Context

Context
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Contents
Articles
Context
Context Context Context principle Triangle of reference The Message in the Bottle Cognitive anthropology Cognitive linguistics Cognitive psychology Cognitive science Cognitive semantics Frame semantics Situation semantics Semiotics Syntax Pragmatics Psycholinguistics Educational psychology Phenomenology Systems science Behaviorism Nativism Cognitive revolution Semantic externalism Legal interpretivism Synoptic philosophy Yin and yang Contextualism Holism 1 1 1 3 4 6 10 14 18 29 38 43 44 45 62 66 75 81 98 108 112 120 122 125 126 127 128 131 134 143 143 150
Phenomena
Indexicality Anaphora
Metaphor Analogy Category Family resemblance Sense and reference Intension Denotation Connotation Implicature Syllogism Logical consequence Presupposition Thick description Affordance Latent semantic analysis Key Word in Context
154 160 170 172 179 184 185 186 187 189 202 205 210 213 216 222 224 224 226 232 234 238 239 244 245 246 258 263 264 264 267 275 277 285 289 293 297
Reality mapping ground

Cognitive architecture Cognitive model Cognitive map Mind map Mental space Mental model Mental Models Archetype Stereotype Schema Behavioral script Scripts Frame Frame of reference FrameNet Semantic Web Semantic network Intentionality Language of thought Representational theory of mind
Representative realism Conceptual metaphor Conceptual blending Instructional scaffolding Neuro-linguistic programming Knowledge representation and reasoning Domain of discourse Community of practice Intertextuality Intersubjectivity Relativism Convention Grammar Connectionism Constructionism Constructivism
298 305 310 311 316 328 335 336 344 347 349 359 361 367 371 372 373 373 374 379 382 395 399 403 411 414 417 430 448 452 459 487 494 503 510 510
Reasoning ground
Logical reasoning Inductive reasoning Deductive reasoning Abductive reasoning Defeasible reasoning Case-based reasoning Logic programming Probabilistic logic Probabilistic argument Bayesian inference Game theory Decision theory DempsterShafer theory Scientific method Critical thinking Problem solving Heuristics
World model
Library of Alexandria
Age of Enlightenment Encyclopdie Encyclopdia Britannica World Brain Total Library Memex Scientific revolution Science and Civilisation in China The Two Cultures Unified Science Unity of science International Encyclopedia of Unified Science World-systems approach Internet World Wide Web Wikipedia Universal library Million Book Project Open Source Initiative Free software movement Consilience Theory of everything Tree of Knowledge System The Mind of God
515 552 560 577 579 587 591 602 606 608 609 610 611 625 645 656 681 683 685 687 691 695 703 714
References
Article Sources and Contributors Image Sources, Licenses and Contributors 715 739
Article Licenses
License 744
Context
Context
Context may refer to: Context (language use), the relevant constraints of the communicative situation that influence language use, language variation, and discourse summary Archaeological context, an event in time which has been preserved in the archaeological record Opaque context, linguistic context in which substitution of co-referential expressions does not preserve truth Trama (mycology) (context or flesh), the mass of non-hymenial tissues that composes the mass of a fungal fruiting body
Computing
Context (computing), the virtual environment required to suspend a running software program Context awareness, a complementary to location awareness Context menu, a menu in a graphical user interface that appears upon user interaction ConTeXt, a macro package for the TeX typesetting system ConTEXT, a text editor for Microsoft Windows Operational context, a temporarily defined environment of cooperation
Context
Context is a notion used in the language sciences (linguistics, sociolinguistics, systemic functional linguistics, discourse analysis, pragmatics, semiotics, etc.) in two different ways, namely as verbal context social context
Verbal context
Verbal context refers to surrounding text or talk of an expression (word, sentence, conversational turn, speech act, etc.). The idea is that verbal context influences the way we understand the expression. Hence the norm not to cite people out of context. Since much contemporary linguistics takes texts, discourses or conversations as its object of analysis, the modern study of verbal context takes place in terms of the analysis of discourse structures and their mutual relationships, for instance the coherence relation between sentences.
Context
Social context
Traditionally, in sociolinguistics, social contexts were defined in terms of objective social variables, such as those of class, gender or race. More recently, social contexts tend to be defined in terms of the social identity being construed and displayed in text and talk by language users. Influenced by space.
Multidisciplinary theory
In his new multidisciplinary theory of context, Teun A. van Dijk rejects objectivist concepts of social context and shows that relevant properties of social situations can only influence language use as subjective definitions of the situation by the participants, as represented and ongoingly updated in specific mental models of language users: context models.
Influence
The influence of context parameters on language use or discourse is usually studied in terms of language variation, style or register (see Stylistics). The basic assumption here is that language users adapt the properties of their language use (such as intonation, lexical choice, syntax, and other aspects of formulation) to the current communicative situation. In this sense, language use or discourse may be called more or less 'appropriate' in a given context. It is the language or derigitave terms surrounding set paragraph, novel or article.
References
De Fina, A., Schiffrin, D., & Bamberg, M. (Eds.). (2006). Discourse and identity. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Duranti, A., & Goodwin, C. (Eds.). (1992). Rethinking context. Language as an interactive phenomenon. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Eckert, P., & Rickford, J. R. (2001). Style and sociolinguistic variation. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Fetzer, A. (2004). Recontextualizing context. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Ghadessy, M. (Ed.). (1999). Text and context in functional linguistics. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Givn, Talmy. (2005). Context as Other Minds. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. William Labov (1972). Sociolinguistic patterns. Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press. Leckie-Tarry, H. (1995). Language & context. A functional linguistic theory of register. London: Pinter Publishers. Stalnaker, Robert Culp (1999). Context and content. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Context principle
Context principle
In the philosophy of language, the context principle is a form of semantic holism[citation needed] holding that a philosopher should "never ... ask for the meaning of a word in isolation, but only in the context of a proposition" (Frege [1884/1980] x). It is one of Gottlob Frege's "three fundamental principles" for philosophical analysis, first discussed in his Introduction to the Foundations of Arithmetic (Grundlagen der Arithmetik, 1884). Frege argued that many philosophical errors, especially those related to psychologism in the philosophy of logic and philosophy of mathematics, could be avoided by adhering carefully to the context principle. The view of meaning expressed by the context principle is sometimes called contextualism, but should not be confused with the common contemporary use of the term contextualism in epistemology or ethics. This view need not be contrasted with the view that the meanings of words or expressions can (or must) be determined prior to, and independently of, the meanings of the propositions in which they occur, which is often referred to as compositionalism. The context principle also figures prominently in the work of other Analytic philosophers who saw themselves as continuing Frege's work, such as Bertrand Russell and Ludwig Wittgenstein.
Formulations of the context principle

Gottlob Frege, Introduction to The Foundations of Arithmetic (1884/1980)
In the enquiry that follows, I have kept to three fundamental principles: always to separate sharply the psychological from the logical, the subjective from the objective; never to ask for the meaning of a word in isolation, but only in the context of a proposition never to lose sight of the distinction between concept and object.
Ludwig Wittgenstein, Tractatus Logico-Philosophicus (1921/1922)

3.3 Only the proposition has sense; only in the context of a proposition has a name meaning. ... 3.314 An expression has meaning only in a proposition. Every variable can be conceived as a propositional variable. (Including the variable name.)
References
Frege, Gottlob (1884/1980). The Foundations of Arithmetic. Trans. J. L. Austin. Second Revised Edition. Evanston, Illinois: Northwestern University Press. ISBN 0-8101-0605-1. Wittgenstein, Ludwig (1921/1922). Tractatus Logico-Philosophicus. Trans. C. K. Ogden. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul Ltd. ISBN 0-415-05186-X.
Triangle of reference
The triangle of reference (also known as the triangle of meaning[1] and the semantic triangle) is a model of how linguistic symbols are related to the objects they represent. The triangle was published in The Meaning of Meaning (1923) by Ogden and Richards.[2] While often referred to as the "Ogden/Richards triangle" the idea is also expressed in 1810, by Bernard Bolzano, in his Beitrge zu einer begrndeteren Darstellung der Mathematik. However, the triangle can be traced back to the 4th century BC, in Aristotle's Peri Hermeneias (often referred to in its Latin translation De Interpretatione, second book of his Organon). The Triangle relates to the problem of universals, a philosophical debate which split ancient and medieval philosophers (mainly realists and nominalists). The triangle concerns the relationship between an expression and the subject of that expression. It draws a distinction between referent (a word or non-literal representation e.g. a hieroglyph) and symbol (a literal representation), and sets out and describes the relationships between these and the thought or object that is the subject of them.
Interlocutory applications
Other triangles
The relations between the triangular corners may be phrased more precisely in causal terms as follows[citation needed]Wikipedia:No original research: 1. The matter evokes the writer's thought. 2. The writer refers the matter to the symbol. 3. The symbol evokes the reader's thought. 4. The reader refers the symbol back to the matter.
The communicative stand

Such a triangle represents ONE person, whereas communication takes place between TWO (objects, not necessarily persons). So imagine another triangle and consider that for the two to understand each other, the content that the "triangles" represent must fit or be aligned. Clearly, this calls for synchronisation and an interface as well as scale among other things. Notice also, that we perceive the world mostly through our eyes and in alternative phases of seeing and not seeing with change in the environment as the most important information to look for. Our eyes are lenses and we see a surface (2D) in ONE direction (focusing) if we are stationary and the object is not moving either. This is why you may position yourself in one corner of the triangle and by replicating (mirroring) it, you will be able to see the whole picture, your cognitive epistemological and the ontological existential or physical model of life, the universe, existence, etc. combined.[citation needed]Wikipedia:No original research
Direction of fit
John Searle used the notion of "direction of fit" to create a taxonomy of illocutionary acts. [3] [4]
World or intended Writer's Referent Thought decoded encoded Thought Symbol Reader's extended or Word
Word-to-World Fit Writer's THOUGHT retrieves SYMBOL suited to REFERENT, Word suited to World. World-to-Word Fit Reader's THOUGHT retrieves REFERENT suited to SYMBOL, World suited to Word. Actually the arrows indicate that there is something exchanged between the two parties and it is a feedback cycle. Especially, if you imagine that the world is represented in both persons' mind and used for reality check. If you look at the triangle above again, then remember that reality check is not what is indicated there between the sign and the referent and marked as "true', because a term or a sign is allocated "arbitrarily'. What you check for is the observance of the law of identity which requires you and your partner to sort out that you are talking about the same thing. So the chunk of reality and the term are replacable/interchangeable within limits and your concepts in the mind as presented in some appropriate way are all related and mean the same thing. Usually the check does not stop there, your ideas must also be tested for feasibility and doability to make sure that they are "real" and not "phantasy". Reality check comes from consolidating your experience with other people's experience to avoid solipsism and/or by putting your ideas (projection) in practice (production) and see the reaction. Notice, however how vague the verbs used and how the concept of a fit itself is left unexplained in details.Wikipedia:Manual of Style (words to watch)#Editorializing
References
[1] Colin Cherry (1957) On Human Communication [2] C. K. Ogden and I. A. Richards (1923) The Meaning of Meaning [3] John Searle (1975) "A Taxonomy of Illocutionary Acts", in: Gunderson, K. (ed.), Language, Mind, and Knowledge (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press) pp. 344-369. [4] John Searle (1976) "A Classification of Illocutionary Acts", Language in Society, Vol.5, pp. 1-24.
External links
Jessica Erickstad (1998) Richards' Meaning of Meaning Theory (http://www.colorado.edu/communication/ meta-discourses/Papers/App_Papers/Erickstad.htm). University of Colorado at Boulder. Allie Cahill (1998) "Proper Meaning Superstition" (I. A. Richards) (http://www.colorado.edu/communication/ meta-discourses/Papers/App_Papers/Cahill.htm). University of Colorado at Boulder.
The Message in the Bottle

1st ed. cover (1975) Author Country Language Genre Publisher Walker Percy United States English Non-fiction: essays Farrar, Straus and Giroux
Publication date 1975 Media type Pages ISBN Print (Hardback) 335 pgs 1-399-23128-6
The Delta Factor redirects here. For the film, see The Delta Factor (film) The Message in the Bottle: How Queer Man is, How Queer Language is, and What One Has to Do with the Other is a collection of essays on semiotics written by Walker Percy and first published in 1975. Percy writes at what he sees as the conclusion of the modern age and attempts to create a middle ground between the two dying ideologies of that age: Judeo-Christian ethics, which give the individual freedom and responsibility; and the rationalism of science and behavioralism, which positions man as an organism in an environment and strips him of this freedom.
"The Delta Factor"

"The Delta Factor," first published in January 1975 in the Southern Review, sets out the overall themes of the entire book. Percy begins by asking why modern man is so sad despite the 20th century's technological innovations and unprecedented levels of comfort. More specifically, he is interested in why man feels happy in bad situations and sad in good situations (a question also posed in his novel The Last Gentleman). He posits that this overarching sadness is due to contemporary society's position between two ages: the modern age, which is more or less slowly becoming out of date, and a new age, which is dawning but has not yet truly dawned. The anthropological theories of the modern age, according to Percy, "no longer work and the theories of the new age are not yet known" (7). Percy therefore sees his task as coming up with a new theory of man, which he chooses to center on language, man's attribute that separates him from the animals; The Message in the Bottle will attempt to explain man's strange behavior and unexplained sadness by explaining how man deals with language and symbols. Percy says that the current theories of man make him into a sort of monster, a "centaur organism-plus soul . . . one not different from beasts yet somehow nevertheless possessing 'freedom' and 'dignity' and 'individuality' and 'mind' and such" (9). Modern man is, then, the collision of Judeo-Christian ethics and its focus upon individual freedom and scientific behaviorism, which says that man is no different from the animalsin other words, modern man believes himself to be no different from animals and yet somehow above them. What's more, no existing research really deals with the question of how language really works, of how human beings use and understand the symbols of linguistics. Percy puts this question into a sort of no-man's land, what he calls a "terra incognita" (17), between linguistics and psychology, the former of which deals with the results of language and the latter of which deals with the way people respond to language. The Delta Factor, Percy's theory of language, is framed in the context of the story of Helen Keller's learning to say and sign the word water while Annie Sullivan poured water over her hands and repeatedly made the signs for the
The Message in the Bottle word into her hand. A behaviorist linguistic reading of this scene might suggest a causal relationshipin other words, Keller felt Sullivan's sign-language stimulus in her hand and in response made a connection in her brain between the signifier and the signified. This is too simplistic a reading, says Percy, because Keller was receiving from both the signifier (the sign for water) and the referent (the water itself). This creates a triangle between water (the word), water (the liquid), and Helen, in which all three corners lead to the other two corners and which Percy says is "absolutely irreducible" (40). This linguistic triangle is thus the building block for all of human intelligence. The moment when this Delta entered the mind of manwhether this happened via random chance or through the intervention of a deityhe became man. Further, in Delta , the corners of the triangle are removed from their behaviorist contexts. Helen Keller, in other words, becomes something other than just an organism in her environment because she is coupling two unrelated things--water the word and water the liquidtogether. Likewise, water the liquid is made something more than water the liquid because Keller has coupled it with the arbitrary sound water, and water the word becomes more than just the sound of the word water (and the shape of the sign language for water). In this way, "the Delta phenomenon yielded a new world and maybe a new way of getting at it. It was not the world of organisms and environments but just as real and twice as human" (44)--man is made whole by the Delta where the popular notions of religion and science had split him in two.
"The Loss of the Creature"

"The Loss of the Creature" is an exploration of the way the more or less objective reality of the individual is obscured in and ultimately lost to systems of education and classification. Percy begins by discussing the Grand Canyonhe says that, whereas Garca Lpez de Crdenas, who discovered the canyon, was amazed and awed by it, the modern-day sightseer can see it only through the lens of "the symbolic complex which has already been formed in the sightseer's mind" (47). Because of this, the sightseer does not appreciate the Grand Canyon on its own merits; he appreciates it based on how well or poorly it conforms to his preexisting image of the Grand Canyon, formed by the mythology surrounding it. What is more, instead of approaching the site directly, he approaches it by taking photographs, which, Percy says, is not approaching it at all. By these two processesjudging the site on postcards and taking his own pictures of it instead of confronting it himselfthe tourist subjugates the present to the past and to the future, respectively. Percy suggests several ways of getting around this situation, almost all of them involving bypassing the structure of organized approachesone could go off the beaten path, for example, or be removed from the presence of other tourists by a national disaster. This bypassing, however, can lead to other problems: Namely, the methods used are not necessarily authentic; "some stratagems obviously serve other purposes than that of providing access to being" (51). Percy gives the example of a pair of tourists who, disgusted with the proliferation of other tourists in the popular areas of Mexico, stumble into a tiny village where a festival is taking place. The couple enjoys themselves and repeatedly tells themselves, "Now we are really living," but Percy judges their experience inauthentic because they are constantly concerned that things may not go perfectly. When they return home, they tell an ethnographist friend of theirs about the festival and how they wish he could have been there. This, says Percy, is their real problem: "They wanted him, not to share their experience, but to certify their experience as genuine" (53). The layman in modern society, then, surrenders his ownership to the specialist, whom he believes has authority over him in his field. This creates a caste system of sorts between laymen and experts, but Percy says that the worst thing about this system is that the layman does not even realize what it is he has lost. This is most evident in education. Percy alludes to a metaphor he had used in "The Delta Factor," that of the literature student who cannot read a Shakespearean sonnet that is easily read by a post apocalyptic survivor in Aldous Huxley's Brave New World. The literature student is blocked from the sonnet by the educational system built around it, what Percy calls its "package." Instead of transmitting the subject of education, education often transmits only itself, and the student does not view the subject as open and delightful, nor does he view himself as sovereign.
The Message in the Bottle Percy offers two ways around this, both involving, as did his solution to the problem of the Grand Canyon, an indirect approach. Either the student can suffer some sort of ordeal that opens the text to him in a new way; or else he can be apprenticed to a teacher who takes a very unusual approach to the subject. He suggests that biology students be occasionally taught literature, and vice-versa. The overall effect of this obscuration by structure is one of the basic conditions of modern society: The individual layman is reduced to being a consumer. The individual thing becomes lost to the systems of classification and theory created for the consumer, and the individual man loses all sense of ownership. The solution to this problem, according to Percy, is not to get rid of museums but for "the sightseer to be prepared to enter into a struggle to recover a sight from a museum" (62).
"Metaphor as Mistake"
Percy begins "Metaphor as Mistake" (1958) with five metaphors which were misunderstood; these misunderstood metaphors, he says, have nevertheless "resulted in an authentic poetic experience . . . an experience, moreover, which was notably absent before the mistake was made" (65). Metaphor, in Percy's view, is a way of getting at the real nature of a thing by comparing it to something that it does not resemble on the surface. It becomes a tool for ontological exploration. Existing inquiries have failed to notice this, however, because they either abstract their viewpoints from both effective and ineffective metaphors (this is the path of philosophy) or focus on the individual effects of the individual poet (this is the path of literary criticism). As he does in "The Delta Factor," Percy wishes to seek a middle ground between these two extremes. He makes it clear, however, that the metaphor has scientific, rather than strictly poetic, value for him;he sees metaphor as a method of getting at the way things actually are. Two qualifications exist for the metaphor as mistake: It must be given by an authority figure, and it must have a certain aura of mystery around it. In this way, the metaphor becomes both right (given by authority) and wrong (not strictly true as a descriptor). Percy's example is of a boy on a hunting trip who sees a bird and asks what it is. The African-American accompanying him and his father calls the bird a blue dollar, which excites the boy until his father corrects him and tells him the bird is actually a blue darter. The term blue darter may describe what the bird does and what color it is, says Percy, but blue dollar in some mystical way gets at what the bird actually is. When the boy saw the bird, he formed a subjective impression of itwhat Percy calls the bird's "apprehended nature" (72)--and in some sense the mistaken name blue dollar gets right at the heart of that apprehended nature. In this way, the metaphor becomes both science and poetry; it is a sort of subjective science, the ontology of the world as it appears to the individual. Percy says that we can only understand reality through metaphor. We never perceive the world--"We can only conceive being, sidle up to it by laying something else alongside" (72). All language, then, and perhaps all intelligence, are therefore metaphorical. When one person makes a metaphor, the people who hear it hope that it corresponds to their subjective understanding of realityan understanding they may or may not even be consciously aware of. The poet, according to Percy, has a double-edged task: His metaphors must ring true, but they must be flexible enough to reverberate with his audience and for them to gain a new understanding of the things to which they refer. The poet must refer to things we already know, but he must do so in new ways; in this, he gives his audience access to their own private experiences. This can lead to a sort of blind groping for metaphors, however, a process which Percy sees as effective but harmful. Authority and intention are essential for metaphors to be shared between the Namer and the Hearer.
"Notes for a Novel About the End of the World"

"A Novel About the End of the World" makes a striking counterpart to Percy's novel Love in the Ruins, subtitled "The Adventures of a Bad Catholic at a Time Near the End of the World" and published only four years after the essay. The apocalyptic novel is a form of prophecy, a warning about what will happen if society does not change its ways. This sort of novel is written by a particular type of novelist, one defined not by his quality but by his goals. Percy refers to this novelist as a "religious novelist" but notes that he includes atheists such as Jean-Paul Sartre and Albert Camus in this category because of their "passionate conviction about man's nature, the world, and man's obligation in the world" (103). The religious novelist, says Percy, has very different concerns than the mainstream of the society in which he livesso different, in fact, one must decide whether society is blind or whether the novelist is insane or a charlatan. The central difference between the novelist and the rest of society is that the former tends to be pessimistic and the latter tends to be optimistic. The novelist has a "profound disquiet" (106). The novelist is set off in particular against the scientist and against the "new theologian"from the former because the novelists insists on the individual while science measures only categories, and from the latter because the novelist still believes in original sin. The Christian novelist in particular recognizes that the problem is not that Christianity is not relevant to modern society but that man's blind acceptance of "the magical aura of science, whose credentials he accepts for all sectors of reality" (113) is changing his consciousness to the point where he can no longer recognize the Gospel. The novel about the end of the world, then, is an attempt to shock the complacent reader out of his scientism and into the light of the real world.
"The Message in the Bottle"

In "The Message in the Bottle," Percy attempts to separate information into two categories: knowledge and news. The essay is built on an extended metaphor of a castaway with amnesia who remembers nothing but the island he washes up on and who creates a new life with the natives of the island. The castaway frequently finds on the beach bottles that have one-sentence messages on the inside, such as "There is fresh water in the next cove," "The British are coming to Concord," or "Lead melts at 330 degrees." A group of scientists lives on the island, and they separate these messages into two categories: empirical facts and analytic facts. The castaway is disturbed by this classification, however, because it does not take into account the messages' effect on the reader. Thus, he comes up with the categories of knowledge and news. Knowledge belongs to science, to psychology and to the arts; simply put, it is that "which can be arrived at anywhere by anyone and at any time" (125). News, on the other hand, bears directly and immediately on his life. The scientists, because of their commitment to objectivity above all else, cannot recognize the difference between these two categories. A piece of news is not verified the way a piece of knowledge iswhereas knowledge can be verified empirically, news can be verified empirically only after the hearer has already heeded its call. The castaway must first, however, decide when to heed the call of a piece of news and when to ignore it. Percy sets forth three criteria for the acceptance of a piece of news: (a) its relevance to the hearer's predicament; (b) the trustworthiness of the newsbearer; and (c) its likelihood or possibility. As news depends so heavily on its bearer, the messages in bottles that the castaway finds cannot be sufficient credential in and of themselves. The castaway must know something about the person who wrote them. The problem with modern society is that too many people attempt to cure their feelings of homelessness by seeking knowledge in the fields of science and art. Their real problem, says Percy, is that their feelings of homelessness come from their being stranded on the islandthey should be looking for news from across the seas. Percy links this distinction between news and knowledge to how the world understands the Christian gospel. He writes that the gospel must be understood as a piece of news and not a piece of knowledge. To Percy, the gospel is
The Message in the Bottle news from across the seas.
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References
Percy, Walker. The Message in the Bottle. New York: Picador, 1975.
Cognitive anthropology
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Cognitive anthropology is an approach within cultural anthropology in which scholars seek to explain patterns of shared knowledge, cultural innovation, and transmission over time and space using the methods and theories of the cognitive sciences (especially experimental psychology and evolutionary biology) often through close collaboration with historians, ethnographers, archaeologists, linguists, musicologists and other specialists engaged in the description and interpretation of cultural forms. Cognitive anthropology is concerned with what people from different groups know and how that implicit knowledge changes the way people perceive and relate to the world around them. From a linguistics stand-point, cognitive anthropology uses language as the doorway to study cognition. Its general goal is to break language down to find commonalities in different cultures and the ways people perceive the world. Linguistic study of cognitive anthropology may be broken down into three subfields: semantics, syntactics, and pragmatics. One of the techniques used is Cultural Network Analysis, the drawing of networks of interrelated ideas that are widely shared among members of a population. Recently there has been some interchange between cognitive anthropologists and those working in artificial intelligence.
Notes References
Colby, Benjamin; Fernandez, James W.; Kronenfeld, David B. (1981). Toward a convergence of cognitive and symbolic anthropology. New York: Blackwell Publishing. D'Andrade, R. (1995), The Development of Cognitive Anthropology, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press Gomm, Roger (2009). Key concepts in social research methods. Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan. ISBN0-230-21499-1. Quinn, N. (2005), Finding Culture in Talk: A Collection of Methods, New York: Palgrave Macmillan
Cognitive anthropology
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Further reading
Sieck, W. R. (2010). Cultural network analysis: Method and application. In D. Schmorrow & D. Nicholson (Eds.), Advances in Cross-Cultural Decision Making, CRC Press / Taylor & Francis, Ltd.
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Cognitive linguistics (CL) refers to the branch of linguistics that interprets language in terms of the concepts, sometimes universal, sometimes specific to a particular tongue, which underlie its forms. It is thus closely associated with semantics but is distinct from psycholinguistics, which draws upon empirical findings from cognitive psychology in order to explain the mental processes that underlie the acquisition, storage, production and understanding of speech and writing. Cognitive linguistics is characterized by adherence to three central positions. First, it denies that there is an autonomous linguistic faculty in the mind; second, it understands grammar in terms of conceptualization; and third, it claims that knowledge of language arises out of language use. Cognitive linguists deny that the mind has any module for language-acquisition that is unique and autonomous. This stands in contrast to the stance adopted in the field of generative grammar. Although cognitive linguists do not necessarily deny that part of the human linguistic ability is innate, they deny that it is separate from the rest of cognition. They thus reject a body of opinion in cognitive science suggesting that there is evidence for the modularity of language. They argue that knowledge of linguistic phenomena i.e., phonemes, morphemes, and syntax is essentially conceptual in nature. However, they assert that the storage and retrieval of linguistic data is not significantly different from the storage and retrieval of other knowledge, and that use of language in understanding employs similar cognitive abilities to those used in other non-linguistic tasks. Departing from the tradition of truth-conditional semantics, cognitive linguists view meaning in terms of conceptualization. Instead of viewing meaning in terms of models of the world, they view it in terms of mental spaces. Finally, cognitive linguistics argues that language is both embodied and situated in a specific environment. This can be considered a moderate offshoot of the SapirWhorf hypothesis, in that language and cognition mutually influence one another, and are both embedded in the experiences and environments of its users.
Areas of study
Cognitive linguistics is divided into three main areas of study: Cognitive semantics, dealing mainly with lexical semantics, separating semantics (meaning) into meaning-construction and knowledge representation. Cognitive approaches to grammar, dealing mainly with syntax, morphology and other traditionally more grammar-oriented areas. Cognitive phonology, dealing with classification of various correspondences between morphemes and phonetic sequences. Aspects of cognition that are of interest to cognitive linguists include: Construction grammar and cognitive grammar. Conceptual metaphor and conceptual blending. Image schemas and force dynamics. Conceptual organization: Categorization, Metonymy, Frame semantics, and Iconicity. Construal and Subjectivity. Gesture and sign language. Linguistic relativity. Cultural linguistics.
Cognitive linguistics Related work that interfaces with many of the above themes: Computational models of metaphor and language acquisition. Dynamical models of language acquisition Conceptual semantics, pursued by generative linguist Ray Jackendoff is related because of its active psychological realism and the incorporation of prototype structure and images. Cognitive linguistics, more than generative linguistics, seeks to mesh together these findings into a coherent whole. A further complication arises because the terminology of cognitive linguistics is not entirely stable, both because it is a relatively new field and because it interfaces with a number of other disciplines. Insights and developments from cognitive linguistics are becoming accepted ways of analysing literary texts, too. Cognitive Poetics, as it has become known, has become an important part of modern stylistics.
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Controversy
There is significant peer review and debate within the field of linguistics regarding cognitive linguistics. Critics of cognitive linguistics have argued that most of the evidence from the cognitive view comes from the research in pragmatics and semantics on research into metaphor and preposition choice. They suggest that cognitive linguists should provide cognitive re-analyses of topics in syntax and phonology that are understood in terms of autonomous knowledge (Gibbs 1996). There is also controversy and debate within the field concerning the representation and status of idioms in grammar and the actual mental grammar of speakers. On one hand it is asserted that idiom variation needs to be explained with regard to general and autonomous syntactic rules. Another view says such idioms do not constitute semantic units and can be processed compositionally (Langlotz 2006).
References
Notes General references
Evans, Vyvyan & Melanie Green (2006). Cognitive Linguistics: An Introduction. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. Evans, Vyvyan (2007). A Glossary of Cognitive Linguistics. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. Gibbs (1996) in Casad ED. Cognitive Linguistics in the Redwoods: The Expansion of a New Paradigm in Linguistics (Cognitive Linguistic Research) Mouton De Gruyter (June 1996) ISBN 9783110143584 Langlotz, Andreas. 2006. Idiomatic Creativity: A Cognitive-linguistic Model of Idiom-representation And Idiom Variation in English. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
Further reading
Evans, Vyvyan & Melanie Green (2006). Cognitive Linguistics: An Introduction. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. Evans, Vyvyan (2007). A Glossary of Cognitive Linguistics. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. Evans, Vyvyan; Benjamin Bergen & Joerg Zinken (2007). The Cognitive Linguistics Reader. London: Equinox. Evans, Vyvyan, Benjamin K. Bergen and Jrg Zinken. The Cognitive Linguistics Enterprise: An Overview (http:/ /www.vyvevans.net/CLoverview.pdf). In Vyvyan Evans, Benjamin K. Bergen and Jrg Zinken (Eds). The Cognitive Linguistics Reader. Equinox Publishing Co. Geeraerts, D. & H. Cuyckens, eds. (2007). The Oxford Handbook of Cognitive Linguistics. New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978 0 19 514378 2.
Cognitive linguistics Geeraerts, D., ed. (2006). Cognitive Linguistics: Basic Readings. Berlin / New York: Mouton de Gruyter. Kristiansen et al., eds. (2006). Cognitive Linguistics: Current Applications and Future Perspectives. Berlin / New York: Mouton de Gruyter. Rohrer, T. Embodiment and Experientialism in Cognitive Linguistics. In the Handbook of Cognitive Linguistics, Dirk Geeraerts and Herbert Cuyckens, eds., Oxford University Press, forthcoming. Gilles Fauconnier has written a brief, manifesto-like introduction to Cognitive linguistics, which compares it to mainstream, Chomsky-inspired linguistics. See "Introduction to Methods and Generalizations" in T. Janssen and G. Redeker (Eds) (1999). Scope and Foundations of Cognitive Linguistics. The Hague: Mouton De Gruyter. Cognitive Linguistics Research Series. ( on-line version (http://cogweb.ucla.edu/Abstracts/Fauconnier_99. html)) Grady, Oakley, and Coulson (1999). "Blending and Metaphor". In Metaphor in cognitive linguistics, Steen and Gibbs (eds.). Philadelphia: John Benjamins. ( online version (http://cogweb.ucla.edu/CogSci/Grady_99. html)) Schmid, H. J. et al. (1996). An Introduction to Cognitive Linguistics. New York, Longman. Silverman, Daniel (2011). "Usage-based phonology", in Bert Botma, Nancy C. Kula, and Kuniya Nasukawa, eds., Continuum Companion to Phonology. Continuum. Fauconnier, G. (1997). Mappings in Thought and Language. Taylor, J. R. (2002). Cognitive Grammar. Oxford, Oxford University Press. Croft, W. & D. A. Cruse (2004) Cognitive Linguistics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Tomasello, M. (2003). Constructing a Language: A Usage-Based Theory of Language Acquisition. Harvard University Press. Fauconnier, Gilles and Mark Turner (2003). The Way We Think (http://markturner.org/wwt.html). New York: Basic Books. Lakoff, George (1987). Women, Fire, and Dangerous Things: What Categories Reveal About the Mind University of Chicago Press. ISBN 0 226 46804 6. The Cognitive Linguistics Bibliography, Wolf et al., Mouton De Gruyter, Berlin, 2006. Conceptual semantics and Cognitive linguistics. Online Version (http://www.linglit.tu-darmstadt.de/ fileadmin/linglit/teich/lg-science/herget.pdf) GOOSSENS, LOUIS. Oct. 2009. Metaphtonymy: the interaction of metaphor and metonymy in expressions for linguistic action. Cognitive Linguistics (includes Cognitive Linguistic Bibliography). Volume 1, Issue 3, Pages 323342, ISSN (Online) 1613-3641, ISSN (Print) 0936-5907, DOI: 10.1515/cogl.1990.1.3.323 Cognitive Linguistics: An Introduction. Lee, D.A. Cognitive Linguistics: An Introduction 1st ed. Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 2001. Corpus Approaches to Critical Metaphor Analysis: Charteris-Black, J. (2004) Corpus Approaches to Critical Metaphor Analysis. Palgrave-MacMillan. ISBN 1403932921 The cognitive psychological reality of image schemas and their transformations. Oct. 2009. Cognitive Linguistics (includes Cognitive Linguistic Bibliography). Volume 6, Issue 4, Pages 347378, ISSN (Online) 1613-3641, ISSN (Print) 0936-5907
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External links
International Cognitive Linguistics Association (http://www.cogling.org) UK Cognitive Linguistics Association (http://www.uk-cla.org.uk) Annotated Cognitive Linguistics Reading List (http://www.vyvevans.net) (Vyv Evans) JohnQPublik's Introduction to Cognitive Linguistics (http://www.chrisdb.me.uk/wiki/doku. php?id=cognitive_linguistics)Wikipedia:Link rot is an overview of the field, comparing it to traditional Chomskyan linguistics. Introduction to Cognitive Linguistics (http://markturner.org/coglingSpring07.html) (Mark Turner). The Gestalt Theory and Linguistics Page (http://www.gestalttheory.net/linguistics/) deals with the relationship between Gestalt theory and cognitive linguistics. The Center for the Cognitive Science of Metaphor Online (http://zakros.ucsd.edu/~trohrer/metaphor/ metaphor.htm) is a collection of numerous formative articles in the fields of conceptual metaphor and conceptual integration.
Cognitive psychology
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Cognitive psychology is the study of mental processes such as "attention, language use, memory, perception, problem solving, and thinking."[1] Much of the work derived from cognitive psychology has been integrated into various other modern disciplines of psychological study including social psychology, personality psychology, abnormal psychology, developmental psychology, and educational psychology.
History
Philosophically, ruminations of the human mind and its processes have been around since the times of the ancient Greeks. In 387 BC, Plato is known to have suggested that the brain was the seat of the mental processes.[2] In 1637, Ren Descartes posited that humans are born with innate ideas, and forwarded the idea of mind-body dualism, which would come to be known as substance dualism (essentially the idea that the mind and the body are two separate substances).[3] From that time, major debates ensued through the 19th century regarding whether human thought was solely experiential (empiricism), or included innate knowledge (nativism). Some of those involved in this debate included George Berkeley and John Locke on the side of empiricism, and Immanuel Kant on the side of nativism.[4] With the philosophical debate continuing, the mid to late 18th century was a critical time in the development of psychology as a scientific discipline. Two discoveries that would later play substantial roles in cognitive psychology were Paul Broca's discovery of the area of the brain largely responsible for language production, and Carl Wernicke's discovery of an area thought to be mostly responsible for comprehension of language.[5] Both areas were subsequently formally named for their founders and disruptions of an individual's language production or comprehension due to trauma or malformation in these areas have come to commonly be known as Broca's aphasia
Cognitive psychology and Wernicke's aphasia. In the mid-20th century, three main influences arose that would inspire and shape cognitive psychology as a formal school of thought: With the development of new warfare technology during WWII, the need for a greater understanding of human performance came to prominence. Problems such as how to best train soldiers to use new technology and how to deal with matters of attention while under duress became areas of need for military personnel. Behaviorism provided little if any insight into these matters and it was the work of Donald Broadbent, integrating concepts from human performance research and the recently developed information theory, that forged the way in this area. Developments in computer science would lead to parallels being drawn between human thought and the computational functionality of computers, opening entirely new areas of psychological thought. Allen Newell and Herbert Simon spent years developing the concept of artificial intelligence (AI) and later worked with cognitive psychologists regarding the implications of AI. The effective result was more of a framework conceptualization of mental functions with their counterparts in computers (memory, storage, retrieval, etc.) Noam Chomsky's 1959 critique[6] of behaviorism, and empiricism more generally, initiated what would come to be known as the "cognitive revolution". Ulric Neisser is credited with formally having coined the term "cognitive psychology" (in terms of the current understanding of cognitive psychology) in his book Cognitive Psychology, published in 1967.[7] Neisser's definition of "cognition" illustrates the, then, progressive concept of cognitive processes well: The term "cognition" refers to all processes by which the sensory input is transformed, reduced, elaborated, stored, recovered, and used. It is concerned with these processes even when they operate in the absence of relevant stimulation, as in images and hallucinations... Given such a sweeping definition, it is apparent that cognition is involved in everything a human being might possibly do; that every psychological phenomenon is a cognitive phenomenon. But although cognitive psychology is concerned with all human activity rather than some fraction of it, the concern is from a particular point of view. Other viewpoints are equally legitimate and necessary. Dynamic psychology, which begins with motives rather than with sensory input, is a case in point. Instead of asking how a man's actions and experiences result from what he saw, remembered, or believed, the dynamic psychologist asks how they follow from the subject's goals, needs, or instincts.
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The mental processes

The main focus of cognitive psychologists is on the mental processes that affect behavior. Those processes include, but are not limited to, the following:
Attention
The psychological definition of attention is "A state of focused awareness on a subset of the available perceptual information". The key function of attention is to discriminate between irrelevant data and filter it out, enabling the desired data to be distributed to the other mental processes. The human brain may, at times, simultaneously receive inputs in the form of auditory, visual, olfactory, taste, and tactile information. Without the ability to filter out some or most of that simultaneous information and focus on one or typically two at most, the brain would become overloaded as a person attempted to process that information. One major focal point relating to attention within the field of cognitive psychology is the concept of divided attention. A number of early studies dealt with the ability of a person wearing headphones to discern meaningful conversation when presented with different messages into each ear. Key findings involved an increased understanding of the mind's ability to both focus on one message, while still being somewhat aware of information being taken in from the ear not being consciously attended to. E.g. participants (wearing earphones) may be told that they will be hearing separate messages in each ear and that they are expected to attend only to information related to basketball. When the experiment starts, the message about basketball will be
Cognitive psychology presented to the left ear and non-relevant information will be presented to the right ear. At some point the message related to basketball will switch to the right ear and the non-relevant information to the left ear. When this happens, the listener is usually able to repeat the entire message at the end, having attended to the left or right ear only when it was appropriate.
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Memory
Modern conceptions of memory typically break it down into three main sub-classes. These three classes are somewhat hierarchical in nature, in terms of the level of conscious thought related to their use.[8] Procedural memory is memory for the performance of particular types of action. It is often activated on a subconscious level, or at most requires a minimal amount of conscious effort. Procedural memory includes stimulus-response type information which is activated through association with particular tasks, routines, etc. A person is using procedural knowledge when they seemingly "automatically" respond in a particular manner, to a particular situation or process. Semantic memory is the encyclopedic knowledge that a person possesses. Things like what the Eiffel Tower looks like, or the name of a friend from sixth grade would be semantic memory. Access of semantic memory ranges from slightly to extremely effortful, which depends on a number of variables including but not limited to: recency of encoding of the information, number of associations it has to other information, frequency of access, and levels of meaning (how deeply it was processed when it was encoded). Episodic memory is the memory of autobiographical events that can be explicitly stated. It contains all memories that are temporal in nature, such as when you last brushed your teeth, where you were when you heard about a major news event, etc. Episodic memory typically requires the deepest level of conscious thought, as it often pulls together semantic memory and temporal information to formulate the entire memory.
Perception
Perception involves both the physical senses (sight, smell, hearing, taste, touch, and proprioception) as well as the cognitive processes involved in interpreting those senses. Essentially, it is how people come to understand the world around them through interpretation of stimuli.[9] Early psychologists like Edward B. Titchener, began to work with perception in their structuralist approach to psychology. Structuralism dealt heavily with trying to reduce human thought (or "consciousness," as Titchener would have called it) into its most basic elements by gaining understanding of how an individual perceives particular stimuli.[10] Current perspectives on perception within cognitive psychology tend to focus on particular ways in which the human mind interprets stimuli from the senses and how these interpretations affect behavior. An example of the way in which modern psychologists approach the study of perception would be the research being done at the Center for Ecological Study of Perception and Action at the University of Connecticut (CESPA). One study at CESPA concerns ways in which individuals perceive their physical environment and how that influences their navigation through that environment.[11]
Language
Psychologists have had an interest in the cognitive processes involved with language that dates back to the 1870s, when Carl Wernicke proposed a model for the mental processing of language.[12] Current work on language within the field of cognitive psychology varies widely. Cognitive psychologists may study language acquisition,[13] individual components of language formation (like phonemes),[14] how language use is involved in mood,[15] or numerous other related areas. Significant work has been done recently with regard to understanding the timing of language acquisition and how it can be used to determine if a child has, or is at risk of, developing a learning disability. A study from 2012, showed that while this can be an effective strategy, it is important that those making evaluations include all relevant
Cognitive psychology information when making their assessments. Factors such as individual variability, socioeconomic status, short term and long term memory capacity, and others must be included in order to make valid assessments.
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Metacognition
Metacognition, in a broad sense, is the thoughts that a person has about their own thoughts. More specifically, metacognition includes things like: How effective a person is at monitoring their own performance on a given task (self-regulation). A person's understanding of their capabilities on particular mental tasks. The ability to apply cognitive strategies.[16] Much of the current study regarding metacognition within the field of cognitive psychology deals with its application within the area of education. Being able to increase a student's metacognitive abilities has been shown to have a significant impact on their learning and study habits.[17] One key aspect of this concept is the improvement of students' ability to set goals and self-regulate effectively to meet those goals. As a part of this process, it is also important to ensure that students are realistically evaluating their personal degree of knowledge and setting realistic goals (another metacognitive task).[18]
Modern cognitive psychology

Modern perspectives on cognitive psychology generally address cognition as a dual process theory, introduced by Jonathan Haidt in 2006, and expounded upon by Daniel Kahneman in 2011.[19] Kahneman differentiated the two styles of processing more, calling them intuition and reasoning. Intuition (or system 1), similar to associative reasoning, was determined to be fast and automatic, usually with strong emotional bonds included in the reasoning process. Kahneman said that this kind of reasoning was based on formed habits and very difficult to change or manipulate. Reasoning (or system 2) was slower and much more volatile, being subject to conscious judgments and attitudes.
Applications of cognitive psychology

Abnormal psychology
Following the cognitive revolution, and as a result of many of the principle discoveries to come out of the field of cognitive psychology, the discipline of cognitive therapy evolved. Aaron T. Beck is generally regarded as the father of cognitive therapy.[20] His work in the areas of recognition and treatment of depression has gained worldwide notoriety. In his 1987 book titled Cognitive Therapy of Depression, Beck puts forth three salient points with regard to his reasoning for the treatment of depression by means of therapy or therapy and antidepressants versus using a pharmacological-only approach: 1. Despite the prevalent use of antidepressants, the fact remains that not all patients respond to them. Beck cites (in 1987) that only 60 to 65% of patients respond to antidepressants, and recent meta-analyses (a statistical breakdown of multiple studies) show very similar numbers.[21] 2.Many of those who do respond to antidepressants end up not taking their medications, for various reasons. They may develop side-effects or have some form of personal objection to taking the drugs. 3. Beck posits that the use of psychotropic drugs may lead to an eventual breakdown in the individual's coping mechanisms. His theory is that the person essentially becomes reliant on the medication as a means of improving mood and fails to practice those coping techniques typically practiced by healthy individuals to alleviate the effects of depressive symptoms. By failing to do so, once the patient is weaned off of the antidepressants, they often are unable to cope with normal levels of depressed mood and feel driven to reinstate use of the antidepressants.[22]
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Social psychology
Many facets of modern social psychology have roots in research done within the field of cognitive psychology. Social cognition is a specific sub-set of social psychology that conlloocentrates on processes that have been of particular focus within cognitive psychology, specifically applied to human interactions. Gordon B. Moskowitz defines social cognition as "...the study of the mental processes involved in perceiving, attending to, remembering, thinking about, and making sense of the people in our social world".[23] The development of multiple social information processing models (SIP) has been influential in studies involving aggressive and anti-social behavior. Kenneth Dodge's SIP model is one of, if not the most, empirically supported models relating to aggression. Among his research, Dodge posits that children who possess a greater ability to process social information more often display higher levels of socially acceptable behavior. His model asserts that there are five steps that an individual proceeds through when evaluating interactions with other individuals and that how the person interprets cues is key to their reactionary process.[24]
Developmental psychology
Many of the prominent names in the field of developmental psychology base their understanding of development on cognitive models. One of the major paradigms of developmental psychology, the Theory of Mind (ToM), deals specifically with the ability of an individual to effectively understand and attribute cognition to those around them. This concept typically becomes fully apparent in children between the ages of 4 and 6. Essentially, before the child develops ToM, they are unable to understand that those around them can have different thoughts, ideas, or feelings than themselves. The development of ToM is a matter of metacognition, or thinking about one's thoughts. The child must be able to recognize that they have their own thoughts and in turn, that others possess thoughts of their own.[25] One of the foremost minds with regard to developmental psychology, Jean Piaget, focused much of his attention on cognitive development from birth through adulthood. Though there have been considerable challenges to parts of his stages of cognitive development, they remain a staple in the realm of education. Piaget's concepts and ideas predated the cognitive revolution but inspired a wealth of research in the field of cognitive psychology and many of his principles have been blended with modern theory to synthesize the predominant views of today.[26]
Educational psychology
Modern theories of education have applied many concepts that are focal points of cognitive psychology. Some of the most prominent concepts include: Metacognition: Metacognition is a broad concept encompassing all manners of one's thoughts and knowledge about their own thinking. A key area of educational focus in this realm is related to self-monitoring, which relates highly to how well students are able to evaluate their personal knowledge and apply strategies to improve knowledge in areas in which they are lacking.[27] Declarative knowledge and procedural knowledge: Declarative knowledge is a persons 'encyclopedic' knowledge base, whereas procedural knowledge is specific knowledge relating to performing particular tasks. The application of these cognitive paradigms to education attempts to augment a student's ability to integrate declarative knowledge into newly learned procedures in an effort to facilitate accelerated learning. Knowledge organization: Applications of cognitive psychology's understanding of how knowledge is organized in the brain has been a major focus within the field of education in recent years. The hierarchical method of organizing information and how that maps well onto the brain's memory are concepts that that have proven extremely beneficial in classrooms.
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Personality psychology
The Big 5 personality traits are five broad domains or dimensions of personality that are used to describe human personality. Those five traits include neuroticism, extraversion, openness, conscientiousness, and agreeableness. Cognitive therapeutic approaches have received considerable attention in the treatment of personality disorders in recent years. The approach focuses on the formation of what it believes to be faulty schemata, centralized on judgmental biases and general cognitive errors.[28]
Cognitive psychology vs. cognitive science

The line between cognitive psychology and cognitive science can be a blurry one. The differentiation between the two is best understood in terms of cognitive psychology's relationship to applied psychology, and the understanding of psychological phenomena. Cognitive psychologists are often heavily involved in running psychological experiments involving human participants, with the goal of gathering information related to how the human mind takes in, processes, and acts upon inputs received from the outside world.[29] The information gained in this area is then often used in the applied field of clinical psychology. One of the paradigms of cognitive psychology derived in this manner, is that every individual develops schemata which motivate the person to think or act in a particular way in the face of a particular circumstance. E.g., most people have a schema for waiting in line. When approaching some type of service counter where people are waiting their turn, most people don't just walk to the front of the line and butt in. Their schema for that situation tells them to get in the back of the line. This, in turn, applies to the field of abnormal psychology as a result of individuals sometimes developing faulty schemata which lead them to consistently react in a dysfunctional manner. If a person has a schema that says "I am no good at making friends", they may become so reluctant to pursue interpersonal relationships that they become prone to seclusion.[citation needed] Cognitive science is better understood as predominantly concerned with gathering data through research. Cognitive science envelopes a much broader scope, which has links to philosophy, linguistics, anthropology, neuroscience, and particularly with artificial intelligence. It could be said that cognitive science provides the database of information that fuels the theory from which cognitive psychologists operate.[30] Cognitive scientists' research mostly involves non-human subjects, allowing them to delve into areas which would come under ethical scrutiny if performed on human participants. I.e., they may do research implanting devices in the brains of rats to track the firing of neurons while the rat performs a particular task. Cognitive science is highly involved in the area of artificial intelligence and its application to the understanding of mental processes.[citation needed]
Criticisms
In its early years, critics held that the empiricism of cognitive psychology was incompatible with its acceptance of internal mental states. However, the sibling field of cognitive neuroscience has provided evidence of physiological brain states that directly correlate with mental states - thus providing support for the central assumption of cognitive psychology. As cognitive psychology gained momentum as a movement, through the 1970s, the complexity of the processes involved in human thought, in the opinion of many, fractured studies of cognition so greatly that the field lost cohesion. John C. Malone poses the assertion, in his book: Psychology: Pythagoras to Present, that "Examinations of late twentieth-century textbooks dealing with 'cognitive psychology', 'human cognition', 'cognitive science', and the like quickly reveals that there are many, many varieties of cognitive psychology and very little agreement about exactly what may be its domain". The information processing approach to cognitive functioning is currently being questioned by new approaches in psychology, such as dynamical systems, and the embodiment perspective.
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Major research areas

Perception General perception Psychophysics Attention Pattern recognition Object recognition Time sensation Form Perception
Categorization Category induction and acquisition Categorical judgement and classification Category representation and structure Similarity (psychology)
Memory Aging and memory Autobiographical memory Constructive memory Emotion and memory Episodic memory Eyewitness memory False memories Flashbulb memory List of memory biases Long-term memory Semantic memory Short-term memory Spaced repetition Source monitoring Working memory
Knowledge representation Mental imagery Propositional encoding Imagery versus proposition debate Dual-coding theories Media psychology Numerical cognition
Language Grammar and linguistics Phonetics and phonology Language acquisition Language processing
Thinking Choice (see also: Choice theory) Concept formation
Cognitive psychology Decision making Logic, formal and natural reasoning Problem solving
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Influential cognitive psychologists

John R. Anderson Alan Baddeley Albert Bandura Frederic Bartlett Elizabeth Bates Aaron T. Beck Donald Broadbent Jerome Bruner Gordon H. Bower Susan Carey Noam Chomsky Fergus Craik Antonio Damasio Hermann Ebbinghaus William Estes C. Randy Gallistel Michael Gazzaniga Rochel Gelman Dedre Gentner Keith Holyoak Philip Johnson-Laird Daniel Kahneman Nancy Kanwisher Eric Lenneberg Alan Leslie Elizabeth Loftus Brian MacWhinney George Mandler Jean Matter Mandler James McClelland Eugene Galanter George Armitage Miller Ken Nakayama Ulrich Neisser Allen Newell Allan Paivio Seymour Papert Charles Sanders Peirce Jean Piaget
Steven Pinker Michael Posner Henry L. Roediger III
Cognitive psychology Eleanor Rosch David Rumelhart Eleanor Saffran Daniel Schacter Roger Shepard Herbert A. Simon Elizabeth Spelke George Sperling Robert Sternberg Saul Sternberg Larry Squire Endel Tulving Anne Treisman Amos Tversky Lev Vygotsky
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References
[1] [2] [3] [4] [5] [6] [7] [8] [9] American Psychological Association (2013). Glossary of psychological terms (http:/ / www. apa. org/ research/ action/ glossary. aspx) Mangels, J. History of neuroscience (http:/ / www. columbia. edu/ cu/ psychology/ courses/ 1010/ mangels/ neuro/ history/ history. html) Malone, J.C. (2009). Psychology: Pythagoras to present. Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press. (a pp. 143, b pp. 293, c pp. 491) Anderson, J.R. (2010). Cognitive psychology and its implications. New York, NY: Worth Publishers. Eysenck, M.W. (1990). Cognitive psychology: An international review. West Sussex, England: John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. (pp. 111) Chomsky, N. A. (1959), A Review of Skinner's Verbal Behavior Neisser, U. (1967). Cognitive psychology. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall. Neisser's definition on page 4. Balota, D.A. & Marsh, E.J. (2004). Cognitive psychology: Key readings. New York, NY: Psychology Press. (pp. 364-365) Cherry, K. (2013). [[Perception (http:/ / psychology. about. com/ od/ sensationandperception/ ss/ perceptproc. htm)] and the perceptual process] [10] Plucker, J. (2012). Edward Bradford Titchener (http:/ / www. indiana. edu/ ~intell/ titchener. shtml) [11] University of Connecticut (N.D.). Center for the ecological study of perception (http:/ / ione. psy. uconn. edu/ ) [12] Temple, Christine M. (1990). Developments and applications of cognitive neuropsychology. In M. W. Eysenck (Ed.)Cognitive psychology: An international review. West Sussex, England: John Wiley & Sons Ltd. p. 110 [13] Conti-Ramsden, G. & Durkin, K. (2012). Neuropsychology Review, 22, 384-401. DOI 10.1007/s11065-012-9208-z [14] Valimaa-Blum, R. (2009). The phoneme in cognitive phonology: episodic memories of both meaningful and meaningless units. CogniTextes, 2. DOI : 10.4000/cognitextes.211 [15] Berkum, J. Language in action - Mood and language comprehension (http:/ / www. mpi. nl/ departments/ other-research/ research-projects/ language-in-action/ subprojects/ Mood-and-language-comprehension) [16] Martinez, M.E. (2006). What is metacognition. The Phi Delta Kappan, 87(9), 696-699 (http:/ / www. jstor. org. libproxy. clemson. edu/ stable/ 20442131) [17] Cohen, A. (2010). The secret to learning more while studying (http:/ / blog. brainscape. com/ 2010/ 04/ learning-study-less/ ) [18] Lovett, M. (2008). Teaching metacognition (http:/ / serc. carleton. edu/ NAGTWorkshops/ metacognition/ teaching_metacognition. html) [19] Kahneman D. (2003) A perspective on judgement and choice. American Psychologist. 58, 697-720. [20] University of Pennsylvania (N.D). Aaron T. Beck, M.D. (http:/ / www. med. upenn. edu/ suicide/ beck/ index. html) [21] Grohol, J. (2009). Efficacy of Antidepressants (http:/ / psychcentral. com/ blog/ archives/ 2009/ 02/ 03/ efficacy-of-antidepressants/ ) [22] Beck, A.T. (1987). Cognitive therapy of depression. New York, NY: Guilford Press [23] Moskowitz, G.B. (2004). Social cognition: Understanding self and others. New York, NY: The Guilford Press. (pp. 3) [24] Fontaine, R.G. (2012). The mind of the criminal: The role of developmental social cognition in criminal defense law. New York, NY: Cambridge University Press. (pp. 41) [25] Astington, J.W. & Edward, M.J. (2010). The development of theory of mind in early childhood. Encyclopedia on Early Childhood Development, 2010:1-6 (http:/ / www. child-encyclopedia. com/ documents/ Astington-EdwardANGxp. pdf) [26] Brainerd, C.J. (1996). Piaget: A centennial celebration. Psychological Science, 7(4), 191-194. [27] Reif, F. (2008). Applying cognitive science to education: Thinking and learning in scientific and other complex domains. Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press. (a pp. 283-84, b pp. 38) [28] Beck, A.T., Freeman, A., & Davis, D.D. (2004). Cognitive therapy of personality disorders (2nd ed.). New York: Guilford Press. (pp. 300).
[29] Baddeley, A. & Bernses, O.A. (1989). Cognitive Psychology: Research Directions In Cognitive Science: European perspectives, Vol 1 (pp. 7). East Sussex, UK: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates Ltd. (pg. 7) [30] Thagard, P. (2010). Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (http:/ / plato. stanford. edu/ entries/ cognitive-science/ )
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Further reading
John A. Groeger. 2002. Trafficking in cognition: applying cognitive psychology to driving. Transportation Research Part F: Traffic Psychology and Behaviour, Volume 5, Issue 4, Pages 235-248 A.M. Jacobs. 2001. Literacy, Cognitive Psychology of International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences, Pages 8971-8975 Warren Mansell. 2004. Cognitive psychology and anxiety. Psychiatry, Volume 3, Issue 4, Pages 610 Philip Quinlan, Philip T. Quinlan, Ben Dyson. 2008. Cognitive Psychology. Publisher-Pearson/Prentice Hall. ISBN 0131298100, 9780131298101 Robert J. Sternberg, Jeff Mio, Jeffery Scott Mio. 2009. Publisher-Cengage Learning. ISBN 049550629X, 9780495506294 Nick Braisby, Angus Gellatly.2012. Cognitive Psychology. Publisher-Oxford University Press. ISBN 0199236992, 9780199236992
External links
Cognitive psychology (http://www.scholarpedia.org/article/Cognitive_psychology) article in Scholarpedia Laboratory for Rational Decision Making (http://www.human.cornell.edu/hd/reyna/publications.cfm) Winston Sieck, 2013. What is Cognition and What Good is it? (http://www.globalcognition.org/head-smart/ what-is-cognition/) Terry Winograd. 1972. Understanding Natural Language (http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0010-0285(72)90002-3) Nachshon Meiran, Ziv Chorev, Ayelet Sapir. 2000. Component Processes in Task Switching (http://dx.doi.org/ 10.1006/cogp.2000.0736)
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Cognitive science
Figure illustrating the fields that contributed to the birth of cognitive science, including linguistics, neuroscience, artificial Intelligence, philosophy, anthropology, and psychology. Adapted from Miller, George A (2003). "The cognitive revolution: a historical perspective". TRENDS in Cognitive Sciences 7.
Part of a series on
Science
Outline Portal Category
Cognitive science is the interdisciplinary scientific study of the mind and its processes. It examines what cognition is, what it does and how it works. It includes research on intelligence and behavior, especially focusing on how information is represented, processed, and transformed (in faculties such as perception, language, memory, reasoning, and emotion) within nervous systems (human or other animal) and machines (e.g. computers). Cognitive science consists of multiple research disciplines, including psychology, artificial intelligence, philosophy, neuroscience, linguistics, and anthropology.[1] It spans many levels of analysis, from low-level learning and decision mechanisms to high-level logic and planning; from neural circuitry to modular brain organization. The fundamental concept of cognitive science is "that thinking can best be understood in terms of representational structures in the mind and computational procedures that operate on those structures."
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Principles
Levels of analysis
A central tenet of cognitive science is that a complete understanding of the mind/brain cannot be attained by studying only a single level. An example would be the problem of remembering a phone number and recalling it later. One approach to understanding this process would be to study behavior through direct observation. A person could be presented with a phone number, asked to recall it after some delay. Then the accuracy of the response could be measured. Another approach would be to study the firings of individual neurons while a person is trying to remember the phone number. Neither of these experiments on its own would fully explain how the process of remembering a phone number works. Even if the technology to map out every neuron in the brain in real-time were available, and it were known when each neuron was firing, it would still be impossible to know how a particular firing of neurons translates into the observed behavior. Thus an understanding of how these two levels relate to each other is needed. The Embodied Mind: Cognitive Science and Human Experience says the new sciences of the mind need to enlarge their horizon to encompass both lived human experience and the possibilities for transformation inherent in human experience.[2] This can be provided by a functional level account of the process. Studying a particular phenomenon from multiple levels creates a better understanding of the processes that occur in the brain to give rise to a particular behavior. Marr[3] gave a famous description of three levels of analysis: 1. the computational theory, specifying the goals of the computation; 2. representation and algorithm, giving a representation of the input and output and the algorithm which transforms one into the other; and 3. the hardware implementation, how algorithm and representation may be physically realized. (See also the entry on functionalism.)
Interdisciplinary nature
Cognitive science is an interdisciplinary field with contributors from various fields, including psychology, neuroscience, linguistics, philosophy of mind, computer science, anthropology, sociology, and biology. Cognitive science tends to view the world outside the mind much as other sciences do. Thus it too has an objective, observer-independent existence. The field is usually seen as compatible with the physical sciences, and uses the scientific method as well as simulation or modeling, often comparing the output of models with aspects of human behavior. Some doubt whether there is a unified cognitive science and prefer to speak of the cognitive sciences in plural.[4] Many, but not all, who consider themselves cognitive scientists have a functionalist view of the mindthe view that mental states are classified functionally, such that any system that performs the proper function for some mental state is considered to be in that mental state. According to some versions of functionalism, even non-human systems, such as other animal species, alien life forms, or advanced computers can, in principle, have mental states.
Cognitive science: the term

The term "cognitive" in "cognitive science" is "used for any kind of mental operation or structure that can be studied in precise terms" (Lakoff and Johnson, 1999). This conceptualization is very broad, and should not be confused with how "cognitive" is used in some traditions of analytic philosophy, where "cognitive" has to do only with formal rules and truth conditional semantics. The earliest entries for the word "cognitive" in the OED take it to mean roughly pertaining "to the action or process of knowing". The first entry, from 1586, shows the word was at one time used in the context of discussions of Platonic theories of knowledge. Most in cognitive science, however, presumably do not believe their field is the study of anything as certain as the knowledge sought by Plato.[citation needed]
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Scope
Cognitive science is a large field, and covers a wide array of topics on cognition. However, it should be recognized that cognitive science is not equally concerned with every topic that might bear on the nature and operation of the mind or intelligence. Social and cultural factors, emotion, consciousness, animal cognition, comparative and evolutionary approaches are frequently de-emphasized or excluded outright, often based on key philosophical conflicts. Another important mind-related subject that the cognitive sciences tend to avoid is the existence of qualia, with discussions over this issue being sometimes limited to only mentioning qualia as a philosophically open matter. Some within the cognitive science community, however, consider these to be vital topics, and advocate the importance of investigating them.[5] Below are some of the main topics that cognitive science is concerned with. This is not an exhaustive list, but is meant to cover the wide range of intelligent behaviors. See List of cognitive science topics for a list of various aspects of the field.
Artificial intelligence
"... One major contribution of AI and cognitive science to psychology has been the information processing model of human thinking in which the metaphor of brain-as-computer is taken quite literally. ." AAAI Web pages [6]. Artificial intelligence (AI) involves the study of cognitive phenomena in machines. One of the practical goals of AI is to implement aspects of human intelligence in computers. Computers are also widely used as a tool with which to study cognitive phenomena. Computational modeling uses simulations to study how human intelligence may be structured.[7] (See the section on computational modeling in the Research Methods section.) There is some debate in the field as to whether the mind is best viewed as a huge array of small but individually feeble elements (i.e. neurons), or as a collection of higher-level structures such as symbols, schemas, plans, and rules. The former view uses connectionism to study the mind, whereas the latter emphasizes symbolic computations. One way to view the issue is whether it is possible to accurately simulate a human brain on a computer without accurately simulating the neurons that make up the human brain.
Attention
Attention is the selection of important information. The human mind is bombarded with millions of stimuli and it must have a way of deciding which of this information to process. Attention is sometimes seen as a spotlight, meaning one can only shine the light on a particular set of information. Experiments that support this metaphor include the dichotic listening task (Cherry, 1957) and studies of inattentional blindness (Mack and Rock, 1998). In the dichotic listening task, subjects are bombarded with two different messages, one in each ear, and told to focus on only one of the messages. At the end of the experiment, when asked about the content of the unattended message, subjects cannot report it.
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Knowledge and processing of language

The ability to learn and understand language is an extremely complex process. Language is acquired within the first few years of life, and all humans under normal circumstances are able to acquire language proficiently. A major driving force in the theoretical linguistic field is discovering the nature that language must have in the abstract in order to be learned in such a fashion. Some of the driving research questions in studying how the brain itself processes language include: (1) To what extent is linguistic knowledge innate or learned?, (2) Why is it more difficult for adults to acquire a second-language than it is for infants to acquire their first-language?, and (3) How are humans able to understand novel sentences?
A well known example of a Phrase structure tree. This is one way of representing human language that shows how different components are organized hierarchically.
The study of language processing ranges from the investigation of the sound patterns of speech to the meaning of words and whole sentences. Linguistics often divides language processing into orthography, phonology and phonetics, morphology, syntax, semantics, and pragmatics. Many aspects of language can be studied from each of these components and from their interaction. The study of language processing in cognitive science is closely tied to the field of linguistics. Linguistics was traditionally studied as a part of the humanities, including studies of history, art and literature. In the last fifty years or so, more and more researchers have studied knowledge and use of language as a cognitive phenomenon, the main problems being how knowledge of language can be acquired and used, and what precisely it consists of. Linguists have found that, while humans form sentences in ways apparently governed by very complex systems, they are remarkably unaware of the rules that govern their own speech. Thus linguists must resort to indirect methods to determine what those rules might be, if indeed rules as such exist. In any event, if speech is indeed governed by rules, they appear to be opaque to any conscious consideration.
Learning and development

Learning and development are the processes by which we acquire knowledge and information over time. Infants are born with little or no knowledge (depending on how knowledge is defined), yet they rapidly acquire the ability to use language, walk, and recognize people and objects. Research in learning and development aims to explain the mechanisms by which these processes might take place. A major question in the study of cognitive development is the extent to which certain abilities are innate or learned. This is often framed in terms of the nature versus nurture debate. The nativist view emphasizes that certain features are innate to an organism and are determined by its genetic endowment. The empiricist view, on the other hand, emphasizes that certain abilities are learned from the environment. Although clearly both genetic and environmental input is needed for a child to develop normally, considerable debate remains about how genetic information might guide cognitive development. In the area of language acquisition, for example, some (such as Steven Pinker) have argued that specific information containing universal grammatical rules must be contained in the genes, whereas others (such as Jeffrey Elman and colleagues in Rethinking Innateness) have argued that Pinker's claims are biologically unrealistic. They argue that genes determine the architecture of a learning system, but that specific "facts" about how grammar works can only be learned as a result of experience.
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Memory
Memory allows us to store information for later retrieval. Memory is often thought of consisting of both a long-term and short-term store. Long-term memory allows us to store information over prolonged periods (days, weeks, years). We do not yet know the practical limit of long-term memory capacity. Short-term memory allows us to store information over short time scales (seconds or minutes). Memory is also often grouped into declarative and procedural forms. Declarative memorygrouped into subsets of semantic and episodic forms of memoryrefers to our memory for facts and specific knowledge, specific meanings, and specific experiences (e.g., Who was the first president of the U.S.A.?, or "What did I eat for breakfast four days ago?). Procedural memory allows us to remember actions and motor sequences (e.g. how to ride a bicycle) and is often dubbed implicit knowledge or memory . Cognitive scientists study memory just as psychologists do, but tend to focus in more on how memory bears on cognitive processes, and the interrelationship between cognition and memory. One example of this could be, what mental processes does a person go through to retrieve a long-lost memory? Or, what differentiates between the cognitive process of recognition (seeing hints of something before remembering it, or memory in context) and recall (retrieving a memory, as in "fill-in-the-blank")?
Perception and action

Perception is the ability to take in information via the senses, and process it in some way. Vision and hearing are two dominant senses that allow us to perceive the environment. Some questions in the study of visual perception, for example, include: (1) How are we able to recognize objects?, (2) Why do we perceive a continuous visual environment, even though we only see small bits of it at any one time? One tool for studying visual perception is by looking at how people process optical illusions. The image on the right of a Necker cube is an example of a bistable percept, that is, the cube can be interpreted as being oriented in two different directions. The study of haptic (tactile), olfactory, and gustatory stimuli also fall into the domain of perception. Action is taken to refer to the output of a system. In humans, this is accomplished through motor responses. Spatial planning and movement, speech production, and complex motor movements are all aspects of action.
The Necker cube, an example of an optical illusion
Research methods
Many different methodologies are used to study cognitive science. As the field is highly interdisciplinary, research often cuts across multiple areas of study, drawing on research methods from psychology, neuroscience, computer science and systems theory.
An optical illusion. The square A is exactly the same shade of gray as square B. See checker shadow illusion.
Behavioral experiments
In order to have a description of what constitutes intelligent behavior, one must study behavior itself. This type of research is closely tied to that in cognitive psychology and psychophysics. By measuring behavioral responses to
Cognitive science different stimuli, one can understand something about how those stimuli are processed. Lewandowski and Strohmetz (2009) review a collection of innovative uses of behavioral measurement in psychology including behavioral traces, behavioral observations, and behavioral choice. Behavioral traces are pieces of evidence that indicate behavior occurred, but the actor is not present (e.g., litter in a parking lot or readings on an electric meter). Behavioral observations involve the direct witnessing of the actor engaging in the behavior (e.g., watching how close a person sits next to another person). Behavioral choices are when a person selects between two or more options (e.g., voting behavior, choice of a punishment for another participant). Reaction time. The time between the presentation of a stimulus and an appropriate response can indicate differences between two cognitive processes, and can indicate some things about their nature. For example, if in a search task the reaction times vary proportionally with the number of elements, then it is evident that this cognitive process of searching involves serial instead of parallel processing. Psychophysical responses. Psychophysical experiments are an old psychological technique, which has been adopted by cognitive psychology. They typically involve making judgments of some physical property, e.g. the loudness of a sound. Correlation of subjective scales between individuals can show cognitive or sensory biases as compared to actual physical measurements. Some examples include: sameness judgments for colors, tones, textures, etc. threshold differences for colors, tones, textures, etc. Eye tracking. This methodology is used to study a variety of cognitive processes, most notably visual perception and language processing. The fixation point of the eyes is linked to an individual's focus of attention. Thus, by monitoring eye movements, we can study what information is being processed at a given time. Eye tracking allows us to study cognitive processes on extremely short time scales. Eye movements reflect online decision making during a task, and they provide us with some insight into the ways in which those decisions may be processed.
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Brain imaging
Brain imaging involves analyzing activity within the brain while performing various tasks. This allows us to link behavior and brain function to help understand how information is processed. Different types of imaging techniques vary in their temporal (time-based) and spatial (location-based) resolution. Brain imaging is often used in cognitive neuroscience. Single photon emission computed tomography and Positron emission tomography. SPECT and PET use radioactive isotopes, which are injected into the subject's bloodstream and taken up by the brain. By observing which areas of the brain take up the radioactive isotope, we can see which areas of the brain are more active than other areas. PET has similar spatial resolution to fMRI, but it has extremely poor temporal resolution.
Electroencephalography. EEG measures the electrical fields generated by large populations of neurons in the cortex by placing a series of electrodes on the scalp of the subject. This technique has an extremely high temporal resolution, but a relatively poor spatial resolution. Functional magnetic resonance imaging. fMRI measures the relative amount of oxygenated blood flowing to different parts of the brain. More oxygenated blood in a particular region is assumed to correlate with an increase in neural activity in that part of the brain. This allows us to localize particular functions within different brain regions. fMRI has moderate spatial and temporal resolution. Optical imaging. This technique uses infrared transmitters and receivers to measure the amount of light reflectance by blood near different areas of the brain. Since oxygenated and deoxygenated blood reflects light by
Image of the human head with the brain. The arrow indicates the position of the hypothalamus.
Cognitive science different amounts, we can study which areas are more active (i.e., those that have more oxygenated blood). Optical imaging has moderate temporal resolution, but poor spatial resolution. It also has the advantage that it is extremely safe and can be used to study infants' brains. Magnetoencephalography. MEG measures magnetic fields resulting from cortical activity. It is similar to EEG, except that it has improved spatial resolution since the magnetic fields it measures are not as blurred or attenuated by the scalp, meninges and so forth as the electrical activity measured in EEG is. MEG uses SQUID sensors to detect tiny magnetic fields.
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Computational modeling
Computational models require a mathematically and logically formal representation of a problem. Computer models are used in the simulation and experimental verification of different specific and general properties of intelligence. Computational modeling can help us to understand the functional organization of a particular cognitive phenomenon. There are two basic approaches to cognitive modeling. The first is focused on abstract mental functions of an intelligent mind and operates using symbols, and the second, which follows the neural and associative properties of the human brain, is called subsymbolic.
A neural network with two layers.
Symbolic modeling evolved from the computer science paradigms using the technologies of Knowledge-based systems, as well as a philosophical perspective, see for example "Good Old-Fashioned Artificial Intelligence" (GOFAI). They are developed by the first cognitive researchers and later used in information engineering for expert systems . Since the early 1990s it was generalized in systemics for the investigation of functional human-like intelligence models, such as personoids, and, in parallel, developed as the SOAR environment. Recently, especially in the context of cognitive decision making, symbolic cognitive modeling is extended to socio-cognitive approach including social and organization cognition interrelated with a sub-symbolic not conscious layer. Subsymbolic modeling includes Connectionist/neural network models. Connectionism relies on the idea that the mind/brain is composed of simple nodes and that the power of the system comes primarily from the existence and manner of connections between the simple nodes. Neural nets are textbook implementations of this approach. Some critics of this approach feel that while these models approach biological reality as a representation of how the system works, they lack explanatory powers because complicated systems of connections with even simple rules are extremely complex and often less interpretable than the system they model. Other approaches gaining in popularity include the use of dynamical systems theory and also techniques putting symbolic models and connectionist models into correspondence (Neural-symbolic integration). Bayesian models, often drawn from machine learning, are also gaining popularity. All the above approaches tend to be generalized to the form of integrated computational models of a synthetic/abstract intelligence, in order to be applied to the explanation and improvement of individual and social/organizational decision-making and reasoning.
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Neurobiological methods
Research methods borrowed directly from neuroscience and neuropsychology can also help us to understand aspects of intelligence. These methods allow us to understand how intelligent behavior is implemented in a physical system. Single-unit recording Direct brain stimulation Animal models Postmortem studies
Key findings
Cognitive science has given rise to models of human cognitive bias and risk perception, and has been influential in the development of behavioral finance, part of economics. It has also given rise to a new theory of the philosophy of mathematics, and many theories of artificial intelligence, persuasion and coercion. It has made its presence known in the philosophy of language and epistemology - a modern revival of rationalism - as well as constituting a substantial wing of modern linguistics. Fields of cognitive science have been influential in understanding the brain's particular functional systems (and functional deficits) ranging from speech production to auditory processing and visual perception. It has made progress in understanding how damage to particular areas of the brain affect cognition, and it has helped to uncover the root causes and results of specific dysfunction, such as dyslexia, anopia, and hemispatial neglect.
History
Cognitive science has a pre-history traceable back to ancient Greek philosophical texts (see Plato's Meno and Aristotle's De Anima); and includes writers such as Descartes, David Hume, Immanuel Kant, Benedict de Spinoza, Nicolas Malebranche, Pierre Cabanis, Leibniz and John Locke. However, although these early writers contributed greatly to the philosophical discovery of mind and this would ultimately lead to the development of psychology, they were working with an entirely different set of tools and core concepts than those of the cognitive scientist. The modern culture of cognitive science can be traced back to the early cyberneticists in the 1930s and 1940s, such as Warren McCulloch and Walter Pitts, who sought to understand the organizing principles of the mind. McCulloch and Pitts developed the first variants of what are now known as artificial neural networks, models of computation inspired by the structure of biological neural networks. Another precursor was the early development of the theory of computation and the digital computer in the 1940s and 1950s. Alan Turing and John von Neumann were instrumental in these developments. The modern computer, or Von Neumann machine, would play a central role in cognitive science, both as a metaphor for the mind, and as a tool for investigation. In 1959, Noam Chomsky published a scathing review of B. F. Skinner's book Verbal Behavior. At the time, Skinner's behaviorist paradigm dominated psychology: Most psychologists focused on functional relations between stimulus and response, without positing internal representations. Chomsky argued that in order to explain language, we needed a theory like generative grammar, which not only attributed internal representations but characterized their underlying order. The term cognitive science was coined by Christopher Longuet-Higgins in his 1973 commentary on the Lighthill report, which concerned the then-current state of Artificial Intelligence research.[8] In the same decade, the journal Cognitive Science and the Cognitive Science Society were founded.[9] In 1982, Vassar College became the first institution in the world to grant an undergraduate degree in Cognitive Science. In the 1970s and early 1980s, much cognitive science research focused on the possibility of artificial intelligence. Researchers such as Marvin Minsky would write computer programs in languages such as LISP to attempt to formally characterize the steps that human beings went through, for instance, in making decisions and solving
Cognitive science problems, in the hope of better understanding human thought, and also in the hope of creating artificial minds. This approach is known as "symbolic AI". Eventually the limits of the symbolic AI research program became apparent. For instance, it seemed to be unrealistic to comprehensively list human knowledge in a form usable by a symbolic computer program. The late 80s and 90s saw the rise of neural networks and connectionism as a research paradigm. Under this point of view, often attributed to James McClelland and David Rumelhart, the mind could be characterized as a set of complex associations, represented as a layered network. Critics argue that there are some phenomena which are better captured by symbolic models, and that connectionist models are often so complex as to have little explanatory power. Recently symbolic and connectionist models have been combined, making it possible to take advantage of both forms of explanation.[10]
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Notable researchers
Some of the more recognized names in cognitive science are usually either the most controversial or the most cited. Within philosophy familiar names include Daniel Dennett who writes from a computational systems perspective, John Searle known for his controversial Chinese room, Jerry Fodor who advocates functionalism, David Chalmers who advocates Dualism, also known for creating the hard problem of consciousness, Douglas Hofstadter, famous for writing Gdel, Escher, Bach, which questions the nature of words and thought. In the realm of linguistics, Noam Chomsky and George Lakoff have been influential (both have also become notable as political commentators). In artificial intelligence, Marvin Minsky, Herbert A. Simon, Allen Newell, and Kevin Warwick are prominent. Popular names in the discipline of psychology include George A. Miller, James McClelland, Philip Johnson-Laird, and Steven Pinker. Anthropologists Dan Sperber, Edwin Hutchins, Scott Atran, Pascal Boyer, and Joseph Henrich have been involved in collaborative projects with cognitive and social psychologists, political scientists and evolutionary biologists in attempts to develop general theories of culture formation, religion and political association.
References
[1] Thagard, Paul, Cognitive Science (http:/ / plato. stanford. edu/ archives/ fall2008/ entries/ cognitive-science/ ), The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Fall 2008 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.). [2] Varela, F. J., Thompson, E., & Rosch, E. (1991). The embodied mind: cognitive science and human experience. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press. [3] Marr, D. (1982). Vision: A Computational Investigation into the Human Representation and Processing of Visual Information. W. H. Freeman. [4] Miller, G. A. (2003). The cognitive revolution: a historical perspective. Trends in Cognitive Sciences, 7, 141-144. [5] A number of authors consider the qualia problem to be part of the cognitive science field, e.g. Some philosophical issues in cognitive science: qualia, intentionality, and the mind-body problem (http:/ / portal. acm. org/ citation. cfm?id=166791. 166844), Qualia: The Hard Problem (http:/ / chil. rice. edu/ byrne/ Pubs/ cogsci96. pdf), and indeed the entire discipline of philosophy as being part of the cog sci field, e.g. What is Cognitive Science? (http:/ / ls. berkeley. edu/ ugis/ cogsci/ major/ about. php), while other reputable sources that cover both qualia and cog sci do not draw any obvious connection between them, e.g. the Stanford encyclopedia of philosophy (http:/ / plato. stanford. edu) (Jan 2008 online edition) does have full-size articles on both qualia (http:/ / plato. stanford. edu/ entries/ qualia/ ) and cog sci (http:/ / plato. stanford. edu/ entries/ cognitive-science/ ), but qualia are not even mentioned in the cog sci article while cog sci is not mentioned in the qualia article. [6] http:/ / www. aaai. org/ AITopics/ html/ cogsci. html#simon [7] Sun, Ron (ed.) (2008). The Cambridge Handbook of Computational Psychology. Cambridge University Press, New York. [8] Longuet-Higgins, H. C. (1973). "Comments on the Lighthill Report and the Sutherland Reply", in Artificial Intelligence: a paper symposium, Science Research Council, 35-37 [9] Cognitive Science Society (http:/ / www. cognitivesciencesociety. org/ about_description. html) [10] Artur S. d'Avila Garcez, Luis C. Lamb and Dov M. Gabbay. Neural-Symbolic Cognitive Reasoning. Cognitive Technologies. Springer, 2008, ISBN 978-3-540-73245-7, 2008.
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External links
Cognitive Science Society (http://www.cognitivesciencesociety.org) Cognitive Science Movie Index: A broad list of movies showcasing themes in the Cognitive Sciences (https:// www.indiana.edu/~cogfilms) Piero Scaruffi's annotated bibliography on the mind (http://www.scaruffi.com/mind.html) List of leading thinkers in cognitive science (http://carbon.ucdenver.edu/~mryder/itc/cogsci.html) Dr. Carl Stahmer's history page at the University of Santa Barbara (http://www.carlstahmer.com/cogsci/index. php)
Cognitive semantics
Cognitive semantics is part of the cognitive linguistics movement. Semantics is the study of meaning. Cognitive semantics holds that language is part of a more general human cognitive ability, can therefore only describe the world as it is organised within people's conceptual spaces. It is implicit that there is some difference between this conceptual world and the real world. The main tenets of cognitive semantics are: That grammar is a way of expressing the speaker's concept of the world; That knowledge of language is acquired and contextual; That the ability to use language draws upon general cognitive resources and not a special language module. As part of the field of cognitive linguistics, the cognitive semantics approach rejects the traditional separation of linguistics into phonology, syntax, pragmatics, etc. Instead, it divides semantics into meaning-construction and knowledge representation. Therefore, cognitive semantics studies much of the area traditionally devoted to pragmatics as well as semantics. The techniques native to cognitive semantics are typically used in lexical studies such as those put forth by Leonard Talmy, George Lakoff, Dirk Geeraerts, and Bruce Wayne Hawkins. Some cognitive semantic frameworks, such as that developed by Talmy, take into account syntactic structures as well.
Points of contrast
As a field, semantics is interested in three big questions: what does it mean for units of language, called lexemes, to have "meaning"? What does it mean for sentences to have meaning? Finally, how is it that meaningful units fit together to compose complete sentences? These are the main points of inquiry behind studies into lexical semantics, structural semantics, and theories of compositionality (respectively). In each category, traditional theories seem to be at odds with those accounts provided by cognitive semanticists. Classic theories in semantics (in the tradition of Alfred Tarski and Donald Davidson) have tended to explain the meaning of parts in terms of necessary and sufficient conditions, sentences in terms of truth-conditions, and composition in terms of propositional functions. Each of these positions is tightly related to the others. According to these traditional theories, the meaning of a particular sentence may be understood as the conditions under which the proposition conveyed by the sentence hold true. For instance, the expression "snow is white" is true if and only if snow is, in fact, white. Lexical units can be understood as holding meaning either by virtue of set of things they may apply to (called the "extension" of the word), or in terms of the common properties that hold between these things (called its "intension"). The intension provides an interlocutor with the necessary and sufficient conditions that let a thing qualify as a member of some lexical unit's extension. Roughly, propositional functions are those abstract instructions that guide the interpreter in taking the free variables in an open sentence and filling them in, resulting in a correct understanding of the sentence as a whole.
Cognitive semantics Meanwhile, cognitive semantic theories are typically built on the argument that lexical meaning is conceptual. That is, meaning is not necessarily reference to the entity or relation in some real or possible world. Instead, meaning corresponds with a concept held in the mind based on personal understanding. As a result, semantic facts like "All bachelors are unmarried males" are not treated as special facts about our language practices; rather, these facts are not distinct from encyclopaedic knowledge. In treating linguistic knowledge as being a piece with everyday knowledge, the question is raised: how can cognitive semantics explain paradigmatically semantic phenomena, like category structure? Set to the challenge, researchers have drawn upon theories from related fields, like cognitive psychology and cognitive anthropology. One proposal is to treat in order to explain category structure in terms of nodes in a knowledge network. One example of a theory from cognitive science that has made its way into the cognitive semantic mainstream is the theory of prototypes, which cognitive semanticists generally argue is the cause of polysemy. [citation needed] Cognitive semanticists argue that truth-conditional semantics is unduly limited in its account of full sentence meaning. While they are not on the whole hostile to truth-conditional semantics, they point out that it has limited explanatory power. That is to say, it is limited to indicative sentences, and does not seem to offer any straightforward or intuitive way of treating (say) commands or expressions. By contrast, cognitive semantics seeks to capture the full range of grammatical moods by also making use of the notions of framing and mental spaces. Another trait of cognitive semantics is the recognition that meaning is not fixed but a matter of construal and conventionalization. The processes of linguistic construal, it is argued, are the same psychological processes involved in the processing of encyclopaedic knowledge and in perception. This view has implications for the problem of compositionality. An account in cognitive semantics called the dynamic construal theory makes the claim that words themselves are without meaning: they have, at best, "default construals," which are really just ways of using words. Along these lines, cognitive semantics argues that compositionality can only be intelligible if pragmatic elements like context and intention are taken into consideration.
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The structure of concepts

Cognitive semantics has sought to challenge traditional theories in two ways: first, by providing an account of the meaning of sentences by going beyond truth-conditional accounts; and second, by attempting to go beyond accounts of word meaning that appeal to necessary and sufficient conditions. It accomplishes both by examining the structure of concepts.
Frame semantics
Frame semantics, developed by Charles J. Fillmore, attempts to explain meaning in terms of their relation to general understanding, not just in the terms laid out by truth-conditional semantics. Fillmore explains meaning in general (including the meaning of lexemes) in terms of "frames". By "frame" is meant any concept that can only be understood if a larger system of concepts is also understood. Fillmore: framing Many pieces of linguistic evidence motivate the frame-semantic project. First, it has been noted that word meaning is an extension of our bodily and cultural experiences. For example, the notion of restaurant is associated with a series of concepts, like food, service, waiters, tables, and eating. These rich-but-contingent associations cannot be captured by an analysis in terms of necessary and sufficient conditions, yet they still seem to be intimately related to our understanding of "restaurant". Second, and more seriously, these conditions are not enough to account for asymmetries in the ways that words are used. According to a semantic feature analysis, there is nothing more to the meanings of "boy" and "girl" than: 1. BOY [+MALE], [+YOUNG] 2. GIRL [+FEMALE], [+YOUNG]
Cognitive semantics And there is surely some truth to this proposal. Indeed, cognitive semanticists understand the instances of the concept held by a given certain word may be said to exist in a schematic relation with the concept itself. And this is regarded as a legitimate approach to semantic analysis, so far as it goes. However, linguists have found that language users regularly apply the terms "boy" and "girl" in ways that go beyond mere semantic features. That is, for instance, people tend to be more likely to consider a young female a "girl" (as opposed to "woman"), than they are to consider a borderline-young male a "boy" (as opposed to "man"). This fact suggests that there is a latent frame, made up of cultural attitudes, expectations, and background assumptions, which is part of word meaning. These background assumptions go up and beyond those necessary and sufficient conditions that correspond to a semantic feature account. Frame semantics, then, seeks to account for these puzzling features of lexical items in some systematic way. Third, cognitive semanticists argue that truth-conditional semantics is incapable of dealing adequately with some aspects of the meanings at the level of the sentence. Take the following: 1. You didn't spare me a day at the seaside; you deprived me of one. In this case, the truth-conditions of the claim expressed by the antecedent in the sentence are not being denied by the proposition expressed after the clause. Instead, what is being denied is the way that the antecedent is framed. Finally, with the frame-semantic paradigm's analytical tools, the linguist is able to explain a wider range of semantic phenomena than they would be able to with only necessary and sufficient conditions. Some words have the same definitions or intensions, and the same extensions, but have subtly different domains. For example, the lexemes land and ground are synonyms, yet they naturally contrast with different things -- sea and air, respectively. As we have seen, the frame semantic account is by no means limited to the study of lexemeswith it, researchers may examine expressions at more complex levels, including the level of the sentence (or, more precisely, the utterance). The notion of framing is regarded as being of the same cast as the pragmatic notion of background assumptions. Philosopher of language John Searle explains the latter by asking readers to consider sentences like "The cat is on the mat". For such a sentence to make any sense, the interpreter makes a series of assumptions: i.e., that there is gravity, the cat is parallel to the mat, and the two touch. For the sentence to be intelligible, the speaker supposes that the interpreter has an idealized or default frame in mind. Langacker: profile and base An alternate strain of Fillmore's analysis can be found in the work of Ronald Langacker, who makes a distinction between the notions of profile and base. The profile is the concept symbolized by the word itself, while the base is the encyclopedic knowledge that the concept presupposes. For example, let the definition of "radius" be "a line segment that joins the center of a circle with any point on its circumference". If all we know of the concept radius is its profile, then we simply know that it is a line segment that is attached to something called the "circumference" in some greater whole called the "circle". That is to say, our understanding is fragmentary until the base concept of circle is firmly grasped. When a single base supports a number of different profiles, then it can be called a "domain". For instance, the concept profiles of arc, center, and circumference are all in the domain of circle, because each uses the concept of circle as a base. We are then in a position to characterize the notion of a frame as being either the base of the concept profile, or (more generally) the domain that the profile is a part of.
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Cognitive semantics
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Categorization and cognition

A major divide in the approaches to cognitive semantics lies in the puzzle surrounding the nature of category structure. As mentioned in the previous section, semantic feature analyses fall short of accounting for the frames that categories may have. An alternative proposal would have to go beyond the minimalistic models given by classical accounts, and explain the richness of detail in meaning that language speakers attribute to categories. Prototype theories, investigated by Eleanor Rosch, have given some reason to suppose that many natural lexical category structures are graded, i.e., they have prototypical members that are considered to be Membership of a graded class "better fit" the category than other examples. For instance, robins are generally viewed as better examples of the category "bird" than, say, penguins. If this view of category structure is the case, then categories can be understood to have central and peripheral members, and not just be evaluated in terms of members and non-members. In a related vein, George Lakoff, following the later Ludwig Wittgenstein, noted that some categories are only connected to one another by way of family resemblances. While some classical categories may exist, i.e., which are structured by necessary and sufficient conditions, there are at least two other kinds: generative and radial. Generative categories can be formed by taking central cases and applying certain principles to designate category membership. The principle of similarity is one example of a rule that might generate a broader category from given prototypes. Radial categories are categories motivated by conventions, but not predictable from rules. The concept of "mother", for example, may be explained in terms of a variety of conditions that may or may not be sufficient. Those conditions may include: being married, has always been female, gave birth to the child, supplied half the child's genes, is a caregiver, is married to the genetic father, is one generation older than the child, and is the legal guardian. Any one of the above conditions might not be met: for instance, a "single mother" does not need to be married, and a "surrogate mother" does not necessarily provide nurturance. When these aspects collectively cluster together, they form a prototypical case of what it means to be a mother, but nevertheless they fail to outline the category crisply. Variations upon the central meaning are established by convention by the community of language users. For Lakoff, prototype effects can be explained in large part due to the effects of idealized cognitive models. That is, domains are organized with an ideal notion of the world that may or may not fit reality. For example, the word "bachelor" is commonly defined as "unmarried adult male". However, this concept has been created with a particular ideal of what a bachelor is like: an adult, uncelibate, independent, socialized, and promiscuous. Reality might either strain the expectations of the concept, or create false positives. That is, people typically want to widen the meaning of "bachelor" to include exceptions like "a sexually active seventeen-year-old who lives alone and owns his own firm" (not technically an adult but seemingly still a bachelor), and this can be considered a kind of straining of the definition. Moreover, speakers would tend to want to exclude from the concept of bachelor certain false positives, such as those adult unmarried males that don't bear much resemblance to the ideal: i.e., the Pope, or Tarzan. Prototype effects may also be explained as a function of either basic-level categorization and typicality, closeness to an ideal, or stereotyping. So viewed, prototype theory seems to give an account of category structure. However, there are a number of criticisms of this interpretation of the data. Indeed, Rosch and Lakoff, themselves chief advocates of prototype theory, have emphasized in their later works that the findings of prototype theory do not necessarily tell us anything about category structure. Some theorists in the cognitive semantics tradition have challenged both classical and prototype accounts of category structure by proposing the dynamic construal account, where category structure is
Cognitive semantics always created "on-line"and so, that categories have no structure outside of the context of use.
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Mental spaces
In traditional semantics, the meaning of a sentence is the situation it represents, and the situation can be described in terms of the possible world that it would be true of. Moreover, sentence meanings may be dependent upon propositional attitudes: those features that are relative to someone's beliefs, desires, and mental states. The role of propositional attitudes in truth-conditional semantics is controversial. However, Propositional attitudes in Fodor's presentation of truth-conditional by at least one line of argument, truth-conditional semantics semantics seems to be able to capture the meaning of belief-sentences like "Frank believes that the Red Sox will win the next game" by appealing to propositional attitudes. The meaning of the overall proposition is described as a set of abstract conditions, wherein Frank holds a certain propositional attitude, and the attitude is itself a relationship between Frank and a particular proposition; and this proposition is the possible world where the Red Sox win the next game. Still, many theorists have grown dissatisfied with the inelegance and dubious ontology behind possible-worlds semantics. An alternative can be found in the work of Gilles Fauconnier. For Fauconnier, the meaning of a sentence can be derived from "mental spaces". Mental spaces are cognitive structures entirely in the minds of interlocutors. In his account, there are two kinds of mental space. The base space is used to describe reality (as it is understood by both interlocutors). Space builders (or built space) are those mental spaces that go beyond reality by addressing possible worlds, along with temporal expressions, fictional constructs, games, and so on. Additionally, Fauconnier semantics distinguishes between roles and values. A semantic role is understood to be description of a category, while values are the instances that make up the category. (In this sense, the role-value distinction is a special case of the type-token distinction.) Fauconnier argues that curious semantic constructions can be explained handily by the above apparatus. Take the following sentence: 1. In 1929, the lady with white hair was blonde. The semanticist must construct an explanation for the obvious fact that the above sentence is not contradictory. Fauconnier constructs his analysis by observing that there are two mental spaces (the present-space and the 1929-space). His access principle supposes that "a value in one space can be described by the role its counterpart in another space has, even if that role is invalid for the value in the first space". So, to use the example above, the value in 1929-space is the blonde, while she is being described with the role of the lady with white hair in present-day space.
Conceptualization and construal

As we have seen, cognitive semantics gives a treatment of issues in the construction of meaning both at the level of the sentence and the level of the lexeme in terms of the structure of concepts. However, it is not entirely clear what cognitive processes are at work in these accounts. Moreover, it is not clear how we might go about explaining the ways that concepts are actively employed in conversation. It appears to be the case that, if our project is to look at how linguistic strings convey different semantic content, we must first catalogue what cognitive processes are being used to do it. Researchers can satisfy both requirements by attending to the construal operations involved in language processingthat is to say, by investigating the ways that people structure their experiences through language.
Cognitive semantics Language is full of conventions that allow for subtle and nuanced conveyances of experience. To use an example that is readily at hand, framing is all-pervasive, and it may extend across the full breadth of linguistic data, extending from the most complex utterances, to tone, to word choice, to expressions derived from the composition of morphemes. Another example is image-schemata, which are ways that we structure and understand the elements of our experience driven by any given sense. According to linguists William Croft and D. Alan Cruse, there are four broad cognitive abilities that play an active part in the construction of construals. They are: Attention/salience, Judgment/comparison, Situatedness, and Constitution/gestalt. Each general category contains a number of subprocesses, each of which helps to explain the ways we encode experience into language in some unique way.
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References
Frame semantics
Frame semantics is a theory of linguistic meaning that extends Charles J. Fillmore's case grammar. It relates linguistic semantics to encyclopaedic knowledge. The basic idea is that one cannot understand the meaning of a single word without access to all the essential knowledge that relates to that word. For example, one would not be able to understand the word "sell" without knowing anything about the situation of commercial transfer, which also involves, among other things, a seller, a buyer, goods, money, the relation between the money and the goods, the relations between the seller and the goods and the money, the relation between the buyer and the goods and the money and so on. Thus, a word activates, or evokes, a frame of semantic knowledge relating to the specific concept it refers to (or highlights, in frame semantic terminology). A semantic frame is a collection of facts that specify "characteristic features, attributes, and functions of a denotatum, and its characteristic interactions with things necessarily or typically associated with it." [1] A semantic frame can also be defined as a coherent structure of related concepts that are related such that without knowledge of all of them, one does not have complete knowledge of any one; they are in that sense types of gestalt. Frames are based on recurring experiences. So the commercial transaction frame is based on recurring experiences of commercial transactions. Words not only highlight individual concepts, but also specify a certain perspective from which the frame is viewed. For example "sell" views the situation from the perspective of the seller and "buy" from the perspective of the buyer. This, according to Fillmore, explains the observed asymmetries in many lexical relations. While originally only being applied to lexemes, frame semantics has now been expanded to grammatical constructions and other larger and more complex linguistic units and has more or less been integrated into construction grammar as the main semantic principle. Semantic frames are also becoming used in information modeling, for example in Gellish, especially in the form of 'definition models' and 'knowledge models'. Frame semantics has much in common with the semantic principle of profiling from Ronald W. Langacker's Cognitive Grammar. [2]
Frame semantics
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References
[1] Keith Alan (2001, p. 251), Natural Language Semantics, Blackwell Publishers Ltd, Oxford, ISBN 0-631-19296-4. [2] Alan Cruse (2004, p. 137f.), Meaning in Language. An Introduction to Semantics and Pragmatics. Second Edition, Oxford University Press, New York, ISBN 978-0-19-926306-6.
Situation semantics
Situation semantics, pioneered by Jon Barwise and John Perry in the early 1980s,[1] attempts to provide a solid theoretical foundation for reasoning about common-sense and real world situations, typically in the context of theoretical linguistics, philosophy, or applied natural language processing,
Barwise and Perry

Situations, unlike worlds, are not complete in the sense that every proposition or its negation holds in a world. According to Situations and Attitudes, meaning is a relation between a discourse situation, a connective situation and a described situation. The original theory of Situations and Attitudes soon ran into foundational difficulties. A reformulation based on Peter Aczel's non-well-founded set theory[2] was proposed by Barwise before this approach to the subject petered out in the early 1990s.
Situation semantics and HPSG

Situation semantics is the first semantic theory that was used in Head-driven phrase structure grammar (HPSG).[3]
Angelika Kratzer
Barwise and Perry's system was a top-down approach which foundered on practical issues which were early identified by Angelika Kratzer and others. She subsequently developed a considerable body of theory bottom-up by addressing a variety of issues in the areas of context dependency in discourse and the syntax-semantics interface.[4] Because of its practical nature and ongoing development this body of work "with possible situations as parts of possible worlds, now has much more influence than Barwise and Perrys ideas".[5]
Notes
[1] Jon Barwise and John Perry, Situations and Attitudes, 1983. MIT Press, ISBN 0-262-02189-7 [2] Barwise, Jon. 1989. The Situation in Logic. CSLI Lecture Notes 17. Center for the Study of Language (CSLI) [3] Pollard, Carl and Ivan A. Sag, 1987. Information-Based Syntax and Semantics. Vol.1: Fundamentals. CSLI Lecture Notes13. CSLI, Stanford, CA. [4] Umass Faculty Member Site with links to corpus (http:/ / people. umass. edu/ kratzer/ ) [5] Barbara Partee, Reflections of Formal Semanticist as of Feb. 2005, p. 20. February 14, 2005
External links
Situations in Natural Language Semantics Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (http://plato.stanford.edu/ entries/situations-semantics/)
Semiotics
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Semiotics
Semiotics
General concepts Biosemiotics Code Cognitive semiotics Computational semiotics Confabulation Connotation Decode Denotation Encode Lexical Literary semiotics Modality Representation (arts) Salience Semiosis Semiosphere Semiotic elements & sign classes Semiotics of culture Sign Sign relational complex Sign relation Umwelt Value Methods Commutation test Paradigmatic analysis Syntagmatic analysis Semioticians Mikhail Bakhtin Roland Barthes Marcel Danesi John Deely Umberto Eco Algirdas Julien Greimas Flix Guattari Louis Hjelmslev Roman Jakobson Roberta Kevelson Kalevi Kull Juri Lotman Charles S. Peirce Augusto Ponzio Ferdinand de Saussure Thomas Sebeok Michael Silverstein Eero Tarasti Jakob von Uexkll Vyacheslav Ivanov Vladimir Toporov Related topics Structuralism Post-structuralism TartuMoscow Semiotic School Aestheticization Postmodernity
Semiotics
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Semiotics, also called semiotic studies and including (in the Saussurean tradition) semiology, is the study of signs and sign processes (semiosis), indication, designation, likeness, analogy, metaphor, symbolism, signification, and communication. Semiotics is closely related to the field of linguistics, which, for its part, studies the structure and meaning of language more specifically. However, as different from linguistics, semiotics also studies non-linguistic sign systems. Semiotics is often divided into three branches: Semantics: Relation between signs and the things to which they refer; their denotata, or meaning Syntactics: Relations among signs in formal structures Pragmatics: Relation between signs and sign-using agents Semiotics is frequently seen as having important anthropological dimensions; for example, Umberto Eco proposes that every cultural phenomenon can be studied as communication. However, some semioticians focus on the logical dimensions of the science. They examine areas belonging also to the natural sciences such as how organisms make predictions about, and adapt to, their semiotic niche in the world (see semiosis). In general, semiotic theories take signs or sign systems as their object of study: the communication of information in living organisms is covered in biosemiotics (including zoosemiotics). Syntactics is the branch of semiotics that deals with the formal properties of signs and symbols.[1] More precisely, syntactics deals with the "rules that govern how words are combined to form phrases and sentences".[2] Charles Morris adds that semantics deals with the relation of signs to their designata and the objects which they may or do denote; and, pragmatics deals with the biotic aspects of semiosis, that is, with all the psychological, biological, and sociological phenomena which occur in the functioning of signs.
Chart semiotics of Social Networking
Terminology and history

Using the Greek letters ,[3] the term semiotics was introduced into the English language by John Locke as a synonym for doctrine of signs (Latin: doctrina signorum, the oldest name for the study of what is now called semiosis or the action of signs). This was in the concluding chapter of his 1690 Essay concerning Humane Understanding.[4] There already existed in Lockes time (and long before) the Greek term , semeiotics, to name that branch of medical science concerned with the study of symptoms of disease or natural signs in todays language.[5] Thus, a specialized study that goes back all the way to the times of Hippocrates (BC c.460370) and Galen (AD129c.200/210), before the notion of sign as transcending the nature/culture divide was introduced by Augustine of Hippo (13 November 354430 August 28),[6] was firmly established before Locke came on the scene. Himself a man of medicine, Locke was quite familiar with this semeiotics as naming a specialized branch within medical science. Indeed, in his personal library were two editions of Scapulas 1579 abridgement of Henricus Stephanus Thesaurus Graecae Linguae, which listed as the name for diagnostics, the branch of medicine concerned with interpreting symptoms of disease (symptomatology); and indeed the English physician and scholar Henry Stubbes (16321676) had transliterated this term of specialized science into English precisely as semeiotic in his 1670 work, The Plus Ultra Reduced to a Non Plus (p.75). But "semeiotics in this established and even ancient sense of a specialized science "was not what Locke had in mind" with his proposal of semiotics () as a general doctrine of signs, in contrast to any special science or branch of science. In other words, Lockes "omission" of the epsilon following the mu in his term semiotics was not a semantic error by someone ignorant of Greek, but was rather a "deliberate spelling" to contrast his proposal to name the general doctrine of signs (, semiotica or semiotics) with the existing name of the specialized
Semiotics branch of medicine (, semeiotics) concerned with analyzing symptoms of disease. Full examination of the circumstances of Lockes work confirm this point. Locke devoted utmost care in preparing four subsequent editions of his Essay up until his death in 1704. In each of these full editions,[7] his original spelling of was retained in his proposal for the doctrine of signs.[8] Thus we are constrained to think that because was already a signum ex consuetudine (a customary sign) by Lockes time, his proposed was quite deliberatively and contrastively a signum ad placitum, a neologism stipulated for the express purpose of naming a new science, a discipline which did not yet exist yet whose right to existence, in contrast to all existing disciplines, needed to be recognized and named accordingly, as Saussure also (26 November 1857 1913 February 22; but incognizant of Lockes earlier statement) would point out. What Locke had in mind with his proposal for the development of semiotics as a general study (what would come to be called a cenoscopic in contrast to an idioscopic science after Bentham and Peirce[9]) was the fact that the general division of science (perennial since Aristotle) into speculative (or the study of the nature of things) and practical (or the study of how we can gain some control over things, both in behavior and in technology) made no mention of the fact that the whole of human knowledge, whether speculative or practical, depends in its origins and throughout its development upon the action of signs or semiosis. In the five closing paragraphs (little more than the very last page) of his Essay concerning Humane Understanding, Locke proposed that, along with science as concerned with attainment of speculative truth (or knowledge of things, as they are in their own proper beings), and science as concerned with attainment of practical truth (or the right applying our own powers and actions, for the attainment of things good and useful), there is need for a science concerned with signs the mind makes use of both in acquiring knowledge of things and in developing control over things. For this new, third science Locke proposed the name or, alternatively (he is explicit on the point), the doctrine of signs. Many misunderstandings have arisen from the careless reading of that concluding chapter of Lockes Essay, beginning with the claim of later linguists to correct Lockes spelling of by inserting an epsilon after the mu, thus: , which transliterates semeiotics rather than semiotics. While this correction can be to a limited extent justified by Greek etymology and orthography, this is true only when the orthographic considerations are introduced entirely apart from the actual philosophical context of Lockes introduction of his term to name the new, general science. In the context of Lockes work, intention, and time, such a correction is a misguided correction, a blunder, philosophically speaking. Even Juri Lotman (28 February 1922 1993 October 28), who introduced Eastern Europe to semiotics and adopted Lockes coinage of as the name to subtitle his founding at the University of Tartu in Estonia in 1964 of the first semiotics journal, Sign Systems Studies (but did not have the advantage of examining all five of the editions of the Essay prepared in Lockes home and lifetime), was hounded by linguists into later altering and substituting as the journals subtitle a misguided correction, as pointed out above, which yet persists to the present day. One can only hope that the (mis)correction will likely be corrected (or re-corrected!) eventually, as the actual history of semiotics comes to be more generally and deeply understood. The Peirce scholar and editor Max H. Fisch[10] claimed in 1978[11] that "semeiotic" was Peirce's own preferred rendering of Lockes . That spelling has been used by some Peirce scholars to distinguish Peirce's semiotic from others, especially from those more in the "dyadic" Saussurian tradition (signifier, signified), formerly called "Semiology", with its foundation in linguistics and its emphasis on language and symbol. Peircean semiotic is triadic (sign, object, interpretant), and is conceived of as philosophical logic studied in terms of signs that are not always linguistic or artificial, and sign processes, modes of inference, and the inquiry process in general, with emphases not only on symbols but also on signs that are semblances ("icons") and signs that are signs by being factually connected ("indices") to their objects. In Peircean circles, Max Fisch (21 December 1900 1995 January 6), the doyen of Peirce scholarship within his lifetime, introduced the myth that semeiotic was Peirces preferred term for the doctrine of signs. So deep runs the influence of habit over logic, that not even the exposure of this myth as a falsehood[12] has so far persuaded later
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Semiotics generations of Peirce scholars (epigones, in this matter) to abandon their preference for singling out Peirces work on the doctrine of signs as semeiotic or semeiotics, in contrast to all other work in semiotic or semioticsas if the study of semiosis was not a larger project than the work of any one researcher, however key. John Deely has argued against Fisch's claim about Peirce's preference for the spelling and singular form "Semeiotic".[13] Deely cites Peirce's use not only of "Semeiotic" but also "Semeiotics", "Semiotic", and "Semeotic", which last Peirce once stated might be the best rendering. Semiotics can no more be reduced to Peirce than geometry can be reduced to Euclid, astronomy to Galileo, or physics to Einstein, etc. Thomas L. Short in his 2007 book Peirce's Theory of Signs,[14] says in a footnote on p. xi in the Preface, "I use semeiotic, in Peirces occasional spelling, for his theory or theories of signs, and the more usual semiotic for that movement which originated in Europe...independently of Peirce and that later appropriated him, with confusion all around". Other Peirce scholars have tried to disparage the name doctrine of signs by associating the term doctrine with authoritarian and dogmatic religious teaching. But such a move presupposes considerable ignorance of the history of the term doctrina in the context of the Latin Age, where it was a synonym for scientia,[15] and where (in the 1632 Tractatus of Poinsot[16]) the irreducibly triadic character of the relation formally constituting signs as signs was originally established. Inasmuch as the latter term (science) in modern times came to be restricted to idioscopic investigations, while both scientia and doctrina in Latin times applied mainly to cenoscopic investigation, and in view of Peirces claim that semiotics belongs first to cenoscopy in its contrast to ideoscopy,[17] there is much wisdom in Sebeoks decision to prefer in contemporary context the expression doctrine of signs over Saussures proposal for a science of signs,[18] even as Sebeok assimilated semiology to semiotics as a part to a whole,[19] and was involved in choosing the name Semiotica (in effect a Latin transliteration of Lockes ) for the first international journal devoted to the study of signs. Thus doctrina signorum or doctrine of signs is the oldest name for the general study of signs, an expression used in common by Augustine of Hippo (AD 354430), John Poinsot (15891644), John Locke (16321704), Charles Peirce (18391914), and Thomas Sebeok (19202001)i.e., from ancient times, when sign as a general notion was first introduced by Augustine,[20] to postmodern times, when the general study of signs as signs first became a thematic focus of general interest within intellectual culture. But given the ancient origins of sign study (in Greek medicine in particular), and given the late-modern awakening of intellectual culture to the fundamental role of signs in the whole of culture and understanding, the English transliteration, semiotics, of the name proposed by Locke against the background of medical knowledge, has quite justifiablyalmost inevitablybecome the most accepted generic name for sign-study. Peirce himself, the main transitional figure in this area from a modern to a postmodern intellectual culture in philosophy,[21] would likely have had little use in his own semiotic development for provincial narrowness in trying to eliminate or belittle the oldest name for semiotic study, even as he most emphatically rejected for semiotics the understanding of doctrine in the latter modern sense of dogma (as Bergman points out[22]). Peirces whole idea for semiotics as the doctrine of signs was that semiosis would become the focal point for a community of inquirers, who would investigate the perfusion of signs throughout the universe for its own sake and according to its full requirements. (He would not likely have looked with admiration upon the development of a scholarly circle closed upon his personal work as something to be isolated from or within the larger semiotic community of inquiry.) Too, no one understood better than Peirce that history is to philosophy (cenoscopic science) what the laboratory is to science in the specialized modern sense (idioscopic science). He distinguished himself among the moderns by being the first thinker educated in the modern mainstream to ignore Descartes advice to beware in reading the Latin philosophers antecedent to modernity, lest in a too absorbed study of these works we should become infected with their errors.[23] Unlike his modern forebears, and unlike most of his own followers today, Peirce did indeed read the Latins Aquinas, Scotus, the Conimbricenses, in particular and from them seems to have gotten some of his most seminal ideas for semiotic, most notably perhaps the Conimbricenses thesis that all thought is in signs.[24]
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Semiotics In sum, as Peirce recommends, if we go by the history of the terms rather than by etymology, we find two things. First, we find that the oldest common name for the development of a cenoscopic study of the action consequent upon the being proper to signs (according to the classical formula agere sequitur esse, or the way a thing acts reveals what it is that is acting) understood as transcending both the nature/culture divide and the inner/outer divideis doctrine of signs (doctrina signorum). Second, we find from John Locke that the Greek form of a name as proposed synonymous with doctrina signorum is , or semiotics.[25] All other variants for semiotics (semeiotics, semeotics, etc.), proposed on the basis of the Greek term for natural signs, (which alone were recognized in the Greek Age of philosophy from Thales, BC c.625c.545, to Proclus, AD 8 February 412485 April 17), do not serve the purpose stipulated and intended by Locke in making his original proposal. The variants, semeiotics most conspicuous among them, either confuse in the historical preconscious the study of signs with medical study of symptoms of disease, or are based on terms considered etymologically rather than historically. Not all of these considerations surrounding Lockes term in contextindeed, few of them collectively consideredenter into the explicit consciousness of students of philosophy raised in the late-modern Analytic or even phenomenological traditions of philosophy; yet all of them are at work in the preconscious dimension of understanding at work (as our postmodern philosophical era dawns) in every educated human being alive today as inheritors perforce of linguistic systems shaped by modern philosophy, indeed, yet dating back much farther than the modern traditions of philosophy and linguistics. Semiotics, for this reason more than any other, perhaps, emerged by the opening decades of the 21st century as the most accurate and compelling name for the general and cenoscopic study, unconscious to ancient Greek philosophy, that began in Latin with Augustine of Hippo and culminated in Latin with the 1632 Tractatus de Signis of John Poinsot, then to begin anew in late modernity with the attempt in 1867 by Charles Sanders Peirce to draw up a new list of categories. Peirce aimed to base his new list directly upon experience precisely as constituted by action of signs, in contrast with the list of Aristotles categories which aimed to articulate within experience the dimension of being that is independent of experience and knowable as such through human understanding. The estimative powers of animals interpret the environment as sensed to form a meaningful world of objects, but the objects of this world (or Umwelt, in Jakob von Uexklls term[26]) consist exclusively of objects related to the animal as desirable (+), undesirable (), or safe to ignore (0). In contrast to this, human understanding adds to the animal Umwelt a relation of self-identity within objects which transforms objects experienced into things as well as +, , 0 objects.[27] Thus the generically animal objective world as Umwelt becomes a species-specifically human objective world or Lebenswelt wherein linguistic communication, rooted in the biologically underdetermined Innenwelt of human animals, makes possible the further dimension of cultural organization within the otherwise merely social organization of animals whose powers of observation can deal only with directly sensible instances of objectivity. This further point, that human culture depends upon language understood first of all not as communication, but as the biologically underdetermined aspect or feature of the human animals Innenwelt, was originally clearly identified by Thomas A. Sebeok.[28] Sebeok also played the central role in bringing Peirces work to the center of the semiotic stage in the 20th century,[29] first with his expansion of the human use of signs (anthroposemiosis) to include also the generically animal sign-usage (zosemiosis),[30] then with his further expansion of semiosis (based initially on the work of Martin Krampen,[31] but taking advantage of Peirces point that an interpretant, as the third item within a sign relation, need not be mental[32]) to include the plant world (phytosemiosis). Peirces distinction of an Interpretant from an Interpreter, with the further qualification that the former need not be of a mental mode of beingnot his demonstration that sign relations are perforce irreducibly triadic, as is commonly assumed in his following so far as the followers continue the modern tradition of ignoring the Latin Age of philosophys historywas actually his most revolutionary move and most seminal contribution to the doctrine of signs. Not only does Peirces Interpretant notion open the way to understanding an action of signs beyond the realm of animal life (study of "phytosemiosis" + "zosemiosis" + "anthroposemiosis" = biosemiotics), which was his first
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Semiotics advance beyond Latin Age semiotics, but it opens the way also to inquiry into the possibility of an action of signs even beyond the biosphere, a semiosis shaping the physical evolution of the universe itself in the direction of first being able to support and then actually to support life (physiosemiosis). To summarize: Locke did not know the Latin development of semiotics from Augustine to Poinsot, indeed; but he did know very well the difference between symptomatology as the specialized branch of medicine called , semeiotics, and the doctrine of signs he was proposing to become a general science under the name , semiotics. Hence the term he introduced needs to be kept in the form that he introduced.
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Formulations
Semioticians classify signs or sign systems in relation to the way they are transmitted (see modality). This process of carrying meaning depends on the use of codes that may be the individual sounds or letters that humans use to form words, the body movements they make to show attitude or emotion, or even something as general as the clothes they wear. To coin a word to refer to a thing (see lexical words), the community must agree on a simple meaning (a denotative meaning) within their language. But that word can transmit that meaning only within the language's grammatical structures and codes (see syntax and semantics). Codes also represent the values of the culture, and are able to add new shades of connotation to every aspect of life.
To explain the relationship between semiotics and communication studies, communication is defined as the process of transferring data from a source to a receiver. Hence, communication theorists construct models based on codes, media, and contexts to explain the biology, psychology, and mechanics involved. Both disciplines also recognize that the technical process cannot be separated from the fact that the receiver must decode the data, i.e., be able to distinguish the data as salient and make meaning out of it. This implies that there is a necessary overlap between semiotics and communication. Indeed, many of the concepts are shared, although in each field the emphasis is different. In Messages and Meanings: An Introduction to Semiotics, Marcel Danesi (1994) suggested that semioticians' priorities were to study signification first and communication second. A more extreme view is offered by Jean-Jacques Nattiez (1987; trans. 1990: 16), who, as a musicologist, considered the theoretical study of communication irrelevant to his application of semiotics. Semiotics differs from linguistics in that it generalizes the definition of a sign to encompass signs in any medium or sensory modality. Thus it broadens the range of sign systems and sign relations, and extends the definition of language in what amounts to its widest analogical or metaphorical sense. Peirce's definition of the term "semiotic" as the study of necessary features of signs also has the effect of distinguishing the discipline from linguistics as the study of contingent features that the world's languages happen to have acquired in the course of their evolutions. Perhaps more difficult is the distinction between semiotics and the philosophy of language. In a sense, the difference lies between separate traditions rather than subjects. Different authors have called themselves "philosopher of language" or "semiotician". This difference does not match the separation between analytic and continental philosophy. On a closer look, there may be found some differences regarding subjects. Philosophy of language pays more attention to natural languages or to languages in general, while semiotics is deeply concerned about non-linguistic signification. Philosophy of language also bears a stronger connection to linguistics, while semiotics is closer to some of the humanities (including literary theory) and to cultural anthropology.
Color-coding hot- and cold-water faucets (taps) is common in many cultures but, as this example shows, the coding may be rendered meaningless because of context. The two faucets (taps) were probably sold as a coded set, but the code is unusable (and ignored) as there is a single water supply.
Semiotics Semiosis or semeiosis is the process that forms meaning from any organism's apprehension of the world through signs. Scholars who have talked about semiosis in their sub-theories of semiotics include C.S. Peirce, John Deely, and Umberto Eco. Cognitive Semiotics is combining methods and theories developed in the disciplines of cognitive methods and theories developed in semiotics and the humanities, with providing new information into human signification and its manifestation in cultural practices. The research on cognitive semiotics researcher brings together semiotics from linguistics, cognitive science, and related disciplines on a common meta-theoretical platform of concepts, methods, and shared data.
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Some important semioticians

Charles Sanders Peirce (18391914), a noted logician who founded philosophical pragmatism, defined semiosis as an irreducibly triadic process wherein something, as an object, logically determines or influences something as a sign to determine or influence something as an interpretation or interpretant, itself a sign, thus leading to further interpretants.[33] Semiosis is logically structured to perpetuate itself. The object can be quality, fact, rule, or even fictional (Hamlet), and can be (1) immediate to the sign, the object as represented in the sign, or (2) dynamic, the object as it really is, on which the immediate object is founded. The interpretant can be (1) immediate to the sign, all that the sign immediately expresses, such as a word's usual meaning; or (2) dynamic, such as a state of agitation; or (3) final or normal, the ultimate ramifications of the sign about its object, to which inquiry taken far enough would be destined and with which any actual interpretant can at most coincide.[34] His semiotic[35] covered not only artificial, linguistic, and symbolic signs, but also semblances such as kindred sensible qualities, and indices such as reactions. He came c.1903[36] to classify any sign by three interdependent trichotomies, intersecting to form ten (rather than 27) classes of sign.[37] Signs also enter into various kinds of meaningful combinations; Peirce covered both semantic and syntactical issues in his speculative grammar. He regarded formal semiotic as logic per se and part of philosophy; as also encompassing study of arguments (hypothetical, deductive, and inductive) and inquiry's methods including pragmatism; and as allied to but distinct from logic's pure mathematics. For a summary of Peirce's contributions to semiotics, see Liszka (1996) or Atkin (2006). Ferdinand de Saussure (18571913), the "father" of modern linguistics, proposed a dualistic notion of signs, relating the signifier as the form of the word or phrase uttered, to the signified as the mental concept. It is important to note that, according to Saussure, the sign is completely arbitraryi.e., there was no necessary connection between the sign and its meaning. This sets him apart from previous philosophers such as Plato or the Scholastics, who thought that there must be some connection between a signifier and the object it signifies. In his Course in General Linguistics, Saussure himself credits the American linguist William Dwight Whitney (18271894) with insisting on the arbitrary nature of the sign. Saussure's insistence on the arbitrariness of the sign has also influenced later philosophers and theorists such as Jacques Derrida, Roland Barthes, and Jean Baudrillard. Ferdinand de Saussure coined the term semiologie while teaching his landmark "Course on General Linguistics" at the University of Geneva from 1906 to 1911. Saussure posited that no word is inherently meaningful. Rather a word is only a "signifier", i.e., the representation of something, and it must be combined in the brain with the "signified", or the thing itself, in order to form a meaning-imbued "sign". Saussure believed that dismantling signs was a real science, for in doing so we come to an empirical understanding of how humans synthesize physical stimuli into words and other abstract concepts. Jakob von Uexkll (18641944) studied the sign processes in animals. He used the German word for "environment", Umwelt, to describe the individual's subjective world, and he invented the concept of functional circle (Funktionskreis) as a general model of sign processes. In his Theory of Meaning (Bedeutungslehre, 1940), he described the semiotic approach to biology, thus establishing the field that is now called biosemiotics. Valentin Voloshinov (18951936) was a Soviet/Russian linguist, whose work has been influential in the field of literary theory and Marxist theory of ideology. Written in the late 1920s in the USSR, Voloshinov's Marxism and the Philosophy of Language (tr.: Marksizm i Filosofiya Yazyka) developed a counter-Saussurean linguistics,
Semiotics which situated language use in social process rather than in an entirely decontexualized Saussurean langue. Louis Hjelmslev (18991965) developed a formalist approach to Saussure's structuralist theories. His best known work is Prolegomena to a Theory of Language, which was expanded in Rsum of the Theory of Language, a formal development of glossematics, his scientific calculus of language. Charles W. Morris (19011979). In his 1938 Foundations of the Theory of Signs, he defined semiotics as grouping the triad syntax, semantics, and pragmatics. Syntax studies the interrelation of the signs, without regard to meaning. Semantics studies the relation between the signs and the objects to which they apply. Pragmatics studies the relation between the sign system and its human (or animal) user. Unlike his mentor George Herbert Mead, Morris was a behaviorist and sympathetic to the Vienna Circle positivism of his colleague Rudolf Carnap. Morris was accused by John Dewey of misreading Peirce.[38] Thure von Uexkll (19082004), the "father" of modern psychosomatic medicine, developed a diagnostic method based on semiotic and biosemiotic analyses. Roland Barthes (19151980) was a French literary theorist and semiotician. He would often critique pieces of cultural material to expose how bourgeois society used them to impose its values upon others. For instance, the portrayal of wine drinking in French society as a robust and healthy habit would be a bourgeois ideal perception contradicted by certain realities (i.e. that wine can be unhealthy and inebriating). He found semiotics useful in conducting these critiques. Barthes explained that these bourgeois cultural myths were second-order signs, or connotations. A picture of a full, dark bottle is a sign, a signifier relating to a signified: a fermented, alcoholic beveragewine. However, the bourgeois take this signified and apply their own emphasis to it, making "wine" a new signifier, this time relating to a new signified: the idea of healthy, robust, relaxing wine. Motivations for such manipulations vary from a desire to sell products to a simple desire to maintain the status quo. These insights brought Barthes very much in line with similar Marxist theory. Algirdas Julien Greimas (19171992) developed a structural version of semiotics named "generative semiotics", trying to shift the focus of discipline from signs to systems of signification. His theories develop the ideas of Saussure, Hjelmslev, Claude Lvi-Strauss, and Maurice Merleau-Ponty. Thomas A. Sebeok (19202001), a student of Charles W. Morris, was a prolific and wide-ranging American semiotician. Though he insisted that animals are not capable of language, he expanded the purview of semiotics to include non-human signaling and communication Signaling and communication between the Astatotilapia systems, thus raising some of the issues addressed by burtoni philosophy of mind and coining the term zoosemiotics. Sebeok insisted that all communication was made possible by the relationship between an organism and the environment it lives in. He also posed the equation between semiosis (the activity of interpreting signs) and lifea view that the Copenhagen-Tartu biosemiotic school has further developed. Juri Lotman (19221993) was the founding member of the Tartu-Estonia (or Tartu-Moscow) Semiotic School. He developed a semiotic approach to the study of culturesemiotics of cultureand established a communication model for the study of text semiotics. He also introduced the concept of the semiosphere. Among his Moscow colleagues were Vladimir Toporov, Vyacheslav Vsevolodovich Ivanov, and Boris Uspensky. Umberto Eco (1932present) made a wider audience aware of semiotics by various publications, most notably A Theory of Semiotics and his novel, The Name of the Rose, which includes applied semiotic operations. His most important contributions to the field bear on interpretation, encyclopedia, and model reader. He has also criticized in several works (A theory of semiotics, La struttura assente, Le signe, La production de signes) the "iconism" or "iconic signs" (taken from Peirce's most famous triadic relation, based on indexes, icons, and symbols), to which
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Semiotics he purposes four modes of sign production: recognition, ostension, replica, and invention. Eliseo Vern (1935present) developed his "Social Discourse Theory" inspired in the Peircian conception of "Semiosis". The Mu Group (Groupe ) (founded 1967) developed a structural version of rhetorics, and the visual semiotics.
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Current applications
Applications of semiotics include: It represents a methodology for the analysis of texts regardless of the medium in which it is presented. For these purposes, "text" is any message preserved in a form whose existence is independent of both sender and receiver; It can improve ergonomic design in situations where it is important to ensure that human beings can interact more effectively with their environments, whether it be on a large scale, as in architecture, or on a small scale, such as the configuration of instrumentation for human use. In some countries, its role is limited to literary criticism and an appreciation of audio and visual media, but this narrow focus can inhibit a more general study of the social and political forces shaping how different media are used and their dynamic status within modern culture. Issues of technological determinism in the choice of media and the design of communication strategies assume new importance in this age of mass media. The use of semiotic methods to reveal different levels of meaning and, sometimes, hidden motivations has led Yale's Harold Bloom to demonise elements of the subject as Marxist, nihilist, etc. (e.g., critical discourse analysis in postmodernism and deconstruction in post-structuralism). Publication of research is both in dedicated journals such as Sign Systems Studies, established by Juri Lotman and published by Tartu University Press; Semiotica, founded by Thomas A. Sebeok and published by Mouton de Gruyter; Zeitschrift fr Semiotik; European Journal of Semiotics; Versus (founded and directed by Umberto Eco), et al.; The American Journal of Semiotics; and as articles accepted in periodicals of other disciplines, especially journals oriented toward philosophy and cultural criticism. The major semiotic book series "Semiotics, Communication, Cognition", published by De Gruyter Mouton (series editors Paul Cobley and Kalevi Kull) replaces the former "Approaches to Semiotics" (over 120 volumes) and "Approaches to Applied Semiotics" (series editor Thomas A. Sebeok). Since 1980 the Semiotic Society of America has produced an annual conference series: Semiotics: The Proceedings of the Semiotic Society of America.
Branches
Semiotics has sprouted a number of subfields, including but not limited to the following: Biosemiotics the study of semiotic processes at all levels of biology, or a semiotic study of living systems (e.g., CopenhagenTartu School). Semiotic anthropology Cognitive semiotics the study of meaning-making by employing and integrating methods and theories developed in the cognitive sciences. This involves conceptual and textual analysis as well as experimental investigations. Cognitive semiotics was initially developed at the Center for Semiotics at Aarhus University (Denmark), with an important connection with the Center of Functionally Integrated Neuroscience (CFIN) at Aarhus Hospital. Amongst the prominent cognitive semioticians are Per Aage Brandt, Svend stergaard, Peer Bundgrd, Frederik Stjernfelt, Mikkel Wallentin, Kristian Tyln, Riccardo Fusaroli, and Jordan Zlatev. Computational semiotics attempts to engineer the process of semiosis, say in the study of and design for Human-Computer Interaction or to mimic aspects of human cognition through artificial intelligence and knowledge representation Cultural and literary semiotics examines the literary world, the visual media, the mass media, and advertising in the work of writers such as Roland Barthes, Marcel Danesi, and Juri Lotman (e.g., TartuMoscow Semiotic
Semiotics School). Design semiotics or product semiotics the study of the use of signs in the design of physical products; introduced by Rune Mon while teaching industrial design at the Institute of Design, Ume University, Sweden Film semiotics the study of the various codes and signs of film and how they are understood; see Christian Metz Gregorian chant semiology is a current avenue of palaeographical research in Gregorian chant which is revising the Solesmes school of interpretation. Law and Semiotics one of the more accomplished publications in this field is the International Journal for the Semiotics of Law Music semiology "There are strong arguments that music inhabits a semiological realm which, on both ontogenetic and phylogenetic levels, has developmental priority over verbal language." (Middleton 1990, p.172) See Nattiez (1976, 1987, 1989), Stefani (1973, 1986), Baroni (1983), and Semiotica (66: 13 (1987)). Organisational semiotics the study of semiotic processes in organizations (with strong ties to Computational semiotics and Human-Computer Interaction) Pynthantics [39] the art and science of extracting specific information from a system in useful form. The word is from the Greek pynthan, "to pose a question, and perhaps get an answer". Informally, it is the art and science of asking good questions.
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Social semiotics expands the interpretable semiotic landscape to include all cultural codes, such as in slang, fashion, and advertising (See Roland Barthes, Michael Halliday, Bob Hodge, and Christian Metz) Structuralism and post-structuralism in the work of Jacques Derrida, Michel Foucault, Louis Hjelmslev, Roman Jakobson, Jacques Lacan, Claude Lvi-Strauss, Roland Barthes, etc. Theatre semiotics extends or adapts semiotics onstage; key theoricians include Keir Elam Urban semiotics Visual semiotics analyses visual signs; see also visual rhetoric[40] Semiotics of Photography[41]
Pictorial semiotics
Pictorial Semiotics is intimately connected to art history and theory. It has gone beyond them both in at least one fundamental way, however. While art history has limited its visual analysis to a small number of pictures which qualify as "works of art", pictorial semiotics has focused on the properties of pictures more generally. This break from traditional art history and theoryas well as from other major streams of semiotic analysisleaves open a wide variety of possibilities for pictorial semiotics. Some influences have been drawn from phenomenological analysis, cognitive psychology, and structuralist and cognitivist linguistics, and visual anthropology/sociology.
Semiotics of food
Food has been one traditional topic of choice in relating semiotic theory because it is extremely accessible and easily relatable to the average individuals life.[42] Food is said to be semiotic because it transforms meaning with preparation. Food that is eaten by a wild animal raw from a carcass is obviously different in meaning when compared to a food that is prepared by humans in a kitchen to represent a cultural dish. Food can also be said to be symbolic of certain social codes. If food is treated as a code, the messages it encodes will be found in the pattern of social relations being expressed. The message is about different degrees of hierarchy, inclusion and exclusion, boundaries and transactions across boundaries.[43] Food is a semiotic regardless of how it is prepared. Whether food is prepared with precision in a fine dining restaurant, picked from a dumpster, plucked, devoured, or even consumed by a wild animal, meaning can always be extracted from the way a certain food has been prepared and the context in which it is served.
Semiotics
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Semiotics and globalization

Studies have shown that semiotics can make or break a brand. Culture codes strongly influence whether a population likes or dislikes a brands marketing, especially internationally. If the company is unaware of a cultures codes, it runs the risk of failing in its marketing. Globalization has caused the development of a global consumer culture where products have similar associations, whether positive or negative, across numerous markets.[44] Mistranslations can lead to instances of Engrish or Chinglish, terms for unintentionally humorous cross-cultural slogans intended to be understood in English. This can be caused by a sign that, in Pierce's terms, mistakenly indexes or symbolizes something in one culture that it does not in another.[45] In other words, it creates a connotation that is culturally bound, and that violates some culture code. Humor theorists such as Schopenhauer suggest that contradiction or incongruity creates absurdity and therefore humor.[46] Violating a culture code creates this construct of ridiculousness for the culture that owns the code. Intentional humor may also fail cross-culturally because jokes are not on code for the receiving culture.[47] A good example of branding according to cultural code is Disneys international theme park business. For example, Disney fits well with Japan's cultural code because the Japanese value cuteness, politeness, and gift giving as part of their culture code; Tokyo Disneyland sells the most souvenirs of any Disney theme park. In contrast, Disneyland Paris failed when it launched as Euro Disney because the company did not research the codes underlying European culture. Its storybook retelling of European folktales was taken as elitist and insulting, and the strict appearance standards that it had for employees resulted in discrimination lawsuits in France. Disney souvenirs were perceived as cheap trinkets. The park was a financial failure because its code violated the expectations of European culture in ways that were offensive.[48] On the other hand, some researchers have suggested that it is possible to successfully pass a sign perceived as a cultural icon, such as the Coca-Cola or McDonald's logos, from one culture to another. This can be done if the sign is migrated from a more economically developed to a less developed culture. The intentional association of a product with another culture is also called Foreign Consumer Culture Positioning (FCCP). Products can also be marketed using global trends or culture codes, for example, saving time in a busy world; but even these may be fine-tuned for specific cultures. Research also found that, as airline industry brandings grow and become more international, their logos become more symbolic and less iconic. The iconicity and symbolism of a sign depends on the cultural convention and are on that ground in relation with each other. If the cultural convention has greater influence on the sign, the signs get more symbolic value.[49]
Main institutions
A world organisation of semioticiansthe International Association for Semiotic Studies, with its journal Semioticawas established in 1969. The larger research centers together with extensive teaching program include the semiotics departments at the University of Tartu, Aarhus University, and Bologna University.
References
Notes
[1] The American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language: Syntactics (http:/ / www. thefreedictionary. com/ syntactics) [2] Wiktionary.org (http:/ / en. wiktionary. org/ wiki/ syntax) [3] Today, using Greek, one can either write (a) or (b), as Locke did, (with the accent in the other direction, from up left to down right). The form (a) is modern Greek, (b) is ancient Greek. However, there is a tricky part that only good classicists are aware of: when term (b) is followed by any kind of punctuation mark, it takes the form (a). This is a rule all but the most sophisticated of Greek scholars effectively ignore. [4] The title page from the 1689/1690 first edition of Lockes Essay concerning Human Understanding is reproduced on p. 2 of the anthology Frontiers in Semiotics, ed. J. Deely, B. Williams, and F. E. Kruse (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 1986), while on pp. 34 is reproduced the whole of Lockes concluding Division of the Sciences chapter, where he introduces, in 4, as his proposed name
Semiotics
synonymous with the Doctrine of Signs (italics in that original) for the development of the future study of the ubiquitous role of signs within human awareness. In the 1689/1690 original edition, the Division of the Sciences chapter was Chapter XX. In the 4th ed. of 1700, a new Chapter XIX Of Enthusiasm is inserted into Book IV, after which the Chapter XX of the 1st ed. becomes Chapter XXI for all subsequent editions. See the Historically Layered & Annotated References in John Deely, Why Semiotics? (Ottawa, Canada: Legas, 2004), 7188, esp. 7780 for the editions of Lockes Essay from 1689 through 1716.
56
Now it is an important fact that Lockes proposal for the development of semiotics, with three passing exceptions as asides in the writings of Berkeley (16851753), Leibniz (16461716), and Condillac (17151780), is met with a resounding silence that lasts as long as modernity itself. Even Lockes devoted late modern editor, Alexander Campbell Fraser [3 September 18191914 December 2], dismisses out of hand this crude and superficial scheme of Locke (see Lockes modest proposal subversive of the way of ideas, its reception, and its bearing on the resolution of an ancient and a modern controversy in logic in Chap. 14 of Deelys Four Ages of Understanding, pp. 591606). Just how deep the misconstrual, deliberate or indeliberate, of Lockes spelling and notion for runs in modern scholarship can be garnered, by way of example, from an examination of the 1975 Oxford University Press supposedly critical edition prepared and introduced by Peter Harold Nidditch (15 September 19281983 February 12). Nidditch tells us, in his Foreword, p. vii, that he presents us with a complete, critically established, and unmodernized text that aims at being historically faithful to Lockes final intentions; p. xxv tells us further that the present text is based on the original fourth edition of the Essay, and that readings in the other early authorized editions are adopted, in appropriate form, where necessary, and recorded otherwise in the textual notes. We know that term appears in that 1700 4th edition, the last published (but not the last prepared) within Lockes lifetime, with exactly the spelling and final accent found in the 1689/1690 1st edition. Yet if we turn to the final Chapter XXI of the 1975 Oxford/Nidditch edition, we find on p. 720 not but rather do we find substituted (silently) the medical spelling (and with final accent reversed). Nowhere does Nidditch provide us with any note or explanation of this displacement from Lockes original text and intention. Is it not time, now that Lockes proposal has finally achieved thematic status in the postmodern intellectual culture, that lexicographers recognize the difference between as a signum ad placitum proposed by Locke to name a general science and as already in Locke's day a signum ex consuetudine established in naming a specialized branch of medicine? With that recognition, of course, together with the actual development of Lockes proposal as witnessed today (For though there is of course a long history behind the semiotics of today, as Susan Petrilli pointed out in her 2008 Sebeok Fellow Address, still there is a sense in which semiotics is, as a widespread intellectual movement, a phenomenon more of our time than it is of any time pastSemioethics and Responsibility, The American Journal of Semiotics 24.4, p. 3), , semiotics (in contrast to semeiotics, ), becomes a signum ex consuetudine in its own rightthe established and proper postmodern name for the doctrine of signs as a cenoscopic development first made possible (consult work cited in note 7 below) with Augustines generalization of signum across nature and culture alike.
[5] For the Greeks, signs occurred in the world of nature, symbols in the world of culture. Not until Augustine would a thematic proposal for uniting the two under the notion of signum as transcending the nature/culture divide and identifying symbols as no more than a species (or sub-species) of signum be formally proposed. The best monograph study on this question so far remains the work of Giovanni Manetti, Le teorie del segno nellantichit classica (Milan: Bompiani, 1987); trans. by Christine Richardson as Theories of the Sign in Classical Antiquity (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 1993). Classic also is the article by Luigi Romeo, The Derivation of Semiotics through the History of the Discipline, in Semiosis 6, Heft 2 (1977), 3749. See Andrew LaVelles discussion of Romeo on Peirce-l at (http:/ / permalink. gmane. org/ gmane. science. philosophy. peirce/ 3252). [6] See John Deely, Augustine & Poinsot: The Protosemiotic Development (Scranton, PA: University of Scranton Press, 2009) for full details of Augustines originality on this point. [7] 2nd ed. 1694; 3rd ed. 1695; 4th ed. 1700; 5th ed. 1706, but preparation completed before Lockes 1704 death. [8] John Deely, On the Word Semiotics, Formation and Origins, Semiotica 146.1/4 (2003), 149 (winner of 23rd Mouton dOr Award for best essay in the field published in the calendar year); Why Semiotics? (Ottawa, Canada: Legas, 2004). [9] i.e., critical control of objectification (cenoscopy) that provides the basis and framework for the later and further development of human knowledge by the use of experiments and the mathematization of experimental results (ideoscopy). [10] Max Fisch compiled Peirce-related bibliographical supplements in 1952, 1964, 1966, 1974; was consulting editor on the 1977 microfilm of Peirce's published works and on the Comprehensive Bibliography associated with it; was among the main editors of the first five volumes
Semiotics
(published 19811993) Writings of Charles S. Peirce; and wrote a number of published articles on Peirce, many collected in 1986 in Peirce, Semeiotic, and Pragmatism, Ketner and Kloesel, eds., Indiana University Press: catalog page (http:/ / www. iupress. indiana. edu/ catalog/ product_info. php?products_id=19748), Bloomington, IN, 480 pages. See Charles Sanders Peirce bibliography. [11] Fisch, Max H. (1978), Peirces General Theory of Signs in Sight, Sound, and Sense, ed. T. A. Sebeok. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, pp. 31-70. [12] John Deely, " Clearing the Mists of a Terminological Mythology Concerning Peirce (http:/ / www. cspeirce. com/ menu/ library/ aboutcsp/ deely/ clearing. pdf). [13] Deely, John (October 2008 draft), "Clearing the Mists of a Terminological Mythology concerning Peirce", Arisbe PDF Eprint (http:/ / www. cspeirce. com/ menu/ library/ aboutcsp/ deely/ clearing. pdf). [14] Short, T. L. (2007), Peirce's Theory of Signs, Cambridge University Press. PDF Eprint (http:/ / assets. cambridge. org/ 97805218/ 43201/ frontmatter/ 9780521843201_frontmatter. pdf). [15] When I had recognized, Peirce observes in his letter of 23 December 1908 to Lady Welby, that the history of words, not their etymology, being the key to their meanings...I accordingly recognized that, in order that the lines of demarcation between what we call sciences should be real, in view of the rapid growth of sciences and the impossibility of allowing for future discoveries, those lines of demarcation can only represent the separations between different groups of men who devote their lives to the advance of different studies... (in Semiotics and Significs. The correspondence between Charles S. Peirce and Victoria Lady Welby, ed. Charles S. Hardwick, p. 79). The history of the expression doctrine of signs, thus, not some etymological stipulation or association, is what determines its appropriateness in the naming of semiotics. [16] John Poinsot, Book I, Question 3, esp. 154/2030 (i.e., p. 154, lines 2030), Tractatus de Signis, trans. and ed. John Deely with the assistance of Ralph Austin Powell (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1985; corrected 2nd ed. with new materials, South Bend, IN: St. Augustines Press, 2013). [17] Peirce 1908: 482: I have learned that the only natural lines of demarcation between nearly related sciences are the divisions between the social groups of devotees of those sciences; and for the present the cenoscopic studies (i.e., those studies which do not depend upon new special observations) of all signs remain one undivided scienceDraft of a letter dated 1908 December 24, 25, 28 On the Classification of Signs, in The Essential Peirce (18931913), Volume 2, ed. Nathan Houser, Andr De Tienne, Jonathan R. Eller, Cathy L. Clark, Albert C. Lewis, D. Bront Davis (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 1998). [18] Thomas A. Sebeok, Contributions to the Doctrine of Signs (Lisse, Netherlands: Peter de Ridder Press, 1976; corrected reprint Lanham, MD: University Press of America, 1985), Foreword, p. ix: The expression doctrine of signs, for the title of this collection, was selected with deliberation to emblematically align the arguments embodied in these eleven essays with the semiotic tradition of Locke and Peirce rather more closely than with others that prefer to dignify the fieldoften with premature strategic intentas a theory or even a science. For Locke, a doctrine was hardly more than a body or system of principles or tenets loosely constituting a department of knowledge. Things, Actions, and Signs were for him the three great Provinces of the intellectual World, wholly separate and distinct one from another. The mind makes use of signs both in the contemplation of things and in actions for the attainment of its ends; moreover, it does so for the right ordering of [the one and the other] for its clearer Information. The business of the doctrine of signs, or semiotics, he asserted at the very end of his celebrated essay, was to consider matters such as these. See further Doctrine, terminological entry for the Encyclopedic Dictionary of Semiotics, ed. Thomas A. Sebeok et al. (Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, 1986), Tome I, p. 214. [19] The whole anthology, Frontiers in Semiotics, cited in note 5 above, was devoted to the documentation of this pars pro toto move of Sebeok. [20] See n.7, above. [21] The fullest statements of this idea to date remain Charles Sanders Peirce and the Recovery of Signum, Chap. 15 in John Deely, Four Ages of Understanding (Toronto, Canada: University of Toronto Press, 2001), 611668 and The Red Book at (http:/ / www. helsinki. fi/ science/ commens/ papers/ redbook. pdf). [22] Mats Bergman, Peirces Philosophy of Communication (New York, NY: Continuum, 2009), 47ff. [23] Ren Descartes 1628, Rules for the Direction of the Mind, in The Philosophical Works of Descartes, trans. Elizabeth S. Haldane and G.R.T. Ross in 2 vols. (New York: Dover, 1931), vol.I, p.6. [24] See Mauricio Beuchot and J. Deely, Common Sources for the Semiotic of Charles Peirce and John Poinsot, Review of Metaphysics XLVIII.3 (March 1995), 539566. Also John P. Doyle, ed. and trans., The Conimbricenses. Some Questions on Signs (Milwaukee, WI: Marquette University Press); bilingual critical edition of the De Signis section of the Conimbricenses commentary on Aristotles De Interpretatione, in Commentarii Collegii Conimbricensis et Societatis Jesu. In Universam Dialecticam Aristotelis Stagiritae. Secunda Pars (Lyons: Sumptibus Horatii Cardon, 1607). [25] In Latin transliteration, Lockes proposal becomes Semiotica. No such transliteration occurred in Latins time as a living language; but it is hard to avoid suspecting some synchronicity in the choice of this term by Sebeok and his editorial colleagues (including Roland Barthes, Umberto Eco, Juri Lotman, among others) to name the first international journal devoted to semiotics. [26] See Umwelt, Semiotica 1341/4 (2001), 125135; Special Issue on Jakob von Uexkll: A paradigm for biology and semiotics Guest-Edited by Kalevi Kull. [27] Cf. Heidegger 1927, in the 1962 trans. by John Macquarrie & Edward Robinson, Being and Time (New York, NY: Harper & Row), p. 487: The distinction between the being of existing Dasein and the Being of entities, such as Reality, which do not have the character of Dasein...is nothing with which philosophy may tranquillize itself. It has long been known that ancient ontology works with Thing-concepts and that there is a danger of reifying consciousness. But what does this reifying signify? Where does it arise? Why does Being get conceived
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Semiotics
proximally in terms of the present-at-hand and not in terms of the ready-to-hand, which indeed lies closer to us? Why does reifying always keep coming back to exercise its dominion? This is the question that the Umwelt/Lebenswelt distinction as here drawn answers to. [28] Thomas A. Sebeok, The Evolution of Communication and the Origin of Language, lecture in the 1984 June 13 International Summer Institute for Semiotic and Structural Studies 1984 Colloquium on Phylogeny and Ontogeny of Communication Systems, published under the title Communication, Language, and Speech. Evolutionary Considerations, in Sebeoks I Think I Am A Verb. More Contributions to the Doctrine of Signs (New York: Plenum Press, 1986), pp. 1016. For subsequent context, see the Afterword to the volume of Sebeoks Semiotic Prologues, ed. John Deely and Marcel Danesi (Ottawa, Canada: Legas, 2012), pp. 365383; version online at (http:/ / www. augustoponzio. com/ files/ 12. _Deely. pdf). [29] Detailed demonstration of Sebeoks role as the Maestro of the global emergence of the doctrine of signs as semiotics is recorded mainly in the three recent volumes. First, Semiotics Seen Synchronically. The View from 2010 (Ottawa: Legas, 2010)a panoramic survey of the 20th century intellectual culture within which what we call semiotics today developed, countering the Saussure vs Peirce myth and demonstrating Sebeoks central role in the international development of semiotics. Second, Semiotics Continues To Astonish. Thomas A. Sebeok and the Doctrine of Signs (Berlin: Mouton De Gruyter, 2011)a 526-page assemblage of essays, vignettes, letters, pictures attesting to the depth and extent of Sebeoks promotion of semiotic understanding around the world, including his involvement with Juri Lotman and the Tartu University graduate program in semiotics (currently directed by Kalevi Kull). Third, Sebeoks Semiotic Prologues (Ottawa: Legas, 2012)a volume which gathers together in Part I all the prologues (i.e., introductions, prefaces, forewords, etc.) that Sebeok wrote for other peoples books, then in Part 2 all the prologues that other people wrote for Sebeokan astonishing landscape of some 410 pages in which the international development of semiotics is on sparkling display. [30] See Thomas A. Sebeok, Communication in Animals and Men, review article covering three books: Martin Lindauer, Communication among Social Bees (Harvard books in biology, No. 2; Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1961, pp. ix + 143); Winthrop N. Kellogg, Porpoises and Sonar (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1961, pp. xiv + 177); and John C. Lilly, Man and Dolphin (Garden City, New York: Doubleday), in Language 39 (1963), 448466. [31] Martin Krampen, Phytosemiotics, Semiotica, 36.3/4 (1981), 187209. [32] Peirce c.1907: Excerpt from Pragmatism (Editor [3]), published under the title A Survey of Pragmaticism in The Collected Papers of Charles Sanders Peirce, Vol. 5, ed. Charles Hartshorne and Paul Weiss (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1934), 5.473. See also the part of Peirces letter of to Lady Welby dated 23 December 1908, in Semiotic and Significs: The Correspondence between C.S. Peirce and Victoria Lady Welby, ed. Charles S. Hardwick with the assistance of James Cook (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 1977), pp. 7386. And Semiosis: The Subject Matter of Semiotic Inquiry, Chap. 3 of Basics of Semiotics by John Deely (5th ed.: Tartu, Estonia: Tartu University Press, 2009), 2650, esp. 31 & 38 41). [33] For Peirce's definitions of signs and semiosis, see under " Sign (http:/ / www. helsinki. fi/ science/ commens/ terms/ sign. html)" and " Semiosis, semeiosy (http:/ / www. helsinki. fi/ science/ commens/ terms/ semiosis. html)" in the Commens Dictionary of Peirce's Terms (http:/ / www. helsinki. fi/ science/ commens/ dictionary. html); and " 76 definitions of sign by C.S. Peirce (http:/ / perso. numericable. fr/ robert. marty/ semiotique/ access. htm)" collected by Robert Marty. Peirce's " What Is a Sign (http:/ / www. iupui. edu/ ~peirce/ ep/ ep2/ ep2book/ ch02/ ep2ch2. htm)" (MS 404 of 1894, Essential Peirce v. 2, pp. 4-10) provides intuitive help. [34] See Peirce, excerpt from a letter to William James, March 14, 1909, Collected Papers v. 8, paragraph 314. Also see under relevant entries in the Commens Dictionary of Peirce's Terms (http:/ / www. helsinki. fi/ science/ commens/ dictionary. html). On coincidence of actual opinion with final opinion, see MS 218, transcription (http:/ / www. cspeirce. com/ menu/ library/ bycsp/ logic/ ms218. htm) at Arisbe, and appearing in Writings of Charles S. Peirce v. 3, p.79. [35] He spelt it "semiotic" and "semeiotic". See under " Semeiotic (http:/ / www. helsinki. fi/ science/ commens/ terms/ semeiotic. html) [etc.] in the Commens Dictionary of Peirce's Terms. [36] Peirce, Collected Papers v. 2, paragraphs 243-263, written c.1903. [37] He worked on but did not perfect a finer-grained system of ten trichotomies, to be combined into 66 (Tn+1) classes of sign. That raised for Peirce 59,049 classificatory questions (59,049 = 310, or 3 to the 10th power). See p. 482 in "Excerpts from Letters to Lady Welby", Essential Peirce v. 2. [38] Dewey, John, (1946, February 14), Peirce's Theory of Linguistic Signs, Thought, and Meaning. The Journal of Philosophy, v. 43, n. 4, pp.85-95. [39] http:/ / pynthan. org [40] Wikibooks.org (http:/ / en. wikibooks. org/ wiki/ Visual_Rhetoric/ Semiotics_and_Visual_Rhetoric) [41] Semiotics of Photography (http:/ / ssrn. com/ abstract=2067834) [42] Leeds-Hurwitz, W. (1993). Semiotics and Communication: Signs, Codes, Cultures. Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum. [43] Douglas, Mary. 1971. "Deciphering a Meal". In: Clifford Geertz (ed.) Myth, Symbol and Culture. New York: Norton, pp. 6182. [44] Alden, Dana; Jan-Benedict Steenkamp & Rajeev Batra. (1999). "Brand Positioning Through Advertising in Asia, North America, and Europe: The Role of Global Consumer Culture", Journal of Marketing 63 (1), 75-87. [45] Chandler, Daniel. (2001/2007). Semiotics: The Basics. London: Routledge [46] Spotts, H. Weinberger M. & Parsons A. (1997). "Assessing the use and impact of humor on advertising effectiveness: A contingency approach", Journal of Advertising, 26 (3), 17-32 [47] Beeman, William. (1981). "Why do they laugh? An interactional approach to humor in traditional Iranian improvisatory theater: Performance and its effects". Journal of American Folklore, 94 (374), 506-526.
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[48] Brannen, M. (2004). When Mickey Loses Face: Recontextualization, Semantic Fit, and the Semiotics of Foreignness, Academy of Management Review, 29 (4), 593-616 [49] Thurlow, C. & Aiello, G. (2007). "National pride, global capital: a social semiotic analysis of transnational visual branding in the airline industry", Visual Communication, 6(3), 305344
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Romeo, Luigi (1977), "The Derivation of 'Semiotics' through the History of the Discipline", Semiosis, v. 6 pp.3750. Sebeok, T.A. (1976), Contributions to the Doctrine of Signs, Indiana University Press, Bloomington, IN. Sebeok, Thomas A. (Editor) (1977). A Perfusion of Signs. Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press. Signs and Meaning: 5 Questions, edited by Peer Bundgaard and Frederik Stjernfelt, 2009 (Automatic Press / VIP). (Includes interviews with 29 leading semioticians of the world.) Short, T.L. (2007), Peirce's Theory of Signs, Cambridge University Press. Stubbe, Henry (Henry Stubbes), The Plus Ultra reduced to a Non Plus: Or, A Specimen of some Animadversions upon the Plus Ultra of Mr. Glanvill, wherein sundry Errors of some Virtuosi are discovered, the Credit of the Aristotelians in part Re-advanced; and Enquiries made...., (London), 1670. Uexkll, Thure von (1982). Semiotics and medicine. Semiotica 38-3/4:205-215 Williamson, Judith. (1978). Decoding Advertisements: Ideology and Meaning in Advertising. London: Boyars. Zlatev, Jordan. (2009). "The Semiotic Hierarchy: Life, Consciousness, Signs and Language, Cognitive Semiotics". Sweden: Scania.
External links
Further reading
Applied Semiotics / Smiotique applique (http:/ / www. chass. utoronto. ca/ french/ as-sa/ index. html) Communicology: The link between semiotics and phenomenological manifestations (http:/ / www. communicology. org/ ) Language and the Origin of Semiosis (http:/ / www. percepp. com/ semiosis. htm) Semiotics for Beginners (http:/ / www. aber. ac. uk/ media/ Documents/ S4B/ sem02. html) Signo www.signosemio.com Presents semiotic theories and theories closely related to semiotics (http:/ / www. signosemio. com/ ) The Semiotics of the Web (http:/ / pauillac. inria. fr/ ~codognet/ web. html) Tartu Semiotics Department (http:/ / www. ut. ee/ SOSE/ eng. html) Peircean focus Arisbe: The Peirce Gateway (http:/ / www. cspeirce. com/ ) Minute Semeiotic (http:/ / www. minutesemeiotic. org/ ?lang=en), English, Portuguese Peirce's Theory of Semiosis: Toward a Logic of Mutual Affection (http:/ / www. chass. utoronto. ca/ epc/ srb/ cyber/ espout. html) free online course Semiotics according to Robert Marty (http:/ / perso. numericable. fr/ robert. marty/ semiotique/ anglais. htm), with 76 definitions of the sign by C.S. Peirce (http:/ / perso. numericable. fr/ robert. marty/ semiotique/ access. htm) The Commens Dictionary of Peirce's Terms (http:/ / www. helsinki. fi/ science/ commens/ dictionary. html)
Semiotics
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Journals, book series associations, centers American Journal of Semiotics (http://secure.pdcnet.org/pdc/bvdb.nsf/journal?openform&journal=pdc_ajs), Joseph Brent, Editor, & John Deely, Managing Editor from the Semiotic Society of America (http://uwf.edu/ tprewitt/ssa.htm). Applied Semiotics / Smiotique applique (AS/SA) (http://french.chass.utoronto.ca/as-sa/), Peter G. Marteinson & Pascal G. Michelucci, Editors. Approaches to Semiotics (http://www.degruyter.de/view/serial/16067) (196997 book series), Thomas A. Sebeok, Alain Rey, Roland Posner, et al., Editors. Approaches to Applied Semiotics (http://www.degruyter.de/view/serial/16228) (20002009 book series), Thomas Sebeok et al., Editors. Biosemiotics (http://www.springer.com/life+sciences/evolutionary+&+developmental+biology/journal/ 12304), Marcello Barbieri, Editor-in-Chief from the International Society for Biosemiotic Studies (http:// www.biosemiotics.org/). Center for Semiotics (http://www.hum.au.dk/semiotics/), Aarhus University, Denmark. Cognitive Semiotics (http://www.cognitivesemiotics.com/), Per Aage Brandt & Todd Oakley, Editors-in-Chief. Cybernetics and Human Knowing (http://www.chkjournal.org/), Sren Brier, Chief Editor. International Journal of Signs and Semiotic Systems (IJSSS) (http://www.irma-international.org/journal/ international-journal-signs-semiotic-systems/41024/), Angelo Loula & Joo Queiroz, Editors. Open Semiotics Resource Center (http://www.semioticon.com/). Journals, lecture courses, etc. S.E.E.D. Journal (Semiotics, Evolution, Energy, and Development) (http://www.library.utoronto.ca/see/ pages/SEED_Journal.html) (20017), Edwina Taborsky, Editor from SEE (http://www.library.utoronto. ca/see/index.html). Semiotica (http://www.degruyter.de/journals/semiotica/), Marcel Danesi, Chief Editor from the International Association for Semiotic Studies (http://iass-ais.org/). Semiotiche (http://www.ananke-edizioni.com/ananke/?s=Semiotiche), Gian Paolo Caprettini, Managing Director; Andrea Valle & Miriam Visalli, Editors. Some articles in English. Home site seems gone from Web, old url (http://www.semiotiche.it/) no longer good, and Wayback Machine cannot retrieve. Semiotics, Communication and Cognition (http://www.degruyter.de/view/serial/41472) (book series), Paul Cobley & Kalevi Kull, Editors. SemiotiX New Series: A Global Information Bulletin (http://www.semioticon.com/semiotix/), Paul Bouissac et al. Sign Systems Studies (http://www.ut.ee/SOSE/sss/index.htm), Kalevi Kull, Kati Lindstrom, Mihhail Lotman, Timo Maran, Silvi Salupere, Peeter Torop, Editors from the Dept. of Semiotics, U. of Tartu (http://www.ut. ee/SOSE/eng.html), Estonia. Signs - International Journal of Semiotics (http://vip.iva.dk/signs/). Martin Thellefsen, Torkild Thellefsen, & Bent Srensen, chief eds. Tartu Semiotics Library (http://www.ut.ee/SOSE/tsl.html) (book series), Peeter Torop, Kalevi Kull, Silvi Salupere, Editors. The Public Journal of Semiotics (http://semioticsonline.org/), Paul Bouissac, Editor in Chief; Alan Cienki, Associate Editor; Ren Jorna, Winfried Nth. The Semiotic Review of Books (http://projects.chass.utoronto.ca/semiotics/index.html), Gary Genosko, General Editor; Paul Bouissac, Founding Editor. Transactions of the Charles S. Peirce Society (http://www.peircesociety.org/transactions.html), Cornelis de Waal, Chief Editor from The Charles S. Peirce Society (http://www.peircesociety.org/). Versus: Quaderni di studi semiotici (http://versus.dsc.unibo.it/), founded by Umberto Eco.
Syntax
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Syntax
Linguistics

Syntax In linguistics, syntax (from Ancient Greek "arrangement" from syn, "together", and txis, "an ordering") is "the study of the principles and processes by which sentences are constructed in particular languages". In addition to referring to the overarching discipline, the term syntax is also used to refer directly to the rules and principles that govern the sentence structure of any individual language, for example in "the syntax of Modern Irish." Modern research in syntax attempts to describe languages in terms of such rules. Many professionals in this discipline attempt to find general rules that apply to all natural languages. The term syntax is also used to refer to the rules governing the behavior of mathematical systems, such as formal languages used in logic. (See Logical syntax).
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Early history
Works on grammar were written long before modern syntax came about; the Adhyy of Pini is often cited as an example of a premodern work that approaches the sophistication of a modern syntactic theory. In the West, the school of thought that came to be known as "traditional grammar" began with the work of Dionysius Thrax. For centuries, work in syntax was dominated by a framework known as grammaire gnrale, first expounded in 1660 by Antoine Arnauld in a book of the same title. This system took as its basic premise the assumption that language is a direct reflection of thought processes and therefore there is a single, most natural way to express a thought. (That natural way, coincidentally, was exactly the way it was expressed in French.) However, in the 19th century, with the development of historical-comparative linguistics, linguists began to realize the sheer diversity of human language, and to question fundamental assumptions about the relationship between language and logic. It became apparent that there was no such thing as the most natural way to express a thought, and therefore logic could no longer be relied upon as a basis for studying the structure of language. The Port-Royal grammar modeled the study of syntax upon that of logic (indeed, large parts of the Port-Royal Logic were copied or adapted from the Grammaire gnrale). Syntactic categories were identified with logical ones, and all sentences were analyzed in terms of "Subject Copula Predicate". Initially, this view was adopted even by the early comparative linguists such as Franz Bopp. The central role of syntax within theoretical linguistics became clear only in the 20th century, which could reasonably be called the "century of syntactic theory" as far as linguistics is concerned. For a detailed and critical survey of the history of syntax in the last two centuries, see the monumental work by Giorgio Graffi (2001).
Modern theories
There are a number of theoretical approaches to the discipline of syntax. One school of thought, founded in the works of Derek Bickerton,[1] sees syntax as a branch of biology, since it conceives of syntax as the study of linguistic knowledge as embodied in the human mind. Other linguists (e.g. Gerald Gazdar) take a more Platonistic view, since they regard syntax to be the study of an abstract formal system.[2] Yet others (e.g. Joseph Greenberg) consider grammar a taxonomical device to reach broad generalizations across languages.
Generative grammar
The hypothesis of generative grammar is that language is a structure of the human mind. The goal of generative grammar is to make a complete model of this inner language (known as i-language). This model could be used to describe all human language and to predict the grammaticality of any given utterance (that is, to predict whether the utterance would sound correct to native speakers of the language). This approach to language was pioneered by Noam Chomsky. Most generative theories (although not all of them) assume that syntax is based upon the constituent structure of sentences. Generative grammars are among the theories that focus primarily on the form of a sentence, rather than its communicative function. Among the many generative theories of linguistics, the Chomskyan theories are:
Syntax Transformational grammar (TG) (Original theory of generative syntax laid out by Chomsky in Syntactic Structures in 1957)[3] Government and binding theory (GB) (revised theory in the tradition of TG developed mainly by Chomsky in the 1970s and 1980s)[4] Minimalist program (MP) (a reworking of the theory out of the GB framework published by Chomsky in 1995)[5] Other theories that find their origin in the generative paradigm are: Generative semantics (now largely out of date) Relational grammar (RG) (now largely out of date) Arc pair grammar Generalized phrase structure grammar (GPSG; now largely out of date) Head-driven phrase structure grammar (HPSG) Lexical functional grammar (LFG) Nanosyntax
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Categorial grammar
Categorial grammar is an approach that attributes the syntactic structure not to rules of grammar, but to the properties of the syntactic categories themselves. For example, rather than asserting that sentences are constructed by a rule that combines a noun phrase (NP) and a verb phrase (VP) (e.g. the phrase structure rule S NP VP), in categorial grammar, such principles are embedded in the category of the head word itself. So the syntactic category for an intransitive verb is a complex formula representing the fact that the verb acts as a function word requiring an NP as an input and produces a sentence level structure as an output. This complex category is notated as (NP\S) instead of V. NP\S is read as "a category that searches to the left (indicated by \) for a NP (the element on the left) and outputs a sentence (the element on the right)". The category of transitive verb is defined as an element that requires two NPs (its subject and its direct object) to form a sentence. This is notated as (NP/(NP\S)) which means "a category that searches to the right (indicated by /) for an NP (the object), and generates a function (equivalent to the VP) which is (NP\S), which in turn represents a function that searches to the left for an NP and produces a sentence). Tree-adjoining grammar is a categorial grammar that adds in partial tree structures to the categories.
Dependency grammar
Dependency grammar is an approach to sentence structure where syntactic units are arranged according to the dependency relation, as opposed to the constituency relation of phrase structure grammars. Dependencies are directed links between words. The (finite) verb is seen as the root of all clause structure and all the other words in the clause are either directly or indirectly dependent on this root. Some prominent dependency-based theories of syntax: Algebraic syntax Word grammar Operator grammar Meaningtext theory Functional generative description
Lucien Tesnire (18931954) is widely seen as the father of modern dependency-based theories of syntax and grammar. He argued vehemently against the binary division of the clause into subject and predicate that is associated with the grammars of his day (S NP VP) and which remains at the core of all phrase structure grammars, and in the place of this division, he positioned the verb as the root of all clause structure.[6]
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Stochastic/probabilistic grammars/network theories

Theoretical approaches to syntax that are based upon probability theory are known as stochastic grammars. One common implementation of such an approach makes use of a neural network or connectionism. Some theories based within this approach are: Optimality theory[citation needed] Stochastic context-free grammar
Functionalist grammars
Functionalist theories, although focused upon form, are driven by explanation based upon the function of a sentence (i.e. its communicative function). Some typical functionalist theories include: Functional discourse grammar (Dik) Prague linguistic circle Systemic functional grammar Cognitive grammar Construction grammar (CxG) Role and reference grammar (RRG)
Emergent grammar
Notes
[1] See and, for more recent advances, [2] Ted Briscoe, 2 May 2001, Interview with Gerald Gazdar (http:/ / www. informatics. susx. ac. uk/ research/ nlp/ gazdar/ briscoe/ gpsg. html#SECTION00040000000000000000). Retrieved 2008-06-04. [3] Chomsky, Noam. 1957. Syntactic Structures. The Hague/Paris: Mouton, p. 15. [4] Chomsky, Noam (1981/1993). Lectures on Government and Binding: The Pisa Lectures. Mouton de Gruyter. [5] Chomsky, Noam (1995). The Minimalist Program. MIT Press. [6] Concerning Tesnire's rejection of the binary division of the clause into subject and predicate and in favor of the verb as the root of all structure, see Tesnire (1969:103105).
References
Brown, Keith; Jim Miller (eds.) (1996). Concise Encyclopedia of Syntactic Theories. New York: Elsevier Science. ISBN0-08-042711-1. Carnie, Andrew (2006). Syntax: A Generative Introduction (2nd ed.). Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell. ISBN1-4051-3384-8. Freidin, Robert; Howard Lasnik (eds.) (2006). Syntax. Critical Concepts in Linguistics. New York: Routledge. ISBN0-415-24672-5. Graffi, Giorgio (2001). 200 Years of Syntax. A Critical Survey. Studies in the History of the Language Sciences 98. Amsterdam: Benjamins. ISBN90-272-4587-8. Mieszko Talasiewicz (2009). Philosophy of SyntaxFoundational Topics. Springer. ISBN978-90-481-3287-4. An interdisciplinary essay on the interplay between logic and linguistics on syntactic theories. Tesnire, Lucien 1969. lemnts de syntaxe structurale. 2nd edition. Paris: Klincksieck.
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Further reading
Martin Everaert, Henk Van Riemsdijk, Rob Goedemans and Bart Hollebrandse, ed. (2006). The Blackwell companion to syntax. Blackwell. ISBN978-1-4051-1485-1. 5 Volumes; 77 case studies of syntactic phenomena. Brian Roark; Richard William Sproat (2007). Computational approaches to morphology and syntax. Oxford University Press. ISBN978-0-19-927477-2. part II: Computational approaches to syntax. Isac, Daniela; Charles Reiss (2013). I-language: An Introduction to Linguistics as Cognitive Science, 2nd edition (http://linguistics.concordia.ca/i-language/). Oxford University Press. ISBN978-0199660179. Edith A. Moravcsik (2006). An introduction to syntax: fundamentals of syntactic analysis. Continuum International Publishing Group. ISBN978-0-8264-8945-6. Attempts to be a theory-neutral introduction. The companion Edith A. Moravcsik (2006). An introduction to syntactic theory. Continuum International Publishing Group. ISBN978-0-8264-8943-2. surveys the major theories. Jointly reviewed in The Canadian Journal of Linguistics 54(1), March 2009, pp. 172175 (http://muse.jhu.edu/login?uri=/journals/ canadian_journal_of_linguistics/v054/54.1.hewson.html)
External links
The syntax of natural language: An online introduction using the Trees program (http://www.ling.upenn.edu/ ~beatrice/syntax-textbook)Beatrice Santorini & Anthony Kroch, University of Pennsylvania, 2007
Pragmatics
Linguistics

Anthropological Comparative Historical Etymology Graphetics Phonetics Sociolinguistics
Pragmatics
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Applied and experimental linguistics

Pragmatics is a subfield of linguistics which studies the ways in which context contributes to meaning. Pragmatics encompasses speech act theory, conversational implicature, talk in interaction and other approaches to language behavior in philosophy, sociology, linguistics and anthropology.[1] Unlike semantics, which examines meaning that is conventional or "coded" in a given language, pragmatics studies how the transmission of meaning depends not only on structural and linguistic knowledge (e.g., grammar, lexicon, etc.) of the speaker and listener, but also on the context of the utterance, any pre-existing knowledge about those involved, the inferred intent of the speaker, and other factors. In this respect, pragmatics explains how language users are able to overcome apparent ambiguity, since meaning relies on the manner, place, time etc. of an utterance. The ability to understand another speaker's intended meaning is called pragmatic competence.[2][3][4]
Structural ambiguity
The sentence "You have a green light" is ambiguous. Without knowing the context, the identity of the speaker, and his or her intent, it is difficult to infer the meaning with confidence. For example: It could mean that you have green ambient lighting. It could mean that you have a green light while driving your car. It could mean that you can go ahead with the project. It could mean that your body has a green glow. It could mean that you possess a light bulb that is tinted green.
Similarly, the sentence "Sherlock saw the man with binoculars" could mean that Sherlock observed the man by using binoculars, or it could mean that Sherlock observed a man who was holding binoculars.[5] The meaning of the sentence depends on an understanding of the context and the speaker's intent. As defined in linguistics, a sentence is an abstract entity a string of words divorced from non-linguistic context as opposed to an utterance, which is a concrete example of a speech act in a specific context. The closer conscious subjects stick to common words, idioms, phrasings, and topics, the more easily others can surmise their meaning; the further they stray from common expressions and topics, the wider the variations in interpretations. This suggests that sentences do not have meaning
Pragmatics intrinsically; there is not a meaning associated with a sentence or word, they can only symbolically represent an idea. The cat sat on the mat is a sentence in English; if you say to your sister on Tuesday afternoon, "The cat sat on the mat," this is an example of an utterance. Thus, there is no such thing as a sentence, term, expression or word symbolically representing a single true meaning; it is underspecified (which cat sat on which mat?) and potentially ambiguous. The meaning of an utterance, on the other hand, is inferred based on linguistic knowledge and knowledge of the non-linguistic context of the utterance (which may or may not be sufficient to resolve ambiguity). In mathematics with Berry's paradox there arose a systematic ambiguity with the word "definable". The ambiguity with words shows that the descriptive power of any human language is limited.
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Etymology
The word pragmatics derives via Latin pragmaticus from the Greek (pragmatikos), meaning amongst others "fit for action",[6] which comes from (pragma), "deed, act",[7] and that from (prass), "to pass over, to practise, to achieve".[8]
Origins
Pragmatics was a reaction to structuralist linguistics as outlined by Ferdinand de Saussure. In many cases, it expanded upon his idea that language has an analyzable structure, composed of parts that can be defined in relation to others. Pragmatics first engaged only in synchronic study, as opposed to examining the historical development of language. However, it rejected the notion that all meaning comes from signs existing purely in the abstract space of langue. Meanwhile, historical pragmatics has also come into being.
Areas of interest
The study of the speaker's meaning, not focusing on the phonetic or grammatical form of an utterance, but instead on what the speaker's intentions and beliefs are. The study of the meaning in context, and the influence that a given context can have on the message. It requires knowledge of the speaker's identities, and the place and time of the utterance. Metapragmatics means to understand the context in which the speech event took place. Without the context, pure referential meanings elide the complexities of the any speech utterance. The study of implicatures, i.e. the things that are communicated even though they are not explicitly expressed. The study of relative distance, both social and physical, between speakers in order to understand what determines the choice of what is said and what is not said. The study of what is not meant, as opposed to the intended meaning, i.e. that which is unsaid and unintended, or unintentional. Information Structure, the study of how utterances are marked in order to efficiently manage the common ground of referred entities between speaker and hearer Formal Pragmatics, the study of those aspects of meaning and use, for which context of use is an important factor, by using the methods and goals of formal semantics.
Referential uses of language

When we speak of the referential uses of language we are talking about how we use signs to refer to certain items. Below is an explanation of, first, what a sign is, second, how meanings are accomplished through its usage. A sign is the link or relationship between a signified and the signifier as defined by Saussure and Huguenin. The signified is some entity or concept in the world. The signifier represents the signified. An example would be: Signified: the concept cat
Pragmatics Signifier: the word "cat" The relationship between the two gives the sign meaning. This relationship can be further explained by considering what we mean by "meaning." In pragmatics, there are two different types of meaning to consider: semantico-referential meaning and indexical meaning. Semantico-referential meaning refers to the aspect of meaning, which describes events in the world that are independent of the circumstance they are uttered in. An example would be propositions such as: "Santa Claus eats cookies." In this case, the proposition is describing that Santa Claus eats cookies. The meaning of this proposition does not rely on whether or not Santa Claus is eating cookies at the time of its utterance. Santa Claus could be eating cookies at any time and the meaning of the proposition would remain the same. The meaning is simply describing something that is the case in the world. In contrast, the proposition, "Santa Claus is eating a cookie right now," describes events that are happening at the time the proposition is uttered. Semantico-referential meaning is also present in meta-semantical statements such as: Tiger: carnivorous, a mammal If someone were to say that a tiger is an carnivorous animal in one context and a mammal in another, the definition of tiger would still be the same. The meaning of the sign tiger is describing some animal in the world, which does not change in either circumstance. Indexical meaning, on the other hand, is dependent on the context of the utterance and has rules of use. By rules of use, it is meant that indexicals can tell you when they are used, but not what they actually mean. Example: "I" Whom "I" refers to depends on the context and the person uttering it. As mentioned, these meanings are brought about through the relationship between the signified and the signifier. One way to define the relationship is by placing signs in two categories: referential indexical signs, also called "shifters," and pure indexical signs. Referential indexical signs are signs where the meaning shifts depending on the context hence the nickname "shifters." 'I' would be considered a referential indexical sign. The referential aspect of its meaning would be '1st person singular' while the indexical aspect would be the person who is speaking (refer above for definitions of semantico-referential and indexical meaning). Another example would be: "This" Referential: singular count Indexical: Close by A pure indexical sign does not contribute to the meaning of the propositions at all. It is an example of a ""non-referential use of language."" A second way to define the signified and signifier relationship is C.S. Peirce's Peircean Trichotomy. The components of the trichotomy are the following: 1. Icon: the signified resembles the signifier (signified: a dog's barking noise, signifier: bow-wow) 2. Index: the signified and signifier are linked by proximity or the signifier has meaning only because it is pointing to the signified 3. Symbol: the signified and signifier are arbitrarily linked (signified: a cat, signifier: the word cat) These relationships allow us to use signs to convey what we want to say. If two people were in a room and one of them wanted to refer to a characteristic of a chair in the room he would say "this chair has four legs" instead of "a chair has four legs." The former relies on context (indexical and referential meaning) by referring to a chair specifically in the room at that moment while the latter is independent of the context (semantico-referential meaning), meaning the concept chair.
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Pragmatics
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Non-referential uses of language

Silverstein's "pure" indexes
Michael Silverstein has argued that "nonreferential" or "pure" indices do not contribute to an utterance's referential meaning but instead "signal some particular value of one or more contextual variables."[9] Although nonreferential indexes are devoid of semantico-referential meaning, they do encode "pragmatic" meaning. The sorts of contexts that such indexes can mark are varied. Examples include: Sex indexes are affixes or inflections that index the sex of the speaker, e.g. the verb forms of female Koasati speakers take the suffix "-s". Deference indexes are words that signal social differences (usually related to status or age) between the speaker and the addressee. The most common example of a deference index is the V form in a language with a T-V distinction, the widespread phenomenon in which there are multiple second-person pronouns that correspond to the addressee's relative status or familiarity to the speaker. Honorifics are another common form of deference index and demonstrate the speaker's respect or esteem for the addressee via special forms of address and/or self-humbling first-person pronouns. An Affinal taboo index is an example of avoidance speech that produces and reinforces sociological distance, as seen in the Aboriginal Dyirbal language of Australia. In this language and some others, there is a social taboo against the use of the everyday lexicon in the presence of certain relatives (mother-in-law, child-in-law, paternal aunt's child, and maternal uncle's child). If any of those relatives are present, a Dyirbal speaker has to switch to a completely separate lexicon reserved for that purpose. In all of these cases, the semantico-referential meaning of the utterances is unchanged from that of the other possible (but often impermissible) forms, but the pragmatic meaning is vastly different.
The performative
J.L. Austin introduced the concept of the performative, contrasted in his writing with "constative" (i.e. descriptive) utterances. According to Austin's original formulation, a performative is a type of utterance characterized by two distinctive features: It is not truth-evaluable (i.e. it is neither true nor false) Its uttering performs an action rather than simply describing one However, a performative utterance must also conform to a set of felicity conditions. Examples: "I hereby pronounce you man and wife." "I accept your apology." "This meeting is now adjourned."
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Jakobson's six functions of language

Roman Jakobson, expanding on the work of Karl Bhler, described six "constitutive factors" of a speech event, each of which represents the privileging of a corresponding function, and only one of which is the referential (which corresponds to the context of the speech event). The six constitutive factors and their corresponding functions are diagrammed below. The six constitutive factors of a speech event Context Message Addresser---------------------Addressee Contact Code The six functions of language Referential Poetic Emotive-----------------------Conative Phatic Metalingual The Referential Function corresponds to the factor of Context and describes a situation, object or mental state. The descriptive statements of the referential function can consist of both definite descriptions and deictic words, e.g. "The autumn leaves have all fallen now." The Expressive (alternatively called "emotive" or "affective") Function relates to the Addresser and is best exemplified by interjections and other sound changes that do not alter the denotative meaning of an utterance but do add information about the Addresser's (speaker's) internal state, e.g. "Wow, what a view!" The Conative Function engages the Addressee directly and is best illustrated by vocatives and imperatives, e.g. "Tom! Come inside and eat!" The Poetic Function focuses on "the message for its own sake"[11] and is the operative function in poetry as well as slogans. The Phatic Function is language for the sake of interaction and is therefore associated with the Contact factor. The Phatic Function can be observed in greetings and casual discussions of the weather, particularly with strangers. The Metalingual (alternatively called "metalinguistic" or "reflexive") Function is the use of language (what Jakobson calls "Code") to discuss or describe itself.
The six factors of an effective verbal communication. To each one corresponds a communication function (not displayed in this [10] picture).
Related fields
There is considerable overlap between pragmatics and sociolinguistics, since both share an interest in linguistic meaning as determined by usage in a speech community. However, sociolinguists tend to be more interested in variations in language within such communities. Pragmatics helps anthropologists relate elements of language to broader social phenomena; it thus pervades the field of linguistic anthropology. Because pragmatics describes generally the forces in play for a given utterance, it includes the study of power, gender, race, identity, and their interactions with individual speech acts. For example, the study of code switching directly relates to pragmatics, since a switch in code effects a shift in pragmatic force.
Pragmatics According to Charles W. Morris, pragmatics tries to understand the relationship between signs and their users, while semantics tends to focus on the actual objects or ideas to which a word refers, and syntax (or "syntactics") examines relationships among signs or symbols. Semantics is the literal meaning of an idea whereas pragmatics is the implied meaning of the given idea. Speech Act Theory, pioneered by J.L. Austin and further developed by John Searle, centers around the idea of the performative, a type of utterance that performs the very action it describes. Speech Act Theory's examination of Illocutionary Acts has many of the same goals as pragmatics, as outlined above.
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Pragmatics in literary theory

Pragmatics (more specifically, Speech Act Theory's notion of the performative) underpins Judith Butler's theory of gender performativity. In Gender Trouble, she claims that gender and sex are not natural categories, but socially constructed roles produced by "reiterative acting." In Excitable Speech she extends her theory of performativity to hate speech and censorship, arguing that censorship necessarily strengthens any discourse it tries to suppress and therefore, since the state has sole power to define hate speech legally, it is the state that makes hate speech performative. Jacques Derrida remarked that some work done under Pragmatics aligned well with the program he outlined in his book Of Grammatology. mile Benveniste argued that the pronouns "I" and "you" are fundamentally distinct from other pronouns because of their role in creating the subject. Gilles Deleuze and Flix Guattari discuss linguistic pragmatics in the fourth chapter of A Thousand Plateaus ("November 20, 1923--Postulates of Linguistics"). They draw three conclusions from Austin: (1) A performative utterance does not communicate information about an act second-handit is the act; (2) Every aspect of language ("semantics, syntactics, or even phonematics") functionally interacts with pragmatics; (3) There is no distinction between language and speech. This last conclusion attempts to refute Saussure's division between langue and parole and Chomsky's distinction between surface structure and deep structure simultaneously. [12]
Significant works
J. L. Austin's How To Do Things With Words Paul Grice's cooperative principle and conversational maxims Brown & Levinson's Politeness Theory Geoffrey Leech's politeness maxims Levinson's Presumptive Meanings Jrgen Habermas's universal pragmatics Dan Sperber and Deirdre Wilson's relevance theory Dallin D. Oaks's Structural Ambiguity in English: An Applied Grammatical Inventory
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Notes
[1] Mey, Jacob L. (1993) Pragmatics: An Introduction. Oxford: Blackwell (2nd ed. 2001). [2] Daejin Kim et al. (2002) "The Role of an Interactive Book Reading Program in the Development of Second Language Pragmatic Competence", The Modern Language Journal, Vol. 86, No. 3 (Autumn, 2002), pp. 332-348 [3] Masahiro Takimoto (2008) "The Effects of Deductive and Inductive Instruction on the Development of Language Learners' Pragmatic Competence", The Modern Language Journal, Vol. 92, No. 3 (Fall, 2008), pp. 369-386 [4] Dale April Koike (1989) "Pragmatic Competence and Adult L2 Acquisition: Speech Acts in Interlanguage", The Modern Language Journal, Vol. 73, No. 3 (Autumn, 1989), pp. 279-289 [5] http:/ / ocw. mit. edu/ OcwWeb/ Linguistics-and-Philosophy/ 24-903Spring-2005/ CourseHome/ [6] (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 04. 0057:entry=pragmatiko/ s), Henry George Liddell, Robert Scott, A Greek-English Lexicon, on Perseus [7] (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 04. 0057:entry=pra=gma), Henry George Liddell, Robert Scott, A Greek-English Lexicon, on Perseus [8] (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 04. 0057:entry=pra/ ssw), Henry George Liddell, Robert Scott, A Greek-English Lexicon, on Perseus [9] Silverstein 1976 [10] Middleton, Richard (1990/2002). Studying Popular Music, p. 241. Philadelphia: Open University Press. ISBN 0-335-15275-9. [11] Duranti 1997 [12] Deleuze, Gilles and Flix Guattari (1987) [1980]. A Thousand Plateaus. University of Minnesota Press.
References
Austin, J. L. (1962) How to Do Things With Words. Oxford University Press. Brown, Penelope, and Stephen C. Levinson. (1978) Politeness: Some Universals in Language Usage. Cambridge University Press. Carston, Robyn (2002) Thoughts and Utterances: The Pragmatics of Explicit Communication. Oxford: Blackwell. Clark, Herbert H. (1996) "Using Language". Cambridge University Press. Cole, Peter, ed.. (1978) Pragmatics. (Syntax and Semantics, 9). New York: Academic Press. Dijk, Teun A. van. (1977) Text and Context. Explorations in the Semantics and Pragmatics of Discourse. London: Longman. Grice, H. Paul. (1989) Studies in the Way of Words. Cambridge (MA): Harvard University Press. Laurence R. Horn and Gregory Ward. (2005) The Handbook of Pragmatics. Blackwell. Leech, Geoffrey N. (1983) Principles of Pragmatics. London: Longman. Levinson, Stephen C. (1983) Pragmatics. Cambridge University Press. Levinson, Stephen C. (2000). Presumptive meanings: The theory of generalized conversational implicature. MIT Press. Lin, G. H. C., & Perkins, L. (2005). Cross-cultural discourse of giving and accepting gifts. International Journal of Communication, 16,1-2, 103-12 (ERIC Collections in ED 503685 http://www.eric.ed.gov/PDFS/ ED503685.pdf) Lin, G. H. C. (2007). The significant of pragmatics. Mingdao Journal, Vol, 3, 91-102 ERIC Collection in ED503682<http://www.eric.ed.gov/PDFS/ED503685.pdf> Lin. G. H. C., Su, S. C. F., & Ho, M. M. H. (2009). Pragmatics and communicative competences. Proceedings of the 2009 , 54-60 (ERIC Collections in ED514939<http://www.eric.ed.gov/PDFS/ED514939.pdf>) Mey, Jacob L. (1993) Pragmatics: An Introduction. Oxford: Blackwell (2nd ed. 2001). Kepa Korta and John Perry. (2006) Pragmatics (http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/pragmatics/). The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy Potts, Christopher. (2005) The Logic of Conventional Implicatures. Oxford Studies in Theoretical Linguistics. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Robinson, Douglas. (2003). Performative Linguistics: Speaking and Translating as Doing Things With Words. London and New York: Routledge.
Pragmatics Robinson, Douglas. (2006). Introducing Performative Pragmatics. London and New York: Routledge. Sperber, Dan and Wilson, Deirdre. (2005) Pragmatics (http://www.dan.sperber.com/pragmatics.htm). In F. Jackson and M. Smith (eds.) Oxford Handbook of Contemporary Philosophy. OUP, Oxford, 468-501. (Also available here (http://www.phon.ucl.ac.uk/home/deirdre/papers/Pragmatics2005.doc).) Thomas, Jenny (1995) Meaning in Interaction: An Introduction to Pragmatics. Longman. Verschueren, Jef. (1999) Understanding Pragmatics. London, New York: Arnold Publishers. Verschueren, Jef, Jan-Ola stman, Jan Blommaert, eds. (1995) Handbook of Pragmatics. Amsterdam: Benjamins. Watzlawick, Paul, Janet Helmick Beavin and Don D. Jackson (1967) Pragmatics of Human Communication: A Study of Interactional Patterns, Pathologies, and Paradoxes. New York: Norton. Wierzbicka, Anna (1991) Cross-cultural Pragmatics. The Semantics of Human Interaction. Berlin, New York: Mouton de Gruyter. Yule, George (1996) Pragmatics (Oxford Introductions to Language Study). Oxford University Press. Silverstein, Michael. 1976. "Shifters, Linguistic Categories, and Cultural Description," in Meaning and Anthropology, Basso and Selby, eds. New York: Harper & Row Wardhaugh, Ronald. (2006). "An Introduction to Sociolinguistics". Blackwell. Duranti, Alessandro. (1997). "Linguistic Anthropology". Cambridge University Press. Carbaugh, Donal. (1990). "Cultural Communication and Intercultural Contact." LEA. Mira Ariel (2010). Defining Pragmatics. Cambridge University Press. ISBN978-0-521-73203-1.
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External links
Journal of Pragmatics (http://www.elsevier.com/wps/find/journaldescription.cws_home/505593/ description#description), An Interdisciplinary Journal of Language Studies Liu, Shaozhong, "What is Pragmatics?", Eprint (http://www.gxnu.edu.cn/Personal/szliu/definition.html) wiki project in comparative pragmatics: European Communicative Strategies (ECSTRA) (http://www1. ku-eichstaett.de/SLF/EngluVglSW/mediawiki/index.php/ELiX_Wiki:Projects/ECSTRA) (directed by Joachim Grzega)
Psycholinguistics
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Psycholinguistics
Linguistics

Psycholinguistics Psycholinguistics or psychology of language is the study of the psychological and neurobiological factors that enable humans to acquire, use, comprehend and produce language. Initial forays into psycholinguistics were largely philosophical ventures, due mainly to a lack of cohesive data on how the human brain functioned. Modern research makes use of biology, neuroscience, cognitive science, linguistics, and information theory to study how the brain processes language. There are a number of subdisciplines with non-invasive techniques for studying the neurological workings of the brain; for example, neurolinguistics has become a field in its own right. Psycholinguistics covers the cognitive processes that make it possible to generate a grammatical and meaningful sentence out of vocabulary and grammatical structures, as well as the processes that make it possible to understand utterances, words, text, etc. Developmental psycholinguistics studies children's ability to learn language.
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Origin of the term

The term psycholinguistics was coined in 1936 by Jacob Robert Kantor in his book An Objective Psychology of Grammar and started being used among his team at the University of Indiana, but its use finally became frequent thanks to the 1946 article "Language and psycholinguistics: a review", by his student Nicholas Pronko,[1] where it was used for the first time to talk about an interdisciplinary science "that could be coherent",[2] as well as in the title of Psycholinguistics: A Survey of Theory and Research Problems, a 1954 book by Charles E. Osgood and Thomas A. Sebeok.[3]
Areas of study
Psycholinguistics is an interdisciplinary field. Hence, it is studied by researchers from a variety of different backgrounds, such as psychology, cognitive science, linguistics, and speech and language pathology. Psycholinguists study many different topics, but these topics can generally be divided into answering the following questions: (1) how do children acquire language (language acquisition)?; (2) how do people process and comprehend language (language comprehension)?; (3) how do people produce language (language production)?; and (4) how do adults acquire a new language (second language acquisition)? Subdivisions in psycholinguistics are also made based on the different components that make up human language. Linguistics-related areas: Phonetics and phonology are concerned with the study of speech sounds. Within psycholinguistics, research focuses on how the brain processes and understands these sounds. Morphology is the study of word structures, especially the relationships between related words (such as dog and dogs) and the formation of words based on rules (such as plural formation). Syntax is the study of the patterns which dictate how words are combined to form sentences. Semantics deals with the meaning of words and sentences. Where syntax is concerned with the formal structure of sentences, semantics deals with the actual meaning of sentences. Pragmatics is concerned with the role of context in the interpretation of meaning. A researcher interested in language comprehension may study word recognition during reading to examine the processes involved in the extraction of orthographic, morphological, phonological, and semantic information from patterns in printed text. A researcher interested in language production might study how words are prepared to be spoken starting from the conceptual or semantic level. Developmental psycholinguistics study infants' and children's ability to learn and process language.
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Theories
In this section, some influential theories are discussed for each of the fundamental questions listed in the section above.
Language acquisition
There are essentially two schools of thought as to how children acquire or learn language, and there is still much debate as to which theory is the correct one. The first theory states that all language must be learned by the child. The second view states that the abstract system of language cannot be learned, but that humans possess an innate language faculty, or an access to what has been called universal grammar. The view that language must be learned was especially popular before 1960 and is well represented by the mentalistic theories of Jean Piaget and the empiricist Rudolf Carnap. Likewise, the school of psychology known as behaviorism (see Verbal Behavior (1957) by B.F. Skinner) puts forth the point of view that language is a behavior shaped by conditioned response, hence it is learned. The innatist perspective began with Noam Chomsky's highly critical review of Skinner's book in 1959. This review helped to start what has been termed "the cognitive revolution" in psychology. Chomsky posited humans possess a special, innate ability for language and that complex syntactic features, such as recursion, are "hard-wired" in the brain. These abilities are thought to be beyond the grasp of the most intelligent and social non-humans. According to Chomsky, children acquiring a language have a vast search space to explore among all possible human grammars, yet at the time there was no evidence that children receive sufficient input to learn all the rules of their language (see poverty of the stimulus). Hence, there must be some other innate mechanism that endows a language ability to humans. Such a language faculty is, according to the innateness hypothesis, what defines human language and makes it different from even the most sophisticated forms of animal communication. The field of linguistics and psycholinguistics since then has been defined by reactions to Chomsky, pro and con. The pro view still holds that the human ability to use language (specifically the ability to use recursion) is qualitatively different from any sort of animal ability. This ability may have resulted from a favorable mutation or from an adaptation of skills evolved for other purposes. The view that language can be learned has had a recent resurgence inspired by emergentism. This view challenges the "innate" view as scientifically unfalsifiable; that is to say, it can't be tested. With the amount of computer power increasing since the 1980s, researchers have been able to simulate language acquisition using neural network models. These models provide evidence that there may, in fact, be sufficient information contained in the input to learn language, even syntax. If this is true, then an innate mechanism is no longer necessary to explain language acquisition.
Language comprehension
One question in the realm of language comprehension is how people understand sentences as they read (also known as sentence processing). Experimental research has spawned a number of theories about the architecture and mechanisms of sentence comprehension. Typically these theories are concerned with what types of information contained in the sentence the reader can use to build meaning, and at what point in reading does that information become available to the reader. Issues such as "modular" versus "interactive" processing have been theoretical divides in the field. A modular view of sentence processing assumes that the stages involved in reading a sentence function independently in separate modules. These modulates have limited interaction with one another. For example, one influential theory of sentence processing, the garden-path theory, states that syntactic analysis takes place first. Under this theory as the reader is reading a sentence, he or she creates the simplest structure possible in order to minimize effort and cognitive load. This is done without any input from semantic analysis or context-dependent information. Hence, in the sentence "The evidence examined by the lawyer turned out to be unreliable," by the time the reader gets to the word "examined" he or she has committed to a reading of the sentence in which the evidence is
Psycholinguistics examining something because it is the simplest parse. This commitment is made despite the fact that it results in an implausible situation; we know from experience that evidence can rarely if ever examine something. Under this "syntax first" theory, semantic information is processed at a later stage. It is only later that the reader will recognize that he or she needs to revise the initial parse into one in which "the evidence" is being examined. In this example, readers typically recognize their misparse by the time they reach "by the lawyer" and must go back and re-parse the sentence. This reanalysis is costly and contributes to slower reading times. In contrast to a modular account, an interactive theory of sentence processing, such as a constraint-based lexical approach assumes that all available information contained within a sentence can be processed at any time. Under an interactive account, for example, the semantics of a sentence (such as plausibility) can come into play early on in order to help determine the structure of a sentence. Hence, in the sentence above, the reader would be able to make use of plausibility information in order to assume that "the evidence" is being examined instead of doing the examining. There are data to support both modular and interactive accounts; which account is the correct one is still up for debate.
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Methodologies
Behavioral tasks
Many of the experiments conducted in psycholinguistics, especially earlier on, are behavioral in nature. In these types of studies, subjects are presented with linguistic stimuli and asked to perform an action. For example, they may be asked to make a judgment about a word (lexical decision), reproduce the stimulus, or name a visually presented word aloud. Reaction times to respond to the stimuli (usually on the order of milliseconds) and proportion of correct responses are the most often employed measures of performance in behavioral tasks. Such experiments often take advantage of priming effects, whereby a "priming" word or phrase appearing in the experiment can speed up the lexical decision for a related "target" word later. As an example of how behavioral methods can be used in psycholinguistics research, Fischler (1977) investigated word encoding using the lexical decision task. He asked participants to make decisions about whether two strings of letters were English words. Sometimes the strings would be actual English words requiring a "yes" response, and other times they would be nonwords requiring a "no" response. A subset of the licit words were related semantically (e.g., cat-dog) while others were unrelated (e.g., bread-stem). Fischler found that related word pairs were responded to faster when compared to unrelated word pairs. This facilitation suggests that semantic relatedness can facilitate word encoding.
Eye-movements
Recently, eye tracking has been used to study online language processing. Beginning with Rayner (1978) the importance and informativity of eye-movements during reading was established. Later, Tanenhaus et al. (1995) used the visual-world paradigm to study the cognitive processes related to spoken language. Assuming that eye movements are closely linked to the current focus of attention, language processing can be studied by monitoring eye movements while a subject is presented auditorily with linguistic input.
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Language Production Errors

The analysis of systematic errors in speech, writing and typing of language as it is produced can provide evidence of the process which has generated it.
Neuroimaging
Until the recent advent of non-invasive medical techniques, brain surgery was the preferred way for language researchers to discover how language works in the brain. For example, severing the corpus callosum (the bundle of nerves that connects the two hemispheres of the brain) was at one time a treatment for some forms of epilepsy. Researchers could then study the ways in which the comprehension and production of language were affected by such drastic surgery. Where an illness made brain surgery necessary, language researchers had an opportunity to pursue their research. Newer, non-invasive techniques now include brain imaging by positron emission tomography (PET); functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI); event-related potentials (ERPs) in electroencephalography (EEG) and magnetoencephalography (MEG); and transcranial magnetic stimulation (TMS). Brain imaging techniques vary in their spatial and temporal resolutions (fMRI has a resolution of a few thousand neurons per pixel, and ERP has millisecond accuracy). Each type of methodology presents a set of advantages and disadvantages for studying a particular problem in psycholinguistics.
Computational modeling
Computational modelinge.g. the DRC model of reading and word recognition proposed by Coltheart and colleaguesis another methodology. It refers to the practice of setting up cognitive models in the form of executable computer programs. Such programs are useful because they require theorists to be explicit in their hypotheses and because they can be used to generate accurate predictions for theoretical models that are so complex that they render discursive analysis unreliable. Another example of computational modeling is McClelland and Elman's TRACE model of speech perception.[4]
Issues and areas of research

Psycholinguistics is concerned with the nature of the computations and processes that the brain undergoes to comprehend and produce language. For example, the cohort model seeks to describe how words are retrieved from the mental lexicon when an individual hears or sees linguistic input.[][5] Recent research using new non-invasive imaging techniques seeks to shed light on just where certain language processes occur in the brain. There are a number of unanswered questions in psycholinguistics, such as whether the human ability to use syntax is based on innate mental structures or emerges from interaction with other humans, and whether some animals can be taught the syntax of human language. Two other major subfields of psycholinguistics investigate first language acquisition, the process by which infants acquire language, and second language acquisition. In addition, it is much more difficult for adults to acquire second languages than it is for infants to learn their first language (bilingual infants are able to learn both of their native languages easily). Thus, sensitive periods may exist during which language can be learned readily.[6] A great deal of research in psycholinguistics focuses on how this ability develops and diminishes over time. It also seems to be the case that the more languages one knows, the easier it is to learn more.[7] The field of aphasiology deals with language deficits that arise because of brain damage. Studies in aphasiology can both offer advances in therapy for individuals suffering from aphasia, and further insight into how the brain processes language.
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References
[1] Pronko, N. H. (1946). Language and psycholinguistics: a review. Psychological Bulletin, 43, May, 189-239. [2] Levelt, W. J. M. (2013). A History of Psycholinguistics: the pre-Chomskyan era. Part 1. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-965366-9. [3] Murray, D. J. (2001). Language and psychology: 19th-century developments outside the Germany: A Survey (pp. 1679-1692). En S. Auroux (Ed.), Geschichte der Sprachwissenschaften (vol. 2 History of the Language Sciences: An International Handbook on the Evolution of the Study of Language from the Beginnings to the Present. (Ill.) Berlin: Walter de Gruyter. 911 pp. ISBN 3110167352) [4] McClelland, J.L., & Elman, J.L. (1986). The TRACE model of speech perception. Cognitive Psychology, 18, 1-86. [5] Altmann, Gerry T.M. (1997). "Words, and how we (eventually) find them." The Ascent of Babel: An Exploration of Language, Mind, and Understanding. Oxford: Oxford University Press. pp. 65-83. [6] Seidner, Stanley S.(1982). Ethnicity, Language, and Power from a Psycholinguistic Perspective. Bruxelles: Centre de recherche sur le pluralinguisme. pp. 4-7. [7] Seidner, Stanley S.(1982). Ethnicity, Language, and Power from a Psycholinguistic Perspective. Bruxelles: Centre de recherche sur le pluralinguisme. p. 11.
Further reading
A short list of books that deal with psycholinguistics, written in language accessible to the non-expert, includes: Belyanin V.P. Foundations of Psycholinguistic Diagnostics (Models of the World). Moscow, 2000 (in Russian) (http://www.textology.ru/belyanin/bel_ann1.html) Chomsky, Noam. (2000) New Horizons in the Study of Language and Mind. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Harley, Trevor. (2008) The Psychology of Language: From data to theory (3rd. ed.) (http://www.psypress.com/ harley/) Hove: Psychology Press. Harley, Trevor. (2009) Talking the talk: Language, psychology and science. Hove: Psychology Press. Lakoff, George. (1987) Women, fire, and dangerous things: what categories reveal about the mind. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Piattelli-Palmarini, Massimo. (ed.) (1980) Language and learning: the debate between Jean Piaget and Noam Chomsky. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press. Pinker, Steven. (1994) The Language Instinct. New York: William Morrow. Rayner, K. and Pollatsek, A. (1989) The Psychology of Reading. New York:Prentice Hall. Steinberg, Danny D., Hiroshi Nagata, and David P. Aline, ed. (2001) Psycholinguistics: Language, Mind and World, 2nd ed. Longman (http://www.ling.ed.ac.uk/linguist/issues/13/13-55.html) Aitchison, Jean. (1998). The Articulate Mammal: An Introduction to Psycholinguistics. Routledge. Scovel, Thomas. (1998). Psycholinguistics. Oxford University Press.
External links
Psycholinguistics (http://www.dmoz.org/Science/Social_Sciences/Linguistics/Psycholinguistics/) at the Open Directory Project
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Psychology
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Educational psychology is the study of how humans learn in educational settings, the effectiveness of educational interventions, the psychology of teaching, and the social psychology of schools as organizations. Educational psychology is concerned with how students learn and develop, often focusing on subgroups such as gifted children
Educational psychology and those subject to specific disabilities. Researchers and theorists are likely to be identified in the US and Canada as educational psychologists, whereas practitioners in schools or school-related settings are identified as school psychologists. This distinction is, however, not made in the UK, where the generic term for practitioners is "educational psychologist." Educational psychology can in part be understood through its relationship with other disciplines. It is informed primarily by psychology, bearing a relationship to that discipline analogous to the relationship between medicine and biology. It is also informed by neuroscience. Educational psychology in turn informs a wide range of specialities within educational studies, including instructional design, educational technology, curriculum development, organizational learning, special education and classroom management. Educational psychology both draws from and contributes to cognitive science and the learning sciences. In universities, departments of educational psychology are usually housed within faculties of education, possibly accounting for the lack of representation of educational psychology content in introductory psychology textbooks.[1]
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Social, moral and cognitive development

To understand the characteristics of learners in childhood, adolescence, adulthood, and old age, educational psychology develops and applies theories of human development. Often represented as stages through which people pass as they mature, developmental theories describe changes in mental abilities (cognition), social roles, moral reasoning, and beliefs about the nature of knowledge. For example, educational psychologists have conducted research on the instructional applicability of Jean Piaget's theory of development, according to which children mature through four stages of cognitive capability. Piaget hypothesized that children are not capable of abstract logical thought until they are older than about 11 years, and therefore younger children need to be taught using concrete objects and An abacus provides concrete experiences for examples. Researchers have found that transitions, such as from learning abstract concepts. concrete to abstract logical thought, do not occur at the same time in all domains. A child may be able to think abstractly about mathematics, but remain limited to concrete thought when reasoning about human relationships. Perhaps Piaget's most enduring contribution is his insight that people actively construct their understanding through a self-regulatory process.[2] Piaget proposed a developmental theory of moral reasoning in which children progress from a nave understanding of morality based on behavior and outcomes to a more advanced understanding based on intentions. Piaget's views of moral development were elaborated by Kohlberg into a stage theory of moral development. There is evidence that the moral reasoning described in stage theories is not sufficient to account for moral behavior. For example, other factors such as modeling (as described by the social cognitive theory of morality) are required to explain bullying. Rudolf Steiner's model of child development interrelates physical, emotional, cognitive, and moral development[3] in developmental stages similar to those later described by Piaget.[4] Developmental theories are sometimes presented not as shifts between qualitatively different stages, but as gradual increments on separate dimensions. Development of epistemological beliefs (beliefs about knowledge) have been described in terms of gradual changes in people's belief in: certainty and permanence of knowledge, fixedness of ability, and credibility of authorities such as teachers and experts. People develop more sophisticated beliefs about knowledge as they gain in education and maturity.[5]
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Senses of seriousness and of fantasy

A child must learn to develop a sense of seriousness, an ability to distinguish degrees of seriousness as it relates to transgressions and expenditure of time; for example, a child must learn to distinguish between levels of seriousness in admonitions such as between "don't fidget" and "don't forget to look both ways when crossing the street," which have the same linguistic and normative structure, but different levels of seriousness.[6][7]
Individual differences and disabilities

Each person has an individual profile of characteristics, abilities and challenges that result from predisposition, learning and development. These manifest as individual differences in intelligence, creativity, cognitive style, motivation and the capacity to process information, communicate, and relate to others. The most prevalent disabilities found among school age children are attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD), learning disability, dyslexia, and speech disorder. Less common disabilities include mental retardation, hearing impairment, cerebral palsy, epilepsy, and blindness.
An example of an item from a cognitive abilities test
Although theories of intelligence have been discussed by philosophers since Plato, intelligence testing is an invention of educational psychology, and is coincident with the development of that discipline. Continuing debates about the nature of intelligence revolve on whether intelligence can be characterized by a single factor known as general intelligence,[8] multiple factors (e.g., Gardner's theory of multiple intelligences[9]), or whether it can be measured at all. In practice, standardized instruments such as the Stanford-Binet IQ test and the WISC[10] are widely used in economically developed countries to identify children in need of individualized educational treatment. Children classified as gifted are often provided with accelerated or enriched programs. Children with identified deficits may be provided with enhanced education in specific skills such as phonological awareness. In addition to basic abilities, the individual's personality traits are also important, with people higher in conscientiousness and hope attaining superior academic achievements, even after controlling for intelligence and past performance.[11]
Learning and cognition

Two fundamental assumptions that underlie formal education systems are that students (a) retain knowledge and skills they acquire in school, and (b) can apply them in situations outside the classroom. But are these assumptions accurate? Research has found that, even when students report not using the knowledge acquired in school, a considerable portion is retained for many years and long-term retention is strongly dependent on the initial level of mastery.[12] One study found that university students who took a child development course and attained high grades showed, when tested ten years later, average retention scores of about 30%, whereas those who obtained moderate or lower grades showed average retention scores of about 20%.[13] There is much less consensus on the crucial question of how much knowledge acquired in school transfers to tasks encountered outside formal educational settings, and how such transfer occurs.[14] Some psychologists claim that research evidence for this type of far transfer is scarce,[15][16] while others claim there is abundant evidence of far transfer in specific domains.[17] Several perspectives have been established within which the theories of learning used in educational psychology are formed and contested. These include behaviorism, cognitivism, social cognitive theory, and constructivism. This section summarizes how educational psychology has researched and applied theories within each of these perspectives.
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Behavioral perspective
Applied behavior analysis, a research-based science utilizing behavioral principles of operant conditioning, is effective in a range of educational settings.[18] For example, teachers can alter student behavior by systematically rewarding students who follow classroom rules with praise, stars, or tokens exchangeable for sundry items.[19][20] Despite the demonstrated efficacy of awards in changing behavior, their use in education has been criticized by proponents of self-determination theory, who claim that praise and other rewards undermine intrinsic motivation. There is evidence that tangible rewards decrease intrinsic motivation in specific situations, such as when the student already has a high level of intrinsic motivation to perform the goal behavior.[21] But the results showing detrimental effects are counterbalanced by evidence that, in other situations, such as when rewards are given for attaining a gradually increasing standard of performance, rewards enhance intrinsic motivation.[22][23] Many effective therapies have been based on the principles of applied behavior analysis, including pivotal response therapy which is used to treat autism spectrum disorders.
Cognitive perspective
Among current educational psychologists, the cognitive perspective is more widely held than the behavioral perspective, perhaps because it admits causally related mental constructs such as traits, beliefs, memories, motivations and emotions. Cognitive theories claim that memory structures determine how information is perceived, processed, stored, retrieved and forgotten. Among the memory structures theorized by cognitive psychologists are separate but linked visual and verbal systems described by Allan Paivio's dual coding theory. Educational psychologists have used dual coding theory and cognitive load theory to explain how people learn from multimedia presentations.[24] The spaced learning effect, a cognitive phenomenon strongly supported by psychological research, has broad applicability within education.[26] For example, students have been found to perform better on a test of knowledge about a text passage when a second reading of the passage is delayed rather than immediate (see figure). Educational psychology research has confirmed the applicability to education of other findings from cognitive psychology, such as the benefits of using mnemonics for immediate and delayed retention of information.[27]
Problem solving, regarded by many cognitive psychologists as fundamental to learning, is an important research topic in educational psychology. A student is thought to interpret a problem by assigning it to a schema retrieved from long-term memory. A problem students run into while reading is called "activation." This is when the student's representations of the text are present during working memory. This causes the student to read through the material without absorbing the information and being able to retain it. When working memory is absent from the readers representations of the working memory they experience something called "deactivation." When deactivation occurs, the student has an understanding of the material and is able to retain information. If deactivation occurs during the first reading, the reader does not need to undergo deactivation in the second reading. The reader will only need to reread to get a "gist" of the text to spark their memory. When the problem is assigned to the wrong schema, the student's attention is subsequently directed away from features of the problem that are inconsistent with the assigned schema.[28] The critical step of finding a mapping between the problem and a pre-existing schema is often cited as supporting the centrality of analogical thinking to problem solving.
Three experiments reported by Krug, Davis and [25] Glover demonstrated the advantage of delaying a 2nd reading of a text passage by one week (distributed) compared with no delay between readings (massed).
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Developmental perspective
Developmental psychology, and especially the psychology of cognitive development, opens a special perspective for educational psychology. This is so because education and the psychology of cognitive development converge on a number of crucial assumptions. First, the psychology of cognitive development defines human cognitive competence at successive phases of development. Education aims to help students acquire knowledge and develop skills which are compatible with their understanding and problem-solving capabilities at different ages. Thus, knowing the students' level on a developmental sequence provides information on the kind and level of knowledge they can assimilate, which, in turn, can be used as a frame for organizing the subject matter to be taught at different school grades. This is the reason why Piaget's theory of cognitive development was so influential for education, especially mathematics and science education.[29] In the same direction, the neo-Piagetian theories of cognitive development suggest that in addition to the concerns above, sequencing of concepts and skills in teaching must take account of the processing and working memory capacities that characterize successive age levels.[30][31] Second, the psychology of cognitive development involves understanding how cognitive change takes place and recognizing the factors and processes which enable cognitive competence to develop. Education also capitalizes on cognitive change, because the construction of knowledge presupposes effective teaching methods that would move the student from a lower to a higher level of understanding. Mechanisms such as reflection on actual or mental actions vis--vis alternative solutions to problems, tagging new concepts or solutions to symbols that help one recall and mentally manipulate them are just a few examples of how mechanisms of cognitive development may be used to facilitate learning.[32] Finally, the psychology of cognitive development is concerned with individual differences in the organization of cognitive processes and abilities, in their rate of change, and in their mechanisms of change. The principles underlying intra- and inter-individual differences could be educationally useful, because knowing how students differ in regard to the various dimensions of cognitive development, such as processing and representational capacity, self-understanding and self-regulation, and the various domains of understanding, such as mathematical, scientific, or verbal abilities, would enable the teacher to cater for the needs of the different students so that no one is left behind.[33][34]
Social cognitive perspective

Social cognitive theory is a highly influential fusion of behavioral, cognitive and social elements that was initially developed by educational psychologist Albert Bandura. In its earlier, neo-behavioral incarnation called social learning theory, Bandura emphasized the process of observational learning in which a learner's behavior changes as a result of observing others' behavior and its consequences. The theory identified several factors that determine whether observing a model will affect behavioral or cognitive change. These factors include the learner's developmental status, the perceived prestige and competence of the model, the consequences received by the model, the relevance of the model's behaviors and consequences to the learner's goals, and the learner's self-efficacy. The concept of self-efficacy, which played an important role in later developments of the theory, refers to the learner's belief in his or her ability to perform the modeled behavior. An experiment by Schunk and Hanson,[35] that studied grade 2 students who had previously experienced difficulty in learning subtraction, illustrates the type of research stimulated by social learning theory. One group of students observed a subtraction demonstration by a teacher and then participated in an instructional program on subtraction. A second group observed other grade 2 students performing the same subtraction procedures and then participated in the same instructional program. The students who observed peer models scored higher on a subtraction post-test and also reported greater confidence in their subtraction ability. The results were interpreted as supporting the hypothesis that perceived similarity of the model to the learner increases self-efficacy, leading to more effective learning of modeled behaviors. It is supposed that peer modeling is particularly effective for students who have low self-efficacy.
Educational psychology Over the last decade, much research activity in educational psychology has focused on developing theories of self-regulated learning (SRL) and metacognition. These theories work from the central premise that effective learners are active agents who construct knowledge by setting goals, analyzing tasks, planning strategies and monitoring their understanding. Research has indicated that learners who are better at goal-setting and self-monitoring tend to have greater intrinsic task interest and self-efficacy;[36] and that teaching learning strategies can increase academic achievement.[37]
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Constructivist perspective
Constructivism is a category of learning theory in which emphasis is placed on the agency and prior "knowing" and experience of the learner, and often on the social and cultural determinants of the learning process. Educational psychologists distinguish individual (or psychological) constructivism, identified with Piaget's theory of cognitive development, from social constructivism. A dominant influence on the latter type is Lev Vygotsky's work on sociocultural learning, describing how interactions with adults, more capable peers, and cognitive tools are internalized to form mental constructs. Elaborating on Vygotsky's theory, Jerome Bruner and other educational psychologists developed the important concept of instructional scaffolding, in which the social or information environment offers supports for learning that are gradually withdrawn as they become internalized.[38]
Motivation
Motivation is an internal state that activates, guides and sustains behavior. Motivation can have several impacting effects on how students learn and how they behave towards subject matter: Provide direction towards goals Enhance cognitive processing abilities and performance Direct behavior toward particular goals Lead to increased effort and energy Increase initiation of and persistence in activities
Educational psychology research on motivation is concerned with the volition or will that students bring to a task, their level of interest and intrinsic motivation, the personally held goals that guide their behavior, and their belief about the causes of their success or failure. As intrinsic motivation deals with activities that act as their own rewards, extrinsic motivation deals with motivations that are brought on by consequences or punishments. A form of attribution theory developed by Bernard Weiner[39] describes how students' beliefs about the causes of academic success or failure affect their emotions and motivations. For example, when students attribute failure to lack of ability, and ability is perceived as uncontrollable, they experience the emotions of shame and embarrassment and consequently decrease effort and show poorer performance. In contrast, when students attribute failure to lack of effort, and effort is perceived as controllable, they experience the emotion of guilt and consequently increase effort and show improved performance. The self-determination theory (SDT) was developed by psychologists Edward Deci and Richard Ryan. SDT focuses on the importance of intrinsic and extrinsic motivation in driving human behavior and posits inherent growth and development tendencies. It emphasizes the degree to which an individuals behavior is self-motivated and self-determined. When applied to the realm of education, the self-determination theory is concerned primarily with promoting in students an interest in learning, a value of education, and a confidence in their own capacities and attributes. Motivational theories also explain how learners' goals affect the way they engage with academic tasks.[40] Those who have mastery goals strive to increase their ability and knowledge. Those who have performance approach goals strive for high grades and seek opportunities to demonstrate their abilities. Those who have performance avoidance goals are driven by fear of failure and avoid situations where their abilities are exposed. Research has found that
Educational psychology mastery goals are associated with many positive outcomes such as persistence in the face of failure, preference for challenging tasks, creativity and intrinsic motivation. Performance avoidance goals are associated with negative outcomes such as poor concentration while studying, disorganized studying, less self-regulation, shallow information processing and test anxiety. Performance approach goals are associated with positive outcomes, and some negative outcomes such as an unwillingness to seek help and shallow information processing. Locus of control is a salient factor in the successful academic performance of students. During the 1970s and '80s, Cassandra B. Whyte did significant educational research studying locus of control as related to the academic achievement of students pursuing higher education coursework. Much of her educational research and publications focused upon the theories of Julian B. Rotter in regard to the importance of internal control and successful academic performance.[41] Whyte reported that individuals who perceive and believe that their hard work may lead to more successful academic outcomes, instead of depending on luck or fate, persist and achieve academically at a higher level. Therefore, it is important to provide education and counseling in this regard.[42]
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Research methodology
The research methods used in educational psychology tend to be drawn from psychology and other social sciences. There is also a history of significant methodological innovation by educational psychologists, and psychologists investigating educational problems. Research methods address problems in both research design and data analysis. Research design informs the planning of experiments and observational studies to ensure that their results have internal, external and ecological validity. Data analysis encompasses methods for processing both quantitative (numerical) and qualitative (non-numerical) research data. Although, historically, the use of quantitative methods was often considered an essential mark of scholarship, modern educational psychology research uses both quantitative and qualitative methods.
Quantitative methods
Perhaps first among the important methodological innovations of educational psychology was the development and application of factor analysis by Charles Spearman. Factor analysis is mentioned here as one example of the many multivariate statistical methods used by educational psychologists. Factor analysis is used to summarize relationships among a large set of variables or test questions, develop theories about mental constructs such as self-efficacy or anxiety, and assess the reliability and validity of test scores.[43] Over 100 years after its introduction by Spearman, factor analysis has become a research staple figuring prominently in educational psychology journals.
Test scores and other educational variables often approximate a normal distribution.
Because educational assessment is fundamental to most quantitative research in the field, educational psychologists have made significant contributions to the field of psychometrics. For example, alpha, the widely used measure of test reliability was developed by educational psychologist Lee Cronbach. The reliability of assessments are routinely reported in quantitative educational research. Although, originally, educational measurement methods were built on classical test theory, item response theory and Rasch models are now used extensively in educational measurement worldwide. These models afford advantages over classical test theory, including the capacity to produce standard errors of measurement for each score or pattern of scores on assessments and the capacity to handle missing responses. Meta-analysis, the combination of individual research results to produce a quantitative literature review, is another methodological innovation with a close association to educational psychology. In a meta-analysis, effect sizes that represent, for example, the differences between treatment groups in a set of similar experiments, are averaged to
Educational psychology obtain a single aggregate value representing the best estimate of the effect of treatment.[44] Several decades after Pearson's work with early versions of meta-analysis, Glass[45] published the first application of modern meta-analytic techniques and triggered their broad application across the social and biomedical sciences. Today, meta-analysis is among the most common types of literature review found in educational psychology research. Other quantitative research issues associated with educational psychology include the use of nested research designs (e.g., a student nested within a classroom, which is nested within a school, which is nested within a district, etc.) and the use of longitudinal statistical models to measure change.
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Qualitative methods
Qualitative methods are used in educational studies whose purpose is to describe events, processes and situations of theoretical significance. The qualitative methods used in educational psychology often derive from anthropology, sociology or sociolinguistics. For example, the anthropological method of ethnography has been used to describe teaching and learning in classrooms. In studies of this type, the researcher may gather detailed field notes as a participant observer or passive observer. Later, the notes and other data may be categorized and interpreted by methods such as grounded theory. Triangulation, the practice of cross-checking findings with multiple data sources, is highly valued in qualitative research. Case studies are forms of qualitative research focusing on a single person, organization, event, or other entity. In one case study,[46] researchers conducted a 150-minute, semi-structured interview with a 20-year-old woman who had a history of suicidal thinking between the ages of 14 to 18. They analyzed an audio-recording of the interview to understand the roles of cognitive development, identity formation and social attachment in ending her suicidal thinking. Qualitative analysis is most often applied to verbal data from sources such as conversations, interviews, focus groups, and personal journals. Qualitative methods are thus, typically, approaches to gathering, processing and reporting verbal data. One of the most commonly used methods for qualitative research in educational psychology is protocol analysis.[47] In this method the research participant is asked to think aloud while performing a task, such as solving a math problem. In protocol analysis the verbal data is thought to indicate which information the subject is attending to, but is explicitly not interpreted as an explanation or justification for behavior. In contrast, the method of verbal analysis[48] does admit learners' explanations as a way to reveal their mental model or misconceptions (e.g., of the laws of motion). The most fundamental operations in both protocol and verbal analysis are segmenting (isolating) and categorizing sections of verbal data. Conversation analysis and discourse analysis, sociolinguistic methods that focus more specifically on the structure of conversational interchange (e.g., between a teacher and student), have been used to assess the process of conceptual change in science learning.[49] Qualitative methods are also used to analyze information in a variety of media, such as students' drawings and concept maps, video-recorded interactions, and computer log records.
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Applications in instructional design and technology

Instructional design, the systematic design of materials, activities and interactive environments for learning, is broadly informed by educational psychology theories and research. For example, in defining learning goals or objectives, instructional designers often use a taxonomy of educational objectives created by Benjamin Bloom and colleagues. Bloom also researched mastery learning, an instructional strategy in which learners only advance to a new learning objective after they have mastered its prerequisite objectives. Bloom[51] discovered that a combination of mastery learning with one-to-one tutoring is highly effective, producing learning outcomes far exceeding Bloom's taxonomy of educational objectives: [50] those normally achieved in classroom instruction. Gagn, another categories in the cognitive domain psychologist, had earlier developed an influential method of task analysis in which a terminal learning goal is expanded into a hierarchy of learning objectives[52] connected by prerequisite relations. Intelligent tutoring system Educational technology John R. Anderson Cognitive tutor Cooperative learning Collaborative learning Problem-based learning Computer-supported collaborative learning William Winn Constructive alignment
Applications in teaching
Research on classroom management and pedagogy is conducted to guide teaching practice and form a foundation for teacher education programs. The goals of classroom management are to create an environment conducive to learning and to develop students' self-management skills. More specifically, classroom management strives to create positive teacherstudent and peer relationships, manage student groups to sustain on-task behavior, and use counseling and other psychological methods to aid students who present persistent psychosocial problems.[54] Introductory educational psychology is a commonly required area of study in most North American teacher education programs. When taught in that context, its content varies, but it typically emphasizes learning theories (especially cognitively oriented ones), issues about motivation, assessment of students' learning, and classroom management. A developing Wikibook about educational psychology gives more detail about the educational psychology topics that are typically presented in preservice teacher education.
A class size experiment in the United States found that attending small classes for 3 or more years in the early grades increased high school graduation of students from low income [53] families.
Educational psychology Special education Lesson plan
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History
Before 1890
Modern educational psychologists are not the first to analyze educational processes. Philosophers of education such as Juan Vives, Johann Pestalozzi, Friedrich Froebel, and Johann Herbart had examined, classified and judged the methods of education centuries before the beginnings of psychology in the late 1800s. Juan Vives (1492-1540) proposed induction as the method of study and believed in the direct observation and investigation of the study of nature.[55] He was one of the first to emphasize that the location of the school is important to learning.[56] He suggested that the school should be located away from disturbing noises; the air quality should be good and there should be plenty of food for the students and teachers. Vives emphasized the importance of understanding individual differences of the students and suggested practice as an important tool for learning. He also supported the education of women. Johann Pestalozzi (1746-1827) emphasized the child rather than the content of the school.[57] He spoke out against the method of rote memorization as the method for learning and suggested direct observation as a better way of learning. He used object teaching, which means when teaching the teacher should proceed gradually from the concrete objects to the abstract and complex material. He believed that the relationship between the teacher and the child was important in providing a basis for the education of the child. He also was interested in the education of poor children. He was the first to establish an elementary school. Friedrich Froebel (1782-1853) is the founder of the kindergarten movement, which combined work and play to teach children responsibility and cooperation. Johann Herbart (1776-1841) is considered the father of educational psychology.[58] He believed that learning was influenced by interest in the subject and the teacher. He thought that teachers should consider the students existing mental sets, what they already know, when presenting new information or material. Herbart came up with what is now known as the formal steps. They are 5 steps that teachers should use are: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. Review material that has already been learned by the teacher Prepare the student for new material by giving them an overview of what they are learning next Present the new material. Relate the new material to the old material that has already been learned. Show how the student can apply the new material and show the material they will learn next.
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1890-1920
The period of 1890-1920 is considered the golden era of educational psychology where aspirations of the new discipline rested on the application of the scientific methods of observation and experimentation to educational problems. From 1840 to 1920 37 million people immigrated to the United States. This created an expansion of elementary schools and secondary schools. The increase in immigration also provided educational psychologists the opportunity to use intelligence testing to screen immigrants at Ellis Island. Darwinism influenced the beliefs of the prominent educational psychologists. Even in the earliest years of the discipline, educational psychologists recognized the limitations of this new approach. The pioneering American psychologist William James commented that: Psychology is a science, and teaching is an art; and sciences never generate arts directly out of themselves. An intermediate inventive mind must make that application, by using its originality.[59]
William James
James is the father of psychology in America but he also made contributions to educational psychology. In his famous series of lectures Talks to Teachers on Psychology, published in 1899 and now regarded as the first educational psychology textbook, James defines education as "the organization of acquired habits of conduct and tendencies to behavior. He states that teachers should train the pupil to behavior so that he fits into the social and physical world. Teachers should also realize the importance of habit and instinct. They should present information that is clear and interesting and relate this new information and material to things the student already knows about. He also addresses important issues such as attention, memory, and association of ideas. Alfred Binet published Mental Fatigue in 1898, in which he attempted to apply the experimental method to educational psychology. In this experimental method he advocated for two types of experiments, experiments done in the lab and experiments done in the classroom. In 1904 he was appointed the Minister of Public Education. This is when he began to look for a way to distinguish children with developmental disabilities. Binet strongly supported special education programs because he believed that abnormality could be cured. The Binet-Simon test was the first intelligence test and was the first to distinguish between normal children and those with developmental disabilities. Binet believed that it was important to study individual differences between age groups and children of the same age. He also believed that it was important for teachers to take into account individual students strengths and also the needs of the classroom as a whole when teaching and creating a good learning environment. He also believed that it was important to train teachers in observation so that they would be able to see individual differences among children and adjust the curriculum to the students. Binet also emphasized that practice of material was important. In 1916 Lewis Terman revised the Binet-Simon so that the average score was always 100. The test became known as the Stanford-Binet and was one of the most widely used tests of intelligence. Terman, unlike Binet, was interested in using intelligence test to identify gifted children who had high intelligence. In his longitudinal study of gifted children, who became known as the Termites, Terman found that gifted children become gifted adults. Edward Thorndike (1874-1949) supported the scientific movement in education. He based teaching practices on empirical evidence and measurement. Thorndike developed the theory of instrumental conditioning or the law of effect. The law of effect states that associations are strengthened when it is followed by something pleasing and associations are weakened when followed by something not pleasing. He also found that learning is done a little at a time or in increments, learning is an automatic process and all the principles of learning apply to all mammals. Thorndikes research with Robert Woodworth on the theory of transfer found that learning one subject will only influence your ability to learn another subject if the subjects are similar. This discovery led to less emphasis on
Educational psychology learning the classics because they found that studying the classics does not contribute to overall general intelligence. Thorndike was one of the first to say that individual differences in cognitive tasks were due to how many stimulus response patterns a person had rather than a general intellectual ability. He contributed word dictionaries that were scientifically based to determine the words and definitions used. The dictionaries were the first to take into consideration the users maturity level. He also integrated pictures and easier pronunciation guide into each of the definitions. Thorndike contributed arithmetic books based on learning theory. He made all the problems more realistic and relevant to what was being studied, not just to improve the general intelligence. He developed test that were standardized to measure performance in school related subjects. His biggest contribution to testing was the CAVD intelligence test which used a mulitdimensional approach to intelligence and the first to use a ratio scale. His later work was on programmed instruction, mastery learning and computer-based learning: If, by a miracle of mechanical ingenuity, a book could be so arranged that only to him who had done what was directed on page one would page two become visible, and so on, much that now requires personal instruction could be managed by print.[60] John Dewey (1859-1952) had a major influence on the development of progressive education in the United States. He believed that the classroom should prepare children to be good citizens and facilitate creative intelligence. He pushed for the creation of practical class that could be applied outside of a school setting. He also thought that education should be student-oriented not subject-oriented. For Dewey education was social that helped bring together generations of people. He states that students learn by doing. He believed in an active mind that was able to be educated through observation and problem solving and inquiry. In his 1910 book How We Think he emphasizes that material should be provided in way that is stimulating and interesting to the student and it encourages original thoughts and problem solving.[61] He also stated that material should be relative to the students own experience. "The material furnished by way of information should be relevant to a question that is vital in the students own experience" Jean Piaget (1896-1980) developed the theory of cognitive development. The theory stated that intelligence developed in four different stages. The stages are the sensorimotor stage from birth to 2 years old, the preoperational state from 2 years old to 7 years old, the concrete operational stage from 7 years old to 10 years old, and formal operational stage from 11 years old and up. He also believed that learning was constrained to the childs cognitive development. Piaget influenced educational psychology because he was the first to believe that cognitive development was important and something that should be paid attention to in education. Most of the research on Piagetian theory was mainly tested and done by American educational psychologists
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1920-Present
The amount of people receiving a high school and college education increased dramatically from 1920 to 1960. Because of very little jobs available to the teens coming out of eighth grade there was an increase in high school attendance in the 1930s . The progressive movement in the United State took off at this time and led to the idea of progressive education. John Flanagan, an educational psychologist, developed tests for combat trainees and instructions in combat training. In 1954 the work of Kenneth Clark and his wife on the effects of segregation on black and white children was influential in the Supreme Court case Brown v. Board of Education. From the 1960s to present day educational psychology has switched from a behaviorist perspective to a more cognitive based perspective because of the influence and development of cognitive psychology at this time. Jerome Bruner was the first to apply the cognitive approaches in educational psychology. He was the one who introduced the ideas of Jean Piaget into educational psychology. He advocated for discovery learning where teachers create a problem solving environment that allows the student to question, explore and experiment. In his book The Process of Education Bruner stated that the structure of the material and the cognitive abilities of the person are important in learning. He emphasized the importance of the subject matter. He also believed that how the subject was structured was important for the students understanding of the subject and it is the goal of the teacher to
Educational psychology structure the subject in a way that was easy for the student to understand. In the early 1960s Bruner went to Africa to teach math and science to schoolchildren, which influenced his view as schooling as a cultural institution. Bruner was also influential in the development of MACOS, Man a Course of Study, which was an educational program that combined anthropology and science. The program explored human evolution and social behavior. He also helped with the development of the head start program. He was interested in the influence of culture on education and looked at the impact of poverty on educational development. Benjamin Bloom (1913-1999) spent over 50 years at the University of Chicago where he worked in the department of education. He believed that all students can learn. He developed taxonomy of educational objectives. The objectives were divided into three domains: cognitive, affective, and psychomotor. The cognitive domain deals with how we think.[62] It is divided into categories that are on a continuum from easiest to more complex. The categories are knowledge or recall, comprehension application, analysis, synthesis and evaluation. The affective domain deals with emotions and has 5 categories. The categories are receiving phenomenon, responding to that phenomenon, valuing, organization, and internalizing values. The psychomotor domain deals with the development of motor skills, movement and coordination and has 7 categories, that also goes from simplest to complex. The 7 categories of the psychomotor domain are perception, set, guided response, mechanism, complex overt response, adaptation, and origination. The taxonomy provided broad educational objectives that could be used to help expand the curriculum to match the ideas in the taxonomy. The taxonomy is considered to have a greater influence internationally than in the United States. Internationally, the taxonomy is used in every aspect of education from training of the teachers to the development of testing material. Bloom believed in communicating clear learning goals and promoting an active student. He thought that teachers should provide feedback to the students on their strengths and weaknesses. Bloom also did research on college students and their problem solving processes. He found that they differ in understanding the basis of the problem and the ideas in the problem. He also found that students differ in process of problem solving in their approach and attitude toward the problem. Nathaniel Gage is important in educational psychology because he did research to improve teaching and understand the processes involved in teaching. In 1963 he was the editor of the Handbook of Research on Teaching, which became an influential book in educational psychology. The handbook helped set up research on teaching and made research on teaching important to educational psychology. He also was influential in the founding of the Stanford Center for Research and Development in teaching, which not only contributed important research on teaching but also influenced the teaching of important educational psychologists.
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Careers in educational psychology

Education and training
A person may be considered an educational psychologist after completing a graduate degree in educational psychology or a closely related field. Universities establish educational psychology graduate programs in either psychology departments or, more commonly, faculties of education. Educational psychologists work in a variety of settings. Some work in university settings where they carry out research on the cognitive and social processes of human development, learning and education. Educational psychologists may also work as consultants in designing and creating educational materials, classroom programs and online courses. Educational psychologists who work in k12 school settings (closely related are school psychologists in the US and Canada) are trained at the master's and doctoral levels. In addition to conducting assessments, school psychologists provide services such as academic and behavioral intervention, counseling, teacher consultation, and crisis intervention. However, school psychologists are generally more individual-oriented towards students. In the UK, status as a Chartered Educational Psychologist is gained by completing: an undergraduate degree in psychology permitting registration with the British Psychological Society
Educational psychology two or three years experience working with children, young people and their families. a three-year professional doctorate in educational psychology. In New Zealand Registered Educational Psychologist status is gained by completing: an undergraduate degree in education and psychology completion of a two year masters level training programme in psychology or educational psychology completion of a one year post masters internship program Internship places are limited and applications exceed places in most years. Since 1999 Massey University [63] delivered the only educational psychology training program. Victoria University, Wellington started its offering of an educational psychology training programme in 2013.
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Professional Organizations
Holding membership among Division 15 of the American Psychological Association and/or multiple divisions of the American Educational Research Association is common among educational psychologists. These organizations each host 1-2 conferences each year and provide peer-reviewed journals of current research in the field.
Employment outlook
Employment for psychologists in the United States is expected to grow faster than most occupations through the year 2014, with anticipated growth of 1826%. One in four psychologists are employed in educational settings. In the United States, the median salary for psychologists in primary and secondary schools is US$58,360 as of May 2004.[64] In recent decades the participation of women as professional researchers in North American educational psychology has risen dramatically.[65] The percentage of female authors of peer-reviewed journal articles doubled from 1976 (24%) to 1995 (51%), and has since remained constant. Female membership on educational psychology journal editorial boards increased from 17% in 1976 to 47% in 2004. Over the same period, the proportion of chief editor positions held by women increased from 22% to 70%.
Research journals
There are several peer-reviewed research journals in educational psychology tracked by Journal Citation Reports. The most highly cited journals related to educational psychology are currently Child Development, Educational Psychologist, and Journal of Educational Psychology.
Videos
The Psychology of Educational Quality- Transformational Quality (TQ) Theory [66]
Further reading
Barry, W.J. (2012). Challenging the Status Quo Meaning of Educational Quality: Introducing Transformational Quality (TQ) Theory. Educational Journal of Living Theories. 4, 1-29. http://ejolts.net/node/191 Among the most prominent journals in educational psychology are: Review of Educational Research Learning and Instruction American Educational Research Journal Journal of the Learning Sciences Academy of Management Learning & Education Educational Researcher
Educational psychology Computers & Education Educational Research Review Journal of Research in Science Teaching Reading Research Quarterly Science Education Early Childhood Research Quarterly Review of Research in Education Advances in Health Sciences Education Internet and Higher Education Journal of Engineering Education International Journal of Computer-Supported Collaborative Learning Sociology of Education British Educational Research Journal Journal of Computer Assisted Learning
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In R.J. Sternberg & W.M. Williams (Eds.), Intelligence, instruction, and assessment (pp. 14999). Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum. [31] Demetriou, A.; Spanoudis, G. & Mouyi, A. (2010). A Three-level Model of the Developing Mind: Functional and Neuronal Substantiation. In M. Ferrari and L. Vuletic (Eds.), The Developmental Relations between Mind, Brain, and Education: Essays in honor of Robbie Case. New York: Springer. [32] Case, R. (1985). Intellectual development: Birth to adulthood. New York: Academic Press. [33] Case, R. (1992). The role of central conceptual structures in the development of children's mathematical and scientific thought. In A. Demetriou, M. Shayer, & A. Efklides (Eds.), Neo-Piagetian theories of cognitive development: Implications and applications to education (pp. 5265). London: Routledge. [34] Demetriou, A.; Spanoudis, G. & Mouyi, A. (2010). A Three-level Model of the Developing Mind: Functional and Neuronal Substantiation. In M. Ferrari and L. Vuletic (Eds.), The Developmental Relations between Mind, Brain, and Education: Essays in honor of Robbie Case. New York: Springer [35] Schunk, D.H. & Hanson, A.R. (1985). Peer models: Influence on children's self-efficacy and achievement behavior. Journal of Educational Psychology, 77, 31322. [36] Zimmerman, B.J. (1998). Developing self-fulfilling cycles of academic regulation: An analysis of exemplary instructional models. In D.H. Schunk & B.J. Zimmerman (Eds.) Self-regulated learning: From teaching to self-reflective practice (pp. 119). New York: Guilford. [37] Hattie, J.; Biggs, J. & Purdie, N. (1996). Effects of learning skills interventions on student learning: A meta-analysis. Review of Educational Research, 66, 99136. [38] Seifert, Kelvin & Sutton, Rosemary. Educational Psychology: Second Edition (http:/ / www. saylor. org/ site/ wp-content/ uploads/ 2011/ 04/ Educational-Psychology. pdf). Global Text Project, 2009, pp. 33-37. [39] Weiner, B. (2000). Interpersonal and intrapersonal theories of motivation from an attributional perspective. Educational Psychology Review, 12, 114. [40] Elliot, A.J. (1999). Approach and avoidance motivation and achievement goals. Educational Psychologist, 34, 16989. [41] Whyte, C. (1980). An Integrated Counseling and Learning Assistance Center. New Directions Sourcebook. Jossey-Bass, Inc. San Francisco. [42] Whyte, C. (1978). Effective Counseling Methods for High-Risk College Freshmen. Measurement and Evaluation in Guidance, 6 (4), 198200. [43] Thompson, B. (2004). Exploratory and confirmatory factor analysis: Understanding concepts and applications. Washington, DC, USA: American Psychological Association. [44] Lipsey, M.W. & Wilson, D.B. (2001). Practical meta-analysis. London: Sage. [45] Glass, G.V. (1976). Primary, secondary, and meta-analysis of research. Educational Researcher, 5, 38. [46] Everall, R.D.; Bostik, K.E. & Paulson, B.L. (2005). I'm sick of being me: Developmental themes in a suicidal adolescent. Adolescence, 40, 693708. [47] Ericsson, K.A. & Simon, H. (1993). Protocol analysis: Verbal reports as data (Rev. ed.). Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. [48] Chi, M.T.H. (1997). Quantifying qualitative analyses of verbal data: A practical guide. Journal of the Learning Sciences, 6, 271315. [49] Pea, R.D. (1993). Learning scientific concepts through material and social activities: Conversational analysis meets conceptual change. Educational Psychologist, 28, 26577. [50] Anderson, L.W. & Krathwohl, D.R. (2001). A taxonomy for learning, teaching, and assessing: A revision of Bloom's taxonomy of educational objectives. New York, USA: Addison-Wesley Longman. [51] Bloom, B.S. (1984). The two sigma problem: The search for methods of group instruction as effective as one-to-one tutoring. Educational Researcher, 13 (6), 416. [52] Gronlund, N.E. (2000). How to write and use instructional objectives (6th ed.). Columbus, OH, USA: Merrill. [53] Finn, J.D.; Gerber, S.B.; Boyd-Zaharias, J. (2005). Small classes in the early grades, academic achievement, and graduating from high school. Journal of Educational Psychology, 97, 21433. [54] Emmer, E.T. & Stough, L.M. (2001). Classroom management: A critical part of educational psychology with implications for teacher education. Educational Psychologist, 36, 10312. [55] Zimmerman, B.J. & Schunk, D.H. (Eds.) (2003). Educational psychology: A century of contributions. Mahwah, NJ, US: Erlbaum. [56] Vives, J, & Watson, F. (1913). On education : a translation of the de tradendis disciplinis of juan luis vives . Cambridge : The University Press. [57] Glover, J, & Ronning, R. (Ed.). (1987). Historical foundations of educational psychology. New York, NY: Plenum Press.
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[58] Hergenhahn, B.R. (2009). An introduction to the history of psychology. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth. [59] James, W. (1983). Talks to teachers on psychology and to students on some of life's ideals. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. (Original work published 1899) [60] Thorndike, E.L. (1912). Education: A first book. New York: MacMillan. [61] Dewey J. (1910). How we think. New York D.C. Heath & Co. [62] Clark, D. (n.d.). Bloom's taxonomy of learning domains. Retrieved from http:/ / www. nwlink. com/ ~donclark/ hrd/ bloom. html [63] https:/ / www. massey. ac. nz/ massey/ learning/ programme-course-paper/ programme. cfm?prog_id=93113 [64] Bureau of Labor Statistics, U.S. Department of Labor. Occupational Outlook Handbook. 200607 Edition. Psychologists. retrieved from http:/ / www. bls. gov/ oco/ ocos056. htm on June 30, 2006. [65] Evans, J.; Hsieh, P.P. & Robinson, D.H. (2005). Women's Involvement in educational psychology journals from 1976 to 2004. Educational Psychology Review, 17, 26371. [66] http:/ / www. youtube. com/ watch?v=S7HVfxq4l-8
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External links
Educational Psychology Resources (http://psych.athabascau.ca/html/aupr/educational.shtml) by Athabasca University Division 15 of the American Psychological Association (http://www.apa.org/about/division/div15.html) Psychology of Education Section of the British Psychological Society (http://www.bps.org.uk/education/ education_home.cfm) Explorations in Learning & Instructional Design: Theory Into Practice Database (http://www. instructionaldesign.org/) Classics in the History of Psychology (http://psychclassics.yorku.ca/index.htm) The Standards for Educational and Psychological Testing (http://www.apa.org/science/standards.html)
Phenomenology
Phenomenology (from Greek: phainmenon "that which appears"; and lgos "study") is the philosophical study of the structures of subjective experience and consciousness. As a philosophical movement it was founded in the early years of the 20th century by Edmund Husserl and was later expanded upon by a circle of his followers at the universities of Gttingen and Munich in Germany. It then spread to France, the United States, and elsewhere, often in contexts far removed from Husserl's early work. Phenomenology, in Husserl's conception, is primarily concerned with the systematic reflection on and study of the structures of consciousness and the phenomena that appear in acts of consciousness. This ontology can be clearly differentiated from the Cartesian method of analysis which sees the world as objects, sets of objects, and objects acting and reacting upon one another. Husserl's conception of phenomenology has been criticized and developed not only by himself but also by students, such as Edith Stein, by hermeneutic philosophers, such as Martin Heidegger, by existentialists, such as Max Scheler, Nicolai Hartmann, Maurice Merleau-Ponty, Jean-Paul Sartre, and by other philosophers, such as Paul Ricoeur, Emmanuel Lvinas, and sociologists Alfred Schtz and Eric Voegelin.
Overview
Stephen Hicks writes that to understand phenomenology, one must identify its roots in the philosophy of Immanuel Kant (17241804).[1] In his Critique of Pure Reason, Kant distinguished between "phenomena" (objects as interpreted by human sensibility and understanding), and "noumena" (objects as things-in-themselves, which humans cannot directly experience). According to Hicks, 19th-century Kantianism operated in two broad camps: structural linguistics and
Phenomenology phenomenology. Hicks writes, "In effect, the Structuralists were seeking subjective noumenal categories, and the Phenomenologists were content with describing the phenomena without asking what connection to an external reality those experiences might have."[2] In its most basic form, phenomenology thus attempts to create conditions for the objective study of topics usually regarded as subjective: consciousness and the content of conscious experiences such as judgments, perceptions, and emotions. Although phenomenology seeks to be scientific, it does not attempt to study consciousness from the perspective of clinical psychology or neurology. Instead, it seeks through systematic reflection to determine the essential properties and structures of experience. [citation needed] Husserl derived many important concepts central to phenomenology from the works and lectures of his teachers, the philosophers and psychologists Franz Brentano and Carl Stumpf. An important element of phenomenology that Husserl borrowed from Brentano is intentionality (often described as "aboutness"), the notion that consciousness is always consciousness of something. The object of consciousness is called the intentional object, and this object is constituted for consciousness in many different ways, through, for instance, perception, memory, retention and protention, signification, etc. Throughout these different intentionalities, though they have different structures and different ways of being "about" the object, an object is still constituted as the identical object; consciousness is directed at the same intentional object in direct perception as it is in the immediately following retention of this object and the eventual remembering of it. Though many of the phenomenological methods involve various reductions, phenomenology is, in essence, anti-reductionistic; the reductions are mere tools to better understand and describe the workings of consciousness, not to reduce any phenomenon to these descriptions. In other words, when a reference is made to a thing's essence or idea, or when one details the constitution of an identical coherent thing by describing what one "really" sees as being only these sides and aspects, these surfaces, it does not mean that the thing is only and exclusively what is described here: The ultimate goal of these reductions is to understand how these different aspects are constituted into the actual thing as experienced by the person experiencing it. Phenomenology is a direct reaction to the psychologism and physicalism of Husserl's time. [citation needed] Although previously employed by Hegel in his Phenomenology of Spirit, it was Husserls adoption of this term (circa 1900) that propelled it into becoming the designation of a philosophical school. As a philosophical perspective, phenomenology is its method, though the specific meaning of the term varies according to how it is conceived by a given philosopher. As envisioned by Husserl, phenomenology is a method of philosophical inquiry that rejects the rationalist bias that has dominated Western thought since Plato in favor of a method of reflective attentiveness that discloses the individuals lived experience.[3] Loosely rooted in an epistemological device, with Sceptic roots, called epoch, Husserls method entails the suspension of judgment while relying on the intuitive grasp of knowledge, free of presuppositions and intellectualizing. Sometimes depicted as the science of experience, the phenomenological method is rooted in intentionality, Husserls theory of consciousness (developed from Brentano). Intentionality represents an alternative to the representational theory of consciousness, which holds that reality cannot be grasped directly because it is available only through perceptions of reality that are representations of it in the mind. Husserl countered that consciousness is not in the mind but rather conscious of something other than itself (the intentional object), whether the object is a substance or a figment of imagination (i.e., the real processes associated with and underlying the figment). Hence the phenomenological method relies on the description of phenomena as they are given to consciousness, in their immediacy. According to Maurice Natanson (1973, p.63), The radicality of the phenomenological method is both continuous and discontinuous with philosophys general effort to subject experience to fundamental, critical scrutiny: to take nothing for granted and to show the warranty for what we claim to know. In practice, it entails an unusual combination of discipline and detachment to suspend, or bracket, theoretical explanations and second-hand information while determining one's naive experience of the matter. The
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Phenomenology phenomenological method serves to momentarily erase the world of speculation by returning the subject to his or her primordial experience of the matter, whether the object of inquiry is a feeling, an idea, or a perception. According to Husserl the suspension of belief in what we ordinarily take for granted or infer by conjecture diminishes the power of what we customarily embrace as objective reality. According to Rdiger Safranski (1998, 72), [Husserl and his followers] great ambition was to disregard anything that had until then been thought or said about consciousness or the world [while] on the lookout for a new way of letting the things [they investigated] approach them, without covering them up with what they already knew. Martin Heidegger modified Husserls conception of phenomenology because of (what Heidegger perceived as) Husserl's subjectivist tendencies. Whereas Husserl conceived humans as having been constituted by states of consciousness, Heidegger countered that consciousness is peripheral to the primacy of ones existence (i.e., the mode of being of Dasein), which cannot be reduced to ones consciousness of it. From this angle, ones state of mind is an effect rather than a determinant of existence, including those aspects of existence that one is not conscious of. By shifting the center of gravity from consciousness (psychology) to existence (ontology), Heidegger altered the subsequent direction of phenomenology, making it at once both personal and mysterious. As one consequence of Heideggers modification of Husserls conception, phenomenology became increasingly relevant to psychoanalysis. Whereas Husserl gave priority to a depiction of consciousness that was fundamentally alien to the psychoanalytic conception of the unconscious, Heidegger offered a way to conceptualize experience that could accommodate those aspects of ones existence that lie on the periphery of sentient awareness.[4][5]
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Historical overview of the use of the term

Phenomenology has at least two main meanings in philosophical history: one in the writings of G.W.F. Hegel, another in the writings of Edmund Husserl in 1920, and a third, deriving from Husserl's work, in the writings of his former research assistant Martin Heidegger in 1927. For G.W.F. Hegel, phenomenology is an approach to philosophy that begins with an exploration of phenomena (what presents itself to us in conscious experience) as a means to finally grasp the absolute, logical, ontological and metaphysical Spirit that is behind phenomena. This has been called a "dialectical phenomenology". For Edmund Husserl, phenomenology is "the reflective study of the essence of consciousness as experienced from the first-person point of view." Phenomenology takes the intuitive experience of phenomena (what presents itself to us in phenomenological reflexion) as its starting point and tries to extract from it the essential features of experiences and the essence of what we experience. When generalized to the essential features of any possible experience, this has been called "Transcendental Phenomenology". Husserl's view was based on aspects of the work of Franz Brentano and was developed further by philosophers such as Maurice Merleau-Ponty, Max Scheler, Edith Stein, Dietrich von Hildebrand and Emmanuel Levinas. Although the term "phenomenology" was used occasionally in the history of philosophy before Husserl, modern use ties it more explicitly to his particular method. Following is a list of thinkers in rough chronological order who used the term "phenomenology" in a variety of ways, with brief comments on their contributions:[6] Friedrich Christoph Oetinger (17021782) German pietist, for the study of the "divine system of relations"[7] Johann Heinrich Lambert (17281777) (mathematician, physician and philosopher) known for the theory of appearances underlying empirical knowledge.[8] Immanuel Kant (17241804), in the Critique of Pure Reason, distinguished between objects as phenomena, which are objects as shaped and grasped by human sensibility and understanding, and objects as things-in-themselves or noumena, which do not appear to us in space and time and about which we can make no legitimate judgments. G.W.F. Hegel (17701831) challenged Kant's doctrine of the unknowable thing-in-itself, and declared that by knowing phenomena more fully we can gradually arrive at a consciousness of the absolute and spiritual truth of Divinity, most notably in his Phenomenology of Spirit, published in 1807.
Phenomenology Carl Stumpf (18481936), student of Brentano and mentor to Husserl, used "phenomenology" to refer to an ontology of sensory contents. Edmund Husserl (18591938) established phenomenology at first as a kind of "descriptive psychology" and later as a transcendental and eidetic science of consciousness. He is considered to be the founder of contemporary phenomenology. Max Scheler (18741928) developed further the phenomenological method of Edmund Husserl and extended it to include also a reduction of the scientific method. He influenced the thinking of Pope John Paul II, Dietrich von Hildebrand, and Edith Stein. Martin Heidegger (18891976) criticized Husserl's theory of phenomenology and attempted to develop a theory of ontology that led him to his original theory of Dasein, the non-dualistic human being. Alfred Schtz (18991959) developed a phenomenology of the social world on the basis of everyday experience that has influenced major sociologists such as Harold Garfinkel, Peter Berger, and Thomas Luckmann. Francisco Varela (19462001) Chilean philosopher and biologist. Developed the basis for experimental phenomenology and neurophenomenology. Later usage is mostly based on or (critically) related to Husserl's introduction and use of the term. This branch of philosophy differs from others in that it tends to be more "descriptive" than "prescriptive".
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Phenomenological terminology
Intentionality
Intentionality refers to the notion that consciousness is always the consciousness of something. The word itself should not be confused with the "ordinary" use of the word intentional, but should rather be taken as playing on the etymological roots of the word. Originally, intention referred to a "stretching out" ("in tension," lat. intendere[9][10]), and in this context it refers to consciousness "stretching out" towards its object (although one should be careful with this image, seeing as there is not some consciousness first that, subsequently, stretches out to its object. Rather, consciousness occurs as the simultaneity of a conscious act and its object.) Intentionality is often summed up as "aboutness." Whether this something that consciousness is about is in direct perception or in fantasy is inconsequential to the concept of intentionality itself; whatever consciousness is directed at, that is what consciousness is conscious of. This means that the object of consciousness doesn't have to be a physical object apprehended in perception: it can just as well be a fantasy or a memory. Consequently, these "structures" of consciousness, i.e., perception, memory, fantasy, etc., are called intentionalities. The cardinal principle of phenomenology, the term intentionality originated with the Scholastics in the medieval period and was resurrected by Brentano who in turn influenced Husserls conception of phenomenology, who refined the term and made it the cornerstone of his theory of consciousness. The meaning of the term is complex and depends entirely on how it is conceived by a given philosopher. The term should not be confused with intention or the psychoanalytic conception of unconscious motive or gain.
Intuition
Intuition in phenomenology refers to those cases where the intentional object is directly present to the intentionality at play; if the intention is "filled" by the direct apprehension of the object, you have an intuited object. Having a cup of coffee in front of you, for instance, seeing it, feeling it, or even imagining it - these are all filled intentions, and the object is then intuited. The same goes for the apprehension of mathematical formulae or a number. If you do not have the object as referred to directly, the object is not intuited, but still intended, but then emptily. Examples of empty intentions can be signitive intentions - intentions that only imply or refer to their objects.[citation needed]
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Evidence
In everyday language, we use the word evidence to signify a special sort of relation between a state of affairs and a proposition: State A is evidence for the proposition "A is true." In phenomenology, however, the concept of evidence is meant to signify the "subjective achievement of truth."[11] This is not an attempt to reduce the objective sort of evidence to subjective "opinion," but rather an attempt to describe the structure of having something present in intuition with the addition of having it present as intelligible: "Evidence is the successful presentation of an intelligible object, the successful presentation of something whose truth becomes manifest in the evidencing itself."[12]
Noesis and Noema

In Husserl's phenomenology, which is quite common, this pair of terms, derived from the Greek nous (mind), designate respectively the real content, noesis, and the ideal content, noema, of an intentional act (an act of consciousness). The Noesis is the part of the act that gives it a particular sense or character (as in judging or perceiving something, loving or hating it, accepting or rejecting it, and so on). This is real in the sense that it is actually part of what takes place in the consciousness (or psyche) of the subject of the act. The Noesis is always correlated with a Noema; for Husserl, the full Noema is a complex ideal structure comprising at least a noematic sense and a noematic core. The correct interpretation of what Husserl meant by the Noema has long been controversial, but the noematic sense is generally understood as the ideal meaning of the act[13] and the noematic core as the act's referent or object as it is meant in the act. One element of controversy is whether this noematic object is the same as the actual object of the act (assuming it exists) or is some kind of ideal object.[14]
Empathy and Intersubjectivity

In phenomenology, empathy refers to the experience of one's own body as another. While we often identify others with their physical bodies, this type of phenomenology requires that we focus on the subjectivity of the other, as well as our intersubjective engagement with them. In Husserl's original account, this was done by a sort of apperception built on the experiences of your own lived-body. The lived body is your own body as experienced by yourself, as yourself. Your own body manifests itself to you mainly as your possibilities of acting in the world. It is what lets you reach out and grab something, for instance, but it also, and more importantly, allows for the possibility of changing your point of view. This helps you differentiate one thing from another by the experience of moving around it, seeing new aspects of it (often referred to as making the absent present and the present absent), and still retaining the notion that this is the same thing that you saw other aspects of just a moment ago (it is identical). Your body is also experienced as a duality, both as object (you can touch your own hand) and as your own subjectivity (you experience being touched). The experience of your own body as your own subjectivity is then applied to the experience of another's body, which, through apperception, is constituted as another subjectivity. You can thus recognise the Other's intentions, emotions, etc. This experience of empathy is important in the phenomenological account of intersubjectivity. In phenomenology, intersubjectivity constitutes objectivity (i.e., what you experience as objective is experienced as being intersubjectively available - available to all other subjects. This does not imply that objectivity is reduced to subjectivity nor does it imply a relativist position, cf. for instance intersubjective verifiability). In the experience of intersubjectivity, one also experiences oneself as being a subject among other subjects, and one experiences oneself as existing objectively for these Others; one experiences oneself as the noema of Others' noeses, or as a subject in another's empathic experience. As such, one experiences oneself as objectively existing subjectivity. Intersubjectivity is also a part in the constitution of one's lifeworld, especially as "homeworld."
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Lifeworld
The lifeworld (German: Lebenswelt) is the "world" each one of us lives in. One could call it the "background" or "horizon" of all experience, and it is that on which each object stands out as itself (as different) and with the meaning it can only hold for us. The lifeworld is both personal and intersubjective (it is then called a "homeworld"), and, as such, it does not enclose each one of us in a solus ipse.
Husserl's Logische Untersuchungen (1900/1901)

In the first edition of the Logical Investigations, still under the influence of Brentano, Husserl describes his position as "descriptive psychology." Husserl analyzes the intentional structures of mental acts and how they are directed at both real and ideal objects. The first volume of the Logical Investigations, the Prolegomena to Pure Logic, begins with a devastating critique of psychologism, i.e., the attempt to subsume the a priori validity of the laws of logic under psychology. Husserl establishes a separate field for research in logic, philosophy, and phenomenology, independently from the empirical sciences.[15]
Transcendental phenomenology after the Ideen (1913)

Some years after the publication of the Logical Investigations, Husserl made some key elaborations that led him to the distinction between the act of consciousness (noesis) and the phenomena at which it is directed (the noemata). "noetic" refers to the intentional act of consciousness (believing, willing, etc.) "noematic" refers to the object or content (noema), which appears in the noetic acts (the believed, wanted, hated, and loved ...). What we observe is not the object as it is in itself, but how and inasmuch it is given in the intentional acts. Knowledge of essences would only be possible by "bracketing" all assumptions about the existence of an external world and the inessential (subjective) aspects of how the object is concretely given to us. This procedure Husserl called epoch. Husserl in a later period concentrated more on the ideal, essential structures of consciousness. As he wanted to exclude any hypothesis on the existence of external objects, he introduced the method of phenomenological reduction to eliminate them. What was left over was the pure transcendental ego, as opposed to the concrete empirical ego. Now Transcendental Phenomenology is the study of the essential structures that are left in pure consciousness: This amounts in practice to the study of the noemata and the relations among them. The philosopher Theodor Adorno criticised Husserl's concept of phenomenological epistemology in his metacritique Against Epistemology, which is anti-foundationalist in its stance. Transcendental phenomenologists include Oskar Becker, Aron Gurwitsch, and Alfred Schutz.
Realist phenomenology
After Husserl's publication of the Ideen in 1913, many phenomenologists took a critical stance towards his new theories. Especially the members of the Munich group distanced themselves from his new transcendental phenomenology and preferred the earlier realist phenomenology of the first edition of the Logical Investigations. Realist phenomenologists include Adolf Reinach, Alexander Pfnder, Johannes Daubert, Max Scheler, Roman Ingarden, Nicolai Hartmann, Dietrich von Hildebrand.
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Existential phenomenology
Existential phenomenology differs from transcendental phenomenology by its rejection of the transcendental ego. Merleau-Ponty objects to the ego's transcendence of the world, which for Husserl leaves the world spread out and completely transparent before the conscious. Heidegger thinks of a conscious being as always already in the world. Transcendence is maintained in existential phenomenology to the extent that the method of phenomenology must take a presuppositionless starting point - transcending claims about the world arising from, for example, natural or scientific attitudes or theories of the ontological nature of the world. While Husserl thought of philosophy as a scientific discipline that had to be founded on a phenomenology understood as epistemology, Heidegger held a radically different view. Heidegger himself states their differences this way: For Husserl, the phenomenological reduction is the method of leading phenomenological vision from the natural attitude of the human being whose life is involved in the world of things and persons back to the transcendental life of consciousness and its noetic-noematic experiences, in which objects are constituted as correlates of consciousness. For us, phenomenological reduction means leading phenomenological vision back from the apprehension of a being, whatever may be the character of that apprehension, to the understanding of the Being of this being (projecting upon the way it is unconcealed). According to Heidegger, philosophy was not at all a scientific discipline, but more fundamental than science itself. According to him science is only one way of knowing the world with no special access to truth. Furthermore, the scientific mindset itself is built on a much more "primordial" foundation of practical, everyday knowledge. Husserl was skeptical of this approach, which he regarded as quasi-mystical, and it contributed to the divergence in their thinking. Instead of taking phenomenology as prima philosophia or a foundational discipline, Heidegger took it as a metaphysical ontology: "being is the proper and sole theme of philosophy... this means that philosophy is not a science of beings but of being.". Yet to confuse phenomenology and ontology is an obvious error. Phenomena are not the foundation or Ground of Being. Neither are they appearances, for, as Heidegger argues in Being and Time, an appearance is "that which shows itself in something else," while a phenomenon is "that which shows itself in itself." While for Husserl, in the epoch, being appeared only as a correlate of consciousness, for Heidegger being is the starting point. While for Husserl we would have to abstract from all concrete determinations of our empirical ego, to be able to turn to the field of pure consciousness, Heidegger claims that "the possibilities and destinies of philosophy are bound up with man's existence, and thus with temporality and with historicality." However, ontological being and existential being are different categories, so Heidegger's conflation of these categories is, according to Husserl's view, the root of Heidegger's error. Husserl charged Heidegger with raising the question of ontology but failing to answer it, instead switching the topic to the Dasein, the only being for whom Being is an issue. That is neither ontology nor phenomenology, according to Husserl, but merely abstract anthropology. To clarify, perhaps, by abstract anthropology, as a non-existentialist searching for essences, Husserl rejected the existentialism implicit in Heidegger's distinction between being (sein) as things in reality and Being (Da-sein) as the encounter with being, as when being becomes present to us, that is, is unconcealed.[16] Existential phenomenologists include: Martin Heidegger (18891976), Hannah Arendt (19061975), Emmanuel Levinas (19061995), Gabriel Marcel (18891973), Jean-Paul Sartre (19051980), Paul Ricoeur (19132005) and Maurice Merleau-Ponty (19081961).
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Phenomenology and Eastern thought

Some researchers in phenomenology (in particular in reference to Heidegger's legacy) see possibilities of establishing dialogues with traditions of thought outside of the so-called Western philosophy, particularly with respect to East-Asian thinking, and despite perceived differences between "Eastern" and "Western".[17] Furthermore, it has been claimed that a number of elements within phenomenology (mainly Heidegger's thought) have some resonance with Eastern philosophical ideas, particularly with Zen Buddhism and Taoism.[18] According to Tomonubu Imamichi, the concept of Dasein was inspired although Heidegger remained silent on this by Okakura Kakuzo's concept of das-in-der-Welt-sein (being in the world) expressed in The Book of Tea to describe Zhuangzi's philosophy, which Imamichi's teacher had offered to Heidegger in 1919, after having studied with him the year before.[19] There are also recent signs of the reception of phenomenology (and Heidegger's thought in particular) within scholarly circles focused on studying the impetus of metaphysics in the history of ideas in Islam and Early Islamic philosophy;[20] perhaps under the indirect influence of the tradition of the French Orientalist and philosopher Henri Corbin.[21] In addition, the work of Jim Ruddy in the field of comparative philosophy, combined the concept of Transcendental Ego in Husserl's phenomenology with the concept of the primacy of self-consciousness in the work of Sankaracharya. In the course of this work, Ruddy uncovered a wholly new eidetic phenomenological science, which he called "convergent phenomenology." This new phenomenology takes over where Husserl left off, and deals with the constitution of relation-like, rather than merely thing-like, or "intentional" objectivity.[22]
Phenomenology and technoethics

Phenomenological approach to technology
James Moor has argued that computers show up policy vacuums that require new thinking and the establishment of new policies.[23] Others have argued that the resources provided by classical ethical theory such as utilitarianism, consequentialism and deontological ethics is more than enough to deal with all the ethical issues emerging from our design and use of information technology.[24] For the phenomenologist the impact view of technology as well as the constructivist view of the technology/society relationships is valid but not adequate (Heidegger 1977, Borgmann 1985, Winograd and Flores 1987, Ihde 1990, Dreyfus 1992, 2001). They argue that these accounts of technology, and the technology/society relationship, posit technology and society as if speaking about the one does not immediately and already draw upon the other for its ongoing sense or meaning. For the phenomenologist society and technology co-constitute each other; they are each other's ongoing condition or possibility for being what they are. For them technology is not just the artifact. Rather, the artifact already emerges from a prior technological attitude towards the world (Heidegger 1977).
Heideggers approach (pre-technological age)

For Heidegger the essence of technology is the way of being of modern humansa way of conducting themselves towards the worldthat sees the world as something to be ordered and shaped in line with projects, intentions and desiresa will to power that manifest itself as a will to technology'.[25] Heidegger claims that there were other times in human history, a pre-modern time, where humans did not orient themselves towards the world in a technological waysimply as resources for our purposes. However, according to Heidegger this pre-technological age (or mood) is one where humans relation with the world and artifacts, their way of being disposed, was poetic and aesthetic rather than technological (enframing). There are many who disagree with Heidegger's account of the modern technological attitude as the enframing of the world.[26] For example Andrew Feenberg argues that Heidegger's account of modern technology is not borne out in
Phenomenology contemporary everyday encounters with technology.
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The Hubert Dreyfus approach (contemporary society)

In critiquing the artificial intelligence (AI) programme Hubert Dreyfus (1992) argues that the way skill development has become understood in the past has been wrong. He argues, this is the model that the early artificial intelligence community uncritically adopted. In opposition to this view he argues, with Heidegger, that what we observe when we learn a new skill in everyday practice is in fact the opposite. We most often start with explicit rules or preformulated approaches and then move to a multiplicity of particular cases, as we become an expert. His argument draws directly on Heidegger's account in Being and Time of humans as beings that are always already situated in-the-world. As humans in-the-world we are already experts at going about everyday life, at dealing with the subtleties of every particular situationthat is why everyday life seems so obvious. Thus, the intricate expertise of everyday activity is forgotten and taken for granted by AI as an assumed starting point. What Dreyfus highlighted in his critique of AI was the fact that technology (AI algorithms) does not make sense by itself. It is the assumed, and forgotten, horizon of everyday practice that make technological devices and solutions show up as meaningful. If we are to understand technology we need to return to the horizon of meaning that made it show up as the artifacts we need, want and desire. We also need to consider how these technologies reveal (or disclose) us.
Virtualization theory
There seems to be at least one information technology theme that has attracted some sustained attention from phenomenologists (especially with regard to its ethical implications)the phenomenon of virtualization or virtuality. The term virtuality is used here to refer to the mediation of interaction through an electronic medium between humans and humans as well as between humans and machines. The Internet is the most evident example of the virtualization of interaction The proponents of the virtualization of society (and its institutions) argue that virtuality extends the social in unprecedented ways (Fernback 1997, Rheingold 1993a, 1993b, Turkle 1995, 1996, Benedikt 1991, Horn 1998). They argue that it opens up an entirely new domain of social being. For example Rheingold (1993a) argues that it offers tools for facilitating all the various ways people have discovered to divide and communicate, group and subgroup and regroup, include and exclude, select and elect. Turkle suggests that cyberspace makes possible the construction of an identity that is so fluid and multiple that it strains the very limits of the notion [of authenticity].[27] People become masters of self-presentation and self-creation. There is an unparalleled opportunity to play with one's identity and to try out new ones. The very notion of an inner, true self is called into question. An individual can literally decide to be who they wish to be. For example, the obese can be slender, the beautiful can be plain and the nerdy can be elegant. The claims by Rheingold, Turkle and others are certainly bold. If they are right then virtuality may indeed represent entirely new possibilities for humans to relate, extend, and express themselves, which should be encouraged, especially for those that have become excluded from the traditional domains of social relations, due to disability. Phenomenologists would suggest that these responses are all important but they assume something more primaryi.e., the conditions that render such acts as the presentation of the self, ongoing communication and sharing meaningful and significant in the first instance. They might suggest that these social acts are all grounded in an already presumed sense of community. They might further argue that social interaction, community and identity (as we know it) are phenomena that are local, situated and embodied, which is characterized by mutual involvement, concern and commitment (Dreyfus 2001; Borgmann 1999, Ihde 2002, Introna 1997, Coyne 1995, Heim 1993). In other words that these phenomena draw on an implied sense of involvement, place, situation, and body for its ongoing meaning. Borgmann (1999) argues that the unparalleled opportunity of virtuality suggested by Turkle comes at a cost. To secure the charm of virtual reality at its most glamorous, the veil of virtual ambiguity must be dense and thick.
Phenomenology Inevitably, however, such an enclosure excludes the commanding presence of reality. Hence the price of sustaining virtual ambiguity is triviality.Indeed such fluid and multiple identity is only feasible as long as it is kept barren of real consequences Dreyfus (1999, 2001) argues, in a similar vein that without a situated and embodied engagement there can be no commitment and no risk. They argue that in such an environment moral engagement is limited and human relations become trivialized. Ihde (2002) does not go as far as Borgmann and Dreyfus in discounting the virtual as trivial'. Coyne (1995) argues that the proximity of community has nothing to do with physical distance. He argues that proximity is rather a matter of shared concernsi.e., my family is close to me even if they are a thousand miles away and my neighbors may be distant to me even if they are next door.
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References
[1] Hicks, Stephen (2004). Understanding Postmodernism: Skepticism and Socialism from Rousseau to Foucault, Tempe, AZ: Scholargy. [2] Hicks, p. 43-44 [3] Husserl, Edmund. The Crisis of the European Sciences and Transcendental Phenomenology. Evanston: Northwestern University Press, 1970, pg. 240. [4] Natanson, M. (1973) Edmund Husserl: Philosopher of infinite tasks. Evanston: Northwestern University Press. [5] Safranski, R. (1998) Martin Heidegger: Between good and evil. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. [6] Partially based on [7] Ernst Benz, Christian Kabbalah: Neglected Child of Theology [8] Lambert, Johann Heinrich (1772). Anmerkungen und Zustze zur Entwerfung der Land- und Himmelscharten. Von J. H. Lambert (1772.) Hrsg. von A. Wangerin. Mit 21 Textfiguren. (xml). W. Engelmann, reprint 1894. [9] http:/ / plato. stanford. edu/ entries/ intentionality/ [10] http:/ / www. etymonline. com/ index. php?term=intent [11] Robert Sokolowski, Introduction to Phenomenology, Cambridge University Press (2000). Pp. 159160. This use of the word evidence may seem strange in English, but is more common in German, which is the language Husserl wrote in. [12] Sokolowski, Introduction, pp. 160161. [13] I.e. if A loves B, loving is a real part of A's conscious activity - Noesis - but gets its sense from the general concept of loving, which has an abstract or ideal meaning, as "loving" has a meaning in the English language independently of what an individual means by the word when they use it. [14] For a full account of the controversy and a review of positions taken, see David Woodruff Smith, Husserl, Routledge, 2007, pp304-311. [15] On the Logical Investigations, see
and
[16] I have attempted to respond to the request for clarification of Heidegger's distinction between being and Being. My info source was http:/ / www. uni. edu/ boedeker/ NNhHeidegger2. doc. It was not copied and pasted but rephrased for copyright reasons. [17] See for instance references to Heidegger's "A Dialogue on Language between a Japanese and an Inquirer," in On the Way to Language (New York: Harper & Row, 1971). Heidegger himself had contacts with some leading Japanese intellectuals, including members of the Kyoto School, notably Hajime Tanabe, Kuki Shz and Kiyoshi Miki. [18] An account given by Paul Hsao (in Heidegger and Asian Thought) records a remark by Chang Chung-Yuan claiming that "Heidegger is the only Western Philosopher who not only intellectually understands but has intuitively grasped Taoist thought" [19] Tomonubu Imamichi, In Search of Wisdom. One Philosopher's Journey, Tokyo, International House of Japan, 2004 (quoted by Anne Fagot-Largeau during her lesson (http:/ / www. college-de-france. fr/ default/ EN/ all/ phi_sci/ p1184676830986. htm) at the Collge de France on December 7, 2006). [20] See for instance: Nader El-Bizri, The Phenomenological Quest between Avicenna and Heidegger (Binghamton, N.Y.: Global Publications SUNY, 2000) ISBN 1-58684-005-3 [21] A book-series under the title: Islamic Philosophy and Occidental Phenomenology in Dialogue (http:/ / www. springer. com/ series/ 6137) has been recently established by Springer (Kluwer Academic Publishers, Dordrecht) in association with the World Phenomenology Institute (http:/ / www. phenomenology. org/ ). This initiative has been initiated by the Polish phenomenologist Anna-Teresa Tymieniecka, editor of Analecta Husserliana. [22] See the thesis, "Convergent Phenomenology," presented to the University of Madras, June, 1979. [23] Moor, J. H. (1985). What Is Computer Ethics? In T. W. Bynum (ed.), Computersand Ethics. Blackwell. [24] Bernard, G. (1999). Common Morality and Computing. Ethics and Information Technology 1(1). [25] Introna, L. (2005) Disclosing the Digital Face: The ethics of facial recognition systems, Ethics and Information Technology, 7(2) [26] Feenberg, A. (1999) Technology and Meaning, in Questioning Technology, London and New York: Routledge. [27] Turkle, S. 1996, Parallel lives: Working on identity in virtual space. in D. Grodin & T. R. Lindlof, (eds.), Constructing the self in a mediated world, London: Sage
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External links
What is Phenomenology? (http://www.phenomenologycenter.org/phenom.htm) About Edmund Husserl (http://www.husserlpage.com/) Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy entry (http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/phenomenology/) Organization of Phenomenology Organizations (http://www.o-p-o.net/) Romanian Society for Phenomenology (http://www.phenomenology.ro) Phenomenology Online (http://www.phenomenologyonline.com/) Dialectical Phenomenology (http://www.thenewdialectics.org) The New Phenomenology (http://www.thenewphenomenology.org) Springer's academic Phenomenology program (http://www.springer.com/philosophy/phenomenology) Phenomenology and First Philosophy (http://www.fenomenologiayfilosofiaprimera.com/) Meta: Research in Hermeneutics, Phenomenology, and Practical Philosophy (http://www.metajournal.org/ display_page.php?title=home) Phenomenology Research Center (http://www.phenomenologyresearchcenter.org/)
Systems science
Systems science is an interdisciplinary field that studies the nature of complex systems in nature, society, and science itself. It aims to develop interdisciplinary foundations that are applicable in a variety of areas, such as engineering, biology, medicine, and social sciences. Systems science covers formal sciences such as complex systems, cybernetics, dynamical systems theory, and systems theory, and applications in the field of the natural and social sciences and engineering, such as control theory, operations research, social systems theory, systems biology, systems dynamics, systems ecology, systems engineering and systems psychology.
Theories
Since the emergence of the General Systems Research in the 1950s systems thinking and systems science have developed into many theoretical frameworks.
Impression of systems thinking about society [1]
Systems science
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Systems analysis Systems analysis is the branch of systems science that analyzes systems and the interactions within those systems, often prior to their automation as computer models. This field is closely related to operations research. Systems design In computing, systems design is the process or art of defining the hardware and systems architecture which includes many subarchitectures including software architecture, components, modules, Systems notes of Henk Bikker, TU Delft, 1991 interfaces, and data, as well as security, information, and others, for a computer system to satisfy specified requirements. One could see it as the application of systems theory to computing. Some overlap with the discipline of systems analysis appears inevitable. System dynamics System dynamics is an approach to understanding the behavior of complex systems over time. It deals with internal feedback loops and time delays that affect the behavior of the entire system.[2] What makes using system dynamics different from other approaches to studying complex systems is the use of feedback loops and stocks and flows. These elements help describe how even seemingly simple systems display baffling nonlinearity. Systems engineering Systems engineering (SE) is an interdisciplinary field of engineering, that focuses on the development and organization of complex systems, for example signal processing systems, control systems and communication system and other forms of high-level modelling and design in electrical engineering and computer engineering.[3] Systems Methodologies There are several types of Systems Methodologies, that is, disciplines for analysis of systems. For example: Soft Systems Methodology (SSM) : in the field of organizational studies is an approach to organisational process modelling, and it can be used both for general problem solving and in the management of change. It was developed in England by academics at the University of Lancaster Systems Department through a ten-year Action Research programme. System Development Methodology (SDM) in the field of IT development is a general term applied to a variety of structured, organized processes for developing information technology and embedded software systems. Viable systems approach (vSa) is a methodology useful for the understanding and governance of complex phenomena; it has been successfully proposed in the field of management, decision making, marketing and service. Systems theories Systems theory is an interdisciplinary field that studies complex systems in nature, society, and science. More specifically, it is a conceptual framework by which one can analyze and/or describe any group of objects that work in concert to produce some result. Systems science Systems sciences are scientific disciplines partly based on systems thinking such as chaos theory, complex systems, control theory, cybernetics, sociotechnical systems theory, systems biology, systems ecology,
Systems science systems psychology and the already mentioned systems dynamics, systems engineering, and systems theory.
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Fields
Systems sciences cover formal sciences like dynamical systems theory and applications in the natural and social sciences and engineering, such as social systems theory and systems dynamics.
Chaos theory Operations research Systems psychology Complex systems Systems biology Computational systems biology Synthetic biology Systems immunology Systems neuroscience Ergonomics Family systems theory Systemic therapy
Systems theory Biochemical systems theory Ecological systems theory Developmental systems theory General systems theory Living systems theory LTI system theory Sociotechnical systems theory Mathematical system theory World-systems theory
Complex system
System dynamics Social dynamics
Systems theory in sociology Talcott Parsons John N. Warfield Niklas Luhmann
Cybernetics Biocybernetics Engineering cybernetics Management cybernetics Medical cybernetics New Cybernetics Second-order cybernetics
Systems ecology Ecosystem ecology
Control theory Affect control theory Control engineering Control systems Dynamical systems Perceptual control theory
Systems engineering Biological systems engineering Earth systems engineering and management Enterprise systems engineering Systems analysis
Systems theory in anthropology
Systems scientists
General systems scientists can be divided into different generations. The founders of the systems movement like Ludwig von Bertalanffy, Kenneth Boulding, Ralph Gerard, James Grier Miller, George J. Klir,and Anatol Rapoport were all born between 1900 and 1920. They all came from different natural and social science disciplines and joined forces in the 1950s to established the general systems theory paradigm. Along with the organization of their efforts a first generation of systems scientists rose. Among them were other scientists like Ackoff, Ashby and Churchman, who popularized the systems concept in the 1950s and 1960s. These scientists inspired and educated a second generation with more notable scientist like Ervin Laszlo (1932) and Fritjof Capra (1939), who wrote about systems theory in the 1970s and 1980s. Others got acquainted and started studying these works in the 1980s and started writing about it since the 1990s. Debora Hammond can be seen as a typical representative of these third generation of general systems scientists.
Systems science
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Organizations
The International Society for the Systems Sciences (ISSS) is an organisation for interdisciplinary collaboration and synthesis of systems sciences. The ISSS is unique among systems-oriented institutions in terms of the breadth of its scope, bringing together scholars and practitioners from academic, business, government, and non-profit organizations. Based on fifty years of tremendous interdisciplinary research from the scientific study of complex systems to interactive approaches in management and community development. This society was initially conceived in 1954 at the Stanford Center for Advanced Study in the Behavioral Sciences by Ludwig von Bertalanffy, Kenneth Boulding, Ralph Gerard, and Anatol Rapoport. In the field of systems science the International Federation for Systems Research (IFSR) is an international federation for global and local societies in the field of systems science. This federation is a non-profit, scientific and educational agency founded in 1981, and constituted of some thirty member organizations from various countries. The overall purpose of this Federation is to advance cybernetic and systems research and systems applications and to serve the international systems community. The best known research institute in the field is the Santa Fe Institute (SFI) located in Santa Fe, New Mexico, United States, dedicated to the study of complex systems. This institute was founded in 1984 by George Cowan, David Pines, Stirling Colgate, Murray Gell-Mann, Nick Metropolis, Herb Anderson, Peter A. Carruthers, and Richard Slansky. All but Pines and Gell-Mann were scientists with Los Alamos National Laboratory. SFI's original mission was to disseminate the notion of a separate interdisciplinary research area, complexity theory referred to at SFI as complexity science. In India, the Indian Institute of Technology, Jodhpur has set up a Center of Excellence in Systems Science, offering a research as well as an academic platform for students at undergraduate, post graduate and doctoral levels.
References
[1] Illustration is made by Marcel Douwe Dekker (2007) based on an own standard and Pierre Malotaux (1985), "Constructieleer van de mensenlijke samenwerking", in BB5 Collegedictaat TU Delft, pp. 120-147. [2] MIT System Dynamics in Education Project (SDEP) (http:/ / sysdyn. clexchange. org) [3] See for further details: List of systems engineering at universities
(http://www.iitj.ac.in/SS.html)
Further reading
B. A. Bayraktar, Education in Systems Science, 1979, 369 pp. Kenneth D. Bailey, "Fifty Years of Systems Science:Further Reflections", Systems Research and Behavioral Science, 22, 2005, pp.355361. doi: 10.1002/sres.711 (http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/sres.711) Robert L. Flood, Ewart R Carson, Dealing with Complexity: An Introduction to the Theory and Application of Systems Science, 1988. George J. Klir, Facets of Systems Science, Plenum Press, 1991. Ervin Lszl, Systems Science and World Order: Selected Studies, 1983. Anatol Rapoport (ed.), General Systems: Yearbook of the Society for the Advancement of General Systems Theory, Society for General Systems Research, Vol 1., 1956. Rugai, Nick, Computational Epistemology: From Reality to Wisdom, Second Edition, Book, 2013, Lulu Press, ISBN 978-1-300-47723-5 Li D. Xu, "The contributions of Systems Science to Information Systems Research", Systems Research and Behavioral Science, 17, 2000, pp.105116. Graeme Donald Snooks, "A general theory of complex living systems: Exploring the demand side of dynamics", Complexity, vol. 13, no. 6, July/August 2008.
Systems science John N. Warfield, "A proposal for Systems Science", Systems Research and Behavioral Science, 20, 2003, pp.507520. doi: 10.1002/sres.528 (http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/sres.528)
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External links
Principia Cybernetica Web (http://pespmc1.vub.ac.be/) International Society for the System Sciences (http://isss.org/world/) UK Systems Society (http://www.ukss.org.uk) (http://www.iitj.ac.in/SS.html)
Behaviorism
Psychology
Basic types

Applied psychology

Applied behavior analysis Clinical Community Consumer Educational Environmental Forensic Health Industrial and organizational Legal Military
Behaviorism

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Disciplines Organizations Psychologists Psychotherapies Publications Research methods Theories Timeline Topics Psychology portal
Behaviorism (or behaviourism), is an approach to psychology that combines elements of philosophy, methodology, and theory.[1] It emerged in the early twentieth century as a reaction to "mentalistic" psychology, which often had difficulty making predictions that could be tested using rigorous experimental methods. The primary tenet of behaviorism, as expressed in the writings of John B. Watson, B. F. Skinner, and others, is that psychology should concern itself with the observable behavior of people and animals, not with unobservable events that take place in their minds. The behaviorist school of thought maintains that behaviors as such can be described scientifically without recourse either to internal physiological events or to hypothetical constructs such as thoughts and beliefs. From early psychology in the 19th century, the behaviorist school of thought ran concurrently and shared commonalities with the psychoanalytic and Gestalt movements in psychology into the 20th century; but also differed from the mental philosophy of the Gestalt psychologists in critical ways. Its main influences were Ivan Pavlov, who investigated classical conditioning although he did not necessarily agree with behaviorism or behaviorists, Edward Lee Thorndike, John B. Watson who rejected introspective methods and sought to restrict psychology to experimental methods, and B.F. Skinner who conducted research on operant conditioning. In the second half of the 20th century, behaviorism was largely eclipsed as a result of the cognitive revolution.[2][3] While behaviorism and cognitive schools of psychological thought may not agree theoretically, they have complemented each other in practical therapeutic applications, such as in cognitivebehavioral therapy that has demonstrable utility in treating certain pathologies, such as simple phobias, PTSD, and addiction. In addition, behaviorism sought to create a comprehensive model of the stream of behavior from the birth of a human to their death (see Behavior analysis of child development).
Versions
There is no universally agreed-upon classification, but some titles given to the various branches of behaviorism include: Methodological: The behaviorism of Watson; the objective study of behavior; no mental life, no internal states; thought is covert speech. Radical: Skinner's behaviorism; is considered radical since it expands behavioral principles to processes within the organism; in contrast to methodological behaviorism; not mechanistic or reductionistic; hypothetical (mentalistic) internal states are not considered causes of behavior, phenomena must be observable at least to the individual experiencing them. Willard Van Orman Quine used many of radical behaviorism's ideas in his study of knowing and language.
Behaviorism Teleological: Post-Skinnerian, purposive, close to microeconomics. Focuses on objective observation as opposed to cognitive processes. Theoretical: Post-Skinnerian, accepts observable internal states ("within the skin" once meant "unobservable," but with modern technology we are not so constrained); dynamic, but eclectic in choice of theoretical structures, emphasizes parsimony. Biological: Post-Skinnerian, centered on perceptual and motor modules of behavior, theory of behavior systems. Psychological behaviorism (PB) Arthur W. Staats: First general behaviorism that centers on human behavior. Created time-out, token-reinforcement and other methods, analyses, findings and the theory of that helped form behavioral child development, education, abnormal, and clinical areasalso terming this behavioral analysis in 1963. PB laid the basis for cognitive behavior therapy, provides basic theory and research that unifies emotional and behavioral conditioning, and introduces new avenues for basic and applied behavior analysis.[4][5] Two subtypes are: Hullian and post-Hullian: theoretical, group data, not dynamic, physiological; Purposive: Tolman's behavioristic anticipation of cognitive psychology
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Definition
Skinner was influential in defining radical behaviorism, a philosophy codifying the basis of his school of research (named the Experimental Analysis of Behavior, or EAB.) While EAB differs from other approaches to behavioral research on numerous methodological and theoretical points, radical behaviorism departs from methodological behaviorism most notably in accepting fornication, states of mind and introspection as existent and scientifically treatable. This is done by characterizing them as something non-dualistic, and here Skinner takes a divide-and-conquer approach, with some instances being identified with bodily conditions or behavior, and others getting a more extended "analysis" in terms of behavior. However, radical behaviorism stops short of identifying feelings as causes of sexual behavior. Among other points of difference were a rejection of the reflex as a model of all behavior and a defense of a science of behavior complementary to but independent of physiology. Radical behaviorism has considerable overlap with other western philosophical positions such as American pragmatism. Another way of looking at behaviorism is through the lens of egoism, which is defined to be a causal analysis of the elements that define human behavior with a strong social component involved.
Experimental and conceptual innovations

This essentially philosophical position gained strength from the success of Skinner's early experimental work with rats and pigeons, summarized in his books The Behavior of Organisms and Schedules of Reinforcement. Of particular importance was his concept of the operant response, of which the canonical example was the rat's lever-press. In contrast with the idea of a physiological or reflex response, an operant is a class of structurally distinct but functionally equivalent responses. For example, while a rat might press a lever with its left paw or its right paw or its tail, all of these responses operate on the world in the same way and have a common consequence. Operants are often thought of as species of responses, where the individuals differ but the class coheres in its function-shared consequences with operants and reproductive success with species. This is a clear distinction between Skinner's theory and SR theory. Skinner's empirical work expanded on earlier research on trial-and-error learning by researchers such as Thorndike and Guthrie with both conceptual reformulationsThorndike's notion of a stimulusresponse "association" or "connection" was abandoned; and methodological onesthe use of the "free operant," so called because the animal was now permitted to respond at its own rate rather than in a series of trials determined by the experimenter procedures. With this method, Skinner carried out substantial experimental work on the effects of different schedules and rates of reinforcement on the rates of operant responses made by rats and pigeons. He achieved remarkable success in training animals to perform unexpected responses, to emit large numbers of responses, and to demonstrate
Behaviorism many empirical regularities at the purely behavioral level. This lent some credibility to his conceptual analysis. It is largely his conceptual analysis that made his work much more rigorous than his peers', a point which can be seen clearly in his seminal work Are Theories of Learning Necessary? in which he criticizes what he viewed to be theoretical weaknesses then common in the study of psychology. An important descendant of the experimental analysis of behavior is the Society for Quantitative Analysis of Behavior.
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Relation to language
As Skinner turned from experimental work to concentrate on the philosophical underpinnings of a science of behavior, his attention turned to human language with Verbal Behavior and other language-related publications;[6] Verbal Behavior laid out a vocabulary and theory for functional analysis of verbal behavior, and was strongly criticized in a review by Noam Chomsky. Skinner did not respond in detail but claimed that Chomsky failed to understand his ideas, and the disagreements between the two and the theories involved have been further discussed. In addition; innate theory is opposed to behaviorist theory which claims that language is a set of habits that can be acquired by means of conditioning. According to some, this process that the behaviorists define is a very slow and gentle process to explain a phenomenon as complicated as language learning. What was important for a behaviorist's analysis of human behavior was not language acquisition so much as the interaction between language and overt behavior. In an essay republished in his 1969 book Contingencies of Reinforcement, Skinner took the view that humans could construct linguistic stimuli that would then acquire control over their behavior in the same way that external stimuli could. The possibility of such "instructional control" over behavior meant that contingencies of reinforcement would not always produce the same effects on human behavior as they reliably do in other animals. The focus of a radical behaviorist analysis of human behavior therefore shifted to an attempt to understand the interaction between instructional control and contingency control, and also to understand the behavioral processes that determine what instructions are constructed and what control they acquire over behavior. Recently, a new line of behavioral research on language was started under the name of Relational Frame Theory.
Behaviourism and education

Behaviourism focuses on one particular view of learning: a change in external behaviour achieved through a large amount of repetition of desired actions, the reward of good habits and the discouragement of bad habits. In the classroom this view of learning led to a great deal of repetitive actions, praise for correct outcomes and immediate correction of mistakes. In the field of language learning this type of teaching was called the audio-lingual method, characterised by the whole class using choral chanting of key phrases, dialogues and immediate correction. Within the Problem Based Learning (PBL) environment, students may be encouraged to engage with the learning process and their peers within the group by positive reinforcement from a skilled facilitator to increase positive actions of engagement, contributions and questioning. Negative behaviours e.g. lack of engagement, negative contributions, could be minimized by the facilitator using negative reinforcement. Within the behaviourist view of learning, the "teacher" is the dominant person in the classroom and takes complete control, evaluation of learning comes from the teacher who decides what is right or wrong. The learner does not have any opportunity for evaluation or reflection within the learning process, they are simply told what is right or wrong. The conceptualization of learning using this approach could be considered "superficial" as the focus is on external changes in behaviour i.e. not interested in the internal processes of learning leading to behaviour change and has no place for the emotions involved the process.
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Operant conditioning
Operant conditioning was developed by B.F Skinner in 1937 and deals with the modification of "voluntary behaviour" or operant behaviour. Operant behavior operates on the environment and is maintained by its consequences. Reinforcement and punishment, the core tools of operant conditioning, are either positive (delivered following a response), or negative (withdrawn following a response). Skinner created the Skinner Box or operant conditioning chamber to test the effects of operant conditioning principles on rats.
Classical conditioning
Although operant conditioning plays the largest role in discussions of behavioral mechanisms, classical conditioning (or Pavlovian conditioning or respondent conditioning) is also an important behavior-analytic process that need not refer to mental or other internal processes. Pavlov's experiments with dogs provide the most familiar example of the classical conditioning procedure. In simple conditioning, the dog was presented with a stimulus such as a light or a sound, and then food was placed in the dog's mouth. After a few repetitions of this sequence, the light or sound by itself caused the dog to salivate. Although Pavlov proposed some tentative physiological processes that might be involved in classical conditioning, these have not been confirmed.[citation needed]
Molar versus molecular behaviorism

Skinner's view of behavior is most often characterized as a "molecular" view of behavior; that is, behavior can be decomposed into atomistic parts or molecules. This view is inconsistent with Skinner's complete description of behavior as delineated in other works, including his 1981 article "Selection by Consequences." Skinner proposed that a complete account of behavior requires understanding of selection history at three levels: biology (the natural selection or phylogeny of the animal); behavior (the reinforcement history or ontogeny of the behavioral repertoire of the animal); and for some species, culture (the cultural practices of the social group to which the animal belongs). This whole organism then interacts with its environment. Molecular behaviorists use notions from melioration theory, negative power function discounting or additive versions of negative power function discounting. Molar behaviorists, such as Howard Rachlin, Richard Herrnstein, and William Baum, argue that behavior cannot be understood by focusing on events in the moment. That is, they argue that behavior is best understood as the ultimate product of an organism's history and that molecular behaviorists are committing a fallacy by inventing fictitious proximal causes for behavior. Molar behaviorists argue that standard molecular constructs, such as "associative strength," are better replaced by molar variables such as rate of reinforcement. Thus, a molar behaviorist would describe "loving someone" as a pattern of loving behavior over time; there is no isolated, proximal cause of loving behavior, only a history of behaviors (of which the current behavior might be an example) that can be summarized as "love."
Behaviorism in philosophy
Behaviorism is a psychological movement that can be contrasted with philosophy of mind. The basic premise of radical behaviorism is that the study of behavior should be a natural science, such as chemistry or physics, without any reference to hypothetical inner states of organisms as causes for their behavior. Less radical varieties are unconcerned with philosophical positions on internal, mental and subjective experience. Behaviorism takes a functional view of behavior. According to Edmund Fantino and colleagues: Behavior analysis has much to offer the study of phenomena normally dominated by cognitive and social psychologists. We hope that successful application of behavioral theory and methodology will not only shed light on central problems in judgment and choice but will also generate greater appreciation of the behavioral approach.. Behaviorist sentiments are not uncommon within philosophy of language and analytic philosophy. It is sometimes argued that Ludwig Wittgenstein, defended a behaviorist position (e.g., the beetle in a box argument), but while there
Behaviorism are important relations between his thought and behaviorism, the claim that he was a behaviorist is quite controversial. Mathematician Alan Turing is also sometimes considered a behaviorist,[citation needed] but he himself did not make this identification. In logical and empirical positivism (as held, e.g., by Rudolf Carnap and Carl Hempel), the meaning of psychological statements are their verification conditions, which consist of performed overt behavior. W.V. Quine made use of a type of behaviorism, influenced by some of Skinner's ideas, in his own work on language. Gilbert Ryle defended a distinct strain of philosophical behaviorism, sketched in his book The Concept of Mind. Ryle's central claim was that instances of dualism frequently represented "category mistakes," and hence that they were really misunderstandings of the use of ordinary language. Daniel Dennett likewise acknowledges himself to be a type of behaviorist, though he offers extensive criticism of radical behaviorism and refutes Skinner's rejection of the value of intentional idioms and the possibility of free will. This is Dennett's main point in "Skinner Skinned." Dennett argues that there is a crucial difference between explaining and explaining away If our explanation of apparently rational behavior turns out to be extremely simple, we may want to say that the behavior was not really rational after all. But if the explanation is very complex and intricate, we may want to say not that the behavior is not rational, but that we now have a better understanding of what rationality consists in. (Compare: if we find out how a computer program solves problems in linear algebra, we don't say it's not really solving them, we just say we know how it does it. On the other hand, in cases like Weizenbaum's ELIZA program, the explanation of how the computer carries on a conversation is so simple that the right thing to say seems to be that the machine isn't really carrying on a conversation, it's just a trick.) Curtis Brown, Philosophy of Mind, "Behaviorism: Skinner and Dennett"
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21st-century behavior analysis

As of 2007, modern-day behaviorism, known as "behavior analysis," is a thriving field. The Association for Behavior Analysis: International (ABAI) currently has 32 state and regional chapters within the United States. Approximately 30 additional chapters have also developed throughout Europe, Asia, South America, and the South Pacific. In addition to 34 annual conferences held by ABAI in the United States and Canada, ABAI held the 5th annual International conference in Norway in 2009. The independent development of behaviour analysis outside the US also continues to develop, for example in 2013 the UK society for Behaviour Analysis [7] was founded in order to further the advancement of the science and practice of behaviour analysis across the UK. The interests among behavior analysts today are wide ranging, as a review of the 30 Special Interest Groups (SIGs) within ABAI indicates. Such interests include everything from developmental disabilities and autism, to cultural psychology, clinical psychology, verbal behavior, Organizational Behavior Management (OBM; behavior analytic IO psychology). OBM has developed a particularly strong following within behavior analysis, as evidenced by the formation of the OBM Network and the influential Journal of Organizational Behavior Management (JOBM; recently rated the 3rd highest impact journal in applied psychology by ISI JOBM rating). Applications of behavioral technology, also known as Applied Behavior Analysis or ABA, have been particularly well established in the area of developmental disabilities since the 1960s. Treatment of individuals diagnosed with autism spectrum disorders has grown especially rapidly since the mid-1990s. This demand for services encouraged the formation of a professional credentialing program administered by the Behavior Analyst Certification Board, Inc. (BACB) and accredited by the National Commission for Certifying Agencies. As of early 2012, there are over 300 BACB approved course sequences offered by about 200 colleges and universities world wide preparing students for this credential and approximately 11,000 BACB certificants, most working in the United States. The Association of Professional Behavior Analysts was formed in 2008 to meet the needs of these ABA professionals. Modern behavior analysis has also witnessed a massive resurgence in research and applications related to language and cognition, with the development of Relational Frame Theory (RFT; described as a "Post-Skinnerian account of language and cognition").[8] RFT also forms the empirical basis for the highly successful and data-driven Acceptance
Behaviorism and Commitment Therapy (ACT). In fact, researchers and practitioners in RFT/ACT have become sufficiently prominent that they have formed their own specialized organization that is highly behaviorally oriented, known as the Association for Contextual Behavioral Science (ACBS). It has rapidly grown in its few years of existence to reach about 5,000 members worldwide. Some of the current prominent behavior analytic journals include the Journal of Applied Behavior Analysis (JABA), the Journal of the Experimental Analysis of Behavior (JEAB) JEAB website, the Journal of Organizational Behavior Management (JOBM), Behavior and Social Issues (BSI), as well as the Psychological Record. Currently, the U.S. has 14 ABAI accredited MA and PhD programs for comprehensive study in behavior analysis.
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Behavior analysis and culture

Cultural analysis has always been at the philosophical core of radical behaviorism from the early days (as seen in Skinner's Walden Two, Science & Human Behavior, Beyond Freedom & Dignity, and About Behaviorism.) During the 1980s, behavior analysts, most notably Sigrid Glenn, had a productive interchange with cultural anthropologist Marvin Harris (the most notable proponent of "Cultural Materialism") regarding interdisciplinary work. Very recently, behavior analysts have produced a set of basic exploratory experiments in an effort toward this end. Behaviorism is also frequently used in game development, although this application is controversial.
List of notable behaviorists

Vladimir Bekhterev Ivan Pavlov Alan E. Kazdin Albert Bandura Sidney W. Bijou Edwin Ray Guthrie Richard J. Herrnstein Clark L. Hull Fred S. Keller Neal E. Miller Marsha M. Linehan O. Hobart Mowrer Charles E. Osgood Kenneth W. Spence B.F. Skinner Edward Lee Thorndike Edward C. Tolman Murray Sidman John B. Watson Ole Ivar Lovaas Steven C. Hayes Donald Baer Dermot Barnes-Holmes
References
[1] http:/ / plato. stanford. edu/ entries/ behaviorism/ [2] Friesen, N. (2005). Mind and Machine: Ethical and Epistemological Implications for Research. Thompson Rivers University, B.C., Canada. [3] Waldrop, M.M. (2002). The Dream Machine: JCR Licklider and the revolution that made computing personal. New York: Penguin Books. (pp. 13940). [4] Staats, Arthur W.; Staats, Carolyn K.: Complex human behavior: A systematic extension of learning principles. (1963) New York, NY, US: Holt, Rinehart & Winston [5] Staats, A.W.: Learning, language, and cognition.(1968) New York: Holt, Rinehart, & Winston [6] ; chapter in [7] http:/ / uk-sba. org/ [8] Hayes, S.C.; Barnes-Holmes, D. & Roche, B. (2001) Relational Frame Theory: A Post-Skinnerian account of human language and cognition. Kluwer Academic: New York.
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Further reading
Baum, W.M. (2005) Understanding behaviorism: Behavior, Culture and Evolution. Blackwell. Ferster, C.B. & Skinner, B.F. (1957). Schedules of reinforcement. New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts. Mark, Muva. (2011). "History of Behaviorism". (http://www.qessays.com/free-essays/history-of-behaviorism. html) Malott, Richard W. Principles of Behavior. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Pearson Prentice Hall, 2008. Print. Mills, John A., Control: A History of Behavioral Psychology, Paperback Edition, New York University Press 2000. Lattal, K.A. & Chase, P.N. (2003) "Behavior Theory and Philosophy". Plenum. Plotnik, Rod. (2005) Introduction to Psychology. Thomson-Wadsworth (ISBN 0-534-63407-9). Rachlin, H. (1991) Introduction to modern behaviorism. (3rd edition.) New York: Freeman. Skinner, B.F. Beyond Freedom & Dignity, Hackett Publishing Co, Inc 2002. Skinner, B.F. (1938). The behavior of organisms. New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts. Skinner, B.F. (1945). "The operational analysis of psychological terms". Psychological Review 52 (2707): 2904. Skinner, B.F. (1953). Science and Human Behavior (ISBN 0-02-929040-6) Online version (http://www. bfskinner.org/BFSkinner/PDFBooksSHB_files/Science_and_Human_Behavior_2.pdf). Skinner, B.F. (1957). Verbal behavior. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall. Skinner, B.F. (1969). Contingencies of reinforcement: a theoretical analysis. New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts. Skinner, B.F. (31 July 1981). "Selection by Consequences" (http://www.psychology.uiowa.edu/Classes/ 31174/Documents/Selection by Consequences.pdf). Science 213 (4507): 5014. Bibcode: 1981Sci...213..501S (http://adsabs.harvard.edu/abs/1981Sci...213..501S). doi: 10.1126/science.7244649 (http://dx.doi.org/ 10.1126/science.7244649). PMID 7244649 (http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/7244649). Archived (http://web.archive.org/web/20100702230825/http://www.psychology.uiowa.edu/Classes/31174/ Documents/Selection by Consequences.pdf) from the original on 2 July 2010. Retrieved 14 August 2010. Staddon, J. (2001) The new behaviorism: Mind, mechanism and society. Philadelphia, PA: Psychology Press. pp. xiii, 1211. Watson, J.B. (1913). Psychology as the behaviorist views it. Psychological Review, 20, 158177. ( on-line (http:/ /psychclassics.yorku.ca/Watson/views.htm)). Watson, J.B. (1919). Psychology from the Standpoint of a Behaviorist. Watson, J.B. (1924). Behaviorism. Zuriff, G.E. (1985). Behaviorism: A Conceptual Reconstruction (http://www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o& d=86092256), Columbia University Press. LeClaire, J. and Rushin, J.P. (2010) Behavioral Analytics For Dummies. Wiley. (ISBN 978-0-470-58727-0).
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External links
Behaviorism (http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/behaviorism) entry by George Graham in the Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy Behaviorism (http://www.iep.utm.edu/behavior) entry in the Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy Dictionary of the History of Ideas: (http://etext.lib.virginia.edu/cgi-local/DHI/dhi.cgi?id=dv1-30) Behaviorism Books and Journal Articles On Behaviorism (http://www.questia.com/library/psychology/ other-types-of-psychology/behaviorism.jsp) Wuerzburg University: behaviourism (http://www.biozentrum.uni-wuerzburg.de/genetics/behavior/learning/ behaviorism.html) B.F. Skinner Foundation (http://www.bfskinner.org) Cambridge Center for Behavioral Studies (http://www.behavior.org) Skinner's Theories (http://psychclassics.yorku.ca/Skinner/Theories) APA Behaviour Analysis (http://www.apa.org/divisions/div25/) Association for Behavior Analysis (http://www.abainternational.org/) Theory of Behavioral Anthropology (Documents No. 9 and 10 in English) (http://homepage.uibk.ac.at/ ~c720126/humanethologie/ws/medicus/block1/inhalt.html) California Association for Behavior Analysis (http://www.calaba.org) Examining Learning From Multiple Perspectives (http://knowledgenetwork.alumni.msu.edu/ knowledge-visualization/learning-theories.html) by Michigan State University Association for Contextual Behavioral Science (http://www.contextualpsychology.org) Behavior Analysis Online Tutorials (http://foxylearning.com)
Nativism
For nativism as a political force, see Nativism (politics). In the field of psychology, nativism is the view that certain skills or abilities are "native" or hard-wired into the brain at birth. This is in contrast to empiricism, the "blank slate" or tabula rasa view, which states that the brain has inborn capabilities for learning from the environment but does not contain content such as innate beliefs. Some nativists believe that specific beliefs or preferences are "hard wired". For example, one might argue that some moral intuitions are innate or that color preferences are innate. A less established argument is that nature supplies the human mind with specialized learning devices. This latter view differs from empiricism only to the extent that the algorithms that translate experience into information may be more complex and specialized in nativist theories than in empiricist theories. However, empiricists largely remain open to the nature of learning algorithms and are by no means restricted to the historical associationist mechanisms of behaviorism.
In philosophy
Nativism has a history in philosophy, particularly as a reaction to the straightforwardly empiricist views of John Locke and David Hume. Hume had given persuasive logical arguments that people cannot infer causality from perceptual input. The most one could hope to infer is that two events happen in succession or simultaneously. One response to this argument involves positing that concepts not supplied by experience, such as causality, must exist prior to any experience and hence must be innate. The philosopher Immanuel Kant (17241804) argued in his Critique of Pure Reason that the human mind knows objects in innate, a priori ways. Kant claimed that humans, from birth, must experience all objects as being successive (time) and juxtaposed (space). His list of inborn categories describes predicates that the mind can attribute
Nativism to any object in general. Schopenhauer (17881860) agreed with Kant, but reduced the number of innate categories to onecausalitywhich presupposes the others.
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Modularity
Modern nativism is most associated with the work of Jerry Fodor (1935- ), Noam Chomsky (1928- ), and Steven Pinker (1954- ), who argue that humans from birth have certain cognitive modules (specialised genetically inherited psychological abilities) that allow them to learn and acquire certain skills, such as language. For example, children demonstrate a facility for acquiring spoken language but require intensive training to learn to read and write. In The Blank Slate (2002), Pinker cites this as evidence that humans have an inborn facility for speech acquisition (but not for literacy acquisition). A number of other theoristsWikipedia:Avoid weasel words have disagreed with these claims. Instead, they have outlined alternative theories of how modularization might emerge over the course of development, as a result of a system gradually refining and fine-tuning its responses to environmental stimuli.
Language
The concept of Universal Grammar represents the linguistic link to nativism. Universal Grammar consists primarily of principles and parameters. Most of these rules come in the form of "if a language has a feature X, it will also have the feature Y". In addition, Universal Grammar also describes certain switches evident in language, which can be briefly described as "a certain language either has X attribute, or Y, but not both, and not neither".[1] Work done with creoles, which show linguistic attributes not seen in any of the parent languages,[2] and poverty of the stimulus, which purports to show that children learn language from incomplete sources, both contribute to the idea that humans have linguistic knowledge hard-wired into their brains.
Criticism
Nativism is sometimes perceived as being too vague to be falsifiable, as there is no fixed definition of when an ability is supposed to be judged "innate". (As Jeffrey Elman and colleagues pointed out in Rethinking Innateness, it is unclear exactly how the supposedly innate information might actually be coded for in the genes)[3] Further, modern nativist theory makes little in the way of specific testable (and falsifiable) predictions, and has been compared by some empiricists to a pseudoscience or nefarious brand of "psychological creationism". As influential psychologist Henry L. RoedigerIII remarked that "Chomsky was and is a rationalist; he had no uses for experimental analyses or data of any sort that pertained to language, and even experimental psycholinguistics was and is of little interest to him".[4] Some researchers argue that the premises of linguistic nativism were motivated by outdated considerations and need reconsidering. For example, nativism was at least partially motivated by the perception that statistical inferences made from experience were insufficient to account for the complex languages humans develop. In part, this was a reaction to the failure of behaviorism and behaviorist models of the era to easily account for how something as complex and sophisticated as a full-blown language could ever be learned. Indeed, several nativist arguments were inspired by Chomsky's assertion that children could not learn complicated grammar based on the linguistic input they typically receive, and must therefore have an innate language-learning module, or language acquisition device. Over the last several decades, with the advent of more complex and sophisticated brands of mathematics such as complexity theory and game theory, it has become increasingly apparent that extremely complicated systems can evolve from agents with few (if any) pre-programmed rules. Many empiricists are now also trying to apply modern learning models and techniques to the question of language acquisition, with marked success.[5] Similarity-based generalization marks another avenue of recent research, which suggests that children may be able to rapidly learn how to use new words by generalizing about the usage of similar words that they already know (see also the
Nativism distributional hypothesis).[6][7]
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References
[1] The Language Instinct, Steven Pinker, 1994 [2] Bickerton, Derek. (1984) "http:/ / www. scribd. com/ doc/ 51922952/ Bickerton-1984-BBS-7-173-221 The Language Bioprogram Hypothesis]" The Behavioral and Brain Sciences [3] Elman, J. L., Bates, E. A., Karmiloff-Smith, A., Johnson, M. H., Parisi, D. & Plunkett, K. (1996) Rethinking Innateness: Connectionism in a Developmental Framework. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. [4] Roediger, R. (2004) " What happened to Behaviorism (http:/ / www. psychologicalscience. org/ observer/ getArticle. cfm?id=1540)." American Psychological Society. [5] Ramscar, M. & Yarlett, D. (2007) Linguistic self-correction in the absence of feedback: A new approach to the logical problem of language acquisition (http:/ / psychology. stanford. edu/ ~michael/ papers/ ramscar-and-yarlett-lwof. pdf). Cognitive Science: 31, 927960. [6] McDonald, S., and Ramscar, M. (2001). "Testing the distributional hypothesis: The influence of context on judgements of semantic similarity". In Proceedings of the 23rd Annual Conference of the Cognitive Science Society, pp. 611616. [7] Yarlett, D. (2008) "Language Learning Through Similarity-Based Generalization", PhD Thesis, Stanford University.
Cognitive revolution
The cognitive revolution is the name for an intellectual movement in the 1950s that began what are known collectively as the cognitive sciences. It began in the modern context of greater interdisciplinary communication and research. The relevant areas of interchange were the combination of psychology, anthropology, and linguistics with approaches developed within the then-nascent fields of artificial intelligence, computer science, and neuroscience. A key idea in cognitive psychology was that by studying and developing successful functions in artificial intelligence and computer science, it becomes possible to make testable inferences about human mental processes. This has been called the reverse-engineering approach. Important publications in setting off the cognitive revolution include George A. Miller's 1956 Psychological Review article "The Magical Number Seven, Plus or Minus Two"[1] (one of the most highly cited papers in psychology),[2][3][4] Donald Broadbent's 1958 book Perception and Communication,[5] Noam Chomsky's 1959 "Review of Verbal Behavior, by B.F. Skinner",[6] and "Elements of a Theory of Human Problem Solving" by Newell, Shaw, and Simon.[7] Ulric Neisser's 1967 book Cognitive Psychology[8] was a landmark contribution. Starting in the 1960s the Harvard Center for Cognitive Studies and the Center for Human Information Processing at UCSD became influential in the development of cognitive studies. By the early 1970s according to some accounts, the cognitive movement had all but "routed" behaviorism as a psychological paradigm,[9][10][11] and by the early 1980s the cognitive approach had become the dominant research line of inquiry in most psychology research fields.
Five major ideas from the cognitive revolution

In his book The Blank Slate (2002), psychologist Steven Pinker identified five key ideas that made up the cognitive revolution:[12] 1. "The mental world can be grounded in the physical world by the concepts of information, computation, and feedback." 2. "The mind cannot be a blank slate because blank slates don't do anything."[13] 3. "An infinite range of behavior can be generated by finite combinatorial programs in the mind."[14] 4. "Universal mental mechanisms can underlie superficial variation across cultures."[15] 5. "The mind is a complex system composed of many interacting parts."[16]
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Historical background
Response to behaviorism
The cognitive revolution in psychology took form as cognitive psychology, an approach in large part a response to behaviorism, the predominant school in scientific psychology at the time. Behaviorism was heavily influenced by Ivan Pavlov and E. L. Thorndike, and its most notable early practitioner was John B. Watson, who proposed that psychology could only become an objective science were it based on observable behavior in test subjects. Methodological behaviorists argued that because mental events are not publicly observable, psychologists should avoid description of mental processes or the mind in their theories. However, B. F. Skinner and other radical behaviorists objected to this approach, arguing that a science of psychology must include the study of internal events.[17] As such, behaviorists at this time did not reject cognition (private behaviors), but simply argued against the concept of the mind being used as an explanatory fiction (rather than rejecting the concept of mind itself).[18] Cognitive psychologists extended on this philosophy through the experimental investigation of mental states that allow scientists to produce theories that more reliably predict outcomes. The traditional account of the "cognitive revolution", which posits a conflict between behaviorism and the study of mental events, was challenged by Jerome Bruner who characterized it as: ...an all-out effort to establish meaning as the central concept of psychology []. It was not a revolution against behaviorism with the aim of transforming behaviorism into a better way of pursuing psychology by adding a little mentalism to it. [] Its aim was to discover and to describe formally the meanings that human beings created out of their encounters with the world, and then to propose hypotheses about what meaning-making processes were implicated. (Bruner, 1990, Acts of Meaning, p. 2) It should be noted however that behaviorism was to a large extent restricted to North America and the cognitive reactions were in large part a reimportation of European psychologies. George Mandler has described that evolutionary history.
Criticism
Lachman, Lachman and Butterfield were among of the first to imply that cognitive psychology has a revolutionary origin.[19] After this, proponents of information processing theory and later cognitivists believed that the rise of cognitivism constitutes a paradigm shift. Despite the belief, many have stated both unwittingly and wittingly that cognitive psychology links to behaviorism. Leahey said that cognitive scientists believe in a revolution because it provides them with an origin myth which constitutes a beginning that will help in legitimizing their science.[20] Others have said that cognitivism is behaviorism with a new language, slightly bent model and new concerns which aim at description, prediction and control of behavior. It's obvious that the change from behaviorism to cognitivism was not a few days war which ended with the victorious cognitivist. Rather a slowly evolving science which took the origins of behaviorism and built on it.[21] The evolution and building has not stopped, see Postcognitivism.
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Notes
[1] ( pdf (http:/ / www. psych. utoronto. ca/ users/ peterson/ psy430s2001/ Miller GA Magical Seven Psych Review 1955. pdf)) [2] Gorenflo, Daniel W., McConnell, James V. (1991). "The Most Frequently Cited Journal Articles and Authors in Introductory Psychology Textbooks", Teaching of Psychology (journal), 18: 8 12 [3] Kintsch W, Cacioppo JT.(1994). Introduction to the 100th anniversary issue of the Psychological Review (http:/ / psychology. uchicago. edu/ people/ faculty/ cacioppo/ jtcreprints/ kc94. pdf). Psychological Review. 101: 195-199 [4] Garfied E., (1985). Essays of an Information Scientist (http:/ / www. garfield. library. upenn. edu/ essays/ v8p187y1985. pdf), 8: 187-196; Current Contents, (#20, p.3-12, May 20) [5] Broadbent, D. (1958). Perception and Communication. London: Pergamon Press. [6] Chomsky, N. (1959) Review of Verbal Behavior, by B.F. Skinner. Language 35: 26-57. [7] Newell, A., Shaw, J. C., and Simon, H. A. (1958) Elements of a Theory of Human Problem Solving. Psychological Review 23: 342-343. [8] Neisser, U (1967) Cognitive Psychology Appleton-Century-Crofts, New York. [9] Friesen, N. (2005). Mind and Machine: Ethical and Epistemological Implications for Research. Thompson Rivers University, B.C., Canada. [10] Thagard, P. (2002). Cognitive Science (http:/ / plato. stanford. edu/ entries/ cognitive-science/ ). Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy. [11] Waldrop M.M. (2002). The Dream Machine: JCR Licklider and the revolution that made computing personal. New York: Penguin Books. (p.139, p.140). [12] Pinker 2003, p.31 [13] Pinker 2003, p.34 [14] Pinker 2003, p.36 [15] Pinker 2003, p.37 [16] Pinker 2003, p.39 [17] Mecca Chiesa: Radical Behaviorism: The Philosophy & The Science [18] Skinner, B.F. Beyond Freedom and Dignity. page 24 Hardback edition [19] Lachman, Roy, Lachman, Janet L. and Butterfield, Earl C. (1979), Cognitive Psychology and Information Processing: An Introduction, Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. [20] Leahey, T. H. (1992). The mythical revolutions of American psychology. American Psychologist, 47, 308 318 [21] Roediger, R. (2004). What happened to behaviorism. American Psychological Society, 17,Presidential Column.
References
Bruner (1990) Acts of Meaning. Chomsky (1959). A Review of B. F. Skinner's Verbal Behavior (http://chomsky.info/articles/1967----.htm). Language 35(1):pp.2658. Pinker, Steven (2003). The Blank Slate. Penguin. ISBN0-14-200334-4. Mandler, G. (2007) A history of modern experimental psychology: From James and Wundt to cognitive science. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Skinner, B. F. (1989). Review of Hull's Principles of Behavior. Journal of the Experimental Analysis of Behavior, 51, 287290
Further reading
Books
Baars, Bernard J. (1986) The cognitive revolution in psychology Guilford Press, New York, ISBN 0-89862-656-0 Gardner, Howard (1986) The mind's new science : a history of the cognitive revolution Basic Books, New York, ISBN 0-465-04634-7; reissued in 1998 with an epilogue by the author: "Cognitive science after 1984" ISBN 0-465-04635-5 Johnson, David Martel and Emeling, Christina E. (1997) The future of the cognitive revolution Oxford University Press, New York, ISBN 0-19-510334-3 LePan, Don (1989) The cognitive revolution in Western culture Macmillan, Basingstoke, England, ISBN 0-333-45796-X Murray, David J. (1995) Gestalt psychology and the cognitive revolution Harvester Wheatsheaf, New York, ISBN 0-7450-1186-1
Cognitive revolution Olson, David R. (2007) Jerome Bruner: the cognitive revolution in educational theory Continuum, London, ISBN 978-0-8264-8402-4 Richardson, Alan and Steen, Francis F. (editors) (2002) Literature and the cognitive revolution Duke University Press, Durham, North Carolina, being Poetics today 23(1), OCLC 51526573 (http://www.worldcat.org/oclc/ 51526573) Royer, James M. (2005) The cognitive revolution in educational psychology Information Age Publishing, Greenwich, Connecticut, ISBN 0-8264-8402-6 Simon, Herbert A. et al. (1992) Economics, bounded rationality and the cognitive revolution E. Elgar, Aldershot, England, ISBN 1-85278-425-3 Todd, James T. and Morris, Edward K. (editors) (1995) Modern perspectives on B. F. Skinner and contemporary behaviorism (Series: Contributions in psychology, no. 28) Greenwood Press, Westport, Connecticut, ISBN 0-313-29601-4
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Articles
Cohen-Cole, Jamie (2005) "The reflexivity of cognitive science: the scientist as model of human nature" History of the Human Sciences 18(4): pp.107139 Greenwood, John D. (1999) "Understanding the "cognitive revolution" in psychology" Journal of the History of the Behavioral Sciences 35(1): pp.122 Miller, George A (2003). "The cognitive revolution: a historical perspective". TRENDS in Cognitive Sciences 7 (3). Pinker, Steven (2011) " The Cognitive Revolution (http://news.harvard.edu/gazette/story/multimedia/ the-cognitive-revolution/)" Harvard Gazette
Semantic externalism
In the philosophy of language, semantic externalism is the view that the meaning of a term is determined, in whole or in part, by factors external to the speaker. According to an externalist position, one can claim without contradiction that two speakers could be in exactly the same brain state at the time of an utterance, and yet mean different things by that utterance. The philosopher Hilary Putnam has summarized the position with the statement: "meanings just ain't in the head!" Although he did not himself use the term 'externalism' at the time, Putnam is generally considered to have invented semantic externalism in his 1975 paper "The Meaning of 'Meaning'", and the Twin Earth thought experiment he employed there to argue for the position is frequently cited in arguments over externalism to this day. Externalism is generally thought to be a necessary consequence of any causal theory of reference; since the causal history of a term is not internal, the involvement of that history in determining the term's referent is enough to satisfy the externalist thesis. However, Putnam and many subsequent externalists have maintained that not only reference, but sense as well is determined, at least in part, by external factors (see sense and reference). While it is common to shorten 'semantic externalism' to 'externalism' within the context of the debate, one must be careful in doing so, as there are several distinct debates in philosophy that employ the terms 'externalism' and 'internalism'.
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Arguments for Externalism

Putnam presented a variety of arguments for the externalist position, the most famous being those that concerned Twin Earth. Subsequent philosophers have produced other, related thought experiments, most notably Donald Davidson's swamp man experiment. However, there have been numerous arguments for externalism that do not involve science-fiction scenarios. Putnam pointed out, for instance, that he has no knowledge that could distinguish elm trees from beech trees. He has precisely the same concept of one as of the other: 'a deciduous tree growing in North America'. Yet when Putnam makes a statement containing the word 'elm', we take him to be referring specifically to elms. If he makes a claim about a property of elm trees, it will be considered true or false, depending upon whether that property applies to those trees which are in fact elms. There is nothing "in the head" that could fix his reference thus; rather, he concluded, his linguistic community, containing some speakers who did know the difference between the two trees, ensured that when he said 'elm', he referred to elms. Putnam refers to this feature of language as 'the division of linguistic labor'.
References
Putnam, H. (1975/1985) The meaning of 'meaning' Language and Reality. Cambridge University Press.
[1]
Wikipedia:Link rot . In Philosophical Papers, Vol. 2: Mind,
References
[1] http:/ / internalism. googlegroups. com/ web/ Putnam%20-%20The%20meaning%20of%20%27meaning%27. pdf?gda=twdJY1oAAABFSTngQf24Sy1RD7yNn1iVgy3Odg0ZctAT1N_Bh2qhdGG1qiJ7UbTIup-M2XPURDQe1sJTwbuelxnpaL6JzH4yeFMfiRQRvg6UTOJgQ
Legal interpretivism
Interpretivism is a school of thought in contemporary jurisprudence and the philosophy of law. The main claims of interpretivism are that Law is not a set of given data, conventions or physical facts, but what lawyers aim to construct or obtain in their practice. This marks a first difference between interpretivism and legal positivism. But the refusal that law be a set of given entities opposes interpretivism to natural law too. There is no separation between law and morality, although there are differences. This is not in accordance with the main claim of legal positivism. Law is not immanent in nature nor do legal values and principles exist independently and outside of the legal practice itself. This is the opposite of the main claim of natural law theory.
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In the English speaking world, interpretivism is usually identified with Ronald Dworkin's theses on the nature of law, which is sometimes seen as a third way between natural law and legal positivism. The concept also includes continental legal hermeneutics and authors such as Helmut Coing and Emilio Betti. Legal hermeneutics can be seen as a branch of philosophical hermeneutics, whose main authors in the 20th century are Heidegger and Gadamer, both drawing on Husserl's phenomenology. Hermeneutics has now expanded to many varied areas of research in the social sciences as an alternative to a conventionalist approach. In a wider sense, interpretivism includes even the theses of, in chronological order, Josef Esser, Theodor Viehweg, Chaim Perelman, Wolfgang Fikentscher, Castanheira Neves, Friedrich Mller, Aulis Aarnio and Robert Alexy.
Ronald Dworkin is often associated with interpretivism.
External links
Stanford Encyclopedia's articles on legal interpretivism [1], by Nicos Stavropoulos, and on interpretation and coherence in law [2], by Julie Dickson.
References
[1] http:/ / plato. stanford. edu/ entries/ law-interpretivist [2] http:/ / plato. stanford. edu/ entries/ legal-reas-interpret/
Synoptic philosophy
Synoptic philosophy comes from the Greek word sunoptikos (seeing everything together) and together with the word philosophy, means the love of wisdom emerging from a coherent understanding of everything together.[1] Phenomenology, attempting to bracket egocentrism, appears to be more synoptic than analytic philosophy, logical atomism and logical positivism. Wilfrid Sellars (1962) used the term 'synoptic'.[2][3] The Anglo-American philosophy made a synoptic, synthetic turn explicitly during the last quarter of the last century, giving birth or rebirth to absolute idealism, phenomenology, poststructuralism, psychologism, historicism, contextualism, holism, and the like.
Synoptic philosophy
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References
[1] Christian, J. L. (1998). Philosophy: An Introduction to the Art of Wondering (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=VSrrXcuFfNQC& dq). Fort Worth, TX: Harcourt Brace College Publishers. ISBN 0-15-505592-5, ISBN 978-0-15-505592-6 (http:/ / worldcat. org/ oclc/ 40927577) [2] Wilfrid Sellars (1962) "Philosophy and the Scientific Image of Man," in: Robert Colodny, ed., Frontiers of Science and Philosophy, Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, pp. 35-78. Reprinted in Science, Perception and Reality (1963). [3] Jay F. Rosenberg (1990) "Fusing the Images: Nachruf for Wilfrid Sellars." Journal for General Philosophy of Science, 21: 1-23.
External links
Wilfrid Sellars (1962) Philosophy and the Scientific Image of Man (http://www.ditext.com/sellars/psim.html) Jay F. Rosenberg (1990) Fusing the Images: Nachruf for Wilfrid Sellars (http://www.ditext.com/rosenberg/ rose.html) Introduction: Lawrence Durrell, Text, Hypertext, Intertext (http://epe.lac-bac.gc.ca/100/202/300/agora/ 2004/v3n01/208.htm)
Yin and yang

Part of a series on
Taoism
Portal Taoism
In Chinese philosophy, the concept of yin-yang (simplified Chinese: ; traditional Chinese: ; pinyin: ynyng), which is often called "yin and yang", is used to describe how seemingly opposite or contrary forces are interconnected and interdependent in the natural world; and, how they give rise to each other as they interrelate to one another. Many natural dualities (such as light and dark, high and low, hot and cold, fire and water, life and death, and so on) are thought of as physical manifestations of the yin-yang concept. The concept lies at the origins of many branches of classical Chinese science and philosophy, as well as being a primary guideline of traditional Chinese medicine, and a central principle of different forms of Chinese martial arts and exercise, such as baguazhang, taijiquan (t'ai chi), and qigong (Chi Kung) and of course I Ching. Yin and yang can be thought of as complementary (instead of opposing) forces interacting to form a dynamic system in which the whole is greater than the parts. Everything has both yin and yang aspects, (for instance shadow cannot exist without light). Either of the two major aspects may manifest more strongly in a particular object, depending on the criterion of the observation. In Taoist metaphysics, good-bad distinctions and other dichotomous moral judgments are perceptual, not real; so, yin-yang is an indivisible whole. In the ethics of Confucianism on the other hand, most notably in the philosophy of Dong Zhongshu, (c. 2nd century BC) a moral dimension is attached to the yin-yang idea. The concept of yin and yang is often symbolized by various forms of the Taijitu symbol, for which it is probably best known in Western cultures.
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Nature
In Daoist philosophy, dark and light, yin and yang, arrive in the Dodjng ( ) at chapter 42. It becomes sensible from an initial quiescence or emptiness (wuji, sometimes symbolized by an empty circle), and continues moving until quiescence is reached again. For instance, dropping a stone in a calm pool of water will simultaneously raise waves and lower troughs between them, and this alternation of high and low points in the water will radiate outward until the movement dissipates and the pool is calm once more. Yin and yang thus are always opposite and equal qualities. Further, whenever one quality reaches its peak, it will naturally begin to transform into the opposite quality: for example, grain that reaches its full height in summer (fully yang) will produce seeds and die back in winter (fully yin) in an endless cycle. It is impossible to talk about yin or yang without some reference to the opposite, since yin and yang are bound together as parts of a mutual whole (for example, there cannot be the bottom of the foot without the top). A way to illustrate this idea is[citation needed] to postulate the notion of a race with only men or only women; this race would disappear in a single generation. Yet, men and women together create new generations that allow the race they mutually create (and mutually come from) to survive. The interaction of the two gives birth to things.[1] Yin and yang transform each other: like an undertow in the ocean, every advance is complemented by a retreat, and every rise transforms into a fall. Thus, a seed will sprout from the earth and grow upwards towards the skyan intrinsically yang movement. Then, when it reaches its full potential height, it will fall. Also, the growth of the top seeks light, while roots grow in darkness.
Toponymy
Many places in China, such as Luoyang, contain the word yang, and a few, such as Huayin, contain the word yin. This is a very old way to assign place names. Classically, when used in place names, yang refers to the "sunny side." The word (simplified ), tiyng, refers to the sun, and literally means "great yang." In the northern hemisphere, sunlight comes predominantly from the south, and so the south face of a mountain (or the north face of a river valley) will get more direct sunlight. Therefore, yang means a place is on the south slope of a mountain (or on the north bank of a river valley). For example, Luoyang is on the north bank of the Luo River valley. In the same way, yin would be the opposite, the "shady side." Yin means that a place is on the north slope of a mountain (or on the south bank of a river). For example, Huayin is on the north slope of Mount Hua.
Symbolism and importance

Yang is the white side with the black dot on it, and yin is the black side with the white dot on it. The relationship between yin and yang is often described in terms of sunlight playing over a mountain and a valley. Yin (literally the 'shady place' or 'north slope') is the dark area occluded by the mountain's bulk, while yang (literally the 'sunny place' or 'south slope') is the brightly lit portion. As the sun moves across the sky, yin and yang gradually trade places with each other, revealing what was obscured and obscuring what was revealed. Yin is characterized as slow, soft, yielding, diffuse, cold, wet, and passive; and is associated with water, earth, the moon, femininity and nighttime. Yang, by contrast, is fast, hard, solid, focused, hot, dry, and aggressive; and is associated with fire, sky, the sun, masculinity and daytime.[2]
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I Ching
In the I Ching, yin and yang are represented by broken and solid lines: yin is broken (
) and yang is solid ().
and
These are then combined into trigrams, which are more yang or more yin depending on the number of broken and solid lines (e.g., is heavily yang, while is heavily yin), and trigrams are combined into hexagrams (e.g.
). The relative positions and numbers of yin and yang lines within the trigrams determines the meaning of a
trigram, and in hexagrams the upper trigram is considered yang with respect to the lower trigram, allowing complex depictions of interrelations.
Taijitu
The principle of yin and yang is represented in Taoism by the Taijitu (literally "diagram of the supreme ultimate"). The term is commonly used to mean the simple "divided circle" form, but may refer to any of several schematic diagrams representing these principles. Similar symbols have also appeared in other cultures, such as in Celtic art and Roman shield markings.[3][4][5]
Classic taoist Taijitu
Taijiquan
Taijiquan, a form of martial art, is often described as the principles of yin and yang applied to the human body and an animal body. Wu Jianquan, a famous Chinese martial arts teacher, described Taijiquan as follows: Various people have offered different explanations for the name Taijiquan. Some have said: 'In terms of self-cultivation, one must train from a state of movement towards a state of stillness. Taiji comes about through the balance of yin and yang. In terms of the art of attack and defense then, in the context of the changes of full and empty, one is constantly internally latent, not outwardly expressive, as if the yin and yang of Taiji have not yet divided apart.' Others say: 'Every movement of Taijiquan is based on circles, just like the shape of a Taijitu. Therefore, it is called Taijiquan. Wu Jianquan, The International Magazine of Tai Chi Chuan
References
[1] iep.utm.edu (http:/ / www. iep. utm. edu/ y/ yinyang. htm) [2] Osgood, Charles E. "From Yang and Yin to and or but." Language 49.2 (1973): 380412 . JSTOR. 16 November 2008, jstor.org (http:/ / www. jstor. org/ search) [3] Giovanni Monastra: " The "YinYang" among the Insignia of the Roman Empire? (http:/ / www. estovest. net/ tradizione/ yinyang_en. html#t24)," "Sophia," Vol. 6, No. 2 (2000) [4] Late Roman Shield Patterns. Notitia Dignitatum: Magister Peditum (http:/ / www. ne. jp/ asahi/ luke/ ueda-sarson/ MagisterPeditum. html) [5] Helmut Nickel: "The Dragon and the Pearl," Metropolitan Museum Journal, Vol. 26 (1991), p. 146, Fn. 5
External links
Yin Yang meaning in Chinese (http://www.edepot.com/taoism_yin-yang.html) educational video. Yin and Yang (http://www.goldenelixir.com/taoism/yin_and_yang.html). goldenelixir.com
Contextualism
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Contextualism
This article is about epistemological and ethical contextualism. For information about semantic contextualism, see Context principle. Contextualism describes a collection of views in philosophy which emphasize the context in which an action, utterance, or expression occurs, and argues that, in some important respect, the action, utterance, or expression can only be understood relative to that context.[1] Contextualist views hold that philosophically controversial concepts, such as "meaning P", "knowing that P", "having a reason to A", and possibly even "being true" or "being right" only have meaning relative to a specified context. Some philosophers[2] hold that context-dependence may lead to relativism;[3] nevertheless, contextualist views are increasingly popular within philosophy.[4] In ethics, "contextualist" views are often closely associated with situational ethics, or with moral relativism.[5] In architectural theory, contextualism is a theory of design wherein modern building types are harmonized with urban forms usual to a traditional city.[6]
Epistemology
Introduction
In epistemology, contextualism is the treatment of the word 'knows' as context-sensitive. Context-sensitive expressions are ones that "express different propositions relative to different contexts of use".[7] For example, some terms that are relatively uncontroversially considered context-sensitive are indexicals, such 'I', 'here', and 'now'. While the word 'I' has a constant linguistic meaning in all contexts of use, whom it refers to varies with context. Similarly, epistemic contextualists argue that the word 'knows' is context sensitive, expressing different relations in some different contexts. What varies with context is how well-positioned a subject must be with respect to a proposition to count as "knowing" it. Contextualism in epistemology then is a semantic thesis about how 'knows' works in English, not a theory of what knowledge, justification, or strength of epistemic position consists in.[8] However, epistemologists combine contextualism with views about what knowledge is to address epistemological puzzles and issues, such as skepticism, the Gettier problem, and the Lottery paradox. Contextualist accounts of knowledge became increasingly popular toward the end of the 20th century, particularly as responses to the problem of skepticism. Contemporary contextualists include Michael Blome-Tillmann, Michael Williams, Stewart Cohen, Keith DeRose, David Lewis, Gail Stine, and George Mattey. The main tenet of contextualist epistemology, no matter what account of knowledge it is wedded to, is that knowledge attributions are context-sensitive. That is, when we attribute knowledge to someone, the context in which we use the term 'knowledge' determines the standards relative to which "knowledge" is being attributed (or denied). If we use it in everyday conversational contexts, the contextualist maintains, most of our claims to "know" things are true, despite skeptic's attempts to show we know little or nothing. But if the term 'knowledge' is used when skeptical hypotheses are being discussed, we count as "knowing" very little, if anything. Contextualists use this to explain why skeptical arguments can be persuasive, while at the same time protecting the correctness of our ordinary claims to "know" things. It is important to note that this theory does not allow that someone can have knowledge at one moment and not the other, for this would hardly be a satisfying epistemological answer. What contextualism entails is that in one context an utterance of a knowledge attribution can be true, and in a context with higher standards for knowledge, the same statement can be false. This happens in the same way that 'I' can correctly be used (by different people) to refer to different people at the same time. Thus, the standards for attributing knowledge to someone, the contexualist claims, vary from one user's context to the next. Thus, if I say "John knows that his car is in front of him", the utterance is true if and only if (1) John believes that his car is in front of him, (2) the car is in fact in front of him, and (3) John meets the epistemic
Contextualism standards that my (the speaker's) context selects. This is a loose contextualist account of knowledge, and there are many significantly different theories of knowledge that can fit this contextualist template and thereby come in a contextualist form. For instance, an evidentialist account of knowledge can be an instance of contextualism if it's held that strength of justification is a contextually varying matter. And one who accepts a relevant alternative's account of knowledge can be a contextualist by holding that what range of alternatives are relevant is sensitive to conversational context. DeRose adopts a type of modal or "safety" (as it has since come to be known) account on which knowledge is a matter of one's belief as to whether or not p is the case matching the fact of the matter, not only in the actual world, but also in the sufficiently close possible worlds: Knowledge amounts to there being no "nearby" worlds in which one goes wrong with respect to p. But how close is sufficiently close? It's here that DeRose takes the modal account of knowledge in a contextualist direction, for the range of "epistemically relevant worlds" is what varies with context: In high standards contexts one's belief must match the fact of the matter through a much wider range of worlds than is relevant to low standards contexts.
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Criticisms
However, contextualist epistemology has been criticized by several philosophers. Contextualism is opposed to any general form of Invariantism, which claims that knowledge is not context-sensitive (i.e. it is invariant). More recent criticism has been in the form of rival theories, including Subject-Sensitive Invariantism (SSI), mainly due to the work of John Hawthorne (2004), and Interest-Relative Invariantism (IRI), due to Jason Stanley (2005). SSI claims that it is the context of the subject of the knowledge attribution that determines the epistemic standards, whereas Contextualism maintains it is the attributor. IRI, on the other hand, argues that it is the context of the practical interests of the subject of the knowledge attribution that determines the epistemic standards. Stanley writes that bare IRI is "simply the claim that whether or not someone knows that p may be determined in part by practical facts about the subject's environment."[9] ("Contextualism" is a misnomer for either form of Invariantism, since "Contextualism" among epistemologists is considered to be restricted to a claim about the context-sensitivity of knowledge attributions (or the word "knows"). Thus, any view which maintains that something other than knowledge attributions are context-sensitive is not, strictly speaking, a form of Contextualism.) DeRose (2009) responds to recent attacks on contextualism, and argues that contextualism is superior to these recent rivals. An alternative to contextualism called contrastivism has been proposed by Jonathan Schaffer. Contrastivism, like contextualism, uses semantic approaches to tackle the problem of skepticism.[10]
Experimental research
Recent work in the new field of experimental philosophy has taken an empirical approach to testing the claims of contextualism and related views. This research has proceeded by conducting experiments in which ordinary non-philosophers are presented with vignettes which involve a knowledge ascription. Participants are then asked to report on the status of that knowledge ascription. The studies address contextualism by varying the context of the knowledge ascription, e.g., how important it is that the agent in the vignette has accurate knowledge. In the studies completed up to this point, no support for contextualism has been found.[11] This critique of contextualism can be summed up as: stakes have no impact on evidence. More specifically, non-philosophical intuitions about knowledge attributions are not affected by the importance to the potential knower of the accuracy of that knowledge. Some may argue that these empirical studies for the most part have not been well designed for testing contextualism, which claims that the context of the attributor of "knowledge" affects the epistemic standards that govern their claims. Because most of the empirical studies don't vary the stakes for the attributor, but for the subject being described, these studies are more relevant to the evaluation of John Hawthorne's "Subject-Sensitive Invariantism" or Jason Stanley's "Interest-Relative Invariantism"views on which the stakes for the putative subject of knowledge can affect whether that subject knowsthan they are of contextualism. However, Feltz & Zarpentine
Contextualism (forthcoming) have tested the stakes for both the subject and the attributor, and the results are not in keeping with contextualism. Experimental work continues to be done on this topic.[12]
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Footnotes
[1] Price (2008). [2] Feldman (1999). [3] Mackie (1977) [4] Price (2008). [5] Timmons (1998). [6] Jencks, p. 78-79 [7] Stanley (2005), p. 16. [8] Stanley (2005), p. 17. [9] Stanley (2005), p. 85. [10] Schaffer (2004). [11] See Feltz and Zarpentine (2010), May, Sinnott-Armstrong, Hull, and Zimmerman (2010), and Buckwatler (2010). [12] See, for example, Schaffer and Knobe (2011).
References and further reading

Annis, David. 1978. "A Contextualist Theory of Epistemic Justification", in American Philosophical Quarterly, 15: 213-219. Buckwalter, Wesley (2010). "Knowledge Isn't Closed on Saturday: A Study in Ordinary Language". Review of Philosophy and Psychology 1 (3): 395406. doi: 10.1007/s13164-010-0030-3 (http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/ s13164-010-0030-3). Cappelen, H. & Lepore, E. 2005. Insensitive Semantics: A Defense of Semantic Minimalism and Speech Act Pluralism, Blackwell Publishing. Cohen, Stuart. 1998. "Contextualist Solutions to Epistemological Problems: Scepticism, Gettier, and the Lottery." Australasian Journal of Philosophy, 76: 289-306. Cohen Stuart. 1999. "Contextualism, Skepticism, and Reasons", in Tomberlin 1999. DeRose, Keith. 1992. "Contextualism and Knowledge Attributions", Philosophy and Phenomenological Research 52: 913-929. DeRose, Keith. 1995. "Solving the Skeptical Problem," Philosophical Review 104: 1-52. DeRose, Keith. 1999. "Contextualism: An Explanation and Defense", in Greco and Sosa 1999. DeRose, Keith. 2002. "Assertion, Knowledge, and Context," Philosophical Review 111: 167-203. DeRose, Keith. 2009. The Case for Contextualism: Knowledge, Skepticism and Context, Vol. 1, Oxford: Oxford University Press. Feldman, Richard. 1999. "Contextualism and Skepticism", in Tomberlin 1999. Feltz, Adam; Zarpentine, Chris (2010). "Do You Know More When It Matters Less?". Philosophical Psychology 23 (5): 683706. doi: 10.1080/09515089.2010.514572 (http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09515089.2010.514572). Greco, J. & Sosa, E. 1999. Blackwell Guide to Epistemology, Blackwell Publishing. Hawthorne, John. 2004. Knowledge and Lotteries, Oxford: Oxford University Press. Jencks, Charles (2002). New Paradigm In Architecture (7th ed.). Yale University Press. ISBN0-300-09512-0. Mackie, J.L. 1977, "Ethics: Inventing Right and Wrong", Viking Press, ISBN 0-14-013558-8. May, Joshua, Sinnott-Armstrong, Walter, Hull, Jay G. & Zimmerman, Aaron. 2010. " Practical Interests, Relevant Alternatives, and Knowledge Attributions: An Empirical Study (http://www.springerlink.com/content/ v046t12463667676/fulltext.pdf)", Review of Philosophy and Psychology (formerly European Review of Philosophy), special issue on Psychology and Experimental Philosophy ed. by Edouard Machery, Tania Lombrozo, & Joshua Knobe, Vol. 1, No. 2, pp.265273. Price, A. W. 2008. ' 'Contextuality in Practical Reason' ', Oxford University Press.
Contextualism Schaffer, Jonathan; Knobe, Joshua (2011). "Contrastive Knowledge Surveyed". Nous 46 (4): 675708. doi: 10.1111/j.1468-0068.2010.00795.x (http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0068.2010.00795.x). Schaffer, Jonathan. 2004. "From Contextualism to Contrastivism," Philosophical Studies 119: 73-103. Schiffer, Stephen. 1996. "Contextualist Solutions to Scepticism", Proceedings of the Aristotelian Society, 96:317-33. Stanley, Jason. 2005. Knowledge and Practical Interests. New York: Oxford University Press. Timmons Mark, 1998 "Morality Without Foundations: A Defense of Ethical Contextualism Oxford University Press US. Tomberlin, James (ed.). 1999. Philosophical Perspectives 13, Epistemology, Blackwell Publishing.
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External links
A Brief History of Contextualism (http://certaindoubts.com/?p=678) - DeRose on the history of contextualism in epistemology. Contextualism in Epistemology (http://www.iep.utm.edu/c/contextu.htm) - an article by Tim Black on the Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy. Epistemic contextualism (http://philpapers.org/browse/epistemic-contextualism) at PhilPapers Epistemic Contextualism (http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/contextualism-epistemology) entry by Patrick Rysiew in the Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy. Epistemic contextualism (https://inpho.cogs.indiana.edu/idea/1535) at the Indiana Philosophy Ontology Project
Holism
For the suffix, see holism. Holism (from holos, a Greek word meaning all, whole, entire, total) is the idea that natural systems (physical, biological, chemical, social, economic, mental, linguistic, etc.) and their properties should be viewed as wholes, not as collections of parts. This often includes the view that systems function as wholes and that their functioning cannot be fully understood solely in terms of their component parts. Reductionism is often viewed as the opposite of holism. Reductionism in science says that a complex system can be explained by reduction to its fundamental parts. For example, the processes of biology are reducible to chemistry and the laws of chemistry are explained by physics. Social scientist and physician Nicholas A. Christakis explains that "for the last few centuries, the Cartesian project in science has been attempting to break matter down into ever smaller bits, in the pursuit of understanding. And this works, to some extent... but putting things back together in order to understand them is harder, and typically comes later in the development of a scientist or in the development of science."
Holism
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In science
General scientific status
In the latter half of the 20th century, holism led to systems thinking and its derivatives, like the sciences of chaos and complexity. Systems in biology, psychology, or sociology are frequently so complex that their behavior is, or appears, "new" or "emergent": it cannot be deduced from the properties of the elements alone.[1] Holism has thus been used as a catchword. This contributed to the resistance encountered by the scientific interpretation of holism, which insists that there are ontological reasons that prevent reductive models in principle from providing efficient algorithms for prediction of system behavior in certain classes of systems.[citation needed] Scientific holism holds that the behavior of a system cannot be perfectly predicted, no matter how much data is available. Natural systems can produce surprisingly unexpected behavior, and it is suspected that behavior of such systems might be computationally irreducible, which means it would not be possible to even approximate the system state without a full simulation of all the events occurring in the system. Key properties of the higher level behavior of certain classes of systems may be mediated by rare "surprises" in the behavior of their elements due to the principle of interconnectivity, thus evading predictions except by brute force simulation. Stephen Wolfram has provided such examples with simple cellular automata, whose behavior is in most cases equally simple, but on rare occasions highly unpredictable. Complexity theory (also called "science of complexity"), is a contemporary heir of systems thinking. It comprises both computational and holistic, relational approaches towards understanding complex adaptive systems and, especially in the latter, its methods can be seen as the polar opposite to reductive methods. General theories of complexity have been proposed, and numerous complexity institutes and departments have sprung up around the world. The Santa Fe Institute is arguably the most famous of them.
In anthropology
There is an ongoing dispute as to whether anthropology is intrinsically holistic. Supporters of this concept consider anthropology holistic in two senses. First, it is concerned with all human beings across times and places, and with all dimensions of humanity (evolutionary, biophysical, sociopolitical, economic, cultural, psychological, etc.) Further, many academic programs following this approach take a "four-field" approach to anthropology that encompasses physical anthropology, archeology, linguistics, and cultural anthropology or social anthropology. Some leading anthropologists disagree, and consider anthropological holism to be an artifact from 19th century social evolutionary thought that inappropriately imposes scientific positivism upon cultural anthropology. The term "holism" is additionally used within social and cultural anthropology to refer to an analysis of a society as a whole which refuses to break society into component parts. One definition says: "as a methodological ideal, holism implies ... that one does not permit oneself to believe that our own established institutional boundaries (e.g. between politics, sexuality, religion, economics) necessarily may be found also in foreign societies."[2]
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In branding
A holistic brand (also holistic branding) is considering the entire brand or image of the company. For example a universal brand image across all countries, including everything from advertising styles to the stationery the company has made, to the company colours.
In ecology
Ecology is one of the most important applications of holism, as it tries to include biological, chemical, physical and economic views in a given area. The complexity grows with the area, so that it is necessary to reduce the characteristic of the view in other ways, for example to a specific time of duration. John Muir, Scots born early conservationist,[3] wrote "When we try to pick out anything by itself we find it hitched to everything else in the Universe". More information is to be found in the field of systems ecology, a cross-disciplinary field influenced by general systems theory.
In economics
The Earth seen from Apollo 17. With roots in Schumpeter, the evolutionary approach might be considered the holist theory in economics. They share certain language from the biological evolutionary approach. They take into account how the innovation system evolves over time. Knowledge and know-how, know-who, know-what and know-why are part of the whole business economics. Knowledge can also be tacit, as described by Michael Polanyi. These models are open, and consider that it is hard to predict exactly the impact of a policy measure. They are also less mathematical.
In philosophy
In philosophy, any doctrine that emphasizes the priority of a whole over its parts is holism. Some suggest that such a definition owes its origins to a non-holistic view of language and places it in the reductivist camp. Alternately, a 'holistic' definition of holism denies the necessity of a division between the function of separate parts and the workings of the 'whole'. It suggests that the key recognizable characteristic of a concept of holism is a sense of the fundamental truth of any particular experience. This exists in contradistinction to what is perceived as the reductivist reliance on inductive method as the key to verification of its concept of how the parts function within the whole. In the philosophy of language this becomes the claim, called semantic holism, that the meaning of an individual word or sentence can only be understood in terms of its relations to a larger body of language, even a whole theory or a whole language. In the philosophy of mind, a mental state may be identified only in terms of its relations with others. This is often referred to as "content holism" or "holism of the mental". This notion involves the philosophies of such figures as Frege, Wittgenstein, and Quine.[4] Epistemological and confirmation holism are mainstream ideas in contemporary philosophy. Ontological holism was espoused by David Bohm in his theory[5] on The Implicate Order.
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Applications
Agriculture
There are several newer methods in agricultural science such as permaculture and holistic planned grazing that integrate ecology and social sciences with food production. Organic farming is sometimes considered a holistic approach. According to the USDA, "Organic agriculture is an ecological production management system that promotes and enhances biodiversity, biological cycles and soil biological activity. It is based on minimal use of off-farm inputs and on management practices that restore, maintain and enhance ecological harmony"..."The primary goal of organic agriculture is to optimize the health and productivity of interdependent communities of soil life, plants, animals and people."
Architecture
Architecture is often argued by design academics and those practicing in design to be a holistic enterprise.[6] Used in this context, holism tends to imply an all-inclusive design perspective. This trait is considered exclusive to architecture, distinct from other professions involved in design projects.
Education reform
The Taxonomy of Educational Objectives identifies many levels of cognitive functioning, which can be used to create a more holistic education. In authentic assessment, rather than using computers to score multiple choice tests, a standards based assessment uses trained scorers to score open-response items using holistic scoring methods.[7] In projects such as the North Carolina Writing Project, scorers are instructed not to count errors, or count numbers of points or supporting statements. The scorer is instead instructed to judge holistically whether "as a whole" is it more a "2" or a "3". Critics question whether such a process can be as objective as computer scoring, and the degree to which such scoring methods can result in different scores from different scorers.
Medicine
In primary care the term "holistic," has been used to describe approaches that take into account social considerations and other intuitive judgements.[8] The term holism, and so called approaches, appear in psychosomatic medicine in the 1970s, when they were considered one possible way to conceptualize psychosomatic phenomena. Instead of charting one-way causal links from psyche to soma, or vice-versa, it aimed at a systemic model, where multiple biological, psychological and social factors were seen as interlinked. Other, alternative approaches in the 1970s were psychosomatic and somatopsychic approaches, which concentrated on causal links only from psyche to soma, or from soma to psyche, respectively.[] At present it is commonplace in psychosomatic medicine to state that psyche and soma cannot really be separated for practical or theoretical purposes.[citation needed] A disturbance on any level - somatic, psychic, or social - will radiate to all the other levels, too. In this sense, psychosomatic thinking is similar to the biopsychosocial model of medicine.[citation needed] Many alternative medicine practitioners adopt a holistic approach to healing.
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History
The term 'holism' was coined in 1926 by Jan Smuts, a South African statesman, in his book, Holism and Evolution.[9] Smuts defined holism as "The tendency in nature to form wholes that are greater than the sum of the parts through creative evolution."[10] The idea has ancient roots. Examples of holism can be found throughout human history and in the most diverse socio-cultural contexts, as has been confirmed by many ethnological studies. The French Protestant missionary, Maurice Leenhardt coined the term cosmomorphism to indicate the state of perfect symbiosis with the surrounding environment which characterized the culture of the Melanesians of New Caledonia. For these people, an isolated individual is totally indeterminate, indistinct and featureless until he can find his position within the natural and social world in which he is inserted. The confines between the self and the world are annulled to the point that the material body itself is no guarantee of the sort of recognition of identity which is typical of our own culture.[11][12] However, the concept of holism also played a pivotal role in Spinoza's philosophy[13][14] and more recently in that of Hegel[15][16] and Husserl.[17][18]
Religion
Judaism
Prior to Creation, there was only the infinite Or Ein Sof filling all existence...He contracted (in Hebrew "tzimtzum") Himself in the point at the center, in the very center of His light... After this tzimtzum.... In the space of that void He emanated, created, formed and made all the worlds. (Etz Chaim, Arizal, Heichal A"K, anaf 2) Rabbi Moshe Miller, Safed, Kosher Kabbala Online.
[19]
Jewish Halacha Judaism classically has no distinction in its halakha (the collective body of religious laws for Jews) between religious and ostensibly non-religious life. Holistically, Jewish religious tradition does not differentiate to a larger extend between religious, national, racial, or ethnic identities.[20] Jewish tradition guides religious practices and ascends all aspects of day-to-day life towards an ethical way of living. Kosher Kabbalah Kosher Jewish Kabbalah, especially the Zohar and the Kabbalah of the Arizal, teaches Tzimtzum: inside the endless, omnipotent existence beyond space and time of the holistic oneness of God, He created our world and existence, He emanated the emanated .. In the beginning of God's creation of the heavens and the earth
"The Kabbalah Tree" (1985); oil on canvas by the Italian artist Davide Tonato
Gen 1:1-20 [21] In the holistic sense this means, that there would be nothing outside of God Ha-Makom ( lit. "the place", "the omnipresent"), in which our finite and seemingly independent world exists. In a holistic unity of opposites, God in Judaism is both
immanent and transcendent.
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Hegel's holism
Hegel rejected "the fundamentally atomistic conception of the object," (Stern, 38) arguing that "individual objects exist as manifestations of indivisible substance-universals, which cannot be reduced to a set of properties or attributes; he therefore holds that the object should be treated as an ontologically primary whole." (Stern, 40) In direct opposition to Kant, therefore, "Hegel insists that the unity we find in our experience of the world is not constructed by us out of a plurality of intuitions." (Stern, 40) In "his ontological scheme a concrete individual is not reducible to a plurality of sensible properties, but rather exemplifies a substance universal." (Stern, 41) His point is that it is "a mistake to treat an organic substance like blood as nothing more than a compound of unchanging chemical elements, that can be separated and united without being fundamentally altered." (Stern, 103) In Hegel's view, a substance like blood is thus "more of an organic unity and cannot be understood as just an external composition of the sort of distinct substances that were discussed at the level of chemistry." (Stern, 103) Thus in Hegel's view, blood is blood is blood and cannot be successfully reduced to what we consider are its component parts; we must view it as a whole substance entire unto itself. This is most certainly a fundamentally holistic view.[22]
In sociology
mile Durkheim developed a concept of holism which he set as opposite to the notion that a society was nothing more than a simple collection of individuals. In more recent times, Louis Dumont [23] has contrasted "holism" to "individualism" as two different forms of societies. According to him, modern humans live in an individualist society, whereas ancient Greek society, for example, could be qualified as "holistic", because the individual found identity in the whole society. Thus, the individual was ready to sacrifice himself or herself for his or her community, as his or her life without the polis had no sense whatsoever. Scholars such as David Bohm[24] and M. I. Sanduk[25] consider the society through the Plasma Physics. From physics point of view, the interaction of individuals within a group may lead a continuous model. Therefore for M. I. Sanduk The nature of fluidity of plasma (ionized gas) arises from the interaction of its free interactive charges, so the society may behave as a fluid owing to the free interactive individuals. This fluid model may explain many social phenomena like social instability, diffusion, flow, viscosity...So the society behaves as a sort of intellectual fluid.
In psychology of perception
A major holist movement in the early twentieth century was gestalt psychology. The claim was that perception is not an aggregation of atomic sense data but a field, in which there is a figure and a ground. Background has holistic effects on the perceived figure. Gestalt psychologists included Wolfgang Koehler, Max Wertheimer, Kurt Koffka. Koehler claimed the perceptual fields corresponded to electrical fields in the brain. Karl Lashley did experiments with gold foil pieces inserted in monkey brains purporting to show that such fields did not exist. However, many of the perceptual illusions and visual phenomena exhibited by the gestaltists were taken over (often without credit) by later perceptual psychologists. Gestalt psychology had influence on Fritz Perls' gestalt therapy, although some old-line gestaltists opposed the association with counter-cultural and New Age trends later associated with gestalt therapy. Gestalt theory was also influential on phenomenology. Aron Gurwitsch wrote on the role of the field of consciousness in gestalt theory in relation to phenomenology. Maurice Merleau-Ponty made much use of holistic psychologists such as work of Kurt Goldstein in his "Phenomenology of Perception."
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In teleological psychology
Alfred Adler believed that the individual (an integrated whole expressed through a self-consistent unity of thinking, feeling, and action, moving toward an unconscious, fictional final goal), must be understood within the larger wholes of society, from the groups to which he belongs (starting with his face-to-face relationships), to the larger whole of mankind. The recognition of our social embeddedness and the need for developing an interest in the welfare of others, as well as a respect for nature, is at the heart of Adler's philosophy of living and principles of psychotherapy. Edgar Morin, the French philosopher and sociobiologist, can be considered a holist based on the transdisciplinary nature of his work. Mel Levine, M.D., author of A Mind at a Time,[26] and co-founder (with Charles R. Schwab) of the not-for-profit organization All Kinds of Minds, can be considered a holist based on his view of the 'whole child' as a product of many systems and his work supporting the educational needs of children through the management of a child's educational profile as a whole rather than isolated weaknesses in that profile.
In theological anthropology
In theological anthropology, which belongs to theology and not to anthropology, holism is the belief that the nature of humans consists of an ultimately divisible[citation needed] union of components such as body, soul and spirit.
In theology
Holistic concepts are strongly represented within the thoughts expressed within Logos (per Heraclitus), Panentheism and Pantheism.
In neurology
A lively debate has run since the end of the 19th century regarding the functional organization of the brain. The holistic tradition (e.g., Pierre Marie) maintained that the brain was a homogeneous organ with no specific subparts whereas the localizationists (e.g., Paul Broca) argued that the brain was organized in functionally distinct cortical areas which were each specialized to process a given type of information or implement specific mental operations. The controversy was epitomized with the existence of a language area in the brain, nowadays known as the Broca's area.[27]
Notes
[1] [2] [3] [4] [5] [6] von Bertalanffy 1971, p.54. anthrobase definition of holism (http:/ / www. anthrobase. com/ Dic/ eng/ def/ holism. htm) Reconnecting with John Muir By Terry Gifford, University of Georgia, 2006 Holism, The Basics of Philosophy (http:/ / www. philosophybasics. com/ branch_holism. html) Bohm, D. (1980). Wholeness and the Implicate Order. London: Routledge. ISBN 0-7100-0971-2 Holm, Ivar (2006). Ideas and Beliefs in Architecture: How attitudes, orientations, and underlying assumptions shape the built environment. Oslo School of Architecture and Design. ISBN 82-547-0174-1. [7] Rubrics (Authentic Assessment Toolbox) "So, when might you use a holistic rubric? Holistic rubrics tend to be used when a quick or gross judgment needs to be made" (http:/ / jonathan. mueller. faculty. noctrl. edu/ toolbox/ rubrics. htm) [8] Julian Tudor Hart (2010) The Political Economy of Health Care (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=h5_6-NeAqcsC& pg=PA258) pp.106, 258 [9] Jan Smuts (1927). Holism and Evolution. London: McMillan and Co Limited. p.88. [10] Oxford English Dictionary (3rd ed.). Oxford University Press. September 2005. [11] Anne Bihan, The Writer, a Man Without Qualities, Literature and Identity in New Caledonia (http:/ / www. lehman. cuny. edu/ ile. en. ile/ paroles/ bihan_writer. html) [12] Susan Rasmussen, Personahood, Self, Difference, and Dialogue (Commentary on Chaudhary), International Journal for Dialogical Science, Fall, 2008, Vol. 3, No. 1, 31-54 (http:/ / ijds. lemoyne. edu/ journal/ 3_1/ pdf/ IJDS. 3. 1. 03. Rasmussen. pdf) [13] Charles Huenemann, Interpreting Spinoza: Critical Essays, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008, p.41 [14] Eccy De Jonge, Spinoza and Deep Ecology: Challenging Traditional Approaches to Environmentalism, UK: Ashgate Publishing, 2003, p.65
Holism
[15] Robert Stern, Hegel, Kant and the Structure of the Object, London: Routledge, 1990, p.6 & p.135 [16] Merold Westphal, Hegel, Freedom, and Modernity, New York: SUNY, 1992, pp.79-81, & p.86 [17] Michael Esfield, Holism in Philosophy of Mind and Philosophy of Physics, Springer, 2001, p.7 [18] Johanna Maria Tito, Logic in the Husserlian Context, Northwestern University Press, 1990, p.245 [19] The Great Constriction (http:/ / www. kabbalaonline. org/ Safedteachings/ sfari/ Ari_Basics_2_1st_Constriction. asp) [20] Hershel Edelheit, Abraham J. Edelheit, History of Zionism: A Handbook and Dictionary (http:/ / www. questia. com/ library/ book/ history-of-zionism-a-handbook-and-dictionary-by-abfaham-j-edelheit-hershel-edelheit. jsp), p.3, citing Solomon Zeitlin, The Jews. Race, Nation, or Religion? ( Philadelphia: Dropsie College Press, 1936). [21] http:/ / bibref. hebtools. com/ ?book=%20Gen& verse=1:1-20& src=JPR [22] Robert Stern, Hegel, Kant and the Structure of the Object, London: Routledge Chapman Hall, 1990 (full text download) (http:/ / www. mediafire. com/ ?rxmn2t1votf) [23] Louis Dumont, 1984 [24] Wilkins, M., (1986) Oral history interviews with David Bohm, 16 tapes, undated transcript (AIP and Birkbeck college Library, London), 253-254. [25] M. I. Sanduk, Does Society Exhibit Same Behaviour of Plasma Fluid? http:/ / philpapers. org/ rec/ DSE [26] (Simon & Schuster, 2002) [27] 'Does Broca's area exist?': Christofredo Jakob's 1906 response to Pierre Marie's holistic stance. Kyrana Tsapkini, Ana B. Vivas, Lazaros C. Triarhou. Brain and Language, Volume 105, Issue 3, June 2008, Pages 211-219, http:/ / dx. doi. org/ 10. 1016/ j. bandl. 2007. 07. 124
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References
von Bertalanffy, Ludwig (1971) [1968], General System Theory. Foundations Development Applications, Allen Lane. Bohm, D. (1980) Wholeness and the Implicate Order. London: Routledge. ISBN 0-7100-0971-2 Leenhardt, M. 1947 Do Kamo. La personne et le mythe dans le monde mlansien. Gallimard. Paris. Lipowski, Z.J.: "Psychosomatic medicine in seventies". Am. J. Psych. 134:3:233-244 Jan C. Smuts, 1926 Holism and Evolution MacMillan, Compass/Viking Press 1961 reprint: ISBN 0-598-63750-8, Greenwood Press 1973 reprint: ISBN 0-8371-6556-3, Sierra Sunrise 1999 (mildly edited): ISBN 1-887263-14-4
Further reading
Dusek, Val, The Holistic Inspirations of Physics: An Underground History of Electromagnetic Theory Rutgers University Press, Brunswick NJ, 1999. Fodor, Jerry, and Ernst Lepore, Holism: A Shopper's Guide Wiley. New York. 1992 Hayek, F.A. von. The Counter-revolution of Science. Studies on the abuse of reason. Free Press. New York. 1957. Mandelbaum, M. Societal Facts in Gardner 1959. Phillips, D.C. Holistic Thought in Social Science. Stanford University Press. Stanford. 1976. Dreyfus, H.L. Holism and Hermeneutics in The Review of Metaphysics. 34. pp.323. James, S. The Content of Social Explanation. Cambridge University Press. Cambridge, 1984. Harrington, A. Reenchanted Science: Holism in German Culture from Wilhelm II to Hitler. Princeton University Press. 1996. Lopez, F. Il pensiero olistico di Ippocrate, vol. I-IIA, Ed. Pubblisfera, Cosenza Italy 2004-2008. Robert Stern, Hegel, Kant and the Structure of the Object, London: Routledge Chapman Hall, 1990 Sen, R. K., Aesthetic Enjoyment: Its Background in Philosophy and Medicine, Calcutta: University of Calcutta, 1966
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External links
Brief explanation of Koestler's derivation of "holon" (http://www.mech.kuleuven.be/pma/project/goa/ hms-int/history.html) Holism in nature (http://www.ecotao.com/holism/) and coevolution in ecosystems Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy article: "Holism and Nonseparability in Physics" (http://plato.stanford. edu/entries/physics-holism/) James Schombert of University of Oregon Physics Dept on quantum holism (http://abyss.uoregon.edu/~js/ glossary/holism.html) Theory of sociological holism (http://www.twow.net/ObjText/OtkCcCE.htm) from "World of Wholeness"
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Phenomena
Indexicality
In linguistics and in philosophy of language, an indexical behavior or utterance points to (or indicates) some state of affairs. For example, I refers to whoever is speaking; now refers to the time at which that word is uttered; and here refers to the place of utterance. For Charles Sanders Peirce, indexicality is one of three sign modalities (see further down), and is a phenomenon far broader than language; that which, independently of interpretation, points to something such as smoke (an index of fire) or a pointing finger works indexically for interpretation. Social indexicality in the human realm has been regarded as including any sign (clothing, speech variety, table manners) that points to, and helps create, social identity.
Pragmatics and indexicality

Indexicality is often treated as part of the study of language called pragmatics in contrast to such fields as phonology, syntax, and semantics in that it concerns the use and effects of language. Indexicality is sometimes seen as an alternative way of understanding reference (a concept of semantics) since it allows for an expansion of the way we understand language, and communication in general, to work. Scholars in linguistic anthropology, Elinor Ochs for example, note how gender can be indexed by the stances one adopts, whether physical or linguistic. This can be accomplished by the way one stands (e.g., the conventionally feminine: "hand on hip with body bent"; in contrast to the conventionally masculine: "thumb in pocket, standing straight with legs apart"). Gender can also be indexed by the language styles one uses (e.g., the conventionally feminine: "large variable range in speaking tones, favoring higher pitches" or "lisping, soft tones"; in contrast to the conventionally masculine: "deep tones within a narrow range of low pitches"). Indexicality is closely related to deixis, which denotes a behavior or an utterance whose meaning varies according to certain features of the context in which it is uttered. Now, here, and I are also typical examples of deictic terms, as well as examples of indexical terms. The related term "index" comes from Charles Peirce's trichotomy of signs: icon, index, and symbol.[1] Indexicals are closely related to demonstratives (this, that), in that both vary in meaning depending on context. Demonstratives may be thought of as forming a subset of indexicals: they are often accompanied, in ordinary usage, by pointing gestures or other non-verbal expressions of their sense. Many but not all indexicals are also egocentric, which means that in order to successfully interpret them the hearer must have knowledge of the respective speaker, time, and place of utterance.
Peirce's trichotomy of signs

C.S. Peirce elaborated three central trichotomies that classify different sign-relations, and that are themselves differentiated, on the basis of Peirce's three universal categories (loosely described as Possibility, Actuality, and Law-likeness). The first trichotomy of sign relations relates to a category that Peirce found to be epitomized in possibility and, as with each trichotomy, is split into three kinds, according to whether the sign in question is a quality, an actual thing, or a matter of habit (tone, token, type, also called qualisign, sinsign, legisign). The second (icon, index, symbol) depends on the kind of relation the sign bears to some object, whether merely imagined (e.g., the idea of a cat when a human says, "Meow"), actual and causally efficacious (e.g., actual wind blowing a weathervane), or a constant and regular force (e.g., convention). Semiotic elements and classes of signs (Peirce)#Rheme, dicisign, argument. The third depends on the kind of significance which the sign will be interpreted as making, to be distinguished from the reference-oriented (sign-to-object) relation of the second trichotomy.[2] Most
Indexicality famous is the second trichotomy: Icon, also called a likeness or semblance: a sign that is linked to its represented object by some shared quality (which may vary from physical appearances, common actions, distinct sounds, etc.). An example of this would be the stick-figure pictorial representations of men and women on the door of a public restroom. This is iconic because it is meant to signify a man or woman through a simplified visual representation. An icon does not depend on an actual connection to its object (which may fail to exist) or on a habit of interpretation. Index: a sign that is linked to its object by an actual connection or real relation (irrespectively of interpretation), for instance, by a reaction, so as to compel attention, in a definite place and time. A simple example is an "Exit" sign which has an arrow pointing towards the exit. Smoke billowing from a house is an index for a fire inside. Symbol: A symbol represents its denoted object by virtue of an interpretive habit or rule that is independent of any shared physical quality, contextual contiguity, or lack thereof, with that which it denotes. A symbol consists in that rule. A word such as "horse" is an example of a symbol which, additionally, is specific to a particular language and prescribes the qualities of its instances, which, then, are noticeably arbitrary with respect to iconic qualities and indexical connections. Most spoken language (with the exception of instances of onomatopoeia like 'hiccup' and 'roar') is symbolic because it is arbitrary in those senses. For example, the English word "window" has no relation to any actual physical window. Peirce usually considered personal names and demonstratives like "this" to be indices, not symbols.
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Referential indexicality
It is possible for signs to have two kinds of meaning, referred to as indexical and referential. Indexical meaning is meaning that is context-dependent. For examples, consider the traditional deictic categories of person, place, and time. Some frequently-used English examples are pronouns, demonstratives, and tense markings. Referential meaning, also called 'semantico-referential function', is when a word functions to describe events or states of affairs in the world independent of the context of the utterance. An example of this could be A cat is on a mat because the meaning that it conveys is independent of who says it, when they say it, etc. A referential indexical, also called a 'shifter', is a sign which contains both referential and indexical meaning. So for example, the word 'I', as in I went to the store. is a referential indexical. It has referential content, in that it refers to the singular first person, and indexical content, in that its meaning depends on who uttered the word.
Indexical presupposition and performativity

Indexical sign types are defined by rules of use that state that there exists a relationship between mutually implied existence of sign vehicle token (i.e. icon, index or symbol) and certain aspects of the context of discourse. The indexical sign token presupposes the aspect of the speech situation and is referentially uninterpretable without some knowledge of context. In other words, some aspect of the context is spelled out in the rules of use, fixed and presupposed, and must be understood for the referential contribution to be made. In the use of pure indexical tokens the sign can also have a creative or performative aspect in that rather than change the context, it creates boundaries to the structure of the event. For example in the case of English indexical pronouns, I and we (as opposed to he/she/it/they) create parameters that specify the parties to whom one is referring. Indexes, both referential and non-referential, therefore exist on a sliding scale, some more presupposing, some more creative, and some containing clear aspects of both.
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Non-referential indexicality
Non-referential indices or "Pure" indices do not contribute to the semantico-referential value of a speech event yet "signal some particular value of one or more contextual variables."[] Non-referential indices encode certain metapragmatic elements of a speech event's context through linguistic variations. The degree of variation in non-referential indices is considerable and serves to infuse the speech event with, at times, multiple levels of pragmatic "meaning."[3] Of particular note are: sex/gender indices, deference indices (including the affinal taboo index), affect indices, as well as the phenomena of phonological hypercorrection and social identity indexicality.
First, second, and higher orders of non-referential indexicality

In much of the research currently conducted upon various phenomena of non-referential indexicality, there is an increased interest in not only what is called first-order indexicality, but subsequent second-order as well as "higher-order" levels of indexical meaning. First-order indexicality can be defined as the first level of pragmatic meaning that is drawn from an utterance. For example, instances of deference indexicality such as the variation between informal "Tu" and the more formal "Vous" in French (See T/V deference indexes) indicate a speaker/addressee communicative relationship built upon the values of 'power' and 'solidarity' possessed by the interlocutors.[4] When a speaker addresses somebody using the V form instead of the T form, they index (via first-order indexicality) their understanding of the need for deference to the addressee. In other words, they perceive/ recognize an incongruence between their level of 'power' and/or 'solidarity', and that of their interlocutor and employ a more formal way of addressing that person to suit the contextual constraints of the speech event. Second-Order Indexicality is concerned with the connection between linguistic variables and the metapragmatic meanings that they encode. For example, a woman is walking down the street in Manhattan and she stops to ask somebody where a McDonalds is. He responds to her talking in a heavy "Brooklyn" accent. She notices this accent and considers a set of possible personal characteristics that might be indexed by it (such as the man's intelligence, economic situation, and other non-linguistic aspects of his life). The power of language to encode these preconceived "stereotypes" based solely on accent is an example of second-order indexicality (representative of a more complex and subtle system of indexical form than that of first-order indexicality). Michael Silverstein has also argued that indexical order can transcend levels such as second-order indexicality and discusses higher-order indexicality in terms of what he calls "oinoglossia" or "wine talk".(For discussion see below)
Non-referential indexical phenomena

Examples of non-referential forms of indexicality include sex/gender, affect, deference, social class, and social identity indices. Many scholars, notably Silverstein, argue that occurrences of non-referential indexicality entail not only the context-dependent variability of the speech event, but also increasingly subtle forms of indexical meaning (first, second, and higher-orders)as well.
Sex/gender indices
One common system of non-referential indexicality is sex/gender indices. These indices index the gender or "female/male" social status of the interlocutor. There are a multitude of linguistic variants that act to index sex and gender such as: word-final or sentence-final particles:many languages employ the suffixation of word-final particles to index the gender of the speaker. These particles vary from phonological alterations such as the one explored by William Labov in his work on postvocalic /r/ employment in words that had no word final "r" (which is claimed, among other things, to index the "female" social sex status by virtue of the statistical fact that women tend to hypercorrect their speech more often than men);[5] suffixation of single phonemes, such as /-s/ in Muskogean languages of the southeastern United States; or particle suffixation (such as the Japanese sentence-final use of -wa
Indexicality with rising intonation to indicate increasing affect and, via second-order indexicality, the gender of the speaker (in this case, female)) morphological and phonological mechanisms: such as in Yana, a language where one form of all major words are spoken by sociological male to sociological male, and another form (which is constructed around phonological changes in word forms) is used for all other combination of interlocutors; or the Japanese prefix-affixation of o- to indicate politeness and, consequently, feminine social identity.[6] Many instances of sex/gender indices incorporate multiple levels of indexicality (also referred to as indexical order). In fact, some, such as the prefix-affixation of o- in Japanese, demonstrate complex higher-order indexical forms. In this example, the first order indexes politeness and the second order indexes affiliation with a certain gender class. It is argued that there is an even higher level of indexical order evidenced by the fact that many jobs use the o- prefix to attract female applicants. This notion of higher-order indexicality is similar to Silverstein's discussion of "wine talk" (see below) in that it indexes "an identity-by-visible-consumption [here, employment]" that is an inherent of a certain social register, (i.e. social gender indexicality).
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Affect indices
Affective meaning is seen as "the encoding, or indexing of speakers emotions into speech events."[7] The interlocutor of the event "decodes" these verbal messages of affect by giving "precedence to intentionality"; that is, by assuming that the affective form intentionally indexes emotional meaning. Some examples of affective forms are: diminutives (for example, diminutive affixes in Indo-European and Amerindian languages indicate sympathy, endearment, emotional closeness, or antipathy, condescension, and emotional distance); ideophones and onomatopoeias; expletives, exclamations, interjections, curses, insults, and imprecations (said to be "dramatizations of actions or states"); intonation change (common in tone languages such as Japanese); address terms, kinship terms, and pronouns which often display clear affective dimensions (ranging from the complex address-form systems found languages such a Javanese to inversions of vocative kin terms found in Rural Italy); lexical processes such as synecdoche and metonymy involved in affect meaning manipulation; certain categories of meaning like evidentiality; reduplication, quantifiers, and comparative structures; as well as inflectional morphology. Affective forms are a means by which a speaker indexes emotional states through different linguistic mechanisms. These indices become important when applied to other forms of non-referential indexicality, such as sex indices and social identity indices, because of the innate relationship between first-order indexicality and subsequent second-order (or higher) indexical forms. (See multiple indices section for Japanese example).
Deference indices
Deference indices encode deference from one interlocutor to another (usually representing inequalities of status, rank, age, sex, etc.). Some examples of deference indices are: T/V deference entitlement The T/V deference entitlement system of European languages was famously detailed by linguists Brown and Gilman. As previously mentioned, T/V deference entitlement is a system by which a speaker/addressee speech event is determined by perceived disparities of 'power' and 'solidarity' between interlocutors. Brown and Gilman organized the possible relationships between the speaker and the addressee into six categories: 1. Superior and solidary 2. Superior and not solidary 3. Equal and solidary 4. Equal and not solidary 5. Inferior and solidary
Indexicality 6. Inferior and not solidary The 'power semantic' indicates that the speaker in a superior position uses T and the speaker in an inferior position uses V. The 'solidarity semantic' indicates that speakers use T for close relationships and V for more formal relationships. These two principles conflict in categories 2 and 5, allowing either T or V in those cases: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. Superior and solidary: T Superior and not solidary: T/V Equal and solidary: T Equal and not solidary: V Inferior and solidary: T/V Inferior and not solidary: V
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Brown and Gilman observed that as the solidarity semantic becomes more important than the power semantic in various cultures, the proportion of T to V use in the two ambiguous categories changes accordingly. Silverstein comments that while exhibiting a basic level of first-order indexicality, the T/V system also employs second-order indexicality vis--vis 'enregistered honorification'. He cites that the V form can also function as an index of valued "public" register and the standards of good behavior that are entailed by use of V forms over T forms in public contexts. Therefore, people will use T/V deference entailment in 1) a first-order indexical sense that distinguishes between speaker/addressee interpersonal values of 'power' and 'solidarity' and 2) a second-order indexical sense that indexes an interlocutor's inherent "honor" or social merit in employing V forms over T forms in public contexts. Japanese honorifics Japanese provides an excellent case study of honorifics. Honorifics in Japanese can be divided into two categories: addressee honorifics, which index deference to the addressee of the utterance; and referent honorifics, which index deference to the referent of the utterance. Cynthia Dunn claims that "almost every utterance in Japanese requires a choice between direct and distal forms of the predicate."[8] The direct form indexes intimacy and "spontaneous self-expression" in contexts involving family and close friends. Contrarily, distal form index social contexts of a more formal, public nature such as distant acquaintances, business settings, or other formal settings. Japanese also contains a set of humble forms (Japanese kenjyoogo ) which are employed by the speaker to index their deference to someone else. There are also suppletive forms that can be used in lieu of regular honorific endings (for example, the subject honorific form of taberu ( ?, to eat) : meshiagaru ). Verbs that involve human subjects must choose between distal or direct forms (towards the addressee) as well as a distinguish between either no use of referent honorifics, use of subject honorific (for others), or use of humble form (for self). The Japanese model for non-referential indexicality demonstrates a very subtle and complicated system that encodes social context into almost every utterance. Affinal taboo index Dyirbal, a language of the Cairns rain forest in Northern Queensland, employs a system known as the affinal taboo index. Speakers of the language maintain two sets of lexical items: 1) an "everyday" or common interaction set of lexical items and 2) a "mother-in-law" set that is employed when the speaker is in the very distinct context of interaction with their mother-in-law. In this particular system of deference indices, speakers have developed an entirely separate lexicon (there are roughly four "everyday" lexical entries for every one "mother-in-law" lexical entry; 4:1) to index deference exigent of contexts inclusive of the mother-in-law.
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Hypercorrection as a social class index

Hypercorrection is defined by Wolfram as "the use of speech form on the basis of false analogy."[9] DeCamp defines hypercorrection in a more precise fashion claiming that "hypercorrection is an incorrect analogy with a form in a prestige dialect which the speaker has imperfectly mastered."[10] Many scholars argue that hypercorrection provides both an index of "social class" and an "Index of Linguistic insecurity". The latter index can be defined as a speaker's attempts at self-correction in areas of perceived linguistic insufficiencies which denote their lower social standing and minimal social mobility.[11] Donald Winford conducted a study that measured the phonological hypercorrection in creolization of English speakers in Trinidad. He claims that the ability to use prestigious norms goes "hand-in-hand" with knowledge of stigmatization afforded to use of "lesser" phonological variants. He concluded that sociologically "lesser" individuals would try to increase the frequency of certain vowels that were frequent in the high prestige dialect, but they ended up using those vowels even more than their target dialect. This hypercorrection of vowels is an example of non-referential indexicality that indexes, by virtue of innate urges forcing lower class civilians to hypercorrect phonological variants, the actual social class of the speaker. As Silverstein claims, this also conveys an "Index of Linguistic insecurity" in which a speaker not only indexes their actual social class (via first-order indexicality) but also the insecurities about class constraints and subsequent linguistic effects that encourage hypercorrection in the first place (an incidence of second-order indexicality). William Labov and many others have also studied how hypercorrection in African American Vernacular English demonstrates similar social class non-referential indexicality.
Multiple indices in social identity indexicality

Multiple non-referential indices can be employed to index the social identity of a speaker. An example of how multiple indexes can constitute social identity is exemplified by Ochs discussion of copula deletion: "That Bad" in American English can index a speaker to be a child, foreigner, medical patient, or elderly person. Use of multiple non-referential indices at once (for example copula deletion and raising intonation), helps further index the social identity of the speaker as that of a child.[12] Linguistic and non-linguistic indices are also an important ways of indexing social identity. For example, the Japanese utterance -wa in conjunction with raising intonation (indexical of increasing affect) by one person who "looks like a woman" and another who looks "like a man" may index different affective dispositions which, in turn, can index gender difference. Ochs and Schieffilen also claim that facial features, gestures, as well as other non-linguistic indices may actually help specify the general information provided by the linguistic features and augment the pragmatic meaning of the utterance.[13]
Oinoglossia ('wine talk')

For demonstrations of higher (or rarefied) indexical orders, Michael Silverstein discusses the particularities of "life-style emblematization" or "convention-dependent-indexical iconicity" which, as he claims, is prototypical of a phenomenon he dubs "wine talk." Professional wine critics use a certain "technical vocabulary" that are "metaphorical of prestige realms of traditional English gentlemanly horticulture." Thus, a certain "lingo" is created for this wine that indexically entails certain notions of prestigious social classes or genres. When "yuppies" use the lingo for wine flavors created by these critics in the actual context of drinking wine, Silverstein argues that they become the "well-bred, interesting (subtle, balanced, intriguing, winning, etc.) person" that is iconic of the metaphorical "fashion of speaking" employed by people of higher social registers, demanding notoriety as a result of this high level of connoisseurship. In other words, the wine drinker becomes a refined, gentlemanly critic and, in doing so, adopts a similar level of connoisseurship and social refinement. Silverstein defines this as an example of higher-order indexical "authorization" in which the indexical order of this "wine talk" exists in a "complex, interlocking set of institutionally formed macro-sociological interests." A speaker of English metaphorically transfers
Indexicality him- or herself into the social structure of the "wine world" that is encoded by the oinoglossia of elite critics using a very particular "technical" terminology. The use of "wine talk" or similar "fine-cheeses talk", "perfume talk", "Hegelian-dialectics talk", "particle-physics talk", "DNA-sequencing talk", "semiotics talk" etc. confers upon an individual an identity-by-visible-consumption indexical of a certain macro-sociological elite identity and is, as such, an instance of higher-order indexicality.
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Deixis and indexicality

The terms deixis and indexicality are frequently used near-interchangeably, and both concern essentially the same idea; contextually-dependant references. However, each has a different history and tradition associated with it. In the past, deixis was associated specifically with spatio-temporal reference, while indexicality was used more broadly.[14] More importantly, each is associated with a different field of study; deixis is associated with linguistics, while indexicality is associated with philosophy.[15]
Extensions
There are various extensions of the basic idea of indexicality, some of which arise outside of linguistics and philosophy of language. One notorious example is David Lewis's indexicality of actuality, according to which actual is itself an indexical term, and the ontological distinction between merely possible worlds and the actual world is just that the actual world is this world (see Modal realism, Modal logic).
References
[1] Peirce, C.S., "Division of Signs" in Collected Papers, 1932 [1897]. [2] Commens Dictionary of Peirce's Terms, see especially under "Icon", "Index", and "Symbol", Eprint (http:/ / www. helsinki. fi/ science/ commens/ dictionary. html). [3] Silverstein, Michael. "Indexical order and the dialectics of sociolinguistic life". Elsevier Ltd., 2003. [4] Brown, R., Gilman, A. "The pronouns of power and solidarity, IN: Sebeok, T.A. (ed.) Style in Language. Cambridge: MIT Press, 1960. [5] Wake, Naoko. Indexicality, Gender, and Social Identity. [6] Kamei, Takashi.Covering and Covered Forms of women's language in Japanese.'Hitotsubashi JOurnal of Arts of Sciences' 19:1-7. [7] Besnier, Niko. Language and Affect. Annual Reviews, Inc., 1990. [8] Dunn, Cynthia. "Pragmatic Functions of Humble Forms in Japanese Ceremonial Discourse. 'Journal of Linguistic Anthropology', Vol. 15, Issue 2, pp. 218238, 2005 [9] Wolfram, W. Phonological Variation and change in Trinidadian English-the evolution of the vowel system. Washington: Center for Applied Linguistics, 1969. [10] DeCamp, D. 'Hypercorrection and Rule Generalization. 1972 [11] Winford, Donald. 'Hypercorrection in the Process of Decreolization: The Case of Trinidadian English. Cambridge, England: Cambridge Univserity Press, 1978. [12] Ochs, Elinor. "Indexicality and Socialization". In J. Stigler, R. Shweder & G. Herdt (eds.) 'Cultural Psychology: Essays on Comparative Human Development'. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990. [13] Ochs, Elinor and Shieffelin, Banbi. "Language has a heart". 'Text 9': 7-25. [14] Silverstein, Michael. (1976) "Shifters, linguistic categories, and cultural description". In K. Basso and H. Selby (eds.), Meaning in Anthropology. SAR pp.25 [15] Levinson, Stephen C. (2006) "Deixis". In Laurence R. Horn, Gregory L. Ward (eds.) The Handbook of Pragmatics, pp. 978120. Blackwell Publishing.
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External links
Arch Bibliography of Indexicals (http://arche-wiki.st-and.ac.uk/~ahwiki/bin/view/Arche/IndexicalsBib) Commens Dictionary of Peirce's Terms (http://www.helsinki.fi/science/commens/dictionary.html), consisting in Peirce's own definitions and characterizations. See "Index". Indexicals (http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/indexicals/) at Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy.
Anaphora
In rhetoric, an Anaphora (Greek: , "carrying back") is a rhetorical device that consists of repeating a sequence of words at the beginnings of neighboring clauses, thereby lending them emphasis. In contrast, an epistrophe (or epiphora) is repeating words at the clauses' ends. One author well known for his use of anaphora is Charles Dickens (seen in quotation below). Some of his best-known works constantly portray their themes through use of this literary tool.
Examples
In time the savage bull sustains the yoke, In time all haggard hawks will stoop to lure, In time small wedges cleave the hardest oak, In time the flint is pierced with softest shower. Thomas Kyd, The Spanish Tragedy, I, vi. 3 For want of a nail the shoe was lost. For want of a shoe the horse was lost. For want of a horse the rider was lost. For want of a rider the message was lost. For want of a message the battle was lost. For want of a battle the kingdom was lost. And all for the want of a horseshoe nail. 14th century proverb Mad world! Mad kings! Mad composition! William Shakespeare, King John, II, i What the hammer? what the chain? In what furnace was thy brain? What the anvil? what dread grasp Dare its deadly terrors clasp? William Blake, The Tyger In every cry of every man, In every infant's cry of fear, In every voice, in every ban, The mind-forged manacles I hear: William Blake, London
Anaphora Strike as I struck the foe! Strike as I would Have struck those tyrants! Strike deep as my curse! Strike!and but once! Byron, Marino Faliero With malice toward none; with charity for all; with firmness in the right,... Abraham Lincoln, Second Inaugural Address Out of the cradle endlessly rocking, Out of the mock-bird's throat, the musical shuttle, Out of the Ninth-month midnight, Over the sterile sands, and the fields beyond, where the child, leaving his bed, wander'd alone, bare-headed, barefoot, Down from the shower'd halo, Up from the mystic play of shadows twining and twisting as if they were alive, Out from the patches of briers and blackberries, From the memories of the bird that chanted to me, From your memories, sad brother, from the fitful risings and fallings I heard, From under that yellow half-moon late-risen and swollen as if with tears, From those beginning notes of yearning and love, there in the transparent mist, From the thousand responses of my heart never to cease, From the myriad thence-arous'd words, From the word stronger and more delicious than any, From such as now they start the scene revisiting,... Walt Whitman, "Out of the Cradle Endlessly Rocking" It was the best of times, it was the worst of times, it was the age of wisdom, it was the age of foolishness, it was the epoch of belief, it was the epoch of incredulity, it was the season of Light, it was the season of Darkness, it was the spring of hope, it was the winter of despair, we had everything before us, we had nothing before us, we were all going direct to Heaven, we were all going direct the other way... Charles Dickens, A Tale of Two Cities Five years have passed; Five summers, with the length of Five long winters! and again I hear these waters... William Wordsworth, Tintern Abbey I fled Him down the nights and down the days; I fled Him, down the arches of the years; I fled Him, down the labyrinthine ways Of my own mind... Francis Thompson, The Hound of Heaven
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Anaphora We shall not flag or fail. We shall go on to the end. We shall fight in France, we shall fight on the seas and oceans, we shall fight with growing confidence and growing strength in the air, we shall defend our island, whatever the cost may be, we shall fight on the beaches, we shall fight on the landing grounds, we shall fight in the fields and in the streets, we shall fight in the hills. We shall never surrender. Winston Churchill Never shall I forget that night, the first night in camp, which has turned my life into one long night, seven times cursed and seven times sealed. Never shall I forget that smoke. Never shall I forget the little faces of the children, whose bodies I saw turned into wreaths of smoke beneath a silent blue sky. Never shall I forget those flames which consumed my faith forever. Never shall I forget that nocturnal silence which deprived me, for all eternity, of the desire to live. Never shall I forget those moments which murdered my God and my soul and turned my dreams to dust. Never shall I forget these things, even if I am condemned to live as long as God Himself. Never. Elie Wiesel, Night I am the farmer, bondsman to the soil. I am the worker sold to the machine. I am the Negro, servant to you all. I am the people, humble, hungry, mean- Langston Hughes, Let America be America Again Let us not wallow in the valley of despair. I say to you today, my friends, that in spite of the difficulties and frustrations of the moment, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream. I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men are created equal." I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at a table of brotherhood. I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state, sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice. I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character. I have a dream today. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. Where is the Life we have lost in living? Where is the wisdom we have lost in knowledge? Where is the knowledge we have lost in information? T.S. Eliot, Chorus from "The Rock" And pale their faces were as snow, And sullenly they wander'd; And to the skies with hollow eyes They look'd as though they ponder'd. And sometimes, from their hammock shroud, They dismal howlings made, And while the blast blew strong and loud The clear moon mrk'd the ghastly crowd, Where the green billows play'd!
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Anaphora Mary Robinson, The Haunted Beach Stephen Greenblatt et al. The Norton Anthology of English Literature, volume D, 9th edition (Norton, 2012)
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Notes References
Smyth, Herbert Weir (1920). Greek Grammar. Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press. p.673. ISBN0-674-36250-0. http://www.uky.edu/AS/Classics/rhetoric.html#4.University of Kentucky Division of Classics, "A Glossary of Rhetorical Terms with Examples." http://eltj.oxfordjournals.org/cgi/reprint/51/4/406.pdf."Key concepts in ELT [English Language Teaching]: Anaphora." ELT Journal Volume 51/4, October 1997
External links
Audio illustrations of anaphora (http://www.americanrhetoric.com/figures/anaphora.htm) Anaphora | Define Anaphora at Dictionary.com (http://dictionary.reference.com/browse/anaphora) Video example of the anaphora (http://vimeo.com/48938886)
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Metaphor
A metaphor is a figure of speech that describes a subject by asserting that it is, on some point of comparison, the same as another otherwise unrelated object. Metaphor is a type of analogy and is closely related to other rhetorical figures of speech that achieve their effects via association, comparison or resemblance including allegory, hyperbole, and simile. In simpler terms, a metaphor compares two objects or things without using the words "like" or "as". One of the most prominent examples of a metaphor in English literature is the All the world's a stage monologue from As You Like It: All the world's a stage, And all the men and women merely players; They have their exits and their entrances; William Shakespeare, As You Like It, 2/7 This quote is a metaphor because the world is not literally a stage. By figuratively asserting that the world is a stage, Shakespeare uses the points of comparison between the world and a stage to convey an understanding about the mechanics of the world and the lives of the people within it.
A political cartoon from an 1894 Puck magazine by illustrator S.D. Ehrhart, shows a farm woman labeled "Democratic Party" sheltering from a tornado of political change.
Structure
The Philosophy of Rhetoric (1936) by I. A. Richards describes a metaphor as having two parts: the tenor and the vehicle. The tenor is the subject to which attributes are ascribed. The vehicle is the object whose attributes are borrowed. In the previous example, "the world" is compared to a stage, describing it with the attributes of "the stage"; "the world" is the tenor, and "a stage" is the vehicle; "men and women" is a secondary tenor, "players" is the secondary vehicle. Other writers employ the general terms ground and figure to denote tenor and the vehicle. In cognitive linguistics, the terms target and source are used respectively.
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Etymology
The English metaphor derives from the 16th-century Old French mtaphore, which comes from the Latin metaphora, "carrying over", in turn from the Greek (metaphor), "transfer",[1] from (metapher), "to carry over", "to transfer"[2] and that from (meta), "between"[3] + (pher), "to bear", "to carry".[4]
Comparison with other types of analogy

Metaphors are most frequently compared with similes. The Colombia Encyclopedia, 6th edition, explains the difference as: a simile states that A is like B, a metaphor states that A is B or substitutes B for A. Where a metaphor asserts the two objects in the comparison are identical on the point of comparison, a simile merely asserts a similarity. For this reason a metaphor is generally considered more forceful than a simile. The metaphor category also contains these specialised types: allegory: An extended metaphor wherein a story illustrates an important attribute of the subject. catachresis: A mixed metaphor used by design and accident (a rhetorical fault). parable: An extended metaphor narrated as an anecdote illustrating and teaching such as in Aesop's fables, or Jesus' teaching method as told in the Bible. Metaphor, like other types of analogy, can usefully be distinguished from metonymy as one of two fundamental modes of thought. Metaphor and analogy both work by bringing together two concepts from different conceptual domains, whereas metonymy works by using one element from a given domain to refer to another closely related element. Thus, a metaphor creates new links between otherwise distinct conceptual domains, whereas a metonymy relies on the existing links within them.
Common types
A dead metaphor is one in which the sense of a transferred image is absent. Examples: "to grasp a concept" and "to gather what you've understood" use physical action as a metaphor for understanding. Most people do not visualize the action dead metaphors normally go unnoticed. Some people distinguish between a dead metaphor and a clich. Others use "dead metaphor" to denote both. A mixed metaphor is one that leaps from one identification to a second identification inconsistent with the first. "I smell a rat [...] but I'll nip him in the bud" Irish politician Boyle Roche. This form is often used as a parody of metaphor itself: "If we can hit that bull's-eye then the rest of the dominoes will fall like a house of cards... Checkmate." Futurama character Zapp Brannigan.[5]
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Use outside rhetoric

The term metaphor is also used for the following terms that are not a part of rhetoric: A cognitive metaphor is the association of object to an experience outside the object's environment. A conceptual metaphor is an underlying association that is systematic in both language and thought. A root metaphor is the underlying worldview that shapes an individual's understanding of a situation. A nonlinguistic metaphor is an association between two nonlinguistic realms of experience. A visual metaphor uses an image to create the link between different ideas.
A metaphorical visualization of the word anger.
Metaphors can also be implied and extended throughout pieces of literature.
Conceptual metaphor
Some theorists have suggested that metaphors are not merely stylistic, but that they are cognitively important as well. In Metaphors We Live By George Lakoff and Mark Johnson argue that metaphors are pervasive in everyday life, not just in language, but also in thought and action. A common definition of a metaphor can be described as a comparison that shows how two things that are not alike in most ways are similar in another important way. They explain how a metaphor is simply understanding and experiencing one kind of thing in terms of another. The authors call this concept a 'conduit metaphor.' By this they meant that a speaker can put ideas or objects into words or containers, and then send them along a channel, or conduit, to a listener who takes that idea or object out of the container and makes meaning of it. In other words, communication is something that ideas go into. The container is separate from the ideas themselves. Lakoff and Johnson give several examples of daily metaphors we use, such as "argument is war" and "time is money." Metaphors are widely used in context to describe personal meaning. The authors also suggest that communication can be viewed as a machine: "Communication is not what one does with the machine, but is the machine itself." (Johnson, Lakoff, 1980).[6]
Nonlinguistic metaphor
Metaphors can also map experience between two nonlinguistic realms. In The Dream Frontier, Mark Blechner describes musical metaphors, in which a piece of music can "map" to the personality and emotional life of a person.[7] Musicologist Leonard Meyer demonstrated how purely rhythmic and harmonic events can express human emotions.[8] There can also be a metaphoric mapping between other art forms and human experience. The art theorist Robert Vischer argued that when we look at a painting, we "feel ourselves into it" by imagining our body in the posture of a nonhuman or inanimate object in the painting. For example, the painting "The Solitary Tree" by Caspar David Friedrich shows a tree with contorted, barren limbs.[9][10] In looking at that painting, we imagine our limbs in a similarly contorted and barren shape, and that creates a feeling in us of strain and distress. Nonlinguistic metaphors may be the foundation of our experience of visual, musical,[11] dance,[12] and other art forms.
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In historical linguistics
In historical onomasiology or, more generally, in historical linguistics, metaphor is defined as semantic change based on similarity, i.e. a similarity in form or function between the original concept named by a word and the target concept named by this word.[13] ex. mouse: small, gray rodent small, gray, mouse-shaped computer device. Some recent linguistic theories view language as by its nature all metaphorical; or that language in essence is metaphorical.
Historical theories of metaphor

Metaphor as style in speech and writing
Viewed as an aspect of speech and writing, metaphor qualifies as style, in particular, style characterized by a type of analogy. An expression (word, phrase) that by implication suggests the likeness of one entity to another entity gives style to an item of speech or writing, whether the entities consist of objects, events, ideas, activities, attributes, or almost anything expressible in language. For example, in the first sentence of this paragraph, the word "viewed" serves as a metaphor for "thought of", implying analogy of the process of seeing and the thought process. The phrase, "viewed as an aspect of", projects the properties of seeing (vision) something from a Tombstone of a jewish woman depicted by broken candles a particular perspective onto thinking about something from a metaphor of the end of life. particular perspective, that "something" in this case referring to "metaphor" and that "perspective" in this case referring to the characteristics of speech and writing. As a characteristic of speech and writing, metaphors can serve the poetic imagination, Sylvia Plath, in her poem "Cut", to compare the blood issuing from her cut thumb to the running of a million soldiers, "redcoats, every one"; and, enabling Robert Frost, in "The Road Not Taken", to compare one's life to a journey. Viewed also as an aspect of speech, metaphor can serve as a device for persuading the listener or reader of the speaker or writer's argument or thesis, the so-called rhetorical metaphor.
Metaphor as foundational to our conceptual system

Cognitive linguists emphasize that metaphors serve to facilitate the understanding of one conceptual domain, typically an abstract one like 'life' or 'theories' or 'ideas', through expressions that relate to another, more familiar conceptual domain, typically a more concrete one like 'journey' or 'buildings' or 'food'.[14] Food for thought: we devour a book of raw facts, try to digest them, stew over them, let them simmer on the back-burner, regurgitate them in discussions, cook up explanations, hoping they do not seem half-baked. Theories as buildings: we establish a foundation for them, a framework, support them with strong arguments, buttressing them with facts, hoping they will stand. Life as journey: some of us travel hopefully, others seem to have no direction, many lose their way. A convenient short-hand way of capturing this view of metaphor is the following: CONCEPTUAL DOMAIN (A) IS CONCEPTUAL DOMAIN (B), which is what is called a conceptual metaphor. A conceptual metaphor consists of two conceptual domains, in which one domain is understood in terms of another. A conceptual domain is any coherent organization of experience. Thus, for example, we have coherently organized knowledge about journeys that we rely on in understanding life.
Metaphor Lakoff and Johnson (1980, 1999) greatly contributed to establishing the importance of conceptual metaphor as a framework for thinking in language. In recent years many scholars have investigated the original ways in which writers use novel metaphors and question the fundamental frameworks of thinking implicit in conceptual metaphors. When considering the role conceptual metaphor plays in the worldview of the community, the problem becomes twofold. From a sociological, cultural or philosophical perspective, the question becomes, to what extent ideologies maintain and impose conceptual patterns of thought by introducing, supporting, and adapting fundamental patterns of thinking metaphorically. To what extent does the ideology fashion and refashion the idea of the nation as a container with borders? How are enemies and outsiders represented? As diseases? As attackers? How are the metaphoric paths of fate, destiny, history and progress represented? As the opening of an eternal monumental moment (German fascism)? Or as the path to communism (in Russian or Czech for example)? Though cognitive scholars have made some attempts to take on board the idea that different languages have evolved radically different concepts and conceptual metaphors, they have on the whole remained tied up in the somewhat reductive concept of worldview which derives from the Sapir-Whorf hypothesis. The true source of ethnolinguistics and the thinker who contributed most to the debate on the relationship between culture, language and linguistic communities was the German philologist Wilhelm von Humboldt (17671835). Humboldt remains, however, little known in English-speaking nations. Andrew Goatly, in his 'Washing the Brain' (John Benjaminns 2007) does take on board the dual problem of conceptual metaphor as a framework implicit in the language as a system, and the way individuals and ideologies negotiate conceptual metaphors. James W. Underhill, in Creating Worldviews: ideology, metaphor & language (Edinburgh UP), considers the way individual speech adopts and reinforces certain metaphoric paradigms. This involves a critique of both communist and fascist discourse. But Underhill's studies are situated in Czech and German, which allows him to demonstrate the ways individuals are both thinking 'within', and resisting the modes by which ideologies seek to appropriate key concepts such as 'the people', 'the state', 'history' and 'struggle'. Though metaphors can be considered to be 'in' language, Underhill's chapter on French, English and ethnolinguistics demonstrates that we cannot conceive of language or languages in anything other than metaphoric terms. French is a treasure, for example. English is a 'tool' for liberating minorities engaging in debate in the global world. Underhill continues his investigation of the relationship between worldview and language in 'Ethnolinguistics and Cultural Concepts: truth, love, hate & war' (Cambridge UP 2012).
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Notes
[1] (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 04. 0057:entry=#67015), Henry George Liddell, Robert Scott, A Greek-English Lexicon, on Perseus [2] (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 04. 0057:entry=#67010), Henry George Liddell, Robert Scott, A Greek-English Lexicon, on Perseus [3] (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 04. 0057:entry=#66573), Henry George Liddell, Robert Scott, A Greek-English Lexicon, on Perseus [4] (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 04. 0057:entry=#110599), Henry George Liddell, Robert Scott, A Greek-English Lexicon, on Perseus [5] http:/ / www. imdb. com/ character/ ch0013045/ quotes [6] Lakoff, G. & Johnson, M. Metaphors We Live By (IL: University of Chicago Press, 1980), Chapters 13. (pp. 313). [7] Blechner, M. (2001) The Dream Frontier, NJ: The Analytic Press, p. 28 [8] Meyer, L. (1956) Emotion and Meaning in Music. Chicago: University of Chicago Press [9] Blechner, M. (1988) Differentiating empathy from therapeutic action. Contemporary Psychoanalysis, 24:301-310. [10] Vischer, R. (1873) ber das optische Formgefhl: Ein Beitrag zur Aesthetik. Leipzig: Hermann Credner. For an English translation of selections, see Wind, E. (1963) Art and Anarchy. London: Faber and Faber. [11] Johnson, M. & Larson, S. (2003) "Something in the way she moves" -- Metaphors of musical motion. Metaphor and Symbol, 18:63-84 [12] Whittock, T. (1992) The role of metaphor in dance. British Journal of Aesthetics, 32:242-249. [13] Cf. Joachim Grzega (2004), Bezeichnungswandel: Wie, Warum, Wozu? Ein Beitrag zur englischen und allgemeinen Onomasiologie, Heidelberg: Winter, and Blank, Andreas (1997), Prinzipien des lexikalischen Bedeutungswandels am Beispiel der romanischen Sprachen, Tbingen: Niemeyer.
Metaphor
[14] Zoltn Kvecses. (2002) Metaphor: a practical introduction. Oxford University Press US. ISBN 978-0-19-514511-3.
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References
This article incorporates material from the Citizendium article "Metaphor", which is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 3.0 Unported License but not under the GFDL. Stefano Arduini (2007). (ed.) Metaphors, Roma, Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura. Aristotle. Poetics. Trans. I. Bywater. In The Complete Works of Aristotle: The Revised Oxford Translation. (1984). 2 Vols. Ed. Jonathan Barnes. Princeton, Princeton University Press. I. A. Richards. (1936). The Philosophy of Rhetoric. Oxford, Oxford University Press. Max Black (1954). Metaphor, Proceedings of the Aristotelian Society, 55, pp.273294. Max Black (1962). Models and metaphors: Studies in language and philosophy, Ithaca: Cornell University Press. Max Black (1979). More about Metaphor, in A. Ortony (ed) Metaphor & Thought. Clive Cazeaux (2007). Metaphor and Continental Philosophy: From Kant to Derrida. New York: Routledge. L. J. Cohen (1979). The Semantics of Metaphor, in A. Ortony (ed), Metaphor & Thought Donald Davidson. (1978). "What Metaphors Mean." Reprinted in Inquiries Into Truth and Interpretation. (1984), Oxford, Oxford University Press. Jacques Derrida (1982). "White Mythology: Metaphor in the Text of Philosophy." In Margins of Philosophy. Trans. Alan Bass. Chicago, University of Chicago Press. David Punter (2007). Metaphor, London, Routledge. Paul Ricoeur (1975). The Rule of Metaphor: Multi-Disciplinary Studies in the Creation of Meaning in Language, trans. Robert Czerny with Kathleen McLaughlin and John Costello, S. J., London: Routledge and Kegan Paul 1978. (Toronto: University of Toronto Press 1977) John Searle (1979). "Metaphor," in A. Ortony (ed) Metaphor & Thought Lakoff, G. & Johnson, M. Metaphors We Live By (IL: University of Chicago Press, 1980), Chapters 13. (pp.313). Underhill, James W., Creating Worldviews: Metaphor, Ideology & Language, Ediburgh UP, 2011. Fass, Dan (1988). "Metonymy and metaphor: what's the difference?". Proceedings of the 12th conference on Computational linguistics 1. pp.17781. doi: 10.3115/991635.991671 (http://dx.doi.org/10.3115/991635. 991671). ISBN963-8431-56-3. Ren Dirvens & Ralf Prings, ed. (2002). Metaphor and Metonymy in Contrast. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter Lakoff, George (1980). Metaphors We Live By. Chicago, IL: The University of Chicago Press. ISBN0-226-46801-1. Low, Graham. "An Essay is a Person". In Cameron, Lynne; Low, Graham. Researching and Applying Metaphor. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. pp.22148. ISBN978-0-521-64964-3. Jakobson, Roman (1995 (originally published in 1956)). "Two Aspects of Language and Two Types of Disturbances". In Linda Waugh and Monique Monville-Burston. On Language. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. ISBN0-674-63536-1 Metonymy as a cross-lingual phenomenon [Peters 2003] () Peters, Wim (2003). "Metonymy as a cross-lingual phenomenon". Proceedings of the ACL 2003 workshop on Lexicon and figurative language 14. pp.19. doi: 10.3115/1118975.1118976 (http://dx.doi.org/10.3115/ 1118975.1118976).
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External links
History of metaphor (http://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/b00w227c) on In Our Time at the BBC. ( listen now (http://www.bbc.co.uk/iplayer/console/b00w227c/In_Our_Time_History_of_metaphor)) A short history of metaphor (http://web.archive.org/web/20070101145805/http://tscp.open.ac.uk/t185/ html/resources/r2history.htm) Audio illustrations of metaphor as figure of speech (http://www.americanrhetoric.com/figures/metaphor.htm) Top Ten Metaphors of 2008 (http://www.metaphorobservatory.com/2009/07/top-ten-metaphors-of-2008/) Shakespeare's Metaphors (http://shakespeare-online.com/biography/metaphorlist.html) Metaphor Examples (categorized) (http://knowgramming.com/metaphors/metaphor_chapters/examples.htm) List of ancient Greek words starting with - (http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/ resolveform?type=start&lookup=meta&lang=greek), on Perseus
Analogy
Analogy (from Greek , analogia, "proportion"[1][2]) is a cognitive process of transferring information or meaning from a particular subject (the analogue or source) to another particular subject (the target), or a linguistic expression corresponding to such a process. In a narrower sense, analogy is an inference or an argument from one particular to another particular, as opposed to deduction, induction, and abduction, where at least one of the premises or the conclusion is general. The word analogy can also refer to the relation between the source and the target themselves, which is often, though not necessarily, a similarity, as in the biological notion of analogy. Analogy plays a significant role in problem solving such as, decision making, perception, memory, creativity, emotion, explanation and communication. It lies behind basic tasks such as the identification of places, objects and people, for example, in face perception and facial recognition systems. It has been argued that analogy is "the core of cognition".[3] Specific analogical language comprises exemplification, comparisons, metaphors, similes, allegories, and parables, but not metonymy. Phrases like and so on, and the like, as if, and the very word like also rely on an analogical understanding by the receiver of a message including them. Analogy is important not only in ordinary language and common sense (where proverbs and idioms give many examples Niels Bohr's model of the atom made an analogy of its application) but also in science, philosophy and the between the atom and the solar system. humanities. The concepts of association, comparison, correspondence, mathematical and morphological homology, homomorphism, iconicity, isomorphism, metaphor, resemblance, and similarity are closely related to analogy. In cognitive linguistics, the notion of conceptual metaphor may be equivalent to that of analogy. Analogy has been studied and discussed since classical antiquity by philosophers, scientists and lawyers. The last few decades have shown a renewed interest in analogy, most notably in cognitive science.
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Usage of the terms "source" and "target"

With respect to the terms source and target there are two distinct traditions of usage: The logical and cultures and economics tradition speaks of an arrow, homomorphism, mapping, or morphism from what is typically the more complex domain or source to what is typically the less complex codomain or target, using all of these words in the sense of mathematical category theory. The tradition that appearsWikipedia:No original research more common in cognitive psychology, in literary theory, and in specializations within philosophy outside of logic, speaks of a mapping from what is typically the more familiar area of experience, the source, to what is typically the more problematic area of experience, the target.
Models and theories

Identity of relation
In ancient Greek the word (analogia) originally meant proportionality, in the mathematical sense, and it was indeed sometimes translated to Latin as proportio. From there analogy was understood as identity of relation between any two ordered pairs, whether of mathematical nature or not. Kant's Critique of Judgment held to this notion. Kant argued that there can be exactly the same relation between two completely different objects. The same notion of analogy was used in the US-based SAT tests, that included "analogy questions" in the form "A is to B as C is to what?" For example, "Hand is to palm as foot is to ____?" These questions were usually given in the Aristotelian format: HAND : PALM : : FOOT : ____ While most competent English speakers will immediately give the right answer to the analogy question (sole), it is more difficult to identify and describe the exact relation that holds both between hand and palm, and between foot and sole[citation needed]Wikipedia:No original research. This relation is not apparent in some lexical definitions of palm and sole, where the former is defined as the inner surface of the hand, and the latter as the underside of the foot. Analogy and abstraction are different cognitive processes, and analogy is often an easier one. It's important to note that the above analogy is not comparing all the properties between a hand and a foot, but rather comparing the relationship between a hand and its palm to a foot and its sole.[4] While a hand and a foot have many dissimilarities, the analogy is focusing on their similarity in having an inner surface. Recently a computer algorithm has achieved human-level performance on multiple-choice analogy questions from the SAT test.[5] The algorithm measures the similarity of relations between pairs of words (e.g., the similarity between the pairs HAND:PALM and FOOT:SOLE) by statistical analysis of a large collection of text. It answers SAT questions by selecting the choice with the highest relational similarity.
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Shared abstraction
Greek philosophers such as Plato and Aristotle actually used a wider notion of analogy. They saw analogy as a shared abstraction.[6] Analogous objects did not share necessarily a relation, but also an idea, a pattern, a regularity, an attribute, an effect or a philosophy. These authors also accepted that comparisons, metaphors and "images" (allegories) could be used as arguments, and sometimes they called them analogies. Analogies should also make those abstractions easier to understand and give confidence to the ones using them.
The Middle Age saw an increased use and theorization of analogy. Roman lawyers had already used analogical reasoning and the Greek word analogia. Medieval lawyers distinguished analogia legis and analogia iuris (see below). In Islamic logic, analogical reasoning was used for the process of qiyas in Islamic sharia law and fight jurisprudence. In Christian theology, analogical arguments were accepted in order to explain the attributes of God. Aquinas made a distinction between equivocal, univocal and analogical terms, the last being those like healthy that have different but related meanings. Not only a person can be "healthy", but also the food that is good for health (see the contemporary distinction between polysemy and homonymy). Thomas Cajetan wrote an influential treatise on analogy. In all of these cases, the wide Platonic and Aristotelian notion of analogy was preserved. James Francis Ross in Portraying Analogy (1982), the first substantive examination of the topic since Cajetan's De Nominum Analogia, demonstrated that analogy is a systematic and universal feature of natural languages, with identifiable and law-like characteristics which explain how the meanings of words in a sentence are interdependent.
In several culturesWikipedia:Avoid weasel words, the sun is the source of an analogy to God.
Special case of induction

On the contrary, Ibn Taymiyya,[7] Francis Bacon and later John Stuart Mill argued that analogy is simply a special case of induction. In their view analogy is an inductive inference from common known attributes to another probable common attribute, which is known only about the source of the analogy, in the following form: Premises a is C, D, E, F, G b is C, D, E, F Conclusion b is probably G. This view does not accept analogy as an autonomous mode of thought or inference, reducing it to induction. However, autonomous analogical arguments are still useful in science, philosophy and the humanities (see below), which makes this reduction philosophically uninteresting. Moreover, induction tries to achieve general conclusions, while analogy looks for particular ones.
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Hidden deduction
The opposite move could also be tried, reducing analogy to deduction. It is argued that every analogical argument is partially superfluous and can be rendered as a deduction stating as a premise a (previously hidden) universal proposition which applied both to the source and the target. In this view, instead of an argument with the form: Premises a is analogous to b. b is F. Conclusion a is plausibly F. We should have: Hidden universal premise all Gs are plausibly Fs. Hidden singular premise a is G. Conclusion a is plausibly F. This would mean that premises referring the source and the analogical relation are themselves superfluous. However, it is not always possible to find a plausibly true universal premise to replace the analogical premises.[8] And analogy is not only an argument, but also a distinct cognitive process.
Shared structure
Contemporary cognitive scientists use a wide notion of analogy, extensionally close to that of Plato and Aristotle, but framed by Gentner's (1983) structure mapping theory.[9] The same idea of mapping between source and target is used by conceptual metaphor and conceptual blending theorists. Structure mapping theory concerns both psychology and computer science. According to this view, analogy According to Shelley (2003), the study of the coelacanth drew heavily on analogies depends on the mapping or alignment of the from other fish. elements of source and target. The mapping takes place not only between objects, but also between relations of objects and between relations of relations. The whole mapping yields the assignment of a predicate or a relation to the target. Structure mapping theory has been applied and has found considerable confirmation in psychology. It has had reasonable success in computer science and artificial intelligence (see below). Some studies extended the approach to specific subjects, such as metaphor and similarity.[10] Keith Holyoak and Paul Thagard (1997) developed their multiconstraint theory within structure mapping theory. They defend that the "coherence" of an analogy depends on structural consistency, semantic similarity and purpose. Structural consistency is maximal when the analogy is an isomorphism, although lower levels are admitted. Similarity demands that the mapping connects similar elements and relations of source and target, at any level of abstraction. It is maximal when there are identical relations and when connected elements have many identical
Analogy attributes. An analogy achieves its purpose insofar as it helps solve the problem at hand. The multiconstraint theory faces some difficulties when there are multiple sources, but these can be overcome. Hummel and Holyoak (2005) recast the multiconstraint theory within a neural network architecture. A problem for the multiconstraint theory arises from its concept of similarity, which, in this respect, is not obviously different from analogy itself. Computer applications demand that there are some identical attributes or relations at some level of abstraction. The model was extended (Doumas, Hummel, & Sandhofer, 2008) to learn relations from unstructured examples (providing the only current account of how symbolic representations can be learned from examples). Mark Keane and Brayshaw (1988) developed their Incremental Analogy Machine (IAM) to include working memory constraints as well as structural, semantic and pragmatic constraints, so that a subset of the base analog is selected and mapping from base to target occurs in a serial manner.[11] Empirical evidence shows that human analogical mapping performance is influenced by information presentation order.
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High-level perception
Douglas Hofstadter and his team[12] challenged the shared structure theory and mostly its applications in computer science. They argue that there is no line between perception, including high-level perception, and analogical thought. In fact, analogy occurs not only after, but also before and at the same time as high-level perception. In high-level perception, humans make representations by selecting relevant information from low-level stimuli. Perception is necessary for analogy, but analogy is also necessary for high-level perception. Chalmers et al. conclude that analogy is high-level perception. Forbus et al. (1998) claim that this is only a metaphor. It has been argued (Morrison and Dietrich 1995) that Hofstadter's and Gentner's groups do not defend opposite views, but are instead dealing with different aspects of analogy.
Analogy and Complexity

Antoine Cornujols[13] has presented analogy as a principle of economy and computational complexity. Reasoning by analogy is a process of, from a given pair (x,f(x)), extrapolating the function f. In the standard modeling, analogical reasoning involves two "objects": the source and the target. The target is supposed to be incomplete and in need for a complete description using the source. The target has an existing part St and a missing part Rt. We assume that we can isolate a situation of the source Ss, which corresponds to a situation of target St, and the result of the source Rs, which correspond to the result of the target Rt. With Bs, the relation between Ss and Rs, we want Bt, the relation between St and Rt. If the source and target are completely known: Using Kolmogorov complexity K(x), defined as the size of the smallest description of x and Solomonoff's approach to induction, Rissanen (89),[14] Wallace & Boulton (68) proposed the principle of Minimum description length. This principle leads to minimize the complexity K(target| Source) of producing the target from the source. This is unattractive in Artificial Intelligence, as it requires a computation over abstract Turing machines. Suppose that Ms and Mt are local theories of the source and the target, available to the observer. The best analogy between a source case a and target case is the analogy that minimizes: K(Ms) + K(Ss|Ms) + K(Bs|Ms) + K(Mt|Ms) + K(St|Mt) + K(Bt|Mt) (1). If the target is completely unknown: All models and descriptions Ms, Mt, Bs, Ss, and St leading to the minimization of: K(Ms) + K(Ss|Ms) + K(Bs|Ms) + K(Mt|Ms) + K(St|Mt) (2) are also those who allow to obtain the relationship Bt, and thus the most satisfactory Rt for formula (1). The analogical hypothesis, which solves an analogy between a source case and a target case, has two parts:
Analogy Analogy, like induction, is a principle of economy. The best analogy between two cases is the one which minimizes the amount of information necessary for the derivation of the source from the target (1). Its most fundamental measure is the computational complexity theory. When solving or completing a target case with a source case, the parameters which minimize (2) are postulated to minimize (1), and thus, produce the best response. However, a cognitive agent may simply reduce the amount of information necessary for the interpretation of the source and the target, without taking into account the cost of data replication. So, it may prefer to the minimization of (2) the minimization of the following simplified formula: K(Ms) + K(Bs|Ms) + K(Mt|Ms)
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Applications and types

In language
Logic Logicians analyze how analogical reasoning is used in arguments from analogy. Rhetoric An analogy can be a spoken or textual comparison between two words (or sets of words) to highlight some form of semantic similarity between them. Such analogies can be used to strengthen political and philosophical arguments, even when the semantic similarity is weak or non-existent (if crafted carefully for the audience). Analogies are sometimes used to persuade those that cannot detect the flawed or non-existent arguments. Linguistics An analogy can be the linguistic process that reduces word forms perceived as irregular by remaking them in the shape of more common forms that are governed by rules. For example, the English verb help once had the preterite holp and the past participle holpen. These obsolete forms have been discarded and replaced by helped by the power of analogy (or by widened application of the productive Verb-ed rule.) This is called leveling. However, irregular forms can sometimes be created by analogy; one example is the American English past tense form of dive: dove, formed on analogy with words such as drive: drove. Neologisms can also be formed by analogy with existing words. A good example is software, formed by analogy with hardware; other analogous neologisms such as firmware and vaporware have followed. Another example is the humorous[citation needed] term underwhelm, formed by analogy with overwhelm. Analogy is often presented as an alternative mechanism to generative rules for explaining productive formation of structures such as words. Others argue that in fact they are the same mechanism, that rules are analogies that have become entrenched as standard parts of the linguistic system, whereas clearer cases of analogy have simply not (yet) done so (e.g. Langacker 1987.445447). This view has obvious resonances with the current views of analogy in cognitive science which are discussed above.
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In science
Analogues are often used in theoretical and applied sciences in the form of models or simulations which can be considered as strong analogies. Other much weaker analogies assist in understanding and describing functional behaviours of similar systems. For instance, an analogy commonly used in electronics textbooks compares electrical circuits to hydraulics. Another example is the analog ear based on electrical, electronic or mechanical devices. Mathematics Some types of analogies can have a precise mathematical formulation through the concept of isomorphism. In detail, this means that given two mathematical structures of the same type, an analogy between them can be thought of as a bijection between them which preserves some or all of the relevant structure. For example, and are isomorphic as vector spaces, but the complex numbers, as a vector space. Category theory takes the idea of mathematical analogy much further with the concept of functors. Given two categories C and D, a functor F from C to D can be thought of as an analogy between C and D, because F has to map objects of C to objects of D and arrows of C to arrows of D in such a way that the compositional structure of the two categories is preserved. This is similar to the structure mapping theory of analogy of Dedre Gentner, in that it formalizes the idea of analogy as a function which satisfies certain conditions. Artificial intelligence Steven Phillips1 and William H. Wilson [15][16] uses category theory to mathematically demonstrate how the analogical reasoning in the human mind, that is free of the spurious inferences that plague conventional artificial intelligence models, (called systematicity), could arise naturally from the use of relationships between the internal arrows that keep the internal structures of the categories rather than the mere relationships between the objects. (called "representational states"). Thus, the mind may use analogies between domains whose internal structures fit according with a natural transformation and reject those that do not. see also Structure mapping engine. See also case-based reasoning. Anatomy In anatomy, two anatomical structures are considered to be analogous when they serve similar functions but are not evolutionarily related, such as the legs of vertebrates and the legs of insects. Analogous structures are the result of convergent evolution and should be contrasted with homologous structures. Engineering Often a physical prototype is built to model and represent some other physical object. For example, wind tunnels are used to test scale models of wings and aircraft, which act as an analog to full-size wings and aircraft. For example, the MONIAC (an analog computer) used the flow of water in its pipes as an analog to the flow of money in an economy. , have more structure than does: is a field as well
Analogy Cybernetics Where there is dependence and hence interaction between a pair or more of biological or physical participants communication occurs and the stresses produced describe internal models inside the participants. Pask in his Conversation Theory asserts there exists an analogy exhibiting both similarities and differences between any pair of the participants' internal models or concepts.
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In normative matters
Morality Analogical reasoning plays a very important part in morality. This may be in part because morality is supposed to be impartial and fair. If it is wrong to do something in a situation A, and situation B is analogous to A in all relevant features, then it is also wrong to perform that action in situation B. Moral particularism accepts analogical moral reasoning, rejecting both deduction and induction, since only the former can do without moral principles. Law In law, analogy is used to resolve issues on which there is no previous authority. A distinction has to be made between analogous reasoning from written law and analogy to precedent case law. Analogies from codes and statutes In civil law systems, where the preeminent source of law is legal codes and statutes, a lacuna (a gap) arises when a specific issue is not explicitly dealt with in written law. Judges will try to identify a provision whose purpose applies to the case at hand. That process can reach a high degree of sophistication, as judges sometimes not only look at a specific provision to fill lacunae (gaps), but at several provisions (from which an underlying purpose can be inferred) or at general principles of the law to identify the legislator's value judgement from which the analogy is drawn. Besides the not very frequent filling of lacunae, analogy is very commonly used between different provisions in order to achieve substantial coherence. Analogy from previous judicial decisions is also common, although these decisions are not binding authorities. Analogies from precedent case law By contrast, in common law systems, where precedent cases are the primary source of law, analogies to codes and statutes are rare (since those are not seen as a coherent system, but as incursions into the common law). Analogies are thus usually drawn from precedent cases: The judge finds that the facts of another case are similar to the one at hand to an extent that the analogous application of the rule established in the previous case is justified. In gender science In the 19th century, there was increased attention to differences in gender.[citation needed] Scientists started to use an analogy between race and gender to explain gender differences. In gender, the female represents a lower race than the male. Researchers record the data of women's bodies for analysis. Nancy Leys Stepan believes that the analogy is so crucial in science that it shapes and influences scientific study. In her article "Race and Gender: The Role of Analogy in Science", she states "The analogy guided research, generated new hypotheses, and helped disseminate new, usually technical vocabularies. The analogy defined what was problematic about these social groups, what aspects of them needed further investigation, and which kinds of measurements and what data would be significant for scientific inquiry."
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In teaching strategies
Teaching the process of thinking by analogy is one of the main themes of The Private Eye Project. There are also various pedagogic innovations now emerging that use visual analogies for cross-disciplinary teaching and research, for instance between science and the humanities.
References
Cajetan, Tommaso De Vio, (1498), De Nominum Analogia, P.N. Zammit (ed.), 1934, The Analogy of Names, Koren, Henry J. and Bushinski, Edward A (trans.), 1953, Pittsburgh: Duquesne University Press. Chalmers, D.J. et al. (1991). Chalmers, D.J., French, R.M., Hofstadter, D., High-Level Perception, Representation, and Analogy [17]. Coelho, Ivo (2010). "Analogy." ACPI Encyclopedia of Philosophy. Ed. Johnson J. Puthenpurackal. Bangalore: ATC. 1:64-68. Cornujols, A. (1996). Analogie, principe dconomie et complexit algorithmique [18]. In Actes des 11mes Journes Franaises de lApprentissage. Ste. Doumas, L. A. A., Hummel, J.E., and Sandhofer, C. (2008). A Theory of the Discovery and Predication of Relational Concepts. [19] Psychological Review, 115, 1-43. Gentner, D. (1983). Structure-mapping: A theoretical framework for analogy. [20] Cognitive Science, 7, 155170. (Reprinted in A. Collins & E. E. Smith (Eds.), Readings in cognitive science: A perspective from psychology and artificial intelligence. Palo Alto, CA: Kaufmann). Forbus, K. et al. (1998). Analogy just looks like high-level perception [21]. Gentner, D., Holyoak, K.J., Kokinov, B. (Eds.) (2001). The Analogical Mind: Perspectives from Cognitive Science. [22] Cambridge, MA, MIT Press, ISBN 0-262-57139-0 Hofstadter, D. (2001). Analogy as the Core of Cognition [23], in Dedre Gentner, Keith Holyoak, and Boicho Kokinov (eds.) The Analogical Mind: Perspectives from Cognitive Science, Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press/Bradford Book, 2001, pp.499538. Holland, J.H., Holyoak, K.J., Nisbett, R.E., and Thagard, P. (1986). Induction: Processes of Inference, Learning, and Discovery [24]. Cambridge, MA, MIT Press, ISBN 0-262-58096-9. Holyoak, K.J., and Thagard, P. (1995). Mental Leaps: Analogy in Creative Thought [25]. Cambridge, MA, MIT Press, ISBN 0-262-58144-2. Holyoak, K.J., and Thagard, P. (1997). The Analogical Mind [26]. Hummel, J.E., and Holyoak, K.J. (2005). Relational Reasoning in a Neurally Plausible Cognitive Architecture [27] Itkonen, E. (2005). Analogy as Structure and Process. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company. Juthe, A. (2005). "Argument by Analogy" [28], in Argumentation (2005) 19: 127. Keane, M.T. Ledgeway; Duff, S (1994). "Constraints on analogical mapping: a comparison of three models". Cognitive Science 18: 287334. Keane, M.T. (1997). "What makes an analogy difficult? The effects of order and causal structure in analogical mapping". Journal of Experimental Psychology: Learning, Memory and Cognition 123: 946967. Kokinov, B. (1994). "A hybrid model of reasoning by analogy." [29] Kokinov, B. and Petrov, A. (2001). "Integration of Memory and Reasoning in Analogy-Making." [30] Lamond, G. (2006). Precedent and Analogy in Legal Reasoning [31], in Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy. Langacker, Ronald W. (1987). Foundations of Cognitive grammar. Vol. I, Theoretical prerequisites. Stanford: Stanford University Press. Little, J. (2000). Analogy in Science: Where Do We Go From Here? Rhetoric Society Quarterly, 30, 6992. Little, J. (2008). The Role of Analogy in George Gamow's Derivation of Drop Energy. Technical Communication Quarterly, 17, 119.
Analogy Morrison, C., and Dietrich, E. (1995). Structure-Mapping vs. High-level Perception [32]. Ross, J.F., (1982), Portraying Analogy. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Ross, J.F. (October 1970). "Analogy and The Resolution of Some Cognitivity Problems". The Journal of Philosophy 67 (20): 725746. doi:10.2307/2024008 [33]. JSTOR2024008 [34]. Ross, J.F. (September 1961). "Analogy as a Rule of Meaning for Religious Language". International Philosophical Quarterly 1 (3): 468502. Ross, J.F., (1958), A Critical Analysis of the Theory of Analogy of St Thomas Aquinas, (Ann Arbor, MI: University Microfilms Inc). Shelley, C. (2003). Multiple analogies in Science and Philosophy. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company. Turney, P.D., and Littman, M.L. (2005). Corpus-based learning of analogies and semantic relations [35]. Machine Learning, 60 (13), 251278. Turney, P.D. (2006). Similarity of semantic relations [36]. Computational Linguistics, 32 (3), 379416. Cornujols, A. (1996). Analogy, principle of economy and computational complexity [18].
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Notes
[1] (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 04. 0057:entry=a)nalogi/ a), Henry George Liddell, Robert Scott, A Greek-English Lexicon, on Perseus Digital Library [2] analogy (http:/ / www. etymonline. com/ index. php?term=analogy), Online Etymology Dictionary [3] Hofstadter in Gentner et al. 2001. [4] (http:/ / www. amstat. org/ publications/ jse/ v11n2/ martin. html), Michael A. Martin, The Use of Analogies and Heuristics in Teaching Introductory Statistical Methods [5] Turney 2006 [6] Shelley 2003 [7] , pp. 1636 [8] See Juthe 2005 [9] See Dedre Gentner et al. 2001 [10] See Gentner et al. 2001 and Gentner's publication page (http:/ / groups. psych. northwestern. edu/ gentner/ publications2. htm). [11] Keane, M.T. and Brayshaw, M. (1988). The Incremental Analogical Machine: a computational model of analogy. In D. Sleeman (Ed). European working session on learning. (pp.5362). London: Pitman. [12] See Chalmers et al. 1991 [13] Cornujols, A. (1996). Analogie, principe dconomie et complexit algorithmique (http:/ / www. lri. fr/ ~antoine/ Papers/ JFA96-final-osX. pdf). In Actes des 11mes Journes Franaises de lApprentissage. Ste. [14] Rissanen J. (1989) : Stochastical Complexity and Statistical Inquiry. World Scientific Publishing Company, 1989. [15] http:/ / www. ploscompbiol. org/ article/ info:doi/ 10. 1371/ journal. pcbi. 1000858 [16] http:/ / www. ploscompbiol. org/ article/ info%3Adoi%2F10. 1371%2Fjournal. pcbi. 1002102 [17] http:/ / consc. net/ papers/ highlevel. pdf [18] http:/ / www. lri. fr/ ~antoine/ Papers/ JFA96-final-osX. pdf [19] http:/ / internal. psychology. illinois. edu/ ~jehummel/ pubs/ DORA_PR_2008. pdf [20] http:/ / groups. psych. northwestern. edu/ gentner/ papers/ Gentner83. pdf [21] http:/ / www. psych. northwestern. edu/ psych/ people/ faculty/ gentner/ newpdfpapers/ ForbusGentner98. pdf [22] http:/ / cognet. mit. edu/ library/ books/ view?isbn=0262571390 [23] http:/ / prelectur. stanford. edu/ lecturers/ hofstadter/ analogy. html [24] http:/ / cognet. mit. edu/ library/ books/ view?isbn=0262580969 [25] http:/ / cognet. mit. edu/ library/ books/ view?isbn=0262581442 [26] http:/ / cogsci. uwaterloo. ca/ Articles/ Pages/ Analog. Mind. html [27] http:/ / reasoninglab. psych. ucla. edu/ KH%20pdfs/ hummel& holyoak_cdips_2005. pdf [28] http:/ / www. cs. hut. fi/ Opinnot/ T-93. 850/ 2005/ Papers/ juthe2005-analogy. pdf [29] http:/ / nbu. bg/ cogs/ personal/ kokinov/ ambr94. pdf [30] http:/ / nbu. bg/ cogs/ personal/ kokinov/ Analogy& Memory(2002). pdf [31] http:/ / plato. stanford. edu/ entries/ legal-reas-prec/ [32] [33] [34] [35] http:/ / eksl. cs. umass. edu/ ~clayton/ publications/ CogSci95/ SM-v-HLP. pdf http:/ / dx. doi. org/ 10. 2307%2F2024008 http:/ / www. jstor. org/ stable/ 2024008 http:/ / arxiv. org/ abs/ cs. LG/ 0508103
Analogy
[36] http:/ / arxiv. org/ abs/ cs. CL/ 0608100
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Category
Information science
General aspects

Information access Information architecture Information management Information retrieval Information seeking Information society Knowledge organization Ontology Philosophy of information Science, technology and society
Related fields and sub-fields

Bibliometrics Categorization Censorship Classification Computer data storage Cultural studies Data modeling Informatics Information technology Intellectual freedom Intellectual property Memory Library and information science Preservation Privacy Information science portal
Categorization is the process in which ideas and objects are recognized, differentiated, and understood.[1] Categorization implies that objects are grouped into categories, usually for some specific purpose. Ideally, a category illuminates a relationship between the subjects and objects of knowledge. Categorization is fundamental in language, prediction, inference, decision making and in all kinds of environmental interaction. It is indicated that categorization plays a major role in computer programming.[2] There are many categorization theories and techniques. In a broader historical view, however, three general approaches to categorization may be identified: Classical categorization Conceptual clustering Prototype theory
The classical view

Classical categorization first appears in the context of Western Philosophy in the work of Plato, who, in his Statesman dialogue, introduces the approach of grouping objects based on their similar properties. This approach was further explored and systematized by Aristotle in his Categories treatise, where he analyzes the differences between classes and objects. Aristotle also applied intensively the classical categorization scheme in his approach to the classification of living beings (which uses the technique of applying successive narrowing questions such as "Is it an animal or vegetable?", "How many feet does it have?", "Does it have fur or feathers?", "Can it fly?"...), establishing this way the basis for natural taxonomy.
Category The classical Aristotelian view claims that categories are discrete entities characterized by a set of properties which are shared by their members. In analytic philosophy, these properties are assumed to establish the conditions which are both necessary and sufficient conditions to capture meaning. According to the classical view, categories should be clearly defined, mutually exclusive and collectively exhaustive. This way, any entity of the given classification universe belongs unequivocally to one, and only one, of the proposed categories.
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Conceptual clustering
Conceptual clustering is a modern variation of the classical approach, and derives from attempts to explain how knowledge is represented. In this approach, classes (clusters or entities) are generated by first formulating their conceptual descriptions and then classifying the entities according to the descriptions. Conceptual clustering developed mainly during the 1980s, as a machine paradigm for unsupervised learning. It is distinguished from ordinary data clustering by generating a concept description for each generated category. Categorization tasks in which category labels are provided to the learner for certain objects are referred to as supervised classification, supervised learning, or concept learning. Categorization tasks in which no labels are supplied are referred to as unsupervised classification, unsupervised learning, or data clustering. The task of supervised classification involves extracting information from the labeled examples that allows accurate prediction of class labels of future examples. This may involve the abstraction of a rule or concept relating observed object features to category labels, or it may not involve abstraction (e.g., exemplar models). The task of clustering involves recognizing inherent structure in a data set and grouping objects together by similarity into classes. It is thus a process of generating a classification structure. Conceptual clustering is closely related to fuzzy set theory, in which objects may belong to one or more groups, in varying degrees of fitness.
Prototype Theory
Since the research by Eleanor Rosch and George Lakoff in the 1970s, categorization can also be viewed as the process of grouping things based on prototypes - the idea of necessary and sufficient conditions is almost never met in categories of naturally occurring things. It has also been suggested that categorization based on prototypes is the basis for human development, and that this learning relies on learning about the world via embodiment. A cognitive approach accepts that natural categories are graded (they tend to be fuzzy at their boundaries) and inconsistent in the status of their constituent members. Systems of categories are not objectively "out there" in the world but are rooted in people's experience. Conceptual categories are not identical for different cultures, or indeed, for every individual in the same culture. Categories form part of a hierarchical structure when applied to such subjects as taxonomy in biological classification: higher level: life-form level, middle level: generic or genus level, and lower level: the species level. These can be distinguished by certain traits that put an item in its distinctive category. But even these can be arbitrary and are subject to revision. Categories at the middle level are perceptually and conceptually the more salient. The generic level of a category tends to elicit the most responses and richest images and seems to be the psychologically basic level. Typical taxonomies in zoology for example exhibit categorization at the embodied level, with similarities leading to formulation of "higher" categories, and differences leading to differentiation within categories.
Category
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Miscategorisation
Miscategorization can be a logical fallacy in which diverse and dissimilar objects, concepts, entities, etc. are grouped together based upon illogical common denominators, or common denominators that virtually any concept, object or entity have in common. A common way miscategorization occurs is through an over-categorization of concepts, objects or entities, and then miscategorization based upon over-similar variables that virtually all things have in common.
References
[1] Cohen, H., & Lefebvre, C. (Eds.). (2005). Handbook of Categorization in Cognitive Science (http:/ / books. google. com/ books/ about/ Handbook_of_categorization_in_cognitive. html?id=5WDfl14RgKMC). Elsevier. [2] Frey, T., Gelhausen, M., & Saake (2011). Categorization of Concerns A Categorical Program Comprehension Model. In Proceedings of the Workshop on Evaluation and Usability of Programming Languages and Tools (PLATEAU) at the ACM Onward! and SPLASH Conferences. October, 2011. Portland, Oregon, USA (http:/ / ecs. victoria. ac. nz/ twiki/ pub/ Events/ PLATEAU/ Program/ plateau2011-frey. pdf).
External links
To Cognize is to Categorize: Cognition is Categorization (http://eprints.ecs.soton.ac.uk/11725/) Categories and Induction (http://www.javedabsar.com/public/pmwiki.php?n=Main.CognitivePsychology) Wikipedia Categories Visualizer Interdisciplinary Introduction to Categorization: Interview with Dvora Yanov (political sciences), Amie Thomasson (philosophy) and Thomas Serre (artificial intelligence) (http://www.revue-emulations.net/archives/ n8/categentretien)
Family resemblance
Wittgenstein (second from right), summer 1920.
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Family resemblance (German: Familienhnlichkeit) is a philosophical idea made popular by Ludwig Wittgenstein, with the best known exposition being given in the posthumously published book Philosophical Investigations (1953) It has been suggested that Wittgenstein picked up the idea and the term from Nietzsche, who had been using it, as did many nineteenth century philologists, when discoursing about language families.[1] John Stuart Mill described family resemblances in Chapter 8 of Book 1 in "A System of Logic" published in 1843.[2] Wittgenstein's point was that things which may be thought to be connected by one essential common feature may in fact be connected by a series of overlapping similarities, where no one feature is common to all. Games, which Wittgenstein used as an example in order to explain the notion, have become the paradigmatic example of a group that is related by family resemblances. The first occurrence of the term "Family resemblance" is found in a note from 1930, commenting on Spengler's ideas.[3] The notion itself features widely in Wittgenstein's later work, and in the Investigations it is introduced in response to questions about the general form of propositions and the essence of language questions which were central to Wittgenstein throughout his philosophical career. This suggests that family resemblance was of prime importance for Wittgenstein's later philosophy; however, like many of his ideas, it is hard to find precise agreement within the secondary literature on either its place within Wittgenstein's later thought or on its wider philosophical significance.
Family resemblance Since the publication of the Investigations the notion of family resemblance has been discussed extensively not only in the philosophical literature, but also, for example, in works dealing with classification where the approach is described as 'polythetic', distinguishing it from the traditional approach known now as 'monothetic'. Prototype theory is a recent development in cognitive science where this idea has also been explored. As the idea gains popularity, earlier instances of its occurrence are rediscovered e.g. in 18th century taxonomy,[4] in the writings of Vygotsky or Tatarkiewicz.[5]
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Philosophical context
The local context where the topic of family resemblances appears is Wittgenstein's critique of language. In Philosophical Investigations 65-71 the plurality of language uses is compared to the plurality of games. Next it is asserted that games have common features but no one feature is found in all of them. The whole argument has become famous under the heading 'language games'. The larger context in which Wittgenstein's philosophy is seen to develop considers his uncompromising opposition to essences, mental entities and other forms of idealism which were accepted as a matter of fact in continental philosophy at the turn of the preceding century. In his view the main cause for such errors is language and its uncritical use. In the received view concepts, categories or classes are taken to rely on necessary features common to all items covered by them. Abstraction is the procedure which acknowledges this necessity and derives essences but in the absence of a single common feature it is bound to fail.
Terminology
The term "Family resemblance" as feature of Wittgenstein's philosophy owes much to its translation in English. Wittgenstein, who wrote mostly in German, used the compound word 'Familienhnlichkeit' but as he lectured and conversed in English he used 'family likeness' (e.g. The Blue Book, p.17,33; The Brown Book,66). However in the Philosophical Investigations the separate word 'hnlichkeit' has been translated as 'similarity' (11,130,185,444) and on two occasions (9,90) it is given as 'like'. The German family-word is common and it is found in Grimm's dictionary; a rare occurrence of 'family likeness' has been noted in a lecture by J. F. Moulton in 1877.[6]
Examples and quotes

Games are the main example considered by Wittgenstein in his text where he also mentions numbers and makes an analogy with a thread. He develops his argument further by insisting that in such cases there is not a clear cut boundary but there arises some ambiguity if this indefiniteness can be separated from the main point. In 66 Wittgenstein invites us to consider for example the proceedings that we call "games"...[to] look and see whether there is anything common to all. The section mentions card games, board games, ball games, games like ring-a-ring-a-roses and concludes: And we can go through the many, many other groups of games in the same way; we can see how similarities crop up and disappear. And the result of this examination is: we see a complicated network of similarities overlapping and criss-crossing: sometimes overall similarities. The following 67 begins by stating: I can think of no better expression to characterize these similarities than "family resemblances"; for the various resemblances between members of a family: build, features, colour of eyes, gait, temperament, etc. etc. overlap and criss-cross in the same way. And I shall say: "games" form a family. and extends the illustration
Family resemblance for instance the kinds of number form a family in the same way. Why do we call something a "number"? Well, perhaps because it has a direct relationship with several things that have hitherto been called number; and this can be said to give it an indirect relationship to other things we call the same name. And we extend our concept of number as in spinning a thread we twist fibre on fibre. And the strength of the thread does not reside in the fact that some one fibre runs through its whole length, but in the overlapping of many fibres. The problem of boundaries begins in 68 I can give the concept 'number' rigid limits ... that is, use the word "number" for a rigidly limited concept, but I can also use it so that the extension of the concept is not closed by a frontier. And this is how we do use the word "game". For how is the concept of a game bounded? What still counts as a game and what no longer does? Can you give the boundary? No. You can draw one; for none has so far been drawn. (But that never troubled you before when you used the word "game".)
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Formal models
There are some simple models[][7] which can be derived from the text of 66-9. The most simple one, which fits Wittgenstein's exposition, seems to be the sorites[8] type. It consists in a collection of items Item_1, Item_2, Item_3... described by features A, B, C, D, ...: Item_1: A B C D Item_2: B C D E Item_3: C D E F Item_4: D E F G Item_5: E F G H ......... . . . . In this example, which presents an indefinitely extended ordered family, resemblance is seen in shared features: each item shares three features with his neighbors e.g. Item_2 is like Item_1 in respects B, C, D, and like Item_3 in respects C, D, E. Obviously what we call 'resemblance' involves different aspects in each particular case. It is also seen to be of a different 'degree' and here it fades with 'distance': Item_1 and Item_5 have nothing in common. Another simple model is described as: Item_1: A B C Item_2: B C D Item_3: A C D Item_4: A B D It exhibits the presence of a constant degree of resemblance and the absence of a common feature without extending to infinity. Wittgenstein rejects the disjunction of features or 'properties', i.e. the set {A,B,C,D,..}, as something shared by all items. He admits that a 'sharing' is common to all but deems that it is only verbal: if someone wished to say: "There is something common to all these constructions namely the disjunction of all their common properties" I should reply: Now you are only playing with words. One might as well say: "Something runs through the whole thread namely the continuous overlapping of those fibres".
Family resemblance
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Notable applications
Morris Weitz first applied family resemblances in an attempt to describe art [9] which opened a still continuing debate.[10] Renford Bambrough proposed that 'Wittgenstein solved what is known as "the problem of universals"' and said of his solution (as Hume said of Berkeley's treatment of the same topic), that it is "one of the greatest and most valuable discoveries that has been made of late years in the republic of letters".[11] His view provided the occasion for numerous further comments.[12] Rodney Needham explored family resemblances in connection with the problem of alliance and noted their presence in taxonomy where they are known as a polythetic classification Eleanor Rosch used family resemblances in her cognitivist studies [13] Other cognitive research has shown that children and even rhesus monkeys tend to use family resemblance relationships rather than explicit rules[14] when learning categories.
Criticism and comments

Philosophical Investigations is the primary text used in discussing family resemblances even though the topic appears also in other Wittgenstein's works, notably The Brown Book.[15] Most contributions to the discussion are by people involved in philosophical research but concern with more pragmatic questions such as taxonomy or information processing[16] sometimes motivates the comments. Hans Sluga has observed that "the notion of family resemblance... draws on two quite different sets of ideas, two different vocabularies, but treats them as if they were one and the same. The first is the vocabulary of kinship, of descent, of some sort of real and causal connection.. the second is that of similarity, resemblance, affinity and correspondence."[17] The main focus for criticism is the notion of similarity which is instrumental for family resemblance. A similarity is always found for two arbitrarily selected objects, or a series of intermediaries can link them into a family. This problem has been known as underdeterminacy or open ended texture. Admittedly infinity is only potential but for any finite family some common element can be pointed out, especially if relational properties are taken into consideration. Wittgenstein's insistence that boundaries do not really exist but can be traced arbitrarily has been described as conventionalism and more generally the acceptance of his conception has been seen to present a refined nominalism.
Notes
[1] Sluga H., Family Resemlance, Grazer Philosophische Studien 71 (2006) 1; see also A Wittgenstein Dictionary, ed. H.-J. Glock, London:Blackwell 1996 [2] http:/ / oll. libertyfund. org/ ?option=com_staticxt& staticfile=show. php%3Ftitle=246& chapter=39811& layout=html& Itemid=27
("But where the resemblances and differences on which our classifications are founded are not of this palpable and easily determinable kind; especially where they consist not in any one quality but in a number of qualities, the effects of which, being blended together, are not very easily discriminated, and referred each to its true source; it often happens that names are applied to nameable objects, with no distinct connotation present to the minds of those who apply them. They are only influenced by a general resemblance between the new object and all or some of the old familiar objects which they have been accustomed to call by that name. This, as we have seen, is the law which even the mind of the philosopher must follow, in giving names to the simple elementary feelings of our nature: but, where the things to be named are complex wholes, a philosopher is not content with noticing a general resemblance; he examines what the resemblance consists in: and he only gives the same name to things which resemble one another in the same definite particulars. The philosopher, therefore, habitually employs his general names with a definite connotation. But language was not made, and can only in some small degree be mended, by philosophers. In the minds of the real arbiters of language, general names, especially where the classes they denote cannot be brought before the tribunal of the outward senses to be identified and discriminated, connote little more than a vague gross
Family resemblance resemblance to the things which they were earliest, or have been most, accustomed to call by those names. When, for instance, ordinary persons predicate the wordsjustorunjustof any action,fnobleormeanfof any sentiment, expression, or demeanour,statesmanorcharlatanof any personage figuring in politics, do they mean to affirm of those various subjects any determinate attributes, of whatever kind? No: they merely recognise, as they think, some likeness, more or less vague and loose, betweengthesegand some other things which they have been accustomed to denominate or to hear denominated by those appellations.")
[3] Wittgenstein L.,(1998) Culture and Value, London:Blackwell, p 14. Spengler's influence in this and other forms has been considered in papers published after this collection of notes became available, see e.g. DeAngelis W., "Wittgenstein and Spengler," Dialogue 33 (1994):4161 [4] Winsor M., 2003, Non-essentialist methods in pre-Darwinian taxonomy, Biology and Philosophy 18 (2003) 387400 [5] Tatarkiewicz W., Postawa estetyczna, literacka i poetycka (1933) where it is called 'domino resemblance'. [6] see Griffin, N.: 1974, Wittgenstein, Universals and Family Resemblance, Canadian Journal of Philosophy III,635651 [7] Andersen H.,:2000, Kuhn's account of family resemblance, Erkenntnis 52: 313337 [8] http:/ / toolserver. org/ %7Edispenser/ cgi-bin/ dab_solver. py?page=Family_resemblance& editintro=Template:Disambiguation_needed/ editintro& client=Template:Dn [9] Weitz M., The Role of Theory in Aesthetics, Journal of Aesthetics and Art Criticism 62 (1953): 27. [10] Kaufman D., Family resemblances Relationism and the meaning of "art", British Journal of Aesthetics, vol. 47, No. 3, July 2007 (http:/ / www. missouristate. edu/ assets/ phi/ Family_Resemblances_Relationalism_and_the_Meaning_of_Art. pdf) [11] Bambrough, R.: 1961, Universals and Family Resemblance, Proc. Aris. Soc. 61, 20722 [12] a recent summary in Blair D. (2006), Wittgenstein, Language and Information, p.118 (note 117); see also Dilman, I.: Universals: Bambrough on Wittgenstein, Aris. Soc. Proc., 79 (1978): 3558; reprinted in John V. Canfi ed., The Philosophy of Wittgenstein, Vol. 5, Method and Essence, pp. 305328. New York: Garland Publishing, 1986. [13] Rosch E. and Mervis, C. (1975) Family resemblances: studies in the internal structure of categories, Cognitive Psychology 7, 573-605; Rosch, E. (1987), Wittgenstein and categorization research in cognitive psychology, in M. Chapman & R. Dixon (Eds.), Meaning and the growth of understanding. Wittgenstein's significance for developmental Psychology, Hillsdale, NJ.: Erlbaum. [14] The connection between rule following and applying or extending a concept has been noted early in the discussion of family resemblances, see e.g. Pompa L., 'Family resemblance: a reply', The Philosophical Quarterly, 18 (1968) 347 [15] Wittgenstein L., The Blue and Brown Books, London: Blackwell (1958);I 68, 17, 73 [16] Blair D., Wittgenstein, Language and Information, Berlin:Springer, 2006, ISBN 978-1-4020-4112-9 [17] Sluga H., Family Resemlance, Grazer Philosophische Studien 71 (2006) 14
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References
Wittgenstein, Ludwig (1953/2001). Philosophical Investigations. Blackwell Publishing. ISBN0-631-23127-7. Andersen H.,: 2000, Kuhn's account of family resemblance, Erkenntnis 52: 313337 Bambrough, R.: 1961, Universals and Family Resemblance, Proc. Arist. Soc. 61, 20722 Beardsmore, R. W.: 1992, The Theory of Family Resemblance, Philosophical Investigations 15, 131146 Bellaimey, J. E.: 1990, Family Resemblances and the Problem of the Under-Determination of Extension, Philosophical Investigations 13, 3143. Ginzburg C.,: 2004, Family Resemblances and Family Trees: Two Cognitive Metaphors, Critical Inquiry, Vol. 30, No. 3 (Spring 2004), pp. 537-556 Griffin, N.: 1974, Wittgenstein, Universals and Family Resemblance, Canadian Journal of Philosophy III, 635651. Gupta, R. K.: 1970, Wittgenstein's Theory of "Family Resemblance", in his Philosophical Investigations (Secs. 6580), Philosophia Naturalis 12, 282286 Huff D.:(1981), Family Resemblances and rule governed behavior, Philosophical Investigations 4 (3) 123 Kaufman D.: 2007, Family resemblances Relationism and the meaning of "art" (http://www.missouristate.edu/ assets/phi/Family_Resemblances_Relationalism_and_the_Meaning_of_Art.pdf), British Journal of Aesthetics, vol. 47, No. 3, July 2007, doi: 10.1093/aesthj/aym008 (http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/aesthj/aym008)
Prien B.: Family Resemblances-A Thesis about the Change of Meaning over Time (http://www.sbg.ac.at/ kriterion/documents/18/18prien.pdf), Kriterion 18 (2004), pp.1524.
Family resemblance Raatzsch R., Philosophical Investigations 65ff. :On Family Resemblance (http://wab.aksis.uib.no/wp-no6. pdf), in Essays on Wittgenstein by P. Philipp and R. Raatzsch, Working papers from the Wittgenstein Archives at the University of Bergen #6 (1993), pp.5076 Wennerberg, H.: 1967, The Concept of Family Resemblance in Wittgenstein's Later Philosophy, Theoria 33, 107132.
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External links
Lois Shawver's comments on Philosophical Investigations 65-9 (http://www.postmoderntherapy.com/ Wittgenstein)
Sense and reference

Sinn and Bedeutung are usually translated, respectively, as sense and reference. Two different aspects of some terms' meanings, a term's reference is the object to which the term refers, while the term's sense is the way that the term refers to that object. Sinn and Bedeutung were introduced by German philosopher and mathematician Gottlob Frege in his 1892 paper "ber Sinn und Bedeutung" ("On sense and reference"). Frege applied Bedeutung mainly to proper names and, in lesser extent, to sentences. Though the distinction resides in philosophy of language, it enters philosophy's other areas, including philosophy of mind, metaphysics, and metaethics.
Motivation for and development of the distinction

Frege's distinction rejects a view put forward by John Stuart Mill, according to which a proper name has no meaning above and beyond the object to which it refers (its referent or reference). That is, the word "Aristotle" just means Aristotle, that person, and no more. It does not mean "The writer of De Anima." Hence, the sentence Aristotle was Greek says only that that person was Greek. It does not say that the ber Sinn und Bedeutung; click to read writer of De Anima was Greek. That is, it permits that Aristotle might not have written De Anima. More generally, for any given proposition about Aristotle, one can use the name without believing that proposition to be true of Aristotle. Frege's central objection to the view that a name's meaning is no more than its referent is that, if a and b are names of the same object, then the identity statement a = b must mean the same as a = a. Yet clearly the first can convey information in a way that the second cannot; that Samuel Clemens is Samuel Clemens is just trivial, but that Samuel Clemens is Mark Twain is interesting. Why? Or, why is Cicero is Tully more significant than Cicero is Cicero? And, by the same token, Samuel Clemens wrote novels and Mark Twain wrote novels would have to mean the same thing but, again, the two sentences seem to convey different information. Frege's distinction is meant to make sense of these phenomena. He postulates that, in addition to a reference (Bedeutung), a proper name possesses what he calls a sense (Sinn), some aspect of the way its reference is thought of
Sense and reference that can differ, even between two names that refer to the same object. The important difference between Mark Twain and Samuel Clemens, for example, is a "difference in the mode of presentation of that which is designated". The sense of an expression is "that wherein the mode of presentation is contained". Thus, one can know both the names Mark Twain and Samuel Clemens without realizing that they are about the same object, because they present that object in different ways, that is, they have different senses. Another demonstrative example for this is the following: "The Leader of the Labour Party in October, 2006" and "the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom in October, 2006". These two linguistic expressions differ in sense, but they do have the same referent, that is Tony Blair. Summarizing: The reference is the object that the expression refers to. For instance, the name Mark Twain refers to Mark Twain, i.e. Samuel Clemens, the man who lived in the U.S. and wrote satires. The name Samuel Clemens also refers to that man. Hence the two have the same reference. The sense is the "cognitive significance" or "mode of presentation" of the referent. Linguistic Expressions with the same reference may have different senses. Frege uses the following example to illustrate this view. Let a, b, and c be three lines, each of which joins one vertex of a triangle to the midpoint of the opposite side (each of a, b and c is thus a median). Then it is a theorem that [t]he point of intersection of a and b is then the same as the point of intersection of b and c. So we have different designations for the same point, and these names ('point of intersection of a and b', 'point of intersection of b and c') likewise indicate the mode of presentation; and hence the statement contains actual knowledge. Gottlob Frege, ber Sinn und Bedeutung At one time, it was common to identify the sense of a name with an identifying description, which would put Frege's view close to the later Russell's description theory of names. For example, the name "Mark Twain" might just mean: The man who wrote Tom Sawyer, and Samuel Clemens might mean: The eldest son of John and Jane Clemens. Thus the reference would be determined as whatever fit the description. This interpretation is now almost unanimously rejected by scholars[citation needed]. Unfortunately, however, a detailed replacement has not been forthcoming. But what is clear is that Frege certainly did not mean that the sense of a name is merely a collection of ideas a particular user of a name happens to associate with it: Because they figure into the meanings of terms in a public language and can be communicated, senses must be objective.
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Terminology
Sense and reference (Sinn und Bedeutung)
Broadly speaking, the reference (or referent) of a proper name is the object it denotes or indicates. The sense of a proper name is whatever meaning it has, when there is no object to be indicated. What this article has called sense and reference are what Frege calls Sinn and Bedeutung, respectively, in the original German. Sometimes the pair of terms is translated as sense and meaning or as sense and nominatum. The precise meaning of these terms can vary quite significantly from writer to writer, so some caution is due. For Sinn, writers have used the terms sense, meaning, intension, connotation, case, and content. For Bedeutung, writers have used the terms reference, referent, meaning, extension, denotation, nominatum, and designatum. Note that (confusingly) each expression has been translated as meaning by someone.
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An expression's relation to sense or reference

Terminology has also been applied to capture the relation between 1. an expression and its sense 2. an expression and its reference Frege is typically translated as saying that an expression "expresses its sense" and "stands for or designates its reference". Yet earlier in the essay he offers another verb, refers, writing of "that to which the sign refers, which may be called the reference of the sign". Since then writers have variously said that an expression stands for, designates, refers to, or denotes its reference. We can also say that an expression picks out its reference, or (alternatively) that the sense of an expression is what picks out its reference.
Sense without reference

One application Frege saw for the distinction concerns what are called nonreferring, nondenoting, or empty, expressions. These expressions do not have a reference, for example "the greatest integer".[1] Since there is not a greatest integer, the expression doesn't refer to anything. But it seems perfectly meaningful, since we seem to understand claims like "The greatest integer is larger than one million". Employing the sense-reference distinction, we can say that the expression has a sense but lacks a reference. Although the term "the greatest integer" has no reference in the conventional arithmetic, in the ultra-intuitionistic arithmetic suggested by Alexander Esenin-Volpin (1960), it has a reference because one of the axioms of this arithmetic is that there is "the greatest integer." So, in one universe, an expression can have sense without reference, while in another universe, the same expression can have both sense and reference. Another example is Odysseus. Since he is a fictional character, the name Odysseus does not appear to mean anyone at all; yet sentences like "Odysseus was set down on the beach at Ithaca" are meaningful, in that they can be true or false. If a sentence's meaning is a function of the meanings of its parts,[2] then parts of the sentence, such as Odysseus, seemingly do have meaning. Whether this solution works, and whether it was even seriously intended by Frege, is disputed. In order for it to work, it must be possible for a term to have a sense without a reference, and this requires that sense cannot be defined simply as the mode of presentation of the reference, since sometimes there is no reference being presented. Thus the view that the sense-reference distinction solves the problem of empty names encourages the view that a sense is an individuating description (which could be understood with or without a reference satisfying it). This makes a sense equivalent to a Russellian description (see below), and makes Frege's position "descriptivist", leaving it prey to a number of difficulties raised against that view. Other philosophersWikipedia:Avoid weasel words have argued that Frege is not a descriptivist, and hence that the sense-reference distinction does not solve the problem of fictional names. Proponents of this view often claim that sentences using empty names do not in fact express propositions, hence are not literally meaningful, despite appearances. They face the difficulty of explaining the apparent meaningfulness of sentences using the word Odysseus. On one view, fictional names merely pretend to express propositions. Our understanding of sentences about Odysseus consists then in our "playing along" (see Gareth Evans, Saul Kripke).
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Frege and Russell

Propositions and senses
Bertrand Russell famously rejected Frege's sense-reference distinction, though there is some possibility that the two were misinterpreting and arguing past one another: Frege talks about (for example) sentences, which have both a sense (a proposition) and a reference (a truth value); Russell on the other hand deals directly with propositions, but construes these not as abstract para-linguistic items but as tuples, or sets, of objects and concepts. For Russell, sense is wholly semantic. Reference by contrast is intimately connected with the named object. Mont Blanc is the referent of the name "Mont Blanc." Frege argues that the thought "Mont Blanc 'with its snowfields'" cannot be a component of the thought that "Mont Blanc is more than 4,000 meters high".[3] If the same expression "Mont Blanc" is in both sentences then there is something common to each thought, and therefore something corresponding to the name "Mont Blanc." This common element, which cannot be the referent, must be the meaning or "sense."
Senses and descriptions

Russell held the view that most of the apparent proper names in English are in fact "disguised definite descriptions". So "Aristotle" is understood as "The pupil of Plato and teacher of Alexander", or by some other unique description. Although Russell explicitly rejected Frege's notion of sense, he rejected it just for proper names. But Russell also held the view (not evident in the Mont Blanc example) that most of the "proper names" in English are not names at all, but descriptions in disguise. Possibly the only real proper names were demonstrative pronouns like this and that (directed at an object that can be immediately perceived). So in fact if Frege's view was "descriptivist", then he effectively agrees with Russell on most of the apparent "proper names" of ordinary language: Frege thinks that "Aristotle" is a name, with a sense, which is equivalent to some description. Russell thinks that Aristotle is not really a name, but is (in disguised form) just such a description. Thus for most of the twentieth century the "Frege-Russell" descriptivist view was taken as something of an orthodoxy. In Saul Kripke's famous Naming and Necessity lectures, which largely turned the tide against descriptivism, he treats both Russell and Frege as opposed to Mill's view in the same way. Thus Kripke's argument that names are not equivalent to descriptions was widely construed as the view that names do not have senses; or as a rejection of the sense-reference distinction. (Tellingly, all of the three problems the distinction aimed to solve have subsequently re-emerged as important problems in the philosophy of language.) This reading of Frege has been rejected by many scholars, most strongly by Gareth Evans in The Varieties of Reference and by John McDowell in "The Sense and Reference of a Proper Name", following lines developed by Michael Dummett. Dummett argues that Frege's notion of sense should not be equated with a description. Evans further developed this line, arguing that a sense without a referent was not possible. He and McDowell both take the line that Frege's discussion of empty names, and of the idea of sense without reference, are inconsistent, and that his apparent endorsement of descriptivism rests only on a small number of imprecise and perhaps offhand remarks. And both point to the power that the sense-reference distinction 'does' have (i.e., to solve at least the first two problems), even if it is not given a descriptivist reading. '
Relation to connotation and denotation

The sense-reference distinction is commonly confused with that between connotation and denotation, which predates Frege and is famously interpreted by Mill. This distinction is applied mainly to words (particularly predicates) expressing properties (e.g., red, dog, bachelor), rather than naming individuals, so the difference between the two distinctions can be hard to see. The connotation of a predicate is the concept it expresses, or more often, the set of properties that determine whether an individual falls under it. The denotation of a concept is the actual collection of entities that do fall under it. Thus the connotation of bachelor is perhaps "unmarried adult male human" and its
Sense and reference denotation is all the bachelors in the world. Under a descriptivist reading of Frege, sense and reference are probably the same as connotation and denotation. Under a non-descriptivist reading, they are probably not. It is always possible to have a connotation without a denotation, which may not be the case with sense and reference. A given sense always determines the same reference, which might not be the case with connotation and denotation. Most clearly, a single conceptwhich by definition has only one connotation and denotation (at a time), might be expressed by terms having different senses. For example, cat and feline have precisely the same connotation (member of the Felidae family of carnivorous mammals), and obviously the same denotation (all the cats; that is, all the felines), but it is perfectly intelligible that someone should fail to realize that cat and feline mean the sameperhaps they have only heard one word applied to housecats, the other to tigers and lions. In that case, the words have different senses.
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Footnotes
[1] Frege's example is "the least rapidly convergent series", and there is always "the present King of France". [2] See Semantic composition [3] This example is from a letter to Russell.
External links
Gottlob Frege: ber Sinn und Bedeutung (http://www.gavagai.de/HHP31.htm) Gottlob Frege: On Sense and Reference (English translation by Max Black) Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy: Frege and Language. (http://www.utm.edu/research/iep/f/freg-lan.htm) Frege's Contribution to the Philosophy of Language (http://frege.brown.edu/heck/pdf/published/ FregesContribution.pdf) by Richard G. Heck and Robert May, published in the Oxford Handbook to the Philosophy of Language (http://ukcatalogue.oup.com/product/9780199259410.do)
Intension
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Intension
Not to be confused with the homophone intention; or the related concept of intentionality. For the song "Intension" by Tool, see 10,000Days. In linguistics, logic, philosophy, and other fields, an intension is any property or quality connoted by a word, phrase, or another symbol. In the case of a word, the word's definition often implies an intension. The term may also refer to all such intensions collectively, although the term comprehension is technically more correct for this. The meaning of a word can be thought of as the bond between the idea the word means and the physical form of the word. Swiss linguist Ferdinand de Saussure (1857-1913) contrasts three concepts: 1. the signifier the "sound image" or the string of letters on a page that one recognizes as the form of a sign 2. the signified the meaning, the concept or idea that a sign expresses or evokes 3. the referent the actual thing or set of things a sign refers to. See Dyadic signs and Reference (semantics). Intension is analogous to the signified in the Saussurean system, extension to the referent. Without intension of some sort, words have no meaning.[citation needed] In philosophical arguments about dualism versus monism, it is noted that thoughts have intensionality and physical objects do not (S.E. Palmer, 1999), but rather have extension in space and time. Note: Intension and intensionality (the state of having intension) should not be confused with intention and intentionality, which are pronounced the same and occasionally arise in the same philosophical context. Where this happens, the letter s or t is sometimes italicized to emphasize the distinction.
References
Ferdinand De Saussure: Course in General Linguistics. Open Court Classics, July 1986. ISBN 0-8126-9023-0 S. E. Palmer, Vision Science: From Photons to Phenomenology, 1999. MIT Press, ISBN 780262161831
External links
Chalmers, David "On Sense and Intension" [1]. Rapaport, William J. "Intensionality v. Intentionality" [2].
References
[1] http:/ / consc. net/ papers/ intension. html [2] http:/ / www. cse. buffalo. edu/ ~rapaport/ intensional. html
Denotation
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Denotation
Denotation is a translation of a sign to its meaning, more exactly, to its literal meaning. Denotation is sometimes contrasted to connotation, which translates a sign to meanings associated with it.
In semiotics
In logic, linguistics and semiotics, the denotation of a word or phrase is a part of its meaning; however, the part referred to varies by context: In grammar and literary theory, the literal meaning or "dictionary definition" of a term, devoid of emotion, attitude, and color. In semiotics, the surface or literal meaning of a signifier. In logic, formal semantics and parts of linguistics, the extension of a term.
In other fields
In Computer science, denotational semantics is contrasted with operational semantics. In media-studies terminology, denotation is an example of the first level of analysis: what the audience can visually see on a page. Denotation often refers to something literal, and avoids being a metaphor. Here it is usually coupled with connotation which is the second level of analysis, being what the denotation represents.
Examples
The denotation of this example is a red rose with a green stem. The connotation is that it is a symbol of passion and love this is what the rose represents.
The denotation is a brown cross. The connotation is a symbol of religion, according to the media connotation. However, to be more specific this is a symbol of Christianity.
Denotation
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The denotation is a representation of a cartoon heart. The connotation is a symbol of love and affection.
External links
Semiotics for Beginners [1] VirtuaLit Elements of Poetry [2]
References
[1] http:/ / www. aber. ac. uk/ media/ Documents/ S4B/ sem06. html [2] http:/ / bcs. bedfordstmartins. com/ virtualit/ poetry/ denotate_def. html
Connotation
A connotation is a commonly understood cultural or emotional association that some word or phrase carries, in addition to the word's or phrase's explicit or literal meaning, which is its denotation. A connotation is frequently described as either positive or negative, with regards to its pleasing or displeasing emotional connection. For example, a stubborn person may be described as being either strong-willed or pig-headed; although these have the same literal meaning (stubborn), strong-willed connotes admiration for the level of someone's will (a positive connotation), while pig-headed connotes frustration in dealing with someone (a negative connotation).
Usage
Within today's society, connotation branches into a mixture of different meanings. These could include the contrast of a word or phrase with its primary, literal meaning (known as a denotation), with what that word or phrase specifically denotes. The connotation essentially relates to how anything may be associated with a word or phrase, for example, an implied value judgment or feelings. It is often useful to avoid words with strong connotations (especially pejorative or disparaging ones) when striving to achieve a neutral point of view. A desire for more positive connotations, or fewer negative ones, is one of the main reasons for using euphemisms.[1]
Connotation
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Logic
In logic and semantics, connotation is roughly synonymous with intension. Connotation is often contrasted with denotation, which is more or less synonymous with extension. Alternatively, the connotation of the word may be thought of as the set of all its possible referents (as opposed to merely the actual ones). A word's denotation is the collection of things it refers to; its connotation is what it implies about the things it is used to refer to. The denotation of dog is (something like) four-legged canine carnivore. So saying, "You are a dog" would imply that you were ugly or aggressive rather than stating that you were canine.
References
[1] Note that not all theories of linguistic meaning honor the distinction between literal meaning and (this kind of) connotation. See literal and figurative language.
External links
Connotations of problem solving (http://portal.acm.org/citation.cfm?id=505555&dl=ACM&coll=portal) Connotative Intelligence (http://www.connotative.com)
Implicature
Implicature is a technical term in the pragmatics subfield of linguistics, coined by H. P. Grice, which refers to what is suggested in an utterance, even though neither expressed nor strictly implied (that is, entailed) by the utterance.[1] For example, the sentence "Mary had a baby and got married" strongly suggests that Mary had the baby before the wedding, but the sentence would still be strictly true if Mary had her baby after she got married. Further, if we add the qualification "not necessarily in that order" to the original sentence, then the implicature is cancelled even though the meaning of the original sentence is not altered. "Implicature" is an alternative to "implication," which has additional meanings in logic and informal language.[citation
needed]
Types of implicature
Conversational implicature
Paul Grice identified three types of general conversational implicatures: 1. The speaker deliberately flouts a conversational maxim to convey an additional meaning not expressed literally. For instance, a speaker responds to the question "How did you like the guest speaker?" with the following utterance: Well, Im sure he was speaking English. If the speaker is assumed to be following the cooperative principle,[2] in spite of flouting the Maxim of Quantity, then the utterance must have an additional nonliteral meaning, such as: "The content of the speakers speech was confusing." 2. The speakers desire to fulfill two conflicting maxims results in his or her flouting one maxim to invoke the other. For instance, a speaker responds to the question "Where is John?" with the following utterance: Hes either in the cafeteria or in his office. In this case, the Maxim of Quantity and the Maxim of Quality are in conflict. A cooperative speaker does not want to be ambiguous but also does not want to give false information by giving a specific answer in spite of his uncertainty. By flouting the Maxim of Quantity, the speaker invokes the Maxim of Quality, leading to the implicature that the
Implicature speaker does not have the evidence to give a specific location where he believes John is. 3. The speaker invokes a maxim as a basis for interpreting the utterance. In the following exchange: Do you know where I can get some gas? Theres a gas station around the corner. The second speaker invokes the Maxim of Relevance, resulting in the implicature that the gas station is open and one can probably get gas there. Scalar implicature According to Grice (1975), another form of conversational implicature is also known as a scalar implicature. This concerns the conventional uses of words like "all" or "some" in conversation. I ate some of the pie. This sentence implies "I did not eat all of the pie." While the statement "I ate some pie" is still true if the entire pie was eaten, the conventional meaning of the word "some" and the implicature generated by the statement is "not all".
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Conventional implicature
Conventional implicature is independent of the cooperative principle and its four maxims. A statement always carries its conventional implicature. Donovan is poor but happy. This sentence implies poverty and happiness are not compatible but in spite of this Donovan is still happy. The conventional interpretation of the word "but" will always create the implicature of a sense of contrast. So Donovan is poor but happy will always necessarily imply "Surprisingly Donovan is happy in spite of being poor".
Implicature vs entailment
This can be contrasted with cases of entailment. For example, the statement "The president was assassinated" not only suggests that "The president is dead" is true, but requires that it be true. The first sentence could not be true if the second were not true; if the president were not dead, then whatever it is that happened to him would not have counted as a (successful) assassination. Similarly, unlike implicatures, entailments cannot be cancelled; there is no qualification that one could add to "The president was assassinated" which would cause it to cease entailing "The president is dead" while also preserving the meaning of the first sentence.
References
[1] Blackburn 1996, p. 189. [2] Kordi 1991, pp. 8992.
Bibliography
Blackburn, Simon (1996). "implicature," The Oxford Dictionary of Philosophy, Oxford, pp. 188-89. P. Cole (1975) "The synchronic and diachronic status of conversational implicature." In Syntax and Semantics, 3: Speech Acts (New York: Academic Press) ed. P. Cole & J. L. Morgan, pp. 257288. ISBN 0-12-785424-X. A. Davison (1975) "Indirect speech acts and what to do with them." ibid, pp. 143184. G. M. Green (1975) "How to get people to do things with words." ibid, pp. 107141. New York: Academic Press H. P. Grice (1975) "Logic and conversation." ibid. Reprinted in Studies in the Way of Words, ed. H. P. Grice, pp. 2240. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press (1989) ISBN 0-674-85270-2. Michael Hancher (1978) "Grice's "Implicature" and Literary Interpretation: Background and Preface" Twentieth Annual Meeting Midwest Modern Language Association
Implicature Kordi, Snjeana (1991). "Konverzacijske implikature" [Conversational implicatures] (http://www.webcitation. org/6ANNqArFh). Suvremena lingvistika (in Serbo-Croatian) 17 (31-32): 8796. ISSN 0586-0296 (http:// www.worldcat.org/issn/0586-0296). Archived from the original (http://bib.irb.hr/datoteka/446883. KONVERZACIJSKE_IMPLIKATURE.PDF) on 2 September 2012. Retrieved 6 September 2012. John Searle (1975) "Indirect speech acts." ibid. Reprinted in Pragmatics: A Reader, ed. S. Davis, pp. 265277. Oxford: Oxford University Press. (1991) ISBN 0-19-505898-4.
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Further reading
Kent, Bach (2006). "The Top 10 Misconceptions about Implicature" (http://userwww.sfsu.edu/~kbach/ TopTen.pdf) (PDF). in: Birner, B.; Ward, G. A Festschrift for Larry Horn. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
External links
"Implicature" (http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/implicature/) in the Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy The Top 10 Misconceptions about Implicature (http://userwww.sfsu.edu/~kbach/TopTen.pdf) by Kent Bach (2005)
Syllogism
A syllogism (Greek: syllogismos "conclusion," "inference") is a kind of logical argument in which one proposition (the conclusion) is inferred from two or more others (the premises) of a specific form. In antiquity, two rival theories of the syllogism existed: Aristotelian syllogistic and Stoic syllogistic.[1] Aristotle defines the syllogism as, "...a discourse in which certain (specific) things having been supposed, something different from the things supposed results of necessity because these things are so." [2] Despite this very general definition, in Aristotle's work Prior Analytics, he limits himself to categorical syllogisms that consist of three categorical propositions .[3] These include categorical modal syllogisms.[4] From the Middle Ages onwards, categorical syllogism and syllogism were usually used interchangeably. This article is concerned only with this traditional use. The syllogism was at the core of traditional deductive reasoning, where facts are determined by combining existing statements, in contrast to inductive reasoning where facts are determined by repeated observations. Within academic contexts, the syllogism was superseded by first-order predicate logic following the work of Gottlob Frege, in particular his Begriffsschrift (Concept Script) (1879), but syllogisms remain useful in some circumstances, and for general-audience introductions to logic.[5][6]
Basic structure
A categorical syllogism consists of three parts: Major premise Minor premise Conclusion Each part is a categorical proposition, and each categorical proposition contains two categorical terms. In Aristotle, each of the premises is in the form "All A are B," "Some A are B", "No A are B" or "Some A are not B", where "A" is one term and "B" is another. "All A are B," and "No A are B" are termed universal propositions; "Some A are B" and "Some A are not B" are termed particular propositions. More modern logicians allow some variation. Each of the premises has one term in common with the conclusion: in a major premise, this is the major term (i.e., the predicate of the conclusion); in a minor premise, it is the minor term (the subject) of the conclusion. For example:
Syllogism Major premise: All humans are mortal. Minor premise: All Greeks are humans. Conclusion: All Greeks are mortal. Each of the three distinct terms represents a category. In the above example, humans, mortal, and Greeks. Mortal is the major term, Greeks the minor term. The premises also have one term in common with each other, which is known as the middle term; in this example, humans. Both of the premises are universal, as is the conclusion. Major premise: All mortals die. Minor premise: All men are mortals. Conclusion: All men die. Here, the major term is die, the minor term is men, and the middle term is mortals. The major premise is universal, hence so is the conclusion; the minor premise is particular. A sorites is a form of argument in which a series of incomplete syllogisms is so arranged that the predicate of each premise forms the subject of the next until the subject of the first is joined with the predicate of the last in the conclusion. For example, if one argues that a given number of grains of sand does not make a heap and that an additional grain does not either, then to conclude that no additional amount of sand would make a heap is to construct a sorites argument.
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Types of syllogism
There are infinitely many possible syllogisms, but only a finite number of logically distinct types, which we classify and enumerate below. Note that the syllogism above has the abstract form: Major premise: All M are P. Minor premise: All S are M. Conclusion: All S are P. (Note: M Middle, S subject, P predicate. See below for more detailed explanation.) The premises and conclusion of a syllogism can be any of four types, which are labeled by letters[7] as follows. The meaning of the letters is given by the table:
Relationships between the four types of propositions in the square of opposition (Black areas are empty, red areas are nonempty.)
Syllogism
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code quantifier subject copula predicate type a e i o All No Some Some S S S S are are are P P P
example
universal affirmatives All humans are mortal. universal negatives No humans are perfect.
particular affirmatives Some humans are healthy. particular negatives Some humans are not clever.
are not P
In Analytics, Aristotle mostly uses the letters A, B and C (actually, the Greek letters alpha, beta and gamma) as term place holders, rather than giving concrete examples, an innovation at the time. It is traditional to use is rather than are as the copula, hence All A is B rather than All As are Bs. It is traditional and convenient practice to use a, e, i, o as infix operators so the categorical statements can be written succinctly:
Form All A is B No A is B Some A is B Shorthand AaB AeB AiB
Some A is not B AoB
The letter S is the subject of the conclusion, P is the predicate of the conclusion, and M is the middle term. The major premise links M with P and the minor premise links M with S. However, the middle term can be either the subject or the predicate of each premise where it appears. The differing positions of the major, minor, and middle terms gives rise to another classification of syllogisms known as the figure. Given that in each case the conclusion is S-P, the four figures are:
Figure 1 Figure 2 Figure 3 Figure 4 Major premise: MP Minor premise: SM PM SM MP MS PM MS
(Note, however, that, following Aristotle's treatment of the figures, some logicianse.g., Peter Abelard and John Buridanreject the fourth figure as a figure distinct from the first. See entry on the Prior Analytics.) Putting it all together, there are 256 possible types of syllogisms (or 512 if the order of the major and minor premises is changed, though this makes no difference logically). Each premise and the conclusion can be of type A, E, I or O, and the syllogism can be any of the four figures. A syllogism can be described briefly by giving the letters for the premises and conclusion followed by the number for the figure. For example, the syllogism BARBARA above is AAA-1, or "A-A-A in the first figure". The vast majority of the 256 possible forms of syllogism are invalid (the conclusion does not follow logically from the premises). The table below shows the valid forms. Even some of these are sometimes considered to commit the existential fallacy, meaning they are invalid if they mention an empty category. These controversial patterns are marked in italics.
Syllogism
192
Figure 1 Figure 2 Barbara Cesare
Figure 3 Figure 4 Datisi Calemes Dimatis Fresison
Celarent Camestres Disamis Darii Ferio Barbari Festino Baroco Cesaro Ferison
Bocardo Calemos Felapton Fesapo Bamalip
Celaront Camestros Darapti
The letters A, E, I, O have been used since the medieval Schools to form mnemonic names for the forms as follows: 'Barbara' stands for AAA, 'Celarent' for EAE, etc. Next to each premise and conclusion is a shorthand description of the sentence. So in AAI-3, the premise "All squares are rectangles" becomes "MaP"; the symbols mean that the first term ("square") is the middle term, the second term ("rectangle") is the predicate of the conclusion, and the relationship between the two terms is labeled "a" (All M are P). The following table shows all syllogisms that are essentially different. The similar syllogisms share actually the same premises, just written in a different way. For example "Some pets are kittens" (SiM in Darii) could also be written as "Some kittens are pets" (MiS is Datisi). In the Venn diagrams, the black areas indicate no elements, and the red areas indicate at least one element.
Examples
Barbara (AAA-1) All men are mortal. (MaP) All Greeks are men. (SaM) All Greeks are mortal. (SaP)
Syllogism
193
Celarent (EAE-1) Similar: Cesare (EAE-2) No reptiles have fur. (MeP) All snakes are reptiles. (SaM) No snakes have fur. (SeP)
Calemes (AEE-4)
Calemes is like Celarent with S and P exchanged. Similar: Camestres (AEE-2) All snakes are reptiles. (PaM) No reptiles have fur. (MeS) No fur bearing animal is a snake. (SeP)
Syllogism
194
Darii (AII-1) Similar: Datisi (AII-3) All rabbits have fur. (MaP) Some pets are rabbits. (SiM) Some pets have fur. (SiP)
Dimatis (IAI-4)
Dimatis is like Darii with S and P exchanged. Similar: Disamis (IAI-3) Some pets are rabbits. (PiM) All rabbits have fur. (MaS) Some fur bearing animals are pets. (SiP)
Syllogism
195
Ferio (EIO-1) Similar: Festino (EIO-2), Ferison (EIO-3), Fresison (EIO-4) No homework is fun. (MeP) Some reading is homework. (SiM) Some reading is not fun. (SoP)
Baroco (AOO-2) All informative things are useful. (PaM) Some websites are not useful. (SoM) Some websites are not informative. (SoP)
Bocardo (OAO-3) Some cats have no tails. (MoP) All cats are mammals. (MaS) Some mammals have no tails. (SoP)
Syllogism
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Barbari (AAI-1) All men are mortal. (MaP) All Greeks are men. (SaM) Some Greeks are mortal. (SiP)
Bamalip (AAI-4)
Bamalip is like Barbari with S and P exchanged: All Greeks are men. (PaM) All men are mortal. (MaS) Some mortals are Greek. (SiP)
Syllogism
197
Celaront (EAO-1) Similar: Cesaro (EAO-2) No reptiles have fur. (MeP) All snakes are reptiles. (SaM) Some snakes have no fur. (SoP)
Camestros (AEO-2) Similar: Calemos (AEO-4) All horses have hooves. (PaM) No humans have hooves. (SeM) Some humans are not horses. (SoP)
Felapton (EAO-3) Similar: Fesapo (EAO-4) No flowers are animals. (MeP) All flowers are plants. (MaS) Some plants are not animals. (SoP)
Syllogism
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Darapti (AAI-3) All squares are rectangles. (MaP) All squares are rhombs. (MaS) Some rhombs are rectangles. (SiP)
Table of all syllogisms

This table shows all 24 valid syllogisms, represented by Venn diagrams. (9 of them, on the right side of the table, require that one category must not be empty.) Syllogisms of the same type are in the same row, and very similar syllogisms are in the same column.
AAA 1
EAE
AEE
AII
IAI
AOO
OAO
EIO
AAI
EAO
AEO
Barbara Celarent 2
Darii
Ferio
Barbari Celaront
Cesare 3
Baroco Camestres
Festino
Cesaro
Camestros
Datisi 4
Disamis
Bocardo Ferison
Darapti Felapton
Calemes
Dimatis
Fresison Bamalip
Fesapo
Calemos
Terms in syllogism
We may, with Aristotle, distinguish singular terms such as Socrates and general terms such as Greeks. Aristotle further distinguished (a) terms that could be the subject of predication, and (b) terms that could be predicated of others by the use of the copula ("is a"). (Such a predication is known as a distributive as opposed to non-distributive as in Greeks are numerous. It is clear that Aristotle's syllogism works only for distributive predication for we cannot reason All Greeks are animals, animals are numerous, therefore All Greeks are numerous.) In Aristotle's view singular terms were of type (a) and general terms of type (b). Thus Men can be predicated of Socrates but Socrates cannot be predicated of anything. Therefore, for a term to be interchangeableto be either in the subject or predicate position of a proposition in a syllogismthe terms must be general terms, or categorical terms as they came to be called. Consequently, the propositions of a syllogism should be categorical propositions (both terms general) and syllogisms that employ only categorical terms came to be called categorical syllogisms.
Syllogism It is clear that nothing would prevent a singular term occurring in a syllogismso long as it was always in the subject positionhowever, such a syllogism, even if valid, is not a categorical syllogism. An example is Socrates is a man, all men are mortal, therefore Socrates is mortal. Intuitively this is as valid as All Greeks are men, all men are mortal therefore all Greeks are mortals. To argue that its validity can be explained by the theory of syllogism would require that we show that Socrates is a man is the equivalent of a categorical proposition. It can be argued Socrates is a man is equivalent to All that are identical to Socrates are men, so our non-categorical syllogism can be justified by use of the equivalence above and then citing BARBARA.Wikipedia:No original research
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Existential import
If a statement includes a term so that the statement is false if the term has no instances (is not instantiated) then the statement is said to entail existential import with respect to that term[citation needed] . In particular, a universal statement of the form All A is B has existential import with respect to A if All A is B is false if there are no As. The following problems ariseWikipedia:No original research: (a) In natural language and normal use, which statements of the forms All A is B, No A is B, Some A is B and Some A is not B have existential import and with respect to which terms? (b) In the four forms of categorical statements used in syllogism, which statements of the form AaB, AeB, AiB and AoB have existential import and with respect to which terms? (c) What existential imports must the forms AaB, AeB, AiB and AoB have for the square of opposition be valid? (d) What existential imports must the forms AaB, AeB, AiB and AoB have to preserve the validity of the traditionally valid forms of syllogisms? (e) Are the existential imports required to satisfy (d) above such that the normal uses in natural languages of the forms All A is B, No A is B, Some A is B and Some A is not B are intuitively and fairly reflected by the categorical statements of forms Ahab, Abe, Ail and Alb? For example, if it is accepted that AiB is false if there are no As and AaB entails AiB, then AiB has existential import with respect to A, and so does AaB. Further, if it is accepted that AiB entails BiA, then AiB and AaB have existential import with respect to B as well. Similarly, if AoB is false if there are no As, and AeB entails AoB, and AeB entails BeA (which in turn entails BoA) then both AeB and AoB have existential import with respect to both A and B. It follows immediately that all universal categorical statements have existential import with respect to both terms. If AaB and AeB is a fair representation of the use of statements in normal natural language of All A is B and No A is B respectively, then the following example consequences arise: "All flying horses are mythological" is false if there are not flying horses. If "No men are fire-eating rabbits" is true, then "There are fire-eating rabbits" is false. and so on. If it is ruled that no universal statement has existential import then the square of opposition fails in several respects (e.g. AaB does not entail AiB) and a number of syllogisms are no longer valid (e.g. BaC,AaB->AiC). These problems and paradoxes arise in both natural language statements and statements in syllogism form because of ambiguity, in particular ambiguity with respect to All[citation needed]. If "Fred claims all his books were Pulitzer Prize winners", is Fred claiming that he wrote any books? If not, then is what he claims true? Suppose Jane says none of her friends are poor; is that true if she has no friends? The first-order predicate calculus avoids such ambiguity by using formulae that carry no existential import with respect to universal statements. Existential claims must be explicitly stated. Thus, natural language statementsof the forms All A is B, No A is B, Some A is B, and Some A is not Bcan be represented in first order predicate calculus in which any existential import with respect to terms A and/or B is either explicit or not made at all.
Syllogism Consequently, the four forms AaB, AeB, AiB, and AoB can be represented in first order predicate in every combination of existential importso it can establish which construal, if any, preserves the square of opposition and the validly of the traditionally valid syllogism. Strawson claims such a construal is possible, but the results are such that, in his view, the answer to question (e) above is no.
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Syllogism in the history of logic

The Aristotelian syllogism dominated Western philosophical thought from the 3rd Century to the 17th Century. At that time, Sir Francis Bacon rejected the idea of syllogism and deductive reasoning by asserting that it was fallible and illogical.[8] Bacon offered a more inductive approach to logic in which experiments were conducted and axioms were drawn from the observations discovered in them. In the 19th Century, modifications to syllogism were incorporated to deal with disjunctive ("A or B") and conditional ("if A then B") statements. Kant famously claimed, in Logic (1800), that logic was the one completed science, and that Aristotelian logic more or less included everything about logic there was to know. (This work is not necessarily representative of Kant's mature philosophy, which is often regarded as an innovation to logic itself.) Though there were alternative systems of logic such as Avicennian logic or Indian logic elsewhere[citation needed], Kant's opinion stood unchallenged in the West until 1879 when Frege published his Begriffsschrift (Concept Script). This introduced a calculus, a method of representing categorical statements and statements that are not provided for in syllogism as well by the use of quantifiers and variables. This led to the rapid development of sentential logic and first-order predicate logic, subsuming syllogistic reasoning, which was, therefore, after 2000 years, suddenly considered obsolete by manyWikipedia:No original research. The Aristotelian system is explicated in modern fora of academia primarily in introductory material and historical study. One notable exception to this modern relegation is the continued application of Aristotelian logic by officials of the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith, and the Apostolic Tribunal of the Roman Rota, which still requires that arguments crafted by Advocates be presented in syllogistic format.
Syllogistic fallacies
People often make mistakes when reasoning syllogistically.[9] For instance, from the premises some A are B, some B are C, people tend to come to a definitive conclusion that therefore some A are C.[10][11] However, this does not follow according to the rules of classical logic. For instance, while some cats (A) are black things (B), and some black things (B) are televisions (C), it does not follow from the parameters that some cats (A) are televisions (C). This is because first, the mood of the syllogism invoked (i.e. III-3) is illicit, and second, the supposition of the middle term is variable between that of the middle term in the major premise, and that of the middle term in the minor premise (not all "some" cats are by necessity of logic the same "some black things"). Determining the validity of a syllogism involves determining the distribution of each term in each statement, meaning whether all members of that term are accounted for. In simple syllogistic patterns, the fallacies of invalid patterns are: Undistributed middle: Neither of the premises accounts for all members of the middle term, which consequently fails to link the major and minor term. Illicit treatment of the major term: The conclusion implicates all members of the major term (P meaning the proposition is negative); however, the major premise does not account for them all (i.e., P is either an affirmative predicate or a particular subject there). Illicit treatment of the minor term: Same as above, but for the minor term (S meaning the proposition is universal) and minor premise (where S is either a particular subject or an affirmative predicate).
Syllogism Exclusive premises: Both premises are negative, meaning no link is established between the major and minor terms. Affirmative conclusion from a negative premise: If either premise is negative, the conclusion must also be. Negative conclusion from affirmative premises: If both premises are affirmative, the conclusion must also be. Existential fallacy: This is a more controversial one. If both premises are universal, i.e. "All" or "No" statements, one school of thought says they do not imply the existence of any members of the terms. In this case, the conclusion cannot be existential; i.e. beginning with "Some". Another school of thought says that affirmative statements (universal or particular) do imply the subject's existence, but negatives do not. A third school of thought says that the any type of proposition may or may not involve the subject's existence, and though this may condition the conclusion, it does not affect the form of the syllogism. Wikipedia:No original research
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Notes
[1] Michael Frede, "Stoic vs. Peripatetic Syllogistic", Archive for the History of Philosophy 56, 1975, 99-124. [2] Aristotle, "Prior Analytics", 24b1820 [3] (http:/ / plato. stanford. edu/ entries/ logic-ancient/ #SynSemSen) Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy: Ancient Logic Aristotle Non-Modal Syllogistic [4] (http:/ / plato. stanford. edu/ entries/ logic-ancient/ #ModLog) Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy: Ancient Logic Aristotle Modal Logic [5] Hurley, Patrick J (2011). A Concise Introduction to Logic, Cengage Learning, ISBN 9780840034175 [6] Zegarelli, Mark (2010). Logic for Dummies, John Wiley & Sons, ISBN 9781118053072 [7] According to Copi, p. 127: 'The letter names are presumed to come from the Latin words "AffIrmo" and "nEgO," which mean "I affirm" and "I deny," respectively; the first capitalized letter of each word is for universal, the second for particular' [8] Bacon, Francis. The Great Instauration, 1620 [9] See, e.g., Evans, J. St. B. T (1989). Bias in human reasoning. London: LEA. [10] See the meta-analysis by Khemlani, S. & Johnson-Laird, P.N. (2012). Theories of the syllogism: A meta-analysis. Psychological Bulletin, 138, 427-457. [11] See the meta-analysis by Chater, N. & Oaksford, M. (1999). The Probability Heuristics Model of Syllogistic Reasoning. Cognitive Psychology, 38, 191258.
References
Aristotle, Prior Analytics. transl. Robin Smith (Hackett, 1989) ISBN 0-87220-064-7 Blackburn, Simon, 1996. "Syllogism" in the Oxford Dictionary of Philosophy. Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-283134-8. Broadie, Alexander, 1993. Introduction to Medieval Logic. Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-824026-0. Irving Copi, 1969. Introduction to Logic, 3rd ed. Macmillan Company. John Corcoran (logician), 1972. Completeness of an ancient logic Journal of Symbolic Logic 37: 696702. John Corcoran (logician), 1994. The founding of logic. Modern interpretations of Aristotle's logic Ancient Philosophy 14: 924. Hamblin, Charles L., 1970. Fallacies, Methuen : London, ISBN 0-416-70070-5. Cf. on validity of syllogisms: "A simple set of rules of validity was finally produced in the later Middle Ages, based on the concept of Distribution." Jan ukasiewicz, 1987 (1957). Aristotle's Syllogistic from the Standpoint of Modern Formal Logic. New York: Garland Publishers. ISBN 0-8240-6924-2. OCLC 15015545. Patzig, Gnter 1968. Aristotle's theory of the syllogism: a logico-philological study of Book A of the Prior Analytics. Reidel, Dordrecht. Smiley, Timothy 1973. What is a syllogism? Journal of Philosophical Logic 2: 136154. Smith, Robin 1986. Immediate propositions and Aristotle's proof theory. Ancient Philosophy 6: 4768.
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External links
Aristotle's Logic (http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/aristotle-logic) entry by Robin Smith in the Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy The Traditional Square of Opposition (http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/square) entry by Terence Parsons in the Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy Medieval Theories of the Syllogism (http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/medieval-syllogism) entry by Henrik Lagerlund in the Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy Aristotle's Prior Analytics: the Theory of Categorical Syllogism (http://www.ontology.co/ aristotle-syllogism-categorical.htm) an annotated bibliography on Aristotle's syllogistic Abbreviatio Montana (http://www.humanities.mq.edu.au/Ockham/x52t06.html) article by Prof. R. J. Kilcullen of Macquarie University on the medieval classification of syllogisms. The Figures of the Syllogism (http://www.multicians.org/thvv/petrus-hispanius.html) is a brief table listing the forms of the syllogism. Interactive Syllogistic Machine (http://thefirstscience.org/syllogistic-machine/) A web based syllogistic machine for exploring fallacies, figures, and modes of syllogisms. Syllogistic Reasoning in Buddhism Example & Worksheet (http://www.treasuryofwisdom.org/syllogism. pdf) Fuzzy Syllogistic System (http://books.google.com.tr/books?id=yfUysMS31PIC&pg=PA418&lpg=PA418& dq=syllogisms+huseyin+cakir&source=bl&ots=h1_c5DHt6_&sig=KJMQP6hJ4IaCHf8BvJu6vl5zCVk& hl=tr&sa=X&ei=mZxlT4HHJoOl0AWws_S4CA&ved=0CFYQ6AEwBw#v=onepage&q=syllogisms huseyin cakir&f=false)
Logical consequence
Logical consequence (also entailment) is one of the most fundamental concepts in logic. It is the relationship between statements that holds true when one logically "follows from" one or more others. Valid logical arguments are ones in which the conclusions follow from its premises, and its conclusions are consequences of its premises. The philosophical analysis of logical consequence involves asking, 'in what sense does a conclusion follow from its premises?' and 'what does it mean for a conclusion to be a consequence of premises?'[1] All of philosophical logic can be thought of as providing accounts of the nature of logical consequence, as well as logical truth.[2] Logical consequence is taken to be both necessary and formal with examples explicated using models and proofs. A sentence is said to be a logical consequence of a set of sentences, for a given language, if and only if, using logic alone (i.e. without regard to any interpretations of the sentences) the sentence must be true if every sentence in the set were to be true.[3] Logicians make precise accounts of logical consequence with respect to a given language deductive system for , or by formalizing the intended semantics for by constructing a . Alfred Tarski highlighted three salient
features for which any adequate characterization of logical consequence needs to account: 1) that the logical consequence relation relies on the logical form of the sentences involved, 2) that the relation is a priori, i.e. it can be determined whether or not it holds without regard to sense experience, and 3) that the relation has a modal component.
Logical consequence
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Formal accounts of logical consequence

The most widely prevailing view on how to best account for logical consequence is to appeal to formality. This is to say that whether statements follow from one another logically depends on the structure or logical form of the statements without regard to the contents of that form. Syntactic accounts of logical consequence rely on schemes using inference rules. For instance, we can express the logical form of a valid argument as "All are . All are . Therefore, All are ." This argument is formally valid, because every instance of arguments constructed using this scheme are valid. This is in contrast to an argument like "Fred is Mike's brother's son. Therefore Fred is Mike's nephew." Since this argument depends on the meanings of the words "brother", "son", and "nephew", the statement "Fred is Mike's nephew" is a so-called material consequence of "Fred is Mike's brother's son," not a formal consequence. A formal consequence must be true in all cases, however this is an incomplete definition of formal consequence, since even the argument " is 's brother's son, therefore is 's nephew" is valid in all cases, but is not a formal argument.
A priori property of logical consequence

If you know that follows logically from no information about the possible interpretations of is a logical consequence of or will affect that knowledge. Our knowledge that cannot be influenced by empirical
knowledge. Deductively valid arguments can be known to be so without recourse to experience, so they must be knowable a priori. However, formality alone does not guarantee that logical consequence is not influenced by empirical knowledge. So the a priori property of logical consequence is considered to be independent of formality.
Proofs and models

The two prevailing techniques for providing accounts of logical consequence involve expressing the concept in terms of proofs and via models. The study of the syntactic consequence (of a logic) is called (its) proof theory whereas the study of (its) semantic consequence is called (its) model theory.
Syntactic consequence
A formula is a syntactic consequence[4][5][6][7] within some formal system of from the set . of a set of formulas if there is a formal proof in
Syntactic consequence does not depend on any interpretation of the formal system.[8]
Semantic consequence
A formula is a semantic consequence within some formal system of a set of statements is false.[9] Or, in other words, the set true.
if and only if there is no model
in which all members of
are true and
of the interpretations that make all members of
true is a subset of the set of the interpretations that make
Modal accounts
Modal accounts of logical consequence are variations on the following basic idea: is true if and only if it is necessary that if all of the elements of Alternatively (and, most would say, equivalently): is true if and only if it is impossible for all of the elements of to be true and false. are true, then is true.
Logical consequence Such accounts are called "modal" because they appeal to the modal notions of logical necessity and logical possibility. 'It is necessary that' is often expressed as a universal quantifier over possible worlds, so that the accounts above translate as: is true if and only if there is no possible world at which all of the elements of false (untrue). Consider the modal account in terms of the argument given as an example above: All frogs are green. Kermit is a frog. Therefore, Kermit is green. The conclusion is a logical consequence of the premises because we can't imagine a possible world where (a) all frogs are green; (b) Kermit is a frog; and (c) Kermit is not green. are true and is
204
Modal-formal accounts
Modal-formal accounts of logical consequence combine the modal and formal accounts above, yielding variations on the following basic idea: if and only if it is impossible for an argument with the same logical form as premises and a false conclusion. / to have true
Warrant-based accounts
The accounts considered above are all "truth-preservational," in that they all assume that the characteristic feature of a good inference is that it never allows one to move from true premises to an untrue conclusion. As an alternative, some have proposed "warrant-preservational" accounts, according to which the characteristic feature of a good inference is that it never allows one to move from justifiably assertible premises to a conclusion that is not justifiably assertible. This is (roughly) the account favored by intuitionists such as Michael Dummett.
Non-monotonic logical consequence

The accounts discussed above all yield monotonic consequence relations, i.e. ones such that if of , then is a consequence of any superset of relations to capture the idea that, e.g., 'Tweety can fly' is a logical consequence of {Birds can typically fly, Tweety is a bird} but not of {Birds can typically fly, Tweety is a bird, Tweety is a penguin}. For more on this, see Belief revision#Non-monotonic inference relation. is a consequence . It is also possible to specify non-monotonic consequence
References
[1] Beall, JC and Restall, Greg, Logical Consequence (http:/ / plato. stanford. edu/ archives/ fall2009/ entries/ logical-consequence/ ) The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Fall 2009 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.). [2] Quine, Willard Van Orman, Philosophy of logic [3] McKeon, Matthew, Logical Consequence (http:/ / www. iep. utm. edu/ logcon/ ) Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy. [4] Dummett, Michael (1993) philosophy of language (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=EYP7uCZIRQYC& pg=PA82& lpg=PA82& dq=syntactic+ consequence& source=bl& ots=Ms58438B6w& sig=FE38FCaZpRpAr18gtG7INX4wieM& hl=en& ei=qOy7SoLlEI7KsQPgnYG7BA& sa=X& oi=book_result& ct=result& resnum=6#v=onepage& q=syntactic consequence& f=false''Frege:) Harvard University Press, p.82ff [5] Lear, Jonathan (1986) and Logical Theory (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=lXI7AAAAIAAJ& pg=PA1& lpg=PA1& dq=syntactic+ consequence& source=bl& ots=8IYWyFYTN-& sig=wrOg75cFxQwn1Uq-8LShBNXf9w0& hl=en& ei=I-y7SpHtLZLotgOsnLHcBQ& sa=X& oi=book_result& ct=result& resnum=10#v=onepage& q=syntactic consequence& f=false''Aristotle) Cambridge University Press,
Logical consequence
136p. [6] Creath, Richard, and Friedman, Michael (2007) Cambridge companion to Carnap (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=87BcFLgJmxMC& pg=PA189& lpg=PA189& dq=syntactic+ consequence& source=bl& ots=Fn2zomcMZP& sig=8hnJWsJFysNhmWLskICo4IQDYAc& hl=en& ei=I-y7SpHtLZLotgOsnLHcBQ& sa=X& oi=book_result& ct=result& resnum=6#v=onepage& q=syntactic consequence& f=false''The) Cambridge University Press, 371p. [7] FOLDOC: "syntactic consequence" (http:/ / www. swif. uniba. it/ lei/ foldop/ foldoc. cgi?syntactic+ consequence) [8] Hunter, Geoffrey, Metalogic: An Introduction to the Metatheory of Standard First-Order Logic, University of California Pres, 1971, p. 75. [9] Etchemendy, John, Logical consequence, The Cambridge Dictionary of Philosophy
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Presupposition
In the branch of linguistics known as pragmatics, a presupposition (or ps) is an implicit assumption about the world or background belief relating to an utterance whose truth is taken for granted in discourse. Examples of presuppositions include: Jane no longer writes fiction. Presupposition: Jane once wrote fiction. Have you stopped eating meat? Presupposition: you had once eaten meat. Have you talked to Hans? Presupposition: Hans exists. A presupposition must be mutually known or assumed by the speaker and addressee for the utterance to be considered appropriate in context. It will generally remain a necessary assumption whether the utterance is placed in the form of an assertion, denial, or question, and can be associated with a specific lexical item or grammatical feature (presupposition trigger) in the utterance. Crucially, negation of an expression does not change its presuppositions: I want to do it again and I don't want to do it again both presuppose that the subject has done it already one or more times; My wife is pregnant and My wife is not pregnant both presuppose that the subject has a wife. In this respect, presupposition is distinguished from entailment and implicature. For example, The president was assassinated entails that The president is dead, but if the expression is negated, the entailment is not necessarily true.
Negation of a sentence containing a presupposition

If presuppositions of a sentence are not consistent with the actual state of affairs, then one of two approaches can be taken. Given the sentences My wife is pregnant and My wife is not pregnant when one has no wife, then either: 1. Both the sentence and its negation are false; or 2. Strawson's approach: Both "my wife is pregnant" and "my wife is not pregnant" use a wrong presupposition (i.e. that there exists a referent which can be described with the noun phrase my wife) and therefore can not be assigned truth values. Bertrand Russell tries to solve this dilemma with two interpretations of the negated sentence: 1. "There exists exactly one person, who is my wife and who is not pregnant" 2. "There does not exist exactly one person, who is my wife and who is pregnant." For the first phrase, Russell would claim that it is false, whereas the second would be true according to him.
Presupposition
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Projection of presuppositions
A presupposition of a part of an utterance is sometimes also a presupposition of the whole utterance, and sometimes not. For instance, the phrase my wife triggers the presupposition that I have a wife. The first sentence below carries that presupposition, even though the phrase occurs inside an embedded clause. In the second sentence, however, it does not. John might be mistaken about his belief that I have a wife, or he might be deliberately trying to misinform his audience, and this has an effect on the meaning of the second sentence, but, perhaps surprisingly, not on the first one. 1. John thinks that my wife is beautiful. 2. John said that my wife is beautiful. Thus, this seems to be a property of the main verbs of the sentences, think and say, respectively. After work by Lauri Karttunen,[1] verbs that allow presuppositions to "pass up" to the whole sentence ("project") are called holes, and verbs that block such passing up, or projection of presuppositions are called plugs. Some linguistic environments are intermediate between plugs and holes: They block some presuppositions and allow others to project. These are called filters. An example of such an environment are indicative conditionals ("If-then" clauses). A conditional sentence contains an antecedent and a consequent. The antecedent is the part preceded by the word "if," and the consequent is the part that is (or could be) preceded by "then." If the consequent contains a presupposition trigger, and the triggered presupposition is explicitly stated in the antecedent of the conditional, then the presupposition is blocked. Otherwise, it is allowed to project up to the entire conditional. Here is an example: If I have a wife, then my wife is blonde. Here, the presupposition triggered by the expression my wife (that I have a wife) is blocked, because it is stated in the antecedent of the conditional: That sentence doesn't imply that I have a wife. In the following example, it is not stated in the antecedent, so it is allowed to project, i.e. the sentence does imply that I have a wife. If it's already 4am, then my wife is probably angry. Hence, conditional sentences act as filters for presuppositions that are triggered by expressions in their consequent. A significant amount of current work in semantics and pragmatics is devoted to a proper understanding of when and how presuppositions project.
Presupposition triggers
A presupposition trigger is a lexical item or linguistic construction which is responsible for the presupposition.[2] The following is a selection of presuppositional triggers following Stephen C. Levinson's classic textbook on Pragmatics, which in turn draws on a list produced by Lauri Karttunen. As is customary, the presuppositional triggers themselves are italicized, and the symbol stands for 'presupposes'.[3]
Definite descriptions
Definite descriptions are phrases of the form "the X" where X is a noun phrase. The description is said to be proper when the phrase applies to exactly one object, and conversely, it is said to be improper when either there exist more than one potential referents, as in "the senator from Ohio", or none at all, as in "the king of France". In conventional speech, definite descriptions are implicitly assumed to be proper, hence such phrases trigger the presupposition that the referent is unique and existent. John saw the man with two heads. there exists a man with two heads.
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Factive verbs
In Western epistemology, there is a tradition originating with Plato of defining knowledge as justified true belief. On this definition, for someone to know X, it is required that X be true. A linguistic question thus arises regarding the usage of such phrases: does a person who states "John knows X" implicitly claim the truth of X? Steven Pinker explored this question in a popular science format in a 2007 book on language and cognition, using a widely publicized example from a speech by a U.S. president. A 2003 speech by George W. Bush included the line, "British Intelligence has learned that Saddam Hussein recently sought significant quantities of uranium from Africa."[4] Over the next few years, it became apparent that this intelligence lead was incorrect. But the way the speech was phrased, using a factive verb, implicitly framed the lead as truth rather than hypothesis. The factivity thesis, the proposition that relational predicates having to do with knowledge, such as knows, learn, remembers, and realized, presuppose the factual truth of their object, however, was subject to notable criticism by Allan Hazlett. Martha regrets drinking John's home brew. Martha drank John's home brew. Frankenstein was aware that Dracula was there. Dracula was there. John realized that he was in debt. John was in debt. It was odd how proud he was. He was proud. Some further factive predicates: know; be sorry that; be proud that; be indifferent that; be glad that; be sad that.
Implicative verbs
John managed to open the door. John tried to open the door. John forgot to lock the door. John ought to have locked, or intended to lock, the door. Some further implicative predicates: X happened to VX didn't plan or intend to V; X avoided VingX was expected to, or usually did, or ought to V, etc.
Change of state verbs

John stopped teasing his wife. John had been teasing his wife. Joan began teasing her husband. Joan hadn't been teasing her husband. Some further change of state verbs: start; finish; carry on; cease; take (as in X took Y from Z Y was at/in/with Z); leave; enter; come; go; arrive; etc.
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Iteratives
The flying saucer came again. The flying saucer came before. You can't get gobstoppers anymore. You once could get gobstoppers. Carter returned to power. Carter held power before. Further iteratives: another time; to come back; restore; repeat; for the nth time.
Temporal clauses
Before Strawson was even born, Frege noticed presuppositions. Strawson was born. While Chomsky was revolutionizing linguistics, the rest of social science was asleep. Chomsky was revolutionizing linguistics. Since Churchill died, we've lacked a leader. Churchill died. Further temporal clause constructors: after; during; whenever; as (as in As John was getting up, he slipped).
Cleft sentences
Cleft construction: It was Henry that kissed Rosie. Someone kissed Rosie. Pseudo-cleft construction: What John lost was his wallet. John lost something.
Comparisons and contrasts

Comparisons and contrasts may be marked by stress (or by other prosodic means), by particles like "too", or by comparatives constructions. Marianne called Adolph a male chauvinist, and then HE insulted HER. For Marianne to call Adolph a male chauvinist would be to insult him. Carol is a better linguist than Barbara. Barbara is a linguist.
Counterfactual conditionals
If the notice had only said 'mine-field' in Welsh as well as in English, we would never have lost poor Llewellyn. The notice didn't say 'mine-field' in Welsh.
Questions
Presuppose a seeking for what is sought.
Possessive case
John's children are very noisy. John has children.
Presupposition
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Accommodation of presuppositions
A presupposition of a sentence must normally be part of the common ground of the utterance context (the shared knowledge of the interlocutors) in order for the sentence to be felicitous. Sometimes, however, sentences may carry presuppositions that are not part of the common ground and nevertheless be felicitous. For example, I can, upon being introduced to someone, out of the blue explain that my wife is a dentist, this without my addressee having ever heard, or having any reason to believe that I have a wife. In order to be able to interpret my utterance, the addressee must assume that I have a wife. This process of an addressee assuming that a presupposition is true, even in the absence of explicit information that it is, is usually called presupposition accommodation. We have just seen that presupposition triggers like my wife (definite descriptions) allow for such accommodation. In "Presupposition and Anaphora: Remarks on the Formulation of the Projection Problem",[5] the philosopher Saul Kripke noted that some presupposition triggers do not seem to permit such accommodation. An example of that is the presupposition trigger too. This word triggers the presupposition that, roughly, something parallel to what is stated has happened. For example, if pronounced with emphasis on John, the following sentence triggers the presupposition that somebody other than John had dinner in New York last night. John had dinner in New York last night, too. But that presupposition, as stated, is completely trivial, given what we know about New York. Several million people had dinner in New York last night, and that in itself doesn't satisfy the presupposition of the sentence. What is needed for the sentence to be felicitous is really that somebody relevant to the interlocutors had dinner in New York last night, and that this has been mentioned in the previous discourse, or that this information can be recovered from it. Presupposition triggers that disallow accommodation are called anaphoric presupposition triggers.
Presupposition in Critical discourse analysis

Critical discourse analysis (CDA) seeks to identify presuppositions of an ideological nature. CDA is critical, not only in the sense of being analytical, but also in the ideological sense.[6] Van Dijk (2003) says CDA "primarily studies the way social power abuse, dominance, and inequality" operate in speech acts (including written text)"text and talk". Van Dijk describes CDA as written from a particular point of view: "dissendent research" aimed to "expose" and "resist social inequality." One notable feature of ideological presuppositions researched in CDA is a concept termed synthetic personalisation.[citation needed]
References
[1] Karttunen, Lauri (http:/ / www2. parc. com/ istl/ members/ karttune/ ) 1974. Presupposition and Linguistic Context (http:/ / www2. parc. com/ istl/ members/ karttune/ publications/ archive/ presupplingcontext. pdf). Theoretical Linguistics 1 181-94. Also in Pragmatics: A Reader, Steven Davis (ed.), pages 406-415, Oxford University Press, 1991. [2] Kadmon, Nirit. Formal pragmatics: semantics, pragmatics, presupposition, and focus. Great Britain: Wiley-Blackwell, 2001, page 10. [3] Levinson, Stephen C. Pragmatics.Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983, pp. 181-184. [4] Bush, George W., State of the Union Address, January 28th, 2003. [5] Kripke, Saul (2009) "Presupposition and Anaphora: Remarks on the Formulation of the Projection Problem," Linguistic Inquiry, Vol. 40, No. 3, Pages 367-386. (http:/ / www. mitpressjournals. org/ doi/ abs/ 10. 1162/ ling. 2009. 40. 3. 367) [6] "Critical discourse analysis (CDA) is a type of discourse analytical research that primarily studies the way social power abuse, dominance, and inequality are enacted, reproduced, and resisted by text and talk in the social and political context. With such dissident research, critical discourse analysts take explicit position, and thus want to understand, expose, and ultimately resist social inequality." Teun Adrianus van Dijk, " Critical Discourse Analysis (http:/ / www. discourses. org/ OldArticles/ Critical discourse analysis. pdf)", chapter 18 in Deborah Schiffrin, Deborah Tannen and Heidi E. Hamilton (eds.), The Handbook of Discourse Analysis (http:/ / books. google. com. au/ books?id=QU-fx4NEu8cC), (Wiley-Blackwell, 2003): pp. 352371.
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Reference articles
Beaver, David (https://webspace.utexas.edu/dib97). 1997. Presupposition. In J. van Benthem and A. ter Meulen (eds.), The Handbook of Logic and Language, Elsevier, pp.9391008. Henk Zeevat (http://cf.hum.uva.nl/computerlinguistiek/henk). To appear. Accommodation. In Ramchand, G. and C. Reiss (eds.), Oxford Handbook of Linguistic Interfaces (http://www.oup.com/us/catalog/general/ subject/Linguistics/SemanticsPragmaticsPhilosophyofL/?view=usa&ci=9780199247455), Oxford University Press.
Thick description
Anthropology
Fields

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In anthropology and other fields, a thick description of a human behavior is one that explains not just the behavior, but its context as well, such that the behavior becomes meaningful to an outsider. The term was used by the anthropologist Clifford Geertz in his The Interpretation of Cultures (1973) to describe his own method of doing ethnography (Geertz 1973:5-6, 9-10). Since then, the term and the methodology it represents has gained currency in the social sciences and beyond. Today, "thick description" is used in a variety of fields, including the type of literary criticism known as New Historicism. In his essay "Thick Description: Toward an Interpretive Theory of Culture" (1973), Geertz explains that he adopted the term from philosopher Gilbert Ryle, specifically his lecture "What is le Penseur doing?"
Adoption
Geertz's "thick description" approach was adopted by the sociologist Allen Scarboro, psychologist Nancy Campbell and literary critic Shirley Stave in their book Living Witchcraft: A Contemporary American Coven (1994). In Living Witchcraft, the trio examined a Wiccan coven known as Ravenswood which met in the city of Atlanta, Georgia during the early 1990s. Highlighting Geertz's influence in the opening introduction to the book, they noted their intention of not only presenting the Wiccans in a manner that they themselves would recognize, but also in a manner that would allow a "non-Witch, specifically a thinking, reflective, non-Witch" to understand what they "would
Thick description experience were she or he to participate in rituals and classes at Ravenwood."[1]
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References
Footnotes
[1] Scarboro, Campbell and Stave 1994. p. xi.
Bibliography
Scarboro, Allen; Campbell, Nancy; Stave, Shirley (1994). Living Witchcraft: A Contemporary American Coven. Westport, Connecticut and London: Praeger. ISBN978-0275946883. Geertz, Clifford. "Thick Description: Toward an Interpretive Theory of Culture". In The Interpretation of Cultures: Selected Essays. New York: Basic Books, 1973. 3-30. McCloskey, Deirdre. "Thick and Thin Methodologies in the History of Economic Thought". In The Popperian Legacy in Economics. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1988. 245-57.
External links
Ryle, Gilbert. What is le Penseur doing? (http://lucy.ukc.ac.uk/CSACSIA/Vol14/Papers/ryle_1.html) lecture by Ryle (1971), and later published in his collected papers.
Affordance
An affordance is a quality of an object, or an environment, which allows an individual to perform an action. For example, a knob affords twisting, and perhaps pushing, while a cord affords pulling. Different definitions of the term have developed, as explained in the following sections. The original definition described all actions that are physically possible. This was later adapted to describe action possibilities of which an actor is aware. The term has further evolved for use in the context of humancomputer interaction (HCI) to indicate the easy discoverability of possible actions.
The handles on this tea set provide an obvious affordance for holding.
The word is used in a variety of fields: perceptual psychology, cognitive psychology, environmental psychology, industrial design, HCI, interaction design, instructional design, science, technology and society (STS), and artificial intelligence.
As action possibilities
Psychologist James J. Gibson originally introduced the term in his 1977 article "The Theory of Affordances"[1] and explored it more fully in his book The Ecological Approach to Visual Perception[2] in 1979. He defined affordances as all "action possibilities" latent in the environment, objectively measurable and independent of the individual's ability to recognize them, but always in relation to agents and therefore dependent on their capabilities. For instance, a set of steps which rises four feet high does not afford the act of climbing if the actor is a crawling infant. Gibson's is the prevalent definition in cognitive psychology.
Affordance Affordances were further studied by James Gibson's wife, Eleanor J. Gibson, who created her theory of perceptual learning around this concept. Eleanor Gibson's book, An Ecological Approach to Perceptual Learning and Development explores affordances further. Jakob von Uexkll had already discussed the concept in the early twentieth century,[3] calling it the "functional colouring" (funktionale Tnung) of objects. Anderson, Yamagishi and Karavia (2002) sought to determine whether visual attention or affordance forms the basis of the motor signals generated by many everyday graspable objects. By examining how the properties of an object affect an observers reaction time for judging its orientation, they provided evidence to indicate that directed visual attention (not affordance) is responsible for the automatic generation of many motor signals associated with the spatial characteristics of perceived objects.
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As perceived action possibilities

In 1988, Donald Norman appropriated the term affordances in the context of humanmachine interaction to refer to just those action possibilities that are readily perceivable by an actor. Through his book The Design of Everyday Things,[4] this interpretation was popularized within the fields of HCI and interaction design. It makes the concept dependent not only on the physical capabilities of an actor, but also the actor's goals, plans, values, beliefs, and past experiences. If an actor steps into a room with an armchair and a softball, Gibson's original definition of affordances allows that the actor may throw the chair and sit on the ball, because this is objectively possible. Norman's definition of (perceived) affordances captures the likelihood that the actor will sit on the armchair and throw the softball. Effectively, Norman's affordances "suggest" how an object may be interacted with. For example, the size and shape of a softball obviously fit nicely in the average human hand, and its density and texture make it perfect for throwing. The user may also bring past experiences to bear with similar objects (baseballs, perhaps) when evaluating a new affordance. Norman's 1988 definition makes the concept of affordance relational rather than subjective or intrinsic. This he deemed an "ecological approach", which is related to systems-theoretic approaches in the natural and social sciences. The focus on perceived affordances is much more pertinent to practical design problems from a human-factors approach, which may explain its widespread adoption. Norman later explained that this restriction in meaning of the term had been unintended, and that he would replace the term by "perceived affordance" in any future revision of the book.[5][6] However, the definition from his book has been widely adopted in HCI and interaction design, and both meanings are now commonly used in these fields. The different interpretations of affordances, although closely related, can be a source of confusion in writing and conversation if the intended meaning is not made explicit and if the word is not used consistently. Even authoritative textbooks can be inconsistent in their use of the term.[7]
Further shift of meaning

Norman's adaptation of the concept has seen a further shift of meaning, in which the term affordance is used as an uncountable noun, referring to the property of an object or system's action possibilities being easily discoverable, as in "this web page has good affordance", or "this button needs more affordance". This has then in turn given rise to a use of the verb afford from which Gibson's original term was derived in a way that is not consistent with its dictionary definition. Rather than "to provide" or "to make available", designers and those in the field of HCI often use afford as meaning "to suggest" or "to invite".
Affordance
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False affordance
William Gaver divided affordances into three categories: perceptible, hidden, and false. A false affordance is an apparent affordance that does not have any real function, meaning that the actor perceives nonexistent possibilities for action.[8] A good example of a false affordance is a placebo button.[9] In his article, Gaver explains that a hidden affordance indicates that there are possibilities for action, but these are not perceived by the actor -for example it is not apparent from looking at a shoe, that it could be used to open a wine bottle. At a perceptible affordance, there is perceptible information available for an existing affordance, meaning that the actor perceives and can then act upon the existing affordance. This means that, when affordances are perceptible, they offer a direct link between perception and action, and, when affordances are hidden or false, they can lead to mistakes and misunderstandings.
References
[1] JamesJ. Gibson (1977), The Theory of Affordances. In Perceiving, Acting, and Knowing, edited by Robert Shaw and John Bransford, ISBN 0-470-99014-7. [2] JamesJ. Gibson (1979), The Ecological Approach to Visual Perception, ISBN 0-89859-959-8. [3] Uexkll, Jakob von (1980[1920etc.]), ', edited by Thure von Uexkll, Frankfurt am Main. [4] Donald Norman, The Design of Everyday Things, ISBN 0-465-06710-7. Originally published under the title The Psychology of Everyday Things, often abbreviated to POET. [5] Donald A. Norman (1999). Affordance, Conventions and Design. Interactions 6(3):38-43, May 1999, ACM Press. [6] Affordance, Conventions and Design (Part 2) (http:/ / www. jnd. org/ dn. mss/ affordance_conv. html) [7] In HumanComputer Interaction, Preece et al. (1994, p. 6) explicitly define perceived affordances as being a subset of all affordances, but the meanings are intermingled later in the same paragraph by talking about "good affordance"; in Universal Principles of Design, Lidwell, Holden & Butler (2003, p.20) first explain that round wheels are better suited for rolling than square ones and therefore better afford (i.e. allow) rolling, but later state that a door handle "affords" (i.e. suggests) pulling, but not pushing. [8] http:/ / www. interaction-design. org/ encyclopedia/ affordances. html "Affordances" [9] "Placebo buttons, false affordances and habit-forming" (http:/ / architectures. danlockton. co. uk/ 2008/ 10/ 01/ placebo-buttons-false-affordances-and-habit-forming/ )
Latent semantic analysis
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Semantics
Language Linguistics
Formal semantics (logic & linguistics) Lexis Lexical semantics Statistical semantics Structural semantics Prototype semantics Lexicology Semantic analysis Latent semantic analysis Theory of descriptions Force dynamics Unsolved problems Semantic matching Analysis (machine) Abstract semantic graph Semantic Web Semantic wiki Semantic file system Abstract interpretation Formal semantics of programming languages Denotational semantics Axiomatic semantics Operational semantics Action semantics Categorical semantics Concurrency semantics Game semantics Predicate transformer
Latent semantic analysis (LSA) is a technique in natural language processing, in particular in vectorial semantics, of analyzing relationships between a set of documents and the terms they contain by producing a set of concepts related to the documents and terms. LSA assumes that words that are close in meaning will occur in similar pieces of text. A matrix containing word counts per paragraph (rows represent unique words and columns represent each paragraph) is constructed from a large piece of text and a mathematical technique called singular value decomposition (SVD) is used to reduce the number of columns while preserving the similarity structure among rows. Words are then compared by taking the cosine of the angle between the two vectors formed by any two rows. Values close to 1 represent very similar words while values close to 0 represent very dissimilar words. LSA was patented in 1988 (US Patent 4,839,853 [1]) by Scott Deerwester, Susan Dumais, George Furnas, Richard Harshman, Thomas Landauer, Karen Lochbaum and Lynn Streeter. In the context of its application to information retrieval, it is sometimes called Latent Semantic Indexing (LSI).
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Overview
Occurrence matrix
LSA can use a term-document matrix which describes the occurrences of terms in documents; it is a sparse matrix whose rows correspond to terms and whose columns correspond to documents. A typical example of the weighting of the elements of the matrix is tf-idf (term frequencyinverse document frequency): the element of the matrix is proportional to the number of times the terms appear in each document, where rare terms are upweighted to reflect their relative importance. This matrix is also common to standard semantic models, though it is not necessarily explicitly expressed as a matrix, since the mathematical properties of matrices are not always used.
Rank lowering
After the construction of the occurrence matrix, LSA finds a low-rank approximation[2] to the term-document matrix. There could be various reasons for these approximations: The original term-document matrix is presumed too large for the computing resources; in this case, the approximated low rank matrix is interpreted as an approximation (a "least and necessary evil"). The original term-document matrix is presumed noisy: for example, anecdotal instances of terms are to be eliminated. From this point of view, the approximated matrix is interpreted as a de-noisified matrix (a better matrix than the original). The original term-document matrix is presumed overly sparse relative to the "true" term-document matrix. That is, the original matrix lists only the words actually in each document, whereas we might be interested in all words related to each documentgenerally a much larger set due to synonymy. The consequence of the rank lowering is that some dimensions are combined and depend on more than one term: {(car), (truck), (flower)} --> {(1.3452 * car + 0.2828 * truck), (flower)} This mitigates the problem of identifying synonymy, as the rank lowering is expected to merge the dimensions associated with terms that have similar meanings. It also mitigates the problem with polysemy, since components of polysemous words that point in the "right" direction are added to the components of words that share a similar meaning. Conversely, components that point in other directions tend to either simply cancel out, or, at worst, to be smaller than components in the directions corresponding to the intended sense.
Derivation
Let be a matrix where element describes the occurrence of term in document (this can be, for example, the frequency). will look like this:
Now a row in this matrix will be a vector corresponding to a term, giving its relation to each document:
Likewise, a column in this matrix will be a vector corresponding to a document, giving its relation to each term:
Latent semantic analysis Now the dot product The matrix product contains the dot product between two term vectors gives the correlation between the terms over the documents. contains all these dot products. Element ( ). Likewise, the matrix (which is equal to element )
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contains the dot products between all the . and are orthogonal matrices and is a
document vectors, giving their correlation over the terms: Now assume that there exists a decomposition of such that diagonal matrix. This is called a singular value decomposition (SVD):
The matrix products giving us the term and document correlations then become
Since
and
are diagonal we see that
must contain the eigenvectors of
, while
must be the
eigenvectors of
. Both products have the same non-zero eigenvalues, given by the non-zero entries of . Now the decomposition looks like this:
, or equally, by the non-zero entries of
The values
are called the singular values, and that contributes to is the is the that contributes to
and column,
the left and right singular . . These are not the eigenvectors, but and
vectors. Notice the only part of Likewise, the only part of
row. Let this row vector be called
depend on all the eigenvectors. It turns out that when you select the , you get the rank
largest singular values, and their corresponding singular vectors from
approximation to
with the smallest error (Frobenius norm). This approximation has a
minimal error. But more importantly we can now treat the term and document vectors as a "semantic space". The vector then has entries mapping it to a lower dimensional space dimensions. These new dimensions do not relate to any comprehensible concepts. They are a lower dimensional approximation of the higher dimensional space. Likewise, the vector is an approximation in this lower dimensional space. We write this approximation as
You can now do the following: See how related documents and are in the low dimensional space by comparing the vectors and
(typically by cosine similarity). Comparing terms and by comparing the vectors and . Documents and term vector representations can be clustered using traditional clustering algorithms like k-means using similarity measures like cosine. Given a query, view this as a mini document, and compare it to your documents in the low dimensional space. To do the latter, you must first translate your query into the low dimensional space. It is then intuitive that you must use the same transformation that you use on your documents:
Latent semantic analysis Note here that the inverse of the diagonal matrix matrix. This means that if you have a query vector , you must do the translation before you compare it may be found by inverting each nonzero value within the
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with the document vectors in the low dimensional space. You can do the same for pseudo term vectors:
Applications
The new low dimensional space typically can be used to: Compare the documents in the low dimensional space (data clustering, document classification). Find similar documents across languages, after analyzing a base set of translated documents (cross language retrieval). Find relations between terms (synonymy and polysemy). Given a query of terms, translate it into the low dimensional space, and find matching documents (information retrieval). Find the best similarity between small groups of terms, in a semantic way (i.e. in a context of a knowledge corpus), as for example in multi choice questions MCQ answering model. Synonymy and polysemy are fundamental problems in natural language processing: Synonymy is the phenomenon where different words describe the same idea. Thus, a query in a search engine may fail to retrieve a relevant document that does not contain the words which appeared in the query. For example, a search for "doctors" may not return a document containing the word "physicians", even though the words have the same meaning. Polysemy is the phenomenon where the same word has multiple meanings. So a search may retrieve irrelevant documents containing the desired words in the wrong meaning. For example, a botanist and a computer scientist looking for the word "tree" probably desire different sets of documents.
Commercial applications
LSA has been used to assist in performing prior art searches for patents.
Applications in human memory

The use of Latent Semantic Analysis has been prevalent in the study of human memory, especially in areas of free recall and memory search. There is a positive correlation between the semantic similarity of two words (as measured by LSA) and the probability that the words would be recalled one after another in free recall tasks using study lists of random common nouns. They also noted that in these situations, the inter-response time between the similar words was much quicker than between dissimilar words. These findings are referred to as the Semantic Proximity Effect. When participants made mistakes in recalling studied items, these mistakes tended to be items that were more semantically related to the desired item and found in a previously studied list. These prior-list intrusions, as they have come to be called, seem to compete with items on the current list for recall. Another model, termed Word Association Spaces (WAS) is also used in memory studies by collecting free association data from a series of experiments and which includes measures of word relatedness for over 72,000 distinct word pairs.
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Implementation
The SVD is typically computed using large matrix methods (for example, Lanczos methods) but may also be computed incrementally and with greatly reduced resources via a neural network-like approach, which does not require the large, full-rank matrix to be held in memory. A fast, incremental, low-memory, large-matrix SVD algorithm has recently been developed. MATLAB [3] and Python [4] implementations of these fast algorithms are available. Unlike Gorrell and Webb's (2005) stochastic approximation, Brand's algorithm (2003) provides an exact solution.
Limitations
Some of LSA's drawbacks include: The resulting dimensions might be difficult to interpret. For instance, in {(car), (truck), (flower)} --> {(1.3452 * car + 0.2828 * truck), (flower)} the (1.3452 * car + 0.2828 * truck) component could be interpreted as "vehicle". However, it is very likely that cases close to {(car), (bottle), (flower)} --> {(1.3452 * car + 0.2828 * bottle), (flower)} will occur. This leads to results which can be justified on the mathematical level, but have no interpretable meaning in natural language. LSA cannot capture polysemy (i.e., multiple meanings of a word). Each occurrence of a word is treated as having the same meaning due to the word being represented as a single point in space. For example, the occurrence of "chair" in a document containing "The Chair of the Board" and in a separate document containing "the chair maker" are considered the same. The behavior results in the vector representation being an average of all the word's different meanings in the corpus, which can make it difficult for comparison. However, the effect is often lessened due to words having a predominant sense throughout a corpus (i.e. not all meanings are equally likely). Limitations of bag of words model (BOW), where a text is represented as an unordered collection of words. The probabilistic model of LSA does not match observed data: LSA assumes that words and documents form a joint Gaussian model (ergodic hypothesis), while a Poisson distribution has been observed. Thus, a newer alternative is probabilistic latent semantic analysis, based on a multinomial model, which is reported to give better results than standard LSA.
References
[1] [2] [3] [4] http:/ / patft. uspto. gov/ netacgi/ nph-Parser?patentnumber=4839853 Markovsky I. (2012) Low-Rank Approximation: Algorithms, Implementation, Applications, Springer, 2012, ISBN 978-1-4471-2226-5 http:/ / web. mit. edu/ ~wingated/ www/ resources. html http:/ / radimrehurek. com/ gensim
Thomas Landauer, Peter W. Foltz, & Darrell Laham (1998). "Introduction to Latent Semantic Analysis" (http:// lsa.colorado.edu/papers/dp1.LSAintro.pdf) (PDF). Discourse Processes 25 (23): 259284. doi: 10.1080/01638539809545028 (http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01638539809545028). Scott Deerwester, Susan T. Dumais, George W. Furnas, Thomas K. Landauer, Richard Harshman (1990). "Indexing by Latent Semantic Analysis" (http://lsi.research.telcordia.com/lsi/papers/JASIS90.pdf) (PDF). Journal of the American Society for Information Science 41 (6): 391407. doi: 10.1002/(SICI)1097-4571(199009)41:6<391::AID-ASI1>3.0.CO;2-9 (http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/ (SICI)1097-4571(199009)41:6<391::AID-ASI1>3.0.CO;2-9). Original article where the model was first exposed. Michael Berry, Susan T. Dumais, Gavin W. O'Brien (1995). Using Linear Algebra for Intelligent Information Retrieval (http://citeseer.ist.psu.edu/berry95using.html). (PDF) (http://lsirwww.epfl.ch/courses/dis/
Latent semantic analysis 2003ws/papers/ut-cs-94-270.pdf). Illustration of the application of LSA to document retrieval. "Latent Semantic Analysis" (http://iv.slis.indiana.edu/sw/lsa.html). InfoVis. Fridolin Wild (November 23, 2005). "An Open Source LSA Package for R" (http://cran.at.r-project.org/web/ packages/lsa/index.html). CRAN. Retrieved 2006-11-20. Thomas Landauer, Susan T. Dumais. "A Solution to Plato's Problem: The Latent Semantic Analysis Theory of Acquisition, Induction, and Representation of Knowledge" (http://www.welchco.com/02/14/01/60/96/02/ 2901.HTM). Retrieved 2007-07-02.
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External links
Articles on LSA
Latent Semantic Analysis (http://www.scholarpedia.org/article/Latent_semantic_analysis), a scholarpedia article on LSA written by Tom Landauer, one of the creators of LSA.
Talks and Demonstrations

LSA Overview (http://videolectures.net/slsfs05_hofmann_lsvm/), talk by Prof. Thomas Hofmann (http:// www.cs.brown.edu/~th/) describing LSA, its applications in Information Retrieval, and its connections to probabilistic latent semantic analysis. Complete LSA sample code in C# for Windows (http://www.semanticsearchart.com/researchLSA.html). The demo code includes enumeration of text files, filtering stop words, stemming, making a document-term matrix and SVD.
Implementations
Due to its cross-domain applications in Information Retrieval, Natural Language Processing (NLP), Cognitive Science and Computational Linguistics, LSA has been implemented to support many different kinds of applications. Sense Clusters (http://www.d.umn.edu/~tpederse/senseclusters.html), an Information Retrieval-oriented perl implementation of LSA S-Space Package (http://code.google.com/p/airhead-research/), a Computational Linguistics and Cognitive Science-oriented Java implementation of LSA Semantic Vectors (http://code.google.com/p/semanticvectors/) applies Random Projection, LSA, and Reflective Random Indexing to Lucene term-document matrices Infomap Project (http://infomap-nlp.sourceforge.net/), an NLP-oriented C implementation of LSA (superseded by semanticvectors project) Text to Matrix Generator (http://scgroup20.ceid.upatras.gr:8000/tmg/index.php/Main_Page), A MATLAB Toolbox for generating term-document matrices from text collections, with support for LSA Gensim contains a fast, online Python implementation of LSA for matrices larger than RAM.
Key Word in Context
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Key Word in Context

KWIC is an acronym for Key Word In Context, the most common format for concordance lines. The term KWIC was first coined by Hans Peter Luhn.[1] The system was based on a concept called keyword in titles which was first proposed for Manchester libraries in 1864 by Andrea Crestadoro. A KWIC index is formed by sorting and aligning the words within an article title to allow each word (except the stop words) in titles to be searchable alphabetically in the index. It was a useful indexing method for technical manuals before computerized full text search became common. For example, the title statement of this article and the Wikipedia slogan would appear as follows in a KWIC index. A KWIC index usually uses a wide layout to allow the display of maximum 'in context' information (not shown in the following example).
KWIC is an acronym for Key Word In Context, ... ... Key Word In Context, the most common format for concordance lines. ... the most common format for concordance lines. ... is an acronym for Key Word In Context, the most common format ... Wikipedia, The Free Encyclopedia ... In Context, the most common format for concordance lines. Wikipedia, The Free Encyclopedia KWIC is an acronym for Key Word In Context, the most ... KWIC is an acronym for Key Word ... ... common format for concordance lines. page 1 page 1 page 1 page 1 page 0 page 1 page 0 page 1 page 1 page 1
... for Key Word In Context, the most common format for concordance ... page 1 Wikipedia, The Free Encyclopedia KWIC is an acronym for Key Word In Context, the most common ... page 0 page 1
The term permuted index is another name for a KWIC index, referring to the fact that it indexes all cyclic permutations of the headings. Books composed of many short sections with their own descriptive headings, most notably collections of manual pages, often ended with a permuted index section, allowing the reader to easily find a section by any word from its heading. This practice is no longer common.
References in Literature
Note: The first reference does not show the KWIC index unless you pay to view the paper. The second reference does not even list the paper at all. David L. Parnas uses a KWIC Index as an example on how to perform modular design in his paper On the Criteria To Be Used in Decomposing Systems into Modules [2], available as an ACM Classic Paper [3] Christopher D. Manning and Hinrich Schtze describe a KWIC index and computer concordancing in section 1.4.5 of their book Foundations of Statistical Natural Language Processing
Key Word in Context
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References
[1] Manning, C. D., Schtze, H.: "Foundations of Statistical Natural Language Processing", p.35. The MIT Press, 1999 [2] http:/ / portal. acm. org/ citation. cfm?id=361623& coll=ACM& dl=ACM& CFID=9516243& CFTOKEN=98251202 [3] http:/ / www. acm. org/ classics/ may96/
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Reality mapping ground

Cognitive architecture
A cognitive architecture is a blueprint for intelligent agents. It proposes (artificial) computational processes that act like certain cognitive systems, most often, like a person, or acts intelligent under some definition. Cognitive architectures form a subset of general agent architectures. The term 'architecture' implies an approach that attempts to model not only behavior, but also structural properties of the modelled system.
Characterization
Common among researchers on cognitive architectures is the belief that understanding (human, animal or machine) cognitive processes means being able to implement them in a working system, though opinions differ as to what form such a system can have: some researchers assume that it will necessarily be a symbolic computational system whereas others argue for alternative models such as connectionist systems or dynamical systems. Cognitive architectures can be characterized by certain properties or goals, as follows, though there is not general agreement on all aspects: 1. Implementation of not just various different aspects of cognitive behavior but of cognition as a whole (Holism, e.g. Unified theory of cognition). This is in contrast to cognitive models, which focus on a particular competence, such as a kind of problem solving or a kind of learning. 2. The architecture often tries to reproduce the behavior of the modelled system (human), in a way that timely behavior (reaction times) of the architecture and modelled cognitive systems can be compared in detail. Other cognitive limitations are often modeled as well, e.g. limited working memory, attention or issues due to cognitive load. 3. Robust behavior in the face of error, the unexpected, and the unknown. (see Graceful degradation). 4. Learning (not for all cognitive architectures) 5. Parameter-free: The system does not depend on parameter tuning (in contrast to Artificial neural networks) (not for all cognitive architectures) 6. Some early theories such as Soar and ACT-R originally focused only on the 'internal' information processing of an intelligent agent, including tasks like reasoning, planning, solving problems, learning concepts. More recently many architectures (including Soar, ACT-R, PreAct, ICARUS, CLARION, FORR) have expanded to include perception, action, and also affective states and processes including motivation, attitudes, and emotions. 7. On some theories the architecture may be composed of different kinds of sub-architectures (often described as 'layers' or 'levels') where the layers may be distinguished by types of function, types of mechanism and representation used, types of information manipulated, or possibly evolutionary origin. These are hybrid architectures (e.g., CLARION). 8. Some theories allow different architectural components to be active concurrently, whereas others assume a switching mechanism that selects one component or module at a time, depending on the current task. Concurrency is normally required for an architecture for an animal or robot that has multiple sensors and effectors in a complex and dynamic environment, but not in all robotic paradigms. 9. Most theories assume that an architecture is fixed and only the information stored in various subsystems can change over time (e.g. Langley et al., below), whereas others allow architectures to grow, e.g. by acquiring new subsystems or new links between subsystems (e.g. Minsky and Sloman, below).
Cognitive architecture It is important to note that cognitive architectures don't have to follow a top-down approach to cognition (cf. Top-down and bottom-up design).
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Distinctions
Cognitive architectures can be symbolic, connectionist, or hybrid. Some cognitive architectures or models are based on a set of generic rules, as, e.g., the Information Processing Language (e.g., Soar based on the unified theory of cognition, or similarly ACT-R). Many of these architectures are based on the-mind-is-like-a-computer analogy. In contrast subsymbolic processing specifies no such rules a priori and relies on emergent properties of processing units (e.g. nodes). Hybrid architectures combine both types of processing (such as CLARION). A further distinction is whether the architecture is centralized with a neural correlate of a processor at its core, or decentralized (distributed). The decentralized flavor, has become popular under the name of parallel distributed processing in mid-1980s and connectionism, a prime example being neural networks. A further design issue is additionally a decision between holistic and atomistic, or (more concrete) modular structure. By analogy, this extends to issues of knowledge representation. In traditional AI, intelligence is often programmed from above: the programmer is the creator, and makes something and imbues it with its intelligence, though many traditional AI systems were also designed to learn (e.g. improving their game-playing or problem-solving competence). Biologically inspired computing, on the other hand, takes sometimes a more bottom-up, decentralised approach; bio-inspired techniques often involve the method of specifying a set of simple generic rules or a set of simple nodes, from the interaction of which emerges the overall behavior. It is hoped to build up complexity until the end result is something markedly complex (see complex systems). However, it is also arguable that systems designed top-down on the basis of observations of what humans and other animals can do rather than on observations of brain mechanisms, are also biologically inspired, though in a different way.
Some well-known cognitive architectures

4CAPS, developed at Carnegie Mellon University under Marcel A. Just ACT-R, developed at Carnegie Mellon University under John R. Anderson. ALifeE, developed under Toni Conde at the Ecole Polytechnique Fdrale de Lausanne. Apex developed under Michael Freed at NASA Ames Research Center. ASMO, developed under Rony Novianto at University of Technology, Sydney. CHREST, developed under Fernand Gobet at Brunel University and Peter C. Lane at the University of Hertfordshire. CLARION the cognitive architecture, developed under Ron Sun at Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute and University of Missouri. Copycat, by Douglas Hofstadter and Melanie Mitchell at the Indiana University. DUAL, developed at the New Bulgarian University under Boicho Kokinov. EPIC, developed under David E. Kieras and David E. Meyer at the University of Michigan. FORR developed by Susan L. Epstein at The City University of New York. GAIuS developed by Sevak Avakians. The H-Cogaff architecture, which is a special case of the CogAff schema. (See Taylor & Sayda, and Sloman refs below). CoJACK An ACT-R inspired extension to the JACK multi-agent system that adds a cognitive architecture to the agents for eliciting more realistic (human-like) behaviors in virtual environments.
IDA and LIDA, implementing Global Workspace Theory, developed under Stan Franklin at the University of Memphis. PreAct, developed under Dr. Norm Geddes at ASI.
Cognitive architecture PRODIGY, by Veloso et al. PRS 'Procedural Reasoning System', developed by Michael Georgeff and Amy Lansky at SRI International. Psi-Theory developed under Dietrich Drner at the Otto-Friedrich University in Bamberg, Germany. R-CAST, developed at the Pennsylvania State University. Soar, developed under Allen Newell and John Laird at Carnegie Mellon University and the University of Michigan. Society of mind and its successor the Emotion machine proposed by Marvin Minsky. Subsumption architectures, developed e.g. by Rodney Brooks (though it could be argued whether they are cognitive).
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Cognitive model
A cognitive model is an approximation to animal cognitive processes (predominantly human) for the purposes of comprehension and prediction. Cognitive models can be developed within or without a cognitive architecture, though the two are not always easily distinguishable. In contrast to cognitive architectures, cognitive models tend to be focused on a single cognitive phenomenon or process (e.g., list learning), how two or more processes interact (e.g., visual search and decision making), or to make behavioral predictions for a specific task or tool (e.g., how instituting a new software package will affect productivity). Cognitive architectures tend to be focused on the structural properties of the modeled system, and help constrain the development of cognitive models within the architecture. Likewise, model development helps to inform limitations and shortcomings of the architecture. Some of the most popular architectures for cognitive modeling include ACT-R and Soar.[citation needed]
History
Cognitive modeling historically developed within cognitive psychology/cognitive science (including human factors), and has received contributions from the fields of machine learning and artificial intelligence to name a few. There are many types of cognitive models, and they can range from box-and-arrow diagrams to a set of equations to software programs that interact with the same tools that humans use to complete tasks (e.g., computer mouse and keyboard).
Box-and-arrow models
A number of key terms are used to describe the processes involved in the perception, storage, and production of speech. The input signal is the speech signal heard by the child, usually assumed to come from an adult speaker. The output signal is the utterance produced by the child. The unseen psychological events that occur between the arrival of an input signal and the production of speech are the focus of psycholinguistic models. Events that process the input signal are referred to as input processes, whereas events that process the production of speech are referred to as output processes. Some aspects of speech processing are thought to happen onlinethat is, they occur during the actual perception or production of speech and thus require a share of the attentional resources dedicated to the speech task. Other processes, thought to happen offline, take place as part of the childs background mental processing rather than during the time dedicated to the speech task. In this sense, online processing is sometimes defined as occurring in real-time, whereas offline processing is said to be time-free (Hewlett, 1990). In box-and-arrow psycholinguistic models, each hypothesized level of representation or processing can be represented in a diagram by a box, and the relationships between them by arrows, hence the name. Sometimes (as in the models of Smith, 1973, and Menn, 1978, described later in this paper) the arrows represent processes additional to those shown in boxes. Such models make explicit the hypothesized information- processing activities carried out in a particular
Cognitive model cognitive function (such as language), in a manner analogous to computer flowcharts that depict the processes and decisions carried out by a computer program. Box-and-arrow models differ widely in the number of unseen psychological processes they describe and thus in the number of boxes they contain. Some have only one or two boxes between the input and output signals (e.g., Menn, 1978; Smith, 1973), whereas others have multiple boxes representing complex relationships between a number of different information-processing events (e.g., Hewlett, 1990; Hewlett, Gibbon, & Cohen- McKenzie,1998; Stackhouse & Wells, 1997). The most important box, however, and the source of much ongoing debate, is that representing the underlying representation (or UR). In essence, an underlying representation captures information stored in a childs mind about a word he or she knows and uses. As the following description of several models will illustrate, the nature of this information and thus the type(s) of representation present in the childs knowledge base have captured the attention of researchers for some time. (Elise Baker et al. Psycholinguistic Models of Speech Development and Their Application to Clinical Practice. Journal of Speech, Language, and Hearing Research. June 2001. 44. p 685702.)
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Computational models
A computational model is a mathematical model in computational science that requires extensive computational resources to study the behavior of a complex system by computer simulation. The system under study is often a complex nonlinear system for which simple, intuitive analytical solutions are not readily available. Rather than deriving a mathematical analytical solution to the problem, experimentation with the model is done by changing the parameters of the system in the computer, and studying the differences in the outcome of the experiments. Theories of operation of the model can be derived/deduced from these computational experiments. Examples of common computational models are weather forecasting models, earth simulator models, flight simulator models, molecular protein folding models, and neural network models.
Symbolic
. expressed in characters, usually nonnumeric, that require translation before they can be used
Subsymbolic
subsymbolic if it is made by constituent entities that are not representations in their turn, e.g., pixels, sound images as perceived by the ear, signal samples; subsymbolic units in neural networks can be considered particular cases of this category
Hybrid
Hybrid computers are computers that exhibit features of analog computers and digital computers. The digital component normally serves as the controller and provides logical operations, while the analog component normally serves as a solver of differential equations.
Cognitive model
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Dynamical systems
In the traditional computational approach, representations are viewed as static structures of discrete symbols. Cognition takes place by transforming static symbol structures in discrete, sequential steps. Sensory information is transformed into symbolic inputs, which produce symbolic outputs that get transformed into motor outputs. The entire system operates in an ongoing cycle. What is missing from this traditional view is that human cognition happens continuously and in real time. Breaking down the processes into discrete time steps may not fully capture this behavior. An alternative approach is to define a system with (1) a state of the system at any given time, (2) a behavior, defined as the change over time in overall state, and (3) a state set or state space, representing the totality of overall states the system could be in.[1] The system is distinguished by the fact that all of these states belong together; that is, a change in any aspect of the system depends on other aspects of the system.[2] A typical dynamical model is formalized by several differential equations that describe how the systems state changes over time. By doing so, the form of the space of possible trajectories and the internal and external forces that shape a specific trajectory that unfold over time, instead of the physical nature of the underlying mechanisms that manifest this dynamics, carry explanatory force. On this dynamical view, parametric inputs alter the systems intrinsic dynamics, rather than specifying an internal state that describes some external state of affairs.
Early dynamical systems

Associative memory Early work in the application of dynamical systems to cognition can be found in the model of Hopfield networks.[3][4] These networks were proposed as a model for associative memory. They represent the neural level of memory, modeling systems of around 30 neurons which can be in either an on or off state. By letting the network learn on its own, structure and computational properties naturally arise. Unlike previous models, memories can be formed and recalled by inputting a small portion of the entire memory. Time ordering of memories can also be encoded. The behavior of the system is modeled with vectors which can change values, representing different states of the system. This early model was a major step toward a dynamical systems view of human cognition, though many details had yet to be added and more phenomena accounted for. Language acquisition By taking into account the evolutionary development of the human nervous system and the similarity of the brain to other organs, Elman proposed that language and cognition should be treated as a dynamical system rather than a digital symbol processor.[5] Neural networks of the type Elman implemented have come to be known as Elman networks. Instead of treating language as a collection of static lexical items and grammar rules that are learned and then used according to fixed rules, the dynamical systems view defines the lexicon as regions of state space within a dynamical system. Grammar is made up of attractors and repellers that constrain movement in the state space. This means that representations are sensitive to context, with mental representations viewed as trajectories through mental space instead of objects that are constructed and remain static. Elman networks were trained with simple sentences to represent grammar as a dynamical system. Once a basic grammar had been learned, the networks could then parse complex sentences by predicting which words would appear next according to the dynamical model.[6]
Cognitive model Cognitive development A classic developmental error, the A-not-B error, has been investigated in the context of dynamical systems.[7][8] This error is proposed to be not a distinct error occurring at a specific age (8 to 10 months), but a feature of a dynamic learning process that is also present in older children. Children 2 years old were found to make an error similar to the A-not-B error when searching for toys hidden in a sandbox. After observing the toy being hidden in location A and repeatedly searching for it there, the 2-year-olds were shown a toy hidden in a new location B. When they looked for the toy, they searched in locations that were biased toward location A. This suggests that there is an ongoing representation of the toys location that changes over time. The childs past behavior influences its model of locations of the sandbox, and so an account of behavior and learning must take into account how the system of the sandbox and the childs past actions is changing over time. Locomotion One proposed mechanism of a dynamical system comes from analysis of continuous-time recurrent neural networks (CTRNNs). By focusing on the output of the neural networks rather than their states and examining fully interconnected networks, three-neuron Central pattern generator (CPG) can be used to represent systems such as leg movements during walking.[9] This CPG contains three motor neurons to control the foot, backward swing, and forward swing effectors of the leg. Outputs of the network represent whether the foot is up or down and how much force is being applied to generate torque in the leg joint. One feature of this pattern is that neuron outputs are either off or on most of the time. Another feature is that the states are quasi-stable, meaning that they will eventually transition to other states. A simple pattern generator circuit like this is proposed to be a building block for a dynamical system. Sets of neurons that simultaneously transition from one quasi-stable state to another are defined as a dynamic module. These modules can in theory be combined to create larger circuits that comprise a complete dynamical system. However, the details of how this combination could occur are not fully worked out.
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Modern dynamical systems

Behavioral dynamics Modern formalizations of dynamical systems applied to the study of cognition vary. One such formalization, referred to as behavioral dynamics,[10] treats the agent and the environment as a pair of coupled dynamical systems based on classical dynamical systems theory. In this formalization, the information from the environment informs the agent's behavior and the agent's actions modify the environment. In the specific case of perception-action cycles, the coupling of the environment and the agent is formalized by two functions. The first function transforms the representation of the agents action into specific patterns of muscle activation that in turn produce forces in the environment. The second function transforms the information from the environment (i.e., patterns of simulation at the agents receptors that reflects the environment's current state) into a representation that is useful for controlling the agents actions. Other similar dynamical systems have been proposed (although not developed into a formal framework) in which the agent's nervous systems, the agent's body, and the environment are coupled together[11][12] Adaptive behaviors Behavioral dynamics have been applied to locomotive behavior.[13][14] Modeling locomotion with behavioral dynamics demonstrates that adaptive behaviors could arise from the interactions of an agent and the environment. According to this framework, adaptive behaviors can be captured by two levels of analysis. At the first level of perception and action, an agent and an environment can be conceptualized as a pair of dynamical systems coupled together by the forces the agent applies to the environment and by the structured information provided by the environment. Thus, behavioral dynamics emerge from the agent-environment interaction. At the second level of time evolution, behavior can be expressed as a dynamical system represented as a vector field. In this vector field, attractors reflect stable behavioral solutions, where as bifurcations reflect changes in behavior. In contrast to
Cognitive model previous work on central pattern generators, this framework suggests that stable behavioral patterns are an emergent, self-organizing property of the agent-environment system rather than determined by the structure of either the agent or the environment. Open dynamical systems An open dynamical system is an extension of classical dynamical systems theory.[15] Rather than coupling the environment's and the agent's dynamical systems to each other, an open dynamical system defines a total system, an agent system, and a mechanism to relate these two systems. The total system is a dynamical system that models an agent in an environment, whereas the agent system is a dynamical system that models an agent's intrinsic dynamics (i.e., the agent's dynamics in the absence of an environment). Importantly, the relation mechanism does not couple the two systems together, but rather continuously modifies the total system into the decoupled agent's total system. By distinguishing between total and agent systems, it is possible to investigate an agent's behavior when it is isolated from the environment and when it is embedded within an environment. This formalization can be seen as a generalization from the classical formalization, whereby the agent system in the classical formalization can be viewed as the agent system in an open dynamical system, and the agent coupled to the environment and the environment can be viewed as the total system in an open dynamical system. Embodied cognition In the context of dynamical systems and embodied cognition, representations can be conceptualized as indicators or mediators. In the indicator view, internal states carry information about the existence of an object in the environment, where the state of a system during exposure to an object is the representation of that object. On the mediator view, internal states carry information about the environment which is used by the system in obtaining its goals. In this more complex account, the states of the system carries information that mediates between the information the agent takes in from the environment, and the force exerted on the environment by the agents behavior. The application of open dynamical systems have been discussed for four types of classical embodied cognition examples:[16] 1. Instances where the environment and agent must work together to achieve a goal, referred to as "intimacy". A classic example of intimacy is the behavior of simple agents working to achieve a goal (e.g., insects traversing the environment). The successful completion of the goal relies fully on the coupling of the agent to the environment.[17] 2. Instances where the use of external artifacts improves the performance of tasks than performance without these artifacts, referred to as "offloading". A classic example of offloading is the behavior of Scrabble players; people are able to create more words when playing Scrabble if they have the tiles in front of them and are allowed to physically manipulate their arrangement. In this example, the Scrabble tiles allow the agent to offload working memory demands on to the tiles themselves.[18] 3. Instances where a functionally equivalent external artifact replaces functions that are normally performed internally by the agent, which is a special case of offloading. One famous example is that of human (specifically the agents Otto and Inga) navigation in an complex environment with or without assistance of an artifact.[19] 4. Instances where there is not a single agent. The individual agent is part of larger system that contains multiple agents and multiple artifacts. One famous example, formulated by Ed Hutchins in his book Cognition in the Wild, is that of navigating a naval ship.[20] The interpretations of these examples rely on the following logic: (1) the total system captures embodiment; (2) one or more agent systems capture the intrinsic dynamics of individual agents; (3) the complete behavior of an agent can be understood as a change to the agent's intrinsic dynamics in relation to its situation in the environment; and (4) the paths of an open dynamical system can be interpreted as representational processes. These embodied cognition examples show the importance of studying the emergent dynamics of an agent-environment systems, as well as the intrinsic dynamics of agent systems. Rather than being at odds with traditional cognitive science approaches,
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Cognitive model dynamical systems are a natural extension of these methods and should be studied in parallel rather than in competition.
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References
[1] van Gelder, T. (1998). The dynamical hypothesis in cognitive science. Behavioral and Brain Sciences, 21, 615-665. [2] van Gelder, T. & Port, R. F. (1995). It's about time: An overview of the dynamical Approach to cognition. In R.F. Port and T. van Gelder (Eds.), Mind as motion: Explorations in the Dynamics of Cognition. (pp. 1-43). Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. [3] Hopfield, J. J. (1982). Neural networks and physical systems with emergent collective computational abilities. PNAS, 79, 2554-2558. [4] Hopfield, J. J. (1984). Neurons with graded response have collective computational properties like those of two-state neurons. PNAS, 81, 3088-3092. [5] Elman, J. L. (1995). Language as a dynamical system. In R.F. Port and T. van Gelder (Eds.), Mind as motion: Explorations in the Dynamics of Cognition. (pp. 195-223). Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. [6] Elman, J. L. (1991). Distributed representations, simple recurrent networks, and grammatical structure. Machine Learning, 7, 195-225. [7] Spencer, J. P., Smith, L. B., & Thelen, E. (2001). Tests of dynamical systems account of the A-not-B error: The influence of prior experience on the spatial memory abilities of two-year-olds. Child Development, 72(5), 1327-1346. [8] Thelen E., Schoner, G., Scheier, C., Smith, L. B. (2001). The dynamics of embodiment: A field theory of infant preservative reaching. Behavioral and Brain Sciences, 24, 1-86. [9] Chiel, H. J., Beer, R. D., & Gallagher, J. C. (1999). Evolution and analysis of model CPGs for walking. Journal of Computational Neuroscience, 7, 99-118. [10] Warren, W. H. (2006). The dynamics of perception and action. Psychological Review, 113(2), 359-389. doi: 10.1037/0033-295X.113.2.358 [11] Beer, R. D. (2000). Dynamical approaches to cognitive science. Trends in Cognitive Sciences, 4(3), 91-99. [12] Beer, R. D. (2003). The dynamics of active categorical perception in an evolved model agent. Adaptive Behavior, 11(4), 209-243. doi: 10.1177/1059712303114001 [13] Fajen, B., R., & Warren, W. H. (2003). Behavioral dynamics of steering, obstacle avoidance, and route selection. Journal of Experimental Psychology: Human Perception and Performance, 29, 343-362. [14] Fajen, B. R., Warren, W. H., Temizer, S., & Kaelbling, L. P. (2003). A dynamical model of visually-guided steering, obstacle avoidance, and route selection. International Journal of Computer Vision, 54, 15-34. [15] Hotton, S., & Yoshimi, J. (2010). The dynamics of embodied cognition. International Journal of Bifurcation and Chaos, 20(4), 943-972. doi: 10.1142/S0218127410026241 [16] Hotton, S., & Yoshimi, J. (2011). Extending dynamical systems theory to model embodied cognition. Cognitive Science, 35, 444-479. doi: 10.1111/j.1551-6709.2010.01151.x [17] Haugeland, J. (1996). Mind embodied and embedded. In J. Haugeland (Ed.), Having thought: Essays in the metaphysics of mind (pp. 207-237). Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. [18] Maglio, P., Matlock, T., Raphaely, D., Chernickym B., & Kirsh, D. (1999). Interactive skill in scrabble. In M. Hahn & S. C. Stoness (Eds.), Proceedings of twenty-first annual conference of the Cognitive Science Society, (pp. 326-330). Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. [19] Clark, A., & Chalmers, D. (1998). The extended mind. Analysis, 58(1), 7-19. [20] Hutchins, E., (1995). Cognition in the wild. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.
External links
Cognitive modeling at CMU (http://act-r.psy.cmu.edu/) Cognitive modeling at RPI (HCI) (http://www.cogsci.rpi.edu/cogworks/) Cognitive modeling at RPI (CLARION) (http://www.cogsci.rpi.edu/research/cal/) Cognitive modeling at the University of Memphis (http://ccrg.cs.memphis.edu/) Cognitive modeling at UMich (http://sitemaker.umich.edu/soar/home/)
Cognitive map
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Cognitive map
A cognitive map (also: mental map or mental model) is a type of mental representation which serves an individual to acquire, code, store, recall, and decode information about the relative locations and attributes of phenomena in their everyday or metaphorical spatial environment. The concept was introduced by Edward Tolman in 1948. Cognitive maps have been studied in various fields, such as psychology, education, archaeology, planning, geography, cartography, architecture, landscape architecture, urban planning, management and history. As a consequence, these mental models are often referred to, variously, as cognitive maps, mental maps, scripts, schemata, and frames of reference. Cognitive maps serve the construction and accumulation of spatial knowledge, allowing the "mind's eye" to visualize images in order to reduce cognitive load, enhance recall and learning of information. This type of spatial thinking can also be used as a metaphor for non-spatial tasks, where people performing non-spatial tasks involving memory and imaging use spatial knowledge to aid in processing the task. The neural correlates of a cognitive map have been speculated to be the place cell system in the hippocampus and the recently discovered grid cells in the entorhinal cortex.
Neurological basis
Cognitive mapping is believed to largely be a function of the hippocampus. The hippocampus is connected to the rest of the brain in such a way that it is ideal for integrating both spatial and nonspatial information. Connections from the postrhinal cortex and the medial entorhinal cortex provide spatial information to the hippocampus. Connections from the perirhinal cortex and lateral entorhinal cortex provide nonspatial information. The integration of this information in the hippocampus makes the hippocampus a practical location for cognitive mapping, which necessarily involves combining information about an objects location and its other features. OKeefe and Nadel were the first to outline a relationship between the hippocampus and cognitive mapping. Many additional studies have shown additional evidence that supports this conclusion. Specifically, place cells, pyramidal cells, and grid cells have been implicated as the neuronal basis for cognitive maps within the hippocampal system. Numerous studies by OKeefe have implicated the involvement of place cells. Individual place cells within the hippocampus correspond to separate locations in the environment with the sum of all cells contributing to a single map of an entire environment. The strength of the connections between the cells represents the distances between them in the actual environment. The same cells can be used for constructing several environments, though individual cells relationships to each other may differ on a map by map basis. The possible involvement of place cells in cognitive mapping has been seen in a number of mammalian species, including rats and macaque monkeys. Additionally, in a study of rats by Manns and Eichenbaum, pyramidal cells from within the hippocampus were also involved in representing object location and object identity, indicating their involvement in the creation of cognitive maps. However, there has been some dispute as to whether such studies of mammalian species indicate the presence of a cognitive map and not another, simpler method of determining one's environment. While not located in the hippocampus, grid cells from within the medial entorhinal cortex have also been implicated in the process of path integration, actually playing the role of the path integrator while place cells display the output of the information gained through path integration. The results of path integration are then later used by the hippocampus to generate the cognitive map. The cognitive map likely exists on a circuit involving much more than just the hippocampus, even if it is primarily based there. Other than the medial entorhinal cortex, the presubiculum and parietal cortex have also been implicated in the generation of cognitive maps.
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Parallel Map Theory

There has been some evidence for the idea that the cognitive map is represented in the hippocampus by two separate maps. The first is the bearing map, which represents the environment through self-movement cues and gradient cues. The use of these vector-based cues creates a rough, 2D map of the environment. The second map would be the sketch map that works off of positional cues. The second map integrates specific objects, or landmarks, and their relative locations to create a 2D map of the environment. The cognitive map is thus obtained by the integration of these two separate maps.
Generating the cognitive map

The cognitive map is generated from a number of sources, both from the visual system and elsewhere. Much of the cognitive map is created through self-generated movement cues. Inputs from senses like vision, proprioception, olfaction, and hearing are all used to deduce a persons location within their environment as they move through it. This allows for path integration, the creation of a vector that represents ones position and direction within ones environment, specifically in comparison to an earlier reference point. This resulting vector can be passed along to the hippocampal place cells where it is interpreted to provide more information about the environment and ones location within the context of the cognitive map. Directional cues and positional landmarks are also used to create the cognitive map. Within directional cues, both explicit cues, like markings on a compass, as well as gradients, like shading or magnetic fields, are used as inputs to create the cognitive map. Directional cues can be used both statically, when a person does not move within his environment while interpreting it, and dynamically, when movement through a gradient is used to provide information about the nature of the surrounding environment. Positional landmarks provide information about the environment by comparing the relative position of specific objects, whereas directional cues give information about the shape of the environment itself. These landmarks are processed by the hippocampus together to provide a graph of the environment through relative locations.
History
The idea of a cognitive map was first developed by Edward C. Tolman. Tolman, one of the early cognitive psychologists, introduced this idea when doing an experiment involving rats and mazes. In Tolman's experiment, a rat was placed in a cross shaped maze and allowed to explore it. After this initial exploration, the rat was placed at one arm of the cross and food was placed at the next arm to the immediate right. The rat was conditioned to this layout and learned to turn right at the intersection in order to get to the food. When placed at different arms of the cross maze however, the rat still went in the correct direction to obtain the food because of the initial cognitive map it had created of the maze. Rather than just deciding to turn right at the intersection no matter what, the rat was able to determine the correct way to the food no matter where in the maze it was placed.[1]
Criticism
In a review by Bennett it is argued that there are no clear evidence for cognitive maps in non-human animals (i.e. cognitive map according to Tolman's definition). This argument is based on analyses of studies where it has been found that simpler explanations can account for experimental results. Bennett highlight three simpler alternative that cannot be ruled out in test of cognitive maps in non-human animals "These alternatives are (1) that the apparently novel short-cut is not truly novel; (2) that path integration is being used; and (3) that familiar landmarks are being recognised from a new angle, followed by movement towards them."
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Related term
A cognitive map is a spatial representation of the outside world that is kept within the mind, until an actual manifestation (usually, a drawing) of this perceived knowledge is generated, a mental map. Cognitive mapping is the implicit, mental mapping the explicit part of the same process.[2] In most cases, a cognitive map exists independently of a mental map, an article covering just cognitive maps would remain limited to theoretical considerations. In some uses, mental map refers to a practice done by urban theorists by having city dwellers draw a map, from memory, of their city or the place they live. This allows the theorist to get a sense of which parts of the city or dwelling are more substantial or imaginable. This, in turn, lends itself to a decisive idea of how well urban planning has been conducted.
References
[1] Goldstein, B. (2011). Cognitive Psychology: Connecting Mind, Research, and Everyday Experience--with coglab manual. (3rd ed.). Belmont, CA: Wadsworth: 11-12. [2] article from International Encyclopedia of Human Geography
Mind map
Hand-drawn and computer-drawn variations of a mind map. A mind map is a diagram used to visually outline information. A mind map is often created around a single word or text, placed in the center, to which associated ideas, words and concepts are added. Major categories radiate from a central node, and lesser categories are sub-branches of larger branches.[1] Categories can represent words, ideas, tasks, or other items related to a central key word or idea. Mind maps can be drawn by hand, either as "rough notes" during a lecture or meeting, for example, or as higher quality pictures when more time is available. An example of a rough mind map is illustrated. Mind maps are considered to be a type of spider diagram. A similar concept in the 1970s was "idea sun bursting".
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Origins
Diagrams that visually map information using branching and radial maps trace back centuries. These pictorial methods record knowledge and model systems, and a long history in learning, brainstorming, memory, visual thinking, and problem solving by educators, engineers, psychologists, and others. Some of the earliest examples of such graphical records were developed by Porphyry of Tyros, a noted thinker of the 3rd century, as he graphically visualized the concept categories of Aristotle. Philosopher Ramon Llull (12351315) also used such techniques. The semantic network was developed in the late 1950s as a theory to understand human learning and developed further by Allan M. Collins and M. Ross Quillian during the early 1960s.
Popularization of the term "mind map"

The term "mind map" was first popularized by British popular psychology author and television personality Tony Buzan when BBC TV ran a series hosted by Buzan called Use Your Head.[2] In this show, and companion book series, Buzan enthusiastically promoted his conception of radial tree, diagramming key words in a colorful, radiant, tree-like structure.[3] Buzan says the idea was inspired by Alfred Korzybski's general semantics as popularized in science fiction novels, such as those of Robert A. Heinlein and A.E. van Vogt. Buzan argues that while "traditional" outlines force readers to scan left to right and top to bottom, readers actually tend to scan the entire page in a non-linear fashion. Buzan also uses popular assumptions about the cerebral hemispheres in order to promote the exclusive use of mind mapping over other forms of note making. When compared with the concept map (which was developed by learning experts in the 1970s) the structure of a mind map is a similar radial, but is simplified by having one central key word.
Mind map guidelines

Buzan suggests the following guidelines for creating mind maps: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. Start in the center with an image of the topic, using at least 3 colors. Use images, symbols, codes, and dimensions throughout your mind map. Select key words and print using upper or lower case letters. Each word/image is best alone and sitting on its own line. The lines should be connected, starting from the central image. The central lines are thicker, organic and thinner as they radiate out from the centre. 6. Make the lines the same length as the word/image they support. 7. Use multiple colors throughout the mind map, for visual stimulation and also to encode or group. 8. Develop your own personal style of mind mapping. 9. Use emphasis and show associations in your mind map. 10. Keep the mind map clear by using radial hierarchy, numerical order or outlines to embrace your branches. This list is itself more concise than a prose version of the same information and the mind map of these guidelines is itself intended to be more memorable and quicker to scan than either the prose or the list. This is the latest technique used by today's psychologists.
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Uses
As with other diagramming tools, mind maps can be used to generate, visualize, structure, and classify ideas, and as an aid to studying[4] and organizing information, solving problems, making decisions, and writing. Mind maps have many applications in personal, family, educational, and business situations, including notetaking, brainstorming (wherein ideas are inserted into the map radially around the center node, without the implicit prioritization that comes from hierarchy or sequential arrangements, and wherein grouping and organizing is reserved for later stages), summarizing, as a mnemonic technique, or to sort out a complicated idea. Mind maps are also promoted as a way to collaborate in color pen creativity sessions. Mind maps can be used for: problem solving outline/framework design structure/relationship representations anonymous collaboration marriage of words and visuals individual expression of creativity condensing material into a concise and memorable format team building or synergy creating activity enhancing work morale
Rough mindmap notes taken during a course session
In addition to these direct use cases, data retrieved from mind maps can be used to enhance several other applications, for instance expert search systems, search engines and search and tag query recommender. To do so, mind maps can be analysed with classic methods of information retrieval to classify a mind map's author or documents that are linked from within the mind map.
Differences from other visualizations

Concept maps - Mind maps differ from concept maps in that mind maps focus on only one word or idea, whereas concept maps connect multiple words or ideas. Also, concept maps typically have text labels on their connecting lines/arms. Mind maps are based on radial hierarchies and tree structures denoting relationships with a central governing concept, whereas concept maps are based on connections between concepts in more diverse patterns. However, either can be part of a larger personal knowledge base system. Modelling graphs - There is no rigorous right or wrong with mind maps, relying on the arbitrariness of mnemonic systems. A UML diagram or a semantic network has structured elements modelling relationships, with lines connecting objects to indicate relationship. This is generally done in black and white with a clear and agreed iconography. Mind maps serve a different purpose: they help with memory and organization. Mind maps are collections of words structured by the mental context of the author with visual mnemonics, and, through the use of colour, icons and visual links, are informal and necessary to the proper functioning of the mind map.
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Research
Farrand, Hussain, and Hennessy (2002) found that spider diagrams (similar to concept maps) had limited, but significant, impact on memory recall in undergraduate students (a 10% increase over baseline for a 600-word text only) as compared to preferred study methods (a 6% increase over baseline). This improvement was only robust after a week for those in the diagram group and there was a significant decrease in motivation compared to the subjects' preferred methods of note taking. Farrand et al. suggested that learners preferred to use other methods because using a mind map was an unfamiliar technique, and its status as a "memory enhancing" technique engendered reluctance to apply it. Nevertheless the conclusion of the study was "Mind maps provide an effective study technique when applied to written material. However before mind maps are generally adopted as a study technique, consideration has to be given towards ways of improving motivation amongst users." Pressley, VanEtten, Yokoi, Freebern, and VanMeter (1998) found that learners tended to learn far better by focusing on the content of learning material rather than worrying over any one particular form of note taking.[5] Hemispheric specialization theory has been identified as pseudoscientific when applied to mind mapping.[6]
Tools
Mind mapping software can be used to organize large amounts of information, combining spatial organization, dynamic hierarchical structuring and node folding. Software packages can extend the concept of mind mapping by allowing individuals to map more than thoughts and ideas with information on their computers and the Internet, like spreadsheets, documents, Internet sites and images. Note-taking software such as Microsoft OneNote often incorporates mind mapping capabilities. It has been suggested that mind mapping can improve learning/study efficiency up to 15% over conventional note-taking.
Generation from natural language

In 2009, Mohamed Elhoseiny et al.[7] presented the first prototype that can generate mind maps out of small text to fit in a single screen. In 2012,[8] it was extended into a more scalable system that can work from larger texts.
Trademark
The phrase "mind map" is trademarked by Buzan's company for the specific use for self-improvement educational courses in Great Britain [9] and the United States.[10] The trademark does not appear in the records of the Canadian Intellectual Property Office.[11]
References
[1] Mind Maps as Classroom Exercises John W. Budd The Journal of Economic Education , Vol. 35, No. 1 (Winter, 2004), pp. 35-46 Published by: Taylor & Francis, Ltd. Article Stable URL: http:/ / www. jstor. org/ stable/ 30042572 [2] Buzan, Tony 1974. Use your head. London: BBC Books. [3] Buzan claims mind mapping his invention in interview. (http:/ / www. knowledgeboard. com/ item/ 2980) KnowledgeBoard retrieved Jan. 2010. [4] 'Mind maps as active learning tools', by Willis, CL. Journal of computing sciences in colleges. ISSN: 1937-4771. 2006. Volume: 21 Issue: 4 [5] Pressley, M., VanEtten, S., Yokoi, L., Freebern, G., & VanMeter, P. (1998). "The metacognition of college studentship: A grounded theory approach". In: D.J. Hacker, J. Dunlosky, & A.C. Graesser (Eds.), Metacognition in Theory and Practice (http:/ / www. questia. com/ PM. qst?a=o& d=16186492) (pp. 347-367). Mahwah NJ: Erlbaum ISBN 978-0-8058-2481-0 [6] Williams (2000) Encyclopedia of Pseudoscience. Facts on file. ISBN 978-0-8160-3351-5 [7] Asmaa Hamdy, Mohamed H. ElHoseiny, Radwa Elsahn, Eslam Kamal, Mind Map Automation (MMA) System. SWWS, Las Vegas, Nevada, USA , 2009. [8] Mohamed H.ElHoseiny, Ahmed Elgammal, English2MindMap: Automated system for Mind Map generation from Text, International Symposium of Multimedia, 2012 [9] Trade Mark 1424476 (http:/ / www. ipo. gov. uk/ t-find-number?detailsrequested=C& trademark=1424476), UK Intellectual Property Office, filed Nov. 1990
Mind map
[10] US Trademark (http:/ / tarr. uspto. gov/ servlet/ tarr?regser=serial& entry=73823774& action=Request+ Status), USPTO Trademark Application and Registration Retrieval system [11] Canadian Intellectual Property Office (http:/ / strategis. ic. gc. ca/ sc_mrksv/ cipo/ welcome/ welcom-e. html)
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Further reading
Novak, J.D. (1993), "How do we learn our lesson?: Taking students through the process". The Science Teacher, 60(3), 50-55 (ISSN 0036-8555)
External links
Media related to Mind maps at Wikimedia Commons
Mental space
The Mental space is a theoretical construct proposed by Gilles Fauconnier and Armen Khederlarian corresponding to possible worlds in truth-conditional semantics. The main difference between a mental space and a possible world is that a mental space does not contain a faithful representation of reality, but an idealized cognitive model. Building of mental spaces and establishment of mappings between those mental spaces are the two main processes involved in construction of meaning. It is one of the basic components in Gilles Fauconnier and Mark Turner's blending theory, a theory within Cognitive semantics.
Base space and built space

Base space, also known as reality space, presents the interlocutors' shared knowledge of the real world. Space builders are elements within a sentence that establish spaces distinct from, yet related to the base space constructed. Space builders can be expressions like prepositional phrases, adverbs, connectives, and subject-verb combinations that are followed by an embedded sentence. They require hearers to establish scenarios beyond the present point of time. A built space depicts a situation that only holds true for that space itself, but may or may not be true in reality. The base space and built spaces are occupied by elements that map onto each other. These elements include categories that may refer to specific entities in those categories. According to Fauconnier's Access Principle, specific entities of a category in a space can be described by its counterpart category in another space even if it differs from the specific entity in the other space. An example of a built space can be seen in the example " Mary wants to buy a book". In this case, the built space is not that of reality, but Mary's desire space. Though the book in reality space refers to any book in general, it can still be used to describe the book in Mary's desire space, which may or may not be a specific book.
Foundation and expansion space

if A then B sentences create another two spaces called foundation space and expansion space in addition to the base space. The foundation space is a hypothetical space relative to the base space set up by the space builder "if". The expansion space is set up by the space builder "then". If the conditions in the foundation space hold, the expansion space follows.
Application in real life

The concept of mental space has been applied to the treatment of disabled workers. Workers who are emotionally impaired have been treated by reconstructing their mental spaces. Cognitive overload can be diminished by increasing receptive and integrative capacity.[1] This can be accomplished by splitting the space into abstract and
Mental space concrete modalities. The concrete modality is then treated as raw material to be molded to fit the aspirations towards attainment of the abstract modality.[2]
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References
[1] AJ Giannini, JN Giannini. Cognitive workload and the organization of mental space. In K Jacobs (Ed.) Ergonomics for Therapists:Second Edition. Boston, Butterworth, Heinemann,1999. ISBN 0-7506-7051-7. [2] DB Pisoni. Longterm memory in speech perception. Speech Communication. 113:109-125,1993
Mental model
A mental model is an explanation of someone's thought process about how something works in the real world. It is a representation of the surrounding world, the relationships between its various parts and a person's intuitive perception about his or her own acts and their consequences. Mental models can help shape behaviour and set an approach to solving problems (akin to a personal algorithm) and doing tasks. A mental model is a kind of internal symbol or representation of external reality, hypothesized to play a major role in cognition, reasoning and decision-making. Kenneth Craik suggested in 1943 that the mind constructs "small-scale models" of reality that it uses to anticipate events. Jay Wright Forrester defined general mental models as: "The image of the world around us, which we carry in our head, is just a model. Nobody in his head imagines all the world, government or country. He has only selected concepts, and relationships between them, and uses those to represent the real system." In psychology, the term "mental models" is sometimes used to refer to mental representations or mental simulation generally. At other times it is used to refer to mental models and reasoning and to the mental model theory of reasoning developed by Philip Johnson-Laird and Ruth M.J. Byrne.
History
The term "mental model" is believed to have originated with Kenneth Craik in his 1943 book The Nature of Explanation. Georges-Henri Luquet in Le dessin enfantin (Children's Drawings), published in 1927 by Alcan, Paris, argued that children construct internal models, a view that influenced, among others, child psychologist Jean Piaget. Philip Johnson-Laird published Mental Models: Towards a Cognitive Science of Language, Inference and Consciousness in 1983. In the same year, Dedre Gentner and Albert Stevens edited a collection of chapters in a book also titled Mental Models.[1] The first line of their book explains the idea further: "One function of this chapter is to belabor the obvious; people's views of the world, of themselves, of their own capabilities, and of the tasks that they are asked to perform, or topics they are asked to learn, depend heavily on the conceptualizations that they bring to the task." (see: Mental Models (Gentner-Stevens book)). Since then, there has been much discussion and use of the idea in human-computer interaction and usability by researchers including Donald Norman and Steve Krug (in his book Don't Make Me Think). Walter Kintsch and Teun A. van Dijk, using the term situation model (in their book Strategies of Discourse Comprehension, 1983), showed the relevance of mental models for the production and comprehension of discourse.
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Mental models and reasoning

One view of human reasoning is that it depends on mental models. In this view, mental models can be constructed from perception, imagination, or the comprehension of discourse (Johnson-Laird, 1983). Such mental models are akin to architects' models or to physicists' diagrams in that their structure is analogous to the structure of the situation that they represent, unlike, say, the structure of logical forms used in formal rule theories of reasoning. In this respect, they are a little like pictures in the "picture" theory of language described by philosopher Ludwig Wittgenstein in 1922. Philip Johnson-Laird and Ruth M.J. Byrne developed a theory of mental models which makes the assumption that reasoning depends, not on logical form, but on mental models (Johnson-Laird and Byrne, 1991).
Principles of mental models

Mental models are based on a small set of fundamental assumptions (axioms), which distinguish them from other proposed representations in the psychology of reasoning (Byrne and Johnson-Laird, 2009). Each mental model represents a possibility. A mental model represents one possibility, capturing what is common to all the different ways in which the possibility may occur (Johnson-Laird and Byrne, 2002). Mental models are iconic, i.e., each part of a model corresponds to each part of what it represents (Johnson-Laird, 2006). Mental models are based on a principle of truth: they typically represent only those situations that are possible, and each model of a possibility represents only what is true in that possibility according to the proposition. However, mental models can represent what is false, temporarily assumed to be true, for example, in the case of counterfactual conditionals and counterfactual thinking (Byrne, 2005).
Reasoning with mental models

People infer that a conclusion is valid if it holds in all the possibilities. Procedures for reasoning with mental models rely on counter-examples to refute invalid inferences; they establish validity by ensuring that a conclusion holds over all the models of the premises. Reasoners focus on a subset of the possible models of multiple-model problems, often just a single model. The ease with which reasoners can make deductions is affected by many factors, including age and working memory (Barrouillet, et al., 2000). They reject a conclusion if they find a counterexample, i.e., a possibility in which the premises hold, but the conclusion does not (Schroyens, et al. 2003; Verschueren, et al., 2005).
Criticisms
Scientific debate continues about whether human reasoning is based on mental models, versus formal rules of inference (e.g., O'Brien, 2009), domain-specific rules of inference (e.g., Cheng & Holyoak, 2008; Cosmides, 2005), or probabilities (e.g., Oaksford and Chater, 2007). Many empirical comparisons of the different theories have been carried out (e.g., Oberauer, 2006).
Mental models in system dynamics

Characteristics
A mental model is generally: founded on hardly qualifiable, impugnable, obscure, or incomplete facts flexible is considerably variable in positive as well as in negative sense effects as information filter[2] causes selective perception, perception of only selected parts of information compared with the complexities surrounding the world, it is very limited, and even when the scientific model is extensive and in accordance with a certain reality in the derivation of logical consequences of it. It must take into account such restrictions on working memory; i.e., well-known rules on the maximum number of elements that
Mental model people are suddenly able to remember, gestaltismus or failure of the principles of logic, etc. sources of information, which one can not find anywhere else, are available at any time and can be used. Mental models are a fundamental way to understand organizational learning. Mental models are "deeply held images of thinking and acting."[3] Mental models are so basic to understanding of the world that people are hardly conscious of them.
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Expression of mental models

Three basic forms are typically used: Polygons whose vertices sharing the edge represent related items. Causal-loop diagrams displaying tendency and a direction of information connections and the resulting causality Flow diagrams[2] a more appropriate way to express a dynamic system. Those forms allow showing a mental model, as a written model, which can help remember more details, such as more items in a long list.
Mental model in relation to system dynamics and systemic thinking

In the simplification of reality, creating a model can find a sense of reality, seeking to overcome systemic thinking and system dynamics. These two disciplines can help to construct a better coordination with the reality of mental models and simulate it accurately. They increase the probability that the consequences of how to decide and act in accordance with how to plan. System dynamics extending mental models through the creation of explicit models, which are clear, easily communicated and can be compared with each other. Systemic thinking seeking the means to improve the mental models and thereby improve the quality of dynamic decisions that are based on mental models.
Single and double-loop learning

After analyzing the basic characteristics, it is necessary to bring the process of changing the mental models, or the process of learning. Learning is a back-loop process, and feedback loops can be illustrated as: single-loop learning or double-loop learning. Single-loop learning Mental models affect the way people work with the information and determine the final decision. The decision itself changes, but the mental models remain the same. It is the predominant method of learning, because it is very convenient. One established mental model is fixed, so the next decision is very fast.
Mental model Double-loop learning A double-loop process (see diagram below) is used when it is necessary to change the mental model on which a decision depends. Unlike single loops, this model includes a shift in understanding, from simple and static to broader and more dynamic, such as taking into account the changes in the surroundings and the need for expression changes in mental models.
Process of learning
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Feedback process
Single-loop learning
Double-loop learning
References
[1] "Mental models" (http:/ / www. lauradove. info/ reports/ mental models. htm), report at www.lauradove.info. [2] http:/ / toolserver. org/ %7Edispenser/ cgi-bin/ dab_solver. py?page=Mental_model& editintro=Template:Disambiguation_needed/ editintro& client=Template:Dn [3] "LEADING FOR A CHANGE", Ralph Jacobson, 2000, Chapter 5, Page102
Sources Barrouillet, P. et al. (2000). Conditional reasoning by mental models: chronometric and developmental evidence. Cognit. 75, 237-266. Byrne, R.M.J. (2005). The Rational Imagination: How People Create Counterfactual Alternatives to Reality. Cambridge MA: MIT Press. Byrne, R.M.J. & Johnson-Laird, P.N. (2009). 'If' and the problems of conditional reasoning. Trends in Cognitive Sciences. 13, 282-287 Cheng, P.C. and Holyoak, K.J. (2008) Pragmatic reasoning schemas. In Reasoning: studies of human inference and its foundations (Adler, J.E. and Rips, L.J., eds), pp.827842, Cambridge University Press Cosmides, L. et al. (2005) Detecting cheaters. Trends in Cognitive Sciences. 9,505506 Oberauer K. (2006) Reasoning with conditionals: A test of formal models of four theories. Cognit. Psychol. 53:238283. OBrien, D. (2009). Human reasoning includes a mental logic. Behav. Brain Sci. 32, 9697 Oaksford, M. and Chater, N. (2007) Bayesian Rationality. Oxford University Press Johnson-Laird, P.N. (1983). Mental Models: Towards a Cognitive Science of Language, Inference, and Consciousness. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Johnson-Laird, P.N. (2006) How We Reason. Oxford University Press Johnson-Laird, P.N. and Byrne, R.M.J. (2002) Conditionals: a theory of meaning, inference, and pragmatics. Psychol. Rev. 109, 646678 Schroyens, W. et al. (2003). In search of counterexamples: Deductive rationality in human reasoning. Quart. J. Exp. Psychol. 56(A), 11291145.
Mental model Verschueren, N. et al. (2005). Everyday conditional reasoning: A working memory-dependent tradeoff between counterexample and likelihood use. Mem. Cognit. 33, 107-119.
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Further reading
Georges-Henri Luquet (2001). Children's Drawings. Free Association Books. ISBN 1-85343-516-3 Groesser, S.N. (2012). Mental model of dynamic systems. In N.M. Seel (Ed.). The encyclopedia of the sciences of learning (Vol. 5, pp. 2195-2200). New York: Springer. Groesser, S.N. & Schaffernicht, M. (2012). Mental Models of Dynamic Systems: Taking Stock and Looking Ahead. System Dynamics Review, 28(1): 46-68, Wiley. Johnson-Laird, P.N. 2005. The History of Mental Models (http://mentalmodels.princeton.edu/papers/ 2005HistoryMentalModels.pdf) Johnson-Laird, P.N., 2005. Mental Models, Deductive Reasoning, and the Brain (http://cogsci.bme.hu/ ~babarczy/Orak/BMEpostgrad/semantics/2005spring/Johnson-Lairdmental_models.pdf) Jones, N. A. et al. (2011). " Mental Models: an interdisciplinary synthesis of theory and methods (http://www. ecologyandsociety.org/vol16/iss1/art46/)" Ecology and Society.16 (1): 46. Robles-De-La-Torre, G. & Sekuler, R. (2004). " Numerically Estimating Internal Models of Dynamic Virtual Objects (http://www.roblesdelatorre.com/gabriel/GR-RS-Estimating-Internal-Models.pdf)". In: ACM Transactions on Applied Perception 1(2), pp.102117. Sterman, John D. A Skeptics Guide to Computer Models, Massachusetts Institute of Technology (http://web. mit.edu/jsterman/www/Skeptic's_Guide.html)
External links
Mental models website (http://www.mentalmodelsblog.wordpress.com) Mental Models and Usability (http://www.lauradove.info/reports/mental models.htm) Mental Models and Reasoning Laboratory (http://mentalmodels.princeton.edu/) What's Your Idea of a Mental Model? (http://www.boxesandarrows.com/whats-your-idea-of-a-mental-model) Systems Analysis, Modelling and Prediction Group, University of Oxford (http://www.eng.ox.ac.uk/samp/) System Dynamics Society (http://www.systemdynamics.org/)
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Mental Models
Mental Models is a book published by Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Inc., in 1983 ISBN 0-89859-242-9. It was edited by Dedre Gentner and Albert L. Stevens, both employees of Bolt, Beranek and Newman, Inc. at the time. It appeared at about the same time as a book by the same name by Philip Johnson-Laird. According to the acknowledgment of the book, it resulted from a workshop on mental models held at the University of California, San Diego in October 1980, that was jointly sponsored by the Office of Naval Research and the Sloan Foundation.
Chapters
1. Some Observations on Mental Models Donald A. Norman, UCSD Dr. Norman describes the properties of mental models that they can be contradictory, incomplete, superstitious, erroneous, and unstable, varying in time. So the job of system designers is to help users form an accurate and useful mental model of a system. And the job of researchers is to set up experiments to learn to understand actual mental models, even though they may be messy and incomplete. 2. Phenomenology and the Evolution of Intuition Andrea A. diSessa, MIT 3. Surrogates and Mappings: Two Kinds of Conceptual Models for Interactive Devices Richard M. Young, Medical Research Council, Applied Psychology Unit, Cambridge, England 4. Qualitative Reasoning About Space and Motion Kenneth D. Forbus, MIT 5. The Role of Problem Representation in Physics Jill H. Larkin, Carnegie Mellon University 6. Flowing Waters or Teeming Crowds:Mental Models of Electricity Dedre Gentner, Bolt Beranek and Newman, and Donald R. Gentner, UCSD 7. Human Reasoning About a Simple Physical System Michael D. Williams, Xerox PARC, James D. Hollan, and Albert L. Stevens, Bolt Beranek and Newman 8. Assumptions and Ambiguities in Mechanistic Mental Models Johan de Kleer and John Seely Brown, Xerox PARC 9. Understanding Micronesian Navigation Edwin Hutchins, Navy Personnel Research and Development Center 10. Conceptual Entities James G. Greeno, University of Pittsburgh 11. Using the Method of Fibres in Mecho to Calculate Radii of Gyration Alan Bundy, University of Edinburgh 12. When Heat and Temperature Were One Marianne Wiser and Susan Carey, MIT 13. Naive Theories of Motion Michael McCloskey, Johns Hopkins University 14. A Conceptual Model Discussed by Galileo and Used Intuitively by Physics Students John Clement, University of Massachusetts Amherst
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Archetype
The term archetype /rktap/ refers to either: 1. A statement, or pattern of behavior, a prototype upon which others are copied, patterned, or emulated. 2. The Platonic philosophical idea, referring to pure forms which embody the fundamental characteristics of a thing. 3. In Jungian psychology, archetypes refer to a collectively inherited unconscious idea, pattern of thought, image, etc., universally present in individual psyches. 4. Archetypes can refer to a constantly recurring symbol or motif in literature, painting or mythology. This usage of the term draws from both comparative anthropology and Jungian archetypal theory. In the first sense there are many more informal terms are frequently used instead, such as "standard example" or "basic example", and the longer form "archetypal example" is also found. In mathematics, an archetype is often called a "canonical example".
Etymology
First attested in English in 1540s, the word archetype derives from the Latin noun archetypum, the latinisation of the Greek noun (archetupon) and adjective (archetupos), meaning "first-moulded",[1] which is a compound of (arch,) "beginning, origin"[2] + (tupos), amongst others "pattern, model, type".[3]
Plato and archetypes

The origins of the archetypal hypothesis date back as far as Plato. In the seventeenth century Sir Thomas Browne and Francis Bacon both employ the word 'archetype' in their writings, Browne employed it in The Garden of Cyrus attempts to depict archetypes in his citing of symbolic proper-names. Plato's ideas were pure mental forms that were imprinted in the soul before it was born into the world. They were collective in the sense that they embodied the fundamental characteristics of a thing rather than its specific peculiarities.
Jungian archetypes
The concept of psychological archetypes was advanced by the Swiss psychiatrist Carl Jung, c. 1919. In Jung's psychological framework, archetypes are innate, universal prototypes for ideas and may be used to interpret observations. A group of memories and interpretations associated with an archetype is a complex ( e.g. a mother complex associated with the mother archetype). Jung treated the archetypes as psychological organs, analogous to physical ones in that both are morphological constructs that arose through evolution. Jung states in part one of 'Man And His Symbols' (12th printing, Nov.1973) that: "My views about the 'archaic remnants', which I call 'archetypes' or 'primordial images,' have been constantly criticized by people who lack a sufficient knowledge of the psychology of dreams and of mythology. The term 'archetype' is often misunderstood as meaning certain definite mythological images or motifs. But these are nothing more than conscious representations; it would be absurd to assume that such variable representations could be inherited. The archetype is a tendency to form such representations of a motif representations that can vary a great deal in detail without losing their basic pattern."
Archetypal literary criticism

Archetypal literary criticism argues that archetypes determine the form and function of literary works, that a text's meaning is shaped by cultural and psychological myths. Archetypes are the unknowable basic forms personified or concretized in recurring images, symbols, or patterns which may include motifs such as the quest or the heavenly ascent, recognizable character types such as the trickster or the hero, symbols such as the apple or snake, or images such as crucifixion (as in King Kong, or Bride of Frankenstein) are all laden with meaning already when employed
Archetype in a particular work.
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References
[1] (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 04. 0057:entry=a)rxe/ tupos), Henry George Liddell, Robert Scott, A Greek-English Lexicon, on Perseus [2] (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 04. 0057:entry=a)rxh/ ), Henry George Liddell, Robert Scott, A Greek-English Lexicon, on Perseus [3] (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 04. 0057:entry=tu/ pos), Henry George Liddell, Robert Scott, A Greek-English Lexicon, on Perseus
Stereotype
A stereotype is a thought that may be adopted about specific types of individuals or certain ways of doing things, but that belief may or may not accurately reflect reality. However, this is only a fundamental psychological definition of a stereotype. Within and across different psychology disciplines, there are different concepts and theories of stereotyping that provide their own expanded definition. Some of these definitions share commonalities, though each one may also harbor unique aspects that may complement or contradict the others.
An 18th century Dutch engraving of the peoples of the world, depicting the inhabitants of Asia, the Americas and Africa as savages. Shown below are an Englishman, a Dutchman, a German and a Frenchman.
Etymology
The term stereotype derives from the Greek words (stereos), "firm, solid"[1] and (typos), "impression,"[2] hence "solid impression". The term comes from the printing trade and was first adopted in 1798 by Firmin Didot to describe a printing plate that duplicated any typography. The duplicate printing plate, or the stereotype, is used for printing instead of the original. The first reference to "stereotype" in its modern use in English, outside of printing, was in 1850, in a noun, meaning "image perpetuated without change."[3] But it was not until 1922 that "stereotype" was first used in the modern psychological sense by American journalist Walter Lippmann in his work Public Opinion.
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Relationship with other types of intergroup attitudes

Stereotypes, prejudice and discrimination are understood as related but different concepts. Stereotypes are regarded as the most cognitive component, prejudice as the affective and discrimination as the behavioral component of prejudicial reactions. In this tripartite view of intergroup attitudes, stereotypes reflect expectations and beliefs about the characteristics of members of groups perceived as different from one's own, prejudice represents the emotional response, and discrimination refers to actions. Although related, the three concepts can exist independently of each other. According to Daniel Katz and Kenneth Braly, stereotyping leads to racial prejudice when people emotionally react to the name of a group, ascribe characteristics to members of that group, and then evaluate those characteristics. Possible prejudicial effects of stereotypes are: Justification of ill-founded prejudices or ignorance Unwillingness to rethink one's attitudes and behavior towards stereotyped groups Preventing some people of stereotyped groups from entering or succeeding in activities or fields
Content
Stereotype content refers to the attributes that people think characterize a group. Studies of stereotype content examine what people think of others rather than the reasons and mechanisms involved in stereotyping. Early theories of stereotype content proposed by social psychologists like Gordon Allport assumed that stereotypes of outgroups reflected uniform antipathy. Katz and Braly, for instance, argued in their classic 1933 study that ethnic stereotypes were uniformly negative.
Stereotype content model, adapted from Fiske et al. (2002): Four types of By contrast, a newer model of stereotype stereotypes resulting from combinations of perceived warmth and competence. content theorizes that stereotypes are frequently ambivalent and vary along two dimensions: warmth and competence. Warmth and competence are respectively predicted by lack of competition and status; groups that do not compete with the ingroup for the same resources (e.g., college space) are perceived as warm while high-status (e.g., economically or educationally successful) groups are considered competent. The groups within each of the four combinations of high and low levels of warmth and competence elicit distinct emotions. The model explains the phenomenon that some outgroups are admired but disliked while others are liked but disrespected. It was empirically tested on a variety of national and international samples and was found to reliably predict stereotype content.
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Functions
Early studies believed that stereotypes were only used by rigid, repressed, and authoritarian people. This idea has been overturned by more recent studies that suggested that stereotypes are commonplace. Now, stereotypes are said to be collective group beliefs, meaning that people who belong to the same social group share the same set of stereotypes.
Relationship between cognitive and social functions

Stereotyping can serve cognitive functions on an interpersonal level, and social functions on an intergroup level. For stereotyping to function on an intergroup level (see social identity approaches: social identity theory and self-categorization theory), an individual must see themselves as part of a group and being part of that group must also be salient for the individual. Craig McGarty, Russell Spears, and Vincent Y. Yzerbyt (2002) argued that the cognitive functions of stereotyping are best understood in relation to its social functions, and vice versa.
Cognitive functions
Stereotypes can help make sense of the world. They are a form of categorization which helps to simplify and systematize information so the information is easier to be identified, recalled, predicted, and reacted to. Stereotypes are categories of objects or people. Between stereotypes, objects or people are as different from each other as possible. Within stereotypes, objects or people are as similar to each other as possible. As to why people find it easier to understand categorized information, Gordon Allport has suggested possible answers in his 1954 publication: First, people can consult the category of something for ways to respond to that thing. Second, things are more specific when they are in a category than when they are not, because categorization accentuates properties that are shared by all members of a group. Third, people can readily describe things in a category, because, fourth and related, things in the same category have distinct characteristics. Finally, people can take for granted the characteristics of a particular category because the category itself may be an arbitrary grouping. Moreover, stereotypes function as time- and energy-savers which allow people to act more efficiently. David Hamilton's 1981 publication gave rise to the view that stereotypes are people's biased perceptions of their social contexts. In this view, people use stereotypes as shortcuts to make sense of their social contexts, and this makes people's task of understanding their world less cognitively demanding.
Social functions: social categorization

When stereotypes are used for explaining social events, for justifying activities of ones own group (ingroup) to another group (outgroup), or for differentiating the ingroup as positively distinct from outgroups, the overarching purpose of stereotyping is for people to put their collective self (their ingroup membership) in positive light.[4] Explanation purposes Stereotypes can be used to explain social events. Henri Tajfel gave the following example: Some people found that the anti-Semitic contents of The Protocols of the Elders of Zion only made sense if the Jews have certain characteristics. According to Tajfel, Jews were stereotyped as being evil, as yearning for world domination, etc., because these stereotypes could explain the anti-Semitic facts as presented in The Protocols of the Elders of Zion.
Stereotype Justification purposes People create stereotypes of an outgroup to justify the actions that their ingroup has or plans to commit towards that outgroup. For example, according to Tajfel, Europeans stereotyped Turkish, Indian, and Chinese people as being incapable of achieving financial advances without European help. This stereotype was used to justify European colonialism in Turkey, India, and China. Intergroup differentiation An assumption is that people want their ingroup to have a positive image relative to outgroups, and so people want to differentiate their ingroup from relevant outgroups in a desirable way. If an outgroup does not affect the ingroups image, then from an image preservation point of view, there is no point for the ingroup to be positively distinct from that outgroup. People can actively create certain images for relevant outgroups by stereotyping. People do so when they see that their ingroup is no longer as clearly and/or as positively differentiated from relevant outgroups, and they want to restore the intergroup differentiation to a state that favours the ingroup.
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Social functions: self categorization

People will change their stereotype of their ingroups and outgroups to suit the context they are in. People are likely to self-stereotype their ingroup as homogenous in an intergroup context, and they are less likely to do so in an intragroup context where the need to emphasise their group membership is not as great. Stereotypes can emphasise a persons group membership in two steps: First, stereotypes emphasise the persons similarities with ingroup members on relevant dimensions, and also the persons differences from outgroup members on relevant dimensions. Second, the more the stereotypes emphasise within-group similarities and between-group differences, the more salient the persons social identity will become, and the more depersonalise that person will be. A depersonalised person will abandon his/her individual differences and embrace the stereotypes associated with his/her relevant group membership.
Social functions: social influence and consensus

Stereotypes are an indicator of ingroup consensus. When there are intragroup disagreement over stereotypes of the ingroup and/or outrgroups, ingroup members will take collective action to prevent other ingroup members from diverging from each other. John C. Turner proposed in 1987 that if ingroup members disagree on an outgroup stereotype, then one of three possible collective actions will follow: First, ingroup members may negotiate with each other and conclude that they have different outgroup stereotypes because they are stereotyping different subgroups of an outgroup (e.g., Russian gymnasts versus Russian boxers). Second, ingroup members may negotiate with each other, but conclude that they are disagreeing because of categorical differences amongst themselves. Accordingly, in this context, it is better to categorise ingroup members under different categories (e.g., Democrats versus Republican) than under a shared category (e.g., American). Finally, ingroup members may influence each other to arrive at a common outgroup stereotype.
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Formation
Different disciplines give different accounts of how stereotypes develop: Psychologists may focus on an individual's experience with groups, patterns of communication about those groups, and intergroup conflict. As for sociologists, they may focus on the relations among different groups in a social structure. They suggest that stereotypes are the result of conflict, poor parenting, and inadequate mental and emotional development.
Correspondence bias
The correspondence bias refers to the tendency to ascribe a person's behavior to her or his disposition or personality and to underestimate the extent to which situational factors elicited the behavior. The correspondence bias can play an important role in stereotype formation. For example, in a study by Roguer and Yzerbyt (1999) participants watched a video showing students who were randomly instructed to find arguments either for or against euthanasia. The students that argued in favor of euthanasia came from the same law department or from different departments. Results showed that participants attributed the students' responses to their attitudes although it had been made clear in the video that students had no choice about their position. Participants reported that group membership, i.e., the department that the students belonged to, had an impact on the students' opinions about euthanasia. Law students were perceived to be more in favor of euthanasia than students from different departments despite the fact that a pretest had revealed that subjects had no preexisting expectations about attitudes toward euthanasia and the department that students belong to. The attribution error created the new stereotype that law students are more likely to support euthanasia. Nier et al. (2012) found that people who tend to draw dispositional inferences from behavior and ignore situational constraints are more likely to stereotype low-status groups as incompetent and high-status groups as competent. Participants listened to descriptions of two fictitious groups of Pacific Islanders, one of which was described as being higher in status than the other. In a second study, subjects rated actual groups the poor and wealthy, women and men in the United States in terms of their competence. Subjects who scored high on the measure of correspondence bias stereotyped the poor, women, and the fictitious lower-status Pacific Islanders as incompetent whereas they stereotyped the wealthy, men, and the high-status Pacific Islanders as competent. The correspondence bias was a significant predictor of stereotyping even after controlling for other measures that have been linked to beliefs about low status groups, the just-world hypothesis and social dominance orientation.
Illusory correlation
Research has shown that stereotypes can develop based on a cognitive mechanism known as illusory correlation an erroneous inference about the relationship between two events. If two events which are statistically infrequent co-occur, observers overestimate the frequency of co-occurrence of these events. The underlying reason is that rare, infrequent events are distinctive and salient and, when paired, become even more so. The heightened salience results in more attention and more effective encoding, which strengthens the belief that the events are correlated. In the intergroup context, illusory correlations lead people to misattribute rare behaviors or traits at higher rates to minority group members than to majority groups, even when both display the same proportion of the behaviors or traits. Black people, for instance, are a minority group in the United States and interaction with blacks is a relatively infrequent event for an average white American. Similarly, undesirable behavior (e.g. crime) is statistically less frequent than desirable behavior. Since both events "blackness" and "undesirable behavior" are distinctive in the sense that they are infrequent, the combination of the two leads observers to overestimate the rate of co-occurrence. Similarly, in workplaces where women are underrepresented and negative behaviors such as errors occur less frequently than positive behaviors, women become more strongly associated with mistakes than men. In a landmark study, David Hamilton and Richard Gifford (1976) examined the role of illusory correlation in stereotype formation. Subjects were instructed to read descriptions of behaviors performed by members of groups A
Stereotype and B. Negative behaviors outnumbered positive actions and group B was smaller than group A, making negative behaviors and membership in group B relatively infrequent and distinctive. Participants were then asked who had performed a set of actions: a person of group A or group B. Results showed that subjects overestimated the frequency with which both distinctive events, membership in group B and negative behavior, co-occurred, and evaluated group B more negatively. This despite the fact the proportion of positive to negative behaviors was equivalent for both groups and that there was no actual correlation between group membership and behaviors. Although Hamilton and Gifford found a similar effect for positive behaviors as the infrequent events, a meta-analytic review of studies showed that illusory correlation effects are stronger when the infrequent, distinctive information is negative. Hamilton and Gifford's distinctiveness-based explanation of stereotype formation was subsequently extended. A 1994 study by McConnell, Sherman, and Hamilton found that people formed stereotypes based on information that was not distinctive at the time of presentation, but was considered distinctive at the time of judgement. Once a person judges non-distinctive information in memory to be distinctive, that information is re-encoded and re-represented as if it had been distinctive when it was first processed.
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Common environment
One explanation for why stereotypes are shared is that they are the result of a common environment that stimulates people to react in the same way. The problem with the common environment explanation in general is that it does not explain how shared stereotypes can occur without direct stimuli. Research since the 1930s suggested that people are highly similar with each other in how they describe different racial and national groups, although those people have no personal experience with the groups they are describing.
Socialisation and upbringing

Another explanation says that people are socialised to adopt the same stereotypes. Some psychologists believe that although stereotypes can be absorbed at any age, stereotypes are usually acquired in early childhood under the influence of parents, teachers, peers, and the media. If stereotypes are defined by social values, then stereotypes will only change as per changes in social values. The suggestion that stereotype content depend on social values reflects Walter Lippman argument in his 1922 publication that stereotypes are rigid because they cannot be changed at peoples will. Studies emerging since the 1940s refuted the suggestion that stereotype contents cannot changed at peoples will. Those studies suggested that one groups stereotype of another group will become more or less positive depending on whether their intergroup relationship has improved or degraded. Intergroup events (e.g., World War Two, Persian Gulf conflict) often changed intergroup relationships. For example, after WWII, Black American students held a more negative stereotype of people from countries that were USAs WWII enemies. If there are no changes to an intergroup relationship, then relevant stereotypes will not change.[]
Intergroup relations
According to a third explanation, shared stereotypes are neither caused by the coincidence of common stimuli, nor by socialisation. It explains that stereotypes are shared because group members are motivated to behave in certain ways, and stereotypes reflect those behaviours. It is important to note from this explanation that stereotypes are the consequence, not the cause, of intergroup relations. This explanation assumes that when it is important for people to acknowledge both their ingroup and outgroup, then those people will aim to emphasise their difference from outgroup members, and their similarity to ingroup members.
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Activation
A number of studies have found that stereotypes are activated automatically. Patricia Devine (1989), for example, suggested that stereotypes are automatically activated in the presence of a member (or some symbolic equivalent) of a stereotyped group and that the unintentional activation of the stereotype is equally strong for high- and low-prejudice persons. Words related to the cultural stereotype of blacks were presented subliminally. During an ostensibly unrelated impression-formation task, subjects read a paragraph describing a race-unspecified target person's behaviors and rated the target person on several trait scales. Results showed that participants who received a high proportion of racial words rated the target person in the story as significantly more hostile than participants who were presented with a lower proportion of words related to the stereotype. This effect held true for both high- and low-prejudice subjects (as measured by the Modern Racism Scale). Thus, the racial stereotype was activated even for low-prejudice individuals who did not personally endorse it. Studies using alternative priming methods have shown that the activation of gender and age stereotypes can also be automatic. Subsequent research suggested that the relation between category activation and stereotype activation was more complex. Lepore and Brown (1997), for instance, noted that the words used in Devine's study were both neutral category labels (e.g., "Blacks") and stereotypic attributes (e.g., "lazy"). They argued that if only the neutral category labels were presented, people high and low in prejudice would respond differently. In a design similar to Devine's, Lepore and Brown primed the category of African-Americans using labels such as "blacks" and "West Indians" and then assessed the differential activation of the associated stereotype in the subsequent impression-formation task. They found that high-prejudice participants increased their ratings of the target person on the negative stereotypic dimensions and decreased them on the positive dimension whereas low-prejudice subjects tended in the opposite direction. The results suggest that the level of prejudice and stereotype endorsement affects people's judgements when the category and not the stereotype per se is primed. Research has shown that people can be trained to activate counterstereotypic information and thereby reduce the automatic activation of negative stereotypes. In a study by Kawakami et al. (2000), for example, participants were presented with a category label and taught to respond "No" to stereotypic traits and "Yes" to nonstereotypic traits. After this training period, subjects showed reduced stereotype activation. This effect is based on the learning of new and more positive stereotypes rather than the negation of already existing ones.
Automatic behavioral outcomes

Empirical evidence suggests that stereotype activation can automatically influence social behavior. For example, Bargh, Chen, and Burrows (1996) activated the stereotype of the elderly among half of their participants by administering a scrambled-sentence test where participants saw words related to age stereotypes. Subjects primed with the stereotype walked significantly slower than the control group (although the test did not include any words specifically referring to slowness), thus acting in a way that the stereotype suggests that elderly people will act. In another experiment, Bargh, Chen, and Burrows also found that because the stereotype about blacks includes the notion of aggression, subliminal exposure to black faces increased the likelihood that randomly selected white college students reacted with more aggression and hostility than participants who subconsciously viewed a white face. Similarly, Correll et al. (2002) showed that activated stereotypes about blacks can influence people's behavior. In a series of experiments, black and white participants played a video game, in which a black or white person was shown holding a gun or a harmless object (e.g., a mobile phone). Participants had to decide as quickly as possible whether to shoot the target. When the target person was armed, both black and white participants were faster in deciding to shoot the target when he was black than when he was white. When the target was unarmed, the participants avoided shooting him more quickly when he was white. Time pressure made the shooter bias even more pronounced.
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Accuracy
Stereotypes can be efficient shortcuts and sense-making tools. They can, however, keep people from processing new or unexpected information about each individual, thus biasing the impression formation process. Early researchers believed that stereotypes were inaccurate representations of reality. A series of pioneering studies which appeared in the 1930s found no empirical support for widely held racial stereotypes. By the mid-1950s, Gordon Allport wrote that "it is possible for a stereotype to grow in defiance of all evidence".
Research on the role of illusory correlations in the formation of stereotypes suggests that stereotypes can develop because of incorrect inferences about the relationship between two events (e.g., membership in a social group and bad or good attributes). This means that at least some stereotypes are inaccurate. There is empirical social science research which shows that stereotypes are often accurate. Jussim et al. reviewed four studies concerning racial and seven studies which examined gender stereotypes about demographic characteristics, academic achievement, personality and behavior. Based on that, the authors argued that some aspects of ethnic and gender stereotypes are accurate while stereotypes concerning political affiliation and nationality are much less accurate. A study by Terracciano et al. also found that stereotypic beliefs about nationality do not reflect the actual personality traits of people from different cultures.
A magazine feature from Beauty Parade from March 1952 stereotyping women drivers. It features Bettie Page as the model.
Effects
Attributional ambiguity
Attributional ambiguity refers to the uncertainty that members of stereotyped groups experience in interpreting the causes of others' behavior toward them. Stereotyped individuals who receive negative feedback can attribute it either to personal shortcomings, such as lack of ability or poor effort, or the evaluator's stereotypes and prejudice toward their social group. Alternatively, positive feedback can either be attributed to personal merit or discounted as a form of sympathy or pity. Crocker et al. (1991) showed that when black participants were evaluated by a white person who was aware of their race, black subjects mistrusted the feedback, attributing negative feedback to the evaluator's stereotypes and positive feedback to the evaluator's desire to appear unbiased. When the black participants race was unknown to the evaluator, they were more accepting of the feedback. Attributional ambiguity has been shown to impact a person's self-esteem. When they receive positive evaluations, stereotyped individuals are uncertain of whether they really deserved their success and, consequently, they find it difficult to take credit for their achievements. In the case of negative feedback, ambiguity has been shown to have a protective effect on self-esteem as it allows people to assign blame to external causes. Some studies, however, have found that this effect only holds when stereotyped individuals can be absolutely certain that their negative outcomes are due to the evaluators's prejudice. If any room for uncertainty remains, stereotyped individuals tend to blame themselves.
Stereotype Attributional ambiguity can also make it difficult to assess one's skills because performance-related evaluations are mistrusted or discounted. Moreover, it can lead to the belief that one's efforts are not directly linked to the outcomes, thereby depressing one's motivation to succeed.
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Stereotype threat
Stereotype threat occurs when people are aware of a negative stereotype about their social group and experience anxiety or concern that they might confirm the stereotype. Stereotype threat has been shown to undermine performance in a variety of domains. Claude M. Steele and Joshua Aronson conducted the first experiments showing that stereotype threat can depress intellectual performance on standardized tests. In one study, they found that black college students performed worse than white students on a verbal test The effect of stereotype threat (ST) on math test scores for girls and when the task was framed as a measure of intelligence. boys. Data from Osborne (2007). When it was not presented in that manner, the performance gap narrowed. Subsequent experiments showed that framing the test as diagnostic of intellectual ability made black students more aware of negative stereotypes about their group, which in turn impaired their performance. Stereotype threat effects have been demonstrated for an array of social groups in many different arenas, including not only academics but also sports, chess and business.
Self-fulfilling prophecy
Stereotypes lead people to expect certain actions from members of social groups. These stereotype-based expectations may lead to self-fulfilling prophecies, in which one's inaccurate expectations about a person's behavior, through social interaction, prompt that person to act in stereotype-consistent ways, thus confirming one's erroneous expectations and validating the stereotype. Word, Zanna, and Cooper (1974) demonstrated the effects of stereotypes in the context of a job interview. White participants interviewed black and white subjects who, prior to the experiments, had been trained to act in a standardized manner. Analysis of the videotaped interviews showed that black job applicants were treated differently: They received shorter amounts of interview time and less eye contact; interviewers made more speech errors (e.g., stutters, sentence incompletions, incoherent sounds) and physically distanced themselves from black applicants. In a second experiment, trained interviewers were instructed to treat applicants, all of whom were white, like the whites or blacks had been treated in the first experiment. As a result, applicants treated like the blacks of the first experiment behaved in a more nervous manner and received more negative performance ratings than interviewees receiving the treatment previously afforded to whites. A 1977 study by Snyder, Tanke, and Berscheid found a similar pattern in social interactions between men and women. Male undergraduate students were asked to talk to female undergraduates, whom they believed to be physically attractive or unattractive, on the phone. The conversations were taped and analysis showed that men who thought that they were talking to an attractive woman communicated in a more positive and friendlier manner than men who believed that they were talking to unattractive women. This altered the women's behavior: Female subjects who, unknowingly to them, were perceived to be physically attractive behaved in a friendly, likeable, and sociable manner in comparison with subjects who were regarded as unattractive.
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Discrimination
Because stereotypes simplify and justify social reality, they have potentially powerful effects on how people perceive and treat one another. As a result, stereotypes can lead to discrimination in labor markets and other domains. For example, Tilcsik (2011) has found that employers who seek job applicants with stereotypically male heterosexual traits are particularly likely to engage in discrimination against gay men, suggesting that discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation is partly rooted in specific stereotypes and that these stereotypes loom large in many labor markets. Agerstrm and Rooth (2011) showed that automatic obesity stereotypes captured by the Implicit Association Test can predict real hiring discrimination against the obese. Similarly, experiments suggest that gender stereotypes play an important role in judgments that affect hiring decisions.
Self-stereotyping
Stereotypes can affect self-evaluations and lead to self-stereotyping. For instance, Correll (2001, 2004) found that specific stereotypes (e.g., the stereotype that women have lower mathematical ability) affect women's and men's evaluations of their abilities (e.g., in math and science), such that men assess their own task ability higher than women performing at the same level. Similarly, a study by Sinclair et al. (2006) has shown that Asian American women rated their math ability more favorably when their ethnicity and the relevant stereotype that Asian Americans excel in math was made salient. In contrast, they rated their math ability less favorably when their gender and the corresponding stereotype of women's inferior math skills was made salient. Sinclair et al. found, however, that the effect of stereotypes on self-evaluations is mediated by the degree to which close people in someone's life endorse these stereotypes. People's self-stereotyping can increase or decrease depending on whether close others view them in stereotype-consistent or inconsistent manner. Stereotyping can also play a central role in depression, when people have negative self-stereotypes about themselves, according to Cox, Abramson, Devine, and Hollon (2012). This depression that is caused by prejudice (i.e., "deprejudice") can be related to a group membership (e.g., MeGayBad) or not (e.g., MeBad). If someone holds prejudicial beliefs about a stigmatized group and then becomes a member of that group, they may internalize their prejudice and develop depression. People may also show prejudice internalization through self-stereotyping because of negative childhood experiences such as verbal and physical abuse.
Role in art and culture
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Stereotypes are common in various cultural media, where they take the form of dramatic stock characters. These characters are found in the works of playwright Bertold Brecht, Dario Fo, and Jacques Lecoq, who characterize their actors as stereotypes for theatrical effect. In commedia dell'arte this is similarly common. The instantly recognizable nature of stereotypes mean that they are effective in advertising and situation comedy. These stereotypes change, and in modern times only a few of the stereotyped characters shown in John Bunyan's The Pilgrim's Progress would be recognizable. Media stereotypes of women first emerged in the early 20th century. Various stereotypic depictions or "types" of women appeared in magazines, including Victorian ideals of femininity, American political cartoon titled The Usual Irish Way the New Woman, the Gibson Girl, the Femme fatale, and the of Doing Things, depicting a drunken Irishman lighting a powder keg and swinging a bottle. Published in Flapper. More recently, artists such as Anne Taintor and Matthew Harper's Weekly, 1871. Weiner (the producer of Mad Men) have used vintage images or ideas to insert their own commentary of stereotypes for specific eras. Weiner's character Peggy Olson continually battles gender stereotypes throughout the series, excelling in a workplace dominated by men. Some contemporary studies indicate that racial, ethnic and cultural stereotypes are still widespread in Hollywood blockbuster movies. Portrayals of Latin Americans in film and print media are restricted to a narrow set of characters. Latin Americans are largely depicted as sexualized figures such as the Latino macho or the Latina vixen, gang members, (illegal) immigrants, or entertainers. By comparison, they are rarely portrayed as working professionals, business leaders or politicians. In literature and art, stereotypes are clichd or predictable characters or situations. Throughout history, storytellers have drawn from stereotypical characters and situations, in order to connect the audience with new tales immediately. Sometimes such stereotypes can be sophisticated, such as Shakespeare's Shylock in The Merchant of Venice. Arguably a stereotype that becomes complex and sophisticated ceases to be a stereotype per se by its unique characterization. Thus while Shylock remains politically unstable in being a stereotypical Jew, the subject of prejudicial derision in Shakespeare's era, his many other detailed features raise him above a simple stereotype and into a unique character, worthy of modern performance. Simply because one feature of a character can be categorized as being typical does not make the entire character a stereotype. Despite their proximity in etymological roots, clich and stereotype are not used synonymously in cultural spheres. For example a clich is a high criticism in narratology where genre and categorization automatically associates a story within its recognizable group. Labeling a situation or character in a story as typical suggests it is fitting for its genre or category. Whereas declaring that a storyteller has relied on clich is to pejoratively observe a simplicity and lack of originality in the tale. To criticize Ian Fleming for a stereotypically unlikely escape for James Bond would be understood by the reader or listener, but it would be more appropriately criticized as a clich in that it is overused and reproduced. Narrative genre relies heavily on typical features to remain recognizable and generate meaning in the reader/viewer.
Stereotype
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References
[1] (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 04. 0057:entry=stereo/ s), Henry George Liddell, Robert Scott, A Greek-English Lexicon, on Perseus Digital Library [2] (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 04. 0057:entry=tu/ pos), Henry George Liddell, Robert Scott, A Greek-English Lexicon, on Perseus Digital Library [3] Online Etymology Dictionary (http:/ / www. etymonline. com/ index. php?term=stereotype) [4] Haslam, S. A., Turner, J. C., Oakes, P. J., Reynolds, K. J., & Doosje, B. (2002). From personal pictures in the head to collective tools in the word: how shared stereotypes allow groups to represent and change social reality. In C. McGarty, V. Y. Yzerbyt, & R. Spears (Eds.). Stereotypes as explanations: The formation of meaningful beliefs about social groups (pp. 157-185). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Further reading
Hilton, James L.; von Hippel, William (1996). "Stereotypes". Annual Review of Psychology 47 (1): 237271. doi: 10.1146/annurev.psych.47.1.237 (http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev.psych.47.1.237). Stuart Ewen, Elizabeth Ewen, Typecasting: On the Arts and Sciences of Human Inequality. New York (Seven Stories Press) 2006 Stereotype & Society (http://www.stereotypeandsociety.typepad.com) A Major Resource: Constantly updated and archived Regenberg, Nina (2007). "Are Blonds Really Dumb?" (http://beta.in-mind.org/issue-3/ are-blonds-really-dumb). In mind (magazine) (3) Are Stereotypes True? (http://beta.in-mind.org/node/126) Stereotype Susceptibility: Identity Salience and Shifts in Quantitative Performance, Margaret Shih, Todd L. Pittinsky, Nalini Ambady (http://www.blackwell-synergy.com/doi/abs/10.1111/.00111) Research about the effects of 'positive' and negative stereotypes on encouraging/discouraging performance. Turner, Chris (2004). Planet Simpson: How a Cartoon Masterpiece Documented an Era and Defined a Generation. Toronto: Random House Canada. Crawford, M. & Unger, R. (2004). Women and Gender: A Feminist Psychology. McGraw Hill New York. New York. 45-49. Spitzer, B.L., Henderson, K, A., & Zavian, M. T. (1999). Gender differences in population versus media body sizes: A comparison over four decades. Sex Roles, 40, 545-565.
External links
Interview (http://www.overfiftyandoutofwork.com/experts/susan-fiske-mike-north/) with social psychologists Susan Fiske and Mike North about the stereotyping of older people How gender stereotypes influence emerging career aspirations (http://www.youtube.com/ watch?v=jwviTwO8M8Q) lecture by Stanford University sociologist Shelley Correll on October 21, 2010 Social Psychology Network (http://www.understandingprejudice.org/apa/english/page11.htm) Stereotyping Stereotypes (http://mediasmarts.ca/backgrounder/stereotypes-teaching-backgrounder) Media Smarts, Canada's Centre for Digital and Media Literacy Age and Health based stereotyping (http://www.ahealthcareer.co.uk/age-stereotypes-health-sector.html) Age and Health based stereotyping
Schema
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Schema
In psychology and cognitive science, a schema (plural schemata or schemas), describes an organized pattern of thought or behavior. It can also be described as a mental structure of preconceived ideas, a framework representing some aspect of the world, or a system of organizing and perceiving new information. Schemata influence attention and the absorption of new knowledge: people are more likely to notice things that fit into their schema, while re-interpreting contradictions to the schema as exceptions or distorting them to fit. Schemata have a tendency to remain unchanged, even in the face of contradictory information. Schemas can help in understanding the world. Most situations do not require effortful thought when using schema, since automatic thought is all that is required. People can organize new perceptions into schemas quickly. People use schemata to organize current knowledge and provide a framework for future understanding. Examples of schemata include academic rubrics, social schemas, stereotypes, social roles, scripts, worldviews, and archetypes. In Piaget's theory of development, children adopt a series of schemata to understand the world.
History
Early developments of the idea in psychology emerged with the gestalt psychologists and Jean Piaget: the term "schema" was introduced by Piaget in 1926. The concept was introduced into psychology and education through the work of the British psychologist Frederic Bartlett, who drew on the term body schema used by neurologist Henry Head. It was expanded into schema theory by educational psychologist R. C. Andersen. Since then, many other terms have been used to describe schema, such as including "frame", "scene", and "script".
Thought using schemata

Through the use of schemata, most everyday situations do not require effortful processing. People can quickly organize new perceptions into schemata and act without effort. However, schemata can influence and hamper the uptake of new information (proactive interference), such as when existing stereotypes, giving rise to limited or biased discourses and expectations (prejudices), may lead an individual to "see" or "remember" something that has not happened because it is more believable in terms of his/her schema. For example, if a well-dressed businessman draws a knife on a vagrant, the schemata of onlookers may (and often do) lead them to "remember" the vagrant pulling the knife. Such distortion of memory has been demonstrated. (See Background research below.) Schemata are interrelated and multiple conflicting schemata can be applied to the same information. Schemata are generally thought to have a level of activation, which can spread among related schemata. Which schema is selected can depend on factors such as current activation, accessibility, and priming. Accessibility is how easily a schema comes to mind, and is determined by personal experience and expertise. This can be used as a cognitive shortcut; it allows the most common explanation to be chosen for new information. With priming, a brief imperceptible stimulus temporarily provides enough activation to a schema so that it is used for subsequent ambiguous information. Although this may suggest the possibility of subliminal messages, the effect of priming is so fleeting that it is difficult to detect outside laboratory conditions. Furthermore, the mere exposure effect which requires consciousness of the stimuli is far more effective than priming.
Schema
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Background research
Sufferers of Korsakov's syndrome are unable to form new memories, and must approach every situation as if they had just seen it for the first time. Many sufferers adapt by continually forcing their world into barely-applicable schemata, often to the point of incoherence and self-contradiction.[citation needed] The original concept of schemata is linked with that of reconstructive memory as proposed and demonstrated in a series of experiments by Bartlett (1932). By presenting participants with information that was unfamiliar to their cultural backgrounds and expectations and then monitoring how they recalled these different items of information (stories, etc.), Bartlett was able to establish that individuals' existing schemata and stereotypes influence not only how they interpret "schema-foreign" new information but also how they recall the information over time. One of his most famous investigations involved asking participants to read a Native American folk tale, "The War of the Ghosts", and recall it several times up to a year later. All the participants transformed the details of the story in such a way that it reflected their cultural norms and expectations, i.e. in line with their schemata. The factors that influenced their recall were: Omission of information that was considered irrelevant to a participant; Transformation of some of the details, or of the order in which events, etc., were recalled; a shift of focus and emphasis in terms of what was considered the most important aspects of the tale; Rationalization: details and aspects of the tale that would not make sense would be "padded out" and explained in an attempt to render them comprehensible to the individual in question; Cultural shifts: the content and the style of the story were altered in order to appear more coherent and appropriate in terms of the cultural background of the participant. Bartlett's work was crucially important in demonstrating that long-term memories are neither fixed nor immutable but are constantly being adjusted as our schemata evolve with experience. In a sense it supports the existentialist view that we construct our past and present in a constant process of narrative/discursive adjustment, and that much of what we "remember" is actually confabulated (adjusted and rationalized) narrative that allows us to think of our past as a continuous and coherent string of events, even though it is probable that large sections of our memory (both episodic and semantic) are irretrievable to our conscious memory at any given time. An important step in the development of schema theory was taken by the work of D.E. Rumelhart describing our understanding of narrative and stories.[1] See also J. M. Mandler[2] Further work on the concept of schemata was conducted by Brewer and Treyens (1981) who demonstrated that the schema-driven expectation of the presence of an object was sometimes sufficient to trigger its erroneous recollection. An experiment was conducted where participants were requested to wait in a room identified as an academic's study and were later asked about the room's contents. A number of the participants recalled having seen books in the study whereas none were present. Brewer and Treyens concluded that the participants' expectations that books are present in academics' studies were enough to prevent their accurate recollection of the scenes. In the 1970s, computer scientist Marvin Minsky was trying to develop machines that would have human-like abilities. When he was trying to create solutions for some of the difficulties he encountered he came across Bartletts work and decided that if he was ever going to get machines to act like humans he needed them to use their stored knowledge to carry out processes. To compensate for that he created what was known as the frame construct, which was a way to represent knowledge in machines. His frame construct can be seen as an extension and elaboration of the schema construct. He created the frame knowledge concept as a way to interact with new information. He proposed that fixed and broad information would be represented as the frame, but it would also be composed of slots that would accept a range of values; but if the world didnt have a value for a slot than it would be filled by a default value. Because of Minskys work, computers now have a stronger impact on psychology. In the 80s, David Rumelhart extend Minskys ideas, creating an explicitly psychological theory of the mental representation of complex knowledge.
Schema Roger Schank and Robert Abelson were the ones to come up with the idea of a script, which was known as a generic knowledge of sequences of actions. This led to many new empirical studies, which found that providing relevant schema can help improve comprehension and recall on passages.
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Modification
New information that falls within an individual's schema is easily remembered and incorporated into their worldview. However, when new information is perceived that does not fit a schema, many things can happen. The most common reaction is to simply ignore or quickly forget the new information.[citation needed] This can happen on a deep level frequently an individual does not become conscious of or even perceive the new information. People may also interpret the new information in a way that minimises how much they must change their schemas. For example, Bob thinks that chickens don't lay eggs. He then sees a chicken laying an egg. Instead of changing the part of his schema that says 'chickens don't lay eggs', he is likely to adopt the belief that the animal in question that he has just seen laying an egg is not a real chicken. This is an example of 'disconfirmation bias', the tendency to set higher standards for evidence that contradicts one's expectations. However, when the new information cannot be ignored, existing schemata must be changed or new schemata must be created (accommodation). Jean Piaget (1896-1980) was known best for his work with development of human knowledge. He believed knowledge was constructed on cognitive structures and he believed we developed our own cognitive structures through schema by accommodating and assimilating information. Accommodation is creating new schema that will fit better with the new environment or adjusting old schema. You should think of accommodation as change. Accommodation could also be interpreted as putting restrictions on schema you have already had. Accommodation usually comes about when assimilation has failed. Assimilation is when you use current schema to understand the world around you. Piaget thought that schema would be applied to everyday life and therefore you would accommodate and assimilate information naturally. For example, if this chicken has red feathers, Bob can form a new schemata that says 'chickens with red feathers can lay eggs'. This schemata will then be either changed or removed, in the future. Assimilation is the reuse of schemata to fit the new information. An example would be, when an unfamiliar dog is seen, a person will probably just assimilate it into their dog schema. However, if the dog behaves strangely, and in ways that doesn't seem dog-like, there will be accommodation as a new schema is formed for that particular dog. With Accommodation and Assimilation comes the idea of equilibrium. Piaget describes equilibrium as a state of cognition that is balanced. When schema are capable of explaining what it sees and perceives. It moves development along in children and adults, Piaget did not think that development progressed steadily but actually in leaps and bounds. When information is new and cannot fit into existing schema this is called disequilibrium and this is an unpleasant state for the childs development. When disequilibrium happens is means we are frustrated and we will try to restore the balance in our cognitive development by trying to overcome the new information through accommodation. If the new information is taken then assimilation of the new information will proceed until they find that they must make a new adjustment to it later down the road, but for now the child remains at equilibrium again. The process of Equilibration is when you move from the equilibrium phase to the disequilibrium phase and back into equilibrium. There are different kinds of schema that someone can experience. The first and most obvious one is self-schema; this schema contains information that we think about ourselves. It can sometimes influence, modify or distort what we remember or how we recall information. The next schema is person schema, which is the idea that we all have schema that includes judgments and traits that everyone possesses. Role schema is when we have ideas based on the jobs that other people have and social positions in the world. Event schema is what we associate with activities and events that other people perform. There are advantages and disadvantages to having schema affect our lives; some of the advantages about having schema in our cognitive development is that we now contain some information about how other people behave and
Schema think too. We now know what is an appropriate way to respond to certain situations because we formed a schema about what the procedure is. We have a reference for behavior in certain situations based on our event schema, also it helps us explain why certain people have behaviors that are social due to our role schema. With advantages come disadvantages; when we form schema it may restrict and distort the way we view things or remember things about information and at times may make us overlook some things we should have paid attention to. Schema is hard to change because we are attracted to information that supports our schema rather than disproves it and is inconsistent. This may pose a problem for people because it is hard to change someones mind about an idea they have already based a large schema about.
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Self-schemata
Schemata about oneself are considered to be grounded in the present and based on past experiences. Memories, as mentioned, are framed in the light of one's self-conception. For example, people who have positive self-schemas (i.e. most people) selectively attend to flattering information and selectively ignore unflattering information, with the consequence that flattering information is subject to deeper encoding, and therefore superior recall.[3] Even when encoding is equally strong for positive and negative feedback, positive feedback is more likely to be recalled.[4] Moreover, memories may even be distorted to become more favourable-people typically remember exam grades as having been better than they actually were.[5] However, when people have negative self views, memories are generally biased in ways that validate the negative self-schema; People with low self-esteem, for instance, are prone to remember more negative information about themselves than positive information.[6] Thus, memory tends to be biased in a way that validates the agent's pre-existing self-schema. There are three major implications of self-schemata. First, information about oneself is processed faster and more efficiently, especially consistent information. Second, one retrieves and remembers information that is relevant to one's self-schema. Third, one will tend to resist information in the environment that is contradictory to one's self-schema. For instance, students with a particular self-schema prefer roommates whose view of them is consistent with that schema. Students who end up with roommates whose view of them is inconsistent with their self-schema are more likely to try to find a new roommate, even if this view is positive.[7] This is an example of self-verification. As researched by Aaron Beck, automatically-activated negative self-schemas are a large contributor to depression. According to Cox, Abramson, Devine, and Hollon (2012), these self-schemas are essentially the same type of cognitive structure as stereotypes studied by prejudice researchers (e.g., they are both well-rehearsed, automatically activated, difficult to change, influential toward behavior, emotions, and judgments, and bias information processing). Self-Schema can also be self-perpetuating, it sometimes can represent a particular role in society that is based on stereo-type for example "If a mother tells her daughter she looks like a tom boy, her daughter may react by choosing activities that she imagines a tom boy would do. Conversely, if the mother tells her she looks like a princess, her daughter might choose activities thought to be more feminine." This is an example of the self-schema becoming self-perpetuating when the person at hand chooses an activity that was based on an expectation rather than their desires.
Schema therapy
Schema therapy was founded by Jeffrey Young, and represents a development of cognitive behaviour therapy (CBT) specifically for treating personality disorders.[8][9] Early Maladaptive Schema are described by Young as broad and pervasive themes or patterns made up of memories, feelings, sensations, and thoughts regarding oneself and one's relationships with others. They are considered to develop during childhood or adolescence, be elaborated throughout life and to be dysfunctional in that they lead to self-defeating behavior. Examples include schemata of abandonment/instability, mistrust/abuse, emotional deprivation, and defectiveness/shame.
Schema Schema Therapy blends CBT with elements of Gestalt, object relations, constructivist and psychoanalytical therapies in order to treat the characterological difficulties which both constitute personality disorders and which underlie many of the chronic depressive or anxiety-involving symptoms which present in the clinic. CBT, Young felt, may be an effective treatment for presenting symptoms, but without the conceptual or clinical resources for tackling the underlying structures (maladaptive schema) which consistently organize the patient's experience, the patient is likely to lapse back into unhelpful modes of relating to others and attempting to meet their needs. Young focused on pulling from different therapies equally when developing schema therapy. The difference between cognitive-behavioral therapy and schema therapy is that it "emphasizes lifelong patterns, affective change techniques, and the therapeutic relationship, with special emphasis on limited reparenting.". He recommended this therapy would be ideal for clients with difficult and chronic psychological disorders. Some examples would be eating disorders, personality disorders and criminal offenders. He has also had success with this therapy in relation to depression and substance abuse. The results from this study of schema therapy was shown to have a low dropout rate paired with effectiveness with a high percentage of outpatients with personality disorder. If clients have had a hard time with psychodynamic treatments they have found much success in schema therapy.
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References
[1] Rumelhart,D.E.(1980) Schemata: the building blocks of cognition. In: R.J. Spiro et al.(Eds) Theoretical Issues in Reading Comprehension, Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum. [2] Mandler, J. M. (1984). Stories, scripts, and scenes: Aspects of schema theory. Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. [3] Sedikides, C., & Green J. D. (2000). On the self-protective nature of inconsistency/negativity management: Using the person memory paradigm to examine self-referent memory. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 79, 906-92. [4] Sanitioso, R., Kunda, Z., & Fong, G. T. (1990). Motivated recruitment of autobiographical memories. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 59, 229-41. [5] Bahrick, Harry P, Lynda K Hall, and Stephanie A Berger. 1996. Accuracy and Distortion in Memory for High School Grades. Psychological Science 7, no. 5: 265-271. [6] Story, A. L. (1998). Self-esteem and memory for favorable and unfavorable personality feedback. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 24: 51-64. [7] Swann, W. B., Jr. & Pelham, B. W. (2002). Who wants out when the going gets good? Psychological investment and preference for self-verifying college roommates. Journal of Self and Identity, 1, 219-233. [8] Young, J. E. (1999) Cognitive therapy for personality disorders: A schema-focused approach. (rev ed.) Sarasota, FL: Professional Resources Press [9] Young, Klosko & Weishaar (2003), Schema Therapy: A Practitioner's Guide. New York: The Guilford Press.
External links
Schema Theory: An Introduction (http://www.mrjthompson.com/Documents/SchemaTheory.pdf) An essay by Sharon Alayne Widmayer. Schema theory of learning (http://www.sil.org/lingualinks/literacy/ImplementALiteracyProgram/ SchemaTheoryOfLearning.htm) Emotion Schemas - Psychic structures that shape our individual personalities, influence how we interact with others, experience our emotions, and interpret our reactions. (http://www.thereferentialprocess.org/theory/ emotion-schemas)
Behavioral script
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Behavioral script
In the behaviorism approach to psychology, behavioral scripts are a sequence of expected behaviors for a given situation.[1] Scripts include default standards for the actors, props, setting, and sequence of events that are expected to occur in a particular situation. The classic script example is when an individual dines at a restaurant. This script has several components: props including tables, menus, food, and money, as well as roles including customers, servers, chefs, and a cashier. The sequence of expected events for this script begins with a hungry customer entering the restaurant, ordering, eating, paying and then ends with the customer exiting. People continually follow scripts which are acquired through habit, practice and simple routine. Following a script can be useful because it could help to save the time and mental effort of deciding on appropriate behavior each time a situation is encountered.
Psychology
There have been many empirical research studies conducted in order to test the validity of the script theory. One such study, conducted by Bower, Black, and Turner in 1979, asked participants to read 18 different scenarios, all of which represented a doctors office script. The participants were later asked to complete either a recall task or a recognition task. In the recall task, the participants were asked to remember as much as they could about each scenario. Here, the participants tended to recall certain parts of the stories that were not actually present, but that were parts of the scripts that the stories represented. In the recognition task, participants were asked to rate various sentences on a 7-point scale regarding their personal confidence that they had seen each sentence in the scenario. Some sentences shown to participants were from the stories and some were not. Of the sentences that were not from the stories, some were relevant to the doctors office script and others were not relevant to the script at all. Here, participants tended to recognize certain non-story sentences as having come from the story if the non-story sentence was relevant to the script. Ultimately, Bower, Black, and Turners study suggested that scripts serve as a guide for a persons recall and recognition for certain things that they already know. Some people may have a tendency to habituate behavioral scripts in a manner that can act to limit consciousness in a subliminal way. This can negatively influence the subconscious mind and, subsequently, can negatively affect perceptions, judgments, values, beliefs, cognition and behavior. For example, over-reliance upon behavioral scripts combined with social norms that encourage an individual to use these behavioral scripts may influence one to stereotype and develop a prejudiced attitude toward others based on socioeconomic status, ethnicity, race, etc. Some applied behavior analysts even use scripts to train new skills and 20 years of research supports script use as an effective way to build new language, social, and activity routines for adults and children with developmental disabilities. With language scripts fading, efforts are being made in an attempt to help the scripts recombine in order to approximate more natural language.
Notes
[1] Barnett, D.W. et al. (2006). Preschool Intervention Scripts: Lessons from 20 years of Research and Practice (http:/ / www. highbeam. com/ doc/ 1G1-170157273. html). Journal of Speech Language Pathology and Applied Behavior Analysis, 2(2), 158181
Scripts
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Scripts
Scripts were developed in the early AI work by Roger Schank, Robert P. Abelson and their research group, and are a method of representing procedural knowledge. They are very much like frames, except the values that fill the slots must be ordered.A script is a structured representation describing a stereotyped sequence of events in a particular context. Scripts are used in natural language understanding systems to organize a knowledge base in terms of the situations that the system should understand. The classic example of a script involves the typical sequence of events that occur when a person drinks in a restaurant: finding a seat, reading the menu, ordering drinks from the waitstaff... In the script form, these would be decomposed into conceptual transitions, such as MTRANS and PTRANS, which refer to mental transitions [of information] and physical transitions [of things]. Schank, Abelson and their colleagues tackled some of the most difficult problems in artificial intelligence (i.e., story understanding), but ultimately their line of work ended without tangible success. This type of work received little attention after the 1980s, but it is very influential in later knowledge representation techniques, such as case-based reasoning. Scripts can be inflexible. To deal with inflexibility, smaller modules called memory organization packets (MOP) can be combined in a way that is appropriate for the situation.[citation needed]
Frame
Frames were proposed by Marvin Minsky in his 1974 article "A Framework for Representing Knowledge." A frame is an artificial intelligence data structure used to divide knowledge into substructures by representing "stereotyped situations." Frames are connected together to form a complete idea. Frames are also an extensive part of knowledge representation and reasoning schemes. Frames were originally derived from semantic networks and are therefore part of structure based knowledge representations. According to Russell and Norvig's "Artificial Intelligence, A Modern Approach," structural representations assemble "...facts about particular object and even types and arrange the types into a large taxonomic hierarchy analogous to a biological taxonomy."
Frame structure
The frame contains information on how to use the frame, what to expect next, and what to do when these expectations are not met. Some information in the frame is generally unchanged while other information, stored in "terminals,"Wikipedia:Please clarify usually change. Different frames may share the same terminals. Each piece of information about a particular frame is held in a slot. The information can contain: Facts or Data Values (called facets) Procedures (also called procedural attachments) IF-NEEDED : deferred evaluation IF-ADDED : updates linked information Default Values For Data For Procedures Other Frames or Subframes
Frame
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Features and Advantages

A frame's terminals are already filled with default values, which is based on how the human mind works. For example, when a person is told "a boy kicks a ball," most people will visualize a particular ball (such as a familiar soccer ball) rather than imagining some abstract ball with no attributes. One particular strength of frame based knowledge representations is that, unlike semantic networks, they allow for exceptions in particular instances. This gives frames an amount of flexibility that allow representations of real world phenomena to be reflected more accurately. Like semantic networks, frames can be queried using spreading activation. Following the rules of inheritance, any value given to a slot that is inherited by subframes will be updated (IF-ADDED) to the corresponding slots in the subframes and any new instances of a particular frame will feature that new value as the default. Because frames are structurally based, it is possible to generate a semantic network given a set of frames even though it lacks explicit arcs. Furthermore, the structure of frames allow for easy analogical reasoning, a much prized feature in any intelligent agent. The procedural attachments provided by frames also allow a degree of flexibility that makes for a more realistic representation and gives a natural affordance for programming applications.
Example
Worth noticing here is the easy analogical reasoning (comparison) that can be done between a boy and a monkey just by having similarly named slots. Also notice that Alex, an instance of a boy, inherits default values like "Sex" from the more general parent object Boy, but the boy may also have different instance values in the form of exceptions such as the number of legs.
Slot ALEX NAME ISA SEX AGE HOME BIRTHDATE _ Alex Boy Male Value Type (This Frame) (key value) (parent frame) (inheritance value)
IF-NEEDED: Subtract(current,BIRTHDATE); (procedural attachment) 100 Main St. 8/4/2000 (instance value) (instance value) (instance value) (instance value) (instance value) (exception)
FAVORITE_FOOD Spaghetti CLIMBS BODY_TYPE NUM_LEGS Trees Wiry 1
Frame
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Slot BOY ISA SEX AGE HOME _
Value (This Frame) (parent frame) (instance value)
Type
Person Male
Under 12 yrs. (procedural attachment - sets constraint) A Place (frame) (default, inherited from Person frame)
NUM_LEGS Default = 2
Slot MONKEY ISA SEX AGE HABITAT _
Value (This Frame) (parent frame)
Type
Primate
OneOf(Male,Female) (procedural attachment) an integer Default = Jungle (procedural attachment - sets constraint) (default) (default) _ (default) (default)
FAVORITE_FOOD Default = Bananas CLIMBS BODY_TYPE NUM_LEGS Trees Default = Wiry Default = 2
References
Russell, Stuart J.; Norvig, Peter (2010), Artificial Intelligence: A Modern Approach (2nd ed.), Upper Saddle River, New Jersey: Prentice Hall, ISBN 0-13-604259-7, http://aima.cs.berkeley.edu/, chpt. 1
External links
Minsky's "A Framework for Representing Knowledge" [1] Artificial Intelligence: A Modern Approach Website [2]
References
[1] http:/ / web. media. mit. edu/ ~minsky/ papers/ Frames/ frames. html [2] http:/ / aima. cs. berkeley. edu/
Frame of reference
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Frame of reference
Classical mechanics

History Timeline
In physics, a frame of reference (or reference frame) may refer to a coordinate system used to represent and measure properties of objects such as their position and orientation. It may also refer to a set of axes used for such representation. Alternatively, in relativity, the phrase can be used to refer to the relationship between a moving observer and the phenomenon or phenomena under observation. In this context, the phrase often becomes "observational frame of reference" (or "observational reference frame"). The context may itself include a coordinate system used to represent the observer and phenomenon or phenomena.
Different aspects of "frame of reference"

The need to distinguish between the various meanings of "frame of reference" has led to a variety of terms. For example, sometimes the type of coordinate system is attached as a modifier, as in Cartesian frame of reference. Sometimes the state of motion is emphasized, as in rotating frame of reference. Sometimes the way it transforms to frames considered as related is emphasized as in Galilean frame of reference. Sometimes frames are distinguished by the scale of their observations, as in macroscopic and microscopic frames of reference.[1] In this article, the term observational frame of reference is used when emphasis is upon the state of motion rather than upon the coordinate choice or the character of the observations or observational apparatus. In this sense, an observational frame of reference allows study of the effect of motion upon an entire family of coordinate systems that could be attached to this frame. On the other hand, a coordinate system may be employed for many purposes where the state of motion is not the primary concern. For example, a coordinate system may be adopted to take advantage of the symmetry of a system. In a still broader perspective, of course, the formulation of many problems in physics employs generalized coordinates, normal modes or eigenvectors, which are only indirectly related to space and time. It seems useful to divorce the various aspects of a reference frame for the discussion below. We therefore take observational frames of reference, coordinate systems, and observational equipment as independent concepts, separated as below: An observational frame (such as an inertial frame or non-inertial frame of reference) is a physical concept related to state of motion. A coordinate system is a mathematical concept, amounting to a choice of language used to describe observations.[2] Consequently, an observer in an observational frame of reference can choose to employ any coordinate system (Cartesian, polar, curvilinear, generalized, ) to describe observations made from that frame of reference. A change in the choice of this coordinate system does not change an observer's state of motion, and so does not entail a change in the observer's observational frame of reference. This viewpoint can be found elsewhere as well. Which is not to dispute that some coordinate systems may be a better choice for some observations than are others. Choice of what to measure and with what observational apparatus is a matter separate from the observer's state of motion and choice of coordinate system. Here is a quotation applicable to moving observational frames coordinate systems [R, R' , etc.]: and various associated Euclidean three-space
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We first introduce the notion of reference frame, itself related to the idea of observer: the reference frame is, in some sense, the "Euclidean space carried by the observer". Let us give a more mathematical definition: the reference frame is... the set of all points in the Euclidean space with the rigid body motion of the observer. The frame, denoted , is said to move with the observer. The spatial positions of particles are labelled relative to a frame by establishing a coordinate system R with origin O. The corresponding set of axes, sharing the rigid body motion of the frame , can be considered to give a physical realization of . In a frame , coordinates are changed from R to R' by carrying out, at each instant of time, the same coordinate transformation on the components of intrinsic objects (vectors and tensors) introduced to represent physical quantities in this frame.
and this on the utility of separating the notions of
and [R, R' , etc.]:
As noted by Brillouin, a distinction between mathematical sets of coordinates and physical frames of reference must be made. The ignorance of such distinction is the source of much confusion the dependent functions such as velocity for example, are measured with respect to a physical reference frame, but one is free to choose any mathematical coordinate system in which the equations are specified.
and this, also on the distinction between
and [R, R' , etc.]:
The idea of a reference frame is really quite different from that of a coordinate system. Frames differ just when they define different spaces (sets of rest points) or times (sets of simultaneous events). So the ideas of a space, a time, of rest and simultaneity, go inextricably together with that of frame. However, a mere shift of origin, or a purely spatial rotation of space coordinates results in a new coordinate system. So frames correspond at best to classes of coordinate systems.
and from J. D. Norton:[3]

In traditional developments of special and general relativity it has been customary not to distinguish between two quite distinct ideas. The first is the notion of a coordinate system, understood simply as the smooth, invertible assignment of four numbers to events in spacetime neighborhoods. The second, the frame of reference, refers to an idealized system used to assign such numbers To avoid unnecessary restrictions, we can divorce this arrangement from metrical notions. Of special importance for our purposes is that each frame of reference has a definite state of motion at each event of spacetime.Within the context of special relativity and as long as we restrict ourselves to frames of reference in inertial motion, then little of importance depends on the difference between an inertial frame of reference and the inertial coordinate system it induces. This comfortable circumstance ceases immediately once we begin to consider frames of reference in nonuniform motion even within special relativity.More recently, to negotiate the obvious ambiguities of Einsteins treatment, the notion of frame of reference has reappeared as a structure distinct from a coordinate system.
The discussion is taken beyond simple space-time coordinate systems by Brading and Castellani. Extension to coordinate systems using generalized coordinates underlies the Hamiltonian and Lagrangian formulations of quantum field theory, classical relativistic mechanics, and quantum gravity.
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Coordinate systems
Although the term "coordinate system" is often used (particularly by physicists) in a nontechnical sense, the term "coordinate system" does have a precise meaning in mathematics, and sometimes that is what the physicist means as well. A coordinate system in mathematics is a facet of geometry or of algebra, in particular, a property of manifolds (for example, in physics, configuration spaces or phase spaces).[4] The coordinates of a point r in an n-dimensional space are simply an ordered set of n numbers:[5]
In a general Banach space, these numbers could be (for example) coefficients in a functional expansion like a An observer O, situated at the origin of a local set of coordinates - a Fourier series. In a physical problem, they could be frame of reference F. The observer in this frame uses the coordinates spacetime coordinates or normal mode amplitudes. In a (x, y, z, t) to describe a spacetime event, shown as a star. robot design, they could be angles of relative rotations, linear displacements, or deformations of joints. Here we will suppose these coordinates can be related to a Cartesian coordinate system by a set of functions:
where x, y, z, etc. are the n Cartesian coordinates of the point. Given these functions, coordinate surfaces are defined by the relations:
The intersection of these surfaces define coordinate lines. At any selected point, tangents to the intersecting coordinate lines at that point define a set of basis vectors {e1, e2, , en} at that point. That is:
which can be normalized to be of unit length. For more detail see curvilinear coordinates. Coordinate surfaces, coordinate lines, and basis vectors are components of a coordinate system. If the basis vectors are orthogonal at every point, the coordinate system is an orthogonal coordinate system. An important aspect of a coordinate system is its metric gik, which determines the arc length ds in the coordinate system in terms of its coordinates:
where repeated indices are summed over. As is apparent from these remarks, a coordinate system is a mathematical construct, part of an axiomatic system. There is no necessary connection between coordinate systems and physical motion (or any other aspect of reality). However, coordinate systems can include time as a coordinate, and can be used to describe motion. Thus, Lorentz transformations and Galilean transformations may be viewed as coordinate transformations. General and specific topics of coordinate systems can be pursued following the See also links below.
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Observational frames of reference

An observational frame of reference, often referred to as a physical frame of reference, a frame of reference, or simply a frame, is a physical concept related to an observer and the observer's state of motion. Here we adopt the view expressed by Kumar and Barve: an observational frame of reference is characterized only by its state of motion.[6] However, there is lack of unanimity on this point. In special relativity, the distinction is sometimes made between an observer and a frame. According to this view, a frame is an observer plus a coordinate lattice constructed to be an orthonormal right-handed set of spacelike vectors perpendicular to a timelike vector. See Doran. This restricted view is not used here, and is not universally adopted even in discussions of relativity.[7] In general relativity the use of general coordinate systems is common (see, for example, the Schwarzschild solution for the gravitational field outside an isolated sphere).
Three frames of reference in special relativity. Black frame is at rest. Primed frame moves at 40% of light speed, double primed at 80%. Note scissors-like change as speed increases.
There are two types of observational reference frame: inertial and non-inertial. An inertial frame of reference is defined as one in which all laws of physics take on their simplest form. In special relativity these frames are related by Lorentz transformations, which are parametrized by rapidity. In Newtonian mechanics, a more restricted definition requires only that Newton's first law holds true; that is, a Newtonian inertial frame is one in which a free particle travels in a straight line at constant speed, or is at rest. These frames are related by Galilean transformations. These relativistic and Newtonian transformations are expressed in spaces of general dimension in terms of representations of the Poincar group and of the Galilean group. In contrast to the inertial frame, a non-inertial frame of reference is one in which fictitious forces must be invoked to explain observations. An example is an observational frame of reference centered at a point on the Earth's surface. This frame of reference orbits around the center of the Earth, which introduces the fictitious forces known as the Coriolis force, centrifugal force, and gravitational force. (All of these forces including gravity disappear in a truly inertial reference frame, which is one of free-fall.)
Measurement apparatus
A further aspect of a frame of reference is the role of the measurement apparatus (for example, clocks and rods) attached to the frame (see Norton quote above). This question is not addressed in this article, and is of particular interest in quantum mechanics, where the relation between observer and measurement is still under discussion (see measurement problem). In physics experiments, the frame of reference in which the laboratory measurement devices are at rest is usually referred to as the laboratory frame or simply "lab frame." An example would be the frame in which the detectors for a particle accelerator are at rest. The lab frame in some experiments is an inertial frame, but it is not required to be (for example the laboratory on the surface of the Earth in many physics experiments is not inertial). In particle physics experiments, it is often useful to transform energies and momenta of particles from the lab frame where they are measured, to the center of momentum frame "COM frame" in which calculations are sometimes simplified, since potentially all kinetic energy still present in the COM frame may be used for making new particles.
Frame of reference In this connection it may be noted that the clocks and rods often used to describe observers' measurement equipment in thought, in practice are replaced by a much more complicated and indirect metrology that is connected to the nature of the vacuum, and uses atomic clocks that operate according to the standard model and that must be corrected for gravitational time dilation. (See second, meter and kilogram). In fact, Einstein felt that clocks and rods were merely expedient measuring devices and they should be replaced by more fundamental entities based upon, for example, atoms and molecules.[8]
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Examples of inertial frames of reference

Simple example
Consider a situation common in everyday life. Two cars travel along a road, both moving at constant velocities. See Figure 1. At some particular moment, they are separated by 200 metres. The car in front is travelling at 22 metres per second and the car behind is travelling at 30 metres per second. If we want to find out how long it will take the second car to catch up with the first, there are three obvious "frames of reference" that we could choose.
First, we could observe the two cars from the side of the road. We define our "frame of reference" S as follows. We stand on the side of the road and start a stop-clock at the exact moment that the second car passes us, which happens to be when they are a distance d = 200 m apart. Since neither of the cars is accelerating, we can determine their positions by the following formulas, where is the position in meters of car one after time t seconds and is the position of car two after time t.
Figure 1: Two cars moving at different but constant velocities observed from stationary inertial frame S attached to the road and moving inertial frame S' attached to the first car.
Notice that these formulas predict at t = 0 s the first car is 200 m down the road and the second car is right beside us, as expected. We want to find the time at which . Therefore we set and solve for , that is:
Alternatively, we could choose a frame of reference S' situated in the first car. In this case, the first car is stationary and the second car is approaching from behind at a speed of v2 v1 = 8 m / s. In order to catch up to the first car, it will take a time of d /( v2 v1) = 200 / 8 s, that is, 25 seconds, as before. Note how much easier the problem becomes by choosing a suitable frame of reference. The third possible frame of reference would be attached to the second car. That example resembles the case just discussed, except the second car is stationary and the first car moves backward towards it at 8 m / s. It would have been possible to choose a rotating, accelerating frame of reference, moving in a complicated manner, but this would have served to complicate the problem unnecessarily. It is also necessary to note that one is able to convert measurements made in one coordinate system to another. For example, suppose that your watch is running five minutes fast compared to the local standard time. If you know that this is the case, when somebody asks you
Frame of reference what time it is, you are able to deduct five minutes from the time displayed on your watch in order to obtain the correct time. The measurements that an observer makes about a system depend therefore on the observer's frame of reference (you might say that the bus arrived at 5 past three, when in fact it arrived at three).
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Additional example
For a simple example involving only the orientation of two observers, consider two people standing, facing each other on either side of a north-south street. See Figure 2. A car drives past them heading south. For the person facing east, the car was moving toward the right. However, for the person facing west, the car was moving toward the left. This discrepancy is because the two people used two different frames of reference from which to investigate this system.
Figure 2: Simple-minded frame-of-reference example For a more complex example involving observers in relative motion, consider Alfred, who is standing on the side of a road watching a car drive past him from left to right. In his frame of reference, Alfred defines the spot where he is standing as the origin, the road as the x-axis and the direction in front of him as the positive y-axis. To him, the car moves along the x axis with some velocity v in the positive x-direction. Alfred's frame of reference is considered an inertial frame of reference because he is not accelerating (ignoring effects such as Earth's rotation and gravity).
Now consider Betsy, the person driving the car. Betsy, in choosing her frame of reference, defines her location as the origin, the direction to her right as the positive x-axis, and the direction in front of her as the positive y-axis. In this frame of reference, it is Betsy who is stationary and the world around her that is moving - for instance, as she drives past Alfred, she observes him moving with velocity v in the negative y-direction. If she is driving north, then north is the positive y-direction; if she turns east, east becomes the positive y-direction. Finally, as an example of non-inertial observers, assume Candace is accelerating her car. As she passes by him, Alfred measures her acceleration and finds it to be a in the negative x-direction. Assuming Candace's acceleration is constant, what acceleration does Betsy measure? If Betsy's velocity v is constant, she is in an inertial frame of reference, and she will find the acceleration to be the same as Alfred - in her frame of reference, a in the negative y-direction. However, if she is accelerating at rate A in the negative y-direction (in other words, slowing down), she will find Candace's acceleration to be a' = a - A in the negative y-direction - a smaller value than Alfred has measured. Similarly, if she is accelerating at rate A in the positive y-direction (speeding up), she will observe Candace's acceleration as a' = a + A in the negative y-direction - a larger value than Alfred's measurement. Frames of reference are especially important in special relativity, because when a frame of reference is moving at some significant fraction of the speed of light, then the flow of time in that frame does not necessarily apply in another frame. The speed of light is considered to be the only true constant between moving frames of reference.
Remarks
It is important to note some assumptions made above about the various inertial frames of reference. Newton, for instance, employed universal time, as explained by the following example. Suppose that you own two clocks, which both tick at exactly the same rate. You synchronize them so that they both display exactly the same time. The two clocks are now separated and one clock is on a fast moving train, traveling at constant velocity towards the other. According to Newton, these two clocks will still tick at the same rate and will both show the same time. Newton says that the rate of time as measured in one frame of reference should be the same as the rate of time in another. That is, there exists a "universal" time and all other times in all other frames of reference will run at the same rate as this
Frame of reference universal time irrespective of their position and velocity. This concept of time and simultaneity was later generalized by Einstein in his special theory of relativity (1905) where he developed transformations between inertial frames of reference based upon the universal nature of physical laws and their economy of expression (Lorentz transformations). It is also important to note that the definition of inertial reference frame can be extended beyond three dimensional Euclidean space. Newton's assumed a Euclidean space, but general relativity uses a more general geometry. As an example of why this is important, let us consider the geometry of an ellipsoid. In this geometry, a "free" particle is defined as one at rest or traveling at constant speed on a geodesic path. Two free particles may begin at the same point on the surface, traveling with the same constant speed in different directions. After a length of time, the two particles collide at the opposite side of the ellipsoid. Both "free" particles traveled with a constant speed, satisfying the definition that no forces were acting. No acceleration occurred and so Newton's first law held true. This means that the particles were in inertial frames of reference. Since no forces were acting, it was the geometry of the situation which caused the two particles to meet each other again. In a similar way, it is now believed that we exist in a four dimensional geometry known as spacetime. It is believed that the curvature of this 4D space is responsible for the way in which two bodies with mass are drawn together even if no forces are acting. This curvature of spacetime replaces the force known as gravity in Newtonian mechanics and special relativity.
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Non-inertial frames
Here the relation between inertial and non-inertial observational frames of reference is considered. The basic difference between these frames is the need in non-inertial frames for fictitious forces, as described below. An accelerated frame of reference is often delineated as being the "primed" frame, and all variables that are dependent on that frame are notated with primes, e.g. x' , y' , a' . The vector from the origin of an inertial reference frame to the origin of an accelerated reference frame is commonly notated as R. Given a point of interest that exists in both frames, the vector from the inertial origin to the point is called r, and the vector from the accelerated origin to the point is called r'. From the geometry of the situation, we get
Taking the first and second derivatives of this, we obtain
where V and A are the velocity and acceleration of the accelerated system with respect to the inertial system and v and a are the velocity and acceleration of the point of interest with respect to the inertial frame. These equations allow transformations between the two coordinate systems; for example, we can now write Newton's second law as
When there is accelerated motion due to a force being exerted there is manifestation of inertia. If an electric car designed to recharge its battery system when decelerating is switched to braking, the batteries are recharged, illustrating the physical strength of manifestation of inertia. However, the manifestation of inertia does not prevent acceleration (or deceleration), for manifestation of inertia occurs in response to change in velocity due to a force. Seen from the perspective of a rotating frame of reference the manifestation of inertia appears to exert a force (either in centrifugal direction, or in a direction orthogonal to an object's motion, the Coriolis effect). A common sort of accelerated reference frame is a frame that is both rotating and translating (an example is a frame of reference attached to a CD which is playing while the player is carried). This arrangement leads to the equation (see Fictitious force for a derivation):
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or, to solve for the acceleration in the accelerated frame,
Multiplying through by the mass m gives
where (Euler force) (Coriolis force) (centrifugal force)
Particular frames of reference in common use

International Terrestrial Reference Frame International Celestial Reference Frame In fluid mechanics, Lagrangian and Eulerian specification of the flow field
Other frames
Frame fields in general relativity Linguistic frame of reference Moving frame in Mathematics
Notes
[1] The distinction between macroscopic and microscopic frames shows up, for example, in electromagnetism where constitutive relations of various time and length scales are used to determine the current and charge densities entering Maxwell's equations. See, for example, . These distinctions also appear in thermodynamics. See . [2] In very general terms, a coordinate system is a set of arcs xi = xi (t) in a complex Lie group; see . Less abstractly, a coordinate system in a space of n-dimensions is defined in terms of a basis set of vectors {e1, e2, en}; see As such, the coordinate system is a mathematical construct, a language, that may be related to motion, but has no necessary connection to motion. [3] John D. Norton (1993). General covariance and the foundations of general relativity: eight decades of dispute (http:/ / www. pitt. edu/ ~jdnorton/ papers/ decades. pdf), Rep. Prog. Phys., 56, pp. 835-7. [4] According to Hawking and Ellis: "A manifold is a space locally similar to Euclidean space in that it can be covered by coordinate patches. This structure allows differentiation to be defined, but does not distinguish between different coordinate systems. Thus, the only concepts defined by the manifold structure are those that are independent of the choice of a coordinate system." A mathematical definition is: A connected Hausdorff space M is called an n-dimensional manifold if each point of M is contained in an open set that is homeomorphic to an open set in Euclidean n-dimensional space. [5] See Encarta definition (http:/ / encarta. msn. com/ encyclopedia_761579532/ Coordinate_System_(mathematics). html). Archived (http:/ / www. webcitation. org/ 5kwcKb20f) 2009-10-31. [6] See [7] For example, Mller states: "Instead of Cartesian coordinates we can obviously just as well employ general curvilinear coordinates for the fixation of points in physical space.we shall now introduce general "curvilinear" coordinates xi in four-space." [8] See .
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FrameNet
FrameNet is a project housed at the International Computer Science Institute in Berkeley, California which produces an electronic resource based on a theory of meaning called frame semantics. FrameNet reveals for example that the sentence "John sold a car to Mary" essentially describes the same basic situation (semantic frame) as "Mary bought a car from John", just from a different perspective. A semantic frame can be thought of as a conceptual structure describing an event, relation, or object and the participants in it. The FrameNet lexical database contains around 1,200 semantic frames, 13,000 lexical units (a pairing of a word with a meaning; polysemous words are represented by several lexical units) and over 190,000 example sentences. FrameNet is largely the creation of Charles J. Fillmore, who developed the theory of frame semantics that the project is based on, and was initially the project leader when the project began in 1997. Collin Baker became the project manager in 2000. The FrameNet project has been influential in both linguistics and natural language processing, where it led to the task of automatic Semantic Role Labeling.
Concepts
Frames
A frame is a schematic representation of a situation involving various participants, and other conceptual roles. Examples of frame names are Being_born and Locative_relation. Alongside the name, a frame in FrameNet comes with a textual description of what it represents.
Frame elements
Each frame has a number of core and non-core frame elements which can be thought of as semantic roles. The only core frame element of the Being_born frame is called Child, non-core frame elements being Time, Place, Relatives, etc. Core frame elements of the Commerce_goods-transfer include the Seller, Buyer, Goods, among other things, while non-core frame elements include a Place, Purpose, etc. FrameNet includes shallow data on syntactic roles that frame elements play in the example sentences. For an example sentence like "She was born about AD 460", FrameNet would mark "She" as a noun phrase referring to the Child frame element, and "about AD 460" as a noun phrase corresponding to the Time frame element. Details of how frame elements can be realized in a sentence is important because this reveals important information about the subcategorization frames as well as possible diathesis alternations (e.g. "John broke the window" vs. "The window broke") of a verb.
Lexical Units
Lexical units are words tied to specific meanings. If a word has multiple meanings, then typically there will be multiple lexical units tied to different frames. Lexical units that evoke the Commerce_goods-transfer frame (or more specific perspectivized versions of it, to be precise) include the verbs "buy", "purchase", as well as "sell". Alongside the frame, each lexical unit is associated with specific frame elements by means of the annotated example sentences.
Example sentences
Frames are associated with example sentences and frame elements are marked within the sentences. Thus the sentence She was born about AD 460 is associated with the frame Being_born, while "She" is marked as the frame element Child and "about AD 460" is marked as Time. (See the FrameNet Annotation Report [1] for born.v.) From the start, the FrameNet
FrameNet project has been committed to looking at evidence from actual language use as found in text collections like the British National Corpus. Based on such example sentences, automatic semantic role labeling tools are able to determine frames and mark frame elements in new sentences.
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Valences
FrameNet also exposes the statistics on the valences of the frames, that is the number and the position of the frame elements within example sentences. The sentence She was born about AD 460 falls in the valence pattern NP Ext, INI --, NP Dep which occurs two times in the example sentencesWikipedia:Please clarify.
Frame Relations
FrameNet additionally captures relationships between different frames using relations. These include the following. Inheritance: When one frame is a more specific version of another, more abstract parent frame. Anything that is true about the parent frame must also be true about the child frame, and a mapping is specified between the frame elements of the parent and the frame elements of the child. Perspectivized_in: A neutral frame (like Commerce_transfer-goods) is connected to a frame with a specific perspective of the same scenario (e.g. the Commerce_sell frame, which assumes the perspective of the seller or the Commerce_buy frame, which assumes the perspective of the buyer) Subframe: Some frames like the Criminal_process frame refer to complex scenarios that consist of several individual states or events that can be described by separate frames like Arrest, Trial, and so on. Precedes: The Precedes relation captures a temporal order that holds between subframes of a complex scenario. Causative_of and Inchoative_of: There is a fairly systematic relationship between stative descriptions (e.g. the Position_on_a_scale frame, "She had a high salary") and causative descriptions (Cause_change_of_scalar_position, "She raised his salary") or inchoative descriptions (Change_position_on_a_scale, e.g. "Her salary increased"). Using: A relationship that holds between a frame that in some way involves another frame. For instance, the Judgment_communication frame uses both the Judgment frame and the Statement frame, but does not inherit from either of them because there is no clear correspondence of the frame elements. See_also: Connects frames that bear some resemblance but need to be distinguished carefully.
Applications
FrameNet has proven useful in a number of computational applications, because computers need additional knowledge in order to recognize that "John sold a car to Mary" and "Mary bought a car from John" describe essentially same situation, despite using two very different verbs, different prepositions and a different word order. FrameNet has been used in applications like question answering, paraphrasing, recognizing textual entailment, and information extraction, either directly or by means of Semantic Role Labeling tools. The first automatic system for Semantic Role Labeling (SRL, sometimes also referred to as "shallow semantic parsing") was developed by Daniel Gildea and Daniel Jurafsky based on FrameNet in 2002, and Semantic Role Labelling has since become one of the standard tasks in natural language processing. Since frames are essentially semantic descriptions, they are similar across languages, and several projects have arisen over the years that have relied on the original FrameNet as the basis for additional non-English FrameNets, for Spanish, Japanese, and German, among others.
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References
[1] http:/ / framenet. icsi. berkeley. edu/ fnReports/ displayReport. php?anno=9791
Further reading
FrameNet II: Extended Theory and Practice (https://framenet2.icsi.berkeley.edu/docs/r1.5/book.pdf) (e-book)
External links
FrameNet home page (http://framenet.icsi.berkeley.edu/) German FrameNet (http://gframenet.gmc.utexas.edu/) Japanese FrameNet (http://jfn.st.hc.keio.ac.jp/) Spanish FrameNet (http://gemini.uab.es/SFN/) Danish FrameNet (http://framenet.dk/)
Semantic Web
The Semantic Web is a collaborative movement led by the international standards body, the World Wide Web Consortium (W3C). The standard promotes common data formats on the World Wide Web. By encouraging the inclusion of semantic content in web pages, the Semantic Web aims at converting the current web, dominated by unstructured and semi-structured documents into a "web of data". The Semantic Web stack builds on the W3C's Resource Description Framework (RDF). According to the W3C, "The Semantic Web provides a common framework that allows data to be shared and reused across application, enterprise, and community boundaries." The term was coined by Tim Berners-Lee for a web of data that can be processed by machines. While its critics have questioned its feasibility, proponents argue that applications in industry, biology and human sciences research have already proven the validity of the original concept. Scholars have explored the social potential of the semantic web in the business and health sectors, and for social networking. The original 2001 Scientific American article by Berners-Lee, Hendler, and Lassila described an expected evolution of the existing Web to a Semantic Web, but this has yet to happen. In 2006, Berners-Lee and colleagues stated that: "This simple idea... remains largely unrealized."
History
The concept of the Semantic Network Model was formed in the early sixties by the cognitive scientist Allan M. Collins, linguist M. Ross Quillian and psychologist Elizabeth F. Loftus in various publications, as a form to represent semantically structured knowledge. It extends the network of hyperlinked human-readable web pages by inserting machine-readable metadata about pages and how they are related to each other, enabling automated agents to access the Web more intelligently and perform tasks on behalf of users. The term "Semantic Web" was coined by Tim Berners-Lee, the inventor of the World Wide Web and director of the World Wide Web Consortium ("W3C"), which oversees the development of proposed Semantic Web standards. He defines the Semantic Web as "a web of data that can be processed directly and indirectly by machines." Many of the technologies proposed by the W3C already existed before they were positioned under the W3C umbrella. These are used in various contexts, particularly those dealing with information that encompasses a limited and defined domain, and where sharing data is a common necessity, such as scientific research or data exchange among businesses. In addition, other technologies with similar goals have emerged, such as microformats.
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Purpose
The main purpose of the Semantic Web is driving the evolution of the current Web by enabling users to find, share, and combine information more easily. Humans are capable of using the Web to carry out tasks such as finding the Estonian translation for "twelve months", reserving a library book, and searching for the lowest price for a DVD. However, machines cannot accomplish all of these tasks without human direction, because web pages are designed to be read by people, not machines. The semantic web is a vision of information that can be readily interpreted by machines, so machines can perform more of the tedious work involved in finding, combining, and acting upon information on the web. The Semantic Web, as originally envisioned, is a system that enables machines to "understand" and respond to complex human requests based on their meaning. Such an "understanding" requires that the relevant information sources be semantically structured. Tim Berners-Lee originally expressed the vision of the Semantic Web as follows: I have a dream for the Web [in which computers] become capable of analyzing all the data on the Web the content, links, and transactions between people and computers. A "Semantic Web", which makes this possible, has yet to emerge, but when it does, the day-to-day mechanisms of trade, bureaucracy and our daily lives will be handled by machines talking to machines. The "intelligent agents" people have touted for ages will finally materialize. The Semantic Web is regarded as an integrator across different content, information applications and systems. It has applications in publishing, blogging, and many other areas. Often the terms "semantics", "metadata", "ontologies" and "Semantic Web" are used inconsistently. In particular, these terms are used as everyday terminology by researchers and practitioners, spanning a vast landscape of different fields, technologies, concepts and application areas. Furthermore, there is confusion with regard to the current status of the enabling technologies envisioned to realize the Semantic Web. In a paper presented by Gerber, Barnard and Van der Merwe[1] the Semantic Web landscape is charted and a brief summary of related terms and enabling technologies is presented. The architectural model proposed by Tim Berners-Lee is used as basis to present a status model that reflects current and emerging technologies.[2]
Limitations of HTML
Many files on a typical computer can be loosely divided into human readable documents and machine readable data. Documents like mail messages, reports, and brochures are read by humans. Data, like calendars, addressbooks, playlists, and spreadsheets are presented using an application program which lets them be viewed, searched and combined. Currently, the World Wide Web is based mainly on documents written in Hypertext Markup Language (HTML), a markup convention that is used for coding a body of text interspersed with multimedia objects such as images and interactive forms. Metadata tags provide a method by which computers can categorise the content of web pages, for example: <meta name="keywords" content="computing, computer studies, computer" /> <meta name="description" content="Cheap widgets for sale" /> <meta name="author" content="John Doe" /> With HTML and a tool to render it (perhaps web browser software, perhaps another user agent), one can create and present a page that lists items for sale. The HTML of this catalog page can make simple, document-level assertions such as "this document's title is 'Widget Superstore'", but there is no capability within the HTML itself to assert unambiguously that, for example, item number X586172 is an Acme Gizmo with a retail price of 199, or that it is a consumer product. Rather, HTML can only say that the span of text "X586172" is something that should be
Semantic Web positioned near "Acme Gizmo" and "199", etc. There is no way to say "this is a catalog" or even to establish that "Acme Gizmo" is a kind of title or that "199" is a price. There is also no way to express that these pieces of information are bound together in describing a discrete item, distinct from other items perhaps listed on the page. Semantic HTML refers to the traditional HTML practice of markup following intention, rather than specifying layout details directly. For example, the use of <em> denoting "emphasis" rather than '', which specifies italics. Layout details are left up to the browser, in combination with Cascading Style Sheets. But this practice falls short of specifying the semantics of objects such as items for sale or prices. Microformats extend HTML syntax to create machine-readable semantic markup about objects including people, organisations, events and products. Similar initiatives include RDFa, Microdata and Schema.org.
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Semantic Web solutions

The Semantic Web takes the solution further. It involves publishing in languages specifically designed for data: Resource Description Framework (RDF), Web Ontology Language (OWL), and Extensible Markup Language (XML). HTML describes documents and the links between them. RDF, OWL, and XML, by contrast, can describe arbitrary things such as people, meetings, or airplane parts. These technologies are combined in order to provide descriptions that supplement or replace the content of Web documents. Thus, content may manifest itself as descriptive data stored in Web-accessible databases,[3] or as markup within documents (particularly, in Extensible HTML (XHTML) interspersed with XML, or, more often, purely in XML, with layout or rendering cues stored separately). The machine-readable descriptions enable content managers to add meaning to the content, i.e., to describe the structure of the knowledge we have about that content. In this way, a machine can process knowledge itself, instead of text, using processes similar to human deductive reasoning and inference, thereby obtaining more meaningful results and helping computers to perform automated information gathering and research. An example of a tag that would be used in a non-semantic web page: <item>blog</item> Encoding similar information in a semantic web page might look like this:
<item rdf:about="http://techmites.com/semantic-web-a-meaningful-search-engine/">blog</item>
Tim Berners-Lee calls the resulting network of Linked Data the Giant Global Graph, in contrast to the HTML-based World Wide Web. Berners-Lee posits that if the past was document sharing, the future is data sharing. His answer to the question of "how" provides three points of instruction. One, a URL should point to the data. Two, anyone accessing the URL should get data back. Three, relationships in the data should point to additional URLs with data.
Web 3.0
Tim Berners-Lee has described the semantic web as a component of "Web 3.0". People keep asking what Web 3.0 is. I think maybe when you've got an overlay of scalable vector graphics everything rippling and folding and looking misty on Web 2.0 and access to a semantic Web integrated across a huge space of data, you'll have access to an unbelievable data resource ... Tim Berners-Lee, 2006 "Semantic Web" is sometimes used as a synonym for "Web 3.0",[4] though each term's definition varies.
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Challenges
Some of the challenges for the Semantic Web include vastness, vagueness, uncertainty, inconsistency, and deceit. Automated reasoning systems will have to deal with all of these issues in order to deliver on the promise of the Semantic Web. Vastness: The World Wide Web contains many billions of pages [5]. The SNOMED CT medical terminology ontology alone contains 370,000 class names, and existing technology has not yet been able to eliminate all semantically duplicated terms. Any automated reasoning system will have to deal with truly huge inputs. Vagueness: These are imprecise concepts like "young" or "tall". This arises from the vagueness of user queries, of concepts represented by content providers, of matching query terms to provider terms and of trying to combine different knowledge bases with overlapping but subtly different concepts. Fuzzy logic is the most common technique for dealing with vagueness. Uncertainty: These are precise concepts with uncertain values. For example, a patient might present a set of symptoms which correspond to a number of different distinct diagnoses each with a different probability. Probabilistic reasoning techniques are generally employed to address uncertainty. Inconsistency: These are logical contradictions which will inevitably arise during the development of large ontologies, and when ontologies from separate sources are combined. Deductive reasoning fails catastrophically when faced with inconsistency, because "anything follows from a contradiction". Defeasible reasoning and paraconsistent reasoning are two techniques which can be employed to deal with inconsistency. Deceit: This is when the producer of the information is intentionally misleading the consumer of the information. Cryptography techniques are currently utilized to alleviate this threat. This list of challenges is illustrative rather than exhaustive, and it focuses on the challenges to the "unifying logic" and "proof" layers of the Semantic Web. The World Wide Web Consortium (W3C) Incubator Group for Uncertainty Reasoning for the World Wide Web (URW3-XG) final report [6] lumps these problems together under the single heading of "uncertainty". Many of the techniques mentioned here will require extensions to the Web Ontology Language (OWL) for example to annotate conditional probabilities. This is an area of active research.
Standards
Standardization for Semantic Web in the context of Web 3.0 is under the care of W3C.[7]
Components
The term "Semantic Web" is often used more specifically to refer to the formats and technologies that enable it. The collection, structuring and recovery of linked data are enabled by technologies that provide a formal description of concepts, terms, and relationships within a given knowledge domain. These technologies are specified as W3C standards and include: Resource Description Framework (RDF), a general method for describing information RDF Schema (RDFS) Simple Knowledge Organization System (SKOS) SPARQL, an RDF query language Notation3 (N3), designed with human-readability in mind N-Triples, a format for storing and transmitting data Turtle (Terse RDF Triple Language) Web Ontology Language (OWL), a family of knowledge representation languages
Rule Interchange Format (RIF), a framework of web rule language dialects supporting rule interchange on the Web
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The Semantic Web Stack illustrates the architecture of the Semantic Web. The functions and relationships of the components can be summarized as follows: XML provides an elemental syntax for content structure within documents, yet associates no semantics with the meaning of the content contained within. XML is not at present a necessary component of Semantic Web technologies in most cases, as alternative syntaxes exists, such as Turtle. Turtle is a de facto standard, but has not been through a formal standardization process. XML Schema is a language for providing and restricting the structure and content of elements contained within XML documents.
The Semantic Web Stack. RDF is a simple language for expressing data models, which refer to objects ("web resources") and their relationships. An RDF-based model can be represented in a variety of syntaxes, e.g., RDF/XML, N3, Turtle, and RDFa. RDF is a fundamental standard of the Semantic Web.
RDF Schema extends RDF and is a vocabulary for describing properties and classes of RDF-based resources, with semantics for generalized-hierarchies of such properties and classes. OWL adds more vocabulary for describing properties and classes: among others, relations between classes (e.g. disjointness), cardinality (e.g. "exactly one"), equality, richer typing of properties, characteristics of properties (e.g. symmetry), and enumerated classes. SPARQL is a protocol and query language for semantic web data sources. RIF is the W3C Rule Interchange Format. It's an XML language for expressing Web rules which computers can execute. RIF provides multiple versions, called dialects. It includes a RIF Basic Logic Dialect (RIF-BLD) and RIF Production Rules Dialect (RIF PRD).
Current state of standardization

Well-established standards: Unicode Uniform Resource Identifier XML RDF RDFS SPARQL Web Ontology Language (OWL) Rule Interchange Format (RIF)
Not yet fully realized: Unifying Logic and Proof layers The intent is to enhance the usability and usefulness of the Web and its interconnected resources through: Servers which expose existing data systems using the RDF and SPARQL standards. Many converters to RDF [8] exist from different applications. Relational databases are an important source. The semantic web server attaches to the existing system without affecting its operation. Documents "marked up" with semantic information (an extension of the HTML <meta> tags used in today's Web pages to supply information for Web search engines using web crawlers). This could be machine-understandable information about the human-understandable content of the document (such as the
Semantic Web creator, title, description, etc.) or it could be purely metadata representing a set of facts (such as resources and services elsewhere on the site). Note that anything that can be identified with a Uniform Resource Identifier (URI) can be described, so the semantic web can reason about animals, people, places, ideas, etc. Semantic markup is often generated automatically, rather than manually. Common metadata vocabularies (ontologies) and maps between vocabularies that allow document creators to know how to mark up their documents so that agents can use the information in the supplied metadata (so that Author in the sense of 'the Author of the page' won't be confused with Author in the sense of a book that is the subject of a book review) Automated agents to perform tasks for users of the semantic web using this data Web-based services (often with agents of their own) to supply information specifically to agents, for example, a Trust service that an agent could ask if some online store has a history of poor service or spamming
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Skeptical reactions
Practical feasibility
Critics (e.g. Which Semantic Web? [9]) question the basic feasibility of a complete or even partial fulfillment of the semantic web. Cory Doctorow's critique ("metacrap") is from the perspective of human behavior and personal preferences. For example, people may include spurious metadata into Web pages in an attempt to mislead Semantic Web engines that naively assume the metadata's veracity. This phenomenon was well-known with metatags that fooled the AltaVista ranking algorithm into elevating the ranking of certain Web pages: the Google indexing engine specifically looks for such attempts at manipulation. Peter Grdenfors and Timo Honkela point out that logic-based semantic web technologies cover only a fraction of the relevant phenomena related to semantics. Core, specialized communities and organizations for intra-company projects tended to practically adopt semantic web technologies greater than peripheral and less-specialized communities. The practical constraints toward adoption have appeared less challenging where domain and scope is more limited than that of the general public and the World-Wide Web.
Censorship and privacy

Enthusiasm about the semantic web could be tempered by concerns regarding censorship and privacy. For instance, text-analyzing techniques can now be easily bypassed by using other words, metaphors for instance, or by using images in place of words. An advanced implementation of the semantic web would make it much easier for governments to control the viewing and creation of online information, as this information would be much easier for an automated content-blocking machine to understand. In addition, the issue has also been raised that, with the use of FOAF files and geo location meta-data, there would be very little anonymity associated with the authorship of articles on things such as a personal blog. Some of these concerns were addressed in the "Policy Aware Web" project and is an active research and development topic.
Doubling output formats

Another criticism of the semantic web is that it would be much more time-consuming to create and publish content because there would need to be two formats for one piece of data: one for human viewing and one for machines. However, many web applications in development are addressing this issue by creating a machine-readable format upon the publishing of data or the request of a machine for such data. The development of microformats has been one reaction to this kind of criticism. Another argument in defense of the feasibility of semantic web is the likely falling price of human intelligence tasks in digital labor markets, such as the Amazon Mechanical Turk. Specifications such as eRDF and RDFa allow arbitrary RDF data to be embedded in HTML pages. The GRDDL (Gleaning Resource Descriptions from Dialects of Language) mechanism allows existing material (including
Semantic Web microformats) to be automatically interpreted as RDF, so publishers only need to use a single format, such as HTML.
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Projects
This section lists some of the many projects and tools that exist to create Semantic Web solutions.[10]
DBpedia
DBPedia is an effort to publish structured data extracted from Wikipedia: the data is published in RDF and made available on the Web for use under the GNU Free Documentation License, thus allowing Semantic Web agents to provide inferencing and advanced querying over the Wikipedia-derived dataset and facilitating interlinking, re-use and extension in other data-sources.
FOAF
A popular vocabulary on the semantic web is Friend of a Friend (or FOAF), which uses RDF to describe the relationships people have to other people and the "things" around them. FOAF permits intelligent agents to make sense of the thousands of connections people have with each other, their jobs and the items important to their lives; connections that may or may not be enumerated in searches using traditional web search engines. Because the connections are so vast in number, human interpretation of the information may not be the best way of analyzing them. FOAF is an example of how the Semantic Web attempts to make use of the relationships within a social context.
SIOC
The Semantically-Interlinked Online Communities project (SIOC, pronounced "shock") provides a vocabulary of terms and relationships that model web data spaces. Examples of such data spaces include, among others: discussion forums, blogs, blogrolls / feed subscriptions, mailing lists, shared bookmarks and image galleries.
GoPubMed
GoPubMed is a knowledge-based search engine for biomedical texts. The Gene Ontology (GO) and Medical Subject Headings (MeSH) serve as "Table of contents" in order to structure the millions of articles of the MEDLINE database.[11] The search engine allows its users to find relevant search results significantly faster than Pubmed.[citation needed]
NextBio
A database consolidating high-throughput life sciences experimental data tagged and connected via biomedical ontologies. Nextbio is accessible via a search engine interface. Researchers can contribute their findings for incorporation to the database. The database currently supports gene expression or protein expression data and sequence centric data and is steadily expanding to support other biological data types.
References
[1] Gerber, AJ, Barnard, A & Van der Merwe, Alta (2006), "A Semantic Web Status Model, Integrated Design & Process Technology", Special Issue: IDPT 2006 [2] Gerber, Aurona; Van der Merwe, Alta; Barnard, Andries; (2008), "A Functional Semantic Web architecture", European Semantic Web Conference 2008, ESWC'08, Tenerife, June 2008. [3] Artem Chebotko and Shiyong Lu, "Querying the Semantic Web: An Efficient Approach Using Relational Databases", LAP Lambert Academic Publishing, ISBN 978-3-8383-0264-5, 2009. [4] Introducing The Concept of Web 3.0 (http:/ / www. tweakandtrick. com/ 2012/ 05/ web-30. html)
Semantic Web
[5] http:/ / www. worldwidewebsize. com/ [6] http:/ / www. w3. org/ 2005/ Incubator/ urw3/ XGR-urw3-20080331/ [7] Semantic Web Standards published by the W3C (http:/ / www. w3. org/ 2001/ sw/ wiki/ Main_Page) [8] http:/ / esw. w3. org/ topic/ ConverterToRdf [9] http:/ / portal. acm. org/ citation. cfm?id=900051. 900063& coll=ACM& dl=ACM& CFID=29933182& CFTOKEN=24611642 [10] See, for instance: [11] GoPubMed in a nutshell (http:/ / www. gopubmed. com/ web/ gopubmed/ www/ GoPubMed/ Search/ index. html#Nutshell)
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Roger Chaffin: "The concept of a semantic Relation". In: Adrienne Lehrer u.a. (Hrsg.): Frames, Fields and contrasts. New essays in semantic and lexical organisation, Erlbaum, Hillsdale, N.J. 1992, ISBN 0-8058-1089-7, S. 253288. Hermann Helbig: Die semantische Struktur natrlicher Sprache. Wissensprsentation mit MultiNet, Springer, Heidelberg 2001, ISBN 3-540-67784-4. M. Ross Quillian: "Word concepts. A theory and simulation of some basic semantic capabilities". In: Behavioral Science 12 (1967), S. 410430. M. Ross Quillian: "Semantic memory". In: Marvin Minsky (Hrsg.): Semantic information processing, MIT Press, Cambridge, Mass. 1988. Klaus Reichenberger: Kompendium semantische Netze: Konzepte, Technologie, Modellierung, Springer, Heidelberg 2010, ISBN 3-642-04314-3. John F. Sowa: Principles of semantic networks. Explorations in the representation of knowledge, Morgan Kaufmann, San Mateo, Cal. 1991, ISBN 1-55860-088-4.
Further reading
Aaron Swartz's A Programmable Web: An unfinished Work donated by Morgan & Claypool Publishers after Aaron Swartz's death in January 2013. Liyang Yu (January 6, 2011). A Developer's Guide to the Semantic Web (http://www.amazon.com/ Developers-Guide-Semantic-Web/dp/3642159699/ref=sr_1_1?ie=UTF8&qid=1321027111&sr=8-1). Springer. ISBN978-3-642-15969-5. Grigoris Antoniou, Frank van Harmelen (March 31, 2008). A Semantic Web Primer, 2nd Edition (http://www. amazon.com/Semantic-Primer-Cooperative-Information-Systems/dp/0262012421/). The MIT Press. ISBN0-262-01242-1. Dean Allemang, James Hendler (May 9, 2008). Semantic Web for the Working Ontologist: Effective Modeling in RDFS and OWL (http://www.amazon.com/Semantic-Web-Working-Ontologist-Effective/dp/0123735564/). Morgan Kaufmann. ISBN978-0-12-373556-0. John Davies (July 11, 2006). Semantic Web Technologies: Trends and Research in Ontology-based Systems (http://www.amazon.com/Semantic-Web-Technologies-Research-Ontology-based/dp/0470025964/). Wiley. ISBN0-470-02596-4. Pascal Hitzler, Markus Krtzsch, Sebastian Rudolph (August 25, 2009). Foundations of Semantic Web Technologies (http://www.semantic-web-book.org). CRCPress. ISBN1-4200-9050-X. Thomas B. Passin (March 1, 2004). Explorer's Guide to the Semantic Web (http://www.amazon.com/ Explorers-Guide-Semantic-Thomas-Passin/dp/1932394206/). Manning Publications. ISBN1-932394-20-6. Liyang Yu (June 14, 2007). Introduction to Semantic Web and Semantic Web Services (http://www.amazon. com/Introduction-Semantic-Web-Services/dp/1584889330/). CRC Press. ISBN1-58488-933-0. Jeffrey T. Pollock (March 23, 2009). Semantic Web For Dummies (http://www.amazon.com/gp/product/ 0470396792). For Dummies. ISBN0-470-39679-2. Martin Hilbert (April, 2009). The Maturing Concept of E-Democracy: From E-Voting and Online Consultations to Democratic Value Out of Jumbled Online Chatter (http://www.informaworld.com/smpp/ content~db=all~content=a911066517). Journal of Information Technology & Politics. ISBN[[Special:BookSources/1680802715242 1680802715242 [[Category:Articles with invalid ISBNs]].
Semantic Web "Tim Berners-Lee Gives the Web a New Definition" (http://computemagazine.com/ man-who-invented-world-wide-web-gives-new-definition/) Folmer, Erwin; Oude Luttighuis, Paul; Hillegersberg, Jos (April 2011). "Do semantic standards lack quality? A survey among 34 semantic standards" (http://www.springerlink.com/content/h03q2454x7330574/). Electronic Markets 21 (2): 99111. doi: 10.1007/s12525-011-0058-y (http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/ s12525-011-0058-y). Retrieved 2012-05-19.
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External links
Official website (http://www.w3.org/standards/semanticweb/) links collection (http://www.semanticoverflow.com/questions/1/where-can-i-learn-about-the-semantic-web) on Semantic Overflow How Stuff Works: The Semantic Web (http://www.howstuffworks.com/semantic-web.htm)
Semantic network
Network science
Theory History Graph Complex network Contagion Small-world Scale-free Community structure Percolation Evolution Controllability Graph drawing Social capital Link analysis Optimization Reciprocity Closure Homophily Transitivity Preferential attachment Balance Network effect Influence Types of Networks Information Telecommunication Social Biological Neural Interdependent Semantic Random Dependency Flow Graphs Vertex Edge Component Directed Multigraph Bipartite Weighted Hypergraph Random Cycle Loop Path Neighborhood Clique Complete Cut Data structure Adjacency list & matrix Incidence list & matrix Metrics and Algorithms Centrality Degree Betweenness Closeness PageRank Motif Clustering Degree distribution Assortativity Distance Modularity Models
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Random ErdsRnyi BarabsiAlbert WattsStrogatz ERGM Epidemic Hierarchical Browse Topics Software Network scientists Graph theory Network theory
A semantic network, or frame network, is a network which represents semantic relations between concepts. This is often used as a form of knowledge representation. It is a directed or undirected graph consisting of vertices, which represent concepts, and edges.
History
In 1909, Charles S. Peirce proposed a graphical notation of nodes and edges called "existential graphs" that he called "the logic of the future". This began the debate between advocates of "logic" and advocates of "semantic networks." This debate obscured the fact that semantics networks, at least those with well-defined semantics, are a form of logic. "Semantic Nets" were first invented for computers by Richard H. Richens of the Cambridge Language Research Unit in 1956 as an "interlingua" for machine translation of natural languages.
Example of a semantic network
They were developed by Robert F. Simmons and M. Ross Quillian [1] at System Development Corporation in the early 1960s. It later featured prominently in the work of Allan M. Collins and Quillian (e.g., Collins and Quillian; Collins and Loftus Quillian [2][3][4][5])
Basics of semantic networks

A semantic network is used when one has knowledge that is best understood as a set of concepts that are related to one another. Most semantic networks are cognitively based. They also consist of arcs and nodes which can be organized into a taxonomic hierarchy. Semantic networks contributed ideas of spreading activation, inheritance, and nodes as proto-objects. They are intractable for large domains. Finally they don't represent performance or meta-knowledge very well. Some properties are not easily expressed using a semantic network, e.g., negation, disjunction, and general non-taxonomic knowledge. Expressing these relationships requires workarounds, such as having complementary predicates and using specialized procedures to check for them, but this can be regarded as less elegant. [citation needed]
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Examples
Semantic Net in Lisp
Using an association list. (defun *database* () '((canary (is-a bird) (color yellow) (size small)) (penguin (is-a bird) (movement swim)) (bird (is-a vertebrate) (has-part wings) (reproduction egg-laying)))) You would use the "assoc" function with a key of "canary" to extract all the information about the "canary" type.
WordNet
An example of a semantic network is WordNet, a lexical database of English. It groups English words into sets of synonyms called synsets, provides short, general definitions, and records the various semantic relations between these synonym sets. Some of the most common semantic relations defined are meronymy (A is part of B, i.e. B has A as a part of itself), holonymy (B is part of A, i.e. A has B as a part of itself), hyponymy (or troponymy) (A is subordinate of B; A is kind of B), hypernymy (A is superordinate of B), synonymy (A denotes the same as B) and antonymy (A denotes the opposite of B). WordNet properties have been studied from a network theory perspective and compared to other semantic networks created from Roget's Thesaurus and word association tasks. From this perspective the three of them are a small world structure.
Other examples
It is also possible to represent logical descriptions using semantic networks such as the existential Graphs of Charles Sanders Peirce or the related Conceptual Graphs of John F. Sowa. These have expressive power equal to or exceeding standard first-order predicate logic. Unlike WordNet or other lexical or browsing networks, semantic networks using these representations can be used for reliable automated logical deduction. Some automated reasoners exploit the graph-theoretic features of the networks during processing. Other examples of semantic networks are Gellish models. Gellish English with its Gellish English dictionary, is a formal language that is defined as a network of relations between concepts and names of concepts. Gellish English is a formal subset of natural English, just as Gellish Dutch is a formal subset of Dutch, whereas multiple languages share the same concepts. Other Gellish networks consist of knowledge models and information models that are expressed in the Gellish language. A Gellish network is a network of (binary) relations between things. Each relation in the network is an expression of a fact that is classified by a relation type. Each relation type itself is a concept that is defined in the Gellish language dictionary. Each related thing is either a concept or an individual thing that is classified by a concept. The definitions of concepts are created in the form of definition models (definition networks) that together form a Gellish Dictionary. A Gellish network can be documented in a Gellish database and is computer interpretable.
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Software tools
There are also elaborate types of semantic networks connected with corresponding sets of software tools used for lexical knowledge engineering, like the Semantic Network Processing System (SNePS) of Stuart C. Shapiro[6] or the MultiNet paradigm of Hermann Helbig,[7] especially suited for the semantic representation of natural language expressions and used in several NLP applications. Semantic networks are used in specialized information retrieval tasks, such as plagiarism detection. They provide information on hierarchical relations in order to employ semantic compression to reduce language diversity and enable the system to match word meanings, independently from sets of words used.
References
[1] Quillian, R. A notation for representing conceptual information: An application to semantics and mechanical English paraphrasing. SP-1395, System Development Corporation, Santa Monica, 1963. [2] Quillian, M. R. (1967). Word concepts: A theory and simulation of some basic semantic capabilities. Behavioral Science, 12(5), 410-430. [3] Quillian, M. R. (1968). Semantic memory. Semantic information processing, 227270. [4] Quillian, M. R. (1969). The teachable language comprehender: a simulation program and theory of language. Communications of the ACM, 12(8), 459-476. [5] Quillian, R. Semantic Memory. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Carnegie Institute of Technology, 1966. [6] Stuart C. Shapiro (http:/ / www. cse. buffalo. edu/ ~shapiro/ ) [7] Hermann Helbig (http:/ / pi7. fernuni-hagen. de/ helbig/ index_en. html)
Further reading
Allen, J. and A. Frisch (1982). "What's in a Semantic Network". In: Proceedings of the 20th. annual meeting of ACL, Toronto, pp. 19-27. John F. Sowa, Alexander Borgida (1991). Principles of Semantic Networks: Explorations in the Representation of Knowledge.
External links
"Semantic Networks" (http://www.jfsowa.com/pubs/semnet.htm) by John F. Sowa "Semantic Link Network" (http://www.knowledgegrid.net/~H.Zhuge/SLN.htm) by Hai Zhuge
Intentionality
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Intentionality
Intentionality is a philosophical concept defined by the Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy as "the power of minds to be about, to represent, or to stand for, things, properties and states of affairs." The term refers to the ability of the mind to form representations and has nothing to do with intention. The term dates from medieval Scholastic philosophy, but was resurrected by Franz Brentano and adopted by Edmund Husserl. The earliest theory of intentionality is associated with St. Anselm's ontological argument for the existence of God and his tenets distinguishing between objects that exist in the understanding and objects that exist in reality.
Modern overview
The concept of intentionality was reintroduced in 19th-century contemporary philosophy by the philosopher and psychologist Franz Brentano in his work Psychology from an Empirical Standpoint (1874). Brentano described intentionality as a characteristic of all acts of consciousness, "psychical" or "mental" phenomena, by which it could be set apart from "physical" or "natural" phenomena.
Every mental phenomenon is characterized by what the Scholastics of the Middle Ages called the intentional (or mental) inexistence of an object, and what we might call, though not wholly unambiguously, reference to a content, direction towards an object (which is not to be understood here as meaning a thing), or immanent objectivity. Every mental phenomenon includes something as object within itself, although they do not all do so in the same way. In presentation something is presented, in judgement something is affirmed or denied, in love loved, in hate hated, in desire desired and so on. This intentional in-existence is characteristic exclusively of mental phenomena. No physical phenomenon exhibits anything like it. We could, therefore, define mental phenomena by saying that they are those phenomena which contain an object intentionally within themselves.
Franz Brentano, Psychology from an Empirical Standpoint, edited by Linda L. McAlister (London: Routledge, 1995), pp. 8889.
Brentano coined the expression "intentional inexistence" to indicate the peculiar ontological status of the contents of mental phenomena. According to some interpreters the "in-" of "in-existence" is to be read as locative, i.e. as indicating that "an intended object [...] exists in or has in-existence, existing not externally but in the psychological state" (Jacquette 2004, p.102), while others are more cautious, affirming that: "It is not clear whether in 1874 this [...] was intended to carry any ontological commitment" (Chrudzimski and Smith 2004, p.205). A major problem within intentionality discourse is that participants often fail to make explicit whether or not they use the term to imply concepts such as agency or desire, i.e. whether it involves teleology. Dennett (see below) explicitly invokes teleological concepts in the "intentional stance". However, most philosophers use intentionality to mean something with no teleological import. Thus, a thought of a chair can be about a chair without any implication of an intention or even a belief relating to the chair. For philosophers of language, intentionality is largely an issue of how symbols can have meaning. This lack of clarity may underpin some of the differences of view indicated below. To bear out further the diversity of sentiment evoked from the notion of intentionality, Husserl followed on Brentano, and gave intentionality more widespread attention, both in continental and analytic philosophy. In contrast to Brentano's view, French philosopher Jean-Paul Sartre (Being and Nothingness) identified intentionality with consciousness, stating that the two were indistinguishable. German philosopher Martin Heidegger (Being and Time), defined intentionality as "care" (Sorge), a sentient condition where an individual's existentiality, facticity, and forfeiture to the world identifies their ontological significance, in contrast to that which is the mere ontic (thinghood). Other 20th-century philosophers such as Gilbert Ryle and A.J. Ayer were critical of Husserl's concept of intentionality and his many layers of consciousness, Ryle insisting that perceiving is not a process and Ayer that describing one's knowledge is not to describe mental processes. The effect of these positions is that consciousness is so fully intentional that the mental act has been emptied of all content and the idea of pure consciousness is that it is nothing (Sartre also referred to "consciousness" as "nothing").
Intentionality Platonist Roderick Chisholm has revived the Brentano thesis through linguistic analysis, distinguishing two parts to Brentano's concept, the ontological aspect and the psychological aspect. Chisholm's writings have attempted to summarize the suitable and unsuitable criteria of the concept since the Scholastics, arriving at a criterion of intentionality identified by the two aspects of Brentano's thesis and defined by the logical properties that distinguish language describing psychological phenomena from language describing non-psychological phenomena. Chisholm's criteria for the intentional use of sentences are: existence independence, truth-value indifference, and referential opacity. In current artificial intelligence and philosophy of mind intentionality is a controversial subject and sometimes claimed to be something that a machine will never achieve. John Searle argued for this position with the Chinese room thought experiment, according to which no syntactic operations that occurred in a computer would provide it with semantic content. Others are more skeptical of the human ability to make such an assertion, arguing that the kind of intentionality that emerges from self-organizing networks of automata will always be undecidable because it will never be possible to make our subjective introspective experience of intentionality and decision making coincide with our objective observation of the behavior of a self-organizing machine.
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Dennett's taxonomy of current theories about intentionality

Daniel Dennett offers a taxonomy of the current theories about intentionality in Chapter 10 of his book The Intentional Stance. Most, if not all, current theories on intentionality accept Brentano's thesis of the irreducibility of intentional idiom. From this thesis the following positions emerge: intentional idiom is problematic for science; intentional idiom is not problematic for science, which is divided into: Eliminative Materialism; Realism; Quinean double standard (see below) which is divided into: adherence to Normative Principle, which is divided into: who makes an Assumption of Rationality; who follows the Principle of Charity; adherence to Projective Principle. Is Intentionality discourse a problem for science? Roderick Chisholm (1956), G.E.M. Anscombe (1957), Peter Geach (1957), and Charles Taylor (1964) all adhere to the former position, namely that intentional idiom is problematic and cannot be integrated with the natural sciences. Members of this category also maintain realism in regard to intentional objects, which may imply some kind of dualism (though this is debatable). The latter position, which maintains the unity of intentionality with the natural sciences, is further divided into three standpoints: Eliminative Materialism, supported by W.V. Quine (1960) and Churchland (1981) Realism, advocated by Jerry Fodor (1975), as well as Burge, Dretske, Kripke, and the early Hilary Putnam those who adhere to the Quinean double standard.
Intentionality Intentionality poses no problem for science Proponents of the eliminative materialism, understand intentional idiom, such as "belief", "desire", and the like, to be replaceable either with behavioristic language (e.g. Quine) or with the language of neuroscience (e.g. Churchland). Holders of realism argue, in contrast to those in support of C, that there is a deeper fact of the matter to both translation and belief attribution. In other words, manuals for translating one language into another cannot be set up in different yet behaviorally identical ways and ontologically there are intentional objects. Famously, Fodor has attempted to ground such realist claims about intentionality in a language of thought. Dennett comments on this issue, Fodor "attempt[s] to make these irreducible realities acceptable to the physical sciences by grounding them (somehow) in the 'syntax' of a system of physically realized mental representations" (Dennett 1987, 345). Those who adhere to the so-called Quinean double standard (namely that ontologically there is nothing intentional, but that the language of intentionality is indispensable), accept Quine's thesis of the indeterminacy of radical translation and its implications, while the other positions so far mentioned do not. As Quine puts it, indeterminacy of radical translation is the thesis that "manuals for translating one language into another can be set up in divergent ways, all compatible with the totality of speech dispositions, yet incompatible with one another" (Quine 1960, 27). Quine (1960) and Wilfrid Sellars (1958) both comment on this intermediary position. One such implication would be that there is, in principle, no deeper fact of the matter that could settle two interpretative strategies on what belief to attribute to a physical system. In other words, the behavior (including speech dispositions) of any physical system, in theory, could be interpreted by two different predictive strategies and both would be equally warranted in their belief attribution. This category can be seen to be a medial position between the realists and the eliminativists since it attempts to blend attributes of both into a theory of intentionality. Dennett, for example, argues in True Believers (1981) that intentional idiom (or "folk psychology") is a predictive strategy and if such a strategy successfully and voluminously predicts the actions of a physical system, then that physical system can be said to have those beliefs attributed to it. Dennett calls this predictive strategy the intentional stance. They are further divided into two theses: adherence to the Normative Principle adherence to the Projective Principle Advocates of the former, the Normative Principle, argue that attributions of intentional idioms to physical systems should be the propositional attitudes that the physical system ought to have in those circumstances (Dennett 1987, 342). However, exponents of this view are still further divided into those who make an Assumption of Rationality and those who adhere to the Principle of Charity. Dennett (1969, 1971, 1975), Cherniak (1981, 1986), and the more recent work of Putnam (1983) recommend the Assumption of Rationality, which unsurprisingly assumes that the physical system in question is rational. Donald Davidson (1967, 1973, 1974, 1985) and Lewis (1974) defend the Principle of Charity. The latter is advocated by Grandy (1973) and Stich (1980, 1981, 1983, 1984), who maintain that attributions of intentional idioms to any physical system (e.g. humans, artifacts, non-human animals, etc.) should be the propositional attitude (e.g. "belief", "desire", etc.) that one would suppose one would have in the same circumstances (Dennett 1987, 343).
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Basic intentionality types in Le Morvan

Working on the intentionality of vision, belief, and knowledge, Pierre Le Morvan (2005) has distinguished between three basic kinds of intentionality that he dubs "transparent", "translucent", and "opaque" respectively. The threefold distinction may be explained as follows. Let's call the "intendum" what an intentional state is about, and the "intender" the subject who is in the intentional state. An intentional state is transparent if it satisfies the following two conditions: (i) it is genuinely relational in that it entails the existence of not just the intender but the intendum as well, and (ii) substitutivity of identicals applies to the intendum (i.e. if the intentional state is about a, and a = b, then
Intentionality the intentional state is about b as well). An intentional state is translucent if it satisfies (i) but not (ii). An intentional state is opaque if it satisfies neither (i) nor (ii).
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Mental states without intentionality

The claim that all mental states are intentional is called intentionalism, the contrary being anti-intentionalism. Some anti-intentionalism, such as that of Ned Block, is based on the argument that phenomenal conscious experience or qualia is also a vital component of consciousness, and that it is not intentional. (The latter claim is itself disputed by Michael Tye.) Another form of anti-intentionalism associated with John Searle regards phenomenality itself as the "mark of the mental" and sidelines intentionality. A further form argues that some unusual states of consciousness are non-intentional, although an individual might live a lifetime without experiencing them. Robert K.C. Forman argues that some of the unusual states of consciousness typical of mystical experience are Pure Consciousness Events in which awareness exists, but has no object, is not awareness "of" anything. Intention and self-consciousness Several authors have attempted to construct philosophical models describing how intention relates to the human capacity to be self-conscious. Cedric Evans contributed greatly to the discussion with his "The Subject of Self-Consciousness" in 1970. He centered his model on the idea that executive attention need not be propositional in form.
Intentionality vs. intensionality

Intentionality should not be confused with intensionality, a related concept from logic and semantics.
References Further reading

Brentano, Franz (1874) Psychologie vom empirischen Standpunkte Leipzig, Duncker & Humblot Chisholm, Roderick M. (1967). "Intentionality" in The Encyclopedia of Philosophy. Macmillan. ISBN 978-0-02-894990-1 Chisholm, Roderick M. (1963). "Notes on the Logic of Believing" in Philosophy and Phenomenological Research. Vol. 24: p.195-201. Reprinted in Marras, Ausonio. Ed. (1972) Intentionality, mind, and language. ISBN 0-252-00211-3 Chisholm, Roderick M. (1957). Perceiving: A Philosophical Study. Cornell University Press. ISBN 978-0-8014-0077-3 Chrudzimski, Arkadiusz and Barry Smith (2004) "Brentanos Ontology: from Conceptualism to Reism" in Jacquette (ed.) The Cambridge Companion to Brentano ISBN 0-521-00765-8 Davidson, Donald. "Truth and Meaning". Synthese, XVII, pp.30423. 1967. Dennett, Daniel C. (1989). The Intentional Stance. The MIT Press. ISBN 978-0-262-54053-7 Dreyfus, Georges. "Is Perception Intentional? (A Preliminary Exploration of Intentionality in Indian Philosophy)." 2006. Fodor, J. "The Language of Thought". Harvard University Press. 1980. ISBN 0-674-51030-5 Husserl, Edmund (1962). Ideas: General Introduction to Pure Phenomenology. Collier Books. ISBN 978-0-415-29544-4 Husserl, Edmund. Logical Investigations. ISBN 978-1-57392-866-3
Intentionality Jacquette, Dale (2004) "Brentanos Concept of Intentionality" in Jacquette (ed.) The Cambridge Companion to Brentano ISBN 0-521-00765-8 Le Morvan, Pierre (2005). "Intentionality: Transparent, Translucent, and Opaque". The Journal of Philosophical Research, 30, p.283-302. Malle, B. F., Moses, L. J., & Baldwin, D. A. (Eds.) (2003). Intentions and Intentionality: Foundations of Social Cognition. The MIT Press. ISBN 978-0-262-63267-6. Mohanty, Jitendra Nath (1972). The Concept of Intentionality: A Critical Study. St. Louis, MO: Warren H. Green, 1972. ISBN 978-0-87527-115-6 Quine, W.V. (1960). Word and Object. The MIT Press. ISBN 978-0-262-67001-2. Sajama, Seppo & Kamppinen, Matti. Historical Introduction to Phenomenology. New York, NY: Croom Helm, 1987. ISBN 0-7099-4443-8 Stich, Stephen. "Relativism, Rationality, and the Limits of Intentional Description". Pacific Philosophical Quarterly, 65, pp.21135. 1984. Williford, Kenneth. "The Intentionality of Consciousness and Consciousness of Intentionality. In G. Forrai and G. Kampis, eds., Intentionality: Past and Future. Amsterdam: Rodopi, pp.143156. 2005. ISBN 90-420-1817-8
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External links
Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy: Intentionality (http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/intentionality/) Consciousness and Intentionality (http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/consciousness-intentionality/) Ancient Theories of Intentionality (http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/intentionality-ancient/)
Language of thought
In philosophy of mind, the language of thought hypothesis (LOTH) put forward by American philosopher Jerry Fodor describes thoughts as represented in a "language" (sometimes known as mentalese) that allows complex thoughts to be built up by combining simpler thoughts in various ways. In its most basic form the theory states that thought follows the same rules as language: thought has syntax. Using empirical data drawn from linguistics and cognitive science to describe mental representation from a philosophical vantage-point, the hypothesis states that thinking takes place in a language of thought (LOT): cognition and cognitive processes are only 'remotely plausible' when expressed as a system of representations that is "tokened" by a linguistic or semantic structure and operated upon by means of a combinatorial syntax.[1] Linguistic tokens used in mental language describe elementary concepts which are operated upon by logical rules establishing causal connections to allow for complex thought. Syntax as well as semantics have a causal effect on the properties of this system of mental representations. These mental representations are not present in the brain in the same way as symbols are present on paper; rather, the LOT is supposed to exist at the cognitive level, the level of thoughts and concepts. LOTH has wide-ranging significance for a number of domains in cognitive science. It relies on a version of functionalist materialism, which holds that mental representations are actualized and modified by the individual holding the propositional attitude, and it challenges eliminative materialism and connectionism. It implies a strongly rationalist model of cognition in which many of the fundamentals of cognition are innate.
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Presentation
The hypothesis applies to thoughts that have propositional content, and is not meant to describe everything that goes on in the mind. It appeals to the representational theory of thought to explain what those tokens actually are and how they behave. There must be a mental representation that stands in some unique relationship with the subject of the representation and has specific content. Complex thoughts get their semantic content from the content of the basic thoughts and the relations that they hold to each other. Thoughts can only relate to each other in ways that do not violate the syntax of thought. The syntax by means of which these two sub-parts are combined can be expressed in first-order predicate calculus. The thought "John is tall" is clearly composed of two sub-parts, the concept of John and the concept of tallness, combined in a manner that may be expressed in first-order predicate calculus as a predicate 'T' ("is tall") that holds of the entity 'j' (John). A fully articulated proposal for what a LOT would have to take into account greater complexities such as quantification and propositional attitudes (the various attitudes people can have towards statements; for example I might believe or see or merely suspect that John is tall).
Precepts
1. There can be no higher cognitive processes without mental representation. The only plausible psychological models represent higher cognitive processes as representational and computational thought needs a representational system as an object upon which to compute. We must therefore attribute a representational system to organisms for cognition and thought to occur. 2. There is causal relationship between our intentions and our actions. Because mental states are structured in a way that causes our intentions to manifest themselves by what we do, there is a connection between how we view the world and ourselves and what we do.
Reception
Some philosophers have argued that our public language is our mental language, that a person who speaks English thinks in English. Others contend that people who do not know a public language (e.g. babies, aphasics) can think, and that therefore some form of mentalese must be present innately.[citation needed] The notion that mental states are causally efficacious diverges from behaviorists like Gilbert Ryle, who held that there is no break between cause of mental state and effect of behavior. Rather, Ryle proposed that people act in some way because they are in a disposition to act in that way, that these causal mental states are representational. An objection to this point comes from John Searle in the form of biological naturalism, a nonrepresentational theory of mind that accepts the causal efficacy of mental states. Searle divides intentional states into low-level brain activity and high-level mental activity. The lower-level, nonrepresentational neurophysiological processes have causal power in intention and behavior rather than some higher-level mental representation.[citation needed] Tim Crane, in his book The Mechanical Mind, states that, while he agrees with Fodor, his reason is very different. A logical objection challenges LOTHs explanation of how sentences in natural languages get their meaning. That is the view that Snow is white is TRUE if and only if P is TRUE in the LOT, where P means the same thing in LOT as Snow is white means in the natural language. Any symbol manipulation is in need of some way of deriving what those symbols mean. If the meaning of sentences is explained in terms of sentences in the LOT, then the meaning of sentences in LOT must get their meaning from somewhere else. There seems to be an infinite regress of sentences getting their meaning. Sentences in natural languages get their meaning from their users (speakers, writers). Therefore sentences in mentalese must get their meaning from the way in which they are used by thinkers and so on ad infinitum. This regress is often called the homunculus regress. Daniel Dennett accepts that homunculi may be explained by other homunculi and denies that this would yield an infinite regress of homunculi. Each explanatory homunculus is stupider or more basic than the homunculus it
Language of thought explains but this regress is not infinite but bottoms out at a basic level that is so simple that it does not need interpretation. John Searle points out that it still follows that the bottom-level homunculi are manipulating some sorts of symbols. LOTH implies that the mind has some tacit knowledge of the logical rules of inference and the linguistic rules of syntax (sentence structure) and semantics (concept or word meaning). If LOTH cannot show that the mind knows that it is following the particular set of rules in question then the mind is not computational because it is not governed by computational rules. Also, the apparent incompleteness of this set of rules in explaining behavior is pointed out. Many conscious beings behave in ways that are contrary to the rules of logic. Yet this irrational behavior is not accounted for by any rules, showing that there is at least some behavior that does not act in accordance with this set of rules. Another objection within representational theory of mind has to do with the relationship between propositional attitudes and representation. Dennett points out that a chess program can have the attitude of wanting to get its queen out early, without having a representation or rule that explicitly states this. A multiplication program on a computer computes in the computer language of 1s and 0s, yielding representations that do not correspond with any propositional attitude.
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Relation to connectionism
Connectionism is a recent applied approach to artificial intelligence that often accepts a lot of the same theoretical framework that LOTH accepts; that mental states are computational and causally efficacious and very often that they are representational. However, connectionism stresses the possibility of thinking machines, most often realized as neural networks, an inter-connectional set of nodes, and describes mental states as able to create memory by modifying the strength of these connections over time. Some popular types of neural networks are interpretations of units, and learning algorithm. "Units" can be interpreted as neurons or groups of neurons. A learning algorithm is such that, over time, a change in connection weight is possible, allowing networks to modify their connections. Connectionist neural networks are able to change over time via their activation. An activation is a numerical value that represents any aspect of a unit that a neural network has at any time. Activation spreading is the spreading or taking over of other over time of the activation to all other units connected to the activated unit. Since connectionist models can change over time, supporters of connectionism claim that it can solve the problems that LOTH brings to classical AI. These problems are those that show that machines with a LOT syntactical framework very often are much better at solving problems and storing data than human minds, yet much worse at things that the human mind is quite adept at such as recognizing facial expressions, objects in photographs and understanding nuanced gestures. Fodor defends LOTH by arguing that a connectionist model is just some realization or implementation of the classical computational theory of mind and therein necessarily employs a symbol-manipulating LOT. Fodor and Zenon Pylyshyn use the notion of cognitive architecture in their defense. Cognitive architecture is the set of basic functions of an organism with representational input and output. They argue that it is a law of nature that cognitive capacities are productive, systematic and inferentially coherent - they have the ability to produce and understand sentences of a certain structure if they can understand one sentence of that structure. A cognitive model must have a cognitive architecture that explains these laws and properties in some way that is compatible with the scientific method. Fodor and Pylyshyn say that cognitive architecture can only explain the property of systematicity by appealing to a system of representations and that connectionism either employs a cognitive architecture of representations or else does not. If it does, then connectionism uses LOT. If it does not then it is empirically false. Connectionists have responded to Fodor and Pylyshyn by denying that connectionism uses LOT, by denying that cognition is essentially a function that uses representational input and output or denying that systematicity is a law of nature that rests on representation.[citation needed]
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Empirical testing
Since LOTH came to be it has been empirically tested. Not all experiments have confirmed the hypothesis; In 1971, Roger Shepard and Jacqueline Metzler tested Pylyshyns particular hypothesis that all symbols are understood by the mind in virtue of their fundamental mathematical descriptions. Shepard and Metzlers experiment consisted of showing a group of subjects a 2-D line drawing of a 3-D object, and then that same object at some rotation. According to Shepard and Metzler, if Pylyshyn were correct, then the amount of time it took to identify the object as the same object would not depend on the degree of rotation of the object. Their findings were that there was a proportionate change in time it took subjects to recognize the object to degree of rotation, disconfirming their hypothesis.[citation needed] There may be a connection between prior knowledge of what relations hold between objects in the world and the time it takes subjects to recognize the same objects. For example, it is more likely that subjects will not recognize a hand that is rotated in such a way that it would be physically impossible for an actual hand.[citation needed] It has since also been empirically tested and supported that the mind might better manipulate mathematical descriptions in topographical wholes.[citation needed] These findings have illuminated what the mind is not doing in terms of how it manipulates symbols.[citation needed]
References
[1] Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy http:/ / plato. stanford. edu/ entries/ language-thought/
Ravenscroft, Ian, Philosophy of mind. Oxford University press, 2005. pp 91. Fodor, Jerry A., The Language Of Thought. Crowell Press, 1975. pp 214. John R. Searle (June 29, 1972). "Chomsky's Revolution in Linguistics" (http://www.chomsky.info/onchomsky/ 19720629.htm). New York Review of Books.
External links
The Language of Thought Hypothesis (http://setis.library.usyd.edu.au/stanford/entries/language-thought/) at The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy. Language of Thought (http://host.uniroma3.it/progetti/kant/field/lot.html) - By Larry Kaye. Revealing The Language Of Thought (http://www.scribd.com/doc/3033742/ Revealing-the-Language-of-Thought-by-Brent-Silby) - By Brent Silby Jerry Fodor Homepage (http://ruccs.rutgers.edu/faculty/Fodor/cv.html) The Language Of Thought Hypothesis: State Of The Art (http://www.clas.ufl.edu/users/maydede/LOTH. SEP.html) - By Murat Aydede
Representational theory of mind
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A mental representation (or cognitive representation), in philosophy of mind, cognitive psychology, neuroscience, and cognitive science, is a hypothetical internal cognitive symbol that represents external reality, or else a mental process that makes use of such a symbol; "a formal system for making explicit certain entities or types of information, together with a specification of how the system does this." Mental representation is the mental imagery of things that are not currently seen or sensed by the sense organs. In our minds we often have images of objects, events and settings. For example, If you were asked to recall a birthday party, you could probably remember the people, the place where it was held, and things that you saw and maybe even the things you smelled. You cannot actually smell and see those things but you can imagine them. In contemporary philosophy, specifically in fields of metaphysics such as philosophy of mind and ontology, a mental representation is one of the prevailing ways of explaining and describing the nature of ideas and concepts. Mental representations (or mental imagery) enable representing things that have never been experienced as well as things that do not exist. Think of yourself traveling to a place you have never been before, or having a third arm. These things have either never happened or are impossible and do not exist, yet our brain and mental imagery allows us to imagine them. Although visual imagery is more likely to be recalled, mental Imagery may involve representations in any of the sensory modalities, such as, hearing, smell, or taste. Kosslyn proposes images are used to help solve certain types of problems. We are able to visualize the objects in question and mentally represent the images to solve it.
Representationalism and representational theories of mind

Representational theories of mind conceive of thinking as occurring within an internal system of representation. The propositional attitudes of the mind are token mental representations with semantic properties. Representationalism (also known as indirect realism) is the view that representations are the main way we access external reality. Another major prevailing philosophical theory posits that concepts are entirely abstract objects.[1] The representational theory of mind attempts to explain the nature of ideas, concepts and other mental content in contemporary philosophy of mind, cognitive science and experimental psychology. In contrast to theories of naive or direct realism, the representational theory of mind postulates the actual existence of mental representations which act as intermediaries between the observing subject and the objects, processes or other entities observed in the external world. These intermediaries stand for or represent to the mind the objects of that world. For example, when someone arrives at the belief that his or her floor needs sweeping, the representational theory of mind states that he or she forms a mental representation that represents the floor and its state of cleanliness. The original or "classical" representational theory probably can be traced back to Thomas Hobbes and was a dominant theme in classical empiricism in general. According to this version of the theory, the mental representations were images (often called "ideas") of the objects of states of affairs represented. For modern adherents, such as Jerry Fodor, Steven Pinker and many others, the representational system consists rather of an internal language of thought. The contents of thoughts are represented in symbolic structures (the formulas of Mentalese) which, analogously to natural languages but on a much more abstract level, possess a syntax and semantics very much like those of natural languages.
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References
[1] The Ontology of ConceptsAbstract Objects or Mental Representations?, Eric Margolis and Stephen Laurence
Further reading
Henrich, J. & Boyd, R. (2002). Culture and cognition: Why cultural evolution does not require replication of representations. Culture and Cognition, 2, 87112. Full text (http://www.sscnet.ucla.edu/anthro/faculty/ boyd/Culture&CognitionByHenrich&Boyd.pdf)
External links
Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy: Mental Representation (http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/ mental-representation/)
Representative realism
The question of direct or "nave" realism, as opposed to indirect or "representational" realism, arises in the philosophy of perception and of mind out of the debate over the nature of conscious experience;[1][2] the epistemological question of whether the world we see around us is the real world itself or merely an internal perceptual copy of that world Direct realism argues we perceive the world directly generated by neural processes in our brain. Nave realism is known as direct realism when developed to counter indirect or representative realism, also known as epistemological dualism,[3] the philosophical position that our conscious experience is not of the real world itself but of an internal representation, a miniature virtual-reality replica of the world. Indirect realism is broadly equivalent to the accepted view of perception in natural science that states that we do not and cannot perceive the external world as it really is but know only our ideas and interpretations of the way the world is.[4] Representationalism is one of the key assumptions of cognitivism in psychology. The representational realist would deny that 'first hand knowledge' is a coherent concept, since knowledge is always via some means. Our ideas of the world are interpretations of sensory input derived from an external world that is real (unlike the standpoint of idealism). The alternative, that we have knowledge of the outside world that is unconstrained by our sense organs and does not require interpretation, would appear to be inconsistent with everyday observation.
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History
Aristotle was the first to provide a description of direct realism. In On the Soul he describes how a seer is informed of the object itself by way of the hylomorphic form carried over the intervening material continuum with which the eye is impressed. Indirect realism was popular with early modern philosophers such as Ren Descartes and John Locke. Locke categorized qualities as follows: Primary qualities are qualities which are 'explanatorily basic' - which is to say, they can be referred to as the explanation for other qualities or phenomena without requiring explanation themselves - and they are distinct in that our sensory experience of them resembles them in reality. (For example, one perceives an object as spherical precisely because of the way the atoms of the sphere are arranged.) Primary qualities cannot be removed by either thought or physical action, and include mass, movement, and, controversially, solidity (although later proponents of the distinction between primary and secondary qualities usually discount solidity). Secondary qualities are qualities which one's experience does not directly resemble; for example, when one sees an object as red, the sensation of seeing redness is not produced by some quality of redness in the object, but by the arrangement of atoms on the surface of the object which reflects and absorbs light in a particular way. Secondary qualities include colour, smell, and taste. In contemporary philosophy, epistemological dualism has come under sustained attack by philosophers like Wittgenstein (the private language argument) and Wilfrid Sellars in his seminal essay "Empiricism and the Philosophy of Mind." Indirect realism is argued to be problematical because of Ryle's regress and the homunculus argument. However, recently reliance on the private language argument and the Homunculus Objection has itself come under attack. It can be argued that those who argue for 'inner presence', to use Antti Revonsuo's term,[5] are not proposing a private 'referent', with the application of language to it being 'private' and thus unshareable, but a private use of public language. There is no doubt that each of us has a private understanding of public language, a fact that has been experimentally proven;[6] George Steiner refers to our personal use of language as an 'idiolect', one particular to ourselves in its detail.[7] The question has to be put how a collective use of language can go on when, not only do we have differing understandings of the words we use, but our sensory registrations differ.[8] The reason for continued confusion is that "both direct and indirect realism are frankly incredible, although each is incredible for different reasons". The direct realist view [9] is incredible because it suggests that we can have experience of objects out in the world directly, beyond the sensory surface, as if bypassing the chain of sensory processing. The pattern of electrochemical activity that corresponds to our conscious experience can take a form that reflects the properties of external objects, but our consciousness is necessarily confined to the experience of those internal effigies of external objects, rather than of external objects themselves. Unless the principle of direct perception can be demonstrated in a simple artificial sensory system, this explanation remains as mysterious as the property of consciousness it is supposed to explain. But the indirect realist view is also incredible, for it suggests that the world that we perceive is merely a pattern of energy in the physical brain inside our head. This could only mean that the head we have come to know as our own is not our true physical head, but merely a miniature copy of it inside a copy of the world contained within our true physical skull. The external world and its phenomenal replica cannot be spatially superimposed, for one is inside your physical head, and the other is outside. The existential vertigo occasioned by this concept of perception is so disorienting that only a handful of researchers have seriously entertained this notion or pursued its implications to its logical conclusion. (Kant 1781/1991, Koffka 1935, Khler 1971 p.125, Russell 1927 pp 137143, Smythies 1989, 1994, current [10], Harrison 1989, Hoffman 1998, Lehar current [11], Hameroff current [12])"
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Arguments against direct realism

The argument from illusion
This argument was "first offered in a more or less fully explicit form in Berkeley (1713)."[13] It is also referred to as the problem of conflicting appearances (e.g. Myles Burnyeat's article Conflicting Appearances). Informed commonsense tells us that our perceptions often depend on our organs of perception. If we had compound eyes, as flies do, we would receive information about the visual world in a completely different form. If we had jaundice, things would look yellow. If we had other sense organs altogether, like infra-red detectors or echo-location devices, we can Illusion creates a problem for nave realists as it suggests our senses are fallible, perceiving things that aren't there. In this illusion, the barely imagine how things would appear to us. Our lines are horizontal, despite how they appear. current perceptual apparatus is obviously not infallible and may misrepresent objects to us even when in full working order (e.g. the Mller-Lyer illusion): we are all familiar with perceptual illusions of various sorts. Sometimes we think we perceive things which in fact arent there at all, a more radical case of perceptual error than simple illusion; hallucination or perceptual delusion)."[14] The argument from illusion seemingly shows the need to posit sense-data as the immediate objects of perception. In cases of illusion or hallucination, the object has qualities that no public physical object in that situation has and so must be distinct from any such object. Nave realism may accommodate these facts as they stand by virtue of its very vagueness (or open-texture): it isnt specific or detailed enough to be refuted by such cases. A more developed direct realism Illusions are present in nature. Rainbows are an example of a might respond by showing that various cases of perceptual delusion. "For, unlike an architectural arch, a rainbow [15] misperception, failed perception, and perceptual recedes as we approach it, never to be reached." relativity do not make it necessary to suppose that sense-data exist. When a stick submerged in water looks bent a direct realist is not compelled to say the stick actually is bent but can say that the stick can have more than one appearance: a straight stick can look bent when light reflected from the stick arrives at one's eye in a crooked pattern, but this appearance isn't necessarily a sense-datum in the mind. Similar things can be said about the coin which appears circular from one vantage point and oval-shaped from another. Pressing on your eyeball with a finger creates double vision but assuming the existence of two sense-data is unnecessary: the direct realist can say that they have two eyes, each giving them a different view of the world. Usually the eyes are focused in the same direction; but sometimes they are not. However, this response is presumably based on previously observed data. If one were to be able to observe nothing other than the stick in the water, with no previous information, it would appear that the stick was bent. Visual depth in particular is a set of inferences, not an actual experience of the space between things in a radial direction outward from the observation point.[16] If all empirical evidence is based upon observation then the entire developed memory and knowledge of every perception and of each sense may be as skewed as the bent stick. Since objects with different qualities are experienced from each of the different perspectives there is no apparent experiential basis for
Representative realism regarding one out of any such set of related perceptual experiences as the one in which the relevant physical object is itself immediately experienced. The most reasonable conclusion is that the experienced object is always distinct from the physical object or at least that there is no way to identify which, if any, of the immediately experienced objects is the physical object itself. Epistemologically it is as though physical objects were never given, whether or not that is in fact the case. Another potential counter-example involves vivid hallucinations: phantom elephants, for instance, might be interpreted as sense-data. A direct realist response would differentiate hallucination from genuine perception: no perception of elephants is going on, only the different and related mental process of hallucination. However if there are visual images when we hallucinate it seems reasonable that there are visual images when we see. Similarly if dreaming involves visual and auditory images in our minds it seems reasonable to think there are visual and auditory images, or sense-data, when we are awake and perceiving things. This argument has been challenged in a number of different ways. First it has been questioned whether there must be some object present that actually has the experienced qualities, which would then seemingly have to be something like a sense-datum. Why couldn't it be that the perceiver is simply in a state of seeming to experience such an object without any object actually being present? Second, in cases of illusion and perceptual relativity there is an object present which is simply misperceived, usually in readily explainable ways, and no need to suppose that an additional object is also involved. Third, the last part of the perceptual relativity version of the argument has been challenged by questioning whether there is really no experiential difference between veridical and non-veridical perception; and by arguing that even if sense-data are experienced in non-veridical cases and even if the difference between veridical and non-veridical cases is, as claimed, experientially indiscernible, there is still no reason to think that sense-data are the immediate objects of experience in veridical cases. Fourth, do sense-data exist through time or are they momentary? Can they exist when not being perceived? Are they public or private? Can they be themselves misperceived? Do they exist in minds or are they extra-mental, even if not physical? On the basis of the intractability of these questions, it has been argued that the conclusion of the argument from illusion is unacceptable or even unintelligible, even in the absence of a clear diagnosis of exactly where and how it goes wrong. Direct realists can potentially deny the existence of any such thing as a mental image but this is difficult to maintain, since we seem able to visually imagine all sorts of things with ease. Even if perception does not involve images other mental processes like imagination certainly seem to. One view, similar to Reid's, is that we do have images of various sorts in our minds when we perceive, dream, hallucinate and imagine but when we actually perceive things, our sensations cannot be considered objects of perception or attention. The only objects of perception are external objects. Even if perception is accompanied by images, or sensations, it is wrong to say we perceive sensations. Direct realism defines perception as perception of external objects where an 'external object' is allowed to be a photon in the eye but not an impulse in a nerve leading from the eye. Recent work in neuroscience suggests a shared ontology for perception, imagination and dreaming, with similar areas of brain being used for all of these.
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Problems with the indirect theory

A problem with representationalism is that if simple data flow and information processing is assumed then something in the brain must be interpreting incoming data as a 'percept'. This something is often described as a homunculus, although the term homunculus is also used to imply an entity that creates a continual regress, and this need not be implied. This suggests that some phenomenon other than simple data flow and information processing is involved in perception. This is more of an issue now than it was for rationalist philosophers prior to Newton, such as Descartes, for whom physical processes were poorly defined. Descartes held that there is a "homunculus" in the form of the soul, belonging to a form of natural substance known as res cogitans that obeyed different laws from those obeyed by solid matter (res extensa). Although Descartes duality of natural substances may have echoes in modern physics (Bose and Fermi statistics) no agreed account of 'interpretation' has been formulated. Thus representationalism remains an incomplete description of perception. Aristotle realized this and simply proposed that
Representative realism ideas themselves (representations) must be aware - in other words that there is no further transfer of sense impressions beyond ideas. A potential difficulty with representational realism is that, if we only have knowledge of representations of the world, how can we know that they resemble in any significant way the objects to which they are supposed to correspond? Any creature with a representation in its brain would need to interact with the objects that are represented to identify them with the representation. This difficulty would seem reasonably to be covered by the learning by exploration of the world that goes on throughout life. However, there may still be a concern that if the external world is only to be inferred, its 'true likeness' might be quite different from our idea of it. The representational realist would answer to this that 'true likeness' is an intuitive concept that falls in the face of logic, since a likeness must always depend on the way in which something is considered. A semantic difficulty may arise when considering reference in representationalism. If I say "I see the Eiffel Tower" at a time when I am indeed looking at the Eiffel Tower, to what does the term "Eiffel Tower" refer? The direct realist might say that in the representational account we do not really see the tower but rather 'see' the representation. However, this is a distortion of the meaning of the word see which the representationalist does not imply. For the representationalist the statement refers to the Eiffel Tower, which implicitly is experienced in the form of a representation. The representationalist does not imply that when I refer to the Eiffel Tower, I am referring to my sense experience, and when you refer to the Tower, you are referring to your sense experience. Furthermore, representative realism claims that we perceive our perceptual intermediaries-we can attend to them-just as we observe our image in a mirror. However, as we can scientifically verify, this is clearly not true of the physiological components of the perceptual process. This also brings up the problem of dualism and its relation to representative realism, concerning the incongruous marriage of the metaphysical and the physical. The new objection to the Homunculus Argument claims that it relies on a naive view of sensation. Because the eyes respond to light rays is no reason for supposing that the visual field requires eyes to see it. Visual sensation (the argument can be extrapolated to the other senses) bears no direct resemblance to the light rays at the retina, nor to the character of what they are reflected from or pass through or what was glowing at the origin of them. The reason given is that they only bear the similarities of co-variation with what arrives at the retinas.[17] Just as the currents in a wire going to a loudspeaker vary proportionately with the sounds that emanate from it but have no other likeness, so too does sensation vary proportionately (and not necessarily directly) with what causes it but bears no other resemblance to the input. This implies that the colour we experience is actually a cortical occurrence, and that light rays and external surfaces are not themselves coloured. The proportional variations with which cortical colour changes are there in the external world, but not colour as we experience it. Contrary to what Gilbert Ryle believed, those who argue for sensations being brain processes do not have to hold that there is a 'picture' in the brain since this is impossible according to this theory since actual pictures in the external world are not coloured.[18] It is plain that Ryle unthinkingly carried over what the eyes do to the nature of sensation; A. J. Ayer at the time described Ryle's position as 'very weak'.[19] So there is no 'screen' in front of cortical 'eyes', no mental objects before one. As Thomas Hobbes put it: 'How do we take notice of sense? -- by sense itself'. Moreland Perkins has characterized it thus: that sensing is not like kicking a ball, but rather 'kicking a kick'.[20] Today there are still philosophers arguing for colour being a property of external surfaces, light sources, etc.[21]
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Representative realism A more fundamental criticism is implied in theories of this type. The differences at the sensory and perceptual levels between agents require that some means of ensuring at least a partial correlation can be achieved that allows the updatings involved in communication to take place. The process in an informative statement begins with the parties hypothetically assuming that they are referring to the 'same' entity or 'property', even though their selections from their sensory fields cannot match; we can call this mutually imagined projection the 'logical subject' of the statement. The speaker then produces the logical predicate which effects the proposed updating of the 'referent'. If the statement goes through, the hearer will now have a different percept and concept of the 'referent' -- perhaps even seeing it now as two things and not one. The radical conclusion is that we are premature in conceiving of the external as already sorted into singular 'objects' in the first place, since we only need to behave as if they are already logically singular.[22] The diagram at the beginning of this entry would thus be thought of as a false picture of the actual case, since to draw 'an' object as already selected from the real is only to treat the practically needful, but strictly false, hypothesis of objects-as-logically-singular as ontologically given. The proponents of this view thus argue that there is no need actually to believe in the singularity of an object since we can manage perfectly well by mutually imagining that 'it' is singular. A proponent of this theory can thus ask the direct realist feels why he or she thinks it is necessary to move to taking the imagining of singularity for real when there is no practical difference in the outcome in action. Therefore, although there are selections from our sensory fields which for the time being we treat as if they were objects, they are only provisional, open to corrections at any time, and, hence, far from being direct representations of pre-existing singularities, they retain an experimental character. Virtual constructs or no, they remain, however, selections that are causally linked to the real and can surprise us at any timewhich removes any danger of solipsism in this theory. This approach dovetails with the philosophy known as social constructivism.[23] The character of experience of a physical object can be altered in major ways by changes in the conditions of perception or of the relevant sense-organs and the resulting neurophysiological processes, without change in the external physical object that initiates this process and that may seem to be depicted by the experience. Conversely any process that yields the same sensory/neural results will yield the same perceptual experience, no matter what the physical object that initiated the process may have been like. Furthermore the causal process that intervenes between the external object and the perceptual experience takes time, so that the character of the experience reflects, at the most, an earlier stage of that object than the one existing at the moment of perception. As in observations of astronomical objects the external object may have ceased to exist long before the experience occurs. These facts are claimed to point to the conclusion that the direct object of experience is an entity produced at the end of this causal process, distinct from any physical object that initiates the process."
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The adverbial theory

The above argument invites the conclusion of a perceptual dualism that raises the issue of how and whether the object can be known by experience. The adverbial theory proposes that this dualism is a dualism of objects, perceptual experience being a more direct experience of objects of a different sort; sense-data. Perceptual dualism implies "both an act of awareness (or apprehension) and an object of apprehension or awareness; the idea or sense-datum. The fundamental idea of the adverbial theory is that there is no need for such objects and the problems that they bring with them (such as whether they are physical or mental or somehow neither). Instead the occurrence of a mental act or mental state with its own intrinsic character is enough to account for the character of immediate experience." According to the adverbial theory, when, for example, I experience a silver elliptical shape (as when viewing a coin from an angle) I am in a certain specific state of sensing or sensory awareness or of being appeared to: I sense in a certain manner or am appeared to in a certain way, and that specific manner of sensing or of being appeared to accounts for the content of my experience: I am in a certain distinctive sort of experiential state. There need be no object or entity of any sort that is literally silver and elliptical in the material world or in the mind. I experience a silver and elliptical shape because an object or entity that literally has that color and shape is directly before my
Representative realism mind. But the nature of these entities and the way in which they are related to the mind are difficult to understand. The adverbial theory has the advantage of being metaphysically simpler, avoiding issues about the nature of sense-data, but we gain no real understanding of the nature of the states in question or of how exactly they account for the character of immediate experience."
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References
[1] Lehar, Steve. (2000). The Function of Conscious Experience: An Analogical Paradigm of Perception and Behavior (http:/ / cns-alumni. bu. edu/ ~slehar/ webstuff/ consc1/ consc1. html), Consciousness and Cognition. [2] Lehar, Steve. (2000). Nave Realism in Contemporary Philosophy (http:/ / sharp. bu. edu/ ~slehar/ epist/ naive-philos. html), The Function of Conscious Experience. [3] Lehar, Steve. Representationalism (http:/ / sharp. bu. edu/ ~slehar/ Representationalism. html) [4] Hearing (or audition) is the ability to perceive (create ideas of)sound by detecting vibrations. The sound waves of language cannot perceive directly. They are only heard, interpreted and understood because the physical waves were transformed into ideas (Mental representation of sound wages) by our brains. [5] Revonsuo, Antti (2006) Inner Presence: Consciousness as a Biological Phenomenon, Cambridge MA: MIT Press. [6] Rommetveit, Ragnar (1974) On Message Structure: A Framework for the Study of Language and Communication, London: John Wiley & Sons. [7] Steiner, George (1998), After Babel: Aspects of Language and Translation, London & New York: Oxford University Press. [8] Hardin, C. L. (1988) Color for Philosophers, Indianapolis IN: Hackett Pub. Co. [9] Gibson, J. J. 'Outline of a theory of direct visual perception', In J. R. Royce & W. W. Rozeboom (eds.), The Psychology of Knowing. New York: Gordon & Breach, 1972. [10] http:/ / canonizer. com/ topic. asp/ 88/ 14 [11] http:/ / canonizer. com/ topic. asp/ 88/ 17 [12] http:/ / canonizer. com/ topic. asp/ 88/ 20 [13] Epistemological Problems of Perception (http:/ / plato. stanford. edu/ entries/ perception-episprob/ ), Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy. [14] Nave Realism (http:/ / www. rdg. ac. uk/ AcaDepts/ ld/ Philos/ jmp/ Theory of Knowledge/ NaiveRealism. htm), University of Reading. [15] Gregory, Richard. (2003). Delusions. (http:/ / www. perceptionweb. com/ perception/ perc0303/ editorial. pdf) Perception. 32, pp. 257-261. [16] Green, Alex. (2003). The Empirical Description of Conscious Experience (http:/ / www. users. globalnet. co. uk/ ~lka/ conr. htm), The Science and Philosophy of Consciousness. [17] Sellars, Roy Wood (1919), "The epistemology of evolutionary naturalism", Mind, 28:112, 407-26; se p. 414. [18] Wright, Edmond (2005), Narrative, Perception, Language, and Faith, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, pp. 96-102. [19] Ayer, A. J. (1957) The Problem of Knowledge, Harmondsworth: Penguin Books. [20] Hobbes, Thomas (1839 [1655]), Elements of Philosophy, The First Section: Concerning Body, London: John Bohn, p. 389; Perkins, Moreland (1983), Sensing the World, Indianapolis IN: Hackett Pub. Co., pp. 286-7. [21] Michael Tye (2006), 'The puzzle of true blue', Analysis, 66: 173-78; Matthen, Mohan (2009), 'Truly blue: an adverbial aspect of perceptual representation', Analysis, 69:1, 48-54. [22] Wright, Edmond (2005), Narrative, Perception, Language, and Faith, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, pp. 103-120. [23] Glasersfeld, Ernst von (1995), Radical Constructivism: A Way of Knowing and Learning, London: RoutledgeFalmer.
External links
Online papers on representationalism (http://consc.net/online1.html#represent), by various authors, compiled by David Chalmers This is a simulation (http://www.chainsofreason.org/this-is-a-simulation) - A short article, aimed at the general public, arguing for the representative theory of perception.Wikipedia:Link rot Harold I. Brown, "Direct Realism, Indirect Realism, and Epistemology". Philosophy and Phenomenological Research, Vol. 52, No. 2. (Jun., 1992), pp.341363. What Do We Perceive and How Do We Perceive It? (PDF file) (http://www.montgomerycollege.edu/ Departments/StudentJournal/volume2/Ian.pdf) Neurological explanation for paranormal experiences (http://www.iangoddard.net/paranorm.htm) The Representationalism Web Site (http://cns-alumni.bu.edu/~slehar/Representationalism.html) McCreery, C. (2006) "Perception and Hallucination: the Case for Continuity. Oxford: Oxford Forum. An analysis of empirical arguments for representationalism. Online PDF (http://www.celiagreen.com/ charlesmccreery/perception.pdf)
Conceptual metaphor
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Conceptual metaphor
In cognitive linguistics, conceptual metaphor, or cognitive metaphor, refers to the understanding of one idea, or conceptual domain, in terms of another. An example of this is the understanding of quantity in terms of directionality (e.g. "the prices are rising"). A conceptual domain can be any coherent organization of human experience. The regularity with which different languages employ the same metaphors, which often appear to be perceptually based, has led to the hypothesis that the mapping between conceptual domains corresponds to neural mappings in the brain.[1]
When an astronomer says "M31 is situated in the Andromeda", this does not assert a proximity of that galaxy to stars of the Andromeda constellation in the 3-dimensional space. This means: "turn your telescope towards Andromeda's stars to see M31"
This idea, and a detailed examination of the underlying processes, was first extensively explored by George Lakoff and Mark Johnson in their work Metaphors We Live By. Other cognitive scientists study subjects similar to conceptual metaphor under the labels "analogy" and "conceptual blending". Conceptual metaphors are seen in language in our everyday lives. Conceptual metaphors shape not just our communication, but also shape the way we think and act. In George Lakoff and Mark Johnsons work, Metaphors We Live By (1980), we see how everyday language is filled with metaphors we may not always notice. An example of one of the commonly used conceptual metaphors is "argument is war".[2] This metaphor shapes our language in the way we view argument as war or as a battle to be won. It is not uncommon to hear someone say "He won that argument" or "I attacked every weak point in his argument". The very way argument is thought of is shaped by this metaphor of arguments being war and battles that must be won. Argument can be seen in many other ways other than a battle, but we use this concept to shape the way we think of argument and the way we go about arguing. Conceptual metaphors are used very often to understand theories and models. A conceptual metaphor uses one idea and links it to another to better understand something. For example, the conceptual metaphor of viewing communication as a conduit is one large theory explained with a metaphor. So not only is our everyday communication shaped by the language of conceptual metaphors, but so is the very way we understand scholarly theories. These metaphors are prevalent in communication and we do not just use them in language; we actually perceive and act in accordance with the metaphors.
Conceptual metaphor
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Mappings
There are two main roles for the conceptual domains posited in conceptual metaphors: Source domain: the conceptual domain from which we draw metaphorical expressions (e.g., love is a journey). Target domain: the conceptual domain that we try to understand (e.g., love is a journey). A mapping is the systematic set of correspondences that exist between constituent elements of the source and the target domain. Many elements of target concepts come from source domains and are not preexisting. To know a conceptual metaphor is to know the set of mappings that applies to a given source-target pairing. The same idea of mapping between source and target is used to describe analogical reasoning and inferences. [3] A primary tenet of this theory is that metaphors are matter of thought and not merely of language: hence, the term conceptual metaphor. The metaphor may seem to consist of words or other linguistic expressions that come from the terminology of the more concrete conceptual domain, but conceptual metaphors underlie a system of related metaphorical expressions that appear on the linguistic surface. Similarly, the mappings of a conceptual metaphor are themselves motivated by image schemas which are pre-linguistic schemas concerning space, time, moving, controlling, and other core elements of embodied human experience. Conceptual metaphors typically employ a more abstract concept as target and a more concrete or physical concept as their source. For instance, metaphors such as 'the days [the more abstract or target concept] ahead' or 'giving my time' rely on more concrete concepts, thus expressing time as a path into physical space, or as a substance that can be handled and offered as a gift. Different conceptual metaphors tend to be invoked when the speaker is trying to make a case for a certain point of view or course of action. For instance, one might associate "the days ahead" with leadership, whereas the phrase "giving my time" carries stronger connotations of bargaining. Selection of such metaphors tends to be directed by a subconscious or implicit habit in the mind of the person employing them. The principle of unidirectionality states that the metaphorical process typically goes from the more concrete to the more abstract, and not the other way around. Accordingly, abstract concepts are understood in terms of prototype concrete processes. The term "concrete," in this theory, has been further specified by Lakoff and Johnson as more closely related to the developmental, physical neural, and interactive body (see embodied philosophy). One manifestation of this view is found in the cognitive science of mathematics, where it is proposed that mathematics itself, the most widely accepted means of abstraction in the human community, is largely metaphorically constructed, and thereby reflects a cognitive bias unique to humans that uses embodied prototypical processes (e.g. counting, moving along a path) that are understood by all human beings through their experiences.
Language and culture as mappings

In their 1980 work, Lakoff and Johnson closely examined a collection of basic conceptual metaphors, including: Love is a journey Life is a journey Social organizations are plants Love is war
The latter half of each of these phrases invokes certain assumptions about concrete experience and requires the reader or listener to apply them to the preceding abstract concepts of love or organizing in order to understand the sentence in which the conceptual metaphor is used. There are numerous ways in which conceptual metaphors shape human perception and communication, especially in mass media and in public policy. Lakoff and Johnson focus on English, and cognitive scholars writing in English have tended not to investigate the discourse of foreign languages in any great detail to determine the creative ways in which individuals negotiate, resist, and consolidate conceptual metaphors. Andrew Goatly in his book Washing the Brain (2007) considers
Conceptual metaphor ideological conceptual metaphors as well as Chinese conceptual metaphors. James W. Underhill, a modern Humboldtian scholar, attempts to reestablish Wilhelm von Humboldt's concern for the different ways languages frame reality, and the strategies individuals adopt in creatively resisting and modifying existing patterns of thought. Taking on board the Lakoff-Johnson paradigm of conceptual metaphor, he investigates the way in which Czech communists appropriated the concept of the people, the state and struggle, and the way German Communists harnessed concepts of eternity and purity. He also reminds us that, as Klemperer, the main critic of Hitlerdeutsch, demonstrates, resisting patterns of thought means engaging in conceptual metaphors and refusing the logic that ideologies impose upon them. In multilingual studies (based on Czech, German, French & English), Underhill considers how different cultures reformulate key concepts such as truth, love, hate and war.[4]
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Family roles and ethics

A less extreme, but similar, claim is made by George Lakoff in his book Moral Politics and his later book on framing, Don't Think of an Elephant!. Lakoff claims that the public political arena in America reflects a basic conceptual metaphor of 'the family.' Accordingly, people understand political leaders in terms of 'strict father' and 'nurturant parent' roles. Two basic views of political economy arise from this desire to see the nation-state act 'more like a father' or 'more like a mother'. He further amplified these views in his latest book, The Political Mind. Urban theorist and ethicist Jane Jacobs made this distinction in less gender-driven if not wholly desexualizing terms by differentiating between a 'Guardian Ethic' and a 'Trader Ethic'[citation needed]. She states that guarding and trading are two concrete activities that human beings must learn to apply metaphorically to all choices in later life. In a society where guarding children is the primary female duty and trading in a market economy is the primary male duty, Lakoff posits that children assign the 'guardian' and 'trader' roles to their mothers and fathers, respectively. Both of these theories suggest that there may be a great deal of social conditioning and pressure to form specific cognitive bias. Anthropologists observe that all societies tend to have roles assigned by age and gender, which supports this view.
Linguistics and politics

Lakoff and Jacobs both devote a significant amount of time to current events and political theory, suggesting that respected linguists and theorists of conceptual metaphor may tend to channel their theories into political activism. Indeed, if conceptual metaphors are as basic as Lakoff argues, they may literally have no choice in doing so. Critics of this ethics-driven approach to language tend to accept that idioms reflect underlying conceptual metaphors, but that actual grammar, and the more basic cross-cultural concepts of scientific method and mathematical practice tend to minimize the impact of metaphors. Such critics tend to see Lakoff and Jacobs as 'left-wing figures', and would not accept their politics as any kind of crusade against an ontology embedded in language and culture, but rather, as an idiosyncratic pastime, not part of the science of linguistics nor of much use. And others further, such as Deleuze and Guattari, Michel Foucault and, more recently, Manuel de Landa would criticize both of these two positions for mutually constituting the same old ontological ideology that would try to separate two parts of a whole that is greater than the sum of its parts. Lakoff's 1987 work, Women, Fire, and Dangerous Things, answered some of these criticisms before they were even made: he explores the effects of cognitive metaphors (both culturally specific and human-universal) on the grammar per se of several languages, and the evidence of the limitations of the classical logical-positivist or Anglo-American School philosophical concept of the category usually used to explain or describe the scientific method. Lakoff's reliance on empirical scientific evidence, i.e. specifically falsifiable predictions, in the 1987 work and in Philosophy in the Flesh (1999) suggests that the cognitive-metaphor position has no objections to the scientific method, but instead considers the scientific method a finely developed reasoning system used to discover phenomena which are subsequently understood in terms of new conceptual metaphors (such as the metaphor of fluid motion for conducted
Conceptual metaphor electricity, which is described in terms of "current" "flowing" against "impedance," or the gravitational metaphor for static-electric phenomena, or the "planetary orbit" model of the atomic nucleus and electrons, as used by Niels Bohr). Further, partly in response to such criticisms, Lakoff and Rafael E. Nez, in 2000, proposed a cognitive science of mathematics that would explain mathematics as a consequence of, not an alternative to, the human reliance on conceptual metaphor to understand abstraction in terms of basic experiential concretes.
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Literature and conceptual metaphor

The Linguistic Society of America has argued that "the most recent linguistic approach to literature is that of cognitive metaphor, which claims that metaphor is not a mode of language, but a mode of thought. Metaphors project structures from source domains of schematized bodily or enculturated experience into abstract target domains. We conceive the abstract idea of life in terms of our experiences of a journey, a year, or a day. We do not understand Robert Frost's 'Stopping by Woods on a Snowy Evening' to be about a horse-and-wagon journey but about life. We understand Emily Dickinson's 'Because I could not stop for Death' as a poem about the end of the human life span, not a trip in a carriage. This work is redefining the critical notion of imagery. Perhaps for this reason, cognitive metaphor has significant promise for some kind of rapprochement between linguistics and literary study."
Education
Teaching thinking by analogy (metaphor) is one of the main themes of The Private Eye Project.
Conceptual metaphor and language learning

There is some evidence that an understanding of underlying conceptual metaphors can aid the retention of vocabulary for people learning a foreign language.[5] To improve learners' awareness of conceptual metaphor, one monolingual learner's dictionary, the Macmillan English Dictionary has introduced 50 or so 'metaphor boxes' covering the most salient Lakoffian metaphors in English.[6][7] For example, the dictionary entry for conversation includes a box with the heading: 'A conversation is like a journey, with the speakers going from one place to another', followed by vocabulary items (words and phrases) which embody this metaphorical schema Language teaching experts are beginning to explore the relevance of conceptual metaphor to how learners learn and what teachers do in the classroom.[8]
Notes
[1] [2] [3] [4] [5] [6] [7] [8] e.g. Feldman, J. and Narayanan, S. (2004). Embodied meaning in a neural theory of language. Brain and Language, 89(2):385392 Lakoff and Johnson, Ch.1-3 Kvecses, Zoltan (2010) Metaphor: A Practical Introduction 'Ethnolinguistics and Cultural Concepts', Cambridge University Press 2012, and 'Creating Worldviews', Edinburgh University Press 2011. ISBN 978-0748643158 Boers, F. 'Metaphor awareness and vocabulary retention', Applied Linguistics 21(4) 2000: 553-571 Moon, R. 'On specifying metaphor: an idea and its implementation'. International Journal of Lexicography, 17(2) 2004: 195-222 Bejoint, H. The Lexicography of English, Oxford University Press 2010: 189 Holme, Randal, Mind, Metaphor and Language Teaching. London: Palgrave 2004
Conceptual metaphor
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References
Johnson, Mark (1995) Moral Imagination. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Johnson, Mark (1987) The Body in the Mind. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Lakoff, George & Mark Johnson (1999) Philosophy in the Flesh. New York: Basic Books. Lakoff, George (1995) Moral Politics. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. (2nd ed. 2001) Lakoff, George & Mark Turner (1989) More than Cool Reason: A Field Guide to Poetic Metaphor. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Lakoff, George (1987) Women, Fire and Dangerous Things. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Lakoff, George & Mark Johnson (1980) Metaphors We Live By. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
External links
The Center for the Cognitive Science of Metaphor Online (http://zakros.ucsd.edu/~trohrer/metaphor/ metaphor.htm) is a collection of numerous formative articles in the fields of conceptual metaphor and conceptual integration. The Conceptual Metaphor Home Page (http://cogsci.berkeley.edu/lakoff/) This server is a research tool for cognitive scientists and others interested in the study of conceptual metaphor systems. Ongoing work in the metaphor system of English and other languages is made available here using a hypertext format which allows the reader to trace links between metaphors and thus get a better idea of the structure of the system. Conceptual Metaphor.net (http://www.conceptualmetaphor.net) Collection of resources for the study of conceptual metaphor. Includes bibliography, library, audio of lectures, articles on metaphor. Evidence from cognitive neuroscience for the neural underpinnings of conceptual metaphors is discussed in Tim Rohrer's Understanding through the Body: fMRI and of ERP studies of metaphoric and literal language" (http:// zakros.ucsd.edu/~trohrer/rohrericlc2001atucsb.pdf).
Conceptual blending
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Conceptual blending
Conceptual blending, also called conceptual integration or view application, is a theory of cognition developed by Gilles Fauconnier and Mark Turner. According to this theory, elements and vital relations from diverse scenarios are "blended" in a subconscious process, which is assumed to be ubiquitous to everyday thought and language.
History of the development Conceptual Blending

The development of this theory began in 1993 and a representative early formulation is found in the online article Conceptual Integration and Formal Expression [1]. Turner and Fauconnier cite Arthur Koestlers 1964 book The Act of Creation as an early forerunner of conceptual blending: Koestler had identified a common pattern in creative achievements in the arts, sciences and humor that he had termed "bisociation of matrices."[2] A newer version of blending theory, with somewhat different terminology, was presented in their book The Way We Think.
Computational models
Conceptual blending is closely related to frame-based theories, but goes beyond these primarily in that it is a theory of how to combine frames (or frame-like objects). An early computational model of a process called "view application", which is closely related to conceptual blending (which did not exist at the time), was implemented in the 1980s by Shrager at CMU and PARC, and applied in the domains of causal reasoning about complex devices[3] and scientific reasoning.[4] More recent computational accounts of blending have been developed in areas such as mathematics.[5] Some of these later models are based upon Structure Mapping, which did not exist at the time of the earlier implementations.
The philosophical status of the theory

In his book "The Literary Mind" (p.93), conceptual blending theorist Mark Turner states that Conceptual blending is a fundamental instrument of the every day mind, used in our basic construal of all our realities, from the social to the scientific. Insights obtained from conceptual blends constitute the products of creative thinking, however conceptual blending theory is not itself a complete theory of creativity, inasmuch as it does not illuminate the issue of where the inputs to a blend originate. In other words, conceptual blending provides a terminology for describing creative products, but has little to say on the matter of inspiration[citation needed].
Notes
[1] http:/ / zakros. ucsd. edu/ ~trohrer/ metaphor/ turner. htm [2] Mark Turner, Gilles Fauconnier: The Way We Think. Conceptual Blending and the Mind's Hidden Complexities. New York: Basic Books 2002, p. 37 [3] Shrager, J. (1987) Theory Change via View Application in Instructionless Learning. Machine Learning 2 (3), 247276. [4] Shrager, J. (1990) Commonsense perception and the psychology of theory formation. In Shrager & Langley (Eds.) Computational models of scientific discovery and theory formation. San Mateo, CA: Morgan Kaufmann. [5] Guhe, Markus, Alison Pease, Alan Smaill, Maricarmen Martinez, Martin Schmidtb, Helmar Gust, Kai-Uwe Khnberger and Ulf Krumnack (2011). A computational account of conceptual blending in basic mathematics. Cognitive Systems Research Volume 12, Issues 34, SeptemberDecember 2011, pp. 249265 Special Issue on Complex Cognition
Conceptual blending
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External links
Blending and Conceptual Integration Mark Turner (http://markturner.org/blending.html) The Center for the Cognitive Science of Metaphor Online (http://www.gdufs.edu.cn/professor/pro-gui/ myhomepage/metaphor.htm) is a collection of numerous formative articles in the fields of conceptual metaphor and conceptual blending (aka conceptual integration). The differences between conceptual metaphor theory and conceptual blending are illustrated in this article on visual blends (http://zakros.ucsd.edu/~trohrer/metaphor/cartooning.pdf) by Tim Rohrer Aparta Krystian. Conventional Models of Time and Their Extensions in Science Fiction (http://timetravel.net46. net/Aparta_Models_of_Time.pdf) A master's thesis exploring conceptual blending in time travel. Contains an introduction to the theory of conceptual blending, as well as an exploration of the differences between conceptual metaphor theory and conceptual blending theory. TEDxYouth@Krakow Krystian Aparta The power of imagination (http://www.youtube.com/ watch?v=rmTJXiEihaI) Talk showing examples of blending outside of language.
Instructional scaffolding
Instructional scaffolding is a learning process designed to promote a deeper level of learning. Scaffolding is the support given during the learning process which is tailored to the needs of the student with the intention of helping the student achieve his/her learning goals (Sawyer, 2006). Instructional scaffolding is the provision of sufficient support to promote learning when concepts and skills are being first introduced to students. These supports may include the following: resources a compelling task templates and guides guidance on the development of cognitive and social skills
Use of instructional scaffolding in various contexts: modeling a task giving advice providing coaching These supports are gradually removed as students develop autonomous learning strategies, thus promoting their own cognitive, affective and psychomotor learning skills and knowledge. Teachers help the students master a task or a concept by providing support. The support can take many forms such as outlines, recommended documents, storyboards, or key questions.
Effective scaffolding
The best and most effective use of instructional scaffolding helps the learner figure out the task at hand on their own. It is best to think of the use of instructional scaffolding in an effective learning environment as one would think of the importance of scaffolding in the support of the construction of a new building. Instructional scaffolding is most effective when it contributes to the learning environment. In an effective learning environment, scaffolding is gradually added, then modified, and finally removed according to the needs of the learner. Eventually, instructional scaffolding will fade away. This learning process should never be in place permanently. Eventually, the goal should be for the student to no longer need the instructional scaffolding.
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Theory of scaffolding
Scaffolding theory was first introduced in the late 1950s by Jerome Bruner, a cognitive psychologist. He used the term to describe young children's oral language acquisition. Helped by their parents when they first start learning to speak, young children are provided with informal instructional formats within which their learning is facilitated. A scaffolding format investigated by Bruner and his student Anat Ninio whose scaffolding processes are described in detail is joint picture-book reading (Ninio & Bruner, 1978). Bed-time stories and read alouds are additional examples of book-centered interaction (Daniels, 1994). Scaffolding comes from Vygotsky's (1978) concept of an expert assisting a novice, or an apprentice. Wood, Bruner, and Ross's (1976) idea of scaffolding parallels the work of Vygotsky. They described scaffolding as the support given to a younger learner by an older, more experienced adult. This concept has been further developed by Jesper Hoffmeyer as 'semiotic scaffolding'. Though the term was never used by Vygotsky, interactional support and the process by which adults mediate a childs attempts to take on new learning has come to be termed scaffolding. Scaffolding represents the helpful interactions between adult and child that enable the child to do something beyond his or her independent efforts. A scaffold is a temporary framework that is put up for support and access to meaning and taken away as needed when the child secures control of success with a task. Cazden (1983) defined a scaffold as a temporary framework for construction in progress (p. 6). For example, parents seem to know intuitively how to scaffold their childrens attempts at negotiating meaning through oral language. The construction of a scaffold occurs at a time where the child may not be able to articulate or explore learning independently. The scaffolds provided by the tutor do not change the nature or difficulty level of the task; instead, the scaffolds provided allow the student to successfully complete the task. A construct that is critical for scaffolding instruction is Vygotskys concept of the zone of proximal development (ZPD). Zone of proximal development is that field between what a learner can do by himself (expert stage) and what can be achieved with the support of a knowledgeable peer or instructor (pedagogical stage) (Ellis, Larkin, Worthington, 2002). Vygotsky was convinced that a child could be taught any subject efficiently using scaffolding practices by implementing the scaffolds at the Zone of proximal development. Students are escorted and monitored through learning activities that function as interactive conduits to get them to the next stage. Thus the learner obtains or raises new understandings by presenting on their prior knowledge through the support delivered by more capable individuals (Raymond, 2000). Several peer reviewed studies have shown that when there is a deficiency in guided learning experiences and social interaction, learning and development are obstructed (Bransford, Brown, and Cocking, 2000). In writing instruction, typically support is presented in verbal form (discourse). The writing tutor engages the learners attention, calibrates the task, motivates the student, identifies relevant task features, controls for frustration, and demonstrates as needed (Rodgers, 2004). Through joint activities, the teacher scaffolds conversation to maximize the development of a childs intrapsychological functioning. In this process, the adult controls the elements of the task that are beyond the childs ability all the while increasing the expectations of what the child is able to do. Speech, a critical tool to scaffold thinking and responding, plays a crucial role in the development of higher psychological processes (Luria, 1979) because it enables thinking to be more abstract, flexible, and independent (Bodrova & Leong, 1996). From a Vygotskian perspective, talk and action work together with the sociocultural fabric of the writing event to shape a childs construction of awareness and performance (Dorn, 1996). Dialogue may range from casual talk to deliberate explanations about features of written language. The talk embedded in the actions of the literacy event shapes the childs learning as the tutor regulates her language to conform to the childs degrees of understanding. Clay (2005) shows that what may seem like casual conversational exchanges between tutor and student actually offer many opportunities for fostering cognitive development, language learning, story composition for writing, and reading comprehension. Conversations facilitate generative, constructive, experimental, and developmental speech and writing in the development of new ideas (Smagorinsky, 2007). Children use oral language as a vehicle for discovering and negotiating emergent written language and understandings for getting meaning on paper (Cox, 1994; Dyson, 1983, 1991). Writing and speech as tools can lead
Instructional scaffolding to discovery of new thinking. The teacher offers levels of verbal and non-verbal demonstrations and directions as the child observes, mimics, or shares the writing task. With increased understanding and control, the child needs less assistance. The teachers level and type of support change over time from direction, to suggestion, to encouragement, to observation. Optimum scaffolds adapt to the childs tempo, moving from other-regulation to self-regulation. The child eventually provides self-scaffolding through internal thought (Wertsch, 1985). Within these scaffolding events, teaching and learning - both inseparable components - emphasize both the childs personal construction of literacy and the adults contributions to the childs developing understandings of print. The child contributes what she can and the adult contributes so as to sustain the task (Teale & Sulzby, 1986). Using a Vygotskian theoretical framework, Wertsch and Stone (1984) examine scaffolded instruction in a one-to-one remedial clinic setting with a learning-disabled child. The researchers show how adult language directs the child to strategically monitor actions. Analysis of communicative patterns shows a transition and progression in the source of strategic responsibility from teacher or other-regulated to child or self-regulated behaviors. In Vygotskys words, what the child is able to do in collaboration today he will be able to do independently tomorrow (Vygotsky, 1987, p. 211). Some ingredients of scaffolding are predictability, playfulness, focus on meaning, role reversal, modeling, and nomenclature.[1]
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Levels and types of scaffolding in the educational setting

According to Saye and Brush, there are two levels of scaffolding: soft and hard (2002). An example of soft scaffolding in the classroom would be when a teacher circulates the room and converses with his or her students (Simon and Klein, 2007). The teacher may question their approach to a difficult problem and provide constructive feedback. According to Van Lier, this type of scaffolding can also be referred to as contingent scaffolding. The type and amount of support needed is dependent on the needs of the students during the time of instruction (Van Lier, 1996). Unfortunately, applying scaffolding correctly and consistently can be difficult when the classroom is large and students have various needs (Gallagher, 1997). Scaffolding can be applied to a majority of the students, but the teacher is left with the responsibility to identify additional scaffolding. In contrast with contingent or soft scaffolding, embedded or hard scaffolding is planned in advance to help students with a learning task that is known in advance to be difficult (Saye and Brush, 2002). For example, when students are discovering the formula for the Pythagorean Theorem in math class, the teacher may identify hints or cues to help the student reach an even higher level of thinking. In both situations, the idea of "expert scaffolding" is being implemented (Holton and Clarke, 2006): the teacher in the classroom is considered the expert and is responsible for providing scaffolding for the students. Reciprocal scaffolding, a method first coined by Holton and Thomas, is a method that involves a group of two or more collaboratively working together. In this situation, the group can learn from each other's experiences and knowledge. The scaffolding is shared by each member and changes constantly as the group works on a task (Holton and Clarke, 2006). According to Vygotsky, students develop higher-level thinking skills when scaffolding occurs with an adult expert or with a peer of higher capabilities (Stone, 1998). Conversely, Piaget believes that students discard their ideas when paired with an adult or student of more expertise (Piaget, 1928). Instead, students should be paired with others who have different perspectives. Conflicts would then take place between students allowing them to think constructively at a higher level. Technical scaffolding is a newer approach in which computers replace the teachers as the experts or guides, and students can be guided with web links, online tutorials, or help pages (Yelland and Masters, 2007). Educational software can help students follow a clear structure and allows students to plan properly (Lai and Law, 2006).
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Scaffolding and problem-based learning in the educational setting

Scaffolding is often used in order to support problem-based learning (PBL). When using PBL, learners in the classroom become researchers and often work in small groups to analyze problems, determine solutions, and evaluate solutions (Hoffman and Ritchie, 1997). In one study, medical students using PBL were shown to develop a deeper understanding, improve retention of material, and increase overall attitude, compared to other students who did not use PBL (Albanese and Mitchell, 1993). Many educators incorporate PBL in their classrooms in order to engage students and help them become better problem solvers. Scaffolding may help the success of PBL in the classroom. Teachers must identify the content that needs scaffolding (support), choose the appropriate time to implement the support, decide the right method to follow, and determine when the scaffold can be removed (Lajoie, 2005).
Promoting better learning: scaffolding

Effective learning environments use instructional scaffolding to aid the student in his/her construction of new knowledge. Avoid telling the learner exactly how to accomplish the task; do not solve the problem for the learner. This may help the learner immediately, but it hinders the learning process. It is important to promote better learning by helping the learner achieve his/her learning goal through the use of instructional scaffolding. The use of scaffolding helps the learner to actively build and construct new knowledge.
Notes
[1] Daniels, H. (1994). Literature Circles: Voice and choice in the student-centered classroom. Markham: Pembroke Publishers Ltd.
References
Belland, Brian., Glazewski, Krista D., and Richardson, Jennifer C. (2008). A scaffolding framework to support the construction of evidence-based arguments among middle school students. Education Tech Research Dev., 56, 401-422. Bodrova, E., & Leong, D. J. (1998). Scaffolding emergent writing in the zone of proximal development. Literacy Teaching and Learning, 3(2), 1-18. Bransford, J., Brown, A., & Cocking, R. (2000). How People Learn: Brain, Mind, and Experience & School. Washington, DC: National Academy Press. Cazden, C. B. (1983). Adult assistance to language development: Scaffolds, models, and direct instruction. In R. P. Parker & F. A. Davis (Eds.), Developing literacy:Young children's use of language (pp.317). Newark, DE: International Reading Association. Clay, M. M. (2005). Literacy lessons designed for individuals: Teaching procedures. Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann. Cox, B. E. (1994). Young childrens regulatory talk: Evidence of emerging metacognitive control over literary products and processes. In R. B. Ruddell, M. R. Ruddell, & H. Singer (Eds.), Theoretical models and process of reading (pp.733756). Newark, DE: IRA. Dorn, L. (1996). A Vygotskian perspective on literacy acquisition: Talk and action in the child's construction of literate awareness. Literacy Teaching and Learning: An International Journal of Early Reading and Writing, 2(2), 15-40. Dyson, A. H. (1983). The role of oral language in early writing process. Research in the Teaching of English, 17(1), 1-30. Dyson, A. H. (1991). Viewpoints: The word and the world - reconceptualizing written language development or do rainbows mean a lot to little girls? Research in the Teaching of English, 25, 97-123.
Instructional scaffolding Ellis, E., Larkin, M ., & Worthington, L. (No date). Executive summary of the research synthesis on effective teaching principles and the design of quality tools for educators. University of Alabama, AL. Retrieved November 11, 2002, from http://idea.uoregon.edu/~ncite/documents/techrep/tech06.html Hoffman, B., & Ritchie, D. (1997). The problems with problem based learning. Instructional Science 25(2) 97-115. Holton, Derek, and Clark, David (2006). Scaffolding and metacognition. International Journal of Mathematical Education in Science and Technology, 37, 127-143. Lai, Ming and Law, Nancy (2006). Peer scaffolding of knowledge building through collaborative groups with differential learning experiences. J. Educational Computing Research, 35, 123-144. Lajoie, Sussane (2005). Extending the scaffolding metaphor. Instructional Science, 33, 541-557. Luria, A. R. (1983). The development of writing in the child. In M. Martlew (Ed.), The psychology of written language: Developmental and educational perspectives (pp.237277). New York: Wiley. Ninio, A. and Bruner, J. (1978). The achievement and antecedents of labelling. Journal of Child Language, 5, 1-15. Raymond, E. (2000). Cognitive Characteristics. Learners with Mild Disabilities (pp. 169-201). Needham Heights, MA: Allyn & Bacon, A Pearson Education Company. Rodgers, E. M. (2004). Interactions that scaffold reading performance. Journal of Literacy Research, 36(4), 501-532. Sawyer, R. Keith. (2006). The Cambridge Handbook of the Learning Sciences. New York: Cambridge University Press. Simons, Krista D., and Klein, James D. (2007). The impact of scaffolding and student achievement levels in a problem-based learning environment. Instructional Science, 35, 41-72. Smagorinsky, P. (2007). Vygotsky and the social dynamic of classrooms. English Journal, 97(2), 61-66. Teale, W. H. & Sulzby, E. (Eds.). (1986). Emergent literacy: Writing and reading. Norwood, NJ: Ablex Publishing Corporation. Vygotsky, L. S. (1987). Thinking and speech. In L. S. Vygotsky, Collected works (vol. 1, pp.39285) (R. Rieber & A. Carton, Eds; N. Minick, Trans.). New York: Plenum. (Original works published in 1934, 1960). Wertsch, J. V. (1985). Vygotsky and the social formation of mind. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Wertsch, J. V. & Stone, C. (1984). A social interactional analysis of learning disabilities remediation. Journal of Learning Disabilities, 17(4), 194-199. Wood, D. J., Bruner, J. S., & Ross, G. (1976). The role of tutoring in problem solving. Journal of Child Psychiatry and Psychology, 17(2), 89-100. Yelland, Nicola, and Masters, Jennifer (2007). Rethinking scaffolding in the information age. Computers and Education, 48, 362-382.
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External links
Scaffolding (http://www.coe.uga.edu/epltt/scaffolding.htm) - an e-book
Neuro-linguistic programming
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NLP
MeSH D020557
[1]
Neuro-linguistic programming (NLP) is an approach to communication, personal development, and psychotherapy created by Richard Bandler and John Grinder in California, USA in the 1970s. Its creators claim a connection between the neurological processes ("neuro"), language ("linguistic") and behavioral patterns learned through experience ("programming") and that these can be changed to achieve specific goals in life.[2] Bandler and Grinder claim that the skills of exceptional people can be "modeled" using NLP methodology, then those skills can be acquired by anyone. Bandler and Grinder also claim that NLP can treat problems such as phobias, depression, habit disorder, psychosomatic illnesses, myopia, allergy, common cold[3] and learning disorders, often in a single session. NLP has been adopted by some hypnotherapists and in seminars marketed to business and government. Reviews of empirical research find that NLP's core tenets are poorly supported. The balance of scientific evidence reveals NLP to be a largely discredited pseudoscience. Scientific reviews show it contains numerous factual errors, and fails to produce the results asserted by proponents. According to Devilly (2005), NLP has had a consequent decline in prevalence since the 1970s. Criticisms go beyond lack of empirical evidence for effectiveness, saying NLP exhibits pseudoscientific characteristics, title, concepts and terminology as well. NLP serves as an example of pseudoscience for facilitating the teaching of scientific literacy at the professional and university level. NLP also appears on peer reviewed expert-consensus based lists of discredited interventions. In research designed to identify the "quack factor" in modern mental health practice, Norcross et al. (2006) list NLP as possibly or probably discredited for treatment of behavioral problems. Norcross et al. (2010) list NLP in the top ten most discredited interventions and Glasner-Edwards and Rawson (2010) list NLP therapy as "certainly discredited".
History and conception

Early development
According to Bandler and Grinder, NLP comprises a methodology termed modeling and a set of techniques that were derived from its initial applications by Bandler and Grinder. Many of those methods that have come to be considered fundamental were derived from the initial modeling by Bandler and Grinder of the work of Virginia Satir, Milton Erickson and Fritz Perls. Bandler and Grinder also drew upon theories of Gregory Bateson, Alfred Korzybski and Noam Chomsky, particularly transformational grammar, as well as ideas and techniques from Carlos Castaneda. Bandler and Grinder claim that the therapeutic "magic" as performed in therapy by Perls, Satir and Erikson, and by performers in any complex human activity, had a structure that could be codified using their methodology and thereby learned by others. Their 1975 book The Structure of Magic I: A Book about Language and Therapy is intended to be a codification of the therapeutic techniques of Perls and Satir.[4] Bandler and Grinder say that they modeled Virginia Satir, to produce what they termed the Meta-Model (via their process of modeling), a model for gathering information and challenging a client's language and underlying thinking. By challenging linguistic distortions, specifying generalizations, and recovering deleted information in the client's statements, the transformational grammar concepts of surface structure were said to yield a more complete representation of the underlying deep structure and to have therapeutic benefit.[5] Also derived from Satir were anchoring, future pacing and representational systems. In contrast, the Milton-Modela model of the purportedly hypnotic language of Milton Ericksonwas described by Bandler and Grinder as "artfully vague" and metaphoric.[6]
Neuro-linguistic programming The Milton-Model is used in combination with the Meta-Model as a softener, to induce "trance" and to deliver indirect therapeutic suggestion. However, adjunct lecturer in linguistics Stollznow, describes Bander and Grinder's reference to such experts as namedropping. Other than Satir, the people they cite as influences did not collaborate with Bandler or Grinder. Chomsky himself has no association with NLP whatsoever; his original work was intended as theory not therapy. Stollznow writes, "[o]ther than borrowing terminology, NLP does not bear authentic resemblance to any of Chomsky's theories or philosophies - linguistic, cognitive or political." According to Weitzenhoffer, "the major weakness of Bandler and Grinder's linguistic analysis is that so much of it is built upon untested hypotheses and is supported by totally inadequate data." Weitzenhoffer adds that Bandler and Grinder misuse formal logic and mathematics, redefine or misunderstand terms from the linguistics' lexicon (e.g., nominalization), create a scientific faade by needlessly complicating Ericksonian concepts with unfounded claims, make factual errors and disregard or confuse concepts central to the Ericksonian approach. More recently (circa 1997), Bandler has claimed, "NLP [sic] is based on finding out what works and formalizing it. In order to formalize patterns I utilized everything from linguistics to holography...The models that constitute NLP [sic] are all formal models based on mathematical, logical principles [sic] such as predicate calculus and the mathematical equations underlying holography." However, there is no mention of the mathematics of holography nor of holography in general in McClendon's, Spitzer's or Grinder's account of the development of NLP. On the matter of the development of NLP, Grinder recollects: My memories about what we thought at the time of discovery (with respect to the classic code we developed that is, the years 1973 through 1978) are that we were quite explicit that we were out to overthrow a paradigm and that, for example, I, for one, found it very useful to plan this campaign using in part as a guide the excellent work of Thomas Kuhn (The Structure of Scientific Revolutions) in which he detailed some of the conditions which historically have obtained in the midst of paradigm shifts. For example, I believe it was very useful that neither one of us were qualified in the field we first went after - psychology and in particular, its therapeutic application; this being one of the conditions which Kuhn identified in his historical study of paradigm shifts. The philosopher Robert Todd Carroll responded that Grinder has not understood Kuhn's text on the history and philosophy of science, The Structure of Scientific Revolutions. Carroll replies: (a) individual scientists never have nor are they ever able to create paradigm shifts volitionally and Kuhn does not suggest otherwise; (b) Kuhn's text does not contain the idea that being unqualified in a field of science is a prerequisite to producing a result that necessitates a paradigm shift in that field and (c) The Structure of Scientific Revolutions is foremost a work of history and not an instructive text on creating paradigm shifts and such a text is not possibleextraordinary discovery is not a formulaic procedure. Carroll explains that a paradigm shift is not a planned activity, rather it is an outcome of scientific effort within the current (dominant) paradigm that produces data that can't be adequately accounted for within the current paradigmhence a paradigm shift, i.e. the adoption of a new paradigm. In developing NLP Bandler and Grinder were not responding to a paradigmatic crisis in psychology nor did they produce any data that caused a paradigmatic crisis in psychology. There is no sense in which Bandler and Grinder caused or participated in a paradigm shift. "What did Grinder and Bandler do that makes it impossible to continue doing psychology...without accepting their ideas? Nothing.", argues Carroll.
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Commercialization and evaluation

By the late 1970s, the human potential movement had developed into an industry and provided a market for some NLP ideas. At the center of this growth was the Esalen Institute at Big Sur, California. Perls had led numerous Gestalt therapy seminars at Esalen. Satir was an early leader and Bateson was a guest teacher. Bandler and Grinder claimed that in addition to being a therapeutic method, NLP was also a study of communication and began marketing it as a business tool, claiming that, "if any human being can do anything, so can you". After 150 students paid $1,000 each for a ten-day workshop in Santa Cruz, California, Bandler and Grinder gave up academic writing and produced
Neuro-linguistic programming popular books from seminar transcripts, such as Frogs into Princes, which sold more than 270,000 copies. According to court documents relating to an intellectual property dispute between Bandler and Grinder, Bandler made more than $800,000 in 1980 from workshop and book sales. A community of psychotherapists and students began to form around Bandler and Grinder's initial works, leading to the growth and spread of NLP as a theory and practice. For example, Tony Robbins trained with Grinder and utilized a few ideas from NLP as part of his own self-help and motivational speaking programmes. Bandler led several unsuccessful efforts to exclude other parties from using NLP. Meanwhile, the rising number of practitioners and theorists led NLP to become even less uniform than it was at its foundation. Prior to the decline of NLP, scientific researchers began testing its theoretical underpinnings empirically, with research indicating a lack of empirical support for NLP's essential theories. The 1990s were characterized by fewer scientific studies evaluating the methods of NLP than the previous decade. Witkowski attributes this to a declining interest in the debate as the result of a lack of empirical support for NLP from its proponents.
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Main components and core concepts

NLP can be understood in terms of three broad components and the central concepts pertaining to those: Subjectivity. According to Bandler and Grinder: We experience the world subjectively thus we create subjective representations of our experience. These subjective representation of experience are constituted in terms of five senses and language. That is to say our subjective conscious experience is in terms of the traditional senses of vision, audition, tactition, olfaction and gustation such that when wefor examplerehearse an actvity "in our heads", recall an event or anticipate the future we will "see" images, "hear" sounds, "taste" flavours, "feel" tactile sensations, "smell" odours and think in some (natural) language. Furthermore it is claimed that these subjective representations of experience have a discernible structure, a pattern. It is in this sense that NLP is sometimes defined as the study of the structure of subjective experience. Behavior can be described and understood in terms of these sense-based subjective representations. Behavior is broadly conceived to include verbal and non-verbal communication, incompetent, maladaptive or "pathological" behavior as well as effective or skillfull behavior. Behavior (in self and others) can be modified by manipulating these sense-based subjective representations. Consciousness. NLP is predicated on the notion that consciousness is bifurcated into a conscious component and a unconscious component. Those subjective representations that occur outside of an individual's awareness comprise what is referred to as the "unconscious mind". Learning. NLP utilizes an imitative method of learningtermed modelingthat is claimed to be able to codify and reproduce an exemplar's expertise in any domain of activity. An important part of the codification process is a description of the sequence of the sensory/linguistic representations of the subjective experience of the exemplar during execution of the expertise.
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Techniques or set of practices

According to one study by Steinbach,[7] a classic interaction in NLP can be understood in terms of several major stages including establishing rapport, gleaning information about a problem mental state and desired goals, using specific tools and techniques to make interventions, and integrating proposed changes into the client's life. The entire process is guided by the non-verbal responses of the client. The first is the act of establishing and maintaining rapport between the practitioner and the client which is achieved through pacing and leading the verbal (e.g., sensory predicates and keywords) and non-verbal behavior (e.g., matching and mirroring non-verbal behavior, or responding to eye movements) of the client.
An "eye accessing cue chart" as it appears as an example in Bandler & Grinder's Frogs into Princes (1979). The six directions represent "visual construct", "visual recall", "auditory construct", "auditory recall", "kinesthetic" and "auditory internal dialogue".
Once rapport is established, the practitioner may gather information (e.g., using the Meta-Model questions) about the client's present state as well as help the client define a desired state or goal for the interaction. The practitioner pays particular attention to the verbal and non-verbal responses as the client defines the present state and desired state and any "resources" that may be required to bridge the gap. The client is typically encouraged to consider the consequences of the desired outcome, and how they may affect his or her personal or professional life and relationships, taking into account any positive intentions of any problems that may arise (i.e. ecological check). Fourth, the practitioner assists the client in achieving the desired outcomes by using certain tools and techniques to change internal representations and responses to stimuli in the world.[8] Finally, the changes are "future paced" by helping the client to mentally rehearse and integrate the changes into his or her life. For example, the client may be asked to "step into the future" and represent (mentally see, hear and feel) what it is like having already achieved the outcome. According to Stollznow (2010), "NLP also involves fringe discourse analysis and "practical" guidelines for "improved" communication. For example, one text asserts "when you adopt the "but" word, people will remember what you said afterwards. With the "and" word, people remember what you said before and after."
Applications
Psychotherapeutic
Early books about NLP had a psychotherapeutic focus given that the early models were psychotherapists. As an approach to psychotherapy, NLP shares similar core assumptions and foundations in common with some contemporary brief and systemic practices,[9][10] such as solution focused brief therapy.[11][12] NLP has also been acknowledged as having influenced these practices with its reframing techniques which seeks to achieve behavior change by shifting its context or meaning,[13] for example, by finding the positive connotation of a thought or behavior. The two main therapeutic uses of NLP are: (1) as an adjunct by therapists practicing in other therapeutic disciplines; (2) as a specific therapy called Neurolinguistic Psychotherapy[14] which is recognized by the United Kingdom Council for Psychotherapy with accreditation governed at first by the Association for Neuro Linguistic Programming and more recently by its daughter organization the Neuro Linguistic Psychotherapy and Counselling Association. Neither Neuro-Linguistic Programming nor Neuro-Linguistic Psychotherapy are NICE-approved. According to Stollznow (2010) "Bandler and Grinder's infamous Frogs into Princes and their other books boast that NLP is a cure-all that treats a broad range of physical and mental conditions and learning difficulties, including epilepsy, myopia and dyslexia. With its promises to cure schizophrenia, depression and Post Traumatic Stress Disorder, and its dismissal of psychiatric illnesses as psychosomatic, NLP shares similarities with Scientology and
Neuro-linguistic programming the Citizens Commission on Human Rights (CCHR)." A systematic review of experimental studies by Sturt et al (2012) concluded that "that there is little evidence that NLP interventions improve health-related outcomes." In his review of NLP, Stephen Briers writes, "NLP is not really a cohesive therapy but a ragbag of different techniques without a particularly clear theoretical basis...[and its] evidence base is virtually non-existent." Eisner writes, "NLP appears to be a superficial and gimmicky approach to dealing with mental health problems. Unfortunately, NLP appears to be the first in a long line of mass marketing seminars that purport to virtually cure any mental disorder...it appears that NLP has no empirical or scientific support as to the underlying tenets of its theory or clinical effectiveness. What remains is a mass-marketed serving of psychopablum." Andr Muller Weitzenhoffera friend and peer of Milton Ericksonwrote, "Has NLP really abstracted and explicated the essence of successful therapy and provided everyone with the means to be another Whittaker, Virginia Satir, or Erickson?...[NLP's] failure to do this is evident because today there is no multitude of their equals, not even another Whittaker, Virginia Satir, or Erickson. Ten years should have been sufficient time for this to happen. In this light, I cannot take NLP seriously...[NLP's] contributions to our understanding and use of Ericksonian techniques are equally dubious. Patterns I and II are poorly written works that were an overambitious, pretentious effort to reduce hypnotism to a magic of words." Clinical psychologist Stephen Briers questions the value of the NLP maxima presupposition in NLP jargon"there is no failure, only feedback". Briers argues that the denial of the existence of failure diminishes its instructive value. He offers Walt Disney, Isaac Newton and J.K. Rowling as three examples of unambiguous acknowledged personal failure that served as an impetus to great success. According to Briers, it was "the crash-and-burn type of failure, not the sanitised NLP Failure Lite, i.e. the failure-that-isn't really-failure sort of failure" that propelled these individuals to success. Briers contends that adherence to the maxim leads to self-deprecation. According to Briers, personal endeavour is a product of invested values and aspirations and the dismissal of personally significant failure as mere feedback effectively denigrates what one values. Briers writes, "Sometimes we need to accept and mourn the death of our dreams, not just casually dismiss them as inconsequential. NLP's reframe casts us into the role of a widower avoiding the pain of grief by leap-frogging into a rebound relationship with a younger woman, never pausing to say a proper goodbye to his dead wife." Briers also contends that the NLP maxim is narcissistic, self-centered and divorced from notions of moral responsibility.
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Other uses
Although the original core techniques of NLP were therapeutic in orientation their genericity enabled them to be applied to other fields. These applications include persuasion, sales, negotiation,[15] management training, sports,[16] teaching, coaching, team building, and public speaking.
Scientific evaluation
Empirical validity
In the early 1980s, NLP was advertised as an important advance in psychotherapy and counseling, and attracted some interest in counseling research and clinical psychology. However, as controlled trials failed to show any benefit from NLP and its advocates made increasingly dubious claims, scientific interest in NLP faded. Focusing primarily on preferred representational systems, reviews by Sharpley (1984) andin response to criticism from Einspruch and Forman (1987)Sharpley (1987) concluded that there was little evidence for NLP's usefulness as an effective counseling tool. Reviewing the literature, Heap (1988) also concluded that objective and fair investigations had shown no support for NLP's claims about preferred representational systems.[17] A research committee working for the United States National Research Council led by Daniel Druckman came to two conclusions. First, the committee "found little if any" evidence to support NLP's assumptions or to indicate that it is effective as a strategy for social influence. "It assumes that by tracking another's eye movements and language,
Neuro-linguistic programming an NLP trainer can shape the person's thoughts, feelings, and opinions (Dilts, 1983[18]). There is no scientific support for these assumptions." Secondly, the committee members "were impressed with the modelling approach used to develop the technique. The technique was developed from careful observations of the way three master psychotherapists conducted their sessions, emphasizing imitation of verbal and nonverbal behaviours... This then led the committee to take up the topic of expert modeling in the second phase of its work." Von Bergen et al. (1997) state that "the most telling commentary on NLP may be that in the latest revision of his text on enhancing human performance, Druckman (Druckman & Bjork 1991) omitted all reference to Neurolinguistic Programming." According to Gelso and Fassinger (1990) Sharpley's literature review, marked a decline in empirical research of NLP, and particularly in matching sensory predicates and its use in the counselor-client relationship in counseling psychology. NLP practitioners and academics Mathison and Tosey have argued that the experimental approach is not always appropriate for researching NLP, instead proposing that NLP should be researched phenomenologically. Gareth Roderique-Davies (2009) responded that "Phenomenological research is free from hypotheses, pre-conceptions and assumptions, and seeks to describe rather than explain. Given the claims made by proponents of NLP, this adds little to the credibility debate and would produce reports concerning the experience from the perspective of the individual rather than confirmation of the supposed efficacy. The fact remains that NLP proponents make specific claims about how NLP works and what it can do and this compels providing evidence to substantiate these claims." He argued that the proposal to conduct phenomenology research using NLP modeling "constitutes an admission that NLP does not have an evidence base and that NLP practitioners are seeking a post-hoc credibility." Rowan (2008) addresses recent efforts by some NLP proponents (e.g., Wake (2008); Mathison and Tosey (2008)) to give NLP epistemic foundation in constructivism. According to Rowan, "Constructivism (and constructionism, which is closely similar) in all its forms questions the existence of a fixed external reality, ready to be discovered by scientists...The basic case is that knowledge, scientific or otherwise, is not obtained by objective means but is constructed through social discourse." Rowan argues that the only philosophical commitment that is explicitly and implicitly present in NLP is a "broad and undiscriminating pragmatismlet's see what works." Rowan explains that Bandler and Grinder adopted concepts from their examplarsErickson, Satir and Perlswithout scrutiny or criticism, as per their pragmatism. Rowan explains that Bandler and Grinder at no pointfor examplesubjected Erickson's concept of "The Unconscious" to any critical analysis, they took it entirely for granted. Rowan argues that this is entirely antithetical to constructivism and that these notionally constructivist NLP proponents do not understand constructivism or its implications. Taking constructivism seriously necessitates challenging Bandler and Grinder and their exemplars on all their assumptions, according to Rowan. Rowan suggests that these authors' commitment to constructivism doesn't extend beyond lip service and name dropping. Rowan charges: "Let me put it even more simply: you cannot be based on constructivism and hold in an unquestioned way a belief in the Unconscious. But it is even worse than this in NLP they shift from one definition of the Unconscious to another. In Neurolinguistic Psychotherapy (Wake, 2008), on p.49, we are accepting the Freudian unconscious, on p.56 we are accepting the hypnotic notion of the unconscious, on pp.5962 we are going with the definition of Morris Massey, on p.135 we have a whole farrago of 21 functions of the unconscious, quoted from Tad James, an exponent of 'Quantum Linguistics' and 'Time Line Therapy'. This can only be described as undiscriminating...this is not constructivism, but something different, and highly dubious." More recent systematic reviews of all NLP-related research conclude that that the efficacy of NLP and the validity of its core tenets has not been demonstrated; this is a view that is shared by some NLP proponents that are calling for rigorous scientific research. Reviewers Witkowski (2010) and Sturt et al (2012) agree that NLP lacks an evidence base but disagree on the invalidity of NLP: Witkowskiexpressing the consensus scientific opinionstates, "My analysis leads undeniably to the statement that NLP represents pseudoscientific rubbish, which should be mothballed forever"; Sturt et alin common with some NLP proponentsstate that "[t]he study conclusion [of no effect] reflects the limited quantity and quality of NLP research, rather than robust evidence of no effect." Reviewing Sturt et al (2012) Murray (2013) affirms their conclusion and adds that "[c]ollectively, the academic research base yields
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Neuro-linguistic programming nominal support for paying for NLP training or services."
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Scientific criticism
Neuro-linguistic programming has been characterized as a New Age pseudoscience. Witkowski (2010) writes that "NLP represents pseudoscientific rubbish, which should be mothballed forever." The name Neuro-linguistic programming has also been criticized. Roderique-Davies (2009) states that "neuro" in NLP is "effectively fraudulent since NLP offers no explanation at a neuronal level and it could be argued that its use fallaciously feeds into the notion of scientific credibility." Witkowski (2010) also states that at the neuronal level NLP provides no explanation at all and has nothing in common with academic linguistics or programming. Similarly, experimental psychologist Corballis in his critique of lateralization of brain function (the left/right brain myth), states that "NLP is a thoroughly fake title, designed to give the impression of scientific respectability" and describes NLP as a "cult" activity with "little scientific credibility". According to psycholinguist Willem Levelt "[NLP] is not informed about the literature, it starts from insights that have been rendered out of date long ago, concepts are not apprehended or are a mere fabrication, conclusions are based upon wrong presumptions. NLP theory and practice have nothing to do with neuroscientific insights, nor with linguistics, nor with informatics and theory of programming." Neuroscientists Sergio Della Sala and Barry Beyerstein wrote, "[NLP] began with some now outmoded information from legitimate psychology, linguistics and neuroscience that even most experts accepted back in the 1960s, when NLP first arrived on the scene. The nice thing about real science, as opposed to pseudoscience, is the former eventually corrects its mistakes as new discoveries emerge. NLP remains mired in the past or the never-was." According to Beyerstein (1995) and Witkowski (2010), NLP jargonsuch as pragmagraphics, metamodeling, metaprogramming, submodalitiesis intended to impress, obfuscate and give the false impression that NLP is a scientific discipline. Beyerstein says, "though it claims neuroscience in its pedigree, NLP's outmoded view of the relationship between cognitive style and brain function ultimately boils down to crude analogies." Furthermore Beyerstein (1995) believed that NLP has helped popularize myths about the brain and neurology and that that the aphorism "you create your own reality" promotes an epistemologically relativistic perspective, the purpose of which is to gain immunity from scientific testing. Reviewing various applications of brain lateralization mythology to education and psychotherapy, neuroscientist Lauren Julius Harris writes, "[t]he scientifically most pretentious of these [applications] is known as Neurolinguistic Programming". Bradley and Biederman (1985) explain that the study of human communication is conventionally divided into syntactics, semantics and pragmatics and that these subfields of linguistics are indivisible and interdependent. After Watzlawick, Bradley and Biederman argue that "[s]uperimposed on these three aspects of communication is the context in which the communication occurs" and that this context is vital to understanding communication. Bradley and Biederman argue that Bandler and Grinder focus on syntactics and semantics and disregard pragmatics and context which are "the most intricate and important aspects" of communication. Bradley and Biederman argue that to this extent Bandler and Grinder have produced a very superficial analysis of verbal and non-verbal communication. It is also argued that this major deficiency in NLP cannot be remediated "as long as Bandler & Grinder refuse to acknowledge the need for empirical research." Furthermore, "their theory is not clearly articulated; its terminology, premises, and assumptions are either specified in an ambiguous manner or not specified at all". Responding to Bandler and Grinder's maxim that they aren't interested in the "truth" but only in "what works", Bradley and Biederman state, "[i]t has yet to be empirically demonstrated that their [Bandler and Grinder] approach works". For example, a central supposition of NLPthat there exists a connection "between a client's distorted perceptions of the world and his/her distorted linguistic representations"is undergirded only by faith and intuition. Bradley and Biederman highlight that on the one hand Bandler and Grinder posit that there is no veridical relationship between reality and perception (an idea drawn from the phenomenology of Husserl) yet on the other hand they offer only personal testimonysomething which according to their own theoretical position is unreliablein support of the accuracy of their theory.
Neuro-linguistic programming Tye (1994) is concerned to reconcile the failure of empirical research to validate NLP and the anecdotes that NLP proponents present in defence of the efficacy of NLP. Tye draws a comparison between shamanism and NLP, describing what he terms a "psycho shaman effect". According to Tye, "[l]ike NLP techniques, the psycho shaman effect is a collection of already existing, well understood and accepted ideas. Specifically it has three components: cognitive dissonance, placebo effect and therapist charisma". Tye thus attributes the apparent efficacy of NLP to nonspecific effects. Craft (2001) considers NLP to be ostensibly based on social constructivismand indeed several NLP proponents claim that it is soand proceeds to evaluate NLP modeling in those terms. According to Craft, constructivist theories of learning conceive of an expert instructor and a novice in apprenticeship that gradually grows in "confidence, understanding and competence" via a process of dialogue that results in a negotiated shared experience and meaning. The notion of knowledge being created discursively is central to social constructivism yet absent in NLP modeling. Craft argues that NLP modeling contains no appreciation of the expert instructor (i.e. the person who is skilled in the activity of teaching itself) nor of the peculiarities of constructivist teaching and learning. For these reasons Craft is not convinced by the claims of NLP proponents; Craft doubts that "merely copying, without negotiation, can really lead to expert performance". Craft contends that the theory of situated cognition contradicts the assumptions of NLP modeling in that NLP modeling is in effect concerned with mimicry of expertise that is divorced from its actual ("real life") context of performance. Observation of "'surface features' of another person's behaviour...[and even] deeper aspects of another person's performance, which may include beliefs, physiology, strategies, sub-modalities, etc" is insufficient to enculturate a novice into a specific domain of knowledge, argues Craft. Craft contends that NLP is dogmatic in its promotion of modeling as the most effective method of skill acquisition when there may be such things as learning styles. Lastlyand in common with Rowan (2008) but for different reasons(see Empirical validity)Craft argues that NLP is inconsistent with social constructivism. According to social constructivism reality is socially constructed. One of the main NLP maximspresuppositions in NLP jargonis Korzybski's pronouncement that "The map is not the territory". To paraphrase Craft, according to social constructivism there is no "territory" as such, no reality "out there", so the map-territory distinction is meaningless within a social constructivist epistemology. Devilly argues that the so-called power therapiessuch as NLPgain popularity because they are promoted, like other pseudoscience, using a set of social influence tactics. These include making extraordinary claims (e.g., a one-session cure for any trauma-related memory), creating a rationalization trap by obtaining incremental commitments from students learning the power therapy (e.g., first lesson is free and subsequent courses increase in price), manufacturing source credibility and sincerity by creating a guru-like leader that is most qualified in the power therapy, creating a self-regulated body composed of those that have completed a course in the power therapy, and defining an enemy to facilitate in-group/out-group thinking and behavior and to serve as a scapegoat. NLP has been criticized alongside theories and practices characterized as questionable, pseudoscience and/or discredited practices in therapy. Sources within therapy and psychology include books such as Crazy Therapies (1997), Science and Pseudo-science in Clinical Psychology (2002), and Tall Tales about the Mind and Brain (2007). Articles critical of NLP also appear in the Encyclopedia of Pseudoscience (2000) and The Skeptic's Dictionary (2003). NLP has also been used as a key example of pseudoscience to facilitate the understanding of the importance of rational and critical thinking in a number of academic subjects. According to Witkowski (2010), NLP also appears on "the list of discredited therapies" published in the Journal of Professional Psychology: Research and Practice. With reference to work by Carroll (2003), Della Sala (1999), Lilienfeld et al. (2003) and Singer and Lalich (1996) on "pseudoscientific, unvalidated, or "quack" psychotherapies" within clinical psychology, Norcross et al. (2006) included NLP for treatment of mental/behavior disorders in a survey of the opinions of psychologists who rated NLP between possibly discredited and probably discredited, a rating similar to dolphin assisted therapy, equine therapy, psychosynthesis, scared straight programmes, and emotional freedom technique (EFT). Norcross et al. (2010) listed "neurolinguistic programming for drug and alcohol
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Neuro-linguistic programming dependence" seventh out of their list of the ten most discredited drugs and alcohol interventions, and it is listed as "certainly discredited" for addiction treatment in Evidence-based practices in addiction treatment: review and recommendations for public policy.
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NLP as quasi-religion
Sociologists and anthropologistsamongst othershave categorized NLP as a quasi-religion belonging to the New Age and/or Human Potential Movements. Medical anthropologist Jean M. Langford categorizes NLP as a form of folk magic; that is to say, a practice with symbolic efficacyas opposed to physical efficacythat is able to effect change through nonspecific effects (e.g., placebo). To Langford, NLP is akin to a syncretic folk religion "that attempts to wed the magic of folk practice to the science of professional medicine". Bandler and Grinder were (and continue to be) influenced by the shamanism described in the books of Carlos Castaneda. Several ideas and techniques have been borrowed from Castaneda and incorporated into NLP including so-called double induction and the notion of "stopping the world" which is central to NLP modeling. Tye (1994) characterizes NLP as a type of "psycho shamanism". Fanthorpe and Fanthorpe (2008) see a similarity between the mimetic procedure and intent of NLP modeling and aspects of ritual in some syncretic religions. Hunt (2003) draws a comparison between the concern with lineage from an NLP guruwhich is evident amongst some NLP proponentsand the concern with guru lineage in some Eastern religions. In Aupers and Houtman (2010) Bovbjerg identifies NLP as a New Age "psycho-religion" and uses NLP as a case-study to demonstrate the thesis that the New Age psycho-religions such as NLP are predicated on an instrinsically religious idea, namely concern with a transcendent "other". In the world's monotheistic faiths, argues Bovbjerg, the purpose of religious practice is communion and fellowship with a transcendent 'other', i.e. a God. With the New Age psycho-religions, argues Bovbjerg, this orientation towards a transcendent 'other' persists but the other has become "the other in our selves", the so-called unconscious: "[t]he individual's inner life becomes the intangible focus of [psycho-]religious practices and the subconscious becomes a constituent part of modern individuals' understanding of the Self." Bovbjerg adds, "[c]ourses in personal development would make no sense without an unconscious that contains hidden resources and hidden knowledge of the self." Thus psycho-religious practice revolves around ideas of the conscious and unconscious self and communicating with and accessing the hidden resources of the unconscious selfthe transcendent other. According to Bovbjerg the notion that we have an unconscious self underlies many NLP techniques either explicitly or implicitly. Bovbjerg argues, "[t]hrough particular practices, the [NLP practitioner qua] psycho-religious practitioner expects to achieve self-perfection in a never-ending transformation of the self." Bovbjerg's secular critique of NLP is echoed in the conservative Christian perspective of the New Age as represented by Jeremiah (1995) who argues that, "[t]he transformation recommended by the founders and leaders of these business seminars [such as NLP] has spiritual implications that a non-Christian or new believer may not recognise. The belief that human beings can change themselves by calling upon the power (or god) within or their own infinite human potential is a contradiction of the Christian view. The Bible says man is a sinner and is saved by God's grace alone." The quasi-religiosity of New Age belief and practiceeven to the extent of "self-improvement" techniquewas affirmed in a series of US court cases brought by employees against their employers whom mandated corporate New Age training. The plaintiffs claimed that these trainings conflicted with their religious beliefs. On this subject, Youngin Heuberger and Nash (1994)specifies, "[s]uch New Age methods include meditation, yoga, biofeedback, centering, guided visualizations, affirmations, Akido-based exercise [sic], self-hypnosis, fire walking, and Neuro-Linguistic Programming (NLP)".
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Intellectual property disputes

By the end of 1980, the collaboration between Bandler and Grinder ended. On 25 September 1981, Bandler instituted a civil action against Grinder and his company, seeking injunctive relief and damages for Grinder's commercial activity in relation to NLP. On 29 October 1981, judgement was made in favor of Bandler. As part of a settlement agreement Bandler granted to Grinder a limited 10-year license to conduct NLP seminars, offer certification in NLP and use the NLP name on the condition that royalties from the earnings of the seminars be paid to Bandler. In July 1996 and January 1997, Bandler instituted a further two civil actions against Grinder and his company, numerous other prominent figures in NLP and 200 further initially unnamed persons. Bandler alleged that Grinder had violated the terms of the settlement agreement reached in the initial case and had suffered commercial damage as a result of the allegedly illegal commercial activities of the defendants. Bandler sought from each defendant damages no less than US$10,000,000.00. In February 2000, the Court found against Bandler, stating that "Bandler has misrepresented to the public, through his licensing agreement and promotional materials, that he is the exclusive owner of all intellectual property rights associated with NLP, and maintains the exclusive authority to determine membership in and certification in the Society of NLP." On this matter Stollznow (2010) comments, "[i]ronically, Bandler and Grinder feuded in the 1980s over trademark and theory disputes. Tellingly, none of their myriad of NLP models, pillars, and principles helped these founders to resolve their personal and professional conflicts." In December 1997, Tony Clarkson instituted civil proceedings against Bandler to have Bandler's UK trademark of NLP revoked. The Court found in favor of Clarkson; Bandler's trademark was subsequently revoked. By the end of 2000, Bandler and Grinder entered a release where they agreed, amongst other things, that "they are the co-creators and co-founders of the technology of Neuro-linguistic Programming" and "mutually agree to refrain from disparaging each other's efforts, in any fashion, concerning their respective involvement in the field of NeuroLinguistic Programming." As a consequence of these disputes and settlements, the names NLP and Neuro-linguistic Programming are not owned by any party and there is no restriction on any party offering NLP certification.
Associations, certification, and practitioner standards

The names NLP and Neuro-linguistic Programming are not owned by any person or organisation, they are not trademarked intellectual property and there is no central regulating authority for NLP instruction and certification. There is no restriction on who can describe themselves as an NLP Master Practitioner or NLP Master Trainer and there are a multitude of certifying associations; this has led Devilly (2005) to describe such training and certifying associations as granfalloons, i.e. proud and meaningless associations of human beings. There is great variation in the depth and breadth of training and standards of practitioners, and some disagreement between those in the field about which patterns are, or are not, actual NLP.[19] NLP is an open field of training with no "official" best practice. With different authors, individual trainers and practitioners having developed their own methods, concepts and labels, often branding them as NLP, the training standards and quality differ greatly. In 2009, a British television presenter was able to register his pet cat as a member of the British Board of Neuro Linguistic Programming (BBNLP), which subsequently claimed that it existed only to provide benefits to its members and not to certify credentials.
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Notes and references

[1] http:/ / www. nlm. nih. gov/ cgi/ mesh/ 2011/ MB_cgi?field=uid& term=D020557 [2] Tosey, P. & Mathison, J., (2006) " Introducing Neuro-Linguistic Programming (http:/ / www. som. surrey. ac. uk/ NLP/ Resources/ IntroducingNLP. pdf) Centre for Management Learning & Development, School of Management, University of Surrey. [3] In a seminar, Bandler & Grinder (1981, p. 166) claimed that a single session of NLP combined with hypnosis could eliminate certain eyesight problems such as myopia and cure the common cold (op.cit., p. 174)...(Also, op.cit., p. 169) Bandler and Grinder believed that, by combining NLP with hypnotic regression, one not only cured a problem, but became amnesic for the fact that it even existed at all. Thus, after a session of "therapy," a smoker denied smoking before, even when family and friends insisted otherwise, becoming unable to account for such evidence as nicotine stains. Grinder, John.; Richard Bandler; Connirae Andreas (ed.) (1981). Trance-Formations: Neuro-Linguistic Programming and the Structure of Hypnosis. Moab, UT: Real People Press. ISBN 0-911226-23-0. [4] page 6 of Bandler & Grinder 1975a. [5] John Grinder, Suzette Elgin (1973). "A Guide to Transformational Grammar: History, Theory, Practice." Holt, Rinehart and Winston. ISBN 0-03-080126-5. Reviewed by Frank H. Nuessel, Jr. The Modern Language Journal, Vol. 58, No. 5/6 (SepOct., 1974), pp. 282283 [6] "artfully vague" occurs in the context of describing the "Milton-Model" [7] Steinbach, A. (1984). Neurolinguistic programming: a systematic approach to change. Canadian Family Physician, 30, 147-50. PMC 2153995 [8] Bandler, 1984. pp. 134137 [9] Rubin Battino (2002) Expectation: The Very Brief Therapy Book. Crown House Publishing. ISBN 1-84590-028-6 [10] Kerry, S. (2009) Pretreatment expectations of psychotherapy clients, University of Alberta (Canada) [11] Bill O'Connell (2005) Solution-focused therapy (Brief therapy series). Sage; Second Edition p. 9 (http:/ / books. google. com. au/ books?doi=GVC4lJzyjBMC) [12] Windy Dryden (2007) Dryden's handbook of individual therapy. 5th edition. Sage. ISBN 1-4129-2238-0 p. 382 (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=nT8jqeRXBmYC& pg=PR9) [13] Bandler & Grinder 1982 as cited by Maag 1999, 2000 [14] Bridoux, D., Weaver, M., (2000) "Neuro-linguistic psychotherapy." In Therapeutic perspectives on working with lesbian, gay and bisexual clients. Davies, Dominic (Ed); Neal, Charles (Ed). (pp. 7390). Buckingham, England: Open University Press (2000) xviii, 187 pp. ISBN 0-335-20333-7 [15] Tosey P. & Mathison, J., "Fabulous Creatures Of HRD: A Critical Natural History Of Neuro-Linguistic Programming", University of Surrey Paper presented at the 8th International Conference on Human Resource Development Research & Practice across Europe, Oxford Brookes Business School, 2628 June 2007 [16] Ingalls, Joan S. (1988) "Cognition and athletic behavior: An investigation of the NLP principle of congruence." Dissertation Abstracts International. Vol 48(7-B), p. 2090. [17] Heap. M., (1988) Neurolinguistic programming: An interim verdict (http:/ / www. mheap. com/ nlp1. pdf). In M. Heap (Ed.) Hypnosis: Current Clinical, Experimental and Forensic Practices. London: Croom Helm, pp. 268280. [18] Dilts, Robert (1983) Roots of Neuro-Linguistic Programming, Meta Publications, Capitola, CA, ISBN 0-916990-12-5 [19] Irish National Center for Guidance in Education's "Guidance Counsellor's Handbook
Bibliography
Bandler, R., Grinder, J. (1975) The Structure of Magic I: A Book About Language and Therapy Science and Behavior Books. ISBN 0-8314-0044-7 Bandler, R., Grinder, J. (1976) "The Structure of Magic II. A Book About Communication and Change" Science and Behavior Books. ISBN 978-0831400491 Bandler, R., Grinder, J. (1981) Reframing: Neuro-Linguistic Programming and the Transformation of Meaning Real People Press. ISBN 0-911226-25-7
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Further reading
Books Andreas, Steve & Charles Faulkner (Eds.) (1996). NLP: the new technology of achievement. New York, NY: HarperCollins. ISBN0-688-14619-8. Austin, A. (2007). The Rainbow Machine: Tales from a Neurolinguist's Journal. UK: Real People Press. ISBN0-911226-44-3. Bandler, R., Grinder, J. (1979) Frogs into Princes: Neuro Linguistic Programming. Real People Press. 149 pages. ISBN 0-911226-19-2 Bandler, R., Andreas, S. (ed) and Andreas, C. (ed) (1985) Using Your Brain-for a Change ISBN 0-911226-27-3 Bradbury, A., Neuro-Linguistic Programming: Time for an Informed Review. Skeptical Intelligencer 11, 2008. Burn, Gillian (2005). NLP Pocketbook. Alresford, Hants SO24 9JH, United Kingdom: Management Pocketbooks Ltd. ISBN978-1-903776-31-5. Carroll R. (2003) The Skeptic's Dictionary: A Collection of Strange Beliefs, Amusing Deceptions, and Dangerous Delusions p.253 Della Sala (Editor) (2007) Tall Tales about the Mind and Brain: Separating Fact from Fiction Oxford University Press, ISBN 0198568770, p. xxii Dilts, R., Hallbom, Tim, Smith, Suzi (1990) Beliefs: Pathways to Health & Well-being, Crown House Publishing, ISBN 9781845908027 Dilts, R. (1990) Changing belief systems with NLP Meta Publications. ISBN 9780916990244 Dilts, Robert B & Judith A DeLozier (2000). Encyclopaedia of Systemic Neuro-Linguistic Programming and NLP New Coding. NLP University Press. ISBN0-9701540-0-3. Druckman, Daniel & John A Swets, (Eds) (1988). Enhancing Human Performance: Issues, Theories, and Techniques. Washington DC: National Academy Press. ISBN9780309037921. Ellerton, CMC, Roger (2005). Live Your Dreams Let Reality Catch Up: NLP and Common Sense for Coaches, Managers and You. Ottawa, Canada: Trafford Publishing. ISBN1-4120-4709-9. Grinder, J., Bandler, R. (1976) Patterns of the Hypnotic Techniques of Milton H. Erickson Volume I ISBN 0-916990-01-X Grinder, John & Judith DeLozier (1987). Turtles All the Way Down: Prerequisites to Personal Genius. Scotts Valley, CA: Grinder & Associates. ISBN9780929514017. Grinder, M., Lori Stephens (Ed) (1991) Righting the Educational Conveyor Belt ISBN 1-55552-036-7 Genie Z. Laborde, Ph.D. (1987) Influencing with Integrity: Management Skills for Communication and Negotiation Satir, V., Grinder, J., Bandler, R. (1976) Changing with Families: A Book about Further Education for Being Human Science and Behavior Books. ISBN 0-8314-0051-X Lum, C. (2001). Scientific Thinking in Speech and Language Therapy. Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Mahwah, New Jersey London p.16 Singer, Margaret & Janja Lalich (1997). Crazy Therapies: What Are They? Do They Work?. Jossey Bass, pp.167195 (169). ISBN 0-7879-0278-0. Crazy Therapies (book) Wake, Lisa (2008). Neurolinguistic psychotherapy: A Postmodern Perspective. London: Routledge. ISBN 9780415425414. William F. Williams, Ed. (2000) Encyclopedia of Pseudoscience: From Alien Abductions to Zone Therapy, Fitzory Dearborn Publishers, ISBN 978-1-57958-207-4 p.235 Journal articles Platt, Garry (2001). "NLP Neuro Linguistic Programming or No Longer Plausible?". Training Journal. May 2001: 1015.
Neuro-linguistic programming Morgan, Dylan A (1993). "Scientific Assessment of NLP". Journal of the National Council for Psychotherapy & Hypnotherapy Register. Spring 1993. Von Bergen, C. W.; Gary, B. S.; Rosenthal, T.; Wilkinson, L. V. (1997). "Selected alternative training techniques in HRD". Human Resource Development Quarterly 8 (4): 281. doi: 10.1002/hrdq.3920080403 (http://dx.doi. org/10.1002/hrdq.3920080403).
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Knowledge representation and reasoning

Knowledge representation (KR) is an area of artificial intelligence research aimed at representing knowledge in symbols to facilitate inferencing from those knowledge elements, creating new elements of knowledge. The KR can be made to be independent of the underlying knowledge model or knowledge base system (KBS) such as a semantic network.[1]
Overview
Knowledge representation (KR) research involves analysis of how to reason accurately and effectively and how best to use a set of symbols to represent a set of facts within a knowledge domain. A symbol vocabulary and a system of logic are combined to enable inferences about elements in the KR to create new KR sentences. Logic is used to supply formal semantics of how reasoning functions should be applied to the symbols in the KR system. Logic is also used to define how operators can process and reshape the knowledge. Examples of operators and operations include negation, conjunction, adverbs, adjectives, quantifiers and modal operators. The logic is interpretation theory. These elements symbols, operators, and interpretation theory are what give sequences of symbols meaning within a KR. A key parameter in choosing or creating a KR is its expressivity. The more expressive a KR, the easier and more compact it is to express a fact or element of knowledge within the semantics and grammar of that KR. However, more expressive languages are likely to require more complex logic and algorithms to construct equivalent inferences. A highly expressive KR is also less likely to be complete and consistent. Less expressive KRs may be both complete and consistent. Autoepistemic temporal modal logic is a highly expressive KR system, encompassing meaningful chunks of knowledge with brief, simple symbol sequences (sentences). Propositional logic is much less expressive but highly consistent and complete and can efficiently produce inferences with minimal algorithm complexity. Nonetheless, only the limitations of an underlying knowledge base affect the ease with which inferences may ultimately be made (once the appropriate KR has been found). This is because a knowledge set may be exported from a knowledge model or knowledge base system (KBS) into different KRs, with different degrees of expressiveness, completeness, and consistency. If a particular KR is inadequate in some way, that set of problematic KR elements may be transformed by importing them into a KBS, modified and operated on to eliminate the problematic elements or augmented with additional knowledge imported from other sources, and then exported into a different, more appropriate KR. In applying KR systems to practical problems, the complexity of the problem may exceed the resource constraints or the capabilities of the KR system. Recent developments in KR include the concept of the Semantic Web, and development of XML-based knowledge representation languages and standards, including Resource Description Framework (RDF), RDF Schema, Topic Maps, DARPA Agent Markup Language (DAML), Ontology Inference Layer (OIL),[2] and Web Ontology Language (OWL). There are several KR techniques such as frames, rules, tagging, and semantic networks which originated in cognitive science. Since knowledge is used to achieve intelligent behavior, the fundamental goal of knowledge representation is to facilitate reasoning, inferencing, or drawing conclusions. A good KR must be both declarative and procedural knowledge. What is knowledge representation can best be understood in terms of five distinct roles it plays, each
Knowledge representation and reasoning crucial to the task at hand: A knowledge representation (KR) is most fundamentally a surrogate, a substitute for the thing itself, used to enable an entity to determine consequences by thinking rather than acting, i.e., by reasoning about the world rather than taking action in it. It is a set of ontological commitments, i.e., an answer to the question: In what terms should I think about the world? It is a fragmentary theory of intelligent reasoning, expressed in terms of three components: (i) the representation's fundamental conception of intelligent reasoning; (ii) the set of inferences the representation sanctions; and (iii) the set of inferences it recommends. It is a medium for pragmatically efficient computation, i.e., the computational environment in which thinking is accomplished. One contribution to this pragmatic efficiency is supplied by the guidance a representation provides for organizing information so as to facilitate making the recommended inferences. It is a medium of human expression, i.e., a language in which we say things about the world." Some issues that arise in knowledge representation from an AI perspective are: How do people represent knowledge? What is the nature of knowledge? Should a representation scheme deal with a particular domain or should it be general purpose? How expressive is a representation scheme or formal language? Should the scheme be declarative or procedural? There has been very little top-down discussion of the knowledge representation issues and research in this area is a well aged quillwork. There are well known problems such as "spreading activation" (this is a problem in navigating a network of nodes), "subsumption" (this is concerned with selective inheritance; e.g. an ATV can be thought of as a specialization of a car but it inherits only particular characteristics) and "classification". For example, a tomato could be classified both as a fruit and a vegetable. In the field of artificial intelligence, problem solving can be simplified by an appropriate choice of knowledge representation. Representing knowledge in some ways makes certain problems easier to solve. For example, it is easier to divide numbers represented in Hindu-Arabic numerals than numbers represented as Roman numerals.
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Characteristics
A good knowledge representation covers six basic characteristics: Coverage, which means the KR covers a breadth and depth of information. Without a wide coverage, the KR cannot determine anything or resolve ambiguities. Understandable by humans. KR is viewed as a natural language, so the logic should flow freely. It should support modularity and hierarchies of classes (Polar bears are bears, which are animals). It should also have simple primitives that combine in complex forms. Consistency. If John closed the door, it can also be interpreted as the door was closed by John. By being consistent, the KR can eliminate redundant or conflicting knowledge. Efficiency. Easiness for modifying and updating. Supports the intelligent activity which uses the knowledge base To gain a better understanding of why these characteristics represent a good knowledge representation, think about how an encyclopedia (e.g. Wikipedia) is structured. There are millions of articles (coverage), and they are sorted into categories, content types, and similar topics (understandable). It redirects different titles but same content to the same article (consistency). It is efficient, easy to add new pages or update existing ones, and allows users on their mobile phones and desktops to view its knowledge base.
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History
Knowledge representation and reasoning is also referred to as KRR. In computer science, particularly artificial intelligence, a number of representations have been devised to structure information. KR is most commonly used to refer to representations intended for processing by modern computers, and in particular, for representations consisting of explicit objects (the class of all elephants, or Clyde a certain individual), and of assertions or claims about them ('Clyde is an elephant', or 'all elephants are grey'). Representing knowledge in such explicit form enables computers to draw conclusions from knowledge already stored ('Clyde is grey'). Many KR methods were tried in the 1970s and early 1980s, such as heuristic question-answering, neural networks, theorem proving, and expert systems, with varying success. Medical diagnosis (e.g., Mycin) was a major application area, as were games such as chess. In the 1980s formal computer knowledge representation languages and systems arose. Major projects attempted to encode wide bodies of general knowledge; for example the "Cyc" project (still ongoing) went through a large encyclopedia, encoding not the information itself, but the information a reader would need in order to understand the encyclopedia: naive physics; notions of time, causality, motivation; commonplace objects and classes of objects. Through such work, the difficulty of KR came to be better appreciated. In computational linguistics, meanwhile, much larger databases of language information were being built, and these, along with great increases in computer speed and capacity, made deeper KR more feasible. Several programming languages have been developed that are oriented to KR. Prolog developed in 1972,[3] but popularized much later, represents propositions and basic logic, and can derive conclusions from known premises. KL-ONE (1980s) is more specifically aimed at knowledge representation itself. In 1995, the Dublin Core standard of metadata was conceived. In the electronic document world, languages were being developed to represent the structure of documents, such as SGML (from which HTML descended) and later XML. These facilitated information retrieval and data mining efforts, which have in recent years begun to relate to knowledge representation. Development of the Semantic Web, has included development of XML-based knowledge representation languages and standards, including RDF, RDF Schema, Topic Maps, DARPA Agent Markup Language (DAML), Ontology Inference Layer (OIL), and Web Ontology Language (OWL).
Topics
Language and notation
Some[citation needed] think it is best to represent knowledge in the same way that it is represented in the human mind, or to represent knowledge in the form of human language. Psycholinguistics investigates how the human mind stores and manipulates language. Other branches of cognitive science examine how human memory stores sounds, sights, smells, emotions, procedures, and abstract ideas. Science has not yet completely described the internal mechanisms of the brain to the point where they can simply be replicated by computer programmers. VariousWikipedia:Avoid weasel words artificial languages and notations have been proposed for representing knowledge. They are typically based on logic and mathematics, and have easily parsed grammars to ease machine processing. They usually fall into the broad domain of ontologies.
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Ontology Engineering
After CycL, a number of ontology languages have been developed. Most are declarative languages, and are either frame languages, or are based on first-order logic. Most of these languages only define an upper ontology with generic concepts, whereas the domain concepts are not part of the language definition. These languages all use special-purpose knowledge engineering because as stated by Tom Gruber, "Every ontology is a treaty- a social agreement among people with common motive in sharing." There are always many competing and differing views that make any general purpose ontology impossible. A general purpose ontology would have to be applicable in any domain and different areas of knowledge need to be unified.[4] Gellish English is an example of an ontological language that includes a full engineering English Dictionary. There is a long history of work attempting to build good ontologies for a variety of task domains, including early work on an ontology for liquids,[5] the lumped element model widely used in representing electronic circuits (e.g.,[6]), as well as ontologies for time, belief, and even programming itself. Each of these offers a way to see some part of the world. The lumped element model, for instance, suggests that we think of circuits in terms of components with connections between them, with signals flowing instantaneously along the connections. This is a useful view, but not the only possible one. A different ontology arises if we need to attend to the electrodynamics in the device: Here signals propagate at finite speed and an object (like a resistor) that was previously viewed as a single component with an I/O behavior may now have to be thought of as an extended medium through which an electromagnetic wave flows. Ontologies can of course be written down in a wide variety of languages and notations (e.g., logic, LISP, etc.); the essential information is not the form of that language but the content, i.e., the set of concepts offered as a way of thinking about the world. Simply put, the important part is notions like connections and components, not whether we choose to write them as predicates or LISP constructs. The commitment we make by selecting one or another ontology can produce a sharply different view of the task at hand. Consider the difference that arises in selecting the lumped element view of a circuit rather than the electrodynamic view of the same device. As a second example, medical diagnosis viewed in terms of rules (e.g., MYCIN) looks substantially different from the same task viewed in terms of frames (e.g., INTERNIST). Where MYCIN sees the medical world as made up of empirical associations connecting symptom to disease, INTERNIST sees a set of prototypes, in particular prototypical diseases, to be matched against the case at hand. Commitment begins with the earliest choices The INTERNIST example also demonstrates that there is significant and unavoidable ontological commitment even at the level of the familiar representation technologies. Logic, rules, frames, etc., each embody a viewpoint on the kinds of things that are important in the world. Logic, for instance, involves a (fairly minimal) commitment to viewing the world in terms of individual entities and relations between them. Rule-based systems view the world in terms of attribute-object-value triples and the rules of plausible inference that connect them, while frames have us thinking in terms of prototypical objects. Each of these thus supplies its own view of what is important to attend to, and each suggests, conversely, that anything not easily seen in those terms may be ignored. This is of course not guaranteed to be correct, since anything ignored may later prove to be relevant. But the task is hopeless in principleevery representation ignores something about the worldhence the best we can do is start with a good guess. The existing representation technologies supply one set of guesses about what to attend to and what to ignore. Selecting any of them thus involves a degree of ontological commitment: the selection will have a significant impact on our perception of and approach to the task, and on our perception of the world being modeled.
Knowledge representation and reasoning Commitments accumulate in layers The ontologic commitment of a representation thus begins at the level of the representation technologies and accumulates from there. Additional layers of commitment are made as we put the technology to work. The use of frame-like structures in INTERNIST offers an illustrative example. At the most fundamental level, the decision to view diagnosis in terms of frames suggests thinking in terms of prototypes, defaults, and a taxonomic hierarchy. But prototypes of what, and how shall the taxonomy be organized? An early description of the system second layer of commitment:
[7]
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shows how these questions were answered in the task at hand, supplying the
The knowledge base underlying the INTERNIST system is composed of two basic types of elements: disease entities and manifestations.... [It] also contains a...hierarchy of disease categories, organized primarily around the concept of organ systems, having at the top level such categories as "liver disease," "kidney disease," etc. The prototypes are thus intended to capture prototypical diseases (e.g., a "classic case" of a disease), and they will be organized in a taxonomy indexed around organ systems. This is a sensible and intuitive set of choices but clearly not the only way to apply frames to the task; hence it is another layer of ontological commitment. At the third (and in this case final) layer, this set of choices is instantiated: which diseases will be included and in which branches of the hierarchy will they appear? Ontologic questions that arise even at this level can be quite fundamental. Consider for example determining which of the following are to be considered diseases (i.e., abnormal states requiring cure): alcoholism, homosexuality, and chronic fatigue syndrome. The ontologic commitment here is sufficiently obvious and sufficiently important that it is often a subject of debate in the field itself, quite independent of building automated reasoners. Similar sorts of decisions have to be made with all the representation technologies, because each of them supplies only a first order guess about how to see the world: they offer a way of seeing but don't indicate how to instantiate that view. As frames suggest prototypes and taxonomies but do not tell us which things to select as prototypes, rules suggest thinking in terms of plausible inferences, but don't tell us which plausible inferences to attend to. Similarly logic tells us to view the world in terms of individuals and relations, but does not specify which individuals and relations to use. Commitment to a particular view of the world thus starts with the choice of a representation technology, and accumulates as subsequent choices are made about how to see the world in those terms. KR is not a data structure At each layer, even the first (e.g., selecting rules or frames), the choices being made are about representation, not data structures. Part of what makes a language representational is that it carries meaning,[8] i.e., there is a correspondence between its constructs and things in the external world. That correspondence in turn carries with it constraint. A semantic net, for example, is a representation, while a graph is a data structure. They are different kinds of entities, even though one is invariably used to implement the other, precisely because the net has (should have) a semantics. That semantics will be manifest in part because it constrains the network topology: a network purporting to describe family memberships as we know them cannot have a cycle in its parent links, while graphs (i.e., data structures) are of course under no such constraint and may have arbitrary cycles. While every representation must be implemented in the machine by some data structure, the representational property is in the correspondence to something in the world and in the constraint that
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Links and structures

While hyperlinks have come into widespread use, the closely related semantic link is not yet widely used. The mathematical table has been used since Babylonian times. More recently, these tables have been used to represent the outcomes of logic operations, such as truth tables, which were used to study and model Boolean logic, for example. Spreadsheets are yet another tabular representation of knowledge. Other knowledge representations are trees, graphs and hypergraphs, by means of which the connections among fundamental concepts and derivative concepts can be shown. Visual representations are relatively new in the field of knowledge management but give the user a way to visualise how one thought or idea is connected to other ideas enabling the possibility of moving from one thought to another in order to locate required information.
Notation
The recent fashion in knowledge representation languages is to use XML as the low-level syntax. This tends to make the output of these KR languages easy for machines to parse, at the expense of human readability and often space-efficiency. First-order predicate calculus is commonly used as a mathematical basis for these systems, to avoid excessive complexity. However, even simple systems based on this simple logic can be used to represent data that is well beyond the processing capability of current computer systems: see computability for reasons. Examples of notations: DATR is an example for representing lexical knowledge RDF is a simple notation for representing relationships between and among objects
Storage and manipulation

One problem in knowledge representation is how to store and manipulate knowledge in an information system in a formal way so that it may be used by mechanisms to accomplish a given task. Examples of applications are expert systems, machine translation systems, computer-aided maintenance systems and information retrieval systems (including database front-ends). Semantic networks may be used to represent knowledge. Each node represents a concept and arcs are used to define relations between the concepts. The Conceptual graph model is probably the oldest model still alive. One of the most expressive and comprehensively described knowledge representation paradigms along the lines of semantic networks is MultiNet (an acronym for Multilayered Extended Semantic Networks). From the 1960s, the knowledge frame or just frame has been used. Each frame has its own name and a set of attributes, or slots which contain values; for instance, the frame for house might contain a color slot, number of floors slot, etc. Using frames for expert systems is an application of object-oriented programming, with inheritance of features described by the "is-a" link. However, there has been no small amount of inconsistency in the usage of the "is-a" link: Ronald J. Brachman wrote a paper titled "What IS-A is and isn't", wherein 29 different semantics were found in projects whose knowledge representation schemes involved an "is-a" link. Other links include the "part-of" link. Frame structures are well-suited for the representation of schematic knowledge and stereotypical cognitive patterns. The elements of such schematic patterns are weighted unequally, attributing higher weights to the more typical elements of a schema [9]. A pattern is activated by certain expectations: If a person sees a big bird, he or she will classify it rather as a sea eagle than a golden eagle, assuming that his or her "sea-scheme" is currently activated and his "land-scheme" is not. Frame representations are object-centered in the same sense as semantic networks are: All the facts and properties connected with a concept are located in one place - there is no need for costly search processes in the database.
Knowledge representation and reasoning A behavioral script is a type of frame that describes what happens temporally; the usual example given is that of describing going to a restaurant. The steps include waiting to be seated, receiving a menu, ordering, etc. The different solutions can be arranged in a so-called semantic spectrum with respect to their semantic expressivity.
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References
[1] "Knowledge representation in RDF/XML, KIF, Frame-CG and Formalized-English" (http:/ / www. webkb. org/ doc/ papers/ iccs02/ iswc02. pdf), Philippe Martin, Distributed System Technology Centre, QLD, Australia, July 1519, 2002 [2] Enabling knowledge representation on the Web by extending RDF Schema, Jeen Broekstraa, Michel Klein, Stefan Decker, Dieter Fensel, Frank van Harmelen and Ian Horrocks, April 16, 2002 [3] Timeline: A Brief History of Artificial Intelligence (http:/ / www. aaai. org/ AITopics/ pmwiki/ pmwiki. php/ AITopics/ BriefHistory), AAAI [4] Russell, Stuart J.; Norvig, Peter (2010), Artificial Intelligence: A Modern Approach (3rd ed.), Upper Saddle River, New Jersey: Prentice Hall, ISBN 0-13-604259-7, p. 437-439 [5] Hayes P, Naive physics I: Ontology for liquids. University of Essex report, 1978, Essex, UK. [6] Davis R, Shrobe H E, Representing Structure and Behavior of Digital Hardware, IEEE Computer, Special Issue on Knowledge Representation, 16(10):75-82. [7] Pople H, Heuristic methods for imposing structure on ill-structured problems, in AI in Medicine, Szolovits (ed.), AAAS Symposium 51, Boulder: Westview Press. [8] Hayes P, The Logic of Frames, reprinted in Readings in Knowledge Representation, pp. 288-295. [9] http:/ / moodle. ed. uiuc. edu/ wiked/ index. php/ Schemas
Further reading
Ronald J. Brachman; What IS-A is and isn't. An Analysis of Taxonomic Links in Semantic Networks (http:// citeseer.nj.nec.com/context/177306/0); IEEE Computer, 16 (10); October 1983 Ronald J. Brachman, Hector J. Levesque Knowledge Representation and Reasoning, Morgan Kaufmann, 2004 ISBN 978-1-55860-932-7 Ronald J. Brachman, Hector J. Levesque (eds) Readings in Knowledge Representation, Morgan Kaufmann, 1985, ISBN 0-934613-01-X Chein, M., Mugnier, M.-L. (2009), Graph-based Knowledge Representation: Computational Foundations of Conceptual Graphs (http://www.lirmm.fr/gbkrbook/), Springer, 2009,ISBN 978-1-84800-285-2. Randall Davis, Howard Shrobe, and Peter Szolovits; What Is a Knowledge Representation? (http://citeseer.ist. psu.edu/davis93what.html) AI Magazine, 14(1):17-33,1993 Ronald Fagin, Joseph Y. Halpern, Yoram Moses, Moshe Y. Vardi Reasoning About Knowledge, MIT Press, 1995, ISBN 0-262-06162-7 Jean-Luc Hainaut, Jean-Marc Hick, Vincent Englebert, Jean Henrard, Didier Roland: Understanding Implementations of IS-A Relations (http://www.informatik.uni-trier.de/~ley/db/conf/er/HainautHEHR96. html). ER 1996: 42-57 Hermann Helbig: Knowledge Representation and the Semantics of Natural Language, Springer, Berlin, Heidelberg, New York 2006 Arthur B. Markman: Knowledge Representation Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 1998 John F. Sowa: Knowledge Representation: Logical, Philosophical, and Computational Foundations. Brooks/Cole: New York, 2000 Adrian Walker, Michael McCord, John F. Sowa, and Walter G. Wilson: Knowledge Systems and Prolog, Second Edition, Addison-Wesley, 1990 Erik Cambria and Amir Hussain: Sentic Computing: Techniques, Tools, and Applications (http://dx.doi.org/ 10.1007/978-94-007-5070-8). Dordrecht, Netherlands: Springer, ISBN: 978-94-007-5069-2, 2012
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External links
What is a Knowledge Representation? (http://medg.lcs.mit.edu/ftp/psz/k-rep.html) by Randall Davis and others Introduction to Knowledge Modeling (http://www.makhfi.com/KCM_intro.htm) by Pejman Makhfi Introduction to Description Logics course (http://www.inf.unibz.it/~franconi/dl/course/) by Enrico Franconi, Faculty of Computer Science, Free University of Bolzano, Italy DATR Lexical knowledge representation language (http://www.ccl.kuleuven.ac.be/LKR/html/datr.html) Loom Project Home Page (http://www.isi.edu/isd/LOOM/LOOM-HOME.html) Description Logic in Practice: A CLASSIC Application (http://www.research.att.com/sw/tools/classic/tm/ ijcai-95-with-scenario.html) The Rule Markup Initiative (http://www.dfki.uni-kl.de/ruleml/) Schemas (http://moodle.ed.uiuc.edu/wiked/index.php/Schemas)Wikipedia:Link rot Nelements KOS (http://nelements.org) - a non-free 3d knowledge representation system
Domain of discourse
In the formal sciences, the domain of discourse, also called the universe of discourse (or simply universe), is the set of entities over which certain variables of interest in some formal treatment may range. The domain of discourse is usually identified in the preliminaries, so that there is no need in the further treatment to specify each time the range of the relevant variables.[1] For example, in an interpretation of first-order logic, the domain of discourse is the set of individuals that the quantifiers range over. In one interpretation, the domain of discourse could be the set of real numbers; in another interpretation, it could be the set of natural numbers. If no domain of discourse has been identified, a proposition such as x (x2 2) is ambiguous. If the domain of discourse is the set of real numbers, the proposition is false, with x = 2 as counterexample; if the domain is the set of naturals, the proposition is true, since 2 is not the square of any natural number. The term universe of discourse generally refers to the collection of objects being discussed in a specific discourse. In model-theoretical semantics, a universe of discourse is the set of entities that a model is based on. The term universe of discourse is generally attributed to Augustus DeMorgan (1846) and was also used by George Boole (1854) in his Laws of Thought. A database is a model of some aspect of the reality of an organisation. It is conventional to call this reality the "universe of discourse" or "domain of discourse".[citation needed]
References
[1] Corcoran, John. Universe of discourse. Cambridge Dictionary of Philosophy, Cambridge University Press, 1995, p. 941.
Community of practice
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Part of a series on
Community
Concepts

Sense of community Social capital Perspectives
Community psychology Community studies Types
Community of interest Community of practice Community of place Development
Community development Community organizing See also
Outline Community portal WikiProject Community
A community of practice (CoP) is, according to cognitive anthropologists Jean Lave and Etienne Wenger, a group of people who share a craft and/or a profession. The group can evolve naturally because of the members' common interest in a particular domain or area, or it can be created specifically with the goal of gaining knowledge related to their field. It is through the process of sharing information and experiences with the group that the members learn from each other, and have an opportunity to develop themselves personally and professionally (Lave & Wenger 1991). CoPs can exist online, such as within discussion boards and newsgroups, or in real life, such as in a lunch room at work, in a field setting, on a factory floor, or elsewhere in the environment. Communities of practice are not new phenomena: this type of learning practice has existed for as long as people have been learning and sharing their experiences through storytelling. Jean Lave and Etienne Wenger coined the phrase in their 1991 book, 'Situated learning' (Lave & Wenger 1991), and Wenger then significantly expanded on the concept in his 1998 book, 'Communities of Practice' (Wenger 1998).
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Overview
Origin and development
Since the publication of "situated learning: legitimate peripheral participation" (Lave & Wenger 1991) in 1991, communities of practice have been the focus of attention, first as a theory of learning and later as part of the field of knowledge management. See (Hildreth & Kimble 2004) for a review of how the concept has changed over the years. Cox (2005) offers a more critical view of the different ways in which the term communities of practice can be interpreted. Early years To understand how learning occurs outside the classroom while at the Institute for Research on Learning, Lave and Wenger studied how newcomers or novices to informal groups become established members of those groups (Lave & Wenger 1991). Lave and Wenger first used the term communities of practice to describe learning through practice and participation, which they named situated learning. The structure of the community was created over time through a process of legitimate peripheral participation. Legitimation and participation together define the characteristic ways of belonging to a community whereas peripherality and participation are concerned with location and identity in the social world (Lave & Wenger 1991, p.29). Lave and Wenger's research looked at how apprenticeships help people learn. They found that when newcomers join an established group or community, they spend some time initially observing and perhaps performing simple tasks in basic roles as they learn how the group works and how they can participate (an apprentice electrician, for example would watch and learn before actually doing any electrical work; initially taking on small simple jobs and eventually more complicated ones). Lave and Wenger described this socialization process as legitimate peripheral participation. The term "community of practice" is that group that Lave and Wenger referred to, who share a common interest and a desire to learn from and contribute to the community with their variety of experiences (Lave & Wenger 1991). Later years In his later work (Wenger 1998), Wenger abandoned the concept of legitimate peripheral participation and used the idea of an inherent tension in a duality instead. He identifies four dualities that exist in communities of practice, participation-reification, designed-emergent, identification-negotiability and local-global, although the participation-reification duality has been the focus of particular interest because of its links to knowledge management. He describes the structure of a CoP as consisting of three interrelated terms: 'mutual engagement', 'joint enterprise' and 'shared repertoire' (Wenger 1998, pp.7273). Mutual Engagement: Firstly, through participation in the community, members establish norms and build collaborative relationships; this is termed mutual engagement. These relationships are the ties that bind the members of the community together as a social entity. Joint Enterprise: Secondly, through their interactions, they create a shared understanding of what binds them together; this is termed the joint enterprise. The joint enterprise is (re)negotiated by its members and is sometimes referred to as the 'domain' of the community. Shared Repertoire: Finally, as part of its practice, the community produces a set of communal resources, which is termed their shared repertoire; this is used in the pursuit of their joint enterprise and can include both literal and symbolic meanings.
Community of practice Present work For Etienne Wenger, learning is central to human identity. A primary focus of Wengers more recent work is on learning as social participation the individual as an active participant in the practices of social communities, and in the construction of his/her identity through these communities (Wenger et. al 2002). In this context, a community of practice is a group of individuals participating in communal activity, and experiencing/continuously creating their shared identity through engaging in and contributing to the practices of their communities. The structural characteristics of a community of practice are again redefined to a domain of knowledge, a notion of community and a practice (Wenger et. al & 2002 pp 27 - 29). Domain A domain of knowledge creates common ground, inspires members to participate, guides their learning and gives meaning to their actions. Community The notion of a community creates the social fabric for that learning. A strong community fosters interactions and encourages a willingness to share ideas. Practice While the domain provides the general area of interest for the community, the practice is the specific focus around which the community develops, shares and maintains its core of knowledge. In many organizations, communities of practice have become an integral part of the organization structure (McDermott & Archibald 2010). These communities take on knowledge stewarding tasks that were formerly covered by more formal organizational structures. In some organizations there are both formal and informal communities of practice. There is a great deal of interest within organizations to encourage, support, and sponsor communities of practice in order to benefit from shared knowledge that may lead to higher productivity (Wenger 2004). Communities of practice are now viewed by many in the business setting as a means to capturing the tacit knowledge, or the know-how that is not so easily articulated. An important aspect and function of communities of practice is increasing organization performance. Lesser & Storck (2001, p.836) identify four areas of organizational performance that can be affected by communities of practice: Decreasing the learning curve of new employees Responding more rapidly to customer needs and inquiries Reducing rework and preventing "reinvention of the wheel" Spawning new ideas for products and services
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Examples of communities of practice

The communities Lave and Wenger studied were naturally forming as practitioners of craft and skill-based activities met to share experiences and insights (Lave & Wenger 1991). Lave and Wenger observed situated learning within a community of practice among Yucatn midwives, native tailors, navy quartermasters and meat cutters (Lave & Wenger 1991) as well as insurance claims processors. (Wenger 1998). Other fields have made use of the concept of CoPs. Examples include education (Grossman 2001), sociolinguistics, material anthropology, second language acquisition (Kimble, Hildreth & Bourdon 2008), and child mental health practice (AMBIT). A famous example of a community of practice within an organization is that which developed around the Xerox customer service representatives who repaired the machines in the field (Brown & Duguid 2000). The Xerox reps began exchanging tips and tricks over informal meetings over breakfast or lunch and eventually Xerox saw the value of these interactions and created the Eureka project to allow these interactions to be shared across the global network
Community of practice of representatives. The Eureka database has been estimated to have saved the corporation $100 million.
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Communities of practice compared to functional or project teams

A project team differs from a community of practice in several significant ways (McDermott, 1999). A project team is driven by deliverables with shared goals, milestones and results. A project team meets to share and exchange information and experiences just as the community of practice does, but team membership is defined by task. A project team typically has designated members who remain consistent in their roles during the project. A project team is dissolved once its mission is accomplished. By contrast, A community of practice is often organically created, with as many objectives as members of that community. Community membership is defined by the knowledge of the members. CoP membership changes and members may take on new roles within the community as interests and needs arise. A community of practice can exist as long as the members believe they have something to contribute to it, or gain from it.
Communities of Practice versus Communities of Interest

In addition to the distinction between CoP and other types of organizational groupings found in the workplace, in some cases it is useful to differentiate CoP from Communities of Interest (CoI). Community of Interest A group of people interested in sharing information and discussing a particular topic that interests them. Members are not necessarily experts or practitioners of the topic around which the CoI has formed. The purpose of the CoI is to provide a place where people who share a common interest can go and exchange information, ask questions, and express their opinions about the topic. Membership in a CoI is not dependent upon expertise - one only needs to be interested in the subject. Community of Practice A CoP, in contrast, is a group of people who are active practitioners. CoP participation is not appropriate for non-practitioners. The purpose of a CoP, as discussed above, is to provide a way for practitioners to share tips and best practices, ask questions of their colleagues, and provide support for each other. Membership is dependent on expertise - one should have at least some recent experience performing in the role or subject area of the CoP. Example: Someone who is interested in photography and has some background/training in it finds an online CoP for working photojournalists, who use it to discuss various aspects of their work. Since this community is focused on working photojournalists, it would not be appropriate for an amateur photographer to contribute to the CoP discussions there. Depending on the CoPs structure non-CoP members may have access to reading the discussions and accessing other materials of the community.
Communities of practice and knowledge management

Wasko and Faraj (2000) describe three kinds of knowledge: "knowledge as object", "knowledge embedded within individuals", and "knowledge embedded in a community". Communities of Practice have become associated with finding, sharing, transferring, and archiving knowledge, as well as making explicit "expertise", or tacit knowledge. Tacit knowledge is considered to be those valuable context-based experiences that cannot easily be captured, codified and stored (Davenport & Prusak 2000), also (Hildreth & Kimble 2002).
Community of practice Because knowledge management is seen "primarily as a problem of capturing, organizing, and retrieving information, evoking notions of databases, documents, query languages, and data mining" (Thomas, Kellogg & Erickson 2001), the community of practice, collectively and individually, is considered a rich potential source of helpful information in the form of actual experiences; in other words, best practices. Thus, for knowledge management, a community of practice is one source of content and context that if codified, documented and archived can be accessed for later use.
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Benefit of community of practice

Social capital
Social capital is said to be a multi-dimensional concept, with both public and private facets Template:(Bourdieu, 1991). That is, social capital may provide value to both the individual and the group as a whole. Through informal connections that participants build in their community of practice, and in the process of sharing their expertise, learning from others, and participating in the group, members are said to be acquiring social capital - especially those members who demonstrate expertise and experience.
Factors of a successful community of practice

Individuals in communities of practice
Members of communities of practice are thought to be more efficient and effective conduits of information and experiences. While organizations tend to provide manuals to meet the training needs of their employees, CoP's help foster the process of storytelling among colleagues which, in turn, helps them strengthen their skills on the job. (Seely Brown & Duguid 1991) Studies have shown that workers spend a third of their time looking for information and are five times more likely to turn to a co-worker rather than an explicit source of information (book, manual, or database) (Davenport & Prusak 2000). Time is saved by conferring with members of a CoP. Members of the community have tacit knowledge, which can be difficult to store and retrieve outside. For example, one person can share the best way to handle a situation based on his experiences, which may enable the other person to avoid mistakes and shorten the learning curve. In a CoP, members can openly discuss and brainstorm about a project, which can lead to new capabilities. The type of information that is shared and learned in a CoP is boundless (Dalkir 2005). Duguid (2005) clarifies the difference between tacit knowledge, or knowing how, and explicit knowledge, or knowing what. Performing optimally in a job requires being able to convert theory into practice. Communities of practice help the individual bridge the gap between knowing what and knowing how. (Duguid 2005) As members of communities of practice, individuals report increased communication with people (professionals, interested parties, hobbyists), less dependence on geographic proximity, and the generation of new knowledge. (Ardichvilli, Page & Wentling 2003) Social presence Communicating with others in a community of practice involves creating social presence. Tu (2002) defines social presence as "the degree of salience of another person in an interaction and the consequent salience of an interpersonal relationship" (p.38). It is believed that social presence affects how likely an individual is of participating in a COP (especially in online environments). (Tu 2002) Management of a community of practice often faces many barriers that inhibit individuals from engaging in knowledge exchange. Some of the reasons for these barriers are egos and personal attacks, large overwhelming COP's, and time constraints (Wasko & Faraj 2000)
Community of practice Motivation Motivation to share knowledge is critical to success in communities of practice. Studies show that members are motivated to become active participants in a CoP when they view knowledge as meant for the public good, a moral obligation and/or as a community interest (Ardichvilli, Page & Wentling 2003). Members of a community of practice can also be motivated to participate by using methods such as tangible returns (promotion, raises or bonuses), intangible returns (reputation, self-esteem) and community interest (exchange of practice related knowledge, interaction). Collaboration Collaboration is essential to ensuring that communities of practice thrive. Research has found that certain factors can indicate a higher level of collaboration in knowledge exchange in a business network (Sveiby & Simon 2002). Sveiby and Simons found that more seasoned colleagues tend to foster a more collaborative culture. Additionally they noted that a higher educational level also predicts a tendency to favor collaboration.
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Actions to cultivate a successful community of practice

What makes a community of practice succeed depends on the purpose and objective of the community as well as the interests and resources of the members of that community. Wenger identified seven actions that could be taken in order to cultivate communities of practice: 1. Design the community to evolve naturally - Because the nature of a Community of Practice is dynamic, in that the interests, goals, and members are subject to change, CoP forums should be designed to support shifts in focus. 2. Create opportunities for open dialog within and with outside perspectives - While the members and their knowledge are the CoP's most valuable resource, it is also beneficial to look outside of the CoP to understand the different possibilities for achieving their learning goals. 3. Welcome and allow different levels of participation - Wenger identifies 3 main levels of participation. 1) The core group who participate intensely in the community through discussions and projects. This group typically takes on leadership roles in guiding the group 2) The active group who attend and participate regularly, but not to the level of the leaders. 3) The peripheral group who, while they are passive participants in the community, still learn from their level of involvement. Wenger notes the third group typically represents the majority of the community. 4. Develop both public and private community spaces - While CoP's typically operate in public spaces where all members share, discuss and explore ideas, they should also offer private exchanges. Different members of the CoP could coordinate relationships among members and resources in an individualized approach based on specific needs. 5. Focus on the value of the community - CoP's should create opportunities for participants to explicitly discuss the value and productivity of their participation in the group. 6. Combine familiarity and excitement - CoP's should offer the expected learning opportunities as part of their structure, and opportunities for members to shape their learning experience together by brainstorming and examining the conventional and radical wisdom related to their topic. 7. Find and nurture a regular rhythm for the community - CoP's should coordinate a thriving cycle of activities and events that allow for the members to regularly meet, reflect, and evolve. The rhythm, or pace, should maintain an anticipated level of engagement to sustain the vibrancy of the community, yet not be so fast-paced that it becomes unwieldy and overwhelming in its intensity. (Wenger, McDermott & Snyder 2002)
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References
Dalton, R.A (2011). Knowledge Transfer for the Military Leader [1]. pp.Chapter 5. Ardichvilli, Alexander; Page, Vaughn; Wentling, Tim (2003). "Motivation and barriers to participation in virtual knowledge sharing in communities of practice". Journal of knowledge management 7 (1): 6477. doi:10.1108/13673270310463626 [2]. Cox, Andrew (2005). "What are communities of practice? A comparative review of four seminal works.". Journal of Information Science 31 (6): 527540. doi:10.1177/0165551505057016 [3]. Brown, John Seely; Duguid, Paul (2000). "Balancing act: How to capture knowledge without killing it" [4]. Harvard Business Review. Dalkir, K. (2005). Knowledge Management in Theory and Practice. Burlington: Elsevier Butterworth-Heinemann. ISBN0-7506-7864-X. Davenport, Thomas H.; Prusak, Lawrence (2000). Working knowledge. How organizations manage what they know, 2nd Edition. Cambridge, MA: Harvard Business School Press. ISBN1-57851-301-4. Duguid, Paul (2005). "The Art of Knowing: Social and Tacit Dimensions of Knowledge and the Limits of the Community of Practice". The Information Society (Taylor & Francis Inc.): 109118. Grossman, P. (2001). Toward a theory of teacher community. 103, 9421012.: Teachers College Record,. ISBN0-7506-7864-X. Hildreth, Paul; Kimble, Chris (2002). "The duality of knowledge" [5]. Information Research 8 (1). Hildreth, Paul; Kimble, Chris (2004). Knowledge Networks: Innovation through Communities of Practice [6]. London / Hershey: Idea Group Inc. ISBN1-59140-200-X. Kimble, Chris; Hildreth, Paul; Bourdon, Isabelle (2008). Communities of Practice: Creating Learning Environments for Educators [7]. Information Age Publishing. ISBN1-59311-863-5. Lave, Jean; Wenger, Etienne (1991). Situated Learning: Legitimate Peripheral Participation [8]. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN0-521-42374-0.; first published in 1990 as Institute for Research on Learning report 90-0013 Lesser, L.E.; Storck, J. (2001). Communities of Practice and organizational performance [9] 40 (4). IBM Systems Journal. McDermott, Richard; Archibald, Douglas (2010). Harnessing Your Staff's Informal Networks [10] 88 (3). Harvard Business Review. Polyani, Michael; Sen, Amartya (2009). The Tacit Dimension. University Of Chicago Press; Reissue edition. ISBN0-226-67298-0. Putnam, Robert (2001). "Social Capital: Measurement and Consequences". ISUMA (spring): 4151. Seely Brown, John; Duguid, Paul (1991). "Organizational learning and communities-of-practice: Toward a unified view of working, learning and innovation". Organization Science 2 (1). JSTOR2634938 [11]. Sveiby, Karl-Erik; Simon, Roland (2002). "Collaborative climate and effectiveness of knowledge work - an empirical study" [12]. Journal of Knowledge Management 6 (5): 420433. doi:10.1108/13673270210450388 [13]. ISSN1367-3270 [14]. Thomas, J.C.; Kellogg, W.A; Erickson, T. (2001). "The knowledge management puzzle: Human and social factors in knowledge management" [15]. IBM Systems Journal 40 (4): 863884. doi:10.1147/sj.404.0863 [16]. Tu, Chih-Hsiung (2002). "The management of social presence in an online learning environment". International Journal on E-learning. AprilJune: 3445. Wasko, M.; Faraj, S. (2000). ""It is what one does": why people participate and help others in electronic communities of practice". Journal of Strategic Information Systems 9 (2-3): 155173. doi:10.1016/S0963-8687(00)00045-7 [17]. Wenger, Etienne (1998). Communities of Practice: Learning, Meaning, and Identity [18]. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN978-0-521-66363-2.
Community of practice Wenger, Etienne; McDermott, Richard; Snyder, William M. (2002). Cultivating Communities of Practice (Hardcover) [19]. Harvard Business Press; 1 edition. ISBN978-1-57851-330-7.
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Further reading
Barton, T & Tursting, K (2005). Beyond Communities of Practice: Language Power and Social Context. Cambridge University Press. ISBN978-0-521-83643-2. Chua, Alton (October 2002). "Book Review: Cultivating Communities of Practice * Bourdieu, P. (1991). Language and symbolic power. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press." [20]. Journal of Knowledge Management Practice. Duguid, Paul (2005). The Art of Knowing: Social and Tacit Dimensions of Knowledge and the Limits of the Community of Practice, University of California Duguid, Paul (2005). The information Society 21. Taylor & Francis Inc. pp.109118. Gannon-Leary, P.M. & Fontainha, E. "Communities of Practice and virtual learning communities: benefits, barriers and success factors" [21] ELearning Papers 26 Sept 2007 [Accessed Nov 2007] Lesser, E.L., Fontaine, M.A. & Slusher J.A., Knowledge and Communities, Butterworth-Heinemann, 2000 Nonaka, Ikujiro (1991). "The knowledge creating company" [22]. Harvard Business Review 69 (6 Nov-Dec): 96104. Roberts, Joanne (2006). "Limits to Communities of Practice" [23]. Journal of Management Studies (Wiley-Blackwell.) 43 (3): 623639. Saint-Onge, H & Wallace, D, Leveraging Communities of Practice, Butterworth Heinemann, 2003. Smith, M.K. (2003). "Communities of practice" [24]. The Encyclopedia of Informal Education. van Winkelen, Christine. "Inter-Organizational Communities of Practice" [25].
External links
Etienne Wenger: Communities of practice: a brief introduction [26] A Workshop on Accounting Education as part of a Community of Practice at the World Bank [27] Implementing Best Practices (IBP) Knowledge Gateway [28]: a tool for virtual Communities of Practice. Communities of Practice in Agricultural domain [29], supported by FAO.
References
[1] http:/ / rdalton. biz/ [2] http:/ / dx. doi. org/ 10. 1108%2F13673270310463626 [3] http:/ / dx. doi. org/ 10. 1177%2F0165551505057016 [4] http:/ / lymabe. edublogs. org/ files/ 2007/ 04/ balancing-act. doc [5] http:/ / informationr. net/ ir/ 8-1/ paper142. html [6] http:/ / www. chris-kimble. com/ KNICOP/ Chapters/ Introduction. html [7] http:/ / www. chris-kimble. com/ CLEE/ ToC. html [8] http:/ / books. google. com/ ?id=CAVIOrW3vYAC [9] http:/ / www. providersedge. com/ docs/ km_articles/ CoP_and_Organizational_Performance. pdf [10] http:/ / hbr. org/ 2010/ 03/ harnessing-your-staffs-informal-networks/ ar/ 1 [11] http:/ / www. jstor. org/ stable/ 2634938 [12] http:/ / www. thestep. gr/ trainmor/ dat/ %7B79fa8960-b459-4522-9166-adcb853b6322%7D/ article. pdf [13] http:/ / dx. doi. org/ 10. 1108%2F13673270210450388 [14] http:/ / www. worldcat. org/ issn/ 1367-3270 [15] http:/ / alumni. media. mit. edu/ ~brooks/ storybiz/ thomas. pdf [16] http:/ / dx. doi. org/ 10. 1147%2Fsj. 404. 0863 [17] http:/ / dx. doi. org/ 10. 1016%2FS0963-8687%2800%2900045-7 [18] http:/ / books. google. com/ ?id=heBZpgYUKdAC& dq=Communities+ of+ Practice:+ Learning,+ Meaning,+ and+ Identity& printsec=frontcover& q= [19] http:/ / books. google. com/ ?id=m1xZuNq9RygC& dq=cultivating+ communities+ of+ practice& printsec=frontcover& q=
[20] http:/ / www. tlainc. com/ articl45. htm [21] http:/ / www. elearningpapers. eu/ index. php?page=doc& vol=5& doc_id=10219& doclng=6 [22] http:/ / hbr. harvardbusiness. org/ 2007/ 07/ the-knowledge-creating-company/ es [23] http:/ / onlinelibrary. wiley. com/ doi/ 10. 1111/ j. 1467-6486. 2006. 00618. x/ abstract [24] http:/ / www. infed. org/ biblio/ communities_of_practice. htm [25] http:/ / www. elearningeuropa. info/ doc. php?id=1483& lng=1& doclng=1 [26] http:/ / www. ewenger. com/ theory/ index. htm [27] http:/ / web. worldbank. org/ WBSITE/ EXTERNAL/ COUNTRIES/ ECAEXT/ EXTCENFINREPREF/ 0,,contentMDK:22545734~pagePK:64168445~piPK:64168309~theSitePK:4152118,00. html [28] http:/ / my. ibpinitiative. org/ [29] http:/ / www. fao. org/ knowledge/ networksandcommunities/ knbrowse/ en/
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Intertextuality
Intertextuality is the shaping of a text meaning by another text. Intertextual figures include: allusion, quotation, calque, plagiarism, translation, pastiche and parody.[1][2][3] An example of intertextuality is an authors borrowing and transformation of a prior text or to a readers referencing of one text in reading another. The term intertextuality has, itself, been borrowed and transformed many times since it was coined by poststructuralist Julia Kristeva in 1966. As philosopher William Irwin wrote, the term has come to have almost as many meanings as users, from those faithful to Kristevas original vision to those who simply use it as a stylish way of talking about allusion and influence.[4]
Intertextuality and poststructuralism

Kristevas coinage of intertextuality represents an attempt to synthesize Ferdinand de Saussures semioticshis study of how signs derive their meaning within the structure of a textwith Bakhtins dialogismhis examination of the multiple meanings, or heteroglossia, in each text (especially novels) and in each word.[5] For Kristeva,[6] the notion of intertextuality replaces the notion of intersubjectivity when we realize that meaning is not transferred directly from writer to reader but instead is mediated through, or filtered by, codes imparted to the writer and reader by other texts. For example, when we read James Joyces Ulysses we decode it as a modernist literary experiment, or as a response to the epic tradition, or as part of some other conversation, or as part of all of these conversations at once. This intertextual view of literature, as shown by Roland Barthes, supports the concept that the meaning of a text does not reside in the text, but is produced by the reader in relation not only to the text in question, but also the complex network of texts invoked in the reading process. More recent post-structuralist theory, such as that formulated in Daniela Caselli's Beckett's Dantes: Intertextuality in the Fiction and Criticism (MUP 2005), re-examines "intertextuality" as a production within texts, rather than as a series of relationships between different texts. Some postmodern theorists [7] like to talk about the relationship between "intertextuality" and "hypertextuality"; intertextuality makes each text a "living hell of hell on earth" [8] and part of a larger mosaic of texts, just as each hypertext can be a web of links and part of the whole World-Wide Web. Indeed, the World-Wide Web has been theorized as a unique realm of reciprocal intertextuality, in which no particular text can claim centrality, yet the Web text eventually produces an image of a community--the group of people who write and read the text using specific discursive strategies. One can also make distinctions between the notions of "intertext", "hypertext" and "supertext". Take for example the Dictionary of the Khazars by Milorad Pavi. As an intertext it employs quotations from the scriptures of the Abrahamic religions. As a hypertext it consists of links to different articles within itself and also every individual trajectory of reading it. As a supertext it combines male and female versions of itself, as well as three mini-dictionaries in each of the versions.
Intertextuality
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Competing terms
Some critics have complained that the ubiquity of the term "intertextuality" in postmodern criticism has crowded out related terms and important nuances. Irwin (227) laments that intertextuality has eclipsed allusion as an object of literary study while lacking the latter term's clear definition.[9] Linda Hutcheon argues that excessive interest in intertextuality rejects the role of the author, because intertextuality can be found "in the eye of the beholder" and does not entail a communicator's intentions. By contrast, in A Theory of Parody Hutcheon notes parody always features an author who actively encodes a text as an imitation with critical difference.[10] However, there have also been attempts at more closely defining different types of intertextuality. The Australian media scholar John Fiske has made a distinction between what he labels 'vertical' and 'horizontal' intertextuality. Horizontal intertextuality denotes references that are on the 'same level' i.e. when books make references to other books, whereas vertical intertextuality is found when, say, a book makes a reference to film or song or vice versa.[citation needed] Similarly, Linguist Norman Fairclough distinguishes between 'manifest intertextuality' and 'constitutive intertextuality.'[11] The former signifies intertextual elements such as presupposition, negation, parody, irony, etc. The latter signifies the interrelationship of discursive features in a text, such as structure, form, or genre. Constitutive Intertextuality is also referred to interdiscursivity,[12] though, generally interdiscursivity refers to relations between larger formations of texts.
Examples and history

While the theoretical concept of intertextuality is associated with post-modernism, the device itself is not new. New Testament passages quote from the Old Testament and Old Testament books such as Deuteronomy or the prophets refer to the events described in Exodus (though on using 'intertextuality' to describe the use of the Old Testament in the New Testament, see Porter 1997). Whereas a redaction critic would use such intertextuality to argue for a particular order and process of the authorship of the books in question, literary criticism takes a synchronic view that deals with the texts in their final form, as an interconnected body of literature. This interconnected body extends to later poems and paintings that refer to Biblical narratives, just as other texts build networks around Greek and Roman Classical history and mythology. Bullfinch's 1855 work The Age Of Fable served as an introduction to such an intertextual network;[citation needed] according to its author, it was intended "...for the reader of English literature, of either sex, who wishes to comprehend the allusions so frequently made by public speakers, lecturers, essayists, and poets...".
James Joyce's 1922 novel Ulysses bears an intertextual relationship to Homer's Odyssey.
Even the nomenclature "new" and "old" (testament) reframes the real context that the Jewish Torah had been usurped by followers of a new faith wishing to co-opt the original one. Sometimes intertextuality is taken as plagiarism as in the case of Spanish writer Luca Etxebarria whose poem collection Estacin de infierno (2001) was found to contain metaphors and verses from Antonio Colinas. Etxebarria claimed that she admired him and applied intertextuality.[citation needed] Some examples of intertextuality in literature include: East of Eden (1952) by John Steinbeck: A retelling of the story of Genesis, set in the Salinas Valley of Northern California. Ulysses (1922) by James Joyce: A retelling of Homer's Odyssey, set in Dublin. The Dead Fathers Club (2006) by Matt Haig: A retelling of Shakespeare's Hamlet, set in modern England. A Thousand Acres (1991) by Jane Smiley: A retelling of Shakespeare's King Lear, set in rural Iowa.
Intertextuality Perelandra (1943) by C. S. Lewis: Another retelling of the story of Genesis, also leaning on Milton's Paradise Lost, but set on the planet Venus. Wide Sargasso Sea (1966) by Jean Rhys: A textual intervention on Charlotte Bront's Jane Eyre, the story of the "mad women in the attic" told from her perspective. The Legend of Bagger Vance (1996) by Steven Pressfield: A retelling of the Bhagavad Gita, set in 1931 during an epic golf game. Tortilla Flat (1935) by John Steinbeck: A retelling of the Arthurian legends, set in Monterey, CA during the interwar period. Mourning Becomes Electra (1931) by Eugene O'Neill: A retelling of Aeschylus' The Oresteia, set in the post-American Civil War South.
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References
[1] Gerard Genette (1997) Paratexts p.18 (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=AmWhQzemk2EC& pg=PR18) [2] Hallo, William W. (2010) The World's Oldest Literature: Studies in Sumerian Belles-Lettres p.608 (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=WjNqb1G88b0C& pg=PA608) [3] Cancogni, Annapaola (1985) The Mirage in the Mirror: Nabokov's Ada and Its French Pre-Texts (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=XLOwAAAAIAAJ) pp.203-213 [4] Irwin,2, October 2004, pp. 227242, 228. [5] Irwin, 228. [6] Kristeva, Julia. Desire in Language: A Semiotic Approach to Literature and Art. New York: Columbia University Press, 1980, p. 69. [7] Gerard Genette, Palimpsests: literature in the second degree, Channa Newman and Claude Doubinsky (trans.), University of Nebraska Press, Lincoln NE and London. [8] Kristeva, 66. [9] Irwin, 227. [10] Hutcheon, Linda. A Theory of Parody: The Teachings of Twentieth-Century Art Forms. New York: Methuen, 1985. [11] Fairclough, Norman (1992). Discourse and Social Change. Cambridge: Polity Press, 117. [12] Agger, Gunhild Intertextuality Revisited: Dialogues and Negotiations in Media Studies. Canadian Journal of Aesthetics, 4, 1999.
Works cited
Agger, Gunhild Intertextuality Revisited: Dialogues and Negotiations in Media Studies. Canadian Journal of Aesthetics, 4, 1999. Griffig, Thomas. Intertextualitt in linguistischen Fachaufstzen des Englischen und Deutschen (Intertextuality in English and German Linguistic Research Articles). Frankfurt a.M. et al.: Lang, 2006. Hutcheon, Linda. A Theory of Parody: The Teachings of Twentieth-Century Art Forms. New York: Methuen, 1985. Irwin, William. ''Against Intertextuality''. Philosophy and Literature, v28, Number 2, October 2004, pp.227242. Kristeva, Julia. Desire in Language: A Semiotic Approach to Literature and Art. New York: Columbia University Press, 1980. Pasco, Allan H. Allusion: A Literary Graft. 1994. Charlottesville: Rookwood Press, 2002. Porter, Stanley E. "The Use of the Old Testament in the New Testament: A Brief Comment on Method and Terminology." In Early Christian Interpretation of the Scriptures of Israel: Investigations and Proposals (eds. C. A. Evans and J. A. Sanders; JSNTSup 14; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1997), 79-96.
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Intersubjectivity
Intersubjectivity is a key term used in philosophy, psychology, sociology, and anthropology to conceptualize the psychological relation between people. It is usually used in contrast to solipsistic individual experience, emphasizing our inherently social being.
Definition
The term has been defined in at least three ways:[1] 1. First, in its weakest sense intersubjectivity refers to agreement. There is intersubjectivity between people if they agree on a given set of meanings or a definition of the situation. For example, Thomas Scheff defines intersubjectivity as "the sharing of subjective states by two or more individuals."[2] 2. Second, and more subtly intersubjectivity refers to the "common-sense," shared meanings constructed by people in their interactions with each other and used as an everyday resource to interpret the meaning of elements of social and cultural life. If people share common sense, then they share a definition of the situation.[3] 3. Third, the term has been used to refer to shared (or partially shared) divergences of meaning. Self-presentation, lying, practical jokes, and social emotions, for example, all entail not a shared definition of the situation, but partially shared divergences of meaning. Someone who is telling a lie is engaged in an intersubjective act because they are working with two different definitions of the situation. Lying is thus genuinely inter-subjective (in the sense of operating between two subjective definitions of reality). Intersubjectivity emphasizes that shared cognition and consensus is essential in the shaping of our ideas and relations. Language, quintessentially, is viewed as communal rather than private. Therefore, it is problematic to view the individual as partaking in a private world, one which has a meaning defined apart from any other subjects. But in our shared divergence from a commonly understood experience, these private worlds of semi-solipsism naturally emerge. Intersubjectivity can also be understood as the process of psychological energy moving between two or more subjects. In a room where someone is lying on their deathbed, for example, the room can appear to be enveloped in a shroud of gloom for other people interacting with the dying person. The psychological weight of one subject comes to bear on the minds of others depending on how they react to it, thereby creating an intersubjective experience that, without multiple consciousnesses interacting with each other, would be otherwise strictly solitary. Love is a prime example of intersubjectivity that implies a shared feeling of care and affection, among others.
In psychoanalysis
Intersubjectivity is an important concept in modern schools of psychoanalysis, where it has found application to the theory of the interrelations between analyst and analysand. Adopting an intersubjective perspective in psychoanalysis means, above all, to give up what Robert Stolorow and George E. Atwood define as "the myth of isolated mind."[4] In Stolorow, Atwood, and Orange's "intersubjective-systems theory," "intersubjective" refers not to the sharing of subjective states but to the constitution of psychological systems or fields in the interplay of differently organized experiential worlds. In their view, emotional experience always takes form within such intersubjective systems. Among the early authors who explored this conception in psychoanalysis, in an explicit or implicit way, were Heinz Kohut, Robert Stolorow, George E. Atwood, Jessica Benjamin in the United States and Silvia Montefoschi in Italy. Since the late 1980s, a direction in psychoanalysis often referred to as relational psychoanalysis or just relational theory has developed. A central person figure in the theory is Daniel Stern. Empirically, the intersubjective school is inspired by research on the non-verbal communication of infants, young children, and their parents.[5] A central question is how relational issues are communicated at a very fast pace in a non-verbal fashion. Scholars also stress
Intersubjectivity the importance of real relationships between two equivalent partners. The journal Psychoanalytic Dialogues is devoted to relational psychoanalysis.
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In philosophy
Intersubjectivity is a major topic in philosophy. The duality of self and other has long been contemplated by philosophers, and what it means to have an intersubjective experience, and what sort of lessons can be drawn from them. Ethics, for example, deals with how one should act and what one owes in an intersubjective experience where there is an identifiable other.
Phenomenology
In phenomenology, intersubjectivity performs many functions. It allows empathy, which in phenomenology involves experiencing another person as a subject rather than just as an object among objects. In so doing, one experiences oneself as seen by the Other, and the world in general as a shared world instead of one only available to oneself. Early studies on the phenomenology of intersubjectivity were done by Edmund Husserl, the founder of phenomenology. His student, Edith Stein, extended the concept and its basis in empathy in her 1917 doctoral dissertation On the Problem of Empathy (Zum Problem der Einfhlung). Intersubjectivity also helps in the constitution of objectivity: in the experience of the world as available not only to oneself, but also to the Other, there is a bridge between the personal and the shared, the self and the Others.
In Psychology
Studies of dialogue and dialogism have revealed how language is deeply intersubjective. When we speak, we always address our interlocutors, taking their perspective, and orienting to what we think they think (or more usually don't think).[6] Within this tradition of research it has been argued that the structure of individual signs or symbols, the basis of language, are intersubjective[7] and that the psychological process of self-reflection entails intersubjectivity.[8] Recent research on mirror neurons provides evidence for the deeply intersubjective basis of human psychology,[9] and arguably much of the literature on empathy and theory of mind relate directly to intersubjectivity.
References
[1] Gillespie, A. & Cornish, F. (2010). Intersubjectivity: Towards a dialogical analysis (http:/ / lse. academia. edu/ AlexGillespie/ Papers/ 1347646/ Intersubjectivity_Towards_a_dialogical_analysis). Journal for the Theory of Social Behaviour, 40, 19-46 [2] Scheff, Thomas et al. (2006). Goffman Unbound!: A New Paradigm for Social Science (The Sociological Imagination), Paradigm Publishers (ISBN 978-1-59451-196-7) [3] Clive Seale. Glossary (http:/ / people. brunel. ac. uk/ ~hsstcfs/ glossary. htm), Researching Society and Culture. [4] http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=EbuJO7ZOHtMC& pg=PA7& lpg=PA7& dq=the+ myth+ of+ isolated+ mind& source=web& ots=q8NGjSl1CH& sig=JlbsdG9ldNL_K3yffYPf5waPbmQ [5] Schechter DS (2003). Intergenerational communication of maternal violent trauma: Understanding the interplay of reflective functioning and posttraumatic psychopathology. In S.W. Coates, J.L. Rosenthal and D.S. Schechter (eds.) September 11: Trauma and Human Bonds. Hillside, NJ: Analytic Press, Inc. pp. 115-142. [6] Linell, P. (2009). Rethinking language, mind and world dialogically. Charlotte, NC: Information Age Publishing [7] Gillespie, A. (2009). The intersubjective nature of symbols (http:/ / lse. academia. edu/ AlexGillespie/ Papers/ 1347714/ The_intersubjective_nature_of_symbols). In Brady Wagoner (Ed), Symbolic transformations. London: Routledge [8] Gillespie, A. (2007). The social basis of self-reflection (http:/ / lse. academia. edu/ AlexGillespie/ Papers/ 1347645/ The_social_basis_of_self-reflection). In Valsiner and Rosa (Eds), The Cambridge handbook of sociocultural psychology. Cambridge: Cambridge University press [9] Rizzolatti, G. & Arbib, M. A. (1998). Language within our grasp. Trends in neurosciences, 21, 188-194.
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Further reading
In psychoanalysis
Laplanche, J. & Pontalis, J. B. (1974). The Language of Psycho-Analysis, Edited by W. W. Norton & Company, ISBN 0-393-01105-4 Stolorow, R. D., Atwood, G. E., & Orange, D. M. (2002). Worlds of Experience: Interweaving Philosophical and Clinical Dimensions in Psychoanalysis. New York: Basic Books.
Philosophy
Edmund Husserl Zur Phnomenologie der Intersubjektivitt. Texte aus dem Nachlass 1905-1920 Edmund Husserl Zur Phnomenologie der Intersubjektivitt. Texte aus dem Nachlass 1921-1928 Edmund Husserl Zur Phnomenologie der Intersubjektivitt. Texte aus dem Nachlass 1929-1935 Edmund Husserl Cartesian Meditations, Edited by S. Strasser, 1950. ISBN 978-90-247-0068-4
External links
Critique of intersubjectivity (http://home7.swipnet.se/~w-73784/intersubj.htm) Article by Mats Winther Edmund Husserl: Empathy, intersubjectivity and lifeworld (http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/husserl/ #EmpIntLif), Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy
Relativism
Relativism is the concept that points of view have no absolute truth or validity, having only relative, subjective value according to differences in perception and consideration.[1] As moral relativism, the term is often used in the context of moral principles, where principles and ethics are regarded as applicable in only limited context. There are many forms of relativism which vary in their degree of controversy.[2] The term often refers to truth relativism, which is the doctrine that there are no absolute truths, i.e., that truth is always relative to some particular frame of reference, such as a language or a culture (cultural relativism).[citation needed]
Forms of relativism
Anthropological versus philosophical relativism
Anthropological relativism refers to a methodological stance, in which the researcher suspends (or brackets) his or her own cultural biases while attempting to understand beliefs and behaviors in their local contexts. This has become known as methodological relativism, and concerns itself specifically with avoiding ethnocentrism or the application of one's own cultural standards to the assessment of other cultures. This is also the basis of the so-called "emic" and "etic" distinction, in which: An emic or insider account of behavior is a description of a society in terms that are meaningful to the participant or actor's own culture; an emic account is therefore culture-specific, and typically refers to what is considered "common sense" within the culture under observation. An etic or outsider account is a description of a society by an observer, in terms that can be applied to other cultures; that is, an etic account is culturally neutral, and typically refers to the conceptual framework of the social scientist. (This is complicated when it is scientific research itself that is under study, or when there is theoretical or terminological disagreement within the social sciences.)
Relativism Philosophical relativism, in contrast, asserts that the truth of a proposition depends on the metaphysical, or theoretical frame, or the instrumental method, or the context in which the proposition is expressed, or on the person, groups, or culture who interpret the proposition.[3] Methodological relativism and philosophical relativism can exist independently from one another, but most anthropologists base their methodological relativism on that of the philosophical variety.[4]
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Descriptive versus normative relativism

The concept of relativism also has importance both for philosophers and for anthropologists in another way. In general, anthropologists engage in descriptive relativism, whereas philosophers engage in normative relativism, although there is some overlap (for example, descriptive relativism can pertain to concepts, normative relativism to truth). Descriptive relativism assumes that certain cultural groups have different modes of thought, standards of reasoning, and so forth, and it is the anthropologist's task to describe, but not to evaluate the validity of these principles and practices of a cultural group. It is possible for an anthropologist in his or her fieldwork to be a descriptive relativist about some things that typically concern the philosopher (e.g., ethical principles) but not about others (e.g., logical principles). However, the descriptive relativist's empirical claims about epistemic principles, moral ideals and the like are often countered by anthropological arguments that such things are universal, and much of the recent literature on these matters is explicitly concerned with the extent of, and evidence for, cultural or moral or linguistic or human universals (see Brown, 1991 for a good discussion). The fact that the various species of descriptive relativism are empirical claims, may tempt the philosopher to conclude that they are of little philosophical interest, but there are several reasons why this isn't so. First, some philosophers, notably Kant, argue that certain sorts of cognitive differences between human beings (or even all rational beings) are impossible, so such differences could never be found to obtain in fact, an argument that places a priori limits on what empirical inquiry could discover and on what versions of descriptive relativism could be true. Second, claims about actual differences between groups play a central role in some arguments for normative relativism (for example, arguments for normative ethical relativism often begin with claims that different groups in fact have different moral codes or ideals). Finally, the anthropologist's descriptive account of relativism helps to separate the fixed aspects of human nature from those that can vary, and so a descriptive claim that some important aspect of experience or thought does (or does not) vary across groups of human beings tells us something important about human nature and the human condition. Normative relativism concerns normative or evaluative claims that modes of thought, standards of reasoning, or the like are only right or wrong relative to a framework. Normative is meant in a general sense, applying to a wide range of views; in the case of beliefs, for example, normative correctness equals truth. This does not mean, of course, that framework-relative correctness or truth is always clear, the first challenge being to explain what it amounts to in any given case (e.g., with respect to concepts, truth, epistemic norms). Normative relativism (say, in regard to normative ethical relativism) therefore implies that things (say, ethical claims) are not simply true in themselves, but only have truth values relative to broader frameworks (say, moral codes). (Many normative ethical relativist arguments run from premises about ethics to conclusions that assert the relativity of truth values, bypassing general claims about the nature of truth, but it is often more illuminating to consider the type of relativism under question directly.)[5]
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Postmodernism and relativism

The term "relativism" often comes up in debates over postmodernism, poststructuralism and phenomenology. Critics of these perspectives often identify advocates with the label "relativism". For example, the SapirWhorf hypothesis is often considered a relativist view because it posits that linguistic categories and structures shape the way people view the world. Stanley Fish has defended postmodernism and relativism. [6] These perspectives do not strictly count as relativist in the philosophical sense, because they express agnosticism on the nature of reality and make epistemological rather than ontological claims. Nevertheless, the term is useful to differentiate them from realists who believe that the purpose of philosophy, science, or literary critique is to locate externally true meanings. Important philosophers and theorists such as Michel Foucault, Max Stirner and Friedrich Nietzsche, political movements such as post-anarchism or post-Marxism can also be considered as relativist in this sense - though a better term might be social constructivist. The spread and popularity of this kind of "soft" relativism varies between academic disciplines. It has wide support in anthropology and has a majority following in cultural studies. It also has advocates in political theory and political science, sociology, and continental philosophy (as distinct from Anglo-American analytical philosophy). It has inspired empirical studies of the social construction of meaning such as those associated with labelling theory, which defenders can point to as evidence of the validity of their theories (albeit risking accusations of performative contradiction in the process). Advocates of this kind of relativism often also claim that recent developments in the natural sciences, such as Heisenberg's uncertainty principle, quantum mechanics, chaos theory and complexity theory show that science is now becoming relativistic. However, many scientists who use these methods continue to identify as realist or post-positivist, and some sharply criticize the association[7][8]
Related and contrasting positions

Relationism is the theory that there are only relations between individual entities, and no intrinsic properties. Despite the similarity in name, it is held by some to be a position distinct from relativismfor instance, because "statements about relational properties [...] assert an absolute truth about things in the world".[9] On the other hand, others wish to equate relativism, relationism and even relativity, which is a precise theory of relationships between physical objects:[10] Nevertheless, "This confluence of relativity theory with relativism became a strong contributing factor in the increasing prominence of relativism".[11] Whereas previous investigations of science only sought sociological or psychological explanations of failed scientific theories or pathological science, the 'strong programme' is more relativistic, assessing scientific truth and falsehood equally in a historic and cultural context. Relativism is not skepticism. Skepticism superficially resembles relativism, because they both doubt absolute notions of truth. However, whereas skeptics go on to doubt all notions of truth, relativists replace absolute truth with a positive theory of many equally valid relative truths. For the relativist, there is no more to truth than the right context, or the right personal or cultural belief, so there is a lot of truth in the world.[12]
Theatre and relativism

Theatrical research and performance studies also utilize methodological relativism. Formally referred to as method acting: the idea that an individual or group of individuals conducts research on a particular fictional or non-fictional situation. In an effort to repurpose these situations for dramatic effect, many approaches have been derived to bring the "etic" as close as possible (even combined) with the "emic" and one can arguably state that the research done by Stanislavski, Meisner and physical theatre (among many other practitioners) all emerge from this same science. Through repeated training with different strategies, an actor commonly seeks to embody the emic under intense scrutiny utilizing numerous tools such as a script, dramaturgy and their own personal capabilities to bring a character or situation to life through the suspension of disbelief.
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Catholic Church and relativism

The Roman Catholic Church, especially under John Paul II and Pope Benedict XVI, has identified relativism as one of the most significant problems for faith and morals today.[13] According to the Church and to some philosophers, relativism, as a denial of absolute truth, leads to moral license and a denial of the possibility of sin and of God. Whether moral or epistemological, relativism constitutes a denial of the capacity of the human mind and reason to arrive at truth. Truth, according to Catholic theologians and philosophers (following Aristotle and Plato) consists of adequatio rei et intellectus, the correspondence of the mind and reality. Another way of putting it states that the mind has the same form as reality. This means when the form of the computer in front of someone (the type, color, shape, capacity, etc.) is also the form that is in their mind, then what they know is true because their mind corresponds to objective reality. The denial of an absolute reference, of an axis mundi, denies God, who equates to Absolute Truth, according to these Christian philosophers. They link relativism to secularism, an obstruction of religion in human life[14].
Leo XIII
Pope Leo XIII (18101903) was the first known Pope to use the word relativism in the encyclical Humanum Genus (1884). Leo XIII condemned Freemasonry and claimed that its philosophical and political system was largely based on relativism.[15]
John Paul II
John Paul II in Veritatis Splendor As is immediately evident, the crisis of truth is not unconnected with this development. Once the idea of a universal truth about the good, knowable by human reason, is lost, inevitably the notion of conscience also changes. Conscience is no longer considered in its primordial reality as an act of a person's intelligence, the function of which is to apply the universal knowledge of the good in a specific situation and thus to express a judgment about the right conduct to be chosen here and now. Instead, there is a tendency to grant to the individual conscience the prerogative of independently determining the criteria of good and evil and then acting accordingly. Such an outlook is quite congenial to an individualist ethic, wherein each individual is faced with his own truth, different from the truth of others. Taken to its extreme consequences, this individualism leads to a denial of the very idea of human nature. In Evangelium Vitae (The Gospel of Life), he says: Freedom negates and destroys itself, and becomes a factor leading to the destruction of others, when it no longer recognizes and respects its essential link with the truth. When freedom, out of a desire to emancipate itself from all forms of tradition and authority, shuts out even the most obvious evidence of an objective and universal truth, which is the foundation of personal and social life, then the person ends up by no longer taking as the sole and indisputable point of reference for his own choices the truth about good and evil, but only his subjective and changeable opinion or, indeed, his selfish interest and whim.
Benedict XVI
In April 2005, in his homily[16] during Mass prior to the conclave which would elect him as Pope, then Cardinal Joseph Ratzinger talked about the world "moving towards a dictatorship of relativism": How many winds of doctrine we have known in recent decades, how many ideological currents, how many ways of thinking. The small boat of thought of many Christians has often been tossed about by these waves thrown from one extreme to the other: from Marxism to liberalism, even to libertinism; from collectivism to radical individualism; from atheism to a vague religious mysticism; from agnosticism to syncretism, and so forth. Every day new sects are created and what Saint Paul says about human trickery comes true, with cunning which tries to draw those into error (cf Ephesians 4, 14). Having a clear Faith, based on the Creed of
Relativism the Church, is often labeled today as a fundamentalism. Whereas, relativism, which is letting oneself be tossed and "swept along by every wind of teaching", looks like the only attitude acceptable to today's standards. We are moving towards a dictatorship of relativism which does not recognize anything as certain and which has as its highest goal one's own ego and one's own desires. However, we have a different goal: the Son of God, true man. He is the measure of true humanism. Being an "Adult" means having a faith which does not follow the waves of today's fashions or the latest novelties. A faith which is deeply rooted in friendship with Christ is adult and mature. It is this friendship which opens us up to all that is good and gives us the knowledge to judge true from false, and deceit from truth. On June 6, 2005, Pope Benedict XVI told educators: Today, a particularly insidious obstacle to the task of education is the massive presence in our society and culture of that relativism which, recognizing nothing as definitive, leaves as the ultimate criterion only the self with its desires. And under the semblance of freedom it becomes a prison for each one, for it separates people from one another, locking each person into his or her own 'ego'.[17] Then during the World Youth Day in August 2005, he also traced to relativism the problems produced by the communist and sexual revolutions, and provided a counter-counter argument.[18] In the last century we experienced revolutions with a common programmeexpecting nothing more from God, they assumed total responsibility for the cause of the world in order to change it. And this, as we saw, meant that a human and partial point of view was always taken as an absolute guiding principle. Absolutizing what is not absolute but relative is called totalitarianism. It does not liberate man, but takes away his dignity and enslaves him. It is not ideologies that save the world, but only a return to the living God, our Creator, the Guarantor of our freedom, the Guarantor of what is really good and true.
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Criticisms
A common argument[19][20][21][22] against relativism suggests that it inherently contradicts, refutes, or stultifies itself: the statement "all is relative" classes either as a relative statement or as an absolute one. If it is relative, then this statement does not rule out absolutes. If the statement is absolute, on the other hand, then it provides an example of an absolute statement, proving that not all truths are relative. However, this argument against relativism only applies to relativism that positions truth as relativei.e. epistemological/truth-value relativism. More specifically, it is only extreme forms of epistemological relativism that can come in for this criticism as there are many epistemological relativists who posit that some aspects of what is regarded as factually "true" are not universal, yet still accept that other universal truths exist (e.g. gas laws or moral laws). Another argument against relativism posits a Natural Law. Simply put, the physical universe works under basic principles: the "Laws of Nature". Some contend that a natural Moral Law may also exist, for example as argued by Richard Dawkins in The God Delusion (2006)[23] and addressed by C. S. Lewis in "Mere Christianity" (1952).[24] Dawkins said "I think we face an equal but much more sinister challenge from the left, in the shape of cultural relativism - the view that scientific truth is only one kind of truth and it is not to be especially privileged".[25] Philosopher Hilary Putnam,[26] among others,[27] states that some forms of relativism make it impossible to believe one is in error. If there is no truth beyond an individual's belief that something is true, then an individual cannot hold their own beliefs to be false or mistaken. A related criticism is that relativizing truth to individuals destroys the distinction between truth and belief. However, both of these arguments are guilty of circular reasoning. These critics presume that the relativist is speaking not from a relative viewpoint, but from that of the absolutist critic.
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Advocates
Indian religions
Indian religions tend to view the perceivable universe and cosmos as relativistic. Mahavira (599-527 BC), the 24th Tirthankara of Jainism, developed an early philosophy regarding relativism and subjectivism known as Anekantavada. Hindu religion has no theological difficulties in accepting degrees of truth in other religions. A Rig Vedic hymn states that "Truth is One, though the sages tell it variously." (kam sat vipra bahud vadanti) The Sikh Gurus (spiritual teacher ) have propagated the message of "many paths" leading to the one God and ultimate salvation for all souls who tread on the path of righteousness. They have supported the view that proponents of all faiths can, by doing good and virtuous deeds and by remembering the Lord, certainly achieve salvation. The students of the Sikh faith are told to accept all leading faiths as possible vehicle for attaining spiritual enlightenment provided the faithful study, ponder and practice the teachings of their prophets and leaders. The holy book of the Sikhs called the Sri Guru Granth Sahib says: "Do not say that the Vedas, the Bible and the Koran are false. Those who do not contemplate them are false." Guru Granth Sahib page 1350.[28] and "The seconds, minutes, and hours, days, weeks and months, and the various seasons originate from the one Sun; O nanak, in just the same way, the many forms originate from the Creator." Guru Granth Sahib page 12,13.
Sophists
Sophists are considered the founding fathers of relativism in the Western World. Elements of relativism emerged among the Sophists in the 5th century BC. Notably, it was Protagoras who coined the phrase, "Man is the measure of all things: of things which are, that they are, and of things which are not, that they are not." The thinking of the Sophists is mainly known through their opponents, Plato and Socrates. In a well known paraphrased dialogue with Socrates, Protagoras said: "What is true for you is true for you, and what is true for me is true for me."
Bernard Crick
Another important advocate of relativism, Bernard Crick, a British political scientist, wrote the book In Defence of Politics (first published in 1962), suggesting the inevitability of moral conflict between people. Crick stated that only ethics could resolve such conflict, and when that occurred in public it resulted in politics. Accordingly, Crick saw the process of dispute resolution, harms reduction, mediation or peacemaking as central to all of moral philosophy. He became an important influence on the feminists and later on the Greens.
Paul Feyerabend
The philosopher of science Paul Feyerabend wholeheartedly embraced relativism at many points of his career. Many of the more important papers Feyerabend published during the mid-1980s were collected together in Farewell to Reason (London: Verso, 1987). The major message of this book is that relativism is the solution to the problems of conflicting beliefs and of conflicting ways of life.[29] However, he also expressed growing dissatisfaction with it toward the end of his life, while by no means endorsing realism either: In an aphorism [Feyerabend] often repeated, "potentially every culture is all cultures". This is intended to convey that world views are not hermetically closed, since their leading concepts have an "ambiguity" - better, an open-endedness - which enables people from other cultures to engage with them. [...] It follows that relativism, understood as the doctrine that truth is relative to closed systems, can get no purchase. [...] For Feyerabend, both hermetic relativism and its absolutist rival serve, in their different ways, to "devalue human existence". The former encourages that unsavoury brand of political correctness which takes the refusal to criticise "other cultures" to the extreme of condoning murderous dictatorship and barbaric practices. The latter,
Relativism especially in its favoured contemporary form of "scientific realism", with the excessive prestige it affords to the abstractions of "the monster 'science'", is in bed with a politics which likewise disdains variety, richness and everyday individuality - a politics which likewise "hides" its norms behind allegedly neutral facts, "blunts choices and imposes laws".[30]
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Thomas Kuhn
Thomas Kuhn's philosophy of science, as expressed in The Structure of Scientific Revolutions is often interpreted as relativistic. He claimed that as well as progressing steadily and incrementally ("normal science"), science undergoes periodic revolutions or "paradigm shifts", leaving scientists working in different paradigms with difficulty in even communicating. Thus the truth of a claim, or the existence of a posited entity is relative to the paradigm employed. However, it isn't necessary for him to embrace relativism because every paradigm presupposes the prior, building upon itself through history and so on. This leads to there being a fundamental, incremental, and referential structure of development which is not relative but again, fundamental. From these remarks, one thing is however certain: Kuhn is not saying that incommensurable theories cannot be compared - what they cant be is compared in terms of a system of common measure. He very plainly says that they can be compared, and he reiterates this repeatedly in later work, in a (mostly in vain) effort to avert the crude and sometimes catastrophic misinterpretations he suffered from mainstream philosophers and post-modern relativists alike.[31] But Thomas Kuhn denied the accusation of being a relativist later in his postscript. scientific development is ... a unidirectional and irreversible process. Latter scientific theories are better than earlier ones for solving puzzles ... That is not a relativist's position, and it displays the sense in which I am a convinced believer in scientific progress.[32] Some have argued that one can also read Kuhn's work as essentially positivist in its ontology: the revolutions he posits are epistemological, lurching toward a presumably 'better' understanding of an objective reality through the lens presented by the new paradigm. However, a number of passages in Structures do indeed appear to be distinctly relativist, and to directly challenge the notion of an objective reality and the ability of science to progress towards an ever greater grasp of it, particularly through the process of paradigm change. In the sciences there need not be progress of another sort. We may, to be more precise, have to relinquish the notion, explicit or implicit, that changes of paradigm carry scientists and those who learn from them closer and closer to the truth.[33] We are all deeply accustomed to seeing science as the one enterprise that draws constantly nearer to some goal set by nature in advance. But need there be any such goal? Can we not account for both sciences existence and its success in terms of evolution from the communitys state of knowledge at any given time? Does it really help to imagine that there is some one full, objective, true account of nature and that the proper measure of scientific achievement is the extent to which it brings us closer to that ultimate goal?[34]
George Lakoff and Mark Johnson

George Lakoff and Mark Johnson define relativism in their book Metaphors We Live By as the rejection of both subjectivism and metaphysical objectivism in order to focus on the relationship between them, i.e. the metaphor by which we relate our current experience to our previous experience. In particular, Lakoff and Johnson characterize "objectivism" as a "straw man", and, to a lesser degree, criticize the views of Karl Popper, Kant and Aristotle.Wikipedia:Citing sources
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Robert Nozick
In his book Invariances, Robert Nozick expresses a complex set of theories about the absolute and the relative. He thinks the absolute/relative distinction should be recast in terms of an invariant/variant distinction, where there are many things a proposition can be invariant with regard to or vary with. He thinks it is coherent for truth to be relative, and speculates that it might vary with time. He thinks necessity is an unobtainable notion, but can be approximated by robust invariance across a variety of conditionsalthough we can never identify a proposition that is invariant with regard to everything. Finally, he is not particularly warm to one of the most famous forms of relativism, moral relativism, preferring an evolutionary account.
Joseph Margolis
Joseph Margolis advocates a view he calls "robust relativism" and defends it in his books: Historied Thought, Constructed World, Chapter 4 (California, 1995) and The Truth about Relativism (Blackwells, 1991). He opens his account by stating that our logics should depend on what we take to be the nature of the sphere to which we wish to apply our logics. Holding that there can be no distinctions which are not "privileged" between the alethic, the ontic, and the epistemic, he maintains that a many valued logic just might be the most apt for aesthetics or history since, because in these practices, we are loath to hold to simple binary logic; and he also holds that many-valued logic is relativistic. (This is perhaps an unusual definition of "relativistic". Compare with his comments on "relationism"). "True" and "False" as mutually exclusive and exhaustive judgements on Hamlet, for instance, really does seem absurd. A many valued logic"apt", "reasonable", "likely", and so onseems intuitively more applicable to Hamlet interpretation. Where apparent contradictions arise between such interpretations, we might call the interpretations "incongruent", rather than dubbing either "false", because using many-valued logic implies that a measured value is a mixture of two extreme possibilities. Using the subset of many-valued logic, fuzzy logic, it can be said that various interpretations can be represented by membership in more than one possible truth sets simultaneously. Fuzzy logic is therefore probably the best mathematical structure for understanding "robust relativism" and has been interpreted by Bart Kosko as philosophically being related to Zen Buddhism. It was Aristotle who held that relativism implied we should, sticking with appearances only, end up contradicting ourselves somewhere if we could apply all attributes to all ousiai (beings). Aristotle, however, made non-contradiction dependent upon his essentialism. If his essentialism is false, then so too is his ground for disallowing relativism. (Subsequent philosophers have found other reasons for supporting the principle of non-contradiction).Wikipedia:Please clarify Beginning with Protagoras and invoking Charles Sanders Peirce, Margolis shows that the historic struggle to discredit relativism is an attempt to impose an unexamined belief in the world's essentially rigid rule-like nature. Plato and Aristotle merely attacked "relationalism"the doctrine of true-for l or true for k, and the like, where l and k are different speakers or different worlds, or the something similar (Most philosophers would call this position "relativism"). For Margolis, "true" means true; that is, the alethic use of "true" remains untouched. However, in real world contexts, and context is ubiquitous in the real world, we must apply truth values. Here, in epistemic terms, weWikipedia:Avoid weasel words might retire "true" tout court as an evaluation and keep "false". The rest of our value-judgements could be graded from "extremely plausible" down to "false". Judgements which on a bivalent logic would be incompatible or contradictory are further seen as "incongruent", though one may well have more weight than the other. In short, relativistic logic is not, or need not be, the bugbear it is often presented to be. It may simply be the best type of logic to apply to certain very uncertain spheres of real experiences in the world (although some sort of logic needs to be applied to make that judgement). Those who swear by bivalent logic might simply be the ultimate keepers of the great fear of the flux.[citation needed]
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Richard Rorty
Philosopher Richard Rorty has a somewhat paradoxical role in the debate over relativism: he is criticized for his relativistic views by many commentators, but has always denied that relativism applies to much anybody, being nothing more than a Platonic scarecrow. Rorty claims, rather, that he is a pragmatist[14], and that to construe pragmatism as relativism is to beg the question. '"Relativism" is the traditional epithet applied to pragmatism by realists'[35] '"Relativism" is the view that every belief on a certain topic, or perhaps about any topic, is as good as every other. No one holds this view. Except for the occasional cooperative freshman, one cannot find anybody who says that two incompatible opinions on an important topic are equally good. The philosophers who get called 'relativists' are those who say that the grounds for choosing between such opinions are less algorithmic than had been thought.'[36] 'In short, my strategy for escaping the self-referential difficulties into which "the Relativist" keeps getting himself is to move everything over from epistemology and metaphysics into cultural politics, from claims to knowledge and appeals to self-evidence to suggestions about what we should try.'[37] Rorty takes a deflationary attitude to truth, believing there is nothing of interest to be said about truth in general, including the contention that it is generally subjective. He also argues that the notion of warrant or justification can do most of the work traditionally assigned to the concept of truth, and that justification is relative; justification is justification to an audience, for Rorty. In Contingency, Irony, and Solidarity he argues that the debate between so-called relativists and so-called objectivists is beside the point because they don't have enough premises in common for either side to prove anything to the other.
Isaiah Berlin
The late Sir Isaiah Berlin expressed a relativistic view when he stated that, to "confuse our own constructions with eternal laws or divine decrees is one of the most fatal delusions of men." [38] And again when he said, "the concept of fact is itself problematicall facts embody theories...or socially conditioned, ideological attitudes."[39]
References
[1] American Heritage Dictionary, (http:/ / dictionary. reference. com/ browse/ relativism) "The doctrine that no ideas or beliefs are universally true but that all are, instead, relative that is, their validity depends on the circumstances in which they are applied." [2] Maria Baghramian identifies 16 (Relativism, 2004,Baghramian) [3] Locke, Shaftesbury, and Hutcheson: Contesting Diversity in the Enlightenment and Beyond by Dr. Daniel Carey (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=oyloiiq0CYIC& pg=PA210& lpg=PA210& dq=methodological+ and+ philosophical+ relativism& source=web& ots=WxK_nq52tb& sig=51Ff7uRU_CkJ9q8vVLilPJ5Jx7s) [4] Methodological and Philosophical Relativism by Gananath Obeyesekere (http:/ / links. jstor. org/ sici?sici=0025-1496(196609)2:1:3<368:MAPR>2. 0. CO;2-4) [5] Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (http:/ / plato. stanford. edu/ entries/ relativism/ #1. 2) [6] Don't Blame Relativism (http:/ / www. gwu. edu/ ~ccps/ rcq/ Fish. pdf) as "serious thought" [7] Sokal and the Science Wars (http:/ / www. physics. nyu. edu/ faculty/ sokal/ ) [8] Quantum quackery (http:/ / www. csicop. org/ si/ show/ quantum_quackery/ ) [9] Baghramian, M. Relativism, 2004, p43 [10] Interview with Bruno LatourOn Relativism, Pragmatism, and Critical Theory (http:/ / www. nakedpunch. com/ 6/ 106-108. pdf) [11] Baghramian, M. Relativism, 2004, p85 [12] Wood. A, Relativism (http:/ / www. stanford. edu/ ~allenw/ webpapers/ Relativism. doc) [13] World Youth Day News August August 21, 2005 (http:/ / www. nationalcatholicreporter. org/ word/ wyd082105. htm) [14] http:/ / toolserver. org/ %7Edispenser/ cgi-bin/ dab_solver. py?page=Relativism& editintro=Template:Disambiguation_needed/ editintro& client=Template:Dn [15] Humanum Genus (http:/ / www. vatican. va/ holy_father/ leo_xiii/ encyclicals/ documents/ hf_l-xiii_enc_18840420_humanum-genus_it. html)
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[16] Mass Pro Eligendo Romano Pontifice: Homily of Card. Joseph Ratzinger (http:/ / www. vatican. va/ gpII/ documents/ homily-pro-eligendo-pontifice_20050418_en. html) [17] Inaugural Address at the Ecclesial Diocesan Convention of Rome (http:/ / www. vatican. va/ holy_father/ benedict_xvi/ speeches/ 2005/ june/ documents/ hf_ben-xvi_spe_20050606_convegno-famiglia_en. html) [18] 20th World Youth Day - Cologne - Marienfeld, Youth Vigil (http:/ / www. vatican. va/ holy_father/ benedict_xvi/ speeches/ 2005/ august/ documents/ hf_ben-xvi_spe_20050820_vigil-wyd_en. html) [19] Craig Rusbult. Reality 101 (http:/ / www. asa3. org/ ASA/ education/ views/ reality. htm) [20] Keith Dixon. Is Cultural Relativism Self-Refuting? (British Journal of Sociology, vol 28, No. 1) [21] Cultural Relativism at All About Philosophy. (http:/ / www. allaboutphilosophy. org/ cultural-relativism. htm) [22] The Friesian School on relativism. (http:/ / www. friesian. com/ relative. htm) [23] The God Delusion, Chapter 6 [24] Mere Christianity, Chapter 1 [25] Richard Dawkins quoted in Dawkins' Christmas card list; Dawkins at the Hay Festival, The Guardian, 28 May 2007 (http:/ / www. guardian. co. uk/ commentisfree/ 2007/ may/ 28/ dawkinschristmascardlist) [26] Baghramian, M. Relativism, 2004 [27] Including Julien Beillard, who presents his case on the impossibility of moral relativism in the July 2013 issue of Philosophy Now magazine, accessible here (http:/ / philosophynow. org/ issues/ 97/ Moral_Relativism_Is_Unintelligible) [28] Guru Granth Sahib page 1350 (http:/ / www. srigranth. org/ servlet/ gurbani. gurbani?Action=Page& Param=1350& english=t& id=57718) [29] Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy: Paul Feyerabend (http:/ / plato. stanford. edu/ entries/ feyerabend/ ) [30] Cooper, David E., "Voodoo and the monster of science," Times Higher Education, 17 March 2000 (http:/ / www. timeshighereducation. co. uk/ story. asp?storyCode=156973& sectioncode=39) [31] Sharrock. W., Read R. Kuhn: Philosopher of Scientific Revolutions (http:/ / www. uea. ac. uk/ ~j339/ Kuhntogo. htm) [32] Kuhn, The Structure of Scientific Revolutions, p. 206. [33] Kuhn, The Structure of Scientific Revolutions, p. 170.</ [34] Kuhn, The Structure of Scientific Revolutions, p. 171.</ [35] Rorty, R. Consequences of Pragmatism [36] Richard Rorty, Pragmatism, Relativism, and Irrationalism [37] Rorty, R. Hilary Putnam and the Relativist Menace [38] Sir Isaiah Berlin, Against the Current: Essays in the History of Ideas, London: Pimlico, 1997, p.303 [39] Sir Isaiah Berlin, 'Alleged Relativism in Eighteenth Century Thought,' in The Crooked Timber of Humanity, Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press, 1999, p.89
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Bibliography
Maria Baghramian, Relativism, London: Routledge, 2004, ISBN 0-415-16150-9 Gad Barzilai, Communities and Law: Politics and Cultures of Legal Identities, Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2003, ISBN 0-472-11315-1 Andrew Lionel Blais, On the Plurality of Actual Worlds, University of Massachusetts Press, 1997, ISBN 1-55849-072-8 Ernest Gellner, Relativism and the Social Sciences, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985, ISBN 0-521-33798-4 Rom Harr and Michael KrauszVarieties of Relativism, Oxford, UK; New York, NY: Blackwell, 1996, ISBN 0-631-18409-0 Knight, Robert H. The Age of Consent: the Rise of Relativism and the Corruption of Popular Culture. Dallas, Tex.: Spence Publishing Co., 1998. xxiv, 253, [1] p. ISBN 1-890626-05-8 Michael Krausz, ed., Relativism: A Contemporary Anthology, New York: Columbia University Press, 2010, ISBN 978-0-231-14410-0 Martin Hollis, Steven Lukes, Rationality and Relativism, Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1982, ISBN 0-631-12773-9 Joseph Margolis, Michael Krausz, R. M. Burian, Eds., Rationality, Relativism, and the Human Sciences, Dordrecht: Boston, M. Nijhoff, 1986, ISBN 90-247-3271-9 Jack W. Meiland, Michael Krausz, Eds. Relativism, Cognitive and Moral, Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1982, ISBN 0-268-01611-9 HeWillAdd FromTheBroadMeadow AHelperOfMan, "In Defense of Relativity.", CreateSpace Independent Publishing Platform, 2013, ISBN 1482608359
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External links
Westacott, E. Relativism (http://www.iep.utm.edu/relativi/), 2005, Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy Westacott, E. Cognitive Relativism (http://www.iep.utm.edu/c/cog-rel.htm), 2006, Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy Professor Ronald Jones on relativism (http://www.frieze.com/comment/article/best_before_1995/) What 'Being Relative' Means (http://www.philosophicalsociety.com/Archives/What 'Being Relative' Means. htm), a passage from Pierre Lecomte du Nouy's "Human Destiny" (1947) BBC Radio 4 series "In Our Time", on Relativism - the battle against transcendent knowledge, 19 January 2006 (http://www.bbc.co.uk/radio4/history/inourtime/inourtime_20060119.shtml) Against Relativism (http://www.cscs.umich.edu/~crshalizi/reviews/norris-against-relativism/), by Christopher Noriss Relativism (http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/relativism) entry in the Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy The Friesian School on Relativism (http://www.friesian.com/relative.htm) The Catholic Encyclopedia (http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/12731d.htm) Harvey Siegel reviews (http://ndpr.nd.edu/review.cfm?id=8364) Paul Boghossian's Fear of Knowledge
Convention
A convention is a set of agreed, stipulated, or generally accepted standards, norms, social norms, or criteria, often taking the form of a custom. Certain types of rules or customs may become law and regulatory legislation may be introduced to formalize or enforce the convention (for example, laws that define on which side of the road vehicles must be driven). In a social context, a convention may retain the character of an "unwritten law" of custom (for example, the manner in which people greet each other, such as by shaking each other's hands). In physical sciences, numerical values (such as constants, quantities, or scales of measurement) are called conventional if they do not represent a measured property of nature, but originate in a convention, for example an average of many measurements, agreed between the scientists working with these values.
General
A convention is a selection from among two or more alternatives, where the rule or alternative is agreed upon among participants. Often the word refers to unwritten customs shared throughout a community. For instance, it is conventional in many societies that strangers being introduced shake hands. Some conventions are explicitly legislated; for example, it is conventional in the United States and in Germany that motorists drive on the right side of the road, whereas in England, Australia, Mauritius, and Barbados they drive on the left. The standardization of time is a human convention based on the solar cycle or calendar. The extent to which justice is conventional (as opposed to natural or objective) is historically an important debate among philosophers. The nature of conventions has raised long-lasting philosophical discussion. Quine, Davidson, and David Lewis published influential writings on the subject. Lewis's account of convention received an extended critique in Margaret Gilbert's On Social Facts (1989), where an alternative account is offered. Another view of convention comes from Ruth Millikan's Language: A Biological Model (2005), once more against Lewis.Wikipedia:AUDIENCE According to David Kalupahana, The Buddha described conventions whether linguistic, social, political, moral, ethical, or even religious as arising dependent on specific conditions. According to his paradigm, when conventions are considered absolute realities, they contribute to dogmatism, which in turn leads to conflict. This does not mean that conventions should be absolutely ignored as unreal and therefore useless. Instead, according to
Convention Buddhist thought, a wise person adopts a middle way without holding conventions to be ultimate or ignoring them when they are fruitful.[1]
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Customary or social conventions

Social
In sociology a social rule refers to any social convention commonly adhered to in a society. These rules are not written in law or otherwise formalized. In social constructionism there is a great focus on social rules. It is argued that these rules are socially constructed, that these rules act upon every member of a society, but at the same time, are re-produced by the individuals. Sociologists representing symbolic interactionism argue that social rules are created through the interaction between the members of a society. The focus on active interaction highlights the fluid, shifting character of social rules. These are specific to the social context, a context that varies through time and place. That means a social rule changes over time within the same society. What was acceptable in the past may no longer be the case. Similarly, rules differ across space: what is acceptable in one society may not be so in another. Social rules reflect what is acceptable or normal behaviour in any situation. Michel Foucault's concept of discourse is closely related to social rules as it offers a possible explanation how these rules are shaped and change. It is the social rules that tell people what is normal behaviour for any specific category. Thus, social rules tell a woman how to behave in a womanly manner, and a man, how to be manly. Other such rules are as follows: Strangers being introduced shake hands, as in Western societies, but Bow toward each other, in Korea, Japan and China Do not bow at each other, in the Jewish tradition In the United States, eye contact, a nod of the head toward each other, and a smile, with no bowing; the palm of the hand faces sideways, neither upward nor downward, in a business handshake. Present business cards to each other, in business meetings Click heels together, in past eras of Western history[citation needed] A woman's curtsey, in some societies In the Middle East, never displaying the sole of the foot toward another, as this would be seen as a grave insult. In many schools, though seats for students are not assigned they are still "claimed" by certain students, and sitting in someone else's seat is considered an insult
Others
Generic conventions, which are very closely tied to a particular artistic genre, and may even help to define what qualifies as part of a given genre. Other conventions that may simply be expectations are: Paintings are rectangular or square Stock devices (a comedy ends with a marriage, but a cowboy film can end with the hero riding off into the sunset) Mathematical notation follows the order of operations
Government
In government, convention is a set of unwritten rules that participants in the government must follow. These rules can be ignored only if justification is clear, or can be provided. Otherwise, consequences follow. Consequences may include ignoring some other convention that has until now been followed. According to the traditional doctrine (Dicey)[citation needed], conventions cannot be enforced in courts, because they are non-legal sets of rules. Convention is particularly important in the Commonwealth realms and other governments using the Westminster System of government, where many of the rules of government are unwritten.
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International law
The term "convention" is also used in international law to refer to certain formal statements of principle such as the Convention on the Rights of the Child. Conventions are adopted by international bodies such as the International Labour Organization and the United Nations. Conventions so adopted usually apply only to countries that ratify them, and do not automatically apply to member states of such bodies. These conventions are generally seen as having the force of international treaties for the ratifying countries. The best known of these are perhaps the several Geneva Conventions.
References
[1] David Kalupahana, Nagarjuna: The Philosophy of the Middle Way. SUNY Press, 1986, pages 17-18. The author refers specifically to the thought of the Buddha here.
External links
Rescorla, Michael (2007) Convention (http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/convention/), Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy. Law-Ref.org (http://law-ref.org), an index of important international conventions.
Grammar
Linguistics

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In linguistics, grammar is the set of structural rules that governs the composition of clauses, phrases, and words in any given natural language. The term refers also to the study of such rules, and this field includes morphology, syntax, and phonology, often complemented by phonetics, semantics, and pragmatics. Linguists do not normally use the term to refer to orthographical rules, although usage books and style guides that call themselves grammars may also refer to spelling and punctuation.[citation needed]
Use of the term

The term grammar is often used by non-linguists with a very broad meaning. As Jeremy Butterfield puts it, "Grammar is often a generic way of referring to any aspect of English that people object to."[1] However, linguists use it in a much more specific sense. Speakers of a language have in their heads a set of rules[2] for using that language. This is a grammar, and the vast majority of the information in it is acquiredat least in the case of one's native languagenot by conscious study or instruction, but by observing other speakers; much of this work is done during infancy. Learning a language later in life usually involves a greater degree of explicit instruction. The term "grammar" can also be used to describe the rules that govern the linguistic behaviour of a group of speakers. The term "English grammar", therefore, may have several meanings. It may refer to the whole of English grammarthat is, to the grammars of all the speakers of the languagein which case, the term encompasses a great deal of variation.[3] Alternatively, it may refer only to what is common to the grammars of all, or of the vast majority of English speakers (such as subjectverbobject word order in simple declarative sentences). Or it may refer to the rules of a particular, relatively well-defined variety of English (such as Standard English). "An English grammar" is a specific description, study or analysis of such rules. A reference book describing the grammar of a language is called a "reference grammar" or simply "a grammar." A fully explicit grammar that exhaustively describes the grammatical constructions of a language is called a descriptive grammar. This kind of linguistic description contrasts with linguistic prescription, an attempt to discourage or suppress some grammatical constructions, while promoting others. For example, preposition stranding occurs widely in Germanic languages and has a long history in English. John Dryden, however, objected to it (without explanation),[4] leading other English speakers to avoid the construction and discourage its use.
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Etymology
The word grammar is derived from Greek (grammatik techn), which means "art of letters", from (gramma), "letter", itself from (graphein), "to draw, to write".
History
The first systematic grammars originated in Iron Age India, with Yaska (6th century BC), Pini (4th century BC) and his commentators Pingala (c. 200 BC), Katyayana, and Patanjali (2nd century BC). In the West, grammar emerged as a discipline in Hellenism from the 3rd century BC forward with authors like Rhyanus and Aristarchus of Samothrace, the oldest extant work being the Art of Grammar ( ), attributed to Dionysius Thrax (c. 100 BC). Latin grammar developed by following Greek models from the 1st century BC, due to the work of authors such as Orbilius Pupillus, Remmius Palaemon, Marcus Valerius Probus, Verrius Flaccus, and Aemilius Asper. Tolkppiyam is the earliest Tamil grammar; it has been dated variously between 1st CE and 10th CE. A grammar of Irish originated in the 7th century with the Auraicept na n-ces. Arabic grammar emerged with Abu al-Aswad al-Du'ali from the 7th century who in-turn was taught the discipline by Ali ibn Abi Talib, the fourth historical caliph of Islam and first Imam for Shi'i Muslims. The first treatises on Hebrew grammar appeared in the High Middle Ages, in the context of Mishnah (exegesis of the Hebrew Bible). The Karaite tradition originated in Abbasid Baghdad. The Diqduq (10th century) is one of the earliest grammatical commentaries on the Hebrew Bible.[5] Ibn Barun in the 12th century compares the Hebrew language with Arabic in the Islamic grammatical tradition.[6] Belonging to the trivium of the seven liberal arts, grammar was taught as a core discipline throughout the Middle Ages, following the influence of authors from Late Antiquity, such as Priscian. Treatment of vernaculars began gradually during the High Middle Ages, with isolated works such as the First Grammatical Treatise, but became influential only in the Renaissance and Baroque periods. In 1486, Antonio de Nebrija published Las introduciones Latinas contrapuesto el romance al Latin, and the first Spanish grammar, Gramtica de la lengua castellana, in 1492. During the 16th-century Italian Renaissance, the Questione della lingua was the discussion on the status and ideal form of the Italian language, initiated by Dante's de vulgari eloquentia (Pietro Bembo, Prose della volgar lingua Venice 1525). The first grammar of Slovene language was written in 1584 by Adam Bohori. Grammars of non-European languages began to be compiled for the purposes of evangelization and Bible translation from the 16th century onward, such as Grammatica o Arte de la Lengua General de los Indios de los Reynos del Per (1560), and a Quechua grammar by Fray Domingo de Santo Toms. In 1643 there appeared Ivan Uzhevych's Grammatica sclavonica and, in 1762, the Short Introduction to English Grammar of Robert Lowth was also published. The Grammatisch-Kritisches Wrterbuch der hochdeutschen Mundart, a High German grammar in five volumes by Johann Christoph Adelung, appeared as early as 1774. From the latter part of the 18th century, grammar came to be understood as a subfield of the emerging discipline of modern linguistics. The Serbian grammar by Vuk Stefanovi Karadi arrived in 1814, while the Deutsche Grammatik of the Brothers Grimm was first published in 1818. The Comparative Grammar of Franz Bopp, the starting point of modern comparative linguistics, came out in 1833.
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Development of grammars
Grammars evolve through usage and also due to separations of the human population. With the advent of written representations, formal rules about language usage tend to appear also. Formal grammars are codifications of usage that are developed by repeated documentation over time, and by observation as well. As the rules become established and developed, the prescriptive concept of grammatical correctness can arise. This often creates a discrepancy between contemporary usage and that which has been accepted, over time, as being correct. Linguists tend to view prescriptive grammars as having little justification beyond their authors' aesthetic tastes, although style guides may give useful advice about standard language employment, based on descriptions of usage in contemporary writings of the same language. Linguistic prescriptions also form part of the explanation for variation in speech, particularly variation in the speech of an individual speaker (an explanation, for example, for why some people say "I didn't do nothing", some say "I didn't do anything", and some say one or the other depending on social context). The formal study of grammar is an important part of education for children from a young age through advanced learning, though the rules taught in schools are not a "grammar" in the sense most linguists use the term, particularly as they are often prescriptive rather than descriptive. Constructed languages (also called planned languages or conlangs) are more common in the modern day. Many have been designed to aid human communication (for example, naturalistic Interlingua, schematic Esperanto, and the highly logic-compatible artificial language Lojban). Each of these languages has its own grammar. Syntax refers to linguistic structure above the word level (e.g. how sentences are formed)though without taking into account intonation, which is the domain of phonology. Morphology, by contrast, refers to structure at and below the word level (e.g. how compound words are formed), but above the level of individual sounds, which, like intonation, are in the domain of phonology. No clear line can be drawn, however, between syntax and morphology. Analytic languages use syntax to convey information that is encoded via inflection in synthetic languages. In other words, word order is not significant and morphology is highly significant in a purely synthetic language, whereas morphology is not significant and syntax is highly significant in an analytic language. Chinese and Afrikaans, for example, are highly analytic, and meaning is therefore very context-dependent. (Both do have some inflections, and have had more in the past; thus, they are becoming even less synthetic and more "purely" analytic over time.) Latin, which is highly synthetic, uses affixes and inflections to convey the same information that Chinese does with syntax. Because Latin words are quite (though not completely) self-contained, an intelligible Latin sentence can be made from elements that are placed in a largely arbitrary order. Latin has a complex affixation and simple syntax, while Chinese has the opposite.
Grammar frameworks
Various "grammar frameworks" have been developed in theoretical linguistics since the mid-20th century, in particular under the influence of the idea of a "universal grammar" in the United States. Of these, the main divisions are: Transformational grammar (TG) Systemic functional grammar (SFG) Principles and Parameters Theory (P&P) Lexical-functional Grammar (LFG) Generalized Phrase Structure Grammar (GPSG) Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar (HPSG) Dependency grammars (DG) Role and reference grammar (RRG)
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Education
Prescriptive grammar is taught in primary school (elementary school). The term "grammar school" historically refers to a school teaching Latin grammar to future Roman citizens, orators, and, later, Catholic priests. In its earliest form, "grammar school" referred to a school that taught students to read, scan, interpret, and declaim Greek and Latin poets (including Homer, Virgil, Euripides, Ennius, and others). These should not be confused with the related, albeit distinct, modern British grammar schools. A standard language is a particular dialect of a language that is promoted above other dialects in writing, education, and broadly speaking in the public sphere; it contrasts with vernacular dialects, which may be the objects of study in descriptive grammar but which are rarely taught prescriptively. The standardized "first language" taught in primary education may be subject to political controversy, since it establishes a standard defining nationality or ethnicity. Recently, efforts have begun to update grammar instruction in primary and secondary education. The primary focus has been to prevent the use of outdated prescriptive rules in favor of more accurate descriptive ones and to change perceptions about relative "correctness" of standard forms in comparison to non standard dialects. The pre-eminence of Parisian French has reigned largely unchallenged throughout the history of modern French literature. Standard Italian is not based on the speech of the capital, Rome, but on the speech of Florence because of the influence Florentines had on early Italian literature. Similarly, standard Spanish is not based on the speech of Madrid, but on the one of educated speakers from more northerly areas like Castile and Len. In Argentina and Uruguay the Spanish standard is based on the local dialects of Buenos Aires and Montevideo (Rioplatense Spanish). Portuguese has for now two official written standards, respectively Brazilian Portuguese and European Portuguese, but in a short term it will have a unified orthography.[7] The Serbian language is divided in a similar way; Serbia and the Republika Srpska use their own separate standards. The existence of a third standard is a matter of controversy, some consider Montenegrin as a separate language, and some think it's merely another variety of Serbian. Norwegian has two standards, Bokml and Nynorsk, the choice between which is subject to controversy: Each Norwegian municipality can declare one of the two its official language, or it can remain "language neutral". Nynorsk is endorsed by a minority of 27 percent of the municipalities. The main language used in primary schools normally follows the official language of its municipality, and is decided by referendum within the local school district. Standard German emerged from the standardized chancellery use of High German in the 16th and 17th centuries. Until about 1800, it was almost entirely a written language, but now it is so widely spoken that most of the former German dialects are nearly extinct. Standard Chinese has official status as the standard spoken form of the Chinese language in the People's Republic of China (PRC), the Republic of China (ROC) and the Republic of Singapore. Pronunciation of Standard Chinese is based on the Beijing dialect of Mandarin Chinese, while grammar and syntax are based on modern vernacular written Chinese. Modern Standard Arabic is directly based on Classical Arabic, the language of the Qur'an. The Hindustani language has two standards, Hindi and Urdu. In the United States, the Society for the Promotion of Good Grammar designated March 4 as National Grammar Day in 2008.[8]
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Notes and references

[1] Jeremy Butterfield, (2008) Damp Squid: The English Language Laid Bare, Oxford University Press, Oxford. 978-0-19-923906. p. 142. [2] Traditionally, the mental information used to produce and process linguistic utterances is referred to as "rules." However, other frameworks employ different terminology, with theoretical implications. Optimality theory, for example, talks in terms of "constraints", while Construction grammar, Cognitive grammar, and other "usage-based" theories make reference to patterns, constructions, and "schemata"
for more discussion of sets of grammars as populations, see

[4] Rodney Huddleston and Geoffrey K. Pullum, 2002, The Cambridge Grammar of the English Language. Cambridge (UK): Cambridge University Press, p. 627f. [5] G. Khan, J. B. Noah, The Early Karaite Tradition of Hebrew Grammatical Thought (2000) [6] Pinchas Wechter, Ibn Barn's Arabic Works on Hebrew Grammar and Lexicography (1964) [7] http:/ / www. languagesandnumbers. com/ how-to-count-in-portuguese-brazil/ en/ por-bra/ [8] National Grammar Day (http:/ / nationalgrammarday. com/ )
American Academic Press, The (ed.). William Strunk, Jr., et al. The Classics of Style: The Fundamentals of Language Style From Our American Craftsmen. Cleveland: The American Academic Press, 2006. ISBN 0-9787282-0-3. Rundle, Bede. Grammar in Philosophy. Oxford: Clarendon Press; New York: Oxford University Press, 1979. ISBN 0-19-824612-9.
External links
Archibald Henry Sayce (1911). "Grammar". In Chisholm, Hugh. Encyclopdia Britannica (11th ed.). Cambridge University Press The syntax of natural language: An online introduction using the Trees program (http://www.ling.upenn.edu/ ~beatrice/syntax-textbook)Beatrice Santorini & Anthony Kroch, University of Pennsylvania, 2007 The Grammar Vandal (Funny, informative blog that fixes bad grammar.) (http://thegrammarvandal.wordpress. com/) The "Blog" of "Unnecessary" Quotes (Another educational, still funny poke at people who incorrectly use quote marks.) (http://www.unnecessaryquotes.com/)
Connectionism
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Connectionism
Connectionism is a set of approaches in the fields of artificial intelligence, cognitive psychology, cognitive science, neuroscience, and philosophy of mind, that models mental or behavioral phenomena as the emergent processes of interconnected networks of simple units. There are many forms of connectionism, but the most common forms use neural network models.
Basic principles
The central connectionist principle is that mental phenomena can be described by interconnected networks of simple and often uniform units. The form of the connections and the units can vary from model to model. For example, units in the network could represent neurons and the connections could represent synapses.
Spreading activation
In most connectionist models, networks change over time. A closely related and very common aspect of connectionist models is activation. At any time, a unit in the network has an activation, which is a numerical value intended to represent some aspect of the unit. For example, if the units in the model are neurons, the activation could represent the probability that the neuron would generate an action potential spike. Activation typically spreads to all the other units connected to it. Spreading activation is always a feature of neural network models, and it is very common in connectionist models used by cognitive psychologists.
Neural networks
Neural networks are by far the most commonly used connectionist model today.Though there are a large variety of neural network models, they almost always follow two basic principles regarding the mind: 1. Any mental state can be described as an (N)-dimensional vector of numeric activation values over neural units in a network. 2. Memory is created by modifying the strength of the connections between neural units. The connection strengths, or "weights", are generally represented as an NN matrix. Most of the variety among neural network models comes from: Interpretation of units: Units can be interpreted as neurons or groups of neurons. Definition of activation: Activation can be defined in a variety of ways. For example, in a Boltzmann machine, the activation is interpreted as the probability of generating an action potential spike, and is determined via a logistic function on the sum of the inputs to a unit. Learning algorithm: Different networks modify their connections differently. In general, any mathematically defined change in connection weights over time is referred to as the "learning algorithm". Connectionists are in agreement that recurrent neural networks (networks wherein connections of the network can form a directed cycle) are a better model of the brain than feedforward neural networks (networks with no directed cycles). Many recurrent connectionist models also incorporate dynamical systems theory. Many researchers, such as the connectionist Paul Smolensky, have argued that connectionist models will evolve toward fully continuous, high-dimensional, non-linear, dynamic systems approaches.
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Biological realism
The neural network branch of connectionism suggests that the study of mental activity is really the study of neural systems. This links connectionism to neuroscience, and models involve varying degrees of biological realism. Connectionist work in general need not be biologically realistic, but some neural network researchers, computational neuroscientists, try to model the biological aspects of natural neural systems very closely in so-called "neuromorphic networks". Many authors find the clear link between neural activity and cognition to be an appealing aspect of connectionism. This has been criticized as reductionist.[citation needed]
Learning
The weights in a neural network are adjusted according to some learning rule or algorithm. Thus, connectionists have created many sophisticated learning procedures for neural networks. Learning always involves modifying the connection weights. In general, these involve mathematical formulas to determine the change in weights when given sets of data consisting of activation vectors for some subset of the neural units. By formalizing learning in such a way, connectionists have many tools. A very common strategy in connectionist learning methods is to incorporate gradient descent over an error surface in a space defined by the weight matrix. All gradient descent learning in connectionist models involves changing each weight by the partial derivative of the error surface with respect to the weight. Backpropagation, first made popular in the 1980s, is probably the most commonly known connectionist gradient descent algorithm today.
History
Connectionism can be traced to ideas more than a century old, which were little more than speculation until the mid-to-late 20th century. The Spanish Santiago Ramn y Cajal established the basis for studies of neural networks, but it wasn't until the 1980s that connectionism became a popular perspective among scientists.
Parallel distributed processing

The prevailing connectionist approach today was originally known as parallel distributed processing (PDP). It was an artificial neural network approach that stressed the parallel nature of neural processing, and the distributed nature of neural representations. It provided a general mathematical framework for researchers to operate in. The framework involved eight major aspects: A set of processing units, represented by a set of integers. An activation for each unit, represented by a vector of time-dependent functions. An output function for each unit, represented by a vector of functions on the activations. A pattern of connectivity among units, represented by a matrix of real numbers indicating connection strength. A propagation rule spreading the activations via the connections, represented by a function on the output of the units. An activation rule for combining inputs to a unit to determine its new activation, represented by a function on the current activation and propagation. A learning rule for modifying connections based on experience, represented by a change in the weights based on any number of variables. An environment that provides the system with experience, represented by sets of activation vectors for some subset of the units. These aspects are now the foundation for almost all connectionist models. A perceived limitation of PDP is that it is reductionistic. That is, all cognitive processes can be explained in terms of neural firing and communication. A lot of the research that led to the development of PDP was done in the 1970s, but PDP became popular in the 1980s with the release of the books Parallel Distributed Processing: Explorations in the Microstructure of Cognition
Connectionism - Volume 1 (foundations) and Volume 2 (Psychological and Biological Models), by James L. McClelland, David E. Rumelhart and the PDP Research Group. The books are now considered seminal connectionist works, and it is now common to fully equate PDP and connectionism, although the term "connectionism" is not used in the books.
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Earlier work
PDP's direct roots were the perceptron theories of researchers such as Frank Rosenblatt from the 1950s and 1960s. But perceptron models were made very unpopular by the book Perceptrons by Marvin Minsky and Seymour Papert, published in 1969. It demonstrated the limits on the sorts of functions that single-layered perceptrons can calculate, showing that even simple functions like the exclusive disjunction could not be handled properly. The PDP books overcame this limitation by showing that multi-level, non-linear neural networks were far more robust and could be used for a vast array of functions. Many earlier researchers advocated connectionist style models, for example in the 1940s and 1950s, Warren McCulloch, Walter Pitts, Donald Olding Hebb, and Karl Lashley. McCulloch and Pitts showed how neural systems could implement first-order logic: Their classic paper "A Logical Calculus of Ideas Immanent in Nervous Activity" (1943) is important in this development here. They were influenced by the important work of Nicolas Rashevsky in the 1930s. Hebb contributed greatly to speculations about neural functioning, and proposed a learning principle, Hebbian learning, that is still used today. Lashley argued for distributed representations as a result of his failure to find anything like a localized engram in years of lesion experiments.
Connectionism apart from PDP

Though PDP is the dominant form of connectionism, other theoretical work should also be classified as connectionist. Many connectionist principles can be traced to early work in psychology, such as that of William James. Psychological theories based on knowledge about the human brain were fashionable in the late 19th century. As early as 1869, the neurologist John Hughlings Jackson argued for multi-level, distributed systems. Following from this lead, Herbert Spencer's Principles of Psychology, 3rd edition (1872), and Sigmund Freud's Project for a Scientific Psychology (composed 1895) propounded connectionist or proto-connectionist theories. These tended to be speculative theories. But by the early 20th century, Edward Thorndike was experimenting on learning that posited a connectionist type network. In the 1950s, Friedrich Hayek proposed that spontaneous order in the brain arose out of decentralized networks of simple units. Hayek's work was rarely cited in the PDP literature until recently. Another form of connectionist model was the relational network framework developed by the linguist Sydney Lamb in the 1960s. Relational networks have been only used by linguists, and were never unified with the PDP approach. As a result, they are now used by very few researchers. There are also hybrid connectionist models, mostly mixing symbolic representations with neural network models. The hybrid approach has been advocated by some researchers (such as Ron Sun).
Connectionism vs. computationalism debate

As connectionism became increasingly popular in the late 1980s, there was a reaction to it by some researchers, including Jerry Fodor, Steven Pinker and others. They argued that connectionism, as it was being developed, was in danger of obliterating what they saw as the progress being made in the fields of cognitive science and psychology by the classical approach of computationalism. Computationalism is a specific form of cognitivism that argues that mental activity is computational, that is, that the mind operates by performing purely formal operations on symbols, like a Turing machine. Some researchers argued that the trend in connectionism was a reversion toward associationism and the abandonment of the idea of a language of thought, something they felt was mistaken. In
Connectionism contrast, it was those very tendencies that made connectionism attractive for other researchers. Connectionism and computationalism need not be at odds, but the debate in the late 1980s and early 1990s led to opposition between the two approaches. Throughout the debate, some researchers have argued that connectionism and computationalism are fully compatible, though full consensus on this issue has not been reached. The differences between the two approaches that are usually cited are the following: Computationalists posit symbolic models that are structurally similar to underlying brain structure, whereas connectionists engage in "low-level" modeling, trying to ensure that their models resemble neurological structures. Computationalists in general focus on the structure of explicit symbols (mental models) and syntactical rules for their internal manipulation, whereas connectionists focus on learning from environmental stimuli and storing this information in a form of connections between neurons. Computationalists believe that internal mental activity consists of manipulation of explicit symbols, whereas connectionists believe that the manipulation of explicit symbols is a poor model of mental activity. Computationalists often posit domain specific symbolic sub-systems designed to support learning in specific areas of cognition (e.g., language, intentionality, number), whereas connectionists posit one or a small set of very general learning mechanisms. But, despite these differences, some theorists have proposed that the connectionist architecture is simply the manner in which the symbol manipulation system happens to be implemented in the organic brain. This is logically possible, as it is well known that connectionist models can implement symbol manipulation systems of the kind used in computationalist models[citation needed], as indeed they must be able if they are to explain the human ability to perform symbol manipulation tasks. But the debate rests on whether this symbol manipulation forms the foundation of cognition in general, so this is not a potential vindication of computationalism. Nonetheless, computational descriptions may be helpful high-level descriptions of cognition of logic, for example. The debate largely centred on logical arguments about whether connectionist networks were capable of producing the syntactic structure observed in this sort of reasoning. This was later achieved[citation needed], although using processes unlikely to be possible in the brain[citation needed], thus the debate persisted. Today, progress in neurophysiology, and general advances in the understanding of neural networks, has led to the successful modelling of a great many of these early problems, and the debate about fundamental cognition has, thus, largely been decided among neuroscientists in favour of connectionism[citation needed]. However, these fairly recent developments have yet to reach consensus acceptance among those working in other fields, such as psychology or philosophy of mind. Part of the appeal of computational descriptions is that they are relatively easy to interpret, and thus may be seen as contributing to our understanding of particular mental processes, whereas connectionist models are in general more opaque, to the extent that they may be describable only in very general terms (such as specifying the learning algorithm, the number of units, etc.), or in unhelpfully low-level terms. In this sense connectionist models may instantiate, and thereby provide evidence for, a broad theory of cognition (i.e., connectionism), without representing a helpful theory of the particular process that is being modelled. In this sense the debate might be considered as to some extent reflecting a mere difference in the level of analysis in which particular theories are framed. The recent popularity of dynamical systems in philosophy of mind have added a new perspective on the debate; some authors now argue that any split between connectionism and computationalism is more conclusively characterized as a split between computationalism and dynamical systems. The recently proposed Hierarchical temporal memory model may help resolving this dispute, at least to some degree, given that it explains how the neocortex extracts high-level (symbolic) information from low-level sensory input.
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References Notes
Rumelhart, D.E., J.L. McClelland and the PDP Research Group (1986). Parallel Distributed Processing: Explorations in the Microstructure of Cognition. Volume 1: Foundations, Cambridge, MA: MIT Press McClelland, J.L., D.E. Rumelhart and the PDP Research Group (1986). Parallel Distributed Processing: Explorations in the Microstructure of Cognition. Volume 2: Psychological and Biological Models, Cambridge, MA: MIT Press Pinker, Steven and Mehler, Jacques (1988). Connections and Symbols, Cambridge MA: MIT Press. Jeffrey L. Elman, Elizabeth A. Bates, Mark H. Johnson, Annette Karmiloff-Smith, Domenico Parisi, Kim Plunkett (1996). Rethinking Innateness: A connectionist perspective on development, Cambridge MA: MIT Press. Marcus, Gary F. (2001). The Algebraic Mind: Integrating Connectionism and Cognitive Science (Learning, Development, and Conceptual Change), Cambridge, MA: MIT Press
External links
Dictionary of Philosophy of Mind entry on connectionism (http://philosophy.uwaterloo.ca/MindDict/ connectionism.html) Connectionism (http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/connectionism) entry by James Garson in the Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy Connectionism (http://www.iep.utm.edu/connect) entry in the Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy A demonstration of Interactive Activation and Competition Networks (http://srsc.ulb.ac.be/pdp/iac/IAC. html)
Constructionism
Constructionism may refer to Constructionism (learning theory), an educational philosophy developed by Seymour Papert Social constructionism, a theory of how social phenomena or objects of consciousness develop in social contexts Strict constructionism, a term referring to a conservative type of legal or constitutional interpretation
Constructivism
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Constructivism
Constructivism may refer to: Constructivism (art), a 20th-century artistic movement Constructivism (international relations) Constructivism (philosophy of education), a theory about the nature of learning Constructivism (mathematics), a philosophical view on mathematical proofs and existence of mathematical objects Constructivism (psychological school), an approach to psychological research and therapy Constructivist architecture, an architectural movement in Russia from 1919 onwards Constructivist epistemology, common meanings and underlying structures of all constructivism Constructivist teaching methods Social constructivism, the role of culture and social context for cognitive development
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Reasoning ground
Logical reasoning
Informally, two kinds of logical reasoning can be distinguished in addition to formal deduction: induction and abduction. Given a precondition or premise, a conclusion or logical consequence and a rule or material conditional that implies the conclusion given the precondition, one can explain that: Deductive reasoning determines whether the truth of a conclusion can be determined for that rule, based solely on the truth of the premises. Example: "When it rains, things outside get wet. The grass is outside, therefore: when it rains, the grass gets wet." Mathematical logic and philosophical logic are commonly associated with this style of reasoning.
Inductive and deductive reasoning
Inductive reasoning attempts to support a determination of the rule. It hypothesizes a rule after numerous examples are taken to be a conclusion that follows from a precondition in terms of such a rule. Example: "The grass got wet numerous times when it rained, therefore: the grass always gets wet when it rains." While they may be persuasive, these arguments are not deductively valid, see the problem of induction. Science is associated with this type of reasoning. Abductive reasoning selects a cogent set of preconditions. Given a true conclusion and a rule, it attempts to select some possible premises that, if true also, can support the conclusion, though not uniquely. Example: "When it rains, the grass gets wet. The grass is outside and nothing outside is dry, therefore: maybe it rained." Diagnosticians and detectives are commonly associated with this type of reasoning.
References
T. Menzies. Applications of Abduction: Knowledge-Level Modeling. November 1996
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Inductive reasoning
Inductive reasoning (as opposed to deductive reasoning) is reasoning in which the premises seek to supply strong evidence for (not absolute proof of) the truth of the conclusion. While the conclusion of a deductive argument is supposed to be certain, the truth of an inductive argument is supposed to be probable, based upon the evidence given.[1]
Definition
The philosophical definition of inductive reasoning is much more nuanced than simple progression from particular/individual instances to broader generalizations. Rather, the premises of an inductive logical argument indicate some degree of support (inductive probability) for the conclusion but do not entail it; that is, they suggest truth but do not ensure it. In this manner, there is the possibility of moving from generalizations to individual instances. Inductive reasoning consists of inferring general principles or rules from specific facts. Though many dictionaries define inductive reasoning as reasoning that derives general principles from specific observations, this usage is outdated.
Description
Inductive reasoning is probabilistic; it only states that, given the premises, the conclusion is probable. A statistical syllogism is an example of inductive reasoning: 1. Almost all people are taller than 26inches 2. Gareth is a person 3. Therefore, Gareth is almost certainly taller than 26inches As a stronger example: 100% of biological life forms that we know of depend on liquid water to exist. Therefore, if we discover a new biological life form it will probably depend on liquid water to exist. This argument could have been made every time a new biological life form was found, and would have been correct every time; this does not mean it is impossible that in the future a biological life form that does not require water could be discovered. As a result, the argument may be stated less formally as: All biological life forms that we know of depend on liquid water to exist. All biological life probably depends on liquid water to exist.
Inductive vs. deductive reasoning

Unlike deductive arguments, inductive reasoning allows for the possibility that the conclusion is false, even if all of the premises are true.[2] Instead of being valid or invalid, inductive arguments are either strong or weak, which describes how probable it is that the conclusion is true. A classical example of an incorrect inductive argument was presented by John Vickers: All of the swans we have seen are white. Therefore, all swans are white. Note that this definition of inductive reasoning excludes mathematical induction, which is a form of deductive reasoning.
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Criticism
Inductive reasoning has been criticized by thinkers as diverse as Sextus Empiricus[3] and Karl Popper.[4] The classic philosophical treatment of the problem of induction was given by the Scottish philosopher David Hume. Hume highlighted the fact that our everyday habits of mind depend on drawing uncertain conclusions from our relatively limited experiences rather than on deductively valid arguments. For example, we believe that bread will nourish us because it has done so in the past, despite no guarantee that it will do so. Hume argued that it is impossible to justify inductive reasoning: specifically, that it cannot be justified deductively, so our only option is to justify it inductively. Since this is circular he concluded that it is impossible to justify induction.[5] However, Hume then stated that even if induction were proved unreliable, we would still have to rely on it. So instead of a position of severe skepticism, Hume advocated a practical skepticism based on common sense, where the inevitability of induction is accepted.[6]
Biases
Inductive reasoning is also known as hypothesis construction because any conclusions made are based on current knowledge and predictions.[citation needed] As with deductive arguments, biases can distort the proper application of inductive argument, thereby preventing the reasoner from forming the most logical conclusion based on the clues. Examples of these biases include the availability heuristic, confirmation bias, and the predictable-world bias. The availability heuristic causes the reasoner to depend primarily upon information that is readily available to him/her. People have a tendency to rely on information that is easily accessible in the world around them. For example, in surveys, when people are asked to estimate the percentage of people who died from various causes, most respondents would choose the causes that have been most prevalent in the media such as terrorism, and murders, and airplane accidents rather than causes such as disease and traffic accidents, which have been technically "less accessible" to the individual since they are not emphasized as heavily in the world around him/her. The confirmation bias is based on the natural tendency to confirm rather than to deny a current hypothesis. Research has demonstrated that people are inclined to seek solutions to problems that are more consistent with known hypotheses rather than attempt to refute those hypotheses. Often, in experiments, subjects will ask questions that seek answers that fit established hypotheses, thus confirming these hypotheses. For example, if it is hypothesized that Sally is a sociable individual, subjects will naturally seek to confirm the premise by asking questions that would produce answers confirming that Sally is in fact a sociable individual. The predictable-world bias revolves around the inclination to perceive order where it has not been proved to exist, either at all or at a particular level of abstraction. Gambling, for example, is one of the most popular examples of predictable-world bias. Gamblers often begin to think that they see simple and obvious patterns in the outcomes and, therefore, believe that they are able to predict outcomes based upon what they have witnessed. In reality, however, the outcomes of these games are difficult to predict and highly complex in nature. However, in general, people tend to seek some type of simplistic order to explain or justify their beliefs and experiences, and it is often difficult for them to realise that their perceptions of order may be entirely different from the truth.[7]
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Types
Generalization
A generalization (more accurately, an inductive generalization) proceeds from a premise about a sample to a conclusion about the population. The proportion Q of the sample has attribute A. Therefore: The proportion Q of the population has attribute A. Example There are 20 ballseither black or whitein an urn. To estimate their respective numbers, you draw a sample of four balls and find that three are black and one is white. A good inductive generalization would be that there are 15 black, and five white, balls in the urn. How much the premises support the conclusion depends upon (a) the number in the sample group, (b) the number in the population, and (c) the degree to which the sample represents the population (which may be achieved by taking a random sample). The hasty generalization and the biased sample are generalization fallacies.
Statistical syllogism
A statistical syllogism proceeds from a generalization to a conclusion about an individual. A proportion Q of population P has attribute A. An individual X is a member of P. Therefore: There is a probability which corresponds to Q that X has A. The proportion in the first premise would be something like "3/5ths of", "all", "few", etc. Two dicto simpliciter fallacies can occur in statistical syllogisms: "accident" and "converse accident".
Simple induction
Simple induction proceeds from a premise about a sample group to a conclusion about another individual. Proportion Q of the known instances of population P has attribute A. Individual I is another member of P. Therefore: There is a probability corresponding to Q that I has A. This is a combination of a generalization and a statistical syllogism, where the conclusion of the generalization is also the first premise of the statistical syllogism.
Inductive reasoning Argument from analogy The process of analogical inference involves noting the shared properties of two or more things, and from this basis inferring that they also share some further property: P and Q are similar in respect to properties a, b, and c. Object P has been observed to have further property x. Therefore, Q probably has property x also. Analogical reasoning is very frequent in common sense, science, philosophy and the humanities, but sometimes it is accepted only as an auxiliary method. A refined approach is case-based reasoning. For more information on inferences by analogy, see Juthe, 2005 [28].
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Causal inference
A causal inference draws a conclusion about a causal connection based on the conditions of the occurrence of an effect. Premises about the correlation of two things can indicate a causal relationship between them, but additional factors must be confirmed to establish the exact form of the causal relationship.
Prediction
A prediction draws a conclusion about a future individual from a past sample. Proportion Q of observed members of group G have had attribute A. Therefore: There is a probability corresponding to Q that other members of group G will have attribute A when next observed.
Bayesian inference
As a logic of induction rather than a theory of belief, Bayesian inference does not determine which beliefs are a priori rational, but rather determines how we should rationally change the beliefs we have when presented with evidence. We begin by committing to a prior probability for a hypothesis based on logic or previous experience, and when faced with evidence, we adjust the strength of our belief in that hypothesis in a precise manner using Bayesian logic.
Inductive inference
Around 1960, Ray Solomonoff founded the theory of universal inductive inference, the theory of prediction based on observations; for example, predicting the next symbol based upon a given series of symbols. This is a formal inductive framework that combines algorithmic information theory with the Bayesian framework. Universal inductive inference is based on solid philosophical foundations[8] and can be considered as a mathematically formalized Occam's razor. Fundamental ingredients of the theory are the concepts of algorithmic probability and Kolmogorov complexity.
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References
[1] [2] [3] [4] [5] Copi, I. M., Cohen, C., & Flage, D. E. (2007). Essentials of logic (2nd ed.). Upper Saddle River, NJ: Pearson Education, Inc. John Vickers. The Problem of Induction (http:/ / plato. stanford. edu/ entries/ induction-problem/ ). The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy. Sextus Empiricus, Outlines Of Pyrrhonism. Trans. R.G. Bury, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1933, p. 283. Karl R. Popper, David W. Miller. "A proof of the impossibility of inductive probability." Nature 302 (1983), 687688. Vickers, John. "The Problem of Induction" (http:/ / plato. stanford. edu/ entries/ induction-problem/ #2HumIndJus) (Section 2). Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy. 21 June 2010 [6] Vickers, John. "The Problem of Induction" (http:/ / plato. stanford. edu/ entries/ induction-problem/ #IndJus) (Section 2.1). Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy. 21 June 2010. [7] Gray, Peter. Psychology. New York: Worth, 2011. Print. [8] Samuel Rathmanner and Marcus Hutter. A philosophical treatise of universal induction. Entropy, 13(6):10761136, 2011
Further reading
Herms, D. "Logical Basis of Hypothesis Testing in Scientific Research" (http://www.dartmouth.edu/~bio125/ logic.Giere.pdf) (PDF). Kemerling, G. (27 October 2001). "Causal Reasoning" (http://www.philosophypages.com/lg/e14.htm). Holland, J. H.; Holyoak, K. J.; Nisbett, R. E.; Thagard, P. R. (1989). Induction: Processes of Inference, Learning, and Discovery. Cambridge, MA, USA: MIT Press. ISBN0-262-58096-9. Holyoak, K.; Morrison, R. (2005). The Cambridge Handbook of Thinking and Reasoning. New York: Cambridge University Press. ISBN978-0-521-82417-0.
External links
Confirmation and Induction (http://www.iep.utm.edu/conf-ind) entry in the Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy Inductive Logic (http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/logic-inductive) entry in the Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy Inductive reasoning (http://philpapers.org/browse/induction) at PhilPapers Inductive reasoning (https://inpho.cogs.indiana.edu/taxonomy/2256) at the Indiana Philosophy Ontology Project Four Varieties of Inductive Argument (http://www.uncg.edu/phi/phi115/induc4.htm) from the Department of Philosophy, University of North Carolina at Greensboro. Properties of Inductive Reasoning (http://faculty.ucmerced.edu/sites/default/files/eheit/files/heit2000. pdf)PDF(166KiB), a psychological review by Evan Heit of the University of California, Merced. The Mind, Limber (http://dudespaper.com/the-mind-limber.html) An article which employs the film The Big Lebowski to explain the value of inductive reasoning.
Deductive reasoning
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Deductive reasoning
Deductive reasoning, also deductive logic or logical deduction or, informally, "top-down" logic,[1] is the process of reasoning from one or more general statements (premises) to reach a logically certain conclusion. Deductive reasoning links premises with conclusions. If all premises are true, the terms are clear, and the rules of deductive logic are followed, then the conclusion reached is necessarily true. Deductive reasoning (top-down logic) contrasts with inductive reasoning (bottom-up logic) in the following way: In deductive reasoning, a conclusion is reached from general statements, but in inductive reasoning the conclusion is reached from specific examples. (Note, however, that the inductive reasoning mentioned here is not the same as induction used in mathematical proofs - mathematical induction is actually a form of deductive reasoning.)
Simple Example
An example of a deductive argument: 1. All men are mortal. 2. Aristotle is a man. 3. Therefore, Aristotle is mortal. The first premise states that all objects classified as "men" have the attribute "mortal". The second premise states that "Aristotle" is classified as a "man" a member of the set "men". The conclusion then states that "Aristotle" must be "mortal" because he inherits this attribute from his classification as a "man".
Law of Detachment
The law of detachment (also known as affirming the antecedent and Modus ponens) is the first form of deductive reasoning. A single conditional statement is made, and a hypothesis (P) is stated. The conclusion (Q) is then deduced from the statement and the hypothesis. The most basic form is listed below: 1. PQ (conditional statement) 2. P (hypothesis stated) 3. Q (conclusion deduced) In deductive reasoning, we can conclude Q from P by using the law of detachment.[2] However, if the conclusion (Q) is given instead of the hypothesis (P) then there is no definitive conclusion. The following is an example of an argument using the law of detachment in the form of an if-then statement: 1. If an angle satisfies 90<A<180, then A is an obtuse angle. 2. A=120 3. A is an obtuse angle. Since the measurement of angle A is greater than 90, we can deduce that A is an obtuse angle.
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Law of Syllogism
The law of syllogism takes two conditional statements and forms a conclusion by combining the hypothesis of one statement with the conclusion of another. Here is the general form, with the true premise P: 1. PQ 2. QR 3. Therefore, PR. The following is an example: 1. If Larry is sick, then he will be absent 2. If Larry is absent, then he will miss his classwork. 3. If Larry is sick, then he will miss his classwork. We deduced the final statement by combining the hypothesis of the first statement with the conclusion of the second statement. We also allow that this could be a false statement. This is an example of the Transitive Property in mathematics. The Transitive Property is many times phrased in this form: 1. A=B 2. B=C 3. Therefore A=C
Law of Contrapositive
The law of contrapositive states that, in a conditional, if the conclusion is false, then the hypothesis must be false also. The general form is the following: 1. PQ 2. ~Q 3. Therefore we can conclude ~P. The following are examples: 1. If it is raining, then there are clouds in the sky. 2. There are no clouds in the sky. 3. Thus, it is not raining.
Deductive Logic: Validity and Soundness

Deductive arguments are evaluated in terms of their validity and soundness. An argument is valid if it is impossible for its premises to be true while its conclusion is false. In other words, the conclusion must be true if the premises are true. An argument can be valid even though the premises are false. An argument is sound if it is valid and the premises are true. It is possible to have a deductive argument that is logically valid but is not sound. Fallacious arguments often take that form. The following is an example of an argument that is valid, but not sound: 1. Everyone who eats carrots is a quarterback. 2. John eats carrots. 3. Therefore, John is a quarterback. The example's first premise is false there are people who eat carrots and are not quarterbacks but the conclusion must be true, so long as the premises are true (i.e. it is impossible for the premises to be true and the conclusion false). Therefore the argument is valid, but not sound. Generalizations are often used to make invalid arguments, such as "everyone who eats carrots is a quarterback." Not everyone who eats carrots is a quarterback, thus proving
Deductive reasoning the flaw of such arguments. In this example, the first statement uses categorical reasoning, saying that all carrot-eaters are definitely quarterbacks. This theory of deductive reasoning also known as term logic was developed by Aristotle, but was superseded by propositional (sentential) logic and predicate logic. Deductive reasoning can be contrasted with inductive reasoning, in regards to validity and soundness. In cases of inductive reasoning, even though the premises are true and the argument is "valid", it is possible for the conclusion to be false (determined to be false with a counterexample or other means).
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Deductive reasoning and Education

Deductive reasoning is generally thought of as a skill that develops without any formal teaching or training. As a result of this belief, deductive reasoning skills are not taught in secondary schools, where students are expected to use reasoning more often and at a higher level. It is in high school, for example, that students have an abrupt introduction to mathematical proofs which rely heavily on deductive reasoning.
References
[1] Deduction & Induction, Research Methods Knowledge Base (http:/ / www. socialresearchmethods. net/ kb/ dedind. php) [2] Guide to Logic (http:/ / www. jgsee. kmutt. ac. th/ exell/ Logic/ Logic12. htm#25)
Further reading
Vincent F. Hendricks, Thought 2 Talk: A Crash Course in Reflection and Expression, New York: Automatic Press / VIP, 2005, ISBN 87-991013-7-8 Philip Johnson-Laird, Ruth M. J. Byrne, Deduction, Psychology Press 1991, ISBN 978-0-86377-149-1jiii Zarefsky, David, Argumentation: The Study of Effective Reasoning Parts I and II, The Teaching Company 2002
External links
Deductive reasoning (http://philpapers.org/browse/deductive-reasoning) at PhilPapers Deductive reasoning (https://inpho.cogs.indiana.edu/idea/636) at the Indiana Philosophy Ontology Project Deductive reasoning (http://www.iep.utm.edu/ded-ind) entry in the Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy
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Abductive reasoning
Abduction[1] is a form of logical inference that goes from observation to a hypothesis that accounts for the reliable data (observation) and seeks to explain relevant evidence. The American philosopher Charles Sanders Peirce (18391914) first introduced the term as "guessing".[2] Peirce said that to abduce a hypothetical explanation from an observed surprising circumstance is to surmise that may be true because then would be a matter of course.[3] Thus, to abduce necessary, for . from involves determining that is sufficient (or nearly sufficient), but not
For example, the lawn is wet. But if it rained last night, then it would be unsurprising that the lawn is wet. Therefore, by abductive reasoning, the possibility that it rained last night is reasonable. (But note that Peirce did not remain convinced that a single logical form covers all abduction.)[4] Moreover, abducing rain last night from the observation of the wet lawn can lead to a false conclusion. In this example, dew, lawn sprinklers, or some other process may have resulted in the wet lawn, even in the absence of rain. Peirce argues that good abductive reasoning from P to Q involves not simply a determination that, e.g., Q is sufficient for P, but also that Q is among the most economical explanations for P. Simplification and economy call for the 'leap' of abduction.[5] In abductive reasoning, unlike in deductive reasoning, the premises do not guarantee the conclusion. One can understand abductive reasoning as "inference to the best explanation."[6] The fields of law,[7] computer science, and artificial intelligence research[8] renewed interest in the subject of abduction. Diagnostic expert systems frequently employ abduction.
Deduction, induction, and abduction

Deductive reasoning (deduction) allows deriving from only where is a formal logical consequence of . In other words, deduction derives the consequences of the assumed. Given the truth of the assumptions, a valid deduction guarantees the truth of the conclusion. For example, given that all bachelors are unmarried males, and given that this person is a bachelor, one can deduce that this person is an unmarried male. Inductive reasoning (induction) allows inferring to accept from , where does not follow necessarily from . might give us very good reason , but it does not ensure . For example, if all swans that we have observed so far are white, we
may induce that the possibility that all swans are white is reasonable. We have good reason to believe the conclusion from the premise, but the truth of the conclusion is not guaranteed. (Indeed, it turns out that some swans are black.) Abductive reasoning (abduction) allows inferring as an explanation of entails . Because of this inference, abduction allows the precondition to be abduced from the consequence in which a rule like " . Deductive reasoning and abductive reasoning thus differ in the direction " is used for inference. As such, abduction is formally equivalent to the
logical fallacy of affirming the consequent (or Post hoc ergo propter hoc) because of multiple possible explanations for . For example, after glancing and seeing the eight ball moving towards us, we may abduce that the cue ball struck the eight ball. The strike of the cue ball would account for the movement of the eight ball. It serves as a hypothesis that explains our observation. Given the fact of infinitely many possible explanations for the movement of the eight ball, our abduction does not leave us certain that the cue ball in fact struck the eight ball, but our abduction, still useful, can serve to orient us in our surroundings. Despite infinite possible explanations for any physical process that we observe, we tend to abduce a single explanation (or a
Abductive reasoning few explanations) for this process in the expectation that we can orient better ourselves in our surroundings and disregard some possibilities.
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Formalizations of abduction
Logic-based abduction
In logic, explanation is done from a logical theory explanations. For follows from to be an explanation of and . are assumed to be sets of literals. The two conditions for being an explanation of ; representing a domain and a set of observations according to , it should satisfy two conditions: . Abduction is the process of deriving a set of explanations of according to and picking out one of those
is consistent with and ;
In formal logic, according to theory
are formalized as:
is consistent. Among the possible explanations satisfying these two conditions, some other condition of minimality is usually ) being included in the explanations. . Criteria for picking out a member representing imposed to avoid irrelevant facts (not contributing to the entailment of Abduction is then the process that picks out some member of
"the best" explanation include the simplicity, the prior probability, or the explanatory power of the explanation. A proof theoretical abduction method for first order classical logic based on the sequent calculus and a dual one, based on semantic tableaux (analytic tableaux) have been proposed (Cialdea Mayer & Pirri 1993). The methods are sound and complete and work for full first order logic, without requiring any preliminary reduction of formulae into normal forms. These methods have also been extended to modal logic. Abductive logic programming is a computational framework that extends normal logic programming with abduction. It separates the theory into two components, one of which is a normal logic program, used to generate by means of backward reasoning, the other of which is a set of integrity constraints, used to filter the set of candidate explanations.
Set-cover abduction
A different formalization of abduction is based on inverting the function that calculates the visible effects of the hypotheses. Formally, we are given a set of hypotheses and a set of manifestations ; they are related by the domain knowledge, represented by a function that takes as an argument a set of hypotheses and gives as a result the corresponding set of manifestations. In other words, for every subset of the hypotheses , their effects are known to be . such that . In other words, abduction is performed include all observations . , it holds such that their effects Abduction is performed by finding a set by finding a set of hypotheses that
A common assumption is that the effects of the hypotheses are independent, that is, for every . If this condition is met, abduction can be seen as a form of set covering.
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Abductive validation
Abductive validation is the process of validating a given hypothesis through abductive reasoning. This can also be called reasoning through successive approximation. Under this principle, an explanation is valid if it is the best possible explanation of a set of known data. The best possible explanation is often defined in terms of simplicity and elegance (see Occam's razor). Abductive validation is common practice in hypothesis formation in science; moreover, Peirce argues it is a ubiquitous aspect of thought: Looking out my window this lovely spring morning, I see an azalea in full bloom. No, no! I don't see that; though that is the only way I can describe what I see. That is a proposition, a sentence, a fact; but what I perceive is not proposition, sentence, fact, but only an image, which I make intelligible in part by means of a statement of fact. This statement is abstract; but what I see is concrete. I perform an abduction when I so much as express in a sentence anything I see. The truth is that the whole fabric of our knowledge is one matted felt of pure hypothesis confirmed and refined by induction. Not the smallest advance can be made in knowledge beyond the stage of vacant staring, without making an abduction at every step.[9] It was Peirce's own maxim that "Facts cannot be explained by a hypothesis more extraordinary than these facts themselves; and of various hypotheses the least extraordinary must be adopted."[10] After obtaining results from an inference procedure, we may be left with multiple assumptions, some of which may be contradictory. Abductive validation is a method for identifying the assumptions that will lead to your goal.
Probabilistic abduction
Probabilistic abductive reasoning is a form of abductive validation, and is used extensively in areas where conclusions about possible hypotheses need to be derived, such as for making diagnoses from medical tests. For example, a pharmaceutical company that develops a test for a particular infectious disease will typically determine the reliability of the test by hiring a group of infected and a group of non-infected people to undergo the test. Assume the statements : "Positive test", : "Negative test", : "Infected", and : "Not infected". The result of these trials will then determine the reliability of the test in terms of its sensitivity The interpretations of the conditionals are: and false positive rate . : : "The probability of positive test given infection", and
"The probability of positive test in the absence of infection". The problem with applying these conditionals in a practical setting is that they are expressed in the opposite direction to what the practitioner needs. The conditionals needed for making the diagnosis are: : "The probability of infection given positive test", and : "The probability of infection given negative test". The probability of infection could then have been conditionally deduced as , where " " denotes conditional deduction. Unfortunately the required conditionals are usually not directly available to the medical practitioner, but they can be obtained if the base rate of the infection in the population is known. The required conditionals can be correctly derived by inverting the available conditionals using Bayes rule. The inverted conditionals are obtained as follows: The term
on the right hand side of the equation expresses the base rate of the infection in the population. Similarly, the term below expresses the default likelihood of positive test on a random person in the population. In the expressions and denote the base rates of and its complement respectively, so that e.g. and are . The full expression for the required conditionals then: The full expression for the conditionally abduced probability of infection in a tested person, expressed as ,
given the outcome of the test, the base rate of the infection, as well as the test's sensitivity and false positive rate, is
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then given by:
Probabilistic abduction can thus be described as a method for inverting conditionals in order to apply probabilistic deduction. A medical test result is typically considered positive or negative, so when applying the above equation it can be assumed that either (positive) or (negative). In case the patient tests positive, the above equation can be simplified to which will give the correct likelihood that the patient actually is
infected. The Base rate fallacy in medicine,[11] or the Prosecutor's fallacy[12] in legal reasoning, consists of making the erroneous assumption that . While this reasoning error often can produce a relatively good approximation of the correct hypothesis probability value, it can lead to a completely wrong result and wrong conclusion in case the base rate is very low and the reliability of the test is not perfect. An extreme example of the base rate fallacy is to conclude that a male person is pregnant just because he tests positive in a pregnancy test. Obviously, the base rate of male pregnancy is zero, and assuming that the test is not perfect, it would be correct to conclude that the male person is not pregnant. The expression for probabilistic abduction can be generalised to multinomial cases,[13] i.e., with a state space multiple and a state space of multiple states . of
Subjective logic abduction

Subjective logic generalises probabilistic logic by including parameters for uncertainty in the input arguments. Abduction in subjective logic is thus similar to probabilistic abduction described above. The input arguments in subjective logic are composite functions called subjective opinions which can be binomial when the opinion applies to a single proposition or multinomial when it applies to a set of propositions. A multinomial opinion thus applies to a frame function mass, and and Assume the frames base rate function inverted conditionals and on (i.e. a state space of exhaustive and mutually disjoint propositions , where is a vector of base rate values over the propositions of as well as , the sets of conditional opinions and and . , the opinion on , and the ), and is denoted by the composite , is the uncertainty . These components satisfy is a vector of belief masses over the propositions of
. Based on these parameters, subjective logic provides a method for deriving the set of . Using these inverted conditionals, subjective logic also provides a method ", and the operator itself is denoted as . . The expression
for deduction. Abduction in subjective logic consists of inverting the conditionals and then applying deduction. The symbolic notation for conditional abduction is " for subjective logic abduction is then:
The advantage of using subjective logic abduction compared to probabilistic abduction is that uncertainty about the probability values of the input arguments can be explicitly expressed and taken into account during the analysis. It is thus possible to perform abductive analysis in the presence of missing or incomplete input evidence, which normally results in degrees of uncertainty in the output conclusions.
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History
The philosopher Charles Sanders Peirce (/prs/; 18391914) introduced abduction into modern logic. Over the years he called such inference hypothesis, abduction, presumption, and retroduction. He considered it a topic in logic as a normative field in philosophy, not in purely formal or mathematical logic, and eventually as a topic also in economics of research. As two stages of the development, extension, etc., of a hypothesis in scientific inquiry, abduction and also induction are often collapsed into one overarching concept the hypothesis. That is why, in the scientific method pioneered by Galileo and Bacon, the abductive stage of hypothesis formation is conceptualized simply as induction. Thus, in the twentieth century this collapse was reinforced by Karl Popper's explication of the hypothetico-deductive model, where the hypothesis is considered to be just "a guess"[14] (in the spirit of Peirce). However, when the formation of a hypothesis is considered the result of a process it becomes clear that this "guess" has already been tried and made more robust in thought as a necessary stage of its acquiring the status of hypothesis. Indeed many abductions are rejected or heavily modified by subsequent abductions before they ever reach this stage. Before 1900, Peirce treated abduction as the use of a known rule to explain an observation, e.g., it is a known rule that if it rains the grass is wet; so, to explain the fact that the grass is wet; one infers that it has rained. This remains the common use of the term "abduction" in the social sciences and in artificial intelligence. Peirce consistently characterized it as the kind of inference that originates a hypothesis by concluding in an explanation, though an unassured one, for some very curious or surprising (anomalous) observation stated in a premise. As early as 1865 he wrote that all conceptions of cause and force are reached through hypothetical inference; in the 1900s he wrote that all explanatory content of theories is reached through abduction. In other respects Peirce revised his view of abduction over the years.[15] In later years his view came to be: Abduction is guessing. It is "very little hampered" by rules of logic. Even a well-prepared mind's individual guesses are oftener wrong than right.[16] But the success of our guesses far exceeds that of random luck and seems born of attunement to nature by instinct[17] (some speak of intuition in such contexts[18]). Abduction guesses a new or outside idea so as to account in a plausible, instinctive, economical way for a surprising or very complicated phenomenon. That is its proximate aim. Its longer aim is to economize inquiry itself. Its rationale is inductive: it works often enough, is the only source of new ideas, and has no substitute in expediting the discovery of new truths.[19] Its rationale especially involves its role in coordination with other modes of inference in inquiry. It is inference to explanatory hypotheses for selection of those best worth trying. Pragmatism is the logic of abduction. Upon the generation of an explanation (which he came to regard as instinctively guided), the pragmatic maxim gives the necessary and sufficient logical rule to abduction in general. The hypothesis, being insecure, needs to have conceivable[20] implications for informed practice, so as to be testable[21][22] and, through its trials, to expedite and economize inquiry. The economy of research is what calls for abduction and governs its art. Writing in 1910, Peirce admits that "in almost everything I printed before the beginning of this century I more or less mixed up hypothesis and induction" and he traces the confusion of these two types of reasoning to logicians' too "narrow and formalistic a conception of inference, as necessarily having formulated judgments from its premises."[23] He started out in the 1860s treating hypothetical inference in a number of ways which he eventually peeled away as inessential or, in some cases, mistaken: as inferring the occurrence of a character (a characteristic) from the observed combined occurrence of multiple characters which its occurrence would necessarily involve;[24] for example, if any occurrence of A is known to necessitate occurrence of B, C, D, E, then the observation of B, C, D, E suggests by way of explanation the
Abductive reasoning occurrence of A. (But by 1878 he no longer regarded such multiplicity as common to all hypothetical inference.[25]) as aiming for a more or less probable hypothesis (in 1867 and 1883 but not in 1878; anyway by 1900 the justification is not probability but the lack of alternatives to guessing and the fact that guessing is fruitful;[26] by 1903 he speaks of the "likely" in the sense of nearing the truth in an "indefinite sense";[27] by 1908 he discusses plausibility as instinctive appeal.) In a paper dated by editors as circa 1901, he discusses "instinct" and "naturalness", along with the kind of considerations (low cost of testing, logical caution, breadth, and incomplexity) that he later calls methodeutical.[28] as induction from characters (but as early as 1900 he characterized abduction as guessing) as citing a known rule in a premise rather than hypothesizing a rule in the conclusion (but by 1903 he allowed either approach[29]) as basically a transformation of a deductive categorical syllogism (but in 1903 he offered a variation on modus ponens instead, and by 1911 he was unconvinced that any one form covers all hypothetical inference).
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1867
In 1867, in "The Natural Classification of Arguments", hypothetical inference always deals with a cluster of characters (call them P, P, P, etc.) known to occur at least whenever a certain character (M) occurs. (Note that categorical syllogisms have elements traditionally called middles, predicates, and subjects. For example: All men [middle] are mortal [predicate]; Socrates [subject] is a man [middle]; ergo Socrates [subject] is mortal [predicate]". Below, 'M' stands for a middle; 'P' for a predicate; 'S' for a subject. Note also that Peirce held that all deduction can be put into the form of the categorical syllogism Barbara (AAA).)
[Deduction]. [Any] M is P [Any] S is M [Any] S is P. Induction. S, S, S, &c. are taken at random as M's; S, S, S, &c. are P: Any M is probably P. Hypothesis. Any M is, for instance, P, P, P, &c.; S is P, P, P, &c.: S is probably M.
1878
In 1878, in "Deduction, Induction, and Hypothesis", there is no longer a need for multiple characters or predicates in order for an inference to be hypothetical, although it is still helpful. Moreover Peirce no longer poses hypothetical inference as concluding in a probable hypothesis. In the forms themselves, it is understood but not explicit that induction involves random selection and that hypothetical inference involves response to a "very curious circumstance". The forms instead emphasize the modes of inference as rearrangements of one another's propositions (without the bracketed hints shown below).
Deduction. Rule: All the beans from this bag are white. Case: These beans are from this bag. Result: These beans are white. Induction. Case: These beans are [randomly selected] from this bag. Result: These beans are white. Rule: All the beans from this bag are white. Hypothesis. Rule: All the beans from this bag are white. Result: These beans [oddly] are white. Case: These beans are from this bag.
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1883
Peirce long treated abduction in terms of induction from characters or traits (weighed, not counted like objects), explicitly so in his influential 1883 "A Theory of Probable Inference", in which he returns to involving probability in the hypothetical conclusion.[30] Like "Deduction, Induction, and Hypothesis" in 1878, it was widely read (see the historical books on statistics by Stephen Stigler), unlike his later amendments of his conception of abduction. Today abduction remains most commonly understood as induction from characters and extension of a known rule to cover unexplained circumstances.
1902 and after

In 1902 Peirce wrote that he now regarded the syllogistical forms and the doctrine of extension and comprehension (i.e., objects and characters as referenced by terms), as being less fundamental than he had earlier thought.[31] In 1903 he offered the following form for abduction: The surprising fact, C, is observed; But if A were true, C would be a matter of course, Hence, there is reason to suspect that A is true. The hypothesis is framed, but not asserted, in a premise, then asserted as rationally suspectable in the conclusion. Thus, as in the earlier categorical syllogistic form, the conclusion is formulated from some premise(s). But all the same the hypothesis consists more clearly than ever in a new or outside idea beyond what is known or observed. Induction in a sense goes beyond observations already reported in the premises, but it merely amplifies ideas already known to represent occurrences, or tests an idea supplied by hypothesis; either way it requires previous abductions in order to get such ideas in the first place. Induction seeks facts to test a hypothesis; abduction seeks a hypothesis to account for facts. Note that the hypothesis ("A") could be of a rule. It need not even be a rule strictly necessitating the surprising observation ("C"), which needs to follow only as a "matter of course"; or the "course" itself could amount to some known rule, merely alluded to, and also not necessarily a rule of strict necessity. In the same year, Peirce wrote that reaching a hypothesis may involve placing a surprising observation under either a newly hypothesized rule or a hypothesized combination of a known rule with a peculiar state of facts, so that the phenomenon would be not surprising but instead either necessarily implied or at least likely. Peirce did not remain quite convinced about any such form as the categorical syllogistic form or the 1903 form. In 1911, he wrote, "I do not, at present, feel quite convinced that any logical form can be assigned that will cover all "Retroductions". For what I mean by a Retroduction is simply a conjecture which arises in the mind."
Pragmatism
In 1901 Peirce wrote, "There would be no logic in imposing rules, and saying that they ought to be followed, until it is made out that the purpose of hypothesis requires them."[32] In 1903 Peirce called pragmatism "the logic of abduction" and said that the pragmatic maxim gives the necessary and sufficient logical rule to abduction in general. The pragmatic maxim is: "Consider what effects, that might conceivably have practical bearings, we conceive the object of our conception to have. Then, our conception of these effects is the whole of our conception of the object." It is a method for fruitful clarification of conceptions by equating the meaning of a conception with the conceivable practical implications of its object's conceived effects. Peirce held that that is precisely tailored to abduction's purpose in inquiry, the forming of an idea that could conceivably shape informed conduct. In various writings in the 1900s[33] he said that the conduct of abduction (or retroduction) is governed by considerations of economy, belonging in particular to the economics of research. He regarded economics as a normative science whose analytic portion might be part of logical methodeutic (that is, theory of inquiry).[34]
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Three levels of logic about abduction

Peirce came over the years to divide (philosophical) logic into three departments: 1. Stechiology, or speculative grammar, on the conditions for meaningfulness. Classification of signs (semblances, symptoms, symbols, etc.) and their combinations (as well as their objects and interpretants). 2. Logical critic, or logic proper, on validity or justifiability of inference, the conditions for true representation. Critique of arguments in their various modes (deduction, induction, abduction). 3. Methodeutic, or speculative rhetoric, on the conditions for determination of interpretations. Methodology of inquiry in its interplay of modes. Peirce had, from the start, seen the modes of inference as being coordinated together in scientific inquiry and, by the 1900s, held that hypothetical inference in particular is inadequately treated at the level of critique of arguments. To increase the assurance of a hypothetical conclusion, one needs to deduce implications about evidence to be found, predictions which induction can test through observation so as to evaluate the hypothesis. That is Peirce's outline of the scientific method of inquiry, as covered in his inquiry methodology, which includes pragmatism or, as he later called it, pragmaticism, the clarification of ideas in terms of their conceivable implications regarding informed practice. Classification of signs As early as 1866,[35] Peirce held that: 1. Hypothesis (abductive inference) is inference through an icon (also called a likeness). 2. Induction is inference through an index (a sign by factual connection); a sample is an index of the totality from which it is drawn. 3. Deduction is inference through a symbol (a sign by interpretive habit irrespective of resemblance or connection to its object). In 1902, Peirce wrote that, in abduction: "It is recognized that the phenomena are like, i.e. constitute an Icon of, a replica of a general conception, or Symbol."[36] Critique of arguments At the critical level Peirce examined the forms of abductive arguments (as discussed above), and came to hold that the hypothesis should economize explanation for plausibility in terms of the feasible and natural. In 1908 Peirce described this plausibility in some detail. It involves not likeliness based on observations (which is instead the inductive evaluation of a hypothesis), but instead optimal simplicity in the sense of the "facile and natural", as by Galileo's natural light of reason and as distinct from "logical simplicity" (Peirce does not dismiss logical simplicity entirely but sees it in a subordinate role; taken to its logical extreme it would favor adding no explanation to the observation at all). Even a well-prepared mind guesses oftener wrong than right, but our guesses succeed better than random luck at reaching the truth or at least advancing the inquiry, and that indicates to Peirce that they are based in instinctive attunement to nature, an affinity between the mind's processes and the processes of the real, which would account for why appealingly "natural" guesses are the ones that oftenest (or least seldom) succeed; to which Peirce added the argument that such guesses are to be preferred since, without "a natural bent like nature's", people would have no hope of understanding nature. In 1910 Peirce made a three-way distinction between probability, verisimilitude, and plausibility, and defined plausibility with a normative "ought": "By plausibility, I mean the degree to which a theory ought to recommend itself to our belief independently of any kind of evidence other than our instinct urging us to regard it favorably."[37] For Peirce, plausibility does not depend on observed frequencies or probabilities, or on verisimilitude, or even on testability, which is not a question of the critique of the hypothetical inference as an inference, but rather a question of the hypothesis's relation to the inquiry process. The phrase "inference to the best explanation" (not used by Peirce but often applied to hypothetical inference) is not always understood as referring to the most simple and natural. However, in other senses of "best", such as "standing
Abductive reasoning up best to tests", it is hard to know which is the best explanation to form, since one has not tested it yet. Still, for Peirce, any justification of an abductive inference as good is not completed upon its formation as an argument (unlike with induction and deduction) and instead depends also on its methodological role and promise (such as its testability) in advancing inquiry.[38] Methodology of inquiry At the methodeutical level Peirce held that a hypothesis is judged and selected for testing because it offers, via its trial, to expedite and economize the inquiry process itself toward new truths, first of all by being testable and also by further economies, in terms of cost, value, and relationships among guesses (hypotheses). Here, considerations such as probability, absent from the treatment of abduction at the critical level, come into play. For examples: Cost: A simple but low-odds guess, if low in cost to test for falsity, may belong first in line for testing, to get it out of the way. If surprisingly it stands up to tests, that is worth knowing early in the inquiry, which otherwise might have stayed long on a wrong though seemingly likelier track. Value: A guess is intrinsically worth testing if it has instinctual plausibility or reasoned objective probability, while subjective likelihood, though reasoned, can be treacherous. Interrelationships: Guesses can be chosen for trial strategically for their caution, for which Peirce gave as example the game of Twenty Questions, breadth of applicability to explain various phenomena, and incomplexity, that of a hypothesis that seems too simple but whose trial "may give a good 'leave,' as the billiard-players say", and be instructive for the pursuit of various and conflicting hypotheses that are less simple.[39]
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Other writers
Norwood Russell Hanson, a philosopher of science, wanted to grasp a logic explaining how scientific discoveries take place. He used Peirce's notion of abduction for this.[40] Further development of the concept can be found in Peter Lipton's Inference to the Best Explanation (Lipton, 1991).
Applications
Applications in artificial intelligence include fault diagnosis, belief revision, and automated planning. The most direct application of abduction is that of automatically detecting faults in systems: given a theory relating faults with their effects and a set of observed effects, abduction can be used to derive sets of faults that are likely to be the cause of the problem. Abduction can also be used to model automated planning.[41] Given a logical theory relating action occurrences with their effects (for example, a formula of the event calculus), the problem of finding a plan for reaching a state can be modeled as the problem of abducting a set of literals implying that the final state is the goal state. In intelligence analysis, Analysis of Competing Hypotheses and Bayesian networks, probabilistic abductive reasoning is used extensively. Similarly in medical diagnosis and legal reasoning, the same methods are being used, although there have been many examples of errors, especially caused by the base rate fallacy and the prosecutor's fallacy. Belief revision, the process of adapting beliefs in view of new information, is another field in which abduction has been applied. The main problem of belief revision is that the new information may be inconsistent with the corpus of beliefs, while the result of the incorporation cannot be inconsistent. This process can be done by the use of abduction: once an explanation for the observation has been found, integrating it does not generate inconsistency. This use of abduction is not straightforward, as adding propositional formulae to other propositional formulae can only make inconsistencies worse. Instead, abduction is done at the level of the ordering of preference of the possible
Abductive reasoning worlds. Preference models use fuzzy logic or utility models. In the philosophy of science, abduction has been the key inference method to support scientific realism, and much of the debate about scientific realism is focused on whether abduction is an acceptable method of inference. In historical linguistics, abduction during language acquisition is often taken to be an essential part of processes of language change such as reanalysis and analogy.[42] In anthropology, Alfred Gell in his influential book Art and Agency defined abduction, (after Eco[43]) as "a case of synthetic inference 'where we find some very curious circumstances, which would be explained by the supposition that it was a case of some general rule, and thereupon adopt that supposition".[44] Gell criticizes existing 'anthropological' studies of art, for being too preoccupied with aesthetic value and not preoccupied enough with the central anthropological concern of uncovering 'social relationships,' specifically the social contexts in which artworks are produced, circulated, and received.[45] Abduction is used as the mechanism for getting from art to agency. That is, abduction can explain how works of art inspire a sensus communis: the commonly-held views shared by members that characterize a given society.[46] The question Gell asks in the book is, 'how does it initially 'speak' to people?' He answers by saying that "No reasonable person could suppose that art-like relations between people and things do not involve at least some form of semiosis." However, he rejects any intimation that semiosis can be thought of as a language because then he would have to admit to some pre-established existence of the sensus communis that he wants to claim only emerges afterwards out of art. Abduction is the answer to this conundrum because the tentative nature of the abduction concept (Peirce likened it to guessing) means that not only can it operate outside of any pre-existing framework, but moreover, it can actually intimate the existence of a framework. As Gell reasons in his analysis, the physical existence of the artwork prompts the viewer to perform an abduction that imbues the artwork with intentionality. A statue of a goddess, for example, in some senses actually becomes the goddess in the mind of the beholder; and represents not only the form of the deity but also her intentions (which are adduced from the feeling of her very presence). Therefore through abduction, Gell claims that art can have the kind of agency that plants the seeds that grow into cultural myths. The power of agency is the power to motivate actions and inspire ultimately the shared understanding that characterizes any given society.
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References
This article is based on material taken from the Free On-line Dictionary of Computing prior to 1 November 2008 and incorporated under the "relicensing" terms of the GFDL, version 1.3 or later. Awbrey, Jon, and Awbrey, Susan (1995), "Interpretation as Action: The Risk of Inquiry", Inquiry: Critical Thinking Across the Disciplines, 15, 40-52. Eprint [47] Cialdea Mayer, Marta and Pirri, Fiora (1993) "First order abduction via tableau and sequent calculi" Logic Jnl IGPL 1993 1: 99-117; doi:10.1093/jigpal/1.1.99 [48]. Oxford Journals [49] Cialdea Mayer, Marta and Pirri, Fiora (1995) "Propositional Abduction in Modal Logic", Logic Jnl IGPL 1995 3: 907-919; doi:10.1093/jigpal/3.6.907 [50] Oxford Journals [51] Edwards, Paul (1967, eds.), "The Encyclopedia of Philosophy," Macmillan Publishing Co, Inc. & The Free Press, New York. Collier Macmillan Publishers, London. Eiter, T., and Gottlob, G. (1995), "The Complexity of Logic-Based Abduction, Journal of the ACM, 42.1, 3-42. Hanson, N. R. (1958). Patterns of Discovery: An Inquiry into the Conceptual Foundations of Science, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-09261-6. Harman, Gilbert (1965). "The Inference to the Best Explanation," The Philosophical Review 74:1, 88-95. Josephson, John R., and Josephson, Susan G. (1995, eds.), Abductive Inference: Computation, Philosophy, Technology, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, UK. Lipton, Peter. (2001). Inference to the Best Explanation, London: Routledge. ISBN 0-415-24202-9. McKaughan, Daniel J. (2008), "From Ugly Duckling to Swan: C. S. Peirce, Abduction, and the Pursuit of Scientific Theories", Transactions of the Charles S. Peirce Society, v. 44, no. 3 (summer), 446468. Abstract [52].
Abductive reasoning Menzies, T. (1996), "Applications of Abduction: Knowledge-Level Modeling [53], International Journal of Human-Computer Studies, 45.3, 305-335. Queiroz, Joao & Merrell, Floyd (guest eds.). (2005). "Abduction - between subjectivity and objectivity". (special issue on abductive inference) Semiotica 153 (1/4). [54]. Santaella, Lucia (1997) "The Development of Peirce's Three Types of Reasoning: Abduction, Deduction, and Induction", 6th Congress of the IASS. Eprint [55]. Sebeok, T. (1981) "You Know My Method." In Sebeok, T. "The Play of Musement." Indiana. Bloomington, IA. Yu, Chong Ho (1994), "Is There a Logic of Exploratory Data Analysis?", Annual Meeting of American Educational Research Association, New Orleans, LA, April, 1994. Website of Dr. Chong Ho (Alex) Yu [56]
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Notes
Magnani, L. "Abduction, Reason, and Science: Processes of Discovery and Explanation". Kluwer Academic Plenum Publishers, New York, 2001. xvii 205 pages. Hard cover, ISBN 0-306-46514-0. R. Josephson, J. & G. Josephson, S. "Abductive Inference: Computation, Philosophy, Technology" Cambridge University Press, New York & Cambridge (U.K.). viii 306 pages. Hard cover (1994), ISBN 0-521-43461-0, Paperback (1996), ISBN 0-521-57545-1. Bunt, H. & Black, W. "Abduction, Belief and Context in Dialogue: Studies in Computational Pragmatics" (Natural Language Processing, 1.) John Benjamins, Amsterdam & Philadelphia, 2000. vi 471 pages. Hard cover, ISBN 90-272-4983-0 (Europe),
1-58619-794-2 (U.S.) [2] Peirce, C. S. "On the Logic of drawing History from Ancient Documents especially from Testimonies" (1901), Collected Papers v. 7, paragraph 219. "PAP" ["Prolegomena to an Apology for Pragmatism"], MS 293 c. 1906, New Elements of Mathematics v. 4, pp. 319-320. A Letter to F. A. Woods (1913), Collected Papers v. 8, paragraphs 385-388. (See under " Abduction (http:/ / www. helsinki. fi/ science/ commens/ terms/ abduction. html)" and " Retroduction (http:/ / www. helsinki. fi/ science/ commens/ terms/ retroduction. html)" at Commens Dictionary of Peirce's Terms.) [3] Peirce, C. S. (1903), Harvard lectures on pragmatism, Collected Papers v. 5, paragraphs 188189 (http:/ / www. textlog. de/ 7664-2. html). [4] A Letter to J. H. Kehler (1911), New Elements of Mathematics v. 3, pp. 2034, see under " Retroduction (http:/ / www. helsinki. fi/ science/ commens/ terms/ retroduction. html)" at Commens Dictionary of Peirce's Terms. [5] Peirce, C.S. (1902), application to the Carnegie Institution, see MS L75.329-330, from Draft D (http:/ / www. cspeirce. com/ menu/ library/ bycsp/ l75/ ver1/ l75v1-08. htm#m27) of Memoir 27: [6] Sober, Elliot. Core Questions in Philosophy,5th edition. [7] See, e.g. Analysis of Evidence, 2d ed. by Terence Anderson (Cambridge University Press, 2005) [8] For examples, see " Abductive Inference in Reasoning and Perception (http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20110720020440/ http:/ / www. cse. ohio-state. edu/ lair/ Projects/ Abduction/ abduction. html)", John R. Josephson, Laboratory for Artificial Intelligence Research, Ohio State University, and Abduction, Reason, and Science. Processes of Discovery and Explanation by Lorenzo Magnani (Kluwer Academic/Plenum Publishers, New York, 2001). [9] Peirce MS. 692, quoted in Sebeok, T. (1981) " You Know My Method (http:/ / www. visual-memory. co. uk/ b_resources/ abduction. html)" in Sebeok, T., The Play of Musement, Bloomington, IA: Indiana, page 24. [10] Peirce MS. 696, quoted in Sebeok, T. (1981) " You Know My Method (http:/ / www. visual-memory. co. uk/ b_resources/ abduction. html)" in Sebeok, T., The Play of Musement, Bloomington, IA: Indiana, page 31. [11] Jonathan Koehler. The Base Rate Fallacy Reconsidered: Descriptive, Normative and Methodological Challenges. Behavioral and Brain Sciences. 19, 1996. [12] Robertson, B., & Vignaux, G. A. (1995). Interpreting evidence: Evaluating forensic evidence in the courtroom. Chichester: John Wiley and Sons. [13] A. Jsang. Conditional Reasoning with Subjective Logic. Journal of multiple valued logic and soft computing. 15(1), pp.5-38, 2008. PDF (http:/ / persons. unik. no/ josang/ papers/ Jos2008-JMVLSC. pdf) [14] Popper, Karl (2002), Conjectures and Refutations: The Growth of Scientific Knowledge, London, UK: Routledge. p 536 [15] See Santaella, Lucia (1997) "The Development of Peirce's Three Types of Reasoning: Abduction, Deduction, and Induction", 6th Congress of the IASS. Eprint (http:/ / www. pucsp. br/ ~lbraga/ epap_peir1. htm). [16] Peirce, C. S. (1908), "A Neglected Argument for the Reality of God", Hibbert Journal v. 7, pp. 90112, see 4. In Collected Papers v. 6, see paragraph 476. In The Essential Peirce v. 2, see p. 444. [17] Peirce, C. S. (1908), "A Neglected Argument for the Reality of God", Hibbert Journal v. 7, pp. 90112. See both part III and part IV. Reprinted, including originally unpublished portion, in Collected Papers v. 6, paragraphs 45285, Essential Peirce v. 2, pp. 43450, and elsewhere. [18] Peirce used the term "intuition" not in the sense of an instinctive or anyway half-conscious inference as people often do currently. Instead he used "intuition" usually in the sense of a cognition devoid of logical determination by previous cognitions. He said, "We have no power of
Abductive reasoning
Intuition" in that sense. See his "Some Consequences of Four Incapacities" (1868), Eprint (http:/ / www. peirce. org/ writings/ p27. html). [19] For a relevant discussion of Peirce and the aims of abductive inference, see McKaughan, Daniel J. (2008), "From Ugly Duckling to Swan: C. S. Peirce, Abduction, and the Pursuit of Scientific Theories", Transactions of the Charles S. Peirce Society, v. 44, no. 3 (summer), 446468. [20] Peirce means "conceivable" very broadly. See Collected Papers v. 5, paragraph 196, or Essential Peirce v. 2, p. 235, "Pragmatism as the Logic of Abduction" (Lecture VII of the 1903 Harvard lectures on pragmatism): [21] Peirce, C. S., Carnegie Application (L75, 1902, New Elements of Mathematics v. 4, pp. 3738. See under " Abduction (http:/ / www. helsinki. fi/ science/ commens/ terms/ abduction. html)" at the Commens Dictionary of Peirce's Terms: [22] Peirce, "Pragmatism as the Logic of Abduction" (Lecture VII of the 1903 Harvard lectures on pragmatism), see parts III and IV. Published in part in Collected Papers v. 5, paragraphs 180212 (see 196200, Eprint (http:/ / www. textlog. de/ 7663. html) and in full in Essential Peirce v. 2, pp. 226241 (see sections III and IV). [23] Peirce, A Letter to Paul Carus circa 1910, Collected Papers v. 8, paragraphs 227228. See under " Hypothesis (http:/ / www. helsinki. fi/ science/ commens/ terms/ hypothesis. html)" at the Commens Dictionary of Peirce's Terms. [24] (1867), "On the Natural Classification of Arguments", Proceedings of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences v. 7, pp. 261287. Presented April 9, 1867. See especially starting at p. 284 (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=nG8UAAAAYAAJ& pg=PA284) in Part III 1. Reprinted in Collected Papers v. 2, paragraphs 461516 and Writings v. 2, pp. 2349. [25] Peirce, C. S. (1878), "Deduction, Induction, and Hypothesis", Popular Science Monthly, v. 13, pp. 47082, see 472 (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=u8sWAQAAIAAJ& jtp=472). Collected Papers 2.61944, see 623. [26] A letter to Langley, 1900, published in Historical Perspectives on Peirce's Logic of Science. See excerpts under " Abduction (http:/ / www. helsinki. fi/ science/ commens/ terms/ abduction. html)" at the Commens Dictionary of Peirce's Terms. [27] "A Syllabus of Certain Topics of Logic'" (1903 manuscript), Essential Peirce v. 2, see p. 287. See under " Abduction (http:/ / www. helsinki. fi/ science/ commens/ terms/ abduction. html)" at the Commens Dictionary of Peirce's Terms. [28] Peirce, C. S., "On the Logic of Drawing History from Ancient Documents", dated as circa 1901 both by the editors of Collected Papers (see CP v. 7, bk 2, ch. 3, footnote 1) and by those of the Essential Peirce (EP) ( Eprint (http:/ / www. iupui. edu/ ~peirce/ ep/ ep2/ headers/ ep2headx. htm#8). The article's discussion of abduction is in CP v. 7, paragraphs 21831 and in EP v. 2, pp. 10714. [29] Peirce, C. S., "A Syllabus of Certain Topics of Logic" (1903), Essential Peirce v. 2, p. 287: [30] Peirce, C. S. (1883), "A Theory of Probable Inference" in Studies in Logic). [31] In Peirce, C. S., 'Minute Logic' circa 1902, Collected Papers v. 2, paragraph 102. See under " Abduction (http:/ / www. helsinki. fi/ science/ commens/ terms/ abduction. html)" at Commens Dictionary of Peirce's Terms. [32] Peirce, "On the Logic of drawing History from Ancient Documents", 1901 manuscript, Collected Papers v. 7, paragraphs 164231, see 202, reprinted in Essential Peirce v. 2, pp. 75114, see 95. See under " Abduction (http:/ / www. helsinki. fi/ science/ commens/ terms/ abduction. html)" at Commens Dictionary of Peirce's Terms. [33] Peirce, "On the Logic of Drawing Ancient History from Documents", Essential Peirce v. 2, see pp. 1079. [34] Peirce, Carnegie application, L75 (1902), Memoir 28: "On the Economics of Research", scroll down to Draft E. Eprint (http:/ / www. cspeirce. com/ menu/ library/ bycsp/ l75/ ver1/ l75v1-08. htm#m28). [35] Peirce, C. S., the 1866 Lowell Lectures on the Logic of Science, Writings of Charles S. Peirce v. 1, p. 485. See under " Hypothesis (http:/ / www. helsinki. fi/ science/ commens/ terms/ hypothesis. html)" at Commens Dictionary of Peirce's Terms. [36] Peirce, C. S., "A Syllabus of Certain Topics of Logic", written 1903. See The Essential Peirce v. 2, p. 287. Quote viewable under " Abduction (http:/ / www. helsinki. fi/ science/ commens/ terms/ abduction. html)" at Commens Dictionary of Peirce's Terms. [37] Peirce, A Letter to Paul Carus 1910, Collected Papers v. 8, see paragraph 223. [38] Peirce, C. S. (1902), Application to the Carnegie Institution, Memoir 27, Eprint (http:/ / www. cspeirce. com/ menu/ library/ bycsp/ l75/ ver1/ l75v1-08. htm#m27): "Of the different classes of arguments, abductions are the only ones in which after they have been admitted to be just, it still remains to inquire whether they are advantageous." [39] Peirce, "On the Logic of Drawing Ancient History from Documents", Essential Peirce v. 2, see pp. 1079 and 113. On Twenty Questions, p. 109, Peirce has pointed out that if each question eliminates half the possibilities, twenty questions can choose from among 220 or 1,048,576 objects, and goes on to say: [40] Schwendtner, Tibor and Ropolyi, Lszl and Kiss, Olga (eds): Hermeneutika s a termszettudomnyok. ron Kiad, Budapest, 2001. It is written in Hungarian. Meaning of the title: Hermeneutics and the natural sciences. See, e.g., Hanson's Patterns of Discovery (Hanson, 1958), especially pp. 85-92 [41] Kave Eshghi. Abductive planning with the event calculus. In Robert A. Kowalski, Kenneth A. Bowen editors: Logic Programming, Proceedings of the Fifth International Conference and Symposium, Seattle, Washington, August 1519, 1988. MIT Press 1988, ISBN 0-262-61056-6 [42] April M. S. McMahon (1994): Understanding language change. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-44665-1 [43] Eco, U. (1976). "A theory of Semiotics." Bloomington, IA: Indiana. p 131 [44] Gell, A. 1984, Art and Agency. Oxford: Oxford. p 14 [45] Bowden, R. (2004) A critique of Alfred Gell on Art and Agency. Retrieved Sept 2007 from: Find Articles at BNET (http:/ / findarticles. com/ p/ articles/ mi_qa3654/ is_200406/ ai_n9453295) [46] Whitney D. (2006) 'Abduction the agency of art.' Retrieved May 2009 from: University of California, Berkeley (http:/ / arthistory. berkeley. edu/ davis/ Gell. pdf)
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[47] [48] [49] [50] [51] [52] [53] [54] [55] [56] http:/ / www. chss. montclair. edu/ inquiry/ fall95/ awbrey. html http:/ / dx. doi. org/ 10. 1093%2Fjigpal%2F1. 1. 99 http:/ / jigpal. oxfordjournals. org/ content/ vol1/ issue1/ index. dtl#ARTICLES http:/ / dx. doi. org/ 10. 1093%2Fjigpal%2F3. 6. 907 http:/ / jigpal. oxfordjournals. org/ content/ vol3/ issue6/ http:/ / inscribe. iupress. org/ doi/ abs/ 10. 2979/ TRA. 2008. 44. 3. 446 http:/ / menzies. us/ pdf/ 96abkl. pdf http:/ / www. degruyter. com/ view/ j/ semi. 2005. 2005. issue-153-1-4/ issue-files/ semi. 2005. 2005. issue-153-1-4. xml http:/ / www. pucsp. br/ ~lbraga/ epap_peir1. htm http:/ / www. creative-wisdom. com/ pub/ Peirce/ Logic_of_EDA. html
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External links
Abduction (http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/abduction) entry by Igor Douven in the Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy Abductive reasoning (https://inpho.cogs.indiana.edu/idea/5421) at the Indiana Philosophy Ontology Project Abductive reasoning (http://philpapers.org/browse/inference-to-the-best-explanation) at PhilPapers " Abductive Inference (http://www.cse.ohio-state.edu/lair/research.html)" (once there, scroll down), John R. Josephson, Laboratory for Artificial Intelligence Research, Ohio State University. ( Former webpage (http://web. archive.org/web/20110720020440/http://www.cse.ohio-state.edu/lair/Projects/Abduction/abduction.html) via the Wayback Machine.) " Deduction, Induction, and Abduction (http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/peirce/#dia)", Chapter 3 in article " Charles Sanders Peirce (http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/peirce/)" by Robert Burch, 2001 and 2006, in the Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (http://plato.stanford.edu/). " Abduction (http://carbon.ucdenver.edu/~mryder/itc/abduction.html)", links to articles and websites on abductive inference, Martin Ryder (http://carbon.ucdenver.edu/~mryder/martin.html). International Research Group on Abductive Inference (http://user.uni-frankfurt.de/~wirth/), Uwe Wirth and Alexander Roesler, eds. Uses frames. Click on link at bottom of its home page for English. Wirth moved to U. of Gieen, Germany, and set up Abduktionsforschung (http://www.abduktionsforschung.de/), home page not in English but see Artikel section there. Abduktionsforschung home page via Google translation (http://translate. google.com/translate?js=n&layout=2&eotf=1&sl=de&tl=en&u=http://www.abduktionsforschung.de/ abduktionsforschung.html). " 'You Know My Method': A Juxtaposition of Charles S. Peirce and Sherlock Holmes (http://www. visual-memory.co.uk/b_resources/abduction.html)" (1981), by Thomas Sebeok with Jean Umiker-Sebeok, from The Play of Musement, Thomas Sebeok, Bloomington, Indiana: Indiana University Press, pp.1752. Commens Dictionary of Peirce's Terms (http://www.helsinki.fi/science/commens/dictionary.html), Mats Bergman and Sami Paavola, editors, Helsinki U. Peirce's own definitions, often many per term across the decades. There, see "Hypothesis [as a form of reasoning]", "Abduction", "Retroduction", and "Presumption [as a form of reasoning]".
Defeasible reasoning
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Defeasible reasoning is a kind of reasoning that is based on reasons that are defeasible, as opposed to the indefeasible reasons of deductive logic. Defeasible reasoning is a particular kind of non-demonstrative reasoning, where the reasoning does not produce a full, complete, or final demonstration of a claim, i.e., where fallibility and corrigibility of a conclusion are acknowledged. In other words defeasible reasoning produces a contingent statement or claim. Other kinds of non-demonstrative reasoning are probabilistic reasoning, inductive reasoning, statistical reasoning, abductive reasoning, and paraconsistent reasoning. Defeasible reasoning is also a kind of ampliative reasoning because its conclusions reach beyond the pure meanings of the premises. The differences between these kinds of reasoning correspond to differences about the conditional that each kind of reasoning uses, and on what premise (or on what authority) the conditional is adopted: Deductive (from meaning postulate, axiom, or contingent assertion): if p then q (i.e., q or not-p) Defeasible (from authority): if p then (defeasibly) q Probabilistic (from combinatorics and indifference): if p then (probably) q Statistical (from data and presumption): the frequency of qs among ps is high (or inference from a model fit to data); hence, (in the right context) if p then (probably) q
Inductive (theory formation; from data, coherence, simplicity, and confirmation): (inducibly) "if p then q"; hence, if p then (deducibly-but-revisably) q Abductive (from data and theory): p and q are correlated, and q is sufficient for p; hence, if p then (abducibly) q as cause Some have thought that defeasible reasoning could be connected to qualitative probabilistic reasoning, but such efforts have not borne great insights. Defeasible reasoning finds its fullest expression in jurisprudence, ethics and moral philosophy, epistemology, pragmatics and conversational conventions in linguistics, constructivist decision theories, and in knowledge representation and planning in artificial intelligence. It is also closely identified with prima facie (presumptive) reasoning (i.e., reasoning on the "face" of evidence), and ceteris paribus (default) reasoning (i.e., reasoning, all things "being equal").
History
Though Aristotle differentiated the forms of reasoning that are valid for logic and philosophy from the more general ones that are used in everyday life (see dialectics and rhetoric), 20th Century philosophers mainly concentrated on deductive reasoning. At the end of the 19th Century, logic texts would typically survey both demonstrative and non-demonstrative reasoning, often giving more space to the latter. However, after the blossoming of mathematical logic at the hands of Bertrand Russell, Alfred North Whitehead and Willard van Orman Quine, latter-20th Century logic texts paid little attention to the non-deductive modes of inference. There are several notable exceptions. John Maynard Keynes wrote his dissertation on non-demonstrative reasoning, and influenced the thinking of Ludwig Wittgenstein on this subject. Wittgenstein, in turn, had many admirers, including the positivist legal scholar H.L.A. Hart and the speech act linguist John L. Austin, Stephen Toulmin in rhetoric (Chaim Perelman too), the moral theorists W.D. Ross and C.L. Stevenson, and the vagueness epistemologist/ontologist Friedrich Waismann. The etymology of defeasible usually refers to Middle English law of contracts, where a condition of defeasance is a clause that can invalidate or annul a contract or deed. Though defeat, dominate, defer, defy, deprecate and derogate are often used in the same contexts as defeasible, the verbs annul and invalidate (and nullify, overturn, rescind, vacate, repeal, debar, void, cancel, countermand, preempt, etc.) are more properly correlated with the concept of defeasibility than those words beginning with the letter d. Many dictionaries do contain the verb, to defease with past
Defeasible reasoning participle, defeased. Philosophers in moral theory and rhetoric had taken defeasibility largely for granted when American epistemologists rediscovered Wittgenstein's thinking on the subject: John Ladd, Roderick Chisholm, Roderick Firth, Ernest Sosa, Robert Nozick, and John L. Pollock all began writing with new conviction about how appearance as red was only a defeasible reason for believing something to be red. More importantly Wittgenstein's orientation toward language-games (and away from semantics) emboldened these epistemologists to manage rather than to expurgate prima facie logical inconsistency. At the same time (in the mid-1960s), two more students of Hart and Austin at Oxford, Brian Barry and David Gauthier, were applying defeasible reasoning to political argument and practical reasoning (of action), respectively. Joel Feinberg and Joseph Raz were beginning to produce equally mature works in ethics and jurisprudence informed by defeasibility. By far the most significant works on defeasibility by the mid-1970s were in epistemology, where John Pollock's 1974 Knowledge and Justification popularized his terminology of undercutting and rebutting (which mirrored the analysis of Toulmin). Pollock's work was significant precisely because it brought defeasibility so close to philosophical logicians. The failure of logicians to dismiss defeasibility in epistemology (as Cambridge's logicians had done to Hart decades earlier) landed defeasible reasoning in the philosophical mainstream. Defeasibility had always been closely related to argument, rhetoric, and law, except in epistemology, where the chains of reasons, and the origin of reasons, were not often discussed. Nicholas Rescher's Dialectics is an example of how difficult it was for philosophers to contemplate more complex systems of defeasible reasoning. This was in part because proponents of informal logic became the keepers of argument and rhetoric while insisting that formalism was anathema to argument. About this time, researchers in artificial intelligence became interested in non-monotonic reasoning and its semantics. With philosophers such as Pollock and Donald Nute (e.g., defeasible logic), dozens of computer scientists and logicians produced complex systems of defeasible reasoning between 1980 and 2000. No single system of defeasible reasoning would emerge in the same way that Quine's system of logic became a de facto standard. Nevertheless, the 100-year head start on non-demonstrative logical calculi, due to George Boole, Charles Sanders Peirce, and Gottlob Frege was being closed: both demonstrative and non-demonstrative reasoning now have formal calculi. There are related (and slightly competing) systems of reasoning that are newer than systems of defeasible reasoning, e.g., belief revision and dynamic logic. The dialogue logics of Charles Hamblin and Jim Mackenzie (logician), and their colleagues, can also be tied closely to defeasible reasoning. Belief revision is a non-constructive specification of the desiderata with which, or constraints according to which, epistemic change takes place. Dynamic logic is related mainly because, like paraconsistent logic, the reordering of premises can change the set of justified conclusions. Dialogue logics introduce an adversary, but are like belief revision theories in their adherence to deductively consistent states of belief.
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Political and judicial use

Many political philosophers have been fond of the word indefeasible when referring to rights, e.g., that were inalienable, divine, or indubitable. For example, in the 1776 Virginia Declaration of Rights, "community hath an indubitable, inalienable, and indefeasible right to reform, alter or abolish government..." (also attributed to James Madison); and John Adams, "The people have a right, an indisputable, unalienable, indefeasible, divine right to that most dreaded and envied kind of knowledge - I mean of the character and conduct of their rulers." Also, Lord Aberdeen: "indefeasible right inherent in the British Crown" and Gouverneur Morris: "the Basis of our own Constitution is the indefeasible Right of the People." Scholarship about Abraham Lincoln often cites these passages in the justification of secession. Philosophers who use the word defeasible have historically had different world views from those who use the word indefeasible (and this distinction has often been mirrored by Oxford and
Defeasible reasoning Cambridge zeitgeist); hence it is rare to find authors who use both words. In judicial opinions, the use of defeasible is commonplace. There is however disagreement among legal logicians whether defeasible reasoning is central, e.g., in the consideration of open texture, precedent, exceptions, and rationales, or whether it applies only to explicit defeasance clauses. H.L.A. Hart in The Concept of Law gives two famous examples of defeasibility: "No vehicles in the park" (except during parades); and "Offer, acceptance, and memorandum produce a contract" (except when the contract is illegal, the parties are minors, inebriated, or incapacitated, etc.).
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Specificity
One of the main disputes among those who produce systems of defeasible reasoning is the status of a rule of specificity. In its simplest form, it is the same rule as subclass inheritance preempting class inheritance:
(R1) if p then (defeasibly) q (R2) if r then (defeasibly) not-q (O1) if p then (deductively) r (M1) arguably, p (M2) R1 is a more specific reason than R2 (M3) therefore, arguably, q e.g., if penguin then not-flies e.g., if bird then flies e.g., if penguin then bird e.g., arguably, penguin e.g., R1 is better than R2 e.g., therefore, arguably, not-flies
Approximately half of the systems of defeasible reasoning discussed today adopt a rule of specificity, while half expect that such preference rules be written explicitly by whoever provides the defeasible reasons. For example, Rescher's dialectical system uses specificity, as do early systems of multiple inheritance (e.g., David Touretzky) and the early argument systems of Donald Nute and of Guillermo Simari and Ronald Loui. Defeasible reasoning accounts of precedent (stare decisis and case-based reasoning) also make use of specificity (e.g., Joseph Raz and the work of Kevin D. Ashley and Edwina Rissland). Meanwhile, the argument systems of Henry Prakken and Giovanni Sartor, of Bart Verheij and Jaap Hage, and the system of Phan Minh Dung do not adopt such a rule.
Nature of defeasibility
There is a distinct difference between those who theorize about defeasible reasoning as if it were a system of confirmational revision (with affinities to belief revision), and those who theorize about defeasibility as if it were the result of further (non-empirical) investigation. There are at least three kinds of further non-empirical investigation: progress in a lexical/syntactic process, progress in a computational process, and progress in an adversary or legal proceeding. Defeasibility as corrigibility: Here, a person learns something new that annuls a prior inference. In this case, defeasible reasoning provides a constructive mechanism for belief revision, like a truth maintenance system as envisioned by Jon Doyle. Defeasibility as shorthand for preconditions: Here, the author of a set of rules or legislative code is writing rules with exceptions. Sometimes a set of defeasible rules can be rewritten, with more cogency, with explicit (local) pre-conditions instead of (non-local) competing rules. Many non-monotonic systems with fixed-point or preferential semantics fit this view. However, sometimes the rules govern a process of argument (the last view on this list), so that they cannot be re-compiled into a set of deductive rules lest they lose their force in situations with incomplete knowledge or incomplete derivation of preconditions. Defeasibility as an anytime algorithm: Here, it is assumed that calculating arguments takes time, and at any given time, based on a subset of the potentially constructible arguments, a conclusion is defeasibly justified. Isaac Levi has protested against this kind of defeasibility, but it is well-suited to the heuristic projects of, for example, Herbert A. Simon. On this view, the best move so far in a chess-playing program's analysis at a particular depth is a defeasibly
Defeasible reasoning justified conclusion. This interpretation works with either the prior or the next semantical view. Defeasibility as a means of controlling an investigative or social process: Here, justification is the result of the right kind of procedure (e.g., a fair and efficient hearing), and defeasible reasoning provides impetus for pro and con responses to each other. Defeasibility has to do with the alternation of verdict as locutions are made and cases presented, not the changing of a mind with respect to new (empirical) discovery. Under this view, defeasible reasoning and defeasible argumentation refer to the same phenomenon.
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References
Defeasible logic [1], Donald Nute, Lecture Notes in Computer Science, Springer, 2003. Logical models of argument [2], Carlos Chesnevar, et al., ACM Computing Surveys 32:4, 2000. Logics for defeasible argumentation [3], Henry Prakken and Gerard Vreeswijk, in Handbook of Philosophical Logic, Dov M. Gabbay, Franz Guenthner, eds., Kluwer, 2002. Dialectics [4], Nicholas Rescher, SUNY Press, 1977. Defeasible reasoning [5], John Pollock, Cognitive Science, 1987. Knowledge and Justification [6], John Pollock, Princeton University Press, 1974. Abstract argumentation systems [7], Gerard Vreeswijk, Artificial Intelligence, 1997. Hart's critics on defeasible concepts and ascriptivism [8], Ronald Loui, Proc. 5th Intl. Conf. on AI and Law, 1995. Political argument [9], Brian Barry, Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1970. The uses of argument [10], Stephen Toulmin, Cambridge University Press, 1958. Discourse relations and defeasible knowledge [11], Alex Lascarides and Nicholas Asher, Proc. of the 29th Meeting of the Assn. for Comp. Ling., 1991. Defeasible logic programming: an argumentative approach [12], Alejandro Garcia and Guillermo Simari, Theory and Practice of Logic Programming 4:95-138, 2004. Philosophical foundations of deontic logic and the logic of defeasible conditionals [13], Carlos Alchourron, in Deontic logic in computer science: normative system specification, J. Meyer, R. Wieringa, eds., Wiley, 1994. A Mathematical Treatment of Defeasible Reasoning and its Implementation. [14] Guillermo R. Simari, Ronald P. Loui, ] Artificial Intelligence Journal, 53(2-3): 125-157 (1992).
External links
Article on Defeasible Reasoning [15] in the Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy An example of defeasible reasoning in action [16]
References
[1] http:/ / www. springerlink. com/ index/ UQ708JX7XG823H5F. pdf [2] http:/ / portal. acm. org/ citation. cfm?id=371581 [3] http:/ / books. google. com/ books?hl=en& lr=& id=bQHce6eNhDIC& oi=fnd& pg=PA219& dq=prakken& ots=h7xemV-dM1& sig=E6Ar7mAiBU0raO-rlNmzq8-8HG4 [4] http:/ / books. google. com/ books?hl=en& lr=& id=DN5ERAAxUSYC& oi=fnd& pg=PR9& dq=rescher& ots=vRu4s0Ely-& sig=__Dvw746CkFNdCaAdNLCGImTbFU [5] http:/ / linkinghub. elsevier. com/ retrieve/ pii/ S0364021387800174 [6] http:/ / scholar. google. com/ scholar?hl=en& lr=& cites=7198700474843277547 [7] http:/ / webdigg. net/ Defeasible/ Defeasible-reasoning/ [8] http:/ / portal. acm. org/ citation. cfm?id=222099 [9] http:/ / scholar. google. com/ scholar?hl=en& lr=& cites=7525164436422571935 [10] http:/ / scholar. google. com/ scholar?hl=en& lr=& cites=8944770465668267468 [11] http:/ / portal. acm. org/ citation. cfm?id=981352& dl= [12] http:/ / journals. cambridge. org/ action/ displayAbstract;jsessionid=E68F5CAC6B0001D1ABEFD7C8C24F919F. tomcat1?fromPage=online& aid=191503 [13] http:/ / portal. acm. org/ citation. cfm?id=180954. 180957
[14] http:/ / www. sciencedirect. com/ science?_ob=ArticleURL& _udi=B6TYF-47YRKSD-7C& _user=10& _coverDate=02%2F29%2F1992& _rdoc=1& _fmt=high& _orig=browse& _origin=browse& _zone=rslt_list_item& _srch=doc-info%28%23toc%235617%231992%23999469997%23391734%23FLP%23display%23Volume%29& _cdi=5617& _sort=d& _docanchor=& _ct=16& _acct=C000050221& _version=1& _urlVersion=0& _userid=10& md5=0735cebb41ce81bdfe8e260dbef2c71d& searchtype=a [15] http:/ / plato. stanford. edu/ entries/ reasoning-defeasible/ [16] http:/ / william-king. www. drexel. edu/ top/ prin/ txt/ Intro/ Eco112c. html
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Case-based reasoning
Case-based reasoning (CBR), broadly construed, is the process of solving new problems based on the solutions of similar past problems. An auto mechanic who fixes an engine by recalling another car that exhibited similar symptoms is using case-based reasoning. A lawyer who advocates a particular outcome in a trial based on legal precedents or a judge who creates case law is using case-based reasoning. So, too, an engineer copying working elements of nature (practicing biomimicry), is treating nature as a database of solutions to problems. Case-based reasoning is a prominent kind of analogy making. It has been argued that case-based reasoning is not only a powerful method for computer reasoning, but also a pervasive behavior in everyday human problem solving; or, more radically, that all reasoning is based on past cases personally experienced. This view is related to prototype theory, which is most deeply explored in cognitive science.
Process
Case-based reasoning has been formalized for purposes of computer reasoning as a four-step process:[1] 1. Retrieve: Given a target problem, retrieve from memory cases relevant to solving it. A case consists of a problem, its solution, and, typically, annotations about how the solution was derived. For example, suppose Fred wants to prepare blueberry pancakes. Being a novice cook, the most relevant experience he can recall is one in which he successfully made plain pancakes. The procedure he followed for making the plain pancakes, together with justifications for decisions made along the way, constitutes Fred's retrieved case. 2. Reuse: Map the solution from the previous case to the target problem. This may involve adapting the solution as needed to fit the new situation. In the pancake example, Fred must adapt his retrieved solution to include the addition of blueberries. 3. Revise: Having mapped the previous solution to the target situation, test the new solution in the real world (or a simulation) and, if necessary, revise. Suppose Fred adapted his pancake solution by adding blueberries to the batter. After mixing, he discovers that the batter has turned blue an undesired effect. This suggests the following revision: delay the addition of blueberries until after the batter has been ladled into the pan. 4. Retain: After the solution has been successfully adapted to the target problem, store the resulting experience as a new case in memory. Fred, accordingly, records his new-found procedure for making blueberry pancakes, thereby enriching his set of stored experiences, and better preparing him for future pancake-making demands.
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Comparison to other methods

At first glance, CBR may seem similar to the rule induction algorithms[2] of machine learning. Like a rule-induction algorithm, CBR starts with a set of cases or training examples; it forms generalizations of these examples, albeit implicit ones, by identifying commonalities between a retrieved case and the target problem. If for instance a procedure for plain pancakes is mapped to blueberry pancakes, a decision is made to use the same basic batter and frying method, thus implicitly generalizing the set of situations under which the batter and frying method can be used. The key difference, however, between the implicit generalization in CBR and the generalization in rule induction lies in when the generalization is made. A rule-induction algorithm draws its generalizations from a set of training examples before the target problem is even known; that is, it performs eager generalization. For instance, if a rule-induction algorithm were given recipes for plain pancakes, Dutch apple pancakes, and banana pancakes as its training examples, it would have to derive, at training time, a set of general rules for making all types of pancakes. It would not be until testing time that it would be given, say, the task of cooking blueberry pancakes. The difficulty for the rule-induction algorithm is in anticipating the different directions in which it should attempt to generalize its training examples. This is in contrast to CBR, which delays (implicit) generalization of its cases until testing time a strategy of lazy generalization. In the pancake example, CBR has already been given the target problem of cooking blueberry pancakes; thus it can generalize its cases exactly as needed to cover this situation. CBR therefore tends to be a good approach for rich, complex domains in which there are myriad ways to generalize a case.
Criticism
Critics of CBR argue that it is an approach that accepts anecdotal evidence as its main operating principle. Without statistically relevant data for backing and implicit generalization, there is no guarantee that the generalization is correct. However, all inductive reasoning where data is too scarce for statistical relevance is inherently based on anecdotal evidence. There is recent work that develops CBR within a statistical framework and formalizes case-based inference as a specific type of probabilistic inference; thus, it becomes possible to produce case-based predictions equipped with a certain level of confidence.[3]
History
CBR traces its roots to the work of Roger Schank and his students at Yale University in the early 1980s. Schank's model of dynamic memory[4] was the basis for the earliest CBR systems: Janet Kolodner's CYRUS[5] and Michael Lebowitz's IPP.[6] Other schools of CBR and closely allied fields emerged in the 1980s, which directed at topics such as legal reasoning, memory-based reasoning (a way of reasoning from examples on massively parallel machines), and combinations of CBR with other reasoning methods. In the 1990s, interest in CBR grew internationally, as evidenced by the establishment of an International Conference on Case-Based Reasoning in 1995, as well as European, German, British, Italian, and other CBR workshops. CBR technology has resulted in the deployment of a number of successful systems, the earliest being Lockheed's CLAVIER,[7] a system for laying out composite parts to be baked in an industrial convection oven. CBR has been used extensively in help desk applications such as the Compaq SMART system [8] and has found a major application area in the health sciences.
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Prominent CBR systems

SMART: Support management automated reasoning technology for Compaq customer service[9] Appliance Call Center automation at General Electric[10] CLAVIER: Applying case-based reasoning on to composite part fabrication[11] FormTool: Plastics Color Matching[12] CoolAir: HVAC specification and pricing system[13] Vidur [14] - A CBR based intelligent advisory system, by C-DAC Mumbai [15], for farmers of North-East India. jCOLIBRI [16] - A CBR framework that can be used to build other custom user-defined CBR systems. CAKE [17] - Collaborative Agile Knowledge Engine. Edge Platform [18] - Applies CBR to the healthcare, oil & gas and financial services sectors.
References
[1] Agnar Aamodt and Enric Plaza, "Case-Based Reasoning: Foundational Issues, Methodological Variations, and System Approaches," Artificial Intelligence Communications 7 (1994): 1, 39-52. [2] Rule-induction algorithms are procedures for learning rules for a given concept by generalizing from examples of that concept. For example, a rule-induction algorithm might learn rules for forming the plural of English nouns from examples such as dog/dogs, fly/flies, and ray/rays. [3] Eyke Hllermeier. Case-Based Approximate Reasoning. Springer-Verlag, Berlin, 2007. [4] [5] [6] [7] [8] Roger Schank, Dynamic Memory: A Theory of Learning in Computers and People (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1982). Janet Kolodner, "Reconstructive Memory: A Computer Model," Cognitive Science 7 (1983): 4. Michael Lebowitz, "Memory-Based Parsing," Artificial Intelligence 21 (1983), 363-404. Bill Mark, "Case-Based Reasoning for Autoclave Management," Proceedings of the Case-Based Reasoning Workshop (1989). Trung Nguyen, Mary Czerwinski, and Dan Lee, "COMPAQ QuickSource: Providing the Consumer with the Power of Artificial Intelligence," in Proceedings of the Fifth Annual Conference on Innovative Applications of Artificial Intelligence (Washington, DC: AAAI Press, 1993), 142-151. [9] Acorn, T., and Walden, S., SMART: Support management automated reasoning technology for Compaq customer service. In Proceedings of the Tenth National Conference on Artificial Intelligence. MIT Press. (1992). [10] Cheetham, W., Goebel, K., Appliance Call Center: A Successful Mixed-Initiative Case Study, Artificial Intelligence Magazine, Volume 28, No. 2, (2007). pp 89 100. [11] Hinkle, D., and Toomey, C. N., CLAVIER: Applying case-based reasoning on to composite part fabrication. Proceeding of the Sixth Innovative Application of AI Conference, Seattle, WA, AAAI Press, (1994). pp. 55-62. [12] Cheetham, W., Tenth Anniversary of Plastics Color Matching, Artificial Intelligence Magazine, Volume 26, No. 3, (2005). pp 51 61. [13] Watson, I. Gardingen, D. (1999). A Case-Based Reasoning System for HVAC Sales Support on the Web. In, the Knowledge Based Systems Journal, Vol. 12. no. 5-6, pp.207-214 [14] http:/ / www. cdacmumbai. in/ index. php/ cdacmumbai/ research_and_publications/ research_groups/ kbcs_artificial_intelligence/ research/ case_based_reasoning [15] http:/ / www. cdacmumbai. in/ [16] http:/ / gaia. fdi. ucm. es/ projects/ jcolibri/ [17] http:/ / www. uni-trier. de/ index. php?id=44501& L=2 [18] http:/ / www. verdandetechnology. com/ home/ products-and-services/ edge-platform/
For further reading

Aamodt, Agnar, and Enric Plaza. " Case-Based Reasoning: Foundational Issues, Methodological Variations, and System Approaches (http://www.iiia.csic.es/People/enric/AICom.html)" Artificial Intelligence Communications 7, no. 1 (1994): 39-52. Althoff, Klaus-Dieter, Ralph Bergmann, and L. Karl Branting, eds. Case-Based Reasoning Research and Development: Proceedings of the Third International Conference on Case-Based Reasoning. Berlin: Springer Verlag, 1999. Bergmann, Ralph Experience Management: Foundations, Development Methodology, and Internet-Based Applications. Springer, LNAI 2432,2002.
Case-based reasoning Bergmann, R., Althoff, K.-D., Breen, S., Gker, M., Manago, M., Traphner, R., and Wess, S. Developing industrial case-based reasoning applications: The INRECA methodology. Springer LNAI 1612, 2003. Kolodner, Janet. Case-Based Reasoning. San Mateo: Morgan Kaufmann, 1993. Leake, David. " CBR in Context: The Present and Future (http://www.cs.indiana.edu/~leake/papers/ p-96-01_dir.html/paper.html)", In Leake, D., editor, Case-Based Reasoning: Experiences, Lessons, and Future Directions. AAAI Press/MIT Press, 1996, 1-30. Leake, David, and Enric Plaza, eds. Case-Based Reasoning Research and Development: Proceedings of the Second International Conference on Case-Based Reasoning. Berlin: Springer Verlag, 1997. Lenz, Mario; Bartsch-Sprl, Brigitte; Burkhard, Hans-Dieter; Wess, Stefan, ed. (1998). Case-Based Reasoning Technology: From Foundations to Applications. Lecture Notes in Artificial Intelligence 1400. Springer. doi: 10.1007/3-540-69351-3 (http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/3-540-69351-3). ISBN3-540-64572-1. Oxman, Rivka. Precedents in Design: a Computational Model for the Organization of Precedent Knowledge, Design Studies, Vol. 15 No. 2 pp.141157 Riesbeck, Christopher, and Roger Schank. Inside Case-based Reasoning. Northvale, NJ: Erlbaum, 1989. Veloso, Manuela, and Agnar Aamodt, eds. Case-Based Reasoning Research and Development: Proceedings of the First International Conference on Case-Based Reasoning. Berlin: Springer Verlag, 1995. Walker, Donald. "Similarity Determination and Case Retrieval in an Intelligent Decision Support System for Diabetes Management", 2007 Watson, Ian. "Applying Case-Based Reasoning: Techniques for Enterprise Systems". Elsevier, 1997.
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External links
Case-Based Reasoning Wiki (http://cbrwiki.fdi.ucm.es/) An earlier version (http://www.nupedia.com/article/465/) of the above article was posted on Nupedia.
Logic programming
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Logic programming
Programming paradigms
Action Agent-oriented Aspect-oriented Automata-based Concurrent computing Relativistic programming Data-driven Declarative (contrast: Imperative) Constraint Dataflow Flow-based Cell-oriented (spreadsheets) Reactive Functional Logic Abductive logic Answer set Constraint logic Functional logic Inductive logic End-user programming Event-driven Service-oriented Time-driven Expression-oriented Feature-oriented Function-level (contrast: Value-level) Generic Imperative (contrast: Declarative) Procedural Language-oriented Discipline-specific Domain-specific Grammar-oriented Dialecting Intentional Metaprogramming Automatic
Logic programming
Reflective Attribute-oriented Homoiconic Template Policy-based Non-structured (contrast: Structured) Array Nondeterministic Parallel computing Process-oriented Point-free style Concatenative Programming in the large and small Semantic Structured (contrast: Non-structured) Modular (contrast: Monolithic) Object-oriented (OOP) By separation of concerns: Aspect-oriented Role-oriented Subject-oriented Class-based Prototype-based Recursive Value-level (contrast: Function-level) Probabilistic
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Logic programming is one of the 4 main programming paradigms. Its theory of computation is based on first order logic. Programming languages such as Prolog and Datalog implement it. A form of logical sentences commonly found in logic programming, but not exclusively, is the Horn clause. An example is: p(X, Y) if q(X) and r(Y) Some logic programming languages accept other logical sentences, such as the "choice" sentence in answer set programming. Logical sentences can be understood purely declaratively. They can also be understood procedurally as goal-reduction procedures : to solve p(X, Y), first solve q(X), then solve r(Y). The programmer can use the declarative reading of logic programs to verify their correctness. In addition, the programmer can use the known behaviour of the program executor to develop a procedural understanding of his program. This may be helpful when seeking better execution speed. However, many logically-based program transformation techniques have been developed to transform logic programs automatically and make them efficient.
Logic programming
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History
The use of mathematical logic to represent and execute computer programs is also a feature of the lambda calculus, developed by Alonzo Church in the 1930s. However, the first proposal to use the clausal form of logic for representing computer programs was made by Cordell Green (1969). This used an axiomatization of a subset of LISP, together with a representation of an input-output relation, to compute the relation by simulating the execution of the program in LISP. Foster and Elcock's Absys (1969), on the other hand, employed a combination of equations and lambda calculus in an assertional programming language which places no constraints on the order in which operations are performed.[citation needed] Logic programming in its present form can be traced back to debates in the late 1960s and early 1970s about declarative versus procedural representations of knowledge in Artificial Intelligence. Advocates of declarative representations were notably working at Stanford, associated with John McCarthy, Bertram Raphael and Cordell Green, and in Edinburgh, with John Alan Robinson (an academic visitor from Syracuse University), Pat Hayes, and Robert Kowalski. Advocates of procedural representations were mainly centered at MIT, under the leadership of Marvin Minsky and Seymour Papert.[citation needed] Although it was based on the proof methods of logic, Planner, developed at MIT, was the first language to emerge within this proceduralist paradigm [Hewitt, 1969]. Planner featured pattern-directed invocation of procedural plans from goals (i.e. goal-reduction or backward chaining) and from assertions (i.e. forward chaining). The most influential implementation of Planner was the subset of Planner, called Micro-Planner, implemented by Gerry Sussman, Eugene Charniak and Terry Winograd. It was used to implement Winograd's natural-language understanding program SHRDLU, which was a landmark at that time. To cope with the very limited memory systems at the time, Planner used a backtracking control structure so that only one possible computation path had to be stored at a time. Planner gave rise to the programming languages QA-4, Popler, Conniver, QLISP, and the concurrent language Ether.[citation needed] Hayes and Kowalski in Edinburgh tried to reconcile the logic-based declarative approach to knowledge representation with Planner's procedural approach. Hayes (1973) developed an equational language, Golux, in which different procedures could be obtained by altering the behavior of the theorem prover. Kowalski, on the other hand, showed how SL-resolution treats implications as goal-reduction procedures. Kowalski collaborated with Colmerauer in Marseille, who developed these ideas in the design and implementation of the programming language Prolog. Prolog gave rise to the programming languages ALF, Fril, Gdel, Mercury, Oz, Ciao, Visual Prolog, XSB, and Prolog, as well as a variety of concurrent logic programming languages (see Shapiro (1989) for a survey), constraint logic programming languages and datalog.[citation needed] In 1997, the Association of Logic Programming bestowed to fifteen recognized researchers in logic programming the title Founders of Logic Programming to recognize them as pioneers in the field: Maurice Bruynooghe (Belgium) Jacques Cohen (US) Alain Colmerauer (France) Keith Clark (UK) Veronica Dahl (Canada/Argentina) Maarten van Emden (Canada) Herv Gallaire (France) Robert Kowalski (UK) Jack Minker (US) Fernando Pereira (US)
Luis Moniz Pereira (Portugal) Ray Reiter (Canada) J. Alan Robinson (US)
Logic programming Peter Szeredi (Hungary) David H. D. Warren (UK)
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Prolog
The programming language Prolog was developed in 1972 by Alain Colmerauer. It emerged from a collaboration between Colmerauer in Marseille and Robert Kowalski in Edinburgh. Colmerauer was working on natural language understanding, using logic to represent semantics and using resolution for question-answering. During the summer of 1971, Colmerauer and Kowalski discovered that the clausal form of logic could be used to represent formal grammars and that resolution theorem provers could be used for parsing. They observed that some theorem provers, like hyper-resolution, behave as bottom-up parsers and others, like SL-resolution (1971), behave as top-down parsers. It was in the following summer of 1972, that Kowalski, again working with Colmerauer, developed the procedural interpretation of implications. This dual declarative/procedural interpretation later became formalised in the Prolog notation H :- B1, , Bn. which can be read (and used) both declaratively and procedurally. It also became clear that such clauses could be restricted to definite clauses or Horn clauses, where H, B1, , Bn are all atomic predicate logic formulae, and that SL-resolution could be restricted (and generalised) to LUSH or SLD-resolution. Kowalski's procedural interpretation and LUSH were described in a 1973 memo, published in 1974. Colmerauer, with Philippe Roussel, used this dual interpretation of clauses as the basis of Prolog, which was implemented in the summer and autumn of 1972. The first Prolog program, also written in 1972 and implemented in Marseille, was a French question-answering system. The use of Prolog as a practical programming language was given great momentum by the development of a compiler by David Warren in Edinburgh in 1977. Experiments demonstrated that Edinburgh Prolog could compete with the processing speed of other symbolic programming languages such as Lisp. Edinburgh Prolog became the de facto standard and strongly influenced the definition of ISO standard Prolog.
Negation as failure
Micro-Planner had a construct, called "thnot", which when applied to an expression returns the value true if (and only if) the evaluation of the expression fails. An equivalent operator is normally built-in in modern Prolog's implementations and has been called "negation as failure". It is normally written as not(p), where p is an atom whose variables normally have been instantiated by the time not(p) is invoked. A more cryptic (but standard) syntax is \+ p . Negation as failure literals can occur as conditions not(Bi) in the body of program clauses. The logical status of negation as failure was unresolved until Keith Clark [1978] showed that, under certain natural conditions, it is a correct (and sometimes complete) implementation of classical negation with respect to the completion of the program. Completion amounts roughly to regarding the set of all the program clauses with the same predicate on the left hand side, say H :- Body1. H :- Bodyk. as a definition of the predicate H iff (Body1 or or Bodyk) where "iff" means "if and only if". Writing the completion also requires explicit use of the equality predicate and the inclusion of a set of appropriate axioms for equality. However, the implementation of negation by failure needs only
Logic programming the if-halves of the definitions without the axioms of equality. The notion of completion is closely related to McCarthy's circumscription semantics for default reasoning, and to the closed world assumption. As an alternative to the completion semantics, negation as failure can also be interpreted epistemically, as in the stable model semantics of answer set programming. In this interpretation not(Bi) means literally that Bi is not known or not believed. The epistemic interpretation has the advantage that it can be combined very simply with classical negation, as in "extended logic programming", to formalise such phrases as "the contrary can not be shown", where "contrary" is classical negation and "can not be shown" is the epistemic interpretation of negation as failure.
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Problem solving
In the simplified, propositional case in which a logic program and a top-level atomic goal contain no variables, backward reasoning determines an and-or tree, which constitutes the search space for solving the goal. The top-level goal is the root of the tree. Given any node in the tree and any clause whose head matches the node, there exists a set of child nodes corresponding to the sub-goals in the body of the clause. These child nodes are grouped together by an "and". The alternative sets of children corresponding to alternative ways of solving the node are grouped together by an "or". Any search strategy can be used to search this space. Prolog uses a sequential, last-in-first-out, backtracking strategy, in which only one alternative and one sub-goal is considered at a time. Other search strategies, such as parallel search, intelligent backtracking, or best-first search to find an optimal solution, are also possible. In the more general case, where sub-goals share variables, other strategies can be used, such as choosing the subgoal that is most highly instantiated or that is sufficiently instantiated so that only one procedure applies. Such strategies are used, for example, in concurrent logic programming. The fact that there are alternative ways of executing a logic program has been characterised by the equation: Algorithm = Logic + Control where "Logic" represents a logic program and "Control" represents different theorem-proving strategies.
Knowledge representation
The fact that Horn clauses can be given a procedural interpretation and, vice versa, that goal-reduction procedures can be understood as Horn clauses + backward reasoning means that logic programs combine declarative and procedural representations of knowledge. The inclusion of negation as failure means that logic programming is a kind of non-monotonic logic. Despite its simplicity compared with classical logic, this combination of Horn clauses and negation as failure has proved to be surprisingly expressive. For example, it has been shown to correspond, with some further extensions, quite naturally to the semi-formal language of legislation. It is also a natural language for expressing common-sense laws of cause and effect, as in the situation calculus and event calculus.
Abductive logic programming

Abductive Logic Programming is an extension of normal Logic Programming that allows some predicates, declared as abducible predicates, to be incompletely defined. Problem solving is achieved by deriving hypotheses expressed in terms of the abducible predicates as solutions of problems to be solved. These problems can be either observations that need to be explained (as in classical abductive reasoning) or goals to be achieved (as in normal logic programming). It has been used to solve problems in Diagnosis, Planning, Natural Language and Machine Learning. It has also been used to interpret Negation as Failure as a form of abductive reasoning.
Logic programming
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Metalogic programming
Because mathematical logic has a long tradition of distinguishing between object language and metalanguage, logic programming also allows metalevel programming. The simplest metalogic program is the so-called "vanilla" meta-interpreter: solve(true). solve((A,B)):- solve(A),solve(B). solve(A):- clause(A,B),solve(B). where true represents an empty conjunction, and clause(A,B) means there is an object-level clause of the form A :B. Metalogic programming allows object-level and metalevel representations to be combined, as in natural language. It can also be used to implement any logic that is specified by means of inference rules.
Constraint logic programming

Constraint logic programming is an extension of normal Logic Programming that allows some predicates, declared as constraint predicates, to occur as literals in the body of clauses. These literals are not solved by goal-reduction using program clauses, but are added to a store of constraints, which is required to be consistent with some built-in semantics of the constraint predicates. Problem solving is achieved by reducing the initial problem to a satisfiable set of constraints. Constraint logic programming has been used to solve problems in such fields as civil engineering, mechanical engineering, digital circuit verification, automated timetabling, air traffic control, and finance. It is closely related to abductive logic programming.
Concurrent logic programming

Keith Clark, Steve Gregory, Vijay Saraswat, Udi Shapiro, Kazunori Ueda, etc. developed a family of Prolog-like concurrent message passing systems using unification of shared variables and data structure streams for messages. Efforts were made to base these systems on mathematical logic, and they were used as the basis of the Japanese Fifth Generation Project (ICOT). However, the Prolog-like concurrent systems were based on message passing and consequently were subject to the same indeterminacy as other concurrent message-passing systems, such as Actors (see Indeterminacy in concurrent computation). Consequently, the ICOT languages were not based on logic in the sense that computational steps could not be logically deduced [Hewitt and Agha, 1988]. Concurrent constraint logic programming combines concurrent logic programming and constraint logic programming, using constraints to control concurrency. A clause can contain a guard, which is a set of constraints that may block the applicability of the clause. When the guards of several clauses are satisfied, concurrent constraint logic programming makes a committed choice to the use of only one.
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Inductive logic programming

Inductive logic programming is concerned with generalizing positive and negative examples in the context of background knowledge. Generalizations, as well as the examples and background knowledge, are expressed in logic programming syntax. Recent work in this area, combining logic programming, learning and probability, has given rise to the new field of statistical relational learning and probabilistic inductive logic programming.
Higher-order logic programming

Several researchers have extended logic programming with higher-order programming features derived from higher-order logic, such as predicate variables. Such languages include the Prolog extensions HiLog and Prolog.
Linear logic programming

Basing logic programming within linear logic has resulted in the design of logic programming languages that are considerably more expressive than those based on classical logic. Horn clause programs can only represent state change by the change in arguments to predicates. In linear logic programming, one can use the ambient linear logic to support state change. Some early designs of logic programming languages based on linear logic include LO [Andreoli & Pareschi, 1991], Lolli [Hodas & Miller, 1994], ACL [Kobayashi & Yonezawa, 1994], and Forum [Miller, 1996]. Forum provides a goal-directed interpretation of all of linear logic.
Object-oriented logic programming

F-logic extends logic programming with objects and the frame syntax. A number of systems are based on F-logic, including Flora-2, FLORID [1], and a highly scalable commercial system Ontobroker [2].
Transaction logic programming

Transaction logic is an extension of logic programming with a logical theory of state-modifying updates. It has both a model-theoretic semantics and a procedural one. An implementation of a subset of Transaction logic is available in the Flora-2 system. Other prototypes are also available.
References
[1] http:/ / dbis. informatik. uni-freiburg. de/ index. php?project=Florid [2] http:/ / www. semafora-systems. com/ en/ products/ ontobroker/
General introductions
Chitta Baral and Michael Gelfond. Logic programming and knowledge representation (http://www.cs.ttu. edu/~mgelfond/papers/survey.pdf) Journal of Logic Programming. 1994, Vol. 19, 73-148. Robert Kowalski. The Early Years of Logic Programming (http://www.doc.ic.ac.uk/~rak/papers/the early years.pdf) CACM. January 1988. J. W. Lloyd. Foundations of Logic Programming (2nd edition). Springer-Verlag 1987.
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Other sources
Fisher Black. A deductive question answering system Harvard University. Thesis. 1964. J.M. Foster and E.W. Elcock. ABSYS 1: An Incremental Compiler for Assertions: an Introduction, Machine Intelligence 4, Edinburgh U Press, 1969, pp.423429 Cordell Green. Application of Theorem Proving to Problem Solving IJCAI 1969. Pat Hayes. Computation and Deduction. In Proceedings of the 2nd MFCS Symposium. Czechoslovak Academy of Sciences, 1973, pp.105118. Carl Hewitt. Planner: A Language for Proving Theorems in Robots IJCAI 1969. Joshua Hodas and Dale Miller. Logic Programming in a Fragment of Intuitionistic Linear Logic, Information and Computation, 1994, 110(2), 327-365. Naoki Kobayashi and Akinori Yonezawa. Asynchronous communication model based on linear logic, Formal Aspects of Computing, 1994, 279-294. Robert Kowalski and Donald and Kuehner, Linear Resolution with Selection Function (http://www.doc.ic. ac.uk/~rak/papers/sl.pdf) Artificial Intelligence, Vol. 2, 1971, pp.22760. Robert Kowalski Predicate Logic as a Programming Language (http://www.doc.ic.ac.uk/~rak/papers/ IFIP 74.pdf) Memo 70, Department of Artificial Intelligence, Edinburgh University. 1973. Also in Proceedings IFIP Congress, Stockholm, North Holland Publishing Co., 1974, pp.569574. John McCarthy. Programs with common sense Symposium on Mechanization of Thought Processes. National Physical Laboratory. Teddington, England. 1958. D. Miller, G. Nadathur, F. Pfenning, A. Scedrov. Uniform proofs as a foundation for logic programming, Annals of Pure and Applied Logic, vol. 51, pp 125157, 1991. Ehud Shapiro (Editor). Concurrent Prolog MIT Press. 1987. Ehud Shapiro. The family of concurrent logic programming languages ACM Computing Surveys. September 1989. James Slagle. Experiments with a Deductive Question-Answering Program CACM. December 1965. Shunichi Uchida and Kazuhiro Fuchi Proceedings of the FGCS Project Evaluation Workshop Institute for New Generation Computer Technology (ICOT). 1992.
Further reading
Carl Hewitt. Procedural Embedding of Knowledge In Planner IJCAI 1971. Carl Hewitt. The repeated demise of logic programming and why it will be reincarnated (http://aaaipress. org/Papers/Symposia/Spring/2006/SS-06-08/SS06-08-003.pdf) What Went Wrong and Why: Lessons from AI Research and Applications. Technical Report SS-06-08. AAAI Press. March 2006. Evgeny Dantsin, Thomas Eiter, Georg Gottlob, Andrei Voronkov: Complexity and expressive power of logic programming. ACM Comput. Surv. 33(3): 374-425 (2001) Ulf Nilsson and Jan Maluszynski, Logic, Programming and Prolog (http://www.ida.liu.se/~ulfni/lpp/)
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External links
Logic Programming Virtual Library entry (http://vl.fmnet.info/logic-prog/) Bibliographies on Logic Programming (http://liinwww.ira.uka.de/bibliography/LogicProgramming/) Association for Logic Programming (ALP) (http://www.cs.kuleuven.be/~dtai/projects/ALP/) Theory and Practice of Logic Programming (http://www.cs.kuleuven.be/~dtai/projects/ALP/TPLP/) journal Logic programming in C++ with Castor (http://www.mpprogramming.com/Cpp/) Logic programming in (http://www.mozart-oz.org/documentation/tutorial/node12.html) Oz Prolog Development Center (http://www.pdc.dk/) Racklog: Logic Programming in Racket (http://docs.racket-lang.org/racklog/)
Probabilistic logic
The aim of a probabilistic logic (also probability logic and probabilistic reasoning) is to combine the capacity of probability theory to handle uncertainty with the capacity of deductive logic to exploit structure. The result is a richer and more expressive formalism with a broad range of possible application areas. Probabilistic logics attempt to find a natural extension of traditional logic truth tables: the results they define are derived through probabilistic expressions instead. A difficulty with probabilistic logics is that they tend to multiply the computational complexities of their probabilistic and logical components. Other difficulties include the possibility of counter-intuitive results, such as those of Dempster-Shafer theory. The need to deal with a broad variety of contexts and issues has led to many different proposals.
Historical context
There are numerous proposals for probabilistic logics. Very roughly, they can be categorized into two different classes: those logics that attempt to make a probabilistic extension to logical entailment, such as Markov logic networks, and those that attempt to address the problems of uncertainty and lack of evidence (evidentiary logics). That probability and uncertainty are not quite the same thing may be understood by noting that, despite the mathematization of probability in the Enlightenment, mathematical probability theory remains, to this very day, entirely unused in criminal courtrooms, when evaluating the "probability" of the guilt of a suspected criminal.[1] More precisely, in evidentiary logic, there is a need to distinguish the truth of a statement from the confidence in its truth: thus, being uncertain of a suspect's guilt is not the same as assigning a numerical probability to the commission of the crime. A single suspect may be guilty or not guilty, just as a coin may be flipped heads or tails. Given a large collection of suspects, a certain percentage may be guilty, just as the probability of flipping "heads" is one-half. However, it is incorrect to take this law of averages with regard to a single criminal (or single coin-flip): the criminal is no more "a little bit guilty", just as a single coin flip is "a little bit heads and a little bit tails": we are merely uncertain as to which it is. Conflating probability and uncertainty may be acceptable when making scientific measurements of physical quantities, but it is an error, in the context of "common sense" reasoning and logic. Just as in courtroom reasoning, the goal of employing uncertain inference is to gather evidence to strengthen the confidence of a proposition, as opposed to performing some sort of probabilistic entailment. Historically, attempts to quantify probabilistic reasoning date back to antiquity. There was a particularly strong interest starting in the 12th century, with the work of the Scholastics, with the invention of the half-proof (so that two half-proofs are sufficient to prove guilt), the elucidation of moral certainty (sufficient certainty to act upon, but short of absolute certainty), the development of Catholic probabilism (the idea that it is always safe to follow the established rules of doctrine or the opinion of experts, even when they are less probable), the case-based reasoning of casuistry, and the scandal of Laxism (whereby probabilism was used to give support to almost any statement at all, it being possible to find an expert opinion in support of almost any proposition.).
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Modern proposals
Below is a list of proposals for probabilistic and evidentiary extensions to classical and predicate logic. The term "probabilistic logic" was first used in a paper by Nils Nilsson published in 1986, where the truth values of sentences are probabilities.[2] The proposed semantical generalization induces a probabilistic logical entailment, which reduces to ordinary logical entailment when the probabilities of all sentences are either 0 or 1. This generalization applies to any logical system for which the consistency of a finite set of sentences can be established. The central concept in the theory of subjective logic[3] are opinions about some of the propositional variables involved in the given logical sentences. A binomial opinion applies to a single proposition and is represented as a 3-dimensional extension of a single probability value to express various degrees of ignorance about the truth of the proposition. For the computation of derived opinions based on a structure of argument opinions, the theory proposes respective operators for various logical connectives, such as e.g. multiplication (AND), comultiplication (OR), division (UN-AND) and co-division (UN-OR) of opinions [4] as well as conditional deduction (MP) and abduction (MT).[5] Approximate reasoning formalism proposed by fuzzy logic can be used to obtain a logic in which the models are the probability distributions and the theories are the lower envelopes.[6] In such a logic the question of the consistency of the available information is strictly related with the one of the coherence of partial probabilistic assignment and therefore with Dutch book phenomenon. Markov logic networks implement a form of uncertain inference based on the maximum entropy principlethe idea that probabilities should be assigned in such a way as to maximize entropy, in analogy with the way that Markov chains assign probabilities to finite state machine transitions. Systems such as Pei Wang's Non-Axiomatic Reasoning System (NARS) or Ben Goertzel's Probabilistic Logic Networks (PLN) add an explicit confidence ranking, as well as a probability to atoms and sentences. The rules of deduction and induction incorporate this uncertainty, thus side-stepping difficulties in purely Bayesian approaches to logic (including Markov logic), while also avoiding the paradoxes of Dempster-Shafer theory. The implementation of PLN attempts to use and generalize algorithms from logic programming, subject to these extensions. In the theory of probabilistic argumentation,[7][8] probabilities are not directly attached to logical sentences. Instead it is assumed that a particular subset of the variables involved in the sentences defines a probability space over the corresponding sub--algebra. This induces two distinct probability measures with respect to , which are called degree of support and degree of possibility, respectively. Degrees of support can be regarded as non-additive probabilities of provability, which generalizes the concepts of ordinary logical entailment (for ) and classical posterior probabilities (for ). Mathematically, this view is compatible with the Dempster-Shafer theory. The theory of evidential reasoning[9] also defines non-additive probabilities of probability (or epistemic probabilities) as a general notion for both logical entailment (provability) and probability. The idea is to augment standard propositional logic by considering an epistemic operator K that represents the state of knowledge that a rational agent has about the world. Probabilities are then defined over the resulting epistemic universe Kp of all propositional sentences p, and it is argued that this is the best information available to an analyst. From this view, Dempster-Shafer theory appears to be a generalized form of probabilistic reasoning.
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Possible application areas

Argumentation theory Artificial intelligence Artificial general intelligence Bioinformatics Formal epistemology Game theory Philosophy of science Psychology Statistics
References
[1] James Franklin, The Science of Conjecture: Evidence and Probability before Pascal, 2001 The Johns Hopkins Press, ISBN 0-8018-7109-3 [2] Nilsson, N. J., 1986, "Probabilistic logic," Artificial Intelligence 28(1): 71-87. [3] Jsang, A., 2001, "A logic for uncertain probabilities," International Journal of Uncertainty, Fuzziness and Knowledge-Based Systems 9(3):279-311. [4] Jsang, A. and McAnally, D., 2004, "Multiplication and Comultiplication of Beliefs," International Journal of Approximate Reasoning, 38(1), pp.19-51, 2004 [5] Jsang, A., 2008, "Conditional Reasoning with Subjective Logic," Journal of Multiple-Valued Logic and Soft Computing, 15(1), pp.5-38, 2008. [6] Gerla, G., 1994, "Inferences in Probability Logic," Artificial Intelligence 70(12):3352. [7] Kohlas, J., and Monney, P.A., 1995. A Mathematical Theory of Hints. An Approach to the Dempster-Shafer Theory of Evidence. Vol. 425 in Lecture Notes in Economics and Mathematical Systems. Springer Verlag. [8] Haenni, R, 2005, "Towards a Unifying Theory of Logical and Probabilistic Reasoning," ISIPTA'05, 4th International Symposium on Imprecise Probabilities and Their Applications: 193-202. (http:/ / www. iam. unibe. ch/ ~run/ papers/ haenni05d. pdf) [9] Ruspini, E.H., Lowrance, J., and Strat, T., 1992, "Understanding evidential reasoning," International Journal of Approximate Reasoning, 6(3): 401-424.
Further reading
Adams, E. W., 1998. A Primer of Probability Logic. CSLI Publications (Univ. of Chicago Press). Bacchus, F., 1990. "Representing and reasoning with Probabilistic Knowledge. A Logical Approach to Probabilities". The MIT Press. Carnap, R., 1950. Logical Foundations of Probability. University of Chicago Press. Chuaqui, R., 1991. Truth, Possibility and Probability: New Logical Foundations of Probability and Statistical Inference. Number 166 in Mathematics Studies. North-Holland. Haenni, H., Romeyn, JW, Wheeler, G., and Williamson, J. 2011. Probabilistic Logics and Probabilistic Networks, Springer. Hjek, A., 2001, "Probability, Logic, and Probability Logic," in Goble, Lou, ed., The Blackwell Guide to Philosophical Logic, Blackwell. Kyburg, H. E., 1970. Probability and Inductive Logic Macmillan. Kyburg, H. E., 1974. The Logical Foundations of Statistical Inference, Dordrecht: Reidel. Kyburg, H. E. & C. M. Teng, 2001. Uncertain Inference, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Romeiyn, J. W., 2005. Bayesian Inductive Logic. PhD thesis, Faculty of Philosophy, University of Groningen, Netherlands. (http://www.philos.rug.nl/~romeyn/paper/2005_romeijn_-_thesis.pdf) Williamson, J., 2002, "Probability Logic," in D. Gabbay, R. Johnson, H. J. Ohlbach, and J. Woods, eds., Handbook of the Logic of Argument and Inference: the Turn Toward the Practical. Elsevier: 397-424.
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External links
Progicnet: Probabilistic Logic And Probabilistic Networks (http://www.kent.ac.uk/secl/philosophy/jw/2006/ progicnet.htm) Subjective logic demonstrations (http://www.unik.no/people/josang/sl/) The Society for Imprecise Probability (http://www.sipta.org/)
Probabilistic argument
This article is not about interactive proof systems which use probability to convince a verifier that a proof is correct, nor about probabilistic algorithms, which give the right answer with high probability but not with certainty, nor about Monte Carlo methods, which are simulations relying on pseudo-randomness. The probabilistic method is a nonconstructive method, primarily used in combinatorics and pioneered by Paul Erds, for proving the existence of a prescribed kind of mathematical object. It works by showing that if one randomly chooses objects from a specified class, the probability that the result is of the prescribed kind is more than zero. Although the proof uses probability, the final conclusion is determined for certain, without any possible error. This method has now been applied to other areas of mathematics such as number theory, linear algebra, and real analysis, as well as in computer science (e.g. randomized rounding), and information theory.
Introduction
If every object in a collection of objects fails to have a certain property, then the probability that a random object chosen from the collection has that property is zero. Turning this around, if the probability that the random object has the property is greater than zero, then this proves the existence of at least one object in the collection that has the property. It doesn't matter if the probability is vanishingly small; any positive probability will do. Similarly, showing that the probability is (strictly) less than 1 can be used to prove the existence of an object that does not satisfy the prescribed properties. Another way to use the probabilistic method is by calculating the expected value of some random variable. If it can be shown that the random variable can take on a value less than the expected value, this proves that the random variable can also take on some value greater than the expected value. Common tools used in the probabilistic method include Markov's inequality, the Chernoff bound, and the Lovsz local lemma.
Two examples due to Erds

Although others before him proved theorems via the probabilistic method (for example, Szele's 1943 result that there exist tournaments containing a large number of Hamiltonian cycles), many of the most well known proofs using this method are due to Erds. The first example below describes one such result from 1947 that gives a proof of a lower bound for the Ramsey number R(r, r).
First example
Suppose we have a complete graph on n vertices. We wish to show (for small enough values of n) that it is possible to color the edges of the graph in two colors (say red and blue) so that there is no complete subgraph on r vertices which is monochromatic (every edge colored the same color). To do so, we color the graph randomly. Color each edge independently with probability 1/2 of being red and 1/2 of being blue. We calculate the expected number of monochromatic subgraphs on r vertices as follows:
Probabilistic argument For any set S of r vertices from our graph, define the variable X(S) to be 1 if every edge amongst the r vertices is the same color, and 0 otherwise. Note that the number of monochromatic r-subgraphs is the sum of X(S) over all possible subsets. For any S, the expected value of X(S) is simply the probability that all of the the same color, edges in S are
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(the factor of 2 comes because there are two possible colors). This holds true for any of the C(n,r) possible subsets we could have chosen, so we have that the sum of E[X(S)] over all S is
The sum of an expectation is the expectation of the sum (regardless of whether the variables are independent), so the expectation of the sum (the expected number of monochromatic r-subgraphs) is
Consider what happens if this value is less than 1. The number of monochromatic r-subgraphs in our random coloring will always be an integer, so at least one coloring must have less than the expected value. But the only integer that satisfies this criterion is 0. Thus if
some coloring fits our desired criterion, so by definition R(r, r) must be bigger than n. In particular, R(r, r) must grow at least exponentially with r. A peculiarity of this argument is that it is entirely nonconstructive. Even though it proves (for example) that almost every coloring of the complete graph on (1.1)r vertices contains no monochromatic r-subgraph, it gives no explicit example of such a coloring. The problem of finding such a coloring has been open for more than 50 years.
Second example
A 1959 paper of Erds (see reference cited below) addressed the following problem in graph theory: given positive integers g and k, does there exist a graph G containing only cycles of length at least g, such that the chromatic number of G is at least k? It can be shown that such a graph exists for any g and k, and the proof is reasonably simple. Let n be very large and consider a random graph G on n vertices, where every edge in G exists with probability p=n1/g-1. It can be shown that with positive probability, the following two properties hold: G contains at most n/2 cycles of length less than g. Proof. Let X be the number cycles of length less than g. Number of cycles of length i in the complete graph on n vertices is and each of them is present in G with probability . Hence by Markov's inequality we have . G contains no independent set of size .
Proof. Let Y be the size of the largest independent set in G. Clearly, we have
Probabilistic argument when .
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Here comes the trick: since G has these two properties, we can remove at most n/2 vertices from G to obtain a new graph G' on n' vertices that contains only cycles of length at least g. We can see that this new graph has no independent set of size . Hence G' has chromatic number at least k, as chromatic number is lower bounded by 'number of vertices/size of largest independent set'. This result gives a hint as to why the computation of the chromatic number of a graph is so difficult: even when there are no local reasons (such as small cycles) for a graph to require many colors the chromatic number can still be arbitrarily large.
References
Alon, Noga; Spencer, Joel H. (2000). The probabilistic method (2ed). New York: Wiley-Interscience. ISBN 0-471-37046-0. Erds, P. (1959). "Graph theory and probability" [1]. Canad. J. Math. 11 (0): 3438. doi:10.4153/CJM-1959-003-9 [2]. MR0102081 [3]. Erds, P. (1961). "Graph theory and probability, II" [4]. Canad. J. Math. 13 (0): 346352. doi:10.4153/CJM-1961-029-9 [5]. MR0120168 [6]. J. Matouek, J. Vondrak. The Probabilistic Method [7]. Lecture notes. Alon, N and Krivelevich, M (2006). Extremal and Probabilistic Combinatorics [8]
References
[1] [2] [3] [4] [5] [6] [7] [8] http:/ / www. math-inst. hu/ ~p_erdos/ 1959-06. pdf http:/ / dx. doi. org/ 10. 4153%2FCJM-1959-003-9 http:/ / www. ams. org/ mathscinet-getitem?mr=0102081 http:/ / www. math-inst. hu/ ~p_erdos/ 1961-06. pdf http:/ / dx. doi. org/ 10. 4153%2FCJM-1961-029-9 http:/ / www. ams. org/ mathscinet-getitem?mr=0120168 http:/ / kam. mff. cuni. cz/ ~matousek/ prob-ln-2pp. ps. gz http:/ / www. math. tau. ac. il/ ~nogaa/ PDFS/ epc7. pdf
Bayesian inference
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Bayesian inference
Bayesian statistics
Theory

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In statistics, Bayesian inference is a method of inference in which Bayes' rule is used to update the probability estimate for a hypothesis as additional evidence is acquired. Bayesian updating is an important technique throughout statistics, and especially in mathematical statistics. For some cases, exhibiting a Bayesian derivation for a statistical method automatically ensures that the method works as well as any competing method. [citation needed] Bayesian updating is especially important in the dynamic analysis of a sequence of data. Bayesian inference has found application in a range of fields including science, engineering, philosophy, medicine and law.
Bayesian inference In the philosophy of decision theory, Bayesian inference is closely related to discussions of subjective probability, often called "Bayesian probability". Bayesian probability provides a rational method for updating beliefs.
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Introduction to Bayes' rule

Formal
Bayesian inference derives the posterior probability as a consequence of two antecedents, a prior probability and a "likelihood function" derived from a probability model for the data to be observed. Bayesian inference computes the posterior probability according to Bayes' rule:
where means given. stands for any hypothesis whose probability may be affected by data (called evidence below). Often there are
competing hypotheses, from which one chooses the most probable. the evidence corresponds to new data that were not used in computing the prior probability. , the prior probability, is the probability of before is observed. This indicates one's previous estimate of the probability that a hypothesis is true, before gaining the current evidence. , the posterior probability, is the probability of given , i.e., after is observed. This tells us what we want to know: the probability of a hypothesis given the observed evidence. , the probability of observing given , is also known as the likelihood. It indicates the compatibility of the evidence with the given hypothesis. is sometimes termed the marginal likelihood or "model evidence". This factor is the same for all possible hypotheses being considered. (This can be seen by the fact that the hypothesis does not appear anywhere in the symbol, unlike for all the other factors.) This means that this factor does not enter into determining the relative probabilities of different hypotheses. Note that what affect the value of for different values of are only the factors and , which both appear in the numerator, and hence the posterior probability is proportional to both. In words: (more exactly) The posterior probability of a hypothesis is determined by a combination of the inherent likeliness of a hypothesis (the prior) and the compatibility of the observed evidence with the hypothesis (the likelihood). (more concisely) Posterior is proportional to likelihood times prior. Note that Bayes' rule can also be written as follows:
where the factor
represents the impact of
on the probability of
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Informal
Rationally, Bayes' rule makes a great deal of sense. If the evidence does not match up with a hypothesis, one should reject the hypothesis. But if a hypothesis is extremely unlikely a priori, one should also reject it, even if the evidence does appear to match up. For example, imagine that I have various hypotheses about the nature of a newborn baby of a friend, including: : the baby is a brown-haired boy. : the baby is a blond-haired girl. : the baby is a dog.
Then consider two scenarios: 1. I'm presented with evidence in the form of a picture of a blond-haired baby girl. I find this evidence supports and opposes and . 2. I'm presented with evidence in the form of a picture of a baby dog. Although this evidence, treated in isolation, supports , my prior belief in this hypothesis (that a human can give birth to a dog) is extremely small, so the posterior probability is nevertheless small. The critical point about Bayesian inference, then, is that it provides a principled way of combining new evidence with prior beliefs, through the application of Bayes' rule. (Contrast this with frequentist inference, which relies only on the evidence as a whole, with no reference to prior beliefs.) Furthermore, Bayes' rule can be applied iteratively: after observing some evidence, the resulting posterior probability can then be treated as a prior probability, and a new posterior probability computed from new evidence. This allows for Bayesian principles to be applied to various kinds of evidence, whether viewed all at once or over time. This procedure is termed "Bayesian updating".
Bayesian updating
Bayesian updating is widely used and computationally convenient. However, it is not the only updating rule that might be considered "rational". Ian Hacking noted that traditional "Dutch book" arguments did not specify Bayesian updating: they left open the possibility that non-Bayesian updating rules could avoid Dutch books. Hacking wrote[1] "And neither the Dutch book argument, nor any other in the personalist arsenal of proofs of the probability axioms, entails the dynamic assumption. Not one entails Bayesianism. So the personalist requires the dynamic assumption to be Bayesian. It is true that in consistency a personalist could abandon the Bayesian model of learning from experience. Salt could lose its savour." Indeed, there are non-Bayesian updating rules that also avoid Dutch books (as discussed in the literature on "probability kinematics" following the publication of Richard C. Jeffrey's rule, which applies Bayes' rule to the case where the evidence itself is assigned a probability [2]). The additional hypotheses needed to uniquely require Bayesian updating have been deemed to be substantial, complicated, and unsatisfactory.[3]
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Formal description of Bayesian inference

Definitions
, a data point in general. This may in fact be a vector of values. , the parameter of the data point's distribution, i.e., . This may in fact be a vector of parameters. , the hyperparameter of the parameter, i.e., . This may in fact be a vector of hyperparameters. , a set of observed data points, i.e., . , a new data point whose distribution is to be predicted.
Bayesian inference
The prior distribution is the distribution of the parameter(s) before any data is observed, i.e. . The prior distribution might not be easily determined. In this case, we can use the Jeffreys prior to obtain the posterior distribution before updating them with newer observations. The sampling distribution is the distribution of the observed data conditional on its parameters, i.e. .
This is also termed the likelihood, especially when viewed as a function of the parameter(s), sometimes written . The marginal likelihood (sometimes also termed the evidence) is the distribution of the observed data marginalized over the parameter(s), i.e. .
The posterior distribution is the distribution of the parameter(s) after taking into account the observed data. This is determined by Bayes' rule, which forms the heart of Bayesian inference:
Note that this is expressed in words as "posterior is proportional to likelihood times prior", or sometimes as "posterior = likelihood times prior, over evidence".
Bayesian prediction
The posterior predictive distribution is the distribution of a new data point, marginalized over the posterior:
The prior predictive distribution is the distribution of a new data point, marginalized over the prior:
Bayesian theory calls for the use of the posterior predictive distribution to do predictive inference, i.e., to predict the distribution of a new, unobserved data point. That is, instead of a fixed point as a prediction, a distribution over possible points is returned. Only this way is the entire posterior distribution of the parameter(s) used. By comparison, prediction in frequentist statistics often involves finding an optimum point estimate of the parameter(s)e.g., by maximum likelihood or maximum a posteriori estimation (MAP)and then plugging this estimate into the formula for the distribution of a data point. This has the disadvantage that it does not account for any uncertainty in the value of the parameter, and hence will underestimate the variance of the predictive distribution. (In some instances, frequentist statistics can work around this problem. For example, confidence intervals and prediction intervals in frequentist statistics when constructed from a normal distribution with unknown mean and variance are constructed using a Student's t-distribution. This correctly estimates the variance, due to the fact that (1)the average of normally distributed random variables is also normally distributed; (2)the predictive distribution of a normally distributed data point with unknown mean and variance, using conjugate or uninformative priors, has a
Bayesian inference student's t-distribution. In Bayesian statistics, however, the posterior predictive distribution can always be determined exactlyor at least, to an arbitrary level of precision, when numerical methods are used.) Note that both types of predictive distributions have the form of a compound probability distribution (as does the marginal likelihood). In fact, if the prior distribution is a conjugate prior, and hence the prior and posterior distributions come from the same family, it can easily be seen that both prior and posterior predictive distributions also come from the same family of compound distributions. The only difference is that the posterior predictive distribution uses the updated values of the hyperparameters (applying the Bayesian update rules given in the conjugate prior article), while the prior predictive distribution uses the values of the hyperparameters that appear in the prior distribution.
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Inference over exclusive and exhaustive possibilities

If evidence is simultaneously used to update belief over a set of exclusive and exhaustive propositions, Bayesian inference may be thought of as acting on this belief distribution as a whole.
General formulation
Suppose a process is generating independent and identically distributed events , but the probability distribution is unknown. Let the event space represent the current state of belief for this process. Each . The conditional probabilities is the are specified to define the models. degree of belief in . Before the first inference step, model is represented by event
is a set of initial prior probabilities. These must sum to 1, but are otherwise arbitrary. Suppose that the process is observed to generate . For each , the prior . From Bayes' theorem:
[4] Diagram illustrating event space in general formulation of Bayesian inference. Although this diagram shows discrete models and events, the continuous case may be visualized similarly using probability densities.
is updated to the posterior
Upon observation of further evidence, this procedure may be repeated.
Multiple observations
For a set of independent and identically distributed observations repeated application of the above is equivalent to , it may be shown that
Where
This may be used to optimize practical calculations.
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Parametric formulation
By parametrizing the space of models, the belief in all models may be updated in a single step. The distribution of belief over the model space may then be thought of as a distribution of belief over the parameter space. The distributions in this section are expressed as continuous, represented by probability densities, as this is the usual situation. The technique is however equally applicable to discrete distributions. Let the vector span the parameter space. Let the initial prior distribution over are distributed as for some be , where is a set of
parameters to the prior itself, or hyperparameters. Let distributed event observations, where all find the posterior distribution over :
be a set of independent and identically . Bayes' theorem is applied to
Where
Mathematical properties
Interpretation of factor
. That is, if the model were true, the evidence would be more likely than is predicted by the current state of belief. The reverse applies for a decrease in belief. If the belief does not change, . That is, the evidence is independent of the model. If the model were true, the evidence would be exactly as likely as predicted by the current state of belief.
Cromwell's rule
If then . If , then . This can be interpreted to mean that hard convictions are insensitive to counter-evidence. The former follows directly from Bayes' theorem. The latter can be derived by applying the first rule to the event "not " in place of " ", yielding "if , then ", from which the result immediately follows.
Asymptotic behaviour of posterior

Consider the behaviour of a belief distribution as it is updated a large number of times with independent and identically distributed trials. For sufficiently nice prior probabilities, the Bernstein-von Mises theorem gives that in the limit of infinite trials and the posterior converges to a Gaussian distribution independent of the initial prior under some conditions firstly outlined and rigorously proven by Joseph L. Doob in 1948, namely if the random variable in consideration has a finite probability space. The more general results were obtained later by the statistician David A. Freedman who published in two seminal research papers[citation needed] in 1963 and 1965 when and under what circumstances the asymptotic behaviour of posterior is guaranteed. His 1963 paper treats, like Doob (1949), the finite case and comes to a satisfactory conclusion. However, if the random variable has an infinite but countable probability space (i.e., corresponding to a die with infinite many faces) the 1965 paper demonstrates that for a dense subset of priors the Bernstein-von Mises theorem is not applicable. In this case there is almost surely no asymptotic convergence. Later in the 1980s and 1990s Freedman and Persi Diaconis continued to work on the case of infinite
Bayesian inference countable probability spaces.[5] To summarise, there may be insufficient trials to suppress the effects of the initial choice, and especially for large (but finite) systems the convergence might be very slow.
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Conjugate priors
In parameterized form, the prior distribution is often assumed to come from a family of distributions called conjugate priors. The usefulness of a conjugate prior is that the corresponding posterior distribution will be in the same family, and the calculation may be expressed in closed form.
Estimates of parameters and predictions

It is often desired to use a posterior distribution to estimate a parameter or variable. Several methods of Bayesian estimation select measurements of central tendency from the posterior distribution. For one-dimensional problems, a unique median exists for practical continuous problems. The posterior median is attractive as a robust estimator. If there exists a finite mean for the posterior distribution, then the posterior mean is a method of estimation.[citation
needed]
Taking a value with the greatest probability defines maximum aposteriori (MAP) estimates:[citation needed]
There are examples where no maximum is attained, in which case the set of MAP estimates is empty. There are other methods of estimation that minimize the posterior risk (expected-posterior loss) with respect to a loss function, and these are of interest to statistical decision theory using the sampling distribution ("frequentist statistics").[citation needed] The posterior predictive distribution of a new observation determined by
[citation needed]
(that is independent of previous observations) is
Examples
Probability of a hypothesis
Suppose there are two full bowls of cookies. Bowl #1 has 10 chocolate chip and 30 plain cookies, while bowl #2 has 20 of each. Our friend Fred picks a bowl at random, and then picks a cookie at random. We may assume there is no reason to believe Fred treats one bowl differently from another, likewise for the cookies. The cookie turns out to be a plain one. How probable is it that Fred picked it out of bowl #1? Intuitively, it seems clear that the answer should be more than a half, since there are more plain cookies in bowl #1. The precise answer is given by Bayes' theorem. Let correspond to bowl #1, and to bowl #2. It is given that the bowls are identical from Fred's point of view, thus are equal to 0.5. The event and , and the two must add up to 1, so both . Bayes' formula then yields is the observation of a plain cookie. From the contents of the bowls, we know that
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Before we observed the cookie, the probability we assigned for Fred having chosen bowl #1 was the prior probability, , which was 0.5. After observing the cookie, we must revise the probability to , which is 0.6.
Making a prediction
An archaeologist is working at a site thought to be from the medieval period, between the 11th century to the 16th century. However, it is uncertain exactly when in this period the site was inhabited. Fragments of pottery are found, some of which are glazed and some of which are decorated. It is expected that if the site were inhabited during the early medieval period, then 1% of the pottery would be glazed and 50% of its area decorated, whereas if it had been inhabited in the late medieval period then 81% would be glazed and 5% of its area decorated. How confident can the archaeologist be in the date of inhabitation as fragments are unearthed? The degree of belief in the continuous variable variables are independent,
Example results for archaeology example. This simulation was generated using c=15.2.
(century) is to be calculated, with the discrete set of events
as evidence. Assuming linear variation of glaze and decoration with time, and that these
Assume a uniform prior of fragment of type
, and that trials are independent and identically distributed. When a new :
is discovered, Bayes' theorem is applied to update the degree of belief for each
A computer simulation of the changing belief as 50 fragments are unearthed is shown on the graph. In the simulation, the site was inhabited around 1520, or . By calculating the area under the relevant portion of the graph for 50 trials, the archaeologist can say that there is practically no chance the site was inhabited in the 11th and 12th centuries, about 1% chance that it was inhabited during the 13th century, 63% chance during the 14th century and 36% during the 15th century. Note that the Bernstein-von Mises theorem asserts here the asymptotic convergence to the "true" distribution because the probability space corresponding to the discrete set of events is finite (see above section on asymptotic behaviour of the posterior).
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In frequentist statistics and decision theory

A decision-theoretic justification of the use of Bayesian inference was given by Abraham Wald, who proved that every Bayesian procedure is admissible. Conversely, every admissible statistical procedure is either a Bayesian procedure or a limit of Bayesian procedures.[6] Wald characterized admissible procedures as Bayesian procedures (and limits of Bayesian procedures), making the Bayesian formalism a central technique in such areas of frequentist inference as parameter estimation, hypothesis testing, and computing confidence intervals. For example: "Under some conditions, all admissible procedures are either Bayes procedures or limits of Bayes procedures (in various senses). These remarkable results, at least in their original form, are due essentially to Wald. They are useful because the property of being Bayes is easier to analyze than admissibility." "In decision theory, a quite general method for proving admissibility consists in exhibiting a procedure as a unique Bayes solution."[7] "In the first chapters of this work, prior distributions with finite support and the corresponding Bayes procedures were used to establish some of the main theorems relating to the comparison of experiments. Bayes procedures with respect to more general prior distributions have played a very important role in the development of statistics, including its asymptotic theory." "There are many problems where a glance at posterior distributions, for suitable priors, yields immediately interesting information. Also, this technique can hardly be avoided in sequential analysis."[8] "A useful fact is that any Bayes decision rule obtained by taking a proper prior over the whole parameter space must be admissible"[9] "An important area of investigation in the development of admissibility ideas has been that of conventional sampling-theory procedures, and many interesting results have been obtained."[10]
Applications
Computer applications
Bayesian inference has applications in artificial intelligence and expert systems. Bayesian inference techniques have been a fundamental part of computerized pattern recognition techniques since the late 1950s. There is also an ever growing connection between Bayesian methods and simulation-based Monte Carlo techniques since complex models cannot be processed in closed form by a Bayesian analysis, while a graphical model structure may allow for efficient simulation algorithms like the Gibbs sampling and other MetropolisHastings algorithm schemes. Recently Bayesian inference has gained popularity amongst the phylogenetics community for these reasons; a number of applications allow many demographic and evolutionary parameters to be estimated simultaneously. As applied to statistical classification, Bayesian inference has been used in recent years to develop algorithms for identifying e-mail spam. Applications which make use of Bayesian inference for spam filtering include CRM114, DSPAM, Bogofilter, SpamAssassin, SpamBayes, and Mozilla. Spam classification is treated in more detail in the article on the naive Bayes classifier. Solomonoff's Inductive inference is the theory of prediction based on observations; for example, predicting the next symbol based upon a given series of symbols. The only assumption is that the environment follows some unknown but computable probability distribution. It is a formal inductive framework that combines two well-studied principles of inductive inference: Bayesian statistics and Occams Razor.[11] Solomonoff's universal prior probability of any prefix p of a computable sequence x is the sum of the probabilities of all programs (for a universal computer) that compute something starting with p. Given some p and any computable but unknown probability distribution from which x is sampled, the universal prior and Bayes' theorem can be used to predict the yet unseen parts of x in optimal fashion.[12][13]
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In the courtroom
Bayesian inference can be used by jurors to coherently accumulate the evidence for and against a defendant, and to see whether, in totality, it meets their personal threshold for 'beyond a reasonable doubt'.[14][15][16] Bayes' theorem is applied successively to all evidence presented, with the posterior from one stage becoming the prior for the next. The benefit of a Bayesian approach is that it gives the juror an unbiased, rational mechanism for combining evidence. It may be appropriate to explain Bayes' theorem to jurors in odds form, as betting odds are more widely understood than probabilities. Alternatively, a logarithmic approach, replacing multiplication with addition, might be easier for a jury to handle. If the existence of the crime is not in doubt, only the identity of the culprit, it has been suggested that the prior should be uniform over the qualifying population.[17] For example, if 1,000 people could have committed the crime, the prior probability of guilt would be 1/1000. The use of Bayes' theorem by jurors is controversial. In the United Kingdom, a defence expert witness explained Bayes' theorem to the jury in R v Adams. The jury convicted, but the case went to appeal on the basis that no means of accumulating evidence had been provided for jurors who did not wish to use Bayes' theorem. The Court of Appeal upheld the conviction, but it also gave the opinion that "To introduce Bayes' Theorem, or any similar method, into a criminal trial plunges the jury into inappropriate and unnecessary realms of theory and complexity, deflecting them from their proper task."
Adding up evidence.
Gardner-Medwin[18] argues that the criterion on which a verdict in a criminal trial should be based is not the probability of guilt, but rather the probability of the evidence, given that the defendant is innocent (akin to a frequentist p-value). He argues that if the posterior probability of guilt is to be computed by Bayes' theorem, the prior probability of guilt must be known. This will depend on the incidence of the crime, which is an unusual piece of evidence to consider in a criminal trial. Consider the following three propositions: A The known facts and testimony could have arisen if the defendant is guilty B The known facts and testimony could have arisen if the defendant is innocent C The defendant is guilty. Gardner-Medwin argues that the jury should believe both A and not-B in order to convict. A and not-B implies the truth of C, but the reverse is not true. It is possible that B and C are both true, but in this case he argues that a jury should acquit, even though they know that they will be letting some guilty people go free. See also Lindley's paradox.
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Bayesian epistemology
Bayesian epistemology is an epistemological movement that uses techniques of Bayesian inference as a means of justifying the rules of inductive logic. Karl Popper and David Miller have rejected the alleged rationality of Bayesianism, i.e. using Bayes rule to make epistemological inferences:[19] It is prone to the same vicious circle as any other justificationist epistemology, because it presupposes what it attempts to justify. According to this view, a rational interpretation of Bayesian inference would see it merely as a probabilistic version of falsification, rejecting the belief, commonly held by Bayesianists, that high likelihood achieved by a series of Bayesian updates would prove the hypothesis beyond any reasonable doubt, or even with likelihood greater than 0.
Other
The scientific method is sometimes interpreted as an application of Bayesian inference. In this view, Bayes' rule guides (or should guide) the updating of probabilities about hypotheses conditional on new observations or experiments.[20] Bayesian search theory is used to search for lost objects. Bayesian inference in phylogeny Bayesian tool for methylation analysis
Bayes and Bayesian inference

The problem considered by Bayes in Proposition9 of his essay, "An Essay towards solving a Problem in the Doctrine of Chances", is the posterior distribution for the parameter a (the success rate) of the binomial distribution.[citation needed] What is "Bayesian" about Proposition9 is that Bayes presented it as a probability for the parameter . That is, not only can one compute probabilities for experimental outcomes, but also for the parameter which governs them, and the same algebra is used to make inferences of either kind. Interestingly, Bayes actually states his question in a way that might make the idea of assigning a probability distribution to a parameter palatable to a frequentist. He supposes that a billiard ball is thrown at random onto a billiard table, and that the probabilities p and q are the probabilities that subsequent billiard balls will fall above or below the first ball. By making the binomial parameter depend on a random event, he cleverly escapes a philosophical quagmire that was an issue he most likely was not even aware of.
History
The term Bayesian refers to Thomas Bayes (17021761), who proved a special case of what is now called Bayes' theorem. However, it was Pierre-Simon Laplace (17491827) who introduced a general version of the theorem and used it to approach problems in celestial mechanics, medical statistics, reliability, and jurisprudence. Early Bayesian inference, which used uniform priors following Laplace's principle of insufficient reason, was called "inverse probability" (because it infers backwards from observations to parameters, or from effects to causes). After the 1920s, "inverse probability" was largely supplanted by a collection of methods that came to be called frequentist statistics. In the 20th century, the ideas of Laplace were further developed in two different directions, giving rise to objective and subjective currents in Bayesian practice. In the objective or "non-informative" current, the statistical analysis depends on only the model assumed, the data analyzed, and the method assigning the prior, which differs from one objective Bayesian to another objective Bayesian. In the subjective or "informative" current, the specification of the prior depends on the belief (that is, propositions on which the analysis is prepared to act), which can summarize information from experts, previous studies, etc.
Bayesian inference In the 1980s, there was a dramatic growth in research and applications of Bayesian methods, mostly attributed to the discovery of Markov chain Monte Carlo methods, which removed many of the computational problems, and an increasing interest in nonstandard, complex applications. Despite growth of Bayesian research, most undergraduate teaching is still based on frequentist statistics. Nonetheless, Bayesian methods are widely accepted and used, such as for example in the field of machine learning.
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Notes
[1] [2] [3] [4] Hacking (1967, Section 3, p. 316), Hacking (1988, p. 124) http:/ / plato. stanford. edu/ entries/ bayes-theorem/ van Fraassen, B. (1989) Laws and Symmetry, Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-824860-1 Gelman, Andrew; Carlin, John B.; Stern, Hal S.; Rubin, Donald B. (2003). Bayesian Data Analysis, Second Edition. Boca Raton, FL: Chapman and Hall/CRC. ISBN 1-58488-388-X. [5] Larry Wasserman et alia, JASA 2000. [6] Bickel & Doksum (2001, p. 32) [7] (see p. 309 of Chapter 6.7 "Admissibilty", and pp. 1718 of Chapter 1.8 "Complete Classes" [8] (From "Chapter 12 Posterior Distributions and Bayes Solutions", p. 324) [9] page 432 [10] p. 433) [11] Samuel Rathmanner and Marcus Hutter. "A Philosophical Treatise of Universal Induction". Entropy, 13(6):10761136, 2011. [12] "The Problem of Old Evidence" (http:/ / arxiv. org/ pdf/ 0709. 1516), in 5 of "On Universal Prediction and Bayesian Confirmation", M.Hutter - Theoretical Computer Science, 2007 - Elsevier [13] "Raymond J. Solomonoff" (http:/ / citeseerx. ist. psu. edu/ viewdoc/ download?doi=10. 1. 1. 186. 8268& rep=rep1& type=pdf), Peter Gacs, Paul M.B. Vitanyi, 2011 cs.bu.edu [14] Dawid, A.P. and Mortera,J. (1996) "Coherent Analysis of Forensic Identification Evidence". Journal of the Royal Statistical Society, SeriesB, 58, 425443. [15] Foreman, L.A.; Smith, A.F.M., and Evett, I.W. (1997). "Bayesian analysis of deoxyribonucleic acid profiling data in forensic identification applications (with discussion)". Journal of the Royal Statistical Society, SeriesA, 160, 429469. [16] Robertson, B. and Vignaux, G.A. (1995) Interpreting Evidence: Evaluating Forensic Science in the Courtroom. John Wiley and Sons. Chichester. ISBN 978-0-471-96026-3 [17] Dawid, A. P. (2001) "Bayes' Theorem and Weighing Evidence by Juries"; http:/ / 128. 40. 111. 250/ evidence/ content/ dawid-paper. pdf [18] Gardner-Medwin, A. (2005) "What Probability Should the Jury Address?". Significance, 2 (1), March 2005 [19] David Miller: Critical Rationalism [20] Howson & Urbach (2005), Jaynes (2003)
References
Aster, Richard; Borchers, Brian, and Thurber, Clifford (2012). Parameter Estimation and Inverse Problems, Second Edition, Elsevier. ISBN 0123850487, ISBN 978-0123850485 Bickel, Peter J. and Doksum, Kjell A. (2001). Mathematical Statistics, Volume 1: Basic and Selected Topics (Second (updated printing 2007) ed.). Pearson PrenticeHall. ISBN0-13-850363-X. Box, G.E.P. and Tiao, G.C. (1973) Bayesian Inference in Statistical Analysis, Wiley, ISBN 0-471-57428-7 Edwards, Ward (1968). "Conservatism in Human Information Processing". In Kleinmuntz, B. Formal Representation of Human Judgment. Wiley. Edwards, Ward (1982). "Conservatism in Human Information Processing (excerpted)". In Daniel Kahneman, Paul Slovic and Amos Tversky. Judgment under uncertainty: Heuristics and biases. Cambridge University Press. Jaynes E.T. (2003) Probability Theory: The Logic of Science, CUP. ISBN 978-0-521-59271-0 ( Link to Fragmentary Edition of March 1996 (http://www-biba.inrialpes.fr/Jaynes/prob.html)). Howson, C. and Urbach, P. (2005). Scientific Reasoning: the Bayesian Approach (3rd ed.). Open Court Publishing Company. ISBN978-0-8126-9578-6. Phillips, L. D.; Edwards, Ward (October 2008). "Chapter 6: Conservatism in a Simple Probability Inference Task (Journal of Experimental Psychology (1966) 72: 346-354)". In Jie W. Weiss and David J. Weiss. A Science of Decision Making:The Legacy of Ward Edwards. Oxford University Press. p.536. ISBN978-0-19-532298-9.
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Further reading
Elementary
The following books are listed in ascending order of probabilistic sophistication: Stone, JV (2013). Chapter 1 of book "Bayes Rule: A Tutorial Introduction" (http://jim-stone.staff.shef.ac.uk/ BookBayes2012/BayesRuleBookMain.html), University of Sheffield, Psychology. Colin Howson and Peter Urbach (2005). Scientific Reasoning: The Bayesian Approach (3rd ed.). Open Court Publishing Company. ISBN978-0-8126-9578-6. Berry, Donald A. (1996). Statistics: A Bayesian Perspective. Duxbury. ISBN0-534-23476-3. Morris H. DeGroot and Mark J. Schervish (2002). Probability and Statistics (third ed.). Addison-Wesley. ISBN978-0-201-52488-8. Bolstad, William M. (2007) Introduction to Bayesian Statistics: Second Edition, John Wiley ISBN 0-471-27020-2 Winkler, Robert L (2003). Introduction to Bayesian Inference and Decision (2nd ed.). Probabilistic. ISBN0-9647938-4-9. Updated classic textbook. Bayesian theory clearly presented. Lee, Peter M. Bayesian Statistics: An Introduction. Fourth Edition (2012), John Wiley ISBN 978-1-1183-3257-3 Carlin, Bradley P. and Louis, Thomas A. (2008). Bayesian Methods for Data Analysis, Third Edition. Boca Raton, FL: Chapman and Hall/CRC. ISBN1-58488-697-8. Gelman, Andrew; Carlin, John B.; Stern, Hal S.; Rubin, Donald B. (2003). Bayesian Data Analysis, Second Edition. Boca Raton, FL: Chapman and Hall/CRC. ISBN1-58488-388-X.
Intermediate or advanced
Berger, James O (1985). Statistical Decision Theory and Bayesian Analysis. Springer Series in Statistics (Second ed.). Springer-Verlag. ISBN0-387-96098-8. Bernardo, JosM.; Smith, AdrianF.M. (1994). Bayesian Theory. Wiley. DeGroot, Morris H., Optimal Statistical Decisions. Wiley Classics Library. 2004. (Originally published (1970) by McGraw-Hill.) ISBN 0-471-68029-X. Schervish, Mark J. (1995). Theory of statistics. Springer-Verlag. ISBN0-387-94546-6. Jaynes, E. T. (1998) Probability Theory: The Logic of Science (http://www-biba.inrialpes.fr/Jaynes/prob. html). O'Hagan, A. and Forster, J. (2003) Kendall's Advanced Theory of Statistics, Volume 2B: Bayesian Inference. Arnold, New York. ISBN 0-340-52922-9. Robert, Christian P (2001). The Bayesian Choice A Decision-Theoretic Motivation (second ed.). Springer. ISBN0-387-94296-3. Glenn Shafer and Pearl, Judea, eds. (1988) Probabilistic Reasoning in Intelligent Systems, San Mateo, CA: Morgan Kaufmann.
External links
Hazewinkel, Michiel, ed. (2001), "Bayesian approach to statistical problems" (http://www.encyclopediaofmath. org/index.php?title=p/b015390), Encyclopedia of Mathematics, Springer, ISBN978-1-55608-010-4 Bayesian Statistics (http://www.scholarpedia.org/article/Bayesian_statistics) from Scholarpedia. Introduction to Bayesian probability (http://www.dcs.qmw.ac.uk/~norman/BBNs/BBNs.htm) from Queen Mary University of London Mathematical Notes on Bayesian Statistics and Markov Chain Monte Carlo (http://webuser.bus.umich.edu/ plenk/downloads.htm) Bayesian reading list (http://cocosci.berkeley.edu/tom/bayes.html), categorized and annotated by Tom Griffiths (http://psychology.berkeley.edu/faculty/profiles/tgriffiths.html)
Bayesian inference A. Hajek and S. Hartmann: Bayesian Epistemology (http://stephanhartmann.org/HajekHartmann_BayesEpist. pdf), in: J. Dancy et al. (eds.), A Companion to Epistemology. Oxford: Blackwell 2010, 93-106. S. Hartmann and J. Sprenger: Bayesian Epistemology (http://stephanhartmann.org/ HartmannSprenger_BayesEpis.pdf), in: S. Bernecker and D. Pritchard (eds.), Routledge Companion to Epistemology. London: Routledge 2010, 609-620. Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy: "Inductive Logic" (http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/logic-inductive/) Bayesian Confirmation Theory (http://faculty-staff.ou.edu/H/James.A.Hawthorne-1/ Hawthorne--Bayesian_Confirmation_Theory.pdf) What Is Bayesian Learning? (http://www.faqs.org/faqs/ai-faq/neural-nets/part3/section-7.html)
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Game theory
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Game theory is a study of strategic decision making. More formally, it is "the study of mathematical models of conflict and cooperation between intelligent rational decision-makers".[1] An alternative term suggested "as a more descriptive name for the discipline" is interactive decision theory.[2] Game theory is mainly used in economics, political science, and psychology, as well as logic and biology. The subject first addressed zero-sum games, such that one person's gains exactly equal net losses of the other participant(s). Today, however, game theory applies to a wide range of behavioral relations, and has developed into an umbrella term for the logical side of decision science, to include both human and non-humans, like computers. Modern game theory began with the idea regarding the existence of mixed-strategy equilibria in two-person zero-sum games and its proof by John von Neumann. Von Neumann's original proof used Brouwer's fixed-point theorem on continuous mappings into compact convex sets, which became a standard method in game theory and mathematical economics. His paper was followed by his 1944 book Theory of Games and Economic Behavior, with Oskar Morgenstern, which considered cooperative games of several players. The second edition of this book provided an axiomatic theory of expected utility, which allowed mathematical statisticians and economists to treat decision-making under uncertainty. This theory was developed extensively in the 1950s by many scholars. Game theory was later explicitly applied to biology in the 1970s, although similar developments go back at least as far as the 1930s. Game theory has been widely recognized as an important tool in many fields. Eight game-theorists have won the Nobel Memorial Prize in Economic Sciences, and John Maynard Smith was awarded the Crafoord Prize for his application of game theory to biology.
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Representation of games
The games studied in game theory are well-defined mathematical objects. To be fully defined, a game must specify the following elements: the players of the game, the information and actions available to each player at each decision point, and the payoffs for each outcome. (Rasmusen refers to these four "essential elements" by the acronym PAPI.) A game theorist typically uses these elements, along with a solution concept of their choosing, to deduce a set of equilibrium strategies for each player such that, when these strategies are employed, no player can profit by unilaterally deviating from their strategy. These equilibrium strategies determine an equilibrium to the gamea stable state in which either one outcome occurs or a set of outcomes occur with known probability. Most cooperative games are presented in the characteristic function form, while the extensive and the normal forms are used to define noncooperative games.
Extensive form
The extensive form can be used to formalize games with a time sequencing of moves. Games here are played on trees (as pictured to the left). Here each vertex (or node) represents a point of choice for a player. The player is specified by a number listed by the vertex. The lines out of the vertex represent a possible action for that player. The payoffs are specified at the bottom of the tree. The extensive form can be viewed as a multi-player generalization of a decision tree. (Fudenberg & Tirole 1991, p.67)
An extensive form game
In the game pictured to the left, there are two players. Player 1 moves first and chooses either F or U. Player 2 sees Player 1's move and then chooses A or R. Suppose that Player 1 chooses U and then Player 2 chooses A, then Player 1 gets 8 and Player 2 gets 2. The extensive form can also capture simultaneous-move games and games with imperfect information. To represent it, either a dotted line connects different vertices to represent them as being part of the same information set (i.e., the players do not know at which point they are), or a closed line is drawn around them. (See example in the imperfect information section.)
Normal form
Player 2 chooses Left Player 1 chooses Up Player 1 choosesDown Player 2 chooses Right
4, 3 0, 0
1, 1 3, 4
Normal form or payoff matrix of a 2-player, 2-strategy game
The normal (or strategic form) game is usually represented by a matrix which shows the players, strategies, and pay-offs (see the example to the right). More generally it can be represented by any function that associates a payoff for each player with every possible combination of actions. In the accompanying example there are two players; one chooses the row and the other chooses the column. Each player has two strategies, which are specified by the number of rows and the number of columns. The payoffs are provided in the interior. The first number is the payoff received by the row player (Player 1 in our example); the second is the payoff for the column player (Player 2 in our example). Suppose that Player 1 plays Up and that Player 2 plays Left. Then Player 1 gets a payoff of 4, and Player 2
Game theory gets 3. When a game is presented in normal form, it is presumed that each player acts simultaneously or, at least, without knowing the actions of the other. If players have some information about the choices of other players, the game is usually presented in extensive form. Every extensive-form game has an equivalent normal-form game, however the transformation to normal form may result in an exponential blowup in the size of the representation, making it computationally impractical. (Leyton-Brown & Shoham 2008, p.35)
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Characteristic function form

In games that possess removable utility separate rewards are not given; rather, the characteristic function decides the payoff of each unity. The idea is that the unity that is 'empty', so to speak, does not receive a reward at all. The origin of this form is to be found in John von Neumann and Oskar Morgenstern's book; when looking at these instances, they guessed that when a union appears, it works against the fraction as if two individuals
were playing a normal game. The balanced payoff of C is a basic function. Although there are differing examples that help determine coalitional amounts from normal games, not all appear that in their function form can be derived from such. Formally, a characteristic function is seen as: (N,v), where N represents the group of people and normal utility. Such characteristic functions have expanded to describe games where there is no removable utility. is a
General and applied uses

As a method of applied mathematics, game theory has been used to study a wide variety of human and animal behaviors. It was initially developed in economics to understand a large collection of economic behaviors, including behaviors of firms, markets, and consumers. The use of game theory in the social sciences has expanded, and game theory has been applied to political, sociological, and psychological behaviors as well. Game-theoretic analysis was initially used to study animal behavior by Ronald Fisher in the 1930s (although even Charles Darwin makes a few informal game-theoretic statements). This work predates the name "game theory", but it shares many important features with this field. The developments in economics were later applied to biology largely by John Maynard Smith in his book Evolution and the Theory of Games. In addition to being used to describe, predict, and explain behavior, game theory has also been used to develop theories of ethical or normative behavior and to prescribe such behavior.[3] In economics and philosophy, scholars have applied game theory to help in the understanding of good or proper behavior. Game-theoretic arguments of this type can be found as far back as Plato.
Description and modeling

The first known use is to describe and model how human populations behave. SomeWikipedia:Avoid weasel words scholars believe that by finding the equilibria of games they can predict how actual human populations will behave when confronted with situations analogous to the
A four-stage centipede game
Game theory game being studied. This particular view of game theory has come under recent criticism. First, it is criticized because the assumptions made by game theorists are often violated. Game theorists may assume players always act in a way to directly maximize their wins (the Homo economicus model), but in practice, human behavior often deviates from this model. Explanations of this phenomenon are many; irrationality, new models of deliberation, or even different motives (like that of altruism). Game theorists respond by comparing their assumptions to those used in physics. Thus while their assumptions do not always hold, they can treat game theory as a reasonable scientific ideal akin to the models used by physicists. However, in the centipede game, guess 2/3 of the average game, and the dictator game, people regularly do not play Nash equilibria. These experiments have demonstrated that individuals do not play equilibrium strategies. There is an ongoing debate regarding the importance of these experiments.[4] Alternatively, someWikipedia:Avoid weasel words authors claim that Nash equilibria do not provide predictions for human populations, but rather provide an explanation for why populations that play Nash equilibria remain in that state. However, the question of how populations reach those points remains open. SomeWikipedia:Avoid weasel words game theorists have turned to evolutionary game theory in order to resolve these issues. These models presume either no rationality or bounded rationality on the part of players. Despite the name, evolutionary game theory does not necessarily presume natural selection in the biological sense. Evolutionary game theory includes both biological as well as cultural evolution and also models of individual learning (for example, fictitious play dynamics).
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Prescriptive or normative analysis

Cooperate Defect Cooperate
Defect
-1, -1 -10, 0 0, -10 -5, -5
The Prisoner's Dilemma
On the other hand, someWikipedia:Avoid weasel words scholars see game theory not as a predictive tool for the behavior of human beings, but as a suggestion for how people ought to behave. Since a strategy, corresponding to a Nash equilibrium of a game constitutes one's best response to the actions of the other players provided they are in (the same) Nash equilibrium playing a strategy that is part of a Nash equilibrium seems appropriate. However, the rationality of such a decision has been proved only for special cases. This normative use of game theory has also come under criticism. First, in some cases it is appropriate to play a non-equilibrium strategy if one expects others to play non-equilibrium strategies as well. For an example, see guess 2/3 of the average. Second, the prisoner's dilemma presents another potential counterexample. In the prisoner's dilemma, each player pursuing their own self-interest leads both players to be worse off than had they not pursued their own self-interests.
Economics and business

Game theory is a major method used in mathematical economics and business for modeling competing behaviors of interacting agents. Applications include a wide array of economic phenomena and approaches, such as auctions, bargaining, mergers & acquisitions pricing, fair division, duopolies, oligopolies, social network formation, agent-based computational economics, general equilibrium, mechanism design, and voting systems, and across such broad areas as experimental economics, behavioral economics, information economics, industrial organization, and political economy. This research usually focuses on particular sets of strategies known as equilibria in games. These "solution concepts" are usually based on what is required by norms of rationality. In non-cooperative games, the most famous of these is
Game theory the Nash equilibrium. A set of strategies is a Nash equilibrium if each represents a best response to the other strategies. So, if all the players are playing the strategies in a Nash equilibrium, they have no unilateral incentive to deviate, since their strategy is the best they can do given what others are doing.[][] The payoffs of the game are generally taken to represent the utility of individual players. Often in modeling situations the payoffs represent money, which presumably corresponds to an individual's utility. This assumption, however, can be faulty. A prototypical paper on game theory in economics begins by presenting a game that is an abstraction of a particular economic situation. One or more solution concepts are chosen, and the author demonstrates which strategy sets in the presented game are equilibria of the appropriate type. Naturally one might wonder to what use this information should be put. Economists and business professors suggest two primary uses (noted above): descriptive and prescriptive.
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Political science
The application of game theory to political science is focused in the overlapping areas of fair division, political economy, public choice, war bargaining, positive political theory, and social choice theory. In each of these areas, researchers have developed game-theoretic models in which the players are often voters, states, special interest groups, and politicians. For early examples of game theory applied to political science, see the work of Anthony Downs. In his book An Economic Theory of Democracy (Downs1957), he applies the Hotelling firm location model to the political process. In the Downsian model, political candidates commit to ideologies on a one-dimensional policy space. Downs first shows how the political candidates will converge to the ideology preferred by the median voter if voters are fully informed, but then argues that voters choose to remain rationally ignorant which allows for candidate divergence. A game-theoretic explanation for democratic peace is that public and open debate in democracies send clear and reliable information regarding their intentions to other states. In contrast, it is difficult to know the intentions of nondemocratic leaders, what effect concessions will have, and if promises will be kept. Thus there will be mistrust and unwillingness to make concessions if at least one of the parties in a dispute is a non-democracy (Levy & Razin2003).
Biology
Hawk Dove Hawk
Dove
20, 80, 20 40 40, 60, 80 60
The hawk-dove game
The payoffs for games in biology, unlike those in economics, are often interpreted as corresponding to fitness. In addition, the focus has been less on equilibria that correspond to a notion of rationality and more on ones that would be maintained by evolutionary forces. The best known equilibrium in biology is known as the evolutionarily stable strategy (or ESS), and was first introduced in (Smith & Price 1973). Although its initial motivation did not involve any of the mental requirements of the Nash equilibrium, every ESS is a Nash equilibrium. In biology, game theory has been used to understand many different phenomena. It was first used to explain the evolution (and stability) of the approximate 1:1 sex ratios. (Fisher 1930) suggested that the 1:1 sex ratios are a result of evolutionary forces acting on individuals who could be seen as trying to maximize their number of grandchildren.
Game theory Additionally, biologists have used evolutionary game theory and the ESS to explain the emergence of animal communication (Harper & Maynard Smith 2003). The analysis of signaling games and other communication games has provided insight into the evolution of communication among animals. For example, the mobbing behavior of many species, in which a large number of prey animals attack a larger predator, seems to be an example of spontaneous emergent organization. Ants have also been shown to exhibit feed-forward behavior akin to fashion, see Butterfly Economics. Biologists have used the game of chicken to analyze fighting behavior and territoriality. Maynard Smith, in the preface to Evolution and the Theory of Games, writes, "paradoxically, it has turned out that game theory is more readily applied to biology than to the field of economic behaviour for which it was originally designed". Evolutionary game theory has been used to explain many seemingly incongruous phenomena in nature.[5] One such phenomenon is known as biological altruism. This is a situation in which an organism appears to act in a way that benefits other organisms and is detrimental to itself. This is distinct from traditional notions of altruism because such actions are not conscious, but appear to be evolutionary adaptations to increase overall fitness. Examples can be found in species ranging from vampire bats that regurgitate blood they have obtained from a night's hunting and give it to group members who have failed to feed, to worker bees that care for the queen bee for their entire lives and never mate, to Vervet monkeys that warn group members of a predator's approach, even when it endangers that individual's chance of survival.[6] All of these actions increase the overall fitness of a group, but occur at a cost to the individual. Evolutionary game theory explains this altruism with the idea of kin selection. Altruists discriminate between the individuals they help and favor relatives. Hamilton's rule explains the evolutionary reasoning behind this selection with the equation c<b*r where the cost (c) to the altruist must be less than the benefit (b) to the recipient multiplied by the coefficient of relatedness (r). The more closely related two organisms are causes the incidences of altruism to increase because they share many of the same alleles. This means that the altruistic individual, by ensuring that the alleles of its close relative are passed on, (through survival of its offspring) can forgo the option of having offspring itself because the same number of alleles are passed on. Helping a sibling for example (in diploid animals), has a coefficient of , because (on average) an individual shares of the alleles in its sibling's offspring. Ensuring that enough of a siblings offspring survive to adulthood precludes the necessity of the altruistic individual producing offspring. The coefficient values depend heavily on the scope of the playing field; for example if the choice of whom to favor includes all genetic living things, not just all relatives, we assume the discrepancy between all humans only accounts for approximately 1% of the diversity in the playing field, a co-efficient that was in the smaller field becomes 0.995. Similarly if it is considered that information other than that of a genetic nature (e.g. epigenetics, religion, science, etc.) persisted through time the playing field becomes larger still, and the discrepancies smaller.
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Computer science and logic

Game theory has come to play an increasingly important role in logic and in computer science. Several logical theories have a basis in game semantics. In addition, computer scientists have used games to model interactive computations. Also, game theory provides a theoretical basis to the field of multi-agent systems. Separately, game theory has played a role in online algorithms. In particular, the k-server problem, which has in the past been referred to as games with moving costs and request-answer games (Ben David, Borodin & Karp et al.1994). Yao's principle is a game-theoretic technique for proving lower bounds on the computational complexity of randomized algorithms, and especially of online algorithms. The emergence of the internet has motivated the development of algorithms for finding equilibria in games, markets, computational auctions, peer-to-peer systems, and security and information markets. Algorithmic game theory and within it algorithmic mechanism design combine computational algorithm design and analysis of complex systems with economic theory.
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Philosophy
Stag Hare Stag
Hare
3, 0, 3 2 2, 2, 0 2
Stag hunt
Game theory has been put to several uses in philosophy. Responding to two papers by W.V.O. Quine(1960, 1967), Lewis (1969) used game theory to develop a philosophical account of convention. In so doing, he provided the first analysis of common knowledge and employed it in analyzing play in coordination games. In addition, he first suggested that one can understand meaning in terms of signaling games. This later suggestion has been pursued by several philosophers since Lewis (Skyrms (1996), Grim, Kokalis, and Alai-Tafti et al.(2004)). Following Lewis (1969) game-theoretic account of conventions, Edna Ullmann-Margalit (1977) and Bicchieri (2006) have developed theories of social norms that define them as Nash equilibria that result from transforming a mixed-motive game into a coordination game. Game theory has also challenged philosophers to think in terms of interactive epistemology: what it means for a collective to have common beliefs or knowledge, and what are the consequences of this knowledge for the social outcomes resulting from agents' interactions. Philosophers who have worked in this area include Bicchieri (1989, 1993),[7] Skyrms (1990), and Stalnaker (1999). In ethics, someWikipedia:Avoid weasel words authors have attempted to pursue the project, begun by Thomas Hobbes, of deriving morality from self-interest. Since games like the prisoner's dilemma present an apparent conflict between morality and self-interest, explaining why cooperation is required by self-interest is an important component of this project. This general strategy is a component of the general social contract view in political philosophy (for examples, see Gauthier (1986) and Kavka (1986)).[8] Other authors have attempted to use evolutionary game theory in order to explain the emergence of human attitudes about morality and corresponding animal behaviors. These authors look at several games including the prisoner's dilemma, stag hunt, and the Nash bargaining game as providing an explanation for the emergence of attitudes about morality (see, e.g., Skyrms(1996, 2004) and Sober and Wilson(1999)). Some assumptions used in some parts of game theory have been challenged in philosophy; for example, psychological egoism states that rationality reduces to self-interesta claim debated among philosophers. (see Psychological egoism#Criticisms)
Types of games
Cooperative or non-cooperative
A game is cooperative if the players are able to form binding commitments. For instance the legal system requires them to adhere to their promises. In noncooperative games this is not possible. Often it is assumed that communication among players is allowed in cooperative games, but not in noncooperative ones. However, this classification on two binary criteria has been questioned, and sometimes rejected (Harsanyi 1974). Of the two types of games, noncooperative games are able to model situations to the finest details, producing accurate results. Cooperative games focus on the game at large. Considerable efforts have been made to link the two approaches. The so-called Nash-programmeWikipedia:Please clarify has already established many of the cooperative solutions as noncooperative equilibria.
Game theory Hybrid games contain cooperative and non-cooperative elements. For instance, coalitions of players are formed in a cooperative game, but these play in a non-cooperative fashion.
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Symmetric and asymmetric

E E F F
1, 2 0, 0 0, 0 1, 2
An asymmetric game
A symmetric game is a game where the payoffs for playing a particular strategy depend only on the other strategies employed, not on who is playing them. If the identities of the players can be changed without changing the payoff to the strategies, then a game is symmetric. Many of the commonly studied 22 games are symmetric. The standard representations of chicken, the prisoner's dilemma, and the stag hunt are all symmetric games. SomeWikipedia:Avoid weasel words scholars would consider certain asymmetric games as examples of these games as well. However, the most common payoffs for each of these games are symmetric. Most commonly studied asymmetric games are games where there are not identical strategy sets for both players. For instance, the ultimatum game and similarly the dictator game have different strategies for each player. It is possible, however, for a game to have identical strategies for both players, yet be asymmetric. For example, the game pictured to the right is asymmetric despite having identical strategy sets for both players.
Zero-sum and non-zero-sum

A A B
1, 1 0, 0
3, 3 2, 2
A zero-sum game
Zero-sum games are a special case of constant-sum games, in which choices by players can neither increase nor decrease the available resources. In zero-sum games the total benefit to all players in the game, for every combination of strategies, always adds to zero (more informally, a player benefits only at the equal expense of others). Poker exemplifies a zero-sum game (ignoring the possibility of the house's cut), because one wins exactly the amount one's opponents lose. Other zero-sum games include matching pennies and most classical board games including Go and chess. Many games studied by game theorists (including the infamous prisoner's dilemma) are non-zero-sum games, because the outcome has net results greater or less than zero. Informally, in non-zero-sum games, a gain by one player does not necessarily correspond with a loss by another. Constant-sum games correspond to activities like theft and gambling, but not to the fundamental economic situation in which there are potential gains from trade. It is possible to transform any game into a (possibly asymmetric) zero-sum game by adding an additional dummy player (often called "the board"), whose losses compensate the players' net winnings.
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Simultaneous and sequential

Simultaneous games are games where both players move simultaneously, or if they do not move simultaneously, the later players are unaware of the earlier players' actions (making them effectively simultaneous). Sequential games (or dynamic games) are games where later players have some knowledge about earlier actions. This need not be perfect information about every action of earlier players; it might be very little knowledge. For instance, a player may know that an earlier player did not perform one particular action, while he does not know which of the other available actions the first player actually performed. The difference between simultaneous and sequential games is captured in the different representations discussed above. Often, normal form is used to represent simultaneous games, and extensive form is used to represent sequential ones. The transformation of extensive to normal form is one way, meaning that multiple extensive form games correspond to the same normal form. Consequently, notions of equilibrium for simultaneous games are insufficient for reasoning about sequential games; see subgame perfection. In short, the differences between sequential and simultaneous games are as follows:
Sequential Normally denoted by: Decision Trees Simultaneous Payoff Matrices No No
Prior knowledge of opponent's move: Yes Time Axis: Also known as: Yes
Extensive Game Strategic Game
Perfect information and imperfect information

An important subset of sequential games consists of games of perfect information. A game is one of perfect information if all players know the moves previously made by all other players. Thus, only sequential games can be games of perfect information because players in simultaneous games do not know the actions of the other players. Most games studied in game theory are imperfect-information games. Interesting examples of A game of imperfect information (the dotted line represents perfect-information games include the ultimatum game ignorance on the part of player 2, formally called an information set) and centipede game. Recreational games of perfect information games include chess, go, and mancala. Many card games are games of imperfect information, for instance poker or contract bridge. Perfect information is often confused with complete information, which is a similar concept. Complete information requires that every player know the strategies and payoffs available to the other players but not necessarily the actions taken. Games of incomplete information can be reduced, however, to games of imperfect information by introducing "moves by nature" (Leyton-Brown & Shoham 2008, p.60).
Combinatorial games
Games in which the difficulty of finding an optimal strategy stems from the multiplicity of possible moves are called combinatorial games. Examples include chess and go. Games that involve imperfect or incomplete information may also have a strong combinatorial character, for instance backgammon. There is no unified theory addressing combinatorial elements in games. There are, however, mathematical tools that can solve particular problems and answer general questions.
Game theory Games of perfect information have been studied in combinatorial game theory, which has developed novel representations, e.g. surreal numbers, as well as combinatorial and algebraic (and sometimes non-constructive) proof methods to solve games of certain types, including "loopy" games that may result in infinitely long sequences of moves. These methods address games with higher combinatorial complexity than those usually considered in traditional (or "economic") game theory. A typical game that has been solved this way is hex. A related field of study, drawing from computational complexity theory, is game complexity, which is concerned with estimating the computational difficulty of finding optimal strategies. Research in artificial intelligence has addressed both perfect and imperfect (or incomplete) information games that have very complex combinatorial structures (like chess, go, or backgammon) for which no provable optimal strategies have been found. The practical solutions involve computational heuristics, like alpha-beta pruning or use of artificial neural networks trained by reinforcement learning, which make games more tractable in computing practice.
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Infinitely long games

Games, as studied by economists and real-world game players, are generally finished in finitely many moves. Pure mathematicians are not so constrained, and set theorists in particular study games that last for infinitely many moves, with the winner (or other payoff) not known until after all those moves are completed. The focus of attention is usually not so much on what is the best way to play such a game, but simply on whether one or the other player has a winning strategy. (It can be proven, using the axiom of choice, that there are games even with perfect information, and where the only outcomes are "win" or "lose" for which neither player has a winning strategy.) The existence of such strategies, for cleverly designed games, has important consequences in descriptive set theory.
Discrete and continuous games

Much of game theory is concerned with finite, discrete games, that have a finite number of players, moves, events, outcomes, etc. Many concepts can be extended, however. Continuous games allow players to choose a strategy from a continuous strategy set. For instance, Cournot competition is typically modeled with players' strategies being any non-negative quantities, including fractional quantities.
Differential games
Differential games such as the continuous pursuit and evasion game are continuous games where the evolution of the players' state variables is governed by differential equations. The problem of finding an optimal strategy in a differential game is closely related to the optimal control theory. In particular, there are two types of strategies: the open-loop strategies are found using the Pontryagin maximum principle while the closed-loop strategies are found using Bellman's Dynamic Programming method. A particular case of differential games are the games with random time horizon.[9] In such games, the terminal time is a random variable with a given probability distribution function. Therefore, the players maximize the mathematical expectation of the cost function. It was shown that the modified optimization problem can be reformulated as a discounted differential game over an infinite time interval.
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Many-player and population games

Games with an arbitrary, but finite, number of players are often called n-person games (Luce & Raiffa 1957). Evolutionary game theory considers games involving a population of decision makers, where the frequency with which a particular decision is made can change over time in response to the decisions made by all individuals in the population. In biology, this is intended to model (biological) evolution, where genetically programmed organisms pass along some of their strategy programming to their offspring. In economics, the same theory is intended to capture population changes because people play the game many times within their lifetime, and consciously (and perhaps rationally) switch strategies (Webb 2007).
Stochastic outcomes (and relation to other fields)

Individual decision problems with stochastic outcomes are sometimes considered "one-player games". These situations are not considered game theoretical by some authors.Wikipedia:Manual of Style/Words to watch#Unsupported attributions They may be modeled using similar tools within the related disciplines of decision theory, operations research, and areas of artificial intelligence, particularly AI planning (with uncertainty) and multi-agent system. Although these fields may have different motivators, the mathematics involved are substantially the same, e.g. using Markov decision processes (MDP).[citation needed] Stochastic outcomes can also be modeled in terms of game theory by adding a randomly acting player who makes "chance moves", also known as "moves by nature" (Osborne & Rubinstein 1994). This player is not typically considered a third player in what is otherwise a two-player game, but merely serves to provide a roll of the dice where required by the game. For some problems, different approaches to modeling stochastic outcomes may lead to different solutions. For example, the difference in approach between MDPs and the minimax solution is that the latter considers the worst-case over a set of adversarial moves, rather than reasoning in expectation about these moves given a fixed probability distribution. The minimax approach may be advantageous where stochastic models of uncertainty are not available, but may also be overestimating extremely unlikely (but costly) events, dramatically swaying the strategy in such scenarios if it is assumed that an adversary can force such an event to happen.[10] (See black swan theory for more discussion on this kind of modeling issue, particularly as it relates to predicting and limiting losses in investment banking.) General models that include all elements of stochastic outcomes, adversaries, and partial or noisy observability (of moves by other players) have also been studied. The "gold standard" is considered to be partially observable stochastic game (POSG), but few realistic problems are computationally feasible in POSG representation.
Metagames
These are games the play of which is the development of the rules for another game, the target or subject game. Metagames seek to maximize the utility value of the rule set developed. The theory of metagames is related to mechanism design theory. The term metagame analysis is also used to refer to a practical approach developed by Nigel Howard (Howard 1971) whereby a situation is framed as a strategic game in which stakeholders try to realise their objectives by means of the options available to them. Subsequent developments have led to the formulation of confrontation analysis.
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History
Early discussions of examples of two-person games occurred long before the rise of modern, mathematical game theory. The first known discussion of game theory occurred in a letter written by James Waldegrave in 1713. In this letter, Waldegrave provides a minimax mixed strategy solution to a two-person version of the card game le Her. James Madison made what we now recognize as a game-theoretic analysis of the ways states can be expected to behave under different systems of taxation.[11][12] In his 1838 Recherches sur les principes mathmatiques de la thorie des richesses (Researches into the Mathematical Principles of the Theory of Wealth), Antoine Augustin Cournot considered a duopoly and presents a solution that is a restricted version of the Nash equilibrium. The Danish mathematician Zeuthen proved that the mathematical model had a winning strategy by using Brouwer's fixed point theorem. In his 1938 book Applications aux Jeux de Hasard and earlier notes, John von Neumann mile Borel proved a minimax theorem for two-person zero-sum matrix games only when the pay-off matrix was symmetric. Borel conjectured that non-existence of mixed-strategy equilibria in two-person zero-sum games would occur, a conjecture that was proved false. Game theory did not really exist as a unique field until John von Neumann published a paper in 1928.[13] Von Neumann's original proof used Brouwer's fixed-point theorem on continuous mappings into compact convex sets, which became a standard method in game theory and mathematical economics. His paper was followed by his 1944 book Theory of Games and Economic Behavior. The second edition of this book provided an axiomatic theory of utility, which reincarnated Daniel Bernoulli's old theory of utility (of the money) as an independent discipline. Von Neumann's work in game theory culminated in this 1944 book. This foundational work contains the method for finding mutually consistent solutions for two-person zero-sum games. During the following time period, work on game theory was primarily focused on cooperative game theory, which analyzes optimal strategies for groups of individuals, presuming that they can enforce agreements between them about proper strategies. In 1950, the first mathematical discussion of the prisoner's dilemma appeared, and an experiment was undertaken by notable mathematicians Merrill M. Flood and Melvin Dresher, as part of the RAND corporation's investigations into game theory. Rand pursued the studies because of possible applications to global nuclear strategy.[] Around this same time, John Nash developed a criterion for mutual consistency of players' strategies, known as Nash equilibrium, applicable to a wider variety of games than the criterion proposed by von Neumann and Morgenstern. This equilibrium is sufficiently general to allow for the analysis of non-cooperative games in addition to cooperative ones. Game theory experienced a flurry of activity in the 1950s, during which time the concepts of the core, the extensive form game, fictitious play, repeated games, and the Shapley value were developed. In addition, the first applications of game theory to philosophy and political science occurred during this time. In 1965, Reinhard Selten introduced his solution concept of subgame perfect equilibria, which further refined the Nash equilibrium (later he would introduce trembling hand perfection as well). In 1967, John Harsanyi developed the concepts of complete information and Bayesian games. Nash, Selten and Harsanyi became Economics Nobel Laureates in 1994 for their contributions to economic game theory. In the 1970s, game theory was extensively applied in biology, largely as a result of the work of John Maynard Smith and his evolutionarily stable strategy. In addition, the concepts of correlated equilibrium, trembling hand perfection, and common knowledge[14] were introduced and analyzed.
Game theory In 2005, game theorists Thomas Schelling and Robert Aumann followed Nash, Selten and Harsanyi as Nobel Laureates. Schelling worked on dynamic models, early examples of evolutionary game theory. Aumann contributed more to the equilibrium school, introducing an equilibrium coarsening, correlated equilibrium, and developing an extensive formal analysis of the assumption of common knowledge and of its consequences. In 2007, Leonid Hurwicz, together with Eric Maskin and Roger Myerson, was awarded the Nobel Prize in Economics "for having laid the foundations of mechanism design theory." Myerson's contributions include the notion of proper equilibrium, and an important graduate text: Game Theory, Analysis of Conflict (Myerson 1997). Hurwicz introduced and formalized the concept of incentive compatibility.
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Popular culture
The life story of game theorist and mathematician John Nash was turned into a biopic, A Beautiful Mind starring Russell Crowe,[15] based on the book by Sylvia Nasar.[16] "Games-theory" and "theory of games" are mentioned in the military science fiction novel Starship Troopers by Robert A. Heinlein. In the 1997 film of the same name the character Carl Jenkins refers to his assignment, military intelligence, as "games and theory." One of the main gameplay decision-making mechanics of the video game Zero Escape: Virtue's Last Reward is based on game theory. Some of the characters even reference the prisoner's dilemma. The movie Dr. Strangelove satirizes game theoretic ideas about deterrence theory. For example, nuclear deterrence depends on the threat to retaliate catastrophically if a nuclear attack is detected. A game theorist might argue that such threats can fail to be credible, in the sense that they can lead to subgame imperfect equilibria. The movie takes this idea one step further, with the Russians irrevocably committing to a catastrophic nuclear response without making the threat public.
Notes
[1] Roger B. Myerson (1991). Game Theory: Analysis of Conflict, Harvard University Press, p. 1 (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=E8WQFRCsNr0C& printsec=find& pg=PA1). Chapter-preview links, pp. viixi (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=E8WQFRCsNr0C& printsec=find& pg=PR7). [2] R. J. Aumann ([1987] 2008). "game theory," Introduction, The New Palgrave Dictionary of Economics, 2nd Edition. Abstract. (http:/ / www. dictionaryofeconomics. com/ article?id=pde2008_G000007& q=game theory& topicid=& result_number=3) [3] Colin F. Camerer (2003). Behavioral Game Theory: Experiments in Strategic Interaction, pp. 57 (scroll to at 1.1 What Is Game Theory Good For? (http:/ / press. princeton. edu/ chapters/ i7517. html)). [4] Experimental work in game theory goes by many names, experimental economics, behavioral economics, and behavioural game theory are several. For a recent discussion, see Colin F. Camerer (2003). Behavioral Game Theory: Experiments in Strategic Interaction ( description (http:/ / press. princeton. edu/ titles/ 7517. html) and Introduction (http:/ / press. princeton. edu/ chapters/ i7517. html), pp.125). [5] Evolutionary Game Theory (Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy) (http:/ / plato. stanford. edu/ entries/ game-evolutionary/ ). Plato.stanford.edu. Retrieved on 2013-01-03. [6] Biological Altruism (Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy) (http:/ / www. seop. leeds. ac. uk/ entries/ altruism-biological/ ). Seop.leeds.ac.uk. Retrieved on 2013-01-03. [7] See also [8] For a more detailed discussion of the use of Game Theory in ethics see the Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy's entry game theory and ethics (http:/ / plato. stanford. edu/ entries/ game-ethics/ ). [9] Petrosjan, L.A. and Murzov, N.V. (1966). Game-theoretic problems of mechanics. Litovsk. Mat. Sb. 6, 423433 (in Russian). [10] Hugh Brendan McMahan (2006), Robust Planning in Domains with Stochastic Outcomes, Adversaries, and Partial Observability (http:/ / www. cs. cmu. edu/ ~mcmahan/ research/ mcmahan_thesis. pdf), CMU-CS-06-166, pp. 34 [11] James Madison, Vices of the Political System of the United States, April 1787. Link (http:/ / www. constitution. org/ jm/ 17870400_vices. htm) [12] Jack Rakove, "James Madison and the Constitution", History Now, Issue 13 September 2007. Link (http:/ / www. historynow. org/ 09_2007/ historian2. html) [13] English translation: [14] Although common knowledge was first discussed by the philosopher David Lewis in his dissertation (and later book) Convention in the late 1960s, it was not widely considered by economists until Robert Aumann's work in the 1970s.
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[15] Simon Singh "Between Genius and Madness." (http:/ / www. nytimes. com/ books/ 98/ 06/ 14/ reviews/ 980614. 14singht. html) New York Times (June 14, 1998) [16] Sylvia Nasar, A Beautiful Mind, (1998). Simon & Schuster. ISBN 0-684-81906-6
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References and further reading

Textbooks and general references
Aumann, Robert J. (1987), game theory, The New Palgrave: A Dictionary of Economics 2, pp.46082. The New Palgrave Dictionary of Economics (2008). 2nd Edition: "game theory" by Robert J. Aumann. Abstract. (http:/ / www. dictionaryofeconomics. com/ article?id=pde2008_G000007&q=game theory&topicid=&result_number=3) "game theory in economics, origins of," by Robert Leonard. Abstract. (http:/ / www. dictionaryofeconomics. com/article?id=pde2008_G000193&goto=a&topicid=B2&result_number=10) "behavioural economics and game theory" by Faruk Gul. Abstract. (http:/ / www. dictionaryofeconomics. com/article?id=pde2008_G000210&q=Behavioral economics &topicid=&result_number=2) Camerer, Colin (2003), Behavioral Game Theory: Experiments in Strategic Interaction, Russell Sage Foundation, ISBN978-0-691-09039-9 Description (http://press.princeton.edu/titles/7517.html) and Introduction (http:// press.princeton.edu/chapters/i7517.html), pp.125. Dixit, Avinash; Nalebuff, Barry (2008), "Game Theory" (http://www.econlib.org/library/Enc/GameTheory. html), in David R. Henderson (ed.), Concise Encyclopedia of Economics (2nd ed.) (Indianapolis: Library of Economics and Liberty), ISBN978-0865976658, OCLC 237794267 (http://www.worldcat.org/oclc/ 237794267) Dutta, Prajit K. (1999), Strategies and games: theory and practice, MIT Press, ISBN978-0-262-04169-0. Suitable for undergraduate and business students. Fernandez, L F.; Bierman, H S. (1998), Game theory with economic applications, Addison-Wesley, ISBN978-0-201-84758-1. Suitable for upper-level undergraduates. Fudenberg, Drew; Tirole, Jean (1991), Game theory, MIT Press, ISBN978-0-262-06141-4. Acclaimed reference text. Description. (http://mitpress.mit.edu/catalog/item/default.asp?ttype=2&tid=8204) Gibbons, Robert D. (1992), Game theory for applied economists, Princeton University Press, ISBN978-0-691-00395-5. Suitable for advanced undergraduates. Published in Europe as Robert Gibbons (2001), A Primer in Game Theory, London: Harvester Wheatsheaf, ISBN978-0-7450-1159-2. Gintis, Herbert (2000), Game theory evolving: a problem-centered introduction to modeling strategic behavior, Princeton University Press, ISBN978-0-691-00943-8 Green, Jerry R.; Mas-Colell, Andreu; Whinston, Michael D. (1995), Microeconomic theory, Oxford University Press, ISBN978-0-19-507340-9. Presents game theory in formal way suitable for graduate level. edited by Vincent F. Hendricks, Pelle G. Hansen. (2007), Hansen, Pelle G.; Hendricks, Vincent F., eds., Game Theory: 5 Questions, New York, London: Automatic Press / VIP, ISBN978-87-991013-4-4. Snippets from interviews (http://www.gametheorists.com). Howard, Nigel (1971), Paradoxes of Rationality: Games, Metagames, and Political Behavior, Cambridge, Massachusetts: The MIT Press, ISBN978-0-262-58237-7 Isaacs, Rufus (1999), Differential Games: A Mathematical Theory With Applications to Warfare and Pursuit, Control and Optimization, New York: Dover Publications, ISBN978-0-486-40682-4 Julmi, Christian (2012), Introduction to Game Theory (http://bookboon.com/en/business-ebooks/strategy/ introduction-to-game-theory), Copenhagen: BookBooN, ISBN978-87-403-0280-6
Game theory Leyton-Brown, Kevin; Shoham, Yoav (2008), Essentials of Game Theory: A Concise, Multidisciplinary Introduction (http://www.gtessentials.org), San Rafael, CA: Morgan & Claypool Publishers, ISBN978-1-59829-593-1. An 88-page mathematical introduction; free online (http://www.morganclaypool. com/doi/abs/10.2200/S00108ED1V01Y200802AIM003) at many universities. Miller, James H. (2003), Game theory at work: how to use game theory to outthink and outmaneuver your competition, New York: McGraw-Hill, ISBN978-0-07-140020-6. Suitable for a general audience. Myerson, Roger B. (1991), Game theory: analysis of conflict, Harvard University Press, ISBN978-0-674-34116-6 Osborne, Martin J. (2004), An introduction to game theory, Oxford University Press, ISBN978-0-19-512895-6. Undergraduate textbook. Papayoanou, Paul (2010), Game Theory for Business, Probabilistic Publishing, ISBN978-0-9647938-7-3. Primer for business men and women. Petrosyan, Leon; Zenkevich, Nikolay (1996), Game Theory (Series on Optimization, 3), World Scientific Publishers, ISBN978-981-02-2396-0 Osborne, Martin J.; Rubinstein, Ariel (1994), A course in game theory, MIT Press, ISBN978-0-262-65040-3. A modern introduction at the graduate level. Poundstone, William (1992), Prisoner's Dilemma: John von Neumann, Game Theory and the Puzzle of the Bomb, Anchor, ISBN978-0-385-41580-4. A general history of game theory and game theoreticians. Rasmusen, Eric (2006), Games and Information: An Introduction to Game Theory (http://www.rasmusen.org/ GI/index.html) (4th ed.), Wiley-Blackwell, ISBN978-1-4051-3666-2 Shoham, Yoav; Leyton-Brown, Kevin (2009), Multiagent Systems: Algorithmic, Game-Theoretic, and Logical Foundations (http://www.masfoundations.org), New York: Cambridge University Press, ISBN978-0-521-89943-7. A comprehensive reference from a computational perspective; downloadable free online (http://www.masfoundations.org/download.html). Williams, John Davis (1954), The Compleat Strategyst: Being a Primer on the Theory of Games of Strategy (http://www.rand.org/pubs/commercial_books/2007/RAND_CB113-1.pdf) (PDF), Santa Monica: RAND Corp., ISBN978-0-8330-4222-4 Praised primer and popular introduction for everybody, never out of print. Roger McCain's Game Theory: A Nontechnical Introduction to the Analysis of Strategy (http://faculty.lebow. drexel.edu/McCainR//top/eco/game/game.html) (Revised Edition) Christopher Griffin (2010) Game Theory: Penn State Math 486 Lecture Notes (http://www.personal.psu.edu/ cxg286/Math486.pdf), pp.169, CC-BY-NC-SA license, suitable introduction for undergraduates Webb, James N. (2007), Game theory: decisions, interaction and evolution, Springer undergraduate mathematics series, Springer, ISBN1-84628-423-6 Consistent treatment of game types usually claimed by different applied fields, e.g. Markov decision processes. Joseph E. Harrington (2008) Games, strategies, and decision making, Worth, ISBN 0-7167-6630-2. Textbook suitable for undergraduates in applied fields; numerous examples, fewer formalisms in concept presentation.
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Historically important texts

Aumann, R.J. and Shapley, L.S. (1974), Values of Non-Atomic Games, Princeton University Press Cournot, A. Augustin (1838), "Recherches sur les principles mathematiques de la thorie des richesses", Libraire des sciences politiques et sociales (Paris: M. Rivire & C.ie) Edgeworth, Francis Y. (1881), Mathematical Psychics, London: Kegan Paul Farquharson, Robin (1969), Theory of Voting, Blackwell (Yale U.P. in the U.S.), ISBN0-631-12460-8 Luce, R. Duncan; Raiffa, Howard (1957), Games and decisions: introduction and critical survey, New York: Wiley reprinted edition: R. Duncan Luce ; Howard Raiffa (1989), Games and decisions: introduction and critical survey, New York: Dover Publications, ISBN978-0-486-65943-5
Game theory Maynard Smith, John (1982), Evolution and the theory of games, Cambridge University Press, ISBN978-0-521-28884-2 Maynard Smith, John; Price, George R. (1973), "The logic of animal conflict", Nature 246 (5427): 1518, Bibcode: 1973Natur.246...15S (http://adsabs.harvard.edu/abs/1973Natur.246...15S), doi: 10.1038/246015a0 (http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/246015a0) Nash, John (1950), "Equilibrium points in n-person games", Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America 36 (1): 4849, Bibcode: 1950PNAS...36...48N (http://adsabs.harvard.edu/abs/ 1950PNAS...36...48N), doi: 10.1073/pnas.36.1.48 (http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.36.1.48), PMC 1063129 (http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC1063129), PMID 16588946 (http://www.ncbi. nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/16588946) Shapley, L. S. (1953), A Value for n-person Games, In: Contributions to the Theory of Games volume II, H. W. Kuhn and A. W. Tucker (eds.) Shapley, L. S. (1953), Stochastic Games, Proceedings of National Academy of Science Vol. 39, pp.10951100. von Neumann, John (1928), "Zur Theorie der Gesellschaftsspiele", Mathematische Annalen 100 (1): p. 295 (http:/ /www.springerlink.com/content/q07530916862223p/)320. English translation: "On the Theory of Games of Strategy," in A. W. Tucker and R. D. Luce, ed. (1959), Contributions to the Theory of Games, v. 4, p. 42. (http:// books.google.com/books?hl=en&lr=&id=9lSVFzsTGWsC&oi=fnd&pg=PA42) Princeton University Press. von Neumann, John; Morgenstern, Oskar (1944), Theory of games and economic behavior, Princeton University Press Zermelo, Ernst (1913), "ber eine Anwendung der Mengenlehre auf die Theorie des Schachspiels", Proceedings of the Fifth International Congress of Mathematicians 2: 5014
446
Other print references

Ben David, S.; Borodin, Allan; Karp, Richard; Tardos, G.; Wigderson, A. (1994), "On the Power of Randomization in On-line Algorithms" (http://www.math.ias.edu/~avi/PUBLICATIONS/MYPAPERS/ BORODIN/paper.pdf) (PDF), Algorithmica 11 (1): 214, doi: 10.1007/BF01294260 (http://dx.doi.org/10. 1007/BF01294260) Bicchieri, Cristina (1993, 2nd. edition, 1997), Rationality and Coordination, Cambridge University Press, ISBN0-521-57444-7 Downs, Anthony (1957), An Economic theory of Democracy, New York: Harper Gauthier, David (1986), Morals by agreement, Oxford University Press, ISBN978-0-19-824992-4 Allan Gibbard, "Manipulation of voting schemes: a general result", Econometrica, Vol. 41, No. 4 (1973), pp.587601. Grim, Patrick; Kokalis, Trina; Alai-Tafti, Ali; Kilb, Nicholas; St Denis, Paul (2004), "Making meaning happen", Journal of Experimental & Theoretical Artificial Intelligence 16 (4): 209243, doi: 10.1080/09528130412331294715 (http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09528130412331294715) Harper, David; Maynard Smith, John (2003), Animal signals, Oxford University Press, ISBN978-0-19-852685-8 Harsanyi, John C. (1974), "An equilibrium point interpretation of stable sets", Management Science 20 (11): 14721495, doi: 10.1287/mnsc.20.11.1472 (http://dx.doi.org/10.1287/mnsc.20.11.1472) Levy, Gilat; Razin, Ronny (2003), "It Takes Two: An Explanation of the Democratic Peace" (http://papers.ssrn. com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=433844), Working Paper Lewis, David (1969), Convention: A Philosophical Study, ISBN 978-0-631-23257-5 (2002 edition) McDonald, John (1950 1996), Strategy in Poker, Business & War, W. W. Norton, ISBN0-393-31457-X. A layman's introduction. Quine, W.v.O (1967), "Truth by Convention", Philosophica Essays for A.N. Whitehead, Russel and Russel Publishers, ISBN978-0-8462-0970-6
Game theory Quine, W.v.O (1960), "Carnap and Logical Truth", Synthese 12 (4): 350374, doi: 10.1007/BF00485423 (http:// dx.doi.org/10.1007/BF00485423) Mark A. Satterthwaite, "Strategy-proofness and Arrow's Conditions: Existence and Correspondence Theorems for Voting Procedures and Social Welfare Functions", Journal of Economic Theory 10 (April 1975), 187217. Siegfried, Tom (2006), A Beautiful Math, Joseph Henry Press, ISBN0-309-10192-1 Skyrms, Brian (1990), The Dynamics of Rational Deliberation, Harvard University Press, ISBN0-674-21885-X Skyrms, Brian (1996), Evolution of the social contract, Cambridge University Press, ISBN978-0-521-55583-8 Skyrms, Brian (2004), The stag hunt and the evolution of social structure, Cambridge University Press, ISBN978-0-521-53392-8 Sober, Elliott; Wilson, David Sloan (1998), Unto others: the evolution and psychology of unselfish behavior, Harvard University Press, ISBN978-0-674-93047-6 Thrall, Robert M.; Lucas, William F. (1963), " -person games in partition function form", Naval Research Logistics Quarterly 10 (4): 281298, doi: 10.1002/nav.3800100126 (http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/nav. 3800100126)
447
Websites
Hazewinkel, Michiel, ed. (2001), "Games, theory of" (http://www.encyclopediaofmath.org/index.php?title=p/ g043280), Encyclopedia of Mathematics, Springer, ISBN978-1-55608-010-4 Paul Walker: History of Game Theory Page (http://www.econ.canterbury.ac.nz/personal_pages/paul_walker/ gt/hist.htm). David Levine: Game Theory. Papers, Lecture Notes and much more stuff. (http://dklevine.com) Alvin Roth: Game Theory and Experimental Economics page (http://www.economics.harvard.edu/~aroth/ alroth.html) Comprehensive list of links to game theory information on the Web Adam Kalai: Game Theory and Computer Science (http://wiki.cc.gatech.edu/theory/index.php/ CS_8803_-_Game_Theory_and_Computer_Science._Spring_2008) Lecture notes on Game Theory and Computer Science Mike Shor: Game Theory .net (http://www.gametheory.net) Lecture notes, interactive illustrations and other information. Jim Ratliff's Graduate Course in Game Theory (http://virtualperfection.com/gametheory/) (lecture notes). Don Ross: Review Of Game Theory (http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/game-theory/) in the Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy. Bruno Verbeek and Christopher Morris: Game Theory and Ethics (http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/ game-ethics/) Elmer G. Wiens: Game Theory (http://www.egwald.ca/operationsresearch/gameintroduction.php) Introduction, worked examples, play online two-person zero-sum games. Marek M. Kaminski: Game Theory and Politics (http://webfiles.uci.edu/mkaminsk/www/courses.html) Syllabuses and lecture notes for game theory and political science. Web sites on game theory and social interactions (http://www.socialcapitalgateway.org/eng-gametheory.htm) Kesten Green's Conflict Forecasting (http://conflictforecasting.com) See Papers (http://www. forecastingprinciples.com/paperpdf/Greenforecastinginconflict.pdf) for evidence on the accuracy of forecasts from game theory and other methods (http://www.decisionworkshops.com/#/graphs-of-findings/ 4553562008). McKelvey, Richard D., McLennan, Andrew M., and Turocy, Theodore L. (2007) Gambit: Software Tools for Game Theory (http://gambit.sourceforge.net). Benjamin Polak: Open Course on Game Theory at Yale (http://oyc.yale.edu/economics/game-theory) videos of the course (http://www.youtube.com/view_play_list?p=6EF60E1027E1A10B)
Game theory Benjamin Moritz, Bernhard Knsgen, Danny Bures, Ronni Wiersch, (2007) Spieltheorie-Software.de: An application for Game Theory implemented in JAVA (http://www.spieltheorie-software.de).
448
Decision theory
Decision theory in economics, psychology, philosophy, mathematics, and statistics is concerned with identifying the values, uncertainties and other issues relevant in a given decision, its rationality, and the resulting optimal decision. It is closely related to the field of game theory as to interactions of agents with at least partially conflicting interests whose decisions affect each other.
Normative and descriptive decision theory

Most of decision theory is normative or prescriptive, i.e., it is concerned with identifying the best decision to take (in practice, there are situations in which "best" is not necessarily the maximal, optimum may also include values in addition to maximum, but within a specific or approximative range), assuming an ideal decision maker who is fully informed, able to compute with perfect accuracy, and fully rational. The practical application of this prescriptive approach (how people ought to make decisions) is called decision analysis, and aimed at finding tools, methodologies and software to help people make better decisions. The most systematic and comprehensive software tools developed in this way are called decision support systems. Since people usually do not behave in ways consistent with axiomatic rules, often their own, leading to violations of optimality, there is a related area of study, called a positive or descriptive discipline, attempting to describe what people will actually do. Since the normative, optimal decision often creates hypotheses for testing against actual behaviour, the two fields are closely linked. Furthermore it is possible to relax the assumptions of perfect information, rationality and so forth in various ways, and produce a series of different prescriptions or predictions about behaviour, allowing for further tests of the kind of decision-making that occurs in practice. In recent decades, there has been increasing interest in what is sometimes called 'behavioral decision theory' and this has contributed to a re-evaluation of what rational decision-making requires.[1]
What kinds of decisions need a theory?

Choice under uncertainty
This area represents the heart of decision theory. The procedure now referred to as expected value was known from the 17th century. Blaise Pascal invoked it in his famous wager (see below), which is contained in his Penses, published in 1670. The idea of expected value is that, when faced with a number of actions, each of which could give rise to more than one possible outcome with different probabilities, the rational procedure is to identify all possible outcomes, determine their values (positive or negative) and the probabilities that will result from each course of action, and multiply the two to give an expected value. The action to be chosen should be the one that gives rise to the highest total expected value. In 1738, Daniel Bernoulli published an influential paper entitled Exposition of a New Theory on the Measurement of Risk, in which he uses the St. Petersburg paradox to show that expected value theory must be normatively wrong. He also gives an example in which a Dutch merchant is trying to decide whether to insure a cargo being sent from Amsterdam to St Petersburg in winter, when it is known that there is a 5% chance that the ship and cargo will be lost. In his solution, he defines a utility function and computes expected utility rather than expected financial value (see for a review). In the 20th century, interest was reignited by Abraham Wald's 1939 paper pointing out that the two central procedures of samplingdistribution based statistical-theory, namely hypothesis testing and parameter estimation, are special cases of the general decision problem. Wald's paper renewed and synthesized many concepts of statistical
Decision theory theory, including loss functions, risk functions, admissible decision rules, antecedent distributions, Bayesian procedures, and minimax procedures. The phrase "decision theory" itself was used in 1950 by E. L. Lehmann. The revival of subjective probability theory, from the work of Frank Ramsey, Bruno de Finetti, Leonard Savage and others, extended the scope of expected utility theory to situations where subjective probabilities can be used. At this time, von Neumann's theory of expected utility proved that expected utility maximization followed from basic postulates about rational behavior. The work of Maurice Allais and Daniel Ellsberg showed that human behavior has systematic and sometimes important departures from expected-utility maximization. The prospect theory of Daniel Kahneman and Amos Tversky renewed the empirical study of economic behavior with less emphasis on rationality presuppositions. Kahneman and Tversky found three regularities in actual human decision-making, "losses loom larger than gains"; persons focus more on changes in their utilitystates than they focus on absolute utilities; and the estimation of subjective probabilities is severely biased by anchoring. Castagnoli and LiCalzi (1996),[citation needed] Bordley and LiCalzi (2000)[citation needed] recently showed that maximizing expected utility is mathematically equivalent to maximizing the probability that the uncertain Daniel Kahneman consequences of a decision are preferable to an uncertain benchmark (e.g., the probability that a mutual fund strategy outperforms the S&P 500 or that a firm outperforms the uncertain future performance of a major competitor.). This reinterpretation relates to psychological work suggesting that individuals have fuzzy aspiration levels (Lopes & Oden),[citation needed] which may vary from choice context to choice context. Hence it shifts the focus from utility to the individual's uncertain reference point. Pascal's Wager is a classic example of a choice under uncertainty. It is possible that the reward for belief is infinite (i.e. if God exists and commands faith). However, it is also possible that the reward for non-belief is infinite (i.e. if a capricious God exists that rewards us for not believing in God). Therefore, either believing in God or not believing in God, when you include these results, lead to infinite rewards and so we have no decision-theoretic reason to prefer one to the other[citation needed]. (There are several criticisms of the argument.)
449
Intertemporal choice
This area is concerned with the kind of choice where different actions lead to outcomes that are realised at different points in time. If someone received a windfall of several thousand dollars, they could spend it on an expensive holiday, giving them immediate pleasure, or they could invest it in a pension scheme, giving them an income at some time in the future. What is the optimal thing to do? The answer depends partly on factors such as the expected rates of interest and inflation, the person's life expectancy, and their confidence in the pensions industry. However even with all those factors taken into account, human behavior again deviates greatly from the predictions of prescriptive decision theory, leading to alternative models in which, for example, objective interest rates are replaced by subjective discount rates.
Decision theory
450
Competing decision makers

Some decisions are difficult because of the need to take into account how other people in the situation will respond to the decision that is taken. The analysis of such social decisions is more often treated under the label of game theory, rather than decision theory, though it involves the same mathematical methods. From the standpoint of game theory most of the problems treated in decision theory are one-player games (or the one player is viewed as playing against an impersonal background situation). In the emerging socio-cognitive engineering, the research is especially focused on the different types of distributed decision-making in human organizations, in normal and abnormal/emergency/crisis situations. Signal detection theory is based on decision theory.
Complex decisions
Other areas of decision theory are concerned with decisions that are difficult simply because of their complexity, or the complexity of the organization that has to make them. In such cases the issue is not the deviation between real and optimal behaviour, but the difficulty of determining the optimal behaviour in the first place. The Club of Rome, for example, developed a model of economic growth and resource usage that helps politicians make real-life decisions in complex situations[citation needed]. Decisions are also affected by whether options are framed together or separately. This is known as the distinction bias.
Alternatives to decision theory

A highly controversial issue is whether one can replace the use of probability in decision theory by other alternatives.
Probability theory
The Advocates of probability theory point to: the work of Richard Threlkeld Cox for justification of the probability axioms, the Dutch book paradoxes of Bruno de Finetti as illustrative of the theoretical difficulties that can arise from departures from the probability axioms, and the complete class theorems, which show that all admissible decision rules are equivalent to the Bayesian decision rule for some utility function and some prior distribution (or for the limit of a sequence of prior distributions). Thus, for every decision rule, either the rule may be reformulated as a Bayesian procedure, or there is a (perhaps limiting) Bayesian rule that is sometimes better and never worse.
Alternatives to probability theory

The proponents of fuzzy logic, possibility theory, DempsterShafer theory, and info-gap decision theory maintain that probability is only one of many alternatives and point to many examples where non-standard alternatives have been implemented with apparent success; notably, probabilistic decision theory is sensitive to assumptions about the probabilities of various events, while non-probabilistic rules such as minimax are robust, in that they do not make such assumptions.
General criticism
A general criticism of decision theory based on a fixed universe of possibilities is that it considers the "known unknowns", not the "unknown unknowns": it focuses on expected variations, not on unforeseen events, which some argue (as in black swan theory) have outsized impact and must be considered significant events may be "outside model". This line of argument, called the ludic fallacy, is that there are inevitable imperfections in modeling the real world by particular models, and that unquestioning reliance on models blinds one to their limits.
Decision theory
451
References
[1] For instance, see:
Further reading
Akerlof, George A., Yellen, Janet L. (May 1987). Rational Models of Irrational Behavior 77 (2). pp.137142. Anand, Paul (1993). Foundations of Rational Choice Under Risk. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN0-19-823303-5. (an overview of the philosophical foundations of key mathematical axioms in subjective expected utility theory mainly normative) Arthur, W. Brian (May 1991). "Designing Economic Agents that Act like Human Agents: A Behavioral Approach to Bounded Rationality". The American Economic Review 81 (2): 3539. Berger, James O. (1985). Statistical decision theory and Bayesian Analysis (2nd ed.). New York: Springer-Verlag. ISBN0-387-96098-8. MR 0804611 (http://www.ams.org/mathscinet-getitem?mr=0804611). Bernardo, Jos M.; Smith, Adrian F. M. (1994). Bayesian Theory. Wiley. ISBN0-471-92416-4. MR 1274699 (http://www.ams.org/mathscinet-getitem?mr=1274699). Clemen, Robert (1996). Making Hard Decisions: An Introduction to Decision Analysis (2nd ed.). Belmont CA: Duxbury Press. ISBN0-534-26035-7. (covers normative decision theory) De Groot, Morris, Optimal Statistical Decisions. Wiley Classics Library. 2004. (Originally published 1970.) ISBN 0-471-68029-X. Goodwin, Paul and Wright, George (2004). Decision Analysis for Management Judgment (3rd ed.). Chichester: Wiley. ISBN0-470-86108-8. (covers both normative and descriptive theory) Hansson, Sven Ove. "Decision Theory: A Brief Introduction" (http://www.infra.kth.se/~soh/decisiontheory. pdf) (PDF). Khemani, Karan, Ignorance is Bliss: A study on how and why humans depend on recognition heuristics in social relationships, the equity markets and the brand market-place, thereby making successful decisions, 2005. Leach, Patrick (2006). Why Can't You Just Give Me the Number? An Executive's Guide to Using Probabilistic Thinking to Manage Risk and to Make Better Decisions. Probabilistic. ISBN0-9647938-5-7. A rational presentation of probabilistic analysis. Miller L (1985). "Cognitive risk-taking after frontal or temporal lobectomyI. The synthesis of fragmented visual information". Neuropsychologia 23 (3): 35969. doi: 10.1016/0028-3932(85)90022-3 (http://dx.doi.org/ 10.1016/0028-3932(85)90022-3). PMID 4022303 (http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/4022303). Miller L, Milner B (1985). "Cognitive risk-taking after frontal or temporal lobectomyII. The synthesis of phonemic and semantic information". Neuropsychologia 23 (3): 3719. doi: 10.1016/0028-3932(85)90023-5 (http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0028-3932(85)90023-5). PMID 4022304 (http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/ pubmed/4022304). North, D.W. (1968). "A tutorial introduction to decision theory". IEEE Transactions on Systems Science and Cybernetics 4 (3): 200210. doi: 10.1109/TSSC.1968.300114 (http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/TSSC.1968. 300114). Reprinted in Shafer & Pearl. (also about normative decision theory) Peterson, Martin (2009). An Introduction to Decision Theory. Cambridge University Press. ISBN978-0-521-71654-3. Raiffa, Howard (1997). Decision Analysis: Introductory Lectures on Choices Under Uncertainty. McGraw Hill. ISBN0-07-052579-X. Robert, Christian (2007). The Bayesian Choice (2nd ed.). New York: Springer. doi: 10.1007/0-387-71599-1 (http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/0-387-71599-1). ISBN0-387-95231-4. MR 1835885 (http://www.ams.org/ mathscinet-getitem?mr=1835885). Shafer, Glenn and Pearl, Judea, ed. (1990). Readings in uncertain reasoning. San Mateo, CA: Morgan Kaufmann. Smith, J.Q. (1988). Decision Analysis: A Bayesian Approach. Chapman and Hall. ISBN0-412-27520-1.
Decision theory Charles Sanders Peirce and Joseph Jastrow (1885). "On Small Differences in Sensation" (http://psychclassics. yorku.ca/Peirce/small-diffs.htm). Memoirs of the National Academy of Sciences 3: 7383. http://psychclassics. yorku.ca/Peirce/small-diffs.htm Ramsey, Frank Plumpton; Truth and Probability ( PDF (http://cepa.newschool.edu/het//texts/ramsey/ ramsess.pdf)), Chapter VII in The Foundations of Mathematics and other Logical Essays (1931). de Finetti, Bruno (September 1989). "Probabilism: A Critical Essay on the Theory of Probability and on the Value of Science". Erkenntnis 31. (translation of 1931 article) de Finetti, Bruno (1937). "La Prvision: ses lois logiques, ses sources subjectives". Annales de l'Institut Henri Poincar. de Finetti, Bruno. "Foresight: its Logical Laws, Its Subjective Sources," (translation of the 1937 article (http:/ / www. numdam. org/ item?id=AIHP_1937__7_1_1_0) in French) in H. E. Kyburg and H. E. Smokler (eds), Studies in Subjective Probability, New York: Wiley, 1964. de Finetti, Bruno. Theory of Probability, (translation by AFM Smith of 1970 book) 2 volumes, New York: Wiley, 1974-5. Donald Davidson, Patrick Suppes and Sidney Siegel (1957). Decision-Making: An Experimental Approach. Stanford University Press. Pfanzagl, J (1967). "Subjective Probability Derived from the Morgenstern-von Neumann Utility Theory". In Martin Shubik. Essays in Mathematical Economics In Honor of Oskar Morgenstern. Princeton University Press. pp.237251. Pfanzagl, J. in cooperation with V. Baumann and H. Huber (1968). "Events, Utility and Subjective Probability". Theory of Measurement. Wiley. pp.195220. Morgenstern, Oskar (1976). "Some Reflections on Utility". In Andrew Schotter. Selected Economic Writings of Oskar Morgenstern. New York University Press. pp.6570. ISBN0-8147-7771-6.
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DempsterShafer theory
The DempsterShafer theory (DST) is a mathematical theory of evidence.[2] It allows one to combine evidence from different sources and arrive at a degree of belief (represented by a belief function) that takes into account all the available evidence. The theory was first developed by Arthur P. Dempster and Glenn Shafer. In a narrow sense, the term DempsterShafer theory refers to the original conception of the theory by Dempster and Shafer. However, it is more common to use the term in the wider sense of the same general approach, as adapted to specific kinds of situations. In particular, many authors have proposed different rules for combining evidence, often with a view to handling conflicts in evidence better.[3]
Overview
Prof Arthur P. Dempster at the Workshop on [1] Theory of Belief Functions (Brest, 1 April 2010).
DempsterShafer theory is a generalization of the Bayesian theory of subjective probability; whereas the latter requires probabilities for each question of interest, belief functions base degrees of belief (or confidence, or trust) for one question on the probabilities for a related question. These degrees of belief may or may not have the mathematical properties of probabilities; how much they differ depends on how closely the two questions are related.[4] Put another way, it is a way of representing epistemic plausibilities but it can yield answers that contradict
DempsterShafer theory those arrived at using probability theory. Often used as a method of sensor fusion, DempsterShafer theory is based on two ideas: obtaining degrees of belief for one question from subjective probabilities for a related question, and Dempster's rule[5] for combining such degrees of belief when they are based on independent items of evidence. In essence, the degree of belief in a proposition depends primarily upon the number of answers (to the related questions) containing the proposition, and the subjective probability of each answer. Also contributing are the rules of combination that reflect general assumptions about the data. In this formalism a degree of belief (also referred to as a mass) is represented as a belief function rather than a Bayesian probability distribution. Probability values are assigned to sets of possibilities rather than single events: their appeal rests on the fact they naturally encode evidence in favor of propositions. DempsterShafer theory assigns its masses to all of the non-empty subsets of the entities that compose a system.Wikipedia:Please clarify
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Belief and plausibility

Shafer's framework allows for belief about propositions to be represented as intervals, bounded by two values, belief (or support) and plausibility: belief plausibility. Belief in a hypothesis is constituted by the sum of the masses of all sets enclosed by it (i.e. the sum of the masses of all subsets of the hypothesis).Wikipedia:Please clarify It is the amount of belief that directly supports a given hypothesis at least in part, forming a lower bound. Belief (usually denoted Bel) measures the strength of the evidence in favor of a set of propositions. It ranges from 0 (indicating no evidence) to 1 (denoting certainty). Plausibility is 1 minus the sum of the masses of all sets whose intersection with the hypothesis is empty. It is an upper bound on the possibility that the hypothesis could be true, i.e. it could possibly be the true state of the system up to that value, because there is only so much evidence that contradicts that hypothesis. Plausibility (denoted by Pl) is defined to be Pl(s)=1-Bel(~s). It also ranges from 0 to 1 and measures the extent to which evidence in favor of ~s leaves room for belief in s. For example, suppose we have a belief of 0.5 and a plausibility of 0.8 for a proposition, say the cat in the box is dead. This means that we have evidence that allows us to state strongly that the proposition is true with a confidence of 0.5. However, the evidence contrary to that hypothesis (i.e. the cat is alive) only has a confidence of 0.2. The remaining mass of 0.3 (the gap between the 0.5 supporting evidence on the one hand, and the 0.2 contrary evidence on the other) is indeterminate, meaning that the cat could either be dead or alive. This interval represents the level of uncertainty based on the evidence in your system.
Hypothesis Mass Belief Plausibility 0 0.2 0.5 1.0 0 0.5 0.8 1.0
Null (neither alive nor dead) 0 Alive Dead Either (alive or dead) 0.2 0.5 0.3
The null hypothesis is set to zero by definition (it corresponds to no solution). The orthogonal hypotheses Alive and Dead have probabilities of 0.2 and 0.5, respectively. This could correspond to Live/Dead Cat Detector signals, which have respective reliabilities of 0.2 and 0.5. Finally, the all-encompassing Either hypothesis (which simply acknowledges there is a cat in the box) picks up the slack so that the sum of the masses is 1. The belief for the Alive and Dead hypotheses matches their corresponding masses because they have no subsets; belief for Either consists of the sum of all three masses (Either, Alive, and Dead) because Alive and Dead are each subsets of Either. The Alive plausibility is 1m (Dead) and the Dead plausibility is 1m (Alive). Finally, the Either plausibility sums m(Alive)+m(Dead)+m(Either). The universal hypothesis (Either) will always have 100% belief
DempsterShafer theory and plausibility it acts as a checksum of sorts. Here is a somewhat more elaborate example where the behavior of belief and plausibility begins to emerge. We're looking through a variety of detector systems at a single faraway signal light, which can only be coloured in one of three colours (red, yellow, or green):
Hypothesis Null Red Yellow Green Red or Yellow Red or Green Mass Belief Plausibility 0 0.35 0.25 0.15 0.06 0.05 0 0.35 0.25 0.15 0.66 0.55 0.44 1.0 0 0.56 0.45 0.34 0.85 0.75 0.65 1.0
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Yellow or Green 0.04 Any 0.1
Events of this kind would not be modeled as disjoint sets in probability space as they are here in mass assignment space. Rather the event "Red or Yellow" would be considered as the union of the events "Red" and "Yellow", and (see probability axioms) P(Red or Yellow) P(Yellow), and P(Any)=1, where Any refers to Red or Yellow or Green. In DST the mass assigned to Any refers to the proportion of evidence that can't be assigned to any of the other states, which here means evidence that says there is a light but doesn't say anything about what color it is. In this example, the proportion of evidence that shows the light is either Red or Green is given a mass of 0.05. Such evidence might, for example, be obtained from a R/G color blind person. DST lets us extract the value of this sensor's evidence. Also, in DST the Null set is considered to have zero mass, meaning here that the signal light system exists and we are examining its possible states, not speculating as to whether it exists at all.
Combining beliefs
Beliefs from different sources can be combined with various fusion operators to model specific situations of belief fusion, e.g. with Dempster's rule of combination, which combines belief constraints that are dictated by independent belief sources, such as in the case of combining hints[6] or combining preferences.[7] Note that the probability masses from propositions that contradict each other can be used to obtain a measure of conflict between the independent belief sources. Other situations can be modeled with different fusion operators, such as cumulative fusion of beliefs from independent sources which can be modeled with the cumulative fusion operator. Dempster's rule of combination is sometimes interpreted as an approximate generalisation of Bayes' rule. In this interpretation the priors and conditionals need not be specified, unlike traditional Bayesian methods, which often use a symmetry (minimax error) argument to assign prior probabilities to random variables (e.g. assigning 0.5 to binary values for which no information is available about which is more likely). However, any information contained in the missing priors and conditionals is not used in Dempster's rule of combination unless it can be obtained indirectlyand arguably is then available for calculation using Bayes equations. DempsterShafer theory allows one to specify a degree of ignorance in this situation instead of being forced to supply prior probabilities that add to unity. This sort of situation, and whether there is a real distinction between risk and ignorance, has been extensively discussed by statisticians and economists. See, for example, the contrasting views of Daniel Ellsberg, Howard Raiffa, Kenneth Arrow and Frank Knight.
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Formal definition
Let X be the universal set: the set representing all possible states of a system under consideration. The power set
is the set of all subsets of X, including the empty set
. For example, if:
then
The elements of the power set can be taken to represent propositions concerning the actual state of the system, by containing all and only the states in which the proposition is true. The theory of evidence assigns a belief mass to each element of the power set. Formally, a function
is called a basic belief assignment (BBA), when it has two properties. First, the mass of the empty set is zero:
Second, the masses of the remaining members of the power set add up to a total of 1:
The mass m(A) of A, a given member of the power set, expresses the proportion of all relevant and available evidence that supports the claim that the actual state belongs to A but to no particular subset of A. The value of m(A) pertains only to the set A and makes no additional claims about any subsets of A, each of which have, by definition, their own mass. From the mass assignments, the upper and lower bounds of a probability interval can be defined. This interval contains the precise probability of a set of interest (in the classical sense), and is bounded by two non-additive continuous measures called belief (or support) and plausibility:
The belief bel(A) for a set A is defined as the sum of all the masses of subsets of the set of interest:
The plausibility pl(A) is the sum of all the masses of the sets B that intersect the set of interest A:
The two measures are related to each other as follows:
And conversely, for finite A, given the belief measure bel(B) for all subsets B of A, we can find the masses m(A) with the following inverse function:
where |AB| is the difference of the cardinalities of the two sets. It follows from the last two equations that, for a finite set X, you need know only one of the three (mass, belief, or plausibility) to deduce the other two; though you may need to know the values for many sets in order to calculate one of the other values for a particular set. In the case of an infinite X, there can be well-defined belief and plausibility functions but no well-defined mass function.[8]
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Dempster's rule of combination

The problem we now face is how to combine two independent sets of probability mass assignments in specific situations. In case different sources express their beliefs over the frame in terms of belief constraints such as in case of giving hints or in case of expressing preferences, then Dempster's rule of combination is the appropriate fusion operator. This rule derives common shared belief between multiple sources and ignores all the conflicting (non-shared) belief through a normalization factor. Use of that rule in other situations than that of combining belief constraints has come under serious criticism, such as in case of fusing separate beliefs estimates from multiple sources that are to be integrated in a cumulative manner, and not as constraints. Cumulative fusion means that all probability masses from the different sources are reflected in the derived belief, so no probability mass is ignored. Specifically, the combination (called the joint mass) is calculated from the two sets of masses m1 and m2 in the following manner:
where
K is a measure of the amount of conflict between the two mass sets.
Effects of conflict
The normalization factor above, 1K, has the effect of completely ignoring conflict and attributing any mass associated with conflict to the null set. This combination rule for evidence can therefore produce counterintuitive results, as we show next. Example producing correct results in case of high conflict The following example shows how Dempster's rule produces intuitive results when applied in a preference fusion situation, even when there is high conflict. Suppose that two friends, Alice and Bob, want to see a film at the cinema one evening, and that there are only three films showing: X, Y and Z. Alice expresses her preference for film X with probability 0.99, and her preference for film Y with a probability of only 0.01. Bob expresses his preference for film Z with probability 0.99, and his preference for film Y with a probability of only 0.01. When combining the preferences with Dempster's rule of combination it turns out that their combined preference results in probability 1.0 for film Y, because it is the only film that they both agree to see. Dempster's rule of combination produces intuitive results even in case of totally conflicting beliefs when interpreted in this way. Assume that Alice prefers film X with probability 1.0, and that Bob prefers film Z with probability 1.0. When trying to combine their preferences with Dempster's rule it turns out that it is undefined in this case, which means that there is no solution. This would mean that they can not agree on seeing any film together, so they don't go to the cinema together that evening. However, the semantics of interpreting preference as a probability is vague - if it is referring to the probability of seeing film X tonight, then we face the Fallacy of the excluded middle: the event that actually occurs, seeing none of the films tonight, has a probability mass of 0.
DempsterShafer theory Example producing counter-intuitive results in case of high conflict An example with exactly the same numerical values was introduced by Zadeh in 1979,[9][10][11] to point out counter-intuitive results generated by Dempster's rule when there is a high degree of conflict. The example goes as follows: Suppose that one has two equi-reliable doctors and one doctor believes a patient has either a brain tumor with a probability (i.e. a basic belief assignment - bba's, or mass of belief) of 0.99 or meningitiswith a probability of only 0.01. A second doctor believes the patient has a concussion with a probability of 0.99 and believes the patient suffers from meningitis with a probability of only 0.01. Applying Dempsters rule to combine these two sets of masses of belief, one gets finally m(meningitis)=1 (the meningitis is diagnosed with 100 percent of confidence). Such result goes against the common sense since both doctors agree that there is a little chance that the patient has a meningitis. This example has been the starting point of many research works for trying to find a solid justification for Dempster's rule and for foundations of Dempster-Shafer Theory[12][13] or to show the inconsistencies of this theory.[14][15][16] Example producing counter-intuitive results in case of low conflict The following example shows where Dempster's rule produces a counter-intuitive result, even when there is low conflict. Suppose that one doctor believes a patient has either a brain tumor, with a probability of 0.99, or meningitis, with a probability of only 0.01. A second doctor also believes the patient has a brain tumor, with a probability of 0.99, and believes the patient suffers from concussion, with a probability of only 0.01. If we calculate m (brain tumor) with Dempsters rule, we obtain
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This result implies complete support for the diagnosis of a brain tumour, which both doctors believed very likely. The agreement arises from the low degree of conflict between the two sets of evidence comprised by the two doctors' opinions. In either case, it would be reasonable to expect that:
since the existence of non-zero belief probabilities for other diagnoses implies less than complete support for the brain tumour diagnosis.
Criticism
Judea Pearl (1988a, chapter 9;[17] 1988b and 1990) has argued that it is misleading to interpret belief functions as representing either probabilities of an event, or the confidence one has in the probabilities assigned to various outcomes, or degrees of belief (or confidence, or trust) in a proposition, or degree of ignorance in a situation. Instead, belief functions represent the probability that a given proposition is provable from a set of other propositions, to which probabilities are assigned. Confusing probabilities of truth with probabilities of provability may lead to counterintuitive results in reasoning tasks such as (1) representing incomplete knowledge, (2) belief-updating and (3) evidence pooling. He further demonstrated that, if partial knowledge is encoded and updated by belief function methods, the resulting beliefs cannot serve as a basis for rational decisions. Kopotek and Wierzcho[18] proposed to interpret the DempsterShafer theory in terms of statistics of decision tables (of the rough set theory), whereby the operator of combining evidence should be seen as relational joining of decision tables. In another interpretation M.A. Kopotek and S.T. Wierzcho[19] propose to view this theory as describing destructive material processing (under loss of properties), e.g. like in some semiconductor production processes. Under both interpretations reasoning in DST gives correct results, contrary to the earlier probabilistic
DempsterShafer theory interpretations, criticized by Pearl in the cited papers and by other researchers. Jsang proved that Dempster's rule of combination actually is a method for fusing belief constraints. It only represents an approximate fusion operator in other situations, such as cumulative fusion of beliefs, but generally produces incorrect results in such situations. The confusion around the validity of Dempster's rule therefore originates in the failure of correctly interpreting the nature of situations to be modeled. Dempster's rule of combination always produces correct and intuitive results in situation of fusing belief constraints from different sources.
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References
[1] http:/ / bfas. iutlan. univ-rennes1. fr/ belief2010/ [2] Shafer, Glenn; A Mathematical Theory of Evidence, Princeton University Press, 1976, ISBN 0-608-02508-9 [3] Kari Sentz and Scott Ferson (2002); Combination of Evidence in DempsterShafer Theory (http:/ / www. sandia. gov/ epistemic/ Reports/ SAND2002-0835. pdf), Sandia National Laboratories SAND 2002-0835 [4] Shafer, Glenn; DempsterShafer theory (http:/ / www. glennshafer. com/ assets/ downloads/ articles/ article48. pdf), 2002 [5] Dempster, Arthur P.; A generalization of Bayesian inference, Journal of the Royal Statistical Society, Series B, Vol. 30, pp. 205247, 1968 [6] Kohlas, J., and Monney, P.A., 1995. A Mathematical Theory of Hints. An Approach to the Dempster-Shafer Theory of Evidence. Vol. 425 in Lecture Notes in Economics and Mathematical Systems. Springer Verlag. [7] Jsang, A., and Hankin, R., 2012. Interpretation and Fusion of Hyper Opinions in Subjective Logic. 15th International Conference on Information Fusion (FUSION) 2012. E-ISBN 978-0-9824438-4-2, IEEE.|url=http:/ / ieeexplore. ieee. org/ stamp/ stamp. jsp?tp=& arnumber=6289948 [8] J.Y. Halpern (2003) Reasoning about Uncertainty MIT Press [9] L. Zadeh, On the validity of Dempster's rule of combination, Memo M79/24, Univ. of California, Berkeley, USA, 1979 [10] L. Zadeh, Book review: A mathematical theory of evidence, The Al Magazine, Vol. 5, No. 3, pp. 81-83, 1984 [11] L. Zadeh, A simple view of the Dempster-Shafer Theory of Evidence and its implication for the rule of combination, The Al Magazine, Vol. 7, No. 2, pp. 85-90, Summer 1986. [12] E. Ruspini, "The logical foundations of evidential reasoning", SRI Technical Note 408, December 20, 1986 (revised April 27, 1987) [13] N. Wilson, "The assumptions behind Dempster's rule", in Proceedings of the 9th Conference on Uncertainty in Artificial Intelligence, pages 527--534, Morgan Kaufmann Publishers, San Mateo, CA, USA, 1993 [14] F. Voorbraak, "On the justification of Dempster's rule of combination", Artificial Intelligence, Vol. 48, pp. 171--197, 1991 [15] Pei Wang, "A Defect in Dempster-Shafer Theory", in Proceedings of the 10th Conference on Uncertainty in Artificial Intelligence, pages 560-566, Morgan Kaufmann Publishers, San Mateo, CA, USA, 1994 [16] P. Walley, "Statistical Reasoning with Imprecise Probabilities", Chapman and Hall, London, pp. 278-281, 1991 [17] Pearl, J. (1988a), Probabilistic Reasoning in Intelligent Systems, (Revised Second Printing) San Mateo, CA: Morgan Kaufmann. [18] M.A. Kopotek, S.T. Wierzcho': "A New Qualitative Rough-Set Approach to Modeling Belief Functions." [in:] L. Polkowski, A, Skowron eds: Rough Sets And Current Trends In Computing. Proc. 1st International Conference RSCTC'98, Warsaw, June 2226, 1998, Lecture Notes in Artificial Intelligence 1424, Springer-Verlag, pp. 346353. [19] M.A. Kopotek and S.T. Wierzcho, "Empirical Models for the DempsterShafer Theory". in: Srivastava, R.P., Mock, T.J., (Eds.). Belief Functions in Business Decisions. Series: Studies in Fuzziness and Soft Computing. Vol. 88 Springer-Verlag. March 2002. ISBN 3-7908-1451-2, pp. 62112
Further reading
Yager, R. R., & Liu, L. (2008). Classic works of the DempsterShafer theory of belief functions. Studies in fuzziness and soft computing, v. 219. Berlin: Springer. ISBN 978-3-540-25381-5. more references (http://bfasociety.org/wiki/extensions/Wikindx/wikindx3/index.php) Joseph C. Giarratano and Gary D. Riley (2005); Expert Systems: principles and programming, ed. Thomson Course Tech., ISBN 0-534-38447-1
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External links
BFAS: Belief Functions and Applications Society (http://www.bfasociety.org/)
Scientific method
An 18th-century depiction of early experimentation in the field of chemistry
Part of a series on
Science
Outline Portal Category
The scientific method is a body of techniques for investigating phenomena, acquiring new knowledge, or correcting and integrating previous knowledge. To be termed scientific, a method of inquiry must be based on empirical and measurable evidence subject to specific principles of reasoning.[1] The Oxford English Dictionary defines the scientific method as: "a method or procedure that has characterized natural science since the 17th century, consisting in systematic observation, measurement, and experiment, and the formulation, testing, and modification of hypotheses."[2] The chief characteristic which distinguishes the scientific method from other methods of acquiring knowledge is that scientists seek to let reality speak for itself,Talk:Scientific method# supporting a theory when a theory's predictions are confirmed and challenging a theory when its predictions prove false. Although procedures vary from one field of inquiry to another, identifiable features distinguish scientific inquiry from other methods of obtaining knowledge. Scientific researchers propose hypotheses as explanations of phenomena, and design experimental studies to test these hypotheses via predictions which can be derived from them. These steps must be repeatable, to guard against mistake or confusion in any particular experimenter. Theories that encompass wider domains of inquiry may bind many independently derived hypotheses together in a coherent, supportive structure. Theories, in turn, may help
Scientific method form new hypotheses or place groups of hypotheses into context. Scientific inquiry is generally intended to be as objective as possible in order to reduce biased interpretations of results. Another basic expectation is to document, archive and share all data and methodology so they are available for careful scrutiny by other scientists, giving them the opportunity to verify results by attempting to reproduce them. This practice, called full disclosure, also allows statistical measures of the reliability of these data to be established (when data is sampled or compared to chance).
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Overview
For the beginnings of scientific method: Karl Popper writes of Parmenides (fl. 5th Century BCE): So what was really new in Parmenides was his axiomatic-deductive method, which Leucippus and Democritus turned into a hypothetical-deductive method, and thus made part of scientific methodology. According to David Lindberg, Aristotle (4th Century BCE) wrote about the scientific method even if he and his followers did not actually follow what he said. Lindberg also notes that Ptolemy (2nd Century AD) and Ibn al-Haytham (11th Century AD) are among the early examples of people who carried out scientific experiments. Also, John Losee writes that "the Physics and the Metaphysics contain discussions of certain aspects of scientific method", of which, he says "Aristotle viewed scientific inquiry as a progression from observations to general principles and back to observations."
The Scientific method is the process by which science is carried out.[5] Because science builds on previous knowledge, it consistently improves our understanding of the world. The scientific method also improves itself in the same way,[6] meaning that it gradually becomes more effective at generating new knowledge. For example, the concept of falsification (first proposed in 1934) reduces confirmation bias by formalizing the attempt to disprove hypotheses rather than prove them.[7] The overall process involves making conjectures (hypotheses), deriving predictions from them as logical consequences, and then carrying out experiments based on those predictions to determine whether the original conjecture was correct. There are difficulties in a formulaic statement of method, however. Though the scientific method is often presented as a fixed sequence of steps, they are better considered as general principles. Not all steps take place in every scientific inquiry (or to the same degree), and not always in the same order. As noted by William Whewell (17941866), "invention, sagacity, [and] genius"[8] are required at every step: Formulation of a question: The question can refer to the explanation of a specific observation, as in "Why is the sky blue?", but can also be open-ended, as in "How can I design a drug to cure this particular disease?" This stage also involves looking up and evaluating previous evidence from other scientists, including experience. If the answer is
[3] According to Morris Kline, "Modern science owes its present flourishing state to a new scientific method which was fashioned almost entirely by Galileo Galilei." Dudley Shapere takes a more measured view of Galileo's contribution.
Scientific method
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already known, a different question that builds on the previous evidence can be posed. When applying the scientific method to scientific research, determining a good question can be very difficult and affects the final outcome of the investigation.[9] Hypothesis: An hypothesis is a conjecture, based on the knowledge obtained while formulating the question, that may explain the observed behavior of a part of our universe. The hypothesis might be very specific, e.g., Einstein's equivalence principle or Francis Crick's "DNA makes RNA makes protein",[10] or it might be broad, e.g., unknown species of life dwell in the unexplored depths of the oceans. A statistical hypothesis is a conjecture about some population. For example, the population might be people with a particular disease. The conjecture might be that a new drug will cure the disease in some of Johannes Kepler (15711630). "Kepler those people. Terms commonly associated with statistical hypotheses shows his keen logical sense in detailing are null hypothesis and alternative hypothesis. A null hypothesis is the the whole process by which he finally arrived at the true orbit. This is the conjecture that the statistical hypothesis is false, e.g., that the new drug greatest piece of Retroductive reasoning does nothing and that any cures are due to chance effects. Researchers ever performed." C.S. Peirce, c. 1896, normally want to show that the null hypothesis is false. The alternative on Kepler's reasoning through [4] hypothesis is the desired outcome, e.g., that the drug does better than explanatory hypotheses chance. A final point: a scientific hypothesis must be falsifiable, meaning that one can identify a possible outcome of an experiment that conflicts with predictions deduced from the hypothesis; otherwise, it cannot be meaningfully tested. Prediction: This step involves determining the logical consequences of the hypothesis. One or more predictions are then selected for further testing. The less likely that the prediction would be correct simply by coincidence, the stronger evidence it would be if the prediction were fulfilled; evidence is also stronger if the answer to the prediction is not already known, due to the effects of hindsight bias (see also postdiction). Ideally, the prediction must also distinguish the hypothesis from likely alternatives; if two hypotheses make the same prediction, observing the prediction to be correct is not evidence for either one over the other. (These statements about the relative strength of evidence can be mathematically derived using Bayes' Theorem.) Testing: This is an investigation of whether the real world behaves as predicted by the hypothesis. Scientists (and other people) test hypotheses by conducting experiments. The purpose of an experiment is to determine whether observations of the real world agree with or conflict with the predictions derived from an hypothesis. If they agree, confidence in the hypothesis increases; otherwise, it decreases. Agreement does not assure that the hypothesis is true; future experiments may reveal problems. Karl Popper advised scientists to try to falsify hypotheses, i.e., to search for and test those experiments that seem most doubtful. Large numbers of successful confirmations are not convincing if they arise from experiments that avoid risk.[11] Experiments should be designed to minimize possible errors, especially through the use of appropriate scientific controls. For example, tests of medical treatments are commonly run as double-blind tests. Test personnel, who might unwittingly reveal to test subjects which samples are the desired test drugs and which are placebos, are kept ignorant of which are which. Such hints can bias the responses of the test subjects. Failure of an experiment does not necessarily mean the hypothesis is false. Experiments always depend on several hypotheses, e.g., that the test equipment is working properly, and a failure may be a failure of one of the auxiliary hypotheses. (See the Duhem-Quine thesis.) Experiments can be conducted in a college lab, on a kitchen table, at CERN's Large Hadron Collider, at the bottom of an ocean, on Mars (using one of the working rovers), and so on. Astronomers do experiments, searching for planets around distant stars. Finally, most individual experiments address highly specific topics for reasons of practicality. As a result, evidence about broader topics is usually
Scientific method accumulated gradually. Analysis: This involves determining what the results of the experiment show and deciding on the next actions to take. The predictions of the hypothesis are compared to those of the null hypothesis, to determine which is better able to explain the data. In cases where an experiment is repeated many times, a statistical analysis such as a chi-squared test may be required. If the evidence has falsified the hypothesis, a new hypothesis is required; if the experiment supports the hypothesis but the evidence is not strong enough for high confidence, other predictions from the hypothesis must be tested. Once a hypothesis is strongly supported by evidence, a new question can be asked to provide further insight on the same topic. Evidence from other scientists and experience are frequently incorporated at any stage in the process. Many iterations may be required to gather sufficient evidence to answer a question with confidence, or to build up many answers to highly specific questions in order to answer a single broader question. This model underlies the scientific revolution.[12] One thousand years ago, Alhazen demonstrated the importance of forming questions and subsequently testing them,[13] an approach which was advocated by Galileo in 1638 with the publication of Two New Sciences.[14] The current method is based on a hypothetico-deductive model[15] formulated in the 20th century, although it has undergone significant revision since first proposed (for a more formal discussion, see below).
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DNA example
The basic elements of the scientific method are illustrated by the following example from the discovery of the structure of DNA: Question: Previous investigation of DNA had determined its chemical composition (the four nucleotides), the structure of each individual nucleotide, and other properties. It had been identified as the carrier of genetic information by the AveryMacLeodMcCarty experiment in 1944, but the mechanism of how genetic information was stored in DNA was unclear. [16] Hypothesis: Francis Crick and James D. Watson hypothesized that DNA had a helical structure. [17][18] Prediction: If DNA had a helical structure, its X-ray diffraction pattern would be X-shaped. This prediction was determined [19] using the mathematics of the helix transform, which had been derived by Cochran, Crick and Vand (and independently by Stokes). Experiment: Rosalind Franklin crystallized pure DNA and performed X-ray diffraction to produce photo 51. The results showed an X-shape. [20][21] Analysis: When Watson saw the detailed diffraction pattern, he immediately recognized it as a helix. He and Crick then produced their model, using this information along with the previously known information about DNAs composition and about molecular [22] interactions such as hydrogen bonds.
The discovery became the starting point for many further studies involving the genetic material, such as the field of molecular genetics, and it was awarded the Nobel Prize in 1962. Each step of the example is examined in more detail later in the article.
Other components
The scientific method also includes other components required even when all the iterations of the steps above have been completed: Replication: If an experiment cannot be repeated to produce the same results, this implies that the original results were in error. As a result, it is common for a single experiment to be performed multiple times, especially when there are uncontrolled variables or other indications of experimental error. For significant or surprising results, other scientists may also attempt to replicate the results for themselves, especially if those results would be important to their own work. External review: The process of peer review involves evaluation of the experiment by experts, who give their opinions anonymously to allow them to give unbiased criticism. It does not certify correctness of the results, only that the experiments themselves were sound (based on the description supplied by the experimenter). If the work passes peer review, which may require new experiments requested by the reviewers, it will be
Scientific method published in a peer-reviewed scientific journal. The specific journal that publishes the results indicates the perceived quality of the work. Data recording and sharing: Scientists must record all data very precisely in order to reduce their own bias and aid in replication by others, a requirement first promoted by Ludwik Fleck (18961961) and others. They must supply this data to other scientists who wish to replicate any results, extending to the sharing of any experimental samples that may be difficult to obtain.[23]
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Scientific inquiry
The goal of a scientific inquiry is to obtain knowledge in the form of testable explanations that can predict the results of future experiments. This allows scientists to gain an understanding of reality, and later use that understanding to intervene in its causal mechanisms (such as to cure disease). The better an explanation is at making predictions, the more useful it is, and the more likely it is to be correct. The most successful explanations, which explain and make accurate predictions in a wide range of circumstances, are called scientific theories. Most experimental results do not result in large changes in human understanding; improvements in theoretical scientific understanding is usually the result of a gradual synthesis of the results of different experiments, by various researchers, across different domains of science.[24] Scientific models vary in the extent to which they have been experimentally tested and for how long, and in their acceptance in the scientific community. In general, explanations become accepted by a scientific community as evidence in favor is presented, and as presumptions that are inconsistent with the evidence are falsified.
Properties of scientific inquiry

Scientific knowledge is closely tied to empirical findings, and always remains subject to falsification if new experimental observation incompatible with it is found. That is, no theory can ever be considered completely certain, since new evidence falsifying it might be discovered. If such evidence is found, a new theory may be proposed, or (more commonly) it is found that minor modifications to the previous theory are sufficient to explain the new evidence. The strength of a theory is related to how long it has persisted without falsification of its core principles. Confirmed theories are also subject to subsumption by more accurate theories. For example, thousands of years of scientific observations of the planets were explained almost perfectly by Newton's laws. However, these laws were then determined to be special cases of a more general theory (relativity), which explained both the (previously unexplained) exceptions to Newton's laws as well as predicting and explaining other observations such as the deflection of light by gravity. Thus independent, unconnected, scientific observations can be connected to each other, unified by principles of increasing explanatory power. Since every new theory must explain even more than the previous one, any successor theory capable of subsuming it must meet an even higher standard, explaining both the larger, unified body of observations
Flying gallop falsified; see image below.
Muybridge's photographs of The Horse in Motion, 1878, were used to answer the question whether all four feet of a galloping horse are ever off the ground at the same time. This demonstrates a use of photography in science.
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explained by the previous theory and unifying that with even more observations. In other words, as scientific knowledge becomes more accurate with time, it becomes increasingly harder to produce a more successful theory, simply because of the great success of the theories that already exist. For example, the Theory of Evolution explains the diversity of life on Earth, how species adapt to their environments, and many other patterns observed in the natural world; its most recent major modification was unification with genetics to form the modern evolutionary synthesis. In subsequent modifications, it has also subsumed aspects of many other fields such as biochemistry and molecular biology.
An animation of Eadweard Muybridge's studies of a horse galloping in which the exact positions of the feet can no longer be clearly seen.
Beliefs and biases

Scientific methodology directs that hypotheses be tested in controlled conditions which can be reproduced by others. The scientific community's pursuit of experimental control and reproducibility diminishes the effects of cognitive biases. For example, pre-existing beliefs can alter the interpretation of results, as in confirmation bias; this is a heuristic that leads a person with a particular belief to see things as reinforcing their belief, even if another observer might disagree (in other words, people tend to observe what they expect to observe). A historical example is the conjecture that the legs of a galloping horse are splayed at the point when none of the horse's legs touches the ground, to the point of this image being included in paintings by its supporters. However, the first stop-action pictures of a horse's gallop by Eadweard Muybridge showed this to be false, and that the legs are instead gathered together.[25] Another important human bias that plays a role is a preference for new, surprising statements (see appeal to novelty), which can result in a search for evidence that the new is true. In contrast to the requirement for scientific knowledge to correspond to reality, beliefs based on myth or stories can be believed and acted upon irrespective of truth,[26] often taking advantage of the narrative fallacy that when narrative is constructed its elements become easier to believe.[27][28] Myths intended to be taken as true must have their elements assumed a priori, while science requires testing and validation a posteriori before ideas are accepted.[29]
Elements of the scientific method

There are different ways of outlining the basic method used for scientific inquiry. The scientific community and philosophers of science generally agree on the following classification of method components. These methodological elements and organization of procedures tend to be more characteristic of natural sciences than social sciences. Nonetheless, the cycle of formulating hypotheses, testing and analyzing the results, and formulating new hypotheses, will resemble the cycle described below. Four essential elements[30][31] of the scientific method are iterations,[32][33] recursions,[34] interleavings, or orderings of the following: Characterizations (observations,[35] definitions, and measurements of the subject of inquiry) Hypotheses[36][37] (theoretical, hypothetical explanations of observations and measurements of the subject)[38] Predictions (reasoning including logical deduction[39] from the hypothesis or theory) Experiments[40] (tests of all of the above)
Scientific method Each element of the scientific method is subject to peer review for possible mistakes. These activities do not describe all that scientists do (see below) but apply mostly to experimental sciences (e.g., physics, chemistry, and biology). The elements above are often taught in the educational system as "the scientific method".[41] The scientific method is not a single recipe: it requires intelligence, imagination, and creativity.[42] In this sense, it is not a mindless set of standards and procedures to follow, but is rather an ongoing cycle, constantly developing more useful, accurate and comprehensive models and methods. For example, when Einstein developed the Special and General Theories of Relativity, he did not in any way refute or discount Newton's Principia. On the contrary, if the astronomically large, the vanishingly small, and the extremely fast are removed from Einstein's theories all phenomena Newton could not have observed Newton's equations are what remain. Einstein's theories are expansions and refinements of Newton's theories and, thus, increase our confidence in Newton's work. A linearized, pragmatic scheme of the four points above is sometimes offered as a guideline for proceeding:[43] 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. Define a question Gather information and resources (observe) Form an explanatory hypothesis Test the hypothesis by performing an experiment and collecting data in a reproducible manner Analyze the data Interpret the data and draw conclusions that serve as a starting point for new hypothesis
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7. Publish results 8. Retest (frequently done by other scientists) The iterative cycle inherent in this step-by-step method goes from point 3 to 6 back to 3 again. While this schema outlines a typical hypothesis/testing method,[44] it should also be noted that a number of philosophers, historians and sociologists of science (perhaps most notably Paul Feyerabend) claim that such descriptions of scientific method have little relation to the ways science is actually practiced. The "operational" paradigm combines the concepts of operational definition, instrumentalism, and utility: The essential elements of scientific method are operations, observations, models, and a utility function for evaluating models.[45]Wikipedia:Verifiability Operation Some action done to the system being investigated Observation What happens when the operation is done to the system Model A fact, hypothesis, theory, or the phenomenon itself at a certain moment Utility Function A measure of the usefulness of the model to explain, predict, and control, and of the cost of use of it. One of the elements of any scientific utility function is the refutability of the model. Another is its simplicity, on the Principle of Parsimony more commonly known as Occam's Razor.
Characterizations
The scientific method depends upon increasingly sophisticated characterizations of the subjects of investigation. (The subjects can also be called unsolved problems or the unknowns.) For example, Benjamin Franklin conjectured, correctly, that St. Elmo's fire was electrical in nature, but it has taken a long series of experiments and theoretical changes to establish this. While seeking the pertinent properties of the subjects, careful thought may also entail some definitions and observations; the observations often demand careful measurements and/or counting. The systematic, careful collection of measurements or counts of relevant quantities is often the critical difference between pseudo-sciences, such as alchemy, and science, such as chemistry or biology. Scientific measurements are usually tabulated, graphed, or mapped, and statistical manipulations, such as correlation and regression, performed on them. The measurements might be made in a controlled setting, such as a laboratory, or made on more or less inaccessible or unmanipulatable objects such as stars or human populations. The measurements often require specialized scientific instruments such as thermometers, spectroscopes, Particle accelerator, or voltmeters, and the
Scientific method progress of a scientific field is usually intimately tied to their invention and improvement. "I am not accustomed to saying anything with certainty after only one or two observations." Andreas Vesalius (1546)[46] Uncertainty Measurements in scientific work are also usually accompanied by estimates of their uncertainty. The uncertainty is often estimated by making repeated measurements of the desired quantity. Uncertainties may also be calculated by consideration of the uncertainties of the individual underlying quantities used. Counts of things, such as the number of people in a nation at a particular time, may also have an uncertainty due to data collection limitations. Or counts may represent a sample of desired quantities, with an uncertainty that depends upon the sampling method used and the number of samples taken. Definition Measurements demand the use of operational definitions of relevant quantities. That is, a scientific quantity is described or defined by how it is measured, as opposed to some more vague, inexact or "idealized" definition. For example, electrical current, measured in amperes, may be operationally defined in terms of the mass of silver deposited in a certain time on an electrode in an electrochemical device that is described in some detail. The operational definition of a thing often relies on comparisons with standards: the operational definition of "mass" ultimately relies on the use of an artifact, such as a particular kilogram of platinum-iridium kept in a laboratory in France. The scientific definition of a term sometimes differs substantially from its natural language usage. For example, mass and weight overlap in meaning in common discourse, but have distinct meanings in mechanics. Scientific quantities are often characterized by their units of measure which can later be described in terms of conventional physical units when communicating the work. New theories are sometimes developed after realizing certain terms have not previously been sufficiently clearly defined. For example, Albert Einstein's first paper on relativity begins by defining simultaneity and the means for determining length. These ideas were skipped over by Isaac Newton with, "I do not define time, space, place and motion, as being well known to all." Einstein's paper then demonstrates that they (viz., absolute time and length independent of motion) were approximations. Francis Crick cautions us that when characterizing a subject, however, it can be premature to define something when it remains ill-understood.[47] In Crick's study of consciousness, he actually found it easier to study awareness in the visual system, rather than to study free will, for example. His cautionary example was the gene; the gene was much more poorly understood before Watson and Crick's pioneering discovery of the structure of DNA; it would have been counterproductive to spend much time on the definition of the gene, before them. DNA-characterizations The history of the discovery of the structure of DNA is a classic example of the elements of the scientific method: in 1950 it was known that genetic inheritance had a mathematical description, starting with the studies of Gregor Mendel, and that DNA contained genetic information (Oswald Avery's transforming principle). But the mechanism of storing genetic information (i.e., genes) in DNA was unclear. Researchers in Bragg's laboratory at Cambridge University made X-ray diffraction pictures of various molecules, starting with crystals of salt, and proceeding to more complicated substances. Using clues painstakingly assembled over decades, beginning with its chemical composition, it was determined that it should be possible to characterize the physical structure of DNA, and the X-ray images would be the vehicle.[48] ..2. DNA-hypotheses
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Scientific method Another example: precession of Mercury The characterization element can require extended and extensive study, even centuries. It took thousands of years of measurements, from the Chaldean, Indian, Persian, Greek, Arabic and European astronomers, to fully record the motion of planet Earth. Newton was able to include those measurements into consequences of his laws of motion. But the perihelion of the planet Mercury's orbit exhibits a precession that cannot be fully explained by Newton's laws of motion (see diagram to the right), though it took quite some time to realize this. The observed difference for Mercury's precession between Newtonian theory and Precession of the perihelion (exaggerated) observation was one of the things that occurred to Einstein as a possible early test of his theory of General Relativity. His relativistic calculations matched observation much more closely than did Newtonian theory (the difference is approximately 43 arc-seconds per century), .
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Hypothesis development
An hypothesis is a suggested explanation of a phenomenon, or alternately a reasoned proposal suggesting a possible correlation between or among a set of phenomena. Normally hypotheses have the form of a mathematical model. Sometimes, but not always, they can also be formulated as existential statements, stating that some particular instance of the phenomenon being studied has some characteristic and causal explanations, which have the general form of universal statements, stating that every instance of the phenomenon has a particular characteristic. Scientists are free to use whatever resources they have their own creativity, ideas from other fields, induction, Bayesian inference, and so on to imagine possible explanations for a phenomenon under study. Charles Sanders Peirce, borrowing a page from Aristotle (Prior Analytics, 2.25) described the incipient stages of inquiry, instigated by the "irritation of doubt" to venture a plausible guess, as abductive reasoning. The history of science is filled with stories of scientists claiming a "flash of inspiration", or a hunch, which then motivated them to look for evidence to support or refute their idea. Michael Polanyi made such creativity the centerpiece of his discussion of methodology. William Glen observes that the success of a hypothesis, or its service to science, lies not simply in its perceived "truth", or power to displace, subsume or reduce a predecessor idea, but perhaps more in its ability to stimulate the research that will illuminate bald suppositions and areas of vagueness. In general scientists tend to look for theories that are "elegant" or "beautiful". In contrast to the usual English use of these terms, they here refer to a theory in accordance with the known facts, which is nevertheless relatively simple and easy to handle. Occam's Razor serves as a rule of thumb for choosing the most desirable amongst a group of equally explanatory hypotheses. DNA-hypotheses Linus Pauling proposed that DNA might be a triple helix.[49] This hypothesis was also considered by Francis Crick and James D. Watson but discarded. When Watson and Crick learned of Pauling's hypothesis, they understood from existing data that Pauling was wrong[50] and that Pauling would soon admit his difficulties with that structure. So, the race was on to figure out the correct structure (except that Pauling did not realize at the time that he was in a race see section on "DNA-predictions" below)
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Predictions from the hypothesis

Any useful hypothesis will enable predictions, by reasoning including deductive reasoning. It might predict the outcome of an experiment in a laboratory setting or the observation of a phenomenon in nature. The prediction can also be statistical and deal only with probabilities. It is essential that the outcome of testing such a prediction be currently unknown. Only in this case does a successful outcome increase the probability that the hypothesis is true. If the outcome is already known, it is called a consequence and should have already been considered while formulating the hypothesis. If the predictions are not accessible by observation or experience, the hypothesis is not yet testable and so will remain to that extent unscientific in a strict sense. A new technology or theory might make the necessary experiments feasible. Thus, much scientifically based speculation might convince one (or many) that the hypothesis that other intelligent species exist is true. But since there no experiment now known which can test this hypothesis, science itself can have little to say about the possibility. In future, some new technique might lead to an experimental test and the speculation would then become part of accepted science. DNA-predictions James D. Watson, Francis Crick, and others hypothesized that DNA had a helical structure. This implied that DNA's X-ray diffraction pattern would be 'x shaped'.[51] This prediction followed from the work of Cochran, Crick and Vand (and independently by Stokes). The Cochran-Crick-Vand-Stokes theorem provided a mathematical explanation for the empirical observation that diffraction from helical structures produces x shaped patterns. In their first paper, Watson and Crick also noted that the double helix structure they proposed provided a simple mechanism for DNA replication, writing "It has not escaped our notice that the specific pairing we have postulated immediately suggests a possible copying mechanism for the genetic material".[52] ..4. DNA-experiments Another example: general relativity Einstein's theory of General Relativity makes several specific predictions about the observable structure of space-time, such as that light bends in a gravitational field, and that the amount of bending depends in a precise way on the strength of that gravitational field. Arthur Eddington's observations made during a 1919 solar eclipse supported General Relativity rather than Newtonian gravitation.[53]
Experiments
Einstein's prediction (1907): Light bends in a Once predictions are made, they can be sought by experiments. If gravitational field the test results contradict the predictions, the hypotheses which entailed them are called into question and become less tenable. Sometimes the experiments are conducted incorrectly or are not very well designed, when compared to a crucial experiment. If the experimental results confirm the predictions, then the hypotheses are considered more likely to be correct, but might still be wrong and continue to be subject to further testing. The experimental control is a technique for dealing with observational error. This technique uses the contrast between multiple samples (or observations) under differing conditions to see what varies or what remains the same. We vary the conditions for each measurement, to help isolate what has changed. Mill's canons can then help us figure out what the important factor is.[54] Factor analysis is one technique for discovering the important factor in an effect.
Scientific method Depending on the predictions, the experiments can have different shapes. It could be a classical experiment in a laboratory setting, a double-blind study or an archaeological excavation. Even taking a plane from New York to Paris is an experiment which tests the aerodynamical hypotheses used for constructing the plane. Scientists assume an attitude of openness and accountability on the part of those conducting an experiment. Detailed record keeping is essential, to aid in recording and reporting on the experimental results, and supports the effectiveness and integrity of the procedure. They will also assist in reproducing the experimental results, likely by others. Traces of this approach can be seen in the work of Hipparchus (190120 BCE), when determining a value for the precession of the Earth, while controlled experiments can be seen in the works of Jbir ibn Hayyn (721815 CE), al-Battani (853929) and Alhazen (9651039).[55] DNA-experiments Watson and Crick showed an initial (and incorrect) proposal for the structure of DNA to a team from Kings College Rosalind Franklin, Maurice Wilkins, and Raymond Gosling. Franklin immediately spotted the flaws which concerned the water content. Later Watson saw Franklin's detailed X-ray diffraction images which showed an X-shape [56] and was able to confirm the structure was helical. This rekindled Watson and Crick's model building and led to the correct structure. ..1. DNA-characterizations
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Evaluation and improvement

The scientific method is iterative. At any stage it is possible to refine its accuracy and precision, so that some consideration will lead the scientist to repeat an earlier part of the process. Failure to develop an interesting hypothesis may lead a scientist to re-define the subject under consideration. Failure of a hypothesis to produce interesting and testable predictions may lead to reconsideration of the hypothesis or of the definition of the subject. Failure of an experiment to produce interesting results may lead a scientist to reconsider the experimental method, the hypothesis, or the definition of the subject. Other scientists may start their own research and enter the process at any stage. They might adopt the characterization and formulate their own hypothesis, or they might adopt the hypothesis and deduce their own predictions. Often the experiment is not done by the person who made the prediction, and the characterization is based on experiments done by someone else. Published results of experiments can also serve as a hypothesis predicting their own reproducibility. DNA-iterations After considerable fruitless experimentation, being discouraged by their superior from continuing, and numerous false starts,[57][58][59] Watson and Crick were able to infer the essential structure of DNA by concrete modeling of the physical shapes of the nucleotides which comprise it.[60] They were guided by the bond lengths which had been deduced by Linus Pauling and by Rosalind Franklin's X-ray diffraction images. ..DNA Example
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Confirmation
Science is a social enterprise, and scientific work tends to be accepted by the scientific community when it has been confirmed. Crucially, experimental and theoretical results must be reproduced by others within the scientific community. Researchers have given their lives for this vision; Georg Wilhelm Richmann was killed by ball lightning (1753) when attempting to replicate the 1752 kite-flying experiment of Benjamin Franklin.[61] To protect against bad science and fraudulent data, government research-granting agencies such as the National Science Foundation, and science journals, including Nature and Science, have a policy that researchers must archive their data and methods so that other researchers can test the data and methods and build on the research that has gone before. Scientific data archiving can be done at a number of national archives in the U.S. or in the World Data Center.
Models of scientific inquiry

Classical model
The classical model of scientific inquiry derives from Aristotle,[62] who distinguished the forms of approximate and exact reasoning, set out the threefold scheme of abductive, deductive, and inductive inference, and also treated the compound forms such as reasoning by analogy.
Pragmatic model
In 1877,[] Charles Sanders Peirce (/prs/ like "purse"; 18391914) characterized inquiry in general not as the pursuit of truth per se but as the struggle to move from irritating, inhibitory doubts born of surprises, disagreements, and the like, and to reach a secure belief, belief being that on which one is prepared to act. He framed scientific inquiry as part of a broader spectrum and as spurred, like inquiry generally, by actual doubt, not mere verbal or hyperbolic doubt, which he held to be fruitless.[63] He outlined four methods of settling opinion, ordered from least to most successful: 1. The method of tenacity (policy of sticking to initial belief) which brings comforts and decisiveness but leads to trying to ignore contrary information and others' views as if truth were intrinsically private, not public. It goes against the social impulse and easily falters since one may well notice when another's opinion is as good as one's own initial opinion. Its successes can shine but tend to be transitory. 2. The method of authority which overcomes disagreements but sometimes brutally. Its successes can be majestic and long-lived, but it cannot operate thoroughly enough to suppress doubts indefinitely, especially when people learn of other societies present and past. 3. The method of the a priori which promotes conformity less brutally but fosters opinions as something like tastes, arising in conversation and comparisons of perspectives in terms of "what is agreeable to reason." Thereby it depends on fashion in paradigms and goes in circles over time. It is more intellectual and respectable but, like the first two methods, sustains accidental and capricious beliefs, destining some minds to doubt it. 4. The scientific method the method wherein inquiry regards itself as fallible and purposely tests itself and criticizes, corrects, and improves itself. Peirce held that slow, stumbling ratiocination can be dangerously inferior to instinct and traditional sentiment in practical matters, and that the scientific method is best suited to theoretical research,[64] which in turn should not be trammeled by the other methods and practical ends; reason's "first rule" is that, in order to learn, one must desire to learn and, as a corollary, must not block the way of inquiry.[65] The scientific method excels the others by being deliberately designed to arrive eventually at the most secure beliefs, upon which the most successful practices can be based. Starting from the idea that people seek not truth per se but instead to subdue irritating, inhibitory doubt, Peirce showed how, through the struggle, some can come to submit to truth for the sake of belief's integrity, seek as truth the guidance of potential practice correctly to its given goal, and wed themselves to the scientific
Scientific method method.[] For Peirce, rational inquiry implies presuppositions about truth and the real; to reason is to presuppose (and at least to hope), as a principle of the reasoner's self-regulation, that the real is discoverable and independent of our vagaries of opinion. In that vein he defined truth as the correspondence of a sign (in particular, a proposition) to its object and, pragmatically, not as actual consensus of some definite, finite community (such that to inquire would be to poll the experts), but instead as that final opinion which all investigators would reach sooner or later but still inevitably, if they were to push investigation far enough, even when they start from different points.[66] In tandem he defined the real as a true sign's object (be that object a possibility or quality, or an actuality or brute fact, or a necessity or norm or law), which is what it is independently of any finite community's opinion and, pragmatically, depends only on the final opinion destined in a sufficient investigation. That is a destination as far, or near, as the truth itself to you or me or the given finite community. Thus his theory of inquiry boils down to "Do the science." Those conceptions of truth and the real involve the idea of a community both without definite limits (and thus potentially self-correcting as far as needed) and capable of definite increase of knowledge.[67] As inference, "logic is rooted in the social principle" since it depends on a standpoint that is, in a sense, unlimited.[68] Paying special attention to the generation of explanations, Peirce outlined the scientific method as a coordination of three kinds of inference in a purposeful cycle aimed at settling doubts, as follows (in IIIIV in "A Neglected Argument"[17] except as otherwise noted): 1. Abduction (or retroduction). Guessing, inference to explanatory hypotheses for selection of those best worth trying. From abduction, Peirce distinguishes induction as inferring, on the basis of tests, the proportion of truth in the hypothesis. Every inquiry, whether into ideas, brute facts, or norms and laws, arises from surprising observations in one or more of those realms (and for example at any stage of an inquiry already underway). All explanatory content of theories comes from abduction, which guesses a new or outside idea so as to account in a simple, economical way for a surprising or complicative phenomenon. Oftenest, even a well-prepared mind guesses wrong. But the modicum of success of our guesses far exceeds that of sheer luck and seems born of attunement to nature by instincts developed or inherent, especially insofar as best guesses are optimally plausible and simple in the sense, said Peirce, of the "facile and natural", as by Galileo's natural light of reason and as distinct from "logical simplicity". Abduction is the most fertile but least secure mode of inference. Its general rationale is inductive: it succeeds often enough and, without it, there is no hope of sufficiently expediting inquiry (often multi-generational) toward new truths.[69] Coordinative method leads from abducing a plausible hypothesis to judging it for its testability[70] and for how its trial would economize inquiry itself.[71] Peirce calls his pragmatism "the logic of abduction".[72] His pragmatic maxim is: "Consider what effects that might conceivably have practical bearings you conceive the objects of your conception to have. Then, your conception of those effects is the whole of your conception of the object". His pragmatism is a method of reducing conceptual confusions fruitfully by equating the meaning of any conception with the conceivable practical implications of its object's conceived effects a method of experimentational mental reflection hospitable to forming hypotheses and conducive to testing them. It favors efficiency. The hypothesis, being insecure, needs to have practical implications leading at least to mental tests and, in science, lending themselves to scientific tests. A simple but unlikely guess, if uncostly to test for falsity, may belong first in line for testing. A guess is intrinsically worth testing if it has instinctive plausibility or reasoned objective probability, while subjective likelihood, though reasoned, can be misleadingly seductive. Guesses can be chosen for trial strategically, for their caution (for which Peirce gave as example the game of Twenty Questions), breadth, and incomplexity.[73] One can hope to discover only that which time would reveal through a learner's sufficient experience anyway, so the point is to expedite it; the economy of research is what demands the leap, so to speak, of abduction and governs its art. 2. Deduction. Two stages: i. Explication. Unclearly premissed, but deductive, analysis of the hypothesis in order to render its parts as clear as possible.
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Scientific method ii. Demonstration: Deductive Argumentation, Euclidean in procedure. Explicit deduction of hypothesis's consequences as predictions, for induction to test, about evidence to be found. Corollarial or, if needed, Theorematic. 3. Induction. The long-run validity of the rule of induction is deducible from the principle (presuppositional to reasoning in general) that the real is only the object of the final opinion to which adequate investigation would lead;[74] anything to which no such process would ever lead would not be real. Induction involving ongoing tests or observations follows a method which, sufficiently persisted in, will diminish its error below any predesignate degree. Three stages: i. Classification. Unclearly premissed, but inductive, classing of objects of experience under general ideas. ii. Probation: direct Inductive Argumentation. Crude (the enumeration of instances) or Gradual (new estimate of proportion of truth in the hypothesis after each test). Gradual Induction is Qualitative or Quantitative; if Qualitative, then dependent on weightings of qualities or characters;[75] if Quantitative, then dependent on measurements, or on statistics, or on countings. iii. Sentential Induction. "...which, by Inductive reasonings, appraises the different Probations singly, then their combinations, then makes self-appraisal of these very appraisals themselves, and passes final judgment on the whole result".
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Communication and community

Frequently the scientific method is employed not only by a single person, but also by several people cooperating directly or indirectly. Such cooperation can be regarded as one of the defining elements of a scientific community. Various techniques have been developed to ensure the integrity of scientific methodology within such an environment.
Peer review evaluation

Scientific journals use a process of peer review, in which scientists' manuscripts are submitted by editors of scientific journals to (usually one to three) fellow (usually anonymous) scientists familiar with the field for evaluation. The referees may or may not recommend publication, publication with suggested modifications, or, sometimes, publication in another journal. This serves to keep the scientific literature free of unscientific or pseudoscientific work, to help cut down on obvious errors, and generally otherwise to improve the quality of the material. The peer review process can have limitations when considering research outside the conventional scientific paradigm: problems of "groupthink" can interfere with open and fair deliberation of some new research.[76]
Documentation and replication

Sometimes experimenters may make systematic errors during their experiments, unconsciously veer from scientific method (Pathological science) for various reasons, or, in rare cases, deliberately report false results. Consequently, it is a common practice for other scientists to attempt to repeat the experiments in order to duplicate the results, thus further validating the hypothesis. Archiving As a result, researchers are expected to practice scientific data archiving in compliance with the policies of government funding agencies and scientific journals. Detailed records of their experimental procedures, raw data, statistical analyses and source code are preserved in order to provide evidence of the effectiveness and integrity of the procedure and assist in reproduction. These procedural records may also assist in the conception of new experiments to test the hypothesis, and may prove useful to engineers who might examine the potential practical applications of a discovery.
Scientific method Data sharing When additional information is needed before a study can be reproduced, the author of the study is expected to provide it promptly. If the author refuses to share data, appeals can be made to the journal editors who published the study or to the institution which funded the research. Limitations Since it is impossible for a scientist to record everything that took place in an experiment, facts selected for their apparent relevance are reported. This may lead, unavoidably, to problems later if some supposedly irrelevant feature is questioned. For example, Heinrich Hertz did not report the size of the room used to test Maxwell's equations, which later turned out to account for a small deviation in the results. The problem is that parts of the theory itself need to be assumed in order to select and report the experimental conditions. The observations are hence sometimes described as being 'theory-laden'.
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Dimensions of practice
The primary constraints on contemporary science are: Publication, i.e. Peer review Resources (mostly funding) It has not always been like this: in the old days of the "gentleman scientist" funding (and to a lesser extent publication) were far weaker constraints. Both of these constraints indirectly require scientific method work that violates the constraints will be difficult to publish and difficult to get funded. Journals require submitted papers to conform to "good scientific practice" and this is mostly enforced by peer review. Originality, importance and interest are more important see for example the author guidelines [77] for Nature.
Philosophy and sociology of science

Philosophy of science looks at the underpinning logic of the scientific method, at what separates science from non-science, and the ethic that is implicit in science. There are basic assumptions derived from philosophy that form the base of the scientific method namely, that reality is objective and consistent, that humans have the capacity to perceive reality accurately, and that rational explanations exist for elements of the real world. These assumptions from methodological naturalism form the basis on which science is grounded. Logical Positivist, empiricist, falsificationist, and other theories have claimed to give a definitive account of the logic of science, but each has in turn been criticized. Thomas Kuhn examined the history of science in his The Structure of Scientific Revolutions, and found that the actual method used by scientists differed dramatically from the then-espoused method. His observations of science practice are essentially sociological and do not speak to how science is or can be practiced in other times and other cultures. Norwood Russell Hanson, Imre Lakatos and Thomas Kuhn have done extensive work on the "theory laden" character of observation. Hanson (1958) first coined the term for the idea that all observation is dependent on the conceptual framework of the observer, using the concept of gestalt to show how preconceptions can affect both observation and description. He opens Chapter 1 with a discussion of the Golgi bodies and their initial rejection as an artefact of staining technique, and a discussion of Brahe and Kepler observing the dawn and seeing a "different" sun rise despite the same physiological phenomenon. Kuhn[78] and Feyerabend[79] acknowledge the pioneering significance of his work. Kuhn (1961) said the scientist generally has a theory in mind before designing and undertaking experiments so as to make empirical observations, and that the "route from theory to measurement can almost never be traveled
Scientific method backward". This implies that the way in which theory is tested is dictated by the nature of the theory itself, which led Kuhn (1961, p.166) to argue that "once it has been adopted by a profession ... no theory is recognized to be testable by any quantitative tests that it has not already passed".[80] Paul Feyerabend similarly examined the history of science, and was led to deny that science is genuinely a methodological process. In his book Against Method he argues that scientific progress is not the result of applying any particular method. In essence, he says that for any specific method or norm of science, one can find a historic episode where violating it has contributed to the progress of science. Thus, if believers in scientific method wish to express a single universally valid rule, Feyerabend jokingly suggests, it should be 'anything goes'.[81] Criticisms such as his led to the strong programme, a radical approach to the sociology of science. The postmodernist critiques of science have themselves been the subject of intense controversy. This ongoing debate, known as the science wars, is the result of conflicting values and assumptions between the postmodernist and realist camps. Whereas postmodernists assert that scientific knowledge is simply another discourse (note that this term has special meaning in this context) and not representative of any form of fundamental truth, realists in the scientific community maintain that scientific knowledge does reveal real and fundamental truths about reality. Many books have been written by scientists which take on this problem and challenge the assertions of the postmodernists while defending science as a legitimate method of deriving truth.[82]
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Role of chance in discovery

Somewhere between 33% and 50% of all scientific discoveries are estimated to have been stumbled upon, rather than sought out. This may explain why scientists so often express that they were lucky.[83] Louis Pasteur is credited with the famous saying that "Luck favours the prepared mind", but some psychologists have begun to study what it means to be 'prepared for luck' in the scientific context. Research is showing that scientists are taught various heuristics that tend to harness chance and the unexpected.[84] This is what professor of economics Nassim Nicholas Taleb calls "Anti-fragility"; while some systems of investigation are fragile in the face of human error, human bias, and randomness, the scientific method is more than resistant or tough it actually benefits from such randomness in many ways (it is anti-fragile). Taleb believes that the more anti-fragile the system, the more it will flourish in the real world.[] Psychologist Kevin Dunbar says the process of discovery often starts with researchers finding bugs in their experiments. These unexpected results lead researchers to try and fix what they think is an error in their method. Eventually, the researcher decides the error is too persistent and systematic to be a coincidence. The highly controlled, cautious and curious aspects of the scientific method are thus what make it well suited for identifying such persistent systematic errors. At this point, the researcher will begin to think of theoretical explanations for the error, often seeking the help of colleagues across different domains of expertise.
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History
The development of the scientific method is inseparable from the history of science itself. Ancient Egyptian documents describe empirical methods in astronomy,[86] mathematics,[87] and medicine.[88] In the 7th century BC Daniel, a Jewish captive of the Babylonian king Nebuchadnezzar, conducted a scientific experiment complete with a hypothesis, a control group, a treatment group, and a conclusion. The control group partook of the kings delicacies and wine, whereas Daniels test group limited themselves to vegetables and water.[89] At the end of the test, Daniels hypothesis was proven true. The ancient Greek philosopher Thales in the 6th century BC refused to accept supernatural, religious or mythological explanations for natural phenomena, proclaiming that every event had a natural cause. The development of deductive reasoning by Plato was an important step towards the scientific method. Empiricism seems to have been formalized by Aristotle, who believed that universal truths could be reached via induction. However in order for true scientific method to develop, Aristotle could not be taken at face value. Errors in his On the Heavens and Physics had to be realized and corrected. Moreover, the pagan view common in the world during that era followed two concepts that prevented them from progressing toward a functional scientific method:
Aristotle, 384 BC322 BC. "As regards his method, Aristotle is recognized as the inventor of scientific method because of his refined analysis of logical implications contained in demonstrative discourse, which goes well beyond natural logic and does not owe anything to the ones who philosophized before [85] him." Riccardo Pozzo
1. Organismic view of nature nature and created objects are divine or are themselves without beginning or end 2. Circular reasoning as opposed to linear reasoning.Talk:Scientific method# According to Haffner, cultures that were thus debilitated included Chinese, Hindu, Meso-American, Egyptian, Babylonian, Greek and Arabic.[90] We shall soon see how the basis for the emergence of a true scientific method was provided by the Judeo-Christian perspective. The principles underlying the scientific method (testability, verification/falsification) arise from the Judeo-Christian Scriptures. The experimental method was clearly nurtured by Christian doctrine."[91] Early Christian leaders such as Clement of Alexandria (150215) and Basil of Caesarea (330379) encouraged future generations to view the Greek wisdom as handmaidens to theology and science was considered a means to more accurate understanding of the Bible and of God.[92]Augustine of Hippo (354430) who contributed great philosophical wealth to the Latin Middle Ages, advocated the study of science and was wary of philosophies that disagreed with the Bible, such as astrology and the Greek belief that the world had no beginning.[92] This Christian accommodation with Greek science laid a foundation for the later widespread, intensive study of natural philosophy during the Late Middle Ages.[92] However the division of Latin-speaking Western Europe from the Greek-speaking East,[92] followed by barbarian invasions, the Plague of Justinian, and the Islamic invasion,[93] resulted in the West largely losing access to Greek wisdom. By the 8th century Islam had overrun the Christian lands[94] of Syria, Iraq, Iran and Egypt[95] This swift occupation further severed Western Europe from many of the great works of Aristotle, Plato, Euclid and others. Having come upon such a wealth of knowledge, the Arabs, who viewed non-Arab languages as inferior, even as a source of pollution,[96] employed conquered Christians and Jews to translate these works from the native Greek and Syriac into Arabic[97] Thus equipped, Arab philosopher Alhazen performed optical and physiological experiments, reported in his manifold works, the most famous being Book of Optics (1021).[98] He was thus a forerunner of scientific method, having
Scientific method understood that a controlled environment involving experimentation and measurement is required in order to draw educated conclusions. Other Arab polymaths of the same era produced copious works on mathematics, philosophy, astronomy and alchemy. Most stuck closely to Aristotle, being hesitant to admit that some of Aristotles thinking was errant,[99] while others strongly criticized him. The source of the Arab difficulty in getting beyond Aristotle lay in the Islamic worldview. Akin to the polytheistic cultures mentioned above, folk traditions were widespread among the local population. Thus many Muslims pursued astrology and followed the view that nature was alive and divine.[100][101] Secondly, and of greater consequence, Muslim thinkers labored against the theological understanding that Allah is unlimited and therefore liable to change, natural phenomenon thus being a direct product of his unpredictable will.[102] In order to get to true scientific method, it was necessary for humankind to: 1. Find a balance in the interpretation of Aristotle and other ancient philosophers to glean, utilize and build upon their wisdom while yet being willing to criticize the mistakes 2. To liberate themselves from the perception that nature undergoes constant divine intervention, recognizing instead that that it is governed by its own laws, albeit perhaps set in motion by God, yet otherwise driven by natural and therefore discoverable and knowable phenomenon.[103] The Judeo-Christian perspective, which embraced both of the above, thus fostered the eventual breakthrough into true scientific method.[104][105] Though paraphrased translations from the Arabic, which itself had been translated from Greek and Syriac, made their way to the West, it wasn't until the Fourth Crusade when the West re-possessed Constantinople from the Muslims in 1204 that access was again gained to the original Greek texts.[106] From that point a functional scientific method that would launch modern science was on the horizon. Grosseteste (11751253), an English statesman, scientist and Christian theologian, was "the principal figure" in bringing about "a more adequate method of scientific inquiry" by which "medieval scientists were able eventually to outstrip their ancient European and Muslim teachers" (Dales 1973:62). ... His thinking influenced Roger Bacon, who spread Grosseteste's ideas from Oxford to the University of Paris during a visit there in the 1240s. From the prestigious universities in Oxford and Paris, the new experimental science spread rapidly throughout the medieval universities: "And so it went to Galileo, William Gilbert, Francis Bacon, William Harvey, Descartes, Robert Hooke, Newton, Leibniz, and the world of the seventeenth century" (Crombie 1962:15). So it went to us also.| Hugh G. Gauch, 2003. Roger Bacon (12141294), an English thinker and experimenter, is recognized by many to be the father of modern scientific method. His view that mathematics was essential to a correct understanding of natural philosophy was considered to be 400 years ahead of its time.[108] He was viewed as a lone genius proclaiming the truth about time, having correctly calculated the calendar[108] His work in optics provided the platform on which Newton, Descartes, Huygens and others later transformed the science of light. Bacons groundbreaking advances were due largely to his discovery that experimental science must be based on mathematics. (186187) His works Opus Majus and De Speculis Comburentibus contain many carefully drawn diagrams showing Bacons meticulous investigations into the behavior of light.[108] He gives detailed descriptions of systematic studies using prisms and measurements by which he shows how a rainbow functions.[108]
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Roger Bacon (c.12141294) is sometimes credited as one of the earliest European advocates of the modern scientific method [107] inspired by the works of Aristotle.
Scientific method Others who advanced scientific method during this era included Albertus Magnus (c.11931280), Theodoric of Freiberg, (c.1250c.1310), William of Ockham (c.1285c.1350), and Jean Buridan (c.1300c.1358). These were not only scientists but leaders of the church Christian archbishops, friars and priests. By the late 15th century, the physician-scholar Niccol Leoniceno was finding errors in Pliny's Natural History. As a physician, Leoniceno was concerned about these botanical errors propagating to the materia medica on which medicines were based.[109] To counter this, a botanical garden was established at Orto botanico di Padova, University of Padua (in use for teaching by 1546), in order that medical students might have empirical access to the plants of a pharmacopia. The philosopher and physician Francisco Sanches was led by his medical training at Rome, 157173, and by the philosophical skepticism recently placed in the European mainstream by the publication of Sextus Empiricus' "Outlines of Pyrrhonism", to search for a true method of knowing (modus sciendi), as nothing clear can be known by the methods of Aristotle and his followers[110] for example, syllogism fails upon circular reasoning. Following the physician Galen's method of medicine, Sanches lists the methods of judgement and experience, which are faulty in the wrong hands, and we are left with the bleak statement That Nothing is Known (1581). This challenge was taken up by Ren Descartes in the next generation (1637), but at the least, Sanches warns us that we ought to refrain from the methods, summaries, and commentaries on Aristotle, if we seek scientific knowledge. In this, he is echoed by Francis Bacon, also influenced by skepticism; Sanches cites the humanist Juan Luis Vives who sought a better educational system, as well as a statement of human rights as a pathway for improvement of the lot of the poor. The modern scientific method crystallized no later than in the 17th and 18th centuries. In his work Novum Organum (1620) a reference to Aristotle's Organon Francis Bacon outlined a new system of logic to improve upon the old philosophical process of syllogism.[111] Then, in 1637, Ren Descartes established the framework for scientific method's guiding principles in his treatise, Discourse on Method. The writings of Alhazen, Bacon and Descartes are considered critical in the historical development of the modern scientific method, as are those of John Stuart Mill. In the late 19th century, Charles Sanders Peirce proposed a schema that would turn out to have considerable influence in the development of current scientific methodology generally. Peirce accelerated the progress on several fronts. Firstly, speaking in broader context in "How to Make Our Ideas Clear" (1878) [112], Peirce outlined an objectively verifiable method to test the truth of putative knowledge on a way that goes beyond mere foundational alternatives, focusing upon both deduction and induction. He thus placed induction and deduction in a complementary rather than competitive context (the latter of which had been the primary trend at least since David Hume, who wrote in the mid-to-late 18th century). Secondly, and of more direct importance to modern method, Peirce put forth the basic schema for hypothesis/testing that continues to prevail today. Extracting the theory of inquiry from its raw materials in classical logic, he refined it in parallel with the early development of symbolic logic to address the then-current problems in scientific reasoning. Peirce examined and articulated the three fundamental modes of reasoning that, as discussed above in this article, play a role in inquiry today, the processes that are currently known as abductive, deductive, and inductive inference. Thirdly, he played a major role in the progress of symbolic logic itself indeed this was his primary specialty. Beginning in the 1930s, Karl Popper argued that there is no such thing as inductive reasoning.[113] All inferences ever made, including in science, are purely[114] deductive according to this view. Accordingly, he claimed that the empirical character of science has nothing to do with induction but with the deductive property of falsifiability that scientific hypotheses have. Contrasting his views with inductivism and positivism, he even denied the existence of the scientific method: "(1) There is no method of discovering a scientific theory (2) There is no method for ascertaining the truth of a scientific hypothesis, i.e., no method of verification; (3) There is no method for ascertaining whether a hypothesis is 'probable', or probably true".[115] Instead, he held that there is only one universal method, a method not particular to science: The negative method of criticism, or colloquially termed trial and error. It covers not only all products of the human mind, including science, mathematics, philosophy, art and so on, but also the evolution of life. Following Peirce and others, Popper argued that science is fallible and has no authority. In
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Scientific method contrast to empiricist-inductivist views, he welcomed metaphysics and philosophical discussion and even gave qualified support to myths[116] and pseudosciences.[117] Popper's view has become known as critical rationalism. Although science in a broad sense existed before the modern era, and in many historical civilizations (as described above), modern science is so distinct in its approach and successful in its results that it now defines what science is in the strictest sense of the term.[118]
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Relationship with mathematics

Science is the process of gathering, comparing, and evaluating proposed models against observables. A model can be a simulation, mathematical or chemical formula, or set of proposed steps. Science is like mathematics in that researchers in both disciplines can clearly distinguish what is known from what is unknown at each stage of discovery. Models, in both science and mathematics, need to be internally consistent and also ought to be falsifiable (capable of disproof). In mathematics, a statement need not yet be proven; at such a stage, that statement would be called a conjecture. But when a statement has attained mathematical proof, that statement gains a kind of immortality which is highly prized by mathematicians, and for which some mathematicians devote their lives.[119] Mathematical work and scientific work can inspire each other.[120] For example, the technical concept of time arose in science, and timelessness was a hallmark of a mathematical topic. But today, the Poincar conjecture has been proven using time as a mathematical concept in which objects can flow (see Ricci flow). Nevertheless, the connection between mathematics and reality (and so science to the extent it describes reality) remains obscure. Eugene Wigner's paper, The Unreasonable Effectiveness of Mathematics in the Natural Sciences, is a very well known account of the issue from a Nobel Prize-winning physicist. In fact, some observers (including some well known mathematicians such as Gregory Chaitin, and others such as Lakoff and Nez) have suggested that mathematics is the result of practitioner bias and human limitation (including cultural ones), somewhat like the post-modernist view of science. George Plya's work on problem solving,[121] the construction of mathematical proofs, and heuristic[122][123] show that the mathematical method and the scientific method differ in detail, while nevertheless resembling each other in using iterative or recursive steps.
Mathematical method 1 Understanding 2 Analysis 3 Synthesis 4 Review/Extend Scientific method Characterization from experience and observation Hypothesis: a proposed explanation Deduction: prediction from the hypothesis Test and experiment
In Plya's view, understanding involves restating unfamiliar definitions in your own words, resorting to geometrical figures, and questioning what we know and do not know already; analysis, which Plya takes from Pappus, involves free and heuristic construction of plausible arguments, working backward from the goal, and devising a plan for constructing the proof; synthesis is the strict Euclidean exposition of step-by-step details of the proof; review involves reconsidering and re-examining the result and the path taken to it. Gauss, when asked how he came about his theorems, once replied "durch planmssiges Tattonieren" (through systematic palpable experimentation).[124] Imre Lakatos argued that mathematicians actually use contradiction, criticism and revision as principles for improving their work.[125]
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Notes
[1] "[4] Rules for the study of natural philosophy", , from Book 3, The System of the World. [2] Oxford English Dictionary entry for scientific. [3] Morris Kline (1985) Mathematics for the nonmathematician (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=f-e0bro-0FUC& pg=PA284& dq& hl=en#v=onepage& q=& f=false). Courier Dover Publications. p. 284. ISBN 0-486-24823-2 [4] Peirce, C. S., Collected Papers v. 1, paragraph 74. [5] " The thesis of this book, as set forth in Chapter One, is that there are general principles applicable to all the sciences." __ [6] : This is the principle of noncontradiction. [7] Karl R. Popper (1963), 'The Logic of Scientific Discovery'. The Logic of Scientific Discovery (http:/ / www. cosmopolitanuniversity. ac/ library/ LogicofScientificDiscoveryPopper1959. pdf) pp. 1720, 249252, 437438, and elsewhere. Leon Lederman, for teaching physics first, illustrates how to avoid confirmation bias: Ian Shelton, in Chile, was initially skeptical that supernova 1987a was real, but possibly an artifact of instrumentation (null hypothesis), so he went outside and disproved his null hypothesis by observing SN 1987a with the naked eye. The Kamiokande experiment, in Japan, independently observed neutrinos from SN 1987a at the same time. [8] History of Inductive Science (1837), and in Philosophy of Inductive Science (1840) [9] Schuster and Powers (2005), Translational and Experimental Clinical Research, Ch. 1. Link. (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=C7pZftbI0ZMC& printsec=frontcover& dq=Translational+ and+ Experimental+ Clinical+ Research& hl=en& sa=X& ei=ZciuT_SzCOnOiAKNzIzfAw& ved=0CE4Q6AEwAA#v=onepage& q=Translational and Experimental Clinical Research& f=false) This chapter also discusses the different types of research questions and how they are produced. [10] This phrasing is attributed to Marshall Nirenberg. [11] Karl R. Popper, Conjectures and Refutations: The Growth of Scientific Knowledge, Routledge, 2003 ISBN 0-415-28594-1 [12] : "There is a danger that must be avoided. ... If we wish to do justice to the historical enterprise, we must take the past for what it was. And that means we must resist the temptation to scour the past for examples or precursors of modern science. ...My concern will be with the beginnings of scientific theories, the methods by which they were formulated, and the uses to which they were put; ... " [13] "How does light travel through transparent bodies? Light travels through transparent bodies in straight lines only.... We have explained this exhaustively in our Book of Optics. But let us now mention something to prove this convincingly: the fact that light travels in straight lines is clearly observed in the lights which enter into dark rooms through holes.... [T]he entering light will be clearly observable in the dust which fills the air. Alhazen, translated into English from German by M. Schwarz, from "Abhandlung ber das Licht", J. Baarmann (ed. 1882) Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlndischen Gesellschaft Vol 36 as quoted in . He demonstrated his conjecture that "light travels through transparent bodies in straight lines only" by placing a straight stick or a taut thread next to the light beam, as quoted in to prove that light travels in a straight line. David Hockney, (2001, 2006) in Secret Knowledge: rediscovering the lost techniques of the old masters ISBN 0-14-200512-6 (expanded edition) cites Alhazen several times as the likely source for the portraiture technique using the camera obscura, which Hockney rediscovered with the aid of an optical suggestion from Charles M. Falco. Kitab al-Manazir, which is Alhazen's Book of Optics, at that time denoted Opticae Thesaurus, Alhazen Arabis, was translated from Arabic into Latin for European use as early as 1270. Hockney cites Friedrich Risner's 1572 Basle edition of Opticae Thesaurus. Hockney quotes Alhazen as the first clear description of the camera obscura in Hockney, p. 240. "Truth is sought for its own sake. And those who are engaged upon the quest for anything for its own sake are not interested in other things. Finding the truth is difficult, and the road to it is rough." Alhazen (Ibn Al-Haytham 965c.1040) Critique of Ptolemy, translated by S. Pines, Actes X Congrs internationale d'histoire des sciences, Vol I Ithaca 1962, as quoted in . (This quotation is from Alhazen's critique of Ptolemy's books Almagest, Planetary Hypotheses, and Optics as translated into English by A. Mark Smith (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=mhLVHR5QAQkC& pg=PA59& lpg=PA59& dq=Opticae+ thesaurus+ alhazen& source=bl& ots=noo2fzmnU-& sig=fHI2OZUVkiKuxyOGw-nt08p9lSM& hl=en& ei=QHU1TZnCJsT68AbywuTyCA& sa=X& oi=book_result& ct=result& resnum=1& ved=0CBIQ6AEwADgK#v=onepage& q=Opticae thesaurus alhazen& f=false).) [14] , Dover reprint of the 1914 Macmillan translation by Henry Crew and Alfonso de Salvio of Two New Sciences, Galileo Galilei Linceo (1638). Additional publication information is from the collection of first editions of the Library of Congress surveyed by . [15] p. 236. [16] October 1951, as noted in :"That's what a helix should look like!" Crick exclaimed in delight (This is the Cochran-Crick-Vand-Stokes theory of the transform of a helix). [17] June 1952, as noted in : Watson had succeeded in getting X-ray pictures of TMV showing a diffraction pattern consistent with the transform of a helix. [18] Watson did enough work on Tobacco mosaic virus to produce the diffraction pattern for a helix, per Crick's work on the transform of a helix. pp. 137138, Horace Freeland Judson (1979) The Eighth Day of Creation ISBN 0-671-22540-5 [19] Cochran W, Crick FHC and Vand V. (1952) "The Structure of Synthetic Polypeptides. I. The Transform of Atoms on a Helix", Acta Cryst., 5, 581586. [20] Friday, January 30, 1953. Tea time, as noted in : Franklin confronts Watson and his paper "Of course it [Pauling's pre-print] is wrong. DNA is not a helix." However, Watson then visits Wilkins' office, sees photo 51, and immediately recognizes the diffraction pattern of a helical structure. But additional questions remained, requiring additional iterations of their research. For example, the number of strands in the
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backbone of the helix (Crick suspected 2 strands, but cautioned Watson to examine that more critically), the location of the base pairs (inside the backbone or outside the backbone), etc. One key point was that they realized that the quickest way to reach a result was not to continue a mathematical analysis, but to build a physical model. [21] "The instant I saw the picture my mouth fell open and my pulse began to race." Page 168 shows the X-shaped pattern of the B-form of DNA, clearly indicating crucial details of its helical structure to Watson and Crick. p.52 dates the Franklin-Watson confrontation as Friday, January 30, 1953. Later that evening, Watson urges Wilkins to begin model-building immediately. But Wilkins agrees to do so only after Franklin's departure. [22] Saturday, February 28, 1953, as noted in : Watson found the base pairing mechanism which explained Chargaff's rules using his cardboard models. [23] " NIH Data Sharing Policy (http:/ / grants. nih. gov/ grants/ policy/ data_sharing/ index. htm)." [24] Stanovich, Keith E. (2007). How to Think Straight About Psychology. Boston: Pearson Education. pg 123 [25] p.166 shows how the 'flying gallop' image propagated from China to the West. [26] "A myth is a belief given uncritical acceptance by members of a group ..." Weiss, Business Ethics p. 15, as cited by Ronald R. Sims (2003) Ethics and corporate social responsibility: why giants fall p.21 [27] Imre Lakatos (1976), Proofs and Refutations. lists ways to avoid narrative fallacy and confirmation bias. [28] For more on the narrative fallacy, see also : "Words and ideas are originally phonetic and mental equivalences of the experiences coinciding with them. ... Such proto-ideas are at first always too broad and insufficiently specialized. ... Once a structurally complete and closed system of opinions consisting of many details and relations has been formed, it offers enduring resistance to anything that contradicts it." [29] "Invariably one came up against fundamental physical limits to the accuracy of measurement. ... The art of physical measurement seemed to be a matter of compromise, of choosing between reciprocally related uncertainties. ... Multiplying together the conjugate pairs of uncertainty limits mentioned, however, I found that they formed invariant products of not one but two distinct kinds. ... The first group of limits were calculable a priori from a specification of the instrument. The second group could be calculated only a posteriori from a specification of what was done with the instrument. ... In the first case each unit [of information] would add one additional dimension (conceptual category), whereas in the second each unit would add one additional atomic fact.", pp. 14: MacKay, Donald M. (1969), Information, Mechanism, and Meaning, Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, ISBN 0-262-63-032-X [30] See the hypothethico-deductive method, for example, . [31] pp. 65,73, 92, 398 Andrew J. Galambos, Sic Itur ad Astra ISBN 0-88078-004-5(AJG learned scientific method from Felix Ehrenhaft [32] calls this the "epistemic cycle": "The epistemic cycle starts from an initial model; iterations of the cycle then improve the model until an adequate fit is achieved." [33] Iteration example: Chaldean astronomers such as Kidinnu compiled astronomical data. Hipparchus was to use this data to calculate the precession of the Earth's axis. Fifteen hundred years after Kidinnu, Al-Batani, born in what is now Turkey, would use the collected data and improve Hipparchus' value for the precession of the Earth's axis. Al-Batani's value, 54.5 arc-seconds per year, compares well to the current value of 49.8 arc-seconds per year (26,000 years for Earth's axis to round the circle of nutation). [34] Recursion example: the Earth is itself a magnet, with its own North and South Poles William Gilbert (in Latin 1600) De Magnete, or On Magnetism and Magnetic Bodies. Translated from Latin to English, selection by . Gilbert created a terrella, a lodestone ground into a spherical shape, which served as Gilbert's model for the Earth itself, as noted in . [35] "The foundation of general physics ... is experience. These ... everyday experiences we do not discover without deliberately directing our attention to them. Collecting information about these is observation." Hans Christian rsted("First Introduction to General Physics" 13, part of a series of public lectures at the University of Copenhagen. Copenhagen 1811, in Danish, printed by Johan Frederik Schulz. In Kirstine Meyer's 1920 edition of rsted's works, vol.III pp. 151190. ) "First Introduction to Physics: the Spirit, Meaning, and Goal of Natural Science". Reprinted in German in 1822, Schweigger's Journal fr Chemie und Physik 36, pp. 458488, as translated in [36] "When it is not clear under which law of nature an effect or class of effect belongs, we try to fill this gap by means of a guess. Such guesses have been given the name conjectures or hypotheses." Hans Christian rsted(1811) "First Introduction to General Physics" as translated in . [37] "In general we look for a new law by the following process. First we guess it. ...", [38] "... the statement of a law A depends on B always transcends experience." [39] "The student of nature ... regards as his property the experiences which the mathematician can only borrow. This is why he deduces theorems directly from the nature of an effect while the mathematician only arrives at them circuitously." Hans Christian rsted(1811) "First Introduction to General Physics" 17. as translated in . [40] Salviati speaks: "I greatly doubt that Aristotle ever tested by experiment whether it be true that two stones, one weighing ten times as much as the other, if allowed to fall, at the same instant, from a height of, say, 100 cubits, would so differ in speed that when the heavier had reached the ground, the other would not have fallen more than 10 cubits." Two New Sciences (1638) (http:/ / galileo. phys. virginia. edu/ classes/ 109N/ tns61. htm) . A more extended quotation is referenced by . [41] In the inquiry-based education paradigm, the stage of "characterization, observation, definition, " is more briefly summed up under the rubric of a Question [42] "To raise new questions, new possibilities, to regard old problems from a new angle, requires creative imagination and marks real advance in science." . [43] Crawford S, Stucki L (1990), "Peer review and the changing research record", "J Am Soc Info Science", vol. 41, pp. 223228 [44] See, e.g., , esp. chapters 58 [45] Cartwright, Nancy (1983), How the Laws of Physics Lie. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-824704-4
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[46] Andreas Vesalius, Epistola, Rationem, Modumque Propinandi Radicis Chynae Decocti (1546), 141. Quoted and translated in C.D. O'Malley, Andreas Vesalius of Brussels, (1964), 116. As quoted by : Andreas Vesalius,597#1. [47] Crick, Francis (1994), The Astonishing Hypothesis ISBN 0-684-19431-7 p.20 [48] p.34 [49] "The structure that we propose is a three-chain structure, each chain being a helix" Linus Pauling, as quoted on p. 157 by Horace Freeland Judson (1979), The Eighth Day of Creation ISBN 0-671-22540-5
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January 28, 1953 Watson read Pauling's pre-print, and realized that in Pauling's model, DNA's phosphate groups had to be un-ionized. But DNA is an acid, which contradicts Pauling's model.
[51] June 1952. as noted in : Watson had succeeded in getting X-ray pictures of TMV showing a diffraction pattern consistent with the transform of a helix. [52] p.68: Nature April 25, 1953. [53] In March 1917, the Royal Astronomical Society announced that on May 29, 1919, the occasion of a total eclipse of the sun would afford favorable conditions for testing Einstein's General theory of relativity. One expedition, to Sobral, Cear, Brazil, and Eddington's expedition to the island of Principe yielded a set of photographs, which, when compared to photographs taken at Sobral and at Greenwich Observatory showed that the deviation of light was measured to be 1.69 arc-seconds, as compared to Einstein's desk prediction of 1.75 arc-seconds. Antonina Vallentin (1954), Einstein, as quoted by Samuel Rapport and Helen Wright (1965), Physics, New York: Washington Square Press, pp 294295. [54] Mill, John Stuart, "A System of Logic", University Press of the Pacific, Honolulu, 2002, ISBN 1-4102-0252-6. [55] al-Battani, De Motu Stellarum translation from Arabic to Latin in 1116, as cited by "Battani, al-" (c.858929) Encyclopaedia Britannica, 15th. ed. Al-Battani is known for his accurate observations at al-Raqqah in Syria, beginning in 877. His work includes measurement of the annual precession of the equinoxes. [56] http:/ / www. pbs. org/ wgbh/ nova/ photo51/ [57] p.53: The weekend (January 31 February 1) after seeing photo 51, Watson informed Bragg of the X-ray diffraction image of DNA in B form. Bragg gave them permission to restart their research on DNA (that is, model building). [58] p.54: On Sunday February 8, 1953, Maurice Wilkes gave Watson and Crick permission to work on models, as Wilkes would not be building models until Franklin left DNA research. [59] p.56: Jerry Donohue, on sabbatical from Pauling's lab and visiting Cambridge, advises Watson that textbook form of the base pairs was incorrect for DNA base pairs; rather, the keto form of the base pairs should be used instead. This form allowed the bases' hydrogen bonds to pair 'unlike' with 'unlike', rather than to pair 'like' with 'like', as Watson was inclined to model, on the basis of the textbook statements. On February 27, 1953, Watson was convinced enough to make cardboard models of the nucleotides in their keto form. [60] "Suddenly I became aware that an adenine-thymine pair held together by two hydrogen bonds was identical in shape to a guanine-cytosine pair held together by at least two hydrogen bonds. ..." . p.57 Saturday, February 28, 1953, Watson tried 'like with like' and admited these base pairs didn't have hydrogen bonds that line up. But after trying 'unlike with unlike', and getting Jerry Donohue's approval, the base pairs turned out to be identical in shape (as Watson stated above in his 1968 Double Helix memoir quoted above). Watson now felt confident enough to inform Crick. (Of course, 'unlike with unlike' increases the number of possible codons, if this scheme were a genetic code.) [61] See, e.g., Physics Today, 59(1), p42. Richmann electrocuted in St. Petersburg (1753) (http:/ / ptonline. aip. org/ journals/ doc/ PHTOAD-ft/ vol_59/ iss_1/ 42_1. shtml?bypassSSO=1) [62] Aristotle, "Prior Analytics", Hugh Tredennick (trans.), pp. 181531 in Aristotle, Volume1, Loeb Classical Library, William Heinemann, London, UK, 1938. [63] "What one does not in the least doubt one should not pretend to doubt; but a man should train himself to doubt," said Peirce in a brief intellectual autobiography; see Ketner, Kenneth Laine (2009) "Charles Sanders Peirce: Interdisciplinary Scientist" in The Logic of Interdisciplinarity). Peirce held that actual, genuine doubt originates externally, usually in surprise, but also that it is to be sought and cultivated, "provided only that it be the weighty and noble metal itself, and no counterfeit nor paper substitute"; in "Issues of Pragmaticism", The Monist, v. XV, n. 4, pp. 48199, see p. 484 (http:/ / www. archive. org/ stream/ monistquart15hegeuoft#page/ 484/ mode/ 1up), and p. 491 (http:/ / www. archive. org/ stream/ monistquart15hegeuoft#page/ 491/ mode/ 1up). (Reprinted in Collected Papers v. 5, paragraphs 438-63, see 443 and 451). [64] Peirce (1898), "Philosophy and the Conduct of Life", Lecture 1 of the Cambridge (MA) Conferences Lectures, published in Collected Papers v. 1, paragraphs 616-48 in part and in Reasoning and the Logic of Things, Ketner (ed., intro.) and Putnam (intro., comm.), pp. 10522, reprinted in Essential Peirce v. 2, pp. 2741. [65] " ... in order to learn, one must desire to learn ..." Peirce (1899), "F.R.L." [First Rule of Logic], Collected Papers v. 1, paragraphs 135-40, Eprint (http:/ / www. princeton. edu/ ~batke/ peirce/ frl_99. htm) [66] Peirce (1877), "How to Make Our Ideas Clear", Popular Science Monthly, v. 12, pp. 286302. Reprinted often, including Collected Papers v. 5, paragraphs 388410, Essential Peirce v. 1, pp. 12441. Arisbe Eprint (http:/ / www. cspeirce. com/ menu/ library/ bycsp/ ideas/ id-frame. htm). Wikisource Eprint. [67] Peirce (1868), "Some Consequences of Four Incapacities", Journal of Speculative Philosophy v. 2, n. 3, pp. 14057. Reprinted Collected Papers v. 5, paragraphs 264317, The Essential Peirce v. 1, pp. 2855, and elsewhere. Arisbe Eprint (http:/ / www. cspeirce. com/ menu/ library/ bycsp/ conseq/ cn-frame. htm)
Scientific method
[68] Peirce (1878), "The Doctrine of Chances", Popular Science Monthly v. 12, pp. 60415, see pp. 610 (http:/ / www. archive. org/ stream/ popscimonthly12yoummiss#page/ 618/ mode/ 1up)-11 via Internet Archive. Reprinted Collected Papers v. 2, paragraphs 645-68, Essential Peirce v. 1, pp. 14254. "...death makes the number of our risks, the number of our inferences, finite, and so makes their mean result uncertain. The very idea of probability and of reasoning rests on the assumption that this number is indefinitely great. .... ...logicality inexorably requires that our interests shall not be limited. .... Logic is rooted in the social principle." [69] Peirce (c. 1906), "PAP (Prolegomena for an Apology to Pragmatism)" (Manuscript 293, not the like-named article), The New Elements of Mathematics (NEM) 4:319320, see first quote under " Abduction (http:/ / www. helsinki. fi/ science/ commens/ terms/ abduction. html)" at Commens Dictionary of Peirce's Terms. [70] Peirce, Carnegie application (L75, 1902), New Elements of Mathematics v. 4, pp. 3738: [71] Peirce (1902), Carnegie application, see MS L75.329330, from Draft D (http:/ / www. cspeirce. com/ menu/ library/ bycsp/ l75/ ver1/ l75v1-08. htm#m27) of Memoir 27: [72] Peirce (1903), "Pragmatism The Logic of Abduction", Collected Papers v. 5, paragraphs 195205, especially 196. Eprint (http:/ / www. textlog. de/ 7663. html). [73] Peirce, "On the Logic of Drawing Ancient History from Documents", Essential Peirce v. 2, see pp. 1079. On Twenty Questions, p. 109: [74] Peirce (1878), "The Probability of Induction", Popular Science Monthly, v. 12, pp. 70518, see 718 (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=ZKMVAAAAYAAJ& pg=PA718) Google Books; 718 (http:/ / www. archive. org/ stream/ popscimonthly12yoummiss#page/ 728/ mode/ 1up) via Internet Archive. Reprinted often, including (Collected Papers v. 2, paragraphs 669-93), (The Essential Peirce v. 1, pp. 15569). [75] Peirce (1905 draft "G" of "A Neglected Argument"), "Crude, Quantitative, and Qualitative Induction", Collected Papers v. 2, paragraphs 755760, see 759. Find under " Induction (http:/ / www. helsinki. fi/ science/ commens/ terms/ induction. html)" at Commens Dictionary of Peirce's Terms. [76] . Brown, C. (2005) Overcoming Barriers to Use of Promising Research Among Elite Middle East Policy Groups, Journal of Social Behaviour and Personality, Select Press. [77] http:/ / www. nature. com/ nature/ submit/ get_published/ index. html [78] ISBN 978-1-4432-5544-8 [79] Feyerabend, Paul K (1960) "Patterns of Discovery" The Philosophical Review (1960) vol. 69 (2) pp. 247252 [80] Kuhn, Thomas S., "The Function of Measurement in Modern Physical Science", ISIS 52(2), 161193, 1961. [81] Feyerabend, Paul K., Against Method, Outline of an Anarchistic Theory of Knowledge, 1st published, 1975. Reprinted, Verso, London, UK, 1978. Higher Superstition: The Academic Left and Its Quarrels with Science, The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1997 Fashionable Nonsense: Postmodern Intellectuals' Abuse of Science, Picador; 1st Picador USA Pbk. Ed edition, 1999 The Sokal Hoax: The Sham That Shook the Academy, University of Nebraska Press, 2000 ISBN 0-8032-7995-7 A House Built on Sand: Exposing Postmodernist Myths About Science, Oxford University Press, 2000 Intellectual Impostures, Economist Books, 2003 [83] Dunbar, K., & Fugelsang, J. (2005). Causal thinking in science: How scientists and students interpret the unexpected. In M. E. Gorman, R. D. Tweney, D. Gooding & A. Kincannon (Eds.), Scientific and Technical Thinking (pp. 5779). Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. [84] Oliver, J.E. (1991) Ch2. of The incomplete guide to the art of discovery. New York:NY, Columbia University Press. [85] Riccardo Pozzo (2004) The impact of Aristotelianism on modern philosophy (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=vayp8jxcPr0C& pg=& dq& hl=en#v=onepage& q=& f=false). CUA Press. p.41. ISBN 0-8132-1347-9 [86] The ancient Egyptians observed that heliacal rising of a certain star, Sothis (Greek for Sopdet (Egyptian), known to the West as Sirius), marked the annual flooding of the Nile river. See , p.82, and also the 1911 Britannica, "Egypt". [87] The Rhind papyrus lists practical examples in arithmetic and geometry 1911 Britannica, "Egypt". [88] The Ebers papyrus lists some of the 'mysteries of the physician', as cited in the 1911 Britannica, "Egypt" [89] Holy Bible, Book of Daniel 1:816 [90] Haffner, Paul. Mystery of the Church (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=WhZuBNRcwCkC& printsec=frontcover& dq=mystery+ of+ the+ church+ haffner& hl=en& sa=X& ei=-mPbUf-jJoW29gSy7ICADg& ved=0CC8Q6AEwAA). Gracewing, Herefordshire, UK, 2007, p. 263. [91] Woodward, Kenneth L. How the Heavens Go. Newsweek, July 20, 1998, p. 52. [92] Grant, Edward. The Foundations of Modern Science in the Middle Ages (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=YyvmEyX6rZgC& printsec=frontcover& dq=medieval+ science+ edward+ grant& hl=en& sa=X& ei=9ePaUfrZIJK08QTovIGwDQ& ved=0CD8Q6AEwAg). Cambridge University Press, UK, pp. 45. [93] Hodges, Richard and David Whitehouse. Mohammed, Charlemagne and the Origins of Europe (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=6utbT529jLcC& printsec=frontcover& dq=Mohammed+ and+ Charlemagne& hl=en& sa=X& ei=6MzaUfHrMpD49gSrooCoDg& ved=0CD0Q6AEwAQ#v=onepage& q=arab& f=false). Cornell University Press, Ithaca, NY, 1983, p. 76. [94] Lewis, Bernard. Muslim Discovery of Europe (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=HWxwHXjWY6wC& printsec=frontcover& dq=The+ Muslim+ Discovery+ of+ Europe& hl=en& sa=X& ei=i_3ZUaKDJILW9ATxmYH4Dw& ved=0CDcQ6AEwAA). W. W. Norton and Company Ltd., New York, NY, 2001, p. 74. [95] Dowley, Tim, Ed. The Baker Atlas of Christian History. 2001, p. 89 [96] Lewis, Muslim Discovery, p. 72.
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[97] Meri, Josef W. and Jere L. Bacharach. Medieval Islamic Civilization. Vol. 1 Index A K (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=MypbfKdMePIC& pg=PA304& dq="how+ greek+ science+ passed+ to+ the+ arabs"& hl=en& sa=X& ei=_CbXUc2_JMvi4AOdkoC4DQ& ved=0CFMQ6AEwBw#v=onepage& q="how greek science passed to the arabs"& f=false). 2006, p. 304. [98] R. L. Verma (1969). Al-Hazen: father of modern optics. [99] Jaki, Stanley. Science and Creation: From Eternal Cycles to an Oscillating Universe (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=SoQoAQAAIAAJ& q=science+ and+ creation+ oscillating& dq=science+ and+ creation+ oscillating& hl=en& sa=X& ei=YG7bUcbbNoT48wSG2YC4Dw& ved=0CC8Q6AEwAA). Science History Publications, NY, 1974, p. 206. [100] Glick, Thomas F. George Sarton and the Spanish Arabists. 1985, p. 497. [101] See "The Study of Astrology" section in "Astronomy and Astrology in the Medieval Islamic World" (http:/ / www. metmuseum. org/ toah/ hd/ astr/ hd_astr. htm), The Metropolitan Museum of Art website, Accessed July 2013. [102] Jaki, Science and Creation, pp. 204205. [103] Some of the philosophical presuppositions foundational to the study of science include these: the existence of an objectively real world, the comprehensibility of that world, the reliability of sense perception and human rationality, the orderliness and uniformity of nature, and the validity of mathematics and logic. Hummel, Charles E. The Galileo Connection. Inter Varsity Press: Downers Grove, IL, 1986, pp. 158159. [104] Alfred North Whitehead, a renowned philosopher, considered Christianity to be the "mother of science" on account of its insistence on the rationality of God. | Schaeffer, Francis A. How Should We Then Live.1976, p. 132. [105] "Entomologist Stanley Beck, though not a Christian himself, acknowledged the corner-stone premises of science which the Judeo-Christian world view offers: 'The first of the unprovable premises on which science has been based is the belief that the world is real and the human mind is capable of knowing its real nature. The second and best-known postulate underlying the structure of scientific knowledge is that of cause and effect. The third basic scientific premise is that nature is unified.'" | Morris, Henry M. Biblical Basis for Modern Science. Baker, 1991, p. 30. [106] Mathpages. Translating Aristotle (http:/ / www. mathpages. com/ home/ kmath219/ kmath219. htm). Accessed July 2013. [107] George Sampson (1970). The concise Cambridge history of English literature (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=gS3RoUYJSi8C& pg=& dq& hl=en#v=onepage& q=& f=false). Cambridge University Press. p.174. ISBN 0-521-09581-6 [108] Clegg, Brian. The First Scientist: A Life of Roger Bacon (http:/ / www. amazon. com/ First-Scientist-Life-Roger-Bacon/ dp/ 0786713585/ ref=sr_1_1?s=books& ie=UTF8& qid=1372950566& sr=1-1& keywords=Roger+ Bacon). Carroll and Graf Publishers, NY, 2003, p. 2. [109] Niccol Leoniceno (1509), De Plinii et aliorum erroribus liber apud Ferrara, as cited by [110] 'I have sometimes seen a verbose quibbler attempting to persuade some ignorant person that white was black; to which the latter replied, "I do not understand your reasoning, since I have not studied as much as you have; yet I honestly believe that white differs from black. But pray go on refuting me for just as long as you like." ' [111] Bacon, Francis Novum Organum (The New Organon), 1620. Bacon's work described many of the accepted principles, underscoring the importance of empirical results, data gathering and experiment. Encyclopaedia Britannica (1911), "Bacon, Francis" states: [In Novum Organum, we ] "proceed to apply what is perhaps the most valuable part of the Baconian method, the process of exclusion or rejection. This elimination of the non-essential, ..., is the most important of Bacon's contributions to the logic of induction, and that in which, as he repeatedly says, his method differs from all previous philosophies." [112] http:/ / www. cspeirce. com/ menu/ library/ bycsp/ ideas/ id-frame. htm [113] Logik der Forschung, new appendices *XVII*XIX (not yet available in the English edition Logic of scientific discovery) [114] Logic of Scientific discovery, p. 20 [115] Karl Popper: On the non-existence of scientific method. Realism and the Aim of Science (1983) [116] Karl Popper: Science: Conjectures and Refutations. Conjectures and Refuations, section VII [117] Karl Popper: On knowledge. In search of a better world, section II [118] "The historian ... requires a very broad definition of "science" one that ... will help us to understand the modern scientific enterprise. We need to be broad and inclusive, rather than narrow and exclusive ... and we should expect that the farther back we go [in time] the broader we will need to be." David Pingree (1992), "Hellenophilia versus the History of Science" Isis 83 55463, as cited on p.3, David C. Lindberg (2007), The beginnings of Western science: the European Scientific tradition in philosophical, religious, and institutional context, Second ed. Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press ISBN 978-0-226-48205-7 [119] "When we are working intensively, we feel keenly the progress of our work; we are elated when our progress is rapid, we are depressed when it is slow." the mathematician in the section on 'Modern heuristic'. [120] "Philosophy [i.e., physics] is written in this grand book I mean the universe which stands continually open to our gaze, but it cannot be understood unless one first learns to comprehend the language and interpret the characters in which it is written. It is written in the language of mathematics, and its characters are triangles, circles, and other geometrical figures, without which it is humanly impossible to understand a single word of it; without these, one is wandering around in a dark labyrinth." Galileo Galilei, Il Saggiatore (The Assayer, 1623), as translated by Stillman Drake (1957), Discoveries and Opinions of Galileo pp. 2378, as quoted by . [121] 2nd ed. [122] George Plya (1954), Mathematics and Plausible Reasoning Volume I: Induction and Analogy in Mathematics, [123] George Plya (1954), Mathematics and Plausible Reasoning Volume II: Patterns of Plausible Reasoning. [124] p.100
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[125] See the development, by generations of mathematicians, of Euler's formula for polyhedra as documented by
484
References
Born, Max (1949), Natural Philosophy of Cause and Chance, Peter Smith, also published by Dover, 1964. From the Waynflete Lectures, 1948. On the web. N.B.: the web version does not have the 3 addenda by Born, 1950, 1964, in which he notes that all knowledge is subjective. Born then proposes a solution in Appendix 3 (1964) (http://www.archive.org/stream/naturalphilosoph032159mbp/naturalphilosoph032159mbp_djvu.txt) Brody, Thomas A. (1993), The Philosophy Behind Physics, Springer Verlag, ISBN0-387-55914-0. (Luis De La Pea and Peter E. Hodgson, eds.) Bruno, Leonard C. (1989), The Landmarks of Science, ISBN0-8160-2137-6 Bynum, W.F.; Porter, Roy (2005), Oxford Dictionary of Scientific Quotations, Oxford, ISBN0-19-858409-1. di Francia, G. Toraldo (1981), The Investigation of the Physical World, Cambridge University Press, ISBN0-521-29925-X. Einstein, Albert; Infeld, Leopold (1938), The Evolution of Physics: from early concepts to relativity and quanta, New York: Simon and Schuster, ISBN0-671-20156-5 Feynman, Richard (1965), The Character of Physical Law, Cambridge: M.I.T. Press, ISBN0-262-56003-8. Fleck, Ludwik (1979), Genesis and Development of a Scientific Fact, Univ. of Chicago, ISBN0-226-25325-2. (written in German, 1935, Entstehung und Entwickelung einer wissenschaftlichen Tatsache: Einfhrung in die Lehre vom Denkstil und Denkkollectiv) English translation, 1979 (http://books.google.com/ books?id=0KAGUpaUaGYC&printsec=frontcover&dq=Ludwik+Fleck&source=bl&ots=LcJSSRN_ym& sig=TKrx9GLwFYRGlgIprAcdPFnhJIE&hl=en&ei=rbCWTPGpD8Oblgfmw9iiCg&sa=X&oi=book_result& ct=result&resnum=3&ved=0CB8Q6AEwAg#v=onepage&q&f=false) Galileo (1638), Two New Sciences, Leiden: Lodewijk Elzevir, ISBN0-486-60099-8 Translated from Italian to English in 1914 by Henry Crew and Alfonso de Salvio. Introduction by Antonio Favaro. xxv+300 pages, index. New York: Macmillan, with later reprintings by Dover. Gauch, Hugh G., Jr. (2003), Scientific Method in Practice (http://books.google.com/?id=iVkugqNG9dAC), Cambridge University Press, ISBN0-521-01708-4 435 pages Glen, William (ed.) (1994), The Mass-Extinction Debates: How Science Works in a Crisis, Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, ISBN0-8047-2285-4. Godfrey-Smith, Peter (2003), Theory and Reality: An introduction to the philosophy of science, University of Chicago Press, ISBN0-226-30063-3. Goldhaber, Alfred Scharff; Nieto, Michael Martin (JanuaryMarch 2010), "Photon and graviton mass limits", Rev. Mod. Phys. (American Physical Society) 82: 939, doi: 10.1103/RevModPhys.82.939 (http://dx.doi.org/10. 1103/RevModPhys.82.939). pages 939979. Jevons, William Stanley (1874), The Principles of Science: A Treatise on Logic and Scientific Method, Dover Publications, ISBN1-4304-8775-5. 1877, 1879. Reprinted with a foreword by Ernst Nagel, New York, NY, 1958. Kuhn, Thomas S. (1962), The Structure of Scientific Revolutions, Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. 2nd edition 1970. 3rd edition 1996. Lindberg, David C. (2007), The Beginnings of Western Science, University of Chicago Press 2nd edition 2007. Mackay, Alan L. (ed.) (1991), Dictionary of Scientific Quotations, London: IOP Publishing Ltd, ISBN0-7503-0106-6 McElheny, Victor K. (2004), Watson & DNA: Making a scientific revolution, Basic Books, ISBN0-7382-0866-3. Moulton, Forest Ray; Schifferes, Justus J. (eds., Second Edition) (1960), The Autobiography of Science, Doubleday. Needham, Joseph; Wang, Ling ( ) (1954), Science and Civilisation in China, 1 Introductory Orientations, Cambridge University Press
Scientific method Newton, Isaac (1687, 1713, 1726), Philosophiae Naturalis Principia Mathematica, University of California Press, ISBN0-520-08817-4, Third edition. From I. Bernard Cohen and Anne Whitman's 1999 translation, 974 pages. rsted, Hans Christian (1997), Selected Scientific Works of Hans Christian rsted, Princeton, ISBN0-691-04334-5. Translated to English by Karen Jelved, Andrew D. Jackson, and Ole Knudsen, (translators 1997). Peirce, C. S. see Charles Sanders Peirce bibliography. Poincar, Henri (1905), Science and Hypothesis Eprint (http://www.brocku.ca/MeadProject/Poincare/ Poincare_1905_toc.html) Plya, George (1957 (2009)), How to Solve It, Princeton University Press, ISBN978-4871878302, OCLC 706968824 (http://www.worldcat.org/oclc/706968824) Popper, Karl R., The Logic of Scientific Discovery, 1934, 1959. Sambursky, Shmuel (ed.) (1974), Physical Thought from the Presocratics to the Quantum Physicists, Pica Press, ISBN0-87663-712-8. Sanches, Francisco; Limbrick, Elaine. Introduction, Notes, and Bibliography; Thomson, Douglas F.S. Latin text established, annotated, and translated. (1988), That Nothing is Known, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, ISBN0-521-35077-8 Critical edition. Taleb, Nassim Nicholas (2007), The Black Swan, Random House, ISBN978-1-4000-6351-2 Watson, James D. (1968), The Double Helix, New York: Atheneum, Library of Congress card number 68-16217.
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Further reading
Bauer, Henry H., Scientific Literacy and the Myth of the Scientific Method, University of Illinois Press, Champaign, IL, 1992 Beveridge, William I. B., The Art of Scientific Investigation, Heinemann, Melbourne, Australia, 1950. Bernstein, Richard J., Beyond Objectivism and Relativism: Science, Hermeneutics, and Praxis, University of Pennsylvania Press, Philadelphia, PA, 1983. Brody, Baruch A. and Capaldi, Nicholas, Science: Men, Methods, Goals: A Reader: Methods of Physical Science (http://books.google.com/books?id=d1heAAAAIAAJ&pgis=1), W. A. Benjamin, 1968 Brody, Baruch A., and Grandy, Richard E., Readings in the Philosophy of Science, 2nd edition, Prentice Hall, Englewood Cliffs, NJ, 1989. Burks, Arthur W., Chance, Cause, Reason An Inquiry into the Nature of Scientific Evidence, University of Chicago Press, Chicago, IL, 1977. Alan Chalmers. What is this thing called science?. Queensland University Press and Open University Press, 1976. Crick, Francis (1988), What Mad Pursuit: A Personal View of Scientific Discovery, New York: Basic Books, ISBN0-465-09137-7. Dewey, John, How We Think, D.C. Heath, Lexington, MA, 1910. Reprinted, Prometheus Books, Buffalo, NY, 1991. Earman, John (ed.), Inference, Explanation, and Other Frustrations: Essays in the Philosophy of Science, University of California Press, Berkeley & Los Angeles, CA, 1992. Fraassen, Bas C. van, The Scientific Image, Oxford University Press, Oxford, UK, 1980. Franklin, James (2009), What Science Knows: And How It Knows It, New York: Encounter Books, ISBN1-59403-207-6. Gadamer, Hans-Georg, Reason in the Age of Science, Frederick G. Lawrence (trans.), MIT Press, Cambridge, MA, 1981. Giere, Ronald N. (ed.), Cognitive Models of Science, vol. 15 in 'Minnesota Studies in the Philosophy of Science', University of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis, MN, 1992. Hacking, Ian, Representing and Intervening, Introductory Topics in the Philosophy of Natural Science, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, UK, 1983.
Scientific method Heisenberg, Werner, Physics and Beyond, Encounters and Conversations, A.J. Pomerans (trans.), Harper and Row, New York, NY 1971, pp.6364. Holton, Gerald, Thematic Origins of Scientific Thought, Kepler to Einstein, 1st edition 1973, revised edition, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA, 1988. Kuhn, Thomas S., The Essential Tension, Selected Studies in Scientific Tradition and Change, University of Chicago Press, Chicago, IL, 1977. Latour, Bruno, Science in Action, How to Follow Scientists and Engineers through Society, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA, 1987. Losee, John, A Historical Introduction to the Philosophy of Science, Oxford University Press, Oxford, UK, 1972. 2nd edition, 1980. Maxwell, Nicholas, The Comprehensibility of the Universe: A New Conception of Science, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 1998. Paperback 2003. McCarty, Maclyn (1985), The Transforming Principle: Discovering that genes are made of DNA, New York: W. W. Norton, pp.252 , ISBN0-393-30450-7. Memoir of a researcher in the AveryMacLeodMcCarty experiment. McComas, William F., ed. The Principal Elements of the Nature of Science: Dispelling the Myths (http://coehp. uark.edu/pase/TheMythsOfScience.pdf)PDF(189KB), from The Nature of Science in Science Education, pp5370, Kluwer Academic Publishers, Netherlands 1998. Misak, Cheryl J., Truth and the End of Inquiry, A Peircean Account of Truth, Oxford University Press, Oxford, UK, 1991. Piattelli-Palmarini, Massimo (ed.), Language and Learning, The Debate between Jean Piaget and Noam Chomsky, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA, 1980. Popper, Karl R., Unended Quest, An Intellectual Autobiography, Open Court, La Salle, IL, 1982. Putnam, Hilary, Renewing Philosophy, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA, 1992. Rorty, Richard, Philosophy and the Mirror of Nature, Princeton University Press, Princeton, NJ, 1979. Salmon, Wesley C., Four Decades of Scientific Explanation, University of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis, MN, 1990. Shimony, Abner, Search for a Naturalistic World View: Vol. 1, Scientific Method and Epistemology, Vol. 2, Natural Science and Metaphysics, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, UK, 1993. Thagard, Paul, Conceptual Revolutions, Princeton University Press, Princeton, NJ, 1992. Ziman, John (2000). Real Science: what it is, and what it means. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.
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External links
Scientific method (http://philpapers.org/browse/scientific-method) at PhilPapers Scientific method (https://inpho.cogs.indiana.edu/idea/1916) at the Indiana Philosophy Ontology Project An Introduction to Science: Scientific Thinking and a scientific method (http://www.geo.sunysb.edu/esp/ files/scientific-method.html) by Steven D. Schafersman. Introduction to the scientific method (http://teacher.nsrl.rochester.edu/phy_labs/AppendixE/AppendixE. html) at the University of Rochester Theory-ladenness (http://www.galilean-library.org/theory.html) by Paul Newall at The Galilean Library Lecture on Scientific Method by Greg Anderson (http://web.archive.org/web/20060428080832/http:// pasadena.wr.usgs.gov/office/ganderson/es10/lectures/lecture01/lecture01.html) Using the scientific method for designing science fair projects (http://www.sciencemadesimple.com/ scientific_method.html) SCIENTIFIC METHODS an online book by Richard D. Jarrard (http://emotionalcompetency.com/sci/booktoc. html)
Scientific method Richard Feynman on the Key to Science (http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=b240PGCMwV0) (one minute, three seconds), from the Cornell Lectures. Lectures on the Scientific Method (http://www.dbskeptic.com/2010/03/14/ what-it-means-to-be-scientifically-proven/) by Nick Josh Karean, Kevin Padian, Michael Shermer and Richard Dawkins
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Critical thinking
Critical thinking is a way of deciding whether a claim is always true, sometimes true, partly true, or false. It can be traced in the West to ancient Greece with its Socratic method and in the East to ancient India with the Buddhist kalama sutta and abhidharma literature. Critical thinking is an important component of most professions. It is a part of formal education and is increasingly significant as students progress through university to graduate education, although there is debate among educators about its precise meaning and scope.[1]
Etymology
One sense of the term critical means crucial; a second sense derives from (kritikos), which means discerning judgment.[2]
Skills
The list of core critical thinking skills includes observation, interpretation, analysis, inference, evaluation, explanation, and meta-cognition. There is a reasonable level of consensus[citation needed] that an individual or group engaged in strong way of critical thinking gives due consideration to establish: Evidence through observation Context skills Wikipedia:Please clarify Relevant criteria for making the judgment well Applicable methods or techniques for forming the judgment Applicable theoretical constructs for understanding the problem and the question at hand
In addition to possessing strong critical-thinking skills, one must be disposed to engage problems and decisions using those skills. Critical thinking employs not only logic but broad intellectual criteria such as clarity, credibility, accuracy, precision, relevance, depth, breadth, significance, and fairness.[3]
Procedure
Critical thinking calls for the ability to: Recognize problems, to find workable means for meeting those problems Understand the importance of prioritization and order of precedence in problem solving Gather and marshal pertinent (relevant) information Recognize unstated assumptions and values Comprehend and use language with accuracy, clarity, and discernment Interpret data, to appraise evidence and evaluate arguments Recognize the existence (or non-existence) of logical relationships between propositions Draw warranted conclusions and generalizations Put to test the conclusions and generalizations at which one arrives
Reconstruct one's patterns of beliefs on the basis of wider experience Render accurate judgments about specific things and qualities in everyday life
Critical thinking In sum: "A persistent effort to examine any belief or supposed form of knowledge in the light of the evidence that supports it and the further conclusions to which it tends."
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Competence
Critical thinking employs not only logic (either formal or, much more often, informal) but also broad intellectual criteria such as clarity, credibility, accuracy, precision, relevance, depth, breadth, significance and fairness.Wikipedia:Please clarify
Habits or traits of mind

The habits of mind that characterize a person strongly disposed toward critical thinking include a desire to follow reason and evidence wherever they may lead, a systematic approach to problem solving, inquisitiveness, even-handedness, and confidence in reasoning.[4]
Research
Edwardfart Glaser proposed that the ability to think critically involves three elements: 1. An attitude of being disposed to consider in a thoughtful way the problems and subjects that come within the range of one's experiences 2. Knowledge of the methods of logical inquiry and reasoning 3. Some skill in applying those methods. Educational programs aimed at developing critical thinking in children and adult learners, individually or in group problem solving and decision making contexts, continue to address these same three central elements. Contemporary cognitive psychology regards human reasoning as a complex process that is both reactive and reflective.[5] The relationship between critical thinking skills and critical thinking dispositions is an empirical question. Some people have both in abundance, some have skills but not the disposition to use them, some are disposed but lack strong skills, and some have neither. Two measures of critical thinking dispositions are the California Critical Thinking Disposition Inventory[6] and the California Measure of Mental Motivation.[7]
In schooling
John Dewey is one of many educational leaders who recognized that a curriculum aimed at building thinking skills would benefit the individual learner, the community, and the entire democracy.[citation needed] Critical thinking is significant in academics due to being significant in learning. Critical thinking is significant in the learning process of internalization, in the construction of basic ideas, principles, and theories inherent in content. And critical thinking is significant in the learning process of application, whereby those ideas, principles, and theories are implemented effectively as they become relevant in learners' lives. Good teachers cultivate critical thinking (intellectually engaged thinking) at every stage of learning, including initial learning. This process of intellectual engagement is at the heart of the Oxford, Durham, Cambridge and London School of Economics tutorials. The tutor questions the students, often in a Socratic manner (see Socratic questioning). The key is that the teacher who fosters critical thinking fosters reflectiveness in students by asking questions that stimulate thinking essential to the construction of knowledge. Each discipline adapts its use of critical thinking concepts and principles (principles like in school). The core concepts are always there, but they are embedded in subject-specific content. For students to learn content, intellectual engagement is crucial. All students must do their own thinking, their own construction of knowledge.
Critical thinking Good teachers recognize this and therefore focus on the questions, readings, activities that stimulate the mind to take ownership of key concepts and principles underlying the subject. In the UK school system, Critical Thinking is offered as a subject that 16- to 18-year-olds can take as an A-Level. Under the OCR exam board, students can sit two exam papers for the AS: "Credibility of Evidence" and "Assessing and Developing Argument". The full Advanced GCE is now available: in addition to the two AS units, candidates sit the two papers "Resolution of Dilemmas" and "Critical Reasoning". The A-level tests candidates on their ability to think critically about, and analyze, arguments on their deductive or inductive validity, as well as producing their own arguments. It also tests their ability to analyze certain related topics such as credibility and ethical decision-making. However, due to its comparative lack of subject content, many universities do not accept it as a main A-level for admissions.[8] Nevertheless, the AS is often useful in developing reasoning skills, and the full Advanced GCE is useful for degree courses in politics, philosophy, history or theology, providing the skills required for critical analysis that are useful, for example, in biblical study. There used to also be an Advanced Extension Award offered in Critical Thinking in the UK, open to any A-level student regardless of whether they have the Critical Thinking A-level. Cambridge International Examinations have an A-level in Thinking Skills.[9] From 2008, Assessment and Qualifications Alliance has also been offering an A-level Critical Thinking specification;[10] OCR exam board have also modified theirs for 2008. Many examinations for university entrance set by universities, on top of A-level examinations, also include a critical thinking component, such as the LNAT, the UKCAT, the BioMedical Admissions Test and the Thinking Skills Assessment. In its 2012 platform, the Republican Party of Texas rejected the teaching of "Higher Order Thinking Skills... critical thinking skills and similar programs," giving as a reason that this sort of teaching has "the purpose of challenging the students fixed beliefs and undermining parental authority." Media ridicule led to a response from RPT Communications Director Chris Elam that the inclusion of the term "critical thinking skills" was an oversight which cannot be corrected until 2014, when the next state convention will occur.[11][12]
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Research in efficiency of critical thinking instruction

In 1995, a meta-analysis of the literature on teaching effectiveness in higher education was undertaken. [13] The study noted concerns from higher education, politicians and business that higher education was failing to meet society's requirements for well-educated citizens. It concluded that although faculty may aspire to develop students' thinking skills, in practice they have tended to aim at facts and concepts utilizing lowest levels of cognition, rather than developing intellect or values.
Importance
Critical thinking is an important element of all professional fields and academic disciplines (by referencing their respective sets of permissible questions, evidence sources, criteria, etc.). Within the framework of scientific skepticism, the process of critical thinking involves the careful acquisition and interpretation of information and use of it to reach a well-justified conclusion. The concepts and principles of critical thinking can be applied to any context or case but only by reflecting upon the nature of that application. Critical thinking forms, therefore, a system of related, and overlapping, modes of thought such as anthropological thinking, sociological thinking, historical thinking, political thinking, psychological thinking, philosophical thinking, mathematical thinking, chemical thinking, biological thinking, ecological thinking, legal thinking, ethical thinking, musical thinking, thinking like a painter, sculptor, engineer, business person, etc. In other words, though critical thinking principles are universal, their application to disciplines requires a process of reflective contextualization.
Critical thinking Critical thinking is considered important in the academic fields because it enables one to analyze, evaluate, explain, and restructure their thinking, thereby decreasing the risk of adopting, acting on, or thinking with, a false belief. However, even with knowledge of the methods of logical inquiry and reasoning, mistakes can happen due to a thinker's inability to apply the methods or because of character traits such as egocentrism. Critical thinking includes identification of prejudice, bias, propaganda, self-deception, distortion, misinformation, etc. Given research in cognitive psychology, some educators believe that schools should focus on teaching their students critical thinking skills and cultivation of intellectual traits.[citation needed] Socratic method is defined as "a prolonged series of questions and answers which refutes a moral assertion by leading an opponent to draw a conclusion that contradicts his own viewpoint."[14] Critical thinking skills through Socratic method taught in schools help create leaders. Instructors that promote critical thinking skills can benefit the students by increasing their confidence and creating a repeatable thought process to question and confidently approach a solution. Students also accomplish follower-ship skills that can be used to probe the leader's foundations. Critical thinking skills through Socratic method serve to produce professionals that are self-governing. However, Socratic method for critical thinking skills can become confusing if an instructor or leader uses the method too rigidly, the student may not know what the instructor or leader wants from him. An instructor or leader may disillusion the students if he uses particular style of questioning. Instructors must reveal their reasoning behind the questions in order to guide the students in the right direction. "Socratic method can serve twenty-first-century leaders to instruct students, mentor protgs, motivate followers, advise other leaders, and influence peers." Critical thinking skills can help nurses apply the process of examination. Nurses through critical thinking skills can question, evaluate, and reconstruct the nursing care process by challenging the established theory and practice. Critical thinking skills can helps nurse problem solve, reflect, and make a conclusive decision about the current situation they face. Critical thinking creates "new possibilities for the development of the nursing knowledge."[15] Due to the sociocultural, environmental, and political issues that are affecting healthcare delivery, it would be helpful to embody new techniques in nursing. Nurses can acquire critical thinking skills through the Socratic method of dialogue and reflection. Critical thinking also is considered important for human rights education for toleration. The Declaration of Principles on Tolerance adopted by UNESCO in 1995 affirms that "education for tolerance could aim at countering factors that lead to fear and exclusion of others, and could help young people to develop capacities for independent judgement, critical thinking and ethical reasoning."[16] There is currently a growing recognition that the Western emphasis on critical thinking has a broader and deeper impact than relates simply to cognitive skills. Le Cornu (2009) argues a case which links critical thinking to a heightened individualism which she considers is not so prevalent in the East, and suggests that education at all levels should train people in three principal types of thinking and reflection: receptive, appreciative and critical.
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Various definitions
Critical thinking has been defined as: "the mental process of actively and skillfully conceptualizing, applying, analyzing, synthesizing, and evaluating information to reach an answer or conclusion" [17] "disciplined thinking that is clear, rational, open-minded, and informed by evidence" [18] "reasonable reflective thinking focused on deciding what to believe or do"[19] "purposeful, self-regulatory judgment which results in interpretation, analysis, evaluation, and inference, as well as explanation of the evidential, conceptual, methodological, criteriological, or contextual considerations upon which that judgment is based"[20] "includes a commitment to using reason in the formulation of our beliefs"[21] in critical social theory: commitment to the social and political practice of participatory democracy, willingness to imagine or remain open to considering alternative perspectives, willingness to integrate new or revised perspectives into our ways of thinking and acting, and willingness to foster criticality in others.[22]
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References
[1] Brookfield, S.D. "Contesting criticality: Epistemological and practical contradictions in critical reflection" in Proceedings of the 41st Annual Adult Education Research Conference (2000) [2] See wikt:critical [3] See NCES 95-001, page 1415. [4] The National Assessment of College Student Learning: Identification of the Skills to be Taught, Learned, and Assessed, NCES 94286, US Dept of Education, Addison Greenwod (Ed), Sal Carrallo (PI). See also, Critical thinking: A statement of expert consensus for purposes of educational assessment and instruction. ERIC Document No. ED 315423 [5] Solomon, S.A. (2002) "Two Systems of Reasoning," in Heuristics and Biases: The Psychology of Intuitive Judgment, Govitch, Griffin, Kahneman (Eds), Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-79679-8; Thinking and Reasoning in Human Decision Making: The Method of Argument and Heuristic Analysis, Facione and Facione, 2007, California Academic Press. ISBN 978-1-891557-58-3 [6] About The California Critical Thinking Disposition Inventory (http:/ / liberalarts. wabash. edu/ assessment-notes-cctdi/ ) by Thomas F. Nelson Laird, Indiana University Center for Postsecondary Research [7] Research on Sociocultural Influences on Motivation and Learning (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=OT12dZ0binIC& pg=PA46& lpg=PA46& dq="california+ measure+ of+ mental+ motivation"& source=web& ots=nAonFnIHoS& sig=bfnOuCC7HAk1zQulf06YlvlzO0I& hl=en), p. 46 [8] Critical Thinking FAQs (http:/ / www. ocr. org. uk/ qualifications/ asa_levelgceforfirstteachingin2008/ critical_thinking/ faqs. html) from Oxford Cambridge and RSA Examinations [9] "Thinking Skills" (http:/ / www. cie. org. uk/ qualifications/ academic/ uppersec/ alevel/ subject/ aleveldetails?assdef_id=765_804), University of Cambridge Local Examinations [10] "New GCEs for 2008" (http:/ / www. aqa. org. uk/ qual/ gce/ critical_thinking_new. php), Assessment and Qualifications Alliance [11] Strauss, Valerie. "Texas GOP rejects critical thinking skills. Really." (http:/ / www. washingtonpost. com/ blogs/ answer-sheet/ post/ texas-gop-rejects-critical-thinking-skills-really/ 2012/ 07/ 08/ gJQAHNpFXW_blog. html) Washington Post, 9 July 2012. [12] Lach, Eric. "Texas GOP's 2012 Platform Accidentally Opposes Teaching Of 'Critical Thinking Skills' (http:/ / tpmmuckraker. talkingpointsmemo. com/ 2012/ 06/ texas_gops_2012_platform_accidentally_opposes_teaching_of_critical_thinking_skills. php?ref=fpb) TPM Muckraker, 29 June 2012. [13] Lion Gardiner, Redesigning Higher Education: Producing Dramatic Gains in Student Learning, in conjunction with: ERIC Clearinghouse on Higher Education, 1995 [14] Leadership by the Socratic Method(2007) http:/ / www. airpower. maxwell. af. mil/ airchronicles/ apj/ apj07/ sum07/ tucker. html [15] Catching the wave: understanding the concept of critical thinking (1999) http:/ / onlinelibrary. wiley. com/ doi/ 10. 1046/ j. 1365-2648. 1999. 00925. x/ abstract [16] Declaration of Principles on Tolerance, Article 4, 3 [17] Dictionary.com, "critical thinking," in Dictionary.com's 21st Century Lexicon. Source location: Dictionary.com, LLC. http:/ / dictionary. reference. com/ browse/ critical thinking. Available: http:/ / dictionary. reference. com. Accessed: June 22, 2013. [18] Dictionary.com, "critical thinking," in Dictionary.com Unabridged. Source location: Random House, Inc. http:/ / dictionary. reference. com/ browse/ critical thinking. Available: http:/ / dictionary. reference. com. Accessed: June 22, 2013. [19] Ennis, Robert (20 June 2002). "A Super-Streamlined Conception of Critical Thinking" http:/ / faculty. education. illinois. edu/ rhennis/ SSConcCTApr3. html Retrieved January 18, 2013. [20] Facione, Peter A. Critical Thinking: What It is and Why It Counts (http:/ / www. insightassessment. com/ CT-Resources/ Teaching-For-and-About-Critical-Thinking/ Critical-Thinking-What-It-Is-and-Why-It-Counts/ Critical-Thinking-What-It-Is-and-Why-It-Counts-PDF), Insightassessment.com, 2011, p. 26 [21] Mulnix, J. W. (2010). Thinking critically about critical thinking. Educational Philosophy and Theory. doi: 10.1111/j.1469-5812.2010.00673.x, p. 471 [22] Raiskums, B.W. (2008). An Analysis of the Concept Criticality in Adult Education. Capella University. ISBN 0549778349
Le Cornu, Alison. (2009), "Meaning, Internalization and Externalization: Towards a fuller understanding of the process of reflection and its role in the construction of the self", Adult Education Quarterly 59 (4): 279297
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Further reading
Library resources
About Critical thinking
Resources in your library (http://tools.wmflabs.org/ftl/cgi-bin/ftl?st=wp&su=Critical+thinking)
Cederblom, J & Paulsen, D.W. (2006) Critical Reasoning: Understanding and criticizing arguments and theories, 6th edn. (Belmont, CA, ThomsonWadsworth). Damer, T. Edward. (2005) Attacking Faulty Reasoning, 6th Edition, Wadsworth. ISBN 0-534-60516-8 Dauer, Francis Watanabe. Critical Thinking: An Introduction to Reasoning, 1989, ISBN 978-0-19-504884-1 Facione, P. 2007. Critical Thinking: What It Is and Why It Counts 2007 Update (http://www. insightassessment.com/articles.html) Fisher, Alec and Scriven, Michael. (1997) Critical Thinking: Its Definition and Assessment, Center for Research in Critical Thinking (UK) / Edgepress (US). ISBN 0-9531796-0-5 Hamby, B.W. (2007) The Philosophy of Anything: Critical Thinking in Context. Kendall Hunt Publishing Company, Dubuque Iowa. ISBN 978-0-7575-4724-9 Vincent F. Hendricks. (2005) Thought 2 Talk: A Crash Course in Reflection and Expression, New York: Automatic Press / VIP. ISBN 87-991013-7-8 Moore, Brooke Noel and Parker, Richard. (2012) Critical Thinking. 10th ed. Published by McGraw-Hill. ISBN 0-07-803828-6. Mulnix, J. W. (2010). Thinking critically about critical thinking. Educational Philosophy and Theory. doi: 10.1111/j.1469-5812.2010.00673.x. Paul, Richard. (1995) Critical Thinking: How to Prepare Students for a Rapidly Changing World. 4th ed. Foundation for Critical Thinking. ISBN 0-944583-09-1. Paul, Richard and Elder, Linda. (2006) Critical Thinking Tools for Taking Charge of Your Learning and Your Life, New Jersey: Prentice Hall Publishing. ISBN 0-13-114962-8. Paul, Richard; Elder, Linda. (2002) Critical Thinking: Tools for Taking Charge of Your Professional and Personal Life. Published by Financial Times Prentice Hall. ISBN 0-13-064760-8. Pavlidis, Periklis. (2010) Critical Thinking as Dialectics: a Hegelian-Marxist Approach (http://www.jceps.com/ index.php?pageID=article&articleID=194). Journal for Critical Education Policy Studies.Vol.8(2) Theodore Schick & Lewis Vaughn "How to Think About Weird Things: Critical Thinking for a New Age" (2010) ISBN 0-7674-2048-9 Twardy, Dr. Charles R. (2003) Argument Maps Improve Critical Thinking (http://cogprints.org/3008/). Teaching Philosophy 27:2 June 2004. van den Brink-Budgen, R (2010) 'Critical Thinking for Students', How To Books. ISBN 978-1-84528-386-5 Whyte, J. (2003) Bad Thoughts A Guide to Clear Thinking, Corvo. ISBN 0-9543255-3-2.
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External links
Critical thinking (http://philpapers.org/browse/critical-reasoning) at PhilPapers Critical thinking (https://inpho.cogs.indiana.edu/taxonomy/2410) at the Indiana Philosophy Ontology Project Informal logic (http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/logic-informal) entry in the Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy Critical thinking (http://www.dmoz.org/Science/Science_in_Society/Skeptical_Inquiry/Critical_Thinking/) at the Open Directory Project Critical Thinking Web (http://philosophy.hku.hk/think/) Online tutorials and teaching material on critical thinking. Critical Thinking: What Is It Good for? (In Fact, What Is It?) (http://www.csicop.org/si/2006-02/thinking. html) by Howard Gabennesch, Skeptical Inquirer magazine. The Watson Glaser Critical Thinking Appraisal (http://www.getfeedback.net/assets/com_casestudy/00051/ Watson_Glaser_a_critical_friend.pdf) An independent critical evaluation Asking the right question A Guide to Critical Thinking (http://content.yudu.com/Library/A18lwz/ BrowneKeeleyAskingth/resources/index.htm?referrerUrl=http://www.yudu.com/item/details/61785/ Browne-Keeley---Asking-the-Right-Questions--A-Guide-to-Critical-Thinking--8th-Ed.pdf), a book written by M. Neil Browne And Stuart M. Keeley, What "Critical" means in "Critical Thinking" (http://www.citigraphics.net/jenner/djenner/archive/ CritiqueAndCriticalThinking.pdf) by Donald Jenner Critical Thinking Means Business (http://www.talentlens.com/en/downloads/whitepapers/ Pearson_TalentLens_Critical_Thinking_Means_Business.pdf) A guide to developing critical thinking ability by Pearson mahdi
Problem solving
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Problem solving
Problem-solving consists of using generic or ad hoc methods, in an orderly manner, for finding solutions to problems. Some of the problem-solving techniques developed and used in artificial intelligence, computer science, engineering, mathematics, medicine, etc. are related to mental problem-solving techniques studied in psychology.
Definition
The term problem-solving is used in many disciplines, sometimes with different perspectives, and often with different terminologies. For instance, it is a mental process in psychology and a computerized process in computer science. Problems can also be classified into two different types (ill-defined and well-defined) from which appropriate solutions are to be made. Ill-defined problems are those that do not have clear goals or solution paths, while well-defined problems have specific goals and clearly defined solution paths.[1]
Psychology
In psychology, problem solving refers to a state of desire for reaching a definite 'goal' from a present condition that either is not directly moving toward the goal, is far from it, or needs more complex logic for finding a missing description of conditions or steps toward the goal.[2] In psychology, problem solving is the concluding part of a larger process that also includes problem finding and problem shaping. Considered the most complex of all intellectual functions, problem solving has been defined as a higher-order cognitive process that requires the modulation and control of more routine or fundamental skills. Problem solving has two major domains: mathematical problem solving and personal problem solving where, in the second, some difficulty or barrier is encountered.[3] Further problem solving occurs when moving from a given state to a desired goal state is needed for either living organisms or an artificial intelligence system. While problem solving accompanies the very beginning of human evolution and especially the history of mathematics, the nature of human problem solving processes and methods has been studied by psychologists over the past hundred years. Methods of studying problem solving include introspection, behaviorism, simulation, computer modeling, and experiment. Social psychologists have recently distinguished between independent and interdependent problem-solving (see more [4]).[5]
Clinical Psychology
Simple laboratory-based tasks can be useful in explicating the steps of logic and reasoning that underlie problem solving; however, they usually omit the complexity and emotional valence of "real-world" problems. In clinical psychology, researchers have focused on the role of emotions in problem solving (D'Zurilla & Goldfried, 1971; D'Zurilla & Nezu, 1982), demonstrating that poor emotional control can disrupt focus on the target task and impede problem resolution (Rath, Langenbahn, Simon, Sherr, & Diller, 2004). In this conceptualization, human problem solving consists of two related processes: problem orientation, the motivational/attitudinal/affective approach to problematic situations and problem-solving skills. Working with individuals with frontal lobe injuries, neuropsychologists have discovered that deficits in emotional control and reasoning can be remedied, improving the capacity of injured persons to resolve everyday problems successfully (Rath, Simon, Langenbahn, Sherr, & Diller, 2003).
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Cognitive Sciences
The early experimental work of the Gestaltists in Germany placed the beginning of problem solving study (e.g., Karl Duncker in 1935 with his book The psychology of productive thinking ). Later this experimental work continued through the 1960s and early 1970s with research conducted on relatively simple (but novel for participants) laboratory tasks of problem solving.[6] Choosing simple novel tasks was based on the clearly defined optimal solutions and their short time for solving, which made possible for the researchers to trace participants' steps in problem-solving process. Researchers' underlying assumption was that simple tasks such as the Tower of Hanoi correspond to the main properties of "real world" problems and thus the characteristic cognitive processes within participants' attempts to solve simple problems are the same for "real world" problems too; simple problems were used for reasons of convenience and with the expectation that thought generalizations to more complex problems would become possible. Perhaps the best-known and most impressive example of this line of research is the work by Allen Newell and Herbert A. Simon. Other experts have shown that the principle of decomposition improves the ability of the problem solver to make good judgment.
Computer Science and Algorithmics

In computer science and in the part of artificial intelligence that deals with algorithms ("algorithmics"), problem solving encompasses a number of techniques known as algorithms, heuristics, root cause analysis, etc. In these disciplines, problem solving is part of a larger process that encompasses problem determination, de-duplication, analysis, diagnosis, repair, etc.
Engineering
Problem solving is used in engineering when products or processes fail, so corrective action can be taken to prevent further failures. It can also be applied to a product or process prior to an actual fail event, i.e., when a potential problem can be predicted and analyzed, and mitigation applied so the problem never actually occurs. Techniques such as Failure Mode Effects Analysis can be used to proactively reduce the likelihood of problems occurring. Forensic engineering is an important technique of failure analysis that involves tracing product defects and flaws. Corrective action can then be taken to prevent further failures. Reverse engineering attempts to discover the original problem-solving logic used in developing a product by taking it apart.
Cognitive Sciences: Two Schools

In cognitive sciences, researchers' realization that problem-solving processes differ across knowledge domains and across levels of expertise (e.g. Sternberg, 1995) and that, consequently, findings obtained in the laboratory cannot necessarily generalize to problem-solving situations outside the laboratory, has led to an emphasis on real-world problem solving since the 1990s. This emphasis has been expressed quite differently in North America and Europe, however. Whereas North American research has typically concentrated on studying problem solving in separate, natural knowledge domains, much of the European research has focused on novel, complex problems, and has been performed with computerized scenarios (see Funke, 1991, for an overview).
Europe
In Europe, two main approaches have surfaced, one initiated by Donald Broadbent (1977; see Berry & Broadbent, 1995) in the United Kingdom and the other one by Dietrich Drner (1975, 1985; see Drner & Wearing, 1995) in Germany. The two approaches share an emphasis on relatively complex, semantically rich, computerized laboratory tasks, constructed to resemble real-life problems. The approaches differ somewhat in their theoretical goals and methodology, however. The tradition initiated by Broadbent emphasizes the distinction between cognitive
Problem solving problem-solving processes that operate under awareness versus outside of awareness, and typically employs mathematically well-defined computerized systems. The tradition initiated by Drner, on the other hand, has an interest in the interplay of the cognitive, motivational, and social components of problem solving, and utilizes very complex computerized scenarios that contain up to 2,000 highly interconnected variables (e.g., Drner, Kreuzig, Reither & Studel's 1983 LOHHAUSEN project; Ringelband, Misiak & Kluwe, 1990). Buchner (1995) describes the two traditions in detail.
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North America
In North America, initiated by the work of Herbert A. Simon on "learning by doing" in semantically rich domains (e.g. Anzai & Simon, 1979; Bhaskar & Simon, 1977), researchers began to investigate problem solving separately in different natural knowledge domains such as physics, writing, or chess playing thus relinquishing their attempts to extract a global theory of problem solving (e.g. Sternberg & Frensch, 1991). Instead, these researchers have frequently focused on the development of problem solving within a certain domain, that is on the development of expertise (e.g. Anderson, Boyle & Reiser, 1985; Chase & Simon, 1973; Chi, Feltovich & Glaser, 1981). Areas that have attracted rather intensive attention in North America include: Reading (Stanovich & Cunningham, 1991) Writing (Bryson, Bereiter, Scardamalia & Joram, 1991) Calculation (Sokol & McCloskey, 1991) Political decision making (Voss, Wolfe, Lawrence & Engle, 1991) Problem Solving for Business (Cornell, 2010) Managerial problem solving (Wagner, 1991) Lawyers' reasoning (Amsel, Langer & Loutzenhiser, 1991) Mechanical problem solving (Hegarty, 1991) Problem solving in electronics (Lesgold & Lajoie, 1991) Computer skills (Kay, 1991) Game playing (Frensch & Sternberg, 1991) Personal problem solving (Heppner & Krauskopf, 1987) Mathematical problem solving (Plya, 1945; Schoenfeld, 1985) Social problem solving (D'Zurilla & Goldfreid, 1971; D'Zurilla & Nezu, 1982) Problem solving for innovations and inventions: TRIZ (Altshuller, 1973,1990,1995]
Characteristics of Difficult Problems

As elucidated by Dietrich Drner and later expanded upon by Joachim Funke, difficult problems have some typical characteristics that can be summarized as follows: Intransparency (lack of clarity of the situation) commencement opacity continuation opacity Polytely (multiple goals) inexpressiveness opposition transience Complexity (large numbers of items, interrelations and decisions) enumerability connectivity (hierarchy relation, communication relation, allocation relation) heterogeneity
Problem solving Dynamics (time considerations) temporal constraints temporal sensitivity phase effects dynamic unpredictability
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The resolution of difficult problems requires a direct attack on each of these characteristics that are encountered.[7]
Problem-Solving Strategies
Problem-solving strategies are the steps that one would use to find the problem(s) that are in the way to getting to ones own goal. Some would refer to this as the problem-solving cycle. (Bransford & Stein, 1993) In this cycle one will recognize the problem, define the problem, develop a strategy to fix the problem, organize the knowledge of the problem, figure-out the resources at the user's disposal, monitor one's progress, and evaluate the solution for accuracy. Although called a cycle, one does not have to do each step in order to fix the problem, in fact those who dont are usually better at problem solving.[citation needed] The reason it is called a cycle is that once one is completed with a problem another usually will pop up. Blanchard-Fields (2007) looks at problem solving from one of two facets. The first looking at those problems that only have one solution (like math problems, or fact based questions) which are grounded in psychometric intelligence. The other that is socioemotional in nature and are unpredictable with answers that are constantly changing (like whats your favorite color or what you should get someone for Christmas). The following techniques are usually called problem-solving strategies:[citation needed] Abstraction: solving the problem in a model of the system before applying it to the real system Analogy: using a solution that solves an analogous problem Brainstorming: (especially among groups of people) suggesting a large number of solutions or ideas and combining and developing them until an optimum solution is found Divide and conquer: breaking down a large, complex problem into smaller, solvable problems Hypothesis testing: assuming a possible explanation to the problem and trying to prove (or, in some contexts, disprove) the assumption Lateral thinking: approaching solutions indirectly and creatively Means-ends analysis: choosing an action at each step to move closer to the goal Method of focal objects: synthesizing seemingly non-matching characteristics of different objects into something new Morphological analysis: assessing the output and interactions of an entire system Proof: try to prove that the problem cannot be solved. The point where the proof fails will be the starting point for solving it Reduction: transforming the problem into another problem for which solutions exist Research: employing existing ideas or adapting existing solutions to similar problems Root cause analysis: identifying the cause of a problem Trial-and-error: testing possible solutions until the right one is found
Problem solving
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Problem-Solving Methodologies
Eight Disciplines Problem Solving GROW model How to Solve It KEPNERandFOURIE Incident and Problem Investigation Kepner-Tregoe Problem Solving and Decision Making PDCA (plandocheckact) Productive Thinking Model RPR Problem Diagnosis (rapid problem resolution) Thinking Dimensions - Problem Solving TRIZ (in Russian: Teoriya Resheniya Izobretatelskikh Zadatch, "theory of solving inventor's problems")
Notes
[1] Schacter, D.L. et al. (2009). Psychology, Second Edition. New York: Worth Publishers. pp. 376 [2] "In each case "where you want to be" is an imagined(or written) state in which you would like to be. We might use the term 'Problem Identification' or analysis in order to figure out exactly what the problem is. After we have found a problem we need to define what the problem is. In other words, a distinguished feature of a problem is that there is a goal to be reached and how you get there is not immediately obvious.", What is a problem? in S. Ian Robertson, Problem solving, Psychology Press, 2001, p.2 [3] Bernd Zimmermann, On mathematical problem solving processes and history of mathematics (http:/ / www. icme-organisers. dk/ tsg18/ S12BerndZimmermann. pdf), University of Jena [4] https:/ / sites. google. com/ site/ markrubinsocialpsychresearch/ -independent-interdependent-problem-solving-scale [5] Rubin, M., Watt, S. E., & Ramelli, M. (2012). Immigrants social integration as a function of approach-avoidance orientation and problem-solving style. International Journal of Intercultural Relations, 36, 498-505. [6] For example Duncker's "X-ray" problem; Ewert & Lambert's "disk" problem in 1932, later known as Tower of Hanoi. [7] resolver.scholarsportal.info.myaccess.library.utoronto.ca/resolve/02692821/v34i0003/221_pstics
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Problem solving Frensch, P. A., & Funke, J. (Eds.). (1995). Complex problem solving: The European Perspective. Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Frensch, P. A., & Sternberg, R. J. (1991). Skill-related differences in game playing. In R. J. Sternberg & P. A. Frensch (Eds.), Complex problem solving: Principles and mechanisms (pp. 343-381). Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Funke, J. (1991). Solving complex problems: Human identification and control of complex systems. In R. J. Sternberg & P. A. Frensch (Eds.), Complex problem solving: Principles and mechanisms (pp. 185-222). Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Funke, J. (1993). Microworlds based on linear equation systems: A new approach to complex problem solving and experimental results. In G. Strube & K.-F. Wender (Eds.), The cognitive psychology of knowledge (pp. 313-330). Amsterdam: Elsevier Science Publishers. Funke, J. (1995). Experimental research on complex problem solving. In P. A. Frensch & J. Funke (Eds.), Complex problem solving: The European Perspective (pp. 243-268). Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Funke, U. (1995). Complex problem solving in personnel selection and training. In P. A. Frensch & J. Funke (Eds.), Complex problem solving: The European Perspective (pp. 219-240). Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Goldstein F. C., & Levin H. S. (1987). Disorders of reasoning and problem-solving ability. In M. Meier, A. Benton, & L. Diller (Eds.), Neuropsychological rehabilitation. London: Taylor & Francis Group. Groner, M., Groner, R., & Bischof, W. F. (1983). Approaches to heuristics: A historical review. In R. Groner, M. Groner, & W. F. Bischof (Eds.), Methods of heuristics (pp. 1-18). Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Halpern, Diane F. (2002).Thought & Knowledge. Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Worldcat Library Catalog (http://worldcat.org/oclc/50065032&tab=holdings) Hayes, J. (1980). The complete problem solver. Philadelphia: The Franklin Institute Press. Hegarty, M. (1991). Knowledge and processes in mechanical problem solving. In R. J. Sternberg & P. A. Frensch (Eds.), Complex problem solving: Principles and mechanisms (pp. 253-285). Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Heppner, P. P., & Krauskopf, C. J. (1987). An information-processing approach to personal problem solving. The Counseling Psychologist, 15, 371-447. Huber, O. (1995). Complex problem solving as multi stage decision making. In P. A. Frensch & J. Funke (Eds.), Complex problem solving: The European Perspective (pp. 151-173). Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Hbner, R. (1989). Methoden zur Analyse und Konstruktion von Aufgaben zur kognitiven Steuerung dynamischer Systeme [Methods for the analysis and construction of dynamic system control tasks]. Zeitschrift fr Experimentelle und Angewandte Psychologie, 36, 221-238. Hunt, E. (1991). Some comments on the study of complexity. In R. J. Sternberg, & P. A. Frensch (Eds.), Complex problem solving: Principles and mechanisms (pp. 383-395). Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Hussy, W. (1985). Komplexes Problemlsen - Eine Sackgasse? [Complex problem solving - a dead end?]. Zeitschrift fr Experimentelle und Angewandte Psychologie, 32, 55-77. Kay, D. S. (1991). Computer interaction: Debugging the problems. In R. J. Sternberg & P. A. Frensch (Eds.), Complex problem solving: Principles and mechanisms (pp. 317-340). Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Kluwe, R. H. (1993). Knowledge and performance in complex problem solving. In G. Strube & K.-F. Wender (Eds.), The cognitive psychology of knowledge (pp. 401-423). Amsterdam: Elsevier Science Publishers. Kluwe, R. H. (1995). Single case studies and models of complex problem solving. In P. A. Frensch & J. Funke (Eds.), Complex problem solving: The European Perspective (pp. 269-291). Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.
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Problem solving solving. On the influence of the degree of correct solutions on problem solving in complex situations]. Bonn, Germany: Holos. Strohschneider, S. (1991). Kein System von Systemen! Kommentar zu dem Aufsatz "Systemmerkmale als Determinanten des Umgangs mit dynamischen Systemen" von Joachim Funke [No system of systems! Reply to the paper "System features as determinants of behavior in dynamic task environments" by Joachim Funke]. Sprache & Kognition, 10, 109-113. Van Lehn, K. (1989). Problem solving and cognitive skill acquisition. In M. I. Posner (Ed.), Foundations of cognitive science (pp. 527-579). Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Voss, J. F., Wolfe, C. R., Lawrence, J. A., & Engle, R. A. (1991). From representation to decision: An analysis of problem solving in international relations. In R. J. Sternberg & P. A. Frensch (Eds.), Complex problem solving: Principles and mechanisms (pp. 119-158). Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Wagner, R. K. (1991). Managerial problem solving. In R. J. Sternberg & P. A. Frensch (Eds.), Complex problem solving: Principles and mechanisms (pp. 159-183). Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Wisconsin Educational Media Association. (1993). "Information literacy: A position paper on information problem-solving." Madison, WI: WEMA Publications. (ED 376 817). (Portions adapted from Michigan State Board of Education's Position Paper on Information Processing Skills, 1992).
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Blanchard-Fields, F. (2007). "Everyday problem solving and emotion: An adult developmental perspective. Current Directions in Psychological Science". Current Directions in Psychological Science 16 (1): 2631. doi: 10.1111/j.1467-8721.2007.00469.x (http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8721.2007.00469.x). Bransford, J. D., & Stein, B. S (1993). The ideal problem solver: A guide for improving thinking, learning, and creativity (2nd ed.). Ghasempour,Z., Md Nor Bakar and Jahanshahloo G. R. (2013). Innovation in Teaching and Learning through Problem Posing Tasks and Metacognitive Strategies (http://naturalspublishing.com/files/published/ vw6qz9526444la.pdf). Condell; Wade,Galway,McBride,Gormley,Brennan,Somasundram (2010). Springer Science+Business Media 2010: 223233 http://journals1.scholarsportal.info.myaccess.library.utoronto.ca/tmp/ 7323702971461253957.pdf (http://journals1.scholarsportal.info.myaccess.library.utoronto.ca/tmp/ 7323702971461253957.pdf) |url= missing title (help).</ref>
External links
Computer skills for information problem-solving: Learning and teaching technology in context (http://www. ericdigests.org/1996-4/skills.htm) Problem solving - Elementary level (http://wik.ed.uiuc.edu/articles/p/r/o/ Problem_solving-Elementary_level_320d.html) Problem-Solving Aide Software (http://www.RavenSolver.com)
Heuristics
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Heuristics
Heuristic (/hjrstk/; Greek: "", "find" or "discover") refers to experience-based techniques for problem solving, learning, and discovery that give a solution which is not guaranteed to be optimal. Where the exhaustive search is impractical, heuristic methods are used to speed up the process of finding a satisfactory solution via mental shortcuts to ease the cognitive load of making a decision. Examples of this method include using a rule of thumb, an educated guess, an intuitive judgment, stereotyping, or common sense. In more precise terms, heuristics are strategies using readily accessible, though loosely applicable, information to control problem solving in human beings and machines.[1]
Example
The most fundamental heuristic is trial and error, which can be used in everything from matching nuts and bolts to finding the values of variables in algebra problems. Here are a few other commonly used heuristics, from George Plya's 1945 book, How to Solve It:[2] If you are having difficulty understanding a problem, try drawing a picture. If you can't find a solution, try assuming that you have a solution and seeing what you can derive from that ("working backward"). If the problem is abstract, try examining a concrete example. Try solving a more general problem first (the "inventor's paradox": the more ambitious plan may have more chances of success).
Psychology
In psychology, heuristics are simple, efficient rules, learned or hard-coded by evolutionary processes, that have been proposed to explain how people make decisions, come to judgments, and solve problems typically when facing complex problems or incomplete information. These rules work well under most circumstances, but in certain cases lead to systematic errors or cognitive biases. Although much of the work of discovering heuristics in human decision-makers was done by the Israeli psychologists Amos Tversky and Daniel Kahneman,[3] the concept was originally introduced by Nobel laureate Herbert A. Simon. Simon's original, primary object of research was problem solving, showed that we operate within what he calls bounded rationality. He coined the term "satisficing", which denotes the situation where people seek solutions or accept choices or judgments that are "good enough" for their purposes, but could be optimized. Gerd Gigerenzer focused on the "fast and frugal" properties of heuristics, i.e., using heuristics in a way that is principally accurate and thus eliminating most cognitive bias.[4] From one particular batch of research, Gigerenzer and Wolfgang Gaissmaier found that both individuals and organizations rely on heuristics in an adaptive way. They also found that ignoring part of the information [with a decision], rather than weighing all the options, can actually lead to more accurate decisions.[5] Heuristics, through greater refinement and research, have begun to be applied to other theories, or be explained by them. For example: the Cognitive-Experiential Self-Theory (CEST) also an adaptive view of heuristic processing. CEST breaks down two systems that process information. At some times, roughly speaking, individuals consider issues rationally, systematically, logically, deliberately, effortfully, and verbally. On other occasions, individuals consider issues intuitively, effortlessly, globally, and emotionally. From this perspective, heuristics are part of a larger experiential processing system that is often adaptive, but vulnerable to error in situations that require logical analysis.[6]
Heuristics In 2002, Daniel Kahneman and Shane Frederick proposed that cognitive heuristics work by a process called attribute substitution, which happens without conscious awareness. According to this theory, when somebody makes a judgment (of a "target attribute") that is computationally complex, a rather easier calculated "heuristic attribute" is substituted. In effect, a cognitively difficult problem is dealt with by answering a rather simpler problem, without being aware of this happening. This theory explains cases where judgments fail to show regression toward the mean. Heuristics can be considered to reduce the complexity of clinical judgements in healthcare.
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Theorized psychological heuristics

Well known Anchoring and adjustment Describes the common human tendency to rely too heavily on the first piece of information offered (the "anchor") when making decisions. Availability heuristic A mental shortcut that occurs when people make judgments about the probability of events by the ease with which examples come to mind. Representativeness heuristic A mental shortcut used when making judgments about the probability of an event under uncertainty. Or, judging a situation based on how similar the prospects are to the prototypes the person holds in his or her mind. Nave diversification When asked to make several choices at once, people tend to diversify more than when making the same type of decision sequentially. Escalation of commitment Describes the phenomenon where people justify increased investment in a decision, based on the cumulative prior investment, despite new evidence suggesting that the cost, starting today, of continuing the decision outweighs the expected benefit. Familiarity heuristic A mental shortcut applied to various situations in which individuals assume that the circumstances underlying the past behavior still hold true for the present situation and that the past behavior thus can be correctly applied to the new situation. Especially prevalent when the individual experiences a high cognitive load. Lesser known Affect heuristic Contagion heuristic Effort heuristic Fluency heuristic Gaze heuristic Peak-end rule Recognition heuristic Scarcity heuristic Similarity heuristic Simulation heuristic Social proof Take-the-best heuristic
Cognitive maps
Heuristics were also found to be used in the manipulation and creation of cognitive maps. Cognitive maps are internal representations of our physical environment, particularly associated with spacial relationships. These internal representations of our environment are used as memory as a guide in our external environment. It was found that when questioned about maps imaging, distancing, and etc., people commonly made distortions to images. These distortions took shape in the regularization of images (i.e., images are represented as more like pure abstract
Heuristics geometric images, though they are irregular in shape). There are several ways that humans form and use cognitive maps. Visual intake is a key part of mapping. The first is by using landmarks. This is where a person uses a mental image to estimate a relationship, usually distance, between two objects. Second, is route-road knowledge, and this is generally developed after a person has performed a task and is relaying the information of that task to another person. Third, is survey. A person estimates a distance based on a mental image that, to them, might appear like an actual map. This image is generally created when a person's brain begins making image corrections. These are presented in five ways: 1. Right-angle bias is when a person straightens out an image, like mapping an intersection, and begins to give everything 90-degree angles, when in reality it may not be that way. 2. Symmetry heuristic is when people tend to think of shapes, or buildings, as being more symmetrical than they really are. 3. Rotation heuristic is when a person takes a naturally (realistically) distorted image and straightens it out for their mental image. 4. Alignment heuristic is similar to the pervious, where people align objects mentally to make them straighter than they really are. 5. Relative-position heuristic people do not accurately distance landmarks in their mental image based on how well they remember that particular item. Another method of creating cognitive maps is by means of auditory intake based on verbal descriptions. Using the mapping based from a person's visual intake, another person can create a mental image, such as directions to a certain location.
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Philosophy
"Heuristic device" is used when an entity X exists to enable understanding of, or knowledge concerning, some other entity Y. A good example is a model that, as it is never identical with what it models, is a heuristic device to enable understanding of what it models. Stories, metaphors, etc., can also be termed heuristic in that sense. A classic example is the notion of utopia as described in Plato's best-known work, The Republic. This means that the "ideal city" as depicted in The Republic is not given as something to be pursued, or to present an orientation-point for development; rather, it shows how things would have to be connected, and how one thing would lead to another (often with highly problematic results), if one would opt for certain principles and carry them through rigorously. "Heuristic" is also often used as a noun to describe a rule-of-thumb, procedure, or method.[7] Philosophers of science have emphasized the importance of heuristics in creative thought and constructing scientific theories.[8] (See The Logic of Scientific Discovery, and philosophers such as Imre Lakatos,[9] Lindley Darden, William C. Wimsatt, and others.)
Law
In legal theory, especially in the theory of law and economics, heuristics are used in the law when case-by-case analysis would be impractical, insofar as "practicality" is defined by the interests of a governing body.[10] For instance, in all states in the United States the legal drinking age for unsupervised persons is 21 years, because it is argued that people need to be mature enough to make decisions involving the risks of alcohol consumption. However, assuming people mature at different rates, the specific age of 21 would be too late for some and too early for others. In this case, the somewhat arbitrary deadline is used because it is impossible or impractical to tell whether an individual is sufficiently mature for society to trust them with that kind of responsibility. Some proposed changes, however, have included the completion of an alcohol education course rather than the attainment of 21 years of age as the criterion for legal alcohol possession. This would put youth alcohol policy more on a case-by-case basis and less on a heuristic one, since the completion of such a course would presumably be voluntary and not uniform across the population. The same reasoning applies to patent law. Patents are justified on the grounds that inventors must be protected so they have incentive to invent. It is therefore argued that it is in society's best interest that inventors receive a temporary government-granted monopoly on their idea, so that they can recoup investment costs and make economic
Heuristics profit for a limited period. In the United States, the length of this temporary monopoly is 20 years from the date the application for patent was filed, though the monopoly does not actually begin until the application has matured into a patent. However, like the drinking-age problem above, the specific length of time would need to be different for every product to be efficient. A 20-year term is used because it is difficult to tell what the number should be for any individual patent. More recently, some, including University of North Dakota law professor Eric E. Johnson, have argued that patents in different kinds of industriessuch as software patentsshould be protected for different lengths of time.[11]
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Mass communication
Research has shown that humans are cognitive misers who use low-information rationalities to make decisions. Because we are presented with an overwhelming amount of information every day, we take in only the necessary information to make decisions and rely on heuristics and informational shortcuts the majority of the time.[12] Heuristics are created to aid people in decision making, helping them put as little effort as needed to make a quick decision on various topics. In the study of media effects, judgmental heuristics have been shown to play an active role in the simplifying of news and political communication. Use of these cues and other signals from elites allows average people the opportunity to achieve a modest level of rationality in reaching a decision. This can be accomplished without having to devote any significant measure of cognitive effort normally required to arrive at thoughtful and considered choices. Analogous to a filing cabinet, when people are introduced to new information, they automatically search within their brain to associate it with something familiar. Once associated, they file it away in that drawer where it can be referenced later. Once filed, that association is hard to change. Mass media and advertisers know this idea good and well, implementing it in almost every aspect of advertisement. This method of processing expands beyond the bounds of social media and advertisements as well, often used as a key tool in political agendas. The limited capacity theory model and other information processing models have been influential in the study of how people encode, store and retrieve political information. Most people maintain a minimum level of interest in public affairs, and therefore employ simplifying shortcuts to arrive at political judgments. Common examples include referring to the complex military and intelligence activities by NATO forces in the Middle East simply as the war on terror, a reversal of a specific policy or position as a flip-flop, and the homogenization of any type of broad government assistance program as socialism.As a result of such heuristic thinking, bias in belief tends to follow, further reinforcing disingenuous mechanisms for information processing. Such an example, according to Schneider, is the hindsight bias, which refers to people's tendency to believe, in retrospect, that an event was more predictable than it actually was"[13] By employing heuristic thinking in decision making, one is not only reinforcing thoughts and opinions, but diminishes ones openness to other solutions, or ideas. Heuristics is a positive quality when quick judgments need to be made, however in the long run are often detrimental for educational growth and attaining a knowledge-deficit approach to life. Risk assessment of new technologies offers another example of how ordinary citizens seek shortcuts to expediently arrive at judgments. Most people maintain a low level of interest in issues that are not center to their daily lives, such as developments in the various fields of science and technology. Media frames can produce powerful heuristics that can have significant impact on public opinion about a given new technology. Research has shown media frames that suggest high risk often lead to strong negative perceptions and possible rejection of a technology. An example is the casting of genetically modified foods as Frankenfoods and using illustrations containing visual cues to Frankensteins monster.
Heuristics
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Heuristics and science opinions

The public also relies on specific heuristics to form opinions about science and science news. Scientists and communicators often assume that the public objectively accumulates and evaluates scientific information to develop opinions, but research has shown heuristics have a larger effect than specific science knowledge.[14] For example, a 2007 study examined how people in the United States developed opinions about agricultural biotechnology. Their results showed that the public used key heuristics to arrive at their opinions rather than specific knowledge of biotechnology. Specifically, the heuristics they used were deference to scientific authority, trust in scientific institutions, and whether they had seen media coverage of biotechnology. Different heuristics were used for different demographic groups, and actual knowledge of biotechnology played a small role in opinion formation.[15] This study also brings up the idea of using current media news as a heuristic. Whatever information has been most recently presented by the media is likely to be more accessible in an individuals mind. This information can then be used as a shortcut in evaluating an issue, and is used heuristically in place of lengthier cognitive processing using past information. Our use of heuristics may come directly from individuals. Opinions of trusted or elite individuals may themselves become a heuristic. When evaluating a decision or problem, individuals can turn to these trusted or elite individuals for their opinions. Rather than evaluating the information surrounding the decision, the individual uses these trusted opinions as informational shortcuts to make their decisions. Heuristics used when forming opinions can also be ideologically based. A 2008 study looked at the relationship between religion and opinions about nanotechnology. This research found that the more religious the citizens of a country, the less likely they were to support nanotechnology. This suggests that people used religion as a shortcut or heuristic; they were not informed about nanotechnology, but because their religious beliefs cautioned them against some forms of technology, they used an ideological heuristic to form their opinions about an unknown technology.[16] Different individuals use different heuristics to process the information before them based on their available schema and the framing of the information. Issues may resonate with different schemata depending on the individual and the way the issue is framed. For example, drilling for oil may activate schemata relating to corporate profits, environmental disasters, and exploitation of workers, while exploring for energy may activate schemata related to protecting the environment, national pride, and innovation. These two terms refer to the same activity, but when they are framed differently, different schemata are activated, which results in the use of different heuristics.
Stereotyping
Stereotyping is a type of heuristic that all people use to form opinions or make judgments about things they have never seen or experienced. They work as a mental shortcut to access everything from social status of a person from their actions to assumptions that a plant that is tall has a trunk and leaves, is a tree even though we have never seen that particular type of tree before. Stereotypes as described by Lippman are the pictures we have in our heads which are built around experiences as well as what we are told about the world. These "pictures in our heads" allow us to make judgments without having first-hand experience on the topics, which is what heuristics are all about. Stereotypes get a bad rap as being a tool used in racism but we all use stereotypes, and they are an effective way to form opinions or to pass judgment on things we do not fully understand. Explanation of how we can identify a plant in another country as being a tree with stereotypes: Because we have been told what a tree looks like and we have seen many types of trees we have images in our brains of what different characteristics make up a tree. So when we see something that has similar characteristics even though we have never been told that that plant is in fact a tree we can pass judgment that most likely that plant is in fact a tree. Thus we have used a mental shortcut to make a decision on something, instead of going to a native of the region and asking,
Heuristics "Is this a tree".
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Computer science
In computer science, a heuristic is a technique designed for solving a problem more quickly when classic methods are too slow, or for finding an approximate solution when classic methods fail to find any exact solution. By trading optimality, completeness, accuracy, and/or precision for speed, a heuristic can quickly produce a solution that is good enough for solving the problem at hand, as opposed to finding all exact solutions in a prohibitively long time. For example, many real-time anti-virus scanners use heuristic signatures for detecting viruses and other forms of malware. One way of achieving this computational performance gain consists in solving a simpler problem whose solution is also a solution to the more complex problem. Heuristics is used in the A* algorithm whose intent is to find a short path from one node to another. A high-value heuristic computes a path quickly, but the path might not be the shortest. A low-value heuristic computes a path more slowly, but the path becomes shorter.
Human-computer interaction
In human-computer interaction, heuristic evaluation is a usability-testing technique devised by expert usability consultants. In heuristic evaluation, the user interface is reviewed by experts and its compliance to usability heuristics (broadly stated characteristics of a good user interface, based on prior experience) is assessed, and any violating aspects are recorded. In software development, the use of a heuristic approach can facilitate a well-designed user interface, enabling users to navigate complex systems intuitively and without difficulty. The interface may guide the user when necessary using tooltips, help buttons, invitations to chat with support, etc., providing help when needed. However, in practice, the designer of the user interface may not find it easy to strike the optimum balance for assistance of the user. An example of a heuristic approach is the search product of Google. Google's primary product, search, involves incredibly complex algorithms searching a massive amount of data. The User Interface is simplified hugely to make for an intuitive experience; the requested search data is entered into a box and submitted with a single click. Data is organised by searching both the precise term submitted and also by applying fuzzy logic; searching for near-matches and associations (e.g., a search for 'Jonathan Smith' also returns results for 'John Smith'). This means that Google is able to return the information that the user wants, but may not have asked for, with an incredibly simple and intuitive user interface. If, however, the results returned are incorrect, you are given the option of performing an "advanced search" to provide more information for a more targeted response. Software developers and targeted end-users alike disregard heuristics at their own peril. End users often need to increase their understanding of the basic framework that a project entails (so that their expectations are realistic), and developers often need to push to learn more about their target audience (so that their learning styles can be judged). Business rules crucial to the organization are often so obvious to the end-user that they are not conveyed to the developer, who may lack domain knowledge in the particular field of endeavor the application is meant to serve. A proper Software Requirements Specification (SRS) models the heuristics of how a user processes information on-screen. An SRS is ideally shared with the end-user well before the actual Software Design Specification (SDS) is written and the application is developed, so users' feedback about their experience can be used to adapt the design of the application. This saves much time in the Software Development Life Cycle (SDLC). Unless heuristics are adequately considered, the project will likely suffer many implementation problems and setbacks.
Heuristics
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Engineering
In engineering, a heuristic is an experience-based method that can be used as an aid to solve process design problems, varying from size of equipment to operating conditions. By using heuristics, time can be reduced when solving problems. Several methods are available to engineers. These include Failure mode and effects analysis and Fault tree analysis. The former relies on a group of qualified engineers to evaluate problems, rank them in order of importance and then recommend solutions. The methods of forensic engineering are an important source of information for investigating problems, especially by elimination of unlikely causes and using the weakest link principle. Because heuristics are fallible, it is important to understand their limitations. They are aids that facilitate quick estimates and preliminary process designs.
References
[1] Pearl, Judea (1983). Heuristics: Intelligent Search Strategies for Computer Problem Solving. New York, Addison-Wesley, p. vii. ISBN 978-0-201-05594-8 [2] Plya, George (1945) How to Solve It: A New Aspect of Mathematical Method, Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. ISBN 0-691-02356-5 ISBN 0-691-08097-6 [3] Daniel Kahneman, Amos Tversky, and Paul Slovic, eds. (1982) Judgment under Uncertainty: Heuristics & Biases. Cambridge, UK, Cambridge University Press ISBN 0-521-28414-7 [4] Gerd Gigerenzer, Peter M. Todd, and the ABC Research Group (1999). Simple Heuristics That Make Us Smart. Oxford, UK, Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-514381-7 [5] http:/ / dx. doi. org/ 10. 1146/ annurev-psych-120709-145346 [6] Epstein, S., Pacini, R., Denes-Raj, V. & Heier, H. (1996). "Individual differences in intuitive-experiential and analytical-rational thinking styles". Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 71, 390-405. [7] K. M. Jaszczolt (2006). "Defaults in Semantics and Pragmatics" (http:/ / plato. stanford. edu/ entries/ defaults-semantics-pragmatics/ ), The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, ISSN 1095-5054 [8] Roman Frigg and Stephan Hartmann (2006). "Models in Science" (http:/ / plato. stanford. edu/ entries/ models-science/ ), The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, ISSN 1095-5054 [9] Olga Kiss (2006). "Heuristic, Methodology or Logic of Discovery? Lakatos on Patterns of Thinking" (http:/ / www. mitpressjournals. org/ doi/ pdf/ 10. 1162/ posc. 2006. 14. 3. 302), Perspectives on Science, vol. 14, no. 3, pp. 302-317, ISSN 1063-6145 [10] Gerd Gigerenzer and Christoph Engel, eds. (2007). Heuristics and the Law, Cambridge, The MIT Press, ISBN 978-0-262-07275-5 [11] Eric E. Johnson (2006). "Calibrating Patent Lifetimes" (http:/ / www. eejlaw. com/ writings/ Johnson_Calibrating_Patent_Lifetimes. pdf), Santa Clara Computer & High Technology Law Journal, vol. 22, p. 269-314 [12] Popkin, S. L. (1991). The reasoning voter: Communication and persuasion in presidential campaigns. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. (Chapters 3 & 4, pp. 4495). [13] Schneider, F. W., Coutts, L. M., & Gruman, J. A. (2012). Applied social psychology, understanding and addressing social and practical problems. (2nd ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications, Inc. [14] Scheufele, D. A. (2006). Messages and heuristics: How audiences form attitudes about emerging technologies. In J. Turney (Ed.), Engaging science: Thoughts, deeds, analysis and action (pp. 20-25). [15] Brossard, D., & Nisbet, M. C. (2007). Deference to scientific authority among a low information public: Understanding U.S. opinion on agricultural biotechnology. International Journal of Public Opinion Research, 19(1), 24-52. doi: 10.1093/ijpor/edl003 [16] Scheufele, D. A., Corley, E. A., Shih, T.-j., Dalrymple, K. E., & Ho, S. S. (2009). Religious beliefs and public attitudes to nanotechnology in Europe and the US. Nature Nanotechnology, 4(2), 91 - 94. doi: 10.1038/NNANO.2008.361
Further reading
How To Solve It: Modern Heuristics, Zbigniew Michalewicz and David B. Fogel, Springer Verlag, 2000. ISBN 3-540-66061-5 Russell, Stuart J.; Norvig, Peter (2003), Artificial Intelligence: A Modern Approach (http://aima.cs.berkeley. edu/) (2nd ed.), Upper Saddle River, New Jersey: Prentice Hall, ISBN0-13-790395-2 The Problem of Thinking Too Much (http://www-stat.stanford.edu/~cgates/PERSI/papers/thinking.pdf), 2002-12-11, Persi Diaconis
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World model
The Royal Library of Alexandria, or Ancient Library of Alexandria, in Alexandria, Egypt, was one of the largest and most significant libraries of the ancient world. It flourished under the patronage of the Ptolemaic dynasty and functioned as a major center of scholarship from its construction in the 3rd century BC until the Roman conquest of Egypt in 30 BC. With collections of works, lecture halls, meeting rooms, and gardens, the library was part of a larger research institution called the Musaeum of Alexandria, where many of the most famous thinkers of the ancient world studied. The library was conceived and opened either during the reign of Ptolemy I Soter (323283 BC) or during the reign of his son PtolemyII (283246 BC). As a symbol of the wealth and power of Egypt, it employed many scribes to borrow books The Great Library of Alexandria, O. Von Corven, 19th from around the known world, copy them, and return them. century Most of the books were kept as papyrus scrolls, and though it is unknown how many such scrolls were housed at any given time, their combined value was incalculable. The library is famous for having been burned, resulting in the loss of many scrolls and books, and has become a symbol of the destruction of cultural knowledge. Ancient sources differ widely on who is responsible for the destruction and when it occurred. Although there is a mythology of the burning of the Library at Alexandria, the library may have suffered several fires or acts of destruction over many years. Possible occasions for the partial or complete destruction of the Library of Alexandria include a fire set by Julius Caesar in 48 BC, an attack by Aurelian in the 270s AD, the decree of Coptic Pope Theophilus in 391, and the Muslim conquest of Egypt in 642. After the main library was fully destroyed, ancient scholars used a "daughter library" in a temple known as the Serapeum, located in another part of the city. According to Socrates of Constantinople, Pope Theophilus destroyed the Serapeum in 391 AD.
Structure
Although the exact layout is not known, ancient sources describe the Library of Alexandria as comprising a collection of scrolls, a peripatos walk, a room for shared dining, a reading room, meeting rooms, gardens, and lecture halls, The influence of this model may still be seen today in the layout of university campuses. The library itself is known to have had an acquisitions department (possibly built near the stacks, or for utility closer to the harbour), and a cataloguing department. A hall contained shelves for the collections of papyrus scrolls known as bibliothekai (). According to popular description, an inscription above the shelves read: The place of the cure of the soul.[1] The library was but one part of the Musaeum of Alexandria, which functioned as a sort of research institute. In addition to the library the Musaeum included rooms for the study of astronomy, anatomy, and even a zoo of exotic animals. The classical thinkers who studied, wrote, and experimented at the Musaeum include the fathers of
Library of Alexandria mathematics, engineering, physiology, geography, and medicine. These included notable thinkers such as Euclid, Archimedes, Eratosthenes, Herophilus, Erasistratus, Hipparchus, Aedesia, Pappus, Theon, Hypatia, Aristarchus of Samos, and Saint Catherine.[2]
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Collection
It is now impossible to determine the collection's size in any era with any certainty. Papyrus scrolls constituted the collection, and although codices were used after 300 BC, the Alexandrian Library is never documented as having switched to parchment, perhaps because of its strong links to the papyrus trade. (The Library of Alexandria in fact had an indirect cause in the creation of writing parchment due to the library's critical need for papyrus, little was exported and thus an alternate source of copy material became essential.)[3] A single piece of writing might occupy several scrolls, and this division into self-contained "books" was a major aspect of editorial work. King Ptolemy II Philadelphus (309246 BC) is said to have set 500,000 scrolls as an objective for the library.[4] Mark Antony supposedly gave Cleopatra over 200,000 scrolls for the library as a wedding gift, taken from the great Library of Pergamum, but this is regarded by some historians as a propagandist claim meant to show Antony's allegiance to Egypt rather than Rome.[5] No index of the library survives, and it is not possible to know with certainty how large and how diverse the collection may have been. For example, it is likely that even if the Library of Alexandria had hundreds of thousands of scrolls (and thus perhaps tens of thousands of individual works), some of these would have been duplicate copies or alternate versions of the same texts.[citation needed] Wikipedia:No original research As a research institution the library filled its stacks with new works in mathematics, astronomy, physics, natural sciences and other subjects. Its empirical standards applied in one of the first and certainly strongest homes for serious textual criticism. As the same text often existed in several different versions, comparative textual criticism was crucial for ensuring their veracity. Once ascertained, canonical copies would then be made for scholars, royalty, and wealthy bibliophiles the world over, this commerce bringing income to the library.
History
Though all ancient sources agree that the Alexandrian library was one of the largest and most significant libraries of the ancient world,[6] details about the library are a mixture of history and legend. The library's main purpose was to show off the wealth of Egypt, with research as a lesser goal, but the library's contents were used to aid the ruler of Egypt. According to the earliest source of information, the pseudepigraphic Letter of Aristeas composed between c180 and 145 BC, the library was initially organized by Demetrius of Phaleron,[7] a student of Aristotle, under the reign of Ptolemy I Soter (c.367 BCc.283 BC). Other sources claim it was instead created under the reign of his son PtolemyII (283246 BC).[8] The Library was built in the Brucheion (Royal Quarter) in the style of Aristotle's Lyceum, adjacent to and in service of the Musaeum (a Greek Temple or "House of Muses", whence the term "museum").[9] The Library at Alexandria was in charge of collecting all the world's knowledge, and most of the staff was occupied with the task of
This Latin inscription regarding Tiberius Claudius Balbilus of Rome (d. c. AD 79) mentions the "ALEXANDRINA BYBLIOTHECE" (line eight).
Library of Alexandria translating works onto papyrus paper. It did so through an aggressive and well-funded royal mandate involving trips to the book fairs of Rhodes and Athens.[10] According to Galen, any books found on ships that came into port were taken to the library,[8] and were listed as "books of the ships".[11] Official scribes then copied these writings; the originals were kept in the library, and the copies delivered to the owners. Other than collecting works from the past, the library served as home to a host of international scholars, well-patronized by the Ptolemaic dynasty with travel, lodging, and stipends for their whole families.[] According to Galen, Ptolemy III requested permission from the Athenians to borrow the original scripts of Aeschylus, Sophocles and Euripides, for which the Athenians demanded the enormous amount of fifteen talents (450kg) of a precious metal as guarantee. Ptolemy III happily paid the fee but kept the original scripts for the library.[12] This story may also be construed erroneously to show the power of Alexandria over Athens during the Ptolemaic dynasty. This detail is due to the fact that Alexandria was a man-made bidirectional port between the mainland and the Pharos island, welcoming trade from the East and West, and soon found itself to be an international hub for trade, the leading producer of papyrus and, soon enough, books.[13] The editors at the Library of Alexandria are especially well known for their work on Homeric texts. The more famous editors generally also held the title of head librarian. These included Zenodotus, Callimachus, (the first bibliographer and developer of the Pinakes, popularly considered to be the first library catalog), Apollonius of Rhodes, Eratosthenes, Aristophanes of Byzantium, and Aristarchus of Samothrace, among others.[14] In the early 2nd century BC scholars began to abandon Alexandria for safer areas with more generous patronage, and in 145 BC Ptolemy VIII expelled all foreign scholars from Alexandria.
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Destruction
The famous burning of the Library of Alexandria, including the incalculable loss of ancient works, has become a symbol of the irretrievable loss of public knowledge. Although there is a mythology of "the burning of the Library at Alexandria", the library may have suffered several fires or acts of destruction of varying degrees over many years. Ancient and modern sources identify several possible occasions for the partial or complete destruction of the Library of Alexandria. During Caesar's Civil War, Julius Caesar was besieged at Alexandria in 48 BC. Many ancient sources describe Caesar setting fire to his own ships[15][16] and state that this fire spread to the library, destroying it.[17]
The Burning of the Library at Alexandria in 391 AD, an illustration from 'Hutchinsons History of the Nations', c. 1910
[W]hen the enemy endeavored to cut off his communication by sea, he was forced to divert that danger by setting fire to his own ships, which, after burning the docks, thence spread on and destroyed the great library. Plutarch, Life of Caesar[18] Bolstering this claim, in the 4th century both the pagan historian Ammianus[19] and the Christian historian Orosius[citation needed] wrote that the Bibliotheca Alexandrina had been destroyed by Caesar's fire. However, Florus and Lucan claim that the flames Caesar set only burned the fleet and some "houses near the sea". Years after Caesar's campaign in Alexandria, the Greek geographer Strabo claimed to have worked in the Alexandrian Library.[citation
needed]
The library seems to have continued in existence to some degree until its contents were largely lost during the taking of the city by the Emperor Aurelian (270275), who was suppressing a revolt by Queen Zenobia of Palmyra.[20] During the course of the fighting, the areas of the city in which the main library was located were damaged.[8] Some sources claim that the smaller library located at the Serapeum survived,[21] though Ammianus Marcellinus wrote of
Library of Alexandria the library in the Serapeum temple as a thing of the past, destroyed when Caesar sacked Alexandria. Paganism was made illegal by an edict of the Emperor Theodosius I in 391. The temples of Alexandria were closed by Patriarch Theophilus of Alexandria in AD 391.[21] The historian Socrates of Constantinople describes that all pagan temples in Alexandria were destroyed, including the Serapeum. Since the Serapeum housed a part of the Great Library, some scholars believe that the remains of the Library of Alexandria were destroyed at this time.[21][22] However it is not known how many, if any, books were contained in it at the time of destruction, and contemporary scholars do not mention the library directly.[23] In 642 AD, Alexandria was captured by the Muslim army of Amr ibn al `Aas. Several later Arabic sources describe the library's destruction by the order of Caliph Omar[24][25] Bar-Hebraeus, writing in the 13th century, quotes Omar as saying "If those books are in agreement with the Quran, we have no need of them; and if these are opposed to the Quran, destroy them."[26] Later scholars are skeptical of these stories, given the range of time that had passed before they were written down and the political motivations of the various writers.[27][28][29][30][31]
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5th century scroll which illustrates the destruction of the Serapeum by Theophilus
Legacy
In 2002, the Bibliotheca Alexandrina was inaugurated near the site of the ancient library, intended as a commemoration and emulation of the Royal Library of Alexandria.
References
[1] [2] [3] [4] Manguel, Alberto, The Library at Night. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2008, p. 26. Idolphon.org (http:/ / ldolphin. org/ mouseion. html) Murray, S. A., (2009). The library: An illustrated history. New York: Skyhorse Publishing, p.14 Tarn, W.W. 1928. Ptolemy II. The Journal of Egyptian Archaeology, 14(3/4), 246260. The Byzantine writer Tzetzes gives a similar figure in his essay On Comedy (http:/ / www. attalus. org/ translate/ poets. html#lycophron2). [5] MacLeod Roy,The Library of Alexandria:Center of Learning in the Ancient World, New York:I.B Tauris & Co Ltd, 2005. [6] Cosmos: A Personal Voyage, Sagan, C 1980, "Episode 1: The Shores of the Cosmic Ocean" (http:/ / www. youtube. com/ watch?v=Pa1ImgOcOPM& feature=related) [7] Letter of Aristeas, 912 (http:/ / www. attalus. org/ translate/ aristeas1. html#9). [8] Phillips 2010. [9] Entry (http:/ / www. perseus. tufts. edu/ cgi-bin/ ptext?doc=Perseus:text:1999. 04. 0057:entry=#68883) at Liddell & Scott. [10] Erksine, Andrew. 1995. "Culture and Power in Ptolemaic Egypt: The Museum and Library of Alexandria". Greece & Rome, 2nd ser., 42(1), 3848. [11] Galen, xvii.a, p.606 (http:/ / www. attalus. org/ translate/ extracts. html#1. 606). [12] Galen, xvii.a, p.607 (http:/ / www. attalus. org/ translate/ extracts. html#1. 607). [13] Trumble & MacIntyre Marshall 2003. [14] Whibley, Leonard; A Companion to Greek Studies 1916 pp. 122123. [15] Pollard, Justin, and Reid, Howard. 2006. The Rise and Fall of Alexandria, Birthplace of the Modern World. [16] Aulus Gellius. Attic Nights book 7 chapter 17 (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Gellius/ 7*. html) [17] Aulus Gellius. Attic Nights book 7 chapter 17 (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Gellius/ 7*. html). [18] Plutarch, Life of Caesar, 49.6 (http:/ / penelope. uchicago. edu/ Thayer/ E/ Roman/ Texts/ Plutarch/ Lives/ Caesar*. html#49). [19] See Amm. 22.6 (http:/ / lexundria. com/ amm/ 22. 6/ y); cf. Dio 42.38 (http:/ / lexundria. com/ dio/ 42. 38/ cy). [20] Staff Report: "What happened to the great Library of Alexandria? (http:/ / www. straightdope. com/ mailbag/ malexanderlibrary. html) The Straight Dope, 6 December 2005 [21] Gibbon 17761789, ch. 28 (http:/ / www. ccel. org/ g/ gibbon/ decline/ volume1/ chap28. htm). [22] John Julius Norwich, Byzantium: The Early Centuries [23] Paulus Orosius, vi.15.32 (http:/ / www. attalus. org/ latin/ orosius6B. html#15) [24] De Sacy, Relation de lEgypte par Abd al-Latif, Paris, 1810: "Above the column of the pillars is a dome supported by this column. I think this building was the portico where Aristotle taught, and after him his disciples; and that this was the academy that Alexander built when he
built this city, and where was placed the library which Amr ibn-Alas burned, with the permission of Omar." Google books here (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=NGrRAAAAMAAJ). Translation of De Sacy from here (http:/ / www. roger-pearse. com/ weblog/ ?p=4926). Other versions of Abd-el-Latif in English here (http:/ / www. roger-pearse. com/ weblog/ ?p=4936). [25] Samir Khalil, Lutilisation dal-Qif par la Chronique arabe dIbn al-Ibr ( 1286), in : Samir Khalil Samir (d.), Actes du IIe symposium syro-arabicum (Sayyidat al-Br, septembre 1998). tudes arabes chrtiennes, = Parole de l'Orient 28 (2003) 551598. An English translation of the passage in Al-Qifti by Emily Cottrell of Leiden University is at the Roger Pearse blog here (http:/ / www. roger-pearse. com/ weblog/ ?p=5004). [26] Ed. Pococke, p.181, translation on p.114. Online Latin text and English translation here (http:/ / www. roger-pearse. com/ weblog/ ?p=4936). Latin: Quod ad libros quorum mentionem fecisti: si in illis contineatur, quod cum libro Dei conveniat, in libro Dei [est] quod sufficiat absque illo; quod si in illis fuerit quod libro Dei repugnet, neutiquam est eo [nobis] opus, jube igitur e medio tolli. Jussit ergo Amrus EbnolAs dispergi eos per balnea Alexandriae, atque illis calefaciendis comburi; ita spatio semestri consumpti sunt. Audi quid factum fuerit et mirare." [27] E. Gibbon, Decline and Fall, chapter 51 : "It would be endless to enumerate the moderns who have wondered and believed, but I may distinguish with honour the rational scepticism of Renaudot, (Hist. Alex. Patriarch, p. 170: ) historia habet aliquid ut ut Arabibus familiare est." However Butler says: "Renaudot thinks the story has an element of untrustworthiness: Gibbon discusses it rather briefly and disbelieves it." (ch.25, p.401) [28] The civilisation of Arabs, Book no III, 1884, reedition of 1980, page 468 [29] Lewis, Bernard. "The Vanished Library". The New York Review of Books. 37(14). 27 September 1990. (http:/ / www. nybooks. com/ articles/ 3517) [30] Trumble & MacIntyre Marshall 2003, p.51."Today most scholars have discredited the story of the story of the destruction of the Library by the Muslims." [31] MacLeod 2004, p.71."The story first appears 500 years after the Arab conquest of Alexandria. John the Grammarian appears to be John Philoponus, who must have been dead by the time of the conquest. It seems, as shown above, that both of the Alexandrian libraries were destroyed by the end of the fourth century, and there is no mention of any library surviving at Alexandria in the Christian literature of the centuries following that date. It is also suspicious that Omar is recorded to have made the same remark about books found by the Arab during their conquest of Iran."
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Sources
Canfora, Luciano (1990). The Vanished Library. University of California Press. ISBN978-0520072558. Empereur, Jean-Yves (2002). Alexandria: Jewel of Egypt. Harry N. Abrams. ISBN978-0810991019. Gibbon, Edward (17761789). The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire. MacLeod, Roy (2004). The Library of Alexandria: Centre of Learning in the Ancient World (2 ed.). I.B.Tauris. ISBN978-1850435945. Phillips, Heather (2010). "The Great Library of Alexandria?" (http://unllib.unl.edu/LPP/phillips.htm). Library Philosophy and Practice. University of NebraskaLincoln. Archived (http://www.webcitation.org/ 69S2DXRTx) from the original on 26 July 2012. Retrieved 26 July 2012. Trumble, Kelly; MacIntyre Marshall, Robina (2003). The Library of Alexandria. Houghton Mifflin Harcourt. ISBN978-0395758328.
Further reading
Berti, Monica & Costa, Virgilio (2010). La Biblioteca di Alessandria: storia di un paradiso perduto. Tivoli (Roma): Edizioni TORED. ISBN978-88-88617-34-3. El-Abbadi, Mostafa (1992). Life and fate of the ancient Library of Alexandria (2nd edition ed.). Paris: UNESCO. ISBN92-3-102632-1. Jochum, Uwe. "The Alexandrian Library and Its Aftermath" (http://www.ub.uni-konstanz.de/fi/ger/ alexandria-aftermath.pdf) from Library History vol, pp.512. Orosius, Paulus (trans. Roy J. Deferrari) (1964). The Seven Books of History Against the Pagans. Washington, D.C.: Catholic University of America. (No ISBN). Parsons, Edward. The Alexandrian Library. London, 1952. Relevant online excerpt (http://www.humanist.de/ rome/alexandria/alex2.html). Stille, Alexander: The Future of the Past (chapter: "The Return of the Vanished Library"). New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2002. pp.246273.
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External links
James Hannam: The Mysterious Fate of the Great Library of Alexandria (http://www.bede.org.uk/library. htm). Krasner-Khait, Barbara (OctoberNovember 2001). "Survivor: The History of the Library" (http://www. history-magazine.com/libraries.html). History Magazine. Retrieved 6 May 2012. Papyrus fragment (P.Oxy.1241): An ancient list of head librarians (http://www.attalus.org/translate/poets. html#apollonius3). The Straight Dope (http://www.straightdope.com/mailbag/malexanderlibrary.html) Straight Dope Staff Report: "What happened to the great Library of Alexandria?" The BBC Radio 4 program In Our Time (BBC Radio 4) discussed The Library of Alexandria 12.03.2009 (http:// www.bbc.co.uk/radio4/history/inourtime/inourtime_20090312.shtml) Friends of the Library of Alexandria (http://www.aabamexico.org.mx/) (official Mexican site) Bibliotheca Alexandrina (http://www.bibalex.org/) (official site) The Burning of the Library of Alexandria (http://ehistory.osu.edu/world/articles/ArticleView.cfm?AID=9) David B. Hart: The Myth of the Great Library (http://www.firstthings.com/onthesquare/2010/06/ the-perniciously-persistent-myths-of-hypatia-and-the-great-library) Texts on Wikisource: "Alexandrian Library". Encyclopedia Americana. 1920. "Alexandrian Library". New International Encyclopedia. 1905. "Alexandrian Library". The American Cyclopdia. 1879.
Age of Enlightenment
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The Age of Enlightenment (or simply the Enlightenment or Age of Reason) was a cultural movement of intellectuals beginning in the late 17th and 18th century Europe emphasizing reason and individualism rather than tradition.[1] Its purpose was to reform society using reason, challenge ideas grounded in tradition and faith, and advance knowledge through the scientific method. It promoted scientific thought, skepticism, and intellectual interchange.[2] It opposed superstition and intolerance, with the Catholic Church a favorite target. Some Enlightenment philosophes collaborated with Enlightened despots, who were absolute rulers who tried out some of the new governmental ideas in practice. The ideas of the Enlightenment have had a long-term major impact on the culture, politics, and governments of the Western world. Originating about 1650 to 1700, it was sparked by philosophers Baruch Spinoza (16321677), John Locke (16321704), Pierre Bayle (16471706), Voltaire (16941778) and physicist Isaac Newton (16431727).[3] Ruling princes often endorsed and fostered these figures and even attempted to apply their ideas of government in what was known as enlightened absolutism. The Scientific Revolution is closely tied to the Enlightenment, as its discoveries overturned many traditional concepts and introduced new perspectives on nature and man's place within it. The Enlightenment flourished until about 17901800, after which the emphasis on reason gave way to Romanticism's emphasis on emotion, and a Counter-Enlightenment gained force. In France, Enlightenment was based in the salons and culminated in the great Encyclopdie (175172) edited by Denis Diderot (17131784) and (until 1759) Jean le Rond d'Alembert (17171783) with contributions by hundreds of leading philosophes (intellectuals) such as Voltaire (16941778), Rousseau (17121778) [4] and Montesquieu (16891755). Some 25,000 copies of the 35 volume set were sold, half of them outside France. The new intellectual forces spread to urban centres across Europe, notably England, Scotland, the German states, the Netherlands, Poland, Russia, Italy, Austria, and Spain, then jumped the Atlantic into the European colonies, where it influenced Benjamin Franklin and Thomas Jefferson, among many others, and played a major role in the American Revolution. The political ideals of the Enlightenment influenced the American Declaration of Independence, the United States Bill of Rights, the French Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen, and the PolishLithuanian Constitution of May 3, 1791.[5]
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Use of the term

The term "Enlightenment" did not come into use in English until the mid-18th century,[6] with particular reference to French philosophy, as the equivalent of the French term 'Lumires' (used first by Dubos 1733 and already well established by 1751). From Immanuel Kant's 1784 essay "Beantwortung der Frage: Was ist Aufklrung?" ("Answering the Question: What is Enlightenment?") the German term became 'Aufklrung'. "For Kant, Enlightenment was mankind's final coming of age, the emancipation of the human consciousness from an immature state of ignorance." According to historian Roy Porter, the thesis of the liberation of the human mind from the dogmatic state of ignorance that he argues was prevalent at the time is the epitome of what the age of enlightenment was trying to capture. According to Bertrand Russell, however, the enlightenment was a phase in a progressive development, which began in antiquity, and that reason and challenges to the established order were constant ideals throughout that time.[7] Russell argues that the enlightenment was ultimately born out of the Protestant reaction against the Catholic counter-reformation, when the philosophical views of the past two centuries crystallized into a coherent world view. He argues that many of the philosophical views, such as affinity for democracy against monarchy, originated among Protestants in the early 16th century to justify their desire to break away from the pope and the Catholic Church. Though many of these philosophical ideals were picked up by Catholics, Russell argues, by the 18th century the Enlightenment was the principal manifestation of the schism that began with Martin Luther.
Chartier (1991) argues that the Enlightenment was only invented after the fact for a political goal. He claims the leaders of the French Revolution created an Enlightenment canon of basic text, by selecting certain authors and identifying them with The Enlightenment in order to legitimize their republican political agenda.[8]
If there is something you know, communicate it. If there is something you don't know, search for it. An engraving from the 1772 edition of the Encyclopdie; Truth, in the top center, is surrounded by light and unveiled by the figures to the right, Philosophy and Reason.
Historian Jonathan Israel rejects the attempts of postmodern and Marxian historians to understand the revolutionary ideas of the period purely as by-products of social and economic transformations.[9] He instead focuses on the history of ideas in the period from 1650 to the end of the 18th century, and claims that it was the ideas themselves that caused the change that eventually led to the revolutions of the latter half of the 18th century and the early 19th century.[10] Israel argues that until the 1650s Western civilization "was based on a largely shared core of faith, tradition and authority".[11] Up until this date most intellectual debates revolved around "confessional" - that is Catholic, Lutheran, Reformed (Calvinist), or Anglican issues, and the main aim of these debates was to establish which bloc of faith ought to have the "monopoly of truth and a God-given title to authority".[12] After this date everything thus previously rooted in tradition was questioned and often replaced by new concepts in the light of philosophical reason. After the second half of the 17th century and during the 18th century a "general process of rationalization and secularization set in which rapidly overthrew theology's age-old hegemony in the world of study", and thus confessional disputes were
Age of Enlightenment reduced to a secondary status in favor of the "escalating contest between faith and incredulity". This period saw the shaping of two distinct lines of enlightenment thought:[13][14] Firstly the radical enlightenment, largely inspired by the one-substance philosophy of Spinoza, which in its political form adhered to: "democracy; racial and sexual equality; individual liberty of lifestyle; full freedom of thought, expression, and the press; eradication of religious authority from the legislative process and education; and full separation of church and state".[15] Secondly the moderate enlightenment, which in a number of different philosophical systems, like those in the writings of Descartes, John Locke, Isaac Newton or Christian Wolff, expressed some support for critical review and renewal of the old modes of thought, but in other parts sought reform and accommodation with the old systems of power and faith.[16] These two lines of thought were again met by the conservative Counter-Enlightenment, encompassing those thinkers who held on to the traditional belief-based systems of thought.
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Time span
There is little consensus on the precise beginning of the age of Enlightenment; the beginning of the 18th century (1701) or the middle of the 17th century (1650) are often used as an approximate starting point. If taken back to the mid-17th century, the Enlightenment would trace its origins to Descartes' Discourse on Method, published in 1637. Others cite the publication of Isaac Newton's Principia Mathematica in 1687. Jonathan Israel argues, "after 1650, everything, no matter how fundamental or deeply rooted, was questioned in the light of philosophic reason". Israel makes the detailed case that, from 1650 to 1750, Spinoza was "the chief challenger of the fundamentals of revealed religion, received ideas, tradition, morality, and what was everywhere regarded, in absolutist and nonabsolutist states alike, as divinely constituted political authority." As to its end, most scholars use the last years of the century often choosing the French Revolution of 1789 or the beginning of the Napoleonic Wars (1804 15) as a convenient point in time with which to date the end of the Enlightenment. Furthermore, the term "Enlightenment" is often used across epochs. For example in their work Dialectic of Enlightenment, Max Horkheimer and Theodor W. Adorno see developments of the 20th century as late consequences of the Enlightenment: Humans are installed as "Master" of a world being freed from its magic; truth is understood as a system; rationality becomes an instrument and an ideology managed by apparatuses; civilisation turns into the barbarism of fascism; civilising effects of the Enlightenment turn into their opposite; and exactly this they claim - corresponds to the problematic structure of the Enlightenment's way of thinking. Jrgen Habermas, however, disagrees with his teachers' (Adorno and Horkheimer) view of the Enlightenment as a process of decay. He talks about an "incomplete project of modernity"[17] which, in a process of communicative actions, always asks for rational reasons.
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National variations
Europe at the beginning of the War of the Spanish Succession, 1700.
The Enlightenment operated in most countries, but often with a specific local emphasis. For example in France it became associated with anti-government and anti-Church radicalism, while in Germany it reached deep into the middle classes and expressed a spiritualistic and nationalistic tone without threatening governments or established churches.[18] Government responses varied widely. In France the government was hostile, and the philosophes fought against its censorship. They were sometimes imprisoned or hounded into exile. The British government generally ignored the Enlightenment's leaders in England and Scotland, although it did give Isaac Newton a knighthood and a very lucrative government office in charge of the mint.
Enlightened absolutism
In several nations, powerful rulers called "enlightened despots" by historians welcomed leaders of the Enlightenment at court and had them help design laws and programs to reform the system, typically to build stronger national states.[19] The most prominent of those rulers were Frederick the Great of Prussia, Catherine the Great, Empress of Russia from 1762 to 1796, and Joseph II, Emperor of Austria from 1780 to 1790. Joseph was over-enthusiastic, announcing so many reforms that had so little support, that revolts broke out and his regime became a comedy of errors and nearly all his programs were reversed.[20] Senior ministers Pombal in Portugal and Struensee in Denmark governed according to Enlightenment ideals.
Greece
The Greek Enlightenment was given impetus by wealthy Greek merchants in the major cities of the Ottoman Empire. The most important centres of Greek learning, schools-cum-universities, were situated in Ioannina, Chios, Smyrna (zmir) and Ayvalik.[21] The transmission of Enlightenment ideas into Greek thought also influenced the development of a national consciousness. The publication of the journal Hermes o Logios encouraged the ideas of the Enlightenment. The journal's objective was to advance Greek science, philosophy and culture. Two of the main figures of the Greek Enlightenment, Rigas Feraios and Adamantios Korais, encouraged Greek nationalists to pursue contemporary political thought.
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Dutch Republic
For the Dutch the Enlightenment initially sprouted during the Dutch Golden Age. Developments during this period were to have a profound influence in the shaping of western civilization, as science, art, philosophy and economic development flourished in the Dutch Republic. Some key players in the Dutch Enlightenment were: Baruch Spinoza the Dutch philosopher born in Amsterdam, who played a major role in shaping the basis for the Enlightenment. Pierre Bayle a sceptical (French born) philosopher from Rotterdam, who tried to separate science from religion. Eise Eisinga astronomer and builder of a planetarium. Lodewijk Meyer claimed the bible was obscure and doubtful. Adriaan Koerbagh critic of religion and conventional morality. Burchard de Volder a natural philosopher.
Italy
Italy was affected by the enlightenment, and influenced Italian philosophy. Followers of the group often met to discuss in private salons and coffeehouses, notably in the cities of Milan, Turin and Venice. Cities with important universities such as Padua, Bologna and Naples, however, also remained great centres of scholarship and the intellect, with several philosophers such as Giambattista Vico (16681744) (who is widely regarded as being the founder of modern Italian philosophy) and Antonio Genovesi. Italian society also dramatically changed during the Enlightenment, with rulers such as Leopold II of Tuscany abolishing the death penalty. The church's power was significantly reduced, and it was a period of great thought and invention, with scientists such as Alessandro Volta and Luigi Galvani discovering new things and greatly contributing to Western science. Cesare Beccaria was also one of the greatest Italian Enlightenment writers, who was famous for his masterpiece Of Crimes and Punishments (1764), which was later translated into 22 languages. Another prominent intellectual was Francesco Mario Pagano, who wrote important studies such as Saggi Politici (Political Essays, 1783), one the major works of the Enlightenment in Naples, and Considerazioni sul processo criminale (Considerations on the criminal trial, 1787), who established him as an international authority on criminal law.[22]
Poland
The Age of Enlightenment reached Poland later than in Germany or Austria, as szlachta (nobility) culture (Sarmatism) together with the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth political system (Golden Freedoms) were in deep crisis. The period of Polish Enlightenment began in the 1730s1740s, peaked in the reign of Poland's last king, Stanisaw August Poniatowski (second half of the 18th century), went into decline with the Third Partition of Poland (1795), and ended in 1822, replaced by Romanticism in Poland. The model constitution of 1791 expressed Enlightenment ideals but was in effect for only one year as the nation was partitioned among its neighbors. More enduring were the cultural achievements, which created a nationalist spirit in Poland.[23]
Prussia and the German States

By the mid-18th century the German Enlightenment in music, philosophy, science and literature emerged as an intellectual force. Frederick the Great (171286), the king of Prussia 17401786, saw himself as a leader of the Enlightenment and patronized philosophers and scientists at his court in Berlin. He was an enthusiast for French ideas as he ridiculed German culture and was unaware of the remarkable advances it was undergoing. Voltaire, who had been imprisoned and maltreated by the French government, was eager to accept Frederick's invitation to live at his palace. Frederick explained, "My principal occupation is to combat ignorance and prejudice... to enlighten minds, cultivate morality, and to make people as happy as it suits human nature, and as the means at my disposal permit."[24] Other rulers were supportive, such as Karl Friedrich, Grand Duke of Baden, who ruled Baden for 73 years (17381811).[25]
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Christian Wolff (16791754) was the pioneer as a writer who expounded the Enlightenment to German readers; he legitimized German as a philosophic language.[26]Johann Gottfried von Herder (17441803) broke new ground in philosophy and poetry, specifically in the Sturm und Drang movement of proto-Romanticism. Weimar Classicism ("Weimarer Klassik") was a cultural and literary movement based in Weimar that sought to establish a new humanism by synthesizing Romantic, classical and Enlightenment ideas. The movement, from 1772 until 1805, involved Herder as well as Weimar's Courtyard of the Muses demonstrates the importance of Weimar. Schiller is polymath Johann Wolfgang von reading; on the far left (seated) Wieland and Herder, Goethe standing on the right in front Goethe (17491832) and Friedrich of the pillar. 1860 painting by Theobald von Oer. Schiller (17591805), a poet and historian. Herder argued that every folk had its own particular identity, which was expressed in its language and culture. This legitimized the promotion of German language and culture and helped shape the development of German nationalism. Schiller's plays expressed the restless spirit of his generation, depicting the hero's struggle against social pressures and the force of destiny.[27] German music, sponsored by the upper classes, came of age under composers Johann Sebastian Bach (16851750), Joseph Haydn (17321809), and Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart (17561791).[28] In remote Knigsberg philosopher Immanuel Kant (17241804) tried to reconcile rationalism and religious belief, individual freedom and political authority. Kant's work contained basic tensions that would continue to shape German thought and indeed all of European philosophy well into the 20th century.[29] The German Enlightenment won the support of princes, aristocrats and the middle classes and permanently reshaped the culture.[30]
Russia
In Russia Enlightenment of the mid-eighteenth century saw the government begin to actively encourage the proliferation of arts and sciences. This era produced the first Russian university, library, theatre, public museum, and independent press. Like other enlightened despots, Catherine the Great played a key role in fostering the arts, sciences, and education. She used her own interpretation of Enlightenment ideals, assisted by notable international experts such as Voltaire (by correspondence) and, in residence, world class scientists such as Leonhard Euler, Peter Simon Pallas, Fedor Ivanovich Iankovich de Mirievo (also spelled Teodor Jankovi-Mirijevski), and Anders Johan Lexell. The national Enlightenment differed from its Western European counterpart in that it promoted further Modernization of all aspects of Russian life and was concerned with attacking the institution of serfdom in Russia. Historians argue that the Russian enlightenment centered on the individual instead of societal enlightenment and encouraged the living of an enlightened life.[31][32]
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Spain
Charles III, king of Spain from 1759 to 1788, tried to rescue his empire from decay through far-reaching reforms such as weakening the Church and its monasteries, promoting science and university research, facilitating trade and commerce, modernizing agriculture, and avoiding wars. He was unable to control budget deficits, and borrowed more and more. Spain relapsed after his death.[33][34]
Ukraine
In Ukrainian philosophy stands early stage of the Enlightenment, which occurs in the era of the emergence of capitalism (the first quarter of 18th-century). Socio-economic factors led to its originality as a synthesis of the ideas of humanism and the Reformation, not glossing over of its features: release philosophy from the guardianship of theology, interest in science, away from speculative thought so. At this stage, emerging one of the main ideas of the Enlightenment - the idea of social progress depends on the spread of education. Among the Enlightenment were writers, translators, publicists, including Nicholas Motonis, Vasyl Karazin, Vasyl Ruban, Gregory Poletyka, Jacob Kozelsky and others. His social ideal educator formed based on the ideas of liberty, equality and property.
United Kingdom
Vasyl Karazin
Scotland In the 18th-century, influential thinkers as Francis Hutcheson, Adam Smith and David Hume, paved the way for the modernization of Scotland and the entire Atlantic world.[35] Hutcheson, the father of the Scottish Enlightenment, championed political liberty and the right of popular rebellion against tyranny. Smith, in his monumental Wealth of Nations (1776), advocated liberty in the sphere of commerce and the global economy. Hume developed philosophical concepts that directly influenced James Madison and thus the U.S. Constitution. In 19th-century Britain, the Scottish Enlightenment, as popularized by Dugald Stewart, became the basis of classical liberalism.[36] Scientific progress was influenced by, amongst others, the geologist James Hutton, physicist and engineer Lord Kelvin, and James Watt engineer and inventor of the steam engine.[37] England Thomas Hobbes wrote the 1651 book Leviathan, which provided the foundation for social contract theory. Hobbes was a champion of absolutism for the sovereign, but he also developed some of the fundamentals of European liberal thought: the right of the individual;
One leader of the Scottish Enlightenment was Adam Smith, the father of modern economic science.
Age of Enlightenment the natural equality of all men; the artificial character of the political order (which led to the later distinction between civil society and the state); the view that all legitimate political power must be "representative" and based on the consent of the people; and a liberal interpretation of law which leaves people free to do whatever the law does not explicitly forbid.[38] John Locke was one of the most influential Enlightenment thinkers.[39] He influenced other thinkers such as Rousseau and Voltaire, among others. "He is one of the dozen or so thinkers who are remembered for their influential contributions across a broad spectrum of philosophical subfields--in Locke's case, across epistemology, the philosophy of language, the philosophy of mind, metaphysics, rational theology, ethics, and political philosophy."[citation needed] Closely associated with the 1st Earl of Shaftesbury, who led the parliamentary grouping that later became the Whig party, Locke is still known today for his liberalism in political theory. The main thing that most people remember about him is his famous phrase "Life, Liberty and Property." As to property, he stated that it is a natural right derived from labor. He was more of a positive Enlightenment thinker and often disagreed with others that related to Thomas Hobbes. Tutored by Locke, Anthony Ashley-Cooper, 3rd Earl of Shaftesbury wrote in 1706 "There is a mighty Light which spreads its self over the world especially in those two free Nations of England and Holland; on whom the Affairs of Europe now turn".[40] Mary Wollstonecraft is considered one of the earliest feminist philosophers.[41] She argued for a society based on reason, and that women, as well as men, should be treated as rational beings. She is best known for her work A Vindication of the Rights of Woman. Thirteen Colonies The Americans closely followed English and Scottish political ideas, as well as some French thinkers such as Montesquieu.[42][43] During the Enlightenment there was a great emphasis upon liberty, democracy, republicanism and religious tolerance. Attempts to reconcile science and religion resulted in a widespread rejection of prophecy, miracle and revealed religion in preference for Deism - especially by Thomas Paine in "The Age of Reason" and by Thomas Jefferson in his short Jefferson Bible - from which all supernatural aspects were removed.
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John Trumbull's Declaration of Independence shows the drafting committee presenting its work to the Congress
Benjamin Franklin was influential in America, England, Scotland,[44] and France, for his political activism and for his advances in physics.[45]
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Goals
No brief summary can do justice to the diversity of enlightened thought in 18th-century Europe. Because it was a value system rather than a set of shared beliefs, there are many contradictory trains to follow. As Outram notes, the Enlightenment comprised "many different paths, varying in time and geography, to the common goals of progress, of tolerance, and the removal of abuses in Church and state."[46] In his famous essay "What is Enlightenment?" (1784), Immanuel Kant described it simply as freedom to use one's own intelligence. More broadly, the Enlightenment period is marked by increasing empiricism, scientific rigor, and reductionism, along with increasing questioning of religious orthodoxy. Historian Peter Gay asserts the Enlightenment broke through "the sacred circle," whose dogma had circumscribed thinking. The Sacred Circle is a term he uses to describe the interdependent German philosopher Immanuel Kant. relationship between the hereditary aristocracy, the leaders of the church and the text of the Bible. This interrelationship manifests itself as kings invoking the doctrine "Divine Right of Kings" to rule. Thus the church sanctioned the rule of the king and the king defended the church in return. Zafirovski, (2010) argues that the Enlightenment is the source of critical ideas, such as the centrality of freedom, democracy, and reason as primary values of society as opposed to the divine right of kings or traditions as the ruling authority.[47] This view argues that the establishment of a contractual basis of rights would lead to the market mechanism and capitalism, the scientific method, religious tolerance, and the organization of states into self-governing republics through democratic means. In this view, the tendency of the philosophes in particular to apply rationality to every problem is considered the essential change.[48] Later critics of the Enlightenment, such as the Romantics of the 19th century, contended that its goals for rationality in human affairs were too ambitious to ever be achieved.[49] A variety of 19th-century movements, including liberalism and neo-classicism, traced their intellectual heritage back to the Enlightenment.[50]
Social and cultural interpretation

In opposition to the intellectual historiographical approach of the Enlightenment, which examines the various currents, or discourses of intellectual thought within the European context during the 17th and 18th centuries, the cultural (or social) approach examines the changes that occurred in European society and culture. Under this approach, the Enlightenment is less a collection of thought than a process of changing sociabilities and cultural practices both the "content" and the processes by which this content was spread are now important. Roger Chartier describes it as follows: This movement [from the intellectual to the cultural/social] implies casting doubt on two ideas: first, that practices can be deduced from the discourses that authorize or justify them; second, that it is possible to translate into the terms of an explicit ideology the latent meaning of social mechanisms.[51] One of the primary elements of the cultural interpretation of the Enlightenment is the rise of the public sphere in Europe. Jrgen Habermas has influenced thinking on the public sphere more than any other, though his model is increasingly called into question. The essential problem that Habermas attempted to answer concerned the conditions
Age of Enlightenment necessary for "rational, critical, and genuinely open discussion of public issues". Or, more simply, the social conditions required for Enlightenment ideas to be spread and discussed. His response was the formation in the late 17th century and 18th century of the "bourgeois public sphere", a "realm of communication marked by new arenas of debate, more open and accessible forms of urban public space and sociability, and an explosion of print culture".[52] More specifically, Habermas highlights three essential elements of the public sphere: 1. it was egalitarian; 2. it discussed the domain of "common concern"; 3. argument was founded on reason.[53] James Van Horn Melton provides a good summary of the values of this bourgeois public sphere: its members held reason to be supreme; everything was open to criticism (the public sphere is critical); and its participants opposed secrecy of all sorts.[55] This helps explain what Habermas meant by the domain of "common concern". Habermas uses the term to describe those areas of political/social knowledge and discussion that were previously the exclusive territory of the state and religious authorities, now open to critical examination by the public sphere. Habermas credits the creation of the bourgeois public sphere to two long-term historical trends: the rise of the modern nation state and the rise of capitalism. The modern nation state in its consolidation of public power created by counterpoint a private realm of society independent of the state allowing for the public sphere. Capitalism likewise increased society's autonomy and self-awareness, along with creating an increasing need for the exchange of information. As the nascent public sphere expanded, it embraced a large variety of institutions; the most commonly cited being coffee houses and cafs, salons and the literary public sphere, figuratively localized in the Republic of Letters.[56]
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German explorer Alexander von Humboldt showed his disgust for slavery and often criticized the colonial policies. He always acted out of a deeply humanistic conviction, borne by the ideas of the [54] Enlightenment.
Dorinda Outram provides further description of the rise of the public sphere. The context of the rise of the public sphere was the economic and social change commonly grouped under the effects of the Industrial Revolution: "economic expansion, increasing urbanisation, rising population and improving communications in comparison to the stagnation of the previous century". Rising efficiency in production techniques and communication lowered the prices of consumer goods at the same time as it increased the amount and variety of goods available to consumers (including the literature essential to the public sphere). Meanwhile, the colonial experience (most European states had colonial Empires in the 18th century) began to expose European society to extremely heterogeneous cultures. Outram writes that the end result was the breaking down of "barriers between cultural systems, religious divides, gender differences and geographical areas". In short, the social context was set for the public sphere to come into existence.[57] A reductionist view of the Habermasian model has been used as a springboard to showcase historical investigations into the development of the public sphere. There are many examples of noble and lower class participation in areas such as the coffeehouses and the freemasonic lodges, demonstrating that the bourgeois-era public sphere was enriched by cross-class influences. A rough depiction of the public sphere as independent and critical of the state is
Age of Enlightenment contradicted by the diverse cases of government-sponsored public institutions and government participation in debate, along with the cases of private individuals using public venues to promote the status quo.
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Exclusivity of the public sphere

The word "public" implies the highest level of inclusivity the public sphere by definition should be open to all. However, as the analysis of many "public" institutions of the Enlightenment will show, this sphere was only public to relative degrees. Indeed, as Roger Chartier emphasizes, Enlightenment thinkers frequently contrasted their conception of the "public" with that of the people: Chartier cites Condorcet, who contrasted "opinion" with populace; Marmontel with "the opinion of men of letters" versus "the opinion of the multitude"; and d'Alembert, who contrasted the "truly enlightened public" with "the blind and noisy multitude".[58] As Mona Ozouf underlines, public opinion was defined in opposition to the opinion of the greater population. While the nature of public opinion during the Enlightenment is as difficult to define as it is today, it is nonetheless clear that the body that held it (i.e. the public sphere) was exclusive rather than inclusive. This observation will become more apparent during the descriptions of the institutions of the public sphere, most of which excluded both women and the lower classes.
Social and cultural implications in music

Because of the focus on reason over superstition, the Enlightenment cultivated the arts.[59] Emphasis on learning, art and music became more widespread, especially with the growing middle class. Areas of study such as literature, philosophy, science, and the fine arts increasingly explored subject matter that the general public in addition to the previously more segregated professionals and patrons could relate to.[60] As musicians depended more and more on public support, public concerts became increasingly popular and helped supplement performers' and composers' incomes. The concerts also helped them to reach a wider audience. Handel, for example, epitomized this with his highly public musical activities in London. He gained considerable fame there with performances of his operas and oratorios. The music of Haydn and Mozart, with their Viennese Classical styles, are usually regarded as being the most in line with the Enlightenment ideals.[61] Another important text that came about as a result of Enlightenment values was Charles Burney's A General History of Music: From the Earliest Ages to the Present Period, originally published in 1776. This text was a historical survey and an attempt to rationalize elements in music systematically over time.[62]
George Frideric Handel.
As the economy and the middle class expanded, there was an increasing number of amateur musicians. One manifestation of this involves women; this movement allowed women to become more involved with music on a social level. Though women were not yet in professional roles (except for singers), they contributed to the amateur performers' scene, especially with keyboard music.[63] The desire to explore, record and systematize knowledge had a meaningful impact on music publications. Jean-Jacques Rousseau's Dictionnaire de musique (published 1767 in Geneva and 1768 in Paris) was a leading text in the late 18th century. This widely-available dictionary gave short definitions of words like genius and taste, and was clearly influenced by the Enlightenment movement. Additionally, music publishers began to cater to amateur
Age of Enlightenment musicians, putting out music that they could understand and play. The majority of the works that were published were for keyboard, voice and keyboard, and chamber ensemble. After these initial genres were popularized, from the mid-century on, amateur groups sang choral music, which then became a new trend for publishers to capitalize on. The increasing study of the fine arts, as well as access to amateur-friendly published works, led to more people becoming interested in reading and discussing music. Music magazines, reviews, and critical works which suited amateurs as well as connoisseurs began to surface. Although the ideals of the Enlightenment were rejected in postmodernism, they held fast in modernism and have extended well beyond the 18th century even to the present. Recently, musicologists have shown renewed interest in the ideas and consequences of the Enlightenment. For example, Rose Rosengard Subotnik's Deconstructive Variations (subtitled Music and Reason in Western Society) compares Mozart's Die Zauberflte (1791) using the Enlightenment and Romantic perspectives, and concludes that the work is "an ideal musical representation of the Enlightenment".
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Dissemination of ideas
The philosophes spent a great deal of energy disseminating their ideas among educated men and women in cosmopolitan cities. They used many venues, some of them quite new.
Schools and universities

In Germany and Scotland, the Enlightenment leaders were based in universities.[64] However, in general the universities and schools of France and most of Europe were bastions of traditionalism and were not hospitable to the Enlightenment. In France the major exception was the medical university at Montpellier.[65]
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Learned academies
The history of Academies in France during the Enlightenment begins with the Academy of Science, founded in 1666 in Paris. It was closely tied to the French state, acting as an extension of a government seriously lacking in scientists. It helped promote and organize new disciplines, and it trained new scientists. It also contributed to the enhancement of scientists' social status, and considered them to be the "most useful of all citizens". Academies demonstrate the rising interest in science along with its increasing secularization, as evidenced by the small number of clerics who were members (13 percent).[67]
In the first flush of scientific confidence, the thinkers of the Enlightenment tried to carry over into every human intellectual endeavour the search for first principles which, in Newton's physics, had been attended with such success. This search brought with it a sceptical attitude towards authority, rejecting everything that had no secure foundation in experience. In history, morals, metaphysics and literature the Enlightenment attitude briefly prevailed, giving rise to the phenomenal ambitions of the French encyclopaedists, and to their materialist, almost clockwork, vision of the universe. It produced the political theories which motivated the French and American revolutions, and the systematic explorations in chemistry and biology that were to find fruition in nineteenth-century evolutionism. It also brought about the technical achievements which precipitated modern industrialism, and while thus preparing the way for the miseries of revolution and factory labour, it infected the minds of the educated classes with a serenity of outlook, and a trust in human capacities, that weathered the assaults of Hume's scepticism, of Vice's anti-rationalism, of the growing introversion and doom-laden mysticism of the romantics. This was the Augustan age of English poetry, the age of Johnson and Goldsmith, of Voltaire, Diderot and Rousseau, of Lessing and Winckelmann. From the point of view of the historian it is perhaps the richest and most exciting of all intellectual eras, not because of the content, but because of the influence, of the ideas that were current in it." A Short History of Modern Philosophy
Louis XIV visiting the Acadmie des sciences in 1671. "It is widely accepted that 'modern science' arose in the Europe of the 17th century, introducing a new understanding of the natural world." [66] Peter Barrett
The presence of the French academies in the public sphere cannot be attributed to their membership; although the majority of their members were bourgeois, the exclusive institution was only open to elite Parisian scholars. They did perceive themselves to be "interpreters of the sciences for the people". Indeed, it was with this in mind that academians took it upon themselves to disprove the popular pseudo-science of mesmerism.[68] However, the strongest case for the French Academies' being part of the public sphere comes from the concours acadmiques (roughly translated as 'academic contests') they sponsored throughout France. As Jeremy L. Caradonna argues in a recent article in the Annales, "Prendre part au sicle des Lumires: Le concours acadmique et la culture intellectuelle au XVIIIe sicle", these academic contests were perhaps the most public of any institution during the Enlightenment. L'Acadmie franaise revived a practice dating back to the Middle Ages when it revived public contests in the mid-17th century. The subject matter was generally religious and/or monarchical, and featured essays, poetry, and
Age of Enlightenment painting. By roughly 1725, however, this subject matter had radically expanded and diversified, including "royal propaganda, philosophical battles, and critical ruminations on the social and political institutions of the Old Regime." Controversial topics were not always avoided: Caradonna cites as examples the theories of Newton and Descartes, the slave trade, women's education, and justice in France.[69] More importantly, the contests were open to all, and the enforced anonymity of each submission guaranteed that neither gender nor social rank would determine the judging. Indeed, although the "vast majority" of participants belonged to the wealthier strata of society ("the liberal arts, the clergy, the judiciary, and the medical profession"), there were some cases of the popular classes submitting essays, and even winning.[70] Similarly, a significant number of women participated and won the competitions. Of a total of 2 300 prize competitions offered in France, women won 49 perhaps a small number by modern standards, but very significant in an age in which most women did not have any academic training. Indeed, the majority of the winning entries were for poetry competitions, a genre commonly stressed in women's education.[71]
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Antoine Lavoisier conducting an experiment related to combustion generated by amplified sun light.
In England, the Royal Society of London also played a significant role in the public sphere and the spread of Enlightenment ideas. In particular, it played a large role in spreading Robert Boyle's experimental philosophy around Europe, and acted as a clearinghouse for intellectual correspondence and exchange.[72] As Steven Shapin and Simon Schaffer have argued, Robert Boyle was "a founder of the experimental world in which scientists now live and operate". Boyle's method based knowledge on experimentation, which had to be witnessed to provide proper empirical legitimacy. This is where the Royal Society came into play: witnessing had to be a "collective act", and the Royal Society's assembly rooms were ideal locations for relatively public demonstrations.[73] However, not just any witness was considered to be credible; "Oxford professors were accounted more reliable witnesses than Oxfordshire peasants." Two factors were taken into account: a witness's knowledge in the area; and a witness's "moral constitution". In other words, only civil society were considered for Boyle's public.[74]
The book industry

The increased consumption of reading materials of all sorts was one of the key features of the "social" Enlightenment. Developments in the Industrial Revolution allowed consumer goods to be produced in greater quantities at lower prices, encouraging the spread of books, pamphlets, newspapers and journals "media of the transmission of ideas and attitudes". Commercial development likewise increased the demand for information, along with rising populations and increased urbanisation.[75] However, demand for reading material extended outside of the realm of the commercial, and outside the realm of the upper and middle classes, as evidenced by the Bibliothque Bleue. Literacy rates are difficult to gauge, but Robert Darnton writes that, in France at least, the rates doubled over the course of the 18th century.[76]
ESTC data 14771799 by decade given with a regional differentiation.
Age of Enlightenment Reading underwent serious changes in the 18th century. In particular, Rolf Engelsing has argued for the existence of a Reading Revolution. Until 1750, reading was done "intensively: people tended to own a small number of books and read them repeatedly, often to small audience. After 1750, people began to read "extensively", finding as many books as they could, increasingly reading them alone.[77] On the other hand, as Jonathan Israel writes, Gabriel Naud was already campaigning for the "universal" library in the mid-17th century. And if this was an ideal only realistic for state institutions and the very wealthy (and indeed, an ideal that was seldom achieved), there are records for extremely large private and state-run libraries throughout Europe in the 17th and 18th-centuries.[78] Of course, the vast majority of the reading public could not afford to own a private library. And while most of the state-run "universal libraries" set up in the 17th and 18th centuries were open to the public, they were not the only sources of reading material. On one end of the spectrum was the Bibliothque Bleue, a collection of cheaply produced books published in Troyes, France. Intended for a largely rural and semi-literate audience these books included almanacs, retellings of medieval romances and condensed versions of popular novels, among other things. While historians, such as Roger Chartier and Robert Darnton, have argued against the Enlightenment's penetration into the lower classes, the Bibliothque Bleue, at the very least, represents a desire to participate in Enlightenment sociability, whether or not this was actually achieved.[79] Moving up the classes, a variety of institutions offered readers access to material without needing to buy anything. Libraries that lent out their material for a small price started to appear, and occasionally bookstores would offer a small lending library to their patrons. Coffee houses commonly offered books, journals and sometimes even popular novels to their customers. The Tatler and The Spectator, two influential periodicals sold from 1709 to 1714, were closely associated with coffee house culture in London, being both read and produced in various establishments in the city.[80] Indeed, this is an example of the triple or even quadruple function of the coffee house: reading material was often obtained, read, discussed and even produced on the premises.[81] As Darnton describes in The Literary Underground of the Old Regime, it is extremely difficult to determine what people actually read during the Enlightenment. For example, examining the catalogs of private libraries not only gives an image skewed in favor of the classes wealthy enough to afford libraries, it also ignores censured works unlikely to be publicly acknowledged. For this reason, Darnton argues that a study of publishing would be much more fruitful for discerning reading habits.[82] All across continental Europe, but in France especially, booksellers and publishers had to negotiate censorship laws of varying strictness. The Encyclopdie, for example, narrowly escaped seizure and had to be saved by Malesherbes, the man in charge of the French censure. Indeed, many publishing companies were conveniently located outside of France so as to avoid overzealous French censors. They would smuggle their merchandise both pirated copies and censured works across the border, where it would then be transported to clandestine booksellers or small-time peddlers.[83]
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Denis Diderot is best known as the editor of the Encyclopdie.
Darnton provides a detailed record of one clandestine bookseller's (one de Mauvelain) business in the town of Troyes. At the time, the town's population was 22,000. It had one masonic lodge and an "important" library, even though the literacy rate seems to have been less than 50percent. Mauvelain's records give us a good representation
Age of Enlightenment of what literate Frenchmen might have truly read, since the clandestine nature of his business provided a less restrictive product choice. The most popular category of books was political (319 copies ordered).[84] This included five copies of D'Holbach's Systme social, but around 300 libels and pamphlets. Readers were far more interested in sensationalist stories about criminals and political corruption than they were in political theory itself. The second most popular category, "general works" (those books "that did not have a dominant motif and that contained something to offend almost everyone in authority") likewise betrayed the high demand for generally low-brow subversive literature. These works, however, like the vast majority of work produced by Darnton's "grub street hacks", never became part of literary canon, and are largely forgotten today as a result. Nevertheless, the Enlightenment was not the exclusive domain of illegal literature, as evidenced by the healthy, and mostly legal, publishing industry that existed throughout Europe. "Mostly legal" because even established publishers and book sellers occasionally ran afoul of the law. The Encyclopdie, for example, condemned not only by the King but also by Clement XII, nevertheless found its way into print with the help of the aforementioned Malesherbes and creative use of French censorship law.[85] But many works were sold without running into any legal trouble at all. Borrowing records from libraries in England, Germany and North America indicate that more than 70percent of books borrowed were novels; that less than 1percent of the books were of a religious nature supports a general trend of declining religiosity.[86]
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Natural history
A genre that greatly rose in importance was that of scientific literature. Natural history in particular became increasingly popular among the upper classes. Works of natural history include Ren-Antoine Ferchault de Raumur's Histoire naturelle des insectes and Jacques Gautier d'Agoty's La Myologie complte, ou description de tous les muscles du corps humain (1746). However, as Franois-Alexandre Aubert de La Chesnaye des Bois's Dictionnaire de la Noblesse (1770) indicates, natural history was very often a political affair. As E. C. Spary writes, the classifications used by naturalists "slipped between the natural world and the social... to establish not only the expertise of the naturalists over the natural, but also the dominance of the natural over the social".[87] From this basis, naturalists could then develop their own social ideals based on their scientific works.[88] The target audience of natural history was French polite society, evidenced more by the specific discourse of the genre than by the generally high prices of its works. Naturalists catered to polite society's desire for erudition many texts had an explicit Georges Buffon is best remembered for his Histoire instructive purpose. But the idea of taste (le got) was the real naturelle, a 44 volume encyclopedia describing social indicator: to truly be able to categorize nature, one had to everything known about the natural world. have the proper taste, an ability of discretion shared by all members of polite society. In this way natural history spread many of the scientific development of the time, but also provided a new source of legitimacy for the dominant class.[89]
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Scientific and literary journals

The many scientific and literary journals (predominantly composed of book reviews) that were published during this time are also evidence of the intellectual side of the Enlightenment. In fact, Jonathan Israel argues that the learned journals, from the 1680s onwards, influenced European intellectual culture to a greater degree than any other "cultural innovation".[90] The first journal appeared in 1665 the Parisian Journal des Savans but it was not until 1682 that periodicals began to be more widely produced. French and Latin were the dominant languages of publication, but there was also a steady demand for material in German and Dutch. There was generally low demand for English publications on the Continent, which was echoed by England's similar lack of desire for French works. Languages commanding less of an international market such as Danish, Spanish and Portuguese found journal success more difficult, and more often than not, a more international language was used instead. Although German did have an international quality to it, it was French that slowly took over Latin's status as the lingua franca of learned circles. This in turn gave precedence to the publishing industry in Holland, where the vast majority of these French language periodicals were produced.[91] Israel divides the journals' intellectual importance into four elements. First was their role in shifting the attention of the "cultivated public" away from "established authorities" to "what was new, innovative, or challenging." Secondly, they did much to promote the "'enlightened' ideals of toleration and intellectual objectivity." Thirdly, the journals were an implicit critique of existing notions of universal truth monopolized by monarchies, parliaments, and religious authorities. The journals suggested a new source of knowledge through science and reason that undermined these sources of authority. And finally, they advanced Christian enlightenment that upheld "the legitimacy of God-ordained authority"the Biblein which there had to be agreement between the biblical and natural theories.[92]
The Republic of Letters

The term "Republic of Letters" was coined by Pierre Bayle in 1664, in his journal Nouvelles de la Republique des Lettres. Towards the end of the 18th century, the editor of Histoire de la Rpublique des Lettres en France, a literary survey, described the Republic of Letters as being: In the midst of all the governments that decide the fate of men; in the bosom of so many states, the majority of them despotic... there exists a certain realm which holds sway only over the mind... that we honour with the name Republic, because it preserves a measure of independence, and because it is almost its essence to be free. It is the realm of talent and of thought. The ideal of the Republic of Letters was the sum of a number of Enlightenment ideals: an egalitarian realm governed by knowledge that could act across political boundaries and rival state power. It French philosopher Pierre Bayle. was a forum that supported "free public examination of questions regarding religion or legislation".[93] Immanuel Kant considered written communication essential to his conception of the public sphere; once everyone was a part of the "reading public", then society could be said to be enlightened.[94] The people who participated in the Republic of Letters, such as Diderot and Voltaire, are frequently known today as important Enlightenment figures. Indeed, the men who wrote Diderot's Encyclopdie arguably formed a microcosm of the larger "republic".[95]
Age of Enlightenment Dena Goodman has argued that women played a major role in French salons salonnires to complement the male philosophes. Discursively, she bases the Republic of Letters in polite conversation and letter writing; its principal social institution was the salon.[96] Robert Darnton's The Literary Underground of the Old Regime was the first major historical work to critique this ideal model.[97] He argues that, by the mid-18th century, the established men of letters (gens de lettres) had fused with the elites (les grands) of French society. Consider the definition of "Got" (taste) as written by Voltaire in the Dictionnaire philosophique (taken from Darnton): "Taste is like philosophy. It belongs to a very small number of privileged souls... It is unknown in bourgeois families, where one is constantly occupied with the care of one's fortune". In the words of Darnton, Voltaire "thought that the Enlightenment should begin with the grands".[98] The historian cites similar opinions from d'Alembert and Louis Sbastien Mercier.[99]
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Grub Street
Darnton argues that the result of this "fusion of gens de lettres and grands" was the creation of an oppositional literary sphere, Grub Street, the domain of a "multitude of versifiers and would-be authors".[100] These men, lured by the glory of the Republic of Letters, came to Paris to become authors, only to discover that their dreams of literary success were little more than chimeras. The literary market simply could not support large numbers of writers, who, in any case, were very poorly remunerated by the publishing-bookselling guilds.[101] The writers of Grub Street, the Grub Street Hacks, were left feeling extremely bitter about the relative success of their literary cousins, the men of letters.[102] This bitterness and hatred found an outlet in the literature the Grub Street Hacks produced, typified by the libelle. Written mostly in the form of pamphlets, the libelles "slandered the court, the Church, the aristocracy, the academies, the salons, everything elevated and respectable, including the monarchy itself".[103] Darnton designates Le Gazetier cuirass by Charles Thveneau de Morande as the prototype of the genre. Consider:
Front page of The Gentleman's Magazine, January 1731
The devout wife of a certain Marchal de France (who suffers from an imaginary lung disease), finding a husband of that species too delicate, considers it her religious duty to spare him and so condemns herself to the crude caresses of her butler, who would still be a lackey if he hadn't proven himself so robust. or, The public is warned that an epidemic disease is raging among the girls of the Opera, that it has begun to reach the ladies of the court, and that it has even been communicated to their lackeys. This disease elongates the face, destroys the complexion, reduces the weight, and causes horrible ravages where it becomes situated. There are ladies without teeth, others without eyebrows, and some are completely paralyzed.[104] It was Grub Street literature that was most read by the reading public during the Enlightenment.[105] More importantly, Darnton argues, the Grub Street hacks inherited the "revolutionary spirit" once displayed by the philosophes, and paved the way for the Revolution by desacralizing figures of political, moral and religious authority in France.[106]
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Coffee houses
The first English coffeehouse opened in Oxford in 1650. Brian Cowan argues that Oxford coffeehouses developed into "penny universities", offering a locus of learning that was less formal than structured institutions. These penny universities occupied a significant position in Oxford academic life, as they were frequented by virtuosi, who conducted their research on the premises. According to Cowan, "the coffeehouse was a place for like-minded scholars to congregate, to read, as well as learn from and to debate with each other, but was emphatically not a university institution, and the discourse there was of a far different order than any university tutorial."[107]
At Caf Procope: at rear, from left to right: Condorcet, La Harpe, Voltaire (with his arm raised) and Diderot.
Francesco Procopio dei Coltelli Franois Procope established the first caf in Paris, the Caf Procope, in 1686; by the 1720s there were around 400 cafs in the city. The Caf Procope in particular became a centre of Enlightenment, welcoming such celebrities as Voltaire and Rousseau. The Caf Procope was where Diderot and D'Alembert decided to create the Encyclopdie.[108] Robert Darnton in particular has studied Parisian caf conversation in great detail. He describes how the cafs were one of the various "nerve centers" for bruits publics, public noise or rumour. These bruits were allegedly a much better source of information than were the actual newspapers available at the time.[109]
Debating societies
[110]
The Debating Societies that rapidly came into existence in 1780 London present an almost perfect example of the public sphere during the Enlightenment. Donna T Andrew provides four separate origins: Clubs of fifty or more men who, at the beginning of the 18th century, met in pubs to discuss religious issues and affairs of state. Mooting clubs, set up by law students to practice rhetoric. Spouting clubs, established to help actors train for theatrical roles. John Henley's Oratory, which mixed outrageous sermons with even more absurd questions, like "Whether Scotland be anywhere in the world?"[111] In any event, popular debating societies began, in the late 1770s, to move into more "genteel", or respectable rooms, a change which helped establish a new standard of sociability: "order, decency, and liberality", in the words of the Religious Society of Old Portugal Street.[112] Respectability was also encouraged by the higher admissions prices (ranging from 6d. to 3s.), which also contributed to the upkeep of the newer establishments. The backdrop to these developments was what Andrew calls "an explosion of interest in the theory and practice of public elocution". The debating
An example of a French Salon
Age of Enlightenment societies were commercial enterprises that responded to this demand, sometimes very successfully. Indeed, some societies welcomed from 800 to 1200 spectators a night.[113] These societies discussed an extremely wide range of topics. One broad area was women: societies debated over "male and female qualities", courtship, marriage, and the role of women in the public sphere. Societies also discussed political issues, varying from recent events to "the nature and limits of political authority", and the nature of suffrage. Debates on religion rounded out the subject matter. It is important to note, however, that the critical subject matter of these debates did not necessarily translate into opposition to the government. In other words, the results of the debate quite frequently upheld the status quo.[114] From a historical standpoint, one of the most important features of the debating society was their openness to the public; women attended and even participated in almost every debating society, which were likewise open to all classes providing they could pay the entrance fee. Once inside, spectators were able to participate in a largely egalitarian form of sociability that helped spread "Enlightening ideas".[115]
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Masonic lodges
Historians have long debated the extent to which Freemasonry was part of, or even a main factor in the Enlightenment. On the one hand, historians agree that the famous leaders of the Enlightenment included Freemasons such as Montesquieu, Voltaire, Pope, Horace Walpole, Sir Robert Walpole, Mozart, Goethe, Frederick the Great, Benjamin Franklin, and George Washington.[116] On the other side, historians such as Robert Roswell Palmer concluded Masonic initiation ceremony that even in France, Masons were politically "innocuous if not [117] ridiculous" and did not act as a group. American historians, while noting that Benjamin Franklin and George Washington were indeed active Masons, have downplayed the importance of Freemasonry in the era of the American Revolution because the movement was non-political and included both Patriots and their enemy the Loyalists.[118] Regarding the movement's influence on the European continent, German historian Reinhart Koselleck claimed that "On the Continent there were two social structures that left a decisive imprint on the Age of Enlightenment: the Republic of Letters and the Masonic lodges.",[119] while professor at University of Glasgow Thomas Munck argues that "although the Masons did promote international and cross-social contacts which were essentially non-religious and broadly in agreement with enlightened values, they can hardly be described as a major radical or reformist network in their own right."[120]
Historiography
Definition
Enlightenment historiography began in the period itself, from what "Enlightenment figures" said about their work. A dominant element was the intellectual angle they took. D'Alembert's Preliminary Discourse of l'Encyclopdie provides a history of the Enlightenment which comprises a chronological list of developments in the realm of knowledge of which the Encyclopdie forms the pinnacle.[121] A more philosophical example of this was the 1783 essay contest (in itself an activity typical of the Enlightenment) announced by the Berlin newspaper Berlinische Monatsschrift, which asked that very question: "What is Enlightenment?" Jewish philosopher Moses Mendelssohn was among those who responded, referring to Enlightenment as a process by which man was educated in the use of reason (Jerusalem, 1783).[122] Immanuel Kant also wrote a response, referring to Enlightenment as "man's release from his self-incurred tutelage", tutelage being "man's inability to make use of his understanding without direction from another".[123] This intellectual model of
Age of Enlightenment interpretation has been adopted by many historians since the 18th century, and is perhaps the most commonly used interpretation today. Dorinda Outram provides a good example of a standard, intellectual definition of the Enlightenment: Enlightenment was a desire for human affairs to be guided by rationality rather than by faith, superstition, or revelation; a belief in the power of human reason to change society and liberate the individual from the restraints of custom or arbitrary authority; all backed up by a world view increasingly validated by science rather than by religion or tradition.
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Political thought
Like the French Revolution, the Enlightenment has long been hailed as the foundation of modern Western political and intellectual culture.[125] It has been frequently linked to the French Revolution of 1789. However, as Roger Chartier points out, it was perhaps the Revolution that "invented the Enlightenment by attempting to root its legitimacy in a corpus of texts and founding authors reconciled and united... by their preparation of a rupture with the old world".[126] In other words, the revolutionaries elevated to heroic status those philosophers, such as Voltaire and Rousseau, who could be used to justify their radical break with the Ancien Rgime. In any case, two 19th-century historians of the Enlightenment, Hippolyte Taine and Alexis de Tocqueville, did much to solidify this link of Enlightenment causing revolution and the intellectual perception of the Enlightenment itself.
Like other Enlightenment philosophers, Rousseau was [124] critical of the Atlantic slave trade.
As an alternative perspective to revolutionaries using the works philosophers such as Voltaire and Rousseau as excuses and justifications for engaging in revolution is the more plausible perspective that the Government Philosophy of "Consent of the Governed" as delineated by Locke in Two Treatises of Government (1689) represented a paradigm shift from the old Governance Paradigm under Feudalism known as the "Divine Right of Kings" The more correct perspective of what caused the revolutions of from the late 1700s to the early 1800s was this governance paradigm shift that often could not be resolved peacefully and therefore, violent revolution was the result. Clearly a Governance philosophy where the king was never wrong was in direct conflict with a Governance Philosophy where by Citizens by Natural Law had to consent to the acts and rulings of their government[CynicalPatriot] In his l Rgime (1876), Hippolyte Taine traced the roots of the French Revolution back to French Classicism. However, this was not without the help of the scientific view of the world [of the Enlightenment], which wore down the "monarchical and religious dogma of the old regime".[127] In other words then, Taine was only interested in the Enlightenment insofar as it advanced scientific discourse and transmitted what he perceived to be the intellectual legacy of French classicism. Alexis de Tocqueville painted a more elaborate picture of the Enlightenment in L'Ancien Rgime et la Rvolution (1850). For de Tocqueville, the Revolution was the inevitable result of the radical opposition created in the 18th century between the monarchy and the men of letters of the Enlightenment. These men of letters constituted a sort of "substitute aristocracy that was both all-powerful and without real power". This illusory power came from the rise of "public opinion", born when absolutist centralization removed the nobility and the bourgeosie from the political sphere. The "literary politics" that resulted promoted a discourse of equality and was hence in fundamental opposition to the monarchical regime.[128]
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De Tocqueville "clearly designates... the cultural effects of transformation in the forms of the exercise of power".[129] Nevertheless, it took another century before cultural approach became central to the historiography, as typified by Robert Darnton, The Business of Enlightenment: A Publishing History of the Encyclopdie, 17751800 (1979). De Dijn argues that Peter Gay, in The Enlightenment: An Interpretation (1966), first formulated the interpretation that the Enlightenment brought political modernization to the West, in terms of introducing democratic values and institutions and the creation of modern, liberal democracies. While the thesis has many critics it has been widely accepted by Anglophone scholars and has been reinforced by the large-scale studies by Robert Darnton, Roy Porter and most recently by Jonathan Israel.[130]
Religious debate
Denmark's minister Johann Struensee, a social reformer ahead of his time, was publicly executed in 1772
Enlightenment era religious commentary was a response to the preceding century of religious conflict in Europe, especially the Thirty Years' War.[131] Theologians of the Enlightenment wanted to reform their faith to its generally non-confrontational roots and to limit the capacity for religious controversy to spill over into politics and warfare while still maintaining a true faith in God. For moderate Christians, this meant a return to simple Scripture. John Locke abandoned the corpus of theological commentary in favor of an unprejudiced examination of the Word of God alone. He determined the essence of Christianity to be a belief in Christ the redeemer and recommended avoiding more detailed debate.[132] Thomas Jefferson in the Jefferson Bible went further; he dropped any passages dealing with miracles, visitations of angels, and the resurrection of Jesus after his death. He tried to extract the practical Christian moral code of the New Testament. Enlightenment scholars sought to curtail the political power of organized religion and thereby prevent another age of intolerant religious war. Spinoza determined to remove politics from contemporary and historical theology (e.g. disregarding Judaic law).[133] Moses Mendelssohn advised affording no political weight to any organized religion, but instead recommended that each person follow what s/he found most convincing.[134] A good religion based in instinctive morals and a belief in God should not theoretically need force to maintain order in its believers, and both Mendelssohn and Spinoza judged religion on its moral fruits, not the logic of its theology. A number of novel religious ideas developed with Enlightened faith, including Deism and talk of atheism. Deism, according to Thomas Paine, is the simple belief in God the Creator, with no reference to the Bible or any other miraculous source. Instead, the Deist relies solely on personal reason to guide his creed,[135] which was eminently agreeable to many thinkers of the time. Atheism was much discussed but there were few proponents. Wilson and Reill note that, "In fact, very few enlightened intellectuals, even when they were vocal critics of Christianity, were true atheists. Rather, they were critics of orthodox belief, wedded rather to skepticism, deism, vitalism, or perhaps pantheism." Some followed Pierre Bayle and argued that atheists could indeed be moral men. Many others like Voltaire held that without belief in a God who punishes evil, the moral order of society was undermined. That is, since atheists gave themselves to no Supreme Authority and no law, and had no fear of eternal consequences, they were far more likely to disrupt society. Bayle (1647-1706) observed that in his day, prudent persons will always maintain an appearance of [religion].
Age of Enlightenment In the Enlightenment, a person could generally believe in any non-controversial religion that had an agreeable moral code and professed faith in God, but irreligious behavior was not acceptable.
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Intellectual history
In the meantime, though, intellectual history remained the dominant historiographical trend. The German scholar Ernst Cassirer is typical, writing in his The Philosophy of the Enlightenment (1932) that the Enlightenment was "a part and a special phase of that whole intellectual development through which modern philosophic thought gained its characteristic self-confidence and self-consciousness". Borrowing from Kant, Cassirer states that Enlightenment is the process by which the spirit "achieves clarity and depth in its understanding of its own nature and destiny, and of its own fundamental character and mission".[136] In short, the Enlightenment was a series of philosophical, scientific and otherwise intellectual developments that took place mostly in the 18th century the birthplace of intellectual modernity.
Recent work
Only in the 1970s did interpretation of the Enlightenment allow for a more heterogeneous and even extra-European vision. A. Owen Aldridge demonstrated how Enlightenment ideas spread to Spanish colonies and how they interacted with indigenous cultures, while Franco Venturi explored how the Enlightenment took place in normally unstudied areas Italy, Greece, the Balkans, Poland, Hungary, and Russia.[137] Robert Darnton's cultural approach launched a new dimension of studies. He said, : "Perhaps the Enlightenment was a more down-to-earth affair than the rarefied climate of opinion described by textbook writers, and we should question the overly highbrow, overly metaphysical view of intellectual life in the eighteenth century."[138] Darnton examines the underbelly of the French book industry in the 18th century, examining the world of book smuggling and the lives of those writers (the "Grub Street Hacks") who never met the success of their philosophe cousins. In short, rather than concerning himself with Enlightenment canon, Darnton studies "what Frenchmen wanted to read", and who wrote, published and distributed it.[139] Similarly, in The Business of Enlightenment. A Publishing History of the Encyclopdie 17751800, Darnton states that there is no need to further study the encyclopdia itself, as "the book has been analyzed and anthologized dozen of times: to recapitulate all the studies of its intellectual content would be redundant".[140] He instead, as the title of the book suggests, examines the social conditions that brought about the production of the Encyclopdie. This is representative of the social interpretation as a whole an examination of the social conditions that brought about Enlightenment ideas rather than a study of the ideas themselves. The work of German philosopher Jrgen Habermas was central to this emerging social interpretation; his seminal work The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere (published under the title Strukturwandel der ffentlicheit in 1962) was translated into English in 1989. The book outlines the creation of the "bourgeois public sphere" in 18th-century Europe. Essentially, this public sphere describes the new venues and modes of communication allowing for rational exchange that appeared
A medal minted during the reign of Joseph II, Holy Roman Emperor, commemorating his grant of religious liberty to Jews and Protestants. Another very important reform of Joseph II was the abolition of serfdom.
Age of Enlightenment in the 18th century. Habermas argued that the public sphere was bourgeois, egalitarian, rational, and independent from the state, making it the ideal venue for intellectuals to critically examine contemporary politics and society, away from the interference of established authority. Habermas's work, though influential, has come under criticism on all fronts. While the public sphere is generally an integral component of social interpretations of the Enlightenment, numerous historians have brought into question whether the public sphere was bourgeois, oppositional to the state, independent from the state, or egalitarian.[141] These historiographical developments have done much to open up the study of Enlightenment to a multiplicity of interpretations. In A Social History of Truth (1994), for example, Steven Shapin makes the largely sociological argument that, in 17th-century England, the mode of sociability known as civility became the primary discourse of truth; for a statement to have the potential to be considered true, it had to be expressed according to the rules of civil society. Feminist interpretations have also appeared, with Dena Goodman being one notable example. In The Republic of Letters: A Cultural History of the French Enlightenment (1994), Goodman argues that many women in fact played an essential part in the French Enlightenment, due to the role they played as salonnires in Parisians salons. These salons "became the civil working spaces of the project of Enlightenment" and women, as salonnires, were "the legitimate governors of [the] potentially unruly discourse" that took place within.[142] On the other hand, Carla Hesse, in The Other Enlightenment: How French Women Became Modern (2001), argues that "female participation in the public cultural life of the Old Regime was... relatively marginal".[143] It was instead the French Revolution, by destroying the old cultural and economic restraints of patronage and corporatism (guilds), that opened French society to female participation, particularly in the literary sphere. All this is not to say that intellectual interpretations no longer exist. Jonathan Israel, for example, in Enlightenment Contested: Philosophy, Modernity, and the Emancipation of Man, 16701752 (2006), constructs an argument that is primarily intellectual in scope. Like many historians before him, he sets the Enlightenment within the context of the French Revolution to follow. Israel argues that only an intellectual interpretation can adequately explain the radical break with Ancien Rgime society.[144][145]
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Important intellectuals
Thomas Abbt (17381766) German. Author of "Vom Tode fr's Vaterland" (On dying for one's nation). Jean le Rond d'Alembert (17171783) French. Mathematician and physicist, one of the editors of Encyclopdie. Francis Bacon (15611626) English. Philosopher who started the revolution in empirical thought that characterized much of the Enlightenment. Pierre Bayle (16471706) French. Literary critic known for his newsletter "Nouvelles de la rpublique des lettres" and his powerful Dictionnaire historique et critique, and one of the earliest influences on the Enlightenment thinkers to advocate tolerance between the different religious beliefs. Cesare Beccaria (17381794) Italian. Criminal law reformer, best known for his treatise On Crimes and Punishments (1764). Balthasar Bekker (16341698) Dutch. A key figure in the early Enlightenment. In his book De Philosophia Cartesiana (1668) Bekker argued that theology and philosophy each had their separate terrains and that Nature can no more be explained from Scripture than can theological truth be deduced from Nature. George Berkeley (16851753) Irish. Philosopher and mathematician famous for developing the theory of subjective idealism. Justus Henning Boehmer (16741749) German. Ecclesiastical jurist, one of the first reformers of the church law and the civil law which was the basis for further reforms and maintained until the 20th century.
Voltaire at age 70.
Ruer Bokovi (1711-1787) was a physicist, astronomer, mathematician, philosopher, diplomat, poet, theologian, Jesuit priest, and a polymath from the city of Dubrovnik in the Republic of Ragusa (today Croatia), who studied and lived in Italy and France where he also published many of his works. He produced a precursor of atomic theory and made many contributions to astronomy, including the first geometric procedure for determining the equator of a rotating planet from three observations of a surface feature and for computing the orbit of a planet from three observations of its position. In 1753 he also discovered the absence of atmosphere on the Moon. James Boswell (17401795) Scottish. Biographer of Samuel Johnson, helped established the norms for writing biography in general. G.L. Buffon (17071788) French. Biologist, author of L'Histoire Naturelle considered Natural Selection and the similarities between humans and apes. Edmund Burke (17291797) Irish. Parliamentarian and political philosopher, best known for pragmatism, considered important to both Enlightenment and conservative thinking. Dimitrie Cantemir (16731723) Moldavian. Philosopher, historian, composer, musicologist, linguist, ethnographer, and geographer. Anders Chydenius (17291803) Finnish-Swedish priest and an ecclesiastical member of the Riksdag, contemporary known as the leading classical liberal of Nordic history. Francisco Javier Clavijero (17311787) Mexican. Historian, best known for his Antique History of Mexico. Marquis de Condorcet (17431794) French. Philosopher, mathematician, and early political scientist who devised the concept of a Condorcet method.
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Ekaterina Dashkova (17431810) Russian. Director of the Imperial Academy of Arts and Sciences (known now as the Russian Academy of Sciences). Denis Diderot (17131784) French. Founder of the Encyclopdie, speculated on free will and attachment to material objects, contributed to the theory of literature. Benito Jernimo Feijo y Montenegro (16761764) Spanish, was the most prominent promoter of the critical empiricist attitude at the dawn of the Spanish Enlightenment. See also the Spanish Martn Sarmiento (16951772) Christlieb Feldstrauch (17341799), Russian and German educator and philosopher. Author of Beobachtungen ber den Geist des Menschen und dessen Verhltni zur Welt [146] French Encyclopdistes (1700s) Bernard le Bovier de Fontenelle (16571757) French. Author. Denis Fonvizin (17441792) Russian. Writer and playwright.
Montesquieu is famous for his articulation of the theory of separation of powers.
Jos Gaspar Rodrguez de Francia (17661840) Paraguayan. First president of Paraguay. Introduced radical political ideas never-before seen in South America to Paraguay, making his country prosperous and more secure than any other in South-America. Benjamin Franklin (17061790) American. Statesman, scientist, political philosopher, author. As a philosopher known for his writings on nationality, economic matters, aphorisms published in Poor Richard's Almanac and polemics in favor of American Independence. Involved with writing the United States Declaration of Independence and the Constitution of 1787. Luigi Galvani (17371798) Italian. Physician, physicist and philosopher who was a pioneer in the studies of Bioelectricity. Antonio Genovesi (17121769) Italian writer on philosophy and political economy. Edward Gibbon (17371794) English. Historian best known for his Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire. Johann Wolfgang von Goethe (17491832) is closely identified with Enlightenment values, progressing from Sturm und Drang ("Storm and Stress"); leader in Weimar Classicism. Olympe de Gouges (17481793), French playwright and activist who championed feminist politics. Alexander Hamilton (17551804) American. Economist, political theorist and politician. A major protagonist for the Constitution of the United States, and the single greatest contributor to the Federalist Papers, advocating for the constitution's ratification through detailed examinations of its construction, philosophical and moral basis, and intent. Joseph Haydn (17321809) Austrian composer who revolutionized the symphonic form. Claude Adrien Helvtius (17151771) Johann Gottfried von Herder (17441803) German. Theologian and linguist. Proposed that language determines thought, introduced concepts of ethnic study and nationalism, influential on later Romantic thinkers. Early supporter of democracy and republican self-rule.
Benjamin Franklin was a major figure in the American Enlightenment.
Age of Enlightenment Thomas Hobbes (15881679) English philosopher, who wrote Leviathan, a key text in political philosophy. While Hobbes justifies absolute monarchy, this work is the first to posit that the temporal power of a monarch comes about, not because God has ordained that he be monarch, but because his subjects have freely yielded their own power and freedom to him - in other words, Hobbes replaces the divine right of kings with an early formulation of the social contract. Hobbes' work was condemned by reformers for its defense of absolutism, and by traditionalists for its claim that the power of government derives from the power of its subjects rather than the will of God. Baron d'Holbach (17231789) French. Author, encyclopaedist and Europe's first outspoken atheist. Roused much controversy over his criticism of religion as a whole in his work The System of Nature. Henry Home, Lord Kames (16961782) Scottish. Lawyer and philosopher. Patron of Adam Smith and David Hume. See Scottish Enlightenment. Robert Hooke (16351703) English, probably the leading experimenter of his age, Curator of Experiments for the Royal Society. Performed the work which quantified such concepts as Boyle's Law and the inverse-square nature of gravitation, father of the science of microscopy. Wilhelm von Humboldt (1767-1835) German. Linguist, founder of the modern educational system, philosopher, diplomat. David Hume (17111776) Scottish. Historian, philosopher and economist. Best known for his empiricism and rational skepticism, advanced doctrines of naturalism and material causes. Influenced Kant and Adam Smith. Thomas Jefferson (17431826) American. Statesman, political philosopher, educator. As a philosopher best known for the United States Declaration of Independence (1776), especially "All men are created equal," and his support of democracy in theory and practice. A polymath, he promoted higher education as a way to uplift the entire nation . Gaspar Melchor de Jovellanos (17441811), Main figure of the Spanish Enlightenment. Preeminent statesman. Immanuel Kant (17241804) German. Philosopher and physicist. Established critical philosophy on a systematic basis, proposed a material theory for the origin of the solar system, wrote on ethics and morals. Prescribed a politics of Enlightenment in What is Enlightenment? (1784). Influenced by Hume and Isaac Newton. Important figure in German Idealism, and important to the work of Fichte and Hegel. Vasyl Karazin (1773-1842) was a Russian and Ukrainian enlightenment figure, intellectual, inventor, founder of The Antoine-Laurent de Lavoisier is known as the father of Ministry of National Education in Russian Empire and modern chemistry. scientific publisher in Ukraine. He is the founder of Kharkiv University, which now bears his name. He is also known for opposing to what he saw as colonial exploitation of Ukraine by the Russian Empire, even though he himself was ethnically Serbian. Hugo Kotaj (17501812) Polish. He was active in the Commission for National Education and the Society for Elementary Textbooks, and reformed the Krakw Academy, of which he was rector in 178386. He co-authored the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth's Constitution of May 3, 1791, and founded the Assembly of Friends of the Government Constitution to assist in the document's implementation. Ignacy Krasicki (17351801): Polish. Leading poet of the Polish Enlightenment. Antoine Lavoisier (17431794)French; a founder of modern chemistry; executed in the French Revolution for his politics Gottfried Leibniz (16461716) German philosopher & mathematician; rival of Newton.
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Age of Enlightenment Giacomo Leopardi (17981837) Italian poet, essayist, philosopher, and philologist. Gotthold Ephraim Lessing (17291781) German. Dramatist, critic, political philosopher. Created theatre in the German language Carl von Linn (Carl Linnaeus) (17071778) Swedish botanist, physician, and zoologist, who laid the foundations for the modern scheme of binomial nomenclature. He is known as the father of modern taxonomy John Locke (16321704) English Philosopher. Important empiricist who expanded and extended the work of Francis Bacon and Thomas Hobbes. Seminal thinker in the realm of the relationship between the state and the individual, the contractual basis of the state and the rule of law. Argued for personal liberty emphasizing the rights of property. Mikhail Lomonosov (17111765) Russian. Polymath, scientist and writer, who made important contributions to literature, education, and science. James Madison (17511836) American. Statesman and political philosopher. Played a key role in the writing of the United States Constitution and providing a theoretical justification for it in his contributions to the Federalist Papers; author of the American Bill of Rights. Moses Mendelssohn (17291786) German. Philosopher of Jewish Enlightenment in Prussia (Haskalah), honoured by his friend Lessing in his drama as Nathan the Wise. James Burnett, Lord Monboddo (17141799) Scottish. Philosopher, jurist, pre-evolutionary thinker and contributor to linguistic evolution. See Scottish Enlightenment Josef Vratislav Monse (17331793) Czech. Professor of Law at University of Olomouc, leading figure of Enlightenment in the Habsburg Monarchy Montesquieu (16891755) French political thinker. He is famous for his articulation of the theory of separation of powers, taken for granted in modern discussions of government and implemented in many constitutions all over the world. Political scientist, Donald Lutz, found that Montesquieu was the most frequently quoted authority on government in colonial America.[147] Leandro Fernndez de Moratn (17601828) Spanish. Dramatist and translator, support of republicanism and free thinking. Transitional figure to Romanticism.
John Locke, widely known as the Father of Classical Liberalism.
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Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart (17561791) Austrian. A leading composer of the era. Jos Celestino Mutis (17551808), Spanish botanist; lead the first botanic expeditions to South America, and built a major collection of plants. Sir Isaac Newton (16421727) Lucasian professor of mathematics, Cambridge University; author, 'Philosophiae Naturalis Principia Mathematica'. Nikolay Novikov (17441818) Russian. Philanthropist and journalist who sought to raise the culture of Russian readers and publicly argued with the Empress. See Russian Enlightenment. Dositej Obradovi (17391811) Serbian. Writer, linguist, educator, influential proponent of Serbian cultural nationalism, and founder of The Ministry of National Education in Karaore's Serbia, and founder of the University of Belgrade. Zaharije Orfelin (17261785) Serbian. Polymath-poet, writer, historian, translator, engraver, editor, publisher, etc. Francesco Mario Pagano (17481799) Italian jurist and philosopher, one of the pioneers of the modern criminal law.
Age of Enlightenment Thomas Paine (17371809) English/American pamphleteer, most famous for Common Sense (1776) calling for American independence as the most rational solution. Marquis of Pombal (16991782) Portuguese statesman notable for his swift and competent leadership in the aftermath of the 1755 Lisbon earthquake. He also implemented sweeping economic policies to regulate commercial activity and standardize quality throughout the country. Stanisaw August Poniatowski (173298), the last king of independent Poland, a leading light of the Enlightenment in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, and co-author of one of the world's first modern constitutions, the Constitution of May 3, 1791. Franois Quesnay (16941774) French economist of the Physiocratic school. Alexander Radishchev (17491802) Russian. Writer and philosopher. He brought the tradition of radicalism in Russian literature to prominence. Jovan Raji (1726-1801) Serbian. Writer, historian, traveller, and pedagogue, considered to be one of the greatest Serbian academics of the 18th century.
The greatest figure of the Scientific revolution, Sir Isaac Newton, was a fellow of the Royal Society of England.
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Thomas Reid (17101796) Scottish. Philosopher who developed Common Sense Realism. Jean-Jacques Rousseau (17121778) Swiss political philosopher; influenced many Enlightenment figures but did not himself believe in primacy of reason and is closer to Romanticism. Adam Smith (17231790) Scottish economist and philosopher. He wrote The Wealth of Nations, in which he argued that wealth was not money in itself, but wealth was derived from the added value in manufactured items produced by both invested capital and labour. He is sometimes considered to be the founding father of the laissez-faire economic theory, but in fact argues for some degree of government control in order to maintain equity. Just prior to this he wrote Theory of Moral Sentiments, explaining how it is humans function and interact through what he calls sympathy, setting up important context for The Wealth of Nations. Baruch Spinoza (16321677) Dutch philosopher who helped lay the groundwork for the 18th-century Enlightenment. Alexander Sumarokov (17171777) Russian. Poet and playwright who created classical theatre in Russia Emanuel Swedenborg (16881772) Natural philosopher and theologian whose search for the operation of the soul in the body led him to construct a detailed metaphysical model for spiritual-natural causation. Giambattista Vico (16681744) Italian. Political philosopher, rhetorician, historian, and jurist. Voltaire (Franois-Marie Arouet) (16941778) French. Highly influential writer, historian and philosopher. He promoted Newtonian ism and denounced organized religion as pernicious. Adam Weishaupt (17481830) German who founded the Order of the Illuminati. Christian Wolff (16791754) German philosopher. Mary Wollstonecraft (17591797) British writer, and pioneer feminist.
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References
[1] [2] [3] [4] [5] [6] [7] [8] "enlightenment". Oxford Dictionaries. Oxford University Press, n.d. Web. 19 September 2013. Kors, Alan Charles. Encyclopedia of the Enlightenment. Oxford: Oxford UP, 2003. Print. Sootin, Harry. "Isaac Newton." New York, Messner(1955). Vallier, Dora. "Rousseau." New York : Crown Publishers, c1979. Robert R. Palmer, The Age of the Democratic Revolution (1964) Oxford English Dictionary, 3rd Edn (revised) Russell, Bertrand. A History of Western Philosophy. p492494 Roger Chartier, The Cultural Origins of the French Revolution (1991). The argument is expanded in Daniel Brewer, The Enlightenment Past: Reconstructing Eighteenth-Century French Thought (Cambridge U. Press, 2008) [9] Jonathan I. Israel, A Revolution of the Mind: Radical Enlightenment and the Intellectual Origins of Modern Democracy, Princeton, 2009, pp.4950. [10] Jonathan I. Israel, Enlightenment Contested, Oxford, 2006, pp. v - viii. [11] Jonathan I. Israel, Radical Enlightenment (2002), p. 3. [12] Israel, 2002, p. 4. [13] Jonathan I. Israel, 2006, p. 11. [14] Jonathan I. Israel, A revolution of the mind, Princeton University Press, 2010, p. 19 [15] Israel, 2010, p. vii-viii. [16] Israel, 2010, pp. 15ff. [17] Die Moderne Ein unvollendetes Projekt. Philosophisch-politische Aufstze, Leipzig 1990. [18] David N. Livingstone and Charles W. J. Withers, Geography and Enlightenment (1999) [19] Stephen J. Lee, Aspects of European history, 14941789 (1990) pp.25866 [20] Nicholas Henderson, "Joseph II", History Today (March 1991) 41:21-27 [21] Encyclopdia Britannica, Greek history, The mercantile middle class, 2008 ed. [22] Roland Sarti, Italy: A Reference Guide from the Renaissance to the Present, Infobase Publishing, 2009, p. 457 [23] John Stanley, "Towards A New Nation: The Enlightenment and National Revival in Poland", Canadian Review of Studies in Nationalism, 1983, Vol. 10 Issue 2, pp83110 [24] Giles MacDonogh, Frederick the Great: A Life in Deed and Letters (2001) p 341 [25] John G. Gagliardo, Germany under the Old Regime, 16001790 (1991) pp21734, 375-95 [26] Matt Hettche, "Christian Wolff" Stanford Encyclopdia of Philosophy (2006) online (http:/ / plato. stanford. edu/ entries/ wolff-christian/ ) [27] Simon J. Richter, ed. The Literature of Weimar Classicism (2005) [28] Samantha Owens et al. eds. Music at German Courts, 17151760: Changing Artistic Priorities (2011) [29] Manfred Kuehn, Kant: A Biography (2001). [30] Richard Van Dulmen and Anthony Williams, eds. The Society of the Enlightenment: The Rise of the Middle Class and Enlightenment Culture in Germany (1992) [31] Elise Kimerling Wirtschafter, "Thoughts on the Enlightenment and Enlightenment in Russia", Modern Russian History & Historiography, 2009, Vol. 2 Issue 2, pp126 [32] Jonathan Israel, Democratic Enlightenment: Philosophy, Revolution, and Human Rights 17501790 (2011) ch 22 [33] Nicholas Henderson, "Charles III of Spain: An Enlightened Despot", History Today, Nov 1968, Vol. 18 Issue 10, p673682 and Issue 11, pp760768 [34] Jonathan Israel, Democratic Enlightenment: Philosophy, Revolution, and Human Rights 17501790 (2011) ch 14 [35] Jonathan Israel, Democratic Enlightenment: Philosophy, Revolution, and Human Rights 17501790 (2011) ch 16 ch 9 [36] David Daiches, Peter Jones and Jean Jones, A Hotbed of Genius: The Scottish Enlightenment, 17301790 (1986) [37] Bruce P. Lenman, Integration and Enlightenment: Scotland, 17461832 (1993) excerpt and text search (http:/ / www. amazon. com/ dp/ 0748603859) [38] Pierre Manent, An Intellectual History of Liberalism (1994) pp 2038 [39] http:/ / plato. stanford. edu/ entries/ locke/ influence. html [40] quoted in [41] http:/ / www. historyguide. org/ intellect/ wollstonecraft. html [42] Jonathan Israel, Democratic Enlightenment: Philosophy, Revolution, and Human Rights 17501790 (2011) ch 16 [43] Paul M. Spurlin, Montesquieu in America, 17601801 (1941) [44] Michael Atiyah, "Benjamin Franklin and the Edinburgh Enlightenment," Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society (Dec 2006) 150#4 pp591606. [45] Jack Fruchtman, Jr., Atlantic Cousins: Benjamin Franklin and His Visionary Friends (2007) [46] Dorinda Outram, Panorama of the Enlightenment (2006) p 29 [47] Milan Zafirovski, The Enlightenment and Its Effects on Modern Society (201) p 144 [48] Lorraine Y. Landry, Marx and the postmodernism debates: an agenda for critical theory (2000) p. 7 [49] Thomas D. D'Andrea, Tradition, rationality, and virtue: the thought of Alasdair MacIntyre (2006) p. 339
[50] Eugen Weber, Movements, Currents, Trends: Aspects of European Thought in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries (1992) [51] Roger Chartier, The Cultural Origins of the French Revolution (1991), 18. [52] James Van Horn Melton, The Rise of the Public in Enlightenment Europe (2001), 4. [53] Jrgen Habermas, The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere, (1989), 36, 37. [54] Nicolaas A. Rupke (2008). " Alexander Von Humboldt: A Metabiography (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=_fXXRzidVKMC& pg=& dq& hl=en#v=onepage& q=& f=false)". University of Chicago Press. p.138 ISBN 0-226-73149-9 [55] Melton, 8. [56] Melton, 4, 5. Habermas, 1426. [57] Outram, 15, 16. [58] Chartier, 27. [59] David Beard and Kenneth Gloag, Musicology, The Key Concepts (New York: Routledge, 2005), 58. [60] J. Peter Burkholder, Donald J. Grout and Claude V. Palisca, A History of Western Music, Seventh Edition, (New York: W.W. Norton & Company, Inc., 2006), 475. [61] Beard and Gloag, Musicology, 59. [62] Beard and Gloag, Musicology, 60. [63] Burkholder, Grout and Palisca, A History of Western Music, 475. [64] Edward Andrew, Patrons of enlightenment (2006) pp1924 [65] Elizabeth Williams, A Cultural History of Medical Vitalism in Enlightenment Montpellier (2003) p. 50 [66] Peter Barrett (2004), Science and Theology Since Copernicus: The Search for Understanding (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=fwxViwX6KuMC& pg=PA14& dq& hl=en#v=onepage& q=& f=false), p. 14, Continuum International Publishing Group, ISBN 0-567-08969-X [67] Daniel Roche, France in the Enlightenment, (1998), 420. [68] Roche, 515, 516. [69] Jeremy L. Caradonna, "Prendre part au sicle des Lumires: Le concours acadmique et la culture intellectuelle au XVIIIe sicle", Annales. Histoire, Sciences sociales, vol.64 (mai-juin 2009), n.3, 633662. [70] Caradonna, 634636. [71] Caradonna, 653654. [72] Steven Shapin, A Social History of Truth: Civility and Science in Seventeenth-Century England, Chicago; London: University of Chicago Press, 1994. [73] Steven Shapin and Simon Schaffer, Leviathan and the Air-Pump: Hobbes, Boyle, and the Experimental Life (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1985), 5, 56, 57. This same desire for multiple witnesses led to attempts at replication in other locations and a complex iconography and literary technology developed to provide visual and written proof of experimentation. See pages 5965. [74] Shapin and Schaffer, 58, 59. [75] Outram, 17, 20. [76] Darnton, "The Literary Underground", 16. [77] from Outram, 19. See Rolf Engelsing, "Die Perioden der Lesergeschichte in der Neuzeit. Das statische Ausmass und die soziokulturelle Bedeutung der Lektre", Archiv fr Geschichte des Buchwesens, 10 (1969), cols. 9441002 and Der Brger als Leser: Lesergeschichte in Deutschland, 15001800 (Stuttgart, 1974). [78] Jonathan Israel, Radical Enlightenment: Philosophy and the Making of Modernity, 16501750 (Oxford; New York: Oxford University Press, 2001) 120. [79] Outram, 2729 [80] Erin Mackie, The Commerce of Everyday Life: Selections from The Tatler and The Spectator (Boston: Bedford/St. Martin's, 1998), 16. [81] See Mackie, Darnton, An Early Information Society [82] In particular, see Chapter 6, "Reading, Writing and Publishing" [83] See Darnton, The Literary Underground, 184. [84] Darnton, The Literary Underground, 135147. [85] Darnton, The Business of Enlightenment, 12, 13. For a more detailed description of French censorship laws, see Darnton, The Literary Underground [86] Outram, 21. [87] Emma Spary, "The 'Nature' of Enlightenment" in The Sciences in Enlightened Europe, William Clark, Jan Golinski, and Steven Schaffer, eds. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1999), 281, 282. [88] See Thomas Laqueur, Making sex: body and gender from the Greeks to Freud (1990). [89] Spary, 289293. [90] Israel, Radical Enlightenment, 142. [91] Israel, Radical Enlightenment, 143, 144. [92] Israel, Radical Enlightenment, 150, 151. [93] Chartier, 26. [94] Chartier, 26, 26. Kant, "What is Enlightenment?" [95] Outram, 23.
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[96] Goodman, 3. [97] Darnton's work focuses primarily on the French Enlightenment. As a result, the conclusions that he draws generally cannot, without further research, be applied to other cultural contexts. [98] Darnton, The Literary Underground, 13. [99] Darnton, The Literary Underground, 13, 17. [100] Crbillon fils, quoted from Darnton, The Literary Underground, 17. [101] Darnton, The Literary Underground, 19, 20. [102] Darnton, "The Literary Underground", 21, 23. [103] Darnton, The Literary Underground, 29 [104] Citations from Darnton, The Literary Underground, 30, 31. [105] Outram, 22. [106] Darnton, The Literary Underground, 3540. [107] Cowan, 90, 91. [108] Colin Jones, Paris: Biography of a City (New York: Viking, 2004), 188, 189. [109] Robert Darnton, "An Early Information Society: News and the Media in Eighteenth-Century Paris," American Historical Review (2000) 105#1 pp135 in JSTOR (http:/ / www. jstor. org/ stable/ 2652433) [110] This section is based on Donna T. Andrew, "Popular Culture and Public Debate: London 1780", This Historical Journal, Vol. 39, No. 2. (June 1996), pp. 405423. [111] Andrew, 406. Andrew gives the name as "William Henley", which must be a lapse of writing. [112] From Andrew, 408. [113] Andrew, 406408, 411. [114] Andrew, 412415. [115] Andrew, 422. [116] Steven C. Bullock, "Initiating the Enlightenment?: Recent Scholarship on European Freemasonry", Eighteenth-Century Life, Volume 20, Number 1, February 1996, p. 81 [117] Robert R. Palmer, The Age of the Democratic Revolution: The struggle (1970) p. 53 [118] Neil L. York, "Freemasons and the American Revolution", The Historian Volume: 55. Issue: 2. 1993, pp 315+. [119] Reinhart Koselleck, Critique and Crisis, p. 62, The MIT Press, Cambridge Massachusetts, 1988. ISBN 978-0-262-61157-2. [120] Thomas Munck, 1994, p. 70. [121] Jean le Rond d'Alembert, Discours prliminaire de l'Encyclopdie [122] Outram, 1. The past tense is used deliberately as whether man would educate himself or be educated by certain exemplary figures was a common issue at the time. D'Alembert's introduction to l'Encyclopdie, for example, along with Immanuel Kant's essay response (the "independent thinkers"), both support the later model. [123] Immanuel Kant, "What is Enlightenment?", 1. [124] " The Abolition of The Slave Trade (http:/ / abolition. nypl. org/ print/ abolition/ )" [125] Daniel Brewer, The Enlightenment Past: reconstructing eighteenth--century French thought (2008), p. 1 [126] Roger Chartier, The Cultural Origins of the French Revolution, (1991) p 5. [127] From Taine's letter to Boutmy of 31 July 1874, taken from Chartier, 8. [128] Chartier, 8. See also Alexis de Tocqueville, L'Ancien Rgime et la Rvolution, 1850, Book Three, Chapter One. [129] Chartier, 13. [130] Annelien De Dijn, "The Politics of Enlightenment: From Peter Gay to Jonathan Israel," Historical Journal (2012) 55#3 pp785805. [131] Margaret C. Jacob, ed. The Enlightenment: Brief History with Documents, Boston: Bedford/St. Martins, 2001, Introduction, pp. 1-72. [132] John Locke, Reasonableness of Christianity, Preface, The Reasonableness of Christianity, as Delivered in the Scriptures, 1695, http:/ / oll. libertyfund. org [133] Baruch Spinoza, Theologico-Political Treatise, Preface, 1677, www.gutenburg.com [134] Moses Mendelssohn, Jerusalem: Or on Religious Power and Judaism, 1783, www.earlymoderntexts.com/pdf/ [135] Thomas Paine, Of the Religion of Deism Compared with the Christian Religion, 1804, Internet History Sourcebook [136] Ernst Cassirer, The Philosophy of the Enlightenment, (1951), p. vi [137] Outram, 6. See also, A. Owen Alridge (ed.), The Ibero-American Enlightenment (1971)., Franco Venturi, The End of the Old Regime in Europe 17681776: The First Crisis. [138] Robert Darnton, The Literary Underground of the Old Regime (1982), p. 2. [139] Darnton, The Literary Underground..., 2. [140] Robert Darnton, The Business of Enlightenment. A Publishing History of the Encyclopdie 17751800 (1979), 5. [141] For example, Robert Darnton, Roger Chartier, Brian Cowan, Donna T. Andrew. [142] Dena Goodman, The Republic of Letters: A Cultural History of the French Enlightenment (1994), 53. [143] Carla Hesse, The Other Enlightenment: How French Women Became Modern (2001), 42. [144] Jonathan Israel, Enlightenment Contested: Philosophy, Modernity, and the Emancipation of Man, 16701752 (2006), 4. [145] The basic structure of this section has being borrowed in part from Dorinda Outram, "What is Enlightenment?", The Enlightenment (1995). [146] http:/ / philpapers. org/ archive/ VASPPT. 3. pdf
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[147] "The Relative Influence of European Writers on Late Eighteenth-Century American Political Thought", American Political Science Review 78,1 (March 1984), 189-197.
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Further reading
Reference and surveys
Becker, Carl L. The Heavenly City of the Eighteenth-Century Philosophers. (1932) Bronner, Stephen. The Great Divide: The Enlightenment and its Critics Burns, William. Science in the Enlightenment: An Encyclopdia (2003) 353pp Chisick, Harvey. Historical Dictionary of the Enlightenment. 2005. 512 pp Delon, Michel. Encyclopdia of the Enlightenment (2001) 1480pp Dupre, Louis. The Enlightenment & the Intellectual Foundations of Modern Culture 2004 Gay, Peter. The Enlightenment: The Rise of Modern Paganism (1966, 2nd ed. 1995), 952 pp; excerpt and text search vol 1 (http://www.amazon.com/dp/0393313026); The Enlightenment: The Science of Freedom, (1969 2nd ed. 1995), a highly influential study excerpt and text search vol 2 (http://www.amazon.com/dp/ 0393313662); Greensides F, Hyland P, Gomez O (ed.). The Enlightenment (2002) Fitzpatrick, Martin et al., eds. The Enlightenment World. (2004). 714pp; 39 essays by scholars online edition (http://www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=107997736#) Hazard, Paul. European thought in the 18th century: From Montesquieu to Lessing (1965) Humphreys, Kenneth. Jesus never existed (2005) Welcome to the enlightenment Himmelfarb, Gertrude. The Roads to Modernity: The British, French, and American Enlightenments (2004) excerpt and text search (http://www.amazon.com/Roads-Modernity-British-American-Enlightenments/dp/ 1400077222/) Israel, Jonathan. Democratic Enlightenment: Philosophy, Revolution, and Human Rights, 17501790 (2011), 1152pp; intellectual history focused on radicalism Jacob, Margaret Enlightenment: A Brief History with Documents 2000 Kors, Alan Charles. Encyclopdia of the Enlightenment (4 vol. 1990; 2nd ed. 2003), 1984pp excerpt and text search (http://www.amazon.com/dp/0195104307); also complete text online at www.oxfordreference.com (http://www.oxfordreference.com/pub/views/home.html) Munck, Thomas. Enlightenment: A Comparative Social History, 17211794 England. (1994) Outram, Dorinda. The Enlightenment(1995) 157pp excerpt and text search (http://www.amazon.com/dp/ 0521425344) Outram, Dorinda. Panorama of the Enlightenment (2006), emphasis on Germany; heavily illustrated Porter, Roy (2001), The Enlightenment (http://books.google.co.uk/books?id=z6C9zlVo7cAC& printsec=frontcover) (2nd ed.), ISBN9780333945056, retrieved 28 Jun 2012 Reill, Peter Hanns, and Wilson, Ellen Judy. Encyclopdia of the Enlightenment. (2nd ed. 2004). 670 pp. Yolton, John W. et al. The Blackwell Companion to the Enlightenment. 1992. 581 pp.
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Specialty studies
Aldridge, A. Owen (ed.). The Ibero-American Enlightenment (1971). Andrew, Donna T. "Popular Culture and Public Debate: London 1780". The Historical Journal, Vol. 39, No. 2. (June 1996), pp 405423. in JSTOR (http://www.jstor.org/stable/2640187) Brewer, Daniel. The Enlightenment Past: reconstructing 18th-century French thought. (2008). Broadie, Alexander. The Scottish Enlightenment: The Historical Age of the Historical Nation (2007) Broadie, Alexander. The Cambridge Companion to the Scottish Enlightenment (2003) excerpt and text search (http://www.amazon.com/dp/0521003237) Bronner, Stephen. Interpreting the Enlightenment: Metaphysics, Critique, and Politics, 2004 Brown, Stuart, ed. British Philosophy in the Age of Enlightenment (2002) Buchan, James. Crowded with Genius: The Scottish Enlightenment: Edinburgh's Moment of the Mind (2004) excerpt and text search (http://www.amazon.com/dp/006055889X) Campbell, R.S. and Skinner, A.S., (eds.) The Origins and Nature of the Scottish Enlightenment, Edinburgh, 1982 Cassirer, Ernst. The Philosophy of the Enlightenment. 1955. a highly influential study by a neoKantian philosopher excerpt and text search (http://www.amazon.com/dp/0691019630) Chartier, Roger. The Cultural Origins of the French Revolution. Translated by Lydia G. Cochrane. Duke University Press, 1991. Cowan, Brian, The Social Life of Coffee: The Emergence of the British Coffeehouse. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2005 Darnton, Robert. The Literary Underground of the Old Regime. (1982). Edelstein, Dan. The Enlightenment: A Genealogy (University of Chicago Press; 2010) 209 pages Golinski, Jan. "Science in the Enlightenment, Revisited," History of Science (2011) 49#2 pp217231 Goodman, Dena. The Republic of Letters: A Cultural History of the French Enlightenment. (1994). Hesse, Carla. The Other Enlightenment: How French Women Became Modern. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2001. Hankins, Thomas L. Science and the Enlightenment (1985). Israel, Jonathan I. Enlightenment Contested: Philosophy, Modernity, and the Emancipation of Man 16701752 (2008) Israel, Jonathan. Radical Enlightenment: Philosophy and the Making of Modernity, 16501750. (2001). Israel, Jonathan. A Revolution of the Mind - Radical Enlightenment and the Intellectual Origins of Modern Democracy. (2009). May, Henry F. The Enlightenment in America. 1976. 419 pp. Melton, James Van Horn. The Rise of the Public in Enlightenment Europe. (2001). Porter, Roy. The Creation of the Modern World: The Untold Story of the British Enlightenment. 2000. 608 pp. excerpt and text search (http://www.amazon.com/dp/0393322688) Redkop, Benjamin. The Enlightenment and Community, 1999 Reid-Maroney, Nina. Philadelphia's Enlightenment, 17401800: Kingdom of Christ, Empire of Reason. 2001. 199 pp. Roche, Daniel. France in the Enlightenment. (1998). Sorkin, David. The Religious Enlightenment: Protestants, Jews, and Catholics from London to Vienna (2008) Staloff, Darren. Hamilton, Adams, Jefferson: The Politics of Enlightenment and the American Founding. 2005. 419 pp. excerpt and text search (http://www.amazon.com/dp/080905356X) Till, Nicholas. Mozart and the Enlightenment: Truth, Virtue, and Beauty in Mozart's Operas. 1993. 384 pp. Tunstall, Kate E. Blindness and Enlightenment. An Essay. With a new translation of Diderot's Letter on the Blind (Continuum, 2011) Venturi, Franco. Utopia and Reform in the Enlightenment. George Macaulay Trevelyan Lecture, (1971)
551
Primary sources
Broadie, Alexander, ed. The Scottish Enlightenment: An Anthology (2001) excerpt and text search (http://www. amazon.com/dp/0862417384) Diderot, Denis. Rameau's Nephew and First Satire.' (2008). Diderot, Denis. "Letter on the Blind" in Tunstall, Kate E. Blindness and Enlightenment. An Essay. With a new translation of Diderot's Letter on the Blind (Continuum, 2011) Diderot, Denis. The Encyclopdie of Diderot and D'Alembert: Selected Articles (1969) excerpt and text search (http://www.amazon.com/dp/0521076048) Gomez, Olga, et al. eds. The Enlightenment: A Sourcebook and Reader (2001) excerpt and text search (http:// www.amazon.com/dp/0415204496) Kramnick, Issac, ed. The Portable Enlightenment Reader (1995) excerpt and text search (http://www.amazon. com/dp/0140245669)
External links
Age of Enlightenment (http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/enlightenment) entry in the Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy Age of Enlightenment (http://philpapers.org/s/Age_of_Enlightenment) at PhilPapers Age of Enlightenment (https://inpho.cogs.indiana.edu/idea/5368) at the Indiana Philosophy Ontology Project
Encyclopdie
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Encyclopdie
Encyclopdie, ou dictionnaire raisonn des sciences, des arts et des mtiers
The title page of the Encyclopdie Author Country Language Subject Genre Publisher Numerous contributors, edited by Denis Diderot and Jean le Rond d'Alembert France French General Reference encyclopedia Andr le Breton, Michel-Antoine David, Laurent Durand, and Antoine-Claude Briasson
Publication date 175172
Encyclopdie, ou dictionnaire raisonn des sciences, des arts et des mtiers (English: Encyclopaedia or a Systematic Dictionary of the Sciences, Arts and Crafts) was a general encyclopedia published in France between 1751 and 1772, with later supplements, revised editions, and translations. It was edited by Denis Diderot and, until 1759, co-edited by Jean le Rond d'Alembert. As of 1750, the full title was Encyclopdie, ou Dictionnaire raisonn des sciences, des arts et des mtiers, par une socit de gens de lettres, mis en ordre par M. Diderot de l'Acadmie des Sciences et Belles-Lettres de Prusse, et quant la partie mathmatique, par M. d'Alembert de l'Acadmie royale des Sciences de Paris, de celle de Prusse et de la Socit royale de Londres. ("Encyclopedia: or a Systematic Dictionary of the Sciences, Arts, and Crafts, by a Company of Men of Letters, arranged by M. Diderot of the Academy of Sciences and Belles-lettres of Prussia: as to the Mathematical Portion, arranged by M. d'Alembert of the Royal Academy of Sciences of Paris, to the Academy of Sciences in Prussia and to the Royal Society of London.") The title page was amended as D'Alembert acquired more titles. The Encyclopdie was an innovative encyclopedia in several respects. Among other things, it was the first encyclopedia to include contributions from many named contributors, and it was the first general encyclopedia to lavish attention on the mechanical arts. Still, the Encyclopdie is famous above all for representing the thought of the Enlightenment. According to Denis Diderot in the article "Encyclopdie", the Encyclopdie's aim was "to change the way people think".[1] He wanted to incorporate all of the world's knowledge into the Encyclopdie and hoped that the text could disseminate all this information to the public and future generations.[2]
Encyclopdie
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Origins
The Encyclopdie was originally conceived as a French translation of Ephraim Chambers's Cyclopaedia (1728).[3] In 1743, the translation was entrusted by the Parisian book publisher Andr Le Breton to John Mills, an English resident in France. In May 1745, Le Breton announced the work as available for sale, but to his dismay, Mills had not done the work he was commissioned to do; in fact, he could barely read and write French, and did not even own a copy of Cyclopaedia. Furious at having been swindled, Le Breton beat Mills with a cane. Mills sued for assault, but Le Breton was acquitted in court as being justified.[4] For his new editor, Le Breton settled on the mathematician Jean Paul de Gua de Malves. Among those hired by Malves were the young tienne Bonnot de Condillac, Jean le Rond d'Alembert, and Denis Diderot. Within thirteen months, in August 1747, Gua de Malves was fired for being an ineffective leader. Le Breton then hired Diderot and Jean d'Alembert to be the new editors.[5] Diderot would remain editor for the next twenty-five years, seeing the Encyclopdie through its completion.[6]
Publication
The work comprised 28 volumes, with 71,818 articles and 3,129 illustrations. The first seventeen volumes were published between 1751 and 1765; eleven volumes of plates were finished by 1772. Because of its occasional radical contents (see "Contents" below), the French government suspended the encyclopedia's privilge in 1759,[7] but because it had many highly placed supporters, notably Malesherbes and Madame de Pompadour, work continued "in secret." In truth, secular authorities did not want to disrupt the commercial enterprise, which employed hundreds of people. To appease the church and other enemies of the project, the authorities had officially banned the enterprise, but they turned a blind eye to its continued existence.
Fig.2: Extract from the frontispiece of the Encyclopdie (1772). It was drawn by Charles-Nicolas Cochin and engraved by Bonaventure-Louis Prvost. The work is laden with symbolism: The figure in the centre represents truth surrounded by bright light (the central symbol of the Enlightenment). Two other figures on the right, reason and philosophy, are tearing the veil from truth. (entire frontispiece)
In 1775, Charles Joseph Panckoucke obtained the rights to reissue the work. He issued five volumes of supplementary material and a two-volume index from 1776 to 1780. Some scholars include these seven "extra" volumes as part of the first full issue of the Encyclopdie, for a total of 35 volumes, although they were not written or edited by the original authors.
From 1782 to 1832, Panckoucke and his successors published an expanded edition of the work in some 166 volumes as the Encyclopdie mthodique. That work, enormous for its time, occupied a thousand workers in production and 2,250 contributors.
Contributors
Since the objective of the editors of the Encyclopdie was to gather all the knowledge in the world, Diderot and D'Alembert knew they would need various contributors to help them with their project.[8] Many of the most noted figures of the French Enlightenment contributed to the Encyclopdie, including Diderot, Voltaire, Rousseau, and Montesquieu.[9] The most prolific contributor was Louis de Jaucourt, who wrote 17,266 articles, or about eight per day, between 1759 and 1765. The publication became a place where these contributors can share their ideas and interests. Still, as Frank Kafker has argued, the Encyclopedists were not a unified group:
Encyclopdie ... despite their reputation, [the Encyclopedists] were not a close-knit group of radicals intent on subverting the Old Regime in France. Instead they were a disparate group of men of letters, physicians, scientists, craftsmen and scholars ... even the small minority who were persecuted for writing articles belittling what they viewed as unreasonable customsthus weakening the might of the Catholic Church and undermining that of the monarchydid not envision that their ideas would encourage a revolution. Following is a list of notable contributors with their area of contribution (for a more detailed list, see Encyclopdistes): Jean Le Rond d'Alembert editor; science (especially mathematics), contemporary affairs, philosophy, religion, among others Andr Le Breton chief publisher; article on printer's ink Louis-Jean-Marie Daubenton natural history Denis Diderot chief editor; economics, mechanical arts, philosophy, politics, religion, among others Baron d'Holbach science (chemistry, mineralogy), politics, religion, among others Chevalier Louis de Jaucourt economics, literature, medicine, politics, bookbinding, among others Jean-Baptiste de La Chapelle - mathematics Montesquieu part of the article "Got" ("Taste") Franois Quesnay articles on tax farmers and grain Jean-Jacques Rousseau music, political theory Anne Robert Jacques Turgot, Baron de Laune economics, etymology, philosophy, physics Voltaire history, literature, philosophy
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Encyclopdie
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Contents
Like most encyclopedias, the Encyclopdie attempted to collect and summarize human knowledge in a variety of fields and topics, ranging from philosophy to theology to science and the arts. Unlike prior encyclopedias, the Encyclopdie reorganized knowledge into three primary categories, each a component of human thought, rather than a component of nature or theology. The introduction to the Encyclopdie, D'Alembert's "Preliminary Discourse", is considered an important exposition of Enlightenment ideals. Among other things, it presents a taxonomy of human knowledge (see Fig. 3), which was inspired by Francis Bacon's The Advancement of Learning. The three main branches of knowledge are: "Memory"/History, "Reason"/Philosophy, and "Imagination"/Poetry. This tree of knowledge was created for the readers in order to help them evaluate the usefulness of the content within the Encyclopdie, and to organize its content.[10] Notable is the fact that theology is ordered under "Philosophy" and that "Knowledge of God" is only a few nodes away from "Divination" and "Black Magic".
Fig. 3: "Figurative system of human knowledge", the structure that the Encyclopdie organised knowledge into. It had three main branches: memory, reason, and imagination.
Because of the principles and beliefs of its authors, such as Diderot, Voltaire, and Rousseau, the Encyclopdie addressed its topics and contents based on contemporary notions of reason and individual or intellectual authority, as common principles of knowledge amongst Enlightenment thinkers.[11] Unlike prior encyclopedias and organizers of knowledge, the producers addressed knowledge as a product of human reason rather than divine intervention or nature.[12] Instead, knowledge and intellect branched from the three categories of human thought, whereas all other perceived aspects of knowledge, including theology, were simply branches or components of these man made categories.[13]
Religion
The encyclopedia stirred controversy amongst the clergy by reinforcing contentious and heretical perspectives on Christianity and related dogma. As mentioned above, the Enlightenment philosophers and writers displaced religion and the Catholic Church from its traditional role as the origin and center of knowledge and replaced it with personal intellect and individual reason. Writers in the encyclopedias articles generally considered religion on a rational basis by denouncing superstition and excess faith, and separating religion from morality. In addition, the writers collectively emphasized government toleration of an individuals right to religious sovereignty.[14] This was a common religious principle of Enlightenment thinkers and contributors to the Encyclopdie, including Diderot, Rousseau, and Voltaire. The Encyclopdie and its contributors endured many attacks and attempts at censorship by the clergy or other censors, which threatened the publication of the project as well as the authors themselves. As a result, the
Encyclopdie encyclopedias articles wrote of theological topics in a mixed manner. Some articles supported orthodoxy, and some included overt criticisms of Christianity. To avoid direct retribution from censors, writers often hid criticism in obscure articles or expressed it in ironic terms.[15] Nonetheless, the contributors still openly attacked the Catholic Church in certain articles with examples including criticizing excess festivals, monasteries, and celibacy of the clergy.[16]
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Politic and Society

The Encyclopdie often receives acclaim as an influence for the French Revolution because of its emphasis on Enlightenment political theories. Diderot and other authors, in famous articles such as Political Authority, emphasized the shift of the origin of political authority from divinity or heritage to the people. This Enlightenment ideal, espoused by Rousseau and others, advocated that people have the right to consent to their government in a form of social contract.[17] Another major, contentious component of political issues in the Encyclopdie was personal or natural rights. Articles such as Natural Rights by Diderot explained the relationship between individuals and the general will. The natural state of humanity, according to the authors, is barbaric and unorganized. To balance the desires of individuals and the needs of the general will, humanity requires civil society and laws that benefit all persons. Writers, to varying degrees, criticized Thomas Hobbes' notions of a selfish humanity that requires a prince to rule over it.[18] In terms of economics, the Encyclopdie expressed favor for laissez-faire ideals or principles of economic liberalism. Articles concerning economics or markets, such as Economic Politics, generally favored free competition and denounced monopolies. Articles often criticized guilds as creating monopolies and approved of state intervention to remove such monopolies. The writers advocated extending laissez-faire principles of liberalism from the market to the individual level, such as with privatization of education and opening of careers to all levels of wealth.[19]
Science and Technology

At the same time, the Encyclopdie was a vast compendium of knowledge, notably on the technologies of the period, describing the traditional craft tools and processes. Much information was taken from the Descriptions des Arts et Mtiers. These articles applied a scientific approach to understanding the mechanical and production processes, and offered new ways to improve machines to make them more efficient.[20] Diderot felt that people should have access to "useful knowledge" that they can apply to their everyday life.[21]
Influence
The Encyclopdie played an important role in the intellectual ferment leading to the French Revolution. "No encyclopaedia perhaps has been of such political importance, or has occupied so conspicuous a place in the civil and literary history of its century. It sought not only to give information, but to guide opinion," wrote the 1911 Encyclopdia Britannica. In The Encyclopdie and the Age of Revolution, a work published in conjunction with a 1989 exhibition of the Encyclopdie at the University of California, Los Angeles, Clorinda Donato writes the following: The encyclopedians successfully argued and marketed their belief in the potential of reason and unified knowledge to empower human will and thus helped to shape the social issues that the French Revolution would address. Although it is doubtful whether the many artisans, technicians, or laborers whose work and presence and interspersed throughout the Encyclopdie actually read it, the recognition of their work as equal to that of intellectuals, clerics, and rulers prepared the terrain for demands for increased representation. Thus the Encyclopdie served to recognize and galvanize a new power base, ultimately contributing to the destruction of old values and the creation of new ones (12).
Encyclopdie While many contributors to the Encyclopdie had no interest in radically reforming French society, the Encyclopdie as a whole pointed that way. The Encyclopdie denied that the teachings of the Catholic Church could be treated as authoritative in matters of science. The editors also refused to treat the decisions of political powers as definitive in intellectual or artistic questions. Some articles talked about changing social and political institutions that would improve their society for everyone.[22] Given that Paris was the intellectual capital of Europe at the time and that many European leaders used French as their administrative language, these ideas had the capacity to spread.[23] The Encyclopdie's influence continues today. Historian Dan O'Sullivan compares it to Wikipedia, an online encyclopedia: Like Wikipedia, the Encyclopedie was a collaborative effort involving numerous writers and technicians. As do Wikipedians today, Diderot and his colleagues needed to engage with the latests technology in dealing with the problems of designing an up-to-date encyclopedia. These included what kind of information to include, how to set up links between various articles, and how to achieve the maximum readership[24]
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Statistics
Approximate size of the Encyclopdie: 17 volumes of articles, issued from 1751 to 1765 11 volumes of illustrations, issued from 1762 to 1772 18,000 pages of text 75,000 entries
44,000 main articles 28,000 secondary articles 2,500 illustration indices 20,000,000 words in total Print run: 4,250 copies (note: even single-volume works in the 18th Century seldom had a print run of more than 1,500 copies)[citation
needed]
Frontispiece of the first volume in the library of the Teyler's Museum
Quotations
The goal of an Encyclopdie is to assemble all the knowledge scattered on the surface of the earth, to demonstrate the general system to the people with whom we live, & to transmit it to the people who will come after us, so that the works of centuries past is not useless to the centuries which follow, that our descendants, by becoming more learned, may become more virtuous & happier, & that we do not die without having merited being part of the human race. (Encyclopdie, Diderot)[25] "Reason is to the philosopher what grace is to the Christian... Other men walk in darkness; the philosopher, who has the same passions, acts only after reflection; he walks through the night, but it is preceded by a torch. The philosopher forms his principles on an infinity of particular observations. He does not confuse truth with plausibility; he takes for truth what is true, for forgery what is false, for doubtful what is doubtful, and probable what is probable. The philosophical spirit is thus a spirit of observation and accuracy." (Philosophers, Dumarsais) "If exclusive privileges were not granted, and if the financial system would not tend to concentrate wealth, there would be few great fortunes and no quick wealth. When the means of growing rich is divided between a greater number of citizens, wealth will also be more evenly distributed; extreme poverty and extreme wealth would be also rare." (Wealth, Diderot)
Encyclopdie
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Literature
Preliminary discourse to the Encyclopedia of Diderot, Jean Le Rond d'Alembert, translated by Richard N. Schwab, 1995. ISBN 0-226-13476-8 Jean d'Alembert by Ronald Grimsley. (1963) The Business of Enlightenment: A Publishing History of the Encyclopdie, 17751800 by Robert Darnton (1979) ISBN 0-674-08785-2 The Encyclopedists as individuals: a biographical dictionary of the authors of the Encyclopdie by Frank A. Kafker and Serena L. Kafker. Published 1988 in the Studies of Voltaire and the eighteenth century. ISBN 0-7294-0368-8 Encyclopdie ou dictionnaire raisonn des sciences, des arts et des mtiers, Editions Flammarion, 1993. ISBN 2-08-070426-5 Diderot, the Mechanical Arts, and the Encyclopdie [26], John R. Pannabecker, 1994. With bibliography. L'Encyclopdie de Diderot et d'Alembert, dition DVD, Redon, ASIN: B0000DBA4Xthe complete Encyclopdie on DVD-ROM Enlightening the World: Encyclopedie, The Book That Changed the Course of History by Philipp Blom (2005). ISBN 1-4039-6895-0 [Excerpts from the work]. Encyclopdie, ou, Dictionnaire raisonn des sciences, des arts et des mtiers, 1761-1772: les articles les plus significatifs de Diderot ... [et al.], choisis et prsents par Alain Pons, in series, J'ai lu l'essentiel, E-5. [Paris]: J'ai lu, 1963. 560, [7] p. The Encylopdie and the Age of Revolution. Ed. Clorinda Donato and Robert M. Maniquis. Boston: G. K. Hall, 1992. ISBN 0-8161-0527-8
Facsimiles
Readex Microprint Corporation, NY 1969. 5 vol. The full text and images reduced to four double-spread pages of the original appearing on one folio-sized page of this printing. Later released by the Pergamon Press, NY and Paris with ISBN 0-08-090105-0.
References
Notes
[1] Denis Diderot as quoted in Hunt, p. 611 [2] Denis Diderot as quoted in Kramnick, p. 17 [3] Magee, p. 124 [4] Blom, p. 3538 [5] Blom, p. 39-40 [6] Stockwell, p. 90 [7] Magee, p. 125 [8] Brewer 2011, p. 56. [9] Magee, p. 124 [10] Brewer 2011, p. 54 [11] Darnton, p. 539 [12] Darnton, p. 7 [13] Brewer 1993, p. 18-23 [14] Lough, p. 196 [15] Lough, p. 236 [16] Lough, p. 258-266 [17] Roche, p. 190 [18] [19] [20] [21] Roche, p. 191-192 Lough, p. 331-335 Brewer 2011, p. 55 Burke, p. 17
Encyclopdie
[22] [23] [24] [25] [26] Spielvogel, p. 480-481 Magee, p. 125 O'Sullivan, p. 45 Blom, p. 139 http:/ / scholar. lib. vt. edu/ ejournals/ JTE/ jte-v6n1/ pannabecker. jte-v6n1. html
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Sources Blom, Philipp, Enlightening the world: Encyclopdie, the book that changed the course of history, New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005, ISBN 1-4039-6895-0 Brewer, Daniel. The Discourse of Enlightenment in Eighteenth-century France: Diderot and the Art of Philosophizing. Cambridge, England: Cambridge UP, 1993. Brewer, Daniel, "The Encyclopdie: Innovation and Legacy" in New Essays on Diderot, edited by James Fowler, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011, ISBN 0-521-76956-6 Burke, Peter, A social history of knowledge: from Gutenberg to Diderot, Malden: Blackwell Publishers Inc., 2000, ISBN 0-7456-2485-5 Darnton, Robert. The Business of Enlightenment: A Publishing History of the Encyclopdie, 1775-1800. Cambridge: Belknap, 1979. Hunt, Lynn, The Making of the West: Peoples and Cultures: A Concise History: Volume II: Since 1340, Second Edition, Boston: Bedford/St. Martin's, 2007, ISBN 0-312-43937-7 Kramnick, Isaac, "Encyclopdie" in The Portable Enlightenment Reader, edited by Isaac Kramnick, Toronto: Penguin Books, 1995, ISBN 0-14-024566-9 Lough, John. The Encyclopdie. New York: D. McKay, 1971. Magee, Bryan, The Story of Philosophy, New York: DK Publishing, Inc., 1998, ISBN 0-7894-3511-X O'Sullivan, Dan. Wikipedia: A New Community of Practice? Farnham, Surrey, 2009, ISBN 9780754674337. Roche, Daniel. "Encyclopedias and the Diffusion of Knowledge." The Cambridge History of Eighteenth-century Political Thought. By Mark Goldie and Robert Wokler. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2006. 172-94. Spielvogel, Jackson J, Western Civilization, Boston: Wadsworth Cengage Learning, 2011, ISBN 0-495-89733-7 Stockwell, Foster, A History of Information Storage and Retrieval, McFarland & Company, December 2000, ISBN 0-7864-0840-5
External links
Diderot (http://www.paysdevoltaire.eu/internet-une-nouvelle-relation-aux-sources-de-linformation/item/ 664-moteur-de-recherche-diderot-en-sciences-humaines-et-sociales.html) Search Engine in tribute to Diderot On-line version (http://www.alembert.fr/) in original French, contains the scans of the images too. On-line version (http://www.lib.uchicago.edu/efts/ARTFL/projects/encyc/) with an English interface and the dates of publication (http://encyclopedie.uchicago.edu/node/102) Encyclopedia of Diderot and d'Alembert Collaborative Translation Project (http://quod.lib.umich.edu/d/did/) currently contains a growing collection of articles translated into English (2,265 articles and sets of plates as of August 23, 2013). The Encyclopedie (http://www.bbc.co.uk/radio4/history/inourtime/inourtime_20061026.shtml), discussion on the BBC Radio 4 programme In Our Time, broadcast on October 26, 2006. With Judith Hawley, Senior Lecturer in English at Royal Holloway, University of London; Caroline Warman, Fellow and Tutor in French at Jesus College, Oxford; and David Wootton, Anniversary Professor of History at the University of York, and presented by Melvyn Bragg. Encyclopdie, ou Dictionnaire raisonn des sciences, des arts et des mtiers on French Wikisource Texts on Wikisource: "Encyclopdie". New International Encyclopedia. 1905. "Encyclopdie". The Nuttall Encyclopdia. 1907.
Encyclopdia Britannica
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Britannica's thistle logo Author Illustrator Country As of 2008, 4,411 named contributors Several, initial engravings by Andrew Bell Scotland (17681900) United States (1901present) English General Reference encyclopaedia Encyclopdia Britannica, Inc. [1] Official site 17682010 (printed version) As of 2010, 32 volumes (hardbound) 32,640 (15th edition, 2010) ISBN 1-59339-292-3 71783328 [2]
Language Subject Genre Publisher
Publication date Media type Pages ISBN OCLC Number
LC Classification AE5 .E363 2007 Text Encyclopdia Britannica at Wikisource
The Encyclopdia Britannica (Latin for "British Encyclopaedia"), published by Encyclopdia Britannica, Inc., is a general knowledge English-language encyclopaedia. It is written and continually updated by about 100full-time editors and more than 4,000contributors[citation needed] , including 110 Nobel Prize winners and five American presidents.[3] It is regarded as one of the most scholarly of English-language encyclopaedias.[4] The Britannica is the oldest English-language encyclopaedia still being produced. It was first published between 1768 and 1771 in Edinburgh, A wooden shipping crate for the set (date Scotland as three volumes. The encyclopaedia grew in size: the second unknown) edition was 10 volumes, and by its fourth edition (18011810) it had expanded to 20 volumes. Its rising stature as a scholarly work helped recruit eminent contributors, and the 9th (18751889) and 11th editions (1911) are landmark encyclopaedias for scholarship and literary style. Beginning with the 11th edition and its acquisition by an American firm, the Britannica shortened and simplified articles to broaden its appeal in the North American market. In 1933, the Britannica became the first encyclopaedia to adopt "continuous revision", in which the encyclopaedia is continually reprinted and every article updated on a schedule. In March 2012, Encyclopdia Britannica, Inc. announced it would no longer continue to publish its printed editions, instead focusing on its online version, Encyclopdia Britannica Online. Its final print edition was in 2010, a 32-volume set. The 15th edition has a three-part structure: a 12-volume Micropdia of short articles (generally fewer than 750words), a 19-volume Macropdia of long articles (two to 310pages) and a single Propdia volume to give a
Encyclopdia Britannica hierarchical outline of knowledge. The Micropdia is meant for quick fact-checking and as a guide to the Macropdia; readers are advised to study the Propdia outline to understand a subject's context and to find more detailed articles. The size of the Britannica has remained roughly constant over 70years, with about 40million words on half a million topics. Although publication has been based in the United States since 1901, the Britannica has largely maintained British spelling.
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History
Ownership has changed many times, past owners including the Scottish publisher A & C Black, Horace Everett Hooper, Sears Roebuck and William Benton. The present owner of Encyclopdia Britannica Inc. is Jacqui Safra, a Swiss billionaire and actor. Recent advances in information technology and the rise of electronic encyclopaedias such as Encyclopdia Britannica Ultimate Reference Suite, Encarta and Wikipedia have reduced the demand for print encyclopaedias. To remain competitive, Encyclopdia Britannica, Inc. has stressed the reputation of the Britannica, reduced its price and production costs, and developed electronic versions on CD-ROM, DVD, and the World Wide Web. Since the early 1930s, the company has promoted spin-off reference works.[5]
Editions
The Britannica has been issued in 15 editions, with multi-volume supplements to the 3rd and 5th editions (see the Table below). The 10th edition was only a supplement to the 9th, just as the 12th and 13th editions were supplements to the 11th. The 15th underwent massive re-organisation in 1985, but the updated, current version is still known as the 15th. Throughout history, the Britannica has had two aims: to be an excellent reference book and to provide educational material. In 1974, the 15th edition adopted a third goal: to systematise all human knowledge. The history of the Britannica can be divided into five eras, punctuated by changes in management or re-organisation of the dictionary. 17681826
Title page of the first edition of the Encyclopdia Britannica
In the first era (1st6th editions, 17681826), the Britannica was managed and published by its founders, Colin Macfarquhar and Andrew Bell, by Archibald Constable, and by others. The Britannica was first published between 1768 and 1771 in Edinburgh as the Encyclopdia Britannica, or, A Dictionary of Arts and Sciences, compiled upon a New Plan. In part, it was conceived in reaction to the French Encyclopdie of Denis Diderot and Jean le Rond d'Alembert (published 175172), which had been inspired by Chambers's Cyclopaedia (first edition 1728). The Britannica was primarily a Scottish enterprise; it is one of the most enduring legacies of the Scottish Enlightenment. In this era, the Britannica moved from being a three-volume set (1st edition) compiled by one young editorWilliam Smellie[6]to a 20-volume set written by numerous authorities. Several other encyclopaedias competed throughout this period, among them editions of Abraham Rees's Cyclopdia and Coleridge's Encyclopaedia Metropolitana.[7] and David Brewster's Edinburgh Encyclopaedia.
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18271901 During the second era (7th9th editions, 18271901), the Britannica was managed by the Edinburgh publishing firm, A & C Black. Although some contributors were again recruited through friendships of the chief editors, notably Macvey Napier, others were attracted by the Britannica's reputation. The contributors often came from other countries and included the world's most respected authorities in their fields. A general index of all articles was included for the first time in the 7th edition, a practice maintained until 1974. The first English-born editor-in-chief was Thomas Spencer Baynes, who oversaw the production of the 9th edition; dubbed the "Scholar's Edition", the 9th is the most scholarly Britannica. After 1880, Baynes was assisted by William Robertson Smith. No biographies of living persons were included. James Clerk Maxwell and Thomas Huxley were special advisors on science. However, by the close of the 19th century, the 9th edition was outdated and the Britannica faced financial difficulties.
The early 19th-century editions of Encyclopdia Britannica included seminal research such as Thomas Young's article on Egypt, which included the translation of the hieroglyphs on the Rosetta Stone (pictured).
19011973
In the third era (10th14th editions, 190173), the Britannica was managed by American businessmen who introduced direct marketing and door-to-door sales. The American owners gradually simplified articles, making them less scholarly for a mass market. The 10th edition was a nine-volume supplement to the 9th, but the 11th edition was a completely new work, and is still praised for excellence; its owner, Horace Hooper, lavished enormous effort on its perfection. When Hooper fell into financial difficulties, the Britannica was managed by Sears Roebuck for 18 years (192023, 192843). In 1932, the vice-president of Sears, Elkan Harrison Powell, assumed presidency of the Britannica; in 1936, he began the policy of continuous revision. This was a departure from earlier practice, in which the articles were not changed until a new edition was produced, at roughly 25-year intervals, some articles unchanged from earlier editions. Powell developed new educational products that built upon the Britannica's reputation. In 1943, ownership passed to William B. Benton, who managed the Britannica until his death in 1973. Benton set up the Benton Foundation, which managed the Britannica until 1996. In 1968, near the end of this era, the Britannica celebrated its bicentennial. 19741994 In the fourth era (197494), the Britannica introduced its 15th edition, which was re-organised into three parts: the Micropdia, the Macropdia, and the Propdia. Under Mortimer J. Adler (member of the Board of Editors of Encyclopdia Britannica since its inception in 1949, and its chair from 1974; director of editorial planning for the 15th edition of Britannica from 1965),[8] the Britannica sought not only to be a good reference work and educational tool but to
U.S. advertisement for the 11th edition from the May 1913 issue of National Geographic Magazine
Encyclopdia Britannica systematise all human knowledge. The absence of a separate index and the grouping of articles into parallel encyclopaedias (the Micro- and Macropdia) provoked a "firestorm of criticism" of the initial 15th edition.[9] In response, the 15th edition was completely re-organised and indexed for a re-release in 1985. This second version of the 15th edition continued to be published and revised until the 2010 print version. The official title of the 15th edition is the New Encyclopdia Britannica, although it has also been promoted as Britannica 3. 1994present In the fifth era (1994present), digital versions have been developed and released on optical media and online. In 1996, the Britannica was bought by Jacqui Safra at well below its estimated value, owing to the company's financial difficulties. Encyclopdia Britannica, Inc. split in 1999. One part retained the company name and developed the print version, and the other, Britannica.com Inc., developed digital versions. Since 2001, the two companies have shared a CEO, Ilan Yeshua, who has continued Powell's strategy of introducing new products with the Britannica name. In March 2012, Britannica's president, Jorge Cauz, announced that it would not produce any new print editions of the encyclopaedia, with the 2010 15th edition being the last. The company will focus only on the online edition and other educational tools. Britannica Global Edition was printed in 2010. It contained 30 volumes and 18,251 pages, with 8,500 photographs, maps, flags, and illustrations in smaller "compact" volumes. It contained over 40,000 articles written by scholars from across the world, including Nobel Prize winners. Unlike the 15th edition, it did not contain Macro- and Micropedia sections, but ran A through Z as all editions up to the 14th had. The following is Britannica's description of the work:[10]
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Advertisement for the 9th edition (1898)
The editors of Encyclopdia Britannica, the world standard in reference since 1768, present the Britannica Global Edition. Developed specifically to provide comprehensive and global coverage of the world around us, this unique product contains thousands of timely, relevant, and essential articles drawn from the Encyclopdia Britannica itself, as well as from the Britannica Concise Encyclopedia, the Britannica Encyclopedia of World Religions, and Compton's by Britannica. Written by international experts and scholars, the articles in this collection reflect the standards that have been the hallmark of the leading English-language encyclopedia for over 240 years.
Dedications
The Britannica was dedicated to the reigning British monarch from 1788 to 1901 and then, upon its sale to an American partnership, to the British monarch and the President of the United States. Thus, the 11th edition is "dedicated by Permission to His Majesty George the Fifth, King of Great Britain and Ireland and of the British Dominions beyond the Seas, Emperor of India, and to William Howard Taft, President of the United States of America." The order of the dedications has changed with the relative power of the United States and Britain, and with relative sales; the 1954 version of the 14th edition is "Dedicated by Permission to the Heads of the Two English-Speaking Peoples, Dwight David Eisenhower, President of the United States of America, and Her Majesty, Queen Elizabeth the Second." Consistent with this tradition, the 2007 version of the current 15th edition was "dedicated by permission to the current President of the United States of America, George W. Bush, and Her Majesty, Queen Elizabeth II," while the 2010 version of the current 15th edition is "dedicated by permission to Barack Obama, President of the United States of America, and Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II."[11]
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Critical and popular assessments

Reputation
Since the 3rd edition, the Britannica has enjoyed a popular and critical reputation for general excellence. The 3rd and the 9th editions were pirated for sale in the United States, beginning with Dobson's Encyclopaedia. On the release of the 14th edition, Time magazine dubbed the Britannica the "Patriarch of the Library". In a related advertisement, naturalist William Beebe was quoted as saying that the Britannica was "beyond comparison because there is no competitor." References to the Britannica can be found throughout English literature, most notably in one of Sir Arthur Conan Doyle's favourite Sherlock Holmes stories, "The Red-Headed League". The tale was highlighted by the Lord Mayor of London, Gilbert Inglefield, at the bicentennial of the Britannica. The Britannica has a reputation for summarising knowledge. To further their education, some people have devoted themselves to reading the entire Britannica, taking anywhere from three to 22 years A copperplate by Andrew Bell from the 1st to do so. When Fat'h Ali became the Shah of Persia in 1797, he was edition. given a set of the Britannica's 3rd edition, which he read completely; after this feat, he extended his royal title to include "Most Formidable Lord and Master of the Encyclopdia Britannica". Writer George Bernard Shaw claimed to have read the complete 9th editionexcept for the science articlesand Richard Evelyn Byrd took the Britannica as reading material for his five-month stay at the South Pole in 1934, while Philip Beaver read it during a sailing expedition. More recently, A.J. Jacobs, an editor at Esquire magazine, read the entire 2002 version of the 15th edition, describing his experiences in the well-received 2004 book, The Know-It-All: One Man's Humble Quest to Become the Smartest Person in the World. Only two people are known to have read two independent editions: the author C. S. Forester and Amos Urban Shirk, an American businessman, who read the 11th and 14th editions, devoting roughly three hours per night for four and a half years to read the 11th. Several editors-in-chief of the Britannica are likely to have read their editions completely, such as William Smellie (1st edition), William Robertson Smith (9th edition), and Walter Yust (14th edition).
Awards
The CD/DVD-ROM version of the Britannica, Encyclopdia Britannica Ultimate Reference Suite, received the 2004 Distinguished Achievement Award from the Association of Educational Publishers. On 15 July 2009, Encyclopdia Britannica was awarded a spot as one of "Top Ten Superbrands in the UK" by a panel of more than 2,000 independent reviewers, as reported by the BBC.
Coverage of topics
Topics are chosen in part by reference to the Propdia "Outline of Knowledge". The bulk of the Britannica is devoted to geography (26% of the Macropdia), biography (14%), biology and medicine (11%), literature (7%), physics and astronomy (6%), religion (5%), art (4%), Western philosophy (4%), and law (3%). A complementary study of the Micropdia found that geography accounted for 25% of articles, science 18%, social sciences 17%, biography 17%, and all other humanities 25%. Writing in 1992, one reviewer judged that the "range, depth, and catholicity of coverage [of the Britannica] are unsurpassed by any other general Encyclopaedia."
Encyclopdia Britannica The Britannica does not cover topics in equivalent detail; for example, the whole of Buddhism and most other religions is covered in a single Macropdia article, whereas 14 articles are devoted to Christianity, comprising nearly half of all religion articles. However, the Britannica has been lauded as the least biased of general Encyclopaedias marketed to Western readers and praised for its biographies of important women of all eras. It can be stated without fear of contradiction that the 15th edition of the Britannica accords non-Western cultural, social, and scientific developments more notice than any general English-language encyclopedia currently on the market. Kenneth Kister,in Kister's Best Encyclopedias (1994)
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Editorial choices
The Britannica is occasionally criticised for its editorial choices. Given its roughly constant size, the encyclopaedia has needed to reduce or eliminate some topics to accommodate others, resulting in controversial decisions. The initial 15th edition (19741985) was faulted for having reduced or eliminated coverage of children's literature, military decorations, and the French poet Joachim du Bellay; editorial mistakes were also alleged, such as inconsistent sorting of Japanese biographies. Its elimination of the index was condemned, as was the apparently arbitrary division of articles into the Micropdia and Macropdia. Summing up, one critic called the initial 15th edition a "qualified failure...[that] cares more for juggling its format than for preserving information." More recently, reviewers from the American Library Association were surprised to find that most educational articles had been eliminated from the 1992 Macropdia, along with the article on psychology. Britannica-appointed contributors are occasionally mistaken or unscientific. A notorious instance from the Britannica's early years is the rejection of Newtonian gravity by George Gleig, the chief editor of the 3rd edition (17881797), who wrote that gravity was caused by the classical element of fire. However, the Britannica has also staunchly defended a scientific approach to emotional topics, as it did with William Robertson Smith's articles on religion in the 9th edition, particularly his article stating that the Bible was not historically accurate (1875). Wendy Doniger, who is on the editorial board of Britannica, has been criticised for her negative portrayal of Hinduism.[12][13] Britannica's presentation of Hinduism has also been criticised.
Criticism of Encyclopdia Britannica

The Britannica has received criticism, especially as editions become outdated. It is expensive to produce a completely new edition of the Britannica,[14] and its editors delay for as long as fiscally sensible (usually about 25 years). For example, despite continuous revision, the 14th edition became outdated after 35 years (19291964). When American physicist Harvey Einbinder detailed its failings in his 1964 book, The Myth of the Britannica, the encyclopaedia was provoked to produce the 15th edition, which required 10 years of work. It is still difficult to keep the Britannica current; one recent critic writes, "it is not difficult to find articles that are out-of-date or in need of revision", noting that the longer Macropdia articles are more likely to be outdated than the shorter Micropdia articles. Information in the Micropdia is sometimes inconsistent with the corresponding Macropdia article(s), mainly because of the failure to update one or the other. The bibliographies of the Macropdia articles have been criticised for being more out-of-date than the articles themselves. In 2010 an inaccurate entry about the Irish civil war was discussed in the Irish press following a decision of the Department of Education and Science to pay for online access.[15] Speaking of the 3rd edition (17881797), Britannica's chief editor George Gleig wrote that "perfection seems to be incompatible with the nature of works constructed on such a plan, and embracing such a variety of subjects." In March 2006, the Britannica wrote, "we in no way mean to imply that Britannica is error-free; we have never made such a claim." The sentiment is expressed by its original editor, William Smellie:
Encyclopdia Britannica With regard to errors in general, whether falling under the denomination of mental, typographical or accidental, we are conscious of being able to point out a greater number than any critic whatever. Men who are acquainted with the innumerable difficulties of attending the execution of a work of such an extensive nature will make proper allowances. To these we appeal, and shall rest satisfied with the judgment they pronounce. William Smellie,in the Preface to the 1st edition of the Encyclopdia Britannica However, Jorge Cauz (president of Encyclopdia Britannica Inc.) asserted in 2012 that "Britannica [...] will always be factually correct."
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Present status
Print version
Since 1985, the Britannica has had four parts: the Micropdia, the Macropdia, the Propdia, and a two-volume index. The Britannica's articles are found in the Micro- and Macropdia, which encompass 12 and 17 volumes, respectively, each volume having roughly one thousand pages. The 2007 Macropdia has 699 in-depth articles, ranging in length from 2 to 310 pages and having references and named contributors. In contrast, the 2007 Micropdia has roughly 65,000 articles, the vast majority (about 97%) of which contain fewer than 750 words, no references, and no named contributors. The Micropdia articles are intended for quick fact-checking and to help in finding more thorough information in the Macropdia. The Macropdia articles are meant both as authoritative, well-written articles on their subjects and as storehouses of information not covered elsewhere. The longest article (310 pages) is on the United States, and resulted from the merger of the articles on the individual states.
15th edition of the Britannica. The initial volume with the green spine is the Propdia; the red-spined and black-spined volumes are the Micropdia and the Macropdia, respectively. The last three volumes are the 2002 Book of the Year (black spine) and the two-volume index (cyan spine).
Information can be found in the Britannica by following the cross-references in the Micropdia and Macropdia; however, these are sparse, averaging one cross-reference per page. Hence, readers are recommended to consult instead the alphabetical index or the Propdia, which organises the Britannica's contents by topic. The core of the Propdia is its "Outline of Knowledge", which aims to provide a logical framework for all human knowledge. Accordingly, the Outline is consulted by the Britannica's editors to decide which articles should be included in the Micro- and Macropdia. The Outline is also intended to be a study guide, to put subjects in their proper perspective, and to suggest a series of Britannica articles for the student wishing to learn a topic in depth. However, libraries have found that it is scarcely used, and reviewers have recommended that it be dropped from the encyclopaedia. The Propdia also has color transparencies of human anatomy and several appendices listing the staff members, advisors, and contributors to all three parts of the Britannica. Taken together, the Micropdia and Macropdia comprise roughly 40 million words and 24,000 images. The two-volume index has 2,350 pages, listing the 228,274 topics covered in the Britannica, together with 474,675 subentries under those topics. The Britannica generally prefers British spelling over American; for example, it uses colour (not color), centre (not center), and encyclopaedia (not encyclopedia). However, there are exceptions to this rule, such as defense rather than defence. Common alternative spellings are provided with cross-references such as "Color: see Colour." Since 1936, the articles of the Britannica have been revised on a regular schedule, with at least 10% of them considered for revision each year. According to one Britannica website, 46% of its articles were revised over the past
Encyclopdia Britannica three years; however, according to another Britannica web-site, only 35% of the articles were revised. The alphabetisation of articles in the Micropdia and Macropdia follows strict rules. Diacritical marks and non-English letters are ignored, while numerical entries such as "1812, War of" are alphabetised as if the number had been written out ("Eighteen-twelve, War of"). Articles with identical names are ordered first by persons, then by places, then by things. Rulers with identical names are organised first alphabetically by country and then by chronology; thus, Charles III of France precedes Charles I of England, listed in Britannica as the ruler of Great Britain and Ireland. (That is, they are alphabetised as if their titles were "Charles, France, 3" and "Charles, Great Britain and Ireland, 1".) Similarly, places that share names are organised alphabetically by country, then by ever-smaller political divisions. In March 2012, the company announced that the 2010 edition would be the last printed version. This was announced as a move by the company to adapt to the times and focus on its future using digital distribution. The peak year for the printed encyclopaedia was 1990 when 120,000 sets were sold, but it dropped to 40,000 in 1996. 12,000 sets of the 2010 edition were printed, of which 8,000 had been sold as of 2012. By late April 2012, the remaining copies of the 2010 edition had sold out at Britannica's online store [16].
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Related printed material

Britannica Junior was first published in 1934 as 12 volumes. It was expanded to 15 volumes in 1947, and renamed Britannica Junior Encyclopdia in 1963.[17] It was taken off the market after the 1984 printing. A British Children's Britannica edited by John Armitage was issued in London in 1960.[18] Its contents were determined largely by the 11-plus standardised tests given in Britain.[19] Britannica introduced the Children's Britannica to the U.S. market in 1988, aimed at ages 7 to 14. In 1961 a 16 volume Young Children's Encyclopaedia was issued for children just learning to read. My First Britannica is aimed at children ages six to twelve, and the Britannica Discovery Library is for children aged three to six (issued 1974 to 1991).
Children's Britannica
There have been and are several abridged Britannica encyclopaedias. The single-volume Britannica Concise Encyclopdia has 28,000 short articles condensing the larger 32-volume Britannica. Compton's by Britannica, first published in 2007, incorporating the former Compton's Encyclopedia, is aimed at 1017 year olds and consists of 26 volumes and 11,000 pages. Since 1938, Encyclopdia Britannica, Inc. has published annually a Book of the Year covering the past year's events, which is available online back to the 1994 edition (covering the events of 1993). The company also publishes several specialised reference works, such as Shakespeare: The Essential Guide to the Life and Works of the Bard (Wiley, 2006).
Optical disc, online, and mobile versions

The Britannica Ultimate Reference Suite 2006 DVD contains over 55 million words and just over 100,000 articles. This includes 73,645 regular Britannica articles, with the remainder drawn from the Britannica Student Encyclopdia, the Britannica Elementary Encyclopdia and the Britannica Book of the Year (19932004), plus a few "classic" articles from early editions of the encyclopaedia. The package includes a range of supplementary content including maps, videos, sound clips, animations and web links. It also offers study tools and dictionary and thesaurus entries from Merriam-Webster.
Encyclopdia Britannica Britannica Online is a website with more than 120,000 articles and is updated regularly. It has daily features, updates and links to news reports from The New York Times and the BBC. As of 2009, roughly 60% of Encyclopdia Britannica's revenue came from online operations, of which around 15% came from subscriptions to the consumer version of the websites. As of 2006, subscriptions were available on a yearly, monthly or weekly basis. Special subscription plans are offered to schools, colleges and libraries; such institutional subscribers constitute an important part of Britannica's business. Articles may be accessed online for free, but only a few opening lines of text are displayed. Beginning in early 2007, the Britannica made articles freely available if they are hyperlinked from an external site. On 20 February 2007, Encyclopdia Britannica, Inc. announced that it was working with mobile phone search company AskMeNow to launch a mobile encyclopaedia. Users will be able to send a question via text message, and AskMeNow will search Britannica's 28,000-article concise encyclopaedia to return an answer to the query. Daily topical features sent directly to users' mobile phones are also planned. On 3 June 2008, an initiative to facilitate collaboration between online expert and amateur scholarly contributors for Britannica's online content (in the spirit of a wiki), with editorial oversight from Britannica staff, was announced.[20] Approved contributions would be credited,[21] though contributing automatically grants Encyclopdia Britannica, Inc. perpetual, irrevocable license to those contributions. On 22 January 2009, Britannica's president, Jorge Cauz, announced that the company would be accepting edits and additions to the online Britannica website from the public. The published edition of the encyclopaedia will not be affected by the changes. Individuals wishing to edit the Britannica website will have to register under their real name and address prior to editing or submitting their content. All edits submitted will be reviewed and checked and will have to be approved by the encyclopaedia's professional staff. Contributions from non-academic users will sit in a separate section from the expert-generated Britannica content, as will content submitted by non-Britannica scholars. Articles written by users, if vetted and approved, will also only be available in a special section of the website, separate from the professional articles.[][] Official Britannica material would carry a "Britannica Checked" stamp, to distinguish it from the user-generated content.[22] On 14 September 2010, Encyclopdia Britannica, Inc. announced a partnership with mobile phone development company Concentric Sky to launch a series of iPhone products aimed at the K-12 market. On 20 July 2011, Encyclopdia Britannica, Inc. announced that Concentric Sky had ported the Britannica Kids product line to Intel's Intel Atom-based Netbooks.[23] In March 2012 it was announced that the company would cease printing the encyclopedia set, and that the Britannica would be available online for a subscription fee.
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Personnel and management

Contributors
The 2007 print version of the Britannica has 4,411 contributors, many eminent in their fields, such as Nobel Laureate economist Milton Friedman, astronomer Carl Sagan, and surgeon Michael DeBakey. Roughly a quarter of the contributors are deceased, some as long ago as 1947 (Alfred North Whitehead), while another quarter are retired or emeritus. Most (approximately 98%) contribute to only a single article; however, 64 contributed to three articles, 23 contributed to four articles, 10 contributed to five articles, and 8 contributed to more than five articles. An exceptionally prolific contributor is Christine Sutton of the University of Oxford, who contributed 24 articles on particle physics. While Britannica's authors have included writers such as Albert Einstein, Marie Curie, and Leon Trotsky, as well as notable independent encyclopaedists such as Isaac Asimov, some have been criticised for lack of expertise: With a temerity almost appalling, [the Britannica contributor, Mr. Philips] ranges over nearly the whole field of European history, political, social, ecclesiastical... The grievance is that [this work] lacks authority. This,
Encyclopdia Britannica toothis reliance on editorial energy instead of on ripe special learningmay, alas, be also counted an "Americanizing": for certainly nothing has so cheapened the scholarship of our American encyclopaedias. Prof. George L. Burr,in the American Historical Review (1911)
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Staff
Dale Hoiberg, a sinologist, is the Britannica's Senior Vice President and editor-in-chief. Among his predecessors as editors-in-chief were Hugh Chisholm (19021924), James Louis Garvin (19261932), Franklin Henry Hooper (19321938),[24] Walter Yust (19381960), Harry Ashmore (19601963), Warren E. Preece (19641968, 19691975), Sir William Haley (19681969), Philip W. Goetz (19791991), and Robert McHenry (19921997). Anita Wolff and Theodore Pappas serve as the current Deputy Editor and Executive Editor, respectively. Prior Executive Editors include John V. Dodge (19501964) and Philip W. Goetz. The current editorial staff of the Britannica includes five Senior Editors and nine Associate Editors, supervised by Dale Hoiberg and four others. The editorial staff help to write the articles of the Micropdia and some sections of the Macropdia. The preparation and publication of the Encyclopdia Britannica requires trained staff. According to the final page of the 2007 Propdia, the staff are organised into ten departments: 1. Editorial staff (19 editors and 1 executive assistant) 2. Art and Cartography (9 employees) 3. Compositional Technology and Design (4 employees) 4. Copy Department (12 employees) 5. Editorial and Publishing Technologies (5 employees) 6. Information Management (9 employees) 7. Media Asset Management and Production Control (4 employees) 8. Reference Librarians (3 employees) 9. World Data (5 employees) 10. Manufacturing (1 employee) Some of these departments are organised hierarchically. For example, the copy editors are divided into 4 copy editors, 2 senior copy editors, 4 supervisors, plus a coordinator and a director. Similarly, the Editorial department is headed by Dale Hoiberg and assisted by four others; they oversee the work of five senior editors, nine associate editors, and one executive assistant.
Portrait of Thomas Spencer Baynes, editor of the 9th edition. Painted in 1888, it now hangs in the Senate Room of the University of St. Andrews in Scotland.
Editorial advisors
The Britannica has an Editorial Board of Advisors, which includes 12 distinguished scholars: author Nicholas Carr, religion scholar Wendy Doniger, political economist Benjamin M. Friedman, Council on Foreign Relations President Emeritus Leslie H. Gelb, computer scientist David Gelernter, Physics Nobel laureate Murray Gell-Mann, Carnegie Corporation of New York President Vartan Gregorian, philosopher Thomas Nagel, cognitive scientist Donald Norman, musicologist Don Michael Randel, Stewart Sutherland, Baron Sutherland of Houndwood, President of the Royal Society of Edinburgh, and cultural anthropologist Michael Wesch.
Encyclopdia Britannica The Propdia and its Outline of Knowledge were produced by dozens of editorial advisors under the direction of Mortimer J. Adler. Roughly half of these advisors have since died, including some of the Outline's chief architects: Rene Dubos (d. 1982), Loren Eiseley (d. 1977), Harold D. Lasswell (d. 1978), Mark Van Doren (d. 1972), Peter Ritchie Calder (d. 1982) and Mortimer J. Adler (d. 2001). The Propdia also lists just under 4,000 advisors who were consulted for the unsigned Micropdia articles.
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Corporate structure
In January 1996, the Britannica was purchased from the Benton Foundation by billionaire Swiss financier Jacqui Safra, who serves as its current Chair of the Board. In 1997, Don Yannias, a long-time associate and investment advisor of Safra, became CEO of Encyclopdia Britannica, Inc. A new company, Britannica.com Inc. was spun off in 1999 to develop the digital versions of the Britannica; Yannias assumed the role of CEO in the new company, while that of Encyclopdia Britannica, Inc. remained vacant for two years. Yannias' tenure at Britannica.com Inc. was marked by missteps, large lay-offs and financial losses. In 2001, Yannias was replaced by Ilan Yeshua, who reunited the leadership of the two companies. Yannias later returned to investment management, but remains on the Britannicas Board of Directors. In 2003, former management consultant Jorge Aguilar-Cauz was appointed President of Encyclopdia Britannica, Inc. Cauz is the senior executive and reports directly to the Britannica's Board of Directors. Cauz has been pursuing alliances with other companies and extending the Britannica brand to new educational and reference products, continuing the strategy pioneered by former CEO Elkan Harrison Powell in the mid-1930s. Under Safra's ownership, the company has experienced financial difficulties, and has responded by reducing the price of its products and implementing drastic cost cuts. According to a 2003 report in the New York Post, the Britannica management has eliminated employee 401(k) accounts and encouraged the use of free images. These changes have had negative impacts, as freelance contributors have waited up to six months for checks and the Britannica staff have gone years without pay rises. Encyclopdia Britannica, Inc. now owns registered trademarks on the words Britannica, Encyclopdia Britannica, Macropdia, Micropdia, and Propdia, as well as on its thistle logo. It has exercised its trademark rights as recently as 2005.
Competition
As the Britannica is a general encyclopaedia, it does not seek to compete with specialised encyclopaedias such as the Encyclopaedia of Mathematics or the Dictionary of the Middle Ages, which can devote much more space to their chosen topics. In its first years, the Britannica's main competitor was the general encyclopaedia of Ephraim Chambers and, soon thereafter, Rees's Cyclopdia and Coleridge's Encyclopaedia Metropolitana. In the 20th century, successful competitors included Collier's Encyclopedia, the Encyclopedia Americana, and the World Book Encyclopedia. Nevertheless, from the 9th edition onwards, the Britannica was widely considered to have the greatest authority of any general English language encyclopaedia, especially because of its broad coverage and eminent authors. The print version of the Britannica was significantly more expensive than its competitors. Since the early 1990s, the Britannica has faced new challenges from digital information sources. The Internet, facilitated by the development of search engines, has grown into a common source of information for many people, and provides easy access to reliable original sources and expert opinions, thanks in part to initiatives such as Google Books, MIT's release of its educational materials and the open PubMed Central library of the National Library of Medicine. In general, the Internet tends to provide more current coverage than print media, due to the ease with which material on the Internet can be updated. In rapidly changing fields such as science, technology, politics, culture and modern history, the Britannica has struggled to stay up-to-date, a problem first analysed systematically by its former editor Walter Yust. Although the Britannica is now available both in multimedia form and over the Internet, its preeminence is being challenged by other online encyclopaedias, such as Wikipedia.
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Print encyclopaedias
The Encyclopdia Britannica has been compared with other print encyclopaedias, both qualitatively and quantitatively. A well-known comparison is that of Kenneth Kister, who gave a qualitative and quantitative comparison of the Britannica with two comparable encyclopaedias, Collier's Encyclopedia and the Encyclopedia Americana. For the quantitative analysis, ten articles were selected at randomcircumcision, Charles Drew, Galileo, Philip Glass, heart disease, IQ, panda bear, sexual harassment, Shroud of Turin and Uzbekistanand letter grades of AD or F were awarded in four categories: coverage, accuracy, clarity, and recency. In all four categories and for all three encyclopaedias, the four average grades fell between B and B+, chiefly because none of the encyclopaedias had an article on sexual harassment in 1994. In the accuracy category, the Britannica received one "D" and seven "A"s, Encyclopedia Americana received eight "A"s, and Collier's received one "D" and seven "A"s; thus, Britannica received an average score of 92% for accuracy to Americana's 95% and Collier's 92%. The 1994 Britannica was faulted for publishing an inflammatory story about Charles Drew that had long been discredited. In the timeliness category, Britannica averaged an 86% to Americana's 90% and Collier's 85%. After a more thorough qualitative comparison of all three encyclopaedias, Kister recommended Collier's Encyclopedia as the superior encyclopaedia, primarily on the strength of its writing, balanced presentation and easy navigation.[citation needed] Collier's has not been in print since 1998; the Encyclopedia Americana was last published in 2006[citation needed] and Britannica announced the discontinuation of its print editions in 2012.
Digital encyclopaedias on optical media

The most notable competitor of the Britannica among CD/DVD-ROM digital encyclopaedias was Encarta, now discontinued, a modern, multimedia encyclopaedia that incorporated three print encyclopaedias: Funk & Wagnalls, Collier's and the New Merit Scholar. Encarta was the top-selling multimedia encyclopaedia, based on total US retail sales from January 2000 to February 2006.[25] Both occupied the same price range, with the 2007 Encyclopdia Britannica Ultimate CD or DVD costing US$50 and the Microsoft Encarta Premium 2007 DVD costing US$45. The Britannica contains 100,000 articles and Merriam-Webster's Dictionary and Thesaurus (US only), and offers Primary and Secondary School editions. Encarta contained 66,000 articles, a user-friendly Visual Browser, interactive maps, math, language and homework tools, a US and UK dictionary, and a youth edition. Like Encarta, the Britannica has been criticised for being biased towards United States audiences; the United Kingdom-related articles are updated less often, maps of the United States are more detailed than those of other countries, and it lacks a UK dictionary. Like the Britannica, Encarta was available online by subscription, although some content could be accessed for free.
Internet encyclopaedias
Online alternatives to the Britannica include Wikipedia, a freely available Web-based free-content encyclopaedia. A key difference between the two encyclopaedias lies in article authorship. The 699 Macropdia articles are generally written by identified contributors, and the roughly 65,000 Micropdia articles are the work of the editorial staff and identified outside consultants. Thus, a Britannica article either has known authorship or a set of possible authors (the editorial staff). With the exception of the editorial staff, most of the Britannica's contributors are experts in their fieldsome are Nobel laureates. By contrast, the articles of Wikipedia are written by people with varying levels of expertise: most do not claim any particular expertise, and of those who do, many are anonymous and have no verifiable credentials. Another difference is the pace of article change: the Britannica was published in print every few years, while many of Wikipedia's articles are frequently updated. Robert McHenry, paid by the Encyclopaedia, stated that Wikipedia cannot hope to rival the Britannica in accuracy. In 2005, the journal Nature chose articles from both websites in a wide range of topics and sent them to what it called "relevant" field experts for peer review. The experts then compared the competing articlesone from each site on a given topicside by side, but were not told which article came from which site. Nature got back 42 usable
Encyclopdia Britannica reviews. In the end, the journal found just eight serious errors, such as general misunderstandings of vital concepts: four from each site. It also discovered many factual errors, omissions or misleading statements: 162 in Wikipedia and 123 in Britannica, an average of 3.86 mistakes per article for Wikipedia and 2.92 for Britannica. In its detailed 20-page rebuttal, Encyclopdia Britannica, Inc. called Nature's study flawed and misleading and called for a "prompt" retraction. It noted that two of the articles in the study were taken from a Britannica yearbook and not the encyclopaedia, and another two were from Compton's Encyclopedia (called the Britannica Student Encyclopedia on the company's website). The rebuttal went on to mention that some of the articles presented to reviewers were combinations of several articles, and that other articles were merely excerpts but were penalised for factual omissions. The company also noted that several of what Nature called errors were minor spelling variations, and that others were matters of interpretation. Nature defended its story and declined to retract, stating that, as it was comparing Wikipedia with the web version of Britannica, it used whatever relevant material was available on Britannica's website. Interviewed in February 2009, the managing director of Britannica UK said: Wikipedia is a fun site to use and has a lot of interesting entries on there, but their approach wouldn't work for Encyclopdia Britannica. My job is to create more awareness of our very different approaches to publishing in the public mind. They're a chisel, we're a drill, and you need to have the correct tool for the job.
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Edition summary
Edition/supplement Publication years 1st 17681771 Size Sales Chief editor(s) Notes
3 volumes, 2,670 pages, 160 plates
3,000
[26]
William Smellie
Largely the work of one editor, Smellie; 3,000 sets sold; 30 articles longer than three pages Largely the work of one editor, Tytler; 150 long articles; pagination errors; all maps under "Geography" article; 1,500 sets sold 42,000 profit on 10,000 copies sold; first dedication to monarch; pirated by Moore in Dublin and Thomas Dobson in Philadelphia Copyright owned by Thomas Bonar
2nd 17771784
10 volumes, 8,595 1,500 pages, 340 plates
James Tytler
3rd 17881797
18 volumes, 10,000 or 14,579 pages, 542 13,000[27] plates
Colin Macfarquhar and George Gleig
supplement to 3rd 1801, revised in 1803 4th 18011810
2 volumes, 1,624 pages, 50 plates
George Gleig
[28] 20 volumes, 4,000 16,033 pages, 581 plates 20 volumes, 16,017 pages, 582 plates 6 volumes, 4,933 10,500 pages, 125 plates1 20 volumes
James Millar
Authors first allowed to retain copyright. Material in the supplement to 3rd not incorporated due to copyright issues. Reprint of the 4th edition. Financial losses by Millar and Andrew Bell's heirs; EB rights sold to Archibald Constable Famous contributors recruited, such as Sir Humphry Davy, Sir Walter Scott, Malthus Reprint of the 4th and 5th editions with modern font. Constable went bankrupt on 19 January 1826; EB rights eventually secured by Adam Black
5th 18151817
James Millar
supplement to 5th 18161824
Macvey Napier
6th 18201823
Charles Maclaren
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21 volumes, 5,000 17,101 pages, 506 plates, plus a 187-page index volume 8,000 21 volumes, 17,957 pages, 402 plates; plus a 239-page index volume, published 18612 24 volumes, plus a 499-page index volume labeled Volume 25 55,000 [29] authorized plus 500,000 pirated sets Macvey Napier, assisted by James Browne, LLD Widening network of famous contributors, such as Sir David Brewster, Thomas de Quincey, Antonio Panizzi; 5,000 sets sold
7th 18301842
8th 18531860
Thomas Stewart Traill
Many long articles were copied from the 7th edition; 344 contributors including William Thomson; authorized American sets printed by Little, Brown in Boston; 8,000 sets sold altogether
9th 18751889
Thomas Spencer Baynes (187580); then W. Robertson Smith
Some carry-over from 8th edition, but mostly a new work; high point of scholarship; 10,000 sets sold by Britannica and 45,000 authorized sets made in USA by Little, Brown in Boston and Schribners' Sons in NY, but pirated widely (500,000 sets) in the U.S.3
10th, 19021903 supplement to 9th
11 volumes, plus 70,000 the 24 volumes of the 9th4
Sir Donald Mackenzie American partnership bought EB rights Wallace and Hugh on 9 May 1901; high-pressure sales Chisholm in London; methods Arthur T. Hadley & Franklin Henry Hooper in New York City Hugh Chisholm in London, Franklin Henry Hooper in New York City Another high point of scholarship and writing; more articles than the 9th, but shorter and simpler; financial difficulties for owner, Horace Everett Hooper; EB rights sold to Sears Roebuck in 1920 Summarised state of the world before, during, and after World War I
11th 19101911
28 volumes, plus volume 29 index
1,000,000
3 volumes with own index, plus the 29 volumes of the 11th5 3 volumes with own index, plus the 29 volumes of the 11th6 24 volumes 7
Hugh Chisholm in London, Franklin Henry Hooper in New York City James Louis Garvin in London, Franklin Henry Hooper in New York City James Louis Garvin in London, Franklin Henry Hooper in New York City Franklin Henry Hooper until 1938; then Walter Yust, Harry Ashmore, Warren E. Preece, William Haley
Replaced 12th edition volumes; improved perspective of the events of 19101926
14th 19291933
Publication just before Great Depression was financially catastrophic
revised 14th 19331973
24 volumes 7
Began continuous revision in 1936: every article revised at least twice every decade
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Warren E. Preece, then Philip W. Goetz Introduced three-part structure; division of articles into Micropdia and Macropdia; Propdia Outline of Knowledge; separate index eliminated Restored two-volume index; some Micropdia and Macropdia articles merged; slightly longer overall; new versions were issued every few years. Last printed edition.
15th 19741984
30 volumes 8
19852010
32 volumes 9
Philip W. Goetz, then Robert McHenry, currently Dale Hoiberg
Edition notes
1
Supplement to the fourth, fifth, and sixth editions of the Encyclopdia Britannica. With preliminary dissertations on the history of the sciences.
2 3
The 7th to 14th editions included a separate index volume.
The 9th edition featured articles by notables of the day, such as James Maxwell on electricity and magnetism, and William Thomson (who became Lord Kelvin) on heat.
4
The 10th edition included a maps volume and a cumulative index volume for the 9th and 10th edition volumes: the new volumes, constituting, in combination with the existing volumes of the 9th ed., the 10th ed.... and also supplying a new, distinctive, and independent library of reference dealing with recent events and developments
5
Vols. 3032... the New volumes constituting, in combination with the twenty-nine volumes of the eleventh edition, the twelfth edition
6
This supplement replaced the previous supplement: The three new supplementary volumes constituting, with the volumes of the latest standard edition, the thirteenth edition.
7 8
This edition was the first to be kept up to date by continual (usually annual) revision.
The 15th edition (introduced as "Britannica 3") was published in three parts: a 10-volume Micropdia (which contained short articles and served as an index), a 19-volume Macropdia, plus the Propdia (see text). It was reorganised in 1985 to have 12 and 17 volumes in the Micro- and Macropdia.
9
In 1985, the system was modified by adding a separate two-volume index; the Macropdia articles were further consolidated into fewer, larger ones (for example, the previously separate articles about the 50 U.S. states were all included into the "United States of America" article), with some medium-length articles moved to the Micropdia. The first CD-ROM edition was issued in 1994. At that time also an online version was offered for paid subscription. In 1999 this was offered for free, and no revised print versions appeared. The experiment was ended in 2001 and a new printed set was issued in 2001.
References
[1] https:/ / www. britannica. com [2] http:/ / worldcat. org/ oclc/ 71783328 [3] Herbert Hoover, John Kennedy, Lyndon Johnson, Jimmy Carter, and Bill Clinton. (http:/ / www. prnewswire. com/ news-releases/ bill-clinton-pens-new-britannica-article-on-dayton-accords-79257462. html) [4] Encyclopedia Britannica goes digital after 244 years (http:/ / www. thenews. com. pk/ article-39870-Encyclopedia-Britannica-goes-digital-after-244-years-). The News (2012-03-15). Retrieved 17 March 2012. [5] Aside from providing an excellent summary of the Britannica's history and early spin-off products, this article also describes the life-cycle of a typical Britannica edition. A new edition typically begins with strong sales that decay as the encyclopaedia becomes outdated. When work on a new edition is begun, sales of the old edition stop, just when fiscal needs are greatest: a new editorial staff must be assembled, articles commissioned. Elkan Harrison Powell identified this fluctuation of income as a danger to any encyclopaedia, one he hoped to overcome with continuous revision. [6] The Britannica's 1st edition is described as "deplorably inaccurate and unscientific" in places. [7] On editions of the Britannica through 1803 see Kafker and Loveland, eds, Early Britannica, [8] Mortimer J. Adler, A Guidebook to Learning: for the lifelong pursuit of wisdom. MacMillan Publishing Company, New York, 1986. p.88
[9] * * * * * * * [10] The Britannica online store http:/ / store. britannica. com/ products/ 043009100 [11] The New Encyclopdia Britannica, Propdia: Outline of Knowledge and Guide to the Britannica, 15th edition, 2010. [12] Ramaswamy, Krishnan ed. Invading the Sacred. 2007. New Delhi. Rupa and co. [13] "The Interpretation of Gods" (http:/ / magazine. uchicago. edu/ 0412/ features/ index. shtml), by Amy Braverman, University of Chicago Magazine: 97:2 (2004) [14] According to Kister (1994), the initial 15th edition (1974) required over $32 million dollars to produce. [15] Sheehy, Clodagh (4 February 2010). "Are they taking the Mick? It's the encyclopedia that thinks the Civil War was between the north and south" (http:/ / www. herald. ie/ national-news/ are-they-taking-the-mick-its-the-encyclopedia-that-thinks-the-civil-war-was-between-the-north-and-south-2048016. html). Evening Herald (Dublin). [16] http:/ / store. britannica. com/ [17] Britannica Junior Encyclopdia, 1984 [18] Children's Britannica. 1960. Encyclopdia Britannica Ltd. London. [19] Encyclopdia Britannica, 1988 [20] Collaboration and the Voices of Experts (http:/ / www. britannica. com/ blogs/ 2008/ 06/ collaboration-ownership-and-expertise/ ) Jorge Cauz, 3 June 2008 [21] Staff writer. " Encyclopdia Britannica dips toe in Wiki waters (http:/ / www. pcpro. co. uk/ news/ 204666/ encyclopaedia-britannica-dips-toe-in-wiki-waters. html)". PC Pro, 9 June 2008. [22] "Britannica reaches out to the web" (http:/ / news. bbc. co. uk/ 1/ hi/ technology/ 7846986. stm). BBC. 24 January 2009 [23] "Encyclopedia Britannica" (http:/ / www. concentricsky. com/ about/ partners/ encyclopedia-britannica/ ), Concentric Sky. Retrieved 28 July 2011. [24] "Franklin Henry Hooper obituary" (http:/ / www. time. com/ time/ magazine/ article/ 0,9171,764506,00. html?iid=digg_share). Time. 26 August 1940 [25] Sales figures for January 2000 February 2006 as provided by the NPD Group. [26] Writings of Archibald Constable, as quoted on p. 58 of Frank Kafker and Jeff Loveland (eds), The Early Britannica, Oxford University Press, 2009. Constable estimated in 1812 that there had been 3,500 copies printed, but revised his estimate to 3,000 in 1821. [27] According to Smellie, it was 10,000, as quoted by Robert Kerr in his "Memoirs of William Smellie." Archibald Constable was quoted as saying the production started at 5,000 and concluded at 13,000. All this information is found in the 14th edition of Britannica, Volume 8, in the article "Encyclopedia" on page 374. [28] This is stated in the 9th edition of Britannica in Volume VIII in the article "Encyclopedia". [29] in the 14th edition of Britannica, Volume 8, in the article "Encyclopedia" on page 376, it gives the numbers of 10,000 sets sold by Britannica plus 45,000 genuine American reprints by Scribner's Sons, and "several hundred thousand sets of mutilated and fraudulent 9th editions were sold..." Most sources estimate there were 500,000 pirated sets.
575
Further reading
Einbinder, Harvey (1964). The Myth of the Britannica. New York: Grove Press. ISBN978-0-384-14050-9. Jacobs, Arnold Stephen, Jr. (2004). The Know-It-All: One Man's Humble Quest to Become the Smartest Person in the World. New York: Simon & Schuster. ISBN978-0-7432-5062-7. Kister, Kenneth F. (1994). Kister's Best Encyclopedias: A Comparative Guide to General and Specialized Encyclopedias (2nd ed.). Phoenix, Arizona: Oryx Press. ISBN978-0-89774-744-8. Kogan, Herman (1958). The Great EB: The Story of the Encyclopdia Britannica. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. LCCN 588379 (http://lccn.loc.gov/588379). Lee, Timothy. Techdirt Interviews Britannica President Jorge Cauz, Techdirt.com, 2 June 2008 Greenstein, Shane, and Michelle Devereux (2006). " The Crisis at Encyclopdia Britannica (http://www. kellogg.northwestern.edu/faculty/greenstein/images/htm/Research/Cases/EncyclopaediaBritannica.pdf)" case history, Kellogg School of Management, Northwestern University.
576
External links
Official site Official website (http://Official site) Historical articles "Encyclopdia Britannica" (http://www.britannica.com/eb/article-9032600/Encyclopaedia-Britannica). In Encyclopdia Britannica Online. 17682005:l'aventure Britannica (http://www.britannica.fr/TESTbritannica2.html). History of the Britannica, from the French Britannica site. Scotland and the ultimate reference book (http://web.archive.org/web/20070516205919/http://heritage. scotsman.com/ingenuity.cfm?id=634942005&20050610140559) at the Wayback Machine (archived 16 May 2007), history of the Britannica on The Scotsman's Heritage and Culture pages. Recent events Technical aspects of the Britannica's online and CD/DVD-ROM editions (http://web.archive.org/web/ 20080222173721/http://java.sun.com/features/2003/02/britannica.html). Britannica disagrees with Wikipedia comparison study (http://web.archive.org/web/20090416030507/http:// www.vnunet.com/vnunet/news/2152666/britannica-snaps-wikipedia). Archived from the original (http:// www.vnunet.com/vnunet/news/2152666/britannica-snaps-wikipedia) on 16 April 2009. To wire or not to wire? Encyclopdia Britannica vs. Microsoft Encarta (http://www.ifets.info/journals/5_1/ alevizou.html) A comparison of the two encyclopaedias by Panagiota Alevizou, published in the Educational Technology & Society journal. Encyclopdia Britannica To Follow Modified Wikipedia Model | Epicenter from Wired.com (http://blog.wired. com/business/2008/06/ency.html) Business history "Dusting off the Britannica" (http://www.businessweek.com/1997/42/b3549124.htm). Article from BusinessWeek magazine (1997). "Death of a salesforce" (http://web.archive.org/web/20110514045701/http://www.salon.com/media/ media960510.html). Article from Salon (1996). Archived from the original (http://www.salon.com/media/ media960510.html) on 14 May 2011. "The Work of the Encyclopedia in the Age of Electronic Reproduction" (http://firstmonday.org/htbin/cgiwrap/ bin/ojs/index.php/fm/article/view/615/536). Article by Alex Soojung-Kim Pang in First Monday. The Crisis at Encyclopdia Britannica (http://www.kellogg.northwestern.edu/faculty/greenstein/images/ htm/Research/Cases/EncyclopaediaBritannica.pdf) Kellogg School of Management
World Brain
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World Brain
World Brain is a collection of essays and addresses by the English science fiction pioneer, social reformer, evolutionary biologist and historian H. G. Wells, dating from the period of 193638. Throughout the book, Wells describes his vision of the world brain: a new, free, synthetic, authoritative, permanent "World Encyclopaedia" that could help world citizens make the best use of universal information resources and make the best contribution to world peace.
Development of the idea

World Encyclopedia
Wellsian dream of World Brain was first expressed in a lecture delivered at the Royal Institution of Great Britain, Weekly Evening Meeting, Friday, 20 November 1936. He began with his motivation: My particular line of country has always been generalization of synthesis. I dislike isolated events and disconnected details. I really hate statements, views, prejudices and beliefs that jump at you suddenly out of mid-air. I like my world as coherent and consistent as possible. So far at any rate my temperament is that of a scientific man. And that is why I have spent a few score thousand hours of my particular allotment of vitality in making outlines of history, short histories of the world, general accounts of the science of life, attempts to bring economic, financial and social life into one conspectus and even, still more desperate, struggles to estimate the possible consequences of this or that set of operating causes upon the future of mankind. All these attempts had profound and conspicuous faults and weaknesses; even my friends are apt to mention them with an apologetic smile; presumptuous and preposterous they were, I admit, but I look back upon them, completely unabashed. Somebody had to break the ice. Somebody had to try out such summaries on the general mind. My reply to the superior critic has always been ... "Damn you, do it better." (pp. 34) He wished the world to be such a whole "as coherent and consistent as possible." He wished that wise world citizens would ensure world peace. He was a communalist and contextualist and ended his lecture as follows: I am not saying ...; what I am saying ... is this, that without a World Encyclopaedia to hold men's minds together in something like a common interpretation of reality, there is no hope whatever of anything but an accidental and transitory alleviation of any of our world troubles. (pp. 345)
The Brain Organization of the Modern World

(Lecture delivered in America, October and November 1937) This lecture lays out Wells's vision for "...a sort of mental clearing house for the mind, a depot where knowledge and ideas are received, sorted, summarized, digested, clarified and compared."[1] Wells felt that technological advances such as microfilm could be used towards this end so that "any student, in any part of the world, will be able to sit with his projector in his own study at his or her convenience to examine any book, any document, in an exact replica."[2]
A Permanent World Encyclopedia

(Contribution to the new Encyclopdie Franaise, August 1937) In this essay, Wells explains how then-current encyclopaedias failed to adapt to both the growing increase in recorded knowledge and the expansion of people requiring information that was accurate and readily accessible. He asserted that these 19th-century encyclopaedias continued to follow the 18th-century pattern, organisation and scale. "Our contemporary encyclopedias are still in the coach-and-horse phase of development," he argued, "rather than in the phase of the automobile and the aeroplane."[3]
World Brain Wells saw the potential for world-altering impacts this technology could bring. He felt that the creation of the encyclopaedia could bring about the peaceful days of the past, "with a common understanding and the conception of a common purpose, and of a commonwealth such as now we hardly dream of."[4]
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Influence of Wells' World Brain idea

1930s: World Congress of Universal Documentation
One of the stated goals of this Congress, held in Paris, France, in 1937, was to discuss ideas and methods for implementing Wells' ideas of the World Brain. Wells himself gave a lecture at the Congress.
1960s: The World Brain as a Supercomputer

From World Library to World Brain In his 1962 book Profiles of the Future, Arthur C. Clarke predicted that the construction of what H. G. Wells called the World Brain would take place in two stages. He identified the first stage as the construction of the World Library, which is basically Wells' concept of a universal encyclopaedia accessible to everyone from their home on computer terminals. He predicted this phase would be established (at least in the developed countries) by the year 2000. The second stage, the World Brain, would be a superintelligent artificially intelligent supercomputer that humans would be able to mutually interact with to solve various world problems. The "World Library" would be incorporated into the "World Brain" as a subsection of it. He suggested that this supercomputer should be installed in the former war rooms of the United States and the Soviet Union once the superpowers had matured enough to agree to co-operate rather than conflict with each other. Clarke predicted the construction of the "World Brain" would be completed by the year 2100.[5]Wikipedia:Verifiability
1990s: World Wide Web of documents

World Wide Web as a World Brain Brian R. Gaines in his "Convergence to the Information Highway", sees the World Wide Web as an extension of the "World Brain" that individuals can access using personal computers. Francis Heylighen, Joel de Rosnay and Ben Goertzel envisaged the further development of the World Wide Web into a Global brain, i.e. an intelligent network of people and computers at the planetary level. The difference between "global brain" and "world brain" is that the latter, as envisaged by Wells, is centrally controlled,[6] while the former is fully decentralised and self-organizing.
Footnotes
[1] [2] [3] [4] Wells(1938) p. 49 Wells(1938) p. 54 Wells(1938) "The Idea of a Permanent World Encyclopaedia" (http:/ / sherlock. berkeley. edu/ wells/ world_brain. html). Contribution by H. G. Wells to the new Encyclopdie Franaise, August 1937 [5] Clarke, Arthur C. Profiles of the Future; an Inquiry into the Limits of the Possible. New York: Harper & Row, 1962 [6] Rayward, W. B. (1999). H. G. Wells s idea of a World Brain: A critical reassessment. Journal of the American Society for Information Science, 50(7), 557573.
World Brain
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References
H. G. Wells (1938). World Brain. London: Methuen & Co., Ltd.; Garden City, NY: Doubleday, Doran & Co., Inc. Ebook: World Brain (http://ebooks.adelaide.edu.au/w/wells/hg/world_brain)
Total Library
The infinite monkey theorem states that a monkey hitting keys at random on a typewriter keyboard for an infinite amount of time will almost surely type a given text, such as the complete works of William Shakespeare. In this context, "almost surely" is a mathematical term with a precise meaning, and the "monkey" is not an actual monkey, but a metaphor for an abstract device that produces an endless random sequence of letters and symbols. The relevance of the theorem is questionablethe probability of a monkey exactly typing a complete work such as Shakespeare's Hamlet is so tiny that the chance of it occurring during a period of time even a hundred thousand orders of magnitude longer than the age of the universe is extremely low (but not zero).
A chimpanzee sitting at a typewriter. Given enough time, a hypothetical monkey typing at random would, as part of its output, almost surely produce all of Shakespeare's plays.
Variants of the theorem include multiple and even infinitely many typists, and the target text varies between an entire library and a single sentence. The history of these statements can be traced back to Aristotle's On Generation and Corruption and Cicero's De natura deorum (On the Nature of the Gods), through Blaise Pascal and Jonathan Swift, and finally to modern statements with their iconic typewriters. In the early 20th century, mile Borel and Arthur Eddington used the theorem to illustrate the timescales implicit in the foundations of statistical mechanics.
Solution
Direct proof
There is a straightforward proof of this theorem. As an introduction, recall that if two events are statistically independent, then the probability of both happening equals the product of the probabilities of each one happening independently. For example, if the chance of rain in Moscow on a particular day in the future is 0.4 and the chance of an earthquake in San Francisco on that same day is 0.00003, then the chance of both happening on that day is 0.4 0.00003 = 0.000012, assuming that they are indeed independent. Suppose the typewriter has 50 keys, and the word to be typed is banana. If the keys are pressed randomly and independently, it means that each key has an equal chance of being pressed. Then, the chance that the first letter typed is 'b' is 1/50, and the chance that the second letter typed is a is also 1/50, and so on. Therefore, the chance of the first six letters spelling banana is (1/50) (1/50) (1/50) (1/50) (1/50) (1/50) = (1/50)6 = 1/15625000000, less than one in 15 billion, but not zero, hence a possible outcome. From the above, the chance of not typing banana in a given block of 6 letters is 1(1/50)6. Because each block is typed independently, the chance Xn of not typing banana in any of the first n blocks of 6 letters is
Total Library As n grows, Xn gets smaller. For an n of a million, Xn is roughly 0.9999, but for an n of 10 billion Xn is roughly 0.53 and for an n of 100 billion it is roughly 0.0017. As n approaches infinity, the probability Xn approaches zero; that is, by making n large enough, Xn can be made as small as is desired,[1][2] and the chance of typing banana approaches 100%. The same argument shows why at least one of infinitely many monkeys will produce a text as quickly as it would be produced by a perfectly accurate human typist copying it from the original. In this case Xn = (1(1/50)6)n where Xn represents the probability that none of the first n monkeys types banana correctly on their first try. When we consider 100 billion monkeys, the probability falls to 0.17%, and as the number of monkeys n increases, the value of Xn the probability of the monkeys failing to reproduce the given text approaches zero arbitrarily closely. The limit, for n going to infinity, is zero. However, for physically meaningful numbers of monkeys typing for physically meaningful lengths of time the results are reversed. If there are as many monkeys as there are particles in the observable universe (1080), and each types 1,000 keystrokes per second for 100 times the life of the universe (1020 seconds), the probability of the monkeys replicating even a short book is nearly zero. See Probabilities, below.
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Infinite strings
The two statements above can be stated more generally and compactly in terms of strings, which are sequences of characters chosen from some finite alphabet: Given an infinite string where each character is chosen uniformly at random, any given finite string almost surely occurs as a substring at some position. Given an infinite sequence of infinite strings, where each character of each string is chosen uniformly at random, any given finite string almost surely occurs as a prefix of one of these strings. Both follow easily from the second BorelCantelli lemma. For the second theorem, let Ek be the event that the kth string begins with the given text. Because this has some fixed nonzero probability p of occurring, the Ek are independent, and the below sum diverges,
the probability that infinitely many of the Ek occur is 1. The first theorem is shown similarly; one can divide the random string into nonoverlapping blocks matching the size of the desired text, and make Ek the event where the kth block equals the desired string.[3]
Probabilities
Ignoring punctuation, spacing, and capitalization, a monkey typing letters uniformly at random has a chance of one in 26 of correctly typing the first letter of Hamlet. It has a chance of one in 676 (2626) of typing the first two letters. Because the probability shrinks exponentially, at 20 letters it already has only a chance of one in 2620 = 19,928,148,895,209,409,152,340,197,376 (almost 21028). In the case of the entire text of Hamlet, the probabilities are so vanishingly small they can barely be conceived in human terms. The text of Hamlet contains approximately 130,000 letters.[4] Thus there is a probability of one in 3.410183,946 to get the text right at the first trial. The average number of letters that needs to be typed until the text appears is also 3.410183,946,[5] or including punctuation, 4.410360,783.[6] Even if the observable universe were filled with monkeys the size of atoms typing from now until the end of the universe, their total probability to produce a single instance of Hamlet would still be a great many orders of magnitude less than one in 10183,800. As Kittel and Kroemer put it, "The probability of Hamlet is therefore zero in any operational sense of an event...", and the statement that the monkeys must eventually succeed "gives a misleading conclusion about very, very large numbers." This is from their textbook on thermodynamics, the field
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Almost surely
The probability that an infinite randomly generated string of text will contain a particular finite substring is 1. However, this does not mean the substring's absence is "impossible", despite the absence having a prior probability of 0. For example, the immortal monkey could randomly type G as its first letter, G as its second, and G as every single letter thereafter, producing an infinite string of Gs; at no point must the monkey be "compelled" to type anything else. (To assume otherwise implies the gambler's fallacy.) However long a randomly generated finite string is, there is a small but nonzero chance that it will turn out to consist of the same character repeated throughout; this chance approaches zero as the string's length approaches infinity. There is nothing special about such a monotonous sequence except that it is easy to describe; the same fact applies to any nameable specific sequence, such as "RGRGRG" repeated forever, or "a-b-aa-bb-aaa-bbb-...", or "Three, Six, Nine, Twelve". If the hypothetical monkey has a typewriter with 90 equally likely keys that include numerals and punctuation, then the first typed keys might be "3.14" (the first three digits of pi) with a probability of (1/90)4, which is 1/65,610,000. Equally probable is any other string of four characters allowed by the typewriter, such as "GGGG", "mATh", or "q%8e". The probability that 100 randomly typed keys will consist of the first 99 digits of pi (including the separator key), or any other particular sequence of that length, is much lower: (1/90)100. If the monkey's allotted length of text is infinite, the chance of typing only the digits of pi is 0, which is just as possible as typing nothing but Gs (also probability 0). The same applies to the event of typing a particular version of Hamlet followed by endless copies of itself; or Hamlet immediately followed by all the digits of pi; these specific strings are equally infinite in length, they are not prohibited by the terms of the thought problem, and they each have a prior probability of 0. In fact, any particular infinite sequence the immortal monkey types will have had a prior probability of 0, even though the monkey must type something. This is an extension of the principle that a finite string of random text has a lower and lower probability of being a particular string the longer it is (though all specific strings are equally unlikely). This probability approaches 0 as the string approaches infinity. Thus, the probability of the monkey typing an endlessly long string, such as all of the digits of pi in order, on a 90-key keyboard is (1/90) which equals (1/) which is essentially 0. At the same time, the probability that the sequence contains a particular subsequence (such as the word MONKEY, or the 12th through 999th digits of pi, or a version of the King James Bible) increases as the total string increases. This probability approaches 1 as the total string approaches infinity, and thus the original theorem is correct.
Correspondence between strings and numbers

In a simplification of the thought experiment, the monkey could have a typewriter with just two keys: 1 and 0. The infinitely long string thusly produced would correspond to the binary digits of a particular real number between 0 and 1. A countably infinite set of possible strings end in infinite repetitions, which means the corresponding real number is rational. Examples include the strings corresponding to one-third (010101), five-sixths (11010101) and five-eighths (1100000). Only a subset of such strings (albeit a countably infinite subset) contains the entirety of Hamlet (if the text is translated from ASCII to binary). Meanwhile, there is an uncountably infinite set of strings which do not end in such repetition; these correspond to the irrational numbers. These can be sorted into two uncountably infinite subsets: those which contain Hamlet and those which do not. However, the "largest" subset of all the real numbers are those which not only contain Hamlet, but which contain every other possible string of any length, and with equal distribution of such strings. These irrational numbers are called normal. Because almost all numbers are normal, almost all possible strings contain all possible finite substrings. Hence, the probability of the monkey typing a normal number is 1. The same principles apply regardless of the number of keys from which the monkey can choose; a 90-key keyboard can be seen as a generator
Total Library of numbers written in base 90.
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History
Statistical mechanics
In one of the forms in which probabilists now know this theorem, with its "dactylographic" [i.e., typewriting] monkeys (French: singes dactylographes; the French word singe covers both the monkeys and the apes), appeared in mile Borel's 1913 article "Mcanique Statistique et Irrversibilit" (Statistical mechanics and irreversibility), and in his book "Le Hasard" in 1914. His "monkeys" are not actual monkeys; rather, they are a metaphor for an imaginary way to produce a large, random sequence of letters. Borel said that if a million monkeys typed ten hours a day, it was extremely unlikely that their output would exactly equal all the books of the richest libraries of the world; and yet, in comparison, it was even more unlikely that the laws of statistical mechanics would ever be violated, even briefly. The physicist Arthur Eddington drew on Borel's image further in The Nature of the Physical World (1928), writing: If I let my fingers wander idly over the keys of a typewriter it might happen that my screed made an intelligible sentence. If an army of monkeys were strumming on typewriters they might write all the books in the British Museum. The chance of their doing so is decidedly more favourable than the chance of the molecules returning to one half of the vessel. These images invite the reader to consider the incredible improbability of a large but finite number of monkeys working for a large but finite amount of time producing a significant work, and compare this with the even greater improbability of certain physical events. Any physical process that is even less likely than such monkeys' success is effectively impossible, and it may safely be said that such a process will never happen.
Origins and "The Total Library"

In a 1939 essay entitled "The Total Library", Argentine writer Jorge Luis Borges traced the infinite-monkey concept back to Aristotle's Metaphysics. Explaining the views of Leucippus, who held that the world arose through the random combination of atoms, Aristotle notes that the atoms themselves are homogeneous and their possible arrangements only differ in shape, position and ordering. In On Generation and Corruption, the Greek philosopher compares this to the way that a tragedy and a comedy consist of the same "atoms", i.e., alphabetic characters.[7] Three centuries later, Cicero's De natura deorum (On the Nature of the Gods) argued against the atomist worldview: He who believes this may as well believe that if a great quantity of the one-and-twenty letters, composed either of gold or any other matter, were thrown upon the ground, they would fall into such order as legibly to form the Annals of Ennius. I doubt whether fortune could make a single verse of them.[8] Borges follows the history of this argument through Blaise Pascal and Jonathan Swift,[9] then observes that in his own time, the vocabulary had changed. By 1939, the idiom was "that a half-dozen monkeys provided with typewriters would, in a few eternities, produce all the books in the British Museum." (To which Borges adds, "Strictly speaking, one immortal monkey would suffice.") Borges then imagines the contents of the Total Library which this enterprise would produce if carried to its fullest extreme: Everything would be in its blind volumes. Everything: the detailed history of the future, Aeschylus' The Egyptians, the exact number of times that the waters of the Ganges have reflected the flight of a falcon, the secret and true nature of Rome, the encyclopedia Novalis would have constructed, my dreams and half-dreams at dawn on August 14, 1934, the proof of Pierre Fermat's theorem, the unwritten chapters of Edwin Drood, those same chapters translated into the language spoken by the Garamantes, the paradoxes Berkeley invented concerning Time but didn't publish, Urizen's books of iron, the premature epiphanies of Stephen Dedalus, which would be meaningless before a cycle of a thousand years, the Gnostic Gospel of Basilides, the song the
Total Library sirens sang, the complete catalog of the Library, the proof of the inaccuracy of that catalog. Everything: but for every sensible line or accurate fact there would be millions of meaningless cacophonies, verbal farragoes, and babblings. Everything: but all the generations of mankind could pass before the dizzying shelvesshelves that obliterate the day and on which chaos liesever reward them with a tolerable page.[10] Borges' total library concept was the main theme of his widely read 1941 short story "The Library of Babel", which describes an unimaginably vast library consisting of interlocking hexagonal chambers, together containing every possible volume that could be composed from the letters of the alphabet and some punctuation characters.
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Real monkeys
In 2003, lecturers and students from the University of Plymouth MediaLab Arts course used a 2,000 grant from the Arts Council to study the literary output of real monkeys. They left a computer keyboard in the enclosure of six Celebes Crested Macaques in Paignton Zoo in Devon in England for a month, with a radio link to broadcast the results on a website. Not only did the monkeys produce nothing but five pages consisting largely of the letter S, the lead male began by bashing the keyboard with a stone, and the monkeys continued by urinating and defecating on it. Phillips said that the artist-funded project was primarily performance art, and they had learned "an awful lot" from it. He concluded that monkeys "are not random generators. They're more complex than that. ... They were quite interested in the screen, and they saw that when they typed a letter, something happened. There was a level of intention there."
Applications and criticisms

Evolution
In his 1931 book The Mysterious Universe, Eddington's rival James Jeans attributed the monkey parable to a "Huxley", presumably meaning Thomas Henry Huxley. This attribution is incorrect. Today, it is sometimes further reported that Huxley applied the example in a now-legendary debate over Charles Darwin's On the Origin of Species with the Anglican Bishop of Oxford, Samuel Wilberforce, held at a meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science at Oxford on June 30, 1860. This story suffers not only from a lack of evidence, but the fact that in 1860 the typewriter itself had yet to emerge. Despite the original mix-up, monkey-and-typewriter arguments are now common in arguments over evolution. For example, Doug Powell argues as a Christian Thomas Huxley is sometimes apologist that even if a monkey accidentally types the letters of Hamlet, it has misattributed with proposing a failed to produce Hamlet because it lacked the intention to communicate. His variant of the theory in his debates parallel implication is that natural laws could not produce the information with Samuel Wilberforce. content in DNA. A more common argument is represented by Reverend John F. MacArthur, who claims that the genetic mutations necessary to produce a tapeworm from an amoeba are as unlikely as a monkey typing Hamlet's soliloquy, and hence the odds against the evolution of all life are impossible to overcome. Evolutionary biologist Richard Dawkins employs the typing monkey concept in his book The Blind Watchmaker to demonstrate the ability of natural selection to produce biological complexity out of random mutations. In a simulation experiment Dawkins has his weasel program produce the Hamlet phrase METHINKS IT IS LIKE A WEASEL, starting from a randomly typed parent, by "breeding" subsequent generations and always choosing the closest match from progeny that are copies of the parent, with random mutations. The chance of the target phrase
Total Library appearing in a single step is extremely small, yet Dawkins showed that it could be produced rapidly (in about 40 generations) using cumulative selection of phrases. The random choices furnish raw material, while cumulative selection imparts information. As Dawkins acknowledges, however, the weasel program is an imperfect analogy for evolution, as "offspring" phrases were selected "according to the criterion of resemblance to a distant ideal target." In contrast, Dawkins affirms, evolution has no long-term plans and does not progress toward some distant goal (such as humans). The weasel program is instead meant to illustrate the difference between non-random cumulative selection, and random single-step selection. In terms of the typing monkey analogy, this means that Romeo and Juliet could be produced relatively quickly if placed under the constraints of a nonrandom, Darwinian-type selection, by freezing in place any letters that happened to match the target text, and making that the template for the next generation of typing monkeys. A different avenue for exploring the analogy between evolution and an unconstrained monkey lies in the problem that the monkey types only one letter at a time, independently of the other letters. Hugh Petrie argues that a more sophisticated setup is required, in his case not for biological evolution but the evolution of ideas: In order to get the proper analogy, we would have to equip the monkey with a more complex typewriter. It would have to include whole Elizabethan sentences and thoughts. It would have to include Elizabethan beliefs about human action patterns and the causes, Elizabethan morality and science, and linguistic patterns for expressing these. It would probably even have to include an account of the sorts of experiences which shaped Shakespeare's belief structure as a particular example of an Elizabethan. Then, perhaps, we might allow the monkey to play with such a typewriter and produce variants, but the impossibility of obtaining a Shakespearean play is no longer obvious. What is varied really does encapsulate a great deal of already-achieved knowledge.[11] James W. Valentine, while admitting that the classic monkey's task is impossible, finds that there is a worthwhile analogy between written English and the metazoan genome in this other sense: both have "combinatorial, hierarchical structures" that greatly constrain the immense number of combinations at the alphabet level.
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Literary theory
R. G. Collingwood argued in 1938 that art cannot be produced by accident, and wrote as a sarcastic aside to his critics, ...some ... have denied this proposition, pointing out that if a monkey played with a typewriter ... he would produce ... the complete text of Shakespeare. Any reader who has nothing to do can amuse himself by calculating how long it would take for the probability to be worth betting on. But the interest of the suggestion lies in the revelation of the mental state of a person who can identify the 'works' of Shakespeare with the series of letters printed on the pages of a book...[12] Nelson Goodman took the contrary position, illustrating his point along with Catherine Elgin by the example of Borges' "Pierre Menard, Author of the Quixote", What Menard wrote is simply another inscription of the text. Any of us can do the same, as can printing presses and photocopiers. Indeed, we are told, if infinitely many monkeys ... one would eventually produce a replica of the text. That replica, we maintain, would be as much an instance of the work, Don Quixote, as Cervantes' manuscript, Menard's manuscript, and each copy of the book that ever has been or will be printed. In another writing, Goodman elaborates, "That the monkey may be supposed to have produced his copy randomly makes no difference. It is the same text, and it is open to all the same interpretations...." Grard Genette dismisses Goodman's argument as begging the question. For Jorge J. E. Gracia, the question of the identity of texts leads to a different question, that of author. If a monkey is capable of typing Hamlet, despite having no intention of meaning and therefore disqualifying itself as an author, then it appears that texts do not require authors. Possible solutions include saying that whoever finds the text and
Total Library identifies it as Hamlet is the author; or that Shakespeare is the author, the monkey his agent, and the finder merely a user of the text. These solutions have their own difficulties, in that the text appears to have a meaning separate from the other agents: what if the monkey operates before Shakespeare is born, or if Shakespeare is never born, or if no one ever finds the monkey's typescript?
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Random document generation

The theorem concerns a thought experiment which cannot be fully carried out in practice, since it is predicted to require prohibitive amounts of time and resources. Nonetheless, it has inspired efforts in finite random text generation. One computer program run by Dan Oliver of Scottsdale, Arizona, according to an article in The New Yorker, came up with a result on August 4, 2004: After the group had worked for 42,162,500,000 billion billion monkey-years, one of the "monkeys" typed, "VALENTINE. Cease toIdor:eFLP0FRjWK78aXzVOwm)-;8.t" The first 19 letters of this sequence can be found in "The Two Gentlemen of Verona". Other teams have reproduced 18 characters from "Timon of Athens", 17 from "Troilus and Cressida", and 16 from "Richard II".[13] A website entitled The Monkey Shakespeare Simulator, launched on July 1, 2003, contained a Java applet that simulates a large population of monkeys typing randomly, with the stated intention of seeing how long it takes the virtual monkeys to produce a complete Shakespearean play from beginning to end. For example, it produced this partial line from Henry IV, Part 2, reporting that it took "2,737,850 million billion billion billion monkey-years" to reach 24 matching characters: RUMOUR. Open your ears; 9r"5j5&?OWTY Z0d... Due to processing power limitations, the program uses a probabilistic model (by using a random number generator or RNG) instead of actually generating random text and comparing it to Shakespeare. When the simulator "detects a match" (that is, the RNG generates a certain value or a value within a certain range), the simulator simulates the match by generating matched text. More sophisticated methods are used in practice for natural language generation. If instead of simply generating random characters one restricts the generator to a meaningful vocabulary and conservatively following grammar rules, like using a context-free grammar, then a random document generated this way can even fool some humans (at least on a cursory reading) as shown in the experiments with SCIgen, snarXiv, and the Postmodernism Generator.
Testing of random number generators

Questions about the statistics describing how often an ideal monkey is expected to type certain strings translate into practical tests for random number generators; these range from the simple to the "quite sophisticated". Computer science professors George Marsaglia and Arif Zaman report that they used to call one such category of tests "overlapping m-tuple tests" in lecture, since they concern overlapping m-tuples of successive elements in a random sequence. But they found that calling them "monkey tests" helped to motivate the idea with students. They published a report on the class of tests and their results for various RNGs in 1993.
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Popular culture
The infinite monkey theorem and its associated imagery is considered a popular and proverbial illustration of the mathematics of probability, widely known to the general public because of its transmission through popular culture rather than through formal education.[14] In his 1978 radio play, The Hitchhiker's Guide to the Galaxy, Douglas Adams invoked the theorem to illustrate the power of the Infinite Improbability Drive that powered a spaceship. From Episode 2: "Ford, theres an infinite number of monkeys outside who want to talk to us about this script for Hamlet theyve worked out." A quotation attributed to a 1996 speech by Robert Wilensky stated, "Weve heard that a million monkeys at a million keyboards could produce the complete works of Shakespeare; now, thanks to the Internet, we know that is not true." The enduring, widespread popularity of the theorem was noted in the introduction to a 2001 paper, "Monkeys, Typewriters and Networks: The Internet in the Light of the Theory of Accidental Excellence" (Hoffmann & Hofmann, 2001).[15] In 2002, an article in the Washington Post said, "Plenty of people have had fun with the famous notion that an infinite number of monkeys with an infinite number of typewriters and an infinite amount of time could eventually write the works of Shakespeare." [16] In 2003, the previously mentioned Arts Council funded experiment involving real monkeys and a computer keyboard received widespread press coverage.[17] In 2007, the theorem was listed by Wired magazine in a list of eight classic thought experiments.[18]
Notes
[1] Isaac generalizes this argument immediately to variable text and alphabet size; the common main conclusion is on p.50. [2] This shows that the probability of typing "banana" in one of the predefined non-overlapping blocks of six letters tends to 1. In addition the word may appear across two blocks, so the estimate given is conservative. [3] The first theorem is proven by a similar if more indirect route in [4] Using the Hamlet text from gutenberg (http:/ / www. gutenberg. org/ dirs/ etext99/ 1ws2611. txt), there are 132680 alphabetical letters and 199749 characters overall [5] For any required string of 130,000 letters from the set a-z, the average number of letters that needs to be typed until the string appears is (rounded) 3.410183,946, except in the case that all letters of the required string are equal, in which case the value is about 4% more, 3.610183,946. In that case failure to have the correct string starting from a particular position reduces with about 4% the probability of a correct string starting from the next position (i.e., for overlapping positions the events of having the correct string are not independent; in this case there is a positive correlation between the two successes, so the chance of success after a failure is smaller than the chance of success in general). The figure 3.410183,946 is derived from n =26130000 by taking the logarithm of both sides: log10(n) = 1300000log10(26) =183946.5352, therefore n =100.535210183946 =3.42910183946. [6] 26 letters 2 for capitalisation, 12 for punctuation characters = 64, 199749log10(64) =4.410360,783. [7] Aristotle, (On Generation and Corruption), 315b14. [8] Marcus Tullius Cicero, De natura deorum, 2.37. Translation from Cicero's Tusculan Disputations; Also, Treatises On The Nature Of The Gods, And On The Commonwealth, C. D. Yonge, principal translator, New York, Harper & Brothers Publishers, Franklin Square. (1877). Downloadable text (http:/ / www. gutenberg. org/ etext/ 14988). [9] The English translation of "The Total Library" lists the title of Swift's essay as "Trivial Essay on the Faculties of the Soul." The appropriate reference is, instead: Swift, Jonathan, Temple Scott et al. "A Tritical Essay upon the Faculties of the Mind." The Prose Works of Jonathan Swift, Volume 1. London: G. Bell, 1897, pp. 291-296. Google Books (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=FctEAAAAYAAJ& printsec=frontcover& dq=The+ Prose+ Works+ of+ Jonathan+ Swift& hl=en& ei=JdyDTb-yM8u3tweNmcy8BA& sa=X& oi=book_result& ct=result& resnum=1& ved=0CC4Q6AEwAA#v=onepage& q& f=false) [10] Borges, Jorge Luis. "La biblioteca total" (The Total Library), Sur No. 59, August 1939. Trans. by Eliot Weinberger. In Selected Non-Fictions (Penguin: 1999), ISBN 0-670-84947-2. [11] As quoted in [12] p.126 of The Principles of Art, as summarized and quoted by [13] Newyorker.com (http:/ / www. newyorker. com/ arts/ critics/ books/ 2007/ 04/ 09/ 070409crbo_books_acocella?currentPage=all) Acocella, Joan "The Typing Life: How writers used to write" The New Yorker April 9, 2007, a review of The Iron Whim: A Fragmented History of Typewriting (Cornell) 2007, by Darren Wershler-Henry [14] Examples of the theorem being referred to as proverbial include: Why Creativity Is Not like the Proverbial Typing Monkey. Jonathan W. Schooler, Sonya Dougal, Psychological Inquiry, Vol. 10, No. 4 (1999); and The Case of the Midwife Toad (Arthur Koestler, New York, 1972, page 30): "Neo-Darwinism does indeed carry the nineteenth-century brand of materialism to its extreme limitsto the proverbial monkey at the typewriter, hitting by pure chance on the proper keys to produce a Shakespeare sonnet." The latter is sourced from Parable of the Monkeys (http:/ / www. angelfire. com/ in/ hypnosonic/ Parable_of_the_Monkeys. html), a collection of historical references to the theorem in various
Total Library
formats. [15] Monkeys, Typewriters and Networks (http:/ / skylla. wz-berlin. de/ pdf/ 2002/ ii02-101. pdf), Ute Hoffmann & Jeanette Hofmann, Wissenschaftszentrum Berlin fr Sozialforschung gGmbH (WZB), 2001. [16] "Hello? This is Bob" (http:/ / www. washingtonpost. com/ ac2/ wp-dyn/ A28521-2002Oct27?language=printer), Ken Ringle, Washington Post, 28 October 2002, page C01. [17] Notes Towards the Complete Works of Shakespeare (http:/ / www. vivaria. net/ experiments/ notes/ documentation/ press/ ) some press clippings. [18] The Best Thought Experiments: Schrdinger's Cat, Borels Monkeys (http:/ / www. wired. com/ science/ discoveries/ magazine/ 15-06/ st_best), Greta Lorge, Wired Magazine: Issue 15.06, May 2007.
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References External links

Ask Dr. Math article (http://mathforum.org/library/drmath/view/55871.html), August 1998, Adam Bridge The Parable of the Monkeys (http://www.angelfire.com/in/hypnosonic/Parable_of_the_Monkeys.html), a bibliography with quotations Planck Monkeys (http://azureworld.blogspot.com/2007/04/planck-monkeys.html), on populating the cosmos with monkey particles PixelMonkeys.org (http://www.pixelmonkeys.org/) - Artist, Matt Kane's application of the Infinite Monkey Theorem on pixels to create images. RFC 2795 (http://tools.ietf.org/html/rfc2795) - Humorous RFC on the implementation of the Infinite monkey theorem.
Memex
The memex (a portmanteau of "memory" and "index" or "memory" and "extender") is the name of the hypothetical proto-hypertext system that Vannevar Bush described in his 1945 The Atlantic Monthly article "As We May Think" (AWMT). Bush envisioned the memex as a device in which individuals would compress and store all of their books, records, and communications, "mechanized so that it may be consulted with exceeding speed and flexibility." The memex would provide an "enlarged intimate supplement to one's memory".Wikipedia:Citing sources The concept of the memex influenced the development of early hypertext systems (eventually leading to the creation of the World Wide Web) and personal knowledge base software.[1] However, the memex system used a form of document bookmark list, of static microfilm pages, rather than a true hypertext system where parts of pages would have internal structure beyond the common textual format (see below: Reception).
Details
A proto-hypertext system
In "As We May Think," Bush describes a memex as an electromechanical device enabling individuals to develop and read a large self-contained research library, create and follow associative trails of links and personal annotations, and recall these trails at any time to share them with other researchers. This device would closely mimic the associative processes of the human mind, but it would be gifted with permanent recollection. As Bush writes, "Thus science may implement the ways in which man produces, stores, and consults the record of the race"[2]. The technology used would have been a combination of electromechanical controls, microfilm cameras and readers, all integrated into a large desk. Most of the microfilm library would have been contained within the desk, but the user could add or remove microfilm reels at will.
Memex The top of the desk would have slanting translucent screens on which material could be projected for convenient reading. The top of the memex would have a transparent platen. When a longhand note, photograph, memoranda, or other things were placed on the platen, the depression of a lever would cause the item to be photographed onto the next blank space in a section of the memex film. The memex would become "'a sort of mechanized private file and library'[3]Wikipedia:Citing sources. It would use microfilm storage, dry photography, and analog computing to give postwar scholars access to a huge, indexed repository of knowledge any section of which could be called up with a few keystrokes."[4] The vision of the memex predates, and is credited as the inspiration for, the first practical hypertext systems of the 1960s. Bush describes the memex and other visions of "As We May Think" as projections of technology known in the 1930s and 1940s in the spirit of Jules Verne or Arthur C. Clarke's 1945 proposal to orbit geosynchronous satellites for global telecommunication. The memex proposed by Bush would create trails of links connecting sequences of microfilm frames, rather than links in the modern sense where a hyperlink connects a single word, phrase or picture within a document and a local or remote destination.
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Associative trails
An associative trail as conceived by Bush would be a way to create a new linear sequence of microfilm frames across any arbitrary sequence of microfilm frames by creating a chained sequence of links in the way just described, along with personal comments and side trails. At the time Bush saw the current ways of indexing information as limiting and instead proposed a way to store information that was analogous to the mental association of the human brain: storing information with the capability of easy access at a later time using certain cues (in this case, a series of numbers as a code to retrieve data). The closest analogy with the modern Web browser would be to create a list of bookmarks to articles relevant to a topic, and then to have some mechanism for automatically scrolling through the articles (for example, use Google to search for a keyword, obtain a list of matches, repeatedly use the "open in new tab" feature of the Web browser, and then visit each tab sequentially). Modern hypertext systems with word and phrase-level linking offer more sophistication in connecting relevant information, but until the rise of wiki and other social software models, modern hypertext systems have rarely imitated Bush in providing individuals with the ability to create personal trails and share them with colleagues or publish them widely.
Other features
The memex would have features other than linking. The user could record new information on microfilm, by taking photos from paper or from a touch-sensitive translucent screen. A user could "...insert a comment of his own, either linking it into the main trail or joining it by a side trail to a particular item. ...Thus he builds a trail of his interest through the maze of materials available to him."[3]Wikipedia:Citing sources A user could also create a copy of an interesting trail (containing references and personal annotations) and "...pass it to his friend for insertion in his own memex, there to be linked into the more general trail."[3]Wikipedia:Citing sources As observers like Tim Oren have pointed out, the memex could be considered to be a microfilm-based precursor to the personal computer. The September 10, 1945, Life magazine article showed the first illustrations of what the memex desk could look like, as well as illustrations of a head-mounted camera, which a scientist could wear while doing experiments, and a typewriter capable of voice recognition and of reading text by speech synthesis. Considered together, these memex machines were probably the earliest practical description of what we would call today the Office of the future. "Given a memex, a scholar could create her own knowledge tools as connections within reams of information, share these tools, and use complexes of tools to create yet more sophisticated knowledge that could in turn be deployed toward this work. The memex has been envisioned as a means of turning an information explosion into a knowledge explosion. This remains one of the defining dreams of new media."[4]
Memex
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Extending, storing, and consulting the record of the species

Bush's idea for the memex extended far beyond a mechanism which might augment the research of one individual working in isolation. In Bush's idea, the ability to connect, annotate, and share both published works and personal trails would profoundly change the process by which the "world's record" is created and used: Wholly new forms of encyclopedias will appear, ready made with a mesh of associative trails running through them, ready to be dropped into the memex and there amplified. The lawyer has at his touch the associated opinions and decisions of his whole experience, and of the experience of friends and authorities. The patent attorney has on call the millions of issued patents, with familiar trails to every point of his client's interest. The physician, puzzled by a patient's reactions, strikes the trail established in studying an earlier similar case, and runs rapidly through analogous case histories, with side references to the classics for the pertinent anatomy and histology. ... The historian, with a vast chronological account of a people, parallels it with a skip trail which stops only on the salient items, and can follow at any time contemporary trails which lead him all over civilization at a particular epoch. There is a new profession of trail blazers, those who find delight in the task of establishing useful trails through the enormous mass of the common record. The inheritance from the master becomes, not only his additions to the world's record, but for his disciples the entire scaffolding by which they were erected. -- As We May Think Bush states that "technical difficulties of all sorts have been ignored," but that, "also ignored are means as yet unknown which may come any day to accelerate technical progress as violently as did the advent of the thermionic tube." Indeed, anyone who stops to consider the performance consequences of trail following let alone link-directed pointer-chasing over a microfilm library of near universal scope should quickly come to the conclusion that microfilm is no more appropriate a technology for implementing AWMT's vision than Jules Verne's cannon is an appropriate technology for sending astronauts to the Moon. In both cases the vision may be more significant than the specific technology used to describe it. See Michael Buckland's conclusion: "Bush's contributions in this area were twofold: (i) A significant engineering achievement by the team under his leadership in building a truly rapid prototype microfilm selector, and (ii) a speculative article, 'As We May Think,' which, through its skillful writing and the social prestige of its author, has had an immediate and lasting effect in stimulating others."[] In "Memex: Getting Back on the Trail",[5] Tim Oren argues that Bush's original vision expressed in AWMT describes a "...private device into which public encyclopedias and colleague's trails might be inserted to be joined with the owner's own work." However, in Bush's manuscript draft of "Memex II" of 1959, Bush says, "Professional societies will no longer print papers..." and states that individuals will either order sets of papers to come on tape complete with photographs and diagrams or download 'facsimiles' by telephone. Each society would maintain a 'master memex' containing all papers, references, tables "intimately interconnected by trails, so that one may follow a detailed matter from paper to paper, going back through the classics, recording criticism in the margins."
Memex
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Missing features: search and metadata

The AWMT paper did not describe any automatic search, nor any universal metadata scheme such as a standard library classification or a hypertext element set like the Dublin core. Instead, when the user made an entry, such as a new or annotated manuscript, typescript or image, he was expected to index and describe it in his personal code book. By consulting his code book, the user could retrace annotated and generated entries. Between 1990 and 1994, Paul Flaherty, a Stanford student who was looking for a project, was introduced by his wife to her supervisor. The supervisor had just seen a demonstration of the World Wide Web and suggested it could be improved and better conformed to the memex described by Vannevar Bush if links did not have to be manually inserted and instead one could follow a link simply by using the words themselves. Flaherty went on to create AltaVista, the first searchable, full-text database of a large part of the Web.
Legacy
This idea directly influenced computer pioneers J.C.R. Licklider (see his 1960 paper Man-Computer Symbiosis), Douglas Engelbart (see his 1962 report Augmenting Human Intellect), and also led to Ted Nelson's groundbreaking work in concepts of hypermedia and hypertext.Wikipedia:Citing sourcesWikipedia:Verifiability As We May Think also predicted many kinds of technology invented after its publication in addition to hypertext such as personal computers, the Internet, the World Wide Web, speech recognition, and online encyclopedias such as Wikipedia: "Wholly new forms of encyclopedias will appear, ready-made with a mesh of associative trails running through them, ready to be dropped into the memex and there amplified." Bush's influence is still evident in research laboratories of today in Gordon Bell's MyLifeBits (from Microsoft Research), which implements path-based systems reminiscent of the Memex. A Memex is featured in Charles Stross' cross-genre novel The Atrocity Archives, and its sequels. In The Fuller Memorandum, the publication of As We May Think is fictionally described as a "leak": a number of the things had actually been built, using a slush fund earmarked for the Manhattan Project. The product of electromechanical engineering at its finest, not to mention its most horrendously complex, each Memex cost as much as a B-29 bomberand contained six times as many moving parts, most of them assembled by watchmakers.
References
[1] DAVIES, Stephen. "Still Building The Memex." Communications of The ACM 54.2 (Feb. 2011): 8088. Business Source Elite. Web. 12 Dec. 2011. [2] Bush 1945, 8. [3] Bush 1945. [4] Wardrip-Fruin & Montfort 2003, p.35. [5] Nyce, James M.; Kahn, Paul (eds.) "From Memex to Hypertext: Vannevar Bush and the Mind's Machine". San Diego, London (...) 1991. [A reprint of all of Bush's texts regarding Memex accompanied by related Sources and Studies]
Memex
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Bibliography
Bush, Vannevar (Jul 1945), "As We May Think" (http://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/1945/07/ as-we-may-think/3881/), The Atlantic Monthly 176 (1): 1018. Wardrip-Fruin, Noah; Montfort, Nick, eds. (2003), The New Media Reader, The MIT Press, ISBN0-262-23227-8.</ref>
External links
"As We May Think - A Celebration of Vannevar Bush's 1945 Vision" (http://graphics.cs.brown.edu/html/ info/vannevar_bush.html), at Brown University Vannevar Bush and Memex (http://www.livinginternet.com/i/ii_bush.htm) Living Internet
Scientific revolution
History of science
The scientific revolution was the emergence of modern science during the early modern period, when developments in mathematics, physics, astronomy, biology, medicine, and chemistry transformed views of society and nature. According to traditional accounts, the scientific revolution began in Europe towards the end of the Renaissance era and continued through the late 18th century, influencing the intellectual social movement known as the Enlightenment. While its dates are disputed, the publication in 1543 of Nicolaus Copernicus's De revolutionibus orbium coelestium (On the Revolutions of the Heavenly Spheres) and Andreas Vesalius's De humani corporis fabrica (On the Fabric of the Human body) is often cited as marking the beginning of the scientific revolution. By the end of the 18th century the scientific revolution had given way to the "Age of Reflection". Philosopher and historian Alexandre Koyr coined the term scientific revolution in 1939 to describe this epoch.
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Significance of the revolution

The science of the middle ages was significant in establishing a base for modern science. The Marxist historian and scientist J. D. Bernal asserted that "the renaissance enabled a scientific revolution which let scholars look at the world in a different light. Religion, superstition, and fear were replaced by reason and knowledge". James Hannam says that, while most historians do think something revolutionary happened at this time, that "the term 'scientific revolution' is another one of those prejudicial historical labels that explain nothing. You could call any century from the twelfth to the twentieth a revolution in science" and that the concept "does nothing more than reinforce the error that before Copernicus nothing of any significance to science took place". Despite some challenges to religious views, however, many notable figures of the scientific revolutionincluding Nicolaus Copernicus, Tycho Brahe, Johannes Kepler, Galileo Galilei, Francis Bacon, Ren Descartes, Isaac Newton and Gottfried Leibnizremained devout in their faith. This period saw a fundamental transformation in scientific ideas across mathematics, physics, astronomy, and biology, in institutions supporting scientific investigation, and in the more widely held picture of the universe. The scientific revolution led to the establishment of several modern sciences. In 1984, Joseph Ben-David wrote: Rapid accumulation of knowledge, which has characterized the development of science since the 17th century, had never occurred before that time. The new kind of scientific activity emerged only in a few countries of Western Europe, and it was restricted to that small area for about two hundred years. (Since the 19th century, scientific knowledge has been assimilated by the rest of the world). Many contemporary writers and modern historians claim that there was a revolutionary change in world view. In 1611 the English poet, John Donne, wrote: [The] new Philosophy calls all in doubt, The Element of fire is quite put out; The Sun is lost, and th'earth, and no man's wit Can well direct him where to look for it. Mid-20th century historian Herbert Butterfield was less disconcerted, but nevertheless saw the change as fundamental: Since that revolution turned the authority in English not only of the Middle Ages but of the ancient worldsince it started not only in the eclipse of scholastic philosophy but in the destruction of Aristotelian physicsit outshines everything since the rise of Christianity and reduces the Renaissance and Reformation to the rank of mere episodes, mere internal displacements within the system of medieval Christendom.... [It] looms so large as the real origin both of the modern world and of the modern mentality that our customary periodization of European history has become an anachronism and an encumbrance. More recently, sociologist and historian of science Steven Shapin opened his book, The Scientific Revolution, with the paradoxical statement: "There was no such thing as the Scientific Revolution, and this is a book about it." Although historians of science continue to debate the exact meaning of the term, and even its validity, the scientific revolution still remains a useful concept to interpret the many changes in science itself.
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New ideas
The scientific revolution was not marked by any single change. The following new ideas contributed to what is called the scientific revolution: The replacement of the Earth as center of the universe by heliocentrism Deprecation of the Aristotelian theory that matter was continuous and made up of the elements Earth, Water, Air, and Fire because its classic rival, Atomism, better lent itself to a "mechanical philosophy" of matter. The replacement of the Aristotelian idea that heavy bodies, by their nature, moved straight down toward their natural places; that light bodies, by their nature, moved straight up toward their natural place; and that ethereal bodies, by their nature, moved in unchanging circular motions with the idea that all bodies are heavy and move according to the same physical laws
Galileo Galilei. Portrait in crayon by Leoni
Inertia replaced the medieval impetus theory, that unnatural motion ("forced" or "violent" rectilinear motion) is caused by continuous action of the original force imparted by a mover into that which is
moved. The replacement of Galen's treatment of the venous and arterial systems as two separate systems with William Harvey's concept that blood circulated from the arteries to the veins "impelled in a circle, and is in a state of ceaseless motion" However, according to Galileo, the core of what came to be known as the scientific method in modern physical sciences is stated in his book Il Saggiatore to be the concept of a systematic, mathematical interpretation of experiments and empirical facts: "Philosophy [i.e., physics] is written in this grand bookI mean the universewhich stands continually open to our gaze, but it cannot be understood unless one first learns to comprehend the language and interpret the characters in which it is written. It is written in the language of mathematics, and its characters are triangles, circles, and other geometrical figures, without which it is humanly impossible to understand a single word of it; without these, one is wandering around in a dark labyrinth." Many of the important figures of the scientific revolution, however, shared in the Renaissance respect for ancient learning and cited ancient pedigrees for their innovations. Nicolaus Copernicus (14731543), Kepler (15711630), Newton (16421727) and Galileo Galilei (15641642) all traced different ancient and medieval ancestries for the heliocentric system. In the Axioms Scholium of his Principia Newton said its axiomatic three laws of motion were already accepted by mathematicians such as Huygens (16291695), Wallace, Wren and others, and also in memos in his draft preparations of the second edition of the Principia he attributed its first law of motion and its law of gravity to a range of historical figures. According to Newton himself and other historians of science, his Principia's first law of motion was
Ren Descartes with Queen Christina of Sweden.
Scientific revolution the same as Aristotle's counterfactual principle of interminable locomotion in a void stated in Physics 4.8.215a1922 and was also endorsed by ancient Greek atomists and others. As Newton expressed himself: All those ancients knew the first law [of motion] who attributed to atoms in an infinite vacuum a motion which was rectilinear, extremely swift and perpetual because of the lack of resistance... Aristotle was of the same mind, since he expresses his opinion thus...[in Physics 4.8.215a19-22], speaking of motion in the void [in which bodies have no gravity and] where there is no impediment he writes: 'Why a body once moved should come to rest anywhere no one can say. For why should it rest here rather than there ? Hence either it will not be moved, or it must be moved indefinitely, unless something stronger impedes it.' As Newton attests, the Principia's first law of motion was known in antiquity, even by Aristotle, although its significance, as such, went unappreciated. This refutes Kuhn's thesis of a scientific revolution in dynamics. The geocentric model was nearly universally accepted until 1543 when Nicolaus Copernicus published his book entitled De revolutionibus orbium coelestium and was widely accepted into the next century. At around the same time, the findings of Vesalius corrected the previous anatomical teachings of Galen, which were based upon the dissection of animals even though they were supposed to be a guide to the human body. Andreas Vesalius (15141564) was an author of one of the most influential books on human anatomy, De humani corporis fabrica, also in 1543. French surgeon Ambroise Par (c.15101590) is considered as one of the fathers of surgery; he was leader in surgical techniques and battlefield medicine, especially the treatment of wounds. Partly based on the works by the Italian surgeon and anatomist Matteo Realdo Colombo (c. 15161559), the anatomist William Harvey (15781657) described the circulatory system. Herman Boerhaave (16681738) is sometimes referred to as a "father of physiology" due to his exemplary teaching in Leiden and textbook 'Institutiones medicae' (1708). It was between 1650 and 1800 that the science of modern dentistry developed. It is said that the 17th century French physician Pierre Fauchard (16781761) started dentistry science as we know it today, and he has been named "the father of modern dentistry". Pierre Vernier (15801637) was inventor and eponym of the vernier scale used in measuring devices. Evangelista Torricelli (16071647) was best known for his invention of the barometer. Although Franciscus Vieta (15401603) gave the first notation of modern algebra, John Napier (15501617) invented logarithms, and Edmund Gunter (15811626) created the logarithmic scales (lines, or rules) upon which slide rules are based. It was William Oughtred (15751660) who first used two such scales sliding by one another to perform direct multiplication and division; and thus is credited as the inventor of the slide rule in 1622.
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Antonie van Leeuwenhoek, the first person to use a microscope to view bacteria.
Blaise Pascal (16231662) invented the mechanical calculator in 1642. The introduction of his Pascaline in 1645 launched the development of mechanical calculators first in Europe and then all over the world. The notion of mathematical probability was first initiated by Pascal with his research in the games of chance; his later theory for binomial coefficient (or called Pascal's Triangle) was used as some of the foundation to Leibniz' infinitesimal calculus.[1] He also made important contributions to the study of fluid and clarified the concepts of pressure and vacuum by generalizing the work of Evangelista Torricelli. He wrote a significant treatise on the subject of projective geometry at the age of sixteen, and later corresponded with Pierre de Fermat (16011665) on probability theory, strongly influencing the development of modern economics and social science.
Scientific revolution Gottfried Leibniz (16461716), building on Pascal's work, became one of the most prolific inventors in the field of mechanical calculators ; he was the first to describe a pinwheel calculator in 1685 and invented the Leibniz wheel, used in the arithmometer, the first mass-produced mechanical calculator. He also refined the binary number system, foundation of virtually all modern computer architectures. John Hadley (16821744) was mathematician inventor of the octant, the precursor to the sextant. Hadley also developed ways to make precision aspheric and parabolic objective mirrors for reflecting telescopes, building the first parabolic Newtonian telescope and a Gregorian telescope with accurately shaped mirrors. Denis Papin (16471712) was best known for his pioneering invention of the steam digester, the forerunner of the steam engine. Abraham Darby I (16781717) was the first, and most famous, of three generations with that name in an Abraham Darby family that played an important role in the Industrial Revolution. He developed a method of producing high-grade iron in a blast furnace fuelled by coke rather than charcoal. This was a major step forward in the production of iron as a raw material for the Industrial Revolution. Thomas Newcomen (16641729) perfected a practical steam engine for pumping water, the Newcomen steam engine. Consequently, he can be regarded as a forefather of the Industrial Revolution. In 1672, Otto von Guericke (16021686), was the first human on record to knowingly generate electricity using a machine, and in 1729, Stephen Gray (16661736) demonstrated that electricity could be Denis Papin, best known for his pioneering "transmitted" through metal filaments. The first electrical storage invention of the steam digester, the forerunner of the steam engine. device was invented in 1745, the so-called "Leyden jar", and in 1749, Benjamin Franklin (17061790) demonstrated that lightning was electricity. In 1698 Thomas Savery (c.16501715) patented an early steam engine. German scientist Georg Agricola (14941555), known as "the father of mineralogy", published his great work De re metallica. Robert Boyle (16271691) was credited with the discovery of Boyle's Law. He is also credited for his landmark publication The Sceptical Chymist, where he attempts to develop an atomic theory of matter. The person celebrated as the "father of modern chemistry" is Antoine Lavoisier (17431794) who developed his law of Conservation of mass in 1789, also called Lavoisier's Law. Antoine Lavoisier proved that burning was caused by oxidation, that is, the mixing of a substance with oxygen. He also proved that diamonds were made of carbon and argued that all living processes were at their heart chemical reactions. In 1766, Henry Cavendish (17311810) discovered hydrogen. In 1774, Joseph Priestley (17331804) discovered oxygen.
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German physician Leonhart Fuchs (15011566) was one of the three founding fathers of botany, along with Otto Brunfels (1489- 1534) and Hieronymus Bock (14981554) (also called Hieronymus Tragus). Valerius Cordus (15151554) authored one of the greatest pharmacopoeias and one of the most celebrated herbals in history, Dispensatorium (1546). In his Systema Naturae, published in 1767, Carl von Linn (17071778) catalogued all the living creatures into a single system that defined their morphological relations to one another: the Linnean classification system. He is often called the "Father of Taxonomy". Georges Buffon (17071788), was perhaps the most important of Charles Darwin's predecessors. From 1744 to 1788, he wrote his monumental Histoire naturelle, gnrale et particulire, which included everything known about the natural world up until that date. Along with the inventor and microscopist Robert Hooke (16351703), system, foundation of virtually all modern Sir Christopher Wren (16321723) and Sir Isaac Newton (16421727), computer architectures. English scientist and astronomer Edmond Halley (16561742) was trying to develop a mechanical explanation for planetary motion. Halley's star catalogue of 1678 was the first to contain telescopically determined locations of southern stars. Many historians of science have seen other ancient and medieval antecedents of these ideas. It is widely accepted that Copernicus's De revolutionibus followed the outline and method set by Ptolemy in his Almagest and employed geometrical constructions that had been developed previously by the Maragheh school in his heliocentric model, and that Galileo's mathematical treatment of acceleration and his concept of impetus rejected earlier medieval analyses of motion, rejecting by name; Averroes, Avempace, Jean Buridan, and John Philoponus (see Theory of impetus). The standard theory of the history of the scientific revolution claims the 17th century was a period of revolutionary scientific changes. It is claimed that not only were there revolutionary theoretical and experimental developments, but that even more importantly, the way in which scientists worked was radically changed. An alternative anti-revolutionist view is that science as exemplified by Newton's Principia was anti-mechanist and highly Aristotelian, being specifically directed at the refutation of anti-Aristotelian Cartesian mechanism, as evidenced in the Principia quotations below, and not more empirical than it already was at the beginning of the century or earlier in the works of scientists such as Benedetti, Galileo Galilei, or Johannes Kepler.
Gottfried Leibniz (16461716) refined the binary
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Ancient and medieval background

The scientific revolution was built upon the foundation of ancient Greek learning and science in the middle ages, as it had been elaborated and further developed by Roman/Byzantine science and medieval Islamic science. The "Aristotelian tradition" was still an important intellectual framework in by the 17th century, although by that time natural philosophers had moved away from much of it. Key scientific ideas dating back to classical antiquity had changed drastically over the years, and in many cases been discredited. The ideas that remained, which were transformed fundamentally during the scientific revolution, include: Aristotle's cosmology which placed the Earth at the center of a spherical hierarchic cosmos. The terrestrial and celestial regions were made up of different elements which had different kinds of natural movement. The terrestrial region, according to Aristotle, consisted of concentric spheres of the four elementsearth, water, air, and fire. All bodies naturally moved in straight lines until they reached the sphere appropriate to their elemental compositiontheir natural place. All other terrestrial motions were non-natural, or violent. The celestial region was made up of the fifth element, Aether, Ptolemaic model of the spheres for Venus, Mars, which was unchanging and moved naturally with uniform Jupiter, and Saturn. Georg von Peuerbach, Theoricae novae planetarum, 1474. circular motion. In the Aristotelian tradition, astronomical theories sought to explain the observed irregular motion of celestial objects through the combined effects of multiple uniform circular motions. The Ptolemaic model of planetary motion: Based on the geometrical model of Eudoxus of Cnidus, Ptolemy's Almagest, demonstrated that calculations could compute the exact positions of the Sun, Moon, stars, and planets in the future and in the past, and showed how these computational models were derived from astronomical observations. As such they formed the model for later astronomical developments. The physical basis for Ptolemaic models invoked layers of spherical shells, though the most complex models were inconsistent with this physical explanation. It is important to note that ancient precedent existed for alternative theories and developments which prefigured later discoveries in the area of physics and mechanics; but in light of the limited number of works to survive translation in an era when many books were lost to warfare, such developments remained obscure for centuries and are traditionally held to have had little effect on the re-discovery of such phenomena; whereas the invention of the printing press made the wide dissemination of such incremental advances of knowledge commonplace. Meanwhile, however, significant progress in geometry, mathematics, and astronomy was made in the medieval era, particularly in the Islamic world as well as Europe.
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New approaches to nature

Historians of the scientific revolution traditionally maintain that its most important changes were in the way in which scientific investigation was conducted, as well as the philosophy underlying scientific developments. Among the main changes are the mechanical philosophy, the chemical philosophy, empiricism, and the increasing role of mathematics.
The mechanical philosophy

Aristotle recognized four kinds of causes, and where applicable, the most important of them is the "final cause". The final cause was the aim, goal, or purpose of some natural process or man-made thing. Until the scientific revolution, it was very natural to see such aims, such as a child's growth, for example, leading to a mature adult. Intelligence was assumed only in the purpose of man-made artifacts; it was not attributed to other animals or to nature. In "mechanical philosophy" no field or action at a distance is permitted, particles or corpuscles of matter are fundamentally inert. Motion is caused by direct physical collision. Where natural substances had previously been understood organically, the mechanical philosophers viewed them as machines. As a result, Newton's theory seemed like some kind of throwback to "spooky action at a distance". According to Thomas Kuhn, he and Descartes held the teleological principle that God conserved the amount of motion in the universe: Gravity, interpreted as an innate attraction between every pair of particles of matter, was an occult quality in the same sense as the scholastics' "tendency to fall" had been.... By the mid eighteenth century that interpretation had been almost universally accepted, and the result was a genuine reversion (which is not the same as a retrogression) to a scholastic standard. Innate attractions and repulsions joined size, shape, position and motion as physically irreducible primary properties of matter. Newton had also specifically attributed the inherent power of inertia to matter, against the mechanist thesis that matter has no inherent powers. But whereas Newton vehemently denied gravity was an inherent power of matter, his collaborator Roger Cotes made gravity also an inherent power of matter, as set out in his famous preface to the Principia's 1713 second edition which he edited, and contra Newton himself. And it was Cotes's interpretation of gravity rather than Newton's that came to be accepted. (See also Entropic gravity).
The chemical philosophy

Chemistry, and its antecedent alchemy, became an increasingly important aspect of scientific thought in the course of the 16th and 17th centuries. The importance of chemistry is indicated by the range of important scholars who actively engaged in chemical research. Among them were the astronomer Tycho Brahe, the chemical physician Paracelsus, the Irish philosopher Robert Boyle, and the English philosophers Thomas Browne and Isaac Newton. Unlike the mechanical philosophy, the chemical philosophy stressed the active powers of matter, which alchemists frequently expressed in terms of vital or active principlesof spirits operating in nature.
Newton in a 1702 portrait by Godfrey Kneller.
Empiricism
The Aristotelian scientific tradition's primary mode of interacting with the world was through observation and searching for "natural" circumstances through reasoning. Coupled with this approach was the belief that rare events which seemed to contradict theoretical models were aberrations, telling
Scientific revolution nothing about nature as it "naturally" was. During the scientific revolution, changing perceptions about the role of the scientist in respect to nature, the value of evidence, experimental or observed, led towards a scientific methodology in which empiricism played a large, but not absolute, role. By the start of the scientific revolution, empiricism had already become an important component of science and natural philosophy. Prior thinkers, particularly nominalist William of Ockham in the early 14th century, had begun the intellectual movement toward empiricism. Under the influence of scientists and philosophers like Francis Bacon, a sophisticated empirical tradition was developed by the 16th century. Belief of natural and artificial circumstances was abandoned, and a research tradition of systematic experimentation was slowly accepted throughout the scientific community. Bacon's philosophy of using an inductive approach to natureto abandon assumption and to attempt to simply observe with an open mindwas in strict contrast with the earlier, Aristotelian approach of deduction, by which analysis of known facts produced further understanding. In practice, of course, many scientists (and philosophers) believed that a healthy mix of both was neededthe willingness to question assumptions, yet also to interpret observations assumed to have some degree of validity. At the end of the scientific revolution the organic, qualitative world of book-reading philosophers had been changed into a mechanical, mathematical world to be known through experimental research. Though it is certainly not true that Newtonian science was like modern science in all respects, it conceptually resembled ours in many ways. Many of the hallmarks of modern science, especially in respect to the institution and profession of science, did not become standard until the mid-19th century.
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Mathematization
Scientific knowledge, according to the Aristotelians, was concerned with establishing true and necessary causes of things. To the extent that medieval natural philosophers used mathematical problems, they limited social studies to theoretical analyses of local speed and other aspects of life. The actual measurement of a physical quantity, and the comparison of that measurement to a value computed on the basis of theory, was largely limited to the mathematical disciplines of astronomy and optics in Europe. In the 16th and 17th centuries, European scientists began increasingly applying quantitative measurements to the measurement of physical phenomena on the Earth. Galileo maintained strongly that mathematics provided a kind of necessary certainty that could be compared to God's: "With regard to those few mathematical propositions which the human intellect does understand, I believe its knowledge equals the Divine in objective certainty."
Scientific developments
Key ideas and people that emerged from the 16th and 17th centuries: First printed edition of Euclid's Elements in 1482. Nicolaus Copernicus (14731543) published On the Revolutions of the Heavenly Spheres in 1543, which advanced the heliocentric theory of cosmology. Andreas Vesalius (15141564) published De Humani Corporis Fabrica (On the Fabric of the Human Body) (1543), which discredited Galen's views. He found that the circulation of blood resolved from pumping of the heart. He also assembled the first human skeleton from cutting open cadavers. Franciscus Vieta (15401603) published In Artem Analycitem Isagoge (1591), which gave the first symbolic notation of parameters in literal algebra. William Gilbert (15441603) published On the Magnet and Magnetic Bodies, and on the Great Magnet the Earth in 1600, which laid the foundations of a theory of magnetism and electricity. Tycho Brahe (15461601) made extensive and more accurate naked eye observations of the planets in the late 16th century. These became the basic data for Kepler's studies. Sir Francis Bacon (15611626) published Novum Organum in 1620, which outlined a new system of logic based on the process of reduction, which he offered as an improvement over Aristotle's philosophical process of
Scientific revolution syllogism. This contributed to the development of what became known as the scientific method. Galileo Galilei (15641642) improved the telescope, with which he made several important astronomical discoveries, including the four largest moons of Jupiter, the phases of Venus, and the rings of Saturn, and made detailed observations of sunspots. He developed the laws for falling bodies based on pioneering quantitative experiments which he analyzed mathematically. Johannes Kepler (15711630) published the first two of his three laws of planetary motion in 1609. William Harvey (15781657) demonstrated that blood circulates, using dissections and other experimental techniques. Ren Descartes (15961650) published his Discourse on the Method in 1637, which helped to establish the scientific method. Antonie van Leeuwenhoek (16321723) constructed powerful single lens microscopes and made extensive observations that he published around 1660, opening up the micro-world of biology. Isaac Newton (16431727) built upon the work of Kepler and Galileo. He showed that an inverse square law for gravity explained the elliptical orbits of the planets, and advanced the law of universal gravitation. His development of infinitesimal calculus opened up new applications of the methods of mathematics to science. Newton taught that scientific theory should be coupled with rigorous experimentation, which became the keystone of modern science.
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Theoretical developments
In 1543 Copernicus' work on the heliocentric model of the solar system was published, in which he tried to demonstrate that the sun was the center of the universe. Few were bothered by this suggestion, and the pope and several archbishops were interested enough by it to want more detail. His model was later used to create the calendar of Pope Gregory XIII. For almost two millennia, the geocentric model had been accepted by all but a few astronomers. The idea that the earth moved around the sun, as advocated by Copernicus, was to most of his contemporaries doubtful. It contradicted not only empirical observation, due to the absence of an observable stellar parallax, but also Aristotelian philosophy. The discoveries of Johannes Kepler and Galileo gave the theory credibility. Kepler was an astronomer who, using the accurate observations of Tycho Brahe, proposed that the planets move around Portrait of Johannes Kepler. the sun not in circular orbits, but in elliptical ones. Together with his other laws of planetary motion, this allowed him to create a model of the solar system that was an improvement over Copernicus' original system. Galileo's main contributions to the acceptance of the heliocentric system were his mechanics, the observations he made with his telescope, as well as his detailed presentation of the case for the system. Using an early theory of inertia, Galileo could explain why rocks dropped from a tower fall straight down even if the earth rotates. His observations of the moons of Jupiter, the phases of Venus, the spots on the sun, and mountains on the moon all helped to discredit the Aristotelian philosophy and the Ptolemaic theory of the solar system. Through their combined discoveries, the heliocentric system gained support, and at the end of the 17th century it was generally accepted by astronomers. Kepler's laws of planetary motion and Galileo's mechanics culminated in the work of Isaac Newton. His laws of motion were to be the solid foundation of mechanics; his law of universal gravitation combined terrestrial and celestial mechanics into one great system that seemed to be able to describe the whole world in mathematical formulae.
Scientific revolution Not only astronomy and mechanics were greatly changed. Optics, for instance, was revolutionized by people like Robert Hooke, Christiaan Huygens, Ren Descartes and, once again, Isaac Newton, who developed mathematical theories of light as either waves (Huygens) or particles (Newton). Similar developments could be seen in chemistry, biology and other sciences, although their full development into modern science was delayed for a century or more.
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Contrary views
Not all historians of science are agreed that there was any revolution in the 16th or 17th century. The continuity thesis is the hypothesis that there was no radical discontinuity between the intellectual development of the Middle Ages and the developments in the Renaissance and early modern period. Thus the idea of an intellectual or scientific revolution following the Renaissance isaccording to the continuity thesisa myth. Some continuity theorists point to earlier intellectual revolutions occurring in the Middle Ages, usually referring to either a European "Renaissance of the 12th century" or a medieval "Muslim scientific revolution", as a sign of continuity. Another contrary view has been recently proposed by Arun Bala in his dialogical history of the birth of modern science. Bala argues that the changes involved in the Scientific Revolutionthe mathematical realist turn, the mechanical philosophy, the atomism, the central role assigned to the Sun in Copernican heliocentrismhave to be seen as rooted in multicultural influences on Europe. Islamic science gave the first exemplar of a mathematical realist theory with Alhazen's Book of Matteo Ricci (left) and Xu Guangqi (right) in Athanasius Kircher, La Chine ... Illustre, Optics in which physical light rays traveled along mathematical Amsterdam, 1670. straight lines and also laid the foundation of the inductive scientific method. The swift transfer of Chinese mechanical technologies in the medieval era shifted European sensibilities to perceive the world in the image of a machine and their impact fueled an desire for more mechanical inventions. The Hindu-Arabic numeral system, which developed in close association with atomism in India, carried implicitly a new mode of mathematical atomic thinking. And the heliocentric theory, which assigned central status to the Sun, as well as Newton's concept of force acting at a distance, were rooted in ancient Egyptian religious ideas associated with Hermeticism. Bala argues that by ignoring such multicultural impacts we have been led to a Eurocentric conception of the scientific revolution. However Arun Bala clearly states: "The makers of the revolution Copernicus, Kepler, Galileo, Descartes, Newton, and many others had to selectively appropriate relevant ideas, transform them, and create new auxiliary concepts in order to complete their task... In the ultimate analysis, even if the revolution was rooted upon a multicultural base it is the accomplishment of Europeans in Europe."[2] A third approach takes the term "renaissance" literally. A closer study of Greek Philosophy and Greek Mathematics demonstrates that nearly all of the so-called revolutionary results of the so-called scientific revolution were in actuality restatements of ideas that were in many cases older than those of Aristotle and in nearly all cases at least as old as Archimedes. Aristotle even explicitly argues against some of the ideas that were demonstrated during the scientific revolution, such as heliocentrism. The basic ideas of the scientific method were well known to Archimedes and his contemporaries, as demonstrated in the well known discovery of buoyancy. Atomism was first thought of by Leucippus and Democritus. This view of the scientific revolution reduces it to a period of relearning classical ideas that is very much an extension of the renaissance, specifically relearning ideas that originated with somebody other than Aristotle and particularly those rooted in the schools of Plato and Pythagoras. This view of the scientific
Scientific revolution revolution does not deny that a change occurred but argues that it was a reassertion of previous knowledge (a renaissance) and not the creation of new knowledge. It cites statements from Newton, Copernicus and others in favour of the Pythagorean worldview as evidence.
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Notes
[1] L. Jonathan Cohen, Review by David A. Schum"A Review of a Case against Blaise Pascal and His Heirs., The Provable and the Probable"., Michigan Law Review , Vol. 77, No. 3, 1979 Survey of Books Relating to the Law (Jan. - Mar., 1979), p. 447 [2] " Book Review of The Dialogue of Civilizations in the Birth of Modern Science by Arun Bala (http:/ / muslimheritage. com/ topics/ default. cfm?ArticleID=1092)". MuslimHeritage.com
Sources
Hannam, James. The Genesis of Science, (2011) ISBN 1-59698-155-5 Marguin, Jean (1994). Histoire des instruments et machines calculer, trois sicles de mcanique pensante 16421942 (in French). Hermann. ISBN978-2-7056-6166-3. Pedersen, Olaf Early Physics and Astronomy: A Historical Introduction (http://books.google.com/ books?id=z7M8AAAAIAAJ&printsec=frontcover), 2nd. ed., Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Pr., 1993, ISBN 0-521-40899-7 Taton, Ren (1963). Le calcul mcanique (in French). Paris: Presses universitaires de France. Smith, David Eugene (1929). A Source Book in Mathematics. New York and London: McGraw-Hill Book Company, Inc. Westfall, Richard S. The Construction of Modern Science, (http://books.google.com/ books?id=ED76ljJ6CD0C&printsec=frontcover) New York: John Wiley and Sons ISBN 0-521-29295-6
Science and Civilisation in China

Science and Civilisation in China (19542008) is a series of books initiated and edited by British biochemist Joseph Needham (19001995). They deal with the history of science and technology in China. To date there have been seven volumes in twenty-seven books. The series was on the Modern Library Board's 100 Best Nonfiction books of the 20th century.[1] In 1954, Needhamalong with an international team of collaboratorsinitiated the project to study the science, technology, and civilisation of ancient China. This project produced a series of volumes published by Cambridge University Press. The project is still continuing under the guidance of the Publications Board of the Needham Research Institute (NRI), chaired by Christopher Cullen. Needham's transliteration of Chinese characters uses the Wade-Giles system, though the aspirate apostrophe (e.g., ch'i) was rendered 'h' (viz. chhi; traditional Chinese: ; Mandarin Pinyin: q). However, it was abandoned in favor of the pinyin system by the NRI board in April 2004, with Volume 5, Part 11 becoming the first to use the new system.[2]
Volumes
603
Vol. Vol. 1 Vol. 2 Vol. 3 Introductory Orientations
Title
Contributors Wang Ling (research assistant)
Date 1954
Notes
History of Scientific Thought
Wang Ling (research assistant)
1956 OCLC [3] 1959 OCLC [4] 1962 OCLC [5]
Mathematics and the Sciences of the Heavens and Earth
Wang Ling (research assistant)
Vol. Physics 4, Part 1 Vol. Mechanical Engineering 4 Part 2 Vol. Civil Engineering and Nautics 4, Part 3 Vol. Paper and Printing 5, Part 1
Wang Ling (research assistant), with cooperation of Kenneth Robinson
Wang Ling (collaborator)
1965
Wang Ling and Lu Gwei-djen (collaborators)
1971
Tsien Tsuen-Hsuin
1985
Vol. Spagyrical Discovery and Invention: Magisteries of Gold and Lu Gwei-djen (collaborator) 5, Immortality Part 2 Vol. Spagyrical Discovery and Invention: Historical Survey, from 5, Cinnabar Elixirs to Synthetic Insulin Part 3 Vol. Spagyrical Discovery and Invention: Apparatus and Theory 5, Part 4 Vol. Spagyrical Discovery and Invention: Physiological Alchemy 5, Part 5 Vol. Military Technology: Missiles and Sieges 5, Part 6 Vol. Military Technology: The Gunpowder Epic 5, Part 7 Vol. "Work in progress" 5, Part 8 Vol. Textile Technology: Spinning and Reeling 5, Part 9 Vol. 5, Part 10 "Work in progress" Dieter Kuhn Ho Ping-Yu and Lu Gwei-djen (collaborators)
1974
1976
Lu Gwei-djen (collaborator), with contributions by Nathan 1980 Sivin
Lu Gwei-djen (collaborator)
1983
Robin D.S. Yates, Krzysztof Gawlikowski, Edward McEwen, Wang Ling (collaborators)
1994
Ho Ping-Yu, Lu Gwei-djen, Wang Ling (collaborators)
1987
1988
604
Donald B. Wagner 2008
Vol. 5, Part 11 Vol. 5, Part 12 Vol. 5, Part 13
Ferrous Metallurgy
Ceramic Technology
Rose Kerr, Nigel Wood, contributions by Ts'ai Mei-fen and Zhang Fukang
2004
Mining
Peter Golas
1999
Vol. Botany 6, Part 1 Vol. Agriculture 6, Part 2 Vol. Agroindustries and Forestry 6, Part 3 Vol. "Work in progress" 6, Part 4 Vol. Fermentations and Food Science 6, Part 5 Vol. Medicine 6, Part 6 Vol. Language and Logic 7, Part 1 Vol. General Conclusions and Reflections 7, Part 2
Lu Gwei-djen (collaborator), with contributions by Huang Hsing-Tsung
1986
Francesca Bray
1984
Christian A. Daniels and Nicholas K. Menzies
1996
Huang Hsing-Tsung
2000
Lu Gwei-djen, Nathan Sivin (editor)
2000
Christoph Harbsmeier
1998
Kenneth Girdwood Robinson (editor), Ray Huang (collaborator), introduction by Mark Elvin
2004 OCLC [6]
Summaries
There have been two summaries or condensations of the vast amount of material found in Science and Civilisation. The first, a one-volume popular history book by Robert Temple entitled The Genius of China, was completed in a little over 12 months to be available in 1986 for the visit of Queen Elizabeth II to China. This addressed only the contributions made by China and had a "warm welcome" from Joseph Needham in the introduction, though in the Beijing Review he criticized that it had "some mistakes ... and various statements that I would like to have seen expressed rather differently". A second was made by Colin Ronan, a writer on the history of science, who produced a five volume condensation The Shorter Science and Civilisation: An abridgement of Joseph Needham's original text, between 1980 and his death in 1995. These volumes cover: 1. China and Chinese science 2. Mathematics, astronomy, meteorology and the earth sciences
Science and Civilisation in China 3. Magnetism, nautical technology, navigation, voyages 4. Mechanical engineering, machines, clockwork, windmills, aeronautics 5. Civil engineering, roads, bridges, hydraulic engineering
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External links
Science and Civilisation in China on Google Books History of Scientific Thought [7] Mathematics and the Sciences of the Heavens and Earth [8] Mechanical Engineering [9] Spagyrical Discovery and Invention: Magisteries of Gold and Immortality [10] Spagyrical Discovery and Invention: Historical Survey, from Cinnabar Elixirs to Synthetic Insulin [11] Spagyrical Discovery and Invention: Apparatus and Theory [12] Ceramic Technology [13] Fermentations and Food Science [14] General Conclusions and Reflections [15]
References
Robert Finlay, "China, the West, and World History in Joseph Needham's Science and Civilisation in China," Journal of World History 11 (Fall 2000): 265-303. Justin. Lin, "The Needham Puzzle: Why the Industrial Revolution Did Not Originate in China," Economic development and cultural change 43.2 (1995): 269-292. JSTOR link [16]
Notes
[1] Modern Library, 1999. 100 Best Nonfiction." (http:/ / www. randomhouse. com/ modernlibrary/ 100bestnonfiction. html) [2] volume 5, part 11, page xxxii [3] http:/ / www. worldcat. org/ wcpa/ oclc/ 19249930 [4] http:/ / www. worldcat. org/ wcpa/ oclc/ 177133494 [5] http:/ / www. worldcat. org/ oclc/ 60432528& referer=brief_results [6] http:/ / www. worldcat. org/ wcpa/ oclc/ 779676 [7] http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=y4hDuFMhGr8C [8] http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=jfQ9E0u4pLAC [9] http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=SeGyrCfYs2AC [10] http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=TTHGp0euKmoC [11] http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=9Uq0ohrL2kMC [12] http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=xrNDwP0pS8sC [13] http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=mabcHwmAD5oC [14] http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=FgtFxedkgbcC [15] http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=sKWAgCyU9N4C& dq=Introductory+ Orientations& lr=& client=firefox-a& source=gbs_summary_s& cad=0 [16] http:/ / www. jstor. org/ discover/ 10. 2307/ 1154499?uid=3739656& uid=2& uid=4& uid=3739256& sid=21101557131783
Sources
Needham, Joseph (1954), Science and Civilisation in China: Introductory Orientations 1, Cambridge University Press
The Two Cultures
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The Two Cultures

The Two Cultures is the title of the first part of an influential 1959 Rede Lecture by British scientist and novelist C. P. Snow. Its thesis was that "the intellectual life of the whole of western society" was split into the titular two cultures namely the sciences and the humanities and that this was a major hindrance to solving the world's problems.
The lecture
The talk was delivered 7 May 1959 in the Senate House, Cambridge, and subsequently published as The Two Cultures and the Scientific Revolution. The lecture and book expanded upon an article by Snow published in the New Statesman of 6 October 1956, also entitled The Two Cultures.[1] Published in book form, Snow's lecture was widely read and discussed on both sides of the Atlantic, leading him to write a 1963 follow-up, The Two Cultures: And a Second Look: An Expanded Version of The Two Cultures and the Scientific Revolution. Snow's position can be summed up by an often-repeated part of the essay: A good many times I have been present at gatherings of people who, by the standards of the traditional culture, are thought highly educated and who have with considerable gusto been expressing their incredulity at the illiteracy of scientists. Once or twice I have been provoked and have asked the company how many of them could describe the Second Law of Thermodynamics. The response was cold: it was also negative. Yet I was asking something which is the scientific equivalent of: Have you read a work of Shakespeare's? I now believe that if I had asked an even simpler question such as, What do you mean by mass, or acceleration, which is the scientific equivalent of saying, Can you read? not more than one in ten of the highly educated would have felt that I was speaking the same language. So the great edifice of modern physics goes up, and the majority of the cleverest people in the western world have about as much insight into it as their neolithic ancestors would have had. In 2008, The Times Literary Supplement included The Two Cultures and the Scientific Revolution in its list of the 100 books that most influenced Western public discourse since the Second World War. Snow's Rede Lecture condemned the British educational system as having, since the Victorian period, over-rewarded the humanities (especially Latin and Greek) at the expense of scientific and engineering education, despite such achievements having been so decisive in winning the Second World War for the Allies.[2] This in practice deprived British elites (in politics, administration, and industry) of adequate preparation to manage the modern scientific world. By contrast, Snow said, German and American schools sought to prepare their citizens equally in the sciences and humanities, and better scientific teaching enabled these countries' rulers to compete more effectively in a scientific age. Later discussion of The Two Cultures tended to obscure Snow's initial focus on differences between British systems (of both schooling and social class) and those of competing countries.
The Two Cultures
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Implications and influence

The term two cultures has become a shorthand in certain academic circles for differences between two attitudes; The phrase has lived on as a vague popular shorthand for the rifta matter of incomprehension tinged with hostilitythat has grown up between scientists and literary intellectuals in the modern world. Roger Kimball Snow himself, in his reconsideration, backed off some way from his dichotomized declarations. In his 1963 book he talked more optimistically about the potential of a mediating third culture[3]. This concept was later picked up in the 1995 book The Third Culture: Beyond the Scientific Revolution by John Brockman. Introducing the reprinted The Two Cultures (1993), Stefan Collini has argued that the passage of time has done much to reduce the cultural divide Snow noticed; but has not removed it entirely. The literary critic F. R. Leavis was critical of this work, calling Snow a "public relations man" for the scientific establishment in an essay published in The Spectator, which was widely decried in the British press. Stephen Jay Gould's 2003 book The Hedgehog, the Fox, and the Magister's Pox provides a different perspective. Assuming the dialectical interpretation, it argues that Snow's concept of "two cultures" is not only off the mark, it is a damaging and short-sighted viewpoint; and that it has perhaps led to decades of unnecessary fence-building. Simon Critchley, in Continental Philosophy: A Very Short Introduction suggests: [Snow] diagnosed the loss of a common culture and the emergence of two distinct cultures: those represented by scientists on the one hand and those Snow termed 'literary intellectuals' on the other. If the former are in favour of social reform and progress through science, technology and industry, then intellectuals are what Snow terms 'natural Luddites' in their understanding of and sympathy for advanced industrial society. In Mill's terms, the division is between Benthamites and Coleridgeans. Simon Critchley That is, Critchley argues that what Snow said represents a resurfacing of a discussion current in the mid-nineteenth century. Critchley describes the Leavis contribution to the making of a controversy as 'a vicious ad hominem attack'; going on to describe the debate as a familiar clash in English cultural history citing also T. H. Huxley and Matthew Arnold.[4][5]
Antecedents
Contrasting scientific and humanistic knowledge is a repetition of the Methodenstreit of 1890 German universities.[6] In the social sciences it is also commonly proposed as the quarrel of positivism versus interpretivism.
References
[1] http:/ / www. newstatesman. com/ cultural-capital/ 2013/ 01/ c-p-snow-two-cultures [2] Jardine's 2009 C. P. Snow Lecture honored the 50th anniversary of Snow's Rede Lecture. She places Snow's lecture into its historical context, and emphasizes the expansion of certain elements of the Rede Lecture in Snow's Godkin Lectures at Harvard University in 1960. These were ultimately published as [3] http:/ / toolserver. org/ %7Edispenser/ cgi-bin/ dab_solver. py?page=The_Two_Cultures& editintro=Template:Disambiguation_needed/ editintro& client=Template:Dn [4] See p.51. [5] Collini, p. xxxv of his introduction to the 1993 The Two Cultures, uses very similar terms. [6] Brint, Steven G. (2002) The Future of the City of Intellect: The Changing American University pp.212-3 (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=TDfrzER0obYC& pg=PA212) quotation:
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External links
New Statesman: The Two Cultures (http://www.newstatesman.com/cultural-capital/2013/01/ c-p-snow-two-cultures) - online text of Snow's New Statesman Article Timothy Ferris, "The World of the Intellectual vs. The World of the Engineer" (http://www.wired.com/ epicenter/2011/10/intellectual-vs-engineer/all/1), at Wired Magazine, October 13, 2011. Seed Magazine article: Are We Beyond the Two Cultures? (http://seedmagazine.com/content/article/ are_we_beyond_the_two_cultures/) 7 May 2009 Phillip Griffiths Looks at 'Two Cultures' Today (http://www-history.mcs.st-andrews.ac.uk/Extras/ Griffiths_two_cultures.html). 13 September 1995. BBC Radio 4 discussion on the The Two Cultures led by Melvyn Bragg. (http://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/ b01phhy5) Richard David Precht: Natural Sciences and Humanities: Genesis of two Worlds (http://www.youtube.com/ watch?v=Q7teDlrJDHU), Webvideo, ZAKlessons 2013
Unified Science
"Unified Science" can refer to any of three related strands in contemporary thought. Belief in the unity of science was a central tenet of logical positivism. Different logical positivists construed this doctrine in several different ways, e.g. as a reductionist thesis, that the objects investigated by the special sciences reduce to the objects of a common, putatively more basic domain of science, usually thought to be physics; as the thesis that all of the theories and results of the various sciences can or ought to be expressed in a common language or "universal slang"; or as the thesis that all the special sciences share a common method. The writings of Edward Haskell and a few associates, seeking to rework science into a single discipline employing a common artificial language. This work culminated in the 1972 publication of Full Circle: The Moral Force of Unified Science. The vast part of the work of Haskell and his contemporaries remains unpublished, however. Timothy Wilken and Anthony Judge have recently revived and extended the insights of Haskell and his coworkers. Unified Science has been a consistent thread since the 1940s in Howard T. Odum's systems ecology and the associated Emergy Synthesis, modeling the "ecosystem": the geochemical, biochemical, and thermodynamic processes of the lithosphere and biosphere. Modeling such earthly processes in this manner requires a science uniting geology, physics, biology, and chemistry (H.T.Odum 1995). With this in mind, Odum developed a common language of science based on electronic schematics, with applications to ecology economic systems in mind (H.T.Odum 1994).
References
Odum, H.T. 1994. Ecological and General Systems: An Introduction to Systems Ecology. Colorado University Press, Colorado. Odum, H.T. 1995. 'Energy Systems and the Unification of Science', in Hall, C.S. (ed.) Maximum Power: The Ideas and Applications of H.T. Odum. Colorado University Press, Colorado: 365-372.
External links
Future Positive [1] Timothy Wilken's website, including a lot of material and diagrams on Edward Haskell's Unified Science Cardioid Attractor Fundamental to Sustainability - 8 transactional games forming the heart of sustainable relationship [2] Anthony Judge's further development of these ideas
Unified Science
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References
[1] http:/ / futurepositive. synearth. net/ [2] http:/ / laetusinpraesens. org/ docs00s/ cardioid. php
Unity of science
The unity of science is a thesis in philosophy of science that says that all the sciences form a unified whole. Even though, for example, physics and politics are distinct disciplines, the thesis of the unity of science says that in principle they must be part of a unified intellectual endeavor, science. The unity of science thesis is usually associated with the view of levels of organization in nature, where physics is the most basic, chemistry the level above physics, biology above chemistry, sociology above biology, and so forth. Further, cells, organisms, and cultures are all biological, but they represent three different levels of biological organization. However, it has also been suggested (for example, by Jean Piaget, 1950) that the unity of science can be considered in terms of a circle of the sciences, where physics provides a basis for chemistry, chemistry for biology, biology for psychology, psychology for logic & mathematics and logic & mathematics for physics. The thesis of a unity of science simply says that common scientific laws apply everywhere and on all levels of organization. On some levels of organization, the scientists there will call these laws by another name, or emphasize the importance of one over another. For example, thermodynamics or the laws of energy seem to be universal across a number of disciplines. That is almost certainly because nearly all systems in nature operate using transactions in energy. However, this does not rule out the possibility of some laws being particular to specific domains of inquiryperhaps characterized by increasing complexity of those domains, as suggested by Henriques' (2003) Tree of Knowledge that proposes four degrees of complexity (Matter, Life, Mind, and Culture). Of course, his tree might equally be a circle, with culture necessarily framing people's understanding of matter. Science is a human endeavor, a part of human culture. It is unified in the sense that it is understood as a single endeavor, and there are not scientists studying alternative realities. To the extent that they do, however, one could argue that they are not unified. It is the perception of a single reality that results in a unity of science. Separately, science is also apparently on a path toward simplification or actually a "universalization" of discrete scientific theories about energy that physicists call unification. This has led to string theory and its derivatives, and is probably related to the notion that, at bottom, there is only the energy that was released in the big bang, and really nothing else. The unity of science thesis is most famously clarified and tentatively argued for by Ludwig von Bertalanffy's General System Theory, Paul Oppenheim and Hilary Putnam. It is most famously argued against by Jerry Fodor.
References
Richard Boyd, Philip Gasper and J. D. Trout eds. (1991) Philosophy of Science Cambridge: MIT Press. David Edwards and Steven Wilcox (1980)"Unity, Disunity and Pluralism in Science", http://www.math.uga. edu/~davide/Unity,%20Disunity%20and%20Pluralism%20in%20Science.pdf Paul Oppenheim and Hilary Putnam (1958) "Unity of Science as a Working Hypothesis", http://philosophy. wisc.edu/shapiro/Phil951/2010/openheim.putnam.unity.pdf, in Minnesota Studies in the Philosophy of Science (vol. 2) pp.336. Reprinted in Boyd et al. Jerry Fodor, (1974) "Disunity of Science as Working Hypothesis" in Synthese (vol. 28) pp.77115. http://www. springerlink.com/content/g2121805q31774r7/Reprinted as "Special Sciences" in Boyd, et al. Henriques, G.R. (2003). The Tree of Knowledge System and the Theoretical Unification of Psychology. Review of General Psychology, 7, 150-182.
Unity of science H.T. Odum, 1995. 'Energy Systems and the Unification of Science', in Hall, C.S. (ed.) Maximum Power: The Ideas and Applications of H.T. Odum. Colorado University Press, Colorado: 365-372. Piaget, J. (1950). Introduction l'pistmologie gntique (3 Vol). Paris: Presses Universitaires de France.
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International Encyclopedia of Unified Science

In 1938 a new series of publications started in USA. It was the International Encyclopedia of Unified Science (IEUS). An ambitious project never completed devoted to unified science. It was an output of the Vienna Circle to address the "growing concern throughout the world for the logic, the history, and the sociology of science..."[citation needed] . Only the first section Foundations of the Unity of Science (FUS) was published; it contains two volumes for a total of nineteen monographs published from 1938 to 1969.
Volume I
Encyclopedia and Unified Science (FUS I-1) Otto Neurath, Niels Bohr, John Dewey, Bertrand Russell, Rudolf Carnap, and Charles Morris Foundations of the Theory of Signs (FUS I-2) Charles Morris Foundations of Logic and Mathematics (FUS I-3) Rudolf Carnap Linguistic Aspects of Science (FUS I-4) Leonard Bloomfield Procedures of Empirical Science (FUS I-5) Victor F. Lenzen Principles of the Theory of Probability (FUS I-6) Ernest Nagel Foundations of Physics (FUS I-7) Philipp Frank Cosmology (FUS I-8) E. Finlay-Freundlich Foundations of Biology (FUS I-9) Felix Mainx The Conceptual Framework of Psychology (FUS I-10) Egon Brunswik
International Encyclopedia of Unified Science
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Volume II
Foundations of the Social Sciences (FUS II-1) Otto Neurath The Structure of Scientific Revolutions (FUS II-2) Thomas S. Kuhn Science and the Structure of Ethics (FUS II-3) Abraham Edel Theory of Valuation (FUS II-4) John Dewey The Technique of Theory Construction (FUS II-5) Joseph H. Woodger Methodology of Mathematical Economics and Econometrics (FUS II-6) Gerhard Tintner Concept Formation in Empirical Science (FUS II-7) Carl G. Hempel The Development of Rationalism and Empiricism (FUS II-8) George De Santillana, Edgar Zilsel The Development of Logical Empiricism (FUS II-9) Joergen Joergensen Bibliography and Index (FUS II-10) Herbert Feigl, Charles Morris
World-systems approach
World-systems theory (also known as world-systems analysis or the world-systems perspective)[1] is a multidisciplinary, macro-scale approach to world history and social change that stresses that the world-system (and not nation states) should be the primary (but not exclusive) unit of social analysis. World-system refers to the inter-regional A world map of countries by trading status, late 20th century, using the world and transnational division of labor, which system differentiation into core countries (blue), semi-periphery countries (purple) divides the world into core countries, and periphery countries (red). Based on the list in Dunn, Kawana, Brewer (2000). semi-periphery countries, and the periphery countries.[] Core countries focus on higher skill, capital-intensive production, and the rest of the world focuses on low-skill, labor-intensive production and extraction of raw materials. This constantly reinforces the dominance of the core countries. Nonetheless, the system is dynamic, in part as a result of revolutions in transport technology, and individual states can gain or lose the core (semi-periphery, periphery) status over time. For a time, some countries become the world hegemon; during the last few centuries, as the world system has extended geographically and intensified economically, this status has passed from the Netherlands, to the United Kingdom and most recently, to the United States.
World-systems approach Immanuel Wallerstein has developed the best-known version of world-systems analysis, beginning in the 1970s.[2][3] Wallerstein traces the rise of the capitalist world-economy from the "long" sixteenth century (c. 1450-1640). The rise of capitalism, in Wallerstein's view, was a contingent (not inevitable) outcome of the protracted crisis of feudalism (c. 1290-1450).[4] Europe (the West) utilized its advantages and gained control over most of the world economy, presiding over the development and spread of industrialization and capitalist economy, indirectly resulting in unequal development. Wallerstein's project is frequently misunderstood as world-systems "theory," a term that he consistently rejects.[5] For Wallerstein, world-systems analysis is above all a mode of analysis that aims to transcend the structures of knowledge inherited from the 19th century. This includes, especially, the divisions within the social sciences, and between the social sciences and history. For Wallerstein, then, world-systems analysis is a knowledge movement[6] that seeks to discern the totality of what has been paraded under the labels of the human sciences and indeed well beyond."[7] We must invent a new language, Wallerstein insists, to transcend the illusions of the three supposedly distinctive arenas of society/economy/politics.[8] This trinitarian structure of knowledge is grounded in another, even grander, modernist architecture the alienation of biophysical worlds (including those within bodies) from social ones. One question, therefore, is whether we will be able to justify something called social science in the twenty-first century as a separate sphere of knowledge.[9][10] Many other scholars have contributed significant work in this "knowledge movement".
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Origins
Influences and major thinkers
World-systems theory traces emerged in the 1970s. Its roots can be found in sociology, but it has developed into a highly interdisciplinary field. World-systems theory was aiming to replace modernization theory. Wallerstein criticized modernization theory due to: 1. its focus on the state as the only unit of analysis, 2. its assumption there is only a single path of evolutionary development for all countries, 3. its disregard of transnational structures that constrain local and national development. Three major predecessors of world-systems theory are: the Annales school, Marxist, and dependence theory. The Annales School tradition (represented most notably by Fernand Braudel) influenced Wallerstein in focusing on long-term processes and geo-ecological regions as unit of analysis. Marxist theories added: a stress on social conflict, a focus on the capital accumulation process and competitive class struggles, a focus on a relevant totality, the transitory nature of social forms, and a dialectical sense of motion through conflict and contradiction.
World-systems theory was also significantly influenced by dependency theory - a neo-Marxist explanation of development processes. Other influences on the world-systems theory come from scholars such as Karl Polanyi, Nikolai Kondratiev[11] and Joseph Schumpeter (particular, from their research on business cycles and the concepts of three basic modes of economic organization: reciprocal, redistributive, and market modes, which Wallerstein reframed into a discussion of mini-systems, world-empires, and world-economies). Wallerstein sees the development of the capitalist world-economy as detrimental to a large proportion of the world's population.[12] Wallerstein views the period since the 1970s as an "age of transition," one that will give way to a
World-systems approach future world-system (or world-systems) whose configuration cannot be determined in advance.[13] World-systems thinkers include Samir Amin, Giovanni Arrighi, Andre Gunder Frank, and Immanuel Wallerstein with major contributions by Christopher Chase-Dunn, Beverly Silver, Volker Bornschier, Janet Abu Lughod, Thomas D. Hall, Kunibert Raffer, Theotonio dos Santos, Dale Tomich, Jason W. Moore [14], and others. In sociology, a primary alternative perspective is world polity theory as formulated by John W. Meyer.
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Dependency theory
World-systems analysis builds upon, but also differs fundamentally from, dependency theory. While accepting world inequality, the world market, and imperialism as fundamental features of historical capitalism, Wallerstein broke with orthodox dependency theory's central proposition. For Wallerstein, core countries do not exploit poor countries for two basic reasons. First, core capitalists exploit workers in all zones of the capitalist world-economy (not just the periphery), and therefore the crucial redistribution between core and periphery is surplus value, not "wealth" or "resources" abstractly conceived. Second, core states do not exploit poor statesas dependency theory proposesbecause capitalism is organized around an inter-regional and transnational division of labor rather than an international division of labor. During the Industrial Revolution, for example, English capitalists exploited slaves (unfree workers) in the cotton zones of the American South, a peripheral region within a semi-peripheral state (the United States).[15] Fernando Henrique Cardoso described the main tenets of (from his mostly Weberian point of view) dependency theory as follows: there is a financial and technological penetration of the periphery and semi-periphery countries by the developed capitalist core countries this produces an unbalanced economic structure within the peripheral societies and among them and the centers this leads to limitations upon self-sustained growth in the periphery this favors the appearance of specific patterns of class relations these require modifications in the role of the state to guarantee the functioning of the economy and the political articulation of a society, which contains, within itself, foci of inarticulateness and structural imbalance[16] Dependency and world system theory propose that the poverty and backwardness of poor countries are caused by their peripheral position in the international division of labor. Since the capitalist world system evolved, the distinction between the central and the peripheral nations has grown and diverged. In recognizing a tripartite pattern in division of labor, world-systems analysis criticized dependency theory with its bimodal system of only cores and peripheries.
Immanuel Wallerstein
The best known version of the world-systems approach has been developed by Immanuel Wallerstein. Wallerstein notes that world-systems analysis calls for an unidisciplinary historical social science, and contends that the modern disciplines, products of the 19th century, are deeply flawed because they are not separate logics, as is manifest for example in the de facto overlap of analysis among scholars of the disciplines. Wallerstein offers several definitions of a world-system. He defined it, in 1974, briefly, as: a system is defined as a unit with a single division of labor and multiple cultural systems. [17] He also offered a longer definition: a social system, one that has boundaries, structures, member groups, rules of legitimation, and coherence. Its life is made up of the conflicting forces which hold it together by tension and tear it apart as each group seeks eternally to remold it to its advantage. It has the characteristics of an organism, in that it has a life-span over which its characteristics change in some respects and remain stable in others. One can define its structures as
World-systems approach being at different times strong or weak in terms of the internal logic of its functioning. [18] In 1987 Wallerstein defined world-system as: ...not the system of the world, but a system that is a world and which can be, most often has been, located in an area less than the entire globe. World-systems analysis argues that the units of social reality within which we operate, whose rules constrain us, are for the most part such world-systems (other than the now extinct, small minisystems that once existed on the earth). World-systems analysis argues that there have been thus far only two varieties of world-systems: world-economies and world empires. A world-empire (examples, the Roman Empire, Han China) are large bureaucratic structures with a single political center and an axial division of labor, but multiple cultures. A world-economy is a large axial division of labor with multiple political centers and multiple cultures. In English, the hyphen is essential to indicate these concepts. "World system" without a hyphen suggests that there has been only one world-system in the history of the world. Wallerstein characterizes the world system as a set of mechanisms which redistributes surplus value from the periphery to the core. In his terminology, the core is the developed, industrialized part of the world, and the periphery is the "underdeveloped", typically raw materials-exporting, poor part of the world; the market being the means by which the core exploits the periphery. Apart from these, Wallerstein defines four temporal features of the world system. Cyclical rhythms represent the short-term fluctuation of economy, while secular trends mean deeper long run tendencies, such as general economic growth or decline. The term contradiction means a general controversy in the system, usually concerning some short term vs. long term trade-offs. For example the problem of underconsumption, wherein the drive-down of wages increases the profit for the capitalists on the short-run, but considering the long run, the decreasing of wages may have a crucially harmful effect by reducing the demand for the product. The last temporal feature is the crisis: a crisis occurs, if a constellation of circumstances brings about the end of the system. In Wallerstein's view, there have been three kinds of historical systems across human history: mini-systems or what anthropologists call bands, tribes, and small chiefdoms, and two types of world-systems - one that is politically unified and the other, not (single state world-empires and multi-polity world-economies). World-systems are larger, and ethnically diverse. Modernity, called the "modern world-system" is of the latter type, but unique in being the first and only fully capitalist world-economy to have emerged, around 1450 - 1550 and to have geographically expanded across the entire planet, by about 1900. Capitalism is a system based on competition between free producers using free labor with free commodities, 'free' meaning available for sale and purchase on a market.
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Research questions
World-systems theory asks several key questions: How is the world-system affected by changes in its components (nations, ethnic groups, social classes, etc.)? How does the world-system affect its components? To what degree, if any, does the core need the periphery to be underdeveloped? What causes world-systems to change? What system may replace capitalism?
Some questions are more specific to certain subfields; for example, Marxists would concern themselves whether world-systems theory is a useful or unhelpful development of Marxist theories.
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Characteristics
World-systems analysis argues that capitalism, as a historical system, has always integrated a variety of labor forms within a functioning division of labor (world-economy). Countries do not have economies, but are part of the world-economy. Far from being separate societies or worlds, the world-economy manifests a tripartite division of labor with core, semi-peripheral, and peripheral zones. In core zones businesses, with the support of states they operate within, monopolize the most profitable activities of the division of labor. There are many ways to attribute a specific country to the core, semi-periphery, or periphery. Using an empirically based sharp formal definition of "domination" in a two-country relationship, Piana in 2004 defined the "core" as made up of "free countries" dominating others without being dominated, the "semi-periphery" as the countries which are dominated (usually, but not necessarily, by core countries) while at the same time dominating others (usually in the periphery), and "periphery" as the countries which are dominated. Based on 1998 data, the full list of countries in the three regionstogether with a discussion of methodologycan be found. The late 18th and early 19th centuries marked a great turning point in the development of capitalism in that capitalists achieved state-societal power in the key states which furthered the industrial revolution marking the rise of capitalism. World-systems analysis contends that capitalism as a historical system formed earlier, that countries do not "develop" in stages, but rather the system does, and these events have a different meaning as a phase in the development of historical capitalism; namely the emergence of the three ideologies of the national developmental mythology (the idea that countries can develop through stages if they pursue the right set of policies): conservatism, liberalism, and radicalism. Proponents of world-systems analysis see the world stratification system the same way Karl Marx viewed class (ownership versus non-ownership of the means of production) and Max Weber viewed class (which, in addition to ownership, stressed occupational skill level in the production process). The core nations primarily own and control the major means of production in the world and perform the higher-level production tasks. The periphery nations own very little of the world's means of production (even when they are located in periphery nations) and provide less-skilled labor. Like a class system with a nation, class positions in the world economy result in an unequal distribution of rewards or resources. The core nations receive the greatest share of surplus production, and periphery nations receive the least. Furthermore, core nations are usually able to purchase raw materials and other goods from noncore nations at low prices, while demanding higher prices for their exports to noncore nations. Chirot (1986) lists the five most important benefits coming to core nations from their domination of periphery nations: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. Access to a large quantity of raw material Cheap labor Enormous profits from direct capital investments A market for exports Skilled professional labor through migration of these people from the noncore to the core.[19]
According to Wallerstein, the unique qualities of the modern world-system include its capitalistic nature, its truly global nature, and that it is a world-economy that has not become politically unified into a world-empire.
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Core nations
The most economically diversified, wealthy, and powerful (economically and militarily) Have strong central governments, controlling extensive bureaucracies and powerful militaries Have more complex and stronger state institutions that help manage economic affairs internally and externally Have a sufficient tax base so these state institutions can provide infrastructure for a strong economy Highly industrialized; produce manufactured goods rather than raw materials for export Increasingly tend to specialize in information, finance and service industries More often in the forefront of new technologies and new industries. Examples today include high-technology electronic and biotechnology industries. Another example would be assembly-line auto production in the early 20th century. Has strong bourgeois and working classes Have significant means of influence over noncore nations Relatively independent of outside control Throughout the history of the modern world-system there has been a group of core nations competing with one another for access to the world's resources, economic dominance, and hegemony over periphery nations. Occasionally, there has been one core nation with clear dominance over others. According to Immanuel Wallerstein, a core nation is dominant over all the others when it has a lead in three forms of economic dominance over a period of time: 1. Productivity dominance allows a country to produce products of greater quality at a cheaper price compared to other countries. 2. Productivity dominance may lead to trade dominance. Now, there is a favorable balance of trade for the dominant nation since more countries are buying the products of the dominant country than it is buying from them. 3. Trade dominance may lead to financial dominance. Now, more money is coming into the country than going out. Bankers of the dominant nation tend to receive more control of the world's financial resources.[20] Military dominance is also likely after a nation reaches these three rankings. However, it has been posited that throughout the modern world-system, no nation[citation needed] has been able to use its military to gain economic dominance. Each of the past dominant nations became dominant with fairly small levels of military spending, and began to lose economic dominance with military expansion later on.[21] Historically, cores were found in the north-west Europe (England, France, Holland), although later in other parts of the world (ex. the United States).
Periphery nations
Least economically diversified Have relatively weak governments Have relatively weak institutions with little tax base to support infrastructure development Tend to depend on one type of economic activity, often on extracting and exporting raw materials to core nations Tend to be least industrialized Are often targets for investments from multinational (or transnational) corporations from core nations that come into the country to exploit cheap unskilled labor for export back to core nations Has small bourgeois and large peasant classes Tend to have a high percentage of their people that are poor and uneducated. Inequality tends to be very high because of a small upper class that owns most of the land and has profitable ties to multinational corporations Tend to be extensively influenced by core nations and their multinational corporations. Many times they are forced to follow economic policies that favor core nations and harm the long-term economic prospects of
World-systems approach periphery nations. Historically, peripheries were found outside Europe, for example in Latin America and today in Sub-Saharan Africa.
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Semiperiphery nations
Semiperiphery nations are those that are midway between the core and periphery. They tend to be countries moving towards industrialization and a more diversified economy. Those regions often have relatively developed and diversified economy, but are not dominant in international trade. According to some scholars, such as Chirot, they are not as subject to outside manipulation as peripheral societies; but according to others (Barfield) they have "periperial-like" relations to the core.[22] While in the sphere of influence of some cores semiperipheries also tend to exert their own control over some peripheries. Further, semi-peripheries act as buffers between cores and peripheries, thus "partially deflect the political pressures which groups primarily located in peripheral areas might otherwise direct against core-states" and stabilize the world-system. Semi-peripheries can come into existence both from developing peripheries, and from declining cores. Historically, an example of a semi-periphery would be Spain and Portugal, who fell from their early core position, but still manage to retain influence in Latin America. Those countries imported silver and gold from its American colonies, but then had to use it to pay for manufactured goods from core countries such as England and France. In the 20th century, nations like the "settler colonies" of Australia, Canada and New Zealand had a semi-peripheral status. In the 21st century, nations like China, India, Brazil and South Africa are usually considered semi-periphery.
External areas
External areas are those that maintain socially-necessary divisions of labor independent of the capitalist world-economy.
Interpretation of the world history

Before the 16th century, Europe was dominated by feudal economies. European economies grew from mid-12th to 14th century, but from 14th to mid 15th century, they suffered from a major crisis.[] Wallerstein explains this crisis as caused by: 1. stagnation or even decline of agricultural production, increasing the burden of peasants, 2. decreased agricultural productivity caused by changing climatological conditions (Little Ice Age), 3. an increase in epidemics (Black Death), 4. optimum level of the feudal economy has been reached in its economic cycle; the economy moved beyond it and entered a depression period. As a response to the failure of the feudal system, Europe embraced the capitalist system. Europeans were motivated to develop technology to explore and trade around the world, using their superior military to take control of the trade routes. Europeans exploited their initial small advantages, which led to an accelerating process of accumulation of wealth and power in Europe. Wallerstein notes that never before had an economic system encompassed that much of the world, with trade links crossing so many political boundaries. In the past, geographically large economic systems existed, but were mostly limited to spheres of domination of large empires (such as the Roman Empire); development of the capitalism enabled the world economy to extend beyond individual states. International division of labor was crucial in deciding what relationships exists between different regions, their labor conditions and political systems. For classification and comparison purposes, Wallerstein introduced the categories of core, semi-periphery, periphery, and external
The 13th century world-system
World-systems approach countries. Cores monopolized the capital-intensive production, and the rest of the world could only provide labor and raw resources. The resulting inequality reinforced existing unequal development. According to Wallerstein, there have only been three periods in which a core nation has dominated in the modern world-system, with each lasting less than one hundred years. In the initial centuries of the rise of Europe, Northwest Europe constituted the core, Mediterranean Europe the semiperiphery, and Eastern Europe and the Western hemisphere (and parts of Asia) the periphery. Around 1450, Spain and Portugal took the early lead when conditions became right for a capitalist world-economy. They lead the way in establishing overseas colonies. However, Portugal and Spain lost their lead primarily due to becoming overextended with empire building. It became too expensive to dominate and protect many colonial territories around the world.[23] The first nation to gain clear dominance was the Netherlands in the 17th century, after their revolution led to a new financial system many historians consider revolutionary. An impressive shipbuilding industry also contributed to their economic dominance through more exports to other countries. Eventually, other countries began to copy the financial methods and efficient production created by the Dutch. After the Dutch gained its dominant status, the standard of living rose, pushing up production costs.
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Dutch fluyts of the seventeenth Century
Dutch bankers began to go outside of the country seeking profitable investments, and the flow of capital moved, especially to England. By the end of the 17th century, conflict among core nations increased as a result of the economic decline of the Dutch. Dutch financial investment helped England gain productivity and trade dominance, and Dutch military support helped England to defeat the French, the other country competing for dominance at the time. In the 19th century, Britain replaced the Netherlands as the hegemon. As a result of the new British dominance, the world-system became relatively stable again during the 19th century. The British began to expand all over, with many colonies in the New World, Africa, and Asia. The colonial system began to place a strain on the British military, and along with other factors, Map showing British Empire in 1921 led to an economic decline. Again, there was a great deal of core conflict after the British lost their clear dominance. This time it was Germany, and later Italy and Japan providing the new threat. Industrialization was another ongoing process at that time, resulting in the diminishing importance of the agricultural sector. In the 18th century, England was Europe's leading industrial and agricultural producer; by 1900, only 10% of England's population was working in the agricultural sector. By 1900, the modern world-system was much different than it was 100years earlier. Most of the periphery societies had already been colonized by one of the older core nations. In 1800, the old European core claimed 35% of the world's territory, but by 1914 it claimed 85% of the world's territory. Now, if a core nation wanted periphery areas to exploit as had done the Dutch and British, these periphery areas would have to be taken from another core nation. This is what Germany, and then Japan and Italy, began to do early in the 20th century. The modern world-system became geographically global at that time, and even the most remote regions of the world have all been integrated into the global economy. While these countries were moving into core status, so was the United States. The American civil war led to more power for Northern industrial elites, who were now better able to pressure the government for policies favorable to industrial expansion. Like the Dutch bankers, British bankers were putting more investment toward the United States. Like the Dutch and British, the U.S. had a small military budget compared with other industrial nations at the
World-systems approach time. The U.S. began to take the place of the British as the new dominant nation after World War I. With Japan and Europe in ruins after World War II, the U.S. was able to dominate the modern world-system more than any other country in the history of the world-system. After World War II, the U.S. accounted for over half of the world's industrial production, owned two-thirds of the gold reserves in the world, and supplied one-third of the world's exports. However, since the end of the Cold War, the future of the US hegemony has been questioned and according to some scholars its hegemonic position has been in decline for a few decades. By the end of the 20th century, the core of the wealthy industrialized countries was composed of Europe, but also some other countries, such as United States or Japan. The semiperiphery comprised many states that have been long independent, but did not achieve Western levels of influence, and poor, former colonies of the West formed the periphery.
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Criticisms
World-systems theory has attracted criticisms from its rivals; notably for being too focused on economy and not enough on culture, and for being too core-centric and state-centric. According to Wallerstein himself, critique of the world-systems approach comes from four directions: from the positivists, the orthodox Marxists, the state autonomists, and the culturalists. The positivists criticize the approach as too prone to generalization, lacking quantitative data and failing to put forth a falsifiable proposition. Orthodox Marxists find the world-systems approach deviating too far from orthodox Marxist principles, such as not giving enough weight to the concept of social class. The state autonomists criticize the theory for blurring the boundaries between state and businesses. Further, the positivists, the orthodox Marxists and the state autonomists argue that state should be the central unit of analysis. Finally, the culturalists argue that world-systems theory puts too much importance on the economy and not enough on the culture. In Wallerstein's own words:
"In short, most of the criticisms of world-systems analysis criticize it for what it explicitly proclaims as its perspective. World-systems analysis views these other modes of analysis as defective and/or limiting in scope and calls for unthinking them."
One of the fundamental conceptual problems of the world system theory is that the assumptions which define its actual conceptual units are social systems. The assumptions which define these need to be examined as well as how they are related to each other and how one changes into another. The essential argument of the world system theory is that in the sixteenth century a capitalist world economy developed which could be described as a world system.[24] The following is a theoretical critique concerned with the basic claims of world system theory: "There are today no socialist systems in the world-economy any more than there are feudal systems because there is only one world system. It is a world-economy and it is by definition capitalist in form." (Wallerstein 1979) Robert Brenner has pointed out that the prioritization of the world market means the neglect of local class structures and class struggles: "They fail to take into account either the way in which these class structures themselves emerge as the outcome of class struggles whose results are incomprehensible in terms merely of market forces." (Brenner 1982) Robert Brenner: Director of the Center for Social Theory and Comparative History at UCLA Another criticism is that of reductionism made by Theda Skocpol. She believes the interstate system is far from being a simple superstructure of the capitalist world economy: "The international states system as a transnational structure of military competition was not originally created by capitalism. Throughout modern world history, it represents an analytically autonomous level of transnational reality-interdependent in its structure and dynamics with world capitalism, but not reducible to it." (Scokpol 1979) Theda Scokpol: American Sociologist and Political Scientist at Harvard University
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New developments
New developments in world-systems research include studies on the cyclical processes,[25] the consequences of the dissolution of the Soviet Union, the roles of gender and the culture, studies of slavery and incorporation of new regions into the world-system, and the precapitalist world-systems. Arguably the greatest source of renewal in world-systems analysis since 2000 has been the synthesis of world-system and environmental approaches. Key figures in the "greening" of world-systems analysis include Andrew K. Jorgenson, Jason W. Moore [26], Stephen Bunker, and Richard York.
Time period
Wallerstein traces the origin of today's world-system to the "long 16th century" (a period that began with the discovery of the Americas by West European sailors and ended with the English Revolution of 1640). Janet Abu Lughod argues that a pre-modern world system extensive across Eurasia existed in the 13th Century prior to the formation of the modern world-system identified by Wallerstein. Janet Abu Lughod contends that the Mongol Empire played an important role in stitching together the Chinese, Indian, Muslim and European regions in the 13th century, before the rise of the modern world system.[27] In debates, Wallerstein contends that her system was not a "world-system" because it did not entail integrated production networks, but was instead a vast trading network. Andre Gunder Frank goes further and claims that a global-scale world system that includes Asia, Europe and Africa has existed since the 4th millennium BCE. The center of this system was in Asia, specifically China.[28] Andrey Korotayev goes even further than Frank and dates the beginning of the World System formation to the 10th millennium BCE, connecting it with the start of the Neolithic Revolution in the Middle East. According to him, the center of this system was originally in West Asia.[29]
The 11th century world system
Current research
Wallerstein's theories are widely recognized throughout the world. In the United States, one of the hubs of world-systems research is at the Fernand Braudel Center for the Study of Economies, Historical Systems and Civilizations, at Binghamton University. Among the most important related periodicals are the Journal of World-Systems Research, published by the American Sociological Association's Section on the Political Economy of the World System (PEWS); and the Review, published the Braudel Center.
Related journals
Annales. Histoire, Sciences sociales Ecology and Society Journal of World-Systems Research Review: A Journal of the Fernand Braudel Center
References
[1] Immanuel Wallerstein, (2004), "World-systems Analysis." In World System History, ed. George Modelski, in Encyclopedia of Life Support Systems (EOLSS), Developed under the Auspices of the UNESCO, Eolss Publishers, Oxford ,UK [2] Wallerstein, Immanuel (1974). The Modern World-System I: Capitalist Agriculture and the Origins of the European World-Economy in the Sixteenth Century. New York: Academic Press.
[3] Paul Halsall Modern History Sourcebook: Summary of Wallerstein on World System Theory (http:/ / www. fordham. edu/ halsall/ mod/ wallerstein. html), August 1997 [4] Wallerstein, Immanuel (1992). The West, Capitalism, and the Modern World-System, Review 15 (4), 561-619; also Wallerstein, The Modern World-System I, chapter one; Moore, Jason W. (2003) " The Modern World-System as Environmental History? (http:/ / www. jasonwmoore. com/ uploads/ Moore__The_Modern_World-System_as_Environmental_History__Theory___Society__2003_. pdf) Ecology and the rise of Capitalism," Theory & Society 32(3), 307-377 . [5] Wallerstein, Immanuel. 2004. The Uncertainties of Knowledge. Philadelphia: Temple University Press. [6] Wallerstein, Immanuel. 2004. 2004a. World-Systems Analysis. In World System History: Encyclopedia of Life Support Systems, edited by George Modelski. Oxford: UNESCO/EOLSS Publishers, http:/ / www. eolss. net. [7] Wallerstein, The Uncertainties of Knowledge, p. 62. [8] Wallerstein, Immanuel. 1991. "Beyond Annales," Radical History Review, no. 49, p. 14. [9] Wallerstein, Immanuel. 1995. What Are We Bounding, and Whom, When We Bound Social Research? Social Research 62(4):839-856. [10] Moore, Jason W. 2011. 2011. Ecology, Capital, and the Nature of Our Times: Accumulation & Crisis in the Capi-talist World-Ecology, Journal of World-Systems Analysis 17(1), 108-147, http:/ / www. jasonwmoore. com/ Essays. html. [11] Kondratieff Waves in the World System Perspective. Kondratieff Waves. Dimensions and Perspectives at the Dawn of the 21st Century (http:/ / cliodynamics. ru/ index. php?option=com_content& task=view& id=336& Itemid=1) / Ed. by Leonid E. Grinin, Tessaleno C. Devezas, and Andrey V. Korotayev. Volgograd: Uchitel, 2012. P. 2364. [12] Wallerstein, Immanuel (1983). Historical Capitalism. London: Verso. [13] Hopkins, Terence K., and Immanuel Wallerstein, coordinators (1996). The Age of Transition. London: Zed Books. [14] http:/ / www. jasonwmoore. com/ [15] Wallerstein, Immanuel (1989). The Modern World-System III. San Diego: Academic Press [16] Cardoso, F. H. (1979). Development under Fire. Mexico D.F.: Instituto Latinoamericano de Estudios Transnacionales, DEE/D/24 i, Mayo (Mexico 20 D.F., Apartado 85 - 025). Cited after Arno Tausch, Almas Heshmati, Re-Orient? MNC Penetration and Contemporary Shifts in the Global Political Economy (http:/ / ftp. iza. org/ dp4393. pdf), September 2009, IZA Discussion Paper No. 4393 [17] Wallerstein. 1974. "The Rise and Future Demise of the of the World-Capitalist System: Concepts for Comparative Analysis. Comparative Studies in Society and History 16: p. 390. Cited after (http:/ / www. sociology. emory. edu/ globalization/ theories01. html) [18] Immanuel Wallerstein (1974) the Modern World-System, New York, Academic Press, pp. 347-57. [19] Chirot, Daniel. 1986. Social Change in the Modern Era. New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich. [20] Wallerstein, Immanuel. 1980. The Modern World System II: Mercantilism and the Consolidation of the European World-Economy, 1600-1750. New York: Academic Press. [21] Kennedy, Paul. 1987. The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers: Economic Change and Military Conflict From 1500 to 2000. New York: Random House. [22] Chirot, Daniel. 1977. Social Change in the Twentieth Century. New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich. [23] Wallerstein, Immanuel. 1974. The Modern World System: Capitalist Agriculture and the Origins of the European World-Economy in the 16th Century. New York: Academic Press. [24] A Critique of World System Theory, Volume 3, Issue no. 3, 1988. [25] See, e.g. * Turchin, P. (2003) Historical Dynamics: Why States Rise and Fall. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press; Korotayev, A., Malkov, A., & Khaltourina, D. (2006) Introduction to Social Macrodynamics: Secular Cycles and Millennial Trends (http:/ / cliodynamics. ru/ index. php?option=com_content& task=view& id=172& Itemid=70). Moscow: URSS. ISBN 5-484-00559-0; Korotayev, Andrey V., & Tsirel, Sergey V.(2010). A Spectral Analysis of World GDP Dynamics: Kondratiev Waves, Kuznets Swings, Juglar and Kitchin Cycles in Global Economic Development, and the 20082009 Economic Crisis (http:/ / www. escholarship. org/ uc/ item/ 9jv108xp). Structure and Dynamics. Vol.4. #1. P.3-57. [26] http:/ / www. jasonwmoore. com/ Essays. html [27] Abu-Lugod, Janet (1989), "Before European Hegemony: The World System A.D. 1250-1350" [28] Andr Gunder Frank, Barry K. Gills, The world system: five hundred years or five thousand?, Routledge, 1996, ISBN 0-415-15089-2, Google Print, p.3 (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=LVAWQ1D8UJUC& pg=PA3& dq="world-system+ is"& hl=en& ei=ALVRTLv1J5SssAa_15zoAQ& sa=X& oi=book_result& ct=result& resnum=2& ved=0CC4Q6AEwAQ#v=onepage& q="world-system is"& f=false) [29] Korotayev A. A Compact Macromodel of World System Evolution // Journal of World-Systems Research 11 (2005): 7993 (http:/ / jwsr. ucr. edu/ archive/ vol11/ number1/ pdf/ jwsr-v11n1-korotayev. pdf); Korotayev A., Malkov A., Khaltourina D. (2006). Introduction to Social Macrodynamics: Compact Macromodels of the World System Growth (http:/ / urss. ru/ cgi-bin/ db. pl?cp=& lang=en& blang=en& list=14& page=Book& id=34250). Moscow: KomKniga. ISBN 5-484-00414-4; Korotayev A. The World System urbanization dynamics (http:/ / ssrn. com/ abstract=1703534). History & Mathematics: Historical Dynamics and Development of Complex Societies. Edited by Peter Turchin, Leonid Grinin, Andrey Korotayev, and Victor C. de Munck. Moscow: KomKniga, 2006. ISBN 5-484-01002-0. P. 44-62. For a detailed mathematical analysis of this issue see A Compact Mathematical Model of the World System Economic and Demographic Growth (http:/ / arxiv. org/ abs/ 1206. 0496).
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Further reading
Amin S. (1973), 'Le developpement inegal. Essai sur les formations sociales du capitalisme peripherique' Paris: Editions de Minuit. Amin S. (1992), 'Empire of Chaos' New York: Monthly Review Press. Arrighi G. (1989), 'The Developmentalist Illusion: A Reconceptualization of the Semiperiphery' paper, presented at the Thirteenth Annual Political Economy of the World System Conference, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, April 2830. Arrighi G. (1994), The Long 20th Century. Money, Power, and the Origins of Our Times London, New York: Verso. Arrighi G. and Silver, B. J. (1984), 'Labor Movements and Capital Migration: The United States and Western Europe in World-Historical Perspective' in 'Labor in the Capitalist World-Economy' (Bergquist Ch. (Ed.)), pp.183216, Beverly Hills: Sage. Bornschier V. (Ed.) (1994), Conflicts and new departures in world society New Brunswick, N.J. : Transaction Publishers. Bornschier V. (1988), 'Westliche Gesellschaft im Wandel' Frankfurt a.M./ New York: Campus. Bornschier V. (1996), Western society in transition New Brunswick, N.J. : Transaction Publishers. Bornschier V. and Chase-Dunn Ch. K (1985), 'Transnational Corporations and Underdevelopment' N.Y., N.Y.: Praeger. Bornschier V. and Heintz P., reworked and enlarged by Th. H. Ballmer-Cao and J. Scheidegger (1979), 'Compendium of Data for World Systems Analysis' Machine readable data file, Zurich: Department of Sociology, Zurich University. Bornschier V. and Nollert M. (1994); 'Political Conflict and Labor Disputes at the Core: An Encompassing Review for the Post-War Era' in 'Conflicts and New Departures in World Society' (Bornschier V. and Lengyel P. (Eds.)), pp.377403, New Brunswick (U.S.A.) and London: Transaction Publishers, World Society Studies, Volume 3. Bornschier V. and Suter Chr. (1992), 'Long Waves in the World System' in 'Waves, Formations and Values in the World System' (Bornschier V. and Lengyel P. (Eds.)), pp.1550, New Brunswick and London: Transaction Publishers. Bornschier V. et al. (1980), 'Multinationale Konzerne, Wirtschaftspolitik und nationale Entwicklung im Weltsystem' Frankfurt a.M.: Campus Brcz, Jzsef (http://borocz.net) (2005), 'Redistributing Global Inequality: A Thought Experiment' (http:// papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=936258), Economic and Political Weekly (http://epw.org.in), February 26:886-92. Brcz, Jzsef (http://borocz.net) (1992) 'Dual Dependency and Property Vacuum: Social Change in the State Socialist Semiperiphery' (http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=936264) Theory & Society, 21:74-104. Chase-Dunn Ch. K. (1975), 'The Effects of International Economic Dependence on Development and Inequality: a Cross-national Study' American Sociological Review, 40: 720-738. Chase-Dunn Ch. K. (1983), 'The Kernel of the Capitalist World Economy: Three Approaches' in 'Contending Approaches to World System Analysis' (Thompson W.R. (Ed.)), pp.5578, Beverly Hills: Sage. Chase-Dunn Ch. K. (1984), 'The World-System Since 1950: What Has Really Changed?' in 'Labor in the Capitalist World-Economy' (Bergquist Ch. (Ed.)), pp.75104, Beverly Hills: Sage. Chase-Dunn Ch. K. (1991), 'Global Formation: Structures of the World Economy' London, Oxford and New York: Basil Blackwell. Chase-Dunn Ch. K. (1992a), 'The National State as an Agent of Modernity' Problems of Communism, JanuaryApril: 29-37.
World-systems approach Chase-Dunn Ch. K. (1992b), 'The Changing Role of Cities in World Systems' in 'Waves, Formations and Values in the World System' (Bornschier V. and Lengyel P. (Eds.)), pp.5187, New Brunswick and London: Transaction Publishers. Chase-Dunn Ch. K. (Ed.), (1982), 'Socialist States in the World System' Beverly Hills and London: Sage. Chase-Dunn Ch. K. and Grimes P. (1995), World-Systems Analysis Annual Review of Sociology, 21: 387-417. Chase-Dunn Ch. K. and Hall Th. D. (1997), Rise and Demise. Comparing World-Systems Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press. Chase-Dunn Ch. K. and Podobnik B. (1995), The Next World War: World-System Cycles and Trends Journal of World Systems Research 1, 6 (unpaginated electronic journal at world-wide-web site of the World System Network: http://jwsr.ucr.edu/). Frank A. G. (1978), Dependent accumulation and underdevelopment London: Macmillan. Frank A. G. (1978), World accumulation, 1492-1789 London: Macmillan. Frank A. G. (1980) Crisis in the world economy New York: Holmes & Meier Publishers. Frank A. G. (1981), Crisis in the Third World New York: Holmes & Meier Publishers. Frank A. G. (1983), 'World System in Crisis' in 'Contending Approaches to World System Analysis' (Thompson W.R. (Ed.)), pp.2742, Beverly Hills: Sage. Frank A. G. (1990), 'Revolution in Eastern Europe: lessons for democratic social movements (and socialists?),' Third World Quarterly, 12, 2, April: 36-52. Frank A. G. (1992), 'Economic ironies in Europe: a world economic interpretation of East-West European politics' International Social Science Journal, 131, February: 41-56. Frank A. G. and Frank-Fuentes M. (1990), 'Widerstand im Weltsystem' Vienna: Promedia Verlag. Frank A. G. and Gills B. (Eds.)(1993), 'The World System: Five Hundred or Five Thousand Years?' London and New York: Routledge, Kegan&Paul. Gernot Kohler and Emilio Jos Chaves (Editors) "Globalization: Critical Perspectives" Hauppauge, New York: Nova Science Publishers (http://www.novapublishers.com/) ISBN 1-59033-346-2. With contributions by Samir Amin, Christopher Chase-Dunn, Andre Gunder Frank, Immanuel Wallerstein Korotayev A., Malkov A., Khaltourina D. Introduction to Social Macrodynamics: Compact Macromodels of the World System Growth. (http://cliodynamics.ru/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=124& Itemid=70) Moscow: URSS, 2006. ISBN 5-484-00414-4 . Moore, Jason W. (2000). " Environmental Crises and the Metabolic Rift in World-Historical Perspective (http:// www.jasonwmoore.com/uploads/Moore__Environmental_Crises___the_Metabolic_Rift__O_E__2000_.pdf)," Organization & Environment 13(2), 123-158. Raffer K. (1993), Trade, transfers, and development: problems and prospects for the twenty-first century Aldershot, Hants, England; Brookfield, Vt., USA: E. Elgar Pub. Co. Raffer K. and Singer H.W. (1996), The Foreign Aid Business. Economic Assistance and Development Cooperation Cheltenham and Borookfield: Edward Alger. Sunkel O. (1966), 'The Structural Background of Development Problems in Latin America' Weltwirtschaftliches Archiv, 97, 1: pp.22 ff. Sunkel O. (1972/3), 'Transnationale kapitalistische Integration und nationale Disintegration: der Fall Lateinamerika' in 'Imperialismus und strukturelle Gewalt. Analysen ueber abhaengige Reproduktion' (Senghaas D. (Ed.)), pp.258315, Frankfurt a.M.: suhrkamp. English version: Transnational capitalism and national disintegration in Latin America Social and Economic Studies, 22, 1, March: 132-76. Sunkel O. (1978a), 'The Development of Development Thinking' in 'Transnational Capitalism and National Development. New Perspectives on Dependence' (Villamil J.J. (Ed.)), pp.1930, Hassocks, Sussex: Harvester Press. Sunkel O. (1978b), 'Transnationalization and its National Consequences' in 'Transnational Capitalism and National Development. New Perspectives on Dependence' (Villamil J.J. (Ed.)), pp.6794, Hassocks, Sussex:
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World-systems approach Harvester Press. Sunkel O. (1980), Transnacionalizacion y dependencia Madrid: Ediciones Cultura Hispanica del Instituto de Cooperacion Iberoamericana. Sunkel O. (1984), Capitalismo transnacional y desintegracion nacional en America Latina Buenos Aires, Rep. Argentina : Ediciones Nueva Vision. Sunkel O. (1990), Dimension ambiental en la planificacion del desarrollo. English The environmental dimension in development planning 1st ed. Santiago, Chile : United Nations, Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean. Sunkel O. (1991), El Desarrollo desde dentro: un enfoque neoestructuralista para la America Latina 1. ed. Mexico: Fondo de Cultura Economica. Sunkel O. (1994), Rebuilding capitalism: alternative roads after socialism and dirigisme Ann Arbor, Mich.: University of Michigan Press Tausch A. (2003), "Social cohesion, sustainable development and Turkey's accession to the European Union: implications from a global model" Alternatives. Turkish Journal of International Relations, 2(1), 1-41. Tausch A. (2007), 'Global terrorism and world political cycles' History and mathematics (Moscow), special issue, 1(1), 99-126.
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Tausch A. and Christian Ghymers (2006), 'From the "Washington" towards a "Vienna Consensus"? A quantitative analysis on globalization, development and global governance'. Hauppauge, New York: Nova Science.
External links
Journal of World-Systems Research (http://jwsr.ucr.edu/index.php) Fernand Braudel Center for the Study of Economies, Historical Systems and Civilizations (http://fbc. binghamton.edu), Binghamton University, New York Review, A Journal of the Fernand Braudel Center (http://fbc.binghamton.edu/rev.htm) Institute for Research on World-Systems (http://irows.ucr.edu) (IROWS), University of California, Riverside World-Systems Archive (http://wsarch.ucr.edu/) Working Papers in the World Systems Archive (http://wsarch.ucr.edu/archive/papers.htm) World-Systems Archive Books (http://wsarch.ucr.edu/archive/books.htm) World-Systems Electronic Seminars (http://wsarch.ucr.edu/archive/seminars.htm) Preface to "ReOrient" by Andre Gunder Frank (http://wsarch.ucr.edu/archive/papers/gunder/prefreor. htm) Andre Gunder Frank resources (http://www.faculty.rsu.edu/~felwell/Theorists/Frank/index.htm), Rogers State University Immanuel Wallerstein resources (http://www.faculty.rsu.edu/~felwell/Theorists/Wallerstein/index.htm), Rogers State University Gotts, N.M. 2007. "Resilience, Panarchy, and World-Systems Analysis," ECOLOGY & SOCIETY 12(1) (http:// www.ecologyandsociety.org/vol12/iss1/art24/main.html) Toll, Matthew. 2008. "The Nation-State, Core and Periphery: A Brief sketch of Imperialism in the 20th century" (http://dostoevskiansmiles.blogspot.com/2008/10/nation-state-core-and-periphery-brief.html)
Internet
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Internet
Internet
A visualization of routing paths through a portion of the Internet.
Internet portal
Computer network types by spatial scope

Near field (NFC) Body (BAN) Personal (PAN) Car/Electronics (CAN) Near-me (NAN) Local (LAN)

Home (HAN) Storage (SAN)
Campus (CAN) Backbone Metropolitan (MAN) Wide (WAN) Cloud (IAN) Internet Interplanetary Internet Intergalactic Computer Network
The Internet is a global system of interconnected computer networks that use the standard Internet protocol suite (TCP/IP) to serve several billion users worldwide. It is a network of networks that consists of millions of private, public, academic, business, and government networks, of local to global scope, that are linked by a broad array of electronic, wireless and optical networking technologies. The Internet carries an extensive range of information resources and services, such as the inter-linked hypertext documents of the World Wide Web (WWW), the infrastructure to support email, and peer-to-peer networks. Most traditional communications media including telephone, music, film, and television are being reshaped or redefined by the Internet, giving birth to new services such as voice over Internet Protocol (VoIP) and Internet Protocol television (IPTV). Newspaper, book and other print publishing are adapting to website technology, or are reshaped into blogging and web feeds. The Internet has enabled and accelerated new forms of human interactions through instant messaging, Internet forums, and social networking. Online shopping has boomed both for major retail outlets and small artisans and traders. Business-to-business and financial services on the Internet affect supply chains across entire industries.
Internet The origins of the Internet reach back to research commissioned by the United States government in the 1960s to build robust, fault-tolerant communication via computer networks. While this work together with work in the United Kingdom and France lead to important precursor networks, they were not the Internet. There is no consensus on the exact date when the modern Internet came into being, but sometime in the early to mid-1980s is considered reasonable. The funding of a new U.S. backbone by the National Science Foundation in the 1980s, as well as private funding for other commercial backbones, led to worldwide participation in the development of new networking technologies, and the merger of many networks. Though the Internet has been widely used by academia since the 1980s, the commercialization of what was by the 1990s an international network resulted in its popularization and incorporation into virtually every aspect of modern human life. As of June 2012[1], more than 2.4 billion peopleover a third of the world's human populationhave used the services of the Internet; approximately 100 times more people than were using it in 1995. The Internet has no centralized governance in either technological implementation or policies for access and usage; each constituent network sets its own policies. Only the overreaching definitions of the two principal name spaces in the Internet, the Internet Protocol address space and the Domain Name System, are directed by a maintainer organization, the Internet Corporation for Assigned Names and Numbers (ICANN). The technical underpinning and standardization of the core protocols (IPv4 and IPv6) is an activity of the Internet Engineering Task Force (IETF), a non-profit organization of loosely affiliated international participants that anyone may associate with by contributing technical expertise.
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Terminology
The Internet, referring to the specific global system of interconnected IP networks, is a proper noun and written with an initial capital letter. In the media and common use it is often not capitalized, viz. the internet. Some guides specify that the word should be capitalized when used as a noun, but not capitalized when used as a verb or an adjective.[2] The Internet is also often referred to as the Net. Historically the word internet was used, uncapitalized, as early as 1883 as a verb and adjective to refer to interconnected motions. Starting in the early 1970s the term internet was used as a shorthand form of the The Internet Messenger by Buky Schwartz in Holon technical term internetwork, the result of interconnecting computer networks with special gateways or routers. It was also used as a verb meaning to connect together, especially for networks.[3] The terms Internet and World Wide Web are often used interchangeably in everyday speech; it is common to speak of "going on the Internet" when invoking a web browser to view web pages. However, the Internet is a particular global computer network connecting millions of computing devices; the World Wide Web is just one of many services running on the Internet. The Web is a collection of interconnected documents (web pages) and other web resources, linked by hyperlinks and URLs. In addition to the Web, a multitude of other services are implemented over the Internet, including e-mail, file transfer, remote computer control, newsgroups, and online games. Web (and other) services can be implemented on any intranet, accessible to network users. Interweb is a mixture of Internet and World Wide Web typically used sarcastically to parody a technically unsavvy user.[4]
Internet
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History
Research into packet switching started in the early 1960s and packet switched networks such as Mark I at NPL in the UK, ARPANET, CYCLADES, Merit Network,[5] Tymnet, and Telenet, were developed in the late 1960s and early 1970s using a variety of protocols. The ARPANET in particular led to the development of protocols for internetworking, where multiple separate networks could be joined together into a network of networks.[citation needed] The first two nodes of what would become the ARPANET were interconnected between Leonard Kleinrock's Network Measurement Center at the UCLA's School of Engineering and Applied Science and Douglas Engelbart's NLS system at SRI International (SRI) in Menlo Park, California, on 29 October 1969.[6] The third site on the ARPANET was the Culler-Fried Interactive Professor Leonard Kleinrock with Mathematics center at the University of California at Santa Barbara, and the the first ARPANET Interface fourth was the University of Utah Graphics Department. In an early sign of Message Processors at UCLA future growth, there were already fifteen sites connected to the young ARPANET by the end of 1971. These early years were documented in the 1972 film Computer Networks: The Heralds of Resource Sharing. Early international collaborations on ARPANET were sparse. For various political reasons, European developers were concerned with developing the X.25 networks. Notable exceptions were the Norwegian Seismic Array (NORSAR) in June 1973, followed in 1973 by Sweden with satellite links to the Tanum Earth Station and Peter T. Kirstein's research group in the UK, initially at the Institute of Computer Science, University of London and later at University College London.[citation needed] In December 1974, RFC 675 Specification of Internet Transmission Control Program, by Vinton Cerf, Yogen Dalal, and Carl Sunshine, used the term internet as a shorthand for internetworking and later RFCs repeat this use. Access to the ARPANET was expanded in 1981 when the National Science Foundation (NSF) developed the Computer Science Network (CSNET). In 1982, the Internet Protocol Suite (TCP/IP) was standardized and the concept of a world-wide network of fully interconnected TCP/IP networks called the Internet was introduced. TCP/IP network access expanded again in 1986 when the National Science Foundation Network (NSFNET) provided access to supercomputer sites in the United States from research and education organizations, first at 56 kbit/s and later at 1.5 Mbit/s and 45 Mbit/s.[7] Commercial Internet service providers (ISPs) began to emerge in the late 1980s and early 1990s. The ARPANET was decommissioned in 1990. The Internet was commercialized in 1995 when NSFNET was decommissioned, removing the last T3 NSFNET Backbone, c. 1992 restrictions on the use of the Internet to carry commercial traffic. The Internet started a rapid expansion to Europe and Australia in the mid to late 1980s[8] and to Asia in the late 1980s and early 1990s. Since the mid-1990s the Internet has had a tremendous impact on culture and commerce, including the rise of near instant communication by email, instant messaging, Voice over Internet Protocol (VoIP) "phone calls", two-way
Internet interactive video calls, and the World Wide Web[9] with its discussion forums, blogs, social networking, and online shopping sites. Increasing amounts of data are transmitted at higher and higher speeds over fiber optic networks operating at 1-Gbit/s, 10-Gbit/s, or more.
Worldwide Internet users 2005 World population 2010 2013a
628
[10] 6.5 billion 6.9 billion 7.1 billion
Not using the Internet Using the Internet Users in the developing world Users in the developed world
84% 16% 8% 51%
70% 30% 21% 67%

a
61% 39% 31% 77%
Estimate. [11] Source: International Telecommunications Union.
The Internet continues to grow, driven by ever greater amounts of online information and knowledge, commerce, entertainment and social networking. During the late 1990s, it was estimated that traffic on the public Internet grew by 100 percent per year, while the mean annual growth in the number of Internet users was thought to be between 20% and 50%. This growth is often attributed to the lack of central administration, which allows organic growth of the network, as well as the non-proprietary open nature of the Internet protocols, which encourages vendor interoperability and prevents any one company from exerting too much control over the network. As of 31 March 2011, the estimated total number of Internet users was 2.095billion (30.2% of world population). It is estimated that in 1993 the Internet carried only 1% of the information flowing through two-way telecommunication, by 2000 this figure had grown to 51%, and by 2007 more than 97% of all telecommunicated information was carried over the Internet.
Technology
Protocols
As the user data is processed down through the protocol stack, each layer adds an encapsulation at the sending host. Data is transmitted "over the wire" at the link level, left to right. The encapsulation stack procedure is reversed by the receiving host. Intermediate relays remove and add a new link encapsulation for retransmission, and inspect the IP layer for routing purposes.
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Internet protocol suite

Application layer

DHCP DHCPv6 DNS FTP HTTP IMAP IRC LDAP MGCP NNTP BGP NTP POP RPC RTP RTSP RIP SIP SMTP SNMP SOCKS SSH Telnet TLS/SSL XMPP more... Transport layer
TCP UDP DCCP SCTP RSVP more... Internet layer
IP IPv4 IPv6 ICMP ICMPv6 ECN IGMP IPsec more... Link layer
ARP/InARP NDP
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OSPF Tunnels L2TP PPP Media access control

Ethernet DSL ISDN FDDI more...
The communications infrastructure of the Internet consists of its hardware components and a system of software layers that control various aspects of the architecture. While the hardware can often be used to support other software systems, it is the design and the rigorous standardization process of the software architecture that characterizes the Internet and provides the foundation for its scalability and success. The responsibility for the architectural design of the Internet software systems has been delegated to the Internet Engineering Task Force (IETF). The IETF conducts standard-setting work groups, open to any individual, about the various aspects of Internet architecture. Resulting discussions and final standards are published in a series of publications, each called a Request for Comments (RFC), freely available on the IETF web site. The principal methods of networking that enable the Internet are contained in specially designated RFCs that constitute the Internet Standards. Other less rigorous documents are simply informative, experimental, or historical, or document the best current practices (BCP) when implementing Internet technologies. The Internet standards describe a framework known as the Internet protocol suite. This is a model architecture that divides methods into a layered system of protocols (RFC 1122, RFC 1123). The layers correspond to the environment or scope in which their services operate. At the top is the application layer, the space for the application-specific networking methods used in software applications, e.g., a web browser program uses the client-server application model and many file-sharing systems use a peer-to-peer paradigm. Below this top layer, the transport layer connects applications on different hosts via the network with appropriate data exchange methods. Underlying these layers are the core networking technologies, consisting of two layers. The internet layer enables computers to identify and locate each other via Internet Protocol (IP) addresses, and allows them to connect to one another via intermediate (transit) networks. Last, at the bottom of the architecture, is a software layer, the link layer, that provides connectivity between hosts on the same local network link, such as a local area network (LAN) or a dial-up connection. The model, also known as TCP/IP, is designed to be independent of the underlying hardware, which the model therefore does not concern itself with in any detail. Other models have been developed, such as the Open Systems Interconnection (OSI) model, but they are not compatible in the details of description or implementation; many similarities exist and the TCP/IP protocols are usually included in the discussion of OSI networking. The most prominent component of the Internet model is the Internet Protocol (IP), which provides addressing systems (IP addresses) for computers on the Internet. IP enables internetworking and in essence establishes the Internet itself. IP Version 4 (IPv4) is the initial version used on the first generation of today's Internet and is still in dominant use. It was designed to address up to ~4.3billion (109) Internet hosts. However, the explosive growth of the Internet has led to IPv4 address exhaustion, which entered its final stage in 2011, when the global address allocation pool was exhausted. A new protocol version, IPv6, was developed in the mid-1990s, which provides vastly larger addressing capabilities and more efficient routing of Internet traffic. IPv6 is currently in growing deployment around the world, since Internet address registries (RIRs) began to urge all resource managers to plan rapid adoption and conversion. IPv6 is not interoperable with IPv4. In essence, it establishes a parallel version of the Internet not directly accessible with IPv4 software. This means software upgrades or translator facilities are necessary for networking devices that
Internet need to communicate on both networks. Most modern computer operating systems already support both versions of the Internet Protocol. Network infrastructures, however, are still lagging in this development. Aside from the complex array of physical connections that make up its infrastructure, the Internet is facilitated by bi- or multi-lateral commercial contracts (e.g., peering agreements), and by technical specifications or protocols that describe how to exchange data over the network. Indeed, the Internet is defined by its interconnections and routing policies.
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Routing
Internet service providers connect customers, which represent the bottom of the routing hierarchy, to customers of other ISPs via other higher or same-tier networks. At the top of the routing hierarchy are the Tier 1 networks, large telecommunication companies which exchange traffic directly with all other Tier 1 networks via peering agreements. Tier 2 networks buy Internet transit from other providers to reach at least some Internet packet routing is accomplished among various tiers of Internet service providers. parties on the global Internet, though they may also engage in peering. An ISP may use a single upstream provider for connectivity, or implement multihoming to achieve redundancy. Internet exchange points are major traffic exchanges with physical connections to multiple ISPs. Computers and routers use routing tables to direct IP packets to the next-hop router or destination. Routing tables are maintained by manual configuration or by routing protocols. End-nodes typically use a default route that points toward an ISP providing transit, while ISP routers use the Border Gateway Protocol to establish the most efficient routing across the complex connections of the global Internet. Large organizations, such as academic institutions, large enterprises, and governments, may perform the same function as ISPs, engaging in peering and purchasing transit on behalf of their internal networks. Research networks tend to interconnect into large subnetworks such as GEANT, GLORIAD, Internet2, and the UK's national research and education network, JANET.
General structure
The Internet structure and its usage characteristics have been studied extensively. It has been determined that both the Internet IP routing structure and hypertext links of the World Wide Web are examples of scale-free networks. Many computer scientists describe the Internet as a "prime example of a large-scale, highly engineered, yet highly complex system". The Internet is heterogeneous; for instance, data transfer rates and physical characteristics of connections vary widely. The Internet exhibits "emergent phenomena" that depend on its large-scale organization. For example, data transfer rates exhibit temporal self-similarity. The principles of the routing and addressing methods for traffic in the Internet reach back to their origins in the 1960s when the eventual scale and popularity of the network could not be anticipated.[12] Thus, the possibility of developing alternative structures is investigated. The Internet structure was found to be highly robust to random failures and very vulnerable to high degree attacks.
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Governance
The Internet is a globally distributed network comprising many voluntarily interconnected autonomous networks. It operates without a central governing body. The technical underpinning and standardization of the Internet's core protocols (IPv4 and IPv6) is an activity of the Internet Engineering Task Force (IETF), a non-profit organization of loosely affiliated international participants that anyone may associate with by contributing technical expertise. To maintain interoperability, the principal name spaces of the Internet ICANN headquarters in Marina Del Rey, California, United States are administered by the Internet Corporation for Assigned Names and Numbers (ICANN), headquartered in Marina del Rey, California. ICANN is the authority that coordinates the assignment of unique identifiers for use on the Internet, including domain names, Internet Protocol (IP) addresses, application port numbers in the transport protocols, and many other parameters. Globally unified name spaces, in which names and numbers are uniquely assigned, are essential for maintaining the global reach of the Internet. ICANN is governed by an international board of directors drawn from across the Internet technical, business, academic, and other non-commercial communities. ICANN's role in coordinating the assignment of unique identifiers distinguishes it as perhaps the only central coordinating body for the global Internet.[13] Allocation of IP addresses is delegated to Regional Internet Registries (RIRs): African Network Information Center (AfriNIC) for Africa American Registry for Internet Numbers (ARIN) for North America Asia-Pacific Network Information Centre (APNIC) for Asia and the Pacific region Latin American and Caribbean Internet Addresses Registry (LACNIC) for Latin America and the Caribbean region Rseaux IP Europens - Network Coordination Centre (RIPE NCC) for Europe, the Middle East, and Central Asia The National Telecommunications and Information Administration, an agency of the United States Department of Commerce, continues to have final approval over changes to the DNS root zone.[14] The Internet Society (ISOC) was founded in 1992, with a mission to "assure the open development, evolution and use of the Internet for the benefit of all people throughout the world".[15] Its members include individuals (anyone may join) as well as corporations, organizations, governments, and universities. Among other activities ISOC provides an administrative home for a number of less formally organized groups that are involved in developing and managing the Internet, including: the Internet Engineering Task Force (IETF), Internet Architecture Board (IAB), Internet Engineering Steering Group (IESG), Internet Research Task Force (IRTF), and Internet Research Steering Group (IRSG). On 16 November 2005, the United Nations-sponsored World Summit on the Information Society, held in Tunis, established the Internet Governance Forum (IGF) to discuss Internet-related issues.
Modern uses
The Internet allows greater flexibility in working hours and location, especially with the spread of unmetered high-speed connections. The Internet can be accessed almost anywhere by numerous means, including through mobile Internet devices. Mobile phones, datacards, handheld game consoles and cellular routers allow users to connect to the Internet wirelessly. Within the limitations imposed by small screens and other limited facilities of such pocket-sized devices, the services of the Internet, including email and the web, may be available. Service
Internet providers may restrict the services offered and mobile data charges may be significantly higher than other access methods. Educational material at all levels from pre-school to post-doctoral is available from websites. Examples range from CBeebies, through school and high-school revision guides and virtual universities, to access to top-end scholarly literature through the likes of Google Scholar. For distance education, help with homework and other assignments, self-guided learning, whiling away spare time, or just looking up more detail on an interesting fact, it has never been easier for people to access educational information at any level from anywhere. The Internet in general and the World Wide Web in particular are important enablers of both formal and informal education. The low cost and nearly instantaneous sharing of ideas, knowledge, and skills has made collaborative work dramatically easier, with the help of collaborative software. Not only can a group cheaply communicate and share ideas but the wide reach of the Internet allows such groups more easily to form. An example of this is the free software movement, which has produced, among other things, Linux, Mozilla Firefox, and OpenOffice.org. Internet chat, whether using an IRC chat room, an instant messaging system, or a social networking website, allows colleagues to stay in touch in a very convenient way while working at their computers during the day. Messages can be exchanged even more quickly and conveniently than via email. These systems may allow files to be exchanged, drawings and images to be shared, or voice and video contact between team members. Content management systems allow collaborating teams to work on shared sets of documents simultaneously without accidentally destroying each other's work. Business and project teams can share calendars as well as documents and other information. Such collaboration occurs in a wide variety of areas including scientific research, software development, conference planning, political activism and creative writing. Social and political collaboration is also becoming more widespread as both Internet access and computer literacy spread. The Internet allows computer users to remotely access other computers and information stores easily, wherever they may be. They may do this with or without computer security, i.e. authentication and encryption technologies, depending on the requirements. This is encouraging new ways of working from home, collaboration and information sharing in many industries. An accountant sitting at home can audit the books of a company based in another country, on a server situated in a third country that is remotely maintained by IT specialists in a fourth. These accounts could have been created by home-working bookkeepers, in other remote locations, based on information emailed to them from offices all over the world. Some of these things were possible before the widespread use of the Internet, but the cost of private leased lines would have made many of them infeasible in practice. An office worker away from their desk, perhaps on the other side of the world on a business trip or a holiday, can access their emails, access their data using cloud computing, or open a remote desktop session into their office PC using a secure Virtual Private Network (VPN) connection on the Internet. This can give the worker complete access to all of their normal files and data, including email and other applications, while away from the office. It has been referred to among system administrators as the Virtual Private Nightmare, because it extends the secure perimeter of a corporate network into remote locations and its employees' homes.
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Services
World Wide Web
Many people use the terms Internet and World Wide Web, or just the Web, interchangeably, but the two terms are not synonymous. The World Wide Web is a global set of documents, images and other resources, logically interrelated by hyperlinks and referenced with Uniform Resource Identifiers (URIs). URIs symbolically identify services, servers, and other databases, and the documents and resources that they can provide. Hypertext Transfer Protocol (HTTP) is the main access protocol of the World Wide Web, but it is only one of the hundreds of communication protocols used on the Internet. Web services also use HTTP to allow software systems to communicate in order to share and exchange business logic and data.
This NeXT Computer was used by Tim Berners-Lee at CERN and became the world's first Web server.
World Wide Web browser software, such as Microsoft's Internet Explorer, Mozilla Firefox, Opera, Apple's Safari, and Google Chrome, lets users navigate from one web page to another via hyperlinks embedded in the documents. These documents may also contain any combination of computer data, including graphics, sounds, text, video, multimedia and interactive content that runs while the user is interacting with the page. Client-side software can include animations, games, office applications and scientific demonstrations. Through keyword-driven Internet research using search engines like Yahoo! and Google, users worldwide have easy, instant access to a vast and diverse amount of online information. Compared to printed media, books, encyclopedias and traditional libraries, the World Wide Web has enabled the decentralization of information on a large scale. The Web has also enabled individuals and organizations to publish ideas and information to a potentially large audience online at greatly reduced expense and time delay. Publishing a web page, a blog, or building a website involves little initial cost and many cost-free services are available. Publishing and maintaining large, professional web sites with attractive, diverse and up-to-date information is still a difficult and expensive proposition, however. Many individuals and some companies and groups use web logs or blogs, which are largely used as easily updatable online diaries. Some commercial organizations encourage staff to communicate advice in their areas of specialization in the hope that visitors will be impressed by the expert knowledge and free information, and be attracted to the corporation as a result. One example of this practice is Microsoft, whose product developers publish their personal blogs in order to pique the public's interest in their work. Collections of personal web pages published by large service providers remain popular, and have become increasingly sophisticated. Whereas operations such as Angelfire and GeoCities have existed since the early days of the Web, newer offerings from, for example, Facebook and Twitter currently have large followings. These operations often brand themselves as social network services rather than simply as web page hosts. Advertising on popular web pages can be lucrative, and e-commerce or the sale of products and services directly via the Web continues to grow. When the Web began in the 1990s, a typical web page was stored in completed form on a web server, formatted in HTML, ready to be sent to a user's browser in response to a request. Over time, the process of creating and serving web pages has become more automated and more dynamic. Websites are often created using content management or wiki software with, initially, very little content. Contributors to these systems, who may be paid staff, members of a club or other organization or members of the public, fill underlying databases with content using editing pages designed for that purpose, while casual visitors view and read this content in its final HTML form. There may or
Internet may not be editorial, approval and security systems built into the process of taking newly entered content and making it available to the target visitors.
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Communication
Email is an important communications service available on the Internet. The concept of sending electronic text messages between parties in a way analogous to mailing letters or memos predates the creation of the Internet. Pictures, documents and other files are sent as email attachments. Emails can be cc-ed to multiple email addresses. Internet telephony is another common communications service made possible by the creation of the Internet. VoIP stands for Voice-over-Internet Protocol, referring to the protocol that underlies all Internet communication. The idea began in the early 1990s with walkie-talkie-like voice applications for personal computers. In recent years many VoIP systems have become as easy to use and as convenient as a normal telephone. The benefit is that, as the Internet carries the voice traffic, VoIP can be free or cost much less than a traditional telephone call, especially over long distances and especially for those with always-on Internet connections such as cable or ADSL. VoIP is maturing into a competitive alternative to traditional telephone service. Interoperability between different providers has improved and the ability to call or receive a call from a traditional telephone is available. Simple, inexpensive VoIP network adapters are available that eliminate the need for a personal computer. Voice quality can still vary from call to call, but is often equal to and can even exceed that of traditional calls. Remaining problems for VoIP include emergency telephone number dialing and reliability. Currently, a few VoIP providers provide an emergency service, but it is not universally available. Older traditional phones with no "extra features" may be line-powered only and operate during a power failure; VoIP can never do so without a backup power source for the phone equipment and the Internet access devices. VoIP has also become increasingly popular for gaming applications, as a form of communication between players. Popular VoIP clients for gaming include Ventrilo and Teamspeak. Modern video game consoles also offer VoIP chat features.
Data transfer
File sharing is an example of transferring large amounts of data across the Internet. A computer file can be emailed to customers, colleagues and friends as an attachment. It can be uploaded to a website or FTP server for easy download by others. It can be put into a "shared location" or onto a file server for instant use by colleagues. The load of bulk downloads to many users can be eased by the use of "mirror" servers or peer-to-peer networks. In any of these cases, access to the file may be controlled by user authentication, the transit of the file over the Internet may be obscured by encryption, and money may change hands for access to the file. The price can be paid by the remote charging of funds from, for example, a credit card whose details are also passed usually fully encrypted across the Internet. The origin and authenticity of the file received may be checked by digital signatures or by MD5 or other message digests. These simple features of the Internet, over a worldwide basis, are changing the production, sale, and distribution of anything that can be reduced to a computer file for transmission. This includes all manner of print publications, software products, news, music, film, video, photography, graphics and the other arts. This in turn has caused seismic shifts in each of the existing industries that previously controlled the production and distribution of these products. Streaming media is the real-time delivery of digital media for the immediate consumption or enjoyment by end users. Many radio and television broadcasters provide Internet feeds of their live audio and video productions. They may also allow time-shift viewing or listening such as Preview, Classic Clips and Listen Again features. These providers have been joined by a range of pure Internet "broadcasters" who never had on-air licenses. This means that an Internet-connected device, such as a computer or something more specific, can be used to access on-line media in much the same way as was previously possible only with a television or radio receiver. The range of available types of content is much wider, from specialized technical webcasts to on-demand popular multimedia services. Podcasting is a variation on this theme, where usually audio material is downloaded and played back on a
Internet computer or shifted to a portable media player to be listened to on the move. These techniques using simple equipment allow anybody, with little censorship or licensing control, to broadcast audio-visual material worldwide. Digital media streaming increases the demand for network bandwidth. For example, standard image quality needs 1 Mbit/s link speed for SD 480p, HD 720p quality requires 2.5 Mbit/s, and the top-of-the-line HDX quality needs 4.5 Mbit/s for 1080p. Webcams are a low-cost extension of this phenomenon. While some webcams can give full-frame-rate video, the picture either is usually small or updates slowly. Internet users can watch animals around an African waterhole, ships in the Panama Canal, traffic at a local roundabout or monitor their own premises, live and in real time. Video chat rooms and video conferencing are also popular with many uses being found for personal webcams, with and without two-way sound. YouTube was founded on 15 February 2005 and is now the leading website for free streaming video with a vast number of users. It uses a flash-based web player to stream and show video files. Registered users may upload an unlimited amount of video and build their own personal profile. YouTube claims that its users watch hundreds of millions, and upload hundreds of thousands of videos daily.
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Access
Common methods of Internet access in homes include dial-up, landline broadband (over coaxial cable, fiber optic or copper wires), Wi-Fi, satellite and 3G/4G technology cell phones. Public places to use the Internet include libraries and Internet cafes, where computers with Internet connections are available. There are also Internet access points in many public places such as airport halls and coffee shops, in some cases just for brief use while standing. Various terms are used, such as "public Internet kiosk", "public access terminal", and "Web payphone". Many hotels now also have public terminals, though these are usually fee-based. These terminals are widely accessed for various usage like ticket booking, bank deposit, online payment etc. Wi-Fi provides wireless access to computer networks, and therefore can do so to the Internet itself. Hotspots providing such access include Wi-Fi cafes, where would-be users need to bring their own wireless-enabled devices such as a laptop or PDA. These services may be free to all, free to customers only, or fee-based. A hotspot need not be limited to a confined location. A whole campus or park, or even an entire city can be enabled. Grassroots efforts have led to wireless community networks. Commercial Wi-Fi services covering large city areas are in place in London, Vienna, Toronto, San Francisco, Philadelphia, Chicago and Pittsburgh. The Internet can then be accessed from such places as a park bench. Apart from Wi-Fi, there have been experiments with proprietary mobile wireless networks like Ricochet, various high-speed data services over cellular phone networks, and fixed wireless services. High-end mobile phones such as smartphones in general come with Internet access through the phone network. Web browsers such as Opera are available on these advanced handsets, which can also run a wide variety of other Internet software. More mobile phones have Internet access than PCs, though this is not as widely used.[16] An Internet access provider and protocol matrix differentiates the methods used to get online. An Internet blackout or outage can be caused by local signaling interruptions. Disruptions of submarine communications cables may cause blackouts or slowdowns to large areas, such as in the 2008 submarine cable disruption. Less-developed countries are more vulnerable due to a small number of high-capacity links. Land cables are also vulnerable, as in 2011 when a woman digging for scrap metal severed most connectivity for the nation of Armenia. Internet blackouts affecting almost entire countries can be achieved by governments as a form of Internet censorship, as in the blockage of the Internet in Egypt, whereby approximately 93% of networks were without access in 2011 in an attempt to stop mobilization for anti-government protests.
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Users
Overall Internet usage has seen tremendous growth. From 2000 to 2009, the number of Internet users globally rose from 394 million to 1.858 billion.[20] By 2010, 22 percent of the world's population had access to computers with 1 billion Google searches every day, 300 million Internet users reading blogs, and 2 billion videos viewed daily on YouTube. The prevalent language for communication on the Internet has been English. This may be a result of the origin of the Internet, as well as the language's role as a lingua franca. Early computer systems were limited to the characters in the American Standard Code for Information Interchange (ASCII), a subset of the Latin alphabet.
Internet users per 100 inhabitantsSource: International Telecommunications Union. "Internet users per 100 inhabitants 2001-2011", International Telecommunications Union, Geneva, accessed 4 April 2012 "Internet users per 100 inhabitants 2006-2013", International Telecommunications Union, Geneva, accessed 3 June 2013
After English (27%), the most requested languages on the World Wide Web are Chinese (23%), Spanish (8%), Japanese (5%), Portuguese and German (4% each), Arabic, French and Russian (3% each), and Korean (2%).[21] By region, 42% of the world's Internet users are based in Asia, 24% in Europe, 14% in North America, 10% in Latin America and the Caribbean taken together, 6% in Languages used on the InternetInternet users by language "Number of Internet Users by Language", Internet World Stats, Miniwatts Marketing Group, 31 May 2011. Retrieved Africa, 3% in the Middle East and 1% [22] 22 April 2012 in Australia/Oceania. The Internet's technologies have developed enough in recent years, especially in the use of Unicode, that good facilities are available for development and communication in the world's widely used languages. However, some glitches such as mojibake (incorrect display of some languages' characters) still remain.
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In an American study in 2005, the percentage of men using the Internet was very slightly ahead of the percentage of women, although this difference reversed in those under 30. Men logged on more often, spent more time online, and were more likely to be broadband users, whereas women tended to make more use of opportunities to communicate (such as email). Men were more likely to use the Internet to pay bills, participate in auctions, and for recreation such as downloading music and videos. Men and women were equally likely to use the Internet for shopping and banking.[23] More recent studies Languages used on the InternetWebsite content languages indicate that in 2008, women significantly outnumbered men on most social networking sites, such as Facebook and Myspace, although the ratios varied with age. In addition, women watched more streaming content, whereas men downloaded more. In terms of blogs, men were more likely to blog in the first place; among those who blog, men were more likely to have a professional blog, whereas women were more likely to have a personal blog. According to Euromonitor, by 2020 43.7% of the world's population will be users of the Internet. Splitting by country, in 2011 Iceland, Norway and the Netherlands had the highest Internet penetration by the number of users, with more than 90% of the population with access.
Social impact
The Internet has enabled entirely new forms of social interaction, activities, and organizing, thanks to its basic features such as widespread usability and access. In the first decade of the 21st century, the first generation is raised with widespread availability of Internet connectivity, bringing consequences and concerns in areas such as personal privacy and identity, and distribution of copyrighted materials. These "digital natives" face a variety of challenges that were not present for prior generations.
Social networking and entertainment

Many people use the World Wide Web to access news, weather and sports reports, to plan and book vacations and to find out more about their interests. People use chat, messaging and email to make and stay in touch with friends worldwide, sometimes in the same way as some previously had pen pals. The Internet has seen a growing number of Web desktops, where users can access their files and settings via the Internet. Social networking websites such as Facebook, Twitter, and MySpace have created new ways to socialize and interact. Users of these sites are able to add a wide variety of information to pages, to pursue common interests, and to connect with others. It is also possible to find existing acquaintances, to allow communication among existing groups of people. Sites like LinkedIn foster commercial and business connections. YouTube and Flickr specialize in users' videos and photographs. The Internet has been a major outlet for leisure activity since its inception, with entertaining social experiments such as MUDs and MOOs being conducted on university servers, and humor-related Usenet groups receiving much
Internet traffic. Today, many Internet forums have sections devoted to games and funny videos; short cartoons in the form of Flash movies are also popular. Over 6million people use blogs or message boards as a means of communication and for the sharing of ideas. The Internet pornography and online gambling industries have taken advantage of the World Wide Web, and often provide a significant source of advertising revenue for other websites.[24] Although many governments have attempted to restrict both industries' use of the Internet, in general this has failed to stop their widespread popularity.[25] Another area of leisure activity on the Internet is multiplayer gaming.[26] This form of recreation creates communities, where people of all ages and origins enjoy the fast-paced world of multiplayer games. These range from MMORPG to first-person shooters, from role-playing video games to online gambling. While online gaming has been around since the 1970s, modern modes of online gaming began with subscription services such as GameSpy and MPlayer.[27] Non-subscribers were limited to certain types of game play or certain games. Many people use the Internet to access and download music, movies and other works for their enjoyment and relaxation. Free and fee-based services exist for all of these activities, using centralized servers and distributed peer-to-peer technologies. Some of these sources exercise more care with respect to the original artists' copyrights than others. Internet usage has been correlated to users' loneliness. Lonely people tend to use the Internet as an outlet for their feelings and to share their stories with others, such as in the "I am lonely will anyone speak to me" thread. Cybersectarianism is a new organizational form which involves: "highly dispersed small groups of practitioners that may remain largely anonymous within the larger social context and operate in relative secrecy, while still linked remotely to a larger network of believers who share a set of practices and texts, and often a common devotion to a particular leader. Overseas supporters provide funding and support; domestic practitioners distribute tracts, participate in acts of resistance, and share information on the internal situation with outsiders. Collectively, members and practitioners of such sects construct viable virtual communities of faith, exchanging personal testimonies and engaging in collective study via email, on-line chat rooms and web-based message boards."[28] Cyberslacking can become a drain on corporate resources; the average UK employee spent 57 minutes a day surfing the Web while at work, according to a 2003 study by Peninsula Business Services. Internet addiction disorder is excessive computer use that interferes with daily life. Psychologist Nicolas Carr believe that Internet use has other effects on individuals, for instance improving skills of scan-reading and interfering with the deep thinking that leads to true creativity.[29]
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Electronic business
Electronic business (E-business) involves business processes spanning the entire value chain: electronic purchasing and supply chain management, processing orders electronically, handling customer service, and cooperating with business partners. E-commerce seeks to add revenue streams using the Internet to build and enhance relationships with clients and partners. According to research firm IDC, the size of total worldwide e-commerce, when global business-to-business and -consumer transactions are added together, will equate to $16 trillion in 2013. IDate, another research firm, estimates the global market for digital products and services at $4.4 trillion in 2013. A report by Oxford Economics adds those two together to estimate the total size of the digital economy at $20.4 trillion, equivalent to roughly 13.8% of global sales.[30] While much has been written of the economic advantages of Internet-enabled commerce, there is also evidence that some aspects of the Internet such as maps and location-aware services may serve to reinforce economic inequality and the digital divide. Electronic commerce may be responsible for consolidation and the decline of mom-and-pop, brick and mortar businesses resulting in increases in income inequality.[31][32][33]
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Telecommuting
Remote work is facilitated by tools such as groupware, virtual private networks, conference calling, videoconferencing, and Voice over IP (VOIP). It can be efficient and useful for companies as it allows workers to communicate over long distances, saving significant amounts of travel time and cost. As broadband Internet connections become more commonplace, more and more workers have adequate bandwidth at home to use these tools to link their home to their corporate intranet and internal phone networks.
Crowdsourcing
Internet provides a particularly good venue for crowdsourcing (outsourcing tasks to a distributed group of people) since individuals tend to be more open in web-based projects where they are not being physically judged or scrutinized and thus can feel more comfortable sharing. Crowdsourcing systems are used to accomplish a variety of tasks. For example, the crowd may be invited to develop a new technology, carry out a design task, refine or carry out the steps of an algorithm (see human-based computation), or help capture, systematize, or analyze large amounts of data (see also citizen science). Wikis have also been used in the academic community for sharing and dissemination of information across institutional and international boundaries. In those settings, they have been found useful for collaboration on grant writing, strategic planning, departmental documentation, and committee work. The United States Patent and Trademark Office uses a wiki to allow the public to collaborate on finding prior art relevant to examination of pending patent applications. Queens, New York has used a wiki to allow citizens to collaborate on the design and planning of a local park. The English Wikipedia has the largest user base among wikis on the World Wide Web and ranks in the top 10 among all Web sites in terms of traffic.
Politics and political revolutions

The Internet has achieved new relevance as a political tool. The presidential campaign of Howard Dean in 2004 in the United States was notable for its success in soliciting donation via the Internet. Many political groups use the Internet to achieve a new method of organizing in order to carry out their mission, having given rise to Internet activism, most notably practiced by rebels in the Arab Spring.[34] The New York Times suggested that social media websites, such as Facebook and Twitter, helped people organize the political revolutions in Egypt where it helped certain classes of protesters organize protests, communicate grievances, and disseminate information. The potential of the Internet as a civic tool of communicative power was thoroughly explored by Simon R. B. Berdal in his thesis of 2004: As the globally evolving Internet provides ever new access points to virtual discourse forums, it also promotes new civic relations and associations within which communicative power may flow and accumulate. Thus, traditionally ... national-embedded peripheries get entangled into greater, international peripheries, with stronger combined powers... The Internet, as a consequence, changes the topology of the "centre-periphery" model, by stimulating conventional peripheries to interlink into "super-periphery" structures, which enclose and "besiege" several centres at once. Berdal, therefore, extends the Habermasian notion of the Public sphere to the Internet, and underlines the inherent global and civic nature that intervowen Internet technologies provide. To limit the growing civic potential of the Internet, Berdal also notes how "self-protective measures" are put in place by those threatened by it: If we consider Chinas attempts to filter "unsuitable material" from the Internet, most of us would agree that this resembles a self-protective measure by the system against the growing civic potentials of the Internet. Nevertheless, both types represent limitations to "peripheral capacities". Thus, the Chinese government tries to
Internet prevent communicative power to build up and unleash (as the 1989 Tiananmen Square uprising suggests, the government may find it wise to install "upstream measures"). Even though limited, the Internet is proving to be an empowering tool also to the Chinese periphery: Analysts believe that Internet petitions have influenced policy implementation in favour of the publics online-articulated will ...
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Philanthropy
The spread of low-cost Internet access in developing countries has opened up new possibilities for peer-to-peer charities, which allow individuals to contribute small amounts to charitable projects for other individuals. Websites, such as DonorsChoose and GlobalGiving, allow small-scale donors to direct funds to individual projects of their choice. A popular twist on Internet-based philanthropy is the use of peer-to-peer lending for charitable purposes. Kiva pioneered this concept in 2005, offering the first web-based service to publish individual loan profiles for funding. Kiva raises funds for local intermediary microfinance organizations which post stories and updates on behalf of the borrowers. Lenders can contribute as little as $25 to loans of their choice, and receive their money back as borrowers repay. Kiva falls short of being a pure peer-to-peer charity, in that loans are disbursed before being funded by lenders and borrowers do not communicate with lenders themselves.[35] However, the recent spread of low cost Internet access in developing countries has made genuine international person-to-person philanthropy increasingly feasible. In 2009 the US-based nonprofit Zidisha tapped into this trend to offer the first person-to-person microfinance platform to link lenders and borrowers across international borders without intermediaries. Members can fund loans for as little as a dollar, which the borrowers then use to develop business activities that improve their families' incomes while repaying loans to the members with interest. Borrowers access the Internet via public cybercafes, donated laptops in village schools, and even smart phones, then create their own profile pages through which they share photos and information about themselves and their businesses. As they repay their loans, borrowers continue to share updates and dialogue with lenders via their profile pages. This direct web-based connection allows members themselves to take on many of the communication and recording tasks traditionally performed by local organizations, bypassing geographic barriers and dramatically reducing the cost of microfinance services to the entrepreneurs.[36]
Internet
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Censorship
Some governments, such as those of Burma, Iran, North Korea, the Mainland China, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates restrict what people in their countries can access on the Internet, especially political and religious content. This is accomplished through software that filters domains and content so that they may not be easily accessed or obtained without elaborate circumvention.[40] In Norway, Denmark, Finland, and Internet censorship by countryOpenNet Initiative "Summarized global Internet filtering data spreadsheet", 8 November 2011 and "Country Profiles", the OpenNet Initiative is a Sweden, major Internet service collaborative partnership of the Citizen Lab at the Munk School of Global Affairs, providers have voluntarily, possibly to University of Toronto; the Berkman Center for Internet & Society at Harvard University; avoid such an arrangement being and the SecDev Group, OttawaDue to legal concerns the OpenNet Initiative does not turned into law, agreed to restrict check for filtering of child pornography and because their classifications focus on technical filtering, they do not include other types of censorship. Internet Enemies, access to sites listed by authorities. Reporters Without Borders (Paris), 12March 2012 While this list of forbidden URLs is supposed to contain addresses of only known child pornography sites, the content of the list is secret. Many countries, including the United States, have enacted laws against the possession or distribution of certain material, such as child pornography, via the Internet, but do not mandate filtering software. There are many free and commercially available software programs, called content-control software, with which a user can choose to block offensive websites on individual computers or networks, in order to limit a child's access to pornographic materials or depiction of violence.
References
[1] http:/ / en. wikipedia. org/ w/ index. php?title=Internet& action=edit [2] "7.76 Terms like 'web' and 'Internet'" (http:/ / www. chicagomanualofstyle. org/ 16/ ch07/ ch07_sec076. html?para=), Chicago Manual of Style, University of Chicago, 16th edition [3] Oxford English Dictionary, 2nd ed., gives nineteenth-century use and pre-Internet verb use [4] Interweb (http:/ / www. urbandictionary. com/ define. php?term=interweb), Urban Dictionary [5] A Chronicle of Merit's Early History (http:/ / www. merit. edu/ about/ history/ article. php), John Mulcahy, 1989, Merit Network, Ann Arbor, Michigan [6] "Roads and Crossroads of Internet History" (http:/ / www. netvalley. com/ intval. html) by Gregory Gromov. 1995 [7] NSFNET: A Partnership for High-Speed Networking, Final Report 1987-1995 (http:/ / www. merit. edu/ about/ history/ pdf/ NSFNET_final. pdf), Karen D. Frazer, Merit Network, Inc., 1995 [8] Rseaux IP Europens (RIPE) [9] How the web went world wide (http:/ / news. bbc. co. uk/ 2/ hi/ science/ nature/ 5242252. stm), Mark Ward, Technology Correspondent, BBC News. Retrieved 24 January 2011 [10] "Total Midyear Population for the World: 1950-2050" (http:/ / www. census. gov/ population/ international/ data/ idb/ worldpoptotal. php), International Programs Center for Demographic and Economic Studies, U.S. Census Bureau, Retrieved 25 May 2013 [11] "Key ICT indicators for developed and developing countries and the world (totals and penetration rates)" (http:/ / www. itu. int/ en/ ITU-D/ Statistics/ Documents/ statistics/ 2012/ ITU_Key_2006-2013_ICT_data. xls), International Telecommunications Unions (ITU), Geneva, 27 February 2013 [12] Maxymuk, John. "Internet". The Bottom Line, 1987, p.67 [13] Klein, Hans. (2004). "ICANN and Non-Territorial Sovereignty: Government Without the Nation State." (http:/ / www. ip3. gatech. edu/ research/ KLEIN_ICANN+ Sovereignty. doc) Internet and Public Policy Project. Georgia Institute of Technology. [14] "Bush administration annexes internet" (http:/ / www. theregister. co. uk/ 2005/ 07/ 01/ bush_net_policy/ ), Kieren McCarthy, The Register, 1 July 2005
Internet
[15] Internet Society (ISOC) All About The Internet: History of the Internet (http:/ / www. isoc. org/ internet/ history/ isochistory. shtml) [16] "By 2013, mobile phones will overtake PCs as the most common Web access device worldwide", according a forecast in "Gartner Highlights Key Predictions for IT Organizations and Users in 2010 and Beyond" (http:/ / www. gartner. com/ it/ page. jsp?id=1278413), Gartner, Inc., 13 January 2010 [17] "Internet users per 100 inhabitants 2001-2011" (http:/ / www. itu. int/ ITU-D/ ict/ statistics/ material/ excel/ 2011/ Internet_users_01-11. xls), International Telecommunications Union, Geneva, accessed 4 April 2012 [18] "Internet users per 100 inhabitants 2006-2013" (http:/ / www. itu. int/ en/ ITU-D/ Statistics/ Documents/ statistics/ 2012/ ITU_Key_2006-2013_ICT_data. xls), International Telecommunications Union, Geneva, accessed 3 June 2013 [19] "Number of Internet Users by Language" (http:/ / www. internetworldstats. com/ stats7. htm), Internet World Stats, Miniwatts Marketing Group, 31 May 2011. Retrieved 22 April 2012 [20] Internet users graphs (http:/ / www. itu. int/ ITU-D/ ict/ statistics/ ), Market Information and Statistics, International Telecommunications Union [21] Internet World Stats (http:/ / www. internetworldstats. com/ stats7. htm), updated for 30 June 2010. Retrieved 20 February 2011. [22] World Internet Usage Statistics News and Population Stats (http:/ / www. internetworldstats. com/ stats. htm) updated for 30 June 2010. Retrieved 20 February 2011. [23] How men and women use the Internet Pew Research Center 28 December 2005 [24] "Internet Pornography Statistics" (http:/ / internet-filter-review. toptenreviews. com/ internet-pornography-statistics. html), Jerry Ropelato, Top Ten Reviews, 2006 [25] "Do It Yourself! Amateur Porn Stars Make Bank" (http:/ / abcnews. go. com/ Business/ SmallBiz/ story?id=4151592), Russell Goldman, ABC News, 22 January 2008 [26] "Top Online Game Trends of the Decade" (http:/ / internetgames. about. com/ od/ gamingnews/ a/ trendsdecade. htm), Dave Spohn, About.com, 15 December 2009 [27] "Internet Game Timeline: 1963 2004" (http:/ / internetgames. about. com/ od/ gamingnews/ a/ timeline. htm), Dave Spohn, About.com, 2 June 2011 [28] Patricia M. Thornton, "The New Cybersects: Resistance and Repression in the Reform era. In Elizabeth Perry and Mark Selden, eds., Chinese Society: Change, Conflict and Resistance (second edition) (London and New York: Routledge, 2003), pp. 14950. [29] The Shallows: What the Internet Is Doing to Our Brains (http:/ / www. theshallowsbook. com/ nicholascarr/ Nicholas_Carrs_The_Shallows. html), Nicholas Carr, W. W. Norton, 7 June 2010, 276 pp., ISBN 0-393-07222-3, ISBN 978-0-393-07222-8 [30] "The New Digital Economy: How it will transform business" (http:/ / www. myclouddoor. com/ web/ documents/ The New Digital Economy. pdf), Oxford Economics, 2 July 2011 [31] "E-commerce will make the shopping mall a retail wasteland" (http:/ / www. zdnet. com/ e-commerce-will-make-the-shopping-mall-a-retail-wasteland-7000009960/ ) ZDNet, January 17, 2013 [32] "Free Shipping Day Promotion Spurs Late-Season Online Spending Surge, Improving Season-to-Date Growth Rate to 16 Percent vs. Year Ago" (http:/ / www. comscore. com/ Insights/ Press_Releases/ 2012/ 12/ Free_Shipping_Day_Promotion_Spurs_Late-Season_Online_Spending_Surge) Comscore, December 23, 2012 [33] "The Death of the American Shopping Mall" (http:/ / www. theatlanticcities. com/ jobs-and-economy/ 2012/ 12/ death-american-shopping-mall/ 4252/ ) The Atlantic Cities, December 26, 2012 [34] The Role of the Internet in Democratic Transition: Case Study of the Arab Spring (http:/ / www. etd. ceu. hu/ 2011/ chokoshvili_davit. pdf), Davit Chokoshvili, Master's Thesis, June 2011 [35] Kiva Is Not Quite What It Seems (http:/ / blogs. cgdev. org/ open_book/ 2009/ 10/ kiva-is-not-quite-what-it-seems. php), by David Roodman, Center for Global Development, 2 October 2009, as accessed 2 & 16 January 2010 [36] "Zidisha Set to "Expand" in Peer-to-Peer Microfinance", Microfinance Focus, Feb 2010 (http:/ / www. microfinancefocus. com/ news/ 2010/ 02/ 07/ zidisha-set-to-expand-in-peer-to-peer-microfinance-julia-kurnia/ ) [37] OpenNet Initiative "Summarized global Internet filtering data spreadsheet" (http:/ / opennet. net/ research/ data), 8 November 2011 and "Country Profiles" (http:/ / opennet. net/ research/ profiles), the OpenNet Initiative is a collaborative partnership of the Citizen Lab at the Munk School of Global Affairs, University of Toronto; the Berkman Center for Internet & Society at Harvard University; and the SecDev Group, Ottawa [38] Due to legal concerns the OpenNet Initiative does not check for filtering of child pornography and because their classifications focus on technical filtering, they do not include other types of censorship. [39] Internet Enemies (http:/ / march12. rsf. org/ i/ Report_EnemiesoftheInternet_2012. pdf), Reporters Without Borders (Paris), 12March 2012 [40] Access Controlled: The Shaping of Power, Rights, and Rule in Cyberspace (http:/ / mitpress. mit. edu/ catalog/ item/ default. asp?ttype=2& tid=12187), Ronald J. Deibert, John G. Palfrey, Rafal Rohozinski, and Jonathan Zittrain (eds), MIT Press, April 2010, ISBN 0-262-51435-4, ISBN 978-0-262-51435-4
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External links
Organizations
The Internet Society (http://www.isoc.org/) Berkman Center for Internet and Society (http://cyber.law.harvard.edu/) European Commission Information Society (http://ec.europa.eu/information_society/index_en.htm) Living Internet (http://www.livinginternet.com/), Internet history and related information, including information from many creators of the Internet
Articles, books, and journals

First Monday (http://www.firstmonday.org/), a peer-reviewed journal on the Internet established in 1996 as a Great Cities Initiative of the University Library of the University of Illinois at Chicago, ISSN: 1396-0466 Rise of the Network Society (http://www.wiley.com/WileyCDA/WileyTitle/productCd-1405196866.html), Manual Castells, Wiley-Blackwell, 1996 (1st ed) and 2009 (2nd ed), ISBN 978-1-4051-9686-4 "The Internet: Changing the Way We Communicate" (http://www.nsf.gov/about/history/nsf0050/internet/ internet.htm) in America's Investment in the Future (http://www.nsf.gov/about/history/nsf0050/index.jsp), National Science Foundation, Arlington, Va. USA, 2000 Lessons from the History of the Internet (http://www.oup.com/us/catalog/general/subject/Sociology/ EnvironmentTechnology/?view=usa&ci=9780199255771), Manuel Castells, in The Internet Galaxy, Ch. 1, pp 935, Oxford University Press, 2001, ISBN 978-0-19-925577-1 ISBN10: 0-19-925577-6 "Media Freedom Internet Cookbook" (http://www.osce.org/fom/13836) by the OSCE Representative on Freedom of the Media Vienna, 2004 The Internet Explained (http://www.southbourne.com/articles/internet-explained), Vincent Zegna & Mike Pepper, Sonet Digital, November 2005, Pages 1 7. "How Much Does The Internet Weigh? (http://discovermagazine.com/2007/jun/ how-much-does-the-internet-weigh)", by Stephen Cass, Discover, 2007 "The Internet spreads its tentacles" (http://www.sciencenews.org/view/generic/id/8651/description/ Mapping_a_Medusa_The_Internet_spreads_its_tentacles), Julie Rehmeyer, Science News, Vol. 171, No. 25, pp.387388, 23 June 2007 Internet (http://www.routledge.com/books/details/9780415352277/), Lorenzo Cantoni & Stefano Tardini, Routledge, 2006, ISBN 978-0-203-69888-4
World Wide Web
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World Wide Web

Internet
A visualization of routing paths through a portion of the Internet.
Internet portal
World Wide Web
The web's logo designed by Robert Cailliau Invented by Company Availability Tim Berners-Lee CERN Worldwide
The World Wide Web (abbreviated as WWW or W3, commonly known as the web) is a system of interlinked hypertext documents accessed via the Internet. With a web browser, one can view web pages that may contain text, images, videos, and other multimedia and navigate between them via hyperlinks. The web was developed between March 1989 and December 1990[1][2] and Berners-Lee continued refining it with input from the Internet community of the era until 1993.[3] Using concepts from his earlier hypertext systems such as ENQUIRE, British engineer Tim Berners-Lee, a computer scientist and at that time employee of the CERN, now Director of the World Wide Web Consortium (W3C), wrote a proposal in March 1989 for what would eventually become the World Wide Web. The 1989 proposal was meant for a more effective CERN communication system but Berners-Lee eventually realised the concept could be implemented throughout the world.[4] At CERN, a European research organisation near Geneva straddling the border between France and Switzerland, Berners-Lee and Belgian computer scientist Robert Cailliau proposed in 1990 to use hypertext "to link and access information of various kinds as a web of nodes in which the user can browse at will", and Berners-Lee finished the first website in December that year. Berners-Lee posted the project on the alt.hypertext newsgroup on 7 August 1991.[5]
World Wide Web
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History
In the May 1970 issue of Popular Science magazine, Arthur C. Clarke predicted that satellites would someday "bring the accumulated knowledge of the world to your fingertips" using a console that would combine the functionality of the photocopier, telephone, television and a small computer, allowing data transfer and video conferencing around the globe. In March 1989, Tim Berners-Lee wrote a proposal that referenced ENQUIRE, a database and software project he had built in 1980, and described a more elaborate information management system.
With help from Robert Cailliau, he published a more formal proposal (on 12 November 1990) to build a "Hypertext project" called "WorldWideWeb" (one word, also "W3") as a "web" of "hypertext documents" to be viewed by "browsers" using a clientserver architecture. This proposal estimated that a read-only web would be developed within three months and that it would take six months to achieve "the creation of new links and new material by readers, [so that] authorship becomes universal" as well as "the automatic notification of a reader when new material of interest to him/her has become available." While the read-only goal was met, accessible authorship of web content took longer to mature, with the wiki concept, blogs, Web 2.0 and RSS/Atom. The proposal was modeled after the SGML reader Dynatext by Electronic Book Technology, a spin-off from the Institute for Research in Information and Scholarship at Brown University. The Dynatext system, licensed by CERN, was a key player in the extension of SGML ISO 8879:1986 to Hypermedia within HyTime, but it was considered too expensive and had an inappropriate licensing policy for use in the general high energy physics community, namely a fee for each document and each document alteration. A NeXT Computer was used by Berners-Lee as the world's first web server and also to write the first web browser, WorldWideWeb, in 1990. By Christmas 1990, Berners-Lee had built all the tools necessary for a working Web: the first web browser (which was a web editor as well); the first web server; and the first web pages, which described the project itself. The first web page may be lost, but Paul Jones of UNC-Chapel Hill in North Carolina revealed in May 2013 that he has a copy of a page sent to him by Berners-Lee which is the oldest known web page. Jones stored it on a floppy disk and on his NeXT computer.
The NeXT Computer used by Berners-Lee. The handwritten label declares, "This machine is a server. DO NOT POWER IT DOWN!!"
The CERN datacenter in 2010 housing some WWW servers
On 6 August 1991, Berners-Lee posted a short summary of the World Wide Web project on the alt.hypertext newsgroup. This date also marked the debut of the Web as a publicly available service on the Internet, although new users only access it after August 23. For this reason this is considered the internaut's day. Many newsmedia have reported that the first photo on the web was uploaded by Berners-Lee in 1992, an image of the CERN house band Les Horribles Cernettes taken by Silvano de Gennaro; Gennaro has disclaimed this story, writing that media were "totally distorting our words for the sake of cheap sensationalism." The first server outside Europe was set up at the Stanford Linear Accelerator Center (SLAC) in Palo Alto, California, to host the SPIRES-HEP database. Accounts differ substantially as to the date of this event. The World Wide Web Consortium says December 1992, whereas SLAC itself claims 1991. This is supported by a W3C document titled A Little History of the World Wide Web.
World Wide Web The crucial underlying concept of hypertext originated with older projects from the 1960s, such as the Hypertext Editing System (HES) at Brown University, Ted Nelson's Project Xanadu, and Douglas Engelbart's oN-Line System (NLS). Both Nelson and Engelbart were in turn inspired by Vannevar Bush's microfilm-based "memex", which was described in the 1945 essay "As We May Think". Berners-Lee's breakthrough was to marry hypertext to the Internet. In his book Weaving The Web, he explains that he had repeatedly suggested that a marriage between the two technologies was possible to members of both technical communities, but when no one took up his invitation, he finally assumed the project himself. In the process, he developed three essential technologies: 1. a system of globally unique identifiers for resources on the Web and elsewhere, the universal document identifier (UDI), later known as uniform resource locator (URL) and uniform resource identifier (URI); 2. the publishing language HyperText Markup Language (HTML); 3. the Hypertext Transfer Protocol (HTTP). The World Wide Web had a number of differences from other hypertext systems available at the time. The web required only unidirectional links rather than bidirectional ones, making it possible for someone to link to another resource without action by the owner of that resource. It also significantly reduced the difficulty of implementing web servers and browsers (in comparison to earlier systems), but in turn presented the chronic problem of link rot. Unlike predecessors such as HyperCard, the World Wide Web was non-proprietary, making it possible to develop servers and clients independently and to add extensions without licensing restrictions. On 30 April 1993, CERN announced that the World Wide Web would be free to anyone, with no fees due. Coming two months after the announcement that the server implementation of the Gopher protocol was no longer free to use, this produced a rapid shift away from Gopher and towards the Web. An early popular web browser was ViolaWWW for Unix and the X Windowing System. Scholars generally agree that a turning point for the World Wide Web began with the introduction of the Mosaic web browser in 1993, a graphical browser developed by a team at the National Center for Supercomputing Applications at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign (NCSA-UIUC), led by Marc Andreessen. Funding for Mosaic came from the U.S. High-Performance Computing and Communications Initiative and the High Performance Computing and Communication Act of 1991, one of several computing developments initiated by U.S. Senator Al Gore. Prior to the release of Mosaic, Robert Cailliau, Jean-Franois Abramatic of graphics were not commonly mixed with text in web pages and the IBM, and Tim Berners-Lee at the 10th web's popularity was less than older protocols in use over the Internet, anniversary of the World Wide Web Consortium. such as Gopher and Wide Area Information Servers (WAIS). Mosaic's graphical user interface allowed the Web to become, by far, the most popular Internet protocol. The World Wide Web Consortium (W3C) was founded by Tim Berners-Lee after he left the European Organization for Nuclear Research (CERN) in October 1994. It was founded at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology Laboratory for Computer Science (MIT/LCS) with support from the Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency (DARPA), which had pioneered the Internet; a year later, a second site was founded at INRIA (a French national computer research lab) with support from the European Commission DG InfSo; and in 1996, a third continental site was created in Japan at Keio University. By the end of 1994, while the total number of websites was still minute compared to present standards, quite a number of notable websites were already active, many of which are the precursors or inspiration for today's most popular services. Connected by the existing Internet, other websites were created around the world, adding international standards for domain names and HTML. Since then, Berners-Lee has played an active role in guiding the development of web standards (such as the markup languages in which web pages are composed), and has advocated his vision of a
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World Wide Web Semantic Web. The World Wide Web enabled the spread of information over the Internet through an easy-to-use and flexible format. It thus played an important role in popularizing use of the Internet. Although the two terms are sometimes conflated in popular use, World Wide Web is not synonymous with Internet. The web is a collection of documents and both client and server software using Internet protocols such as TCP/IP and HTTP. Tim Berners-Lee was knighted in 2004 by Queen Elizabeth II for his contribution to the World Wide Web.
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Function
The terms Internet and World Wide Web are often used in everyday speech without much distinction. However, the Internet and the World Wide Web are not the same. The Internet is a global system of interconnected computer networks. In contrast, the web is one of the services that runs on the Internet. It is a collection of text documents and other resources, linked by hyperlinks and URLs, usually accessed by web browsers from web servers. In short, the web can be thought of as an application "running" on the Internet. Viewing a web page on the World Wide Web normally begins either by typing the URL of the page into a web browser or by following a hyperlink to that page or resource. The web browser then initiates a series of communication messages, behind the scenes, in order to fetch and display it. In the 1990s, using a browser to view web pagesand to move from one web page to another through hyperlinkscame to be known as 'browsing,' 'web surfing,' or 'navigating the web'. Early studies of this new behavior investigated user patterns in using web browsers. One study, for example, found five user patterns: exploratory surfing, window surfing, evolved surfing, bounded navigation and targeted navigation. The following example demonstrates how a web browser works. Consider accessing a page with the URL http://example.org/wiki/World_Wide_Web. First, the browser resolves the server-name portion of the URL (example.org) into an Internet Protocol address using the globally distributed database known as the Domain Name System (DNS); this lookup returns an IP address such as 208.80.152.2. The browser then requests the resource by sending an HTTP request across the Internet to the computer at that particular address. It makes the request to a particular application port in the underlying Internet Protocol Suite so that the computer receiving the request can distinguish an HTTP request from other network protocols it may be servicing such as e-mail delivery; the HTTP protocol normally uses port 80. The content of the HTTP request can be as simple as the two lines of text GET /wiki/World_Wide_Web HTTP/1.1 Host: example.org The computer receiving the HTTP request delivers it to web server software listening for requests on port 80. If the web server can fulfill the request it sends an HTTP response back to the browser indicating success, which can be as simple as HTTP/1.0 200 OK Content-Type: text/html; charset=UTF-8 followed by the content of the requested page. The Hypertext Markup Language for a basic web page looks like <html> <head> <title>Example.org The World Wide Web</title> </head> <body> <p>The World Wide Web, abbreviated as WWW and commonly known ...</p> </body> </html> The web browser parses the HTML, interpreting the markup (<title>, <p> for paragraph, and such) that surrounds the words in order to draw the text on the screen. Many web pages use HTML to reference the URLs of other resources such as images, other embedded media, scripts that affect page behavior, and Cascading Style Sheets that affect page layout. The browser will make additional HTTP requests to the web server for these other Internet media types. As it receives their content from the web server, the browser progressively renders the page onto the screen as specified by its HTML and these additional resources.
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Linking
Most web pages contain hyperlinks to other related pages and perhaps to downloadable files, source documents, definitions and other web resources. In the underlying HTML, a hyperlink looks like <a href="http://example.org/wiki/Main_Page">Example.org, a free encyclopedia</a> Such a collection of useful, related resources, interconnected via hypertext links is dubbed a web of information. Publication on the Internet created what Tim Berners-Lee first called the WorldWideWeb (in its original CamelCase, which was subsequently discarded) in November 1990. The hyperlink structure of the WWW is described by the webgraph: the nodes of the webgraph correspond to the web pages (or URLs) the directed edges between them to the hyperlinks.
Graphic representation of a minute fraction of the Over time, many web resources pointed to by hyperlinks disappear, WWW, demonstrating hyperlinks relocate, or are replaced with different content. This makes hyperlinks obsolete, a phenomenon referred to in some circles as link rot and the hyperlinks affected by it are often called dead links. The ephemeral nature of the Web has prompted many efforts to archive web sites. The Internet Archive, active since 1996, is the best known of such efforts.
Dynamic updates of web pages

JavaScript is a scripting language that was initially developed in 1995 by Brendan Eich, then of Netscape, for use within web pages. The standardised version is ECMAScript. To make web pages more interactive, some web applications also use JavaScript techniques such as Ajax (asynchronous JavaScript and XML). Client-side script is delivered with the page that can make additional HTTP requests to the server, either in response to user actions such as mouse movements or clicks, or based on lapsed time. The server's responses are used to modify the current page rather than creating a new page with each response, so the server needs only to provide limited, incremental information. Multiple Ajax requests can be handled at the same time, and users can interact with the page while data is being retrieved. Web pages may also regularly poll the server to check whether new information is available.
WWW prefix
Many domain names used for the World Wide Web begin with www because of the long-standing practice of naming Internet hosts (servers) according to the services they provide. The hostname for a web server is often www, in the same way that it may be ftp for an FTP server, and news or nntp for a USENET news server. These host names appear as Domain Name System or (DNS) subdomain names, as in www.example.com. The use of 'www' as a subdomain name is not required by any technical or policy standard and many web sites do not use it; indeed, the first ever web server was called nxoc01.cern.ch. According to Paolo Palazzi,[6] who worked at CERN along with Tim Berners-Lee, the popular use of 'www' subdomain was accidental; the World Wide Web project page was intended to be published at www.cern.ch while info.cern.ch was intended to be the CERN home page, however the dns records were never switched, and the practice of prepending 'www' to an institution's website domain name was subsequently copied. Many established websites still use 'www', or they invent other subdomain names such as 'www2', 'secure', etc.[citation needed]. Many such web servers are set up so that both the domain root (e.g., example.com) and the www subdomain (e.g., www.example.com) refer to the same site; others require one form or the other, or they may map to different web sites. The use of a subdomain name is useful for load balancing incoming web traffic by creating a CNAME record that points to a cluster of web servers. Since, currently, only a subdomain can be used in a CNAME, the same result cannot be achieved by using the bare domain root.[citation needed]
World Wide Web When a user submits an incomplete domain name to a web browser in its address bar input field, some web browsers automatically try adding the prefix "www" to the beginning of it and possibly ".com", ".org" and ".net" at the end, depending on what might be missing. For example, entering 'microsoft' may be transformed to http://www.microsoft.com/ and 'openoffice' to http://www.openoffice.org. This feature started appearing in early versions of Mozilla Firefox, when it still had the working title 'Firebird' in early 2003, from an earlier practice in browsers such as Lynx. It is reported that Microsoft was granted a US patent for the same idea in 2008, but only for mobile devices. In English, www is usually read as double-u double-u double-u.[citation needed] Some users pronounce it dub-dub-dub, particularly in New Zealand. Stephen Fry, in his "Podgrammes" series of podcasts, pronounces it wuh wuh wuh.[citation needed] The English writer Douglas Adams once quipped in The Independent on Sunday (1999): "The World Wide Web is the only thing I know of whose shortened form takes three times longer to say than what it's short for".[citation needed] In Mandarin Chinese, World Wide Web is commonly translated via a phono-semantic matching to wn wi wng ( ), which satisfies www and literally means "myriad dimensional net", a translation that very appropriately reflects the design concept and proliferation of the World Wide Web. Tim Berners-Lee's web-space states that World Wide Web is officially spelled as three separate words, each capitalised, with no intervening hyphens. Use of the www prefix is declining as Web 2.0 web applications seek to brand their domain names and make them easily pronounceable. As the mobile web grows in popularity, services like Gmail.com, MySpace.com, Facebook.com and Twitter.com are most often discussed without adding www to the domain (or, indeed, the .com).
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Scheme specifiers: http and https

The scheme specifier http:// or https:// at the start of a web URI refers to Hypertext Transfer Protocol or HTTP Secure respectively. Unlike www, which has no specific purpose, these specify the communication protocol to be used for the request and response. The HTTP protocol is fundamental to the operation of the World Wide Web and the added encryption layer in HTTPS is essential when confidential information such as passwords or banking information are to be exchanged over the public Internet. Web browsers usually prepend http:// to addresses too, if omitted.
Web servers
The primary function of a web server is to deliver web pages on the request to clients. This means delivery of HTML documents and any additional content that may be included by a document, such as images, style sheets and scripts.
Privacy
Every time a web page is requested from a web server the server can identify, and usually it logs, the IP address from which the request arrived. Equally, unless set not to do so, most web browsers record the web pages that have been requested and viewed in a history feature, and usually cache much of the content locally. Unless HTTPS encryption is used, web requests and responses travel in plain text across the internet and they can be viewed, recorded and cached by intermediate systems. When a web page asks for, and the user supplies, personally identifiable information such as their real name, address, e-mail address, etc., then a connection can be made between the current web traffic and that individual. If the website uses HTTP cookies, username and password authentication, or other tracking techniques, then it will be able to relate other web visits, before and after, to the identifiable information provided. In this way it is possible for a web-based organisation to develop and build a profile of the individual people who use its site or sites. It may be able to build a record for an individual that includes information about their leisure activities, their shopping interests, their profession, and other aspects of their demographic profile. These profiles are obviously of potential
World Wide Web interest to marketeers, advertisers and others. Depending on the website's terms and conditions and the local laws that apply information from these profiles may be sold, shared, or passed to other organisations without the user being informed. For many ordinary people, this means little more than some unexpected e-mails in their in-box, or some uncannily relevant advertising on a future web page. For others, it can mean that time spent indulging an unusual interest can result in a deluge of further targeted marketing that may be unwelcome. Law enforcement, counter terrorism and espionage agencies can also identify, target and track individuals based on what appear to be their interests or proclivities on the web. Social networking sites make a point of trying to get the user to truthfully expose their real names, interests and locations. This makes the social networking experience more realistic and therefore engaging for all their users. On the other hand, photographs uploaded and unguarded statements made will be identified to the individual, who may regret some decisions to publish these data. Employers, schools, parents and other relatives may be influenced by aspects of social networking profiles that the posting individual did not intend for these audiences. On-line bullies may make use of personal information to harass or stalk users. Modern social networking websites allow fine grained control of the privacy settings for each individual posting, but these can be complex and not easy to find or use, especially for beginners. Photographs and videos posted onto websites have caused particular problems, as they can add a person's face to an on-line profile. With modern and potential facial recognition technology, it may then be possible to relate that face with other, previously anonymous, images, events and scenarios that have been imaged elsewhere. Because of image caching, mirroring and copying, it is difficult to remove an image from the World Wide Web.
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Intellectual property
The intellectual property rights for any creative work initially rests with its creator. Web users who want to publish their work onto the World Wide Web, however, need to be aware of the details of the way they do it. If artwork, photographs, writings, poems, or technical innovations are published by their creator onto a privately owned web server, then they may choose the copyright and other conditions freely themselves. This is unusual though; more commonly work is uploaded to websites and servers that are owned by other organizations. It depends upon the terms and conditions of the site or service provider to what extent the original owner automatically signs over rights to their work by the choice of destination and by the act of uploading.[citation needed] Some users of the web erroneously assume that everything they may find online is freely available to them as if it was in the public domain, which is not always the case. Content owners that are aware of this widespread belief, may expect that their published content will probably be used in some capacity somewhere without their permission. Some content publishers therefore embed digital watermarks in their media files, sometimes charging users to receive unmarked copies for legitimate use. Digital rights management includes forms of access control technology that further limit the use of digital content even after it has been bought or downloaded.[citation needed]
Security
The web has become criminals' preferred pathway for spreading malware. Cybercrime carried out on the web can include identity theft, fraud, espionage and intelligence gathering. Web-based vulnerabilities now outnumber traditional computer security concerns, and as measured by Google, about one in ten web pages may contain malicious code. Most web-based attacks take place on legitimate websites, and most, as measured by Sophos, are hosted in the United States, China and Russia. The most common of all malware threats is SQL injection attacks against websites. Through HTML and URIs the web was vulnerable to attacks like cross-site scripting (XSS) that came with the introduction of JavaScript and were exacerbated to some degree by Web 2.0 and Ajax web design that favors the use of scripts.[7] Today by one estimate, 70% of all websites are open to XSS attacks on their users.
World Wide Web Proposed solutions vary to extremes. Large security vendors like McAfee already design governance and compliance suites to meet post-9/11 regulations, and some, like Finjan have recommended active real-time inspection of code and all content regardless of its source. Some have argued that for enterprise to see security as a business opportunity rather than a cost center, "ubiquitous, always-on digital rights management" enforced in the infrastructure by a handful of organizations must replace the hundreds of companies that today secure data and networks. Jonathan Zittrain has said users sharing responsibility for computing safety is far preferable to locking down the Internet.
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Standards
Many formal standards and other technical specifications and software define the operation of different aspects of the World Wide Web, the Internet, and computer information exchange. Many of the documents are the work of the World Wide Web Consortium (W3C), headed by Berners-Lee, but some are produced by the Internet Engineering Task Force (IETF) and other organizations. Usually, when web standards are discussed, the following publications are seen as foundational: Recommendations for markup languages, especially HTML and XHTML, from the W3C. These define the structure and interpretation of hypertext documents. Recommendations for stylesheets, especially CSS, from the W3C. Standards for ECMAScript (usually in the form of JavaScript), from Ecma International. Recommendations for the Document Object Model, from W3C. Additional publications provide definitions of other essential technologies for the World Wide Web, including, but not limited to, the following: Uniform Resource Identifier (URI), which is a universal system for referencing resources on the Internet, such as hypertext documents and images. URIs, often called URLs, are defined by the IETF's RFC 3986 / STD 66: Uniform Resource Identifier (URI): Generic Syntax, as well as its predecessors and numerous URI scheme-defining RFCs; HyperText Transfer Protocol (HTTP), especially as defined by RFC 2616: HTTP/1.1 and RFC 2617: HTTP Authentication, which specify how the browser and server authenticate each other.
Accessibility
There are methods available for accessing the web in alternative mediums and formats, so as to enable use by individuals with disabilities. These disabilities may be visual, auditory, physical, speech related, cognitive, neurological, or some combination therin. Accessibility features also help others with temporary disabilities like a broken arm or the aging population as their abilities change. The Web is used for receiving information as well as providing information and interacting with society. The World Wide Web Consortium claims it essential that the Web be accessible in order to provide equal access and equal opportunity to people with disabilities. Tim Berners-Lee once noted, "The power of the Web is in its universality. Access by everyone regardless of disability is an essential aspect." Many countries regulate web accessibility as a requirement for websites. International cooperation in the W3C Web Accessibility Initiative led to simple guidelines that web content authors as well as software developers can use to make the Web accessible to persons who may or may not be using assistive technology.
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Internationalization
The W3C Internationalization Activity assures that web technology will work in all languages, scripts, and cultures. Beginning in 2004 or 2005, Unicode gained ground and eventually in December 2007 surpassed both ASCII and Western European as the Web's most frequently used character encoding. Originally RFC 3986 allowed resources to be identified by URI in a subset of US-ASCII. RFC 3987 allows more charactersany character in the Universal Character Setand now a resource can be identified by IRI in any language.
Statistics
Between 2005 and 2010, the number of web users doubled, and was expected to surpass two billion in 2010. Early studies in 1998 and 1999 estimating the size of the web using capture/recapture methods showed that much of the web was not indexed by search engines and the web was much larger than expected.[8][9] According to a 2001 study, there were a massive number, over 550 billion, of documents on the Web, mostly in the invisible Web, or Deep Web. A 2002 survey of 2,024 million web pages determined that by far the most web content was in the English language: 56.4%; next were pages in German (7.7%), French (5.6%), and Japanese (4.9%). A more recent study, which used web searches in 75 different languages to sample the web, determined that there were over 11.5 billion web pages in the publicly indexable web as of the end of January 2005. As of March 2009[10], the indexable web contains at least 25.21 billion pages. On 25 July 2008, Google software engineers Jesse Alpert and Nissan Hajaj announced that Google Search had discovered one trillion unique URLs. As of May 2009[10], over 109.5 million domains operated. Wikipedia:Verifiability Of these 74% were commercial or other domains operating in the .com generic top-level domain. Statistics measuring a website's popularity are usually based either on the number of page views or on associated server 'hits' (file requests) that it receives.
Speed issues
Frustration over congestion issues in the Internet infrastructure and the high latency that results in slow browsing has led to a pejorative name for the World Wide Web: the World Wide Wait. Speeding up the Internet is an ongoing discussion over the use of peering and QoS technologies. Other solutions to reduce the congestion can be found at W3C. Guidelines for web response times are: 0.1 second (one tenth of a second). Ideal response time. The user does not sense any interruption. 1 second. Highest acceptable response time. Download times above 1 second interrupt the user experience. 10 seconds. Unacceptable response time. The user experience is interrupted and the user is likely to leave the site or system.
Caching
If a user revisits a web page after only a short interval, the page data may not need to be re-obtained from the source web server. Almost all web browsers cache recently obtained data, usually on the local hard drive. HTTP requests sent by a browser will usually ask only for data that has changed since the last download. If the locally cached data are still current, they will be reused. Caching helps reduce the amount of web traffic on the Internet. The decision about expiration is made independently for each downloaded file, whether image, stylesheet, JavaScript, HTML, or other web resource. Thus even on sites with highly dynamic content, many of the basic resources need to be refreshed only occasionally. Web site designers find it worthwhile to collate resources such as CSS data and JavaScript into a few site-wide files so that they can be cached efficiently. This helps reduce page download times and lowers demands on the Web server. There are other components of the Internet that can cache web content. Corporate and academic firewalls often cache Web resources requested by one user for the benefit of all. (See also caching proxy server.) Some search engines also
World Wide Web store cached content from websites. Apart from the facilities built into web servers that can determine when files have been updated and so need to be re-sent, designers of dynamically generated web pages can control the HTTP headers sent back to requesting users, so that transient or sensitive pages are not cached. Internet banking and news sites frequently use this facility. Data requested with an HTTP 'GET' is likely to be cached if other conditions are met; data obtained in response to a 'POST' is assumed to depend on the data that was POSTed and so is not cached.
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References
[1] "Frequently asked questions" (http:/ / www. w3. org/ People/ Berners-Lee/ FAQ. html#Influences) W3.org. Retrieved 15 June 2013. [2] "Inventing the Web: Tim Berners-Lees 1990 Christmas Baby" (http:/ / blog. lib. uiowa. edu/ hardinmd/ 2010/ 11/ 24/ inventing-the-web-tim-berners-lees-1990-christmas-baby/ ) Seeing the Picture. Retrieved 15 June 2013. [3] http:/ / www. w3. org/ People/ Berners-Lee/ Longer. html [4] WorldWideWeb: Proposal for a HyperText Project (http:/ / www. w3. org/ Proposal. html). W3.org (1990-11-12). Retrieved on 2013-07-17. [5] "Aug. 7, 1991: Ladies and Gentlemen, the World Wide Web" (http:/ / www. wired. com/ science/ discoveries/ news/ 2007/ 08/ dayintech_0807) Wired. Retrieved 15 June 2013. [6] Palazzi, P (2011) 'The Early Days of the WWW at CERN' (http:/ / soft-shake. ch/ 2011/ en/ conference/ sessions. html?key=earlydays) [7] and AJAX web applications can introduce security vulnerabilities like "client-side security controls, increased attack surfaces, and new possibilities for Cross-Site Scripting (XSS)", in which cites [8] S. Lawrence, C.L. Giles, "Searching the World Wide Web," Science, 280(5360), 98100, 1998. [9] S. Lawrence, C.L. Giles, "Accessibility of Information on the Web," Nature, 400, 107109, 1999. [10] http:/ / en. wikipedia. org/ w/ index. php?title=World_Wide_Web& action=edit
Further reading
Niels Brgger, ed. Web History (2010) 362 pages; Historical perspective on the World Wide Web, including issues of culture, content, and preservation. Fielding, R.; Gettys, J.; Mogul, J.; Frystyk, H.; Masinter, L.; Leach, P.; Berners-Lee, T. (June 1999). Hypertext Transfer Protocol HTTP/1.1 (ftp://ftp.isi.edu/in-notes/rfc2616.txt). Request For Comments 2616. Information Sciences Institute.Wikipedia:Link rot Berners-Lee, Tim; Bray, Tim; Connolly, Dan; Cotton, Paul; Fielding, Roy; Jeckle, Mario; Lilley, Chris; Mendelsohn, Noah; Orchard, David; Walsh, Norman; Williams, Stuart (15 December 2004). Architecture of the World Wide Web, Volume One (http://www.w3.org/TR/webarch/). Version 20041215. W3C. Polo, Luciano (2003). "World Wide Web Technology Architecture: A Conceptual Analysis" (http://newdevices. com/publicaciones/www/). New Devices. Retrieved 31 July 2005.Wikipedia:Link rot Skau, H.O. (March 1990). "The World Wide Web and Health Information" (http://newdevices.com/ publicaciones/www/). New Devices. Retrieved 1989.Wikipedia:Link rot
External links
Early archive of the first Web site (http://www.w3.org/History/19921103-hypertext/hypertext/WWW/) Internet Statistics: Growth and Usage of the Web and the Internet (http://www.mit.edu/people/mkgray/net/) Living Internet (http://www.livinginternet.com/w/w.htm) A comprehensive history of the Internet, including the World Wide Web. Web Design and Development (http://www.dmoz.org/Computers/Internet/Web_Design_and_Development/) at the Open Directory Project World Wide Web Consortium (W3C) (http://www.w3.org/) W3C Recommendations Reduce "World Wide Wait" (http://www.w3.org/Protocols/NL-PerfNote.html) World Wide Web Size (http://www.worldwidewebsize.com/) Daily estimated size of the World Wide Web. Antonio A. Casilli, Some Elements for a Sociology of Online Interactions (http://cle.ens-lyon.fr/40528325/0/ fiche___pagelibre/)
World Wide Web The Erds Webgraph Server (http://web-graph.org/) offers weekly updated graph representation of a constantly increasing fraction of the WWW. Coordinates: 461357N 60242E (http:/ / tools. wmflabs. org/ geohack/ geohack. php?pagename=World_Wide_Web&params=46_13_57_N_6_02_42_E_type:landmark_source:kolossus-frwiki)
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Wikipedia
The logo of Wikipedia, a globe featuring glyphs from several writing systems Web address Slogan Commercial? Type of site Registration Wikipedia.org [1]
The Free Encyclopedia that anyone can edit No Internet encyclopedia Optional, but is required for certain tasks such as editing protected pages, creating pages in English Wikipedia and uploading files 276 active editions (286 in total)
Available language(s) Users Content license
Over 77,000 active editors CC Attribution / Share-Alike 3.0 Most text also dual-licensed under GFDL, media licensing varies. Wikimedia Foundation Jimmy Wales, Larry Sanger January 15, 2001 6 (October 2013[2]) Active
Owner Created by Launched Alexa rank Current status
Wikipedia ( i/wkpidi/ or i/wkipidi/ WIK-i-PEE-dee-) is a collaboratively edited, multilingual, free Internet encyclopedia supported by the non-profit Wikimedia Foundation. Wikipedia's 30 million articles in 287 languages, including over 4.3 million in the English Wikipedia, are written collaboratively by volunteers around the world. Almost all of its articles can be edited by anyone having access to the site. It is the largest and most popular general reference work on the Internet, ranking seventh globally among all websites on Alexa, and having an estimated 365 million readers worldwide. Wikipedia was launched on January 15, 2001, by Jimmy Wales and Larry Sanger. Sanger coined the name Wikipedia,[3] which is a portmanteau of wiki (a type of collaborative website, from the Hawaiian word wiki, meaning "quick")[4] and encyclopedia. Wikipedia's departure from the expert-driven style of encyclopedia building and the presence of a large body of unacademic content have received extensive attention in print media. In 2006, Time magazine recognized Wikipedia's participation in the rapid growth of online collaboration and interaction by millions of people around the world, in addition to YouTube, Reddit, MySpace, and Facebook. Wikipedia has also been praised as a news source due to articles related to breaking news often being rapidly updated. The open nature of Wikipedia has led to concerns about the quality of writing,[5] the amount of vandalism, and the accuracy of information. Some articles contain unverified or inconsistent information, though a 2005 investigation in Nature showed that the science articles they compared came close to the level of accuracy of Encyclopdia Britannica.
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Nature
Editing
As the popular joke goes, 'The problem with Wikipedia is that it only works in practice. In theory, it can never work.'
Miikka Ryks
In a departure from the style of traditional encyclopedias, Wikipedia is open to outside editing. This means that, with the exception of particularly sensitive and/or vandalism-prone pages that are "protected" to some degree, the reader of an article can edit the text without needing approval, doing so with a registered account or even anonymously. Different language editions modify this policy to some extent; for example, only registered users may create a new article in the English edition. No article is considered to be owned by its creator or any other editor, nor is it vetted by any recognized authority. Instead, editors are supposed to agree on the content and structure of articles by consensus. By default, an edit to an article becomes available immediately, prior to any review. As such, an article may contain inaccuracies, ideological biases, or even patent nonsense, until or unless another editor corrects the problem. Different language editions, each under separate administrative control, are free to modify this policy. For example, the German Wikipedia maintains "stable versions" of articles, which have passed certain reviews. Following the protracted trials and community discussion, the "pending changes" system was introduced to English Wikipedia in December 2012.[6] Under this system, new users' edits to certain controversial or vandalism-prone articles would be "subject to review from an established Wikipedia editor before publication". Contributors, whether registered or not, can take advantage of features available in the software that powers Wikipedia. The "History" page belonging to each article records every single past revision of the article, though a revision with libelous content, criminal threats or copyright infringements may be removed retroactively. Editors can use this page to undo undesirable changes or restore lost content. The "Talk" page associated with each article helps coordinate work among multiple editors. Importantly, editors may use the "Talk" page to reach consensus,[7] sometimes through the use of polling. In addition, editors may view the most "recent changes" to the website, which are displayed in reverse chronology. Regular contributors often maintain a "watchlist" of articles of interest to them, in order to easily track recent changes to those articles. In language editions with many articles, editors tend to prefer the "watchlist" because the number of edits has become too large to follow in "recent changes". New page patrol is a process by which newly created articles are checked for obvious problems.[8] A frequently vandalized article can be semi-protected, allowing only well established users to edit it.[9] A particularly contentious article may be locked so that only administrators are able to make changes. Computer programs called bots have been used widely to perform simple and repetitive tasks, such as correcting common misspellings and stylistic issues, or to start articles such as geography entries in a standard format from statistical data. There are also some bots designed to warn users making "undesirable" edits, block on the creation of links to particular websites, and block on edits from particular accounts or IP address ranges. Bots on Wikipedia must be approved by administration prior to activation.
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Differences between edits are highlighted as shown.
The editing interface of Wikipedia
Organization of article pages

Articles in Wikipedia are loosely organized according to their development status and subject matter.[10] A new article often starts as a "stub", a very short page consisting of definitions and some links. On the other extreme, the most developed articles may be nominated for "featured article" status. One "featured article" per day, as selected by editors, appears on the main page of Wikipedia. Researcher Giacomo Poderi found that articles tend to reach featured status via the intensive work of a few editors.[11] A 2010 study found unevenness in quality among featured articles and concluded that the community process is ineffective in assessing the quality of articles. In 2007, in preparation for producing a print version, the English-language Wikipedia introduced an assessment scale against which the quality of articles is judged. A group of Wikipedia editors may form a WikiProject to focus their work on a specific topic area, using its associated discussion page to coordinate changes across multiple articles.
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Vandalism
Any edit that changes content in a way that deliberately compromises the integrity of Wikipedia is considered vandalism. The most common and obvious types of vandalism include insertion of obscenities and crude humor. Vandalism can also include advertising language, and other types of spam.[12] Sometimes editors commit vandalism by removing information or entirely blanking a given page. Less common types of vandalism, such as the deliberate addition of plausible but false information to an article, can be more difficult to detect. Vandals can introduce irrelevant formatting, modify page semantics such as the page's title or categorization, manipulate the underlying code of an article, or utilize images disruptively. Obvious vandalism is generally easy to remove from wiki articles; in practice, the median time to detect and fix vandalism is a few minutes. However, in one high-profile incident in 2005, false information was introduced into the biography of American political figure John Seigenthaler and remained undetected for four months. John Seigenthaler, the founding editorial director of USA Today and founder of the Freedom Forum First Amendment Center at Vanderbilt University, called Wales and asked whether he had any way of knowing who contributed the misinformation. Wales replied that he did not, although the perpetrator was eventually traced. This incident led to policy changes on the site, specifically targeted at tightening up the verifiability of all biographical articles of living people.
Rules and laws governing content and editor behavior

Content in Wikipedia is subject to the laws (in particular, the copyright laws) of the United States and of the US state of Florida, where the majority of Wikipedia's servers are located. Beyond legal matters, the editorial principles of Wikipedia are embodied in the "five pillars", and numerous policies and guidelines that are intended to shape the content appropriately. Even these rules are stored in wiki form, and Wikipedia editors as a community write and revise the website's policies and guidelines. Editors can enforce rules by deleting or modifying non-compliant material. Originally, rules on the non-English editions of Wikipedia were based on a translation of the rules on the English Wikipedia. They have since diverged to some extent. English Wikipedia
Main Page of the English Wikipedia
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The mobile version of the English Wikipedia Main Page Content policies According to the rules on the English Wikipedia, each entry in Wikipedia, to be worthy of inclusion, must be about a topic that is encyclopedic and is not a dictionary entry or dictionary-like. A topic should also meet Wikipedia's standards of "notability", which usually means that it must have received significant coverage in reliable secondary sources such as mainstream media or major academic journals that are independent of the subject of the topic. Further, Wikipedia intends to convey only knowledge that is already established and recognized. It must not present new information or original research. A claim that is likely to be challenged requires a reference to a reliable source. Among Wikipedia editors, this is often phrased as "verifiability, not truth" to express the idea that the readers, not the encyclopedia, are ultimately responsible for checking the truthfulness of the articles and making their own interpretations. This can lead to the removal of information that is valid, thus hindering inclusion of knowledge and growth of the encyclopedia. Finally, Wikipedia must not take sides. All opinions and viewpoints, if attributable to external sources, must enjoy an appropriate share of coverage within an article. This is known as neutral point of view (NPOV). Dispute resolution Wikipedia has many methods of settling disputes. A "BOLD, revert, discuss" cycle sometimes occurs, in which an editor changes something, another editor reverts the change, and then the two editors discuss the issue on a talk page. When editors disregard this process when a change is repeatedly done by one editor and then undone by another an "edit war" may be asserted to have begun. The provenance of this phrase "edit war" is unknown. In order to gain a broader community consensus, editors can raise issues at the Village Pump, or initiate a Request for Comment. An editor can report impolite, uncivil, or otherwise problematic communications with another editor via the "Wikiquette Assistance" noticeboard. Wikipedia:Manual_of_Style_(dates_and_numbers)#Chronological_items Such postings themselves have no binding or disciplinary power. Specialized forums exist for centralizing discussion on specific decisions, such as whether or not an article should be deleted. Mediation is sometimes used, although it has been deemed by some Wikipedians to be unhelpful for resolving particularly contentious disputes. Arbitration The Arbitration Committee is the ultimate dispute resolution method. Although disputes usually arise from a disagreement between two opposing views on how articles should read, the Arbitration Committee explicitly refuses to directly rule on which view should be adopted. Statistical analyses suggest that the committee ignores the content of disputes and focuses on the way disputes are conducted instead, functioning not so much to resolve disputes and make peace between conflicting editors, but to weed out problematic editors while allowing potentially productive editors back in to participate. Therefore, the committee does not dictate the content of articles, although it sometimes
Wikipedia condemns content changes when it deems the new content violates Wikipedia policies (for example, if the new content is biased). Its remedies include cautions and probations (used in 63.2% of cases) and banning editors from articles (43.3%), subject matters (23.4%) or Wikipedia (15.7%). Complete bans from Wikipedia are largely limited to instances of impersonation and anti-social behavior. When conduct is not impersonation or anti-social, but rather anti-consensus or violating editing policies, warnings tend to be issued.
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Privacy
One privacy concern in the case of Wikipedia is the right of a private citizen to remain private: to remain a "private citizen" rather than a "public figure" in the eyes of the law.[13] It is a battle between the right to be anonymous in cyberspace and the right to be anonymous in real life ("meatspace"). A particular problem occurs in the case of an individual who is relatively unimportant and for whom there exists a Wikipedia page against her or his wishes. In January 2006, a German court ordered the German Wikipedia shut down within Germany because it stated the full name of Boris Floricic, aka "Tron", a deceased hacker. On February 9, 2006, the injunction against Wikimedia Deutschland was overturned, with the court rejecting the notion that Tron's right to privacy or that of his parents were being violated.[14]
Community
Wikipedia's community has been described as cult-like, although not always with entirely negative connotations, and criticized for failing to accommodate inexperienced users. The project's preference for cohesiveness, even if it requires compromise that includes disregard of credentials, has been referred to as "anti-elitism". Power structure The Wikipedia community has established "a bureaucracy of sorts", including "a clear power structure that gives volunteer administrators the authority to exercise editorial control".
Editors in good standing in the community can run for one of many levels of volunteer stewardship: this begins with "administrator", a group of privileged users who have the ability to delete pages, lock articles from being changed in case of vandalism or editorial disputes, and block users from editing. Despite the name, administrators are not supposed to enjoy any special privilege in decision-making; instead, their powers are mostly limited to making edits that have project-wide effects and thus are disallowed to ordinary editors, and to block users making disruptive edits (such as vandalism). As the process of vetting potential Wikipedia administrators has become more rigorous, fewer editors are promoted to admin status than in years past.
Wikimania, an annual conference for users of Wikipedia and other projects operated by the Wikimedia Foundation.
Wikipedia Contributors Wikipedia does not require that its users provide identification. However, as Wikipedia grew, "Who writes Wikipedia?" became one of the questions frequently asked on the project, often with a reference to other Web 2.0 projects such as Digg. Wales once argued that only "a community... a dedicated group of a few hundred volunteers" makes the bulk of contributions to Wikipedia and that the project is therefore "much like any traditional organization". Wales performed a study finding that over 50% of all the edits were done by just 0.7% of the users (at the time: 524 people). This method of evaluating contributions was later disputed by Aaron Swartz, who noted that Demographics of Wikipedia editors several articles he sampled had large portions of their content (measured by number of characters) contributed by users with low edit counts. A 2007 study by researchers from Dartmouth College found that "anonymous and infrequent contributors to Wikipedia [...] are as reliable a source of knowledge as those contributors who register with the site". In 2003, economics PhD student Andrea Ciffolilli argued that the low transaction costs of participating in wiki software create a catalyst for collaborative development, and that such features as easy access to past versions of a page favor "creative construction" over "creative destruction".[15] In his 2008 book, The Future of the Internet and How to Stop It, Zittrain cites Wikipedia's success as a case study in how open collaboration has fostered innovation on the web. A 2008 study found that Wikipedians were less agreeable, open, and conscientious than others.[16] A 2009 study suggested there was "evidence of growing resistance from the Wikipedia community to new content". At OOPSLA 2009, Wikimedia chief technology officer and senior software architect Brion Vibber gave a presentation entitled "Community Performance Optimization: Making Your People Run as Smoothly as Your Site" in which he discussed the challenges of handling the contributions from a large community and compared the process to that of software development. Interactions Members of the community interact with each other predominantly via "talk" pages, which are wiki-edited pages that are associated with articles, as well as via talk pages that are specific to particular contributors, and talk pages that help run the site. These pages help the contributors reach consensus about what the contents of the articles should be, how the site's rules may change, and to take actions with respect to any problems within the community.[17] The Wikipedia Signpost is the community newspaper on the English Wikipedia, and was founded by Michael Snow, an administrator and the former chair of the Wikimedia Foundation board of trustees. It covers news and events from the site, as well as major events from other Wikimedia projects, such as Wikimedia Commons. Positive reinforcement Wikipedians sometimes award one another barnstars for good work. These personalized tokens of appreciation reveal a wide range of valued work extending far beyond simple editing to include social support, administrative actions, and types of articulation work. The barnstar phenomenon has been analyzed by researchers seeking to determine what implications it might have for other communities engaged in large-scale collaborations.
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Wikipedians and British Museum curators collaborate on the article Hoxne Hoard in June 2010.
Wikipedia New users Up to sixty percent of Wikipedia's registered users never make another edit after their first 24 hours. Possible explanations are that such users register for only a single purpose, or are scared away by their experiences. Goldman writes that editors who fail to comply with Wikipedia cultural rituals, such as signing talk pages, implicitly signal that they are Wikipedia outsiders, increasing the odds that Wikipedia insiders will target their contributions as a threat. Becoming a Wikipedia insider involves non-trivial costs: the contributor is expected to build a user page, learn Wikipedia-specific technological codes, submit to an arcane dispute resolution process, and learn a "baffling culture rich with in-jokes and insider references". Non-logged-in users are in some sense second-class citizens on Wikipedia, as "participants are accredited by members of the wiki community, who have a vested interest in preserving the quality of the work product, on the basis of their ongoing participation", but the contribution histories of IP addresses cannot necessarily with any certainty be credited to, or blamed upon, a particular user. A 2009 study by Business Insider editor and journalist Henry Blodget showed that in a random sample of articles most content in Wikipedia (measured by the amount of contributed text that survives to the latest sampled edit) is created by "outsiders" (users with low edit counts), while most editing and formatting is done by "insiders" (a select group of established users). Demographics One study found that the contributor base to Wikipedia "was barely 13% women; the average age of a contributor was in the mid-20s". Sue Gardner, executive director of the Wikimedia Foundation, hopes to see female editing contributions increase to twenty-five percent by 2015. Linda Basch, president of the National Council for Research on Women, noted the contrast in these Wikipedia editor statistics with the percentage of women currently completing bachelor's degrees, master's degrees and PhD programs in the United States (all at rates of fifty percent or greater).
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Estimation of contributions shares from different regions in the world to different Wikipedia editions.
In a research article published in PLoS ONE in 2012, Yasseri et al., based on the circadian patterns of editorial activities of the community, have estimated the share of contributions to different editions of Wikipedia from different regions of the world. For instance, it has been reported that edits from North America are limited to almost 50% in the English Wikipedia and this value decreases to twenty-five percent in simple English Wikipedia. The article also covers some other editions in different languages. The Wikimedia Foundation hopes to increase the number of editors in the Global South to thirty-seven percent by 2015.
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Language editions
There are currently 285 language editions (or language versions) of Wikipedia; of these, eight have over one million articles each (English, Dutch, German, French, Swedish Wikipedia, Italian, Spanish, and Russian), five more have over 700,000 articles (Polish, Japanese, Portuguese, and Chinese Wikipedia), 33 more have over 100,000 articles, and 73 more have over 10,000articles.[18] The largest, the English Percentage of all Wikipedia articles in English (red) and top ten largest language Wikipedia, has over 4.3 million articles. As editions (blue). As of July 2007 less than 23% of Wikipedia articles are in English. of June 2013[2], according to Alexa, the English subdomain (en.wikipedia.org; English Wikipedia) receives approximately 56% of Wikipedia's cumulative traffic, with the remaining split among the other languages (Spanish: 9%; Japanese: 8%; Russian: 6%; German: 5%; French: 4%; Italian: 3%). As of April 2013, the five largest language editions are (in order of article count) the English, German, Dutch, French, and Italian Wikipedias. The coexistence of multilingual content on Wikipedia is made possible by Unicode, whose support was first introduced into Wikipedia in January 2002 by Brion Vibber after he had similarly implemented the alphabet of Esperanto. Since Wikipedia is based on the Web and therefore worldwide, contributors of a same language edition may use different dialects or may come from different countries (as is the case for the English edition). These differences may lead to some conflicts over spelling differences (e.g. colour versus color) or points of view. Though the various language editions are held to global policies such as "neutral point of view", they diverge on some points of policy and practice, most notably on whether images that are not licensed freely may be used under a claim of fair use. Jimmy Wales has described Wikipedia as "an effort to create and distribute a free encyclopedia of the highest possible quality to every single person on the planet in their own language".[19] Though each language edition functions more or less independently, some efforts are made to supervise them all. They are coordinated in part by Meta-Wiki, the Wikimedia Foundation's wiki devoted to maintaining all of its projects (Wikipedia and others). For instance, Meta-Wiki provides important statistics on all language editions of Wikipedia, and it maintains a list of articles every Wikipedia should have. The list concerns basic content by subject: biography, history, geography, society, culture, science, technology, and mathematics. As for the rest, it is not rare for articles strongly related to a particular language not to have counterparts in another edition. For example, articles about small towns in the United States might only be available in English, even when they meet notability criteria of other language Wikipedia projects. Translated articles represent only a small portion of articles in most editions, in part because fully automated translation of articles is disallowed. Articles available in more than one language may offer "interwiki links", which link to the counterpart articles in other editions.
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History
Jimmy Wales and Larry Sanger Wikipedia began as a complementary project for Nupedia, a free online English-language encyclopedia project whose articles were written by experts and reviewed under a formal process. Nupedia was founded on March 9, 2000, under the ownership of Bomis, a web portal company. Wikipedia originally developed from another encyclopedia project, Nupedia. Its main figures were the Bomis CEO Jimmy Wales and Larry Sanger, editor-in-chief for Nupedia and later Wikipedia. Nupedia was licensed initially under its own Nupedia Open Content License, switching to the GNU Free Documentation License before Wikipedia's founding at the urging of Richard Stallman. Sanger and Wales founded Wikipedia. While Wales is credited with defining the goal of making a publicly editable encyclopedia, Sanger is usually credited with the strategy of using a wiki to reach that goal. On January 10, 2001, Sanger proposed on the Nupedia mailing list to create a wiki as a "feeder" project for Nupedia. Wikipedia was formally launched on January 15, 2001, as a single English-language edition at www.wikipedia.com, and announced by Sanger on the Nupedia mailing list. Wikipedia's policy of "neutral point-of-view" was codified in its initial months. Otherwise, there were relatively few rules initially and Wikipedia operated independently of Nupedia. Wikipedia gained early contributors from Nupedia, Slashdot postings, and web search engine indexing. On August 8, 2001, Wikipedia had over 8,000 articles.[20] On September 25, 2001, Wikipedia had over 13,000 articles.[21] And by the end of 2001 it had grown to approximately 20,000 articles and 18 language editions. By late 2002, it had reached 26 language editions, 46 by the end of 2003, and 161 by the final days of 2004. Nupedia and Wikipedia coexisted until the former's servers were taken down permanently in 2003, and its text was incorporated into Wikipedia. English Wikipedia passed the mark of two million articles on September 9, 2007, making it the largest encyclopedia ever assembled, surpassing even the 1407 Yongle Encyclopedia, which had held the record for 600years. Citing fears of commercial advertising and lack of control in Wikipedia, users of the Spanish Wikipedia forked from Wikipedia to create the Enciclopedia Libre in February 2002. These moves encouraged Wales to announce that Wikipedia would not display advertisements, and to change Wikipedia's domain from wikipedia.com to wikipedia.org. Though the English Wikipedia reached three million articles in August 2009, the growth of the edition, in terms of the numbers of articles and of contributors, appears to have peaked around early 2007. Around 1,800 articles were added daily to the encyclopedia in 2006; by 2013 that average was roughly 800. A team at the Palo Alto Research Center attributed this slowing of growth to the project's increasing exclusivity and resistance to change. Others suggest that the growth is flattening naturally because articles that could be called "low-hanging fruit" topics that
Wikipedia clearly merit an article have already been created and built up extensively.[22] In November 2009, a researcher at the Rey Juan Carlos University in Madrid (Spain) found that the English Wikipedia had lost 49,000 editors during the first three months of 2009; in comparison, the project lost only 4,900 editors during the same period in 2008. The Wall Street Journal cited the array of rules applied to editing and disputes related to such content among the reasons for this trend.[23] Wales disputed these claims in 2009, denying the decline and questioning the methodology of the study. Two years later, Wales acknowledged the presence of a slight decline, noting a decrease from "a little more than 36,000 writers" in June 2010 to 35,800 in June 2011. Nevertheless, in the same interview, he claimed the number of editors was "stable and sustainable". In July 2012, the Atlantic reported that the number of administrators is also in decline. In January 2007, Wikipedia entered for the first time the top-ten list of the most popular websites in the United States, according to comScore Networks. With 42.9 million unique visitors, Wikipedia was ranked number 9, surpassing the New York Times (#10) and Apple (#11). This marked a significant increase over January 2006, when the rank was number 33, with Wikipedia receiving around 18.3 million unique visitors. As of June 2013[2], Wikipedia is the seventh most popular website worldwide according to Alexa Internet, receiving more than 2.7 billion US pageviews every month, out of a global monthly total of over 12 billion pageviews.
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Wikipedia blackout protest against SOPA on January 18, 2012
On January 18, 2012, the English Wikipedia participated in a series of coordinated protests against two proposed laws in the United States Congressthe Stop Online Piracy Act (SOPA) and the PROTECT IP Act (PIPA)by blacking out its pages for 24 hours. More than 162 million people viewed the blackout explanation page that temporarily replaced Wikipedia content. Loveland and Reagle argue that, in process, Wikipedia follows a long tradition of historical encyclopedias that accumulated improvements piecemeal through "stigmergic accumulation".
Number of articles in the English Wikipedia (in blue)
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Growth of the number of articles in the English Wikipedia (in blue)
Number of days between every 10,000,000th edit
Analysis of content
Although poorly written articles are flagged for improvement, critics note that the style and quality of individual articles may vary greatly. Others argue that inherent biases (willful or not) arise in the presentation of facts, especially controversial topics and public or historical figures. Although Wikipedia's stated mission is to provide information and not argue value judgements, articles often contain overly specialized, trivial, or objectionable material. In 2006, the Wikipedia Watch criticism website listed dozens of examples of plagiarism by Wikipedia editors on the English version. Wales has said in this respect: "We need to deal with such activities with absolute harshness, no mercy, because this kind of plagiarism is 100% at odds with all of our core principles."
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Accuracy of content
Articles for traditional encyclopedias such as Encyclopdia Britannica are carefully and deliberately written by experts, lending such encyclopedias a reputation for accuracy. Conversely, Wikipedia is often cited for factual inaccuracies and misrepresentations. However, a non-scientific report in the journal Nature in 2005 suggested that for some scientific articles Wikipedia came close to the level of accuracy of Encyclopdia Britannica and had a similar rate of "serious errors." These claims have been disputed by, among others, Encyclopdia Britannica. Although Nature gave a point by point rebuttal of Britannica's argument, the Nature report did agree that the structure of Wikipedia's articles was often poor. As a consequence of the open structure, Wikipedia "makes no guarantee of validity" of its content, since no one is ultimately responsible for any claims appearing in it. Concerns have been raised regarding the lack of accountability that results from users' anonymity, the insertion of false information, vandalism, and similar problems. Economist Tyler Cowen wrote: "If I had to guess whether Wikipedia or the median refereed journal article on economics was more likely to be true, after a not so long think I would opt for Wikipedia." He comments that some traditional sources of non-fiction suffer from systemic biases and novel results, in his opinion, are over-reported in journal articles and relevant information is omitted from news reports. However, he also cautions that errors are frequently found on Internet sites, and that academics and experts must be vigilant in correcting them. Critics argue that Wikipedia's open nature and a lack of proper sources for most of the information makes it unreliable. Some commentators suggest that Wikipedia may be reliable, but that the reliability of any given article is not clear. Editors of traditional reference works such as the Encyclopdia Britannica have questioned the project's utility and status as an encyclopedia. Wikipedia's open structure inherently makes it an easy target for Internet trolls, spamming, and those with an agenda to push. The addition of political spin to articles by organizations including members of the US House of Representatives and special interest groups has been noted, and organizations such as Microsoft have offered financial incentives to work on certain articles. For example, in August 2007, the website WikiScanner began to trace the sources of changes made to Wikipedia by anonymous editors without Wikipedia accounts. The program revealed that many such edits were made by corporations or government agencies changing the content of articles related to them, their personnel or their work. These issues have been parodied, notably by Stephen Colbert on The Colbert Report.
Quality of writing
Because contributors usually rewrite small portions of an entry rather than making full-length revisions, high- and low-quality content may be intermingled within an entry. Roy Rosenzweig, a history professor, stated that American National Biography Online outperformed Wikipedia in terms of its "clear and engaging prose", which, he said, was an important aspect of good historical writing. Contrasting Wikipedia's treatment of Abraham Lincoln to that of Civil War historian James McPherson in American National Biography Online, he said that both were essentially accurate and covered the major episodes in Lincoln's life, but praised "McPherson's richer contextualization [...] his artful use of quotations to capture Lincoln's voice [...] and [...] his ability to convey a profound message in a handful of words." By contrast, he gives an example of Wikipedia's prose that he finds "both verbose and dull". Rosenzweig also criticized the "wafflingencouraged by the npov policy[which] means that it is hard to discern any overall interpretive stance in Wikipedia history". By example, he quoted the conclusion of Wikipedia's article on William Clarke Quantrill. While generally praising the article, he pointed out its "waffling" conclusion: "Some historians [...] remember him as an opportunistic, bloodthirsty outlaw, while others continue to view him as a daring soldier and local folk hero." Other critics have made similar charges that, even if Wikipedia articles are factually accurate, they are often written in a poor, almost unreadable style. Frequent Wikipedia critic Andrew Orlowski commented: "Even when a Wikipedia entry is 100 per cent factually correct, and those facts have been carefully chosen, it all too often reads as
Wikipedia if it has been translated from one language to another then into to a third, passing an illiterate translator at each stage." A study of cancer articles by Yaacov Lawrence of the Kimmel Cancer Center at Thomas Jefferson University found that the entries were mostly accurate, but they were written at college reading level, as opposed to the ninth grade level seen in the Physician Data Query. He said that "Wikipedia's lack of readability may reflect its varied origins and haphazard editing". The Economist argued that better-written articles tend to be more reliable: "inelegant or ranting prose usually reflects muddled thoughts and incomplete information".
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Coverage of topics and systemic bias

Wikipedia seeks to create a summary of all human knowledge in the form of an online encyclopedia, with each topic of knowledge covered encyclopedically in one article. Since it has terabytes of disk space, it can have far more topics than can be covered by any conventional printed encyclopedia. It also contains materials that some people may find objectionable, offensive, or pornographic (see further). It was made clear that this policy is not up for debate, and the policy has sometimes proved controversial. For instance, in 2008, Wikipedia rejected an online petition against the inclusion of Muhammad's depictions in its English edition, citing this policy. The presence of politically, religiously, and pornographically sensitive materials in Wikipedia has led to the censorship of Wikipedia by national authorities in China, Pakistan and the United Kingdom, among other countries. In addition, Larry Sanger, co-founder of Wikipedia, has criticized Wikipedia not for the pornographic content but for the fact that the content is accessible to children, and contains extreme and detailed photographs and films. A 2008 study conducted by researchers at Carnegie Mellon University and Palo Alto Research Center gave a distribution of topics as well as growth (from July 2006 to January 2008) in each field: Culture and the arts: 30% (210%) Biographies and persons: 15% (97%) Geography and places: 14% (52%) Society and social sciences: 12% (83%) History and events: 11% (143%) Natural and physical sciences: 9% (213%) Technology and the applied sciences: 4% (6%)
Pie chart of Wikipedia content by subject as of January 2008
Religions and belief systems: 2% (38%) Health: 2% (42%)
Mathematics and logic: 1% (146%) Thought and philosophy: 1% (160%) These numbers refer only to the quantity of articles: it is possible for one topic to contain a large number of short articles and another to contain a small number of large ones. Through its "Wikipedia Loves Libraries" program, Wikipedia has partnered with major public libraries such as the New York Public Library for the Performing Arts to expand its coverage of underrepresented subjects and articles. Furthermore, the exact coverage of Wikipedia is under constant review by the editors, and disagreements are not uncommon (see also deletionism and inclusionism). As of September 2009[2], Wikipedia articles cover about half a million places on Earth. However, research conducted by the Oxford Internet Institute has shown that the geographic distribution of articles is highly uneven. Most articles are written about North America, Europe, and East Asia, with very little coverage of large parts of the developing world, including most of Africa. When multiple editors contribute to one topic or set of topics, there may arise a systemic bias, such as non-opposite definitions for apparent antonyms. In 2011 Wales noted that the unevenness of coverage is a reflection of the demography of the editors, which predominantly consists of young males with high education levels in the
Wikipedia developed world (cf previously). Systemic bias on Wikipedia may follow that of culture generally, for example favouring certain ethnicities or majority religions. It may more specifically follow the biases of Internet culture, inclining to being young, male, English speaking, educated, technologically aware, and wealthy enough to spare time for editing. Biases of its own may include over-emphasis on topics such as pop culture, technology, and current events. A "selection bias" may arise when more words per article are devoted to one public figure than a rival public figure. Editors may dispute suspected biases and discuss controversial articles, sometimes at great length. Wales has noted the dangers of bias on controversial political topics or polarizing public figures.
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Citing Wikipedia
Most university lecturers discourage students from citing any encyclopedia in academic work, preferring primary sources; some specifically prohibit Wikipedia citations. Wales stresses that encyclopedias of any type are not usually appropriate to use as citeable sources, and should not be relied upon as authoritative. Wales once said he receives about ten emails weekly from students saying they got failing grades on papers because they cited Wikipedia; he told the students they got what they deserved. "For God's sake, you're in college; don't cite the encyclopedia", he said.[24] In February 2007 an article in The Harvard Crimson newspaper reported that a few of the professors at Harvard University include Wikipedia in their syllabi, but that there is a split in their perception of using Wikipedia.[25] In June 2007 former president of the American Library Association Michael Gorman condemned Wikipedia, along with Google, stating that academics who endorse the use of Wikipedia are "the intellectual equivalent of a dietitian who recommends a steady diet of Big Macs with everything". He also said that "a generation of intellectual sluggards incapable of moving beyond the Internet" was being produced at universities. He complains that the web-based sources are discouraging students from learning from the more rare texts which are found only on paper or subscription-only web sites. In the same article Jenny Fry (a research fellow at the Oxford Internet Institute) commented on academics who cite Wikipedia, saying that: "You cannot say children are intellectually lazy because they are using the Internet when academics are using search engines in their research. The difference is that they have more experience of being critical about what is retrieved and whether it is authoritative. Children need to be told how to use the Internet in a critical and appropriate way." A Harvard law textbook, Legal Research in a Nutshell (2011), cites Wikipedia as a "general source" that "can be a real boon" in "coming up to speed in the law governing a situation" and, "while not authoritative, can provide basic facts as well as leads to more in-depth resources".
Explicit content
Problem? What problem? So, you didnt know that Wikipedia has a porn problem?
Larry Sanger,
Wikipedia has been criticized for allowing information of graphic content. Articles depicting arguably objectionable content (such as feces, corpses, the human penis or vulva) contain graphic pictures and detailed information easily available to anyone with access to the internet, including children. The site also includes sexual content such as images and videos of masturbation and ejaculation as well as photos from hardcore pornographic films in its articles. The Wikipedia article about Virgin Killer a 1976 album from German heavy metal band Scorpions features a picture of the album's original cover, which depicts a naked prepubescent girl. The original release cover caused controversy and was replaced in some countries. In December 2008, access to the Wikipedia article Virgin Killer was blocked for four days by most Internet service providers in the United Kingdom, after it was reported by a
Wikipedia member of the public as child pornography, to the Internet Watch Foundation (IWF) which issues a stop list to Internet service providers. IWF, a non-profit, non-government-affiliated organization, later criticized the inclusion of the picture as "distasteful". In April 2010, Sanger wrote a letter to the Federal Bureau of Investigation, outlining his concerns that two categories of images on Wikimedia Commons contained child pornography, and were in violation of US federal obscenity law. Sanger later clarified that the images, which were related to pedophilia and one about lolicon, were not of real children, but said that they constituted "obscene visual representations of the sexual abuse of children", under the PROTECT Act of 2003. That law bans photographic child pornography and cartoon images and drawings of children that are obscene under American law. Sanger also expressed concerns about access to the images on Wikipedia in schools. Wikimedia Foundation spokesman Jay Walsh strongly rejected Sanger's accusation, saying that Wikipedia did not have "material we would deem to be illegal. If we did, we would remove it." Following the complaint by Sanger, Wales deleted sexual images without consulting the community. After some editors who volunteer to maintain the site argued that the decision to delete had been made hastily, Wales voluntarily gave up some of the powers he had held up to that time as part of his co-founder status. He wrote in a message to the Wikimedia Foundation mailing-list that this action was "in the interest of encouraging this discussion to be about real philosophical/content issues, rather than be about me and how quickly I acted".
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Operation
Wikimedia Foundation and the Wikimedia chapters
Wikipedia is hosted and funded by the Wikimedia Foundation, a non-profit organization which also operates Wikipedia-related projects such as Wiktionary and Wikibooks. The Wikimedia Foundation relies on public contributions and grants to fund its mission. The Wikimedia chapters, local associations of users and supporters of the Wikimedia projects, also participate in the promotion, development, and funding of the project.
Software and hardware

Wikimedia Foundation logo The operation of Wikipedia depends on MediaWiki, a custom-made, free and open source wiki software platform written in PHP and built upon the MySQL database system. The software incorporates programming features such as a macro language, variables, a transclusion system for templates, and URL redirection. MediaWiki is licensed under the GNU General Public License and it is used by all Wikimedia projects, as well as many other wiki projects. Originally, Wikipedia ran on UseModWiki written in Perl by Clifford Adams (Phase I), which initially required CamelCase for article hyperlinks; the present double bracket style was incorporated later. Starting in January 2002 (Phase II), Wikipedia began running on a PHP wiki engine with a MySQL database; this software was custom-made for Wikipedia by Magnus Manske. The Phase II software was repeatedly modified to accommodate the exponentially increasing demand. In July 2002 (Phase III), Wikipedia shifted to the third-generation software, MediaWiki, originally written by Lee Daniel Crocker.
Several MediaWiki extensions are installed to extend the functionality of the MediaWiki software. In April 2005, a Lucene extension was added to MediaWiki's built-in search and Wikipedia switched from MySQL to Lucene for searching. The site currently uses Lucene Search 2.1, which is written in Java and based on Lucene library 2.3. In July 2013, after extensive beta testing, a WYSIWYG (What You See Is What You Get) extension, VisualEditor, was opened to public use. It was met with much rejection and criticism, and was described as "slow and buggy".
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Wikipedia receives between 25,000 and 60,000 page requests per second, depending on time of day.[26] Page requests are first passed to a front-end layer of Squid caching servers. Further statistics are available based on a publicly available 3-months Wikipedia access trace. Requests that cannot be served from the Squid cache are sent to load-balancing servers running the Linux Virtual Server software, which in turn pass the request to one of the Apache web servers for page rendering from the database. The web servers deliver pages as requested, performing page rendering for all the language editions of Wikipedia. To increase speed further, rendered pages are cached in a distributed memory cache until invalidated, allowing page rendering to be skipped entirely for most common page accesses. Wikipedia employed a single server until 2004, when the server setup 2010. See server layout diagrams on Meta-Wiki. was expanded into a distributed multitier architecture. In January 2005, the project ran on 39 dedicated servers in Florida. This configuration included a single master database server running MySQL, multiple slave database servers, 21 web servers running the Apache HTTP Server, and seven Squid cache servers. Wikipedia currently runs on dedicated clusters of Linux servers (mainly Ubuntu), with a few OpenSolaris machines for ZFS. As of December 2009, there were 300 in Florida and 44 in Amsterdam.
Overview of system architecture, December
Access to content
Content licensing
When the project was started in 2001, all text in Wikipedia was covered by GNU Free Documentation License (GFDL), a copyleft license permitting the redistribution, creation of derivative works, and commercial use of content while authors retain copyright of their work. GFDL was created for software manuals that come with free software programs that are licensed under GPL. This made it a poor choice for a general reference work; for example, the GFDL requires the reprints of materials from Wikipedia to come with a full copy of the GFDL license text. In December 2002, the Creative Commons license was released: it was specifically designed for creative works in general, not just for software manuals. The license gained popularity among bloggers and others distributing creative works on the Web. The Wikipedia project sought the switch to the Creative Commons. Because the two licenses, GFDL and Creative Commons, were incompatible, in November 2008, following the request of the project, the Free Software Foundation (FSF) released a new version of GFDL designed specifically to allow Wikipedia to relicense its content to CC BY-SA by August 1, 2009. (A new version of GFDL automatically covers Wikipedia contents.) In April 2009, Wikipedia and its sister projects held a community-wide referendum which decided the switch in June 2009. The handling of media files (e.g. image files) varies across language editions. Some language editions, such as the English Wikipedia, include non-free image files under fair use doctrine, while the others have opted not to, in part due to the lack of fair use doctrines in their home countries (e.g. in Japanese copyright law). Media files covered by free content licenses (e.g. Creative Commons' CC BY-SA) are shared across language editions via Wikimedia Commons repository, a project operated by the Wikimedia Foundation. Wikipedia's accommodation of varying international copyright laws regarding images has led some to observe that its photographic coverage of topics lags behind the quality of the encyclopedic text. The Wikimedia Foundation is not a licensor of content, but merely a hosting service for the contributors (and licensors) of the Wikipedia. This position has been successfully defended in court.
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Methods of access
Because Wikipedia content is distributed under an open license, anyone can reuse or re-distribute it at no charge. The content of Wikipedia has been published in many forms, both online and offline, outside of the Wikipedia website. Web sites Thousands of "mirror sites" exist that republish content from Wikipedia: two prominent ones, that also include content from other reference sources, are Reference.com and Answers.com. Another example is Wapedia, which began to display Wikipedia content in a mobile-device-friendly format before Wikipedia itself did. Mobile apps A variety of mobile apps provide access to Wikipedia on hand-held devices, including both Android and iOS devices (see Wikipedia apps). (See also Mobile access.) Search engines Some web search engines make special use of Wikipedia content when displaying search results: examples include Bing (via technology gained from Powerset)[27] and Duck Duck Go. Compact discs, DVDs Collections of Wikipedia articles have been published on optical discs. An English version, 2006 Wikipedia CD Selection, contained about 2,000 articles.[28][29] The Polish-language version contains nearly 240,000 articles. There are German and Spanish-language versions as well. Also, "Wikipedia for Schools", the Wikipedia series of CDs / DVDs produced by Wikipedians and SOS Children, is a free, hand-checked, non-commercial selection from Wikipedia targeted around the UK National Curriculum and intended to be useful for much of the English-speaking world.[30] The project is available online; an equivalent print encyclopedia would require roughly 20 volumes. Books There are efforts to put a select subset of Wikipedia's articles into printed book form. Since 2009, tens of thousands of print on demand books which reproduced English, German, Russian and French Wikipedia articles have been produced by the American company Books LLC and by three Mauritian subsidiaries of the German publisher VDM. Semantic Web The website DBpedia, begun in 2007, is a project that extracts data from the infoboxes and category declarations of the English-language Wikipedia and makes it available in a queriable semantic format, RDF. The possibility has also been raised to have Wikipedia export its data directly in a semantic format, possibly by using the Semantic MediaWiki extension. Such an export of data could also help Wikipedia reuse its own data, both between articles on the same language Wikipedia and between different language Wikipedias.[31] Obtaining the full contents of Wikipedia for reuse presents challenges, since direct cloning via a web crawler is discouraged.[32] Wikipedia publishes "dumps" of its contents, but these are text-only; as of 2007 there is no dump available of Wikipedia's images.[33] Several languages of Wikipedia also maintain a reference desk, where volunteers answer questions from the general public. According to a study by Pnina Shachaf in the Journal of Documentation, the quality of the Wikipedia reference desk is comparable to a standard library reference desk, with an accuracy of 55%.[34] Mobile access See also: Help:Mobile access Wikipedia's original medium was for users to read and edit content using any standard web browser through a fixed internet connection. In addition, Wikipedia content is now accessible through the mobile web. Access to Wikipedia from mobile phones was possible as early as 2004, through the Wireless Application Protocol (WAP), via the Wapedia service. In June 2007 Wikipedia launched en.mobile.wikipedia.org [35], an official website for wireless devices. In 2009 a newer mobile service was officially released, located at en.m.wikipedia.org [36], which caters to more advanced mobile devices such as the iPhone, Android-based devices or WebOS-based devices. Several other methods of mobile access to Wikipedia have emerged. Many devices and applications optimise or enhance the display of Wikipedia content for mobile devices, while some also incorporate additional features such as use of Wikipedia metadata (See Wikipedia:Metadata), such as geoinformation.
Wikipedia Wikipedia Zero is an initiative of the Wikimedia Foundation to expand the reach of the encyclopedia to the developing countries.
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Impact
Sister projects Wikimedia
Wikipedia has also spawned several sister projects, which are also wikis run by the Wikimedia Foundation, also called Wikimedia projects: "In Memoriam: September 11 Wiki", created in October 2002,[37] detailed the September 11 attacks; Wiktionary, a dictionary project, was launched in December 2002; Wikiquote, a collection of quotations, created a week after Wikimedia launched, and Wikibooks, a collection of collaboratively written free textbooks and annotated texts. Wikimedia has since started a number of other projects, including: Wikimedia Commons, a site devoted to free-knowledge multimedia; Wikinews, for citizen journalism; and Wikiversity, a project for the creation of free learning materials and the provision of online learning activities. Of these, only Commons has had success comparable to that of Wikipedia. Another sister project of Wikipedia, Wikispecies, is a catalogue of species. In 2012 Wikivoyage, an editable travel guide, launched.
Impact on publishing
Some observers have stated that Wikipedia represents an economic threat to publishers of traditional encyclopedias, who may be unable to compete with a product that is essentially free. Nicholas Carr wrote a 2005 essay, "The amorality of Web 2.0", that criticized websites with user-generated content, like Wikipedia, for possibly leading to professional (and, in his view, superior) content producers going out of business, because "free trumps quality all the time". Carr wrote: "Implicit in the ecstatic visions of Web 2.0 is the hegemony of the amateur. I for one can't imagine anything more frightening." Others dispute the notion that Wikipedia, or similar efforts, will entirely displace traditional publications. For instance, Chris Anderson, the editor-in-chief of Wired Magazine, wrote in Nature that the "wisdom of crowds" approach of Wikipedia will not displace top scientific journals, with their rigorous peer review process.
Cultural significance
In addition to logistic growth in the number of its articles, Wikipedia has steadily gained status as a general reference website since its inception in 2001. According to Alexa and comScore, Wikipedia is among the ten most visited websites worldwide. The growth of Wikipedia has been fueled by its dominant position in Google search results; about 50% of search engine traffic to Wikipedia comes from Google, a good portion of which is related to academic research. The number of readers of Wikipedia worldwide reached 365 million at the end of 2009. The Pew Internet and American Life project found that one third of US Internet users consulted Wikipedia. In October 2006, the site was estimated to have a hypothetical market value of $580million if it ran advertisements. Wikipedia's content has also been used in academic studies, books, conferences, and court cases. The Parliament of Canada's website refers to Wikipedia's article on same-sex marriage in the "related links" section of its "further reading" list for the Civil Marriage Act.[38] The encyclopedia's assertions are increasingly used as a source by organizations such as the US federal courts and the World Intellectual Property Organization though mainly for supporting information rather than information decisive to a case. Content appearing on Wikipedia has also been cited as a source and referenced in some US intelligence agency reports. In December 2008, the scientific journal RNA Biology launched a new section for descriptions of families of RNA molecules and requires authors who contribute to the section to also submit a draft article on the RNA family for publication in Wikipedia. Wikipedia has also been used as a source in journalism, often without attribution, and several reporters have been dismissed for plagiarizing from Wikipedia.[39][40][41]
Wikipedia In July 2007 Wikipedia was the focus of a 30-minute documentary on BBC Radio 4 which argued that, with increased usage and awareness, the number of references to Wikipedia in popular culture is such that the word is one of a select band of 21st-century nouns that are so familiar (Google, Facebook, YouTube) that they no longer need explanation and are on a par with such 20th-century words as hoovering or Coca-Cola. On September 28, 2007, Italian politician Franco Grillini raised a parliamentary question with the minister of cultural resources and activities about the necessity of freedom of panorama. He said that the lack of such freedom forced Wikipedia, "the seventh most consulted website", to forbid all images of modern Italian buildings and art, and claimed this was hugely damaging to tourist revenues. On September 16, 2007, The Washington Post reported that Wikipedia had become a focal point in the 2008 US election campaign, saying: "Type a candidate's name into Google, and among the first results is a Wikipedia page, making those entries arguably as important as any ad in defining a candidate. Already, the presidential entries are being edited, dissected and debated countless times each day." An October 2007 Reuters article, titled "Wikipedia page the latest status symbol", reported the recent phenomenon of how having a Wikipedia article vindicates one's notability. Active participation also has an impact. Law students have been assigned to write Wikipedia articles as an exercise in clear and succinct writing for an uninitiated audience. Awards Wikipedia won two major awards in May 2004.[42] The first was a Golden Nica for Digital Communities of the annual Prix Ars Electronica contest; this came with a 10,000 (6,588; $12,700) grant and an invitation to present at the PAE Cyberarts Festival in Austria later that year. The second was a Judges' Webby Award for the "community" category. Wikipedia was also nominated for a "Best Practices" Webby award. On January 26, 2007, Wikipedia was also awarded the fourth highest brand ranking by the readers of brandchannel.com, receiving 15% of the votes in answer to the question "Which brand had the most impact on our lives in 2006?" In September 2008, Wikipedia received Quadriga A Mission of Enlightenment award of Werkstatt Deutschland along with Boris Tadi, Eckart Hfling, and Peter Gabriel. The award was presented to Wales by David Weinberger. Satire Many parody Wikipedia's openness and susceptibility to inserted inaccuracies, with characters vandalizing or modifying the online encyclopedia project's articles. Comedian Stephen Colbert has parodied or referenced Wikipedia on numerous episodes of his show The Colbert Report and coined the related term wikiality, meaning "together we can create a reality that we all agree onthe reality we just agreed on". Another example can be found in a front-page article in The Onion in July 2006, with the title "Wikipedia Celebrates 750 Years of American Independence". "My Number One Doctor", a 2007 episode of the TV show Scrubs, played on the perception that Wikipedia is an unreliable reference tool
Jimmy Wales receiving the Quadriga A Mission of Enlightenment award.
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Wikipedia shown in "Weird Al" Yankovic's music video for his song "White & Nerdy".
with a scene in which Dr. Perry Cox reacts to a patient who says that a Wikipedia article indicates that the raw food diet reverses the effects of bone cancer by retorting that the same editor who wrote that article also wrote the
Wikipedia Battlestar Galactica episode guide.[43] In 2008, the comedic website CollegeHumor produced a video sketch named "Professor Wikipedia", in which the fictitious Professor Wikipedia instructs a class with a medley of unverifiable and occasionally absurd statements. The Dilbert comic strip from May 8, 2009, features a character supporting an improbable claim by saying "Give me ten minutes and then check Wikipedia." In July 2009, BBC Radio 4 broadcast a comedy series called Bigipedia, which was set on a website which was a parody of Wikipedia. Some of the sketches were directly inspired by Wikipedia and its articles. In 2010, comedian Daniel Tosh encouraged viewers of his show, Tosh.0, to visit the show's Wikipedia article and edit it at will. On a later episode, he commented on the edits to the article, most of them offensive, which had been made by the audience and had prompted the article to be locked from editing.[44][45] On August 23, 2013, The New Yorker website published a cartoon with this caption: "Dammit, Manning, have you considered the pronoun war that this is going to start on your Wikipedia page?"
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Scientific use
In computational linguistics, information retrieval and natural language processing, Wikipedia has seen widespread use as a corpus for linguistic research. In particular, it commonly serves as a target knowledge base for the entity linking problem, which is then called "wikification",[46] and to the related problem of word sense disambiguation.[47] Methods similar to wikification can in turn be used to find "missing" links in Wikipedia.[48]
Related projects
A number of interactive multimedia encyclopedias incorporating entries written by the public existed long before Wikipedia was founded. The first of these was the 1986 BBC Domesday Project, which included text (entered on BBC Micro computers) and photographs from over 1million contributors in the UK, and covered the geography, art, and culture of the UK. This was the first interactive multimedia encyclopedia (and was also the first major multimedia document connected through internal links), with the majority of articles being accessible through an interactive map of the UK. The user interface and part of the content of the Domesday Project were emulated on a website until 2008. One of the most successful early online encyclopedias incorporating entries by the public was h2g2, which was created by Douglas Adams. The h2g2 encyclopedia is relatively light-hearted, focusing on articles which are both witty and informative. Everything2 was created in 1998. All of these projects had similarities with Wikipedia, but were not wikis and neither gave full editorial privileges to public users. GNE, an encyclopedia which was not a wiki, also created in January 2001, co-existed with Nupedia and Wikipedia early in its history; however, it has been retired. Other websites centered on collaborative knowledge base development have drawn inspiration from Wikipedia. Some, such as Susning.nu, Enciclopedia Libre, Hudong, and Baidu Baike likewise employ no formal review process, although some like Conservapedia are not as open. Others use more traditional peer review, such as Encyclopedia of Life and the online wiki encyclopedias Scholarpedia and Citizendium. The latter was started by Sanger in an attempt to create a reliable alternative to Wikipedia. Scholarpedia also focuses on ensuring high quality.
Wikipedia
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References
Notes
[1] [2] [3] [4] [5] http:/ / www. wikipedia. org http:/ / en. wikipedia. org/ w/ index. php?title=Wikipedia& action=edit How I started Wikipedia. Presentation by Larry Sanger. "Wiki" in the Hawaiian Dictionary, revised and enlarged edition, University of Hawaii Press, 1986 Nichol, Mark. "Content Quality and Quantity Are the Cause of Wikipedia's Woes" (http:/ / www. dailywritingtips. com/ content-quality-and-quantity-are-the-cause-of-wikipedias-woes/ ). Daily Writing Tips. Retrieved August 29, 2013. [6] Business Insider (http:/ / www. businessinsider. com/ pending-changes-safeguard-on-wikipedia-2012-12). [7] Wikipedia:Consensus [8] Wikipedia:New pages patrol [9] English Wikipedia's semi-protection policy [10] Wikipedia:Categorization [11] Poderi, Giacomo, Wikipedia and the Featured Articles: How a Technological System Can Produce Best Quality Articles, Master thesis, University of Maastricht, October 2008. [12] Link spamming Wikipedia for profit (http:/ / repository. upenn. edu/ cgi/ viewcontent. cgi?article=1508& context=cis_papers) (2011) [13] See "Libel" (http:/ / texaspress. com/ index. php/ publications/ law-media/ 731-law-a-the-media-in-texas--libel-cases) by David McHam for the legal distinction [14] Heise UNIQ-nowiki-0-e1673f149614bfbf-QINU (http:/ / www. heise. de/ newsticker/ meldung/ Gericht-weist-einstweilige-Verfuegung-gegen-Wikimedia-Deutschland-ab-Update-173587. html), by Torsten Kleinz, February 9, 2006. [15] Andrea Ciffolilli, "Phantom authority, self-selective recruitment and retention of members in virtual communities: The case of Wikipedia" (http:/ / firstmonday. org/ article/ view/ 1108/ 1028), First Monday December 2003. [16] Yair AmichaiHamburger, Naama Lamdan, Rinat Madiel, Tsahi Hayat, Personality Characteristics of Wikipedia Members (http:/ / www. liebertonline. com/ doi/ abs/ 10. 1089/ cpb. 2007. 0225), CyberPsychology & Behavior, December 1, 2008, 11 (6): 679681; . [17] Help:Using talk pages "A talk page (also known as a discussion page) is a page which editors can use to discuss improvements to an article or other Wikipedia page." Retrieved April 18, 2011. [18] List of Wikipedias [19] Jimmy Wales, "Wikipedia is an encyclopedia" (http:/ / lists. wikimedia. org/ pipermail/ wikipedia-l/ 2005-March/ 020469. html), March 8, 2005, <Wikipedia-l@wikimedia.org> [20] Wikipedia, August 8, 2001 (http:/ / web. archive. bibalex. org/ web/ 20010808121638/ http:/ / www. wikipedia. org/ ) [21] Wikipedia, September 25, 2001 (http:/ / web. archive. bibalex. org/ web/ 20011010233257/ www. wikipedia. com/ ) [22] Austin Gibbons, David Vetrano, Susan Biancani (2012). Wikipedia: Nowhere to grow (http:/ / www. stanford. edu/ class/ cs341/ reports/ 09-GibbonsVetranoBiancaniCS341. pdf) [23] Volunteers Log Off as Wikipedia Ages, The Wall Street Journal, November 27, 2009. [24] "Jimmy Wales", Biography Resource Center Online. (Gale, 2006.) [25] Child, Maxwell L., "Professors Split on Wiki Debate" (http:/ / www. thecrimson. com/ article. aspx?ref=517305), The Harvard Crimson, Monday, February 26, 2007. [26] "Monthly request statistics", Wikimedia. Retrieved October 31, 2008. [27] With Bing Reference (http:/ / www. bing. com/ community/ site_blogs/ b/ search/ archive/ 2009/ 07/ 27/ researching-with-bing-reference. aspxResearching), Bing Community blog, July 27, 2009 [28] "Wikipedia on DVD" (http:/ / www. wikipediaondvd. com). Linterweb. Retrieved June 1, 2007. "Linterweb is authorized to make a commercial use of the Wikipedia trademark restricted to the selling of the Encyclopedia CDs and DVDs". [29] "Wikipedia 0.5 Available on a CD-ROM" (http:/ / www. wikipediaondvd. com/ site. php?temp=buy). Wikipedia on DVD. Linterweb. "The DVD or CD-ROM version 0.5 was commercially available for purchase." Retrieved June 1, 2007. [30] . Retrieved September 8, 2009. [31] Wikipedia to Add Meaning to Its Pages (http:/ / technologyreview. com/ web/ 25728/ page2), Tom Simonite, Technology Review, July 7, 2010 [32] on data download [33] Data dumps: Downloading Images, Wikimedia Meta-Wiki [34] "Wikipedia Reference Desk" (http:/ / www. slis. indiana. edu/ news/ story. php?story_id=2064), fetched February 17, 2010 [35] http:/ / en. mobile. wikipedia. org/ [36] http:/ / en. m. wikipedia. org/ [37] First edit to the wiki (http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20110718145925/ http:/ / www. sep11memories. org/ index. php?title=In_Memoriam& oldid=1502). In Memoriam: September 11 wiki (October 28, 2002). [38] LEGISinfo House Government Bill C-38 (381) (http:/ / www. parl. gc. ca/ LegisInfo/ BillDetails. aspx?billId=1585203& View=10), LEGISINFO (March 28, 2005) [39] Shizuoka newspaper plagiarized Wikipedia article Japan News Review, July 5, 2007
Wikipedia
[40] "Express-News staffer resigns after plagiarism in column is discovered" (http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20071015045010/ http:/ / www. mysanantonio. com/ news/ metro/ stories/ MYSA010307. 02A. richter. 132c153. html), San Antonio Express-News, January 9, 2007. [41] "Inquiry prompts reporter's dismissal" (http:/ / archives. starbulletin. com/ 2006/ 01/ 13/ news/ story03. html), Honolulu Star-Bulletin, January 13, 2007. [42] "Trophy box", (March 28, 2005). [43] Bakken, Janae. "My Number One Doctor"; Scrubs; ABC; December 6, 2007. [44] Your Wikipedia Entries (http:/ / tosh. comedycentral. com/ blog/ 2010/ 02/ 03/ your-wikipedia-entries), Comedy Central (February 3, 2010) [45] Wikipedia Updates (http:/ / tosh. comedycentral. com/ video-clips/ wikipedia-updates), Comedy Central (February 3, 2010) [46] Rada Mihalcea and Andras Csomai (2007). Wikify! Linking Documents to Encyclopedic Knowledge (http:/ / www. cs. unt. edu/ ~rada/ papers/ mihalcea. cikm07. pdf). Proc. CIKM. [47] David Milne and Ian H. Witten (2008). Learning to link with Wikipedia. Proc. CIKM. [48] Sisay Fissaha Adafre and Maarten de Rijke (2005). Discovering missing links in Wikipedia (http:/ / staff. science. uva. nl/ ~mdr/ Publications/ Files/ linkkdd2005. pdf). Proc. LinkKDD.
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Further reading
Academic studies Jensen, Richard. "Military History on the Electronic Frontier: Wikipedia Fights the War of 1812", The Journal of Military History 76#4 (October 2012): 523556; online version (http://www.americanhistoryprojects.com/ downloads/JMH1812.PDF). Yasseri, Taha; Robert Sumi and Jnos Kertsz (2012). "Circadian Patterns of Wikipedia Editorial Activity: A Demographic Analysis" (http://www.plosone.org/article/info:doi/10.1371/journal.pone.0030091). In Szolnoki, Attila. PLoS ONE 7 (1): e30091. arXiv: 1109.1746 (http://arxiv.org/abs/1109.1746). Bibcode: 2012PLoSO...7E0091Y (http://adsabs.harvard.edu/abs/2012PLoSO...7E0091Y). doi: 10.1371/journal.pone.0030091 (http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0030091). PMC 3260192 (http:// www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC3260192). PMID 22272279 (http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/ pubmed/22272279). Goldman, Eric (2010). "Wikipedia's Labor Squeeze and its Consequences" (http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/ papers.cfm?abstract_id=1458162##). Journal of Telecommunications and High Technology Law 8. ( A blog post by the author. (http://blog.ericgoldman.org/archives/2010/02/catching_up_wit.htm)) Nielsen, Finn (August 2007). "Scientific Citations in Wikipedia" (http://www.firstmonday.org/issues/ issue12_8/nielsen/index.html). First Monday 12 (8). doi: 10.5210/fm.v12i8.1997 (http://dx.doi.org/10.5210/ fm.v12i8.1997). Retrieved February 22, 2008. Pfeil, Ulrike; Panayiotis Zaphiris and Chee Siang Ang (2006). "Cultural Differences in Collaborative Authoring of Wikipedia" (http://jcmc.indiana.edu./vol12/issue1/pfeil.html). Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication 12 (1): 88. doi: 10.1111/j.1083-6101.2006.00316.x (http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1083-6101. 2006.00316.x). Retrieved December 26, 2008. Priedhorsky, Reid, Jilin Chen, Shyong (Tony) K. Lam, Katherine Panciera, Loren Terveen, and John Riedl. "Creating, Destroying, and Restoring Value in Wikipedia" (http://portal.acm.org/citation.cfm?doid=1316624. 1316663). Proc. GROUP 2007; DOI: 1316624.131663. Reagle, Joseph (2007). "Do as I Do: Authorial Leadership in Wikipedia" (http://reagle.org/joseph/2007/10/ Wikipedia-Authorial-Leadership.pdf). WikiSym '07: Proceedings of the 2007 International Symposium on Wikis. Montreal, Canada: ACM. Retrieved December 26, 2008. Rosenzweig, Roy. Can History be Open Source? Wikipedia and the Future of the Past (http://chnm.gmu.edu/ resources/essays/d/42). (Originally published in The Journal of American History 93.1 (June 2006): 11746.) Wilkinson, Dennis M.; Bernardo A. Huberman (April 2007). "Assessing the Value of Cooperation in Wikipedia" (http://www.firstmonday.org/issues/issue12_4/wilkinson/index.html). First Monday 12 (4). doi: 10.5210/fm.v12i4.1763 (http://dx.doi.org/10.5210/fm.v12i4.1763). Retrieved February 22, 2008. Aaron Halfaker, R. Stuart Geiger, Jonathan T. Morgan, John Riedl (2012). "The Rise and Decline of an Open Collaboration Community" (http://abs.sagepub.com/content/57/5/664). American Behavioral Scientist 57
Wikipedia (5): 664. doi: 10.1177/0002764212469365 (http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764212469365). Retrieved August 30, 2012. Books Ayers, Phoebe; Matthews, Charles; Yates, Ben (September 2008). How Wikipedia Works: And How You Can Be a Part of It. San Francisco: No Starch Press. ISBN978-1-59327-176-3. Broughton, John (2008). Wikipedia The Missing Manual. O'Reilly Media. ISBN0-596-51516-2. (See book review by Baker, as listed hereafter.) Broughton, John (2008). Wikipedia Reader's Guide. Sebastopol: Pogue Press. ISBN0-596-52174-X. Dalby, Andrew (2009). The World and Wikipedia: How We are Editing Reality. Siduri. ISBN978-0-9562052-0-9. Keen, Andrew (2007). The Cult of the Amateur. Doubleday/Currency. ISBN978-0-385-52080-5. (Substantial criticisms of Wikipedia and other web 2.0 projects.) Listen to: Keen, Andrew (June 16, 2007). "Does the Internet Undermine Culture?" (http://www.npr.org/templates/ story/story.php?storyId=11131872). National Public Radio, USA. The NPR interview with A. Keen, Weekend Edition Saturday, June 16, 2007. Lih, Andrew (2009). The Wikipedia Revolution: How a Bunch of Nobodies Created the World's Greatest Encyclopedia. New York: Hyperion. ISBN978-1-4013-0371-6. O'Sullivan, Dan (September 24, 2009). Wikipedia: a new community of practice? (http://books.google.com/ books?id=htu8A-m_Y4EC). Ashgate Publishing. ISBN978-0-7546-7433-7. Sheizaf Rafaeli & Yaron Ariel (2008). "Online motivational factors: Incentives for participation and contribution in Wikipedia." In Barak, A. Psychological aspects of cyberspace: Theory, research, applications. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. pp.243267. Reagle, Joseph Michael Jr. (2010). Good Faith Collaboration: The Culture of Wikipedia (http://reagle.org/ joseph/2010/gfc). Cambridge, Massachusetts, USA: the MIT Press. ISBN978-0-262-01447-2. Book reviews and other articles Baker, Nicholson. "The Charms of Wikipedia" (http://www.nybooks.com/articles/21131). The New York Review of Books, March 20, 2008. Retrieved December 17, 2008. (Book rev. of The Missing Manual, by John Broughton, as listed previously.) Crovitz, L. Gordon. "Wikipedia's Old-Fashioned Revolution: The online encyclopedia is fast becoming the best." (http://online.wsj.com/article/SB123897399273491031.html) (Originally published in Wall Street Journal online April 6, 2009.) Learning resources Wikiversity list of learning resources. (Includes related courses, Web-based seminars, slides, lecture notes, text books, quizzes, glossaries, etc.) Other media coverage Balke, Jeff (2008-03). "For Music Fans: Wikipedia; MySpace" (http://blogs.chron.com/brokenrecord/2008/ 03/for_music_fans_wikipedia_myspa.html). Houston Chronicle (blog). Retrieved December 17, 2008. Dee, Jonathan (July 1, 2007). "All the News That's Fit to Print Out" (http://www.nytimes.com/2007/07/01/ magazine/01WIKIPEDIA-t.html?_r=1&ref=magazine&oref=slogin). The New York Times Magazine. Retrieved February 22, 2008. Giles, Jim (September 20, 2007). "Wikipedia 2.0 Now with Added Trust" (http://www.newscientist.com/ article/mg19526226.200). New Scientist. Retrieved January 14, 2008.
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Wikipedia Miliard, Mike (December 2, 2007). "Wikipedia Rules" (http://thephoenix.com/Boston/Life/ 52864-Wikipedia-rules). The Phoenix. Retrieved February 22, 2008. Poe, Marshall (2006-09). "The Hive" (http://www.theatlantic.com/doc/200609/wikipedia). The Atlantic Monthly. Retrieved March 22, 2008. Rosenwald, Michael S. (October 23, 2009). "Gatekeeper of D.C.'s entry: Road to city's Wikipedia page goes through a DuPont Circle bedroom" (http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2009/10/22/ AR2009102204715.html?hpid=topnews). The Washington Post. Retrieved October 22, 2009. Runciman, David (May 28, 2009). "Like Boiling a Frog" (http://www.lrb.co.uk/v31/n10/runc01_.html). London Review of Books. Retrieved June 3, 2009. Taylor, Chris (May 29, 2005). "It's a Wiki, Wiki World" (http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/ 0,9171,1066904-1,00.html). Time. Retrieved February 22, 2008. "Technological Quarterly: Brain Scan: The Free-knowledge Fundamentalist" (http://www.economist.com/ science/tq/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11484062). The Economist Web and Print. June 5, 2008. Retrieved June 5, 2008. "Jimmy Wales changed the world with Wikipedia, the hugely popular online encyclopedia that anyone can edit. What will he do next?" Is Wikipedia Cracking Up? The Independent, February 3, 2009. (http://www.independent.co.uk/life-style/ gadgets-and-tech/features/is-wikipedia-cracking-up-1543527.html)
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External links
Official website (http://www.wikipedia.org) ( Mobile (http://mobile.wikipedia.org)) multilingual portal (contains links to all language editions of the project) Wikipedia (https://twitter.com/Wikipedia) on Twitter Wikipedia (https://www.facebook.com/Wikipedia) on Facebook Wikipedia (http://www.dmoz.org/Computers/Open_Source/Open_Content/Encyclopedias/Wikipedia/) at the Open Directory Project Wikitrends: most visited Wikipedia articles Wikipedia (http://www.theguardian.com/technology/wikipedia) collected news and commentary at The Guardian Wikipedia (http://topics.nytimes.com/top/news/business/companies/wikipedia/index.html) topic page at The New York Times Video of TED talk by Jimmy Wales on the birth of Wikipedia (http://www.ted.com/index.php/talks/ jimmy_wales_on_the_birth_of_wikipedia.html) Audio of interview with Jimmy Wales about Wikipedia in general (http://www.econtalk.org/archives/2009/ 03/wales_on_wikipe.html) on the EconTalk podcast Wikipedia and why it matters (http://www.stanford.edu/class/ee380/Abstracts/020116.html) Larry Sanger's 2002 talk at Stanford University; video archive (http://stanford-online.stanford.edu/courses/ee380/ 020116-ee380-100.asx) and transcript of the talk "Intelligence in Wikipedia" Google TechTalk (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=cqOHbihYbhE) on YouTube, describing an intelligence project utilizing Wikipedia, and how Wikipedia articles could be auto-generated from web content WikiPapers (http://wikipapers.referata.com) compilation of conference papers, journal articles, theses, books, datasets and tools about Wikipedia and wikis
Universal library
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Universal library
This article discusses universal libraries in general. For the project at Carnegie-Mellon, see Million Book Project. A universal library is a library with universal collections. This may be expressed in terms of it containing all existing information, useful information, all books, all works (regardless of format) or even all possible works. This ideal, although unrealizable, has influenced and continues to influence librarians and others and be a goal which is aspired to. Universal libraries are often assumed to have a complete set of useful features (such as finding aids, translation tools, alternative formats, etc.).
History
The Library of Alexandria is generally regarded as the first library approaching universality, although this idea may be more mythical than real.[1] It is estimated that at one time, this library contained between 30 and 70 percent of all works in existence.[2] The re-founded modern library has a non-universal collections policy[3] As a phrase, the "universal library" can be traced back to the naturalist Conrad Gessner's Bibliotheca universalis of 1545. In the 17th century, the ideal of universality continued to be attractive. The French librarian Gabriel Naud wrote: And therefore I shall ever think it extremely necessary, to collect for this purpose all sorts of books, (under such precautions, yet, as I shall establish) seeing a Library which is erected for the public benefit, ought to be universal; but which it can never be, unlesse it comprehend all the principal authors, that have written upon the great diversity of particular subjects, and chiefly upon all the arts and sciences; [...] For certainly there is nothing which renders a Library more recommendable, then when every man findes in it that which he is in search of ...[4][5]
The universal library in fiction

Science fiction has used the device of a library which is universal in the sense that it not only contains all existing written works, but all possible written works. This idea appeared in Kurd Lasswitz's 1901 story "The Universal Library" and Borges's essay "The Total Library" before its more famous expression in Borges's story "The Library of Babel". Such a library, however, would be as useless as it would be complete. A similar idea was a planet called Memory Alpha, (from the Star Trek episode "The Lights of Zetar") which was the Federation's "storehouse of computer databases containing all cultural history and scientific data it has acquired.".[6] It has been commented that the Internet already approaches this state.[7] In Discworld, Terry Pratchett's fantasy world, all libraries in the multiverse being connected in "L-space", effectively creating a single, semi-universal, library.
Modern times
With the advent of cheap, widely available digital storage, the ideal of universality, although still impossible to attain, has become closer to the feasible. Many projects are now attempting to collect a section of human knowledge into one database. These projects vary in breadth and scope, and none are complete. Examples include digitization projects such as Project Gutenberg and Carnegie-Mellon's Universal library, digital libraries which are using book scanning to collect public domain works; The European Library, an integrated catalog for Europe's national libraries; and the Wikimedia Foundation, which, using the Wiki system, is attempting to collect the breadth of important human knowledge under various open content projects such as Wikipedia and Wiktionary. However, many technical and legal problems remain for the dissemination of all possible knowledge on the Internet.
Universal library
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Current barriers
Current barriers to the construction of a universal digital library include: Books have been lost. While the best-known lost library may be the Library at Alexandria, wars, civil strife and natural disasters destroy libraries and archives on a regular basis. Further losses are due to neglect. Copyright. Many books are under copyright and current widespread business models require scarcity of books to remunerate authors. Censorship. Most jurisdictions have prohibited at least some banned books. Unpublished manuscripts. If unpublished manuscripts are included in the definition of book, catching newly-written manuscripts is likely to be a challenge. Current digitisation efforts are largely library-based, and so materials deemed outside the scope of libraries are very poorly represented.
References
[1] Abstract (http:/ / www. cilip. org. uk/ groups/ lhg/ alexandria. html), The Alexandrian library and its aftermath, Uwe Jochum, presented at the Second Anglo-German seminar on library history, The universal library: from Alexandria to the internet, London, September 1996. [2] Scan This Book!, New York Times Magazine, May 14, 2006. (http:/ / www. nytimes. com/ 2006/ 05/ 14/ magazine/ 14publishing. html?ex=1305259200& en=c07443d368771bb8& ei=5090) [3] http:/ / www. bibalex. org/ Libraries/ Presentation/ Static/ 15610. aspx [4] Advis pour dresser une bibliotheque, Paris, 1627, translated by John Evelyn as Instructions concerning erecting of a library, London, 1661, pp. 1920. [5] Abstract (http:/ / www. cilip. org. uk/ groups/ lhg/ alexandria. html), C. G. Heyne and the university library at Gttingen: from 'Universalbibliothek' of the eighteenth century to the 'Sammlung Deutscher Drucke', 1701-1800, Graham Jefcoate and Gerd J. Boette, presented at the Second Anglo-German seminar on library history, The universal library: from Alexandria to the internet, London, September 1996. [6] The Lights of Zetar, Wikipedia entry; The Lights of Zetar. [7] The Internet and the revival of the myth of the universal library, Miroslav Kruk, Australian Library Journal 48, #2 (May 1999); abridged version (http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20040803162151/ http:/ / clintongreen. tripod. com/ universal. html) available online.
Million Book Project
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The Million Book Project (or the Universal Library), was a book digitization project, led by Carnegie Mellon University School of Computer Science and University Libraries. Working with government and research partners in India (Digital Library of India) and China, the project scanned books in many languages, using OCR to enable full text searching, and providing free-to-read access to the books on the web. As of 2007[1], they have completed the scanning of 1 million books and have made accessible the entire database from http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20130704182041/http://www.ulib.org/.
Description
The Million Book Project was a 501(c)3 charity organization with various scanning centers throughout the world. By December 2007, more than 1.5 million books had been scanned, in 20 languages: 970,000 in Chinese; 360,000 in English; 50,000 in Telugu; and 40,000 in Arabic. Most of the books are in the public domain, but permission has been acquired to include over 60,000 copyrighted books (roughly 53,000 in English and 7,000 in Indian languages). The books are mirrored in part at sites in India, China, Carnegie Mellon, the Internet Archive, Bibliotheca Alexandrina. The books that have been scanned to date are not yet all available online, and no single site has copies of all the books that are available online. The million book project was a "proof of concept" that has largely been replaced by Google Book Search and the Internet Archive book scanning projects. The National Science Foundation (NSF) awarded Carnegie Mellon $3.63M over four years for equipment and administrative travel for the Million Book Project. India provided $25M annually to support language translation research projects. The Ministry of Education in China provided $8.46M over three years. The Internet Archive provided equipment, staff and money. The University of California Libraries at Merced funded the work to acquire copyright permission from U.S. publishers.
Partner institutions
China
The institutions in China which are participants in this project include: Ministry of Education of the People's Republic of China Chinese Academy of Science Fudan University Nanjing University Peking University Tsinghua University Zhejiang University Northeast Normal University
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India
The institutions in India which are participants in this project include: Indian Institute of Science, Bangalore International Institute of Information Technology, Hyderabad Indian Institute of Information Technology, Allahabad Anna University, Chennai Mysore University, Mysore University of Pune, Pune Goa University, Goa Tirumala Tirupati Devasthanams, Tirupathi Shanmugha Arts, Science, Technology & Research Academy, Tanjore Arulmigu Kalasalingam College of Engineering, Srivilliputhur Maharashtra Industrial Development Corporation, Mumbai
USA
The institutions in the U.S. which are participants include: Indiana University Pennsylvania State University Stanford University TriColleges (Swarthmore, Haverford, Bryn Mawr) University of California, Berkeley University of California, Merced University of Pittsburgh University of Washington
Europe
The institutions in the EU which are participants include: Copenhagen University Aarhus University Odense University Denmark Virtual Library [2]
References
[1] http:/ / en. wikipedia. org/ w/ index. php?title=Million_Book_Project& action=edit [2] http:/ / www. vlibrary. net
External links
The Universal Digital Library (http://www.ulib.org/) The Million Book Digital Library Project (http://www.rr.cs.cmu.edu/mbdl.htm) Frequently Asked Questions (http://www.library.cmu.edu/Libraries/MBP_FAQ.html) (Chinese) Universal Library, China site (http://www.cadal.zju.edu.cn/IndexEng.action) Universal Digital Library at Allahabad (http://udl.iiita.ac.in) Digital Library of India (http://www.new.dli.ernet.in/) Internet Archive: the archived pilot (http://www.archive.org/details/millionbooks)
Million Book Project larger partial collection (http://www.archive.org/details/universallibrary)
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Open Source Initiative

standard OSI logo Formation President Website February 1998 Simon Phipps opensource.org [1]
The Open Source Initiative (OSI) is an organization dedicated to promoting open-source software. The organization was founded in February 1998, by Bruce Perens and Eric S. Raymond, prompted by Netscape Communications Corporation publishing the source code for its flagship Netscape Communicator product. Later, in August 1998 the organization added a board of directors. Raymond was president from its founding until February 2005. In May 2012 the new board elected Simon Phipps as president.
Relationship with the free-software movement

Although born from the same history of Unix, Internet free software, and the hacker culture as the free software movement launched by Richard Stallman and his Free Software Foundation, the Open Source Initiative was formed and chose the term open source, in Michael Tiemann's words, to "dump the moralizing and confrontational attitude that had been associated with 'free software' in the past and sell the idea strictly on the same pragmatic, business-case grounds that had motivated Netscape." Stallman counter-charges that OSI's pragmatic focus on a model for software development and marketing ignores what he considers to be the central "ethical imperative" and the focus on "freedom" that underlies free software, as he defines it, and blurs the distinction with semi-free or wholly proprietary software. To Stallman, the important, fundamental difference is philosophical. Nevertheless, he describes his free software movement and the Open Source Initiative as separate camps within the same free-software community. According to Stallman, "We disagree with the open source camp on the basic goals and values, but their views and ours lead in many cases to the same practical behaviorsuch as developing free software. As a result, people from the free software movement and the open source camp often work together on practical projects such as software development."
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History
As a campaign of sorts, "open source" was launched in 1998 by Jon "maddog" Hall, Larry Augustin, Eric S. Raymond, Bruce Perens, and others.[2][3] The group adopted the Open Source Definition for open-source software, based on the Debian Free Software Guidelines. They also established the Open Source Initiative (OSI) as a steward organization for the movement. However, they were unsuccessful in their attempt to secure a trademark for 'open source' to control the use of the term.[4] In 2008, in an apparent effort to reform governance of the organization, the OSI Board invited 50 individuals to join a "Charter Members" group; by 26 July 2008, 42 of the original invitees had accepted the invitations. The full membership of the Charter Members has never been publicly revealed, and the Charter Members group communicated by way of a closed-subscription mailing list, "osi-discuss", with non-public archives.[5] Public information indicates that the group included Bradley M. Kuhn, Karl Fogel, Jim Blandy, Chamindra da Silva, Lawrence Rosen, and David Ascher.[6][7][8] Then-OSI Board member Danese Cooper was the principal moderator of osi-discuss. Kuhn later recollected that the Charter Membership was a "brouhaha (bordering on a flame fest)" and took no action. In 2009, the OSI was temporarily suspended from operation as a California corporation, apparently in response to a complaint concerning tax paperwork from earlier years.Wikipedia:Please clarify Its current status is "Active". In 2012, under the leadership of OSI director Simon Phipps, the OSI began transitioning towards a membership-based governance structure. The OSI initiated an Affiliate Membership program for "government-recognized non-profit charitable and not-for-profit industry associations and academic institutions anywhere in the world". Subsequently, the OSI announced an Individual Membership program.
Board members
The current Open Source Initiative board is:
Deborah Bryant Karl Fogel Richard Fontana Harshad Gune Martin Michlmayr Mike Milinkovich Simon Phipps Bruno Souza Tony Wasserman Luis Villa
Past board members include:

L. Peter Deutsch Brian Behlendorf Guido van Rossum Bruce Perens Raj Mathur Ian Murdock Chip Salzenberg Tim Sailer Eric S. Raymond Chris DiBona Joi Ito Matt Asay Ken Coar Rishab Aiyer Ghosh Nnenna Nwakanma Russ Nelson Danese Cooper Mike Godwin Andrew C. Oliver Michael Tiemann Fabio Kon Alolita Sharma Jim Jagielski [9]
Sanjiva Weerawarana
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Open-source-related movements
IGOS MyOSS Malaysia Ma3bar Arab Region
References
[1] [2] [3] [4] [5] [6] [7] [8] [9] http:/ / opensource. org/ History of the OSI (http:/ / www. opensource. org/ history) A Look Back at 10 Years of OSI (http:/ / www. onlamp. com/ pub/ a/ onlamp/ 2008/ 02/ 12/ a-look-back-at-10-years-of-osi. html) http:/ / opensource2. usrbinruby. net/ pressreleases/ certified-open-source. html|title=OSI Announcement of losing 'open source' trademark OSI Charter Member Discuss List (http:/ / members. opensource. org/ mailman/ listinfo/ osi-discuss) OSI Board Meeting Minutes, Saturday, July 26, 2008 (http:/ / www. opensource. org/ minutes20080726) OPEN 2011 Profile of the Speakers (http:/ / wikieducator. org/ OPEN_2011/ Profile_of_the_Speakers) RE: [osi-discuss] A question for themembershipaboutlicenserecommendation (http:/ / www. crynwr. com/ cgi-bin/ ezmlm-cgi/ 18/ 112) 2009 OSI Board Elections held in April (http:/ / www. opensource. org/ node/ 431)
External links
Official Website (http://opensource.org/) List of OSI approved licenses (http://opensource.org/licenses/alphabetical)
Free software movement

The free-software movement is a social movement[1] with the goal of obtaining and guaranteeing certain freedoms for software users, namely the freedom to run the software, to study and change the software, and to redistribute copies with or without changes. Although drawing on traditions and philosophies among members of the 1970s hacker culture, Richard Stallman formally founded the movement in 1983 by launching the GNU Project. Stallman founded the Free Software Foundation in 1985 to support the movement.
Philosophy
The philosophy of the movement is that the use of computers should not lead to people being prevented from cooperating with each other. In practice, this means rejecting "proprietary software", which imposes such restrictions, and promoting free software, with the ultimate goal of liberating everyone "in cyberspace" that is, every computer user. Stallman notes that this action will promote rather than hinder the progression of technology, since "it means that much wasteful duplication of system programming effort will be avoided. This effort can go instead into advancing the state of the art".[2] Members of the free-software movement believe that all users of software should have the freedoms listed in The Free Software Definition. Many of them hold that it is immoral to prohibit or prevent people from exercising these freedoms and that these freedoms are required to create a decent society where software users can help each other, and to have control over their computers. Some adherents to the free-software movement do not believe that proprietary software is strictly immoral. "While social change may occur as an unintended by-product of technological change, advocates of new technologies often have promoted them as instruments of positive social change." This quote by San Jose State professor Joel West explains much of the philosophy, or the reason that the free source movement is alive. If it is assumed that social change is not only affected, but in some points of view, directed by the advancement of technology, is it ethical to hold these technologies from certain people? If not to make a direct change, this
Free software movement movement is in place to raise awareness about the effects that take place because of the physical things around us. A computer, for instance, allows us so many more freedoms than we have without a computer, but should these technological mediums be implied freedoms, or selective privileges? The debate over the morality of both sides to the free software movement is a difficult topic to compromise respective opposition. The Free Software Foundation also believes all software needs free documentation, in particular because conscientious programmers should be able to update manuals to reflect modification that they made to the software, but deems the freedom to modify less important for other types of written works. Within the free software movement, the Floss manuals foundation specialises on the goal of providing such documentation. Members of the free software movement advocate that works which serve a practical purpose should also be free.
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Actions
Writing and spreading free software
The core work of the free software movement focused on software development. The free software movement also rejects proprietary software, refusing to install software that does not give them the freedoms of free software. According to Stallman, "The only thing in the software field that is worse than an unauthorised copy of a proprietary program, is an authorised copy of the proprietary program because this does the same harm to its whole community of users, and in addition, usually the developer, the perpetrator of this evil, profits from it."
Building awareness
Some supporters of the free-software movement take up public speaking, or host a stall at software-related conferences to raise awareness of software freedom. This is seen as important since people who receive free software, but who are not aware that it is free software, will later accept a non-free replacement or will add software that is not free software.
Ethical equality
Margaret S. Elliot, a researcher in the Institute for Software at the University of California Irvine, not only outlines many benefits that could come from a free software movement, she claims that it is inherently necessary to give every person equal opportunity to utilize the Internet, assuming that the computer is globally accessible. Since the world has become more based in the framework of technology and its advancement, creating a selective internet that allows only some to surf the web freely is nonsensical according to Elliot. If there is a desire to live in a more coexistent world that is benefited by communication and global assistance, then globally free software should be a position to strive for, according to many scholars who promote awareness about the free software movement. The ideas sparked by the GNU associates are an attempt to promote a "cooperative environment" that understands the benefits of having a local community and a global community.
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Legislation
A lot of lobbying work has been done against software patents and expansions of copyright law. Other lobbying focusses directly on use of free software by government agencies and government-funded projects. The Venezuelan government implemented a free software law in January 2006. Decree No. 3,390 mandated all government agencies to migrate to free software over a two-year period. Congressmen Edgar David Villanueva and Jacques Rodrich Ackerman have been instrumental in introducing in Republic of Peru bill 1609 on "Free Software in Public Administration". The incident immediately invited the attention of Microsoft Inc, Peru, whose General Manager wrote a letter to Dr Edgar David Villanueva. Dr Villanueva's response received worldwide attention and is still seen as a classical piece of argumentation favouring use of free software in Governments. In the USA, there have been efforts to pass legislation at the state level encouraging use of free software by state government agencies.
Subgroups and schisms

Like many social movements, the free software movement has ongoing internal conflict between personalities and between supporters of compromise versus strict adherence to values.
Open source
In 1998, some companies Wikipedia:Avoid weasel words met to create a marketing campaign for free software which would focus on technology rather than ethics[citation needed]. After this Eric Raymond and Bruce Perens founded the Open Source Initiative (OSI), to promote the term "open-source software" as an alternative term for free software. OSI did not agree with the free software movement's position that non-free software is a social problem or that it is unethical,[3] arguing instead that open-source is a superior model for software development. By 2005, Richard Glass considered the differences to be a "serious fracture" but "vitally important to those on both sides of the fracture" and "of little importance to anyone else studying the movement from a software engineering perspective" since they have had "little effect on the field". Some free software advocates use the term free and open-source software (FOSS) as an inclusive compromise, drawing on both philosophies to bring both free software advocates and open-source software advocates together to work on projects with more cohesion. Some users believe that a compromise term encompassing both aspects is ideal, to promote both the user's freedom with the software and also to promote the perceived superiority of an open source development model. While some people prefer to link the two ideas of "open-source software" and "free software" together, it is important to understand the difference because they offer two separate ideas and values. This ambiguity began in 1998 when people started to use the term "open-source software" rather than "free software". People in the community of free software used these separate terms as a way to differentiate what they did. The open-source movement addresses software being open as a practical question as opposed to an ethical dilemma. In other words, it focuses more on the development. The open-source movement ultimately determines that non-free software is not the solution of best interest. On the other hand, the free-software movement views non-free software as a social issue and free software as the solution to the problem. Those who work within the free-software community have searched for less ambiguous terms in efforts to refine their definition so there is no confusion, but struggle to find words that do not yield vagueness. Although the movements have separate values and goals, people in both the open-source community and free-software community collaborate when it comes to practical projects.
Free software movement The switch from the free-software movement to the open-source movement has had negative effects on the progression of community,according to Christopher Kelty who dedicates a scholarly chapter to the free-software movements in "Theorizing Media and Practice". The open-source movement denies that selectivity and the privatization of software is unethical. Although the open-source movement is working towards the same social benefits as the fre- software movement, Kelty claims that by disregarding this fundamental belief of the free-software advocates, one is destroying the overall argument. If it can be claimed that it is ethical to limit the internet and other technology to only users who have the means to use this software, then there is no argument against the way things are at the moment; there is no need to complain if all morality is in affect.
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Stallman and Torvalds

The two most prominent people attached to the movement, Richard Stallman and Linus Torvalds, may be seen as representatives of the value based versus apolitical philosophies, as well as the GNU versus Linux coding styles. Paradoxically as it seems, it is the symbiosis of their works that make up a complete operating system known as GNU/Linux, or just Linux. In the GNU/Linux naming controversy the FSF argues for the term GNU/Linux because GNU was a longstanding project to develop a free operating system, of which they say the kernel was the last missing piece.
Measures of progress
Ohloh, a web service founded in 2004 and launched in 2006, monitors the development activity in the free-software community, providing detailed metrics and quantitative analyses on the growth and popularity of projects and programming languages.
Criticism and controversy

Should principles be compromised?
Some, such as Eric Raymond, criticise the speed at which the free-software movement is progressing, suggesting that temporary compromises should be made for long-term gains. Raymond argues that this could raise awareness of the software and thus increase the free-software movement's influence on relevant standards and legislation. Others, such as Richard Stallman, see the current level of compromise to be the bigger worry.
How will programmers get paid?

Stallman said that this is where people get the misconception of "free": there is no wrong in programmers' requesting payment for a proposed project. Restricting and controlling the user's decisions on use is the actual violation of freedom. Stallman defends that in some cases, monetary incentive is not necessary for motivation since the pleasure in expressing creativity is a reward in itself (such as music and art).
References
[1] Richard Stallman on the nature of the Free software movement (http:/ / lists. gnu. org/ archive/ html/ emacs-devel/ 2008-03/ msg00635. html) in 2008 on emacs-devel mailing list. [2] Wardrip-Fruin, Noah, and Nick Montfort, eds. The New Media Reader. Cambridge: MIT Press, 2003. [3] "Free", "Open Source", and Philosophies of Software Ownership (http:/ / www. urbanophile. com/ arenn/ hacking/ fsvos. html)
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Further reading
David M. Berry, Copy, Rip, Burn: The Politics of Copyleft and Open Source, Pluto Press, 2008, ISBN 0-7453-2414-2 Johan Soderberg, Hacking Capitalism: The Free and Open Source Software Movement, Routledge, 2007, ISBN 0-415-95543-2
External links
What is Free Software? (http://www.onlamp.com/pub/a/onlamp/2005/09/29/what-is-free-software.html) Essay by Karl Fogel. The Free Software Movement and the Future of Freedom (http://fsfeurope.org/documents/rms-fs-2006-03-09. en.html), a 2006 lecture by Richard Stallman Free Software Movement intro by FSF (http://www.gnu.org/philosophy/free-software-intro.html) The GNU Project Philosophy Directory (http://www.gnu.org/philosophy/), containing many defining documents of the free software movement An interview with Stallman, "Free Software as a social movement" (http://www.zmag.org/znet/viewArticle/ 4795) Christian Imhorst, Anarchy and Source Code - What does the Free Software Movement have to do with Anarchism? (http://www.imhorst.net/translations/anarchy-and-source-code/), (licence: GFDL), 2005 An anti-DRM campaign (http://www.zeuux.org/law/billxu-rms-drm.html) - by Bill Xu and Richard Stallman The Codebreakers - a freely redistributable movie (http://www.apdip.net/news/fossdoc) Stallman's Free Software Song (http://www.gnu.org/music/free-software-song.html)
Consilience
In science and history, consilience (also convergence of evidence or concordance of evidence) refers to the principle that evidence from independent, unrelated sources can "converge" to strong conclusions. That is, when multiple sources of evidence are in agreement, the conclusion can be very strong even when none of the individual sources of evidence are very strong on their own. Most established scientific knowledge is supported by a convergence of evidence: if not, the evidence is comparatively weak, and there will not likely be a strong scientific consensus. The principle is based on the unity of knowledge; measuring the same result by several different methods should lead to the same answer. For example, it should not matter whether one measures the distance between the Great Pyramids of Giza by laser rangefinding, by satellite imaging, or with a meter stick - in all three cases, the answer should be approximately the same. For the same reason, different dating methods in geochronology should concur, a result in chemistry should not contradict a result in geology, etc. The word consilience was originally coined as the phrase "consilience of inductions" by William Whewell ("consilience" refers to a "jumping together" of knowledge).
Description
Consilience requires the use of independent methods of measurement, meaning that the methods have few shared characteristics. That is, the mechanism by which the measurement is made is different; each method is dependent on an unrelated natural phenomenon. For example, the accuracy of laser rangefinding measurements is based on the scientific understanding of lasers, while satellite pictures and meter sticks rely on different phenomena. Because the methods are independent, when one of several methods is in error, it is very unlikely to be in error in the same way
Consilience as any of the other methods, and a difference between the measurements will be observed.[1] If the scientific understanding of the properties of lasers were inaccurate, then the laser measurement would be inaccurate but the others would not. As a result, when several different methods agree, this is strong evidence that none of the methods are in error and the conclusion is correct. This is because of a greatly reduced likelihood of errors: for a consensus estimate from multiple measurements to be wrong, the errors would have to be similar for all samples and all methods of measurement, which is extremely unlikely. Random errors will tend to cancel out as more measurements are made, due to regression to the mean; systematic errors will be detected by differences between the measurements (and will also tend to cancel out since the direction of the error will still be random). This is how scientific theories reach high confidence over time, they build up a large degree of evidence which converges on the same conclusion.[2] When results from different strong methods do appear to conflict, this is treated as a serious problem to be reconciled. For example, in the 19th century, the Sun appeared to be no more than 20 million years old, but the Earth appeared to be no less than 300 million years (resolved by the discovery of nuclear fusion and radioactivity, and the theory of quantum mechanics);[3] or current attempts to resolve theoretical differences between quantum mechanics and general relativity.
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Significance
Because of consilience, the strength of evidence for any particular conclusion is related to how many independent methods are supporting the conclusion, as well as how different these methods are. Those techniques with the fewest (or no) shared characteristics provide the strongest consilience and result in the strongest conclusions. This also means that confidence is usually strongest when considering evidence from different fields, because the techniques are usually very different. For example, the theory of evolution is supported by a convergence of evidence from genetics, molecular biology, paleontology, geology, biogeography, comparative anatomy, comparative physiology, and many other fields.[4] In fact, the evidence within each of these fields is itself a convergence providing evidence for the theory. (As a result, to disprove evolution, most or all of these independent lines of evidence would have to be found to be in error.) The strength of the evidence, considered together as a whole, results in the strong scientific consensus that the theory is correct. In a similar way, evidence about the history of the universe is drawn from astronomy, astrophysics, planetary geology, and physics. Finding similar conclusions from multiple independent methods is also evidence for the reliability of the methods themselves, because consilience eliminates the possibility of all potential errors that do not affect all the methods equally. This is also used for the validation of new techniques through comparison with the consilient ones. If only partial consilience is observed, this allows for the detection of errors in methodology; any weaknesses in one technique can be compensated for by the strengths of the others. Alternatively, if using more than one or two techniques for every experiment is infeasible, some of the benefits of consilience may still be obtained if it is well-established that these techniques usually give the same result. Consilience is important across all of science, including the social sciences,[5] and is often used as an argument for scientific realism by philosophers of science. Each branch of science studies a subset of reality that depends on factors studied in other branches. Atomic physics underlies the workings of chemistry, which studies emergent properties that in turn are the basis of biology. Psychology is not separate from the study of properties emergent from the interaction of neurons and synapses. Sociology, economics, and anthropology are each, in turn, studies of properties emergent from the interaction of countless individual humans. The concept that all the different areas of research are studying one real, existing universe is an apparent explanation of why scientific knowledge determined in one field of inquiry has often helped in understanding other fields.
Consilience
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Deviations from consilience

Consilience does not forbid deviations: in fact, since not all experiments are perfect, some deviations from established knowledge are expected. However, when the convergence is strong enough, then new evidence inconsistent with the previous conclusion is not usually enough to outweigh that convergence. Without an equally strong convergence on the new result, the weight of evidence will still favor the established result. This means that the new evidence is most likely to be wrong. Science denialism (for example, AIDS denialism) is often based on a misunderstanding of this property of consilience. A denier may promote small gaps not yet accounted for by the consilient evidence, or small amounts of evidence contradicting a conclusion without accounting for the pre-existing strength resulting from consilience. More generally, to insist that all evidence converge precisely with no deviations would be nave falsificationism,[6] equivalent to considering a single contrary result to falsify a theory when another explanation, such as equipment malfunction or misinterpretation of results, is much more likely.[7]
In history
Historical evidence also converges in an analogous way. For example: if five ancient historians, none of whom knew each other, all claim that Julius Caesar seized power in Rome in 49 BCE, this is strong evidence in favor of that event occurring even if each individual historian is only partially reliable. By contrast, if the same historian had made the same claim five times in five different places (and no other types of evidence were available), the claim is much weaker because it originates from a single source. The evidence from the ancient historians could also converge with evidence from other fields, such as archeology: for example, evidence that many senators fled Rome at the time, that the battles of Caesars civil war occurred, and so forth. Consilience has also been discussed in reference to Holocaust denial. "We [have now discussed] eighteen proofs all converging on one conclusion...the deniers shift the burden of proof to historians by demanding that each piece of evidence, independently and without corroboration between them, prove the Holocaust. Yet no historian has ever claimed that one piece of evidence proves the Holocaust. We must examine the collective whole." That is, individually the evidence may underdetermine the conclusion, but together they overdetermine it. A similar way to state this is that to ask for one particular piece of evidence in favor of a conclusion is a flawed question.
Outside the sciences

In addition to the sciences, consilience can be important to the arts, ethics,and religion. Both artists and scientists have identified the importance of biology in the process of artistic innovation.
History of the concept

Consilience has its roots in the ancient Greek concept of an intrinsic orderliness that governs our cosmos, inherently comprehensible by logical process, a vision at odds with mystical views in many cultures that surrounded the Hellenes. The rational view was recovered during the high Middle Ages, separated from theology during the Renaissance and found its apogee in the Age of Enlightenment. Whewells definition was that: The Consilience of Inductions takes place when an Induction, obtained from one class of facts, coincides with an Induction obtained from another different class. Thus Consilience is a test of the truth of the Theory in which it occurs. More recent descriptions include:
Consilience "Where there is convergence of evidence, where the same explanation is implied, there is increased confidence in the explanation. Where there is divergence, then either the explanation is at fault or one or more of the sources of information is in error or requires reinterpretation."[8] "Proof is derived through a convergence of evidence from numerous lines of inquiry--multiple, independent inductions, all of which point to an unmistakable conclusion."
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Edward O. Wilson
Although the concept of consilience in Whewell's sense was widely discussed by philosophers of science, the term was unfamiliar to the broader public until the end of the 20th century, when it was revived in Consilience: The Unity of Knowledge, a 1998 book by the humanist biologist Edward Osborne Wilson, as an attempt to bridge the culture gap between the sciences and the humanities that was the subject of C. P. Snow's The Two Cultures and the Scientific Revolution (1959). Wilson held that with the rise of the modern sciences, the sense of unity gradually was lost in the increasing fragmentation and specialization of knowledge in the last two centuries. He asserted that the sciences, humanities, and arts have a common goal: to give a purpose to understanding the details, to lend to all inquirers "a conviction, far deeper than a mere working proposition, that the world is orderly and can be explained by a small number of natural laws." Wilson's concept is a much broader notion of consilience than that of Whewell, who was merely pointing out that generalizations invented to account for one set of phenomena often account for others as well. A parallel view lies in the term universology, which literally means "the science of the universe." Universology was first advocated for the study of the interconnecting principles and truths of all domains of knowledge by Stephen Pearl Andrews, a 19th-century utopian futurist and anarchist.
Notes
[1] Note that this is not the same as performing the same measurement several times. While repetition does provide evidence because it shows that the measurement is being performed consistently, it would not be consilience and would be more vulnerable to error. [2] Statistically, if three different tests are each 90% reliable when they give a positive result, a positive result from all three tests would be 99.9% reliable; five such tests would be 99.999% reliable, and so forth. This requires the tests to be statistically independent, analogous to the requirement for independence in the methods of measurement. [3] John N. Bahcall, nobelprize.org (http:/ / www. nobelprize. org/ nobel_prizes/ physics/ articles/ fusion/ #1) [4] Scientific American, March 2005. "The Fossil Fallacy." Link. (http:/ / www. scientificamerican. com/ article. cfm?id=the-fossil-fallacy) [5] For example, in linguistics: see Converging Evidence: Methodological and theoretical issues for linguistic research, edited by Doris Schonefeld. Link. (http:/ / books. google. ca/ books?id=nGKT-2VwO0UC& pg=PT92& dq=Converging+ Evidence& hl=en& sa=X& ei=ipfuT_jrOIjpqAHnrp2OAg& ved=0CDMQ6AEwAA#v=onepage& q=Converging Evidence& f=false) [6] For example, see Imre Lakatos. (http:/ / www. inf. fu-berlin. de/ lehre/ pmo/ eng/ Lakatos-Falsification. pdf), in Criticism and the Growth of Knowledge (1970). [7] More generally, anything which results in a false positive or false negative. [8] A Companion to the Philosophy of History and Historiography, section 28. Aviezer Tucker (editor).
References External links

A conversation with Edward O. Wilson (http://www.theatlantic.com/unbound/bookauth/ba980318.htm) es, Founded Upon Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/whewell/)
Theory of everything
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Beyond the Standard Model
Simulated Large Hadron Collider CMS particle detector data depicting a Higgs boson produced by colliding protons decaying into hadron jets and electrons Standard Model
A theory of everything (ToE) or final theory is any theory in the realm of theoretical physics that fully explains and links together all known physical phenomena, and predicts the outcome of any experiment that could be carried out in principle.[1] The term mainly refers to the desire to reconcile the two main successful physical frameworks, general relativity which describes gravity and the large-scale structure of spacetime, and quantum field theory, particularly as implemented in the standard model, which describes the small-scale structure of matter while incorporating the other three non-gravitational forces, the weak, strong and electromagnetic interactions. A primary stumbling block in the construction of a ToE is that straightforward attempts to apply quantum mechanics to the gravitational field, in the same way as for say the electromagnetic field, fail due to the breakdown of the renormalization procedure. Thus the central issue is how to combine general relativity and quantum mechanics. This is one of the unsolved problems in physics. Many candidate theories of everything have been proposed by theoretical physicists during the twentieth century, but none have been confirmed experimentally. Initially, the term theory of everything was used with an ironic connotation to refer to various overgeneralized theories. For example, a great-grandfather of Ijon Tichy a character from a cycle of Stanisaw Lem's science fiction stories of the 1960s was known to work on the "General Theory of Everything". Physicist John Ellis claims to have introduced the term into the technical literature in an article in Nature in 1986. Over time, the term stuck in popularizations of theoretical physics research.
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Historical antecedents
From ancient Greece to Einstein
Archimedes was possibly the first scientist that is known to have described nature with axioms (or principles) and then deduce new results from them.[citation needed] He thus tried to describe "everything" starting from a few axioms. Any "theory of everything" is similarly expected to be based on axioms and to deduce all observable phenomena from them. The concept of 'atom', introduced by Democritus, unified all phenomena observed in nature as the motion of atoms. In ancient Greek times philosophers speculated that the apparent diversity of observed phenomena was due to a single type of interaction, namely the collisions of atoms. Following atomism, the mechanical philosophy of the 17th century posited that all forces could be ultimately reduced to contact forces between the atoms, then imagined as tiny solid particles. In the late 17th century, Isaac Newton's description of the long-distance force of gravity implied that not all forces in nature result from things coming into contact. Newton's work in his Principia dealt with this in a further example of unification, in this case unifying Galileo's work on terrestrial gravity, Kepler's laws of planetary motion and the phenomenon of tides by explaining these apparent actions at a distance under one single law: the law of universal gravitation. In 1814, building on these results, Laplace famously suggested that a sufficiently powerful intellect could, if it knew the position and velocity of every particle at a given time, along with the laws of nature, calculate the position of any particle at any other time: An intellect which at a certain moment would know all forces that set nature in motion, and all positions of all items of which nature is composed, if this intellect were also vast enough to submit these data to analysis, it would embrace in a single formula the movements of the greatest bodies of the universe and those of the tiniest atom; for such an intellect nothing would be uncertain and the future just like the past would be present before its eyes. Essai philosophique sur les probabilits, Introduction. 1814 Laplace thus envisaged a combination of gravitation and mechanics as a theory of everything. Modern quantum mechanics implies that uncertainty is inescapable, and thus that Laplace's vision needs to be amended: a theory of everything must include gravitation and quantum mechanics. In 1820, Hans Christian rsted discovered a connection between electricity and magnetism, triggering decades of work that culminated in 1865, in James Clerk Maxwell's theory of electromagnetism. During the 19th and early 20th centuries, it gradually became apparent that many common examples of forces contact forces, elasticity, viscosity, friction, and pressure result from electrical interactions between the smallest particles of matter. In his experiments of 184950, Michael Faraday was the first to search for a unification of gravity with electricity and magnetism. However, he found no connection. In 1900, David Hilbert published a famous list of mathematical problems. In Hilbert's sixth problem, he challenged researchers to find an axiomatic basis to all of physics. In this problem he thus asked for what today would be called a theory of everything. In the late 1920s, the new quantum mechanics showed that the chemical bonds between atoms were examples of (quantum) electrical forces, justifying Dirac's boast that "the underlying physical laws necessary for the mathematical theory of a large part of physics and the whole of chemistry are thus completely known". After 1915, when Albert Einstein published the theory of gravity (general relativity), the search for a unified field theory combining gravity with electromagnetism started again with renewed interest. At the time, it seemed plausible that no other fundamental forces exist. Prominent contributors were Gunnar Nordstrm, Hermann Weyl, Arthur Eddington, Theodor Kaluza, Oskar Klein, and most notably, Albert Einstein and his collaborators. Einstein intensely
Theory of everything searched for such a unifying theory during the last decades of his life. However, none of these attempts were successful.[2]
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Twentieth century and the nuclear interactions

In the twentieth century, the search for a unifying theory was interrupted by the discovery of the strong and weak nuclear forces (or interactions), which differ both from gravity and from electromagnetism. A further hurdle was the acceptance that in a ToE, quantum mechanics had to be incorporated from the start, rather than emerging as a consequence of a deterministic unified theory, as Einstein had hoped. Gravity and electromagnetism could always peacefully coexist as entries in a list of classical forces, but for many years it seemed that gravity could not even be incorporated into the quantum framework, let alone unified with the other fundamental forces. For this reason, work on unification, for much of the twentieth century, focused on understanding the three "quantum" forces: electromagnetism and the weak and strong forces. The first two were combined in 196768 by Sheldon Glashow, Steven Weinberg, and Abdus Salam into the "electroweak" force.[3] Electroweak unification is a broken symmetry: the electromagnetic and weak forces appear distinct at low energies because the particles carrying the weak force, the W and Z bosons, have non-zero masses of 80.4GeV/c2 and 91.2GeV/c2, whereas the photon, which carries the electromagnetic force, is massless. At higher energies Ws and Zs can be created easily and the unified nature of the force becomes apparent. While the strong and electroweak forces peacefully coexist in the Standard Model of particle physics, they remain distinct. So far, the quest for a theory of everything is thus unsuccessful on two points: neither a unification of the strong and electroweak forces which Laplace would have called `contact forces' has been achieved, nor a unification of these forces with gravitation has been achieved.
Modern physics
Conventional sequence of theories
A Theory of Everything would unify all the fundamental interactions of nature: gravitation, strong interaction, weak interaction, and electromagnetism. Because the weak interaction can transform elementary particles from one kind into another, the ToE should also yield a deep understanding of the various different kinds of possible particles. The usual assumed path of theories is given in the following graph, where each unification step leads one level up:
Theory of Everything Gravitation Electronuclear force (GUT) Strong interaction SU(3) Electroweak interaction SU(2) x U(1)Y Weak interaction Electromagnetism U(1)EM Electricity Magnetism
In this graph, electroweak unification occurs at around 100 GeV, grand unification is predicted to occur at 1016 GeV, and unification of the GUT force with gravity is expected at the Planck energy, roughly 1019 GeV. Several Grand Unified Theories (GUTs) have been proposed to unify electromagnetism and the weak and strong forces. Grand unification would imply the existence of an electronuclear force; it is expected to set in at energies of the order of 1016 GeV, far greater than could be reached by any possible Earth-based particle accelerator. Although
Theory of everything the simplest GUTs have been experimentally ruled out, the general idea, especially when linked with supersymmetry, remains a favorite candidate in the theoretical physics community. Supersymmetric GUTs seem plausible not only for their theoretical "beauty", but because they naturally produce large quantities of dark matter, and because the inflationary force may be related to GUT physics (although it does not seem to form an inevitable part of the theory). Yet GUTs are clearly not the final answer; both the current standard model and all proposed GUTs are quantum field theories which require the problematic technique of renormalization to yield sensible answers. This is usually regarded as a sign that these are only effective field theories, omitting crucial phenomena relevant only at very high energies. The final step in the graph requires resolving the separation between quantum mechanics and gravitation, often equated with general relativity. Numerous researchers concentrate their efforts on this specific step; nevertheless, no accepted theory of quantum gravity and thus no accepted theory of everything has emerged yet. It is usually assumed that the ToE will also solve the remaining problems of GUTs. In addition to explaining the forces listed in the graph, a ToE may also explain the status of at least two candidate forces suggested by modern cosmology: an inflationary force and dark energy. Furthermore, cosmological experiments also suggest the existence of dark matter, supposedly composed of fundamental particles outside the scheme of the standard model. However, the existence of these forces and particles has not been proven yet.
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String theory and M-theory List of unsolved problems in physics

Is string theory, superstring theory, or M-theory, or some other variant on this theme, a step on the road to a "theory of everything", or just a blind alley?
Since the 1990s, many physicists believe that 11-dimensional M-theory, which is described in some limits by one of the five perturbative superstring theories, and in another by the maximally-supersymmetric 11-dimensional supergravity, is the theory of everything. However, there is no widespread consensus on this issue. A surprising property of string/M-theory is that extra dimensions are required for the theory's consistency. In this regard, string theory can be seen as building on the insights of the Kaluza-Klein theory, in which it was realized that applying general relativity to a five dimensional universe (with one of them small and curled up) looks from the four-dimensional perspective like the usual general relativity together with Maxwell's electrodynamics. This lent credence to the idea of unifying gauge and gravity interactions, and to extra dimensions, but didn't address the detailed experimental requirements. Another important property of string theory is its supersymmetry, which together with extra dimensions are the two main proposals for resolving the hierarchy problem of the standard model, which is (roughly) the question of why gravity is so much weaker than any other force. The extra-dimensional solution involves allowing gravity to propagate into the other dimensions while keeping other forces confined to a four-dimensional spacetime, an idea that has been realized with explicit stringy mechanisms. Research into string theory has been encouraged by a variety of theoretical and experimental factors. On the experimental side, the particle content of the standard model supplemented with neutrino masses fits into a spinor representation of SO(10), a subgroup of E8 that routinely emerges in string theory, such as in heterotic string theory or (sometimes equivalently) in F-theory.[4] String theory has mechanisms that may explain why fermions come in three hierarchical generations, and explain the mixing rates between quark generations.[5] On the theoretical side, it has begun to address some of the key questions in quantum gravity, such as resolving the black hole information paradox, counting the correct entropy of black holes[6] and allowing for topology-changing processes. It has also led to many insights in pure mathematics and in ordinary, strongly-coupled gauge theory due to the Gauge/String duality.
Theory of everything In the late 1990s, it was noted that one major hurdle in this endeavor is that the number of possible four-dimensional universes is incredibly large. The small, "curled up" extra dimensions can be compactified in an enormous number of different ways (one estimate is 10500) each of which leads to different properties for the low-energy particles and forces. This array of models is known as the string theory landscape. One proposed solution is that many or all of these possibilities are realised in one or another of a huge number of universes, but that only a small number of them are habitable, and hence the fundamental constants of the universe are ultimately the result of the anthropic principle rather than dictated by theory. This has led to criticism of string theory, arguing that it cannot make useful (i.e., original, falsifiable, and verifiable) predictions and regarding it as a pseudoscience. Others disagree, and string theory remains an extremely active topic of investigation in theoretical physics.
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Loop quantum gravity

Current research on loop quantum gravity may eventually play a fundamental role in a ToE, but that is not its primary aim. Also loop quantum gravity introduces a lower bound on the possible length scales. There have been recent claims that loop quantum gravity may be able to reproduce features resembling the Standard Model. So far only the first generation of fermions (leptons and quarks) with correct parity properties have been modelled by Sundance Bilson-Thompson using preons constituted of braids of spacetime as the building blocks. However, there is no derivation of the Lagrangian that would describe the interactions of such particles, nor is it possible to show that such particles are fermions, nor that the gauge groups or interactions of the Standard Model are realised. Utilization of quantum computing concepts made it possible to demonstrate that the particles are able to survive quantum fluctuations. This model leads to an interpretation of electric and colour charge as topological quantities (electric as number and chirality of twists carried on the individual ribbons and colour as variants of such twisting for fixed electric charge). Bilson-Thompson's original paper suggested that the higher-generation fermions could be represented by more complicated braidings, although explicit constructions of these structures were not given. The electric charge, colour, and parity properties of such fermions would arise in the same way as for the first generation. The model was expressly generalized for an infinite number of generations and for the weak force bosons (but not for photons or gluons) in a 2008 paper by Bilson-Thompson, Hackett, Kauffman and Smolin.
Other attempts
Any ToE must include general relativity and the Standard Model of particle physics. A recently very prolific attempt is called Causal Sets. As some of the approaches mentioned above, its direct goal isn't necessarily to achieve a ToE but primarily a working theory of quantum gravity, which might eventually include the standard model and become a candidate for a ToE. Its founding principle is that spacetime is fundamentally discrete and that the spacetime events are related by a partial order. This partial order has the physical meaning of the causality relations between relative past and future distinguishing spacetime events. Outside the previously mentioned attempts there is Garrett Lisi's E8 proposal. This theory provides an attempt of identifying general relativity and the standard model within the Lie group E8. The theory doesn't provide a novel quantization procedure and the author suggests its quantization might follow the Loop Quantum Gravity approach above mentioned. Christoph Schiller's Strand Model attempts to account for the gauge symmetry of the Standard Model of particle physics, U(1)SU(2)SU(3), with the three Reidemeister moves of knot theory.
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Present status
At present, there is no clear answer from experimental data regarding the reconciliation of the gravitational and quantum field descriptions of nature. Most particle physicists state that the outcome of the ongoing experiments the search for new particles at the large particle accelerators and for dark matter are needed in order to provide further input for a ToE.
Theory of everything and philosophy

The philosophical implications of a physical ToE are frequently debated. For example, if philosophical physicalism is true, a physical ToE will coincide with a philosophical theory of everything. The "system building" style of metaphysics attempts to answer all the important questions in a coherent way, providing a complete picture of the world. Plato and Aristotle could be said to have created early examples of comprehensive systems. In the early modern period (17th and 18th centuries), the system-building scope of philosophy is often linked to the rationalist method of philosophy, which is the technique of deducing the nature of the world by pure a priori reason. Examples from the early modern period include the Leibniz's Monadology, Descarte's Dualism, and Spinoza's Monism. Hegel's Absolute idealism and Whitehead's Process philosophy were later systems.
Arguments against a theory of everything

In parallel to the intense search for a theory of everything, various other scholars are debating the possibility of success.
Gdel's incompleteness theorem

A number of scholars claim that Gdel's incompleteness theorem proves that any attempt to construct a ToE is bound to fail. Gdel's theorem, informally stated, asserts that any formal theory expressive enough for elementary arithmetical facts to be expressed and strong enough for them to be proved is either inconsistent (both a statement and its denial can be derived from its axioms) or incomplete, in the sense that there is a true statement about natural numbers that can't be derived in the formal theory. Stanley Jaki, in his 1966 book The Relevance of Physics, pointed out that, because any "theory of everything" will certainly be a consistent non-trivial mathematical theory, it must be incomplete. He claims that this dooms searches for a deterministic theory of everything. In a later reflection, Jaki states that it is wrong to say that a final theory is impossible, but rather that "when it is on hand one cannot know rigorously that it is a final theory."[7] Freeman Dyson has stated that
Gdels theorem implies that pure mathematics is inexhaustible. No matter how many problems we solve, there will always be other problems that cannot be solved within the existing rules. [...] Because of Gdel's theorem, physics is inexhaustible too. The laws of physics are a finite set of rules, and include the rules for doing mathematics, so that Gdel's theorem applies to them.
NYRB, May 13, 2004
Stephen Hawking was originally a believer in the Theory of Everything but, after considering Gdel's Theorem, concluded that one was not obtainable.
Some people will be very disappointed if there is not an ultimate theory, that can be formulated as a finite number of principles. I used to belong to that camp, but I have changed my mind. Gdel and the end of physics [8]
, July 20, 2002
Theory of everything Jrgen Schmidhuber (1997) has argued against this view; he points out that Gdel's theorems are irrelevant for computable physics. In 2000, Schmidhuber explicitly constructed limit-computable, deterministic universes whose pseudo-randomness based on undecidable, Gdel-like halting problems is extremely hard to detect but does not at all prevent formal ToEs describable by very few bits of information. Related critique was offered by Solomon Feferman, among others. Douglas S. Robertson offers Conway's game of life as an example: The underlying rules are simple and complete, but there are formally undecidable questions about the game's behaviors. Analogously, it may (or may not) be possible to completely state the underlying rules of physics with a finite number of well-defined laws, but there is little doubt that there are questions about the behavior of physical systems which are formally undecidable on the basis of those underlying laws. Since most physicists would consider the statement of the underlying rules to suffice as the definition of a "theory of everything", most physicists argue that Gdel's Theorem does not mean that a ToE cannot exist. On the other hand, the scholars invoking Gdel's Theorem appear, at least in some cases, to be referring not to the underlying rules, but to the understandability of the behavior of all physical systems, as when Hawking mentions arranging blocks into rectangles, turning the computation of prime numbers into a physical question. This definitional discrepancy may explain some of the disagreement among researchers.
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Fundamental limits in accuracy

No physical theory to date is believed to be precisely accurate. Instead, physics has proceeded by a series of "successive approximations" allowing more and more accurate predictions over a wider and wider range of phenomena. Some physicists believe that it is therefore a mistake to confuse theoretical models with the true nature of reality, and hold that the series of approximations will never terminate in the "truth". Einstein himself expressed this view on occasions.[9] Following this view, we may reasonably hope for a theory of everything which self-consistently incorporates all currently known forces, but we should not expect it to be the final answer. On the other hand it is often claimed that, despite the apparently ever-increasing complexity of the mathematics of each new theory, in a deep sense associated with their underlying gauge symmetry and the number of fundamental physical constants, the theories are becoming simpler. If this is the case, the process of simplification cannot continue indefinitely.
Lack of fundamental laws

There is a philosophical debate within the physics community as to whether a theory of everything deserves to be called the fundamental law of the universe.[10] One view is the hard reductionist position that the ToE is the fundamental law and that all other theories that apply within the universe are a consequence of the ToE. Another view is that emergent laws, which govern the behavior of complex systems, should be seen as equally fundamental. Examples of emergent laws are the second law of thermodynamics and the theory of natural selection. The advocates of emergence argue that emergent laws, especially those describing complex or living systems are independent of the low-level, microscopic laws. In this view, emergent laws are as fundamental as a ToE. The debates do not make the point at issue clear. Possibly the only issue at stake is the right to apply the high-status term "fundamental" to the respective subjects of research. A well-known one took place between Steven Weinberg and Philip Anderson[citation needed]
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Impossibility of being "of everything"

Although the name "theory of everything" suggests the determinism of Laplace's quotation, this gives a very misleading impression. Determinism is frustrated by the probabilistic nature of quantum mechanical predictions, by the extreme sensitivity to initial conditions that leads to mathematical chaos, by the limitations due to event horizons, and by the extreme mathematical difficulty of applying the theory. Thus, although the current standard model of particle physics "in principle" predicts all known non-gravitational phenomena, in practice only a few quantitative results have been derived from the full theory (e.g., the masses of some of the simplest hadrons), and these results (especially the particle masses which are most relevant for low-energy physics) are less accurate than existing experimental measurements. The ToE would almost certainly be even harder to apply for the prediction of experimental results, and thus might be of limited use. A motive for seeking a ToE,[citation needed] apart from the pure intellectual satisfaction of completing a centuries-long quest, is that prior examples of unification have predicted new phenomena, some of which (e.g., electrical generators) have proved of great practical importance. And like in these prior examples of unification, the ToE would probably allow us to confidently define the domain of validity and residual error of low-energy approximations to the full theory.
Infinite number of onion layers

Lee Smolin regularly argues that the layers of nature may be like the layers of an onion, and that the number of layers might be infinite.[citation needed] This would imply an infinite sequence of physical theories. The argument is not universally accepted, because it is not obvious that infinity is a concept that applies to the foundations of nature. The results of quantum theory strongly suggest that nature is not infinite in its foundations, because space and time have been shown to break down at smaller quantities than the Planck units [citation needed].
Impossibility of calculation
Weinberg[11] points out that calculating the precise motion of an actual projectile in the Earth's atmosphere is impossible. So how can we know we have an adequate theory for describing the motion of projectiles? Weinberg suggests that we know principles (Newton's laws of motion and gravitation) that work "well enough" for simple examples, like the motion of planets in empty space. These principles have worked so well on simple examples that we can be reasonably confident they will work for more complex examples. So a ToE must work for a wide range of simple examples in such a way that we can be reasonably confident it will work for every situation in physics.
References
Footnotes
[1] Weinberg (1993) [2] Pais (1982), Ch. 17. [3] Weinberg (1993), Ch. 5 [4] Donagi, Ron and Wijnholt, Martijn (2008) Model Building with F-Theory (http:/ / arxiv. org/ abs/ 0802. 2969v3) [5] Heckman, Jonathan J. and Vafa, Cumrun (2008) Flavor Hierarchy From F-theory (http:/ / arxiv. org/ abs/ 0811. 2417v3) [6] Horowitz, Gary (1996) The Origin of Black Hole Entropy in String Theory (http:/ / arxiv. org/ abs/ grqc/ 9604051) [7] Stanley L. Jaki (2004) " A Late Awakening to Gdel in Physics (http:/ / www. sljaki. com/ JakiGodel. pdf)," pp. 89. [8] http:/ / www. damtp. cam. ac. uk/ strings02/ dirac/ hawking/ [9] Einstein, letter to Felix Klein, 1917. (On determinism and approximations.) Quoted in Pais (1982), Ch. 17. [10] Weinberg (1993), Ch 2. [11] Weinberg (1993) p. 5
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Bibliography
Pais, Abraham (1982) Subtle is the Lord...: The Science and the Life of Albert Einstein (Oxford University Press, Oxford, . Ch. 17, ISBN 0-19-853907-X Weinberg, Steven (1993) Dreams of a Final Theory: The Search for the Fundamental Laws of Nature, Hutchinson Radius, London, ISBN 0-09-177395-4
External links
The Elegant Universe (http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/nova/elegant/program.html) a Nova episode about the search for the theory of everything and string theory. 'Theory of Everything' (http://www.vega.org.uk/video/programme/7) Freeview video by the Vega Science Trust and the BBC/OU.
Tree of Knowledge System

The Tree of Knowledge (ToK) System is a theoretical approach to the unification of psychology developed by Gregg Henriques, associate professor and Director of the Combined-Integrated Doctoral Program in Clinical and School Psychology at James Madison University.[1] The outline of the system was published in 2003 in Review of General Psychology.[2] Two special issues of the Journal of Clinical Psychology in December 2004 [3] and January 2005 [4] were devoted to the elaboration and evaluation of the Gregg Henriques' Tree of Knowledge System model. The latest evaluation of this model appeared in a December 2008 special issue of Theory & Psychology''.[5] The Official Website on the Tree of Knowledge System claims that the ToK is ...a new unified theory of knowledge that maps the pieces of the scientific puzzle in a novel way that connects Quantum Mechanics to Sociological processes and everything in between into a coherent whole. The most novel aspect of the ToK is its visuo-spatial depiction of knowledge as consisting of four dimensions of complexity (Matter, Life, Mind, and Culture) that correspond to the behavior of four classes of objects (material objects, organisms, animals, and humans), and four classes of science (physical, biological, psychological, and social).[6]
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The "problem of psychology"

Henriques argues that the most difficult problem in psychology as a discipline is that while there is incredible diversity offered by different approaches to psychology, there is no consensus model of what psychology actually is.[7][8] According to the ToK System, the "problem of psychology", (as Henriques puts it), is that a clear definition, an agreed upon subject matter, and a coherent conceptual framework have eluded its students for its entire history. He further argues that the patent tendency of psychology has been toward theoretical and substantial fractionation and increasing insularity among the specialties. In other words, the discipline has fragmented into different schools of thought and methodology, with no overall framework to interpret and integrate the research of different areas. At its best, the different approaches are a strength of psychology; different approaches lead to novel ideas, and prevent psychologists from clinging to a paradigm that fails to explain a phenomenon. At its worst, adherents of one particular school cling to their beliefs concerning the relative importance of their research and disregard or are ignorant of different approaches. In most cases, individual psychologists have to determine for themselves which elements of which perspective to apply, and how to integrate them into their overall understanding. The reason for psychologys fractionation, according to the ToK, is that there has been no meta-theoretical frame that allows scholars to agree on the basic questions that need to be addressed. As such, the different schools of thought in psychology are like the blind men who each grab a part of the elephant and proclaim they have discovered its true nature. With its novel depiction of evolving dimensions of complexity, the ToK allows scholars finally to see the elephant. In his 2003 Review of General Psychology paper,[9] Henriques used the ToK System with the attempt to clarify and align the views of B.F. Skinner and Sigmund Freud. These luminaries were chosen because when one considers their influence and historical opposition, it can readily be argued that they represent two schools of thought that are the most difficult to integrate. Henriques used the meta-perspective offered by the ToK to argue how one can retain the key insights from each school of thought, identify errors and points of confusion, and integrate the insights into a coherent whole. Cultural and personality psychologist, Michael Katzko,[10] however critiques Henriques' position on "the problem of psychology": There is a very good reason for skepticism regarding the repeated claims that the one unique problem of psychology, applicable across the entire discipline, has been identified and that the ToK System solves it. The reason is given by the detail with which alternatives have been worked out, be they historical studies of institutional development or critical commentaries on the rhetorical structure of psychologys literature. [11]
Tree of Knowledge
In one way, the Tree of Knowledge (ToK) System reflects a fairly common hierarchy of nature and of the sciences that has been represented in one way or another since the time of Auguste Comte, who in the 17th century used a hierarchical conception of nature to argue for the existence of sociology. Despite its surface agreement with a standard conception, the ToK System offers a set of ideas that have added implications for both ontology and epistemology. The ontological claim made by the ToK, (and depicted pictorially above), is that cosmic evolution consists of four separable dimensions of complexity, namely Matter, Life, Mind, and Culture. The dimension of complexity argument is arguably one of the most complicated aspects of the system. Many have argued nature is hierarchically leveled; for example, a list of such levels might be subatomic particles, atoms, molecules, cells, organ structures, multi-celled organisms, consciousness, and society is common. The ToK System embraces a view of nature as levels, but adds the notion that there are also dimensions of complexity. The difference can be seen pictorially. A view of nature as solely consisting of levels would have a single "cone" of complexity, whereas the ToK depicts four "cones". The ToK posits that a separate dimension of complexity emerges when a process of selection operates on a unit of information. Thus, according to the ToK, natural selection operating on genetic
Tree of Knowledge System combinations gives rise to the dimension of Life; behavioral selection operating on neuronal combinations gives rise to the dimension of Mind; and justification operating on symbolic combinations gives rise to Culture. The ToK System also offers a new epistemology that Henriques believes will move toward what E.O. Wilson termed consilience.[12] Consilience is the interlocking of fact and theory into a coherent, holistic view of knowledge. The ToK offers alternative perspectives on how knowledge is obtained because it depicts science itself as both emerging out of culture and as a unique type of "justification system" that is based on the values of accuracy and objectivity.[13] A "justification system", according to Henriques, refers to any belief system that emerges that coordinates the behaviors of individual humans to human populations. The four dimensions of complexity correspond to four broad classes of science: the physical, biological, psychological and social sciences.
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Matter
The dimension of matter refers to the set of material objects and their behaviors through time. In accordance with modern cosmology, matter is theorized to have emerged from a pure energy singularity at the Big Bang. Space and time were also born at such a point. Nonliving material objects range in complexity from subatomic particles to large organic molecules. The physical sciences (i.e., physics, chemistry, geology, astronomy) describe the behavior of material objects.[14]
Life
The dimension of life refers to organisms and their behaviors through time. Living objects are considered a unique subset of material objects. Just as quantum particles form the fundamental units of material complexity, genes are the fundamental units of living information. Although many questions about the emergence of life remain unanswered, in accordance with modern biology, the ToK posits that natural selection operating on genetic combinations through time is the unified theory of biology and forms the foundational understanding for the emergence of organic complexity.[15]
Mind
Mind in the ToK System refers to the set of mental behaviors. Mental behaviors are behaviors of animals mediated by the nervous system that produce a functional effect on the animal-environment relationship. As such, Mind is essentially synonymous with what behavioral psychologists have meant when they use the term behavior. Thus, a fly avoiding a fly swatter, a rat pushing a bar or a human getting a drink of water are all mental behaviors. Mind is not synonymous with sentience or the capacity for mental experience, although such processes are presumed to emerge in the mental dimension. Cognition, in the broad sense of the term (i.e., as meaning neuro-information processing) is seen as covert mental behavior, whereas change between the animal and the environment is defined as overt mental behavior. Thus, by defining mind as mental behavior, Henriques argues that the ToK System provides a way to bridge the epistemological differences between cognitive and behavioral science.[16]
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Culture
Culture in the ToK System refers to the set of sociolinguistic behaviors, which range from large scale nation states to individual human justifications for particular actions. Just as genetic information processing is associated with the Life dimension and neuronal information processing associated with the Mind dimension, symbolic information processing emerges with the Cultural dimension.[17]
Theoretical joint points

Quantum Gravity
Quantum Gravity refers to the imagined merger between the twin pillars of physical science which are quantum mechanics, the study of the microscopic (e.g., electrons), and general relativity, the science of the macroscopic (e.g., galaxies). Currently, these two great domains of science cannot be effectively interwoven into a single, physical Theory of Everything. Yet progress is being made, most notably through string theory, loop quantum gravity, black hole thermodynamics and the study of the early universe. Some of the difficulties combining these two pillars of physical science are philosophical in nature and it is possible that the macro view of knowledge offered by the ToK may eventually aid in the construction of a coherent theory of quantum gravity. The reason the ToK might help is that it locates scientific knowledge in relationship to the physical universe.
The Modern Synthesis

The Modern Synthesis refers to the merger of genetics with natural selection which occurred in the 1930s and 1940s and offers a reasonably complete framework for understanding the emergence of biological complexity. Although there remain significant gaps in biological knowledge surrounding questions such as the origin of life and the emergence of sexual reproduction, the modern synthesis represents the most complete and well-substantiated joint point.
Behavioral Investment Theory

Behavioral Investment Theory (BIT) is proposed as a merger of the selection science of behaviorism with the information science of cognitive neuroscience (notice the parallel with the modern synthesis). BIT posits that the nervous system evolved as an increasingly flexible computational control system that coordinates the behavioral expenditure of energy of the animal as a whole. Expenditure of behavioral energy is theorized to be computed on an investment value system built evolutionarily through natural selection operating on genetic combinations and ontogenetically through behavioral selection operating on neural combinations. As such, the current behavioral investments of the animal are conceptualized as the joint product of the two vectors of phylogeny and ontogeny. A unique element of BIT is that it finds a core of agreement and builds bridges between five brain-behavior paradigms: (1) cognitive science; (2) behavioral science; (3) evolutionary theory and genetics; (4) neuroscience; and (5) cybernetics/systems theory. David C. Geary noted the similarities between his "Motivation-to-Control" hypothesis and Henriques' Behavioral Investment Theory, which were developed independently of each other. Furthermore, Geary suggested that his model "seem[ed] to fill in many of the proximate mechanisms and evolutionary pressures that define the life-mind joint point, and provided a framework for further development of the mind-culture joint point." [18]
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Justification Hypothesis
The Justification Hypothesis (JH) is a novel proposal that allows for both the understanding of the evolution of culture and for identifying what makes humans distinct animals. A basic initial claim of the JH is that the process of justification is a crucial component of human mental behavior at both the individual and societal level. Unlike all other animals, humans everywhere ask for and give explanations for their actions. Arguments, debates, moral dictates, rationalizations, and excuses all involve the process of explaining why ones claims, thoughts or actions are warranted. In virtually every form of social exchange, from warfare to politics to family struggles to science, humans are constantly justifying their behavioral investments to themselves and others. The JH can be stated succinctly as follows: The evolution of language gave rise to the problem of justification, and this evolutionary pressure ultimately resulted in the human self-consciousness system and human culture. The JH carries with it three fundamental postulates. The first is that the evolution of language must have created the problem of justification, which is the problem of explaining ones self to others in a justifiable manner. The second postulate is that the human self-consciousness system can be understood as a justification filter. This second claim links the evolutionary analysis with key insights from psychodynamic theory. Specifically, psychodynamic theory posits that socially unjustifiable impulses are inhibited and socially justifiable reasons are given for actions taken. The third postulate is that culture can be understood as large scale justification systems that coordinate the behavior of human populations. Cultural systems are seen to evolve much in the same way as organisms do in biological evolution: there is a process of variation, selection and retention of belief systems.
How the ToK solves the problem of Psychology

The problem of psychology, according to the ToK, is its conceptual incoherence, which Henriques identifies by the following: (1) There is no agreed upon definition. (2) There is no agreed upon subject matter. (3) There is a proliferation of overlapping and redundant concepts. (4) There are a large number of paradigms with fundamentally different epistemological assumptions. (5) Specialization continues to be increasingly emphasized at the expense of generalization and thus the problem of fragmentation only grows. When the various conceptions of psychology (e.g., behavioral, humanistic, cognitive) are viewed through the lens of the ToK System, psychology spans two different dimensions of complexity: the mental and the cultural. In other words, the discipline has historically spanned two fundamentally separate problems: (1) the problem of animal behavior in general, and (2) the problem of human behavior at the individual level. If, as previously thought, nature simply consisted of levels of complexity, psychology would not be crisply defined in relationship to biology or the social sciences. And, indeed, it is frequently suggested that psychology exists in an amorphous space between biology and the social sciences. However, with its dimension of complexity depiction, the ToK System suggests that psychology can be crisply defined as the science of mind, which is the third dimension of complexity. Furthermore, because human behavior exists in the fourth dimension, psychology must be divided into two broad scientific domains of (1) psychological formalism and (2) human psychology.
Tree of Knowledge System Psychological formalism is defined as the science of mind and corresponds to the behavior of animal objects. Human psychology is considered to be a unique subset of psychological formalism that deals with human behavior at the level of the individual. Because human behavior is immersed in the larger socio-cultural context (level four in the ToK System), human psychology is considered a hybrid discipline that merges the pure science of psychology with the social sciences. It is important to point out that there are other disciplines the ToK System would classify as hybrids. Molecular genetics, for example, is a hybrid between chemistry and biology and neuroscience is a hybrid between biology and psychology. As with Henriques' proposed conception of human psychology, both of these disciplines adopt an object level perspective (molecular and cellular, respectively) on phenomena that simultaneously exist as part of meta-level system processes (life and mind, respectively).[19] Though David A. F. Haaga "congratulate[d] Dr. Henriques' ambitious, scholarly, provocative paper", and "found the Tree of Knowledge taxonomy, the theoretical joint points, the evolutionary history, and the levels of emergent properties highly illuminating", he asks the rhetorical questions, If it is so difficult to define terms such as 'psychology' with such precision, why bother? Why not just agree that we all have at least a rough idea of what psychology is, and take the rest of the afternoon off? After all, if theoretical or empirical work improves our understanding of some aspect of the world or our fellow people, or improves our ability to help people enhance their physical or emotional well being, what difference does it make whether this work is considered a part of psychology, of cognitive science, of behavioral neuroscience, of public health, or what have you? This raises the question of what definitions in general are good for. [20] In a similar vein, Scott O. Lilienfeld, who described Henriques' effort as "thoughtful", contended that psychology is "an inherently fuzzy concept that resists precise definition" and that "attempts to define psychology [would be] likely to hamper rather than foster consilience across disciplines". Lilienfield went on further to suggest that the scientist-practitioner gap in psychology lies not in definitional issues, but in different "epistemic attitudes" between these two groups. He stated that scientists have an epistemic attitude of empiricism, (where questions regarding human nature are settled by scientific evidence), and that practitioners have an epistemic attitude of romanticism, (where questions of human nature are settled by intuition). Lilienfeld suggested that the solution to the scientist-practitioner gulf isn't definitional, but in "train[ing] future clinical scientists to appreciate the proper places of romanticism and empiricism within science".[21]
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Consciousness and Human Behavior

A frequent question and point of confusion in the ToK System is the definition and meaning of consciousness. As mentioned above, mind is not synonymous with consciousness. And, to understand consciousness from a ToK vantage point, it is crucial to recognize that the term is often ambiguous in its meaning. Two primary meanings are sentience, which is the capacity for mental experience and self-awareness, which is the capacity to be aware of ones awareness. Sentience is conceptualized as a level 3 phenomena, possessed by many animals other than humans and is defined as a perceived electro-neuro-chemical representation of animal-environment relations. The ingredient of neurological behavior that allows for the emergence of mental experience is considered the hard problem of conscious and the ToK System does not address this question explicitly. In contrast, through the Justification Hypothesis (see below), the ToK System involves a very direct analysis of the other issue of consciousness, that of self-awareness. Another frequent question that is raised is Where does individual human behavior fall on the ToK? To analyze human behavior from the context of the ToK, one uses the ToK like a prism to separate the dimensions of behavior into physiochemical, biogenetic, neuropsychological and sociolinguistic. Thus if we imagine a conversation between a husband and wife as follows: Wife: You are late again. Husband: Please not now. It was a stressful day and traffic was bad and you know if work needs to be done, I cant just leave it.
Tree of Knowledge System The words represent the sociolinguistic dimension and are understood as a function of justification. Justification systems are seen both at the level of individual, micro-social and societal (i.e., the context of justification in which men work and women stay at home). The actions of the husband and wife in terms of facial expression, body movement, etc. are seen as the mental dimension and are understood as a function of behavioral investment. The physiological make up of the organ systems and cells of each body is seen as the biogenetic dimension. Finally, the position, temperature, molecular make up is seen as the physiochemical dimension. Each of the more basic dimensions represent conditions of possibility that allow for the emergence of the higher dimension of process. Thus, insufficient oxygen disrupts organic processes which in turn renders neuropsychological and sociolinguistic processes impossible.
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Toward the Integration of Human Knowledge

As stated above, the ToK System proposes a new epistemology with the goal of moving academic knowledge toward what E.O. Wilson termed consilience. Consilience is the interlocking of fact and theory into a coherent, holistic view of knowledge. Henriques argues that the ToK affords new perspectives on how knowledge is obtained because it depicts how science emerges from culture and that the four dimensions of complexity correspond to four broad classes of science: the physical, biological, psychological and social sciences. Henriques further argues that developing such a system for integrating knowledge is not just an academic enterprise. He suggests that in an increasingly complex world, the fragmented state of knowledge can be seen as one of the most pressing social problems of our time. Henriques also believes that history seems to attest that the absence of a collective worldview ostensibly condemns humanity to an endless series of conflicts that inevitably stem from incompatible, partially correct, locally situated justification systems. Thus, from Henriques' perspective, there are good reasons for believing that if there was a shared, general background of explanation, humanity might be able to achieve much greater levels of harmonious relations. In a 2008 article on the ToK,[22] Henriques cites Oliver Reiser's 1958 call for unifying scientific knowledge that Henriques implies is similar in theme to the ToK: In this time of divisive tendencies within and between the nations, races, religions, sciences and humanities, synthesis must become the great magnet which orients us all[Yet] scientists have not done what is possible toward integrating bodies of knowledge created by science into a unified interpretation of man, his place in nature, and his potentialities for creating the good society. Instead, they are entombing us in dark and meaningless catacombs of learning. [23] With its depiction of the dimensions of complexity and interlocking theoretical joint points, Henriques' believes that his ToK System offers new avenues that might allow scholars to meet Reisers call for academic synthesis. Henriques, like Reiser, believes that with a shared sense of purpose and a common background of explanation, people might yet be able to integrate bodies of knowledge into a unified interpretation of humanity, with humanity's place in nature and its potentialities for creating the good society.
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References
[1] "About Me" section of the ToK System website (http:/ / psychweb. cisat. jmu. edu/ ToKSystem/ about me. htm) [2] Henriques, G.R. (2003). The Tree of Knowledge System and the Theoretical Unification of Psychology. (http:/ / psychweb. cisat. jmu. edu/ ToKSystem/ My ToK Papers/ The ToK and Unification of Psych. pdf) Review of General Psychology, 7, 150-182. [3] Journal of Clinical Psychology. (December 2004). Special Issue: Defining Psychology: Articles and Commentaries on a New Unified Theory (Part 1) Issue Edited by Gregg R. Henriques. Volume 60 Issue 12 , Pages 1203 - 1315 (http:/ / www3. interscience. wiley. com/ cgi-bin/ jissue/ 109747885) [4] Journal of Clinical Psychology. (January 2005). Special Issue: Defining Psychology: Articles and Commentaries on a New Unified Theory (Part 2) Issue Edited by Gregg R. Henriques. Volume 61 Issue 1 , Pages 1 - 139 (http:/ / www3. interscience. wiley. com/ cgi-bin/ jissue/ 109856879) [5] Theory & Psychology. (December 2008). Volume 18, No. 6 (http:/ / tap. sagepub. com/ content/ vol18/ issue6/ ) [6] ToK FAQ (http:/ / psychweb. cisat. jmu. edu/ ToKSystem/ other research. htm) [7] Henriques, G.R. (2003). The Tree of Knowledge System and the Theoretical Unification of Psychology. (http:/ / psychweb. cisat. jmu. edu/ ToKSystem/ My ToK Papers/ The ToK and Unification of Psych. pdf) Review of General Psychology, 7, 150-182. [8] Henriques, G.R. (2004). Psychology Defined (http:/ / psychweb. cisat. jmu. edu/ ToKSystem/ My ToK Papers/ Psych Defined. pdf). Journal of Clinical Psychology, 60, 1207-1221. [9] Henriques, G.R. (2003). The Tree of Knowledge System and the Theoretical Unification of Psychology. (http:/ / psychweb. cisat. jmu. edu/ ToKSystem/ My ToK Papers/ The ToK and Unification of Psych. pdf) Review of General Psychology, 7, 150-182. [10] Homepage of Michael Katzko (http:/ / baserv. uci. kun. nl/ ~mwsk49/ ) [11] Katzko, M.W. (2008). Pruning the Tree of Knowledge. Theory & Psychology, 18, 817-828. Abstract (http:/ / tap. sagepub. com/ cgi/ content/ abstract/ 18/ 6/ 817) [12] Wilson, E.O. (1999). Consilience: The Unity of Knowledge. Vintage:USA [13] Henriques, G.R. (2008). The problem of psychology and the integration of human knowledge: Contrasting Wilson's Consilience with the Tree of Knowledge System. Theory & Psychology, 18, 731-755. Final draft (http:/ / psychweb. cisat. jmu. edu/ ToKSystem/ My ToK Papers/ PPIHPRevised. pdf) [14] Henriques, G.R. (2003). The Tree of Knowledge System and the Theoretical Unification of Psychology. (http:/ / psychweb. cisat. jmu. edu/ ToKSystem/ My ToK Papers/ The ToK and Unification of Psych. pdf) Review of General Psychology, 7, 150-182. [15] Henriques, G.R. (2003). The Tree of Knowledge System and the Theoretical Unification of Psychology. (http:/ / psychweb. cisat. jmu. edu/ ToKSystem/ My ToK Papers/ The ToK and Unification of Psych. pdf) Review of General Psychology, 7, 150-182. [16] Henriques, G.R. (2003). The Tree of Knowledge System and the Theoretical Unification of Psychology. (http:/ / psychweb. cisat. jmu. edu/ ToKSystem/ My ToK Papers/ The ToK and Unification of Psych. pdf) Review of General Psychology, 7, 150-182. [17] Henriques, G.R. (2003). The Tree of Knowledge System and the Theoretical Unification of Psychology. (http:/ / psychweb. cisat. jmu. edu/ ToKSystem/ My ToK Papers/ The ToK and Unification of Psych. pdf) Review of General Psychology, 7, 150-182. [18] Geary, D. C. (2005). The motivation to control and the origin of mind: Exploring the life-mind joint point in the tree of knowledge. (http:/ / web. missouri. edu/ ~psycorie/ JCP05[final]05. pdf) Journal of Clinical Psychology, 61, 21-46. [19] Henriques, G.R. (2004). Psychology Defined (http:/ / psychweb. cisat. jmu. edu/ ToKSystem/ My ToK Papers/ Psych Defined. pdf). Journal of Clinical Psychology, 60, 1207-1221. [20] Haaga, D.A.F. (2004). Defining psychology: What can it do for us? (http:/ / psychweb. cisat. jmu. edu/ ToKSystem/ Related Articles/ Defining Psychology. pdf) Journal of Clinical Psychology, 60, 1227-1230. [21] Lilienfeld, S.O. (2004). Defining psychology: Is it worth the trouble? (http:/ / psychweb. cisat. jmu. edu/ ToKSystem/ Related Articles/ Is it worth the trouble. pdf) Journal of Clinical Psychology, 60, 1249-1253. [22] Henriques, G.R. (2008). The problem of psychology and the integration of human knowledge: Contrasting Wilson's Consilience with the Tree of Knowledge System. Theory & Psychology, 18, 731-755. Final draft (http:/ / psychweb. cisat. jmu. edu/ ToKSystem/ My ToK Papers/ PPIHPRevised. pdf) [23] Reiser, O.L. (1958). The integration of human knowledge. Boston: Porter Sargent.
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External links
The Official Tree of Knowledge Website (http://psychweb.cisat.jmu.edu/ToKSystem/) Tree of Knowledge System/Expert article by Gregg Henriques at the Psychology Wiki (http://psychology.wikia. com/wiki/Tree_of_Knowledge_System/Expert_article_by_Gregg_Henriques)
This page uses content from the English-language version of Psychology Wiki (http://psychology.wikia.com/wiki/ The_Psychology_Wiki'''The). The original article was at Tree of Knowledge System/Expert article by Gregg Henriques (http:/ / psychology. wikia. com/ wiki/ Tree_of_Knowledge_System/ Expert_article_by_Gregg_Henriques). The list of authors can be seen in the page history (http://psychology.wikia.com/w/w/index.php?title=Tree_of_Knowledge_System/ Expert_article_by_Gregg_Henriques& action=history). The text of both The Psychology Wiki and Wikipedia is available under the GNU Free Documentation License.
The Mind of God
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The Mind of God

The Mind of God
Author Language Publisher Paul Davies English Simon & Schuster UK
Publication date 1992 ISBN OCLC Number 0-671-71069-9 27726607 [1]
The Mind of God is a 1992 non-fiction book by Paul Davies. Subtitled The Scientific Basis for a Rational World, it is a whirlwind tour and explanation of theories, both physical and metaphysical, regarding ultimate causes. Its title comes from a quotation from Stephen Hawking: "If we do discover a theory of everything...it would be the ultimate triumph of human reasonfor then we would truly know the mind of God." In the preface, Davies explains that he has been interested in ultimate causes since childhood, having annoyed his parents with unending "why's" about everything, with each answer demanding another "why," and usually ending with the reply, "Because God made it that way, and that's that!" In the book proper, Davies briefly explores: the nature of reason, belief, and metaphysics; theories of the origin of the universe; the laws of nature; the relationship of mathematics to physics; a few arguments for the existence of God; the possibility that the universe shows evidence of intelligent design; and his opinion of the implications of Gdel's incompleteness theorem, that "the search for a closed logical scheme that provides a complete and self-consistent explanation is doomed to failure." He concludes with a statement of his belief that, even though we may never attain a theory of everything, "the existence of mind in some organism on some planet in the universe is surely a fact of fundamental significance. Through conscious beings the universe has generated self-awareness. This can be no trivial detail, no minor byproduct of mindless, purposeless forces. We are truly meant to be here."
External links
The publisher's webpage for The Mind of God [2]
References
[1] http:/ / worldcat. org/ oclc/ 27726607 [2] http:/ / www. simonsays. com/ content/ content. cfm?sid=33& pid=404185
Article Sources and Contributors
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Context Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=245707288 Contributors: 16@r, Adamsan, Altenmann, Amakuru, Arcan, Auntof6, BD2412, BigBang19, Black raven2525, Black-Velvet, CALR, CQ, Cnilep, DDdW, Dbtfz, Deb, Dfletter, Dhoom4, Dodo78, Eduemoni, Eekerz, EmanWilm, Emperorbma, Enochlau, Falcon8765, Fuzheado, Galoubet, Gavia immer, Geoffrey.landis, GregorB, Gsaup, Gyre, Gtz, Headbomb, Hoos-foos, Hugus, Ian Drysdale, Ideogram, Ishraq93, JHunterJ, JackofOz, Jeff3000, Jimothytrotter, John Vandenberg, KYPark, Kalogeropoulos, Katieh5584, Kiara6789, La goutte de pluie, Legotech, Lucy-S, Mahlum, MelbourneStar, Michael Hardy, Mididoctors, MikeX, Moink, NULL, Norman Oh, Ott, Pax:Vobiscum, Penfold, Peter G Werner, Poweroid, Qwert, R'n'B, RedWolf, Ringbang, Ruud Koot, Ryanjunk, Sasata, SebastianHelm, SimonP, Smjg, Snigbrook, Stijn Vermeeren, TeunAvanDijk, TiCPU, Tide rolls, UnitedStatesian, Vegaswikian, Wafry, Warhorus, Wdflake, Willking1979, Wireless friend, Woohookitty, 56 anonymous edits Context Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=560672063 Contributors: 2602:306:CFD3:47C0:813A:9F46:46C7:9698, AXRL, Ahoerstemeier, Albeiror24, Annabelle Lukin, Bertrand Bellet, Brahim foussali, Cavenba, Cuaxdon, Harold Philby, Idunno271828, Jcf1991, LittleHow, Sasquatchfiddlestick, Schmloof, Serenity id, TeunAvanDijk, Wafry, Woohookitty, , 25 anonymous edits Context principle Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=550522471 Contributors: Banno, Charles Matthews, ElectricalTill, Gregbard, Jan Schreiber, Lucidish, Omnipaedista, Radgeek, Renamed user 4, Robertvan1, SummerWithMorons, Thomas Ash, 4 anonymous edits Triangle of reference Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=556195890 Contributors: Arjayay, BD2412, Bgwhite, Doug, Dthomsen8, Genezistan, GoingBatty, Gwernol, Hgladney, JakobVoss, KYPark, Kyoakoa, LookingGlass, Mild Bill Hiccup, NULL, Niceguyedc, SchreiberBike, Sfan00 IMG, Vegas949, Zouxiaohui, 9 anonymous edits The Message in the Bottle Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=546589690 Contributors: BigrTex, Carcharoth, Christian Roess, DavidFarmbrough, Gamaliel, GrahamHardy, KYPark, Lightmouse, Michial, Pegship, PhnomPencil, Qfwfq, R'n'B, RYNORT, ShelfSkewed, Woohookitty, 8 anonymous edits Cognitive anthropology Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=548867523 Contributors: ATimothy5, Aeusoes1, Black-Velvet, DarwinPeacock, Fleela, Gordoni, Grafen, Gregbard, Lee.Sailer, Luk, Pigman, Rayc, ResidentAnthropologist, Rigadoun, Rjwilmsi, Schrauwers, SummerWithMorons, TTwist, Wrsieck, 3 anonymous edits Cognitive linguistics Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=542199663 Contributors: Aleksd, Altenmann, Andres, Andycjp, Anomalocaris, Bpetroglyph, Buzgun, CambridgeBayWeather, Cansem, CharlesGillingham, Cnilep, Conversion script, Cuaxdon, CultureDrone, Deineka, Dirk Geeraerts, Djfrost711, Ericedward, Facopad, Freespirit.freebird, GTony7912, Garik, HunterAmor, Jalali.farah, Jecar, Jhopkins, JossBuckle Swami, Just plain Bill, KEJ, Karpenkook, Kripkenstein, Kyoakoa, Lacrimosus, Lam Kin Keung, Liontooth, LittleDan, Lucidish, Mangojuice, Mark Dingemanse, Mattisgoo, Michael Hardy, Mike Dillon, Mindstore, MisfitToys, Mitrius, MrOllie, Mrwojo, Nevill Fernando, Nine Tail Fox, Niyogi, Oliver Pereira, Onopearls, Proofreader77, Radicalsubversiv, Rich Farmbrough, Ritchy, Rjanag, Rkmaknowles, Ryguasu, Samw, Schlossberg, Scwlong, Selfinformation, Shweta, Sietse Snel, Spellbinder, Stevertigo, Template namespace initialisation script, The Wiki ghost, Truman Burbank, Twinxor, Vaganyik, Vanberg, Vegaswikian, Wikikrax, Wikivangelist, Zoe, 94 anonymous edits Cognitive psychology Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=574291373 Contributors: 24.91.231.xxx, APH, Aaron Kauppi, Abidagus, Acroterion, Action potential, Aeternus, Agespan, Alansohn, Almostc, Altg20April2nd, Amead, AndreasPDemetriou, Andries, Andy Fugard, Angrysockhop, Anonymous editor, Antandrus, Anthonyhcole, Ap, Arjayay, Arnoutf, 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RexNL, RichardF, Rileydutton, Robocoder, Romanm, Ronz, Ryguasu, Samein50, Sardanaphalus, Saunders 1980, ScAvenger lv, SchreiberBike, Schwnj, Scottalter, Seglea, Seraphita, Sethbell123, Shanel, Shumdw, SimonP, Simonxag, Slon02, Snagglepuss24, Sortior, Stevenmitchell, Storkk, Tassedethe, The Anome, The Nut, The Rhymesmith, The Thing That Should Not Be, The.phdj, Themepark, ThreeOfCups, Timeeeee, Troas, Troglodyto, Twas Now, Useded, Vanished user 5zariu3jisj0j4irj, Vaughan, Vegaswikian, Vsmith, WLU, Washington irving, WeijiBaikeBianji, Whicky1978, Will Beback, Windvally, Wingspeed, Xiutwel, Yamamoto Ichiro, , 325 anonymous edits Cognitive science Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=574661988 Contributors: 122.x.x.x, A. di M., A314268, AJHaltom, APH, AaronSw, Abrio, Action potential, Akhileshmisra, Albany NY, Aldux, Alfie66, Altenmann, Alterego, Amatulic, Anastazius kockorad, Andres Agudelo, Andy Fugard, Anthony702, Anticipator, Aranea Mortem, Aranel, Arch dude, Are Srli, 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Connolley, Xanderk84, Xeos, Xyzzyplugh, Yasth, Zinjixmaggir, , , 443 anonymous edits Cognitive semantics Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=558306731 Contributors: Abductive, BD2412, BaomoVW, Bob1960evens, Byelf2007, EagleFan, Elagatis, Gaius Cornelius, GoingBatty, Grafen, HajRoss, Infamousgrouse, KEJ, KYPark, Khazar2, Kyliu, Kyoakoa, Lockley, Lucidish, Mark Dingemanse, Newbyguesses, Nora lives, Rjwilmsi, Wikivangelist, , 16 anonymous edits Frame semantics Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=562295149 Contributors: AndriesVanRenssen, Bse3, FrancisTyers, Gdm, Grafen, Ish ishwar, KEJ, KYPark, LessHeard vanU, Mike Dillon, Nae'blis, Nehaljwani, Omnipaedista, Pitan, SimonP, Tennessee3333, 6 anonymous edits Situation semantics Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=563888377 Contributors: Fadesga, Hpvpp, Kyoakoa, Malcolma, MullerHolk, PigFlu Oink, Plucas58, Rjanag, UKoch, 20 anonymous edits Semiotics Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=573434287 Contributors: 16@r, 2001:BB8:2002:1500:B153:FB8D:E183:EB4C, 9258fahsflkh917fas, Adamstamp, Adrey, Adrian Sampson, Afernand74, Ahernandez33, Aldenjadi, Altg20April2nd, Alvinj77, Amerique, Amhawks, Ancheta Wis, Andre Engels, Andres, Angry candy, Antiorario, Antonielly, Art LaPella, Arthur Rubin, Ashley Pomeroy, Auccl799, Ave Caesar, Bamkin, Baronka, Benc, Beyond My Ken, Bgiwan, Bill3000, Binadot, BlumeTheory, Bonadea, BookgirlST, Bookinvestor, Borgx, Br1z, Bracton, Brantgoose, Brelson, Burschik, Cailil, Cansem, Catgut, Charles Matthews, CharleyQuinton, Chrishota, Cleduc, Cnilep, Cobaltnova, Conversion script, Cquan, Crywalt, Ctsewall, Cwkmail, D'n, D6, DASonnenfeld, Dan Pelleg, DandyDan2007, Dani0rad, Darrenhusted, Darth whore, David Delony, David H Braun (1964), David91, David@sickmiller.com, Davidsclarke, Ddball, Deathtripp, Deepak (old), Delirium, Delldot, DionysosProteus, Discospinster, DocWatson42, Docu, Dpv, Dr Oldekop, Dr sign, Drmaik, Dsp13, Eagletm, EcoRover, Edhubbard, Eequor,

Eilthireach, El C, Elipongo, Elwikipedista, Epbr123, Eric Shalov, Evereyes, FadulJA, Falcon9x5, Fat Burner, Fayte, Fenbaud, FlavrSavr, Fmuratozdemir, FocalPoint, Gabrieldov, Galoubet, Gecko, Genesiswinter, Genspire, Germandemat, Ghirlandajo, Giraffedata, GirasoleDE, Gleaman, Grant Fletcher, Haeinous, HairyFotr, Hans Adler, HazielAhn, Headbomb, Hermitstudy, Hirzel, Hu12, Hurmata, Hyacinth, ITstudents, Ianml, Immunize, Informatwr, Iranway, Irc-reading, Iridescent, JAF1970, JDspeeder1, JForget, JLD, JMK, Jahsonic, James Seneca, Jlittlet, Jm34harvey, Joanjoc, Joeltwilcox, Jojit fb, Jon Awbrey, Jon Roland, Jorge Stolfi, Jorunn, Joviir, Jusdafax, Jusjih, Jwdietrich2, KYPark, Kablammo, Kaihsu, Katy121, Kelleyhg, Kemet, Kempleb, Keraunos, Kkmcbride, Kku, Kokoriko, Kronecker, Krupo, Kukini, Kzollman, Laocon11, Lechatjaune, Lemccbr, Lindsay658, LogertGilby, Lotje, Lubos, Lucidish, Luke4545, Luna Santin, MaNeMeBasat, Macedonian, Malcolm77, Mani1, Marc Girod, Martarius, Materialscientist, Maunus, Mav, Maw, Mentifisto, Michael Hardy, Mike Rosoft, Mike889, Mikeroodeus, Miquonranger03, Mjb, Mjhoy, Modciv, Montag451, Moretz, Mr. Stradivarius, MrOllie, Msasscts, Mushroom, NSR, Nagelfar, NawlinWiki, Neilbeach, Newbyguesses, Nk, Nlight, NorwegianBlue, Nscheffey, Oileyboyley, OlEnglish, Oldekop, Ontoraul, Ott, PBS, Parkjunwung, Pedant17, Peelpel, Pgk, Phil Sandifer, Philip Trueman, PhnomPencil, Physicist, Pirtskhalava, Pliny, Project2501a, Purplepancho, Quibik, Qwyrxian, R'n'B, Rashomon digger, RasputinJSvengali, Rdsmith4, Redwalker, Reidwikki, Rhys, Rich Farmbrough, Richigi, Ricky81682, Rigadoun, Ritzemar, Rjanag, Rmallott1, Roberta F., Robson correa de camargo, Roven7, SBennett1, Sailoralexny, Salam32, Samsara, Sardanaphalus, Schaefer, Schwantner, Scope creep, Seaphoto, ServiceableVillain, Sethmahoney, Shrumster, SidP, SimonP, SirGrotius, Slipperyweasel, Sockatume, Somedude202, Sparafucil, Squarrels, SteinbDJ, Steven Weston, Stevenmitchell, Stevenzenith, Stevertigo, Stevietheman, Suchisuvrasen, Sundar, Sylent, Techcomm2013, Tempshill, Terrasidius, The Alchimist, The Anome, The Tetrast, The Transhumanist, The Wiki ghost, The wub, TheSoundAndTheFury, Thomasda, TimVickers, Titoxd, Tpwebb, Tryxx, Tsk351, Ulflarsen, Unfree, Unschool, VMS Mosaic, Vandermude, Varuag doos, Velho, Victoria15, Vmenkov, Wayland, Wclark, Wikilibrarian, Wyatt915, Xos, Yenlinch, Yintan, Ynaztiw, Yonghokim, Youandme, Youssefsan, Yuyudevil, Zeno Gantner, ZimZalaBim, Zzuuzz, , , 406 anonymous edits Syntax Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=566127955 Contributors: 16@r, 194.230.160.xxx, 195.186.148.xxx, 2bluey, 62.202.117.xxx, AK IM OP, ANALYN AYCOCHO, Acb4341, Action potential, Adw2000, Ahoerstemeier, Airborne84, Aitias, Allan McInnes, Altenmann, Andre Engels, Andycjp, Angr, Angryafghan, Anomalocaris, Anthony Appleyard, Atlant, Aurista25, Axeman89, Beige Tangerine, Beland, Bellenion, Ben-Zin, BiT, BigBangTheoryLad, Bobo192, Bogey97, Bogger, Brian the Editor, Byelf2007, C.Fred, CJLL Wright, CR7, CWenger, Cadr, Can't sleep, clown will eat me, CapnPrep, Cc116, Charles Matthews, Cherry blossom tree, ChrisGualtieri, Chronotox, Ciceronl, CityOfSilver, ClosedEyesSeeing, Cnilep, Coffeeassured, Comhreir, Conversion script, Cquan, Cromwellt, CyrilThePig4, D6, DARTH SIDIOUS 2, David Kernow, David.Mestel, DerHexer, Derek farn, Discospinster, Dittaeva, Divespluto, Dmerrill, Donald Albury, Dude1818, Dungodung, Dwspig2, Ed g2s, Eilthireach, El C, Epbr123, Erutuon, Fattyjwoods, FilipeS, FlyHigh, Freedomlinux, FreplySpang, FromFoamsToWaves, Fuzzypeg, Gbouzon, Ghiraddje, Giftlite, Gilliam, Glen, Glenn, Goudron, Graham87, Grahas02, Gregbard, Guillaume2303, Hadal, Haggen Kennedy, Hannes Hirzel, Haukurth, Hectorthebat, Hexham, Hippasus, Hippietrail, Hirzel, Hulten, Hyacinth, Hyad, IRP, Icek, Iloveandrea, Ish ishwar, J Crow, J. 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Wells, Tjo3ya, Tooki, Torgo, Triplejo2, TuukkaH, TwigsCogito, Vaganyik, Versus22, Viriditas, Vishnava, Wavelength, Wayiran, Whimemsz, Will Hen, William Avery, Willking1979, Wiredrabbit, Wknight94, Wooddoo-eng, Woohookitty, Wutsje, Xp54321, Yaxu, Yerpo, Youssefsan, Zack wadghiri, Zarel, Zerida, k, 395 anonymous edits Pragmatics Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=560564126 Contributors: 1ForTheMoney, 2bluey, Adam78, Ahoerstemeier, Alexkon, Allens, Anaphalis, Andre Engels, Andreasstokke, Angr, Antonielly, Ap, Ashfan83, AustralianMelodrama, Bdesham, Belovedeagle, Byelf2007, C. A. 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Heresiarch, Winterfors, Xyzzyplugh, Zvika, 144 anonymous edits DempsterShafer theory Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?oldid=558643087 Contributors: 2001:DA8:216:210D:61EF:E290:6A29:BB4B, 2A02:788:13:20:DCEC:1862:1587:BC39, Adoniscik, Alan Liefting, Andyhowlett, Anomalocaris, BD2412, Bantman, Belush, BenJWoodcroft, BlaiseFEgan, BrianOfRugby, Btyner, Charles Matthews, Chris-gore, Constant2011, Curdeius, Cutler, Dicklyon, Ducleotide, Eduard.semsch, Evercat, Farquaadhnchmn, Floriang, Gadfium, Giftlite, Gregbard, GregorB, Helgus, Hxd1011, HyDeckar, Incompetnce, Jodi.a.schneider, John Deas, John of Reading, Joriki, Josang, K731, Kvihill, LilHelpa, Linas, Llorenzi, Lockley, M-le-mot-dit, Martha2000, Mathsci, Meduz, Mfriesel, Michael Hardy, MisterSheik, Mtroffaes, NameIsRon, Nickjrose, Part Deux, Phoebe, Rjwilmsi, Sadeghd, Suslindisambiguator, Swatig20sg, TwerpySugar, Urhixidur, Wally, Wile E. 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The communicative stand

The Message in the Bottle

The Message in the Bottle

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