Natalia 40 (2010)

Natalia
Journal of The Natal Society

No. 40 (December 2010)
Published by Natal Society Foundation Trust P.O. Box 11093, Dorpspruit 3206, South Africa
SA ISSN 0085-3674
Cover illustration Detail from Reflecting a Vision of South African Culture, a richly-decorated panel made in 1996 by the Indian women of Pietermaritzburg for the Victoria & Albert Museums Shamiana Mughal Tapestry exhibition in London. The panel, one of 30 contributed from Indian communities around the world, was facilitated by the Natal Museum and the Tatham Art Gallery. The SS Truro featured in the panel carried the first indentured Indians to South Africa in 1860. The V&A exhibition toured England and Scotland and the World Trade Centre at Dubai in the United Arab Emirates. (By kind permission of the Natal Museum where the panel is kept.) Photograph by Peter Croeser.
ERRATUM Readers of Natalia 39 may have been puzzled by the heading Life in the Slow Lane which appeared above Jewel Koopmans Note on p.94, and was totally unrelated to the content. This was, in fact, the proper heading of a Note by Adrian Koopman that had appeared in the previous issue (Natalia 38). The error occurred during the typesetting and layout process, and was unfortunately not noticed during proofreading. Jewel Koopmans note should have been headed The Alan Paton Centre 20th Anniversary Conference.
Page design by M.J. Marwick Printed by Intrepid Printers Pietermaritzburg
Natalia 40 (2010) Copyright Natal Society Foundation 2010
Contents
EDITORIAL ....................................................................................... PREVIOUSLY UNPUBLISHED ARTICLE Page Old Maritzburg An address to the Twenty Club by Mary Carlisle Mitchell ........... ARTICLES Towards a new labour dispensation: Background to the arrival of Indians in Natal in 1860 Duncan du Bois ............................................................................. The first public railway in South Africa: The Point to Durban railway of 1860 Michael Cottrell ............................................................................ Natal Afrikaners as loyalists during the Anglo-Boer War (18991902) Johan Wassermann ........................................................................ Pietermaritzburg Concentration Camp Elizabeth van Heyningen ............................................................... A war crime in Pietermaritzburg Stephen Coan ................................................................................ I see you Two marches and the fall of a Champion W.H. Bizley .................................................................................... Making the man, keeping the boy: Van de Ruits Spud phenomenon in context Janice Robertson ........................................................................... NOTES AND QUERIES .................................................................... OBITUARIES Steve de Gruchy ............................................................................ Warwick Dorning .......................................................................... Deanne Lawrance .......................................................................... Fatima Meer .................................................................................. Graeme Pope-Ellis ........................................................................ Simon Roberts ............................................................................... Leslie Weinberg ............................................................................. BOOK REVIEWS AND NOTICES .................................................. SELECT LIST OF RECENT KWAZULU-NATAL PUBLICATIONS ............................................................................... NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS ......................................................... iv
12 20 32 62 77 85 110 121 146 147 149 150 154 156 158 160 166 170
Editorial
ONE OF THE features which distinguishes homo sapiens from the rest of the animal kingdom is our consciousness of the passage of time. Birthdays and anniversaries of various kinds are duly marked and those which are multiples of ten seem to attract particular attention. The year 2010 has seen a wide variety of these: the 70th anniversary of the Battle of Britain, the centenary of the establishment of the Union of South Africa, the 200th anniversary of the birth of the composer Frederick Chopin are but a few. Closer to home, Natalia itself has reached what seems to be a corpulent middle age with the production of this its 40th issue. Last year, marking the 60th anniversary of the granting of the charter which changed it from a constituent college of the University of South Africa into an independent university and looking towards the 2010 centenary of the establishment of tertiary education in this province, we published an article on the University of Natal at a time when official recognition of this event appeared unlikely. However, various faculties and departments of the University of KwaZulu-Natal as diverse as Chemistry and Law have organised centennial events thereby, it seems, dragging the authorities of the University as a whole into a belated acknowledgment of this milestone. And 150 years ago, 1860 saw both the introduction of Indian indentured labourers and the coming of the railway to Natal. We are grateful to Duncan du Bois and Michael Cottrell respectively for commemorative articles. Our front cover, too, has been specially chosen in reference to Indian immigration. The Anglo-Boer War, like the Anglo-Zulu War, continues to attract scholarly attention. A 110th Anniversary Conference held in Ladysmith in January drew no fewer than 150 delegates and various international as well as local speakers. One of the latter was Professor Johan Wassermann who has provided us with a sympathetic article on the unenviable position of Afrikaners in Natal who remained loyal to the Crown at a time when the entire northern portion of the colony was under Boer occupation. Sadly, they received little recognition from the colonial authorities of the sacrifices they made.
Another Anglo-Boer War theme is that of the so-called concentration camps for Boer women and children. Not many people are aware that one of these was set up in Pietermaritzburg on the hillside opposite the Botanical Gardens. Elizabeth van Heyningen offers a fascinating insight into life in this camp, mercifully a less miserable existence for those interned there than in camps elsewhere. The related topic of prisoners of war in Pietermaritzburg, albeit of a later era, is explored by Stephen Coan with regard to World War II German POWs held in a camp adjacent to that of the Italians on the road to Durban, their general locality still indicated by the happily restored shale church which the latter built. The three Spud novels have been a publishing phenomenon, making their creator John Van de Ruit South Africas top-selling author. By the time Natalia appears, the Spud film will have been released. Besides local popularity, however, they have also attracted academic attention and we are grateful to Janice Robertson for a perceptive article. Bill Bizley, a long-standing member of the Natalia editorial committee, has made significant contributions to the journal over the years. In this issue he offers a substantial piece on the Industrial and Commercial Union which styled itself the first black trades union in the world and, astonishingly, in the late 1920s was able to stand up to the white political establishment with a protective police presence and the support of the Supreme Court before internal dissension led to its demise. To complete this offering of articles, our previously unpublished piece this year comprises the memories of Mary Carlisle Mitchell, a daughter of John Bird, of the Pietermaritzburg of the 1870s and 1880s, who paints a picture of a town as far removed from the teeming and dirty Pietermaritzburg CBD of 2010 as if it had been on a different planet. Adding to the size of Natalia 40, some of our notes are substantial. Dr T.R. Moodley has been inspired by the 150th anniversary of the arrival of the Indian community to record the story of his remarkable grandmother, Annamah Vather, who threw off the shackles of conservative Indian society to become a prominent landowner in Pietermaritzburg. And although she did not become a property baroness, Isabella Giles, the wife of a young midlands farmer in the 1860s could have had no easier a life than Vather. Val Ward tells her story. Shelagh Spencer, another long-serving member of the Natalia editorial committee was recognised for her life-long research into early colonial settlers in Natal with the award of an honorary doctorate by the University of KwaZuluNatal. She was invited to address the other graduates at that particular ceremony and we publish her speech on African genealogies as another substantial item in the Notes and Queries section. The Grim Reaper continues to do his work and, as usual, we publish obituaries of prominent Natalians who have died since Natalia 39 appeared, among them Simon Roberts, a long-serving member and sometime chairman of the Natal Society Council. Perhaps the greatest achievement of the past year is that, in a digital age, the entire Natalia corpus going back to its first issue in 1971 has been made freely available on the Internet at www.natalia.org.za For this we have to pay tribute to the determination and hard work of the chairman of the Natal Society Foundation,
Peter Croeser. We hope, therefore, that not only this edition, but the journal as a whole will enjoy an increasingly wide readership. This year also saw the launching of the Foundations new publishing venture, Occasional Publications of The Natal Society Foundation to meet a need for publishing books of academic merit and interest considered unviable for commercial publication. The first in this new series is due out as we go to press: A Fine Band of Farmers Are We! A History of Agricultural Studies in Pietermaritzburg, 1934-2009 by Natalia editorial committee member Bill Guest, Professor Emeritus in Historical Studies at the University of KwaZuluNatal. As Natalia goes to press comes the news of the death of David Buckley in England. A self-effacing bachelor, he was a librarian at the Natal Society Library from January 1968 until his retirement in November 2001, for many of those years in charge of the Special Collections and Map sections. He indexed all the graves in the Albert Luthuli (Commercial) Road cemeteries and was widely known for his knowledge of government publications. He served as the secretary to the Natalia committee for many years and drew up the Index which we published in Natalia 31. We will remember him with gratitude. JACK FROST
Old Maritzburg
An address to the Twenty Club by Mary Carlisle Mitchell
Introductory Note Mary Carlyle Mitchell (18611932) came from an interesting family. Both grandfathers were military men. Her maternal grandfather, Major Wilhelm Buissinn (17641815), born in Hanau, Germany, had commanded one of the Dutch East India Companys regiments. Her Bird grandfather, Colonel Christopher Chapman Bird (17691861) came to the Cape in 1797 during the first British occupation as assistant Quartermaster-General, returning to England when the territory was handed back to Holland in 1804. He was back again in 1807 as Deputy Secretary to Government (the Cape having become a British colony in the preceding year). In1818 he was promoted to Secretary to Government. His relations with the Governor, Lord Charles Somerset, were cordial until Somerset returned from leave in England in 1821, when he felt that Bird had supported Sir Rufane Donkin (who had acted as Governor in his absence, and had reversed some of his decisions). Birds services were dispensed with in 1824, ostensibly because, as a Catholic, he could not take the oath of supremacy. According to what Somerset wrote, however, this was false and he was removed because of his conduct to me. Bird returned to Europe in 1843. Only one of his children remained in the Colony, viz. Marys father, John Bird (18151896). He started working for the Cape government in 1840 as a land surveyor, and when the Colony of Natals civil service was set up, he was one of the four Cape surveyors who arrived in 1845 to make Natals first
1
Natalia 40 (2010), pp. 1 11 Natalia 40 (2010) Copyright Natal Society Foundation 2010
Old Maritzburg
survey. In September 1848 he was sent to the Klip River Division to survey, and also to act as resident magistrate. He resigned from the latter position a year later because of the incompatibility of the two posts. He acted as resident magistrate in Pietermaritzburg in 1852, was Chief Clerk in the Colonial Office (18531859), Resident Magistrate, Pietermaritzburg (18591876), Colonial Treasurer until 1878, and acting Judge of the Native High Court in 1879. Thereafter he retired. At the request of the Natal Society, and with a government grant, he compiled The Annals of Natal between 1881 and 1885, a two-volume compilation of documents relating to Natal from 1495 to 1845. The papers were garnered not only from Natal sources, but also from the Cape and England. Marys mother was Sarah Armstrong Fairbridge (18261881), daughter of Dr J.W. Fairbridge of Cape Town, and sister of Charles Aken Fairbridge, whose magnificent collection of books is housed in the National Library in Cape Town (formerly the South African Library). As for Mary herself, evidently as a young girl she was regarded by her contemporaries as quite a blue-stocking. In 1883 she married Thomas Carlyle Mitchell (c.1856, Edinburgh 1939, Pietermaritzburg), an accountant who had come to the Colony in 1878. Their married life was spent in Pietermaritzburg, Estcourt, Johannesburg and Durban, before they returned to Pietermaritzburg once more. The present generation of Carlyle Mitchells maintain that Thomas was the one who engineered M.K. Gandhis removal from the train at the Pietermaritzburg Station in 1893. According to Gandhis own writings, however, he had no bedding ticket, and did not want bedding, so was asked to go to the part of the train where first class passengers who were not taking advantage of sleeping arrangements were accommodated. He refused. To illustrate the divergent views of two brothers-in-law Marys sister Frances husband Frederic Augustus Laughton, a solicitor, in 1897 escorted the wife of R.C. Alexander, Durbans Chief Constable, with Gandhi, disguised as an Indian policeman, in attendance, from the building where the latter was being besieged by a white mob. SHELAGH SPENCER f an old man were to re-visit Maritzburg today, not having seen it since he was a small boy, there would be little but the horizon to help him to recognise it. The beautiful outlines of the hills are, naturally unchanged and the Umsinduzi still winds its peaceful way round the outskirts of the town. But how different it looked when last he saw it! Then the Durban
2
Road entrance was bare of any house between the old Victoria Bridge and Fairview, about two miles out. The river banks could easily be seen, bordered by graceful willows near the Park, then in its infancy. For old times sake let us follow him as he wanders through the main drive. Hardly any are left of the oaks, gum trees and loquats which he remembers, but on the left he recognises the little caretakers
Old Maritzburg cottage which then was surrounded by rising open fields. Coming out of the Park towards the West Street hill, he sees many changes. The bridge itself is new, and is at a much higher level than the old wooden structure which replaced the first bridge. That was swept away by the great flood of August 1868, one of the most vivid memories of his very early childhood, when many houses gave way under the devastating rainfall. And he misses something else where is the crowd of wash-boys who came down to the river, furnished with nothing but a sack of clothes, a bar of soap, and a ball of blue? There they used to stand, knee-deep in the water, rubbing and banging the linen on the large stones in the river-shallows. Many a time has he hopped across the river on these stones! A merry crew were these primitive laundry-men, shouting, singing and laughing as they worked, spreading the clothes to dry on the grass, and entirely careless as to wear and tear caused by their vigorous manipulations. Probably the thrifty housewives of those days, knowing the kind of treatment their clothes were to receive, gradually gave up the use of any delicate materials they might have possessed and bought only good stout stuff which defied the worst efforts of the wash-boys. And now our old friend must merge into the personal ego for I want to give you a picture of Maritzburg as I remember it so clearly in those faroff times. Let us take up our position at the top of Church Street. Where the railway station now stands was a bare grassy slope, Fort Napier on the summit with its barracks, its big drill ground, its little church and its shady syringa trees. Then as until recently the road approached the Fort from Longmarket Street, and a very favourite walk, especially on Sunday afternoons, was to go through the Camp past the powder magazine and to the pretty little cemetery. In that spot were buried soldiers from the very first regiments quartered at Fort Napier, and the brick gravestones, dating back to the forties and fifties seemed very ancient to us. Now let us turn towards the Zwaartkop and Town Hill. But few houses were to be seen either in the valley or on the hill sides, and there was more of natural bush in sight than of planted trees. At the very top of Church Street, coming down from the Zwaartkop Valley, was the bright little stream which we children called the Camp Canal. It was bridged over by a rather pretty, wide bridge which I think was mostly wood-work; looking over the raised sides we loved to see the water dashing down into the open channels which were found in every street. These were properly called sluits by the Dutch folk who led them through the town improperly, but invariably, sloots by us. They were about four or five feet wide, and amongst the pebbles at the sides grew moss and ferns. The sloots were bridged over at each house door by rough planks, generally a few people had made more pretentious little bridges, some even had rusty rails, but not many. At the wide cross-streets the water was led underground, at no great depth. These open sloots are very characteristic of the old Dutch settlements, and they certainly were picturesque, through apt to be dangerous on a dark night. The oil street lamps which were handlit, gave a very dim light and were few and far between.1
3
Old Maritzburg The sloots were the main water supply of Maritzburg, and were pretty clean at the top end of the town. Those who were particular as to their drinking water used to send a bucket or two daily to the springs. I knew two of these springs very well, one on the Vlei as it was called, near the corner of Berg Street and Pine Street. There were no houses on the Vlei, nor were the Botanic Gardens yet in existence. Its surface was intersected by ditches leading to the town sluits, many of them very clayey in substance, at the bottom of which water ran, and where grew the most enchanting stag-horn moss and beautiful varieties of maiden-hair fern. The other spring was on the Park side of the present Sanatorium, then a big field in which stood the belfry of the Catholic Church.2 I believe that there was another larger spring at the foot of the town, towards Mountain Rise. Open spaces were to be found all over Maritzburg, which was laid out by the Dutch, the wide streets at right angles, and each house or cottage was intended to have ample garden space. And there was no crowding together of houses or shops. There are still many of the old houses in Maritzburg. Most of these are small and insignificant, but a few of the better class buildings remain, like the one built by Colonel Cloete3 in the fifties before my time, and still called The Oaks. The disappearance, however, of the fine old trees which I remember makes it a misnomer. Government House, now the Training College at the top of Church Street, was a really pretty little double-storied house, built of stone, but now so disfigured with excrescences as to be unrecognisable.
4
I can only mention a few of the old houses. One is the main part of the Convent School in Loop Street4, for many years the residence of the solitary Catholic priest, Father Barret5, whose parish included Ladysmith! The Orphanage School building next to the Sanatorium, surmounted by the Cross and the letters D.O.M. (Deo Optimo Maximo) was the original Catholic Church, with its unlined thatched roof and shaded from the afternoon sun by a beautiful willow tree. I am afraid that this willow was the shelter for many cicadas, whose shrill music almost drowned the sermon on a sunny Sunday morning. The very oldest building in Maritzburg, I believe, is the little porch at the corner of Loop and Pine Streets. Not much else remains of the original house, built by one Hertzog6 before the British occupation of Maritzburg. This place was, in turn, a private residence, Bishops College for boys and St. Annes School for girls. But I am glad that the historical value of the porch is recognised, and that it will not be pulled down. Two notable houses with their beautiful grounds have completely vanished from upper Loop Street: those of Mr. D.B. Scott7 and Mr afterwards Sir Theophilus Shepstone.8 Elm Cottage, as the Scotts quaint pretty red brick house was called, stood where Wykehams fine new school has lately been built.9 For many years it was the home of the family after whom Scotts Bridge and Scotts Theatre were named10 a most hospitable family who did much to make life pleasant in old Maritzburg. The grounds were well kept; ornamental trees and shrubs were freely planted, and I think there was a croquet lawn in the days before
Old Maritzburg tennis superseded the quieter game. I well remember the great picturesque clump of bamboos which screened the house from the morning sun, the pines, the threading of whose needles kept us busy and happy when we were tired of games, and many other growths of common or unusual interest. The roomy stables of Elm Cottage they made excellent playrooms in rainy weather were at right-angles to Loop Street, and back to back with those of the Shepstones. The properties extended from Loop to Burger Streets, from West Street to Shepstone Avenue, and together with their shady trees and flower gardens, made a very pleasing picture, now entirely lost to us. The Shepstones dwelt in a rambling grey house I forget if it was thatched or slated with stone verandahs and passages, and I remember stone steps leading to different levels in the old house, which had a quiet dignity of its own. It was always cool there. The grounds were very large and besides many beautiful trees, both native and other, there was a big orchard from which fruit in season was generously dispensed by its owners. Sir Theophilus loved to take visitors around his garden; always the most genial of men, he was especially kind to children and young people, in the days when children were continually reminded that they might be seen, but not heard. To the end he was always loved by the younger generation. We owe the introduction of the Catawba vine (as he called it, though there is reason to believe that the name is not correct) to Sir Theophilus Shepstone, and he gave my husband an interesting account of its first beginnings in his garden. He received the seed from America in the early seventies, and he treated the young plants as he had been accustomed at the Cape to see them grown as bushes. For years they bore no fruit; when he was away from Natal for a considerable period in England and the Transvaal, he let his house to the officers of the garrison as their mess. When he finally came back to his home, he found to his astonishment that one of his vines was laden with bunches of grapes; its long tendrils had caught hold of and covered a big tree close by, and had thus gained the freedom of growth necessary to the Catawba. After this Sir Theophilus grew his Catawba vines over trellises, and they yielded enormous crops. All the gardens of Maritzburg come back to me as full of old-fashioned, sweet-smelling flowers, cabbage roses, violets, pinks, heliotrope, pansies, heartsease, sweet-williams, larkspurs and snapdragons, though antirrhinums were unheard of. There was a particularly fragrant little garden in front of the gaolers house11, within the precincts of the Central Gaol. And though this is slightly discursive, I might mention that we were very familiar as children with the inside of the gaol. My father was the resident magistrate at that time, and every Sunday afternoon went to visit the prisoners personally, taking one or two of us with him. Being Sunday, the prisoners were locked in their cells, which the gaoler opened, and we got to know some of the long-sentence convicts by sight. Once or twice we went with my father on week-days, and watched with more amusement than awe the tread-mill at work. It did not grind mealies or do anything useful beyond making the rows of prisoners lift their feet from
5
Old Maritzburg one step to another as it revolved. After visiting the prisoners, my father always went to a building in the gaol grounds which housed in gloom and without comforts, what my father termed the lunatics. In this respect most certainly the changes have been enormously to the good.12 Now let us go back to Church Street, where between West and Chapel13 streets especially, you can still see some of the oldest houses standing. Only one shop remains practically unaltered and still in the hands of the original family the little toyshop lower down, known to everyone as Cockney Jamess14 and labelled London House. There it stands, curiously unchanged, both as to structure and interior. It was then, as now, the toy-shop where we could buy marbles, balls, hoops, kites, Noahs Arks and of course dolls, from the ugly wooden jointed, painted, blackhaired Dutch dolls to the fair-haired waxen aristocrats. We never had enough money to buy these expensive luxuries, with real flaxen tow, and even eyes that shut when the doll was laid down, and greatest glory of all which could bleat a plaintive Pa-pa or Mama when the appropriate string was pulled. I believe both strings led to the same result. The only shop which still bears the same name, as far as I can remember, is Tophams, which, however, makes a very glorified contrast to the original place. Other notable shops have been closed or pulled down. Dunnings, where Silburns15 Mart is now, a kind of Akermans, only that groceries were sold on one side, and draperies on the other. Harwin and Risley were grocers, and some of the chemists shops have gone on unchanged except in name.
6
Fyvies, lower down, was Akermans later the owner was Sir John16 and an MLC. The Medical Hall, by Robert Dawney17 is now Halls Motor Works. It was not uncommon for families to live over the shops. With regards to the churches, we still have St Peters, which has been much enlarged since those days. It was called the Cathedral and Bishop Colenso held sway there until his death. I believe that the first beginnings of the English Church Mission was in a tiny church still standing, St Andrews.18 When the split came between the Bishop and his Dean, the little church was attended by that section that followed the Dean, soon afterwards known as the Church of the Province of South Africa. St Saviours was built later. There is a certain charm about St Peters, with its tree-hung bells, and its shady grounds and green lawns, a quiet and pleasant crossing between two busier streets. The first Wesleyan Chapel, as it was then called, that I remember, is now the hall attached to the church in Chapel Street. The Presbyterian Church19 near the Court Gardens is little changed as seen from Church Street. For many years the clock of the Presbyterian Church was the only one of its kind in Maritzburg. When the first Town Hall was built on the present site, the clock was removed from the tower of the church and sent to Greytown. The Dutch Reformed Church, with its steeple and weather cock, was a landmark of my childhood, although I believe not the oldest church in Maritzburg. That was the building close by, now altered to make the Voortrekker Museum. I should like now to speak of the social side of Maritzburg at that time.
Old Maritzburg By the way, it was always called Pietermaritzburg in full. It was then far more important than Durban: it was the residence of the Governor, and the centre of the civil service of Natal, and there was always a regiment with engineers and artillery stationed at Fort Napier. It was bigger, too, than Durban, even commercially, for as there was no railway in Natal, Durbans greatness still lay in the future. It was the port Port Natal was what English people called it the few that is, who had ever heard of such an outlandish place. And all the little society of Maritzburg clustered round Government House20, which had something of the look of an English cottage, standing in its large grounds, bounded by a close hedge probably quince replaced by the present brick wall. To us children the chief glory was the tiny lodge at the Church Street entrance with its sentry-box, and at both that and the Longmarket Street gates a soldier was always on guard with bayoneted rifle on his shoulder, pacing backwards and forwards a person of enormous majesty and power in our eyes! There were very well defined lines of demarcation in the society of old Maritzburg. The Lieutenant Governor was the Queens representative, and therefore supreme. Next to him in rank came the Colonel of the regiment, who acted for the Governor when the latter was away and was sworn-in with great ceremony in the Court House on these occasions. Next in importance came the civil servants, especially the few who formed the Governors Executive Council, and the various officers of the regiment were also society leaders, with the lite of the civilians dont smile please!: they organised picnics, dances, riding parties very common then when almost everybody who was anybody rode, and but few owned carriages. There was still a good deal of small game, such as partridge, quail and even snipe to be found in the outskirts of Maritzburg, when I was a little girl. And there was generally a pack of hounds in the garrison and regular hunts were held within a few miles of the town, buck being fairly common in that area. Another very usual form of amusement was a paper-chase in which a good many ladies took part, riding on side-saddles of course, with their long habits and low top-hats. In my childhoods memories Maritzburg appears as a very gay little place indeed. There was always a great deal of quiet entertaining, and was there not one glorious outburst in the year the May Week! The Queens birthday was 24 May, and there was always a review in the morning, at which the royal salute was, of course, part of the programme, and in the evening came the great ball given by the Governor, where girls made their dbut if they were lucky enough to be invited. Crowds from all parts of Natal flocked into the Town for the May Week, for there were races, the Agricultural Show, and the presence pretty often, of a real live travelling circus. I rather fancy, too, that the end of the week was given up to the Nachtmaal of the Dutch-speaking community, whose wagons nearly filled the Market Square. In any case the town overflowed with up-country people, both English and Dutch, who usually slept in their wagons, hotel accommodation being expensive as well as scanty. The
7
Old Maritzburg Plough21 and Crown Hotels22 the only ones, I think, which have remained one never hears of the Crown now-adays, but I think its sign-board is still visible. Warrington House23 is perhaps another, though never called a hotel. Mrs. Davis24 boarding-house in Upper Church Street, kept the name for many a year, and Commercial Hotel now considerably added to what was known as Nicolsons.25 In one respect Maritzburg has certainly very much improved. In my young days there were no schools at all of the present day type, with the one exception of the High School for boys now called Maritzburg College. There were no high schools for girls, the nearest approach to one being at Richmond, St. Marys, an English Church school. Most of the schools belonged to the different parishes;
This photograph, taken in June 1930, shows members of the fire brigade passing the Crown Hotel in Commercial Road as they accompanied the body of one of their colleagues in his funeral procession.
8
Old Maritzburg Government schools proper I do not think existed.26 There were a few of the type of dame schools, and one or two ladies made an effort to teach elder girls in a superior fashion. I think that the Convent School, opened 1875, was the very first girls school which attempted education for girls at a higher plane. It was followed two years later by the Natal Evangelical Protestant Ladies School Association, Ltd., for very many years more pleasantly named the Girls Collegiate School. I have said very little about our native servants, who, on the whole, responded to the manner in which they were treated, and certainly made in a great number of instances invaluable servants. There was an element of stability in their service, as they were largely recruited from the ranks of the refugees natives who had swarmed into Natal to escape from the murderous tyranny of the Zulu chiefs, so as to be under British protection. These refugees were allotted to different families for three years; their wages small. Very often they returned to their old employers in regular routine, after six months or more of kraal life. Girls as well as men were among these servants, and I remember on leaving us, Bessie, our nursemaid, married Mnikina the groom, and came to see us occasionally for many years, even after her husband ceased to work for us. The clothing of the natives in service was very much what it is now, those employed in the Government offices being conspicuous for their smart white suits of duck, bordered with red, and they took a great pride in polishing up the large brass badges, initialled with their respective offices, which they wore on their left arms. The clothing of the natives employed in the shops was a much simpler affair. A muid sack was all that was necessary, with a hole for the head, and two others for the bare arms to slip through. One institution that we are justly proud of today was in its infancy even before my earliest memory the Natal Society. It was housed when I first remember it, in a couple of rooms in Timber Street, the Library being a very small affair compared with the fine one we now possess. But the best men in Maritzburg were solicitous for their nursling, and did their utmost with the small means then at command, and we owe it to them that it has grown steadily, though with little support except from its members. There are still a good many who can remember the little librarian, with his wooden leg, Alexander Beale27, and who for so many years stumped about proudly in charge of the books, and later of the Museum. To him we owe a new conception of autobiography as a book by an author unknown. There is one more bygone custom to which I should like to allude, the firing of the time signal every morning at nine oclock, from Fort Napier. An old cannon was used, one of a pair which stood at the entrance to the Fort. There were no church or other clocks to set time of day for the town, and I have heard my father say that at first at any rate, he used to give the signal himself, ascertained by means of his surveying instruments, by dropping a large handkerchief from the attic window of a house which still stands. He was living then where Judge Turnbull28 afterwards resided for many years, at the corner of Loop Street and Killarney Lane.29 The guns were also fired to announce the incoming
9
Old Maritzburg English mail, one shot to herald its arrival at Durban, and then two shots rang out a day later to tell us the letters were sorted. A long queue formed in front of the counter-window to shout their names to the clerk, and snatch their letters from him. The mails came in once a month and took about five weeks to reach Natal. The old guns fire no more from Fort Napier, but another time-signal is sounding in my ears; I must heed its warning and bring my paper to a close. Forgive me if I have lingered too long over these memories of early childhood days when no present member of the Twenty Club, except myself, knew dear old Maritzburg. MARY CARLYLE MITCHELL (ne Bird) (18611932)
NOTES AND REFERENCES 1 Paul Henwood (18281907) supplied the first oil lamps. Initially, in January 1866, the first was erected on the Market Square. By March, Church Street was completely lit 50 lamps in all. This wooden belfry was in place by March 1862 and is visible in some of the photographs taken in 1879, when the Prince Imperial lay in state in the first St Marys Church (still in existence). Henry Cloete (17921870), an advocate, was seconded from the Cape (May1843 May 1844) to facilitate the settlement between the Voortrekkers Volksraad and the British Government. The clerk who accompanied him, C.J. Buissinn, was John Birds cousin. Cloete returned in 1845 as Recorder (judge) of the District Court (Natal having been made a district of the Cape Colony). In 1855 he went back to the Cape to assume the office of puisne judge in the High Court. It was his younger brother Abraham Josias who was the colonel he was in command of the British force sent to relieve Capt. T.C. Smith and his men in the fort at Durban in 1842. Now Jabu Ndlovu Street. Father Justin Barret (1826, Brittany 1911). Arrived in Natal in January 1854 as leader of the second party of Catholic missionaries. He was the parish priest in Pietermaritzburg. When, in 1862, Bishop J.F. Allard left Natal to concentrate on mission work in Basutoland, Fr Barret became the virtual administrator of the diocese. Hertzog not identified. Possibly the Hertzog who came to Natal from the Cape in 1845 with Dr William Stanger, to be the latters clerk. Possibly this was W.F. Hertzog. Daniel Burton Scott (c.18251902). After a short period as a general dealer, from 1860 to 1872, together with Joseph Henderson, he had the Belvidere Mill on the Msunduzi river (the site of todays Medi-Clinic). Theophilus Shepstone (18171893) came to Natal from the Cape Colony in 1846 as Diplomatic Agent to the Native Tribes. In 1854 his office was renamed Government Secretary for Native Affairs. In 1877 he went to the Transvaal on a British government mission, which led to the annexation of the Transvaal, with Shepstone as Administrator until March 1879. On the corner of Loop and West Streets. Daniel Burton Scott jun. (18541919) who made money at the goldfields, built the theatre in 1897 and presented it to the people of Pietermaritzburg. It was in Theatre Lane, and lasted until the 1930s depression, when it was gutted and began a new life as Edsam Court. Scottsville takes its name from his brother Clifford Walmsley Barlee Scott (18591946), an attorney and Pietermaritzburg town councillor, through whose initiative land was put up for sale in the area in 1903. William Cook (18331889), an ex-45th Regiment sergeant, who was the Gaoler (later renamed Superintendent), of the Central Gaol, or County Gaol, as it was sometimes called. Mild lunatics were admitted to Greys Hospital at its inception in 1855, but more severe cases were cared for in the Gaol, until in February 1875, Townend House on Erf 53 Longmarket (now Langalibalele) Street became the temporary asylum. In 1880 the present Town Hill Hospital received its first patients. Now Peter Kerchhoff Street. William James (c.18451936), dealer in fancy goods. His London House was on Erf 20 Church Street, just above todays First National Bank. The Old Mutual Building on No. 203 Church Street now occupies the site.
9 10
11
12
13 14
4 5
10
Old Maritzburg
15 No. 179 Church Street on Erf 17 Church Street opposite the Cathedral (which is on Erf 17 Longmarket Street). 16 John William Akerman (18251905), chemist, Mayor of Pietermaritzburg, member of the Legislative Council 1862 1892 and Speaker 18801891. His doublestoreyed building (No. 199 Church Street) still stands. 17 Robert Dawney (c.18261874) whose Medical Hall at No. 118 Church Street, on the corner of Temple Street remained a pharmacy until recently. The building still exists. 18 No longer. It was on the upper corner of St Andrews Street and Pietermaritz Street. 19 Now part of the Tatham Art Gallery complex. 20 At the top of Church and Longmarket Streets today part of UNISA. 21 The Plough Hotel in Longmarket Street opposite the Market Square (now Freedom Square). The Boxer supermarket is now on the site. 22 The Crown Hotel on the Commercial (now Chief Albert Luthuli) Road frontage of Erf 25 Longmarket Street. The site is now occupied by Liberty Liquors. 23 Warrington House on Erf 132 Church Street (site now encompassed by the 333 Church Street municipal building). 24 Mrs Elizabeth Davis (died 1911) wife/ widow of Frederick Davis (the last reference to him in Natal dates to c. July 1870). Mrs Davis private boarding-house was on Erf 13 Church Street by the end of 1871. In later years it was known as the Somerville Hotel. It was still operating in 1937 address then 133 Church Street. It would seem that the Landbank building is now on the site. 25 This still stands on Erf 11 Loop Street, on the corner of Temple and Longmarket (Langalibalele) Streets, now numbered Nos. 112 and 116 Langalibalele Street. Mrs Samuel Buttons Temperance Hotel was taken over by William Nicolson (18221910) at the end of 1870. In the 1872 Natal Almanac he appears as a builder and boarding-house keeper, but the 1876 issue shows that it was his wife (Elizabeth Robson) who is running it, while his building business had a Church Street address. Elizabeth died in 1878. In later years its name was Whitby Lodge. 26 The author means here a government high school for girls. 27 Alexander Beale (18401918). A tailor from Weymouth, Dorset, who lost a leg early in life. Librarian of the Natal Society Library 18651901. Initially combined his library work with his trade as a tailor and outfitter, his Weymouth House being opposite the library in Timber Street. Despite his disability, he was active in various societies, being the honorary secretary and treasurer of the Swimming Club in the 1870s and 1880s, the Pietermaritzburg Horticultural Society (c.1875c.1905) and the Pietermaritzburg Agricultural Society (now the Royal Agricultural Society) from 18891902. 28 Judge John William Turnbull (18291902). Born in Edinburgh, barrister at law of Lincolns Inn. Came to Natal in 1859, member of the Legislative Council 1869 1872. From 18881896 was a puisne judge. Apparently Turnbull was particular about the company his children associated with, so built a workshop at the back of the house for the sons, and a ballroom attached to the front for his daughters. 29 Now Killarney Terrace.
11
Towards a new labour dispensation: Background to the arrival of Indians in Natal in 1860
The great desideratum of our industry an adequate supply of reliable and effective labour. George Robinson, Natal Mercury, 2 May 1855
eflecting on the first eight years of his newspapers existence, George Robinson, editor of the Natal Mercury wrote: Political questions had to be ventilated. Public opinion had to be developed, directed and represented.1 In the opinion of Adolph Coqui, then one of the largest landowners in Natal, the stance of the Mercury during the years preceding the arrival of the first indentured Indian labourers established it not only as the Colonys foremost newspaper on the subject of sugar plantation but also as the leading proponent of imported labour.2 From the outset the prospects for Natals economy rested on its agricultural potential. Whereas the uplands of the interior seemed suited
12
to maize production and animal husbandry, in the coastal areas the crops that thrived were arrowroot, indigo, cotton, coffee and sugar cane. From its inception the Mercury strove to champion the cause of the sugar planters. In an editorial headed The real condition of Natal, published on 23 December 1852, George Robinson demonstrated prescience when he wrote: Sugar is probably destined to constitute the first basis of our advancement and prosperity. Sugar cane was first grown by Edmund Morewood after he obtained plants imported from Mauritius by the Milner Brothers towards the end of 1847.3 By 1852 Morewood had 40 acres of cane at Compensation which were described as being in a luxuriant state
Natalia 40 (2010), Duncan Du Bois pp. 12 19 Natalia 40 (2010) Copyright Natal Society Foundation 2010
Background to the arrival of Indians in Natal in 1860 equal to the produce of Jamaica and Mauritius.4 Although capital gradually became available and the first bank in Natal opened for business in 1854, it was the question of labour that presented the real obstacle to the future growth of the sugar industry. As a labour intensive occupation, sugar cane cultivation required a large number of regular labourers. In the manufacturing season a high proportion of these had to be semiskilled to operate the crushing plants. In spite of the presence of a large indigenous population, the Native Affairs Commission of 18521853 found that a uniformly insufficient supply of labour had arisen because of an over-abundance of land located in the reserves. As a result, Africans enjoyed a certain economic independence in that the needs of their subsistence economy did not require them to subject themselves to regular employment by the colonial farmers. Thus, despite the potentially abundant supply of labour, the development of the Colonys economy was hampered.5 The Secretary for Native Affairs, Theophilus Shepstones view on local labour was that it was not reasonable to expect that a nation of warriors and hunters should at once become steady labourers.6 The plight of the coastal planters was therefore particularly frustrating: an abundance of land, the availability of capital and markets hungry for their cotton and sugar, but no progress could be made until a sufficient supply of labour was secured.7 Such were the circumstances which induced the idea of imported labour. In 1852 a few coastal farmers petitioned the colonial administration to look into the prospect of introducing indentured Indian labour but the Acting Colonial Secretary C.S.W. Harding poured cold water on the request stating that the government could not legally get involved in the provision of such labour.8 Virtually alone amongst Natal newspapers, the Mercury came out unambiguously for imported labour in two editorials in 1854.9 On 26 April Robinson wrote: We still favour the idea of limited importation of foreign labour Indirect advantages would result to our native population from such an example of patient and successful industry. He reiterated his appeal on 28 June arguing that once the African population saw the example set by a small amount of imported labour, they would come forward and make their labour available, thus obviating the necessity of further importations. But Robinsons view on this was somewhat nave. The Location system which Shepstone had devised was such that tribesmen were simply not obliged to seek wages by working on settlers farms. By 1855, standpoints on the labour situation began to crystallise among sections of coastal planters. Petitions requesting indentured labour began to circulate. One petition suggested a limited importation of Chinese labour. While the Mercury supported the petitioners and expressed the hope that they would receive favourable attention from the colonial administration in Pietermaritzburg 10, its rival, the Natal Witness, scorned the idea of a scarcity of labour.11 It also put forward the view that the importation of labour should be the work of a chamber of commerce and not the responsibility of the government. Thanks to the publication of a letter from James R. Saunders, public awareness of the whole question of indentured labour gathered
13
Background to the arrival of Indians in Natal in 1860 momentum.12 In his letter headed A retrospective view of immigration into Mauritius, Saunders, who immigrated to Natal from Mauritius in October 1854 13, was full of praise for the advantages which Mauritius enjoyed from the use of indentured Indian labour. He also drew attention to the Indian Emigration Act of 1842 and the procedure to be followed by colonies wishing to procure indentured labour. Without hesitation the Mercury endorsed Saunders case for indentured labour and urged all parties to meet and to determine practical measures for securing an adequate supply of reliable and effective labour.14 A visit to Natal by Sir George Grey, Governor of the Cape and High Commissioner over British Territories in Southern Africa, was scheduled to take place in the latter half of 1855. The proponents of indentured labour were adamant that the Governor should be apprised of the labour situation and that his support for a scheme of imported labour should be secured.15 However, support for the idea was very sectional even amongst coastal farmers. Dissent ranged from outright opposition to grudging support for the measure only as a last resort.16 Upcountry farmers whose labour needs were very different were opposed to imported Indian labour. Meanwhile the Mercury continued to propound the need for imported labour. An editorial on 21 September 1855 concluded on an admonishing note: We have said before and we repeat, that the fate of the colony hangs on this issue tremendous is the responsibility of Government at such a crisis. Greys visit to Natal took place in November 1855. Impressed by the efforts of the planters after a short tour
14
of the sugar estates on the outskirts of Durban, Grey expressed himself in favour of Indian labour and claimed that advantages of a political, social and industrial kind would flow from the introduction of this class of labourers. He also pointed out that the colonists could expect that numbers of coolie families would remain as settlers after their term of service expired.17 Significantly Greys warning on the potential long range social consequences of indentured Indian labour passed unremarked in the colonial press. Instead, cane growers were filled with fresh hopes and expectations as a result of the promulgation of an ordinance in January 1856 empowering the Lieut.-Governor of Natal to make rules and regulations for the introduction of Indians from the East Indies. Unbeknown to the colonists, however, there was much cumbersome bureaucratic machinery to be set in motion before the first indentured Indian could set foot in Natal.18 Reflective of the interest aroused in the importing of indentured labour was an opinion expressed by Adolph Coqui, a wealthy landowner and sugar entrepreneur. In an article in the Natal Guardian he estimated that a quota of 20 to 30 Indians per plantation would fulfil the needs of most planters. The coolies would probably be found most efficient in the manufactory, while natives might be employed in the agricultural department of an estate, he wrote.19 Coquis enthusiasm also found expression in an opinion piece he penned for the Mercury headed Mauritius and Natal in which he predicted success for the sugar industry and other tropical crops in Natal.20 This article was later circulated in
Background to the arrival of Indians in Natal in 1860 Britain as part of the Natal Land and Colonisation Companys scheme to encourage British capital investment in Natal.21 Hopes of a prompt solution to the sugar planters labour needs were dashed in March 1857 when news reached Natal that Greys initiative had failed. The lack of detailed and satisfactory information regarding Indian wages and conditions that would be offered caused the Government of India to reject the proposed emigration of Indians to Natal at that stage.22 In the interim the first Legislative Council elections in the Colony had taken place.23 Politically the idea of indentured labour was a non-issue. Only two of the 24 candidates in the election advocated the importation of Indian labour.24 Both of them were defeated. Notwithstanding the low profile of the imported labour issue in the elections, on the opening day of the new council, 23 March 1857, John Moreland of Pietermaritzburg County moved for the appointment of a Select Committee to investigate the necessity for the introduction of foreign labour.25 On 21 April the Committee reported in favour of a renewed application to the Indian Government for indentured labour and called for tenders from planters.26 But it was not until 6 August that Lieut.-Governor John Scott forwarded his report to the Secretary of State for the Colonies, Henry Labouchere, in London requesting arrangements to be made for Natal planters to procure Indian labour.27 In his report Scott stated that the cultivation of sugar and other tropical products in Natal was uncertain and dependent on circumstances over which no control can be exercised in that planters feared that at the critical moment labour might fail them. He expressed the hope that a change might be gradually effected on the native population to enter service beyond a few months at a time. The fact that the report requested only 135 indentured Indian labourers as an initial batch this figure included J.R. Saunders request for 50 Indians 28 indicates the low level of interest in the topic. More delays frustrated those who saw indentured labour as the panacea for their labour woes. Natals request had to be processed by the India Board, the Directors of the British East India Company, the Land and Emigration Commission and the Indian Government. It was not until June 1858 that confirmation of Natals application was received with a request that specific legislation be prepared by the Natal Government before final approval could be granted. To that end a copy of St Lucia Ordinance No. 2 of 1857 accompanied the correspondence to serve as a guide to the Natal Government in preparing the required legislation.29 Despite the pedestrian pace of progress, Scott did not show any inclination to expedite matters. In November 1858 he wrote to the new Secretary of State for the Colonies, Sir Edward Bulwer-Lytton, stating that he could not find the St Lucia Ordinance and requested that further copies be dispatched.30 Thus, 19 months after the Legislative Council had indicated a willingness to procure imported labour, Natal was still no closer to securing it. Meanwhile, the Umzinto Sugar Company privately imported a group of Malays and Chinese from Java.31 But the experiment was shortlived.
15
Background to the arrival of Indians in Natal in 1860 The meagre ten shillings in wages was unappealing to the Chinamans idea of emigrating in order to make money.32 The Mercury, nonetheless, applauded the initiative of the Umzinto Sugar Company.33 For the rest, 1858 turned out to be a bleak one as far as the labour needs of coastal planters were concerned. There was, therefore, much expectation that Scott would announce new developments as regards procuring labour when he opened the special session of the Legislative Council in November. But the occasion proved naught for the planters comfort. Instead the Governor made it clear that no further help or co-operation was to be made available in recruiting African labour. In effect he gave the sugar planters no alternative but to pursue the goal of imported Indian labour.34 But whatever the labour needs of coastal planters were at that time, the issue of indentured labour scarcely featured in the politicking which occurred ahead of the March 1859 Legislative Council elections. Only in the coastal counties of Durban and Victoria was there a loose reference to it when Adolph Coqui pledged that he would support any judicious steps to place the supply of labour on a more reliable footing, either by local measures or by immigration.35 Henry Milner, a sugar planter from the Springfield estate and a successful candidate like Coqui, expressed the view that indentured labour should be introduced only as a last resort.36 J.R. Saunders, an ardent proponent of indentured labour, was not a candidate in the election. However, he won election to the Council a year later following Milners resignation of his seat to travel abroad.37
16
Uncharacteristically, even the Mercury adopted a reserved stance on the labour issue. In an editorial reviewing the election results it ignored the issue and listed the state of the port as a matter deserving of urgent attention.38 At the opening of the new Council in April 1859, Governor Scott did strike a hopeful note as regards the prospects of imported Indian labour when he announced that the advisability of introducing a moderate number of coolies from India will be brought under your consideration.39 But this proved insufficient for the Mercurys editor who expressed his exasperation with Scotts dilatoriness as follows: The fate of the Colony hangs on a thread and that thread is labour. Enterprise in sugar growing has been extended in faith of labour being forthcoming The Legislature must at once open the way for the introduction of coolies .40 By 1859, with equipment no longer scarce and with capital more available, cane growing was increasing. In that year there were 21 mills in operation and exports had reached a record of 8 368.41 1859 proved a watershed year in the debate about and momentum towards the procurement of indentured labour. In this respect the Mercury again was outspoken. We want coolie labour; it is essential to the successful progress of our colonial enterprise. We want, therefore, laws and regulations conformable to the requirements of the Indian Government in sanctioning emigration.42 In May several petitions requesting the resolution of the labour shortage were submitted to the Legislative Council. They came from a wide area of the Colony, namely, Durban and Pietermaritzburg counties
Background to the arrival of Indians in Natal in 1860 as well as from Isipingo and Lower Umkomaas.43 A Select Committee was appointed to consider ways of resolving the labour issue and as a result three Bills on indentured Indian labour were introduced in the Council on 31 May.44 Within three weeks the Council had committed Natal to a new labour dispensation following the promulgation of Laws 13, 14 and 15.45 Nonetheless, Scott described the proposed scheme merely as an experiment which he envisaged as being on a small scale.46 Of the three laws only Law 14 provoked some debate outside of the Council Chamber 47, the reason being that it enabled the Natal Government to introduce labourers from India at the public expense and under conditions similar to those in operation elsewhere in the British Empire where indentured labour was used. The Natal Witness objected to the public funding of a labour scheme which, it felt, was exclusively for the benefit of coastal planters.48 The Mercury retorted by claiming that the success of coastal enterprise was for the general good of all.49 Law 14 resulted in the establishment of what was called a Coolie Immigration Department. Amongst its first tasks was the dispatch of a Coolie Immigration Agent to India to inaugurate the labour scheme. The corollary of all this was a public expense which, by 1894, would amount to 250 000.50 Costs included the passage of those Indians who immigrated as indentured labourers to Natal, paying for those who died in transit, providing for the return of those who availed themselves of the free passage, as their contracts specified, upon completion of two five-year terms and paying for the repatriation of those incapacitated.51 The Indian Government also required some fine-tuning of Law 14 in respect of wages that indentured labourers would be paid in Natal. The minimum wage was set at 10 shillings per month for the first year increasing to 12 shillings per month within three years. Another demand made by the Indian Government was that a certain proportion of women should accompany each batch of Indians to Natal. Although a ratio of 35% of women was proposed per batch, Natals Coolie Agent, W.M. Collins, succeeded in reducing the proportion of females to 25% for the first batch. However, the Indian Government did admit that in making up the proportion of women it enlisted large numbers of prostitutes and that no evidence of the legality of marriages was required.52 In the meanwhile, rumblings of discontent featured in the colonial press. An editorial in the Natal Witness suggested that the introduction of Indians would bring infectious diseases such as smallpox and cholera into the Colony.53 The Natal Star wrote of the evils that would ensue from the arrival of Indians and welcomed the critical remarks expressed by the Witness and the Natal Courier on the subject.54 However, as Mabel Palmer points out, only the smallest fraction of the population in Natal seems to have realised that continuous immigration was certain to lead to the establishment of a permanent Indian community So greedy for cheap labour were the planters that the government and the press were blind to the inevitable results of the immigration policy.55 References to a fraction is appropriate, for in 1859
17
Background to the arrival of Indians in Natal in 1860 there were only 48 established sugar farms stretching across the three coastal counties (Victoria, Durban and Alexandra) and not all of the planters were necessarily avid supporters of indentured labour.56 On 1 November 1860 the Mercury informed its readers that the Indian Government had granted the go-ahead for indentured immigration to Natal. Three weeks later, in announcing the arrival of Natals first indentured Indians, John Robinson, who had succeeded his father George as Mercury editor, wrote: At last, after discussion of years and extinction of hopes innumerable, the planters pet project has been realised.57 In truth, however, the introduction of indentured labour to Natal was every bit as much the Mercurys pet project. Years later, recalling the arrival of the first indentured Indians, John Robinson wrote: I well remember one evening late in 1860 watching from a height overlooking the sea, the ship Truro sail up to her anchorage. Her white canvas towered over the blue sealine, and we all regarded her as the harbinger of a new dispensation. And so she proved to be, though in a sense far wider than we expected.58 DUNCAN DU BOIS
NOTES AND REFERENCES 1 2 Natal Mercury, 6 December 1860. Coqui made this claim in a pamphlet published in London in 1857 entitled Practical remarks on the Colony of Natal, South Africa. Quoted in R.J.H. King, The career of Adolph Coqui in Southern Africa, unpublished BA (Hons) thesis, University of Natal, Durban, 1973, p. 47. Joy Brain, Indentured and free Indians in the economy of Colonial Natal, in Bill Guest and John M Sellers (eds.) Enterprise and Exploitation in a Victorian Colony (Pietermaritzburg, 1985), p. 199. 4 5 Natal Witness, 9 January 1852. Charles Ballard, John Dunn the white chief of Zululand, (Johannesburg, 1985), pp. 3839. The number of Zulus living in Natal at that time was estimated at some 90 000 to 100 000. See: Mabel Palmer, The History of Indians in Natal, (Cape Town, 1957), p. 10. L.M. Thompson, Indian Immigration into Natal 18601872 (MA thesis, University of South Africa, 1938), p.13. Mabel Palmer, History of Indians, p. 13. Natal Mercury, 20 January 1853. At that time the Mercury, like other colonial newspapers, was published weekly. On 2 January 1878 it became the first daily newspaper in South Africa. Natal Mercury, 1 March 1855. Natal Witness, 23 March 1855. Natal Mercury, 25 April 1855. R.F. Osborn, Valiant Harvest: the founding of the South African sugar industry 1848 1926 (Durban, 1964), p. 204. Saunders had worked on sugar plantations in Mauritius between 1837 and 1854. Natal Mercury, 2 May 1855. The practice of indentured labour commenced after the termination of slavery in 1834 in the British Empire. It involved the voluntary emigration of individuals, under contract, to perform manual labour for terms of five years in duration, renewable for further five year terms. Upon expiry of indentured labour terms, contracts specified free repatriation to the respective ports of departure. Following complaints of abuse, the system was revised in 1842 and a Protector of Immigrants was appointed to oversee the welfare of indentured labourers. Nonetheless, as a system it gave rise to numerous human rights abuses. Noteworthy in this respect was the high mortality rate in Fiji and the West Indies. Natal Mercury, 20 June 1855. Natal Mercury, 20 January 1859; 24 February 1859. Natal Mercury, 9 November 1855. L.M. Thompson, Indian Immigration, p. 21. Natal Guardian, 25 March 1856. Natal Mercury, 7 March 1856. R.F. Osborn, Valiant Harvest p. 62. Natal Government Gazette, Vol. 9, No. 435, 24 March 1857. Between 1845 and 1856 Natal was a district of the Cape Colony. The Charter of Natal promulgated in July 1856 created Natal as a separate Colony and gave it a limited form of representative government.
6 7 8 9
10 11 12 13
14
15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23
18
Background to the arrival of Indians in Natal in 1860

24 JTH, Natal Asiatic Problem: Who brought it about? (Durban, 1923), p. 15. 25 Natal Legislative Council, Votes and Proceedings, Vol. 1, 1857, p. 40. 26 GH 1589, Report of Select Committee, 21 April 1857. 27 GH, Despatch No.71, Lieut-Governor Scott to Secretary of State Labouchere, 6 August 1857, CO 179/46. 28 Ibid. 29 GH 32, Natal No. 1, Lytton to Scott, 25 June 1858. 30 GH 1211, Despatch No. 67, Scott to Lytton, 2 November 1858. St Lucia began receiving indentured labour in 1856. 31 Natal Mercury, 11 February 1858. 32 B. Pachai, The International aspects of the South African Indian Question 18601971, (Cape Town, 1971), p. 19. 33 Natal Mercury, 11 February 1858. 34 Natal Mercury, 20 November 1858. 35 Natal Mercury, 20 January 1859. 36 Natal Mercury, 24 February 1859. 37 Natal Witness, 30 March 1860; Government Notice No. 38, 8 May 1860. 38 Natal Mercury, 24 March 1860. 39 Natal Government Gazette, Vol. 11, No. 545, 26 April 1859. 40 Natal Mercury, 28 April 1859. 41 R.F. Osborn, Valiant Harvest, p. 5859. 42 Natal Mercury, 5 May 1859. 43 Natal Parliamentary Papers, Vol. 236, 1859. 44 Natal Government Gazette, Vol. 11, No. 550, 31 May 1859. 45 Natal Government Gazette, Vol. 11, No. 556, 12 July 1859. 46 GH 1212, Despatch No. 51, Scott to Lytton, 28 June 1859. 47 Law 13 concerned the introduction and engagement of immigrants from territories east of the Cape of Good Hope. Law 15 made provision for persons to introduce immigrants from India at their own expense. Law 14 contained 43 clauses and three schedules, yet, like the other two laws, it was rushed through the Council in a day. 48 Natal Witness, 15 and 22 July 1859. The Natal Star, in an editorial on 3 March 1860 asserted that the introduction of Indian labour was to propitiate the sugar-growing interest. 49 Natal Mercury, 28 July 1859. 50 Mabel Palmer, History of Indians, p. 26. 51 Natal Government Gazette, Vol. 11, No. 556, 12 July 1859. 52 Mabel Palmer, History of Indians, p. 28. 53 Natal Witness, 6 July 1860. 54 Natal Star, 20 October 1860. The Star went out of circulation at the end of 1863. The Courier was incorporated into the Mercury in 1864 and subsequently emerged under a new title Times of Natal. See: Terry Wilks, For the Love of Natal: The Life and Times of the Natal Mercury 1852 1977, (Pinetown, 1977), p. 4749. 55 Mabel Palmer, History of Indians, p. 26. 56 See R.F. Osborn, Valiant Harvest, pp. 179, 203, 259, 275. 57 Natal Mercury, 22 November 1860. 58 Sir John Robinson, A Lifetime in South Africa: being the recollections of the first premier of Natal, (London, 1903), p. 75 76.
19
The first public railway in South Africa: The Point to Durban railway of 1860
ailways are very much the product of 19th century innovation, with the harnessing of steam-power for a more efficient form of transportation with improved speed and carrying capacity for the movement of people, raw materials and processed goods. They served to facilitate the industrial revolution, accelerate development and extend frontiers (Cottrell, 1957). Fawcett (1953) highlights this in two sentences: The railway revolutionised land transport. It became possible to organise the human and natural resources of far larger geographical bases. The worlds first public steam railway in Britain between Stockton and Darlington in 1825 was followed
20
by the rapid development of this mode of transport in Britain, Europe and all the continents. Egypt built Africas first railway, which opened in 1856 between Alexandria and Cairo. This was followed by the Point to Durban railway, which opened on 26 June 1860, and that between Cape Town and Wellington on 4 November 1863. The first railway in South Africa, albeit not with steel rails and a steam locomotive, was also in Durban the 1856-57 Bluff wooden railway. It was linked to harbour development and is described in an article in Natalia 26 (Hutson, 1997). It is remarkable that, in 1860, a small town like Durban had the distinction of operating the first public steam railway in South Africa. The
Natalia 40 (2010), Michael Cottrell pp. 20 31 Natalia 40 (2010) Copyright Natal Society Foundation 2010
The first public railway in South Africa: The Point to Durban railway of 1860 population of Durban in 1863 was 4 313, which included 1 593 Africans and 153 Indians (Goetzsche, 1966). Few Africans were urbanised and the first indentured Indian labourers for the sugar farms were only to arrive on 17 November 1860. While there were primary schools in Natal, there was not yet a secondary school, the first opening in Pietermaritzburg in 1863 and in Durban in 1866. The economy was somewhat limited to service industries such as blacksmithing, carpentry, wagon building, transport riding and innkeeping. The sugar industry was still in its infancy, but it was expanding, with about 8 000 tons produced in 1860. By 1862 sugar became Natals principal export (Brookes and Webb, 1967). Transport by ox-wagon was expensive and slow, taking some three or more days from the port to Pietermaritzburg. Heydenrych and Martin (1992) mention that the cost of haulage per ton from Durban to Pietermaritzburg was higher than the freightage from England to Durban. Roads were exceptionally poor and the streets of Durban sandy tracks, making the railway an extremely desirable option for development. The Natal Railway Company In January 1859 the Natal Railway Company was formed to build a three-kilometre railway from the harbour at the Point to the north of the Durban Market Square where the old Durban Station is located. The Natal Legislative Council passed a private law which granted the Company the sole right to provide railway transport for 14 years. Early in 1860 work started on the building the 4ft 8in gauge railway with bull head rails mounted on potlid sleepers. Russell (1899) mistakenly records that the gauge was 3ft 6in. From Point Road it followed what is now Kearsney Road, across Smith and West Streets and along the northern side of Pine Terrace. The Point Station was on the wharf built at a deeper part of the harbour where the present B and C Sheds are located. This is not to be confused with the later Natal Government Railways station, in Point Road, which opened in 1891 as a single storey building and with a second added by 1911. Passenger services to it from the central Durban Station ceased in 1927. It is currently used by the harbour authority. Russell (1899) gives details of the rolling stock, which included, apart from two jib cranes, six four-wheeled freight trucks and one four-wheeled passenger carriage. This had one carpeted First Class compartment which seated up to 10 on cane seats and two Second Class compartments in varnished oak, which together seated 20 passengers. Robert Legg of London is credited as being the builder of the Natal locomotive, but MacDonald (2010) has evidence that it was manufactured by Carrett Marshall in Leeds. The 24 horse-powered locomotive with a 0-4-0 wheel arrangement was brought by the brig Cadiz on 13 May 1860 in broken-down form and assembled by Henry Jacobs, the Locomotive Superintendent, fitter and driver, in the engine shed at the Market Square Station. It was somewhat rustic, with no covered cab for the protection of the driver, who particularly felt the weather on the windy day of the opening ceremony. However, locomotives of this type were common
21
Plan and section of the
MIL T 2
eserv
our R
Harb
ndary of
Bou
dn
Proposed Railway Pier

300
Or
Harbour Board Pier
ft.
English Chuch
Cut, stream & bridge

LEN GT
High water mark Datum line
Adapted from a tracing of the original plan (M2460, S.A. Archives, Cape Town) by Theo J. Espitalier, 10/2/1943.
B.O. Beacon
Bridge & road
SECTION
SURFACE OF RAILS
Line crosses road
Cato's Pier Harbour Board Pier
B.O. Beacon
Utmost gradie nt 1 in 186
10
20
30
40
50
Chains
B. Martin, 11/2009.
an c
eB
Custom House & Pier Cato's Pier
ou
nd
ary
22
Road & bridge Cut, stream through swamp

f To wn Lan ds
100
FE
ET
NATAL RAILWAY
Proposed line as drawn to accompany Bill of Legislation to Executive and Legislative Councils May 1859
. ST
Proposed terminus 4 acres Bridge Zeederberg

Bo und o ary
to's Ca ven Er
RIG
HT
OF
WA
YR
ES
V ER
ED
FO
RP
UB
LIC
WE
ST
. ST
SM
ITH
English Church
TOWN
OF
D' U R B A N Cato's T O W N Flag Staff
LANDS
HARBOUR RESERVE
N E W S
F H O L AB INE OU ES
BAY
ORDNANCE
OF
NATAL
RESERVE
The first public railway in South Africa: The Point to Durban railway of 1860 in Europe and Britain at this time, for example those built for the London to Chatham and Dover Railway from 1862 until 1899 and which lasted until 1906 (Salmon, 1972). The plaque on the Natal locomotive displayed on the concourse of the present Durban Railway Station states: The first train in South Africa operated between the Point and Durban on 23 June 1860. This locomotive is a reconstruction of the original chassis and wheels which were recovered in the Umzimvubu River near Port St Johns. This first journey, as opposed to the Official Opening on 26 June, was a test run which took place on Saturday, 23 June 1860. Russell (1899) mentions that the train had five freight trucks containing 40 tons of sugar mill machinery, carried a few passengers and on the footplate were William Smerdon and Edmund Tatham, chairman and secretary respectively of the Natal Railway Company. The first official steam train journey on 26 June 1860 A watercolour painting by Robert Tatham, Manager of the Natal Railway Company, of the official opening gives an interesting glimpse of this important occasion at the Market Square Station. On the left is the Natal locomotive, described by Russell (1899) as blowing off steam in fretful impatience, waiting for driver Jacobs to connect to the only passenger coach for the important guests and, pictured on the right, a freight truck that Russell converted temporarily to provide additional passenger accommodation. There is an interesting discrepancy in the way in which the Natal locomotive was orientated. Russell (1899) stated that it was assembled with its head to the Point and, as there was no turntable or turning triangle, it would have pulled this official train running forwards to the Point. Tathams painting shows the locomotive facing the other way, which meant that it would have hauled it backwards. Russell, as the Station Agent at Market Square Station, would surely have known. Likewise, one would expect Tatham as the Manager of the Natal Railway Company to paint it correctly. Who was correct? Copies of all the images in my possession indicate that the locomotive ran backwards towards the Point. In the background of the painting is the original St Pauls Anglican Church with only one other building visible, for this was the vast Market Square. There was no station building apart from a platform on which stood the official guests including the acting Lieutenant-Governor, Major Williamson, members of the Natal Legislative Council, the Mayor of Durban, Cllr W. Hartley, the Mayor of Pietermaritzburg, Cllr J. Ackerman, Bishop Colenso and clergy, the Railway Directors and the Royal Durban Rangers. In the foreground of the painting on the left is the 85th Regiment and on the right is a group of onlookers, including intrigued African people. One is carrying firewood on her or his head. George Russell was an avid commentator on life and happenings in Durban from 1850 to 1860 (Russell, 1899). He gave an account of the opening, extracts of which follow:
The inauguration took place at 11 oclock by His Excellency, Major Williamson after the Rangers and the 85th Regiment presented arms, while 23
the band played the national anthem. Bishop Colenso invoked the Divine blessing on the enterprise while the wind snapped flag poles and damaged decorations, blew off hats and the all pervading sand made the scene both memorable and unpleasant. Everyone was thankful for the Chairmans bow to His Excellency who headed for the First Class Compartment in the coach and the rest of the guests seated themselves in the other compartments. They good-humouredly made the best of the circumstances. With a prolonged wailing shriek Jacobs turned on the steam, and the first train moved off amid the deafening and prolonged cheers of the assembled spectators. Gathering speed as he cleared the Engine House, he ran smartly down to the Point, which he reached in about five minutes. Some 800 people were conveyed to the breezy Point on this memorable occasion. The trippers disported themselves on the nearby sand dunes, visiting the rudimentary structure called the Harbour Works and admiring the Waldensian which contributed a Royal Salute of 21 minute guns from her anchorage in the Bluff Channel. The state of the weather prevented a visit to the harbour tug Pioneer and the abandonment of the planned cruise. Others preferred lingering in the vicinity of the Railway Station listening to the occasional merry tunes of the band and the usual congratulatory and complimentary toasts which were offered following inaudible speeches amongst the rattling of the iron structure, the flapping of tarpaulins, the noise of the wind and waves and the arrival and departure of trains. A goodly number sought the friendly shelter of Barkers Anchor Tavern which was close to the beach near the present Natal Government Railways Point Station building.
The detail of A.H. Barretts painting vividly captures the excitement of the event at the Point with the train arriving at the station. In the foreground are interested guests and spectators and an ox-wagon, while in the harbour are the Waldensian and the steam tug, the Pioneer. The guests all returned to town without accident though with eyes smarting from the wind-blown sand. The extemporised carriage awning, flags and decorations and one or two of the triumphal arches across the line were blown away. Russell notes the comments made, in Zulu, by the African spectators: Wow! (sic) but it is a strange beast. Its belly is full of fire and vapour; they feed it with water and wood logs. It is like a rhinoceros, but it blows smoke and sparks through its horn. Truly it is stronger than the elephant, for it pulls many wagon loads. And Beyond doubt it is made by the witchcraft of the white men. The day was concluded with a ball in the Masonic Hotel. The locomotive needed servicing after all the sand and grit blown by the strong wind that day. The Natal Mercury editorial (Wilks, 1977) after the opening, prophetically stated: The march of the locomotive is the march of progress. Before the approach of the steam horse all retrogressive influences vanish and give way. Wherever the mighty engine secures a footing civilisation invariably follows and spreads. South Africas first Royal Train In September 1860 HRH Prince Alfred, the 16-year-old second son of Queen Victoria, and Sir George Grey, Governor of the Cape Colony, arrived in Durban from the Free State
24
25
A watercolour painting by Robert Tatham, Manager of the Natal Railway Company, of the official opening gives an interesting glimpse of this important occasion at the Market Square Station. The painting now hangs in the Local History Museum, Durban.
26
The 1889 painting by A.H. Barrett shows the Point Station on the official opening of the first railway in South Africa from the Point to Durban. Source: Railway Society of Southern Africa.
The first public railway in South Africa: The Point to Durban railway of 1860 and Pietermaritzburg. Russell (1899) highlights this visit in his memoirs. Early on 6 September the Prince, Governor Grey, Mayor A. McArthur and other dignitaries departed on South Africas first Royal Train, which was no more than the Railway Companys passenger coach. It achieved the distinction of travelling, in Russells words, at a racing pace that became truly alarming. It reached the Point in two minutes and 40 seconds, a speed of 64 km an hour, the fastest journey that South African soil had yet seen. The Natal Mercury (Wilks, 1977) boasted that whatever festivities the Prince might get in Cape Town he wouldnt get another railway trip. This is a feature of his visit strictly Natalian. The extension to Umgeni Although the service ran steadily for the next few years, by 1863 the Company was in financial difficulties, despite conveying 20 000 tons of imports and 5 000 tons of exports. In 1865 the Colonial Government decided to build and pay for a line to the Umgeni River quarry for the conveyance of stone for harbour works. The Natal Railway Company had a lease to operate this line which also included transporting general freight and passengers. The seven-kilometre extension to Umgeni opened on 25 January 1867, which brought the total length to the Point to 10 km. In 1869 the Company was beginning to show a profit, with increased exports, including sugar, and in 1872 it declared the first dividend. By 1874 there was much lobbying for railways to Pietermaritzburg and along the coast as the Colonys roads were poor. As early as 1861 The Natal Mercury (Heydenrych and Martin, 1992) stated, There are probably few parts of the world where traffic is dependent on such primitive methods as the South African colonies. Farmers needed to get products to Durban and the port and there was also a need to connect to new coal mines in Northern Natal. The travelling public demanded faster, safer and a more comfortable means of travel. On 1 January 1877 the Natal Government Railways took over the assets of the Natal Railway Company. Thus the 17-year operation of South Africas first public steam railway by private enterprise became history. From a small beginning to a large State enterprise The year 2010 also marks the centenary of the unified railway system in South Africa with the creation of the Union of South Africa on 31 May 1910. The main line from Durban to Johannesburg is an important sector of this network. The Natal Legislative Council passed the Natal Government Railways Act on 2 November 1875. This authorised the building of railways, initially from Durban to Pietermaritzburg, Verulam and Isipingo. Because of the rugged nature of the interior, the Natal and Cape authorities opted for the 3ft 6in gauge, which is generally known as the Cape gauge. This made the three Natal Railway Company locomotives redundant. The newest, the Perseverance, became a stationary engine working machinery at the Durban Railway Workshop and the Natal locomotive was shipped to Port St Johns to work a sawmill upstream on the Umzimvubu River. Dennison (2009) reveals how this sawmill prepared timber for shipping to Durban for harbour construction. The locomotive
27
Queen's Bridge Umgeni River Umgeni Stone Quarries
INDIAN OCEAN
TOWN OF LANDS
DURBAN
N W S E
Adopted route Proposed alternative routes
LANDS OF THE WAR DEPARTMENT Durban Station

Western Vlei
WEST SMITH ST ST
0
Eastern Vlei
(about 1000 metres)
50 Chains
ADDINGTON Colonial Government Lands

LANDS OF THE WAR DEPARTMENT
BAY OF NATAL
Based on: GENERAL PLAN OF THE TOWN LANDS OF DURBAN and of the Colonial Government and War Department Lands adjoining showing the several routes proposed for the Railway about to be constructed from Umgeni Stone Quarries to the Harbour Works to accompany The Report of the Colonial Engineer dated 8th July 1865. (Map E115 Natal Archives Depot, Pietermaritzburg)
Vetch's Pier
Annabella Bank
nds Point Station pit THE POINT

Colonial Government Lands
Sa
Milne's Pier
THE BLUFF
B. Martin,04/2010.
UMGENI EXTENSION 1867

28
The first public railway in South Africa: The Point to Durban railway of 1860 was recovered from the Umzimvubu River, restored and plinthed on the old Durban Station on 26 June 1944, 84 years after it had drawn the first public train in South Africa. Construction started in January 1877, converting the Point to Umgeni railway to 3ft 6in gauge. This line was continued up the North Coast to Verulam. The 4ft 8in track was used for the last time on 11 May 1878. The route to the interior and South Coast was located between Pine Street and Commercial Road and along what is now Davis Lane and Alexandra Street to the present line at Dalbridge. The main line inland reached Pietermaritzburg in 1880 and Ladysmith in 1886, the year when gold was discovered in the Witwatersrand and Johannesburg founded. This factor inspired the resolve to continue the line to this destination. By 1890 it had linked to the coalfields in Northern Natal, from which date much coal was railed to Durban for use and export. In 1891 the railway reached Charlestown on the border and, once consent from the South African Republic was given, the Natal Government Railways built the railway as far as Heidelberg. The Nederlandsche Zuid-Afrikaansche Spoorwegmaatschappij constructed the remain ing section, with the opening in Johannesburg on 14 December 1895. The increased traffic generated resulted in the Natal Government Railways beginning to show a profit. Heydenrych (1985), in assessing the value of the Durban-to-Johannesburg railway, states that its completion was a major achievement for the Colony of Natal, despite the fact that 76% of the total colonial debt was for railway construction loans. The Colony secured a large amount of the trade with the interior. The revenue and prosperity of Natal became dependent upon the dues from and railage of imported goods heading for Johannesburg. But it did little to improve the economic ills of the Colony or the growth of towns along its route. Of the freight conveyed by the Natal Government Railways in 1896, less than one tenth included Natal products. However, the Natal Government Railways was the largest employer of Africans and Indians in the Colony. Heydenrych concludes by stating that as Natals economy at this time depended very much on traffic generated by the Witwatersrand, it is understandable that it was called possibly the most parasitic in the Empire by the historian C.W. de Kiewiet in his A History of South Africa. In 1893 the railway route to the interior and the South Coast located between Pine Street and Commercial Road, was replaced with a deviation around the central city between Leopold and Alice Streets into the then new station complex at the old Market Square Station site. After the Second Anglo-Boer War, the Central South African Railways operated, from 1902, the railways of the former South African and Free State republics but the Natal Government Railways continued to operate trains from Durban to Johannesburg. The Centenary of the railways in South Africa The establishment of the Union of South Africa in 1910 resulted in the amalgamation of former colonial Natal Government Railways, Cape Government Railways and Central South African Railways into the South
29
The first public railway in South Africa: The Point to Durban railway of 1860 African Railways, presently known as Transnet Freight Rail. From 1914 new deviations with improved gradients, tunnels and double track were constructed. Electric traction from Ladysmith to Chieveley was first introduced in 1924 and by 1964 the entire Durban to Johannesburg line was electrified. It also has double track, except for the 23 km stretch between Glenroy and Union Junction, and is fully computerised with central traffic control and bidirectional signalling. It has a daily capacity of 130 000 tonnes. The first railway in South Africa from the Point to Durban lasted until 1936, when road traffic pressures at street crossings forced its closure. The last train ran on 2 May 1936. It was replaced with a new double-track electric railway into the harbour along the Esplanade. The role and extent of the railway network at 24 000 km, before the closure of some lines, over the past 150 years has been impressive. This is confirmed by the building of the modern freight lines to Richards Bay, opening in 1975, for the export of coal and, in 1976, to Saldanha for the export of iron ore. The latest evidence is the new rapid transit urban passenger Gautrain to link Johannesburg, Pretoria and the O.R. Tambo Airport, which has reverted to the 4ft 8in gauge. The first section opened between Sandton and the airport on 8 June 2010. In conclusion, it is significant that South Africas first three-kilometre Point-to-Durban railway was the beginning of the most important freight rail link of over 750 km to the countrys economic heart in Johannesburg and Gauteng. Likewise, Durban has benefited to become the
30
busiest port in the country and in Africa with the largest container terminal in the Southern Hemisphere. The proposed historical railway route in Durban The Ethekwini Municipality, through the Architectural and Heritage Departments and iTRUMP, intends to mark the original route from the old Point Station to the West Street crossing and the old Durban Railway Station and also include the former route of the 1877 Natal Government Railways to the interior and the South Coast (Gammage, 2010). It is planned to demarcate the route with plaques and appropriate railway artefacts such as old locomotives and semaphore signals. A plaque commemorating the opening, on 26 June 1860, of the Point to Durban railway will be placed at the old Point Railway Station, hopefully with a model of the Natal locomotive. The centenary plaque of the unified railways in South Africa will be placed on the concourse of the Durban Station. MICHAEL COTTRELL
NOTES Brookes, E.H. & Webb, C. de B., 1967 A History of Natal, University of Natal Press, Pietermaritzburg. Chapter 8, esp. pp. 78 84. The first railway of 1860 is mentioned on pp. 78 79. Cottrell, M.J., 1957 A Geographical Study of the Development of the Rail System in the Union of South Africa, Geography III dissertation, University of Natal, Pietermaritzburg. Cottrell, M.J., 2010 Three Important Railway Milestones in the Natal Newsletter, No.159, June 2010, of the Railway Society of Southern Africa, Natal Branch, Durban, pp. 14 19. Dennison, C., 2009 The Steam Engine that built a harbour South Africas first locomotive
was used to help cut wood for construction in Durban in The Witness, 4 December 2009, Pietermaritzburg. Fawcett, C.B., 1953 Geography and Empire in Taylor, G., Geography in the Twentieth Century, Methuen, London, p 428. Gammage, A., 2010 The proposed historical railway, in the Natal Newsletter, No.159, June 2010, of the Railway Society of Southern Africa, Natal Branch, Durban, p. 20. Goetzsche, E. 1966 Father of a City the life and work of George Christopher Cato, first Mayor of Durban, Shuter and Shooter, Pietermaritzburg. This gives a good idea of early Durban. Chapter 13 covers the Point to Durban Railway in 1860. Heydenrych, H., 1985 Railway Development in Natal to 1895 in Enterprise and Exploitation in a Victorian Colony Aspects of the Economic and Social History of Colonial Natal. Ed. by Bill Guest and J.M. Sellers, University of Natal Press, Pietermaritzburg. Heydenrych, H. & Martin, B., 1992 The Natal Main Line Story, HSRC Publishers, Pretoria. Chapters 1 & 2, pp. 1 3 cover the first journey on 26/06/1860 and pp. 3 7 the building of the line and economy of the Colony. Hutson, T., 1997 Wooden Railway on Durbans Bluff, in Natalia, Journal of the Natal Society, Vol.26, May 1997, Pietermaritzburg, pp. 74 78. MacDonald, H. 2010 Personal commuication. email on 18/01/2010 Russell, G. 1899 History of Old Durban, P. Davis & Sons, Durban, reprinted in 1971 by T.W. Griggs, Durban. pp. 115 124 Durban in 1850, pp. 393 400, 462 476, 486, 488, 506 507 refer to the 1860 railway. Salmon, J., 1972 Steam Engines, J. Salmon Ltd, Sevenoaks, England, p. 5. Wilks, T., 1977 For the Love of Natal the Life and times of the Natal Mercury 18521977, Robinson & Co., Durban, p.31. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The text is inspired by my Geography III dissertation (Cottrell,1957) and modified, with additions, from my article in the Natal Newsletter (Cottrell, 2010). I am indebted to the late Ralph Sharp for an illustrated talk given to the KZN Railway History Society in February 2001, entitled The Natal Railway Company 1859 to 1877. This was a review of the development of South Africas first commercial steam hauled passenger carrying railway. The text has been checked by members of the Railway History Society, including Charles Parry and Bruno Martin overseas. I am grateful to my wife, Stella, for proof reading and creative suggestions.
31
Natal Afrikaners as loyalists during the Anglo-Boer War (18991902)
n Albert Grundlinghs ground breaking work on Afrikaners who sided with the British during the AngloBoer War,1 these individuals are referred to as hendsoppers or joiners. The Natal Afrikaner loyalists were neither, for as British subjects they were expected by their government, at the very least, to remain neutral. It would therefore be more appropri ate to use a simple definition from The Concise Oxford Dictionary to explain who and what a loyalist is, namely: a person who remains loyal to the legitimate sovereign in the face of rebellion or usurpation.2 Within the Natal Afrikaner commu nity resident in the Colony of Natal, and especially in Klip River County, the area occupied by the Boer commandos
32
and the focus region of this article, a small group managed to exhibit a willing, practical and thoroughgoing devotion to the Imperial cause.3 This happened despite the fact that they were for almost six months under the rule of fellow Afrikaners who placed immense pressure on them to renege on their loyalty to the Crown. Who were this extremely small group of Natal Afrikaner loyalists? Why did they remain loyal to the Empire and the Natal Government in the face of aggressive republicanism? Or was it a question of all the Natal Afrikaners being disloyal and some being more disloyal than others? In this article an attempt will be made to answer these and other questions related to loyalist Natal Afrikaners during the AngloBoer War of 18991902.
Natalia 40 (2010), Johan Wassermann pp. 32 61 Natalia 40 (2010) Copyright Natal Society Foundation 2010
Natal Afrikaners as loyalists during the Anglo-Boer War (18991902) Support for, and involvement in, the British and colonial forces In terms of war, ultimate loyalty is the willingness to take up arms against invaders of the same ethnic or cultural group as yourself. This display of loyalty was exhibited by the Natal Afrikaners who joined the Umvoti Mounted Rifles (UMR), a volunteer regiment from the Greytown and Kranskop districts in Umvoti County. A detachment of this unit, 36 strong, consisting of 21 Afrikaners and 15 Germans, under the command of Captain E.J. Landsberg, was despatched to Ixopo on 6 October 18994 to guard the southern border of Natal against a possible African uprising in the Pondoland area.5 The troop remained in this locality for the duration of the Boer commandos presence in Natal, that is until June 1900. Governor Walter HelyHutchinson explained the thinking of the Natal Government when he addressed the men prior to their departure for Ixopo:
You must not think we, the Govern ment, distrust your loyalty by sending you to the Southern Border, as we consider it our duty to send a body of men to guard that border as well as the other borders of the Colony, and we have studied the situation and consider it right and proper that as you are of Dutch descent, you should be sent there, bearing in mind that some of you have blood relations and ties on the other side, but we feel confident and satisfied that you will do your duty equally with those who are now at the front.6
The vast majority of Afrikaners from Umvoti County were less enthusiastic about this deployment as can be gauged by their lack of contribution
towards a gift for the unit prior to its deployment. Of the 41 people who contributed only P.R. Botha and his son were Afrikaners.7 At the same time the homes of those Afrikaners who were associated with the UMR were, according to rumour, earmarked for ruthless looting.8 The sensible decision by the Natal authorities to send the specific detachment of the UMR to the Ixopo area meant that they would not be directly confronted by their relations in battle. As a result the impression was created amongst some in Natal that the detachment could not be trusted to fight the Boer commandos.9 The posting also resulted in long periods of inactivity and idleness. To try to pass the time two rifle matches were organised against the Ixopo Rifle Association,10 and this soon attracted public criticism. Britisher in a letter to the Natal Witness complained that the UMR volunteers were receiving all the perks soldiers were entitled to while they were playing games. He believed that a volunteer is a volunteer and that they should be at the front.11 Similar sentiments were expressed by One who knows.12 This criticism elicited an angry response from one G.E. Francis who explained that it was no fault of the detachment that they were prevented from proceeding to the front by the authorities. As far as Francis was concerned all the men were willing to serve at the front since they had all taken an oath of allegiance to defend the Colony. Francis proceeded to advise One who knows that if he was so anxious to see the detachment disbanded he should show his loyalty and patriotism by joining instead of writing incorrect and disparaging remarks under a nom de plume.13
33
Natal Afrikaners as loyalists during the Anglo-Boer War (18991902) By the time that the Boer commandos were all but driven from Natal the magistrate of Ixopo also questioned the presence of the UMR detachment in his district. The Natal Government, realising that it would make little political sense to move the troop to the front, decided to maintain the status quo for the time being. This decision was altered a couple of days later when the unit was employed in doing policelike patrolling of the Ixopo and Polela areas.14 A month later a rumour surfaced that the troop would be transferred to Dundee. An outcry from the commander of volunteers resulted in an urgent telegraph to the prime minister to protest that the transfer was not advisable for many reasons. Prime Minister Albert Hime agreed and angrily demanded to know the source of such an absurd rumour.15 It was clear that the Natal Government was not willing to take any risk by sending this particular force to the front. The hesitancy of the Natal Government can be understood when one considers the case against Privates J.M. (Mias) and J.J. (Marthinus) Botha, members of the UMR. In a joint letter written home the men used disloyal language towards the Crown. Both were brought before a military court, which identified J.M. Botha as the real culprit. He was found guilty and dismissed from the UMR.16 In addition, with the Boers driven from Natal, the authorities were uncertain what to do with the Afrikaner troop of the UMR, as well as the other Natal volunteer units. Consequently all Natal volunteer units were disbanded in August 1900.17 When the UMR was disbanded not a single Afrikaner attended any of the subsequent homecoming
34
functions. The commanding officer, Major George Leuchars, called it ill will18 and encouraged the Afrikaners to accept British rule, to bury the past, and to work with the British colonists for a better future.19 This ill will was, however, reciprocated, especially by the British military. The disbandment, for example, left Captain E.J. Landsberg without a position. He therefore applied for permission to return to his farm Morgenstond in the Dundee district which he had vacated to join the UMR. Serving the war effort did not count for much in his case and the commandant of Dundee refused the request.20 In the end very little value was attached to the duty done by the UMR unit stationed at Ixopo. This can be gathered from the names which appear on the shield which honoured those who served the unit from 29 September 1899 to 9 October 1900, presented to the unit by the inhabitants of Umvoti County. Not one of the names of those who served at Ixopo appears on the shield. The only names of men who might have been Afrikaners and appear on the shield are: Sergeant J. Laatz, C. Laatz, P. Meyer, W.J.H. Muller, Corporals A. Krause and A. Muller, C. Krause and F. Krause.21 These men were possibly those who were transferred to the UMR detachments along the Tugela River and who had then guided the Imperial Light Infantry in April 1900 from Greytown on their march towards the area.22 A number of Natal Afrikaners also joined the British Army by enlisting in units other than the UMR. L.P. de Jager of Serpentine, Newcastle, first joined the Normandien Volunteer Corps in November 1900 to counteract stock theft by raiding Boer commandos
Natal Afrikaners as loyalists during the Anglo-Boer War (18991902) and in July 1901 he joined Loxtons Horse.23 Other Natal Afrikaners who enlisted in the military included Hans (Johannes) Strydom of Newcastle, who served as a guide with the Swaziland Column,24 F.W. Prinsloo of Dundee who joined Thorneycrofts Mounted Infantry,25 Pelster of Dundee who joined the Scottish Horse Regiment,26 and Theunis de Jager of Wasbank who was killed in action by the Boers near Nqutu,27 making him the only Natal Afrikaner loyalist to pay the ultimate price in fighting for the Empire. A Natal Afrikaner to join the British forces for ulterior motives was Jan (Theunis Jacobus) Nel, the son of Mal Theuns Nel of Spitzkop, Umvoti district. During the early stages of the war Jan Nel carried letters to the Boer forces. After a quarrel with his family he changed his allegiance and joined Mennes Scouts with the express purpose of giving a few of his Greytown friends away. Apart from serving in the Standerton district, he did what he promised and accused 14 prominent farmers in the Umvoti district, including his father and five other Nels, of harbouring and communicating with the Boers, stealing government cattle, colluding with Chief Gayede, and talking seditiously. The fact that Jan Nel testified against his own father marred his statement, at least in the books of AttorneyGeneral Henry Bale and the clerk of the peace in Greytown, Charles Tatham. Despite these reservations against his testimony, the intelligence he provided was used to remove a large number of Afrikaners under Martial law from Umvoti County to Pietermaritzburg.28 Worse was to follow in time for Jan Nel. He lost his property and was no longer on a good footing with his relations. Consequently he applied for the post of Dutch and Zulu interpreter. In an effort to advance his prospects he approached Frank Tatham, requesting him to use his influence in the matter. Tatham wrote to both the Colonial Secretary and John Henry Brand de Villiers, the Registrar of the Natal Supreme Court, singing the virtues and loyalty of Nel.29 This did not seem to have helped as no record of an appointment for Nel can be found. A small number of Natal Afrikaners also served the armed forces in noncombat or logistical capacities. J. Theunissen served as a conductor in the Natal Transport Unit and for that he was awarded the Queens South African medal.30 Donald Mackenzie, despite his name, was an Afrikaner who could not speak a word of English. His lack of English language skills, however, did not prevent him from finding a position with the British military as an ambulance conductor.31 P.W.C. Jordaan of Dundee rendered services from 25 September 1900 for the British Army. During his treason trial this did not count for much and on 21 August 1901 he was sentenced to four months in prison. His father, G.J., was commended by several Britishers for the assistance he rendered to them in terms of supplying food and clothing while they were fleeing Dundee after the Battle of Talana. He, too, was found guilty of treason.32 Two Natal Afrikaners found a niche for themselves in the intelligence services of the British Army. The Dutch inspector of schools, J.H. Kleinschmidt, enlisted with only a couple of hours notice and was appointed as the Dutch interpreter to General Redvers Buller then still the
35
Natal Afrikaners as loyalists during the Anglo-Boer War (18991902) commanderinchief of British forces in southern Africa. He only informed the superintendent of education, Robert Russell, of his enlistment once he had arrived at Frere Camp on 8 December 1899. Kleinschmidt clearly revelled in this new role and described the pay as generous, and informed his superior that he intended to follow Buller through the campaign and would, if he found any trophies worth collecting, keep them for Russell. As an initial task Kleinschmidt was handed a long rigmarole of lies from President Steyn to deal with.33 Unfortunately for Kleinschmidt, his enthusiasm did not match his staying power and his health failed. Finding a replacement for him did not prove a problem. The 26yearold John Henry Brand de Villiers, originally from the OFS, who had become a naturalised British subject after living in Natal for two years,34 asked the Natal Government if he could vacate his position in the Natal Civil Service to apply for Kleinschmidts post. Unfortunately for De Villiers another eager candidate had already filled the position.35 The loyalty of De Villiers to his new country did, however, pay off and after serving as a Dutch interpreter for the Special Court created to try Natal Afrikaners suspected of rebellious activities and high treason,36 a position he had to resign from for health reasons,37 he was promoted in May 1902 to the position of registrar of the Supreme Court.38 Apart from his work at the front, J.H. Kleinschmidt also acted as a secret agent. Under the guise of inspecting the teaching of Dutch in the government school in Greytown, he investigated the matter of disloyalty amongst the local Afrikaners.39 The
36
other Natal Afrikaner who worked for the intelligence department was Alan Hershensohnn, the son of the editor of the De Natal Afrikaner, Joshua Hershensohnn. It is doubtful if Hershensohnns work carried much weight or was even taken seriously. Like a typical amateur spy he referred to the existence of secret societies, numerous spies that operated in both Durban and Pietermaritzburg and plots to poison the local garrison. Little attention was paid to his revelations by either the civil or military authorities.40 Overall only a small number of Natal Afrikaners joined the Natal Volunteer Regiments and other British/Colonial units. Of the 435 members on the muster roll of the Natal Carbineers, only five were Afrikaner four Meyers and a De Haas while the 221-strong Natal Mounted Rifles only had four Afrikaners in its ranks.41 Of the roughly 2 208 Natal men involved in the various volunteer regiments during the war, excluding the UMR, no more than an estimated 20 were Afrikaners.42 The only other armed groupings which contained a reasonable number of Afrikaners were the rifle associations. Although most Afrikaners resigned from these associations when members were legally forced to take the oath of allegiance to the Crown, some retained their membership. In terms of Law No. 19 of 1862, and according to the rules of rifle associations, members could be called out for duty in their respective magisterial districts by the local magistrate.43 Thus, when the Camperdown and District Rifle Association was called out for duty by the local magistrate in November 1899, two Afrikaners, H. and W.C. Meyer, reported for duty. A third,
Natal Afrikaners as loyalists during the Anglo-Boer War (18991902) E.W. Meyer, was a volunteer on service with the Natal Carbineers. The Meyers remained active in the rifle association until the end of the war.44 Camperdown was no exception as a number of Afrikaners in other areas also remained active members. J.A. Mar, J.A. de Waal and A.P., C.F. and C. Keyter continued as members of the Kranskop Rifle Association,45 while G.F. van Rooyen, who was a member of the Newcastle Rifle Association,46 resigned leaving only L.P. de Jager as a member.47 Other Rifle Associations such as Tsekana, Seven Oaks, Umvoti, Riet Vlei, Melmoth, Charlestown, Ingogo, Elandslaagte, Highlands and Indowane collectively had but 24 Afrikaner members.48 The Rifle Association with the largest number of Afrikaner members was Weenen. At its annual shooting competition in August 1900, 12 Afrikaner men and 13 Afrikaner women participated in proceedings.49 This Natal Afrikaner involvement did not last long and by April 1903 only five out of 51 members of the Weenen Rifle Association were Afrikaners.50 All in all, by June 1902 no more than a maximum of 40 Afrikaners counted amongst the estimated 2 292 Rifle Association members.51 The decline in Afrikaner membership can be explained by the fear of being called out to fight the Boers and by the antiAfrikaner sentiment of the time and can be illustrated by the following case. Two of the Natal Afrikaners who participated in the Weenen Rifle Association activities, J.L.J. Pieterse senior and junior, were originally from the farm Danskraal near Ladysmith. They were removed by the military to Weenen during the Siege of Ladysmith. J.L.J. Pieterse (snr) was eventually charged with high treason but acquitted. When the Pieterses returned to their farm in 1901 they wanted to join the Ladysmith Rifle Association and consequently signed the required oath of allegiance. The Ladysmith Rifle Association, however, was not as accommodating as its Weenen counterpart and was reluctant to issue the Pieterses with rifles. Instead, it chose to reject the verdict of the court and continued to believe that the Pieterses had assisted the Boers during the Siege of Ladysmith. Only a lengthy correspondence process managed to sway the Ladysmith Rifle Association to assign rifles to the loyal Pieterses.52 Membership of the town guard, which was introduced in early 1902, operated in stark contrast to the rifle associations. All white male British subjects over the age of 18 were compelled to become members. This military creation was even less successful in attracting Afrikaner members than the rifle associations, largely due to the fact that most Afrikaners resided on farms outside the towns or were at the time in prison as rebels or banned by the military from their districts of origin. Of the hundreds of men in the Dundee Town Guard, for example, only five were Afrikaners: J.M. and H. Slabbert, A.H.O. Kruger and J. and Stephen Liebenberg. The name of Barend Liebenberg also appears on the list, but as a noncombatant.53 In Ladysmith, Dominee H.F. Schoon of the local Dutch Reformed Church refused to join the activities of the town guard. He voiced two concerns: firstly, that he was required to take the oath of allegiance again, even though he had done it 20 years earlier and, secondly,
37
Natal Afrikaners as loyalists during the Anglo-Boer War (18991902) that he might be forced to take up arms against his own people. He was consequently banned to Weenen by Lt Col G.H. Sim.54 Other Natal Afrikaners supported the war effort by more indirect means. In Proviso B they assisted wounded and sick members of the Melmoth Field Force in the following ways: T.R. Ortlepp gave his house to the Red Cross while Ortlepp and D.C. (Vaal Dirk) Uys, the latter a member of the Legislative Council of Natal, allowed them to use the facilities offered by the local Dutch Reformed Church. A.F. Ortlepp in turn provided the patients with smoking filters,55 Piet Uys provided splendid grapes,56 Vaal Dirk Uys also a large quantity of grapes, Mrs Britz and D.C. Uys chicken broth, J.W.F. Ortlepp custard, custard pudding, preserves and magazines, and Mrs Pretorius a daily supply of milk.57 At Dundee, J.H. Ries of Langfontein, who was eventually convicted as a rebel, sent milk and eggs to the British hospital,58 while in the Weenen district some Afrikaners were prepared to contribute financially to the British victims of war. After the Relief of Mafeking a collection list with the intimidating caption, Heroes All! Pay! Pay!! Pay!!! circulated in the area. Of the 62 people who contributed 15 were Afrikaners. All of them contributed five shillings each, except for J.C. Buys, Frik Buys, W.J. Basson and Dominee A.M. Murray who contributed more.59 Some of the those who supported the Imperial war effort, like Mrs A Otto who contributed to the Maritzburg Association for Aid to Sick and Wounded,60 were dyedin thewool loyalists. Others, including some of those mentioned above,
38
were definitely not loyalists but cared enough for victims of the war to make some contribution to improve their lot. Deeds such as these contributed to making loyalty to the Imperial war effort a grey area which allowed Natal Afrikaners to adopt multiple loyalist identities during the war. All considered, the active contribution to the Imperial war effort by Natal Afrikaners was of a varied nature and in terms of scale extremely modest. Furthermore, the involvement, both in a combative and logistical manner, was generally based on individual motivation and not because of collective feelings of loyalty from within the Natal Afrikaner community. Loyalist Natal Afrikaners experiences during the Boer occupation Against the background of the successful Boer occupation of Klip River County a decision was made, towards the end of November 1899, to commandeer all the white residents of the occupied Klip River County.61 Consequently immense pressure was placed by General Schalk Burger, the initiator of the idea, and his Natal Afrikaner henchmen on the local Afrikaners especially to join the Republican cause. To convince these people to join, Burger provided two reasons to suppress an imminent African uprising and because the area in Natal occupied by the commandos had been annexed by the Republics. As a result, most Natal Afrikaners of Klip River County enlisted reluctantly in three local commandos the Newcastle Commando, Ottos Commando (for the Ladysmith district) and the Natal Commando (for the Dundee and Umsinga districts).
Natal Afrikaners as loyalists during the Anglo-Boer War (18991902) In the Dundee district the first meeting called to inform the Natal Afrikaners that they needed to enlist with the commandos took place at Wasbank on 20 November 1899. Several Afrikaner men of the Dundee area, amongst them the Strydom brothers, Wynand, Gerhardus, John, Paul, Theunis and Frederick, did not go.62 Not even threats that they would be fined 37.10.0 each or be driven across the Tugela River could convince them to attend. In an attempt to gain clarity about their situation Wynand and John Strydom later visited the laager at Helpmekaar. Their visit culminated in a row with General J.J. Ferreira, with the latter threatening to confiscate all their property if they did not cross the Tugela within seven days this being the terms of the original order issued by General P.J. (Piet) Joubert, the officer commanding of the Transvaal forces, which were subsequently replaced by the order issued by General Burger. The meeting ended without any firm decision, possibly because of the uncertainty on the part of the Boer officers of which order to follow. Consequently the Strydoms received a pass from Commandant Engelbrecht to visit Revd Dr James Dalzell at Pomeroy.63 The visit to Dalzell was but an excuse to communicate with the UMR across the Tugela River. In a letter to the officer commanding, the spokesman for the Strydom clan, Wynand, made it clear that they refused to be commandeered. According to Strydom, the disloyal Afrikaners in the area were the instigators behind their eviction, and he feared that they could be attacked as they were heading towards the Tugela. He therefore requested the assistance of the UMR or the Natal Government to negotiate their safe passage with General Piet Joubert. A defiant Strydom, in a note in the margin, informed the officer commanding that I will try and bring ten sacks of potatoes as a present for your men.64 The loyalty of the Strydoms was applauded by Dalzell, who described it as magnificent! These men are surrounded by the enemy and disloyal boers.65 Not long after the return to their farm, two local Afrikaners by the surname of Vermaak visited the Strydoms, urging them to cooperate with the Transvaalers by providing information regarding stock and property belonging to loyalists. The Vermaaks argued that such a step would remove any suspicion of their loyalist activities. The Strydoms were also informed that a meeting of Natal Afrikaners was planned at Dundee for 29 November 1899 to appoint officials for the Natal Commando. The meeting was to be held under the chairmanship of the Republicanappointed justice of the peace, D.P. Wolfaardt, at Paddafontein between Dundee and Helpmekaar. Upon hearing that the meeting had been moved to Dundee, some of the Strydom brothers returned home while others held a family meeting at Blesboklaagte outside Dundee. Here they decided to stick together even if it meant expulsion across the Tugela River as per the proclamation issued by General Joubert.66 At this stage roughly 100 other people were likewise rumoured to be willing to cross the Tugela River rather than join the Boers.67 Other loyalists like A.W. Illing, his fatherinlaw D.C. (Dirk) Pieters of Zwartwater near Dundee, and C.L. (Coenraad) and A.J. Pieters, as well as
39
Natal Afrikaners as loyalists during the Anglo-Boer War (18991902) members of the Jansen and Gregory families, attended this meeting.68 The issue of allegiance to the Crown was soon raised. Dirk Pieters requested to remain neutral but was told by Justice of the Peace Wolfaardt that if any Afrikander is so rotten as not to take up arms, he must be plundered and persecuted by any burger who comes across him. Wolfaardt took the debate one step further and declared that an oath of allegiance to the Crown made by local Afrikaners was null and void since the British had vacated the area. This was disputed by A.L. (August) Jansen, who made it clear that such an oath could not be broken. Jansen warned all those present against joining the Boers.69 The Dundee townlands manager, Barend Liebenberg, also did not mince his words and made it clear that he was a British subject and intended to remain one.70 Realising that they could be conscripted, the Pieterses and Illing asked for passes to cross the Tugela as per the proclamation issued by General Joubert. This was declined and only passes to cross into the besieged Ladysmith were offered. The Pieterses and the Jansens thereafter left the meeting.71 In due course the loyalists were informed that it had been decided at the Dundee meeting that all the Natal Afrikaners who did not want to take up arms on the behalf of the Republics would have to move south of the Tugela River within seven days. Passes for this could be obtained from the justice of the peace in Dundee. To clarify their position, three of the Strydom brothers consulted with General J.J. Ferreira at Helpmekaar, who informed them that they would have to be ready to move within four days. In the meantime the justice of the peace was
40
swamped with requests for passes.72 It seems as if the large number of white inhabitants who wanted to escape Republican occupation offended the Boer administration, and Ferreira as a result informed the Strydoms that he had decided against issuing passes as this would amount to a breach of security. He was, however, willing to allow them to go to Ladysmith. Only in one case, that of the Liebenbergs, was a pass issued by the Boers to Natal Afrikaners to cross the Tugela into Britishheld territory. When the loyalist family group reached Helpmekaar with the intention of crossing by wagon via Pomeroy, they were stopped and kept prisoner in the laager for three days. Guards surrounded the wagon and the Liebenbergs were told that they would be shot if they tried to leave. The family was then returned to Dundee, where the eldest Liebenberg boy was imprisoned for nine days, apparently because he was a loyal British subject. On 2 January 1900 the Liebenberg family was sent to Pretoria and then on to Durban via Lourenco Marques. Barend Liebenberg was also removed to Pretoria. He arrived in Durban on 4 May 1900, after being released by the Transvaal authorities.73 The remainder of the Natal Afrikaner loyalists of the Dundee district were now trapped in Boer occupied territory and exposed to the mercy of the invaders. On 5 December 1899, three of the Strydom brothers, John, Paul and Wynand, were arrested and brought before General Ferreira and his staff at Helpmekaar. They were threatened and given the choice of taking up arms or being driven into the besieged Ladysmith. They opted for the latter. Unsure of how to deal
Natal Afrikaners as loyalists during the Anglo-Boer War (18991902) with such defiance, Ferreira allowed the Strydoms to proceed home. Within an hour of their return home a group of Boers arrived to confiscate their arms and ammunition. The poss also remained to guard the house. The following day, 6 December 1899, Ferreira, on three occasions, sent a messenger to enquire if the three Strydoms had changed their minds. When this did not happen Ferreira lost his patience and 50 Boers arrived and took the three Strydoms to Helpmekaar, from where they were ordered to proceed to Blesboklaagte. The fact that the loyalist brothers complained of having left behind most of their furniture, 100 pockets of potatoes, a number of horses and some cattle, did not impress the Boer officers. As a favour Wynand Strydom was allowed to send back one of his African labourers on horseback, to remain with their property. The labourer, however, did not reach the farm as a local Afrikaner, C.J. Vermaak, captured him and took him on as an agterryer, while another, J. Kemp, took the horse. En route three messengers arrived and informed the group of loyalists that Ferreira had changed his mind and that they were to proceed to Dundee. Dismayed, the three Strydoms left their families at Blesboklaagte. Accompanied by their other three brothers and their brotherinlaw, Wade, they proceeded to the Dundee Police Station. From then on the three ringleaders, Wynand, John and Paul, were subjected to the disjointed Boer administration where decisions were taken as situations arose. The threesome was locked up for a day and a night without food. Warden Nel then ordered their wives to visit them because they were to be transferred to Pretoria. The brothers insisted on seeing the justice of the peace first. The justice of the peace found the situation puzzling since he had not received orders to imprison the men. He therefore ordered that they be fed, their stock handed over to their brother Gert, and that their families be allowed to reside in Dundee. Although the brothers were initially removed to the police barracks on his orders, they were taken back to the prison by the warder and FieldCornet Meyer, apparently on instructions from Pretoria. The Strydoms were soon joined by nine other loyalist prisoners. After six days of imprisonment they were brought before the justice of the peace, who asked if they would take an oath of neutrality if he placed them under house arrest. They agreed and were consequently granted permission to join their families in Dundee. Circumstances changed for the trio with the arrival of a new justice of the peace, Wolmarans, at the end of December 1899. On meeting Wynand Strydom and the mother of the clan he lifted the house arrest. Wolmarans, on investigation of the charges against the brothers, declared that under Transvaal law no one had the right to commandeer or interfere with British subjects. The magistrate then allowed the brothers to proceed to the farm Helena with their stock, advising them to remain quiet so as not to offend the Boers. On being informed that the horses and potatoes belonging to the Strydoms had been confiscated without the issue of receipts, Wolmarans wrote to General J.J. Ferreira asking for receipts to be issued. The general bluntly refused.74 The rudimentary Boer administration in the Klip River County, with the assistance of disloyal
41
Natal Afrikaners as loyalists during the Anglo-Boer War (18991902) Afrikaners, started to turn the screws on the loyalists from December 1899 onwards. One Kirkness, a member of the Dutch Reformed Church in Ladysmith, complained that the Boers wanted to arrest him on three occasions on suspicion of being a spy.75 August Jansen and J.J. Kemp were threatened with being sent either to Pretoria, Colesberg or Ladysmith, or forced south of the Tugela River.76 A number of loyalists from Dundee, including Barend Liebenberg, J.A. Naud, J. Craig, A.J. Nienaber, Magistrate P. Hugo and about 160 others were arrested and sent to prison in Pretoria.77 Included in this number were J.C. Uys and C.R. (Coenraad) Cronj78 of Newcastle who refused to join the Boer forces. Uys was later released and allowed to travel via Lourenco Marques (modern day Maputo) to Durban. As he was well acquainted with the residents of Newcastle and with the geography of the area, Magistrate J.O. Jackson, who was also arrested and deported via Lourenco Marques to Durban, highly recommended Uys for employment in the military.79 After a short stay in the capital of the Transvaal, some of the Natal prisoners were returned to Ladysmith and forced into Intombi Camp, firstly because the officials in Pretoria could not cope with the large number of inmates and possibly also as a means to flood the besieged town with people, which in turn would deplete the British resources and hasten the towns surrender.80 Other Natalians, like J.E. Northern and A.J. Oldacre, were later allowed to proceed to Durban via Lourenco Marques. On arrival in Durban they wasted no time in informing the authorities of the identity of the Natal rebels.
42
Oldacre could also reveal that the Jansens, Pieterses, Illing, C.M. Meyer of Gladstone, Dundee and Cornelius Meyer of Tafelberg, Dundee, had remained loyal.81 While this handful of Klip River County Afrikaners managed to remain true, the treatment they suffered convinced J.J. Kemp of Zuurfontein, Dundee, to abandon his intention of not taking up arms. He therefore, in midDecember, on the insistence of his wife, proceeded to Helpmekaar to collect his rifle and join the Natal Commando.82 In the meantime the persecution of the loyalist Natal Afrikaners in the Dundee district continued. On 21 December 1899, Illing, A.J. and Coenraad Pieters were arrested at Blesboklaagte by Gideon Kok and a group of men. They were taken to the laager at Helpmekaar and handed over to Dirk Uys, an officer in the Natal Commando, who informed them that they had been arrested because they refused to take up arms on the Boer side.83 The following morning Illing, A.J. and Coenraad Pieters, James Craig, Ridley, and four of the Strydom brothers, Gerhardus, Theunis, John and Frederick, were brought before a court martial chaired by General Ferreira and charged with being British subjects who refused to take up arms. No evidence was presented against them and they were, after their appearance, locked up again. The next day they were released with the warning that they were to report at Helpmekaar on 27 December. On the return date the men were read a telegram, apparently from President S.J.P. (Paul) Kruger, stating that all Natal Afrikaners needed to be commandeered at once or pay a fine ranging from 1 to 300. The nine loyalists informed the court martial,
Natal Afrikaners as loyalists during the Anglo-Boer War (18991902) which included three Natal rebels, P.J. van Rensenburg as well as Dirk and Koos Uys, that Kruger had no authority over them and that they refused to pay either the fine or take up arms. Some of those in the crowd of onlookers now warned the group that they would be shot. This did not happen and the group was allowed to return home. Two days later Pieter Nel jnr, a Natal rebel accompanied by a Transvaler, came to the farm Zwartwater to collect 15 each from Dirk, A.J. and Coenraad Pieters, from James Craig and Illing. Only Dirk Pieters paid up; the rest refused wanting to know what the money was for.84 The following day Craig, Illing, A.J. and Coenraad Pieters proceeded to the laager at Helpmekaar to inquire about the 15 demanded from them. In no uncertain terms they were informed that it was not a fine but money commandeered from them. Seeing no way out they all decided to pay. This extortion bought the loyalists three weeks grace. The treatment of the loyalists by the Republican forces confused the Natal rebels stationed at Helpmekaar. In a letter to General J.J. Ferreira, the 96 Afrikaners signatories pointed out that they were informed at the conscription meeting held at Dundee on 29 October 1899 that only two options existed you either supported the Boers by enlisting or you were against them. Those who opted for the second choice were to be expelled across the Tugela River within seven days. What deeply concerned the signatories was that a third option seemed to exist, namely that of remaining neutral. They complained that while they were on commando the neutral Afrikaners were allowed to move around freely, even though every now and again some of them were arrested only to be released after paying a small fine. They felt that if this option was allowed some of the men presently in the laager might also choose to become neutral since it was a safer and more comfortable option. The real concern of the signatories was then brought up, namely that should they as rebels fall into the hands of the British they could be executed for taking up arms because the Crown would point out that some men had managed to remain neutral since that possibility existed. They therefore called on the Transvaal authorities, for the sake of the protection of the rebels, to implement their earlier decision and bring everybody into the fold.85 It seems as if the Transvaal authorities paid some attention to the fear expressed by the commandeered Natal Afrikaners that if they were not all to be treated in the same manner, or at least as per the orders that existed, those who had enlisted would find themselves in a precarious legal position. Therefore, on 22 January 1900, the Pieterses, Illing and Craig were again commandeered by a Natal rebel, J.S. Swart, this time on the orders of Commandant T. Steenkamp and FieldCornet P.J. van Rensenburg. The loyalists had to report at Helpmekaar on 27 January 1900, armed and with provisions for eight days.86 The Pieterses and Illing again refused and proceeded to seek an audience with the newly appointed Commandant Steenkamp, who proved to be much more accommodating than Ferreira. He listened to the men, questioned them, took depositions from them and informed them that he would refer the matter to General Piet Joubert. It is uncertain what became of the report but matters did change after
43
Natal Afrikaners as loyalists during the Anglo-Boer War (18991902) General Jouberts visit to Helpmekaar on 10 February 1900 because five days later two rebels, C.M. Vermaak and Fritz Havemann, informed the loyalists that they had to remain within the boundaries of their farms or suffer the consequences if they were found outside the stated parameters. Rumours later indicated this meant that they would be shot. Most of the loyalists were thereafter left alone,87 apart from Ridley and Craig, who were sent to Pretoria, confirming the fears of the Natal Afrikaners who had rebelled, that the option of remaining neutral actually existed. Against this background F.S. Bishop, a loyalist resident of Helpmekaar, complained that: the Natal Boers never ceased to annoy me. Their behaviour generally towards me and other residents who remained was worse than that of the Transvaal Boers.88 The reasoning behind the pressures placed on loyalists by fellow Natal Afrikaners was quite simple loyalty to the British Crown was not good for group survival for if all were not seen as having cooperated with the Boer commandos, it would destroy any future arguments of compulsion and conscription. In turn the Natal Afrikaners who chose loyalty did so as part of an ongoing effort to avoid charges of treason which they knew would be laid with the return of the Natal authorities. Consequently the Strydoms could not escape intimidatory actions such as that referred to by Bishop and at the beginning of February 1900, they were once again commandeered, this time by a Natal rebel, J. Schalkwyk. The Strydoms threw Schalkwyk from their house in a violent manner. When rumours started to circulate
44
that they would be punished for this, Wynand consulted Justice of the Peace Wolmarans. The latter informed them that they had acted incorrectly and that they should rather have written a letter stating their position. Still fearing the repercussions of their deed, the brothers hid in the veld for three days. A letter from Commandant Steenkamp eventually reached the men informing them that he wanted to speak to them. The meeting took place in fairly amicable circumstances but the brothers were informed that if they were found guilty of assaulting Schalkwyk they would be shot. Steenkamp then took statements from them regarding the treatment they received since he had been given power by General Piet Joubert to judge such cases. The statements inevitably led to an argument about loyalty. Gert Strydom stated that he refused to join the Boers since that would be tantamount to being a rebel. The argument about loyalty raged for a while with Steenkamp insisting that the Strydoms unborn childrens children would curse them some day. Steenkamp then allowed the men to go home while he awaited orders from Joubert. Afterwards three Natal rebels informed the Strydoms that they could not leave the farm they were residing on,89 as was the case with other loyalists. By early May 1900 the position of the Strydom brothers had become precarious. Their loyalty meant that they were being imprisoned on a farm other than their own and were running low on food. Three of the brothers therefore proceeded to Glencoe to consult with General Lucas Meyer. Meyers response was curt: the brothers could not expect the Transvaal to feed
Natal Afrikaners as loyalists during the Anglo-Boer War (18991902) disloyal people, but he was prepared to send them to Ladysmith, where they would find both food and Englishmen enough. Meyer ended the meeting by ordering the brothers to return to their residence and remain quiet. On 7 May 1900, as the Boer defences started to crumble, Commandant Steenkamp gave the Strydoms permission to return to their own farms90 to await the arrival of Bullers Natal Army. This return proved to be unpleasant, as J.M. Strydom, mother of the loyal Strydoms, testified. Her house had been used as a stable and all the fruit trees were cut down.91 Similar sights awaited other loyalists who were absent from their properties. J.S., L. and J.H. Combrink of Uithoek, Umsinga, all onetime members of the UMR, and closely associated with the Strydoms on whose farm they resided, found that their property was looted by the Boers as a punitive measure.92 The vindictive and vengeful treat ment of loyalist Natal Afrikaners at the hands of both the Boers and their fellow Natal Afrikaners came to an end with the advance of the Natal Army under General Buller and the retreat of the commandos. The imminent return of the Natal authorities meant a radical shift in the power dynamics of the occupied Klip River County, with the Natal Afrikaner loyalists about to gain both the upper hand and the due rewards for the position they had adopted. Brother against brother The post-Boer occupation relationship between Natal Afrikaner loyalists and Natal rebels When the Republican forces were driven from Natal in early June 1900 the Natal colonial authorities returned in the wake of Bullers Natal Army. In the wake of the Boer retreat from northern Natal the advancing British military arrested every Afrikaner and confiscated large herds of livestock.93 Even the loyalists were caught up in these mopup operations. In time, however, the investigation and legal processes managed somehow to extract the loyalists from the rebels, a process that deepened the rift between those Afrikaners who remained loyal to the Crown and most of those who aligned themselves with the invading Republican forces. Vengeful attitudes towards loyalists by disloyal Natal Afrikaners did not take long to surface. H.J. Strydom, another member of the extended loyalist Strydom clan, complained that he had been molested by someone for several nights in late September 1900 when the person threw stones at his house. In one case a stone broke a window and injured a family member.94 The levels of antiloyalist emotions also surfaced in the church. When Dominee D.F. Bosman of the Dutch Reformed Church in Newcastle conducted a service at Judith, a church situated between Dundee and Helpmekaar, August Jansen was informed that he was not welcome. In reaction Jansen sent a message to Bosman, requesting a visit from him. When this did not happen, Jansen did not become angry but professed a feeling of sadness for the local Afrikaners who were misled and ended up in jail. At the same time he stated that his eyes were opened to the behaviour of the members of his congregation.95 The real conflict between loyal and disloyal Afrikaners, however, came to a head during the rebel
45
Natal Afrikaners as loyalists during the Anglo-Boer War (18991902) trials which started in September 1900. In trial after trial the loyalists exacted revenge for their treatment at the hands of the occupiers and their fellow Natal Afrikaners by testifying against suspected rebels. The Strydom brothers alone testified against between 40 and 50 suspected rebels, including family members, who they alleged were harder on them than the Republicans.96 Likewise Illing and the Pieters family became key witnesses in the rebel trials, testifying against a large numbers of rebels.97 Other loyalists who also testified for the Crown in the rebel trials included amongst others Daniel Opperman of Newcastle against A.J. Matthee,98 M.W. Theunissen and Trooper Steyn of the UMR against A.C., H. and T.C. Vermaak99 and Barend and Stephen Liebenberg against P.J., I.J.M. and H.G. Jordaan.100 Being a witness in the rebel trials also had a downside. Barend Liebenberg complained that he was suffering through the Rebels because his testimony as a witness in the Special Court had become a permanent job. Consequently his business suffered when he was called to testify in Pietermaritzburg, Estcourt and other places. Liebenberg, therefore complained that he was paid too little and submitted a claim for money lost while absent from his business. The Natal authorities did not entertain this claim and informed Liebenberg that he had actually been overpaid to the amount of 8/6.101 Other loyal Natal Afrikaners were quite happy to exact revenge for the treatment they had received. In the words of James Carville, sticking with the Empire would mean sticking it to those who were rebels.102 One such
46
person was Coenraad Cronj. When released from prison by the British forces that had captured Pretoria, he provided the provostmarshal with the names of 42 alleged rebels, residents of Natal who have been assisting the enemy in the present war against the Empire. Cronj promised that if he had the opportunity of visiting the districts in Northern Natal he would add many more names to the list.103 This was not the end of the involvement of Cronj in identifying disloyal Afrikaners. After the war ended he was employed on the dockside in Durban, and at the Umbilo PrisonerofWar Camp, to identify Natal rebels from amongst the prisoners returning from overseas camps.104 Those Natal Afrikaner rebels on the wrong side of the evidence provided by the loyalists, and who sought revenge, each developed their own strategies. J.C. Vermaak, sentenced to two years imprisonment, decided to exact retribution by publicly humiliating and exposing Natal Afrikaner loyalists. In a letter to the Natal Witness he declared: I wish through remedy of your respected paper my respectful and hearty thanks to convey to Messrs. F. Leroux, J.J. Muller, Aug. Jansen, J.J.S. Maritz, Adrian Jansen and others for the evidence by them given in my case. Of the seven counts against me brought I have been found guilty of only two by the Judge and those are the two admitted by me The Lord give me the strength that I forgive the witnesses who without reason have persecuted me 105 De Natal Afrikaner refused to publish this letter and responded by bemoaning the state some Natal Afrikaners found themselves in.106 Other rebels followed a less
Natal Afrikaners as loyalists during the Anglo-Boer War (18991902) sophisticated but equally harmful approach. This strategy consisted of the rebels attempting either to implicate loyalists in rebellious activities or discredit their applications for compensation before the Invasion Losses Enquiry Commission set up to investigate the financial losses suffered by loyalists during the war. In sworn affidavits convicted rebels like W.F.J. Prinsloo, J.C.L. Labuschagne, C.F.H. Posselt (jnr), C.F.H. Posselt (snr) and S.L. (Fanie) Strydom implicated A.W. Illing in rebellious activities and in falsifying compensation claims. The men were in agreement that during the early part of the war Illing had continued freely and willingly with the operation of his store at Coalfields outside Dundee. As it was the only wellstocked store in the area, Illing had apparently not only received permission to increase his prices by 100%, but the members of the Natal Commando also purchased boots, tobacco, and liquor from him. Furthermore, in early November 1899, Illing presented a barrel of Cape brandy to the Boer forces while delivering a rousing speech in which he referred to himself as one member of the Afrikaner nation who was glad that they were retaking the lands of their forefathers. Afterwards Illing managed to secure a permanent guard to prevent Boers from looting his store, thereby enabling him to continue with the operation of his enterprise until almost all his stock was sold. He then handed it over to the Boer forces. Some rebels claimed that Illing was even seen carrying a rifle at times and that he had also visited the Boer wounded after the Battle of Talana. In the light of this the convicted rebels mentioned found it strange that Illing could claim 6 000 compensation.107 Even the members of the Strydom family, despite their professed loyalty, were suspected of dealing with the enemy. Magistrate Thomas Maxwell of Umsinga informed the Invasion Losses Enquiry Commission that Hendrik Strydom of Uithoeks claim that the Boers had taken some of his cattle, horses and 1 000 lbs of fodder was false. According to Maxwell he had proof that Strydom had actually sold the horses and fodder to the Boers and that some of the cattle in the claim were with his son in Zululand.108 Other loyalists faced similar accusations of disloyalty. Rebel Lucas Willem Meyer109 stated that he saw Gert Strydom talking to some Transvaal burghers on the stoep of Nelsons store in Dundee during late October 1899, while in December 1899, he collected a Lee Metford rifle from Strydom which had been left with him by some Transvalers.110 The elderly Dirk Pieters of Zwartwater was likewise accused of treason. According to G.P. Kemp, Pieters had taken two loads of furniture belonging to the magistrate of Umsinga to his farm Zwartwater. When this was uncovered by the Transvaal authorities, the furniture was removed. S.L. (Fanie) Strydom in turn testified that Dirk Pieters had also sold slaughter animals to the Boers to the value of 70. Loyalist Coenraad Pieters of Zwartwater was similarly accused by G.P. Kemp of voluntarily supplying the Boers with forage and two riding horses. S.L. Strydom added to the accusation by declaring that Pieters had, before the formation of the Natal Commando, participated in the action at Lombards Kop.111 The evidence against Coenraad Pieters mounted when rebels J.J. and G.C. van
47
Natal Afrikaners as loyalists during the Anglo-Boer War (18991902) Tonder charged him with attending the commandeering meeting at Dundee and of nominating a C.J. de Villiers as assistant field-cornet. The claims of disloyalty against Coenraad Pieters were rejected out of hand by the Natal authorities as pure fabrication.112 A dimmer view was taken of the accusations against other loyalists and an inquiry was launched. The task of evaluating the belated depositions by convicted rebels against loyalists fell on the shoulders of Charles Tatham, the chief investigator into rebel activities in Klip River County. The point of departure for Tatham was a very pragmatic but also defensive one by a person with the power to decide who was loyal or disloyal:
Few people who remained within the area occupied by the enemy did not, in some way, become involved with the invaders I have therefore, throughout my connection with treason work, been careful as to whom I caused to be prosecuted and whilst it was hinted to me, when I was at Dundee, that several persons of Dutch birth or sentiment, whom I treated as witnesses for the Crown were not untainted with treasonable acts I preferred to accept them as witnesses after carefully considering the facts and circumstances connected with each case and from personal observation as I personally visited at their farms, on my way to Dundee I may say that so far I have seen no reason, or proof, that a mistake has been made
For Tatham to acknowledge that any of the accusations against the loyalists were true would therefore imply that the original investigative work done by him was not up to standard. Tathams verdict was therefore predictable. He
48
regarded Gert Strydom as a very loyal man who served in the AngloZulu War of 1879 and was arrested by the Boers during the AngloTransvaal War of 18801881. During the Boer occupation of Klip River County he was arrested and endlessly harassed by the Boers who commandeered his fodder. Despite all of this he remained loyal. Tatham likewise regarded the wealthy Dirk Pieters and his son Coenraad as extremely loyal. All the witnesses he consulted denied that the Pieterses traded with the Boers; it was merely a case of goods being commandeered from them. The trip to Lombards Kop was conducted to reap some crops and collect cattle from a farm the family owned in the area. Tatham treated the evidence against A.W. Illing much more circumspectly. He admitted that Illing could have committed treasonable acts between 20 October and 15 December 1899. Illing confessed that he had traded with the Boers, saying that if he had not done so they would have taken the goods without paying. In December the Boers commandeered most of his stock and gave him two receipts. Since the Boers offered him no protection he had to move his stock and furniture to the house of his fatherinlaw. Tatham rejected the depositions by the Posselts out of hand since they were considered the biggest looters in the Biggarsberg. As far as Tatham was concerned, if Illing did carry a firearm it was merely a pass to allow him to move about freely and trade for as long as possible. What Tatham could not hide was Illings opportunistic exploitation of the war since he was being sued by a rebel, Edmund du Bois, for wool paid with an unexchangeable money order issued to him by the
Natal Afrikaners as loyalists during the Anglo-Boer War (18991902) Transvaal Government. What was most important to Tatham was that Illing did not take up arms on behalf of the Boers.113 Although the investigation by Tatham, which was in effect a review of his own work, smacked of double standards and a coverup, it took care of the serious accusations levelled at several leading loyalists. To a certain extent Tatham had to come to this conclusion, for finding that all Natal Afrikaners from Klip River County were somehow guilty of high treason by dint of the fact that they all had some dealings with the Republican occupiers would have created a situation whereby there were no loyalists and merely rebels forced into action by conscription. This would have made it extremely difficult to prosecute some Natal Afrikaners for high treason because the argument that was often used, that they were compelled to join the commandos, would have to be taken more seriously. In simple terms, loyalists were needed, even if they had to be created, so as to prosecute those guilty of high treason. Therefore in many cases Natal Afrikaners became loyalists not because of their activities but because of decisions by officials like Tatham. An example of the blurred area that surrounded loyalty and disloyalty is the case of Justice of the Peace Renier Dannhauser of Palmietfontein, Dannhauser. He was found not guilty of all treason charges in February 1902. The reason for this was described by Judge Mason in his verdict: it appears while he endeavoured perhaps not to commit himself openly to the Boer side, on the other hand he was careful not to make any declaration of loyalty that might in any way offend the enemy. He was anxious, perhaps, to avoid being prosecuted for high treason, but at the same time he paraded as not unfriendly to the Boers. He was not what the judge claimed to be an actively loyal subject.114 However, to the Natal colonial authorities Dannhauser was guilty, for Natal Afrikaners like him tried for high treason and acquitted could not apply for compensation from the Invasion Losses Enquiry Commission. As a result of Tathams investigation the hatred and anger felt towards loyalists by some Natal Afrikaners deepened. This anger manifested itself either in physical violence or in writing and it remained ingrained in the memory of many of the Natal Afrikaners. An example of physical violence was that suffered by a member of the Strydom clan, Fanie, who had joined the Boers. While imprisoned in Pietermaritzburg he, hoping to get a reduction on his two year prison sentence, decided to become a witness for the Crown against Thomas Boshoff. When this came to light, his fellow inmates were furious. Some wanted him to be punished by the so called beesvel ry. Hereby the person being punished was propelled into the air by means of a blanket which was removed when the victim was in the air. Dirk Uys, however, came up with an alternative suggestion. Strydom had to be thrown into the prison swimming pool every morning. From then on, every morning, regardless of the weather, Strydom had to endure an early swim.115 According to J.C. Buys, Strydom and J.G. Wiggell were endlessly tormented by their fellow Natal Afrikaner inmates for their willingness to testify against
49
Natal Afrikaners as loyalists during the Anglo-Boer War (18991902) fellow rebels. In an early form of Afrikaans he provides an insight into the events that took place in and around the cell of the two loyalists:
was de laaste mens achter hem zoo als een klop kraaien om een uil, naderhand toen ons met ons kos de avond op sters ging toen heef het eers dol gegaan, de ouw Strydom ze bynaam is Wolvie, party zeg de wolf zal bijt de menschen moet op pas, perty zeg het is nu twee wolven een mannietjie en een wijvie ... en party van de menschen heef hen altwee net zoo sleg geseg als wat mogenlijk was de joaler heef kom stil maak mar kun zijn lag niet houw, de menschen wil de een de ander dood trap voor de twee Konings getuigen ze door om hen te zien
This process repeated itself the next morning, and again when the two loyalists returned from having testified in Dundee. Apparently the men hoped to have their sentences lifted but in the words of Buys de jutsen heeft hem uit gelag.116 The tormenting became too much for Strydom and in a letter to Attorney General Henry Bale he complained that I cannot stay here with these people; they are angry with me I ask to be removed here today. I cannot stand this. Bad things will occur here. I am afraid to stay here any longer. Strydoms wish was granted and he was transferred to the Dundee Prison.117 The words written about loyalist Natal Afrikaners were to have a long
The finicky nature of loyalty loyal Natal Afrikaners Coenraad Pieters and James Craig (see arrows) appearing as members of the Biggarsberg Rifle Association in 1898 alongside men later convicted as rebels. This association was not sponsored by the Natal Government and was in effect in direct opposition to the officially sanctioned ones. One year later Pieters and Craig had changed their allegiance.
50
Natal Afrikaners as loyalists during the Anglo-Boer War (18991902) lasting effect. H.C. McPeak, (formerly Zietsman, born Rheeder) who was a sixyearold girl during the war, in a semibiographical sketch entitled Vierkleur, recalls the loyalty of Paul Bester: You see the sun sinking into the redness that is the blood of our people, all the men, women and children you have betrayed, Paul Bester. You are a traitor and their blood fills the sky.118 Other Natal Afrikaners took to poetry to express their anger towards the loyalists. In pure doggerel, of which some is quoted below, Rebel J.C. Vermaak made his feelings clear:
De eerste hield zich neutraal En sprak dus ook geen leugentaal De laatste vol schynheiligheid Die predikt leugens wyd en zyd Om hunnen eigen kwaad te dek Bleven zy toen in geen gebrek Geveinsdheid aan den day to beg Dan komen hunse zaaken rech119
Even greater anger, with striking religious overtones, was spewed by P.R.N. Vermaak in a poem entitled Aan die verraaier,120 of which some lines are quoted below:
In watter gedaante sal Jy voor hom verskyn? Sal jy waag om in Jou omhulsel van Satan ??? Verraaier, jy is die Judas, die vloek van Jou volk Jou naam dit is Judas; Verraaier en duiwels gespuis; Mismaakte gedierte en kruipende luis; Verraaier, braaksel, skuim van die aarde.
years later how Coenraad Cronj was ostracised by the Newcastle Afrikaner community, forcing him to sell off his property and move to Weenen, where he was not known.122 Likewise the disloyalties of Coenraad Pieters are easily recalled.123 Not all Natal Afrikaners guilty of high treason, however, found it a bitter pill to coexist alongside loyalists, many a time blood relatives. In fact, in many cases the families of rebels who had lost everything were cared for by the Afrikaners of the Dundee district who remained loyal. These charitable deeds received high praise from the Dundee Commercial Advertiser124 and also served to challenge the impression that all Afrikaners convicted of treason blamed their loyalist kin for their plight. In reality the relationship between loyalist and disloyal Natal Afrikaners was multifaceted and complex in nature and cannot be reduced to one merely based on animosity. The relationship between Afrikaner loyalists and the Natal Government Within the context of the AngloBoer War, the relationship between loyal Natal Afrikaners and their government was a complex one dominated by martial law and contestations about what loyalty was worth. Using the Invasion Losses Enquiry Commission documentation as a basis, it was determined that 46 loyalists came from the Dundee and Umsinga districts, 17 from the Newcastle district and 27 from the Ladysmith and Upper Tugela districts a total of 90 individuals and their families from across the economic spectrum from the area occupied by the Boers for a lengthy period of time.125 Most of these Natal Afrikaner loyalists did not go public
51
Equally long lasting are the memories by the rebels and their descendants of the loyalist individuals. J.C. Vermaak, a convicted rebel, still wrote of Coenraad Cronj in 1941 as a verraaier en vloek der aarde.121 The grandson of another Natal rebel was even able to recall 100
Natal Afrikaners as loyalists during the Anglo-Boer War (18991902) about their suffering and their deeds and allowed others to speak on their behalf or endured their fate stoically. Dr Dalzell, for example, took it upon himself to inform the Natal authorities that Justice of the Peace Adrian Jansen, and his brother August, remained loyal to the end. Dalzell considered the Jansens as loyal as the Strydoms, and believed that they had suffered much more in economic terms than the latter in the wake of the Boer retreat and the British advance into Northern Natal when every Natal Afrikaner male was arrested and large herds of livestock were confiscated.126 While the Strydoms were released within days and their cattle returned, the Jansens did not receive the same treatment. All livestock belonging to the Jansens was confiscated and August Jansen was banned to Pietermaritzburg under the suspicion of having committed treason. The sons of August, Arnold, Alexander and Johannes Stephanus, furthermore, were kept in prison awaiting trial.127 Dalzells letter prompted an immediate investigation
Notes on the back of the picture of rebels tried for treason . The signature of Charles Tatham, the chief investigator into rebel activities in Klip River County can be clearly seen.
52
Natal Afrikaners as loyalists during the Anglo-Boer War (18991902) into the charges against the Jansen boys. The clerk of the peace, Charles Tatham, felt very strongly that the Jansens were guilty of taking up arms, harbouring the Boers, and supplying them with food and shelter. He even produced 12 witnesses to testify against them.128 In time, however, Dalzell was vindicated as the Jansens were found not guilty of all the charges of treason brought against them.129 Other Afrikaners who remained loyal were treated even worse by their own government and especially the military in the unclear application of martial law. W.S. Naud of the Dundee district was removed to Greytown. Three months after his banishment he requested permission to return to his farm but was denied permission by the military authorities.130 When further requests failed, Naud took up Joshua Hershensohnns offer, extended in the De Natal Afrikaner, to assist loyal Natal Afrikaners in their attempts to return to their farms. What irked Naud was that a fellow loyalist like August Jansen was given permission to return to Dundee, and disloyal Afrikaners and English Natalians allowed to remain on their farms, while he was refused permission and suffered economically for it. Hershensohnns good inten tions to help fellow Afrikaners by corresponding directly with the prime minister proved to be just that. He failed to negotiate the successful return to their farms of Naud and another loyal Afrikaner, J.N. Nel of Bronkhorstvlei near Ladysmith. In both instances the military failed to reveal their reasons for denying the farmers permission to return home.131 Nel himself possibly offered the most plausible reason: I know, of course, that being an Africander, or Dutchman, as we are designated by some, I am liable to be suspected of actively sympathising with the enemy.132 Frank Tatham reached a similar conclusion after he had taken the case of his loyalist client, C.M. Meyer of Gladstone, Dundee, to both the prime minister and the governor of Natal. To Tatham the case was simple: The British military allowed Meyer to stay on his farm until 7 November 1901, when he was told to leave his farms, 13 000 acres in total, 500 head of cattle and 4 000 sheep, and proceed with his family to Pietermaritzburg. Tathams claim that Mr Meyers position is precisely the same as that of any loyal British subject fell on deaf ears and despite Tathams position and his access to officials in high places, the military denied Meyer permission to return to his farm.133 But the exception to the above and the darlings of the Natal colonial authorities amongst the loyalists were the Strydoms. Governor Walter HelyHutchinson sang their praises in a letter to Secretary of State Joseph Chamberlain and also recommended their cause to the Natal Government.134 The government reacted with great speed and Wynand Strydom was rewarded for the exemplary behaviour of yourself and members of your family by being appointed as a justice of the peace.135 Apart from being appointed to the Natal Civil Service the Invasion Losses Enquiry Commission was also instructed to pay immediate attention to the Strydoms case.136 The good relations between the loyalist Strydoms and the Natal authorities soon soured. On 18 August 1900, Charles Tatham brought Gert Strydom to AttorneyGeneral Bale.
53
Natal Afrikaners as loyalists during the Anglo-Boer War (18991902) After Strydom explained that they had suffered considerable economic losses at the hands of both the Boers and the British, Bale wrote to Prime Minster Hime suggesting that he hoped it may be found possible for the government to reward them substantially.137 What the Strydoms were looking for, according to Dr Dalzell, was a grant of 500 acres in land or the equivalent in cash.138 The Natal Government found this unjustifiable and made it clear that no reward would be paid for their loyalty to any member of the Strydom family.139 This verdict silenced the Strydoms for almost two years. Two months after the war ended they launched a second attempt to gain compensation for the loyal services rendered. The Strydoms approached Frank Tatham, the clerk of the peace at Dundee during the war, to try to negotiate some economic benefit on their part. Tatham deemed it necessary to inform the Natal Government of all the facts about the most loyal family on the Biggarsberg and proceeded to explain that because they were regularly being called upon to testify in rebel trials the brothers were often absent from their farms. This caused stock losses and a neglect of their farming activities, indirect losses not covered by the Invasion Losses Enquiry Commission. When the government held sales of looted stock, the Strydoms, because they were Afrikaners, were denied permits to attend the auctions and buy cattle at low prices. Adding to this dilemma the Strydom family was ostracised by the other Afrikaners in the area. To reward them for their loyalty and to allow them to improve their unbearable position Tatham called upon the government to grant allotments
54
in the Piet Retief or Vryheid districts (the other side of Vryheid) so that they can be a long distance away from those that they gave evidence against. As far as Tatham was concerned, this was not a case of rewarding loyalty but a grant for their services similar to the grant which was made to the late Richard King in the early days of this Colony, for his services at the time of the Boer Attack upon Capt. Smith.140 Tathams plea received strong support from Henry Wiltshire, the member of the legislative assembly for Dundee.141 The appeal on the behalf of the Strydoms again fell on deaf ears and the Natal Government, possibly wary of setting a precedent, replied: The ministers, while recognising the value of the services of the Strydom family during the war, regret that they do not see their way to extend to these gentlemen any further recognition of their services.142 Several months later the Strydom brothers saw the imminent visit of Joseph Chamberlain to Natal as an opportunity to revive their cause. AttorneyGeneral C.A. de R Labistour approached the colonial secretary on their behalf, requesting an interview with Chamberlain.143 This was refused until the exact nature of their reasons for requesting an audience was made known. Consequently Wynand Strydom declared his reasons:
We believe that it is an Imperial matter, as the redress we seek is for loss and suffering incurred during an Imperial war, and under martial law. You are aware of my brothers and my own suffering during the war, on account of our loyalty, and that we gave the Government a large amount of assistance after the Boers were driven from Natal. We would like to know if something special could

not be done in the way of a grant of land on easy terms, or otherwise, to help to recompense us for what we have gone through, and the losses we have incurred. Only one of us is an owner of land. On account of constant attendance of treason trials, we had no opportunity of attending stock sales, and buying stock at a reasonable price. We were the only Dutch British subjects in this district, who were removed from their farms, and imprisoned by the Boers. Even now, we are boycotted on account of our loyalty by Dutch residents here. I am afraid that we may be obliged to leave this district, as we shall be unable to procure land for our stock here. We also suffered heavy indirect losses in the form of loss of stock etc., from being driven with our families from our farms for five months.144
Despite the eloquently written letter the Strydoms had very little luck. Governor Henry McCallum deemed the issue a matter for local government and not one for Chamberlain, whose time could not allow him to interview individuals.145 This, however, did not deter the Strydoms; instead they inquired if it would be possible, since it was a matter for the Natal Government, to submit a full report of their treatment and losses during the war.146 The government responded by pointing out that the compensation by the Invasion Losses Enquiry Commission had, or would, be paid to them in full, but that this compensation only related to direct losses since indirect losses could not be recognised. In concluding, the Principal Under Secretary attempted to put the moral ity of the loyal services rendered by the Strydoms in perspective: This government highly appreciates the loyal attitude which you, and the other members of your family, maintained
throughout the War, and regrets that attitude should have subjected you to ill treatment and annoyances at the hands of the enemy; but it would be impos sible, nor do I think that you would desire, that the Government should put a monetary value upon what you suffered in this respect.147 This put an end to any hopes of economic gain the loyalist Strydoms harboured as no more rewards and privileges would in future be forthcoming. Although loyalty for the sake of loyalty was not enough for the Strydoms, for other Natal Afrikaner loyalists and their government this was sufficient but possibly not enough in terms of any wartime deprivation. Evidence of this is the comment by the president of the Special Court, A.W. Mason, after presiding over hundreds of rebel cases. He preferred to play down the suffering of Natal Afrikaner loyalists when compared to that of English colonists. His verdict was:
No instance, however, of any kind, was brought to our notice of personal hardship being inflicted upon a Dutch resident of the Dundee district declining to take up arms. One or two men lost a few pounds, or an ox or two, and some were detained for a short time in laager at Helpmekaar under custody, in the Newcastle district one or two men were sent into the Transvaal and thence to Delagoa Bay, and this happened with respect to the British inhabitants of Dundee some of whom, however, were sent into Ladysmith, and there endured the privations of the siege While the loyal Dutch suffered little more than inconvenience, those of British nationality were in many cases treated with extreme harshness, some being confined to their farms, some removed from their farms, while others were deported to the Transvaal.148 55
Natal Afrikaners as loyalists during the Anglo-Boer War (18991902) Even though the available evidence related to the experiences of Natal Afrikaner loyalists at the hands of both Boers and rebels serves to contradict this point of view, Masons opinion is probably a fair reflection of the general sentiment at the time. Scant wonder then that the loyalist De Natal Afrikaner reported in June 1901: We who remained loyal since the outbreak of war, and who are still most heartily loyal, we who always contended that our Afrikaners may safely rely upon the sense of fair play of the better class of English Colonists as a guarantee for good treatment in the future, we are now compelled to admit that we were sadly mistaken in our belief.149 Being an Afrikaner in Natal during the AngloBoer War, therefore, meant that it was virtually impossible to be regarded as a loyalist. While Afrikaners were imprisoned by virtue of their ethnicity, the Natal authorities were in turn imprisoned by the reductionist manner in which they suspected almost all Afrikaners of being disloyal while using some whom they deemed to be legally loyal to punish those deemed to be rebels. Despite this many still opted to choose loyalty to the Crown. The real Natal Afrikaner war heroes Why, then, did a group of Natal Afrikaners from the country occupied by the Boer commandos opt to remain loyal to the Empire and the Colony of Natal? Each Natal Afrikaner who remained loyal had his own reasons for it and consequently their loyalties took on different forms, be it passive or active loyalty as displayed by, for example, the Afrikaner members of the UMR. While some remained loyal because they believed it to be
56
the correct thing to do legally and morally others acted in this manner because of a series of variables. The Strydoms seem to have been loyal in the hope that they would gain economically from it, T.J. Nel acted loyally to harm his family and friends, Pelster because he was arrested by the Boers, while J.H. Ries of Dundee or the Ortlepps of Proviso B acted humanely but not necessarily loyally. Others like D.J. Pretorius of the farm Waterfall near Melmoth, who had reported the presence of small groups of armed Boers near his house on 4 and 19 February 1901,150 and the 71yearold Johannes Christoffel Buys, a resident of Natal since 1844, who provided a statement about the actions of the Dreyers, did so not out of conviction, but because they were forced to do so by law.151 Some were even loyal because of their economic circumstances, i.e. in the employment of English Natalians. Captain E.J. Landsberg, a member of the UMR, worked for T.Y. Griffen near Dundee,152 A.J. Nienaber worked in the colliery outside of Dundee,153 F.W. Prinsloo of Dundee, who joined Thorneycrofts Mounted Infantry, worked in a English butchery,154 and F.J. Swartz, an illiterate Afrikaner who worked for an English Natalian near Newcastle, all remained true to the Crown.155 Others, like the Jansens, remained loyal because they viewed it morally and legally as the right thing to do. Whatever the motivation of the various Natal Afrikaner loyalists, it was invariably more than a feeling or sentiment but was expressed through deeds which were rationally motivated. Their deeds, even when it proved disadvantageous and costly,
Natal Afrikaners as loyalists during the Anglo-Boer War (18991902) were the litmus test of loyalty to the Crown. At the same time, as Afrikaners they did not allow, in most cases, one loyalty that of being an Afrikaner related to the invading Boer commandos to be trumped by another loyalty, namely that of being a British subject. This happened because their social identification with Natal and the Empire weighed more heavily than their identification with the Republics. From the perspectives of the Natal Afrikaner loyalists they were legally, morally and emotionally tied to both Colony and Empire. For this loyalty they were happy to take risks based on deliberate choices, for theirs was not a loyalty of complacency and in all probability not a loyalty merely born out of the Boer invasion.156 It is within the ranks of the loyalists that the real Natal Afrikaner heroes of the war are to be found individuals and families who remained loyal despite being deserted by their own government and the British Army; intimidated, threatened with death, fines, imprisonment and deportation by the Boers; scorned and ostracised by their fellow Natal Afrikaners; and arrested, imprisoned or deported by the British forces. In spite of all this their belief in the Empire did not falter and they firmly believed that their loyalty was worth the trouble and pain it caused. JOHAN WASSERMANN
NOTES AND REFERENCES 1 2 3 A.M. Grundlingh, Die hendsoppers en joiners. Die rasionaal en verskynsel van verraad. Cape Town: Haum, 1979. passim. R.E. Allen (ed)., The concise Oxford dictionary. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1990. p.704. J. Royce, The philosophy of loyalty. New York: Macmillan, 1908. pp.1617. 4 Pietermaritzburg Archive Repository (PAR), Minister of Justice and Public Works (MJPW) 71: Muster roll of Captain Landsbergs detachment of the UMR, 6.10.1899. C.H. Stott, The Boer Invasion of Natal London: Partridge, 1900. pp.25 and 216. Natal Witness, 16.2.1900. PAR, A 771 (v): Letter signed by 41 inhabitants of Greytown to Major G. Leuchars, 1.10.1899. G.C. Musgrave, In South Africa with Buller. London: Gay and Bird, 1900. p.175. Natal Advertiser, 2.11.1899; Times of Natal, 11.11.1899. Natal Witness, 12.12.1899. Natal Witness, 31.1.1900. Natal Witness, 5.2.1900. Natal Witness, 16.2.1900. PAR, MJPW 75: Correspondence regarding the use of the UMR troop based at Ixopo, 10.5.19006.6.1900. PAR, MJPW 76: Telegrams exchanged between Prime Minister A.H. Hime and commandant of volunteers, Col J.G. Dartnell, 10.7.1900 and 11.7.1900. PAR, Attorney-Generals Office (AGO) I/8/75: List of persons prosecuted by the military for treasonable offences, no date; PAR, CSO 1641: Statement and summary of evidence in the cases against J.M. and J.J. Botha, UMR for translation, 2224.2.1900; PAR, Colonial Secretarys Office (CSO) 1645: Hershensohnn and McGillewie enquiries on the sentence passed on Mias Botha, 18.4.190025.4.1900. PAR, Archive of the Weenen magistrate (1/ WEN) 3/2/3: Application by Captain E.J. Landsberg to return to his farm, 20.8.1900 28.8.1900. Natal Witness, 13.10.1900. Natal Witness, 16.10.1900. PAR, 1/WEN 3/2/3: Application by Captain E.J. Landsberg to return to his farm, 20.8.190028.8.1900. UMR Archive, Durban, Unnumbered photo album on the AngloBoer War: Photo of the shield presented to the unit by the residents of Greytown and Umvoti, circa 1902. C.H.S. BoscawenWright, With the Imperial Light Infantry in Natal. London: W. Straker, 1903. pp.6567. PAR, CSO 2873: Invasion Losses Enquiry Commission: Claim by L.P. de Jager, 6.1.1903. PAR, CSO 2927: List of British subjects in Natal who are suspected of disloyalty [with handwritten notes, no date].
5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15
16
17
18 19 20 21
22 23 24
57

25 PAR, CSO 2900: Invasion Losses Enquiry Commission: Claim by F.W. Prinsloo, 20.11.1900. 26 PAR, CSO 2888: Invasion Losses Enquiry Commission: Claim by M.P.C.S. de Jager on behalf of S.H.F. de Jager, 2.10.1900. 27 Foy Vermaak private collection: Letter J.C. Vermaak to C.T. Vermaak alias Miss C. Herzog, 14.8.1901. 28 PAR, Secretary of Native Affairs (SNA) I/4/9: Documents related to the statements made by T.J. (Jan) Nel, 12.7.19012.10.1901. 29 PAR, CSO 1714: Letter from T.J. Nel relative to his employment in the Natal civil service, 3.7.19023.10.1902. 30 PAR, Government House (GH) 526: Special circular with names of transport conductors to be awarded the Queens medal, 20.6.1906. 31 De Natal Afrikaner, 27.11.1900. 32 PAR, AGO I/8/80: Letter J.Anderson to AttorneyGeneral H. Bale, 20.7.1901. 33 PAR, Prime Ministers Office (PM) 109: Letter J.H. Kleinschmidt to Superintendent R. Russell, 8.12.1899. 34 PAR, Archives of the Executive Council (EC) 26: Letter Prime Minister A.H. Hime to Governor W. HelyHutchinson, 17.3.1900. 35 PAR, CSO 1644: Minute paper J.H.B. de Villiers asking for permission to apply for post of interpreter at military headquarters, 6.4.1900. 36 PAR, AGO I/8/73: Minute paper regarding the payment of salaries to Griffin and De Villiers, 12.9.1900 17.9.1900. 37 PAR, AGO I/8/80: Application for extension of leave by J.H.B. de Villiers, 17.5.1901 25.5.1901. 38 PAR, CSO 1704: Minute paper transfer of J.H.B. de Villiers from staff of Colonial Secretary to Supreme Court, 1.5.1902. 39 PAR, GH 549: Letter J.H. Kleinschmidt to Inspector C.H. George, 30.11.1899. 40 PAR, MJPW 117: Intelligence reports by A. Hershensohnn, 25.5.1901. 41 PAR, Natal Defence Records (NDR) 2/3: Muster rolls for the Natal Carbineers and the Natal Mounted Rifles, 30.6.1902. 42 PAR, NDR 2/3: Volunteer corps muster rolls, 30.6.1902. 43 PAR, CSO 1684: Circular to various rifle associations from Governor W. Hely Hutchinson and Prime Minister A.H. Hime, 20.11.1899. 44 PAR, CSO 1684: Muster roll Camperdown and District Rifle Association, 11-12.1899. 45 Natal Witness, 21.5.1900; PAR, NDR 2/3: Muster roll Kranskop Rifle Association, 31.12.1903. 46 Natal Witness, 8.5.1902. G.F. van Rooyen was a clerk in the local court and after the war was rewarded for his loyalty by being made the field-cornet. PAR, CSO 1730: Appointment of G.F. van Rooyen as field-cornet, 14.4.190316.4.1903. 47 PAR, NDR 2/3: Muster roll Newcastle Rifle Association, 31.12.1903. 48 PAR, NDR 2/3: Muster rolls for rifle associations in Natal, 31.12.1902. 49 Natal Witness, 16.8.1900. 50 PAR, NDR 2/3: Muster roll Weenen Rifle Association, 16.4.1903. 51 PAR, NDR 2/3: Muster rolls for rifle associations in Natal, 31.12.1902. 52 PAR, Archive of the Ladysmith magistrate (1/LDS) 3/3/14: Correspondence pertaining to the applications by J.L.J. Pieterse snr and jnr to become fully fledged members of the Ladysmith Rifle Association, 7.6.1901 18.7.1901. 53 PAR, Archive of the Dundee Magistrate (1/ DUN) 3/1/1: List of members Dundee Town Guard, 1902. 54 PAR, H.F. Schoon collection, A 72: Diary entries, 24.1.1902, 8.3.1902 and 17.3.1902, pp.762, 787, 789. 55 Natal Witness, 28.2.1900. 56 Natal Witness, 9.3.1900. 57 Natal Witness, 22.3.1900. 58 PAR, AGO I/7/17: Regina vs. J.H. Ries, p.355; Natal Witness, 15.2.1901. Ries was fined 50 for joining the Boers and was active up to March 1900 in the Helpmekaar area. He served as a guard and policeman. He was the brotherinlaw of Commandant T. Steenkamp. 59 PAR, 1/Wen 3/2/3: Subscription list circulated in the Weenen district, 22.5.1900 28.5.1900. 60 Natal Witness, 9.2.1900. 61 For a comprehensive account of the manner in which Natal Afrikaners were compelled to join the Boer forces see: J.M. Wassermann and F. Pretorius, Caught between the Boers and the British Northern Natal Afrikaners and the Boer occupation of Klip River County (October 1899 June 1900). Scientia Militaria South African Journal of Military Studies. 34 (1) 2006. 62 Although great emphasis will be placed in this article on the experiences of the loyalist Strydoms, simply because of the volume of
58

documents generated by their experiences, other loyal Natal Afrikaners resident in the occupied region also had constantly to endure commandeering orders. See, PAR, CSO 2886: Invasion Losses Enquiry Commission: Claim by A.A. Jansen, 19.3.1901; PAR, CSO 2896: Invasion Losses Enquiry Commission: Claim by W.S. Naud, 9.12.1901; PAR, CSO 2886: Invasion Losses Enquiry Commission: Claim by A.L. Jansen, 24.10.1900. Public Record Office (PRO), Colonial office (CO) 179/212: Statement by W.W. Strydom, 20.6.1900; PAR, CSO 2907: Invasion Losses Enquiry Commission: Claim by J.J. Strydom, 10.10.1900; CSO 2907: Invasion Losses Enquiry Commission: Claim by G.C. Strydom, 13.2.1901. PAR, CSO 1632: Letter W.W. Strydom to commanding officer UMR, 25.11.1899. Ibid. O.E. Prozesky private collection, Diary of J.J.A. Prozesky: Diary entry, 10.3.1900, pp.343347, Proclamation by General P.J. Joubert, 9.11.1899; PRO, CO 179/218: Report by president of the Special Court, A.W. Mason containing the Proclamation by General P.J. Joubert, 10.6.1901; PAR, GH 547: Proclamation by General P.J. Joubert, 9.11.1899; De Volksstem, 11.11.1899. PRO, CO 179/212: Statement by W.W. Strydom, 20.6.1900; PAR, CSO 2589: Statement by W.W. Strydom, 20.6.1900; Vaal Technorama (VTR), J.C. Vermaak collection, 03/14223: Declaration by J.J. Kemp, 22.5.1900. PAR, CSO 2898: Invasion Losses Enquiry Commission: Claim by D.C. Pieters, 6.10.1900. PRO, CO 179/213: Letter Dr Dalzell to AttorneyGeneral H. Bale, 10.8.1900. PAR, AGO I/7/42: Diary of P.G. Hill, no date, p.7. PAR, AGO I/7/42: Statement by A.W. Illing, 22.5.1900. VTR, J.C. Vermaak collection, 03/14223: Declaration by J.J. Kemp, 22.5.1900. PRO, CO 179/211: Letter B. Liebenberg to Public Under Secretary (PUS), 24.4.1900; PAR, CSO 1645: Letters B. Liebenberg to PUS, 24.4.1900 and 5.5.1900; PAR, CSO 2889: Invasion Losses Enquiry Commission: Claim by B. Liebenberg, 28.11.1900. PRO, CO 179/212: Statement by W.W. Strydom, 20.6.1900; PAR, CSO 2589: Statement by W.W. Strydom, 20.6.1900. PAR, H.F. Schoon collection, A 72: Diary entry, 4.3.1900, pp.195197. 76 PAR, H.F. Schoon collection, A 72: Diary entry, 12.7.1900, pp.397398, letter A.L. Jansen to H.F. Schoon, 9.7.1900; VTR, J.C. Vermaak collection, 03/14223: Declaration by J.J. Kemp, 22.5.1900. 77 Natal Witness, 30.10.1900; PAR, CSO 1643: Report by Magistrate P. Hugo regarding events since the British withdrawal from Dundee up to his arrival at Intombi Camp, 19.3.1900; PAR, CSO 2896: Invasion Losses Enquiry Commission: Claim by A.J. Nienaber, 9.2.1901; PAR, AGO I/7/40: Report from intelligence department regarding disloyal Natal Afrikaners, 9.12.1899; PAR, CSO 2896: Invasion Losses Enquiry Commission: Claim by J.A. Naud, 11.12.1901. 78 Interview with Hans Meyer conducted at Ingagane, 10.7.2000. 79 PAR, MJPW 72: Recommendation to Prime Minister A.H. Hime by Magistrate J.O. Jackson, Newcastle, regarding J.C. Uys, 21.12.1899; Natal Witness, 15.12.1899; PAR, CSO 2909: Invasion Losses Enquiry Commission: Claim by J.C. Uys, 16.3.1901. 80 PAR, H.F. Schoon collection, A 72: Diary entry, 8.11.1900, p.61; De Natal Afrikaner, 5.12.1899. 81 PAR, GH 556: Affidavit by J.E. Northern made to Captain Percy Scott, 31.1.1900; Affidavit by A.J. Oldacre made to H.R. Bousfield, 22.1.1900. 82 VTR, J.C. Vermaak collection, 03/14223: Declaration by J.J. Kemp, 22.5.1900. 83 PAR, AGO I/7/42: Statement by A.W. Illing, 22.5.1900. 84 It seems as if on 29 December 1899, 15 was commandeered from all loyalists in the area. See, PAR, CSO 2886: Invasion Losses Enquiry Commission: Claim by A.L. Jansen, 24.10.1900; PAR, CSO 2898: Invasion Losses Enquiry Commission: Claim by D.C. Pieters, 6.10.1900. 85 National Archive Repository (NAR), KommandantGeneraal (KG) 819: Letter to General J.J. Ferreira signed by 96 Natal Afrikaners, 8.1.1900; PAR, CSO 2899: Invasion Losses Enquiry Commission: Claim by C.L. Pieters, 6.10.1900; PAR, CSO 2872: Invasion Losses Commission Enquiry: Claim by J. Craig, 9.10.1900. 86 PAR, CSO 2898: Invasion Losses Enquiry Commission: Claim by D.C. Pieters, 6.10.1900. 87 PAR, AGO I/7/42: Statement by A.W. Illing, 22.5.1900; PAR, CSO 2888: Invasion Losses Enquiry Commission: Claim by H.L.
63
64 65 66
67
68 69 70 71 72 73
74 75
59

Labuschagne, 5.10.1901; PAR, CSO 2898: Invasion Losses Enquiry Commission: Claim by D.C. Pieters, 6.10.1900. 88 PAR, AGO I/7/42: Deposition by F.S. Bishop, 31.5.1900. 89 PRO, CO 179/212: Statement by W.W. Strydom, 20.6.1900; PAR, CSO 2589: Statement by W.W. Strydom, 20.6.1900. 90 Ibid. 91 PAR, CSO 2907: Invasion Losses Enquiry Commission: Claim by J.M. Strydom, 9.10.1900. 92 PAR, CSO 2871: Invasion Losses Enquiry Commission: Claims by J.H. and J.S. Combrink, 10.10.1900; Invasion Losses Enquiry Commission: Claim by L. Combrink, 6.10.1900. 93 PAR, CSO 2912: Invasion Losses Enquiry Commission: Claim by C.M. Wessels, 28.11.1900. 94 PAR, Archive of the Umsinga magistrate (1/ UMS) 38: Letter H.J. Strydom to Magistrate T. Maxwell, Umsinga, 28.9.1900; Letter Magistrate T. Maxwell, Umsinga, to Sgt Salter, 28.9.1900. 95 PAR, H.F. Schoon collection, A 72: Diary entry, 12.7.1900, pp.397398, letter from A.L. Jansen to H.F. Schoon, 9.7.1900. The process of barring Afrikaners who sided with the British from church activities became one of the features of postwar South Africa. See, AM Grundlingh, Die hendsoppers en joiners , pp.314336. What possibly also played on the mind of Bosman in this case was the fact that his 16yearold son was convicted of high treason. 96 PRO, CO 179/212: Despatch C. Tatham to AttorneyGeneral H. Bale, 20.6.1900; VTR, J.C. Vermaak collection, 03/14223: Testimonies of T.J. and G.C. Strydom and C.L. Pieters against J.C. Vermaak, 24.9.1900; PAR, AGO I/7/35: Testimony of S.L. Strydom against J.J. van Tonder, 26.11.1901. 97 PAR, AGO I/7/42: Statement by A.W. Illing, 22.5.1900. 98 PAR, Archive of the Newcastle magistrate (1/NEW) 1/1/2/1: Regina vs. W.J. Matthee in the special magistrates court, 8.1.1901. 99 PAR, AGO I/7/37: Rex vs. A.C., H. and T.C. Vermaak, pp.950952. 100 PAR, AGO I/7/44: Rex vs. P.J., I.J.M. and H.G. Jordaan, pp.11401144. 101 PAR, AGO I/8/80: Correspondence surrounding the claim by B. Liebenberg that he had been underpaid, 11.6.190112.6.1901. 102 J Carville, Stickin: The case for loyalty. New York, Simon & Schuster, 2000. passim. 103 NAR, Post Masters Office (PMO) 5, 352/02: Letter C.R. Cronj to provost marshal, 26.6.1900. 104 Interview with Hans Meyer conducted at Ingagane, 10.7.2000. 105 Natal Witness, 5.10.1900. 106 De Natal Afrikaner, 9.10.1900. 107 PAR, AGO I/8/81: Depositions by W.F.J. Prinsloo, J.C.L. Labuschagne, C.F.H. Posselt jnr and snr and S.L. Strydom, 3.6.1901, 18.6.1901, 24.6.1901, 27.6.1901. 108 PAR, 1/UMS 38: Letter Magistrate T. Maxwell to Invasion Losses Enquiry Commission, 13.11.1900. 109 L.W. Meyer was the soninlaw of the loyalist August Jansen. The latter, on two occasions, unsuccessfully petitioned for the release of Meyer. PAR, AGO I/8/72: Letter J. Hershensohnn to AttorneyGeneral H. Bale, 2.8.1900; PAR, CSO 1673: Petition by A. Jansen to governor regarding the release of L.W. Meyer, 4.4.1901 15.4.1901. 110 PAR, AGO I/8/81: Deposition by L.W. Meyer, 26.6.1901. 111 PAR, AGO I/8/81: Depositions by G.P. Kemp and S.L. Strydom, 14.6.1901, 21.6.1901. 112 PAR, AGO I/7/34: Rex vs. J.J. and G.C. van Tonder, pp.826827. 113 PAR, AGO I/8/81: Report to Attorney General H. Bale by Charles Tatham on the accusations levelled against several loyalists, 4.9.1901. 114 PAR, AGO I/7/34: Rex vs. R. Dannhauser, pp.801805; Natal Witness, 27.2.1902. 115 VTR, J.C. Vermaak collection, 03/2554/2: Document entitled Voorvalle en grappe in die tronk, 1941. 116 War Museum (WM), Dagboek van Johannes Christoffel Buys: Deel 2, pp.20 21, 34.6.1901. 117 PAR, AGO I/8/80: Request by S.L. Strydom to be removed from the Pietermaritzburg Prison to Dundee, 6.6.190126.6.1901. 118 M.P. Tarr private collection: Biographical sketch by H.C. McPeak (formerly Zietsman, born Rheeder) entitled Vierkleur. 119 Foy Vermaak private collection: Letter J.C. Vermaak to C.T. Vermaak alias Miss C. Herzog, 30.5.1901. 120 Foy Vermaak private collection: Poem entitled: Aan Die Verraaier by P.R.N. Vermaak, no date. Vermaak was banned to Pietermaritzburg from Dundee prior to the Boer occupation of the area. He then worked as a teacher in the Pietermaritzburg Concentration Camp.
60

121 VTR, J.C. Vermaak collection, 03/2553: Memoirs of J.C. Vermaak, p.27, 1941. 122 Interview with Hans Meyer conducted at Ingagane, 10.7.2000. 123 Interview with Foy Vermaak conducted at Helpmekaar, 10.7.2000. 124 Dundee Commercial Advertiser, 12.3.1902. 125 PAR, CSO 28642914: Invasion Losses Enquiry Commission: Claims, 19001903. 126 PAR, CSO 2912: Invasion Losses Enquiry Commission: Claim by C.M. Wessels, 28.11.1900. 127 PRO, CO 179/213: Letter Dr Dalzell to AttorneyGeneral H. Bale, 10.8.1900. Another member of the Jansen family, E.G. (Ernest) was a pupil at Durban High School during the outbreak of the war and served as a sergeant in the Cadet Corps. He later became the GovernorGeneral of South Africa. 128 PRO, CO 179/213: Affidavit by C. Tatham regarding the charges against A.J. Jansen and J.S. Jansen, 21.8.1900. 129 PAR, AGO I/7/37: Rex vs. A.J. and J.S. Jansen, pp.338340. The Jansens were not the only loyalists to suffer this fate. Countless were arrested on suspicion of treason but released without being charged. Others like, N.J. Degenaar, C.J. van Rooyen, I.J. Meyer, W.M. Lotter and C.J. van Rooyen, to name but a few, were arrested, tried and found innocent. See, PAR, AGO I/7/1I/7/37: Judgements and sentences against Natal rebels, circa 1900 1902. 130 PAR, Archive of the Greytown magistrate (1/GTN) 3/2/18: Letter W.S. Naud to G. Gibson, 27.2.1901; Letter Magistrate Gibson to commandant, Dundee, 27.2.1901. 131 PAR, PM 21: Correspondence regarding the return of W.S. Naud, 26.4.1901 13.5.1901. 132 PAR, PM 24: Correspondence regarding the return of J.H. Nel, 28.10.19017.11.1901. 133 PAR, PM 20: Correspondence regarding the return of C.M. Meyer, 17.12.1900 7.2.1901. 134 PRO, CO 179/212: Letter Governor W. HelyHutchinson to Colonial Secretary J. Chamberlain, 20.6.1900. 135 PAR, CSO 2589: Letter PUS C. Bird to W.W. Strydom, 13.8.1900. 136 PAR, CSO 2589: Correspondence PUS C. Bird to secretary Invasion Losses Enquiry Commission, 7.7.1900. 137 PAR, CSO 2589: Letter AttorneyGeneral H. Bale to Prime Minister A.H. Hime, 18.8.1900. 138 PRO, CO 179/213: Letter Dr Dalzell to AttorneyGeneral H. Bale, 10.8.1900. 139 PAR, CSO 2589: Letter AttorneyGeneral H. Bale to Prime Minister A.H. Hime, 18.8.1900. 140 PAR, CSO 1708: Letters F.S. Tatham to colonial secretary, 14.7.1902. and 16.7.1902. 141 PAR, CSO 1708: Letter H. Wiltshire to Prime Minister A.H. Hime, 24.7.1902. 142 PAR, CSO 1708: Minute paper containing pleas on behalf of G.C. Strydom for recognition of services rendered during the war, 16.7.19022.8.1902. 143 PAR, CSO 1719: Letter AttorneyGeneral C.A. de R. Labistour to Colonial Secretary, 9.12.1902. 144 PAR, CSO 1719: Letter W.W. Strydom to AttorneyGeneral C.A. de R. Labistour, 19.12.1902. 145 PAR, CSO, 1719: Letter PUS to Attorney General C.A. de R. Labistour, 27.12.1902. 146 PAR, CSO, 1719: Letter W.W. Strydom to PUS, 14.2.1903. 147 PAR, CSO, 1719: Letter PUS to W.W. Strydom, 20.2.1903. 148 PRO, CO 179/218: Report by president of the Special Court, A.W. Mason, in response to the application by Mrs J.J. Webb to have her husbands sentence reduced, 10.6.1901. 149 De Natal Afrikaner, 18.6.1901. 150 Durban Archive Repository (DAR), Archives of the Melmoth magistrate (1/Mel) 3/2/8: Letter D.J. Pretorius to magistrate, Melmoth, 4.2.1901; Letter D.J. Pretorius to magistrate, Melmoth, 19.2.1901. 151 PAR, AGO I/7/34: Statement by J.C. Buys, 19.7.1901. 152 PAR, CSO 2888: Invasion Losses Enquiry Commission: Claim by E.J. Landsberg, 5.2.1901. 153 PAR, CSO 2896: Invasion Losses Enquiry Commission: Claim by A.J. Nienaber, 9.2.1901. 154 PAR, CSO 2900: Invasion Losses Enquiry Commission: Claim by F.W. Prinsloo, 20.11.1900. 155 PAR, CSO 2906: Invasion Losses Enquiry Commission: Claim by F.J. Swartz, 17.1.1901. 156 J. Kleinig, Loyalty Stanford Encyclopaedia of Philosophy. Stanford, 2007. passim.
61
Pietermaritzburg Concentration Camp
he origins of the concentration camps of the South African War are well known. Although groups of republican Boers were gathered into camps before the end of 1900, the great majority were rounded up from the beginning of 1901, as a result of Lord Kitcheners scorched earth strategy to bring the guerrilla campaigns to an end. In order to prevent the Boer commandos from finding sustenance and support, the land was cleared of all its inhabitants, black and white, the farmhouses were burnt, the crops destroyed and the livestock killed or captured by the British army. While the great majority of the camps were in the old Boer republics, by the end of the war there were at least nine camps in Natal. The
62
majority were established towards the end of 1901 to house families from the Transvaal, as well as a handful from the Free State, by then the Orange River Colony [ORC]. But two camps in Natal, Howick and Pietermaritzburg, had slightly different antecedents. When the war started, a large part of the Boer forces crossed the Drakensberg into Natal and laid siege to Ladysmith. Much of the land over which they fought in northern Natal was occupied by fellow Afrikaners who had settled there during the course of the nineteenth century. This little population of some 5 000 people was only partially integrated into Natal white society. Clinging to their own language and religion, still largely rural, they were poorly represented
Natalia 40 (2010), Elizabeth van Heyningen pp. 62 76 Natalia 40 (2010) Copyright Natal Society Foundation 2010
Pietermaritzburg Concentration Camp politically and played a limited part in the life of the colony. Furthermore, the practice of transhumance, the seasonal trek to better pastures, meant that the borders were very permeable and the distinction between Transvalers, Free Staters and Natalians was by no means clear.1 The Boer leaders gave the Natal men little option but to join the commandos, although many did so reluctantly. Their position was unenviable because, unlike the republicans, as British subjects, they were classed as rebels and their property would be forfeit to the Natal state. As the British slowly regained control over the region, this is precisely what happened. The men were sentenced and imprisoned while their families were incarcerated, often penniless, in the Pietermaritzburg and Howick camps.2 Deported Transvalers were gradually added to their numbers and, given the arbitrariness of war, a number of Free State families also found themselves in Pietermaritzburg camp. Pietermaritzburg camp was established in August 1900, the first inmates arriving on the 8th of that month.3 Unlike the Transvaal and ORC camps, which were transferred to civilian administration in February 1901, it was run by the military until October 1901, when the Natal government took charge. The military cared little for recordkeeping, so their camps lacked the detailed reports produced by the civilian administrations. Although Sir Thomas Murray, who administered the Natal system, ran an effective organisation, and reported regularly, the context of a loyal and long-established colony meant that records tended to be brief and to the point; formal accounts of Pietermaritzburg are thin.4 Fortunately the voices of some of the inmates have survived, although the majority lack the directness of personal diaries or letters. Most are mediated, selected and edited by Emily Hobhouse or Elizabeth Neethling to illustrate the sufferings of the women.
Distant view of the Pietermaritzburg Camp. It was situated on the bare ridge opposite the Botanical Gardens. Above it to the left, towers Signal Hill while Blackridge rises beyond. (Photograph provided by Steve Watt.)
63
Pietermaritzburg Concentration Camp The camp was well placed, not in the sultry sleepy hollow of the valley, but on the slopes to the northwest, which were cooler. One visitor described the place as a vast space, almost like a deer park, on a slope, with much long, coarse grass.5 But the British were looking for more than picturesque settings for the camps. Behind their siting and layout lay a set of ideas about the proper ordering of society of which the British themselves were perhaps not entirely aware, for they were the product of profound changes in British society during the course of the nineteenth century. A desirable camp site needed to be on sloping ground to ensure good drainage. The neat, straight lines and wide streets between the tents implied good order and management. Left to themselves, the Boers preferred to live in family groups, in an untidy jumble of tents which made it difficult for sanitary wagons to pass through or for the camp staff to keep a sharp eye on the wayward who ignored camp regulations. This becomes abundantly clear as one reads the many camp reports which emphasise these elements.6 A well-ordered camp was not only a healthy camp; it was a microcosm of the desirable modern society, with hygienic sanitation, an effective medical system, good schools and proper record-keeping. Although this was never Kitcheners intention, over time, almost inadvertently, the camps became a part of Milners project to modernise and civilise the Boers.7 In the last resort, these bureaucratic practices were about the exercise of power in the modern state.8 Willy-nilly, in the camps a preindustrial rural society was dragged into the twentieth century.
64
Pietermaritzburg camp was never large, with about 2 500 people for most of its existence. Unlike many of the up-country camps, it was located in a substantial town which had a relatively well-developed infrastructure, so there were few problems with water and sanitation. Initially about half the people were housed in tents, but these were gradually replaced, first with canvas rooms, and later with more solid housing. For much of the time there was no hospital, since the sick were treated at the military hospital at Fort Napier. Only towards the end of the period was a canvas hospital introduced. The superintendent, Mr E. Struben, who arrived in December 1900, managed the camp for most of its life but, until October 1901, he was answerable to Captain G.P. Appleby, the Assistant Provost Marshal, and it is not clear how much independence he had. Applebys reports were terse and uninformative and separate Pietermaritzburg camp reports disappear after October 1901, so Strubens voice is entirely absent and it is difficult to get any sense of his ability. In general the camp was well run. The Ladies Committee, which was appointed by the War Office to investigate camp conditions, visited Pietermaritzburg in December 1901 and had few serious criticisms to make. The water supply, they noted, came from the town reservoir. The six wash-houses were capital and the bath-houses excellent and well-used. A gang of Africans took care of the pail latrines which were regularly and thoroughly disinfected with chloride of lime or carbolic. On the other hand, there was no proper system for dispensing rations so the women had to
Pietermaritzburg Concentration Camp hang around for hours waiting for the food. There were no public ovens and the supply of wood was inadequate.9 The most significant marker of the standard of the camps was mortality. Deaths were few in Pietermaritzburg compared with the Transvaal camps. The great killer was measles and its sequelae, especially pneumonia and bronchitis. Pietermaritzburg did not escape the epidemic entirely. In the worst month, September 1901, 47 people died, 25 of them children between 1 and 5 years.10 A total of 167 died in the camp over two years, the great majority under five, as one would expect in this age of high infant mortality.11 Apart from measles most young children appear to have died of gastro-enteritis or similar complaints. One small boy who narrowly survived an injury to his leg and blood-poisoning was Dan Pienaar, who became the well-known South African general in World War II.12 Measles is a highly infectious disease and it can spread like wildfire in overcrowded conditions, when the viral load may increase and the virulence of the disease become more lethal. Malnourished children are particularly vulnerable which is why measles remains so deadly in undeveloped societies.15 In Pietermaritzburg, housing was far better than the worn bell tents of the Transvaal camps and food was more nourishing. The meat, the only source of vitamin C in many camps, was of better quality and fruit and vegetables, including rice and potatoes, were available.16 By the time that the Transvalers arrived, most of them had already acquired an immunity to the disease and the weakest had died. All these factors contributed to a low mortality, although it did not seem so to the people themselves in the bad months of August and September 1901, when children died day after day. Typhoid (enteric, Salmonella typhi) was the malady which the British most feared since it had created such havoc amongst their troops in Bloemfontein and was believed to be endemic in many South African towns. Typhoid is caused by bacteria which had been identified by 1900 and the British were well advanced in producing a vaccine against it. In any case, the disease was known to be mainly water-borne and good sanitation could usually eradicate it, which was why the camp authorities laid such emphasis on hygiene. Measles was another matter since it was caused by a virus, and these pathogens were not yet understood. Doctors had no means of combatting the epidemic except through the timetested method of quarantine, which was virtually impossible in war-torn South Africa.17 Partly out of frustration, partly because scapegoating is a common phenomenon in epidemics, the doctors
Children Children Children Total under 13 under 5 under 1 27 33 21 10113
Men Women Deaths under military administration 8/12/1900 15/9/1901 Deaths under civilian administration 6 14
12
17
34
6614
65
Pietermaritzburg Concentration Camp were inclined to blame the Boers for the deaths of their children.18 Appleby in Pietermaritzburg was no different. They have very curious ideas for remedying the various diseases that usually attack the young children, which are difficult to eradicate, he complained. The inmates, he explained, were of a lower social grade, on average, than those in Howick. Many were of the Dopper class, who live a very nomadic life under ordinary circumstances. Sanitary defects were of their own making.19 Fortunately the low mortality and the fleeting length of the epidemic meant that there was no real health crisis. Unfortunately little else can be said about health in Pietermaritzburg camp. Effective record-keeping was part of the paraphernalia of the modern bureaucracy and statistics were kept meticulously in the Transvaal and ORC under the new regime. But the British did not feel they had a point to make in loyal Natal, as Milner explained. The figures [of Natal towns] would not furnish any basis of comparison with the republic, since a good sanitary system on British lines prevails, he stated.20 Although some Natal statistics were published, they lacked detail and consistency. While the early inmates were mainly Natalians, quite soon republicans were sent down and, from the end of 1901, they arrived in much greater numbers. The families formed a mixed population, ranging from the wife of General de Wet, who was a source of endless fascination to camp visitors, to the most destitute. Transvalers were deported, not only to reduce the size of the highveld camps, but because Kitchener wanted to remove irreconcilables.21 For these women,
66
exile was a bitter punishment and Pietermaritzburg was unusually full of resentful women. Appleby attempted the extraordinarily divisive experiment of bribing the families into loyalty, a system which had long been abandoned in the Transvaal.22 After six months, the disposition and character of the inmates was entered confidentially in the register in order to encourage their loyalty; the right-minded would be given substantial advantages with regard to rations, accommodation, privileges, &c. The results, so far, had been satisfactory, Appleby claimed.23 The trial seems more likely to have encouraged bitterness and friction. Nevertheless, the Pietermaritzburg registers provide a unique insight into the attachments of the inmates. Thus, on the first page of the first register, Mrs D.P. van Aswegen of Kaalplaats farm, Potchefstoom district, whose husband had been deported, was listed as anti-British; Mr D.J.J. Akkerman of Wakkerstroom was brought in for protection; Mr C.M.M. Adendorff of Goodhope farm, Harrismith, was undesirable; Mr J.H. van As of Renenshoop, Harrismith, was listed as refugee not to be trusted.24 Mr D.P. Bezuidenhout of Middeldrift, Middelburg, on the other hand, was From all accounts trustworthy and Mr B.M. Beukes of Fraserfield, Harrismith, was loyal.25 These entries take us beyond the conventional categorisation of camp inmates as bittereinders and hendsoppers and hint at much more complex affiliations amongst Afrikaners, which have been poorly explored. Political associations did not count for much when it came to the process of incarceration. For almost everyone the loss of home was traumatic and
Pietermaritzburg Concentration Camp the Transvalers found the removal to British territory particularly stressful. As British subjects the Natal families at least had support structures at hand family, government or local politicians. Unlike republicans, they did not feel to the same extent that they had lost their country and were imprisoned in a foreign state.26 Even so, many arrived destitute, as the camp minister, Ds W.P. Rousseau, recorded. Taken from their homes in what they were wearing, they were almost naked. While some had money, most had nothing.27 A visitor to the camp described the influx of one group, in hot mid-February:
In an hour the new prisoners came. A few soldiers first, who looked good natured, and as if not particularly relishing their work, then a long, straggling procession, broken often into clumps. Mostly mothers and children, many babies in arms, many toddling alongside, clutching gown or hand, most of them weary, sad, grave, a look of destitution imprinted on faces and clothing alike. One little lad of seven or eight was so tired that he lay down twice in the grass, and was made to go on. All down to the infants had some little thing, presumably the most precious or necessary in one hand, a water-bottle, a kettle, a small bundle of clothing; here and there a bag with a few provisions; one lone woman was cherishing a cat. One old woman, with a little child beside her, came in a ricksha; the rest were all on foot and with no umbrellas against the sun. The general effect was very sombre and infinitely sad.28
One should not take such accounts entirely at face value, however. There is plenty of evidence that Pietermaritzburg was a relatively comfortable camp and the Natal
rations were wholesome, if not always to the taste of the Boers. The civilian authorities prided themselves on their economical running of the camps and complaints about the food may have been partly due to this, for the expensive fresh meat the military had supplied was replaced in 1902 with frozen meat, at a saving of about 1d per lb. Since Pietermaritzburg consumed about 1,000 lbs a day, the difference was fairly considerable (336 15s 7d was saved in January 1902) but the Boers disliked the frozen meat.29 Although I have written of the incarceration of the families and accounts often refer to the families as prisoners, in fact most were not. The camp people could visit Pietermaritzburg freely without passes. The war brought labour shortages to loyalist towns in the Cape and Natal, and many men were able to obtain fairly well-paid jobs on the railways, breweries and other businesses. Women, too, worked as seamstresses or occasionally in domestic labour.30 In Natal fresh fruit and vegetables were available for sale and these earnings went a long way to ensuring that Pietermaritzburg inmates were far better off than their countrymen in the interior, although the working men had their free rations stopped, since Pietermaritzburg labourers had complained of the unfair competition.31 This is not to discount the distress of the camp people but these stories of hardship and suffering were often a metaphor for their fears, their confusion and their uncertainty. The camp was a complex environment in terms of class and gender. It was run by men, many of them upper- or middle-class officers deeply imbued with a homosocial
67
Pietermaritzburg Concentration Camp military culture and steeped in Britains class consciousness. This hegemonic masculinity was rarely articulated explicitly but it excluded women so completely from any public presence, that the concept helps to explains why camp officials failed, so resoundingly, to understand that women and children had different needs from the average trooper.32 This was less striking in Pietermaritzburg camp than in the up-country camps. In the early days tents were overcrowded because the ratio of 15 soldiers to a tent was applied automatically; the rations were unsuitable for small children; recreation facilities like football were provided for the boys but not the girls. Class and gender intersected. To the British officials the Boers were lower-class peasants, to be treated accordingly. These categories did not sit comfortably with Boer society, however, for Boer women were often less submissive than their British counterparts. To the British these women were not ladies and their defiant political stance reinforced their view that the camp women were unwomanly. Part of the civilising project was to train the women into appropriate femininity.33 Elizabeth Neethling, who was an inmate of Pietermaritzburg camp and who collected and published many of the womens testimonies after the war, illustrates some of the contradictions implicit in the construction of class and gender in the camp. Neethlings writings have been central to Afrikaner understanding of the sufferings of the camps. Without wishing to minimise the misery, however, Neethling needs to be read with caution for she was one of those Afrikaners who contributed to the reinvention of Afrikaner identity
68
after the war.34 While this project was primarily a male articulation, the Afrikaner woman found a role as the volksmoeder, the mother of the nation. The ideal volksmoeder was a member of a happy, homogeneous, middleclass community. There was little place for working-class aspirations in this portrayal and the poor were airbrushed out of the picture.35 This gentrification of Afrikaners is a neglected but not insignificant thread in the creation of post-war Afrikaner identity, shaped partly by the experience of the camps. Much of the Afrikaner anger at British comment on the camps arises from the portrayal of Boers as ignorant and dirty peasants. By the 1930s such depictions could evoke considerable violence.36 Neethling herself was a member of the educated Murray clan, but she was not a typical camp inmate, for the vast majority were bywoners, landless Boers, although the Natal Afrikaners tended to be more prosperous. Torn between depicting the sufferings of genteel Boer ladies, and the realities of bywoner life, Neethlings accounts are fraught with contradictions. On the one hand, her description of a typical Boer home suggested educated, affluent domesticity.37 On the other:
The situation was very trying to those who realised the necessity of careful moral training [of children]. Herded together as they were, with all sorts and conditions, the little ones, to their mothers infinite pain, picked up objectionable language and habits, and became unruly to a degree.38
Think what it must be, she continued,

for a lady of refined feeling to live in one room with an unrefined family. To eat, sleep, dress, sew, write all in that one apartment. No privacy, no quiet. What is spoken in one room

can be heard in the next. From five oclock in the morning till ten at night an incessant din. Absolute misery to a lady who had lived on her own farm, in a house commodiously built of stone, containing six or eight rooms.39
Contrast this with Mrs Murrays more dispassionate account of her arrival at the camp (she came from Bethlehem), which Emily Hobhouse (who was also prone to gentrifying the Boers) says is the earliest description of Pietermaritzburg camp.
On arrival at Pietermaritzburg they found tents ready for them, but nothing else. Before evening however, blankets and food were supplied. The tents were the large oblong tents with double canvas, one for each family. The furniture consisted of iron stretchers with straw mattresses, five blankets to each person, a table and two benches, a tin basin, a bucket, and a campkettle. The food was prepared by the women themselves, a shed with good water had been put up for the purpose. The great drawback was the intense heat, and there was no shade for the children to play outside. The women were allowed to go out visiting their friends in the town or to go shopping.
its endless rules and regulations that many found so hard. The British imposed on the camps a bureaucracy which the Boers found very difficult to live with. Ds Rousseau commented on the problems of issuing clothing:
We have a Ladies Committee which cares for the clothing and shoes for the most needy. The military authorities have offered help in this respect also; but there is so much red-tapeism about it, and they want each one to sign for what he or she gets so as to pay back after the war, that they do not wish to avail themselves of this help .42
Like many of the women in Pietermaritzburg camp, Mrs Murray herself was allowed to go to friends in the Cape Colony after a couple of weeks.40 Life in the camp was certainly not comfortable and tents and frame houses were poorly insulated against the extremes of the Pietermaritzburg climate. To the readers of Die Kerkbode, the journal of the Dutch Reformed Church, Ds Rousseau described the effect of the high winds, when no-one could cook unless they were fortunate enough to have paraffin stoves, and church and school came to a standstill.41 But it was the unfamiliarity of an alien regime with
Pietermaritzburg camp was in, but not of, the town. Most residents, loyal to the core, took little interest in the Boers and this is reflected in the local newspaper, the Natal Witness, which rarely mentioned the camp. However, the presence of such women as Elizabeth Neethling and Mrs de Wet meant that Pietermaritzburg camp probably had some of the most politically sophisticated of any inmates. These women were alert to any slights and were quick to protest, for instance, when a letter to a Natal newspaper suggested that the Boers lived better in the camps than on their own farms.43 Mrs de Wet was an object of journalistic curiosity. In February 1902 she was interviewed by the Natal Witness. She was living in a small house and attended by a Hottentot damsel. On the walls of her room hung the arms of the Transvaal and Free State, along with photographs of Kruger and other Boer leaders. It did not look conciliatory in the least, the Witness commented. She told the reporter that she wanted a house in town, as Mrs Isie Smuts had. Her husband, she said, would never surrender and she would sooner be dead than see him do so. The
69
Pietermaritzburg Concentration Camp report reached Joseph Chamberlain, the Secretary of State for the Colonies, in London and the Governor of Natal explained hastily that Mrs de Wet was treated no differently from the wives of other Boer generals, although the superintendent had agreed to put flooring into her house.44 Boers who surrendered voluntarily, hendsoppers, were held in contempt in the camps and later. Their voices are usually silenced but, almost uniquely, Mrs Dickenson, an Australian journalist, interviewed Mrs Fourie, a storekeeper, whose husband was a hendsopper:
When she knew the English were coming, she packed her waggon full of stores and locked it up, so they brought her and her family down in their own waggon. She had an oil cooking-stove, and they were not obliged to cook out of doors when it rained. Mrs Fourie seemed so cheerful and contented, that I began to think Pietermaritzburg Camp must be singularly well managed; but it occurred to me to ask if she and her husband were taken prisoners or surrendered. Oh, I made my husband surrender, she said. As we had to lose the home, we might as well take all we could.45
themselves enthusiastically into royalist celebrations. When the Duke and Duchess of Cornwall and York visited the town, locals turned out in droves to wave their flags in welcome. But the camp children were there as well, as a report explained:
The children turned up under one of the men of the camp, and are reported to me by my NCO in charge of our school children, to have voluntarily waved the flags and to have joined in the welcome to their Royal Highnesses. They were most orderly and were in every respect well behaved. I had informed the residents of the camp generally, that I would endeavour to assist all their children to see the procession, but could not promise that there would be room in the bays. As for themselves, I looked upon them as citizens and that they were free to come and go where they wished throughout the streets.47
Such pragmatism may have been more widespread than camp mythology has allowed but it is only rarely articulated by the women. Even the most recalcitrant usually made some compromises. While most probably cherished their republican ideals, they were not averse to a little fun. The inmates built a tennis court for themselves and cricket and football were played by the boys. Sports were held occasionally.46 Pietermaritzburg, of course, was in the heart of loyalist Natal, and the townsfolk threw
70
As in all the camps religion sustained the inmates. In Pietermaritzburg camp Ds Rousseau was followed by Ds D.J. Malan and later by Ds E.A.J. du Toit. While there is no record of the revival meetings which occurred in some of the camps, Pentecost was a particularly lively celebration, with over 100 children of the church youth group participating, reciting Dutch and English poems, singing and enjoying tea.48 A weekly routine included a young womens prayer meeting, catechism classes, and a mens prayer meeting, apart from regular Sunday services.49 It was also the church which co-ordinated charitable visits and gifts. Relatively little has been written about the considerable philanthropic effort in South Africa to aid the camp inmates. Afrikaans residents of Pietermaritzburg formed a committee to visit regularly and gifts came from
Pietermaritzburg Concentration Camp Afrikaner communities all round the country. Greytown, sensibly, provided much needed wood for fuel while money came from the Cape 15.5s from Willowmore, 10 from Cradock, 12.5s from Carnarvon and 3s in postage stamps from a child in Richmond, Cape.50 One of the most outstanding features of Pietermaritzburg camp was the education. The school was headed by P.R.N. Vermaak, rather surprisingly since he had been arrested by the British at the start of the war and deported to Pietermaritzburg.51 The British were usually reluctant to entrust education to rebel hands but Vermaak must have been an effective teacher and his presence may have meant that the camp people were more willing to send their children to school.52 While most teachers were Boers, over two hundred young women from all round the empire were imported to teach in the camps as well.53 The camp schools, as Eliza Riedi points out, were a significant part of Milners anglicisation project. Education was supposed to open the Boers to progress and modern civilisation and Milner did not spare money on the enterprise. But the young women had another function for they were also to be role models to the Boers of desirable imperial womanhood.54 Where possible they should be middleclass ladies and Protestant (Catholics were thought to be objectionable to the Boers). Of course, they must be loyal the Irish were actively discouraged. The Scottish elementary teacher is what we want, one official wrote,55 although over a third came from Canada, Australia and New Zealand. In Pietermaritzburg Lilian Rose and Charlotte Hose, who had previously taught at a ladies boarding school,56 arrived at the end of February 1902. Lily Roses brief diary and extensive correspondence with her mother have survived, giving a unique glimpse of a young teacher in the camp, her relationships with her pupils and the Boers, and her social life. Lily Rose appears to have been a sensible, capable and attractive young woman. A staunch Anglican, she
Pietermaritzburg Camp school. Presumably Mr Vermaak is the central figure at the back on the roof, but Lily Rose is unidentified. (Photograph provided by Johan Wassermann.)
71
This grainy photograph of Mrs H.A. Alberts, wife of General H.A. Alberts, and her three youngest children, was sent to Die Transvaler by her daughter. The picture is typical of many camp photographs that were sent to POW husbands to reassure them. Such an interchange of photographs was hugely valued. These middle-class family members are dressed in their Sunday best, the women in the snowy aprons which were so demanding to launder, the boys stiff in collars and boots. Their home appears to be reasonably solid. The primus stove is an unusual possession. The most interesting presence is the lonely figure of Poppie, the kleinjong who had also been taken from the farm, standing slightly apart, not fully a part of the family. (Photograph: National Archives of South Africa, Photographs, 20938) attended church regularly, sometimes up to three times on feast days. As a teacher she was particularly well qualified. She had been trained as a kindergarten teacher at the Froebel Institute in West Kensington, which provided an interactive educational process for the very young, based on the idea that the first learning experiences of children are crucial to their later development.57 Shortly after her arrival she was asked to take over the disorganised kindergarten classes and she threw
72
herself wholeheartedly into the project. Her affection for the children, her little chicks, comes through clearly and her feeling was obviously returned for she was regularly inundated with presents of flowers, sweets and biscuits. She formed limited friendships with the Boer teachers and, when the camp was closed, she received numerous invitations to visit the farms. But she never took up any of these offers. Although she got on reasonably well with the camp people, she never really understood them. Her account of the
Pietermaritzburg Concentration Camp peace illustrates this. She, herself, was intrigued by the panoply that went with the declaration:
I went down to Church alone on Sunday as Charlie Hose was in bed with a severe cold, I noticed as I went down Church St. that a good many Union Jacks were flying, and as I neared the Town Hall the chimes were playing God save the King, so I guessed something extraordinary had happened when I got into Church I noticed the Governor and his aide-decamp sitting in the front pew, and as the old Dean came in he had a telegram in his hand, which he read aloud as soon as he reached his seat then the organ pealed forth the national anthem, and the people joined heartily. must know have all the go the men none. When he had finished speaking the women crowded round his carriage arguing with him, but he said to them Its peace now, you mustnt quarrel with me.
The Boers received the news very differently.

When I reached the camp I heard the Governor was coming up to the Camp in the afternoon crowds gathered up by the ration-tent and when the Governor spoke he was received (or rather his announcement) in stolid silence; next day the teachers in the kgarten were fearfully apathetic in their work.
Most heart-rending was the response of Miss Pretorius the nicest girl in the camp. Lily asked her what she thought of peace and she said, Well Miss Rose, I just feel as though I have no interest in life now. When Schalk Burger visited the camp a few days later to explain why the Boers had come to terms,
the men listened in silence but the women interrupted a good deal of course he spoke in Dutch but the Matron interpreted for me he said that it had been almost an hopeless war for the last 18 months, then shouted out one woman Why didnt you give it up 18 months ago, the women you
Lily Rose concluded optimistically, I quite believe that all the bitter feeling will die away in time. These young women were a magnet to the many men who had come to South Africa during the war. Charlotte Hose was engaged twice in the year she was in Pietermaritzburg. Lily Rose entertained droves of men, from Rudyard Kiplings father to the young Australian lieutenant, Joe Vardy, to whom she eventually became engaged. Their off-duty hours were filled with dinners, theatre, picnics, long walks and serious talks. Although Lily wrote yearningly of her family in England, South Africa brought her experiences she could never have enjoyed at home. It is hardly surprising that she did not return. She extended her stay to teach in Pretoria and, presumably, eventually left for Australia. The South African War changed her life forever, but it brought her opportunity, not suffering.58 An almost invisible presence in the camps were the black inmates. A few of the families brought black servants with them and the records list about 66.59 It is hard to imagine their lives. They were tolerated by the camp authorities and allowed to sleep with their employers but they were not rationed and had to survive on what their families provided. They were not the only blacks in the camps for blacks also performed the most unpleasant sanitary tasks. South African racial divisions held firm even in a war fought, ostensibly, for equal rights.
73
Pietermaritzburg Concentration Camp Pietermaritzburg camp did not close down as soon as the war ended. The process of repatriation was slow and careful. Women were not allowed to return to the farms unaccompanied so they had to wait, sometimes for months, for their men to come in from commando or return from overseas. Nor did they go directly to their farms. The Transvalers were trucked back to their old camps and repatriated from there. Each family was provided with a months rations and a tent, although they could return for more food. Land schemes and relief works provided for the most destitute but there was still a residue of orphans and elderly indigents who had to be provided for. Eventually all found homes and Pietermaritzburg camp closed down towards the end of November 1902, one of the last in Natal to do so.60 The legacy of the camps is difficult to establish for it has been tainted by post-war political developments.61 Malnutrition and disease must have damaged some people permanently, especially since measles can have serious long-term effects. Although the social impact of the war has not been well explored, many bywoners were unable to return to the farms which had barely sustained them before the war. Wartime disruptions must have given a considerable push to Afrikaner urbanisation and impoverishment. Personal emotional trauma has been even less considered but studies of the Holocaust and similar experiences suggest that many women must have struggled to come to terms with the destruction of their homes and the loss of their children. In South Africa this suffering has been translated into political activism but individual women often locked up the
74
memories, refusing ever to discuss them. A few, even if they were almost illiterate, wrote down their stories, sometimes in rambling, confusing and illegible accounts in a protoAfrikaans which is difficult to read and understand.62 Political women like Elizabeth Neethling and M.M. Postma drew on some of the more readable to publicise Afrikaner suffering but there are very few other interpretations of these writings.63 Black memories have been even more thoroughly obliterated by the events of the twentieth century. Pietermaritzburg itself also retains little memory of the camp it housed. In the most recent history of the town the war only rates a paragraph and the camp is not mentioned at all.64 ELIZABETH VAN HEYNINGEN
NOTES AND REFERENCES I should like to acknowledge with gratitude the contribution of the Wellcome Trust in funding this research. They are not responsible for my opinions. My appreciation also goes to the late Pat Merrett, who did the research in the Natal Witness for me, and to Professor Johan Wassermann, for his helpful suggestions and some of the photographs. 1 See, for instance, Maggie Besters account of her experiences during the South African war. Pietermaritzburg Archives Repository [PAR], A 72. For the detailed history of the Natal Afrikaners during the war see J.M. Wassermann, The Natal Afrikaner and the Anglo-Boer War, (PhD, University of Pretoria, 2004). On the position of Afrikaners as loyalists see J. Wassermann, Natal Afrikaners as loyalists during the Anglo-Boer War (18991902), elsewhere in this issue of Natalia. Wassermann, The Natal Afrikaner, p.314. At some point the GH records in the Pietermaritzburg Archives Repository were resorted and culled, so many of the records on the Natal camps appear to have been destroyed.
3 4

5 6 National Library of South Africa [NLSA], SABP 77, A South African Diary, p.2. See, for instance, the contrasting reports on Vryburg and Middelburg camps, the former laid out by a qualified surveyor. Cd 902, Further Papers relating to the Working of the Refugee Camps in the Transvaal, Orange River Colony, Cape Colony, and Natal (London, 1902), p.114; Cd 819, Reports etc on the Working of the Refugee Camps in the Transvaal, Orange River Colony, Cape Colony and Natal (London, 1901), pp.329330. E. Riedi, Teaching Empire: British and Dominions women teachers in the South African War concentration camps, English Historical Review, 120(489), 2005, p.1319. J. Horne, Masculinity in politics and war in the age of nation-states and world wars, 18501950 in S. Dudink et al, Masculinities in Politics and War. Gendering Modern History (Manchester, 2004), p.30. Cd 893, Report on the Concentration Camps in South Africa by the Committee of Ladies (London, 1902), pp.3033. Cd 893, p.31. NASA, DBC 147 Pietermaritzburg and Howick death register. For infant mortality in the Boer republics see E. van Heyningen, Medical history and Afrikaner society in the Boer republics at the end of the nineteenth century, Cleio, 37, (2005), pp.525 T.B. Frost, St Georges Garrison Church, Pietermaritzburg a brief history (Pietermaritzburg, 1998), pp. 56. Dan Pienaar was not the only general to spend part of his childhood in the camps. General George Brink was the son of the superintendent of Vredefort Road camp and lived there with his family. The register gives the total as 121. Such arithmetical errors are widespread in the records. The register gives the total as 65. A. Cliff, P. Haggett and M. SmallmanRaynor, Measles. An Historical Geography of a Major Human Viral Disease from Global Expansion to Local Retreat, 1840 1900 (Oxford, 1993). Cd 893 p.31. D. Low-Beer, M. Smallman-Raynor and A. Cliff, Disease and death in the South African War: changing disease patterns from soldiers to refugees Social History of Medicine, 17(2), 2004, pp.223245. E. van Heyningen, Women and disease. The clash of medical cultures in the concentration camps of the South African War in G. Cuthbertson et al (eds) Writing a Wider War. Rethinking Gender, Race, and Identity in the South African War, 18991902 (Athens and Cape Town, 2002), pp.186212. Cd 819, p.202, 282. Cd 853, p.9. S.B. Spies, Methods of Barbarism? Roberts and Kitchener and Civilians in the Boer Republics January 1900 May 1902 (Cape Town, 1977), p.224. Kitchener had a similar idea and famously introduced a differentiated ration scale for loyal refugees. The families of men on commando or prisoners-of-war were not to receive any meat. It was abandoned almost immediately. Cd 819, p.282. NASA, DBC 134, Pietermaritzburg camp register, p.1. The DBC registers are not well inventoried and the first in the series is not necessarily the earliest camp register. NASA, DBC 134, p.52. See also Wassermann, The Natal Afrikaner, pp.314315. Wassermann, The Natal Afrikaner, p.317. E. Hobhouse, The Brunt of the War and Where it Fell (London, 1902), pp.7071. NLSA, SABP 77, p.3. Cd 893, pp.3033; PAR, GH 553/G456/03, 11 June 1902; National Archives, United Kingdom [NAUK], CO 879/77/697, 13272, 14 March 1902; CO 879/77/697, 14336, 15 March 1902. G. Russell, AngloBoer War Concentration Camps in Natal: August 1900 January 1903, (Durban, 1988).; PAR, GH 1230/153/01, 24 June 1901; Cd 893, p.32; Wassermann, The Natal Afrikaner, p.321. Wassermann points out that wealthier Natal Afrikaners were expected to pay their own way. Cd 819, p.282. On hegemonic masculinity see J. Tosh, Hegemonic masculinity and the history of gender in Dudink, Masculinities in Politics and War, pp.4158. See the discussion on education below. L. Stanley, Mourning Becomes Post/ Memory, Commemoration and the Concentration Camps of the South African War (Manchester, 2006), pp.101121. L-M. Kruger, Gender, community and identity: women and Afrikaner nationalism in the Volksmoeder discourse of Die Boerevrou (19191931) (MA, UCT, 1991), pp.335336. The seminal discussion on the volksmoeder concept is E. Brink,
19 20 21
22
23 24
9 10 11
25 26 27 28 29
12
30
13 14 15
31 32
16 17
33 34
35
18
75

Man-made women: gender, class and the ideology of the Volksmoeder, in C. Walker (ed) Women and Gender in Southern Africa to 1945 (Cape Town, 1990), pp. 27392. The episode when the author of a novel, War, Wine and Women, which depicted backveld Boers in a derogatory fashion, was tarred and feathered, was one such example. J.C. Steyn, Trouwe Afrikaners. Aspekte van Afrikaner-nasionalisme en Suid-Afrikanse Taalpolitiek 18751938 (Cape Town, 1987), pp.156166. E. Neethling, Should We Forget? (Cape Town, 1902), pp.1014. Neethling, Should We Forget?, p.81. Neethling, Should We Forget?, p.7778. J.H. Balme, To Love Ones Enemies (Cobble Hill, 1994), p.77. W.P. Rousseau, Het kamp te Pietermaritzburg, Kerkbode, 13 June 1901, pp.34243. My thanks to Johan Wassermann for reminding me of this reference. Hobhouse, Brunt of the War, p.70. NAUK, CO 879/71/668, 32705, 5/11/1901; PAR, GH 209/245/1901, 8 November 1901. Natal Witness, 15 February 1902, p.5; NAUK, CO 879/77/697, 10686, 19 February 1902. Hobhouse, Brunt of the War, p.209. Cd 819, p.186. PAR, GH 550/G957/01, 15 August 1901; GH 1231/223/01, 21 August 1901. Rousseau, Het kamp te Pietermaritzburg, p.343. E.A.J. du Toit, Pietermaritzburg, Die Kerkbode, 29 May 1902, p.398. Rousseau, Het kamp te Pietermaritzburg, p.343. Information provided by Johan Wassermann. 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 PAR, GH 1230/202/01, 3 August 1901. Riedi Teaching Empire, p.1323. Riedi, Teaching Empire, p.1322 Riedi, Teaching Empire, p.1325. Riedi, Teaching Empire, p.1329. http://www.froebel.org.uk, accessed 26 February 2010; Riedi, Teaching Empire, pp.1322, 1329. PAR, A 49, Letters of Lily Rose. Cd 819, p.283. NAUK, CO 879/77/697, 49460, 7 November 1902. E. van Heyningen, Costly mythologies The concentration camps of the South African War in Afrikaner historiography, Journal of Southern African Studies, 34(3), (Sept 2008), pp.495513. See, for instance, NASA, W 19, Mev P.H.S. van Zyl versameling. A rare attempt to explore the psychological effects of the camp experiences is J. Snyman, The politics of memory: vestiges of trauma in C. van der Merwe and R. Wolfswinkel (eds), Telling Wounds. Narrative, Trauma & Memory Working Through the SA Armed Conflicts of the 20th Century. Conference proceedings, University of Cape Town, 35 July 2002 (Stellenbosch, Van Schaik, 2002), pp.3747. Neethling, Should We Forget?: M.M. Postma, (ed.), Stemme uit die Verlede. n Versameling van Bedigde Verklarings van Vrouwe wat Tydens die Tweede Vryheidsoorlog in die Konsentrasiekampe Verkeer het, (Pretoria: 1939). J. Laband and R. Haswell, Pietermaritzburg 18381988. A New Portrait of an African City (Pietermaritzburg, 1988), p.108.
36
37 38 39 40 41
62
42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51
63
64
76
A war crime in Pietermaritzburg
eath For All The Chief Nazi War Criminals declared the front page headline of The Natal Witness on Wednesday, October 2, 1946, above a report on the outcome of the Nuremberg Trials that followed World War II. Photographs of the condemned men among them Herman Goering, Joachim von Ribbentrop, Julius Streicher, Martin Borman, and Rudolf Hess filled the page. Twelve were sentenced to death while others were given prison sentences and in some cases acquitted. The dramatic climax of the longest trial in history2 dominated the newspaper again the next day but Friday saw The Witness lead with a war crimes trial much closer to home. On the previous day, standing in the dock of Pietermaritzburgs Supreme Court still wearing their faded Afrika
Corps uniforms, Walter Werner and Paul Wallatt were sentenced to five years hard labour for murdering a fellow prisoner, Helmuth Haensel, at the Durban Road POW Camp in June 1942. Mitigating circumstances saw them narrowly avoid the death penalty. The two men and their victim were among the 6 800 German prisoners of war (POWs) that passed through South Africa during World War II, held in transit camps prior to being sent on to Canada. Unlike the 100 000 Italian POWs that were held in South Africa, the Germans presented a major challenge. While the Italians were largely uncommitted to fascism and posed no threat to South Africas security, the Germans were a different story. They were front-line soldiers and as Bob Moore, Professor of Modern History at the University
77
Natalia 40 (2010), Stephen Coan pp. 77 84 Natalia 40 (2010) Copyright Natal Society Foundation 2010
A war crime in Pietermaritzburg of Sheffield, points out in Unwanted Guests in Troubled Times: German Prisoners of War in the Union of South Africa, 1942 1943, were potentially the most dangerous elements among the prisoners. Moreover, at the time of their capture, the fate of the war in Europe still hung in the balance. Many of them firmly believed that they could continue the war behind barbed wire by making it as difficult as possible for their captors, even thousands of miles from the front.3 In South Africa there was the added risk German POWs would be actively assisted in such endeavours. The country had come into the war only on the strength of a seven-vote parliamentary majority and given the substantial opposition to the war inside the country, considerable pro-German sentiment among certain Afrikaner elements, and the experiences of World War I and the Afrikaner rebellion of 1914, the decision to accept responsibility for German captives was finely calculated.4 While some thought a German victory might pave the way for an Afrikanerdominated South African republic and were content to await such an outcome, radical Afrikaner groups as the Ossewabrandwag and its paramilitary wing Stormjaers might be expected to exploit the situation.5 An additional factor in Natal was the presence of tight-knit Germanspeaking communities living close to Durban and Pietermaritzburg. In June 1940 when the British Home Defence (Security) Executive had approached the Dominions with regard to accepting German prisoners of war and civilian internees, Canada and Australia offered to take both categories while South Africa, mindful
78
of internal tensions, agreed to take prisoners but not internees. This option was taken up in 1941 when Italys entry into the war and subsequent defeats in North Africa and Abyssinia generated thousands of prisoners and consequently many thousands of Italians were shipped from Suez and Abyssinia to Durban.6 By the late summer of 1943, South Africa had become the detaining power for up to one hundred thousand Italian prisoners.7 In January 1942 South Africa was asked to accommodate German prisoners of war, albeit only while they were in transit to permanent camps in Canada.8 South African Prime Minister Jan Smuts agreed on the basis they would only be in the country for a short time. In some respects, Smutss agreement to allow in battle-hardened frontline German soldiers still represented a gamble as South Africa was a huge country and the soldiers available to him for internal security were small in number and not always of the highest quality.9 Germany was actively involved in propaganda campaigns and espionage in the country and in February 1942, the South African Legation in Washington had warned Smuts about the possibility of a German-inspired coup in the Union.10 On March 5, 1942, the South African authorities were asked to take two thousand men immediately and then further batches up to a total of three hundred officers and ten thousand other ranks.11 The numbers involved made accommodation in the existing transit camp in Clairwood, Durban, impractical and so a new site was established just outside Pietermaritzburg on the road to
A war crime in Pietermaritzburg Durban, where prisoners would be housed in tents. The first batch of German prisoners arrived in Durban on March 18 aboard the HMT Pasteur and by April 10, 1942, there were 2 002 German prisoners in Pietermaritzburg. For the most part, they were the expected battle-hardened Afrika Korps veterans from frontline units, many of whom had been confined in transit camps in Egypt for several months. Unlike their Italian counterparts, these men were also highly politicised and committed to the Nazi cause. In other words, both their experiences in captivity and their ideological commitment served to make them less than docile and eager to cause as much trouble as possible for their captors.12 Security concerns dictated the German officers be moved as quickly as possible and nearly all of these prisoners 200 officers and 1 795 men were embarked on the SS Nieuw Amsterdam at Durban on April 29 bound for Simonstown, where they were transhipped onto the HMT Queen Elizabeth for the voyage to Canada. However, two officers did not go. Major Eberhard von Luepke13 and Leutnant Joachim von Grawert had concealed themselves under the floor of the camps music pavilion with the intention of escaping after all the others had left. Their plans were, however, foiled when the camp was repopulated almost immediately with nearly two thousand ordinary German soldiers and noncommissioned officers. In accordance with the Geneva Convention these were allowed to appoint a camp representative. According to Moore this paved the way for a prominent or forceful individual to take control of affairs, in this case Gefreiter Walther Werner.14 As far as the authorities were concerned, Werner seemed an ideal choice. He spoke perfect English and had submitted a favourable report to the delegate of the International Committee of the Red Cross, the Reverend H. P. Junod, who had inspected the camp in May. His report, although marked by the usual guarded language employed by the ICRC, did convey a positive impression of the camp and its facilities. The location was said to be in one of the most agreeable parts of South Africa and the German prisoners well equipped. Prisoners were housed eight to ten per tent, were given straw mattresses, and had the services of two doctors. The prisoners were given aid by the Deutsches Hilfsverein in Johannesburg and complained only that they were short of tooth powder, razor blades, shaving soap and warm clothes. The report concluded that The general impression made by the German section is good. On the day of the visit the prisoners were taking exercise in the sun, some of them were playing football, others chess or cards and they all seemed to be in very good health.15 But the good relationship between guards and inmates was about to sour. From the beginning, the Germans had been keen to cause trouble, says Moore. During April, two prisoners escaped by hiding on the night soil truck that entered and left their compound. Three others also managed to break through the wire and escape although both groups were apparently recaptured.16 There were stone-throwing incidents, arc lamps were broken and all privileges were stopped until the
79
A war crime in Pietermaritzburg culprits were produced. Stones were also thrown at the Indian and Malay Corps guarding the camp. The Germans resented being guarded by non-white troops and a letter of complaint from Werner was, according to the camp commander, full of contempt and scorn for our native soldiers and that the Germans resent being guarded by native troops and were outraged when he took the word of a few natives against that of the prisoners.17 Werner had become a liability. It is my opinion that this POW is definitely an agitator and in the interests of the smooth running of the Camp, I consider it advisable, if possible, to have him transferred.18 This was written in July 1942. Unknown to the camp commander Werner had, in June, been involved in the death of a German soldier, the 29-year-old Helmuth Haensel. Haensel arrived in Durban on March 25, 1942, and, along with a thousand other men, was sent to the camp in Pietermaritzburg. In early May, he was sent back to Durban for onward shipment to Canada via HMT Queen Elizabeth, then berthed in Simonstown, writes Moore. Somehow, he managed to hide in the transport ship HMT Nieuw Amsterdam and was discovered only on 7 May, after the Queen Elizabeth had departed. Taken back to Pietermaritzburg suffering from pneumonia, he was held in the camp hospital until being discharged on 6 June.19 The German POWs suspected Haensel was a British spy and it was thought he might betray the presence
Walter Werner (left) and Paul Wallatt at the Pietermaritzburg Supreme Court on October 4, 1946, after being sentenced to five years hard labour for the murder of Helmuth Haensel, a fellow prisoner, at the Durban Road POW Camp in June 1942. Photo: The Natal Witness
80
A war crime in Pietermaritzburg of the two officers, Von Luepke and Von Grawert. As we have seen, the new influx of POWs had prevented their escape and they had subsequently been discovered by Werner when he was busy getting the camp organised. He agreed to help them escape in exchange for being promoted to a Sonderfhrer. Prior to the war Werner had been an accountant. He subsequently joined the German Police Force and claimed to have been a Gestapo agent. Werners regime in the camp reflected the methods of the German security services. In a camp short of food, hunger was used as a means of coercion and reward, says Moore. Stealing food was then punished by public or private beatings, the former seen by hundreds of witnesses. Potential rivals for leadership positions were marginalised and discredited by Werner and his circle of associates. At the same time, he personally enjoyed a party-boss lifestyle. He lived in a special room, ate only the best food available, smoked constantly, and even succeeded in providing himself with alcohol. Under Werners regime of terror, the two officers began to assert an increasing role. Two men were constantly posted to their hiding place, so Von Luepke and Von Grawert could move freely without upsetting the numerical total in the camp. The officers began to make plans, not only for their own escape, but also for mass break-outs and subsequent attacks on the Durban-Pietermaritzburg railway line and the occupation of Pietermaritzburg itself.20 Haensel was seen as a threat to these plans. For reasons unknown Haensel was generally disliked. After his release from the camp hospital the guards noticed that Haensel was not popular with the crowd21 and transferred him to the detention pen. The camp commander refused to countenance such a step and ordered his release According to Moore, Haensel had enjoyed a strange military career. The son of a Czech father and German mother, he had spent most of his life in France and Italy. When his passport ran out in 1941, he was instructed by the German consulate to report to Berlin for military service as an interpreter. Arriving in Tripoli, he was considered suspect by his unit, the 15th Panzer Division, for not being a party member and expressing friendly views about the English. For this, he had served forty-two days in detention, but he was also suspected of sabotage when, on the day of his units capture, he had failed to blow up a truck as ordered.22 A few hours after his release from the detention pen Haensel was found dead, hanging in a music pavilion in Cage 6. A note was attached to his body claiming he had been accused by a fellow prisoner of being an English spy at a camp in Cairo.23 Giving judgment at the trial four years later, Mr Justice Carlisle said, Opinion among the prisoners appeared to have been that Haensel was looked upon as a spy, as a traitor, and as a British agent. 24 Carlisle was unable to verify if this was the truth. Werner had been ordered to ensure the presence of the two officers be kept secret, said Carlisle. On the morning of June 6 [Werner] was sent for and found both officers in his tent. He was told that the prisoner Haensel was a source of danger and that if Haensel had been sent as a spy it might lead to the discovery of the two officers.
81
A war crime in Pietermaritzburg Major von Luepke said he intended to ascertain the truth of these rumours by calling before him such men in the camp in a position to depose what they knew about Haensel.25 These men were brought in and were told by Von Luepke that they were to give evidence on oath as they did in Germany; that they were not to report hearsay statements, but to confine their statements to what they personally knew. Werner said that Von Luepke told the men that they would have to repeat their evidence in Germany when they went back there. The conclusion of the matter was that Von Luepke gave his decision. It was that, on his responsibility, and by his order, Haensel should be executed that night. He ordered Werner to carry out the sentence that evening and to get men to assist him. That evening Haensel was brought into the music pavilion in accordance with Major von Luepkes instructions. Luepke was not there. Those present were Lieut. von Kravert, the two accused and some others. Haensel was overpowered, gagged, and throttled. His body was hanged by his neck to a tent pole. All the arrangements for this atrocious deed were made by Werner.26 This included the idea of making Haensels murder look like a suicide with a hand-written note attached to his body. Haensels body was soon found by the authorities who, it seems, did not suspect foul play. The murder only came to light after the end of the war in 1945 when a German prisoner in Canada, Hans Karrell, implicated Werner and others, claiming to have been an eyewitness to a kangaroo court and to the execution that followed.
82
Karrell turned informant after discovering that Werner had become camp leader of a lumber camp in Canada and had even been featured in the Canadian press as an avowed antiNazi and democrat.27 Karrell resented Werner ingratiating himself with the authorities and thus smoothing his reintegration into the new Germany under Allied control. Werner and one of his accomplices, Paul Wallatt,28 were brought back from Canada to stand trial in Pietermaritzburg. Both men were convicted of murder and sentenced to five years hard labour. The extenuating circumstances that averted the death penalty revolved around the defence that the two were acting under orders in wartime, though there were questions about the legitimacy of those orders. In 1947 an appeal on a question of law regarding the case was heard in Rex v. Werner and Another by the Appellate Division in Bloemfontein. The judgment a seminal one in South African law handed down by C.J. Watermeyer, J.A. Tindall, and J.A. Greenberg agreed that the mitigating circumstances justified a sentence of imprisonment but found the orders issued by the officers were manifestly illegal.29 The two officers, Von Luepke and Von Grawert, who issued those orders succeeded in escaping from the Durban Road camp some time in August 1942. How exactly is not known. They were recaptured at Ndumo on August 23, returned to the camp and subsequently sent to the United States.30 Werner and Wallatt served one year of their sentence in South Africa before being returned to Germany where, as was standard practice with repatriated prisoners, the remainder of their sentences was remitted.
The grave of Helmuth Haensel in Mountain Rise cemetery. Photo: The Witness POSTSCRIPT Following publication of the articles on which this essay is based in The Witness on 24 and 25 November 2008, I received an e-mail dated 5 December from Ryan Werner, who identified himself as the grandson of Walter Werner and asked if I had any more information regarding Mr Walter Werners life? It would be greatly appreciated if you could let me know. I responded saying that all I knew about his grandfather had been obtained from the articles in The Natal Witness at the time of the trial and the paper by Bob Moore. I also asked if he knew any more concerning his grandfather following his repatriation to Germany. This was the reply: Unfortunately I do not know anything about him. All I know is that he died at the young age of 49 (10 days before his 50th birthday). He had a stroke and had his head strapped down in the hospital bed and drowned in his own vomit. Given the possibilities for deception granted by the Internet, there must remain an element of doubt around this e-mail correspondence. One thing is for certain though: there are two German POWs buried in Block E of the Mountain Rise cemetery in Pietermaritzburg. One is 22-year-old Carl Xavier, who died in the POW hospital of infective endocarditis on 2 November 1942. Next to him is the grave of Helmut Haensel. The cause of death recorded in the cemeterys burial register: Asphyxia (due) to hanging. STEPHEN COAN
nOTeS AnD ReFeRenCeS 1 This essay is an extended version of two articles headlined Murderous Intentions and Killing a fellow prisoner published in The Witness on 24 and 25 November 2008. As will become clear both articles and essay
83

rely heavily on the paper Unwanted Guests in Troubled Times: German Prisoners of War in the Union of South Africa, 1942 1943 by Bob Moore published in the Journal for Military History of the American Society for Military History, Volume 70, Number 1, January 2006, pp. 63-90. Website: www. smh-hq.org. Acknowledgement must also be made to Robert Stuart-Hill, who first drew The Witnesss attention to the Rex vs Werner and Another judgment from 1947 which spurred me to research further. The Natal Witness, October 3, 1946, p.1. Moore, p.89. Ibid., p.66. Ibid., pp.66-67. Ibid., p.68. Ibid. Ibid., p.66. Ibid., p.69. Ibid., p.69. Ibid., p.69. Ibid., p.73. There had already been trouble on the voyage to Durban aboard HMT Pasteur. See Moore pp.73-75. Several different forms of this officers surname exist including Luebbke, Luebke, and Lupke. The small number of German officers transferred to South Africa makes it unlikely that more than one man was involved. Moore, note, p. 81. Moore, p.78. Report on Visit to Durban Road Camp, Natal by H. P. Junod, 2829 May 1942, p. 3, BTS 9/55/1/1B Vol. 1, South African National Archives (SANA). Quoted in Moore, p.77. Ibid., p.78. Report, Commander Pietermaritzburg Camp to Officer Commanding Troops, Oribi Camp, 17 July 1942, File 548, Box 100, AGPOW, SANDFA. Quoted in Moore p.78-79. Officer Commanding Pietermaritzburg Camp to Adjutant-General, 23 July 1942, File 523, Box 98, AGPOW, SANDFA. Quoted in Moore p.79. Ibid., p.79. Ibid., p.82. Memorandum, Attorney-General Pietermaritzburg, 14 August 1945, BTS 9/39 German POWs, SANA. Quoted in Moore, p.79. Ibid., pp.79-80. Ibid., p.79. The Natal Witness, 4 October 1946, p.1. Ibid. The Natal Witness used the spelling Von Lubke. I have retained Moores preferred version of the name. See note 13. The Natal Witness, 4 October 1946, p.1. 27 Moore, p.80. 28 According to The Natal Witness, 4 October 1946 p.1, Wallatt was a ju jitsu instructor among his comrades during their confinement at the Durban Road Camp and did not speak English. 29 The judgment can be found on the website of the International Committee of the Red Cross at http://www.icrc.ch/ihl-nat.nsf/39 a82e2ca42b52974125673e00508144/eb7 1b7f31aaf3380c1256afb0036970d!Open Document, where the following summary is given: The appellants had been German prisoners of war detained in a camp in South Africa. They were convicted by the trial judge for the murder of another prisoner of war suspected of spying. The homicide had been ordered by a German officer hiding in the prisoner-of-war camp. Superior orders and compulsion were cited on appeal but the appeal court rejected both. Superior orders had been rejected by the trial judge as a defence on the grounds that the order was manifestly illegal and thus offered no excuse. The appeal court held that the superior orders defence would not have been available even if the order had not been obviously illegal. The accused were not legally bound to obey the orders of the German officer, since the officer had no authority to give orders under South African law, which was applicable under the circumstances. Under Article 45 of the 1929 Geneva Convention relative to the treatment of prisoners of war, prisoners are subject to the laws, regulations and orders in force in the armed forces of the detaining power. The defence of compulsion was rejected since the killing of an innocent person is never legally justifiable by compulsion or necessity under South African law. 30 There were other escapes by Germans from the Durban Road camp. For example, there (are) thick files on a prisoner shot and seriously wounded at Pietermaritzburg on 5 May 1943. The man had gone too close to the fence to see (Vichy French) IndoChinese prisoners in the next compound and had not retreated when ordered to do so by the sentry. Evidence in favour of the sentry had been given by the then camp leader, Bekker, and no further action was taken. The following month another prisoner was shot trying to escape from a train at Booth Junction, en route from Mkondeni to Durban. Moore, p.83.
2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13
14 15
16 17
18
19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26
84
I see you Two marches and the fall of a Champion
The I See You I See You with that verbal transcription, tens of thousands of black people in South Africa cheered themselves up, in the late 1920s, with the moralelifting sensation that the first black trade union in the world for that is how the Industrial and Commercial Union styled itself regarded them with a supportive eye, an eye that could outstare the white establishment that reigned in South Africa. The rise and fall of the ICU, especially in its more successful years between 1925 and 1930, has been thoroughly documented. In a post struggle climate, however, where South African history is no longer afflicted by a simplistic black/white polemic, we are at liberty to ask why the ICU ever existed at all, why it was allowed to get
away with its political truculence and could march through the streets with a protective police presence, reassured that the Supreme Court was its most obvious ally. The thesis I imply in this essay is that it was only because, in the 1920s, white hegemony was not behaving as a hegemony at all, that the ICU got its lease of life. What often appears in a liberation history of South Africa as a black/white chess game fielded, in those years, a self-confrontation within the white electorate itself, something like the legalised class war that was typical of much of the industrial world. The chess game (to use that metaphor) was being played within the white camp, but while it lasted it
85
Natalia 40 (2010), W.H. Bizley pp. 85 109 Natalia 40 (2010) Copyright Natal Society Foundation 2010
I See You Two Marches and the Fall of a Champion gave the black ICU its opportunity. In the two Natal confrontations that this essay deals with the one occurring in Pietermaritzburg in 1928 and the other in Durban in 1929 the white belligerents certainly identified the ICU as their opponent, but to their surprise their own society did not close ranks with them. Many of them were taught to believe that a white government might simply dispense with the ICU by a riotous assemblies act or some such legal proscription. In the event it was as was spelt out to them by a state-appointed judge after the Durban encounter not the natives who were solely or even primarily to blame1 but their own premature response to a legal strike. It is certainly not my purpose to idealise the nationalist socialist or Pact government of General Hertzog the coalition, that is, that ousted Smuts South African Party in 1924. I will make the case, however, that this unwieldy alliance gave the ICU a few years of quite exceptional legal success and public pre-eminence. It was a success story that could only last while Hertzog understood nationalism and socialism to be amenable to a mutual enterprise, being as yet innocent of the national socialism that, in the 1930s, began ominously to take the worlds stage. The ICU was the brainchild of Cape Town businessman, English-born Walter Batty a small retailer and factory owner who combined a trades union ideal with a businessmans pragmatism. The coloured union he founded might not have reached beyond the Cape if he had not teamed up with one of the most flamboyant and gifted visitors that South Africa ever gained from black Africa, the
86
articulate, politically attuned Clements Kadalie, who arrived from Nyasaland to nurture his talents in Johannesburg.2 Given the small beginnings of the ICU, its leaders probably never conceived that their platform was to find such a willing audience, and that not only in the cities but in a large swathe of the rural interior. If one reads reports of the first ICU meetings one must surely credit the mercurial Kadalie with the genius of the thing, the ability to voice a working-class affront to capitalist self-righteousness, and sound the persecuted tones of negritude. The ICU demagogues knew how to pitch their message just short of advocating direct insurrection and to thrill their listeners with a hyperbolic style that caused maximum irritation to the old caste of bosses. Although the small all-white South African Labour Party in its variation under Col F.H.P. Creswell was, in coalition with the Nationalist Party, the subject of almost amused derision in the liberal press, the alliance did have the effect of ensuring that workers rights, and even an incipient trade union presence, was part of the discourse of the day. The black ICU discovered that it could make use of that reluctant sensitivity. One has to ask how the rhetorical stance of the ICU, its admixture of outrageous defiance and super-subtle legal wrangling, could ever have continued without the precedent and the licence given it by the labour rump in Hertzogs government. One has to imagine back to 1925, imagine back to the condition in which an ultra-small, educated black elite spoke to the amazement of white observers, and the glee of a largely illiterate black audience for a constituency that was supposed not to
I See You Two Marches and the Fall of a Champion exist. The nationalist, socialist alliance provided the legal umbrage that enabled Sam Dunn, ICU secretary in Natal, to claim: We have the honour to be the only Native Workers Union in the world which belongs to trade unions 3 It was not always to be this way, of course. But while this strange licence prevailed, the ICU grew like wildfire, striking a rhetorical note that had never been heard before on the South African stage. Clements Kadalie was the unmatched master at touching this nerve-centre. Says one witness: We would all flock to Kroonstad anxious to hear Kadalie insulting the whites and promising us liberation from their oppression As he strode up and down on a table, wagon or cart, he would on occasion build up to his climax by successively tearing off his coat, waistcoat, collar, and finally his tie. The illiterate poor could not have missed the social meaning of this charade In Natal, however, the big forceful A.W.G. Champion enjoyed joyous welcomes. Oh, speak, dense forest Hurrah; speak, dense forest, shouted Durban crowds, using his praise name Mahlathi Mnyama 4 Helen Bradford contrasts the crowd appeal of the ICU with the dull and moderate Congress speeches that were the style of the older organisation. The question arises: Would the ICU have scored its successes in the late twenties under a Smuts government as it did under the Pact government of Hertzog? Let not the subsequent prestige of the beloved general and the author of Holism deflect our recognition that the SAP government of 1924 was a Randlords edifice, putting down strikes, black and white alike, with brutal efficiency. It was the reaction to Smutss 1924
A.W.G. Champion photographed in old age in the 1970s.

(Photo: University of Natal Press)
policy that gained so much poor white and proletarian support for the alliance of nationalism and socialism in Hertzogs coalition. Hertzog had to respect his labour bench, even if he must put the near-eccentric Walter Madeley in as Minister of Posts and Telegraphs, and allow a black trade union to operate within the legal scope of the country. In these years even that most traditional white political voice, that of farmers from the heartland, found itself reprimanded by the Supreme Court, while the ICU was allowed to parade in Cape Town and present petitions to the Minister of Justice. Of course, the protection offered by the Pact government would only last on sufferance after the swart gevaar election of 1929, Hertzog could see (like a certain world-famous politician coming to public notice in 1930) that it was not so much socialism as nationalism, racially defined, that could unite the
87
I See You Two Marches and the Fall of a Champion proletariat and the poorer middle class without the tiresome mediation of parliamentary procedures. Something of the flavour of an ICU meeting, and the rapport that operated between the Unions spokesmen and their audience, can be gauged from a verbatim Natal Witness report.5 Here for instance is an account of an ICU gathering at the Indian football ground in Dundee in July 1927, attended by some 4 000 labourers and miners. The reporter soon picked up the apocalyptic note that the ICU never hesitated to strike, especially when it was touting for membership. Take out your red money, said the opening speaker (referring to the two shilling membership fee) and we will fight your battles for you Join the ICU and you will see a new heaven and a new earth During the meeting, says the report, Champion and his clerk were busy issuing the red tickets, and after the meeting there were hundreds of natives waiting to join Towards their largely illiterate audience, ICU speakers were not squeamish about defining their educational status. Kadalie instructed one Natal meeting (playing on the word sticks) Do not hit the white people with your sticks; that is only for savages. People with brains fight with statistics, so fight, my people, with statistics.6 In the same way Sam Dunn, the ICUs Natal secretary, speaks as much down to his audience as up to it:
At the present time you are fools. You go to a beer drink and a tribal fight starts, and you all join in and fight among yourselves, and the only people who benefit are the white men
soon come a revelatory note: You must listen carefully with your ears. The ICU has come. God made South Africa for the coloureds God was on their side, but in 1920s South Africa it was well to be clear what secular authority gave the ICU its licence:
We are all Britishers born under the Union Jack, and only ask for fair treatment. The fate of the Africans is being discussed in high places by the two dominant races, while we, the people to whom Africa belongs, have no say in the matter at all
Given the secular umbrage of the Union Jack, ex-serviceman Dunn affords himself a swipe at the Hertzog government. In Parliament today, he tells his audience, obviously excited by the sheer temerity of the speaker, there are people whom I have chased on the mountains for trying to disintegrate the British Empire The power-base being thus accounted for, what comes through thereafter is the note of common negritude, the fate of being perpetually misunderstood, written off as the poor of the earth. Membership of the ICU takes on gospel overtones, blending the biblical and the domestic:
All we want is fair play. God help me, as I hope He will help you. You must not be afraid of the ICU. Pay your red money and let us fight for you we will buy farms for you and make pretty little villages like Dundee for you to live in
The audience obviously enjoys this harangue since it knows that there will
88
When Champion himself takes the stand, we might ask whether a Garvey or a Booker Washington had the pithiness of utterance that he could muster. Alison Wessels George Champion was pure Zulu, but was adopted and named
I See You Two Marches and the Fall of a Champion by missionaries from the American Mission. In that tradition his message has a parable-like simplicity:
If you tie a dog up and instruct your wife not to feed it, when it breaks its string it will be bound to steal because it is hungry. And that is the case with the native
Thus could ex-policeman, ex-detective Champion combine the insight of a politician with the pungency of a preacher. An ICU demagogue had to be careful, however, that his fervour squared with the practical realities of the 1920s. We are today the enemies of the white people, he tells his audience, but some day we will be good friends Dont fight the white man or they will only wipe you out. I respect the white man and expect you to do the same Champions listeners would have the wit, of course, to spot the diplomacy that was required of him. As he said: you buy a penny paper tomorrow morning and carefully read it and see what they say about this meeting. When you read it you wont believe that it was I who was speaking As a matter of fact, a good deal of white society at this time did not believe that a class of blacks even existed who might buy a penny paper tomorrow. Probably 80% of workers, says an anti-ICU editorial in a 1927 Mercury, have not the slightest intention of abandoning their tribal ties. Though a certain number of the more advanced Natives would like to play with the toys of democracy, including ballot boxes and trade unions, it is plain they are wholly foreign to the minds of the overwhelming majority of the Natives 7 The ICU, says the article, may have dissociated itself from Communist doctrines but that would make little
difference to unlettered Natives who still ascribe to witchcraft many of the more common natural phenomena 8 The Natal Witness opposes its rival. It maintains that no body such as the ICU could possibly grow up without an accompaniment of a good deal of occasional hot-headed talk. That must not prevent the reader from squarely facing the fact that Native Trade Unionism represents one aspect of a tide of social tendency which he has no power either to reverse or to arrest. It is a matter in which the fundamental initiative rests with the native, and none can take it from him. The ICU, says the paper, is a natural and inevitable outgrowth from the times in which we live9 Who got here first? God may give Africa to the Africans, but the Union Jack was the statutory referee when it came to arguing ones rights to the land. To return to our sample for a moment the ICU meeting in Dundee, July 1927. The unlettered audience was literate enough to grasp Champions ironic nudge at coloured Mr Dunns slightly soiled licence to be an ICU official. Champion teases Dunn when he congratulates him on his sacrifice in joining a black trade union, especially since, in 1906, he had fought for the British against his own people There is quite a buried history in this platform exchange. It was a typical ICU gambit to list for its audience its succession of legal victories. Time and again the ICUs counsel, the firm Cowley and Cowley in Durban, had successfully defied evictions of black families by recourse to the Supreme Court. Perhaps the most notable of
89
I See You Two Marches and the Fall of a Champion these triumphs concerned the Dunn family and the Dunn reserve north of Durban, and was cited by the ICU as a major interdict, preventing coloured landlords from illicitly evicting African tenants 10 Champions irony here goes a long way to exhibiting why the ICU so got under the skin of white Natalians, and rattled the nerves of what we might call, in a political context, primogeniture. A trade union of the time might have learned the rhetorical ruse from the 1926 General Strike in Britain of pronouncing the caste of bosses to exist only by luck of inheritance. Take away that chance advantage, and workers had every right to step in and seize the means of production. If one transferred this logic to Africa, it was an easy step to label whites as exploitative visitors who might be dispensed with in due course. There was a complication in this argument, however. A slogan of the order Africa for the Africans did not suit ICU strategy, since its back to roots implication threatened to tie it to tribal (or shall we say feudal) origins. City workers did not want to go back to tribal Africa. If anything the back to roots sentiment suited the managerial class that would like to have labour on a temporary basis and send it back to hearth and home when its usefulness was over. The two confrontations we discuss in this article came at a time when the workforce needed, with increasing urgency, some sort of residential status, whether on the land or in the town. Durban might pride itself on its hygienic canteens and its inexpensive barracks, but what if its much-vaunted System ensured that workers must never think of the city as a place of
90
belonging? At the De Waal Enquiry after the 1929 riot Champion made his position clear. In Durban, he said, provision is made for the kraal native, and the educated native has to go back to his kraal to have his grievances expressed through his chief These chiefs know nothing about town life and are not interested in its problems 11 As in the town so in the country. One might not think of the pastoral landscape of the Umvoti as signalling an industrial age, but the change of technique in the processing of leather had, in fact, required a productionline cultivation of wattle trees. The discovery that wattle bark extract was more effective for tanning than the Argentinian quebracho brought heavy industry to the hills of Natal.12 In the Umvoti this might mean economic salvation for white farmers, but for black labourers it spelt a severe social disarray. One thinks of the 18th century enclosures in Britain when landlords swept away the feudal network and the value of land became more and more determined by factory demands. Helen Bradford shows that by 1927 mature wattle had doubled land values in the Umvoti district. The painful social consequence was spelt out by the Chief Native Commissioner. Slowmaturing crops were rendering the presence of labour tenants superfluous; indeed, every acre of land they occupy is of more value to the farmer than their labour 13 This development brought about a sort of inversion of legal intention, an alteration that the ICU was quick to take advantage of. The 1913 Land Act was originally promulgated to the advantage of farmers and was meant to instil a feudal dispensation
I See You Two Marches and the Fall of a Champion where only a delimited serfdom had residential rights. But, with the coming of conveyor-belt industry, the 1913 Act turned on its beneficiaries, and often protected the serfs rather than the bosses. Wattle-growers might well have more use for thirty day ticket labour from Pondoland or Lesotho than for those ancient retainers whose rights were entrenched by the 1913 Act. What could the farmer do to rid himself of the structures and appendages of the labour system of a previous dispensation? The Natal Agricultural Union recommended a similar tactic to that of the Durban Native Affairs Department: unwanted retainers should be consigned back to the never-never land of tribal affiliation. Eviction was the slogan word of the hour. It became obvious, however, as the twenties progressed, that the bosses were not going to have it all their own way. Farmers found to their dismay that their eviction orders were challenged, and that the ICU was instrumental in the challenging. It says much about the times that the NAU advised its members to take their cases to the Native High Court and not to the Supreme Court. The Supreme Court played by the new rules, and in the ethos of workers rights was apt to give the ICU more successes to chalk up on its list of legal victories. The Native High Court, on the other hand, could be trusted to revert to ancient practice, and insist that kraal heads had complete control of and contract for the unmarried inmates of their kraals 14 a technicality that could keep the whole labour force in thrall to the chiefs. Given the Unions successes, one is hardly surprised that the Umvoti ICU received massive support, and that its membership reached an alleged 16 000 in early 1928. (The historian has to filter some very different perspectives on the success of the ICU in the Umvoti in these years. In Kadalies rendering, incensed European farmers refused to have tenants who were members of the ICU (and) smelled them out, felling their huts to the ground, burning others, and throwing tenants on to the roads 15 His claim, however, that membership funds dropped markedly does not seem to square with an alternative perspective in which farmers felt themselves almost persecuted by the lack of sympathy from the Pact government. The ICU had some foundation for boasting that when the white man evicts you you should come and join. We shall give you the law which prohibits the white man from evicting you 16 For those of us brought up in the apartheid era, it seems remarkable that farmers were not immediately assured that the state was on their side. As Bradford says, farmers were outraged by the ICUs partial success in transforming the law from a weapon against servants to an instrument of their defence 17 The statistic that 160 ejectment orders were granted in 1927 surprises more by its modesty than its excess, making it credible that the 16 000 ICU members had a point. Given the constitutional recourse that the ICU enjoyed in those years, we can continue with our enquiry as to whether Hertzogs Pact government gave the ICU more legal umbrage than might a Smuts-led SAP government. The historian who tries to imbibe the mood of the time has to deal, sooner or later, with the conundrum that the segregationist programme of the Hertzog government could be
91
I See You Two Marches and the Fall of a Champion seen to offer more Lebensraum to Natals blacks than the free market economics of the South African Party. Segregation, in that context, might be held to oppose the anti-interventionist outcry of the Natal Agricultural Union, with its dictum Not another acre of land for natives in Natal. The word segregation, we must conjecture, did different work, in 1929, from what it did later in the century. Paging through the newspapers, one comes upon a context where segregation is actually feared by whites because it will give land to Africans outside the supply and demand capacity of the province. Thus a Mercury article of April 1927: The Hertzog government realises that there is a need to increase reserve and location area but is in danger of bringing about hard and fast segregation 18 Why is segregation a danger? Not because it disadvantages the natives, but because it disadvantages the farmer! Farmers, says the article, must be able to sell off lands without loss The paradox that segregation, in a 1920s context, might have a humanistic phase, is exemplified in a letter published some weeks before the desecration of graves at Greytown. It comes from a Mr C.E. Hancock of Ixopo:
Few people realise the wakening that has taken place among the natives during the last ten years or so. They are fencing their gardens, buying fertilisers, using planters and cultivators for their crops, planting fruit trees, building better houses in some cases with verandahs and having a flower garden in front evidence of the rapid germination of a spirit of uplift, which, of course, is all to the good 19
a political redistribution is needed to give black aspiration a fair chance. The author braves the verdict that everyone who favours segregation in land ownership is an unpatriotic negrophilist Eighty years and a tide of human experience later we will hardly equate segregation with a negrophilist attitude (the term would probably be rephrased today in the language of affirmative action or compensation for historic disadvantage.) One thinks of Natals Edgar Brookes, one day to be chairman of the Liberal Party, who, in the early twenties, was a zealous Hertzogite, preaching the segregationist cause on humanistic and compensatory grounds. Needless to say his Christian humanism led him to revoke in the late twenties (and especially at a celebrated SCA conference at Fort Hare in 1930) his old approach.20 The Desecration of the Graves Segregation might be one way of confronting the mindset implicit in the phrase Not another acre of land for natives in Natal. But a more anarchic method was that of Zabloni Gwaza who, on the night of 1 March, 1928, turned eviction on its head and, by the systematic destruction of tombstones in the white cemetery at Greytown, offended to the very quick the sentiment of lineage.21 The wreckage of three quarters of the towns graves touched some of the rawest psychic nerves that a communal identity might sustain. One might say that Zablonis hours of smashing graves, some of which had lasted 50 years, had a sort of perverse genius in attacking the roots of clan memory and historic belonging. Police dogs rapidly tracked down the perpetrator, and when he became identified as a sometime secretary for the ICU, the equation of the desecration
Today this letter must have something of a curiosity status, since it believes that segregation a state intervention,
92
I See You Two Marches and the Fall of a Champion with the work of the ICU seemed irresistible. Reporters who rushed from Maritzburg (and got there faster, by the way, than the flying squad, whose train became derailed at Seven Oaks) gained memorable images of a womenfolk weeping amongst crumbled masonry, and a menfolk besieging the ICU offices, strewing papers and furniture before setting them alight. Even the sober Justice of the Peace, Mr Tatham, had no doubt that they were faced with a black conspiracy. There was not a black person or office in the location who was not aware of what was going to happen. The ICU had been extremely active 22 In the subsequent reports on Greytowns white reaction, there is an oscillation between sincere sympathy for a community in shock and a nationwide censure of the lynching frenzy that now seized its younger representatives. Farmers obviously believed that they had ample right, at last, to avenge themselves on the hated ICU. No-one stopped to ask whether the perpetrator was actually employed by the ICU or had put into effect an ICU initiative. Five car-loads of men, after homing in on and wrecking the local ICU office, proceeded to chase the secretary who was reported to be hiding in a nearby field of mealies. He was eventually found and severely thrashed The self-generated commando then headed off for the office at Krantzkop and set it alight, all Krantzkop turning out to watch the blaze. To more dispassionate observers it soon became obvious that the local ICU was as amazed and as shocked as anyone. The committee in Greytown was quick to respond, and joined the community, it said, in condemnation of this most wanton, wicked and dastardly action. In Pietermaritzburg, the secretary of the ICU went out of his way to prevent an anti-white reaction:
I shall impress on the natives, when I address them, that they must treat this outburst against the ICU as a purely Greytown affair, and not a general attitude of Europeans to the ICU we reverence the dead [the desecration] is merely the act of madmen 23
(This somewhat benign estimate of the general attitude of Europeans was perhaps caused by the recent invitation to three ICU members to join the Maritzburg Native Welfare Society. We do not, of course, countenance a certain amount of their propaganda, said chairman Major Tomlinson, but we have the intention of becoming acquainted with their aims and objects 24) The desecration of graves, said a Witness editorial was so disgusting and so deliberately provocative an act that it was easy to understand, if not to excuse, the reaction which it produced Unfortunately it appears that there is a gang in Greytown which is still anxious to substitute lynch law for the law of the land.25 Natals newsreading public would certainly know how unenviable was a reputation for being a lynching state. As recently as March 1927 the Mercury reported some 80 church congregations in Georgia reprimanding the Governor for not standing up to the Klu (sic) Klux Klan 26 The activities of the KKK certainly came to mind when, on 3 March, Maritzburg saw scenes that might be filmed in the garish colours of Mississippi Burning. A throng gathered at the ICU offices when it became known that a contingent of young men from Greytown and district
93
I See You Two Marches and the Fall of a Champion motored to the city with the intention of raiding the ICU offices
At 10 pm crowds were seen moving from both sides of Church Street, and the glare of a fleet of motor cars illuminated the whole area. As the crowd collected in front of the building about 60 uniformed policemen, under the command of Sub-Inspector Slater, marched briskly from Scott Street and were just in time to prevent the crowd from rushing the building. It was a case of touch-and-go Slater ordered the crowd to stand back 27 us, there should be anyone misguided enough to try and introduce it. 29
It was indeed touch and go, not just as regards the behaviour of a crowd but as regards the reputation of a city. Fortunately Inspector Slater and his men were not intimidated by the milling throng, which increased to about a thousand. It is not fair to judge the ICU he said, without a trial. We are here to protect this building and we mean to protect it The disappointed crowd amused itself by singing Tipperary and various patriotic songs. It was midnight before they dispersed. Gradually there emerged a more complete picture of what had actually happened at Greytown. The Commissioner of Police warned that persons having nothing whatever to do with this vandalism have been unlawfully interfered with and their property destroyed 28 The Natal Witness waded in with the decent view a little comfortably Anglo Saxon perhaps:
South Africa, considering its history, its dependence on mining, its very mixed population, and its intensely complicated colour problem, has not had too bad a record in the past. Lynch law has never got a footing here, and it is intolerable that at this time of day, with the appalling example of the Southern States of America before 94
The paper reminded its readers that, although the ICU might have a great many foolish and mischievous utterances to its credit, it is not an illegal organisation engaged in a criminal conspiracy The hard core of Umvoti opinion, however, was not placated by this reasoning (encouraged, perhaps, by a Mercury leader which observed the privileged heartlessness of those who preached at Greytown from a distance.) On 7 March came the announcement of the formation in Greytown of an anti-ICU party whose first mission would be a tour of the province exhibiting photographs of the desecrated cemetery. The vein of outrage and sympathy being strong in rural Natal, it came as a shock to this group to find that the public did not close ranks with them. In the words of the Cape Times:
Nothing is easier than to share Greytowns indignation at an act of mischievous sacrilege. It is easy, too, to sympathise with Greytowns uneasiness at the scatter-brained violence of much latter-day ICU propaganda But with Greytowns practical reactions to that indignation and uneasiness it is impossible to have any sympathy 30
The Witness supported this view, announcing that in accordance with the attitude adopted by this paper it would refuse the application for advertising space of the Umvoti organisation. Natal must not have its relations with the Natives regulated, it said, by a crowd of irresponsibles from a country dorp (Growled a Greytown farmer in response: even if the ICU an organisation run by black
I See You Two Marches and the Fall of a Champion importations was not responsible for the desecration, it is their preaching that has inflamed the passions of the natives round here ) Came 3 April 1928 and a headline that announced a Trial of Vigilantes, namely those charged with burning the ICU offices. It was not difficult for the public prosecutor to prove that Zabuloni was a one-man show. He had been dismissed by the ICU in 1927 and since August of that year had had nothing to do with the organisation. More than that, where there had been small-scale acts of desecration prior to the Zabuloni affair, ICU officials had urged its members to assist the police in tracking the perpetrators of previous outrages. One witness a farmer who had given Zabuloni lodging a few nights before the desecration said that the defendant told him he was anxious to start a revolt against the ICU to which he had previously belonged. The magistrate confirmed that there was no proof that the ICU was at the back of the affair. The fines of 2 each that he laid on the Greytown men gave Clements Kadalie occasion for some choice sarcasm at the next ICU Congress. People were flocking to their banner everywhere. But what did they find? Their offices in Natal were burned down and the hooligans who did that were fined only 2 each 31 (Kadalies grouse might be just, but his autobiography does not mention the desecration that triggered the incident.) Champion and Kadalie: The Split in the ICU The ICU might have come through the desecration episode feeling the tide of history to be well on its side. It had been emphatically and publicly exonerated; it had seen the Pact government using all its resources to protect not a venerated white agrarian community but, if anything, to render the Umvoti farmers the moral offender. Why, then, might one or two cracks in the ICU edifice already be evident, spelling the possibility that the 1927 Congress in Durban marked the zenith of its strength and popularity? With a membership of 26 000 in Durban alone, and with an impressive catalogue of Supreme Court triumphs to its credit, its leaders could afford to mock Durbans mayor for not opening the proceedings (he said it was because of the Unions inflammatory agenda.) Mayor Buzzards absence provoked some choice sarcasm on the part of the ICU demagogues who thrilled their worker audience with an invective they did not usually dare utter:
As long as the worker was content to remain a slave, said R.G.de Norman, the Mayor was content. But when the worker said he wanted more money then he was a bad boy (Laughter and applause). The Europeans at the Cape were far more broadminded than the Europeans of this part of South Africa. (Hear, hear) In Cape Town the ICU had got the support of the mayor and police He recalled the incident when the ICU had marched to present a resolution to Parliament, and the police saw that no-one interfered with them 32
Whether Durban was broadminded or not, it seems remarkable to anyone brought up in the apartheid era that Champions ICU could march along its streets in red uniforms to the tunes of whistles and drums and not be subject to state interference. By the end of 1927 the Durban branch of the ICU could list a whole
95
I See You Two Marches and the Fall of a Champion catalogue of court-room successes modifications in the pass law, in the renting of rooms, in small-trading by-laws such that A.F. Batty could open a factory in Durban on cooperative lines. Perhaps the most dramatic success was the repeal of the dipping requirement for those who entered Durban to seek work. The municipality still convinced that it ran the model system for the whole country demanded a de-lousing rite to stop the spread of typhus. In vain did Mr C.F. Layman, Durbans Native Affairs Manager, plead the councils good intentions and offer himself for de-lousing. The Supreme Court backed the ICU, and the demeaning procedure was brought to a stop.33 As one might expect, it was the Durban ICU, the largest and most financially buoyant of the Unions branches, that first exposed cracks in the organisation at leadership level. One must remember that the potentates of the ICU they who pitched up at meetings on far-off soccer-fields in their Buicks and Pontiacs were in those years at the helm of an organisation of unprecedented wealth and notability. At the end of 1927 Natal secretary Sam Dunn was found guilty of embezzlement of ICU funds. When the spotlight turned on Champion himself, however, he not only denied the charge but sued his accusers for defamation. He lost his case, not because of any misappropriation of funds but because the Durban ICU could posit no auditors report to substantiate his claim. Meanwhile, at the end of 1927, Kadalie set off for Geneva with the kudos of being perhaps the first black speaker ever invited to address the International Labour Organisation. He
96
was lionised in Switzerland and hosted at many a Fabian and liberal-socialist forum in Britain. In terms of the history of the ICU, however, he paid a price for becoming the darling of the hour. Being impressed with the restraining tactics of trade unionism (which, after all, did now have a Labour victory in sight) he sought to make the ICU politically respectable. (Back in South Africa his ICU audience teased him with the dictum that he went overseas a black man, and returned a white man.) Hearkening especially to his white Johannesburg supporters, he secured the appointment of William Ballinger, a decent but dour Scots trade unionist, as the new ICU secretary. It was while Kadalie was away and Champion temporarily took charge in Johannesburg that major dissension broke out in the ranks. Champion won no friends in an atmosphere removed from Natal. He was accused of mishandling funds, but in a context that suggested that headquarters was uncomfortable with his Zulu style of leadership.34 The chorus of opposition became shrill, and in November Kadalie had to come rushing back from the adulatory atmosphere he basked in in Europe. He managed to keep tempers down and hoped that the 1928 Bloemfontein Congress would paper over the cracks. A sort of love-hate oscillation between Champion and Kadalie is palpable in the latters memoir. As a Zulu he says, Champion liked power, but without him Natal could never have taken a leading part in the affairs of the ICU 35 He recalls the first time they ever travelled together on the countrys crack train, The Union Limited. In these matters the Hertzog administration put on its best front.
I See You Two Marches and the Fall of a Champion The railway authorities took special trouble to see that I was accommodated as comfortably as possible on the trains whenever I travelled. One must remember that, in the late twenties, an elegant black traveller would have been an exotic of the order of, say, Duke Ellington travelling on The Twentieth Century Limited. When the two of them travelled together it seems that the railway authorities did not appreciate Champions Zulu sensitivity. The notice card on the compartment window read Mr Clements Kadalie and his private secretary. Champion did not approve of the description 36 At the Bloemfontein conference Kadalie struggled hard to soothe anti-Champion feeling and stalled an actual proscription of Champion by promising a commission of enquiry into the finances of the Durban office. He did not anticipate that when delegates returned to their respective constituencies it would be maliciously reported in Natal that I alone had dismissed him, which was absurd. Absurd perhaps, but Durban was the stronghold for the union and Kadalie realised that he must travel down to Natal and explain to the restless Durban branch why Champion had been suspended.37 The next event is surely a red-letter episode in Natals history, leading to the dismemberment of what might have been, in 1928, the worlds largest back trade union. Kadalie set off by car for Durban but, because of heavy rains and bad roads, decided to stay overnight in Maritzburg, oblivious of the angry audience that awaited him at Durban headquarters. When that gathering heard of his delay they sent a well-organised, quasi-military mob to Pietermaritzburg at midnight to fetch me into Durban by force Kadalie is, of course, inclined to call any partisan group a mob, but he does recall that it was in this case accompanied by a white detective, head constable Arnold, who turned out to be perhaps the most intriguing character in the sequence of events. Did he represent the Durban Borough Police, or the CID, or even Champion himself who, at this point, was not in Natal? To continue with Kadalies narrative:
On arrival at Durban at about 2 am I was rushed on to the platform in the ICU hall, and I was jeered to scorn by the meeting of over a thousand people, while other soldier members threatened to strike me violently. I was ordered by an angry chairman to explain to the meeting why I had dismissed Champion 38
The mood of the audience would certainly have confirmed for the international trade unionists in the ICU that their brother socialists in Durban were nationalist in effect. According to a Natal Witness report, shouts of We love Champion. We want him back, rent the air. And of Kadalie the call was: Deport him. He belongs to Namaqualand 39 Now came the moment when detective Arnold, having been a cohort of the ambushing party, became the lone ally of its victim. Recalls Kadalie: One of the illegal soldiers rushed forward with an instrument aimed at my forehead, but the detective drew his revolver just in time and prevented the man from attempting a perhaps fatal blow. The detective whisked him away on the half-promise that Kadalie would return next night and complete the proceedings.
97
I See You Two Marches and the Fall of a Champion If a novel were to be written on the convolutions of power and the psychology of infiltration, one might well cite the words of the ICU leader: I must put on record that Arnold alone of those present interfered in order to protect me from the mob Was Kadalie ever to know that Arnold turned out to be a chief architect of the reformed Natal ICU (the ICU Ya Se) and had more than a hand in writing its constitution? William Ballinger was to reveal, at the De Waal Enquiry a year later, that Sergeant Arnold claimed to be the author of the present rules, and has acted with the idea of splitting the organisation 40 The Durban meeting broke up with the fate of the ICU in the balance. The Natal Witness gave a somewhat flowery summation:
As the members left the hall, the stars were already paling with the dawn and many natives who had waited up all night went directly to work from the meeting It is felt among the natives that if Champion is not immediately brought back there will be a serious split in the Union.41
unifying the African proletariat was now to suffer partial dismemberment 43 The Beer Boycott: Class Division in the Working Class There were, of course, other forces than those internal to the ICU that wrested from it the provenance that gave it its golden years. The Pact that kept Hertzogs nationalist government mindful of its socialist good manners was becoming more tenuous by the day. Walter Madeley, the Minister of Posts and Telegraphs who was fired by Hertzog because he promised his workers 8/- a day, told his Greyville supporters in May 1929 that the Labour Party had entered the Cabinet and gained no benefit whatever. Labour sank its principles and got lost in a welter of political filth. (Uproar, followed by a disturbance at the back of the hall.)44 In this climate, Kadalie and Champion must have realised that the technique of taunting white middle class sensibility was becoming counter-productive. Kadalie might acclaim Hertzog as one of the most deceitful people God ever created45; the fact was that Hertzog knew how to turn such a harangue to his own account and, in the build-up to the election, use it for his own gain. He would tell his miner audiences on the Rand that the tendency among the natives today was to try and get South Africa to be a tremendous native state Do not make a mistake. That is the ideal in the mind of nearly all the natives, whether agitators or not 46 Thus did the discourse of the 1920s degenerate through the Great Depression to the much less tolerant discourse of the 1930s. Champion was under pressure to prove that the split in the ICU had not damaged his cause and that the
Kadalie did not brave the wrath of another meeting, and the split that would forever dismember the ICU became unavoidable. The Durban committee condemned the mean and cowardly attempt of Comrade Kadalie to avoid meeting the members of this branch and expresses its disgust at his running away from tonights adjourned meeting 42 The outcome is summed up in Kadalies memoir: Immediately on my return to Johannesburg the secession of Natal from the main body was dramatically proclaimed by Champion This was the turning-point for the ICU, says Kadalie, and its noble work of
98
I See You Two Marches and the Fall of a Champion Natal ICU Ya Se was a force to be reckoned with, especially now that white nationalism was beginning to take on the racial overtones that would be familiar in the 1930s. There was violence in the air, both on the national and international scale. Pre-election heckling on the reef degenerated to fisticuffs, Marwick of the SAP let loose physically at Labours Thomas Boydell, the international press reported riots in Berlin with 25 dead, and gangster Al Capone controlled Chicagos city council. How could Champion find a cause celbre that would unite his followers, disconcert smug officials, and yet at the same time demonstrate the discipline of a common sacrifice in the manner of Gandhi? A spontaneous boycott of municipal beerhalls by the Point dockworkers gave him his opportunity. In his memoir Champion maintains that when he was first invited to a meeting organised by the stevedores, crowds gathered around his car but he did not side with their vote. I did not agree to a strike. I said it was not usual to go on strike if they had had not quarrelled with their employers 47 Non beerdrinking Champion obviously wanted to fight a more idealistic battle than that which pertained to brewers licences, and he hesitated before deciding to take up the beer grievance. His mistake was, as it proved, that he took up the grievance in the language of prohibition rather than the language of protest. The beer halls put temptation in their way, he said of the workers, resulting in the squandering their wages 48 True enough but too respectable an agenda for dock-siders spoiling for a fight. In a giveaway formulation, he recalls that he decided to support the boycott when he realised that uneducated supervisors (referring to Makati, the municipal appointee) were placed in authority over people like himself. Makati was not educated, yet he supervised people with more education 49 Champions hesitation goes some way to explaining one of the most jarring and sudden turnabouts in ICU history, and the incident that permanently damaged his status as a liberation hero. Why did Wessel Albert George Champion, undisputed leader of the independent Natal ICU, give all his prestige and unifying endorsement to the beer boycott one day, and then side with the Borough Police and the forces of white civil order the next? We perhaps stretch a paradox too far if we argue that Champion, Durbans most noted leader of its black proletariat, espoused the boycott for middle class reasons. Back in 1928 at his defamation trial Judge Tatham had called Mr Champion a remarkable person but noted that he was at once Secretary for a Workers Union and also Managing Director of a Limited Liability Company carrying on a shoe business as well as an eating-house 50 These burgherly pursuits were legal in themselves in the 1920s (that is, not yet threatened by a colour bar). What Champion wanted was middle class permanence in the very city whose Chief of Native Affairs had ordered him out of his office and told him never to come back 51 The beer boycott must prove, then, not so much that workers should have rights to the brewing and selling of beer, but that blacks in Durban should have a location subject to their own governance, wherein (so far as access to liquor was concerned)
99
I See You Two Marches and the Fall of a Champion parents would be able to control their children.52 This motivation for a residential and familial enclave was, of course, several steps removed from the outcry of the dockers, who simply wanted their shebeens not to be closed and not be subject to Indian middlemen who would profit from their revenues. Durban was certainly not the only city where the morality of prohibition exacerbated the impasse on which Champion foundered. What might be acclaimed as state-enforced temperance on one hand proves to be an intolerable interference on the other, an invasion of domestic licence where, for example, women might have a decided grip on the economy. What is outlawed is the informal culture that gathers around a major city. In siding with temperance, middleclass, property-owning Champion lost sight of the spontaneous agitation whereby workers wanted to keep beer commerce for themselves in the greater city in which they actually lived. Street Confrontation: the Beer Riot Recognising that the boycott suited the mood of the hour, and that it might win considerable legal latitude for blacks in the borough, Champion not only put his weight behind it but tried to dictate the shape it should take. On Monday 17 June, the boycott now centred on and organised by the ICU started menacingly in the morning with ICU officials preventing workers from visiting municipal beerhalls or buying utshwala from Indian middlemen. What was supposed to be a picketing movement soon took on, however, the form of public harassment and street confrontation that Champion did not want. As he lost control of the forces he had unleashed he lost taste for the contest. By lunch100
time he seems to have done a complete volte face, with a rescinding of orders so dramatic that the evening press was to call it Champions surrender.53 At 3.00 pm he accompanied two senior policemen to the Point to announce to the stevedores that he was calling off the boycott. From that point on spontaneous strike action continued not because of Champion but despite him. At 5.00 pm a march of some 1 000 stevedores made its way through town to join the restless picketers, and the street patrol became a huge surge of 2 000 souls heading up Prince Albert Street to the city centre. The phalanx of workers was well disciplined; there was no looting. An incident occurred, however, that (as with the Greytown desecration) was a sufficient provocation for a white backlash. Apparently the workers army espied a black man on the pavement who had not supported the boycott and, chasing him, knocked over an elderly white man, Mr Kincaid of Windermere Road. Mr Kincaid was so badly felled that he later died of his injury. By the time the evening news was on the stands, it was generally understood that there was an impi at large in the streets and that a white man had possibly been killed. Such news was quite sufficient to bring out those who styled themselves vigilantes in full force. There now occurred what might well have been the biggest black/white street confrontation in South African history. The fact that vigilantes were seen disgorging from trucks in the area of Prince Albert Street shows that they were prepared for such an event. Brandishing firearms, they made no secret of their identity as a lynching mob. The police were too few and too helpless to control this eruption and
I See You Two Marches and the Fall of a Champion shots began to be fired. The sound of gunfire had the effect of stemming the first rush, and the phalanx fell back on the ICU buildings. The workers plucked up courage for another rush, and it was in confronting this second rush that gunshots became more than warning signals and the mele degenerated into a violent battle. Four deaths occurred of the 118 casualties treated at Addington hospital that night, 13 were whites.54 The gunfire did eventually stop the workers and the phalanx began to melt away. The police gained control, cordoning off the area around the ICU offices by 7.30 pm. Appeals to the vigilantes to disperse came from the chief magistrate and mayor A.H.J. Eaton, but they had little effect, one or two turning on the mayor and declaring that they wanted blood for blood. Eaton replied You cant do anything with your bare hands, and the reply came Yes we can with this, producing a revolver One newspaper report makes it clear, however, that it would take more than a street fracas to disrupt bourgeois Durban. Although the centre of operations was only a few yards away from the main thoroughfares, Durban proper went on its way in entire indifference Bioscopes were as popular as ever, and the trams continued to run. In fact, it was in distant Pietermaritzburg that a newsflash on cinema screens persuaded some of the citizenry to go home early.55 At 10.30 pm there were still 300 vigilantes present in ugly mood, and police had to remove ICU officials one by one to ensure their safety. (Champion himself was by this time ensconced in Edendale outside Pietermaritzburg.) Not until 1.00 am were the ICU buildings evacuated, the streets emptied, and the police dispersed. By Champions own request, the officer appointed to head the subsequent Enquiry into the riot must come from outside Natal. He declared himself satisfied when the Hertzog government appointed the Judge President of the Transvaal for the task. Judge De Waals subsequent Report, tabled on 6 August 1929,56 has usually been congratulated for its fair and square blaming of the white mob for the violence that transpired. The natives were not solely or even primarily to blame It is quite clear that not only was the civilian mob not asked to come to the assistance of the police, but that they were directly responsible for the events of the evening. His claim, however, that the Borough Police, re-inforced by the SAP, were fully competent to cope with any emergency smacks of special pleading. On the witness stand, Durbans chief of police by no means censured the vigilante mob. Although the aid of the civilians was not invoked, he said, it was exceedingly helpful.57 It certainly suited the general readers fancy to believe that Durbans police, armed only with pick handles, were able to handle the crisis, but some of the chiefs underlings were a little more candid than their boss. Thus Sergeant Clements not only saw other police using firearms, but used his own, a small calibre pistol which he used for destroying dogs Clements claimed that the advance of the native mob, with the natives crouching to the ground in typical Zulu war formation, seemed to him sufficiently dangerous to warrant his move 58 One suspects that if the De Waal report had been a
101
I See You Two Marches and the Fall of a Champion little more candid, and the myth of an unarmed police force put to rest, the next round of street violence in Durban in 1930 would not have required the assistance of teargas and state troopers. Another lacuna in the De Waal report regards the third and last incursion on the ICU buildings the day after the fight. The emptiness of the undefended building added provocation to a small group of incendiaries who, at midday, entered the ICU offices and wrecked the inside of the building. Furniture was broken, pictures were smashed, and bookcases and letter files were scattered over the floor. A battered piano was found on the landing, and band instruments had been thrown out of the window. It was as if a hostile vigilante patrol had been let loose on one of the jazz enclaves of 1920s Haarlem. Certainly the wrecked instruments were testimony to Champions attempt to found a black metropolitan elite after the New York model. Middle Class Champion and Durbans Labour Mayor In later years Champion expressed himself satisfied with the De Waal report, especially since it spelt out the verdict that there would have been no damage done either to life or property, had the civilian mob not gathered and attacked the ICU Hall A retrospective view, however, must find it a nave document espousing the dated ethics of the prohibitionist era. Surely Champion realised, said the judge, that the main object the authorities had in view was the stamping out of drunkenness and lawlessness by sweeping out of existence the illicit brewer and the shebeener Thus spoke the voice of prohibitionist rectitude one wonders
102
if De Waal would read a news report of July 1930, revealing that the business of outlawing the shebeener or its American equivalent meant that Chicago paid $5 000 000 a month in toll to racketeers, with 45 murders that year reaching no conviction.59 Stamping out the shebeener was the language that explained why the beer boycott lingered on as a folk movement, even when the ICU was no longer identified with it. In fact, Helen Bradford shows that there was a considerable feminist agenda lurking behind the continuing protest. One reason why the boycott proved so tenacious, and reduced municipal beer revenue from 32 000 to 2 000 in a year, was that women identified themselves as the injured party.60 A month after the De Waal Enquiry Witness readers would read, for instance, of a march by 200 native women in Ladysmith who arrived in ugly mood at the court house demanding that the magistrate prevent their menfolk from frequenting the beer house 61 The demonstration was but the first of many. As Bradford sums up: In a year when the depression was beginning to bite many women were only too willing to join a political struggle over the direction in which male wages flowed It must not, of course, be thought that Champion himself he whose name was still revered by his supporters and loathed by his enemies saw his turnabout on the June boycott as a surrender. After all, at the end of his report the judge strongly recommended that the borough of Durban should establish a native location. If Champion now played along with this eminently more sober and unrevolutionary progress, he had gauged the change of attitude in bourgeois Durban. By July
I See You Two Marches and the Fall of a Champion 1929 anyone reasonably well-read would have known something of the subterranean manner in which political attitudes could change. The British General Strike of 1926 had seemed a failure at the time, but the alteration in sentiment it caused could be observed graphically when, even as Durbans riot enquiry started on 4 July 1929, a full-spread photograph appeared in the press of Ramsay MacDonald and his Labour caucus (making it pictorially obvious, by the way, that there was now a larger female contingent in governance than ever before in British history). For all the reactionary King and Country sentiments of 1926, the middle class had heeded the king himself Try living on their wages before you judge them and shifted its vote. At the De Waal Enquiry municipal witnesses sought to prove that the ICU had communist affiliations. The Communist Party was not banned in 1929 if the judge asked Champion directly what he understood communism to be he was obviously asking for relevant clarification. Champion replied that it was a movement out to dispossess landed proprietors such as himself.62 (His fellow ICU apologist Josiah Gumede also knew the lines on which to satisfy a middle-class judiciary and introduced himself as a landowner from Johannesburg. He was one of the few in court to raise a laugh, revealing that he did not see eye to eye with Champion on the subject of prohibition.63 Detective Arnold announced, by the way, that the native Communist Party in Durban had 89 members.) Champions surrender, then, might well have been a matter of tactics,
Durbans first parson mayor, the Rev Archibald Lamont (Photo: The Natal Witness) a political acclimatisation. On July 11th he declared that if an advisory board were established, he would rest satisfied that his work was done, and would be resigned to the blotting out of the ICU 64 In terms of the history of black liberation, an advisory board (with whites a small minority) must figure as a miniscule factor. But for bourgeois Durban in 1929, it required a radical mental adjustment. The change of attitude was confirmed by the succession to office in September of Durbans first parson mayor, the Rev Archibald Lamont.65 By any estimate this was a surprise elevation. A Presbyterian minister who had done missionary work in Singapore, Lamont had taught at a theological college in Tarkastad, Eastern Cape, before taking up a ministry in Greyville, Durban. His cross-cultural calibre was shown by his founding and running a private school in Durban, Marine College, which produced several top Indian matriculants. His political affiliation was shown when, in the May elections, alongside Madeley
103
I See You Two Marches and the Fall of a Champion and Boydell, he called himself a centre forward in the Labour assault 66 With his appointment Durban unexpectedly gained a Labour mayor on a Nationalist ticket. By July 1930, the change was palpable. The ICU did not have to go cap-in-hand to the mayoral office; the mayor and his officers came to the ICU.
1 500 natives assembled in the ICU hall, Prince Edward Street, tonight to meet Mr J T Rawlins, the native welfare officer recently appointed by the Durban Town Council The outstanding feature of the meeting was the excellent feeling which prevailed 67
ever completed in Natal, the purchase for 220 000 of nearly 3 000 acres of Clairwood Estate 68 This land would be used to establish a native village on thoroughly progressive and up-to-date lines A council paper of September gave the death knell to the Durban System when it confessed publicly the social and physical damage done because at least 10 000 of Durbans commercially employed natives have no legal accommodation in the borough 69 Mayor Lamont had only two more years to live, so it is good to record that the suburb he inspired came to be called Lamontville. Champion as Machiavell or Martyr? But would A.E.G. Champion he who could command gatherings of thousands, and whose car alone raised a rapturous welcome settle for the statutory role of advisory councillor? Adroit research by Shula Marks has suggested that by early 1930 Champion was testing a support-base in a milieu that had previously vilified him. To go back to Tuesday 18 June and the scene that awaited reporters in the ICU buildings the day after the riot: it seems that when the smoke cleared it was not only the wrecked piano and musical instruments that were discovered but, looking blandly down on the scene, a photograph of Solomon ka Dinizulu, scion of the Zulu royal family. That portrait would certainly not have adorned any office in the old Kadalie/Champion ICU. In fact, if we take a step even further back to August 1927, we discover that the personage thus honoured had once upon a time reserved for the ICU his fiercest contempt. This is revealed in a piece published by John Dube,
Chairman Macebo made it clear there was nothing subservient in the ICUs hosting of their white visitors, and even showed something of Kadalies ironic sting when he introduced Mayor Lamont as The Big Boss who signs documents that repress you. Lamont was quick to declare that he was anxious to know the wishes of the natives and to deal with them according to British Justice The time is coming, he added, when your race will be represented in the Government of this Country (Lucky those 1930 idealists, who could not read the seeds of the time!) The vote of thanks being given, the hall was cleared, and some native couples waltzed in European fashion to the strains of jazz music played by a very creditable band Mayor Lamont proved to be as good as his word. A council report tabled in July 1930 announced the formation of a Native Advisory Board of which the majority (it would include Champion) was black. It announced further one of the largest land deals
104
I See You Two Marches and the Fall of a Champion Solomons long-standing friend, and a fierce political opponent of the ICU 70 Dubes paper being identified with the Zulu royal family, there was little doubt who it was who denounced, editorially, the militancy, corruption and non-Zulu nature of the Union and ordered the chiefs to kill this thing in all your tribes (We must bear in mind the cautioning of Shula Marks in The Ambiguities of Dependence in South Africa that, in those years, the air was thick with double agendas.71 Wealthy sugar barons like William Campbell might seek on one hand to boost Solomon, and fund the Inkatha movement, and on the other hand to ensure the kings financial dependency.) Why, then, the lonely portrait of Solomon? Was Champion an unconfessed communist or a secret royalist? The debate as to whether the ICU leader was a sell-out or a tough player in the game of political survival must certainly include the evidence of the extraordinary relationship between Champion and the character who saved Clements Kadalie, Detective Sergeant Arnold. Who else, after all, made it clear to higher authority that it was not commie sniffing they should be busy with, but king-watching? We might recall one incident at the De Waal Enquiry, when Arnold claimed that, though he had made a profound study of the native he was not, in fact, a member of the ICU:
Mr Cowley: I think the witness has omitted to pay his own subscription. Judge: Are you a member Sergeant Arnold? Sergeant Arnold: I am not a member, but I have certainly wormed my way into the organisation for my own reasons
There seems to be a game within a game going on here. If this is infiltration the question arises whether Champion was its victim or its cunning manager.
Judge: Is Sergeant Arnold one of you ? Champion: Sergeant Arnold is our good friend. He is a member and on our standing committee. Our constitution was typed by him at the CID office. He also knows my house and has visited me in sickness and bought medicine at his own expense We know him for a detective, but have nothing to hide.72
If there was nothing to hide it is perhaps not surprising that, by early1930, the police realised that it was not communists they should look for at ICU headquarters but emissaries from Solomon himself. Commissioner de Villiers concluded that Champion, with the assistance of Solomon, had gained a very considerable footing amongst the Zulu chiefs and that, coincident with this, the meetings of the ICU [had] become inflammatory in nature 73 With this new alliance he had greatly gained in prestige amongst the natives in Durban Perhaps the police were as exasperated with Champion as the stevedores had been, and would agree with the Deputy Commissioner that he is very clever and a wonderful actor, one who adopts a most childlike innocence when questioned as to the unrest he causes among the natives.74 The business of interpreting Champion was certainly needed when, three months after Lamonts visit to ICU headquarters, Oswald Pirow, Minister of Justice, issued his notorious banning order on the Natal ICU leader. Champion was expelled from the whole of Natal, bar a small territory around Vryheid. One imagines that for much of white
105
I See You Two Marches and the Fall of a Champion Natal their favourite whipping-boy had got his just deserts. But which of the heads of Janus had Minister Pirow grown nervous of? As was pointed out, then and thereafter, Champion could have been side-lined by the Hertzog government long before September 1930. Were there hidden texts and sub-texts to the ministerial move? The actual wording of Pirows order was inept on a grand scale: Champion was expelled for promoting feelings of hostility between the European inhabitants of the Union on the one hand, and the native inhabitants of the Union on the other 75 As both his supporters and his detractors pointed out, he had been doing that for years! Champion himself, wearing his face of childlike innocence, gave no credence to the notion of promoting hostility and instead maintained that he had recently taken up the role of wise councillor. He had lately interviewed several of the Zulu chiefs and indeed Solomon had come to Durban this month in order to consult him, a visit that had surprised everybody 76 Needless to say, the symbolism of the visit was not lost on any observer: this was a matter not of the ICU visiting the prince, but the prince visiting the ICU. Perhaps Champion, a man of his time, felt that he had more chance of empowering his followers with a folk sentiment if he secured the goodwill of a populist monarch, free of the caste system of the chiefs. Had the time come for a workers revision of hierarchical monarchy, with people and king united by worker adulation rather than rural deference? I must here differ from the ICUs finest researcher, Helen Bradford, when she says that, in 1930, Champion, wary of diminishing support, turned to the
106
countryside Her own key witness the visiting Oxford academic Marjory Perham discovered in Champions ICU Ya Se a populist voice that differed from anything envisaged by Kadalie and was, in fact, not a rural voice at all. Thus her secret attendance at a concert in the ICU Workers Hall, featuring so she reckoned several thousand near-naked African men:
Now they advanced, singing with sticks levelled at me like spears. Champion shouted the translation in my ear: Who has taken the country from us?/ Who has taken it?/ Come out! Let us fight77
In attempting to tap the mood of the times, we might without proposing any causal link see some relevance in the fact that Solomons visit to Champion occurred in the very same month that the Reichstag election results signalled that it was nationalism rather than socialism that swayed disaffected masses. By this reckoning, (and of course Champions situation was very different from that of Germany) the once-despised ICU might use its proletarian voice to capture a national symbol, dispense with the caste system, and re-invent the king as folk leader. Solomons Durban visit of 31 August, then, is the stuff that novels are made of. Two very different versions are possible of this visit, but both confirm that Solomon had neither the mood nor the personality to grasp the offer of a fhrer-prinzep. In what we might call the ICU account, a rapturous audience waited to greet Solomon with an acclaim that he would certainly not have got back in ancestral Zululand. Champions orchestrated reception failed, however, to woo the royal visitor. The claimant to the throne
I See You Two Marches and the Fall of a Champion backed off and lay in bed even as Champion together with 3 000 supporters nearly smashed down the door to secure his appearance.78 Contrast this with Solomons summary of events, obviously intended for official scrutiny. Solomon claimed that he was recognised quite by chance when he almost fortuitously entered the ICU Social Centre. In this account it was he who summoned Champion, and not the other way round.
Champion said he was very pleased to see me, because they (the ICU) were despised, even by Dube I made no reply, but later I sent for Champion in his office and asked him why he had made enemies with the white people, why did he talk dirty? I told him I had just come to look, but was not pleased with the words he had spoken 79
Solomon slipped away from the ICU headquarters at the first chance, though not without first accepting ten pounds from Champion and the loan of the ICU car That extra ten pounds was a necessary compensation, perhaps, for his Durban consultation. His visit was taken by the state to confirm its worst fears (fears already roused by his sullen demeanour toward the retiring Governor General, the Earl of Athlone, a month earlier.) With a very paternal sigh (the Government is not angry but grieved) the Native Commissioner reprimanded the monarch by cutting his stipend by half.80 The months July to September 1930 are striking in their inadvertent demonstration of a change of political mood, in South Africa as elsewhere. On 2 July our exemplary news reader might have read of Mayor Lamonts visit to the ICU and on the same day of the opening, at Fort Hare, of
what was proclaimed to be South Africas first multi-racial conference. Edgar Brookes was a main player in this landmark assembly (sponsored by the then multi-racial Students Christian Association) and he was proud to record afterwards that the gathering had not flinched at mixed dormitories and mixed sports teams. His autobiography makes it clear that it was at this forum that he took the opportunity of standing up and publicly recanting yes, I remember I used the word recant the doctrines of separate development set forth in my History 81 With the advantage of hindsight one might surmise that the Fort Hare conference triggered the birth of a more extreme nationalism than Hertzog envisaged. For those who spot incipient themes in a single moment of time, September 13ths paper makes grim reading. It has news of the amazing electoral success of the National Socialist Party in the German elections, but also of the Dutch Reformed Churchs severe censure of the Fort Hare conference, and the social intimacy that was cultivated there.82 Four days later, at the National Party Congress in Pretoria, P.G.W. Grobler (chairing the meeting in Hertzogs absence) took the churchs cue and proclaimed segregation as the partys policy in its discriminatory rather than its protective intention. We refuse to consider the equality of Europeans and natives we cannot think in terms of months or years, but of centuries Our positive belief is expressed in the word segregation83 Was it by co-incidence that, a week after the proclamation of this stiffened attitude, Champions banishment was announced? The Natal Advertiser
107
I See You Two Marches and the Fall of a Champion warned its readers that, while we hold no brief for Champion
it is not a good thing that any one man, even a man like Mr Pirow, should have autocratic power to send another man, even a man like Champion, into exile There may be there doubtless are thousands of people in Durban who will say Good riddance when they learn that a demagogue is no longer able to stir up trouble in our midst. But how many of those thousands ever stop to think how and where their liberties were won ?84
Do I look a bad man? asked Champion of the reporters who crowded around him on 25 September seeking reasons for the Ministers banning order. It had nothing to do with racial hostility, he said, but was the result of the visit of Chief Solomon ka Dinizulu, who came to Durban last month in order to consult him. His interviews with Zulu dignitaries were obviously taken by the police to indicate some huge plot of native passive resistance The term passive resistance was topical: Gandhi had, that month, called off talks with the British Viceroy, returned to jail, and continued his hunger strike. With that association, banishment took on the aura of martyrdom, and the ICU leader was obviously the victim of antidemocratic forces. Certainly the next decade would give fulsome context to that interpretation. Perhaps the most famous champion of Champion, George Bernard Shaw, consoled him, during his 1935 visit, with an international perspective. Bad as things are here, he said, they can easily be paralleled or outdone by events in Europe. Your exile was pretty hard; but you can claim as your companion in misfortune no less a person than Albert Einstein 85 Champion returned to Natal after
108
some four years to find the ICU still a name but not a force to be reckoned with. During the thirties he shared platforms with Congress speakers and was for some years after the war chairman of the Natal ANC. It is generally reckoned that he did the noble thing in not blocking Albert Luthulis accession to that position. As the thirties progressed it was as an ANC rather than an ICU spokesman (says Bradford) that he was known to his audiences. She adds, however, that this cordial relationship with Congress did little to infuse the older movement with any of the earlier energy and creativity of the I SEE YOU86 W.H. BIZLEY
BIBLIoGRaphy Bradford, Helen, A Taste of Freedom, The ICU in rural South Africa (Yale 1987) Brookes, Edgar, A South African Pilgrimage, (Ravan, 1977) Kadalie, Clements, My Life and the ICU, ed Stanley Trapido (Frank Cass, 1970) Marks, Shula, The Ambiguities of Dependence in South Africa, (Ravan, 1986) Swanson, M.W. (Ed) The Views of Mahlathi (Writings of A.W.G. Champion, a black South African, and with a biography by R.R.R. Dhlomo) (UNP 1982) NA = Natal Advertiser NM = Natal Mercury NW = Natal Witness RefeRenCeS 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 NW 6/8/29 Kadalie (1970) NW 6/7/27 Bradford (1987) p.91 NW 6/7/27 Bradford 133 NM 18/4/27 NM 9/5/27 NW 25/4/27 Bradford 137 NW 11/7/29 Bradford p,192
I See You Two Marches and the Fall of a Champion

13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 Ibid. NW 5/7/27 Kadalie p.159 Bradford p.204 Bradford p.205 NM 19/4/27 NW 13/2/28 Brookes p.45 NW 2/3/28 Ibid. Ibid. NW 6/7/27 NW 6/3/28 NM 17/3/27 NW 3/3/28 NW 5/3/28 NW 6/3/28 NW 7/3/28 NW 10/4/28 NM 18/4/27 Swanson xix Ibid. Kadalie Kadalie p157 Kadalie Kadalie NW 19/4/29 NW 12/7/29 NW 28/4/28 Ibid. Kadalie NW 8/5/29 NW 24/4/28 NW 15/5/29 Swanson Swanson Swanson 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 66 67 68 69 70 71 72 73 74 75 76 77 78 79 80 81 82 83 84 85 86 Swanson p29 NW 12/7/29 Swanson NW 18/6/29 NW 19/6/29 NW 18/6/29 Tabled on 6/8/29 NW 9/7/29 NW 11/7/29 NW 14/7/30 Bradford p.247 NW 17/8/29 NW 11/7/29 NW 12/7/29 NW 17/8/29 NW 17/8/29 NW 18/5/29 NW 2/7/30 NW 31/7/30 NW 13/9/30 Bradford p.98 Marks Ch 1 passim. NW 11/7/29 Marks p.89 Ibid.p.100 NW 25/9/30 NW 27/9/30 Bradford p.251 Ibid. Marks p.87 Marks p.19 Brookes p.45 NW 13/9/30 NA 17/9/30 NA 25/9/30 Swanson p.41 Bradford p.254
109
Making the man, keeping the boy

Van de Ruits Spud phenomenon in context
No one else seems to have thought of telling the story of a boys life, with so great desire to show what a boys life is, and so little purpose of teaching what it should be.1
hen Alex, a grade eleven learner at a private coeducational school in Gauteng, wrote his holiday book review, he claimed that Spud has typical parents who embarrass him all the time. I have met Alexs mother, and a more direct contrast to Spuds alcoholic, overweight and inefficient mother could not be found. Michelle is an attractive, athletic, professional woman a commercial lawyer during the week and an avid off-road cyclist over weekends. The father I have not met because Alexs parents are divorced. Yet Alex seems to sympathise with Spuds parentinduced agonies. There is a sense of association and recognition throughout his book review. I should, perhaps,
110
also mention that the three Spud books constitute the only extra-curricular, fictional reading Alex has done in his high school years. His case is not unique. I have come across many parents who are thrilled with the Spud books simply because their sons actually sat down to read a novel for the first time. I wonder, though, what prompted a certain 70year old lady (who thinks Rambo is a very naughty boy) to read the novels.2 Or the middle-aged pastor of a charismatic church in Umhlanga who spent much of his time in the Kruger National Park reading Spud Learning to Fly, in which John Van de Ruit describes his awful experience with the Mermaid at a charismatic church play.
Natalia 40 (2010), Janice Robertson pp. 110 120 Natalia 40 (2010) Copyright Natal Society Foundation 2010
Making the Man, Keeping the Boy Whatever the reason, the Spud novels have undeniably widespread appeal; an appeal which reflects in the phenomenal sales figures the books have achieved. Apparently no one is as surprised as Van de Ruit that he has now become South Africas top selling author.3 All I wanted was to get published, he claimed in a 2009 interview. I didnt even know if other people would find it funny. The comic mistress is very fickle.4 Yet, the first Spud book, which won the 2006 Booksellers Choice Award, has been described as outrageously funny,5 hysterical6 and irresistible.7 In fact, Spud is a success story second to none. Already, the first two books have broken sales records, been published worldwide and even spawned a movie a huge contrast to most somewhat dark, self-conscious South African literature.8 The novels follow John Miltons diabolical stagger through adolescence9 at an unnamed exclusive private school in KwaZulu-Natal. When the first Spud novel was released in 2005, speculation was rife that Van de Ruit was writing about his own schooldays at Michaelhouse, one of the most prestigious secondary education institutions in the country. Although he claims that his own childhood would have bored people to tears,10 Van de Ruit admits that his alma mater is indeed his visual base for the books.11 He artfully dislocates himself from the story, however, by claiming that a lot of things happened to me while I was at Michaelhouse and Ive lost track of whats real and whats not. I have embellished it and included the myths that were around when I was there. Ive also used other peoples stories. But there is truth at its core.12 I knew I had a story in me 13 After a centurys output of captains of industry and sugar farmers [], Michaelhouse, the KwaZulu-Natal Midlands private high school, has started producing writers and actors. [] No doubt the school will recover.14 This tongue-in-cheek comment was made by a Michaelhouse Old Boy in response to Van de Ruits first novel, which represents characters from well beyond the lunatic fringe15 and situations that appear bizarre in the context of a prominent private school with a proud and rich heritage. In short, a novel which probably does not fit the image a school likes to have of itself.16 Particularly not a school which aspires to the high ideals summarised by the present Rector of Michaelhouse, Guy N. Pearson, in a speech delivered in 2006: At Michaelhouse we strive to produce young men with a mans determination to do right, a mans courage to do good, a mans sympathy for other peoples troubles, a mans patience and strength with his own and a mans intolerance for injustice to others.17 The image that Michaelhouse has of itself has been more than a century in the making and has its roots in the British public school system, which was extremely influential during the years when Natal was a British colony. According to Peter Randall in Little England on the Veld: The English Private School System in South Africa, [t]here is no doubt that the original committee thought of Michaelhouse in terms of the public schools in England.18 Hence, Michaelhouse numbered among the South African private schools which were staffed by expatriate British schoolmasters [] and took on all the trappings of their British models: houses, prefects,
111
Making the Man, Keeping the Boy uniforms, compulsory games, corporal punishment and military cadets for the boys, a classical curriculum and the old school network.19 Simultaneous with the implementation of such characteristic elements in elite South African schools was the inculcation of British public school ideals.20 According to Robert Morrell in From Boys to Gentlemen: Settler Masculinity in Colonial Natal,21 these ideals took root [] primarily via the exportation of its old boys to the colonies. For example, Morrell claims that Michaelhouse
had a strong connection with Rugby. Its predecessor, Bishops College in Pietermaritzburg, was headed by C.C. Prichard, curate at Rugby and Oxford graduate. Its first headmaster was a public school boy and Glasgow and Cambridge University graduate. He was followed by Canon E.B. Hugh Jones (1903-10) of Marlborough and Jesus College, Oxford. The following three headmasters were all public school products [] and all were Cambridge graduates.22
The school was established in 1896, and on Speech Day in 1897, the founder of the institution, James Cameron Todd, described the schools vision in terms clearly imitative of that of its British counterparts: Our aim is to make, not accountants, not clerks, not clergymen, but men; men of understanding, thought and culture.23 Similarly, A.W.S. Brown, headmaster of Michaelhouse from 1910 to 1916, is said to have subscribed to British boys public school values that unhesitatingly put character before intellect.24 In the Spud books, however, the historical link with the green and pleasant land25 is only celebrated until it threatens the Under 14A cricket teams hitherto unbeaten season. In
112
anticipation of a match against St Edmunds from Surrey, The Guv rambled on for ages about national pride and destroying the imperial bastards.26 Nevertheless, to this day, Michaelhouse prides itself on its British public school heritage, a feature which is described as a main characteristic of the architectural layout of the school. One is informed that archways and corridors connect each quadrangle, reminiscent of the architectural design of leading British schools.27 During his first week at the school, Spud notices the layout of the buildings, but the historical significance of the schools architecture seems, at first, to be lost on him. With evident frustration he remarks that every room has a code name and every quadrangle is identical, no doubt designed to completely confuse new boys.28 In fact, Spud finds the size and style of the buildings (which remind him of those medieval castles in our old history books at primary school)29 rather intimidating. He describes his arrival on the first day of term:
We pass through and drive along a beautiful avenue of trees called Pilgrims Walk towards the schools gigantic red brick buildings which are all covered in green moss and ivy. My father is so busy pointing out a pair of mating dogs to my mother that he doesnt spot the speed bump that savages the underbelly of the car. Our station wagon limps up to the school and slides in between a Rolls Royce and a Mercedes-Benz. To announce its grand arrival our rust-infested jalopy vomits up a couple of gallons of oil onto the ancient cobblestone paving. [] I do my best to blend in but it feels like the Boswell Wilkie Circus has just pulled into town.30
Making the Man, Keeping the Boy Apart from drawing particular attention to the grandeur of the school, the most significant aspect of this humorous description is the fact that Spud, a scholarship student from a middle-class home, feels sadly out of place at this elite institution. This is not at all surprising when one considers the history of the schools exclusive student intake. In Arnolds of the Bushveld, Honey argues that the implicit elitism of the British public school model was functionally appropriate to the existing social and political system of South Africa.31 This was particularly true at the time when the old private schools were established in the Natal colony. Therefore, as Morrell points out, the elite schools acted more to exclude than to include,32 and the vast majority of boys (including Africans, Indians and working-class whites) remained outside the charmed circle.33 In this way, the schools were crucial to the generation of what one might term colonial gentry and the definition of white hegemonic masculinity through its products.34 Although white hegemonic masculinity is clearly predominant in the Spud novels, the representation of the black head of house, Luthuli, as a strong, competent leadership figure in this previously discriminatory context is obviously a reflection of the political and social changes that were taking place in South Africa at the time in which the narrative is set. Luthuli, who is one of only four black pupils in the school, has achieved a position of authority in the school and is responsible for maintaining discipline in the house. This deviation from what Spud perceives as the norm takes him by surprise and he remarks, I think this is the first time Ive ever taken instructions from a black person.35 Some readers take exception to such frankness,36 while others cite this candid stream of consciousness as one of Van de Ruits most effective authorial devices. Another is possibly his ability to infuse humour into otherwise rather sensitive situations. For example, Spuds diary entry for Tuesday, 16 March 1990 reads as follows:
Had an urgent call from Dad who sounded ecstatic. He said that war had broken out between the ANC and the Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP). He reckons that things are fine as long as the blacks are killing each other and not the whites. Hes decided to de-barricade the house and donate his stockpile of tinned food to the Salvation Army.37
The fact that Spuds Dad (who also claims that Winnie [Nelson Mandelas ex-wife] is worse than Satan) 38 is portrayed as consistently manic and psychologically unstable enables Van de Ruit to highlight the absurdity of this characters thoughts and actions without having to labour the point or apologise for the sentiments raised. Moreover, Van de Ruit attempts to counterbalance such racist comments by portraying Spud as feeling wickedly guilty about being a white person39 and making him an (admittedly rather passive) member of the AA (African Affairs) society at school. It is here that Spud meets a political activist from the Struggle40 and also becomes better acquainted with Luthuli. Spud reflects, I wish I had been brave enough to tell [Luthuli] how much he inspired me to be a Freedom Fighter and how much I respected him.41 Some of Spuds teachers also voice their socio-political opinions in the books. For example, after one of Spuds luncheons at his English
113
Making the Man, Keeping the Boy teachers house, The Guv compliments Gloria, the cook, on her meal and she replies in Zulu. After a while, The Guv asks Spud in exasperated tones, How the blinkers do we form a bond with these people if we cant speak their language? I didnt know the answer so I did my AA [African Affairs] trick where I shrug sadly and then look forlornly out the window.42 Incidentally, this perceived predicament is precisely the opposite of the one addressed by the headmaster of Michaelhouse in 1905 when he advocated a heavy emphasis on English language teaching in order to end the pernicious and apparently inevitable companionship (of white boys) at an early age with the kafirs .43 This particular headmasters concerns were, no doubt, bound up in the consideration that the primary goal of the school (along with the other elite educational institutions in Natal) at the time was to define, reaffirm and promote white settler masculinity in the colony. To achieve this end, the majority of masters and parents alike believed that the pupils should be exposed to harsh elements and severe punishments in order to toughen the boys into men.44 Corporal punishment was seen as an essential means to this end. Moreover, according to Morrell, most boys preferred a beating to other non-physical forms of punishment. There was a macho bravado that accompanied beatings.45 He quotes Stiebel, a Michaelhouse Old Boy who recalls the aftermath of a caning session at the school:
After the beating it was the privilege of ones dormitory mates to inspect the damage. I was disappointed that there was not more enthusiasm. What, no 114
blood? said Crowe minor. Dont call that much, said Heathfield. Alfie (the teacher) took pity on you, you weed, jeered Elison, who was measuring my bruises with a ruler. Nevertheless, for the remainder of that day I was a little hero and for ten days after, the discolourations were there for all to inspect in the bath-house.46
The interest which the beating, as well as the ritual which follows, holds for the boys is clear in this extract. The customary inspection and comparison of welts seems to be as old as the public school system itself. For instance, in Kiplings loosely autobiographical boys school story Stalky & Co., one of the boy protagonists suggests (after a particularly harsh beating by the headmaster) that they all go down to the lavatory and have a look at the damage. One of us can hold the glass and tothers can squint.47 Spuds experience, more than a century later, is very similar though perhaps a little more public and (to use one of Van de Ruits pet terms) rather dodgy in its details:
06:20 Julian [a house prefect] lined us up in the showers to examine our backsides. He and Bert took their time going from one bum to another making observations and now and again prodding someones butt cheek with the back end of Berts toothbrush. Geckos entire backside is blue and Julian awarded him first prize. There was a flash of light and before we knew it, Julian had taken a photograph of our naked behinds. (No doubt this photograph will surface in some seedy magazine when Im rich and famous.)48
As is generally the case when Spud describes Julians behaviour, the account is laced with homophobic overtones and a sense of suppressed hilarity. In effect,
Making the Man, Keeping the Boy the botty inspection49 in Spuds house seems to have become an institutionalised (not to mention well documented) procedure. During the colonial era in particular, the ability to handle the physical pain and humiliation of caning was thought to foster the kind of rugged manliness which was considered desirable and suited to the socio-political climate of the time. Masters, prefects and parents, therefore, often meted out brutal beatings under the justification of trying to make men out of unruly boys. The main object for the victim, then, was to keep a stiff upper lip during the ordeal which was no mean feat considering the severity with which those in authority exercised their right to chastise alleged miscreants. Hence, the ability to walk casually50 out of the housemasters office after a beating like Rambo or, even better, to saunter out, smiling, like Mad Dog would have been highly approved by even the earliest pupils at Michaelhouse. One wonders, however, what the founding pupils would have thought of the embarrassing debacle which follows such heroic behaviour:
Next Boggo sped out, rubbing his [backside]. Much to the delight of the growing crowd he pulled down his pants and cooled his bum on the red brick cloister wall. By this stage, I was all set to run away, or wet myself. Then Gecko flew out of the office, screaming, and vomited in the gutter.51
It would seem that the incitement to maintain ones poise during a beating is not deemed as essential for the affirmation of ones masculinity in Spuds school as before. Nevertheless, the desire to come across as manly still influences Spuds behaviour. For instance, when he
begins to experience the first physical symptoms of puberty he confides that he definitely felt more rugged and manly in the showers and Im working on a new macho swagger in my walk.52 Similarly, when he describes his first date with the Mermaid he reflects that the movie was a real tearjerker so I decided to look manly and rugged and unaffected throughout.53 The fact that Spud associates manliness with the ability to suppress emotion is a clear indication that the old (arguably dated) constructions of masculinity are still active in Spuds world. This may not necessarily be the result of any particular indoctrination on the part of the adult leadership of the school. On the contrary, as Kipling remarks, boys educate each other, they say, more than we can or dare,54 and hence, it is (in the Spud books almost exclusively) the physically stronger or more senior boys that give the protagonist the most grief. Van de Ruit, in recollecting his experiences at Michaelhouse, claims that you cant show weakness or vulnerability as they [the other schoolboys] will jump on you when youre down. You had to suppress it all and learn not to express your emotions.55 In this context, the report written by the Rector of Michaelhouse in 2008 seems not only ironic in the given context, but also suggests that the way boys handle their emotions has not changed much over the years. Under the subheading Complexification Venturing inside the hurting teen world, Pearson remarks that [m]any boys behaviour, for much of the time, appears on the surface to show that they are calm and in control, disinterested or angry. Often this surface impression is a mask or a costume hiding other
115
Making the Man, Keeping the Boy emotions or feelings. We need to be prepared to accept that what we see with our teenage boys is not always what it seems.56 According to Morrell, an integral part of the toughening process embraced by the old private boys schools in Natal was the initiation which awaited all boarding pupils. It was an ordeal, [] part of the assertion of hierarchical power by senior over junior boys but also part of the creation of identity.57 In his second year at the school, Spud and his dormitory mates eagerly await the opening of the first year hunting season58 when they are permitted to assert their undeniable (albeit limited) authority over the first years. Similarly, Van de Ruit admits that, like Spud, his first year at [Michaelhouse] was very hard, [but] he felt like a king when he finally left.59 While the formal initiations at Spuds school are not portrayed as exceptionally tortuous, it is the dreaded birthday rituals that strike one as particularly harsh especially considering that these affect only one victim at a time. The sense of mutual suffering and camaraderie that sustains the boys during group initiations is therefore absent when, for example, Spud is subjected to a painful scrubbing and polishing by between 15 and 20 boys.60 As in the early years, the teachers, prefects and seniors generally turn a blind eye to such procedures, probably regarding them as a healthy and important part of the extra-curricular activities of the school.61 Moreover, initiation is, in many instances, still viewed as an essential ritual of institutional entry.62 As Rambo explains to the distraught Vern, even Roger (the dormitory cat) cannot
116
be accepted as a proper member of the Crazy Eight unless he is given a birthday present (ducked in the fountain).63 This unavoidable process remains, nevertheless, a painful one and Van de Ruit recalls that there were things going on that I didnt like and the school couldnt control the cruelty of some of the boys. I have an ambiguous response to it and that comes through in Spud. The physical bullying you can handle, but the verbal stuff you cant. It hurts.64 Spud experiences verbal abuse from Rambo and the rest of the Crazy Eight when they turn against him for talking politics with Luthuli and keeping a diary. Spud recalls the tension and emotional turmoil of the event:
I waited until Rambo released the front of my T-shirt. I felt relieved that he wasnt going to hit me although this didnt make up for the sudden loss of all my friends. I lay in bed with everything humming and spinning. When I tried to close my eyes large yellow and red shapes rose up deep in my head. There was a pain in my stomach halfway between my belly button and my chest bone. It felt like a giant octopus wrapping his tentacles around my organs and then squeezing them in one long movement. I felt so homesick.65
In this kind of environment, it seems inevitable that the boys who would suffer most would be those who were perceived as odd or weak. Morrell, in the context of boys private schools during the colonial period, comments that
little is known about the secret lives of anguish in the boarding schools. There is nevertheless sufficient evidence to show that intolerance of difference (sexual, social, morphological) existed. If ones voice was too high, ones legs
Making the Man, Keeping the Boy

too thin, ability at games absent, one became the object of ridicule.66
Gecko, Spuds frail friend, feels the effects of this treatment and says, I tell you, Spud, this place is like an insane asylum! There are maniacs in this place even our headmasters a maniac! Dont you feel it too? Its like theres always someone out to get you, or laugh at you or make you feel like an idiot or a coward or something .67 Spud reflects, Gecko is right if you are on the wrong side of the fence, this place is hell.68 It comes as no surprise, therefore, that when Van de Ruit is asked whether he would send his own son to Michaelhouse, his answer is ambivalent: If I had the money it would depend on the child. The extrovert, sporty, leader type, yes, I would. Not otherwise. A school dormitory can be a war zone, and its something no school can really control.69 It is clear from extracts like this that Van de Ruit is anxious to give the impression that he does not bear a grudge towards his old school. By emphasising that the bad experiences he had at Michaelhouse were beyond the control of the school authorities, the author is obviously attempting to mitigate the potentially negative effect of the novels on the reputation of the school itself. Moreover, according to Paterson, Van de Ruit doesnt name the school in the book as he didnt [sic] want people to get caught up in the idea that the book was about Michaelhouse. I didnt want to name the school as I didnt want to smack it on the head .70 Evidently, Van de Ruit had to deal with several issues which arose during his high school years, and it is possible
that writing the Spud books has helped him come to terms with his ambiguous feelings. During an interview, he claimed that the anger has passed. [I]n retrospect, most people will agree that it is more enjoyable to laugh at awful rituals, belittling pranks and general boys school behaviour than it is to get all riled up about it.71 It is not surprising that before Spud was published plenty of people associated with [Michaelhouse] were anxious about what was coming. There have been many coming-of-age novels and school memoirs over the years, although not usually funny ones, that could have done the schools where they are based no good at all.72 For example, Alec Waughs Loom of Youth, which was published in 1917 shortly after the young author had been removed from Sherborne (a British public school) because of improper behaviour, sparked an enormous debate about the state of boys schools in several prominent British newspapers.73 Therefore, in view of the generally subversive tenor of the novels, the question arises as to whether Van de Ruits frank depictions of schoolboy experience (though neither explicitly autobiographical nor entirely fictional) could be injurious to Michaelhouses reputation.74 In order to mitigate this possibility, Guy Pearson (Michaelhouse Rector) stressed the fictional aspect of the novels in an interview with Margaret von Klemperer in response to her allusion to the schools new notoriety. He said, The important thing to remember is that this is fiction. [] And a lot of the stories in the book didnt happen here. For us, thats critical. People must understand that it is not Michaelhouse. 75
117
Making the Man, Keeping the Boy Nevertheless, despite the headmasters concerns, he admits that Spud has been good for the school and that the interest [the book] has generated in the school over the past couple of years has been extraordinary; it seems that, even though it depicts a school where boys and staff alike are borderline lunatics, Spud [sic] has been a good recruiting tool.76 The headmaster further identifies the school with the novels by claiming that underlying the [novels] is a thread of affection and loyalty something that Michaelhouse is all about.77 Thus, it seems that the school has totally embraced the book as a fictional representation of itself. According to Van de Ruit, Michaelhouse is even using the novel as a text book.78 Moreover, the schools association with Van de Ruits novels has become inescapable since it was agreed that Spud The Movie (which is due to be released in November 2010) would be filmed on location at Michaelhouse. According to Van de Ruit, to be back in the old haunted dormitory at Michaelhouse and to see Spuds Good Knight duvet draped over my old bed, spewed out so many memories both nasty and beautiful.79 Despite the bitter-sweet associations the school holds for him, Van de Ruit has also further strengthened his ties with Michaelhouse by presenting the Spud Trophy for Dramatic Writing at a school dinner to which he was invited as the Guest of Honour. Hence, in view of Van de Ruits phenomenal achievement, the Rector of Michaelhouse claims that the school is doing the only thing it can. It is celebrating with Van de Ruit and enjoying his success.80 He further comments that the association with
118
John is one we are proud of and that we are benefiting from.81 Conclusion In colonial Natal, according to Morrell, The physical demands which the schools made on the boys stressed being tough in body and mind. It was the schools also which made the man yet kept the boy.82 This was purportedly achieved by combining harsh elements (such as corporal punishment, initiation and meagre food rations) with an obsession for competitive sport.83 Approximately a century later, on his sixteenth birthday, Spud reflects, Im practically a man in most areas.84 And indeed, although Spuds physical development into manhood is described with a painstaking attention to minutiae, the tone of the narrative and the degree of emotional maturity remains essentially adolescent throughout the novels. As Van de Ruit comments, absurdity, madness and exaggeration cling to my missives like a suspect body odour.85 Moreover, when Van de Ruit was asked what he actually intended with the Spud novels, he said that he was attempting to recreate and even fictionalise adolescence.86 In this respect, Van de Ruit has undoubtedly succeeded; Spud is clearly becoming a man, but remaining a boy though probably not in the sense that the historical private schools once intended. Hence, Van de Ruits internet greeting on 16 October 2009 seems particularly apt and sums up, in essence, what the author has achieved through the Spud novels: Bye for now, and once in a while remember to release your inner idiot.87 JANICE ROBERTSON

NOTES AND REFERENCES 1 This remark formed part of a favourable review of T. B. Aldrichs The Story of a Bad Boy which was published in 1869 and which achieved some fame as a novelty in American literature. Kenneth L. Donelson and Alleen P. Nilsen, Literature for Todays Young Adults (London: Scott, Foresman & Co, 1989), p.484. John van de Ruit, Speech at Launch Dinner 15 June 2009. Carte Blanche television interview with John van de Ruit 1 July 2007, accessed 14 June 2010, http://beta.mnet.co.za/carteblanche/ Article.aspx?Id=3344 Shirley le Guern, Interview with John van de Ruit 7 July 2009, accessed April 2010, http://www.newsonline.co.za/articledetail. asp?ArticleID=1808 Margaret von Klemperer, No Room for Angst Natal Witness, 8 September 2005, p.1. Peta Lee, Time of the (Happy) Writer. Independent on Saturday. 18 March 2005, p.17. Mphuthumi Ntabeni, The SA novel comes of age. Daily Dispatch, 18 March 2006, p.23. Le Guern, 2009, p.2. John van de Ruit, Spud Learning to Fly (London: Penguin, 2009), back cover. Le Guern, 2009, p.3. Julia Paterson, Funniest book of the Year. Citizen, 27 October 2005, p.1. Paterson, 2005, p.1. Van de Ruit claims, I knew I had a story in me that I wanted to tell, but Spuds success was an enormous surprise (Lee, 2006, p.2). Robert Greig, Adolescent cuts the Empire down to size. Sunday Independent. 25 June 2006, p.18. Paterson, 2005, p.1. Von Klemperer, 2005, p.1, my emphases. Official Michaelhouse Website, accessed 12 February 2008, www.michaelhouse.co.za Peter Randall, Little England on the Veld: The English Private School System in South Africa (Johannesburg: Ravan, 1982), p.84. Elwyn Jenkins, Children of the Sun: Selected Writers and Themes in South African Childrens Literature (Johannesburg: Ravan, 1993), p.48. Janice Robertson, Tom, Dick and Harry at School: The construction and representation of boyhood in selected childrens literature 21 (DLitt dissertation, University of Pretoria, 2009), p.200. Robert Morrell, From Boys to Gentlemen: Settler Masculinity in Colonial Natal, 18801920 (Pretoria: Unisa, 2001), p.57. Morrells book offers valuable insight into the role of elite secondary schools in the production of settler masculinity in the Natal colony. Morrell, 2001, p.58. Official Michaelhouse Website s.a. Morrell, 2001, p.58. John van de Ruit, Spud The Madness Continues (London: Penguin, 2007), p.179. John van de Ruit, Spud A Wickedly Funny Novel (London: Penguin, 2005), p.127. Official Michaelhouse Website s.a. Van de Ruit, 2005, p.10. Van de Ruit, 2005, p.5. Van de Ruit, 2005, p.4. John Honey, Arnolds of the Bushveld in Symposium, 1975/6. Volume 25, p.25. Morrell, 2001, p.59. It is in view of this circumstance that the claim by the fictional headmaster, nicknamed The Glock, that Spuds school, which is publicly understood to be a fictional representation of Michaelhouse, has always supported multiculturalism and liberalism (Van de Ruit, 2005, p.56; my emphasis) appears rather disingenuous Robertson, 2009, p. 201. Van de Ruit, 2005, p.8. Such as Ntabeni, 2006, p.1. Van de Ruit, 2005, p.125. Van de Ruit, 2005, p.54. Van de Ruit, 2005, p.55. Van de Ruit, 2007, p.84. Van de Ruit, 2007, p.328. Van de Ruit, 2007, p.179. Morrell, 2001, p.87. Morrell, 2001, p.52. Morrell, 2001, p.61. Morrell, 2001, p.61. Rudyard Kipling, Stalky & Co., (Ware: Wordsworth [1899]1994), p.128. Van de Ruit, 2005, p.98. Van de Ruit, 2007, p.50. Van de Ruit, 2005, p.98. Van de Ruit, 2005, p.98. Van de Ruit, 2007, p.79. Van de Ruit, 2005, p.154; my emphases. Kipling [1899]1994, p.157. Paterson, 2005, p.1. Official Michaelhouse Website, s.a. Morrell, 2001, p.63.
2 3
22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33
5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19
34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57
20
119

58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 66 67 68 69 70 71 72 73 74 Van de Ruit, 2007, p.35. Paterson, 2005, p.1. Van de Ruit, 2005, p.169. Morrell, 2001, p.64. Morrell, 2001, p.64. Van de Ruit, 2007, p.76. Paterson, 2005, p.1. Van de Ruit, 2007, p.245. Morrell, 2001, p.65. Van de Ruit, 2005, p.239. Van de Ruit, 2005, p.240. Von Klemperer, 2005, p.1. Paterson, 2005, p.1. Kate White, Interview with John van de Ruit, accessed 14 June 2010, http://www.jhblive. cm/live/kultchaview.jsp?kultchaid=10597 Margaret von Klemperer, Book Brings Notoriety for Midlands School Natal Witness. 30 May 2007, p.2. Joseph Bristow, Empire Boys: Adventures in a Mans World (London: HarperCollins, 1991), p.. Robertson, 2009, p.215. For instance, Rambo claims that the school is no place for born leaders and lateral thinkers (Van de Ruit, 2007, p.286). Von Klemperer, 2007, p.1. 76 77 78 79 80 81 82 83 Von Klemperer, 2007, p.1. Von Klemperer, 2007, p.1. Lee, 2005, p.2. John van de Ruit, Penguin Books Authors Blog Spot, accessed April 2010, http://www. spud.penguinbooks.co.za Von Klemperer, 2007, p.1. Von Klemperer, 2007, p.1. Kirk-Greene in Morrell, 2001, p.79; my emphases. Rugby, in particular, was seen as definitive in terms of developing manhood. Van de Ruit subverts this obsession by depicting several of the main characters as hopeless at this sport. The under 15D coach, an Afrikaans veteran of the Mozambican war, disputes the boys masculinity on the basis of their pathetic rugby skills. At their first rugby practice, the coach keeps saying (in his thick accent), You guys is a bunch of girls! or Rugby are not a game for poofters! (Van de Ruit, 2007, p.120). Van de Ruit, 2009, p.131. Van de Ruit, 2010, p.2. Le Guern, 2009, p.3. Van de Ruit, 2010, p.4.
75
84 85 86 87
120
Notes and Queries
AFRICAN GENEALOGIES Address by Shelagh OByrne Spencer to fellow graduands at the ceremony at which she was awarded her honorary doctorate Chancellor, Honoured Guests, Ladies and Gentlemen My research concerns the British men, women and children who came to Natal between the years 1824 and 1857. To a degree, I have investigated their genealogies, but my main interest is in the lives they led once here. Because the settlers could not live in isolation, I have acquired a cross-section of knowledge about the peoples of our multi-cultural province. Stemming from this, I would like to share two main topics with you something of what has been done to preserve African genealogy and history; and, a glimpse into the origins of KwaZulu-Natals Coloureds, as the apartheid government classified them. The first group of white people to settle at Port Natal (todays Durban) came from the Cape Colony in 1824, under the leadership of Francis Farewell, a half-pay Royal Naval officer. Their purpose was to acquire ivory through trade and/or hunting. Their coming predated the arrival of the Voortrekkers by 14 years. The Trekker republic, Natalia, lasted from 1838 to 1843 when Britain took over the region south of the Thukela as a colony. Rejecting British rule, many of the Boers trekked away, and in the 1850s a large number of British immigrants came here, either under various schemes or independently. In Zulu folk-lore they were likened to birds of destruction coming out of the sea! Genealogy is the study of family descent. In Britain it was important because the disposal of property within a family depended on it. Here
121
Notes and Queries I am referring to wealthy families. An example is the well-known explorer, Sir Ranulph Fiennes, who sports a family tree going back 42 generations to an ancestor who died in 741. However, the ordinary farm-labourers, servants, artisans, etc., who were most likely illiterate, probably could not trace their forbears back more than two or three generations. Fortunately, parish registers of births and marriages did record these details. As an aside today we do not realise how backward the English working classes were 150 or so years ago to quote Bishop Colensos wife, Sarah, describing the villagers of her husbands parish in Norfolk: The dense ignorance and stupidity of the English rustic was enough to drive the teacher to the rising generation as the only hopeful soil. In African genealogy, family descent was recorded orally down the generations, while the izibongo of prominent people would highlight their achievements. In the early 1900s the Revd John Langalibalele Dubes newspaper Ilanga lase Natal published the histories of all the more important tribes in Natal and Zululand, which had been collected by Father A.T. Bryant of Mariannhill. By March 1912 these were being repeated in Izindaba zaBantu, of which Bryant was editor. At this time, Marshall Campbell the Mashu from whom Kwa Mashu takes its name instituted a competition with prizes for essays on early Zulu history. Others involved were Dube and Campbells young daughter Killie. Ilanga advertised the competition and 25 responses were received, nine on Zulu history and 16 on Sotho history. The prize winners were A. Zikalala for the Zulu entry and S.P. Phamotse for the Sotho one.
122
In 1942 another such competition was organised by Killie Campbell. Judging from the winners choice of subjects, the emphasis this time was more on sites with historical significance than on family histories. Killie Campbell launched a third competition in 1949, assisted by Mr D. McKenzie Malcolm, then lecturing in isiZulu at Natal University, Durban. A notice To all Zulus was published, requesting information on tribes, however small. Replies were to include data on origins, present locality, tribal history, genealogy of the chiefs, the izibongo of the chiefs and other prominent men, and incidents of special interest. It was emphasised that the facts should not be from books, but the testimonies of elderly men and women. Entrants were earnestly begged to provide as much information as possible because of the rapid detribalisation which was taking place, and the imperative need for these records to be preserved for all time. Wide publicity resulted in about 200 entries. First prize went to an essay on the Mathenjwa tribe. Altogether 96 prizes were awarded, ranging in value from 25 to two shillings and sixpence for the many consolation prizes. In the 1950s five meat pies could have been bought for that 2/6d the kind for which we now pay about R10.00 each so, in todays values, the prizes would have ranged from R50.00 to the handsome sum of R10 000! The Killie Campbell Africana Library has continued the Campbell involvement in African genealogy and history in many ways one being The James Stuart Archive, which is part of its Manuscript Series. Stuart started interviewing Africans in the
Notes and Queries late 1890s. His informants named their chiefs and, where applicable, their regiments, and recited their ancestors and/or their chiefs ancestors. Taking 30 years as marking a generation, some of these genealogies go back to the 1500s. Frequently Stuart was able to evolve detailed family trees from the information received. The editing and translating of the Stuart papers was started in the early 1970s by the late Professor Colin Webb and Professor John Wright, who is continuing this work. To date five of the projected seven volumes have been published. The Witnesss supplement Learn with Echo is also promoting genealogy with the family histories and izithakazelo which appear from time to time. King Shakas izibongo and King Goodwill Zwelitinis ancestry and izithakazelo have been featured. Now to the genealogy of Coloureds in Natal among the servants in Farewells 1824 party were Khoi people. The only one to whom there is more than a fleeting reference is Rachel, later the common-law wife of Farewells carpenter, John Cane (Jana). She would be left in charge of Farewells settlement when he and the other whites were absent, and is frequently mentioned by both Nathaniel Isaacs and Charles Rawden Maclean (alias John Ross) in their writings about those early days. After a time, the hunter/traders established their own homesteads and accumulated numerous followers, who were mainly refugees from the Zulu country or fragments of displaced tribes. Most of the hunter/traders also took Khoi or African concubines or wives (for whom they duly paid ilobola). It is their children, and the children of their Khoi servants, who formed the core of Natals Coloured population. Surnames here include Adams, Biggar, Cane, Fynn, King, Halstead, Isaacs, Ogle and Toohey. Some of the hunter/traders came to be looked on as chiefs, namely Henry Francis Fynn (Mbuyazi we Theku), and Henry Ogle (Wohlo), while the Inkosikazi Vundlase, wife of Henry Fynns brother Frank (Phobane), was a chieftainess. A deserter in the 1830s from the 72nd Regiment, who escaped from the Cape to Natal and settled near todays Umzinto, also became a chief. This was Robert Joyce, known as Joyisi. These chiefdoms were passed down until about the 1950s, when the Nationalist government gave the current chiefs the option of remaining chiefs and being classified as African, or becoming ordinary Coloured citizens. A number of the British men who arrived in the 1840s and 1850s also had Coloured children. Names that come to mind are Bennee, Donaldson, Clothier, Goldstone, Green, Hargreaves, Jackson, Lucas, Oakes, Reynolds and Stainbank (in this case the surnames Frankson and Joyce were assumed by different children). Some settler sons continued the trend family names here include Bazley, Bloy, Fayers, Grantham, Hammond, Houston, Hulley, Landers, Meek, Redman, Robson, Rorke, Stuart, Taylor, Tomlinson, Watson and Walker. Another second generation settler, John Dunn (Jandoni), moved to the Zulu country in 1857, where he became a powerful chief under King Cetshwayo. He consolidated his position by having 49 wives who produced 117 known children. Other second generation settler men added to
123
Notes and Queries the Swazi gene pool some surnames here are Dupont, Eckersley, Henwood and Thring. In the 1870s a number of people from St Helena came to the Cape and Natal as servants and artisans. The islands population was a mix of Dutch, English, Portuguese, Asian, and African peoples, many of the latter having been freed from slave ships by the Royal Navy. For centuries the islands mainstay had been the provisioning of passing ships. Steam superseding sail in the mid-1800s and the opening of the Suez Canal in 1869 ruined this market, resulting in unemployment and poverty. The St Helenans who settled in Natal were recruited mainly for rich Durban residents it was expensive their fares had to be paid, and their wages were higher than the going rate. Some did settle in Pietermaritzburg. They were mainly Anglican and were greatly assisted by Dean James Green of St Saviours Cathedral. They had their own church, St Lukes, in Boshoff Street, until the Group Areas Act forced their removal to Woodlands. Today they are still a distinct group among the Coloured population. Names here include Benjamin, Crowie, Easthorpe, Everton, Ginman, Joshua, Knipe, Leo and Rich. The documenting of the genealogies of KZNs Coloured families has been given a great boost by the now retired Father Duncan McKenzie of Durban. As he was moved from parish to parish, he recorded information given him by his Coloured parishioners. His work has helped me greatly with the Coloured branches of some of my families. The two subjects I have shared with you both comprise interlinking, if not inseparable, genealogies and life histories. Likewise with the entries in my biographical register. My research has shown that meshing goes further than this it permeates all the peoples of our multi-cultural country, and could bind us together into an inseparable whole. For this to happen, however, historical knowledge and empathy across the spectrum of our society is essential. Remember, Mrs Colenso, the wife of Sobantu, pointed to the rising generation as hopeful soil. Graduands you, with your higher education, are a crucial part of this hopeful soil. Thank you. Acknowledgments: My husband Brian Dr Corinne Sandwith Father Duncan McKenzie, OMI Mrs Joan Simpson Killie Campbell Africana Library Professor Adrian Koopman
124
Notes and Queries ANNAMAH VATHER A UNIQUE WOMAN Contributed by Dr T.R. Moodley The recording of family marital partnerships or histories of Indians who associations. came to South Africa as One such woman indentured labourers or was my grandmother, who had paid their way Annamah, who was (known as passenger born in the village of Indians) is difficult, as Pandoor near Madras. most of the history is She could not read or oral or anecdotal and has write English but was been passed on from one very adequately literate generation to the next. in Tamil. There was a high Annamah arrived in illiteracy rate and a fight South Africa in May Annamah Vather for survival, and so the 1893 aboard the SS recording of family events or success Pongola with her husband Aroonagiry was a luxury. This trend continued until Moodley. He had already served his the 1960s, despite the phenomenal indenture in South Africa and had progress made by Indians In South returned to India to marry. She was 16 Africa. There were the everlasting years old and Moodley, who was also battles against prejudice, the threat of her grand-uncle, was 50. repatriation, designated group areas Annamah was industrious, soon to live in, the obstacles in business adapted to her new environment and and education, and the general non- started planting vegetables and flowers acceptance of Indian people as citizens to sell. Her venture developed rapidly of South Africa other than descendants and she became a vegetable hawker of of respectable slaves. note. People still remember her rose The women who came to South Af- garden, which was on a site adjoining rica came either with their husbands, the present Eddels shoe factory in in search of their husbands who had Victoria Road, Pietermaritzburg. She left India for South Africa or as sin- was frugal and only the vegetables that gle women in search of a brave new could not be sold to the public were world. They were severely disadvan- used in the family kitchen. If festival taged in many ways, but some of them days, e.g. Deepavali, fell on a good threw off the shackles of conservative day for business she and her family Indian society that bound them espe- would celebrate on the next day. cially those governing the relationship Market gardening had become very between husbands and wives. To quote popular with those Indians who had Richard Lannoy, though destitute of opted to stay in the country, because virtue or seeking pleasure elsewhere trading licences were difficult to or devoid of good qualities, yet a hus- obtain. Market gardeners and hawkers band must be worshipped as a god by supplied fresh fruit and vegetable a faithful wife, women became the to the local markets and public at dominant partner and driving force in competitive prices.
125
Notes and Queries Annamah acquired a wagon and horses and drove the wagon herself to the market. This was unusual for a young Indian woman, as most hawkers had little push carts. Later in life she was driven around in a Ford motor car with the registration NP1, a number subsequently the preserve of the Provincial Secretary of the day. In the late 19th and early 20th century banks were reluctant to give Indians loans. Money lenders or local bankers brought some relief. Loans were made against bonds, title deeds and other securities such as jewellery. It is also to be noted that post indenture there were many unskilled Indians, earning capacity was low and it was almost impossible to obtain trading licences, skilled jobs and, indeed, employment. There was no shortage of borrowers. Annamah saw an opportunity and, being astute, developed a considerable business as a local banker. Most arrangements were verbal and if items of jewellery were not collected on the date of redemption they were forfeited. On her death she was found to have five bags of jewellery in her possession. This could not be distributed to her sons by value, so a respectable jeweller, Mr Raghavajee used a scale from his shop and distributed the jewellery by weight. After 1905 there was an economic depression and many white people experienced severe hardship and would borrow money from her, some of them even bonding their properties to her. Some of the Afrikaners moved to the Transvaal where economic prospects seemed better. She bought their properties for cash and in this way acquired an enormous amount of property and in time became the
126
second highest ratepayer in the city of Pietermaritzburg. She dealt with the firm of Ireland, Van Aardt and Forsyth, an auction house which also did estate agency work. The head of the firm would inform her of any property that was coming up for sale and she would buy it and instruct her lawyers Cecil Nathan and Co to proceed with the transfer, and she would pay in cash. She also became a property developer and had several houses built in Mayors Walk near the Botanical Gardens. In 1905 she struck up a relationship with a Mr Vather, an Indian sweetmeat maker from the Gujerati sect, and by all accounts a very handsome man. She was strong minded and made the controversial decision to separate from her husband. The association was frowned upon by the community, firstly because she had left her husband, a respected member of the religious fraternity and, secondly, she was a south Indian Tamil-speaking woman who formed an association with a north Indian Gujerati-speaking man. In any case, infidelities were fairly common due to the paucity of women. She seemed unfazed by this controversy and it would appear that the union prospered, because they subsequently developed a general dealership and a petrol station in Retief Street, and she became an enormously wealthy woman. She was a matriarch in the true sense of the word and expected her family to toe the line. Wealth had given her an arrogance that would make her selective about her relationships with people and in the selection of the wives for her sons. The front door to her house in Retief Street had a stained glass window with the inscription Vathers Lodge.
Notes and Queries Her youngest son from the first marriage defied her and chose a wife for himself and because of this she decided to discipline and destroy him. She had given him a property to start up a brick-making factory. There was a verbal agreement that he would supply her with bricks for her many developments to the value of the brickyard property and eventually take ownership of it. All went well until he married. He had already paid for the property in bricks supplied but had not taken transfer of it. By now relations between mother and son had deteriorated to such an extent that she sold the property to the Nizamia Muslim Society. He successfully sued his mother but, unfortunately for him, the judgment in his favour was posthumous. While still unmarried, the son had made a will in favour of his mother in 1929. He died suddenly at the age of 39 in 1943 and by now had five children, the eldest only five years old. She made a claim against his estate, claiming that a later will in favour of his widow and children was forged, and the one made in her favour was valid. This led to a prolonged legal battle and eventually the court ruled in favour of the widow and minor children. She achieved a partial success, however, as she had financially crippled her sons estate due to the enormous legal costs involved. But she lost favour and the respect of the community, including her daughters, who believed that the action was unwarranted. The record of both cases can be found in the library of the Natal Law Society. Annamah was a deeply religious person. She built a Hindu temple in the area of the present Liberty Midlands Mall and several Hindu festivals were celebrated there under her patronage. One such festival, the Angalesperi Prayer to honour the Mother Shakti, is still celebrated and sponsored annually by members of the family in the Siva Soobramoniar and Mariammen Temple in Pietermaritzburg and is well attended by the general public. After her death and due to population shift the original temple was demolished and the Murthis (symbolic representations of the various gods and goddesses) were housed in the Siva Soobramoniar and Mariammen Temple. She died in 1950 at the age of 73 and her ashes were placed in the family plot that she had purchased at the Mountain Rise Cemetery. What of the progeny of this remarkable woman, who rose to become a property baroness in a difficult environment and against all odds? Her grandchildren have excelled in the professions, including law and medicine, and some as powerful business executives.
REFERENCES 1 Lannoy, Richard. The Speaking Tree. A study of Indian social structure and society. p 103. 2 Khan, Moosa Hyder. Pietermaritzburg Indian Centenary Brochure 1960 p 47. 3 Desai, Ashwin and Vahed, Goolam. Inside Indian Indenture: A South African Story 18601914. pp 323326. 4 Hiralal, Kalpana. Natalia 38 Indian family businesses in Natal, 1870 to 1950, pp 2737. 5 Ibid. 6 Raghavjee, Vaghjee. Personal communication. 7 Forsyth, D. Personal communication. 8 Meer, Y.S. et. al. Documents of Indian indentured labourers in Natal 18511917. p 25. 9 Annama v Moodley 1943 Citation AD 543. 10 Annama v Chetty and others Citation 1946 AD 142.
127
Notes and Queries
AppLAUSE FOR MRS ISAbELLA GILES: THE yOUNG WIFE OF A NATAL MIdLANdS FARMER IN THE 1860s
Contributed by Val Ward
Homestead overlooking the Blaaukrantz River, possibly where the Giles family lived. Photo (taken 1996): Shelagh Spencer Very tired is how Isabella Giles frequently ended her daily journal. I am not surprised. Her life as a colonial Natal midlands farmers wife in the 1860s was hard. Isabella was the wife of James Giles, a former major in the 17th Hussars who served in the Indian Mutiny in the 1850s. They married in England and emigrated to the Colony of Natal. They arrived at Port Natal (Durban or Thekweni) on 22 November 1862 with a 20-month-old daughter Cicely and a month-old son Frank, born on the voyage. The only railway was that between Durban and the Point so the family travelled from Durban to Pietermaritzburg by ox-wagon. While Pettie (husband James) was visiting parts of the Natal midlands looking for a suitable property, Isabella was busy getting a house on the Colenso mission at Bishopstowe ready for their temporary occupation lime128
washing, clearing paths and pitching bricks and rubbish out of the way. Here it was that her white servant Ann left her and she employed Julia Lloyd and Topsy as well as Nomacela, who came twice a week to bake and iron. Family member Peter Giles took a nearby cottage on the farm. And not long afterwards brother Edward Giles arrived from England to join Peter. James Giles, having looked at properties in the Bushmans River region as well as Greytown, eventually settled on the farm Blaauwkrantz. He chose this farm, in the neighbourhood of Bushmans River (Estcourt) in the County of Weenen, because it had a Dutch house on it which was rent free. Another reason for selecting this farm may have been because a neighbouring farmer, Frederick William Moor on Brakfontein, was the son of a fellow officer and friend, Colonel John Moor. Other neighbours were the Ralfes, Mrs Moor Junior being a Ralfe.
Notes and Queries The Giles family and servants left Pietermaritzburg on about 2 July 1863 in three wagons and on some horses. The journey was not without incident. Oxen panicked, wagons ran backwards and bits of wagon were removed for repair. Partway up Town Hill they stopped overnight at Brittons Boarding House, the second night they slept at the Umgeni Falls Hotel (at Howick). They travelled via Currys (Currys Post) to KarKloof for their third night. On Sunday, the fourth day, they reached Mooi River, where they stayed at Whipps (Accommodation House). The wagons continued with Peter, Julia, baby Frankie and the servants while James and Isabella Giles, with toddler Cicely riding in front of her, continued on horses to Bushmans River. They went straight to the magistrate Mr (John) Macfarlanes house. Here they rested on the following day while the wagons continued to Blaauwkrantz. From Mr Macfarlanes they went on horseback to the Moors at Brakfontein, where they stayed a week. Meanwhile Pettie rode over to Blaauwkrantz daily, a distance of about 16 kilometres, to unpack the wagons and to set up the home. Two weeks passed between leaving Pietermaritzburg and moving into their home at Blaauwkrantz in mid-July 1863. It was winter. The days were short and there was plenty to do. Isabella was a working wife and mother with a two-year-old daughter Cicely and nine-month-old Frankie. Fortunately she had Julia Lloyd, a home help. They employed local servants and farmhands. All the same, Isabella was very active in the house and on the farm. Life in 1863 to 1866 was full. The house needed constant cleaning out and the floors repaired. It was a Dutch house, which probably meant it was thatched and had an earth or dung floor. Isabella later described it as an ugly Dutch house. Travellers and visitors came to dinner (mid-day meal) and some stayed overnight, often on the sofa. Pettie was often away around the farm, to other farms, to the Post, to Colenso, Bushmans River and Mooi River for military drills and to buy and sell produce, leaving Isabella to attend to the farm, sometimes with help from Peter who lived across the river. The neighbouring Moors and Ralfes were very helpful and there was much traffic by horse or wagon between the two farms, since there were no telephones. Sometimes they went on horseback and when goods or people were to be transported, by wagon. Often the message-taker was a farmhand. Isabella made butter, brawn from pigs feet, lard from animal fat; she roasted coffee beans and she fixed boots and shoes with gum, A frequent houseguest was old Mrs Moor who helped enormously with the family, sewing curtains for the bed, baby clothes, altering mens trousers, making table cloths, frocks and bonnets and bibs for the children. They made cap covers for the ammunition and candles. In the evenings they dampened and folded the laundry, ironed, and greased eggs for keeping. They salted meat, made sausages, bread, scones, rock cakes and jam. On one occasion Julia had forgotten to do the overnight rising for the bread so they had scones for breakfast and dinner. Mrs Moor Senior was very helpful with the Giles children and when they were ill, she often took over the houseful chores allowing Isabella to nurse the fractious children.
129
Notes and Queries The Giles expected the Moors for most Sunday dinners. On occasion they could not come but always sent a message. Isabellas Sunday journal entry would start, Expected the Moors but they did not come. In a rare quiet period Isabella would mend socks and sort drawers and cupboards. And she read magazines and books sent from England. Isabella was a great letter-writer to the family in Somerset, England. And she looked forward to the arrival of boxes and their newsy letters and the copies of Punch and the Illustrated, presumably the Illustrated London News. She and Mrs Moor often made scrapbooks using pictures from these publications to amuse the sick children. Besides teething, the children frequently had coughs, whooping cough, constipation and worms, and all the children on the farm had chickenpox. Isabella seemed to be always dosing the children for one ailment or another. Treatments often included castor oil, enemas, Senna tea, emetics, liquorice (which Frankie did not like), figs, Belladonna plaisters (plasters). Cicely at one time was dosed frequently with a homeopathic cocoa which she called chocolate, and even when well again Cicely asked for it. At the end of 1865 Dr Edie stayed more than a week to see Isabella through a difficult time when she had fits, fevers, paralysis and agues. He treated her with rhubarb, quinine and iron. The ships from England arrived in Port Natal (Durban) about once a month, bringing passengers as well as the post and occasional boxes for the Giles family. The eagerly awaited boxes from England contained useful household things as well as fabrics for clothes, preserves, vases and dolls
130
and toys for the children. One box contained a sewing machine. There was much anticipation and great excitement when the box eventually arrived by wagon at Blaauwkrantz. On a visit to Pietermaritzburg, Isabella could not contain her curiosity and opened a box waiting to be delivered to Blaauwkrantz. She examined the contents, repacked everything and nailed the box down for delivery to her home. When it arrived at Blaauwkrantz she was just as excited as before. With Mrs Moors help, Isabella soon cut out the fabrics and sewed clothes, including trowsers, for the whole family. Old Mrs Moor was not beyond helping Isabella on the farm. In a late cold snap Mrs Moor saw to the rubbing of the cold shorn sheep that had been brought into the kitchen. On another occasion they were planting seedlings in the kitchen garden in the pouring rain old Mrs Moor out in the wet and mud. Isabella helped plant tobacco, syringas, potatoes, gum tree seeds, herbs, shallots, mealies, radish, lettuce and parsley, onion, turnips, spinage (spinach). She was thrilled to receive in one of her boxes from England, seeds for mignonette, stocks, nasturtiums, white petunias and balsam which Isabella happily planted around the house. She was very proud of her hens and ducks and would check the sitting birds regularly eggs often numbered 13 to 15. Often she would put a duck egg under a hen. When Pettie had killed a pig and cut it up, Isabella would cure it. She helped with webbing the new bedstead made by Pettie. She made fly-poison. Flies were a problem as they are on farms today. Three-year-old Cicely at dinner exclaimed Bother the flies, an
Notes and Queries adult expression she must have heard. Besides caring for shorn sheep Isabella often counted the sheep and cattle into their enclosures when Pettie was away. She at times went to the river to drive the ducks back home. She would make the sheep-wash with tobacco, she made basket fencing and she rode to the Post when others could not. She dealt with the farmhands and their families. What did farmer Giles do? Pettie, besides travelling to neighbouring farms to select sheep, horses and cattle, and to look for lost animals, made the babys cot and a bedstead, went on military drills, made stock enclosures, rode to neighbours for advice, dug a hole to bury his dead horse Vivian, went hunting, practised target shooting, played chess with guests and helped Isabella when the children were ill. In mid-1865 he started building their new home on the farm Slievyre, two hours wagon-ride away. He was often away until they moved across in February 1866. Isabella obviously missed Pettie when he was away. She would watch out for him, she would worry if he was not home by dark, she was nervous especially when there were rumours of a Basuto raid and when the weather was particularly wet and rivers flooded. Pettie doted on her he never left her side, day or night, during her late 1865 illness. There seemed always to be houseguests. In three years journalwriting Isabella seldom remarked about a quiet day and even less often was there any mention of intimacy. Life seemed to get her down at times. Four months after settling in to her new life, Isabella wrote on Thursday 12th November 1863, Pettie very angry with me. [Brother in England] Henrys right. I am not suited to colonial life do what I may the work is not in me for I have not been brought up in it. Six weeks later, on 27 December 1863 she wrote A quiet morning no early rising not well Julia better Frankie cross all day no home letters yet. Peter all right again Went to the garden in the afternoon I took a warm bath on going to bed Pettie late in coming to bed & then talked to me for a long time & made me better the Lover again. Five days later, on midsummers New Years Day 1864, Isabella wrote Very unhappy and very weak irritable & horrible everybody & everything offends me dear Pettie especially. Laid down on the bed whilst the children slept & Pettie talked to me. No further mentions of intimacy until June, six months later (Sunday 5 June 1864), Had a nap in the afternoon on Petties shoulder. Six weeks later (18 July 1864) Isabella wrote Made myself happy again with Pettie he says he loves me all over every bit of me & I am not to brood over it when he speaks crossly & not to let him do it so little irritates him he says. Nine months later (10 April 1865) she wrote, The children (now three of them), Pettie and I went out to lay down on the grass. Isabella arrived in Natal with two children. She had a miscarriage on 10 February 1864. Other children were born late 1864 or early 1865 (Douglas) and 28 December 1865 (Evelyn). In five years she had five pregnancies and reared four children, Cicely, Frank, Douglas and Evelyn. This in itself is enough to keep a woman busy. I came to write this story after speed-reading through parts of two handwritten journals in foolscap notebooks in the possession of Mrs
131
Notes and Queries Gay Wedderburn of Howick. In 2009, I read the Isabella Giles diary to abstract mentions, between 1863 and early 1866, of the families Moor and Ralfe for Dr Robert Moor of Cambridge. Robert, a great grandson of Frederick Robert Moor, the Prime Minister of the Colony of Natal 19061910, is researching his family history. I found the life of the people of the Natal midlands very interesting and especially that of a farmers young wife. Isabella Giles was not only homekeeper and hostess; wife, mother, nurse, vet and friend but a stop-gap farmer as well. No wonder she often completed her daily journal with Very tired. I applaud her.
HEATH RETROSpECTIVE EXHIbITION

Contributed by Moray Comrie Through the latter months of 2009 and early in 2010, Pietermaritzburgs Tatham Art Gallery mounted a major retrospective exhibition of the work of Jack, Jane and Jinny Heath. Born in England, both Jack (John Charles Wood) Heath and Jane (born Jane Tully Parminter) both showed exceptional ability as scholarship students first at the Birmingham School of Art and then at the Royal College of Art in London. They met at Birmingham and married in January 1940 as World War II took hold. Demobilised in 1946, Jack accepted a lectureship in painting and drawing at Rhodes University College and a year later was appointed Head of the Art School at the Port Elizabeth Technical College. In her preface to the exhibition catalogue, Juliette Leeb-du Toit writes of him thus: As a vital part of the English modernist diaspora who left home and country in the aftermath of World War II, his invaluable presence in South Africa made an indelible mark on both art teaching, appreciation and practice. In 1953 Jack Heath took up the Chair of Fine Art at the University of Natal
132
This picture on the Heath Retrospective Exhibition was catalogued: John Charles Wood (Jack) Heath, Lazarus Come Forth, wax and oil with sand on board, 1962, 2485 1265mm.
Notes and Queries in Pietermaritzburg, where he and Jane injected fresh life into a neglected and even moribund department. Their daughter Jinny (Bronwen Jane) Heath had come to South Africa and then to Natal as a child, and after graduating she, too, lectured in the Department from 1967 until she retired at the end of 2004. The senior Heaths divorced in 1964, and Jack died suddenly in 1969. The gallery at what is now the Centre for Visual Arts at the University of KwaZulu-Natal for the construction and development of which he was a prime mover is rightly named for him. Jane had retired from the university a year previously, and she continued to teach privately until shortly before her own death in 1995. The Heaths have all approached their work with the same rigour that their own academic training had had, and throughout their professional careers gave priority to their teaching above their personal output. Nor has the work of any one of them been much exhibited. Because of this, while their students have respected them greatly and their influence on the teaching and making of art has been considerable, the public has been less aware of their own work than might have been the case. In fact, many of the paintings exhibited, particularly Jacks larger works, had to be rescued from near oblivion and carefully cleaned and restored, with Jinny leading this effort. The Tatham Retrospective exhibition, which assembled pieces from Jack and Janes student days through to Jinnys current work and encompassed the full diversity of drawings, etchings, theatrical notices and caricatures, cartoons, book illustrations and paintings which the Heaths have produced, all with the same thoroughly professional commitment to technical excellence, was therefore of major significance. This note cannot attempt to be a review of it, but to quote Juliette Leeb-du Toit once more:
Jack Heaths entire academic career was spent in South Africa, and it was in Natal that he came of age as an artist of considerable force. He upheld the merits of his prestigious art college training as well as nurturing a strong personal interest in contemporary art and African art and culture, these facets transcribed in powerful renderings of South African vistas and peoples. Rather than colonising indigenous expression in the region and country to which they emigrated, the Heaths chose rather to implant their presence in developing a rigorous teaching ethic located in English modernism and classical art training. Their work reflected a masterful control of medium, metaphorical use of content and ultimately a modernist classicism that is unique in South African art.
There has been a move to mount the exhibition, or parts of it, in other centres in the country and it is hoped that it has generated fresh and deserved interest in the work of the Heath family, both in KwaZulu-Natal and elsewhere.
133
Notes and Queries
THE NAMING OF KING SHAKA INTERNATIONAL AIRpORT

Contributed by Adrian Koopman and Elwyn Jenkins The new airport In May 2010 the old Durban International Airport closed and the new King Shaka International Airport was opened at La Mercy, approximately 35 km north of Durban. It will form part of the Dube Tradeport. The name of the airport, King Shaka International Airport, became official when it was gazetted on 5 February 2010 (Government Gazette No. 32916, Department of Arts and Culture Notice No. 24). The notice was gazetted as Change of name from La Mercy Airport. The existing aerodrome on the site had been gazetted as La Mercy Airport on 31 May 1989. As recently as November 2009, the Mail & Guardian was still writing as a matter of course about the new airport as La Mercy Airport: The construction of La Mercy Airport in Durban is at the centre of the recent turbulence in South Africas air transport sector. It is thought that the new name was first mooted by Chief Mangosuthu Buthelezi. Siting of the airport La Mercy lies halfway between Durban and KwaDukuza (formerly Stanger). Although Shaka had a number of royal homesteads, KwaDukuza (the place where one gets lost) was his last and greatest, and where he spent most of the latter part of his life. On the main highway leading north from Durban, which links Durban to King Shaka International, travellers find signs to Shakas Kraal and Shakas Rock.
134
Shakas Kraal is a colonial relict, a reference to KwaDukuza. Shakas Rock is the name of a small seaside development, originally a place where Shaka was believed to spend much time in contemplation of the waves of the Indian Ocean. The choice of the name King Shaka has been a much contested character in KwaZulu-Natal history, but without any doubt he was a leading character: possibly the most important single figure in the history of the KZN region for all time. The following, culled from recent historical works, shows both the contested nature of Shakas rule and his significance. Early commentators like Nathaniel Isaacs and Lieutenant King both among the earliest of the Port Natal settlers referred to Shaka as a monster, a compound of vice and ferocity (Isaacs) and a most cruel and savage and despotic king (King). Laband (1995: 22) quotes Charles Maclean (famous as John Ross), who spent three full years at Shakas residence and wrote of him much later: Shaka was a man of great natural ability, but he was cruel and capricious; nevertheless it is possible that he left behind something more than the terror of his name. Later historians and other commentators, not least among them Zulu politicians, have had no doubts about the significance of King Shakas achievements. Carolyn Hamilton, in Terrific Majesty, quotes a number of these (1998:11):
Notes and Queries

King Shaka rose like a colossus in his day and age to make KwaZulu a place of Zulus. He made one people out of many people. King Shaka was the greatest visionary of his time.
She quotes the historian R.W. Johnson as describing Shaka as the inescapable central figure of Zulu history, perhaps even black history, [who] welded a disparate series of groups into a single unit by dint of ruthless wars of conquest [using] the awesome power of Zulu impis a force without parallel in Africa in their fearsome discipline and utter determination. Hamilton (1998:11) reminds us of something little known about Shaka: King Shaka was ahead of his time. He had a vision of the future nobody could understand. He himself was mystified by his vision of great iron birds flying through the air. The power of the name Shaka The name and the person are two distinct entities. As we have seen above, the person named Shaka has been perceived by history as a highly influential and leading character. But it is the debate about him, the ongoing contesting of him as a character, that has made the name itself so powerful. Countless articles, historical books, works of fiction, debates, symposia, conferences, and power struggles among politicians as to who owns the heritage of Shaka all these have contributed over the years, until, even world-wide, there can be few names as well-known as that of Shaka. It does not matter if the historian Daphna Golan (1994) is correct in asserting that for [many] whites
Shaka symbolises tyranny and the rule of fear . Powerful names do not necessarily need to have positive vibes: the names Hitler, Stalin and Genghis Khan are all powerful names, although one may baulk today in naming an airport or other facility after them. The name Shaka is not only powerful; it has legendary, even mythical aspects. Some writers have talked about the metaphorical power of the name, others again of its symbolic value. Laband says (1995: 21): Shaka the man has long since become a myth he remains a potent symbol of Zulu national pride. Waetjen and Mar use the same reference as a metaphor for Zulu nationalistic politics, in their chapter for the recent book Zulu Identities (Carton et al. 2009), when they entitle it Shakas aeroplane: the take-off and landing of Inkatha, modern Zulu nationalism and royal politics. Naming airports after important statesmen Airports are, if not characteristically, at least frequently named after important historical characters, particularly statesmen, for example Charles de Gaulle Airport in Paris and JF Kennedy Airport in New York. Even the international airport in Johannesburg, the most important gateway into South Africa from abroad, was once Jan Smuts Airport, named after the Boer general turned revered South African Prime Minister and statesman in the first half of the 20th century. After a brief stint as the neutral Johannesburg International Airport, it is now Oliver Tambo International, named after a major stalwart of the ANC Struggle.
135
Notes and Queries For the naming of the new airport at La Mercy, Shaka can reasonably be claimed to be the quintessential KZN statesman, even literally so, as the one who created a state and a nation out of a minor lineage grouping. Airports are tourist gateways, and the King Shaka International Airport will naturally be a major gateway for tourists visiting KwaZulu-Natal. This province, in recent years, has successfully marketed itself as The Kingdom of the Zulu and more recently as The Zulu Kingdom (Bass 2002), so what more fitting name for the gateway than the name of the man who created the kingdom in the first place? The form of the name The preceding sections have described the person, the name, and the stature of King Shaka. There is, however, far more to the naming of this king than merely the word Shaka. For example, it is correct Zulu usage to give the names of important men, especially chiefs and kings together with their patronym (the name of the father). King Shaka should never simply be referred to as Shaka but as Shaka kaSenzangakhona, just as Senzangakhona should be Senzangakhona kaJama and Jama should be Jama kaNdaba. The name can be used without the patronym when attached to honorific titles such as King Shaka or (as Mazisi Kunenes epic poem is entitled) Emperor Shaka the Great. It would be preferable from a Zulu cultural point of view to name the new airport King Shaka kaSenzangakhona International Airport, but many foreigners (not to mention non-Zulu-speaking South
136
Africans) would find it hard to get their tongue around this word. This is the sort of information that should be made freely available to visitors to the airport, in the form of free brochures, pamphlets and leaflets, as well as in wall-mounted information boards and plaques. Informative plaques and theme naming No Zulu male ever goes through life with one name. Someone of the stature and career of Shaka would accumulate praise names, and these would become focus points in his izibongo (praises). For example, he was known as uNodumehlezi (he who is famous even when seated), uNdlondlo (the horned viper) and iLembe (The Axe), a name expanded in the well-known praise-phrase ILembe eleqamanyamalembe ngokukhalipha (axe that surpassed all other axes in sharpness). Today iLembe is the name of the district municipality in which the town of KwaDukuza lies, the town which every September is host to the annual Shakas Day rally. These praise names (and there are more than two dozen of them) could be listed and explained in wall plaques and other information nodes throughout the airport. Shaka kaSenzangakhona is also associated with the names of his palaces or principal residences, each of which was also a military barracks. Some were inherited from his father, such as the KwaKhangela establishment on the Ulundi heights. Some he built himself, such as kwabulawayo (the place of the one being killed) and kwadukuza. The name of his hunting box kwaGingindlovu (where one traps
Notes and Queries elephant) has given rise to the name of the small town nearby. These praise names for Shaka, and the names of his military and other establishments, could also serve as theme names throughout the airport. The airport itself, a named entity, contains within it a great number of smaller entities: shops, restaurants, checking-in concourses, baggage carousel halls, customs points, VIP lounges, waiting areas, viewing decks and more. There is no reason why these cannot also be named, each with a nearby plaque explaining just why this is the Senzangakhona VIP Lounge, the KwaDukuza exit gate, the Nodumehlezi Restaurant, and the uLembe Baggage Hall.
REFERENCES Bass, Orli. 2002. Adventure, paradise, indigenous culture: The Kingdom of the Zulu campaign. Current Writing 14(1): 82105. Carton, B., Laband J. and Sithole, J., eds. 2009. Zulu Identities: Being Zulu, Past and Present. Scottsville: University of KwaZuluNatal Press. Golan, Daphna. 1994. Inventing Shaka: Using History in the Construction of Zulu Nationalism. Boulder, Colo.: Rienner. Hamilton, Carolyn A. 1998. Terrific Majesty: The Powers of Shaka Zulu and the Limits of Historical Invention. Cape Town: David Philip. Laband, J. 1995. Rope of Sand: The Rise and Fall of the Zulu Kingdom in the Nineteenth Century. Johannesburg: Jonathan Ball.
STAMFORd HILL AEROdROME

Contributed by John Deane Preparations for holding the Soccer World Cup competition in South Africa in June and July 2010 included
various construction projects to improve facilities and infrastructure, none of which was more noticeable
This photograph, taken in the 1930s, shows a Junkers being refuelled, with the aerodrome building in the background, and in the distance on the far left the Durban Country Club.
137
Notes and Queries
The Moses Mabhida Stadium than the building of new sports stadia in the main cities. The Moses Mabhida Stadium in Durban is among the most impressive of these, with its huge overarching structure. Visitors wanting to see panoramic views of the city and the Indian Ocean can climb the hundreds of steps to the top or be conveyed there in a cable car. In the year when Durban International Airport south of Durban was closed and the new King Shaka International Airport north of the city came into operation, it is interesting to note that the new stadium occupies an area where Durbans very first aerodrome used to be. Stamford Hill Aerodrome was on part of the flat land between the North Beach and the rising ground of the residential area of Stamford Hill, and its time of greatest activity was in the 1930s and early 1940s. The regular Flying Boat service used Durban Bay, but other aircraft used Stamford Hill. Elderly gentlemen on the Berea with telescopes on their
138
verandas to watch shipping, now had the added pleasure of watching the arrival and departure of the largest planes to use the aerodrome, the threeengined Junkers Ju-52s of the South African Airways. These German aeroplanes were in use until 1943, by which time they were providing a shuttle service for the military between South Africa and Egypt. They were finally replaced by the first Douglas DC-47 Dakotas. Reunion Airport (later renamed Louis Botha and finally Durban International) was officially opened in November 1955. The South African Air Force used Stamford Hill until the following year before moving to Reunion. Smaller planes began using the Virginia Airport in Durban North, which opened in 1959, and Stamford Hill was closed. The control tower building remained, but other buildings sprang up round it as land use changed. It is now the regimental headquarters of the Natal Mounted Rifles.
Notes and Queries
FLyING bOATS ON dURbAN bAy

Discussion in the Natalia Editorial Committee of the old Stamford Hill Aerodrome put Adrian Koopman into reminiscent mood: When I was about five or six years old, in the mid-1950s, I lived with my father, mother, and two sisters (one a year older, another a year younger) in Montclair, a suburb on the southern side of Durban. At that time flying boats were still landing in Durban Bay, and as a special treat, my mother would drive us down to the bay in our old green Morris Minor to watch the planes land. We would park on the very edge of Maydon Wharf, in a gap between docked ships, and between bollards that seemed bigger even than the car. A low droning noise would herald the proximity of the plane, and then a silver speck in the sky would grow larger and larger, until the plane landed in a giant plume of spray.In those days flamingos and pelicans were still plentiful in Durban Bay and as the flying boat landed, the birds would fly up in a great pink and white cloud. The combination of plane, spray and birds made for the kind of memory that lasts forever.
A Sunderland flying boat takes off from Durban Bay. Note the extensive mangroves and the absence of development on the southern shore.
139
Notes and Queries
UGILIMITHI
Contributed by Adrian Koopman The recent press reports about the 150th anniversary of the arrival of the first indentured Indian labourers in the then Colony of Natal reminds me of a mystery word that I first came across in the pages of Doke and Vilakazis 1958 Zulu-English Dictionary the word ugilimithi. The word was glossed as system of indenture of Indian labour in Natal. Clear enough, but where did this word come from? It obviously could not be a very old Zulu word; indeed it had to have entered the Zulu lexicon some time after the 1860s. My first thought was that it must be a compound noun, almost certainly a compound of the common verb + noun structure, where the verb was gil(a) and the noun imithi (trees, medicines). The first meaning of gila is perform tricks, play pranks, which doesnt make much sense. The second meaning, however swallow, gulp down makes perfect sense with medicines, so clearly (so ran my thinking) the first Indian labourers must somehow have been identified with the gulping down of medicines, perhaps a reference to inoculating them on their arrival against potential dreaded diseases brought from India. It was only when the late Professor C.L.S. Nyembezi brought out his monolingual dictionary Isichazimazwi Sanamuhla Nangomuso (the Dictionary of Today and Tomorrow) in 1992, that the mystery was cleared up. Nyembezi glosses the word as isivumulwano esenziwa sokuba kuze amaNdiya kuleli zwe azosebenza ezimobeni eNatali (an agreement made so Indians could come to this country to work in the sugar-cane fields of Natal). And after that he indicates, in brackets, that this is a Zuluisation of the wait for it English word agreement .
bLASTING ITS WAy INTO ENGLISH

Contributed by Adrian Koopman The Zulu language has given a considerable number of words to English, and in mainstream dictionaries like the Oxford English Dictionary one can find examples like mamba, indaba, nyala and impala. Seldom, though, has a Zulu word entered the English language with such speed as the word vuvuzela. Normally for a new word to be accepted by lexicographers it needs to serve a long and solid apprenticeship among speakers. Lexicographers are by nature cautious: they do not want to
140
record a new word in their dictionaries unless they are sure it has come to stay. But vuvuzela, until the start of the Fifa Soccer World Cup in South Africa, a word known only among South Africans, and then only mostly soccer fans, within one month became a word used internationally. Even in contexts totally unrelated to soccer, the word was used, as in the following opening paragraph from the British magazine Private Eye of 23 July 2010 (p. 4):
Notes and Queries
With an ear-splitting fanfare of vuvuzelas, the Indie announced last month that it had signed up Julie Burchell to write a weekly column.
The Pietermaritzburg newspaper The Witness announced on 13 July that vuvuzela had been voted the word of the World Cup by 75 per cent of 320 linguists from around the world. The managing director of the London-based firm Today Translations said, Long after individual matches and goals are forgotten, this will be remembered as the Vuvuzela World Cup. Shortly after this announcement, regular Witness correspondent McGillicuddy of the Reeks wrote (16.7.2010), suggesting that now the word vuvuzela had been assigned lexicographical respectability, perhaps dictionary makers should also consider the verb to blatter, with the meaning to offer financial and moral incentive to get things done on time. According to McGillicuddy, Once in the Oxford English Dictionary, [Fifa President] Sepp Blatter will have achieved the immortality frequently vested upon South African heroes. McGillicuddys hopes for blatter to be recognised in this way are unlikely to be recognised, but vuvuzela, on the
other hand, has indeed made it into the Oxford English Dictionary. The website Mail and Guardian Online1 reported on 19 August 2010, under the headline Vuvuzela Trumpeted by Oxford dictionary, that
the vuvuzela, which became the sound of the 2010 Soccer World Cup in South Africa, has won an entry in the latest edition of the Oxford Dictionary of English, due to be published on Thursday. The monotone drone could be heard throughout matches during the tournament, and came in for criticism from both players and spectators. The dictionary, which is based on how language is really used, defines the horn as a long plastic instrument, in the shape of a trumpet, which makes a very loud noise when you blow it and is popular with football fans in South Africa.
The South African National Biodiversity Institute (Sanbi), however, beat the Oxford Dictionary to it, and the newspaper The Weekend Witness announced on 19 July 2010, less than a week after the World Cup had finished, that a newly-discovered member of the iris family had been named Moraea vuvuzela, the name alluding to the flared
141
Vuvuzela Day: Dundas Football Club/Wikimedia Commons
Notes and Queries shape of the yellow flowers of the bulb. Sanbi botanist Dr John Manning said that the naming of the plant was aimed at paying homage to South Africas hosting of the World Cup. Nor were flowers the only things to be named after the vuvuzela. A writer to the British newspaper The Daily Telegraph (15 July 2010, p. 19) pointed out that the World Cup has bestowed hundreds of names on the newly born and quoting from the Durban newspaper The Mercury, listed Vuvuzela Mhlongo, together with Offside Mchunu, Goalkeeper Sithole, Striker Hadebe and Substitute Shandu. But where does the word vuvuzela come from? It is, as is generally well accepted, of Zulu origin, and its original use was as a verb, with the meaning sprinkle, more specifically sprinkle spices on food to make it more exciting. During the later part of the twentieth century, the second half of this definition, i.e. make things more exciting, spice things up, became dominant, and the word was used to refer to football songs and chants meant to encourage ones team, and other practices generally intended to spice things up at soccer matches. When the much-loved or much-hated plastic trumpet became ubiquitous at South Africa soccer matches, the verb very quickly became a noun. But that is simply my theory. Natalia readers may prefer the theory of Pietermaritzburg resident Monika Wittenberg, who wrote to The Witness on 16 June 2010 that
I received a letter from Germany that a friend, originally from South Africa, found that his boss and co-workers had problems pronouncing and generally accepting the vuvuzela. So he told them: The vuvuzela is named after the 142
famous footballer Uwe Seeler. That appealed to them and immediately it changed their attitude to the vuvuzela.
I am also greatly indebted to John Deane, a colleague on the Natalia editorial committee, who sent me a copy of Notes and Queries from the 25 June 8 July 2010 issue of the satirical magazine Private Eye, with no less than three intriguing theories about the origin of the word. One Ethel Barenboim writes:
The curious name of this primitive African instrument owes its origins to a remark made by the French composer Claude Debussy when travelling with his great friend the Comtesse Silvestri. In a Cape Town music shop, Debussys eye was caught by a strange trumpetlike instrument and he remarked to his companion Avez-vous vu cela? (Have you seen this?). Ravel later included the vuvuzela in one of his orchestral compositions, Le Mort de Babar.
Professor Aaron G. String comments on this letter as follows:

Mrs Barenboim is sadly mistaken betraying a typically eurocentric view of African history. The vuvuzela, for her information, is a traditional war trumpet made from the horn of the water buffalo or vuvu in the local Zela tongue. There is a reference in Baden-Powells classic account of the Vuvu wars, Through Bush and Veldt (1883): You can hear the Zelas playing their vuvus from dawn to dusk and a pretty terrifying sound it is. I can see England losing this war and having to go home early.
For those not convinced by the combined authority of Professor G. String and Lord Baden-Powell, Simon Google-Smith has this to offer:
Sadly the explanation behind the ubiquitous vuvuzela is rather more prosaic than your correspondents have
Notes and Queries

so far suggested. The instrument is of modern origin and is made in China in the industrial province of Zhu Zhu from a composite polyresin known as zelane (CH 4 OOCH 4 -OOHC). Unsurprisingly when exported to South Africa by the VanderBastard corporation of Johannesburg, the trumpets become known to the locals as vuvuzelas.
So there you are! Take your pick.

NOTES 1 http://www.mg.co.za/article/2010-08-19vuvuzela-trumpeted-by-oxford-dictionary. Accessed 3.9.2010
WEENEN
Contributed by Shelagh Spencer
I later wrote to the Estcourt librarian enquiring about its history, and was informed it was built soon after 1838 and was used by Andries Pretoriuss son also Andries while he was the field cornet for the area, both as an office and a residence. Afterwards it served at different times as the magistrates court, the residency, a SA Police depot, Public Works Department offices and a library. Other versions maintain it was
On a Saturday in 1977 we drove to Estcourt in order to take a trip on the narrow-gauge line to Weenen, dating back to 1907, but unfortunately no longer extant. Once in the village we were shown various historical sites such as the towns sluits, two Indian stores which have been declared historical monuments, and the museum from the outside only (it being shut on Saturdays). It was a small building, obviously dating back many years.
Sketch of Weenen from John Morelands field diary

143
Notes and Queries the house of the Andries Wilhelmus Jacobus Pretorius (17981853), who resided on Grootmielietuin, a farm through which the train line ran. While researching in the Archives some time afterwards I came across a diagram in the Surveyor-Generals papers for the proposed Government office in Weenen (dimensions 33 ft 6 in. 17 ft), dated 1853. It was signed by Dr W. Stanger, the Surveyor-General and Gavin Pettigrew the contractor. The village was an important place in the 1850s. The first magistrate, Arthur Caesar Hawkins, had been installed in September 1852, and it remained the seat of the Weenen Division magistracy until March 1859, when it was replaced by the camp at Bushmans River (now Estcourt), to use Hawkinss own words. To me, this diagram resembled the Weenen museum, but only recently has proof become available, when friends visiting the village were able to get the dimensions of the building. Thus, it could not have been used by Pretorius Snr, who left Natal for good in May 1852. Andries Pretorius Jnr (c.18261879) was certainly the local field cornet by 1865, and remained as such until about 187273. As for Grootmielietuin (6 314
Plan of the old Weenen Court House

144
Notes and Queries acres-odd), it was granted to A.W.J. Pretorius and P. Kritzinger on 1 March 1852. The entry for Pretorius Snr in the Dictionary of South African Biography written by B.J. Liebenberg (who a few years later was to write a definitive biography of Pretorius) mentions only two farms owned by Pretorius in Natal, viz. Welverdient near Pietermaritzburg (later renamed Edendale), and Riet Vallei near todays Howick. Possibly, therefore, the A.W.J. Pretorius who was the owner of the larger portion of Grootmielietuin, viz. 4 727 acres-odd, was the son, rather than the father. Another matter in the grounds of the museum there stood the remains of an old mill, said to have come from Commandant [sic] Pretorius Grootmielietuin. Some years ago it was sent for repair to the Provincial Museum Services. When the job was done it was duly returned, but no-one seems to know where it is now!
145
Obituaries
Obituaries
Steve de Gruchy (1961 2010)
Steve de Gruchy was born on 16 November 1961 in Durban, South Africa, later moving with his family to Cape Town and matriculating from the South African College High School (SACS) in 1979. He continued his studies at the University of Cape Town, obtaining an MA in Religious Studies, an STM from Union Theological Seminary, New York, and a DTh at the University of the Western Cape in 1992. His doctoral thesis focused on the themes of justice and liberation in the work of the theologian Reinhold Niebuhr. As a young man, Steves commitment to issues of justice and liberation were evident in his involvement in the Students Union for Christian Action, as a youth pastor at the Rondebosch Congregational Church, as a religious conscientious objector refusing to serve in the South African Defence Force during the 1980s, and finally as an ordained minister in the United
146
Steve de Gruchy Congregational Church of Southern Africa in Athlone, Cape Town. Committed to both faith and social action, Steve became Director of the Kuruman Moffat Mission Trust in 1994. During this time he was engaged in establishing a number of projects to alleviate poverty, curb illiteracy, and promote theological education, becoming fluent in speaking Tswana.
Obituaries In 2000 Steve was appointed as the Director of the Theology and Development Programme at the School of Theology at the then University of Natal. At the time, this fledging programme was small and little known and Steve has built this programme to be recognised throughout the African continent as a relevant and contextual centre of post-graduate study. With a strong commitment to the Ecumenical movement, he has participated in a number of consultations and commissions of the World Council of Churches, World Alliance of Reformed Churches and the Council for World Mission. Appointed Associate Professor in 2005 and later full Professor in 2008, Steves stature as a scholar grew enormously over the past decade with numerous publications in the field of theology and development, more recently in the area of public health and issues of water and climate change. He was passionate about the way in which communities need to regain their dignity and focus on their assets in order to become more fully human. He has supervised numerous students who knew and loved him as a committed and critical scholar, pastor and friend. In 2008, Steve became Head of the School of Religion and Theology at the merged University of KwaZulu-Natal. Colleagues have thrived under his decisive and brave leadership. He was always full of new ideas, ready to relieve tension with a joke, and determined that the School of Religion and Theology would be a centre of excellence within the University. Those who were close to Steve also know that scholarly and activist pursuits were not his only love. He was a gifted musician, loved walking in the Drakensberg, and always enjoyed socialising with friends. Married to Marian, and with their three children, Thea (18), David (16), and Kate (12), the family loved outdoor adventures. It was on one such adventure that the life of Steve de Gruchy was taken by the very waters (pula) he spoke so passionately about. South Africa has lost a son of the soil. The South African church has lost a key theologian. The Ecumenical Movement has lost a prophet. And the University of KwaZulu-Natal, and particularly the School of Religion and Theology, has lost an astute administrator, dedicated academic, an agent of transformation, and a caring friend. We mourn his loss. BEVERLEY HADDAD
Warwick Antony Dorning (1954 2009)

Dr Warwick Antony Dorning was tragically murdered on his farm Adamshurst on the Boston road outside Howick on the evening of 7 November 2009. He was shot and killed in cold blood by would-be robbers who then fled the scene. They were later apprehended, tried, found guilty and are now serving life sentences. Dorning was born on 14 July 1954 in Kokstad, East Griqualand, a fourth generation member of the powerful and well-known Dorning family of East Griqualand pioneers, founded by his great-grandfather the patriarch John Dorning, who settled in East Griqualand in the 1880s. His grandfather, Arthur Dorning, was
147
Obituaries a highly successful farmer and his father, Antony Dorning, a former head boy of Michaelhouse who had a distinguished war record as a pilot in the South African Air Force, was also a prominent farmer, sportsman, businessman and was also mayor of Kokstad. Warwick Dorning was educated at Cordwalles and Michaelhouse before going to Rhodes University from 1972 to 1976, where he completed a BA(Hons) in history. He then went to Cambridge, where he read History and International Communications, graduating MA in 1978. On his return to South Africa he (like all young white South African men at the time) was conscripted into the South African Defence Force. While there, this highly intelligent and educated man was soon commissioned and put to work as a military historian and archivist. During this time he registered for a PhD in Strategic Studies at the University of the Orange Free State and his thesis was supervised by Dr Niel Barnard, who ultimately became well known as the head of the South African Intelligence Service. Dornings thesis remains a classified document but what can be revealed is that the work involved many visits to Angola during the border war and that he was close to the process which brought peace in Angola and the consequent settlement of the Namibian question. Dorning left the SADF with the rank of Major in the air force at the end of 1987 and joined the then Natal Provincial Administration as a communications officer, rising rapidly to head the Communications Division. With the advent of the new South Africa in 1994 and the merger of
148
Warwick Dorning Provincial, Homeland and Tri-cameral government departments into one KwaZulu-Natal government service he was promoted to Director and joined the personal staff of Provincial Minister of Local Government and Housing and later Minister of Finance Peter Miller where he served until 2000 as Communications head and media spokesman. So successful was this period of service that, at the insistence of the Director-General of the Treasury, he was moved to Treasury as General Manager, where his outstanding language skills were put to use in the drafting of documents and annual budgets. This was not a very happy stage in his career as he continually bumped his head against the transformation ceiling and much of his time had to be spent covering up for, or doing the work of, his less competent and experienced colleagues higher up the civil service ladder. He did manage, however, to get promotion to Chief Director in this time, a post third from the top in the civil service hierarchy. It can be indisputably stated
Obituaries that he was Director-General material but history and politics made that impossible. Dornings final position as a public servant was as Chief of Staff in Premier Zweli Mkizes office after the latters appointment as premier in April 2009. He served in this capacity until he took early retirement at the age of 55. In normal times he could have had a further 10 years of distinguished public service. The writer knew Dorning as both a respected member of staff and colleague and as a friend. To quote the Premier of KZN, he was deeply committed to the principles of fairness, honesty, integrity and justice. His competence was indisputable, his commitment absolute, his intellect far above average, his skills and contributions enormous. He perfectly fitted the description a scholar and a gentleman. In every sense he was a good man. On retirement, Dorning was working to establish a viable indigenous plant nursery and farming operation on Adamshurst. He is survived by his wife Dawn, his widowed mother Denise (Noo) Dorning and his three sisters, Julia, Nicola and Angela. PETER MILLER
Deanne Myra Lawrance (1938 2010)

Deanne Lawrance was a wellknown teacher in Pietermaritzburg, who started her teaching career at Pietermaritzburg Girls High School. Many young and more senior pupils remember her with great affection and tell how she inspired them to try something new and different. Deanne was certainly not the run-of-the-mill educator; she chose to travel the less familiar way and challenged the old, the prosaic and the outworn. After her return from Boston, USA, in 1977, where she helped start an experimental school called the Boston Learning Project, she headed up the SA Institute of Race Relations here in Pietermaritzburg. Opposition to apartheid rule was spreading wide and fast across the white English-speaking liberal circles. She played a vital and positive role in the preparation for the new South Africa by managing the
Deanne Lawrance awards of bursaries to underprivileged black children. Some of these went on to become prominent figures in the countrys new political elite. She simultaneously ran the African Art
149
Obituaries Centre in Printing Office Street which uplifted thousands of impoverished people, mostly women, from the Natal midlands. She returned to teaching at the Amakholwa High School in Edendale and eventually took over as acting school principal during the war between the UDM and Inkatha. After this period she rejoined the staff at Girls High School until her retirement. Deanne was convinced that the soul of education itself was the problem in both white and black schools in this country. She attended the first international conference entitled Soul in Education held at Findhorn, Scotland in 2000, and returned inspired. By then she had established the Brookby Learning Project based on holistic education at her home. She organised programmes for colleagues in holistic education and at her own school placed great emphasis on environmental education and ecology. In 2004 she organised an international Soul in Education Conference at Epworth School. Prominent education reformists from around the world attended. She counted this event as one of the most successful in her career as an educator. She was a visionary and passionately believed that in order to become part of the global community we had to expand our consciousness. Her educational projects shifted to adults. She organised consciousness-expanding film festivals on an annual basis. She held meetings at her home for a group called The Seekers who met to study and discuss philosophical, ethical and spiritual topics. In 2007 she organised The God Debate Evolution vs Creation at the Natal Museum. Her courage and determination to face difficult situations, despite criticism from the more orthodox in the community, never failed her. Deanne was a woman of integrity and she set demanding standards for herself and her colleagues. Her death left a great emptiness both locally and internationally with her fellow soul educators. The example she set to us was that in her inmost soul she stood for truth and honesty, fearless against inhumanity, speaking out against injustice when necessary. She believed that transformation came from a determined discipline to engage in new thinking and new behaviour. She is survived by her three children and grandchildren. IRIS BORNMAN (With acknowledgement to the memorial speech of her son Anthony Lawrance at her celebratory gathering in the Botanical Gardens, Pietermaritzburg on 12 March 2010.)
Fatima Meer (1928 2010)

As a political leader, academic, publisher, writer, human rights activist and Gandhian, Fatima Meers name resonated with the liberation struggle. She was one of South Africas most distinguished 20th-century leaders.
150
During a lifelong campaign for the rights of the underclass, Meer was a prolific writer, publishing more than 40 books on social issues affecting South Africans. It is little wonder that she had
Obituaries been acknowledged both locally and internationally with numerous awards in recognition of her anti-apartheid work. Meer was no ordinary woman. Her long and illustrious life was based on the principle of justice with justice and would be a hard act to follow under any circumstances. We acknowledged this amazing personality at a state funeral because it was the only possible tribute that we could give her as we bade her farewell. On my numerous visits to her home I discovered myriad interesting facets to her personality as a mother, sister, friend, confidante and elder and as a concerned social and political activist. Each side added coherence A woman of integrity, humility and kindness and great philosophical depth, she had the capacity to embrace all around her, yet maintained her core of beliefs as an anchor to her political might. She was critical, but never judgmental. Meer was born on August 12 1928, in Durban, to a white Afrikaner mother, Rachel Farrel, and an Indian father, Moosa Meer. Her father was born in Surat in Gujerat and came from a small Sunni Bhora community. He initially worked as a shop assistant in his uncles business and later was the editor and publisher of Indian Views, a weekly Gujerati newspaper, from 1914 to 1965. She had eight siblings. Their upbringing was not ordinary, and certainly unlike that of most contemporary Muslims. Her mother was an orphan of Jewish and Portuguese descent, but she converted to Islam and took the name Amina. I was born in a three-parent family, she would say proudly. My mother was
Fatima Meer an orphan by the name of Rachel and my father, who was already married, took a keen interest in helping Rachel and her brother, Lionel, as much as he could. Soon a romantic relationship developed and he took her home as his second wife. I was the firstborn child of five children. My father already had four children from his first wife. The amazing thing about our lives was that we never differentiated between the mothers or the children. We lived in a kudumoo which meant a closely-knit community of relatives. It was a household that reflected a strong Gujerati, Indian, Muslim cultural ethos against the background of a first-generation immigrant family struggling to survive in a racist society. From a young age Meer started doing odd jobs for the production of the family newspaper. She learnt the power of the written and spoken word and over the years she developed a good command of the English language that helped her career as an
151
Obituaries academic, writer and human rights and political activist. In the 1940s it was unusual for young Indian Muslim women to be sent to university and even more so before marriage, but Meer was fortunate to have been allowed to do so. She completed her schooling at Durban Indian Girls High School and subsequently attended Wits University and later the University of Natal, where she completed a masters degree in sociology. I had a cousin by the name of Ismail Meer, who was very influential in guiding my education. He was a student of law with Nelson Mandela at Wits University in the 1930s and was dating Ruth First at the time. He persuaded my family to send me to Wits to study for a degree in social sciences. Upon hearing that I was fraternising with white students when I went around giving out anti-apartheid posters with members of the NonEuropean Unity Movement (NEUM), my parents suggested that I return to continue my studies at the University of Natal where special classes were being offered to so-called nonEuropeans. Ismail Meer soon returned to serve his articles in Durban under Ashwin Chowdrie. On several occasions he would come to escort her home after her lectures in the late afternoon. She humorously recounts the highlights of their relationship when he took her to the beach in a borrowed car, bought her a milkshake and doughnut and produced a ring with the smallest diamond in the world. They married in 1950 and had three beautiful children, who were fed on the milk of the struggle. On account of her background, her
152
political life started early. In 1944, when she was 16 years old, she helped raise 1 000 for famine relief in Bengal. In 1946 she joined the passive resistance campaign while still a student at Durban Indian Girls High and established the Student Passive Resistance Committee to support the campaign. This propelled her into the public eye. She was invited to speak at some of the mass rallies and shared the platform with prominent antiapartheid leaders Dr Yussuf Dadoo and Dr Monty Naicker. Though petite, Meer became a powerful public figure. Shortly after the 1949 riots, while leaders were still numb with shock, Fatima threw herself into community work to improve race relations between Indians and Africans in Durban. She helped Indian and African women under the banner of the Durban and District Womens League and became the secretary of the League with Bertha Mkhize (president of the ANC Womens League) as the chairperson. This was the first womens organisation with joint Indian and African membership. The race riots were one of the turning points for Meer, and she spent the better part of her life working tirelessly to improve race relations, and promoting justice, reconciliation and non-violent action. Her activism was further sparked when she led the historic womens march on the Union Buildings on August 9, 1956 against the unfair pass laws for black women. Meer was first banned in 1952. The notorious banning orders effectively imprisoned people in their own homes by limiting their access to friends, relatives or the general public and
Obituaries curtailing all educational, political or social activities. After the Sharpeville massacre in March 1960, the South African government declared a state of emergency and detained large numbers of people without trial. Meers husband was one of the Natal leaders arrested and held at Durban Central Police Station. She organised weekly vigils outside the prison, and played a central role in gathering families in the community to provide food and support for the prisoners and their families. The group was arrested for demonstrating outside the prison and for organising a march to the mayors office. They were released shortly after their arrest. Together with Sushila Gandhi, Mahatma Gandhis daughter-in-law, Meer was also involved in organising a week-long vigil at the Gandhi Settlement in Phoenix, which brought together Africans and Indians in prayer and fasting. During the 1970s she was again banned as the leading anti-apartheid voice in the country and later detained without trial for trying to organise a political rally with Steve Biko. At this time even though she faced strong opposition from her family and Indian Congress colleagues she began to embrace the Black Consciousness ideology of the South African Students Organisation (Saso) led by Biko. In this respect she was always a leader and not a follower. In 1975, for her outspoken public criticism of apartheid, Meer was served with another five-year banning order. On August 19 1976, Meers son, Rashid, was detained in the wake of the 1976 student revolt. Nine days later Meer was also detained, along with 11 other women. Sections of her six-months detention without trial were in solitary confinement. She was in detention with her close friend, Winnie Mandela, and other members of the Black Womens Federation at Johannesburgs notorious Fort Prison. Shortly after her release in December 1976 she survived an attempt on her life when her house was petrol-bombed. Undeterred by the attack, the Meer family still resided in a home with no high walls and minimal security. Their commitment showed in the way they chose to live their lives among and with people in a lower-income apartheid-designated Indian area. Her children were also affected by her political involvement. Rashid went into exile. She didnt see him for more than a decade and later he died in a tragic road accident. Despite the rigours of her political life, Meer did not give up on her professional career. In 1956 she became the first black woman to be appointed as a lecturer at a white South African university. She was on the staff of Natal University until 1988 and was the only banned person who was ever granted permission to teach at any educational institution. She was an editor of at least 18 publications and also wrote more than 40 books on a wide variety of subjects. Among the many books Meer wrote, Apprenticeship of a Mahatma was made into a film by Shyam Benegal entitled The Making of the Mahatma, for which she wrote the screenplay. She also wrote Higher than Hope, the first authorised biography of Nelson Mandela, which was translated into 13 languages. Some of the many awards given to
153
Obituaries Meer throughout her life include: the Union of South African Journalists Award (1975), the Imam Abdullah Haroon Award for the Struggle Against Oppression and Racial Discrimination (1990) and the Vishwa Gurjari Award for Contribution to Human Rights (1994), as well as The Ponnady Award from the Tamil Womens Progressive Movement (2008). She was in the Top 100 Women Who Shook South Africa list in 1999 and was also voted 45th in the Top 100 Great South Africans in 2004.
DEVI RAJAB (With acknowledgements to the Sunday Independent)
Graeme Pope-Ellis (1948 2010)

Graeme Pope-Ellis, who was a South African sporting legend, passed away in a tragic accident on his farm outside Pietermaritzburg, at the age of 62. He completed the Dusi canoe marathon arguably the toughest endurance event in South Africa 46 consecutive times, most recently in 2010, winning it an incredible 15 times. He also won countless canoe races throughout the country in the veteran, masters and grandmasters age groups since his dominance of the Dusi in the 1970s and 80s. He made this three-day river race so completely his own that he was hailed the Dusi King. He was also called the Pope, which aside from being a reference to his surname was an acknowledgement to his awe-inspiring superiority over lesser mortals when it came to this world-famous river canoe marathon. The Pope and The Dusi King were two nicknames used so often by the media in headlines that they almost became clichs when reporting on the Dusi canoe marathon, but they are probably the most appropriate way to describe the remarkable influence Graeme Pope-Ellis had on the race.
154
Graeme Pope-Ellis His ability to pace himself, make superb tactical decisions literally on the run and judge the ever-changing river conditions had a touch of religion about it. And the way he dominated the event from his first victory in 1972 until his 15th in 1990 meant PopeEllis ruled this tough river race in a way most royal figures can only dream about. Pope-Ellis grew up on a farm in the Bishopstowe area on the outskirts of Pietermaritzburg along the Umsunduzi River and was four when he watched
Obituaries the first Dusi in 1952. From then on his connection to the river was visceral. He paddled his first Dusi in 1965 when he was 17 and a Std 9 pupil at Alexandra High School. He and his school mate Richard Hackland, paddling in a double, won the novice prize. In 1969 they came second out of 79 teams, one-and-a-half hours behind the winners. In 1970 national service interfered with his training and he finished 17th. He never again allowed anything to get in the way of his training. For the 1972 race, he and partner Eric Clarke trained five hours a day, two-and-a-half paddling and two-anda-half running, and won it. In 1981 he was the first person to win the Dusi in a single canoe. Pope-Ellis was a quiet, modest and private man. For many years his remarkable canoeing achievements brought little publicity and that was how he preferred it. When fame caught up with him, he didnt like it. In his early days of canoeing success he did not have the physique one might have expected. After one of his victories, a woman journalist asked a bunch of canoeists which was PopeEllis. When they pointed him out she thought they were joking. You cant be Pope-Ellis, she told him. You are far too skinny to win a race like this. Winning a race like the Dusi canoe marathon over the age of 30 is considered extraordinary. In 1986, when he was 38, the Pope not only won but broke a Dusi record hed set 10 years earlier. How did he do it? a canoeing partner was asked. Tim Cornish, who won four Dusi titles with Pope-Ellis said: He was absolutely meticulous in his preparations. I only had to train and paddle with him. Tactics, local knowledge and equipment were all taken care of. He was amazing. Rick Whitton won the Grand Masters Dusi title in 2008 with Pope-Ellis in a new record time, and cherishes memories of the Dusi King going back to the days he was learning the kayak manufacturing trade with Gordon Rowe in Pinetown in the seventies. It was then that Pope-Ellis spent some time in the factory learning the trade. He was so passionate about everything, whether it was his wife and family, his business, his sport or his friends. He was a total inspiration to me, a champion in everything he did, a legend. In all the years I knew Graeme, I never saw him fail to make time for a stranger, a youngster or a novice paddler who wanted to chat to him or ask a question, said Whitton. Despite his successes, he remained humble and his generosity of spirit saw him take countless youngsters under his wing, often hosting them at his home and taking them on training and tripping sessions on the river to teach them the intricacies of the Dusi. One of those who learnt from the Dusi King was the man who has won many Dusi titles and become known as The Dusi Duke, Martin Dreyer. Graeme was everything I ever want to be, as an athlete, a devoted husband to Wendy and father to Lee, and just as a human being, said Dreyer. When I arrived on the Dusi canoe scene in 1998 from the Cape, with serious plans to get into the top 10, no-one really wanted to help because I was a threat. But not Graeme. He took me into his home for months and showed me everything he knew about the race.
155
Obituaries I couldnt believe it, recalls Dreyer. There I was, a kid, reading the Popes autobiography in total awe, and he was taking me into his home and teaching me everything he knew. I had a deal with Graeme, which sadly I am not going to be able to honour, added Dreyer. I promised that I would do the Dusi with him when he was 70. But the Dusi will always be about Graeme Pope-Ellis. Forever. There is no need to try and manufacture any other tribute to him, Dreyer said. Current Olympian and former winner of the Dusi junior title, Shaun Rubenstein, who first met Pope-Ellis as a wide-eyed five-year-old, was another whose life the Dusi King helped shape. I was the proudest guy in the world when I used to be taken to my judo competitions by the Dusi King, recalls Rubenstein. It was when I decided to give the Dusi a shot at 15 that he really took me under his wing and taught me so much. Graeme and his wife Wendy were like parents to me, Rubenstein continued. They opened their home and their hearts to me. When I won the World Marathon Championships, the first person I phoned from France after my parents was Graeme Pope-Ellis. Graeme made me who I am today as a paddler. He taught me the work ethic I follow today and, even though he wasnt a sprinter, he took such a keen, enthusiastic interest in my career. I can still hear that croak in his voice when I phoned him to tell him that I had qualified for the Olympics. Graeme taught me to get out of bed with a smile on my face, every day, said Rubenstein. He had such passion for life and it rubbed off on everyone around him. The passing of Graeme Pope-Ellis has left a huge hole in the South African paddling community. After running a successful boat-building business in Pietermaritzburg for many years, he became a full-time farmer. He is survived by his wife Wendy and son Lee. STEVE CAMP
Simon Roberts (1926 2009)

Prominent Pietermaritzburg lawyer Simon Roberts died in the city last November at the age of 83 after a long period of indifferent health. He was educated at Cordwalles (where he was head boy in 1939) and Michaelhouse (where he played first team cricket and rugby and was captain of both the school and Natal Schools XIs in 1943). World War II had not finished when he left school and he thus saw service in the South African Navy.
156
In 1946 he won an Elsie Ballot Scholarship which took him to Cambridge where he read History and Geography before returning to the University of Natal in 1950 to do an LLB degree. He was admitted as an attorney in 1954 and was to practise for the next 45 years, with Tomlinson Frances until 1989 and with Venn Nemeth and Hart for a further 10 years thereafter until 1999. Roberts made a significant contribution to legal matters outside
Obituaries his own practice. He was a member of the council of the Natal Law Society from 1967 to 1977 and its president in 1976. He was a member of the council of the Association of Law Societies of Southern Africa as well as chairman of that bodys sub-committee on Legal Ethics and Public Relations. He served as a member of the statutory board of control of the Attorneys Fidelity Fund and was twice a delegate to the International Bar Associations Conference, in Stockholm in 1976 and in Sydney in 1978. Roberts specialised in litigation, licensing, matrimonial, commercial, property and transportation matters. He was valued in local government affairs and an ad hoc legal adviser to the Pietermaritzburg City Council and the Local Health Commission. He served on commissions of inquiry into matters in Pinetown and Verulam and was an ad hoc member of a subcommittee appointed by the Goldstone Commission of Inquiry into the illegal importation of automatic and semiautomatic weapons into South Africa. He was also, inter alia, chairman of the Statutory Natal Arbitration Board, chairman of the Provincial Town Planning Appeals Board from c1985 to 2000, deciding over 600 appeals in that period, chairman of the Provincial Appeals Tribunal and chairman of the Provincial Planning and Development Act No 5 of 1998. Apart from his profession as a lawyer, Roberts had many interests. He was the first chairman of the local branch of the Simon van der Stel Foundation, an NGO concerned with conserving significant buildings (such as Macrorie House) in the city and elsewhere. He was chairman of the board of trustees of the Macrorie
Simon Roberts House Museum. He was a founder in the early 1960s of the American Field Scholarship scheme in the province, president of the Michaelhouse Old Boys Club (in 1976), member of the Board of Administration under the Will of Joseph Baynes (which administers Baynesfield), chairman of the Victoria Club as it then was, president of the Natal Society when it ran the library on behalf of the city council and a trustee of the subsequent Natal Society Foundation Trust. He was a member of the Liberal Party and, together with fellow attorney Leslie Weinberg, gave wise advice and generous assistance to many people involved in the struggle against apartheid. Roberts was married twice: to Lorraine (in 1953), with whom he had his four children, three daughters and a son, and to Joy (in 1967), then a widow with two children, who survives him. Oliver Hart, a former colleague, said of him: Simon Roberts was a brilliant lawyer, respected and admired by
157
Obituaries his attorney legal colleagues and by members of the Bar and Judiciary. He was a formidable opponent but always fair and sensible. His legal opinions were models of clarity with the law being applied properly to the facts. It is a great pity that, in the years that he practised, attorneys did not qualify to become judges. He would have made an excellent judge. Robertss memorial service took place in the Church of the Ascension in Hilton. JACK FROST
Leslie Weinberg (1923 2010)

Well-known Pietermaritzburg lawyer LeslieWeinberg died in late August at the age of 87 after a long illness. Weinberg grew up in Stanger and went to Durban High School. He enlisted in the army during World War II and served in North Africa. Wounded by shrapnel in an air bombardment, he was invalided back to South Africa. After his discharge at the end of the war Weinberg studied law at the University of Natal and did his articles at Cecil Nathan and Co. He subsequently went into partnership with Nathan and then, in the early sixties, started his own practice. Weinberg remained active as a lawyer until two years ago. Leslie was a highly respected lawyer, says attorney Julian von Klemperer. In general practice he concentrated on estates and conveyancing and he was an early human rights lawyer. A friend, Pat McKenzie, recalls: If people had problems with their banning orders, or were arrested or detained, Leslie was one of the first people they went to. After the war Weinberg became a member of the Springbok Legion, an ex-servicemans organisation open to all races. This later grew into the Torch Commando, founded in 1951 to protest the National Partys plan to remove
158
Leslie Weinberg coloureds from the voters roll in the Cape. Weinberg was an active member of the Liberal Party and a close friend of its leader, Peter Brown. He was a completely dedicated lawyer, recalls Phoebe Brown, widow of Peter Brown. He always gave of his time if there was a problem with us or if a person of colour needed a lawyer. Weinberg was also a founder member of Kupugani, an organisation founded in 1962 to combat malnutrition in rural
Obituaries areas, remaining closely involved until it wound up its affairs in 2004. A member of the Five Freedoms Forum and Lawyers for Human Rights, Weinberg was also a board member and legal adviser for several organisations and institutions embodying the values he cherished. These included Kings School at Nottingham Road and the Tembalethu Trust. Apart from his community and political interests, Weinberg was also a keen gardener and avid sports supporter. Weinberg was survived by his wife, Pessa, and three children, Janeen, Jonathan and Paul, and five grandchildren. He was buried at Redhill Cemetery, Durban, and a memorial service was subsequently held at the Tembalethu Trust Centre in Pietermaritzburg. (With acknowledgement to The Witness)
159
Book Reviews and Notices
Book Reviews and Notices

INSIDE INDIAN INDENTURE : A SOUTH AFRICAN STORY 1860 1914 by ASHWIN DESAI and GOOLAM VAHED Cape Town, HSRC Press, 2010, ix, 438 pages, maps, illustrations, R290. The following excerpt from the Preface is instructive in outlining the contents and nature of the work: . [it] seeks to go beyond the numbers, trespassing directly into the lives of the indentured themselves. It explores the terrain of the everyday by focusing on the development of religious and cultural expressions, the leisure activities, the way power relations played themselves out on the plantations and beyond, inspecting weapons of resistance and forms of collaboration that were developed in times of conflict with the colonial overlords [pp. vi vii]. Drawing primarily on the hundreds of boxes of records compiled by the office of the Protector of Indian Immigrants and his predecessor, the Coolie Immigration Agent, sociologist Ashwin Desai and historian Goolam Vahed have provided a poignant
160
insight into the trials and tribulations of indentured Indian immigration. One has to concur with the general thrust of the endorsements this work has received from the academic community. It is a work of immense dimension and detail related with passion and empathy. It leaves no stone unturned and succeeds in promoting a graphic understanding of the experiences of those who left India to begin new lives in colonial Natal. Replete with numerous photographs and copies of historical documents, the stories, as they term them, begin with recruitment in India and conditions there, then progress through the voyages to Natal, arrival, dispersal, problems in communication, treatment of women, rations, wages, work and living conditions. Vivid anecdotal accounts underpin the essentially humanitarian emphasis of the study. The odyssey of relocating to a foreign
Book Reviews and Notices land, the insecurity brought on by loss of family, the stringent physical demands of colonial employers, abuse and coercion and the inherent social prejudice towards non-whites combine to deliver an often harrowing picture of indentured life. This is given further credibility by the reference to suicide rates. In 1906 the average for Indians was 661 per million compared to 39 per million in India [p. 165]. Although upon the expiry of BEIC rule in India, Queen Victoria had pledged in 1858 that her Indian subjects would enjoy the same obligations of duty from Britain as all her other subjects within the Empire, under indenture that was not the case. Indentured immigrants were specifically subject to legislation such as Law 14 of 1859, Law 2 of 1870 and Law 25 of 1891. Even once they had completed their indenture contracts and were free, or had paid their own way to immigrate to Natal, Indians did not experience the full benefits of Lord Salisburys 1875 declaration that their rights and privileges were to be the same as any other class of Her Majestys subjects resident in the colonies. Desai and Vahed exhaustively expose and condemn that contradiction and the colonial application of double standards. However, in pursuing that moralistic line the authors fail to strike a balance between the need for basic order and co-operation on the part of the indentured labourers, and instances of non-compliance, shirking and defiance. In the latter part of chapter eight the authors seem intent on dignifying malingering, the feigning of illness and damage to property as weapons of the weak and ascribing some sort of virtue to such conduct. Similarly, desertion and other nonconformist behaviour earn a credit in the form of the label fighting for redress and acts of resistance. They admit [p. 167] that there is difficulty in quantifying indentured protest and resistance , yet seem content to resort to generalisation by referring to employers of indentured labour as oppressors [p. 166] and to indenture itself as oppression [p. 168]. In this context, their reference in the Preface to weapons of resistance and to conflict with the colonial overlords is extravagant. It suggests that some kind of undeclared cold war prevailed between the indentured and their employers which was not the case. Successive inquiries into the indenture system to some extent catalogued its faults and failings, although these were never properly addressed. Desai and Vahed provide evidence of the harrowing conditions which millions faced in India and which motivated many to opt for indenture as an escape. But the impression conveyed in subsequent chapters that by indenturing immigrants had exchanged one form of oppression for another is unfortunate and inaccurate. Whatever their grievances and they were considerable only 23% of those who immigrated to Natal returned to India. Housing coolie lines, as their rows of wretched hovels were called and sanitation remained appalling throughout the indenture period [pp. 119120]. Where grievances were concerned, access to the Protector or to magistrates was often restricted by sirdars and employers. But if, as Desai and Vahed opine, the purpose of the Protector was less to protect the indentured than to project the
161
Book Reviews and Notices impartiality of the state [p. 95], that is not borne out by the praise they direct at Protector J.A. Polkinghorne for his diligence in exposing the human rights abuses perpetrated by Charles Reynolds [pp. 137145]. Moreover, the mass of evidence in the Protectors files in itself serves to indicate that whatever the vagaries and the limitations of his efficacy, the office of the Protector, a product of colonialism, was not deaf to the plight of the indentured. Some added international perspective on the treatment of indentured Indians would have provided balance. As late as 1880 there was no Protector on the French island of Reunion when indentured immigration was suspended following complaints of human rights abuses there. Complaints far worse than those which emanated from Natal in 1871 were a matter of record in Mauritius, Jamaica and Demerara (British Guiana), yet the stream of emigration to those places was not halted, as was the case in Natal in 1872. By the late 1870s numbers of old immigrants were returning to Natal and inducing their friends to emigrate as well, as Natal Mercury editor John Robinson noted in 1878 in a paper entitled Glimpses of Natal. As a rule, he wrote, immigrants give glowing accounts of the country and of their treatment by the Government and the colonists. Also lacking is an overall recognition of the fact that nowhere in the annals of colonial Natal was there ever a plan or a prospectus for wholesale settlement by Indians. Yet, neither by accident or design, that is what occurred. The white colonial mindset never came around to perceiving Indians as fellow colonists but rather saw them either as
162
aliens or merely as labourers. Desai and Vahed touch on that briefly with their reference to editorial comments in the Witness and the Mercury during the Anglo-Boer War, but it is a perspective that merits greater emphasis. [Despite aid provided by Indian volunteers, the Witness warned that services rendered by Indians should not blind colonists to the Indian question. The Mercury reminded its readers that Indians were not all that is desirable as inhabitants of Natal (p. 336)]. Whilst on several occasions Durbans leading citizens did express the desire to segregate Indians residentially and commercially from whites [p. 350], it needs to be stated that no such legislation which resulted in apartheid-type segregation was passed during the period under review. Whilst the authors refer to letters in the colonial press decrying the coolie curse and criticising Indian traders and the competitive edge they posed to small white shop-owners, they omit to mention that the less affluent among the white community were loyal customers of Indian traders because they found their merchandise more affordable. In this regard it is a trifle odd that the authors refer to correspondence from the Mercury of 15 January, 1923 to substantiate discussion of antipathy towards Indian traders in 1905 [p. 350]. Two minor errors, probably typographical: the name of the historian Leonard Thompson is incorrectly spelled and the publication date of Anthony Hockings book Renishaw the story of the Crookes Brothers should read 1992, not 1912. The labour needs of fewer than 50 sugar planters resulted in the decision to import indentured labour on the
Book Reviews and Notices premise that sugar would form the basis of Natals economy. Writing to the Secretary of State for Colonies, Lord Lytton, in 1859, Natals LieutenantGovernor John Scott referred to the indentured immigration scheme as an experiment which he envisaged as being on a small scale. In 1860 an experiment in Indian immigration commenced which had a capacity and an impact far beyond anything originally envisaged. Desai and Vahed have provided a comprehensive and compelling account of that impact. DUNCAN DU BOIS
VIEWS IN COLONIAL NATAL by NIGEL HUGHES. With a foreword by Antony Wiley Published privately 2005. 144 pp illus. indexed. De Luxe edition limited to 150 copies ISBN 0-620-33144-5 Standard edition limited to 850 copies ISBN 0-620-33143-7 Although some five years separate the publication of this book and the appearance of this review, it is desirable that Natalia should comment on Nigel Hughess second major work of this kind and not merely note its existence. As a contribution to the literature on the history and culture of this region its value is at least twofold. Firstly, it offers nearly 50 excellent large and annotated reproductions of Cathcart Methvens paintings, almost all of them depicting scenes in Natal and providing scrupulously accurate pictorial evidence of how the land, the seashore and, perhaps most interestingly, human settlements looked in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. (It is worth noting here that several of Methvens paintings were included in Hughess earlier volume to which this book is a companion, The Paintings of the Bay of Natal, and these are not reproduced a second time.) Secondly, it provides a catalogue, with many smaller illustrations, of the South African works of a prolific and very competent amateur artist. In fact, the publication is intended as a select catalogue raisonn of Methvens southern African paintings. This has implications for its thrust and scope. It is not intended as a biography of Methven, nor as a critical appraisal of his art, but as a comprehensive, methodically ordered register of his works. There is, however, a substantial biographical note recording Methvens Scottish origins, his coming to Durban in 1888 as Harbour Engineer and his dismissal seven years later after a dispute with Harry Escombe, who was then Attorney-General, over the best way to deal with the perennially problematic sandbar at the harbour mouth. There followed his successful practice as a consultant marine and civil engineer and government surveyor. (Amongst other things, Methven identified the Mhlatuzi Lagoon or Richards Bay as the most promising site for the regions second harbour.) A man of many talents and impressive initiative and energy, Methven also practised architecture, being a founder member of the Natal Institute of Architects and serving as its president more than once, while
163
Book Reviews and Notices as an amateur musician he gave the inaugural recital on Durbans Town Hall organ, the specifications for which he had helped prepare. This same mix of amateur enthusiasm for the arts with a commitment to serving the community is evident also in his contribution to painting, where, besides his own output, he is credited with initiating the formation of the Durban Municipal Art Gallery and with being an active member, and several times president, of the Natal Society of Artists (now the KwaZuluNatal Society of Artists). Naturally this biographical note focuses particularly on Methvens own painting, a lifelong interest that became his chief occupation after his retirement in 1920. Nigel Hughes notes three solo exhibitions being held between 1921 and 1925, in Durban, Pietermaritzburg and, shortly before his death, in Johannesburg. As remarked earlier, Hughes does not set out to offer a critical appraisal of Methvens work, and he makes relatively little reference to contemporary or later critiques. He does report that this style of painting had fallen out of fashion by the 1920s, so that the Durban art critics dismissed Methvens first solo exhibition as Victorian (a judgment with which Methven was quietly pleased, for he had great respect for Victorian painters). Nigel Hughes also remarks that Methvens watercolours were more highly regarded than his oil paintings. The examples illustrated certainly show a greater freedom than the meticulously-observed oils. The watercolour paintings, which Methven was producing in numbers from the time of his arrival in Durban, are no doubt amongst the works most difficult to trace, and Hughes concedes
164
that he may not have been able to locate and identify every painting made by Methven in South Africa. He has deliberately left out unsigned works of dubious provenance, as well as pencil sketches and Scottish and European scenes. The catalogue does, however, include 144 paintings which Methven is known to have made, of which 84 were photographed before the book was published. Amongst Hughess aims is the stimulation of interest in Methven as man and as artist, and no doubt more paintings may be unearthed as a result of his efforts. Indeed, very little has been published about Cathcart William Methven, and there is certainly scope for further examination of his contribution to the engineering works, the architecture, and the cultural life of his adoptive home. This reviewer does regret that Hughes has not done more to locate Methven the painter in the context of the art of his times. Considering, however, that by the time of his first exhibition, Picasso and Braque in Europe were moving beyond Cubism, and contemporary landscape painters in South Africa included Hugo Naude, Bertha Everard and the young J.H. Pierneef, it is unlikely that todays art historians will greatly revise the opinion of the Durban critics of the 1920s. It may well be that Methven will continue to stand on the fringes of South African art, respected as a careful recorder of the scenes of his times but not regarded as a particularly significant artist, but this does not diminish either the immediate appeal of his paintings nor the value and appeal of this book. Through his diligent tracing, cataloguing and reproduction of
Book Reviews and Notices Methvens paintings, Nigel Hughes has put together a key resource for any art historian seeking to study Methvens work further. He has given coherence and fresh life to the pictorial record which Methven left behind him, which might otherwise have become increasingly dispersed and less accessible to the ordinary person with an interest in the art and history of the region. Above all, perhaps, he has created a book that is a beautiful artefact in its own right. MORAY COMRIE
165
Select List of Recent KwaZulu-Natal Publications
BELL, Brendan. Storm in a wheatfield: the Tatham Art Gallery collection 1903 1974. Pietermaritzburg: the Gallery, 2010. R495,00 (hard cover), R375,00 (soft cover) BHENGU BALOYI, Lungile. African midwife (change beyond form). BISHOP, John and DICKSON, Tiki. Talking balls: a collection of light-hearted writings about sport. Zebra, 2009. BREGIN, Elana. Shivas dance. Johannesburg: Jacana, 2009. A novel set in Durban. BRIGHT, Bill. On days like these. Pietermaritzburg: Priv. print, 2009. 64 p. illus., map. BUTHELEZI, Bheki. Ihlalanyathi, the redbilled ox-pecker: story of a field ranger in Zululand, as told to Michael Clark. Underberg: Michael Clark, 2010. 160 p. illus., maps. ISBN: 978-0-620-45131-4. R125,00. After expenses have been recouped the profits will go to the authors widow. COGHLAN, Mark. Anglo-Zulu War diaries: Trooper Fred Symons; enthusiasm and misgivings, 1879. Pietermaritzburg: KwaZulu-Natal Provincial Museum Service, 2010. 39 p. illus., map. CORBETT, Trevor. Ordinary day. Cape Town: Umuzi, 2010. A novel. DESAI, Ashwin and VAHED, Goolam. Monty Naicker: between reason and treason. Pietermaritzburg: Shuter, 2010. 534, xxii p. illus. ISBN: 978-14306-0009-1 R299,00 DLAMUKA, T.M. Playing with love in the lions cage: dialogue story on teenage challenges like teenage pregnancy, poverty, drugs, prostitiution, HIV & Aids. England: Authorhouse Publishing Co., 2010. 105 p. illus. R150,00
166
Select List of Recent KwaZulu-Natal Publications DONALD, David. Bloods mist. Johannesburg: Jacana, 2009. 282 p. maps.ISBN: 978-1-77009-664-6. R169,00 DULLAY, Prithiraj Ramkisun. Salt water runs in my veins. GRAY, Lindsay. A sense of space: the gardens of Jan Blok. Durban: 2009. HASSIM, Aziz. Revenge of the Kali. Johannesburg: STE Publishers, 2010. 2l6 p. illus. ISBN: 978-1-920222-37-6. R164,00 HONKIMAN, Marilyn. The mystery of the SS Waratah and the avocado tree. Cape Town: Tafelberg, 2010. JACKLIN, Heather and VALE, Peter, eds. Re-imagining the social and South Africa: critique, theory and post-apartheid society. Pietermaritzburg: University of KwaZulu Natal Press, 2010. ISBN: 978-1-89614-179-0. R225,00 JONES, Kate. Use from the top: stepping stones, a chronological and historical journey through the arts 17001799. Pietermaritzburg: the Author, 2010. KEARNEY, Brian Thomas, ed. Durban: architectural and history guide. Durban: Itafa Amalindi Heritage Trust, 2010. 63 p. illus., maps. ISBN: 978-062046949-4. R70,00 KENDALL, Rosamund. The angina monologues. Johannesburg: Jacana, 2010. KHOZA, Makhosi. Tough women bleed in success. KHUMALO, Sihle. Heart of Africa: centre of my gravity. Cape Town: Umuzi, 2010. KLEINENBERG, Mary. Afro Veg: traditional vegetables, nutritional benefits and recipes. 2009. R70,00 KUMALO, R. Simangaliso. Methodists with a White history and a Black future: the people called Methodist in KwaZulu Natal. African Upper Room Ministries, 2009. LARSEN, Jon V. Kwabaka: a search for excellence in caring. Pietermaritzburg: Cluster Publications, 2010. About the Doctors Barker at the Charles Johnson Hospital, Nqutu. LEE, Sumayya. Maha, ever after. Cape Town: Kwela, 2009. 288 p. ISBN: 9780-7957-0291-4. R204,00. A novel. LEES, Elga L. The family tree of Heinrich Joachim Rhrs, 31.7.1831 27.11.1903. Durban: the Author, 2009. 87 p., family tables LOCK, Ron. Zulu conquered: the march of the red soldiers. Pen & Sword, 2010. ISBN: 9781848325647 LONDT, Jason. Suburban wildlife in KZN. WESSA: KZN, 2010. (WESSA Wildlife handbook) MAGUBANE, Ben. My life and times. Pietermaritzburg: University of KwaZuluNatal Press, 2010. ISBN: 978-1-86914-186-8. R265,00 MAKGOBA, William Malegapuru, ed. The creation of the University of KwaZuluNatal: reflections on a merger and transformation experience. MARNEWICK, Chris. The soldier who said no. Cape Town: Umuzi, 2010. MKHIZE, Israel K. The Church and a developmental state in post-apartheid South Africa. 2010. MITCHELL, Felicity (Floss). A drawer full of flowers, by Floss M. Jay. Pietermaritzburg: 2010. A book of poetry.
167
Select List of Recent KwaZulu-Natal Publications MITCHELL, Peter and SMITH, Benjamin. The elands people: new perspectives in the rock art of the Maloti-Drakensberg : Bushmen essays in memory of Patricia Vinnicombe. Johannesburg: Wits University Press, 2009. 214 p. illus., maps, diagrs. ISBN: 1-86814-498-3 MOOLMAN, Kobus. Light and after. Grahamstown: Deep South, 2010. 62 p. ISBN: 978-0-9584915-7-0. A book of poetry. MOOLMAN, Kobus, ed. Tilling the hard soil: poetry, prose and art by South African writers with disabilities. Pietermaritzburg: University of KwaZuluNatal Press, 2010. ISBN: 978-1-86914-190-5 MURRAY, Sally-Ann. Small moving parts. Cape Town: Kwela, 2009. 415 p. ISBN: 978-0-7957-0286-0. R249,00. A novel, and winner of the English category in the 2010 M-Net Literary Awards. MTHEMBU, Bheki. I will not dance. Durban: Njengamanje Publishers, 2009. A book of poetry. MZOBE, Sifiso. Young blood: in the real world money talks. Money, cars and guns. Cape Town: Kwela, 2010. NAIDOO, Jay. Fighting for justice. Pan Macmillan, 2010. NAIDOO, Phyllis. Enduring footprints. Durban: Rebel Rabble, 2009. OXFORD isiZulu ENGLISH SCHOOL DICTIONARY. Cape Town: Oxford University Press, 2010. The last edition was produced c.1960 while this one contains 5 000 more words. PETERSON, Bhekizizwe and SULEMAN, Ramadan. Zulu love letter. Johannesburg: Wits University Press, 2009. unpaged, illlus. ISBN: 978186814-496-9. R184,00. A play. PIETERMARITZBURG AGENCY FOR CHRISTIAN SOCIAL AWARENESS. Journeying for justice: stories of an ongoing faith-based struggle. Pietermaritzburg: the Agency, 2009. R150,00. Published to mark the Agencys 30th anniversary. RABIE, Sue. Blood at bay. A novel. RICKARD, Carmel. Thank you, Judge Mostert! Penguin, 2010. SAMUEL, Michael and DHUMPATH, Rubby, eds. Life history research: epistemology, methodology and representation. Durban: Sense Publishers, 2009. SCHREINER, Else. Lesothosaurus and the ancestors bones. Pietermaritzburg: Shuter, 2010. A childrens book. SCHUTTE, Gill. Its my life. Author House, 2010. A novel. SEEKINGS, John Cormac. Rudd: the search for a Cape merchant. Bradford-onAvon: Klipdrift Books, 2009. 210 p. illus. STANFORD, John. East Griqualand Anecjokes. Mvusi Books, 2010. SUTTON, Sir George. Sutton diaries; ed. by Pearl Scotney. Port Elizabeth: 2010. These cover the years 18741898. TIDBOALD, David. People I made music with: candid memoirs. Cape Town: Umuzi, 2008. 144 p. illus. ISBN: 978-1-4152-0055-1 UKEN, M.L. The Lutheran Gardens story. Pietermaritzburg: the Author, 2008. 56, 7, and 8 pp. illus.
168
Select List of Recent KwaZulu-Natal Publications VAHED, Goolam and WAETJEN, Thembisa, comps. Dear Ahmedbhai Dear Zuleikhabehn: the letters of Zuleika Mayat and Ahmed Kathrada, 19791989. Johannesburg: Jacana, 2010. VERMUELEN, Thomas. Gabangani Guinea Fowl and Huzu the bird eating spider. Eloquent Books, 2010. A childrens book. VON FINTEL, Eckard. Die Chronik einer Missionersfamilie in Afrika seit 1854: die Nachkommen von Heinrich Mller und Dorothea Schonecke in Sd Afrika und in der weiter Welt; ed. By Hildegarde Stielau and Jrgen Kock. Pretoria: Publiself Publishers, 2009. 376 p. illus., maps. R300,00 WESSELS, Michael. Bushman letters. Johannesburg: Wits University Press, 2010. An examination of the Bleek and Lloyd collection of transcribed Bushman narratives from the 1870s. Lucy Lloyd was the daughter of Durbans first Anglican minister, Archdeacon W.H.C. Lloyd, and Dr W.H.I. Bleek was his son-in-law. ZULU, Ndabayakhe William. Liyozi line nangakithi. Pietermaritzburg: University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2010. ISBN: 978-1-86914-194-3. R225,00. isiZulu translation of his autobiography Spring will come published in 2005. SHELAGH SPENCER
169
Notes on Contributors
Notes on Contributors
Bill Bizley is a retired lecturer and has been a regular contributor to Natalia for over 20 years. His subjects have ranged from steam trains to ox wagons to post carts to U-boats. Turning to his other major interest, he conducts the Pietermaritzburg City Orchestra, which has recently performed in the historic Victoria Hall at Maritzburg College. STePHeN COaN is a senior feature writer on The Witness. He is the author of Diary of an African Journey: the Return of Rider Haggard. MiCHael COTTrell has a BA (Natal), Post Graduate Certificate in Education (london) and Ma in environmental Studies (Cape Town) and is a retired teacher and lecturer in Geography. His interest in railways started in his youth when his family travelled by train. This was further stimulated in his 1957 Geography dissertation. in his retirement he joined the railway Society of Southern africa, which was founded 50 years ago this year. He is the convenor of their KzN railway History Society. DUNCaN DU BOiS recently retired after more than 30 years in Natal high schools teaching History. His study Labourer or Settler? Colonial Natals Indian Dilemma 1860 1897 (based on the research he did for his masters thesis) is being published by Just Done Productions. JaNiCe rOBerTSON was awarded a D litt by the University of Pretoria in 2009 for her thesis on Tom, Dick and Harry at school: The construction and representation of boyhood in selected childrens literature. elizaBeTH VaN HeyNiNGeN is an Honorary research associate in the Department of Historical Studies at the University of Cape Town. earlier research includes the history of Cape Town and the social history of medicine. She is currently working on a history of the concentration camps of the South african War. JOHaN WaSSerMaNN is associate professor in History education in the Faculty of education at the University of Kwazulu-Natal. His current research interests include socio-economic aspects of the anglo-Boer War in Natal.
170

Natalia 40 (2010)

Загружено:

Сведения о документе

Авторское право

Доступные форматы

Поделиться этим документом

Поделиться или встроить документ

Параметры публикации

Этот документ был вам полезен?

Это неприемлемый материал?

Авторское право:

Доступные форматы

Natalia 40 (2010)

Загружено:

Авторское право:

Доступные форматы

Natalia

Journal of The Natal Society

Page design by M.J. Marwick Printed by Intrepid Printers Pietermaritzburg

Natalia 40 (2010) Copyright Natal Society Foundation 2010

Natalia 40 (2010) Copyright Natal Society Foundation 2010

Natalia 40 (2010) Copyright Natal Society Foundation 2010

Natalia 40 (2010) Copyright Natal Society Foundation 2010

Natalia 40 (2010) Copyright Natal Society Foundation 2010

Background to the arrival of Indians in Natal in 1860

Plan and section of the

Proposed Railway Pier

Harbour Board Pier

Cut, stream & bridge

Natalia 40 (2010) Copyright Natal Society Foundation 2010

High water mark Datum line

Bridge & road

Line crosses road

Cato's Pier Harbour Board Pier

Utmost gradie nt 1 in 186

Custom House & Pier Cato's Pier

Road & bridge Cut, stream through swamp

Proposed terminus 4 acres Bridge Zeederberg

D' U R B A N Cato's T O W N Flag Staff

Natalia 40 (2010) Copyright Natal Society Foundation 2010

Natalia 40 (2010) Copyright Natal Society Foundation 2010

Queen's Bridge Umgeni River Umgeni Stone Quarries

Adopted route Proposed alternative routes

LANDS OF THE WAR DEPARTMENT Durban Station

ADDINGTON Colonial Government Lands

nds Point Station pit THE POINT

UMGENI EXTENSION 1867

Natal Afrikaners as loyalists during the Anglo-Boer War (18991902)

Natalia 40 (2010) Copyright Natal Society Foundation 2010

Natalia 40 (2010) Copyright Natal Society Foundation 2010

Natalia 40 (2010) Copyright Natal Society Foundation 2010

Natal Afrikaners as loyalists during the Anglo-Boer War (18991902)

Natalia 40 (2010) Copyright Natal Society Foundation 2010

Natal Afrikaners as loyalists during the Anglo-Boer War (18991902)

Natal Afrikaners as loyalists during the Anglo-Boer War (18991902)

Natal Afrikaners as loyalists during the Anglo-Boer War (18991902)

Natal Afrikaners as loyalists during the Anglo-Boer War (18991902)

Pietermaritzburg Concentration Camp

Natalia 40 (2010) Copyright Natal Society Foundation 2010

Think what it must be, she continued,

Pietermaritzburg Concentration Camp

Natalia 40 (2010) Copyright Natal Society Foundation 2010

Natalia 40 (2010) Copyright Natal Society Foundation 2010

Pietermaritzburg Concentration Camp

The Boers received the news very differently.

Natalia 40 (2010) Copyright Natal Society Foundation 2010

Pietermaritzburg Concentration Camp

Pietermaritzburg Concentration Camp

A war crime in Pietermaritzburg

A war crime in Pietermaritzburg

A war crime in Pietermaritzburg

I see you Two marches and the fall of a Champion

A.W.G. Champion photographed in old age in the 1970s.

Natalia 40 (2010) Copyright Natal Society Foundation 2010

Natalia 40 (2010) Copyright Natal Society Foundation 2010

Natalia 40 (2010) Copyright Natal Society Foundation 2010

Natalia 40 (2010) Copyright Natal Society Foundation 2010

Natalia 40 (2010) Copyright Natal Society Foundation 2010

Natalia 40 (2010) Copyright Natal Society Foundation 2010

Natalia 40 (2010) Copyright Natal Society Foundation 2010