. 315 (to SCr ograda ‘fence, yard’); JOKL Slavia XIII 305-306 (from Chakavian ograja)', ; SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 159; RUSAKOV Lis 1982 195; S v a n e 58. okër f ‘kind of grain, Einkorn’. Borrowed from Gk (¡r¿poq ‘birds’ pease,

Lathyrus Ochrus’ (ÇABEJ St. I 389) or, rather, from substantivized d>xpôç ‘pale-yellow ’. 0 MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /3-4 350 (from Gk
(S k ih o v ).

o k itë f ‘frost or snow (on tree branches)’. Borrowed from Slav

*ob(iy)kytb id., cf. SCr okit id. (DESNICKAJA Slav. zaim. 14).
o k o ll adv. ‘around’. Borrowed from Slav *okolT> id., cf. in South Slavic: Bulg okol, SCr oko, okolo (MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 22; MEYER Wb. 3 1 5 ). 0 B e r n e k e r I 548; S e l i S c e v Slav, naselenie 197, 303; Ç a b e j St. I 3 8 9 (local borrowing from Serbo-Croatian); SVANE 2 7 1 . o p in g ë f, pi. opinga ‘sandal’. Other variants are opangë, opengë. Bor­ rowed from Slav *ob(-b)pbm>k'b ‘sandal, shoe’, cf. SCr opanak (MIK­ LOSICH Slav. Elemente 28; M e y e r Wb. 3 1 5 ). 0 S e l i S c e v Slav, nase-

ORENDl —

PAD IS

307

lenie 175-176; H A M P L ß X IV /2 13; ÇABEJ St. V II 216; F l o r e s c u REF I X /6 5 9 4 (on the Dacian origin of this type of sandals); SVANE 100.
o r e n d i pi. ‘e q u ip m e n t, u t e n s ils ’ . A n e a r ly b o r r o w in g fro m S la v

*orçdbje id. (ÇABEJ St. I 3 8 9 ). 0 MEYER Wb. 3 1 6 (from Ital arredo ‘fittin g s, fu r n ish in g s’); S e l i S c e v Slav, naselenie 173, 192; SVANE 65.
orok m ‘time, term, limit, appointment’. Borrowed from Slav *oh(i,Iraki,

id., cf. in South Slavic: Bulg obrok, SCr obrok. Note that oroqe ‘wish’ is a singularized plural of orok. 0 SVANE 176.
orrl m ‘eagle, buzzard’. Borrowed from S la v *orbh, id., cf. Bulg orel,

SCr orao (MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 28; MEYER Wb. 3 1 6 ). 0 SVANE
148. osh adv. ‘trailing, along the ground’. A fossilized form of a rare osh

‘harrow ’. Thus, the original meaning of the adverb was ‘trailing as a harrow ’.
osh të f, pi. oshta ‘p o le, d raw b ar’. B o rro w ed from S lav *ojiste id.: B u lg

oiste, SC r ojiSte (MEYER Wb. 3 1 6 ). 0 SVANE 29.
otavë f ‘second crop of hay’. Borrowed from Slav *otava id., cf. South

Slavic continuants: Bulg otava, SCr otava (DESNICKAJA Slav. zaim.
11). 0 SVANE 4 1 .

P
pa prep, ‘without’, conj. ‘before, then’, particle ‘let’ (in imperative). From

PAlb *apa reflecting IE *apo: Skt dpa ‘away, off’, Gk òrco ‘from ’, Goth a f ‘from ’ and, in particular, Lith pa- (prefix), Slav *po ‘on, along’ (B op p 500; C a m a r d a I 320; M e y e r Wb. 3 1 7 , Alb. St. Ill 3 0 ). 0 J o k l IF X X X V II 1 0 7 -1 0 8 {pa ‘before’ < *parj related to prej)\ T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 224; F e i s t Goth. 3; P o k o r n y I 5 3 -5 5 ; M a y r h o f e r I 37; F r a e n k e l 519-520; V a s m e r III 292-293; Ç a b e j St. I I 5 (against J o k l) , apud D e m ir a j (to Ose perum ‘without’); H u l d 156; O r e l SBJa Leksikol. 1 5 1 -1 5 2 ; DEMIRAJ AE 3 0 7 -3 0 8 (to Goth faw ai ‘few, little’).
p ad is a o r .padita ‘to a c c u s e ’. B o r ro w e d , w ith a sem an tic ch a n g e, fro m

308

PAGËZOJ —

PA K

Slav *padati ‘to fall’, cf. in South Slavic: Bulg pcida, SCr padati (MIK­
LOSICH Slav. Elemente 28; MEYER Wb. 3 1 7 ). 0 S e l i Sc e v Slav, nase-

lenie 181, 294; J o k l Slavia XIII 303 (from Slav *pgditi)\ SVANE 238. pagëzoj aor. pagëzova ‘to baptise’. A parallel form is pakëzoj. Bor­ rowed from Lat baptizare id. (MEYER Wb. 317, Alb. St. IV 25). The unusual development of *bapt- > *pagt- is a combination of a dis­ similation and shift of voicedness. 0 C a m a r d a 1 139 (to Gk ßocTm^co id.); MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 6 (from Italian); P e d e r s e n KZ XXXIII 538; M e y e r -L O b k e Gr. G rundriß21 1055; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 212; M i h ä e s c u RESEE I V /1-2 13; H a a r m a n 112; Ç a b e j Sr. II 5-6. pah m ‘scab , d u st’. F rom P A lb *pauja con n ected w ith IE *peu- ‘to b low up’ and, in particular, with A rm hogi ‘breath’ < IE *pouio- (O rel FLH V III/ 1-2 4 5 ). 0 K r is t o f o r id h i 3 0 4 (to G k m x v r | ‘f r o s t 4); A c a r e a n HAB III 107 -1 0 8 ; P o k o r n y I 847; Ç a b e j St. IV 80. pajë f ‘side, party, dow ry’. Also attested as pale. Historically identi­ cal with pale ‘pair’. 0 M e y e r Wb. 318 (in the meaning ‘dow ry’, bor­ rowed from Lat pallium ‘cover, coverlet’); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 212 {pajë ‘dow ry’ from Ital palio ‘prize, rew ard’); H a a r m a n n 140. pajt p rep, ‘thanks to’. Borrowed from Lat abl. pacto, cf. hocpactö ‘this way’, aliö pactö ‘otherwise’ and the like. 0 Ç a b e j St. II 6 (from *per anë te ‘from the side of’). pajtoj
aor.

pajtova ‘to ap p ease, to r e c o n c ile , to h ire, to e n g a g e ’. O ther

variants are paqoj, paqtoj. B orrow ed from R om *päctäre (MIKLOSICH

Rom. Elemente 45; M e y e r Wb. 3 1 9 ) in w h ich d eriv a tiv es o f Lat pâx ‘p e a c e ’ and pâciscor ‘to m ake a b a rg a in ’ h ave co n v e r g e d ( C a m a r d a I 105). 0 G i l ’f e r d i n g Otn. 26; M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2I 1054; JOKL LKUBA 3 2 4 (on -jt- < Lat -ct-), RIEB II 6 4 (A lb an ian d eriv a tiv e in -toj o f paq); Di G io v in e Gruppo -ct 5 6-60 ; Ç a b e j St. II 6 -7 (fo llo w s J o k l RIEB)\ H a a r m a n n 139; L a n d i Lat. 8 3 -8 5 .
adv. ‘a little, f e w ’. B o r ro w e d from Lat paucus ‘fe w , little ’ (MIK­ LOSICH Rom. Elemente 48; C a m a r d a I 53; M e y e r Wb. 3 1 8 ). 0 M e y e r L ü BKE Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1047; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 212; MANN Lan­ guage X X V I 382; MIHÄESCU RESEE I V /1 -2 24; HULD 102; HAARMANN 5 9 , 141; L a n d i Lat. 72.

pak

PAK F. —

PA LN JË

309

pakë f, pl. pake ‘side of ham, buttock’. Borrowed from West Gmc *bakkon

‘ham, flitch’ (Frankish bako, OHG bahho), derivative of Gmc *bakan ‘back’ (Ç A B E J St. II 7).
palavi f,pi.palavi ‘obscenity; pus’. Two historically unrelated homonyms

of which one palavi ‘pus’ is a compound of pa- ‘not’ and laj, cf. palare ‘unwashed’ (M EY ER Wb. 237) and another palavi ‘obscenity’ contin­ ues NGk 7iaA.(xßpa ‘talking big’, of Romance origin. 0 ÇABEJ St. IT 8 (treats both words as one compound pa-lav- ‘dirty, unwashed’).
p a lc ë f ‘marrow, pith’. Note that the same word appears as palsë and palëz (JOKLLKUBA 115, 284). Derived from palë ‘pair; fold’. Seman­ tically, an important tertium comparationis is found in Slavic paral­ lels of palë - *pol-h ‘h a lf and *pol~b ‘hollow’, since palcë designates a substance with which hollow spaces in a bone or a plant are filled (OREL Linguistica XXIV 430-431). 0 VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. 47-48; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 213. pale part, ‘ev e n so, a n y w a y ’ (in request or indirect sp eech ). A seq u en ce o f tw o p a rticles, pa and le (KRISTOFORIDHI 2 9 9 ). 0 MEYER Wb. 319 (to S lav *le)\ Ç a b e j St. II 8 (fo llo w s K r is t o f o r id h i ). p alë f, pl.palë ‘pair; fold; group, class, party’. Goes back to P A lb *pala

further related to Slav *poh, ‘half; hollow’, Lat palam ‘evidently, man­ ifestly’, Hitt palhi- ‘wide’ (JOKL Studien 6 6 -6 7 , 83; OREL Linguisti­ ca XXIV 4 3 1 ). 0 MEYER Wb. 3 2 0 (to Gk 7 téXo|aoci ‘to turn’ but the Greek word belongs to IE *k'el-), Alb. St. TII 30; JOKL Studien 83 (com­ pares with shpall ‘to declare’ but this verb is a phonetic variant of shpërrall, derived from përrallë < Lat parabola); M a n n Language XVII 18 (to Gk òx-nXóoq); P o k o r n y I 8 0 3 -8 0 5 , 9 8 5 -9 8 6 ; W a ld e - H o f m a n n II 237; M ihäESCU RESEE I V / 1-2 2 4 (from Lat päla)\ H u ld 143, 147 (from *polteH)\ O r e l Z ß a lk XXIII 145; D e m ir a j AE 3 0 8 -3 0 9 (to O N fe l ‘fold’).
palnjë f, pi.palnja ‘maple’. Other variants a re panjë, pënjë. Borrowed

from Rom *platania derived from Lat platanus ‘plane-tree’, with a metathesis in the first syllable. As shown by an Albanian loanword in Rum paltin ‘maple’ < *paiten, the form platanus was also borrowed.

310

PA LL —

PA R

0 M e y e r Wb. 332 (from SCr panj ‘stump’); PU§CARIU EWR 109; JOKL LKUBA 188-190 (to Lat palpäre ‘to stroke, to pat’); ÇABEJ St. II 9 (cognate of Gk nXáxavoq, Lat platanus); D e m ir a j AE 309-310. pall aor.palla ‘to bray, to bellow’. A variant of përrall ‘to jest, to trifle’ with compensatory long [a:] reflecting the fall of an intervocalic con­ sonant. For the phonetic development cf. shpall. 0 CAMARDA I 240 (to Lat palam ‘evidently, manifestly’); J o k l Studien 83-84 (repeats C a m a r d a ’ s etymology); ÇABEJ St. II 9-10 (adds non-existent Tokh pal- ‘to celebrate’). pallë f, pi .palla ‘p o le, clu b , w a sh in g -stick , sw o rd , m a lle t’. B o rro w ed from Lat pala ‘sp ad e, s h o v e l’ ( M e y e r Wb. 319-320). 0 MEYER L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1042; L a n d i Lat. 28, 111. pallë f ‘rest, quiet’. In a phraze be] palle ‘to rest, to be quiet’. Bor­ rowed from Gk Jtœotax ‘rest, pause’. 0 M EYER Wb. 320 (from NGk
TtaûXa).

pam particlc. St. II 10).

A

synonym of pa, it is

a

compound of pa and më

(Ç A BEJ

pamëta adv. ‘a g a in ’. A parallel form is pameta. A co m p o u n d o f pa and meta ‘again’, from N G k pexá ‘afterw ards’ (C a m a r d a 1 310; M e y e r Wb. 2 7 0 ). 0 L a m b e r t z KZ LITI 295; Ç a b e j St. II 10. panderë f ‘apron, em broidered sash’. B orrow ed from R om *panticarium based on Lat pantex ‘p au n ch ’, cf. a sem an tica lly d ifferen t but fo rm a lly c lo se R um pîntecaraie ‘d iarrh ea’ (M e y e r Wb. 3 2 0 ). 0 ÇABEJ St. II 1011 (b o r ro w ed from Ital dial, bandiera ~ bandera ‘f la g ’). paq m ‘peace’. Borrowed from Lat pacem id. (CAMARDA I 305; MIK­ LOSICH Rom. Elemente 48; M e y e r Wb. 318-319). 0 M e y e r Alb. St. IV 47, V 97; M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 21 1041, 1048, 1051; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 18; Ç a b e j * . II 11; H a a r m a n n 139. paqyll adj. ‘d u ll, lim ited , stu p id ’. D e r iv e d from pak. 0 Ç a b e j St. II 11 (a p réfix a i d eriv a tiv e in pa- < *po- o f quii, qullè't).

par m, pi .par

‘p a ir’. B o r ro w e d from Lat parem id. (MEYER Wb. 3 2 1 ).

PA R A —

PARZËM

311

0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. G rundriß2 1 1042; MlHÄESCU RESEE I V /1-2 24; H a a r m a n n 140.

para adv., prep, ‘before’. A parallel form is pare. From PAlb *para related to IE *per- ‘before, forw ard’: O H G /«ri, Lat prae and the like (CAMARDA I 303; MEYER Wb. 3 2 1 -3 2 2 ). This word appears as a first element in such compounds as paravesh ‘slap in the face’ (Ç a b e j St. 11 12), pardje ‘the day b efo re y e ste r d a y ’ (TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 2 1 4 ) and the lik e. 0 BOPP 5 03 (to pare); PEDERSEN Krit. Jahresbericht 213; J o k l IF XXXVII 1 0 7 -1 0 8 ; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 2 1 4 ; W a l d e H o f m a n n II 351; P o k o r n y 1 8 1 2 ; W a t k in s 1ER 4 9 -5 0 ; Ç a b e j * . Ill 193; HAMP Numerals 9 0 4 -9 0 5 (reco n stru cts IE *pjH-uo-); DEMIRAJ AE 310. pare f, pi .pare ‘fish s c a le ’. A sin g u la rized plural o f *par co n tin u in g P A lb *para, a d ev erb a tiv e rela ted to Lith periU, pefti ‘to str ik e ’, Slav *pbrç, *perti ‘to p r e ss’. 0 FRAENKEL 578; V a s MER III 240; POKORNY
1 8 1 8 -8 1 9 .

pare adj. ‘first’. From PAlb *para etymologically identical with and derived from the adverb para (C A M A R D A I 303). T h e adjective parmë ‘front’ is derived from pare. Ô M EY ER Wb. 321-322 (connection with para and Indo-European words for ‘first’: Lith pirmas and the like), Alb. St. Ill 30, 71; P e d e r s e n KZ XXXIII 544; J o k l IF XXXVII 108 (to Skt purva- id.), Sprache IX 141; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 214; PORZIG Gliederung 186; M a n n Language XVII 18; H a m p St. Whatmough 82, BSL LXVI 223, LB XXIV/3 48; Ö l b e r g KZ LXXXVI 133; K l i n GENSCHMITT Verbum 68; H u l d 68; D e m i r a j AE 311. parmëndë ~ parmendë f, pl. parmënda ~ parmenda ‘plow’. Borrowed from Rom *peraramentum, cf. Lat perorare ‘to plow through, to scratch’ ( M e y e r Wb. 3 2 2 ). 0 J o k l IF XXXVI 155, LKUBA 136 (agrees with M e y e r ) ; M i h ä e s c u RESEE I V / 1-2 30; H a a r m a n 111; Ç a b e j * . II 12 (from Rom *parämentum or Lat apparâmentum ‘preparation’). parzëm f, pi.parzma ‘b reast’. A parallel form , parmëz, reflects the o rig ­ inal structure o f the w ord, a d erivative in -ëz o f parmë , cf. parë (ÇABEJ St. II 1 2-13). 0 M e y e r Wb. 3 2 2 (to Slav *pbrsi ‘b reast’); V a s m e r Alb. Wortforsch. 4 8 (from Lat parma ‘kind o f s h ie ld ’); S k o k RIEB I 298

312

¡’A R R I / —

PATË

(against M e y e r ); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 215-216 (follows ificazione 94; ÇABEJ St. VII 187, 204.

M e y e r ),

Strat­

parriz m ‘paradise’. Borrowed from Lat paradïsus id. (M IK LOSICH Lat. Elemente 593). 0 M EY ER Wb. 322 (from Ital paradiso id.); TAG LI­ AVINI Dalmazia 214-215 (follows M IK LO SICH ); M IH Ä ESC U RESEE I V /1-2 24; Ç a b e j St. II 13-14 (loss of the intervocalic -d- as charac­ teristic of Latin loanwords); H A A R M A N N 140; L A N D I Lat. 109. pas adv., prep, ‘after, behind’. A parallel form is mbas. Goes back to PAlb *(en) apa tsi continuing IE *(en) apo k"id. For the etymology of components see pa and çë. 0 B O PP 500 (to Skt pascó- 'back, pos­ terio r’); G i l ’ f e r d i n g Otn. 21 (same as B O PP ); M EY ER Wb. 322-323 (same as B O P P ), Alb. St. Ill 13, 30; PEDERSEN Festskr. Thomsen 250, KZ XXXVI 311 (to pa and -s as in mos)\ TAG LIA VIN I Dalmazia 184; L A P i a n a Studi I 33; E r n o u t - M e i l l e t 527; M a n n Language XXVI 386-387 (to Gk tio x í ‘against, towards’), XXVIII 32; H am pKZ LXXV 23 (to Lith päshui ‘behind’); DEM IRAJ AE 311-312. pash m, p i. pash ‘fathom, pace, outstretched arm s’. Borrowed from Lat passus ‘step, pace’ (M IK LO SICH Rom. Elemente 47; M e y e r Wb. 323). 0 M e y e r -L Ü B K E Gr. G rundriß2 1 1041; M IH ÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 18; H a a r m a n n 140; L a n d i Lat. 139, 148-149. pashkë f, p l. pashkë ‘Easter’. Borrowed from Lat Pasqua id. (MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 47; M EY ER Wb. 324). 0 T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 216; M IH ÄESC U RESEE IV /1-2 18; H a a r m a n n 140; L a n d i Lat. 120, 147. pashnik m, pl. pashnikë ‘cloth, cover, towel’. Borrowed from an unat­ tested Slav *pasbtiik'h. 0 M e y e r Wb. 323 (from Turk ba$hk ‘hood’); Ç a b e j St. II 14 (derived from parce segmented from përparcë). pashtrak m ‘pasture rent, pasturage money’. Borrowed from Rom *pastüräcus based on Lat pastura ‘pasture’. 0 M IH ÄESC U RESEE IV /1-2 31; Ç a b e j St. II 14-15 (from Rom *pastüräticus)\ H a a r m a n n 140. patë f, pi .p a ta ‘goose’. A cultural Wanderwort attested in Slavic as well as in Romance, cf. Spanish pata id. (M E Y E R Wb. 324). 0 G i l ’ f e r d i n g Otn. 23 (to Skt pata-ga- ‘bird’); M IKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 28

PA TK U A

~

PATK UE -

PELFN Ë

313

(from Slavic); T A G L IA V IN I Dalmazia 216 (from Slavic); KZ XX 244 (from SCr patok).

SC H U C H A R D T

patkua - p atk u e m, pi. patkonj ‘horseshoe’. Borrowed from Slav

*poch,kovb id., a morphological variant of the more widespread *pod-hkova id. (MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 30; O r el LB XX IX /4 70). 0 MEYER Wb. 349-350 (from Slav *podbkova); SELláíEV Slav, nase­ lenie 306, 326; JOKL Slavia XIII 641 (from Slav *pod-bkova); H a m p LB X IV /2 13; SVANE 85.
p e ~ p ê m, pl. penj, penjë, pêjna ‘thread’. Borrowed from Lat panus

‘thread wound upon the bobbin’ ( M e y e r Wb. 3 3 1 ). 0 M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1041; JOKL Zb. Belie 44; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 218; M a n n Language XVII 2 0 -2 1 (from IE *petino-)\ MlHÄESCU RESEE IV / 1-2 24; HAARMANN 140.
p e c adj. ‘shortsighted, blind’. Continues PAlb *paitsa (with the pre­

served affricate as in some other cases) related to ON feigr ‘close to death’, Lith paTkas ‘stupid’ from IE *peik-. 0 POKORNY I 7 9 4 .
p e c ë f, pi .peca ‘cloth, rag, napkin’. From PAlb *paitsä related to Gk

7toiKÎA,oç ‘m ulticolored’, OHG fëh id., Slav *pbstri, id. For the semanic development cf. Slav *gun'a ‘cloth’ borrowed from Iran *gaunya‘m ulticolored’. 0 POKORNY I 795; VASMER III 251. (G) p êjn ë f ‘fringe’. Singularized plural of pe (M a n n HAED 358). 0 Candrea-Densu§IANU 1378 (borrowed from Rom *pedinus > Rum piedin ‘fringe’ > Alb pedim id.); Ç a b e j St. II 16 (repeats M a n n ’ s ety­ mology).
p e jz ë f, pi .pejza ‘muscle, sinew, string’. Derivative of pe. 0 ÇABEJ St.

VII 273.
p ek m, pi. peqe ‘worry, concern’. Based on Slav *pekti sç ‘to worry, to care’ (M e y e r Wb. 324). p e le n ë f,p l .pelena ‘diaper’. Borrowed from Slav *pelena ‘cover, napkin', cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg pelena, SCr pelena (MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 28; MEYER Wb. 326). 0 SVANE 96.

314

PELÉ

PEM Ë

PEN D A R —

PER ËN D O J

315

p e lë f, pl. pela ‘m are’. From PAlb *pôulâ related to Gk nwXoç ‘foal’,

M ih ä e s c u RESEE I V /1 - 2 19; H a a r m a n n 143; L a n d i Lat. 64. pendar m, pl.pendarë ‘watchman’. An early borrowing from Slav *pgdarib

Goth fula id. (X y l a n d e r 279; C a m a r d a I 172; M e y e r Wb. 326). 0 S t ier KZ XI 147; M e y e r Alb. St. III 88; J o k l Festschr. Kretschmer 83 (reconstructs *pölnä with *-/«- > -/-); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 218 (agrees with JOKL), Stratificazione 139; M a n n Language XXVI 386387; B a r iç Hymje 22; F r is k I I 634; C h a n t r a in e 961 ; P o k o r n y I 843; F e ist Goth. 170-171; P o r z ig Gliederung 150; SCHMIDT Sybaris 134; ÇABEJ Die Sprache XVIII 153, St. II 16; HULD 102 (beware of the inac­ curately summarized literature!); OREL ZfBalk XXIII 147; DEMIRAJ AE 314.
p elin m ‘wormwood’. Borrowed from Slav *pelym> id., cf. South Slavic

id., cf. South Slavic forms: Bulg phdar, SCr pudar (M e y e r Wb. 3 3 2 ). 0 S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 181, 291; S v a n e 197.
p en d è f, pi .pende ‘feather; pair (of oxen)’. Borrowed from Lat pinna,

forms; Bulg pelin, SCr pelin (MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 28; MEYER Wb. 326). 0 S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 163; S v a n e 109. pelq aor. pelqa ‘to stir up (water)’. Goes back to PAlb *pelkja related to Lith pelkëti ‘to become m arshy', pe'lkè ‘marsh, swamp’, Latv peïce
‘t n u r i n a t e ’ O F R A F N K F I

penna ‘feather’ (CAMARDA II 73; MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 48; M e y e r Wb. 326). The second meaning ‘pair of oxen’ seems to be a metaphoric derivative of Lat penna ‘plum age’ or the like. Note pendull id. and pencil derived from p e n d i (ÇABEJ St. II 17). 0 M e y e r LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1044, 1050; SCHMIDT KZ LVII 178 (to Lith spándau ‘to stretch’); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 218; C a n d r e a -D e n s u SlANU 199 (pendull from Lat pínnula ‘little plume’); JOKL LKUBA 302 n. 1 (penëll borrowed from Lat pinnula)', MANN Language XVII 2021, XXVI 386; CAMAJ Alb. Worth. 65; MIHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 18; H a a r m a n n 142; L a n d i Lat. 58, 135; D e m ir a j AE 314-315.
KLOSICH Rom. Elemente 51;

V

M e y e r Wb. 332). 0 M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. U RESEE IV /1-2 27; HAARMANN 143. ► (used as ornam ent)’. Borrowed from in

p e llë f, pi pella ‘comb’. From PAlb *petsla, a derivative in *-/- related

to Gk JtÉKO) ‘to com b’, Lith pèsti ‘to pull, to pluck’, Lat pecten ‘com b’. 0 F r is k II 492-493; FRAENKEL 580-581; W a l d e -H o f m a n n II 269-270; POKORNY I 797.
p e llg m, pi. pellgje ‘pond, pool, depth". In Old Albanian the word is

Grundriß 21 1048; MlHÄESC

p e n e z m, pi. peneza ‘silver c<

ved in South Slavic as Bulg penez, SCr nente 28; MEYER Wb. 327). 0 S e l i Sc e v ANE 90.
p a w n ’. B o r r o w e d from Lat pignus id.

50; MEYER Wb. 327).ö JOKL Studien 68 541-344; M e y e r -L ü b k e AArbSt III 205(su ffix -g); M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 24; [ANN 142; L a n d i Lat. 125, 130, 147;

preserved as pellëg (BUZUKU, BUDl). Borrowed from Gk icétaxyoç ‘high sea’ (ÖLBERG SPhAen 43). 0 CAMARDA I 40 (unspecified connection with Gk nekayoq); LOEWF.NTITAL WuS X 176 (related to Gk n é layoç); M e y e r Alb. Studien I 24 (related to Lith pélkè ‘marsh, swamp’), Wb. 326 (borrowed from NGk 7téX,ayoç); BARld AArbStar 1 151-152 (from *pö-leugä com pared with legate and Slav *luia); JOKL Reallex. Vorgesch. I 87; PORZIG Gliederung 151; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. I I 337; ROSETTIILR 273 (related to R um bile ‘m arsh’); GINDIN Form. S N 60; ÇABEJ St. II 16-17; O r e l RRL XXX/2 105-106 (agrees with LOEWENTHAL). p em ë f, pi. pemë ‘fruit-tree, fruit’. Borrowed from Lat pömum ‘fru it’, pömus ‘fruit-tree’ (G il ’ f e r d in g Otn. 26; MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 51; M e y e r Wb. 326). 0 C a m a r d a II 190 (to Gk jiéjrcca ‘to ripen’);

Slav *penqdzb ‘coin’, prese penez (MIKLOSICH Slav. Ele Slav, naselenie 176, 182; S \
p en g m, pi. pengje ‘pledge,

(M ik l o s ic h Rom. Elemente (to pende)-, S k o k AArbSt II 206; CAMAJ Alb. Worth. 113 Ç a b e j St. VII 2 5 4 ; H a a r * D e m ir a j AE 3 1 4 .

)rse)’. Borrowed from Lat pedica ‘shackle, ut nasal (M ik l o s ic h Rom. Elemente 48; VII 254; H a a r m a n n 141. ;et (of the sun)’. A difficult word from

pengë f, pi.penga ‘fetters (for h fetter’ with a secondary inis M e y e r Wb. 3 2 7 ). 0 Ç a b e j 5 p erënd oj aor, perëndova ‘to

which i

316

PESE

~

PÉSE —

PF.SHK

a sa c r ific e (to the d ead ), to sa tis fy ’ or, rather, from its p a ssiv e c o r ­ relate parentârî. 0 BOPP 341 (perèndi < Lat imperantem, p h o n etica lly d ifficu lt, cf. mbrety, CAMARDA I 341-342 (u n su ccessfu l attem pt o f s e g ­ m en tin g the w ord as per-ëndi)\ MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 32 (a g rees w ith BOPP); JOKL LKUBA 13 (d eriv es perendoj from anë); MEYER Wb. 328 (p a ra llelism b etw een dielli perëndon and N G k ò îîàioç ß a a i^ e tje t lead in g to the d eriv a tio n o f perëndi fro m Lat imperantem)-, PEDER­ SEN BB XX 229 (to S lav *peruni>)\ LOEWENTHAL ANF XXIX 99 (sam e as PEDERSEN); H a s d e u EMR II 495; H e s s e l in g Neophilologus V 165169 ( dielli perëndon as a caiq u e from G reek); PISANI IF LXXIX 152153, Saggi 124; POKORNY I 54; FRAENKEL 635; G in d in (Mom. 87; ÇABEJ St. II 17-20; N e r OZNAK BF 84-87; MOUTSOS Z ß a lk V III/1-2 148-160 (sam e as HESSELING); HAARMANN 130; OREL SBJa Leksikol. 151-152 (d e riv e d from rëndë ~ randë).
n u m . ‘five’. From PAlb *pentSe going back to IE *penk“ e ‘five’: Skt pdñca, Gk névxe, Lat quinqué and the like (BOPP 512; G i l ’f e r DING Otn. 24; C a m a r d a I 169 without explanation of -së: PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI307-309). 0 M e y e r Alb. St. I I 47-48, Wb. 329 (from *penatici). Alb. St. Ill 5, 25, 30; PEDERSEN Kelt. Gr. I 37; JOKL Reallex. Vorgesch. I 89, Melanges Pedersen 157-158, Sprache IX 123; SCHMIDT KZ LVII 26; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 218-219 (fo llo w s P e d e r s e n ); L a Pia n a Studi I 72; PISANI Saggi 102; FRISK II 506-507; M a n n Language XXVIII 32; M a y r h o f e r II 187; W a ld e - H o f m a n n II 407-408; P o k o r n y I 808; ÖLBERG IBK XIV 109-110; H am p St. Whatmough 79, Numerals 9 10-911 ; H u ld 102-103 (adm its the co n fla tio n o f *penklë and *pnkl‘i); t K l i n g e n s c h m i t t Münch. St. Spr. XL 126, Koll. Idg. Ges. 227 ; D e m ir a j AE 315-316.

p e së ~ p ê s ë

p esh ë f, pi .pesha ‘weight; stone, boulder’. Borrowed from Lat pensum

id. (M ik l o s ic h Rom. Elemente 49; M e y e r Wb. 336). 0 P e d e r s e n IF V 47 (peshë ‘stone’ - to Skt pämsii- ‘crumbling soil’ and the like); T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 219; MlHÄESCU RESEE I V /1-2 18; ÇABEJ St. II 20-21; H a a r m a n n 141.
p esh k m, pl.peshq, pishq ‘fish’. Borrowed from L atpiscem id. (G il ’ f e Rd in g Otn. 26; M ik l o s ic h Rom. Elemente 50; M e y e r Alb. St. IV 125, Wb. 3 2 9 ). In singular, -k- (instead of -q-) may result from the restruc­

turing of the Albanian paradigm or from a morphological change in Romance. 0 M e y e r -LU b k e Gr. Grundriß21 1043 (from Italian); T a g l i -

PE SH K O P

- PË G FJ ~

PUGÂJ

317

AVINI Dalmazia 219; H a a r m a n n 46; H a m p KZ LXXVII 256-257

(peshk as an indigenous form!), JIES I 512; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /12 19; ÇABEJ St. II 21-22 (the morphological development and the orig­ inal paradigm of peshk); HULD 103; HAARMANN 142; L a n d i Lat. 57. 120, 144. peshkop m, pl. peshkopë ‘bishop of the Orthodox church’. Borrowed from Lat episcopus ‘bishop’. petë f, pi. pete, peta ‘layer (of a flaky pâté); metal plate; flat stone’. From PAlb *pati- ‘flat object’ to be compared with IE *pet- ~ *petd‘to stretch’: Gk 7iexávvu)Ji id., Lat pateo ‘to stretch, to be spread’ and the like (OREL Linguistica XXIV 431-432). One of the derivatives of petë is petull ‘small flat stone’ (D e s n ic k a j a Slav.jaz. V III153). Note also patë ‘plectrum’ < PAlb *pata. 0 MEYER Wb. 330; POKORNY I 824825; F r isk II 520; W a l d e -H o f m a n n II 262. petk m, pi. petka ‘clothes, garm ent’. A parallel form is petkë. From PAlb *patika, derivative of petë (CAMARDA 180; OREL Linguistica XXIV 431-432). 0 MEYER Wb. 330 (related to Goth paida xixcibv, Gk ß a iir| ‘peasant leather clothes’); JOKL LKUBA 215-216, RIEB II 73-75 (derived from pjetë); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 219; T r e im e R KZ LXV 88-89; X h u v a n i BShkSh VI/2 32; POKORNY 192-93; C a m a j Alb. Worth. 113 (suffix -kë); O r e l Balcanica 114 (with unvoicing from *baita); D e m ir a j AE 316. pezëm m ‘inflammation, irritation, sorrow, anger’. Derived from an unattested *pezë (cf. buzëm from buzë), itself a form in -zë related to pjek. 0 M E Y E R Wb. 336 (reconstructs *për-zëm- to be compared with Slav *s-h-mçtç ‘to sweep away’); K R IS T O FO R ID H I 305 (from Gk J i e î c |i a ‘persuasion, confidence’); Ç A B E J St. II 22 (follows K R IS T O F O R ID H I). pëgëj ~ pugâj Aor.pëgëva ~ pugana ‘to make dirty, to soil’. An early borrowing from Slav *poganiti id. The adjective pëgërë ~ pëgan ‘filthy’ goes back to Slav *pogam> ‘pagan, unclean, filthy’ while the Geg form pëgam ‘soiled’ is a regular participle of pëganj (MIK­ LOSICH Slav. Elemente 29). 0 MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 46 (from Lat pägänus ‘pagan’); MEYER Wb. 331 (follows MIKLOSICH); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß21 1042; THUMB IF XXVI 55-57; JOKL LKUBA 132 (from

318

PËLGAS —

PË L L U M B

Balkan Romance); ÇABEJ St. VII 213; HAARMANN 139, 210; L a n d i Lat. 48, 80. pëlcas aor.plasa, pëlcita ‘to burst, to e x p lo d e ’. D eriv ed from plas. P re­ se rv e s an archaic -c- < *-tj-. 0 PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 337 (to G erm platzen); DEMIRAJ AE 324 (from *plasas). pëlhurë f, pi. pëlhura ‘cloth, stu ff. Other variants are plëhurë, plihurë, pluhurë. Derivative of plah. 0 M e y e r Wb. 343 (to plaf)\ JOKL Studien 69-70 (follows MEYER and links p laf and pëlhurë to Lat plectö ‘to plait’); Ç a b e j * . VII 215, 230; D e m ir a j AE 316. pëlqej aor. pëlqeva ‘to please . B orrow ed from Lat piacére id. (CAMARDA I 55; M ik l o sic h Rom. Elemente 50; M e y e r Wb. 331-332); MlHÄESCU RESEE I V /1-2 19; HAARMANN 142. pëlqyer m, pl.pëlqerë ‘thumb’. A phonetic variant of pulqyer. pëllas
aor.

palla, pëllita ‘to bray’. A morphological variant of pall.

pëllas m ‘palace’. Borrowed from Lat palâtium id. (MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 46). 0 MEYER Wb. 319 (from Ital palazzo); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 21 1041 (follows MIKLOSICH); C a n d r e a -D e n SUSIANU 1330 (same as MIKLOSICH); JOKL LKUBA 93-94 (follows CANDREAD e n s u s i a n u ); MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 18; ÇABEJ St. II 22-23; H a a r m a n n 139; LANDI Lat. 80, 111, 125. pëlle f, pl.pëlla ‘milch cow, ewe or goat’. A suffixal derivative of pje11 (JOKL LKUBA 225). Another derivative is pile ~ pile ‘fertile domes­ tic animal’. pëllëmbë ~ pëllambë f, pl. pëllëmbë ~ pëllambë ‘palm (of the hand)’. Borrowed from Gk 7raA.ánr| ‘hand, palm’ (ÇABEJ St. II 23). The cluster -mb- < *-m- is a secondary feature. 0 MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 46 (from Lat palma); M e y e r Wb. 331 (borrowing from NGk jtaÀ.à(iT| id.), Alb. St. IV 93; SCHUCHARDT KZ XX 248 (agrees with MIKLOSICH); MANN Language XVII 20 (from IE *pfma); HULD 103 (agrees with
Ç a b e j ).

pëllumb

m , p l . pëllumba

‘pigeon, dove’. Borrowed from L atpalumbes,

PËQ I ~

PËQ Î —

PËRD ËI.FJ

319

palumbus ‘wood-pigeon’ (C a m a r d a II 160; M ik lo sic h Rom. Elemente 46; MEYER Wb. 331). 0 M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1046, 1050; MlHÄESCU RESEEIV /1-2 18; H a a r m a n n 140; L a n d i Lat. 80, 93, 115. p ë q i-p ë q î m, pl.pëqinj ‘seam, hem’. A parallel form spëlqi may reflect an earlier *pëlqi borrowed from Rom *plicinus ‘fold’, cf. Lat plicô ‘to fold’ (M e y e r Wb. 331). për prep. ‘fo r’. The reflexes of PAlb *peri and *pra related to Skt pdri ‘round, about’, G k 7tepi ‘around’ and Gk rcpó ‘before, forw ard’, Lat pro id. correspondingly (BOPP 503-504; G tl’ferdinc . Otn. 23; CAMARDA I 320-321; MEYER BB VIII 189, Alb. St. Ill 30) were contaminated with PAlb *per borrowed from Lat per ‘for’ (MEYER Wb. 332). 0 M e y e r LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 21 1057 (from Latin); JOKL Realiex. Vorgesch. I 89, IF XXXVII 106; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 213-214; SCHUCHARDT KZ XX 246; FRISK II 512-513, 596-597; CHANTRA1NE 886; M a n n Lan­ guage XVII 22; M a y r h o f e r II 216-217; W a ld e - H o f m a n n II 364365; P o k o r n y I 811-816; Ç a b e j St. II 23-25 (of Indo-European origin); DEMIRAJ AE 316-317. përbalcë f ‘contest, tournam ent’. A suffixal derivative of përball ‘to face, to defy’ similar to përballje ‘contest’. 0 MEYER Wb. 332 (to Ital balzare); ÇABEJ St. II 25 (to përbalt ‘to bespatter with m ud’). përcëlloj aor.përcëllova ‘to roast’. A prfixal drivative from sjell with a secondary c- < s- (CAMARDA 1 88). The original meaning must have been ‘to roast by rotating on a spit’. 0 MEYER Wb. 334 (from Slav *pi,rskati ‘to sprinkle’); Ç a b e j St. II 25 (follows CAMARDA). përç m, pl. për ça ‘uncastrated he-goat’. Borrowed from South Slav *pbrcb, cf. Bulg pi-bc. SCr prc (M e y e r Wb. 334). 0 K l e p ik o v a SPT 43-44; Ç a b e j St. VII 235. përçlam m ‘ivy’. Other variants are përçllan and berçlen. Borrowed from South Slavic, cf. Bulg b rb sl’an, SC r brsljan (ÇABEJ St. II 2 5). përdëlej aor. përdëleva ‘to pity’. Another form is përdëllej. Borrowed from Rom *per-indulgëre, cf. ndëlej (M e y e r Wb. 299). 0 L a P ia n a Vocale 23 (from L a t perdolëre ‘to grieve greatly’); MlHÄESCU RESEE I V /1-2 15 (follows L a P i a n a ); Ç a b e j St. II 25-26 (Albanian forma­

320

P Ë R G JË R O J —

PËRM BYS

tion based on Lat dolere ‘to grieve, to deplore’); HAARMANN 141.
p ërgjëroj aor. përgjërova ‘to swear’. A préfixai formation based on

*gjëroj borrowed from Lat jüräre id. (M e y e r Wb. 332). 0 MlHÄESCU RESEE I V /1-2 17.
p ërgjoj aor. përgjova ‘to pry, to peep, to spy’. A préfixai derivative

of gjuaj (C a m a r d a 1113; W e ig a n d 68). 0 M e y e r Wb. 332 (from Lat pervigilâre ‘to remain awake, to watch all night’); MlHÄESCU RESEE I V /1-2 27; ÇABEJ St. II 25 (based on an erroneous segmentation of ndëgjoj in which ndë- is treated as a prefix); HAARMANN 141.
p ërk as aor, preka, përkita ‘to touch’. Derivative of prek. p ërk o rë ~ përk u er adj. ‘temperate, moderate (in food)’. Derived from

kuaj. 0 MEYER Wb. 333 (from *përkoj, borrowed from Lat parcere ‘to spare’); ÇABEJ St. VII 258; HAARMANN 140.
p ërk u l ao r. përkula ‘to bend’. From PAlb *per-kula, a préfixai deriv­

ative of IE *k“ ‘to turn’ in zero grade, cf. sjell (JOKL LKUBA 2 2 9 ). el0 MANN Language XVII 14; POKORNY I 6 3 9 -6 4 0 ; C a m a J Alb. Wortb. 3 0 , 81; ÖLBERG M X I V 113; DEMIRAJ AE 3 17. përkund a o r . përkunda ‘to swing, to sway, to rock (a cradle)’. Another
£ mm ;;mm mt^rrmtm fñ
^

PËR M EN D

P Ë R P JE T Ë

321

formation based on the adverb whose first part is identical with përmbi. As a whole, përmbys goes back to PAlb *per-ambi-uptja, the third component *uptja ‘under, lower’ connected with Skt upa ‘toward, near to’, Gk íjjcó ‘under’, Goth u f ‘under’ and the like. 0 M e y e r Wb. 268 (identical with përmbys ‘to flood’, cf. mbys)\ JOKL Studien 56 (follows M e y e r ); M a y r h o f e r I 105; F r is k II 971-972; F e ist Goth. 509; P o k o r n y I 1106-1107; Ç a b e j St. II 28 (to mys). përmend aor. përmenda ‘to m en tion , to r e ca ll, to n o m in a te’. D e r iv a ­ tive o f mend (W e ig a n d BA I 2 6 0 ). 0 M e y e r Wb. 94; Ç a b e j St. II 28
(fo llo w s W e i g a n d ).

përmëles aor.përmëleta ‘to break a fast, to season with butter’. Other variants are përmbles, përbules, burbules. A denominative based on *përmbletë, the latter unattested form must have been borrowed from Rom *praeambulàtus ‘prem ature’, to Lat praeambulâre ‘to walk before’. 0 C a m a r d a 1 339 (to Gk m p a -n e À iœ ‘to disregard, to neglect’); M e y e r Wb. 3 33 (from SCr izmeljati ‘to besm ear’); Ç a b e j St. II 2829 (considers burbules to be the original form). përm jerr aor. per morra ‘to urinate’. Goes back to PAlb *per-medirá related to IE *meigh- id.: Skt me'hati, Gk 0pei%io, Lat meio, ON miga (C A M A R D A I 70). Note the irregularities in the development of the root vow'el and the consonantal cluster. 0 MEYER Wb. 335 (to Skt mala-

322

PER PO SH —

PËRTOJ

fix a i d eriv a tiv e o f p o sh të ( M e y e r Wb. 3 4 9 ). 0 P e d e r s e n KZ X X X V I 2 9 0 (-posh from loc. sg. *-pëd-su ‘at the f o o t ’), Kelt. Gr. I 50; ÇABEJ St. VII 24 3 .

p ërp ash

hot. përpusha

‘to poke, to stir up’ . From *për-prush, cf. prush

(Ç a b e j St. II 30).

përqell aor. përqella ‘to deride, to m ock’. D erived from qell (ÇABEJ St. II 3 0 -3 1 ). 0 M e y e r Wb. 225 (from Lat percellere ‘to beat dow n’); P e d e r s e n KZ XXXIII 5 3 8 -5 3 9 (against M e y e r as Lat -II- cannot yield Alb -//-); Ç a b e j St. VII 188, 25 8 . përqi f, pi.p ërq i ‘do w ry ’. B orrow ed from MGk jtpoiiciov id. (ÇABEJ St. II 31). 0 M e y e r Wb. 333 (from SCr prcija id.); J o k l LKUBA 78 (follow s M e y e r ) . përskas aor.përskita 'to sprinkle’. B orrow ed from Slav *pn,$kati id., cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg p rb ska m , SCr prskati (MEYER Wb. 334). përshesh aor. përshesha ‘to crum ble, to break up, to raze to the g ro u n d ’. A préfixai denom inative of shesh. From the verb, the noun përshesh ‘sop o f bread, m ilk and b u tter’ has been derived. 0 MEYER Wb. 3 2 9 (noun përshesh - from Turkish parça ‘piece’ and as ‘soup’ ), 3 55 (noun pshesh < *mshesh, from Slav *mesati ‘to m ix ’); ÇABEJ St. IT 31 - 32 (deverbative o f shij). përshpjetem reti ‘to arrive unexpectedly’. An active form përspjes (with dialectal -s-) m eans ‘to train, to drill, to re a r’. C orrupt form s o f *përshpejt based on shpejt. Ö JOKL apud ÇABEJ St. II 31 (from SCr prispjeti 'to be on tim e’).
përshtat aor, përshtata ‘to fit, to ad apt’. A d en o m in a tiv e p réfix a i v erb b ased on shtat. 0 JOKL LKUBA 2 5 0 (to IE *sthä- ‘to sta n d ’ ); Ç a b e j St. IT 3 2 (u n iverb ation o f p ër shtat ‘for sta tu re’).

përtoj aor. përtova ‘to be lazy’. B orrow ed from Lat p igritan ‘to be slow, to be sluggish’ (MEYER Wb. 334). 0 M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr. G rund­ riß 2 I 1048; M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 18; H a a r m a n n 142.

Pl.RTYP

PËSOJ
*tvn

323
cpp twrtth ô ' ~

n ë r t v n aor, n ë rtv n n ‘to r h e w ’ D p riv p r l fr n in

Alb. St. 111 59 (to Lat stipo ‘to squeeze t ig h tly ’); JOKL Studien 85-86 (to Gk xpaTcéco ‘to press (grapes)’); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 263; M a n n Language XXVI 387; C a m a j Alb. Worth. 11; D e m ir a j AE 317-318.
përvëloj aor.përvëlova ‘to boil down, to boil, to ignite, to kindle’. A

phonetic variant of pravulloj.
përvjel aor. p er vola ‘to fling out, to let fly, to turn over, to roll up, to

cut fleece on sheep’s belly’. A préfixai derivative of vjel (Ç a b e j St. II 32), probably, influenced by a partial synonym pcrvesh ‘to roll up (sleeves)’.
përzhis aor,përzhita ‘to scorch, to roast, to bake’. B orrow ed from Slav

*pbrziti ‘to roast', cf. in South Slavic: B ulgprhza, SCr prziti id. (MEYER Wb. 334). 0 S e l i S c e v Slav, naselenie 155; S v a n e 238.
përrallë f, pi, përralla ‘tale, sto ry ’. B orrow ed from Lat parabola

‘proverb, speech’ (MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 47; M e y e r Wb. 350). 0 C a m a r d a I I 72 (to Gk KapaßoXr) ‘proverb, parable’); M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. G rundriß 21 1055; PEDERSEN KZ X X X III 536; MlHÄESCU RESEE I V /1-2 24; Ç a b e j St. II 33; HAARMANN 140; L a n d i Lat. 72, 80, 130.
përrua ~ përrue m, pi. përrenj, përronj ‘brook; riv er-b ed ’. Early b o r­

row ing from Slav *porovn> ~ *parovh, cf. Pol parów ‘rav in e’, name of a source in G reece Ilopôpoç (of Slavic origin), see O r e l LB X X IX /4 70-71. Alb përrua was borrow ed to Rum päräu. 0 CAMARDA 1312; M e y e r Wb. 335 (reconstructs *per-rën- connected with *re(i)'to flo w ’); JOKL Studien 282-284, LKUBA 277 (explains *per-ren- as a form ation etym ologically close to OHG ritman ‘to flow ’, Slav *roniti ‘to d ro p ’), IF XXX VII 90-91, ZONE X 189-190, Sprache IX 130; SPITZER MRIW I 296; B ariC AArhSt 1/1-2 152-153 (from IE *persrouno-), Hymje 70; VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. I 51 (from B ulg poroj); M a n n Language XXVI 383 (from IE *per-eio- ‘passage’); GEORGIEV Festschr. Rosetti 287-290; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 346; ROSETTI 1LR I 280: CAMAJ Alb. Worth. 52; ÇABEJ St. VII 217, apud D e m ir a j (to Gk jrepáiú ‘to penetrate, to p ierce'); D e m ir a j AE 318. pësoj aor. pësova ‘to suffer, to en d u re’. B orrow ed from Rom *patiäre,

324

PËSHKO J —

PI

cf. Lat patior id. (MEYER Wb. 335). 0 CAMARDA I 62 (to Lat patior); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 21 1050 (fro m Lat patior); MlHÄESCU RESEE I V / 1-2 18; ÇABEJ St. VII 227; HAARMANN 140.

pëshkoj aor . pëshkova ‘to wash up, to rinse’. Borrowed from Rom *persiccare ‘to dry up’, cf. Lat persiccätus ‘quite dry’. 0 MEYER Wb. 33 6 (from *shkëpoj borrowed from Ital scopare ‘to sweep out’); ÇABEJ St. II 3 3 -3 4 (from *përshkoj, derivative of shkoj, ‘to go again’ > ‘to rinse’). pështjell aor. pështolla ‘to wrap up’. From *për-shtjell, based on shtjell (M E Y E R Wb. 4 1 6 ) . pështjerë adv. ‘down, low’. An obsolete Old Albanian form representing a deverbative *për shtjerë based on shtie. 0 J o k l Studien 59-60 (from *ped-s-t-ero- related to përposh); ÇABEJ St. VII 201. pëshpëris
a o r . pëshpërita ‘to w h isp e r, to s ig h ’.

An o n o m a to p o e ia c o n ­

nected w ith ih e ad verb pësh pësh ‘in w h is p e r s ’. 0 Ç a b e j St. VII 220.

pështyj

aor.

pështyta, pështyva ‘to s p it’. A d en o m in a tiv e d esc rip tiv e

stem co n tin u in g P A lb *pistünja and sim ila r to th o se o f Lat spuö id. and Gk rrtúco id. 0 M e y e r Wb. 336 (from Rom *sputïre ‘to spit’); M e y e r LUBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1055 (from Lat sputare); TAGLIAVINI Dal­

mazia 2 3 1 -2 3 2 (q u estio n s M e y e r ’s solu tio n in v ie w o f the m eta th e­ sis in R um stupi id.); MANN Language XXVI 3 8 7 (to Gk rciùto); F r is k II 6 1 7 -6 1 8 ; W a l d e -H o f m a n n II 5 8 0 -5 8 1 ; P o k o r n y I 9 9 9 -1 0 0 0 ; Ç a b e j St. VII 25 8 . pështym
aor.

pështyma ‘to dry w o o d , to sm o k e o u t’. A d en o m in a tiv e

verb based on the participle o f pështyj describ in g the p ro cess o f w o o d d ryin g as ‘sp ittin g o u t’ w ater.

pi nor. piva ‘to drink, to suck’. From PAlb *plja with the regular loss of *-/- ( O r e l FLH VIII 41-42). Related to IE *pö(i)- ~ *pl- ‘to drink’: Skt pati ‘to drink’, G k îiivco, Lat bibö (BOPP483; G i l ’ f e r d i n g Otn. 24; C a m a r d a I 17). Note a structural similarity between *pija and Slav *pijç. Aor. piva displays PAlb *-w>- reminiscent of Skt 1 sg. perf. papdu (O R E L ZfBalk XXII 82-83). 0 M EYER Wb. 336, Alb. St. Ill 30, Gr. Gr. 105; T O M A S C H E K Thr. II 18 (participle pirë - pinë < *pîno-

P IC A S —

PIKF.

325

compared with Thr [?] tuvov ‘beer’); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 219-222; M a n n Language XXVI 386-387; K r a u s e Corolla linguistica 137-144; POKORNY I 839-840; M a y r h o fe r I I 252; F risk I I 540-542; C h a n t r a in e 905; W a l d e -H o f m a n n I 103-104; HULD 103; OREL Koll. Idg. Ges. 362; Ç a b e j apud D e m ir a j (reconstructs PAlb *plno)\ D e m ir a j AE 318-319 (from a reduplication *pipH- > P A lb *pib-).
p ica s aor. picata ‘to catch mice'. Derived from the stem pic-, cf. picërr. p icërr adj. ‘tiny, small’. Together with picë ‘little girl’, picël ‘needle­

point’ and picak ‘naked’, this word is derived from pic ‘tip, end, top’ borrowed from Ital pizzo id. (Ç a b e j St. II 34-35). 0 M e y e r Wb. 341 (to Ital picciolo ‘little’, piccino id.).
pidh m, pi.pidhëra ~ pidhna,pidhe ‘female pudenda’. From PAlb *p(e)izda

directly related to Slav *pizda id. and OPrus peisda ‘bottom’ (M e y e r Wb. 336-337, Alb. St. Ill 16, 30). 0 W ie d e m a n n BB XXX 207-209 (reconstructs *peighdh-)\ JOKL IF XXX 198-200; TAGLIAVINI Strati­ ficazione 94; PISANI Saggi 125; POKORNY I 831; H a m p IJSLP XI 2526, Münch. St. Spr. XL 43; H u l d 149; D e m ir a j AE 319-320.
pihatem reti, ‘to be tired, to be exhausted’. Borrowed from Slav *pyxati
( s q ) ‘to be short of breath’, cf. South Slavic forms: Bulg p - b x a m , Slovene pihati ( D e s n i c k a j a Slav. zaim. 16). 0 SVANE 257.

p ik m ‘spotted woodpecker’. Derived from pik ‘to fill holes, to pierce’. p ik aor. pika ‘to fill holes, to pierce’. A descriptive stem similar to

that of Ital piccare ‘to prick’. 0 M e y e r Wb. 337 (from Romance).
p ik aor. pika ‘to make bitter’. A metaphorical usage of pik ‘to fill holes,

to pierce’ (MEYER Wb. 337).
p ik ë f, pi. pika, pikë ‘drop’. A descriptive stem similar to Rum pic id. The verb pikoj ‘to sprinkle’ is derived from pikë. 0 MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 49 (from Lat picca); M e y e r Wb. 337 (related to pik ‘to make bitter’); PU§CARIU EWR 114; MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1044 (from Rom *pica); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 221; Ç a bej St. II 35-36 (derived

from pjek ‘to m eet’).

326

PILA S

P IN G Ê

pilas pl. ‘eyebrows’. Based on sg. *pil borrowed from Lat pii leus ‘felt cap, ^protective hair’ ( Ç a b e j St. II 35). pilë f, pi. pila ‘heap, pile, pebble, group of stones used in a game’. Borrowed from Ital pila ‘pile’ (ÇABEJ St. II 36-37). 0 HAARMANN 142 (from Lat pila id.). pilikuri adv. ‘bare, naked’. A derivative with an expressive prefix pilibased on ko re, A fossilized noun pilikor ‘unconsciousness’ is a folk etymology derivative of pilikuri. 0 PEDERSEN Alb. Texte 177 (from per and lakur); Ç a b e j St. II 37 (from per and lëkur), pilipizgë f, pl. pilipizga ‘kind of pipe’. A derivative with an expres­ sive prefix pili- based on pizgë. pilivesë f, pl. pihvesa ‘dragonfly’. Another variant is pilivoesë. A deriv­ ative with an expressive prefix pili- based on ve, voe (ÇABEJ St. II 37). pillë f, pi. pilla ‘stone trough’. Borrowed from Lat pila ‘m ortar’, in Romance - ‘trough’, cf. Ital pila (MlHÄESCU/? £ S £ £ IV / 1-2 18; Ç a b e j St. II 3 7 -3 8 ). 0 D e m ir a j AE 3 2 0 -3 2 1 . pillë f, pi. pilla ‘flax comb’. Borrowed from an unattested derivative of Lat pilo ‘to com b’ ( D e m i r a j AE 320-321). 0 JO KL Studien 68-69 (from IE *pek-la related to Lat pectö ‘to comb’ and the like); O REL ZfBalk XXIII 145. pillë f, p\. pilla ‘small stone (for play)’. Borrowed from Lat pila ‘ball, playing-ball’ (MEYER Wb. 337). 0 PEDERSEN KZ XXXIII 538 (against MEYER as *pellë is expected); VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. I 51 (from an Italian dialect); T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 221; Ç a b e j St. II 38 (agrees with M e y e r ). pingë f, pi .pinga ‘top’. Goes back to PAlb *pinka related to Lith pinklas ‘w icker-w ork’, Latv pinka ‘tuft’, pinkât ‘to tousle’. From pingë, pingui ‘downwards, vertically’ and pingel ‘tip, top, point’ are derived. 0 F r a e n k e l 594; Ç a b e j St. II 39 {pingui from a compound of per and ngul).

P IN G R O J

P IS P IL L O IIE M

327

pingroj aor.pingrova ‘to twitter, to chirp’. Borrowed from Rom *pinnigeräre ‘to behave as a bird, to bear feathers’, cf. Lat pinniger ‘feather-bearing’. 0 Ç a b e j St. II 39 (onomatopoeia). pip m, pi.pipa ‘sprout, shoot, pipe, tube’. Borrowed from Rom *plpa ‘tube, pipe’, cf. OFr pipe, Spanish pipa and the like (M EY ER Wb. 338).
0 H a a r m a n n 142.

pip aor. pipa ‘to peep, to chirp’. A descriptive stem similar to Germ piepen id., Lat pipJre id. (ÇABEJ St. II 39-40). 0 M e y e r Wb. 338 (bor­ rowed from pipite); HAARMANN 142. pir m ‘h abit, sp r ite ’. A m etap h oric u sage o f pire ‘p rick , th o r n ’, see pirrë. pirem refi, ‘to bend, to bow’. A dialectal form of prie rem. see prier (M A N N HA ED 387). pirë f, pi .pira ‘pore’. Goes back to PA lb *pirä, a zero grade form related to Gk neipco ‘to bore’, Slav *perjg id. and the like. Note a derivative piri ‘funnel’. 0 F r is k II 491-492; VASMER III 240; POKORNY I 816817; ÇABEJ St. II 40 (piri borrowed from Venetian peiria or its Greek source). pirrë f, pi .pirra ‘couch-grass, rye-grass; hedge’. Another variant is pire ‘prick, thorn’. Borrowed from Slav *pyrb id., cf. South Slavic continuants: SCr pir (TA GLIA VINI Dalmazia 222). 0 JOKL LKUBA 216-217 (pirrë ‘hedge’ related to Gk jceipco ‘to pierce’ and its cog­ nates); D e m i r a j AE 321. pisë f ‘cat, ta b b y -ca t’. A n o n o m a to p o e ia sim ila r to that o f R um pisâ id. and the lik e (MEYER Wb. 3 3 9 -3 4 0 ). piskas aor. pi ska ta ‘to sh ou t, to c r y ’. B o r r o w e d from S lav *piskati ‘to p e e p ’, cf. in South S lavic: SC r piskati (MEYER Wb. 3 3 9 ). 0 SVANE
26 1 .

pispillohem refi, ‘to dress up, to smarten oneself’. An expressive redu­ plication of piilohem id., a reflexive form of pilloj ‘to hackle (flax)’, cf. pille.

328

P IS P U T H

P IZ G Ë

pisputh m ‘swine, bastard’. A compound of pis ‘dirty, filthy’ (derived from a Modern Greek loanword pisë ‘hell’) and puth. 0 ÇABEJ St. II 40 (to purth and spurdhis). pishë f, pi. pisha ‘pine’. Continues PAlb *pï-s-a, with *-s- > -sh- accord­ ing to the “ruki” rule, related to other Indo-European names of pine with different suffixes: Gk 7tm>ç, Lat plnus (from *pitsnos or *pisnos). 0 MEYER Wb. 340 (related to Lat plnus), Alb. St. I ll 30, 61 (to Gk TtEÚicri id.); JOKL LKUBA 32 (reconstructs *pït-s-ia)\ YiKKlCARSt I 95 (to Lat picea id.), Hymje 50; FRISK II 545-546; CHANTRAINE 908; W a l d e H o f m a n n II 308; P o k o r n y 1794; F r ie d r ic h Trees 34; Ç a b e j St. VII 212; H a m p IF LXVI 51 ; H u l d 142, KZ XCV 303 (from *pit-so- related to Lat plnus)', DEMIRAJ AE 321-322 (old collective in *-s(i)o-). pishkulloj a o r . pishkullova ‘to whisper’. A parallel form is pishtëlloj. Borrowed from Rom *fistulare ‘to sound like a pipe’, cf. Lai fistula ‘pipe’. Note the irregular substitution of L a t/L > Alb p-. pitas ~ pitas cf. mpij.
adv.

‘numb, numbly (of cold)’. Derived from pij ‘to benumb’,

pite f, pi .p ite ‘honeycomb’. Borrowed, with phonetic irregularities, from Lat pecten ‘com b’. The immediate source must have been Rom *pectum > *pejtë. pite f, pi. pite ‘gruel’. A singularized plural of *pite continuing PAlb *pitu- further related to Lith piêtus ‘noon meal, lunch’, Skt pitti- ‘feeding’, OIr ith ‘grain, corn’ and the like. 0 FRAENKEL 587-588; MAYRHOFER II 278; POKORNY I 794. pite f, pi. pita ‘kind of bread, cake’. A M editerranean cultural Wanderwort present in South Slavic (Bulg pita, SCr pita), Turk pita, Hbr pîtû and NGk tuttcx as well as in Romance where it seems to continue Rom *picta (M e y e r Wb. 340 ). pitër adj. ‘frequent’. Based on P A lb *pim(i)ta related to OIr e'im ‘quick, fast’, ON fim r id. 0 POKORNY I 795. pizgë f, pi.pizga ‘kind of wind instrument’. Borrowed from Slav *piska, cf. in South Slavic: SCr piska id. (MEYER Wb. 3 3 9 ). Note the unusual

P IZ G U L L —

P JE K

329

substitution of Slav *-sk- > -zg- , probably, reflecting an early date of borrowing when there were no unvoiced sibilant in the Albanian consonantal system, 0 Sni.lScEV Slav, naselenie 193; S v a n e 218, 261. pizgull f, pi.pizgulla ‘piece, splinter’. Derived fro m pizgë ‘chip, splin­ ter, loop’, a phonetic variant of pisk. pjalm m ‘dust, thin dust, fine flour’. From PAlb *pelma related to Gk 7táXr| ‘fine flour’, Skt palala- ‘ground sesamum’, Lith pelena1 ‘ashes’, Latv pqlni id., Slav *polmç ‘flam e’, Lat pollen ‘dust, fine flour’ (SCHMIDT KZ L 2 4 3 , 2 4 8 ). 0 M a n n Language XXVI 3 8 3 (to Osset fœ lm ‘fog’ < *pelmrf)\ V A S M E R III 273; F R A E N K E L 5 6 6 -5 6 7 ; W A L D E H o f m a n n II 3 3 1 -3 3 2 ; M a y r h o f e r II 232; F r is k II 4 6 7 ; P o k o r n y I 802; Ç a b e j St. II 4 0 -4 1 . pjavicë f, pi.pjavica ‘leech’. Borrowed from Slav *pijavica id., cf. South Slavic reflexes: Bulg pijavica, SCr pijavica (MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 29). A parallel form piskavicë results from an influence of piskoj ‘to pinch’ (M e y e r Wb. 3 3 9 ). 0 K r is t o f o r id h i 324; J o k l Studien 113; S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 189; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 220; ÇABEJ St.
IV 99; S v a n e 157.

pjek aor. poqa ‘to bake, to cook’. Goes back to PAlb *peka etymo­ logically continuing IE *pek“ id.: Skt pacati, Gk rceaaco, L a t coquö, Slav *pekç, *pekti ( G i l ’ f e r d t n g Otn. 21; C A M A R D A I 67; M e y e r BB VIII 185, Wb. 341). 0 M E Y E R IF V 181 (on the ê-grade in aorist), Alb. St. Ill 3-4, 30; J o k l Studien 11; P e d e r s e n Kelt. Gr. 1 129; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 220; E r n o u t - M e i l l e t 141; L A P IA N A Studi I 45; M A N N Language XXVI 382; B A R IÇ Hymje 20; F R IS K II 519-520; C h a n t r AINE 890; M a y r h o f e r I1 185-186; W a l d e - H o f m a n n 1 270-272; P o k o r n y I 798; H a m p BSL LXVI/1 222; K l i n g e n s c h m i t t Münch. St. Spr. XL 124; Ç A B E J St. VII 217, 239; H u l d 103-104; D E M IR A J AE 322. pjek aor .poqa ‘to touch, to m eet’. From PAlb *peka, related, with an irregular development of IE *-ìc-, to Gk jiekco ‘to com b’, Lith pesh, pèsti ‘to pull, to pluck’ and the like. 0 C A M A R D A I 113 (to Gk 7iiiyv\>ni ‘to stick, to fix in’); M e y e r Wb. 341 (to Gk tiXekco ‘to plait’), Alb. St. Ill 4, 32; M A N N Language XXVIII 35; F R A E N K E L 580-581; F R IS K II 492-493; P o k o r n y 1 191.

330

PJE K Ë

-

P JE R R

pjekë f, p l . pjekë ‘eyelash’. From PAlb *pekâ related to pjek ‘to touch, to meet" (Ç A B E J St. II 41-42) < *‘to com b’, cf. for the semantic devel­ opment Skt pdksma- ‘eyelash’ derived of the same root (JO K L Studien 69). 0 M A Y R H O F E R II 184. pjell aor.polla ‘to beget, to produce, to bear’. From PAlb *pelna con­ nected with Lat pellö ‘to drive, to push’ (O R E L Alb. 64; D E M IR A J AE 323), Gk 7táAAio ‘to poise, to swell, to swing’. Note important deriv­ atives *en-pelna > mbiell ‘to sow’ and *pela > pjellë ‘child’. For the semantic development of this root in Albanian cf. Germ werfen ‘to bear (of animals)’ and Slav *kotiti ‘to roll; to bear (of animals)’. 0 M E Y E R Wb. 342 (to Goth fula ‘foal’ and - at the same time - to IE *peb- ‘to fill’), Alb. St. Ill 30; P e d e r s e n KZ XXXIII 543; F r i s k II 469; W a l d e - H o f m a n n II 276-277; PO K O R N Y 1 801; M a n n Language XXVIII 31; C A M A J Alb. Worth. 39, 99; Ç A B E J St. VII 230; H u l d 104 (follows M E Y E R and reconstructs *pelö). pjepër ~ pjepën m, pl. pjepra ~ pjepna ‘sweet m elon’. Borrowed from Rom *pepinem id., cf. Lat pepönem ‘kind of large melon, pumpkin’ (M ik l o s ic h Rom. Elemente 48; M e y e r Wb. 342). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 1 1 1043; T h u m b IF XXVI 44 (from Greek); MIHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 18; H a a r m a n n 141; ÖLBERG SPhAen 43. pjerdh aor. pordha ‘to fart’. From PAlb *perda etymologically iden­ tical with Skt pdrdate, Gk jiép8o|iai id., O H G ferzan id., Lith pe'rdziu, pe'rsti id. and the like (C A M A R D A I 43; M e y e r Wb. 3 4 2 , Alb. St. Ill 28, 3 0 , 7 2 ). 0 J o k l LKUBA 2 3 0 -2 3 1 (zero grade), Sprache IX 130; E r n o u t - M e i l l e t 4 9 3 ; L a P i a n a St. Varia 2 6 (medial form); M A N N Language XXVI 382; C lM O C H O W S K l LP II 246; F r a e n k e l 577; F R IS K II 5 1 1 -5 1 2 ; M a y r h o f e r II 225; P o k o r n y I 819; D e m i r a j AE 3 2 3 . pjergull f, pi. pjergulla ‘v i n e - a r b o r , p e r g o l a ’ . B o r r o w e d f r o m L a t pérgula ‘s h e d , b o o t h , v i n e - a r b o r ’ (M E Y E R Wb. 342). 0 M IK L O S IC H Rom. Elemente 48 ( f r o m I t a l pergola)’ M e y e r -L Ü B K E Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1043; , M i h ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 18; H a a r m a n n 141; L a n d i Lat. 50, 135, 137. pjerk adj. ‘hanging (down)’. A derivative in -k from pjerr. pjerr aor.pora, porra ‘to bend, to incline’. Continues PAlb *pera related

P JE SË —

PLAH

~

PLAF

331

to L ith periù, perti ‘to str ik e ’, S lav *pbrç, Aperti ‘to p r e s s ’. 0 FRAEN­ KEL 578; V a s m e r III 240; P o k o r n y I 819; Ç a b e j St. VII 206, 243.

pi.pjesë ‘part’. Borrowed from Rom *petia id. (Ital pezza, Fr pièce), see MEYER Wb. 3 4 2 . 0 CAMARDA I 112 (comparison with Fr pièce); MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 4 9 (from Ital pezza, pezzo)', MEYER LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1043; MlHÄESCU RESEE I V /1 - 2 18; HAAR MANN 141; L a n d i Lat. 53.
p j e s ë f, p j e s h k ë f, p l .pjeshkë,

pjeshka ‘p ea ch ’. B o r ro w e d fro m R om *pesca <

Lat persica id ., c f. Ital pesca and the lik e (M IK L O S IC H Rom. Elemente 49; M e y e r Wb. 3 4 2 , Alb. St. IV 102). 0 TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 221; M ih ä e s c u RESEE I V /1 - 2 24; H a a r m a n n 141; L a n d i Lat. 5 3 , 114.

‘to be ruptured, to have hernia’. Based on PAlb *peta ‘to be ruptured’ < *‘to widen’, related to Gk Ttexávv'upi ‘to widen’, Lat pateó ‘to be open’ and the like. This word may be the first element of pjetëposhtë ‘downwards’ (for the second element see poshte). 0 F r isk II 520-521; WALDE-HOFMANN I 262; POKORNY 1 824-825.
p j e t e m refi,

piaf m , pl. plafë, plëfënj ‘wool blanket, ru g ’. A deverbative based on plah (D E M IR A J AE 324) and, apparently, of Geg origin. There existed also an older form plah. From the Proto-Albanian plural form *plaskai tai > *plaxai tai the Balkan and Carpathian Slavic *plax~bta ‘sack, underskirt’ was borrowed. 0 M E Y E R Wb. 343 (to pëlhurë)', JO K L Studien 69-70 (to Lat plectO ‘to plait’ and its cognates); V A S M E R Alb. Wortforsch. 51-52 (to MHG vlies ‘fleece’); D e s n i c k a j a Slav. zaim. 11 (from Slav *plax-h); Ç A B E J St. VII 230.
p l a g ë f, pl. plagë ‘wound’. Borrowed from Lat plaga id. (M IK L O S IC H Rom. Elemente 50). 0 M e y e r Wb. 343 (from early Ital *plaga > piaga)-, 0 M E Y E R -L Ü B K E Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1041 (from Italian), 1050; M i h ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 19; H a a r m a n n 142; L a n d i L a r . 103, 113, 134.

plah ~ plaf a o r . plaha ~ piafa ‘to cover’. Goes back to PAlb *p(e)laska, inchoative formation related to Gk -KeXaq ‘skin’, Lith pala ‘linen ker­ chief’, piene ‘thin skin, mem brane’, ON fjall ‘skin’ and the like. 0 F r a e n k e l 615; F r i s k I I 499-500; P o k o r n y I 803; D e m i r a j AE 323324 (from IE *p¡H-síco/e-).

332

PLA K

PLENG

plak m, pi.pleq ‘old m a n ’. F rom P A lb *p(e)laka < *pehkos e ty m o lo g ­ ic a lly c lo s e to Lith pìlkas ‘g r e y ’ < *plakos (SOLTA Sprache II 122124). F urther p a ra lle ls m ay b e g ro u p ed under IE *peh-, cf. Gk %oÀ.tôç ‘g rey , g r iz z le d ’ and the lik e (BOPP 491; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 224). 0 CAMARDA I 46 (com p ares plak w ith Gk naXawc, ‘o ld , a n cien t’ but the latter has n- < *&"-); MEYER Wb. 344 (rep eats CAMARDA’s e ty ­ m o lo g y ), Alb. St. Ill 31; PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 328; P o r z ig Gliederung 204; FRAENKEL 591; C a m a j Alb. Worth. 115 (su ffix -k ); H am p Lan­ guage XXXIII 530-531 (in terp rets -k- as a con tinu ant o f * //); SOLTA Sprache I I / 1 122-126; F r is k II 575-576; P o k o r n y I 804-805; HULD 104-105; O r e l ZfBalk XXIII 43; D e m ir a j AE 324. plang m ‘board, plank’. Borrowed from Lat planea ‘board, slab’. 0 M e y e r Wb. 3 4 4 (from early Ital *planca > Piem pianca ‘plank’). plang m, pi. plangje ‘property, building site, house, farm ’. Borrowed from Rom *planticus derived from Lat planto ‘to set, to plant’. 0 C A M A J Alb. Worth. 114. plas àoj.plasa ‘to burst, to split’. From PAlb *platja, a denominative verb related to Skt prthii- ‘broad, wide’, Gk TCÀorrùç id., Lith plañís id. 0 MEYER Wb. 3 4 4 (to Lith plësti ‘to tear’, Slav *pleskati ‘to splash’), Alb. St. Ill 13, 32; C a m a j Alb. Worth. 82 (to plis); F r a e n k e l 606-607; F risk I I 553-554; MAYRHOFER II 333; POKORNY I 833; DEMIRAJ AE 3 2 4 -3 2 5 . pleh ~ plêh m, pl. plehra ~ plêhna ‘sw e e p in g s, dun g, ru b b ish ’. D e r iv ­ ative o f plah. 0 M e y e r Wb. 3 45 (from S la v *pelva ‘m em brane, s k in ’); S e l i S c e v Slav, naselenie 160 (a g re es w ith M e y e r ) ; JOKL LKUBA 129, IF XLIX 289; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 22 3 . píeme f, pl. píeme ‘barn, h a y lo ft’. B o r ro w e d from B u lg plemna id. < S lav *pelvbna (M e y e r Wb. 345). 0 ÍOKL LKUBA 315 (fo llo w s M e y e r ). pleng m ‘bandage’. Borrowed from Slav *pel(e)nr ka id., deminutive b of *pelena ‘cover’. 0 V A S M E R III 228-229. pleng m ‘baseness, disgraceful act’. Metaphorically used pleng ‘heavy object’.

PLEN O

PLËNDËS

~

PLAN DËS

333

pleng m, pl. plengje ‘heavy object’. A related form is plengë ‘catapult’.
Borrowed from Lat phalanga, palanga ‘roller or pole for moving heavy objects’.

plep m, pi .plepa

‘p o p la r’. B o r ro w e d from R om *plöpus, m eta th esis

o f Lat pöpulus id. (MlKLOSTCH Rom. Elemente 51; M e y e r Wb. 3 4 5 ). 0 M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1046; SCHUCHARDT KZ X X 259; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 223; E r n o u t - M e i l l e t 522; M ih ä e s c u RESEE I V /1 - 2 19; H a a r m a n n 143; L a n d i Lat. 64.

pleq

m ‘council, congress’. Singularized plural of plak (ÇABEJ St. II

4 2 -4 3 ). 0 WEIGAND BA I 261 (from Rom *placium, cf. Lat placitum

‘order, opinion’).

plesht m, pi. pleshta

‘f le a ’. F rom P A lb *pleusta, a taboo tra n sfo rm a ­

tion o f IE *bhlusâ, cf. Lith blusa, S lav *bli>xa, G k x|/ùÀAa, Arm lu <

*plus- (MEYER Wb. 34 5 , Alb. St. Ill 32, 62 ). 0 STIER KZ XI 244; BUGGE Beiträge 11; PEDERSEN IF V 33, KZ XXXIX 347; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 2 2 3 , Stratificazione 139; A c a r e a n HAB II 2 9 9 -3 0 0 ; PISANI Saggi 116, 121; TRUBACEV ÈSSJa II 129-131; F r i s k I I 1 1 4 0 -1 1 4 1 ; FRAENKEL 5152; POKORNY I 102; D e m ir a j AE 325 (reco n stru cts *-ou- in the
root).

plevas aor.plevata ‘to swim’. Borrowed from Slav *plyvati id., cf. Bulg
plivam , SCr plivati ( D e s n i c k a j a Slav. zaim. 16). 0 SvANE 2 5 8 .

plevicë f, pi. plevica

‘barn, h a y lo ft’. B o r ro w e d from S la v *pelvi,nica

id.: B u lg plevnica (MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 29; MEYER Wb. 3 4 5 ). 0 J o k l LKUBA 315 (fo llo w s MEYER); S e l i S c e v Slav, naselenie 151, 160; S v a n e 60.

plëndës ~ plandës m, pl. plëndësa ~ plandësa ‘paunch, stomach (par­
ticularly, of a ruminant animal)’. Other variants are blëndës ~ blandës, blënx ~ blanx, piène ~ plane. Of those, the latter is more archaic as it reflects Venet panza ‘paunch’ influenced by old Venet *splenza ‘spleen’ ( H e l b ig JblRS X 83). Other forms reflect a secondary interpretation of piene ~ plane as a deverbative in -ës. 0 MEYER Wb. 39 (from Lat panticem ‘paunch, bowels’ and its Romance reflexes); JOKL LKUBA 291 (follows H e l b ig ); T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 223; M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 18; H a a r m a n n 140; L a n d i Lat. 48, 83.

334

P L IM

PLYM

PLOG Ë

P I,O JE

PU. Hl R

PLU H U N

335

p lim ~ p lym m ‘mass, crow d’, adv. ‘in heaps, in piles’. A deverbative

in -(i)m based on an unattested verb *plyej continuing PAlb *plänja ‘to fill’. The latter is related to IE *plê- ‘full, to fill’, cf. piote'. pliq m, pi. pliqe ‘twisted woollen cord’. Borrowed from Lat pie eta ‘border of interwoven lines in relief, *plait’. Note the development of -ct- >
*-jt- > -q-.

developping from ‘leaning, lying without moving’. 0 JOKL Studien 71 (from *pë-log-, a préfixai form related to Lat neglegO ‘to slight, to neglect’ - but -ë- of the first syllable left no traces), LKUBA 155; CAMAJ Alb. Worth. 114, 122; S e il e r KZ CVI 2 (to Gk àÀiyco ‘to take account of’); SZEMERÉNYI Syncope 144-160; BEEKES Laryngeals 26; DEMIRAJ AE 327.
p lo je f, pl. pio je ‘slaughter, carnage’. From *ploe < PAlb *pldga

p lis ni, pi.plisa ‘clod of earth, sod, piece of turf’. Continues PA lb *plitja,

a zero grade derivative in *-to- related to Sktphdlati ‘to burst, to split’, Lat spolium ‘stripped skin or hide, spoil’ and other reflexes of IE *(s)pel(JOKL Studien 70-71, LKUBA 215). 0 MEYER Wb. 345 (from NGk jiXiv0oc ‘brick’); V a s m e r Alb. Wortforsch. I 43 (follows M e y e r ) ; W a l d e H o f m a n n II 577-578; M a y r h o f e r II 393; P o k o r n y I 985-987; ÇABEJ LP VIII 82 (to p ill'‘"l' P A M A T Alh W n r f h 9.0 í c a m p a s C Í H P l V ) f m a n n II 322; P o k o r n y I 799; K l in g e n s c h m it t TILA Schw. 145; HULD 105; DEMIRAJ AE 327-328 (related
>i).

related to Gk 7iXr|yrj ‘blow ’, Lat plaga ‘blow, slaughter’. 0 WALDEH o f m a n n II 315; F r isk II 561-562; P o k o r n y I 832.
p iote adj. ‘full’. From PAlb *pläta identical with IE *pleto- ‘full’ derived

from *peh- ‘to fill’: Skt preitd-, Lat com-plëtus (CAMARDA 1 59, 138; MEYER Wb. 345, Alb. St. Ill 23, 32). 0 JOKL Studien 71, Sprache IX
,OÛ>, ,T ,Æ V ,4,
X. T

plis m, pl.plisa
318;

‘f e lt ’. F rom P A lb *p(i)litja rela ted to O H G /í/z id ., Lat
jivX o ç

pellis id ., G k

id ., S la v *pblstb id.
275-276;

0

F r is k II

536;

VASMER III

pl.plorë ‘plowshare; prow’. Borrowed from NGk rcXobpri St. II 4 3 -4 4 ). 0 M a k u Se v Vars. Univ. Izv. 1871 122 tgarb)\ M e y e r Wb. 3 4 6 (adduces MLat plovum ‘plow’ Germanic but prefers M a k u Se v ’ s explanation); OSTIR ;to OHG pflug id.); M e r in g e r IF XVII 113 (borrowed I. pflua ‘plow’ < Pflug id.); SCHUCHARDT KZ XX 255 i); JOKL l.KUBA 130-141 (suggests a segmentation *pëT a g l ia v in t Dalmazia 2 2 9 (against JOKL); DEMIRAJ

W a ld e - H o f m a n n II

P okorny I

830.

plish m. pl.plisha

‘kind o f reed, Phragm ites co m m u n is’. C ontinues PAlb

*plüsi- co n n ecte d w ith Lith pl(i)tìsìs ‘r e e d ’ (Ç a b e j St. II 43). 0 J o k l LKUBA 32-33, 215-216 (to plis), Slavia XIII 309 (fro m *(s)phel- ‘to s p lit’ ; re co n stru cts *plosio- > plish); FRAENKEL 628; CAMAJ Alb. Worth. 114; J a n s o n Unt. 183; OREL Sprache XXXI 285, Koll. Idg. Ges. 351 (-sh- < *-s- a cco rd in g to the “ru k i” ru le); DEMIRAJ AE 326.

plitë f, pi. plita ‘sun-dried brick’. Borrowed from Slav *plita ‘plate,
e ‘plow’. Borrowed from Slav *plugT> id., cf. in South ig, SCr plug (M e y e r Wb. 346). 0 S e l i Sc e v Slav, naseÍVANE 28. ‘dust, powder’. A phonetic development of *plëhur ^ed from pleh. 0 CAMARDA I 70 (related to Lat pulvis ); MEYER Wb. 346 (from Rom *pluverem < Lat pulÏER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 21 1053 (same as M e y e r ); Z XX 251; T a g l i a v i n i Origini 239, 366; Ç a b f j St. VII in 144.
Lm

slab’, cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg plita, SCr plita (SVANE 63). plog m, pl. plogje ‘gran ary, barn, h e a p ’. F rom PAlb *plaga related to Gk nXàyioç ‘p laced sid e w a y s, slo p in g , le a n in g ’, Lat plaga ‘quarter, r e g io n ’(OREL Fort. 79). For the sem an tic d ev elo p m en t, cf. Slav *kletb ‘b arn ’ < IE *klei- ‘to lean, to be in c lin e d ’. 0 JOKL Studien 71-72 (from IE *plë-g-, to *ple- ‘fu ll’); F r is k I I 547; C a m a j Alb. Wortb. 114 (related to plotë)\ W a ld e - H o f m a n n II 314; P o k o r n y I 832-833; D e m ir a j AE 326 (b o rro w ed fro m B u lg blog ).
p lo g ë adj. ‘la z y ’. H isto r ica lly id en tica l w ith plog, the m ea n in g ‘la z y ’

336

P L U M B ----- P O

~

PO R

plum b m, pl. plumba ‘lead ’. B orrow ed from Lat plumbum id. (CAMARDA 1 198; M ik lo sic h Rom. Elemente 50; M ey er Wb. 3 46). 0 M e y e r -LU b k e

Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1046, 1054; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 224; MlHÄESCU RESEE I V / 1-2 19; H a a r m a n n 142; L a n d i Lat. 115, 141. plusk m ‘blizzard; fine flour; dust’. Other variants are pluskë, plluskë, plyskë. Borrowed from Slav *pl’uska ‘bubble, hull, husk’, cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg p i ’uska, SCr pljuska (MIKLOSICH Slav. Ele­ mente 2 9 ). 0 SVANE 174. pllajë f, p i. pila ja ‘upland, gentle slope’. Borrowed from Rom *plagius id. (Rum piai, Ita! piaggia and the like), cf. JOKL LKUBA 1 7 4 -1 7 5 . pllangë f, pi . pllanga ‘supporting beam, support, lever; spot, m ark’. A more phonetically conservative variant is pëllangë which is a dialec­ tal form of pëllëmbë ~ pëllambë. pllashicë f. pl. pllashica ‘whitefish’. Borrowed from Slav *plaSica ‘kind of fish’, cf. Bulg plasica. 0 S v a n e 152. pllaz m ‘sole of plow’. Borrowed from Slav *polz-h id., cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg plaz, SCr plaz (SVANE 2 8 ). pllenoj aor. pile nova ‘to make pregnant (of animals)’. A recent deriv­ ative of pile - pile (see pelle). plloçë f, pl. plloça ‘flat stone, slab’. Borrowed from Slav *ploca id., cf. in South Slavic: Bulg ploca id., SCr ploca id. (MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 29; M e y e r Wb. 3 4 3 ). plloskë f, pi. plloska ‘flat wooden bottle, wooden vessel’. Other vari­ ants are pllockë and plloçkë. Borrowed from Slav *ploska id., cf. South Slavic reflexes: Bulg ploska, SCr ploska (M e y e r Wb. 3 4 3 ). 0 S e l i Sc ev Slav, naselenie 154; SVANE 69; M u r a t i Probleme 132. pllymëz
f,

pi.pllymëza ‘kind of fishing net’. From *për-lym-ëz, see lym.

po ~ por adv. ‘yes; so, well’, conj. ‘but’. Borrowed from Lat porro ‘then, moreover; but’ (MEYER Wb. 3 4 6 ). The loss of the final -r seems to be explained by the permanent unstressed position of the conjunction.

P O B R A T IM —

P O L IC E

337

T h e sa m e a d verb is u sed as a p a rticle o f p r o g r e s s iv e fo r m s. 0
CAM ARDA

I 314 (com parison with Skt épura- ‘p osterior, la ter’ or with Lat porro ‘fu rth er’); M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1045; TAGLI­ AVINI Dalmazia 225.

pobratim m ‘friend, adopted brother’. Other variants are probatim, prohotim, probatin. Borrowed from Slav *pobratinvb ‘adopted brother', cf. in South Slavic: Bulg pobratim, SCr pobratim (MEYER Wb. 3 5 4 ). 0 S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 184; Jo k l Slavia X III 307; M a n n Lan­ guage X V II 12; S v a n e 187. poç m, pi.poçe, poça ‘pot, vase, vessel’. A cultural term derived from pot. 0 MEYER Wb. 350 (to Fr pot, Spanish pote ‘pot’). pod m. pi. ‘story, floor, cellar’. Borrowed from Slav *pod-b ‘bottom, ground’, cf. in South Slavic: Bulg pod, SCr pod (V A S M E R Alb. Wortforsch. 5 2 ). 0 S e l i S c e v Slav, naselenie 148; S v a n e 55. pohoj
a o r. pohova

‘to admit’. A derivative of po. 0 Ç a b e j St. VII 273.

pojak m, pi. pojakë ‘field guard’. Another variant is polak. Borrowed from Slav *pol’ak’ ‘man related to the field’, cf. in South Slavic: SCr b poljak ‘field guard’ (MEYER Wb. 347). 0 S e l i Scev Slav, naselenie 181, 302; S v a n e 197. pojatë f, pi. pojara ‘cabin, shack, cattle-pen, porch'. Borrowed at an early stage from Slav *polata ‘palace, building, tent’, cf. OCS polata. From Albanian, this word - as a shepherding term - was passed to Rum poiatâ and other Carpathian and Balkan languages. 0 OKDA Voprosnik 38; S v a n e 63. pokrovë f, pi. pokrova ‘clo th , sh e e t’. B o r ro w e d from S la v *pokrovh ‘c o v e r ’, cf. B u lg pokrov, SCr pokrov (MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 29; M e y e r Wb. 347). 0 S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 174, 325. poi m, pi. pola ‘fold; door-hinge’. Another variant is potè'. Borrowed from Slav *pola ‘fold’, cf. Bulg pola, SCr pola (M e y e r Wb. 347). 0 S v a n e 49. policë f, pi. polica ‘shelf, ledge’. Borrowed from Slav *po!ica id., cf.

338

POLLE —

P O R O S IT

South S la v ic con tinu ants: B u lg polica , SC r polica (MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 29; MEYER Wb. 3 4 7 ). 0 S e l i Sc e V Slav, naselenie 149; SVANE

66 .
p o llë f, pi .polla ‘apron’. Historically identical with pol. p o n ic ë f, pl. ponica ‘flower pot; oven, stove’. Borrowed from Slav

*podbnica 'pot, oven’, cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg podnica, ponica (M ik l o sic h Slav. Elemente 30; MEYER Wb. 3 4 7 -3 4 8 ). 0 SELlScEV Slav, naselenie 149, 153-1 5 5 ; SVANE 72.
p o n is doT.ponita ‘to honor, to respect’. Borrowed from Slav *pombniti

‘to remember’, cf. in South Slavic: Bulg pom n’a, SCr pomniti. 0 M e y e r Wb. 3 47 (from SCr poniziti se ‘to let oneself down’).
p op m, pi.popa ‘Orthodox priest’. Borrowed from South Slavic: Bulg pop id., SCr pop id. (MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 30). p o p ë l i\p\.popla ‘b ou ld er, p e b b le ’. A d esc rip tiv e stem sim ilar to that o f OE popel ‘p e b b le ’ and the lik e. 0 CAMARDA II 73 (to G k 7 to(i(póÀD^ ‘water b ubble’); JOKL Studien 72, LKUBA 215 (to IE *(s)phel- ‘to sp lit’); Ç a b e j St. VII 2 2 2 -2 2 3 ; D e m ir a j AE 32 9 . popull m, pi.popuj ‘people’. Borrowed from L atpopulus id. (MIKLOSICH

Rom. Elemente 51; M e y e r Wb. 3 4 8 ). 0 L a n d i Lat. 107, 130, 145.
p ord h ë f, pi. pordhë ‘fart’. Continues PAlb *pârdâ related to pjerdh.

0 Ç a b e j St. VII 21 8 . porend m, pi.porenda ‘thorn h ed ge’. B orrow ed from Slav *porçdi, ‘order, r o w ’ (D e s n ic k a j a Slav. zaim. 12). 0 S v a n e 5 9.
p o r e z m, pi. poreza ‘tax’. Borrowed from South Slavic, cf. Bulg

p o r ’az, porez, SCr porez id. (MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 30; MEYER Wb. 3 4 8 ).
p o ro sit hot. porosità ‘to ord er, to d em a n d ’. A n ea rly lo a n w o rd fro m S la v *porçciti (MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 30; MEYER Wb. 3 4 8 ) w ith S la v * -c - > P A lb *-ts- > -s-. 0 JOKL LKUBA 93; S e l i S c e v Slav, nase-

PO RTE —

POSTAK AT

339

tenie 181, 293; HAMPLßXTV/2 15; OREL ZfBalk X X III/1 68; S v a n e 239. portë f, pi .porta ‘door’. Borrowed from Lat porta id. (MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 51; MEYER Wb. 348). 0 M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß21 1045; M ih ä e sc u RESEE IV/1-2 19; Ç a bej St. VII 216; H a a r m a n n 143; L a n d i Lat. 60, 114. porriq m ‘leek’. Borrowed from Rom *porricium derived from porrum id. Another derivative Rom *porrïnum is the source of porri ~ porri id. (M e y e r Wb. 3 4 8 ). 0 H a a r m a n n 143. porre m ‘honeycomb stomach, reticulum ’. Derive from porr ‘stove, oven’ continuing PAlb *pärü related to G k fut. 7 tpf|oco ‘to burn, to set on fire’, Slav *pari> ‘vapor, steam’. 0 P o k o r n y I 809; F r is k II 538-539; V a s m e r III 203. porris aor. porrita ‘to extinguish, to destroy’. Borrowed from South Slavic, cf. SCr pobrisati ‘to blur, to efface’ (M e y e r Wb. 3 4 9 ). Note the development of the cluster -hr- > -rr-. porropi f ‘devastation, ruin, misadventure’. Other variants a re poropi, perupi. The word is identical with përrëpi ‘precipice, drop', përrëpirë ~ përrëpinë id., deverbatives based on an unattested préfixai *përrjep, cf. rjep. 0 XllUVANI apud Ç a bej St. II 44 (from NGk aTtpéjieia ‘inconvenience’); ÇABEJ St. II 44 (from NGk porcr| ‘inclination, decline’). posaçe adv. ‘especially, separately’. A compound of posa ~ porsa ‘just, hardly, scarcely’ (from po and sa) and çë. Its synonym pos is an allegro form of posa. 0 M e y e r Wb. 266 (pos from SCr *po se, cf. na po se ‘separate, singular’); Ç a b e j St. II 4 4 (agrees with MEYER). postai m ‘stone trough’. Borrowed from Slav *postavr id., cf. in South b Slavic: Bulg postav, and in a different meaning SCr postav (MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 30; MEYER Wb. 349). 0 S e l i Sc ev Slav, naselenie 154;
S v a n e 67.

postafat adv. ‘on purpose, deliberately’. Based on *postave borrowed from Slav Spostava ‘something set’.

340

POSTAHE —

POTERE

p osta h e f, pi.postahe ‘blanket, quilt used for sitting’. Borrowed from

Slav *postaja ‘bed cover’, cf SCr postaje. The meaning of the word may have been influenced by a Turkism postiqe id. 0 MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 30; M e y e r Wb. 349 (from SCr postav ‘cloth, kerchief’); S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 174; JOKL IF XLIX 288 (follows MEYER); ÇABEJ St. II 45 (on postiqe); S v a n e 48.
p o sta s aor. postata ‘to weaken, to exhaust’. Borrowed from S la v

*postati, cf. Bulg postan id. ( D e s n ic k a j a Slav. zaim. 16: recon­ structs *po-ustati). 0 S v a n e 263. postât m, pi. postate ‘garden plot, bed’. Borrowed from Slav *postatb id., cf. SCr postât (M ey er Wb. 349). 0 S v a n e 59.
p o str e ~ p o str é f, pi .postre ~ postré ‘shelter, porch’. Another variant

is postrehë. Borrowed from Slav *postréxa, a préfixai derivative of *strëxa ‘roof’ reflected in Albanian as strehë ( S e l i Sc e v Slav, nase­ lenie 148). Cf. SCr postresiti ‘to thatch’. 0 S v a n e 54.
p o su llë f ‘bill, slip, note, letter’. Other variants are pusullë, pusollë, pustull. An early borrowing from Slav *posyla. 0 MEYER Wb. 349 (from Slav *pos-blT> ‘m essenger’). p osh të adv. ‘down, below’, prep, ‘under’. Borrowed from Lat post, poste

‘behind, back’ (MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 51; MEYER Wb. 3 4 9 ) with a radical change of meaning corresponding to other similar shifts in the Albanian system of prepositions and adverbs. The adjective poshtër ‘mean; low er’ is derived from poshtë. 0 G i l ’ f e r d i n g Otn. 21 (to Skt pas'cá- ‘back, posterior’); P e d e r s e n KZ XXXVI 2 9 0 (to përposh and, further, to loc. pl. *pëd-su ‘down, at the feet’), Kelt. Gr. I 5 0 , 181; JOKL Studien 5 9 -6 0 , LKUBA 3 2 -3 3 , Festschr. Kretschmer LXXXVIII; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 231; Ç a b e j * . II 4 5 -4 6 (follows P e d e r s e n ) , HI 114; O r e l ZfBalk XXIII 142; H a a r m a n n 143; H am p ZfceltPh XXXIV 2 0 -2 2 ; D e m ir a j AE 3 2 9 -3 3 0 .
pot m, pi .pota ‘mill-hopper, flour-bin; little boy’. Borrowed from Rom *pottus ‘pot’ > Fr pot. 0 MEYER Wb. 349 (from Turk pota id. of Romance

PO TK Ë —

PRANO J

341

Slavic *poter’a id., cf. Bulg poterà, SCr patera (MEYER Wb. 349). potkë f, pl. potka ‘scarecrow, boundary mark, landm ark’. Borrowed from Slav *poti.ka ‘landm ark’, cf. SCr potka ‘kind of boundary m ark’ (SeliScev Slav, naselenie 182). 0 SVANE 206. pothuaj ~ pothue adv. ‘nearly, almost’. A univerbation of 2 sg .po thuaj ‘you say’ (M a n n HAED 397). 0 ÇABEJ St. II 46 (repeats M a n n ’s expla­ nation). pra adv. ‘so, therefore’. Results of an erroneous segmentation or of the allegro reduction of Old Albanian prashtu id., prato id. (BUZUKU) continuing *për ashtu, *për ato. 0 JOKL Studien 80 (to OCS proce ‘there­ fore’). praf m dust, powder . Borrowed from Slav ^poixh id., ct. South Slavic continuants: Bulg prax, SCr prah (SVANE 164, 239). prafullimë f, pi. prafullima ‘spark (thrown out of an engine)’. Dever­ bative of prafulloj ‘to toast, to singe’ derived from praf. 0 Ç a b e j St. VII 221. prag m, pi.pragje ‘threshold’. A parallel form is prak. Borrowed from Slav *porgT> id., cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg prag, SCr prag (M ik lo sic h Slav. Elemente 30; M e y e r Wb. 350). 0 S e li Sc e v Slav, nase­ lenie 148; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 226; H a m p L S X IV /2 13; S v a n e 53. pranë adv. ‘alongside, beside, nearby’, prep, ‘near, by’. Goes back to për anë. prandaj conj. ‘th e re fo r e, th u s’. G o e s b ack to *për andaj (CAMARDA I 306; M e y e r Wb. 11). 0 Ç a b e j St. II 46-47. prangë f, pi.pranga ‘fetter, chain, handcuff. Borrowed from Gmc *pranga‘constriction, cramping", cf. Germ Pranger ‘pillory’ (MEYER Wb. 3 5 0 -3 5 1 ). 0 MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 63 (from Ital spranga ‘bolt’);
K l u g e 5 6 2 -5 6 3 .

342

PRAPA —

PREHËR

~

PREHËN

PREJ —

PRES

343

noi id. derived 7 V i l i/ 1-2 45). St. I li 3 1, 72; .e. to swallow’ one 95 ; F r i s k

n rana ariv ‘h ack, b ack w ard s. 1 -------- J ’ ‘L" o f the sam e w ord exp lain ed by accentual m od ification s in P roto-A lb an ­ ian is prapë ‘b ack , again , the other w ay ro u n d ’. C o n tin u es *per apa

the lo c a tiv e Gk npa'i ‘ea rly , in the m o r n in g ’ = OHG / from IE *p rö ‘fo rw a rd , in front o f, b e fo r e ’ (O r e l FL 0 M e y e r Wb. 353 (to S la v *prçg@ ‘to tig h te n ’), Alb ÇABEJ St. II 4 8 (co m p a res w ith Lith spriñgti ‘to chol c o n n ected w ith S lav *prçgç); TAGLIAVINI Stratificaz, II 6 0 7 -6 0 8 ; P o k o r n y I 8 14.

~ *për ape', the se co n d co m p o n en t b ein g h isto r ic a lly id en tical w ith pa (BOPP 502; CAMARDA I 306; MEYER Wb. 351). T h e P ro to -A lb a n ian form m ust h ave b een *per apa or *pra apa. Ô JOKL MRFW I 302, IF XXXVII 108; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 187-188; C a m a j Alb. Worth. I l l ; H a m p Laryngeals 125 (to hap)\ D em ir a j AE 330-332. praqe pl. tantum ‘stirrups’. Semantically modified plural of prak, v a r i a n t o f prag. praroj aor .prarova ‘to gild’. From *për-aroj, denominative of ar (M EYER Wb. 14). prashis aor.prashita ‘to hoe over, to rake over, to cultivate’. Borrowed from Slavic *porsi ti ‘to turn into dust, to cover with dust, to hoe’, cf. Bulg prasa, SCr prasiti (M e y e r Wb. 3 5 1 ). 0 S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 158; SVANE 7 7 , 2 3 9 . pravulloj a o r . pravullova. ‘to boil down, to boil, to wash in hot w ater’. Continues *per-avulIoj, a denominative based on avidi. pre f, pi. preja ‘p rey , b o o ty , p lu n d e r’. B o r ro w e d from Lat praeda id. (M e y e r Wb. 351). 0 MlHÄESCU RESEE I V /1-2 19; H a a r m a n n 143; L a n d i Lat. 7 1 . pregjim m 'party on the occasion of child-birth; visit paid to m ourn­ ers after a death’. Other variants are përgim, përgjim. A regular dever­ bative of përgjoj. 0 E n d z e l in KZ XLV 230 (to Lith gimti ‘to give birth’, Latv dzimt id.); Ç a b e j St. II 4 7 -4 8 (from MGk Kp(ûtoyévvri|a.a ‘first birth’); D e m ir a j AE 332 (agrees with Ç a b e j ). preh ~ pref a o r . preha ~ prefa ‘to sharpen’. Continues *për-eh, a pré­ fixai derivative of eh (M EY ER Wb. 352). 0 ÇA B EJ St. VII 239. prehaluq adj. ‘emaciated’. A suffixal derivative of preh. 0 II 48 (contamination of preh and hale).
ÇA B EJ

ìbic PAlb *prei •rning’ = OHG ire’, cf. prehè'r. ve of an adver;htaw ay\ Slav tio n s o f fpro -); M e y e r Wb. %SMER III 373.
te a r th e

prej prep, ‘to, towards; from, out of’. In fact, from disili identical with the locative Gk jtptoi ‘early, in the m< fruoi id. derived from IE *prö ‘forward, in front of, be!

prek aoT.preka ‘to touch’. From PAlb *praka, a dérivât bial *pra-k- related to Gk rcpóica ‘forthwith, strai *prokr ‘rem ainder, rem aining’ and sim ilar form; h ‘forw ard’. 0 CAMARDA I 242 (analyzes prek as *pre-l 352 (to Gk 7tpexoaco ‘to do, to w ork’); FRISK II 599; V

sun’.

prell m ‘sunny side’. Borrowed from Gk napT|Xioç ‘ premte ~ prëmte f ‘Friday’. Other variants are ( T ) prem Deverbative based on premtoj in its unattested meanin to prepare in advance’ and representing a translation of ‘getting ready, preparing; Friday’. 0 MEYER Wb. 26 T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 227. premtoj
aor .premiava ‘to p r o m ise ’. B o r ro w e d from

He, (G) prende.
g ‘ to f o r e b o d e ,

Gk 7tapaoK £ \> r| ) ( t o mbrëmë);

t prömittere ‘to 52 (from Ital
:i k l o s i c h ).

La

for b o d e , to p r o m ise ’. 0 MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente

promettere ‘to p r o m ise ’); MEYER Wb. 352 (sa m e as \

to Lith perih, \ I 42; M e y e r 4; T a g l i a v i n i y I 819; H am p eh). etymologically prantù, pràsti préfixai verb Lai verb related

pres aor. preva ‘to c u t’. F rom P A lb *p(e)retja relatec petti ‘to beat, to th u m p ’, Gk rcpico ‘to s a w ’ (CAMARD Wb. 3 5 3 , Alb. St. Ill 31, 7 2 ). 0 SCHMIDT KZ L 243-2¿ Dalmazia 2 2 7 ; FRAENKEL 5 7 8 ; FRISK II 596; POKORN KZ LXXVI 135; H u l d 105; D e m ir a j AE 3 3 2 -3 3 3 (to

St.

prehër ~ prehën m ‘bosom, lap; apron’. From PAlb *projena *‘front’,

pres aor. prêta ‘to wait, to expect’. Continues PAlb *pratjc related to Goth frapjan ‘to think, to understand’, Lit! ‘to get used, to understand’. 0 CAMARDA I 143 (a related to IE *es- ‘to be’); B u G G E BB XVIII 169 (a prefi

344

PRESH —

P R IE R

to Lat emö ‘to b u y, to p u r ch a se’); B a r i Í ARSt I 9 0 (to OIr 3 sg. frith ‘is foun d ’); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 228; FRAENKEL 6 4 6 -6 4 7 ; F eist Goth. 165-1 6 6 ; P o k o r n y I 845; H a m p KZ LXXVI 135 (fro m IE *prkto-, to *prek- ‘to a sk ’).

presh m, pi. presh ‘leek’. Borrowed from Gk jiptxoov id. (THUMB IF XXVI 19). 0 m ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /3-4 350; Ç a b e j St. VII 278, 281. prevë f, pi .preva ‘op en w a y , track, fo r d ’. B o rro w ed from Lat prlvum (iter) ‘private (road, p a ssa g e )’. 0 CAMARDA I 27 (id en tica l w ith treve); MEYER Wb. 353 (repeats CAMARDA’s identification); V a s m e r Alb. Wortforsch. 5 2 -5 4 ; ÇABEJ St. V II 184, 23 3 . prëj ~ prâj aor. prëjta ~ prâjta ‘to incline, to cling to, to lean; to infect’. The semantic development ‘to cling’ > ‘to infect’ is quite frequent, cf. E to stick. The original meaning of PAlb *per(i)-anja appears to be ‘to incline, to bend to the side’. It is derived from anë. 0 ÇABEJ St. II 46 (separates prëj ‘to infect’ and connects it with ëj). prëj ~ prâj aor. prëjta ~ prâjta ‘to comfort, to soothe’. Goes back to PAlb *prainja related to Skt prlnati ‘to please’, Goth frijón ‘to love’, Slav *prijati id. and the like. 0 MEYER Wb. 5 (to ëj); FEIST Goth. 168; M a y r h o f e r II 380; V a s m e r III 369; P o k o r n y I 844. prëndverë ~ prandverë f ‘spring’. Borrowed from Rom *prima vera (> Ital primavera, Rum primävarä), cf. MEYER Wb. 4 6 6 . 0 M i k l o s i c h Rom. Elemente 5 2 (from Ital primavera); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 226; M i h ä e s c u RESEE I V /1 - 2 19; H a a r m a n n 144; L a n d i Lat. 108. prënjkë f, pl. prënjka ‘freckle, sunspot’. A derivative in -kë of PAlb *priknja related to Skt prsni- ‘spotted, speckled’, Gk nepicvôç ‘dark, spotted’, W erch ‘spotted’ and the like. 0 MAYRHOFER II 336; F r is k II 515-516; L e w is -P e d e r s e n 43; P o k o r n y I 820-821; Ç a b e j St. II 46 (derived from prëj ~ prâj). prier aor. prora ‘to incline, to lean, to turn aside’. Goes back to PAlb *per(i)-era, a préfixai verb etymologically related to Hitt armimi ‘to move, to shift’, Skt fnoti ‘to arise, to m ove’, Gk opvu(a.i ‘to stir up’, Lat orior ‘to rise’. 0 CAMARDA I 56-57 (a préfixai verb to be com­

P R IF T —

P R IM )

345

pared with Gk àeipoo ‘to raise’); M ey er Wb. 354 (a préfixai verb related to Gk ¿Xáco ‘to drive, to set in motion’); F risk II 422-424; MAYRHOFER I 122; W a l d e -H o f m a n n II 222-223; P o k o r n y I 326-328.
p rift m, pl .priftër, priftërinj ~ priftna, priftinj ‘priest’. Borrowed from

Lat presbyter id. (MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 52; MEYER Wb. 353). 0 M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1044; JOKL Slavia XIII 287 (on the Dalmatian Latin source); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 228; E r n o u t - M e i l l e t 534; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 19; HAARMANN 143; H a m p SCL XX XII/4 425-428; L a n d i Lat. 102, 121, 130.
prij ~ prìj aor. prina, priva ‘to lead’. Borrowed from Lat praelre ‘to

lead, to precede’ (MEYER Wb. 353). 0 HAARMANN 143.
p rije f, pl. prije ‘drainage ditch’. A derivative of prij, probably rep­

resenting a caique of South Slavic *vada ‘irrigation ditch’ (Bulg vada, SCr vada) related to *vedç, '*vesti ‘to lead’. 0 KRISTOFORIDHI 345 (from *për-ijë); Ç a b e j St. IV 85.
prijë f, pl. prija ‘onion-bed’. Usually, in a phrase prijë qepësh id. Bor­

rowed from Lat porrina id.
p rik m ‘slope’. Goes back to *prier-k, a derivative of prier. p rik ë f, pi.prika ‘dowry’. Derived with the suffix -k ë from prij. 0 SKOK

¿A II 103-110 (from Gk rcpoíí, ‘gift, present’).
p rill m ‘A pril’. Borrowed from Lat aprïlis id. (MIKLOSICH Rom. Ele­

mente 2; M e y e r Wb. 353). 0 M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV/1-2 12; Ha a r m a n 111; L a n d i Lat. 118, 177.
p rim e pi. ‘folk rem edies’. Deverbative of proj ‘to guard, to defend’ (Ç a b e j St. II 4 8 ). prind m, pl .prindë, prindër ~ prindën ‘father, parent’. Borrowed from Lat parentem id. (CAMARDA I 42; MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 47; M e y e r Wb. 353). 0 M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. G rundriß21 1044,1047, 1054; T a g l ia v in i Origini 189; M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 18; H a a r m a n n 140; L a n d i Lat. 51, 116, 143-145.

346

P R IN G J —

PROJ

pringj m ‘chief, prince’. Borrowed from *prince(s) < Lat princeps ‘chief’ (M ik l o s ic h Rom. Elemente 52; M e y e r Wb. 353). 0 M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1044; HAARMANN 144. priqe pi. ‘arthritis’. Another variant is priç ~ prîç. A suffixal deriv­ ative of prij. priskoj aor priskova ‘to besprinkle’. A relatively recent denominative formation based on *prisk(ë). The latter was borrowed from Slav *pryskb ‘sprinkling’ otherwise unattested in South Slavic where its variant *prhskb, *prr bskati is attested. prish aor. prisha ‘to destroy, to spoil, to waste’. From PAlb *prisa related to Gk itpico ‘to saw’ (MEYER Wb. 353, Alb. Si. HI 31, 61, 72). 0 JOKL Studien 72-73 (adds Germanic parallels: OHG freisa ‘danger, destruction’ and the like), LKUBA 24; PISANI Saggi 119; ÇABEJ St. II 49-50; FRISK II 596 (doubts the validity of the Greek - Albanian com­ parison); POKORNY I 846; ÇABEJ St. II 49, V II206, 228; O r e l Sprache XXXI 280, Koll. Idg. Ges. 351 (-sh- < *-s- according to the “ruki” rule); DEMIRAJ AE 333-334 (to IE *per- ‘to strike’). privoj aor. privova ‘to rob'. Borrowed from Lat privare id. prizë f, pi. priza ‘gutter’. Derived from prije. probateshë f, pi. probatesha ‘adopted sister’. An innovative feminine in -eshë based on the recomposition of probatin, see pobratim. prodhoj aor. prodhova ‘to produce’. Borrowed from Lat prödäre id. (M ik l o s ic h Rom. Elemente 52). 0 M e y e r Wb. 266 (to mbrodh). profkë f, pi. profka ‘splitting fruit; water spray; twaddle, bluff’. Another variant is proçkë ‘blunder, slip of the tongue’. From Bulg procka ‘wicket-gate’ in various metaphoric meanings. 0 JOKL LKUBA 9 (to prëj), Slavia XIII 289. prog m, pi. progje ‘nail’. A secondary fonetic variant of prokë. proj slot, prova ‘to guard, to defend; to precede, to anticipate, to take precaution’. Borrowed from Lat parare ‘to make ready; to defend’,

PRO K E —

P R R ID H

347

the meaning ‘to defend’ being typical of Romance languages (Ital parare, Fr parer), cf. ÇABEJ St. II 48. A noun projë meaning at the same time ‘defense’ and ‘booty’ is a deverbative. 0 MEYER Wb. 369 (to ruaj or from Lat prohibiré ‘to hold back, to prevent’). prokë f, pl. proka ‘nail, fork’. Borrowed, with an unusual unvoicing of the anlaut, from Rom *brocca, *broccia ‘fork, roasting-spit’, cf. Ital dial, brocca, Fr broche) < fern. *brocca ‘projecting (of teeth)’ (MEYER Wb. 3 5 4 ). prosek m , pl. prosiqe ‘hut for cattle to be rounded up’. Together with proseqe ‘chips, chippings (from pruned tree)’ is a Slavic loanword from *prosek-b ‘kind of axe; opening, cutting (in a forest)’, cf. Bulg prosek, SCr prosijek (ÇABEJ St. II 5 0 ). The meaning represented in Albanian is not attested in South Slavic. It has obviously developed from ‘section, something cut out’. 0 S e liS C e v Slav, naselenie 151 (from Bulg prosek ‘section in a barn’). prozhëm m, pl. ‘small wood, community forest’. Another, and more phonetically archaic, variant is proshëm. This word for the *‘nearest forest’ > ‘community forest’ is borrowed from Lat proximus ‘nearest’. 0 MEYER Wb. 355 (from South Slav *suma ‘forest’); BARlC ARSt I 75 (from *kseuma related to Slav *suma); ÇABEJ St. II 5 0 -5 1 (bor­ rowed from Slav *b r ts fh ‘brushwood’). prozhmoj aor.prozhmova ‘to slander, to libel’. As in prozhëm, a more conservative variant is proshmoj. It is borrowed from Lat proximäre ‘to come near, to approach’ with a complicated semantic development, presumably: ‘to get close’ > ‘to know intimately’ > ‘to slander’. 0 C a m a r d a I 322 (to Gk *rcpo-ai|aôcD, cf. oi|ióco ‘to turn up the nose, to sneer at’ - but Greek loanwords are not adapted as verbs in -oj); MEYER Wb. 355 (from Slav *sum-b ‘noise’); ÇABEJ St. II 51 (identi­ cal with përçmoj ‘to despise’ derived from çmoj). prridh aor.prridha ‘to suffocate’. Continues a préfixai verb *për-ridh with a root unattested in an unbound form and continuing PAlb *reida related to Gk èpeiôco ‘to prop, to push'. 0 F r is k I 551; P o k o r n y I 860.

348

PRROSKË

P IK Ë

prroskë f, pi . prroska ‘brook, mountain stream ’. Derivative in -skë of pernia (JOKL LKUBA 220, 327). prush m ‘ember, glowing coal’. From PAlb *prusà etymologically related to Lat pruna id. < *prusnä, Skt plosati ‘to burn’ (MEYER Wb. 355, Alb. St. Ill 31, 61). 0 C a m a r d a I 52 (to Gk rcûp ‘fire’); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 231; SCHULZE Kl. Sehr. 479; POKORNY I 846; MANN Lan­ guage XXVI 388 (to Latv pìrksts ‘hot ash’); DEMIRAJ AE 334-335. psherëtij aor. psherëtiva ‘to sigh, to moan’. Other variants are psherëtoj and psherëtis. Borrowed, with a metathesis in the phonetically complicated anlaut, from Rom *suspîritàre, cf. Lat suspirare ‘to sigh’ ( M e y e r Wb. 3 5 6 ). 0 Ç a b e j St. VII 221. pshikëlloj aor. pshikëllova ‘to beat with a cane’. Another variant is fshikulloj. Derived from fshikull ‘whip’ borrowed from Rom *fisticula, cf. Lat fistula ‘reed, cane’. pshoj aor. pshova ‘to sigh, to m oan’. A back formation of *pshire < Lat suspirium ‘sigh’, cf. psherëtij. pshurr a o r . pshurra ‘to urinate’. From *për-shurr, a préfixai deriva­ tive of shurrë. puçërr r, pi .p u g n a ‘blister, pimple’. Together with pug ‘hair parting’ and pugis ‘to contort (face)’, goes back to SCr puciti ‘to split’. pufkë f, pi. pufka ‘bubble, blister’. A derivative of *pufë ~ puhë bor­ rowed from SCr puha id. The latter is connected with SCr puhati ‘to blow (up)’ which, in its turn, has been borrowed to Albanian as puhas id. Finally, puhi ‘light breeze’ also belongs here (MEYER Wb. 356). puftë adj. ‘empty, hollow’. Appears only in a context arre' pufte ‘empty nut’. Borrowed from Lat fem. puncta ‘punctured, having a hole’. puk adj. ‘foolish’. Borrowed from Lat püblicus ‘public; common, ordi­ nary, bad’. pukë f ‘promenade, public way’. Borrowed from Lat piiblica (via) ‘public

P U I.E G Ë R —

PUNË

349

w a y ’ (MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 53; MEYER Wb. 356). 0 M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 21 1054; HAARMANN 144.

pulegër f, pl.pulegra ‘dwarf bustard’. Based on *pulege borrowed from one of Italian or Dalmatian continuations of Rom *pullicus, cf. pullus ‘young fowl, chick’. pulendër - pulandër f, pl. pulendra ~ pulandra ‘maize porridge’. Another variant is pullëndër ~ pullandër. Based on *pullënd borrowed from Lat polenta ‘peeled barley, pearl-barley’. pulë f, pi. pula ‘hen'. Borrowed from Rom *pulla ‘hen’ (cf. Fr poule), see C a m a r d a 1 172; M ik l o s ic h Rom. Elemente 53; M e y e r Wb. 356357. As to pulkë ‘turkey; pullet’, it is borrowed from Bulgpulka ‘pullet’. 0 M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 21 1046, 1050, 1054; 3OKL LKUBA 219; T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 232; M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 19; H a a r m a n n 144. pulisht m, pl. pulishta ‘donkey’s colt’. Another variant is polisht. Derived from *pul borrowed from Lat pullus ‘foal’ (MEYER Wb. 357). pulpë f, p\. pulpa ‘calf (of leg)’. Borrowed from Lat pulpa ‘flesh’ (M ik ­ losich Rom. Elemente 53; MEYER Wb. 356). 0 M ey er -L ü b k e Gr. Grund­ riß 2 I 1046; M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 19; H a a r m a n n 144. pulqyer m,pl.pulqerë ‘thumb; dw arf’. Another variant i s pulqer. B or­ rowed from Lat pollicäris ‘belonging to a thumb’ (MEYER Wb. 357). 0 CAMARDA I 345 (reconstructs Rom *pollicer); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1043; SCHUCHARDT KZ X X 251; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV/1-2 19; H a a r m a n n 143; L a n d i Lat. 39, 83. pullëndër - pullandër f ‘washing water, lye’. A singularized plural of *pulland borrowed from Lat perlavantem ‘washing thoroughly’. pullaz m, pl.pullaze ‘r o o f’. A secondary variant o f pëllas ‘p a la ce’ (ÇABEJ II 51-52), w ith the h y p erco rrect v o ic in g o f the auslaut. 0 M e y e r Wb. 356 (varian t o f lëpozë ‘r o o f, r o o f-tim b e r s’, c f. lëpizë); JOKL LKUBA 86-88 (fo llo w s M e y e r ) . punë f, pl. punë ‘work, thing’. A participle in -ne of an unattested verb

350

FU N JA S H E —

PUQ

*puaj continuing PAlb *pänja. The latter is related to Gk 7ievo|iou ‘to strain, to work on' and its deverbative rcôvoç ‘work, labor' (H a h n I 2 5 1 , II 2 8 ) with uncertain further links. 0 BUGG Eßß XVIII 1 8 8 -1 8 9 (borrowed from Gk rcôvoç); M e y e r Wb. 3 5 7 , Alb. St. Ill 2 9 , 58 (to Gk otcouÖt) ‘haste, speed’), IV 4 5 (against BUGGE); JOKL Studien 3; P e d e r s e n KZ XXXVIII 2 0 0 (follows M e y e r ) ; L a P ia n a St. Varia 23; T h u m b IF XXVI 8 1 -8 2 (criticizes BUGGE); SCHMIDT KZ LVII 6 (to Slav *pçditi ‘to push, to press’); BARI Ó ARSt I 86 (from *oposnä, to Lat opus ‘work’); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 225 (disputes B a r i c ’s view); L a P ia n a Studi I 73; P is a n i Saggi 103, 121; T r e im e r KZ LXV 9 4 (to Lat pugno ‘to fight’); ClMOCHOWSKl St. IE 46; F r is k II 504-506; CAMAJ Alb.Wortb. 65 (to *spend- ‘to puli’); KLINGENSCHMITT Münch. St. Spr. XL 102; ÇABEJ II 5 2 -5 3 (two possibilities are suggested: H a h n ’s ety­ mology or comparison with Lat pondus ‘weight’), IV 58; ÖLBERG IF LXXIII 212; H u l d 156, 165; KORTLANDT Arm-IE 40; OREL Z ß a lk XXIII 145; D e m ir a j AE 3 3 5 -3 3 6 .

punjashe f. pi.punjashe ‘purse’. Deminutive of *punje borrowed from
East Germanic, cf. Goth puggs id. ( M e y e r Wb. 3 5 7 ).

pupë f, pi.pupa ‘breast, teat; tassel, bud’. Borrowed from Rom *puppa
‘teat’ (cf. OFr poupe, Ital poppa), see M e y e r Wb. 358. Derived from pupë is pupërr ‘boil, furuncle’ (TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 233). 0 DURIDANOV Trakite 80 (to Thr *pupa); DEMIRAJ AE 336.

pupë f, pi. pupa ‘hoopoe’. Borrowed from Lat upupa id.

( M e y e r Wb.

3 5 7 -3 5 8 ). From its derivative pupëzë id. Rum pupâzà was borrowed. 0 H a a r m a n n 156.

pupë f, pi .pupa ‘stern’. Borrowed from Lat puppis id. (MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 53; M e y e r Wb. 3 5 7 ). 0 HAARMANN 144. puprroj aor.puprrova ‘to hoe over’. Borrowed, with dissimilation of
liquids, from Lat preparare ‘to prepare’, in this case - ‘to prepare the field (for sowing)’.

pupurriqem refi, ‘to tremble’. An emphatic formation built on the basis
of puprroj.

puq aor. puqa ‘to fit together’. From PAlb *pukja, a denominative related

P IR O ]

PU SH K Ë

351

to G k mítica adv. ‘th ick ly , str o n g ly ’, n v k v o ç ‘thick, stro n g ’. 0 F r is k

II 6 2 2 -6 2 3 ; P o k o r n y I 849.
puroj aor.purova ‘to calm, to pacify, to defend’. Borrowed from Rom

Sparare ‘to defend’ (JOKL Studien 112). 0 MEYER Wb. 2 6 7 (from Rom *barrare ‘to bar’).
p u rtek ë f, pi.purteka ‘rod, stick’. Borrowed, with a metathesis of -ru-

> -ur-, from one of the South-East continuants of Slav *prgt'bk'b ‘rod, bush’, cf. Bulg prbtak, SCr prutak (MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 31; M eyer Wb. 358-359). 0 SCHUCHARDT KZ XX 244 (from Lat pertica)-, ÇABEJ St. VII 244.
purth m ‘diarrhea’. Derivative in -th of PAlb *purwa related to Lith

purvas ‘filth, dirt’, Latv purvs ‘swamp, m arsh’. 0 FRAENKEL 6 7 5 .
p urrë f ‘hot ashes’. Borrowed from Slav *pyr’b id. (Czech pyr, Pol peri). An early loanword with Slav * - j- rendered as Alb -u- (JOKL AArbSt 1/1 -2 45-46). 0 SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 298; JOKL Slavia XIII 291; K r is t o f o r id h i 286 (from NGk nupôç); S v a n e 57; OREL ZfSlaw XXX/6 913, Koll. Idg. Ges. 362. p u s m, pi. puse, pusa ‘well, fountain’. Borrowed from Lat puteus

‘well’ (MEYER Wb. 3 5 9 ). 0 MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 31 (from Slavic), Rom. Elemente 51 (from Ital pozzo id.); ; M e y e r -LU b k e Gr. G rundriß2 1 1046, 1051; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 233; MlHÄESCU RESEE I V /1 - 2 19; S v a n e 144; L a n d i Lat. 125, 139.
push m ‘fluff, down, nap, pile’. Continues PAlb *pusa < *puksja ety­

mologically connected with Skt piiccha- ‘tail’ < *puksko-, Slav * p i t x h ‘down’ < *poukso- (Ç a b e j II 5 3 , IV 2 1 9 ) going back to IE *puk- ~ *peuk- ‘covered with hair, bushy’. 0 CAMARDA I 345; M e y e r Wb. 359 (borrow ing from Turk pu$ ‘to cover; cover’); POKORNY I 849; M a y r h o f e r II 2 9 8 -2 9 9 ; V a s m e r III 414; A d a m s JIES X V I /1 - 2 7 1 72; O r e l Koll. Idg. Ges. 351 (on the “ruki” rule in push).
p u sh k ë f, pl. pushkë ‘rifle, gun’. Borrowed from Slavic, cf. Bulg puska, SCr puska (MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 31; M e y e r Wb. 3 5 9 ). 0 S e l i S c e v Slav, naselenie 172; H am p LB X I V /2 13; S v a n e 204.

352

PU SH O J

-

PYES

pushoj aor. pushova ‘to have a rest’. Borrowed from Lat pausare ‘to halt, to rest (in the grave)’ (PHILIPPIDE Or. Rom. II 660) developping the meaning of ‘resting’ in Romance, cf. Ital posare. 0 MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 51 (from Ital posare)', M e y e r Wb. 359 (from Latin or from Ital posare); M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. G rundriß21 1049; H ELB IG .Ib1RS X 127 (agrees with MEYER); T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 233; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 19; HAARMANN 143. pushtet in, pl.pushtete ‘power’. Borrowed from Lat potestatem id. (MIK­ LOSICH Rom. Elemente 51; MEYER Wb. 359, Alb. St. IV 10). The verb pushtoj continues Roin Spotestare. The dialectal form of the verb poshtroj ~ pështroj results from an erroneous etymological link with shtroj. 0 CAMARDA I 178 (to Gk O T p c i)v v u (u ‘to spread’); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1043; WEIGAND BA I 261 (pushtoj < *pushtet-oj); M i h ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 24; H a a r m a n n 124 (pushtoj < Rom *expeditäre); Ç a b e j St. IT 53-55 (repeats the essence of C a m a r d a ’s etymology: pushtoj < *per-shtroj, to shtroj)', HAARMANN 143; LANDI Lat. 33, 39, 44. putë f, pl. puta ‘sole’. From PAlb *pukta related to Gk rcúra adv. ‘thickly, strongly’, j t u k v Ô ç ‘thick, strong’, cf. puq. putërë ~ putanë f ‘whore’. Borrowed from Rom *puttana id., cf. Ital puttana. 0 MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 53 (from Ital puttana)', MEYER Wb. 359 (follows M ik l o s ic h ). puth aor.putha ‘to kiss’. From PAlb *putsa, an onomatopoeia similar to many other words for ‘kiss’ reflecting bu- ~ pu- (TAGLIAVINI Dal­ mazia 233). 0 MEYER Wb. 356 (to Gk jruKa^ra ‘to cover closely, to protect’ so that puth ‘to kiss’ < ‘to em brace’ similar to Fr embrac­ er), Alb. St. Ill 13,31; PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 333 (agrees with MEYER); Ç a b e j St. II 55 (follows T a g l ia v in i ); H u l d 156; D e m ir a j AE 336337. pyes aor. pyeta ‘to ask’. From the umlauticized PAlb *püta related to Lat putö ‘to reckon, to ponder’, Slav *pytati ‘to ask' (TAGLIAVINI Dal­ mazia 217). 0 G il ’ f e r d in g Otn. 24 (to Skt prach- ‘to ask’); C a m a r d a I 44 (to G k 7tuv0ávonai ‘to learn’); MEYER Wb. 360 (from Rom *petiö based on Lat peto ‘to demand, to seek’), Alb. St. IV 50: DIEFENBACH I 43 (to Lat postò ‘to ask, to beg’); M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 I

P Y I.K Ë —

QAJ ~

QANJ

353

1044; P e d e r s e n Krit. Jahresbericht IX I 211 (from *per-ves, related to Skt pravedayati ); WEIGAND BA I 261 (follows MEYER); X h u v a n i KLeir II 14 (repeats C a m a r d a ’s etymology); W a ld e - H o f m a n n II 393394; VASMER III 421 ; KLINGENSCHMITT Verbum 256; ÇABEJ St. II 5557 (from *pe'r-v-es related to Gk ocîtÉcü "to ask, to demand’).
p y lk ë f, pi. pylka ‘wedge; end of the axe-handle’. Another, more fre­

quent, variant is pykë. Borrowed from Lat pa vienia ‘hammer’. 0 M eyer Wb. 360 (from Rom *pilicum, cf. Lat pilum ‘pestle’). pyll m. pi.pyje ‘forest’. Borrowed from Balk Rom *padûlem (cf. Rum pädure id.) < Lat palüdem ‘swamp’ (MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 46; M e y e r Wb. 360). 0 C a m a r d a I 52 (to Gk üXri ‘forest’?!); P u § c a r iu EWR 108; M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1039, 1046, 1052; JOKL Realie.x. Vorgesch. I 92; BARIç Hymje 65; M ih ä e sc u RESEE IV/1-2 28; Ç a b e j St. VII 251; HULD 105; HAARMANN 139; LANDI Lat. 69, 144-146.

Q
qafë f, pi. qafa ‘n eck ’. B orrow ed from Turk kafa ‘occip ut, h ead ’ (HULD

106). T he su bstitution A lb q- < Turk k- is p o ssib le ( B o r e t z k y Türk. Einfluß 177). Rum ceaja ‘neck, occiput’ is an Albanian loanword (M e y e r Wb. 219). 0 C a m a r d a I 93 (to Gk av>xnv id.); M e y e r Wb. 219 (c o m ­ parison w ith Lat collum ‘n e c k ’ and the lik e); PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 330 (again st MEYER); B a r iG ARSt. I 31 (to OHG warb ‘turn, rota­ tio n ’), AArbSt I 146 (from *ko-osk“ (h)u-, cf. Gk ôatpùç ‘h ip ’); JOKL LKUBA 328 (again st BAR 1Í ARSt); T r e im e r AArbSt I 32 (b o rro w ed from Lat capsa ‘b ox, c h e s t’); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 92, Stratificazione 95; POGHIRC ist. limb. rom. TI 339; ROSETTI1LR I 275; H am p Festsehr. Schmidt 39 (from *kepHä, to Lat caput ‘h ea d ’). qaj ~ qanj qava ‘to cr y , to w e e p ’. T o sk and G reco -A lb a n ia n form s p reser v e the in itial kl-. G o e s back to P A lb *klaunja co g n a te w ith Gk KÀauû < *KÀ.àpuù id. (C a m a r d a I 79; M e y e r Wb. 2 2 0 , Alb. St. Ill 4 ). 0 T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 146; M a n n Language XXVI 381; F r is k I 865; C h a n t r a i n e 538; P o k o r n y I 599; C im o c h o w s k i St. IE 47; ÖLBERG Festschr. Pisani II 686; Hamp Laryngeals 126; KLINGENSCHMITT Münch. St. Spr. XL 1 1 0 ,Verbum 104; K o r t l a n d t Arm-IE 40; ÇABEJ
aor.

354

QAPË —

Q EFT

St. VII 193; H u l d 106; J a n s o n Unt. 178; D e m ir a j AE 337-388 (to dial, klith ‘to cry’). qapë f, pi. qapa ‘hobble’. From PAlb *klapa, a nominal derivative of qep (O R E L Linguistica XXIV 432). qark m, pi. qarqe ‘circle’. Despite an irregular treatment of the vowel, this is a loanword from Lat circus id. (MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 14; MEYER Wb. 2 2 0 , Alb. St. II 2 6 -2 7 ). A synonym of qark - qarkull con­ tinues Latin diminutive circulus. 0 C a m a r d a 1 38 (related to Gk Ktpicoç ‘circle, ring’); JOKL Studien 42 (supports M e y e r ); ÇABEJ St. II 57 (agrees with C a m a r d a ) ; L a n d i Lat. 8 5 , 9 8 , 139. qartë adj. ‘c le a r ’. Borrowed from Lat clärus id. (M IKLOSICH Rom. Ele­ mente 15; M e y e r Wb. 220). 0 C a m a r d a I 56; M e y e r -L C b k e Gr. Grund­ riß 2 I 1040 (from Ital chiaro id.); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 93 (from Italian). qartoj aor. qartova ‘to q u arrel’. From Lat certâre ‘to c o m p ete’ (MEYER Wb. 220). 0 M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1048; MlHÄESCU RESEE I V /1-2 14; H a a r m a n n 116. qarr m, pi. qarra ‘Turkey oak, bitter oak’. Borrowed from Lat cerrus id. (M e y e r Wb. 2 2 0 ). 0 M ih a e sc u RESEE IV / 1-2 14; H a a r m a n n 116; L a n d i Lat. 9 8 , 1 3 8 -1 4 0 . qas aor. qasa ‘to approach’. From PAlb *ketja etymologically connected with the isolated Lith keciu. késti ‘to stretch’. 0 CAMARDA I 70; M e y e r Wb. 2 2 0 -2 2 1 (to Slav *kasati sç ‘to touch’), Alb. St. Ill 6 , 13; PISANI Saggi 119; FRAENKEL 2 4 6 (contamination of *ked- and *plet- in Lithuanian); ÇABEJ St. VII 184, 23 1 . qazhnë f, pi. qazhna ‘rough white woolen cloth’. Borrowed from an unattested Slav *tçzuna, fern, ‘heavy’. qeft m, pi. qefte ‘drinking glass’. Borrowed from Lat captus *‘container’, participle of capiñ ‘to contain, to hold’. 0 K r i s t O FO R ID H I 187 (from Gk K£Î>0oç ‘hiding place’); Ç A B E J St. II 58-59 (to sqep).

Q EFU LL —

QELL

355

q e fu ll m, pi. qefuj ‘mullet’. From MGk icécpaXoç id. 0 Ç a b e j Sí. VII 24 4 . q ejzë f. pl. qejza ‘cuticle’. Another variant is Geg qenëz. Based on PAlb

*kenja ‘new skin’ < ‘new’ etymologically related to Skt kamna‘young’, Gk kouvoç ‘new’ and the like. 0 F r is k I 754; POKORNY I
5 6 3 -5 6 4 . q ek aor. qeka ‘to mention, to quote’. Continues PAlb *kaka or *keka

related to Lith kanku, kàkti ‘to seize, to reach’, Latv kacët ‘to grasp’, Slav *cekati ‘to expect, to wait’. 0 F r a e n k e l 206; T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa IV 36. qel m, pl. qela ‘scab’. Borrowed from Lat callum ‘corn, hard skin’.
0 Ç a b e j St. VII 184. q elb m, pl. qelbra ~ qelbna ‘pus’. From PAlb *kalba related to kalb
( M e y e r Wb. 221-222). Note a denominative verb qelb ‘to fill with stench, to make ro t’. 0 B a r i Í ARSt. I 53 (from IE *gyol-bh- related to Arm kei ‘tum or’); T A G L IA V IN I Dalmazia 93; M a n n Language XXVIII 34 (to Gk KÉX ecpoç); Ç A B E J St. VII 224-225.

q elë f, pl. qela ‘p r ie st’s h o u se ’ . B o r ro w e d from Lat cella ‘r o o m ’ (MIK­ LOSICH Rom. Elemente 13) 0 H a a r m a n n 116; L a n d i Lat. 98, 158. q elq m, pl. qelqe ‘glass’. Borrowed from Lat calicem ‘bowl, cup’ (MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 9; MEYER Wb. 2 2 1 ). 0 CAMARDA I 4 6 (to

Gk

‘seed-vessel, shell, pod’); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1042; H a m p St. Whatmough 82; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /1 -2 21; HAARMAN 114; L a n d i Lat. 8 5 , 1 1 1 -1 1 2 .

qell aor. qella ‘to halt, to hold up, to carry’. From PAlb *kela etym ologically c o n n ected w ith Skt kaláyati ‘to im p e l’, Gk kéàohou ‘to d riv e o n ’ and the lik e (C a m a r d a I 127; M e y e r Wb. 168). 0 P e d e r s e n KZ XXXVI 329-330; Jo k l IE XXX 198, LKUBA 266 n. 1 (co n n e cts qell w ith sjell d esp ite the p h o n etica lly im p o ssib le q- < *kL b efo re a palatal); FRISK ‘ 1 817-818; M a y r h o f e r I 179; P o k o r n y I 549; M a n n Language XXVIII 34 (to Lith ke'lti ‘to raise’); C A M A J Alb. Worth. 81; Ç A B E J Sprache XVIII 126 (follows JO K L ), St. VII 230; H U L D 106-107 (recon-

338

Q ERO J

(¿E S A S

lim it’. 0 MlHÄESCU RESEE I V /1-2 20 (from Latin); ÇABEJ Sr. II 6 0 (related to Gk xepuu and Lat termen ‘boundary’); H a a r m a n n 153 (from Latin).
qeroj a o r . qerova ‘to ask, to demand’. Other variants are qëroj and qiroj. Borrowed from Lat quaerere id. (HAARMANN 144). q erp ë f ‘tuft of hair’. Another variant is çerpë. A metathesis of perçe,

the latter being of Turkish origin (ÇABEJ St. II 60).
q ersë f, pi. ‘fallow land’. From PAlb *kerktja related to Slav *ki>rcb

‘stubbed plot’, Latv kiirkt ‘to become empty (of a turnip)’, OPrus Curche ‘the last sheaf in which a deity hides’. 0 VASMER II 340: MÜHLENb a c h -E n d z e l in II 3 2 2 -3 2 3 ; P o k o r n y I 5 6 8 .
qershi f, pi. qershi ‘ch erry’. B ased on *qersh borrow ed from Gk Kepacoç id. (C a m a r d a I 56; T h u m b IF XXVI 29). 0 M ik l o s ic h Rom. Ele­

mente 13 (from Lat ceras us); M e y e r Wb. 225 (from R om *cerasium,
c f. cerasus id.); M e y e r -L ü BKE Gr. Grundriß 21 1051; JOKL LKUBA

208 (a g r e e s w ith THUMB); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 98; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV/1-2 31, IV /3-4 350; ÇABEJ St. VII 230; HAARMANN 116; L a n d i Lat. 158.
m , pi. qerthuj ‘winch, windlass, circle’. From PAlb *kerts-ula continuing IE *ker-k- and related to Gk îdpicoç ‘rin g ’ and Lat circus ‘circle’, circuì us (M a n n Language XXVI 385). 0 CAMARDA I 162 (to qark)-, M e y e r Wb. 220 (same as CAMARDA); JO K L Studien 42 (from IE *kert- ‘to turn, to bind’); B a r iC ARSt. I 42; CAMAJ Alb. Worth. 118 (suffix -«//); F r is k II 19-20; M a n n Language XXVI 385; W a l d e H o f m a n n 1 220-221; P o k o r n y 1 935; D e m ir a j AE 339-340 (borrowed from Lat circellus ‘little ring’).

q erth u ll

qerr m, pi. qerre ‘wagon, cart’. Borrowed from Lat carrus ‘two­

wheeled wagon’ (MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 12; MEYER Wb. 180). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. G rundriß21 1043, 1051; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 9495; Ç a b e j St. VII 238, 251.
q esas aor. qesata ‘to cut (branches)’. Borrowed from Slav *tesati ‘to

cut, to hew’, with q- rendering prepalatal Slavic t-, cf. South Slavic

QHS H

-

~

359

continuants: Bulg tesarti, SCr tesati. Derived from qesas is qeser ‘kind of broad axe’.
q esh uor. qesha ‘to laugh’. From PAlb *kaksja related to similar ono­ matopoeic verbs in Skt kákhati id., Gk iccxxàÇcD id. and the like ( B a r í Í ARSt. 142-reconstructs *kakhiö). 0 CAMARDA 169 (to Gk yjiatao, Xaivco ‘to yawn, to gape’); MEYER Wb. 224 (to Goth hlahjan ‘to laugh'); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 95 (questions BARIÓ’s etymology); PISANI Saggi 122; P o k o r n y I 634; F r is k I 804; M a y r h o f e r I 136; Ç a b e j St. VII

201, 221.
(T) qeshër f, pl. qeshra ‘roof plank’. Borrowed from Rom *casina derived

from Lat casa ‘house, hut’.
q etë f, pl. qeta ‘(jagged) rock’. From PAlb *klaitä directly connected

with W d u d ‘heap’ and Lith slaJtas ‘slope’. C f. also, with a different vocalism, Gk KÀeiTÙç ‘slope’, OHG hllta id. and the like (OREL Lin­ guistica XXIV 4 3 3 ) . 0 F r a e n k e l 9 9 7 ; Ç a b e j LP VIII 7 9 - 8 0 , St. II 61 (singularized plural of qye); POK O RNY I 6 0 1 - 6 0 2 ; F r i s k I 8 7 3 - 8 7 5 .
q etë adj. ‘quiet’. Borrowed from Lat quietus id. ( M e y e r Wb. 224). 0
M ey e r-L ü b k e H aarm an n

Gr. Grundriß 21 1051; 145.

M ih a e s c u

RESEE IV/1-2 19;

qeth aor. qetha ‘to cut (hair)’. Goes back to PAlb *kaitsa related to

ke's'a- ‘hair (of the head)’, Lith Misti ‘to scrape, to shave’. 0 CAMARDA I 78 (to Gk K e ip to ‘to cut-); M EY ER Wb. 221 (repeats C a m a r d a ’ s ety­ mology), Alb. St. Ill 6, 24; P e d e r s e n KZ XXXVI 330; J o k l LKUBA 13, 228 (follows M e y e r ) ; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 95; P i s a n i Saggi 102; C a m a j Alb. Wortb. 45; FR AEN K EL 204-205; M A Y R H O FER I 267; P o k o r n y I 520; Ç a b e j Sprache XVIII 144-145, St. VII 229; H u l d 147; K o r t l a n d t KZ XCIV 250; D e m i r a j AE 340-341 (to qij).
Skt

q ezë f, pl. qezë ‘breadboard, baking plate’. Derived from që. që ~ qê m ‘round kneading board’. Borrowed from Gk K c x v v a ‘wicker­

work, basket’. 0 M e y e r Wb. 224-225 (from *klen-)\ VASM ER Alb. Wortforsch. I 34-35 (from Rom *clavanus derived from Lat clava ‘stick, staff’ - but Cham ^¿ excludes the possibility of the initial *£/-!); ÇABEJ

360

Qft ~ QI — QIJ

St. II 58 (to Bret kant ‘circle’ and its Celtic cognates).
q ë ~ qi pron. ‘w h ich , that’, conj. ‘that’. B o r ro w e d from Lat qui ‘w h ic h ’ and quia ‘b ecau se, that', quod ‘that’ (MEYER Wb. 217-218). 0 M e y e r LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 21 1051; PEDERSEN Krit. Jahresbericht XIX I 206-

208 (from IE *k“ id); M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV/1-2 19 (from Lat quod); Ç a b e j St. II 61-62 (a g re es w ith P e d e r s e n ). qëlloj aor, qëllova ‘to beat, to hit; to gain , to o b ta in ’. R esto red from *për-qëlloj b o rro w ed from L a t perceUare ‘to b ea t’. 0 MEYER Wb. 225 (from R om *celläre); LAMBERTZ KZ LII 66 (to qell); ÇABEJ St. II 6263 (fo llo w s L a m b e r t z ) .
qëmtoj
a o r. qëmtova ‘to gather’. Borrowed from Rom *coêmptâre, Lat coëmere ‘to buy up’. cf.

ao r. që'ndrova ‘to stop, to halt’. Borrowed from Rom *centrare, derivative of Lat centrum ( M e y e r Wb. 225) used to denote an immo­ bile object, in particular, the immobile leg of a compass. 0 C a m a r d a I 44 (to Gk K É v x p o v ‘goad, point’).

qëndroj

qëroj aor. qërova ‘to clean, to sort out’. Borrowed from Lat carâre

‘to card (linen)’. Hence, ‘to sort out’. 0 CAMARDA I 4 4 (to Gk K opéco ‘to sweep, to clean’); MIHÄESCU RESEE IV/1-2 15 (from Lat curare).
qërtoj aor. qërtova ‘to blame, to reproach’. Another variant is qortoj.

See qartoj. qiell m /n, pi. qiej ‘sky, heaven’. Borrowed from Lat caelum id. (R A S K apud H u l d 107; G i l ’f e r d t n g Otn. 25; M i k l o s i c h Rom. Elemente 8; M e y e r Wb. 225-226). 0 M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1043, 1051; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 93; M i h ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 13; H a a r m a n n 113; L a n d i Lat. 71-72, 137. qift m, pl. qiftë ‘k ite, kind o f v u ltu re’. B o r ro w e d from Lat accipi ter ‘v u ltu r e ’ (MEYER Wb. 226). For the lo ss o f the last sy lla b le cf. mbret ( J o k l LKUBA 306). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1044, 1055; M i h ä e s c u RESEE IV/1-2 31; Ç a b e j St. VII 184; H a a r m a n 110.
q ÿ aor. q iv a ‘to cop u late, to h ave sexu al in te r c o u r se ’. B o rro w ed from

Q IK Ë L

Q IQ Ë R

361

Lat coire id. through the in term ed iate stage *kemj. 0 MEYER Wb. 2 2 6 (from Lat inclinare ‘to cau se to le a n ’), Alb. St. V 90 (to Lat scindo ‘to cut, to tear’); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß -1 1054 (sam e as MEYER); J o k l Zb. Belie 49; T A G L IA V IN I Dalmazia 95; PIS A N I AAL V ili 345 (to IE *ken- ‘to ru b ’).

qikël f. pi. qikla ‘point, spike, peak’. Singularized plural of *qekel. From PAlb *kekulä related to Lith këkulas ‘lump, cluster’, Latv cekuls ‘fore­ lock, cluster’. 0 F r a e n k e l 234-235; Ç a b e j St. VII 235. qime f, pi. qime ‘hair’. Another form is qym. Borrowed from Lat cyma ‘young shoots (of cabbage)’ ( M e y e r Wb. 226-227). 0 MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 16 (from Lat coma)', CAM ARDA I 52 (to Gk icijua ‘wave, billow’); M ih à e s c u RESEE I V /1-2 15; Ç a b e j St. V II205; H a a r m a n n 122; L a n d i Lat. 69, 100. qind num. ‘hundred’. Borrowed from Lat centum id. (CAMARDA I 37; M i k l o s i c h Rom. Elemente 13; M e y e r Wb. 2 2 7 ). 0 G i l ’f e r d i n g Otn. 2 2 (related to Skt sata- id.); M e y e r -L U b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1044, 1051; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 95; M l H Ä E S C U RESEE I V / 1-2 22; H a a r ­ m a n n 116; L a n d i Lat. 5 1 , 98; HAMP Numerals 9 1 9 . qingël f, pl. qingla ‘girth, belly-band (of pack anim als)’. Another variant is qengël. Borrowed from Lat cìngala id. (CAMARDA I 165; M ik l o s ic h Rom. Elemente 14; M e y e r Wb. 227) 0 MlHÄESCU RESEE I V /1-2 14; H a a r m a n n 117; L an d i Lat. 98, 111, 117. qipër f ‘co p p er, b r o n z e ’. B o r ro w e d from Lat (aes) cyprium ‘c o p p e r ’ (M ik l o s ic h Rom. Elemente 20; M e y e r Wb. 2 2 8 ). 0 C a m a r d a I 52 (to Lat cuprum id.); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1046; MlHÄESCU RESEE I V / 1-2 22; H a a r m a n n 121. qipi f, pi. qipi ‘stack’. Secondary derivative of PAlb *küpa related to OPers kaufa- ‘mountain’, OHG Itufo ‘heap’, OE he'ap id. and also houf id., Lith káupas id., Slav *kupa id. (JOKL Studien 43). 0 FRAENKEL 231; O n io n s 432; V a s m e r I I 418-419; P o k o r n y I 591-592; D e m iraj AE 341 (collective of kup id.). qiqër
f , pi.

qiqra ‘chick-pea’. Borrowed from Lat cicerem id.

(C A M A R D A

362

Q IQ IR IQ —

QOS

I 68; M i k l o s i c h Rom. Elemente 14; M e y e r Wb. 226). 0 M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß2 1 1045, 1051; M i h ä e s c u RESEE IV/1-2 22; H a a r m a n n 117; L a n d i Lat. 56, 98, 112. qiqiriq m, pl. qiqiriq ‘ground-nut’. Derived from qiqër. qiri m, pl. qirinj ‘candle’. Borrowed from MGk icr|pi id. 228). 0 C a m a r d a I 181; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 96.
(M E Y E R

Wb.

qis aor. qita ‘to pull out’. From PAlb *kit ja derived from an adjective in *-to-, *kita, and further related to Gk kicö ‘to go, to move’, Lat ciêO trans, 'to move’ and the like. 0 M e y e r Wb. 228 (from Lat excitare ‘to call out, to bring out’); P H IL IP P ID E Or. Rom. II 668 (follows M e y e r ) ; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 96-97; P o k o r n y I 538-539; F r i s k I 862-863; W a l d e - H o f m a n n I 213-214. qitër f, pl. qitra ‘citron’. Borrowed from Lat citrum, citrus ‘citrus (tree)’. up’. B o r r o w e d f r o m L a t ciere ‘to m o v e , t o a g i t a t e ’ . I 6 6 ( t o gjumë); B a r i C ARSt I 1 2 0 ( f o l l o w s C a m a r d a ); J o k l Melanges Pedersen 147-150 ( t o L a t ciêre); C lM O C H O W S K l LP II 221; M a n n Language XXVIII 34 ( r e l a t e d t o L a t ciëô); Ö L B E R G IBK XIV 109; Ç a b e j Etim. Ill 128-129; JA N S O N Unt. 125-126; D e m i r a j AE 341.
aor.
‘to w a k e 0 Cam
arda

qoj

qova

qok m, pl. qokë ‘kind of ow l’. Another variant is qukë. An ono­ matopoeia. qok aor. qoka ‘to seize, to touch, to peck’. Another variant is quk. An expressive verb. 0 M e y e r Wb. 229 (from Slav *k!'ukati ‘to peck’). qokë f, pl. qoka ‘broody hen’. Derived from qok ‘to seize’.
a z i o n e I4V; c a m a j a i o . w o r m , i l o t i r o m - K-ium->;
h a m i-

V 110;

Ç abej

St. VII 231.

quar

QUAJ ~

Q IJE J —

Q U P I.O J

363

(to

Gk

k o g | io ç ‘ o r d e r ’ );

F r is k I 8 6 7 - 8 6 8 ; F r a e n k e l 2 7 4 ; W a ld e -

H o fm a n n I 2 2 9 - 2 3 1 ; P o k o r n y I 6 0 4 - 6 0 5 ; Ç a b e j St. I I 6 3 - 6 4 ( “ e x p r e s ­
s iv e s h o r te n in g ” o f

quilos).

quaj ~ quej aor. quajta ~ quejta ‘t o c a l l , t o g i v e a n a m e ’ . F r o m P A l b *kläusnja, a d e n o m i n a t i v e b a s e d o n I E *kleuos ‘g l o r y , w o r d ’ ; Skt s'rávas-, Gk KÀioç, S l a v *slovo ( C a m a r d a I 5 2 ) . 0 M e y e r Wb. 2 3 0 ( t o gjuhë); JO K L IF XLIX 2 9 1 , Studien 6 0 ; B A R I Í ARSt 71 ( t o gjuhè'); P e d e r s e n IF V 3 6 ; P i s a n i REIEIV 7 ; M a n n Language X V II 1 6 , XXVI 3 8 3 , XXVIII 3 3 ; P O R Z IG Gliederung 7 5 ; F R IS K I 8 6 9 - 8 7 0 ; V A S M E R I I I 6 7 3 ; M a y r h o f e r I I I 3 8 9 - 3 9 0 ; Ç a b e j St. V I I 2 0 1 , 2 3 1 ; H u l d 1 4 5 ; D e m i r a j AE 3 4 2 . quar ~ quer m, pi. qore ‘prison, cellar, shelter’. Goes back to PAlb *klâ(u)ra further related to qos. 0 JO K L LKUBA 9 5 - 9 7 (to Slav *kleth ‘barn’ and its cognates); Ç a b e j St. II 6 4 (to OIr claidim ‘to empty’, Gk KÀ.a8oepôç ‘fragile’). qudohem reti, ‘to persist, to be obstinate’. Borrowed from Ital chiud­ ere ‘t o shut’ ( M e y e r Wb. 2 2 9 ) . 0 Ç a b e j St. II 6 4 (to çudis). quii m ‘porridge’. The original meaning seems to be ‘liquid food’ as indicated by the denominative quii ‘to make wet’. From P A l b *klusla related to Gk kàÀ)Çcû ‘to rinse’, Lat cluö ‘to clean’ and the like (M E Y E R Wb. 2 2 8 , Alb. St. I l l 4 with the reconstruction *kludlo-). 0 C a m a r d a I 6 9 (to Gk xu^ôç ‘juice’); F r i s k I 8 7 6 - 8 7 7 ; W a l d e H o f m a n n I 2 3 9 - 2 4 0 ; P o k o r n y I 6 0 7 ; M i h ä e s c u RESEE I V / 3 - 4 3 5 0 (borrowed from Gk x v ^ ô ç ) ; Ç a b e j St. II 6 5 (follows M i h ä e s c u ). qumësht m ‘milk, whey’. In dialects (e.g. in Cham), the initial kl- is preserved. Borrowed from Latin. Continues Rom *clomostrum < Lat colostrum ‘colostrum, beestings’ (M E Y E R Wb. 2 2 9 ) . 0 JOKL LKUBA
a v in i

. II

Stratiju
X IV /X

6 3 ).

SCelt

364

Q URRA

RABECKË

qurra pi. ‘snot, snivel’. Another variant is qyrra. From PAlb *klura etymologically identical with Lith sliurti ‘to become dirty’ and going back to an Indo-European localism *kleu-r-. 0 M e y e r Wb. 230 (from Turk kir ‘dirt, filth’), Alb. St. IV 87, V 91; F R A E N K E L 1007; Ç A B E J St. II 6 5 (to Lith krèkti ‘to coagulate, to clot’). qye m, pi. qej ‘summit, peak’. From P A l b *klaina continuing IE *kloino- ‘slanting, skew’ > Goth gen. pi. hlaine ‘hill’ ( Ç A B E J St. II 6 1 ) . 0 F e i s t Goth. 2 6 0 - 2 6 1 ; P O K O R N Y I 6 0 0 - 6 0 2 ; O r e l Linguistica XXIV 4 3 3 . ‘slime, mud’. From PAlb *kûla identical with Lith killa ‘out­ g row th4, Slav *kyla id. 0 F R A E N K E L 3 0 6 ; P O K O R N Y I 5 3 6 - 5 3 7 ; T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa XIII 2 6 2 - 2 6 3 . qyr aor. qyra ‘to look’. Another variant is këqyr with a prefix kë-. Con­ tinues P A lb *kewira related to Gk Koéco ‘to note’, Lat caveö ‘to be aware’, Goth hausjan ‘to hear’. 0 FRISK 1 8 9 0 - 8 9 1 ; W A L D E - H O F M A N N I 18 6-18 7; P o k o rn y I 587. qyrë f, pi. qyra ‘rear side (of a knife)’. Together with qytë ‘blunt side (of an axe)' this form represents a derivative of an unattested verb *qyej ‘to blunt’ < PAlb *kenja, further connected with IE *ken- ‘to scratch, to cut’. For the semantic development cf. Lat obtusus ‘blunt’ ~ obtundere ‘to beat’. 0 POKORNY I 5 5 9 - 5 5 3 ; B U C K 1 0 7 0 - 1 0 7 1 . qysh
adv.

qyi m

‘how’. Locative of që.

qytet m, pi. qytete ‘city’. Borrowed from Lat civitate(m) id. ( C A M A R D A I 5 3 ; M I K L O S I C H Rom. Elemente 1 4 ; M e y e r Wb. 2 2 9 ) . 0 M E Y E R - L O B K E Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1 0 4 3 , 1 0 4 8 ; M l H Ä E S C U RESEE I V / 1 - 2 1 4 ; T A G L I ­ A V I N I Origini 1 9 0 ; H A A R M A N N 1 1 7 ; Ç A B E J St. II 6 5 - 6 6 (on the umlaut in the suffix -et); O R E L Linguistica XXIV 4 3 8 (on the evolution of PAlb *-ïwi- and Lat -ivi-); L a n d i Lat. 8 3 , 8 5 , 1 4 6 .

R
rabeckë f, pi. rabecka ‘sparrow ’. Based on *rabee borrowed from Slav *vorbhCb id., cf. in South Slavic: Bulg vrabec, SCr vrabac ( D e SNIC K A J A Slav. zaim. 1 3 ) . 0 S v a n e 1 4 5 .

RA BU SH

-

RA SE

365

rabush m ‘hard outer scale of onion’. Another variant is rapush ‘onion-top, flower of onion’. Borrowed from Bulg rabus ‘tally, tag’. 0 M a n n HAED 421 (to lè'push). radis aor. radita ‘to prepare, to make ready (of food)’. Borrowed from Slav *raditi ‘to settle, to arrange, to make ready’, cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg ra d ’a, SCr raditi ( M I K L O S I C H Slav. Elemente 31; M e y e r Wb. 360). 0 S v a n e 223, 240. radhë f, pt. radhë ‘row ’. From dialectal NGk p à ô a id., cf. NGk à p à ô a ( M e y e r Wb. 360). 0 C a m a r d a II 334; Ç a b e j St. VII 279. ragal m ‘kennel’. A Tosk hapax registered by JO K L in a phrase ragal’a e senit ‘dog’s kennel’. Early borrowing from Slav *rogalb ‘corner’, cf. SCr ragalj (G lN D IN - K a l u Z s k a j a SBJa Ètnokul’t. 30-32); note Alb -a- < Slav *-o-. Semantically, cf. Slav *kgtja ‘house, hut’ derived from *kgfb ‘corner’ ( T r u b a c e v ZfPhon. XXXIV 477). 0 JO K L IF XLIV 13-15 (connects ragal with Rum argea ‘shed’ and ancient Maced apyeWux ‘Macedonian baths’); P IS A N I REIE IV 17 (fantastic comparison with Lat nebula); H a s d e u EMR II 309 -310 (Rum argea < ancient Balk *arge Ila)', TAGLIAVINI Origini 149; ClORANESCU I 36 (R u m argea < Turk C hag arya ‘box’); POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 328; ROSETTI ILR 271-272; ÇABEJ St. II 94; OREL Koll. Idg. Ges. 362; DEMIRAJ AE 342343. rangë f ‘h om e w o r k ’. F rom P A lb *wranka w ith an o rig in a l m ea n in g * ‘gathering’, etymologically identical with Lith tanka ‘hand’, parankà ‘gathering’, renku, riñkti ‘to gather’, Slav *rçka ‘hand’. 0 F R A E N K E L 697; V A S M E R III 515; P O K O R N Y I 1155; Ç A B E J St. II 67-68 (connect­ ed with Ital rangola ‘preoccupation’ or Lat rancor ‘ro t’). rapë f ‘tu rn ip ’. B o r ro w e d fro m Lat râpa id. (MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1042). 0 JOKL LKUBA 232. (G) raqitë f ‘broom (bush)’. Borrowed from Slav *orkyta id., cf. Bulg rakita, SC r rakita (MEYER Wb. 361). 0 SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 189; SVANE 127. rasë f, pl. rase ‘case’. A phonetic variant of rast, a Turkish loanword, influenced by ra, aoristic stem of bie ( Ç A B E J St. II 68).

366

RA SË

RE

~

rasë f, pi. rasa 'cassock’. From MGk páoov id. ably, via Bulg rasa, SCr rasa.

(ÇA B EJ

St. II

69),

prob­

rashë f ‘kind of woman’s shirt’. Borrowed from MLat räsum ‘kind of C l o t h ’ ( Ç a b e j St. II 68-69). rashqel m, pi. rashqela ‘rake’. Another variant is rrashqel. Borrowed from Lat rdstellus ‘little hoe’. ratë
adj.

‘horizontal’, Derived from rashë, aor. of bie.

ravë f, pi. rava ‘path (in mountains or snow)’. An early borrowing from Slav *rovr ‘ditch’. 0 B a r i £ ARSt I 7 8 (to Slav *noga ‘foot’); V A S M E R h Alb. Wortforsch. 54 (etymologically related to Slav *rovb); Ç A B E J St. II 6 9 - 7 0 (metathesis of varrë). ravgë f ‘path (in mountains)’. An early borrowing from Slav *rovbki> ‘ditch’, cf. ravë. Derived from ravgë is ravgoj ‘to wander, to walk to and fro ’ (ÇABEJ St. II 70). re indecl. ‘attention’. Used in ve' re ‘to pay attention’. Identical with rojë ‘guard’ derived from ruaj ( Ç a b e j St. II 71-72). The verb vërej ‘to pay attention’ is a univerbation of vë re. 0 M E Y E R Wb. 362 (to Lat gravis ‘heavy’); W i e d e m a n n BB XXVII 210 (to Lith regeti ‘to see’); J o k l Studien 75-76, LKUBA 207 (follows W i e d e m a n n and points to ruaj as the closest connection). re ~ ré f, pi. re ~ rê ‘cloud’. Singularized plural of *ri. Goes back to PAlb *rina etymologically identical with Illyr pivoç- à%kx>ç (JO K L AfslPh XXXI 2 3 8 , Reallex. Vorgesch. I 8 6 ) . Further connections are Skt rinati ‘to pour, to let flow’, Gk Lesb opivco ‘to move’. 0 C A M A R D A I 9 2 (to Gk trpp ‘a ir’); M e y e r Wb. 3 6 2 (to Gmc *raukiz ‘smoke’ > OHG rouh, ON reykr and the like), Alb.St. Ill 3 7 , 9 0 ; B a r ic ': ARSt I 7 8 (to IE *nebh‘cloud’); S c h m i d t KZ L 2 4 4 (to Skt ràja-)\ R i b e z z o RivAlb I 1 4 0 (to Gk e'peßoq); T A G L IA V IN I Dalmazia 2 3 5 (follows M E Y E R ); P IS A N I Saggi 9 9 , 1 2 3 ; P o k o r n y I 3 3 0 ; C a m a j Alb. Worth. 5 2 (to pernia); H a m p St. Whatmough 8 0 (agrees with JO K L ); Ç A B E J St. II 71 (repeats J O K L ’ s etymology but also compares re with err); H u l d 1 0 7 - 1 0 8 (links re to Lat rös ‘dew’, Lith rasa id.); OREL ZfBalk XXIII 1 4 5 ; D E M IR A J AE 3 4 4 (agrees with R lB E Z Z O ).

RE

REM

367

re f, pi. reja ‘young woman, daughter-in-law, bride’. Substantivized feminine of ri. red m ‘row ’. Borrowed from Slav *rçdb id., cf. South Slavic contin­ uants: Bulg red, SCr red (M IK L O S IC H Slav. Elemente 3 2 ) . 0 SVANE
224. 241.

regëzinj aor. regëziva ‘to tear (clothes)’. An Old Albanian form (BUZUKU) based on the noun rragozinë ‘rag ’ (LA PIANA Studi. Varia 41). The latter is an early Slavic loanword continuing Slav *rogozina ‘bast mat’. 0 Ç a b e j St. II 72 (metathesis of *gërzinj derived from gris). regj m, pl. regjer ‘king’. Borrowed from Lat rêgem id . (M IK L O SIC H Rom. Elemente 5 5 ) . 0 M E Y E R Wb. 3 6 2 (from Lat rëg(u)lus); M E Y E R -L Ü B K E Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1 0 4 4 ; R E S U L L I Studi albanesi III-IV 2 1 1 - 2 1 3 (from Old Ital rege i d . ) ; M lH Ä E S C U RESEE I V / 1 -2 1 9 ; Ç A B E J St. II 7 2 (agrees with M E Y E R Gr. Gr.); H A A R M A N N 1 4 5 ; L A N D I Lat. 8 3 , 9 6 ,
145.

regj aor. regja ‘to tan’. From PAlb *raugja, a denominative verb ety­ mologically related to ON reykr ‘smoke’, OHG rouh id. The original meaning of the word was ‘to smoke’. 0 M E Y E R Wb. 362 (from SCr redjati ‘to put in a row, to set in ord er’); JO K L Slavia XIII 299 (agrees with M E Y E R ); P O K O R N Y I 872; M A N N Language XXVI 382383 (to Gk péÇco); Ç A B E J St. II 73-74 (from IE *ureg- related to Gk epyov ‘w ork’); D E M IR A J AE 345 (to Lith rugti ‘to become sour’). rekë f ‘brook, rivulet’. Another morphonological variant is rëké ( J o k l LKUBA 225). Borrowed from Slav *rëka ‘riv er’, cf. in South Slavic: Bulg reka, SCr rijeka, reka (M IK LO SIC H Slav. Elemente 32; M E Y E R Wb. 363). 0 S e l i S c e v Slav, naselenie 188, 323; S v a n e 172. rekës m ‘giant’. Verbal adjective based on rrek MEYER Wb. 363 (to Slovene orjak id.).

abej

St. II

7 4 ). 0

rem m ‘copper’. Singularized plural of the attested form ram id. bor­ rowed from Ital rame id. (M IK L O S IC H Rom. Elemente 54; M E Y E R Wb. 361). 0 M E Y E R -L Ü B K E Gr. Grundriß2 1 1042; V A SM E R Alb. Wortforsch. 29 (follows M i k l o s i c h ) ; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 234 (the same); J o k l

368

REM E

RESE

RESH

RËK O SH

369

Arch. Rom. XXIV 35 (from Lat aerarnen ‘bronze or copper shavings’); M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 12; H a a r m a n 110; Ç a b e j St. II 74-75 (agrees with Jo k l ).

cal with rese ‘guard, envy’. The reed trellis was used to protect the roof from falling. 0 ÇABEJ St. II 75-76 (borrowed from Bulg resa ‘stamen’). resha ‘to fall (of snow or rain)’. Secondarily restored from the aorist rashë of hie ‘to fall’ (JOKL IF XL11I 52-55). 0 MEYER Wb. 363 (to Skt vèrsati ‘to rain’ and the like), Alb. Studien III 86; JOKL Studien 73-74 (to Lith rasa ‘dew’, Slav *rosa id.); BARld ARSt 1 79 (to IE *sneig“ ‘snow’); C a m a j Alb. Worth. 52; Ç a b e j St. II 76 h(agrees with M e y e r ); Ham p IF LXXXVI 191-192; H u ld 108; D e m ir a j Koll. Idg. Ges. 12, AE 345-346.
aor.

resh

remë f, pi. rema ‘watermill ditch’. Borrowed from NGk pé^a < Gk
pe% a ‘ditch, rivulet’ (CAMARDA I 53; M e y e r Wb. 373). 0 MANN HAED 425, 434 (identical with rremb); ÇABEJ St. II 75 (agrees with M a n n ).

rend m, pl. rende

‘r o w ’. A n early loanw ord from S lav *rçdi, (MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 32; MANN Language XVII 20-21), cf. red. The verb rendis ‘to put in o r d e r ’ r e fle c ts S lav *rçditi id. 0 S e l i S c e v Slav, nase­ lenie 182; S v a n e 223, 241.

reshis aor. reshita

‘to ex tin g u ish ’. B orrow ed from Slav *resiti ‘to s o lv e ’

rend aor. renda ‘to run, to hurry’. Continues PAlb *renta, a deriva­
tive of *rena etymologically related to Goth rinnan ‘to run’, ON ritma id. 0 M e y e r Wb. 363 (from MGk pevxoa ‘horse-race’); JOKL LKUBA 280-281 (derivative in *-t- of *ren-)\ M a n n Language XXVIII 37 (to Skt ramhati); FEIST Goth. 398-399; POKORNY I 328 (to IE *er- ‘to rise’).

also m ean in g ‘to e x tin g u is h ’ as in SCr resiti (MIKLOSICH Slav. Ele­ mente 32; M e y e r Wb. 363). 0 S e liS c e v Slav, naselenie 181, 192; S v a n e 24 1 .

reshpe f, pl. reshpe ‘avalanche, rocky precipice’. Another variant is
reshme. In the anlaut, rr- is also possible. Derived from resh. 0 MEYER Wb. 364 (from Ital raspa ‘scraper, rasp’).

rendoj aor. rendova ‘to grate’. Secondary formation based on rend ‘row ’.
‘desert’. Continues an umlauticized PAlb *raupä etymologi­ cally related to ON rauf ‘pit’, Lith raupiii, raüpti ‘to hollow out’ further related to IE *reup- ‘to tear, to break’. 0 FRAENKEL 7 0 7 -7 0 8 ; POKORNY I 87 0 .
f

resht aor. reshta ‘to keep away; to stop’. Anlaut in rr- is also possi­
ble. A secondary formation based on rreshtoj ‘to arrest’ borrowed from Rom *arre stare ‘to stop, to arrest’. 0 C A M A R D A II 159 (to Lat resisto ‘to stop’); M E Y E R Wb. 364 (from Ital restare ‘to stop’).

repë

rezhdë f: pl. rezhda ‘ring at goat’s throat’. Another variant is rrezhdë.
Etymologically identical with rezhgë. 0 M e y e r Wb. 373 (to rrezhdë ~ rreshtë ‘bone’); Ç a b e j St. II 76-77 (from SCr resa ‘ring at goat’s throat’, Bulg resa ‘stamen’).

repë f, pl. repa

‘tu rn ip ’. B o r ro w e d from Slav *repa id ., cf. in South

Slavic: Bulg r'apa, dial, repa, SCr repa (MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 32). 0 S e liS c e v Slav, naselenie 162; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV/1-2 24 (from Lat râpum); SVANE 108.

rezhgë f, pl. rezhga ‘honeycomb cell’. Borrowed from Slav *rëzbka,
unattested derivative of *redr b ‘ra re ’. bkr

repuq adj. ‘to rn ’. A suffixal derivative of rjep rëfyrë f, pl. rëfyra ‘knot, outgrowth (on a tree)’. Préfixai derivative resë
I. pi.

resa

‘e n v v '. H i s t o r

(>,, 4cru a r H ’ H ^ r i v p r l

»J ,

C IO

Cl

C4IV.J U t

VJ>I

L ^ a .1

id. (JOKL Studien 76). 0 BORGEAUD RRL 6 ( 1973) 529-531 ; ÇABEJ St.

j

rëkosh m ‘fat cheese’. A prefi; .

of *k

370

RËM ËR

~

RËM EN

RËRË

~

RANË

rëmër - rëmen m, pl. rëmënj ‘Valachian; shepherd’. Attested in Greece only. Borrowed from Lat Rormnus ‘Roman’ (MEYER Wb. 365). 0 M e y er L ü BKE Gr. Grundriß 21 1049; ÇABEJ St. II 77 (from Arum arumîn ‘Arumunian’); Pu^CARlu Etudes 60 (semantic development of rëmër and vllah). rëmova ‘to d ig ’. B o r r o w e d from Lat rimàri ‘to d ig , to h o e ’ (MEYER Wb. 365). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß21 1049; SCHUCHARDT K Z X X 251.
aor.

rëmoj

rëndë ~ randë adj. ‘heavy’. Continues PAlb *raunta derived from the verbal stem of aor. rashë < *rausa, see hie ‘to fall’ (ÇABEJ St. II 71). From rëndë the verb rëndoj ‘to be heavy’ is derived. 0 CAMARDA I 47 (to Skt ramate ‘(he) is quiet’); MEYER Wb. 365 (borrowing from Lat grandis ‘large’), Alb.St. Ill 8, IV 25; BUGGE BB XVIII 183 (agrees with M e y e r ) ; J o k l Studien 74 (participle of a verb reflected in Lith ri'eju, rieti ‘to stack, to bend’); BARIC ARSt. I 86-87 (to Lith sveriii ‘to weigh’ and the like); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 234-235; M a n n Lan­ guage XVII 20 (from *g"ri}dho-)\ ÇABEJ St. II 71 (arguments in favor of B a r iC ’s etymology); HULD 108 (supports JOKL ‘s etymology). rëngë f, pl. rënga ‘chime, tinkling (of bells)’. Borrowed from one of the continuants of Gmc *xrengaz ‘ring’, cf. *xrengjan ‘to ring, to tinkle’: ON hringja, OE hringan and the like. 0 HOLTHAUSEN AEW 174-175; Z a l i z n ’ a k Etimologi]a 132. rënkoj aor. rënkova ‘to moan, to groan’. Another variant is rëkoj. Tosk equivalents of ankoj. 0 CAMARDA I 56 (to Gk péyicco ‘to snore’). rënxoj aor. rënxova ‘to cause hernia’. Borrowed from Rom *hernizäre based on hernia ‘rupture, hernia’. 0 MEYER Wb. 365 (to Ital ernia ‘hernia’); Ç a b e j St. II 78 (phonetic variant of rrëzoj). rëpjetë adj. ‘steep’. A variant of përpjetë in which rë- seems to rep­ resent a phonetic transformation of per- (JOKL IF XXXVII 95-96, LKUBA 244 n. 1). The same is true of rëposh - përposh. 0 ÇABEJ St. VII 243. rërë - ranë f ‘sand’. Borrowed from Lat aréna id. (MIKLOSICHRom. Elemente 3; MEYER Wh. 366, Alb. St. IV 17). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grund­ riß 21 1044; JOKL LKUBA 281 ; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 234; MANN Language

R Ë S H IR Ë

~

R Ë S H IN Ë

R IK Ë

371

XVII 23; M ih ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 12; H a a r m a n 111; Ç a b e j St. II 78-79; JANSON Uni. 57-58; LANDI Lat. 54, 80, 114. rëshirë ~ rëshinë f ‘resin; grape juice’. Borrowed from Lat resina id. (M e y e r Wb. 369). 0 Ç a b e j St. VII 244. rëzëgojë I ‘arsenic’. Another variant is rëzigojë. Results from the folk etymology (rrëzë and gojë) of the original *ërsingë borrowed from NGk á p a e v i K Ó v id. (MEYER Wb. 366). ri adj. ‘new, young, recent’. From PAlb *rija, a zero-grade derivative of IE *er- ~ *or- ‘to rise, to make move’, cf. O N grr ‘quick’, O S am id. of a similar origin (OREL Linguistica XXIV 4 3 3 -4 3 4 ). 0 CAMARDA I 85 (from *neuos ‘new’); MEYER Wb. 3 6 6 (comparison with rris); BUGGE BB XVII1 170 (follows CAMARDA); B ari Ó ARSt 79 (from *neuios); TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 2 3 7 (rejects BUGGE’s etymology); POKORNY I
3 2 6 -3 3 2 ; HULD 1 0 8 -1 0 9 .

rig m, pi. riga ‘king (in cards)’. Borrowed from MGk pfjyaç ‘king’. rigash m, pl. rigashë ‘turkey’. Derivative of rig. rigë f ‘drizzle’. The verb is rigoj ‘to drizzle’. The latter is borrowed from Lat rigare ‘to sprinkle, to irrigate’. 0 MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 55 (from Ital riga, rigare ‘to make w et’); MEYER Wb. 366 (follows
M ik l o s ic h ).

rij ~ rî ‘to make humid’. Continues PAlb *rinja related to Skt rinati ‘to stream, to release’, Slav *ringti ‘to flow’ and the like (JOKL Studien 74-75). Note a deverbative (G) rîtë ‘w et’. 0 V a s m e r III 484; M a y r h o f e r III 59-60; P o k o r n y I 330-331; Ö l b e r g apud D em ir a j (to OHG reineo ‘stallion’); Ç a b e j St. II 79-80 (to Gk paivcu ‘to sprin­ kle’, Slav *roniti ‘to drop, to pour’); DEMIRAJ AE 346. rikë f, pi. rika ‘duckling, duck’. Cf. also rikëz ‘piglet’. Based on an onomatopoeic verb PAlb *rika denoting quacking or similar sounds and connected with Lith rikti ‘to c ry ’ and the like. 0 MEYER Wb. 366 (rikëz explained as an onomatopoeia), 369 (to SCr ricka ‘kind of duck’); F r a e n k e l 717, 734; Ç a b e j St. II 80 (onomatopoeia).

372

R IM I!'

R O B T IS

rinite adj. ‘dark blue, blue, azure, green’. A parallel and more archaic form is rrimtë. Derived from rrime, cf. OBret uurm ‘dark (color)’, W gwrm ‘dark blue' as color designations based on the word for ‘worm’ (O re l IF XLIII 116). 0 BariC ARSt. 80 (to OE m'pan ‘to become dark’); Ç abej St. II 80 (compares with remtë ‘dark brown, bronze’). riqe f, pi. riqe ‘b rier’. Borrowed from Gk épeíieri id. or NGk peiKvot id. (C a m a r d a II 159; M e y e r Wb. 366). 0 H a a r m a n n 123 (from Lat eñca)\ ÇABEJ St. II 81. ris m, pi. riser ~ risen ‘lynx’. Borrowed from Slav *rysb id., cf. in South Slavic: Bulg ris, SCr ris. rishte pi. ‘cartilages; kind of dry pastry’. Umlauticized form of rreshtë. rizë f, pi. riza ‘kerchief’. Borrowed from Slav *riza ‘shirt, kerchief’, cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg riza, SCr riza (MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 32; M e y e r Wb. 367). 0 S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 174; S v a n e 49. rjep aor. ropa ‘to strip off (skin or bark), to tear o f f. A parallel form is rrjep. Goes back to PAlb *repa connected with IE * r e p Gk èpé7tî0|iiav ‘to eat’, Lat rapiö ‘to seize, to grasp’, Lith rè'pti ‘to grasp’ and the like (MEYER BB VIII 189, Wb. 367, Alb. St. Ill 31). 0 CAMARDA I 79 (to Gk Aino ‘to peel’); MEYER Gr. Gr. 167; TAGLIAVINI Dal­ mazia 237; SCHUCHARDT KZ XX 251 (borrowed from Lat rapiö); E r n o u t - M e i l l e t 564; P is a n i Saggi 130; F r a e n k e l 721-722; F r is k 1552-553; W a ld e - H o e m a n n I I 417; POKORNY I 856; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 19 (borrowed from Lat rapere); HAMP Münch. St. Spr. XXXVII 61; H u ld 150; O r e l FLH V III/1-2 40, Linguistica XXIV 437; H a a r ­ m a n n 145 (from Latin); D e m ir a j AE 346-347. rob rob, robër ‘serf, prisoner’. Borrowed from Slav *orb-h id. (M IK L O S IC H Slav. Elemente 32; MEYER Wb. 3 6 8 ). As far as attested South Slavic languages reflect ra- (Bulg rab, SCr rah), the Albanian word continues a form from an extinct dialect. 0 SVANE 192, 24 1 .
m, pi.

robtis aor. robtisa ‘to make work hard, to enslave’. Borrowed from Slav *orbotiti id., cf. rob.

ROD

R O K O M 1N Ë

373

rod m ‘kin, family’. Borrowed from S lav *rodT, id., cf. in South Slavic: Bulg rod, SCr rod (S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 184). 0 SVANE 1 8 6 -1 8 7 . rogeçë pi. ‘masked participants of a carnival’. Based on an unattest­ ed singular *rogaç borrowed from Slav *rogacb ‘horned (creature)’, cf. in South Slavic: Bulg rogac, SCr rogac (SVANE 214). rogë f ‘glade, clearing (especially, in the mountains)’. Borrowed from Slav *rogb ‘horn’, also used as a geographical term, cf. Bulg rog, SCr rog. 0 iOKLZfOrt X 188 (to OHG riuti)\ ÇABEJ St. II 81 (derived from rruaj). rogoveckë f, pi. rogoveca ‘acacia’. Borrowed from an unattested Slav *rogovbChka ‘horned (object)’. rois aor. roita ‘to swarm (of bees)’. Borrowed from Slav *rojiti (sç) id., cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg roja, SCr roiti se (JOKL LKUBA 2 8 6 ). 0 S e l i S c e v Slav, naselenie 167; D e s n i c k a j a Slav. zaim. 13;
S v a n e 24 1 .

roj m, pi. roje ‘swarm of bees’. Borrowed from Slav *rojb id., cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg roj, SCr roj, cf. rois (SVANE 158, 241). rojë f, pl. rojë, roja ‘guard’. Derived from ruaj. rojkë f, pi. rojka ‘bee (in the swarm)’. Borrowed from Slav *rojbka id., attested in South Slavic as a proper name: Bulg Rojka, SCr Rojka. rok m ‘term ’. Borrowed from Slav *rokT> ‘time, term, year; fate’, cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg rok , SCr rok (MIKLOSICH Slav. Ele­ mente 32; MEYER Wb. 3 6 8 ). 0 S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 197. rokëz f ‘kind of children game, round dance’. Identical with rrokëz ‘helix’ derived from rrokë. 0 MEYER Wb. 368 (from NGk p ó ra ‘fork’); ÇABEJ St. II 81 (derived from rrok). rokominë f ‘shrunk old m an’. A n exp ressive form ation in roko- < rroko, cf. rrokë. 0 MEYER Wb. 36 8 (from Ital rocca del camino ‘f lu e ’); Ç a b e j St. II 81 (d e riv a tiv e o f rrogomis < gorromis ‘to throw d o w n ’).

374

K O N I 1 KM —

R L’AJ ~

RUFJ

ron item refi, “ to fall, to crumble’. Borrowed from Slav *roniti ‘to drop, to let fall’, cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg ron a, SCr roniti (attest­ ed in a different meaning - ‘to pour’). 0 SVANE 241. rose f, pi. rosa ‘duck’. From PAlb *anätjä, a cognate of Skt âti- ‘water bird’, Gk vrjaoa ‘duck’ and other continuations of IE *(a)ndtia ( B a r i Í ARSt 80), contaminated with IE *er(a)- ~ *or(a)- ‘bird’. Rum r a ß was borrowed from Proto-Albanian. 0 STIER KZ XI 148 (to Hung ruca, rece and Rum ra{a)\ MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 3 1 (from Slavic); C a m a r d a II 167 (follows S t ie r ); M e y e r Wb. 368-369 (to rik ‘duck’ and forms adduced by STIER); V a sm e r Alb. Wortforsch. 55; SCHUCHARDT KZ XX 244 (from SCr raca id.); POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 347 (both Albanian and Rumanian words going back to a substratum reflex of IE *reudh-so-); MANN Language XXVI 381; POKORNY I 41; FRISK II 317-318; M a y r h o fe r I 72-73; OREL RRL XXX/2 106-107 (PAlb *arütjä influenced by the Indo-European word for ‘duck’). rotar m ‘servant’. A secondary phonetic variant of rrogëtar, deriva­ tive of rrogë (Ç a b e j St. II 82). 0 MEYER Wb. 369 (borrowed from a South Slavic continuant of Slav *ortarb ‘plowm an’, SCr ratar); S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 178, 326 (follows M e y e r ); V a s m e r Alb. Wortforsch. I 55 (the same); JOKL Slavia XIII 307-308 (agrees with
M e y e r ).

rozë aor. roza ‘knot (in wood)’. Borrowed from NGk pôÇoç id. Wb. 369). 0 C A M A R D A I 96 (to rrënjë).

(M E Y E R

rozgë f. pi. roiga ‘kind of thistle’. Another variant is rrozgë. Borrowed from Slav *rozga ‘twig, branch’, cf. in South Slavic: Bulg rozga, SCr rozga (JOKL LKUBA 2 2 0 -2 2 1 ). 0 S e l i S c e v Slav, naselenie 189; ÇABEJ St. II 1 0 1 -1 0 2 ; S v a n e 124. ruaj - ruej aor. ruajta ~ rova ‘to guard, to keep, to observe’. From PAlb *rägnja etymologically connected with ON r0kja ‘to take care of’, Gk àpriyco ‘to assist, to defend’. 0 M e y e r Wb. 3 6 9 (borrowed from Slav *xorniti ‘to keep’); WIEDEMANN BB XXVII 2 1 0 (to vë re ‘to make clear’); JOKL Studien 7 5 -7 6 (to Gk ópáw ‘to see’, OHG wara ‘atten­ tion’ and the like); B ariC ARSt I 88 (follows JOKL); FRISK I 137; POKORNY I 855; Ç a b e j St. II 8 2 -8 3 (follows JoK L and B a r i C); D e m ir a j AE 3 4 7 (follows W ie d e m a n n ).

RUAZË ~

RU E Z Ë

R U RE

375

ruazë ~ ruezë f, pl. ruaza ~ rueza ‘glass bead; glass ball (used as an amulet)’. There are also variants in rr-. Deverbative of ruaj ~ ruej (C a m a r d a II 167; J o k l StFil 1/3 9-11). 0 M ey er Wb. 370 (from *prllaze, to Ital perla ‘pearl’); ÇABEJ St. VII 2 0 1 , 22 5 . rube f, pi. ruba ‘kerchief’. Borrowed from Slav *rçb-i, ‘seam, border’, cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg rhb, SCr rub (MIKLOSICH Slav. Ele­ mente 32; M e y e r Wb. 3 7 1 ). Semantically closer is Slovene rob ‘cloth, shirt’. rudë adj. ‘short and soft (of wool)’. Borrowed from Slav *ruda ‘thick wool’, cf. South Slavic: Bulg ruda, SCr ruda ( M e y e r Wb. 3 7 0 ). rudinë f, pl. rudina ‘alpine pasture’. Borrowed from South Slavic *rudina id., cf. Bulg rudina, SCr rudina. rufkë adj. ‘soft-boiled (of egg)’. Another form is rufë. Derived from rufis ‘to sip’, a Modern Greek loanword ( M e y e r Wb. 3 7 0 ). rugjë
adj. ‘c lo s e ly c r o p p e d ’. S in g u la r ize d form o f the o rig in a l

*ruge.

A nother variant, w ith the u n v o iced anlaut, is rukë ‘w ithou t sh ell (o f n u ts), w aste, d ev a sta te d ’. F rom P A lb *ruga co n n ecte d w ith Lith rugti ‘to b eco m e so u r ’ < IE *reu-g- ‘to tear, to p u li’; the latter is d eriv ed from *reu-. 0 FRAENKEL 746; POKORNY 1 8 6 8 -8 6 9 ; JËGERS KZ L X X X 14 1 -1 4 2 ; Ç a b e j St. II 83 (from rruaj).

runë f ‘air-hole of a chimney’. Analogical transformation of ndê'r une ‘between bricks’ > ndë runë (Ç a b e j St. II 8 4 ). rungajë f, p i .rungaja ‘avalanche; river-bed’. Other variants are rrungajë, irunga and runga. Continues PAlb *wrunga connected with Lith rungúoti ‘to wind, to bend’, a secondary ablaut formation based on zeñgtis ‘to be bent’ < IE *ureng-. 0 FRAENKEL 7 1 9 , 749; POKORNY I
1154.

rungoj

aor.

rungova ‘to weed’. Borrowed from Lat runcäre id. 0

MEYER Wb. 371 (from Ital roncare id.).

rure

f ‘a g o n iz in g d o u b ts’. D er iv ed from

ruaj.

376

RUS

-

RRAFSH

rus adj. ‘red-haired, blond’. Borrowed from Slav id., cf. in South Slavic: Bulg rus, SCr rus (M e y e r Wb. 3 7 1 ). 0 S e l i Sc e v Slav, nase­ lenie 196 (follows M e y e r ); C a p i d a n Dacoromania IV 850 (from Arum anís)-, ÇABEJ St. II 84 (from NGk povaooç ‘red-haired’). ryej aor. reva ‘to suffer’. There are also dialectal forms in rr-. From the contracted PAlb *raudinja related to Skt róditi ‘to weep, to ro a r’, Lat rudö ‘to shout, to cry’, Lith raudà ‘weeping’, Slav *rydati ‘to weep’. 0 F r a e n k e l 704; M a y r h o f e r III 77; V a s m e r III 526-527; P o k o r n y 1 867; Ç a b e j St. II 79 (reconstructs *uren-). ryj aor. ryjta ‘to enter’. A préfixai form continuing *rë-hyj, cf. hyj (BARIC ARSt I 17). 0 C a m a r d a II 61 (to Gk ép e u v á w ‘to seek, to explore’); MANN HAED 431; Ç a b e j St. II 84 (to Lat ruö ‘to rush’ and the like).
r y s aor. ryta ‘to practice, to exercise’. Continues P A lb *rittja related

to Lat nul ‘to rush down, to fall down’, Slav *ryti ‘to dig’, Lith ráuti ‘to tear, to pull’ and the like. 0 XHUVANI KLetr 1/6 11 (to rusem); VASMER III 531; F r a e n k e l 708-709; W a ld e - H o f m a n n II 453-454; P o k o r n y I 868; Ç a b e j St. II 84 (to ryej ~ riej). ryzë f, pl. ryza ‘rue’. Derivative in -zë of an unattested *ryte borrowed from Lat rüta id. (Ç a b e j St. II 84-85).

Rr
rra f,pl. rra ‘belly-worm’. From PAlb *wragä related to OIr frige ‘vermin, flesh-worm ’ < *urg- (BARI¿ ARSt. I 88). 0 M e y e r Wb. 372 (from Lat crlnalis ‘related to hair’); P e d e r s e n KZ XXXIII 538 (against M e y e r ); WEIGAND BA III 217 (from Lat rênes ‘kidneys’); L a PIANA Studi I 6 6 (to Lat vergo ‘to bend, to turn’); POKORNY I 1152; ÇABEJ St. II 89-90 (to Lat corrigia ‘shoe-lace’ and its cognates). rrabe f, pl. rra be ‘rocky desert (with bushes)’. From PAlb *rauba related to Goth raupjan ‘to rip ’. 0 F e ist Goth. 395; POKORNY I 869. rrafës m. pl. rrafës ‘churn-staff’. Deverbative of rrah ~ rraf. rrafsh
m. pl.

rraf she ‘plane, flat surface’. Analogically restored from

RRAG

R R A N G i;i.I .A

377

rrafshpj ‘to fla tte n ’, a verb in -ëshoj b ased on a b o rro w in g from Slav *or\'bivb ‘e v e n ’, cf. S outh S la v ic continuants: B u lg raven, SC r ravan ( M e y e r Wb. 3 6 0 ). 0 JOKL LKUBA 175-177 (fro m S la v *orves-, an sstem o f the sam e root); SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 187; ÇABEJ St. II 85; S v a n e 167. rrag m ‘apron’. Continues PAlb *srauga related to the isolated Lith srúoga ‘skein, hank; tuft, hairlock’, srauga id. 0 F r a e n k e l 8 90. rragatem reft, ‘to quarrel’. Borrowed from Slav *rçgati sç id., cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg n g a ja , SCr rugati se. 0 SVANE 258. rrah m, pl. rrahe ‘grubbed out land’. Deverbative of n a h ‘to beat’ (ÇABEJ St. II 8 6 ). 0 CAMARDA I 132 (to Gk pot^iç ‘lower part of the back’); MEYER Wb. 3 6 0 (rah ‘hill’ from NGk p à / i ç ‘mountain ridge’); BariC ARSt 88 (from *uroig-, as in Arm ergicanem ‘to tear’). rrah aor. rraha ‘to beat, to strike’. From PAlb *wragska etymologi­ cally connected with Gk páaaco id. reflecting IE *urâgh- (Ç A B E J St. II 86).0 C a m a r d a I 92 (to Gk priyvo^t ‘to tear up’); M e y e r Wb. 371372 (comparison with Slav *raziti ‘to strike’ which may be true if Slav *r- goes back to IE *ur-\ then, *raziti is close to Gk páaooo), Alb. St. Ill 73; J o k l LKUBA 49 (follows M e y e r ); B a r i C ARSt. I 88; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 240; C iM O C H O W S K i LP III 161; PIS A N I Saggi 127; F r i s k I I 643-644; C h a n t r a i n e 829; P o k o r n y 1 1181-1182; H u l d 150; K Ü D D E R T IZ S C H Festschr. Mac Eoin 66; D E M IR A J AE 348. rrajë f, pi. rraja ‘path tread in the snow’. Derived from rrah. rrallë adj. ‘scanty, scarce, rare’. Borrowed, with a dissimilation of sonorants, from Lat rârus ‘rare’ or directly from its variant râllus (M IK ­ LOSICH Rom. Elemente 54). 0 CAMARDA I 76 (to G k pàôioç ‘easy, ready’); M e y e r Wb. 3 7 2 (from Lat rällus ‘clean cut’), Alb. St. Ill 74; M e y ERL ü BKE Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1042; PEDERSEN KZ XXXIII 5 3 9 ; MlHÄESCU RESEE I V / 1-2 19; Ç a b e j St. II 87; H a a r m a n n 145. rr anguila pi. ‘rubbish, lum ber’. A suffixal derivative of PAlb *ranka ‘gathering(s)’ etymologically connected with Lith ranka ‘hand’, Latv riioka id., Slav *ryka id. - all of them deverbatives based on the verb

378

R R A N IG Ë —

RRASP,

‘to gather’ reflected in Lith renkii, riñkti. 0 III 515.

FRA EN KEL

697;

V A SM ER

rranicë f, pi. rranica ‘big piece of bread’. Derived from rranë ‘grain, bread’. The latter is borrowed from Slav *xorna ‘food, grain’, cf. in South Slavic: Bulg xrana, xranica SCr hrana (T A G L IA V IN I Dalmazia 240-241). rrap m, pi. rrapa, rrepe ‘platan’. From PAlb *rapa, a denominative derived from rjep, probably as a caique of Gk nÀàiavoç id. 0 TOMASCHEK ZÖG XXIV 529 (to OCS repina id.); M e y e r Wb. 372 (follows TOMASCHEK), Alb. St. Ill 73; WEIGAND 74 (borrowed from Slavic); SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 164 (borrowed from Slav *grab’ ‘hornbeam’); b JOKL Slavia XIII 309-310 (etymologically connected with Slav *repbjb ‘burdock’, ON ráfr ‘roof on rafters’ < IE *rêp-)\ ÇABEJ St. II 87 (follows
JOKL).

rrapamë f, pi. rrapama ‘crash, din’. Another variant is rropamë.
Derived from Slav *jx.rap'b ‘noise, wheeze’, cf. rrapatem.

rrapashyt

adj.

‘thick set, stumpy’. An expressive derivative of shyt.

rrapatem reti, ‘to strain oneself, to get tired’. Borrowed from Slav *xrapati ‘to bite, to tear, to wheeze’, cf. in South Slavic: Bulg xrapam, dial. rapam, SCr hrapati, dial, rapati.

rrapëlloj

aor. rrapëllova ‘to make noise’. A parallel form is rraptoj id. Related to rrapamë.

rraqe pi. ‘rubbish, lumber; house objects’. From PAlb *raka connected with Lith ràktì ‘to hollow out, to pick’, Latv rakt ‘to dig’. 0 M e y e r Wb. 361 (from Bulg rakla ‘box, chest’), 372 (from NGk páiaov); F r a e n k e l 694; P o k o r n y I 335. rras aor. rrasa ‘to squeeze, to press together’. From PAlb *wragtja related to rrah (M E Y E R Wb. 372, with a different etymology of rrah). 0 JO K L Studien 76; Ç A B E J St. VII 234. rrasë
f, pl.

rrasa

‘s t o n e

plate’. Derived from rras

(C lM O C H O W S K I

LP

RRASKË

RRECKË

379

III 1 5 8 -1 6 1 ). ô MEYER Wb. 6 6 (to ciérrase): MANN Language XXVIII 3 3; Ç a b e j St. 11 8 7 -8 8 . rraskë f, pl. rraska ‘rennet’. Derived from Geg rrâ id., cf. trend. 0 Ç a b e j St. VII 200. rrasoll m , pl. rrasoj ‘pickles’. Another variant is rasoj, a singularized plural form. Borrowed from Slav *orzsoh, ‘pickles; brine’, cf. in South Slavic: Bulg razsol, SCr raso (M ik l o s i c h Slav. Elemente 31; M e y e r Wb. 3 6 1 ). 0 S v a n e 107. rrasht m, pl. rreshtna ‘bone, skull, skeleton, shell’. A parallel form is rreshtë representing a singularized plural (ÇABEJ LP VII 184). From PAlb *wragsta, derivative in -sta from the verbal stem preserved in rrah ‘to beat, to strike’ ( O r e l IF XCIII 115). For the semantic moti­ vation in this case cf. Gmc *bainan ‘bone’ ~ IE *bhei- ‘to beat, to strike’, Lith kaiilas ‘bone’ ~ kaúti 'to beat’. 0 M e y e r Wb. 372-373 (from Lat arista ‘awn, beard, wheat-ear, fishbone’; derives rrasht ‘shell’ separately as a continuation of Lat ramus ‘plate’); K R IS T O FO R ID H I 354; Z a l i z n ’a k Ètimologija 139; CAMAJ Alb. Worth. 101 (prefix rr-); Ç a b e j St. II 88 (prefix rr- + asht bone’), IV 85-86; D e m ir a j AE 82 (same as C a m a j and Ç a b e j). rrathë
f

‘kind of fishing-basket’. Connected with rreth.

rrazbitem re fi, ‘to weaken’. Note a secondary variant rrobitem influ­ enced by rrob. Borrowed from Slav *orzbiti ‘to defeat, to break’, cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg razbija, SCr razbiti (M IK L O S IC H Slav. Elemente 31; MEYER Wb. 3 6 2 ). 0 S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 178;
S v a n e 25 3 .

rrebe f, pl. rrebe ‘mood, caprice’. Another variant is rebë. From PAlb *raiba etymologically connected with Lith rdibas ‘multicolored, var­ iegated’, Latv raibs id. 0 M a n n Language XXVIII 37; F r a e n k e l 686687; P o k o r n y I 859. rrebesh rrebull rreckë
m,

pl. rrebeshe ‘shower’. Related to rrihë.

m f,

‘thrush (illness)’. From *raiba ‘multicolored’ attested in rrebe.
pi. r r e c k a ‘clo th , r a g ’ . B o r ro w e d fro m d em in u tiv e S la v

380

RREGE

RREM B

~

RREM

*rçs-bka ‘fringe’, cf. in South Slavic: Bulg reska, SCr reska. 0 MEYER Wb. 373 (from SCr resa ‘fringe’); Ç a b e j St. VII 253.
r r e g e f, pi. rrege ‘fallow land’. Continues P A lb *wragâ related to Gk

payf| ‘split, cleft’, priyvniai ‘to break, to split’ and its cognates. 0 FRISK II 637, 652-653; POKORNY I 1181-1182.
r r e g u ll m ‘ord er’. Related to rregull ‘rule’. r r e g u ll f, pi. regnila ‘rule, norm ’. Borrowed from Lat régula id. (M IK ­ LOSICH Rom. Elemente 54). 0 MEYER Wb. 362 (from Ital regola id.); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 1 1049 (from Latin); ÇABEJ St. VII 202.

èrrejta ‘to deceive’. From PAlb *arn-enja further related to G k àpveo|iou ‘to lie’ ( P e d e r s e n KZ XXXIII 542 n. 2). 0 B a r k î ARSt. I 88 (rrem ‘lie’, a derivative of rrej, to Lat verbum ‘word’); TAGLI­ AVINI Dalmazia 236; M a n n Language XXVIII 37 (to OE wrœne); F r i s k I 145-146; POKORNY I 62; Ç a b e j St. II 90-91 (derived from re ‘cloud’); DEMIRAJ AE 348-349 (from a Romance source related to Lat erroneus ‘erring’).
rre j ~ rrê j
ao r.

rre k

rreka ‘to strain, to bother’. Continues PAlb *raika related with Lith reikà ‘need, necessity’, reikti ‘to be necessary’ further explained in connection with Lith riêkti ‘to cut, to plow the fallow land’. 0 MANN Language XXVIII 37 (to Goth wrohjan); F r a e n k e l 714.
ao r.

r r e m m, pi. rrema ‘oar’. Borrowed from Lat rëmus id. 0 M e y e r Wb.

363 (from Ital remo id.), Alb. St. Ill 74 (from Gk peüficx).
rre m
a d j. ‘false’. Derived from rrej. 0 C a m a r d a I 8 3 (to Lat error ‘mistake’); M e y e r Wb. 3 7 3 - 3 7 4 ; B A R ld ARSt 8 8 - 8 9 (to Gk àpvéoncu ‘to lie’); Ç a b e j St. VII 200.

pi. rremba ~ rrema ‘branch’. Other variants are rrem and rremb. Borrowed from L a t rämus id. (MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 54; M e y e r Alb. St. I 45, Wb. 364-365) with a secondary -mb < -m. 0 M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1042; JOKL LKUBA 18-19, 276; T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 235-236; M i h ä e s c u RESEE I V /1-2 19; Ç a b e j St. II 91; H a a r m a n n 145; L a n d i Lat. 47-48, 97. rre m b ~ rre m
m,

RREP

RREVË

381

r r e p m, pi. rrepa ‘turnip’. Other variants are rrap and r(r)epë. Bor­

rowed from Lat räpum id. (MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 54). 0 M e y e r Wb. 363 (rrap from Ital rapa id. while rrep - from Slav *repa id.); JOKL LKUBA 232; S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 162 (from Slavic); TAGLI­ AVINI Dalmazia 236; LANDI Lat. 45; ÇABEJ apud DEMIRAJ AE (bor­ rowed from Gk pàrcuç); DEMIRAJ AE 349-350 (borrowed from or related to Gk pànvjç).
r r e p të adj. ‘strong, inexorable’. Derived from rrjep. 0 M E Y E R Wb. 373

(from Turk rehb ‘fear’); K r is tO F O R I D H I 358 (from Lat rapidus ‘fast’); Ç a b e j St. IV 86, VII 184. rreshka ‘to roast’. Borrowed from WGmc *raustjan id., cf. OHG rösten. Note a derivative rreshk ‘smell (of food), appetite’. 0 B A R IÍ ARSt 88 (to Latv su-vergt)', CAMAJ Alb. Worth. 113 (suffix -kë).
rre sh k
a o r.

r r e s h k ta q adj. ‘wrinkled (of an elderly person)’. Derived from rreshk.

Cf. also rreshkët ‘dried, roasted’.
r r e t ë r - r r e të n f, pl. rretra ~ rretna ‘long leather rope, twisted leather

lace’. Another variant is retër ~ retén. Borrowed from Rom *retina ‘bridle’ attested in Fr rêne id. (JOKL RIEB II 5 6 -5 9 ). 0 CAMARDA II 142; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV / 1-2 2 4 ; Ç a b e j St. II 9 1; JANSON Unt. 5 8;
H a a r m a n n 146. r r e t h m, pi. rrathë ‘hoop, rim (of wheel); circle’. Deminutive in -th of

an unattested *rat ‘wheel’, cf. Skt rdtha- ‘wagon’, Lat rota ‘wheel’, OIr roth, OHG rad and the like (CAMARDA I 3 2 3 ). 0 M E Y E R Alb. St. 1 35 ( r e p e a ts CAMARDA’s e ty m o lo g y ) , Wb. 372 (to OHG chreiz ‘c i r c le ’), Alb. St. Ill 8, 28; B a r i C ARSt. I 31 (re p e a ts CAMARDA’s e ty ­ m o lo g y ); T a g l ia v in i Dalmazia 235 (a g re e s w ith B a r i C); M a y r h o f e r III 38-39; W a l d e -H o f m a n n I I 443-444; L e w is -P e d e r s e n 2; V e n d r y e s [Rj 45-46; P o k o r n y I 866; H u l d 116 (fro m *uroikos, cf. Gk poïKÔç ‘c u r v e d , b e n t’); ÇABEJ St. II 91-93 (a c c e p ts CAMARDA’s e ty m o lo g y
a n d c o m m e n ts on th e u m la u t in sg .). r r e v ë f ‘lot’. Borrowed from Lat rebus, dat.-abl. pi. of res ‘thing, cir­

cumstance’.

382

RREZE

R R Ë G JO J

R R Ë K A JR

R R Ë M U )Ë

383

rrez e f, pl. rreze ‘ray, spoke’. Another variant is tre,i f . Singularized

plural of *rra: borrowed from Lat radius id. (M IK L O S IC H Rom. Ele­ mente 54). 0 C a m a r d a I 96 (to Lat radix ‘root’); M e y e r Wb. 364 (from Rom pl. *radia), Alb. Sr. IV 14; M E Y E R -L Ü B K E Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1044, 1049, 1052; M i h ä e s c u RESEE IV /1-2 19; Ç a b e j Sr. II 93; H a a r m a n n 145; L a n d i Lar. 45, 85, 97.
r r ez g m ‘culmination, acme, prim e’. Another derivational variant is

cluster. 0 CAMARDA I 116 (to Lat riiga ‘wrinkle’); MEYER Wb. 373 (borrowed from Rom *rödiculäre, derivative of Lat rodere ‘to bite’); Ç a b e j St. II 95-96 (from regi): H a a r m a n n 146.
rrëk ajë adv. ‘in torrents, in a stream ’. Borrowed from Slav instr. sg.

*rëkojç ‘(in a) riv e r’.
rrëke f, pl. rrëke ‘stream (of rain), mountain brook'. Singularized plural

rrezm id. Suffixal derivative of rreze.
rr ez g u ll f, pl. rrezgulla ‘disc, circle’. Derived from rrezg. rrezh d e f. pl. rrezhde ‘unripe m ulberry’. Reflects an unattested Bul­

of *rekë. Borrowed from Slav *rëka ‘riv e r’, cf. in South Slavic: Bulg reka, SCr rijeka, reka ( S e l i S c e v Slav, naselenie 323). 0 SVANE 172; M u r a t i Probleme 97-99 (derived from rrjedh).
rrëk ëllej aor. rrëkëlleva ‘to ro ll’. A préfixai derivative of këllehem ‘to

garian reflex of Slav *redja fem. ‘thin, sparse’.
rr ëc o k m ‘bird ’s stomach’. Phonetic variant of rraskë. rrëfa n ë f, pl. ‘handle’. Derived from rrëfej in its unattested meaning

seethe, to boil up’,
rrëk u a ll m ‘thistle’. A préfixai derivative in rrë- < për- (JOKL LKUBA

*‘to carry (away)’ continuing the same meaning of Lat ref erre. 0 Ç A B E J St. VII 234 (to rruvâ with a secondary -/-).
rrëfan gull f, pl. rrëfangulla ‘buttonhole’. Derived from rrëfanë ‘handle’.
0 ÇABEJ

244 n. 1) of kalli. 0 M e y e r Wb. 364 (from Ital cardoscolimo ‘kind of wild artichoke’); JOKL Melanges Pedersen 143; CAMAJ Alb. Worth. 54; Ç a b e j St. VII 239; D e m ir a j AE 350.
rrëm a ç adj. ‘lefthanded’. Derived from rrern.

St. VII 237 (variant of vrangull).

rrëm b ej aor. rrëmbeva ‘to rob, to seize’. Borrowed from Lat rumpere

‘to tear, to tear away’. 0 CAMARDA I 5 6 (to Gk peußojjm ‘to roam ’);
rrëfatem refi, ‘to fork, to bifurcate’. Metathesis of *furkatem, ssefurke. rrëfej aor. rrëfeva ‘to tell, to show’. Borrowed from Lat referre ‘to MEYER Wb. 374 (from Ital rubare ‘to steal’); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grund­

riß 21 1051. tell, to inform ’ ( C a m a r d a 1119; M e y e r Wb. 373). 0 Ç a b e j St. II 9394 (prefix rrë- added to -fej borrowed from MGk (paivco ‘to show, to make appear’).
rrëfeshk m, pl. rrëfeshk ‘kind of thistle’. Derived from rrufe (JO K L LKUBA rrëm ejtë adj. ‘steep'. A préfixai derivative of majë. rrëm eta pl. ‘bast shoes’. Borrowed from an unattested Slavic *remata

‘belts, laces’, plural form of *remç - an analogical formation derived from Slav *remy, *re mene ‘belt, lace’.
rrëm ih aor. rrëmiha ‘to dig up’. Another variant is rrërnoj. Borrowed from Lat rimare id. (MlHÄESCU RESEE IV/1-2 19; HAARMANN 146). 0 CAMARDA I 57 (to Gk pujrôç ‘pole of a chariot; trace’). r rëm iq e f, pl. rrëmiqê ‘precipice’. Phonetic variant of rrëmejtë

221-222). 0

ÇABEJ

St. II 94 (derived from ferr: *rri-ferr-shk).

r r ëg a llë f, pl. rrëgalla ‘pebbly site; deep and narrow ravine’. An early Slavic loanword, from *roga lu ‘corner’, see ragal. 0 JO K L IF XL1V

13-15, ZONF X 197 (to rugai):

ÇABEJ

St. II 94-95.
rrëm ujë f ‘disorder, confusion; booty’. Continues PAlb *raimuljO related

re ‘to eradicate’ with an irregular development of the inlaut

Lat eradicò

384

RREN D

RRA

R R Ë Q F .B U T .L

RRËQETHEM

R R F ./AI.T.

385

386

RRËZË

R R IP Ë

rrëzë f, pl. rrëza ‘foot (of a mountain or a tree)’. From PAlb *wradjâ etymologically connected with rrënjë. 0 ÇABEJ St. VII 21 0 . rrëzoj aor. rrëzova ‘to throw d o w n , to pull d o w n ’. B a sed on rrëzë. 0 CAMARDA I 96 (d erived from rreze). rri aor. ndenja, ndejta ‘to sit, to stand, to stay, to r e m a in ’. The su p ­ p letiv e aorist b elo n g s to the paradigm o f ndej. T he fo rm o f p resen t g o e s back to P A lb *rina ety m o lo g ic a lly c lo se to Skt m o ti ‘to a rise,
to m o v e ’, Gk o p v u |r a i ‘to m o v e u p ’ and rela ted fo rm s. 0 CAMARDA

I 45 (to Gk ep\)K(D ‘to k eep in, to cu rb ’); MEYER Wb. 374 (to IE *klei‘to lean, to b en d ’ w ith im p o ssib le p h on etic ch a n g es), Alb. St. IV 59 (evalu ates h is earlier ety m o lo g y as am biguous); BUGGE BB XVIII 170171 (to Lat nidus ‘n e st’); PEDERSEN KZ XXXIII 545 (rejects M e y e r ’ s e ty m o lo g y ); JOKL Studien 16-11 (to G m c *röwö ‘q u ie t’. Gk ápcof) id .), LKUBA 194 (follow s M e y e r ); B a ri C ARSt. I 80 (from IE *nizdö)\ T a g li ­ a v in i Dalmazia 238; F r isk I I 422-424; M a y r h o f e r I 122; P o k o r n y I 326-332; ÇABEJ St. VII 234; H u l d 109 (to IE *reidh- ‘to r id e ’). rribë f ‘gale, wind, waterfall, torrent’. From PAlb *wribä, a zero-grade formation connected with IE *uerb(h)- ‘to turn, to bend’ and, as far as the derivational structure is concerned, identical with Slav *vbrba ‘pussy-willow’, Lith virbas ‘rod, birch-rod, tw ig’ (OREL Linguistica XXIV 434, TBK 195). For the semantic development of rribë cf. E wind ~ to wind. 0 FRAENKEL 1259; POKORNY I 1153; VASMER I 293. rrikë f ‘turnip’. Borrowed from Rom *râdica, cf. Lat radix ‘root’ (MIK­ LOSICH Rom. Elemente 54; MEYER Wb. 365-366). A parallel form rrilkë reflects Rom *radícula. 0 MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 32 (from Slavic); C a m a r d a I 178 (to Gk pàrtnç ‘turnip’); M e y e r -L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1044; Jo k l LKUBA 232; S c h u c h a r d t KZ XX 243; T a g l ia v in i Dal­ mazia 238; S v a n e 145. rrim e f, pl. rrime ‘rainworm ’. Singularized plural of P A lb *wrima con­ tinuing IE *ijrmi- ~ *urmo- ‘worm’: Lat vermis id., Goth watírms ‘worm, snake’, Lith varmas ‘insect’ (OREL IF XC1II 116). 0 FRAENKEL 1201; F e ist Goth. 555-556; W a l d e -H o f m a n n II 760; P o k o r n y I 1152. rripë f, pi. rripa ‘precipice, stone wall’. Borrowed from Lat ripa ‘bank, coast’ (M iklosich Rom. Elemente 55; MEYER Wb. 367). 0 M e y e r -

RRIQËR ~ RRIQËN

RRJESHT

387

LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1044; MlHÄESCU RESEE I V /1-2 19; HAAR­ MANN 146; L a n d i Lat. 97. rriq ër ~ rriq ën f, pl. rriqëra ~ rriqna ‘tick’. Borrowed from Lat

ricinus id. (M e y e r Wb. 374, Alb. St. Ill 74). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grund­ riß 2 I 1049; MlHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 24; HAARMANN 146.
rris aor. rrita ‘to pull up, to move up, to increase, to grow ’. Goes back

to *writja etymologically connected with IE *uert- ‘to turn’: Skt variate, Lat verta. Goth w air ¡jan ‘to become’ and the like. 0 G lL’FERDING Otn. 24 (to Skt fdhnóti ‘to grow ’); CAMARDA I 52 (same as G i l ’f e r d in g ) ; M e y e r Wb. 367 (repeats C a m a r d a ’s etymology), Alb. St. Ill 29; B a riC ARSt. I 88 (from *urdhö); S c h m id t KZ LVII 29 (to Lat orior); TAGLI­ AVINI Dalmazia 239; M a n n Language XXVIII 31 (to Lith rytas); ClMOCHOwsKi LP II 251; M a y r h o f e r III 154-155; W a ld e - H o f m a n n 11 763-765; POKORNY I 1156-1157; HAMP Laryngeals 137 (same as SCHMIDT, to IE *er- ~ *or- ‘to start moving, to stir’); ÇABEJ St. VII 217, 257; O r e l Linguistica XXIV 433-432 (follows S c h m id t and Hamp); D e m ir a j AE 351-352 (reconstructs a prefix *n-).
r r isg ë f, pi. rrisga ‘stone splinter’. Somehow connected with rrasë. rrisk ë f, pl. rriska ‘disc, circle’. A suffixal derivative of rreth. rrizh goj aor. rrizhgova ‘to creep up (of plants)’. Goes back to *rrishgoj borrowed from Lat resurgere ‘to rise (again)’. rrjedh aor. rrodha ‘to flow’. From PAlb *redza etymologically related

to Lat rigare ‘to wet, to moisten’, ON raki ‘wetness’ (PISANI Saggi 130). 0 C a m a r d a 1 43 (to Gk péto ‘to flow’); M e y e r Wb. 374 (to Goth rign ‘rain’ in which, however, -g- continues IE *-k-), IF V 195, Alb. St. Ill 18, 73; P e d e r s e n KZ XXXVI 335; C im o c h o w sk i LP II 231; M a n n Language XXVIII 37 (compares rrjedh with Skt vrdjati ‘to stride, to go’); W a l d e -H o f m a n n I I 435; P o k o r n y I 857; C a m a j Alb. Worth. 51 (to erdha, see vij); JUCQUOIS Le Muséon LXXVIII 448 (follows M a n n ); Ç a b e j St. VII 201; H u l d 110 (agrees with M e y e r ); D e m ir a j AE 352-353 (to a poorly attested IE *sr-edh-).
rrjesh t m , pi. rrjeshta ‘r o w ’. A n oth er variant is rresht. B o rro w ed from Lat regestum ‘lis t’ (MEYER Wb. 3 7 4 , Alb. St. IV 19). 0 JOKL IF X X X V I

388

R R JE T Ë

RROJ

147 (from Lat restis ‘r o p e ’); BERNARD LB IX /2 86 (fro m Turk ri.¡te ‘th read ’); MIHÄESCU RESEE IV /1-2 24; Ç a b e j St. II 99-100 ( fo llo w s Jo k l ); H a a r m a n n 145; L a n d i Lai. 53, 145-146.

rrjetë f. pi. ‘net’. Another variant is rret. Borrowed from Lat rete id.
( M i k l o s i c h Rom. Elemente 55; M e y e r Wb. 364). 0 M e y e r - L ü b k e Gr. Grundriß 1 I 1044; M IH ÄESC U RESEE IV/1-2 24; ÇA BEJ St. VII 277; H a a r m a n n 146; L a n d i Lat. 54, 86.

rroboj

aor. rrobova ‘to scatter’. Borrowed from one of the continu­ ants of Gmc *raitbojan ‘to rob, to plunder’: OS röbön, OHG roubön, Goth biraubon. 0 FEIST Goth. 94.

rrobull m, pi. rrobuj ‘mountain pine’. Borrowed from Lat röbur ‘oak’
with a dissimilation of sonorants (MIHÄESCU RESEE I V / 1 - 2 St. II 1 0 0 ) . 0 H a a r m a n n 1 4 6 ; L a n d i L a r . 1 4 7 .
2 4 ; ÇABEJ

rrodhe f, pi. rrodhe ‘burdock’. Singularized form of *rod he borrowed
from Gk póóov ‘rose’. 0 M e y e r Wb. 3 6 7 (from Rom *cordella)', B a r i ¿ ARSt. I 9 2 (related to Lith rëzgis ‘basket’); JOKL LKUBA 2 1 9 - 2 2 6 (to rruaj)', ÇABEJ St. II 1 0 0 - 1 0 1 (supports JOKL).

rrogë f, pl. rroga ‘alpine meadow’. Borrowed from Slav *rogh ‘horn’
also denoting ‘spur of a mountain’ as in Bulg rog, SCr rog. 0 ÇABEJ St. V I I 2 5 1 , 2 7 9 (from rruaj).

rrogoz m, pi. rrogoza ‘reed m at’. Borrowed from Slav *rogoz,b ‘reed’,
cf. in South Slavic: SCr rogoz (MIKLOSICH Siav. Elemente 3 2 ; MEYER Wb. 3 6 8 ) . 0 JOKL LKUBA 2 1 6 ; S e liS c e v Slav, naselenie 1 7 3 , 3 2 3 ; S v a n e
115.

rroj aor. rrova, rrojta ‘to live, to stay’. Continues PAlb *rânja iden­
tical with Lith roju, roti ‘to cope, to be ready’ further connected with rieti ‘to stack (wood)’ and derived from IE *rei~. 0 C A M A R D A I 9 2 (to Gk pwoum ‘to move strongly, to dance’); M e y e r Wb. 3 7 5 (to Lat regere ‘to direct’); M A N N Language XVII 1 2 (from Rom *remanâre ‘to rem ain’); FRAENKEL 7 4 3 - 7 4 4 ; POK O RNY I 8 5 9 ; ÇABEJ St. VII 1 9 8 ,
266.

R R O JB Ë

— -

RRO TË

389

rrojbë f ‘cartham us’. Another variant is rrolbë with a secondary
(Ç abej St. II 101). Borrowed from Rum roibâ ‘m adder’ < Lat rubia id.O PuíjCARFU EWR 132; Ç abej St. II 101 (from Lat rubia); L andi Lat. 66, 97.

rrok adj. ‘raw ’. Derivative originally meaning ‘something snatched o ff,
based on the verb rrok.

rrok

aor. rroka ‘to seize, to snatch, to touch’. Borrowed from Gmc *rukkjan ‘to move, to remove, to stir, to snatch, to pull, to push’: OE roccian, OHG rucchan, ON rykkja. 0 CAMARDA I 39 (to Gk priyvupi ‘to tear“); B a ri£ ARSt 89 (to Gk eùpioicco ‘to break asunder, to rend’); HOLTHAUSEN AEW 262.

rrokë

f, pl. rrokë ‘spiral’. Borrowed from Rom *rucca ~ *rocca

‘distaff: Ital rocca, Sp rueca.

rrokoll

adv.

‘bad, chaotic’. Derived from rrok ‘to seize’.

0 ÇA BEJ

St.

VII 254.

rrokopujë adv. ‘bad, evil’. A compound of rrokë and -pujë, derived
from punë.

rrokotele pi. ‘rubbish’. An expressive fromation based on rrok ‘to seize’. rrol m, pi. rrola ‘old and unused ox’. From *rrozgël, diminutive of rrozg. rropak m, pl. rropakë ‘annex’. Borrowed from South Slavic *ropakio, cf. Bulg ropa ‘pit, quarry’, rropulli pi. ‘intestines, guts; fruit’. An emphatic préfixai formation based
on pLille.

rroshponjë f, pi. rroshponja ‘cave in a river-bank hollowed out by water’.
A univerbation of Lat rösu(m) pone ‘hollowed out behind (the river)’.0 JOKL LKUBA 244 n. 1 (derived in rro- < rrë- from shpoj).
Lat rota id. (MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 714; M e y e r Wb. 375, Alb. St. Ill 74). 0 M e y e r -L O b k e Gr.

rrotë f, pi. rrola ‘wheel’. Borrowed from

390

RRO TU LL

RRUM

G rundriß21 1045, 1050: TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 241; MIHÄESCU RESEE IV/1-2 19; Ç a b e j St. VII 254; H a a r m a n n 146; L a n d i Lat. 97.

rrotull t, pi. rrotuila ‘disc, circle’. Another variant is rrokull. Borrowed
from Lat rotula ‘little wheel’. The verb rrotulloj ‘to turn’ is derived from rrotull. 0 CAMARDA I 323 (to rreth); MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grund­ riß 2 I 1045; Ç a b e j St. VII 254.

rrozg m. pi. rrozga ‘old and unused ox’. Borrowed from Slav *rozbka
‘horned animal, horn’, cf. in South Slavic: Bulg rozka, rozko.

rrshim m ‘shower’. From *rrebeshim, derivative of rrebesh. rrua ~ rrue m ‘stream ’. Back formation based on përrua. rruaj ~ rruej aor. rruajta, rrova ‘to shave’. From P A lb *wragnja related to Gk pTÍyvDtn ‘to break, to tear’. 0 C A M A R D A 151 (to Gk épÎKO ‘to pull, to tear’); M e y e r Wb. 375 (from Lat rädere ‘to scrape’), Alb. St. Ill 74; M E Y E R -L Ü B K E Gr. Grundriß 21 1049; SCHUCH ARDT KZ XX 251; W E IG A N D 76 (contamination of Lat rädere and ródere ‘to bite’); JOKL LKUBA 223-224 (related to rädere); F r is k II 652-653; P o k o r n y I 1181; Ç A B E J * . II 102 (agrees with JOKL). rrudhë
f, pi. rrudha ‘w r in k le ’. C on tin u es P A lb *rudzä e ty m o lo g ic a l­

ly co n n ected w ith Lat rüga id. (CAMARDA I 7 4 ). 0 B a r i£ ARSt. 9 0 91 (to Skt vdrjati ‘to turn, to tea r’); WALDE-HOFMANN II 4 4 8 -4 4 9 ; P o k o r n y I 870.

rrufe

f, pi. rrufe ‘lightning’. Borrowed from Lat romphaea ‘long sword’, adaptation of Gk po(i<pcaoc id., with a semantic development similar to that of Ital saetta ‘arrow, dart’ and ‘thunderbolt’ (MEYER Wb. 376). 0 T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 237; POGHIRC 1st. limb. rom. II 333; O r e l Ètimologija 1980 62-63 (on Bulg rofeja, ru fa ).

rrugë

f, pl. rrugë ‘str e e t’. B o r r o w e d fro m R om *rüga id. co n tin u in g Lat ruga ‘w r in k le ’ (MEYER Wb. 3 7 6 ). 0 MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1 047, 1050; ÇABEJ St. VTI 198, 217; HULD 110; L a n d i Lat. 6 8 , 97.

rrum m ‘clapper; maize-cob stripped of corns’. Another variant is rrome.

RRU M BU LL

RRYELL

391

F rom P A lb *wrubna id en tical w ith Gk p à ^ v o ç ‘thorny b u sh ’, further co n n ecte d w ith Lith virbas ‘bran ch , sh o o t’. 0 POKORNY I 1153.

rrumbull adj. ‘rolled into a ball’. Borrowed from Rom *rombulus based on Lat rhombus ‘magic whirligig or wheel’, cf. Ital dial, rummulu, rumbulu (MEYER Wb. 3 7 0 ). 0 CAMARDA II 151 (to Gk poußoq ‘magic wheel’); LANDI Lat. 61. rrunë f, pi. rruna ‘lamb’. Borrowed from Slav *runo ‘fleece’, cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg runo, SCr runo. Note a parallel form runs continuing Slav *runbCb. 0 MEYER Wb. 371 ( runs from *runt-es ). rrush m, pi. rrush ‘grape’. From PAlb *râgusa related to Gk pát, id. ( C a m a r d a I 87). The feminine form *rägusä is reflected in the name of Illyr Ragusa ~ Ragusium (Ç A B E J St. II 102-103). The form of the latter 'Pocotiaa in Const. Porphyrogen. De adm. reflects the early Alban­ ian loss of the intervocalic voiced stop before the contraction of vowels ( K a l u 2 s k a j a Antic, balk. 5 19). 0 M e y e r Alb. St. 141 (to Pers raz ‘grape’), Wb. 371 (to Slav *grozdb id.); T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 241; M A N N Language XXVI 384 (to Lith rausiü ‘to dig’); FRISK II 642. rrushkull m. pi. rrushkuj ‘kind of thorny plant’. Borrowed from Rom *rüsculus, derivative of Lat rüscus ‘butcher’s-broom’ (MEYER Wb. 371). 0 C a m a j Alb. Wortb. 118 (derivative in -nil); MlHÄESCU RESEE TV/1-2 24; HAARMANN 147; L a n d i Lat. 141. (G) rruvâ m , pi. rruvanj ‘vine without grapes’. Another variant is rrufâ. Somehow related to rrush. 0 ÇABEJ St. II 103 (to rrëfanë). rruvi f, pi. rruvi ‘line’. Metathesis of vèrri ‘little furrow’ (K r isto fo r id h i 22), derivative of vë. 0 M e y e r Wb. 376 (from Rom *rubescula based on Lat ruber ‘red ’); KRISTOFORIDHI 364 (to vijë); ÇABEJ St. II 103 (vèrri - to varrë), IV 86. rruzull m ‘sp h ere, g lo b e ( o f ea r th )’. D er iv ed from rruzë
1 0 3 -1 0 4 ).

abej

St. II

rryell m. pi. rryej ‘eu p h orb ia’. B orrow ed - w ith a d issim ila tio n o f son orants - from B alkan R om *äliölum > R um aliol, alior id. (PEDERSEN

392

RRYESH ËM

S A B JE

KZ XXXIII 539). 0 M e y e r Wb. 366 (from Rom *aliellum); PU §C A R IU EWR 6-7; C A M A J Alb. Wortb. 118; Ç A B E J St. II 104 (against both M e y e r and P E D E R S E N ). rryeshëm adv. ‘slow’. Derived from ryej. rrylë ~ rrillë f, pl. rryla ~ rrila ‘lentil’. Borrowed from Lat ervilla id., derivative of ervum ( M e y e r Wb. 376). 0 M lH Ä E SC U RESEE IV/1-2 22; H a a r m a n n 123. rrym ë f, pl. rryma ‘flow (of w ater)’. From P A l b *srümâ related to Gk peûpa ‘stream ’, ON straumr id., Lith siraumuö ‘fast stream ’ and other derivatives in *-men- of IE *sreu- ‘to flow’ (M A N N Language XXVI 385). 0 F r i s k II 650-651; F r a e n k e l 887; P o k o r n y I 1003; Ç a b e j St. VII 202, 111. rryp ~ rrip m , pl. rrypa ~ rripa ‘belt’. From PAlb *wripa with the further development similar to that of krymb ~ krimb. Related to Gk pant® ‘to sew together, to stitch’, Lith vefpti ‘to spin’ and the like (M A N N Language XXVIII 3 7 ) . 0 H a h n 1 1 0 (to rjep); C A M A R D A II 6 2 (follows H a h n ); M e y e r Wb. 3 6 7 (the same); FRAENKEL 1 2 6 1 ; FRISK II 6 4 3 ; P o k o r n y 1 1 1 5 6 ; Ç a b e j St. II 1 0 4 (the same).

s
s’ adv ‘not’. Identical with ç ç ë (PED ER SEN KZ XXXVI 321, 341). 0 BOPP497 (identical with -s in mos); C A M A R D A 1312; M e y e r Wb. 376 (from Lat dis-); JOKL AArbSt I 37-38; TAG LIA VIN I 242; PISA N I Saggi 110, 154; Ç a b e j S í . II 104-105 (follows P e d e r s e n ). sa pron., adv. ‘how’. From PAlb *tsja etymologically connected with se. 0 M e y e r Wb. 376 (from NGk oáv ‘when, whenever’ < coç av); H a m p Numerals 836 (from ^k^p). sabje f, pl. sabje ‘sword’. Other variants are sablë, sabjë. Borrowed from the South Slavic word for ‘sword’: Bulg sab’a, SCr sablja (M I K ­ L O SIC H Slav. Elemente 32), itself of questioned Hungarian origin (szablya id. derived from szabni ‘to cut’). See M E Y E R Wb. 376.

S A JË

SA N A

393

sajë f, pl. saja ‘sledge’. In dialects, an older form sanjë is preserved. Borrowed from Slav *sarti id., cf. in South Slavic: Bulg sani, SCr sani (M IK L O S IC H Slav. Elemente 3 2 ). 0 SVANE 35. sajoj aor. sajova ‘to devise, to think of’. 0 M e y e r Wb. 3 7 7 (from Turk sajiklt ‘clever, far-sighted’). sak m ‘net’. Borrowed from South Slavic: Bulg sak id., SCr sak ‘package of hay’, themselves from Rum sac ‘sack, fishing net’ (MEYER Wb. 377). 0 PU§CARIU EWR 134. sak adv. ‘r ea lly , for s u r e ’. An a lle g r o form o f saktë ‘ex a ct, p r e c is e ’
o f R om an ce o rig in . 0 MEYER Wb. 3 77 (from Turk sahih ‘true, e x a c t’).

sakavicë f, pi. sakavica ‘long hook for pulling down branches’. Bor­ rowed from South Slavic, cf. Bulg sakavica ‘axe’ < Slav *sekavica. sakë f, pi. saka ‘axe’. Back formation based on sakavicë. As to sakicë ‘small axe’, it was formed in Albanian from sakë. salikoj aor. salikova ‘to carry out the ceremony of burial’. 0 ÇABEJ St. II 1 0 5 -1 0 6 (derived from psaloj ‘to sing psalms’, a Modern Greek loanword). samem refi, ‘to have bad taste, to get spoiled’. Derived from same. same i ‘dog’s excrem ents’. Continues PAlb *tswa(n)-ma, a derivative in *-mo- of the Indo-European word for ‘dog’, otherwise unattested in Albanian, cf. Skt sva, Gk k Ó c o v , Oír cú, Lith suö and the like (OREL Fort. 7 9 ). For the semantics cf. Slav *govbno ‘excrem ents’, original­ ly - ‘cow’s exrem ents’ derived from IE *gv ou- ‘cow’. 0 FRAENKEL 1 0 3 3 -1 0 3 4 ; FRISK I 5 8 -5 9 ; MAYRHOFER III 4 0 2 -4 0 3 ; L e w is - P e d e r SEN 7; V e n d r y e s [C] 257; POKORNY I 6 3 2 -6 3 3 . samtë adj. ‘insipid, unflavored, tasteless’. Based on *samë borrowed from Slav *sanib ‘self’, cf. in South Slavic: Bulg sam, SCr sam. The intermediate meaning must have been ‘having a taste of itself or similar. sana pi. ‘e lfs, sp irits o f m ou n tain s’. B o rro w ed from Slav *sanb ‘snake, d ra g o n ’: C S sa n ’ and the lik e (MEYER Wb. 3 7 8 ).

394

SA N E

SERRE

sanë f ‘hay’. Borrowed from Slav *seno id., cf. South Slavic contin­

uants: Bulg s 'ano, SCr sijeno (MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 32; M e y e r Wb. 378). The development of Slav *-e- > -a- is repeated in NGk aavóv id. 0 JOKL LKUBA 108, Slavia XIII 639; S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 160, 295; T a g l ia v in i 243; S v a n e 40. sarkë f ‘build, frame, figure (of human body)’. Continues PAlb *tserka derived from IE *k“ ‘to make, to build’: Skt karoti, Lith kurti and erthe like. 0 POKORNY I 6 4 1 -6 4 2 .
se pron. ‘what’, conj. ‘that, than’. From P A lb *tsja continuing pronom­ inal IE *kia ( M e y e r Wb. 383; L a P ia n a Studi I 127). 0 P e d e r s e n KZ XXXVI 316 (to *A 'l'e-); JOKL Sprache IX 123; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 243 (from *sâ); M a n n Language XXVI 385.Hist. Gr. 122 (from *k“ em)\ C im o c h o w s k i LP II 225; H u l d 110-111 (agrees with M a n n ); Ç a b e j St. II 119; H u ld 110; D e m ir a j AE 353-354. sem b ër pl. ‘two peasants using the same pair of oxen or having common cattle’. Another variant is sëmbër. Borrowed from Slav *sçbi~h ‘neighbor, comrade, peasant’, cf. in South Slavic: SCr sebar (JOKL Slavia XIII 2 8 6 , 3 0 2 , Zb Miletic 12 1 -1 2 2 ). 0 ÇABEJ St. II 1 0 6 -1 0 7 ; S v a n e 192. sen d m, pi. sende ‘th in g ’. From P A lb *tsjam tarn < IE *kiom tom, a seq u en ce o f tw o p ron ou n s in neuter o f w h ich the first is rela ted to se (OREL Fort. 79-80). 0 CAMARDA I 335 (to Skt sant- ‘e x istin g , b e in g ’); MEYER Wb. 381 (from Turkish); ASCOLI Frammenti linguistici 15 (follow s C a m a r d a ) ; B a r iC ARSt. I 92 (the sam e); S p it z e r MRIW I 322 (to Lat genus ‘k in ’); M a n n Language XVII 20-21 (fro m IE *est}tis)\ ÇABEJ St. II 107-108 (from sen w ith a p h o n etica lly d ev elo p p ed -d\ sen is then ex p la in ed as a cc u sa tiv e o f se). se re f ‘tar’. Borrowed from Slav *sera ‘sulphur’, cf. Bulg s ’ara, SCr sera, sjera (MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 32; MEYER Wb. 381). 0 SELISCEV

Slav, naselenie 173.
serre f, pi. serra ‘high steep rock’. Borrowed from Ital serra ‘chain

of mountains’.

SETE

- -

S IK U N D E R

395

setë f, pi. seta ‘sieve’. Back formation of site taken for a plural in -/-. 0 C a m a r d a 1 4 6 (to Gk oriGco ‘to sift, to bolt’). sëmboj
aor.

sëmbova ‘to ache, to be painful’. Connected with dhëmb

(LAMBERTZ LP VII 88), this verb continues a préfixai form *c-

dhëmboj. 0 Ç a b e j St. II 108 (phonetic variant of cëmoj). sëmurë - sëmunë adj. ‘ill, sick’. An analogical formation based on sëmundë ‘illness’ < * ‘inability ’, a univerbation of së mund, cf. s ’ and mund (H a h n 77, 116). 0 C a m a r d a I 101,312 (same as H a h n ); M e y e r Wb. 291 (follows H a h n and CAMARDA); TAGLIAVINI 245; ÇABEJ St. II 108 (semantic parallels in other Balkan languages: NGk àvr||i7topia, Arum niputeare). sëpatë f, pl. sëpata ‘axe’. Borrowed from the Bulgarian definite form in -i>f -sap-bt ‘axe-handle’. 0 M e y e r Wb. 3 8 2 (indirectly, from Rom *sappata)\ VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. 55. sfejkë f, pl. sfejka ‘beet’. Derived from Lat felicem, filicem ‘fern, weed’. sfurk m, pi. sfurq, sfurqe ‘rake; scorpion’. A préfixai form based on *furkë borrowed from Lat furca ‘rake, fork’ (JOKL LKUBA 116). sfytyrij
aor.

sfytyriva to snort’. A préfixai derivative based on fytyrë.

si adv. ‘how, as’. From PAlb *tsei continuing pronominal IE *k“ (PED­ ei
ERSEN KZ XXXVI 3 1 7 ). 0 MEYER Wb. 383 (related to IE demonstra­

tive *ki-), Alb. St. Ill 12; PEDERSEN Kelt. Gr. I 128; TAGLIAVINI Strat­ ificazione 2 4 3 -2 4 4 ; H a m p IF LXVI 53 (equal to Lat quei > qui ‘how’); MANN Language XXVI 385 (from *kv Hist. Gr. 201 (reconstructs i), *k"ija identical with Lat quia ‘why’); POKORNY I 6 4 6 -6 4 7 ; ÇABEJ St. VII 240; HULD 111. sikundër conj. ‘as’. Another variant is sindëkur. Compound o f si, ndë and kur. 0 CAMARDA I 322 (to Lat secundum or Ital secondo)', M e y e r Wb. 384 (Ital secondo ‘according to ’ influenced by kundër); Ç a b e j St. VII 272.

396

SILLË —

Sri’Ë

sillë f, pl. siile ‘breakfast’. Derivative of sjell (ÇABE; St. II 109-110) used to denote delay, cf. sillet ‘to be late’. Thus, ‘breakfast’ is treated as a meal delaying the beginning of day’s work. 0 PEDERSEN Philologica II 114 (from *k"ilâ): B a r iC ARSt. I 59 (related to Gk ecoç ‘dawn’ and the like); ClMOCHOWSKl ABS III 41 (from IE *k!’ (e)lä ‘das Herbringen’); MANN Language XXVIII 35 (to OE hvil ‘time, while’ and its cognates).
sillë f, pi. silla ‘power, force’. Borrowed from Slav *sila id., cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg sila, SCr sila (MEYER Wb. 384). 0 S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 178, 303; SVANE 224.

(G) sim ahuer m ‘accomplice’. Borrowed and morphologically adapted from MGk oùppaxoç ‘comrade-in-arms’ (JOKL IF XLIV 61-62). 0 ÇABEJ St. II 110.
sim otër f, pi. simotra ‘blood sister, colleague, fellow, partner’. Com­

pound of si and motër. 0 ÇABEJ St. VII 273 (neologism).
sip ër adv. ‘above’, prep. ‘over’. Recombination of persipër ‘up there,

above’ < për s ’epër where s ’epër < së epër is the ablative of (i) epër (Ç a b e j St. II 110-111). 0 Bopp 4 99 (combination of si and për); GlL’FERDING Otn. 2 6 (from Lat super); CAMARDA I 3 1 8 -3 1 9 (to Lat super and its cognates); MIKLOSICH Rom. Elemente 65 (from Lat super); MEYER Wb. 38 5 (from pronominal si- and -për, found in tepër); PEDERSEN Festskrift Thomsen 2 5 0 , KZ XXXVI 311 (-për compared with prej); THUMB IF XIV 358 n. 1 (borrowed from Lat super).
sis ë f, pi. sisa ‘breast, bosom, tit’. Borrowed from Slav *sisa id., cf.

in South Slavic: Bulg sisa, SCr sisa (MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 3 3 ).
0 CAMARDA I 7 8 , 88 (compared with cicë, thithë id.); S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 195; Ç a b e j St. VII 258; S v a n e 182. site f, pi. sita ‘sieve’. Borrowed from Slav *sito id., cf. in South Slavic:

Bulg sito, SCr sito (MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 33; M e y e r Wb. 3 8 5 3 8 6 ). As to the verb sit ‘to sift’, it is borrowed from Slav *sëjati id. 0 Jo k l LKUBA 299; S e l i SCev Slav, naselenie 154; SCHUCHARDT KZ X X 244; Ç a b e j St. VII 184; S v a n e 72.

S IT K A

SK A J

~

SK Â J

397

sitka pl. ‘bran’. Borrowed from Slav *sitbka id., deminutive of *sito, cf. site. sitkë f ‘cane, rush’. Borrowed from Slav *siti,ka id., deminutive of *sita id., cf. SCr sita. 0 SV A N E 1 1 3 . sivjet adv. 'this year’. From PAlb *tsjei wetei, dat.-loc. sg. continuing IE *kiei uetei (BOPP 460; M e y e r Wb. 383, Alb. St. Ill 12). See sonte. 0 CAMARDA I 188; M e y e r Gr. Gr. 298; M a n n Language XXVIII 33; C h a n t r a in e 1116; H u l d 112-113. sivonë f ‘delicate face’. Used by De R a d a . Unclear. 0 Ç a b e j St. II 111 (from sine, accusative of sy, with an epenthetic -vo-, from an exclam­ atory o). sjell aor. solla ‘to bring’. Continues PAlb *tsela or *tselna related to IE *k"el-: Skt carati ‘to move, to walk’, Gk irétao ‘to come into exis­ tence, to become’, Lat colò ‘to cultivate, to till’ (PEDERSEN KZ XXXVI 277). 0 M e y e r Wb. 386 (reconstructs IE *kel-)\ P e d e r s e n Kelt. Gr. 1 127; BARltí ARSt. I 66; TAGLIAVINI Dalmazia 244 (follows PEDER­ SEN); JOKL LKUBA 229, Die Sprache IX 123; MANN Language XXVI 382, Language XXVIII 35; MAYRHOFER I 376; FRISK II 500-501; CHANTRAINE 878; W a l d e -H o f m a n n I 245-246; P o k o r n y I 639640; Ç a b e j Die Sprache XVIII 145, St. II 109-100; ÖLBERG IBK XIV 115; HULD 111 (semantic parallel to sjell in E wind)', DEMIRAJ AE 354. skallua ~ skallue m, Derived from kalli. skamur ~ skamun
adj. pl.

skallonj ‘eye (of a plant), shoot of rice’.

‘poor, needy’. A univerbation of s' kam.

skaj - skâj m, pl. skanje ~ skâje ‘edge, border’. A préfixai derivative of an unattested *kanj < P A l b *kanja related to Slav *konib ‘edge’, Latv atkan ‘again’. 0 M e y e r Wb. 1 7 4 (to kënd); JOKL LKUBA 1 1 6 (from Slav *kon-b ‘edge’); SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 1 9 7 , 3 2 6 (agrees with JO KL); V a s m e r III 5 1 ; Ç a b e j St. IT 1 1 1 (together with skanjo ‘chair’ borrowed from Ital scagno id.); T r u b a c e v ÈSSJa X 1 9 5 - 1 9 6 ; POKORNY I 564.

3 98

SKËRDKHKM —

S O D IT

SOKËLLAS —

S O T IN Ë

399

skërdehem refi, ‘to get drunk’. A préfixai derivative of deh. skërfyell m, pl. skërfyej ‘larynx’. A préfixai derivative of fyell.

sokëllas
këllas. 0

aor.

M eyer

sokëllita ‘to shout, to c ry ’. A préfixai derivative of Wb. 389 (to SCr sokoliti).

sokol skëterrë f ‘hell, darkness’. A préfixai derivative of terr
111).
(Ç A B E J

St. II

m, pi. sokola ‘falcon’. Borrowed from Slav *sokol-b id., cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg sokol, SCr soko (STIER KZ XI 137; M i k lo s ic h Slav. Elemente 33; MEYER Wb. 3 8 9 ). 0 S e liS c e v Slav, nase­ lenie 198, 304; T a g l i a v i n i 245; S v a n e 148.

sklepë f ‘matter from the eyes, rheum ’. Other variants are skërlepë and skërloq. A préfixai derivative of glepë. skllupe
f, pi. skllupe ‘strong bough’. Borrowed from Slav *skorlupa ‘skin, bark’ unattested in South Slavic except for Slovene skralupa. aor.

skopita ‘to c a str a te’. B o r ro w e d fro m S lav *skopiti id., cf. in South Slavic: Bulg skop’a, SCr skopiti (MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 33; M e y e r Wb. 3 8 7 ). 0 S v a n e 2 6 2 .

skopit

sonte adv. ‘this night’. From PAlb *tsjü(i) naktäi, dat.-loc. sg. continuing IE *kiäi nokl'ti-, cf. Lith siänakt id. and the like (BOPP 460). 0 C a m a r d a I 224; M e y e r Wb. 298, Alb. St. ITT 12, Gr. Gr. 298; P e ­ d e r s e n KZ XXXVI 311 (reconstructs so- < *tiä)\ JOKL Die Sprache IX 141; TAGLIAVINI 246; M a n n Language X X V I379, XX V III33; O r e l FLH V III/1-2 38; H u l d 112; DEM IRAJ AE 283. sorrë
f, pi. sorra ‘c r o w ’. C o n tin u es PAlb *tsârsnâ co r re sp o n d in g ,

with a different ablaut grade, to Skt ki'snd- ‘black, dark’, OPrus kirsnan

skorratinë f ‘snow storm ’. Another variant is sllotinë. The form skorratinë was influenced by skorrë. Originally, derived from skllotë.

‘black’, Slav *cbim >id. (M a n n Language XXVIII 35). The anlaut affricate o f P roto-A lb an ian is p reser v ed in R um cioarä ‘c r o w ’. 0 STIER KZ XI 2 2 0 (on the co n n ectio n w ith Rum cioarä); CAMARDA II 4 4 ( o f S la v ic origin); MEYER Wb. 3 9 0 (to S lav *sorka ‘m a g p ie’), Alb. St. Ill 39 (from

skorrë adj. ‘exhausted’. Borrowed from Slav *skoi~b ‘quick’, cf. in South
Slavic: OCS skor-h, Bulg adv. skoro, SCr adv. skoro.

skundill m, pi. skundij ‘seam, edge’. Continues an earlier *skëndill, a suffixal derivative of skanj. 0 M e y e r Wb. 174 (from Rom *cantile ); K r is t o f o r id h i 500 (from South Slav skat ‘seam, fold’, cf. skutë); Ç a b e j St. II 1 1 1 -1 1 2 (follows K r i s t o f o r i d h i ) . skuq aor. skuqa ‘to make red ’. Derived from kuq.
Wb. 383), cf. sonte. From here, sotmë :ondary phonetic variant sormë. 0 MEYER 296; T a g l i a v i n i 246; M a n n Language 03 (sormë based on *sor < *kiêi + HeiHri, AE 283. dsed on *sot borrowed from Slavic *shtb avic: Bulg s'bt, SCr sat. Note -o- renfA Slav. zaim. 12). 0 S v a n e 159.

IE *kuorna); P e d e r s e n KZ XXXVI 337; J o k l LKUBA 93; B a r iC ARSt. I 74; T a g l i a v i n i Stratificazione 140; E r n o u t - M e i l l e t 143; L a P ia n a Studi I 2 2 (to Lat cornix ‘c r o w ’); PISANI Saggi 130; MAYRHOFER I 264; POKORNY I 583; P o g h i r c 1st. limb. rom. II 339; R o s e t t i ILR I 275; TRUBACEV ÈSSJa IV 1 5 5 -1 5 7 ; TOPOROV PJa IV 3-7; ÖLBERG IBK XIV 110; H am p GjA VI 43; Ç a b e j St. VII 2 3 4 , 254; H u l d 145; O r e l Z ß a lk XXIII 149; K o r t l a n d t KZ XCIV 249; DEMIRAJ AE 3 55.
D A 1U *

: ».¡ii'W,. * used i a meaning m close to Bulg slog ‘boundary, limit, land m easure’. 0 S v a n e 37.

smilat aor. smilata ‘to flatter’. Borrowed from South Slavic *si,mil ’ati
‘to cajole’, cf. Bulg sm il’avam.

*k¡á diti- (B o p p 513; M e y e ‘modern’ is derived, with its s Gr. Gr. 298; JO KL IF XL1X XXVI 379; HULD KZ XCVIII to Av ayara ‘day’); D e m i r a

sodit aor. sodita ‘to observe’. Borrowed from Slav *sçditi ‘to judge’,
cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg s-hd’a, SCr suditi. An early loan­ word with *-q~ rendered as -o- (SVANE 227, 241). 0 Ç a b e j St. VII 184.

sotinë f ‘empty honeycomb’. I

‘honeycomb’, cf. in South 5 dering Slavic - i , - (D E SN IC K /

400

S O V A JK Ë

S Q IM Ë

sovajkë f, pl. sovajka ‘shuttle’. Borrowed from South Slavic *sovadl-hka id. attested in Bulg sovalka (DESNICKAJA Slav. zaim. 12). spërndrit ndrit.
aor.

spërndrita ‘to make shine’. A préfixai derivative of

spicë f, pi. spica ‘thorn, splinter’. Borrowed from Slav *stbpica ‘peg, splinter’, cf. in South Slavic: Bulg spica, SCr spica (DESNICKAJA Slav, zaim. 12). 0 SVANE 35. spikth
m, pi.

spiktha ‘woodpecker’. Identical with pikth.

spith m ‘dropsy’. Derived from pi. spreth m, pi. sprethe ‘cornice, eaves’. Derivative based on PAlb *praka continuing IE *pro-ko-: Lat proceres ‘protruding beams’, Bret a-raok ‘forw ard’. 0 POKORNY I 815. sqap m. pi. sqep ‘he-goat’. See cjap. sqaq aor. sqaqa ‘to make weak’. Based on *qaq continuing PAlb *kekja related to Lith këkos ‘swing’, Latv ifekuôt ‘to swing’. 0 FR A E N K E L 235. sqep
m, pi.

sqepa ‘beak’. Derived from qep.

sqeptore f, pi. sqeptore ‘woodcock, snipe’. Derived from sqep as Ital beccaccia from becco (ÇABEJ St. II 112-113). sqetull f. pi. sqetulla ‘arm pit’. A relatively late borrowing (with Lat s- rendered as s-) from Rom *scetula, cf. Lat scutula ‘shoulderblade’ ( S c h u c h a r d t KZ XX 252). ô C a m a r d a I 63 (from Lat spatula ‘shoulder-blade’); M E Y E R Wb. 403 (repeats C A M A R D A ’ s etymology); T a g l i a v i n i Dalmazia 244; H a m p AJPhil LXXV 186-189 (derives the dialectal variant sjetull from IE ^k W -lo s), Z ß a lk X X X II/1 28-33 (to Lat poples ‘back of the knee’), StF XXVI/1 81-83; H u l d 111-112 (follows H a m p ); M e s s i n g Si. Whatmough 173-178. sqimë f, pi. sqima ‘adornment, decoration’. Borrowed from MGk axrjua ‘form, shape, figure’ (CAMARDA I 69; MEYER Wb. 388). 0 ÇABEJ St. II 113.

S Q IT Ë S

S T K JË

401

sqitës m ‘c o m b ’. N o m en a gen tis in -ës o f sqis, a d ialectal G reek form o f shqis (M e y e r Wb. 2 2 8 ). 0 M e y e r Alb. St. V 101 (to qij); Ç a b e j St. II 113 ( fo llo w s M e y e r Wb.). sqoj aor. sqova ‘to wake up’. A préfixai derivative of qoj. sqotë f, pl. sqota ‘sleet’. Other variants are shqotë and shkllotë. The most archaic form is shqotë where the original Slavic *sl- is substi­ tuted by *skl-. The source is Slav *slota id. (VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. I 56-57). 0 Ç a b e j Sí. II 113-114. squfur m ‘sulphur’. Another, and more conservative, form is shqufur. Borrowed from Rom *slufurem instead of Lat sulphurem as in Arum sclifur id. (MEYER Wb. 4 1 1 , Alb. St. IV 5 4 ). Because of *sl- > shq-, Slavic mediation cannot be excluded, cf. sqotë. In this case, the Arumanian form is also a Slavic or an Albanian loanword. 0 VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. I 56; SCHUCHARDT KZ X X 2 5 3 ; MEYER-LÜBKE Gr. Grundriß 2 I 1046; HAARMANN 152; ÇABEJ St. II 114. sqyt m, pl. sqyta ‘shield’. Under the influence of qytë, transformed from *shqytë. The latter was borrowed from Lat scütum id. 0 MEYER Wb. 3 88 (from Slav *scit-b id.); VASMER Alb. Wortforsch. 57. stan m, pi. stane ‘stall, herd’. Borrowed from Slav *stan-b ‘site, stall’, cf. in South Slavic: Bulg stan, SCr stan (MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 33; M e y e r Wb. 3 9 1 -3 9 2 ). 0 C a m a r d a I 160 (to IE *sta-); S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 165; SVANE 62. stap m, pi. stape, stapinj ‘stick, staff’. Borrowed from Slav *stapi, id., cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg stap, SC r stap (M e y e r Wb. 392). 0 Ç a b e j St. VII 279; S v a n e 80. stavë f, pi. stava ‘heap o f w o o d , h a y sta ck ’ . B o r ro w e d from S lav *stava
id. attested in B u lg stava (M e y e r Wb. 392). 0 S v a n e 42, 61.

stegë f, pi. stega ‘bandolier’. Borrowed from Slav *si>tqga ‘loop, belt’, cf. in South Slavic: Bulg s t’aga, dial, stega. stejë f, pl. steja ‘b ed d in g , sad dle c o v e r ’. A nother variant is stele. B o r ­

402

S T F .N Ë

S T Ë R V IN Ë

rowed from Slav *stel’a ‘bedding, cover’, cf. in South Slavic: Bulg stel’a, SCr stelja (M e y e r Wb. 392). stenë
f, pi.

stena ‘w ood en w a ll’. B o r ro w e d from S lav *stëna ‘w a ll’,

cf. South S lavic continuants: B ulg stena, SCr stijena, stena. A s to stenicë ‘b u g ’, it is d eriv ed from stenë (MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 34; M e y e r Wb. 392). 0 S e l i S c e v Slav, naselenie 151; S v a n e 53.

step m ‘rock, peak’. Borrowed from Slav *stbpb ‘plateau, steppe’, attest­ ed in the Balkans in SCr dial, step ‘hilly countryside’ (O r e l Etimo­ logía 1983 139-140, Ètimologija 1984 182). 0 M e y e r Wb. 427 (from Turk tepe ‘hill’); JOKL Balkangerm. 125 (to thep); Ç a b e j St. II 114 (agrees with JOKL). stepem refi, ‘to be slow, to stop’. A préfixai derivative based on PAlb *tapa related to ON ftefja ‘to stamp, to ram ’. 0 M e y e r Wb. 392 (to SCr stepsti ‘to knock together’). ‘dark, black’. Expressive préfixai derivative of terr. 0 M e y e r Wb. 392 (from *cerrë < SCr cm ‘black’); JOKL LKUBA 113 (follows M e y e r ) ; Ç a b e j St. II 114 (identical with sterë ‘cistern’ in view of the expressions similar to dark as in the well).
adj.

sterrë

stërditem refi, ‘to meet accidentally’. A préfixai derivative of di. The prefix stër- is fairly productive and appears in numerous other forms, cf. stërdhëmb ‘fang’, stërflok ‘to tousle (hair)’, stërgjysh ‘forefather, great-grandfather’ and the like. stërkas aor. stërkita ‘to sprinkle'. Borrowed from Slav *stn,kati ~ *stru:ati id., cf. in South Slavic: SCr strcati. 0 MEYER Wb. 393 (to Bulg stvbcka ‘sprinkling device’). stërqokë f stërqoka ‘ja c k d a w ’. A p réfix a i d eriv a tiv e o f qok ‘kind o f o w l’ (W e ig a n d 79). 0 M e y e r Wb. 393 (to Slav *stb> th ‘stork’); S eli Scev Slav, naselenie 198; JOKL Slavia XIII 613-614 (to stcrklas ‘to sp rin ­ k le ’ and qokth); ÇABEJ St. II 115 (a g re es w ith JOKL). stërvinë f, pl. stërvinë ‘corpse’. Borrowed from Slav *stbrvina id. attest­ ed in South Slavic: SCr strvina (MEYER Wb. 393). 0 S e l i Sc e v Slav, naselenie 189, 325; S v a n e 133.

STËRV IS -

S'I'RI KK

403

stërvis

aor.

stërvita ‘to train ’. B o rro w ed from Slav *stbrviti ‘to bait,

to lu re, to train ’, cf. in South S la v ic: B u lg strb v ’a ( S e l i S c e v Slav,

naselenie 196; JOKL Slavia X III 6 0 9 ). 0 Ç a b e j St. V II 2 0 1 , 2 1 3 . stog m, pl. stogje ‘h a y sta c k ’. B o r ro w e d from Slav *stogT, id ., cf. South
S la v ic reflex es: B u lg stag, SC r stog (D e s n ic k a j a Slav, zaini. 12). 0 SVANE 42.

stol m, pi. stola ‘stool’, Borrowed from Slav *stoli, ‘table, chair’, cf. South Slavic reflexes: Bulg stol, SCr sto (MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 3 4 ). 0 S e l i S c e v Slav, naselenie 150, 303; SVANE 6 6 . stopan m, pl. stopanë ‘shepherd, chief shepherd, shepher’s assistant’. Borrowed from an old Iranism in South Slavic, cf. Bulg stopan, SCr dial, stopanin (MEYER Wb. 3 9 3 ). 0 TRUBACEV Etimologija 1965 37 (reconstructs Iran *asta-pan- ‘house keeper’). strazë f ‘garrison’. A relatively early borrowing from Slav *storza ‘guard’, cf. in South Slavic: Bulg straza, SCr straza (MIKLOSICHSlav. Elemente 34; M e y e r Wb. 3 9 4 ). 0 SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 143, 180. strehë f, pl. strehë ‘eaves (of the roof)’. Borrowed from Slav *strëxa, cf. South Slavic continuants: Bulg s tr ’axa, SCr streha (MIKLOSICH Slav. Elemente 34; MEYER Wb. 3 9 4 ). 0 SELISCEV Slav, naselenie 148,
305; SVANE 54.

stxemë f, pi. streme' ‘square measure used to measure plots of land’. Borrowed from South Slavic, cf. Bulg str'ama. strokë f ‘scab, rash’. Borrowed