Kinga PolityKingshipandDemocracy

Sonam Kinga
Polity, Kingship and Democracy

A biography of the Bhutanese state
Sonam Kinga is a Member of Parliament of Bhutan. He represents Tashigang district in the National Council, one of the two houses of Parliament. He is from Galing village located in Shongphu Gewog. He is also a doctoral student at the Graduate School of Asian and African Studies at Kyoto University, Japan. His research interest is state-society relations in Bhutan.
The monarchy that embodied the Bhutanese state for the last hundred years has been the foundation and agency of Bhutans political sovereignty and socio-economic progress. Under its leadership particularly under Fourth King His Majesty Jigme Singye Wangchuck the Kingdom has embarked on a unique journey towards parliamentary democracy. In this book, Sonam Kinga looks at the emergence of the Bhutanese polity nearly four centuries ago. In contrast to historical experiences of many countries where modern states created national polities, he argues that the modern Bhutanese state embodied by the monarchy developed within an existing polity, which was first founded by Zhabdrung Ngawang Namgyal. As a modern political institution, monarchy in Bhutan was highly successful in pioneering wide-ranging socioeconomic and political reforms. The author analyses the foundation of the Bhutanese polity through a historical study against Buddhist background. He shows that the Bhutanese polity is founded on the interdependence of the secular and spiritual known as chhoesid zungdrel. This interdependence continues to find institutional expression in the person of Bhutanese leaders and in the laws of the Kingdom.
Front cover: Signing of The Constitution of The Kingdom of Bhutan in Tashichho Dzong. Back cover: Nga Chudruma, the seal of Zhabdrung Ngawang Namgyal.
Royal Government of Bhutan
Ministry of Education
Inside front cover : His Majesty the King leads the people of Dungkar village in Lhuentse to the polls during the first mock election.
LTD.
Royal Government of Bhutan ISBN 99936-705-12-9
Royal Government of Bhutan
Sonam Kinga
The highest achievement of one hundred years of Monarchy has been the constant nurturing of Democracy.
His Majesty Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuck
Sonam Kinga

Sonam Kinga

Research, Design and Printng by :
LTD.
Bhutan Times Limited

Phendey Lam Thimphu, Bhutan P.O. Box: 1365 Phone : (2) 335006/07 Email : bms@druknet.bt www.bhutantimes.bt
Royal Government of Bhutan All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced without prior permission in writing from the publisher and author. The views expressed in this book are those of the author and not necessarily of the publisher. The publisher is not responsible for the view of the author and authenticity of the data, in any way whatsoever.
Sonam Kinga 2009
First published June 2009
ISBN 99936-705-12-9
This book was commissioned by the Literary and Publication Sub-Committee of the National Steering Committee for Coronation and Centenary Celebrations of Bhutan, 2008 in commemoraton of 100 years of Monarchy, Coronation of the 5th Druk Gyalpo and introduction of Parliamentary Democracy.
His Majesty Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuck signing The Constitution of The Kingdom of Bhutan, 18 July 2008

Sonam Kinga
In celebration of the enthronement of His Majesty Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuck and one hundred years of monarchy.
His Majesty Jigme Singye Wangchuck crowning His Majesty Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuck on 6 November 2008
Abbreviations
APP BNP BPUP DPT DRP DYP DYT ECB EVM GNH GYT All Peoples Party Bhutan National Party Bhutan People United Party Druk Phuensum Tshogpa Druk Red Party Druk Yellow Party Dzongkha Yargay Tshogdu Election Commission of Bhutan Electronic Voting Machine Gross National Happiness Gewog Yargay Tshogchung Mind reincarnations of Zhabdrung Ngawang Namgyal Peoples Democratic Party Royal Advisory Council Speech reincarnations of Zhabdrung Ngawang Namgyal United Nations Organization
Preface
is Majesty Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuck commanded 777 university graduates in October 2007 that the Kingdom we inherited has not come up naturally but was born out of the hard work and sacrifices of many generations that preceded us. Indeed when Zhabdrung Ngawang Namgyal issued the proclamation of the founding of Palden Druk Zhung in 1626, there was no country or a Kingdom. The ecclesiocratic state he established was not founded in a pre-existing national polity. He created the polity by expanding state authority, defeating invasions, overcoming internal resistances, unifying local polities and instituting a system of governing the society. This book is about the Bhutanese polity, whose political expressions took the form of an ecclesiocratic, monarchical and democratic states over the centuries. It treats the Bhutanese state as a consequence of the interplay among the Bhutanese people, religious institutions, domestic and regional developments, and statesmanship of its leaders. Its focus, however, is largely on the leaders and their agency in the creation and reconstitution of the Bhutanese state. It looks at those aspects of the lives of leaders like Zhabdrung Ngawang Namgyal, Jigme Namgyal and the successive monarchs of Bhutan. Often it is difficult to separate the lives of leaders from the life of the Kingdom. Obviously there are differences but these are not the concern of this book. This book is being published to commemorate three landmark events in the history of Bhutan. The rarity of the occurrence of these events is that they all coincided in 2008: the introduction of parliamentary democracy, 100th anniversary of the establishment of monarchy and coronation of His Majesty Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuck as the Fifth King of Bhutan. As token of celebrating these events, the book may not be worth the
MI PDP RAC
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honour. But for the opportunity of writing it, I am indebted to Tenzin Rigden of Bhutan Times. Ugyen Pelgen and his staff at Bhutan Times provided research support, which made writing possible within a very short time. Jayesh Bole did the typeset and layout of the book. I am deeply obliged to my friend Prof. Mark Mancall, Stanford University for his encouragement and confidence in the potentials of the book. I am thankful to my friend Dorji Penjore at the Centre for Bhutan Studies and Dr. Yonten Dargye of the National Library for helping me with access to research materials. This book has benefited immensely from the works of late Lopen Pemala, late Lopen Nado, late Dasho Lam Sanga, Dasho Sangye Dorji and a few others. Lots of historical materials are drawn from them. All are duly acknowledged in the footnotes. However, the interpretations and analysis are my own. Dr. Tandin Dorji from CAPSD, Ministry of Education, and Dasho Pema Thinley, the Vice Chancellor of Royal University of Bhutan read the drafts and provided feedback. I am also thankful to Aum Sangye Zam, Secretary of the Ministry of Eduction, and Chairperson of the Literary Sub-committee of the National Steering Committee on Centenary and Coronation Celebrations. She has been very generous by allowing more time for research and publication. However, I am solely responsible the errors in this book as well as for the views expressed.
Contents
Abbreviations Preface Introduction Chapter 1: Conceptions of Buddhist kingship Chapter 3: Founding of an ecclesiocratic state Chapter 4: Expansion of the state Chapter 5: Fragmentation of state power Chapter 6: Rise of alternative power centre Chapter 7: Monastic community and legitimation of rulers Chapter 9: Building a modern state Chapter 10: Decentralizing state power Chapter 11: Transition to parliamentary democracy Chapter 12: Coronation of a cakravartin Conclusion viii ix 1 17 57 79 109 133 157 217 259 297 325 343.
Chapter 2: Buddhist framework of a Bhutanese polity 31
Chapter 8: Founding and consolidation of monarchy 175
Bibliography Glossary of Dzongkha terms Chronology of events Appendix I : His Majestys address to the joint sitting of the first Parliament on 8 May 2008 Appendix II : His Majestys address at the signing of the Constitution on 18 July 2008 Appendix III : Coronation Address of His Majesty the King
x
356 363 366
375 379 381

xi
Thousands of people greeted King Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuck as he returned from Punakha to Thimphu after receiving the sacred dar na nga from the machhen of Zhabdrung Rinpoche
Introduction
Democracy, the will of a King
n 2 November 2008, King Jigme Khesar Namgyel returned to Thimphu from Punakha after receiving the previous day a set of five silk scarves called dar na nga from the machhen (sacred remains) of Zhabdrung Ngawang Namgyal (hereafter Zhabdrung Rinpoche) in Punakha Dzong. By receiving the scarves just as his predecessors did, he became the fifth hereditary monarch. On his arrival in Thimphu, he walked four kilometers from Semtokha to the royal cottage where thousands of people had gathered since that morning to greet the new King. He talked to the old and young alike, asked them to pray for the long of his father, and for the well-being of the country and its future. He held their hands while conversing with them. He also hugged and embraced children. As students sang waving khadars (silk sashes), he stopped to listen to the entire song and dances. He kissed young children on their foreheads who in turn kissed him on his cheek. He smiled to everyone reciprocating their good wishes. A Kuensel editorial aptly captured the mood of that moment.
A boy in Thinleygang will tell his grandchildren about how his King teased him about his shaven head as he stood by the road. A little girl in Semtokha will ask her parents to tell her over and over again how the King asked her to kiss him and she kissed his cheek, her arms around his neck. A Motithang schoolgirl could not believe that His Majesty saw her win a quiz competition on television.1
As he walked through Thimphu town, he called people by names smiling to them and waving back. He accepted peoples khadars and granted them gifts of silver coins. He shook hands with tourists, conversed with visitors and reached out to the young. The magic of the moment was the silence amidst thousands of crowded people in the street. The sheer intensity of emotion, novelty of the moment, richness of an unusual experience and the humility of a king transcended any description or representation.
1 Kuensel, 5 November 2008
Introduction
Unlike all the previous kings, King Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuck received the set of silk sashes in the presence of his father, the Fourth Druk Gyalpo, King Jigme Singye Wangchuck. It was also his father, who crowned him with the raven crown on 6 November 2008 at Tashichho Dzong. The historic coronation of a King in the presence of his predecessor has been possible owing to the latters selfless leadership and legacy. In his national day address on 17 December 2005, he announced his decision to abdicate soon. He made it clear that the Crown Prince would usher in parliamentary democracy as the Fifth King. After a glorious reign of 34 years, he abdicated on 14 December 2006. King Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuck took over the responsibilities of the state and prepared for Bhutans transition to parliamentary democracy. The formal enthronement of the Fifth King was thus a fulfilment of the will of his royal father. It came months after he guided the country through the first historic parliamentary elections. The formation of the first elected Parliament based on a written Constitution and party-based elections to the National Assembly was the realization of his fathers aspiration of a democratic Bhutan. The enthronement of King Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuck signalled the beginning of Democratic Constitutional Monarchy. Thus, democracy in Bhutan was willed by a visionary monarch, who literally persuaded the people to accept democracy while popular perception and mood was against it. This is the Bhutanese exception. This raises an important question. Why did the King take such a decision? In persuading the people to accept democracy, he reasoned that democracy is best introduced at a time when people enjoyed peace and happiness, when the kingdoms security was ensured and when the economic opportunities were growing. He also argued that the inherent weakness of monarchy is its dependence on one person. The intentions of kings may be good but they could change. The need therefore, for institutions and political system that rest on the wisdom of all people rather than one person.2 He also expressed his confidence in democracy as a viable political institution that could fulfil
2 Kuensel, 1-7 December 2001.
As the Crown Prince, His Majesty is seen here with the people of Tsirang during the consultation meeting on the draft Constitution
The Constitution of Bhutan signed by His Majesty the King
Introduction
the aspirations of Bhutanese people. If democracy had not worked elsewhere, it was not because of its inherent weaknesses but due to abuses of it by those in power. In a special session of the cabinet on 21 March 2005 for the last discussion on the draft Constitution before distributing it to the people, he said The adoption of the Constitution will provide the legal framework for a democratic political system that is best suited for Bhutan and will establish a system of governance that will safeguard the security and sovereignty of the nation and ensure the wellbeing of the Bhutanese people for all time to come.3 He also repeatedly argued that the introduction of parliamentary democracy could not take place at a better time than this. According to him, this was a time when people in all sections of society enjoyed a high level of trust. The security of the country was ensured and people enjoyed peace and stability. Bhutan also enjoyed close relation with development partners. Its relationship with India in particular had reached a new height. Bhutans economy was growing and investments in hydro power projects would bring in major economic benefits. Thus, democracy was being introduced in an environment of trust, political stability, social harmony, economic opportunities and good relations with others. These then, in the Kings view, constitute the prerequisites for democratization. In many ways, these contrast with prerequisites that countries are generally thought to require before they launch on the path of democratization. Let us consider two of them. First, studies on democracy in 1960s and 1970s were concerned with the search for conditions that are considered necessary for the emergence of a stable democracy.4 Many political scientists and scholars argued that one of the prerequisites for a country to democratize is industrialization.5 They argue that the rise in income among citizens as well as the rise in GDP makes the society move on the democratic path. Democracy is postdevelopment. Unless constitutional reforms and economic liberalization are well in place, democracy cannot be
3 4 5 Kuensel, 1-7 December 2001. Shin, On the Third Wave of Democratization, p.139. See Gellner, Nations and Nationalism.
Introduction
established.6 Zakaria (2006) argues that only a country that attempts a transition to democracy when it has a per capita GDP between $3000 and $6000 will be successful.7 In other words, political modernity comes after economic modernization which is characterized by industrialization and capitalism. Bhutan however, is a non-industrial democracy. In 2006, its GDP per capita was USD 1,414. More than 68% of the people were engaged in subsistence farming. Second, the introduction of democracy was considered to be the consequence of rejecting the monarchy. Monarchies are antiquedemocracy is the sole surviving source of political legitimacy.8 [S]erious monarchy lies transverse to all modern conceptions of political life. Kingship organizes everything around a high centre. Its legitimacy derives from divinity, not from populations, who after all, are subjects, not citizens.9 Such logic posits that the modern nation-state must necessarily succeed kingdom. It argues that the kingdom is untenable in the 21st century as a political entity. In the beginning of the nineteenth century, monarchy and democracy were regarded as antithetical conceptions. In contrast to such arguments, the monarchy in Bhutan and King Jigme Singye Wangchuck in particular were the agency of democratization process. They were not hindrances to political reforms. Rather they pushed for reforms and change. Thus, parliamentary democracy and its embodiment, the Constitution is regarded as gift from the throne. The will of the King as the foundation for democracy contrasts with factors that are conventionally thought to trigger democratization process in other countries. Shin (1994) has identified two sets of facilitating factors as the most probable causes of democratization.10 He identifies political and other changes within a country as the first factor, and developments in neighbouring or foreign countries as the second factor.
6 7 See Lipset, The Social Requisites of Democracy Revisited. Zakaria, The Future of Freedom: Illiberal democracy at home and abroad, p. 69. 8 See Anderson, Useful or Useless Relics: Todays strange monarchies. 9 Anderson, Imagined Communities, p.19. 10 Shin, On the Third Wave of Democratization, p. 139.
Concerning the first factor, he argues that democratization is triggered by the steady decline in the legitimacy of authoritarian rule. The rulers are not able to meet demands for political freedom and participation. So they cannot justify why they should be in power. Moreover, a strong civil society also helps remove authoritarian rulers from office by pursuing conflicting interests. This eroded the capacity of authoritarian rulers to dominate and control their societies.11 In Bhutan, however, the monarchy never suffered any decline in legitimacy. Its legitimacy is drawn from a genja (contract) signed in 1907. It implies that state-power is conditional to the extent that its terms and conditions are observed. There is thus an indication that state-power endowed to the monarchy is contingent to the fulfilment of the terms of the genja. As a signatory, the undertaking of the founding monarch King Ugyen Wangchuck was to lay down a secure future for the Bhutanese people and country. On their part, the other signatories were to serve him and his heirs as hereditary monarchs with loyalty and dedication. In the last hundred years, the monarchy has not only consolidated the security and sovereignty of the country but also brought about unprecedented socio-economic developments. That is the very reason that the Bhutanese people were reluctant to adopt parliamentary democracy. The monarchys legitimacy is stronger now than ever before. Hence the argument of declining legitimacy as a trigger of democratization process is irrelevant in Bhutanese context. Concerning the second factor that causes democratization, Shin argues that it is democratic pressures from other countries and assistance from international organizations, which weaken the physical basis of authoritarian rule. This weakening is achieved by cutting off economic and military aid. The pressures have weakened its moral basis by encouraging people to realize that democratization is the necessary ticket for membership in the club of advanced nations.12 The Bhutanese experience however, shows that foreign countries and international organizations never pressurized Bhutan to democratize. There is no doubt that
11 Shin, On the Third Wave of Democratization, p. 152. 12 Shin, On the Third Wave of Democratization, p. 139.
Introduction
Bhutans development partners are important source of investment capitals and resources. Her domestic revenues are just enough to meet recurrent expenditures. But the development partners have never used the leverage of their financial aid to force any socio-economic and political changes within Bhutan. Instead, all of them have constantly lauded the efficiency of the Bhutanese state to utilize aid and comparatively achieve far better results. Bhutan had been careful in opting for the sort of conditional aids that development partners could provide. Instead, development partners had made commitments to help Bhutan actualize her development philosophy of Gross National Happiness which identifies good governance (based on decentralization and democratization) amongst others, as a key principle. The Tenth Round Table Meeting held in Thimphu in February 2008 saw Bhutans development partners recognize the need for more support during the kingdoms democratization process. Unlike other countries where constitutions were drafted during difficult times, under pressure from political influences and interests, Bhutan was fortunate that the change came under no pressure or compulsion but at a time when the country enjoyed unprecedented peace and stability with total harmony and abiding fidelity between the King, the government, and the people.13
his reincarnations who served as his representatives and heads of state. But actual power was vested in regional governors who enjoyed considerable control over both material and human resources of the state. They exercised control because the state was dependent on them for these resources. Coupled with other factors, which we will discuss subsequently in this book, the state was besieged by its own governors and administrators. Trongsa Penlop Jigme Namgyal, one of these governors however, reunified the country. Reunification however, should not suggest a return to the ecclesiocratic state. Rather, he laid the foundations for a modern monarchy. With the establishment of monarchy in 1907, it had become the modern institutional expression of the Bhutanese polity. The first two kings of Bhutan consolidated monarchy for nearly half a century of their reigns. Then the Third King, Jigmi Dorji Wangchuck began a process of socio-economic modernization that led to the building of a modern nationstate, which became the embodiment of the Bhutanese polity during his reign. This was followed by three and half decades of decentralization and democratization initiated by King Jigme Singye Wangchuck, the Fourth King. After his voluntary abdication, King Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuck steered the country towards parliamentary democracy. What we see here are different phases of the monarchical state in the last one hundred years. This is a remarkable feature of the state. Its resilience manifests in its ability to develop different political arrangements at distinct historical periods. The institution of monarchy has truly reflected the aspirations of the people. The modern Bhutanese state symbolized by monarchy is the expression of the national polity that was first founded by Zhabdrung Rinpoche. Unlike the case of many European and Afro-Asian nations, the state in Bhutan represented by the monarchy is the expression of the polity. The state developed within an existing polity. This is the Bhutanese exception. This book is therefore, about the Bhutanese state which developed within a national polity founded by Zhabdrung Rinpoche in the seventeenth century. It constitutes one of the main theses of the book.
Thesis of the book

arliamentary democracy has become the recent embodiment of Bhutanese polity that has expressed throughout its history in different institutional forms. Before the seventeenth century, there were several villagebased polities in both eastern and western Bhutan. They were unified into a single national polity by Zhabdrung Rinpoche in the seventeenth century. He founded what we will call the ecclesiocratic state. The two and half centuries following his death around 1651 saw the fragmentation of the ecclesiocratic state during which the polity was ruled by autonomous regional governors. It must be noted that although the polity did fragment, it did not relapse into multiple village-based polities that preceded the ecclesiocratic state. A national polity continued moored around the figure of Zhabdrung Rinpoche and
13 Kuensel, 23 March 2005.
Introduction
The other thesis of this book relates to the theoretical basis of the polity. Before Zhabdrung Rinpoche, a national polity did not exist. But the national polity he founded did not abandon the theoretical concept that informed the organization of earlier village-based polities. Rather, there was continuity in the concept. Both in eastern and western Bhutan then, the basis of organizing village polities was the union of secular and spiritual aspects of administration or governance known as chhoesid zungdrel, a diarchy. By spirituality, I mean Buddhism. What Zhabdrung Rinpoche did was successfully establish a singular authority on disparate village polities - which had nonetheless similar conceptual basis of organization - either through voluntary submission or use of force. The third argument this book makes is that the concept of chhoesid zungdrel is embodied in the person of rulers or kings. For them, the means of enforcing this concept were the laws and rules they enacted. As the source of such laws, the rulers had to embody both spiritual and secular selves. Thus, the concept of je pon or la pon becomes very significant. Both these words mean lama and lord. The rulers were lamas as well as lords or chiefs at the same time. We will see in later chapters how even leaders of lay origin appropriated an image of lama by taking some monastic vows or taking new names. The fourth major theme of this book concerns the relationship between the rulers and their subjects. This relationship is of utmost importance to understand the nature of Bhutanese polity. The rulers as lamas were Buddhist practitioners. The people whom they ruled over were thought of as patrons. Thus, the relationship that existed between a ruler and his subjects were actually that between patrons and a practitioner, known as chhoeyon jindag. The ruler-practitioner (chhoeyon) governed his realm through laws based on Buddhism. On their part, the patrons (jindag) supported the ruler-practitioner by providing resources through taxes which were largely inkind and corve labour. Indeed this relationship undergoes transformation both during the period of the ecclesiocratic and monarchical state. We will discuss this later.
Finally, the institutional manifestation of the polity in the form of ecclesiocratic and monarchical states underwent an interesting phase of expansion and contraction of state authority. From a situation where a singular state authority was non-existent among villagebased polities, Zhabdrung Rinpoche established a strong ecclesiocratic state which expanded rapidly both in territorial, administrative and judicial aspects. The expansion of state authority was particularly manifest in the building of dzongs or fortresses in different parts of the country, which became the seats of administration. However, after Zhabdrung Rinpoches death, these seats of power become very autonomous and even challenged the state. For over two centuries, the state authority shrank or contracted. The founding of monarchy in 1907 and its consolidation under the reigns of first two kings of Bhutan once again saw the expansion of state authority. With the establishment of representative institutions by King Jigmi Dorji Wangchuck and decentralization process initiated by King Jigme Singye Wangchuck, the contraction of state authority has become the theme of their reigns. The introduction of parliamentary democracy is a continuity of the contraction phase. With these major arguments, it is possible to propose a model of the Bhutanese polity and the state in it. We can conceptualize this model as a set of beads on an open rosary. Each of these six beads would represent consecutively, the village-based polities, ecclesiocratic state founded by Zhabdrung Rinpoche, fragmented ecclesiocratic state ruled by competing governors, monarchy founded by King Ugyen Wangchuck and consolidated by King Jigme Wangchuck, a modern nation-state built by King Jigmi Dorji Wangchuck and lastly, a democratic constitutional monarchy introduced by King Jigme Singye Wangchuck. What runs through each of these beads is the unifying chord or string of chhoesid zungdrel, which is the foundation of Bhutanese polity. Each bead is a different form of state, ecclesiocratic, monarchical or democratic. But all these states arise from the polity founded on the principle of union between secular and spiritual aspects of life. We may call this model a rosarial polity.
10
11
Introduction
Summary of Chapters
n Chapter 1, we trace the origin of the conception of kingship in Buddhist political thought. It treats the myth of King Mahasammata (The Great Elect) and Cakravartin (Universal Monarch) as the basis of Buddhist kingship and analyzes what constitute their rationale. It also discusses the diarchic concept of spiritual and temporal political authority that found institutional expression in Bhutanese political system. Chapter 2 looks at how Buddhism became the framework for constituting the Bhutanese polity. It particularly dwells on the role of Guru Rinpoche and spread of Buddhism that contributed to the formation of a translocal Buddhist community which forms the basis of a Bhutanese polity later. Besides, it also discusses the emergence of village-based polities in eastern and western Bhutan. Studying these will demonstrate how Buddhism became the organizing principle for a polity in village communities through Buddhist rulers. Chapter 3 discusses the four process of state formation between 1618-1640. It first describes the famous seal of Zhabdrung Rinpoche known as Nga Chudruma or the Sixteeen Is and then analyzes how it becomes a symbolic precursor of the declaration of the founding of ecclesiocratic state. It discusses the public promulgation of the founding of the ecclesiocratic state in 1626, establishment of state centre or capital at Punakha in 1639 and recognition accorded by neighbouring countries in 1640. Chapter 4 discusses how the state expands its territorial frontiers towards central and eastern Bhutan particularly under Trongsa Penlop Minjur Tenpa. In order to administer the territories it had gained, the state also institutes administrative centres in the form of huge fortresses called dzongs and a bureaucratic organization headed by governors called chilas, penlops and dzongpons. The state also undertakes social re-organization of people by categorizing them into tax-paying households and codifying laws to regulate social and political life. Chapter 5 examines the fragmentation of state power after the death of Zhabdrung Rinpoche. Without an able successor, the principle of succession based on multiple
reincarnations brings contenders for state power into violent confrontations. This is aggravated by external factors such as Tibeto-Mongol invasions, and clash of arms with the British. As valuable resource base in the southern plains known as Duars are lost, the state becomes hostage to powerful regional governors. Chapter 6 continues the discussion on fragmentation of state power but the narrative focuses largely on conflicts among regional governors. It shows that the state-inconflict results in the rise of alternative power centre at Trongsa. This chapters concern is the life and deeds of Desi Jigme Namgyal and his rise as the most powerful leader in the country. It shows how state power is being re-consolidated under his leadership. Chapter 7 analyses the various means of legitimating the office of Bhutanese rulers. It focuses on three sources of legitimacy: reincarnated sovereigns, patronage of monastic community and endorsement of rulers by the state monk body. Chapter 8 examines the process of institutionalization of state power under Trongsa Penlop Ugyen Wangchuck who was enthroned the first hereditary monarch in 1907. It provides an analysis of the genja or agreement signed by the most prominent political actors of the day to establish the monarchy. It also looks at how the monarchical state was consolidated under the first two kings of Bhutan. Chapter 9 analyses the process of modern nation-building under King Jigmi Dorji Wangchuck. Its concerns are largely the socio-economic and political reforms he introduced to modernize the country. A detailed analysis of the founding document of the National Assembly is provided to highlight the process of democratization he began. A modest attempt at separation of powers by establishing different organs of the state, creation of emblems of the modern nation-state and internationalization of Bhutans relations are also examined. Chapter 10 looks at the reign of the Fourth King, His Majesty Jigme Singye Wangchuck. Its primary interest is the process of decentralization and democratization he introduced in the thirty-four years of his reign. Discussions on formation of local governments, devolution of the
13
12
Introduction
Kings executive power to an elected cabinet, commanding the drafting of a written Constitution and his voluntary abdication show that the transition to parliamentary democracy had been preceded by three and half decades of democratization of village communities first and then by state institutions. Chapter 11 discusses major events that marked Bhutans transition to a Democratic Constitutional Monarchy. After King Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuck took over the responsibilities of the state, Bhutans transition to parliamentary democracy began with mock elections to train people, formation of political parties and elections to two houses of the parliament. This chapter examines each of these historic events to show the process of renewal of the Bhutanese state. Chapter 12 concludes the book by reflecting on the coronation of King Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuck. His enthronement is discussed as the coronation of a cakravartin to analyze the role of monarchy in modern Bhutan. In the Conclusion, the arguments of different chapters are woven together to suggest that the monarchy, which represents the modernity of Bhutanese political system is founded on the concept of chhoesid zungdrel.
14 15
Chapter 1:
Conceptions of Buddhist kingship

onarchy was the popular form of political organization during the time of Lord Buddha. The powerful rulers of those days were kings of Magadha, Kosala, Kosambi and Ujjeni.14 Lord Buddha enjoyed good relationship with them. Their patronage was appreciated and vinaya rules were discreetly amended in deference to the convenience of kings such as Bimbisara and Pasendi, the Kosalan.15 Tambiah (1976) suggests that Lord Buddha accepted monarchical government as proper mode of sociopolitical organization16 He and early Buddhist, therefore, came to terms with the institution of monarchy and proceeded to formulate their own political philosophy in an endeavour to influence its development and final form.17 Gokhale (1966) provided a detailed analysis of the early Buddhist philosophy of kingship which is summarized below. Kingship was identified with overwhelming power which was often exercised arbitrarily. But it was an essential institution to organize and order society. The story of King Mahasammata suggests how kingship ended disorder and brought law and order (see below). Later, the power of kingship came to depend upon possession of wealth and army as against consent or agreement (that led to King Mahasammatas enthronement). These ensured sovereignty and control over his domain. There are also references to five powers as bases of kingship: wealth, arms, ministers, high birth and intellect. Kingship was regarded as the fruition of merit accumulated in previous lives. A good king is expected to be charitable, moral, sacrificing, just, humble, penitent,
14 15 16 17
Lord Buddha
Tambiah, World Conqueror and World Renouncer, p.48. Gokhale, Early Buddhist Kingship, p.15. Tambiah, World Conqueror and World Renouncer, p.47. Gokhale, Early Buddhist Kingship, p.15.
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nonwrathful, nonviolent, patient and harmless. In short, the ideal king should be pre-eminently a moral being.18 It is his good karma, his religious merit acquired in previous lives, which makes a man be born a king or makes him acquire kingship during his lifetime19 A kings claim to sovereignty was thought to rest on his actions which are righteous and just. He was to be a dharma raja (chogyal). But kingship was not just material or physical, it was spiritual as well. A certain quasi-divine power or charisma was associated with kingship which was derived from conducting certain mystical sacrifices, not animal sacrifices. This charisma and power made obedience possible. An ideal king who possessed such power was called a Cakravartin or Universal Monarch and had all the marks of a great being. They are manifest in things associated with king such as flag, right-whorled conch, swords, but particularly with wheel, umbrella, jewel, elephant and horse. Finally kingship was devoted to Dharma (dhamma). He is devoted to dhamma, honours it, is deferential towards it, makes it his banner and treats it as his overlord. Dharma was associated with equity, justice and the highest morality. Now it is known that a Chakravartin is the worldly alternative to a Bodhisatva, a future Buddha. Under these circumstances the theory of rebirth and of karma was bound to induce monarchs with a very high idea of their religious merits to consider themselves Bodhisatvas.20 The state or rather the monarchical state was not an end but a means to an end. It was a very powerful instrument. But early Buddhists thought that power could be abused. What then is the Buddhist solution to arbitrary exercise of monarchical power? It was not the constitutionality and associated separation of powers but infusing kingship with morality. For them, the state was not merely a punitive instrument but primarily an agency for the moral transformation of man as a political animal. They found in
18 Gokhale, Early Buddhist Kingship, p.18. 19 Heine-Geldern, Conceptions of State and Kingship in Southeast Asia, p.24. 20 Heine-Geldern, Conceptions of State and Kingship in Southeast Asia, p.25.
morality of a higher order the solution to the dilemma of power.21 Morality was the guiding spirit behind the state. Morality was rooted in dharma. And dharma informed kingship. Morality stood between social anarchy and order. the state must function as an instrument of this higher and universal morality for the transformation of many from being a merely political creature into a wholly moral being.22 In our study of Buddhist and particularly Bhutanese kingship, this is a very important observation. Unlike constitutional checks for monarchical powers that developed in Europe, restraint for arbitrary exercise of power in the Buddhist world was achieved through Dharma. Hence, a king was a dharma king, dharma raja or chogyal. Kingship cannot be divorced from Dharma. Rulers, as we shall see in the next chapter, always represented a comibination or harmonious blend of spiritual and secuarl selves. What this suggests is that the restraint on power of kings or rulers was inbuilt in the concept and ideal of king. It did not require external institutional arrangements such as constitutional set ups.
King Mahsammata
he Buddhist explanation for the origin of state in the form of kingship goes back to the story of King Mahsammata or Mangkurwai Gyelp, the Great Elect.
In the dim distant pastthere was no need for the state since all creatures were pure in heart and none coveted the goods of another. But there was a fall from this state and men became victims of greed and passion. Property and family became insecure and anarchy reigned supreme. To extricate themselves from this dangerous condition, men elected an outstanding individual from among themselves (Mahsammata) and told him to be indignant, censure that which should rightly be censured, and banish him who deserves to be banished. In return for his work, the people promised him a share of their produce.23
21 Gokhale, Early Buddhist Kingship, p.20. 22 Gokhale, Early Buddhist Kingship, p.22. 23 Gokhale, The Early Buddhist View of the State, p.733. Also see Strong, The Legend of King Aoka, pp.44-45.
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King Mahsammata was also thought to be a Boddhisattva, the first ancestor in the royal line to which the Buddha belonged as a Sakyan, and, indeed, a previous incarnation of Buddha himself.24 However, it is important to note that the king was not elected because of any divine association. Divinity did not endow any political legitimacy. Contrast this with Anderson (1983) view that the legitimacy of kingship derives from divinity, not from populations25 The need was for a moral, righteous and just king who could re-order the anarchic state into which people have fallen. In return for a just rule, people agreed to give him a part of their produces. It is a contract they agree upon. The basis of kingship was a contract, not divinity. The Buddhist contractual theory of kingship was called the most original contribution of early Buddhist canonists to the store of our ancient social and political ideas.26 The founding of monarchy in Bhutan was formalized through a contract drawn between the king and representatives of people (see chapter 8). In establishing this contract, one can see a close parallel with the election of King Mahsammata. King Ugyen Wangchucks enthronement was a real-world approximation of the mythical election of King Mahsammata. Was King Mahsammata a mythical or historical figure? The Blue Annals trace the lineage of King Mahsammata till Lord Buddhas son Rahula. Goed Lotsawan Zhonu Pal, the author (1392-1481) lists different versions of lineages. According to these versions, the number of kings between Mahsammata and Rahula differs from 1,121,514 kings to 55,149 kings and 8,34,534 kings.27 All of them agree that Rahula was the last in the line of the Mahsammata lineage. Je Yonten Thaye and Je Kunga Jamtsho, who jointly authored the biography of Desi Sherub Wangchuck also lists this genealogy.28
24 Tambiah, The Buddhist Conception of Kingship and Its Historical Manifestations: A Reply to Spiro, p.803. 25 Anderson, Imagined Communities, p.19. 26 Quoted in Tambiah, The Buddhist Conception of Kingship and Its Historical Manifestations: A Reply to Spiro, p.802. 27 See Roerich, The Blue Annals, pp.3-16. 28 See The Centre for Bhutan Studies, The Necklace of Pearls, pp.10-21)
Cakravartin
n addition to King Mahsammata, Buddhist conception of kingship is also expounded in the image of cakravartin. The myth of cakravartin describes a state of the world in the beginning when beings have beautiful bodies, life-spans of eighty thousand years, and led wonderful, effortless existences.29 Unlike King Mahasammata, who is elected when there is anarchy and disorder, a cakravartin is part of the golden age of the world. He is necessary to maintain this paradisial state and rules through Dharma. The most important symbol of a cakravartin is a wheel and hence the epithet the wheelrolling king or wheel turning king. The wheel leads him in the conquest of the four continents without encountering resistance.30 Each cakravartin must earn the wheel. It cannot be passed on to his successor. The wheel then is a metaphor for righteousness. A cakravartin is necessarily an upright, devout and moral leader. By his very presence and by his proper rule, he ensures a peaceful, prosperous, idyllic existence for all, and he will continue to do so as long as he is righteous enough to merit the Wheel of Dharma, that is as long as he truly is a wheelturning cakravartin king.31 The relation of the mythic view of cakravartin king to a historical figure such as King Aoka presented Buddhists with many difficulties. For example, the king had to posses the thirty-two marks of a great being. He was expected to rule the world according to Dharma. His reign must be a golden age. If not, the reverse was all true. This was very rigid. For example, the king could not have all the thirtytwo marks. Merely possessing some of them would not make him a full cakravartin. This dilemma was in fact the issue on which an interesting intellectual sparring took place between two scholars of Buddhism. In his World Conqueror and World Renouncer (1976), Tambiah argued that Buddhist kingship provided a point of articulation between its other-worldly orientation and this-worldly political action. He further
29 Strong, The Legend of King Aoka, p.45. 30 Strong, The Legend of King Aoka, p.46. 31 Strong, The Legend of King Aoka, p.48.
The eight spoked golden wheel
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argued that Buddhist kings were identified with wheelrolling cakkavatin which made the way for Buddhist monarchs to found world empires.32 Spiro (1978) argued that none of the Buddhist kings of Southeast Asia exhibited the thirty-two marks of a great being. They also conquered by the might of their armies rather than peacefully by the rolling-wheel. Rather than receive the conquering king with joy, some subjects looked upon them as enemies.33 The crux of Spiros argument was that the behaviour and characteristics of historical kings do not harmonize with canonical descriptions of cakravartin. Tambiah responded by citing Burmese kings like Tabin Shwehti (1531-1550), Alaungapaya (1752-1760), Bodawpaya (1781-1819) and Sri Lankan monarch Nissamkamalla (1187-1196) as historical cakravatins. He also argued that the dilemma of Buddhist kings or cakravartin to employ violence was resolved by these kings turning to piety later in life.34 This resolution is analogous to a common fact of anthropological reporting; the Buddhist peasant breaks the five precepts including that of not taking life in the prime of his or her adult life and in old age becomes a pious upasaka or upasiaka.35 For our purpose, a pertinent question to ask is how this dilemma was overcome in conception of Bhutanese kingship. After all Bhutanese rulers were seen as cakravartins. For example, Zhabdrung Rinpoche refers to himself in Nga Chudruma as one who turns the wheel of two traditions. The first challenge is to deal with the dilemma of virtuous Dharma king who take arms for conquest rather than roll the peaceful wheel. The second, ask whether the cakravartin has the thirty-two marks of a great being. Interestingly enough, both the dilemmas confronting Tambiah and Spiro are adequately addressed in Bhutanese cakravartins either in their historical or contemporary appearances.
Let us look at the first one. As we will see in Chapter 3, Zhabdrung Rinpoche won over the Drukpa patrons in western Bhutan through voluntary submissions. As the wheel of two traditions rolled, people submitted to his authority as they did to Phajo Drugom Zhigpo centuries ago (see next chapter). However, the alliance of five lamas as well as Tibeto-Mongoloid invaders had to be engaged in military confrontations. Obviously, the question that arises is how an emanation of the Buddha of Compassion can unleash violence to defend and also expand his dominion? As much as Zhabdrung Rinpoche was a Boddhisattva, he was the embodiment of the militant Buddha of Compassion called Lokesvara. Unleashing violent means for territorial defence and expansion with a Boddhisattva mind however, was nothing anti-dharmic. To cleanse the world polluted by defilements, he takes recourse to wrathful means. That is absolutely justifiable like the undertakings of warrior king, Gesar of Ling who was also the embodiment of King Thrisong Deutsen (see below). Consider King Ugyen Wangchuck and the unification of Bhutan under his reign. We will see in Chapter 8 that after Bhutans last civil war in 1885, peace was established and he became the de facto ruler. But before that he had to engage in battles alongside his father and on his own. The very first step that he would take as a child was by holding on the hilt of a sword that fell down from a ceiling and implanted on the floor. He was only a year old and was with his mother inside the Lhamo Goenkhang in Trongsa Dzong.36 It was ominous of him fighting his way to kingship. Prophecies are not realized naturally. However, he was not an ordinary being. The Bhutanese believe him to be an emanation of Guru Rinpoche. In Kathang Duepa, his biography which was discovered as treasure from Samye by Terton Ugyen Lingpa, Guru Rinpoche had prophesied that he will appear in Bumthang as Dharma King. The prophecy reads, From Bumthang, the edges of throne will be subdued/My emanation will appear to govern the realm with spiritual laws. Besides, King Ugyen Wangchuck was a reincarnation of Drupchen Rinpoche, an enlightened lama from Kham Amdo, Tibet. At his deathbed, he predicted his rebirth, I shall thus be reborn
36 LGGP, pp.104-105.
32 Quoted in Spiro, The Buddhist Conception of Kingship and its Historical Manifestation: Reply to Professor Tambiah, p.810. 33 Spiro, The Buddhist Conception of Kingship and its Historical Manifestation: Reply to Professor Tambiah, p.810. 34 Tambiah, The Buddhist Conception of Kingship and its Historical Manifestation: A reply to Spiro, p.806. 35 Tambiah, The Buddhist Conception of Kingship and its Historical Manifestation: A reply to Spiro, p.807.
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in the southern Monyul (Bumthang). My name will have the affix .37 As an exalted reincarnation, the question of whether he has thirty-two marks of a great being does not arise. Guru Rinpoche has subdued malevolent spirits and anti-dharma forces deploying wrathful means. The fact that his emanation should wield the sword to vanquish enemies does not present any conceptual dilemma. Those who created trouble, fomented dissent and compromised stability were always conceived as ten dra, or enemy of the teachings. In his old days, King Ugyen Wangchuck devoted his life to spiritual practices and demonstrated signs of great accomplishment. The second issue is to establish kings as cakravartins particularly in relation to their possession of the thirty-two marks of a great being. The very fact that most rulers and kings of Bhutan were exalted reincarnations of enlightened beings does not raise the question of them possessing the marks of cakravartin. However, at the moment of enthronement, they do undergo a sacred ceremony, a rite of passage that transforms them from worldly lords to Buddha-like beings. We will discuss this in the last chapter in relation to the coronation of King Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuck. In Bhutan, kings and rulers are also expressed as a cakravartin, who turn the wheel of two traditions: secular and spiritual. The authority of the two traditions is embodied in the person of the king (as we shall see in next chapter) whereas the early Buddhists thought of it as belonging to two separate domains.
[T]he early Buddhists also put forward the theory of two wheels, two distinct realms of action by positioning two separate but equally important ideals of a Cakkavatti, the leader of the temporal realm, and the Boddhisattva, pre-eminent in the spiritual domain. The theory of the two domains is well expressed by a putative statement of Ajsutta (circa 493-462 B.C.) at the commencement of the First Buddhist Council held in Rjagha when he said to the assembled monks, Yours is the authority of the spirit as mine is of power (dhammacakka and nkka).38
37 Dorji, The Wangchuck Dynasty, pp.2-3. 38 Gokhale, Early Buddhist Kingship,, p.22.
The two domains were however, not seen as completely separate but rather complementing and reinforcing each other. Its development was visible even during the time of Lord Buddha as is indicated by the growth of the rules of the Buddhist code of monastic discipline.39 The theory of two wheels or rather two domains of the spiritual and temporal found their full expression in the TibetoMongoloid region. The first instances of the expressions of these thoughts appear in Buddhist treasure texts known as terma. It is important to look at them since they will constitute the framework in which our subsequent discussions take place. The two treasure texts are Mani Kabum and Pema Kathang. According to these texts, a Buddhist government was established for the first time by King Srong-btsan-sgam-po and flourished during King Khrisrong-lde-btsan.40 King Songtsen Gampo was the Thirty Third King of Tibets Yarlung dynasty enthroned at a young age of 13 around 618 A.D. He was responsible for sending seventeen Tibetan students to India to study Sanskrit and Buddhism. Thonmi Sambhota was the most famous student who mastered Sanskrit and devised the Tibetan script and alphabets.41 It must be noted that from the First King Nyathri Tsenpo till the time of Songtsen Gampo, the state religion of Tibet was Bon.42 Thrisong Deutsen (755-797A.D) was the Thirty Eighth King. He assumed power in 755 A.D. He was also a patron of Buddhism. He invited many Indian pandits to Tibet. One of them was Shantarakshita, who together with Guru Rinpoche constructed the first Buddhist monastery at Samye and initiated seven Tibetans into monkhood for the first time. After a long debate between Kamalashila, an Indian pandit and Hoshang, a Chinese Buddhist monk concerning the nature of enlightenment, King Thrisong Deutsen, who preside over the debate declared former the winner and made Buddhism a state religion.43
39 40 41 42 43 Gokhale, Early Buddhist Kingship,, p.22. Ishima, The Notion of Buddhist Government, p.16. http://www.tibet.com/status/3kings.html Norbu, Drung, Deu and Bon, p.xvi. http://www.tibet.com/status/3kings.html
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Ishima (2000) has provided transliterations of original texts as well as translations of sections of the two treasure texts that deal with notions of Buddhist government. According to her, Songtsen Gampos recognition of the relationship between the state and religion is found in the following quotation. For our purpose I use her transliteration of the original text of Mani Kabum to translate relevant sections.44
The Dharma King Songtsen Gampo, emanation of the Buddha of Compassion told his son thus: Prince, son of god, listen to me. If kingship is not held by Dharma, secular kingship is the seed for bad transmigration. Harmonize the kingship of this life with Dharma... Even if kings dominion flourishes, meditate on the Buddha of Compassion since one has to go alone after deathEven if good secular law is administered strictly, it is the seed of negative deeds and bad transmigration; hence, establish the spiritual laws. Thus he admonished the prince, son of god to adhere kingship to Dharma.
Then the King was very delighted and prostrated many times. He established spiritual laws like a firm silken knot and brought together secular laws like a golden yoke. Thus the silken knot of spiritual laws was made soft as well as tight.47
From this text, we know that Songtsen Gampo was a Boddhisattva, an emanation of Chenrezig, Buddha of Compassion. He advises the prince to harmonize secular and spiritual laws. Even the best of secular laws are not to be administered strictly. They must be tempered with spiritual laws. Ishima provides another two quotes. In the first, Songtsen Gampo argues that the absence of spiritual laws earlier and dependence on secular laws was the cause of suffering. Songtsen Gampo established spiritual laws and converted Tibetans to Dharma. In the second quote, he affirms that secular laws had been converted to spiritual laws.45 By conversion, one would assume that they were harmonized with Dharma. Another source that Ishima provides is an extract from Pema Kathang. Pema Kathang is the biography of Guru Rinpoche which was discovered as treasure text by Terton Ugyen Lingpa from Sheldrakma (shel brag ma), or the Crystal Cave.46
44 See Ishima, The Notion of Buddhist Government, p.17 for a translation and transliteration of the original text. 45 Ishima, The Notion of Buddhist Government, pp.17-18. 46 Pema Kathang has 108 chapters. The shorter version of the
The king referred here is Thrisong Deutsen. It was him who invited Guru Rinpoche to Tibet. The concept of Buddhist government founded by King Songtsen Gampo and King Thrisong Deutsen were instituted by the Gelug government of successive Dalai Lamas of Tibet. In Bhutan however, it influenced forms of kingship of valley kingdoms very early on. The idea of union of secular and spiritual laws informed political structures that precede the founding of Buddhist government by Zhabdrung Rinpoche. This union was expressed in the person of the ruler or king before the seventeenth century rather than in the institutions of government since a government as we know today or governing institutions did not exist. It was only with the establishment of Palden Druk Zhung (see chapter 3) that the union of secular and spiritual laws known as chhoe sid zung drel found institutional expression. It was also after this that a concept of Buddhist kingship in relation to Bhutan was expressly written down. One of the early treasure texts called The Clear Mirror of Mysticism deals with the story of Sindhu Raja and Guru Rinpoche. The text was written by Denma Tsemang in the eighth century. He was a follower and scribe to Guru Rinpoche and credited for introducing the cursive style of writing called joyig. We will come across this story briefly in the next chapter. Here, it is important to note Guru Rinpoches teachings to Sindhu Raja concerning kingship or rulership.
Thou must not, with pleasure, indulge in doing sinful doings but thou must follow the true religion! Thou shalt not be greedy, but thou shalt give nourishment and wealth as alms!
biography is called Kathang Duepa. Terton Ugyen Lingpa was one of the great treasure revealers, whose coming was prophesied by Guru Rinpoche. Guru Rinpoche had said that all the treasure revealers were his own manifestations. 47 Ishima, The Notion of Buddhist Government, p.18. Translation mine.
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Thou shalt not fight (and make war), but thou shalt let the beings live happily! Thou shalt listen repeatedly to the Explanations of Death (hChi-bahi Ngo-sProd)! You shall not be a sinful King, but you should be a religious King! On the whole, your inner confidence should be directed towards me!48
According to Tambiah (1976), the Buddhist equivalent of a Brahmanical thought on kingship as expressed in Kautilyan Arthashastra does not exist. Kautilya was the chief minister in the court of King Chandra Gupta Maurya, the grandfather of King Aoka. His Arthashastra is a political manual that investigates the foundations of political economy and statecraft. Tambiah cites that this was used for instructions of princes in Ceylon and Burma. According to him, Buddhist writers did not produce literature on science of administration. There was thus a paradox, in his view, of early Buddhist literature that exhorted ideal Buddhist kingship based on high morality and yet absence of approaches to pragmatic rule and governance.
Thus this curious asymmetry forces upon us the reflection whether the grandly conceived virtue-endowed rulers may not, for lack of pragmatic rules and constraints relating to the conduct of artha, either turn themselves into absolute monarch practicing a degree of both liberality and tyranny unknown in India or suffer from the shifting sands of instability and disorder in their domestic and external relations.49
Chapter 4, we must note here a few salient features of this work. The Kathrim has been defined as a legal code. It is as a legal code we approach it in Chapter 4. However, it is actually more than a legal code. We look at it here briefly as a political treatise on kingship and statecraft. Of its three parts, Part II is titled The duties of rulers and ministers, and Part III as The duties of government officials. The titles are suggestive of the nature and content of this work. It does not concern ordinary people and their realization of citizenship or rather patronhood in the ecclesiocratic state. It concerns the leaders. Part II begins with two important quotes. The first is the Buddhas words on kingship.
If the king becomes enamoured of Dharma, It is the path to happiness in both life-times; Even subjects will act as the king acts, Hence learn to live according to Dharma.50
The second quote is that of Guru Rinpoche, the second Buddha.

A pure parental lineage, many supporting subjects, Noble behaviour, refrain from reneging on high oaths, Knowing how to govern ones dominion, possessing enemyovercoming army, These are the requisites of an excellent king, a great man.
His argument may hold true for much of the early period of Buddhism especially in the context of Hinayanist tradition and kingship in Souteast Asia. In Bhutan however, a literature on the ideals of kingship and pragmatics of statecraft was published in 1729. Although it is nowhere near Kautilyas Arthashastra in terms of diversity of subjects and extent of the work, Je Tenzin Chogyals Kathrim is in a way the first political treatise published in Bhutan. Although we will discuss this at length in
48 Olschak, Ancient Bhutan: A study on Early Buddhism in the Himalayas, pp.68-69. 49 Tambiah, World Conqueror and World Renouncer, pp-52-53.
In the first quote, the main argument is that a king has to be spiritual. His spirituality is the basis of happiness for everyone. The second lists the qualities that a great king requires. Once these are established, the Kathrim exhorts the support for monastic community, which is the basis of the Buddhist teachings. The monastic community must however, abide by Vinaya rules, and those violating them must be expelled particularly when they give in to consumption of evil substances like tobacco. Then the Kathrim advocates a code of conduct for kings and rulers. Support mobilized for the monastic community in the form of taxation and corve labour, cannot be excessive and for selfish purposes. Rulers must not be partial and discriminatory in judging litigations. Otherwise, karmic
50 Aris, Sources for the History of Bhutan, p.135. I have slightly altered Aris translation by reading the transliteration he provides.
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retribution will be severe. Governors and officers must submit honest accounts of revenue and expenditure. Those who are meritorious must be rewarded. On the other hand, people who claim undue credit should not be employed as government official. Possible nepotism must be avoided, and undue entitlements should not be claimed. The principal requirement of a king, the Kathrim states, is the fair discharge of state law.51 Laws that he discharges should be in accordance with Dharma. This is the basis of happiness. The bastion of Dharma is the Sangha, the monastic community. Thus we see that the relationship between kingship and Dharma is established at the very beginning. Buddhahood comes from a reigning king.52 The requirement for kings to administer laws in accordance with the Dharma does not prevent them from taking harsh measures when need arise. Criminals are to be punished and enemies destroyed. Military vigilance is advised as important aspect of statecraft. We will explore more of these in Chapter 4. But suffice it to mention here that the most important aspect of a kingship is morality informed by Dharma. The Dharma king is a manifestation of the union of spiritual and secular aspects. In order to trace the development of the idea of this diarchic authority and its influence on modern political institutions, we will begin in eastern Bhutan. But before that, we must discuss how a sense of larger religious community preceded the formation of a villagebased polities in Bhutan.
Chapter 2:
Buddhist framework of a Bhutanese polity

lmost every state-owned monasteries, community temples or private homes in Bhutan have altars in which, amongst others, images of Lord Buddha, Guru Rinpoche and Zhabdrung Rinpoche are kept. Lord Buddha never visited Bhutan but Buddhism has flourished in the Kingdom for centuries. Buddhism was brought to Bhutan by Guru Rinpoche in the eighth century during his three successive visits. As he predicted, a Buddhist government was founded in Bhutan by Zhabdrung Rinpoche in the seventeenth century. Historical evidences suggest that Buddhism reached Bhutan before the fifth century.
Other records similarly prove that Buddhism reached the eastern region of Bhutan well before the 5th century A.D. Some such records show that in 433 AD an Indian scholar, named Buddharaksita went to Tibet following the Kurichu valley. He was one of the first Indian Buddhists to try to spread the doctrine in Tibet before Guru Rinpoche. He had, however, very little success as Bonism was very prominent throughout Tibet which was then ruled by King La Tho Thori Nyentsen of the Chogyal Dynasty. Buddharaksita was accompanied by a Bhutanese monk by the name of Lo Sem Tso (Lho Semtso?) who acted both as his interpreter and guide.53
However, Buddhism that prevailed then was that of Theravada tradition. It was with the coming of Guru Rinpoche in the eighth century that Vajrayana Buddhism flourished to the very political frontiers over which Bhutan enjoys her sovereignty today. Revered as the second Buddha, his miraculous birth in lake Danakosha was predicted by Lord Buddha before he passed away. His prophecy is recorded in many texts.
51 Aris, Sources for the History of Bhutan, p.139. 52 Aris, Sources for the History of Bhutan, p.143. 53 Curriculum and Professional Support Division. A History of Bhutan, Class IX, p. 9.
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In the Parinirvana Sutra: 12 years after I pass away, a person more extraordinary than myself will be born in the lake of Dhana Kosha. 54 In Drubgyur Tshal Sutra: 12 years after I pass away, a holder of the Tantric tradition (teachings) will naturally be born in a Lotus in the Laka of Dhana Kosha. In the Tantra: The one who is equipped with all wisdom, will be born in a lotus. He will hold the treasure of all omniscient wisdom. And in Anuttara Parnispara Artha Tantra: After I pass away from here at the end of the tenth year, I will have the rebirth of one who is the most extraordinary Buddha in the whole world in the land of Uddiyana. That name will be known as Pema Jungnya, (Pema-byung-gnas) who will be the holder of Tantric teachings. The role and contribution of Guru Rinpoche in relation to Buddhism in Bhutan have been recorded and discussed in every literature available on Bhutan. What is not discussed however, is his role in the formation of the sense of a larger Bhutanese community that would transcend localized group such as family and village. This is not a denial of the existence of any larger community before his visit. As hunters, gatherers and subsistent cultivators, communities scattered in the rugged Himalayan geography must have shared certain commonalities beyond their occupation. Without historical or archaeological evidence however, this is at best mere speculation. Mainstream historical narratives suggest that most people of that age were believers in Bon faith. But there is no evidence of any historical Bon figure in Bhutan such as Shenrab Miwoche in Tibet,55 who established the faith and created standard rituals and practices in different communities. Bon definitely did not succeed in establishing itself as a framework for creating any translocal community with a shared sense of identity although its cults and rituals are practiced even today in many Buddhist villages.
54 For this and the following prophecies, see Dorje, An Account of Guru Padmasambhavas contribution to the establishment of Dharma Tradition in the Hidden Land of Sikkim, p.15 55 Norbu, Drung, Deu and Bon, p.xv.
While identity may be a misnomer, Vajrayana Buddhism and Guru Rinpoche did provide a framework for a shared sense of belonging. It is this sense of belonging as followers of the teachings of Guru Rinpoche that initially formed the basis of a larger community in Bhutan. This community was spiritual although imagining it through the medium of Buddhist iconography, rituals and festivals were to happen much later.
Visits of Guru Rinpoche56
he standard historical and oral narrative of Guru Rinpoches first visit to Bhutan in 746 A.D. unfolds as follows. He comes from Yonglashe cave in Nepal (where he was in meditation) at the invitation of Sendha Gyelp, ruler of Bumthang. Sendha Gyelp was an Indian prince, who had fled to Bumthang after being defeated by another Indian ruler Naoche. This ruler pursued Sendha Gyelp to Bhutan and in an ensuing battle, his son Tagla Mebar was killed. Blaming local deities and gods for failing to save his son, he stops paying all customary offerings, rituals and obeisance. Rather, he orders all holy places to be covered with excrements to defile them.57 This angers the gods, whose chief known as Shelging Karpo, steals his life-force. He becomes ill and no remedy could effect a cure. It is then that he is advised to invite Guru Rinpoche. An emissary is dispatched with gifts of gold. As Guru Rinpoche travels to Bhutan, he subdues malevolent spirits and deities on the way. Once in Bumthang, Sendha Gyelp promises to undertake anything that Guru Rinpoche commands if he is cured. He takes Sendha Gyelps daughter, who is endowed with marks of divinity, as his consort and meditates in a cave on a cliff called Dorje Dragmar Tsegpa or the Red Cliff of Piled Vajras. There he subdues Shelging Karpo, who offers back the stolen life-force. He leaves an imprint of his body in the cave where the renowned monastery of Kurje (body-imprint) is later built. Sendha Gyelp is cured and submits himself before Guru Rinpoche who blesses
56 For more information on the narrative that follows, see Aris, Bhutan, pp.60-82 and BRGI, pp.26-46. 57 Olschak, Ancient Bhutan: A Study on Early Buddhism in the Himalayas, p.66.
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also important to note that the two kings are referred as patrons of Guru Rinpoche. The great King Sindhu Raja and you, King Nauche, you both are my donors and friends. Therefore, from now on, you must have no war and you must remain goods friends for ever.58 The idea of king or ruler as patrons of Buddhist practitioners like Guru Rinpoche is important for our analysis later. He promises to return to Bhutan. He did return after building Samye Monastery in 747 A.D. This time, he was accompanied by Denma Tsemang, the great translator. In Bumthang, he meets Sendha Gyelp. To him and his subjects, Guru Rinpoche gives Dzogchen teachings and lays the foundation of Nyingma School in Bhutan. While in Bumthang, he also subdues malevolent spirits, conceals treasures and leaves body imprints. Again he goes back to Tibet. Many decades later, he is again in Bumthang. This time, a different mission had brought him there. Disguised as Hara Nagpo, an Indian heretic, he appears before the exiled Tibetan prince Khikha Rathoed also known as Murum Tsenpo who had located himself in Khenpajong valley in Lhuntse. Feigning rivalry with Guru Rinpoche, he asks Khikha Rathoed to take him into confidence in order to subvert Buddhist teachings. Guru Rinpoche says that he would be lama for the prince whose subjects in turn would be his patrons. The term yon choed is used to describe this relationship.59 Khikha Rathoed was born out of a relationship his mother was supposed to have had with a dog and a goat. The child had the appearance of a goats forehead and dogs mouth. Hence his name, Khikha Rathoed (dogmouth, goat-forehead). Margyan, the princes mother was the second wife of King Thrisong Deutsen. Lopen Pemala (1995) mentions that the King had four consorts while Aris (1979) names only two. The Kings prolonged inattention to her is said to have led to a sudden outburst of passion that made her copulate with animals. Although he was
58 Olschak, Ancient Bhutan: A Study on Early Buddhism in the Himalayas, p.71. 59 Ruegg (2004) writes, The twin Tibetan expression mchod yon/yon mchod were formerly translated into English as priest and patron (relation), or sometimes as patron-patronized.
Guru Padmasambhava introduced Buddhism in Bhutan in the eighth century
him and his subjects. He also gives them teachings. He also commands that Sendha Gyelp should be a Buddhist ruler. Then he leaves for India, meets Naoche and asks him to make peace with Sendha Gyelp saying that both of them are his patrons. Peace is established after they take an oath by placing their palms on a stone pillar. The pillar is enshrined in the monastery in Nabji village. Much later, Sendha Gyelp also leaves Bumthang for India. This historical episode is important as it marks the first teaching of Buddhism in the country. The routes that Guru Rinpoche takes to Bhutan are also marked by imprints of his body or of his walking staff and ritual dagger as he subdues anti-Dharma spirits and deities. They are converted to protectors of his teachings. It is
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raised in secrecy for nine years, the King came to know of it and asked the queen to present her son to him. Presaging evil from his presence, the King banished the prince from Samye along with a retinue of followers of his mother. Aris also cites the princes murder of a minister related to the King through his mother as the cause of banishment. This also disqualified him from succeeding to the throne although he was the second eldest son. Muthri Tsenpo, the eldest son had died young. The exact place to which he was banished is not certain. It was either Lhodrak or Do Kham. After three years in exile, he launched an attack but was defeated and again exiled. This time, it is certain that the exile was in Khenpajong. He built a palace and surrounded himself with followers consisting of 160 households. In 796/7 A.D., King Thrisong Deutsen abdicated and enthroned his other son, Mune Tsenpo as king. But he was murdered by Margyan. In anger, Thrisong Deutsen banished her to Yargyab Drazhung by the banks or river Tsangpo. Another son Mutig Tsenpo became king. Even from Khenpajong, Khikha Rathoed launched yet another attack to avenge his humiliation and that of his mother. Guru Rinpoche, who was with Mutig Tsenpo at Yarlung knew that the attack had reached Samye. He invoked the deity Namthe Karpo and had him unleash seven bolts of lightning against the attackers. Guru Rinpoche and Mutig Tsenpo decided that unless Khikha Rathoed was exiled further, he would continue to make trouble. It was for this purpose that Guru Rinpoche appeared before Khikha Rathoed in Khenpajong. At first, Khikha Rathoed suspects that the disguised Hara Nagpo is actually Guru Rinpoche. He had to undergo some tests to convince the prince that he was not an impostor. One of these tests - the building of a huge wooden garuda to excel the monastery at Samye and one that will accommodate about 500 people - actually became a ruse to entrap the King and his followers. Guru Rinpoche built the wooden bird, beguiled the King and his followers to come inside during the consecration ceremony, and then sealed the bird. Caught unaware, they were flown miraculously to Bumthang again. They settled in Khitsum village in Tang. Guru Rinpoche returned to Khenpajong,
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concealed all the belongings of Khikha Rathoed and his followers as terma (hidden treasure), made the whole area invisible and entrusted them to the care of local deity. Khenpajong became what is known as bae-yul or the hidden land. Guru Rinpoche again went to Bumthang to meet Sendha Gyelp as promised. In all his three visits, Guru Rinpoche was in Bumthang. However, it was during his second visit that he travelled extensively in other parts of Bhutan. There are many holy sites associated with him in Paro valley. The most famous is Taktshang where he is said to have travelled not in person but in one of his eight manifestations called Dorje Drolo riding a tigress. Famous sites like Senge Dzong in Lhuntse, Aja Ney and Gom Kora in Tashi Yangtse, Bae Langdra in Wangdue Phodrang and Goen Tshephu in Gasa are important destinations of pilgrimage. But they are not the only ones. He had travelled to sites in all the twenty districts of the country. As in Tibet, he also established monastic communities and started traditions of festivals on the eighth, tenth and fifteenth days of every month. Later, performance of mask dances during these festivals known as tshechus became popular. Like Khenpajong, Guru Rinpoche blessed the valley of Haa and the holy site of Aja Ney as bae-yuls. Although baeyuls were specific regions and not always within Bhutan alone (for example, Sikkim), the entire country came to be thought of as a bae-yul blessed by Guru Rinpoche. In contrast to other names of Bhutan which have geographical and medicinal associations, bae-yul was very spiritual. It is within the framework of bae-yul that conceptualization or imagining of a translocal community, a Buddhist community became possible. In his travels across the country, Guru Rinpoche subdued anti-Buddhist forces and bound non-human spirits by perpetual oath to protect the teachings. He left imprints of his bodies in most of these places and meditations sites. The region in which his meditation sites are located and where he had left his body imprints came to constitute the territorial space that has come to be known as Bhutan.
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Communities in both highlands and lowlands were isolated from each other by high mountain ranges, deep river valleys and rugged terrains. But his travels were unhindered by them. Often employing divine or super human means such as riding a tigress or flying a wooden garuda, he overcomes constraints of geography. He becomes the first historical figure with whom the people relate and his teachings, the framework for subsequently relating to each other. In fact, the coming of future spiritual leaders and founding of polities both at the local and national level were foretold by Guru Rinpoche. Whether it was Phajo Drugom Zhigpon (hereafter Phajo) in the thirteenth century or Zhabdrung Rinpoche in the seventeenth century, they appeared to actualize the prophecies of Guru Rinpoche. Therefore, the role of Guru Rinpoche in the formation of Bhutan as a political entity did not end with his three visits. He appears in visions of these leaders and guides them. His role is both historical and contemporary. Without Guru Rinpoche, Zhabdrung Rinpoche and Buddhism, the framework for imagining Bhutan does not exist. In his discussions on the formation of classical communities, Anderson (1983) argues that the conception of huge religious communities were possible through a sacred language and written script. For example, a Tibetan and a Bhutanese who did not understand each others language can understand each others ideograph because the sacred text they shared was written in chkey, classical Tibetan.60 But the readership of the sacred script was very small in comparison to the large number of illiterate population. So a bilingual intelligentsia mediates between them employing visual and aural creations. Within the context of our discussion, we can agree with Anderson thus far. The translocal community was largely Buddhist. The mode of imagining this Buddhist community through chkey, classical Tibetan was also plausible, at least among the literati. Among the illiterate, the mode of imagining was the figure and image of Guru Rinpoche, sites where he meditated (which became destinations for pilgrimages), folklores associated with him and much later festivals attributed to him. For the illiterate laity, the higher Buddhist world and its conception of
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60 Anderson, Imagined Communites, pp.12-19.
cosmology trickled through iconographic representations and theatrical performances. These are visual as well as aural. In imagining this religious community, there was a coherence that was however, unselfconscious. Consciousness of certain coherence becomes gradually manifest much later with the formation of pre-national polities. It would become more pronounced with Zhabdrung Rinpoche establishing the ecclesiocratic state of Palden Druk Zhung. This historical trajectory of state formation however, differs thereafter between what happens in Europe and what does not happen in Bhutan. Anderson argues that the exploration of non-European world and gradual demotion of sacred language by the development of printcapitalism, the newspaper result in the decomposition of these sacral communities. How these two factors actually result in the loss of supremacy of sacred language and its function as mode of imagining communities is not the concern of our discussion here. The issue of concern to us is that in Bhutan print-capitalism in the form of newspaper printing and publication took place only in 1970s. Hence, religious community did not disappear. The centrality of sacred language but more of Buddhist visual and aural representations that developed and flourished continued to constitute the most important means of imagining the community. It is this continuity that took the course of state formation in Bhutan in an entirely different direction. Whether it is the conception of kingship or union of spiritual and temporal authority as the foundation of polity, they continued to inform developments of political institutions in Bhutan. The religious community that Buddhism shaped became reinforced in the subsequent centuries as spiritual mendicants, scholar-practitioners and accomplished masters flock to Bhutan particularly from Tibet either to avoid political persecution or to practice and spread the teachings. But this identity did not transform into a coherent political consciousness or served to form a political community. Religious figures and descendents of quasi mythical figures developed authority over villages and smaller communities sprawled all across the Kingdoms mountains and valleys. None of them emerged as a leader that rallied or mobilized the support of different communities to constitute a national polity.
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However, it is important to analyze and understand the nature of political authority and organization characteristic of village polities which marked the first quasi political structures that existed in both eastern and western Bhutan before a national polity was established by Zhabdrung Rinpoche. These polities existed for over eight hundred years till they were integrated into the folds of Drukpa state (see chapter 4). They were prevalent in both eastern and western Bhutan. We begin in the east where yet another Tibetan prince like Sendha Gyelp and Khikha Rathoed came into exile.
Prince Tsangma and the rise of castle-based village polities
and enquire into their welfare.61 Having succeeded in exiling the prince who would otherwise have succeeded Thri Ralpachen to the throne, the conspirators alleged that the queen and the Kings Buddhist minister were having an affair. Shocked at the allegation, the queen committed suicide, and the King had his minister put to death. Finally, they assassinated the King and enthroned Lang Darma as the last and Forty Second King of Yarlung dynasty. The short reign of Lang Darma, an anti-Buddhist King, saw the destruction of Buddhism and annihilation of its very foundation. Of course, he was in turn assassinated and the brothers of the assassin fled to Bhutan. They too established a lineage of kings in eastern and central Bhutan. We will return to that later. Prince Tsangma arrives in Bhutan around 836 A.D through Paro. During a brief sojourn there, he fathers a son whose descendents come to be known as Gyal Dung in Paro and Dung Drodrul Chewa in Thimphu. Then he travels to eastern Bhutan and finally establishes himself at Mizampa. He also marries Sonam Pelki, daughter of a person of Tibetan descent. Two sons, Thrimi Lhai Wangchuck and Chebu Thonglegtshen, are born to them. It is these sons and their descendents who establish a chain of valley kingdoms in eastern Bhutan. The territorial extent of these kingdoms is expansive, and established over many generations. How did that happen? There seems to be some important means of establishing political control. First, the construction of palaces or castles known as khar became widespread. In a way, this anticipated Zhabdrung Rinpoches political control over Bhutan in the seventeenth century by constructions of fortresses called dzongs. For example, the two sons of Prince Tsangma also built a castle to control a few habitation and settlement. Prince Tsangma had already built a castle at Mizampa. In Gyalrig, the historical account of kings of eastern Bhutan by Gelong Ngawang, at least twenty four places with khar as the suffix of their names appear. The area covered by these names extends far beyond the Tshangla speaking districts: to the west as far as Nya-mkhar in the Kheng district of Mang-sde-lung, to the east as far as dPal-mkhar in Arunachal Pradesh,
61 Aris, Sources for the History of Bhutan, p.21
he rise of castle-based village polities or valley kingdoms is an interesting development of a political structure in the pre-Zhabdrung era. There is no doubt that the lived experience of the people were within the socio-economic and political realities of a much smaller entities such as villages and valley kingdoms in contrast to conceptual frameworks of a larger community that the idea of bae-yul suggests. For our purpose, it is necessary to analyze the nature of these polities particularly the relationship between the kings and people however scant the information that we have is. Since most of these kings in eastern Bhutan were descendents of Prince Tsangma, it is necessary to outline very briefly the circumstances that led him to Bhutan. Prince Tsangma was the grandson of King Thrisong Deutsen, the patron of Guru Rinpoche. His father Sadnaleg was the Fortieth Yarlung King of Tibet. Thri Ralpachen and Lang Darma were his other brothers. Thri Ralpachen (r. 815-836 A.D) had succeeded Sadnaleg as the Forty First Yarlung King. The ambition of Lang Darma to become King of Tibet fuelled a conspiracy with the involvement of the Kings two ministers who were allegedly inclined to Bon faith. They bribed astrologers and fortune-tellers to predict that the presence of Prince Tsangma in Tibet that year would presage misfortune to the King and the realm of Tibet. Hence the King sent Prince Tsangma to Lhomon to see what the communities in Lhomon are like
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and to the north across the main watershed to a place called mTsho-sna bSe-ba mkharTo these can be added a further five sites in the Chos-khor valley of Bum-thang: lCags-mkhar, gSham-mkhar, lCam-mkhar, rGyal-mkhar and Gong-mkhar.62 In the south, the kings held authority over Indian duars as well. We can easily speculate that the construction of castles in village settlements was a powerful and symbolic statement of authority. Besides their physical predominance, the fact that the occupants were royal descendents must have reinforced a position of pre-eminence. It is difficult to state whether these castles had any defence purpose like the later dzongs did. But there is no doubt that they became seats of power and rule. Once a castle was built, control over settlements was expanded. At that time, the kings did not take control of a single settlement decisively but instead they circulated around the settlements of the subjects and officers residing there (each by turn).63 Second, sons and grandsons or Prince Tsangma and their descendents were sometimes invited to be kings of a particular area. Therefore, control was established by way of invitation in regions where there was a situation of lawlessness or rather disorder. Consider the following extract from Gyalrig.
Previous to that there had not been many people or settlements and in the absence of a graded order among ruler and subjects they disputed and quarrelled. Then, as if by power of their former aspirations [made in previous lives], they all came to agreement and set off for the Mi-zim-pa royal castle in order to extend an invitation to a lord-chief. King gNam-bskos-sde said: Why have you come here? We have come to ask for a lord-chief since it is said that there is a clan of the Tibetan Dharmarajas [here], they said. Then that is a very good auspice, said the king. Let Gung-ri-rgyal stay here so as to take control of the royal castle in this place. May the other sons depart to whatever places they are invited according to the intentions of the subjects and officers and may they protect the subjects and officers by clever means with love and compassion, he said.64
62 Aris, Bhutan, p.110. 63 Aris, Sources for the History of Bhutan, p.31. 64 Aris, Sources for the History of Bhutan, pp.30-31.
When people came to invite Gongkargyals sons to be their ruler (see below), they cited quarrels and contentions among people as causes of suffering in absence of a lord. Gongkargyal was the son of Chebu Thonglegtshen. But did the subjects submit to their control willingly? Some did but force was sometimes used. Gong-dkar-rgyal went to Upper Kho-long having been invited as the chief of officers and subjects of Upper and Lower Kho-long. Having built a royal castle and brought under his power all the subjects and communities by means of great force65 Third, the kings collected taxes and enforced corve labour on the people once their positions were established. Consider the following again.
Then when the five sons grew up, became brave and attained youthful manhood, their strength and dominion increased and their father, Gong-dkar-rgyal, in his joy bursted with pride. So he established in large measure a regular custom of taxation and corve among the officers and subjects; he introduced and collected a meat-tax from the upper part of the district, a fish-tax from the lower part and a road-tax from the traders who travelled the roads.66
The relationship between the ruler and subjects were not always harmonious. When taxation became excessive, people resisted, and Gongkargyal and his sons were expelled. But once in their original home of Mizampa, other people who had no kings earlier came to invite Gongkargyals sons again. Fourth, the identity of the kings in terms of their clan was important. The identity was moored in their claim to being descendents of Prince Tsangma. In a way, this identity exalted their social position and may have played a part in legitimizing their rule. Identity constituted in membership to the six major clans of Prince Tsangma and his descendents. These clans were Jowo, Je, Bjar, Yede, Tungde and Wangma. Prince Tsangmas elder son, Thrimi Lhayi Wangchuk was invited to be ruler of Laog Yulsum in Arunachal Pradesh. He founded the Jowo clan. The Je clan was established by Thri Tenpel, the son of Chebu Thonglegtshen. His younger brothers, who were
65 Aris, Sources for the History of Bhutan, p.35. 66 Aris, Sources for the History of Bhutan, p.37.
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twins, founded the Bjar clan. One of these twins had no sons while the other had four sons from four wives. The senior wifes son continued the Bjar clan while sons of the other three wives started the Yeyde, Tungde and Wangma clans.67 There were sub-clans of these clans as well. But it is difficult to ascertain whether all the kings of eastern Bhutan really descended from these clans. For the purpose of this book, the most important enquiry concerns the relationship between these kings and their subjects. Unfortunately, this is the area where there is almost negligible information. A little can however, be gleaned. The kings were sons, grandsons and descendents of Prince Tsangma. Except for the royal castle at Mizampa, all other dominions were either won by invitation or by force. So the kings were supplied to the communities, and did not arise from the communities. It brought an element of prestige and exaltedness to the ruler. The rulership was inherited by sons. In the list of genealogy in Gyalrig, the names of daughters hardly occur. From where these kings took their wives is also not clear. Aris (1979) thinks that marriage was largely exogamous as was true for clan systems in Tibet and the Himalayas. Whether marriage served purposes of cementing political alliances, can only be conjectured at this point. We do know that the kings were expected to protect people from quarrels and fights. They were supposed to maintain order and harmony in the communities. If this was the purpose, then the nobility of their descent and uprighteousness expected of persons of such high birth must have been the basis of inviting them as kings. We also know that these kings did impose taxes and required corve labour services. But the most important insight into ruler-subject relationship comes from the title given to kings in Gyalrig. These kings were called je pon (rje dpon) translated as lord-chief. While both means lord, ruler and chief, the distinction lies in the religious nuance in je as in je khenpo and a secular connotation in pon as in mipon (chief of men).
67 See A History of Bhutan: Coursebook for Class IX, pp.22-23 and Aris, Sources for the History of Bhutan, pp.36-37.
What I suggest is that these kings were not just secular kings but could have also been the spiritual head of the communities they ruled. Although this is at best only a speculation, it is a highly probable one since Prince Tsangma, a Buddhist monk, was the grandson of great Buddhist King Thrisong Deutsen. It is in the person of the ruler that both spiritual and secular authority was combined. He not only protected his subjects from their quarrels and fights, but also could have provided spiritual services. If this were true, we trace the element of patronpractitioner relationship in the early political structure that descendents of Prince Tsangma established in eastern Bhutan. as the people were the patrons who supplied resources (in terms of taxes and corve labour later) and to rulers or kings who were Buddhist practitioners.
Dung, Zhelngo and Choeje nobilities68
any aristocratic families known as dung, zhelngo and choeje existed in Bhutan claiming descent from high lamas and nobilities. Some choejes descended from families of different orders of Buddhism. However, our concerns are only with those that held political sway in village polities. The first of them is the Dung of Bumthang, which originated from a ruler called Lhawang Dragpa. He is believed to be the reincarnation of a person whose ancestors had mythological origin. Two versions of the origin are recorded. Both agree that Lhawang Dragpa was the ruler who started the Dung lineage. They gained control of village communities in Bumthang, Zhongar and Kheng. After the assassination of King Lang Darma, six brothers of Lhalung Pelgyi Dorji, the assassin, fled to Bhutan. Three arrived in Bumthang through Paro while the other three entered Bhutan through Lhodrak. In Bumthang, Tobden Laba Dorje went to Tang valley, built a castle and gained control of the area. His descendents came to be known as ponpos. Yangtsel Treu Dorje established himself in Bumthang. From him descended the well-known families
68 For details on the brief narrative that follows see, BRGI pp.56-71; Aris, Sources of the History of Bhutan, pp.57-59 and History of Bhutan: Course Book for Class IX, pp.24-25.
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of Chhokhor Ponpo. They ruled the valley for almost seven hundred years. The third brother, Garwa Kheu Dorje established himself at Tshampa near the Tibetan border. Amongst the three who came via Lhodrak, Khartsing Leki Dorje established himself in Tongmi Zhangsa in Tashi Yangtse. He came into direct conflict with King Yongla Phan who was located in Mizampa castle. But the king lost to that brother whose descendents in the area and present-day Sheri Muhung came to be known as ponchens. One brother, Phomtshar Dragpa Dorje stayed to control Kurilung valley in Lhuntse. His descendents came to be known as ponchen zhelngo. The last brother, Mrakhe Changrig Dorje went to Zhongar and gained control of the area. There is absolutely no information concerning the nature of the polity that they ruled over. Of course they were all village polities. Those who had descended from brothers of Lhalung Pelgyi Dorje could have possibly combined both religious and secular authority owing to their exalted lineage. Whether the subsequent descendents upheld such authority is questionable. By then, other great spiritual actors were already active. Terton Pema Lingpa (1450-1521), the great treasure revealer was active in Bumthang when Chhokhor Deb Kunthub was ruling the area. This ruler was one of the patrons of Pema Lingpa. The only two dung families that had religious character were those of Lugchu and Nyala in Kurtoe and Chumey Dung in Bumthang.69 The former originates from Pema Wangchen, son of Terton Guru Chowang (1212-1273), and the latter from the matrimonial association of Thugse Dawa, son of Pema Lingpa. We now move on to look at the nature of political organization that existed in western Bhutan.
principal disciples of Jigten Gonpo, founder of the Drigung Kagyu School in Tibet.70 He was also the ancestor of Pema Lingpa.71 At age 27, he travelled with Choeje Tsangpa Gyare on pilgrimage to Tsari.72 He was from the Nyos clan which had long association with Bhutan. His great-greatgrandfather Yonten Dragpa traveled with Marpa Lotsawa to India. Gyalwa Lhanangpa had come gathering many followers. He gathered more followers in Paro including a local chieftain. Under the patronage of this chieftain, he built many temples and dzongs although he was mainly based in Chelkha. He left Bhutan eleven years later. His nephew Lha Rinchen Gyalpo inherited all his properties and privileges.
The lHa-pas jurisdiction lists the area of gDung, sGongphrug, Had (in present-day Ha), Cang, Wang, and [d]Kar-spe (in present-day Thimphu) and sDong. These areas possibly covered the extent of lHa-nang-pas domination. A number of community leaders (spyi dpon) of the said areas had sworn allegiance to the lHa-pa ruler, and they were accountable to the lHa-pas for the collection of taxes. Different sorts of taxes and duty (e.g. corve transport work) were levied upon these communities under lHa-pa rule and any breach or violation of these communities were punishable according to the strict Tibetan law imported by him.73
Gyalwa Lhanangpa and the Chelkha polity

rom available sources we know that any semblance of a political structure in western Bhutan begins with the arrival of Gyalwa Lhanangpa in 1194. Also known as Ziji Pal and Sangye Rinchen, he was one of the eight
69 Aris, Bhutan, p.177.
The above extract provides lots of information concerning the Lhapa (abbreviation of Lhanangpa) rule in Paro. In order to administer the area listed above, a series of dzongs were built. In historical literature on Bhutan, Gyalwa Lhanangpa is credited with introducing the dzong system in Bhutan. He built the Chelkha Dzong, Khangbu Taglung Dzong, Do Ngoen Dzong, Jungzhi Jagetse, Jathel Dzong, Jakar Dzong, Silu Dokhang and Bedmed Tokha Dzong. Under each dzong, a chipon was appointed to collect taxes and mobilize labour. A punishment system for those who refused to pay taxes and contribute corve labour was instituted.
70 National Library, The Biography of Pha Brug-sgom Zhigpo called The Current of Compassion, p.II. 71 Aris, Bhutan, p.168. 72 BRGI, p.73. 73 National Library, The Biography of Pha Brug-sgom Zhigpo called The Current of Compassion, p.III-IV.
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The taxes collected were sent to Jangchubling, the Drigung seat located north of Lhasa. Gyalwa Lhanangpa made substantial offerings six times when Drigungpa was alive and once after his death.74 It is understandable that these many offerings within a span of eleven years must have placed enormous burden on the people. It was owing to this that leaders of community controlled by Lhapa Lama went to submit themselves before Phajo after his arrival in Bhutan in 1219 and sought his support against the Lhapa. Of course, by then, it was Gyalwa Lhanangpas nephew Rinchen Gyalpo who was in-charge, the Lhapa Lama. The most important aspect of Gyalwa Lhanangpas rule, for our purpose, is the fact that he served as a la pon. He was both the chief lama (abbreviated as la) as well as the lord (pon) of his principality. There is a correspondence of titles and role with the kings of eastern Bhutan who were known as je pon. The titles are basically synonyms. Certainly, the duality of spiritual and temporal authority exercised by one person must have Tibetan antecedents. With the exception of the dungs of Bumthang, all rulers of Bhutan embody this diarchic authority. To explore this further, we will next look at one of the most important historical figures in Bhutan.
Phajo Drugom Zhigpo and his sons ruled over polities in western Bhutan as both lama and lord
Diarchic rule of Phajo Drugom Zhigpo and his sons
were followed by others that included Duesum Khyenpa Karmapa Choekyi Dragpa (1119-1193), Gyalwa Lhanangpa, Gyelwa Lorepa (1187-1250), Drubthop Terkhungpa and Drubthob Chilkarwa.75 As we can see, Gyalwa Lhanangpa and the Lhapa School also belonged to the Kagyu order Drigung Kagyu. Phajo belonged to Drukpa Kagyu. But this did not prevent them from clashing arms. Phajo was born in 1184. By age seven, he took to religious studies. His spiritual journey took him to Ralung, the seat of Drukpa Kagyu school to meet Oenre Dharma Senge, the spiritual son and nephew of Choeje Tsangpa Gyare, the founder of the Drukpa Kagyu School. He had just passed away foretelling the arrival of a man from Kham. Choeje Tsangpa Gyare instructed his nephew to impart spiritual training and then send him to the Southern Land since he was destined to spread the Drukpa teachings. It was Oenre Dharma Senge who named him Phajo after his spiritual realizations under his tutelage. At age forty, he left for Bhutan according to the prophecy of Guru Rinpoche and Choeje Tsangpa Gyare.
75 Dargye, History of the Drukpa Kagyud School of Buddhism in Bhutan, pp.58-59.
he arrival of Phajo in 1224 in Bhutan is significant in the context of consolidating the flourishing of Drukpa teachings and instituting a system of rule in western Bhutan. The descendents of his sons became key allies of Zhabdrung Rinpoche in political consolidation of Bhutan. They belonged to the same order of Buddhism Drukpa Kagyu. The first Kagyu master to visit Bhutan was Ngogton Choeku Dorje (1036-1102) who founded the Langmalung monastery in Tang, Bumthang. He was followed by Jetsun Milarepa who meditated at Taktshang. Both of them were direct disciples of the great master Marpa. They
74 BRGI, p.73.
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He entered through Lingzhi where he was welcomed by local people as well as local deities. After meditating for a month at Sinphug and Drakegang, he went to Taktshang. There, Guru Rinpoche appeared to him in a vision and instructed him to travel and meditate in twelve places: four fortresses, four cliffs and four caves. He was also told that he would meet his spiritual consort from Wang valley and that she would be the reincarnation of Yogini Machig Lapdron (1031-1129). She was the younger sister of his first consort Achog, who bore him his first son, Dampa the reincarnation of Indian yogi, Pha Dampa Sangye. He moved to upper Thimphu with Sonam Peldron, Achogs sister and the one foretold by Guru Rinpoche. At Dodena (present-day Chari), she bore him a daughter. As he gained fame and patrons, the Lhapa Lama at Chelkha became increasingly disturbed. Leaving behind his wife and daughter, Phajo went to meditate in different places mentioned by Guru Rinpoche. After receiving predictions that his teachings would flourish and that the Drukpas would rule the southern valley in future, he returned to Dodena. He eventually lived at Tango, which became his seat. Sonam Peldron gave birth to seven sons. Four of them survived miraculously when their father hurled them in a raging river to test their divine or demonic origins. This miracle and the fame of Phajo provoked the ire of Lama Lhapa who wrote to tell him that although he was not welcome to live amidst Lhapa patrons and followers, he could choose to live in Jathel Dzong, one of Lhapas monasteries or be a stablekeeper. The next option was to face death. Of course Phajo chose to defy the threat. Lama Lhapa then launched two or three attacks and engaged in sorcery. Phajo retaliated with his own magical performances. In the end, Lama Lhapa lost. His patrons and supporters sought refuge in Phajo and swore their allegiance to him. They were glad that Phajos demand for taxes and corve labour were nothing compared to Lama Lhapa who then moved to Gidakom valley and build Tokha Dzong. Lhapa Lamas defeat is enacted as a theatrical performance during the annual festival of Chang Nangkha temple in Paro, which was built by Dampa.
Although Lama Lhapas spiritual and political influence diminished, his descendents would survive through the centuries until Zhabdrung Rinpoche dealt them the final blow. In 1251, Phajo succumbed to poison served by two of Lama Lhapas supporters. By then, he had already imparted teachings and spiritual trainings to his sons. He also appointed them to serve as la pon in different regions of western Bhutan. It is this fact that is of concern to our analysis. The following is the instruction that Phajo gave to his sons.
[My son] Gar-ston will be sent [to administer] the three [districts] of gDung, Had and sDong as well as to control the trading-places in the eastern area as bla ma dpon. [My son] Nyi-ma will be appointed as bla ma dpon of the [districts] of dGung and lCang as well as to control the trading-places along the border. [My son] dByang-phug will [be appointed bla ma dpon] to control the trading-places of [the districts] of Thed-lung and O-dus. [My son] Dam-pa will take hold of the village communities pertaining to this [main] seat [of mine at rTa-mgo]. [I] think, since [my son] Bla-ma is a manifestation of Majgoa, it will be good if he pursues a religious life. As [Dam-pa] has [good] karmic perspectives [he] will take hold of the village communities pertaining to sPa-gro and Thimphu, and in the future he and his family lineage] will certainly be lords of the Four Approaches. dByang-phyug should control the border-areas [whereas] Dam-pa shall take over the paternal line.76
Some important observations can be deduced from above. One, Phajo appointed his sons to administer regions in western Bhutan that fairly cover present-day districts of Thimphu, Paro, Haa, Punakha, Gasa and Wangdue Phodrang. The appointments were definitely not arbitrary. He had already gained control over these regions by then. This means that he had made them into a Drukpa stronghold. Two, all of these areas were earlier under the authority of Lama Lhapa based in Chelkha, Paro. In a way, Phajo had taken control of the domain of spiritual and political authority of Lama Lhapa. Third,
76 National Library, The Biography of Pha Brug-sgom Zhigpo called The Current of Compassion, pp. 49-50.
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by appointing his sons to rule these regions, the degree of both spiritual and political control was enhanced in contrast to the rule by Phajo alone earlier. Fourth, all the sons were appointed as lama pon. They were to serve as both spiritual and secular overlords. What does being lama pon entail? Phajo asked his sons to levy only those taxes that will be offered to the Three Jewels. Other kinds of taxes and corve labour were not to be imposed. They were to maintain order in the communities they ruled. People who stole and caused trouble were to be meted out with suitable punishment. A murderer must be required to pay a manslaughter fine that is thousand fold (the value of human being). How that value is calculated is not clear. Then Phajo gave them the most important instruction - important from the point of view of our analysis. He said, Furthermore, through the two systems (secular and ecclesiastic), do whatever possible to provide happiness for the sentient beings and [to emulate] the behaviour of the noble [social] classes!77 The objective of their rule was to provide happiness to sentient beings and promote moral behaviour. The means of rule is the diarchic system (lugnyi). The agency of rule is the lama pon. There is thus, a direct correlation between the persona of the ruler as both a lama and lord and the spiritual and secular means of administration. In the absence of any knowledge of other indigenous form of rule, this becomes the earliest form known to us. In fact, Phajo is credited for being the first person to institute the diarchic system of administration in Bhutan although we know that Lama Lhapa did likewise. An important question that has to be asked now is, what was the kind of relationship between the rulers and the ruled? Was it really one of a king and subject? It appears that this was not the case. It was rather that of a patron-practitioner or patron-priest. For example, towards the end of his conflict with Lama Lhapa, Phajo tells the headmen of communities of Thimphu and Punakha:
77 National Library, The Biography of Pha Brug-sgom Zhigpo called The Current of Compassion, p. 50.
[We] do not need anymore to inflict sufferings on the sentient beings [by way of war or black magic]. Having made prayers to the [Three] Jewels, I shall not [allow] that the [relationship] between patron and priest (yon [bdag] mchod [gnas], i.e. between you and me]) be destroyed.78
Patron-practitioner suggested a different kind of relationship as opposed to the hierarchical ruler-subject relationship. The patrons supported the flourishing of the teachings, a task undertaken by the ruler-practitioner. One form of support but perhaps the most important one at that was to make resources available to the priest-ruler in the form of in-kind taxes and labour. Thus Phajos instructions that taxes were to be levied only for offerings to the Three Jewels. At one level, the animosity of Lhapa Lama against Phajo was not on religious grounds. They belonged to the same school of Buddhism, i.e. of Kagyu order although one belonged to the Drigung School and the other to Drukpa school. As the fame and influence of Phajo increased, the economic base of Lhapa Lama was challenged since his patrons were won over by Phajo. It was thus a contest for continued patronage and support of patrons. What really was the basis of this relationship? What was the rationale or value that underpinned this relationship? As much as it was spiritual, it was also a material relationship. It was constructed on the principle of reciprocal benefit. The priest-ruler upheld and promoted Buddhist teachings the source of happiness for all sentient beings. He conferred spiritual blessing and services to the patrons. The patrons gained spiritual merit by making offerings. Offerings often took the form of taxation over a period of time as we shall see in the following chapters. Some scholars have suggested that merit was transferred from monks to the laity. This implied that merit generation was possible only within the monastic realm and that ordinary people obtained it from them. Monkhood was considered to be the source or field of merit for the laity and they earned it through gift-exchange.79 This theory of merit
78 National Library, The Biography of Pha Brug-sgom Zhigpo called The Current of Compassion, p. 48. 79 Vandergeest, Hierarchy and Power in Pre-National Buddhist states, p.848.
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transference was essential to allow the laity to commit themselves to renounce labour and sexuality (material and human reproduction).80 Contrary to such an argument, the rationale in Bhutan as in much of the region where Mahayana Buddhism flourish is that merit generation is considered an individual concern irrespective of whether the person is a monk or not. In the act of making offerings to monks or monastic community, merit is not transferred to them. It is rather generated by engaging in the virtuous act of supporting the sangha. The political control established by Phajo and his sons in western Bhutan were strengthened by their descendents. Like in eastern and central Bhutan, families of his sons became nobilities with distinct names. They too built dzongs as bases of their rule. Gartoen built Khothang and Wachen Dzong and founded the Wachen Zhelngo. Nyima established Changangkha Zhelngo. One descendent of this family, Thricham Gekar Drolma, was taken later as consort of Zhabdrung Rinpoche. From Wangchuk descended the Goen Sangma Zhelgno and from Dampa the Hungrel Zhelngo in Paro.81 What we understand from the narrative and analysis above is that the introduction of Buddhism by Guru Rinpoche in the eighth century provided a framework for the gradual development of a Bhutanese polity. The sites that he visited and blessed would later become destinations of pilgrimages. Monasteries, festivals and dances associated with him provided people with a medium of associating with each other. One important concept that we gather from his association with kings like Sendha Gyelp, Naoche and Thrisong Deutsen is the idea of them being patrons of Buddhism. The idea of a patron is laden with both religious and political meanings. The arrival of Prince Tsangma in the ninth century in eastern Bhutan followed by Gyalwa Lhanangpa and Phajo in the twelfth century in western Bhutan gave rise to the development of first political structures. Based in a castle, dzong or a temple, these kings combined diarchic role of a lama as well as a chief. Known as je pon, la pon or lama
80 Vandergeest, Hierarchy and Power in Pre-National Buddhist states, p.849. 81 Dargye, History of the Drukpa Kagyud School in Bhutan, p.75.
pon, the polities they ruled were largely valley kingdoms. The diarchic political structure that Phajo and his sons established to administer their patrons anticipated the founding of such a structure at a national level. It is to the founding of the first political structure known as the government of Palden Druk Zhung that we now turn.
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Chapter 3:
Founding of an ecclesiocratic state
he founding of Palden Druk Zhung or Government of the Glorious Drukpas by Zhabdrung Rinpoche took place through four processes: the promulgation of the founding seal well-known as Nga Chudruma in 1622, proclamation of the founding of the government in 1626, establishment of the capital at Punakha with the completion of the dzong construction in 1639, and recognition of the Bhutanese government by neighbouring countries in 1640. Zhabdrung Rinpoche was the reincarnation of the great Drukpa Kagyu master and Boddhisattva, Kunkhen Pema Karpo (1527-1592), He was the sixteenth prince abbot of Ralung monastery in Tibet. However, his claim to reincarnation was contested by another claimant, Gyalwa Pagsam Wangpo, who was supported by Tsang Desi, the most powerful Tibetan ruler of that period. Recognition as the genuine reincarnation meant recognition as the head of the Drukpa Kagyu School in Tibet.
But at another level it was also a dispute over competing theories of government. From the time of gTsang-pa rGyaras (1161-1211) until the 14th Ra-lung hierarch rGyal-dbang Kung-dga dPal-byor (1428-1476), the Brug-pa sect had been centred at Brug and Ra-lung monasteries under the control of a single family, a branch of the ancient rGya clan. Although Ra-lung was one of the major family religious establishments (gdan-sa) in central Tibet, at one time granted the control of some 1900 tax-paying estates by the emperor Yesun Temur, it never achieved the formal status of a myriarchy (khri-skor) within the Mongol classification, and much of its erstwhile political authority fell away by 1360, allegedly out of the abbots disinterest in secular affairs.82
82 Ardussi, Formation of the State of Bhutan (Brug gzhung) in the 17th Century and its Tibetan Antecedents, p. 12.
Zhabdrung 56Rinpoche, the founder of Bhutanese polity
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The dispute between Zhabdrung Rinpoche and Gyalwa Pagsam Wangpo resulted in the splitting of Drukpa Kagyu School. This dispute centres on the question, Who had the mandate to provide continued leadership to the sect and control its material patrimony, the descendents of gTsang-pa rGya-ras or his reincarnations?83 The first reincarnation Kunga Paljor belonged to the scion of this family while the following two reincarnations Jamyang Choeki Drakpa (1428-1476) and Kunkhen Padma Karpo did not. But Zhabdrung Rinpoche belonged to the family while Gyalwa Pagsam Wangpo did not. A series of confrontation between rival parties culminated in claiming for Rangjung Khasarpani, an image of Avalokitesvara that self-emanated from the twenty first vertebrae of Tsangpa Gyare (1161-1211) during his cremation. It was the most sacred possession of Drukpa Kagyu School. Through its prophecy, it would authenticate the reincarnations of Drukpa Kagyu lineage-holders. Tsang Desi ordered Zhabdrung Rinpoche to surrender the image but he refused. Before covert guards sent to arrest him reached Ralung, Zhabdrung Rinpoche fled to Bhutan in 1616 bringing along the image after he was alerted about impending dangers by Tsang Desis own minister Kalyon Zugpopa.84 The image of Rangjung Khasarpani is the most sacred relic enshrined in Punakha Dzong along with mortal remains of Zhabdrung Rinpoche. In 1617, Zhabdrung Rinpoche received a letter from Tsang Desi which informed him of the takeover of the monastery of Druk Jangchubling and its estate at Gardong. He was asked to return Rangjung Khasarpani and other
83 Ardussi, Formation of the State of Bhutan (Brug gzhung) in the 17th Century and its Tibetan Antecedents, p. 12. 84 Kalyon Zugpopa from Jayul in Tibet was the minister of Tsang Desi. He first visited Ralung on a pilgrimage. Zhabdrung Rinpoches father, Yab Tenpai Nyima granted him access and blessings of all sacred relics of Ralung including Rangjung Khasarpani. It was Yab Tenpai Nyima who predicted that Zugpopa would become one of Tsang Desis best kalyon, minister. He told Zugpopa to support Ralung then. Since he had never forgotten that event, he sent a letter warning Zhabdrung Rinpoche about the covert guards being prepared to send and arrest him. Coincidentally, he died in Bhutan during the 3rd Tibetan invasion of the country. He was injured during a confrontation between Tibetan and Bhutanese forces at Yuesakha village in Punakha. He warned the Bhutanese of an advancing Tibetan force before dying. Zhabdrung Rinpoche personally conducted the last rites of the deceased minister.
Rangjung Khasarpani, the self-emanated image of Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara from the 21st vertibrae of Choeje Tsangpa Gyare
sacred relics or face dire consequences. Zhabdrung Rinpoche wrote back defying the threat. Infuriated at the response, Tsang Desi appointed General Laguna to lead an invasion to Paro at the behest of five rival lamas in Bhutan known as Lam Khanga. His orders were to kill Zhabdrung Rinpoche and take control of the country. But the invasion did not succeed and the general was killed.85
Nga Chudruma seal of the state

habdrung Rinpoche composed Nga Chudruma, the 16-line verses to celebrate his victory. When it was first composed in 1618, it is clear that Zhabdrung Rinpoche did not intend it to be the promulgation of the founding of his government. It was to affirm his position as the undisputed Drukpa Kagyu lineage-holder and prince hierarch to the throne of Ralung, seat of Drukpa Kagyu School. The most interesting transformation of Nga Chudruma is one from being a personal seal of Zhabdrung Rinpoche to that of the governments seal. It is the same seal with the same verses. But Zhabdrung Rinpoche later projects himself as not merely the true lineage-holder of Drukpas but the embodiment of Drukpa government. Although the usage of Nga Chudruma as governments seal came into practice much later, there is no doubt that Zhabdrung Rinpoche was beginning to assert his political and moral leadership in the land where he had come just two years earlier. This is evident from his poetry as well as from the fact that the poem was carved on a wooden block as a seal. But first the poetry.86
85 ZNN, p. 127. 86 See ZNN, p. 153 for the original text. The translation into English is
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Nga Chudruma, the seal of Zhabdrung Rinpoche
He is the one who turns the wheel of the two traditions. The two traditions called lug-nyi is also referred as chhoesid nyi (diarchy of religion and politics) and chhoe sid zung drel (union of religion and politics). The very first sentence of the genja of 1907 that legitimates the enthronement of Gongsa Ugyen Wangchuck as Bhutans first hereditary monarch begins with the words lugnyi. He is regarded as sovereign of the two traditions, lord of justice lugnyi gongma thrimdag. Similarly, Article 2.2 of Constitution of Bhutan sates that The Chhoesid nyi of Bhutan shall be unified in the person of the Druk Gyalpo who, as Buddhist, shall be the upholder of the Chhoe-sid. This is of particular significance to the objective of our study. The idea of the ruler as both lama and chief was the embodiment of such a diarchy. This idea continued uncontested from the rulers of village polities to Zhabdrung Rinpoche the sovereign of the ecclesiocracy, Gongsa Ugyen Wangchuck the founder of monarchy, and His Majesty Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuck. As the embodiment of this diarchic authority, Zhabdrung Rinpoche would grant refuge to all. He positions himself as the supreme protector and liberator of all beings as well as the authority over three realms. The idea that Zhabdrung Rinpoche is at the centre of an emerging polity is further reinforced symbolically by the design of the seal in which Nga Chudruma was carved.87 The seal constitutes of four circular rings within a square. Four conches perch on each corner of the square. A total of sixteen radials emerge from the second ring towards the first outer ring. In each radial is a sentence that begins or ends with the word I. All the sixteen Is are neatly carved inside the third ring. The rest of the sentence following the Is are in the radials of first ring. Each line either begins or ends with an I in the third ring. The sentences alternate between those which begin or end with I. Inside the third and innermost ring are the words am Druk. Thus, if a reader concentrates only on the inner rings, the sentence I am Druk repeats sixteen times. The fact that the sixteen Is are neatly separated from sentences outside and the words am Druk in the centre suggests that they connect to words in both the outer and inner circles. The sentence
87 See Bhutan Observer, 6 July 2007 for a shorter version of the analysis of Nga Chudruma.
I, who turns the wheel of the dual system, I grant refuge to all; I, the holder of the precious teachings of Palden Drukpa, I conquer all who pretend to be Drukpas; I, who is accomplished in poetry, I am the source of moral aphorisms; I, the lord whose views are limitless, I refute those who hold wrong views; I, the lord of the authority on debates, I am him before whom everyone trembles; I, the hero who conquers the host of evils, I am him whose powers cannot be obstructed by any sorcerer; I, the powerful lord of mastery over speech, I am one who excels in all sciences; I, the emanation prophesied by illustrious beings, I am one, who subdues impostors.
The first sentence is a declaration of Zhabdrung Rinpoches position as both secular and spiritual authority.
mine.
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I am Druk is actually the seventeenth line which is not part of the verse but part of the seal. Thus, the essence of the seal is Zhabdrung Rinpoches declaration that he is the supreme lineage-holder of Drukpa Kagyu School as well as the sovereign who upholds the two traditions. Unlike on a parchment, the verses on the seal need a special reading technique. To do that, one needs to think of a wrist watch or a wall clock. The first sentence begins where the figure or number (for hour) 12 is embedded. The second sentence is directly opposite to it where the figure 6 is. The third sentence is on the left of the first one where as the fourth is on the right side of the second one. This intricate design had been laid owing to the style of sentences which begin and end with I. The sixteen lines actually consist of eight couplets. Every two sentences, which constitute a couplet, are placed directly opposite to each other on the seal. The eight couplets also correspond to the standard eight spokes of the Wheel of Dharma popularly referred to as khorlo tsib gye. The seal of Nga Chudruma is exactly carved like a wheel, the wheel of two traditions. Zhabdrung Rinpoche also wrote a commentary on the design of the seal, which is again a sixteen-line poetry. It reads as follows.
Lord of Tibet, one worthy of spiritual undertakings, A divine emanation whose deeds are vast and great, Kunkhen Pema Karpo had stated his reasons. Who is he that is second to him in the world now? It is Ngawang, who is always victorious in every direction! That I am thus is clear in the centre (of Nga Chudruma seal) The sixteen Is in different directions Encircle it suggesting harmony with the outside world. Four circles inside, four-edged square outside, And the four conches signify flourishing of spiritual deeds, And subjugation of the three realms with the sound of I. The swords of sorcery surround the Wheel They are auspicious signs of victory in all four directions, And accomplishment of four kinds of spiritual undertakings! Composed by the lion known as Ngawang, May this resound in every direction for all times! 88
level, the seal of Nga Chudruma is like a mandala, a universe with Zhabdrung Rinpoche at the centre. At a more mundane level, the four-edged square seal represents the kingdom of Lhomon of four approaches. At the centre is its sovereign Zhabdrung Rinpoche. That this is so is affirmed when all the edicts that he issued subsequently as the sovereign of Bhutan are stamped with imprints of Nga Chudruma seal.89
Proclaiming the founding of Palden Druk Zhung

habdrung Rinpoche issued the proclamation of founding of his government for Chari monastery. He began the construction of this monastery in 1620. After completing the construction, he entered a threeyear meditation in a cave called Dudulphu above the monastery on the seventh day of the second eighth month of the Water Hog Year of 1623.90 An elaborate ceremony to commemorate the conclusion of his retreat was held three years later. He also established a goenkhang in Chari monastery and was once again contemplating to undertake meditative retreat when his late father, Yab Tenpai Nyima revealed in a vision a prophecy exhorting him to establish a Buddhist government. The image of Yab Tenpai Nyima installed in Chari monastery is also said to have spoken about the need for forming the government.91
89 It is possible that replicas of the original seal could have been made later. A graphic image of the great seal of Zhabs-drung is reproduced Michael Aris (1979). The photo courtesy indicates that the original seal is now part of Anthony Aris, his brothers private collection. There are certain glaring differences between this graphic impression and the souvenir-like copies printed a few years ago. For example, the images of conch inside the four corners of the square are all right-whorled (dungkar yekhil) in Aris publication whereas two are left-whorled in the print copies. There are also differences in words of some sentences. While the second line in Aris reads ngani kungi chabsu zung, the one in the print copies read ngani kungi gyalsu bzung. The word chabsu (refuge) in the first is replaced by gyalsu (victory) in the second. Aris acknowledges Lobpon Sonam Zangpo for the modern version of the Great Seal of Zhabs-drung on the cover. This indicates that a replica or new version of the seal had been made. As to when it was made, there is no information available. Nevertheless, the fact remains that the verses as well as the seal of Nga Chudruma constitute the first seal promulgating the founding of Palden Druk Zhung. 90 ZNN, p. 176. 91 ZNN, p. 185.
The commentary reinforces his claim as the undisputed reincarnation of Kunkhen Pema Karpo. At a metaphorical
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88 ZNN, p. 153. Translation mine.
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Rangjung Kharsa Pani enshrined in a golden encasement
spirits and demons. Not only must he overcome them, he must also bind them to perpetual oath of protecting the teachings. Once subdued, they become protectors of the teachings. So he meditates in Dudulphu cave again and propitiates Yidam Jigjed, whose blessings enable him to overcome the gods and deities.93 Thus, as prophesied by Guru Rinpoche, Choeje Tsangpa Gyare, Yab Tenpai Nyima and the tutelary deities, Zhabdrung Rinpoche decided to establish a Buddhist government in Lhomon Khazhi. He did this by issuing an edict around 1626. The edict was issued to both human and non-human subjects such as the gods, spirits, tsen and nagas residing in its mountains, forests, river banks, and valleys, shores of lakes, cliffs and trees. It read, Everyone must adhere to my commands. If the commands are violated, severe punishment will definitely follow.94 Copies of the edict were sealed with the impression of Nga Chudruma. It is in this act of sealing the edict that Nga Chudruma evolves from being a personal seal of the Drukpa hierarch to the seal of the new government which Zhabdrung Rinpoche embodied.
Each copy of the edict was issued along with a small basket full of torma, some sacred pills wrapped in folded parchment and a scarf each. Emissaries were sent out to different parts of the country to deliver them. They were also instructed to make mounds in different areas and install these materials inside the mound. It was a symbolic gesture of delivering the edict to his non-human subjects. When the people saw the edict, they were awed and also filled with admiration at the fact that the edict had been sent even to spirits, gods and demons. The chief lamas from the monastic establishments of Sakya and Nyingma schools of Buddhism as well as their patrons came from different regions to acknowledge the receipt of the edict and the authority of Zhabdrung Rinpoche. The number of regional lords, lamas, lopens and patrons, who came to make offerings and submit themselves before Zhabdrung Rinpoche increased every day. Zhabdrung Rinpoche also decided to govern all monastic establishments, lamas and followers of different schools of Buddhism indiscriminately. He clearly laid down the entitlements of every monastic establishment as well as their la93 ZNN, p. 186. 94 ZNN, p. 188.
Zhabdrung Rinpoche also sought prophetic guidance from the sacred image of Rangjung Khasarpani. It indicated that the government must be established. This prophecy was further reinforced by the Kingdoms tutelary deities, Pal Yeshe Goenpo, Palden Lhamo and Goenpo Jarog Dongchen as well as other guardian deities. They not only implored him to form a government but also pledged their support and undertook to perform any task entrusted to them.92 Zhabdrung Rinpoche consulted his teacher Yongzin Lhawang Lodroe, whom he had invited from Tibet. The teacher said that Zhabdrung Rinpoche must propitiate the deity, Yidam Jigjed in order to gain control over all gods, demi-gods and humans. This is a very important aspect of the discussion concerning state formation in Bhutan. Since Zhabdrung Rinpoches government would be devoted to propagation of Buddhist teachings, he had to overcome threats and obstacles that would be posed by gods,
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92 ZNN, p. 185.
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mas. Therefore, the teachers of Sakya and Nyingma schools who came to receive instructions and empowerment from Zhabdrung Rinpoche also increased. It is because of this that even today they continue to have patrons and monasteries in Bhutan.95
Gyalse Tenzin Rabgye, the Fourth Druk Desi
Applying the impression of Nga Chudruma seal on important documents and edict became a state practice thereafter. It became a symbol of state identity. For example, it was also sealed on the top of the genja of 1907 which led to the establishment of monarchy in Bhutan. On the other hand, it used to be fixed on doors of homes to ward off evil spirits and also worn as amulet to prevent harms caused by theses spirits as well as prevent injury inflicted by weapons.
Establishing the state capital

habdrung Rinpoche built Punakha Dzong at the confluence of Pho Chhu and Mo Chhu rivers intending it to be the centre of Drukpa Kagyu School. That such a centre would be established was predicted long ago by the great terton, Dorje Lingpa. To build the dzong, Zhabdrung Rinpoche summoned Zowo Bali from Balikha, an artisan with divine qualities.
He came offering a zo (wooden bucket) full of milk and basket-full of berries. Zhabdrung Rinpoche was pleased at the thought that the teachings would flourish like milk and monastic community like the berries. He made Zowo Bali sleep near him for three nights blessing him to conceive the designs of the dzong in his dreams. On the second night, Zowo Bali dreamt that he was at Ralung. He could internalize all the designs of the monastery. On the third night, he was in the heavenly abode of Zangdo Pelri. Again, he internalized all the designs of the palace of Tashi Gomang. When he explained his dream, Zhabdrung Rinpoche commanded him to build Punakha Dzong like the monastery at Ralung. He conceived a design with the utse (or central tower) in the middle, an assembly hall for the monks, raised towers in four corners connected by high walls called shagkor surrounding the utse as well as a main entrance. The foundation was laid on the eighth day of the eighth month of the Fire Ox year corresponding to 1637.
95 ZNN, pp. 188-189. My translation.
Punakha Dzong, the capital of the ecclesiocratic state
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When the designs of the dzong were being finalized, Zhabdrung Rinpoche had the design done for the assembly hall which would accommodate around 600 monks. Zow Bali and other workers were surprised because there were only about 100 monks then. While they submitted that this was too large, he commanded that there would come a time when they would regret it being too small. He had them construct it according to the design. During his life-time, the monastic community increased to 360 monks. However, the number crossed 800 during the time of Gyalse Tenzin Rabgye.96
Once the construction was complete, an elaborate consecration ceremony was held. Zhabdrung Rinpoches patrons and supporters from all over the country made abundant offerings that they heaped like a mountain. Although the dzong was called Punakha Dzong before, he named it Pungthang Dewa Chhenpoi Phodrang. After the construction and consecration were over, we notice some important initiatives Zhabdrung Rinpoche undertakes. The monastic community based in Chari moved to Punakha Dzong. It became the headquarter of Drukpa School. Pekar Rabgye was appointed as the first dzongpon, fort-governor. Pekar Jungne was appointed as the first je khenpo of the monastic community and Umdze Tenzin Drugyal made responsible for temporal affairs. Zhabdrung Rinpoche remained the supreme head of both spiritual and temporal affairs.97 The appointment of dzongpon and other fort-officials became a norm as more dzongs were constructed over the years. It laid the foundation for the emergence of a bureaucracy. There was also bifurcation of responsibilities for secular and monastic affairs although the officials shouldering these responsibilities enjoyed only delegated authorities.
In 1640, the Tibetan government accorded recognition by declaring that all the people and patrons of Lhomon Khazhi are under the authority of the government of Palden Drukpa. Besides, Zhabdrung Rinpoche was also recognized as the sovereign of the Kingdom. Offerings which were tokens of homage to him also arrived. In a gesture of reconciliation and recognition, Tsang Desi invited Zhabdrung Rinpoche to visit Tibet. But he declined citing other reasons although he was dissuaded from accepting the invitation by Legoen Jarog Dongchen, one of Bhutans tutelary deities. The ruler of Kham Derge and great masters like Sakya Dagchen Ngawang Kunga Sonam Gyalwang and the Tenth Karmapa Choing Dorje also accorded recognition. The kingdoms of Kathmandu, Batgaon and Patan also recognized Zhabdrung Rinpoche and Bhutan. It must be pointed out that these kingdoms like many others were autonomous kingdoms and would be united by Prithvi Narayan Shah after 1773. Raja Padma Narayan of Gadhikha in India sent congratulatory offerings. Senge Namgyal, the King of Ladakh sent his son Tenzin Norbu and Gelong Drubjur as envoys. Through them, the King offered monastic centres in Mount Kailash, monastic seats of Darchen Labrang and Lowo Chhodzongs.98
From then on, the country of Lhomon Khazhi became known as the Kingdom of Palden Drukpa under the sovereign Zhabdrung Rinpoche and the people as Drukpas. The entire purpose of Zhabdrung Rinpoches departure for Bhutan twenty five years ago had then been accomplished.99
Legitimacy and recognition
ust before the dzong construction was over, the battle against the third Tibetan invasion of 1639 was raging. After the invaders were expelled, Zhabdrung Rinpoche and his enemy, Tsang Desi Karma Tenchong Wangpo, reconciled establishing peace and friendship. The desis father and grandfather had supported the recognition of Gyalwa Pagsam Wangpo as the true reincarnation of Kunkhen Pema Karpo.
The recognition accorded by neighbouring states is an important factor in establishing the legitimacy of the state. To win over the support of well-established religious schools and their followers, Zhabdrung Rinpoche declared his support for all monastic establishments by defining their resource entitlements. They also came to pay homage and accept his sovereignty. But what made such obeisance possible? What contributed to the acceptance of his rule, and hence the legitimacy of the state only after twenty five years of his arrival in Bhutan? There are three important reasons.
98 ZNN, pp. 252-254. 99 ZNN, pp. 252-254.
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96 ZNN, p. 183. 97 ZNN, p. 240.
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First, the legitimate recognition of Zhabdrung Rinpoche as the pre-destined ruler of the southern land of four directions can be located in numerous prophecies foretold centuries ago. Second, Zhabdrung Rinpoche had visions and other omens that revealed his destiny in Bhutan. They were to constitute an important element in the founding of a legitimate state especially with the blessings of the tutelary deities. Third, the state of Palden Drukpa was largely established within the geo-physical space where the Drukpa Kagyu School, its monasteries and followers and the authority of its masters had been established through successive visits of Drukpa masters from Tibet over the centuries. First, the ancient prophecies.100 The prediction of Guru Rinpoche in the text Tagsham Gongdue Khog Ub states;
Known as Druk, self-illuminated essence of the sky, A renowned being by the name of Ngawang will appear in Lhorong. Guru Rinpoche had earlier made another prediction as follows; Prominent in the lineage of gya in the Kham region, Flashing like lightening in the region of Ngari and Tsang, Renowned as Druk to the south of and Tsang. Another prophecy reads thus; A renowned being named Ngawang, accomplished in sorcery, Will hold the throne of Mon, and benefit the Tibetans and Drukpas! According to the prophecy in the text Kula Hari, Lineage of gya - famous in Tsang The King of Lotus, possessor of exalted wisdom, Will flash like lightening in Ngari and Tsang regions, In , Tsang and Lhomon, he will be famed as Drukpa.
Pangri Zampa Monastery was one of the bases from which Zhabdrung Rinpoche operated in the early years after his arrival in Bhutan
During his visit to Bhutan in the twelfth century, a Tibetan lama known as Lam Zhang Yudragpa (1123-1193) reached the location of present-day Wangdue Phodrang Dzong. There he prophesied that in future an emanation of Lama Naropa would establish a seat.101 At Semtokha, he predicted that the emanation of Naropa would take control of the area.102 In 1627, the two Portuguese Jesuit priests, Father Stephan Cacella and Joan Cabral arrived in Bhutan and stayed at Chari. In a letter home, they mentioned that Zhabdrung Rinpoche, the King was also referred by some people as Lam Naropa.
100 For all these prophecies, see ZNN, pp. 73-74. 101 ZNN, p. 197. 102 ZNN, p. 197.
Second, the visions and omens that Zhabdrung Rinpoche had constitute an important element of legitimacy of the state he founded. When he was a mere child, paddy seedlings, grasses and flowers were frequently found at night in his bedroom although no one would have made any offering to him during the day. Even when he had not eaten any rice, granules of cooked rice would be found below his tongue. These were auspicious signs that foretold that his undertakings would flourish in Bhutan, a country with abundant paddy fields.103 One night he dreamt that a huge raven came to his presence and flew away towards the south. He followed it arriving in an unknown village. Later when he arrived in Pangri Zampa in Bhutan, he recognized it as the village seen in the dream that night.104 The dream was an indication of Pal Yeshe Goenpo (the raven being its emanation) receiving Zhabdrung Rinpoche to Bhutan and offering the whole country as a monastic estate. The following day, he went to seek signs by praying in front of Rangjung Khasarpani. Auspicious signs to go south were repeatedly indicated. Since then it is said that Rangjung Khasarpani seated itself facing southward.105
103 ZNN, p. 25. 104 ZNN, p. 99. 105 ZNN, p. 75.
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During the first Tibetan invasion of Bhutan, Zhabdrung Rinpoche had a vision of Pal Yeshe Goenpo at Jelela (above Paro). The guardian deity prophesied victory over the invading force. Moreover, he saw the deity holding the entire region of Lhomon Khazhi on his palms and handing it over to him.106 Similarly, Legoen Jarog Dongchen would appear to him near Jaregang in Wangdue Phodrang during the second Tibetan invasion. Other local deities would also submit before him pledging their support for the activities he would chose to undertake. Third, there were so many monastic seats already established in Bhutan by Zhabdrung Rinpoches ancestors. This meant that there were so many Drukpa patrons and followers. As we saw in the previous chapter, many Kagyu masters had visited Bhutan. Phajo Drugom Zhigpo, his sons and their descendents exercised political control. After them came other great Drukpa masters whose visit continued to reinforce predominance of Drukpa School. They include amongst others Jamyang Kunga Senge (13141347), Thrulzhi Namkhai Neljor, Gyalwa Je Kunga Paljor (1428-1476) Drukchen Ngawang Chogyal (1465-1440), Drukpa Kunleg (1455-1570), Yongzin Ngagi Wangchuk (1517-1553) Mipham Chogyal (1543-1606) and Zhabdrung Rinpoches father Tenpai Nyima (1567-1619).107 Except for Lama Lhapas descendents and followers of five other schools, Zhabdrung Rinpoche faced no opposition in western Bhutan. It was also logical for him to choose western Bhutan where the Drukpa had huge following and an established base. He could take advantage of this social, spiritual and political capital, which no other religious personality had.
and prophecies urged him to establish a government based on two traditions. This is a very important point. They did not direct him to establish a religious state per se. Therefore, the government had both religious and secular purposes. Indeed the government was intended to support the flourishing of the teachings of Palden Drukpa. But the distinction that must be made hereafter is that the government was not just religious, a theocracy. To describe the government founded by Zhabdrung Rinpoche as a theocracy might be misleading. This diarchy was based on two sets of relationships. The first was the conjunction of spiritual and civil laws called chhoesid nyi or chhoesid zungdrel, and second, the interdependence between common people and spiritual rulers called chhoeyon jindag. The first set of relationship was the union between the secular and spiritual aspect of the state called lugnyi, chhoesid nyi or chhoesid zungdrel, which was widely invoked as an abstract theory of governance in Tibet but their implementation in the states of Tibet, Sikkim and Bhutan founded on such principal differed significantly.108 In the case of Bhutan, some fifty years after its founding in 1625/26 an elaborate theoretical justification of the states mission was written, describing it as an earthly realm founded by Zhabs-drung Rin-po-che Ngag-dbang rNam-rgyal (1594-61), an emanation of the Bodhisattva Avaokitesvara, to rule for the welfare and ultimate salvation of his citizens in The Southern Land of medicinal PlantsIn gTsang mKhan-chens interpretation, therefore, the head of state in Bhutan was himself simultaneously a Boddhisattva and a Dharmaraja, the embodiment of a militant Avalokitesvara taking command as its chief of state, Lokesvara (Jig-rten mgon-po), in a world polluted by the five defilements (snyigs-ma lnga). Scriptural authority was cited from texts in the Kanjur which interpreted the mission of Ngag-dbang rNam-rgyal as that of turning the ten-fold wheel of the Dharma in both a religious sense and as Cakravartin, that is to say a monarch inspired by religion.109
108 Ardussi, Formation of the State of Bhutan (Brug gzhung) in the 17th Century and its Tibetan Antecedents,p. 11. 109 Ardussi, Formation of the State of Bhutan (Brug gzhung) in the 17th Century and its Tibetan Antecedents, p. 17.
Nature of the state

t this point, it is pertinent to make some important observations concerning the nature of the government Zhabdrung Rinpoche founded. First, the government was founded in fulfilment of ancient prophecies and at the behest of those who appeared to him in his visions including the tutelary deities. These visions
106 ZNN, p. 130. 107 ZNN, pp. 84-86.
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In Zhabdrung Rinpoche, both the spiritual and secular authorities were combined. He could choose to delegate these authorities to others but could always take them back at his convenience. Thus the spiritual and secular aspects of his rule were not separated. His spiritual authority needs no explanation. His secular, temporal powers rested on the fact that there was no external military power, which ensured his spiritual rule. The Dalai Lama of Tibet, for example, depended on the military support of Mongol Khans. The second set of relationship concerned the state and society. The concept chhoeyon jindag helps understand it. Chhoeyon means an offering, gift or a fee. This ceremonial gift or ritual fee is offered by a patron (jindag) to a spiritual practitioner who had conducted a prayer or blessing ceremony. Hence chhoeyon jindag can be roughly translated as patron-practitioner. While the patron-practitioner relationship might be more at an individual or personal or even community level, its influence extended to state-society relation particularly in the formulation of the diarchic state. It must be recalled that the tutelary deity Pal Yeshe Gonpo offered the region of Lhomon Khazhi as a monastic estate to Zhabdrung Rinpoche particularly at Jelela during the first Tibetan invasion. This is a transcendental experience. At a more ordinary level, it is the people of Bhutan who made offerings of crop harvests or livestock products to Zhabdrung Rinpoche after his arrival in Bhutan. Whether they are pastoralists or subsistence agriculturists, they were thought of as patrons who support the Drukpa teachings and their practitioners, not as subjects. Zhabdrung Rinpoche undertook extensive visits in western Bhutan. Whether the visits were to Paro, Chhukha, Punakha or Goen, they served the purpose of reaffirming the allegiance of the patrons in him, the Drukpa hierarch. In the diarchic state, it was the people who were the patrons. The personnel of the state including Zhabdrung Rinpoche, the sovereign were the practitioners. Zhabdrung Rinpoche was the Drukpa lineage-holder. The monastic community, an extension of the state was the follower. The
people made offerings to support the monastic community. The rationale of the support was based on the conviction of reciprocal benefits. For their offerings, the patrons would be blessed and gain merit. However, it was not an equal relationship. The practitioner-state was superior to the patron-followers although the mode of resource extraction by the state from the people was on a voluntary basis. Long after the founding of the state, the people were still referred as patrons. By then however, the mode of resource extraction would undergo a fundamental change as voluntary offerings became institutionalized through diversification and regularization of offerings in the form of taxation. The patrons had gradually become tax-paying subjects. But this did not obliterate the patron-practitioner relationship at individual and community level. A very important aspect of state formation in Bhutan was the environment of conflict. The very cause that forced Zhabdrung Rinpoche to leave Tibet was his conflict with Tsang Desi, who supported the rival claimant of the reincarnation of Kunkhen Pema Karpo. Two years later, he would launch an unsuccessful invasion of Bhutan. The second invasion would take place in 1634 and a third one in 1638. Both the latter invasions took place with the support of an alliance of lamas of five different Buddhist schools called Lam Khanga. These schools, who had won significant followers over the last 400 years saw the growing number of patrons for Zhabdrung Rinpoche as a direct threat to the religious control they had gained in western Bhutan. The first three invasions of Bhutan were launched by Tsang Desi. All of them took place during crucial periods of state formation in Bhutan. However, the Gelug government that overthrew Tsang Desi with the support of Mongol forces launched two invasions during Zhabdrung Rinpoches life-time. They took place in 1644 and 1648 respectively. Bhutan would defeat these invasions although there were significant loses such as the destruction of Punakha Dzong during the second invasion. The Tibeto-Mongol attacks would take place time and again later. It was only during the reign of Desi Sherub Wangchuk, the thirteenth desi that lasting peace would be established between Tibet and Bhutan.
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Propagating the teachings was not the sole purpose of Zhabdrung Rinpoches government. Take for example the submission made by Zhelngo Sithar, a patron of Zhabdrung Rinpoche from Goen, Bhutan. He entreated the other to come to Bhutan. If you cannot live in harmony with Tsang Desi, there are three large regions in south, our native place. In each region, there is a useless lord and a useless lama. There is no law for the people, nor a handle for the earthen jar. If you come south, there are enough monastic lands.110 Establishment of law and order was a preoccupation that Zhabdrung Rinpoche took upon himself. The state was not intolerant of other religious schools. He had defined entitlements of different monastic establishments soon after proclaiming the founding of the state. So long as they accepted his sovereignty, Zhabdrung Rinpoche tolerated and also supported other schools of Buddhism. His differences with Lam Khanga did not stem from his intolerance of their faith but their refusal to submit to his authority. To the two Portuguese Jesuit priests, he even gave permission to establish a church at Paro if they wished. After proclaiming the founding of the state, Zhabdrung Rinpoche operated from his monastic bases at Chari, Tango, and Pangri Zampa. Later he moved to Semtokha Dzong before the construction of Punakha Dzong was completed. State officials however, consisted of a few officials in his entourage and a network of patrons and properties. Tenzin Drugyal was appointed to manage civil responsibilities that began to grow in complexity after 1626, and to organize war efforts against his (Zhabdrung Rinpoches) Tibetan and local enemies.111 For example, during the second Tibetan invasion, Zhabdrung Rinpoche fully authorized Umdze Tenzin Drugyal to make preparations for the battle as well as for negotiations and peace-making. At Wachen Dzong in Wangdue Phodrang, he commanded, Dont put me and Yeshe Goenpo in the middle. As for anything else, do as you wish, and left
110 ZNN, p. 74. 111 Ardussi, Formation of the State of Bhutan (Brug gzhung) in the 17th Century and its Tibetan Antecedents, p. 15.
Tango Monastery founded by Phajo Drugom Zhigpo
for Jaregang.112 The states officials began to expand after the construction of dzongs in eastern and western Bhutan where administrators were appointed as Zhabdrung Rinpoches representatives. This however, is the concern of the next chapter.
112 ZNN, p. 220.
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Trongsa Dzong, the seat of Trongsa Penlops
Chapter 4:
Expansion of the state

Routes of state expansion
he expansion of Drukpa state took on a different course besides winning battles, building fortresses and consolidating territories. It expanded into everyday lives of the people by extracting resources through taxation, regulating aspects of social life through codification of laws and much later, by developing administrative machineries of surveillance and numeration by appointing local and regional administrators. Of course the ability to expand and penetrate society was limited by absence of any technological developments. When it came to social and cultural life, the state was non-interfering and left village communities to themselves. After his arrival in Bhutan, Zhabdrung Rinpoche undertook extensive visits in Thimphu, Paro, Punakha, Wangdue Phodrang and Chukha regions. It provided him with the twin opportunity of reinforcing visits of Drukpa Kagyu masters to grant blessings and teachings to their followers and also to test the extent of support he enjoyed among lay folks. He also had to depend upon the generosity of his patrons and followers for his provisions. But there was no lack of it. Wherever he went, people crowded to see him, receive his blessings and make substantial offerings. Of course when the state expanded and new members were inducted, quite a few offerings would be institutionalized in the form of taxes to support the state and its monastic establishments. His visits were also instrumental in asserting his leadership over many local lords and lamas who earlier held sway in the region. Many of them voluntarily submitted to him during these visits. Let alone humans, even spirits and deities of different mountains and valleys would declare their allegiance to him. Assertion of his leadership over local populace by winning their faith and
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confidence was reinforced by his defeat of major Tibetan invasions. Each invasion also provided him with an opportunity to estimate the support he had mobilized in the process of state building. The militia that was raised to engage invaders largely constituted of his patrons and followers. It is this very militia who would participate in the expansion of the state eastward under the leadership of Trongsa Penlop Minjur Tenpa. In absence of a standing army, the militia would constitute the coercive element of the state in engaging both external invasions and internal resistance. Before Trongsa Penlop gained control over Mangde valley, the authority of Zhabdrung Rinpoche was largely confined to western Bhutan. Punakha Dzong was the locus of state authority. The expansion of that authority towards eastern Bhutan took place within the very geographic frontiers that Bhutan was earlier associated with. It put the state on a collision course with some thirteen valley kingdoms in eastern and central Bhutan.
Territorial expansion
n order to integrate eastern Bhutan, Trongsa Penlop Minjur Tenpa113 followed a two-pronged strategy. One was to engage rulers of those valley kingdoms directly in a battle or accept their voluntary submission. The other was to establish the presence of the state in those valleys kingdoms by building dzongs and appointing officials for administration. After every major battle, a dzong was built. We must contrast these with castles of those rulers which were primarily built for residential rather than administrative purpose. Indeed they exercised whatever administrative powers they had from these castles. But that was not the major purpose. Besides, no monastic community was set up in those castles.
113 Trongsa Penlop Minjur Tenpa was originally from Minchued in Tibet. When he became the Third Druk Desi in 1667, he was also known as Depa Minchued. He was known earlier as Gelong Damchoe Lhendup and served as the lama of Shar Dargye Gonpa. He also attended to Zhabdrung Rinpoche. Since he was predestined to administer eastern Bhutan, Zhabdrung Rinpoche appointed him as the Trongsa Chila. He gradually built Trongsa Dzong at the site of a hermitage built by Yongzin Ngagi Wangchuk, and established control over the Mangde valley. Later, Zhabdrung Rinpoche appointed him as Trongsa Penlop.
The regions that first came under the authority of Zhabdrung Rinpoche were called shar nub gung sum (shareast, nub-west, and gung centre). The east referred to Wangdue Phodrang since it was located east of Punakha and Thimphu (the centre) and west to Paro. Punakha and Wangdue Phodrang dzongs were built by Zhabdrung Rinpoche while Do Ngoen Dzong in Thimphu and Hungrel Dzong in Paro were offered to him by descendents of Lama Lhapa and Phajos son Dampa respectively. The five-storied Hungrel Dzong was however, dismantled and a new one, Rinpung Dzong built in its place in 1644. Officials were appointed in all dzongs. Appointing dzong officials such as Pekar Rabgye in Punakha, Dzongpon Nyama Kuked in Wangdue Phodrang, Dzongpon Au Tshering in Thimphu, Chila Tenzin Drukdra in Paro, Chila Minjur Tenpa in Trongsa and Penlop Tenpa Thinley in Dagana was the beginning of creation of a state bureaucracy. In addition to these administrators, there were monk-officials who attended to Zhabdrung Rinpoche. Zhabdrung Rinpoche also appointed lower level officials to administer certain valleys and villages. For example, Jatang Pekar Tashi was appointed as penlop of Dungyul Uma. Dzongpon Nyama Kuked was initially appointed as Jaregang Penlop. He was Zhabdrung Rinpoches first official state representative beyond Punakha. Establishing his authority in western Bhutan was favoured by the fact that The Brug-pa were predominant in western Bhutan where more than a dozen branch monasteries of Ra-lung predated 1600, and strong marital alliances between the rGya family of Ra-lung and local valley chiefs had been forged during the 14th century.114 Zhabdrung Rinpoche had not visited eastern Bhutan. But there were many Drukpa monastic centres such as Choedrag, Ura Geden, Jakar and Choeten Nyingpo in Bumthang, Thegchentse in Kurtoe and Yongla Gonpa in Pema Gatshel. These constituted an established support base for Zhabdrung Rinpoche. Nyingma School of Buddhism was predominant in central and eastern Bhutan. Many Nyingmapa masters visited and founded monastic centres in these regions.
114 Ardussi, Formation of the State of Bhutan (Brug gzhung) in the 17th Century and its Tibetan Antecedents, p. 14.
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The most famous lamas were Terton Pema Lingpa (14501520), his sons and their descendents. However, they had no political ambitions. For example, Gyalse Pema Thinley (1564-1642) and Sungtrul Tshulthrim Dorje (1598-1669) went to offer congratulatory gifts and pay obeisance in 1642 when Zhabdrung Rinpoche was enthroned as the sovereign of Bhutan. Therefore, it was politically advantageous and convenient for Trongsa Penlop Minjur Tenpa to win them over. On the other hand, there were other rulers in the region who would resist domination and integration into the folds of Drukpa state. Penlop Minjur Tenpa and Lam Namse from Tshatshe in present-day Pema Gatshel would launch an extended military campaign to overcome them.115 Their first military adventure was in Bumthang against Chhokhor Depa who was once a loyal Drukpa subordinate but who turned against Penlop Minjur Tenpa. Three successive attacks with militia mobilized from Mangde valley failed to defeat him. So Penlop Minjur Tenpa later enticed his ministers and supporters. They were Nangma - kalyon of Chhokhor Depa, Wangthob - mipon of Domkhar, and Sonam Wangpo - dung of Chumey. In 1647, Zhung Dronyer Druk Namgyal led a huge force consisting of militia raised from Shar and Mangde valleys and moved to Bumthang. They overran the dzong at Yuewazhing in Chhokhor. Chhokhor Depa and his ally Ura Dung Nagpo fled to Tibet. Plans to build a dzong at the site of Yongzin Ngagi Wangchuks hermitage at Jakar began. Nyerpa Longba was put in charge of the construction and later became its first dzongpon.116 They also took over the seat of Drukpa lama Gyalwa Lorepa at Choedrag and Tang Thowadrag, Yab Tenpai Nyimas seat at Chumey Choeten Nyingpo and the seat of Phajo Drugom Zhigpos descendents at
115 Escaping a blood feud in Khaling, Tashigang, Lam Namse, a Drukpa lama flees for Trongsa. Penlop Minjur Tenpa takes him later to meet Zhabdrung Rinpoche. Upon his request to send armed forces to unify eastern Bhutan, Zhabdrung Rinpoche replied, There is a prophecy that in the near future my teachings shall flourish and increase throughout the eastern realm by means of the dual system. At that time you must act according to the prophecy without losing courage. 116 Nyerpa Longba was a lame and partially blind person. Many people doubted his ability to administer the region as a dzongpon or fortgovernor. Penlop Minjur Tenpa however, revealed a prophecy of Guru Rinpoche which foretold that Sendha Gyelp who ruled Bumthang would be reborn as a lame and blind person to rule Bumthang again.
Ura Gaden. The tradition of appointing Choedrag Lama by the state was also instituted since then.117 This development in Bumthang coincided with intrigues and murder of a ruler in Kurtoe. Kurtoe valley was ruled by three kings: Gawa of Phagidung, Wangchen Dharma of Killing and Lhabudar of Ragsa, Timula. Gawa and Wangchen Dharma conspired and murdered Lhabudar. Since the murder was unprovoked, the dead rulers wife and ministers went to Bumthang to seek protection of Drukpa forces and avenge the murder. Lam Namse led a militia that defeated the allied forces of Gawa and Wangchen Dharma. The rulers and their military commanders were caught and imprisoned. Thus, the entire region of Kurtoe came under the Drukpa state. At a place called Lengleng, Lhundrup Rinchentse Dzong was built in 1647 and Druk Phuntsho appointed its first dzongpon, fort-governor.118 The Drukpa forces then crossed Dongla and marched towards Kholongtoe and Lawog in Tashi Yangtse. Their rulers chose to make voluntary submission rather than confront the troops whom they knew were too powerful. The news of how rulers of Bumthang and Kurtoe were defeated must have dealt a psychological blow to them. At a place called Dongtir, a dzong which was later named Tashi Yangtse Dzong, was built also around 1647.119 The troops were then returning from their military campaign. At Zhongar, they came across Zhongarpa Choeze Pekar Dung, who was not on good terms with Tongphu Gyelp. With his support, the Drukpa forces defeated Tongphu Gyelp in a battle. Other rulers in the area such as Ngatshang Gyelp Darjam, Chitshang Gyelp Daula, and Gyelp Dorey of Bageng, Dramitse and Helong chose to make voluntary submission. Many people fled from the area to settle in Pemakoed region of Tibet. The victorious forces prepared to build a dzong at Zhongar.120
117 ZNN, p. 310. 118 Kinga, The Founding of Lhundrup Rinchentse Dzong, pp. 524525. 119 Aris, Sources of the History of Bhutan, p. 97; Namgyel, Tashi Yangtse Dzong History and Significance, pp. 387-436; ZNN, p. 311. 120 See MZCR, pp. 289-342; ZNN, p. 312; Aris, Sources of the History of Bhutan, p. 97.
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With their military objective accomplished, the generals and troops returned to Trongsa. Soon after their return, Norbu Wang - the lord of Tunglabi requested support against Nyakhar Dung who allegedly kept harassing the people of Kheng. The force went toward Kheng through Tunglabi. Many lords and nobilities of the region surrendered themselves but Nyakhar Dung chose to fight. He was defeated and the entire Kheng region came under the states control. A dzong was built at Zhemgang. On their way back to Trongsa, the troops had to defeat one last ruler, Rephel Lam Gyaltshen who resisted them. He was killed in a battle; his entire landholdings were seized and weapons confiscated. Finally the troops reached Trongsa. In commemoration of their victory, Penlop Minjur Tenpa organized a grand celebration. Druk Namgyal and the militia from Shar and Wang were sent back to Punakha after presenting them gifts.122 Between 1647 and 1648, the entire regions of Kurtoe, Yangtse, Zhongar and Kheng had been brought under the states authority. Although a few rulers in Tashigang had made voluntary submission of obeisance, others such as Merak Lam Nagseng, Khaling Gyelp Dewa and Changlopel, and Kanglung Gyelp Phodrang Apchi did so only because they were afraid of Drukpa forces. In their hearts, they still resisted domination. After a few months, Lam Namse returned to Tashigang to ascertain if these rulers were compliant to the oath of submission they had made earlier. From Tshatshe, he sent messengers to convey a directive that the people must pay taxes and provide corve labour services to the state. The people resisted the directive. Lam Namse had his men use coercive means to enforce compliance. Infuriated, Khaling Gyelp Changlopel, Kanglung Gyelp Phodrang Apchi and Chengkhar Gyelp Sangye chose to engage him in a battle. So Lam Namse recruited a large militia from Zhongar, Tsamang, Ngatshang, Chitshang, five large communities of tsengmi and Tashigang. The allied forces of these three rulers descended at Chengkhar for a final battle. Umdze Damchoe Rabgye fired his musket and shot dead Sangye, the Chengkhar Gyelp. The ruler of Khaling, Gyelp
122 SPBS, pp. 173-181; ZNN, p. 313.
Ruins of Zhongar Dzong
From Zhongar, Lam Namse was dispatched leading a small force towards Tashigang. Near the bridge, Wengli Zam in Udzorong, he set up a military camp. From there, he deputed envoys to different rulers of Tashigang asking them either to make voluntarily submission to the Drukpa authority or engage in battles. Tsengmi Gyelp Tobden, Tashigang Gyelp Tshewang and Tsengkhar Drongtoed Gyelp Langa surrendered. But Gyelp Dewa and Changlopel of Khaling, Gyelp Phodrang Apchi of Kanglung and Lam Nagseng of Merak decided otherwise. They assembled at Udzorong. Since the bridge was controlled by the people of Udzorong, some sixty men under Lam Namse swam across the river. The rulers of Khaling encouraged the Udzorong people to stand with them. However, their ruler was related to Bageng Gyelp Dorey, who had already surrendered. He had persuaded them to follow suit rather than face the might of Drukpa forces. They yielded to his persuasion and opened the gates of Wengli Zam. As the Drukpa forces crossed the bridge, the resisting forces also surrendered. Lam Namse accepted offerings of gold, silver and other goods by the rulers as tokens of their submission. He returned to Zhongar and informed Minjur Tenpa and Druk Namgyal about what happened, and handed to them all the offerings collected.121
121 SPBS, pp. 173-181; Aris, Sources of the History of Bhutan, p. 101.
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Changlopel was captured easily. At this, the followers of Phodrang Apchi took to their heels. He was also captured. Lam Namse sent both of them to Punakha as captives. Later, Lam Namse led a force to Merak against Lam Nagseng who fled. The ruler of Gamri region, Gyelp Jowo, and rulers of Wangser Kungpa such as Zugi, Serkong, Dorje Gyalpo and Sangye Gyatsho went to surrender before Lam Namse. With their surrender, the region between Merak and Sakteng, and Bikhar along with the communities on either side of Gamri river came under state control. A small dzong was built at Bengkhar and Umdze Damchoe Rabgye was appointed as dzongtshab. Lam Namse then returned to Khaling to build a much larger dzong at Bjirizor. For eight months, he persevered in building a strong defence fortress, made estimates of various in-kind taxes to be collected, and prepared directives for administering the region. It was then that Lam Nagseng of Merak sought military support of Gelug government in Tibet. Led by Tibetan generals Phenyul Dungtsho and Depa Dzamlha, the Tibetan forces marched into Bhutan. They camped at Killingshing. Unable to defeat Umdze Damchoe Rabgye, they went to Bjirizor and surrounded Lam Namse and his followers. The Tibetans made the people of Khaling believe that their ruler Changlopel was rescued from Punakha, and won them to their side. Lam Namse fled towards Tshatshe. Umdze Norbu also followed suit but fell into enemys hand. They killed him. Lam Namse was soon taken captive and moved to Tibetan camp at Killingshing in chains. Umdze Damchoe Rabgye left for Trongsa to seek military support. Meanwhile he asked those left behind to make pretence of submission to the Tibetans. They exactly did that by making offerings as tokens of submission to the generals. The Tibetans left Bhutan taking Lam Namse with them. He was imprisoned in Lhasa. He managed to escape once but was caught and put to death.123 Trongsa Penlop Minjur Tenpa recruited a huge militia from Shar, Wang, Mangde and Bumthang, and appointed Kudung Pekar Chophel, Nyerpa Longba and Umdze Damchoe Rabgye as generals. They moved to Tashigang
123 Aris, Sources of the History of Bhutan, pp.108-109.
and set up military garrison at Gongthung. Umdze Damchoe Rabgye moved to Bengkhar and sent emissaries from there to all rulers of Tashigang to reconfirm their allegiance to the state or face military consequences. These rulers came in person and were taken to Gongthung to reconfirm their allegiance. In an elaborate ritual, they again took oaths of allegiance. Then Nyerpa Longba returned to Trongsa. Kudung Pekar Choephel and Umdze Damchoe Rabgye moved to Bengkhar and built Tashigang Dzong.124 Although this resulted in the consolidation of Tashigang as a states territory, the ruler of Gongthung attempted to remain aloof. A few years later, Kudung Pekar Choephel and Soelpen Tenpa Denden sent a militia to deal with him. With his defeat, all of eastern Bhutan was finally integrated into the state. Before that, the state also had to bring southern Bhutan under its control. Thieves and bandits harassed villagers and waylaid travellers in Dagana. The people approached Zhabdrung Rinpoche for his protection. In 1649, a group of well-equipped militia led by Druk Namgyal was sent to Dagana. By 1651 he had overcome the dangers and threats both in Dagana and in Indian Duars. The construction of Dagana Dzong began. It was named Darkar Tashi Yangtse Dzong and Tenpa Thinley was appointed as the first penlop there. After gaining control of eastern Bhutan, Minjur Tenpa turned west and moved into Sikkim forcing the Lepcha chief Achog to seek support of Gelug government in Tibet. In 1668, a three-column Tibetan force invaded Bhutan. A temporary truce was established but not long after, Bhutan invaded Chumbi valley, Sikkim and area of south of Sikkim owing to troubles erupting with the Lepchas. Chief Achog was killed, and in retaliation, a fivecolumn Tibetan invasion was again launched. At Phari, a peace settlement was negotiated in 1678. Bhutanese were expelled from Sikkim. However, Bhutan gained control of the area south of Sikkim but it was annexed to British India during the Duar War of 1864-65. Bhutanese military excursion into Sikkim would again repeat in 1772 during the reign of Desi Zhidar. But for now, the frontiers of the state were more or less defined.
124 SPBS, pp.195-202.
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Some significant observations concerning the integration of eastern and central Bhutan into the state merit discussion. Although Drukpa School had followers and patrons in central and eastern Bhutan, it was the Nyingma school of Buddhism that was predominant in these regions. But the use of force to integrate eastern and central Bhutan was not a clash of arms between followers of Drukpa Kagyu and Nyingma schools. The states militia primarily engaged rulers who resisted integration or were asked to deal with rulers who were harassing their people. Some allied with them while others chose to accept the states authority after knowing its military strength. A very important observation concerning territorial expansion of the state is the establishment of a monastic community in every dzong that was built. Not only were administrators appointed but monks were also recruited to live and study in these dzongs. Even today, every dzong has its monastic community occupying a part of it while civil administration occupies another part. The organization of dzongs into such diarchic structure was an extension of the nature of state organization itself. The states method of mobilizing resources became more coercive rather than voluntary. It was through a structured extraction of labour and taxes. In fact, the obligation to contribute corve labour and pay taxes became synonymous with patronship of the Drukpa state. This must not however, suggest non-existence or obliteration of patron-practitioner relationship among villagers and Nyingma School or other monastic establishments. The notion of state as practitioner and society as patron would begin to undergo significant change. Indeed the society remained as patron to the extent that it supplied resources for the upkeep of monastic community. However, the state gradually started to become agency of mobilizing resources from patrons rather than being practitioners. This was because state officials were increasingly inducted from people of ordinary standing in life. It was the monastic community headed by je khenpo that would constitute the practitioners. This means that bifurcation if civilian and religious aspect of state organization became more pronounced later. We will
The construction of Tashigang Dzong was symbolic of the completion of unifying eastern 88 Bhutan by Trongsa Penlop Chogyal Minjur Tenpa
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discuss this in the following chapters. With the growth of administrative organizations and infrastructure (see below), the state particularly represented by desi, penlops and dzongpons would emerge as a third actor in the patronpractitioner relationship. But the principle of chhoesid nyi or diarchic form of government did not undergo transformation. Of course there was a bifurcation in the civilian and spiritual domains of public administration but this did not entail total dissociation. Both the civilian authority represented by desi and the spiritual authority represented by je khenpo did not command legitimacy without the blessing of a spiritual head of state. Even the legitimacy for his authority was eventually drawn from Zhabdrung Rinpoche. This was because the head of state had to be reincarnations of either Zhabdrung Rinpoche, his son Jampel Dorje or his appointed representative Gyalse Tenzin Rabgye.
thirteenth Druk Desi Sherub Wangchuk in connection with the enthronement of Thugtrul Jigme Drakpa I (172561) as the head of state in 1747.125 The biography lists a total of 1,149 state functionaries. It excludes many minor officials. Indeed the bureaucracy had its own hierarchy and entitlements, some of which follow to the present day. At the top were the nine ministers called kalyon chewa gu. As mentioned above, they were the three penlops of Trongsa, Dagana and Paro, dzongpons of Punakha, Wangdue Phodrang and Thimphu, Zhung Dronyer (the states guest master), Depai Zimpon (chamberlain of the desi) and Zhung Kalyon (the state minister). Ministers wore orange scarves as insignia of their offices. Below them were red-scarf officials called nyikem. Nyikems consisted of other dzongpons, nyerchens, zimpons and dronyers in each dzong.126 Below nyikems were chipzhons meaning horseman. Its origin may lie in the privilege of riding government-issued horses during the performance of their duties, including seasonal movement between the twin capitals of Punakha and Tashichho Dzong (known as gDan-sa phan-tshun). Chipzhon were entitled to half the perquisites of red-scarf officials (hence the latters status as nyikem or double rank). They wore white scarf, swords and, like the nyikem they were entitled to be addressed as Dasho (drag-shos)...127 Officials designated as chipzhons included deputies of nyikems such as gorapa, shanyer, tapon, dungpa, darpon etc.128 The enthronement record makes mention of 20 nyikems and 160 chipzhons for Punakha and Tashichho Dzong. In the account of the 13th sDe-srids virtuous achievements we learn (on f. 93b) that on his retirement in 1763 after fourteen years of rule, there were 679 lay government servants. These were divided into six ranks starting with 14 ordinary officers entitled to double salaries-in-kind (gzhung-gi nyis-skal dkyus-ma; in present vernacular, nyikem). Below them stood 90 officials entitled to a government horse (rta-thob; chibs-bzhon in the honorific), and so on down to the sixth rank of common servitors (lto-gzan dkyus-ma), 280 in number.129
125 See Ardussi and Ura, Population and Governance in the mid-18th Century Bhutan, pp. 39-84. 126 BRGI, p. 189 127 Ardussi and Ura, Population and Governance in the mid-18th Century Bhutan, p. 45. 128 BRGI, p.189 129 Aris, Bhutan, pp. 262-263.
Administrative organization
s the territorial possession of the state expanded, there was obviously need for administering them. Among others, one purpose of building dzongs immediately in the regions was to serve as administrative centres. Dzongs required a hierarchy of staff to perform various administrative jobs. Thus the territorial expansion had to be complemented by an expansion of bureaucratic apparatus. A growing sophistication of the bureaucracy was unavoidable to consolidate state control. At the regional level, penlops were appointed to govern regions under the three dzongs of Trongsa, Paro and Dagana. Penlops were powerful governors. They became members of the cabinet known later as Lhengye Tshok. Dzongpons or fort-governors were appointed for all other dzongs in the country. Unlike dzongpons of other districts, those of Thimphu, Punakha and Wangdue Phodrang also became members of the Lhengye Tshok. In every dzong, a host of other officials were appointed. They include a nyerchen, dronyer, zimpon, zimnang, drungyig, shanyer, gorapa, tapon, darpon, dungpas in different valleys, gups in gewogs and leytshen within villages. These officials constituted the states bureaucracy which would increase and diversify in later centuries. One of the early records of the extent of state bureaucracy appears in the biography of the
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Then there were attendants and servants of nyikems and chipzhons, who were classified by their entitlements to the quantity and quality of meals at state expenses. They were known as tshogthob kardrama and drogyar thobpa.130 Tozen chuma were villagers attached to a dzong to perform menial tasks as part of their labour obligations. They received no food from the dzong. Then there were the hereditary serfs called zapa attached to a dzong (and performed jobs like cleaning toilets, sweeping floors and courtyards, fetching water and fuelwood), land stewards called zhinyer and tax-paying households called zhung ponger who also fetched water and fuelwood and cleaned the dzong as part of fulfilling their tax obligation. While higher officials may have monastic or quasi monastic background, most of those inducted later including a few desis were from lay backgrounds albeit with monastic education. The internal administration of the country on a nation-wide basis was regularized during the reign of Minjur Tenpa as the third desi.
by Zhabdrung Rinpoche. But the fact that levying of taxes followed the consolidation of different regions under the states authority is undoubted. For example, it has been noted above that Lam Namse was back in Tashigang not longer after its integration into the state to issue instructions for mobilizing corve labour and collecting taxes. Although there are no known sources concerning the tabulation of population through a census and systematic mobilization of taxes during the time of Zhabdrung Rinpoche, records of the enthronement ceremony of his first mind reincarnation, Thugtrul Jigme Dragpa I is strongly suggestive of a system that must have evolved over time. The enthronement ceremony in 1747 took place nearly a century after Zhabdrung Rinpoche entered retreat. The existence of categories of taxes and tax-paying households then would not have occurred overnight but must have been established over time in the last one century. This suggests that certain taxation system and classification of population based on tax-paying obligations was introduced during Zhabdrung Rinpoches own life-time. The Kathrim (see next section) clearly indicates this. Taking cue from the enthronement records as possible suggestion of the states early efforts for achieving social control through surveillance, categorization and enumeration of Bhutanese society, it is necessary to discuss the kinds of taxes levied and households categorized. The tax-paying households called threlpas were organized under the dzong (constituting a district) that had jurisdiction over their villages. While a dzongpon headed the district, a dungpa headed a sub-district, a unit consisting of more than eighty tax-paying households. The records mention a total of 140 sub-districts. Besides the threlpa, there were other kinds of households called ponger, drapa, zurpa and zakhen. Pongers were families who were servants of high officials and lived near the dzong. Later, they came to serve the dzong rather than the officials in lieu of their tax obligations. They became hereditary sweepers, cleaners, and water and fuelwood collectors. Drapas were hereditary workers working the monastic lands belonging to a dzong or state monasteries. They did not own land, and had no rights over it. But they were entitled to a percentage of agricultural produces. Zakhen consisted of families who were potters and sculptors who fulfilled
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Enumeration of citizens
he creation of a states bureaucracy followed the construction of dzongs in different parts of the country. The dzongs were intended to serve as administrative centres and also spiritual headquarters. Since one of the primary purposes of establishing the state was to propagate the Drukpa teachings, the establishment of monastic communities in every dzong, a tradition extant to this day, served this purpose. For the new state, gaining control of different regions and establishing its authority was not enough. It had to mobilize resources to support the expanding bureaucracy as well as the monastic community. Therefore, a system of resource extraction through taxation had to be instituted. Both in-kind taxes and corve labour must have been mobilized even for the construction of dzongs. In order to do so, the state functionaries would require certain degree of knowledge about people under their administrative jurisdiction. As such, the need for a sort of census or population record would have been felt. It is not known if such a census or taxation system was introduced in a systematic manner
130 For a list of titles of these and the following attendants as well as a note on each of them, see Ardussi and Ura, Population and Governance in the mid-18th Century Bhutan,p. 43.
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their tax obligations by providing pottery services. There were also families in some part of Bhutan who provided iron ingots in lieu of other tax obligations. Zurpa meaning marginal households were those who separated from the principal or natal household when they got a portion of land. Because their landholding was meagre, they were not considered full-fledged tax-payers. A zurpa household was also called a yang threltheb. As we saw in Chapter 2, there were also households such as zhelngo and choeje. These households owned serfs, and did not necessarily pay taxes. Among the categories of households mentioned above, the threlpa households were principal tax-payers. A majority of threlpa paid in-kind taxes called lonthrel (wet-tax) consisting largely of agricultural produces and also raw and finished clothing, used as items for exchange or gifts. This tax was levied either as wangyon (literally fees for blessing) or thojo (percentage of produce from a given area of agricultural land). Wangyons were voluntary offerings made to Zhabdrung Rinpoche or the monastic community but later became institutionalized as tax. This was a fixed tax irrespective of the size of landholdings while thojo was proportional to landholdings. There were also households who paid taxes in terms of coinage known as betam and matam. Taxes paid in coinage were called kamthrel (dry tax). According to the enthronement records, 26% of households in western Bhutan paid kamthrel by 1747. Besides wangyon and thojo, the third type of tax obligation for a threlpa was the mathrel, which was a distinctive class of tax-obligation or land tenure. [A]ll of the tax-paying settlement blocks of eastern Bhutan reported up first through their district dzong and then through the dzong of Chos-khor-rab-brtan-rtse or Trongsa, whereas most of the dzongs of western Bhutan reported directly to the central authority. The same is true of Dagana in the southwest131 Ura and Ardussi (2002) estimate Bhutans tax-paying households in 1747 at 27,223 households and 217,784 people. The total population was estimated at 261,340.132
Kathrim - codification of Laws

he territorial expansion of the state as well as the bureaucracy required laws governing the conduct and obligations of both people and rulers. It does seem that laws were in place even before territorial and bureaucratic expansion took place under Chogyal Minjur Tenpa. In 1729, the Tenth Je Khenpo Tenzin Chogyal prepared the Kathrim (laws). The Tenth Druk Desi Mipham Wangpo commanded this je khenpo thus; You must at all costs prepare a record of the legal customs which were maintained intact by the Umdze and others [and which were based on] legal codes transmitted from the royal lineages and the Chogyals until Zhabdrung Rinpoche133 This definitely suggests that laws were instituted much earlier but needed to be recorded. In the introduction of Kathrim, Tenzin Chogyal mentions that he relied on draft laws of Songtsen Gampo, Thri Ralpachen, Zhabdrung Rinpoche and Umdze Tenzin Drugyal. In his view, the Kathrim was not a codification of laws but an explanation of the same decree of legal code.134 There is no doubt that this legal code was attributed to Zhabdrung Rinpoche.
Having introduced laws where there had been no southern law and fixed handles where there had been no handles on pots, he constrained by means of religious laws like a silken knot and pressed down with state laws as with the weight of a golden yoke.135
The question that this raises is, why was it felt important to have the laws recorded at that particular point of time? As will become evident in the next chapter, the locus of state authority was breaking down especially after the reigns of first four desis. This fragmentation followed questions over succession as the sovereign of Bhutan after the death of Zhabdrung Rinpoche was revealed nearly six decades later. In the political vacuum that emerged, the clash of contending candidates as successors to Zhabdrung Rinpoche seemed to sideline the initial purpose of establishing the diarchic state. In the Kathrim, a few reasons are clearly stated. First,
133 Aris, Sources of the History of Bhutan, p. 123. 134 Aris, Sources of the History of Bhutan, p.123. 135 Aris, Sources of the History of Bhutan, p.129.
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131 Ardussi and Ura, Population and Governance in the mid-18th Century Bhutan, p. 47. 132 Ardussi and Ura, Population and Governance in the mid-18th Century Bhutan,p. 54.
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Beginning [from the time of] the introduction of the great law of the dual system, the successive rulers also preserved intact the observance of state laws in accordance with religion and it is due to this that the possibility has arisen for all subjects of the Realm of Four Approaches to enjoy themselves in the glory of happiness and contentment. This being so, there is a need for maintaining unimpaired the practices of the early royal lineage.136
Second,
Now, the fact that the succession of ancestral Dharmarajas in previous times sustained the beings of the Cool Land by means of simultaneous discharge of religious and secular authority and the fact that Zhabs-drung Rin-po-che was able to tame this wild area of the South is due to the power [they obtained through] administering state laws in accordance with religion. In general, the reason for instituting state laws is for the sake of the happiness of the subjects in the various districts. In particular, it is for the purpose of upholding, guarding and diffusing the sangha which [abides to] the Vinaya rules of the Buddha and [forms] the basis of the doctrine. However, in the meantime it has declined in some of its aspects and monks have broken their vows, taken life, taken that which is not given, and so forth. 137
And third,
If there is no law, happiness will not come to beings. If beings do not have the happiness there is no point in the Hierarchs of the Brug-pa upholding the doctrine of the dual system Yet nowadays, due to sheer obstinate wickedness on the part of various persons (characterized by) bad, confused thoughts and lack of due measure, the bodeful laws have been repudiated The beneficial, enchanted lake of the state laws has been stirred into turbidity by many evil deeds not consonant with the doctrines138
Whether the writing of Kathrim served to reinstate the objective of the state will become clear as the course of the political history unfolded in the next two centuries. But the significance of the existence of law much before its formal
136 Aris, Sources of the History of Bhutan, p.129. 137 Aris, Sources of the History of Bhutan, p.139. 138 Aris, Sources of the History of Bhutan, p.131.
The laws of Zhabdrung Rinpoche inscribed on slates are displayed here in the dzongchung in front of Punakha Dzong
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recording in Kathrim by Tenzin Chogyal is testimony to the fact that state sovereignty founded by Zhabdrung Rinpoche was expressed through the laws he decreed. If it is true that the sovereignty of a leader or people express in their ability to frame, disseminate and enforce laws in a given territory, then it is true that the sovereignty of state embodied by Zhabdrung Rinpoche was realized through the laws he enacted. In order to understand the nature and categories of these laws, it is necessary to look at them as they are recorded in Kathrim. A recurrent theme in it concerns taxation. Except for the monastic community and their religious estates, other Bhutanese were liable for tax obligations. Taxes cannot be arbitrarily imposed. Government officials and community leaders must meet first and understand the specific tax liabilities that are recorded in a register. Those tax liabilities that are not recorded cannot be collected. Irrespective of who imposes or collects taxes, taxes cannot become instruments of coercion upon people and wealthaccumulation of the rich and powerful. If a person is liable for grass-tax (fodder for state-owned horses), and if that tax is burdensome, he must be allowed to take charge of the horses and supply fodder at rates of liability fixed according to the custom which prevailed in previous times.139
Since the victory or defeat of worldly welfare depends chiefly on judgements passed on litigation and on [matters concerning] taxation, corve and the [compulsory] transportation of [government] loads, strict measures should be taken continuously in order to enquire into and root out any prejudiced relations that have been formed with an eye to [the acquisition of] food and wealth, whoever it may be [who indulges in this], great or small.140
of taxes, inheritance of landed property as the basis of taxation was also defined.
Furthermore, if a patron has a son, that son shall inherit and if he has a daughter, that daughter shall inherit. They are not permitted to combine two tax estates. If there is a patron who has no daughters or servants of any kind, he should be made to supply dry tax to whatever extent possible for as long as he is living. On his decease the tax estate should be transferred to the kin most closely related to him by flesh or bone.141
It is important to note that people are still referred as patrons. The fact that they are referred thus even in Kathrim of 1729 is evidence of a distinct notion of citizenship or subject-hood. At least in its theoretical conceptualization, the idea of membership to society was different from European notions of citizenship based on rights and property ownership. A household was the unit of taxation. In order to avoid taxes, ordinary people would combine their houses, lands and material possession as belonging to one household. This reduced their tax liabilities. Kathrim advised against such combination of taxable resources. Taxes were fixed according to the size of fields owned. Paying taxes and contributing corve labour were two important aspects determining citizenship under the diarchic state. Kathrim had provisions governing the conduct of social life. For example, slave-trading was prohibited. State officials as well as community leaders were required to forcibly eliminate consumption of tobacco. Frontier officials were required to prohibit import of tobacco into Bhutan. Marriages cannot take place against the wishes of parents. If men and women living in monastic communities bear children, they would be forced to become tax-paying households in villages where earlier tax-payers had died. Fees for lamas and monks offering funeral services were also defined. To avoid killing animals, lamas were exhorted to accept vegetarian meals. Part of the fees was
141 Aris, Sources of the History of Bhutan, p. 157.
Taxes collected had to be accounted for. Rulers and governors of different dzongs were required to keep accounts of revenue and expenditure. Since taxes were mostly paid in kind, they were stored in granaries of dzongs. In order to avoid damage and wastage of grains, governors were required to make annual distributions of grains to people. For organizing and managing collection
139 Aris, Sources of the History of Bhutan, p. 139. 140 Aris, Sources of the History of Bhutan, p. 137.
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earmarked for government since it was the state which made lamas available for such services. In this case, the value of governments share of the fee was half a matam. Otherwise, only one animal can be killed, and the governments share would be the head and quarter of the animal. In summer, corpses were to be cremated before one day, and before two days in winter. There were no penalties for killing a thief who was caught in the act of stealing. This was meant as legal deterrent against thieves. On the other hand, a person who kills a robber or wild beasts causing injuries would be rewarded. However, drawing a knife irrespective of using it or not will be liable for a knife-penalty. Those involved in a fight would be liable for a fight penalty. A murderer would be bound up with his victim. Or else he would be executed and his family members banished for life from the country. Kathrim also defined the conduct and entitlements of rulers and governors. They must establish good relations with people. Upon appointment, dronyers, dzongpons and penlops had to first report on the merits and demerits of government under their jurisdiction. They also had to give a report on expenditure incurred for rituals and prayer ceremonies, as well as law-suits tried by them. The meritorious had to be rewarded by appointing to government positions but those who claim credit for doing good and blame others for doing evil would not be given government powers. Frontier officials are required to be ever vigilant to enhance preparedness and reduce risks of surprise attacks. Soldiers need to be armed fully. The qualities required of a soldier are humility, intelligence and alertness combined with qualities of resoluteness, courage and wisdom. While they can claim any booty they obtain, they would be rewarded with turquoises, houses and lands if they kill a hundred enemy soldiers. Even those who kill one or two enemy soldiers would be given hero sashes and mantles. Dzongpons and dronyers must eat meals together in the kitchen. All dzongpons and jadrungs are entitled to white
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rations or high grade rice. When they travel to try lawsuits, they cannot take more than three or four attendants. Second class government officials were entitled to two attendants and one groom while junior officers were entitled to one attendant and groom each. No official can accept more than a single jar of alcohol from each litigant. Penlops and dzongpons in different districts were responsible for administering law and justice. Whether these laws were uniformly or arbitrarily applied cannot be ascertained. Certainly there would have been variations or even violations. The laws codified by Zhabdrung Rinpoche were carved on slates and displayed for public viewing. Even today, these slates are housed in the dzongchung (small dzong first founded by Drubthob Nagki Rinchen, 1384-1468) in front of Punakha Dzong. From the discussions above, it is clear that the diarchic state was one with a high degree of social control through the laws it codified and administered, coercive and extractive powers exercised by its bureaucracy, and a systematized administration and surveillance ability with the enumeration and records of tax-paying households and population. The taxation system, bureaucracy, law and categorization of population into different-tax payers continued even after the establishment of monarchy. But major socio-economic reforms would gradually alter and abolish some of them altogether.
Challenges to states continuity

y 1651, Zhabdrung Rinpoche had decided to enter retreat. Guru Rinpoche revealed in a prophecy that this would help counter threats of future wars. Even Pal Yeshe Goenpo and other tutelary deities entreated him to do so. His plan was to be in strict retreat for twelve years. So he entered retreat at age 58 on the tenth day of the third month of Iron Hare Year corresponding to 1651 in Punakha. But he would never emerge from this retreat. Only in 1707 would his death, which was kept a secret for 56 years, be finally made public (see next chapter). Before he went into retreat, he entrusted all responsibilities of state to Desi Tenzin Drugyal. Drung Damchoe Gyaltshen was made responsible for monastic community and for
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attending to his personal needs during his retreat. Except for the two of them, no one was to be given any audience. No one was to know whatever should happen to him. This was his command to the two of them: Although I should speak to all the monastic officials, lam netens and umdzes of dratshangs, and the entire monastic community, I do not feel well to do so. So you, the umdze must convey all my commands.142 Then he gave detailed instructions concerning the conduct of affairs of the kingdom. As his verbal will, he also made prophecies concerning the future of the country. Three months after Zhabdrung Rinpoche entered retreat, Desi Tenzin Drugyal indeed convened a council to relay his command. Zhabdrung Rinpoche remained as the sovereign of the state. But the civil and monastic responsibilities were entrusted to the two of them. He had created the post of desi as early as 1616 at Chari. When the state was founded in 1626, Tenzin Drugyal was made responsible for temporal affairs. He was already appointed chhagzoed (treasurer) when the monastic community was first established at Chari in 1622. His position was reconfirmed after the monastic community moved to Punakha Dzong after its construction. It was then that Pekar Jungney, who was earlier appointed as kudrung became the first je khenpo. After the initial appointments of chhagzoed and kudrung, Zhabdrung Rinpoche entered a three-year retreat in 1623. It appears that this bifurcation of responsibilities was intended only to be an interim measure. He would assume all his responsibilities after the end of his retreat. The posts of desi as well as je khenpo were therefore, always below that of Zhabdrung Rinpoche. However, the bifurcation protracted and became separate institutions later on. Although monks and quasi-monastic officials served as civil rulers for the first few decades, lay officials increasingly seized power and some 57 of them ruled the country till 1906. The interim measure protracted because of Zhabdrung Rinpoches apparent death after he entered retreat. When exactly he passed away, we have no records. His death could not be revealed in the absence of an able successor. Although his son Jampel Dore was 20 years old, he suffered
142 ZNN, p. 377.
Pekar Jungney, the First Je Khenpo
from some chronic illness since his childhood. Therefore, he could not be entrusted with responsibilities of the state. Besides, he fathered only a daughter from his consort, the daughter of Ngor Zhabdrung Luding of Shakya lineage. From his second consort Wangdue Lhamo of Kabisa, a son and daughter were born but they died very young.143 Gyalse Jampel Dorje passed away in 1681 at the age of 51 years before the secrecy of Zhabdrung Rinpoches death was revealed. Even his death was maintained in secret by installing his physical remains (mar dung) in Punakha Dzong.
143 Ngawang Lhundrup, Biography of Tenzin Rabgye, pp.137, 163 and 230.
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The next Drukpa lineage-holder was Gyalse Tenzin Rabgye. But he was aged only 13 years old. For 16 years, the first and second desis, Tenzin Drugyal and Tenzin Drukdra respectively maintained the secret of Zhabdrung Rinpoches death. In 1667, Trongsa Penlop Minjur Tenpa became the third desi. He also enthroned Gyalse Tenzin Rabgye as Lam Thripa the Lama on the throne alongside his enthronement. This implicitly designated Gyalse Tenzin Rabgye as successor of Zhabdrung Rinpoche.144 Desi Minjur Tenpa doubted the authenticity of Zhabdrung Rinpoches written commands of his appointment as desi. Since he was the states sole authority then, he forced himself into Zhabdrung Rinpoches presence. Thus, he was the only person after Drung Damchoe Gyaltshen and Desi Tenzin Drugyal who came to know of Zhabdrung Rinpoches death for the first time.145 Drung Damchoe Gyaltshen had to retire from his post as an attendant to Zhabdrung Rinpoche. A separate zimpon was appointed. People still thought that Zhabdrung Rinpoche was in retreat; no one knew about his death. As the heir-designate, the title gyalse was accorded to Tenzin Rabgye. He was called gyaltshab or regent which meant that he represented Zhabdrung Rinpoche. Gyalse Tenzin Rabgye held both offices of desi and gyaltshab, and thus derived the legitimacy of his rule. Zhabdrung Rinpoche was above the desi. So his representative or his reincarnations was in principle, above the desi as well. Even in his youth Gyalse Tenzin Rabgye was referred to as gyaltshab, Thri Rinpoche or Lam Thripa implying very clearly that he would succeed to the throne. In view of Gyalse Jampel Dorjes illness and his inability to be the head of state, Gyalse Tenzin Rabgye was the only legitimate heir. He was the half-brother of Gyalse Jampel Dorje. After his birth, Zhabdrung Rinpoche gave his consort away in marriage to Gyalse Tenzin Rabgyes father, Choeje Tshewang Tenzin, who was the grandson of Drukpa Kunleg. As a direct Drukpa lineage-holder both by birth and reincarnation, the enthronement of Gyalse Tenzin Rabgye as the fourth desi in 1680 could have been seen as succession to Zhabdrung Rinpoche if the secret
144 Ngawang Lhundrup, Biography of Tenzin Rabgye, pp.148-149. 145 ZNN, pp. 342-344.
of his death were made known. But his death was still a secret. So there was no question of anyone succeeding him when the understanding was that he would take his power back anytime he chose to end his retreat. Hence Gyalse Tenzin Rabgye could only be a representative, not a successor. He took a consort but only a daughter, Lhacham Kuenley (1691-1732/3) was born. And since she took to religious life, there was no direct lineage-holder. This was a major political crisis. How did the state negotiate and overcome this crisis? Although Zhabdrung Rinpoche had declared long ago that he would be succeeded by his reincarnation rather than by his descendents, no reincarnation had appeared by 1694 when Gyalse Tenzin Rabgye left office. Even if a reincarnation did appear, maintenance of the secrecy of Zhabdrung Rinpoches death made it impractical to identify him. How could there be reincarnation of a person who was supposedly alive and still in meditation? It seems probable that the first initiative to find the reincarnation was taken by Mi-gyur brTanpa (Minjur Tenpa) sometime after he had come to the office of sde-srid in 1667 when he discovered that his letter of appointment had been faked by the chamberlain in the name of the dead Zhabs-drung.146 A reincarnation accepted by the Bhutanese government did appear in a village between Bhutan-Tibet border. But the difference between Gelug and Drukpa governments prevented him from being brought to Bhutan. After becoming the fourth desi, Gyalse Tenzin Rabgye seems to have made an attempt to bring him but did not succeed. The reincarnation went to China and died there. But his reincarnation would come to Bhutan (see next Chapter). Gyalse Tenzin Rabgye made this attempt because a year after his enthronement, Gyalse Jampel Dorje died. Therefore, the only legitimate successor could be Zhabdrung Rinpoches own reincarnation. Gyalse Tenzin Rabgye had confided later in life that the only reason for him to govern the country was to manage, administer and promote the teachings until a reincarnation of the Zhabdrung Rinpoche could be found.147 His first and only body reincarnation would be born as the Sikkimese prince. Owing to difficult political situation in the country,
146 Aris, Bhutan, p. 252. 147 Ngawang Lhundrup, Biography of Tenzin Rabgye, p. 412.
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he could not be received in Bhutan. His first mind reincarnation, Thugtrul Jigme Drakpa I would be born only in 1724 but the first speech reincarnation, Sungtrul Choglay Namgyal would be born in 1708. This means that Zhabdrung Rinpoches first reincarnation, who could succeed him, was born only fourteen years after Gyalse Tenzin Rabgye left office. Gyalse Tenzin Rabgyes daughter was only four years old. Therefore, the only alternative for a legitimate successor of Zhabdrung Rinpoche would be Ngawang Kunga Gyaltshen, the first reincarnation of Gyalse Jampel Dorje, who was born in 1689. But he was also only six years old when Gyalse Tenzin Rabgye retired in 1694. Therefore, he could not succeed Gyalse Tenzin Rabgye. Without a legitimate representative or successor of Zhabdrung Rinpoche, the only alternative was to continue the appointment of a desi until Ngawang Kunga Gyaltshen came of age or a reincarnation of Zhabdrung Rinpoche appeared. Desi Gedun Choephel, the person who succeeded Gyalse Tenzin Rabgye was the one who had forced Desi Minjur Tenpa out of office. Now he appointed himself desi in 1694. Although of lay origin, he was a person of unusual skill, shrewdness and courage. He did enthrone Tshokye Dorje, the fifteen-year old daughter of Gyalse Jampel Dorje as the sovereign in 1695 since he needed someone to confer legitimacy to his office as the fifth desi. But she retired to Chari soon after to avoid an epidemic that plagued the country, and died around 1698. Her death put an end to the lineage of Zhabdrung Rinpoche. The self-appointment of Gedun Choephel to the office of desi ushered in a different phase of Bhutanese history. Unlike Gyalse Tenzin Rabgye, who was a legitimate representative, he could not combine the diarchic authority of a secular and spiritual ruler. He was neither a descendent of Zhabdrung Rinpoche nor a Drukpa lineage-holder. For the first time, the office of desi separated from its spiritual-sovereign moorings. But Desi Gedun Chophel still needed someone to legitimize his rule. Since the blood-line of Zhabdrung Rinpoche had died out, the only option was to look for a reincarnation. That could not be a reincarnation of Zhabdrung Rinpoche since he was supposedly in retreat. Moreover his accepted reincarnation was still thought to be alive in Tibet.
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Therefore, the choice fell on Ngawang Kunga Gyaltshen, the reincarnation of Gyalse Jampel Dorje. So Desi Gedun Chophel expedited his official recognition in 1697 when he was only nine years old. But he could only serve as Zhabdrung Rinpoches representative and not an heir. However, he would reveal the secret of Zhabdrung Rinpoches death in 1707.
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Chapter 5:
Fragmentation of state power

Challenges to states stability
he primary reason for maintaining the secrecy of Zhabdrung Rinpoches death was to ensure that the state he founded did not disintegrate in the absence of any able and legitimate successor. The Tibetans who had attacked Bhutan five times earlier remained a potential threat. Besides, the eastern valley kingdoms, whose rulers were defeated by Penlop Minjur Tenpa could rise against them. The Tibetans did invade, and the eastern and central rulers did plan to rise against the state. But these were to happen decades later in an entirely different context. A year after the 56-year old state secret of Zhabdrung Rinpoches death was made public, his reincarnation was born. It would appear that the public revelation of his death followed immediately by the identification of his reincarnation would ensure the stability of the state. After all, was it not the concern for such a stability that the secret was maintained, reincarnations looked for and representatives appointed? The irony however, was that the identification and enthronement of his reincarnation unfortunately led to fragmentation of state power. This unstable political situation would drag on for nearly two centuries until Trongsa Penlop Jigme Namgyal appear on the political landscape and steer the country in an entirely new direction. Before rushing to that phase of the states history however, our narrative must concentrate on analyzing how the states stability was challenged and undermined. It would be challenged from three quarters. The first concerns the question of succession to the throne of Zhabdrung Rinpoche. Succession through patrilineal descent could not be established either by Zhabdrung Rinpoche, Gyalse Jampel Dorje or Gyalse Tenzin Rabgye. So successors had to be their reincarnations. But among the reincarnations of these three, who would command
Ngawang Kunga Gyaltshen, the first reincarnation 108 of Gyalse Jampel Dorje
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pre-eminence? There were cases (as discussed below) when two different reincarnations either shared power simultaneously or fell apart. The first forty years of the eighteenth century saw rival factions in western Bhutan supporting no less than five alternative representative of the founding Zhabdrung. Each faction sought hegemony over the theocracy by advancing the claims of his candidate as the true reincarnation of the founder.148 The second concerns the powerful dzongpons and penlops, who fought among themselves to occupy the office of desi. This will be discussed in greater detail in the next chapter. The third concerns the British who would ultimately engage the Bhutanese in armed confrontation. This was however, a consequence of a protracted conflict over the Duar regions, which constituted a major economic base of the state. The discussions in this chapter will focus on the first and third elements of challenges to state power. The next chapter will deal with the second factor.
The desis opportunity came a year later when the first speech reincarnation of Zhabdrung Rinpoche, Sungtrul Choglay Namgyal was born in Dagana.150 Druk Rabgye enthroned him in 1712 as the sovereign of state. We must note that Ngawang Kunga Gyaltshen was already serving as the successor of Zhabdrung Rinpoche. This meant that there were two heads of state. This also meant that the reincarnation of Zhabdrung Rinpoche was given preference over reincarnation of his son although the latter was older and already enthroned. For this or other reasons, Druk Rabgye poisoned Ngawang Kunga Gyaltshen to death in 1713.151 But his reincarnation Mipham Jigme Norbu was born in 1717 and identified later.152 He was the younger brother of Mipham Wangpo, who had been identified as the third reincarnation of Gyalse Tenzin Rabgye. In 1714, a Tibetan invasion was unsuccessfully launched.153 In 1720, Druk Rabgye was succeeded by his nephew Ngawang Gyatsho as the Ninth Desi.154 Owing to their differences, a long civil war ensued in western Bhutan. This was because the government headed by Desi Ngawang Gyatsho recognized and received Mipham Jigme Norbu in Punakha. He was the reincarnation of Ngawang Kunga Gyaltshen, whom the previous desi had poisoned to death. To make matters worse, Pholane, the Tibetan ruler launched a successful invasion of Bhutan in 1730.155 With the intervention of Twelfth Karmapa Jangchup Dorje and his son, the Fourth Zhamarpa Chokyi Dendup, a peace deal was negotiated by which the state relinquished temporary control over Paro. This was because Paro Penlop Druk Dendup was the ally of Druk Rabgye. It led to the creation of a quasi-government in Paro. It was agreed that the quasi-state of Paro would cease to exist after the penlops death and all his supporters would be accepted by the Tibetans. Certainly, the days of this two-state arrangement were numbered. But Sungtrul Choglay Namgyal could no longer remain on the throne in Punakha since his main patron Druk Rabgye, the eighth desi had rebelled against the state and had been killed.
150 BRDK, p.122. 151 BRDK, pp.130-131. 152 BRDK, pp. 130-131. 153 BRGI, p.299. 154 BRGI, p.305. 155 Aris, Bhutan, p. 259.
The question of succession
n 1701, as the eighteenth century dawned, Desi Gedun Chophel was assassinated. His assassination by his enemies was ominous in many ways. It cast a spell and set a course of history where survival of the state would be challenged by many powerful chiefs, who were vying for the office of desi and other posts engaged in one bloody killing after another. Desi Gedun Chophel was succeeded by the Sixth Desi Ngawang Tshering (1701-4) and then by Paljor, the Seventh Desi (1704-7). In 1707, Ngawang Kunga Gyaltshen, the reincarnation of Gyalse Jampel Dorji revealed the secret of Zhabdrung Rinpoches death. He then became the legitimate successor of Zhabdrung Rinpoche. Thus far, he had only been a representative since everyone thought that Zhabdrung Rinpoche was still alive. As the head of state, he embodied both secular and spiritual authority. But it seems that a desi had become a necessity by then since he installed Druk Rabgye as the eighth desi. Once in power, the desi antagonized Ngawang Kunga Gyaltshen. From 1708, he began to seek an alternative line of rebirths to rule the country, one more amenable to secular dominion.149
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148 Aris, The Raven Crown, p. 40. 149 Ardussi, The History of Bhutan before 1763, p. 428.
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The First Sungtrul Choglay Namgyal
representative and the latter as the Tenth Desi (against his will).157 Both the eighth and ninth desis were assassinated by the supporters of the other. Desi Mipham Wangpo, born in 1709, was 20 years old then. Towards the end of his rule, Mipham Wangpo was virtually under the control of state officials. In the year of the Fire Dragon, he would run away to Tibet. This was seen as a sign of formal abdication. His brother, Mipham Jigme Norbu had died the previous year at only 19 years of age. So Paljor, the uncle of the two brothers was enthroned as the new desi. But once again there was no sovereign. So Mipham Wangpo was installed as the gyaltshab after his return from Tibet. But he died soon after, in 1738, and Bhutan was once again without a head of state. Ngawang Kunga Gyaltshen was killed in 1713. Sungtrul Choglay Namgyal died in 1734, Mipham Jigme Norbu in 1735 and Mipham Wangpo in 1738. Without a head of state, the legitimacy of the government headed by the desi was in crisis. A year after Sungtrul Choglay Namgyals death (which was also kept a secret) his reincarnation, Sungtrul Shakya Tenzin was born as nephew of Penlop Druk Namgyal.158 However, the government did not recognize him. There are two possible reasons for not according him recognition. First, his previous reincarnation had defected to Paro. The quasi- government in Paro had come to exist in opposition to the state. Second, he was born as the nephew of Penlop Druk Namgyal, the head of that government. He also would not be enthroned in place of Sungtrul Choglay Namgyal at Paro because Penlop Druk Dendup died in the same year he was born. Since the quasi-government of Paro ceased to exist according to the agreement with the Tibetans, there was no way that Sungtrul Shakya Tenzin could be enthroned there. With his family, he escaped to Tibet but returned later to Dagana with the permission of the state, where he would be a prisoner. This was the irony of the moment. The state had no sovereign. The government would not recognize Sungtrul Shakya Tenzin although he was a legitimate reincarnation of Zhabdrung Rinpoche. The only option available was to enthrone a representative of Zhabdrung Rinpoche
157 Aris, Bhutan, p. 318. 158 BRDK, p. 123.
So he fled to Paro where he died in 1734. Penlop Druk Dendup died in 1736, and Paro reverted back under the authority of the state.156 The flight of Sungtrul Choglay Namgyal to Paro in 1729 meant that the state had no sovereign on the throne. He had been the first and only legitimate reincarnation of Zhabdrung Rinpoche. But he had left the throne. Ngawang Kunga Gyaltshen had been killed. So who should be enthroned as the sovereign that would continue to confer legitimacy to the state? State officials in Punakha held a joint enthronement ceremony for the two brothers, Mipham Jigme Norbu and Mipham Wangpo in 1729. The former would serve as gyaltshab or Zhabdrung Rinpoches
156 Aris, Bhutan, pp. 313-319.
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again rather than his reincarnation.159 So the government enthroned Mipham Drukdra Namgyal in 1740, who was the third reincarnation of Gyalse Jampel Dorje. But he was only 3 years old. This indicates how desperate the government was. Its legitimacy did not exist without a head of state. For almost four years, there had been no head of state. That head could not be any other than either of the reincarnations of Zhabdrung Rinpoche, Gyalse Jampel Dorje and Gyalse Tenzin Rabgye. It was however, really Zhabdrung Rinpoche in the end from whom legitimacy was drawn. This is because Gyalse Jampel Dorje and Gyalse Tenzin Rabgye or their reincarnations became sources of legitimacy for the state only in their relation to Zhabdrung Rinpoche, not in their independent capacities. This was however, compromised sometimes as we just saw how Mipham Drukdra Namgyal was preferred (for political reasons) to Sungtrul Shakya Tenzin. Mipham Drukdra Namgyal was born in 1737 in the family of Dungkar Choeje,160 from whose descendents Bhutans monarchy would arise. The situation became more complicated. In Dranang, Tibet, Desi Mipham Wangpo had met a boy who was the reincarnation of the other boy whom Gyalse Tenzin Rabgye had tried to bring to Bhutan way back during his reign since he was silently recognized as Zhabdrung Rinpoches first reincarnation. He had been born in 1725. Desi Mipham Wangpo had sent a few government officials to test the boy by taking along a few personal belongings of Zhabdrung Rinpoche. The boy passed the test and was recognized as a genuine reincarnation.161 On his return to Bhutan, Mipham dBangpo reported the matter to the Head Abbot Ngag-dbang Phrinlas (reign. 1730-38) and thereafter it seems to have become government policy to establish this child as the official Zhabs-drung.162 But the child had to wait for some time since there were many difficulties. It was Chogyal Sherub Wangchuk, the Thirteenth Desi and perhaps one of the most enlightened Bhutanese leaders who would resolve the difficulty. His reign from 1744-1763 is also the longest among desis. He brought this
159 Aris, Bhutan, p. 260. 160 BRDK, p. 131. 161 BRDK, p.125. 162 Aris, Bhutan, pp. 260-261.
reincarnation to Bhutan and enthroned him, Thugtrul Jigme Dragpa I (1724-61) as the sovereign of Bhutan in 1747 at age 22 alongside Mipham Drukdra Namgyal who was only 10 years old. This is another twist in Bhutans politics. Although there was already a sovereign in the person of Mipham Drukdra Namgyal, the government chose to enthrone a reincarnation of Zhabdrung Rinpoche and yet again gave him preference over the other two lines of reincarnations. Sungtrul Shakya Tenzin was also freed from imprisonment and accorded a respectable position.163 Thugtrul Jigme Dragpa I was the mind reincarnation and Sungtrul Shakya Tenzin, the speech reincarnation. But it was the successive mind reincarnations who would command loyalty and allegiance as a sovereign. The body reincarnation never established its line of descent. There were seven mind reincarnations and six speech reincarnations. Almost all of them had a short life. Only Sungtrul Choglay Yeshe Ngedup would live longer than Zhabdrung Rinpoche. Mind reincarnations or Thugtruls (MI) i. ii. iii. iv. v. vi. vii. i. ii. iii. iv. v. vi. Jigme Dragpa I Chokyi Gyaltshen Jigme Dragpa II Jigme Norbu Jigme Chogyal Jigme Dorje Jigme Tenzin Choglay Namgyal Shakya Tenzin Yeshe Gyaltshen Jigme Dorje Yeshe Ngedup Jigme Tenzin 1725-1761 (36 years) 1762-1788 (26 years) 1791-1830 (39 years) 1831-1861 (30 years) 1862-1904 (42 years) 1905-1931 (26 years) 1945(?)-1953 (8 years) 1708-1734 (26 years) 1735-1780 (45 years) 1781-1830 (49 years) 1831-1850 (19 years) 1851-1917 (66 years) 1919-1949 (30 years)
Speech reincarnations or Sungtruls (SI)
The first mind reincarnation was poisoned to death while the sixth was assassinated. The seventh mind reincarnation and the sixth speech reincarnation were not accorded state recognition (see chapter 8). The assassination of the very first mind reincarnation, who was the second legitimate successor to the throne after
163 Aris, Bhutan, p. 261.
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Zhabdrung Rinpoches death was made public, implied that for those vying for power, everyone in the way including these exalted reincarnations could be eliminated. None of the reincarnations ever attained the stature and commanded the authority that Zhabdrung Rinpoche did. In fact, they increasingly became pawns in the hands of power brokers. Sometimes they did combine both secular and spiritual powers but not on their own will. Thugtrul Jigme Dragpa II (Third MI) was forced to serve for one year as the Twenty Seventh Desi at age 15 just like the Twenty Sixth Desi Tshulthrim Dragpa, the fourth reincarnation of Gyalse Tenzin Rabgye. Jigme Senge, the third reincarnation of Gyalse Tenzin Rabgye served for twelve years as the Eighteenth Desi. Thugtrul Jigme Dragpa IIs office of desi was briefly shared by Desi Sangye Tenzin. Sungtrul Yeshe Gyaltshen (Third SI) served for four years as the Twenty Eighth Desi right after Thugtrul Jigme Dragpa II. Sungtrul Choglay Yeshe Ngedup (Fifth SI), the last and Fifty Sixth Desi served for three years. Thugtrul Jigme Norbu (Fourth MI) was forced to serve for a year as the Thirty Ninth Desi and shared this office with Chakpa Sangye. Sharing the office of desi by then was not uncommon. The first instance happened from 1792-99 between Sonam Gyaltshen and Umdze Chapchapa as Twentieth Desi. They were followed by Sonam Drugyal (Thirtieth Desi) and Shakya Yoezer (who continued to serve as Thirty First Desi), Dorje Norbu and Tashi Dorje (Thirty Seventh Desi), and Tshulthrim Yonten and Tshewang Sithub (Forty Sixth Desi). At one point, the office was shared among three incumbents namely Jamyang Tenzin, Damchoe Lhendup and Sherub Tharchin (Uma Dewa), who served simultaneously as Forty First desis. By now, it is possible to make a few important observations concerning the state. The public admission of the secrecy of Zhabdrung Rinpoches death was followed by the appearance of his first speech reincarnation, Sungtrul Choglay Namgyal in 1708. Although this temporarily addressed the question of succession to the throne and hence, the continuing presence of a sovereign, it was only after the enthronement of Thugtrul Jigme Dragpa I that the line of mind reincarnations kept appearing to sit on the throne and confer legitimacy to the state. However, state power had more or less passed down to desis, who
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often played these reincarnations against one another in their quest for power. Civilian authority was increasingly located in the desi. The drift toward greater autonomy of the civilian head had already begun by the time of Fifth Desi Gedun Chophel. On the other hand, the civilian head could not become the head of state. He was only the head of government. Although lay officials increasingly occupied the office of desi, it was not possible for them to integrate spiritual authority. The successive je khenpos provided spiritual leadership to the monastic community. Both of them derived their authorities from the sovereign. The sovereign, who endowed politico-moral authority of the state and its legitimacy, had to be embodied by reincarnations of Zhabdrung Rinpoche, Gyalse Jampel Dorje and Gyalse Tenzin Rabgye. This should not suggest that there existed a clear boundary between head of state and head of government. As indicated above, the head of states served sometimes as desi as well. Nevertheless, the head of state was often on the throne only to confer legitimacy. Whatever powers he enjoyed were at the pleasure of those who put him on the throne. Actual state power was exercised by desis and their clique of henchmen. For example, Tshulthrim Dragpa, the Twenty Sixth Desi prevailed upon Thugtrul Jigme Dragpa II (Third MI) to become the Twenty Seventh Desi, which he did unwillingly. He was based in Punakha. At this, followers of Sungtrul Yeshe Gyaltshen (Third SI) installed him as the desi in Thimphu. This meant that two reincarnations of Zhabdrung Rinpoche were desis at the same time installed by their respective supporters (See next chapter). Indeed this classic example shows how reincarnations of Zhabdrung Rinpoche became a mere figure head in the hands of powerful penlops and dzongpons. Yet the government could not do away with a head of state since it would then be illegitimate. So even if it were for mere symbolism, a head of state (who is one of these reincarnations) was necessary. Just like the head of state, even the office of desi subsequently became an expression of power of those behind it. So much so that it really did not seem to hold much appeal by the time Jigme Namgyal was politically active although he served as the Fifty First Desi for three years. It is these seats of power in Trongsa, Paro, Dagana, Thimphu, Punakha and Wangdue Phodrang
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(whose governors were all members of cabinet) that increasingly exercised autonomy and challenged the state. It was very likely that any member of the cabinet would be the next desi. Cabinet members were more or less attacking or rebelling against the desi most of the time. Even Jigme Namgyal would not be spared the attacks and rebellions. This is the irony of the states history. These seats of power were founded by Zhabdrung Rinpoche and Penlop Minjur Tenpa in order to expand the states authority and unify the country. Now these very seats become the bases of shrinking the state and dividing the country. Every time there was a conspiracy or civil war, one of these power centres would more or less be involved. The initial purpose of founding the state for promoting the teachings in order to benefit the people and sentient beings was increasingly narrowed down as responsibilities of the monastic community. This does not mean that the state did not patronize the teachings or the monastic community. We will discuss this in Chapter 7. Others seemed to engage in power play merely for powers sake. The 19-year long rule of Thirteenth Desi Sherub Wangchuck from 1744-1763 would stand out as an exception. Similarly, as Trongsa Penlop Ugyen Wangchuck established himself as the undisputed leader of the country towards the closing years of nineteenth century, the stability of the state he was creating becomes manifest in the 17-year reign of the second last desi, Sangye Dorji, which began in 1886. The year 1886 becomes significant symbolically because only the previous year had Penlop Ugyen Wangchuck won the battle at Chang Lingmithang, which sealed Bhutans political destiny in his favour for all times to come. Between the long reigns of these two desis, the State of Palden Drukpa became an instrument for advancing vested interests of power-hungry governors. It was also between their reigns that Bhutan would clash with the mightiest power on earth then, the British Empire. Soon after the death of Desi Sherub Wangchuck, the first Anglo-Bhutanese war of 1773-4 would be fought, and the Duar War of 1864-5 would once and for all settle the issues that the Bhutanese and British wanted to address. In order to analyze the evolving nature of the state then, the narrative must switch back to its first encounter with the British.
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First encounter with the British
he Sixteenth Desi Sonam Lhendup also known as Desi Zhidar was an orphan who is said to have spent long winter nights sleeping besides the warm bodies of bulls since he did not have enough clothing. He first became a servant to Tsirang Sasung (frontier guard at Tsirang in southern Bhutan). Later he rose to be Tsirang Sasung and then Trongsa Penlop. He became the desi in 1768.
In 1772, Tashichho Dzong was burnt down. But he had it rebuilt and renamed Sonam Phodrang after his first name. However, Tashichho Dzong became popular among the people. For failing to protect the dzong, he expelled Dued Dragpa, the local deity and installed Dorje Dragtsen of Puemola as the new deity in charge of it. Besides, he issued an edict to all gods, nagas and local deities (to protect the dzong). There were supposedly indications that his edict was being complied.164 In this act reminiscent of Zhabdrung Rinpoches own edict of proclaiming the founding of the state, Desi Zhidar also appears to be a person of high spiritual accomplishment. On the other hand, his political position also led him to commit acts that were contrary to the character of a religious leader. He had no devotion for Jigme Senge, the third reincarnation of Gyalse Tenzin Rabgye. Although Jigme Senge was the sovereign of the state (enthroned in 1763), he had little powers. Desi Zhidar combined his secular powers with the spiritual authority of Jigme Senge. Dorje Lopen, the second highest abbot of the state monastic community, suggested to him that the monastic community be allowed to conduct its affairs according to tradition. He was implying that Jigme Senge should continue to hold spiritual authority. For suggesting thus, he was demoted and made the abbot of Tashi Drugyal and Choechong Phodrang monasteries in Goen. Similarly, Desi Zhidar demoted the Drabi Lopen for no reason and appointed him abbot of Dongkarla monastery in Paro. On the other hand, he was a devout follower of Thugtrul Chokyi Gyaltshen (Second MI). He received him from Tibet and enthroned him as the states sovereign.165 Thus, there were blatant biases in his conduct of state and religious affairs.
164 BRGI, p. 372. 165 BRGI, p. 372.
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between Buxa and Gnyartshag. Bhutan also acquired areas in Duars in the early eighteenth century from Ahom rulers of Assam in return of an annual tribute consisting of a fixed number of yak-tails, ponies, and blankets, as well as a fixed quantity of musk and gold-dust.167 Besides, we saw in Chapter 3 that Gyalrig recorded Bhutans possession of Duars in Assam much earlier than the seventeenth century. The Mughals decline in early part of eighteenth century helped Bhutan strengthen its position in the affairs of Cooch Behar especially during the reign of Raja Rup Narayan (r. 1704-14).168 When the Mughals interfered in a feud within the royal family of Cooch Behar (1737-38), Raja Upendra Narayan (r.1714-63) sought Bhutanese help. As far as 1682, Gyalse Tenzin Rabgye had also provided military support to Cooch Behar against Mughals, and in 1683, against a collateral family line. His decision to provide support was in consideration of friendship between Zhabdrung Rinpoche and Cooch Behar ruler as well as Bhutans financial interest along the frontiers. This had further strengthened Bhutanese influence in Cooch Behar. By then, Bhutan had also appointed an agent known as Pensu Toma, Gya Chila, in the capital of Cooch Behar with a small deployment of Bhutanese soldiers, and circulated its own currency called Ngultrum Ghadikha. Every year, the dzongpon of Buxa Duar in Bhutan hills would go down as far as Chechakhata and meet the Raja of Cooch Behar, who would host an annual feast. They also exchanged presents. In 1770, Desi Zhidar invaded Sikkim and the principality of Vijaypur (Morang). Raja Raikat Ram Narayan, who joined the Bhutanese army in the invasion, was murdered in 1771 by Raja Dhairyendra Narayan and his courtiers, who were jealous of his growing power. Raja Dhairyendra Narayan usurped the throne and made his younger brother, Raikat Surendra Narayan, Prime Minister. Bhutan took the murder of Raja Raikat Ram Narayan as a direct challenge.
167 Rahul, Modern Bhutan, p.42. 168 He was forced to sign a treaty with the Mughals and became their vassal losing Western Kamrupa in 1711. He moved his capital from Atharokota to Guwahati.
One of the first appearances of Bhutan on the map of the sub-continent published in 1773
After the dzong renovation was complete, there were signs that predicted war, which was prompted by Bhutans role in a long and complicated struggle for the succession of Raja of Cooch Behar.166 Cooch Behar was a principality founded by the Narayan dynasty. Chandan Narayan, the first raja of Koch and Mech descents, established himself on Mount Chikna in 1510. The Narayan dynasty ruled Cooch Behar for nearly three centuries. Cooch Behar was a buffer state between Bhutan and Bengal, which was ruled by Mughals. Raja Nar Narayan was the second and most powerful ruler of Cooch Behar. After his death in 1587, Bhutan acquired large tracts of land in the Duar regions. Zhabdrung Rinpoche had received donatory estates from the kings of Cooch Behar. Later, Bhutan had been granted permission to receive annual taxes collected in Cooch Behar territory
166 Most of the texts of the next eight paragraphs are reproduced from Kinga, Gongsa Ugyen Wangchuck and the Younghusband Mission to Lhasa, pp.2-7.
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In retaliation, the Bhutanese arrested Raja Dhairyendra Narayan, his brother Raikat Surendra Narayan and all other persons connected with the murder during the annual Chechakhata feast that year. The dead Rajas brother, Rajendra Narayan was installed on the throne; however, he died in 1772. Nazir Khagendra Narayan, a supporter of Raja Dhairyendra Narayan had escaped arrest. Then, this rajas son Dharendra Narayan was installed on the throne. When the Bhutanese came down with a large force under the command of Desi Zhidars nephew, Nazir Khagendra Narayan ran away taking the young Raja Dharendra Narayan, his mother and other family members to a place called Balrampur. The Bhutanese force overran Cooch Behar and installed Bijendra Narayan, a son of the murdered raja on the throne. Nazir Khagendra Narayan immediately sought support of the British against the Bhutanese undertaking to pay Rs.50,000 as expenses for their troops, and surrender one half of the principalitys revenues to them every year. Thus, Cooch Behar entered into a feudatory relationship with British for the first time. Warren Hastings, who was the first governor of British India took advantage of the opportunity for political expansion. In 1773, he dispatched a small field force under the command of Captain John Jones. It was then that Desi Zhidar consulted Kunga Rinchen, Tshenyi Lopen of the state monastic community for his views concerning the deployment of Bhutanese reinforcement. Although Kunga Rinchen was on good terms with Desi Zhidar earlier, his recent demotions of two lopens had not gone well with him either. So he suggested that the desi should personally lead the reinforcement. The divination he conducted also indicated thus. Desi Zhidar left after temporarily entrusting the states responsibilities to Kunga Gyaltshen. In the battle, the Bhutanese forces were driven away. The British captured three border posts of Dalimkoth, Chichakoth (Chechakatha?) and Pasakha belonging to the Bhutanese. Captain Jones and many of his troops died of malaria during the war. In Desi Zhidars absence, Jigme Senge enthroned Kunga Gyaltshen as the Seventeenth Desi. Jigme Senge would succeed him later as the Eighteenth Desi. The government issued an order
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barring Desi Zhidar from returning home. If he tried to enter Bhutan, he was to be killed. He managed to slip to Paro. But he had to flee to Tibet. On his way, he stopped overnight at Sewala. There, the nomads killed him in his tent in 1773.169 Meanwhile the Bhutanese sought the intervention of Panchen Lama of Tibet, Lobzang Palden Yeshe. The Panchen Lama mediated with Warren Hastings on behalf of Bhutan. He first sent a letter through Purangir Gosain, an Indian devotee, to Warren Hastings. He wrote, Neither to molest, nor persecuteis my aimBut I now take upon me to be his mediatorI request you will cease from all hostilities against him; and in doing this, you will confer the greatest favour and friendship upon me. The war ended with the signing of Anglo-Bhutanese Treaty on 25 April 1774. Hastings responded positively by appointing George Bogle (1748-81) as plenipotentiary to Bhutan and Tibet. He gave to Bhutan all the lands captured during the war. The Raja of Cooch Behar was also released. For Hastings, the Panchen Lamas intercession provided a good opportunity to re-establish the transHimalayan trade which was disrupted by war with Nepal earlier. Bogle, accompanied by his surgeon Alexander Hamilton, Purangir Gosain and others reached Thimphu in 1774 from Cooch Behar and spent five months. He succeeded in securing an agreement for the passage of British merchandise in and through Bhutan by means of non-European agent. He then proceeded to Tashi Lhunpo. His request for the right of trade between India and Tibet was never answered because both Bogle and Panchen Lama died within a year of each other. However, the foundations of friendly intercourse had been laid. The significance of Bogles visit for the British was the understanding that Bhutan was a sovereign kingdom. Earlier, the name and idea of Bhutan (spelled Boutan and Bootan) was used as a synonym for Tibet. Ralph Fitch, the English merchant is considered the first European to know of Bhutan around 1585 and referred to it as Bottanter. Estevao Cacella and Joao Cabral, the two Portuguese Jesuits who were the first Europeans to
169 BRGI, p. 374.
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set foot in the country in 1627 recorded it with different names like Potente, Cambirasi and Mon. The two priests were in search of a lost Christian country called Cathai. It was George Bogle who discovered that between Bengal and Tibet proper laid a country which belonged to a wider Tibetan world but had a cultural and political identity of its own.170 In his final report to Warren Hastings in 1775, George Bogle distinguished Bhutan from Tibet. This countryhe writeswhich I shall distinguish by the name of Boutan.171 It was after Bogles report became available in Europe that James Rennell, a cartographer positions Bhutan as a separate country in its present territorial location on his map of Indoostan in 1782. However, a map of India, which is retained by the National Library of Bhutan shows Bhutan as a separate country. The label on the map dates it as 1773. Parts of the map are damaged. Hence vital information such as the publication date cannot be discerned. If 1773 can be accepted as the date of publication of this map, then the western knowledge of Bhutan as a separate country must definitely pre-date George Bogles visit. The Anglo-Bhutanese war of 1773-4 is significant for quite a few reasons particularly in relation to the discussion concerning the Bhutanese state. First, the encounter exposed Bhutan to the most powerful nation on earth then. Sharing borders with British India meant that Bhutan would continuously rub shoulders with her. This would have far reaching implications on Bhutans domestic politics. Second, it shows that by then, Bhutan had gained a position of influence in the royal court of Cooch Behar. Cooch Behar was one of those states which accorded recognition to Bhutanese state and Zhabdrung Rinpoche. But it had later come almost under siege of Bhutanese state with the stationing of a military garrison and circulating its own currency. Third, it also reveals that by then Bhutan had come to gain control and rely significantly for revenues from Duar regions in Assam and Bengal. Fourth, the conduct of foreign relation with the British by Bhutanese frontier officials later on would demonstrate the states weak control over its officials in
170 Gondolfo, Bhutan and Tibet in European Cartography (15971800), p. 117. 171 Quoted in Gondolfo, Bhutan and Tibet in European Cartography (1597-1800), p. 120.
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border areas. This was an indication of the weakening authority of the state. It is the third and fourth observations that will now be elaborated briefly. The position of desi gradually became conditional to his ability to resist aspirations of other power seekers. He neither had a standing army of his own nor possessed financial resources to support one. He was entirely dependent on dzongpons and penlops for his source of revenue. The revenue included customary tributes made by them, presents from officers when they were appointed anew or given promotions. He also levied fines from culprits involved in murders and homicide. The penlops and dzongpons, who were responsible for levying taxes, remitted only a small percentage of the revenue. The population of the country was also very small which ruled out any possibility of a large tax base. Also the diversity of taxes raised was less; people would not have been in a position to pay more. The ones they paid were in goods, not cash. Village chiefs who collected taxes forwarded them to penlops and dzongpons, who sent only a portion to the government in Punakha. Income from these sources was definitely meagre in comparison to expenses incurred. [T]he amount of revenue raised in the country is so utterly insignificant, as scarcely to do more than suffice to satisfy the most urgent demand for food and clothing. By far, the greater portion of expenditure entailed in conducting government is disbursed by contributions from the Duars, the total amount of which is estimated at about forty thousand rupees per annum. The total amount of revenue drawn from every source can hardly be estimated at two lakhs rupees per annum; and of this, a small portion can fairly be considered available for public exigency.172 Paro Penlop paid a nominal tax of Nu.3500 annually to the state, Trongsa Penlop Nu.4000, Wangdue Phodrang Dzongpon Nu.1000 and Daga Penlop Nu.3000. In principle, the revenue remitted was supposed to be a certain percentage of the total amassed in different regions. The absence of a structured system of remittance and auditing left the penlops and dzongpons at their will to remit as less as they wished. These revenues, which were meagre in all proportion had to be spent on subsidizing monastic
172 Deb, India and Bhutan, p. 105.
establishments and paying government employees. When the desi resigned, he took away all the wealth and left the state coffer virtually exhausted. The new ruler had to remain either satisfied with tributes paid in kind by governors and enlist the support of powerful noble or risk a civil war. Thus the penlops and dzongpons could always use the economic leverage to unseat the desi. On the other hand, the desis were bent upon extorting revenues due to them from the people.173 The failure to exercise effective control over the frontiers and officials stationed there was a strong indication of a fragmenting state centre. The weak centre at Punakha would ultimately lead Jigme Namgyal to create an alternative power centre at Trongsa, from which the monarchy would rise. By then, the state had already established a series of fortresses or dzongs along the southern frontier. Unlike dzongs in other parts of Bhutan built during Zhabdrung Rinpoches life-time, these were purely administrative and defence posts. They housed no monastic community. There were dzongpons or sasungpa appointed in these dzongs. Often the dzongpons were locals. Besides guarding the frontiers, they were also entrusted to collect taxes and revenues from the eighteen Duars that the Bhutanese administered. Seven Assam Duars and eleven Bengal Duars between Dhunseree river in the east and Teesta river in the west varying in breadth from 10 to 20 miles constituted a huge resource base. While Bengal Duars were directly administered and taxes collected, the Assam Duars had a different arrangement. The Bhutanese administered two of the seven Assam Duars from December to June and the Assamese from July to November. For holding five other Duars, the Bhutanese paid the Assamese an annual tribute. These Duars were won from the weakening Ahom kings of Assam who relinquished them to the Bhutanese in lieu of tributes such as yak tails, horses, musks, gold dusts and blankets etc. amounting to Nu.4078.25 since they could not maintain law and order. In an ironic twist of history, it is for almost the same reason that the Bhutanese would lose them to the British.174 The Ahom kings of Burmese origins surrendered Assam to the British after the Anglo-Burmese war of 1825
173 Deb, India and Bhutan, p. 105. 174 BRGI, p. 427.
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in which the Burmese were defeated. With the British taking over Assam after the Treaty of Yandaboo signed on 14 February 1826, the British Empire suddenly came to share border with Bhutan. In case of Bengal Duars, they did not share a border yet. The inheritance of joint-administration of two Assam Duars and tribute system of the five other Duars sowed seeds of conflicts. The British kept complaining that the value of tributes they received from Bhutan was less than the fixed value. The government explained that it was the frontier officials who substituted goods of inferior value. To make the situation worse, Bhutanese were blamed for number of raids into Duars for many years. A major one occurred in 1828, where the raja of Booree Gooma Duar abducted many Indian and one Bhutanese. David Scott, the British frontier agent demanded their release. Since there was no response, a small field force freed the prisoners, and the Duar was temporarily annexed by the British till 31 July 1834.175 For similar reasons, the Bijni Duar was taken over the following year followed by Banska Duar on 14 February 1836.176 As the Bhutanese states valuable base for revenues was thus taken over, a negotiation was convened at Guwahati on 10 May that led to the return of Duars. But the British would annex the two Duars of Booree Gooma and Kalling again in October 1838.177 The annexation was in response to capture of some British subjects and Bhutans failure to pay tributes at fixed value. Compensations for Duars were rejected by Bhutanese. This took place after the second mission to Bhutan headed by Captain Pemberton, who forced their way to Punakha despite the absence of any Bhutanese authorization. A draft treaty, which he brought along with certain demands were rejected by Bhutanese. A letter from Bhutan explained that civil wars in Bhutan made administration of Duars difficult then. This letter was ignored, and the rest of Assam Duars were annexed after receiving no response to a British warning to the desi that annexation would proceed if stability was not restored in Bhutan. The implicit message was that unless there is stability, the Bhutanese (as they have admitted) cannot administer Duars. This in turn would not curb raids and
175 BRGI, p. 429. 176 BRGI, p. 435. 177 Dorji, The Emergence of Modern Bhutan, Since this work is unpublished, it is not possible to give the page reference.
extortions that were conducted by Bhutanese across the frontiers. One-third of the revenues from Duars were to be paid to the Bhutanese which amounted to Rs.10,000.178 The Bhutanese made efforts to have the Duars returned by going for talks to Guwahati in 1855. Their demand to raise the compensation to Rs.12,000 was also rejected. It was alleged that the Bhutanese committed robberies in Banska Duar on their way back. The loss was estimated at Rs.2,868.179 The British wrote to desi, je khenpo and Trongsa Penlop demanding the surrender of culprits. This time, the state responded promptly. Dungsam Sasungpa (Dewangiri Raja) was removed from office and Trongsa Penlop was fined double the value of alleged damages. The penlop however, agreed to pay only half the fine since he had found out on enquiry that the returning Bhutanese party had indeed helped themselves to firewood, fruit and whatever else eatable they could find; but as regards their entering dwelling-houses and plundering money and valuable property, is false. The value was later deducted from the revenue share of Bhutanese. What is significant at this point is the fact that the Trongsa Penlop then was Jigme Namgyal and Dungsam Sasungpa was his cousin brother, Kitshelpa Dorje Namgyal. Kitshelpa Dorje Namgyals father Pala Gyaltshen was the younger brother of Jigme Namgyals father Pila Gyaltshen. Jigme Namgyal had become Trongsa Penlop in 1853 at just 29 years old. The following year, another incident aggravated the deteriorating Anglo-Bhutanese relationship. Arun Singh, a Bhutanese subject in Gooma Duar fled and sought British protection in April 1856 in order to avoid his financial debts to Bhutanese state. However, the Bhutanese managed to abduct him and was taken to Bhutan for interrogation. The British demanded his release and punishment of those who abducted him. The Bhutanese said that Arun Singh had instead beaten and robbed some Bhutanese merchants who stayed at his place. The threat to permanently annex Bengal Duars resulted in an apology for the incident sent by the desi, je khenpo and Trongsa Penlop. But the two Duars of Jalpesh and Ambari Falakata were permanently
178 Dorji, The Emergence of Modern Bhutan. 179 Dorji, The Emergence of Modern Bhutan.
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annexed in 1857 when the release of Arun Singh was not agreed upon.180 For the next two years, the British were engrossed in the Indian Mutiny of 1857. Similarly, Jigme Namgyal was engaging Tsondrue Gyaltshen at Bumthang over the issue of relinquishing his position as Trongsa Penlop to the latter according to an earlier agreement. He had refused to honour that agreement. But the Duars issues were back on the table in 1859 when the British submitted a list of aggressions that the Bhutanese had committed since 1857. The Bhutanese state either ignored the complaint or did not receive them since the frontier officials, who could have been guilty of the allegations, intercepted the British letters and did not forward them. Such interceptions and withholding of correspondences seemed to have occurred earlier as well.181 What happened next is a story well-narrated elsewhere.182 The British decided to send a mission to Bhutan with the approval of their government. Ashley Eden was to lead the mission. Even before the approval, Mokundo Das, a messenger was sent on 26 March to inform the Bhutanese about the British intent of sending a mission and to ask for a route that it would take. He would not return for a long time. The Bhutanese must have intended a delayed response to let the British abandon the mission. But soon, another messenger was on his way to inform the Bhutanese about the envoy and the route his team would take. When Mokundo Das returned in November 1863, it conveyed the Bhutanese states unwillingness to admit the mission but its willingness to talk about Duars, which was earlier ignored. But Eden would force his way to Bhutan despite all persuasion against such a move. There, he would be subjected to humiliation. That would eventually result in Duar War. Bhutan was not in a position to receive any mission then as a major civil war was raging. As we shall see in the next chapter, the state was under siege from powerful governors. The centre of state power was collapsing. Rather than the desi, there were other people who controlled state power.
180 Dorji, The Emergence of Modern Bhutan. 181 Dorji, The Emergence of Modern Bhutan. 182 See, Rennie, Bhootan and the Story of Duar War.
Had the Bhutanese been able to engage the British positively concerning the administration of frontiers, many of the problems could have been averted. Above all, the fertile Duar regions would not have been lost if frontier officials conducted their business according to the states directive. The need to do so had been clearly stated in the Kathrim.
In this regard, as to the officials on the frontiers of the four borders, just as the happiness of the centre depends on the outer limits, if the terms of a treaty should be violated, ones own laws being treated laxly and acts as brigandage by ones own people occurring on the other side, not only will we meet the reprisals for these things but also it will turn into a serious transgression against the doctrine and beings in general. Lest this should happen, orders are to be issued repeatedly concerning the need for peaceful conduct.183
But the state was in no position to enforce compliance. The centre was increasingly being weakened due to numerous factional fighting, political strife, intrigues and conspiracies. There was no united centre that could engage the British positively.
183 Aris, Sources of the History of Bhutan, p.137.
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Chapter 6:
Rise of alternative power centre

he inability of the state to effectively control its frontier officials resulted from its weakness, which was a consequence of unending conspiracies, factionalism and civil wars among its leaders. Of the fifty-four Dev Rajas who sat on the golden throne between 1651 and 1907, only fifteen maintained their position for less than a year or for a maximum period of one year, and twenty-four of them, for a period of two to four years. Again, twentytwo Dev Rajas were assassinated, dismissed or made to resign. Only fifteen in the long list of Dev-Rajas escaped the assassins dagger and enjoyed comparatively a longer period of reign.184 A sweeping narrative of these battles and political strife reveals some important factors that contribute to the rise of Trongsa Penlop as an alternative state power. It is to identify these factors that the narrative would be sketched here. The narrative however, must not imply that the conflicts prevalent then were involving the whole Bhutanese society. Conflicts and combats involved the dzongpons, penlops and desis along with their militia. In a way then, the conflicts were confined to officials and institutions of the state. Indeed it cannot be said that the society remained totally aloof and unaffected by a state-in-conflict. Dissent of ordinary people did not result in peasants uprising or rebellion. But people migrated within and outside the country to avoid excesses of the state or to avoid being caught in unceasing conflicts.185 For example, one of the initiatives of King Ugyen Wangchuck was to issue an edict to Bhutanese living in India and Tibet to return to Bhutan.186
184 Majumdar, Britain and the Himalayan Kingdom of Bhutan, pp. 10-11. The total number of desis is 57 and not 54. 185 See for example, Tshering Gyeltshens Post-Zhabdrung Era Migration of Kurmedkha Speaking People in Eastern Bhutan, in Journal of Bhutan Studies, Vol.15, Winter 2006. 186 LGGP, pp.132-133.
The encounter between Jigme Namgyal (wearing the raven crown) and
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Pic. Courtesy : www.heritage-history.com
Ashley Eden in 1864 caricatured by A. D. McCormick
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On the other hand, it could also be true that the absence of technologies of penetrating society like modern transport and communications, and mass media allowed disparate communities to enjoy a certain degree of autonomy in terms of their occupation and social and cultural life. The society was not paralysed. This however, is not the concern of this book. Therefore, what will be discussed is the nature and extent of conflicts within the state. This will reveal some important factors that contribute to the rise of Trongsa as an alternative centre of state power. Ultimately, it is these factors that enabled Jigme Namgyal to consolidate power and form an alternative political base. The first among these factors is a geographical one. Trongsa is located far away from other centres of power and the state capital at Punakha. On the other hand, all other centres such as Wangdue Phodrang, Punakha, Paro and Thimphu are located in western Bhutan. They are so close to each other that dzongpons and penlops there frequently rubbed shoulders. Second, not only were these power centres close to each other, they were also very close to Punakha, where the desi was located. Both the attraction of that office and the opportunity for challenging the incumbent desi were reinforced by the geographic proximity. Third, in the process of rubbing shoulders among dzongpons and penlops that resulted in fights and battles, they almost always looked eastward to Trongsa for support. In the narrative below, it will be seen how almost all the penlops of Trongsa constantly supported one faction against the other, and yet remained unaffected by the outcome. The only outcome was that its role as a powerbroker became even more reinforced. Fourth, none of these power centres in western Bhutan had a resource base that was comparatively better-off than that of Trongsa. None of the dzong in the region including Dagana had other dzongs under their jurisdiction. On the contrary, Trongsa Penlop had under its jurisdiction dzongs like Zhemgang, Jakar, Zhongar, Lhuntse, Tashi Yangtse, Tashigang and Dewangiri. This huge administrative base also accounted for a comparatively higher material and human resources necessary both during times of peace and war. Fifth, unlike the dzongpons and penlops of western Bhutan, the dzongpons under Trongsa never fought against each other. The civil wars and political strife described below hardly occur in eastern and central Bhutan. This enabled the penlops of Trongsa to concentrate on civil wars in western Bhutan.
State-in-conflict
igmi Senge, the third reincarnation of Gyalse Tenzin Rabgye enthroned Tshenyi Lopen Kunga Rinchen as the Seventeenth Desi. The former desis (Desi Zhidar) supporters launched an unsuccessful revolt. However, Desi Kunga Rinchen died after serving for only two years. So Jigmi Senge succeeded him only to face troubles created again by Desi Zhidars supporters. He had served as the head of state for thirteen years. He served as the Eighteenth Desi for another twelve years. He resigned in 1788 and died a year later. He was then succeeded by Nineteenth Desi Druk Tenzin also known as Sangye Tenzin. He was a very able ruler. In fact, it was thought that his reign would have paralleled that of Desi Sherub Wangchuck if he did not pass away in 1792 after serving for five years.187 The Twentieth Desi Sonam Gyaltshen (alias Tashi Namgyal) had to share office as co-desi with one Umdze Chapchapa, who died earlier. Desi Sonam Gyaltshen was forced to resign in 1796 due to an uprising. But he would create serious problems for his chamberlain (gongzim) and successor, the Twenty First Druk Namgyal in 1802. Following this desis death, he again became the Twenty Second Desi. In vengeance, Druk Namgyals supporters set Punakha Dzong on fire. He rebuilt it in a year, and died in 1805.188 But before that, he actually stepped aside in 1805 and offered the office of desi to Thugtrul Jigme Dragpa II (Third MI), who was only 15 years old then. But Thugtrul Jigme Dragpa II was disinterested in this office and resigned shortly. Following the death of Desi Sonam Gyaltshen, his nephew Sangye Tenzin, the Thimphu Dzongpon became the Twenty Third Desi. But he was forced to resign by Trongsa Penlop Tshaphukpa Dorje, who led a troop to Thimphu. This was the beginning of his conspiracy to win for himself the office of desi.189 The monastic community and state officials then installed Umdze Paro as the Twenty Fourth Desi. But Penlop Tshaphukpa Dorje was dissatisfied with this appointment, and launched yet another attack on the state capital.
187 BRGI, p.385. 188 BRGI, PP. 390-391. 189 BRGI, PP.392-394
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Lam Pema Choedra and Je Ngawang Chogyal mediated for peace. In the process, Lam Pema Choedra became a codesi. The peace was short-lived. The differences between the two desis erupted in Punakha on the fifteenth day of the first month of 1807, and Umdze Parop was forced to retire. But Lam Pema Choedra did not last long either. A certain Tsamangpa Norbu Rinchen worked against him. He even condemned the conducts of Thugtrul Jigme Dragpa II and declared him misfit for the office of desi. In 1808, he installed Tshulthrim Dragpa, the fourth reincarnation of Gyalse Tenzin Rabgye as the Twenty Sixth Desi. He became zhung dronyer. But Tshulthrim Dragpa soon asked Thugtrul Jigme Dragpa II to become desi since he intended to resign. Thugtrul Jigme Dragpa II, who already served briefly as desi earlier refused this offer. But he was forced into acceptance (as the Twenty Seventh Desi) by another faction, who created trouble in Punakha.190 Penlop Tshaphukpa Dorje launched his third attack by mobilizing militia from eastern Bhutan. Sungtrul Yeshe Gyaltshen (Third SI) was then installed as the Twenty Eighth Desi in 1809. Thugtrul Jigme Dragpa II retired to Semtokha Dzong. At one point, the two of them could not agree upon revenue collection. Followers of Sungtrul Yeshe Gyaltshen thought that he was entitled to the revenues for being the de facto ruler. On the other hand, followers of Thugtrul Jigme Dragpa II thought that he was also entitled to revenue for being the mind reincarnation of Zhabdrung Rinpoche. Followers of Sungtrul Yeshe Gyaltshen however, refused to part with any share of revenue. The right to revenue was a matter of official status, and main source of income. It was then that followers of Thugtrul Jigme Dragpa II seized loads of grains intended for delivery to Sungtrul Yeshe Gyaltshen at Tashichho Dzong. The leader of those men taking the grains was stabbed to death.191 Thugtrul Jigme Dragpa II and his followers left for Wangdue Phodrang first, and then for Punakha. Soon the militia from Thimphu and Wangdue Phodrang, who supported Sungtrul Yeshe Gyaltshen staged a siege of Punakha Dzong where Thugtrul Jigme Dragpa II had located himself. Jamgoen Jampel Yeshe,
190 Aris, The Raven Crown, pp.44-45 and LGGP, pp.21-22. 191 LGGP, pp.29-30.
former Je Khenpo Ngawang Chogyal and incumbent Je Khenpo Jampel Dragpa mediated for peace at the request of community leaders of Punakha, Thimphu and Paro. Supporting Sungtrul Yeshe Gyaltshen were penlops of Paro, Trongsa and Dagana, and Thimphu Dzongpon. Thugtrul Jigme Dragpa II was supported by dzongpons of Punakha and Wangdue Phodrang. Here was a situation where two reincarnations of Zhabdrung Rinpoche were supported by different dzongpons and penlops, who were members of the cabinet.192 Once again, the incumbent and former je khenpos mediated for peace. Thugtrul Jigme Dragpa II and Sungtrul Yeshe Gyaltshen, the mind and speech reincarnations of Zhabdrung Rinpoche became co-desis in 1809 but the former soon gave up office. Palbar Kota, the Punakha Dzongpon was a strong supporter of Thugtrul Jigme Dragpa II. He killed Darshang, the chamberlain of Sungtrul Yeshe Gyaltshen. In retaliation, supporters of Sungtrul Yeshe Gyaltshen hunted down Palbar Kota and burnt him to death along with his family. Peace was mediated but Sungtrul Yeshe Gyaltshen left office. It was then that Penlop Tshaphukpa Dorje became the desi in 1811 but he too would be killed (hardly after a month in office) and replaced by Thimphu Dzongpon Sonam Drugye,193 the Thirtieth Desi, who would again share office with Shakya Yoezer. Supporters of the murdered desi rebelled but were suppressed. Inflicted by an illness, Desi Sonam Drugyal stepped aside in 1817. It was during his reign that the British sent its first real mission to Bhutan in 1815 led by Kishant Kant Bose. His objectives were to settle boundary issues and report about the government and people of Bhutan. His suggestion of stationing a British resident in Bhutan to manage British interest in Duars was however, rejected.194 Desi Sonam Drugyal was succeeded by Gongzim Tenzin Drugdra as the Thirty First Desi. He took Thugtrul Jigme Dragpa II as his root guru and looked favourably upon all his supporters. Then, Trongsa Penlop Trelchung attacked Punakha against the advice of Thugtrul Jigme
192 BRGI, pp. 417-419 193 BRGI, p.421 194 Dorji, The Emergence of Modern Bhutan.
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Dragpa II. But he died in the process. The desi retired after five years.195 During the reign of the Thirty Second Desi Phugyel alias Chokyi Gyaltshen, the British took over the Assam Duars. When the Duar issue was being discussed, Trongsa Penlop Dorje Namgyal attacked Punakha in 1830. He wanted to be desi. But his attack was repelled. So he sought the support of Manchu Amban in Lhasa. With an external military support, he forced Desi Chokyi Gyaltshen to resign in 1831, and became the Thirty Third Desi. Chokyi Gyaltshen took refuge with his long-term ally Paro Penlop Tshulthrim Namgyal. A huge militia of Desi Dorje Namgyal moved to Paro. The other two also mobilized a huge militia and a battle was fought at Chebikha. However, peace was established later with the mediation by former Desi Tenzin Drukdra, former Je Khenpo Shakya Gyaltshen and incumbent Je Khenpo Sherub Gyaltshen. In 1833, Desi Dorje Namgyal died after being wounded by a sword in a strife that ensued soon after. Following a short one-year reign of the Thirty Fourth Desi Thinley during which the Bhutanese state regained Booree Gooma Duar, Chokyi Gyaltshen was reinstated as the Thirty Fifth Desi. It was during his tenure that another British mission headed by Captain Pemberton forced its way to Bhutan in 1836 bringing along a draft treaty. The treaty was acceptable to the Bhutanese but Trongsa Penlop Ugyen Phuntsho rejected it.196 In 1838, Zhongar Dzongpon Chakpa Sangye led an attack against the state and besieged Punakha Dzong at midnight. Desi Chokyi Gyaltshen was once again forced to resign. Chakpa Sangye appointed his elder brother Dorje Norbu as the Thirty Sixth Desi in 1838 but the opposing faction, who supported Chokyi Gyaltshen also installed Thimphu Dzongpon Tashi Dorje as desi. With one desi in Thimphu and another in Punakha, the people were at a loss. This situation lasted for 10 years. Trongsa Penlop Tenzin Chogyal, the father of Thugtrul Jigme Norbu (Fourth MI) came to mediate between them. However, he was coaxed to support Tashi Dorje but was killed in the process. Peace was mediated by monastic community
195 BRGI, pp. 422-424 196 BRGI, p. 436.
and former Desi Tenzin Drukdra. The two desis also met to reconcile their differences. But before their reconciliation, Dzongpon Durga of Bikantpur Duar and Hargovind Katma started a feud. The former was supported by Wangdue Phodrang Dzongpon, and the latter by Thimphu Dzongpon. Hargovind Katma sought the support of British who said that a tribute of Rs.50,000 must be paid to meet the expenses. But Governor Lord Auckland refused to extend support to any group. Rather, he instructed his frontier officials to take over Duars. As compensation, Bhutan would be paid Rs.10,000.197 The year was 1841. Desi Dorje Norbu died in 1848 followed by Desi Tashi Dorje in 1850. The Thirty Eighth Desi Wangchuk Gyalpo was assassinated after six months in office by Thimphu Dzongpon Tshaphukpa Tshewang and Lamai Zimpon Sonam Dendup. Another civil war ensued. Japon Sherub Tharchin, an official of the assassinated desi seized Semtokha Dzong with his supporters. Chakpa Sangye, who had made himself Wangdue Phodrang Dzongpon as well as gongzim joined forces with Japon Sherub Tharchin. Together they fought against Thimphu Dzongpon Tshaphukpa Tshewang and killed him. In 1850, the monastic community enthroned Thugtrul Jigme Norbu as the Thirty Ninth Desi at age 20 in Thimphu, while state officials installed Chakpa Sangye in Punakha. Agay Haap, a former Paro Penlop turned to Trongsa Penlop Tshokye Dorje for support against Chakpa Sangye. Jigme Namgyal, the then Trongsa Dronyer, his brother Dungkar Gyaltshen and his cousin Kitshelpa Dorje Namgyal moved to Punakha with a huge force. This was Jigme Namgyals third visit to western Bhutan. In order to discuss the first two visits, the narrative must break here for a while to focus briefly on the life and career of Jigme Namgyal because the events that punctuate the narrative hereafter have him involved one way or the other. In a way, he is part of the narrative. It is only apt that his life is looked at first more closely albeit briefly because it is described elsewhere in greater detail.198
197 BRGI, p.436. 198 Dorji, The Emergence of Modern Bhutan.
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Dungkar village, the birth place of Desi Jigme Namgyal
Lama Jangchub Tsondrue, the root guru of Desi Jigme Namgyal. He designed the Raven Crown.
Jigme Namgyals consolidation of state power

igme Namgyal was born in 1825 in the family of Dungkar Choeje. He was unusually gifted and skilled. His political journey began with a dream he had one night. In it, a man told him thus, Son, you must go toward Bumthang and Mangde regions. The lady destined to be your life-long companion lives in lower Bumthang. Besides, the lord with whom you have karmic connection presently resides in Trongsa Dzong.199 He followed his dream at age 18 to go to Trongsa but stopped at Bumthang in the home of Naru Gup of Tang and remained there for a few months looking after the gups sheep and cattle. He finally reached Trongsa around 1846. Trongsa Penlop Ugyen Phuntsho employed him as a retainer (garto).200 In the meantime, Wangchen Dorji from Ugyen Chholing in Bumthang, a descendant of Terton Dorji Lingpa, who also started his career as a retainer in Trongsa Dzong became Trongsa Penlop after Ugyen Phuntsho retired. He took a new name, Tshokye Dorje. He would request Lama Jangchub Tsondrue to predict the future of Bhutan particularly the power that Trongsa would have. The lama declared, After the political power of the one who rules Trongsa [Tshokye Dorje] is exhausted, a short man with a black mole on the face [Jigme Namgyal] will take over power. There are signs of conflicts concerning
199 BRDK, p. 172. 200 See BRDK for details of the meeting between Jigme Namgyal and Penlop Ugyen Phuntsho, p. 173.
Trongsa; in order to prevent them, the Kanjur must be read thirty times.201 Tshokye Dorje performs the ritual. Jigme Namgyals service under him was flawless. Soon he was appointed zimnang as well as darpon, the leader of all zimgarps or retainers. From then on, his meteoric rise to positions of power appears almost unbelievable. He proved himself efficient in coordinating various rituals, prayer ceremonies and tshechu celebrations at Kurje, Jakar Dzong and Langmalung. Shortly, he was appointed tshongpon or master-trader at Tshampa in Bumthang. This appointment required him to conduct trade between Trongsa, Bumthang and Tibet. It was during one such trip that he first met his future wife Pema Chokyi, the daughter of his former master Penlop Ugyen Phuntsho at Lhalung. She was with her brother Sungtrul Kunzang Tenpai Nyima. In 1848, he was appointed as Trongsa Zimpon at age 24.202
201 Pommaret, The Fascinating Life of Lama Jangchub Tsongru, p.82. 202 BMRM, vol.2, p.59.
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Jigme Namgyals first visit to western Bhutan took place in this new position. It was time then for Trongsa and the region under its jurisdiction to supply timber for renovation and restoration works of dzongs in western Bhutan. Timber shortage in the west required the east to provide them but the officials there extracted more timber than the quantity needed. Jigme Namgyals supervision ensured that time, labour and timber were saved. Of course, this did not go well with the officials there. Six years after leaving home, he went back to Dungkar. On the way, he met Lam Jangchub Tsondrue, his spiritual guru at Lami Gonpa in Bumthang. At Lhuntse he defeated the dzongpon who was reported to be oppressing the people. He took over Lhuntse Dzong, appointed Tangpa Rabgye as dzongtshab, his representative and returned to Trongsa. On his return, he again received blessings from Lam Jangchub Tsondrue who was at Kurje. He requested the lama to predict the future of Trongsa and Bhutan and the cautions that had to be taken to pre-empt misfortunes. The lama commanded him to conduct the recitation of the mantra of the deity Dechog ten million times, and build a west-facing image of this deity in Trongsa Dzong. This, the lama said, would help him and his descendents become the supreme jewels rulers of Bhutan. In 1849, Jigme Namgyal visited western Bhutan for the second time. He led a group of labourers recruited from Bumthang and Mangde to work on the reconstruction of Punakha Dzong destroyed by fire during the tenure of Desi Tashi Dorji (1838-1849). All officials from the east and west were gathered there. Besides the renovation works, they organized competitions of lifting rocks, playing shortputs, cutting wood and jumping to test their physical strength. Jigme Namgyal was unmatched.203 In Punakha, officials proposed that the dzong be roofed with nine layers of shingles as opposed to the customary seven so that they do not have to recruit labour often for renovation works later on. Jigme Namgyal opposed it arguing that this would be harassment for labourers from the east. Since this would become institutionalized taxation, the people of eastern Bhutan would suffer more
203 BMRM, vol.2, p.62.
while the people of the west would not suffer as much owing to their proximity to the dzong. With his staff, Jigme Namgyal removed extra layers of shingles where they have already been laid. This leads to a confrontation with Punakha Zimpon, but Jigme Namgyal prevails.204 Sensing a conspiracy among state officials to assassinate his master, Jigme Namgyal never left Penlop Tshokye Dorje alone. A conspiracy to eliminate him during an archery match did not succeed. Hidden behind a curtain in a chamber in the dzong once, he saw the penlop trembling amidst other officials who were all bent upon doing away with him. Jigme Namgyal walked in holding the hilt of his sword with one hand and dragging his master to safety with the other. Grateful for saving his life, the penlop promised his office to Jigme Namgyal for three years after his retirement although his son Tsondrue Gyaltshen was to succeed him. The son was to succeed Jigme Namgyal.205 In 1850, dzongpons of Jakar, Lhuntse and Zhemgang were mobilizing forces in Mongar to rebel against Trongsa Penlop. Till that time, Trongsa Penlops administrative jurisdiction was confined to regions under these three dzongs. They were also supported by governors of Tashi Yangtse, Tashigang, Zhongar and Dungsam. Penlop Tshokye Dorje promoted Jigme Namgyal as Trongsa Dronyer and commanded him to deal with the dzongpons. To be appointed to this high office just four years after enlisting as a retainer was an unprecedented accomplishment. In the footsteps of the First Trongsa Penlop Minjur Tenpa, Jigme Namgyal defeated the dzongpons and brought them before Penlop Tshokye Dorje. After this, the whole of eastern Bhutan came under Trongsa Penlops administrative jurisdiction. It was after this event that Penlop Tshokye Dorje sent Jigme Namgyal, his brother and cousin brother leading a huge force to assist Agay Haap against Chakpa Sangye. Nothing is known about the force they led but they ambushed Chakpa Sangyes strongman Mikthoem. Mikthoem was belived to be the son of a local deity called Dragpa Gyaltshen. His mother was sheepherding when
204 BMRM, vol.2, pp.61-62. 205 BMRM, vol.2, pp.63-68 and BRGI, pp. 483-484.
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of alternative power centre The RavenRise Crown worn by Desi Jigme Namgyal
she felt asleep. She dreamt of a young handsome man who came by slept with her. He asked her to give his son his sword, hung it on a tree and disappeared. When she woke up, the sword was indeed there. It is said that the magical powers of this sword as well as his semi-human origins made Mikthoem a powerful and formidable foe. However, he had offered this sword to the goenkhang at Talo Goenpo and took a longer one. It is said that the assault on him by Jigme Namgyal was successful because he did not have that sword with him when they ambushed him one evening on his way from Nobgang to Laptsakha, where he had his wife. Nobgang is near Talo, where Desi Chakpa Sangye had set himself up owing to an outbreak of small pox. 206 After killing Mikthoem, Jigme Namgyal and his brothers escape to Trongsa via Gasa and Tibet but fifty nine of the sixty retainers who helped them escape were burnt alive in a house at Kabisa. Agay Haap then sent a brocade gho infected with germs of small pox as gift to Chakpa Sangye. The unsuspecting desi adorned it and died soon after in 1851 after being afflicted by the disease.207 In 1853, Desi Damchoe Lhendup appointed Jigme Namgyal as the Fourteenth Trongsa Penlop. Damchoe Lhendup had become desi only with Jigme Namgyals support. So his appointment of Jigme Namgyal as penlop was only a ceremonial one. The real power behind his appointment was himself. Tshokye Dorje was at first having second thoughts of honouring the promise made to Jigme Namgyal. But he acquiesced to advices of his councillors. Zimgarp Tashi Drugyal from Khaling was sent to Tibet to invite Lama Jangchub Tsondrue to Trongsa. He came and blessed the retiring and incumbent penlops. He also made and gave Jigme Namgyal the Raven Crown. Jigme Namgyal soon began the construction of Dechog Lhakhang in which would be enshrined the image of the deity Dechog or Samvara facing western Bhutan.208 The Forty First Desi Damchoe Lhendup ruled through a tumultuous two-year tenure during which state officials
206 See BMRM, vol.2, pp.72-81 for details of the ambush on Mikthoem. 207 BMRM, vol.2, p. 83. 208 BRGI, p. 485.
competed for power and capture of dzongs. He resigned in 1854. His successor Jamyang Tenzin, the Forty Second found himself challenged by Thimphu Dzongpon Umadewa. Damchoe Lhendup was again reinstated as co-desi. It was during this time that Trongsa Penlop Jigme Namgyal was being fined for excesses committed by Dewangiri Dzongpon Dorji Namgyal and his group on their return from talks with the British at Guwahati.
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Meanwhile, Jigme Namgyal arrived in Punakha to mediate between the two desis. For his role, he was permitted then on to retain four loads of money which the Trongsa Penlop had to customarily submit to the desi at Punakha. He was also allowed to appoint dzongpons to all the dzongs in eastern Bhutan, which was done earlier by the desi.209 This magnanimity of the state strengthened Jigme Namgyals position. He soon appointed his kinsmen and loyalists as dzongpons in eastern and central regions. Overnight, he derived two symbolic powers associated with the office of desi. As indicated above, the office of Trongsa Penlop was already functioning like an alternative centre of state power. In deriving these two powers of the desi, Jigme Namgyal added a personal dimension to this office. No other Trongsa Penlop had done that. In fact, the fusion of his personality with the powers associated with Trongsa Penlop indirectly located him as the most important national figure after the desi. This was an important milestone in his career. In a few years, he would be making appointments to key offices even in western Bhutan. Kunga Palden was appointed Wangdue Phodrang Dzongpon by Chakpa Sangye when he became desi since their wives were sisters. When he took office in 1855 as the Forty Third Desi, Thimphu Dzongpon Umadewa also decided to become a desi and put himself in office. The monastic community negotiated a peace deal but Desi Kunga Palden had his chamberlain Gongzim Drachung assassinate Umadewa in 1857 and remained as the sole desi. It was during his tenure that frontier Bhutanese officials conducted raids into Duars taking hostages after hostages. Eventually, the British annexed Falakata demanding the release of hostages.210 Desi Kunga Palden also sent military aid to Jakar Dzongpon Tsondrue Gyaltshen who had declared war against Jigme Namgyal in 1857 for the following reason. When Jigme Namgyal became Trongsa Penlop, Tshokye Dorje appointed his son Tsondrue Gyaltshen
209 BMRM, vol.2, p.86. 210 BRGI, pp. 464-465.
as Jakar Dzongpon. Jigme Namgyal was to surrender this office to Tsondrue Gyaltshen after three years. He appointed Droenyer Passang as his representative and witness to this agreement. Dronyer Passang was however, an overbearing personality and did not get along with retainers in Jigme Namgyals service. A senior retainer Kurtoep Kolong killed Dronyer Passang.211 Whether Jigme Namgyal ordered or hinted his murder is unclear but certainly Tsondrue Gyaltshen and his father Tshokye Dorje saw this as a breach of the agreement, and hence declared war on him. Even with the support of desis force, Jigme Namgyal could not be defeated. Instead, he succeeded in occupying a place called Shamkhar, the meadow below Jakar Dzong. He established his military camp there. Wangdue Chholing palace was later built on that spot. In the battle, there was no winner. As it prolonged, Je Khenpo Yonten Gyaltshen, Tshenyi Lopen Shedrup Yoezer, Drabi Lopen Lodroe Gyaltshen and Yangbi Lopen Jinpa, Wangdue Phodrang Dzongpon Phuntsho Namgyal, Gongzim Drachung and Drametse Lama Sonam Dondup mediated for peace in 1858. As part of the peace deal, the post of Jakar Dzongpon was elevated to penlop and Tsondrue Gyaltshen became Jakar Penlop. Eastern Bhutan was equally divided between Jigme Namgyal and Tsondrue Gyaltshen.212 It is not clear why Jigme Namgyal agreed to a deal that definitely weakened his position. Not only did he lose half the territory he had consolidated earlier, the creation of the parallel post of penlop in Jakar was a dangerous move. The restraint on his growing power seemed to have come not from the west but right under his nose. Whatever his reasons, Jigme Namgyal regained all his losses after Tsondrue Gyaltshen died in the Duar War of 1864-1865. When Desi Kunga Palden died in 1860, Wangdue Phodrang Dzongpon Nagzi Passang became the Forty Fifth Desi. For some reasons, the post of Wangdue Phodrang Dzongpon was a coveted one. It was him that the British intimated in 1862 about the upcoming
211 BMRM, vol.2, pp.90-91. 212 BMRM, vol.2, pp.92-93.
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mission of Ashley Eden. However, the political climate in Bhutan was anything but favourable to receive such a mission. With Nagzi Passang becoming desi, the office of Wangdue Phodrang Dzongpon was vacant. Punakha Dzongpon Darlung Tobgye thought that the desi would appoint him since their wives were sisters. Instead the desi appointed his nephew Sigyal, who was the zimpon at Wangdue Phodrang. In vengeance, he rebelled against the desi in 1862 taking support of Zhung Kalyon Kawang Mangkhel and Dronyer Drang Tashi. On the other hand, the desi took support of Wangdue Phodrang Dzongpon Sigyal, Thimphu Dzongpon Karma Drugye and Paro Penlop Nima Dorje. Once again, they looked eastward for support. Darlung Tobgye approached Jakar Penlop Tsondrue Gyaltshen who in turn sought the support of Trongsa Penlop Jigme Namgyal. By then, they were on good terms with each other after the peace deal. Both of them marched to Punakha with their forces. The forces behind the desi were gathered at Thimphu while rebel factions gathered at Punakha. Drang Tashi, who was with the rebels, captured Tsangmi Zam, the bridge over Tsangmichu. The two penlops led their forces to Lungtenphu via Dochula. Led by Jigme Namgyal, they killed many enemy forces. He personally killed a general of the rebel group. The dzongpons of Thimphu and Wangdue Phodrang, who were cornered in a house, pleaded for their lives, and Jigme Namgyal sent them off to their homes with a standing order that they cannot cross the border or live in any dzong. With the intervention of the monastic community, Desi Nagzi Passang was forced to resign in 1863 without being hurt. Tshewang Sithub was appointed as Forty Sixth Desi. Jigme Namgyal permitted Nima Dorje to remain as Paro Penlop. He appointed Darlung Tobgye as Wangdue Phodrang Dzongpon, the post he had desired. In gratitude, he later offered the two penlops 8000 drey of paddy.213 Dronyer Drang Tashi was appointed Punakha Dzongpon in place of Darlung Tobgye. In place of Karma Drugye, Jigme Namgyal appointed Tapon Khasa Tobgye as Thimphu Dzongpon and his representative. Khasa Tobgye was related to Jigme Namgyal from his fathers
213 BRGI, p.495.
side. The two penlops then returned home. This is a turning point in Jigme Namgyals life. Nearly six years after he gained the right to appoint dzongpons in eastern Bhutan, this civil war had provided him the opportunity to appoint governors in western Bhutan. He had suddenly become the most powerful leader in the country. Since Desi Tshewang Sithub was from lower Wang, the people of upper Wang created trouble. Again the monastic community negotiated a deal and appointed Tshulthrim Yonten as co-desi but died after nine months due to destructive rituals that Nagzi Passang had instructed someone to perform against him. Kagyu Wangchuk and Tsondrue Pekar, the following two desis die within a year, and Tshewang Sithub returned to office as Fiftieth Desi. It was then that Ashley Eden mission forced its way to Punakha in 1864. Within two years, there were five desis. None of them stayed long in office. Jigme Namgyal was in Punakha during this crucial period supervising the construction of an image of Buddha in Punakha Dzong. He was both Trongsa Penlop as well as Lamai Zimpon, chamberlain to Sungtrul Choglay Yeshe Ngedup (1851-1917).214 In 1867, Jigme Namgyal moved to Wangdue Chholing. He appointed his elder brother Dungkar Gyaltshen as Trongsa Penlop. But he would have to go west again as trouble erupted there. Both Thimphu Dzongpon Khasa Tobgye and Punakha Dzongpon Drang Tashi had abducted Tshewang Chhozom, wife of Darlung Tobgye, the Wangdue Phodrang Dzongpon. Darlung Tobgye killed Khasa Tobgye and appointed Kawang Mangkhel as Thimphu Dzongpon. Drang Tashi allied with former Wangdue Phodrang Dzongpon Sigyal. As these two were about to be defeated, they sought Jigme Namgyals support. Angered by the murder of his kinsman Khasa Tobgye, Jigme Namgyal marched to Thimphu. Paro Penlop Nima Dorje, an ally of Jigme Namgyal sent Penlop Thripa Thinley to aid him. They laid a siege of Tashichho Dzong but were unable to take it. The monastic community once again mediated for peace and Jigme Namgyal returned
214 BMRM, vol.2, p.95.
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home.215 But he went back in 1869 at the request of military aid by Drang Tashi and his ally Sigyal, who had locked horns with Darlung Tobgye, Thripa Kinley Dorje the new Wangdue Phodrang Dzongpon and Kawang Mangkhel. In the battle fought at Wangdue Phodrang, neither side was able to gain an upper hand. To divide the enemy, Jigme Namgyal sent two men with gunpowder to set Tashichho Dzong on fire. Kawang Mangkhel and his men rushed to Thimphu to save the dzong leaving Darlung Tobgye alone. He was killed by Jigme Namgyal and Dungkar Gyaltshen. Their men kill Thripa Kinley Dorje. Urged on by Drang Tashi, Kawang Mangkhel, Paro Penlop Thinley Zangpo and the entire monastic community, Jigme Namgyal became the Fifty First at age 46.216 He immediately rebuilt Tashichho Dzong and appointed Kawang Mangkhels younger brother Lam Tshewang as Thimphu Dzongpon. Two years later, Paro Penlop Tshewang Norbu rebelled against Desi Jigme Namgyal. At the request of Gongzim Kitshelpa Dorje Namgyal, Kawang Mangkhel was sent to dissuade the penlop from fighting the desi. He succeeded but was not given the office of Paro Penlop as promised. The gongzim and his friends cautioned Desi Jigme Namgyal that allowing Kawang Mangkhel and Lam Tshewang to hold Paro and Thimphu dzongs respectively was inviting trouble in future. So they killed Kawang Mangkhel. Since the former Paro Penlop Nima Dorje, an uncle of Tshewang Norbu, was a friend of Jigme Namgyal, he allowed Tshewang Norbu to remain as Paro Penlop. But that would be a mistake. In 1873, Jigme Namgyal retired to Semtokha Dzong after appointing his cousin Kitshelpa Dorje Namgyal as the Fifty Second Desi. Punakha Dzongpon Damchoe Rinchen rebelled but was overcome after three days. Ngedup was appointed the new dzongpon. He won over Paro Penlop Tshewang Norbu to his side as their wives were sisters. He had his chamberlain Zimpon Barchung kill Nyerchen Sharchung, who was kept at Paro as Jigme Namgyals representative. Jigme Namgyal marched to Paro with his brother the desi son Ugyen Wangchuck
215 BRGI, pp.496-497. 216 BMRM, vol.2, pp.109-114.
and adopted son Phuntsho Dorje, and Lam Tshewang, the Thimphu Dzongpon. They captured Paro Dzong and located their forces there. In Wangdue Phodrang, Dronyer Angdruk Nim killed Dzongpon Kawang Sangye, who was appointed by Jigme Namgyal, and seized the office for himself. Dzongpon Ngedup of Punakha installed Sungtrul Choglay Yeshe Ngedup as desi in absence of Kitshelpa Dorje Namgyal. Meanwhile, Trongsa Penlop Dungkar Gyaltshen (Jigme Namgyals brother) and Jakar Dzongpon Pema Tenzin (Jigme Namgyals brother inlaw) had gone to war because the former had refused to relinquish the office of Trongsa Penlop after three years as was agreed between them. Thus, the intensity and extent of conflict in the country reached a new and dangerous level.217 Jigme Namgyal refused to take sides. Pema Tenzin won the battle and became Trongsa Penlop. But before that Dungkar Gyaltshen sent his chamberlain Dawa Paljor leading a militia in support of the very faction that was fighting against his estranged brother, Jigme Namgyal, who had returned along with Lam Tshewang from Paro to Semtokha. Lam Tshewang left for Punakha to deal with the other faction. Dawa Paljor shot dead his leading champion, Penlop Barchungpa. Dzongpon Angdruk Nim and Dzongpon Ngedup cornered him with their ally from Trongsa but Jigme Namgyal came to his rescue. They divided their forces to attack Punakha and Wangdue Phodrang. Meanwhile, the deposed Punakha Dzongpon Damchoe Lhendup pretended to leave for pilgrimage and took hostage Ugyen Wangchuck and Phuntsho Dorje whom Jigme Namgyal left behind at Paro to guard the Ta Dzong. Jigme Namgyal responded by taking hostage twelve of Damchoe Rinchens family members. In a negotiated deal, everyone was freed. Desi Kitshelpa Dorje Namgyal captured the chu dzong (water fortress) of Paro cutting off the water supply. This compelled Penlop Tshewang Norbu to abandon the dzong and escape to India. Dzongpon Ngedup tried to escape from Punakha to Wangdue Phodrang but Jigme Namgyals forces had blocked the route. However, he managed to slip through Mochu bridge and pass Lobesa with Sungtrul
217 BRGI, pp.500-501.
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Choglay Yeshe Ngedup, the desi he had installed. Jigme Namgyals forces caught up with them and slaughtered all their supporters. Dzongpon Ngedup fled to India. Sungtrul Choglay Yeshe Ngedup took shelter in Sanga Chhokhor monastery in Paro. After taking Punakha Dzong, Jigme Namgyal turned his attention to Wangdue Phodrang where Angdruk Nim had holed up. Sensing defeat, Angdruk Nim prepared to blow up the dzong by igniting gunpowder kegs. Just before that, Yanglop Sangye Dorje, who was accompanying Jigme Namgyal went inside and assured he would smuggle Angdruk Nim out through the wood store if he did not blow up the dzong. He yielded to this unsuspected treachery and was taken under custody with eight other supporters. After twelve days, when no one came to plead for their lives, they were drowned to death in Puna Tsangchu. Jigme Namgyal later said that if Je Khenpo Talapa Shedrup Yoezer were there to intervene on the prisoners behalf, he would not have accumulated so much negative deeds. Having defeated all rebels, Jigme Namgyal summoned his eldest son Thinley Tobgye from Lhalung in Tibet and appointed him dzongpon of Wangdue Phodrang. Ugyen Wangchuck was appointed Paro Penlop (in 1878) while his staunch ally Lam Tshewang remained Thimphu Dzongpon. His adopted son Phuntsho Dorje was appointed Punakha Dzongpon while the other adopted son Alu Dorje later succeeded Lam Tshewang as Thimphu Dzongpon. The victory in this civil war meant that Jigme Namgyal had now established himself as the undisputed leader of the country. He had consolidated political power by way of capturing all dzongs in western Bhutan and having his children, kinsmen and loyalists appointed to key positions. He retired to Semtokha Dzong again. Desi Kitshelpa Dorje Namgyal died after some six years and was succeeded by Chogyal Zangpo. Chogyal Zangpo was the nephew of Desi Umadewa who was killed by Zimpon Drachung at the behest of the then co-desi Kunga Palden (who supported Tsondrue Gyaltshen against Jigme
Namgyal). Along with Kawang Sangye, Chogyal Zangpo killed Darchung and escaped via Laya and Lingzhi to seek protection of Penlop Jigme Namgyal. There they served as his retainers and participated in the siege of Wangdue Phodrang Dzong and killed Wangdue Phodrang Dzongpon Thripa Kinley Dorje. When Jigme Namgyal became desi, he had appointed Chogyal Zangpo as zhung dronyer. Thus there was no doubt that he was Jigme Namgyals candidate for desi. Jigme Namgyal was the power behind all appointments now. In 1881, at age 59, Jigme Namgyal succumbed to an injury sustained after falling from a yak at Hongtsho on his way from Punakha. At his deathbed, he summoned his two sons and two adopted sons asking them to always unite during difficult times. They were to work for the welfare of the people and to support the teachings of the Buddha. Then he died.218 However, the two adopted sons would fall apart with the other two brothers and create trouble. But this is the subject matter of the next chapter. The Fifty Fourth Desi Lama Tshewang is a personality known to us by now. Younger brother of Kawang Mangkhel, he supported Jigme Namgyal when Paro Penlop Tshewang Norbu, Wangdue Phodrang Dzongpon Angdruk Nim and Punakha Dzongpon Ngedup rebelled against him. Jigme Namgyal had retained him as Thimphu Dzongpon. Thus, in recognition of his loyalty to his father, Ugyen Wangchuk installed him as desi but died after two years in office. His successor Gawa Zangpo was appointed as Fifty Fifth Desi by Thimphu Dzongpon Alu Dorje in 1884. But when the two adopted sons of Jigme Namgyal rebelled against Trongsa Penlop Ugyen Wangchuck in 1885, he retired to Dodedra monastery. Ugyen Wangchuck instead appointed Sangye Dorje as the Fifty Sixth Desi in 1886. He had served Jigme Namgyal as kadrep. With him serving for eighteen years as desi, Ugyen Wangchuck could concentrate elsewhere to further consolidate his position. Sangye Dorje died in 1903 and was succeeded by the Fifty Seventh and last desi, Sungtrul Choglay Yeshe Ngedup who left his office in 1906 paving way for the establishment of monarchy the following year.
218 BRGI, p.503.
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The last desi, Sungtrul Choglay Yeshe Ngedup Rise of alternative power centre
As much as Jigme Namgyal consolidated political power in his person through his base at Trongsa, he did not live long enough to transform that power into an enduring political institution. Power centred on personality could always be challenged. Unless a viable institution is established in which state power would be vested and exercised, personality-based power would remain only to the extent that a person could hold it. It would not outlive him. The states institutions in the office of its gyaltshab, desi, dzongpons and penlops saw a breakdown in power structure so much so that there was no institutionalized transfer of power. Power became a prize pursued by powerful governors for its own sake. But Ugyen Wangchuck would transform the power consolidated by his father into a viable political institution whose stability and legitimacy gave new lease of life to Bhutan and the Bhutanese people. But that could not be done overnight as he had to deal with various powerful forces particularly the British whose attention north of Himalaya at that time naturally required it to deal with Bhutan again.
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Chari Monastery founded by Zhabdrung Rinpoche
Chapter 7:
Monastic community and legitimation of rulers

xcept for the first four and a few later desis, we have seen that the reigns of most desis were rife with conflicts and battles. However, the political structure that Zhabdrung Rinpoche founded did survive for more than 250 years amidst civil wars, Tibeto-Mongoloid invasions and armed clashes with British India. Although it withstood all these conflicts and wars, the reason for its survival must certainly be more than military victories. What was the reason for the ability of this beleaguered political structure to continue that far? The answer that we will explore in this chapter has to do with its legitimacy. How was legitimacy maintained and what were the sources of legitimacy? We have already argued in Chapter 4 that legitimacy was endowed by enthroning a head of state, who was a reincarnation either of Zhabdrung Rinpoche, Gyalse Jampel Dorje or Gyalse Tenzin Rabgye. Was this alone the ground for legitimate rule? This was indeed an important reason. Yet legitimation centred not merely on it but also on undertaking the most important objective of founding the state of Palden Druk Zhung. That objective was to support the flourishing of Buddhism as means of liberation and happiness. Patronage of monastic community and monastic activities thus became fundamental means of deriving legitimacy for desi rule. This raises another important question. If the state patronized monastic community and derived legitimacy for its rule, did the monastic community remain only an object of patronage and had no political role? As we will discover, this was hardly the case. The political legitimation function of monastic community went beyond accepting patronage. Accepting patronage was auxiliary to according recognition to the desi in the first place. It was party to identifying and even supplying candidates of desis. It participated in enthroning those desis as well. Of course, it did not always enjoy this privilege as
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some powerful desis came to power and remained in office even without recognition of the monastic community. Identification of candidates also involved state officials particularly members of the cabinet. Nevertheless its roles became important basis of legitimacy for the state. We will discuss each of these bases of legitimacy. This is important in the context of analyzing the rise of monarchy. We will be confronted with questions concerning aspects of Zhabdrung Rinpoches political structure that continued or discontinued with monarchy. What elements of legitimacy were retained and what new elements came in? These are concerns of the next chapter. Here, we begin by first paying closer attention to the sovereigns of Bhutan, who as heads of state legitimated the rule of desis.
Legitimacy by reincarnations
he diarchic political structure founded by Zhabdrung Rinpoche had him at its apex as sovereign exercising both secular and spiritual authority. In order to be able to exercise such authority, the sovereign could not be an ordinary person. As the head of a Buddhist government, he had to be a manifestation of Boddhisattva Avalokitevara and Universal Monarch or Cakravartin. The appositional compounds je pon, la pon and lama pon, which we came across in Chapter 3, are expressions of such a manifestation.
It may well be that this union of the spiritual and temporalbecome reinforced in a Vajryana/Mantrayana environment. There the person of the Tantric master (vajrcrya and vajradhara) derives ideologically from the monk preceptor standing in, as it were, for the kyamuni Buddha who takes on the appearance of a Cakravartin monarch royally adorned and endowed as a king.219
Pema Wangyel, Guru Chokyi Wangchuk, Nyangrel Nyima Yoezer and King Thrisong Deutsen.220 Legitimacy of rule of the first three desis derived from Zhabdrung Rinpoche, who was thought to be alive in retreat. As a direct Drukpa lineage-holder (being the great grandson of Lama Drukpa Kunleg) Gyalse Tenzin Rabgye, the Fourth Desi brought in a personal dimension of legitimacy. He was enthroned as gyaltshab, representative of Zhabdrung Rinpoche. In fact, all the heads of state after Zhabdrung Rinpoche were thought of as his representatives. They ruled in his name. Gyalse Jampel Dorjes daughter Tshokye Dorje and his first reincarnation, Ngawang Kunga Gyaltshen also served as gyaltshabs. It was Gedun Chophel, after becoming the Fifth Desi in 1694, who first enthroned Tshokye Dorje in 1695 and then Ngawang Kunga Gyaltshen in 1697 as gyaltshabs. When Ngawang Kunga Gyaltshen revealed the secret of Zhabdrung Rinpoches death in 1707, he had already reigned as gyaltshab for nearly ten years. Till that point, gyaltshabs (Gyalse Tenzin Rabgye, Tshokye Dorje and Ngawang Kunga Gyaltshen) were thought of as officiating on behalf of Zhabdrung Rinpoche who was supposedly in retreat and alive. After the revelation of his death, Ngawang Kunga Gyaltshen became the first legitimate head of state and successor of Zhabdrung Rinpoche. However, he served only for five more years since the Eighth Desi Druk Rabgye enthroned Sungtrul Choglay Namgyal, the first accepted reincarnation of Zhabdrung Rinpoche as head of state in 1712. He was only four years old then. As we discussed in Chapter 5, the reincarnation of Zhabdrung Rinpoche was preferred to the reincarnation of his son as head of state. Owing to political developments then however, Sungtrul Choglay Namgyal fled to Paro from Punakha in 1729. The government took this as sign of formal abdication after being on the throne for 17 years. The next reincarnation of Zhabdrung Rinpoche who succeeded as head of state in 1747 was Thugtrul Jigme Dragpa I. For eighteen years, other exalted reincarnations sat on the throne. The government enthroned Mipham Jigme Norbu (born 1717), the reincarnation of Ngawang Kunga Gyaltshen at age 12 soon after Sungtrul Choglay Namgyal
220 Ngawang Lhundrup, Biography of Gyalse Tenzin Rabgye, p.2.
Zhabdrung Rinpoche was recognized to be such a manifestation. This applied to his reincarnations as well. Similarly, Gyalse Jampel Dorje and Gyalse Tenzin Rabgye and their reincarnations were seen to be similar manifestations. The two of them were half-brothers. Gyalse Tenzin Rabgye was the manifestation of Rigzin
219 Ruegg, Introductory Remarks on the Spiritual and Temporal Orders, p.11.
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abdicated. After his death six years later, in 1735, his elder brother Mipham Wangpo was enthroned as gyaltshab. We must recall that Mipham Wangpo (born in 1709) was the third reincarnation of Gyalse Tenzin Rabgye. He was already enthroned as the Tenth Desi at the same time his brother was enthroned as gyaltshab. There was joint enthronement ceremony for them in 1729. But he fled to Tibet in 1736, and on his return after seven months, was installed as gyaltshab after his brothers death. But he too died in 1738. Meanwhile, Sungtrul Choglay Namgyal had died the previous year. His reincarnation, Sungtrul Shakya Tenzin was born a year later but was not recognized by the government for reasons discussed in Chapter 5. So after almost two years, Mipham Drukdra Namgyal, the third reincarnation of Gyalse Jampel Dorje was enthroned as gyaltshab in 1740 at age 3. He would reign for seven years. In 1747, Desi Sherub Wangchuk enthroned Thugtrul Jigme Dragpa I as the sovereign of Bhutan at age 22. This was an interesting situation. Although a head of state had been enthroned, his representative also continued to serve although the representative should have logically resigned or retired. Once again, we see that reincarnation of Zhabdrung Rinpoche was preferred over that of his son to reign as head of state. Thugtrul Jigme Dragpa I died in 1761 and Mipham Drukdra Namgyal, a year later in 1762. Both their reincarnations were born almost immediately. But recognition would take some time. So who could be the head of state now? Sungtrul Shakya Tenzin was still alive aged 26 years. But there was no way that he would succeed. Without the reincarnations of Zhabdrung Rinpoche and his son, the logical choice was Jigme Senge, the fourth reincarnation of Gyalse Tenzin Rabgye. He was enthroned as gyaltshab at age 22 in 1763. However, the Sixteenth Desi Zhidar received Thugtrul Chokyi Gyaltshen, who was born in Tibet in 1762 and enthroned him. We do not know the exact year of his enthronement. It certainly took place when he was very young. But he would retire after his patron, Desi Zhidar was removed from office and killed.221 Therefore, it was Jigme Senge who continued to reign as gyaltshab. He enthroned Tshenyi Lopen Kunga Rinchen as the Seventeenth Desi following Desi Zhidars assassination. After the death of
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221 BDRK, p.126.
Desi Kunga Rinchen in 1776, Jigme Senge was enthroned as the Eighteenth Desi. He would reign for thirteen years. An important point we must note here is that Jigme Senge served simultaneously as both gyaltshab and desi. Thugtrul Chokyi Gyaltshen died in 1788. His reincarnation would not be born for another three years. Jigme Senge retired in 1788 and died a year later. There were however, two persons to choose from, as head of state. They were Jigme Namgyal, the fourth reincarnation of Gyalse Jampel Dorje aged 26 years, and Sungtrul Yeshe Gyaltshen, the third speech reincarnation of Zhabdrung Rinpoche aged 7 years. Obviously, the preference was yet again given to reincarnation of Zhabdrung Rinpoche than that of his son although the latter was older. Besides being the head of state, he would also serve as the Twentieth Je Khenpo for four years (enthroned in 1807), and as Twenty Eighth Desi for four years by sharing the first year with Thugtrul Jigme Dragpa II. Sungtrul Yeshe Gyaltshen was born in 1781. Tshulthrim Dragpa, the fifth reincarnation of Gyalse Tenzin Rabgye was born in 1790 whereas, Thugtrul Jigme Dragpa II, the third mind incarnation of Zhabdrung Rinpoche was born in 1791. All three of them died in 1830. We must remember that Sungtrul Yeshe Gyaltshen was older and already enthroned before the two others were born. Moreover, all three of them died in the same year. So, the other two did not have the opportunity to reign as heads of state. Nonetheless, Tshulthrim Dragpa was enthroned as Twenty Sixth Desi in 1808, and Thugtrul Jigme Dragpa II as Twenty Seventh Desi for one year, by sharing office with Sungtrul Yeshe Gyaltshen, who then became the Twenty Eighth desi. This is to say that Sungtrul Yeshe Gyaltshen was the sovereign of state when Tshulthrim Dragpa and Thugtrul Jigme Dragpa II served as desis. After them, he continued to reign as both gyaltshab and desi. After the death of these three leaders in 1830, Ngawang Jampel - the fifth reincarnation of Gyalse Jampel Dorje also died the following year. Thus, in less than a year, all the four reincarnations, who could have succeeded to the throne, had died. This is the most interesting period in the history of Bhutan however short it was. For the first time, there was no reincarnation of Zhabdrung Rinpoche
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or other reincarnations to reign as gyaltshab. Both the mind and speech reincarnations of Zhabdrung Rinpoche were born the following year, i.e. 1831. The line of reincarnation of Gyalse Jampel Dorje seemed to have ended with the death of the last one, Ngawang Jampel. It was only with the enthronement of Thugtrul Jigme Norbu at a very young age that Bhutan had a sovereign once more. He was received from his birth place in Dramitse in Mongar by the Thirty Fourth Desi Athang Thinley who reigned for only two and half years. He received and enthroned Thugtrul Jigme Norbu just before the end of his reign in 1835.222 This suggests that the enthronement could have taken place somewhere between 1834 and 1835. Thugtrul Jigme Norbu could have been only three or four years old at the time of enthronement. At age 20, in 1850, he was enthroned as Thirty Ninth Desi. After four months in office, he was affected by a small pox outbreak.223 A rival desi, Chakpa Sangye had also proclaimed himself in Punakha. Although Thugtrul Jigme Norbu retired as desi, he was still the head of state. For example, he was party to the enthronement of the Forty First Desi Damchoe Lhendup in 1852. But this desi and Je Khenpo Yonten Gyaltshen would discredit him for taking a consort from Athang. He retired to Paro, and from there, went on a long pilgrimage to Tibet and returned after many years. He passed away in 1861. Sungtrul Jigme Dorje, who was born in the same year as Thugtrul Jigme Norbu died in 1850. So he too did not reign as head of state. At the time of Thugtrul Jigme Norbus death, Sungtrul Yeshe Ngedup, the fifth speech reincarnation of Zhabdrung Rinpoche was ten years old. Thinley Gyamtsho, the sixth reincarnation of Gyalse Tenzin Rabgye was twenty six years old. However, the reincarnation of Zhabdrung Rinpoche took precedence over. He was also recognized at a young age. But he would stand in as gyaltshab of the mind reincarnation. It was possible that he served in this capacity after Thugtrul Jigme Norbu was discredited for taking a consort and breaking monastic vows. Trongsa Penlop Jigme Namgyal was once his chamberlain, lamai zimpon. The last head of state of the diarchic state was Thugtrul Jigme Chogyal, the fifth mind reincarnation of
222 BRGI, p.447. 223 BRGI, p.450.
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The Third Sungtrul Yeshe Gyaltshen
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Zhabdrung Rinpoche. He was enthroned at a very young age after his birth in 1862. He died in 1904. By then, the line of reincarnations of Gyalse Jampel Dorje and Gyalse Tenzin Rabgye did not appear. The only other reincarnation was Sungtrul Yeshe Ngedup. But he had been enthroned as the Fifty Seventh and last desi enthroned in 1903. Earlier in 1873, he was briefly installed as desi in place of Desi Kitshelpa Dorje Namgyal by a rival faction. His resigned in 1906 paving the way for establishment of monarchy. With Thugtrul Jigme Chogyal and Sungtrul Yeshe Ngedup, we have the last sovereign of state and head of government respectively. Sungtrul Choglay Namgyal was the only speech reincarnation who reigned as sovereign. It was the mind reincarnations and reincarnations of Gyalse Tenzin Rabgye and Gyalse Jampel Dorje who were enthroned as gyaltshabs. The institution of gyaltshab as representative of Zhabdrung Rinpoche, the founder of Palden Druk Zhung was important to give legitimacy to governments of desis. Beginning with Gyalse Tenzin Rabgye, quite a few gyaltshab as well as Zhabdrung Rinpoches mind reincarnations ruled as desis. They held dual portfolios of head of state as well as head of government and endowed the legitimacy of their own rules. The more important aspect of analysis for our argument is the fact that these gyaltshabs were la pon, je pon or lama pon. In their beings, they combined both spiritual and temporal authority or delegated it symbolically to the desi and je khenpo. Most of the heads of state were enthroned at a very young age. This is strong indication that legitimacy of the government could not be established without a sovereign. In order to gain that legitimacy, reincarnations were enthroned at as young an age as three years. It is also significant to note that the infancy of these sovereigns made them vulnerable to political manipulation by contending dzongpons, desis and penlops. This grave structural flaw in succession would be overcome with the establishment of monarchy. There were two instances when there was no sovereign on the throne. The first happened between the death of Mipham Wangpo in 1738 and enthronement of Mipham Drukdra Namgyal in 1740. Later, it happened between the
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death of all four reincarnations in 1830 and 1831 and the enthronement of Thugtrul Jigme Norbu. It is problematic to qualify the reigns of desis during these two periods as illegitimate. As we will see below, there were other means of endowing legitimacy to governance.
Gyaltshabs or heads of Bhutanese state after Zhabdrung Rinpoche

Rank/ Gyaltshabs Enthroned Enthroned Reigned for Order [Reincarnations of] at age in year 1 Gyalse Tenzin Rabgye 30 1667 27 years [Thrisong Deutsen] 2 Tshokye Dorje 15 1695 1-2 years approx. [?] 3 Ngawang Kunga Gyaltshen 9 1697 15 years [Gyalse Jampel Dorje (Ist)] 4 Sungtrul Choglay Namgyal 4 1712 17 years [Zhabdrung Rinpoche (Ist SI)] 5 Mipham Jigme Norbu 12 1729 6 years [Gyalse Jampel Dorje (IInd)] 6 Mipham Wangpo 28 1737 1 year [Gyalse Tenzin Rabgye (IIIrd)] 7 Mipham Drukdra Namgyal 3 1740 22 years [Gyalse Jampel Dorje (IIIrd)] 8 Thugtrul Jigme Dragpa I 22 1747 14 years [Zhabdrung Rinpoche (Ist MI)] 9 Jigme Senge 22 1763 25 years [Gyalse Tenzin Rabgye (IVth)] 10 Thugtrul Chokyi Gyaltshen 7? 1769? 4 years [Zhabdrung Rinpoche (IInd MI)] 11 Sungtrul Yeshe Gyaltshen 7 1788 42 years [Zhabdrung Rinpoche (IIIrd SI)] 12 Thugtrul Jigme Norbu 4 1835? 17 years [Zhabdrung Rinpoche (IVth MI)] 13 Sungtrul Yeshe Ngedup 3 1852/53? Not certain [Zhabdrung Rinpoche (Vth SI)] 14 Thugtrul Jigme Chogyal 3/4? 1864/65? Not certain [Zhabdrung Rinpoche (Vth MI)]
Legitimacy through endorsement

hile legitimacy for desi rule was symbolically established through enthronement of sovereigns and their representatives, it was also solicited through participation of the monastic community in endorsing candidates for desi. It was the members of Lhengye Tshok
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and monastic body especially its leaders who identified and put candidates of desi in office. Among desis who took office after Gyalse Tenzin Rabgye, thirty of them were either jointly enthroned by state officials and the monastic community or had the endorsement of leading members of monastic community. Among these thirty desis, twenty of them were those who either entered the monastic community or assumed important positions in it. Ten of them had no monastic background. But they were enthroned with the blessings of the monastic community. On the other hand, fourteen desis either seized the office on their own or were installed by powerful supporters. They include the likes of Gedun Chophel (Fifth Desi), Druk Rabgye (Eighth Desi), Tshaphukpa Dorje (Twenty Ninth Desi) and Chakpa Sangye (Fortieth Desi). Among them, ten desis had no monastic background but were of lay origin. Most of these desis were pitted against each other by different factions. Similarly, five desis who came to office after Desi Jigme Namgyal were all appointed by him and his son Trongsa Penlop Ugyen Wangchuck. Only Gawa Zangpo, the Fifty Third Desi was put in office by Thimphu Dzongpon Alu Dorje. Almost all of them had monastic background. The appointments made by Desi Jigme Namgyal and his son brought in a new element of legitimacy to reigns of desis. This element is that of secular power. Zhabdrung Rinpoche established a government and unified the country. Desi Jigme Namgyal restored the political unity that had fragmented over the last century. Therefore, he had achieved a position of political authority and preeminence that endowed legitimacy to his appointees. The only two reincarnations of Zhabdrung Rinpoche who reigned as sovereigns during his time were Sungtrul Yeshe Ngedup and Thugtrul Jigme Chogyal. The former had served only till the latters birth, recognition and enthronement. Yet the fact that the monastic community was party to enthronement of desis confirm our argument that it endowed legitimacy of rule to desis. Besides, it also produced monk officials who served as desis. Some leading monk officials who served as desis were Umdze Samten, Geshe Ngawang, Tshenyi Lopen Kunga Rinchen, Umdze
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Parop, Dorje Lopen Damchoe Lhendup, Jamtrul Jamyang Tenzin and Tshenyi Lopen Tsundru Pekar. Moreover, four reincarnations of Zhabdrung Rinpoche and three reincarnations of Gyalse Tenzin Rabgye also served as desis. Reincarnations of Gyalse Jampel Dorje never served as desis. Not only did the monastic community endorse desis, it also rejected those whom it considered unworthy. For example, when Chakpa Sangye declared himself desi, the monastic community refused to acknowledge him.224 Besides its political legitimating function, the monastic community played the important role of mediator in resolving conflicts. In a way, it can be argued that mediating conflicts among feuding governors and rulers was possible only because it was party to their appointments. If the monastic community had no role in endorsing and enthroning desis, it would have neither political nor moral authority to mediate conflicts that became a familiar aspect of Bhutans political life. When Desi Druk Namgyal and Desi Sonam Gyaltshen fell apart, Je Khenpo Jamyang Gyaltshen mediated and resolved their differences. We have already mentioned about the conflict between Zhabdrung Rinpoches two reincarnations, Thugtrul Jigme Dragpa and Sungtrul Yeshe Gyaltshen. It was resolved with the mediation of Jamgon Ngawang Jampel Yeshe, former Je Khenpo Ngawang Chogyal and incumbent Je Khenpo Jampel Dragpa. The compromise they reached at was for these reincarnations to serve as co-desis. They served thus only for a year. In the previous chapter, we saw how former Desi Tenzin Drukdra, former Je Khenpo Shakya Gyaltshen and incumbent Je Khenpo Sherub Gyaltshen mediated the end of a protracted battle in 1831 between Chokyi Gyaltshen, the Thirty Second Desi who was removed from office by Desi Dorje Namgyal. In almost every conflict, it was the monastic community who intervened on their own or at the request of feuding parties or some people. The monastic community was therefore, a powerful political and moral force. It identified and provided candidates for desi. It also presided over their enthronement. When powerful governors and desi locked horns, it
224 BMRM, vol.2, p.71.
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was there to mediate resolution of conflicts. Without its participation in the political process, the desis government had no legitimacy. Indeed illegitimate desis perpetrated their rule till they were removed from office. Those penlops and desis who had no monastic background had to even take some minor vows and a new name when they took office. For example, Desi Zhidar was administered vows of getshul by the Tenth Je Khenpo Tenzin Chogyal and given a new name, Sonam Lhundrup. He was then the Trongsa Penlop. All the Trongsa Penlops, for example, were either from the monastery or took monastic vows. Jigme Namgyal considered taking a similar vow when he became Trongsa Penlop. But he was advised against this by his root teacher, Lama Jangchub Tsondrue who foresaw the birth of his son Ugyen Wangchuck.225 Desi Kunga Palden took the new name of Sonam Tobgye and vows of genyen from Je Yonten Gyaltshen. Certainly at the beginning of the theocracy it seems that all senior officers were fully ordained monks. Later, when appointments were made from among the lay servitors conscripted from villages, these were compelled to take minor vows, assume a monastic name and at least temporarily renounce family life.226 This was a symbolic identification of governors and rulers to the persona of a monk. It was to invent the image of a la pon that they had to take monastic names and even adorn scarves of office which have monastic origins. They had to be both a lord and lama. This indicates the extent of influence of monastic community on Bhutans politics that time.
Membership as patrons of the Buddhist state was defined by support extended to the ecclesiocratic state. Whether patronage was voluntary (by making offerings) or institutionalized (through taxation), the idea of the people as patrons survived. The interesting reformulation in political structure that Zhabdrung Rinpoche established took place as secular power was increasingly exercised by desis. This reformulation resulted in rulers also becoming patrons of the monastic community. It is no longer the ordinary people alone but even rulers who were patrons. As we saw in Chapter 3, the idea of rulers as patrons is not new. It goes back to the relationship between Guru Rinpoche and King Thrisong Deutsen in Tibet and Sendha Gyelp in Bumthang. Patronage of monastic community took various forms particularly the renovation of monasteries and dzongs, commissioning of spiritual activities like publishing scriptures, reciting them, recruiting monk novices, building statues and sponsoring religious events.
The political options available for purely secular leaders to sway monastic sentiment were always limited, in a system where the highest theoretical authority lay with monks. But one particularly effective activity was the construction and restoration of temples and monasteries.227
Legitimacy through patronage
he most important means of establishing political legitimacy for rule of desis was to support the monastic establishments. Patronage of the monastic community was an essential aspect of the reigns of most desis. In extending their support, these rulers projected themselves as fulfilling the very purpose of founding the state. We must remember that it was initially the state that saw the people as patrons. The state was the guardian of Buddhist teachings particularly the Kagyu School as well as their practitioners. Modern notions of citizenship did not exist.
Amongst all desis, Thirteenth Desi Sherub Wangchuk, who ruled for 19 years, is extolled as a paragon of Buddhist ruler. In his patronage of the monastic community, he took a three-pronged strategy. First, he showed great reverence to the monastic community leaders particularly the exalted reincarnations. In 1745, he made substantial offerings to all of them on different occasions.228 This act of veneration was repeated throughout his reign. Second, he sponsored mass distribution of money and gifts not just to monks but to all people of the country. Such mass distribution called mangyed took place eight times during his reign.229 This was
227 Ardussi, The Rapprochement between Bhutan and Tibet under the Enlightened Rule of Sde-srid Shes-rab-dbang-phyug (r.1744-63), p.75. 228 See, BRGI, pp.331-336. 229 Ardussi, The Rapprochement between Bhutan and Tibet under the Enlightened Rule of Sde-srid Shes-rab-dbang-phyug (r.1744-63), p.74.
225 BMRM, vol.2, pp.87-88. 226 Aris, The Raven Crown, p.32.
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unheard of earlier. Third, he engaged in restoration works of numerous dzongs and temples in the country. This was a direct patronage of the monastic community. It was only him who had images of Buddhas and Boddhisattvas as well as protective deities gilded with gold in almost all temples in the country. The grandest project of all was Shes-rab-dbang-phugs construction of the golden dome of Punakha, and the simultaneous fabrication of an enormous appliqu hanging of Spyan-ras-gzigs.230 His support of restoration works was not just in Bhutan but across the border as well. He made substantial contribution to the restoration of Ralung monastery in Tibet so much so that a portrait of him adorns the walls of the monastery as one of its chief patrons. Desi Sherub Wangchuks reign was a period of unprecedented peace especially after tumultuous years of the first half of eighteenth century. Another short era of peaceful reign was that of Nineteenth Desi Sangye Tenzin. If it were not for his short reign of just over four years, it was thought his reign would have paralleled that of Desi Sherub Wangchuk. Whenever there were periods of peace and stability in the country, the countrys rulers were able to devote energy and resources to support the monastic establishments. Most desis and even dzongpons and penlops usually launched upon some form of patronage to monastic community soon after taking office. When Desi Zhidar was Trongsa Penlop, he expanded a section of Trongsa Dzong, received the Tenth Je Khenpo Tenzin Chogyal from Punakha and expanded the monastic community in the dzong by recruiting novice monks.231 After becoming desi, he commissioned the making of a huge thongdrel or appliqu of Zhabdrung Rinpoche. It is said that owing to its blessings, Tibetan and Nepalese governments offered to Bhutan the control of Ralung (in Tibet) and Swambunath (in Nepal) monasteries that very year. He commissioned many other religious works such as the making of an image of Buddha similar to Jowo of Lhasa, and having all volumes of Kanjur written in gold. From pious rulers, we can understand that patronage would be forthcoming. What is interesting is the fact that
230 Ardussi, The Rapprochement between Bhutan and Tibet under the Enlightened Rule of Sde-srid Shes-rab-dbang-phyug (r.1744-63), p.76. 231 BRGI, p. 368.
patronage was extended even by those desis who actually assassinated exalted reincarnations. Take for example the Eighth Druk Desi. He had poisoned to death Ngawang Kunga Gyaltshen, the first reincarnation of Gyalse Jampel Dorje. He also had Lama Zhang and the renowned Terton Drukdra Dorje murdered.232 But he built Wangditse monastery and a two-storey high image of Lord Buddha, installed numerous sacred artefacts and commissioned printing of many scriptures. He prohibited sati system among Indian subjects in places like Gadhikha, and also stopped a tradition called rabche duwa by which local lords had rights to have sexual relations with barren woman.233 The same prohibition would be imposed by Desi Sherub Wangchuk as well.234 The Thirtieth Desi Sonam Drugyal had assassinated his predecessor and seized office for himself. Before he seized the office of desi, he had little regard for Thugtrul Jigme Dragpa II. But later, he not only venerated him but took him as his root guru at the advice of Je Ngawang Chogyal.235 Similarly, Desi Dorje Namgyal, the Thirty Third Desi had forced his predecessor Desi Chokyi Gyaltshen out of office. He solicited external military support to oust the desi and seize the office for himself. He would re-build Punakha Dzong, which was burnt down for the fourth time and began works of making one thousand images of Buddhas.236 The above examples amply support our argument that patronage of monastic community was indispensable means of establishing legitimacy for desis who took office either through legitimate means or by force. There are indeed rulers like the twenty ninth and fortieth desis who seized office forcibly but succumbed to assassination shortly without having opportunity of embarking on any such patronage activities. It could be possible that some desis also undertook socially beneficial activities but that biographers and historians, who were all from the monastery, only recorded activities that either supported
232 BRGI, p.305. 233 BRGI, p.300. 234 Ardussi, Introduction - The Necklace of Pearls: A Biography of the 13th Druk Desi Sherub Wangchuck (1697-1765), p.1. 235 BRGI, p.422. 236 BRGI, p.432.
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or undermined monastic establishment. Nevertheless, they point our attention to the most important state objective of patronizing monks and monasteries. Indeed patronage was an act of drawing legitimacy for rule. However, patronage was not the end but a means of generating and consolidating conditions of liberty and happiness. Let us recall a line from the Kathrim: If there is no law, happiness will not come to beings. If beings do not have the happiness there is no point in the Hierarchs of the Brug-pa upholding the doctrine of the dual system. The objective of governance was therefore, happiness for people as well as sentient beings. The condition of generating happiness or source of happiness was Buddhism. Thus, state support to Buddhism in the form of patronage of various kinds was seen as promoting social and spiritual capital for happiness. Here, we must draw important distinction between liberty as conceptualized in western political thought and Buddhist thought. One of the central tenets of modern European liberalism is that government exists to safeguard the rights and liberties of citizens who are ultimately the best judges of their own interest.237 The right to life, liberty and property is a consequence of the laws and practices of governments.238 Liberalism established the primacy of individual. It regarded each individual as self-subsistent unit and society as a collection of isolated units, self-contained, self-satisfied and self-willed.239 Its view of human being is as one who acts to satisfy desire and avoid pain. [T]he overriding motivation of human beings is to fulfill their desires, maximize their satisfaction or utility and minimize their suffering240 Buddhist view of human or sentient beings do not differ. It sees all sentient beings as seeking happiness and avoiding suffering. But the basis and means of achieving happiness radically differs. Western political thought saw this basic human motivation as something that is primitive and irreducible. Hence every person works to find satisfaction and happiness. Liberty is inseparablefrom property
237 Held, Models of Democracy, p.81. 238 Loughlin, Towards a Republican Revival, p.428. 239 Vermani, An Introduction to Political Theory, p.213. 240 Held, Models of Democracy, p.94.
and the preservation of property is the primary duty of the state.241 The key tenet of Buddhism is that all sentient beings desire happiness but often the means to achieve happiness is mistaken. The primordial state of sentient beings is the Buddha nature; hence the seed of happiness is already inherent in beings although it lies hidden under layers of delusions. The essential delusion is the belief in the existence of the self, and the sense of grasping that develops with it. Happiness can be achieved if this delusion is cured. Buddhist teachings are key means of overcoming this delusion. Hence, state support to Buddhism and patronage of monastic community becomes the primary purpose of governance. Liberty is freedom from delusion and attachment that the belief in self generates.
241 Vermani, An Introduction to Political Theory, p.212.
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King Ugyen Wangchuck
Chapter 8:
Founding and consolidation of monarchy

Securing state power
y the time Desi Jigme Namgyal died, Paro Penlop Ugyen Wangchuck was 20 years old. When Jakar Dzongpon Pema Tenzin and Trongsa Penlop Dungkar Gyaltshen (who were Ugyen Wangchucks maternal and paternal uncles respectively) went to war, the former promised Donsepa Senge Namgyal the office of Trongsa Dronyer if he led a force against Dungkar Gyaltshen and defeated him. He succeeded but the promise was not fulfilled. Pema Tenzin instead appointed Urap Pema Tashi, the brother of his younger wife, as Trongsa Dronyer. In a well-hatched conspiracy, Senge Namgyal murdered Pema Tenzin on the 15th day of 6th month of 1882. He declared himself Trongsa Penlop and issued an edict exempting almost all taxes for a year for the people of Bumthang. But he too was assassinated in an equally intriguing plot conceived by Ugyen Wangchuck and his mother, who was the sister of the murdered penlop.242 Ugyen Wangchuck then became Trongsa Penlop in 1886. To replace him at Paro, he appointed his elder brother Thinley Tobgye as Paro Penlop. Thinley Tobgye had already been appointed Wangdue Phodrang Dzongpon by his father Jigme Namgyal. Although he held both portfolios, he died within a year. So Ugyen Wangchuck appointed his uncle Jampa as Wangdue Phodrang Dzongpon and Dawa Paljor as Paro Penlop. Dawa Paljors father Dorje was the eldest brother of Jigme Namgyal. Ugyen Wangchuck married his golden cousin243 Rinchen Pemo, the daughter of Pema Tenzin. His sister Dechen Yangdon married his wifes brother, Chime Dorje. Chime Dorje was appointed
242 See Aris, The Raven Crown, pp.76-78 for details of the episode. 243 Golden cousin is an eastern Bhutanese terminology that refers to cross-cousins. Cross-cousins are customarily prescribed as the most preferred marriage partners.
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as Jakar Dzongpon, the very post his father Pema Tenzin had held.244 Ugyen Wangchuck appointed Lam Tshewang as the Fifty Fourth Desi. His post of Thimphu Dzongpon was given to Alu Dorje. Phuntsho Dorje had already been appointed as Punakha Dzongpon by Jigme Namgyal. With all these appointments, Ugyen Wangchuck reinforced control of the country established by his father. The desi as well as dzongpons and penlops who constituted the cabinet were his kinsmen and loyalists. A last battle however, had to be fought before he became the de facto ruler of the country. That battle was fought not against a rebel or loyalists of people whom he had vanquished but against two men, whom Jigme Namgyal had adopted as his sons. Phuntsho Dorje had abducted Dechen Zangmo, the daughter of Dombula with whom Ugyen Wangchuck had an intimate relationship. Foreseeing trouble from Ugyen Wangchuck, he offered his sister Ngedup Pemo in marriage to Alu Dorje and thus, sealed an alliance. They enthroned Gawa Zangpo as the Fifty Fifth Desi in 1884 after the death of Lama Tshewang. Conspiring to kill Trongsa Penlop, they sent a bribe of Nu.400 to Changlong, the penlops dronyer, who revealed the plot to his lord.245 Rather than take hasty action, Ugyen Wangchuck decided to ascertain the veracity of the plot, which he had come to sense by then. Phuntsho Dorje and Alu Dorje agreed to his suggestion for a meeting at Sha Razawog but did not turn up. This convinced him that they were up to no good. He returned and made many offerings to gods and deities in temples of Bumthang and Trongsa calling upon their wrath to destroy either him or them, whoever they deemed harmful to the teachings of Drukpa Kagyu, the country and the people. In 1885, a force of 2140 men marched westward with full military band and banners. They camped at Bajothang where Wangdue Phodrang Dzongpon Jampa and Paro Penlop Dawa Paljor joined them. Je Khenpo Ngawang Denden and four lopens of the state monastic body tried to intervene but Ugyen Wangchuck sent them back asking them to propitiate a
244 Aris, The Raven Crown, p.78 245 Dorji, The Wangchuck Dynasty, p.6.
goddess for three days. He would pay the expenses later. Knowing that Phuntsho Dorje and Alu Dorje had no other supporters, Desi Gawa Zangpo pleaded with the father of Sungtrul Choglay Yeshe Ngedup to be desi and offered him Nu.3600. But he refused reasoning that those coming from the east were his kinsmen. Besides, he had no desire to be desi.246 The huge force crossed Puna Tsangchu. Ugyen Wangchuck stationed some of his men at Lekithang and Zomdra while he moved to Mendrelgang. The two rebels brought their forces to Punakha. In a showdown, one enemy soldier was killed and another wounded. Another encounter at Jilligang left four enemy dead. The enemy retreated to Tashichho Dzong. Ugyen Wangchuck pursued them and reached Langjophakha, known then as Lu drong. But Alu Dorje set the hill on fire forcing Ugyen Wangchuck to retreat to Semtokha Dzong, which was guarded by Chapchap Omling Dawa and Lingzhip Dorje. They were overcome and Ugyen Wangchucks men camped there. Then, a battle was fought at Lungtenphu where Ugyen Wangchuks men shot two strongmen of the enemy dead. Others took to their heels.247 Je Khenpo Ngawang Denden and the lopens again pleaded for negotiation. It was agreed that Dawa Paljor representing Ugyen Wangchuck, and Phuntsho Dorje representing Alu Dorje would meet at Chang Lingmithang. From Semtokha, Ugyen Wangchuck had sent foods for everyone. Due to some commotion, Trongsa Dronyer Ugyen Dorje unsheathed his sword which got stuck in his kabney. He intended to stab Phuntsho Dorje. Dawa Paljor however, leapt into action splitting Phuntsho Dorjes head into two. Only that morning, Phuntsho Dorjes followers had dissuaded him from moving on to the meeting because they interpreted his mounts refusal to proceed further beyond the stone-bridge at Chubachu as ominous of misfortune. But he persisted by saying that there would be no peace in the country before he died.248 His death certainly brought peace to the kingdom. In Punakha, Ugyen Wangchucks men killed five or six people who had attacked their camp. Presaging disaster, Alu Dorje fled to
246 BRGI, pp.521-522 and LGGP, pp.112-113. 247 LGGP, pp.114-115 248 BMRM, vol.2, p.162 and BRGI, p.524.
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Tibet along with Gongzim Tandin Ngedup, former desi, Damchoe Rinchen, Gasa Dzongpon Pusola and Kawang Dorje. Ugyen Wangchuck and his men required the remaining enemy soldiers to parade below arms raised high by them on two sides. It was meant to weaken their merit.249 They took over Tashichho Dzong. Ugyen Wangchuck sent Desi Gawa Zangpo to retirement at Dodedra giving him all his entitlements. He instead appointed Sangye Dorje as the Fifty Sixth Desi in 1886. Sangye Dorje had served Jigme Namgyal as kadrep. He would rule peacefully for eighteen years till his death in 1903 when he would be succeeded by the Fifty Seventh and last desi Sungtrul Choglay Yeshe Ngedup who would leave office in 1906. Within these long peaceful years, Ugyen Wangchuck could concentrate elsewhere to further consolidate his position. He remained as Trongsa Penlop as well as gongzim. His cousin Kunzang Thinley, the son of Dungkar Gyaltshen (elder brother of Jigme Namgyal) was appointed Thimphu Dzongpon. He had served as Lhuntse Dzongpon earlier. Wangchuk was appointed as Punakha Dzongpon. Ugyen Wangchuck married Kunzang Thinleys daughter after the death of his first wife Rinchen Pemo. The battle of Chang Lingmithang was over. So was Bhutans civil war for all times to come. By 1886, when he gained complete control of the country, Ugyen Wangchuck was only 24 years old.250 Of course, Alu Dorje and his faction sought Tibetan support against Ugyen Wangchuck. But before the invasion plan could even be realized, the Tibetan regent died. His death was attributed to the doings of Bhutans tutelary deities.251 After his death, they sought the support of Chinese amban. But Kazi Ugyen Dorje (of whom much will be said below) went to Lhasa and convinced them to return. The five of them were to be given positions in Bhutan. Alu Dorje was to be appointed at Dungna, his brother Tandin Ngedup at Haa, Damchoe Rinchen at Gasa, Kawang Dorje at Lingzhi and Kalyon Ngawang Sherub at Lamgong. They would be permitted to collect limited taxes but had to comply with laws of the land. Alu Dorje however, died in Chumbi whereas Ngawang
249 BMRM, vol.2, p.168. 250 BMRM, vol.2, p.170. 251 BMRM, vol.2, p.173.
The battle of Changlimithang, 1885
Sherub was just happy to be permitted to return home. Dechen Zangmo, the wife of Ugyen Wangchuk fled to Tibet in a dramatic escapade. Nothing is known about what happened to her but her younger brother Tshewang and other supporters of Alu Dorje were to stay in Kalimpong with Kazi Ugyen Dorje. This pre-empted any future troubles. Much later, they were allowed to return to their family estate in Umtekha. All the regions under their control reverted back under the states authority. Between the end of civil war in 1885 and the Younghusband mission to Lhasa in 1904, Ugyen Wangchuck devoted his life to spiritual engagements. Peace had been established. There were no uprisings, no external aggressions. The seeming absence of any major political activity during this period should not suggest any vacuum in the state building process. In fact, Ugyen Wangchucks preoccupation with religious activities is an indication of significant achievement in the state building process. A stable and secure political climate provided the right condition for pursuit of unhindered spiritual practices. It is in fact this very objective for which the state was founded by Zhabdrung Rinpoche. The establishment of the state was not the end. The state was conceptualized as a means toward promoting Buddhist teachings and encouraging a way of life that is informed by spiritual values. It was there to support the monastic establishments. Therefore, as we saw in the last chapter, most desis, and even penlops and dzongpons had always undertaken some religious activities or projects after coming to power.
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After becoming Trongsa Penlop in 1886, Ugyen Wangchuck resumed the payment of revenue to the monastic community which was suspended by his maternal uncle, Pema Tenzin. Besides, he made up for non-remittal of the previous three years.252 In 1890, he went to Lhalung in Tibet to perform the last rites for his brother in-law Kunzang Tenpai Nyima, the eighth speech reincarnation of Pema Lingpa. In 1894, he built Kurje Lhakhang in which was enshrined the image of Guru Nangsi Zilnon. Lam Khamsum Yongdrel, the reincarnation of Khenpo Vairocana, who told Ugyen Wangchuck about a prediction concerning the need for building such an image that faces east, was invited to perform the consecration ceremony.253 A year later, he granted charity to many poor people in the country. In 1897, both Ugyen Wangchuck and Rinchen Pemo, his wife were afflicted with a bile disease. That year, a severe earthquake caused severe damages to major dzongs such as Tashichho Dzong, Wangdue Phodrang Dzong, Dagana Dzong, Trongsa Dzong and Jakar Dzong. He commanded all dzongpons to restore these dzongs to their original splendour and undertook for himself the renovations of Trongsa and Jakar dzongs. Lam Khasum Yongdrel conducted a grand consecration ceremony after the renovations were complete. In 1899, he went on a pilgrimage to Tibet. Azhi Rinchen Pemo succumbed to her illness in 1900.254 Ugyen Wangchuck gradually made Trongsa and Bumthang the real seats of state power. After the battle of Chang Lingmithang, he had established himself as the undisputed leader of the country. Unlike his predecessor including his father, he chose to live particularly in Bumthang. He was based in Wangdi Chholing palace, and not in a dzong. Till his grandson, the third king His Majesty Jigmi Dorji Wangchuck moved to Thimphu, Bumthang and Trongsa would become centres of state power. Thus, his residence in these two places after Bhutans last civil war implied the beginning of dislocation of state power from Punakha in its symbolic as well as practical sense.
252 Dorji, The Wangchuck Dynasty, p.21 253 BMRM, vol.2, p.174. 254 BMRM, vol.2, pp.175-176.
The next defining moment in the life of Ugyen Wangchuck and that of Bhutan came when he joined the Younghusband mission to Lhasa. It is to this mission that our narrative and analysis must move on since Ugyen Wangchucks contribution in it earned him the respect and friendship of the British which reinforced his position in Bhutan as the undisputed leader. His role in the mission was also a significant milestone in the process of state building in Bhutan. Of course the British had long realized that Ugyen Wangchuck was the main leader in the country, and chose to deal with him directly even when there was a desi and two different reincarnations of Zhabdrung Rinpoche.
The Younghusband mission255
he Anglo-Bhutanese war of 1772-1773 had brought Tibet in contact with British for the first time. The contact as well as the beginning of a cordial relationship was unfortunately brought to premature end due to the Nepalese invasion of Tibet in 1792. The Tibetans suspected British involvement in the invasion, and barred Indian traders, visitors and pilgrims from entering Tibet. The next official attempt to befriend Tibet began in 1873, almost a hundred years later. An agreement they signed with the Chinese in 1876 was done without the knowledge of Tibetans. The British government approved a mission to Tibet in 1885 but had to be abandoned for various reasons.
In 1889, Lord Curzon, the viceroy of India asked Ugyen Dorje to write to the Thirteenth Dalai Lama Ngawang Lobzang Thubten Gyatsho concerning deputation of representatives to discuss trade and boundary issues. Ugyen Dorje was the son of a retired dzongpon called Sharpa Phanchung. His father was Pala Gyaltshen (Ugyen Wangchucks great uncle), and his mother, a lady from Tsento in Paro. He was chosen to contact the Tibetans on the recommendation of John Claude White, the British Political Officer in Sikkim. This and other letters of Ugyen Dorje as well as one by a British official were unanswered by Dalai Lama.
255 This section is largely drawn from Kinga, Gongsa Ugyen Wangchuck and the Younghusband Mission to Lhasa, pp. 7-53.
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Ugyen Wangchuck during the Younghusband mission to Tibet, 1904
Meanwhile, the British were alarmed believing that Dalai Lama was instead sending an envoy to the Tsar of Russia for rapprochement and strengthening relations. Despite Russian assurances of the religious nature of the visit, the British viewed seriously the possibility of Russian influence in Tibet and of offsetting British interests in Tibet. They suspected that Russians must be planning an eventual invasion of India. On 8 January 1903, the British government sanctioned a mission to Lhasa. Colonel Younghusband led the mission in June but could not proceed. It had to withdraw to Sikkim months later without achieving anything. Even as the British were contemplating on their mission, they were anxious of the Bhutanese, who were closely connected to the Tibetans in terms of religion. The route for the mission would also be close to Bhutanese borders. So they wrote to Ugyen Wangchuck on 9 October 1903 inviting him to come to talks at Buxa or Kalimpong. The letter delivered by Ugyen Dorje said that the British were desirous of obtaining the good offices of the Government of Bhutan to resolve their differences with the Tibetans. The proposed meeting was to secure the neutrality, if not the active friendship of the Bhutanese Government in the event of British operations in the Chumbi valley,256 and not to arouse alarm or suspicion of the Bhutanese.
256 Labh, India and Bhutan, p. 136.
Ugyen Wangchuck delayed the response. The British anxiety mounted. They wrote again expressing their knowledge of hostile preparations in Bhutan, and threatened to suspend the annual subsidy due on 1 January 1904 if Ugyen Wangchuck did not come for talks. He immediately responded to denounce the allegation of hostile preparations, and also agreed to come for the meeting. In a subsequent letter, he suggested Buxa for meeting if the issues concerned Bhutan and British, and Dromo Rinchengang if it concerned mediation with the Tibetans. He arrived at Dromo Rinchengang on 16 December 1903 along with Kazi Ugyen Dorje, fifty other people and 200 soldiers. But before him, the Bhutanese had sent Thimphu Dzongpon Kunzang Thinley in response to Younghusbands request for Ugyen Wangchuck to come to Chumbi. He met Younghusband at Phari and assured him of Bhutans support both in words and deeds such as handing over the permission to build a road up the Amochu. He also tried to mediate with Tibetans who required the British to withdraw to Yatung from Phari before any negotiations could begin. His mediation did not succeed, and he returned home on 13 March 1904. But this established a good rapport between Bhutan and British. Then Younghusband met with Ugyen Dorje, who represented Ugyen Wangchuck. He asked Ugyen Dorje to request Ugyen Wangchuck to write to the Dalai Lama encouraging his government to negotiate. On March 31, the mission moved to Gyantse but a tragic confrontation at Guru left 628 Tibetan soldiers dead. The mission reached Gyantse on April 11. There, Younghusband received three letters, one each from Thugtrul Jigme Chogyal, Ugyen Wangchuck and Dzongpon Kunzang Thinley congratulating him on his victory at Guru. Ugyen Wangchuck must have been at Dromo Rinchengang all along. Only when Younghusband realized that the Tibetans would not meet him without Ugyen Wangchuck did he telegraph him to come to Gyantse. No Tibetan negotiators would come to Gyantse. Instead, another two battles would be fought resulting in loss of hundreds of lives. Younghusband wrote to inform the Dalai Lama that if no one turned up for negotiation at Gyantse by June 25, the mission would advance to Lhasa. He then returned to Chumbi to finalize preparations for the advance to Lhasa. At Phari, he met Ugyen Wangchuck.
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They held talks in which Ugyen Wangchuck admitted the obstinacy of the Tibetans to come to negotiate, and dissuaded the British from the planned advance. The meeting ended with Younghusband conveying his respects to Thugtrul Jigme Chogyal, and asking Ugyen Wangchuck to write advising him on resolving the dispute with Tibetans. Ugyen Wangchuck assured him of Bhutans good-will and friendship. He would follow Younghusband to Gyantse to mediate with the Tibetans who would not see Younghusband before meeting him. Thus, he became an indispensable intermediary between the two sides. With negotiations leading nowhere, the British took Gyantse Dzong by force. Younghusband asked Ugyen Wangchuck to witness the attack but the latter chose to be at a distance. He did not wish to be thought of taking sides against the Tibetans. He must also have doubted the possibility of British success in the heart of Tibet particularly in view of the fact that Tibetans had months of preparation. However, the British success made a strong impression on him. He congratulated the British and again wrote to the Tibetans that the British advance to Lhasa had begun but that they could come to negotiate so that the terms of settlement could be discussed on the way. When the mission advanced to Lhasa, Ugyen Wangchuck stayed back at Gyantse. He was writing letters to the Dalai Lama, Tibetan officials and Younghusband trying to communicate each others positions. The Tibetans would not negotiate until the mission withdrew to Gyantse. The British would not withdraw and reached Lhasa on 3 August 1904. Ugyen Wangchuck, who caught up with the mission led the grand entry into the sacred city wearing his Raven Crown for the occasion and accompanied by ceremonial musicians and all his men. Fearing conflict, however, he pulled them back257 Meanwhile, the 28-year old Dalai Lama had prematurely ended his three-year meditation and fled to Mongolia. The anti-climax of reaching Lhasa was the total absence of any Russian influence. However, Younghusband commenced negotiations for a treaty that concerned the placing of a resident at Lhasa, or failing that, an agent at
257 Aris, The Raven Crown, p. 90.
Gyantse, with the right to proceed to Lhasa; the formal recognition of exclusive political influence; the demand of an indemnity; the occupation of Chumbi valley as security; the establishment of trade-marts at Gyantse, Yatung, Shigatse, and Gartok; the settlement of the Sikkim and Garhwal boundaries, customs and duties, and trade regulations. Again, the Tibetans would not negotiate without Ugyen Wangchuck, who shuttled between them. The main contention hinged around the payment of indemnity to the British to compensate for Tibetan attacks against them. The indemnity of Rs.75,00,000 was to be paid at an annual instalment of Rs.100,000. This meant that it would take 75 years to realize the indemnity. Ugyen Wangchuck suggested that the indemnity be realized from custom duties collected at trade marts that were to be established at Gyantse and Gartok. He dissuaded Younghusband from occupying Norbulingka, the summer palace of Dalai Lama. He intervened to request Younghusband not to levy additional indemnity as the negotiation prolonged. The treaty was finally signed on 7 September 1904. On the 10th, Ugyen Wangchuck paid a formal visit to congratulate Younghusband on the successful signing of the treaty. Younghusband noted that The Tongsa Penlop himself, the principal man in Bhutan, accompanied the mission to Lhasa, put me into communication with leading men and was highly instrumental in effecting a settlement. A year ago, the Bhutanese were strangers; today they are our enthusiastic allies. The Government of India also noted that His Excellency, the Viceroy entertains no doubt that the Tongsa Penlops sound advice and exhortation to the Tibetan Government have been promoted by an earnest desire to establish feelings of friendship and good understanding between the parties to the recent Agreement.258 The Younghusband mission returned from Lhasa on 23 September. At Phari, Younghusband held Ugyen Wangchucks hand and expressed his appreciation for the latters contribution. For Bhutan, the mission was instrumental in gaining the respect and friendship of the British. Younghusband wrote, When the mission
258 Kohli, From Dependency to Interdependence, p. 164.
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started, the Bhutanese were practically strangers, and their attitude uncertain. When the mission returned, they were our firm friends.259 One character that did well out of the Younghusband Expedition was that tough, sharp Bhutanese go-between, the Tongsa Penlop, Ugyen Wangchuck. If unswerving devotion to national selfinterest is the hallmark of the good diplomat, he can scarcely be faulted.260 The British appreciation for Ugyen Wangchucks contribution in the mission was formalized when he was honoured as the Knight Commander of the Indian Empire in 1905. John Claude White, whom Ugyen Wangchuck met during the mission, was deputed by Viceroy of India for this purpose. In this way the prestige Ugyen Wangchuck had earned for himself abroad was demonstrated vividly to all those in his country who had till then only heard rumours of it.261 However, it seems possible that this honour came in response to a medal Ugyen Wangchuck awarded to Younghusband. Since the two of them did not meet later, the medal could have been given possibly be at the end of the mission. When Britain was sagging under the pressure of expenses for World War II, the war office was accepting donations of different kinds of people. Younghusband, who was very aged then, made his personal contributions. Among them were the medals awarded to him by the four Geographical Societies of London, as well as one from the King of Bhutan, which were presented to the Chancellor of the Exchequer to help with the war effort.262 King Ugyen Wangchuck was invited to Calcutta in 1906 to meet the Prince of Wales and the viceroy. In Bhutan, these two events served to reinforce Ugyen Wangchucks political position as the de facto ruler. Securing both domestic and external support for his position sent a message to anyone who would have second thoughts of letting his political authority go unchallenged. He was now ready to transform state power represented by his personality into an enduring political institution. Ugyen Dorje realized the need to effect such an institutionalization, and submitted an application to the state council.
259 Younghusband, India and Tibet, p. 314. 260 French, Younghusband, p. 260 261 Aris, The Raven Crown, p. 88. 262 French, Younghusband, p. 384.
First, there had been no kings in the country but anyone could become a desi. The absence of clear procedure made administration of secular and spiritual laws difficult. Second, unlike in the past, the countrys foreign relations with Tibet and British India had increased a lot. Third, the desi system would not end. It would rather look after internal administration and monastic communities. The teachings and dominion of Zhabdrung Rinpoche would be greatly benefited. Fourth, the Trongsa Penlop had been accorded the highest honour by the greatest nation on earth. The honour is equivalent to a king. If he were to assume the title of king, it would benefit everyone. There would be no one to harm the dominion of Zhabdrung Rinpoche. Besides, even if the revenue from Assam and the territory of Bhutan do not increase, they would definitely not shrink. Fifth, if the Trongsa Penlop were to assume the kingship, the British would always extend their support. Sixth, the suggestion was submitted in consideration of the countrys interest, not personal concerns.263 Ugyen Dorjes submission made no mention that kingship would be hereditary. Rather, he questioned what would happen to peace and prosperity of the country after the death of the penlop. He urged the state council not to remain complacent but seize the opportunity of the British recognition for eventual peace in the country by agreeing to have the penlop assume the title of king. The council endorsed the proposal.
Founding of monarchy264
t was the Earth Monkey Year in 1907 when the historic genja or contract was signed and a modern monarchy established in Bhutan. In Punakha Dzong, an elaborate Zhugdrel Phuensum Tshogpa ceremony followed the offering of dar and zong to the Trongsa Penlop Ugyen Wangchuck. Then a head clerk of the Zhung Lhengye (cabinet) read out the genja.265 The seal of Zhabdrung Rinpoche, Nga Chudruma (taken out from a casket by Tatshang Lama) was first stamped on the genja, done in two copies. The paper was first most carefully damped with
263 BRGI, pp. 543-545. 264 See Bhutan Observer, 27 July 2007 for a shorter article on the genja of 1907. 265 White, Sikhim and Bhutan, pp. 225-226.
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The genja
t the foot of the precious lord of justice, sovereign of two traditions
(Our) submission and prayer: In our kingdom of Druk, the previous desi chhenpo(s) came either from the lama(s) and lopen(s) of the dratshang, lhengye or chila(s) of different regions. However, there was no hereditary king. Therefore, the supreme assembly (consisting) of khenlop, Zhung Lhengye along with regional chila(s) and all the chiefs and people, in one voice, accept in our mind not to change this oath for laying down a secure future. All the above discussed and harmonized (our) aspirations, clear to all gods and men, that the enthronement of the chichab of Druk, Trongsa Penlop Sir Ugyen Wangchuck as the hereditary king, is accomplished on 17 December 1907, the Thirteenth Day of the Eleventh Month of Earth Monkey Year, when
The enthronement of King Ugyen Wangchuck, 17 December 1907
warm water before the impressions of the seals were taken.266 Thereafter, all the forty eight signatories affixed their seals. The English translation of this most important document of the founding of monarchy in Bhutan appeared in print in 1909 in London when John Claude Whites Sikhim and Bhutan: Twenty-One Years on the North-East Frontier, 1887-1908 was published. Subsequent writers on Bhutan used this translation in its entirety or with a few negligible changes. Since the translation appeared in his book, it could be assumed that he was the translator. As the British political officer based in Gangtok, Sikkim, he visited Bhutan twice, once representing British India during the coronation of Gongsa Ugyen Wangchuck in 1907. His translation of the genja was not as is, but rather as should be in the British perspective. Thus there are critical and perhaps deliberate usages of words and terminologies that contradict the meanings of the text of original genja. This in turn influenced the views and perspectives of those who wrote later about the relationship between Bhutan and British. The following is an alternative translation that attempts to faithfully reflect its original contents.
266 White, Sikhim and Bhutan, pp. 225-226.
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Signing of the genja that established 189 hereditary monarchy in Bhutan
the auspicious day and stars meet, at Pungthang Dewa Chhenpoi Phodrang. According to this purpose,267 to the king whose enthronement on the golden throne has been accomplished, and to his successive heirs who will hold the lineage, we, all the above lama(s) and chiefs, and people high and low, entrust as witness our loyalty to serve and venerate (them). Should anyone utter evil speech and new stories, and situations arise for saying (its) not me but him through two tongues in one mouth, we undertake to expel (the person) from our community. As above, without change, the seals of the assembly of khenlop. Chhoetse.268 Seal of Zhu Dron269 Tshewang Paljor. Seal of Thimdzong Kunzang Thinley. Seal of Pungdzong Palden Wangchuk. Seal of Wangdzong Kuenzang Norbu. Seal of Rinpung Chila Dawa Paljor. Seal of Darkar Chila Tshewang Dorji. Seal of Gongzim Kuenzang Tshering. From the lower nyikem, seal of Zhung Donsepa Shar Tshering. Seal of Tapon Rigzin Dorji. Seal of Zimnang Namgyal. Seal of Japon Samdrup. Seal of Pungzim Kunleg. Seal of Pungnyer Sangye Thinley. Seal of Gardzong Dago Ngedup. Seal of Thimzim Sithub. Seal of Thimnyer Phurpa Tashi. Seal of Lingnyer Taya Gup. Seal of Wangzim Tshewang Dendup. Seal of Wangnyer Garpon. Seal of Rindroen Pelzang. Seal of Rinnyer Yeshe. Seal of Rinzim Sigyal. Seal of Drudzong Samten Yoezer. Seal of Ha Drung Ugyen. Seal of Darzim Dorji. Seal of Nyerchen Wangpo. Seal of Chhoezim Dorji. Seal of Jadzong Chhime Dorji. Seal of Zhongdzong Dorje Paljor. Seal of Tashigang pa Soenam Tshering. Seal of Lhundzong Thinley Jamtsho. Seal of Zhemgang Karma. Seal of all Pungthang Chipzhon. Seal of all Tashichho Dzong Chipzhon. Seal of all Wangdzong Chipzhon. Seal of all Trongsa Chipzhon. Seal of all Rinpung Chipzhon.
267 The purpose of laying down a secure future for the kingdom. 268 The words seal of preceding other signatories are not available in this case. Only the word Chhoetse followed by the impression of his seal. 269 I am not sure whether the word gzhu mgron is an abbreviation of gzhung mgron gnyer - the government guest master. There is another signatory in the next category called gzhung mgron gsopa. It is obvious that their offices were different. The question is, what or who was a gzhu mgron?
The genja of 1907
From the people, the seal of Tshochhen Gye. Seal of Thed Darjay Chusum. Seal of Shar Dargye. Seal of Barkor Tshodru. Seal of Haa Gyued Zhi. Seal of Tsentong Lingdrug. Seal of Sharchog Khorlo Tsibgye. Seal of Darkar Lingsum.
Categories of signatories
here are five categories of signatories. The first two seals are of the monastic community represented by the je khenpo and lopen(s). They are followed by seals of eight members of the Zhung Lhengye. Then, there are seals of twenty five nyikems, red scarf officials. They were the Zhung Dronsepa, Rinpung Dronyer, tapon and japon,
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seven zimpon(s), six nyerpa(s), seven dzongpon(s) and the Ha Drung. Next, there are five seals representing chipzhon(s) of Punakha, Tashichho Dzong, Wangdue Phodrang, Trongsa and Rinpung. These seals are mentioned as mang lag korwai thiu, seals that change hands in the community. It indicates that these seals were used by a representative of the chipzhon, and that this representation was based on taking turns or changing hands lag kor. The last category of seals represented the people of eight different regions. As the name of each region indicates, they were further divided into different groups.
secure future for the Bhutanese people and country. On their part, the other signatories were to serve His Majesty and his heirs as hereditary monarchs with loyalty and dedication.
Translation inconsistencies
Types of seals
lthough a general term seal is used here in English, there are three different words in the original Dzongkha text to differentiate types of seals affixed. The two seals of the khenlop (je khenpo and lopen(s) are called chitham supreme seal. The seal of Chhoetse is stamped next to these two seals. In this case, there is no mention of the type of seal except for the word Chhoetse. Seals of other members of Lhengye Tshok are mentioned as tag - marks. Those of nyikem, chipzhon and the people are called thiu. The seals of the khenlop, members of Zhung Lhengye and nyikem are associated with individual offices while those of chipzhon and the people are representative seals. The Nga Chudruma - a `huge five inch square seal was painted with vermilion while all others were done in black. Except for the Nga Chudruma and square seals of Drugyal and Zhongar Dzongpon, others are circular.
The undertaking
he document is referred in itself as gantshig (letters of undertaking). But its format and content are that of a genja (breadth or scope of undertaking). A genja commits both parties to uphold the undertaking or responsibilities enshrined in it. Thats why, the seal of Chhoetse, as one of the two parties, is also affixed on it immediately after those of dratshang signatories.270 The undertaking of His Majesty Ugyen Wangchuck enshrined in the genja was laying a
270 In this context we understand the historic and contemporary significance of His Majesty Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuck receiving the dar and seal of the Chhoetse Penlop from the Fourth King His Majesty Jigme Singye Wangchuck on 21 October 2004.
ohn Claude White had translated many words and terminologies into English which, in this translation have been left as in the original text. Some important ones that significantly alter the meaning, spirit and consequences of the genja are considered here. He begins with this line, There being no Hereditary Maharaja over this State of Bhutan Compare with the translation here, In our Kingdom of Drukthere was no hereditary king. The contrasts are obvious. Using Maharaja instead of king, gyal po, the intent is to compare and regard Bhutan like an Indian princely state ruled by Maharajas. This intent is also reinforced as he uses state instead of kingdom, gyalkhab. Indeed he was aware of the discrepancy in meaning. He writes, Gyelpo, is the title given him by the people of Bhutan, not Maharaja, and its literal translation is King. Yet he chose to use Maharaja for King. The effect is subtle and unnoticed but gaining momentum as Deb Rajas substitutes for Desi Chhenpo. The word raja used in these two instances is of course a Hindi word that has different political nuance in the context of British rule in India. Similarly, he equates Prime Minister for chichab (supreme reach or coverage and hence, supreme chief). This sentence to electthe Prime Minister as Hereditary Maharaja of this State which is translated here as enthronement of the chichab as the hereditary king provides room for different interpretation. The king was not elected; he was enthroned as were all the successive kings. Election does not entail succession by heredity. Whites choice of Maharaja was deliberate as indicated above. In his short speech to congratulate His Majesty Ugyen Wangchuck on your accession to the gaddi, he addresses him with the same title Maharaja. There is thus certain difference in the interpretation of the genja and spirit of the occasion. The other words he uses are open durbar. Durbar refers to an official reception held by a local prince, a local
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chief or British governor in colonial India and Africa. Therefore, the British audience and subsequent writers read it to understand that the coronation ceremony of 1907 was like a durbar. His usage of the words open durbar is contrasted with the Bhutanese original clear to all gods and men. The establishment of the monarchy after more than two and half centuries of founding of a national polity signifies the rise of the modern Bhutanese state. It is noteworthy particularly in view of the fact that monarchy as a political system was founded in Bhutan at the very time it was becoming outdated and less fashionable elsewhere. But the principles of Bhutans monarchy do not necessarily follow the ones that are embedded in others. The king is not the anointed son of god on earth. His enthronement was based on the consensus or contract drawn between him and other signatories, not on any divine right. The genja of 1907 actually replaces the Nga Chudruma as the symbol of the new states legitimacy. For all purpose, Zhabdrung Rinpoches Nga Chudruma had become an emblem of the state just like a national flag or national anthem. That is why it is stamped on top of the genja. The Nga Chudruma is a self-declaration of Zhabdrung Rinpoches authority. That authority is unconditional. The genja however, is a collective agreement to endow state authority. It is implicitly conditional to the extent that its terms and conditions are observed. Hence, there is a suggestion that state power endowed to monarchy is limited making it conditional to upholding the undertakings of the genja. The interesting aspect of the genja is that it makes no reference whatsoever to Zhabdrung Rinpoche and his reincarnations concerning their roles in the new state. The principle of succession to the throne by reincarnation had been replaced by that of heredity. In the ecclesiocracy, the reincarnations of Zhabdrung Rinpoche sat on the throne as sovereigns, even if they were just titular ones. The fact that the principle of succession was now based on heredity left no political role for his reincarnations. These reincarnations had always legitimized the rule of desis. On the other hand, the legitimacy for the monarchy came from those who put their seals on that historic genja. Of course
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the representatives of monastic community were party to the genja. His Majesty Ugyen Wangchuck also received the sacred dar from the machhen of Zhabdrung Rinpoche enshrined in Punakha Dzong as a symbolic reaffirmation of his succession. However, legitimacy for his rule did not flow from a superior sovereign. He was the sovereign. This was indeed a great political change. Because Ugyen Dorje had rendered selfless services to King Ugyen Wangchuck and the country, he was promoted to a ministerial rank by awarding the post of gongzim, a post which the king had earlier held. The post was also made hereditary. Thus, when Ugyen Dorje died in 1916, his son Sonam Tobgye Dorje was appointed gongzim. Earlier that year, the viceroy of India granted Ugyen Dorje with the distinguished title of Raja. They were to do the same with Sonam Tobgye Dorje as well later. Ugyen Dorjes main responsibility was to handle Bhutans relationship with British India although his official title of gongzim meant that as a member of state council, he should be looking after internal affairs under the king like other council members. The founding of the monarchy ended the office of desi but that of the je khenpo continued. However, a crucial distinction is that the monarchy did not replace or substitute the desi. Substitution or replacement would have meant that while the monarchy became hereditary unlike the desi, it was still under a sovereign. But the monarch was now the sovereign. Rather than receive the legitimacy of his rule from the exalted reincarnations, King Ugyen Wangchuck symbolically received it from the machhen. Thus, one of the legitimating factors was relocated in Zhabdrung Rinpoche rather than his reincarnations. In contrast to the reincarnations that were there in persons, the significance of Zhabdrung Rinpoche as the source of legitimacy became symbolic only in historical context. Thus, real power would be wielded by the sovereign on the throne. Earlier, the je khenpo like the desi was also subordinate to the reincarnations of Zhabdrung Rinpoche, or that of Gyalse Jampel Dorje and Gyalse Tenzin Rabgye. Under the monarchy however, the state monk body was for the first time institutionally separated from the reincarnations of Zhabdrung Rinpoche and those of his representatives. Of course the symbolic
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connection continued as it does today. For example, the last desi Sungtrul Choglay Yeshe Ngedup was installed as je khenpo in 1915. As far as the institutional organization of the new state was concerned, the monk body headed by the je khenpo was not juxtaposed as an institution parallel to the monarchy as it used to be to the desi. Rather it was positioned under the monarchy. The most learned among those in the community were appointed as je khenpo. The difference however, is that the establishment of monarchy relocated formal spiritual authority in the je khenpo, and was not derived from the reincarnations. But the fundamental element of the diarchic state was not obliterated in the establishment of the monarchy. This element, which is characterized by the interdependence of the secular and spiritual aspects of public life particularly in terms of law and justice remained. The difference however, was in the institution that embodied this interdependence. Zhabdrung Rinpoche and his successive reincarnations shaped the polity in which this interdependence found expression. Now it was King Ugyen Wangchuck and his successive heirs who would embody it. Succession by biological descent took precedence over succession by reincarnations.
the state chose to address the basic concerns of the people. The state had earlier largely depended on peoples meagre resources for its perpetuation. This is the beginning of an interesting reformulation of state-society relation. Indeed the idea of the society as patrons supporting the monastic community remained. But the state represented by the monarchy began to pay attention to issues that affected the people. In order to ease heavy burdens of tax obligations, the first two kings would undertake dramatic tax reforms. It is at this point of state building process that the idea of the state as modernizer or liberator begins to seep in. Thus far, the images of the state were ones of being a protector from external and internal threats, and extractor of resources for channelling them to monastic community. The image of the monarchical state as a modernizing force consolidated during the reign of the third and fourth kings but a beginning was made with modest tax reforms. On 8 July 1910, the Treaty of Punakha was signed with British India. As opposed to the hostile environment within which the Treaty of Sinchula was signed in 1865 after the Duar War, this one took place when the political climate was favourable and when a sovereign in whom real state power was vested was on the throne. In 1911, King Ugyen Wangchuck visited Delhi to meet the KingEmperor George V. King Ugyen Wangchuck had met him earlier in Calcutta when he was the Prince of Wales. On his return, he visited various parts of the country. In order to maintain the good-will with British India, he donated Nu.200,000 in 1914 to the British, who were fighting World War I. The money was largely raised with donations from officials and wealthy persons in the country.271 Two years later, he would make another contribution of Nu.100,000 to the British Imperial Relief Fund. The decision would not have been a light one especially when Nu.100,000 was the only source of direct cash revenue for the state. But then the diplomatic gains were definitely much more. King Ugyen Wangchuck introduced western education in 1914 by sending 46 boys to Dr. Grahams Homes, a Scottish mission school in Kalimpong India and by
271 BRGI, p. 553.
Consolidating the new state
he two decades after the founding of monarchy in 1907 would see King Ugyen Wangchuck completely engaged in consolidating the state. The institution of the monarchy itself had to be embedded into Bhutanese society. One of the first activities he undertook was to address issues of taxation. With the Duars seized by the British and compensated with a meagre subsidy, the state had come to rely heavily on the people for its revenue. Besides the Rs.50,000 subsidy which was doubled to Rs.100,000 on the occasion of King Ugyen Wangchucks enthronement, there was no other source of cash revenue. A significant part of this subsidy went to support the monastic community. Thus, in-kind taxes collected from the people were sold in Tibetan markets to generate cash income or barter for other goods. Meanwhile, taxation had become instruments of coercive extortion of resources by the state from the people. It was also the first time that
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inaugurating a school in Haa with teachers recruited from the Church of Scotland mission in Kalimpong. The following year, a mobile school attached with the Royal Court was established in Bumthang where the crown prince and other children were enrolled. By 1919-20, 21 students were studying at Bumthang and 28 at Haa.
By 1920, four boy students from the Scottish mission school in Kalimpong reached the Indian University entrance standard and were sent for training. The King wanted them to be trained as doctors and veterinary doctors and as teachers so that they could shoulder the responsibilities of developing the young kingdom.272
About 7 boys passed their matriculation examination from Calcutta University in 1925.273 Besides, the king also did not abandon traditional education and scholarship. In order to train a new generation of senior-monk scholars, he sent seventeen monks from Punakha and Trongsa to undergo studies at Drepung Monastery in Lhasa as well as to Dzogchen Monastery in eastern Tibet. King Ugyen Wangchuck also begins a detailed record of landholdings in the country. There is little information on how landholdings were recorded earlier. Indeed, the eccelesiocratic state did keep records of lands offered to the dzongs and monasteries by the patrons. But a comprehensive record called Thram Martham Chem (Register with Red Seal) was prepared during King Ugyen Wangchucks reign. This, in contemporary practice elsewhere would have equated to a fiscal cadastre one which was conceived specifically for the purpose of taxation.274 The area of land was conceptualized in terms of soen dre (seeds container). Hence landholdings were recorded in terms of the number of dres of soen (seeds) that could be sown in that particular land. The approximate produce from the landholdings were recorded and constituted the basis of taxation. The first Martham Chem was prepared in 1919. Even though the procedure and right to succession by King Ugyen Wangchucks heir was enshrined in the genja, he must have foreseen possibilities of it being challenged
272 Bhutan Times, 8 July 2007. 273 Sinha, Bhutan: Ethnic Identity and National Dilemma, p.192. 274 National Land Commission, Measuring Towards Perfection, p.11.
after his demise. His first wife had died without leaving him a male heir. Before re-marrying, he had agreed that he would have his nephew succeed him. The succession was not to the throne then because the monarchy was not established yet. It meant succeeding to whatever positions of power and privileges he enjoyed. The heir apparent was Dorje Rabden, son of his younger sister Azhi Yeshe Choden. But it was Paro Penlop Tshering Paljor, son of Dorje Rabden and King Ugyen Wangchucks daughter Peldon from whom trouble was expected. After all, he was in possession of the raven crown, the symbol of Bhutans sovereign. At the death of King Ugyen Wangchuck in 1926, Nim Dorje, one of his loyal supporters from Ura is said to have offered to Prince Jigme Wangchuck all the keys and the box where the seal of office was kept to declare that he was the legitimate heir.275 Prince Jigme Wangchuck was enthroned in Punakha. During his enthronement, the names of registered monks were read out from an updated list. All of them appended their seals in a gesture similar to the signing of genja of 1907.276 What this shows is that the consolidation of state power in the monarchy was far from complete and there were elements inclined to challenge it. But the most crucial challenge would not come from Paro Penlop. Rather he would prove a loyal ally. The challenge would come from Thugtrul Jigme Dorje (6th MI). He was also present along with the je khenpo and monastic officials when the prince was enthroned in Punakha. Both of them were 22 years old then. Col. Bailey, the Political Officer based in Sikkim was also there to present the king with the medal of Companion of Indian Empire. This was a very important statement assuring King Jigme Wangchuck of British friendship. The British would again confer the Knight Commander of the Indian Empire to him in 1931. It is that year that the conflict between King Jigme Wangchuck and Thugtrul Jigme Dorje finally came out in the open. Two important events that occur before 1931 are the birth of Prince Jigmi Dorji Wangchuck in 1928, and the construction of the kings summer palace in 1929 at Kunga Rabden in Trongsa. The first ensured an heir to the
275 Dorji, The Wangchuck Dynasty, p.26. 276 LGGP, p.165.
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King Jigme Wangchuck
throne, and hence the continuity of monarchy. The second reinforced the historic and symbolic importance of Trongsa to the Bhutanese state. Besides the throne, King Ugyen Wangchuck also held the position of Trongsa Penlop. With the king based in Bumthang and Trongsa, the former state capital at Punakha assumed only historical and state ritual significance. Rather than being the centre of state power, Punakha remained the headquarters of state monastic body. The kings residence in Bumthang and Trongsa, which served as winter and summer capitals, reinforced the relocation of state power in the monarchy away from the former state whose capitals were at Thimphu and Punakha. King Jigme Wangchuck reigned during a crucial period in world and Bhutan history. It was him who ensured Bhutans sovereignty and actually enhanced it at a time when sovereignty of nations was challenged especially by the outbreak of World War II. The challenge was even more acute owing to Bhutans geographical location between large neighbours. Bhutans security perception in relation to her sovereignty took the form of strengthening relations with British India, overcoming internal problems, establishing the first corps of standing army, and successfully cultivating the goodwill and friendship of independent India. In 1934, King Jigme Wangchuck visited Calcutta, and then Gangtok on the way back. In 1939, when World War II broke out, he made financial contribution to the British just as his father did. The contribution of Nu.100,000 to the British War effort generated lots of goodwill. For Bhutan, the amount was significant in relation to the value it had then, as well as the fact that it was a huge chunk of state revenue. But the British valued Bhutanese friendship a lot. This was a significant diplomatic gain. The British appreciation for Bhutans positioned expressed in a cautious dealing with Bhutan subsequently without interfering in her affairs. India became independent in 1947, and there was much consternation in Bhutan concerning its status and relationship with India. In 1948, King Jigme Wangchuck sent a delegation to New Delhi to meet Prime Minister Nehru. The missions objective was to ask for the return
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A painting depicting the coronation of King Jigme Wangchuck, 1926
of forested areas in Duars while India could retain the cultivated tea estates and populated villages. Otherwise, they were to ask for an increase in subsidy. Nehru said these matters had to be referred to the Indian Parliament but he assured them of Indias friendship. The treaty signed in 1949 at Darjeeling did result in the increment of subsidy to Nu.500,000 as well as the return of thirty two square miles of territory called Dewangiri.277 But the provisions of the 1910 treaty were largely retained. Bhutan still agreed to be guided by the advice of the Government of India in regard to its external relations. But India did not claim suzerainty over Bhutan. Once again, this was a significant achievement for King Jigme Wangchuck. The foundation for friendship with independent India was laid. This would be enhanced during the reign of his son.
277 BRGI, pp. 572-573.
The communist movement in China which seeped into Tibet in Bhutans northern border as well as independence movement in India right across Bhutans southern border was a serious concern for Bhutan. Tibetan refugees would cross over to Bhutan to escape to India or Nepal. Some settled in Bhutan. By 1950s, the number of Tibetan refugees would increase. On the other hand, there was also escalation in migration from eastern Nepal to southern Bhutan. Migration must have begun much earlier. For example, a village of Nepali settlers emigrated to southern Bhutan after a landslide destroyed their lands in 1914. Large numbers of people lost their entire property in this calamity, and hearing that there was good land for the asking in Bhutan they decided to emigrate.278 King Jigme Wangchuck issued orders to curb migration.
278 Quoted in English, Himalayan State Formation and the Impact of British Rule in the Nineteenth Century, p.74.
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Signing of the Indo-Bhutan Treaty, 1949
In 1948, the first batch of military conscripts consisting of 232 young men from Kheng underwent their military training at Wangdue Choling in Bumthang. King Jigme Wangchuck also had fifteen Bhutanese soldiers trained in Shilong for ten months.279 Upon their return, they were appointed as military trainers. The very first assignment these young men would undertake was to deal with antistate elements in Dagapela. A hundred soldiers led by ten officers and two military doctors went as reinforcement. There they met the Paro Penlop Jigmi Dorji Wangchuck and Haa Dungpa Jigme Palden Dorji.280 Thus we see that security issues confronting the small Kingdom of Bhutan then were in no way small or of insignificant magnitude. King Jigme Wangchucks contribution to national consolidation and safeguarding of her sovereignty during these crucial years made possible the twenty-year of nation-building under the reign of his son and successor. Within Bhutan however, the vestiges of diarchic state in the person of Thugtrul Jigme Dorje posed an unfortunate challenge to consolidation of monarchys state power. Rather than Thugtrul Jigme Dorje, it was actually his brother in-law Sonam Tshering who would be the source of trouble and initial misunderstanding with King Jigme Wangchuck. Thugtrul Jigme Dorje had two sisters, Azhi Zimberi and Azhi Dorji Om. All of them had been received
279 Dorji, The Wangchuck Dynasty, p. 40. 280 LGGP, p.242.
from their birth place in Melongkhar, Arunachal Pradesh, India to Talo in Punakha. Sonam Tshering was married to Azhi Zimberi. The narratives of his machinations are vividly described in Her Majesty Azhi Dorji Wangmo Wangchucks book Of Rainbows and Clouds. Sonam Tshering succeeds in having Tshetenla, the uncle of Thugtrul Jigme Dorje, expelled from Talo in utter humiliation. He in turn seeks employment under Paro Penlop Tshering Paljor. The penlop had earlier been refused the hands of Azhi Dorji Om who was later married to Sangye Tenzin, a clerk working under him. A sense of insult and offence would not have been lost to him. So when Tshetenla reported to the penlop that Thugtrul Jigme Dorje was performing sorcery against the king, he was predisposed to believe it and informed King Jigme Wangchuck, who was in Bumthang.281 In an act that undermined the authority of the king, Thugtrul Jigme Dorje had earlier issued an edict granting grazing rights to members of his family in Arunachal Pradesh within Bhutanese territory.282 Of course, he had been pushed to issue this edict. But this was a direct challenge to the king, who was the only authority to make such grants. In retaliation or otherwise, the king had granted grazing lands at Yabesa in Punakha to Nep Dorji of Seula Lamas family. The lands belonged to Thugtrul Jigme Dorje. Another cause of misunderstanding between King Jigme Wangchuck and Thugtrul Jigme Dorje was the death of the latters uncle Gorap Dop. He was killed in crossfire between the kings men led by Dzongpon Dopola of Tashigang and thieves in Samdrup Jongkhar. Thugtrul Jigme Dorjes mother demanded compensation from the king in one of the audiences she was granted in Bumthang on their way back from a pilgrimage to Lhasa. Although it was unprecedented for the king to pay compensation, he granted them 2000 silver coins. Half of them were later found to be worn out and Sonam Tshering, Thugtrul Jigme Dorjes brother in-law, dared to send them back asking the king for good ones. The king was of course doubly offended now.283 In 1931, Sonam Tshering had deputed Thugtrul Jigme Dorjes cousin Chokyi Gyaltshen to India to seek
281 Wangchuck, Of Rainbows and Clouds, pp. 24-26. 282 Aris, The Raven Crown, p. 120. 283 Wangchuck, Of Rainbows and Clouds, pp. 26-27.
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Mahatma Gandhis support to restore the powers enjoyed by reincarnations of Zhabdrung Rinpoche. Of course, Mahatma Gandhi sent them back to convey to Thugtrul Jigme Dorje that he would pray for him. A news report about the meeting obtained by Gongzim Sonam Tobgye was submitted to the king. One can only imagine how King Jigme Wangchuck would have received this news! Thugtrul Jigme Dorje had also planned to leave for China by way of India, sending his baggage on ahead. It was taken as far south as the border settlement of Pasakha before being recovered by a party of state monks who brought it back to Talo.284 In another incident, the Paro Penlop was told that Thugtrul Jigme Dorje had fled to Tibet. He sent his troops as far as Khangmar and Samada in the Tsang province with orders either to arrest or kill him. Of course, he had never left Talo. Thus it was that the King Jigme Wangchuck and Paro Penlop sent groups of troops to arrest Thugtrul Jigme Dorjes relatives and besiege Talo Dzong. They arrived on 29 October 1931. The monastic community based in Punakha wrote a petition to the king to spare him. They wrote that he would be invited to live amongst them. But the powerful Yangbi Lopen Samten Gyatsho, who was appointed by the king, had the petitioned changed to say that the monastic community had no say in the matter. Two weeks later, on 11 November, Thugtrul Jigme Dorje was assassinated in Talo Dzong.285 Orders from Kingarapten, the kings winter court, finally reached the leaders waiting in Talo, to kill Shabdrung. The troops had been stationed in Talo for two weeks.286 There is no doubt that it must have been a very difficult decision for King Jigme Wangchuck to order the assassination of Thugtrul Jigme Dorje. But the exigencies of state building were such that Thugtrul Jigme Dorjes actions and hopes, either personal or pushed by others, posed a threat to the consolidation of the new state. With his assassination, the last possible domestic threat to the monarchical state was overcome. Of course, Sungtrul Jigme Tenzin (6th SI), born in 1919, was twelve years old then. He was born to Thugtrul Jigme Dorjes sister Azhi
284 Aris, The Raven Crown, p. 120. 285 Wangchuck, Of Rainbows and Clouds, pp. 29-31. 286 Wangchuck, Of Rainbows and Clouds, pp. 29-30.
Thugtrul Jigme Dorje
Dorji Om. He spent a lot of time with his family in India, and returned to Bhutan in 1949 with them. It was on this return trip that he passed away at age 30 at Taktsi Lhakhang in Trongsa.287 Indeed his death meant that the line of speech reincarnations of Zhabdrung Rinpoche ended. However, Thugtrul Jigme Dorjes reincarnation reportedly appeared
287 Wangchuck, Of Rainbows and Clouds, p. 79.
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in Tashigang. The first official reference about him, Thugtrul Jigme Tenzin (? not to be confused with Sungtrul Jigme Tenzin, the speech reincarnation) appears in the resolutions of the first session of the National Assembly in 1953. Since that year was an inauspicious one (lo nag), King Jigmi Dorji Wangchuck had commanded that matters concerning the reincarnation of Zhabdrung Rinpoche be taken up in the second session. However, some members expressed concern that trouble-makers from abroad in the garb of pilgrims might approach the [Z]habdrung and attempt to influence him politically.288 Since Tashigang was geographically far away from Thimphu, they proposed that he be kept with the state monastic community in Punakha. They also suggested that his mother could reside at Talo. This was the same proposal that the monastic community wanted to submit to King Jigme Wangchuck concerning Thugtrul Jigme Dorje. He was received by Tashigang Dzongpon Sonam Tobgye and taken to Yonphula Gonpa to receive teachings from the accomplished master Moenlam Rabzang. But he too did not live long.289 According to Aris, another reincarnation-claimant in Tawang was taken to India by Indian authorities during the 1962 Indo-China war fearing he could become a puppet if Chinese got hold of him. He died in 2005. The true story of the assassination of Thugtrul Jigme Dorje was made public for the first time with the publication of Of Ranbows and Clouds in 1999. The Tibetan government demanded explanation for his death claiming him to be a Tibetan national. But King Jigme Wangchuck provided evidences of him being a Bhutanese national to the British who intervened (at the kings request amidst rumours of Tibetan invasion of Bhutan) to argue that it was an internal affair for Bhutan.290 King Jigme Wangchucks difference with Thugtrul Jigme Dorje and the latters eventual death should not suggest spiritual difference. The difference was political, not spiritual. In fact, the king was the reincarnation of an accomplished practitioner, Geshe Mindru who foretold his own rebirth as son to the First King. Right after his
288 NAS, vol.1, p. 8. 289 BRDK, p. 129. 290 Aris, The Raven Crown, p. 124.
enthronement, he presented the monastic community at Punakha a set of Buddhist cannons and commentaries, thirty-five mask dance costumes, and herds of cattle. He commanded to install golden pinnacle (serto) in Punakha Dzong, and enrolled 140 monks in Punakha Dratshang.291 He issued directives for renovation of many dzongs and temples in the country. For example, Tashigang Dzong was renovated in 1936 and Wangdue Phodrang Dzong in 1948.292
In 1930, His Majesty and Her Majesty Ashi Phuntsho Chhodron renovated Monmo Tashi Khidrons temple in Kurje and installed inside it the statues of eight manifestations of Guru Rinpoche. In the same year, His Majesty renovated Dechog, Chenrezig and Garab Wangchuck temples inside Tongsa Dzong, and established Jigjed Lhakhang in 1933. His Majesty and Their Majesties founded Tharpaling and Nimalung monastic institutes. He introduced annual prayers and rituals at Nimalung and sponsored ka-thri (oral religious instructions) in Punakha in 1942, presided over by Je Khenpo Sewla Choje Ngawang Thinley. More than 3500 people attended the kathri (oral instructions).293
In 1932, he married his second queen Azhi Pema Dechen. Azhi Phuntsho Choden, his first queen and Azhi Pema Dechen were grand-daughters of Azhi Yeshe Choden, King Ugyen Wangchucks sister. This marriage led to the healing of strained relationship with Dorje Rabden, son of Azhi Yeshe Choden. Dorje Rabdens son, Paro Penlop Tshering Paljor never caused the trouble expected. After his death in 1949, King Jigme Wangchuck appointed the crown prince, Dasho Jigmi Dorji Wangchuck as Paro Penlop. Besides consolidating Bhutans statehood during a crucial period in world history, King Jigme Wangchucks contribution to national life took the form of undertaking comprehensive review of tax structure in the country. There is no doubt that tax obligations of Bhutanese people had steadily increased since the founding of the state in the seventeenth century. Taxes were collected not only
291 Dorji, The Wangchuck Dynasty, pp.33-34. In LGGP, p.165 and p.180, the number of monks enrolled is recorded as 180. 292 Dorji, The Wangchuck Dynasty, p.36. 293 Dorji, The Wangchuck Dynasty, pp.35-36. In LGGP, the location for ka-thri is noted as Trongsa and not Punakha.
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to support the monastic community but also to support the expanding network of bureaucracy. The king deputed his court officials to study the tax structure and report to him. The consequence of this study was lowering of tax burdens and abolishing of administrative posts. Both were interrelated, as we shall se below. It was the first time in the history of Bhutanese state that concerns of ordinary people were directly addressed. For example, tax obligations of those families who had died long ago had been imposed on the community. On the other hand, there were lots of zurpa families, who paid no taxes. Thus, they were settled in lands of dead families. Taxes of fodder, fuelwood and other in-kind taxes were reduced. Obligations of labour services of transporting goods of state officials were made payable in cash for the first time. In addition to these reforms, the king also undertook major administrative reforms by appointing key officials in different dzongs, as well as having dungpas, gups, chupons and leytshens appointed in different communities. Some public offices, which were hereditary, were abolished. They were created by the state as a part of the bureaucracy. The most prominent offices at the lower level were that of the dungpa, penlop and gup. They enjoyed rights to levy taxes from people under their jurisdiction. One measure of reducing the tax burden of the people was to discontinue these offices and thus relieve the people from tax obligations. For example, King Jigme Wangchuck abolished all three offices of dungpas of Tang, Chumey and Ura when tax reform was started in Bumthang. In Trongsa, only Nubi Dungpa was kept while the other three (Drakteng, Langthel and Tangsibi) were abolished.294 Besides lowering tax obligations, King Jigme Wangchuck also lowered interest rates on fiscal borrowings. Of course, there were no banks or financial institutions then. They would be started only during the reign of the Third King. But borrowings and lending took place among people. In a kasho to Gongzim Sonam Tobgye, he wrote, Thus far, the interest rate for a principal sum of Nu.20 is Nu.5. This is very high and I feel it is oppressive for the people. Thus, an interest of Nu.5 cannot be charged. Only Nu.4 can be charged hereafter.295
294 Ura, The Hero with a Thousand Eyes, p. 125. 295 LGGP, p.201.
King Jigme Wangchuck with Azhi Phuntsho Choden
The King also reviewed some laws. Besides abolishing the law that required a foal born to any taxpayers mare to be offered to the government, he granted a horse each to smaller families to help them fulfil porterege tax obligation.296 He abolished the law that required a murderer caught red-handed to be tied to his victims body and drowned alive. The enormous amount of manslaughter fines exacted in-kind from a person by different officials was reduced and made payable only to the state. King Jigme Wangchucks preoccupation with securing national sovereignty and tax reforms did not prevent him from attempting to embark on other development initiatives. Although these initiatives were severely constrained by lack of funds, the novelty lies in the intent
296 Aris, The Raven Crown, p. 136.
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that defines his proactive and people-oriented thinking. He opened a trade route (mule track) from Pasakha to Thimphu via Chapcha.297 In his 1946 letter to Gongzim Sonam Tobgye, he wrote, Although I have intended to go last year and look at the road in Pasakha and had my personal belonging sent as far as Semtokha, I could not make it. However, I will travel through Surang this year and visit the road construction at Pasakha.298 He had sought British aid to open a wider and shorter trunk road but the request was probably denied. This shorter route followed more or less the present-day highway between Phuntsholing and Thimphu. He continued to maintain the schools in Haa and Bumthang and also established new ones in Paro, Wangdue Phodrang and Tashigang. There were only 299 about sixty students in these schools. In 1942, thirty boys were selected for modern education: fifteen boys from Mangde and fifteen for Shar Dar Gyed.300 Besides modern education, he supported traditional scholarship as well. Like his father, King Jigme Wangchuck sent four monks from Trongsa Dratshang to pursue monastic scholarship in Zurmang in Kham, Tibet. They were Drangla Pema, Zhuri 301 Gyaltshen, Khengpa Tshering and Yurungpa Dorje. Those students who completed their matriculation were employed as teachers, foresters and health workers. We know that health workers or compounders were deployed to other districts in the country to diagnose and treat ailments. The King was also interested in agriculture. He initiated paddy plantation in the cold alpine region of Bumthang. Besides, he also wanted to promote cash crop cultivation, particularly in sub-tropical region in southern Bhutan. In a kasho issued to Gongzim Sonam Tobgye, he wrote, There is a very peaceful plain near Dechenling. I will visit this place to see if plants like kokola and lishi zechu as well as other beneficial species that would be useful for Bhutan, and also those species that grow in India can be cultivated in our land.302
297 BRDK, p.205 298 LGGP, p.199. 299 LGGP, p.197. 300 Dorji, The Wangchuck Dynasty, p.40. 301 LGGP, p.198. 302 LGPP, p.200.
The Kings efforts to invest in development projects were however, unrealized due to sheer lack of state funds. The request for British aid were not forthcoming although the subsidy was increased to Nu.200,000 in 1942. From this subsidy, Rs.79,000 had to be provided to the monastic community. On the contrary, Rs.24,000 was earmarked for court officials, Rs.40,000 for palace administration and only Rs.57,000 for general state expense.303 As such there was very little funds available for development purposes. In conclusion, King Jigme Wangchucks state building and consolidation activities took a three-pronged strategy. First, he had to overcome internal threats to his position as King of Bhutan. The threat posed by Thugtrul Jigme Dorje and demonstrations in Dagapela were dealt with. Perceived threat from Paro Penlop was assuaged when the penlop supported him in his conflict with Thugtrul Jigme Dorje. His death in 1949 and the appointment of the crown prince meant that the office of Paro Penlop finally came under the throne sixty seven years after Ugyen Wangchuck left it to become Trongsa Penlop. King Jigme Wangchuck also strengthened his armoury and had soldiers trained to counter any internal threat. King Jigme Wangchuck bought 1000 rifles from the British. The Paro Penlop had 50 rifles while the King earlier had over 500.304 This purchase definitely increased the balance of arms power tremendously in the Kings favour. Second, he had to win external support and recognition for his rule. In this he followed the footsteps of his father in cultivating the goodwill of British, and hence, making their support an important factor in neutralizing any possible threat. Signing a treaty with independent India also secured Bhutans relationship and her status as a sovereign kingdom. Third, he initiated tax, legal and administrative reforms and also made modest efforts at modernization through establishment of schools and training of military personnel. Lack of funds constrained any major initiatives. But his commitment to improve the life of the people by easing tax burdens and introducing reforms is suggestive of a new direction for the Bhutanese state. The state was not going to be a mere instrument
303 Sinha, Bhutan: Ethnic Identity and National Dilemma, p.149. 304 Aris, The Raven Crown, p. 116.
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King Jigme Wangchuck with Gongzim Sonam Tobgye Dorji Founding and consolidation of monarchy
of resource mobilization and extraction from people to support the monastic community. This rationale of the state was to undergo fundamental changes. Indeed, the state would continue supporting the monastic community but it had also begun to consider welfare of the people. This new direction would become more pronounced during the reign of the third and fourth kings of Bhutan. When King Jigme Wangchuck passed away in 1952 at a young age of 47 years after twenty five years of reign, state power had been firmly consolidated. Both internal and external threats to it had largely been addressed. Monarchy had brought half a century of peace, happiness and stability unknown to many generations of Bhutanese before. With the stability of the state and peace in the kingdom secured, Bhutans leaders would embark on a daring journey of socio-economic modernization. That began when King Jigmi Dorji Wangchuck was enthroned at age 24 as the third hereditary monarch of Bhutan.

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King Jigmi Dorji Wangchuck
Chapter 9:
Building a modern state
he twenty-year reign of King Jigmi Dorji Wangchuck saw the creation of a modern Bhutanese state. His reign coincided with decolonization period in Asia and Africa and the creation of independent nation states. The first generations of leaders in countries of these continents had for their model, the nineteenth century European nation-state. Although Bhutan was never colonized, the trend toward building such a state was conspicuous. Particularly because King Jigmi Dorji Wangchuck - unlike his father and grandfather - had modern education both in Kalimpong and London, and thus, a different dimension of exposure. Both the institutions and symbols of a modern nation-state were established during his reign. It is these institutions and symbols that we will concentrate on. The establishment of a legislature, judiciary, executive, standing army and a modern bureaucracy will be the focus of this chapter. In doing so, early efforts made at democratization of certain aspects of the Bhutanese polity will become apparent. The reforms initiated by King Jigmi Dorji Wangchuck were intended to establish a political system with modest separation of powers among three organs of the state. The establishment of the high court (followed later by district courts) and a full-fledged cabinet in 1968 laid the foundation for evolution of institutions with more specialized functions that were all centralized earlier in the king. All these major reforms took place within a period of sixteen years. Further reforms were constrained by socioeconomic reality of the country. Ordinary people, who had no experience of civil administration, law and justice, politics etc. had to become aware and knowledgeable in these areas. Before the 1960s there were no motor roads and telecommunication facilities; there were only a few schools. Development of representative institutions and participation of people in these institutions demanded means that facilitate faster communication, travel, better education, health and a growing economy. In its absence,
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the King could not foster the reforms besides establishing the broad frameworks of institutions. But the process was sustained and further enhanced during the reign of his son King Jigme Singye Wangchuck.
Basis of socio-economic and political reforms

hutans geopolitical significance as a buffer state between India and China has both historical and contemporary security interest. This security perspective is closely related to isolationist foreign policy adopted towards the later half of eighteenth century. Tibet has always been a threat to Bhutans security from the north. Although relationship with Tibet has been normalized in the first half of the eighteenth century, the joint Chinese/ Tibet invasion of Nepal in 1792-93 caused great concern to Bhutan.305 This development in the north coincided with a similar one in the south. As discussed in Chapter 5, the British East India Company had established itself in North East India, particularly Assam and Bengal where Bhutan had gained considerable influence and control as Moghul and Ahom powers declined in the area. The first encounter with British ensued as a result of Bhutans involvement in the succession issue in the court of Cooch Behar. After the war of 1773, Bhutan retracted from an expansionist strategy to safeguarding foothill territories. Subsequent developments had led to annexation of Duars by the British in 1864-65.306 Isolationism expressed in the form of keeping away both the British and Tibet although the British maintained contacts through deputation of political missionaries. They were keen on establishing a trade route to Tibet through Bhutan. Alliance in any form with them was avoided to prevent suspicion of the other until the beginnings of twentieth century when Bhutan threw in her lot with the British. However, as late as the 1950s, Bhutans representatives in India and Tibet conducted bilateral affairs of state while neither was given any permanent residential representation in Bhutan. Almost parallel developments took place in the region during the late 1940s and early 1950s which once again required Bhutan to reconsider her security stance and
305 Majumdar, Britain and the Himalayan Kingdom of Bhutan, pp. 60-64. 306 Rennie, Bhotan and the Story of Dooar War, pp. 27-29.
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King Jigmi Dorji Wangchuck on his way to Paro Dzong
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perspective. But this time, both domestic and regional circumstances necessitated abandoning isolationism. The end of isolationism must be perceived on three fronts: political reforms beginning with the establishment of National Assembly in 1953, introduction of socio-economic development programmes in 1961 and expanding Bhutans international relations. In the first case, the factors of change were largely domestic. During the reigns of first two kings, consolidation of political power, and centralization of state authority were necessary to ensure that the new political system did not breakdown and that the state did not relapse into chaos of previous century. Since that had now been accomplished, the third Wangchuck ruler concluded that his principal task was to reform and restructure the existing system to allow power and functions to be shared on pragmatic terms with other institutions of government. This was considered essential if the monarchy was to survive in a world that was changing rapidly outside307 More than mere survival, the monarchy has successfully emerged as the most important institution for Bhutanese society by the end of twentieth century. The most significant factor that motivated introduction of socio-economic reforms was geopolitical developments in the region then. The British left India in 1947 and Himalayan states including Bhutan had to conduct their relation with the new Indian government. There was apprehension that these states may be absorbed into the Indian Union. Bhutan was able to gain Indias commitment to respect her independence and sovereignty by the treaty signed in 1949. The Chinese Communist Party came to power in the same year, and its movement into Tibet caused serious concern both in India and Bhutan. Tibets traditional monastic government collapsed in 1950. Because of her shared Buddhist culture with Tibet, Bhutan became very apprehensive of China as it started to lay claim on Bhutanese territory. Safeguarding the sovereignty and independence became the most pressing issue. Reforms and modernization were necessary to avert Tibets fate. In addition, the Indian government desired to bring Bhutan within the Himalayan frontier security system. Any Chinese aggression on India would
307 Rose, The Politics of Bhutan, p. 151.
be worsened if Bhutan were left vulnerable. This concern was augmented during the agitation in eastern Tibet in 1954. In 1958, Nehru visited Bhutan and strongly urged the Royal Government to modify its isolation policy, at least to the extent of accepting Indian aid.308 The defeat of the Tibetan force in 1959, flight of Dalai Lama to India and pouring in of refugees made Bhutan reconsider her isolationism and opt for Indian aid and modernization.309 Considering these factors, the objectives of reforms could be broadly divided into two categories. The first was to develop representative institutions so that possible internal forces of instability and problems could be removed. The second was to strengthen security and independence of the country through economic development and modernization. Various reforms launched by third and fourth kings reflect these objectives.
Freedom of serfs and tax reforms
n discussing and analyzing King Jigmi Dorji Wangchucks tax reforms, it is necessary to understand the conceptual relationship between the king and the people. How was this relationship constructed? Chapter 3 showed that the founding of the ecclesiocratic state of Palden Drukpa was based on a patron-practitioner relationship. The concept of a subject did not really exist in the initial years. The people were thought of as patrons or jindag. The name of the country Druk Gyalkhab in a way reflected this relationship. The dominion or khab was won (gyal) by the Drukpas. Thus what is translated today as Kingdom of Bhutan could have actually meant the dominion won by Drukpas. It was not merely a territorial dominion that was won but also the patrons of Drukpa school of Buddhism. In a way then, the contests and battles between Zhabdrung Rinpoche and Lam Khanga could be seen as contests for spiritual authority and deference of their patrons. By the time lay officials took over state authority, the idea of the kingdom, gyalkhab as dominion of rulers (gyalking/ruler, khab-dominion) could have been formed. It is difficult to nail down the exact time when such a re-
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308 Rose, The Politics of Bhutan, p. 75. 309 Kinga, Changes in Bhutanese Social Structure, p. 21.
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conceptualization took place. However, the moment that voluntary offerings of the patrons came to be institutionalized as obligatory taxes known as wangyon, the state did come to exercise proprietary authority over produces of the land. If a rulers dominion is his possession, it must have been the basis of levying taxes. In this context, the people are seen as cultivators of lands that belonged to the ruler. The tenurial categories reflected the nature of peoples tenancy on the his land. Khelps therefore, were full-fledged taxpayers while sumaps paid taxes only to some aristocrats who had a different level of relationship with the king. This notion of the realm being the rulers dominion and hence subject to tax obligation for those cultivating it is contested by people (draps) who offered lands to monasteries, and farmed them in exchange for certain percentage of produces. But this must be vestiges of the patron-practitioner relationship between the state and people rather than an institution or practice that existed in opposition or parallel to the state. It appears plausible that the kingdom as dominion in which the king had proprietary authority existed when King Jigmi Dorji Wangchuck ascended as the third hereditary monarch.310 The tax reforms he initiated were not merely an effort to minimize peoples tax burdens as had been discussed in literature concerning his reign but a move to conceptually relocate proprietary right over lands and produces back to the people. In relocating this proprietary right, he also relocated sovereignty from the throne to the people. To the extent that sovereignty is the exercise of legitimate control over a certain territory, be it a farmland or kingdom, the relocation of proprietary right actually achieves this purpose. This means that taxes collected by the state cannot be expended by the state for its purpose as if they were its property. This also means that the taxes collected and utilized had to be accounted for. The creation of the office of accounts called the Gyaltsi Khalowa as shall be seen later was precisely to monitor fiscal accountability. It is in these contexts that the tax reforms initiated by the Third King must be understood.
310 See for example, The Formation of the Concept of Nation-State in Nepal, in Burghart, Richard. The Conditions of Listening (1996), Delhi: Oxford University Press, pp. 226-260 for discussion on the relationship between Gorkha kings and their proprietary authority of territorial domain.
An early initiative of the King was to grant manumission to serfs in 1953. The reform began by issuing a royal ordinance that required other people to address them by a more respectable title called nangzen rather than as khey, jou, jam and zaden. A year later, the King decreed that they were free to leave their former masters, and live on their own.311 Four primary strategies were adopted to integrate them into mainstream society. First, they were forbidden to take away any property of their masters. This prevented possibility of conflict between them. Second, they were to settle in other places, not in the vicinity of their former lords. Otherwise, it would result in a very uneasy relationship. Third, serfs were given free gifts of land so they could resettle, and establish themselves. And fourth, they were established as full tax-paying households, and hence conferred the status equal to other tax-paying households. The resolution of the first National Assembly records; It was resolved that henceforth all the serfs under any landlord should be allowed to cultivate the land on contract basis as per the following arrangement. If the total produce from the land is 20 pathis, the serf should pay 12 pathis and retain 8 pathis. However, the landlord should not provide the yearly livery as done earlier. If the serfs do not desire to undertake cultivation on contract basis but still desire to continue to stay with their landlords, the landlords must keep them as servants and not as serfs. Serfs who are neither willing to undertake cultivation on contract basis nor to stay with their landlords should be taken over by the government.312 This was in 1953. But in 1952, the King had already granted his private lands for share-cropping to serfs. Earlier, serfs received just a plot of land for their own cultivation or just meals but never the produce from royal estates. The Kings personal initiative thus paved the way for an official resolution. Two years later, other royal family members followed the king. The monetization of tax began in Tashigang in 1955 followed by Haa. Monetization was complete all over the country by 1968. Monetization of taxes made serfs equal to other tax-payers.
311 Ura, The Hero with a Thousand Eyes, p. 221. 312 NAS, vol.1, pp. 10-11
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If taxes had to be paid in kind, serfs would not have many of the in-kind resources or produces. Commuting their obligation to cash removed social hierarchy that in-kind tax obligation maintained. Different sub-groups of farmers were homogenized into one group enjoying equal status as a result of tax reforms. The abolition of collection of rent for harvests by monasteries in 1969 also resulted in the freedom of drap, who were given full rights to the land they cultivated. In compensation, the state directly subsidized the monasteries. This abolition was in fact, a reinstatement of the former practice of state supporting the monastic community. It continues to this day. While monastic communities in different districts continue to own cattle, people who are paid cash salary, or provided entitlements now look after them. There is no social stigma associated with the job. On the other hand, they are referred to with more respectful title of norpon (lord of the herd). By a resolution of the 29th session of National Assembly held in 1968, taxes on cattle owned by monasteries were lifted. In his effort to integrate the deprived members into mainstream society, the King inducted some serfs in the government and granted them promotions. A dramatic reform that King Jigmi Dorji Wangchuck initiated was the standardization of measures for all sorts of exchanges and transactions. Since the economy was largely agricultural, and taxes and revenues consisted of agricultural goods particularly grains, the use of measures called drey varied considerably across the region for purposes of profit-making. The 20th session of the National Assembly in September 1964 resolved that The Ministry of Finance had devised standardized weights of Des and Sang in relation to kilograms. To avoid future complications, all dzongkhags were henceforth to abide by the above weights, which were to carry the seal of the Ministry of Finance.313 Similarly, the 27th session directed traders to use only the weighing materials such as kgs and des (dreys) issued by the Ministry of Finance.314 It must be noted that the names of the ministry and that of the standard measure were the same.
313 NAS, vol.1, p. 136. 314 NAS, vol.1, p. 176.
King Jigmi Dorji Wangchuck also made it clear that no unpaid labour services were to be mobilized. In 1969, women and monks were exempted from providing labour services. In order to encourage people to join civil service, he exempted one person from a family who had a civil servant from providing dudom labour service. This was a labour tax required from a group of six men or women aged between 17 and 55 years.315 One person from the group had to contribute labour, which was mobilized particularly during the construction of motor roads. People took turns to provide their labour service over a period of time. If the same person from the group continued working, others provided subsistence provisions. Since community leaders such as gups and chupons provided community service without any remuneration, the King commanded exemption for them from their labour obligations such as dudom and chunyikang. The latter was another kind of labour obligation mobilized particularly for development projects. It categorized people of the above age group into a band of twelve labourers. A highlight of the Kings reform that often misses the attention of historians and scholars is the separation of his personal accounts from that of the state. Earlier, all taxes and revenues were directly paid to him. He proposed the separation to the National Assembly in 1959.
Until now government accounts were not separated from His Majestys personal accounts. As both revenue and expenditure were handled by His Majesty, there was considerable confusion among the public as to whether the revenue was treated as public money or formed of His Majestys privy purse. Therefore, in the earlier sessions it was resolved to distinguish between the two. It was decided that henceforth all expenditure and maintenance costs pertaining to developmental activities would be accounted separately and verified by the National Assembly each year. The revenues and expenditure related to His Majestys privy purse would be marked private.316
In an earlier Assembly session, a sum of Nu.100,000 was earmarked as privy purse for the King. But in 1968, he agreed to accept only Nu.3000 in view of the heavy
315 LGGP, p.248. 316 NAS, vol.1, p. 32.
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governmental expenditure on development activities.317 Meanwhile in-kind taxes paid to the King were stopped as revenues were collected in cash. In the winter session that year, the National Assembly offered an additional Nu.1000 as ration allowance. It is this act of separation of accounts that mark the first genuine step in relocating the proprietary right and hence the sovereignty over land back to the people. The separation of accounts and the creation of privy purse implied that the kingdom is not the kings dominion. Although hereditary in nature, his job is also one paid for by the people to serve them. In a way, this reflects the undertaking in the genja of 1907 where the Kings job was defined as laying down a secure future for Bhutan.
The Parliament of Bhutan
Establishment of the National Assembly

parliament consisting of elected representatives is not new to Bhutan. However, elected representatives of Parliament constituting the state is indeed new. The first National Assembly was established on the tenth day of the twelfth month of Female Water Snake Year of the 16th rabjung corresponding to 1953. The second parliament was constituted after 54 years on 8 May 2008. While the second parliament was formed based on the 35-article Constitution, the first one was based on an eight-article document titled Bangzhung lhami sidey chigdril gi chimii tshogtam, Manifesto of the peoples government consisting of representatives of humans and gods.318 The founding document of the National Assembly was adopted in 1953 at the Namgyal Tse Tshogkhang in Punakha Dzong. Just like the genja of 1907, this document was also a genja signed by thirty six representatives who committed themselves never to deviate from the provisions of its eight articles. Later, the document was referred to as Rules and regulations governing the functioning of the National Assembly. Indeed it was more than mere procedural rules. The content of the eight articles actually re-appear in the present Constitution by stipulating issues such as election of representatives and freedom of speech.
317 NAS, vol.1, p. 180. 318 See Kuensel, 30 June 2007 for the short history of the National Assembly titled, The evolution of the Tshogdu.
What was the rationale of establishing the National Assembly? When parliaments first appeared in Europe in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, they were conciliar bodies constituted to give consent to monarchs. The representatives were constituted of privileged sections of the society on whom monarchs came to rely increasingly for raising money, more than what they were entitled to levy as taxes or customary dues. When they needed more money, they had to ask for it. And they had to ask it from the privileged orders and nobilities. In return they had to concede certain rights and privileges. Thus, the representative assemblies became regular bodies for kings to raise money they needed from the nobles and for the nobles to watch over the maintenance of privileges of the orders, groups and individuals, and on the other to offer the prince the counterpart of the rights and privileges recognized and conceded by him.319 Such necessities did not compel King Jigmi Dorji Wangchuck to establish the National Assembly. Of course by the mid-twentieth century, western parliaments had long evolved into representative governments that recognized the supremacy of lower house, system of competing political parties, a wide franchise and accountability of government to the parliament. Such a system was however, not feasible in 1953-Bhutan. Let alone 1953, the process of constituting such a parliament even in 2007 faced lots of challenges.
319 Finer, The History of Government, pp. 1024-1051.
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The preamble of the 1953 document spells out why the National Assembly was founded.
In the Kingdom of Bhutan, it had been extremely important from long time ago till now to deliberate in depth the process of the Kingdoms development, system of maintaining dzongs - the administrative seats, consideration of what is permissible and impermissible, and review of the welfare of all the people. However, there had been no tradition of convening an assembly equal to that of other countries for (discussing) issues and welfare of kings, ministers, kingdoms and the people. Hence a royal command had been issued for convening an assembly of representatives of the people and government hereafter in our Kingdom considering the Kingdoms development and peoples welfare. Since the days are closer to the end-part of this degenerate age, there are lots of conflicts in different countries of the world. Both noble and humble peoples continuously undergo different sufferings. Therefore, all the representatives of the monastic community, government and the people gathered in this assembly hall must cultivate good deeds and abandon evil deeds according to the following provisions.320
representatives of the people. Among the peoples representatives, thirteen were gups and two mangaps. They were to serve a five-year term. There is no indication whether they could be re-elected or re-appointed. The number of representatives gradually increased. For example, during the 19th session held on 23 May 1963 ten years later, there were eight representatives of monastic community and 108 representatives of people. In the 55th session held in 1981, some Assembly members called for framing of rules and regulations concerning the elections of members and extending the tenure to five years since it was reduced to three years. It was only during the 73rd session in 1995 that an amended Chathrim for Election of Tshogdu Members, 1995 was adopted. Article 2 states that depending on the importance of issues, His Majesty will command the time and place for members to meet. This suggests that National Assemblys session was not conceived to be regular or periodic. For example, the second session was convened only in 1957, the first being in 1953. Article 3 states that members cannot take decisions on issues deliberated in the Assembly. They can however, submit recommendations, and His Majesty alone would take decisions on any matter. This article suggests that the National Assembly was initially conceived as an advisory body, a role later taken by the Royal Advisory Council (RAC) when it was established in 1965. According to Article 18 of the constitution of the National Assembly promulgated in the Wood Horse Year (1954), His Majesty had the right to amend all decisions of the National Assembly. However, the 29th session of 1968 resolved that even he would not amend the Assemblys decision which would be considered final and binding. His Majesty could however, propose reconsideration of any decision of the Assembly on which he had serious misgivings. Article 4 guarantees freedom of speech to the representatives. It encourages them to speak without hesitation and fear of any legal reprisal in the interest of the people and Kingdom. In the 29th session, His Majesty
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The 13th session (?) held on 31 October 1959 outlined three objectives of the National Assembly. First, the representatives of the people, dratshang and the government as well as the dzongdags shall assemble to articulate the issues of the people. The Assembly will consider these issues well and provide solutions to all their problems. Second, the Assembly will come up with plans and ideas to benefit the development of the Kingdom and strengthen it. Third, the Assembly will record accounts of revenues in the Kingdom as well as annual expenditure incurred for the government and for development purposes.
Manifesto of the peoples government

rticle 1 of the founding Constitution of National Assembly concerns the election of representatives and their tenure. His Majesty will appoint government representatives while the dratshang and the people will elect their own representatives. The numbers of their representatives are not specified. However, signatories at the end of the document consisted of five representatives of dratshang, sixteen government officials and fifteen
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320 See BGLS. Translation mine.
suggested that this freedom of speech be extended to all people in the country. However, members felt that this was premature in view of the general backwardness of the people and their lack of political consciousness. Thus, the 30th session in 1969 resolved against granting freedom of speech to the people by an overwhelming 80% of votes. Article 5 states that any command of His Majesty to the National Assembly would be issued to the gongzim. In his absence, His Majesty would issue the command to a person the gongzim appoints. Article 6 requires all members to take an oath of maintaining the secrecy of issues discussed and resolved in the Assembly. This clause was amended the following year and incorporated as Article 16 to state that decisions of the Assembly were to be circulated only as permitted by the House. The 35th session of the Assembly in 1971 made another amendment which stated that only matters considered strictly confidential would be restricted from being spread outside the Assembly Hall. Article 7 calls for honesty and selflessness among members by requiring them to deliberate on issues without considering the interests of powerful people, and of ones parents and relatives. It exhorts them to be impartial and pure. Finally, Article 8 states that if there were differences among representatives on any issue, the number of representatives in favour or against a particular issue would be submitted to His Majesty. His Majesty would then take the decision.
1953 followed by two sessions in the next four years (1954,1955,1956 and 1957). Therefore, the session held in 1958 was assumed to be the 11th session. But we now know that the second session was held only in 1957 in the Year of the Bird. Thus what is recorded as the 11th session of 1958 corresponding to the fourteenth day of the ninth month of Earth Dog Year is possibly only the third session. What were actually missing then were resolutions of only the second session of 1957. From other sources, we also know that the third session was convened largely to discuss the visit of Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru in 1958.321 Other issues in that session included requisition of labour for motor road construction, conscription of soldiers, review of draft laws of Thrimzhung Chhenmo (which was finally passed three years later in 1959) and establishing a military centre in Tencholing with labour contributions raised from all around the country.322 Nevertheless, there is an interesting difference in the way the resolutions of the first and subsequent sessions were presented and published in Dzongkha. The resolutions of the subsequent sessions were listed according to the agenda. But those of the first session were addressed to His Majesty. The resolutions were divided into four parts. There is no coherent theme or related issues in each theme. One can only assume that each part consisted of resolutions deliberated in one day. While the founding document records that it was adopted on the tenth day of the twelfth month of Water Snake Year, the published resolutions record the fifteenth day as one on which the first session was held. The resolutions in each of the four parts were addressed to His Majesty. This suggests that His Majesty did not preside over National Assembly sessions. Dasho Kelzang Dawa, the Paro Dzongtshab and the first Speaker presided. Since Article 5 states that any royal command to the National Assembly would be issued to the gongzim or to another person in his absence, the implication is that the resolutions of the day were submitted to His Majesty for assent later since he did not attend the proceedings.
321 Ura, The Hero with a Thousand Eyes, p. 223. 322 Ura, The Hero with a Thousand Eyes, p. 224.
The unrecorded National Assembly session
n December 1999, the National Assembly secretariat published all the resolutions of the National Assembly in 13 volumes in both Dzongkha and English. However, resolutions of nine sessions, from the second to the tenth sessions, were missing. There is no explanation given for their absence. An erroneous assumption made was that the Assembly was held twice every year. This assumption implied that another session, the second, was held in
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The two most prominent issues discussed in the first session concerned taxes and the monastic community. Taxes paid in-kind were either lowered or abolished. Some were commuted to cash. Administrative offices to which people had to pay taxes were either merged or abolished. Issues concerning the dratshang centred on abolishing the practice of handling guns by monks, preventing serfs from joining the dratshang, admission of novice monks and increasing the strength of monastic community.
Sovereign powers of the National Assembly
he founding document of the National Assembly does not discuss or associate any sovereign powers with it. If the authority to make laws is an attribute of sovereign powers, the National Assembly certainly had it as shall be discussed later. In November 1968, the National Assembly however, discussed it.
According to Article 18 of the constitution of the National Assembly promulgated in the Wood Horse Year (1954), His Majesty the King reserved the right to amend all decisions of the National Assembly. It was decided that henceforth all decisions of the National Assembly would be treated as final and binding, and not even His Majesty would be permitted to amend them. In the event that the King had serious misgivings about the soundness of any decision passed by the National Assembly, he would personally address the Assembly and propose to the Assembly to reconsider the matter. The proposal to make the National Assembly as sovereign body was moved by the king and ratified by the Assembly members.323
hereditary monarchy should be abolished. My intention was to empower the National Assembly to change by peaceful means any King, including myself, who is found unfit to rule the country. The vote of no-confidence was to become an instrument to enable the National Assembly to allow the reigning monarch to abdicate in favour of another member of the royal family, by a predefined order of succession to the throne For most of the members and the villagers, this proposition was too extreme to be agreeable. The need for a vote of no confidence for the monarchy was rejected outright by three successive sessions of the National Assembly. Eventually, His Majesty compelled the National Assembly to cast a vote of confidence and adopt its outcome as resolution.324
The King also said that absolute powers were vested with the King thus far. He proposed the introduction of a constitutional form of monarchy by which a king rules only so long as he enjoyed popular support.
Documents on this proposal were circulated to all the members so that they could discuss the issue in all the villages. It did not of course mean an end to the monarchy. As His Majesty told the members of the National Assembly, I have a feeling that my last speech to the National Assembly was not clear to all of you. I did not say that the system of
323 NAS, vol.1, p. 194.
The vote of no-confidence would be passed if two-third of the members voted to remove the king. The vote was to be held every three years. As per His Majestys command, the first vote of confidence on the King was held during the current session (where) 135 members voted in favour of the present Kings continuance, while two members voted against it.325 It is said that the no votes were arranged by the King himself with some of the members. Three years later, on 6 May 1971, a second vote of confidence in the National Assembly saw 133 members voting in favour of the King and four voting against him. In the 36th session held on 7 June 1972, the King proposed that instead of two-third of members votes required to carry a motion of no-confidence, the decisive majority be amended to above 50%. This means that a simple majority of votes would require the King to abdicate. The proposal was not accepted considering the welfare of the public and the need to ensure continuance of the hereditary monarchy in the country326
Thrimzhung Chhenmo the supreme laws
n the true spirit of a legislature, one of the first tasks that the National Assembly undertook was drafting and reviewing of Thrimzhung Chhenmo or Supreme Laws. The Thrimzhung Chhenmo and the legal transformation it introduced form part of this conscious process of
324 Ura, The Hero with a Thousand Eyes, pp. 277-288. 325 NAS, vol.1, p. 205. 326 NAS, vol.2, p. 90.
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transforming Bhutanese society. The abolition of the various categories of serfs and slaves which existed in Bhutan until 1959 is in direct correlation to the equalisation of legal standing before the law for all living in Bhutan, with commoners and nobles transformed into modern, self-disciplining subjects of the nation-state.327 Indeed, the principle of equality before law was the denominator of the new law code. The Constitution also upholds this principle. According to Article 17.5, All persons are equal before law and are entitled to equal and effective protection of the law and shall not be discriminated against on the grounds of race, sex, language, religion, politics or other status. Before Thrimzhung Chhenmo, the king was the sole legal authority. Of course the judgements he passed were not arbitrary. They were based on Buddhist concepts of the 10 virtuous deeds of gods, 16 pure deeds of humans, the Chayig Chhenmo of Zhabdrung Rinpoche and the Zhelche Chudrug.328 Besides the Kathrim, the only other written law was the decree issued by Desi Jigme Namgyal in 1835 to people of eastern Bhutan. The king also circulated ordinances which became laws. He designated court officials to hear cases and prepare reports after hearing grievances from all parties. After the reports were presented, he reviewed them and passed judgements. The primary concern of King Jigmi Dorji Wangchuck was to make and codify standard laws. He not only referred Indian and Tibetan laws but also listened to grievances submitted for his judgement, and also reviewed previous judgements. He took extensive notes whenever a new idea struck him. Whether he was in a public meeting or on hunting mission, his attendants always had to be prepared with writing materials for him to note ideas that popped up.329 By the time the second session of the National Assembly convened in 1957, a draft of the Thrimzhung Chhenmo was ready and tabled for discussion among members. Important suggestions were notedThis process continued for about three
327 Whitecross, The Thrimzhung Chhenmo and the Emergence of the Contemporary Bhutanese Legal System, p. 374. 328 Royal Court of Justice. Introduction to Bhutanese Legal System, pp. 1-3. 329 Ura, The Hero with a Thousand Eyes, p. 203.
successive years of the National Assembly sessions. The King sat through the initial stages of discussion but left the National Assembly to decide most of the sections of the law. He was consulted when there was great disagreement and indecision.330 Several informants suggested that the late King was most directly responsible for the sections on hunting and fishing, leaving the remaining sections to be drafted by other officialsThe National Assembly records note that between the second session in the spring of 1954 until the eleventh session (autumn 1958) that there were no separate resolutions as the deliberations were mostly based on farming the General Law.331 What is clear from these facts is that while the king was definitely involved, it was members of the National Assembly who were part of drafting as well as reviewing Thrimzhung Chhenmo. The involvement of peoples representatives in law-making indeed marks a great social and political change. After all, legislation was the prerogative of rulers, and the laity abided by them. In reviewing, critiquing and revising them, they too become a source of laws and an instrument of legitimizing them. The 12th session of the National Assembly held in July 1959 approved the Thrimzhung Chhenmo.
Keeping in view the welfare of the general public, His Majesty the King enacted the National Law (Thrimshung) (Ka) (Ma), which was scrutinized by the members of the National Assembly. This would be made available to all Dzongdags. In this connection His Majesty was pleased to command that all members should scrupulously conform to the above law. It was also informed that the provisions not covered under the above law would be enacted and framed by His Majesty.332
The Thrimzhung Chhenmo has seventeen sections dealing with different crimes and offences. Once the laws were passed, they had to be implemented. In 1960, judges were appointed for the first time in courts in a few districts. In 1967, the High Court was established in Thimphu. Four judges were appointed by the government while one Royal Advisory Councillor represented the people for a three-year term. Judges were also appointed in all districts. This meant that dispensation of justice,
330 Ura, The Hero with a Thousand Eyes, p. 205 331 Whitecross, The Thrimzhung Chhenmo and the Emergence of the Contemporary Bhutanese Legal System, pp. 357-358. 332 NAS, vol.1, p. 22.
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which was earlier undertaken by the dzongdags, was separated from administration. In 1969, judicial powers were extended to district and sub-district courts. For many years, the King continued to appoint some of the judges. The symbolic separation of the judiciary from the executive was demonstrated by the building of High Court outside the dzong although most courts in districts continue to be housed in dzongs due to shortage of infrastructure rather than any other reason. The Chief Justice was appointed in 1985. Of course, separation of powers was not going to be complete overnight. It would be a long journey. The King remained the highest court of appeal, and was always accessible to people to redress grievances. However, the King usually commanded the Royal Advisory Council to review cases on his behalf. The promulgation of Thrimzhung Chhenmo and appointment of judges to implement them created a uniform legal system. A uniform set of laws is indeed a hallmark of modern nation-state. However, its promulgation should not imply the disappearance of customary laws overnight. Some of them were retained in Thrimzhung Chhenmo. They continue to be observed even today with a varying degree of flexibility in different communities. But the trend is increasingly to seek legal recourse from district courts when dispute settlements by gups, who were also endowed with legal powers, fail to resolve them.
court officials would continue with their responsibilities but granted permanent leave of permissions for those who wanted to go home. This was intended to reduce number of officials. Besides, he also began paying cash salary to court officials, government officers of different districts and to those who manned wireless sets in different parts of the country. In-kind salaries continued to be paid to lower level officials for the time-being. Earlier on, revenues and expenditure accounts had been directly submitted to the kings court. He now created a separate office called the Gyaltsi Khalowa with representatives of the people, monastic community and government. The government representative served as the chief finance officer. This system of tripartite representations in public offices would become a landmark feature of his reforms. In order to streamline administration and cut expenditure on redundant posts, some offices were abolished and merged in 1953. The reason was that As the population in some dungkhag had considerably lessened, it was proposed to merge two dungkhags into one in order to facilitate and mobilize labourers. However, whether the taxes should be paid or not to the dzong would be decided by His Majesty the King.334 In Paro, the Lungyi Dungwog was merged with Tshongdue Dungwog, Yilzang Dungwog with Shaba Dungwog, and Shari Dungpa with Doteng Dungwog. There were traditionally seven dungkhag under Thimphu Dzongkhag. The first National Assembly session abolished offices of five dungpas: Chang Dungpa, Kawang Dungpa, Wangkha Dungpa, Langlung Dungpa and Chimithangkha Penlop. The two posts of Kabji Penlop and Toebesa Penlop were maintained. In Wangdue Phodrang, the dungpas of Sha and Bjena were abolished while those of the penlops of Uma and Jaregang were retained. The same National Assembly resolution lists the number of existing lower level (Class II) officials called chipzhon as against the actual required ones. In Rinpung Dzong, the three posts of shanyer, zimpon nam and thabpon would be delegated to one officer. Similarly, the three posts of darpon, gorap and nyeryog as well as the two posts of tapon and thrimpon would be the responsibility of one officer each. In Punakha, the responsibilities of eight officers would be
334 NAS, vol.1, pp. 12-13.
Bureaucracy and the executive
f the five kings of Bhutan, King Jigmi Dorji Wangchuck was the only one who was not enthroned as Trongsa Penlop. Before his coronation, one of the first things he did was to declare that the seal of Trongsa Penlop had no legal force and would be replaced by one with imprint of the word Druk. King Jigme Wangchuck chose to use the other seal with the imprint Choe Rabtse (abbreviation of Chhokhor Rabtentse Dzong - the other name of Trongsa Dzong) since he was King as well as Trongsa Penlop.333 Instead of a penlop, King Jigmi Dorji Wangchuck appointed a dzongtshab in Paro in his place. Lopen Kelzang Dawa was the first dzongtshab there. The King also announced that all
333 Ura, The Hero with a Thousand Eyes, p. 171.
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done by three officers. Similarly, responsibilities of five officers of the state would be done by two officers. Instead of eight officers in Wangdue Phodrang, there would be only three of them, three in Trongsa instead of six, and three in Jakar instead of seven officers. In Thimphu, only four officers along with the dzongtshab and nyerchen (both red-scarf officers) supported by two chipzhons would be kept to manage revenue collection and expenditure. In 1961, the National Assembly resolved that a dzongdag and nyerchen (both red-scarf officers) would be appointed in every dzongkhag. The dzongdag would be responsible for judicial matters, public affairs, protocol duties and mobilization of labourers, whereas the nyerchen would be responsible for collection of revenues and maintenance of expenditure within the dzongkhag.335 But the office of nyerchen was abolished in 1969 since taxes were collected and payments made in cash. For that purpose, the accounts office had already been set up. So the post of nyerchen became redundant. Until 1963, the office of gup was the privilege of distinguished and well-known local families. In Bumthang, various families who enjoyed hereditary rights to public office were Durpai Dung (Upper Chhokhor), Samdang Dung (Lower Chhokhor), Chamkhar Neyp, Jakar Neyp, Naru Gup (the ancestral household where Penlop Jigme Namgyal first stopped on his way to Trongsa from Dungkar) and Dazur Gup in Tang, Tangsibi Dung and Ura Gup in Ura. This hereditary nature of gups office was abolished by a resolution of the National Assembly passed in 1963. Discontinuing this practice made representation fairer. Candidates of gup were no longer members of local nobility but competent people in the village. The office of gup was subject to election rather than hereditary entitlement. This was very significant because the gup represented the people in the National Assembly. The separate office of chimi, peoples representative was created much later. Legislative opportunity was at first limited to a few distinguished families. The abolition of hereditary gups office opened up opportunities of public office to ordinary people.
335 NAS, vol. 1, p. 50.
This was followed by relocation of the capital to Thimphu. Owing to its easy accessibility both by muletracks and traditional highways from Sikkim, India and Tibet, Thimphu was chosen foreseeing increased interactions with the world as opposed to seclusion of Trongsa and Bumthang. Relocation would also mean building a palace and headquarters of the state. King Jigmi Dorji Wangchuck lived in Paro when the Dechen Chholing palace was being built in Thimphu. Later, he would initiate the rebuilding of Tashichho Dzong as the headquarters and symbol of a modern Bhutanese state. Unlike earlier dzongs built in strategic locations that served the purpose of defence (dra dzong) as well as storage of provisions (dru zoed), the rebuilding of Tashichho Dzong with 2000 labourers in a plain with provisions to house offices of government ministers implied that its structural design was intended to cater to the needs of the modern state. The demolition of the old dzong in 1961 took two years while the reconstruction took six years and was completed in 1969. In 1965, the Royal Advisory Council was instituted by the King, partly in response to the political crisis of the immediate past. The Royal Councillors consisted of Umteng Tshering as its Chairman, Geshe Tshewang as the representative of the monk body, Wang Ngidup as the representative of western Bhutan, Chitala as the representative of eastern Bhutan, and Durga Das as the representative of southern Bhutan. The honours for these high officials were conferred in Paro Kyichu, where His Majesty lived.336 The National Assembly had been established twelve years earlier. It generally met every six months. By 1965, many development works were undertaken. In order to consult people on important issues, waiting for the National Assembly to convene took time. So the King decided to establish the RAC as his advisors representing the Bhutanese people from all walks of life. Unlike representatives of the National Assembly, who would be in their constituencies most of the time, the councillors would be based in Thimphu, and meet constantly to discuss important issues. The councillors served a threeyear term.
336 Ura, The Hero with a Thousand Eyes, pp. 245-246.
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Three years later, when the councillors completed their first term in 1968, King Jigmi Dorji Wangchuck established the cabinet. Ministers were appointed either with the consent of National Assembly or elected by its members through secret ballot. Paro Penlop Namgyal Wangchuck, Chief Secretary or Gyalden (equivalent to earlier zhung dronyer) Tamzhing Jagar, and Chief Finance Officer Tsipon Chogyal were appointed as ministers of Trade and Industry, Home and Finance respectively. The resolutions of the 28th session of the National Assembly held on 20 May 1968 explain the reason for establishing the cabinet.
The paucity of internal revenue made it extremely difficult to meet the developmental expenditure. As such, the Assembly unanimously resolved to appoint Paro Penlop Namgyal Wangchuck as Tengyel Lyonpo with a view to generating more revenue through the exploitation of the Kingdoms substantial natural resources. Owing to the increasing developmental activities taking place in our Kingdom, it was felt necessary to form a Council of Ministers. As such the Chief Secretary (Gyalden) Dasho Tamji Jagar was appointed the Home Minister (Kidu Lyonpo) and Dasho Chogyal the Finance Minister (Tsilon).337
to promote Deputy Chief Secretary (Donchung) Sangye Paljor as Minister of Communications as well as Bhutans permanent representative to UNO. Four members voted against him.339 It is not clear yet why he was designated as the representative to UNO while Bhutan had not yet become a member. Perhaps it was a preparatory move knowing that Bhutan would soon attain the membership, which happened more than a year later. In November, another vote in the National Assembly saw the endorsement of proposal to promote the Lhotsham Chichap Pema Wangchuck as Bhutans representative in New Delhi.
Bhutan and India were not only close neighbours, but also tied together by the bond of friendship. In order to efficiently implement the various aid and assistance programme and for expediting matters of mutual interest, the Special Officer of India had been stationed in Bhutan for the last three years. In order to help these matters further, it was felt that Bhutan should have a representative stationed at Delhi.340
There were proposals to depute a peoples representative in the cabinet. But the fact that the RAC, which had such a representative worked closely with the cabinet, meant that a deputation was not necessary. The salary of the ministers were fixed at Nu.2,200. They were entitled to ten servants. The cabinet was gradually expanded to deal with different issues confronting the country. In the 30th session in 1969, the proposal to appoint Secretary General of Development Wing Dasho Dawa Tshering as Minister for Development was accepted by National Assembly through a secret ballot in which he secured 81 votes out of 137 cast. On 6 July 1972, he became Foreign Minister after securing 63.7 % of the votes cast in his favour.338 Similarly, the 32nd session held on 5 May 1970 saw 127 National Assembly members vote for the proposal
337 NAS, vol.1, p. 177. 338 NAS, vol. 2, p. 89.
The representative was to hold ministerial rank. The proposal for promotion was endorsed by 135 votes with three voting against it. The establishment of cabinet through such a process was indeed revolutionary. Recall that the state council which functioned like a cabinet consisted of penlops, dzongpons and a few state officials. The initial appointments of Paro Penlop and Gyalden as ministers in a way upheld the tradition but that of the Tsilon (Finance Minister) did not. Similarly, the subsequent ministers were not drawn from ranks of officers of any dzong. Rather they occupied other positions in the bureaucracy. By the time of the 14th session of National Assembly in 1960, there were cabinet members who did not occupy traditional posts. They consisted of Dorje Lopen of the state monastic community, Prime Minister Jigme Palden Dorji, Chief Secretary, Zimpon Nam, Zoeda, Phungyer Tshering, Mongar Dzongpon and Lhuntse Dzongpon. Compared to the former state council, the composition of this group was definitely new. Not only was the establishment of cabinet a landmark
339 NAS, vol. 2, p. 33. 340 NAS, vol. 2, p. 47.
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reform to create a separate executive, the requirement for National Assembly to give consent or vote the nominees proposed by the King introduced some element of executive accountability to the National Assembly. Of course, the accountability was limited because the tenure of the ministers was not fixed. For example, Lyonpo Dawa Tshering served as minister till 1998. Serving for 30 years, he was the longest serving minister. Unlike members of the previous state council, who lived in their respective dzongs and met only occasionally, the new cabinet was based in the capital, and could meet whenever necessary. This made coordination and control easier.
15th day of the 10th month in 1959, three military officers began training of recruits along with the construction of army headquarters at Tencholing. Brigadier Chabda Namgyal was the chief of army. The 13th session decided that all able-bodied young men should be given military training. By the time of the 14th session, a total of 2500 military personnel were trained. In its 17th session in 1962, the National Assembly requested the king to be chairperson of the armed forces to boost their morale.342 Of course, this does not mean that the King had not been in-charge of the armed forces. But he agreed to the proposal. Another resolution concerning the armed forces came in the Assemblys 21st session held on 23 December 1964. It was almost a condemnation of military officers whose betrayal of trust especially when the King was not well resulted in the assassination of Prime Minister Jigme Palden Dorji in 1964. Here is a brief account of what actually happened. King Jigmi Dorji Wangchuck was in Switzerland undergoing medical treatment. In his absence, the Prime Minister was assassinated at Phuntsholing. The King returned and set up an investigation committee. The young assassin revealed that he had acted upon instruction of Brigadier Chabda Namgyal, chief of army who also hailed from Dungkar in Kurtoe, the birthplace of Penlop Jigme Namgyal, and Lieutenant Sangye Dorje. The two of them had bribed Tsagay Jambay, the assassin, and his friend Doley with Nu.1000 each. They also gave them weapons with orders were to shoot the Prime Minister in secrecy. Even if they were caught or identified, the Brigadier was not to be exposed. On the contrary, Tsagay Jambay was caught red-handed and he revealed everything. Some sixty people involved in the conspiracy for assassination were arrested. In an open trial conducted by a tribunal of nine judges in the central hall of Tashichho Dzong, the Brigadier and captain along with the assassin were sentenced to capital punishment in accordance with the article Tsa-1.3 of the Thrimzhung Chhenmo. The accomplice Doley was sentenced to life imprisonment. Bacho Phugyel, another accused soldier disembowelled himself while in custody.
342 NAS, vol. 1, p. 75.
Creation of a standing army

ollowing a modest attempt by his father, King Jigmi Dorji Wangchuck began to establish a standing army as early as 1953. The army was called tensung magmi (dharma protection force) and the insignia of ranks were also drawn from symbols and weapons associated with dharma protection force or Bhutans tutelary deities. Prime Minister Jawaharla Nehru visited Bhutan in 1958. After his departure, the King sent twenty five soldiers (twelve from Kheng and thirteen from Paro) led by a certain Sonam Wangdi for military training at Shilong, India. The recruits were to play a significant role in patrolling and guarding Bhutans international frontiers in 1959, when the Chinese takeover of Tibet created tensions along the borders, as well as in 1962 during the Indo-Chinese war. As tensions along the border mounted in 1959, more military conscripts were inducted to patrol the border. But the state had no resources to feed them. Because of resource constraints to raise new recruits, it became necessary at that time for state officials and their wives as well as wives of military personnel and even the monks to undergo military training. The first session of National Assembly resolved to stop teaching monks how to handle guns.341 In its first session, one of the resolutions of National Assembly was to conscript one man from a family with two men or two from a family with four men. As mentioned above, the establishment of military centre at Tencholing was discussed in the Assemblys second session. On the
341 NAS, vol. 1, pp. 4-5.
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An attempt was made on the life of King at Kyichu, Paro, on 31 July 1965 where he had gone for a prayer ceremony. When he went to a make-shift lavatory near his tent at night, a hand grenade was tossed against him. Luckily, he had heard the clicking sound when the safety pin was being removed, and threw himself flat on the ground. The grenade exploded but the King was unharmed. A helicopter brought in dogs belonging to Indian military. The culprit was traced and sentenced to life imprisonment. This unfortunate event involving the chief of army aggravated later on by flight of senior officers to Nepal shook the confidence of people in the army. Disillusioned, the National Assembly called for abolition of high military posts such as wangpon and dozin in its 21st session. The highest post would be that of a maktsi Lieutenant Colonel. The strength of the armed forces was to be reduced to 2000 personnel. However, all able-bodied men in the country would be imparted a three-month training in the use of arms at Tencholing. They would be sent back to their villages but would be recalled during times of national emergency. This was intended to create a reserve force. The King proposed that Paro Penlop Namgyal Wangchuck be appointed as his representative in the army and made responsible for its day to day functioning. The National Assembly endorsed this proposal. However, the shortage of military personnel in the course of following years saw the National Assembly resolve in its 28th session to upgrade the senior most rank in the army from Lieutenant Colonel to Brigadier. In its 33rd session in 1970, it also resolved to increase the armys strength to 4850 men. About 600-700 men would be recruited annually. The presence of only a few army officers also required the Assembly to pass a resolution in its 34th session the following year to recruit sixteen students who complete their matriculation for three successive years to be trained as officers. The increase in armys strength also saw the creation of military wings in different parts of the country. Military insignia and commands were also invented. Dasho Shingkhar Lam, who was involved with the invention recalls:
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I was assigned to work with them for about two months to devise Dzongkha equivalents of military drill commands. The translations could not be literal ones because they wanted especially masculine, assertive and short sounding words. To get the words of their choice, I referred to epics and scriptures for terrifying utterances with adequate etymologyLopon Thinley and I also discussed symbols or insignia of ranks for military personnel with the three captains. I was able to come up with tantric designs for the army flag and decorations use to denote the hierarchy in the army. I was later to do the same for the police ensigns when Royal Bhutan Police was founded.343
In 1959, the Royal Body Guards was established. Colonel Tshering Ngedup was appointed to head this wing of the armed forces. He was one of the fifteen soldiers sent for training to Shilong. He had distinguished himself among his colleagues there. Although Bhutans armed forces suffered many difficulties from shortages of physical infrastructure, weapons and ammunitions, funds and other resources, they were gradually overcome with the assistance of India, with whom the King initiated major areas of co-operation. Following the tumultuous years of 1964 and 1965, the Royal Bhutan Police was established in 1965 consisting of members of border guards deployed along the frontier. Dasho Karma Galey was appointed chief of police. A team of Indian police personnel helped to set-up and streamline police functions in the country.
Emblems of the state

fter Bhutan joined the United Nations Organization (UNO) in 1971, many symbols of the modern state such as the national flower, tree, animal, sports and others were adopted. Two important symbols of the modern nation-state were also adopted much earlier.
The national flag

The national flag was first used during the signing of the Indo-Bhutan Treaty of 1949. King Jigme Wangchuck initiated the design, and Lharip Taw Taw from Pesiling, Bumthang did the embroidery. As important as the treaty was for Bhutan to assert her sovereignty, the availability
343 Ura, The Hero with a Thousand Eyes, p. 224.
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of a national flag reinforced this assertion. Rather than the original flag, a photograph of it had survived with the treaty. A few court officials re-designed the flag and used them when the King made the first of his four trips to eastern Bhutan in 1956. His entourage consisted of 150 people with over a 100 pack and riding ponies. A small flag was fixed on the saddle of every tenth horse in the convoy. A larger flag was hoisted when they set up camps every night.
On the first day of the journey, the entourage got only as far as Simtokha from Dechenchholing. As soon as the camp was settled, the national flag was hoisted and a bugle sounded. This was done at every camp in the evening. The flag was square and the dragon, instead of being diagonally placed, was straight.344
The lower orange half that extends to the top symbolizes the spiritual tradition. It also symbolizes the flourishing of the Buddhist teachings in general and that of the Kagyu and Nyingma traditions in particular. The dragon that fully presses down the fimbriation symbolizes the name of the Kingdom, which is endowed with the spiritual and secular traditions. The white dragon symbolizes the undefiled thoughts of the people that express their loyalty, patriotism and great sense of belonging to the Kingdom although they have different ethnic and linguistic origins.346
The national anthem

Soon after ascending the golden throne, King Jigmi Dorji Wangchuck commanded that a national anthem be composed. His secretary Gyalden Thinley composed the lyrics while Aku Tongmi, a lieutenant colonel composed the tune and choreography just before the Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru visited Bhutan in 1958. The original National Anthem was a twelve-line lyric. It was found to be too long and proved difficult while arranging notation for the brass band of the army. It was shortened to six lines around 1964. The King approved the change. It reads as follows:
In the Kingdom of Bhutan adorned with cypress trees The protector who reigns over the realm of spiritual and secular traditions, He is the King of Bhutan, the precious sovereign. May His being remain unchanging, and the Kingdom prosper, May the teachings of the Enlightened One flourish, May the sun of peace and happiness shine over all people.
The shape, design and dimension of the national flag as it is today were made in the late 1950s. Instead of a square flag, it was made rectangular. The dragon became white instead of green. It flew diagonally rather than straight. The King commanded sometime in 1968 and 1969 that the colour of lower half be changed from red to orange. It was also around the same time that the tradition of hoisting national flag in front of government offices began. On 8 June 1972, the National Assembly passed a code of conduct concerning the national flag.
As the national flag is a symbol of the countrys independence, and in the absence of proper procedures for hoisting it, the Assembly approved for enforcement of the National Flag Rules drafted by Cabinet.345
After a brief deliberation, the Parliament of Bhutan approved the standard description and interpretation of the National Flag, National Anthem and the National Emblem in May 2008. The National Flag is described as below.
The upper yellow half that touches the base symbolizes the secular tradition. It personifies His Majesty the King, whose noble actions enhance the Kingdom. Hence, it symbolizes that His Majesty is the upholder of the spiritual and secular foundations of the Kingdom.
344 Ura, The Hero with a Thousand Eyes, p. 232. 345 NAS, vol. 1, p. 97.
The national language

King Jigmi Dorji Wangchuck felt the need for a national language in a country that had diverse linguistic background. In particular, he felt that spoken Dzongkha must have an equivalent script and learning it should be
346 I have translated into English the National Anthem, descriptions of the National Flag and the National Emblem during the course of the first Parliaments discussions and debate on the draft Constitution of the kingdom.
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made easier.347 There was obviously an acute difference speaking in Dzongkha and writing in Chkey. So he commanded the development of a Dzongkha grammar based on Chkey in 1971.348 This was a revolutionary initiative and bound to be scrutinized as well as criticized. Starting with the National Assembly, traditional scholars criticized those involved in this undertaking.
The house was informed that the Dzongkha books supplied to schools in various Dzongkhags by the Education Department should be collected back since they were not in accordance with Chhoekha, the classical language. As such, the Assembly decided that the teaching of classical language should continue as before.349
This was in 1966. But the King pushed through his initiative. In the end, the benefits of promoting Dzongkha as a national language became accepted. Five years later, the National Assembly passed the following resolution.
It was brought to the notice of the House that Bhutan was an independent country having its own national language. However, it was observed that owing to our people mngling with foreigners working in the country, the language was becoming adulterated. Hence, the House decided that excepting technical words, the use of foreign language in the country would be restricted. Meanwhile it was decided that Dzongkha should be used by one and all.350
Nu.75 lakhs for transport, Nu.32 lakhs for health, Nu.32 lakhs for forestry, Nu.20 lakhs for agriculture, Nu.16 lakhs for power, Nu.15 lakhs for animal husbandry, Nu.11 lakhs for industrial development and Nu.91 lakhs for others. In the first five-year plan, 1770kms of roads were constructed.351 The road constructions from Phuntsholing in south-west to Thimphu, the capital in western Bhutan, from Samdrup Jongkhar in the south-east to Tashigang in the east and from Gelephu in south central to Trongsa in central Bhutan saw nation-wide mobilization of labour on an unprecedented scale. The road constructions taking place simultaneously in different parts of the country generated a sense of participation in the first national project. Almost every household in the country participated in it by way of contributing labour. Numerous development projects were initiated as part of the five-year plans. Investments were made in health, education, communication, forestry, agriculture, animal husbandry, banking etc. The achievements of these investments became visible during the Kings reign. From the perspective of nation-building, mass public education was recognized as an imperative. Steps to develop formal education system were initiated after 1955. In the 13th session of National Assembly in 1959, a resolution was passed to impart modern education to Bhutanese children. There were then only 440 students studying in about 11 primary schools. Another resolution in the 17th session decided to establish two high schools; one each in Thimphu and Mongar. The 32nd session resolved to have twelve central schools. Later, a technical training institute as well as a teachers training institute were opened in Phuntsholing and Samtse respectively. At the end of the two five-year plans launched in 1961 and 1966 respectively, a government transport system (started in 1964) had 31 buses and 62 trucks. Postal services started in 1962 had 28 departmental and five extra departmental post offices in southern and central Bhutan. There were seven Auto Telephone Exchanges and telegraph service between Thimphu and Indian town of Siliguri. Hydel Projects at Thimphu, Paro and Wangdiphodrang were completed. Foothill towns of Sarpang, Bhur, Gelephu,
351 http://www.pc.gov.bt/fyp/1stplan/01fyp.htm
Socio-economic modernization and internationalization of relations
ubsequent to the visit of Prime Minister Nehru in 1958, Bhutan launched its first five-year plan fully financed by India in 1961. In fact, the first two five-year plans would be entirely financed by India. The thrust of development in these plans was road construction to link different parts of the country. Of course, there were investments in other sectors such as agriculture, mining, health, education and telecommunications. Of the total budget outlay of Nu.1747 lakhs, Nu.620 lakhs was allocated for road construction alone. Allocation to other sectors include Nu.100 lakhs
347 LGGP, p.246. 348 BRGI, p.603. 349 NAS, vol.1, p.157. 350 NAS, vol.2, p.84.
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King Jigmi Dorji Wangchuck with the Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru
Samdrup Jongkhar and Deothang were linked with the Assam Electricity Grid. Detailed investigations were undertaken for the Chukha Hydel Project. The number of schools increased from 59 in 1960-61 to 102 in 1970-71, including 15 junior high schools, four high schools and two public schools. Enrolment increased from 3,000 to over 9,000. Some 500 students were studying in India under a scholarship program. There were six hospital and 34 dispensaries. Health personnel like compounders and nurses were being trained both in Bhutan and India.352 The curriculum of monastic education consisted largely of religious rituals, numeracy, astrology, philosophy, logic, grammar, dance, meditation, poetry, painting etc. In contrast, the curriculum of modern education was secular consisting of subjects such as history, geography, mathematics, sciences and literature. The purpose of introducing modern education was mass literacy. It also desired to create administrative and technical personnel that were required for development programmes. This was necessary for the state to reduce dependence on foreign experts, who were recruited to manage development activities. King Jigmi Dorji Wangchuck also started modern mass media by introducing the first national newspaper, Kuensel in the late 1960s. It was then published fortnightly
352 http://www.pc.gov.bt/fyp/1stplan/01fyp.htm
providing readers with news and information about government policies and development activities.353 But the readership was very small. By 1959, it was reported that there were only 72 Bhutanese who were literate in English. Thus, print media did not become a unified field of exchange. In Europe, newspapers became the basis of imagining membership to larger communities called nations. Print-capitalism was considered a primary instrument of nationalism and nation formation. In Bhutan, however, it was really the radio that served this purpose. But radio was introduced only in 1973, a year after the death of King Jigmi Dorji Wangchuck. Rather than a state initiative, radio broadcasting was started by a group of young volunteers, known as the National Youth Association of Bhutan (NYAB). It broadcast 30 minutes of news and music every Sunday. Radio NYAB was incorporated as government organization under the Ministry of Communications in 1979. Instead of mass media, nation-building revolved within the framework of Buddhism and the body of the king. What the latter means, we will explore in the last chapter. While links within country were being established by way of road construction, links with the outside world were being established through diplomatic relations. Bhutan became a member of the Colombo Plan in 1962. Economically, this gave an alternative access to some development funds. However meagre these funds were, the political dimension of this membership was to assert Bhutans independence and sovereignty among other states beyond traditional ties with India, Tibet, Nepal and Sikkim. No state-level diplomatic relations existed. By the early 1970s, the small-scale aid available from Colombo Plan was also expanded. The next important event in the internationalization of Bhutans relationship took place with membership to International Postal Union in 1969. Bhutan applied for membership in 1967 and India supported the application but it did not succeed and had to be applied again the following year. The membership of the Postal Union was a vital breakthrough in the political history of Bhutan as it paved the way for her admission to the UNO eventually.
353 Mehta, Role of Kuensel in Fostering Democracy in Bhutan, p.304.
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As a member of an inter-governmental organisation of a worldwide character, Bhutan could participate in multilateral diplomatic talks on issues of global significance. Her status as a sovereign and independent nation-state was now more or less secure.354 The search for global recognition of Bhutans sovereignty achieved significant progress in 1971 when she became a full-ledged member of UNO. The application was put up on 10 December 1970. The Committee on Admission of New Members met on 9 February 1971, and the Security Council adopted a resolution recommending Bhutans membership. In September that year, the General Assembly endorsed Bhutans membership. The 35th session of the National Assembly held on 27 October 1971 recorded a resolution that states, the Kingdom of Bhutan was admitted as the 128th member of the United Nations Organization on the forenoon of the 3rd day of the 8th month of the Iron Pig Year. Bhutans inclusion in the world community of nations was made possible by its own initiative backed by the goodwill and kind assistance extended by the government of India.355 The UNO membership confirmed Bhutans sovereign status, and also gave her economic and diplomatic advantages. In order to advance her sovereign status, Bhutan also needed to conduct deft bilateral manoeuvres. Memberships to Colombo Plan, International Postal Union and UNO had been at multilateral level. Opportunity presented itself in 1971 when Bangladesh won independence from Pakistan with Indian support. After India, Bhutan became the second country to accord recognition to Bangladesh. In recognizing Bangladesh, Bhutan reinforced her sovereign status. It amounted to one sovereign country recognizing another. Diplomatic relations were later exchanged in 1973. King Jigmi Dorji Wangchuck personally initiated fund raising activities for victims of war and diseases in Bangladesh. An amount of five hundred thousand ngultrum was donated.356 It appears that Bhutan did try to establish relations with other countries like USSR, USA, Great Britain and
354 Kohli, From Dependency to Interdependence, p. 108. 355 NAS, vol. 2, p. 77. 356 Dorji, The Wangchuck Dynasty, p.72.
some other countries. Prime Minister Nehru had advised that it would not be in Bhutans interest to do so since this would engage Bhutan in big-power confrontation. Bhutan would use the occasion of the coronation of Fourth King in 1974 to pick up on these moves by extending invitations to USA, USSR, China, France, UK and some other countries. The advice of Indian government was not sought although the terms of the treaty of 1949 required her to do so. The decision to invite these countries was taken probably for two reasons. One, to assert Bhutanese independence in a symbolic manner and second, to use the occasion to make some policy announcements.357
The Dharma patron
n the sphere of culture and religion, King Jigmi Dorji Wangchucks initiatives once again reflect his desire to promote them. After the Chinese takeover of Tibet, crossborder relations in terms of trade or scholarly pursuits had more or less stopped. Modern education system had been launched but traditional scholarship was not neglected. Of course the monastic community provided opportunities for traditional learning. But there was a need for a centre that would impart a more holistic and other disciplines of learning. Thus, a rigney institute was first established in 1961 at Wangditse monastery. It was later moved to Semotokha and became one of the foremost centres of traditional scholarship. His Holiness Dilgo Khyentse Rinpoche served as its first principal. In 1966, the King summoned the best of calligraphers from around the country and commissioned publishing of Kanjur, the commands of Buddha, written in golden calligraphy. Only 58 volumes of the entire set first published during the reign of Sixth Desi Ngawang Tshering had survived a fire in Tashichho Dzong. 1103 tolas of gold were used to write the scriptures. The following year, he repeated publication in golden calligraphy with some fifty best calligraphers. This time, they published the more than 200 volumes of Tenjur. For this purpose, 4044 tolas of gold were used. In 1967, he invited the Sixteenth Karmapa Rigpai Dorje to conduct mass blessing and
357 Kohli, From Dependency to Interdependence, p. 121
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prayer ceremony.358 Karmapa conducted such blessings three times. The King offered him Tashi Choling palace in Domkhar, Bumthang.359 He also built the huge image of Guru Nangsi Zilnon in Kyichu, Paro, and commissioned the making of a huge thongdrel of Guru Rinpoche. This was displayed for public viewing on the occasion of installing the Crown Prince as Trongsa Penlop. He initiated the installation of 10,000 Buddhas statue in Tashicho Dzong although it would be completed by the Queen Mother after his death. He lifted the limitation on number of state supported monks and increased them from 800360 to 1100361 and increased food and other allowances due to them. The National Assembly, in its 36th session, introduced daily evening prayers for civil servants in Tashichho Dzong.
In view of the fact school children and army personnel were holding daily prayers in their respective places, it was decided that after office hours government servants, including Honble Ministers, should also pray for one hour daily with effect from the 10th day of the 5th month of the Water Rat year under the supervision of the Honble Home Minister.362
decided that the government would pay Nu.500,000 to the monastic community in lieu of rations. Besides, monks were also paid allowances for vegetables.367 In order to address rising needs for resources, the National Assembly also decided to allow the monastic community to own lands.368 The states support to the monastic community shows the continuing relationship as patron and practitioner. To all purpose, the state is not neutral in spiritual affairs but an active agency in its promotion. Hence, the state is not secular. It cannot be secular. In fact, the monastic community gained formal political roles during the reign of King Jigmi Dorji Wangchuck by way of electing their own representatives to the National Assembly and Royal Advisory Council. Most of the issues concerning monastic community were raised in the National Assembly by their representatives. There were eight representatives of the monk body in the National Assembly. The Dorji Lopon who is considered number two in the monastic establishment was one of the representatives in 2002. There were two representatives in the Royal Advisory Council, each representing the central and regional monastic establishments. Having two representatives in the Royal Advisory Council ensured that the monastic community was represented even at the highest executive body. Yanglop Nidup, one of the four lopons of the state monastic community, even served as Speaker of the National Assembly for two terms, between 1966-1968 and again between 1974-1977.
In the same session, the National Assembly passed a resolution to reinforce an earlier circular of Royal Advisory Council to have schools conduct one hour evening prayers. Support to monastic community continued. Where communities could not support their monasteries and temples, the government took over some of them.363 New monastic establishments such as Zhemgang Rabdey were established364 while the number of monks such as in Tashigang Rabdey was increased.365 The government continued to subsidize the monastic community. Since taxes were commuted to cash,366 the National Assembly
358 BRGI, p.600. 359 LGGP, p.259. 360 NAS, vol.2, p.6. 361 NAS, vol.2, p.98. 362 NAS, vol.2, p.94. Also see Dorji, The Wangchuck Dynasty, p.69. 363 NAS, vol.1, p.50 and p.76. 364 NAS, vol.1, p.164 and NAS, vol.2, p.7. 365 NAS, vol.1, p.77 and p.131. 366 NAS, vol.1, p.122.
Redefining patronage and legitimacy
he extraction of labour and material goods from peasants constituted the primary means of supporting the state and monastic establishments for hundreds of years. In order to enforce compliance and extraction, there was on the one hand, coercive element of state machinery in the form of its militias, officers and administrative network. On the other hand, there was the spiritual rationale of reciprocal benefit in supporting the monastic community. Legitimacy for political leadership
367 NAS, vol.2, p.120. 368 NAS, vol.2, p.42.
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King Jigmi Dorji Wangchuck with a young student
was established through various means of which support to the monastery was a very important constituent. The founding of monarchy redefined the notion of patronage and legitimacy. The state continued supporting the monks and monastic establishments. But it also began to support the peasants. This support was first realized through tax reforms initiated since the reigns of first two kings. Reduction of tax obligations was achieved through abolishing redundant administrative structures. Gradually, increase in subsidy from British India and later independent India ensured that certain percentage of it was directed to the monastic community. Besides, the monastic community was also permitted to own lands. What defines the reign of Third King is the allocation of resources for the welfare of the people. Although taxes were being increasingly monetized, tax revenue was no doubt negligible. It was the alternative source of revenues in the form of development assistance that he mobilized which enabled development support for the peasant community.
The fact that roads, hospitals, schools and bridges were built for peoples welfare meant that the relevance of monarchy was further embedded into the lives of ordinary people. As agency of change, monarchy became synonymous with progress and modernization. Rather than being marginal to societys welfare and mere symbolic head of state, monarchy embodied by King Jigmi Dorji Wangchuck established its relevance and indispensability for the Bhutanese society more than ever before. Therefore, the nature and scope of patronage was extended from the monastic to the peasant community. Support to the monastic community was largely for subsistence provisions for monks, and resources for monastic needs. Support to the peasant community was largely in terms of social service like education, health, transport and investments in infrastructure development. The idea of states development assistance as patronage of peasant community is an interesting development in Bhutan. The argument that kings claim legitimacy from divinity rather than from people is out of Bhutanese context. The humility of this great king is found in no other than his letter to the 36th session of the National Assembly, the last one of his reign. I would like to say that I myself, because of my lack of good fortune, have been unable to serve my country as well as I would have liked; and even in my dream I pray that my children, who are now growing up, will serve their country steadfastly and would fulfil my great hope in achieving the National goal.369
369 NAS, vol.2, p.102.
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King Jigme Singye Wangchuck became the youngest monarch when he was enthroned as the Fourth Druk Gyalpo
Chapter 10:
Decentralizing state power

A new modernity for Bhutan
ing Jigmi Dorji Wangchuck passed away on 21 July 1972 at Nairobi, Kenya. Just over a month ago, i.e. on 16 June, the Crown Prince was installed as Trongsa Penlop. The late King had deep premonition that he may not live long. In order to ensure a smooth succession, the installation of Trongsa Penlop is said to have surpassed the coronation events of earlier kings.370 In fact, the Crown Prince was granted the yellow scarf of King rather than the saffron one that penlops conventionally wore.371 This means that he was already enthroned King in its symbolic sense although by convention, the enthronement as Trongsa Penlop established him as successor to the throne as well as a representative, gyaltshab of the King. When King Jigme Singye Wangchuck succeeded his father in 1972, he became the youngest monarch in the world. In his first address to the National Assembly in its 37th session held on 10 September 1972, he said amongst others that there is a provision for the appointment of a Council of Regents by this Assembly until I reach 21 years of age. It will be very useful, therefore, if you can pass a resolution as to who should be appointed to this Council of Regency. This provision was reflected in clause 7 of an agreement drawn up in the National Assemblys 32nd session held in 1970. The resolutions of the session do not record the agreement. It must be a separate document. The Council of Regents was to consist of four members. One would be a representative of the monk body, one of the public, one of the government and one of the Royal Family. The National Assembly however, resolved against the appointment of the council.
370 LGGP, p.286. 371 LGGP, p.269.
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His Majesty had commanded the National Assembly to form a resolution as to the appointment of the members of the council. An unanimous decision, however, was reached by this Assembly, without any need of debate, that since the aforesaid Agreement was originally drawn up with the case in mind of a Crown Prince too young in age to reign in a proper manner, and in view of the fact that the Crown Prince was now eighteen years old and fully capable of reigning as King, and taking into consideration the fact that he himself had given a clear declaration to this Assembly that he intended to follow the policies laid down by His Late Father, the entire public was overjoyed, and with full faith submitted that it would be most grateful if His Majesty would take upon himself the right to rule.372
feature of his reign the crafting of a distinct Bhutanese modernity merits attention. The conscious use of the word modern dates to European intellectual life in the second half of the 19th century. Modernization theory treated development as a unilinear process toward the modern and away from traditional. This process involved both social and cultural change, particularly the shedding of those aspects of traditional culture which served as a hindrance in progress to the modern.374 Modern was understood in contradistinction to tradition, and tradition, a sort of excess baggage on the journey towards modernity. Tradition was largely associated with a sense or idea of primitiveness in terms of world view, that is cultural and occupation that is agricultural. Modernization was thought of as a transition an agrarian society makes to an industrial one.
The former is typically associated with the predominance of ascriptive, particularistic and diffuse patterns, multiplex social relations, stable local groups and limited spatial mobility, relatively simple and stable occupational differentiation, and a stratification system based on social hierarchy. The modern industrial society, on the other hand, is characterized by the predominance of universalistic, specific and achievement norms, a high degree of social mobility, both vertical and horizontal, well-developed occupational systems insulated from other social structures, egalitarian class systems based on generalized patterns of occupational achievement and the prevalence of associations, i.e., functionally specific, non-ascriptive structures.375
Two days after the demise of his royal father, at seven o clock in the morning of the thirteenth day of the sixth month of this Water Rat Year, the Crown Prince His Royal Highness the Trongsa Penlop, Jigme Singye Wangchuck, was enthroned King in a simple ceremony.373 His formal coronation took place on 2 June 1974. The three and half decades of his reign saw Bhutan modernize its society, economy and politics. In eight five-year plans (from 19722008), Bhutans development achievements in various spheres under his leadership was unprecedented. The benefits of these developments translated into improving livelihood for Bhutanese people, and increasing recognition for her uniqueness. In the same address to the National Assembly, King Jigme Singye Wangchuck assured that he will continue his fathers policies, consult the RAC and the cabinet and emphasized on the good relationship with India. During the thirty four years of his reign, he surpassed the achievement of his father and ushered Bhutan literally into a golden age. In every sphere of social, cultural, legal, environmental, economic and political development, the achievements under his leadership has been unparalleled. To reflect and write on each of them merits separate works. The concern of this book is state building, and hence its scope is to deal only with one of the many aspects of his reign: political reforms. However, the distinguishing
372 NAS, vol.2, p.108. 373 NAS, vol.2, p.110.
The triumph of liberalism in U.S and Europe and the disintegration of Soviet Russia in 1989-90 led Francis Fukuyama to argue that liberal democracy is the sole remaining legitimate political philosophy. Liberal democracy is the agent of progress and capitalism is the only viable economic system. Universal democratic reason and market-oriented thinking steadily replaces political ideological conflicts. For him, modernity consists of features of liberalism, capitalism and democracy. Monarchy has no place in modern polities.
374 Barnard and Spencer, Encyclopedia of Social and Cultural Anthropology, p.377. 375 Mitra and Singh, Democracy and Social Change in India: A cross-sectional analysis of the national electorate, p.25.
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The modern world offers a very attractive package, combining the material prosperity of market economies and the political and cultural freedom of liberal democracyBut the modernity of liberal West is difficult to achieve for many societies around the world. While some countries in East Asia have made this transition successfully over the past two generations, other in the developing world have been stuck or actually regressed over this period.376
membership to international organizations also helped Bhutan broaden her sources of funds. But self-reliance really required conceptualization of policies that would result in increasing financial independence. One of the best examples of the Kings imaginative and resourceful investment is in the hydro power sector. Recognizing its potential, he signed an agreement with the government of India to construct the 336 MW Chukha Hydro Power project in 1974. Besides being a standing monument of Indo-Bhutan friendship, the economic benefits of this project for Bhutan was the revenue generated from sale of surplus electricity to India. Indias investment in Bhutan to meet her energy needs, and Bhutans clean hydro power potential has become an exemplary economic cooperation model where both countries enjoy mutual benefits. In 2007, electricity earnings contribution to GDP was 23.4%. For the first time it surpassed the contributions of agriculture, livestock and forestry sector. GDP per capita in 2006 was estimated at US$ 1,414.01. Real GDP in 2007 was estimated at Nu. 37.5 billion. Today, Bhutans domestic revenue meets all her recurrent expenditure. This has been a major realization of the goal of self-reliance. With his reign, the third-five year plan began. He was the chairman of the Planning Commission. Unlike the two previous plans, Bhutans Planning Commission implemented this plan. Of a total outlay of Nu.3,3550 lakhs, social services were earmarked the highest followed by transport and communication and agriculture. Like in the first two plans, the emphasis on transport and communication continues. For our purpose, the interesting feature is the high priority given to agriculture sector both in terms of an outlay of Nu.778.98 lakhs as opposed to Nu.163.35 for small industrial development. In relation to agriculture, the main objectives were i) expansion of agricultural production through intensive methods of cultivation, use of high yielding varieties of seeds, improved irrigation facilities, ii) setting up co-operative marketing societies to eliminate middlemen and ensure fair prices to the farmers for their produce, iii) improve and upgrade local livestock by distributing good breeds and
In sum, the benchmarks for a country to be called modernized are an industrial economy based on freemarket, a non-agricultural urban society, and a polity that is democratized. Democracy succeeds industrialization and urbanization. Reproducing modernity in the context described above would have required pursuit of policies that would pay less attention to religion, culture, agriculture and environment. On the contrary, King Jigme Singye Wangchucks policies were to promote traditional culture, support agricultural development, promote environmental conservation and preserve the countrys spiritual heritage. This brought about a different kind of modernity. Indeed such development approach was not pursued at the cost of economic development and industrialization. The phraseology Gross National Happiness that articulates a radical development approach was coined later, around 1986, whereas implementation of policies consonant with its principles began soon after his coronation. One of the important themes of his coronation address was self-reliance. It was indeed a bold and ambitious statement to make when a decade of development plans were formulated and financed with the full assistance of government of India. Thus, one of his early efforts was to diversify the source of development assistance. Bhutans membership to the United Nations and Colombo Plan has already brought in a degree of alternative sources of development funds. India continues to be Bhutans largest development partner. King Jigme Singye Wangchuck cultivated Bhutans relationship with India and developed genuine friendship with her leaders and people. It was the country he visited most. As much as he deepened relationship with India, he also launched into expanding Bhutans diplomatic relationships. In addition to this,
376 Fukuyama, State-Building: Governance and World Order in the Twenty-First Century, p.3.
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extending veterinary facilities all over the country.377 The country also met 7.8% of the budget from domestic revenue and saw diversification in aid sources by way of receiving US$ four million from UNDP.378 In the fourth-five year plan, agriculture continues to receive priority. It is thus that the goal of self-reliance particularly conceived from the perspective of sufficiency in food crops reaffirmed the importance of agriculture for the Bhutanese people. From the very beginning of his reign, the King has given a policy direction concerning the modernization of agriculture. After all, agriculture is not merely a source of livelihood. It is a way of life, and preservation of Bhutans distinct identity engaged his concern throughout his reign. If shedding of tradition and culture is the hallmark of conventional path to modernization, the reverse is true in Bhutans context. King Jigme Singye Wangchuck has emphasized on many occasions the significance of culture to Bhutans identity particularly in view of its location between two most populous and powerful nations. In a kasho he issued to the Special Commission (established in 1986), the King commanded, I am saddened that our people copy the culture of other countries despite the existence of our distinct culture and etiquette. If we do not think now, we cannot show our religion and culture and religion to the world in the future. This, as you know will affect our sovereignty.379 Thus culture took on a new meaning. From the very beginning of his reign, we see budget allocation for preservation of ancient monuments, temples and dzongs. Hundreds of monasteries were renovated. Consider the following resolution of the National Assemblys 38th session in May 1973.
In this connection, the government of Bhutan was receiving Nu.3 lakhs annually from the government of India during the third-five year plan. The Assembly members requested that, of this sum, two lakhs be spent for various government owned monasteries and Nu.one lakh for the public monasteries belong to various villages. As per resolution No.29 of the 32nd session of
377 http://www.pc.gov.bt/fyp/3rdplan/03fyp.htm 378 Dorji, The Wangchuck Dynasty, p.90. 379 Quoted in Dorji, The Wangchuck Dynasty, p.114.
the National Assembly of Bhutan both categories were to be renovated after due investigation and approval of the government. As such, the Assembly resolved that the decision taken under the said resolution would stand valid.380
Protection and renovation of ancient monuments was identified as a development objective in the third-five year plan. Renovation of important national monuments like Punakha Dzong and Taktshang Lhakhang after fire outbreaks saw their original splendour restored and surpassed. Cultural preservation was a conscious effort undertaken in view of the impacts of modernization that was being gradually felt. The King initiated the formation of Dratshang Lhentshog (Council of Ecclesiastical Affairs) under the chairmanship of the Je Khenpo in 1984 to address issues of cultural and religious interest. Support to the monastery continued. There were about 4000 registered monks in the state monastic community. Today there are 7027 registered monks studying under state support and anywhere between 2000-3000 monks supported by the monastic community with their own funds. These do not include monks in private monastic establishments and lay monks in village communities. There are over 2,000 monasteries in the country. The pursuit of cultural interests and religious scholarship was not left to the monks alone. Opportunities were made available to others in cultivating professionalism in traditional arts and crafts. Thus many state-owned training institutes as well as private establishments developed aided by the interest of a growing tourism industry. Be it in performing arts, linguistic development and research, indigenous medicine and health care, the Kings commitment to a cultural renaissance is wellknown. Long after the opening of National Museum to showcase Bhutans history and culture, the queens also opened a textile museum and folk heritage museum. They have become important institutions of keeping alive folk culture and creating income-generating opportunities for rural artists.
380 NAS, vol.2, pp.116-117.
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Whether it is in terms of tangible cultural heritages such as architecture, bridge-engineering, thangka and thongdrel works, swords-making and pottery or intangible expressions of theatrical performances, songs and dances, oral literature and craftsmanship, culture is developing into an industry by itself. Thus promoting culture as a defining constituent of Bhutans modernity is King Jigme Singye Wangchuks innovation. The policy of cultural preservation and promotion saw concomitant and farsighted policyof tourism. Bhutans rich natural environment and culture are of immense interest to tourists today. The exceptional policy guideline was one of high value, low volume. In order to minimize the problems of uncontrolled tourism, the number of tourists has been managed through a policy of government regulated tourist tariff. Besides, tourists would travel to Bhutan only in groups and through a registered tour operator. This means that free individual tourists was not encouraged. The timing of opening Bhutan for tourism is interesting. It was sometime in 1974 that the first tourists came to Bhutan. Just months after the coronation held on 2nd June, the potential of tourism was also seen in its potential to promote among the tourists their understanding about the people and culture of Bhutan and also develop closer ties of friendship. From 20 people in 1974, the number of tourists crossed 21,094 in 2007 generating record revenue of USD 29 million. Today, it is one of the highest earners of foreign exchange. When Bhutan launched upon her socio-economic development, a rich natural resource endowment she had was her forests. Economic development and industrialization would require her to exploit this natural resource. However, this is exactly what King Jigme Singye Wangchuck decided not to do. The National Forest Policy of 1974 stated that Bhutan must maintain 60% of forests for all times to come. In fact one of the first modern legislation was the Forest Act of Bhutan in passed in 1969. In the third-five year plan, the forestry sector received a budget of Nu.160 lakhs, a generous allocation in comparison to many other sectors. Similarly, in the fourth five-year plan, it receives a good share of budget allocation.
The natural environment, particularly forest was not considered just a resource base. Bhutans conservation ethics regard it as a living entity. Conservation of forest is viewed in its own right rather than as being incidental to human wellbeing. Thus, conservation strategy sacrificed immediate economic gains for long term environmental sustainability. Indeed forest resources were harvested. Wood-based industries were established. Timber export constituted a major source of revenue. However, environmental policies ensured that sustainability was not compromised. The largest logging organization, Gedu Wood Manufacturing Corporation was closed down in 1995 owing to serious environment consequence its operation had. Similarly, slash and burn agriculture, known as tseri cultivation was also abolished. Legislation and official policies ensured that conservation efforts were not jeopardized. The Forest and Nature Conservation Act was passed in 1995, National Forestry Master Plan made for the 1996-2010 period, National Environment Commission set up, National Biodiversity Action Plan made operational, National Environment Strategy consolidated in 1998 and Environment Assessment Act passed in 2000. Legislations and institutional frameworks and strategies safeguarded Bhutans natural environment. Fuelwood remains the most important source of energy for Bhutanese people. In order to ensure conservation, investments were made very early on in the hydro-power sector, which is one of Bhutans lucrative natural resource endowments. Thus, returns from hydro-power projects constructed with Indian partnership today contributes the largest share in Gross Domestic Product. As electricity lights up remote communities, the impact on forest is lessened. With external assistance, the government has also been able to provide corrugated zinc sheets for roofing purposes to communities in national parks who otherwise felled trees to produce wooden shingles. Today, Bhutans reputation as a forerunner in conservation efforts is globally well-known. It is considered on the ten global hotspots in the world. More than 65% of the country is under forest cover and 26% of lands are under protected areas consisting of four national
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parks. Some 9% of the lands fall under biological corridors that connect wildlife sanctuaries and nature reserves. In 2005, the United Nations Environment Program awarded Champions of the Earth Award to the King and people of Bhutan. The Constitution requires the government to keep 60% of land under forest cover for all times. The Kings leadership is the most important factor in fashioning a new kind of modernity for Bhutan that is defined it terms of cultural, spiritual, agricultural and environmental well-being. Modernity otherwise, was always defined in terms of industrialization, free-market policies, technologization and urbanization. This is not to suggest that Bhutan had foregone industrialization and urbanization. Rather, a cautious approach for sustainable development had ensured balancing modernity with tradition. In a way, tradition defined modernity.
China has claimed historical sovereignty over Bhutan as it also did over Nepal and Sikkim sometime in 1910.381 But the basis of such a claim was never entertained by the Bhutanese. Although cartographic publications of China showed Bhutanese territories to be Chinese, China later chose to put aside such a claim. For Bhutan, China became a concern especially after it moved into Tibet, occupied eight Bhutanese enclaves in western Tibet and led to the flight of Dalai Lama to India. Tibetan refugees began to move into Bhutan.382 Some settled in Bhutan and were even given residential permits and land. Others left for India. Bhutan had to close her borders with Tibet, and to a thriving trade and cultural relations. The Sino-Indian conflict of 1962 had serious bearing on Bhutans perception of her security. China was invited along with other countries to the coronation of King Jigme Singye Wangchuck. The invitation of a Chinese delegation in Thimphu was a clear message showing that Bhutan was ready to normalize its relation with China, assuming that India had agreed with that process. Bhutan was one of the countries who supported Chinas admission to the United Nations. As we will discuss below, the 1949 Indo-Bhutan treaty states that Bhutan will seek Indias guidance in the conduct of her external relations. However, Bhutan began conducting direct bilateral negotiations with China in 1984. It was to be the first round of boundary talks. The most important factor in Sino-Bhutan relationship is the international boundary demarcation between them. Bhutan had been long concerned over intrusions by Tibetan grazers into its boundary. Many rounds of negotiations were held to discuss the boundary issue. However, the most important outcome of these bilateral discussions was the signing of Agreement on Maintenance of Peace and Tranquility in Bhutan-China Border areas signed on 8 December 1998. Although it was a short five-article agreement, it was the important achievement in relation to her sovereignty. It was the first time that the Chinese government had recognized in writing Bhutans sovereignty and independence.
381 Mathou, Bhutan-China relations, p.392. 382 Mathou, Bhutan-China relations, p.393.
Sovereignty reaffirmed
he modernity of a nation is also qualified by a political system that has elective government, written Constitution, bill of rights and competitive elections among political parties. How it came about in Bhutan is the theme of this chapter. However, in the context of nationbuilding, two important issues must be dealt with. Both of them concern Bhutans foreign policy and diplomatic achievements. Since China and India are two countries with whom Bhutan share a common international boundary, King Jigme Singye Wangchucks success in gaining their recognition for Bhutans sovereignty is a landmark achievement. We begin with China first. As we know, Bhutans relationship with China is ultimately tied to Bhutans historical and cultural relationship with Tibet. We have seen in Chapter 3 that that the formation of Bhutanese state under Zhabdrung Rinpoche took place in opposition to threats and invasions from Tibet. The state of hostility that ended once with Gelug governments recognition of Palden Druk Zhung resumed with subsequent invasions. It was only during the reign of Desi Sherub Wangchuck that a lasting peace settlement was established.
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The Government of the Peoples Republic of China and the Government of the Kingdom of Bhutan (hereafter known as Both sides), in accordance with the five principles of mutual respect for each others sovereignty and territorial integrity, mutual non-aggression, mutual non-interference in each others internal affairs and peaceful co-existence and for the purpose of maintaining peace and tranquillity along the Sino-Bhutanese border, have reached the following agreements:383
1949 treaty concerning import of arms and ammunitions into Bhutan reads, The Government of India agrees that the Government of Bhutan shall be free to import with the assistance and approval of the Government of India, from or through India into Bhutan, whatever arms, ammunition, machinery, warlike material or stores may be required or desired for the strength and welfare of Bhutan In the new treaty, the phrase with the assistance and approval of India is removed. The 1949 treaty provided for extradition of criminals facing charges in either country. Bhutan can demand extradition of Bhutanese subjects whereas India can not only demand extradition of Indian subjects and foreign nationals with whom India has extradition agreements, but also Bhutanese subjects who commit crime in India and flees to Bhutan. On the other hand, Bhutan cannot demand extradition of Indian subjects who commit crime in Bhutan and flee to India. Article 6 of the new treaty sates, The extradition of persons wanted by either state for crimes and for unlawful activities affecting their security shall be in keeping with the extradition agreement between the two countries. Another provision of the old treaty concerns settlement of disputes about the application and interpretation of the treaty. If negotiations do not lead to settlement of disputes within three months, a tribunal consisting of three arbitrators would review the dispute. Two persons would be nominated by the two governments respectively while the third (who will be the chairman) shall be one of the judges of Supreme Court of India chosen by Bhutan. Since the choice of the Chairman of the arbitral tribunal is restricted to the highest judiciary of India, it is argued that the treaty places India in a superior position as compared to Bhutan.384 The new treaty removes this provision of an arbitral tribunal. It states, Any differences and disputes arising in the interpretation and application of this Treaty shall be settled bilaterally by negotiations in a spirit of trust and understanding in consonance with the historically close ties of friendship and mutually beneficial cooperation that form the bedrock of Bhutan-India relation.
384 Kohli, From Dependency to Interdependence, p.41.
Article 1 further states that the Chinese side reaffirmed that it completely respects the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Bhutan. The heart of this agreement was gaining Chinese recognition for Bhutans sovereignty. Indeed there were other provisions such as the agreement to respect the status quo of the boundary before 1959, uphold the fact that differences on guiding principles of boundary settlement has been narrowed, deepen trust and confidence between them and solve the boundary issue through friendly consultations. Boundary discussions are still going on but a strong foundation for a new dimension of Sino-Bhutan relationship has been established under the reign of King Jigme Singye Wangchuck. The other issue that the King dealt with was the signing of a revised treaty of friendship with India. It was signed on 8 February 2007 by King Jigme Khesar Namgyal Wangchuck less than two months after taking over responsibilities of kingship from his father. This treaty updates the treaty of 1949 signed with independent India in Darjeling. We know that the treaty was first signed in 1865 with the British after the Duar War. To all purpose, this was an unequal treaty but it was revised in 1910 after the establishment of monarchy to reflect a friendlier relationship with the British. But suggestions of Bhutans limited sovereignty were retained in both the 1910 and 1949 treaties. Generally, they stipulate upholding of friendship between the two countries, regulation of trade and commerce, specifying terms of extraditing criminals as well as import of arms and ammunitions by Bhutan. The new treaty has done away with any suggestion of Bhutans limited sovereignty. For example, Article 4 of the
383 Mathou, Bhutan-China relations, p.411. Emphasis mine.
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But the most controversial article of the treaty was Article 2 which states, The Government of India undertakes to exercise no interference in the internal administration of Bhutan. On its part, the Government of Bhutan agrees to be guided by the advice of the Government of India in its external relations. The Bhutanese perception and understanding of her sovereign status was clear but British India must have considered otherwise. Although British suzerainty over Bhutan or the status of Bhutan as a British protectorate is not mentioned anywhere, the requirement to depend on British and later India for conducting Bhutans foreign relations suggested otherwise. Of course, Bhutanese leadership was concerned that independent India might consider her like other Indian princely states and absorb into the Indian union. But Indias position on Bhutan was clear that she was not such a state.
Bhutan could not be an Indian State strictly so-called and could not be taken even to be a State in India. Its precise legal status, was therefore, of a foreign state governed by treaty relations. It was foreign because it was in law not an Indian State nor was it a British territory. It was government by the limitations imposed by the agreement which Bhutan had signed in 1910 with the British in India.385
Republic of India shall cooperate closely with each other on issues relating to their national interest. Neither Government shall allow the use of its territory for activities harmful to the national security and interest of the other. Bhutans sovereignty, both in principle and practice, has finally been realized. The treaty itself is a reaffirmation of the respect for each others independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity.
Empowering village communities

e have discussed how King Jigme Singye Wangchuck initiated a novel and original concept of modernity that saw Bhutan progress on the path of distinct socioeconomic modernization. One distinct element of that modernity has been decentralization of state power and empowering local communities in self-governance. His faith in the peoples ability to address their own needs was articulated in his coronation address.
As far as you, my people, are concerned, you should not adopt the attitude that whatever is required to be done for your welfare will be done entirely by the government. On the contrary, a little effort on your part will be much more effective than a great deal of effort on the part of the government.386
Although Article 2 was retained even in the 1949 treaty, the understanding between India and Bhutan did not result in any uneasy relationship concerning its interpretation and Bhutans conduct of her foreign policies. There are many instances of Bhutans independent position on global issues in international forums such as the United Nations where Bhutan voted contrary to India. However, the fact that this limitation on Bhutans sovereignty was reflected in the treaty remained an uncomfortable political reality. It is this article that disappears in India-Bhutan Friendship treaty which King Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuck and Foreign Minister (of India) Pranab Mukherjee signed in New Delhi. The new article states, In keeping with the abiding ties of close friendship and cooperation between Bhutan and India, the Government of the Kingdom of Bhutan and the Government of the
385 Kohli, From Dependency to Interdependence, p.38.
From the very beginning of his reign, the Kings approach to governance has been decentralization and voluntary devolution of state power. He had to literally persuade people to accept and undertake responsibilities of self-government against their will. The introduction of parliamentary democracy in Bhutan is a culmination of three decades political reforms and democratization. This took place at two levels. First, democratic institutions and practices were established and consolidated in village communities. Once democratization of village societies was fairly achieved, the state was ready to democratize itself, and hence began the process in 1998. The democratization of village societies took place within the framework of decentralization that has become the hallmark of the reign of King Jigme Singye Wangchuck. In the two-fold democratization process, the village was
386 http://2008.bhutan-360.com/the- coronation-of-the-4th-king-ofbhutan/
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Being close to his people was a Decentralizing state power distinguishing characteristic of King Jigme Singye Wangchuck
given primacy over the state. If Bhutans democratization process were to take place today in village communities without institutions and experiences of democracy, the possibilities of its successes would not be as good as it seems. As we saw in the previous chapter, the process of democratization was preceded by two decades of modest attempt at creating primary institutions of political participation particularly the National Assembly in 1953.
Since the establishment of the National Assembly in 1953, the election of peoples representatives to this and other important bodies, and the launching of decentralisation programme in the early 1980s, Bhutan has been implementing components of democracy. Granted, some are in their formative stages. But when combined with age-old democratic practices at village level, they provide Bhutan with strong elements of a democratic culture. Leo Rose refers to Bhutans village administrations as semi-democratic. Perhaps a more appropriate terminology would be natural or indigenous democracy. However we describe these local systems, suffice it to say about 80 percent of the population resides in villages that practice a form of local democracy.387
With the establishment of High Court and cabinet in 1968, an early attempt at separation of three organs of the state was made. It was also that year that the National Assembly was transformed into a genuine legislative institution by royal ordinance. Till then, it remained an advisory body. The establishment of RAC in 1965 took over its advisory role. A certain degree of economic development and modernization was a prerequisite for making decentralized and participatory governance in Bhutan a realistic possibility. However, the socioeconomic reality of the 1950s and 1960s was not favourable for consolidating these institutions. It is evident from the priority agendas of the first four Five-Year Plans (196181) that development of infrastructure in these areas took precedence over others. Besides establishing the skeletal framework for democratic governance, King Jigmi Dorji Wangchuck could not foster the process particularly due to his death at a young age of 47 years. But his initiatives and political reforms provided both the philosophical
387 Dessalien, Democracy, Good Governance and Happiness, p.62
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and institutional foundation for decentralized and participatory governance under his son, King Jigme Singye Wangchuck. The political reforms of King Jigme Singye Wangchuck must be understood at two levels. The first is decentralization of institutional power, and the second, devolution of personal power. In a way, devolution of personal power parallel to the decentralization of institutional power was a means of impressing upon the Bhutanese people that decentralization was no disguised strategy to concentrate power in monarchy. As powers were devolved from the throne, people were expected to assume it. The devolution of power took place gradually through the decentralization process. This also took place at two levels; i) decentralization of economic planning and ii) developing decision-making institutions and making them more representative. The first initiative at decentralization came at the beginning of the Fifth Five-Year Plan in 1981. Decentralization was a priority on the agenda. This initiative demonstrated the political will and commitment of state to pursue decentralization as a policy objective for Bhutan. King Jigme Singye Wangchuck commanded the establishment of a new representative institution called Dzongkhag Yargay Tshogdu (DYT). By 1981, a DYT was established in every district. It provided the institutional framework necessary for advancing decentralization process. In fact, these DYTs would be involved in the formulation of the five-year plans thereafter. DYT is the Dzongkha acronym for District Development Committee. The dzongdag, district administrator was the chairman of DYT. He was an appointee of the state, and guided discussions in DYT. Members of DYT consisted of government officials who headed different sectors in the district administration such as agriculture, health, planning, finance and others. Then there were chimis (former representatives to the National Assembly), gups and mangmis of the district. The dzongrab (deputy dzongdag) or administrative officer served as secretary to the DYT. They met four times a year but could convene extraordinary sessions to debate and agree on points for submission to the National Assembly.
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DYT members propose meeting agenda and take decisions based on consensus. Discussions and decisions in DYT meetings had to be taken in conformity with the general development agenda of their respective dzongkhags identified by the people during plan meetings with government officials presided over by the King. Before the start of every five-year plan, the King used to travel in all twenty districts to discuss the plan with the people. These plan meetings had evolved as distinct institution of open forum for planning discussions. Direct exchange of views, opinions and discussion on plan activities and budget took place between people and government. Changes in plan and other proposals were incorporated. The DYT is empowered to formulate plans, propose agenda and make decision on the economic development of the district. The establishment of DYTs involved local communities in the formulation of development programmes. Development planning at the national level was thus far executed by Planning Commission, which was established in 1971 by King Jigmi Dorji Wangchuck at the beginning of third five-year plan. The year 1981 marks the beginning of a decentralized planning process. Since then, a separate plan was formulated for each district based on priorities identified by DYT. For the following successive five-year plans, decentralization and peoples participation remained top priorities.388 The two broad functions of DYT have been identified as follows.
First, the DYT proceedings show that its primary function was the coordination of development activities in the district. Coordination is dependent on information and crucial for efficiency. Activities in one sector were made known to the officials and public of another sector in the DYTs. This function took by far the biggest proportion of meeting time, as each sector official of the district administration presented the progress of an activity as well as the programmes for the coming months. Second, elected members of the DYTs have used the forum to articulate local needs for goods and public services (electricity, post, health, education etc.) based on the specific socio-economic realities of the locality and the commu388 Kinga, Changes in Bhutanese Social Structure, p. 21.
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nities preferences. These are further transmitted to central departments in Thimphu, if the district administration cannot respond to them.389
According to the chathrim of DYT, decentralization is defined as the promotion of peoples participation towards the attainment of national goals and aspirations. Participation was to be encouraged through the establishment of DYT. But the concept of participation was initially limited. It meant assisting the dzongkhag administration in determination of local needs and priorities in formulation of five-year plans and implementation. It could not determine the plan for itself. Participation through such assistance was considered as joint decisionmaking by the dzongkhag administration and peoples representatives. The government became aware about the limitation of this arrangement.390
It is necessary to understand why decentralization was adopted as a development strategy in the first place. The negative offshoot of a centralized development administration before 1980 was the increasing dependency of people on the government for the provision and maintenance of all forms of rural service infrastructure. These include schools, health clinics, offices of gup etc. The traditional community self-help institutions were collapsing. Since people were neither involved nor consulted, they were unaware even of development programmes within their own community. Therefore, peoples labour contribution (wages were paid) which were necessary to match government investments in development activities were seen as conscripted labour. This was viewed unfavourably and people tried to evade it under various pretexts. Labour contributions of people were necessary to avoid excessive import of labour. A presence of even a small non-Bhutanese labour in a rural community would completely distort local demographic balance and result in many unhealthy social consequences.391
1991 to motivate genuine peoples participation in the implementation of shared decisions.392 The GYTs are Block (Gewog) Development Committees who decide on the development activities of their gewogs. The gup is the chairman of GYT. Members include tshogpas and mangmis. The headmaster of the community school, health assistant of local health clinics, forestry staff etc. participate as observers. Similarly, the chimi who is a member of DYT attended as an observer. Both the GYT and DYT require a two-third quorum of members to take decisions by simple majority. The gup and mangmi as well as the chimi were elected for a three-year tenure with the possibility of re-election. Tshogpas served only for a year. At the expiry of term of any one of them, the district administration, and the National Assembly (in case of the chimi) directed the conduct of election. The incumbent gup would organize a series of zomdues or community assemblies in which different communities are asked to nominate candidates. Sometimes, the nomination meeting would take place where every community members are present. Community leaders would be elected either through consensus, voting through show of hands or casting of secret ballots. The significance of GYT lies in the fact that the decentralization process would involve grassroots communities who could not have access to DYTs, and also develop greater political consciousness among the people. The King commanded in 1991 that the seventh five-year plan should be gewog-based and that all future plans must feature distinct sectoral strategies at gewog level. The deepening of decentralization process with the establishment of GYT also saw King Jigme Singye Wangchuck relinquish the chairmanship of Planning Commission. He was appointed as chairman by his late father in 1972. In fact, this was his first official responsibility.393 The GYT Act of 1992 extends broad decision-making powers to GYT in addition to the existing functions of gup. Decisions were validated either by consensus or by
392 MoHA, p. 1. 393 LGGP, p.283.
The establishment of DYT could not solve this problem because members participated only in assisting district administration to determine priorities. Hence, King Jigme Singye Wangchuck established the GYT in
389 Ura, Development and Decentralisation in Medieval and Modern Bhutan, p. 145. 390 Kinga, Changes in Bhutanese Social Structure, pp. 22-23. 391 Kinga, Changes in Bhutanese Social Structure, pp. 23-24.
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majority votes, subject to a quorum. Some of the important functions of GYT according to its Act of 1992 were: to foster harmony among the people in the gewog and enhance political consciousness, identify and prioritize areas of development activities to ensure the participation of gewog people in planning and decision-making and in the implementation of planned programmes, review achievement of the plans, and serve as a conduit between the sub-district and district administration and gewog people. When the GYT was established, the concept of decentralization broadened to cooperative partnership between the people and government. Participation was expected to go beyond mere articulation of local needs and priorities. The government realized that the goal of realizing genuine peoples participation remained unfulfilled due to lack of a sense of community ownership of development services and infrastructure. The GYT required communities to own service facilities and assume responsibilities for their operation and maintenance. Decentralization was intended to build real autonomy at grassroots community levels with an administrative structure that is efficient, transparent and accountable. Autonomy demands capacity-building to strengthen independent decision-making, formulating, implementing and monitoring development projects. The state recognized the need to transfer skilled and qualified officials and other manpower from the centre to lower levels. This administrative decentralization was necessary to complement political decentralization. Perhaps, the most important process in decentralization in Bhutan was the transfer of financial power and responsibility to GYTs and DYTs. Budgets earmarked for projects in each dzongkhags and gewogs would be under their discretion. This aspect of decentralization has also been identified as indispensable for Bhutan. Besides, the possibility of empowering the dzongkhags to mobilize their own financial resources would also be examined while policy steps would be taken to ensure that dzongkahgs with low levels of economic productivity are not disadvantaged in the process. For the first time, the gewogs could retain rural taxes they collected rather than remit them to the government.
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Decentralization has not been limited to economic planning and decision-making. Good governance has been identified with effective promotion of peoples participation in the countrys political life. This implies making executive and legislative institutions more representative. Zomdues or community assemblies (public meetings) have been the rudimentary institution for peoples participation in discussing issues of local importance and taking decisions on them. This traditional institution was revitalized and developed into GYT. This did not result in the dissolution of zomdues. On the contrary, they constitute the primary institution for election of members to GYT, proposition of agenda for discussion in GYT and decision on public activities in villages. However, participation was still limited to representatives of households in villages, not by individuals. The household is represented by one of its members in zomdues to decide on any socio-economic activity or to vote for candidates for public offices. By virtue of being at home, women mostly represented households in zomdues. But men and young people also took part. The representatives of households communicate all decisions taken or announcements made in such village meetings to other family members. There were no set rules that identify a particular representative who has to represent the household on all occasion. Anyone could act as the representative. Depending upon the flexibility or availability of any family member, households were represented at various forums by different family members. The process of decentralization resulted in the empowerment of the household, not individuals in terms of decision-making through voting or arriving at consensus. Although individuals participated, they represented the collective interest of the household. This is an important consideration in understanding the impact of decentralization process on grassroots communities. The flexibility involved has its advantages. Participation by all members in every meeting has considerable social cost in terms of labour and productivity. People in villages were generally not in favour for individual representation.
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They thought that individual voting would only be a duplication of the general household votes since household representation does exactly that. One person represented the family as the same interest group. Since the system allowed for participation by any household members, it has also served as means for enhancing the general awareness of family members one time or the other about social, economic and political issues and practices. In addition, the very idea of a household and a family, which is crucial to Bhutanese society, has been further strengthened. There was neither gender discrimination nor age bar for such participation although the proposed minimum age for participation was 18 years. This often resulted in parents sending very young children to represent the household in the past since they were unwilling to sacrifice the labour value of elder members. The gups insisted on participation by elder members. There is usually 100% turnout in such meetings except for those who are exempted from participation owing to unavoidable circumstances. Peoples participation is effectively household participation. But this must be understood in the Bhutanese social and cultural context. There are three primary reasons for taking households as basis for participation. First, individuals in rural villages never lived separately. They were always a part of a family, and thus associated with it. Second, household was the basic unit of taxation. Third, rural households were homogenous in terms of occupation of their members. Interests of members were generally the same. The move from household representation and voting to individual secret ballot took place in the nation-wide gup elections held in 2002 coinciding with the launch of ninth five-year plan. However, it must be clarified that voting to elect public officials before 2002 was not confined to households. Every individual was eligible to vote although the age-limit for exercising franchise was not clearly defined. Because a household was normally represented in local community meetings, the household representative landed up casting the vote. The 2002 gup elections brought in a new dimension of secret ballot and adult franchise. But before describing and analyzing it, the discussion must focus on another historic political reform that preceded this election.
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Ministerial elections of 1998 and 2002

ing Jigme Singye Wangchuck pushed through a historic reform in 1998 when the popular mood was against it. That this reform would be the precursor for introducing parliamentary democracy was not anticipated by many people then. Thus far, the decentralization process initiated through the establishment of DYTs and GYTs focused on training villagers and community leaders both in electoral process as well as assuming responsibilities for power devolved to them. The time had come to focus on state leaders and state institutions. Retrospectively, we understand that the 1998 reforms were the beginning of a ten-year leadership preparation process so that when parliamentary democracy was introduced, there would be leaders who are ready to partake in it. On 10 June 1998 corresponding to the fifteenth day of fourth month of Male Tiger Year, King Jigme Singye Wangchuck issued a kasho that would have long term consequences for Bhutanese people. By this edict, the long-standing cabinet was dissolved. A new cabinet was appointed. The King devolved full executive power to it and declared that he will remain only as head of state, and not as head of government. The cabinet was to serve a fixed tenure, and had to be endorsed by the National Assembly. These were the essence of the kasho, and the direction for a new political journey. In preparation for this transition, the King first appointed six senior civil servants as deputy ministers in 1997. There were three deputy ministers earlier. However, only one of them was a member of the cabinet. The cabinet consisted of five other ministers. When the cabinet was dissolved, the two other deputy ministers (of the Ministry of Information and Communications and National Environment Commission) continued to serve. All other cabinet members were to be replaced by those six deputy ministers. Rather than directly succeeding to ministerial positions, they had to route through an electoral process. First, the candidates must have held government positions at the rank of secretary to the government and above. Second, they would not be directly appointed by the King. Rather, he would identify them as ministerial candidates.
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They faced a vote of confidence in the National Assembly, and won by simple majority of the votes cast. The portfolio was granted by the King. After their tenure of five years, they had to face a vote of confidence again to continue in their positions. The election was based on a yes and no vote. All the National Assembly members voted for every candidate. This means that six rounds of voting took place. In the elections Lyonpo Jigmi Yoezer Thinley won the maximum number of votes and served as the first chairman of council of ministers while he also held the portfolio of Minister of Foreign Affairs simultaneously. All subsequent chairmen would also hold a ministerial portfolio. In December 2002, King Jigme Singye Wangchuck announced that the council of ministers would stand for a vote of confidence in the 81st session of the National Assembly. He also announced that the cabinet would be expanded and strengthened to meet emerging challenges in governance. After their tenure, the six ministers faced a vote of confidence on 28 June 2003. The 145 National Assembly members gave Lyonpo Jigmi Yoezer Thinley 127 votes, Lyonpo Yeshe Zimba 125 votes, Lyonpo Sangye Ngedup 124 votes, Lyonpo Khandu Wangchuk 111 votes, Lyonpo Kinzang Dorji 103 votes and Lyonpo Thinley Gyamtsho 79 votes. All of them required 73 votes to win a simple majority. The portfolios of these ministers were changed. Some representatives suggested that the tentative portfolios of candidates be made known before the election. The King however, said that it was not possible to award portfolios before the elections. Since the cabinet was being expanded with ten ministers, the King nominated seven new candidates. Four of them who secured the highest number of votes were to be elected. The Deputy Minister for Ministry of Information and Communications, Dasho Leki Dorji secured 125 votes, the Royal Civil Service Commission Secretary Dasho Jigmi Singay secured 109 votes, Finance Secretary Dasho Wangdi Norbu secured 107 votes, and Foreign Secretary Dasho Ugyen Tshering secured 96 votes. The three other candidates who lost the election were Dasho Karma Dorji, Secretary of Ministry of Trade and Industry, Dasho Kunzang Wangdi, Auditor General and Dasho Bap Kesang, the Permanent Representative to UNO.
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Cabinet ministers elected by the National Assembly, 1998
In the election for new ministers held on 30 June, two days after the vote of confidence on former ministers, 148 members cast votes. In case of the vote of confidence in former ministers, a candidate needed a simple majority to win. But in the case of five new nominees, each candidate had a Yes and No ballot boxes. Those candidates securing the highest number of Yes votes were deemed elected. This means that even if they had secured a simple majority, they were not elected if they did not belong to the first four. The next level of reform defined in the kasho concerned the chairman of the cabinet. Since full executive power was devolved to the cabinet, the King declared that he would be only the head of state, and not the head of government. Indeed this was the beginning of a historic journey towards constitutional monarchy. Members of the National Assembly pleaded that either the King should remain as chairman of the cabinet or appoint a member of the royal family. This would have meant that there was no serious change in the status quo. But the kasho decreed that the minister who secured the highest number of votes in the election would become the chairman. In order to groom future leadership and create a system of power-sharing, the chairmanship was to rotate among six ministers based on the number of votes they secured. The Chairmanship of Lhengye Zhungtshog shall be held on a rotation basis among the ministers for a term of one year each on the
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basis of number of votes secured in their electionThe ministerial candidates who secures the highest number of votes in the election shall be the first Chairman of Lhengye Zhungtshog.394 Since there were six ministers, only five had the opportunity of serving as chairman. The title Prime Minister became more popular subsequently. There was no question concerning the interpretation of this arrangement in the first five-year tenure. However, during the fourth year of the second term, some questions were raised. Lyonpo Leki Dorji, the minister of information and communications had secured more votes than Lyonpo Khandu Wangchuk, the foreign minister. The latter became the Prime Minister. The decision was based on the fact that the six ministers of the first council of ministers did not face an election but only a vote of confidence in 2003 whereas the four new cabinet members were elected. Therefore, the previous ministers had precedence over new ministers. Following this interpretation, the caretaker government in 2007 was handed over to Lyonpo Kinzang Dorji after Lyonpo Khandu Wangchuk (and not to Lyonpo Leki Dorji) when seven ministers resigned in August 2007 to form and join political parties (see next chapter). Another question that was raised concerned the council of ministers and the cabinet called Lhengye Zhungtshog. The RAC members were also members of the Lhengye Zhungtshog. Who should exercise executive power, the council of ministers or the cabinet? Eventually, the executive powers were exercised by the council of ministers who participated in the weekly Co-ordination Committee Meeting as opposed to the monthly or occasional meetings of Lhengye Zhungtshog. The modus operandi of elections and exercise of executive powers were defined in Lhengye Zhungtshog Chathrim which was based on the royal kasho and passed in the 77th session of the National Assembly. The third directive of the kasho concerned the registration of a vote of no confidence against the King. The King had to abdicate if two-thirds of the member of the National Assembly supported the vote. The motion for the king to abdicate is not a motion for the monarchy to be abolished. The throne would pass to the next heir in line. The spirit of the kasho has been carried into the Constitution. Article
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394 RGOB, Chathrim for the Lhengye Zhungtshog 1999, p. 6.
2.20 states, The Druk Gyalpo shall abdicate the Throne for wilful violations of this Constitution or for being subject to permanent mental disability, on a motion passed by a joint sitting of Parliament in accordance with the procedures as laid down in sections 21,22,23,24 and 25 of this Article. The motion has to be submitted by no less than twothirds of the total numbers of members of Parliament and included in the agenda of a joint sitting. It has to be passed by no less than three-fourths of the total number of members of Parliament following which the people will vote in a national referendum to approve or reject the resolution of the Parliament. Article 2.25 says, On such a resolution being approved by a simple majority of the total number of votes cast and counted from all the dzongkhags in the Kingdom, the Druk Gyalpo shall abdicate in favour of the heir apparent.395
Gup elections 2002396
he gup elections of 2002 were a significant event in the process of decentralization and democratization of village communities. The elections were held mostly in November after the National Assembly passed a new act, GYT Chathrim in July 2002. Although some gups had been in office for only a few months, the Act required fresh elections to be called in 199 of the 201 gewogs.397 The elections intended for a tenure of three years meant that elections in all the gewogs would thereafter, be held at the same time in contrast to different election times prevalent before. Every adult aged 21 years and above as opposed to a household representative was given the right to vote. There was thus a broadening of the electorate by moving from household to individual voting. In the process of moving towards parliamentary democracy, individualization of voting rights began to establish new notions of citizenship. Voters had to produce their citizenship identity cards to polling officers in order to exercise their right to vote.
395 The Constitution of the Kingdom of Bhutan, p. 7. 396 I have been part of the research team that studied the elections of 2002 soon after they were held. The research findings have been compiled by The Centre for Bhutan Studies in a limited edition of the book, Secret Ballots in Rural Heartland, Gup Elections, 2002. 397 Elections in three gewogs could not be conducted then due to prevailing security concerns.
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One of the qualification criteria for gup candidates was that they must have been residing in their constituency the gewog for at least a year. The underlying rationale was that unless a person has lived in the community for a reasonable length of time, he or she may not know the village and its issues and problems well. But the interpretation of this criterion created lots of difficulties. Even if a candidate was registered in that gewog for a long time but may have been away for a month or two on pilgrimage, business or otherwise, he or she would not qualify to contest. This criterion was defined much later to say that a one-year residency meant having ones civil registration in the gewog for at least one year. The same criterion had been extended (in the Constitution) to apply to voters and therefore, candidates to the National Council and National Assembly elections in 2007-2008. A candidate has to be a registered voter. It was not necessary for candidates to have lived in the village. But their civil registry must show they have been registered in the constituency for at least a year. Another criterion was that candidates must possess functional literacy. What exactly this meant was not clearly defined. Whether this meant literacy in Dzongkha, English or Nepali was also not stated.
Writing applications (zhutshig zhengni), drawing up agreements (genja), understanding letters sent by district administrations and conveying contents of official correspondences to the people were seen as the main reasons for literacy requirement for gups. The ability to read and write is not a general ability to read and comprehend newspaper, write any composition. Rather, a candidate for gup needs narrower and special reading, writing and comprehending abilities with regard to two very prominent functions of a gup: the ability to read and write officials communications and the ability to draw up agreements settling disputes.398
to prove their literacy abilities by reading official correspondences, filling up bio-data forms and even doing basic calculations. For example, in Khaling Gewog under Tashigang district, the candidates had to write an essay on How they would serve as a gup if they were elected. There were candidates who had some monastic education, primary and junior high-school students who had discontinued schooling for various reasons as well as those who taught themselves basic skills of reading and writing. Candidates were nominated by chiwogs. The incumbent gup, mangap, clerk and tshogpa coordinated nomination meetings in every chiwog. Once a candidate was nominated, he had to fill a nomination form which had to be certified by these officials. But even before the nomination meeting took place, there were supporters of possible candidates going around the villages to collect thumb impressions (instead of signatures because most illiterate villagers could not sign) on a note or an application to the gup. The intent was obviously to demonstrate popular support for a candidate and win his nomination. This thumbimpression-collection was tantamount to campaigning. There was no formal campaigning although the act barred candidates from engaging in bribery, threat and coercion. The thumb-impressions were almost a commitment of voters to support that candidate but the rule of secretballot always ensured a high degree of voting discretion without the knowledge of any other person. But if a candidate enjoyed widespread support in his constituency as indicated by numerous thumb impressions, the actual election formalized that support. Once the nomination was obtained, candidates had to process clearances from the court and the police before nomination forms were submitted to the district election committee, who would screen them and also choose to conduct literacy tests. The committee then informed the gewog administration of the dates of election. Since there were no separate polling booths, polls were held in schools, gup offices, health clinics, temples, offices belonging to renewable natural resource centres etc. Usually the booths would have an entry and exit points. This was to ensure that voters who had cast votes do not mix around with those who had not and influence their
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The election committee, which consisted of district administrative officials screened the candidates as well as a series of documents they had to submit. They included documents such as clearance from the court stating that candidates do not have records of criminal charges and conviction. Quite often, the committee required candidates
398 Ura, The First Universal Suffrage Election at County (Gewog) Level in Bhutan, p. 16.
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votes. The choice of such polling booths repeated during the 2008 parliamentary elections. The entrances were guarded by policemen or election officials who also had to assist those who had difficulty in identifying candidates or not knowing what to do once they were inside the booth. For example, some voters just went in and came out without voting. Some cast the citizenship identity card instead of the ballot paper into ballot box. Some put the ballot paper underneath the box while others kept it on the top. A few others walked out hiding the ballot paper inside the folds of their clothes. Voters had to walk hours and even days to cast votes since there was only one polling station in every gewog except for a few. This was one factor that explained low voter turnout in many gewogs. In recognition of difficulty experienced in gup elections, King Jigme Singye Wangchuck commanded that polling stations for the 2008 parliamentary elections should be as near to a community as possible. Hence, there were many polling stations in one gewog. After producing their citizenship identity cards, polling officers marked fingers of voters with indelible ink to avoid repeated voting. This happened in some gewogs. Voters were issued ballot papers that bore serial numbers. Those numbers were noted against the name of the persons to whom they were issued. Technically, it was possible to identify voters who voted for or against any candidate. But that was not the intention. It was rather to keep a tab on the number of voters and to ensure that the number of votes cast do not exceed the number of ballot papers issued. There had not been a single incident after the elections where voters were identified based on these serial numbers. There was no uniformity in the sizes of ballot boxes, ballot papers or photographs of candidates on ballot boxes. Some had only names, no photographs. Where there were only one candidate, two ballot boxes were used for voters to cast either Yes or No votes. Thus a candidate had to secure a simple majority to win the election. Only in one gewog was an extra ballot box installed for abstention votes, which saw 20 votes from the total of 144 cast. In gewogs that had more than one candidate, each candidate had one ballot box (as opposed to two for single candidate gewogs). This means that voters cast votes for him only if they supported him. Voting for other candidates
was supposed to mean No votes for him. Thus, rather than simple majority in such cases, candidates with the maximum votes won. Winning the maximum votes did not necessarily mean winning the majority of votes cast. Hence, there were gups elected with minority votes as well. Before the votes were cast, empty ballot boxes were shown to everyone present and then sealed. After the votes were cast, the boxes were brought out in front of all voters who did not disperse. The seals were checked to see if they had been tampered. The boxes were then opened and votes counted loudly in public. Many voters thought that people cast votes usually in the first box that was closest to the entrance owing to nervousness of the experience of voting in such an environment. After the votes were counted and winners declared, there would be singing and dancing at the polling station. Voters had ten days to petition against the result of the election if they suspect and had knowledge of election frauds and malpractices.
Most of the allegations levelled against candidates after the election pertained to fraud when a candidate was holding a post such as chimi, mangap, tshogpa, gup or clerk of a gup. The other major category of allegations levelled against candidates was campaigning either personally or through a set of supporters and relations. A third major category of allegations consisted of biased nominations, claiming that the successful candidate was nominated by a narrow groupThe nature of allegations against a candidate in general consisted of false offers of jobs and infrastructure development (which turned out to be non-existent jobs and infrastructure even in plans), withholding house insurance payment and life insurance payment, embezzlement of money collected from the community for various purposes, falsification of official documents, false enumeration of a person in the census, transfer of census from another place to the gewog just before the election, exchange of photos of the candidate pasted on the ballot box after voting, coercion of the people to give them fingerprints, sale of public land, undue influence exercised to withdraw nominations, promise of money to support campaign, caste based grouping and scheming to prevent fair nomination.399
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There were many such allegations which were prompted by the fact that no penalty was legally permissible against a complainant if the allegations were found to be baseless or untrue. After the ten-day petition period was over, the dzongdag would confer dar to the gup-elect to formalize his election. But where an allegation was found to be legitimate, re-elections were called. Gup-elects in seven gewogs were disqualified and re-elections called for. The voter turnout in gup elections held in 199 gewogs was 34.4%. Elections were not held in Samrang Gewog in Samdrup Jongkhar and Taklai Gewog in Gelephu owing to non-conducive security environment. Out of a total of 2,13,550 eligible voters, 73,607 voters cast their votes. The list of eligible voters was prepared by the twenty district administrations by using census registration and identifying people who were 21 years or older. The voter turnout was less than 50%, 25% and 15% of eligible voters in 137, 54 and 13 gewogs respectively. In 29 gewogs however, the turnout exceeded 75%. Out of the 199 gups elected, 86 were incumbent gups while 113 were new candidates. There were nine gups who got hundred percent vote, out of which four were incumbent gups. In eight cases, candidates got hundred percent vote without facing any contestant. There was only one candidate who got hundred percent vote despite having a rival candidate.400 There were 70 gewogs who had a single candidate, 81 gewogs with two candidates, 36 gewog with three candidates, nine gewogs with four candidates, two gewogs with five candidates and one gewog with seven candidates. The choice of candidates among voters was based on some important criteria. The primary one was the candidates ability to listen, understand and articulate well (goshey, nyenshey and zhushey). A standard jargon among voters and candidates was that a gup should be someone who serves as a bridge between the government and the people. Other criteria included the integrity of the candidate, his education and experience particularly of dealing with government officials. Unless a candidate is equipped with such talents, the communitys access to development resources that the state provides will be
challenged with competition from other able gups. It is the perspective of access to resource allocation that primarily determined the choice of candidates for gup. Access to resources is not established through negotiation but through requests, proper articulation and identification of needs and eligibility conditions which are known if one is conversant in government policies. The gup elections of 2002 set legal precedence for elections of other gewog officials particularly that of the mangmis which followed immediately after as well as the elections of members of the previous National Assembly. Adult franchise, formal nomination procedures, secret ballot, campaigning etc. were important features of gup elections which would inform both the Constitution and election process for the Parliament in 2008. One important reform following the 2002 gup elections was to elect a DYT chairman, which was earlier assumed by the dzongdag. He was now only an observer. In the countrys twenty districts, twelve gups and eight chimis were elected as new chairmen. Sixteen gups, three chimis and one mangap were elected as deputy chairmen. Only one woman contested the gup election but lost. With the benefit of hindsight, it can be said that the most important aspect of this election was the initiative of King Jigme Singye Wangchuck to guide, train and educate people about the fundamentals of electoral politics. In many ways, this election reinforced and advanced the democratization process of village communities. Coinciding with the gup elections of 2002, the ninth fiveyear plan was launched. It was conceived, formulated and implemented by the gewogs with technical backstopping provided by district administration. It was also in this plan that a high degree of financial autonomy was given to gewogs. Within two decades, the democratization process moved from village communities to the institutions of the state. That began with the kasho of 1998 and culminated in the election of the first Parliament in 2007-8.
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The historic signing of The Constitution of The Kingdom of Bhutan on 18 July 2008
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The Constitution of The Kingdom of Bhutan signed by King Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuck
Chapter 11:
Transition to parliamentary democracy
n December 2001, King Jigme Singye Wangchuck commanded the drafting of a Constitution.
I would like to inform our people that the government has decided to draft a Tsa-Thrim (Constitution) for the Kingdom of BhutanWhile drafting the Tsa-Thrim, it is of utmost importance that we safeguard the security and sovereignty of our nation, ensure the well-being of our people and establish a democratic political system that will best serve the interest of our country for all time to come. One of the most important responsibilities of a king is to enable the people to govern and look after the country through the establishment of a dynamic political system. To achieve this objective, it is very important for us to bring forth the best possible Tsa-Thrim, when we have the time and opportunity to do so today, to serve the present and future interest of our country.401
The Chief Justice led a committee consisting of thirty nine representatives from all sections of society to draft the Constitution. After the draft was submitted in August 2005, the King and Crown Prince travelled throughout the country to discuss provisions of the Constitution with the people. The popular mood was that there was no compulsion whatsoever to introduce parliamentary democracy when the kingdom was prospering under the leadership of successive monarchs. In his national day address on 17 December 2005, he said, During my consultations on the Constitution in the different dzongkhags (districts), the main concern of the people is that it is too early to introduce parliamentary democracy in Bhutan.402 He also announced that he will soon abdicate and it would be the responsibility of Crown Prince as the Fifth King to
401 His Majestys National Day Address. Kuensel, 22 December 2001. 402 Kuensel, 21 December, 2005.
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Seeking the views of young people on the draft Constitution
usher in parliamentary democracy, and that it is necessary for a king to gain as much experience as possible. I will be delegating my responsibilities to the Chhoetse Penlop (Crown Prince) before 2008, he commanded.403 The Bhutanese people assumed that his voluntary abdication would take place in 2007. On the contrary, he surprised everyone by abdicating a year earlier. After a highly successful reign of 34 years, he abdicated on 14 December 2006 at age 51 to pave way for the ascension of King Jigme Khesar Namgyal Wangchuck and introduction of parliamentary democracy. His voluntary abdication at the height of his fame, glory and power demonstrated his self-sacrifice and dedication to genuine political reforms that anticipate the aspirations of the Bhutanese people. In an edict, he commanded thus;
While we prepare for parliamentary democracy in 2008, we must all pledge with our body, speech and mind to be unwavering and steadfast in our efforts to strengthen the sovereignty and security of Bhutan, to secure the blessings of liberty, ensure justice and peace in our country, and enhance the unity, happiness and well-being of our people for all time to come I am confident that a very bright and great future lies ahead for Bhutan with the leadership of a new King and a democratic system of government that is best suited for our country, as enshrined under the Constitution. I have every confidence that there will be unprecedented progress and prosperity for our nation in the reign of our fifth King.404
His Majesty Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuck ascended the throne on 15 December 2006 although the formal coronation was held on 6 November 2008. In his national day address to the nation two days later, King Jigme Khesar Namgyal Wangchuck said, Henceforth, our responsibilities will always be first and foremost, the peace and tranquillity of the nation; the sovereignty and security of our country; fulfilling the vision of Gross National Happiness and; the strengthening of this new system of democracy.405
403 Kuensel, 21 December, 2005. 404 Nishimizu, Portrait of a Leader. 405 Kuensel, 20 December 2006.
Soon after he ascended the golden throne, he initiated a series of measures intended to benefit the Bhutanese people. Targeting especially the more vulnerable sections of society, he made an unprecedented move by instituting a welfare system that goes out to identify those people who are in dire need of help rather than wait for them to come and appeal. He commanded that people in genuine need of help would have no means whatsoever to come to Thimphu, the capital city. Welfare must reach them instead. The Kings secretariat was revamped to deliver welfare services. Some of his royal siblings were located in different parts of the country as his representatives particularly to reach out to people in need. In a major land reform initiative, which the King started on 11 March 2008 in Lhuentse, 3800 households were granted ownership of landholdings that were earlier declared as excess lands and liable for cash payment to the government. This was in fulfillment of a royal promise made during the 86th session of the National Assembly in 2006 which he graced after assuming the responsibilities of the King. During this session, he commanded the following.
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His Majesty with the people of Lhuentse
Two rounds of mock elections were organized to train voters before parliamentary elections
The peoples welfare, at all times and in all respects, is the sacred duty of the king. It will be ensured that those people deserving of kidu will receive it.406
It is the Kings prerogative to grant land kidu (welfare) to the needy. In order to address concerns of the Bhutanese people whose landholdings were identified as excess lands, the King had commanded that the re-cadastral survey be completed within three years. Some major economic initiatives he took include the establishment of Druk Holdings and Investments (DHI), an institution that would hereafter manage those companies which are partly or fully owned by the state. In order to boost efficiency, productivity and develop companies into people-oriented undertakings, DHI would foster fiscal prudence and discipline, efficient corporate governance culture and sustainable and profitable investments. The King commanded that the wealth of Kingdom belongs to the people, and therefore, must be managed and increased to benefit them. They must also be affordable and accessible. In a landmark
406 Bhutan Times, 12 April 2009
initiative, he commanded the establishment of Natural Resource Development Corporation, a state-owned body that immediately worked to slash down spiralling cost of natural resources like timber, sand and stones. While such initiatives continue, his major concern and preoccupation are to reinforce Bhutans sovereignty and lead her political transition to parliamentary democracy.
Landmark events of parliamentary elections The mock elections
n order to move towards parliamentary democracy, King Jigme Singye Wangchuck had commanded that electoral practice sessions be conducted in all twenty districts of the country. Hence, the Election Commission of Bhutan (ECB) conducted two rounds of mock elections. Before the actual mock elections, a simulation of mock election was held involving trainees of the Paro College of Education. Mock political parties were formed. Every party had a chosen symbol. Trainees of the institute simulated as the electorate. Candidates campaigned to solicit votes based on their manifestoes. Party supporters
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and candidates enacted rallies carrying banners and shouting slogans. Then the trainees went to polls. The entire proceeding of the simulated election was video-filmed for mass circulation. Other educational material included demonstrations on the use of Electronic Voting Machine (EVM). At the same time, series of electionrelated musical videos were also produced encouraging people to participate in elections, and to make new citizenship identity cards. Once the new identity cards were made, people were issued voter photo identity cards, which they must produce at polling centres to be eligible to vote. Songs and musical videos were constantly broadcast on national radio and television. Along with audio-visual materials, a host of print materials were also published and circulated to create awareness concerning elections. When video footages of simulated mock elections were broadcast on television, concerns were expressed that the sort of election rally and campaign using loudspeakers and banners with people marching were not suited for public mobilization in Bhutan. Thus far, Bhutanese people have seen such images only on television screens. However, political parties and candidates did not resort to political rallies for electioneering purpose. On 21 April 2007, the first nation-wide mock election for a primary round was held. The primary round of election was intended to elect two political parties from three or more parties contesting the election. The two parties winning the maximum number of votes cast would be declared eligible to contest the general round. Bhutans National Assembly, one of the two houses of Parliament is envisioned to be represented by two parties at the most, not more. In this mock primary round, four dummy parties were formed by the ECB. They were Druk Yellow Party (DYP), Druk Red Party (DRP), Druk Blue Party (DBP) and Druk Green Party (DGP). The election symbol of each party was the colour of the partys names. Hence DYP had a rectangular yellow box as its party symbol. Election manifestoes of their parties were printed on posters and displayed near polling centres on election day.
Thousands of polling officers and observers were deputed throughout the country to conduct and oversee this election. His Majesty Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuck was in his ancestral homeland of Dungkar in Lhuntse, eastern Bhutan to personally witness and encourage villagers participating in the first ever parliamentary mock election exercise in the nation.407 The results were also declared in the evening for most of the constituencies. Out of 400,626 people eligible to vote by 2008, over 283,506 voters registered for the mock elections.408 In the primary round, the voter turnout was 50.92 percent (125,338 voters).409 Of the four parties, DYP came first followed by DRP, DBP and DGP parties. They won 55,531 votes, 25,542 votes, 25,508 votes and 18,751 votes respectively.410 The manifesto of DYP was based on preservation of culture and tradition while that of DRP was economic development. More than a month later, on 28 May, the second mock election simulating the general round was held in which DYP and DRP contested. The voter turnout was 57.14 percent.411 DYP won in 46 of the 47 constituencies. DRP came second by winning only one seat. Political party would be a new institution in Bhutanese politics. When the mock elections were held, there was no real political party that people could associate with. It was an abstraction they had to imagine. Besides, the Constitution requires members of monastic community to remain apolitical and be above politics. They are not allowed to vote. This means that literate members of village communities could not vote. There were not many villagers, who could read the dummy manifestoes and vote for a party they liked. No one really understood what each of the dummy party stood for since there was no simulation for an election campaign. The electorate did not think of the DYP as a party since they had no idea about what a party was or what it stood for. They are used only to electing candidates, not parties. Thus, when they voted yellow, they did not vote for DYP but for the king or je khenpo whom they thought the
407 Kuensel, 25 April 2007. 408 Kuensel, 30 May 2007. 409 Bhutan Observer, 27 April 2007. 410 Bhutan Observer 27 April 2007; Kuensel 25 April 2007. 411 Bhutan Observer, 1 June 2007.
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yellow colour represented. This is because both of them adorn yellow scarves as insignia of their offices. A voter said he voted for the yellow party because he loved his king and still wanted him to rule the country. He did not trust politicians because they will make a lot of promises but will hardly keep them.412 The red colour, a symbol of the monastic community came second.
Formation of political parties

s early as March 2007 (one year before actual parliamentary elections), ECB expressed concern over absence of notable political activities and encouraged people to come forward, stand as candidates and form political parties.413 All the fundamental machineries are in place, but there is no notable political activity taking placeThere may not be a reasonable number of candidates participating in the electoral process but parties need to do a lot of ground work and should begin in earnest.414 Speculations were rife as to which among ministers of the previous cabinet would join or form political parties and who would club with whom. Bhutan People United Party (BPUP) became the first party to declare its formation.415 With a 17-point declaration, it claimed membership of members of RAC and National Assembly. Later it also claimed membership of thousands of youths. However, none of the ministers were associated with it. The next day, Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) declared its formation. Both parties had no presidents although it was clearly speculated that the agriculture minister was going to lead PDP after he resigns.416 Shortly, a newspaper report said that the Chief Justice had agreed to lead BPUP. The Chief Justice however, denied the report. A month or so later, a former district administrator led the formation of Bhutan National Party (BNP).417 Another newspaper reported that BNP had approached the former minister of Trade and Industry to lead it. The minister said that he had neither agreed nor disagreed
412 Bhutan Observer, 1 June 2007. 413 Bhutan Observer, 23 March 2007. 414 Kuensel, 21 March 2007. 415 Bhutan Observer, 23 March 2007. 416 Bhutan Observer, 15 June 2007. 417 Kuensel, 5 May 2007.
The two party presidents with the Chief Election Commissioner
to the proposal. As the parties were looking for leaders and presidents, Bhutans ambassador to Bangladesh had resigned to become chairman of BPUP.418 Then suddenly another party calling itself the All Peoples Party (APP) came on the scene. It attracted much attention owing to the rumour that four serving ministers were behind it.419 The formation of multiple political parties seemed to address ECBs earlier concern. It was a sign that journey towards parliamentary democracy had begun. It suggested there would be a healthy contest and multiple choices. King Jigme Singye Wangchuck had commanded that there should at least be four to five parties in the primary round to make Bhutans journey to parliamentary democracy credible. But the excitement was short-lived. In a classic party politics style, BPUP merged with BNP.420 It also opted to merge with APP later.421 Thus, only two parties were left at the end. The final session of the 54-year old National Assembly ended on 28 June 2007. A month later, on 25 July, the former cabinet had its last sitting in which the reins of government were handed over to a caretaker government. This government had three serving ministers since seven other ministers resigned to join and head political parties.422
418 Kuensel, 5 May 2007. 419 Kuensel, 5 May 2007 and 27 June 2007. 420 Bhutan Observer, 22 June 2007. 421 Kuensel, 11 July 2007. 422 Bhutan Observer, 27 July 2007
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Peoples assumptions were confirmed when the former agriculture minister became the president of PDP. The former home and cultural affairs minister became president of the newly-formed Druk Phuensum Tshogpa (DPT) party which loosely translates as GNH.423 It was a composite of the merger of BNP and APP. Two of the seven ministers who resigned joined PDP while five others joined DPT. Three ministers who joined DPT as well as the president of PDP had all served twice as prime ministers earlier. Of course the term of Prime Ministers office then was only one year. With only two parties, some argued that the primary round of election, which is intended to elect two parties from three or more parties to contest the general round, could be avoided. The state would save millions of ngultrums and those voters required to travel long distances to vote thrice (including one for the primary and general rounds and another for the National Council elections) could be spared some travel fatigue. This was because voters were required to vote in the constituency where their civil registry was maintained and not from the place of residency. A few argued that irrespective of the number of parties, the primary round must be held even if it would cost the state coffer a lot. The draft Constitution did not foresee the fact that there could be only two political parties. It did not say that in case there were only two registered political parties, the primary round could be skipped. As the debates on this issue continued, ECB declared that the primary round would not be necessary if only two parties were to contest. Then, the erstwhile BPUP defected from DPT accusing its leaders of undemocratic and unfair party practices in choosing candidates.424 Not all members defected. But the smaller BPUP vowed to form a strong party, register with ECB soon and open offices in all districts. It claimed strong support particularly from young people. When PDP and DPT began their familiarization tours,425 BPUP was grappling to develop itself into a credible political party. ECB permitted
423 Kuensel, 25 July 2007. 424 Bhutan Observer, 14 and 21 September 2007. Also see Kuensel, 15 September 2007. 425 Bhutan Observer 12 October, 2007.
parties and candidates to undertake introductory visits to their constituencies called the familiarization tours. In these tours, parties and candidates were allowed to introduce themselves and their parties, and share their interest to contest elections. But they were not allowed to campaign. Formal campaigning could begin only after ECB announced the campaign dates. Over the weeks and months, the distinction between familiarization visits and formal campaign were beginning to blur.
Disqualification of BPUP
n 27 November, ECB disqualified BPUP as a political party after it submitted its application for registration.426 It said that BPUP does not have the capacity to fulfil the national aspirations, visions and goals, in terms of its ability to run the Government and have candidates who could be members of the cabinet and parliamentIt lacks credible leadershipand has only an interim president, when under the laws there have to be key office bearers democratically appointed.427 It lacks both maturity and the appropriate mix and strength in terms of its membership since more than 80 percent of the members are (school) drop-outs or have no credible academic qualifications. Despite claiming support of more than 2,500 youths and thousands of voters, the group has only thirteen names enrolled in the Electoral Roll out of forty two members mentioned at the time of application. The ECB also accused it of not being broad based and cross-national since it claimed to be a party of the down-trodden. The partys charter was said to have no clear ideology, vision and mission, indicating the lack of leadership with capability to envision goals and objectives of the group. A stunned BPUP vowed to appeal against the decision. They had several justifications. For example, the party said they would have a president that is democratically elected once it was registered. Concerning members who were school drop-outs, they pointed out that the Election Bill did not require party members to have academic qualifications. Only candidates needed a
426 Kuensel, 28 November 2007. 427 Bhutan Observer, 30 November 2007.
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university degree. They called themselves a party for the downtrodden because they were not led by any former minister. The leaders said the ideology was more or less similar to the two other parties. Democracy was new and everyone was bound to make mistakes since everyone is new to the system. ECB should guide and help us, not kill us straightaway. BPUP did appeal but ECB upheld its decision. That left only two parties. Formation of another party was very unlikely by then as polls were nearing.
His Majesty explained that while such body was called an Upper House in some parliamentary systems and the National Assembly would be the Lower House, these terms could carry the wrong nuances in the perception of the Bhutanese people.428
National Council Elections

xcept for national seminars on National Council elections that ECB conducted to educate voters about its roles and responsibilities, most of its focus, energy and resources were spent on the run-up to National Assembly elections. The media increasingly highlighted the fact that National Assembly election concerns were overshadowing that of National Council whose elections were actually much ahead. It was in this context that a one-day briefing for potential candidates of National Council was held. But the general populace remained more or less unaware about its apolitical nature and function of check and balance. The National Council is an apolitical body, which means that candidates and elected members cannot be affiliated to any political party. Irrespective of its geographic or demographic size, each of the twenty districts in the Kingdom can elect a representative to National Council among two or more candidates nominated in that district by gewogs. In addition to twenty representatives directly elected by the people, the king will appoint five eminent persons. Unlike upper houses of many legislatures around the world, the National Council has equal legislative powers and can scrutinize state functions. This is particularly due to the fact that most members are directly elected just like members of National Assembly. Generally, members of uppers houses in other legislatures are indirectly elected. The National Council is a very important democratic institution that can establish the accountability of government to Parliament especially when parties in the National Assembly will have to tow party lines if the party imposes rigid voting discipline.
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On the other hand, candidates for the 47-seat National Assembly must necessarily belong to a political party. Each district can have a minimum of two and a maximum of seven candidates. Thus, a district which constitutes a constituency for the National Council is delimited into two or more constituencies for the National Assembly. Elected members of both houses will serve a five-year term. While the National Assembly could be dissolved earlier, the National Council will have to complete its tenure. Election procedures are such that a new National Council will be constituted on the day the former one completes its tenure. This ensures continuity and stability of Parliament. On 31 December 2007, there were a total of forty four candidates contesting fifteen seats in the National Council. Elections to five other seats were postponed by a month because the ECB directed that there should at least be two candidates contesting a seat to give voters a fair choice.429 There was not even a single candidate from Gasa. Tashi Yangtse and Haa had more than one candidate but they were disqualified by ECB because they did not posses a formal university degree which is a qualification criterion required of every candidate. When these five districts went to polls a month later on January 29, Gasa nominated one candidate, Thimphu had two and Tashi Yangtse four while Lhuntse and Haa did not nominate a second candidate. Thus, the three districts of Gasa, Haa and Lhuntse had an uncontested election where voters pressed either Yes or No button on the EVM for or against the single candidate. All single candidates in these districts were elected. His Majesty the King nominated five eminent persons to the National Council on 29 March. A press release said that the nomination of eminent persons between the ages of 35-48 years reflect His Majestys vision of broadening leadership among young peopleThere is already a rich diversity of professions and experiences, including
428 Nishimizu, Portrait of a Leader. 429 Bhutan Observer, 26 October 2007.
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journalism, education, management, literature, planning, military, business studies, and agriculture among the 20 elected membersThe nominated members complement these professional competencies with their backgrounds in law, engineering, public policy and trade.
Allegations of fear politics, coercion and bribery

e saw that Kuensel, the first national newspaper was started by the government in 1973. It was formally de-linked from government in 1992 by a royal charter and granted autonomy. However, the government continues to own majority of its shares, and the board of directors governing it are mostly civil servants. Television and internet were introduced in 1999 during the coronation silver jubilee celebrations. In preparation for parliamentary democracy, the introduction of private media was encouraged. In an interval of few months, two private newspapers and radio stations were launched. They have become instrumental in keeping alive the debates and discussions on candidates, political parties and issues. The Anti-Corruption Commission had also been set up a few years ago. It had been engaged in investigations and prosecution of major corruption cases bringing accused persons to task. Media had become an important ally in fighting corruption. The European Union Election Observation Mission lauded the private print media for its critical notes in the tone of coverage of two parties. Very early on, there were media reports of party workers and supporters misinforming people, coercing them to become members as well as instances of bribery.430 Allegations and counter-allegations of corruptions between the two political parties had become increasingly vocal and almost a ritual. At one point, the distinction between bribery and customary practices of gift-giving were overlooked for political purposes. Serious accusations followed the friendly appearance of the first televised debates between two party presidents on 10 February
430 Bhutan Observer, 31 August 2007. See Bhutan Observer, 18 January 2008 for a detailed report published by the Election Commission on these allegations.
2008. The core of these allegations can be distilled into two. First, the DPT claimed to be educating voters on virtues and vices of democracy.431 Its president said, Any statement that I have made have been in the interest of democracy, interest of promoting peoples understanding of democracy and their rights as voters.432 The president said he was not campaigning but was educating the people on the importance and pitfalls of democracy and the responsibility of the people as the citizens of this country.433 The party particularly addressed the need to recognize the sanctity of votes and the fact that they should not be compromised at all costs.434 PDP however, alleged that DPT was using fear tactics435 to win voters by conjuring up images of a bad party and candidates by indirectly implying it to be the bad party, who should not be voted to power.436 On a parallel theme, the PDP candidates in Tashigang feel that on the pretext of educating the voters citing other countries, the DPT president is hinting at their party as the bad one, instilling fear in the people.437 The PDP president told the media thus; We would like to make the people realize that the fear tactics used unashamedly by the other party, especially in the rural areas, is designed simply to instil fear in our people and get them votesThey conjure up grave threat to our people and nation. They keep harping on free and fair election, but use fear based on concocted threats to get votes.438 Second, PDP started its political activities much earlier than DPT. It had distributed membership forms and recruited members and party workers. APP for example, alleged that filling up membership forms have been made almost forcibly. People are made to feel that filling up membership form is a binding agreement to vote and that there might be personal repercussions if they do not.439 PDPs revised membership fee of Nu.5 as opposed to
431 Bhutan Observer, 29 February 2008; Kuensel 1 March 2008. 432 Bhutan Times, 28 October 2007. 433 Bhutan Times, 27 February 2008. 434 Bhutan Times, 12 October 2007 and 11 January 2008. 435 Bhutan Times, 2 March 2008. 436 Bhutan Times, 29 February 2008. 437 Bhutan Times, 5 March 2008. 438 Bhutan Times, 24 February 2008. 439 Kuensel, 4 July 2007.
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DPTs Nu.300 was regarded as a move to recruit as much members as possible and oblige members to vote. Reporting on the second debate between two parties in February, a news story read, Membership forms that had become the major topic of discussion during the presidential debate, was once again brought to the forum by Yeshe Zimba. In defence, Dorji Choden said her party had been distributing forms in compliance with the rules and regulations of the ECB.440 These allegations and accusations became more prominent as candidates of parties appeared on television for mandatory public debates. Just ten days before the general elections on March 24, ECB published audit reports on financial accounts of the two political parties.441 Both parties had spent more than the funds they have collected by 31 December 2007.442 DPT had collected Nu.7.653 million but spent Nu.8.508 million, an excess of Nu.0.855 million. Over 95% of its funds (Nu.7.286 million) were contributed by 25% of its registered members, or 312 people from a total of 1113 members. Similarly, PDP had collected Nu.11.105 million but spent Nu.16.704 million, an excess of Nu.5.599 million. Over 65% of its funds (Nu.7.278 million) were contributed by 2.8% of its registered members, or 112 people from a total of 4050 members. ECB found out that DPT had only 783 registered members and the PDP, only 2388 members enrolled in the electoral roll. Unless the parties furnished within March 2008 the voter photo identity card numbers of members, who were not enrolled in the electoral roll, it threatened to confiscate the money they contributed since it is tantamount to collection from unauthorized sources, which is an electoral offence. In relation to PDP, it said that The fact also gives credence to complaints that the party was paying voters to register as members. Besides, this could be a case of party having bogus members.443 PDP had taken a loan of Nu.20 million from Bank of Bhutan using the land of its president as collateral. DPT had availed an overdraft facility of Nu.2.5 million and applied for an additional overdraft of Nu.12.5 million. The bank approved Nu.6.5 million after five registered
440 Bhutan Times, 20 February 2008. 441 The entire report on audit findings had been published by the ECB in all the three newspapers. 442 Kuensel, 15 March 2007. 443 Kuensel, 21 March 2008.
members provided the collateral. DPT also owed its president Nu.844,000 on account of zethue (expenditure) paid to party workers. PDP had received Nu.500,000 voluntary contribution from a noncandidate executive and family members while the legal ceiling for such a contribution was Nu.100,000. ECB stated that DPTs annual fee of Nu.300 was impracticably low and PDPs Nu.5 (reduced from Nu.1,300) was ridiculously low. It expressed concern that both parties annual collections from registered members will not be enough to repay its loan. It is a fait accompli that both parties are in parliament without the primary round of elections and, with this financial situation, the noble objectives of cleaner politics remains not realized fully.444 Months later, the debts of two parties remained unpaid.
The DPT has a total debt of Nu.19.6 million and has Nu.15.33 million in hand. The Nu.4.26 million deficit can be settled if 42 registered members make contributions of Nu.100,000 each. Similarly, the PDPs debt of Nu.23.5 million with only Nu.455,729 cash in hand leaves a daunting deficit of Nu.23.04 million (five times more than DPTs debt) which can be generated if 230 members contributed Nu.100,000 each.445
Both parties have declared their commitment to implement and realize the goals of GNH. In fact GNH, which promotes spiritual, environmental and cultural well-being in addition to economic growth, is the only political ideology upheld by both the parties. Not just the ideology, the manifestoes they have drawn up were almost similar. That is not unexpected, said a former minister with the DPT since they are students of the same master. The more interesting aspect of the manifestos was that they were not only similar to each other but also similar to the draft tenth five-year plan.446 The main political actors in both parties were largely responsible for formulating the plan when they were serving as ministers. When the presidents televised debates were nearing, the tenth round table meeting between the Bhutanese care-taker government and Bhutans development partners took
444 See the ECBs report on audit findings of the accounts of the two parties published in the same issue of Kuensel. 445 Bhutan Times, 28 September 2008. 446 Bhutan Times, 7 October 2007.
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The general elections for the National Assembly, 24 March 2008
place to seek financial support for Bhutans development programs outlined in the plan. It was then thought that irrespective of whether the DPT or PDP came to power, a large part of foreign assistance would already be mobilized by the care-taker government.
General Elections
n 24 March 2008, eleven months after the first mock election, 252,812 Bhutanese voters from a total of 318,465 registered voters went to polls. Since there were only two registered political parties, the elections was the general round. A total of 161,169 women and 157,296 men went to vote in 865 polling stations around the country. The voter turnout that day was 79.4% - much more than the turnout during the two rounds of mock election and the National Council elections. Many voters travelled from Thimphu, the capital town and other urban areas to vote in their villages. Despite threats of bomb blasts to derail the election process by militant groups based in Nepal, the election witnessed by international observers and media was peaceful. There were forty two international observers from India, the European Union, Japan, Canada, USA, Australia, Denmark, Netherlands and the UNDP office in Bhutan who monitored the elections. Similarly, 107 international journalists from sixty three media agencies and 207 reporters from seven Bhutanese media covered the elections. The election results saw DPT win forty five of the forty seven seats. It was a perfect replay of the voting pattern observed during the mock election for the general round where DYP secured forty six seats. PDP won two seats although an error in computation of results initially saw ECB declare three seats for PDP. All these three seats were won by a negligible difference of two, four and six votes whereas DPT had won by huge margins in all other constituencies. The computation error was detected a day later. The announcement that PDP had actually won two seats as opposed to three heightened the sense of shock that had already gripped voters. It aggravated when the two winning candidates of PDP announced that they have submitted a notice to ECB stating their intent to withdraw from National Assembly. The Chief Election Commissioner told that any application for resignation
has to be submitted to the Speaker, who has not yet been elected.447 However, the two of them later decided to stay on after stiff opposition from the fellow party candidates against their resignation.448 DPT president told the media that his party had expected to win anywhere between 28-31 seats. All the five former ministers in DPT had won while the two ministers with PDP, which included its president, lost the elections. A shell-shocked PDP vowed to live to fight another day.449 After a meeting of candidates and supporters on 28 March, PDP called for an investigation into very strange developments during the two days before pollday, in which no campaigning were permitted.450 It alleged that the support it enjoyed till 21 March began to change after bus-, car- and truck-loads of voters from urban areas went to their villages to vote.451 They all had a common message that they shared with their relatives, friends and neighbours.452 What that message was was not spelt out but the suggestion was that voters from urban areas influenced their families, relatives and friends in villages to vote for DPT.
447 Bhutan Times, 30 March 2008. 448 Bhutan Times 2 April 2008. 449 Kuensel, 26 March 2007. 450 Kuensel, 29 March 2007. 451 Bhutan Times, 30 March 2008; Kuensel, 29 March 2008. 452 Bhutan Times, 30 March 2008.
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The media was flooded with opinions that sought to explain DPTs landslide victory and PDPs defeat.453 These opinions distil down to a few factors. The charisma of Jigmi Yoezer Thinley, DPT president, his oratorical and unpretentious public speaking skills struck the electorate wherever he went. A winning DPT candidate said, People voted for me because I stand from DPT, and people voted for DPT because JYT is the president of the party.454 Another candidate said, In my opinion, the entire victory is because of the party president. Right from the way events shaped till the election, till the voting day, it is because of the confidence and trust the educated voters have placed in the president which has made a big difference.455 The fact that four other former ministers were with DPT also beefed up the electorates confidence in them. Civil servants were strongly behind it. DPT received 13,320 or 78% of the postal ballots (mostly sent by civil servants) as opposed to 3,799 or 22% for PDP.456 Nearly 45% of those eligible for postal ballots either did not apply or had their applications rejected on various grounds. Thus, they would have had to go to their villages to exercise their franchise. Those who went to vote in villages were alleged to have influenced rural voters against PDP. ECBs audit report of two parties even found that DPT had two registered members who were civil servants. On the other hand, PDP suffered a series of public image crises. First, a high-profile member of the party publicly accused it of unfairness in awarding party tickets to candidates. Namgye, a former dzongdag of Chukha who would have contested for BomdelingJamkhar constituency in Tashi Yangtse withdrew from the party when Pema Tshewang, his brother in-law and former Deputy Managing Director of the Royal Monetary Authority was not given the party ticket to contest from Drakteng-Langthel constituency in Trongsa.457 Second, Achyut Bandhari, another high-profile PDP member was not given the party ticket because an election within the party found Garab Dorji to be more popular among the
453 See for example, Bhutan Observer, 28 March 2008. 454 Bhutan Times, 26 March 2008. 455 Bhutan Times 26 March 2008. 456 Bhutan Times, 26 March 2008. 457 Bhutan Observer, 16 and 30 November 2007.
party supporters in Gelephu-Sarpang constituency.458 He was then the Managing Director of Bhutan Post. Later, he was nominated to contest for National Council seat from Sarpang but ECB disqualified him due to his earlier party affiliation.459 Third, Garab Dorji the man who was given the party ticket instead of Achyut Bandari was also disqualified on March 1 for alleged distribution of an article written and presented by DPT president at the School of Oriental and African Studies in London in early nineties.460 The article provides a historical background about the coming of Nepali immigrants to Bhutan. DPT alleged that the distribution of article was politically motivated to tarnish the presidents image among voters of southern Bhutan. PDP responded to say that giving of two copies by the candidate hardly constitutes circulation and that the article is freely available on the internet. But an investigation found Garab Dorji guilty and disqualified him. ECB said that no relatives of Garab Dorji could replace him. This was a further blow to PDP which was considering his wife as a possible replacement.461 Fourth, PDP presidents brother Sonam Tobgye Dorji contesting from lower Thimphu was publicly reprimanded by ECB for engaging in an act that did not comply with provisions of the Election Bill.462 DPT had alleged that he had given Nu.200,000 to a community in southern Thimphu to garner votes. He responded to say that he had handed over the money, which belonged to his other brother.463 The investigation confirmed that the money did belong to his brother, but it was incorrect for him to have handed over the money. As a counter allegation against this, PDP members had earlier alleged that Yeshe Zimba, Sonam Tobgye Dorjis opponent in South Thimphu constituency had given a golden butter light lamp worth Nu.300,000 to Lungchuzeykha monastery on 16 September 2006. Yeshe Zimba refuted the allegation.464 The concern that has been raised most prominently in the aftermath of the election was that there is almost a
458 Bhutan Times, 9 September 2007. 459 Bhutan Times, 30 November 2007. 460 Bhutan Times, 29 February 2008. 461 Bhutan Times, 7 March 2008. 462 Kuensel, 5 March 2008; Bhutan Times, 2 March 2008. 463 Kuensel, 2 January 2007. 464 Kuensel, 8 March 2008.
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negligible opposition in Parliament.465 DPTs 45-2 victory over PDP in fact exactly repeated DYPs 46-1 victory over DRP during the mock general elections. Everyone assumed it was impossible for DYPs landslide victory in the mock elections to be repeated by any party in actual elections. It however, repeated. Before the elections, the general concern was the need for a good and accountable government irrespective of which party came to power. Rather than election to Parliament, voters were largely preoccupied with electing the government. This is key to understanding the election results. In focussing on electing a good government, the imperative to have a viable opposition did not seem to engage their concerns. This was reinforced by the fact that both parties were bent on forming the government. Neither of them floated the idea that a good government is possible with an equally good and accountable opposition in the democratic system. Initially DPT did think of working to form a credible opposition.466 But the focus shifted later to forming the government. Most voters did not know that even the opposition party had to be elected. They went on to elect the government thinking that the opposition party was a natural outcome even without voting for them. For the electorate, the concept of opposition as an organized political institution was new. It needed explanation and education. There are two more inter-related reasons that explain why there is really no opposition in Parliament. First, the absence of a third or fourth party directly catapulted the two parties into the general round by foregoing the primary round. The primary round is to elect two parties among three or more parties to contest the general round. In the general round, candidates from the two winning parties were to contest the elections. However, people elected parties rather than candidates. Since there were only two parties, voters thought one would win and the other, lose. If there had been three or four parties contesting the primary round, the two that qualify for the general round would both be thought of as winners. After all, one would anyhow form the opposition. Voters would
465 Bhutan Times, 26 March 2008. 466 I was told by a few senior DPT leaders that their initial intent was to form a credible opposition since they started late on the election trail. This began to change as they were confident of expanding support base.
have then realized the need to vote for candidates in the general round as opposed to voting for the party in the primary round. Second, if the primary round were held even with two parties contesting the elections, the results may have possibly been a little different. If either DPT or PDP were to suffer huge losses in the primary round, they would reconsider strategies for the general round. Huge losses would indicate comparatively lesser support. Knowing perhaps that the support for PDP was comparatively less than assumed, it would have either reconsidered its strategies to contest the general round. A former minister with DPT said that the party workers and strategists of the PDP did not inform the party leadership about the ground realities of the political situation in the country.467 If they did, the party could have come to terms with the fact that forming a viable opposition was perhaps the best strategy in the election and focused on having as many candidates elected into the opposition rather than being driven by a strategy that intended to form the government. This would motivate them to educate voters about the fact that a strong opposition is crucial to good governance, and work to beef up its numerical strength as opposition in the parliament. In the present election, both parties wanted to form the government, not the opposition. Even as opinions and debates raged on concerning PDPs defeat, some 400 people from Thimphu, Punakha and Wangdue Phodrang gathered in the capital on Tuesday, 1 April 2008 and appealed to the King that the elections showed that the Bhutanese were not yet ready for democracy and that monarchy should be restored. They said that the people had not expected democracy to plant so much doubt and suspicions and that a National Assembly without an opposition would greatly harm democracy and the nation.468 The eighty representatives of this group, who received an audience with the King were concerned that democracy might have been introduced too early. Illiterate villagers switched allegiance from one party to another depending on what party workers told them. They submitted to the King that a return to monarchy may be desirable.
467 Bhutan Observer, 25 March 2008. 468 Bhutan Times, 2 April 2008.
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A palace press release reported the Kings response that The introduction of democracy is not for the benefit of a few political parties and politicians. It is for Bhutan and it must serve the nation long after we are gone. We must keep this in mind and begin the work of ensuring its success.469 The King told the representatives of 400 people that their apprehensions at such a time were natural. Democracy in Bhutan was not based on any other country but designed to fulfil the aspiration of Bhutanese people. He told them that the general elections were successful. In democracy there are no winners and losersIf democracy succeeds, the nation wins.470
Beginning of Democratic Constitutional Monarchy
n 5 April 2008, the government was constituted and met for the first time. This was formalized on 9 April, when His Majesty the King conferred dar to Lyonchhen Jigme Yoezer Thinley, the representative of NanongShumar constituency in Pema Gatshel as the first Prime Minister of Bhutan under a Democratic Constitutional Monarchy. Two days later, on the 11th, the King granted dar (scarves) to ten cabinet members who were identified by senior leaders of DPT and recommended for ministerial portfolios. Of the ten members, four were former ministers. Except for the absence of a lady minister, the distribution of cabinet portfolios otherwise reflected a balance in terms of geographic and ethnic representations. In the following days, the King also conferred dar to members of the parliament although they were initially supposed to receive it from the Speaker of National Assembly and Chairperson of National Council. This was a special privilege that the King granted to the first parliamentarians. He would confer similar privilege to Leader of the Opposition Party a few weeks later, just days after the Chairperson of the National Council received his dar. Meanwhile the Speaker and Deputy Speaker had been elected. The Parliament convened on 8 May 2008. It was a special and a historic day. His Majesty the King addressed the joint sitting of Parliament in the National Assembly
hall. In his address, he highlighted some very important issues. First, he emphasized the fact that Bhutans unique journey and transition to democracy has been possible owing to the leadership of successive kings. He said, The highest achievement of one hundred years of Monarchy has been the constant nurturing of Democracy. Second, he declared that power was being returned to people. My father the Fourth Druk Gyalpo and I, hereby return to our People the power that had been vested in our kings by our forefathers one hundred years ago. Third, he articulated his role in the new political set up. As King, henceforth, it is my sacred duty to ensure the success of our new democracy so that it will serve to fulfil the aspirations of our people always. Ensuring the success of democracy, however, is not the end result that the King envisages. Eventually democracy must translate into happiness and fulfilment of the people. The fruits of democracy must be peace and prosperity in the kingdom. The very first agenda of the Parliament was to discuss and endorse the draft Constitution. Debates and discussions continued till 29 July. The Constitution was then submitted to the King. He signed The Constitution of the Kingdom of Bhutan at 10.06 a.m. on 18 July 2008 in the kuenra (assembly hall of the state monk body) of Tashichho Dzong. There were three copies of the Constitution, one of which was done in gold. His Majesty signed in all of them. Following him, the Prime Minister Jigme Yoezer Thinley led the seventy two members of Bhutans first democratically elected Parliament in signing the Constitution. Chief Justice Lyonpo Sonam Tobgye, the chairman of the drafting committee, signed last. The Bhutanese state became a Democratic Constitutional Monarchy. The day before the Constitution was signed, prayer ceremonies were organized in monastic institutions all over the country to solemnize the occasion. Before dusk, copies of the Constitution were taken inside the goenkhang of Tashichho Dzong and kept on its altar. This goenkhang, like others in all dzongs around the country, is a temple of Bhutans guardian deities. In the early hours of the following day, two thongdrels or huge appliqus of Guru Rinpoche and one of neten chudrug or the sixteen arhats
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469 Bhutan Times, 2 April 2008. 470 Bhutan Times, 2 April 2008.
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were unfurled from the walls of monasteries in the courtyard of Tashichho Dzong. Since the day was declared a public holiday, thousands of people have already started to flock inside the courtyard to receive blessings from the thongdrels and witness the historic moment. Later, copies of the Constitution were taken to the kuenra from the goenkhang escorted by Dorji Lopen, the second highest abbot of the state monastic community. They were placed on the chhoethri located in front of the altar of the huge image of Buddha Shakya Muni. Sacred national treasures and symbols such as Kutshab Ternga and Zhabdrung Khamsum Zilnon were also installed in front of Shakya Muni image for the occasion. The image of Zhabdrung Khamsum Zilnon is a very important and sacred relic of the state monastic community. Zhabdrung Rinpoche had instructed the artisan Trulku Zing to make this image from a mixture of many precious materials and medicinal items. A smaller image of himself which he had made and is said to have spoken was installed inside it. Its face was gilded with gold that was offered by the mermaid of Mo Chu river in Punakha. Zhabdrung Rinpoche consecrated and blessed the image. At the end of the consecration, he is said to have asked if it could serve as his representative when he was no longer alive. The image is said to have nodded. Therefore, the chin of this image is lowered towards the chest. Zhabdrung Rinpoche had told that the blessings of this image were equal to his own. It would be his representative after he was gone. Replicas of this image were later made and kept as sacred relics in different dzongs. After Zhabdrung Rinpoche had entered retreat, the tradition of taking this image during the biannual migration of the monastic community between Thimphu and Punakha, and of keeping it at the top of rows of monks seated for zhugdrel ceremony began. This image is retained inside a golden encasement and not opened for public viewing. But it was opened on the occasion of signing of the Constitution. Before signing the Constitution, the King addressed the congregation paying homage to his father, the architect of Bhutans democracy. He said, In our own country, many generations into the future, the Constitution will continue to inspire our people as it stands testimony to a selfless
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and extraordinary leadership. The Constitution, which was discussed with the people would thereafter, be the root and foundation of all laws in the country. After the King, Prime Minister, parliamentarians and the Chief Justice signed, a zhugdrel ceremony was held following which everyone recited a short prayer called deshe tenpa. The Constitution was then opened for public viewing. Thousands of people walked by it, saying prayers and offering nyendars. In the afternoon, the Chief Justice took the Constitution to the National Assembly hall, located opposite to Tashichho Dzong, across the Wangchu river. The Speaker received the Constitution and placed it on the throne in the hall. Parliamentarians again recited deshe tenpa prayer led by some monks. Thus ended the historic signing of the Constitution. A century after its founding, the monarchy has become a Democratic Constitutional Monarchy. It will however, continue to be the unifying institution of twenty first century Bhutan. It is the national institution that commands unquestioned confidence and loyalty of Bhutanese people. Without monarchy, a democratic Bhutan cannot consolidate. In other words, monarchy is indispensable to the consolidation and success of Bhutanese democracy. As parliamentary democracy opens up opportunities of contests for political power and resource distribution among different social and economic groups, monarchy will remain the only national institution that transcends all divisions, and function as the most powerful unifying force. That is the Bhutanese exception, the uniqueness of its political system.
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King Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuck
Chapter 12:
Coronation of a cakravartin
he coronation of King Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuck in November 2008 underwent various stages of secret empowerment, sacred enthronement, crowning and public performances. It was an enthronement of a cakravartin monarch, (stong khor-lo gyur-bai rgyal-po) in its mythical, spiritual, historical, symbolic and contemporary contexts. An exploration of these contexts will reveal how the universal Buddhist concept of kingship was realized in Bhutan within its own specific circumstances. Coronation of kings often appears ethereal, sacrosanct, secluded and unearthly. As much as King Jigme Khesars coronation encompassed these dimensions, it was also an event that brought the body of king within the immediate experience of every Bhutanese and non-Bhutanese watching it. This was the first among coronations which every Bhutanese either saw live on television or listened to radio as events unfolded. More than any other event, this coronation was truly national in terms of visual, emotional and spiritual participation in the spontaneity of coronation events. Not only did mass media bring the body of King closer to the people, the King himself deepened his connection to the people in very special ways. We will look at this in the following pages.
Sacred dar and legitimation of kingship

very monarch of Bhutan has received a set of five silk scarves called dar na nga which are coloured white, yellow, red, green and blue from the machhen of Zhabdrung Rinpoche in Punakha Dzong. They represent the five elements of earth, water, fire, air and sky (space). This is the same set of scarves that Desi Jigme Namgyel passed on to King Ugyen Wangchuck.471 Hence all the five kings of Bhutan received the same set from the machhen. Receiving this scarf is the affirmation of Bhutanese monarchs as Dharma kings.
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471 Kuensel, 5 November 2008.
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In ideological terms, the traditional Buddhist ruler is no constitutional ruler; his actions are not periodically affirmed by consent of the governed or the allegiance of those who share power with him. There are no natural rights grounded in human nature as such. The Buddhist formulation of kings is the upholder of dharma, which exists as an eternal entity, and a correlative of its enduring and invariant nature is that individual kings represent it variably as human actors in accordance with their karma, and thereby experience different degrees of success in their reigns.472
Kuensel reported that The Dar Na Nga is preserved in the Machhen Chhorten, which holds the Kudung (physical relics) of Zhabdrung Ngawang Namgyel. It is returned to the Machhen Lhakhang in a chipdrel procession after the empowerment of the Kings.473 However, it was brought to Machhen Lhakhang only on the eve of coronation. After the coronation, it is retained by the King in a special encasement.474 Receiving dar from machhen is a very private affair. It is also the moment that the Crown Prince becomes King and is enthused with a spiritual dimension (see below). The privacy of this event has historical origins as we saw in chapter 3. When Zhabdrung Rinpoche decided to enter retreat in 1650, he had commanded that except for Desi Tenzin Drugyal and Drung Damchoe Gyaltshen, no one was allowed to see him or even know whatever happened to him. Thus it was that only the desi and je khenpo later who had access to his chamber. Today, besides the king and je khenpo, it is the Machhen Zimpon (chamberlain) and Machhen Soelpon (attendant), who can enter this inner sanctum known as Machhen Lhakhang. The chamberlain and the attendant conduct daily prayers and serve regular meals to the machhen. When the king and je khenpo confer dar to anyone, they place it over the neck of the person receiving it. The conferring of dar by king is an important element of formalizing and legitimizing office-holders. When a distinguished person is awarded dar by king, he is entitled
472 Tambiah, The Buddhist Conception of Kingship and its Historical Manifestation: A reply to Spiro, p.805. 473 Kuensel, 5 November 2008. 474 Personal Communication, Machhen Zimpon, 14 March 2009.
to wear a scarf with different colour. Ordinary people wear white scarves and do not put on a sword as mark of distinction. The king confers dar to ministers who can then don swords and wear orange scarves; he also confers dar to senior bureaucrats and judges who wear swords and red scarves. Judges now adorn green scarves. Elected representatives to the erstwhile RAC were also granted dar entitling them to wear blue scarves and swords. Article 17.1 of the Constitution states that the king shall confer dar to leader or nominee of the party, which wins the majority of seats in the National Assembly, as Prime Minister. Similar provisions for awarding dakyen to Speaker of National Assembly and Chairperson of National Council are stipulated in the Constitution. Article 2.16 a states that granting of dar to lhyenge and nyikelma is a prerogative of the King. The Kings prerogative may be delegated. Thus, the Prime Minister or Chief Justice could award dar on behalf of the king to distinguished civil servants or judges respectively. Even the king receives a dar to formalize his coronation (Article 2.4.). The king and je khenpo are the only two leaders who receive their dar from the sacred remains of Zhabdrung Rinpoche in Punakha Dzong. Like the king, the je khenpo also awards dar on occasions of promoting a member of monastic community. He awards dar to all offices in Punakha and Thimphu as well as to lam netens or chief abbots of other districts. As a delegated authority, lam netens award dar to other offices of the monastic community in their respective districts. When the king and je khenpo receives dar from machhen, no one offers it to them. The set of scarves would already be arranged and kept on the window of the stupa where the machhen is installed. At the appropriate moment, they lift the scarves from the machhen stupa and place over themselves. This is symbolic of the fact that they had received the scarves from Zhabdrung Rinpoche, the founder of the Bhutanese state. Let us explore deeper into the daily rituals inside the Machhen Lhakhang to better understand the symbolism of receiving dar from Zhabdrung Rinpoche. Besides Zhabdrung Rinpoches sacred remains, the remains of Thugse Dragpa Gyaltshen, one of the sons of Terton Pema Lingpa is also enshrined in the Machhen in Lhakhang. We
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must recall that the monarchy descends from Khedrup Kunga Wangpo, the brother of Thugse Dragpa Gyaltshen. Although the remains were initially thought to be that of Pema Lingpa, the fact that it is his sons was known much later. After the chamberlain and attendant of Zhabdrung Rinpoche wake up every day, they first offer water to Zhabdrung Machhen around 3.30 a.m. A basin is laid on the floor in front of the machhen stupa. The chamberlain then pours water thrice from a pitcher which is collected in the basin. This water, which is offered in a gesture of washing his hands and face, is collected and given to devotees who drink it believing in its curative powers. Then a scarf is offered like a towel to wipe off the water. The entire procedure is next repeated in front of Thugse Dragpa Gyaltshens machhen. After that the attendant serves both of them a cup of hot water while the chamberlain conducts daily prayers and offerings. At 7 a.m., they are served tea and rice dishes as snacks. The cooks would have already prepared them and delivered at the door of Machhen Lhakhang. At 8.30 a.m., lunch is served. It is also at the same time that monks have their meals. By noon, another round of tea is served. Finally dinner is served around 3.30 p.m. This is a daily ritual that has gone on since the day Zhabdrung Rinpoche entered retreat. Either on the occasion of their enthronement or on other occasions when the king or je khenpo go into Machhen Lhakhang, the chamberlain has to first report verbally that they have come to call on Zhabdrung Rinpoche. Then they are ushered in. Similarly when the chamberlain and attendant are appointed, the former chamberlain has to report to the machhen before they first submit before him. The chamberlain and attendant are always appointed and retired together. In the chamber of Machhen Lhakhang then, we have a daily ritual of offerings made to Zhabdrung Rinpoche as if he were alive. Physically, he does not exist. But in the realm of Buddhist world and thinking, he is not dead. Rather, he has attained Buddhahood. For the king to receive the dar from him, as the founder of the Bhutanese state as well as an enlightened being, endows both political legitimacy
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and establishes a spiritual connection. The moment of receiving dar is thus not only the moment he becomes king but also a lama. He becomes la pon, a lama and king. Conventionally, it is also there that as king, he adorns the yellow scarf. In case of the je khenpo, the retiring one hands over a bell and vajra to the new je khenpo as insignia of the highest throne holder of Drukpa Kagyu School. Like the king, the je khenpo also wears the yellow scarf. It is also as lama as well as lord that officials or otherwise who go to receive dar from king first prostrate as they would to a lama. The persona of the king is an embodiment of an enlightened being. The ceremony of receiving dar on 1 November 2008 was not very long. King Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuck was ushered in the chamber of Machhen Lhakhang along with the Fourth King and Je Khenpo. They paid obeisance to the Zhabdrung Rinpoches Machhen by prostrating before it. As the royal father and son stood facing the machhen, Je Khenpo Trulku Jigme Choedra faced them and offered the King a purification ceremony known as throesoel. Then the King walked up to the stupa through a small six-rung stairway and received the sacred dar na nga. He was formally the Fifth Druk Gyalpo. The event took place 99 years and 320 days after the enthronement of King Ugyen Wangchuck in Punakha.475 The Je Khenpo then conducted a brief concluding and dedicatory prayers. The three of them then left for kuenra, adjacent to the Machhen Lhakhang for the next ceremony of enthronement as cakravartin.476 Receiving dar from machhen is the most important aspect of a kings enthronement. It is the most sacred and secluded of enthronement events. Yet the exact moment when King Jigme Khesar received dar na nga was instantly known and experienced throughout Bhutan. A serdra or music was sounded in the ante-chamber of Machhen Lhakhang at that moment. The serdra was also simultaneously sounded from roof-top of Punakha Dzong and inside the kuenra. The beating of drums, cymbals, oboes and horns were experienced live on television and radio. Thus, unlike all previous coronations, this particular
475 Bhutan Today, 02 November 2008 476 Sacred Dar Ceremony at the Machhen Lhakhang for His Majesty Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuck, King of Bhutan, p.7.
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Enthronement ceremony inside the kuenra of Punakha Dzong
moment of King Jigme Khesar was shared simultaneously with all the Bhutanese people. While it was a very private affair inside the chamber of the machhen where not even the Queen Mothers and royal family members could go, it was yet a nationally public event. The reverberation of serdra captured for the first time the mood and imagination of the Bhutanese people at that very moment. Spiritual connection with Zhabdrung Rinpoche was established. That was the actual moment of enthronement, of legitimacy and kingship. In a way, this ceremony establishes the King as embodiment of Zhabdrung Rinpoche. A huge thongdrel of Zhabdrung Rinpoche sponsored and commissioned by the late je khenpo, His Holiness Geshe Gedun Rinchen had been put on display.
Enthronement as cakravartin
he next important event was the enthronement of King Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuck in the image of a cakravartin. In a way, it was a very ceremonial enthronement. From the Machhen Lhakhang, he was escorted to the kuenra, the ornate seminary hall of the state monastic community. There, he ascended the ceremonial throne. The throne is ceremonial because the real golden throne is in the Throne Room of Tashichho Dzong. The Fourth King and Je Khenpo were also seated on the right and left sides of the ceremonial throne. Since this event is public, members of royal family, government ministers, parliamentarians, dignitaries, some community leaders, members of the monastic community and other invited guests witnessed the enthronement ceremony. The ceremony was marked by prayers and offerings. But the actual moment of enthroning the King as a cakravartin was the offering of seven precious symbols. Before that, a Zhugdrel Phuensum Tshogpa ceremony was held wherein ceremonial drinks, edibles and fruits were served. It was followed by offerings known as kusung mendrel by representatives of the monk body, government, people and armed forces. The offerings consist of mendrel (mandala), ku, sung, thuk, yonten and thrinley (representations of Buddhas body, speech, mind, wisdom and undertakings). As the King accepted these offerings, his being achieves union with the Buddha.
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This union is not mere symbolism. Through the prayer ceremonies and blessings conducted, the body of the King acquires the elements and qualities of the Buddha. A cakravartin must not only be endowed with seven jewels or emblems of sovereignty, he must possess the thirty-two bodily marks of an enlightened being.477 As we saw in Chapter 2, one of the problems that Buddhists scholars faced in identifying actual historical Buddhist kings with the ideal cakravartin was the possession of the thirty-two marks of a great being.478 If a king did not possess these marks, he was not a cakravartin. Thus, King Aoka is not regarded as a cakravartin but a caturbhagacakravartin (ruler over one of the four continents) or balacakravartin (armed cakravartin who uses force to become ruler).479 This problem is overcome in Bhutanese context by the reproduction of image of the Buddha in the king through the offerings. Once the representations of various aspects of the Buddha are offered, the body of King becomes identical to the body of Buddha. Thus, he symbolically possesses the thirty-two marks of an enlightened being. King Jigme Khesar was then offered a series of precious materials. The Je Khenpo came down from his seat to offer a set of three images of the Boddhisattvas of longevity called tshelha namsum.480 Then he offered a set of five
477 Strong, The Legend of King Asoka, p.46. The thirty two marks that are provided as footnote are reproduced here; 1) feet with level tread, 2) designs of wheels on the soles of the feet, 3) long toes and fingers, 4) broad and projecting heels, 5) sharply arched feet, 6)legs like the antelopes, 7) a divinely straight body, 8) hands that touch the knees while standing erect, 9) a male organ encased in a sheath, 10) a body proportioned like the banyan tree, 11) soft and tender hands and feet, 12) hands and feet that are webbed, 13) a perfectly formed body, 14) down on the body that grows in single hairs, one to each pore, 15) down on the body that grows straight up, 16) smooth skin, 17) soft [?] skin, 18) the gait of a swan, 19) no hollow between the shoulder-blades, 20) a body with seven convex surfaces, 21) an excellent sense of taste, 22) skin the colour of gold, 23) the bust of a lion, 24) regular teeth, 25) perfectly white eye-teeth, 26) a bust that is equally rounded, 27) a long and slender tongue, 28) a voice like Brahms, 29) blue eyes, 30) eyelashes like those of a cow, 31) a hairy mole (rn) between eyebrows, and 32) a head shaped like a royal turban (usnsa). 478 Strong, The Legend of King Asoka, p.49. 479 Strong, The Legend of King Asoka, p.50. 480 They consist of Buddha Amitayus (Tshepame), White Tara (Dorlkar) and Ushnishavijaya (Namgyelma).
materials representing the five Buddhas called Gyalwa Ringa. They consist of a vajra, jewel, lotus, sword and a wheel. By this offering, the King receives empowerment of five Buddhas. They represent indestructibility, wealth, beauty, wisdom and dominion. The King was then offered eight auspicious materials known as Tashi Zegye. Each of these materials was offered to Lord Buddha during the course of his life. He blessed each of them as being auspicious. They consist of a mirror, medicine, curd, incense, a bilwa fruit, right-whorled conch, vermillion (cinnabar) and yellow mustard.481 In offering these materials to the King, his being is once again associated with the Buddha. After the King was transformed into a Buddha being through these sacred offerings, he was finally offered the seven emblems of sovereignty of the Cakravartin or Universal King. They consist of wheel (of dharma), elephant (of fortitude), horse (of swiftness), jewel (of fulfillment), queen (of devotion), minister (of wisdom) and general (of valour). Besides what they symbolize, they actually represent seven factors of enlightenment: perfect mindfulness, perfect discrimination of phenomena, perfect energy or effort, perfect joy, perfect versatility, perfect concentration and perfect equanimity.482 The last set of symbolic offerings was the eight auspicious symbols called Tashi Tagye. Indeed there is another offering after the conclusion of prayers of Buddha Amitayus or Buddha of long life. The King was offered a pill, a small serving of wine and holy water blessed during the prayers. Thus, he internalizes blessings of longevity. The same offering was made to everyone in the kuenra. Through a series of these symbolic offerings, the King is transformed into a cakravartin. The entire enthronement ceremony can be read as a rite of passage for the king to become a universal dharma monarch. The enthronement ceremony must now be completed with congratulatory offerings and good wishes. Led by Je Khenpo and the Fourth King, everyone felicitated the King for his enthronement by offering scarves and gifts. As the felicitations continued, the courtyard of Punakha Dzong came alive with various performances in its courtyard where thousands of people have already gathered.
481 See Tashi, Mysteries of the Raven Crowns, pp.26-27 for details on each of these materials. 482 Tashi, Mysteries of the Raven Crowns, p.28.
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Coronation in Tashichho Dzong

oth the events of receiving dar na nga from machhen of Zhabdrung Rinpoche and enthronement as Cakravartin take place in Punakha Dzong. This is symbolic of the spiritual significance of enthronement. These had established the legitimacy of kingship and the sacredness of the Kings being. Now the crowning took place five days later, on 6 November 2008 inside the Golden Throne Room at Tashichho Dzong. In front of the golden throne, King Jigme Singye Wangchuck crowned King Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuck with the Raven Crown as the fifth hereditary monarch. This was the first time in hundred years that a king has been crowned by his predecessor. Once again, the moment of crowning was signaled throughout the country by the sounding of serdra. Unlike the event at Machhen Lhakhang in Punakha, this crowning was visually broadcast live. The image of the father crowning the son was the most profound moment that will remain etched in the memory of those who witnessed it not just as a political even but a highly spiritual experience. The symbolism of the crowning was explained thus: The crowning ceremony in Thimphu symbolizes the personification of His Majesty as Jarog Dongchhen, one of the three powerful protector deities of Bhutan, the other two manifestations being Yeshe Goenpo and Pelden Lhamo. Jarog Dongchhen, who is depicted with a raven head, is the compassionate and terrifying figure whose wrath can demolish negativity that are [sic] obstacles on the path of enlightenment.483 The enthronement at Punakha Dzong established the King as an enlightened monarch. The crowning at Tashichho Dzong established him as the supreme protector that combines the duality of compassion and fierceness. We have seen that the Raven Crown was first designed by Lama Jangchub Tsondrue as a battle helmet for Desi Jigme Namgyel. The person who wore this crown was inseparable from Jarog Dongchhen, the protective deity. It was with this crown on his head that Desi Jigme Namgyel fought the British during the Duar War. We must recall that it was Pal Yeshe Gonpo, the other protective deity and also the manifestation of Jarog Dongchen, who offered the southern land as monastic estate to Zhabdrung Rinpoche
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483 Kuensel, 8 November 2008.
His Majesty Jigme Singye Wangchuck crowning His Majesty Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuck on 6 November 2008
on a palm of his hand. He also guided Zhabdrung Rinpoche on his journey to Bhutan and vanquished his enemies. Hence, as the chief protective deity of Drukpa Kagyu school, the King wearing the Raven Crown is representation of being the supreme defender of faith. On the occasion of the coronation, the King had put on the five scarves blessed by Zhabdrung Machhen. As a cakravartin, he was again offered all the precious and
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auspicious materials as in Punakha Dzong. We have two similar sets of ceremonies that followed the enthronement on the ceremonial throne in Punakha and formal crowning in Thimphu. Whereas the monks performed prayers of Buddha Amitayu at Punakha, they performed the Pel Dechhog Khorlo Dompai (Samvara) prayers at Thimphu. Again we must recall that Desi Jigme Namgyel had built the west facing image of the deity Samvara in Trongsa Dzong at the behest of Lama Jangchub Tsondrue predicting that his descendents will be the supreme jewels of the country. Except for the two different prayers, most of the ceremonies and offerings were similar. This reproduction of symbols, events and ceremonies actually reinforce the King as a cakravartin. After being crowned with the Raven Crown, the King was received in the kuenra where dignitaries and officials extended their felicitations. That was his first public appearance wearing the Raven Crown. It was specially designed. Months before the coronation, the materials were taken to Machhen Lhakhang for blessings. The crown is thus not just a ceremonial diadem, but a very sacred artifact. Desi Jigme Namgyels original Raven Crown is now retained in the national museum while the one of King Ugyen Wangchuck has been installed in the newly opened museum in Trongsa Ta Dzong. Each king re-designed the crown although the elemental feature of the ravens head on it has been retained all throughout. The golden throne with a huge wheel for back rest is the main symbol of cakravartin. With the king on it wearing the Raven Crown and dar na nga, his being is inseparable from Zhabdrung Rinpoche and Jarog Dongchhen.
His Majesty reciprocates the embracing gesture of a student as school children greet him on his return from Punakha
by presenting sho (symbolic offering of grains and fruit) and burning incenses. Indeed thousands of students and people have lined up for hours to pay their respects and celebrate as the royal motorcade drive past them. People of all ages from all walks of life held khadars and bangchungs filled with rice, fruits, flowers, fruits, incenses and other edibles. It was a spontaneous display of the Kings affection for the people and of their loyalty and devotion. This royal walk was unplanned and unofficial. There was nothing ceremonial about it. It generated a deep feeling of immediacy of the King within the peoples physical, mental and emotional world. The people were not mobilized to be on the street and then leave once the King has passed. They came in thousands and waited for hours in the midday sun. It was the moment they established personal contact with the King. If coronation 2008 is remembered, it will be for this personal touch and closeness between the King and his people. The King has become an important part of peoples everyday life. And just at the beginning of his reign, this is an everlasting achievement!
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The Royal Walk484
ne of the most memorable events of the coronation celebrations was the unplanned royal walk. On 2 November 2008, His Majesty the King left Punakha for Thimphu. He took leave from the machhen that morning and was seen off by the Je Khenpo, state monastic community, government officials and local leaders. The official program indicated that students and public would line up along the highway at designated places
484 I borrow this term from Bhutan Todays headline of its 3 November 2008 issue.
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The outpouring of peoples love and devotion for the King was not just on that day alone. After he was crowned in Tashichho Dzong, he went out in an open ground called Tendrel Thang, where thousands of people were gathered to offer khadar of felicitations. Late into the evening, the King never showed tiredness as he greeted everyone, granted them gifts, shook hands, kissed children, hugged parents, joked with the young, posed for photographs and asked them to pray. Both at Tendrel Thang and Chang Lingmithang, the venue for official celebrations, thousands of people had to go back for sheer lack of space. The number of days for official celebrations had to be increased to allow thousands of people pouring into the capital city from different parts of the country an opportunity to greet the King. On his part, the King made sure that he has greeted everyone of them. It was the people who sat and the King who walked for days among thousands of people to accept their good wishes and reciprocate them. Winning the love and affection of his people, King Jigme Khesar has truly become a Peoples King.
been this. There are historical, political and spiritual bases of legitimizing kingship. But ultimate legitimacy flows from popular support and respect. Therefore, the most powerful element constituting legitimacy of Bhutanese kingship has always been the love, respect and devotion of the people they have commanded. And they are successful in commanding such respect and affection because of their selflessness and genuine commitment to promote peoples welfare. This has come about due to the monarchys renewal of the concept of patronage that legitimized rule of desis. Monarchy did not abandon patronage of the monastic community. But it also began to support ordinary people by way of channeling resources into society. This was made possible since the reign of the third and fourth kings. Besides mobilizing external aid and diversifying them, Bhutans economy increasingly moved to generate domestic revenues. This did not come at the cost of taxing people. In fact, the Bhutanese people are the least taxed. Thus, access to resource for development purpose was not seen as legitimate entitlement. Rather, they were perceived as welfare, help, support from the government. The ability of Bhutanese monarch to mobilize resources from alternative sources rather than taxation and invest them to support both the monastic community as well as the ordinary people brought for itself a new element of legitimacy. In a modern age, it is rare for kings to enjoy such popularity and respect among people. It is precisely due to this that people were happy to continue with the existing political system rather than embark on parliamentary democracy. Every Bhutanese king had won the admiration and devotion of the people of his day. This did not come naturally. As Buddhist kings, they devoted their lives with sheer selflessness to improve the well-being of the people and secure the Kingdoms sovereignty. For them, royal power was a means to promote collective happiness and prosperity. Engagement in selfless service is an expression of the enlightened state of a kings mind. The ideal of a king as an enlightened being becomes manifest in his undertakings. It is in the concept of dhamma that the Buddhist ideas on kingship find their ultimate conclusion. The Cakkavatti is dhammiko dhammaraja. He is devoted to
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The Peoples King
he very concept of a Peoples King is a paradox for monarchy, if viewed from a traditional perspective. This perspective upholds monarchs not only to be divine but also requires them to retain a certain aura of mystery. For them, exposing the body of the king particularly by mass media is a threat of making them appear everyday, not mysterious or divine. The idea of the Peoples King would thus sit uneasily with traditional monarchs. But the Bhutanese kings have also chosen to be and identify with people. They never made pretences of out-of-reach divinity. Dancing with people, serving them meals, eating with them, playing sports and sitting with them face to face discussing problems and finding solutions have brought the Bhutanese kings very close to their people. No doubt that kingship in Bhutan is legitimized through sacred ceremonies and historical connections. There is the dar ceremony in the Machhen Lhakhang and crowning with raven crown in the throne room. These are important elements of constituting kingship. But once constituted, kingship has sustained on a more popular front. The strength of Bhutanese monarchy has exactly
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dhamma, honors it, is deferential towards it, worships it, make it his banners and treats is as his overlord.485 One theme that keeps recurring in the reign of Bhutanese kings is the perspective of the kingdom as a family. The Bhutanese people have often heard their kings say that they must live like members of family and resolve every issue like members of one household. This is the Buddhist concept of a political society where a morally elevated being with a father image presides over a great family.486
In this great family the interest of its members are complimentary rather than conflicting. There is an insistence on equality of spiritual opportunities, although hierarchical economic and social relations are almost taken for granted. The goal is to prevent hierarchical relations from restricting equal opportunities for moral and spiritual development and in the administration of justice. It is emphasized that the entire effort of the state be inspired by a moral earnestness and that all values of life be strictly interpreted in moral terms.487
special bond between the people and king. The coronation address was charged with call for sustaining the basic values of humanity and character of being Bhutanese. Thus far, the Bhutanese people were used to thinking of their king as the supreme jewel of the country. Here the King called the people, the true jewel of this nation. The concluding lines of his coronation address revealed the mind of a Buddhist king that he is and indicated the direction that his reign will take. I also pray that while I am but King of a small Himalayan nation, I may in my time be able to do much to promote the greater wellbeing and happiness of all people in this world of all sentient beings.489 This is the aspiration of a cakravartin and the vow of a Boddhisattva.
It is the emphasis on such a perspective and approach to governance that transcends ruler-subject relationship. The Kings ability to establish personal relationship with the people is precisely due to his view of people as members of his own family members. This royal trait was aptly articulated by King Jigme Khesar during his coronation address.
Throughout my reign I will never rule you as a King. I will protect you as a parent, care for you as a brother and serve you as a son. I shall give you everything and keep nothing; I shall live such a life as a good human being that you may find it worthy to serve as an example of your children; I have no personal goals than to fulfill your hopes and aspirations. I shall always serve you, day and night, in the spirit of kindness, justice and equality. As the king of Buddhist nation, my duty is not only to ensure your happiness today but to create the fertile ground from which you may gain the fruits of spiritual pursuit and attain good Karma. This is how I shall serve you as King.488
The Kings declaration on the occasion of his coronation that he will not rule as king but as a father, brother, and son will reverberate through history. He extolled the
485 Gokhale, Early Buddhist Kingship, p.20. 486 Gokhale, Early Buddhist Kingship, p.21. 487 Gokhale, Early Buddhist Kingship,p.21. 488 Bhutan Today, 08 November 2008. 489 Bhutan Today, 08 November 2008.
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he day before the Constitution was signed on 18 July 2008, prayer ceremonies were organized in monastic institutions all over the country to solemnize the occasion. Before dusk, copies of the Constitution were taken inside the goenkhang of Tashichho Dzong and kept on its altar. This goenkhang, like others in all dzongs around the country, is a temple of Bhutans guardian deities. In the early hours of the following day, two thongdrels or huge appliqus of Guru Rinpoche and one of neten chudrug or the sixteen arhats were unfurled from the walls of monasteries in the courtyard of Tashichho Dzong. Since the day was declared a public holiday, thousands of people have already started to flock inside the courtyard to receive blessings from the thongdrels and witness the historic moment. Later, copies of the Constitution were taken to the kuenra from the goenkhang escorted by Dorji Lopen, the second highest abbot of the state monastic community. They were placed on the chhoethri located in front of the altar of the huge image of Buddha Shakya Muni. Sacred national treasures and symbols such as Kutshab Ternga and Zhabdrung Khamsum Zilnon were also installed in front of Shakya Muni image for the occasion. The image of Zhabdrung Khamsum Zilnon is a very important and sacred relic of the state monastic community. Zhabdrung Rinpoche had instructed the artisan Trulku Zing to make this image from a mixture of many precious materials and medicinal items. A smaller image of himself which he had made and is said to have spoken was installed inside it. Its face was gilded with gold that was offered by the mermaid of Mo Chu river in Punakha. Zhabdrung Rinpoche consecrated and blessed the image. At the end of the consecration, he is said to have asked if it could serve as his representative when he was no longer alive. The image is said to have nodded. Therefore, the chin of this image is lowered towards the chest. Zhabdrung Rinpoche had told that the blessings of this image were equal to his own. It would be his representative after he was gone. Replicas of this image were later made and kept as sacred relics in different dzongs. After Zhabdrung Rinpoche had
Prime Minister Jigmi Y. Thinley escorting His Majesty Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuck in the Tashichho Dzong on the day the Constitution was signed 342
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entered retreat, the tradition of taking this image during the biannual migration of the monastic community between Thimphu and Punakha, and of keeping it at the top of rows of monks seated for zhugdrel ceremony began. This image is retained inside a golden encasement and not opened for public viewing. But it was opened on the occasion of signing of the Constitution. Before signing the Constitution, the King addressed the congregation paying homage to his father, the architect of Bhutans democracy. He said, In our own country, many generations into the future, the Constitution will continue to inspire our people as it stands testimony to a selfless and extraordinary leadership. The Constitution, which was discussed with the people would thereafter, be the root and foundation of all laws in the country. After the King, Prime Minister, parliamentarians and the Chief Justice signed, a zhugdrel ceremony was held following which everyone recited a short prayer called deshe tenpa. The Constitution was then opened for public viewing. Thousands of people walked by it, saying prayers and offering nyendar. In the afternoon, the Chief Justice took the Constitution to the National Assembly hall, located opposite to Tashichho Dzong, across the Wangchu river. The Speaker received the Constitution and placed it on the throne in the hall. Parliamentarians again recited deshe tenpa prayer led by some monks. Thus ended the historic signing of the Constitution. A century after its founding, the monarchy has become a Democratic Constitutional Monarchy. It will however, continue to be the unifying institution of twenty first century Bhutan. It is the national institution that commands unquestioned confidence and loyalty of Bhutanese people. Without monarchy, a democratic Bhutan cannot consolidate. In other words, monarchy is indispensable to the consolidation and success of Bhutanese democracy. As parliamentary democracy opens up opportunities of contests for political power and resource distribution among different social and economic groups, monarchy will remain the only national institution that transcends all divisions, and function as the most powerful unifying force.
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King Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuck will hereafter, be the guardian of Bhutans Constitution and hence, parliamentary democracy. In his address to the first Parliament, he said, As King, henceforth, it is my sacred duty to ensure the success of our new democracy so that it will serve to fulfil the aspirations of our people always. Bhutans distinct historical journey towards democracy has been spearheaded by her kings. Democracy did not develop in opposition to the monarchical state. The monarchy gave birth to democracy. Hence it legitimates democracy. In the same address, the Kings specific command to the government was as follows.
As democracys first government, you have the responsibility of setting the right examples, laying strong foundations and promoting the best practices of democracy. We, the people and King, have complete confidence and faith in the new government. As long as you work to serve the country and people, you will have our full support. If you should falter in your service to the nation, then the duty to counsel you also rests with the people and King.
The Constitution is a gift from the throne. Parliamentary democracy in Bhutan is therefore, the modern embodiment of monarchy. For the Bhutanese king to remain a mere constitutional and ceremonial figurehead will be detrimental to the cause of Bhutanese polity. It was neither desired by the people nor envisaged in the Constitution. Therefore, the King along with the National Council and National Assembly constitutes the Parliament. What this means is that all bills will become laws only upon royal assent being granted after the two houses deliberate on them either separately or in a joint sitting. The King as an alternative source of law is not new to Bhutanese politics. For example, we discussed earlier that the Third King was the author of most laws codified in 1950s, which collectively came to be known as Thrimzhung Chhenmo. The Fourth King continued to issue royal ordinances in addition to laws passed by the National Assembly on important socio-economic and political issues.1 Although the kings role as part of the law-making process is reformulated in the Constitution, he remains an important agency in the legislative process.
1
See Nishimizu, Portrait of a Leader, for a compendium of the royal decrees and ordinances.
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Conclusion
Article 2.1 of the Constitution says, His Majesty the Druk Gyalpo is the Head of State and the symbol of unity of the Kingdom and people of Bhutan. In order to understand how the new Bhutanese state conceptualizes itself, it is important to understand how that state is conceptualized in the persona of its head, the Druk Gyalpo. Article 2.2 states, The Chhoe-sid-nyi of Bhutan shall be unified in the person of the Druk Gyalpo, who as a Buddhist, shall be the upholder of the Chhoe-sid. As a Buddhist, the King embodies both the religious (chhoe) and the political (sid). The King therefore, is a la pon/je pon, both lama and lord. The Constitution then carries forth an important political concept that informed the basis of village-based polities that characterized Bhutan from the ninth to seventeenth centuries as well as the ecclesiocratic and monarchical states, which developed subsequently. During a special sitting of the first National Council before its formal session commenced, the Chairperson was to be elected. Since it was the first sitting, a special ceremony was held. The King was to be received in the National Council hall for the first time. All members lined up in front of the hall to receive him in the traditional chipdrel ceremony. As he arrived, the Secretary General of the National Council offered dar in a gesture of receiving him. Then, all of them went into the hall and stood by their seats before he came in. Only after receiving him inside the hall did the process for electing the Chairperson began. The important aspect of this short episode is that the King never came in person that day. Instead, representatives of his body, speech and mind were received in the National Council. Those representatives consisted of an image of Guru Rinpoche, a scripture and a stupa respectively carried by three monks. They were sent from the Kings personal altar in the throne room of Tashichho Dzong. Known as kusung thukten, these three representations are generally known as the body, speech and mind support of the Buddhas. These representations suggest that the persona of the king is identified with that of the Enlightened One. They were later taken back. The King personally graced the opening session of the first National Council; however, his sacred representations were received again during the concluding ceremony.
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The description of the national flag as included in the Constitution begins thus, The upper yellow half that touches the base symbolizes the political tradition. It personifies His Majesty the King, who enhances the Kingdom. Hence, it symbolizes His Majesty to be the upholder of the foundation of both religion and politics. In the National Anthem, the King is also referred to as The Protector who governs the realm of monastic and civil traditions. The King then symbolizes the interdependence of the secular and the spiritual or chhoesid zungdrel. We must recall that chhoesid zungdrel informed the system of administration of village polities by Lama Lhapa as well as Phajo Drugom Zhigpo and his sons in western Bhutan in the twelfth century. In fact, the two of them introduced the dual system of administration also known as chhoesid lugnyi. The extent of their administrative jurisdiction and territorial limits were however, confined only to villagepolities in the west. Village-based polities in eastern and central Bhutan were administered by rulers who subscribed to the same concept. But a national figure did not emerge to unify these polities although they had similar political orientation. It was only with the arrival of Zhabdrung Rinpoche that a national polity was created in the seventeenth century. He established the ecclesiocratic state of Palden Druk Zhung in 1626. The basis of this national polity was still chhoesid zungdrel. Polities in western Bhutan submitted voluntarily to Zhabdrung Rinpoches political authority whereas eastern and central Bhutan was unified through military conquest by Trongsa Penlop Chogyal Minjur Tenpa. Western Bhutan had been the stronghold of Drukpa Kagyu practitioners and followers for centuries. Zhabdrung Rinpoches father and his predecessors, who were Drukpa lineage-holders, had visited western Bhutan. Phajo Drugom Zhigpo, his sons and their descendents had introduced and deepened the connection of Kagyu School with the patrons. The west had thus a large followings of Drukpa Kagyu School. This enabled Zhabdrung Rinpoche to win over the patrons. The east was predominantly Nyingmapa followers. Visits of great masters and treasure revealers like Guru Chowang, Ratna Lingpa, Dorje Lingpa,
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Jigme Lingpa and Longchen Rabjam had far reaching influence on the lives of the people. But particularly the lives and deeds of Terton Pema Lingpa and his sons were to influence the faith and beliefs of people in eastern and central Bhutan. None of this should however, imply any rigid geographic and spiritual differentiation between the east and west. Nyingmapa School also flourished to some extent in the west. Similarly, Kagyu School also had some followings in the east. But the important fact is that the country was largely Buddhist. The visits, travels and teachings of Guru Rinpoche resulted in the creation of a translocal religious community. His meditation sites, temples and festivals gradually provided the framework for the formation of this larger Buddhist community. Kagyu and Nyingma schools and their followers were aspects of this community. But it was the Kagyu School that constituted the ecclesiocratic state since Zhabdrung Rinpoche was its supreme throne-holder. This state was founded in a religious community. That community predated the state for centuries. Nevertheless, this state created a national polity from the religious community. The rationale of this Buddhist polity was the interdependence between chhoe (spirituality) and sid (politics). We have seen that this interdependence expressed in two forms; the persona of leader as lama and lord, and the laws informed by secular and spiritual considerations. The Kathrim was an embodiment of such laws. What continues to be reflected in the Constitution is the concept of interdependence personified by the King.The King not only unites in his person both the political and the religious, he is also the protector of all religions in Bhutan. Moreover, he will also appoint the je khenpo on the recommendation of the five lopens. This is an important aspect of our analysis. Earlier, both the desi and je khenpo derived the legitimacy of their office from Zhabdrung Rinpoche or from his reincarnations, who served as heads of state. The founding of monarchy in 1907 resulted in the location of sovereign powers in the King. His authority as the head of state was no longer derived from the reincarnations of Zhabdrung Rinpoche. He became the sovereign, and all authorities thereafter flowed from the throne. The king did not replace the desi and reigned
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alongside the je khenpo. Rather, King Ugyen Wangchuck became the sovereign, and endowed spiritual authority to the je khenpo. In parliamentary democracy today, the king has become the symbolic source of political authority. With the re-location of sovereign powers in the people, they elect the government and the Prime Minister. The King however, would formalize the offices by conferring dar to the Prime Minister and cabinet ministers. The founding of the ecclesiocratic state was based on a patron-practitioner/chhoeyon jindag relationship. The people were regarded as patrons. Modern notions of citizenship did not exist. Being patrons implied that they supported the practitioners of Buddhist teachings by providing material support. The ecclesiocratic state constituted the upholders of teachings or practitioners. Chhoeyon jindag relationship was both material and spiritual. It was material because the people provided resources like food supplies and labour for the upkeep of the ecclesiocratic state. It was spiritual because the rationale of resource mobilization was founded on the idea of merit generation. In the act of supporting the monastic community (which constituted the state), ordinary people generated merit or purified defilements. Merit generation and accumulation underpinned chhoeyon jindag relationship. However, this relationship became more and more institutionalized over the years. This means that voluntary offerings of patrons became mandatory in the form of regular taxation. As the ecclesiocratic state began to fragment for reasons we have discussed before, lay officials began to take over the state. They became the agency of mobilizing resource and labour for the upkeep of the monastic community. The state was no longer the practitioner. They too became patrons although resources were extracted from the people they ruled over. Patronage of the monastic community was an essential means of gaining legitimacy for rules of desis. This establishment of hereditary monarchy did not discontinue support of the state monastic community. Even article 3.7 of the Constitution states that The Zhung Dratshang and rabdeys shall continue to receive adequate funds and other facilities from the state.
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Conclusion
As we argued in Chapter 7, patronage of monastic community alone did not constitute the source of legitimacy for rulers although it was a very important element. The gyaltshabs conferred legitimacy to civil rulers. In addition, the monastic community endorsed candidates for desis or declined recognition for those whom it did not support. Besides, it also provided a quite a number of desis. Thus, monastic community was an integral part of the state and state legitimation process. On the contrary, patronage of monastic community did not constitute the basis of legitimacy for monarchical state. Indeed representatives of the state monastery were signatories to the genja of 1907. They also demonstrated support to King Jigme Wangchuck during his coronation. However, legitimacy was drawn from the genja signed by regional governors, government officials and representatives of the people. There was thus a broadening of the base of legitimacy by including state officials and lay representatives. It was no longer the monastic community alone. With the establishment of hereditary monarchy, the concerns of ordinary people received attention of the state. Primary among them was the excessive burden of tax obligations that developed as a result of supporting the expanding network of state machineries. The ecclesiocratic state founded by Zhabdrung Rinpoche was a strong state assessed on the merit of its ability to command compliance, regulate social life, appropriate resources, and at the same time gain legitimacy. In commanding compliance and loyalty, it did not face any difficulty because most anti-state elements were overcome by 1639. Tibetan invasions were dealt with, internal resistance by the alliance of followers of five lamas called Lam Khanga were defeated and others made voluntary submissions to Zhabdrung Rinpoches authority. The state initially gained its legitimacy from the prophecies of eminent luminaries like Guru Rinpoche and those of the tutelary deities. Zhabdrung Rinpoche enjoyed popular support, and therefore, his being too became the source of legitimacy in subsequent centuries. In order to regulate social life and structure administration, Zhabdrung Rinpoche codified a set of laws. As we saw, these laws were revisited and recorded as Kathrim. While these laws underwent major revisions and amendments in the last
350
five decades, they gained primacy over other customary laws when it came to state practices and applications. The states strength as assessed by its ability to appropriate resources is all too clear. In the absence of any alternative revenues in the beginning, the state had to depend on the generosity of its spiritual patrons. However, the state gradually institutionalized a system of taxation both inkind and labour. Over the next few centuries, taxation as a primary means of appropriating resources became so intensive and heavy that people worked half their lives only to fulfil the states tax obligations. It was this obligation that the first two kings sought to address. When tax reforms were launched, they were not done at the cost of supporting the monastic community. Redundant administrative machineries were abolished. Unnecessary layers of tax obligations were removed. Besides, alternative sources of revenue became available with the increase in British subsidy although it was largely to compensate for revenues lost as fertile areas in the south were annexed by the British during the Duar war. Besides tax reforms, the first two kings also initiated modern education, medicine, military, transport and communications. Monarchy thus became the fountainhead of socio-economic and political modernization. If the founding of monarchy signalled the beginning of Bhutans modernity, it was only an antecedent of larger modernization that was to follow in the decades ahead. But first, certain reforms were necessary. The first monarchs particularly King Jigme Wangchuck consolidated the political authority he inherited from his father. His reign encompassed a crucial period in world history which had significant implications for Bhutan. The Manchu regime in China had long collapsed and the Chinese republic battled a growing communist movement. The Chinese Communist Party came to power in October 1949. Only two months earlier, Bhutan had signed a treaty of friendship with India which became independent in 1947. When World War II was fought, Bhutan remained largely aloof from it. By 1950, Chinese troops moved to occupy Tibet. These developments were not lost to Bhutanese leadership, and it fell upon the Second King to ensure that Bhutans sovereignty remained secure.
351
Conclusion
When King Jigmi Dorji Wangchuck ascended the golden throne in 1952, Bhutans sovereignty was assured, and he could launch upon major socio-economic reforms. He followed a three-pronged strategy of social, political and economic modernizations so much so that he is regarded as the father of modern Bhutan. The liberation of serfs in 1953 and making them free citizens, providing them with lands, establishment of the National Assembly of Bhutan as a representative institution, monetization of the economy, launching of five-year plans as means of socio-economic development and creation of a separate legislature, judiciary and executive are well-known in the annals of the second half of Bhutans twentieth century history. His reign saw the building of a modern nation-state. For the first time, resources mobilized in the form of aid began to be channelled into society, not taken out of them. While symbolic legitimacy was drawn from the genja of 1907, the monarchy also began win popular support by deepening its connection with the people through initiation of socio-economic development programs. Over the decades, development theme became constituent of new ideas of legitimacy. It is important to reiterate the fact that Bhutanese people did not see access to development benefits as legitimate entitlements. If development projects were funded through taxes people paid, there would have been legitimate grounds for claiming entitlements. The tax reforms initiated by the kings actually resulted in very low tax obligations for the people. Instead, King Jigme Singye Wangchuck began a process of decentralization that encouraged people-government partnership in development activities. For example, if people contributed labour, it was intended to benefit the communities directly. The government provided capital and technical resources. Instead of entitlements, development support of the government was seen as welfare services. Investments in key economic sectors such as hydro-electricity and tourism generated increasing revenues while success in diplomacy and international relations also brought in alternative sources of revenue. So some 54 years before introducing liberal democracy, Bhutan had its own variant of a parliamentary democracy
352
that rested on the premise of quasi separation of powers between three organs of the state. Of course, members of the National Assembly did not belong to any political party since there was no party yet. The government was not constituted by elected members of the legislature. This also meant that the executive was less accountable to the elected representatives, whose main responsibilities besides legislative function were to articulate development needs of people, and report back whatever was resolved in each National Assembly session. Modern notions of citizenship began to seep in as opportunities of participation in public life were extended to ordinary people to contest for seats in the National Assembly. The significance of the Third Kings reign to our argument is that modern liberal democracy characterized by a written Constitution and Parliament is not suddenly grafted onto Bhutans indigenous political system. Rather, indigenous democratic institutions and practices such as (constitutional) laws and periodic elections were put in place by the monarchy for more than half a century. They constitute the foundations that enable Bhutans unique journey towards democracy. But the foundations needed to be further strengthened. It was His Majesty Jigme Singye Wangchuck who reinforced these foundations and commanded that parliamentary democracy be introduced. Parliamentary democracy is the will of an enlightened king. The evolution of the Bhutanese state in the last four centuries took place in an existing polity that was predominantly Buddhist. That Buddhist polity was founded by Zhabdrung Rinpoche in an existing religious community. The village-based polities of eastern, central and western Bhutan were unified into a national polity. Different forms of state subsequently became expressions of that polity. The states did not create different polities. The polity continued through time. Thus, we have a distinct historical journey of a polity that is rosarial in formation. The religious community that formed under the influence of Guru Rinpoche, the ecclesiocratic state founded by Zhabdrung Rinpoche, the monarchy established in 1907, the modern nation-state built by King Jigmi Dorji Wangchuck and a parliamentary democracy introduced by King Jigme Singye Wangchuck are different political expressions of the same polity. Like beads of a
353
Conclusion
rosary, these states became expressions of the Bhutanese polity at different times. However, it is the statesmanship and wisdom of Bhutans successive kings that successfully renewed the state at significant historical periods. Yet to suggest that the rosarial polity continued unchanging all through would not be correct. The composition of the polity did change. The resilience and novelty of the monarchical state have been to preempt aspirations of a more diverse polity. From an absolute monarchy under the reigns of first two kings to a modern nation-sate under the Third King and a Democratic Constitutional Monarchy today, the state has successfully renewed itself to respond to aspirations of a Bhutanese polity that is becoming more diverse in ethnic, spiritual and professional aspects. The modernity of Bhutanese state is defined by interdependence between secularism and spirituality embodied by the persona of King Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuck. It is not a modernity based on western secularism because both the origins of the state and its historical formations, as we saw in this book, are rooted in the interwoven dynamics of religion and politics. Secularism is not the rationale of Bhutanese state. For example, both the National Assembly and National Council halls are nothing short of a monastery. Huge appliqus of Zhabdrung Rinpoche and Guru Rinpoche are permanently hung on either side of the golden throne in the National Assembly hall. A sacred mandala with the image of Zhabdrung Rinpoche at its centre extends over the ceiling looking down on the parliamentarians. Thangkas of the sixteen arhats are hung on the walls of both the houses and intricate altars with images of Buddhas and Boddhisattvas flank the thrones installed in them. And none of these are there for mere decorative reasons. Sessions of both houses begin with zhugdrel phuensum tshogpa ceremony. As much as the Constitution has its legitimacy endowed by popular participation in the drafting process, debate in the Parliament by elected representatives and their adoption by signing it, legitimacy has also been derived from divine blessings. The blessings came from tutelary deities in the goenkhang, the prayer ceremonies conducted, huge thangkas hung for public viewing and worship on the inner walls of Tashichho Dzong, and
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signing of the Constitution in front of Buddha Shakya Muni and that of Kutshab Ternga and Zhabdrung Khamsum Zilnon. Through this process and ceremonies of invoking divine blessings, the Constitution has become a sacred document, not a secular manuscript. In fact, one copy of the Constitution is done in the form of a scripture. More than anything else, its non-secular character derives from the fact that His Majesty the King had signed it. As King, he turns the wheel of two traditions, the secular and spiritual or chhoesid lugnyi.
355
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Glossary of Dzongkha terms

Chathrim Chhoesid nyi Chichab Chila Chimi Act, law Religion and politics Chief, lord Supreme Lama Buddhist governor Representative to the National Assembly Chipdrel Buddhist ceremonial procession of receiving a guest or dignitary Chipzhon Horseman, junior officials entitled to ride horses Chiwog Sub-administrative unit of a gewog Choeje Religious nobility, aristocrat Choethri Table or stand for keeping scriptures and religious items Chupon A community messenger, herald Dar Scarf conferred to an appointee or elective to an office. Darpon Flag officer, chief of attendants Dasho Honorific title of officers granted redscarf or similar distinctions Desi Civil ruler of Bhutan before the establishment of monarchy Dozin Brigadier Drapa Peasants cultivating monastic lands as tenants but hereditary in occupation Dratshang State monastic body Drey Measure of volume (approximately equal to 1.6 kg.) Dronyer Guest-master Drungyig Clerical secretary Dung Nobilities Dungpa Administrators of a dungkhag or sub-district Dzong Fortress Dzongchung Small dzong Dzongkhag District Dzongpon Lord or chief of a dzong, a governor Dzongdag Civil administrator of a district Dzongrab A deputy to dzongdag Dzongtshab Representative of king in a dzong Garto Retainer in a royal court Genja An agreement or contract
Internet websites
1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. http://2008.bhutan-360.com/the-coronation-of-the4th-king-ofbhutan http://www.opendemocracy.net/author/ MM_Eskandari-Qajar.jsp http://www.pc.gov.bt/fyp/1stplan/01fyp.htm http://www.pc.gov.bt/fyp/3rdplan/03fyp.htm http://www.tibet.com/status/3kings.html http://www.tibet.com/status/3kings.html
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Glossary of Dzongkha terms
364
Sub-administrative unit of a district Mens wear Shrine of tutelary deities Chamberlain Gate-controller Elected head of a gewog Representative of a king Oboe, religious musical instrument Female serf Chief abbot of the state monastic body Jou Male serf Kabney Scarves of varying colours worn by Bhutanese depending on their official status Kalyon Chief minister, chairman of erstwhile Royal Advisory Council Kamthrel Tax paid in cash Kasho Royal decree, court order Kathrim Legal Code (of 1729) Khadar Silk scarf Khenchen Another name for je khenpo Khey Serf Khuru Traditional game of darts Kuenra Assembly hall of monks Kusung Thukten Sacred representations of the body, speech and mind of the Buddha like images, icons, stupas and scriptures Kutshab Representative, ambassador Lam Neten Abbot of a district monk body Leytshen A village herald Lhengye Minister or official of ministerial rank Lhengye Zhungtshog Cabinet Lonthrel In-kind taxes Lopen Teacher Lugnyi Two traditions - of the secular and spiritual Lyonpo Minister Mangmi or mangap Deputy gup Mathrel Principal tax Mipon Chief, lord of men Norpon Chief of cattle Nyendar Cash offerings Nyerchen Store-master Nyikem Red-scarf official
Gewog Gho Goenkhang Gongzim Gorapa Gup Gyaltshab Jaling Jam Je Khenpo
Penlop
Governor of region consisting of several districts. Also minor offices under a district administration Rabjung A sexagenery cycle consisting of 60 years. Sasungpa Border guard Serbum Golden vase Shagkor Ramparts of a dzong or monastery Shanyer Meat-keeper Suma A category of serf Sungtrul Speech reincarnation Tapon Horse master, chief of stable Tensung Sacred relics and artifacts Thabpon Chief of the kitchen, chef Thojo Grain tax as percentage of yield Thongdrel Huge appliqus of Buddhas and Boddhisattvas Threlpa Tax-payer Thrimpon Judge Thugtrul Mind reincarnations Tsengmi Natives of eastern Bhutan Tshogpa A village representative Umdze A preceptor Utse Central tower of a dzong Wangyon Levies for blessings, taxes collected in olden days Zaden Serf Zakhen Category of household Zapa Serf Zhelngo A religious nobility Zhinyer Land stewards Zhugdrel Literally a seated row of people. A Buddhist ceremony of offering varieties of foods and drinks (symbolic) before an auspicious occasion Zhung Ponger Servants of high officials, category of household Zimnang Junior chamberlain Zimpon Chief chamberlain Zomdue Village meetings, community assemblies Zong Textiles offered as gifts or paid as taxes Zurpa A splinter household without tax obligations
365
Chronology of events
1651
Sharchog Khorlo Tsibgye under the states authority. Zhabdrung Rinpoche commands his last will and enters permanent retreat according to the prophecy of Guru Rinpoche. Desi Minjur Tenpa enthrones Gyalse Tenzin Rabgye as the sovereign. Ngawang Kunga Gyaltshen, the first reincarnation of Gyalse Jampel Dorje discloses the secret of Zhabdrung Rinpoches death. The first speech reincarnation of Zhabdrung Rinpoche, Sungtrul Choglay Namgyal is born in Dagana. Ngawang Kunga poisoned to death. Gyaltshen is
Year
1594 1616 1617 1618 1626
Events
Zhabdrung Rinpoche is born. Zhabdrung Rinpoche leaves Tibet for Bhutan. First Tibetan invasion is defeated. Zhabdrung Rinpoche composes Nga Chudruma. Declaration of Zhabdrung Rinpoche as the sovereign of the two traditions of Lhomon. Semtokha Dzong constructed. Victory over the attacks of Lam Khanga. Prince Jampel Dorje is born at Semtokha Dzong. Second Tibetan invasion is overcome. The foundation of Punakha Dzong is laid. The foundation of Wangdue Phodrang Dzong is laid. Third Tibetan invasion is repelled. Constructions of both Punakha and Wangdue Phodrang dzongs are complete. The establishment of the state of the Palden Druk Zhung is proclaimed. Trongsa Dzong is built. Chogyal Minjur Tenpa is appointed as the first Trongsa Penlop. Tibetan government recognizes the sovereignty of Bhutan and Zhabdrung Rinpoche. Tsang Desi falls and Gelugpas come to power in Tibet. Trongsa Penlop Minjur Tenpa, Lam Namse and Druk Namgyal bring 1708 1667 1707
1629 1631 1634 1637 1638 1639 1640
1713 1717 1724
His reincarnation, Mipham Jigme Norbu is born. The first mind reincarnation of Zhabdrung Rinpoche, Thugtrul Jigme Dragpa is born. Pholane, the Tibetan ruler launches a successful invasion of Bhutan. Sungtrul Choglay Namgyal dies. His reincarnation, Sungtrul Shakya Tenzin is born. Mipham Drukdra Namgyal, the third reincarnation of Gyalse Jampel Dorje is born. Chogyal Sherub Wangchuk becomes the 13th desi. Thugtrul Jigme Dragpa I is enthroned as the sovereign of the state. Thugtrul Jigme assassinated. Dragpa I is
1730 1734 1735 1740
1744 1747 1761 1770
1642 1647
Desi Zhidar invades Sikkim.

367
366
1773
First Anglo-Bhutanese conflict over the issue of succession to the throne of Cooch Behar. Anglo-Bhutanese treaty signed. George Bogle travels to Tibet via Bhutan. Kishan Kant Bose leads the first British mission to Bhutan. Jigme Namgyal is born. Booree Gooma Duar annexed by British. Bijni Duar annexed. Banska Duar annexed. Captain Pemberton leads a mission to Bhutan. Kalling Duar and Booree Gooma Duar (which was returned along with other Duars) were again annexed. Jigme Namgyal is appointed Trongsa Zimpon. Dzongpons of Jakar, Lhuntse and Zhemgang supported by dzongpons of Tashi Yangtse, Tashigang, Zhongar and Dungsam rebel against Trongsa Penlop. Jigme Namgyal is appointed as Trongsa Dronyer. He defeats the rebels. Jigme Namgyal becomes the 14th Trongsa Penlop. Bhutanese attend talks at Guwahati to have the Duars returned. Jalpesh and Ambari Falakata Duars annexed. Jakar Dzongpon Tsondrue Gyaltshen declares war on Jigme Namgyal. British intimates Bhutan about an upcoming mission. King Ugyen Wangchuck is born. The mission led by Ashley Eden forces its way to Punakha.
1865 1870 1873
The Treaty of Sinchula is signed after the Duar War. Jigme Namgyal becomes the 51st desi at age 46. Jigme Namgyal retires and appoints Kitshelpa Dorje Namgyal as the 52nd desi. Ugyen Wangchuck is appointed Paro Penlop. Jigme Namgyal dies. The last civil war comes to an end at the battle of Chang Lingmithang. Ugyen Wangchuck appoints Sangye Dorje as the 56th desi. Ugyen Wangchuck Lhakhang. builds Kurje
1774 1815 1825 1834 1835 1836 1838
1878 1881 1885 1886 1894 1900
1848 1850
Ashi Rinchen Pelmo, Ugyen Wanchucks first wife dies. Kazi Ugyen Dorje is appointed kutshab for southern Bhutan. Ugyen Wangchuck marries Tsondrue Lhamo. Choglay Yeshe Ngedup becomes the 57th and last desi. Ugyen Wangchuck accompanies the Younghusband Mission to Lhasa. Prince Jigme Wangchuck is born. Ugyen Wangchuck is decorated Knight Commander of the Indian Empire by the British. Thugtrul Jigme Dorje is also born. Choglay Yeshe Ngedup leaves office. Ugyen Wangchuck travels to Calcutta to meet the Prince of Wales. Ugyen Wangchuck is enthroned the first hereditary monarch at Punakha on 17 December. Treaty of Punakha signed.
369
1901 1903 1904 1905
1853 1855 1857
1906
1862
1907
1864
368
1910
Year
1911 1914
Events
King Ugyen Wangchuck visits Delhi. King Ugyen Wangchuck sends 46 boys to Dr. Grahams Homes school in Kalimpong. Kazi Ugyen Dorje dies. Prince Jigme Wangchuck is appointed Trongsa Dronyer. Prince Jigme Wangchuck marries Azhi Phuntsho Chodon. King Ugyen Wangchuck dies. His Majesty Jigme Wangchuck is enthroned the 2nd hereditary monarch. Prince Jigmi Dorji Wangchuck is born. The summer palace at Kunga Rabden is built. Thugtrul Jigme Dorje is assassinated on the orders of the King. King Jigme Wangchuck marries Azhi Pema Dechen. King Jigme Wangchuck builds the Jigjed Lhakhang in Trongsa Dzong. King Ugyen Wangchuck and Queen Phuntsho Chodon visits Calcutta. At the outbreak of World War II, King Jigme Wangchuck makes financial contribution to the British. Prince Namgyal Wangchuck is born. Prince Jigmi Dorji Wangchuck is appointed Trongsa Dronyer. India becomes independent. Bhutan signs a treaty with independent India. The national flag is designed for the first time.
Year
1950 1951 1952
Events
Prince Jigmi Dorji Wangchuck appointed Paro Penlop at age 23. is
Prince Jigmi Dorji Wangchuck marries Azhi Kezang Choden. King Jigme Wangchuck dies at age 47. Prince Jigmi Dorji Wangchuck is enthroned the 3rd hereditary monarch. King Jigmi Dorji Wangchuck establishes the National Assembly. Manumission granted to serfs. Prince Jigme Singye Wangchuck is born. Draft of Thrimzhung Chhenmo tabled for discussion in the National Assembly. Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru visits Bhutan. The National Assembly passes Thrimzhung Chhenmo. Construction of army headquarters and training of recruits begin at Tencholing. Royal Body Guards established. Judges appointed for the first time in some districts. Socio-economic modernization begins. The first five-year plan is launched with the assistance of the Government of India. Bhutan becomes a member of the Colombo Plan. Prime Minister Jigme Palden Dorji is assassinated. Royal Advisory Council and Royal Bhutan Police established. High Court established in Thimphu. Cabinet established.
371
1916 1918 1923 1926 1927 1928 1929 1931 1932 1933 1934 1939
1953
1955 1957
1958 1959
1960 1961
1943 1945 1947 1949
1962 1964 1965 1967 1968
370
Year
1969
Events
Bhutan joins the International Postal Union. Construction of Tashichho Dzong complete. Bhutan becomes the 128 member of the UNO.
th
Year
28 May 2007 28 Jun. 2007 31 Dec. 2007 29 Jan. 2008 24 Mar. 2008
Events
Mock elections held for the general round. The last session of the National Assembly ends National Council elections held in 15 districts. National Council elections held in five other districts. General elections for National Assembly held. Druk Phuensum Tshogpa wins 45 out of 47 constituencies. His Majesty appoints five eminent persons to the National Council. The government under the Democratic Constitutional Monarchy is formed. His Majesty grants dar to Lyonchen Jigmi Yoezer Thinley. His Majesty grants dar to cabinet members. The parliament convenes. His Majesty addresses the joint sitting of the first parliament. The Constitution of the Kingdom of Bhutan is signed in the kuenra of Tashichho Dzong. The first session of the parliament ends.
1971 1972
Prince Jigme Singye Wangchuck is appointed Trongsa Penlop. King Jigmi Dorji Wangchuck passes away in Nairobi, Kenya. His Majesty Jigme Singye Wangchuck becomes the fourth hereditary king and the youngest monarch in the world. Prince Jigme Khesar Wangchuck is born. GYTs established. King Jigme Singye Wangchuck devolves executive power to an elected cabinet. Bhutan celebrates Coronation Silver Jubilee. His Majesty commands the drafting of the constitution. Nation-wide gup elections held based on universal adult franchise and secret ballot. Prince Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuck becomes Trongsa Penlop His Majesty abdicates voluntarily and transfers responsibilities to His Majesty Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuck. His Majesty signs the Treaty of Friendship with India. First nation-wide mock elections held for the primary round. Namgyel
1974
29 Mar. 2008 5 Apr. 2008 9 Apr. 2008 11 Apr. 2008 8 May 2008
1980 1981 1991 1998
DYTs established in all the districts
1999 2001 2002
18 Jul. 2008
29 Jul. 2008
21 Oct. 2004 15 Dec. 2006
1 November 2008 His Majesty receives the sacred dar from Macchen Lhakhang in Punakha Dzong. 6 November 2008 His Majesty is formally enthroned as Fifth Hereditary Monarch.
8 Feb. 2007 21 Apr. 2007

372
373
His Majesty on the way to the Parliament
Appendix I
His Majestys address to the joint sitting of the first Parliament on 8 May 2008
t is with deep personal satisfaction and happiness that I address this inaugural session of Parliament. After all, it is in a time of unprecedented peace and prosperity that we are gathered today to celebrate our nations historic achievement of a unique democratic transition. Therefore, I commend the sense of duty and service that motivated the members of our first Parliament under Democratic Constitutional Monarchy. You have been a part of a transition that shall enter the history of our nation as one of our greatest endeavours. Our nation has always provided security, tranquillity and happiness for our people irrespective of the dramatic changes that have taken place in the world and the region around us. The primary reason for our achievements has been the hard work and sacrifices of our forefathers and the selfless leadership of successive kings since Gongsa Ugyen Wangchuck, the first king of Bhutan. Shining even amidst our proud history of service, loyalty and affection for our nation, is the legacy of His Majesty Jigme Singye Wangchuck, the Fourth Druk Gyalpo. In the 34 years of his reign, we have grown far beyond our own expectations and today created history as a nation that has not only given birth to the unique philosophy of Gross National Happiness, but also achieved an unprecedented transition to democracy. His Majesty has shown that there is no other duty for a king than to serve the people. Therefore, I take this opportunity to offer on behalf of all Bhutanese, our gratitude to our forefathers, our kings and to the Fourth Druk Gyalpo. Let us abide by their great
375
Appendix I
example and pledge our unwavering loyalty and service to the Tsawasum. The highest achievement of one hundred years of Monarchy has been the constant nurturing of Democracy. This has culminated today with the first sitting of Parliament and the start of democracy, whereby my father the Fourth Druk Gyalpo and I, hereby return to our People the power that had been vested in our kings by our forefathers one hundred years ago. We do so with absolute faith and confidence, offer our complete support and our prayers for the success of democracy. As King, henceforth, it is my sacred duty to ensure the success of our new democracy so that it will serve to fulfil the aspirations of our people always. As you, the members of Parliament, begin to shoulder the immense powers and responsibilities as representatives of the people, I wish to share my own hopes for Bhutan. It has always been my prayer that we will all be united in our efforts to build a stronger nation, so that at the end of our lives, when we hand over our country, our children will inherit a stronger nation where all obstacles to their happiness and prosperity will have been overcome and where we have created the conditions for the fulfilment of their aspirations. And above all, that they will be better than us, more qualified and capable. We should not have insecurities in this regard. If Bhutan is to excel, our future generations must always be better than those before them. To realize this prayer we must first build a strong democracy. In doing so, our new politicians must be mindful of the experiences of nations where democracy failed and hardship, disunity, internal strife and violence have plagued their people. We must never allow, at any time, the conditions to develop for such occurrences in Bhutan. Our effort to build a democracy is another important step towards strengthening our country. It continues the work of nation building started by our forefathers and our kings. We must remember that our greatest strength throughout history has always been the
unity of spirit and purpose of our people. One nation, one vision. Members of the first Parliament of Bhutan; Speaker; Chairperson of the National Council; Leader of the Opposition; ministers of Lhengye Zhungtshog, Lyonpo Yeshey Zimba, Lyonpo Khandu Wangchuck, Lyonpo Wangdi Norbu, Lyonpo Ugyen Tshering, Lyonpo Zangley Dukpa, Lyonpo Minjur Dorji, Lyonpo Pem Gyamtsho, Lyonpo Nandalal Rai, Lyonpo Thakur Singh Powdyel, Lyonpo Dorji Wangdi; and the first Prime Minister under democracy, Lyonchen Jigmi Yoezer Thinley from this day forth, we place in your hands our unique nation, our greatest treasure in this world. As democracys first government, you have the responsibility of setting the right examples, laying strong foundations and promoting the best practices of democracy. We, the people and King, have complete confidence and faith in the new government. As long as you work to serve the country and people, you will have our full support. If you should falter in your service to the nation, then the duty to counsel you also rests with the people and King. However, with your experience and qualifications, and your loyalty and commitment to the Tsawasum, I am confident that you will work hard to bring greater progress and growth for our people. May the unity of our people and the fruits of democracy ensure that the sun of peace and prosperity continues to shine on our Nation, the Land of Buddhas Teachings; blessed by Guru Padmasambhava and our Guardian Deities; and founded on the vision and legacy of Zhabdrung Ngawang Namgyal and Jigme Singye Wangchuck.
376
377
Appendix II
His Majestys address at the signing of the Constitution on 18 July 2008

n this day of destiny, in the blessed land of Pelden Drukpa, we, a fortunate People and King, hereby resolve to bring into effect the root and foundation the very source of all law in our nation. On such an auspicious occasion, on behalf of the people, I offer gratitude to His Majesty the Fourth Druk Gyalpo. During his reign His Majesty built a strong nation and secured the hopes and aspirations of the people through the process of democratization and the enlightened vision of Gross National Happiness. His Majesty has also laid a clear path for our future through this Constitution. The significance of His Majestys unique achievements as leader has transcended the experiences of our country and been acknowledged by the world. In our own country, many generations into the future, the Constitution will continue to inspire our people as it stands testimony to a selfless and extraordinary leadership. This Constitution is the most profound achievement of generations of endeavour and service. As it is granted to us today, we must remember that even more important than the wise and judicious use of the powers it confers, is the unconditional fulfilment of the responsibilities we must shoulder. Only in understanding our duties will the exercise of our powers be fruitful. If we can serve our nation with this knowledge and in this spirit, then an even brighter future waits our country. It is my fervent prayer that through this Constitution we will, with our body, speech and mind work with complete commitment and conviction as we strengthen the sovereignty and security of Bhutan; secure the blessings of liberty; ensure justice and peace and enhance the unity and happiness of all Bhutanese, now and always.
378 379
Lastly, this Constitution was placed before the people of the twenty dzongkhags by the King. Each word has earned its place with the blessings of every citizen in our nation. This is the Peoples Constitution. And today, through this, my Hand and Seal, I affix on to the Constitution of the Kingdom of Bhutan, the hopes and prayers of my People.
Appendix III
Coronation Address of His Majesty the King
t is with immense joy that we are gathered together on this most auspicious day. In these last 100 years the dreams and aspirations of our forefathers and the vision of our Kings have been fulfilled beyond all expectations. The wise and selfless leadership of our kings, the sacrifice and hard work of generations of Bhutanese and the special bond between the People and King have given us this unique and special nation - a jewel of the earth. Two years ago, at a time of profound change I came onto the Throne as a young King. You, my people, in the spirit of generations past, worked with me with complete faith and gave me your wholehearted cooperation and goodwill. Thus, in these two short years while we have taken gigantic steps towards strengthening our nation, we have done so in a calm, deliberate manner in complete harmony. It is with great pride that we stand as new democracy, having successfully completed an unprecedented and historic transition. Yet we must always remember that as our country, in these changing times finds immense new challenges and opportunities, whatever work we do, whatever goals we have - and no matter how these may change in this changing world - ultimately without peace, security and happiness we have nothing. That is the essence of the philosophy of Gross National Happiness. Our most important goal is the peace and happiness of our people and the security and sovereignty of the nation. Our generation of Bhutanese have been gifted a strong, dynamic nation by our forefathers. I am confident that as long as we are willing to work with their commitment and dedication and follow their example we can bring greater peace, happiness and prosperity to our country.
380
381
Appendix III
I am confident because I know the worth and character of our people. You are the true jewel of this nation. As citizens of a spiritual land you treasure the qualities of a good human being - honesty, kindness, charity, integrity, unity, respect for our culture and traditions, love for our country and for God. Throughout our history our parents have upheld these values and placed the common good above the self. My deepest concern is that as the world changes we may lose these fundamental values on which rest our character as a nation and people. It is critical that we are able to recognize Bhutanese character irrespective of how far we look back into the past or into the future. The Bhutan we see is vastly different - unrecognizable even - when compared to the Bhutan in the time of our first King. Yet, the character of our people and the nature of our fundamental values have remained unchanged. Henceforth, as even more dramatic changes transform the world and our nation, as long as we continue to pursue the simple and timeless goal of being good human beings, and as long as we strive to build a nation that stands for everything that is good, we can ensure that our future generations for hundreds of years will live in happiness and peace. It is not because I am King that I ask these of you. Destiny has put me here. It is with immense gratitude and humility that at this young age, I assume the sacred duty to serve a special people and country. Throughout my reign I will never rule you as a King. I will protect you as a parent, care for you as a brother and serve you as a son. I shall give you everything and keep nothing; I shall live such a life as a good human being that you may find it worthy to serve as an example for your children; I have no personal goals other than to fulfill your hopes and aspirations. I shall always serve you, day and night, in the spirit of kindness, justice and equality. As the king of a Buddhist nation, my duty is not only to ensure your happiness today but to create the fertile ground from which you may gain the fruits of spiritual pursuit and attain good Karma.
This is how I shall serve you as King. I cannot end without addressing our most important citizens - our youth. The future of our nation depends on the worth, capabilities and motivation of todays youth. Therefore, I will not rest until I have given you the inspiration, knowledge and skills so that you not only fulfill your own aspirations but be of immense worth to the nation. This is my sacred duty. A strong motivated young Bhutan guarantees a strong bright future. The future is neither unseen nor unknown. It is what we make of it. What work we do with our two hands today will shape the future of our nation. Our childrens tomorrow has to be created by us today. I end with a prayer for Bhutan - that the sun of peace and happiness may forever shine on our people. I also pray that while I am but King of a small Himalayan nation, I may in my time be able to do much to promote the greater wellbeing and happiness of all people in this world - of all sentient beings. Tashi Delek.
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383
King Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuck taking the guard of honor at the Changlimithang ground
384

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Sonam Kinga

Polity, Kingship and Democracy

A biography of the Bhutanese state

Polity, Kingship and Democracy

Royal Government of Bhutan

His Majesty Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuck

Polity, Kingship and Democracy

Polity, Kingship and Democracy

Polity, Kingship and Democracy

Research, Design and Printng by :

Bhutan Times Limited

Sonam Kinga 2009

First published June 2009

Polity, Kingship and Democracy

Polity, Kingship and Democracy

Chapter 2: Buddhist framework of a Bhutanese polity 31

Chapter 8: Founding and consolidation of monarchy 175

356 363 366

375 379 381

Polity, Kingship and Democracy

The Constitution of Bhutan signed by His Majesty the King

Polity, Kingship and Democracy

Polity, Kingship and Democracy

Polity, Kingship and Democracy

Thesis of the book

Polity, Kingship and Democracy

Polity, Kingship and Democracy

Polity, Kingship and Democracy

Conceptions of Buddhist kingship

Polity, Kingship and Democracy

Conceptions of Buddhist kingship

Polity, Kingship and Democracy

Conceptions of Buddhist kingship

The eight spoked golden wheel

Polity, Kingship and Democracy

Conceptions of Buddhist kingship

Polity, Kingship and Democracy

Conceptions of Buddhist kingship

Polity, Kingship and Democracy

Conceptions of Buddhist kingship

Polity, Kingship and Democracy

Conceptions of Buddhist kingship

The second quote is that of Guru Rinpoche, the second Buddha.

Polity, Kingship and Democracy

Polity, Kingship and Democracy

Buddhist framework of a Bhutanese polity

Polity, Kingship and Democracy

Buddhist framework of a Bhutanese polity

Visits of Guru Rinpoche56

Polity, Kingship and Democracy

Buddhist framework of a Bhutanese polity

Guru Padmasambhava introduced Buddhism in Bhutan in the eighth century

Polity, Kingship and Democracy

Buddhist framework of a Bhutanese polity

Polity, Kingship and Democracy

Buddhist framework of a Bhutanese polity

Polity, Kingship and Democracy

Buddhist framework of a Bhutanese polity

Prince Tsangma and the rise of castle-based village polities

Polity, Kingship and Democracy

Buddhist framework of a Bhutanese polity

Polity, Kingship and Democracy

Buddhist framework of a Bhutanese polity