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When the “Enemy” Landed at

ANGEL ISLAND
San Francisco Immigration Station Sought to Bar Hostile Aliens
and Deport Resident Radicals During World War I
By Maria Sakovich

F or three decades, from 1910 to 1940, the Angel Island Immigration Station in San Francisco
Bay stood guard as the Pacific Coast’s major entry point for immigrants to the United States—
the door through which over a half-million Asians and others from the Pacific rim entered the
United States to make new lives for themselves. During the station’s peak years, from 1915 to 1924,
non-Asians accounted for one-third of arriving passengers.
With the outbreak of war in Europe in August 1914, immigration across the Atlantic
through Ellis Island and other entry points on the East Coast plummeted. Angel
Island, however, saw an increase in the numbers of arriving alien trav-
elers and immigrants, especially non-Asians, and many were
detained for long periods or barred all together.
04-Sakovich. Enemy:Layout 1 7/20/09 1:36 PM Page 27
Opposite: The Angel Island Immigration Station, the major Pacific Coast entry point for immigrants from 1910 to 1940, was a detention and interrogation center.
The men’s barracks is on the hill behind the Administration Building. Above: Health inspectors examine detainees on Angel Island, ca. 1917.
Ships from Mexico brought “people of
every nationality who [were] fleeing from
the terrors of the civil war raging in that
country,” the San Francisco Commissioner
of Immigration reported in 1914–1915.
Citizens of the Russian Empire caught in
the turmoil of advancing and retreating
armies on the eastern front of the war
made their way to the West Coast by way
of Siberia, Manchuria, Japan, and the
Pacific. Between 1915 and 1919, Russian
Jewish men, escaping conscription or
deserting the army, and later mothers, chil-
dren, and other relatives of American resi-
dents, constituted a large share of the non-
Asians arriving at Angel Island.
The U.S. declaration of war in 1917 ad-
ded two new groups to the already crowd-
ed station. Immigration officials were re-
quired to detain and interrogate “alien
enemies,” citizens of Germany and the
Austro-Hungarian Empire and resident
immigrants under arrest for alleged radi-
cal political activity. Especially after the
United States entered the war in 1917, any-
thing less than 100-percent loyalty to the
When the “Enemy” Landed at Angel Island
American government and American val-
ues was suspect. Not only German nation-
als but also political radicals, including the
Industrial Workers of the World (IWW)
and other dissenters were perceived as
threats to American interests.
The detention of alien enemies and sus-
pected radicals swelled Angel Island’s facil-
ities. Official counts of detained aliens
there seem not to have survived, but a few
early narratives suggest that the station
could accommodate 500 to 600 arrivals
at a time without too much difficulty. De-
tainees were housed in segregated quar-
ters—women and men, Asian and non-
Asians. Ethnic groups of any size (such as
Chinese, Japanese, Indian, or Russian),
were kept together.
During the congestion of the war
years, immigrants and travelers might
find themselves more crowded than
usual as extra beds were added and
makeshift rooms were created in the
immigration hospital and elsewhere.
Some of the second- and third-class pas-
sengers never made it to the island at
all as their inspections were carried out
aboard ship.
With U.S. entry into the war, San Fran-
cisco Immigration Commissioner Edward
White and his staff, cooperating with the
Department of Justice, War Department,
and Naval Intelligence, acquired responsi-
bility for the interrogation and custody of
more than 800 German (and later Austrian
and Hungarian) alien enemies, including
a small number of resident alien enemies.
San Francisco Bureau of Immigration staff
also participated in the federal campaign
to eliminate or disable radical organiza-
tions by arresting noncitizen radicals and
developing cases for deportation. From
September 1917 and into 1921, Angel
Island inspectors investigated, interrogat-
ed, and detained at least 63 resident aliens
of several nationalities for their alleged
radical political activity.
These new responsibilities fell well
within the purview of Angel Island offi-
cials. Before as well as after the war, they
understood and carried out their primary
mandate in a two-pronged fashion—
Prologue 27
04-Sakovich. Enemy:Layout 1 7/20/09 1:36 PM Page 28
“guarding the gate” against the entry of
“unfit” or “dangerous” immigrants and
“cleaning house,” ridding the country of
resident immigrants, Asian and non-Asian
alike, who had proven to be less than
desirable. America’s entry into the war did
not change the mission but demanded
extra vigilance.
Alien Enemies
“Alien enemies,” as defined by a presiden-
tial proclamation of April 6, 1917, were
noncitizen males over the age of 14 born
in Germany and, as of December 1917,
born in the Austro-Hungarian Empire. Only
in mid-April 1918 were women declared
to be alien enemies, a category some fell
into through marriage or through their
fathers.The alien enemies detained at Angel
Island fell into several groups: seamen
working on German ships, seamen work-
ing on American ships, German nationals
residing in the Philippines (then American
territory), ships’ passengers born in enemy
countries, and resident aliens.
German Seamen
From April through mid- or late October
1917 the immigration station held approxi-
mately 148 crew members who had been
removed from German merchant vessels
interned in San Francisco, Seattle, Samoa, and
Hawaii since the start of the war in 1914.
Though not designated prisoners of war,
these men seem to have been treated with
more consideration than other alien ene-
mies. (The Swiss consul monitored condi-
tions, relaying complaints to both the Amer-
ican and German governments.) Com-
missioner White offered privileges no other
detainees enjoyed, such as use of the wharf
before and after hours, swimming in front
of the Administration Building, and a special
menu. Because of their alien enemy status,
however, mail was censored, and visitors
were limited. Despite special treatment,
complaints about the cramped quarters
(separate for officers and seamen), insuffi-
cient exercise, delayed mail, and uncertain-
ty about their future led the commissioner
to remark in August that the internees “had
become a perfect pest.”While a few of the
28 Prologue
German crew members were allowed to
apply for parole, most were eventually trans-
ferred to the Department of Labor intern-
ment camp at Hot Springs, North Carolina.
(The status of parole allowed the noncitizen
the opportunity to work or to go about one’s
life in relative freedom, with weekly check-
ins and restrictions on locations where the
parolee could work.)
Joining these seamen in 1917 and well
into 1918 were German-born seamen
working on American ships who had been
declared alien enemies a month after the
United States entered the war. Perhaps 90
to 100 lost their seafaring jobs when they
arrived at San Francisco. Most could apply
for admission into the United States or for
parole to work while the war continued.
A smaller group, however—apparently
those who had earlier deserted German
ships interned outside of U.S. waters and
had taken jobs on American ships—were
ordered deported, generally back to ports
in Latin America from where they had most
recently come. When deportation for some
proved impossible, they were transferred
to Ellis Island in New York. Time spent in
detention at Angel Island varied. Decisions
regarding entry or parole took between
one and two months. Those ordered to be
deported waited at Angel Island for about
four months. Those sent to Ellis Island wait-
ed between five and seven months (with
four men, for unknown reasons, also spend-
ing two weeks in the San Francisco jail).
Some found the incarceration difficult,
especially when they saw others in seem-
ingly identical circumstances allowed to
enter or find work under parole. Adolf
Left: German sailor Willie Sienang found work on three
coastwise American vessels until he was arrested as an
enemy alien in October 1917 and interned on Angel
Island. Above: In his November 9, 1917, letter to the San
Francisco commissioner he asked again why he had
been confined for four weeks without learning the rea-
son or being granted a hearing.
Babatz, for example, complained in a letter
to the San Francisco commissioner that
“this internment has had a most awful
effect on my nerves, and these are in such
a condition as they have never been before,
the result of worrying over an internment
which I think is not justified. I am really
afraid that if I have to stay here much
longer the result will be a complete nerv-
ous break-down.” After less than month, he
was deported to Chile. Detention for at
least three was too much: Otto Todt, Hans
Schnellenger, and Jacob Breuer escaped,
only to be apprehended later.
German Nationals from
the Philippine Islands
Also interrogated and detained at Angel
Island were approximately 170 German
nationals sent from the Philippine Islands
by the War Department in several groups
throughout 1918 for internment in the
United States. (These were separate from
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the group of 450, probably crewmen from
vessels interned in Manila, which arrived
in mid-December 1917 and were housed
at the Quarantine Station until their trans-
fer to Hot Springs a month later and anoth-
er 60 or so housed at Fort Mason and the
Presidio in late 1918.) Some had already
been investigated by military intelligence
and were described in accompanying
reports as “dangerous.” Many of the alien
enemies, however, were not sure why they
had been sent to the United States except
for being German. Their various occupa-
tions included missionary, priest, planter,
chemist, pharmacist, office clerk, civil ser-
vant, hotel owner, merchant, marine engi-
neer, housewife. Much to the dismay of the
chief of the military intelligence branch
of the War Department, the Department
of Justice permitted entry and parole for
work as well as transfer to internment
camps. A number remained at Angel Island
beyond the usual two or so months, await-
ing decisions on their cases. For a few, a
further delay occurred in October, when
the local office of the attorney general
A June 16, 1918, telegram from the Immigration Service in Washington requested full information on the detained sailors from the U.S. transport Sherman. Their
lack of citizenship made them alien enemies; some were admitted under parole to work, and others were detained.
When the “Enemy” Landed at Angel Island
requested that candidates for parole post-
pone their interviews until “the present
[influenza] epidemic outbreak has passed.”
Discharged U.S. Army Soldiers
On June 16, 1918, the U.S. transport
Sherman brought 41 young men from
Hawaii who had been recently discharged
from the U.S. Army because their lack of U.S.
citizenship made them alien enemies. Extant
files do not reveal why some were eventu-
ally admitted under parole to work and oth-
ers were interned at Fort Douglas, Utah. Most
cases appear to have been decided upon by
early September 1918, but at least two of
these former soldiers were detained much
longer, for six and seven months.
Passengers from Enemy Countries
Passengers born in enemy countries
were excluded upon arrival, though many
fewer case files of this type have survived.
The alien-enemy umbrella also covered
passengers without proper documents,
those whose nationality was in question,
stowaways, and those held for special
investigation at the request of other gov-
ernment agencies. Women seem to have
been detained for shorter periods than
men, ranging from a day or two to two
weeks. One woman, however, German-
born Marie Anna Berg, waited five and a
half weeks at the station before being
admitted, even though she had the cor-
rect documents and was considered a
“meritorious case.” The detention of male
passengers range from two and a half
weeks to eight and a half months.
Resident Alien Enemies
Although no case files have survived,
the names of at least 18 resident alien
enemies can be culled from lists and cor-
respondence found in general chrono-
logical files for the immigration station
in 1917–1918. Immigration officials ar -
rested these men, born in enemy coun-
tries, because they were in violation of
the immigration laws (sometimes for sim-
ply entering the country without inspec-
tion) or had committed a crime and
were subject to deportation. Like other
Prologue 29
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alien enemies, they were interrogated
and detained at Angel Island (four also
spending time in the local jail) while
their cases made their way through the
Departments of Labor and Justice. The
disposition of 11 of the cases (as of
August 20, 1918) resulted in the admis-
sion of two, release on own recogni-
zance of seven, and the transfer of two
to the internment camp at Hot Springs.
No further information can be gleaned.
w w w salesman Franz Bayer he recommended
Despite the commissioner’s claim that
“the handling of alien enemies’ cases by
this Service did not extend beyond their
detention and the transmission of their
records to Washington for a decision,” case
files reveal that inspectors and the com-
missioner himself tried to influence the
outcome of the cases, which was in the
hands of the Department of Justice. In
addition to interrogating alien enemies
about their fitness to enter the country
under immigration laws, board of special
inquiry inspectors probed for information
about allegiances and activities during
wartime. They asked about the purchase
of liberty bonds and contributions to the
American Red Cross or to German relief.
They asked 18-year-old seaman Walter
Bertha Marie Nordegg was born in Paris, France, but married a German national.
She and her daughter, Marcelle, were detained as enemy aliens in mid-1918 after
arriving from Honolulu, but after a hearing were allowed to travel to New York City
to meet Mr. Nordegg.
30 Prologue
Loschau, for example, how he would
respond to a request by “a representative
of the German government to destroy or
blow up a public building.” The thought-
ful answers 49-year-old Lutheran mission-
ary Rudolph Arps provided to questions
about where his sympathies lay only pro-
voked further intensive interrogation.
Commissioner White recommended
denial of entry for Reverend Arps and his
wife and daughter (a decision leaving
open the possibility of parole), but for
outright internment. Though Bayer
openly acknowledged that he wanted
Germany to win the war, he realized it
would be financially advantageous to be
on the side of the winner, i.e., the United
States (in October 1918). Such oppor-
tunism suggested not only a lack of loy-
alty but lack of integrity as well, an atti-
tude that did not sit well with the immi-
gration inspectors.
A transcript of the August
28, 1918, hearing for
Rudolph Arps, a 49-year-
old Lutheran missionary,
reveals his education and
travels. CommissionerWhite
questioned his loyalties
and recommended denial
of entry for Arps and his
wife and daughter.
Though the war ended on November 11,
1918, it was not until June 1919 that the last
of the alien enemies left the immigration sta-
tion at Angel Island. Correspondence and
case files provide only a partial picture of
what became of the former alien enemies.
Though some of the men granted parole to
work were still reporting to the San Fran-
cisco commissioner in January 1919, by
mid-May the reporting requirement and
parole restrictions were lifted. If they had
been eligible to enter the country under the
immigration laws at the time of their arrival,
they were free to enter the country, as long
as they paid the eight-dollar head tax.
(Those brought from the Philippine Islands
did not have to pay the tax.).
w w w
While alien enemy case files demon-
strate vigilance on the part of the Angel
Island officials toward activity or senti-
ments they considered unpatriotic, they
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04-Sakovich. Enemy:Layout 1 7/20/09 1:36 PM Page 31
Left: Commissioner Edward White reported in July 1918 on the arrest of nine IWW members, including Louis Vagadori, by San Francisco police. Right: A photo-
graph showing Vagadori (upper left) holding a copy of Industrial Worker was part of the collection of literature and images apprehended in the arrest.
also reveal a surprising lack of anti-
German feeling. Inspectors seem not to
have been caught up in anti-German hys-
teria that pervaded many communities.
Instead, they appear to have carried out
their interrogations seemingly free from
ethnic prejudice, looking for evidence of
harmful activity or misplaced allegiances.
Inspectors seemed able to discern be-
tween pro-German sympathies and a
desire not to fight against one’s kin (in the
cases of U.S. alien enemy soldiers reluc-
tant to fight against Germany).
Alien “Radicals”
Such discernment and relative fairness
was lacking in their treatment of alien radi-
cals delivered to their care, however. A bla-
tant antiradical bias permeates the files of
resident immigrants alleged to have engaged
in illegal political activity. So biased were the
inspectors at the immigration station that
immigrants’ guilt was assumed by associa-
tion with known radicals, knowledge of
IWW songs, and possession of radical liter-
ature. Evidence of specific actions was not
necessary to secure warrants of arrest.
Concern about foreign radicals was
When the “Enemy” Landed at Angel Island
nothing new in the nation, though the
20th century produced the first legislation
that excluded immigrants because of their
beliefs or associations. In 1903, in reaction
to the assassination of President McKinley
in 1901, Congress excluded anarchists and
provided for their deportation within
three years after entry. Congress took fur-
ther action when a newly galvanized
Industrial Workers of the World stepped
up its organizing and strike activity in
1916. Responding to pressure from com-
munities frightened by the sensationalized
portrayal of these labor disturbances, leg-
islators added another antiradical clause
to its 1917 Immigration Act. In the minds
of nativists, radical activity was a foreign
import, and the IWW, though attracting
both American and immigrant workers,
was perceived to be a foreign creation.
America’s entry into the war in Europe
in April 1917 further fueled the country’s
fears of labor agitation and political radi-
calism. Many Americans believed that not
only was the IWW fomenting industrial sab-
otage, but it was also aiding the enemy. In
the atmosphere of heightened suspicion,
the federal government initiated a cam-
paign to eliminate or disable the IWW and
other radical groups. The Departments of
Justice and Labor, the Army (troops and
intelligence), and Naval Intelligence partic-
ipated, along with local law enforcement
agencies, in a three-pronged attack on the
IWW. Rounding up and deporting nonciti-
zen radicals was the role of the Bureau of
Immigration (under the Department of
Labor). In 1918 Congress passed yet anoth-
er immigration act that made it easier to
deport noncitizen agitators.
How many individuals were arrested
and detained for alleged illegal political
activity at the Angel Island Immigration
Station during the antiradical campaign
(1917–1921) is unknown. Twenty-four
case files (along with references to other
cases) have surfaced, but files for the 39
warrants of arrest for aliens “of the radi-
cal class” mentioned in the Annual Report
for 1919–1920 have not been found.
Between mid-1917 and mid-1919, the
so-called anarchist cases handled by Angel
Island inspectors were initiated by the San
Francisco Police Department and the U.S.
Department of Justice. Police raids of the
“Latin Branch of the IWW” (June 1918)
Prologue 31
04-Sakovich. Enemy:Layout 1 7/20/09 1:36 PM Page 32
Michele Centrone was arrested as an “alien anarchist” in May 1918, posted $2,000 in bail, and pleaded in
letters to officials, but still heard nothing of his case by January 1920. On February 13, he wrote to Congressman
Albert Johnson asking for a decision. He was finally deported five weeks later.
and the Jack London Memorial Hall
(January and March 1919), “a place fre-
quented by members of the IWW,” result-
ed in the arrest of French, Italian, British,
Austrian, and Russian aliens who were
“turned over to the immigration authori-
ties for deportation.” The Department of
Justice not only kept files on resident
aliens, but its agents also used “decoy let-
ters” to ferret out potential radicals.
Angel Island inspectors often inter-
viewed the alleged radicals in a “prelimi-
nary hearing,” either in the jail to which
they had first been taken or at the immi-
gration station. They would then re-arrest
them under warrants from the Department
of Labor alleging violation of the 1917 or
1918 immigration laws concerning radical
activity. Sometimes individuals were under
32 Prologue
arrest in more than one jurisdiction, and fre-
quently they were detained at Angel Island
or in the local jails, or both.
Just being arrested for alleged radical and
anarchist activity by the Department of
Justice or the San Francisco Police Depart-
ment prejudiced the immigration inspec-
tors.They did not attempt to conceal their
antiradical bias and freely described their
charges as, for example, “evidently a radi-
cal of the worst type” or “of the type com-
monly known as ‘Bums.’” The San Francisco
commissioner and his staff also exhibited
very lax standards of guilt. Inspectors often
interpreted possession of IWW or other
radical literature or profession of belief in
the organization’s principles, and later,
mere membership in the organization, as
sufficient grounds for deportation. Asso-
ciation with known radicals also implied
guilt. About one of the “Latins,” the com-
missioner noted that “when questioned
regarding his belief in sabotage and the pol-
icy in general of the IWW, he became eva-
sive but his replies had a tendency to sup-
port the policy of this organization. . . . He
is familiar with the IWW songs, which from
our knowledge of the same, are along the
lines of sabotage and the destruction of
property in general.”
These alleged alien radicals were fre-
quently detained for lengthy periods of
time, as were most radicals arrested
throughout the country. An individual
arrested under one jurisdiction might be
kept in jail for several months before
being turned over to the Bureau of Im-
migration. Several weeks or months might
lapse before a preliminary hearing took
place. Months at Angel Island would fol-
low. A long detention might also be the
result of not being able to afford a bond.
(Unlike alien enemies, resident immigrants
awaiting decisions on their cases could be
freed on bond if they could make the
monthly payments.) Many of the IWWs
arrested could not afford the $100 pay-
ment required for the minimum $1,000
bond. Some of the alien anarchists
remained incarcerated in local jails even
when under custody of the Bureau of
Immigration, which paid for their keep.
One detainee, Russian-born Frederick
Harold Berger, was put on the long road to
deportation when police discovered his
IWW membership card when they arrest-
ed him for drunkenness in Fresno in Sep-
tember 1917. Four months elapsed before
an immigration inspector gave him a hear-
ing at the Fresno jail and the Department
of Labor issued a warrant of arrest. A
month later, Army Intelligence transferred
him to San Francisco City Prison for four
weeks, where he was rearrested under war-
rant by the Department of Labor. Finally,
Berger was taken to Angel Island, where he
was given a second hearing, resulting in a
warrant for deportation. For the next 12
months he remained at the immigration sta-
tion until he was transferred to San
Francisco County Jail as a “dangerous char-
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04-Sakovich. Enemy:Layout 1 7/20/09 1:36 PM Page 33

acter,” where he remained for four more
months until taken to Ellis Island. There he
was incarcerated for another six months,
denied legal assistance, and finally deport-
ed on the USS Buford, December 21, 1919,
along with 248 other immigrant radicals,
including Emma Goldman.
The length of detention was sometimes
as much a problem as the deportation itself.
Italians Michele Centrone and Giuseppe
Scale (described by the Department of
Justice as “active workers for the anarchis-
tic propaganda”),“weary of such negligence
and waiting,” wrote to the highest authori-
ties for resolution of their cases. In their let-
ters they described the hardship of limbo
and expressed their poignant hope for
action on their cases. Sometimes the long
wait and uncertainty, even at liberty, caused
difficulty. After two weeks at Angel Island
and a year out on a $2,000 bond, Centrone
wrote to the secretary of labor and to the
commissioner general of immigration, “re-
questing them to kindly conclude my case
as the burden of the expense incurred me
ing Washington). On the day Levy left, how-
ever, a telegram arrived postponing a final
decision on Levy’s case and releasing him
on his own recognizance—“there is noth-
ing to indicate that [Levy] has taken any
active part in propaganda work or has be-
come a member of the IWW or any other
organization.” Unfortunately the telegram
arrived after Levy’s ship sailed.
Officials at Angel Island and in Washing-
ton wanted to deport as many immigrants
as possible whose political activities they
regarded as illegal. Case files and reports,
however, reveal mixed results from their
efforts. Of 22 cases found for 1917–1919,
possibly only four resulted in deportation;
warrants of arrest were canceled in at least
nine instances. Of the 39 cases reported for
1919–1920, five resulted in deportations, and
warrants of arrest were canceled in 31
cases. As Levy’s case demonstrates, despite
cancellation of warrants and deportation,
the cost to immigrants could be high.
Arrest, interrogation, and detention could
significantly alter life courses.
w w w
Although extant case and correspon-
dence files do not tell the whole story of
these two detained populations at the
Angel Island Immigration Station, what has
survived provides an overview as well as
insight into these little-known episodes at
the major port of entry on the West Coast
during World War I. The records portray
major disruptions in people’s lives, always
an inconvenience, but more likely depri-
vation of freedom, loss of livelihood, and
lives put on hold. They also document the
activities of government officials during a
time of greatly heightened tensions and
passions.At Angel Island, immigration offi-
cials accustomed to “guarding the gate”
and “cleaning house” during times of
peace found themselves with added duties
and new populations. They operated both
conscientiously and zealously, sometimes
to the advantage of their charges, some-
times to their detriment. P
© 2009 by Maria Sakovich

were too grave for my income.” In hopes of

action, he finally surrendered himself to the
officials at Angel Island. After 80 days at the
station, during which time he even tele-
graphed Attorney General A. Mitchell Palmer
(chief organizer of the raids conducted in
November 1919 and January 1920, later
known as the “Red Scare”), he wrote the
arch anti-immigrant and anti-IWW congress-
man Albert Johnson, pleading for a decision
on his case. Five weeks later, he boarded a
deportation train for Ellis Island, from where
he was finally deported.
Even when the bureau decided not to
deport the individual, the process of arrest,
interrogation, and detention could severe-
ly disrupt one’s life. Hubert John Levy, an
English-born Australian, employed boat
builder and shipwright, and four-year resi-
dent of San Francisco, was arrested as a
result of his answers to a decoy letter sent
by a Department of Justice agent posing as
an IWW organizer. After about two months
at Angel Island, Levy asked to return to
Australia at his own expense (thereby avoid-
ing being legally deported). Commissioner
White granted his request (without notify-
NOTE ON SOURCES
The National Archives and Records Administration–Pacific Region in San Bruno, California, contains case
and correspondence files of the Angel Island World War I alien enemies in Record Group 85, General Records
of the Immigration and Naturalization Service. Case files include interrogation transcripts and correspondence
between local department officials (Immigration and Justice) and their superiors in Washington and petitions
for entry, usually with photographs. Sometimes an individual’s file is augmented by letters from shipping com-
panies, the San Francisco Police Department, and other agencies involved in cases. Occasionally adding to the
narrative are letters from the detained alien enemy himself. Correspondence files include some individual cases
as well as lists that provided additional names and sometimes wartime destinations after the immigration sta-
tion and less frequently postwar outcomes. Case files of alleged radicals are part of Record Group 85 (Accession
60A600) at the National Archives,Washington, D.C.Also included in these files is IWW literature confiscated
during police raids. Quotations in this article come from the case and correspondence files.
Most helpful for understanding these episodes in American history are John Higham’s Strangers in the
Land: Patterns of American Nativism, 1860–1925 (1984 edition with new preface); William Preston, Jr.’s
Aliens and Dissenters; Federal Suppression of Radicals, 1903–1933 (2nd ed., 1994); Maria Sakovich,“Angel
Island Immigration Station Reconsidered: Non-Asian
Encounters with the Immigration Laws, 1910–1940,” Author
(MA thesis, Sonoma State University, 2002); and Jörg
Maria Sakovich is a public his-
Nagler’s “Victims of the Home Front: Enemy Aliens
torian and independent scholar
in the United States during the First World War (in
who researches, writes, and
Panikos Panayi, ed., Minorities in Wartime, 1993).
Many thanks to archivists Bill Greene in San
develops exhibits in the areas of
immigration, family, and commu-
Bruno, who alerted me to the World War I corre-
nity history. She has written articles on Methodist
spondence files and who always responded expe-
women including Deaconess Katharine Maurer,
ditiously and graciously to my requests for case
a beloved social worker at the Angel Island Im-
files, and to Suzanne Harris in Washington, D.C.,
migration Station. The story of the Russian re-
who patiently located or tried to locate hundreds
files I requested for my MA thesis research, includ-
fugees who arrived in San Francisco in the early
1920s following the Bolshevik revolution and civil
ing the “anarchist” files. She also screened the files
war is the subject of her next book.
in good time.

When the “Enemy” Landed at Angel Island Prologue 33