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Publications of the Centre of Advanced Study in Sanskrit Cl. C No.

SRASIDDHNTAKAUMUD
OF

VARADARJA

EDITED W ITH

Introduction, Translation, and Critical & Exegetical Nots by G. V. DEVASTHALI

U N IV ER SITY O F POONA PO O N A 1968

Publications of the Centre of Advanced Study in Sanskrit Cl. C No. 4

SRASIDDHNTAKAUMUD
OF

VARADARJA

EDITED W ITH

Introduction, Translation, and Critical & Exegetical Nots by G. V. DEVASTHALI

U N IV ER SITY O F PO O N A PO O N A

1968

First Edition: August 1968 with Publisher

Printed by J. E. Dvid at Spicer Golege Press, Ganeshkhind, Poona 7, and published by W. H. GOLAY, Registrar, University of Poona, Poona-7, 1000 4621-68,

PREFACE
The present edition of the Srasiddhntakaumud is based on four MSS, two of which belong to the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute and one to the Vaidika Samshodhana M a d a l a , Poona, and I am obliged to the authorities of these Institutions for having made them avaible to me. For this edition I have derived ample help from various works like M B h, Ks} Pbh, etc., and more particularly B M (an excellent commentary on Bhs SK)> B a l l a n t y n e ^s edition of LSK , and also the commentary on L S K by Uddhavaji S h a s t r i . Besides these prva sris, I owe a deep debt of gratitude to my friend and colleague Dr. S. D. J o s h i for carefully oing through the M S and making very valuable suggestions, vvhich have considerably enhanced the value of the work. Thanks are also due to two other colleagues-to Shri S. N. B h a v a s a r for voluntarily undertaking the arduous task of going through the proofs and to Dr. S. D. L a d d u for the Select Bibliography given at the end. Nor can I forget here the Spicer College Press who have *pared no pains to give the work a nice printing and get up. Finallv, I have no words to express my indebtedness to our Director, Dr. R. N. D a n d e k a r , whose sympathetic encouragement has been a constant source of inspiration to me. I have however, to crave the indulgence of my readers for the errata, which could not be avoided, and at the same time to request them to make their valuable suggestions for improvement which wi.ll be gratefully received.

University of Poona August 15. 1968. G. V. DEVASTHALI

TABLE O F CO N TEN TS Preface Table of Contents Abbreviations Introduction Text (with Translation) Pages
s ?N5PRpt

iii iv vii xi X V

gH5pWT i fHTfar hHpfafcr grTM'C'lH 1 spjra^tfr^ 3 T 5 T ;!?d,jtl f^ ^ cvif? jf

asJurrfH fT^TSr^VOIH >1 --^tfe--^ > rrf? fotfe *nf<r Tdfe

(Nos. 1- 15) (Nos. 16- 95) (Nos. 16- 51) (Nos. 52- 79) (Nos. 80- 95) (Nos. 96-341) (Nos. 96-193) (Nos.194-217) (Nos.218-233) (Nos.234-330) (Nos.331-334) (Nos.335-339) (Nos.340-341) (Nos.342-540) (Nos.342-463) (Nos.464-479) (Nos.480-486) (Nos.487-488) (Nos.489-494) (Nos.495) (Nos.496-500) (Nos.501-511)

1- 7 8- 30 8- 18 18- 25 26- 30 31-108 31- 58 59- 66 67- 71 72-100 101-103 104-107 108 109-172 109-144 145-150 150-152 153 154-156 156 157-158 158-161

iv

Pages = pVlfe vJfe HJ ns?r HHPTT^ ifnnfTfe VVVSH i giDHPPTHH I (Nos.512-514) (Nos.515-522) (Nos.523-526) (Nos.52'7-529) (Nos.530-531) (Nos.532-534) (Nos.535-536) (Nos.537-540) (Nos.541-578) (Nos.579-592) (Nos.593-667) (Nos.593-596) (Nos.597-610) (Nos.611-649) (N os.650-657) (Nos.658-663) (Nos.664-667) (Nos.668-714) (Nos.715-723) , 162-163 163-166 166-167 167-168 168-169 169 170 170-172 173-182 183-187 188 188-189 190-194 194-204 205-207 208-209 210-211 212-221 222-224 22i7 1-259 261 263

a ^ H n r

HiTDTr^rsrPr: ^fhrm: " Index of stras etc. Nots ....

Appendix A I Pratydhras b ased on the iva-stras ............ II Pratyhas b ased on Pinisstras .............. Appendix B Letters of the Devangar alphabet: I Classified according to the place of origination ....
v

264

II Classified according to internai effort .... I II Classified according to external effort Index (of important and technical words explained in the Nots) .... Select Bibliography (for further reading) .... ....

264 265 267 269

vi

ABBREVIATIONS
A Authors and Works Bh BM B DSG G RM J K, Kt K, Ks LSK M Bh M SK MW N Nandi-k P PA Pat Pbh Bhattoji Dksita Blammoram (comm. on SK) Brhat-abdenduekhara Dictionary of Sanskrit Grammar (Professor K. V. A b h y a n k a r) Gaaratnamahodadhi Subodhinl (Comm. on S K by Jnendrasarasvati) Ktyyana Kik Laghu-Siddhntakaumud Mahbhsya (of Pataojali) M adhya-Siddhntakaumud Sanskrit English Dictionary (by Monier WlLLIAMS) Ngea Nandikeivarakrik (or kik) Pini Astdhyyi (of Pini) Patajali Paribhsenduekhara (of Ngea)

vii

pbh PM P RV R V . Pr iva, SK SSK


V

paribhsa Praudhamanoram Piniya iks Rgveda Rgveda Prtikhya ivastra Siddhntakaumudl Sra-Siddhntakaumud Varadarja vrttika Vidikapadnukramakoa Vkyapa(ya Vjasaneyi Prtikhya Yajurveda B GRAM M ATICAL TERM S abi. acc. aor. tmp. Bah. V r Bened. cl. Cond. ablative accusative aorist tmanepada Bahuvrhi Benedictive class Conditional
v iii

v VBK VP VPr YV

( V is h v a Ba n d h u )

cpd. Denom. Desid. du. f.5 fem. Fut. gen. impf. impv. instr. loc. masc. neut. obj. parasmp. part. pass. Pf. plr. Pot. Pr. pron. sg.
tatp

Compound Denominative Desiderative dual feminine Future genitive imperfect imperative instrumental locative masculine neuter object parasmaipada participle passive Perfect plural Potential Present pronoun singular tatpurusa

ix

IN T R O D U C T IO N Varadarja is well known as the author of L SK (containing 1381 rules), which is a smaller or shorter abridgement of Bhs SK. M S K (containing 2315 stras, another abridgement of SK , is also known and published, but not so widely studied as the former. SSK (containing 723 rules), critically edited here for the first time, is but little known, though its MSS have been noticed in several catalogues. The author of these three abridgements, Varadarja, in the introductory stanza of his works refers to Bhattoji Dksita (1560-1620 A.D.) as his guru, which may justify us in placing him somewhere in the first half of the 17th century A.D. To judge from the abridgements he has m ade of SK , Varadarja appears to have been an able teacher interested in the propagation of SK studies, though he does not appear to have made a mark as an erudite vaiykaraa by writing learned commentaries or treatises*. The present edition of SSK is based on the following four MSS: 1 and 2, here referred to as B1 and B2, have been described in the Descriptive Catalogue of M SS in Government Mss. Library (B O R I) Vol. II, Part-I, Nos. 206 and 207 respectively. 3, here referred to as V, .belongs to the Vaidika Samodhana Madala ^ ); country paper; 33 folios; 10" x 454"; 12 lines in a page and about 30 letters in a line; Devangari character; complete; dated aka 1712. 4, here referred to as D ; from the Editors collection; country paper; 36 folios; 954 x 4 % " ; 10 ^ nes *n a Pae an(l ab ut 35 letters in a line; Devangar character; complete; about 150 years old.
*For a more detailed information about Varadarja and his works see Prof. P. K. G o d e s article in Festschrift K ane pp. 188-199.

xi

The sutras, the vrttikas, etc., are printed in black type and have been serially numbered, the last number being 723; while the vrtti thereon has been printed in the ordinary type under each number. After each stra of Pini is shown the exact position vvhich that stra occupies in the Straptha (as printed in the Word Index to the Pinya Straptha, compiled by P a t h a k and C h i t r a v , pp. 461-648). There are hardly any variants in the readings of Ps stras. In one place (No. 511), however, where a difference was observed, we have adopted the reading supported by our MSS and also found in some edtions of SK, and accepted by B M and B. The variant reading here is samparyupebhya karotau bhsae (PA 6.1.133). In the vrtti our author has, on the whole, drawn quite closely upon Bhs work, though in some cases he has introduced slight changes in order to avoid confusion. Thus, for example, in No. 551 in the vrtti V read where ali editions of SK (and also the editions of L S K and M S K ) read it (as in the original stra). This evidently is to avoid the confusion that is likely to be caused by the word it. But the hand of V is clearly indicated by several factors, which even a cursory comparison of SSK with S K is enough to reveal. Some of these are as follows: (1) While copying Bhs vrtti, V has eschewed as many words from it as possible without sacrificing the main point and at the same time without causing obscurity or ambiguity. (2) He has dropped a very large number of rules and retained the least number that he felt to be absolutely necessary for a broad but complete understanding of ali the main topics. (3) He has introduced suitable changes in the order of the rules (as adopted by Bh) in view of his own treatment of the topic under consideration.

xii

(4) Broadly speaking, he has covered ali the topics as found in Bhs SK ; but he has occasionally compressed two or more topics of Bh into one. (5) He has also changed the order of the topics, and has arranged them in a more convenient manner. Taking vkya as a linguistic unit, V thought it advisable to deal with samdhi, subanta (declension including avyayas)^ tianta (conjugation including lakrrtha) , and krdanta. Then he has taken subartha (syntax). With the help of ali these a student hecomes well equipped for interpreting ordinary or simple sentences. Then follow the prakaraas dealing with the remaining two vrieties of prtipadika (namely samsa and taddhita ), and the work concludes with a section on the onlv remaining topic, namely feminine formations. This may well explain the logical, and perhaps even psychological, nature of the arrangement of the various sections adopted by V. The first section naturally deals with samjs as in SK . But the paribhs section is altogether avoided, the paribhs stras being introduced at various places as and when the need for them is felt. V s attempt to attain utmost simplicity is also discemible at several points in this work. A few of these may be noted here: (1) He has avoided the discussion about the stra halantyam (No. 1) by tacitlv assuming the word hal to mean a consonant. (2) He has declared the bhyantara prayatna (p 5) to be fivefold (apparentlv on the authority of Patajali) and has thus been able to leave out the complicated stra , njjhalau. (3) He has purposelv remained silent about the pratyhra ra (and avoided ali discussion about it), though under No. 29 he has given two illustrations, namelv krsnarddhi and tavalkra. (4) In No. 291 he has adopted the shorter course, namely tilopa, instead of the usual longer process.

xiii

(5) He has avoided pointing out the possible double paradigms of neut. adjectives ending in i, u and r (No. 232). In one place (No. 620) at least, he has shown his originality (or even boldness) by proposing yogavibhga, which has been done neither by Bh, nor by ancient authorities like Pat. It may thus be seen that, in SSK , V has used his ingenuity and also skill or practical experience as a teacher to simplify an abstruse subject like SK Grammar, and, even without his being aware of it, to introduce the young student to ali the important topics of SK Grammar as also the important aspects of its technique such as sarnj9paribhsy and also anubandhas with the purposes they are made to serve. Taking into consideration the extent of the three abridgements, we may well describe them as a series of concentric manuals of SK. Grammar, and SSK as the most elementary among them.

'TSjfRT:

aregir

33T*T

*&* X
Vo tiMoH'THT gTHmlT:
ijt|

H^THTR s frsfiT: t

& V R %* \o\ X X

'tth* ao ?> fe*mr VifiHT^Hi:

<nFT faDTHT

H 5T > 9>

s f c n a ^ a t: Vqqt

m
m

a > ^?q5fT7: ^q^TT:

x\x
\\c
H ?\o

VJ
taf ?W H^>: ^aTH <?cq 5THmm

X
\ V

H vta: ^ fta ia qe> 5THn<TH e 3t

\6 t( \C & X% R

X X
X

3ft:

5 H > :
3TfaTTT
XV

X \\

3fa>TT

^ O0

HotT g?qtr uts

H?ft ^aSTtfT: HTH> ftRHfHl * :* ( HHFirfrT fer^T

3o? m

X X R

Hflt frlTftH 3t|: 3T^Tt HHTOfa s

V I

vn

X X

?tT tt: 3iHimim 3rriftftc vTJ^T

41-ctl: 31H iT tT T dnf.'tft: W3?f[ 3T5m

R R

w V>K ^ol w

X cT? R m ct tl^H T :

R*Tf* tnrrt WHH:

p. 17 foot-note line 3 last word: read rf^

XVI

ii

ii

n * f t* r o c w r o t i 1 HTT 3TST[W. sft 'TfoT^f^TfH O W T VI ^ H f H ^ T ^ d K U ob T* \ 3 T f U n r | 5 | ? | ^ | q 3 i t 3 - I q 3Tt g I ^ Z( S t T S I ^ ' N i j r H ^ ^ n ^ i st n n >i s T ^ o Nr i u s u n N ^ ^ s s s T ^ s t s r N i e n m i s Nt n N u n e T * 1 N $^PnT<rTft*RrTrffa I ^ P R f ^ f ^ H T ^ T < i | l # : l l ^ ^ f l j r II II |vy f h ^rrr i arigt^iTTrnT \
3

sr * Si

SALUTA TION TO LORD GAEA Having made salutation to the triad of sages commencing with Pini, Varadarja is composing the Srasiddhntakaumud for the enlightenment of the young (scholars). a i u; etc. These aphorisms are (meant) for the (formation of) a and such other technical designations. The vowel a in the letters ha etc. (in the aphorisms) is (appended) for (ease of) pronunciation. 1. The final consonant (1.3.3 )

In upadea, the final consonant is mute (it). An upadeia (signifies) the original enunciation.
?
R
b2

TTiTTf^ft t% ^rq% ^T ^n^r i

D cfq-

V adds after this utgzr

F. 1

3T?5T5i sita:

ii

^>7H5T FTTT \
3 aFT II II

T^ft ^ T : ^TTH s I )f s n f e r o R h | c t u ?.?X9? ii 3Rq#fT H % f 3TTf?HT*TFTt


3M f fT 3f^ W ? H t I rr# ^ ^

HITT ^TTT |

^ r

3^ ^TT^: I

1 ^ysr 3 ;^ r ^ 3 ^ ^r; i

u l.R-R'* II ^ ? r1 *fts^ w ?

2.

Disappearance (is) lopa (elision) (1.1.60).

Disappearance of some thing, vvhich is expected to appear, is termed lopa . 3. Of it, elision (1.3.9). Of the it (mute letter), there is elision. 4. The initial (letter) together with the final mute letter. (1.1.71). Together with the final mute letter, the initial letter is the technical designation for itself and the intervening (letters). Thus a is the technical designation for the letters a, i, u. Similarly (are formed) ac, hal, al, etc. 5. The vowel, having the morae like those of (the vowel) u, , and 3, is (designated) short, long, and prolated (respectively) (1.2.27). (Short) u and (long) and (prolated) 3 = va. The

Bx OTrot0

^ t T I H 5 R q - n T ^ vs 6 3mN?7tT: II 1 - ^ % II th fcn sirr: u ^ . ^ o i i tm^TT: ll?.^.^?ll

H H^fasffcfa R ^-H TH fHT I o H fH ^T^Trfr^^^ o % * THfHTfa^TSRHtSHHTfH*: l l* t - t^ll o o H ^ H % T H rfH ^ > :?r^H.'ir>1SHHTfH^: ^TIH I rf^T H 3f 5R5T TPT I ZilVj ^HT IJ

5 S ? qT ? SR H ^H eR H ifc : I

vowel, whose time (mora) is likethat of these three srespectively, is designated as hrasva (short), drgha(long), and pluta (prolated) respectively. Each one of these again is threefold according to the division of udtta (acute) etc. 6. 7.
8.

(That) with a high tone (is) udtta (1.2.29). (T hat) with a low tone (is) anudtta (1.2.30). A combination (of these is) svarita (1.2.31).

This ninefold (vowel) is further twofold owing to nasality or non-nasality (therein). 9. T hat which is pronounced by the nose along with the mouth (is) nasal (1.1.8). T hat which is pronounced by the nose together with the mouth is nasal. Thus, the letters a, i, u, and r have, each of them, eighteen vrieties. The letter (has only) twelve, because it has no long (vrieties). The letters e, o, ai and au also (have only) twelve, because they have no short (vrieties). \ ^ V t> spiffst R V adds after I

B, This sentence omitted

*o

mqsru5j a n tir 1 1 . \ .% 1 1 TT^fc P -T H T H r^ frtR ^ ^ R S JTFT taV

HHST: H^'i PTrT I l ? ^EnRrnT: H H m S fffa fl^ fta H T ^13:


1

II I ^ ^ T H f HT^1 I ^ S T H m ^ fr^ H I

HHll v|5^HTHt^HT:l ^TSHPTtoTHTH^sll HHpJRTHT HfH^T V( | trtft: sfreTT^ I aftefft: ^03> 3H I f a f iH ^ H I H lfH ^T d^R F T 1 10. That, which has similar (place in the) mouth and effort, (is) homogeneous (1.1.9). Those letters, which have the two, namely the place (of origination in the mouth) palate etc. and the internai effort, in common (or the same), are mutually homogeneous. 11. The letters r and must be stated to be homogeneous with one another. The throat (is the organ) of a, the letters of the kavarga, h, and visarga; the palate, of i, the letters of the cavarga, y, and ; the head, of r, the letters of the tavarga, r, and ?; the teeth, of i, the letters of the tavarga, l, and s; the lips, of u} the letters of the pavarga, and the upadhmna; (the mouth) and the nose, of , m } n } and n; the throat and the palate, of e and ai; the throat and the lip, of o and au; the teeth and the lip, of the letter v; the root of the tongue, of the jihvmla; the nose, of the anusvra.

? B1 T T ^ :

HUilcb<*W
sh T

fs a r i a rm r^ r

stt^ r

^ ^ i sn?r:

h^

stt i

s s ^ f e ^ r F ^ r d w T r i iR f t r : s i ^ i t F rn fa H 5 1 I h h r :

norpt* i
h^ cr h* si

h ^ h 'a i fPfrH^H* i ^ re n T ^ p f o n tr^Tn


c

srfsprra^rrat g O

'J ^i^rr%^T^TH I fiRTR: H 3R : ?RTH> HTSt HlHtSHtHtSHHPi HlZVK ^T rftS R T tT : FftHiptfn RTT fa^RT: ^TIHT S P faT ^I ffcT: H ^ R [ HRT HtHHcTI sPfarT H 'W H k R ^ H T ^ JTTRHTsrmT:i ^ h K
t

fs fcre g n T

^ rtthtt:

1^ r t t

h fth th t:

Efort is of two kinds, internai and external. The former is fivefold according to the division, namely touched, slightlv touched, slightly open, open, and contracted. Of these, the touched effort belongs to the letters (designated) spara slightly touched, to the semi-vowels (y a ) ; slightly open, to the letters s, s, s and h ( a l) ; open, to the vowels. Of the short n in actual parlance (the effort is) contracted; but in the pro cess of a grammatical operation, it is open only. The external (effort) is of eleven kinds; expansion (of the throat), contraction, sighing, sounding, low preparatory murmur, absence of such murmur, slight aspiration, strong aspiration, acute, grav, and circumflex. The (letters denoted by) khar have the vivra, vsa, and aghosa effort. The ha have saihvra, w d a y and ghosa effort. The first, the third, and the fifth letters (of each) of the classes and the ya have alpapra; the second and the fourth and the al have mahpra. R B2 ST^V 3 D for m faH T V B2 3T^:^TRT^ for \ B2 for . % b 2 w tp tp t for ar^ r vs ^i^hptp0 V 0q ^ r r ^ ^ % Before this B2 adds 8P* *T?TTPTr: | \
B2 D from up to ^TT: omitted.

Frerf: I jpjfrSHTrm:! 5PS ^ H F T : 1 3rq: fTT: 1 x qr X ^ ^f sp^rn^T HFrHf^HHR^fr f s n f T n ^ z r i g q- g q s r m h r c p f a ^ T sqsHTHta: i a?: cprjmrt

T O n ^ R fa M T i

a n r f e i w h n ^rsr?nn: n \ . \ . \ \ \\ arfirsftzpTHtOTfc^T ^R -9^ opirfar i f %


5 1

*rar c t r t i a n ^ r o ^ * q^

g <$ ^ f e r ; i h ^ h ^ s f d arssresrHT m [ i

Letters from k upto m are spara; the (letters of the pratyhra) ya are antastha; the (letters of the pratyhra) al are sman; the (letters of the prathra) ac are vowels; a character like half a visarga, standing before k or kh, is jihvmlia; a character like half a visarga, standing before p or ph, is upadhmnya. A character like a dot on the vowel is anusvra; and one like two dots after a vowel is visarga. 12. (A letter of the prathra) a, and also (a letter) having an indicatory u, (is the designation) of (its) homogeneous letters also, (when) not (enjoined as) a suffix. (1.1.69). The letters denoted by (the pratyhra) a and the letter with an indicatory u when not enjoined, is the designation of (itself and also) its *homogeneous letters. Here alone (the prathra) a is (to be taken as being formed) with the latter . The letters with an indicatory u are ku, cu, tu, tu, and pu . Thus a is the designation of (ali) the eighteen (vrieties of a ) ;

I ^ T f^ ^ T H : I ^ HTTI ^ TTI Hf^ttT II

^ K t s f a I r r^ E gT^TTHTH I

arHHrfH^THHHfH^^^H JH^T fstTT I ^H TH H H fg^T^ 5 ^ 1 ^ :

II i

^jrhrmfRrfzrr: H fafa: ^S?TU: n tn : II M X 9 II

3r^bTT3JT^f|rr & . HjfhTHfrr:3 f h i ?^ g rw ? i 1 1 ?.v. \ v 1 1


ftth ii

g s R i frs^r ^ re*rer
ii

s f a H?rrH^TWH n

so also the letters i and u. The letter r (is the designation) of thirty (vrieties); so also the letter . (The letters) e, o, ai and au> of tvvelve. The letters y, v and l are twofold according to the division of nasal and non-nasal. And as such these nonnasal letters are the designations of both. 13. The closest proximity (is) samhii (1.1.109). The utmost juxta-position or closeness of letters has the de signation sarhhit (combination). 14. Consonants unseparated (are) sarriVoga (1.1.7). Consonants, not separated by vowels, have the designation sarhoga (conjunct). 15. T hat which ends in sup or tin (is) pada (1.4.14).

(A form ation), ending in a case-ending {sup) or a per sonai ending {tin), has the designation pada (w ord). Thus ends (the section on) sa'tnjs.

X D
^ B x B2 (tdHPTT0

Bx

* r.

< t
( II3TO 1% II H

5 ^ : *TR *T T ^TRT 3f^ fc# I rtforc; f % fa fe r n .%% n

HqTR $[

HcTHtfH^H'T faft*R pf ^ R d t e ms i \6 *RS?T?T*T: II ? ? - V 1 1 S R f H% H^TTH 3T[^H:3 I 16. In the place of ik, ya, vvhen ac follovvs (6.1.77).

c (# R ?

In the place of ik, ya is substituted, when it is followed by ac in combination. In the position: sudl upsah. 17. When an operation is enjoined by (a word in) the locative, (it) belongs to that which preceds immediately (1.1.66). The operation enjoined by using (a word in) the locative case, should be understood to pertain to that which precedes without being intervened by any other letter. 18. (T hat which is ) the most similar (or closest) in point of the place of generation. (1.1.50). When a common term is enjoined as a substitute, the closest (section of it) is the (actual) substitute. ? V fWT added after sf^FT* ^ D omitted 3 B2 OT addcd after 3TI& I:

\\

d n ln rs n n

HiftiTT-r iS T T T T^TFT WW. I ^o 3Ty5tS?U*H || II I ^ U: srftne II 5TP% I

gcHHTr: I rp srft: I HPtH: I ^ Iff f: I

tr^ tsu ^ n srT u\.\.\a n


H 3T^ ^ t 3TH - 3 ^>3TTH * \ > FT: O 3rf% I

19. Elision (is substituted) in the place of (what) has a conjunct (consonant) for its final (8.2.23). There is elision of the pada, vvhich ends in a conjunct con sonant. 20. In the place of the final al (1.1.52).

A substitute is of (or for) (only) the final (letter) of that vvhich is mentioned in the genitive. In this position: 21. The prohibition in the case of ya should be stated.

sudh))ups))ah, madhvarih, dhiramah, llflrtih.


22.

In the place of ec (are substituted) ay, y} av, v (6.1.78).

In the place of ec (i.e. e, ai, o, and au) are substituted ay,


y, av, and v (respectively), when follovved by ac.

? B2 WJ added after ^ B2 D 3 D adds IT0 ; B2 sRnPTT ^ after \

V V adds [T ^ - after 3f^.

33

R r a f t n r jls r :

s h r ih t h

ii

f^ f s m H ^ T FTfT I VM I %w[%? | H F R : I 'TR^t: I


t r f a s n n n n

qKd 5 R R TTT a fk d flR R t R : I *IRH | HRTHI


3^15 nt:
ii ii

3R tr^ Vf* IFTTH^^ | \ > 3 23. The statement of (substitutes) equal in numbr cording to the order of enumeration (1.3.10). is ac-

An injunction pertaining to equal number (of the substitutes and the substituted) is according to the serial order. haraye, visnave, nyaka, pvaka . 24. T hat which ends in v (will be the substitute), when suffix beginning with y foliows (6.1.79). a

When a suffix beginning with y follows, in the place of o and au, av and v are substituted. gavyam , nvyam . 25. at (and) e (have the designation) gua (1.1.2).

a (short) and e (i.e. e and o) have the designation gua. $ B2 D V ^ B, reads 3 B, H B V omitted
jtr

tfJTPHH after HHT7:1

V B omitted added after *rf:

t^Tf^T^cr u \.% .\d o 11 PTnr N<ret 3T ^ ^ n N n r ; 1 ^ 3n?Tq: II % .\.6\$ II 3 m k f % g ^ R t ^ F t nT^r:? I


r h ?h ^ thN .i

^ u s a t ^ n f i n t ?h

11

11

^H^SH O HTfH^ 3 T = W -s ^ HtJT: I

FTTH5 qTfHrN I 5rfH?TTHHfHWT: > 3 ^^STT^PT H ^ T P T H F ft t' t H?TT l

26. A t ap ara (vowel) is (the designation of (the vowel) (of) the same length (1.1.70). A vowel uttered after t or followed by t is the designation for (the vowel) of the same length only. 27. After a, gua (6.1.87).

When an ac (a vowel) comes after the letter a , gua is the single substitute (for both) the former and the latter. upendra, gagodakam . 28. A nasal ac in an upadea is it. (1.3.2).

An ac (a vowel), which is nasal in the upadea, has the de signation it, (The vowels) in (the grammar of) Pini have nasality by declaration. The letter r, pronounced along with the letter a standing in the aphorism la, is the designation of r and /.
? Bi

R Bx B2 WT added after 3 DV omitted

H~fH IVTfklTA
ii ii

V w

f^VTT: H#iTr.H S D * \ I H^TTH 3 t 3TW > H TTT:

ST^et I f ^ f e I P ^ T T : I $o ftq: n e ? w a r ii 3 R * rj# d t: \ II -'R-l II HTT^rrsiTiflf HfT ErTTHfH^T 1 TTremTfa ^T FnrfH ^H i ^ f\ i fasr % i fe ^ fa ^ i
hP h

T T 3[%

qT

29. a, (substituted) in the place of r, is (always) followed by ra (1.1.51). It has been already stated that r is the designation of the thirty (vrieties). The a (to be substituted) in the place of it, is always followed by ra (i.e. r. I ). krsarddhi, tavalkra. 30. Elision (in the opinion) of kalya (8.3.19).

Elision is optionally substituted in the place of y and v, standing at the end of a pada, (and) preceded by the letter a, when a follows. 31. In connection with what precedes, not established. (8.2.1).

The last three quarters (of PA) are (as good as) not estab lished in connection with the seven chapters and a quarter (of the.eighth, of P A ) ; and in the three quarters also, (each) subsequent aphorism is (as good as) not established in connection with the preceding. hara iha, harayiha; visa iha, visaviha.
? V 3T instead of srfcff

ll 3 T T T \ ^ * s^ C

ll
1

33

w f e ^ f a ll % .\.C 6 II lAfA H^TT^T?: | f i ^ ^ T I TT^fa: l t -

^ITHI f r c if l^ S H H I
3

* STR^T:

f o m u tn ii ^ .v .^ v ii f^ptTTfr*T

^THHr?rT:? I H TTT H 7 37 37 N 3 O7 * \ f r tf fC |H f a 3TT fa 3fsr 3[fq- 3T% $ ^ tD? TfT T ft 3 7 ^ 7T73: I


3

VjgTut UT?|3: ||

||

f^ H i^ rf^ fr *=rr77> h t j h ^ t : 3 i
32. / (and) aic (have the designation) vTddhi (1.1.1).

and aic have the designation vrddhi .


33.

When ec follovvs, vrddhi . (6-1.88).

When after #, ee follovvs, vrddhi is the single substitute (for both). An exception to gaa (enjoined by 6.1.87, No.27 above). krsaikatvam, gahgaugha, devaivaryam, krsautkanthyam .
34.
U pasargas, when connected with a verb (1.4.59).

pra and others, v/hen connected with a verb, have the desig nation upasarga. (Thev are) pra, par} apa, sam , anu , azid, etc.
35. Bh, v etc. (are) dhtus (1 .3.1 )

B h etc., expressive of action, have the designation dhtu. \ Bx Add


^ B2 ^ ^ T :

after added after sr$r:

3 V

t:

^tf UTft || sm forrf'T C P dr ^ I T R d

\ II HTfV I 5rT=5#fH |

^13

t?fs?TTf:q*T II ^ . ? A V | | 3TT|q"HrfT 7J-( Hft ? q T W te H ^ T :51 3T^S?mfe f e l l ^ . V * ! ! H H lH ^ I

H arrfoTFT HT s fe?T FHT * \I 36. When after an upasarga, a root beginning with r (short) follows (6.1.61). When after a prefix, ending in the letter a, a root having an initial r (short) follovvs, vrddhi is the single substitute (for both). prrcchati. 37. When e follows, the form of the subsequent (6.1-94).

3T^r

When after a prefix ending in a, a root beginning with e follows, the form of the subsequent (vowel) is the single sub stitute. prejate, uposati. 38. (The portion) beginning with the last of the vovvels (is) tu (1.1.64). T hat (portion of the base), which begins with the vowel which is the last among the vowels (therein), has the designation tu
< D ^ added after qiTf

for

3 B^TRT added after

* Bx Sterfa

%
E:\

v ran r i

^R T ?H :

HHItE I ^ffcf^tsq-T I HTH^:3I


II V M t "

-Ko

sw :

q?PtT ?fhll re R T r^ sfa i i fa w rs7 i

sRfiTH fsia ? w n n ? ? - v \ i i 39. In akamdhu etc. the form of the subsequent (vowel) should be stated (as the single substitute). And that (pertains) to the ti (of the antecedent). akandhu, karkadhu, mars. This is an krtigaa. mrtada40. After ak, when a homogeneous (vowel) follows, long (vowel) ( 6 . 1 . 1 0 1 ) (is) the single substitute (for both). d aityri, a , vis daya , h o tfk ra .

41. After e at the end of a pada, when a (short) follows (6.1.109). When e at the end of a pada is followed by at, the form of the precedent (vowel) is the single substitute (for both). hareva, visnova. 42. (A substitute) having more letters than one, or having an inaicatory , (is) for the whole. (1.1.55). In this position: { B D omitted

^ B2 added befere HffaTT 3 V Omitted


V Bx

1 ^TTI VV w r e rolZTRflT 'TT^


11

V ? ? ^

11

HfP=Tl 3?f% ^ r ? | ^rtTH I*

rr*.iiVMT*ii
n f a r s * v s I t ^ : I | T T ^ 9 II -i-V II fTTT H^TcTH ?nW*T E: r -* g j * l I

43.

(A substitute) having an indicatory also. (1.1.53).

(A substitute) having an indicatory , though it has more letters than one, is for the final only.
44.

(In the opinion) of Sphotyana, a v a (6.1.123).

At the end of a pada, in the place of go, ending in e , a va is substituted optionallv, when foliov/ed by a vovvcl. gavo.gram,
45.

And when followed by indra (6.1.124).

In the place of go, a v a is substituted, when followed by indra. gavendra.


46.

And in calling (a person) from a distance (8.2.84).

In addressing from a distance, in the place of the ti of the sentence, pluta is optionally (substituted). \ 3 3 V B2 c q 7 ^ V ^rf% B2 Trtsinadded after irmim> N , B ziT added before t%

v\9
.

c ^ n p j^ r r arfe R t n ; . i i V M ^ H i i rl 3 t ^ s r ^ r r i s r r o ^ fsu r^ 3 rr

sm r^

*w ri;fte*R r,.i *6 3PTI cs )t% e r o i t a n f r u t.v .' p > i 3[?^nT?^^Rjft fHTtT: ^T: I . . STRn: II ^ sfq H TT I 47. The pluta and the pragrhya, when followed by a vowel, always. (6.1.125) These, when followed by a vowel, stand in the original form. gaccha kT^a^ atra gau carati. 48. A dual (case-termination ending in) i3 and e is pragrhya. (.i.ii). A dual termination ending in , , and e is (designated) pragrhya. ha etau, zs imau, gage am u . 49. ca, etc. when not signifying a substance. (1.4.57). II f ^ f s a R s i T ^ r n ii w lk ^ f sri^r
w

h i

ii rrh fa^ r i p?

, ' c

t\o

ca etc., not expressing a substance, are (designated) niptas. . 50. pra etc. (1.4.58). So also these.
\

V This sentence omitted; Bx reads

for 3flfo^ hi this as ^>.h8f3 in the r

\vell as the preceding sentence. B2 reads fEtlf for for 3

previous sentence. SK and LSK omit this sentence, and read

ftm tr t ^ r s r ^ u ' " f q N

t T ^ s ^ fHTTH 3!T 3i^: 5PTf: I i %vS: I H UR: | 3T?tT%h i

tre iifrv fe H i 3Tt i h h ^ A i 3r i farsr rr i

N sft^TH * Ni 115% II

<t9 ' ' ^ 51.

*: S^RT R o : II <t.Y.Vo II o g R T tP P h : i TTHf^rHtfH i J T P R ^ R f a rt *TtH ^ R T ^ R P ff R : I ffr^T


h ^ hh Ni

^ rfe ^ ^ n r |

A nipta (comprising) one vowel, except n (1.1.14).

A single vowel (forming) a nipta, except f is prgrhya. i indra, u umea. (The particle ), in the sense of the sentence or remembrance, has not the indicatory n. evarh nu manyase, eva'th kila tat. In other senses it has the indicatorv . sad usam osnam. Thus ends (the section on) svara-samdlii.

52. In the place of s and tu, in contact with s and cu, and cu (are substituted) (8.4.40) In the place of the letter s and the letters of the tavarga, when they eome in contact with the letter i and the letters of the cavarga, the letter s ad the letters of the cavarga are (sub stituted). hariete, rmacinoti, saccit, srhgijaya.

5TT II .'K.'tf II STlcT N T^rrfaT H I f t o t 5T5H: I

<V*

r&U i

II < '.*.*? II I HjftspT I

ft: ^ H jfrir s r: I TTfTSH^: | T r * t o ^ I t o

K<\

* T 'RHHT tTHT*T II C.'K.'*^ II H ^riHN to T \ <TT?!T ft:


O I H? \ H^T I H? < s ^ I'

\%

3 H iM H c ito rc b n fa % ? ^ n r n Cfcrrr | ispjinfH: I ;

53. After i (8.4.44). In the place of (the letter s and the letters of the tavarga ) coming after , the said (substitute) does not (occur). vina, prana 54. In contact with s and tu, s and tu (8.4.41). In the place of s and tavarga, when they come in contact with s and tavarga, s and tavarga (are substituted). rmassastha, rmastkate, pest, tattk} cakridhaukase. 55. Not after tu standing at the end of a pada, except in the case of nm (8.4.42). In the place of s and tavarga coming after the tavarga stand ing at the end of a pada, s and tavarga (are) not (substituted). satsanta, satte. 56. (The exception) should be stated as: except in the case of nm, navati and naga. sam, saavati, S(triagarya \ V Efff T > D *
^ V omitted

\V9

: fh ll . v . ' t ll T g^ P TN I *TH O N <**5: I

t<i

5T^ 3TCTfc??t II

II

5RJT 3RT: FT: o I ^nfl^T: I \% UTtsVTfiVS^iTlfitVt *T TU JTT: T^r?HFTrHHlfH%?S TfT: l ^o hcmm h t h p h fNnn HHT^TH I f^H-JTH I 57. In the place of tu when followed by s. (8.4.43). Substitution of s and tavarga does not take place. sastha. 58. In the place of jhal, standing at the end, ja (8.2.39)
11

II *T T I ^FHTrfT: I ITpiT-

san

In the place of the (letters of the pratyhra) jhal, standing at the end of a pada, the (letters of the pratyhra) ja are substituted. vah 59. In the place of yar, when followed by a nasal, a nasal, optionally (8-4.45). In the place of the (letters of the pratyhra) yar, standing at the end of a pada, when followed by a nasal, a nasal is optionally (substituted). etanmurri, etadmurri. 60. In the case of a suffix in common parlance, obligatory.

tanmtram, cinmayam. \ D ZZJ ^ D V

after

% %

tftfo ll

|| i H^T: \

3*: v m & ft: H?: TcAt: rn*rTt:

II .)t.% \ II l

d*mfcWTKM II ?.*.V II 'P ^ H tf a f r c f^THFT sfteiJH N I )t 3n%: T m II n*q- t: \ ' t t f t sfgfrr rer npTr& fnT i ^HT ^ ? ^ q T 5 ^ f | r c * r Tt^T

61. In the place of tu, when followed by l (8.4.60). (A letter) homogeneous with the latter (is substituted)> tallayah 62. After ud> in the place of, ^Jsth and, ^Jstambh, of the former (8.4.61). In the place of V sth and Vstambh coming after ud} a letter homogeneous with the former (is substituted). 63. (An operation stated) by a word in the ablative belongs to the latter (1.1.67). An operation laid down by a word in the ablative should be understood to pertain to what follows, without being intervened by any other letter. 64. (An operation in the case) of the latter pertains to (its) initial. (1.1.54). W hat is enjoined in the case of the latter, should be understood as pertaining to its initial. Accordingly, in the place of s, tha (is substituted).

tffd i t R

11

< t.v .^ N frft I

V: TT^IT 5 rd 3T OST: ^ trfr sr II 4.V .V U I

iTvst V(V: rq : i ffr O ^ H?r n h: i ^ h h h \i h ^ h ^ hN i ^vs ^rat 5T T : %6 u


11

fflT 3T ^ ( F P T : 1! TFHfTl ^ f r : I

5T5^tsfe II 6 .* .% II

H^TTT 3[fe? ?5> H fT I I rN r^ : I NIFT: TFFT 65. In the place of jhar, when followed by a homogeneous jhar (8.4.65). In the place of jhar coming after hal, when followed by a homogeneous jhar, elision is optionally (substituted).
66.

And when followed by khar (8.4.55).

In the place of the (letters of the pratyhra) jhal, the (letters of the pratyhra) car are (substituted). Accordingly in the place of d of ud, t (is substituted). utthnam, uttambhanam. 67. In the place of h coming after jhay, optionally (8.4.62).

In the place of h coming after jhay, a letter homogeneous with the former is optionally (substituted). vgghari, vg-hari.
68.

In the place of , ch, when followed by a t (8.4.63) In the place of , coming after jhay, standing at the end of a pada, when followed by at, ch is optionally (substituted). tacchiva, taciva l V adds here ^FT: i ; D adds sfrRi (like LSK); see also SK. ^ V omitted (5T ipr) I

fh n m u re II

V80

tf ts g r r c : ll . .'R II
HHrir 'T ^ F n n ^ R d
Tv

\9?

w w t w w s rfo n

ii

rpfg \9^ 5PT: I 69.

^ T R T ^F T IT^TT^Te: I ^ f a | 3n^FT% I n fn *R ^T : II 6 . * . \ 6 II

It should be stated that the substitution of ch (takes place),

when followed by (a letter of the pratyhra) am. tacchlokena. 70. In the place of m, anusvra (8.3.23).

In the place of a pada ending in m, anusvra (is substituted) when followed by a consonant ( hal ). h arim vande. 71. And in the place of n, not standing at the end of a pada, when followed by jhal (8.3.24). In the place of n and of m, not standing at the end of a pada, when followed by (a letter of the pratyhra) jhal, anusvra (is substituted). yamsi, kraihsyatte. 72. In the place of anusvra, when followed by (a letter of the pratyhdra) yay, a letter homogeneous with the latter. (8.4.58):. nta.

\ V adds

V9^

'TOFTCn II ^ rtfH I ^

II I

OV

S: f a U l l ^ . . ^ U
STT N 'TTJT h jN ^
i

, t

V9^

3 T R R 3fF II ? . ? . v ^ u fjrf^ N ft ^ i f a < TN CW : I TW ^ H F n F H T sP F ft *fc I. HSHFT: I >

V9^

?T5^ H < S . V 3 II fTFrrr Nt t j


h ft

rN 'O

i h fh

i h f t :* i

73. Optionally, in the place (of anusvra ), standing at the end of a pada (8-4.59). tvakarosi, tvamkarosi 74. In (the case of) s coming after d, dhut (8.3.29) In the case of 5, coming after d, (the augment) dh is optionally (appended). 75. (Augments) having indicatory t and k} the initial and the final (1.1-46). (Augments) with indicatory t and k are (to form) the initial and the final parts respectively of that for which they are enjoined. sattsanta, satsanta. 76. After n also (8.3.30). (In the case) of s, coming after what ends in n , (the augment) dh is optionally (appended). santsa, sansa l V reads o T fdfa^ Bx D This sentence omitted, 3 B2 adds zRf after Y D omitted IF ^ T T ^ fI before

Hffuswr*riT V 9 V 9 HFT I 5T 5R : C N^T i H ^ ^ F HC


i

H ^

fiT: > S

* 6 d*uvwu
^FPFT # TP I St^ST I vs^ q?Fn5T n ttd r \ tRRTIT N # np > 3TI if N e r o r I 5Wr*ffeTOT I ^ fe n ii

77.

When followed by , tuk (8.3.31).

(In the case) of n, standing at the end of a pada, when followed by , (the augment) t is optionally (appended). sacchambhu, sachambhuh, sacambhu, saambhu 78. And when followed by ch (6.1.73).

(In the case) of a short vowel, when followed by ch, (the augment) t (is appended). acch. 79. After (a long vowel at) the end of a pada, optionally. (6.1.76) After a long vowel standing at the end of a pada, when followed by ch, (the augment) t is optionally (appended). laksrrcchyy laksrrchdy. Thus ends (the section on) halsamdhi.

6o

StTSTOt 5: ll 6.^.%%, II
AAHHFT H FT
o

A: <

r'Tfc 6\ u u M d t f a i e n t a : ii <t.^.?Kii
H^FlTT T * A ? I

6?,

f ^ t * f h T v n m II d . ^ . ^ X I I trftl f^ur^TTTT I o

<t^

AT 5TfT II 6 . ^ % II
T A tfA P T f%HA: I ^ft5% % l ft.: 51% I

80.

In the place of s and sjus, ru. (8.2.66).

In the place of s standing at the end of a pada , and in the place of (the word) sjus, ru (is substituted). 81. When followed by khar (is pada . 82. or a pause, visarga (8.3.15) .:

substituted) in the place ofr,standing at the end of a

In the place of a visarga, s (8.3.34)

(is substituted), when followed by (a letter of the pratyhra) khar . visustrt. 83. Optionally, when followed by ar (8.3.36).

In the place of a' visarga, a visarga (is substituted optionally), hariete, hariete. ? D V is added after 75: ^ V fe^pf: added after 3 V reads this sentence as rfTfaPTHT fatpff A T HHH

^11

d^.^vsll

^ r h ^ h s 1 fircnfor sr ^ 5F * ^ ftf f T^fT l <tK T ^ fa [ ^ X, ^ f H

* <rt r: i ^ ir N fa*PT: i l *: q t fit I N *PTfa I tRfT I ^ -V I Ft ^ F T I

ii^ v ^ ii t " | ? ^ T S T T ^ fafo A n : I 3Tr3T^ 5 H: I ^FM ^TCf: I I

H f a c jf ^ r g r^ T ^ H I

3Tf> e V ^ d i c t ^ II v t - n u at^r^r: O
toa- rt

itTr ^ N a p > 0 s f r iR r ^ t s ^ : i

84. When followed by ku and pu, jihvmtiya and upadhmrya (8.3.37). When followed by (a letter of) the kavarga and the pavarga, in the place of visarga, jihvmuliya and upadhmrwya are (substituted). By the force of ca, visarga (also is retained). ka iv karoti, ka karoti, ka V khanati, ka khanti, ka v pacati, ka pacati, ka A phalati, ka phalati. 85. And in the words beginning with kaska (8.3.48).

In these (words), in the place (of visarga), coming after i (i ot u ), s (is substituted); in other cases, however, s (i substituted). kaska, kautaskuta,sarpiskudik, dhanuskaplam, etc.
8 6 . In the place of ru, coming after an unprolated at, when followed by an unprolated (at) (6.1.113).

In the place of ru, coming after an unprolated a, u is substituted, when followed by an unprolated a. ivo3rcya. \ D added after ^ ^ B2 omitted

6*

fa * II PTT I R ^ ft ^ r : I

66

Ml^ilttn^ 4 wr teRni
tTH^T T h rf^ tsR r I ^

n
I I V*f\ 3T^rtH

^fT fRTr fHTTT: I ctHT *k % ^

6\

rfo ?w iFni < s .v ^ n


?tpt v5>t: f h h

i >fr t*rr: i m rt

jn rc# i si^ft V fte g frn


.
5

t ^ .^
ii

a r^ t ^ q n ^ rt n

g f a \ a r^ rf: \

87. And when followed by (a letter of the pratyhra) ha (6.1.114). The same. ivo va n d y a
88. When preceded by bho, bhago, agho, and a, y (is sub stituted), when followed by a (8.3.17). In the place of ru preceded by these, the substitute (is) y, when followed by (a letter of the pratyhra) a. dev iha, devyiha; bhos, bhagos, and aghos are niptas ending in s. After their (final s) is changed to ru, and (then to) y, (the following stra finds scope).

89. When followed by hal, of ali (these) (8.3.22) In the place of y (of ali these words) preceded by bho, bhago, agho, and by a, when followed by a consonant (hal), elision is (substituted). bho devh, bhago namaste, agho yhi. 90. r, when not followed by sup (8.2.69). In the place of ahan, repha is substituted; not, however, when followed by a case-ending. aharaha, ahargaV', \ B2 added before

<lM: l ^ fefoiT: II ^ M t^ fT fH T rn ft: 1R T ^ STF^ I f e f e n u TT ^TFTST || TT 91. FTRT II ^ 5TF# I ^% f%, f f ir I 3HT TH% t ffT 3%, f [ fe s f a

In the place of r, when followed by r (8.3.14).

elision (is substituted). 92. When followed by the elision of dh or r, in the place of the preceding a, a long (a is substituted) (6.3.111). When followed by the (dh or r) causing the elision of dh or r, in the place of the preceding a, (its) long (form) (is substituted). pun ramate . In the case of manas ratha, after the substitution of ru (for the s of manas) is effected, the change of ru to u by hai ca and the elision of ru by ro ri are equally available. In this position: 93. In (the case of mutual) contradiction, the posterior should be effected (1.4.2). In the case of a conflict (between two rules) of equal force, the posterior one (among them) is to be effected. When accordingly elision presents itself for being effected,

n 6 . . i ii

^f[ 'f t f r I ^ f H ^ r T ^cTT^tt g^hftsvhCT^PTT^ & 3TV^T7fltTTR>#: %:

I HH>TT: 1 '

^Tt f f a I

H|

ircf

f ^ o r : I H HCH: O I 3[^t: f%*Tl ^ HH^> * ftp: I fa f%H I g rft^ r I

l 3TH^HHTr f H " 13TH: s

( ? fa faHHHfaj: ) n f k s* n n :
u

94.

In connection with what precedes, not effective. (8.2.1)

By thi rule, th rule ro ri becomes ineffective; and hence the substitution of u (for the ru) alone (has to be effected). manorathah 95. In the place of etad and tad, the elision of su, when not having (the letter) k, or when not in a na compound, when followed by a kal (6.1.132). . The su. (nom. sg. termination) of etad and tad, not having k appended to them, is elided, when foilowed by a consonant ( hal ). Not, hovvever, in a na compound. esa visu, sa ambh. why akoh? (The answer may be found in statements like) esako rudra. Why anasamse? asa iva. Why hali? esoltra. Thus ends (the section on) samdhi.

( stt

ETH 3TJT 5R*roRT ^ ^ fa iT 3 m TN5T5^'T STTflrTfoF> D5R

f^feTT Rft HHRHcT1 PTT W . I

Uiv.*.^i|V
% 3 *[ S[T H T I 3TH sftsr 5RT fsfhTM

ST TH frRT 3H

H # q r I $ **TPT vrrgr ^ f f | s f r vriH w r t 'T^THt I 3T T H H*t I f e 3ftH H H ^ fl |

96i A significant (group of letters), other than a root, or a (suffix or a form ending in a) suffix is (designated) prtipadika (1.2.45). Any significant foim of a word, excepting a root, a suffix, or a formation in a suffix, has the designation prtipadika . 97. krt, tddhita and samsa also (1.2.46).

Formations in krt suffixes, in taddhita suffixes, and compounds also are o (designted). 98. su, au, jas, etc. (4.1.2).

su, au, jas, nominative; am, au t, as accusative, t, bhym, bhis, instrumetal; ne, bhym, bhyas, dative; iiasi, bhym, bhyas, ablative; as, os, m, genitive; i, os, sup, locative. t Bj ; D. ^nm nw

^jrnsnrrT R ^id 1 S^cNT 3TRfrrtT


$00

11

* ? .? n _^ 5l?nnT: i

g q :?

11

g n : ^ tf" ^tfcr

la i

e'M i)& <M 4*4|a rt r: i

11

?oe^

11

\o ( ffTT*its^TR II

II

^T?HTH I ^rfkP *l TTH: I 99. After , p and prtipadika (4.1.1).

After a word ending in m , after a word ending in p, and after a prtipadika, the case-endings su etc. are (appended). Of the sup (1.4.103). Of the case-endings, each group of three expressions are respectively designated singular, dual and plural. 101 . In the sense of two and one, dual and singular endings (1.4.22). In the sense of dual and singular these (appended). 102. (endings) are

Cessation is (designated) avasna (pause) (1.4.110).

Of letters. Change to ru and to visarga. rma. I Bx missing


^ V This stra and the com. on it missing

*03

11

11

t^>fa**ft JTifH H ^ H T ^ VZfa H *CT*R> t^T fcpaffi- | $oY 5 tW : ^Kttui: II V f ? II 31^: 5Tr*T1fTfl2TftTf% ^HSTJKhT 1 tr^ T ^ r: I ffT STFH I ^TR T tn n p ^ r n || II I f f e : 3 I TTHl I
11 11

103. Of (those), similar in form, (only) one is retained, when followed by the same case-ending (1.2.64). Of the (prtipadikas ) , which are seen to have the same form, only one is retained, when followed by one (and the same) case-ending. 104. In the place of the first two (cases), a letter homogeneous with the former ( 6 . 1 . 1 0 0 ). When ak is followed by ac of the nominative and the accusative, a letter homogeneous with the former is the single substitute (for both). In this position, 105. Not in the case of a or , when follovved by ic (6.1.102)

Long vowel, homogeneous with the former (vowel). vrddhi. rmau. 106. In the sense of multeity, plural (1.4.21).

$ B2 original *raur corrected into f[^qf. ^ B2 addi 3T R T T ? T before 3

*oV3 n(Z OC NU ?.3X3 * ' II 9*ni3rV

*t: I

\ o 6 fasrfoTS^ II ' .v .i o v II g H f ^ ?T fasraft ^ n : II fa'HfTFH: ? ^ h h t #h: I


^O tK ^ R II II

rf: I II HFT Ht^HT i T1HT: I

5PTHR1: I
H ? stcJR l^fu R Tfe s t n ^ s ^ T
ii ii

*T : 5RT?fr HrHfT fo*TH T?lf?

fftHvT^ r4TH I

107. cu and tu (1.3.7) standing at the beginning of a suffix are indicatory. 108. And vibhakti (1.4.104). sup (case endings) and tin (personai endings) are designated vibhakti . 109. Not in vibhakti tu, s and m (1.3.4). The letters of the tavarga, s, and m, standing in a vibhakti are not indicatory. Accordingly s (in jas) is not indicatory. rmh 110. Singular (is designated) sambuddhi (2.3.49). Of the nominative, in the sense of address (sambodhana ) . 111. W hat begins with that after which a suffix is enjoined is aga when follovved by the suffix. (1.4.13). The form of a wcrd, beginning with that after which a suffix is enjoined, is (designated) ahga, when follovvred by that (suffix). \ B2; V added before B2 reads rrf^TiT^TTT ) ?r \ for ^irT * T : I

11

II H t ^ % T I | ^TH I

n^fiTH ^P H ?ri^l^rT V | TF I | TTHT: I H3

3tPT ?p: II V ? \ \ II ^ S T t l f a ^ P T tp F T ^ r: | TUPT I Tft | II l - - 6 II ?H fer^sr^trraT tsra^nr? p r : p t: i

HK tpn^rit

< 1% 11 v ? ? ? 11
HTt H: HH: W. s TPI H: A% I

112. After e and after a short vowel of sambuddhi (6.1.68) A consonant, coming after a base ending in e or in a short vowel, is elided, provided it belongs to sambuddhi. he rma, he rmau, he rmh . 113. When followed by am, the former (6.1.105). When ak is followed by the vovvel in the case-ending am, the form of the former is the single substitute (for both). rmam, rmau. 114. I, and ku in (a suffix) other than taddhita (1.3.8). The letters l, and those of the kavarga standing at the beginning of a suffix other than taddhita, are indicatory. 115. In the place of as coming after that, n in the masculine ( 6 . 1. 101 ). In the place of the s of as, that comes after the long (vowel) homogeneous with the former, n (is substituted) in the masculine. \ B ,; D omitted. ^ B,; afrrT D 0^TT0,
3 V
h ^TT:

f r ;

II .ti.'R II 3(Z s r f T^T 3TT^ HH TT#5^#IT3TTHWA f a fe d ^ T V V 3srin sfa1 to p s o t ' t t f t ^ r: h h h 't i ?fr s tf h i

\\y& ? M<WW II K - V 9 II l t H I TTHTH I

\ \ 6 dl*R l*inM kti: II *.%.%?, II


3T<r?nT . I UR^T * \ dKtHfHHR^T: WO > I TI^TH I ^ II d . h l o || *T5ft^ gf<T 3ftS^q- \: I TTHr^TH I 116. Even after intervention of at, ku, pu, and num . (8.4.2) Even in case of intervention of a (letter of the pratyhra) at, of kavarga, of pavarga, , and (the augment-) n, singly or in any possible combination, in the place of n, coming after r and s in the same pada, is substituted. In this position. 117. Of (n), at the end of a pada (8.4.37).

In the place of n, is not (substituted). rmn. 118. In the place of t, asi and as, ina, t and sya (7.1.12).

After ( prtipadikas) ending in a, in the place of t etc. ina etc. are substituted. Substitution of . rmea. 119. And when followed by a sup (7.3.102)

When followed by a case-ending beginning with a (letter of the pratyhra) ya, in the place of a base ending in a, a long vowel (is substituted). rmbhym.

^V 3

3Tft f a tf
3H^W % H

II \9 .? A II
I Tt: I

i : \\ V9-M 3 ll
afts^TH l

^ ffr ^ r f a ^ r T

II
V('

II i tu ttc T re m m r i

H?$T II

||

TH ^ T f ^ H g f a 3 [ ft s ^ t ^ T : I TT03T: I

120.

After at, in the place of bhis, ais (7.1.9)

(A substitute) having more letters than one, or having an indicatory (is substituted) in the place of the whole (base). rmai . 121. In the place of ne, ya (7.1.13).

After a base ending in a . 122. A substitute is like that in whose place it comes, except

in the case of an injunction pertaining to the letters (1.1.56). Accordingly being like the original (i.e. sup), a long (vowel, is substituted) according to (the rule) supi ca. (No. 119). rmya, rambhym. 123. When followed by jhal in the plural, et(7.3.103).

When followed by a plural case-ending beginning with a (letter of the pratyhra) jhal, in the place of the base ending in a, the letter e is (substituted). rmebhya.

II

II

| TTHrT " N ^TTHR N mTTViTm * \TTHT: T TH ^ I X i\ 3*1% n( || V3.^.?oV II 3RS^Fh>TT: I T W r: I H? II (9. ? 3TTH: I ^V9 *n% II V M 3 T 5 R rrfR 124. II I TTHT1HHI 7THI T O l : I f* t I II

Optionally, when followed by avasna (8.4.56).

In the place of the (letters of the pratydhdra ) jhal, the (letters of the pratydhra) car are (substituted). rmt, rdmdd, rmbhym, rdmebhyahy rmasya. 125. And when followed by os (7.3.104)

In the place of a base ending in ay the letter e (is substituted). rmayo 126. After hrasva, nadl and dp} (the augment) nut (7.1.54). In the case of dm (of gen. plr.). 127. When followed by ndm (6.4.3).

In the place of a base ending in ac, a long (vowel is sub stituted). rdmddm, rdme, rdm a yo . After the substitution of e is effected, \ Bx omitted ^ V reads TRHTt TC

n
3TT^TJUqu>: II . ^ %
^ u ^ zf i fn fs^ m r

I) *T : W. TSS
i

'TrrtTH^HT^KH: 3 T q i R q ^
sft

rn ^ r ^

t h h

IT# fitsnTRHts^H: l ^JT m T fl U ?.?NV9 II H# fa?H H^r HTR :R HT 31HJ 3HTfT HH HH ftfH I rc ^ ^ o t T ^ <j ^ ^T ^ ^ tH T f^ ^ R H itrTTl'TTTHnf'i 5l[^FTT^!HH> Hzp fg; q-ci O " N srjr * \ '* ^ -S ftn r \i

?r,TiTT I FTHtfTfHrTPmTPT I 3H.K 2 ff^ H tT H ^ IH ift: I

3RT: ?ft || V9.?.?V9 II arcfrrer


r s it r : i i

128. Of a substitute and a suffix (8.3.59). In the place of the s, which is a substitute or a part of a suffix, not standing at the end of a p a d a , (and) coming after (a letter of the pratyhra ) in and kavarga, a cerebral (s) is (sub stituted) . In the place of the sadvivTta s, the letter s of the same type (is substituted). rmesu. Similarly kT?a and other words ending in a (are to be declined). 129. Sarva etc. (are) pronouns (1.1.27). sarva, viva , ubha, etc., purva, para, avara, dakia , uttara, apara and adhara, when not samjs, and when restricted in their sense (are pronouns); sva (is a pronoun) when it does not signify jti or dhana; and antara (is a pronoun) when it signifies outer or an under-garment. tyad, tad, yad, etc. 130. In the place of jas, (7.1.17). After a pronoun ending in a. sarve. \ V C iftscq^rr:

Vo

HTTftfSTfrelHt

3TH :

#:

f# I I

3 ^ 5 ^ : FnTfaF UV9.?.?K U 3RT: $3 3 3T T T ?T^nF?T: 3Tn>rfrdld TTPT H#TTH * SI H#teTH I N I S^HlT * \ I II \ 9 - ? .^ II fa%TFTTH: g I PT H W " NI 3Uift I ^^rrTlH 1 H?T*ft:( I

g f^^r^ftsczK fH T: I 131.

After a pronoun, smai (7.1.14).

After a pronoun ending in a3 in the place of e9 smai (is substituted). sarvasmai. 132. In the place of asi and i, smt and smin (7.1.15).

After a pronoun ending in a. sarvasmt. 133. In the case of m after a pronoun, sut (7.1.52).

In the case of m enjoined for a pronoun and coming after (a pronoun ending in) a , the augmentr (isappended). Substitution of e and s.sarvsm , sarvasmin .T he rest likerma . Similarly (are to be declined) visva and other (pronouns) ending in a. ubhau , ubhbhym, ubhayo \ D omitted ^ B2 3 B2 reads frT fr^RFT: before ^rsft etc.

?3Y

tiH T b u ^ R F r a ir n tF T

n Vt-3*
t r t n ^ m n h m r t h ^ h h t h i h h 'j ^ t t
tn 3T i
3#

* rr 5 n c r r

: i1

s rfire s T R ra T fo T : sthtt s stt ^ rf% s r r ? i % f t t : i 3TT*ftqT STTHTH f T 3 T I S T T f a e R s r r T C ^ FTT: I fT T P f ts ^ i ^ \

\% 3 R R n f ^ n l M d c M M t i l : n
n r ^ T fc n F T ^

u t

3 R r e s r F p t r h t '^ tt h ? tt s r f a

134. Prva, para, avara, dakia, uttara, apara and adhara, in a restricted sense, when not saijs. (1.1.34). These, in a restricted sense and when not sarnjs, have the designation sarvanma before ali case-endings, according to the gaastra. It is (hereby) declared to be optional before jas (nom. plr. ending). purve, prvh. 135. sva, when not meanng jti or dhana (1.1.35). The word sva, meaning something else than jti or dhana, getting the designation ( sarvanma ), (according to the gaastra), has it optionally before jas (nom. plr.). sve, svh meaning tm y h or tm n a , But of (sva) signifying jti or dhana, (the form is) svh (only) meaning j ta y a or
arthh.

136. Antara, in the sense of outer, or an under-garment (1.1.36). The designation ( sarvanma) applying to the word antara in the senses of outer, or an under-garment (according to the gaastra ), is optional before jas . \ B2 after this is added s rf^ rfis ft fafafR R t I R 3 S1TRT I sfa*RR^T: I fST^T l V adds snpT ^n^ft sfiPIT *TR^T: I f^TW T ^R*T: \ arcrrrcf ftnr 1 SrTCT: f m : I ^ V FTR I

31?^ a r r n

h ^: \ rf^rr z m : \ a ra rl w n

^r s t t ^ t : i

T fro R ta T ^ r : i ^V 9 ^ f f e s t ^ t u 13.?.?^ n rm ft i f e n t : rfHftbrAt 37 rr: i I HH H#7H


1

h ^t i

jtftfPT ^ r I ^ t\

s w m R n a t n w r a e f i r w ^ n ? ^ n ? .? -3 3 n tTH !3fH 3T i 5 r ^ SPTHt: l? T T m T i

H*T HHT: \ fa *FT*TT I rflUFT f e g 3 T TI

fc rta e # fe fh n n ^ r f e \ ^

s d .s : i

antare, antar va grhd (where antare) means bhydh. antare antar va takd (where autore) means paridhmyh. 137. After the nine words, purva etc., optionally (7.1.16). After these, in the place of asi and i, smt and smin are optionally substituted. prvasmt, prvt , prvasmin, prve . Similarly of para and others. The rest like sarva. 138. Prathama , carama, taya, alpa, ardha, katipaya , and nema (1.1.33). These, when followed by jas, have the said designation optionally. prathame, prathamh. The rest like rma. neme , nemh . The rest like 139. A (formation in) when followed by case endings with indicatory , optionally has (the samj, sarvanma ). dvityasmai, dvityya, etc. Similarly trtiya. \ B2 omitted ^ After this B2 adds 3 B2 f e g f |

?Ko

II V S .^ o ? II aRTI^ f a ^ f t I T ^ i f s p R ^ ; HFT r T C ? ^ V( I f a f o r c S T R T ^ i 5 R S I

^ T R ^ T ^ T 1 ?RT I t j r ^ ^ f ^ f f f R R ^ f a

P rfa d E

fn ^ T H :

*s,t r t t h w h i

f^ ^ T : I

t n f v o t f t t ^ ii v ? - ? 3 i
H 3 I fa a r fa^ T T : fa^H TH " \ f^ ^ ft I 140. In the place of jar , jaras, optionally (7.2.101).
1

I f a ^ T : 1*

When followed by a case-ending beginning with a vowel. In the topic ( adhikra) of pada or aga, (a rule applies) to that (which is stated in the rule) and also to what ends in that. The substitutes take the place of that which is actually stated. W hat is partly altered does not thereby become some thing different. Accordingly in the place of the word jara (in nirjara ), jaras (is substituted). nirjarasau, nirjarasa, etc Alternatively, and when followed by a consonantal case-ending, (it is declined) like rma .
vivaph.

141.

After a long vowel, when followed by jas also (6.1.103).

And when followed by ic, the long vowel homogeneous with the former is not (substituted). vivapau, viva p h , he vivaph; vivapm, vivapau. I ^ ^ * B2 sft V omittcd B2 reads after ^ V | f^^T: omitted

^r#5TTTrT?T^fW f?T

3TC * * \ 5im Rfspr O ^ f? H O ^{R H rH PT R 1 O 1 C x3 <K ?


* Y * Zff a W II II

FTTT * \ I

^rrf^r O 3T3hF<r o V( ^<T5R5RrefaGr n o 3 h r h t* r th h cra c\ tn r >i


?*K 3T T * M K lie T ST II ? .* .? II fT 35# 3RRT: ^HUTTH ^T f: s m f a H * HH7 ^ T I ? T T TT 3T?R^I5rT V[ I

142. sut, not of the neuter gender (1.1.43). The five case-endings beginning with su, not of the neuter gender, have the designation sarvanmasthna. 143. When follovved by pratyayas beginning with su, other than the sarvanmasthna (1.4.17). Before suffixes, beginning with su and ending with the pratyaya kap, other than (those designated) sarvanmasthna, the base (to which they are appended) is (designated) pada . 144. W hen followed by y and ac, bha (1.4.18). When followed by (suffixes), beginning with y or beginning with a vowel, from case-endngs ( svdi) upto the pratyaya kap other than (those designated) the sarvanmasthna, what precedes is (designated) bha . 145. U pto kadra, one designation (1.4.1). From here upto the stra, kadrh karmadhraye (in the case) of one, only one designation should be recognized, (namely) that which is posterior and without any scope (othenvise).

aTTrft enrft: II

II ^TT: 1 I f a ^ T : I i HTft: f o n i

3TT^[TTfft d t srrTTSFT^ ? f ^ q r fa ^ T n R T H ^ r r f e i ^ fTfTHI fX: I ^ f l I ?Y\9 fa ^ || V9.^.?o^ || ^ T R r e m ^ r * *rn:i


t $:\

?X 6 ^ w nt: II v s . ^ o t ii H ^ fd I I 146. I fTH T\* ^ ftH I

In the place of a root ending in (6.4.140).

In the place of the bha anga, ending in a root that ends in , elision is substituted. vivapa, vivap y vivapbhym, etc. Similarly a k h a d h m and other words. Why dhto? Tre answer may be found in the forms like hhn . hari, ha. 147. And when followed by jas (7.3.109).

In the place of a base ending in a short (vowel), gua (is substituted). harayah. 148. In the place of a short (vowel), gua (7.3.108). When followed by sambuddhi. he hare, harim, ha, han . \ After B2 reads ^ V omitted 3 Bi ? ^ D V B2 ^ omitted \

Vt, II ?.Y.V3 II l HffVfft Tvrf H f e f A fHH^TH9 *V> 3 ^ ^rfrsn rm u n I I

W. T^JT 1 3i $[2THITT I ^T<JTT IffT^TIH I ?<\? n f e f a


ii ii

gf'T Hi: I ?V* i^Ft 149.

I ff<jT:' I TW fiH I II V M H ^OTprT^: |

| ^ff: I |fl'JTTH I

The remainder is ghi, except sakhi (1.4.7).

A word ending in short i or short u , except the word sakhi, has the designation ghi . 150. In the place of a, n, except in feminine (7.3.120). In the place of ( n ) coming after ghi. is a designation of t. hari, haribhym, haribhi . 151. In the place of ghi, when followed by a suffix having an indicatory (7.3.111). When followed by a ( it) sup (case-ending), gua (is sub stituted) . haraye, haribhya . After gua is substituted, 152. When followed by asi and as also (6.1.108). When e is follovved by the short a in asi and as, the fonu of the former is the single substitute, (for b o th ). hare, haryoh, ham. \ ^ V D reads fT B2 adds fiRr l V Blf D. I before

3X^ u : H V 9 .V m #TtT HTf \ r^


to ttct :

3THF #

IIV 9.M 3

^TJ d t *ft I OT S i a R F S " O ^ artls^m r p g ro n u ?? H^HHTPTTH H i^ z rta H ^ r ^vs 153. u

II \.) f.6 II
H sht ^ ii

i u

tr^ ^ c r:

And at in the place of ghi (7.3.119).

In the place of i (loc. sg. ending) coming after i (short) or u (short), aut (is substituted); and in the place of ghi , short a (is substituted). harau, hariu. Similarly kavi etc. (are declined). 154. anah} when followed by su (7.1.93).

In the place of sakhi, ana (is substituted), when followed by su, (which is) not sambuddhi . 155. W hat stands (immediately) before the final al (is desig nated) upadh (1.1.65). 156. When follovved by the sarvanmasthna, sambuddhi (6.4.8). other than

In the place of the upadh of (a base) ending in n, a long (vowel is substituted), when followed by a sarvanmasthna (case-ending) other than sambuddhi . 157. aprkta (is) a suffix having (only) one letter (1.2.41).

fa fa tf d H m d ^ 'TCr SvJ vjcq% | C '' N O ^ s t q u ^ stuujrjnr n


5R qt
o

II Vt.^VS II

^ H H T H T T b ff dt ^ F H ^ H r ^ T T 5 fr % ^ s -

n
qrr Ni
11

fq- h ^tE th

? r ^ l q : arTfTTf?^t?^cr
srfrrf^^H if1 i r tN

d.^.vs i
# t : i su r i

II V 9 \'\R II HW C o :? <T
o

H#HTHFTFT furgT* I n

158. After hal, , and py su, ti and si (when reduced to) a single consonant (6.1.67). su, ti and si (reduced to the status of) a single consonant, coming after a word ending in hal, or (a word) ending in long m and p, are elided. 159. After the elision of a suffix, the effect of the suffix (1.1.62). Even after a suffix is elided, the operation depending upon it should be effected. 160. The elision of n, standing at the end of a prtipadika (8.2.7). In the place of n, standing at the end of a pada, which has the designation prtipadika, elision (is substituted). sakh. 161. After sakhi, other than sambuddhi (7.1.92). The sarvanmasthna, except sambuddhi, coming after sakhi is like that which has indicatory . * V
3

If q?

^ D, V add 3TfTf after ^RoZ: v frrsr ^ttt

3t^d fs*% II V 9
w fe : i r^ n ft

H
1 1 h # i h ^ t^ th rerrtt w ) h

HWT TP?t I sn n ra rc?n u V M ? n fgfms^TViTr ^tft5T5?TWTT fijrriiT ^tV rt d h s r H: i h ^ o t: i *V* 3 ^ II fe -

II

ffr #TlT I Hlstfj I TH


* V \ q fe : faTT: I ^tt* I u u

I
^faTT I H H t 5 ?

<Tt TS: 'T ttl t t

162. In the place of ac, when followed by what has indicatory or n (7.2.115). vrddhi (is substituted). sakhyau, sakhya . he sakhe; sakhyam, sakhyau, sakhfrn; sakhy} sakhye . 163. In the place of ( asi and as) coming after khy and ty

( 6 . 1. 110).
In the place of the at ( a ) of asi and as, coming after the letters khi, ti, and khft, fi, (turned into khy and ty) with the operation of yadea, u (is substituted). sakhyu. 164. aut (7.3.118). In the place of i, coming after (bases ending in) i, au (is substituted). sakhyau. The rest like hari. 165. pati in a compound only (1.4.8), has the designation ghi . paty} patye, patyu, patyau . The rest like hari. In a compound, however, bhpataye. { Ba omitte ^ V omitted 3 B2 hereafter adds

n ii 7% 7 II W . R \ II TRTT 7^7T H JH 5TT PTf I II SRRTHt: I * \ 757^*77755577 : n . . ^ t i i 557577774: fH 77T71 T cH IT *7TH O\ O O> , \ T NI 7% 7 ffT HT 7F5t I o ?V 9 0 rf II II 777T 5147 7<%7p5Tf777S77T7 7 *7T7 I 7fT? I Tfafa:1 7 ^ 7 : I 7ft7r7 T^fFT3 I
166. Bahu, gana, vatu, and dati (are designated) samkhy. (1.1.23). 167. And dati (1.1.25). A scttnkhy) ending in dati, is designated sat. 168. After the $at-s, elision (7.1.22). In the place of jas, and as. 169. In the place of a suffix, luk, lu and lup (1.1.61). Disappearance of a suffix, caused by the words luk, lu and lup, is respectively designated by that name. When by (the rule) jsi ca, (No. 147) gua becomes imminent, 170. Not in the place of the aga (afected) by a term containing lu (1.1.63). After elision has occurred on account of a term containing the letter lu, the operation in the aga to be leffected by it, does not take place. kati, katibhi, katibhya kafinm, katisu. * B2 7 ( B2 V ' After ;p%q> 3B2 ad^s \% 6 7 7 * 4 7 7 II 19.

nonn

^'TT: I

W. I % i$ \
^

I f a f t: I fa v t: I

ii i 3 . t i aiT T i ^ m ^ r n r*\ i b r ro i r J T ? T ? ln m : II V 9 . ^ . ^ o ^ II

f ^ T ^ f t I f t W H T H T ^ f e I t\ I STJTTW | g ^ f t: || T T t: < r * f t 'TT: I I ' 'f t : I T H I qTT T T t^ T T H T T l f a : I T f t ^ T : I q ^ T : I ^ R T t: 'TC^ T HN I T T f H 'f tHV D I mmvmm n s ^ ft: | arf% r 5 n ^ T 5 w g n l f t n ^ n d l n v * - ' ' ii
traya, trim, tribhih, tribhya 171. In the place of tri, traya (7.1.53).

When followed by m . traym, trisu. 172. In the place of tyad, etc., a (7.2.102).

When follovved by vibhakti. The isti extends upto (the word) dvi only (in the tyaddi gaa). dvau, dvbhym, dvayo. Paf, papyau, papya; he papfi, papri; papyy papbhydm , papibhi; papye, papibhya; papya, papyo, papym; papi; papisu . Similarly, vtapram etc. Pradhfc. 173. When followed by ac, in the place of i and u of nu, a root, and bhru , iyam and uvah (6.4.77). X B2 3R8f Pnrart I

S H S P T H lF T s d t s s r r e srjt# i

^ ^ F T
sn<% i n

lsV ^ t d ^ L d d h i ^ n ii v * - ^

E ri^ z R -iz ftiT ^ l H >T*% * T ^pfcT ^ft d t HTJ^TFFT

3 # f H ^ t s ^ T i T i p * 3 5 T R 1 S T ^ I 3TH <T<Tt3tT II IfR ifl: l?

JTStT:

s rfs i 1 I

t l M H i U H b i j : II l9.^U\ H TFT'RTTH I
In the place of the aga ending in the suffix nu, of a root ending in the letter i or u, and of (the word) bhr, iya and u va are (substituted), when followed by a suffix beginning with ac. In this position, 174. In the place of (an aga) having more vowels than one, and (ending in) i, which is not preceded by a conjunct con sonant (6.4.82). In the place of an anga of more vovvels than one, ending in a root, ending in the letter i which is not preceded by a conjunct (which is a) part of the root, ya (is substituted), when followed by a suffbc beginning with a vowel. pradhyau, pradhya, pradhyam, pradhyi. The rest like pap. Similarly grmanph. 175. In the place of iy m, after nacft, p and m (7.3.116).

grmcfliym. { B2 pa: sszp rcpeated, srfei om itted; B1 adds sftt: before Sferr

^ D adds ^ ^ after anroft:

gDdN+<v|l
\\3 \ II ?.Y . ^ 0 II tn^T: fw *ft*r TfHHfT: **T > 9: I ^\9V9 ^of a z f h l^ ?T g g f a n t : II V * - ^ II Z T < J T 3[fH gf<T I gfspft fHH: II3 tprPrsjatfr 5 # : i g $ i g rfr^ m fr gat: i gg: i
u 's r d b r ii

t^td I

* r jffo R [ I ^ 176.

^TIRT^T: i

And gati (1.4.60)

pra etc.j when in contact with kriy, are designated gati. 177. Ya is not desired (to be substituted) in the place of a base, the former member of which is (some thing) other than gati and kraka. uddhadhiyau. 178. Not in the place of bh and sudhl (6.4.85),

ya, when followed by a sup (case-ending) beginning with a vowel. sudhiyau , sudhiya. Sukhi is one who desires sukha. sukhju. Su is one who desires suta. sutyu. The rest like pradh. ambhu like hari. Similarly bhnu etc. $ B from before ^ v 3 v ( W ... omitted up to *nrr:
> a

I omitted. B2 reads this after

*19^

II 1 9 .? .^ II
s r c r ^ s t h # hthh i snftMsJT 5n*h i

\6 o

^tfl
*m: 1 5 r r % o i

II 19.3 * ? ? II

?C? ^ f5 W 5 ^ ?H tS H ^ T t * II 19.?.V *II t^HrHHTHHHI^Ht =^TH3i tft I

drarHmarnTT O

^ h IshO r^ k r ^ R : i ^ ts j R H^ i C \Ni

179. krostu, like (a word ending in) tfc (7.1.95). When followed by a sarvanmasthna, except sambuddhi. This means that in the place of krostu, krostr should be substituted. 180. In the place of rt, when followed by i and sarva nmasthna (7.3.110), gua (is substituted). In this position, 181. And in the place of rt, uanas, purudarhsas and anehas (7.1.94). In the place of (words) ending r short, and of uanas etc., ana is (substituted), when followed by su, which is not sam buddhi. 182. In the place of ap, trn, trrc, svasr, naptr, nestr tvastr, ksattr, hotf, potr and prastr (6.4.11). In the place of the upadh of ap etc. long (vowel) is (sub stituted), when followed sarvanmasthna, other than sambu ddhi. krost, krostrau, krostra, krostram, krostum,. \ V. reads before a^Ktal

firntnT n o -tv u 3T3TT^r ^ f* I O HfUfeH C > D 8^ v 31 HC \6 V 3T II || ^it s f e ^ r f T HH i g ^ H : I T'TT: I \ 6 \ tt t ?rr n . .' * ^BRT? H*T>TRRzr
O A
11

i>j* A|

vtH HTHR^ I V m

f^RPT:

\*6 \' nnk o ied ^ e train > k tH it* hh> g < \s f a s r f h ^ H u I HSJ S C \ * SI ^^ rc t V( ^R^T^ril o > 183. Optionally, when followed by case-endings from instrumental onward, beginning with a vowel (7.1.97). When followed by vowel terminations from the instrumental onward, krostu is (declined) optionally like a word ending in trc. krostr} krostre. 184. After 7t, ut (6.1.109). When at of asi and as, comes after r (short), u (short) is the single substitute, followed by r. 185. After r, in the place of s (8.2.24). In the place of s only, and none else, standing at the end of a conjunct consonant, and coming after r, elision (is substituted). In the place of r, visarga (is substituted). krostu, krostro 186. In contradiction to a former (rule), nut in preference to num, the rule aci ra etc., and the trjvadbhva. krostnm, krostari. In the altemative and when followed by consonantal (case-ending), (it is declined) like ambhu. \ B2 reads ^ V ^r^: a
a

and omits sftis a

3 B2 c " s

4tl

I \6i3 3 g f a II % .V .t ll H M^fT * T ^ W . H ^ rft *fr *HH: s iH ^ i^ d s ^ ftr JTur r*TTH stfo gf<T i grrn:ii FHT: II C N FT*Tft o ^rqbr: C Si \ 6 6 w b n tw II VY.V I src*r
jot

m v ^:' n

t#

s rfa g P r i s ra fc ft n

tTTrr I I H TT: I tR t I
h h u h , h h v a u , etc. kh a la p h

187.

In the place of u, when followed by sup (6.4.83).

In the place of an aga, of more vowels than one, ending in a root, ending in the letter u, which is not preceded by a conjunct (which is a) part of a root, ya (is substituted) when followed by a vowel case-ending. khalapvau, khalapva. Similarly sul etc. svabhh , svabhuvau. varsbhh . 188. In the place of varsbh also (6.4.84). In the place of this (w ord), y a (is substituted), when followed by a vowel case-ending. varsbhvau. dht, he dhta , dhtrau. { D omitted

3TW T II W T O I tH ?F*T^T: | ^ f a r ^ r 5q'T%T^ fvRHT^H I ^ 5T i Ptct fn r flra r: i r e tth^ h i nr * r i* ^ rn M K 4: n

\\o tJMI % .* .% , II
arT HTfH *T ltf: I H^HH HHTT I

' t

\\\

fa t II vs.^ .^ o II a f a t r o s firffr *pfar*rcnra f e r i nt: nrad *ttst: i

189. In the place of n coming after r substitution of should be declared. dhtfm. Similarly naptr etc. The mention of naptr etc. is meant to restrict (No. 181 to these words only), in case the view of derivability (of these words acc. U 252) is adopted. Hence (it does) not (apply) here (i.e. to p itr ). pit, pitarau, pitara, The rest like dhtf . Similarly jmtr etc. (are declined). na} narau . 190. And nr (6.4.6).

In the place of this (w ord), when followed by nm, long (vowel is) optionally (substituted). nrm , nfm . 191. After o as of go, it (7.1.90). sarvanmasthna, placed after the letter o, is as if having an indicatory . gau, gvau, gva. \ V adds
^ D. omitted j

sftftsTml: II aMtSHHHV
^ ift: I TP II V9.^.CH II

II 3f% 3TRTT itPT^r: I H TH? H T : I W !

*fnT? 3TfbR:: l T T : TRT TP-tthT II


Tff: i^ n U T^vzrnr ?*Tfe i

Hfflr 3T5RT: qfh^*IT: ^ > 0 " N II


192. d in the case of o followed by am and as (6.1.92).

In the place of o when followed by am and as or by a vowel, the letter d is the single substitute. gdm, gdhy gavd} gave, go. 193. In the place of rai, when followed by hal (7.2.85).

When followed by a case-ending, the letter d (is the single substitute). rdh) rdyaui rdbhym. glau, gldvau glaubhydm etc. Thus ends (the section on) ajauta pumlliga declension. * D 3fWts*T5rcft: omitted ^ V adds Tcft after jjj 3 V adds ift'sVR after i% V V reads f &nft B2 adds pi: after rzft ^ B2 adds x after V 9 V adds after

II fc^ n r i
srt

II i

* V \ d t e 3TFT: II II sft I 3ffe fa afarpePnrcrr: HfH I ap* sr^TT: | * II ||

3TPT i*HT: 3 I | 3^ | aOi: st^tht sr^rr: | ?^V9 anfe ^PT: ll 13. 3 . ?o<\ II 3Tfe afrfH V[ 3T FT t^riT: I 3TW SRP^TH S R fa: | 194. After aja, etc. and after words (ending in) at, (the suffix)' tp (4.1.4). In the sense of feminine. aj. 195. In the place of aun, after (a word ending in) (7.1.18). p,

(is substituted). aun is the name of the case-ending au. aje, ajh. 196. And when followed by sambuddhi (7.3.106).

In the place of p, the letter e is substituted. he aje, he ajh, ajm, ajh . 197. When followed by h also, in the place of p (7.3.105).

When followed by a and os, in the place of p, the letter e (is substituted). ajay, ajbhym, ajbhi. \ B2 aTTJRTT^T^ sfte I D has a n ^ T ^ lc T $fV by the same hand. ^ V adds ir after qq?TT: 3 D. this stra and comm. on it omitted added after

\\6

nT^FT: II

11

feT: I 3T5fR 3T5rrT: aranTT: 3T3Pt V S R g I tr# |fc*T: I ^ H #T R : II 19 ^ .? II

3T3TTHTH

? *nrfanr ^

i spprsrrar i ^rr^^IT: I

^ o o 3TMWH<iW$9: II V .^oV II 198. ydt, coming after dp (7.3.113).

(is appended) to a case-ending having indicatory . ajdyaiy ajbhya, ajdydh3 ajayo , ajdndm, ajdydm, ajsu. Similarly durg, etc. 199. In the case of a pronoun, sydt} and a short (7.3.114). (vowel)

In the case of a case-ending having indicatory , coming after a pronoun ending in , (the augment) sydt (is appended); and in the place of dp, a short vowel (is substituted). sarvasyai, sarvasydh, sarvdsdm, sarvasydm. The rest like ajd. Similarly vivd and other (pronouns) ending in dp.
200. In the place of synonyms of ambd and (in the place of) nadt, short (7.3.107)

{ V omitted ^ V adds

after tfrfa*

fTT 5R*ft W t$: ^ T f e I T O '1 ai^TT^T II TftHT f ^ T H H I *Tft: ? I VCH I


30

* fe%

II

II

f c r c i ^ t s t a r a i *r> f e f a i a n ^ ra r: n
11

H^HTTT S T ^ t ETlHI NI When followed by sambuddhi . he amba, he akka, he aUa. jar} jarasau, jarasa, etc. Altematively like aj. gop (is to be declined) like vivap. mati, m aty. 201. When followed by (a case-ending) having indicatory and short (1.4.6). Fem. words (ending in) or } admitting the substitutes iya and u va h y except the word st, and (words ending in short i or u, in the feminine, are optionally designated nad when followed by (a case-ending) having an indicatory n. 202. tj coming after nad ( 7 .3 . 1 1 2 ).

In the case of (case-endings) having indicatory , coming after words ending in nad, t (is appended). \ V. omitted
B2

tFcT ;

3TT?5^ II

II

3r^rsf% icjf e ^ T ^ T : I H t HPT HiTT: Hj: I f |? r m n ii H^HIT^Tk-TTflT^t-rr, #: ON fiviK i re rt: f r w i fm ^m


11

3HH N

HiTHT N Hft I

rfr f a w t i ^ arfa t ^ t: ii v 9 .^ .? o o ii
fatf^reft: ^tfr TT^5Ttsf% | frer: fH H c c .br: f TH e . ^: |

203

And in the case of t (6.1.89)

In the case of t} when followed by ac, vrddhi is the single substitute. matyai, mataye, matyh) mate. 204. After short i and short u (7.3.117).

In the place of the case-ending ni, coming after (words ending in) short i and short u, having the designation nadl, m (is substituted). matym, matau. The rest like hari. Similarly buddhi etc. 205. In the place of tri and catur, in the feminine, tisr and catasr (7.2.99). In the place of these two, having the feminine gender, these (two) are (substituted), when followed by vibhakti. 206. When followed by ac, r in the place of rt. (7.2.100).

In the place of the short r of tisr and catasry r is substituted, when followed by ac. tisra, tisrbhi, tisrbhya . ? om^tted

f l a k a t i II
tr r q > H f f H H
5 S T w rr s n t:i ^o<t fn ? rn < l(4 R ^ II f r ^ t ta N :

|| | f H ^ H H I fTH H I
||

^ ii %.s.?*6 n

^ t

^ fa< W T ^ fT : rfe % V f \* M u ^ R i t i l h t ! ii ? . v . ^ ii

h W

* ftf: 1

H ' f t 'H : i | H t f r i n t f l H T f lf f : i f ) f f f a f : t f k > l T H h M h f t a I IT ^ HSTT5TC: II ^ fl i | fe n


207. Not tisr and catasr (6.4.4). In the place of these two when followed by nm, long (vowel) is not substituted. tisrm, tisru. dve, dvbhym, dvayo 208. After sit and after gaura, etc. (4.1.41). In the sense of the feminine, (the suffix) s (is appended). 209. In the place of i and a (short or long) when followed by it also. (6.4.148). In the place of the letter i (or ) and the letter a (or d) of the bha, elision (is substituted), when followed by the letter and by a taddhita (affix), gau , gauryau, gaurya . 210. (The vowels) %and , having the feminine gender, nadl
[ 1 . 4 .8 ).

Words ending in long and long , alwavs feminine in gender, are designated nac. he gau, gaum , gaur g a u ry > gau bhym, gaubhi, gauryai, g au ryah ) gaum, gaurym, gau risu. Similarly nadi etc. st, he stri. I V. fTV for jfl;

'
3

t? f r w : II II
11

%-lm s p s tr! [ ? z r 1 f c R :

i m i d l : ll %.v.6o n
ff^ R ?( I FTfH f c R : ^ f t: f e R foR T :

fb ru r r ^ < j n sft: fpft fR: I II t-Y.V II f a r f i r f n t : T R t ^ ;r ^ | sft: I fR fR f^RT:3 fR: I*


211. In the place of st (6.4.79).

*r ? r t ^ 5

iya (is substituted), when followed by a termination begin ning with a vowel. striya.

212.

Optionally, when followed by am and as (6.4.80)

In the place of st, iya (is substituted). striyam, stm , striya, st, striy y striyai, striyh} stm, stsu. , riyau, riya. 213. Not (those), vvhich admit iya and uva, except st (1.4.4)

The long t and the long , which are substituted by iya and uvdi, are not designated nad; not, however, (the word) st. he , yai, riye, riy3 fiya. \ V omitted ^ Bi, D.
3 b 2 fpr

V B2 omitted

...

ST T T II

fir^ o^ * sT R t ^ i z f f g c\ arfa ^ t h ^ ' r ft .. '..O ftiiTH Pspth i fsrfa i # H f r^ r i ^ U \\


1FT

SHifr'j

ta II v.*.\ II ?fbTCT*r Ni ^ n sft * i * M ^ rN i T^T i


C\ O V

214.

Optionally, when followed by m (1.4.5)

Long %and long , always feminine, which can be substituted by iya and uva, when followed by <*m , optionally have the designation nacfi; not, however, (the word) st. nm , *ym, riym} riyi. dhenu (is declined) like mati. 215. And in the feminine (7.1.96).

The word krostu, signifying feminine, gets the form like what ends in trc. 216. After rt and n, lp (4.1.5).

In the sense of the feminine. krost, (to be declined) like gau. svayambhh like the masculine. \ B2, V. omitted ^ V ^<T FTTf I

n v .^ o # T" I N
^ h

pt??? ff^rr

h t i

irrT T H^fH ^ (T ^ H R V

^ f H : II

I H TH T fTPTT 1 HffT HT: I c ' t ^fbff^r * I T: <Tr O N I hW T ^T NI


II ?% 3RTTT: r e t f o ^ T: II

217.

Not after sat and svasr, etc. (4.1.10).

The suffix ntp (is not appended). svasr,tisr, catasr, nanndr , duhitr, ytr (and) matr, these seven are declared to be svasrddi. svas, svasrau. mtr (is declined) like pitT. When follovved by as, (the form is) matrk. dyo (is declined) like go; rai (is declined) like the masculine ( rai); nau (is declined) like glau. Thus ends (the section on) ajanta stliga declension.

\ B2 omitted ^ Bg omitted

V3

3T#S?T II n 3[fts^rT ^d^TT FnTTH I ?THH I | ?T T HI || id.l.^% II


s rte
jt

i
ii ii

irp jfa ^

fa

!TFH I

afte: 5UT jrfW?T: II 5T T HI


RSRt: fi: II
v s. ^ . ) o ii

^TTH I
21&. After at, am (7.1.24).

After a base, ending in short a, of the neuter gender, in the place of su and am, am (is substituted). jnam, he jna. 219. And after the neuter gender (7.1.19).

In the place of a u } (is substituted). 220. In the place of i and a (short or long) when followed by tt also. (6.4.148). When (by this rule) elision (of a) is imminent, 221. In the place of a u n y when substituted by , (the substitution of elision) is prohibited. jae. 222. In the place of jas and as, i (7.1.20).

After (a word of) the neuter gender.

fe

II t .l .V R II

MMregT IT?.^: II V9.?.V8^ II


UB*5rnriRr?
h h > 3 * \ h # h th ftih i

W R % f u T Tq r: n n 3 T r tH t q - ifts ^ iT : F H H T : W 7 F T r7 W t T fT U T T S 7 N " \I S T R lfa I S ^ F T g TI F T'T ^ TI ^ E R K 7: I M llflM R + tAI I^ .^ .1 0 9I I


3T3p^rm I flT HT'T^r I 223. i (is) sarvanmasthna (1.1.42). 224. In the case of (a word of) the neuter gender (ending in) a jhal or in a vowel (7.1.72). In the casc of a word of the neuter gender ending in a (letter of the pratyhra) jhal or in a vowel, when followed by sarvandmasthna, (the augment) num (is appended). 225. (T hat) which has an indicatory m, after the last vowel (1.1.47). ' That, which has an indicatory m, (is placed) after that (vowel) which is the last among the vovvels (in the base), and forms the final part of it (i.e. the base). jnni. Again like that. The rest like the masculine. Similarly dhana etc. (are declined. 226. In the place of a prtipadika in the neuter gender, a short (vowel) (1.2.47). In the case of (a word) ending in a vowel only. pa like jna. { B2 this suita and the comm. thereon omitted; but added later, ^ ^ added after ?R3

^V 9

> i ^fT i

11

V 8. * . ^

II

f^RW?ft II \9.^.V9^ II f a ^ r N HH O* \ I ^fTbft ^ f l H l H oSH^TFTO n q : [ | n f t | ^ f r i t f e f a f f r hw s rr ^ \ C N x

^ f c ^ 3Tft1T r: ^fcufT: ^ R b lH ^fTfur I 227. In the place of su and am after the neuter (7.1.23). elision (is substituted). vri. 228.

? [fw | gender

In the case of ik, when followed by vowel case-ending.

(augment) num (is appended). vri, vai. Because (the rule) na lumat etc. is not obligatory, alternatively gua (is substituted). he vr, he vri. When, by (the rule) gher hiti, (substitution of) gua becomes imminent, 229. In contradiction to the preceding (rule), (the augment) num (is appended) in preference to vrddhi, and substitution of au, and becoming like (a formotion in) trc, and gua. vrie, vria, vriho, vm, vrii. When followed by a (case-ending) beginning with a consonant, ( vri is declined) like hari.

o e$o I

HrrfH-a i>n 3*Tt: II \9.?.V9t II

^ 3 ? 3T?5>fo;T: II V * - ? 3 * II a r^ m ^ ttH ^ H iH F -T H H ^ ife ^ rf^ rd ^H: I <?H T EH ^ fam ^T fe$dt: II ^ssff: l II *rter riTT^prn

3 T ^iW T t ^ i f c s i M i f t ITISH HFT^T^T * m t ^T fe5*Tt: I srfa i m ^ r f r ^ r i ^ afiF^r n f ^ r arfsr i

230. In the place of asthu dadhi, sdkthi, and aksi, ana aeute (7.1.75). When followed by (a case-ending) from t onwards (beginning with) a vowel. 231. In the place of a of an, elision (6.4.134).

Elision (is substituted) in the place of the letter a of the an, which has after it a case-ending (svdi) beginning with y or ac (a vowel), excepting the sarvanmasthna, and which (an) is a part of the adiga. dadhn} dadhne, dadhna, dadhno. 232. Optional, when followed by ni and l (6.4.136).

When followed by i and , elision is optionally (substituted) in the place of the letter a belonging to the an which is a part of the aga and which has after it a case-ending beginning with y or a vowel. dadhni, dadhani. The rest like vri. Similarly (are declined) asthi, sakthi and aksi.

g f a gfspft g sftfa |

| n fa

hF hht

HH I * 3TT5^T: | O HEpft O HHfH D I V W t |V HH \ 5 ^< ' HoHTT I o c o of c\ a < o o srT | vm : ^ | nr m i .tw C ErrTiflerrrfiT C t -C tn C ^ r^ rre n : i

S T S T 5T?THl SRrfHSrTH 3 c c cs o srfr s r M t jrmcJTTH ^ s rfb rm> i Ti 5 ^ sTTtfnr

s ift^ d

^ T T f^ 1
11

II ffr-SM PaT H W E f o ^ r:

sudhi, sudhin, sudhni, he sudhe, he .sudhi, sudhin . madhu, madhur, madhni, he madho, he m adhu . Similarlv (are declined) ambu, etc. sulu, sulur, sulni, sulun . dhir} dhtTV, dhtf-i, he dhta, he dhtr, dhtr. Similarly (are declined) jtr, etc. 233. In the place of ec, ik, when a short is to be substituted (1.1.48). pradyu, pradyuni> pradyni, p ra d yu n \ prari, p ra ri prai, prari . W hat is modified in a part is as if not different (from the original). prardbhym, pram. sunu, sunum, sunni, sunun, etc. Thus ends (the section on) ajanta naputfisakalihga declension. ^ D omitted ^ D iHTTiH:; V TTpF^fo: ^ B2 omitted V D omitted

5: 1 1 <.^.3 ? >l
lf J T^T>% A I f e j fe I II Ai^nfcrt: a: 1 fa s fv ^ d fa s * A T A

AlABlfadu: II T fo t a r I a i ^

t?TTAt sft h h 3TS?a*n r : 11 . ^ i d 11 AT^AAA^AATAd ^ h a a a ! a a* \ r c ^ a 1 a *f > a n

a a> ? s t A ^ A t ANsrars o 0V > 3 0O

234.

In the place of h, d h (8.2.31).

When followed by a (letter of the pratyhra) jhal and at the end of a pada. lits lid, lihau, liha, lih, lidbhyms litsu littsu. 235. In the case of a root beginning with d, gh (8.2.32).

When followed by a (letter of the pratyhra) jhal and at the end of a pada9 gh (is substituted) in the place of h, belonging to a root(noun) beginning with d in the upadea236. In the place of ba, belonging to a monosyllabic (verbal root) ending in jh a s, bhas (is substituted), when followed by s and dhv. (8.2.37). In the place of a (letter of the pratyhra) ba , forming part of a monosyllabic root, a letter (of the pratyhra) bha (is substituted), when (it is) followed by 5, dhv, or (it is) at the end of a pada. dhnk, dhug, duhau, dhugbhym, dhuksu. ? B2 rfo VSF ^ omitted V; has it after ^ V adds tTf to 3 D omitted s:

W tHrr ? |U

II 4 * * 1 II 3T *T : I 5Tfo H^Rt V( I

SW sff o j* i

: * i snRmj; s ^ w r n [ t ^ ^ g i i r * m&rik: n: m n v t - 5 3 u *!R h u' i f?H ^ O* \ -nU ' O > O N \i

W ^ o

* n w : *T*SRTTT*PT II ??.*<* II ?T 3*5 II H 3J: ^F5rfTR0TTO I

237. Optionally in the case of druh, muh, suh, and sih (8.2.33). In the case of these roots, in the place of h, gh is optionally (substituted), when it is followed by a (letter of the pratyhra) jhal or (it is) at the end of a pada. dhruk , dhrug, dhru%> dhrud, druhau, druha, dhrugbhym> dhrudbhydm, dhruksu, dhrutsu, dhruttsu. Similarly mut. 238. In the place of s, commencing a root, s snuk, snug, snut , snud. Similarly snik. (6.1.63)-

239. (The substitution of) ik in the place of ya (is designated) samprasraa ( 1 . 1 .45). 240. In the place of vdh, th (6.4.132). The samprasraa (substitute) in the place of the end) of a bha> is th. D omitted ^ Bj omitted 3 B2 omitted V V reads *r?: I for z>I \ a ^| " O > V O O N V 3 > O \ B2 omitted vh (at

19*
11

n
i

A*AATWAfA
?,*

II % .\,66 II 3TAWfa q;^Tn: At: s f s A A f e ^ T ^ A : I f A - A ^ :?

WAfe? |

A^TAAjftTTAATTT.' II V 9

II

AAATAFTIA I
R it i

H M H ^ : II V3.?.<^ II A oA > I AAAATA ^ >I

241.

After samprasdraa also (6.1.106).

When after samprasdraa, (a vowel) is followed by a vowel, the form of the former is the single substitute (for both). 242. When eti and edhati and th follow (6.1.88).

When (the forms of) V* and V edh which begin with ec and when the ddea th comes after the letter a (or d), vTddhi is the single substitute. vivauha, etc. 243. In the case of catur and anaduh, (the augment) ara, acute (7.1.98). When foliowed by sarvandmasthdna. 244. When followed by su, in the case of anaduh (7.1.82).

(The augment) num (is appended). anadvdn.

^ V reads this after stra

in the com. on the preceding

ll

II

\ | S^TH I 3 T H ^ r|l 3H^: |


^ w g t g ^ ^ T | ^ t ?: II < ^ X 9 ^ ||
th^ h -

^: T?r% i a p nO ftT ri X zmN

^vvs

3 tf>:

H R : W. II
h |:

II

H ^ T ^

H?JT HSRH^T:: I 5TRTTS ^TTHft' gTT-

nTSn*T * \ - I ^ * 6 feR 3H || V9.{.Y II


fo ; iifd^ld+eM 3frx h > i g ? : i

245. am, when followed by sambuddhi (7.1.99). In the case of catur and anaduh. he anadvan,cmadvhau, anaduha. y 246. In the place of vas, svarus, dhvaihs, and anaduh, d. (8.2.72). In the place of (the final letter of) a pf. part. in vas ending in s, and in the place of sravhs etc, d (is substituted), (when it stands) at the end of a pada. anadudbhym. 247. In the place of s of V sah (in the form) sd. (8.3.56). In the place of s of the (verbal root) sah having the form sd, a cerebral is substituted. turst, turshau, turasdbhym . 248. In the place of div, aut (7.1.84). In the place of the prtipadika div, au is (substituted) when followed by su. sudyau, sudivau. \ b2
3

V this slra and comm. thereon om itt d i

* v afar

\9^ f? * TSRr I n

HKfHJHd ^ > 1 R<ft II I

^ r T : ^$ T : ^gfcr: ^ 4 : II
t^ o u d ^ t u i^ r
ii

i s . ? . v \ ii

trtpj 3nft H I TOTKri Jft t: II 6 .V .l II

g fr

ii

ii

f f r freri: g f a i ^ 3 ^ 249.

In the place of div, ui (6.1.129).

When at the end of a pada . sudyubhym. catvra, catura caturbhih, caturbhya. 250. After sat and catur also (7.1.55).

In the case of dm coming after these, (the augment) nut (is appended). 251. In the place of n, coming after r and s in the same pada, (is substituted) (8.4.1). caturdm . 252. In the place of ru, when followed by sup (8.3.16).

In the place of ru alone, visarga (is substituted), whcn followed by sup (of loc. plr.). catursu.

^ B2. The following two stras and comm. thereon omitted.

g^tTW<ui! ^ UT?:
11

< ^ .V * II

1^1?% i w r i srsrnfr 5t^tt*t: s r f ^ t p i

( \ V f%T: 9i: II v s . ^ o II f^PT^ I % I tH qi> I

^ lft W. || V9.^.$o<' II

ii v s . ^ m

ii

^T : W 3 tt n w

I T O I *?rs% I ll v ? A * i'
i

arotfrerRT * \ aift n^t o

253. In the place of m of a verbal root, n (8.2.64). At the end of a pada . pran, pramau, prama nbhym.

pra -

254. In the place of kim, ka (7.2.103). When followed by a vibhakti. ka, kau, ke. Like sarva . 255. In the place of idam, m (7.2.108). When followed by su (of nom. sg). Exception to the rule laying down the substitution of a in the place of tyad etc. 256. In the place of id, ay, in the masculine (7.2.111). (In the place of id) of idam, when followed by su (of nom. sg.) ayam . After the substitution of a by the rule tyaddnm etc. 257. When gua follows after at (6.1.96).

When, after a short a, not standing at the end of a pada9 gua follows, the form of the latter is the single substitute.

II Hf

II I I R'r^: H fe

?fT HHH: I W 3HFTC: II 19.^.??^ H 3T7>TT*JT ^ \o f^tSHrfT f^nTRtl I 3f<T SRITT^TT: I 3PTH I

iT . II V9.3-*!VH
^>7

s n f r ^ p ? A i HTH^%s#rs^rfafr:

arr^m rfTTH ^ i 258.

sti^ ttr; i

And in the place of d (7.2.109).

In the place of d of idam, m (is substituted), when follovved by a vibhakti. imau, ime. The general rule is that tyad etc. have no vocative. 259. an (is substituted) in the place (of id) not having k, vvhen followed by dp (7.2.112). In the place of id, belonging to idam, not having the letter k, an (is substituted), when follovved by a case-ending (signified by the pratydhdra) dp. dp is a pratydhdra (formed with d in t of instr. sg. and the indicatory p in sup, loc. plr.). anena.260. When follovved by a consonant, elision (7.2.113).

In the place of id, belonging to idam, not having the letter k, elision (is substituted), vvhen follovved by (a case-ending signi fied by the pratydhdra) dpy beginning vvith a consonant. The rule alolntyasya does not apply to that vvhieh has no meaning (of its ow n), except in the case of the modifications connected vvith reduplication. abhydm.

11 V 3 * 1 1 3T^TT?ftfa?H ?H t: fHH 3^q- 3HHTt: HHT 3TftiHT pH I TT^TT I 5T f iR P ^ a f t : HftT: I I TT'jf^TTH s I ?T ^ m S ^ T t II V Y t 3 * II J^TRrnfiHTH ^ r f t frt h i sts^ pt : ^ ^ i r r HN i \ 3R : 3t TflT^n T^TT I II 6.^. II H I <rf% : i 3[^h rrr 3F*TTT

TT5FT TT^THt TRTH: TT3THPT1 TIT: ^?T?

261.

Not after idam and adas, not having k (7.1.11).

After idam and adas, not having the letter k , in the place of bhis, ais (is) not (substituted). ebhi, asmai, ebhyah, asmt, asya, anayo, esm, asmin, esu. rj, 262. Not, when followed by ni and sambuddhi (8.2.8).

The elision of n. he rjan, he rjnau, he rdjna, rjnam, rja, rj} rjabhym . 263. Not, after a conjunct consonant, ending in v or m . (6.4.137). In the place of the letter a, belonging to an, coming after a conjunct consonant ending in v or m, elision is not (sub stituted). yajvana, yajvabhym ; brahmaa , brahma . \ V adds ru-pft after TEiTTH ^ V omitted 3 ^T

6< >

5TT% ?T H'THRT \ : \\ 3 V \ t l l w II U ^KVfTTHHHRT ^ b ffS H r^ at * I ^ | ? r * rs re m tt t: ii 6 . * . ^ ii tKFF3TTT' *TFT HHT^T '^ 're P JiM H rT H T ^ H^T W. I n p f j f t I 264. In the case of in, han, psan and aryaman, when followed by ii (6.4.12). In the case of these, in the place of the penultimate, long (vowel is substituted) when followed by ii only. 265. And when followed by su (6.4.13).
3

In the place of the penultimate in the case of (words ending in) in, etc., long (vowel is substituted), when followed by su, not (of the) sambuddhi. vrtrah, he z/rtrahan. 266. In (a compound) having a monosyllabic lattcr member, (8.4.12). In that compound, whose latter member has only one vowel, (is substituted) in the place of n standing at the end of a prtipadika, or in (the augment) num, or in a case-ending, when it comes after the cause (for the cerebralisation) standing in the previous member. vTtrahaau.

^ Bx this stra missing D. T T ST T fr0

II f^ ifo farfr V[ s r ^

|| h Vf ^ ^ % f^ f v n i

s*4if< i 3tn w f e R 3PTHH ^ n r


1

ITU^f 3 ? R II V * * t ^ H 3T H * ^ IT 5 r: I w ^T I

ti4HWWMSQT<ft: M V3*?*V9o II

267. In the place of h belonging to yjhan , when followed by suffixes having indicatory or , or by n (7.3.54). W hen followed by a sufix having indicatory or n or by n, in the place of h belonging to the verbal root han , kutva, (i.e. gh) is substituted. vTtraghna etc. Similarly (are declined) rngin, yaasvin, aryaman, psan. 268. (In the case of) maghavan, mostly (6.4.128). (is) mostly sub

In the case of the word maghavan, tr stituted. (In tr here) r is indicatory.

269. In the case of that which, not being a verbal root, has uk indicatory, and in the case of (the verbal root) ac, when it is followed by sarvanmasthna. (7.1.70).

X Bi> b 2, v ^rf^Tfrr
^ Bx ri ^ D. omitted
* V . ^I?TT^T:

3THTft: HfiTft H^f*PTts3Rt^T HW

H ^RTH ^R I

H W H* N H 'R r I H H R : |
RTH? 1 HT'HTt

H^RH J P r e R V N fcr: HH^R>

T R 3cf I

^V9 o 5gWWfTU>rmHf5% U 33fvr?TRT W nR TH | ITf 5^H z(z(H I


* NO V

\
H^THTTOTU l HHtH:''

x ^rRr^TTHrfe%

In the case of that which, not being a verbal root, has indicatory uk, and in the case of the verbal root ac which has its n elided, (the augment) num is (appended), when it is followed by a sarvanmasthna. maghavn, maghavantau, maghavanta, he maghavan, maghavantam, maghavata, maghavadbhym. In the absence of the substitution of t r ( = t ) , when followed by (the case-endings signified by the pratyhra) sut, (the word maghavan is declined) like rjan. 270. In the place of van, yuvan and maghavan, when followed by (a suffix) not taddhita. (6.4.133). In the place of these words ending in an, which are bha, when followed by (a pratyaya) other than a taddhita, sampra sraa (is substituted). maghona, maghavabhym. Similarly (are declined) van and yuvan .
^ B 2 adds H STJH ft after HSRRH I ^ D adds after I

3 B, B 2 aH H TT'ri
V V

^ B j, B 2

ht

\ v h t I r h e t^ h h h

tl?U M >T '*P


?r srE srcrrt i
jC t h: ^ \ o stsruto to ii v

? * V >>

m r* i II V 9. ? . < t ^ ii

W ^

tr fw a j^ T m itT

dt I
WHtSH H ^ H T H ? * R 1| \ 9. ? . < ^ I I < t t i^ : i ^ \ 9Y II V 9.?.<tV 9 II tssr r ^ r : H t ^ T T f T ^ H I q w n : 'T -T ^ I ll

q fsT ft:
^ >tq sifa: n
*m % :

i q s r : i q f* r* * T H i

tn * * F T : ^ P J S T T : I
271. When followed by a samprasdraa, not samprasdraa (6.1.37). yna, yuvabhydm. 272. In the place of pathin, mathin and rbhuksin, dt (7.1.85). When follovved by su (nom. sg.). 273. In the place of it, at, when followed by a sarvandmasthdna (7.1.86). In the case of pathin etc. 274. In the place of th, nth (7.1.87). In the place of th, belonging to pathin and mathin, nth is substituted, when followed by a sarvandmasthdna. panthdh} panthdnau . 275. In the place of ti of bha, elision (7.1.88). In the case of pathin etc. patha, pathibhydm. Similarly manthdih, rbhuksah . B omitted

> a

re

ii

ii

<H T T HFTT ^ qo^TT : 1 I ^w s ^ rm m : n


v y .v s

HWT reHTr N

FTTTI .N

T^rftT:

HT^^FTtTHFTT ^Nff HfH I ' T ^

thH

W
W

3T <S?n 3tT fo t^ II .R.'* II


|7Kd H T JTR T v -\ I ?TC?Tt 3ibT ||V 9 .?.^ ? || f l^ R K ^ H t ^R ^l 3^ 3TSTfa: WTVXT: p^TH |

^ T d T H 3ps2Tg I ? 3HSTf^l% ^

276. (A numeral) ending in s or n (is designated) sat (1.1.24) A numeral, ending in s or *n, is designated at. paca , paabhi,' pacabhya. 277. In the place of the penultimate of n (6.4.7). In the place of the penultimate of (a word) ending in n, a lbrig (vowel is substituted), when followed by nm. pacnm, pacasu. 278. In the place of astan , , when followed by a vibhakti (7,2.84), is optionally (substituted), when follovved by (a case-ending) beginning with a consonant. 279. In the place of astan , aus (7.1.21). In the place of jas and as, coming after astan , in which the letter is substituted, aus (is substituted). astau, astbhi, astbhya, astnfn , stsu. In the absence of the substitution of } astan (is declined) likt pacan. { B omitted ^ Bj From 3nc^T^TT^ uPto

fWT omitted

r ^ M b t^ ^ rt * V R -\ \ n .

irvir: ffR l 3[3%: v^TOTR^T fH H l^ l ^RTfaft I W f* f? 3 W 3 - M 3 U m

^ fs p p rft:

^p% H-

r i R ^ fH ^ b n r: s r h t : frcbr: l

% T w a ? n i i v ? - ^ n
^ T : II $ a w m t u i9.?.\9? u HJT o -\ H#HTHFHH l

280. And in the case of Ttvij, dadhfk, sraj, di9 usih, acu, yuji, and kruc (3.2.59). After these the suffix kvin (is appended). After A /ac, when it has a word ending in a case-ending ( sup i.e. subanta) as its upapada, and after y/yuj and V kruc by themselvcs, (the suffix kvin), and the absence of the elision of n in the case of V kruc, are declared (to be correct). k and n (in kvin) are indicatory. 281. (A pratyaya) other than a tin (is designated) (3.1.93). krt

In this topic conceming roots ( dhtu ), a pratyaya, other than tin, has the designation krt. 282. In the place of vi, aprkta (6.1.66). elision (is substituted). 283. In the case of yuji ( V y u j), not in a compound (7.1.71). by a

The (augment) num (is appended), when followed sarvanmasthna.

frR5tinrc*r f : \\

\\

fa^TSTZFrt ZFHTT* TFT WTfsFTT?iH: <reF% I s n h Jr^lT: I %H HFf k I ^ O > D> f : II <t.R.^o n ^r^TiT p^T: qTH sfopF ^ fc n n * T iH i ^ I W
V3TT1

q?*r: HVfiHH O > 0 * \ |

284. In the place of (a formation in) the suflix kvin , ku (8.2.62). In the place of that, after which the suffix kvin is appended, kavarga is the substitute for the final, at the end of a pada . Elision is (substituted) for the final of a conjunct consonant. Owing to the substitution of ku , in the place of n, is substituted. y u , yujau3 yuja, yugbhym. 285. In the place of cu, ku (8.2.30).

In the place of cavarga, kavarga (is substituted), when followed by a (letter of the pratyhra) jhal or when at the end of a pada. suyuk, suyujau, suyugbhym. Ttvik, Ttvijau, Ttvigbhym . 286. In the place of vrac* bhrasj, srj, m rj , yaj, rj, bhrj and (roots ending in) ch and , s (8.2.36). \ Bx From f^ST^nft upto ^ D adds foTrt after TRfi 3 D adds after $F : omitted

dV9

Stfo T^T ' fa w" \ ^<t\9

^ I

\ TTJ ^ 7 " NTFJft T T* \^ f H* \1 I Z> \ N f c tfHC

H T ln R rh ^ ^ II 6.^.t(% II

'K l ^ f f o ^ *T : H\K: ri : *PP m<T: \ az CN \ ^H%H 5T: I SHSt 3T5T 5t: I ?T5rV ^c * T P T o > ?]fH C vI n ^ i r ^ i

\C C Rt: ?T NH<Ttint: II V 9 ^ ? o ^ || when follovved by a (letter of the pratyhra) jhal or at the end of a pada. (Then takes place) the substitution of ja and of car. r^ rdd3 rjau, rddbhydm. Similarly (are declined) vibhrdj, devej, and vivasrj287. In the place of s or ku, standing at the beginning of a conjunct consonant, at the end (of a pada) also. (8.2.29). In the place of s and ku, standing at the beginning of a conjunct consonant at the end of a pada, or when followed by a jhal, elision is substituted. bhft. In the place of s, (is sub stituted), by the substitution of cu. In the place of 3 j (is substituted), by the rule jhaldm ja jhai. bhrjjau , bhvdbhym . (In the case of tyad), take place the substitution of a, and of the form of the latter. 288. In the place of t and d, not final, s (is substituted), when followed by su (nom. sg.) (7.2.106). \ B2 adds ^ Bx omitted after TT^TT*T

V V adds * T S 5T : after

66

a t a r o t : H ^ R f * I W . * 3 ' I W. fl < J I V: \ q: iTft tin | ?,6% #STWTW II \3 .\,R 6 II q;GH?FRViTt H ^ T #: R%o d l II V 8.^ .V * II 3ht ^ : |

5tn ^ T : V 9 .^ .^ o || tTpftffeyfrr: l ar^sr I

In the place of the not final t and d belonging to tyad etc., s is (substituted), when followed by su. sya , tyau} tye; sa, tau , te; y a ; esah, etau , etc: 289. In the place of ne and of nom. and acc., am is sub stituted (7.1.28). In the place of ne and of (the case-endings of) nom. and acc. coming after yusmad, and asmad, am is substituted. 290. tva and aha, when followed by su (7.2.94).

In the place of these two, upto (the letter) m. 291. In the remaining (cases), elision (7.2.90).

In the place of these two (words), elision of ti (takes place). tvam, aham. \ Here V adds USTfrTT ^ V adds I ^Tfer I

ii

^ -3 -^
1

ii

n re i II

3^3

HTHFTT5^

^TTHHHH II

l^nftTT^H I W[H STT^TH I UU^ 3tfh II V9.^.^^ II ^ h^ 3V \


w

N tft i C m \ n >r 'n tm > i II I8 . 1 R.V9 II

tptsR H f ^ R ^ f a R F 5 I 292. yuva and va, when followed by dual (case-endings). (7.2.92). When two are expressed, in the place of these two upto (the letter) m, when followed by a case-ending. 293. And when foliowed by the dual of the nominative, in common parlance (7.2.88). In the place of these, is (substituted). yuvm , vm, 294. yya and vaya, when followed by jas (7.2.93).

In the place of these two upto (the letter) m. yyam . vayam. 295. tva and ma, when followed by singular (7.2.97). When one is expressed, (tva and ma are substituted) in the place of these two upto ma, when followed by a case-ending. \ V adds itrit ^ft before fsppKft | ^ B2 AU this omitted

? )l V 9

II

3RiTTr N xTRT \ I R IH * S H RN I

5H * II V 9 .$ .^ II
STORt 5Rft H: I 3TT^: H T R I * R h lF R T tT: I *T<RFT O -\

3R H R I

- h f t t n la..6% ii
3TH qW ^r: 3 R I^ T S 5 |R l I ^TT H R I

n w r ? * n * > ? n t 5 r ii v s . ^ . ^ n
a R d fa r FTTH 3 R [ ^ f^ T S t fa srft 1 * R T R R 3TT^T-

wHT 3THf^: I s HRTfH: O'

296. And when followed by the accusative (case-endings) (7.2.87). In the place of these two. is substituted, 297. In the place of as, n (7.1.29). tvdm, mm.

After these two, in the place of as, n (is substituted). In the place of the initial of the latter. Elision of the final of a conjunct consonant. yusmn, asmn. 298. y3 when followed by a vowel (7.2.89). In the place of these two, y is substituted, when followed by (case-ending) beginning with a vowel not a substitute. tvay, may. 299. In the place of yusmad and asmad, when followed by a pratyaya that is not a substitute (7.2.86). In the place of these two, is substituted when followed by a vibhakti, which begins with a consonant and which is not a substitute. yuvbhym, vbhym, yusmbhi, asmbhi.

300

II

II

S T n ^ T t^ m ^ F T I fe ^ t T : I 3 * < m H ^H T I
$o \

11 asrr^TT t t e t i

id .iJ^ o o

11
* \ 3 ^

h ' t h*\ i

ll< M x M W ^ | | \ 3 . \ J W II
3TITq-r s ^ T f \I 3 T HT -\ * \ I

M x | t | 3TT | | \ 9. ? . ^ ? II
3H t V JH : | o JTSHT > ^ H T >I
^of

l^ ft

II V S .'R .^ II

s R z ftH '^ r F r 1 30^ I p T O S f r H r f S S fe S T II V 9. ^ . x V 9 II

HH w d : sr m t: I 300. tubhya and mahya, when followed by ne (7.2.95)In the place of these two, upto ra. Elision of ti. tubhyam, mahyam . 301. In the place of bhyas, abhyam (7.1.30). W hen coming after these two. yusmabhyam, asmabhjam . 302. And of the singular (7.1.32). In the place of asi coming after these two, a short is substituted. tvat, mat. 303. In the place of the ablative, at. (7.1.31). In the place of bhyas coming after these two. yusmat, asmat. 304. tava and mama, when followed by has (7.2.96). In the place of these two, upto ra. 305. After yusmad and asmad, in the place of as, a (7.1.27). tava, mama, yuvayo, vayo.

^ 0% . flPT 3R>*T II

II sicfrg |

^ H P T I ^rfT n f a
3

o \3

5f5fqgif%itqp;?nTl5rfTRfl II . ^ . ^ o || H^TH H jft: MT^T^d fcsTPTt: H ' ^ T l f c E i h n ^ l *t:i

SHfTC II

II

u s f r E r s n f tT H J f t: ^ s ^ f ^ ^ f O ^ H ^ n i t : src * r? \ rc ft * h : i

M 306.

r: i

In the place of sm, kam (7.1.33).

yusmkam , asmkam. tvayi, mayi> yusmsu, asmsu. 307. In the place of yusmad and asmad standing in gen., dat. and acc. vm and nau. ( 8 . 1 .2 0 ) In the place of these standing after a pada and not standing at the beginning of a pda, when attended by gen. and other (case-endings), vm and nau are (substituted). 308. In the case of the plural, vas and nas (8.1.21).

In the place of these two as described (above), attended by the plural case-ending of gen. etc., vas and nas are (sub stituted) . 309. te and me in the place of the singular ( 8 . 1 .2 2 ).

In the place of these two, as described (above), these two are (substituted).

fefhrmT:

fe f tt^ ^ H F T jf t: ^T H iTft ^TAt h Jrsft- h


T v.

II nd fa*r: n ^ r d s ^ ?-. H H: n

ft^F^T^g HTf ^tHH H tsfa 5PT H: I Tg g i# 3T Hd ^ T ^ ^ : 'TlH^fHf'T Hd k: I ^tsssTffd H: ftr# *rd nd 3 \ \ tp u n ro V ^ h i srd^H gTT gT.?d ^ T K :3 I 310. tv and m in the place of the accusative (8.1.23). In the plsice (of these two) attended by acc. sg. case-ending, tv, m a re *(substituted). May the Lord of ri protect thee and me also here; may he bestow happiness on thee as also on me. T hat Hari is thy as also my lord; may the omnipresent (lord) protect you two and us two also. May the Lord give happiness to you two and us two also. Hari is the Lord of you two and us two also. May he protect you and us (also); may he bestow bliss on you and (also) on us. He is the object of worship here to you and (also) to us. 311. It must be laid down that the substitutes of yusmad and asmad (should be used) in one sentence. A sentence is what has only one verb. Hence (they can) not (be used) in sentences like these: odanam paca, tava bhavisyati. supt, supdau, supda. % B This stra and the comm. thereon omitted ^ D, V omitted

ntRT^IT: I t^Pfa ^FPTH II i r^ r f ^ f tr


1

'T T II
't r s s s r t
h

||
rcsrarcn < h ?k 3t:
i t

?:

g'TR^TH I 3 %3 ?3TfHforr ^7 UTOR : s p f f # II V * .^ Y I


3^-frH rH rH ferrH ^R H T H R r

^ t:
1

*fofgr f s # i

HH I HiftHHrFT ^t<T: I H**T f%H T< 3T*: II V * -^ < S U


o

SIT? S T T ^ S T ^ : |

vtiH: I

312. In the place of pd> pat (6.4.130). In the place of the word pda, forming part of that aga bha which ends in the word pd, pad is substituted. supada, supdbhym. 313. In the place of the penultimate of consonantal (bases) not having an indicatory short i, when followed by what has indicatory k or h (6.4.24). In the place of the penultimate n, belonging to the bases ending in a consonant and not having an indicatory short i, elision is substituted, when followed by that which has an indicatory k or . (The augment) num (is appended). Elision (is sub stituted) in the place of the final of the conjunct consonant. In the place of n, is (substituted) by the substitution of ku. prdny prcau, prca. 314. In the place of ac (6.4.138). In the place of the a, belonging to the bha of (the verbal root) ac with its n dropped, elision is (substituted). B omitted ^ B thissulra omitted Bx reads srfrfcTT 3TSTFIT0 I Y B2 From f%f^r fefT upto ?T*q-

omitted

n \

HT ^ R i H V S T ^ triT^Hd Hf^: \
1

I HTH:? STH^HT I

H ^ H lH \

3* ! ^ t i - v * - m > , TrriT O
N

i W lJ f l

3?\9 S * : flfa M ^-V V * II I H-&J HTiS^d HHi^: 315. When follovved by cu (6.3.137).

^ ^ T iH I

When followed by the (verbal root) ac with its n and a elided, in the place of the preceding a, a long (vowel) (is substituted). prca, prgbhym; pra tya 3 pratyacau, praca, pratyagbhym . uda, udacau . 316. After ud, It (6.4.139).

Long l (is substituted) in the place of the letter a, belonging to the bha, the form of the verbal root ac which has its n elided, coming after the word ud. ucfica, udagbhym. 317. In the place of sam, sami (6.3.92).

When follovved by the verbal root ac not having a pratyaya at the end. sa m ya } samyacau, sam^ca, samyagbhym. \ V ^T^rt; B2
^ Bx; B2 omitted; V adds S T T ^ T aLcr siT^: ^ V omitted

S&7. II V 3 A * U T T Tl I

f a T f t n H f t ii V 3 A 3 ii 31i7CHi^lT' S^Hfl iHJTiTFH o f a r ^ r : \ p b i n rV i


3^0

I fiflhi f H T ^

v ^ i t 'p u n t * u v ^ d ii ^ s rra F T rs^ fc <ta> h i s r s s n ^ ? i H oftqrm ^K -

*frrt h i trn ^ r: srnsBTnr8 i sn s sr i $*rar sren^ran: i ^O 5 |i3 ^ O V i VO . V . 318. In the place of aha, sadhri (6.3.94). Similarly. sadhrya . 319. In the place of tiras,tiri, when followed by ( ac ) (with its a) not elided (6.3.93). tiri is the substitute for tiras, when followed by (the verb al. root) ac with its letter a not elided and not having a pratyaya at the end. tirya} tiryacau, tiraca, tiryagbhydm . 320. Not in the case of (the verbal root) ac in the sense of pj (6.4.30). In the place ofn, belonging to (the verbal root) ac signifying reverence, elision is not (substituted). prd, prdcau . Owing to the absence of the elision of n, there is no elision of a (also). prdca, prdbhydm, praksu. Similarly (are declined) pratyac etc. in the sense of reverence. kru} krucau, krubhym. \ ^ ' * B2 P1<|S^tV B2 From silWt upto STT^: omitted After ST T ^^T \ t V reads ^roft: s O 'f N O sif n V reads ^ f> 3 ^r iustead of ^VTitl I o -s s

> O I STCT N^ I

N t <rhr"Rmr Ov g jfhO O v -\ SfHFTTHH ON I HFlH^T: HU>TFT II \ Y .?o || a R rc p fh rc n


h^ h

nt

h^ r

: HFt'TsrRT fcifssrsndt

H#HH^T# I H^TH
1R

HfRT: I | H \ H[: Hf\TTH I

^ 3TFRR3FT TOr:<ft: II V * -T * II 3^TRft'THHTT'i ^W f HTgbTtTRHTFT =3TO*pd F l I 5RTR1 H ^ H J

HhTTH ftHRid I |

payomuk, payomucau, payomugbhym. Here (the augment) num is appended owing to its being (formed with a suffix) having an indicatory u. 321. In the place of (a conjunct consonant) ending in s, or of mahat (6.4.10). In the place of the penultimate of the letter n, belonging to a conjunct consonant ending in s or to mahat, a long (vowel is substituted), when followed by a sarvanmasthna other than sambuddhi. mahn, mahntau, mahnta, he mahan, mahata, mahadbhym. 322. And of that, which ends in atu and in as, and which is not a verbal root (6.4.14). In the place of the penultimate of that which ends in atu, and of that which ends in as, but is not a verbal root, a long (vowel is substituted) when follovved by su, not a sambuddhi. dhmn, dhmantau, he dhman. When followed by (caseendings) beginning with as, (it is declined) like mahat.

^ V om itted; D adds sftjprT: before | sftipT I

%6

II 6 . ^ srrft^srTJTT p R t^ lh T I

II <ft#: 'K H # I ftAt: fHHfeHd

^ n ftR n r ^ R R sn ^ T n sftr ii .^.\6 \ \

ir#: 5R W szr^HTHsfT ? irjv q T <TTFT H^T H: I T # rjT'1 H: I f'T'TtcH |


"V v v

f% IH faTHt fagH I ^ TOt: II V * - ? 3 ? II TT^ HPtTHRTT FHTJ frfH : fag^BTIA

323. In the place of ik, the penultimate of (verbal root, ending in) r, or v, a long (vowel) (8.2.76). In the place of ik, the penultimate of a verbal root ending in r or v, a long (vowel is substituted) when at the end of a pada . pipath, pipathisau, pipathrbhym. 324. Even in (the case of) intervention by num, visarga, and ar (8.3.58). Even in the case of intervention by these, severally, in the place of s coming after i or ku, s (is substituted). Owing to the substitution of stu, in the place of the former, s (is substituted). pipathssu. vidvn, vidvmsau, he vidvan. 325. In the place of vasu, samprasraa (6.4.131).

samprasraa is substituted in the place of a bha, ending in (the suffix) vasu. vidusa, vidvadbhym . 6 Ba ; V ali this omitted

II I %srr: tsrcft |N %h:

II |
1

3 HH

JHTHt HH:'1 I $ raP T

%dlrrarV i

3 ^ 9 3T?H 3 g ^ T 5 ^ II \9.^.*oV8 II 3KH sftT FT T


^1

I 3Rft | II *t^
i

^T * II

t srTsrT^r^nr

3R^sT?rg ^cttt ^ f t ft ^ 3 : I sp I "RT: 5?h *FT: 326.

In the place of purns, asun (7.1.89).

When followed by a sarvanmasthna. pumn, he puman, pummsau, pumsa, pumbhym, punsu. vedhh, vedhasau, he vedha, vedhobhym. 327. In the place of adas, au, and elision of su (7.2.107).

In the place of adas, aut is substituted, and su is elided. asau. 328. In the case of adas, not (ending in) s, coming after d, u (short or long), (and) in the place of d, m. (8.2.80) In the case of adas, not ending in s, in the place of that which comes after d, u or is substituted; and in the place of d, m (is substituted). Owing to the principle of closest similarity, in the place of short, short u, and in the place of long, long > (is substituted). am. In the place of jas, i (is substituted). Then gua (is substituted). ? B2 3*mr: before q^: ^ B2 omitted

oo

t^T

II .'R . t II

3RH> S T T H T ^ T X$ ^T ^ * WO TV H T % fT# r^RTFTf H T ^ T T ^ : I . 3H C \ \ .I H V O


3 3 o * * * II C H^T% II fH

I a p ft

^ H^TT^ft HfH^: | 3THHT 3nTTR O o C \

3THtb: 3 hgh Tiftr: STH^nT TH^ 3ThWR ^Hf^FT O 3 O N .3 O appft: O > 3 a p *<o \
n u

329.

In the place of et> %, when followed by plural (8.2.81).

In the place of e coming after d, belonging to adas, (is substituted) and in the place of d, m (is substituted), when the sense of the plural is to be expressed. arr, amum, am n . After mu is substituted (for d ), the designation ghi becomes applicable and hence the substitution of n (for t). 330. m u (is) not, when n (is, or is to be, substituted) ( 8 .2 .3 ).

After the substitution of n is made or has to be made, the substitution of mu is not (to be considered as being) ineffective. a m u n ) ambhym> ambhi , amusmai, ambhi, amusmt , amusya, amuyo, arrsm, amusmin, amlsu. Thus ends (the section on) halanta pumllinga declension. l Bx omitted; B2; D ^ omitted p B2 ' B, an: e s 7 D sncadded after anir: o >7 V adds ^ T ^ fH f T I 3fHH 3H T 3H H TI

3 3

? ^ u : ll 5fW H^PcT ^ |

II

n f ^ f e ^ n f i r e fir a r ^ P w

11

v^U H

f a s R ^ g T \: I ^HTHr ^ T ^ ^ 1 H W ^ H fw *q7H | ift: fe^ft o P-TTih *|


h ):

^T?RTqTH 3HT-

rcV m v irm 1

i ^rercr: w * p r m * i

^T % WJ: H ^ T I 331. In the place of nah, dh (8.2.34).

When followed by a (letter of the pratyhra) jhal or at the end of a pada. 332. When followed by the verbal roots nah, vrt, iffs, vyadh, ruc, sah, and tan with kvi affixed to them (6.3.115). When followed by these, ending in the suffix kvip, a long (vowel is substituted for the vowel in what precedes them ). upnat, upnahau, upnadbhym3 upnatsu. usik} usihau, usigbhym . dyau> divau, dyubhym. gth, girau, grbhym. Similarly (is declined) pur . catasra, catasrm . k, ke, kh, like sarv. \ ^ V * B2, V omitted B2 omitted B2 P r : added after fird V. added after *pjrr*T

3 3 3 u: ^

II V 9 .R U 0 N *T:? I ^TH I n^TSRanr I STT I S5%fa H: I 3ITVZTR a n fa : are arettr: am ro r a ^ r t r ^

tt: ih t h

ang i * \ ^ r # qr: i raf r? *r? rr i ^ N ^r=^ ^TrvTH Ni arpT: ar: 1


33

" \

^ rV

tvitth i

* 3TTt fit II '$.'*,'*6 || aprft >TRl 5R*rn l a rf^ : arwT: a r m arcj*


1

333.

y, when followed by su (7.2.110).

In the place of d belonging to idam, y (is substituted). iyam. The substitution of a by the rule tyaddnm etc. (Then) tp (is appended). Then m (is substituted for d by the rule) daca . ime, im h } imm , anay} bhym, bhi, asyai, asy} asm, asym, su. srak, srajau, sragbhym. sy, tye, tyh. Similarly (are declined) tad, yad, etadvk, vcau, vgbhym. pa, apa. 334. In the place of ap, when followed by bh (7.4.48). In the place of ap, t (is substituted) when follovved by a case-ending beginning with bh. adbhi, adbhya, apm, apsu. \ Bx V : h:; B 2 ^ f t D omitted 3 D v3 f: added after V After 3qj V reads:
9

ift m

^%fT I

I^

T^T f

T: I <T FT

sfi: I

\ o3
x

f^rV fefVJHr I ; f^ft 3HTTH | x c x c c x


X X

fvTC fc p ft
X X C\

|
C\

F=TH I 3T: H^rdl


O C S

X I ^THift: 3 n f w t ? S t T ^ ^ HX I
V CS X o c\ x c s

3R I ^ H % I 3HT 3TH: 3PTH 3THITT apr^T*? aRT:


C

a n r^
O

suttt : CN

a m ^ : appft: apPriH 2 app^Tin afHH I


O VO C \ X ' O X C\ 0

II ? f a

II

dik, diau, digbhym . drk , drau, dygbhym . tvit, tvisau tvi<bhym. The substitution of ru (takes place in the following words). sajh, sajusau, sajrbhym. h, isau, lrbhym . asau. The substitution of u and m takes place (and we have) am, amh, am m , amuy, ambhym, amubhi, amusyai} ambhya, amusyh, amuyo, amsm, amusym, am su . Thus ends (the section on) halanta stlihga declesion. \ V for: after fo ft R B2 srrfor: after snfcvft 3 V omitted * Bi ZFt: I

?oY

I fa 'T3T O N I

1JHrTST I

3T: 3TCt ^fT ^TT

I ^ T fT 1

far<T % ^TfH I Z %% ^ H fa I t^t i n yW>'Mi Hvfrit ^T 5n^T: II | WfT I TPT I *$P>ft I 3(: sfHt 3T|Ht STfrffT I 3 3 ^ 3Tf II II

(In the case of svanadu ), there occurs elision of su and am; and substitution of d. (Thus we get) svanadut, svanaduh, svanadvmhi. Again like that. The rest like the masculine. vh} v, vri/ vr} vrbhym. catvri. kim , ke, kni. idam , ime, imni. brahma. 335. When followed by sambuddhi, in the case of the neuter (words), the optional elision of n should be stated. he brahma , he brahman, b rahm a. aha, ahr, ahani, ahni. 336. Ahan (8.2.68).

3T|H

VF I tT ^'^ri I ^fa^ft ^ o f f V |
hh ? 9

ra; % rrfa i H ^ rN raft i 33\9 W T

ra fa i

rnfH i

II \d.l.is% II

a n ^ r r a ^ t e r a 'n s r a t a r ^
^fT I epra i

h h 3 r a r a n ^ r a i sr< ?fra

In the case of ahan, ru is substituted when at the end of a pada . ahobhymdadi, dadin, dadini. tat, te, tni; yat, ye, yni; etat, ete, etni. dadat, dada. 337. Optionally in the case of the neuter (7.1.79).

(The augment) num is optionally (appended) to atr coming after a neuter reduplicate, when follovved by sarvanmasthna. dadanti, dadati. tudat . X V adds after | ^ B iT fT tTct ^cT^T repeated once again. B V adds t^ T T T after ^ N Tttjt ^

II i3 .\.6 o II sR-riH q r t v: rT ^ r re ^ rc n ^ t ' ^ f l 5?fl $<?f% i H ^d \ W 5N5nflmT II ld^.6% II hh d tn e t: i

338. (The augment) num , after a , when followed by or nacft (7.1.80) (The augment) num (is appended) optionally to the part of atr, which comes after (a base) ending in a, when followed by ^ or nacfi. tudanfi , tudaft , tudanti. pacat. 339. After ap and yan, obligatory (7.1.81).

(The augment) num (is appended) to that which ends in that part of atr which comes after the d of ap and yan> when it is followed by & or nad pacant, pacantu dXvyat> dvyan , dvyanti . B omitted ^ B2 omitted V faT after V V after ^ V omitted ^ V omitted
3

? o\
hh : spth E o o

prffr i es

i n;# ^ s rtfa e rP T : i

'P ::!

<PTfa3 'PflPTR'v ,I

are: api* rfa i re 'TST c\ a pcs o s. l

ffa

II

dhanu, dhanusl, dhanrhsi, dhanurbhym. Similarly (are declined) caksu, havi, etc.
p a y a ) paya} paymsi, payobhym.

ada , am, amni. The rest like the masculine. Thus ends (the section on) halanta kliba declension.

$ After prcft \ 0 V reads ^ D omitted D qzTH T after eprifa V D omitted

5ifaP<ftfa

?o<t

F r r Ns r r : \ srre* \ hhtt O > 3^ T( IT^H HHH

h^

h N h H thN ,^

n fe i

%Hrfc I H ff m T t ft I

T5CTkK|cgq: II .'t. ||

STczpiH f^f^TFTf'T: g'RH


?H H fo ^ H
o

^ ^ H T I 3 T TI

^ fa lfe H I

V( H^H o q?T fflr rr?53HTH > II

II fff 3T3U*nfh? II II 3ffa ^W[IH II


avyaya

340. Svar etc. and the nipta (are designated) (1.1.37).

svar, antar, prtar, etc.; ca, v, ha, aha, eva, evam, nnam, avat, etc. Both these are krtigaas. 341. In the place of p and sup coming after avyaya. (2.4.82). In the place of (the suffix) p, and the sup (case-endings) enjoined in the case of an avyaya, elision (is substituted). tatra, lym; atha. That, which is the same in (ali) the three genders, and in ali the cases, and in ali the numbers, (that is) which does not change, is avyaya (in the literal sense of the term ). Thus ends Here ends \ B2 om itted ^ Bx o * i< thi: D adds after sparcrfr I 3 This colophon found only in V. (the section on) avyayas. (the section on) subanta.

( am

) N vte * \ " S

vsz \

vsz v z N'O^C's

^ O N vV -v C '- \ II
o

?t: vnfr sr W% V^TTTT: = E TI 3 * 3 n& TH ff II ^ I I

II ^hPc

Vf W . I 3HfHT%mr *T T %

^ f a H m r sm C nfft: Ht^H I

t N i atsifiR i h ^ tt'jthth h I * \

M ^STR t M C ' HHT^riH NI ^ f aC c \ <s ^ff fm% | lat, litJ lut, IrtJ Iet, lot, la, li, luJ Irh (are the ten lakdras). 342. I, in the sense of the object and (the a e n t); and after intransitive (verbs) in the sense of bhva and (the aent). (3.4.69). The lakras are appended to transitive (roots) to signify the object as well as the aent. To intransitive (roots, they are appended) in the sense of bhva as well as the aent. 343. In the sense of the present, lat (3.2.123).

After a root pertaining to a present action, lat (is appended). (In lat ) a and t are indieatory; l is not indicatory, owing to the fact of its announcement. y b h u = t o be. When there is a desire to express the aent, (we get) bh la . In that position, ? B2 ^N H F fc^r 0 ^ V adds piTrf after B2 f^
0

fa<T3fffiT

fiE m m n ^.v.9<i H I ||

nm

m tFrH m r

tTlSiSHT^r vJI^TT: W. T t # R n II

TT't'T^HfH: FT:? I > s ^ *ta H R T HHT*T II ? X ? o o || T 5RiTTfT: 3*vs ain?TTTfe sjtn n 'r a p R ^ TN O . < t?
ftrt
11

%H5H: FC I yW 5nqm S : I n

aft f e fN . F ^ lT ^ HTft: SFTTH 3TRRH

344. i/?, tas, jhi , gzp, thas, tha, mip, vas, mas, ta, tm, jha, ths, thm, dhvam, it, vahi, mahi (3.4.78) These eighteen are the substitutes of L 345. ly parasmaipada (1.4.99).

The substitutes of l have the designation parasmaipada . 346. ta and na, tmanepada (1.4.100). The (endings in the) pratyhra ta , nac and knac* have this designation. (This is) an exception to the former desig nation. 347. After (a root), having anudtta indicatory (svara) or having an indicatory , tmanepada (1.3.12). After a root, that has anudtta indicatory svara or an indicatory in upadea, tmanepada endings are substituted. I Bx 3H^n: ^ Bx omitted ^ Bx This stra and the comm. thereon omitted

f^ r R ^ TTftTTHH'K ^ H T fa fH f w ^ 1*% stalTJPHfT M'4tq** II l . .l d II 3HfTHH?fHrHt|tHTr TTTt: y \o fre^sftfa sflfa 5tnT*Ts*nitTmT: u f[T- gmpft: 'T^rt: ^rfT W T : W T * ^R^T: TT^HT'? ^ T 3 I n l

348. After (a root), having svarita indicatory (svara) or having an indicatory , when the result of the action is meant for the aent (1.3.72). After a root, having svarita indicatory or an indicatory , tmanepada (is substituted for Z), when the result of the action is (intended) to accrue to the aent. 349. After the rest, parasmaipada, in the (1.3.78). sense of aent.

After a root, devoid of the condition for (the substitution of) tmanepada , in the sense of the aent, parasmaipada is sub stituted. 350. The three triads of the tin (endings), prathama, madhyama and uttama (1.4.101). The three triads of tin , of both the padas , have these designations respectively. \ ^ \ v B2 The whole stra and the comm. thereon omitted B This stra and the comm. thereon omitted V omitted v filis:

-. II
HITTfH mo: I

II
H W A ^ H H T fd -

^<R?TR^
fa ^ \^ T W T ^ 3 T fa fH H^TH: I

m T fo u fa HmH: II
H"trfA V O 3HTH5HHH O SPTm " 3 *TR

l|
^

3<\3 3W*TOrW II ?-Y ?<>V 9 II


rrm^ c s i 3<V* ? r s m : ii i . v . t o ii m fr un# i

351. They, severally, (are designated) ekavacana, dvivacana and bahuvacana respectivelv. (1.4.102) The three triads having received the designations prathama etc., severally are designated ekavacana etc. 352. When yusmad is used as upapada in agreement or even (when it is so) understood, madhyama (1.4.105). When yusmad , expressive of the kraka to be expressed by the tin} is used or (even when) not used, madhyama (endings are used). 353. When asmad, uttama (1.4.107).

Under similar conditions. 354. In the rest, prathama (1.4.108).

Thus, when (b h la) has become bh ti .

II f e
^ f r 5I<T II II

II

ftT H ^ H^fH^TTl^HT tTHHfT: : \ HRHT% HTft: HH I

3V3 ^TluTplTUUTg^it: II v s I I
3HHTt: H rq> :? w r: I l F t r f * r r ^ *PT: I 3 ^ t^H : I >T^%

5S??T: II M II STH'H^^fH ITPT 3R fT^r: | 3Tft H^T I TT^f?H I SRrftf


|

355. tin and ( pratyayas) having indicatory (are design ated) srvadhtuka. (3.4.113). The tin endings and the pratyayas with indicatory , that are enjoined in the topic concerning dhtu, have this designation. 358. When followed by (a tin) signifying aent, ap (3.1.68). Whcn a srvadhtuka (ending) signifving aent follows, to a root, ap (is appended). 357. When followed by srvadhtuka and rdhadhtuka (7.3.84). When these follow, gua is substituted in the place of an aga , ending in ik. Then (takes place) the substitution of av. bhavati, bhavata. 358. In the place of jh, ant (7.1.3). In the place of jh, (which forms) part of a pratyaya, ant is the substitute. (Then applies the rule) ato gue; (and we have) bhavanti, bhavasi, bhavatha, bhavatha.
\ B sira omit ted ^ V omitted

3T>

II V9 . ^ . ? o ^ U

3Tfr3^FT 3Tf w f a 3H^T


3^0

H^TRl HRHT5 % I w f a ^PT ^T^TH: | ii


3

W W T: ^ WT

H: ^ f H I d VRH: I H H ^fvf I v SPTfH

q ft^

II
>

^HT'Tg'HHHCriTr'T^d': Hft: f ^ c\ c

FTT I > n %TH I

fT^T^T: I

qTfHqd R i ^ g g ^ w f ? r t q m : u fe-ftT^KlHr UT^R*T:? WO . I H C N3[ 359.


ya. (7.3.101).

In the place of at, a long (vowel), when followed by

In the place of a base (ending in) at, a long (vowel is substituted), when followed by a srvadhtuka (ending) beginning with a (letter of the pratyhra) y a . bhavmi, bhavdva, bhavma . sa bhavati, tau bhavata, te bfiavanti, etc. etc. 360. In the sense of paroksa, lit (3.2.115).

After a root employed to signify a m atter of the past, not of today, and not seen (by the aent), lit is appended. In the place of l, tip etc. (are substituted). 361. In the place of the parasmaipada (endings), al, atus, us, thal, athus, a, al, va and ma (3.4.82). In the place of tip etc. of lit are Thus (we get) bhu a; in this position. \
D omitted

substituted

al

etc.

^ B? 5sft TO TO:

^ 3T% I

II \ x . t t II

3^3 fo fe a r r f ^C H i^ : N
hth jt -.J

u %.\. \ \

f o f j iT srdt'H iH rj'1 s r r e e r ^ r w tj^rsr: s m i r *r: i fefto^T i r e s. tC r\as. O II


st

^f% fsr# i

i(^fsqTO: II m HTt: I

^ t f e : 7T1: II vs.V.^o II 3T ^H F T df^ f oS % q ? | 362. In the case of V b h , vuk , when followed by lu or lit . (6.4.88). When followed by (lu and lit beginning with) a vowel. 363. When followed by lit, in the case of a root other than abhysa (6.1.8). When followed by lit, in the place of the first monosyllabic part of a root other than abhysa, two are substituted. However, in the place of the second part, coming after a vowel standing at the beginning. Thus when the position becomes, bhvbhv a, 364. The former (is designated) abhysa (6.1.4).

(The former) of the two that are here. 365. The first hal, esa (7.4.60). The first consonant of the abhysa remains.

\ b2 *zTm srT
^ V adds arr after |

II

ll

TTSRk: II vs.y.3 II R ^ R T f ^ R F T 3: rrrr f a f e i 3Tn% Z II .'t.'* II arssnr ?T^f =3T: I 3*nr c\ \\% f o s * ll c\ o snw c\ o: I ll I HHT'1 ^T HT if-T

f l ^ ^ r f e r s r 3TTusrrg=F:? i 366. A short (vowel). (7.4.59).

In the place of the vowel of the abhysa. 367. In the place of y b h , a (7.4.73). In the place of the letter u belonging to the abhysa of y b h , a is substituted, when followed by lit. 368. In the abhysa, car also (8.4.54).

In the place of the (letters of the pratyhra) jhalin the abhysa, (letters of the pratydhra) car are substituted, and (letters of the pratyhra) ja. The specification is ja (letters) in the place of jha (letters) and car (letters) in the place of khay (letters). (Thus we get) babhva , babhvatu , babhvu369. And lit (3.4.115).

tin, which is the substitute in the place of lit, is (design ated ) rdhadhtuka.

^\3o

II

II

nrfasT ijK T ^ nrfaH I C \ C s ^: O *P C \ iiW3 C \ O C \ C \


31 s ?

aR ST ^^ni

^rfA^fH 3 H?HHSH STRftvfe o ^i


30

itmft ^ t : ii v
\

?-33

> >

HTfftft iFfr W17T: TTH: I SRSTRK: I vt ffT W & i\c .o c c *\ c


31 33

anusng^

II ^ .V .^ K II I I

fH if^yftSH Tt STTft: fff f ^ H : HHH

370. In the case of an rdhadhtuka (ending), beginning with a vai, it (7.2.35). babhvitha, babhvathu, babhva, babhva, babhviva, babhvima. 371. In the sense of (future) not of today, lut (3.3.15). In the sense of a matter of the future, not of today, after a root, lut (is appended). 372. sya and tsi, when folknved by Ir and lut (3.1.33). In the case of a root, these two are appended, when Ir (i.e. Irt and Ir) and lut follow. (This is) an exception to the ap etc. By Ir, both lrn and Irt are to be understood. 373. The rest, rdhadhtuka (3.4.114).

A pratyaya, enjoined under the adhikra, dhto, other than the tin and those with indicatory , have this design ation. (The augment) it (is appended). Bl5 D This sentence omitted

\\6
313*

tc:

n rc h ff: ll ,'X .6 \ II

30^

i : II V * - ? * 3 II
w f ^ 1 fefr i f e ^ H H ^ i r m ^ i U vtf'T:

\ ^ fa n r i

^133

II .*.<*<> ll
H 1 5R*F t I

31319

f r ^ u vs.v.h?

11

Tr?d 5T*ra HTT I ^ f T R t

HkTHPC: T lfa rrfa ^ N n ? :

STfaTT?T ^rf^TlftH t r f ^ R T : T rfa a H J: 1

374. In the place of the prathama (endings) of lut, d, rau, ras. (2.4.85) 375. In the place of % i (6.4.143).

Of bha, elision is substituted, when followed by a pratyaya, having an indicatory d. By the force of (the affix d) having indicatory d, elision of the ti, of even that which is not bha, takes place. (Hence we get) bhavit. 376. In the place of ts and as, elision. (7.4.50).

When followed by a pratyaya beginning with 5. 377. And when followed by r (7.4.51).

The same, when followed by a pratyaya, beginning with r. (Thus we have) bhavitrau, bhavitra, bhavitsi, bha vitstha, bhavitstha, bhavitsmi, bhavitsva, bhavitsma.
\ Bx F ro m here upto STc*!?

I o m itted

^ Bx o m itted

^ 6

55? 5TO ^ II

II

?T: l ^

H T ft: CN f w f a t f ^ n z r r H H ^ T H ^ t H I I ^ f ^ ^ f f ^ r f ^ f : 'H f a r f a r ^ f ^ i [ f H ' )

T fT E ip ^ U ^ l T f H Tf% q-R: H f ^ iT T H : I t * II.


o

H S T T fl^ rfev | II

3?o

a n fo fa fcsF55lt ll

<z\ r * : ll -V . 6 % ll < t? f^ T T ir s : l ^ 3 378. I

And in the remaining cases, Irt (3.3.13).

After a root used to signify a matter of the future, Irt is appended, whether there is or is not another verb (denoting an action performed) for the sake of the (future) action. (The affix) sya and (the augment) it (are appended and then we have) bhavisyati,bhavisyata , bhavisyanti, bhavisyasi, bhavisyatha, bhavisyatha , bhavisymi, bhavisyva, bhavisyma. 379. And lot (3.3.162)

In the senses of vidhi etc., after a root, lot is appended. 380. In the sense of benediction, li 381. In the place of i} u (3.4.86). and lot (3.3*173).

In the place of the letter ibelonging to lot, u (is substituted). bhavatu .


\ B2 o m itted

^ B2 F rom here u p to arferfa o m itte d

^^fhFT^ nf5G M T Ma tt-Mi* II a n fa fa 51TtHeT5 ^T | <TT3TT \6 \ wlt <55JR[II II


h A^SP

II I H qW I

oSrJ^lHK'T: I HoSTT^ I 6 * H P tF ^ T T trt#TW: II .Y .? o ? II ferR ^ rf

W : I WTTH ST^F I u

\ ^

a rP t^ r n

^rtsr: % % i H l s f n ^ i 3Tft ll % .){ .\o \ ||

vFF o " v I *pr SFTHT > *RHT " \ ST3r 1 382. In the place of tu and hi, tta, in the sense of benediction, optionally. (7.1.35). In the sense of benediction, in the place of tu and hi, tta is optionally (substituted). O n the strength of postriority, (this) is a substitute of the whole. bhav.att. 383. In the case of lot, like la (3.4.85). In the place of lot, tm etc. (are substituted); and 5 is elided. 384. In the place of tas, thas, tha, and mip, tm, tam, ta and am (3.4.101). In the case of the four (lakras), having indicatory , tm etc. are (substituted). bhavatm, bhavantu. 385. In the place of si, hi, and apit (3.4.87). In the case of lot, in the place of si, hi (is substituted). And it is apit. 386. After at, in the place of hi (6.4.105). elision (is substituted). bhava, bhavatt, bhavatam, bhavata. % B2 omitted

U sfe : i

II u
i h

\ 6 t a n ^ rth n Pnrar h Ttt^


hh w

P r ^ r i f s ft #

h i

^ ft^ r< v -

HT*parfT \ I W f H I ^ fa tf f e a : ii ^ x . \ \ n ^TTHTFiT fefxTHFT oTT:? I UPTR W ^ o ar^gTH u


3^

. ? ? ? it

a r^ H H ^ r m ^C S f f r t ^ ^N 1 C \ 387. In the place of mi, ni (3.4.89). In the case of lot . 388. In the case.of the uttama (ending), t; and pit (3.4.92). In the case of the uttama (endings) of lot, (the augment) t (is appended). And it is pit. In the place of hi and ni, u is not substituted, owing to the force of the announcement of i (in them ). bhavni. 389. Obligatory, in the case of ( lakra ), having indicatory A. (3.4.99). In the place of the uttama ending of a lakra with indicatory n} ending in the letter velision (is substituted). bhavva, bhavma. 390. In the sense of (the past), not of today, la (3.2.111). After a root, employed to signify a m atter of the past, not of today, la (is appended). \ B From here upto omitted ^ V fazf added before ^ rt: } B2

' O N ' N C'V

'

irc ^ ^ rr i

ft5sr ii ^ 4 0 0 11 f e f vSFT HT^H'^fH fUTHH HH S HFT ^t*T: I ^ ^ fN 3wwrrH N artfRFT * anra: > anrsRr * \ anrara 1 smRT*r 1
3^3 ftfu ^M ^"U M ^ntnw w sR ^rr^w f e s 11 3 . 3 . ? ^? 11

m q<w t3uaTf fer ^ 11 3 .*.? 03 11 f^^: TOfaSFTT mgTP? fe^T I


391. In the case of lu, la and lrn , at , udtta (6.4.71).

In these ( lakras), the aga has the augment a t (appended to it). 392. Of it also (3.4.100) In the case of a lakra with indicatory , elision (is sub stituted) in the place of that which is parasmaipada and which ends in i. abhavat, abhavatm, abhavan, abhava, abhava tam, abhavata, abhavam, abhavva, abhavma. 393. In the senses of command, directing, inviting, expression of wish, enquiring and asking for, Un. (3.3.161) In these senses, to a root, li (is appended). 394. In the parasmaipada endings, ysut, udtta and with indicatory n (3.4.103). In the case of parasmaipada (endings) of the li, the augment ysut is appended, (and it is) it . Bx From here upto 3PT 3T : omitted ^ Bx after Tift

>

II VS.^.VS^ II

U m r^foS 'dsH -T F T USU vtlH: I f f a SFcT I 3Th un: II \9.^.<io ||


3TH: 'R F I HRUTJ^UU^ZT Ur fUFT { I m : I

S V I n t n f e ii v b V t ii
*T% H ^H T H I N . >

% 6 f e

II I U%n:

|| H%HH * U%f
N

U%U I

'fasTisifu ii 3 - v . m

s n R rfa f o s f ^ T s h r r g ^ ir : i 395. In the case of li, in the place of not final s, elision. (7.2.79) In the case of the srvadhtuka Un, in the place of the not final s, elision is substituted. In this position, 396. In the place of y coming after at, iy (7-2.80). In the place of the y, a part of the srvadhtuka (ending), coming after at, iy (is substituted). Then, gua (takes place). 397. In the place of v and y, elision, when followed by vai (6.1.65) bhavet, bhavetm . 398. In the place of jhi, jus (3.4.108). In the case of li. bhaveyu, bhave, bhavetam, bhaveta, bhaveyam, bhaveva, bhavema . 399. In the sense of benediction, Un (3.4.116). The tin, belonging to the li in the sense of benediction, is designated rdhadhtuka .
\ B2 T his stra om itted

v o o f ^ ftr fh ii 3
3 M h
ht

ii
fw i h ^ t : i

* o?

f e f a ^ n ?.? \ ll S * fnrfcH ^ feftrfar


h v oH^r C h

rr: i 'h h ih C \ > w \ *TIH ^TITH: I w : HHRHH W ^H I NC^OCN C \ \ THTi C S C \ H HN C N Tl^ HHTTH C 3TII H ? ! *rrm srifr: \ C N II ^T^T^RT?: I 400. In the sense *of benediction, having indicatory k. (3.4.104). (The augment) ysut of the li in the sense of benediction is (to be considered) as having an indicatory k.Then (takes place) the elision of i. 401. And when followed by what hasindicatory k,g, or . I
^

II

( U 5) The gua and the vrddhi, indicated by ik, are not (sub stituted), when the cause (thereof) has an indicatory k or g or . bhyt, bhystm, bhysu, b h y h } bhuystam , bhuysta, bhysam, bhysva, bhysma. 402. lu (3.2.110). (is appended) after a root (employed) to convey a matter of the past. 403. In the case of lu } cli(3.1.43). (This is) an exception to ap etc.
\ B2 T h is stra om itted

Y o )g

II

II

vo m'

i r r i t a r a or o rc\ a r: " >I


^

<r w ^

o ii

^ . y vsvs ii

Y o ^ v r g ^ t f e r f e n \ 9 . v d ii
tT^-zft; HRHT5% frfe Hm H l 3T 'H T 3TM HTH 3 ^ H 3PT: C N 30THH C S \ 3[r C \ 3lW C NT anRT C \ spflrH C \ |

Y o V3

f a g i f l n u t II 3 - 3 - m M U.^fdfHTTH I p .v j TrfAT^T HTfr% I


In the place of cli, sic (3.1.44).

f w q r a rfro r Jimnrnr * \ i ap rioraN arTrr^^rH * \ arvrf^TH * \ i 404.

405. In the case of gti, sth, ghu, p and bh, in the place of sic, when parasmaipada endings follow. (2.4.77) Elision (is substituted). 406. In the place of \/b h and V s, when followed by tin, (7.3.88) In the place of (the roots) bh and s, when followed by a srvadhtuka tin, gua is not (substituted). abht, abhtm , abhvan, abhuh, abhtam, abhta , abhvam, abhva , abhu ma. 407. When there is an occasion for li, Ir, m the sense of non-completion of an action (3.3.139). The relation of cause and efect, etc. (is) the occasion for (affixing) li. When it is there, after a root employed in the sense of a matter of the future, Ir (is afixed), when the noncompletion of the action is implied. abhavisyat, abhavisyatm , \ Bx ^ V trT^FTnr

3T^f^Gq-: 3nrf*TrT a^rf^rrsff snrfaG ire s ra p a rra ^T H I K gfHaTHUTf^H I 3o HTHttHHH I aRTfir | V a t 3RT an%: 1 1 va.v.vso ll 3HBTTT^f^ft 5hr: i 3HH a n ^ :

an t r^HT I

arr: s j l ^ aTPj:

3TRT aTrT 3[TfFT anfHT | 3f^RTT 3 ^ 1 * % 3RT5 I Su'*U^lU* H % X.*R II s r ^ r r ^* ^ tr


h ih i NON C . > O i strth * \

3t%r N ar^TH N an^rr-

fa fa

fft i

abhavisyan, abhavisya3 abhavisyatam, abhavisyata, abhavisya?n, abhavisyva, abhavisyma. suvT0 ced abhavi?yat tad subhiksam abhavisyat, and such other illustrations should be understood. at to go constantly. atati. 408. In the place of the initial at (7.4.70).

In the place of a short a, at the beginning of abhysa. long (vowel is substituted). ta, tatu , tu, titha, tathu , ta, ta, tiva, tima, atit, atisyati, atatu. 409. 72). t in the case of (roots) beginning with a vowel. (6.4.

In the case of an aga, beginning with a vowel, (the augment) t (is appended), when followed by lu} la or lf. tat, atet, atyty atystm. After lu is affixed, sic is appended, and (the augment) i is attached, * V adds aerT : amfcr SRTfa arflrr: 3T T r Sf^Tfa 3 [ ^ : 3 C R T T * T :I ^' V \ ^

Y ? o 3 T f e T f ^ S q # II f^ rH T H H * tt ^ f f e 6^.R II

II T ^ a p p ^ vt iz' I

*PFT ^>T: I

f i5 ^ q tr v i^ r fa srt ?n u: u a i f lH*\ 3TTfHGTH -s . | f in t w tf a R t f a w t n


ii

f H ^ t s ^ f r r r SU ^ h q ^ * r f e s r a f a p r t O* \ i c f H Ho: 3 H fr: 3 n f H 5 H a r r f i m -\ a n f n s r 3 n f H r 1 3 n f a w r e r *\ i * s3 h ^ 5 * rc s t r r n r r ^ r r f a i * n ? fn i
410. In the case of a single (consonant), coming after V as or after sic (7.3.96) In the case of a single consonant, coming after an existing sic or after asti ( = y/as), (the augment) is appended. 411. After it, when followed by It (8.2.28) . In the place of s elision is (substituted). 412. It should be stated that the elision of sic is recognized as having taken place, in the case when a single substitute is made.
fit, tistm .

413.

And after sic, abliyasta and \/v id (3.4.109).

In the place of jhi, belonging to a lakra having an indicatory , coming after sic, abhyasta, and V vid, jus (is substituted). tisu, , tistham, tistha, lisam, tisva, tisma. tisyat. V gad = to speak articulately. gadati.
\ V f 9 WW.

II v s .Y .^ II

3 T Ta m

: II V9. ^. t?t II

^ f e 'f^TfH fafT H 5 T ^ | 3PII5 ^TR 5 :q 3pT|: aPfesT: api^T: o aPTS I P*rPTl 5 T T II V9..^? II

Pith mr. i aprc ^ r% i 414. i

t o

i n f e r r i nfe-

i is n r i

In the place of ku and h, cu (7.4;62).

In the place of kavarga and the letter h, belonging to the abhysa, cavarga is substituted. 415. In the place of penultimate at (7.2.116).

vrddhi (is substituted) when followed by a pratyaya having indicatory or . jagda, jagadatu, jagadu, jagaditha , jagadathu, jagada. 416. al (of the) uttama, optionally (7.1.91),

is (to be considered) as having indicatory . jagda, jagada, jagadiva, jagadima, gadit / gadisyati, gadatu, agadat, gadet, gadyt. I B D omitted ^ D before fbr0

V?V9 3Trft snrf^G^f i


N

II vs.^.vs II fa fa i
s h t ^ t

3 t

r 1h i

*rj

ttvt

i
3

IjanfirftBTftrTfHtBT 3ntr: n
^t p

.? .^ n

i 5RIRT 3F^ II \ X . \ o II % JT^H^T:'1 | ^ l -

?WT^3T UTl^: II 3 - ? . ^ II HHRH: ^ST^T: | *^o ^

417. In the place of laghu a} preceded by a consonant (7.2.7). In the place of a laghu a preceded by a consonant, i/rddhi (is substituted) optionally, when followed by sic and parasmaipada endings preceded by (the augment) i. agdit, agadt, agadisyat. V gup = to protect. 418. After (the roots) gup , dhp, vicch, pa , and pan, ya. (3.1.28). In their original sense. 419. Those which have san etc. at their end (are designated) dhtus (3.1.32). Those (bases), that have at their end, the pratyayas beginning with san (in 3.1.5) and ending with {kamr) i (3.1.30), are designated dhtu . Because they are dhtus, lat etc. (are appended to them) 420. Short is laghu (1.4.10).

? V rvr: F. 9

II II ^ i r t t - t re i ^ *F' i
g*rer e n q srer ^ u # T ? r fl i n

^ n ? .v .^ H

JipTC*! ^HTHPT ^ T ^ r w r iFT: H l^ '-H ^ rT H H r^ ^ : I arraren a n tis n g ^ ^ r n v ? - 3 ? n ^ T * i g ^ f e ^ [ ^ r H R ^ f W r iH h: i


1R<\ 3TTH snftsm 1 1

f o f e 1 i ^ h h 3Hff^HrHHfTrtr HVwK i 421. When followed by a conjunct consonant, guru (1.4.11). When followed by a conjunct consonant, a short (syllable) becomes guru. 422. And long (1.4.12). guru. 423. In the case of (a base) having laghu penultimate and ending in puk (7.3.86) In the place of ik, belonging to a base ending in puk ( = p) and of (a base) having a laghu penultimate, gua is substituted, when follovved by srvadhtuka or rdhadhtuka (pratyayas). gopyatu 424. ya etc., in the case of rdhadhtuka optionally (3.1.31). When rdhadhtuka is intended to be stated, ya, iya) and in are optionally appended. 425. In the case of ^/ks and of roots of more syllables than one, (the pratyaya) m should be stated, when follovved by lit. Owing to the enjoining of m in the case of V kss m (in m) is not indicatory.
V o m itted

fd-'cfSRTiP

3Tft

||

II

a m N f i t 'T ^ ^ ^ f HFTfT oHT 3TH:H]% I V^V9 arm: II II

3rr*r: HrrH ^ ON i f e f e II .I .V o II 31THHHfc-^?'TTT: fH 3TT II VS.V.^ II 3TT!He^T ^tftSH 5T *H T I f f e : I r f r H H I ^ r ^ R :' | fe^TH TTvT T tfoT STFcT I 426. In the place of at, elision (6.4.48). In the place of the a (short of that, which ends in a, when the rdhadhtuka affix is enjoined, elision (is substituted) when followed by an rdhadhtuka affix. 427. After m (2.4.81). In the place of what comes after m, elision (is substituted). 428,. And kr is used when followed by lit. (3.1.40). After what ends in m, V&7\ V b h and V as with lit after them are used. The reduplication etc. takes place in them. 429. In the place of r, at (7.4.66). In the place of r (short), belonging to the abhysa, at (is substituted), vvhen fo!lowed by a pratyaya. Then (this a) undergoes vTddhi. gopycakra. When because of posteriority to (the rule enjoining) reduplication, ya becomes imminent, ? B2f3T>0 ^ After this D reads iftTPTT^fn* iftT'iffHfriT ift<TPTH^*ni iftTTJHHTH snft'T HtflhTfvH fVT I 3THif)H qTrfqf?o5Z | H TlrT | jfiTtj: i and from u to vTtfa is omitted I folT f^f?' I

mrfasTrahTt > S

f ^ f a f a r s f V a r? a n fo ^>5 : i i f h m n ^ : i

i iftT p rr^ -

II VS.^.?o ||

H H 'T 3r H T ^ ^ ^ tT ^ H T
3;? .? ? #

H|
1 11

^ fr ^ o r^ fjpOOO T H ^ f^ ^ ) sfsrhr:

^ wrr V( C oC t " S 430. When followed by a vowel (1.1.59).

rnH: o fHHr: ^ c (causing)

reduplication

When followed by a vowel (which is) the cause of redupliction, in the place of ac, a substitute is not (placed), when (as yet) reduplication is to be effected. g opym ca kratuh3 gopym cakru. 431. After (a root) that is monosyllabic and is anudtta in the original enunciation. (7.2.10). The augment it is not appended to the rdhadhtuka ( pra tyaya ), which comes after a root, which in the original enuncia tion is monosyllabic and anudtta . With the exception of roots ending in f and f and the roots yu, tu, ksu, , snu, nu, ksu, zri, dm y ri, x/i and vf, ali monosyllabic roots ending in a vowel are declared to be nihata ( = anudtta). \ D f% ? V adds 3T^>TTf<S T T T * >f^T I 3T^nftT >

>

'

SFFcto N O
o5 T ^ ^ : I

C HF: * I

N O

* N N O " N

N>

*(Z S|

J r f H fN ^T^ ^ ^ ^ r ^T ^H N O if * N * N n o^JF n n n^R n ijprrn o ^


>*sc

^ r* e ^ f * \f f r n ; "N

i ^

arc src ' O ^N O' SNN > : H l^T I

^ T C H S fa s fa g fa H ?

f ^

HFH*T j FH mN n W X ST VlJH 3T ST o ^N O* N STH N O" S ^w n o O *N* \ T > N n O 'N HH > fH^TT HTT

I HFHH H t ( \'T IF T HN R N O H - ^^ O 3T1T * N fa < T " Nm o N HH " \ fF T > C .T <?cqftq > - W<T 3H HH H q ^ q f a 5 T I *TFH H I C . N O ' S ' N > ' \ C n O N S
H F^* I 3TFHH ^O T OTTHHHHHT^^R: > * \ * \ N O N 'S ^ * s * n35T C* nH5T C* nf o r * > ^ r fo sr f o r c r e r t entr \ h f h h f t f e re 3 ^ fgr fH fa n f o r ftH 5FT t(^ T ^ r I HFH'J SFFTHft [ I ?[F#H ^

Among (monosyllabic anudtta roots) ending in a consonant, (the following) 103 roots are anudtta,: (among roots) ending in k, (only) one, namely ak; among (those) ending in c, six: pac, muc, ric3 vac3 vic and sic; among (those) ending in ch (only) one: pracch ; among (those) ending in j3 fifteen: tyaj3 nijir, bha), bhaj, bhuj, bhrasj, masj3 yaj3 yuj3 ruj3 raj, vijir3 svaji3 saj and sr); among (those) ending in d3 sixteen: ad3 ksud, khid3 chid3 tud, nud3 padya3 bhid, vidya3 vinad, vvnd, ad, sad, svidya3 skand3 had; among (those) ending in dh3 eleven: krudh, ksudh, budhya, bandh3 yudh3 rudh3 rdh3 vyadh3 udh3 sdh3 sidhya; among (those) ending in n3 two: manya, han; among those ending in p3 thirteen: p, ksip, chup3 tap, tip, trpya3 drpya, lip3 lup3 vap, ap, svoap, srp; among (those) ending in bh3 three: yabh3 rabh, labh; among (those) ending in m 3 four: gam, yam3 nam, ram; among (those) ending in , te n : kru, dai, di, dr, mrs, riy ru, liy vis, spf; among those in in sy eleven: krs, tvis, tusy dvis, dus, pusya, pis, vis, is, sus, lis; among (those) ending in s two: ghas and

^TTTfT^ExT^WRt o

3T?KT 0 t ^!T -

s r R T ^ f ip F ^HT " NII flT HfHTH1 ^HtT I II

H>TIHT^T H t'TR ^ST: o HI'TIH m ; H iT P R ^ IT nt'TPTt-

V(iT ^ftrr?TRf,w ft'TR R fH T I


? 3t^q>qtTrS? fa II

*33

3HiTtmT T cj: N TTtsPrfSre > ffT^ ^ l TN .I W o-o ^ O c o | H <(d^fd^rfH U H feT> ^ T T II vs.^.VY II


t

t t f t ^ r ^ r r t n ROR ^ ^ V 3T i ^nitfasr O ^irVr^r i HtTrftrrT Htfan HtcH i ftaT fafa Ht^RfT o * \ Ht'TTHH O I 3[ftrTqr " \ I HtTRH * \ I A lT T ^ H ^ HTTH V O * I 3[ftHHftH * \ I

vas; among (those) ending in h, eight; dah, dih, duh, nah , mih, ruh , lih, vah. gopymcakartha, gopymcakrathu, gopymcakra, gopyarncakra, gopyrhcakara, gopymcakTva, gopymcakTma; gopymbabhva, gopymsa; jugopa. 432. After a not conjunct consonant, lit, kit (1.2.5). A lit, that has not an indicatory p, coming after a (not conjunct) single consonant, is (considered to be) kit. ( jugupa tu, jugupu) 433. After the roots svr, s, sya, dh and roots with indicatory , optionally (7.2.44). In the case of rdhadhtuka pratyaya beginning with vai coming after svr and other roots, or a root having an indic.atory , (the augment) it is optionally (appended). jugopitha, jugoptha; gopyit, gopit, gopt; gopyisyati, gopisyati, gopsyati; gopyatu; agopyat; gopyet; gopyyt; gupyt; agopyt. V omitted ^ V reads this stra and the comn. thereon after above. See note 2 on p. 131.

II v s . ^ || ^ f e : f a f a T rrA n lH i ? fo 19N.V II T^n?) fnfH ^ c T fq 3?y> sT* n < :.^ % n


h fh

i arif'ftH ^ ttV h Ih i

5T^: Teq- Httr vdTt ffo I 3HftczrPT Tiftcg: ^TH W t: 3T#TH * \ % apfhT 31HVHH -\ 3H i^ ^ Ht^H I HftTfH^TT > ,
i r

3ififdc[H N 3 if m r ^ i srTH i ^rzrfer fcrerpr fa fc r : i f*THH STHH 1 434. In the place of the vowel belonging to the roots vad, vraj, and roots ending in a consonant (7.2.3). In the place of the vowel belonging to these (roots), vrddhi (is substituted), when follovved by sic, (and) parasmaipada (endings). In this position. 435. Not, vvhen follovved by it (7.2.4). z/rddhi is not (substituted) in the place of (a base) ending in a consonant, vvhen follovved by sic preceeded by it. agopt, agaup&t. 436. After jhal, vvhen follovved by jhal . (8.2.26).

In the place of s, coming after a jhal, elision (is substituted) vvhen follovved by a jhal . agauptm , agaupsu , agau p s h > agauptam, agaupta , agaupsam, agaupsva, agaupsma. agopyi?ayt, agopisyat, agopsyat. Vfcsz = to vvane. When by the rule imminent. ksayati, ciksya, ciksiyatu , cikiyu. etc. the prohibition (of it) becomes

^ 1 1 'i spifoRT IT^- f o j ^UT H ^ r n I 3HirFH[^fHJtsf'T *ITTH | * \ 3TH^HqH ^ f H ? > f o m t II V>.R.W II s 'r ^ r s s R *rt arrpTTHd fo ^ T fo r
hh: 1

r^ ^ r

h i

*3% fclsrttrf: II V9N-^^ II ^ T ^ r s ^ T ^ T I ^ fHFTTfHJ: HTFT T^ ^*T H I YYo ^ tRSTTSit II V9.^.^^ II

437. After the roots kr, sr, bhr, v , stu, dru, sru and ru, when followed by lit (7.2.13). In the case of lit coming after V kr etc. only, (the augment) it is not appended. After others it is appended, even if they are anit . 438. After (a root ending in) a vowel, which is necessarily anit before ts, thal does not take the augment it (7.2.61). (The augment) it is not appended to thal coming after a root which in the original enunciation ends in a vowel and is necessarily anit when follovved by tsi. 439. After that which has an at in the upadea (7.2.62).

(The augment) it is not appended to thal, coming after a root which has an at in the original enunciation and which is necessarily anit when followed by tsi. 440. After Tt, in the opinion of Bhadvja. (7.2.63).

t V rf: < rht

*\

m ft fHmf'Td: ^ s r . i h r w t fRiT F T ^ I f a f a f t r f a f e r M i S7HT tffHrfr w ? att^ H i4 tn g * n fn : arsnnpr te d n re t >nr f a f a < rr* ^ n


k
11

hj

^TFrnsrJ h% \ %dr-

MtHP-T: faftf*? fa$THT fA<H7


^ 3 11

arersr st^t i

v s .v .i^
1

frpfcrr^>nt:

fhnr

V8.^.i i I 31^h1h 3T$tZKT


1

^iiT^iT?r a r f e f a f e rr * R rrt \ trrfr ^ r t i t i

In the opinion of Bhradvja, (Lhe augment) it is not appended to thal coming after a root that is necessarily anit when followed by tsi and ends in rt only. Hence in the case of other roots (it) is appended. ciksayitha, ciksetha, ciksiyathu, ciksiya, ciksya, ciksaya, ciksiyiva, ciksiyima . kset, ksayatu. ksesyati, aksayat, ksayet. : 441. Long, when followed by not krt, and not srvadhtuka . (7.4.25). Long (vowel is substituted) in the place of the base (a root) ending in a vowel, when followed by a pratyaya beginning with y. But not when follovved by krt and srvadhtuka pratyayas. ksyt. 442. When followed by sic, vfddhi, in the parasmaipada. (7.2.1). In the place of a base (a root) ending in ik, vrddhi (is substituted) when followed by sic (and) parasmaipada (ending) . aksaist, aksesyat. "\/ta p = to bum . tapati, tatpa

\ V omitted

**3

ara

H 'HfT
r i l ^ a T H 1 rr^rprar tf-J ^ *tfe 1 1 ^3 >% f r f a f ^ f e I ta$: ^ 5 : l II

tfo V[ 5TT<nRT FTRT I elf 4 TF4 HT^: o o HH I

rT.'T RTT HppT Hfr*T I TcTT H'^TfT TTg aTTCT H'TH T^TTT SRTHHlT \ afTRTIH TF^TT \ > \ I
11

? fa

11

443. In the place of at, standing between two simple consonants, not beginning with a substitute, when followed by lit (6.4.120). In the place of a (short), standing between (two) single consonants, (and) forming part of a base ( aga ), which does not begin with a substitute caused by lit, e is substituted; and elision, in the place of the abhysa, when followed by lit kit. tepatuh, tepu . 444. And when followed by that having it. (6.4.121).

When followed by thal having it, what has been said above, takes place. tepitha, tataptha, te p a th u , tepa, tatdpa, tatapa, tepiva, tepima, tapt, tapsjaii, tapatu, atapat, tapet, ta p y t , atpsit, atptm, atapsyat. Thus ends (the section on) the Parasmaipada ( bhvdi gaa).

^ v [rr< T before

CH ^

i
|| ?.V. 0 \ u

fetf 3Tl*HH<iHi

fd ft

H H 'R T H T II

I H 'H H I

H T ^ U T ff.T T fq r II fe jH I
vtfvs anft fef: II S .R .6 \ II 3RT: TTFT feTHH

r)H ^ I

v v < i n ? r : ^ i i 3 . y .<s o i i fs ft I rrT H 1 l ? t A TTH t h H ^ rrS T H T | I 5 '5 H % 5 ^ ip H c iL d 'c ts : II II ^ r if e r f n^T ^H FT ^ s ^ R r . h h fa fc i


yjedh = to grow. 445. In the place of ti of the tmanepada (endings) of the tit ( lakra), e (3.4.79). In the case of a tit lakra, in the place of the ti of the tmanepada (endings), e is (substituted). edhate. 446. srvadhtuka apit (1.2-4), (is to be considered) as if it had an indicatory n. 447. In the place of t belonging to a nit ( lakra) (7.2.81). In the place of } belonging to nit ( lakras), coming after (a base ending iri) a, iy (is substituted). edhete, edhante. 448. In the place of ths, se (3.4.80). In the case of a tit lakra. edhase, edhethe, edhadhve, edhe, edlivahe, edhmahe . 449. After a (root), beginning with ic and having a long (vowel), except A /Tech (3.1.36). After a root, other than A /rcch , that begins with ic and has a long vowel, m (is appended) when lit follows.

',3T F S T U ^ fToftSHHH>TFT II

II

arrSTfrT g R H 'T R R H R T H f^rtSRTHHT?sr I

i r s r t ^ iTcrH^ra- r & f r tf t i rrnt^frH i r t n w # i r ' * d N ^ f a s t ^ S f T T II ^Rr.TfTT srm #


6 .^ 6

II 5: I t*h|$5% I ir h th i trfhrT

n M ^ sfo e T

HR

ir s r t^ f^ l t R R ^

i tr tr th t

rrfsrHid' trftrrT:: iTfHHrA TrffTmTR I 450. As after (a root) having the pratyaya m, in the case of VAt that is used. (1.3.63). tmanepada (endings) are appended after V kr which is employed after (a base ending in ra), as after the base ( = the root) having m appended to it. 451. In the place of ta and jha of the lit, e and irec (3.4.81). edhmcakre,

edhrhcakre, edhmcakrte, edhmcakrire; edhmcakrthe.

452. In the place of dh, belonging to sdhvam, lu and lit, coming after a base (ending in) i (8.3.78). In the place of dh belonging to idhvam, lu} and lit, coming after a base ending in an i, dh (is substituted). edhmcakrdhve, edhmcakre edhmcakrvahe, edharcakTmahe. edhmbabhva, edhmsa. edhit, edhitrau, edhitra, edhitse, edhitsthe,

\ B2 stra omitted

fa3*H5PPT<jpT

ft ^ II 6 .(.R \ II
TRl H ^ HrfrT: I Hf?JrTS% I Y<\Y ^ t^ T II \9.V.<^ II TTH^ift: H?q- I trfa rr! i 3n ^ : H v * - v n iTr srrtr i srHTH g t rrn T*Tri II II trfgj^r^l irfHH[q-| | trfta r^

trfsr^H t^ a ^ p # | irfgGr t r j ^ c ^ 1 ^ 7 6 % tfg-G^ rrfs-

ith hh i i

H^PBTt T^ZT ^ t T :'1 I PHFC qtH H ^UV3H I 453. And when followed by dh (8.2.25).

Elision of s (takes place) when followed by a pratyaVa beginning with dh. edhitdhve. 454. h, when followed by et (7.4.52),

(is substituted) in the place of s belonging to ts and to y/as. edhithe, edhitsvahe, edhitsmahe, edhisyate, edhisyete, edhisyante, edhisyase, edhisyethe, edhiyadhve, edhisye, edhisymah. 455. m, in the place of et. (3.4.90). In the case of lot, in the place of e, m (is substituted). edhatm, edhetm, edhantm. 456. After s and v, v and am (3.4.91). In the place of e belonging to lot, coming after s and v. edhasva, edhethm, edhadhvam.

^ V tflcT;

q ^ II
i

II

irsrrHf i srre:^^ i gsiH gH ttsrnF^ s rr e ff


i

p ^U

rtR r i i gspH: r ^ n r V \ 6 f a ? : *UZ II ^.V .V o^ || HfM: I tJ'tf trrcrTTH I ST^O r T* II . * . l o \ ||

i prrH i THr: gnTRTH ^ V%o ftsT II . V . \ o \ || fa s fo re ir g ? fN t: 457.


1

0^

gHT trhrFf thhF^ i 3.Y.?ovs


11

11

In the place of et} ai (3.4.93).

Belonging to the uttama (ending) of the lot. edhai, edhvahai, edhdmahai. And t (is prefixed). aidhata, aidhetm, aidhanta , aidhathah, aidhethm, aidhadhvam, aidhe, aidhvahi, aidhmahi . 458. In the case of li, y u t (3.4.102).

Elision of s (takes place). edheta, edheytm} 459. In the place of jh, ran (3.4.105). In the case of li. edheran, ed h eth h , edheythm, edhedhvam. 460. In the place of it, at (3.4.106).

Belonging to the substitute of li. edheya, edhevahi, edhemahi. 461.


sut, in the case of t and th (3.4.107).

fds*m5M>OR

f^ p rt:'

rftpftsr tTfsrsflim^HT

fsnflTH i

trftpft^T : trfsr^hrr^H T I [ trfEPE- ^far^rTHT I 3n*inqtt^rT: II II

I trfg^ftzr trftTH 7f gf?T-

3TH7T?7iHHcr$7 fH^T 3TH l ^ fH W fHCSH ^ irflr^ rr trfhfsr tTfspsqf^ l ^ ft g f^ rT ^ ^ ^fsr^^rr: fa # T P T *

v7 1 % i

In the case of t and th belonging to li, (the augment) sut (is appended). edhisista, edhisiystm, edhisran, edhiisthh, edhisiysthm, edhi^dhvam , edhisya, edhisivahi, edhismahi . aidhista, aidhistm, 462. In the case of the tmanepada endings, not coming after a. (7.1.5). In the place of jh, not coming after a in the tmanepada endings, at (is substituted). aidhisata, aidhisthh, aidhithm , aidhidhvam , aidhisi aidhisvahi, aidhismahi; aidhisyata , aidhisyetm , aidhisyanta, aidhi$yathh} aidhisyethm , aidhisya dhvam, aidhisye, aidhisyvahi, aidhisymahi. y pac = to cook.

\v fa r ft:
^ V 3 V Y V ^ V omitted omitted omitted omitted

II

II
^faT T^TTH I

HIftTrin tTH %T. I H^fT 'T; # I TTT^ T m ? I ^T% I cRHrfH 'T^TTrT I TtfH q W 3 I

STT^T S sn^T I q%H > H^T I T^TT V T ^ f te I 3NT$ftT N 3PHfT : apr^Tr * \ 31H;iTH I

ii

f f a im fird

ii

463.

Initial i , t u and du (1.3.5).

These standing at the beginning of a root are indicatorv. pacati, pacatej papca, pecatu, pecuhy pecitha, papaktha, pece . paktsi, paktse, paksyati, paksyate, pacatu, pacatm, apacat, apacata, pacet, paceta, pacyt, pakssta, apk^t, apakta, apaksyat, apaksyata. Thus ends (the section on) the bhvdi gana . \ V adds cp^; w f% after Tsrfa; and after o V adds tfasj: TTT^T and omits ali forms from ' o upto sn ^ r 3 D Om itted; Bx D from qrq% upto 3TT^T omitted V Golophon found only in B2

3R
^

I
n I 3T% 3TvT: Rf?cT 3[fH 3T?T: ST ^T 3{Rt 3T: 3TH: \ || ^.Y.Yo ||

srfom fnar: 5TT: II

3R>

c I^HTH I
h

tn m sr ^ t'fts sr ^ fgfr

i tren

* V 5 !T % ^ m tT t ^ II d . . ^ o || ^ U f r r ^ t HFT H: I ^ 3TT|: I

3:

5TSJ:I^Pf^T I 3TP STT^i

= to eat. 464. In the place of ap coming after V ad etc. (2.4.72).

elision (is substituted). atti, atta, adamrti, atsi, attha, attha, admi, adva 5 adma 465. When foliowed by lit, optionally (2.4.40). In the place of V ad, ghas (is substituted). jaghsa466. In the case of (the roots) gam, han, jan, khan and ghas, elision, when followed by kit or it ( pratyayas) other than an (6.4.98). In the case of these (roots), elision is (substituted) in the place of the penultimate, when followed by a kit or a it (pratyaya ) , other than an, beginning with a vowel. Then takes place the substitution of car in the place of gh. 467. And in the case of (the roots) s, vas and ghas (8.3.60).

In the place of 5 belonging to these (roots), s (is substituted), when preceded by i or ku. jaksatu , jaksu, jaghasitha, da; datu , du.

\\
3K
sN t;

II

pvr: ?vt fHHfHH; I 3TfeT l 3TrH I 3TWf% I

3TrT T T T O 3V -S 3[TTlT'1 N STCf O I

* % \ g5TFit |f u : II V * - ? t 1 1
3 fe STHT3 tT3 3^1% 3 R R * 3F?TH* I * 3[ tTH3 \ 3T V\3o 3T?: flfan r II V3.^.?oo || 3pds<T^HHrtHT5^rq' ^ i
stt^ t sttitr; str h

srre 3RT: O I

snTH^ STvT^ 3TRH 3T 3THT* I aT ^ JT cT N N 3 ?ITHTH'" > srarr^ * \ srarnH* * s i

468. In the case of the roots ady T and v$ey it ((7.2.66). (The augment) it is necessarily (appended) to thol, coming after the roots ad, T and vye. ditha, att, atsyatiy attuy attt} attm, adantu . 469. In the place of hiy coming after hu and jhal, dhi is

substituted (6.4.101). addhi, attt, attam, atta, adni, advay adma . 470. After V ady (in the opinion) of ali (7.3.100). In the case of an apTkta srvadhtuka, coming after V ady (the augment) at (is appended). daty ttm, dany da, ttamy ttay damy dvay dmay adyty adytmy adyuy adyty adystm. V omitted V omitted 3 V omitted V 9 V omits this; and reads amfaTRT ^ TT^T^TT^: C V omitted \ ^ V V omitted \ V omitted ^ V omitted 3TT5RnRT before \

f?T??TJWTTT II II

?Vi9

VV9?

3 R :i W 3*tTfeflnSffT: || 'TT^r H ^*T5I

^ J T T f^ ^ T 'J J ^ td rt^ T ^ ' spflr * S I 3 J ^* NI s fte


fth

VV9^ sfte: tfTOTg% r n l II V 9 .v .^ II 5t# SRT# I V\3* S tst 471. II ,? .* II

When followed by lu or san, ghas (2.4.37),

(is substituted) in the place of V ad. 472. After V pus etc., V dyut etc, and (root) having indicatory I, when follovved by the parasmaipada (endings). (3.1.55). In the place of cli, coming after V pus etc. of cl.4, after y/dyut etc., and after a root having indicatory , a (is substituted) when followed by parasmaipada (endings). aghasat, ts^at V =n to sleep. 473. In the place of gua (7.4.21). ete , ayte. 474. In the case of V, rut (7.1.6). when followed by srvadhtuka ,

^
jpt | i

i te n i

hh s r r

M - spt ^ N T i
h tr w

f tr a t f iR n # R rR n ^ i ^trtt

H R\ #TfTH3 > I 3TRT 3RPTRTR > 3 R R * I ^nftT H R R R C ^ STlftrHU ' I HpHHtR | 3 R T t e | R fa R H I * \ % s r ^ h 5R*Rhifse: I) . .V o II m : T* fR RtfttERjflsff H 5 sn%: I T P h IfT # fR R |R r f ? |# T sfl% fa r fR R % | ^ r | i f f n l i ta r r i
1

d te n fir'- sften# i ^ t r

I ^tfFT I | R R I^TTH f i R R H R S ^ R R srT In the case of the at, substitute of jha, coming after (the augment) rut (is appended). crate, ese, aythe, edhve, aye, evahe, emahe; iye, iyte, iyire; ayit, ayisyate; etm, aytm, eratam; aeta, aayt?n, aerata; ayta, ayytm, a^ran; ayissta; aayista; aayisyata. V duh to milk.

475. In the place of t or th, coming after jhas, not belonging to \/dh, dh. (8.2.40). In the place of t and th, coming after a jhas, dh (is subs tituted), but not (in the place of the t or th) belonging to V dh. dogdhi , dugdha, duhanti , dhoksi; dugdhe , duhte , duhate, dhukse, duhthe, dhugdhve, duhe, duhmahe; dudoha, dudiihe; dogdh; dhokyati, dhoksyaie; dogdhu, dagdht, dugdhm, duhantu, dugdhi, dugdht, dugdha, dohni; dugdhm , duhtm, duhatm, dhuksva, duhthm, dhugdhvam, dohai, V omitted 3 After this V adds V V omitted ^ B2 From here upto ^ V omitted ^P T T S T T IT Im \ V omitted omitted

V I

? | jT^
3T |^r I IfTTtT

I STsfr^ 3TfTg[-[i 3T|fH I 3Ttsj ST^THTH

f55: T
f%fT ^f: I reftss 1 o *1319 5FJ flTOITCfNT: S Sl II
O

f^ s n ^ 'K 'T rfH -H


II TOT&T: I ^RTSTT O * sI II 19. 3 x 93 H rfe I 3T|tsr 3THSTH I

H: ^ f : R ^ T ^ S :

XV6 ^ T
ITT f *nF ^ T T

dohvahai , dohmahai ; adhok , adugdhm , aduhan , adugdha , aduhlm, aduhata; duhyt, duhila . 476. /? and jzc, when followcd by lrnanepada (endings)
( 1 .2 . 11 ).

The (substitutes of) li and mc, beginning with a jhal and coming after a consonant that comes after an ik, when followed by the tmanepada endings, are (to be considcred) fo. dhukssta. 477. In the place of (e/z), not having z t, (is substituted) fod, when it comes after (a root ending in) a al and has an ik for its penultimate. (3-1.45)ksa is substituted in the place of a eli, not having it, and coming after (a root) which ends in a al and has ik for its penultimate. adhuksat. 478. Elision, optionally, in the case of the (roots), duh, dih, lih and guh, when followed by an tmanepada dental (ending) (7.3.73). In the place of ksa, in the case of these (roots), elision is optionally (substituted) when a dental ta ( ^tmanepada ending) follows. adugdha, adhuksata. % B From here upto 3 c T E T omitted

l\o II V9.^.V9^ II
S^Kd rfe ^ I [ vfcr: \ 3THSTRTTH snrePTT: 3RT[T: n O ^3THHT n O N O N O

a r a s iT e r n r r a -f T H ^ H r fei a r s fte r e r r a h P R ri n O " Nw O ^h Si a \ 3 N O ^ * Na


II ? % 3T5Tf%:* | |

)i6 o 5|^tanf?T : 5H: II ^.*.V9K II W[: I 479. In the place of ksa, when a vowel follows (7.3.72).

In the place of ksa, when followed by a ta ( = tmanepada ending) beginning with a vovvel, elision (is substituted). adhukstm, adhuksata, a d h u ksa th h a d u gdhh adhuksthm, adhugdhvam, a d h u ksi , adhusmahi; adhoksyat} adhoksyata. Thus ends (the section on) the addi gaa.

to sacrifice, to eat. 480. After ^Jhu etc., lu (2.4.75). In the place of ap. I Found in V, B2; B1 has fa a r^ i: |

*\

II

II

srrfrf r: i ^ ftfn rgr: i


*6^ ii v ? A II

^TSSf^ST^T d f^f^r H HH HHfefT 3TTHrrHt T: I


* 6 1 3T?T?TTT II id .t.* || I * 6 * g3*gft II \ . * . 6 ^ II

f
481.

< = fl

SHil

< = H

^iT 3rf% ^#SIT3% I

When followed by lu (6.1.10).

In the place of a root, reduplication takes place. juhoti , juhuta. 482. Both (are designated) abhVasta (6.1.5).

The two (i.e. reduplication) that are enjoined in the reduplication section in the sixth chapter, are both colltctively designated abhyasta. 483. at, coming after abhyasia (7.1.4).

In the place of jha. 484. In the case of V/m and nu, when followed by a srvadhtuka (ending) (6.4-87). In the place of u of y/hu and of (the bases ending in the vikaraa) nu, having more vowels than one and not preceded by a conjunct consonant, ya (is substituted), when followed by a srvadhtuka (ending, beginning with) a vowel. juhvati.

X6\

II 3 . ? . ^ II trvif] fo fc 3TTH [T FTTT I STfA V[ I ^ t -

^ rc

O ^

sdrr ^ srgtr ^rprir hth 1i ^ v . f r o> N O> 3 0 * S^\ D O * \

*<t3 ? 5t% ^ ll V9.3t^ ll f*FTF^Rzr HuftS^TSt Hlf 3 1 ^ W I


ii ? % sr^ te n fe :3
ii

| 3 [ ^ | : ( ^|JTT ^ H 3Tf>-

485. In the case of the roots bhl, h, bhr and hu, like lu also (3.1.39). After these (roots) when followed by lit, m is optionally appended; and vvhen m follovvs, operations as before lu (will be m ade). juhavmcakra, juhva, hot} hosyati, juhotu, juhutt, juhutm. 486. And when followed by jus (7.3.83).

In the place of a base ending in ik, gua (is substituted), vvhen follovved by jus beginning vvith a vovvel. ajuhavu, juhuyt, hyt, ahaust, ahosat. Thus ends (the section on) the juhotydi gaa. * V and D add fH T 5Tf ^ V From here upto 0v5T^ 3 Bj Golophon omitted Zftfa SF^rT omitted

)!6V> f e n f e s m 5*TC (I
HTTmR: I

II

*66
^ ta f T ^

^ II d.^.V9V9 II ^'TRPTRT HTftlRHRr ^ T h : I t^ fH I fe ^ T ^f% TT 3 3R131TH f^HRT ar^ftT 3 T ^ f^ [H I

R^TTH I

ii sf?r fe ? n fe :? ii

Hot o 3[brH^ i

V div = to pln, to desire, to win, to traffic, to shine, to praise, to rejoice, to be mad, to sleep, to love, and to go. 487. After V div etc., yan (3.1.69).

An exception to ap. 488. And when followed by a hal (8.2.77).

In the place of the penultimate ik of a root (ending in) r or v, long (vowel is substituted). (Bvyati) dideva, devit , devisyati, cvyalu, adHvyaty dvyety dwyty adeit, adevi?yat. Similarly (is conjugated). V siv = to sew. Thus ends (the section on) the divdi gaa. V su = to extract (soma juice). % B2 omitted ^ B1? B2j D Golophon not found

>9

*6% n f o r a r : vr. u . * . v s ^ u
i H H tfr h h : Y ^o g H t f a h t : h j g n t f H i H w r: i I g T ? r i g n rn h h i I g ^ T II i ^T H || ^ hhth i ^T H H T g ^ H iH S t t a 5 g T E t F i t r r c ? * r i : II ^ . Y . ? o V3 II a r c n i h r # ! T s r ^ ^ r r ^ r v f t 'r t m

W. vW.
i H t r r h V t (% 3T ^

t ^ 'r
i g n > 5 jrT r j r m

a p frH ^ r T s R irc ttfr g ^T T C g H ^ IH I tp T F R I

489. After V su etc., nu (3.1.73). Exception to ap . snoti, sunuta , sunvanti, snosi, sunutha , sunuiha, sunomi. 490. And elision, in the place of this, optionally, when followed by m or v (6.4.107). In the place of the u, belonging to a pratyaya , not preceded by a conjunct consonant, elision (is substituted) optionally, when follovved by m or v. sunuva , sunva , sunumah , sunm a ; sunuie, sunvte, sunvate, sunuvahe , sunvahe , sunumahe, sunmahe; susva, susuve; sot, sosyati, sosyate; sunotu, sunutt, sunutm, sunvantu. 491. And after a pratyaya , (ending in) zt, not preceded by a conjunct consonant (6.4.106). After the z/ of a pratyaya not preceded by a conjunct consonant, elision (is substituted in the place) of A z. .m/izt, sunutt, sunutam, sunuta, sunavni, sunavva, sunavma; sunutm, sunvtm , sunvatm , sunusva, sunvthm, sunudhvam. % B2 adds after

u 3 - v .^
gnt

ii

JT * n r f i srgH tH a R ^ a n r a r ^ f i ^ ^ :

^ W i *W

m ?? ^ T *

**TF

1 W

srg^nTTH a n j ra 3gH H : 3rg?snnnT a r ^ s n r a ^ f h r 3Tg?^f^ S H H 'ff 3 ] ^ H f ^ I HHHH ^ T T T H I 3 F m R T T T II V M K " 3 P R R T | fir T t ^ i r ^ r : i 5 ^ : 1 ^ t : ^ t r p t h h 3TTr I HH?rrH N O N O ~ N 00 *PRTPT I N N O N O O H^t^TTH N O N H^^reH N O \ I H*TH N O * N

H H > H H U r ^HT H lTH N O N O " \H N O >I

492.

t in the case of the uttama, and pit (3.4.92).

sunavai, sunavvahai, sunavmahai; asunot, asunutm, asunvan, asuno, asunutam, asunuta, asunavam, asunuva, asunva, asunuma, asunma, asunuta, asunvtm, asunvata, asunuthh, asunvthm, asunudhvam, asunvi, asunuvahi, asunvahi, asunu mahi, asunmahi ; sunuyt, sunuytm. 493. When followed by us, after (a or a) not ending a pada . (6.1.95). (in the case of a or ), not coming at the end of a pada, when followed by us, the form of the latter is the single sub stitute (for both). sunu^u, swnuyhy sunuytam, sunuyta, sunuym, sunuyva, sunuyma; sunvta, sumytm, sunviran; suyt, sussta, sufiystm, susiran. I B1 } B2 > D 3TRTf*W omitted

n 1 9 .3 .1 9 3 II fa ^ T ^ Z N I3T H T T rH * NS R f a f f 3T # a R rII f f a ^ T f ? : ' 1 II c oTTH I * V \ 3 ? T f e T : 5T: II V * . V 9V9 II iH 'T L 'T ^ T ? : I f f T 3 ^ 5 fT ? 3 f t f c s T 3 3 t flrT T d ^ f T


O

jR lr i O t ^ tO t \3 r t p t* t ^ t^ a r O g ^ r i O r t rO n t r i ra Si s rO N O T r " \ S T fteftT> I 3TTtT o I S T ftriT s r I R f P lr r I 11 f f t 3 ? r f o ? 11

494. After y jstu, yjsu, V dh% when parasmaipada (endings) follow (7.2.72). In the case of sic, (the augment) it (is appended). asvlt> asosta, asoyat, asosyata. Thus ends (the section on) the divdi gaa. \/tu d = to torment. 495. After V tud etc. a (3.1.77).

Exception to ap . tudati, tudate, tutoda, tuloditha, tutude; tott} totsyati, totsyate; tudatu, tudatm, atudat, atudata, tudet, tudeta, tudyt, tutsista, atautt, atutta, atotsyat, atotsyata. Thus ends (the section on) the tuddi gaa . ^ Golophon found in V only ^ Golophon not found in and D

3Tlpvr |
t

B?thaT ^ F * n i

V^\3 W fe T : 3H*T II ^.?.V9^ II srotsnsrre: i w f e i 9tdl<^>T: ii V M t ? ii ^ tfr s H H t # T : KV: JiV w f o H W<i-W. I W f r f a I ^ 5 : ^ r f % ^ fH ^ ;H!% ^=9% I W T bgn^T ^ 1 5o ^H^TH

^ ^ T Vp% ^ h ;h | ^ ? h | I VTTh ^ W T fT^fT ^TH ^ IH W H lfH ^HTHTH ^SfTH 3TW H s 3[W iR > . I y/rudh = to obstruct.

9VWJ ^ J tJ ^ t ^vrHTH|3 3T^T

496. In the case of ir, the designation it should be stated. 497. After V rudh etc., nam (3.1.78), Exception to ap. ruaddhi. 498. In the case of na and \/as, elision of a (6.4.111). In the case of na and of as, elision (is substituted) in the place of a, when follovved a srvadhtuka ending, having indicatorv k or h. runddha , rundhanti , ruatsi, runddha , runddha, ruadhmi, rundhva rundhma; runddhe, rundhte, rundhate, runtse, rundhthe, runddhve, rundhe, rundhvahe, rundhmahe ; rurodha , rurudhe ; roddh\ rotsyati , rotsyate\ ruaddhu, runddht, runddhm, rundhantu, runddhi, ruadhni , ruriadhva, ruadhma; runddhm, rundhtm, rundhatm, runtsva, ruadhai, ruadhvahai, runadhmahai; aruat, arunddhm, arundhan. \ B2 From upto omitted p Before this V adds 31T3TPI fT ^ 1 o
3 D o m itted

5 5 ^ I) <t.^X9t ||
nR ftt*r 't^ t-h h firPr ^ r f i 3 tw h

m w . 3p&?s*r N
^ rrcf

3 t w i s R fs : a^rrTTH m rm i ^ ^ fle i H<>o f R wr II M - V ii

w r T H ^ sftd i

I m m N3f)H l N 3 ^ 5 a r d ^ H 3Rt?qr 1 t? rf% rr fa r * f% s t e i 1 f e f e rN t s f a ^ v r i r \ D N *fhr 1 HTft: ii f f a w f o 9 ii


hh

499.

o fren^ i And in the place of d (8.2.75).

In the place of d of a root standing at the end of a pada, ru is optionally (substituted), when followed by sip, aruat, arua, arunddham, arunddha, arunddha, arundhtm, arundhata; rundhyt, rundha; rudhyt, rutslsta . 500. In the case of (a root) having indicatory ir, optionallv (3.1.57). In the case of a root, an (is substituted) in the place of cli. arudhat, arautst, aruddha, arotsyat, arotsyata. Similarly ^Jbhid = to break; V chid = to cut, to split; and \/y u j = to join. Thus ends (the section on) the rudhdi gaa. \/tan = to spread. \ D After this B2 adds 3 1 ^ ^ s^SJT I D omitted ^ D omitted \ Bx f: : D No colophon

V?

3: II

II

HTTST^T^: 1 I THTf HHH I R R \ HH ffHHF Hf% R% H fasR I R R HHTTH STRfT 3R H H \ RJTR HRTT I T R R dPl'ktR I SRHIT aRTRtT I II ^.Y.V9^ II RR: 3T *R RTHt: I aTcTT aRfr*? 3R?[T: 3R ft W : 3RfH^TT s 3Rf?PRT I Sfior -\ ^TTOT I ^-dfT I to^ 3frT ^T f lR 9r5 % \\ II SSRZRRTfRt 3R 3 T HRHTH% fT fa I JRH : I
S * 501. After y/tan
etc.

and after \/k r , u (3.1.79).

Exception to ap. tanoti, tanute; tatna, tene; tanit; tani?yati, tanisyate; tanotu, tanutm; atanot, atanuta; tanuyt, tanzta; tanyt, taniista; atarit, atmt. 502. After V tan etc. vvhen follovved by ta and ths (2.4.79).

In the place of sic, coming after V tan etc., elision is optionally (substituted), vvhen follovved by ta or ths. atata, atanista, atathh3 atanisthah; atanisyat, atanisyata. s/ ky to do. karoti. 503. In the place at, ut, when a srvadhtuka follovvs. (6.4.110). In the place of sic, coming after V tan etc., elision is optionally the end, u (short is substituted), vvhen follovved by a srvadhtuka ending, having indicatory k or n. kurutah.
% A fter this V adds <

3T **T

V K

?r tqn

ii

ii

*r ?1 h : II %.)s.\e II

f # fc r i

tot fati '^ r '


\o^

3frd%: sr JP ^ R F T ^ It T * \: l f # : f A : I f # ^T I ^ t : *U II V9.^X9o II ^ r> ST^fTT Sf^T I I

=^R

^ R >5 f W R f

\o\& U t ||
f3T

||
iT R t H W I fsrfT f^ f T I

504. Not in the case of bha, V^T and V char (8.2.79). In the place of the penultimate of bha and of \fk r and A Jchur , a long (vowel) is not (substituted). kurvanti . 505. Necessarily in the case of VA (6.4.108). In the place of the vowel u, belonging to a pratyaya, coming after 's/kr, elision (is substituted) when followed by m or v. kurva , kurm a ; kurute ; cakra, cakartha , cakrva , cakre; krt. 506. After rt and \/han, vvhen followed by jjm (7-2-70) In the case of sya, coming after (a root ending in) r} and after \Jhan, (the augment) it (is appended). karisyati, karisyate, karotu, kurutt, akarot, akuruta. 507. And when followed by y (6.4.109). In the place of u of \ fk r } elision (is substituted), when followed by a pratyaya beginning with y. kuryt, kur vta.
X B2

\o \ 0%
^f: I \? o

* N

O II V S .V '.^ ||

# q f% 3 rc re rd H T j% f n f e ijpsr ii ^ JT f

V(

^ ft

i fw n

\.{.\
3 [ ^ ,# f |

ii 3TlHH'T^TTfH^ ^ ^ f t f ^ t f t : II
h

T fl^ R t

^ t K ^ - l T II s f r r t n E ? i 3 ^

1 3 R [ f o s q r sre rfo s re r i

? * n * rf< ri ^ w h i V T A 3 V M a T rt ^TTH : S g I H F b T tf o 1 I I . f % rH T fe :'1 II

508. RiJ when follovved by a, yak and li (endings). (7.4.28). In the place of r short} ri is substituted, when followed by a. vak and an rdhadhtuka li ending, beginning with y . kriyt. 509. And after r (1.2.12). A li ending, beginning with a jhal and sic, coming after the letter r, are to be considered kit, when followed by tmanepada endings. krsista, akrst. 510. After a short base (8.2.27). In the place of sic, elision (is substituted), when a jhal follows. akrta , akarisyat, akarisyata. 511. When y / k f comes after sam or pari in the sense of decorating (6.1.133). > Iri the case of V-At, coming after these (two, the augment) sut (is appended). sanskaroti. Thus erids (the section on) the tandi gana . . ^
? B D No colophon

N O

w f e t : 5TT II . l . t II i ^ tJfH l
H ?3 f ^ r n t : u V * - H 3

^HT^mtTT i 1 ?TT#rT3% f|fT ^


K ? v g?n*r e w k KT: n v * * ? ? R

I ^ ljftr: I

yjt<r: fTfr i
S *

i #JTTfa #TT^ ^ tiH I

^twt ^twrfH # i# I

ptufta: ^tftq-:? l
\ / k = to buy. 512.

After y jk etc. n (3.1.81).

Exception to ap . kti . 513. } when followed by a consonant, not in the case of ghu (6.4.113). In the place of } belonging to n and abhyasta, l (is substituted), when follovved by a srvadhtuka ending, begin ning with a consonant and having indicatory k or h. kta. 514. In the place of belonging to n (6.4.112). and abhyasla

Elision (is substituted), vvhen follovved by (endings) having indicatory k or . kanti , ksi , ktha , ktha, krrii, kva, klm a; kite, kte, kate, klse, kthe, kdhve, krle, kvahe, khnahe;

? V *
^ Bx D , V o m itted

I i w r w x fo ^oftHTH ^ T H T H

f a f ^ : fa p | fa^ T f^ fa sT | i sp b n g ?bftrnr
^ ^ 5 1

^ b T R \ a^ftuTTH'1

l ^uftJTTH

faftT I vffaTT # t f t e | 3[#Htf 3T#^r I 3T#G[r 3#QTH? I

II ff W f e d II

sreifew b r * ll \ .% o .y > \ ^5?


1

11

^ftTrfH i

cikrya, cikriyatuh, cikriyu, cikretha, cikrayitha; cikriye; kret; kresyati, kres^ate; ktu, ktt, ktm , kantu; ktm , ktm, katm \ akt, akta, kyt} kta, kyty kreslsta; akraist, akresta; akresyat, akresyata. Thus ends (the section on) the krydi gaa . V cur = to steal. 515. After satypa, pa, rpa, vi9 tay slokas sen, loman, tvac, varman, vara, cra . and V cur etc., ic (3.1.25). In the original sense. corayati. \ Bl omitted Ba D V omitted 3 B1 D V No colophon

II fu^rKHH'T?

n I i I

.( T F i l t

^tT^Tn i :# t w ' . i W

^ rw rH

3prt?rT a r s r t o E f - i : i

fc fa fe n v * A ? >i a r f n s i ^ r a n r ^ * N fa : i ^ f r t II

\ \ 6 ftrf?^T: rptfft gr? II


= 5 ^ ^ S i? ^ * f

vf I

% 3T H

ftTH I

t T= T ?
5 ; -; y

516.

And after ic (1.3.74).

After a base ending in ic, tmanepada ending (is appended) to signify that the result pf the action: accrues to the aent. corayate, coraymsa, coraVit3 corayatu, corayatm . acorayat, acorayata, corayet, corayeta.
.

517. In the place of i, when followed by an anit (ending) (6.4.51). In the place of i, elision (is substituted), when followed by an rdhadhtuka ending, not beginning with it. coryt, corayislsta. 518. After i and after V^ri, of the aent, ca (3.1.48). V dru and V sru in the sense

___________________________________________________r,< l'rf?* \ g

In the place of cli, ca (is substituted) in the sense of an aent, when followed by lu , /W hen thus the pbsition. is tior * i a t. ~
r ,, before this. v e * v f;

B1} B2 D omitted ^ B omitted; V adds u^TT

\ \\

ft ft

ti.va.v.$ u r^fhT^TT^rr ^ ^ r : i

Vt

II v t * t t sm Rm rsr^T^FT trepr*:'* .a m r ^ t i *r: i a r s r r e f e f t^ i

^qT , i n 4I'1 nf^r i V *3 h s t : u

HTH iftaPTRft ^H'TifTH H H ^ ^HT FTTT

v.v . v *

ii

SIS; When i, followed by ca} follows, in the place of the penultimate, a short (vowel). (7.4.1). . In the place of the penultimate, of that base, which is followed by i followed by ca, a short vowel is substituted. 520. When followed by ca (6.1.11).

In the place of the first monosyllabic portion of an unreduplicated root, two are substituted. In the case of a root beginning with a vowel, (the substitution takes place) in the place of the secod (portion). S2 1 : Like san, when followed by a short vowel (of a base), follow.ed by a, when there is no elision of ak. (7.4 93), Operation, as when follovved by san, takes place in the /case' of an abhysa follovved by a short vowel, belonging to a base that obtins bfore i followed by ca , if before this i, a (letter from the pratjhra) ak has not been elided. 522. In the place of a short (vowel), a long (vowel). (7.4.94).

t V SPQ TTW

3 T tr f n ^ a N t d r o r \
ii

ssn rtf ii

V*3

SJrf II *.Y.<V* II fw*TT ^ R r ^ o r fa^% < ftsn: i

V*V TmhVt | | 5 ^ II ? .* .V \ II

spftaspt |hh: ip ^ b r ^ i
5 * fa * 1 1 n ra n fir i In the place of a short (vowel) belonging to the abhysa, a long (vowel, is substituted) in a case which is like san . aecurat, accurata, acorayisyat, acorayisyata. Thus ends (the section on) the daagal. 523. Independent, aent (1.4.54). The matter, which is intended to be stated as being in dependent as regards the action, (is designated kartr). 524. And what actuates him (is designated) hetu also (1.4.55). W hat actuates the aent has the designation hetu and also kartr . 525. And in the sense of the hetumat (3.1.26). In the case of a root, the suffix ic (is appended) when the activity of the actuator, (namely) actuating etc., is intended to be expressed. bhvayati = ( bhavantam) prerayati.
9

1 1

snTM tann^ ston^t- * r^ r sr itm i w

ar^Fr

Bi F ro m h ere u p to irtjft:

o m itted

3:

u vs.v.<jo n
:

*rf?r * r ^ H ^ r ^ r ^ T H ^ r : cFtcr Oa^T^r N O tch : i 3rftaqr > i

^T H srw ir^

ii s% |gpw Iqfasrfw , n

uTt:

m n

"

sfo rfa it snnt: ^ fa w ^ f^ t r h h ^t ^ n r r c r i <T3 SJHFTt ^Tfa I I


526. In the place of u, when follovved by pu, ya or j, (themselves) follovved by a. (7.4.80). In the place of u, belonging to the abhysa, forming part of the aga vvhich is follovved by san, i is substituted vvhen follovved by (a letter of the) pavarga, ya} or the letter j, (vvhich themselves are) follovved by the letter a. abbhavat. Thus ends (the section on) the hetumayanta prakriy. 527. After a root, having the same aent as the act (of vvishing), in the sense of vvishing, optionally (3.1.7). After a root, forming the object of V if, and having the same aent as \/is , san is optionally appended, to express the act of vvishing. '\fpath = to recite clearly. it ? B2 v m \z : ^ D, V N o colophon

W *fW I
W

H II Z T ^T F T H ST^HT^T^ I ?H: I 3T5TT^5 feft^T ?*T rT : II V9.Y.va^ II 3TTTH^TTr ^ Hfa \ Hfe^fa^jfT. P refen fa I

f% HI
*R: | o

I II ffT
nw R ^w 1

f% H I ftT: TS^ ff ^ f % II
u
3.

f^PT R nrbt^tt ^ lM I

II

# 1 :^

528. In the case of san and ya (6.1.9). In the case of a base ending in san or in yan, in the place of the first monosyllabic portion, two are substituted. In the case of a root beginning with a vovvel, (this occurs) in the place of the second (portion). 529. When follovved by san, in the place of at (7.4.79). In the place of a of the abhydsa, i short (is substituted), vvhen follovved by san. pathitum icchati = pipathisati. Why say karmaa? (The ansvver may be found in statements like) gamanena icchati. Why say samnakartrkt? (The ansvver may be found in statements like) isyh pathantu iti icchati guru. Thus ends the sannant section. 530. After a monosyllabic root beginning vvith a consonant, in the sense of repetition or intensitv of an act, ya (3.1.22). -When- repetition or-intensity is ta .b e -indicated. D, V No colophon

TSTTHFT I 3H: JHTfTHHH ?[ ^ F h 5 T tW I ii f % nr?m fipuT ii g t s tr* * ? fq W T ?


333

ii

. \ . ii g ^ T ^5 Pt 1

g<it uTMrmfir+til: u ^ v.vs? u ^Hjftv^T^riT g n t vjK \ ^ ii \ s . y . ^ n 3Tpfoq- | | 3TTHH: I^F h ^ F


h

<^v

J ^

F h

II f f a ?n*TUTg5rfw3 II 531. gurta, when followed by ya or luk. (7.4.82), (is substituted) in the place of abhysa. bobhyate means puna punar, atiayena v} bhavati. Thus ends the yaanta section. 532. After a sup, pertaining to oneself, kyac (3.1.8). After a base ending in a {sup) case-ending, and signifying the object of desire, pertaining to the desirer himself, (the suffix) kyac is optionally appended, in the sense of desire. 533.In the place of a sup belonging to a root or to a prti padika (2.4.71). In the place of a sup forming part of these two, elision (is substituted). 534. And when followed by kyac (7.4.33). In the place of the letter a, (is substituted). Thus putyati means tmana putrm icchati. Thus ends the nmadhtu section. \ B D, V No colophon ^ Bx sfnffbr
^ B D, V No colophon

trvifE ^n?fH? c\

HT^Vft fHt c\ S ^ fc I ii

I ^ f T N HT3ff%Wr i

naft n r ia r ftr tf ii ifinf y*TH 3rdft*T: I

f^TlfafHHT lfrq- ^Tffr srRHH'TnT I 5[i%o5HtH I 3H*TFT " < C

II f f a Sii^TTf?:3 II t ^ \9 ^ N + H ult: II ^ zfW R H I II ^.?.^V9 II 535. After kand etc. yak (3.1.27). After these roots, necessarily yak (is appended) in its original sense. V kad = to scratch. kadyati, kadyate etc. 536. In the sense of the aent, vvhen reciprocity of action is to be indicated (1.3.14). When reciprocity of action is to be indicated, in the sense of the aent, tmanepada (endings) are used. vyatilunite, vvhich means: he performs teh act of movving, appropriate for anya (some one else). Thus ends the kadvdi section. 537. In the sense of bhva or karma (1.3.13) In the place of la, tmanepada (is substituted). 538. When follovved by srvadhtuka (endings), yak (3.1.67). II

B2 omitted ^ D omitted 3 B D, V No colophon

trr ft^ tnRufaTfafr h f N t3% i f w i ht ^ m ^ ^ ^ P T ^ T P T ST , ^m TT^TT% ^W ^r C \H I O * s snsnrj^: i r d ^ r ^ r f^ n H fg ^ s rf Hfe | f% 5 t^ T ^ T O t & fa : I ^PTT W C \ I 3 p t^ I

K3V tFnfe^Rfftnffnfttn ? u n ^ w N ,rt5S35PTO^5n nT E rM R i ^ n % x .%r ii 3<T^T ?S^ H^TfTTt ^TKtHT ^ fa n fte rf^ FT 5fT **TTt I m fo j ^ m n p jtTPT^Tmt: i nThnftsprH ^r i
After a root, yak (is appended) when follovved by a srvadh tuka ending expressive of bhva or act. Bhva means act. It is stated by the lakra which has the sense of bhva. It has the prathama purusa (endings) only, owing to the absence of (its) agreement with yusmad and asmad. Nor (can it have) the dual etc. owing to non-applicability of duality etc. (to the kriy ), since the kriy, which is denoted by the tih is not of the nature of a dravya . O n the contrary, it has singular number invariably. tvay may anyai ca bhyate} babhve. S39. When syay sicy iyut, and tsi follow, conveying the sense of bhva or karmay the roots ending in a vowel in upadeay and the roots hany grah and dry are optionally like ciy and take it (6.4.62). In the case of roots ending in a vowel in the upadeay and in the case yjhan ( V grah , and \fd r ) y operation on the ahga occurs optionally as before ciny when follovved by 531*7 etc. and, vvhen bhva or karma are indicated thereby. And in the case of sya etc., the augment it is appended). This it (is

r T2Tfaj I I MfHTH C \ -\ 3 ?TTH C \ HVo f%T 5%: f%oy 3TOfacqT 1 ST^nr^tsfH

jfe: 1 'H f^rr srfaH M ;


C '

f r f p f e V '- ' II H iT i
NH W

J "

II 3*?

:; JA ...; Sf^Tfa ^ iff fH 3 I 3T ^ fW O


.- ".,

F : ,- I STH'HHH* 3TTH*?\> C N
V P -.C N

tF t^ T vPTT H ?TT ^ I 3HT*RH 3R O c\ OW C NH trn C N I ^ H fa - H T H lH* \ af^vrf^HTHTH * \ I :


ii

* ' .

ff?rn^nTO feiny n , a n ff fa^fnr* n

appended) in the alternative, where operation takes place as before ci . Owing to civadbhva, vTddhi (is substituted). bhvitj bhavit, bhi)isyate, bhavi?yate; bhyatms abhyata , bhyeta, bhvislsta, bhavissta . 540. ci, when follovved by ( ta in the sense of) bhva or karman (3.1.66). In the place of cli, ci (is substituted), when followed by the ending ta signifying bhva or karman . abhvi, abhvisyata, abhavisyata. Even an intransitive (root) becomes transitive by the force of a prefix. anubhyate nanda caitrea tvay may ca. anubhyete, anubhyante; tvam anubhyase, aham anubhye; anvabhvistm, anvabhavistm. , ^ Thus ends the bhvakarma section. Thus ends (the section on) the tmanta prakriy. | Bj omitted ^ B2 D omitte i 3 D. V. anif^RT omitted V Bo OC at the end of the sentence N Bj, D, V This colophon not found \ V adds HH'HH after ;f[

s:N ?

$4?tsmrP

snft: II 3-M ? > a n R ftzffe T T T ^ n?f t sr^RH Hft: rn: i c*


^ ^m ^ihsf^tnTR m
3

. \.%)t u

! ' 3f?HT Sri^fH^t 3m^SHir; 5RH T: ' rH K J S T SH H ^ : I ^TfspFTrtsf faHT I V *S fUT:3 II ll 1 , ( ? d - n O ^ t: srr^ fiqw: i $T II II SFH I
541. After a root (3.1.91). The suffixes, vvhich are enjoined (from this stra) upto the end of the third chapter, are to be appended to a root. 542. Optionally, non-similar, other than feminine (3.1.94). n this section dealing with dhtu, a non-similar suffix {forming) an exception, is optionally sublative of the general jfix, excepting the one mentioned in the topic of the feminine gender. 543. krtyas (3.1-95). Suffixes enjoined upto (and excluding) the stra, vultfcau are designated kftya. 544. In the sense of an aent, krt (3.4.67). .; In this position, t V ft: 3 B, Bjj, D 5Tiph?HifiI 3 V adds 5TT?

n u f t u f U U P tn u f : ll . v . i s o ITH u: l

11

\ % u s u ^ n s u p frrc : n
U T ffter ppu^pt ^ u u tv v s

i *tt% , : u te r f5 rc > -

i fsr n a p r ^ h h I ^ rtt

V[ i f%5T = u u h i % H 5 R ^ H h t 3T u * f e u u r i

3 T ^ t u n II 3 * ? * V 9 II % uu i

<\Y< f l f U

II

II

3TRT: | m o : I UU ^ I
545. In those very senses, krtya, kta and khalartha (3.4.70). These (suffixes) are appended (to roots) to signify bhva and karma only. 546. tavyat> tavya and aryar (3.1.96).

After a root, these (suffixes) are appended. edhitavyam , edharyam tvay. When bhva is to be conveyed, singular number and neuter gender is the rule. V ci = to collect. oetavya& cayaniyo v dharmas tvay. 547. After a vowel, yat (3.1.97).

ceyam. 548. , when followed by yat (6.4-65).

(is substituted) in the place of ; (then) gua (is;substituted). deyam . X D ,V ^


^ B2 o m itte d

W W o ^*q*M farf^Tft
*: I

H 1 1 V ? 's0 ll

ll

I HHJ 3 T H fw t I

V \? srm

s r^ it: n
FHT 3[fe

u
f|f T I f^ T : I

5TRT ^ H H R T : 3TF?*r: 3jr: l e o W


^ & t* II

II

m ^ n -dia
<^3

RTH \

s^ ft: $ fu ip n it: l( V 9 .v ^ ll
^3ft: FTTT fafT iHfT ^ I

549.

After the roots i, stu , s, vT, d r and ju s, kyap (3.1.109).

550. In the case of a short (vovvel), when followed by a krt suffix with indicatory p, tak (6.1.70). ityah, stutya. V s = to govern. 551. In the place of s, it, when followed by an or ha l . (6.4.34). In the place of the penultimate of V s, i (short) is (sub stituted), when followed by ah or a consonantal ending having indicatory k or . isya , v rty a , d rtya , ju ? y a . 552. After r and hal, yat (3.1.124). After (a root) ending in the letter r or in a consonant, the suffix yat (is appended). 553. In the place of c and j, ku, when followed by a ghit (suffix) or by yat (7.3.52). In the place of c and ku is substituted, when follovved by a suffix vvith an indicatory gh or by yat.

HITh^RT~d At

\\- facSTUmfa? ff ^T5UH II H I H53JH 1

W
H ^ fW t

II V9.^.??*
u t^ s r h h

h ih t : i

V t t faj TOt II
sftoR T H *I

II

II 3*??33 H
H T ^ f t rn : i fiH ^fr i

|| V9,?*? II
*3: I rf \

554. It must be stated (that kutva takes place) in the case of (a root) which does not take it, when followed by nisth . Hence it does not take place here (that is, in) garjyam. 555. In the place of \Z?nrjy vrddhi (7.2.114). In the place of ik belonging to V m fj, vrddhi is substituted, when follovved by a verbal suffix. mrgya. 556. bhojya in the sense of eatable (7.3.69).

bhogya is different. 557. nvul and trc (3.1.133).

After a root these (suffixes) are appended, in the sense of an aent, according to (the rule) kartari krt. 558. In the place of yu and vu, ana and aka (7.1.1).

In the place of these (suffixcs), when nasal, these are sub stituted. kraka, krt.

W HrT^: H: HifrSTH I \% o Hvd^H3Hr5^T


' e\ >o

u f o r r e : II M
h:

II I <TH : | 3[[fr|%-

THK: sr5 ? rHH I

Hr?H: I * R \ h : vSSpJT: I H f l1 F4TH)'

II i w *r. i

HoifFr fnprfr i r ^ U w r vtJ: i ^ rt* ftesn ii ^H'T'T^TTH o N 1


ii

H ^^-vT lA ^A offT iT !^ ^ ^ l d

f% Trf

HTT^-

559. After V nand etc., \ / grah etc. and ifpac etc., lyu, ini and ac (3.1.134). After \/ncmd etc., (the suffix) lyu (is appended); after V grah etc., ini; and after y pac etc., ac. nandayaii iii nanda na; janrdana , lavaa; grh, sthyy m ant; paca. This is an krtigaa. 560. After mvliavibhuja etc., ka. mahMhra, ku-

mlni vibhujati = miavibhujo ratha. dhrah.

561. Thcre, (the word) standing in the locative (is designated) upapada. (3.1.92). upapada is the designation of a v/ord cxnre.ssivc of the matter such as kumbha etc. which occurs as the significate of the expression harmai etc. which, in rules like karmay a etc., has the locative ending.

^ D , ^ i r a f r i r ^ ; V tfrtTufhzT^

om itted

II II THfn HTT? UTfTW JTTT ^dftfT J TnT: |


<^3

srrits^nT^ wl: u HR: l I

3.^.3

tV* fowq ^ n 3.^x3^ ii


STTTtls^ I \ \\ I

fHCST II ? ? N k II pft facSTHITT ^T: I fttfcT II II fqw I fa^f

TH|-^^HTfr: I STTT H^T I ^ r lT ^ T f^T H I 562.

When the object (is an upapada), a (3.2.1).

When the object is an upapada of a root, the root has the suffix a (appended to it), k u m b h a m karoti iti kumbhakra. 563. After } not having a prefix, ka (3.2.3). goda, kambaladah. 5C4. And kvip (3.2.76),

is seen (appended) to a root. paradhvat . 565. kta and ktavatu (are designated) nisth (1.1.26). These tv/o (suffixes) are designated nisth. 566. nisth (3.2.102), (is appended) to a root, standing in the sense of a m atter of the past. sntam may; stutas tvay visu; vivarh krtavn.
^ Bi> v P r^ r | o m itted

^dflfT W anit

l fsro f ib n ^ . 3 . 3 3
11

\ 'TFT: JRH I frre: V O 13H^r O W


* \

I HR:

fa r R

I ?^T|: I

\
3

3TRu>5rg?m u V

-?

11

2R H R HWRr R : | % f^?f^f|rT 3TR^TT: I H5TT5 t r r ^ T k SRqJTR^ T T : tT I 567. u. After (the roots) k f> v, py ji} mi, svad, sdh, and a,

karoti iti kru. 568. After (a root ending in) } yuks when followed by ci or krt . (7.3.33). vyu; pyu = gudam; jyu = ausadham; mya = pittam ; svdu; sdhu; u=ghram. 569. U etc., diversely (3.3.1)

These suffixes (are appended to roots) in the sense of the present tense, and of a savnj. Some, not enjoined here, also, should be understood (as indicated). In the saThj words, (after finding) the forms of roots, and the suffixes (coming) after them, on the basis of the
3 Blf D stra o m itted

C N

>

tV9o g+j''J'^l fw-T7T f o r u m i JTftT i <V3? wr% u


11

fiPTT^thTFT H 3 * V ? II s tr ^ *r: i $<*i


5

q rfr

$*r

fH^FTFTT'T# 8TRff 71^7 HTfTH^ I 7PP: I W ^ I' TO I


11

operation (that has taken place), the indicatory letter (of the suffix) should be fixed up this is the method as regards the ndi suffixes. 570. (The suffixes) tumun and vid, vvhen an action (performed) for the sake of (another) action (is an upapada ). (3. 3.10). When an action (performed) for the sake of (another) action is an upapada, to a root these two (suffixes) are appended. krsam drastum yati; krsa'tn darako yti. 571. In the sense of bhva (3.3.18).

When the sense of the root, that has reached the State of accomplishment, is to be expressed, after a root, gha is appended. pka. 572. After i, ac (3.3.56).

caya.

B omitted

<^3 ^>T: l ^r: I ^9T:'l

KV8* feWT faH II V V V * II


^ f t f ^ ^ R S t faPT I H oTtS'H H ?: | f l f a : % : I

tvsK UHFTOet:

II l . V . l II STT^Tift: Tift: I ^T l

?ffRT W5T% I fgR H H R H '1 ( ^ T ^ r HdRT ft^T


KV9^ H H T^sH ^^ir *nt ? u y n o.?.^v9 n

573.

After r (short) and u, ap (3.3.57).

kara, yava, lava. 574. In the sense of feminine, ktin (3.3.94).

In the sense of a bhva etc. in the feminine gender, (the sufix) ktin (is appended). (This is an) exception to (the suffix) gha. krti , stuti. 575. (To the root) denoting (an act occurring at) an earlier time, out of the two (acts)that have the same aent. (3.4.21). After a root standing in the sense of the earlier one among the two acts ( dhtvartha) having the same aent, the suflix ktv is appended, in the sense of bhva. bhuktv vrajati, The duality (here) is not obligatory. sntv bhuktv ptv vrajati. 576. In a compound, not having na as the first member, in the place of ktvy lyap (7.1.37).
B om itted

3T5qq-J#q^SH3THH^ 3v t ^ ? H : I H V 9V 9 3 tn ftw * II i} .Y .^ II

5^

( Hf^T I

# T :$ ? q irt# ^ f a T C <\V 9<t fTTq^tU t: II <t.?.Y II aiTTftn^ ^ C HHTT =q ftH fT3^%<J arsapreRRr i ^ t a
hc ^ c

^T H l

fe A FHH I 3 n ^ t W
hi T

=q | H R

HHfT ftpnT I

Tqr qr i C
11

sFr f ^ i n ?

11

In a compound, having an avyaya except na as its first mem ber, in the place of ktv, lyap is substituted. (The augment) tuk (is added). prakrtya . 577. In the sense of re-iteration, amul also. (3.4.22).

When re-iteration is to be indicated, in the place of ktv, amul (is used). And ktv. 578. In the sense of continualness and succession. (8.1.4).

When continualness and succession are intended, the word is reduplicated. bhiksya in the case of tianta words and krdanta avyayas. smran smrai namati ivam, smftv smrtv v. Thus ends (the section on) krdanta .
\ D

-S

( II srtr W

II ) qn?T ll II '

fafnftsfr^: srTfrHf^H^:' I HfPTfcfHSHT# HHTTlTTftm H ^T H I# H SPTHT ^ R f I 3=5#: H tt: ct:. ft: 5HH I *teT I t^F:
\ 6o

I H: $ i \ HH 1 'TfTfTFHT^3 I ?>W> ftff: I


\

z(V: \

h ^ Isr ^

ii ^ .^ .v v 9 ii

579. In the sense of merely the prtipadikrtha, parima, and vacana, p r a t h a m (2.3.46).

linga,

prtipadikrtha is that meaning which is invariablv present. In the sense of mere prtipadikrtha, in the sense of gender etc. in addition, and in the sense of mere number, pratham (is.used). uccai, nicai, krsa, r h , jna?n. In (the sense of) mere gender: tata, tati , tatam; in the sense of mere parima: droo vhi. vacana means s a m k h y (nurber) eka, dvau, bahava. 580. And in the sense of address. (2.3.47).

pratham (is used). he rma.


B 2 omitted
R Bx f ^ T T ^ m T ...............TFnr o m itted

B B 2 V omitted

irj fa r R P T 11 ^ O f : f^ tfT T 3Tc;T Of w ? T H

11 I

\6?, tflfa f s r f tu r ii
3TH # I I y$*qr

u ST^fcT I 3 b r f ^ ^ I

s p r f e s r^ H T I

s f R * W II ? . v . v ^ || f w f i r e t S T f ^ V p P R ^ sfRVT FTTT I

\6X ^ I t i t f c ' i t a l II ^ 3 - K

II 3 T H ^ 1 W T ^THTR ^ f t ^T vSf |

581. That, which is the most desired (object) of the aent, (is designated) karma. (1.4.49). The kraka, which is the most desired object to be obtained by the aent by an act} is designated karma. 582. In the sense of the object, accusative (2.3.2).

When (the object) is not (othervvise) stated. harim bhajati. When, hovvever, the object etc. is (otherwise) stated, nominative (is used). hari sevyate, lakmy sevita. 583. That, which is the most efficient, (is karaa (1.4.42). designated)

T hat {kraka) , vvhich is the most conducive to the accomplishment of an act, is (designated) karaa. 584. In the sense of the aent and of the karaa , instrumental. (2-3.18). When not (othervvise) stated. rmea bena hato vli.

? V f^TH IT:

q>n<iT

1 1
H H fA fT H HTSP?RH?T: I

ii

\6%

II

II

3 TN H # I faSTTC *t <?<nfT I 3

\6V>

SqqHtT R S q r^ F H II STTFTt

l.V.RV

II
c\ > I

I rfHH * s II

STTTST*

R ..^ 6

II

t r m r c F n f a i H T ^fts^^H qrfH

\C%

n c t 5T* II

^ .\o

||

585. That, which one aims at by the object, (is designated) sampradna . (1.4.32). That, whom one intends (to connect) with the object of the act of giving, is designated sampradna . 586. In the sense of sampradna , dative (2.3.13).

When not (otherwise) stated. viprya gm dadti. 587. That, which is firm when there is seperation, is (design ated) apdna (1.4.24). apya means separation. When that is to be accomplished, that which serves as the limit (i.e. the starting point) is apdna. 588. In the sense of apdna, ablative (2.3.28).

grmd yti; dhvatovt patli. 589. Genitive, in the remaining (senses). (2.3.50).

^ r n n ^ T fe cfGjt I TTJf: 55T: I ^H^-TTHfa H ^ H H T ^ Hft HHH I H^HT ^T^ftcT I H^: RTTfr I ^sft
tt#

th: i h ^

I ^ z ftq T f^ I

I T^THt HC H: I f f a II ^ -3 -V \ II l>iffH ^Kft ^Hrfar ^ n ^t i fisrp !%: i


stjth:

\\o

^rf

$wr: i \W sra irc h ftn rc 'ir n ? .tr .v \ n ^fTH RT rfcrcsfanzrr: I esa means the sense such as the ovvner and the ovvned, etc., distinct and separate from the senses conveyed by the krks and the prtipadika. In that (sense), genitive (is used). rja purusah . In the case of karma etc. also, when mere sambandha is intended to be expressed, genitive alone (is used). satm gatam; sarpiso jnte; mtu smarati; edho dakasyopaskarute; bhajc ambho caraayo; phalnm tTpta. 590. In the sense of the aent and the object, vvhen follovved by krt (2.3.65). When connected vvith a krt (formation), in the sense of the aent or the object, genitive is used. kr?V'dsya krti, jagata krt krsa. 591. Substratum (is designated) adhikaraa (1.4.45).

(Substratum) of the action pertaining to the aent or the object, through the aent or the object.

? Ba

KV*

ii

ll

=qT T fT ffr% ^: I 3 fK #fiR T t t w f ^ ' , sbT5r['T^%^T T ^ H T I ^ 3TT?# I FT?^t 3ffT% ^T I I ^ f t I H#fFT^THter I 3FT*T ^

ii ? f a g ^ d : ii

592.

And in the sense of the adhikaraa, the locative (2.3.36).

By the force of ca, after (words) having the senses dra (far off) and antika (near). A substratum is of thrce kinds, namely (actually) contiguous, (figuratively) objective, and coextensive. kate ste, sthlym pacati, mokse icchsti, sarvasminntmsti. vanasya dre antike v. Here ends the (section on) subartha.

$ Bx

( u 3tt * n r m : u ) HHFH: srm^pisreHfhr: i srr^H ^ST5TH PTt TS^IT: i 1 H H fa n TH^rfarHHdrT: o i I H R ^ 'W r ? m H T H t feH: i -:

5TrH : I 3TFT7!' ^'T^srSTHtssirift^r^t fjfhr: | tTTHiftrTTH^^-

?t h 4 : < r c f a f s r : i i

jfr fefsr: H HHsrffaft ^tsr: I \% * m PSTTtT r tc t: n n

Compounds are of five vrieties. That, which has not any pardcular designation, is the first (veriety designated) the kevalasamsa. That, in vvhich, as a general rule, the sense of the first member is prominent, is the second (varietv, designated) the avyaylbhva. That, in vvhich, as a general rule, the sense of the latter member is prominent, is the third (variety, designated) the tatpurusa. karmadhraya is a (sub-)varietv of the talpurusa; and dvigu is a (sub-)variety of the karmadhraya. That, in vvhich, as a general rule, the sense of a vvord other (than those in the compound) is prominent, is the fourth (variety, designated) the bahuvrlhi. That, in vvhich, as a general rule, the sense of both the members is prominent, is the fifth (variety, designated) dvandva. 593. A rule, pertaining to a pada, is samartha (2.1.1).

A rule, vvhich pertains to a pada, should be understood as pertaining to competent (vvords). 594. Prior to kadra, samsa (2.1.3).

( 3.? .^ ) fHbpiTH I

^ rr:

h rt

m m

zm -

KV\ gsT 11 R -% ^ < i g n h t Hf? 3T1 g g r ir g i gqrggT g srifrrfo F ^ g t i 3 m "F g g t W ^ (< v 3 A 3 ) i f g f g ^ n g ^gfggrg: i

?%g* *wrcrt fg g g g v to ? ^ u g rg g f m i gTfrgffgg i

ii f t g

Prior to the rule the topic. 595.

kad r h

karmadhmayes samo-sa is made

With a sup (2.1.4).

A sup is optionally compounded with a sup, Because it is a samsa, (the compound word) becomes a prtipadika; and hence, the case-ending is elided. purvam bhta = bhtaprva. Here (the word bhta) is placed first on the strength of the mention (made by Pini) in the rule bhtaprve carat. 596. With iva, a compound (is form ed), and there non-elision of the case-ending (of the other word). vgarthau iva, vgarthviva. Thus ends (the section on) the kevala compound.
D, V omitted

is

^ Bx ^ -? r B2
V V . D. read rr after

artuftmsr:1 II 3[fsppR: 5H^ ^ < 3HHH

II I

f3^1rnti*il't^Ml^JJs?rsTfiq iqq m *3fttl3RI!II II

fdHdHdlfe'T o ?fT fPTH 1 5rnrrr?rl%cx

^HHHHSEfH H o dR d H ^ fd*T H H W I

sRH^'r fddHHTH: I 3R ^*R f^Tfr d I fdHdft ?X f e arfsr


h h h ii ii

HHlHHird TdnTfdfeeH'TH^dH O * \ CTiT * \ I 597. Avya, )rbhva (2.1.5), forms the topic, prior to tatpurusa. 598. An indeclinable, in the sens es of a vibhakti, sarriipa, samrddhi , vjrddhi, arthbhva, atyaya, asamprati, abdaprdurbhva, peJct, yath, &nupurvya, yaugapadya, sdrya, sampatii , skalya, and anta (2.1.6). An indeclinable standing in the sense of case-ending etc. is invariably compounded with a word having a case-ending. That, vvhich has no dissolution, is (designated) nitya compound. O r that, which has no dissolution with its own members. ( Illustration of an indeclinable) in the sense of a vibhakti : hari hi adhi, when this is the position, 599. That, which is mentioned in the nominative in a com pound, is (designated) upasarjana (1.2.43). In the rule laying down a samsa, that, vvhich is mentioned in the nominative, is (designated) upasarjana . \ B omitted
^ B2, omitted

\0 0

1 1

tfHT# I ^f art: HT^ snfh: l 3t5qtt^TW?^ II 3 t p t *nrr i i II ?Fh srfsrf 1

^Ttnflin^Rits^ ^ n r ^ n n : u r - v . c '< 3r?;rr? aroqzft^i^jH rrt h ^ i h ^ t q ^ r t ) f fa n i 3thtn o O >

SFr* I f ^ F T ?T*ftm<TfOTnT I \o ^ g O q i td i lq g ^ II ^.V.t'd II 3R?^^oZHftHq[H | gqf.OTpr HTfiH upasarjana, first (2.2-30).

600.

In a compound. Hence adhi is placed first. 601. And avyaybhva (2.4.18),

is an indeclinable. Hence the elision of sup . harau iti adhihari. 602. Not after an avyaybhva ending in a; but am, except in the case of the ablative. (2.4-83). After an avyaylbhva ending in a, there is no elision (in the place) of a case-ending; and in the place of it, except that of the ablative, am is substituted. krsasya sampam = upakrsam. 603. In the place of the instrumental and the locative, diversely, (2.4.84). After an avyaybhdva ending in a. upakT^am , upakrsnena, upakrse % D ft ff o ^ Bt fTT3irfyo
3t. 5 T^ I omitted

'O

TRTit HHfe: C N O \o ) fa tr | % e\
hhh ^ h

NI

s r ^ H H Cf e ^ N O \I II .^ o r* 1 1 h i ^h^hh i h 3 T fa 'T T H : 1

11

11

ift dt^rs?: sflsr-TJiff ^ rc

h ft

sn fa r r^ n

^ T : I Hfr^FTHMRt fanfT^H I |ftSfs?*zr 5^T^T:q ^fT ffd I faroft: ^ T T 3 R f ^ w I madrnm duryavanam. samTddhi sumadram.
yavannm

vyrddhi

604. And that which has one fixed vibhakti, except for purva nipta (standing first) (1.2.44). That, which stands in a fixed vibhakti in the dissolution, is (designated) upasarjana. But it is not placed first (in the com pound) . 605. In the case of go and of feminine words, when upasarjana . (1.2.48). A short (vowel) is substituted in the place of a prtipadika , which ends in the word go or a word ending in a feminine suffix, vvhen it is an upasarjana. maksikm abhvo nirma ksikam; himasya a tya ya atihimam; nidr samprati na yujyate atinidram; hariabdasya prak-a itihari; viso pact anuvisu. ? B2 SJTJTfa added before S R 7T 5T : ^ B, B2, D read only; and V also has 31% added by the scribe marginally to be inserted between ^fcf and

JTtnrH STHi'TH I

I ^T^TH^f

HftT H H^H

I ^fenTHfHtHiT

3To3Tl^n% * W .& II .$ .6 o II HfRT H: I | T H |f t ffT 3[H^ H 3T%


1

I ^ 1% 5

I ^#*1 H^FTH H ^ H I

H W H H % I S T ^ m H*HfT: HDT^H I H'iHT HtrfT;H:5iT HH^H s c e. \ 3[fTHn;W HHHH^ h iP h I

%0i$ t% n: II -tf..v^ II HH^HHHH


ccT vEt^IT :

Worthiness, repetition, non-transgression of something, and likeness are the senses of yath. rpasya yogyam anurpam; ariham artham prati pratyartham; aktim anatikramya yathakti. 606. In the case of an avyayibhva , when not in the sense of time (6.3.80). In the place of saha, sa (is substituted). hare sdrya'rh sahari; but when time is to be conveyed, (saha is not changed to sa). sahaprvham. jyesthasynuprvyea iti anujyestham , cakrea yugapat sacakram. sadra sakhyd sasakhi; ksattrm sampatti saksattram; tram apyaparityajya satr^am atti; agnigranthaparyantam adhte sgni. 607. taddhitas (4.1.76), (form) the topic upto the end of the fifth chapter. ? B2 #:HTzft^T F 13

3T5ijhHT% T O sr fT O : n v < M oV 3 u ^
*

HHTHFT:: I T O : HH hH'TTOH I HUfe'TTHH I


o s

3TH5^ IIV **? ^ H a r e R n r o ^ T O R r \ s^r * \ i %\ o ii V M * * ii HTTfiT T O t f a : H%?t I HTTMH s I 3TTTHH * \ I sn a g * e ii i arfsr^Tr: trrn rgsrtt: i II flf ariut TO : II W % n w H N - ^ 3 II I o

008. In the avyaylbhva after arad and other words (5.4.107), tac (is appended) as the end of the compound. arada samlpam upaaradam; prativipam. 609. And after an (5.4.108) After the avyaybhva ending in an, tac (is appended). 610. When followed by a taddhita (suffix), of n (6.4.144). In the place of the t% of the bha ending in n, elision (is sub stituted), when followed bv a taddhita. uparjam; adhytmam. Thus ends (the section on) the avya.ybhva. 611. tatpurusa (2.1.22). (This forms) the topic prior to bahuvhi. 612. And dvigu (2.1.23). (is a variety of) tatpurusa. \ V ^ : irT ^ V p^rflrT: Z

tt?

feftOT fTTTH'T%H*Tn^HSrT'frTq#: II fenfaTR EHifesr^fr#: g ^ d : H 3T

II i f i^ i

5RT: frvrf^TH: I Hft^n H^HT^R HftTFT H fl^TR r^f *PJ?: JiT g^M os: | W
h t ^HP-TT

II

3 ll 3RH V

HrRf

H R n: I II T5 HTRT I ^ H i T : I

<5q*Rr fRT n j a * II lR ft *R"r H H#THT i

613. Accusative, with rita, atlta, patita, gata, atyasta, prpta and panna (2.1.24). A word in the accusative is optionally compounded with the inflected (forms of) rita and other words. kT^a'di rita krsarita. 614. Instrumental, with a word expressive of the gua, which is made by it, and vvith artha. (2.1.30). A word in the instrumental is, as above, (compounded) vvith (a vvord) expressive of the gua, effected by the object conveyed by the vvord vvith the instrumental ending, and vvith (the vvord) artha. ahkulay khada ahkulkhada, dknyenrtho dhnyrthah615. In the sense of the aent and the instrument, vvith krt, diversely (2.1.32). A vvord in the instrumental, expressive of the aent or the instrument, is diversely as before (compounded) vvith (a vvord) ending in a krt suffix. haritrta, nakhanirbhinna.
$ V o m itted

^iJRRRfzT ^ T T HTf^HT 3 R ? fe fa ^ ^ |R R HTRH I f 7 R 3T5 Hq'7R 1 '^ F T STtfafafifRR RT# I ^V9 3T3R fHRHHTOt fe ^ R fe ^ H T %fr fg ^ R R fg^TR: $T: I fosrm? HRfo: I HtffR I i f r ^ H I *T%R I W T II II ^ T RN MiR * \ ^ T tR H* * I %\% **t II II STTR T I TTfT: r iR : T *[ iW I l HHi? H I TRHR I I fg^TR HH: I

616. Dative, with a tadartha (object), and with artha, bali, hita, sukha, and raksita (2.1.36). (A word) in the dative (is compounded) as before with that word which is expressive of what is meant for the matter expressed by the word in the dative, and with artha and other words. ypya dru ypadru. By tadartha (is meant) the relation of the material and its modification only. Hence (this rule does) not (apply) in the case of: randhanya sthll 617. It should be stated that with artha the compound formed is nitya and that it has the gender of the viesya. dvijyyam dvijrtha spa; dvijrth yavgh; dvijrtharh paya ; bhtabali, gohitam , gosukham , goraksitam. 618. Ablative, with bhaya (2.1.37). chort bhayam chorabhayam . 619. Genitive (2.2.8). (is compounded) with an inflected word as before. purusa rjapurusah , rjc

HH.HSrarOiftr

1 1 ^ . $ . Y o II V F H vT sfblT fefir: STF^r ^ I 31^TH N O j \ oV: 3R R fb?: I feflHIHftHJT feATHUr H!HIH SRIsrrf'T f e f h n f e f ^ R ^ r T SRhpRTRl HHTHt ?R: I H f e n f f r ^ H lT T ^ ^ II ife rn f STH^H I
C

II fia^ren HHlH *[[[ H3HFHT

s R 'r ? V( TtrT h h t ^ V( HT^lHF SR: ^-JkT^T3

HsresTR: I O * v

620. Locative, with audas (2.1.40). A word in the locative (is compounded) a5 before with auda and other words. aksesu auda aksaauda . On the strength of the separation (as an independent stra) of (the words) dvitly} trfiy etc. (in the relevant stras ), compounding of accusative and other cases elsewhere (i.e. with other vvords) also should be understood, in deference to usage. 621. When the sense of a taddhita (is to be expressed), when follovved by an additional word, and also when an aggregate is to be expressed (2.1.51). When the sense of a taddhita is in question, and when an additional word follows, and when an aggregate is to be expressed, (words expressive of) direction and number (are com pounded) as before. prvasym lym bhava. In prval, when this compound is formed, the word purv takes the mas culine form, according to the rule that a pronoun assumes the masculine form in ali z/rttis. ? V fltrriRT omitted ^ Bx TnTTTT: 3 D fcr *r*rm: i fr> r v B1 m^ b2

..........-str!

f i r p h r o r a r a T *r. u v .^ .? o o n 3ThH : STHfTRrH N H3TT4 3T * SI rT fe^R ^T H l: II v a .^ .^ v s II

fsrfer fnf% h Hfer w h t ^ > f f e i


uufr T( 1 1 v * .^ II

'TtfHTvJ: I H3R HRT HT ;j q fa fa'T? Tffttfl 1 W 5 ff3^ tlh T rT ^ ftTf5 t ^ 1 1 \ - * . \ R II I

622. After (a compound) having a vvord expressive of direction as a former member not in the sense of samj, a (4.2.107). After it, in the sense of bhava etc., a is appended, of course, not in the sense of a saij . 623. When follovved by iaddhitas, in the place of the first of the vovvels. (7.2.117). When follovved by a taddhita vvith an indicatory or n, in the place of the first among the vovvels (of the base), vfddhi (is substituted). 624. Of i and a, vvhen follovved and (a taddhita) (6.4.148).

paurvala. In a bahuvhi vvith three members, vvith the dissolution, paca gvo dhanai yasya. 625. When an additional vvord comes after a dvandva or a tatpurusa, the compound should be declared to be nitya. 626. After go, except vvhen there is elision of taddhita (5.4.92).

nrstrrr cr^ r* R S R : i

jh

irr HRTHHfr h

r f e r ^ fr \

^V 8 rT^H: HHFTTftRTiT: 7 < h rm t: II TOTrvf fei: II HfeTiSTHH I W f e ^ B W P ^ II ^.V .* II ff^T#: HRT^R i r ^ H RTTf I *T H^rr " s I ^ 3 ? fsrereif fenRur a g ? n ll .l.k'a ll II ^.V.?V9 II II

II

?TH T ^ f e ^ s ^ r r H'THfHT I 'T^^THT R Hm^TT: T ^ -

After a tatpurusa compound ending in go, tac is appended as the ending of the compound; (but) not vvhen there is elision of a taddhita suffix. pacagavadhana. 627. A tatpurusa , having the samc adhikaraa, (is designated) karmadhraya (1.2.42). 628. Having samkhy as the first member, dvigu (2.1.52), (as specified in) taddhitrtha etc. 629. A dvigu , singular (2.4.1). The sense of dvigu, aggregate, is like one. 630. It is neuter (2.4.17).

When samhra is expressed, dvandva and dvigu arie neuter in gender. pacnm gavm samhdra pacagavam. 631. A viesaa, with a viesya, diversely (2.1.57).

^o o

HTfiT'PdTi)M

ft

fp HtTtO 5TH3cT N | HteH7*j O T^H I ^f^ tr^ H T ^ f ^ r fa R H I F^RTT: I ^TiRTOT: | ^ 3RHTfn S R I R ^ H : II ? ,- \ .'\ \ II ? RHT: ^ I t n l TTHt

\ 3 ^ * T trd ^ ^ ftr% T fu w rriir u 3RtffaHT

'jTrHT: HHf HcT | ^ *>=rcrRTfafW5%T


i

ar^JT^t I ^H HTH rT^T?: I ^=f * rR r $hR: I aPTO>W? I iTfnfsRntf f o n i ^#5 ie p t u

A qualifier is diversely (compounded) as before with the qualified, standing in the same case. rlam utpalam nilotpalam. By the force of the word bahulam , at times, (the compound thus formed is) nitya : krsasarpa; at times (it is) not (s o ): rmo jmadagnya. 632. Standards of comparison, with words expressive of the common quality (2.1.55). ghana iva yma ghcmayma. 633. prva, apara, adhara and uttara, with ekadein, when it has eka adhikaraa (2.2.1). W ith (a word expressive of) the whole, prva etc. are compounded, provided that the whole is characterised by numerical unity. This is an exception to the sasth - ( tatpurusa) compound. prvara kyasya prvakyah; aparakya. Why say ekdhikarae? (The answer is to be found in cases like) prva chtrm.

5 5 * aru 3T?jfqcq<jft
1

ii

3 .3 .3

11 1

^ p rfa R H t a n h r ^ t Et^t

h h t^ h i 'm fq ^ q T

55^t 5Ut>Mf^TtHTHTT'tq<4JM5^' II ^Fpfsn: Hf%q: 3TTWfq: I ^ f ^ r o r : I 5 3 5 *r 11 3 . 3 . 5 t t s tt^ h I


550 11

H v M 5tsq: Hod

11 5 . 5 .13 3

II
1 11

*tq
11 5 . 5 .13 5

anrr^nir:

55

<t rc*fresfcr

^HH^FTT d: i HH H ^ F T ^ F H ^ H > I 3RFC I 634. ardha, neuter (2.2.2). The word ardha, expressive of exact half, is always in the neuter. It (is compounded) as before. ardhai pippaly ardhapippaU. G35. In the case of kaprthiva etc., elision of the latter member. kapriya prthiva skaprthiva; devabrhmaa. 636. na (2.2.6), (is compounded) vvith (a vvord ending in) a case-ending. 637. In the case of nay elision of n (6.3.72). In the place of n belonging to na , elision is substituted, vvhen follovved by a latter member. abrhmaa. 638. After it, nut, when follovved by a vovvel. (6.3.73). A latter member beginning vvith a vovvel, coming after na vvith its n elided, has (the augment) nut. anava.

jn fk srra n : u

11

<U Hh Ah fd^T HH?h A l ^fTT: c ]bqr: ^ 5 H : I %So II % . K u ^rfezn'1 ^off oT^-TTH Hf-^fiiT T J 'T - l ^ I V*? ^qrq?nfT? u n I HffHsTT: I Sl'dfH

o ^TtflfT *WTOTT: I ffg: f e [ | H W H W I H fe o5^ 'O *vN \ C \N O -S ( M ? K ) H^HlfH^HlT HJ HdH^T I 639. ku, gati and pra etc. (2.2.18).

HqH? W-HT faiT HHiTH I rfi^H^H HHH: I

These words are invariably compounded with a competent word. kutsita purusa kupurusa. 640. etc., cm and dc, also (1.4.61).

etc.,and formations in cvi and (formations) in dc, when connected with a verb, have the designation gati. krtya, ukkrtya, patapatkrtya; su p u ru sa . 641. An upapada, not (ending in) a tin (2.2.19).

An upapada is invariablv compounded with a competent word; and the compound aoes not end in a tin. kum bharn karoti iti kumbhakrah. Why sav atiri? (The ansvver is to be found in statements like) m bhavn bht. Here m is an upapada, on the strength of its mefition in the locative in the stra, mni lun .
? B2 ;sqff55ZFTT:

5*3

\\ t^Rt FHH I H |

5*5

T T ^ i ^ T : <jfa II 3 .* -3 5 II <Tr??ft
1

'^ f c t ^ ^ t 3 t^ th : i h#-

TJW.
5**

H^TTfT^: I * m rrp WhW


11

fgTHHT I 3[%TFr: I
5*

^ T r s n ^ f S F H ^ || <v*.<^ II 3 ^ ^ H JW H Z% I TFFrST: |

642. In the case of rtri, coming after aha/n, sarva, (a vvord denoting) a part, sarhkhyta and puya, (5.4.87). In the case of rtri coming after these, ac, is appended (as samsnta). By the force of ca, after a numeral, avyaya, etc. (also). 643. rtra, akna and aha, in the masculine (2.4.29).

The dvandva and the tatpurusa (compounds) ending in these are in the masculine only. aha ca rtri ca ahortra; sarvartra, prvartra , sa/rhkhytartra. 644. rtra, preceded by dvirtram; atirtra. 645.
sa m k h y ,

neuter.

After rjan, ahan, and sakhi , tac (5.4.91).

After a tatpurusa ending in these, (the samsnta) tac (is appended). paramarja.

3TFH^r:

1 1

||

JT|RT5f: I R R R R ^ f m I H^TSRITT HpbTfU: I %)S\$ H^TTqTH^^^t5ftH>: II II

3TTH RfT I g^rfn^T ^=T R H 1 srerfrerfa: |

%* <RWfr5^

II ^ . Y . ^ II

^ ^ rc\AT W *T I HZRkRRdff o O c\ o o ? h ) I 3T^f7R?fr I

\) S\ *T.*TTR n $ n r II

H| q= qff i srif: ^hhrh i


II H gW II

646. in the place of mahat, when a word in the same case and (the suffix) jtlyar follows (6.3.45). mahrja. The suffix jtyar is mahprakra mahjtya. 647.
sa m k h y ,

expressive

of prakra;

In the place of dvi and astan, when followed by a not bahuvhi, not alti. (6.3.46),

t is substituted. dvyadhik daa dvdaa; astvimati. 648. The gender of dvandva and tatpurusa, like (that of) the latter member. (2.4.26). kukkutamayuryau ime, maykukkutau imau; ardhapippali. 649. In (the case of) general application, neuter gender (is used). mrdu pacati, prta kamaniyam. Thus ends (the section on) the tatpurusa compound.

^ to 3T^^U7?TS5f II

II
C \ s : i

3TH^ 5TTHr HfF^'HPU ^HHTH 3T HH^TcT H srp flff: |


s t r p t^ O

*( tr r- f t^ ^ rr h t t t : i g ^ r t s ^ i s " T RNi s

H ^ d k d T Wl<[ | r m ^ t ?>E: I V *t ?^ p fl% 5 b r ^ stgsfr^ u R-R-i'*, ii ^ R T fW T'J[ ^ ^gfrgt

HIK: 1

rHTH I

% \R g ^ a t r T Wr{* T: HSTilHH II % J .6 II fPRTT 3R7.=rH W R T r 3T-7^ | <><J5TP~: | 3T HJ Wrt^TH sqrftRTW t* srpT fs: I 650. More than one, in the sense of a diferent padrtha. (2.2.24) bahuvhi is that compound in vvhich more vvords than one, standing in the nominative and signifying together a matter other than vvhat is conveyed by these vvords, are optionally com pounded. prptam udakarn yam prptodako grma; upahrtapa rudra; uddhrtaudan sthl; pltmbaro hari; vrapuruso grma. 6 51t Locative and an epithet, in bahuvhi (2.2.35). A vvord in the locative and a qualifying vvord is placed first in a bahuvhi compound. 652. After a vvord ending in a consonant or in a, in the place of locative, non-elision, in the case of a samj (6.3.8). After a vvord ending in a consonant or ending in a, there is non-elision of the locative (ending). kathekla; from this very stra as jfraka, vyadhikaraa (type of) bahuvhi (is inferrcd). B1 q ^ T q r
^ V from here u p to szrfp"^ufq^Y om itted

B1 ^Jrsrgftf^;

n ^ rfa n ^ R H ? fsraTf* II
-o v

*nTHTfersfR*r f?3rom<jT<T3RRo

< i
c\

S^frT^TT 3^*TRT V,V( PTRraFT I 3 d w f e H f%H I ^HiftftTT: I \\* s rp il^ ^ r^ T f n <

T tjm t HHTHlfH^rt ? I H 5 5 ^ R t* fsPTRd H I f ^ H : I

653. In the place of a fem. word not ending in (the fem. suffix) , and having the same sense as the (corresponding) masculine form, the corresponding masculine form (is substituted) when followed by a feminine word in juxtaposition, excepting an ordial or (a vvord of) the priydi class- (6-3.33). In the place of a word expressive of a female, which convevs the samc sense as the corresponding masculine form, and which has not (the fem. suffix) (appended to it), is substituted the corresponding masculine form, when a feminine vvord in juxtaposition follovvs. Not, hovvever, vvhen follovved by a fem. ordinal, or a vvord of the priydi class. citraga, rpavadbhrya. Why say apriydisu ? The ansvver may be found in compounds like) kalypriya. 654. In a bahuvrihi compound, after sakthi and aksi denoting a part of the body, sac (5.4.113). After a bahuvhi compound ending in the vvords sakthi or aksi expressive of a part of the bodv, (the samsnta) sac (is appended). Bt omitted B2 adds V B2
3

after this

H RTH 5rqT'ST*r
U: S R I T R II II

^ o1 3

3HfeftH * \ I 3 ) W R : I fHrHT N ? * :s r fk r:
II

'n

I sT T T T T Ssfr |

II

s R C \R R I fs!H H fW : I
W 5TTTf:^l'n l II

^HTHrHFcrrT q - fn |: q?q m i r r h r : tt^ tw t: i

II ffT

II

655.

s} of a pratyaya (1.3.6).

The initial (s) is indicatorv. d r g h a s a k t h a . Here ns is appended because the pratyaya has an indicatory s. v m k s i. 356. After tras etc., kap (5.4.151).

vydhoraska; priyasarpiska. 657. After the remaining, optionally (5.4.154).

After a bahuvhi compound, for which no samsnta has been laid dov/n, (the fjratyaya) kap is optionallv appended. mahyaaska , m a h y a h . Thus ends (the section on) the bahuvhi compound.

fffj: II

II

31H^ fSFH H R ^TTH TH 3T s *fcr^rat*rcnTTTTT^rT*rf: i f a e ^ S T F R ^ t^^rfTO^RT: 3FJn:iT


a hh

HS^ST: I re ^ s n r ^fr q T m I f W H ? HT HFHH ?fcT I

I 3FTifftgTiTfcr n HHtHT H I fa fo rR rH R R ?rlrrdhr: i H fH H bRR H i

snrerR 'd' f e f n r tfH f: HHT^T: I \\%

< N ^ d T f? n <TTR R -'R 'H II ITH p s p f R f TT rJTH i ^ R R t ttrt


tr r r

: I

658.

In the sense of ca, dvandva (2.2.29).

More inflected words than one, signifying the sense of ca, are optionally compounded; and that is (designated) dvandva . Community of reference, collateralness of reference, mutual conjunction, and aggregate are the senses of ca. Of these, samuccaya means common syntactical connection of more than one mutually independent words with one word, (as in) izvaram g u r u m ca bhaja. O n the other hand, when one of the two (words, thus connected) is incidental (as in) bhiksm ata grh cnaya, it is anvcaya. Of these, no compound is formed, owing to absence of smarthya (competence). Itaretarayoga is the contact of words together, (as in) dhava khadirau chinddhi; while samhra is aggregate, (as in) samjparibhsam. 659. In rjadanta etc., later (2.2.31). In these compounds, that member, vvhich should ordinarily be placed first, is (placed) aftervvards. dantnm r j rjadanta .
I B2

fa II

||

T? rTTH I ^fT^Td I 3T5TlR?m II ^ . 3 3 II


f i

snfagnnTtfMr n ^.v.^ n igf hg I TTfaT'TRH | Tiref^PTFlfofHT | ^fspf>TI

^^FnT ll V *M ^ I* ^^^TIH ^ H T ^ 5-T T T ^ ^IT HHT^l^ I ^ P ^ I I I I ^ft<THFT I fhH I HR^Rdd I II fft 5^: U
660. In a dvandva, ghi (2.2.32). is placed earlier; hariharau . 631. A word beginning with a vowel and ending in (2.2.33). sakrsau.

tt?

at

662. And dvandva of parts of prin, trya and sen (2.4.2). dvandva formed of these is like unity (aggregate). pipdam; mrdagikapavikam; rathikvroham. 633. After a dvandva ending in cu, d, s and h, when aggregate is intended to be expressed (5.4.106). After a dvandva ending in a letter of the cavarga, or in dy s, or h, the samsnta tac is appended, when aggregate is intended to be conveyed. vktvacam, tvaksrajam, sam^drsadam, vktvisam, chatropnaham. Why say samhre? (The answer is to be found in cases like) prvrtaradau. Thus ends (the section on) the dvandva compound. \ B x omitted; B 2 V

tv *

n \.)g.\a)e \\
n rrc rc ir s h h i t t s h t t ^ ^ : i

*t h : h ^ t T F t

H I 3 n H : I f a ^ J f O T I f^H ^T 'T HT: I TT^fHTH I

3f

3TSTH: I

3SH: 3RT: I HlW-T: I c. C \

W. I
H

\% \

n 3 * ^

1 1

^ H F t I h q ^ n : HHTHHTT H rH : | JJT R T 3?fTTRT

\\\

a rfa n tri* 'THTT'jf: I

1 1

664. In the case of re, pur, ap, dhur, and pathin , 0, except when {dhur) signifies tf&sa. (5.4.74). In the case of a compound, having rc, etc. at the end, (the samdsnta) a is appended as the final portion. But not in the case of a compound ending in dhur which pertains to aksa. ardharca, visupuram, vimaldparn sara, rjadhuram. When pertaining to aksa, however, aksadhh, drdhadhh aksa . sakhipatha, ramyapatho dea. 665. Not after (words conveying) praise (5.4.69).

The endings of compounds {samdsnta) are not appended after (these words), when they stand after words conveying praise. surdjdy atirdj. 666. After su and ati only. paramardja .

ite T re tfa usftafo ei; n w ? < ^ u

f w : <l
T% <?

P c t t E t p h t t h t hC Ih i \ f n f t TOTfaqWr 1

HStHT ^UTf^f^#Wd^TTH 'THT^T.H II ^ T l f c II II ? % SUTOFTStSUT:3 II

ii fft

667.

prsodara etc. as actually mentioned (6-3.108). in

(These) are to be considered correct in the very form vvhich they have been uttered by sistas (the elite).

Through the augmentation of a letter is established harrisa; simha, through the transposition of letters; g d h o tm d , through the modification of a letter; and through the disappearance of a letter, prsodara; and so on. Thus ends (the section on) samdsnta suffixes. Thus ends (the section on) compounds.
^ ^ ^ V B1# B2) D omitted V adds after this; Bx, B2, D add Blf D No colophon; V omitted Found only in V

( II 3T T a f e u : II )
%% HHrhn HTHT^T II v . ? . ^ 5IT ^H u

^TRT I

% \ \ Sn^bUSUT II X . \ . 6 II tefr SIT^ 3[tir 3Tfafo3Fl I

nr?t-.HftqW4H o I fc A ^ R fe a n fe^ : I nr^T'TR:1 l V9? ?gUTft*ftS^T^ II V . - II after: l

I s rf e e R T f c ^ ^

6 6 8 . Optionally after the first among the competent words. (4.1.82). Here a topic is commenced (to continue) upto prgdia. 669. Prior to dvyat, a (4.1.83). Upto (excluding) the stra, tena dvyati, the suffix a is made a topic. 670. Afetr diti, aditi, ditya and (a compound) pati as the latter member, ya (4.1.85). To convey ali the senses upto divyati. diter ditya; aditer dityasya v ditva; prjpatya. 671. After utsa etc. a (4.1.86). having apatydi

autsah

B, V omitted ^ V From here upto fspf^f ^ || omitted

W i V ? f^P ^ n

Q3T ^ i

f f o tC || \ 9 . . \ \ 6 II 'sRTO TT^t f f e : l W ^ t r m f e r ^ u?f n ftTTiTTfe * \I l

*V9^ HqrTmT II 'K.\.%R II H^^TTT fTTH-H: 3T *T: o I 672. In the case of bahis, there occurs elision of its ti and ya (is appended). bhya; 673. And kak (is also appended). ^ H T i T ^ STMT

674. And v/hcn followed by what has an indicatory k (7.2.118). z/rddhi is (substituted) in the place of the vowel that is the first among the vowels. bffika. 675. After go, vvhen follovved by a suffix beginning vvith a vovvel, yat. gor apatydi gavyam 676. Off-spring thereof (4.1.92). After a vvord in the genitive, that is competent and has formed its connection, in the sense of apatya, the suffixes stated and to be stated are optionally appended. \ Before this V adds Tfet^^TiTT^: ^ Instead of cRpf: V reads

I *TW*T \

^vsv9 3Ttmr: ii

n
TPT T O f e J I H TH dT'TifH l'H R : I ?*I: I

\ l s artrt q b ts H r

11

3TqJT^H U^rfoTi1 qW rf^ h i ^ h i t jtih \

%*%

t l

ii v . ? . ^

ii

H # r qrsr 5TT=T: rTH I H H if T n f H n ^ H 3 T O : I

n ^ r N 11 *.?.?<* n
HT^TTq- I
tt-T^JT

HT^PT cT

ittht : i

arTn: I

677.

In the place of u, gua (6.4.146).

In the place of a bha ending in the vowel us gua (is substituted), when followed by a taddhita suffix. upagor apatyam aupagava . daitya . 678. Posterity beginning with a sons son (is designated) gotra (4.1.162). Grandson etc., that is intended to be spoken of as being posterity, is designated gotra . 679. One, in the sense of gotra (4.1.93).

In the sense of gotra, only onesuffix is appended. upagor gotrpatyam aupagava . 680. After garga etc., y a (4.1.105). In the sense of gotrpatya. gargasya gotrpatyam grgya; vtsya .
? B jl

trts c rs ti^ * JToToh?^ II II

ifH HH H^FHd'^'RT H ^ ^ r n t t p f f c f 5 ! ^% ^TfA I H 3 f W H l HHT: I VH: 1 ^ sfarfa g reti u ^ r ii * .? .? * , 3 n f A ^ ^ t sfcrfH < ?filr^q # ^ r f e
h h i
h?

JjJrcbrra

^ 6 $ H > ^ raR tf^ ru w II Y .?.V * 25RTH H C N jr^rcrerr o 681.


1

11

Ht^SRiTJTH^^

HH^:

^TT * \ I f^T*TT H O H

In the place of ya and a also (2.4.64).

In the place of ya and a, forming part of ya and a formations in the sense of gotra , elision is substituted, when the word takes the plural. Not, however, in the feminine. gargh, vatsoh. 682. If a descendant is alive, (the designation is) (4.1.163). yuvan

When one in a line of descent, father etc., is alive, the descendant of the grandson etc., from the fourth onwards, is designated yuvan only. 683. In the sense of yuvan, other than feminine, gotra (only) (4.1.94). after

In the sense of yuvan apatya , the suffix is appended to a base ending in the gotra suffix only. In the feminine, however, the designation yuvan is not available.

%)t n f a n ita r u *??< > ? n H l# ft lf^TofT RfTRT N I


u

%6\ 3rran<frftfln: p s ^ s ^ r s t ^ R h r m ii St^T^: W T 3H3TH $FT rn : i


ir ^ t

^ z [ fn ^ T
tstrut:

fJT i

H3Tcrq nim fm : i ^T ^R H A i II

%&% 3m fo II 'Th ?fer: I \6 l3 II

n^fa: l aftstfa: l a fm v fm d i 684. After y a and m also (4.1.101).

The suffix phak is appended to the base ending in ya or i, which are appended in the sense of gotra, 685. In the place of ph, dh, kh, ch, and gh, at the beginning of a suffix, yan, ey, ln, ly and iy (7.1.2). In the place of ph at the beginning of a suffix, ayan (is substituted); in the place of dh, ey; in the place of kh, in; in the place of ch, iy; and in the place of gh, iy. gargasya yuvpatya'i grgyyaa. vtsyyana; dksyaa. 686. After vvords ending in a, i (4.1.95).

In the sense of apatya. dksih. 687. After bhu etc. (4.1.96).

bahavi, audulomi, audulom.


B2 o m itted

^ B2 o m itted

\CC

3SRnT> n*Etar: II
n|r?t3itscrrT<?: i g f f tm : i

\ 6 \ fi^TfeSUT ii ~ ti.\.\\ \ II 3q# i Rr^TT'# # r : i 5?P II K . ^ i o ||


? )3r w

;% t:

# h^ h :

% \\ lTOt^ t t l ? II W h

II u
h
19. 3 . 3

q?T?m ri w f ffe : i %fxT ^ t

u i

't^TfTRJf n n m r t ' m n W T ^HT^HHd ?T: I

H m rt ^ f f

63C. In the place of loman, in the plural, when followed by the apatya suffixes, substitution of a should be stated. This is an exception to the suffix m to be appended after bdhu etc. udulomh . 689. After iva etc., a (4.1.112). In the sense of apatya. ivasya apatyam aiva. 690. After feminine (bases), dhak (4.1.120).

After bases ending in feminine suffixes. vainateya. 691. (He) studies it, knows it (4.2.59).

692. Not after 3/ or v at the end of a pada , but before them, aic (7.3.3). In the place of the vowel coming after y or v at the end of a pada, vrddhi is not (substituted). But prior to them, respectively ai and au (augments) are attached. vydkaraam adhte vetti vd vaiydkaraah.

HrfA^ I'd ^T H tt ^ T H T T tT II S.R.l II sFHtH TdT fdHHTH N I *n*a ^


rtt

n v .^ v

ii

vij ?^h 3th it?? W

i tih ^ h h i

d n *tstt: n V ^ . x % u TJTbJH STT tlHST: A \J H ^ 1 H A 1


r ot r

* w ii v .^ A 3 n *HT: I
ii

^ fe u R R m T fe s ?

?.?.V9^ n
c

HH^HT^RT H R sn fe^ fe: T? C C N 693. Dyed by it, after rga (4.2.1). kasdyea raktam ksyam.

RTT > I

694. It is the deity therof (4.2.24). indro devat asya aindram havi; pupatam. 695. Prepared, food (4.2.16). (Grains prepared in frying

bhrstresu sarhskrt bhakh pans) bhrstrh. 696. There abiding (4.3.53). srughne bhava sraughna.

697. Vrddha is that (w ord), first among whose vowels is vrddhi (1.1.73). T hat group of letters, the first among whose vowels is vrddhi, has the designation vrddha.

\ B2 ft vjftf:

&TZ: II

>

STHSPi TR-: ^TiofliT: I %%% f n f ^ il r t u fo zn r i i * \ * \ vaoo


r Jt TW(I^

II V -V V e H ^nr ^usfH i * \ * N
11

V 9o \ 3T65T*n%: 33T V3o^ II \9.^.tO ll

H^JTTl: I 3THH ST^H STTSJTfH^H I vso^ s tn u ^ n tR ln f v u v s . ^ o sflfHfHT


h

H W Pp5rfe: f3T% M e r ffT H I a n fa tf^ F H^ I 3]Tfac


1

I 'T R o tlf ^ H I

698. After vrddha cha (4.2.114). lym bhava lyah. 699. After di etc., yat (4.3.54). diyam, vargyam. 700. And after a limb of the body (4.3.55). dantyam, kaV'thyam. 701. After adhytma etc. the suffix tha is desired. 702. In the place of tha, ika (7.3.50), (forming) the beginning of a suffix. adhytmam bhavam dhytmikam. 703. And in the case of anuatika, etc. (7.3.20). vrddhi of both the padas (occurs), when followed a suffix having indicatorv , } or k. dhidaivikam, dhibliautikam , aihalaukikam, pralaukikam .
\ V d ro p p e d

V 9 oY ifNRhT n y ^ x \

n
\

H tf^ lT ls e (q ^ r fT Tp^H | T ^ r R I \3 o \ ?5 a r : II -li.)s.%6 ll

HTH HH: HTHH: I 3fi=q: \ ^hojt: \ HTT: I


V9o^ fc ^f fa>UT ^fd : II *v?*? ?K II

TT^Pfa ^i ^rH iRT 3ttflH I


vaovs rcn ii < v ? - m ii

rfim wr?: I H*rk: jfl^H IT T HI idaC rU*d


\9o^
hhrt

I dWT
g trc r^ e n s n T O n
N3

I
h

SRT'JPRT

^ R H *\ 3^HnHT * \ I

704. After go and payas, yat (4.3.158). gor vikro'vayavo v gavyam; payasyam. 705. Adept therein (4.3.98). smasu sdhu smanya; agrya, karmaya} araya. 706. Similar to that, if action, vati (5.1.115). brhmanena ialyarh brhmaavat adhte. 707. The State thereof, tva and tai (5.1.119). bhva is the specification in the knowledge arising from the prakfti. gor bhva gotvam, got. 708. The formation ending in tva is neuter; that ending in tai is feminine. 709. In the sense of prama, dvayasac, daghnac and mtrac (5.2.37). ru pramam asya rudvayasam> rudaghnam, rumtram.

v9?o

*< t

ii v

^ .v *

in^sfHTffHr * \ 3T n fo r m ^ T Hs i V3H 3 ^ II U , 5P: 5czrRf< t I ^ m ^ rrs ^ : l > W n 11 ffe a rrts s s rts ^ T : i 3TUU^HT^TTH?i^ S T T 3P Ei II v ^ t II | ?fl^n: I H3% I V9?V ST5nf?VU5^ || V * - ^ U
3T0T i ^ m i
st*t stt?t: i

t^ r: i * ra ? r:

II

r T f e m : II

710. In the sense, it belongs thereto, or it is therein, matup. (5.2.94). gvo'sjsmin v santi gomn . 711. In the sense of unknown. (5.3.73). (The suffix) ka is appended. kasyyam auovaka. 712. In the sense of contemptible (5.3.74). kutsitovovaka. 713. In the case of avyayas and pronouns, akac, prior to tu (5.3.71). uccakai , rficakai, sarvake. And after praja etc. (5.4.38). a (is appended). In the original sense. p ra j a eva prja. daivata, bndhava. Thus ends (the section on) the taddhita.
Bx o m itted
^ B, B ? f;

714.

( II 3TT ^JTrtTlTT: II )

hU

^c t t c t N snfrrfe^r N

r i HTHrt i " S fer o pS Hft I I

\9 ^ HZZ N

fe^5PT5TfU?T3rrH^HT5[yt5PT5^5^>^^iT: || V . ^ ^ 1 1 3THTH^H IRT Hd?H H^ft I ' t t t*\ ift I H t w f t I ^ ^ q r r*\ n j t \ fer 3W I 3ft*ft I
11

V 9?0 H*U5* II V . 3 .^ 0 II 3 ^ H l S^HTvfr I


11

\3 \ m

*.?.*< :

SHHfHr 'TH H TiT f ^ l

HHH Hft s f a I Hl'T^ ' 1

sfl- HT'ft 1 715. After what has indicatory uk (4.1.6). After a crude word ending in a suffix having indicatory uk, the suffix p (is appended) in the sense of the feminine. goma. 716. After tit, dha, a, a} dvayasac, daghanac, mtrac, tayap, thak, th a , ka and kvarap. (4.1.15). The suffix p is appended to a base ending in a, which ends a tit suffix etc., which is not an upasarjana. kuruca, nadat nad, devt dev, saupareyi, indrasyeyam aind. 717. This belongs to it (4.3.120). In this sense, a (is appendend). auts, rudvayas, w udaghanl, rumt. 718. In the case of a name got through contact with the male (4.1.48). The suffix p is appended to the designation of a male, vvhich applies to a female through her contact vvith the male. gopasya st gopi.
? B2

^irfT ^
1 3^0

11

ht

i ^

hrt

ftn r i
11

$irfT*init: 3 V( ^TT = H
^ 1 T^T I

V8^t 3^5T: 1 1 Y . * . t t II
3

HHF^TTH rHH^T5TTRf lfHH: f^tTTH o > 3 ^" I H ffnfe^srrfrrfc^ T r i

t t ^ t fe^ ^ rfrssirrf'T v v i

W' W 719.

5^5TT^!^rTT^Tr^t'T^ II =^r?^ C \ * s i snr: o i After srya, cpy in the sense of devat.

sryasya st devat sry. Why say devatym? 720. In the case of srya and agastya, when followed by the suffix cha or by y elision of y takes place. s kunfi. 721. After ut, (4.1.66).

The suffix is appended to a word expressive of a human being, ending in u and not having y for the penultimate. When a prtipadika is stated (in a stra), the base, characterised by a suffix indicating gender, is also understood. By this rule the case-endings su etc. become applicable (to these feminine formations) owing to their being prtipadika . kur, 722. In the case of vaura, elision of u and a. By the force of ca, the suffix (is appended to it). parh.

U?fT: II V.?X3\9 II f ^ r m r* \ zr^fr: o


1

II

^ S S U T : II

fTT o

H t ^ r r ^ S ^ i T H T H H ^ ft fv f II

723.

After y u v m , ti (4.1.77).

In the sense of the feminine. yuvati. Thus ends (the section on) the stpratyayas. By Varadarja, son of the son of Durg, has been composed the Srasiddhntkaumud, for introduction into the knowledge of the Veda. (By him) has been composed (the Srasiddhntakaum ud) comprising seven and a half hundred (rules) for introduction into ali stras. ? Blf D <*rsft ^ V ^THF^ 3 B3 The whole stanza omitted

II f f a

H H F H T ? II

Thus ends the Sasiddhantakaumudl composed by V aradarja Bhatta.

>

b 2, d

.v Tr^fafe^cr?0
D HHTfcFTH-HTH

y B

The scribes colophons in the MSS. are as follovvs: B vzrcSJT R T fruifTST


HTtHRHIPSH fa'Hf'HT

5T H 1H T H TH H rH T : fafaT
jfp < T 3 H T 'Rt'VRTdJT I

5T M RiJ I ITRH 3??R


5T5H5T5 Vl *HT ?T < 7 T H ^HcT I I B2 : H'-TH^T e > V HTd \ CV \

^ fafafT HH I

5 7V H Hff 3VqTn^ I 5TH

D:
V:

sRHj

THTHK: I

frfef^Hra^H^iTri H *r: 5T % V-slR HHCTRHHHRH^ rf^Ht?

%*7R ^H H TH H T VJilVT a'h ^TrA 3RT ^RT^Ptf 3?R ^IRTT: ^Tsf 'RRT V I 5PT H^5 II MT^T^Vfddifd' I F 15

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NOTS V aradarja: a disciple of Bhattoji Dksita, the famous author of SK , is responsible for three abridgements of S K the Madhya-, the Laghu-, and the Sra- Siddhntakaumudi. The Sra-SK is the shortest abridgement, obviously containing the quintescence of SK and is sure to serve even today the purpose, for which it was designed. munitrayam : Pini, Ktyyana, and Patajali are reputed as the three great authorities on SK. grammar. Their authority and their mutual relation has been well expressed in the two sayings, trimuni vykaraam and yathottararii munnm prmnyam . blabodhya : The vvord bla here signifies not a child, but a student who has not studied vykaraa, but is able to understand it vvhen instructed. a i u etc: These fourteen stras are often called ivasttras or Mhevarastras; and it is supposed that they vvere produced by god iva at the end of his dance by souding his dnim fourteen times. Since these stras enumerate the letters of the alphabet, the name aksarasammnya is also assigned to them. (cf. P 1 and Nandi-K). N holds that the stras together vvith the anubandhas in them have been composed by Mahevara himself (cf. B. p. 5f). But ancient vvorks like the Ksik do not appear to subscribe to such a vievv. adisamjrthni: The sa^hj.s or designations referred to here are othervvise called pratyhras, vvhich are formed according to PA 1.1.71 (No. 4) belovv. For a detailed discussion and

F IA
1

Srasiddhnlakaumud

information about these see Nots on that stra. It may here be observed that these stras are also called pratyhrastras. akra : Letters of the alphabet are referred to by attaching kra to vowels and akra to consonants. (cf. VPr. 1.37-38). So akra = The vowel a. hakra The consonant h. uccrartha: For the sake of pronunciation. For, as Pat. has rem arked: na punar antarecam vyajanasyoccraarn api bhavati (M B h. on PA 1.2.30). It may thus be seen that the consonant at the end of each of these (iva)-stras is meant for the formation of pratyhras. These are not, hovvever, to be included in the letters denoted by the pratyhras (cf. p ratyhresvitm na grahaam ) ; and the vovvel, attached to the consonants being only for facilitating pronunciation, also is not included in them. 1. This stra presents a difficulty, by using the word hal. By the rule of pratyhra, hal would mean a consonant. But the rule for pratyhra cannot work and the pratyhra hal (or in fact any pratyhra) cannot be established unless the designation hal ( = a consonant) is established. Thus there is itaretarraya betvveen the itsam j rule and the rule for forming pratyhras. An attempt has been made to remove this difficultyby reading this stra twice as Bh. has actually done it in hisSK . (Pat., Kik} etc. have tried to overcome this difficulty in a slightlv different way). V naturally turns a blind eve to this technical difficulty and takes the pratyhra hal in this stra to signify a consonant. upadea: Bh. explains this as first utterance ( dyocc raam ). A more lucid description of upadea is found in the following couplet:

t
\

Nots

S4

dhtttstragaodivkyalignusanam/ dgamapratyayde upadeah prakrtith / /. it: This is to be derived from V i to go; and means a letter that - gos or vanishes, that is, is not allowed to form part of th^. ultimate or the finished form of a word. Such letters are technipally called anubandhas and have been used by P to serve several purposes. In fact it is one of the most powerful means oised by P to secure brevity or terseness in his worlc In this stra P has defined lopa . In this connection one may with interest read Pats discussion about saij and saijin and the concluding em ark: sarvatraiva hi vykarae pmvoccta samj paroccdrii saij (M Bh on PA 1.1.1). Thus lopa (elision) means disappearance of what is due to appear. Thus, for example, the prtyhra a signifies only a, i, and u, but not . O r ac signifies "ali vowels but not the consonants at the end of the several sufras. This. disappearance (of the consonants) is lopa . And this is what the follovving stra lays down. 3. P has stated which letters are to be considered it and in what position {PA 1.3.3-8); and now here he has laid down that the letters that are it are elided. 4. This stra shows how pratyhras are to be framed. The first letter (this mav in fact be any letter in the stra and not necessarily the first only) together with the final it consonant (of an) stra) forms a saij and signifies the first letter and also ali the other letters standing betvveen it and the final it consonant. Thus, as shown above, ac stands for a (the first letter) a rd i, u, T l, e, o, ai, and au, which stand in the stras
2.

Srasiddhritaaumud
between a and c . In this connection we must note the gjeneral rule, that has been already quoted above, namelv praly\ira*v itm na grahaam. Before we note the several pmtyhras formed according to this rule, we have to note that ^an it can form a pratyhra only if it is antya, so much so that no pratyhra can be formed with the it letter t (in t of instr. s g ) ; and hence the pratyhra sut can signify the/first five case endings only and not case-endings upto t (instr./sg.). Secondlv it has to be noted that pratyhras are formed not only on the basis of the ivastras, but on the basis of P s own stras also. Let us note here th t pratyhras based on the ivastras first. They have been pithily summarised in one couplet found in the Kik : ekasmn aaavat.
d v b h ya m sas tribhya eva kaama syu/

jeyau cayau caturbhyo ra pacabhya alau sa<bhya// The at the end of the first stra gives us only one pratyhra, namely a ( = a, i, and u ) ; k at the end of the second gives us three, namely ak, ik, and uk; n of the third stra gives only one, namelv e; c of the fcurth stra gives four, name!y ac, ic, ec and aic; t of the fifth stra gives only one, namely at; of the sixth stra gives three, namely a, i and ya; m of the seventh stra gives three, namely am, yam, and nam ; of the eighth stra gives only one, namely ya; s of the nineth stra gives two, namely bhas and jhas; of the tenth stra gives six, namely a, ha, va, ja, jha and ba; v of the eleventh stra gives only one, namely chav; y of the twelfth stra gives four, namely yay, may, jhay, and khay; r of the thirteenth stra

Noies

S 5 8

gives five, namely yar, jhar, khar, car, and ar; and lastly l of the last stra gives six, namely al, hal, vai, ral, jhal, and al. It may thus be seen that there are in ali 41 pratyhdras (based on the iva-sttras) used by Pini. In connection with these it has further to be noted that occurs at the end of two stras and is, therefore, likely to cause some confusion regarding the exact signification of the pratyahras formed with it. Hence it has been traditionally fixed that the pratyhra i will always be taken as being formed with of the latcr stra; and a with that of the earlier stra- The only exception to this general rule is a in PA 1.1,69 where it is to be understood as being formed with the of the later stra only. This has been very well stated in the following couplet: prveaivgrahh sarve pareaivegrah m atdh/ rteuditsavai'asyetyeka eva parea tu / / Another point that may be noticed here in passing is that there is a difference of opinion regarding ,the letter m; and those who reject m totallv, would say that the pratydhdras to be got with m, should be had with the help of . This rejection of m, however, is not accepted by ali. (see M Bh on Sivastra 7). Similarly there is a controversy regarding the a in the stra la. Some would take it as an it, others would not. (For details see Kdik and B SS p. 7f). 5 8 . A vowel is classified in two ways: (i) according to the time (or mdtrds) required to pronounce it; and (ii) according to the actual position or spot (in the m outh) at which it is produced. Thus stra 5 States that a vowel is designated hrasva

S 58

Srasidhnlaaumud

(short), drgha (long) or pluta (prolated) according as it requires one, or two, or three mtrs for its pronunciation. The sme vovvel can be designated udtta, anudtta or svarita accord ing as it is produced at the upper portion, the lovver portion or a combination cf the two, of the sthna in the mouth vvherevvith it is pronounced. We need not enter here into details regarding the exact signification of the vvords uccai, ricai and sam hra . We may only no te that the tvvo divisions referred to here are, not mutually exclusive and hence putting them together vve get nine different vrieties of each vovvel, each one of the former having the three latter vrieties also. A vovvel may further be nasal or non-nasal, so much so that in ali vve may have eighteen different vrieties of a vovvel. 9. This sutra defines anunsika . As vve shall presently see, katha, tlu, murdhan, danta and ostha are the sthnas of the produetion (or manifestation) of the various sounds (or letters). Ali these are the sthnas in the mouth and hence covered by the vvord mukha. But there are some letters vvhich require for their produetion another sthna, in addition to mukha; and that sthna is nsik. The letters vvhich require mukha and nsik for their produetion are designated anunsika. It may here be observed that any vovvel can be uttered either simply by the mouth, or by the mouth together vvith nsik (nose). In the former case it is ananunsika; in the latter, anunsika. tad ittham etc. The vovvels a, i, u, and r are short, long, or prolated; then they are also udtta, anudtta or svarita; and finally they may be anunsika or ananunsika. This shovvs that each of them hs eighteen different vrieties. varasya etc. Novv the vovvel is either short or prolated; then it may be udtta, anudtta or svarita; and further it may
6

Noies be anundsika or ananunsika. Hence can have only twelve vrieties, the six long vrieties being missing. ecdm api etc.: Similarlv e, o, ai and au have no short variety; and hence these also can have only twelve vrieties.
10. In the preceding stra we have seen that letters are produced at several places in the mouth. Now it has to be observed that they also require prayatna (effort). The present stra gives us the definition of savara (similar letter). The letters vvhich require the same ( sthna in the) mouth and the same (type of) effort are designated savara (of one another). To understand this stra fully, it is now necessary for us to knovv the sthna as well as the prayatna that is required by the various letters; and this is what has been given in the follovving lines.

11. Tlvatf}ayo etc. Before actually noticing the sthna and the prayatna of the various varas, it is necessary to note that r and are to be considered as savara of each other, though they actually are not covered by the definition of savara given above. Their sthnas are different; that of r is mrdhan; vvhile that of is danta. And yet they are to be considered as savara. This is a vrttika, composed by Ktyyana, who coming about two centuries after Paini sought to remove the deficiency in P s rules. It is not impossible that some deficiencies might have crept into the A st d h y y l in spite of P; but what is also (and even more) likely is that the language vvhich formed the basis of his rules, being a living language, undervvent several modifications, thus making P s rules deficient in course of time. It vvas, therefore, but natrai that some rules or portions thereof, vvhich had fallen out of date, had to be rejected; and others, vvhich were found rather too narrovv, had to be sup^

Srasiddhntakaumudi

plemented. Occasionally some fresh mies also were found necessary. Ali this need was supplied by Ktyyana by composing what are known as the vrttikas. This fact has been very pithily stated by N in one short sentence, namely stre uktnuktaduruktacintkar atvara vrttikatvam/. For further information and references see K. V. A b h y a n k a r , DSG p. 323f. akuha etc. In these lines the author is stating the sya (i.e. the exact spot or portion of the sya) where the various letters of the alphabet are produced. Here we have to note the words ku, cu, tu, tu and pu which stand for the letters of the kavarga, cavarga, tavarga, tavarga and pavarga respectively. In these words the vowel u is it and is meant to form these designations. In 1.1.69 P has laid down that udit words serve as designations for ali savara letters. The terms ku, cu, etc. are formed and are to be understood accordingly. The sthna of a, ku (=letters of the kavarga), h and visarga is the throat ( katha); that of i, cu, y and is the palate {tlu ) ; that of Tr tu, r, and s is the head ( m rdhan ) ; that of , tu, l, and s is the teeth ( danta ) ; that of u, pu and upadhmnya is the lips ( ostha ); that of m, , and n is the (respective place in the mouth) and the nose ( nsikd). edaito etc.: Here it has to be noted that a mute t has been attached to e and ai. Ordinarily a mute t attached to a vowel indicates only the vrieties requiring the same kla as the base to which it has been attached (cf. PA 1.1.70) . Here, however, it is not so. The vowels e and ai in ali their vrieties have the same sthna namely katha and tlu together. The same holds good in the case of ot and aut. Their sthna is katha and ostha. In these cases the mute t is attached for avoiding ambiguity (cf. edaitor itydau taparatvam asandehrtham eva, B, p. 40).
8

Noies

jihvmRya and upadhmnya are the names given to visarga when followed by k, kh or p, ph respectively. The sthna of the former is the root of the tongue; while that of the latter is ostha. Nose ( nsik) by itself forms the sthna of anusvra. An anusvra can thus be distinguished from an anunsika letter, which has for its sthna, not merelv nsik y but nsik together with some other portion in the mouth. yatno dvidh: After discussing the sya (or sthna ) in some details, the author now proceeds to discuss the next term in the stra, namely prayatna which, he declares, is of two kinds: ( 1 ) internai ( bhyantara) and ( 2 ) external ( bhya ). The former is further of five kinds, while the latter has eleven vrieties. bhyantara pravatna : This effort is termed internai because it takes place (takes effect) inside the mouth and immediately precedes the manifastation of the varas. T he difference in the letters is obviously due to the difference in the prayatna which consists in the touch ( spara) of the particular part of the mouth with the tongue. Read:

^ TttTpr i B . p.48.
dyah p a c a d h : The internai effort is generally sid to be fourfold fand not fivefold) (see Kik on PA. TT.9)'.'" But our author here,. as also in his Laghu-SK States that it has five vrieties, adding Isadvivrta to the list given by others. The exact source of this fivefold classification of this effort

Srasiddhntaaumudi

is not knovvn. But it is most probably to be seen in the following couplet of the P in ya -iks :
acospT?t yaas tvsan nem asprsth ara smTth / esh sprst hala prokt nibodhnupradnata

I I 3 3 IL

In this couplet yaa are said to be sat ( sprsta ) ; and ara are said to be nemasprsta. It may be seen that the assignment of the prayatna to the various letters given in the above couplet closely corresponds to what we find in our text; and it may not be quite wrong if a distinction is made between sat- and nemasprsta of the couplet, and if they are taken as correspondi n g to our authors satsprsta and Isadviz/rta (which would mean slightly vivrta and slightly sprta) respectively. Also read M Bh on PA 1. 1. 10, v 3. The terms spara, ya3 al etc. are explained below by the author himself. etc. appear to be similar to v ivrta , saihvTta, etc., we have to remember that the former are external efforts; the latter, internai ones. These are the vrieties of external effort because they function after the production of the varas; and their operations are also external with reference to the vara. cf. *rrfa-% T ^ B p . 54.
bhyas tvek d a a d h :

Though

vivra ,

sam vra ,

For a clear view of the sthna and the two kinds of prayatnas of the various letters of the Sanskrit alphabet see the charts given in the Appendix B.
10

Noies Similarly for the pratyhras khar, ha, ya} al, ac, see Appendix A. kdayo etc: spara is the designation given to the twentyfive letters of the Sanskrit alphabet from k upto m (i.e. the letters of the five classes of consonants known as gutturals, palatals, cerebrls, dentals and labials respectively. cf. sarvam eso uyajanny eva tsm dydh sparh, paca te pacavargh / / R V . Pr. 1.6 ff) The pratyhra a in this stra is formed with the indicatory in the stra la, and hence signifies ali vowels, semi-vowels and h . The stra lays down that a vowel, a semi-vowel and the terms ku, cu, etc. are designations of themselves as well as their savara . apratyaya = avidhyamna, that which is not enjoined. This goes with a only and not with udit also. Thus e. g. in PA 2.4.3, the substitute is as ( = a only, and not anv other variety of a ) ; for it is not apratyaya. But in PA 6.1.87; 7.4 32; etc. where a is not vidhyamna, it signifies the other vrieties also. tad evam etc: a designates ali the 18 vrieties of a (as explained above). The same holds good in the case of i and u. In the case of r and it has to be observed that they have been declared to be savara of each other; and further note that I has no drgha vrieties. Thus r has 18 vrieties and I has 12; and ali these are savara. Hence r and designate these 30 vrieties each in ali. Further e, o, ai and au designate only 12 vrieties each. For in their case the hrasva vrieties are wanting.
12.

11

Srasiddhntal^aumud

yaval dvidh: y, v, and l are either nasal nasal, and hence they signify two vrieties each.

or

non-

13. The closest contact of letters with one designated saihit.

another,

is

14. anantarh not separated from each other by a vowel. So. samyoga always stands for a conjunct consonant (comprising any number of consonants not separated from one another by a vowel). 15. sup is a pratyhra formed on the basis of PA. 4 1.2 and stands for ali the case-endings. Similarly tin is based on PA 3.4.78 and signifies ali personai endings. These are two pratyhras which P has coined on the basis of his own stras, on the same principle on which pratyhras like al, hal, etc. are formed on the basis of the ivastras. Some other pratyhras which P has coined on the basis of his own stras are p} sut, and tan. It has to be noted here that P has already laid down a general rule: yena vidhis tadantasya, PA 1.1.72, according to which the word anta is .to be supplied in his rules. Thus, for example, er ac (PA 3.3.56) means ivarntd ac pratyayo bhavail If the vvord anta is thus available bv this tadantanyya, (or tadantavidhi) why has it been used in the present stra? In the Kik this question has been ansvvered in the follovving vvords: padasamjym antagrahaam anyatra saijvidhau pratyayagrahae tadantavidhe pratisedhrtham . (on PA 1.4.14). The tadantavidhi is not applicable in the case of rules or stras laying dovvn samjs. Hence it is that the vvord anta has been put by P in the stra under discussion.

12

Nots

S 16

By way of illustration we may take the stras, taraptamapau ha (PA- 1.1.22) or tau sat (P A . 3.2.127) or ktaktavat nisth (PA. 1.1.26), where the samjs gha, sat and nisth have been laid down. iHere it is evident that the samjs gha etc. stand for the suffixes only, and not words ending in them. In these stras the tadantavidhi is not applicable because these stras lay down samjs . Another stra resembling the stra under discussion and having the word anta therein is snt sat (PA. 1.1.24); \vhile for stras, not having the word anta in them, see PA 1.1.7; 26; etc. samjprakaraa : P has dealt with several samjs of his sira in the first chapter of his work. For a general discussion and remarks on P s samjs read K. V. A b h y a n k a r , M Bh. of Patajali, prastvan khada (Vol. V I I ), p. 163-4; also read pp. I59f, and pp. 230 ff. 16. The operation enjoined in this stra is generally referred to as .yadea, which term is self-explanatory. ikah gen. sg. of ik, which is a pratyhra rignifying the vowels i, u, r, and , in ali their vrieties. The genitive used in a stra laying down an dea always has the word sthne understood after it as laid down by P in 1.1.49. Hence ikah = ikah sthne (in the place of ik). ya is a pratyhra signifying the semivowels y, v, r and l; ac is a pratyhra signifying vowels. Aci loc. sg. of ac- In P s system when an operation is laid down by using a word in loc., that operation is to be performed in connection with what comes immediately before the word in loc. The force of loc. can thus be brought out in the words: when follovoed by , or when follows. Thus aci = when followed by an ac, or when an ac follows. While

13

S 16

Srasiddhniakaumud

cxplaining the meaning of the stra, our author has used the word sarahitym, showing thereby that this substitution takes place when sathit (combination or savadti) is to be effected. Othervvise, of course, there vvill be no change. In this connection it may be remembered that sam hit is obligatory under certain circumstances only. Otherwise it depends on the will of the speaker. This has been concisely put in the follovving couplet: savahitaikapade nity nity dhtpasargayoh / nity samse, vkye tu s vivaksm apeksate / / iva. 5 .) (SK on

iti sthite : This is the phrase used to State the position arrived at vvhen some further remark is to be made in that connection. Now in the present case the position is sudh upsyah; and we have to apply here the stra discussed so far. Before actual application, hovvever, the author thinks it useful to acnuaint the student vvith a technical rule (paribhs stra) laid down bv P himself vvhich one has to observe in ali such cases. It pertains to the exact signification or force of the locative. This is what is done in the next stra. 17. O ur author clarifies the implication of the vvord prvasya by qualifying it vvith varntarea avyavahitasya. P has laid dovvn several paribhs stras like this in the first chapter of his w ork; and Bh. has collected some of these together under the heading paribhsprakaraa (The second section of his S K ). 18. On the basis of the above rule it is novv is to be substituted in the place of ik; and that in consideration this substitution is to occur in the sudl), vvhich is follovved by u. Novv the stra clear that ya the case under place of (in lays dovvn the

14

Noies

S 20

substitution of ya (i.e. the four semi-vowels) for ik (i.e. the foitr vovvels). But vvhich semi-vovvel is to be substituted for vvhich vovvel? This question is ansvvered in another paribhs stra, vvhich States that a substitute vvill always be antaratama ( = sadratama) to the sthnin. Here it may be noted that ntarya (or sdfya) betvveen the varas can be determined on the basis of sthna, artha, gua and prama; and in cases vvhere more types of ntarya than one are available, that de termined on the basis of sthna should be taken into account. For that is stronger than ali the rest. This point has been fully discussed by N under the paribhs, yatrnekavidham ntaryam tatra sthnata ntaryam balya/. Also read Kik and M Bh on PA 1.1.50. In the case under consideration i vvill be substituted by y, since they are antaratama to each other, as can be clearly seen from the table of varas shovving their sthna and prayatna. (see Appendix B ). 19. Novv the position is sudhy upsya. Here novv crops up a peculiar circumstance. P has laid dovvn that the final of a conjunct consonant occurring at a final position of a finished word is elided. Accordingly y (the final of dhy) must be elided. Note that sarhyoga has been defined by P in 1.1.7, vvhich has been alreadv exnlained above. Strictly speaking samyognta means a pada vvhich has a samyoga at the end; and then according to the rule alox ntyasya {PA 1.1.52), the lopa vvill substitute the final al of a pada ending in samyoga. This is made clear by our author in the vTtti on this stra. 20. It has been already seen above that a substitute is laid dovvn vvith reference to a base by putting it in the genitive (the sthneyog gen.). Novv vve are told that it is not the vvhole base (having the gen. ending) that is substituted. Only the final

15

S 20

Srasiddhntakaumud

al (vdtftia) of such a base (or sthnin) takes the substitute. This, however, is the general rule; and we have to remember that there are cases where the whole sthnin is substituted ( and not merely its final t) . For this, see aneklit sarvasja PA 1.1.55. (No 42 below). Accordingly now the final y (in sudhy) will have to be dropped. . This reads like a vrttika. Actually, however, the vrttika conveying this sense is found differently worded as sarriyogntasya lope yaa pratiedha (ya 1 on PA 8.2.23). Pat. reproducs it and. adds the word vaktavya, giving dadhy atra, madhv atra as illustrations. Then it is explained that here the rule about lopa does not apply, because the yadea depends on two phonemes belonging to two different padas; and is, therefore, bahirahga as compared with samyogntalopa which is antaraga, since it pertains to eka pada . Hence by the paribhs asiddhai bahiragam antarahge ( Pbh , 50), yaadea becomes asiddha with regard to samyogntalopa. R ead : yadeasya bahirangalaI;aasyjiddhatvt sarayogntalopo na bhavati Ks. on PA. 8-2.23, and Nysa thereon. Also read Pbh, 50.
21

sudhyupsya etc. These are the four illustrations showing the substitution of y, v, r, and l for i, u, r and respectively. It may now be seen how step by step several stras of P are to be applied and how ultimately the operation known as yadea is to be established. Stras 16-21 mark the whole process.
22. ec is a pratyhra signifying the vowels e, o) ai and au . The gen. here is, of course, sthneyog. ayavyva is nom. plr. ayavyv (i-e. ay, av, y and v). O ur author in his exolanation of this stra supplies the word aci, which is obtained by

16;

N oies

5 23

anuvTtti from the preceding stra (as seen in the work of paini). anuvTtti = continucd course or influence of a preced

ing rule on what follows (M W ). Nyyakoa is more precise v/hcn it explains this term as fo!lows: p w va s trasth apadasyottarastre dknksprartham anu sam dhdn am /.

According to this principle, a word or words from a preceding stra can be understood as existing in an immediately following stra and in as many further stras as necessary, provided thcre is no break. anuvTtti , therefore, may be rendered as continued existence (of a word or words) from an antecedent stra into one or more subsequent stras after it, If, however, a break occurs and the word is required in a stra after the break, it can be had on the basis of the principle called m a dkapluti (a frogs leap). This is said to be only a variety of anuvTtti. Here it may be remembered that this principle of anuvTtti is based on the order of the stras as given by P. and not on the order in which they have been rearranged by Bh. To facilitate the study of his SK , Bh has in almost ali cases supplied the word or words which have to be read in the several stras by anuvTtti or by m a d kaplu tiy though he has not actually made any remark to that effect in each stra. It is.for the student to find out in each case how anuvTtti has worked. 23. In the previous stra four substitutes have been laid down for four sthnins. But how to decide their mutual relation? Which ddea is meant for which sthdnin? The answer to this auestibn is given in the present stra which lays down a general rule for ali similar cases. When the sthnins and the deas etc. are equal in number, they are to be understood as related to one another in the serial order only. In the present

17 F 2A

S 23

Srasiddhntaiaumud

case, for example, e, o, ai and au are the sthnins; and ayy avy y and v are the deas; and they are equal in number. Hence according to the principle just enunciated they are related to one another in the serial order only. Thus ay is the dea for e; av for oy y for ai and v for au . Read: yatroddeisu samesu samnm vidhnam pghrdisu pibdnm, priyasthirdisu ca prasthdlnm) tatraiva yathkramam pravrtti syt J. Let us now take up the illustrations: haraye (dat. sg. of hari). The vvord hari is subject to the designation ghi (PA. 1.4.7). The dat. sg. ending is ne (i.e. it is it). So vvhen that ne is appended to hari, the final vovvel of hari takes gua (PA 7.3.111) and thus vve have hare e. Here is a case for the rule under discussion, namely aydea; and accordingly e (ls t sthnin) is substituted by ay (the lst substitute). Thus vve finally get the form haraye. Similarly is to be explained the form visave. myaka is derived from y/ni + vul (PA 3.1.133); then vul = aka (PA 7.1.1); the vovvel of yjri takes vfddhi (PA 7.2.115) and thus vve have nai + aka; and then by the present rule by ydea vve get nyaka. pvaka may be similarly explained and derived from ^ pu. These four vvords ilustrate the four cases laid dovvn in the present sutra . 24. vnta i.e. the dea ending in v (from among the four deas noticed in the preceding stra). The vnta dea thus is av or v. yi is loc. of y; and loc-, as vve have already seen, means vvhen follovved by \ yi pratyaye = ydau ( = yakrdau) pratyaye pare- (Here has been utilised a pbh. which vvill be explained belovv). Novv by the yathsamkhya rule av and v are

18

Noies

S 27

deas for o and au only; and no special mention to that effect is necessary in the stra. It may thus be seen how in the composition of his stras P has tried to bring utmost economy, eschewing from it every word that can be brought into it on the strength of any technical principle. Let us now study the illustrative words. gavya is formed fom go + yat (PA 4.3.158). Here o is followed by a suffix beginning with y. Hence it is substituted by av and we get the v/ord gavya. :ivya is derived from nau + ya (PA 4.4.91); au~v by the present rule; and finally w vya ( nv tryam). 25. In this stra P has laid down the samj guay stating that it is the designation given to at ( = short a, PA 1.1.70) and e (pratyhra) = e and o. 26. In the preceding stra we get the term at (i.e. a having t after it). This act of attaching / to a vowel (either after or before it) is known as taparakaraam . In this stra P is stating the purpose served by this phenomenon. In one previous stra we are told that a and udit letters are samjs of savara. Now here we are told that attaching 1 to a vowel restricts the samj to only such vrieties of that vowel as are tatkla. Thus a is a sam j for ali the 18 verieties ofa; w hile at is a samj for only those six vrieties of a which have the same kala as a. Nysa has shown why the word tapara in this stra has to be explained in two ways, namely as pacamt tatpurasa and as bahuvhi. The former applies in PA 7.1.9 while the latter is required for stras like PA 1.1.1. 27. at is abi. sg. of a (vvhich, not being tapara, is not restricted in its kla). In this stra the word in the abi. (namely <*0 is actually used; and that in the loc. (namely aci) is

19

S 27

Srasiddhntakaumud

obtained by anuvTtti. T hat the operation stated in this stra is to be done vvith reference to the para as well as the prva, follovvs from the adhikra, eka prvaparayo. Thus this stra lays dovvn gua as the one substitute ( ekdea) for both the prva and the para . Ali this is clearly stated by our author in his explanation of the stra. Here is another instance of hovv terseness has been marvellously achieved by P. The illustrations are upendra ( = upa+indra) and gagodakam ( = gang+udakam ). e and o are substituted for a + i and a+u respectively, (on the basis of the stra, sthanentaratam a). 28 upadea has been already discussed above. In No. 1 above P has stated vvhat consonants in the upadea are it. Here he has done it vvith reference to vovvels. A vovvel that is anunsika in the upadea is it. Here it has to be remembered that the anunsikatva of the vovvels in the upadea is not actually shovvn either in vvriting or in the recitation. It is to be knovvn and ascertained on the basis of tradition only. In the Kik we are clearly told: pratijnunsikyh pim yh/ Bh. is quite explicit in his statement vvhen he vvrites: yadyapi strakrakrto'nunsikaptha idriim paribhrastas tathpi VTttikrdivyavahrabalena yathkryai prk sthita ityanumyate iti bhva P M p. 31. lastrastha etc.: The purpose of the above stra is to shovv that the vovvel a in the iva la is an it. Novv vvith this it a, it is possible to have the pratyhra ra, vvhich vvill designate r and l (acc. to No. 4 above). There is an acute difference of opinion among ancient authorities on Sanskrit Grammar- This pratykra is accepted by Kaiyata, Bhattoji and, of course, Varadarja. N., hovvever, does not accept it (see Kik on

20

Noies

S 31

iva 6 ; B p. 7f and also M Bh on PA 1.1.9). It must be noted that our author accepts this pratydhra and holds that it has been used by P in 1.1.51 (No. 29, the next num ber). 29. u is gen. sg. of r (which stands for r and l, according to the vrtiika rvara ) and this gen. is sthneyog. a is a pratyhra signifying a, i and u. Often enough any one of these three vovvels is enjoined as a substitute for r. rapara = having r after it, follovved by r. Acc. Ks. etc. ra in this stra is a pratyhra and signifies r and / as said above. This, therefore, means that a coming in the place r or I vvill be follovved by r or l respectively. It must be noted here that even those who do not accept ra as a pratyhra find the same sense in this stra (on the basis of the v. lasyeti vaktavyam ). O ur author, therefore, has naturally avoided the controversy and tacitly accepted the view sponsored by the Kik and SK. Hence he has given two illustrations, namely krsarddhi (krsa + rddhi) and tavalkra ( tava + kra) for r and respectively. 30. By anuurtti vve have to get into this stra the vvords avaraprvayo (cf. aprvasya in PA 8.3.17), padntayoh (by paddhikra in PA 8.1.16), and yavayo (cf. vyo in PA 8.3.18). So also vve have to read ai from PA 8.3.17. The vievv in this stra is that of kalya. But this view is not necessarily accepted by other cryas; and this makes the rule optional. This is vvhat our author has stated in his explanation of this stra. a is a pratyhra comprising ali vovvels, semivovvels, and the soft consonants (from ali the five classes). 31. In this stra P has laid dovvn a rule vvhich is of the utmost importance in the application of his rules. This stra

21

S 31

Srasiddhnia!(aumud

divides the work of P into two parts called sapdasaptdhyy (chapters 1-7 and the first quarter of chapter 8 ) and tripd (the last three quarters of chapter 8 ) respectively. This stra lays down first of ali that what follows (namely the tripd) is asiddha (not established i.e. as good as not existing) for the purposes of the application or non-application of the grammatical operations prescribed by the rules in the preceding seven chapters and a quarter. It is further to be noted that this is to be understood as an adhikra; for, it is by doing so that each succeeding stra can be understood as being asiddha with reference to what has preceded it. R ead : prvatrsiddham adhikra / parasya parasya prvatra prvatrsiddhavijnr tham / anadhikre hi samudyasya samudye'siddhavijnam/ v 3-5 on PA 8.2.1, From this now is clear the further idea implied in this stra, namely that within the tripd itself, each succeeding rule ( stra ) is to be considered asiddha (not established and hence ineffective) with reference to the preceding portion including the immediately preceding stra. O ur author has stated both the ideas conveyed by this stra as explained above. O ur author has given hara iha and haray iha by way of an illustration. In the position hare iha , e of hare, being followed by i, will be changed to ay, and we shall have haray iha (No. 22). Then by No. 30, the final y in haray will be optionally elided, because it is followed by i (a letter included in a). This gives us (i) hara iha and (ii) haray iha = haraftha. Now in the first alternative a final a is followed by an initial i ; and hence by No. 27 one may be inclined to substitute e for a and i, and have hareha. But this is not correct in view of the present stra. According to this stra , rule No. 30 (= P A 8.3.19) is asiddha to rule No. 27 ( = PA 6.1.27),

22

Noies and hence the elision of y is as good as not accomplished. Hence in the above case, a final a is not followed by an initial i; for y is stili present there when No. 27 is to be applied. This only means that there the two vowels (a and i ) do not combine, but remain as they are. The illustration visa iha and visaviha also is to be similarly explained. 32. This, like No. 25 above, is a sa'thjstra. As a general rule in such stras what is stated first is the satjin (the m atter or thing to be designated); and that which is stated next is the saij (designation). In this stra, however, this order is reversed; and the sarhj is placed first and samjin later. P has done it for magala , as Pat points it cut when he write: etad ekam cryasya magalrtham mTsyatm. It may further be observed here that in this stra both and ai are understood as being tapara (ta paro yasmt in one case, and tt p a ra in the other). see M Bh on PA 1.1.1. and also K s . 33. From No. 27 (PA 6.1.86) t is to be read in this stra by anuvTtti and the stra is to be explained in a similar manner. No. 27 is a general rule while the present stra forms an exception to it. Naturally, therefore, No. 27 can find scope only in cases where this rule does not apply. For as is wellknown apavdavisayaparihreaiva utsarg abhiniviante /. krsnaikatvam etc.: These are the four illustrations to illustratc the samdhi of a preceeding a or with the following e, o, ai and au. krsa ekatvam = krsnaikatvam / gang ogha = gagaugha/ deva aivaryam = devaivaryam/ and kTa autkathyam = k^^nautkathyam

23

S 34

Srasiddhnlal^aumudl

34. From the preceding stra (i.e. PA 1.4.58) we have to get prd d a ya by anuvrtti. This stra gives us the sam j upasarga which applies to pra etc. v/hen thev are connected with kriy. Othenvise, however, they are designated only as nipta (along with ca etc. when not signifying a sattva). cf. PA 1.4.5-58. These upasargas acc. R V . Pr are 20 in number; while acc. Gaaptha, Kika, etc. their number is 22, because they ali read nis and clus separately from nir and dur. Read: prdbhydparnirduranuvyuppasainparipratinyatyadhisdavdpi upasarga vimatir arthavdcakdh sahetardbhydm, itare nipdtdh / / R V . Pr 12.20P.

It may be useful to quote here the following couplet giving the accentuation of these upasargas: viiater upsargdm uccd ekdksard nava / ddyuddttd deaitesdm antoddttas tvabhltyayam / / (R V . Pr 12.22). 35. This also is a sarhjstra declaring that dhdtu is the name given to bh etc. which signify an action. The Kdikd tells us that dhdtu is a sam jd used by the ancient dcdryas and P has taken it over from them along with some other technica terms. An interesting discussion is raised about the exact interpretation of the word bhvddaya. According to some it means bhvddi and vddi (the word ddi being connected with bh as well as vd according to the well-known maxim, dvandvdnte ryamda'th padala pratyekam_ abhisambadhyate ). W ith bh9 di means etc., while with vd it means resembling vd (i.e. dentative of action like 's/vd). In the

24

Noies
Kik we get the following couplet in this connection: bhvddlnm vkro}yai magalrtha prayujyate/ bhuvo vrtha'th vadanti bhuvarth vdaya s m rt /

S 37

O ur author, however, has left out the controversy and simply declared that bh etc. expressive of ky have the designation dhtu . And this is but natrai in a work like this which is aiming at blabodha. 36. Having given the definitions of the two* words upasarga and dhtu , our author now turns to the stra containing them. The words t and vrddhi come into this stra by anuvrtti ; and we get here a rule for the combination of a or (of an upasarga) and an initial r of a dhtu . By No. 27 above, the combined dea will be gua. But this stra sets it aside and declares that it will be vrddhi. This also thus is a gupavda. prrcchati ( = pra + rcchati) is the illustration for this rule. 37. Fully draw n out on the basis of anuvrtti , this stra will be: t upasargt tei dhtau pararpam/ The sense of ekdea is got by the adhikra, eka prvaparayo (as shown above). This stra obviously is an exception to No. 33 above according to which the combined dea here would be vrddhi (i.e. , ai and au as defined in PA 1.1.1). The present stra lays down that the single dea will be the form of the latter (i.e. e or o). O ur author has given two examples, namely pra + ejate ( = prejate) and up + osati ( = uposati)

25

S 38

Srasiddhnlakaumudi

38. This is another sa'thjstra. It may be observed here that saijs are of various kinds; and some of them are quite arbitrary and artificial, carrying no sense but by the saketa of the grammarians. The designation ti is one of them. According to the definition given here ti is the designation given to that part of a word which begins with the last among the vowels belonging to that word. Other such saijs found in P s system are gha, ghi, ghu and bha (for which see Index) 39. This is a vrttika of Ktyyana on PA 6.1.93. In this vrttika K is noticing a class of current words in which pararpa appears to be the ekdea in the place of the para and (not the prva, as usual, but) the ti of the prva. This akandhvdigaa is an krtigana (vvhich is defined in the Padamaja on PA 2<1.59 as prayogadaranena kftigrhyo gaa krtigana/). In the gaaptha, hovvever, nine vvords are given as forming this gana, three of vvhich have been taken up here by our author. He also,. hovvever, holds this to be an krtigaa; and hence adds oe more vvord to this list, namely mrtand. It must be observed here that at least one of these vvords, namely mars, is found in R V . Similarly karkandhu has occurred in several sarhhits of Y V (see V B K ). But apparently these vvords have escaped P s notice; and K vvas required to make good the deficiency by adding the present vrttika. This can be said to shovv that P by himself may not be a self-sufficient means for interpreting the Veda, vvhich, hovvever does not (and should not be taken to) belittle the vvorth of P and his vvork as an aid to Vedic studies. akandhu ( = saka + andhu) explained by the commentator as ia k n m deaviesnm andhu kpa/. Similarly krkm rjaviesm andhu = karkandhu . In these vvords a + a = a {pararpa). mans is explained as

26

Nots

S 42

manasa is, where the pararpa is the ekdea for the ti of manas (i.e. as) and $ (of t s). Similarly mrta + ada by this vrttika gives us mrtada, which then with the suffix a appended to it, becomes mrtada. It may be observed that mrtada is a classical word. In the Veda we have mrtada (and not mrtada ). 40. In the present stra, drgha is laid down as the ekdea when the prva and the para are savara ak ( = a, i, u, T and ) . But has no long (or drgha) vrieties. Hence the present rule applies to only four of the above five vowels, and our author has given four examples for the same. daitya + ari = daityri / + a = a / visu + udaya = visdaya/ hotr + rkra = hotfkra/ . It may be observed that by permutation and combination many more cases are possible. But those given here are enough to serve the purpose. 41. This is yet another stra laying down ekdea (namely prvarpa for both). For this rule the en (i.e. e and o) must stand at the end of a pada (which is defined by P as suptmantam padam , PA 1.4.14). ati loc. sg. of at, which according to PA 1.1.70, signifies short a only. In this stra, the word prva-rvpam ( = p rva ) is to be obtained by anur/rtti from PA 6.1.107 (through PA 6.1.103). Thus the final ^ or o and initial a are substituted by e or o. The two examples for this rule are : hareva ( hare ava) and visova (vso ava ). It may be observed here that this rule cannot apply if the following vowel is not a (short). But in Vedic literature it may be found to apply in cases like gdho tm ( gdha tm = gdho tm), of course, irregularly. 42. This stra lays down a technical rule regarding dea (or substitution). In No. 20 above we have already seen

27

S 42

Srasiddhntaaumudi

that as a general rule a substitute is meant to take the place of the final letter (of the base with reference to which the dea is laid down). Now in this stra P has laid down exceptions to that general rule. This stra contains two exceptions: An dea will be sarvdea (and not merely antydea) if (i) it is anekl (i.e. containing more letters than one) or (ii) it is it (i.e. has a mute appended to it). (The stras tinasinasm intsyh and idamo3 nvdee3 sanudttas trtydau can be cited as illustrating these respectively). With reference to the former it has to be remembered that for the purposes of this stra the mute letter or letters appended to the dea are not to be taken into consideration. Thus an dea can be considered anekl only if it has more letters than one, besides the mute letter or letters if any. This has been fully discussed and explained in the p a rib h s : nnubandhakrtam anekltvam / , Pbh 6 - In connection with the latter, it may be noted that the presence of mute in an dea is enough, to make it a sarvdea. It need not be anekl. 43. This sutra contains a counter-exception to No 42; and lays down that an dea, even if it is anekl, will be antydea only and not sarvdea, if it has a mute n appended to it. (For illustrations see PA 7.1.75 a n a , 6.1.121 a v a n , etc.). Thus it may now be observed that deas are either a<ntydea or sarvdea. The ekl and the nit deas fall in the former category, while the anekl and the it deas fall under the latter. And the ekltva or anekltva of deas is to be determined on the basis of the dea without the mute letter or letters that may be appended to it.

28

Noies

S 45

44. Here we have a stra , where the above discussion regarding the nature of the d/z m ay be found relevant. This stra refers to the view of some ancient crya named Sphotyana; which naturallv means that other cryas hold a different view in this respect. This means that the rule given in this stra is optional. (For a similar phenomenon see No. 30 above). By anuvTtti we get in this stra the words aci and go (from the preceding stra). So the stra lays down avan as the substitute for go when a vowel follows. Now avan (divested of its mute letter ) is anekl and must as such be sarvdea (see No. 42 above). The words iti prpte can now be understood as being relevant to the position that vvould arise as soon as we think of applying the present stra to a case like go agram. The application of rule No. 42 is surely not admissible. The reason for this is to be found in the mute n appended to the substitute here. And this is given in the form of a rule in No. 43. Thus No. 43, sets aside No. 42 and shows that avan is not sarvdea but only antydea. Hence go agram = gava agram = gavgram (a + a = by No. 4 above). 45. By anuvTtti we get in this stra the words go and avan as our author indicates it in his explanation. The illustration is go indra = gava indra = gavendra (a + i = e by No. 27 above). It must be observed here that the substi tution in No. 44 is optional while in No. 45 it is obligatory. Hence go + indra = gavendra only; while go agram = gavgram or gogram (see No. 37) vvhen the ontion riven by No. 44 is availed of. From this point of view, it is interest-

29

S 45

Srasiddhntaaumudi

ing to note that one of our mss does add gogram gavgram).

(after

46. PA 8.2.82, vkyasya te pluta udtta, is an adhikra stra which is to be read along with the present stra . It may be observed here that acc. PA 1.3.11 an adhikra stra is to be recognised by the svarita accent. Like the nasality ( nunsikya ) of a vowel, the svaritatva also is to be known from tradition only. An adhikra is said to work in three different ways put together in a couplet in M Bh on PA 1.3.11: adhikragatis tryarth viesasydhikam kryam atha yonyodhika kra prvauipratisedhrtha s a // The modes in which an adhikra exercises its influence also are three as given in the following couplet: siihvalokitarh caiva ma^dvAaplutam eva ca/ gangpravhavac cpy adhkras tridh m ath// It may be seen that adhikra to a large extent resembles anuvrtti . O r perhaps it may be more correct to say that the principle of anuvTtti is only an extension of the principle of adhikra. P has composed several stras by way of adhikra and has actually defined (or described) adhikra. anavrtti pertains to some word or words which are required in a stra; but are not actually included therein, because they are available from a preceding (or at times even from a following) stra. An adhikra forms so to say a topic; anui/rtti does not do so. An adhikra has also to be distinguished from what is known as paribhs. For this read: adhikra pratiyogara tasynirdertha iti yoge yoga upatisthate/ paribhs punar ekadeasthit satl sarvarh stram abhijvalayati// M Bh. on PA 2.1.1.

30

Noies

S 48

Before giving an illustration for this stra our author thinks it necessary to take up another stra which finds immediate application here. 47. It may be observed here that K. reads the word nityam in PA 6.1.1-22 (No- 45 above) and admits it into the present stra only by anuvrtti . This is, however, against the express wording and explanation found in M B h . This stra prohibits sandhi of the pluta and pragrhya vowels with a follovving vowel. This means that pluta and prgrhya vowels will always retain their own form when a vowel comes after them. Now V gives the illustration: gaccha krsa 3 atra gaus* caratif In this sentence the final a of the word krsa is pluta according to No. 46 above; and No. 47 prohibits its combination with a following vowel. In case, however, the vowel is not made pluta, there is nothing to prevent its combination with the following vowel, and this is what V has shown when he gives the same sentence combining krsa and atra into krstra. 48. The t in It, t and et in this sutra is to avoid ambiguity that might arise in its absence. PA 1.1.72 has laid down that when an operation is laid down with reference to some qualifying word or letter, it should be performed over a base ending with it. (tadantavidhi) . Accordingly here iddet is to be under stood as ddedanta (i.e. ending in t, and e ) ; similarly dvivicanam = dvivacana(pratyay ) ntam ( abdarpam ). In the preceding stra a rule is given regarding the vowels that are pluta or pragrhya. The illustration given there, however, refers only to the pluta; and an illustration for pragrhya is yet to be given. But before that can be done, one must know what a pragrhya is. This is what the present stra tells us. And then, of course, bv No. 47, we know that a pragrhya vowel also

31

S 48

Srasiddhntakaumiidl

remains unchanged before a follovving vowel. V here gives three examples to illustrate the three vovvels, mentioned in this stra. 49. In this and the following stras P is telling us what words are to be designated nipta- This stra States that ali the vvords included in the cdi gaa are designated nipta , provided they do not signify a substance [sattva). This cdigaa, given exhaustively in K on this stra, contains about 150 words; and the gaaptha declares that this is an krtigaa. Bohtlingk gives a list of 195 vvords as cdigaa and declares that this is an krtigaa. The need for defining nipta can be seen from No. 51 belovv. 50. The prdi vvords are tvventy or tvventy-two in number according as vve take nir and dur as identical vvith nis and dus or not. For these see Nots on No. 34 above. The vvord asattve is to be read in this stra, so that it means that prdis are niptas, if they do not signify sattva. These prdis are designated upasarga, vvhen they are connected vvith kriy. Hence it follovvs th t they can be called nipta, only if and vvhen they are not connected vvith kriy. 51. Having thus explained the term nipta, our author novv tums to the rule in vvhich P lays dovvn the conditions under vvhich a nipta may be pragrhya. Here by the by vve may see vvhy Bh. or our author here has altcred the order of P s stras. They are trying to deal vvith the various aspects or topics of grammar one by one arranged in their ovvn way, vvhile P has dealt vvith them on quite different lines. The order of stras given by P is, therefore, naturally not suitable and convenient to Bh and V. Hence they have interpreted the rules in quite a different order as reguired for their aim.

32

Noies

S 52

In No. 48 above, P has told us what is pragfhya . Here is now one more stra, vvhich tells us that a monosyllabic nipta except (= ) is designated pragrhya and hence not to be com bined with the follovvin vovvel (acc. No. 47 above). For the explanation of this stra , it was quite necessary to State what is a nipta; and for doing this, V has taken up two siras in vvhich P has defined nipta. There are some more stras also in vvhich niptas are mentioned. But our purpose is served by these tvvo stras and hence the other stras have been left out. ekc niptas are i, and u. Now is either n (having a mute n) or simply (vvithout any mute letter). Only the latter is pragrhya. The illustrations are i indra/ u um ea/ evai nu manyase/ and evai kila tat (vvhere is vvithout mute n and signifies vkya and smaraa respectively). In other senses, hovvever, is nit and hence not pragrhya. Thus usam = osam (vvhere = sat , and is n it) . 52. Here it has to be observed that though the sthnins and the deas are equal in number, their mention in this stra is not to be considered as being yaihsamkhya on the basis of PA 1.3.10, No. 23 above, as is indicated by the stra t ( PA 8.4.44, No. 53 belovv). Sto is sthneyog sasth; and means in the place of s and (the letters) of the tavarga\ The vvord cu means and (the letters of) the cavarga. The vvords stu and cu are to be considered as samhradvandva irregularly mas culine in gender. Cf. storiti samhradvandva sautram puriistvam (Bh). O ur author has given four illustrations: tvvo illustrations vvhere s has come in contact with and c (the first letter of the cavarga ) respectively; and tvvo of t and n (the first and the last letters of the tavarga) coming in contact vvith c and j (the first and

F 3A 33

S 52

Srasiddhntalaumud

the 3rd letters of cavarga ) respectively. There is no problem when s is substituted by . But when tu is to be substituted by cu, we have to remember the rule sthnentaratama (PA 1.1.50, No. 18 above). Hence in illustrations 3 and 4, the first and the fifth letters of tu are substituted by the first and the fifth letters of cu respectively. 53. Here by anuvTtti we get to na from the preceding stras. Thus the rule is : tu is not substituted by cu when preceded by in spite of rule No. 52 above. The words vina and prana illustrate this point, the n coming after having remained unchanged. 54. This stra is to be explained exactly like No. 52 above. The illustrations given here also are exactly parallel to those given under No. 52, but for the third one, namely pest. This illustration is given to show that the substitution of stu by stu can occur even if s is followed by tu (unlike the case in rule No. 53). 55. The ablative is to be understood in the light of tasm d ityuttarasya (PA 1.1-67). The word sto stuh are to be got into this stra by anuvTtti . This stra thus lays down an exception to the above general rule regarding cerebralisation; and means that stu is not substituted by stu , if it comes after tu at the end of a p a d a . This is illustrated by sa t santa and sa t te (one for s and the other for t coming after t at the end of a p a d a ). P has defined pada as a word ending in a case-ending (suj?) or a personai ending (PA 1.4.14). In three further stras also he has given particular circumstances under which a formation, even without having sup or tin attached to it, is to be designated a pada.

34

Noies

S 58

anm in this stra lays down an exception to the remaining part of the stra. According to it, the pratisedha in this rule does not apply to nm (gen. plr. ending). Thus nm coming after t will change its n to acc. No. 54. The illustration for this is sam. Here sas = sat (No. 58) + nm. Novv this sat is a pada (by PA 1.4.17) and yet as stated here, the nm coming after it is changed to m, and the padnta t also is changed to (by PA 8.4.45, v.). 56. P sanm by the time of Kt. was found to be too narrow and hence the latter added two more words thus making the list up to date. Thus the phohibition of cerebralisation of tu coming after ( padnta) tu does not apply to the gen. plr. ending nm and the vvords navati and nagafi. The case of nm vvehave already seen. Illustrations for the other tvvo vvords are: sctavati and sacigarya. In these illustrations sat is a pada and hence t is a padnta. In the former, sat is the first member of a compound and hence a pada; in the latter, of course, it is nom. plr. of sas. 57. In this stra , to is gen. of tu ; and si loc. to be under stood in the light of PA 1.1.66, No. 17 above. The vvords na stu are obtained by anuvTtti from the preceding stras. san sasth a illustrates this exception to rule No. 54 above. The vvord ante here as in several other stras of P means padnte. For the pratyhras, jhal and jasy see the Appendix. W hat the rule means is : a class letter is substituted by the 3rd letter of its class at the end of a p a d a . The vvord vgla is an illustration. vc becomes vk (by PA 8.2.30) and then k is changed to g by the present rule. Thus vve get va. 58.

35

S 59

Srasiddhnlakaumud

59. yar is a pratyhra, for which sce appendix. The word padnta is to be read in this stra by anuvTtti from the prec'eding sltras. yara is sthneyog sasth . anunsike (loc.) is to be understood acc PA 1.1.66, No. 17 above. In the place of yar} when it is followed by anumsika , a corresponding anunsika is optionally substituted. Hence from etad murri we get etanmurri or etadmurri. 60. The above rule of P, however, in course of time appeared to stand in need of some supplementation; and Kt has supplied the need. The loc. pratyaye is to be understood as usual (acc. PA 1.1.66, No. 17 above). The word bhs in P s system stands for the language of common parlance as opposed to chandas, mantra, veda etc. which signify the language of the Veda. Thus, tat+mtram and cit + mayam are two illustrations where the preceding letter is changed to a corresponding nasal owing to the following nasal belonging to a pratyaya. Thus after sarndhi we can get only tanmtram and cinmayam respectively. 61. The cpd expression parasavara is to be read in this stra by anuvTtti; to is sthneyog sasth; and the loc. Ii is to be understood as usual acc. PA. 1.1.66 (No. 17 above). Here the sthnin is tu (i.e. tavarga) and the dea l is the substitute for ali the letters contained in it. O ur author has given only one illustration in which t is changed to l. Here we have to note, though our author has not included that point here, that n when followed by l is changed to anunsika l. Read: nakrasynunsiko lakra/ Bh. The illustration for
o

this as jiven by Bh is: vidvdn likhati vidvllikhati.

36

Noies

S 65

62 64. Here we have to read the word savara by anuvTtti; and gen. prvasya is on!y ordinary genitive (sambandhas mnye). The gen. sthstambho is sthneyog sasth, while uda is abi. to be understood acc. PA 1.1.67 (No. 63). The dea here is laid down by using the abi. and hence it vvill be the substitute for the uttara (i.e. the letter vvhich comes after it immediately vvithout any intervention). But the matter is not quite clear as to vvhat exactly is to be considered uttara as stated above. It, therefore, is made clear by another rule in vvhich P lays dovvn that vvhen an operation is to be performed over the para (or uttara, as opposed to purva), it is to be done over the di thereof. Novv in the present case, the sthnin is sth, or stambh both of vvhich are uttara. Hence the substitution vvhich is to be done for them vvill be done for their di (initial letter) only. Thus novv it is clear that in the case ud sth (or ud stam bh ), the s (of sth or stambh) is to be substituted by a savara of the purva (i.e. d ). The savaratva is determined on the basis of sthna and prayatna (of tvvo vrieties), and acc. PA 1.1.50 (No. 18 above), the substitute is to be determined on the basis of antaratamatva of sthna. After ali this consideration one cari see that the substitute for s is th, and vve come to ud thth (or ud thtambh) ud tth (or ud ttajnbh) by cartva (i.e. substitution of t for th ) .
65.

In this position comes an occasion for the application of another rule, namely PA 8.4.65 (No. 65).

In this stra hala (abi. = hala parasya) is to be read by anuvrtti. The gen. jhara is sthneyog, and the loc. jhari etc. is to be understood acc. PA. 1.1.66 (No. 17 above). The lopa also comes in by anuvTtti, as also the vvord anyatara-

37

S 65

Srasiddhnlakaumud

sym (from PA 8.4.62). Thus in the present case a jhar ( = t) coming after hal ( = d of ud) is followed a savara jhar (=A) and hence will be optionally elided. Hence now the position will be ud th or ud tth (ud tambh or ud tta m b h ). And here arises an occasion for one more rule. 66. In this stra, on the basis of anuvTtti we get the words jhalm and cara from the preceding stras. In the present case d (a jhal) is followed by t, which is a khar; and hence it will be changed to a char (i.e. t ), which is closest to it acc. PA 1.1.50 (No. 18 above). Thus ultimately we have utthnam (or uttthnam ) and uttambhanam (or utttambhanam ). O ur author for the sake of simplicity has not given the forms that we have included in brackets here. 67. In this stra, jhaya is abi. and ha is gen. The words prvasya savara come in by anuvrtti from the preceding stra. For the pratyhra jhay see Appendix. Now the prvasavara substitute for h must be the fourth letter of the class. Hence vk hari = vgghari or vg-hari (Here it may be observed that k of vk is changed to g by PA 8.4.53). 68. In this stra also jhaya and anyatarasym are to be read by anuvTtti. The word padnta also is obtained by anuvTtti from PA 8.4.59 (No. 73 below). Thus in the case of tat iva, s has come after t ( = a jhay) and is followed bv i ( = an a t ) . Hence by the present rule, will be changed to ch optionally. Thus we get tat chiva or tat iva. But by No. 52 above, t of tat will be changed to c ; and hence finally we get tacchiva or taciva. 69. The above rule of P was found deficient in view of certain occurrences in the current language and hence Kt

38

Noies
has tried to bring it up to date by the present rule. He suggests that the chatva laid down by P should be declared to take place when (a standing after a jhay) is followed by am (rather than at). It may be remembered that at = ali vowels and y, v, r; while am ali vowels, semi-vowels, and nasals. The need for this vrttika is shown by cases like tat lokena , where is followed by l which does not come under at. But it is changed to ch optionally. Hence instead of ati we should say ami. Thus ultimately, we get tacchlokena or taclokena . 70. In this stra we get the word padasya by adhikra {PA 8.1.16 padasya, which adhikra extends upto PA 8.3.55, apadntasya mrdhanya ) . This gen., namely padasya, is sthneyog, and ma in this stra is intended as its vizana, and is as such to be understood to stand for mntasya. (For a lucid statement of this point read K. V. A b h y a n k a r , DSG, P 168 under tadantavidhi). The word hali is to be read in this stra by anuvTtti from the preceding stra. In the illustration harim vande, m at the end of a pada is followed by v (a hal) and is, therefore, changed to anusvra; and thus we get harim vande. 71. The gen. na is to be understood as sthneyog, qualified by apadntasya. Secondly by the force of ca, m a from the preceding stra is attracted into this stra. Thus the present rule lays down that anusvra is substituted for m and also n not standing at the end of a pada, when followed by a jhal. Illustrations are yamsi, and kramsyate. Now before the case-ending jas, the word yaas takes the augment num by PA. 7.1.72 napumsakasya jhalaca; and then the vowel preceding this ns {snta samyoga) is lengthened by PA 6.4.10,

39

Srasiddhnlal(aumudi
sntamahata satrhyogasya. Thus we finally come to the position yans i. Here is an occasion for the present rule by which n ( apadm ta) followed by s (a jhal) is changed to anusvra; and finally we have yamsi. In kramsyate we see apadnta m being changed to anusvra when followed by s (a jhal). 72. yayi, loc. sg. of yay, a pratjhra for which see Appendix. The substitute is parasavarna (i.e. a nasal of the class to which the following letter belongs). The word nta illustrates this rule. V am, when kta is appended to it, lengthens its penultimate a (by PA 6.4.15) and the position is m ta. Here m is changed to anusvra (by PA 8.3.24, No. 71 above) and by this rule, the anusvra is changed to parasavarna (i.e. n ) to make the form nta. 73. The substitution of anusvra by parasavarna is optional if the anusvra is at the end of a pada. In the illustration given by our author, the m (at the end of a pada namely tvam ) is changed to anusvra. This anusvra (at the end of the pada) is follovved by k (a yay) and hence is changed to n (savara of the para k) optionally. Hence we have tvamkarosi or tvankarosi. 74. Here it has to be observed that abi. and loc. have been used together. In such cases we have to apply the pbh. ubhayanirdee pacamnirdeo balyn; and understand loc. in the sense of gen. Thus the word si (loc.) here stands for gen. as is shown by Ky where it is explained as sakrdeh padasya . (This is according to N. Pbh. 70). The augment d h u t has mute t'. This shows that it is to be prefixed to s for which it is laid down. Then by P A 8.4.55, dh is changed to t. Before, however, taking up an illustration, our author thinks it necessary to refer to another rule which pertains to gama.

40

Nots

S 78

75. takitau = titkitau = tit gama and kit gama. Here we have another illustration of the general rule: dvandvnte ryamam padaru pratjekam abhisambadhyate /. Another point to be noted here is the yathsamkhyanirdea . After noting this rule our author takes up the illustration: sad santa, where d is followed by s; and hence the augment dh will be prefixed to s. Then as stated above dh is changed to t; and finally d also is changed to t by the same rule. Thus with the augment, we get sattsanta; and without the augment we shall have satsanta. 76. In this stra we have to read si and dhut from the preceding stra (by the force of ca) and then the stra is to be explained exactly like No. 74 above. The illustration is san sa = santsa or sansa . 77. Here na, got into this stra by anuvTtti, is to be explaincd like m a in No. 70 above. Hence our author writes msya padntasya (which is only another way of saying nntasya padasya). i (loc. sg. of ) = e = when followed by s. The augment tuk is kit; and hence is to be appended at the end. Hence in the illustration taken by our author (namely san am bhu ), the final n being followed by s takes the gama tuk and we have, sant ambhu. Then by No. 52, t is changed to c (sac am bhu ) ; then by No. 68 is optionally changed to ch (sacchambhu or sacam bhu). These two we get in the case of tuggama . In the absence of this gama we shall have two more, namelv sachambhu, saambhu. In ali these four, the final n (of san) is changed to by No. 52. 78. In this stra we get the vvords hrasvasya tuk by anuvTtti from the preceding stra (i.e. PA 6.1-70). Thus it

41

Srasiddhnlal(aumudl
lays down the tuggama for a hrasva (short vovvel) vvhen follovved by ch. The illustration given here is acch. S K gives svac.chy and ivacchy as illustrations, and explains hovv this t is changed to c. These illustrations are clearer than the one given here. 79. In this stra the vvords dlrght, che, and tuk are obtained by anuvTtti. Thus the tuggam a in the case of a long vovvel standing at the end of a pada, vvhen follovved by ch is optional. This is illustrated by laksm lcchy or laksmxchy. Here also the change of t to c is to be explained as above. 80. This stra comes under paddhikra and hence has to be explained like No. 70 above. Thus K has actually explained it as sakrntasya padasya etc. vvhich, of course, means padntasya sasya etc. The substitute laid down is ru (= r). Thus the general rule in the case of s (at the end of a vvord) is that it is substituted by r. Furthermore, ru is also the dea for sjus. Novv since r is ekl, it vvill be only antydea (acc. PA. 1.1.52). Here vve have to remember the paribhsy nnuban dhakrtam anekltvam, already discussed under No. 42 above81. By anuvTtti vve get ra in this stra and because this stra comes under paddhikra, this ra is to be explained as rephntasya padasya, vvhich is the same as padntasya rasya (as our author has it). Thus by No. 80 a final s is changed to r; and by this rule, a final r is changed to visarga. This change occurs vvhen r is follovved by a khar or by nothing. 82. We have to read khari in this stra by madkapluti from the preceding stra {PA 8.3.15); and it is laid dovvn that the visarga follovved by a khar is changed to s. In v is u trt the visarga is followed by t (a khar) and hence changed to s, thus giving us visustrt. 42

Noies

S 85

83. In this stra the word visarjanlyasya is got by anuvTtti from the preceding stra (i.e. PA 8.3.35) and the word visargasya is obtained from PA 8.3.34, (No. 82 above). Thus the rule is : a visarga is optionally retained, when followed by a ar. When it is not retained, naturally it is first changed to s (by No. 82), which then is changed to (by No. 52 above). Thus hari ete = hari ete or hari ete . 84. The word visarjaniyasya is got in this stra by anuvTtti, and kupvo is loc. du. of kup ( = letters of the kavarga and the pavarga). Here the yathsarnkhyanyya applies and the deas are to substitute the sthnins respectively (by PA 1.3.10, No. 23 above). The ca in this stra mdicates that visarga (that is enjoined in the preceding stra) may also be retained. Four illustrations are given, two for ku and tvvo for pu, vvhere we see that the visarga follovved by k (ku) is optionally retained or changed to jihvmliya, and vvhen follovved by p (pu) optionally to upadhmnya. 85. The word kupvo is obtained from the preceding svtra by anuvTtti; and similarly sa and ia sa are to be understood by the same principle. Thus in this stra P is sanetioning the change of visarga to 5 or s (in the case of ka ka etc.), vvhere it is follovved by ku or p u . It may be noted here that this substitution cannot be regularly established on the strength of any general rule of P; and hence special sanetion has to be given to them. Secondly kaskdi is an kTtigaa, of vvhich 18 vvords have been enumerated. But the list is not exhaustive. (For the vvords in this gaa, see G R M 1.18f). In the vvords cited by our author, visarga follovved by k is changed to s; and this s is then changed to sy if it is preceded by i (i.e.

43

S 85

Srasiddhnlalaumudl

ali vowels except a and } the semi-vowels and h) according to PA. 8.3.39. 86. The words ati and ut are obtained in this stra by anuvTtti from the preceding stras . Here we find the abi. aplutt ata and the loc. aplute ati used simultaneously. This stra is laying down the dea ut for ru only, as shown by the gen. ro. Take, for example, iva arcya. Here visarga of iva is in fact s, which therefore, is changed to ru (by No. 8 0 ); and then by the present rule, this ru is changed to u . Thus the position now is iva u arcya. Here No. 27 gets scope-and we get ivo arcya; and then after ekdea by No. 41 we finally have ivorcya. 87. With the required anuvTtti from the preceding stra, this stra lays down the substitution of ru by u when preceded by a and followed by ha (a soft consonant). Thus, iva vandya = ivo vandya . This also is to be explained as above.
88 . The word ro is got in this stra by anuvTtti from the preceding stra. It is to be noted that bhos etc. are niptas ending in s. Hence by No. 80 their final s will be changed to ru. Now the present rule lays down that this ru, if followed by a3 is changed to y. The present rule has one more point in it. The ru is changed to y if it is aprva (preceeded by a or ) and followed by a (i.e. a vowel or a soft consonant). This latter part is illustrated by dev} i iha = devr iha (: = s = ru by No. 80) = devy iha (ru = y by 88.) = dev iha (elision of y by No. 30). As for bhos etc., the position would be bhos dev = bhor dev}i. (rutva by No. 80) = bhoy devi (yatva by No. 88). Similarlv bhagoy namaste and aghoy yhi.

44

Nots

S 92

89. In this stra, the vvord sarvesm means sarvesm matena. In No. 30, the lopa of y is attributed to kalya alone. This makes yalopa optional. In the present stra no such option is left; and it is laid down that y is elided in the opinion of ali; of course, vvhen it is follovved by a consonant {hal). Hence from the positions noted above vve finally get bho devh /bhago namaste/ and agho yhi (vvith the elision of y in each case). 90. The vvord ahan ( = ahna ) is got in this stra by anuifftti from the preceding stra. The nom. ra gives the dea r vvhich being ekl is only antydea. The vvord asupi (loc.) means vvhen not follovved by a sup i.e. vvhen follovved by any thing else but a case-ending. Thus ahan ahan = ahar ahar = aharaha (final r is changed to visarga by No. 81). Similarly is to be explained ahan gaa = ahargaa. 91. The word lopa is obtained from the preceding stra by anuvrtti. The stra means: r follovved by r is elided. Before giving an illustration, our author takes up one more stra vvhich is immediately required. 92. K explains drhalope as <hakrarephayor lopo yasmin sa dhralopa. Thus in simpler vvords dhralopa means that dh or r, vvhich has caused elision of (a preceding dh or r). The loc. dhralope is to be understood in the usual sense as laid dovvn by P in PA 1.6.66, No. 17 above. Hence this vvord means vvhen (the dh or r) vvhich have caused the lopa of dh or r follovv. The rest of the vvording in this stra is quite clear. The illustration for this and the preceding stras together is punar ramate = puna ramate (by No. 91) = pun ramate (by No. 92).

45

S 92

Srasiddhntakaumudl

manas ratha etc. Here V is explaining the formtiem manoratha. The starting position is manas ratha, where by rutva (No. 80) we get manar ratha. Now at this stage two rules come in for application simultaneouslv, namely No. 8/ which would change ru to u, and No. 91 which v/ould cause r to be elided. Thus there is a problem as to which of these two rules should be applied. For, it is quite impossible to apply both of them simultaneously. Hence V takes up the next stra. 93. vipratisedha = tuljabalavirodha i.e. eonfliet between two or more rules equal in their force. If the rules are not tulyabala) naturally the stronger one among them will set aside the rest (the weaker ones); and hence there can be no eonfliet at ali. Hence for eonfliet or vipratisedha, the rules coming in for application in a particular situation must be of equal status and simultaneously applicable. In such cases P lays down that the para shall be accepted and the prva shall be set aside. The paratva and the prvatva, of course, are to be determined on the basis of the order of the stras as found in PA. Now the tvvo rules, that have come up simultaneous!y for aoplication here, are No. 87 (PA 6.1.114) and No, 91 (PA 8.3,14); and hence No- 91 being para vvill have to be applied; and the r will have to be dropped. 94. But this is not correct. For, in the case under consideration one rule (No. 9 1 )is from the tripd vvhich P has declared to be asiddha (as good as non-existing) vvith reference to the sapdasaptdhyyi (and vvithin the tripd itself, each succeeding rule is asiddha vvith reference to each preceding ru le ). Here then No. 91 is asiddha to No. 87, so much so that No. 87 vvill

46

Noies

S 95

stand unobstructed in its application. Hence manar ratha will change to mana u ratha mano ratha (No. 27) = manoratha. 95. The gen. du. ako etattado is not sthnesasth but only sambandhasmnye sasth . Similarlv anasamse is not the loc. as in sv!ra 1.1.66 (No. 17) but onlv adhikarae saptan. The loc. hali, hovvever, is to be understood acc. No. 17. Thus the stra means the su (i.e. nom. sg. ending), belonging to the pronouns etad and tad, not having the letter k ( akac) appended to them, and not standing in or forming part of a na-samsa, is elided, vvhen it (i.e. su) is follovved by a consonant ( hal ). Illustrations are: esa visu = esa visu/ sa ambhu = sa ambhu (for esa and sa respectively). esaka rudra esako rudra/ Here the pron. etad is not ak (vvithout k affixed to it) as required by the present rule. Hence this rule vvill not apply in this case. So the rules to apply here vvill be No. 80 (causing rutva ), No. 87 (causing substitu tion of ru by u ), and finally No. 27 causing gua as ekdea . This shows why the vvord ako, in the stra, is necessary. The need for anasamse is established by the illustration asa iva/ Here the su of asa is not dropped because therein the pron. tad stands in a nasamsa. The rule to apply here vvould be No. 83 and the su ( = visarga) vvill be optionally changed to visarga or and we shall have asa iva , or asa iva. Similarly the need for hali in the stra is shovvn by illustrations like esa atra = esotra. In this illustration su of esa is not dropped because it is not follovved by a hal as required by the present rule. The rules to apply here are No. 80 (causing rutva of su), then No. 87 (causing ru to

47

S 95

Srasiddhnlakaumudi

be changed to u ), then No. 27 (causing gua as ekdea) and finally No. 41 (causing o as ekdea ), thus ultimately giving esotra. 96. This stra defines prtipadika , a technical term which P has used several times. It may be broadly translated as nominat base, as distinguished from a verbal base or root vvhich is designated dhtu. V has explained a p r a t y a y a as pratyayam pratyayntan ca varjayitv . Here we have to remember pratyayagrahae yasmt sa vihitas taddes tadantasya ca grahaamj N. Pbh,. 23, which gives us the additional meaning given by our author. Bh. declares that the two senses can be obtained here on the basis of tantra etc. Read: stre tantrdmobhayara vivaksitam/ vartite pratyayapade pratyayagrahaaparibhsay tadantagrahat tadantaparyudsa. B P. 329. It must further be observed that the pratyayas, intended in this stra , are the case endings only. This becomes evident from the fact that bases ending in krt and taddhita pratyayas are declared to be prtipadika in the next stra. This stra can be said to pertain to what may be called simple or primary (or avyut panna) prtipadikas, while the derivative prtipadikas form the subject of the following stra. 97. Here again we have to applv the pratyayagrahaaparibhs noticed above. The specific mention of krt and taddhita here is to remove the paryudsa that can be drawn from the word apratyaya in the preceding stra. The inclusion of the vvord samsa indicates that on!y samsa can be a prtipadika; but not a vkya. Read Bh. SK . 98. In this stra are enumerated ali the case endings which are often referred to by the pratyhra sup . These are 21

48

Noies

S 102

endings in ali, forming seven triads, each triad containing the endings indicating the three numbers (sg., du., and plr.) respectively. The seven triads correspond to the seven cases from nom. upto loc., voc. being (almost) identical with the nom- (see No. 110 below). The endings have been capped with some mute letters (or anubandhas) which serve some useful purposes. These have been discussed separately elsewhere. 99. The rit and p in this stra are pratyayas; and hence by the pratyayagrahaaparibhs must be said to stand. for nyanta and banta respectively. Furthermore it has to be observed that the anubhandhas n and p in n and p serve the purpose of smnyagrahaa and hence stands for tf and nisy and p stands for cp, tp} and dp . Thus this stra declares that the case-endings are appended to prtipadikas and to words ending in the fem. suffbces noticed above. It has further to be observed that this is an adhikrastra holding its sway upto the end ol PA 5.

100. Here P has used the pratyhra sup, formed on the basis of his own stra. Other such pratyhras used by him are trn, sut, p and tan (at PA 2.3.69; 1.1.43, 7.2.112 and 1.4.100 respectively).
101. The vvords dvi and eka in this stra are sa'thkhypara and not samkhyeyapara; and hence stand for ditva and ekatva respectively. 102. In this stra P has defined the term avasna, vvhich he has used several times in his vvork. After these preliminary matters novv we have to proceed to declension vvhich has been treated by our author (after Bh.)

49 F .-4 A

S 102

Srasiddhntaaumudz

under six different heads; namely (1) ajanta purhliga, (2) ajanta stliga, (3) ajanta na purns akaliga, (4) halanta purhlinga, (5) halanta stliga, and (6) halanta napum sakaliga, [This topic is known as sadligi]. We start with the word rma . Now to it is added the ending su ( = s nom. sg.) and we have rma s. Then by Nos. 80 and 81, s is changed to ru and then to visarga, so that finally we have the form rma. Now in nom. du. we have rma rma au. 103. In the above position we see that the words rma and rma are identical in form (sarpa=samnarpa) and are followed by one case-ending {vibhakti). In such cases, P lays down that only one of the sarpa vvords is to be retained. Thus vve get rma au, vvhich by No. 33 results in rmau. But before this form is finally established one difficulty is likely to be. raised, on the basis of the following stra. 104. The word prathamayo here stands for the first tvvo cases (i.e. nom. and acc. case endings). Read: prathamabdo vibhaktiviese rdha/ tatshacaryd dviypi prathamety ukt K s . The word aka is to be got in this stra by anuirrtti from the preceding stra (namely No. 40). The word aci also is obtained by anuvTtti. This stra evidently is laying down the >ekdea (see nots on No. 2 7 ) , namely prvasavaracrgha, for both the prva and the para . If this rule is applied to the case under consideration (namely rma au ), *we shall get the form as rm (and not rmau). This, however, is not desirable and has to be vvarded off. This can be done by the next stra.

50

N ots

S 107

105. The word prvasavaradrgha is to be got in this stra by anuvTtti from the previous stra. This stra forms an exception to No. 104 and prohibits the substitution of prvasauaradngh a in cases where a is followed by ic (i.e. any vowel except a or ), Hence in the case under consideration the difficulty, occasioned by the possible application of No. 104, is removed. For, that rule does not apply here at ali. Hence, as stated above, by No. 33 we can have the form rmau (from rma a u ). 106. Since dvi and eka are specifically mentioned in No. 101 above, it follovvs that bahu signifies a number from iri omvards; and the present stra lays down that the plr. ending is appended to nominal bases to denote any number from three omvards. So when three rmas are to be spoken of, we shall have rma rm a r m a + ja s. 107. Novv the consonant j in jas is to be considered mute. This is shown by this stra, in vvhich the vvords pratyayasya and di come by anuvTtti . The designations cu and tu signify letters of the cavarga and the tavarga respectively according to No. 12. Novv since ; is an it, the case-ending actually is reduced to as; and the position novv is rma rma rma as. Then by No. 103, onlv one rma vvill remain, and the other tvvo vvill be dropped. Thus vve have rma as. But here comes another difficulty: No. 1 declares that a final consonant in an upadea is it and is, therefore, dropped (acc. No. 3). In the present case, therefore, the final s (of as) stands in the danger of being dropped; and this has to be avoided. This is done in the follovving tvvo
stras.

51

S 108

Srasiddhntakaumud

108. This stra lays down the designation vibhakti for the case-endings {sup) and personai endings {ti )y vvhich are got in this stra by anuz/rtti. It may be observed that some of the taddhita juffixes also have been given the designation vibhakti (cf. PA 5-3-1-26). For the present, of course, we are concerned vvith sup and tin endings only. So jas is a vibhakti. 109. Now vve are told that tu (letters of the tavarga ), s, and m belonging to a vibhakti are not it. Hence the s of jas is not it and as such is not to be dropped. The danger, pointed out in No. 107above, is thus got over; and hence finallv vvc have rma-ras = rms (by No. 40 or No. 104) = rmah (by Nos. 80 and 81).

110 . It has been already stated above that voc. is the same almost as die nom. In this stra P has laid dovvn the designation sambuddhi as signifving the voc. sg. The other tvvo numbers are given the name mantrita (cf. PA 2.3.48). The vvord sambodhana given by V is got by anuz/rtti from the preceding stras (i.e. PA 2.3.47-48).
111. Novv vve have to form the voc. sg. and the position is rma+su = rma+s. At this stage V takes up the stra laying dovvn the designation anga. In the present case the case-endings are enjoined after a prtipadika (here, rma. see No. 99) and hence rma has the designation anga, vvhen it is follovved by a case-ending (i.e. s here). 112. In this stra the vvords lopa and hal are got by anuz/rtti. By the tadantavidhi {PA 1.1.72), the first vvord

5?

Noies

S 115

in this stra means enantd hrasvntt ca ( a gt ) as our author has explained it. Thus r m a + s = rma, because here the s, which belongs to sam bu ddh i and comes after an aga ending in en or in a short vovvel, is dropped. It may be observed that the vvord he used before rma is a particle of address and indicates that the vvord follovving it is a voci form. 113. Novv for acc. sg. the position is r m a + a m . Here by No. 104, prvasavarddrgha may come as ekdea . But the present stra supersedes it and lays dovvn that the ekdea vvill be p rvar pa, vvhen the acc. sg. ending (i.e. am ) follovvs. The vvords aka and aci are got here by anuvTtti from the preceding stras . Hence vve get r m a + a m = rm am . The acc. du. rmau is identical vvith nom. du. and is to be similarly explained. 114. For acc. plr. the position is r m a + a s . Here the consonant is an it and has to be dropped. This is shovvn by the present stra. The vvords pratyaya and di are got here by anuvTtti from the preceding stras; and the na (in the vvord a ta d d h ite ) has the force of paryudsa. The term ku signifies the letters of the kavarga . In 1.3.5-8, P has laid dovvn vvhat initial consonants are to be considered it. Accordingly (of the case-ending as) is it and thus the pure case-ending is as only. The vvord tasmt in this stra has reference to prvasaiiaracfirgha of the preceding stra. The gen. asa is sthneyog. The dea n (the final a is only uccrartha) being ekl is only an ntydea. Thus s is substituted by n and vve get rmn. 115.

53

S 116

Srasiddhnlaaumud

116. Here a doubt may be raised. In rmn, n has come after r and the two are intervened by 9 m and only. Hence by the present stra, the n should be changed to . 117. But this difficulty can be warded off by PA 8.4.37, because P has laid down therein that n cannot be changed to if it stands at the end of a pada . Now rmn is a word ending in a sup and hence is a pada (PA 1.4.14). In this stra, na ( , = nakrasya ) , a ( = akra) and na ( = n o t) are got by anuvTtti from the preceding stras. Hence ultimately the acc. plr. of rma is rmn. 118. For instr. sg. the position is rma+t . Now this stra gives us the various substitutes for the various case-endings vvhen thev come afler a. base ending in a. The vvord ata (vvhich by tadantavidhi means akrntasya sc. agasya) is got by anuvTtti from PA 7.1.9. In this stra , there are three sthnins ( = t9 asi and as) and three deas (namely ina, t and sya ) ; hence by No. 23, they are to be taken as being yathsaikhya . Secondly, ali the deas are anekl; and must, therefore, be sarvdea (by No. 42). Thus the stra ultimately means that ina, t, and sya are the instr., abi. and gen. sg. case-endings in the case of a base ending in a. Thus r m a + t = rma+ina = rmena (by No. 27) = rmea (by PA. 8.4.1-2). 119. For instr. du. the position is rma + bhym. In the present stra, vve have to read the vvhole of the preceding stra, namely ato cfirgho ya i} by anuvTtti. Novv in the case under consideration rma is a base (aga) ending in a and the case-ending bhym is a sup beginning vvith a ya (see Appendix for this pratyhra). Hence the final a of the aga is lengthened and vve get rmbhym.

54

Noies

S 123

120. For instr. plr. the position is r m a + bh is; and here this stra lays down that after bases ending in a , the ending bhis is substituted by ais. Now here V reminds us of No. 42 and shows that ais is a sarvdea . Hence the position now becomes rma + ais. Then by No. 33, vrd d h i (i.e. ai) will be the ekdea for a and ai, so that finally we have rm ai. 121. For dat. sg. the position is r m a + n e ( = e ). The present stra lays down the dea ya (which is anekl and hence sarvdea) for ne. The words a ta and agt are to be got from the preceding stras by anuvTtti . Thus we get now r m a + y a . 122. This stra tells us that an dea is like the sthnin, except for the purposes of the alvidh i . We have seen that a substitute is antydea or sarvdea according as it is ekl or anekl . Now the present stra tells us that an dea will be like its sthnin and thus overtake ali the operations belonging to it, but will not take over its ekltva or anekltva. So far as this is concerned it will be decided by the (actual form of the) dea itself and not (by that of) the sthnin, while other operations will be determined by the sthnin only. In the case under consideration the dea ya will be like its sthnin, n e; and hence be a sup; and hence by No. 119 will cause the lengthening of the final a of rm a . Thus ultimately we get rmya. Similarly dat. du. would be r m a + b h y m = rm bhym (bv No. 119). 123. Now for dat. plr. the position is r m a + b h y a . The present stra tells us that before a plr. case-ending beginning with a jhal, the final vowel of a base ending in a is substituted by e. Thus we get rmebhya. 55

S 124
124.

Srasiddhnlakaumudi

The word avasna means virma, the end. The vvords jhalm and cara are to be got by anuvTtti from the preceding stras . Thus acc. to the present stra, a final jh al is changed to a corresponding car. This is illustrated in abi. sg.: r m a + nas rma t (by No. 118) ram t or rm d (by the present s tra ). The abi. du. and plr. are exactly like dat. du. and plr. and have to be similarly explained. In gen. sg. by No. 118, nas is substituted by sya and we get the form rmasya. 125. For gen. du. the position is rma + os . Now in the present stra we have to read ata ( = adantasya ahgasya) by anui/rtti from the preceding stra. So e is to be substituted for the final a of an anga before os. Hence we have rma + os = rme + os = rm ay os (by No. 22) = rm ayo (final s being changed to ru and then to visarga by Nos. 80 and 81 respectively). 126. In gen. plr. the position is rma + m. Now the present stra lays down that the ending m vvill take the augment nut when applied to vvords ending in a short vowel or to vvords technically designated nad (cf. PA 1.4.3-6) or to words ending in . This gama, being tit has to be prefixed to m and thus vve get rma + nm. 127. The vvord nmi in this stra is loc. sg. of nm (vvhich stands for the gen. plr. ending vvith the augment n prefixed to it). Before this nm, the base lengthens its final vovvel. Hence vve get rm +nm = rmm (by PA 8.4.1-2). loc. sg. is rma + i = rme (by No. 2 7 ); loc. du. is the same as gen. du. rmayo and is to be similarly explained.

56

Noies
128.

S 129

Now we come to loc. plr. for which the position is rma + su = rme + su (by No. 123). Now the present stra lays down that s which is an dea or belongs to a pratyaya, not standing at the end of a p a d a , is changed to s , provided it comes after i or ku. The words iko> apadntasya) sa, m rdhan ya are obtained by anuifftti from the preceding stras. Hence we get rmesu. It has to be noted here that P has laid down only the m rdhanydea for s. But we have to determine the exact m rdhanya which is to be substituted. This is to be done on the basis of No. 18, by taking into consideration the prayatna in the present case. Hence our author points out that s which is &adviVTta is to be substituted by s vvhich also is Isadvivrta. Thus vve have completed the declension of the vvord rm a; and V tells us that ali (masculine) vvords (i.e. nouns and adjectives) ending in a are to be similarly declined. 129. Novv V passes on to the declension of pronouns (ending in a ) . In the present stra P has given the technical term sarvanm a and stated that it is the designation given to sarva and other vvords. V in his exposition of this stra has given us a list of vvords vvhich are included in the sarvdigana . For this gaa read:
sarvnyavivobhayanem ayattada ki iyu sm adasm addvibh avatyadetada / ubhatvadanyonyaparasparetarh sam a sim atvnyataretaretar /

57

S 129

Srasiddhnlakaumudi

ekedam adaso jey dataro datam stath svam ajiidhane nmni kladigdeavTttaya / prvparvarapar uttaro daksidharau

antaraih copasa^nvyne bahiryoge tathpuri / / GRM 1.21-23.

O ur author, however, has not given here a complete list of the words in the sarvdigaa. 130. It must be observed here that V has noticed only those forms of the pronouns vvhich differ from the correspond ing forms of a noun ending in a. Novv nom. sg. and du. of sarva are sarva, sarvau (exactly like rm a , rm au ). Hence V passes over them and takes up nom. plr. for vvhich the position is sarva + jas ( = a s ) . Novv in the present stra P has laid dovvn the de^a for jas coming after a pronoun ending in a (the words adantt and sarvanm na being got by anuvTtti from the preceding s tra s). The dea being sit is sarvdea (by No. 4 2 ); and hence vve have sarva + 1 = sarve (by No. 27). 131. The acc. and the instr. forms are exactly like those of a noun ending in a; and hence V passes on to dat. sg. for which the position is sarva + n e ( = e ). Novv the present stra (supplemented by ata = akrntt , and n e by a.nuvTtti) lays dovvn sm ai as the dea for ne coming after a pronoun ending in a. Hence vve get sarvasm ai . The dat. du. and plr. forms are like those of rma. 132. This stra lays down sm t and smin as the deas for nasi and ni (of abi. and loc. sg.). These deas being anekl

58

Noies

S 134

are sarvdea, like sm ai above. Hence abi. sg. is sarvasm t . The abi. du., abi. plr., gen. sg. and gen. du. are like those of rm a; and thus we come to gen. plr. for which the position is: sarva + m . 133. The word m i is loc. sg. of m and means Svhen followed by m \ This stra lays down the augment sut (s) to be prefixed to m (because it is tit) and hence we get sarva + sm . Then by No. 123 sarve + sm = sarve(by No. 128). loc. sg. is sarva + ni = sarva + sm in (No. 132) sarvasmin. Having thus explained the paradigms wherein a pronoun ending in a differs from a noun ending in a, V declares that the other paradigms of a pronoun (ending in a) are to be obtained exactly like those of a noun ending in a. He further remarks that ali pronouns ending in a are to be similarly declined. Hereafter V gives ali the forms of the pronoun ubha. In some editions of S K etc. we get ubhaabdo nityarii dvivacannta, which is found in one of our M ss. also. t may here be observed that for ubha. in du. we get only three distinct forms: (1) nom. and acc. ubhau; (2) instr., dat. and abi. ubhbhym ; and (3) gen. and loc. u b h ayo . These are to be explained like the corresponding forms of sarva (or rm a ) . 134. This stra has occurred under No. 129 above and is a gaastra, which is the name given to stra- like statements which are occasionally found to occur in the gaaptha. It may be observed here that some of these gaastras are found incorporated in P s straptha itself. This and the next two

59

S 134

Srasiddhntal^aumudi

stras are of this type. For details see A b h y a n k a r , DSG, p. 129. From this stra (considered as a gaastra), one may be ied to consider that these words (i .t.prva etc.) have the designation sarvanman before ali case-endings. But the present stra as a stra of P (with the words v and jasi got by anuvTtti) lays down that they will have that designation before jas (nom. plr.) only optionally. Hence nom. plr. of prva, for example, would be prve (as sarvanman) and prvh (as not sarvanman ). These forms are to be explained exactly like sarve and rmah above. 135. Here is another gaastra which is included in P s straptha, The word sva = (1) self ( tman ), (2) belonging to oneself (trrya), (3) kinsmen ( jti) and (4) property, belongings (dhcrna). Now in the first two senses, the word sva has the designation pronoun, optionally, before jas (of nom. plr.). Hence the forms would be sve or svh. But in the other two senses, it is to bo considered as noun only; and hence nom. plr. would be svh only. 136. This is the third gaastra that is included in P s straptha . The word antara also means (1) extemal ( bhya ), (2) a garment (paridhn^a ) , and (3) intervening space {madhyadea ) . In the first two senses it is to be considered optionally as a pronoun before jas (of nom. p lr.); but in the third sense it is to be considered as a noun only. Hence in the former the nom. plr. is antare, antarh; while in the latter it is antarh onlv. In connection with antare antar v grhh the Kik remarks: nagarabhy cdldigTh ucyante/; also read its note on upasa'thvyna: upasaavynaih paridhnyam ucyate , na prvaraiyam / .

60

Nots

S 138

137. We have to read the whole of the preceding stra (( No. 132) into this stra bv anuvTtti. Thus here we scc that the substitution of smt and smin for nasi and ni, in the case of prva and the following eight words5 is optional. Thus abi. sg. and loc. sg. of prva would be prvasmt, prvt; and prvasmin, prve. The same holds good in the case of para, etc. Having thus pointed out the differences, our author remarks that in ali other cases these words are to be declined like sarva only. 138. The whole of the preceding stra, vibhs jasi (PA. 1.1.32) is to be read in this stra by anuvTtti. Similarly the word sarvanmni is to be read from PA 1.1.27. Thus like the two preceding stras, this stra also lays down the sarvanma sam j for the words prathama etc. before jas ( = as of nom. plr. ). Hence nom. plr. of prathama would be prathame or prathamh. Here it has to be observed that prathama etc. are not included in the sarvdigaa and they are not sarvanman. T hat is why in the other cases they are to be declined like rma. The words prva etc. (of the three preceding stras) are included in the sarvdigaa and hence they are to be declined like sarva (and not like rma). The word nema is included in the sarvdigaa and as such is to be declined like sarva in ali other cases. Attention may here be drawn to the triple classification of vibhs} namely prpte vibhsy aprpte vibhs and ubhayatra vibhs. In this stra the sarvanmasamj is optional in the case of prathama etc. before jas. Now this saij is already prpta in the case of nema and ubhaya. Hence

61

S 138

Srasiddhntakaumudi

the option in their case is prpte vibhs. In the case of prathama etc., on the other hand, the samja is not prpta. Hence in their case the option is aprpte vibhs. Thus this stra is really a good illustration of the third variety, namely ubhayatra vibhs. For a full discussion and illust rations of vibhs in ali the vrieties read M Bh on PA 1.1.44. 'O ne more point to be noted in this stra is that here prathama, carama etc. are ali prtipadikas. Only taya is not so; it is a suffix. It stands for formations in taya, according to the maxim, pratyayagrahae tadant grhyh. 139. yasya etc. O n PA 1.1.36 K has added the folov/ing vrttika : vprakarae yasya nitspasamkhynam; and this is virtually taken up here by our author when he writes yasya itsu v. By pratyayagrahaV'paribhs) yasya means yntasya (i.e. formations in the suffix ya such as dvif%ya and trftya). By this vrttika these vvords get the designation sarvanman before hit case-endings (i.e. dat., abi., gen. and loc. sg) optionally. Hence weget optional forms such as dvifiyya , dvityasmai; dviyat} dviyasmt; and dviye ,dviyasmin. This holds good in the case of the other similar formation, namely trya. (The suffix tya is laid down by P for dvi and tri in tvvo stras, PA 5.2.54-55). 140. Now our author takes up the vvord nirjara and quotes the stra enjoining the substitution of jaras optionally for jar , when followed by a case-ending beginning vvith a vowel. (the vvord aci is got into this stra by anuvrtti from the preceding stlra i.e. PA 7.2.100). Here evidently the dea jaras is sarvdea, since it is anekl. But vve have to observe some more technical rules

62

Noies

S 141

here. Actually the dea is laid down for the word jar only. But as a corollary of PA 1.1.72, yena vidhis tadantasya, vve have another paribhs, padngdhikre tasya ca tadantasya ca, Pbh . 29 on vvhich N vvrites: padam a h gam ca viesyam viiesaena ca tadantavidhi/ yena vidhi (PA 1.1.72) ity asyyam prapaca/. Thus in the present case the substitute jaras will replace jar (by itself) or jar at the end of a compound. But in nirjara vve do not get the word jar at ali! And the dea is to replace only vvhat has been mentioned (i.e. the vvord jar, in the present case). For, the rule is: nirdiyamnasyde bhavanti, Pbh . 12. This objection, however, can be ruled out by another paribhs, ekadeavikrtam ananyavat, Pbh . 37. In the present case, jara, at the end of the vvord nirjara, is only an ekadeavikfta (form) of jar; and hence stands on par vvith jar. Hence it is quite regular to substitute jaras for jara in the word nirjara . (of course, before case-endings beginning with a vovvel). Novv nom. sg. of nirjara is nirjara (like rma). For nom. du. the position is nirjara + au; and here jaras will be optionally substituted for jara (in nirjara ). Thus the forms vvill be nirjarau (like rmau) and nirjaras au = nirjarasau. Similarly before ali vovvel case-endings nirjara will have two forms such as nirjarh, nirjarasa etc. It is clear that before vovvel terminations, nirjara is to be declined optionally (pakse) like rma, vvhen jaras is not substituted for jara . O ur author further tells us that it will be declined like rma, before consonantal case-endings also. For, there the substitution of jara by jaras is altogether absent. 141. Now V turns to the declension of masc. vvords ending in ; and takes up the word vivap. 63

S 141

Srasiddhntakaumudl

nom. sg. vvould be vivap + s = vivaph {s ru by No. 80 and then = visarga by No. 81). Now for nom. du. the position is vivap + au. Here V reminds us that No. 105 (PA 6.1.102) does not apply; for, P has by this stra clearly prohibited it in the case of vvords ending in a long vowel (here cfirgha = crghnta by tadantavi dhi), when followed by jas or by ic . (i.e. any vowel except a and a). Hence the rule to apply in the present case is No. 33 and the form then would be vivapau. Similarly nom. plr. would be vivap as = vivaph (by Nos. 40, 80 and 81 res^e^tivelv). voc. sg. and acc. du. are identical vvith nom. sg. and nom. du. respectively; while acc. sg. is vivap am = vivapm (No. 40). 142. Now for acc. plr. the position is vivap as. Before arriving at the final form, we have here to take note of several things. First among these is the technical term sarvanmasthna; and this is what P has given us in this stra.. The vvord sut here is a pratyhra based on PA 4.1.2 and stands for the first five case-endings. PA 1.1.42 declares i (nom. and acc. plr. neut. case-endings) to be sarvanma sthna and further adds [PA 1.1.43) that in the case of vvords that are not neut., sut ( = the first five case-endings) have that designation. Thus in the present case as ( = as of acc. plr.) is not sarvanmasthna. 143. In this stra P has given us another samja, namely pada. P has defined a pada in general as suptiantam padam {PA 1.4.14). In the follovving three stras {PA 1.4.15-17) he has stated cases vvhere the designation pada may apply to a base even though it may not end in sup or tin. The vvord svdisu in our s*tra means vvhen follovved

64

Noies

S 145

by pratyayas beginning with su (i.e. nom. sg. case-ending). This stra does not give the limit upto which the pratyayas are to be taken up for this stra . V tells us that we have to take ali pratyayas that P has laid down from PA 4.1.2 upto the pratyaya kap, laid dovvn in PA 5.4.151. According to the present stra then a vvord (or form) ending in any of these pratyayas is to be designated pada, provided that the pratyayas are not sarvanmasthna . Accordingly, therefore, vivap vvould be a pada vvhen it is follovved by as (acc. plr.), since it is not sarvanmasthna as vve have seen it above. 144. In this stra P has given us another technical term namely bha . The base gets the designation bha vvhen it is follovved by pratyayas beginning vvith y or vvith a vovvel (from among the pratyayas spoken of in the previous stra, No. 143). According to this stra , vivap can be designated bha also (vvhen it is follovved by as). Thus vve see that the base vivap has tvvo possible designations: (i) pada (by No. 143) and (ii) bha (by No. 144). 145. Novv V takes up a rule in vvhich P lays dovvn that vvithin the prescribed limits (i.e. from PA 1.4.1 upto PA 2.2.38) bases or vvords vvill have only one designation (even if according to various rules more designations than one may appear to be possible). But here the question is: vvhich designation? V ansvvers the question in the vvords: y par anavak ca. This ansvver is, of course, based on PA 1.4.2 vipratisedhe param kryam; and on the maxim svakaniravakayor niravakarh balya. Also read: anavak hi vidhayo bdhak bhavanti, M Bh on PA 5.4.154. In the

65

S 145

Srasiddhntakaumud

present case naturally the designation bha is para and hence applicable to the base vivap. Here we have one more peculiar instance of the this stra by adhikra ( bhasya PA 6.4.129) and lopa comes in by anuvrtti. Thus according to this rule the final vowel of a word ending in a root is dropped, when it is followed by a vovvel termination. Novv vivap is a vvord satisfying these conditions; and hence its final vvill be dropped before as (acc. plr. case-ending). Thus vve get vivap + as = viva* p a (i being changed to ru by No. 80; and ru to visarga by No. 81). Ali the other paradigms of vivap can novv be similarly formed. It must be observed that ali the vvords (e.g. akhadhm) ending in and ending in a root are similarly declined. But if they do not end in a root, as for example, the vvord hh , they vvill not follovv this rule; and hence vvill not. drop their final vovvel. Hence acc. plr. of hh is hhn (like rmn , see No. 116).
tadantavidhi. The word bhasya is got in

146.

Novv V tums to vvords ending in i and takes the vvord hari for illustration. nom. sg. is hari + s = hari (Nos. 80-81). Nom. du. is h a (by No. 104). 147. Novv for nom. plr. the position is hari + jas. Novv by this stra the final short vovvel of a base ( a n ga ) takes gurta vvhen follovved by jas (of nom. plr.). Thus vve get hare + as. Then by No. 22, haray + as = haraya (by 80-81). It may be observed that the vvhole of the preceding stra (i.e. No. 148 here) is to be read in this stra by
anuvTtti.

66

Noies

S 150

148. In this stra the word sarhbuddhau is to be got by anuvrtti from the previous stras. saibuddhi has been already mentioned as a technical name for voc. sg. case-ending (No. 110). Hence voc. sg. form of hari vvould be (he) hare. In acc. there is nothing particular to be noted; and the forms of the sg., du. and plr. are harim, hari (like nom. du.), and han (bv Nos. 104 and 115). 149. The vvord esa (the rest) stands for (i) the vvord that ends in i or u but has not the designation st; and (ii) the vvord that has the designation st but not the designation nad. In Ps system st is the designation of ali feminine vvords; vvhile the designation nad is given to only such feminine vvords as end in or . (read- ystrykhyau nadi, PA 1.4.3). V has mentioned only the former, because here vve are concemed vvith vvords ending in i (and u) only and not vvith vvords ending in l (and ). In this stra P has laid dov/n the designation ghi to denote ali the vvords (not feminine in gender) ending in i or u, except the vvord sakhi. Thus the word hari, according to this stra , has the designation ghi. 150. In this stra P has used ri to signify the instr. sg. case-ending (t). Here we have to observe that predecessors of P had used some technical terms and also some anubandhas; and further that some of these terms (such as ri here) have been adopted by P only occasionally; vvhile some others such as dhtu have been adopted throughout his vvork. It is further to be noted that vvhen P borrovvs such terms from the predecessors occasionally, the anubandhas appended to them have to be considered redundant; for they are found to be ineffective.

67

S 150

Srasiddhnlakaumud

The word gha is got in this stra by anuvrtti from the preceding stra . The gen. a is sthneyog gen;and the dea n} being anekl3 is a sarvdea. Thus hari + = hari + n = hari (by 8 .4 -1 -2 ). instr. du. and plr. would be haribhym, haribhi. 151. The word gua is got in this stra by anuvrtti .The nit case-endings are those of dat., abi., gen. and loc. sgg. According to this stra, words ending in i (or u) not fem. in gender, undergo guci before nit case-cndings. Thus dat. sg. is hari+e = hare+e = haray + e (by No. 22) = haraye. Dat. du. and plr. respectively are haribhym and haribhya. 152. For abi. sg. the position is hari+asi (i.e. as) = hare+as (No. 151). Now by No. 22 hare should be changed to haray. But that rule is here superceded by the present rule which enjoins prvarpa as ekdea in the case where e is followed by the case-endings asi and as (i.e. abi. and gen. sgg.). The word prva is got in this stra by anuvrtti from the preceding stra (i.e. PA 6.1.105 ami prva). Thus abi. sg. would be hare. abi. du. and plr. are the same as dat du. and plr. gen. sg. is the same as abi. sg. gen. du. is hari+os = hary+os (by No. 16) = haryo (by Nos. 80-81). For gen. plr. the position is hari+m = hari+nm (by No. 1 26) = harl+m (by Nos. 128 and 8 .4 .1 -2 ) = ham. 153. In this stra, a, and aut are got from the preceding stras by anuvrtti. Thus this stra lays down two things: (1) au for i and (2) a for ghi (i.e. the final vowel of ghi). The term ghi, as has been alreadv explained above in No. 149, is applicable to hari. So loc. sg. of hari would 68

N oies

158

be: h a ri+ i harau (No. and loc. plr. ending in i

= hari+au = hara + au (by this stra ) = 33). loc. du. = hari os = hary os = haryo; = hari su = harisu (No. 128). Ali masc. vvords (e.g. kavi etc.) are to be declined like hari.

154. Novv our author turns to the vvord sakhi and nots its peculiarities. For nom. sg. the position is sakhi+su. Now by the present stra, the vvord sakhi takes the augment anan ( = an) before s of nom. sg. This augment being nit is only an antydea (by No. 43). Hence vve get sakhan s . 155. In this stra P defines u pad h as a letter immediately preceding the final letter. In the case under consideration (i.e. in sakhan) n is antya; and a before it is upadh. 156. Novv ending in n case-ending Accordingly this stra tells us that the u padh of a vvord is lengthened vvhen follovved by a sarvanmasthna except the sambuddhi (i.e. voc. sg. ending). vve shall get sakhn+s .

157. Here P has given us the technical term aprkta . It signifies a pralyaya comprising a single letter. In the case under consideration j is ekl and hence has the designation aprkta. Here vve may note that the ending su, vvhen divested of its anubandha, is 5, is ekl; and that anubandha is not to be taken into consideration vvhen vve vvant to see vvhether a pratyaya is ekl or enekl. Read: nnubandhakrtam anekltvam, Pbh . 6. This shows that su (of nom. sg.) is ekl (and hence aprkta ) . 158. This stra lays dovvn that su (= s of nom. sg.), ti and si (3rd and 2nd sg. personai endings) vvhen reduced to a single letter, coming after bases ending in a consonant or long i (ra) or ( p )y is dropped. In the present case vve have sakhn+s, which by elision of s becomes sakhn . 69

S 159

Srasiddhntakaumud

159. Here it is to be noted that though a pratyaya is elided, its effect remains unaffected. Now in the present case the su (nom. sg. ending) is elided. But even then, the remaining portion, namely sakhn, can and does get the designation pada (Read: suptiantaih padam , PA 1.4.14). 160. As we have seen above, sakhn is a pada. It is also a prtipadika; for, it stands in the place of sakhi which is a prtipadika by No. 97. (For this see No. 123). Hence by the present rule the final n of sakhn is elided; and finally we get sakh as nom. sg. of sakhi. 161. The words sarvanmasthna and it ( = idvat) are got in this stra by anuvTtti. Thus this stra lays down that the sarvanmasthna case-endings (except that of voc. sg.) coming after the word sakhi are to be considered it. 162. In this rule P lays down that when followed by it or it pratyayas, the final vowel of the base takes vrddhi. In this stra , acah stands for ajantasya (by tadantavidhi ) ; the word vrddhih is got by anuz/rtti from the preceding stra; and the vrddhi is, of course, of the final ik (by No. 20 and PA 1.1.3, iko guavrddl). Thus sakhi + au = sakhai+au = sakhy-\- au = sakhyau. Similarly nom. plr. sakhya; acc. sg., du. = sakhyam, sakhyau; acc. plr. sakhin (exactly like ha n ) ; instr. sg. would be sakhi+ = sakhy (No. 16); instr. du. and plr. sakhibhymy sa k h ib h i ; and dat. sg. sakhi+e = sakhye (by No. 16); du. and plr. sakhibhymy sakhibhya. voc. sg. would be sakhi~\~su = sakhe+s (No. 148) = sakhe (No. 112). 163. Now for abi. (and gen.) sg. the position is sakhi+nasi (and nas). In the present stra , by anuvTtti we get the words
70

Noies

S 165

asiaso and ut. Thus this stra lays down that abi. and gen. sg. case-endings coming after khy and ty change their a to u. Thus sakhi+as = sakhy+as (No. 16) = sakhy~\~us (No. 163) = sakhyu (Nos. 80-81). It has to be observed here that u becomes rapara only when it is a substitute for r. Here it is a substitute for a and hence there is no raparatva abi. du. and plr. are the same as dat. du. and plr.; gen. du. and plr. also are exactly like those of hari, and require no elucidation. 164. Now we come to loc. sg. where the position is sakhi+ ni. Now in the present stra ne and idudbhym are got by anuvTtti . V, however, takes only ita (instead of idudbhym) and this by tadantavidhi means idantt. Thus according to this stra, ni (loc. sg. case-ending) is changed to au when it comes after a word ending in i. Hence sakhi+i = sakhi+au = sakhy+au (by No. 16) = sakhyau . Ali the remaining forms are exactly like those of hari. 165. The saihj ghi has been already explained above (No. 149). According to it the designation can apply to the word pati also. But P tells us that pati can have the designation ghi only when it stands (as a latter member) in a compound. This means that the word pati is to be declined like hari in ali cases only when it is at the end of a compound. But as a simple word it has some peculiarities, like the word sakhi (which also is not ghi). Hence the instr., dat. abi. gen. and loc. sgg. are paty} patye, patyu, patyu, and patyau respectively. Ali the other forms are like those of hari; and in a samsa also they will be like those of hari. Hence dat. sg. of bhpati, for example, is bhpataye (and not -patye ).
71

S 166

Srasiddhntalaumudl

166. In this stra P lays down the designation samkhy for the words baku and gana, and also words ending in the suffixes vatu (=i>at) and dati ( = ati ). The Kik tells us that the vvords bahu and gaa, when they mean vaipulya and sangha, are not subject to this stra and hence cannot have the designation sanikhy . 167. The words saikhy and sat are got in this stra by anuvTtti; and by tadantavidhi or by pratyayagrahaaparibhs, dati means datyant (samkhy ). Thus this stra lays down the saij sat for a formation in dati. 168. This stra lays down that the endings jas and as are dropped when they come after vvords having the designa tion sat. Novv a formation in dati (having the sannj sat), relevant here, is kati (formed acc. PA 5.2.41, kim a sanikhyparime dati ca). It is declined only in the plural. So for nom. and acc. plr. the position is kati+as . Novv by this rule the ending is dropped and vve have only kati. Novv by rule 159, though the pratyaya here is dropped, its krya must take place; and the krya before jas is gua (No. 147). Under this position, our author points out the follovving rule. 169. In this stra P has laid dovvn three sarhjs, namely luk , lu and lup, for the adarana (or lopa, elision) of a pratyaya caused or enjoined by the vvords luk , lu and lup respectively. Accordingly the elision of as after kati, being enjoined by the vvord luk, gets the designation luk. 170. In this stra is laid dovvn an apavda to the rule (No. 159) referred to above. W hen a pratyaya is elided

72

N oies

S 172

owing to a vvord containing the letter lu, the base that is left over vvill not undergo any krya indicated by the pratyaya that is so elided. It is to be observed here that lumat is instr. sg. of umat vvhich means a vvord containing lu therein; and further that such (i.e. umat) vvords are three, namely lk, Mu and lup. Thus the rule finally is that an elided pratyaya generally causes its operations on the base to vvhich it is applied (before being elided); but it vvill not do so, if this elision is caused by luk, lu or lup. In the case under consideration jas and as are elided by luk and hence no operations can take place on the base kati. Thus nom. and acc. forms are kati, kati . The forms of the other cases are regularly formed like those of hari and can be similarly explained. After kati, V takes the vvord tri (of course, to be declined in plr. only). Forms of nom., acc., inst., and dat. are formed exactly like those of hari, and are to be similarly explained. For gen., the position is tri+m. 171. The vvord mi is got in this stra by anuvTtti from the preceding stra ( = PA 7.1.52). Thus traya ( anekl and hence sarvdea) is to be substituted for tri when the ending m follovvs. So vve get tri+m traya+m = traya + nm (No. 126) = tray+nm (No. 127) = traym (PA 8.4. 1-2). loc., of course, is like hari, trisu . 172. Novv V turns to dvi. P has laid dovvn the substitute a for (the finls of) tyad and other pronouns upto and including dvi in the sarvdigaa vvhen follovved by vibhakti . Accordingly dvi is changed to dva and it is to be declined in dual only. The forms, therefore, vvill be dvau (nom., acc.), dvbhym (instr., dat., abi.) and dvayo (gen., loc.). 73

S 172

Srasiddhntal(aumud

Now our author turns to declension of masc. words ending in (e.g. papi). The forms of this word are obtained simply by appending the case-endings and observing sarndhi rules. The only form to bc noted is acc. plr. vvhere pap+as = pap+s (No. 104) = pap+n (No. 115) = papri- In gen. plr. pap+m , No. 126 does not apply; and hence there is no nudgama. Thus by No. 16, the form is papym. loc. sg. paf+i = pap (No. 40). Similarly, are to be declined vvords like vtaprarr (i.e. vvords ending in ). But pradh differs; and V takes up a stra pertaining to it. 173. In this stra, yvo. is gen. du. of y ( = and lon<*) and stands for ivarovarntasya tadantavidhi. The substitutes iyan and u v a n , antydea only and not for the vvhole dhtu, base ending in i or u (short or long). i and u short {dhto) by being nit are or the vvholc

bhruvm is sambandhasmnye or avayavrthe sasti. Thus the present stra lays dovvn that the final i or u (short or long) belonging to nu (sign of cl. 5 ), a. root or the vvord bhr is substituted by iy or uv, vvhen follovved by (a pratyaya begin ning vvith) a vovvel. Novv in pradh vve find at the end of a dhtu , so that vvhen it is follovved by a vovvel termination it has to be substituted by iy. This, hovvever, is not actually desirable; and is averted by the next stra . 174. In this stra, e is gen. sg. of i and by tadantavidhi means ivarntasya ( dhto) vvhich further stands for 74

N ots

S 177

ivarnto yo dhtu tadantasya. Now the word e (thus understood) and also the word anekca are adjectives; and their substantive is angasya (got by anuvTtti ). The word asaThyogaprvasya is, however, an adjective of e and means the vowel i not preceded by a conjunct consonant forming part of a dhtu. Thus the present stra lays down that a final i or i (of such an aga) is changed to y when followed by a vowel termination. Let us take the word pradh now. Nom. sg. would be pradhi. Acc. sg. pradhi+am = pradhyam. Loc. sg. pradhi+i = pradhyi. In other cases this is to be declined like papi above. The word grma is also similarly declined, except in loc. sg., for which the position is grmai+i. 175. This stra lays down that m is substituted for ni (loc. sg. ending) after nad words, vvords ending in p (i.e. the fem. suffixes cp, tp and dp ), and vvords ending in the root-noun ni. Accordingly vve shall have grmani+m grmaym. (No. 16 or 174). 176. In this stra P has laid dovvn the designation gati for the prdi vvords, vvhich are declared to have the designation upasarga, vvhen they come in contact vvith kriy (See PA 1.4.59); and the present stra lays dovvn that thev also have the designation gati (in addition to upasarga). 177. Novv let us take the vvord uddhadhi. In this vvord, the vvord uddha is not a gati, obviously because it is not included in the prdi gaa. Nor is it a kraka; for it is not connected vvith a kriy. Novv the yadea, spoken of in No. 174 above, cannot be admitted in the case of a prvapada , if it is neither gati nor kraka. This in other vvords means
75

S 177

Srasiddhnlal(aumudi

that in such cases the rule to apply would be No. 173; and the deas would be iya and uva. Thus nom. du. of uddhadhl will be 5uddhadh+au = uddhadiy+au = uddhadhiyau. In pradhl , and grmanl, however, the prvapada is gati ( pra) and kraka ( grma) respectively; and hence yaadea could find scope there. 178. In this stra, aci ( = aci supi) and ya are got by anuvTtti from the preceding stras. So this jra also prohibits yadea (laid down by No. 174) in the case of the words bh and sudhi (though they are covered by that rule). Hence nom. du. and plr. of sudhi would be sudhiyau and sudhiya respectively. Now V turns to two more words ending in l. They are sukhl ( sukham icchati iti) and su (sutm icchati iti). These words are to be declined like. pradft because they come under No. 174 and have a kraka for their prvapada . Thus naturally they will admit yadea before case-endings beginning with a vowel. V, however, has drawn particular attention to two case endings, namely abi. sg. and gen. sg. (as). Now for sukhi, the position is sukh+as = sukhy+as (by yadea) = sukhy + us (by No. 163) = sukhyu. Similarly from suti we shall have sutyu. As for words ending in u, our author simply remarks that they are to be declined like hari and gives ambhu, bhnu etc. as illustrative words. But he has noticed one masc. word ending in u as being rather irregular in some respects. This irregularity has been noticed by P in the following stra. 76

N ots

S 182

179. The words asambuddhau and sarvanmasthne are got in this stra by anuvrtti from the preceding stras. Thus this stra lays down that the word krostu is to be considered trjvat (as if it ended in the suffix tr i.e. = krospr ) before sarvammasthna endings, excepting voc. sg. This means that in ali other cases, the vvord krostu is to be declined like ambhu or bhnu (i.e. ultimately like hari), But see also No. 183 belovv. 180. This brings us now to declension of vvords ending in r. In that connection the present stra lays dovvn that a base ending in r takes gua, vvhen follovved by ni (loc. sg. ending) and sarvanmasthna endings. Here rta = rdanta sya ( angasya) by tadantavidhi. By this rule, before ni etc. krostu should be changed to krostr, vvhich is changed to krostar. This, hovvever, is not the case in nom.sg., for vvhich the position is krostu+s. 181. In this stra also rt by tadantavidhi stands for rdanta (anga). Furthermore, the vvhole of the preceding stra namelv anan sau , is to be read here by anuvrtti. Thus the stra lays dovvn the dea anan ( '=an, nit and hence antydea only) for the final letter, (i.e. r in the case of krostr). The vvord asambuddhau also is got in this stra by anuvrtti. Hence nom. sg. of krostu vvill be : krostu+s = krostr+s (by No. 179) ~krostan+ s (No. 181, No. 180 does not applv) = krost (by Nos. 158 and 160 s and n being respectivelv elided). 182. This stra explains hovv the a of krostan above is lengthened. In this stra the vvords sarvanmasthne asam buddhau , upadhyah and drgha are got by anuvrtti. Thus 77

S 182

Srasiddhntakaumudl

the stra means that the penultimate of ap, and of the words ending in trn or trc, and the words svasr etc. is lengthened before sarvanmasthna endings except that of voc. sg. This shows how a of krostan is lengthened to give the form krast as shown above. For nom. du. the position is krotu+au = kvostr+au (No. 179) = krostr+au (No. 181-82) krostrau. acc. du. also is the same. nom, plr, is krostra and is to bn similarly explained. Similarly acc. sg. krostram. In ali other cases from acc. plr. onward krostu is to be declined like bhnu. Acc. plr. = krostn. 183. The term vibhs has been defined by P in the stra, naveti vibhs (PA 1.1.44). The whole of No. 179 is to be read in this stra by anuvrtti and aci is to be under stood to stand for ajdau (pratyaye pare) by the paribhs yasmin vidhis taddvalgrahae (Pbh . 33). Thus the stra lays dovvn that before vovvel case-endings from instr. sg. onvvard, the vvord krostu is optionally to be considered as krostr. Hence before these endings it vvill have tvvo forms. Thus instr. sg. vvould be: krostu + =krostr+ or krostu+ (No. 183) = krostr (No. 16) or krostu+n (No, 150) =krostun. Similarly dat. sg. vvould be krostre or krostave. There is no irregularity in instr. du., plr. and dat. du., plr. 184. For abi. (gen.) sg. the position is krostu+asi (as) = krostu+as . Novv P lays dovvn that the final r of a base vvhen follovved by at ( = a short) of abi. or gen. sg. ending, the ekdea u (of course, rapara) is substituted for them both. Accordingly vve novv get krostr as (by No. 183) = krostur + s (No. 184). 78

N ots

S 186

185. At this stage comes this stra, according to which when at the end of a word s stands after r to form a con junct consonant, the s is elided. Accordingly in the present case we get krostur; and then r being changed to visarga, finally we have the form krostu . It has to be observed that the trjvadbhva is only optional and hence optionally abi. and gen. sg. forms would be krosto. krostro is gen. and loc. du. for which optionally we shall have krostvo . 186. This is vrttika 11 on PA 7-1.96. It lays dovvn that the augment num (laid dovvn by P in several stras ), the dea ra (PA 7.2.100), and trjvadbhva (PA 7.1.95 and 97) vvill be superceded by nut gama (PA 7.1.54) in spite of the general rule laid dovvn by P regarding the supercession of a rule by another. This rule is vipratisedhe pararn kryam (PA. 1.4.2), according to vvhich only a para stra becomes bdhaka of a prva stra. In the present vrttika, hovvever, ali the three cases go against this rule; for, in each one of them, the prva stra is found to supercede the para stra. This is expressed in the vvord prvavipratisedhena (i.e. contrary to the general rule stated earlier, namelv our No. 93). This vrtti!:a is required for forming gen. plr. of krostu, for vvhich the position is krostu+m. Then by No. 183 vve should have trjvadbhva, of course, optionally. But it is prevented by the present vrttika and vve get the augment nut (vvhich being tit is to be prefixed to m ). Hence vve get krostu+nm; then by No. 127, u of krostu is lengthened; and finaPy vve get krostnm. loc. sg. vvould be krostari (vvith trivadbhva and gua) or krostau (vvhen there is no trjvadbhva). Thus vve have seen ali the forms vvhere krostu has trjvadbhva necessarily or optionally. In the altemative, in the absence of
79

S 186

Srasiddlintaaumudi

trjvadbhva and before consonantal endings the word is to be declined like ambhu . Now we come to masc. words ending in long, such as hh. Here, to get the forms, we have only to observe samdhi rules and have yadea before vovvel (case-endings). Thus, nom. sg. and du. are hhh and hhvau respectively. 187. This stra is to be explained exactly like No. 174 above. The only point of difference between the two being that No. 174 pertains to the vowel i, while this stra pertains to the vowel u. This stra finds scope when we come to the declension of the vvord kh a la p , (nom. sg. k h a la p h ). For nom. du. the position is: khalap+au = khalapv + au = khalapvau. Similarly nom. plr. is khalapva. Similarly are to be declined sul and other similar vvords. The vvord sva b h differs from kh a la p in having the root noun b h at the end. No. 177 prohibits yadea in the case of the vvord b h (or a vvord ending in b h ) and also the vvord sudl. Hence here vve have u v a n dea; and thus nom. du. of sv a b h is svabhuvau. It may be observed that svab h vvill have u v a n dea before ali vovvel case-endings. 188. The vvord varsbh, hovvever, is an exception to No. 187; and hence vvill take yadea before vovvel case-endings. This has been laid dovvn by P in this stra , vvhich is a soit of continuation of No. 186 and lays dovvn yadea for varsbh in spite of No. 187. Hence nom. du. of varsbh is varsbhvau . Similarly there vvill be yadea before ali vovvel case-endings. 189. Novv coming to masc. vvords ending in r, o'ur autho takes un the vvord dhtr. Declension of vvords ending in r has practicallv been done vvhile studying the declension of

80

N ots

S 189

the word krostu to be noted; and dhlr+m. Novv nut and thus vv Nb. 127).;

(changed to krostr ). Only one form has that is gen. plr. for which the position is: by No. 126 the ending vvill have gama shall have dhtr+nm = dhatf+ nm (by

Novv PA 8.4.1 lay dovvn that n is changed to vvhen it comes after r and s in one and the same pada. But P has not mentioned r there along vvith r and s. In fact, hovvever, this cerebralisation of n takes place after r also. This lacuna in Ps rule is made good by K in this vrttika, laying dovvn that cerebralisation of n must be declared to take place after the vovvel r (in addition to r and s ). By this vrttika then, dhtf + nm = dhlfm. The vvords naptr etc. are to be similarly declined. In this connection it has to be noted that naptr and some other vvords have been declared by a niptana sutra in U 252 as formations in trn or tfc . P. himself, hovvever, vvould seem to favour the vievv that these vvords are underivable (cf. udayovyutpannni prtipadikmi, Pbh 22). Novv if these vvords are avyutpan<na, then they vvill abide by No. 180 and vvill undergo only gua. But actualJy in addition to gua thcy are found to take the gama anari: and hence vve have forms like naptrau, naptra . etc. If they are taken as formations in trn or tfc, then they vvill follovv No. 181 and vvill take the suffix ana . But the special mention of napir etc. in No. 182 is meant to indicate that if these and such other vvords are considered as tfc and trn formations, then only these eight vvords mentioned in No. 182 vvill take anaf but not the others. If, on the other hand, they are taken to be underivable, then to save them 81

S 189

Srasiddhntaaumud

from No. 180, their special mention is, of course, necessary. This is what V means when he says : naptrdigrahaam vyutpattipakse niyamrtham . Naturally, therefore, ana will not be taken by other words like pitr which will undergo only gua and give the forms pit, pitarau, pitara etc. Ali the other forms are like those of dhtr . Ali other words such as jmtr are declined like pitr .

190'. The word nr also is this stra we get by anui/rtti It lays dovvn that nr will be plr.). Hence vve get nrm ,

like pitr but for gen. plr. In the words nmi and ubhayathm short or long before nm (gen. nfm .

191. The vvord sarvanmasthna is got in this stra by anuvftti from the preceding stra. Thus the stra lays dovvn that the sarvanmasthna endings coming after the base go (or the base ending in o, as V puts it) are to be considered it. This means that before them the base vvill undergo vrddhi (by PA 7.2.115). Hence go vvill be changed to gau. Accordingly the nom. forms vvould be gau, gvau, 192. This stra comes under the adhikra , eka parayoh, PA 6.1.83. Secondlv, auta ota. Novv ekdea laid dovvn by this stra for both, o (the and the follovving a belonging to am and as (i.e. and plr. endings). Thus go+am (or as) = gau + am (No. 191) = g+m (or s) (No. 192) = gm (or prva is the prva) acc. sg. (or as) gh).

Before endings from instr. sg. onvvards there is nothing particular to be noted. Thus go+ = gav-\~ (No. 22) = gav. Similarly gave (dat. s g .); abi. and gen. sg. vvould be go+as (abi. and gen. sg. ending) = jo j (No. 152) = go (Nos. 80, 81). 82

N oies

S 195

193. Now V takes up rai as an illustration for the declen sion of masc. words ending in ai. P lays down that rai changes its final vowel to when followed by consonantal case-endings. The words and vibhaktau are got in this stra by anuvrtti from the preceding stra. Thus rai+s (nom. sg. ending) = r+s = rh (by Nos. 80, 81). Similarly rai+bhym ( bhih or bhya) = rbhyarh (rbhi, rbhya). Before vowel endings, however, it will take ydea (No. 2 2 ); and hence rai au (nom. acc. du.) = ry + au = ryau. Words ending in au present no peculiarity. Thus glau+s = lauh (nom. sg.); glau+au = glv au (No. 22) = glvau; etc. and glau+bhym = glaubhym; etc. 194. The words prtipadikt and striym are got in this stra by adhikra from the preceding stras (namely PA 4.1.1 and 4.1.3). So also by tadantavidhi, a ta means adantt ( prtipadikt). For ajdi ( gaa) see G R M 1.38-41 where about 25 vvords are given as belonging to it vvith the remark krtigaoyyam. Thus this stra lays down the fem. suffix to be appended to words in the ajdigaa and to vvords ending in a. Here it may be noted that in tp, t and p are mute. The latier is smnyagrahartha vvhile the former is smnyagrahctvightriha. 195. Having thus shovvn how a prtipadika ending in is formed, V now proceeds to deal with the declension. For nom. sg. the position is aj+s = aj (s being elided by No. 158). Now for nom. and acc. du. the position is: aj+au. With reference to this case-ending P lays dovvn that after p (i.e. an banta base, by tadantavidhi or pratyayagrahanaparibhs) , the ending aun ( = aw of nom. and acc. du.) is substituted by i ( = 5). It may be observed here that P has used 83

S 195

Srasiddhnlaltaumud

sev.eral, trms used by his predecessors; but in doing so he has not made the mute letters therein to serve their usual purposes. Thus, for example, here he has used the term aun (with mute, n ) ; but this mute n is not taken into account (or rthr left out of consideration) while applying the rule ydpa. (No. 198 be!ow). Pat- has made this poin't clear when he remarks: alhav prvas*lranirdeoya m / prvastreu a\ye*nubandh na tair ihetkryi kriyante/ M Bh. on PA 7.1.18. Thus nom. (acc.) du. will be aj+au = aj+ =r aje (by No. 27). nom. plr. (acc. plr. also) will be: aj+as = ajh (by No. 40, 80 and 81). 196. Now for voc. sg ; (sam bu ddh i) the position is: a ju + s. Here comes the present stra wherein the words pa = bantasya angasya , by tadan tavidhi and by adhikra respectively and et = e by anuvTtti from the preceding stras . This dea e is only ekl and is as such antydea; and hence a j + s = aje s = aje. (by No. 112). The other forms are ajh (nom. plr.), aje (acc. d u .), ajh (acc. p lr.);
ajm { acc. sg.).

197. Here is one more case where P has used a term as used by the prvcryasy without, however, allowing the mute letter therein to serve its usual purpose. (see nots on N o .; 195 above). In this stra, asi can be got by the force of ca. By n we have to understand instr. sg. ending (i.e. t of P ). cf. n iti prvcryanirdeena tryaikavavcanani grhyate, K on PA 7.3.105. Thus this stra lays down that before (instr. sg. ending) and os (gen. and loc. du. endings) the final of banta bases is changed to e. Thus intr. sg. is ajf + = aje+ =: ajay+ (by aydea) = ajay Instr. du. and plr. ar t ajbhym and ajbhih .

84

Nots

S 199

198. Novv for dat. sg. the position is ajd+e (i.e. g). Here the mute n is designed by P himself and not taken by him from his predecessors. Hence it has its purpose to serve. Aud this purpose is stated by P in this stra . The vvord rtita is got by anuvTttiy whilc angt is got by adhikra. The word dpa by tadantavidhi means dbntad (angt). Thus ~ thl^ stra lays dovvn that ali nit case-endings coming ; after dbant bases vvill take the augment ydt. Now this being tit, \vill be prefixed to the case-ending. Thus ajd+e = aj-t: ye ajd-\-yai (No. 33) = ajdyai. The nit endings are dat., abi, gen. and loc. sgg., vvhich ali vvill take ydt nd the forms will be ajdyai, ajdyah} ajdyah} and ajdyr (ni being substituted by d?n by No. 175). In gen. and loc- du. No. 176 vvill apply; and ajd will be changed to aje which with the follovving os (gen. loc. du. endings) after ayddea vvill give us the form ajayo .

Ali fem. vvords ending in d (such as durgd) are to similarly declined.

be

199 V novv tums to fem. pronouns such as sarva (sarva+ dp) and takes up the rule vvhere P lays dovvn that nit case endings, coming after dbanta pronouns, vvill take the dgama sydt ( = syd) and vvill shorten their vovvel. In this stra also vve have to get the relevant vvords as in No. 198. Thus da sg. of sarva vvould be: sarvd+e = sarva sy+e = sarva+syai = sarvasyai. Similarly vve shall have sarva-sydh (abi. and gen. s g .); and sarvasyam (loc. sg._, ni being , substituted by dm by No. 175). In gen. plr. the ending dm vvill take the augment sut (=y) by No. 133 and the form vvill be sarvdsdm . But for these forms, sarvd is to be declined

85

S 199

Srasiddhntaltaumudi
fem.

like aj only; and simi!arly are to be declined ali pronouns (ending in ) such as viv.

200. In this stra, the word sambuddhau is got by anu vTtti from the preceding stra ; and the word agmm by adhikra . Furthermore it has to be observed that nadt here is to be understood as explained in PA 1.4.3; and ambrtha signifies words having the sense of amb (i.e. amb and its synonyms). According to this stra, these words shorten their final vowel before voc. sg. ending. Thus voc. sg. of amb, akk and all is amba, akka and alla respectively. T um ing to the word jar, V implicitly refers to No. 140 enjoining the substitution (optional) of jaras (for jar) before vowel case-endings; and gives jarasau and jarasa as only two illustrations. This word altematively is to be declined, of course, like aj before vovvel case-endings, and necessarily, like it before consonantal case-endings. Then our author takes the word gop ( ajbanta fem.) and remarks that it is to be declined like vivap . In this connection we may note that words like gop, vivap, etc. (i.e. words ending in , masc. or fem.) show no difference in declension according to their gender. (They are declined alike in both the genders. The masc. forms gop and vivap are not banta). This now brings us to declension of fem. words ending in i (short) and V takes the word mati for illustration. The first five paradigms of the vvord mati are: m ati , mati (by No- 104), mataya (by No. 147), matim (by No. 104), m a . acc. pJr. vvould be mati as = m aft (No. 104,
86

Noies

S 204
maty (No. 16); mati-

80 and 81). instr. sg. mati+ = bhm, matibhi.

201. F o r d a t. sg. tlie p o sitio n is m ati+ ne ( = ). H e re comes the present stra. In this stra we get the vvords ystrykhyau nacR and iya7iuvdsthnvast from the preceding stras . This stra thus lays down the designation nadi optionally before nit case-endings in the cases of (i) fem. bases ending r i i or u short, and (ii) fem. vvords ending l or long liable to the cleas iyan or uvan except the vvord st. 202. When thus the designation nad becomes applicable to the word mati, the present stra finds scope. In this, svira the words niti and angt come by anuvrtti and adhikra respectively; and by tadantavidhi, nadyh means nadyantt ( angt ). Thus by this stra, the gama t (=) is to be prefixed to ali nit case-endings. Hence now vve have mati+e. 203. At this stage the present stra lays dovvn that vrddhi vvill be the ekdea for both, vvhen (t) is follovved by a vovvel. Hence mati + e = maty+ai = matyai. Similarlv abi. sg. vvould be mati+nasi = m a ti + as maty s = m atyh. When, hovvever, the vvord mati is ghi, its dat. and abi. sgg. vvould be like hari (i.e. mataye and mate respectively). 204. By tadantavidhi idudbhym means idantodantbhym . Thus this stra lays dovvn that ni (loc. sg. case ending) appended to nadsamjaka vvords is substituted by m. Thus m ati+ni = m ati+ i (by No. 202) = maii+ m (No. 204) = maty m (No. 203) = matym. When,

87

S 204

Srasiddhntakaumudi

hovvever, mati is not nad (i.e. when it is ghi) loc. sg. \vill be matau (like harau ). Ali the remaining paradigms are like those bf hari. Similarly are to be declined ali fem. vvords ending in i (short), such as buddhi . 205. Novv our author turns to tri and catur (fem .). In this stra P his laid dovvn tisr and catasr as substitutes for Iri and catur in the fem. respectively, vvhen follovved by vibhakti (the vvord vibhaktau being obtained by anuvftii from PA 7.2.84). These vvords are always plural. Thus for nom. the position is: tisr + as. 206. The vvord tisTcatasro is got in this stra by anuvTtti. This stra lays dovvn that r (of tisr and catasr) is changed to r vvhen follovved by a vovvel. Ordinarily this could be accomplished by yadea (No. 16). But this stra has been specially laid dovvn for preventing gua (No. 180), prvasavaradrgha (No. 105), and ekdea u (No. 184). Hence vve get tisra (nom. and also acc.). Similarly catasra. The instr. dat. and abi. forms are: ( catasrbhi, catasrbhya ). trsrbki, tisrbhya

207. For gen. the position is tisr + m. Then by No. 186 vve have tisr+n m = tisr - f nm, Novv the present stra lays dovvn that tisr and catasr do not lengthen their final vovvel. Hence finally vve have tisrm} catasrdm (n = n by No. 189). The vvord dvi is substituted by dva (by No. 172) vvhich by the fem. suffix tp (No. 194) = dv. This is to be declined 88

N o ie s

S 210

in du. exactly like s. Thus we get dve, dvbhym and

208. Novv we come to feminine bases ending in l. These base are formed according to this stra which lays down that the fem. suffix nls (got by anuvTtti) is appended to the vvords gaur etc. (for gdurdi gaa ee G R M 1.44-51) and to vvords formed by appendiig suffixes having mute s. Thus ow the position is gaura + ;. 209. By this stra the final a or i of a base having the designation. bka is elided vvhen follovved bv a taddhita -suffix or the vovvel l. The vvords in this stra are yasya t ti ca. The vvord yasya is gen. sg. of ya (vvhich is a samhra of i+a) and means of the vovvels i and a \ The vvord bhasya is got here by adhikra (PA 6.4.129) and lopa is got by anuvTtti. In the case under consideration gaura is bha (by PA 1.4.18 yaci bham) ending in a and it is folovved by t. Hence the a of the base is dropped and thus we get gau. Novv by No. 99, case-endings can be appended :t o aufi (which is a yanta prtipadika). Thus for nom. sg. the position is: gu+ s. Here by No. 158, the s is elided and vve get gau. For nom. du. the position is: gau+ au = gauryau by yatydea (No. 16), because by No. 141 the prvasavarficRrgha, possible by No. 104, is prohibited. S.imilarly nom. plr. vvould be gau+as = gaurya 210. This stra lays dovvn the designation nadi for fem. vvords ending in and . By tadantavidhi y (i.e. and ) = danta and danta vvords. Thus gau has the designation nadl. Hence Nos. 200 (for voc. sg.), No. 202 (for nit endings), No. 126 (gen. plr.) and No. 175 (for loc. sg.)

89

S 210

Srasiddhnlaaum ud

vvill give us the forms: gauri, gauryai etc., gaum, and gaurjdm respectively. In gaum and gau, vve have purva savaradrgha by No. 104. In other paradigms there is nothing particularly to be noted. The vvords nadi etc. (i.e. ali fem. vvords ending in l long) are to be declined like gau. Taking up the vvord st , V gives nom. sg. and voc. sg., namely st and he stri respectively; and then takes up the stitm 'vvhich is required for nom. du. etc. (the vovvel caseendings) . 211. For nom. and acc. du. the position is st+ au. Here No. 173 laying dovvn the substitute iy cannot apply, because the l here does not belong to a dhtu. Hence P has laid dovvn this dea for st in this stra. Accordingly the t of st is changed to iy before vovvel case-endings. Thus vve have si>riyau. So also nom. and acc. plr. striy a . 212. In this stra, the iyaii dea enjoined in the previous rule is declared to be optional before am and as (acc. sg. and plr. endings respectively). Thus acc. sg. and plr. forms vvould be styam (or s t m ), stya (or st ). Before consonan,tal case-endings st is to be declined exactly like gau. Hence vve get stfom, stsu. (gen. and loc. plr.); vvhile instr., dat., abi. and gen. sgg. are striy, striyai, striyh> (loc- sg. striym ). In the case of the vvord , not dropped because is not before au and as (nom. du. and Thus the forms of nom. are , the s (nom. sg. ending) is a yanta formation; vvhile plr.) it vvill have iyahdea. riyau, riya.

213. In voc. sg. the vvord vvill not shorten its vovvel because it cannot have the designation nadi, as shovvn by this

90

Noies

S 217

stra. Words ending in l and , vvhich are substituted by iy and uv, excepting the word st, shall not have the designation nad. The word , therefore cannot be nad, and hence No. 200 cannot apply to it. Hence voc. sg. vvould be he h. Before nit endings (namely ne, asi/ as, and i) the word has the designation nad optionally; and hence vvill have two forms (like m ati), namely riyai, riye; riyh} riya; and riym (m substituted for i by No. 175), riyi. 214. The vvord has the designation nad optionallv before m (gen. plr. ending) ( iyauvasthnau and ast are got into this stra by anuvTtti). Thus n + d m = + n m (by No. 126) = m (by PA 8.4.1-2), or ym (by iya dea). The vvord dhenu is to be declined like mati. 215. The vvords tfjv a t krostu are got into this stra by anuvTtti and thus this stra lays dovvn that the vvord krostu vvill be trjv a t (i.e. k ro str) before the fem. suffix. 216. This stra declares that vvords ending in r and n have the suffix p appended to them. Thus krostr vvill take the suffix ip and thus the fem. form vvould be krost . This is to be declined like gau . Fem. vvords ending in (long) like svajam bh are to be declined like masc. vvords ending in . 217. In this stra P lavs dovvn that the fem. suffix p or tp, (laid dovvn by 214 and 194) vvill not be appended to sas and to the vvords of the svasrdigaa. P. has declared that numerals ending in s and n are designated sas (PA 1.1.24). For svasrdiga see G R M 1.42. In a couplet these vvords are said to be seven in ali. These vvords vvill not have any fem. suffix append-

91

S 217

S ra sid d h n la ka u m u d

ed to them. They are, therefore, to be declined like dhatr (masc.) with the only exception of acc. plr., in which the nudgam vvill not take place. Thus the forms of svasf are svas-, svasrau etc. svasf (acc. plr.). The word mtr is to be declined like pitr '{mt, mtarau , etc.), m tf (acc. plr.). The vvord dyo is to be declined like go. The vvord rai (fem.) is to be declined like rai (masc.). The vvord nau is to be declined like glau. 218. By tadantavidhi ata means adantt {angt, vvhich is got by adhikra, agasya3 PA 6.4.1). The vvords svamor napumsakt are got in this stra by anuvTtti. Thus this stra lays dovvn that after a neuter base {aga) ending in a3 s and am (nom. and acc. sg. endings) are substituted by am. Thus jna+s (or am) = jna+ am = jnam (by No. 11J). Voc. sg. is he jna. (The case-ending am being dropped by No. 112). The vvords auna and l are got in this stra by anuvTtti. Thus this stra lays dovvn that after a neuter base {anga) ending in ay the ending au is substituted by t ( = ) . It must be observed here that aun is used here to represent au (nom. and acc. du.) and is a prvcryasaij (like n for t, instr. sg. ending). Thus for nom. and acc. du. the position is jna+. 220. Novv according to this stra a base {bha) drops its final a vvhen follovved by i. Accordingly here the elision of the final a of jna becomes due. 221. But this is prevented by this vrttika vvhich nots that the elision of the final c of a base (by No. 220) is prohibited 219.

92

Noies
before (=S) substituted for au ( = au ). + . = jne (by No. 27). Hence

S 226
jna

222. This stra lays down the substitute i for jas and as ( +as of nom. and acc. plr.), of course, after a base {aga) of the neuter gender (napunsakt got by anuvrtti and angt. by adhikra ). Thus the position is jna + i, 223. In this stra P has laid down the designation sarvanmasthna for i (the substitute for jas and as in No. 222). Also ee No. 142 above, where this designation is given to other case-endings also. 224. The vvord jhalaca in this stra means jhalantasya ajantasya ca (by tadantavidhi ). The vvord agcisya is got by adhikra, vvhile num and sarvanmasthna are got by anuvrtti. Thus this stra lays dovvn that the augment num vvill be appended to a neuter base {aga) ending in a vovvel or a jhl, vvhen follovved by a sarvanmasthna ending. 225. This stra lays dovvn that a mit gama is to be infixed after the last vovvel in the base for vvhich it is enjoined. Thus here n is to be placed after a , and hence the position is: jnan+ i At this stage by No. 156 the penultimate a of jnan is lengthened, and thus vve get jnni. The forms of acc. sg., du., and plr. are the same as those of nom; and the forms of the remaining cases are like those of a mesculine vvord ending in a. Ali neuter vvords ending in a, such as dhana , are to be similarly declined. 226. . The mention of hrasva {dea) in this stra implies the existence of the vvord aca in it (by PA 1.2.28, acaca) ; and this by tadantavidhi means ajantasya

93

S 226

Srasiddhntakaumudl

(priipadikasya). Thus this stra lays dovvn that a prtipa dika ending in a vovvel shortens its final vovvel vvhen follovved by neut. case-endings. Thus the vvord rp, vvhen follovved by am (substituted for su by No. 218), vvill become pa and by No. 113 vve shall have pam. The vvord is to be declined like juaa (i.e. as if it ended in a). 227. In this stra agt is got by adhikra and luk by anuvTtti. Thus this stra lays dovvn that after a neut. base {aga) the endings su and am are elided. This, of course, holds good in the case of ali neut.agas except those ending in a vvhich are subject to No. 218 above. Thus the nom. and acc. sg. of vri is vri. 228. In this stra ika ( = igantasya by tadantavidhi) qualifies agasya (vvhich got by adhikra ) ; vvhUe nqpumsakasya and num are got by anuvTtti. Thus this stra lays dovvn that a neut. base {aga)y ending in ik ( = i, u, T, l), takes the augment num vvhen follovved by case endings beginning vvith a vovvel. Hence vri+au = vri+ (by No. 219) = vrin + t (No. 225) = vrii (n = n by PA 8.4.1-2). Similarly nom. plr. vai can be explained. In voc. sg. the case-ending is dropped by No. 227 and vve get he vri. Furthermore even after this elision, the final vovvel of the aga may take gua, by the paribhs prat yayalope pratyayalaksaam , acc. to No. 148 above. Thus vve get he vre. Here it may be argued that the lopa here i> . enjoined by the vvord luk. Novv vve have already seen (No.170) that in a case vvhere elision is caused by a term having lu therein, the pratyayalaksaaparibhs can have no scope. Hence the application of No. 148 to vri on the

94

Noies

S 229

basis cf that paribhs is not correct. This objection is refuted here by pointing out that No. 170 (na lumatgasya) is anitya and hence the above mentioned pbh. can find scope, vvhen No. 170 is not applied. So voc. sg. is he vre, or he vri. 229. Novv for dat. sg. the position is: vri+e. Here ordinari.lv vvould annly the stra, gher niti (No. 151); for vri is ghi (No. 149) and ne is nit. Thus the final vovvel of vri should unclergo gua. Rule No. 228, laying dovvn num for iganta neuter bases ( angas) before vovvel caseendings, may also be found applicable. But betvveen the tvvo the former is para vvhile the latter is prva according to the order of PA. Hence by PA 1.4.2, vipratisedhe pararh kryam, the former has to be applied in preference to the latter. Hence gua of the final vovvel of vri should occur in this case. But this is prevented by the present vrttika vvhich lays dovvn that in preference to z/rddhi, autva, trjvadbhva, and gua (vvhich are laid dovvn by comparatively para-stra) the augment num (laid dovvn by a comparatively prvastra) should be infixed on the strength of prvavipratisedha. Hence after numgama vve get vrie. Similarly are to be explained the forms vria (abi. and gen. sg.), vrino (gen. and loc. du) and vrii (loc. sg.). For another instance of prvavipratisedha see No. 186 above, vvhich is to be applied vvhile forming the gen. plr. of vri (namely vrlm). In this case the gama is (not num but) nut. Hence the position after augmentation is vri+nm, vvhich gives scope for the application of No- 127 (ntni) to lengthen the final vovvel of vri.

95

S 229

Srasiddhnlaaumud

Before consonantal endings the vvord vri is to be declined like hari. 230. This stra deals vvith the vvords asttii etc. vvhfch form their nom. and acc. forms exactly like vri. The vvords trtlydisu aci and napumsaknm, are got in this stra by anuz/rtti. Thus this stra lays dovvn that these vvords take the dea anan ( = = an, antdea >y No. 43 ) vvhen follovved by t (instr. sg.) and the subsequent ase-endings; ;nd further lays dovvn that this an is udita. Hence for instr. sg. the position i: dadhi+ = dadhan+: 231. Here applies thi stra vvhich lays dovvn the elision of the a of an under certain circumstances. In this stra the vvords _angasya and bhasya are got by adhikra. Thus the stra lays dovvn that an of an a n g a , vvhich is a l s o bha (for bha see PA 1. 4. 18) drops its' a.~ This i J more clearly explaied by stating that the of ri1of a; ngd is elided vvhen it is follovved by case-endings begiriiung vvith y or vvith a vovvel, excepting those that are technically named sarvanmasthna. In the cae uilder consideration tHe conditions are satisfied; and hence an (of asthan) will be elided and thus vve shall have the form d a d h n + = dadhn. The forms dadhne, dadhna can novv be imilarlv explained. 232. This stra lays dovvn the elision of a of an optionally under the same .circumstance.s .s aboye, vyhen, follovved t>y ni ( i of loc. sg.) and si (T substituted for aun = au of nom. and acc. du.). In the case of the vvords asthi etc, the an (ending) of the. base (anga) is possible only after acc.. plr. and hence the

96

N oies

S 232

present sutra can find scope only vvhen i (loc. sg. ending) is appended. Thus dadhi+i = dadhan + i (No. 230) dadhni or dadhani. Ali the remaining forms of dadhi are to be formed like those of vri. The vvords asthi, sakthi and aksi are to be declined like dadhi. Words ending in t (such as sudh) vvill shorten their final vovvel by No. 226; and then vvill be declined exactly like vri. Hence the forms: sudhi, sudhin, sudlni; he sudhe , he sudhi; instr. sg. is sudhin (or s u d h i j ) . But V appears to have avoided this nicetv by giving only s u d h in . Neuter vvords ending in u also are to be declined on the analogy of vri vvith the same rules and operations and are to be simiarlv explained. Thus the forms of 'the vvord madhu are: m adhu, madhur, madhni; he madho, he madhu; etc. Ali neut. vvords ending in u such as ambu are to be declined like madhu. Words ending in (such as s u l u ) vvill shorten their final vovvel by No. 226 and then be declined like madhu. Thus the forms of s u l (neut.) vvould be: sulu, suluni, sulni; rn lu n . Here also V has avoided giving the optional forms vvhich these vvords can have before vovvel case-endings from instr. sg. onvvards. 'Neuter vvords ending in r (.such as dhtr) also are to be declined on the same lincs by applying the rules No. 219 (substitution of s: for aun) ^ No. 220 (num gama), No. 156 (dlrghatva), No. 222 (substitution of i for jas and as). Similarly in voc. sg. take place elision of su (No. 112) and gua (No. 148). The forms of dhtr are: dhtr , dhtrl , dhtfi; he dhata , Kr dhtr; dhtr. In this case also

97

S 232

S ra sid d h n ta a u m iid

V has avoided giving the optional forms which these words can have before vovvel terminations from instr. sg. onvvards. Similarly are to be declined ali neut. vvords ending in r (such as jtr). 233. Novv vve come to neut. vvords ending in o (such as pradyo ). By No. 226, pradyo has to shorten its final vovvel. In the present stra P lays dovvn that the hrasva of ec (i.e. e, o, ai and au) vvill be ik (i.e. i, u, T and respectively). Hence by shortening, the vvord pradyo vvill become pradyu; and then it vvill be declined like madhu. pradyu, pradyum, pradyni; pradyun, etc. Neuter vvords ending in ai (such as prarai) vvill also shorten their final vovvel (No.226) to i (No. 233). Thus prarai vvould become prari and then vve shall have the forms prari, prarij, prai; prari ; etc. In the case of prarai ( = prari) vve have to remember the rule ryo hali (No. 193) vvhich can apply here also, because ri is on.ly an ekadeavikrta of rai; and hence must be considered to be ananya vvith it. For, the pbh. is ekadeavikrtam ananyavat. The rule being thus applicable to prari, it vvill be changed to prar before consonantal case endings (namely bhym, bhi, bhya and su). Thus vve have prarbhym etc. The gen. plr. is pram. Neuter vvords ending in au (such as sunau) vvill shorten their final vovvel (No. 226) to u (No. 233); and thus sunau vvould become sunu, vvhich then is to be declined like madhu. The forms of sunau (neut.) are: sunu, sunurii, sunni; sununf etc.

98

N oies

S 235

234. The vvord ha is gen. sg. (sthneyog) of h. The vvord padasya is got in this stra by adhikra; and the vvords jhali and ante are got by anui/rtti. Novv this stra lays dovvn that h, standing at the end of a pada or vvhen follovved by jhal, is changed to dh. Novv vve turn to the vvord lih (a kvip, formation from yjlih ). This vvord being a krdanta is a prtipadika (by No. 9 7 ); and hence sup endings can be appended to it (by No. 99). Then by No. 158 the s (nom. sg.) is elided; and vve have lih+s = lih. Novv this lih is a pada (by PA 1.4.14). Hence by the present stra h is changed to dh, vvhich by PA 8.4.56, vvasne, is substituted optionally by t ( cartva ) and vve have lit. O n the other hand vvhen cartva is not made, dh is changed to d by No. 58 ( jatva ). Thus nom. and acc. sg. of lih vvould be lit or lid. Before vovvel case-endings no change occurs and vve have the forms lihau, liha, lih etc. Before the consonantal endings (namelv bhym, bhi bhya and su) h is changed to dh = d (before bh by No. 58). Thus vve have lidbhym etc. Before su also h = dh (by No. 234) = d (by No. 58). Then at this stage because d is follovved by s, there vvill be dhut ( = d h ) gama (by No. 74) and this dh is changed to t (by No. 66). Thus vve finally get the form littsu. But since the dhut gama is optional, vve also have litsu. 235. Novv vve turn to the vvord duh vvhich also is a krdanta (from V duh) and hence can have case-endings appended to it. In this stra the vvord ha (as also ali the other vvords got in the previous stra) is got by anuvrtti. Thus this filtra lavs dovvn that a root, beginning vvith d in upadea and ending in h, substitutes its h by gh (instead of dh as in

99

S 235

Srasiddhntakaumud

the previous stra) , when follovved by a jhal or vvhen it is at the end of a pada . Thus the position is duh+ s = dugh+s . 236. In this .rOra the vvord dhto is got by anuvrtti. Both ekca and dhto are avayava sasth, vvhile baa is sthnesa sth \ Thus this stra lays dovvn that bhas is substituted for ba belonging to the monosyllabic part of a root ending in jhas, vvhen it is follovved by s or dhv , or vvhen follovvedby nothing. Accordingly novv dugh+s = dhugh+s = dhuk (or dhug), by elision of s (No. 158), cartva (bv vvasne, PA 8.4.56), and jatva (by No. 58), besides bhastva (by No. 236). Before vowel endings no change occurs and we get the forms duh+au = duhau; duh+as = duha; etc. Before bhym, bhi and bhya, the final h vvill be changed to gh (No. 235) and d = dh (No. 236). So duh+bhym = dhugh + bhym = dhugbhym (No. 58). Similarlv loc. plr. vvould be duh+su = dhugh+su = dhuk+su ( cartva ) = dhuk+su (by PA 8.4.59, deapratyayayo) = dhuksu. 237. In this stra ha and gha are got bv anuvrtti along vvith the other vvords as in No. 235. Thus acc. to this stra the final h of druh , etc. is changed to gh optionallv. (i.e. to gh or dh by No. 234). Nom. sg. of druh (a kvibania from V druh) is dhruk, dhrug (to be explained like dhuk , dhug of duh) and dhrut, dhrud (to be explained like lit , lid) together vvith the change of d to dh (No. 236). No change occurs before vovvel case endings. Thus druhau , druha, etc. dhrugbhym, dhrugbhi, dhrugbhya are to be explained like dhugbhym etc. Optionallv h = dh = d (as in lih+bhym)

100

N oies

S 241

and hence we have the forms dhrudbhymi dhrudbhi, dhrudbhya. Before su (loc. plr.), vvhen h is changed to gh = g = k, the follovving s vvill be changed to s and the form vvill be dhruksu. But optionally h is changed to dh = t ( cartva ), and vvith optional dhut gama (as in the case of lih ) vve shall have the forms dhrutsu, dhruttsu. Thus in ali there vvill be three forms. The vvords muh, m uh and snih are to be similarly declined. In the case of the last tvvo vvords, hovvever, vve have to note the follovving rule. 238. The vvord sa (like ha in No. 234) is sthna sasth. The stra lays dovvn that s standing at the beginning of a dhtu (in the dhtuptha) is to be substituted by s. Hence sih and suh in the previous stra are to be read as snih and snuh respectively. nom. sg. of snuh (like druh) vvould be snuh, snug, s-nut and snud. Similarly the vvord snih. 239. This and the next stra deal vvith samprasraa (a phenomenon opposite of yadea). This stra defines samprasraa in general as the substitution of ik (=% u, r, and ) for ya ( = y, v, r and l respectively). 240. And this stra declares that samprasraa in the case of vvords ending in vh vvill be th ( = ) . The vvord samprasraa is got in this stra by anuvTtti, and bhasya is got by adhikra , (bhasya, PA 6.4.129). Thus for acc. plr. of vivavh, the position is: vivavh+as =viva + h+as (No. 240). 241. This stra lays dovvn prvarpa as ekdea vvhen samprasraa is follovved by a vovvel. In this stra aci and
101

S 241

Srasiddhnlal(aumud

prva are got by anuvTtti and eka prvaparayo 6.1*83) is adhikra. Hence now we get viva+h + as. 242. Here ordinarily No. 27, d gua should But it is prevented by the present siira which lays vrddhi as ekdea for a and the initial vowel of eti, and th ( = >). Thus we now get vivauha. In this the words t, vTddhi, and leci are got by anuirrtti.

(PA. apply. down edhaii stra,

243. In this stra the word sarvanmasthna is got by anuvTtti. Thus the stra means that the words catur and anaduh take the augment m (which is udtta). The augment m ( = ) being mit will be infixed after the last vowel in the base. Thus for nom. sg. of anaduh the position is: anaduh +s = anaduh+s (No. 243) = anadvh+s . 244. In this stra num is got by anuvTtti; and thus the stra lays down the augment num ( = n) for the word anaduh before su ( = s of nom. sg. ). Thus the position becomes; anadvnh+s. At this stage the s is elided by No. 158 and then h is elided by PA 8.2.23, sainyogntasya lopa . Thus finally vve get anadvn. 245. This stra is to be understood as an exception to No. 243. Before sarvanmasthna, the gama is m, while before sambuddhi (see No. 110) it is am. Hence voc. sg. would be he anadvan (to be explained like nom. sg. anadvn). nom. du., plr. etc. would be anadvhau, anadvha, etc. But before vowel endings from acc. plr. onwards there vvill be no changes and the forms vvould be anaduha, anaduh, etc.

102

N oies

S 248

246. This stra comes in for application vvhen anaduh is follovved by consonantal endings. In this stra, vasu by pratyayagrahaaparibhs stands for vasvanta {pada, got by adhikra ). The vvord sa ( = sakrasya) is got by anuvrtti, vvhich by tadantavidhi = sakrntasya ( vasvantasya padasya). The dea d (being ekl) is antdea. Thus this stra lays dovvn that d is substituted for the final letter ( vara, here i or Zi) of vasvanta vvords ending in s, and of vvords dhvais, sraihs and anaduh . Here vve are concerned vvith anaduh vvhen follovved by bhym etc. Here anaduh is a pada (by PA 1.4.17). Hence h is at padnta and thus changed to d. The form, therefore, vvould be anadudbhym. Before su (loc. plr.) by cartva vve get anadutsu. 247. The vvord mrdhanya is got by adhikra {PA 8.3.55). Thus this stra lays dovvn that s is substituted for s of sah (i.e. a vvord ending in sah) vvhen it has the form sd. Thus nom. sg. of tursh is tursh+s = turst, tursd (by No. 234, chartva and dropping of s by No. 158). Before vovvel endings no change occurs. So vve have the forms turshau etc. Before consonantal endings there vvill be mrdhanydea, dhatva , jatva and cartva as has been already explained above; and the forms vvill be tursdbhym etc. turstsu or tursttsu. 248. In this stra, diva is gen. sg. of div (vvhich is here to be taken as a prtipadika). This stra lays dovvn the dea aut ( = a u ), vvhich being ekl is antdea, for the base div vvhen follovved bv s (nom. sg. ending, got by anuvrtti). Thus nom. sg. of sudiv is sudiv+s = sudyau+s = sudyau. Before vovvel endings no change occurs and vve get the forms sudivau, sudiva, etc.

103

S 249

Srasiddhnlaaum udi

249. In this stra, padm ta is got by this stra lays do\vn the dea u for the end of a pada (i.e. when followed by endings from instr. onvvards). Thus sudiv + bhym sudyubhy?n.

adhikra. Thus word div at the consonantal casebhym = sudiu+

250. This stra prtains to catur (a base ending in r ) . No. 243 has already laid dovvn the dea m for the vvord catur before sarvanmasthna endings. Thus catur+as (nom) = catur+as = catvra. The forms of the remaining cases exccpting the gen. are: catura, caturbhi, caturbhyah, and catursu. The vvord ma is got in this stra by anuvTtti. Thus this stra lays dovvn the gama nut in the case of sas (see PA 1.1.24) and the vvord catur before m (gen. plr. ending). Thus catur nm caturm (PA 8.4.1). 251. This stra lays dovvn that n, coming immediately after r and s in the same pada, is changed to . Hence caturm. 252. For loc. sg. the position is catur+su. Here No. 81 vvould seem to have scope. But the present stra prevents it, laving dovvn that onlv ru (and not any rcpha) is changed to visarga vvhen follovved by sup(loc. sg. ending). Hence r of catur is . not. changed to visarga and vve getcatursu (s = s by deapratyayo, PA 8.3.59). 253. Novv vve take the vvord pram (ending in m ). For nom. sg. the position is pram+s. The present stra lays dovvn that the final m of a dhtu ( dhtvantasya padasya) is changed to n. Novv bv No. 158 s is elided and thus m comes at the end of a pada; and is, therefore, changed to n.

104

Noies

S 257

Hence pran. The further forms are pramau, prama, etc. (acc. plr.). Now before vovvel case endings there vvill be no change and the forms vvill be prasm etc. (instr. sg.). Before bhym, bhi, bhya, and su, prasm can be desig nated pada and hence m in the base before these endings is changed to n. Thus the forms vvill be pranbhym, etc. Before su (loc. plr. ending) besides 11 dea, there vvill be dhut gama optiona;lly. (PA 8-3.30, na ca). Hence vve have tvvo forms, namcly praJntsu, pransu. 254. The pron. kim ends in m; but this stra lays dovvn that before vibhakti suffixes or endings it is changed to ka and then is to be declined like sarva. Thus vve get the forms ka, kau, ke, etc. 255. Another pron. ending in m is idam. We have already seen that tyad etc. are changed to tya etc. (No. 172). There it has already been stated that No. 172 is to be applied to pronouns upto dvi and it vvould thus be applicable to idam also. The present stra is an exception to that rule, and lavs dovvn that before 5 (nom. sg. ending) m is substituted for (the final letter of) idam. Thus the position is: idam+s = idam+s. 256. This stra lavs dovvn that ay (anekl and hence sarvdea) is substituted for id (of idam) in the masculine, Thus the position becomes ayam+s ayam (No. 158). 257. For nom. du. the position is idam + au ida+ z+ au (by No. 172). At this stage comes up this stra vvhich lays dovvn that vvhen a (not at the end of a pada) is follovved bv guna (i.e. a, e, or 0, No. 25), pararpa is to be substituted for both. In this stra the vvords apadntt

105

S 257

Srasiddhntal(aumudi

and pararpam are got by anuvrtti, while eka prvaparayo is got by adhikra {PA 6-1.83). Thus the position now becomes, ida au. 258. In this stra, the whole of No. 254 comes by anuvftti; and da is sthnasasth of d. The word vibhaktau is, hovvever, to be brought into this stra by madkapluti (from PA 7.2.84, No. 278 below). Thus this stra lays down that d of idam is to be substituted by m when a vibhakti follows. Hence we get ima + au = imau (by No. 33). Nom. plr. ime is to be similarly explained {ja is substituted by i by No. 222). Here V points out the general rule that pronouns (i.e. tyad etc.) have no. voc. Forms of acc. are 'explained in PA 2.4.34 along with instr. sg. and gen. and loc. du., vvhere the vvord idam is substituted by ena (in a?ivdea). O ui author has, for the sake of simplicitv, evaded this stra altogether. Thus the regular acc. forms of idam masc. are to be obtained from the base ima like sarva. 259. For the forms of instr. sg. etc. this stra is required. In this stra, idama and iTa are got by anuz/rtti; and the vvord vibhaktau by madkapluti as above. The vvord dpi is loc. sg. of p vvhich, because it comes in the context of vibhakti, has to be understood as a pratyhra covering ali case-endings from instr. sg. upto loc. plr. The vvord aka means akakrasya {idam a). Thus this stra lays dovvn that an vvill be substituted for id of idam before vibhakti pratyayas, provided idam has not the letter k appended to it. Thus instr. sg. is: idam+ = ida+ (by No. 172) = ana+ (No. 259) ana ina (No. 118) = anena .

106

Noies

S 262

260. In this stra also idama, ida, akay and pi are got by anuvTtti; and thus the stra lays dovvn that id of idam, not containing ka in it, vvill be elided before p (i.e. case-endings from instr. sg. upto loc. plr.) beginning vvith a consonant. Here hali, by yasmin vidhis iaddv algrahae, means haldau. ( vibhaktau got by madkapluti ) . Thus idam + bhym ida + bhym a+bhym = + bhym (No. 119) = bhym. Here it has to be observed that a {dea) is ekl and should ordinarily be antydea (No. 20). But a paribhs says that this rule (i.e. No. 20) is not to be applied in the case of a base ( sthnin) vvhich has no meaning ( anarthaka) except abhysa vikra. Hence here a is rightly substituted for the vvhole of id. (see Pbh. 96). 261. For instr. plr. the position is idam+bhis = ida+a +bhis = ida + bhis = a+bhis. At this stage No. 120 vvould require bhis to be substituted by ais. But the present stra prevents this substitution. In this stra, bhisa ais is got by anuvTtti; and ako is gen. du. = akakrayo. Then by No. 123, a is changed to e and vve finally get ebhi. The forms asmai, ebhya, asmt, asya, etc. can be similarly explained. 262. Novv vve take rjan (base ending in n or an). In nom. sg. the position is: rjan+s = rjn+s (No. 156) = rjn (No. 158) = rj (No. 160). Similarly are to be explained the forms: rjnau (nom. and acc. du.), rjnam (acc. sg.), and rjna (nom. plr.). For voc. sg. the position is : rjan+s. Here comes the present stra for application. The vvhole of No. 160 is got in this stra by anuvTtti. Thus the stra prohibits the elision

107

S 262

Srasiddhntal(aumud

of n (laid down in No. 160) before ni (loc. sg.) and sambuddhi (voc. sg.). Hence voc. sg. is he rjan. For acc. plr. the position is: rdjm + as = rj n+as (No. 231) rj + as (No. 52) rja. Similarly are to be explained forms like rj (instr. sg.) (with vowel case-endings). Forms like rjabhym (with consonantal case-endings) are to be explained bv No. 160. In loc. sg. the elision of penultimate a is optional (by No. 232) and hence we have the forms rji, rjani. Ali vvords ending in n (or an) are to be declined like the vvord rjan. Certain peculiar cases, hovvever, have to be noted. In this stra are noted vvords ending in an having a vrta or mnta saniyoga (i.e. a conjunct consonant ending in v or m ) . In the case of these vvords the elision of penulti mate a (as per No. 231) is prohibited. Hence yajvan + as (acc. plr.) = yajvana; and brahman as (acc. plr.) = brahmaa. But for this these vvords are to be declined like rjan.
264. 263.

This stra lays down the lengthening of the penulti mate (of vvords ending in n) in the case of the vvords psan and aryaman, and vvords ending in in and han ( tadan tavidhi ), before si (No. 222).
265.

This stra adds that the lengthening will take place before su (nom. sg., asambuddhau got by anuzrrtti). Thus vTtrahan+s = vrtrahan vTtrahn = ifftrah. In voc. sg. no elongation and hence the form vrtrahan. But for this these words are to be declined like rjan.
266. This stra lays down that n, belonging to the monosyllabic latter member of a compound, is changed

108

Nots

S 269

to even when the nimitta for it exists in the prvapada. Ordinarily cerebralisation of n into takes place only if n and the atvanimitta stand in the same pada. Now in r/rtrahan, r and n belong to tvvo different padas. This makes it necessary to lay dovvn a special rule for it. In this stra the vvord samse is got on the strength of the vvord uttarapada, vvhich denotes the final member of a samsa. The vvord ekjuttarapada is a bahuvhigarbha bahuvhi; and hence means a compound in vvhich the final member has one vovvel. Hence vrtrahan + au = vTtrahaau; similarlv vTtrahaa, etc. 267. Novv for acc. plr. the position is: vrtrahanA-as = vftrahn+as (No. 231). Here. comes up this stra vvhich lays dovvn that h of \ /han vvill be changed to gh vvhen follovved by it or it suffixes or by na. The vvord ku is got by anuvrtti. Thus vve novv get z/rtraghna. Similar phenomenon vvill occur before ali vovvel case-endings. The vvords rngin, yaasvin, aryaman, and psan similarly declined. are

268. Novv vve come to the vvord maghavan. In this stra maghav is nom. for gen.; and tr is got by anuvrtti. This sira lays dovvn that the vvord maghavan has the dea tr (= t) variouslv. Thus the vvord vvould be either maghavat or maghavan. The r in tr here is mute and serves the purpose as shovvn in the next stra. 269. In this stra, (in ugidacm) ac stands for V ac vvith its nasal elided; and num is got by anuvrtti. Thus this stra lays dovvn the augment num before sarvanma sthna pratyayas to ugit formations (not roots) and to

109

S 269

Srasiddhnlakaumud

V ac vvith dropped. In the case under consideration the vvord maghavat is an ugit formation (formation in tr) and hence it vvill take numgama in nom. and acc. sg. and du. and nom. plr. forms. Thus the forms vvould be: maghavn , maghavantau, maghavanta; he maghavan; maghavantam: acc. plr. vvill not have num and it vvill be maghavata. But vvhen tr is not substituted, the vvord vvill be maghavan only and is to be declined like rjan before sut (i.e. the first five infletions: maghav, maghavnau, etc.). 270. For acc. plr. the position is: maghavan + as. In this stra samprasraa is got by anuvTtti, bhasya is got by adhikra, and ana ( = annantasya by tadantavidhi) is got by apakarsa (from PA 6.4.134). Thus this stra lays dovvn that these vvords, ending in an, vvhen they have the designation bha, vvill take samprasraa before pratyayas other than taddhita. Thus maghavan as magha ua n as = magha u n+as = maghona. Before consonantal endings there is no change except the elision of n; and the forms are maghavabhym, etc. The vvords van and yuvan are to be similarlv declined. 271. For acc. plr. (of yuvan) the position is yuvan+as = yu ua n as = yu u n+as = yna. Here it has to be observed that vvhen in a vvord there are tvvo or more letters from (the pratyhra) ya , the samprasraa is to occur in the last one among them ; and vvhen one has undergone samprasraa, none of the other ya letters vvill take it. In the present case y and v are the tvvo ya letters; and of these the latter (i.e. v) has under gone samprasraa. Hence the former (namely y) vvill not have
110

Noies

S 276

it. Thus the acc. plr. form will be yna only. Similar will be the case with ali the other vowel case-endings. 272. Now we turn to the vvords pathin, mathin, and rbhuksin, for which P has laid down ( antdea) before s (nom. sg. ending), the vvord sau being got by anuvTtti. Thus

pathin+s = pathi + s.

273. This stra is in continuation understood in the same way. Thus the vvords pathin etc. will substitute nmasthna. Thus now we have

of No. 272 and is to be this stra lays down that their i by a before sarva
patha +s
=

path+s.

274. Here pathim atho is got by anuvTtti; and the stra lays down that th vvill be substituted by nth. Thus nom. sg. is panthh. Similarly are to be explained the forms panthnau, panthna and panthnam. For acc. plr. the position is pathin-\-as . Now this lays dovvn the elision of ti of bha. In the case under consideration pathin is bha (No. 144); and hence its ti (No. 38) will be dropped. Thus vve have path+ as patha. Similar vvill be the operations before ali vovvel endings; vvhile before consonantal endings only the final n vvill be dropped. Thus we have pathibhym, etc. The vvords mathin and Tbhuksin are to be similarly declined.
stra

275.

In this stra P has laid dovvn that a samJchy (got by anuvTtti ) ending in ? or n vvill have the designation sat. No. 168 has laid dovvn that jas and as after the sas are drooped. Hence nom. and acc. of pacan is pacan as = pacan = para. In the other forms only n is elided and vve have pacabhi, pacabhya.
111

276.

S 277

Srasiddhntalaumudi

277. For gen. the position is pacan+m = pacan~Vnm (No. 250). At this stage, the present stra lavs down that the penultimate of a nnta saikhy will be lengthened before m m . Hence we get pacnm. In loc. the form is pacasu. 278. In this stra the word kali is got by apakarsa and by taddividhi means haldi {vibhakti). Thus this stra lays down the dea for (the anta of) astan before consonantal endings. 279. The dea is optional. The present stra lays down the dea au for jas and as. Thus astan A-as = ast + as ast + au = astau. Before- bhi., bhya, etc. by No. 278 there will be tva; and the forms vvill be astbhi, astbhya, astnm (see No. 250), and astsu. When, hovvever, there is no tva (ovving to vikalpa) the vvord astan is declined like pacan . 280. In this stra the vvord kvin is got by anuvTtti and dhtu bv adhikra {PA 3.1.91). Thus this stra lays dovvn the suffix kvin (in vvhich k and n are mute) for Ttu + V yaj, y/dhrs, \/s r j, y/di, s ih y V ac. V yuj, and y/kruc. Our author further explains the m atter by declaring that kvin is appended to 'jac preceded by a subanta upapada, but to and V kruc by themselves, and lavs dovvn nonelision of nasal in the case of V kruc. 281. This stra lays dovvn that any pratyaya that is laid dovvn in the adhikra dhto {PA 3.1.91), excepting the ti pratyayas {PA 3.4.78), have the designation krt . So kvin is a krt suffix and hence the vvords rtvij etc. are krdanta formations.

112

Nots

S 282

282. We have already seen that in kvin, k and n are if. Now this sutra lays down the elision of v in vi( = z>) if it is aprkta (sce No. 157). Thus now we have the formations rtuij etc. vvhich, being krdanta , are prtipadikas and hence can take case endings. 283. In this stra the words sarvanmasthna and num are got by anuvTtti; and thus this stra lays down that the kvin formation from V yuj when not in a compound will take the augment num before sarvanmasthna . Thus for nom. sg. the position is: yuj+s = yu n j + s = yun (by Nos. 19 and 158).

284. In this stra the word padasya is got by adhikra (PA 8.1.16) and ante is got by anuvTtti. Here it has to be noted that the adea ku is for the base vvhich is derived by adding the suffix kvin. Thus this stra lays dovvn the kutva of the final letter of the kvin formation. Thus here yim changes its n to (by kutva) and vve get the form yun (nom. sg.). Further forms are yujau, yuja. From acc. plr. onvvards there vvill be no num and hence acc. plr. vvould be yuja. 285. Before consonantal endings the final j (of ali these vvords in No. 280) vvill be changed to g or k by this stra. In this stra, jhali and padnte are got by anuvTtti and adhikra respectively. Thus nom. sg. of suyuj vvould be suyuj+ s = suyuj = suyuk (or suyug), suyujau (nom. and acc. du.), suyuja (nom. acc. plr.), etc. Here the vvord is a samsa; and hence there is no numgama (No.283). Similarlv are to be declined the vvords ftvij, etc.

113 F.8A

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Srasiddhniaaumudi

286. The word jhali is got in this stra by anuvrtti and padnte by adhikra . Thus this sutra lays dovvn the sub stitute s for (the anta of) the roots vraca etc., and of roots ending in ch and when followed by a jhal or by nothing. Thus rdj+s = rj (No. 158) = rs (No. 286) = rd (No. 58) or rt (No. 124). There is no change before vowel case-endings; while before consonantal case-endings, the final letter is changed to t or d as shown above. Thus we get the forms rjau, rdbhym , etc. Similarly are to be declined the vvords devej, vibhrj) vivasrj (ali kvip form ations) . Novv vve take up bhrsj (a kvip formation from y/bhrasj. 287. The vvords padnte , and jhali are got in this sutra as before and lopa is got by anuvrtti. Thus this sutra lays dovvn that s and k are dropped vvhen they occur at the beginning of sarhyoga (conjunct consonant) vvhich stands at the end of a pada or vvhen it is follovved by a jhal. Thus, bhrsj+s = bhrsj (No. 158) = bhrj (No. 287) = bhrs (No. 286) = bhrt or bhrd (Nos. 124 and 58). For nom. and acc. du. the position is bhrsj au = bhrsj (No. 52) = bhrjj (PA 8.4.53) = bhrj jau. Similarly before ali vovvel case-endings; vvhile before consonantal case-endings the final vvill be changed to t or d as shown above. 288. Novv vve turn to words ending in d (such as tyad} tad , etc.). Thus tyad+s = tya a+ s = tya+s (Nos. 172 and 257 respectively). Novv this stra lays dovvn that t and d (of tyad etc.) are changed to s before s (of nom. sg.) provided they do not stand at the end. By this now we
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get sya+s = sya. Similarlv nom. sg. of tad is sa; and of etad is esa. The other forms are like sarva . 289. Two other pronouns ending in d are yusmad and asmad. This and the following stras deal with the declension of these pronouns. This stra lays down the dea am for ne (dat. sg.) and the endings of the first two cases in the case of yusmad and asmad . Thus ynsmad+s = yusmad + am. Similarly asmad+am. 290. This stra lays down the deas tva and aha for (the maparyanta portion of) these pronouns before s (nom. sg.). Thus we get tva ad-\-am. Similarly aha ad+ am . Here it has to be noted that ali the deas laid down for yusmad and asmad are governed by the adhikra, maparyantasya (PA 7.2.91). Then by No. 257, we get tvad+ am . Similarly ahad-\-am. 291. In this stra the words vibhaktau and yusmadasmado are got by anuvTtti . The word esa means the remaining vibhaktis i.e. ali the case-endings, except nom. and acc., before which the deas and y are enjoined (in Nos. 293, and 2 9 8 ) . Thus this stra lays down the elision of the final letter (by No. 20) before case-endings, before vvhich tva and yatva are not laid dovvn. Hence the position becomes t v a + a m ( aha + a m ) = tvarn (a ham ) bv No. 113. Here it may be observed that our author has tried to simplify matters here by declaring etayos tilopa v/hich takes us directly from t v a d + a m ( ahad + a m ) to tvam (a h a m ). 292. This stra lays dovvn the deas yuva and va for adhikrayusmad and asmad before ali du. endings. The 115

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maparyantasya has to be borne in mind. Thus yusrad+ au yuva ad+ am = yuvad+am. 293. This stra lays dovvn the antdea for these pronouns before au ( = am by No. 289) of nom. du. Hence yuva -f-am = yuvm. Similarly vm . This tva is said to take place in bhs as apposed to chandas. Hence it is absent at times in the Veda vvhere vve get the forms yuvam and avam also. 294. This stra lays dovvn the deas yya and vaya ( maparyantasya) before jas (nom. plr. ending). Thus yusmad + as yya ad as = yyad as (No. 2 5 7 ) =yyad + am (No. 2 8 9 ) = yy am (No. 2 9 1 ) = yyam. Similarly vayam. 295. This stra lays dovvn the deas ( maparyantasya) ti)a and ma before sg. case-endings. Thus yusm ad+am = tva+ ad+ am = tvad+am (No. 2 5 7 ) . 296., This stra lays dovvn the dea for (the final of) these pr-onouns before am (acc. sg. ending). In this stra is got by anuvTtti. Thus vve get tva +am = tvm (similarly m m ) . 297. For acc. plr. the position is yusmad+as = yusm a+ am (No. 2 8 9 ) . This stra lays dovvn the dea n for (the initial of) as ( = as ). This is according to the paribhs de parasya (No. 64). Hence yusmad ns yusm ns (No. 2 9 7 ) = yusmn (No. 1 9 ) . Similarlv asmn. 298. This stra lavs dovvn the dea y (for the final of these pronouns) before vovvel case-endings. Thus yu?mad+ = tva ad + = tvad+ = tvay+ = tvay. Similarly

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m ay. It has to be noted, hovvever, that this dea occurs

only before such case-endings as have not been substituted by some dea. (the vvord andee being got by anuvrtti). 299. This stra lays dovvn the ( anta) dea before consonantal case-endings that are not substituted. Thus yusmad +bhym = yuva ad + bhym = yuvad+bhym = yuv + bhym = yuvbhym. Similarly vbhym. In plr. the position vvould be yusmad bhi = yusm bhi = yusmbhi. Similarly asmbhi. 300. This stra lays dovvn the deas ( maparyantasya) tubhya and mahya for these proouns before ne (dat.sg.). Thus yusmad e tubhya ad + e = tubhyad+am = tubhya + am (No. 289) = tubhyam (No. 113). Similarlv mahyam. 301. This stra lays dovvn the dea abhyam for bhyas (dat. and abi. plr.). Thus yusmad bhyas = yusmad abhyam = yusma abhyam (No. 291) = yusmabhyam. Similarly asmabhyam. It may be observed that here the dea is taken to be abhyam (as vve have done it here) or even bhyam (see Kik ). Also see M Bh on PA 7.1.30; and Pbh. 93. 302. In this stra the vvords p a ca m y at are got by
anuvTtti. Thus thissutra lays dovvn the dea at (sarvdea) for nasi { as of abi. sg.). Thus y u s m a d + a s = tva a d + at = t v a d + a t = tva + at = tvat- Similarly mat.

303. The vvord bhyasa is got in this stra by anuvrtti. Thus yusmad+bhyas yusmad+at = yusma+at yusmat. Similarly asmat. 304. This stra lays dovvn tava and mama as deas (maftaryantasya) before as (gen. sg. ending). Thus yusmad+as = tava ad+as tavad + as = tava+as.

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305. This stra lays dovvn the sarvdea a (= a) for nas (gen. sg. ending) after these pronouns. Thus novv vve get tava a = tava ( No. 257). Similarly mama. 306. This stra lays dovvn the sarvdea kam for sm (gen. plr. ending, sce No. 133). Thus yus?nad+sm = yusmad + kam = yusma + kam = yusmkam. Similarly asmkam. The remaining forms tvayi (m ayi), yusmsu ( asmsu ) are to be similarly explained. 307. This stra lays dovvn the optional deas vm and nau for the wordj yusmad and asmad standing in the gen., dat., and acc., provided thev are padt para and apddisthita. The other forms, namely yuvm (vm ), yuvbhym ( vbhym) and yuvayo ( vayo ), have been explained above. 308. This stra for them in the the forms are va and na (asmn, lavs down the optional deas vas and nas plr., under the same circumstances. Thus ( yu?mn, yusmabhyam} and yusmkam) asmabhyam, and asmkam).

309. This stra lays dovvn the deas (optional), te and me, for gen. sg. and dat. sg. Thus vve have te (tubhyam, tava) and me (mahyam3 m am a). 310. This stra lays dovvn the optional deas tv and m for acc. sg. under similar conditions. Thus tv (tvm) and m (m m ). In the tvvo couplets that follow our author has illustrated ali the optional forms of yusmad and asmad. 311. This vrttika lavs dovvn that these deas (Nos. 307-310) are to be used when they occur in one sentence

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only; and a sentence is a statement that has only onefinite verb. Thus odana'i paca, tava bhavisyati is not eka vkya and hence the form te cannot here be used in the place of tava . But in the statement llnm te odanarh dsymi, the form te has been rightly used. For it is ekati (and hence eka vkya). 312. In this stra the word anga and bha come by adhikra; and by tadantavidhi, pda means pcchabdntasya. This stra thus lays down the dea pat ( anekl and hence sarvdea) for pd (and not the whole word ending in pd ), according to the paribhs} nirdiyamnasyde bhavanti, Pbh. 12). 313. In this stra , angnjn is got by adhikra; hal, by tadantavidhi , stands for halanta; and nasya lopa is got by anuz/rtti. Thus this stra lays down the elision of the penulti mate n of consonantal angas (the root of which is) not idit, when follovved by kit or nit pratyayas. We take the word prc (prc+ kvin). The base (anga) prc is anidit halanta and hence its penultimate n is dropped. Thus prc+s = prc+s = prnc+s (No. 269) = prnc = prn = pran (No. 284). The other nom. forms are prcau , prca. 314. Here aca is gen. sg. of ac ( = ^(/ac with its nasal elided). The word allopa is got here by anuvrtti, and bhasya by adhikra. Thus this stra lays down the elision of a of ac (i.e. V ac with loss of nasal). Thus prc+as (acc. plr.). = pra c + as (Nos. 313, 314). 315. In this stra , cau is loc. sg. of cu ( = V acu with its akra and nasal elided). The words prvasya dirghona

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are got here by anui/rtti. Thus this stra lays down the lengthening of the preceding a ( = a, i, u)> when followed by cu (i.e. V ac vvith the elision of a and nasal). Thus novv vve have prdc + as = prdca. The other forms are prdgbhym etc. The forms p ra ty a y pratyacau etc. can be similarly explained. acc. plr. of pratyac is. pratyac+as = pratya c+as = prati c+as (No. 314) = pralc as (No. 315) = praca. Similarly are to be explained the forms uda, udacau etc. 316. This stra lays dovvn the ddea for a of ac (i.e. V ac vvith its nasal elided) coming after ud. This stra is to be fully dravvn out bv referring to No. 315 above. Thus udac as udac as = udc as = udca. The other forms such as udagbhydm can be easilv explained. 317. In this stra the vvords acatau apratyaye are got by anuvTtii. Thus this stra lays dovvn the ddea sami for sam> vvhen follovved by apratyaya acati. Thus samyac as = samyac as = sami c + as =samc+as = samca. But vvhen the base is not bha, the form is samyagbhydm} etc. 318. This stta also is to be similarly explained. It lays dovvn that saha is to be substituted by sadhri under similar circumstances. Thus saha + ac+s = sadhri+ac+s = sadhri+ anc+s = sadhri + anc = sadhryan = sadhryan. 319. This stra lays dovvn the ddea tiri for tiras vvhen follovved bv acati vvithout any suffix and vvithout the elision of its a. Thus vve have tiras ac+s = tiri ac+s = tiri ac+ s = tiri ac = tiri ari = tiryan = tirya. The forms tiryacau, tiryaca, etc. are quite regular. For acc. plr. the position is tiryac + as = tiras c+as = tiraca. The forms tiryagbhydm etc. can be easily explained.

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S 322

320. This stra prohibits the elision of the nasal of V ucy when by the formation pj (honour, respect) is to be conveyed. Thus the forms of prc are pr} prcau , prca, prbhym, prksu . Similarly are to be declined the words pratya etc. when they are pjrtha. Under No. 280 the non-elision of n in the case of kruc has been already noticed. Here our author has given some of its forms: kru} krucau, krubhym) etc. Similarly payomuc is to be declined like rtvij and the forms are payomuk, payomucctu, payomugbhi. etc. 321. Now we take up the word mahat ( V m ah+ atr ) vvhich is ugidanta (ending in a suffix having a mute uk = r in this case). It vvill, therefore, take the augment num before sarvanmasthna (No. 269). Novv this stra lays dovvn that the penultimate vovvel, preceding n in the vvord mahat or in a conjunct consonant ending in s, is lengthened before sarvanmasthna , other than sambuddhi (i.e. voc. sg.). Thus mahat+s mahant+s = mahnt~\~s mahnt mahn. Similarly are to be explained the forms mahntau, mahnta , etc. In voc. sg. and in acc. plr. onvvards no lengthening takes place; and thus the forms are he mahan, mahata , mahadbhym etc. 322. In this stra , atu by tadantavidhi means atvanta (i.e. a formation in suffixes having atu in them, like matup , vatup). Thus this stra lavs down the lengthening of the penultimate of an atvanta formation or an asanta word, vvhich is not a dhtu , before s (not of voc. sg.). Thus dh/bnat (an atvanta vvord) s = dhimant s (No. 269) = dhbrnnt ( sulopa , upadhvfddhi) = dhimn ( saiyogntlopa ) = dhimns But

121!

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voc. sg. dhman. The forms dhmanlau etc. can be similarlv explained. Before as (acc. plr.) and subsequent endings dlmat is to be declined like mahat. 323. By tadantavidhi, rvo means rephavntasya ( dhto ) and padnte is got by adhikra. Thus this stra lays down that the penultimate of a dhtu ending in r or v, vvhen stand ing at the end of a pada, is lengthened. Thus pipathis+s = pipathis (by sulopa) = pipathir (No. 80) = pipathr (No. 323) = pipath. Forms like pipathisau can be easily explained. Similarly pipathnbhym. 324. For loc. plr. the position is pipathis+su = pipathr+ su. At this stage the present stra lays dovvn that j coming after i (= i, u) and ku (letter of kavarga) is changed to s even vvhen num, visarjanya or ar intervene. The vvords iko and mrdhanya are got here by anuvTtti. Thus vve get pipathir-\~su = pipath + su = pipathtssu (by No. 54). 325. Novv vve take up vvords like vidvas (i.e. adhtu asanta vvords). In this stra, bhasya is got by adhikra; and vaso means vasvantasya by pratyayagrahaaparibhs. This stra lays dovvn samprasraa for bha ending in kvasu (i.e. Pf. participles). Thus vidvas being ugidanta takes num by No. 269. Thus vidvas+s = vidvns+s vidvns = vidvn. voc. sg. is vidvan (no lengthening of upadh). The forms vidvrhsau, vidvmsa, etc. can be similarly explained. For acc. plr. the position is vidvas+ as = vidus+as = vidus+as = vidusa. Before bhym tic. the final s of vidvas is changed to d (No. 246) and vve get the forms vidvadbhym etc. 326. This stra lays dovvn the dea asuri ( antdea) for the vvord purns in sarvanmasthna. Thus pum s+ s = pum as+s
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pumans+s (No. 269) = pum m (sulopa) = pumn. In nom. du. n is changed to anusvra and thus we get the form p u rn a m sau. voc. sg. is he puman. The other forms pumsa (acc. plr.), etc. can be easily explained. Before consonantal endings s of pums is elided and vve get forms like pumbhym and pumsu. v c d h a (another asanta vvord) lengthens its u padh before s (nom. sg.) and thus vve get vedh h ; but voc. sg. he vedha. Forms lk e vedhasau, vedhasa can be easily explained. Before bhym, bhis and bhyas the final s undergoes rutva , utva; and then vvith the ekdea gua vve get forms like vedho bhym) vedhobhih. 327. This stra lays dovvn that before su { s of nom- sg.) adas vvill take the antdea au. Thus adas+s = ada au+ s asa au+ s (No. 288) = asa au ( sulopa) = asau (No. 33). Novv for nom. du. the position is adas+au = ada a +au = ada au adau . At this stage comes the follovving stra. 328. In this stra ase (gen. sg. of asi = asanta ) goes vvith adasa vvhich is avayavasastj. The vvord u is to be under stood as a samhra dvandva to mean u and . Furthermore da is sthnasasth/i of d. Thus this stra lays dovvn that in the case of adas, not ending in s, u or is substituted for the letter standing after d, and m is substituted for d. Novv vve take up the position adau (arrived at in the previous ru le ); and by this rule vve get a m (here the substitute for au is long for long). O ur author has suggested this by stating that vvhat u is to be substituted is to be decided on the basis of ntaratamya (No. 18).

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For nom. plr. the position is adas+jas = adas+i (No. 130) = ade (No. 27). At this stage comes the following stra. 329. In this stra adasoserdt and do ma are got by anuvTtti. Thus this stra lavs dovvn that e coming after d of adas not ending in as, is substituted by in the plural. Hence ade arr. The forms amum and amn can be similarly explained. Novv for instr. sg. the position is: adas + a m u + (No. 328) = a?nu n (Nos. 149 and 150). Here comes the follovving sira for consideration. 330. Novv this stra lays dovvn that so far as nbhva (substitution of n for No. 150) is concerned, vvhether it is effected or yet to be efected, mubhva (No. 329) is not asiddha. In this sira mu is samhra dvandva and means ra and u; while ne is loc. sg. of n and means ne kartavye krte ca. The vvord asiddham is got by anuvTtti. Thus mutva (No. 329) is to be considered as siddha (accomplished) vvhen ntva is kartavya; and hence the base becomes ghi and thus nbhva of is not prevented. Novv after ntva is kTta, if mutva is considered asiddha, then the sira, supi ca (No. 119) will applv and the final a of the anga vvill have to be lengthened (drgha prasajjyeta). Hence mutva has to be considered as na asiddha even after nbhva is efected ( kTta ). Thus instr. sg. is amun. Ali the other forms of adas, namely ambhym, ambhi, amusmai, etc. are to be similarly explained. 331. In this stra, padasya is got by adhikra ; and ha ante, and jhali by anuvTtti. The vvord upnah is to be declined. The next stra explains the formation of this vvord, before the present stra is made to operate.

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332. The word kvau is loc. sg. of kvi ( = k v ip ). This stra lays down that roots nah etc., when they have the suffix kvip appended to them, lengthen the final vovvel of their prvapada (the vvord prvasya is got in this stra by anuvTtti). Hence upa nah^rkvip upnah. For nom. sg. the position is upnah+s upnadh + s = upnad = uprnat ( upnad) . Similar changes take place before bhym, bhi, bhya and su, and vve have the forms upnadbhym etc. Novv vve take up the vvord usih formed from ut snih kvin (No. 280). Bh. remarks: niptant dalopasatve. Novv since this is a kvin (and not a kvip) formation, it vvill have kutva (No. 284) and then jatva and cartva (No. 124). Hence nom. sg. is usik (usig). Before vovvel case-endings there is no change and vve have forms like usihau, usiha, etc. Before consonantal case-endings there will be kutva, jatva (or cartva) and vve shall have the forms usigbhym etc., usiksu. The vvord div is to be declined exactly like the vvord sudiv noted above (Nos. 248-9 above). The forms dyau, divau, dyubhym etc. can be easilv explained. Novv vve take up the vvord gir vvhich is formed by appending the suffix kvip to V g f- Novv since this vvord ends in r ( repha ), its penultimate vovvel is lengthened; and thus vve get the forms f, }rbhym, etc. Before vovvel case-endings the base cannot have the designation pada; and hence there is no lengthening. Hence vve get forms like girau, gira, etc. The vvord pur is to be declined exactly like gir. The vvord catur in fem. becomes catasr (No. 205); and then it is to be declined like tisr (see No. 205-7). The forms catasra (nom. acc.) and catasrm gen. can be easilv explained.

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k im in fem. becomes k (No. 254 and 194); and is then to be declined exactly like sarv (i.e. sarva fem .).

333. In the word idam (fem .), the present stra lays down the substitution of ya for da. The words id a m a and da are got in this stra by anuvrtti . Thus novv idam + s = iyam+s = iyam (No. 172 is superceded by No. 255). Thus nom. sg. is iyam . For nom. du. the position is: idam + au = ida+au (No. 172) = ida +au {tp by No. 194) = ima +au (No. 258) = im+% (No. 195) = ime (27). The forms imm, ime, imh (acc. sg. du. and plr.) can be similarly explained. Before p (i.e. case-endings from instr. sg. upto loc. plr.) idam is substituted by an (No. 259) vvhich, vvith the fem. suffix appended to it, becomes an and gives us the forms anay (instr. sg.) and anayo (gen. and loc. du.). Before bhym, bhis, bhyas and su, idam drops id (No. 260); and vve get the forms bhym, bhi, bhya and su respectively. (See Nots on bhym, under No. 260 above). Before nit. endings there vvill be syt gama and the forms vvill be: asyai, asyh9 and asym; and sdm (gen. plr.) is to be explained like sarvsm (No. 199). The vvord sraj is to be declined exactly like rtvij. It is a kvin formation from V srj (No. 280); and hence vvill have kutva (by No. 284). The forms srak, srajau and sragbhym can be easily explained. The pron. tyad vvill be changed to tya, vvhich vvith the fem. suffix tp becomes ty; and then it is declined exactly like sarv . The nom. sg., of course, is sy {t being substituted by s bv No. 288). Thus the forms of the nom. are sy, tye,

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The pronouns tad, yad and etad are similarly declined.. The vvord vc is kvip formation from V vac; and hence it vvill have kutva acc. to No. 285. The forms vk, vcau, vgbhym etc. can be easily explained. The vvord ap lengthens its vovvel in nom. (by No. 182) and vve get the form pa; vvhile acc. plr. is apa . It must be noted that this vvord is used alvvays in plr. 334. Novv this stra lavs dovvn that before bh (i.e. a case-ending beginning vvith bh by pratyayagrahaaparibhs) the vvord ap takes the substitute ( antdea) d. Thus vve get the forms adbhi and adbhya. The other forms, namelv apm and apsu are quite regular. The vvord di is a kvin formation from y/di; and hence vvill take kutva by No. 284. The forms of this vvord such as dik, diau, dia etc. can be easilv explained. The vvord dr also is a kvin formation from V dr (see PA. 3.2.60); and hence vvill have kutva (by No. 284). It is to be declined exactly like di. The vvord tvis vvill have no change before vovvel caseendings; and vve shall have forms like tvisau, tvisa , etc. Before consonantal case-endings it vvill have jatva or cartva and vve have forms like tvit, tvid, tvidbhym , etc. Before su, it vvill optionallv have the gama dhut; and the forms vvill be tvitsu, tvittsu. The vvord sjus is to be declined on the same lines as the vvord ppathis (explained under No. 323-24 above). The forms sajh} sajusau, sajirbhym etc. can be easily explained. The vvord is also is to be similarly explained. The pronoun adas is to be declined in the fem. as in the masc. but for the follovving case forms. In du. and plr. forms by No. 329,

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(long) is substituted for the letter after d; and hence we get the forms am, am h, am m , ambhi etc. In gen. and loc. du. and instr. sg. after etva, aydea, mutva, and utva we get amuyo and amuy respectively; and amu?yai, amusyh, and amusym are got by syt gama, mutva, utva and satva. To start with the declension of neut. vvords our author takes up the vvord svanaduh. Novv, in nom. and acc. sg. the endings are dropped (by No. 227); and the final h is changed to d (by No. 246). Thus vve get the form svanadut (by cartva). Before (No. 219) there is no change; and the form is svanuduKi. Before i (No. 222), hovvever, the vvord takes the gama m (by No. 243); and vve get svanadu h i. Then bv No. 224, the gama num ( n ) is infixed, which being changed to anusvra (by No. 71) the form u!timately obtained is svanadvmhi (nom. and acc. plr.). In ali the other cases this is to be declined like anaduh masculine. The word vr undergoes no changes. In nom. sg. the ending s is eilded (by No. 227), and the final r is changed to visarga (by No. 81). Thus vve get the form vh. Ali the other forms vve get by simply appending the case-endings. Thus we have vri, vri, vr, vrbhym, etc. The vvord catur takes the gama in nom. (No. 243); and vve get the form catvri. The other forms are as in the masc. The pron. kim is substituted by ka (No. 254) before nom. and acc. du. and plr. case-endings. In nom. acc. sg., hovvever, the endings are dropped (by No. 227). Thus nom. and acc. forms are : kim, ke, kni. The rest is like masc. The pron. idam also after elision of nom. and acc. sg. endings gives us the form idam. In du. and plr. the forms

128

Noies

S 336

are ime and imni vvhich can be easily explained. The rest is like masc. In the vvord brahman, after elision of the case-endings (by No. 227) and the elision of the final n (by No. 160), vve get the nom. and acc. sg. form brahma . In voc. sg. the follovving vrttika operates. 335. According to this vrttika, the elision of n is to be declared as being optional in the case of neuter vvords. Hence voc. sg. of brahman is, he brahma, he brahman . The forms of nom. and acc. du. and plr. are brahmar and brahmi. The rest is like tman. The vvord ahan : For nom. sg. the position is ahan+s = ahan (No. 227) = ahar (by No. 90) = aha (No. 81). Thus the form is aha, vvhich is also the form of the acc. sg. For dual the position is ahan+au = ahan+% (No. 219) = a h n + or ahan+ (No. 232) = ahm or ahani. In plr. i is substituted for jas and as (No. 222) and it being sarvanmasthna (No. 223) the penultimate a is lengthened before it (No. 156). Thus vve get the form ahni. 336. In this stra the vvords ru and a n ta are got by anuvrtti, vvhile padasya is got by adhikra . The vvord ahan is to be considered as luptasasthka vvord. Thus this stra lays dovvn that the final of the vvord ahan is substituted by ru ( = r) vvhen standing at the end of a pada . Hence ahan bhym ahar bhym = aha u + bhym (No. 86) = ahobhym (No. 27). Ali the other forms can be similarly explained. The v/ord dadin vvill drop its case-endings in nom. and acc. sg. (No. 227) and the form vvill be dadi . Before Si

129

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(i of nom. and acc. plr. No. 222) the penultimate vovvel is lengthened (Nos. 223 and 156) and the form is dadni. Before other vovvel endings there is no change; and before consonantal endings the final n is dropped. (No. 160). Thus can be explained ali the forms of dadin. The pron. tad gives tad as nom. and acc. g. (by No. 227). In ali other cases the base becomes ta (No. ,172 and 257) and is then declined like sarva (neut). . The pronouns yad and etad are also similarly declined. 337. Novv we take up dadat ( a -atranta formation from Vrf). nom. t-and ac.-sg. and dual are dadat (No. 227) and dada' (No. 219). For nom. and acc. plr. the position is dadat i (No. 222) = dadati. But by this stra there vvill be optional num garria \ and vve shall also ha v t dadanti. In this stra the vvords abhyastt atu, num and samam masthne come by anuvrtti. Thus the stra laysdovvn that the suffix atr ( = a t)- . appended to abhyasta (roots), and neuter in gender, vvill have the augment num vvhen follovved by sarvanmasthna. The root d is abhyasta. ,Hence nom. and acc. plr. of dadat is dadati or dadanti. In ali other cases dadat is to be declined like marut (masc.) 338. A similar operation takes place in the case of tudat (a atranta from a base ending in ).' This sutra alsois to be completed like the previoiis stYa.xThe word t * means adantt (i.e. angt got by adhikra). Thus this stra lays dovvn that a atranta, from a base ending in a, neuter in gender, vvill take the gama num optionally before, (nom. and ac. du. neuter) and nadi (i.e. np = t ) . Thus tudat+ i

130

Nots

S 339

= tudant+ or tudat + = tudantl or tudafi. In nom. and acc. plr. there is num gama (by No. 224) and the form is tudanti, The other forms are as in the masc. 339, In the case of atr after ap and yan (i.e. roots of cl. 1 and 4) the gama num occurs when follovved by sv or nacB. Hence pacat % = pacant i = pacan. 5imilarly (vyat % divyant \ dvyantl:, In ali other cases pacat, and dlvyat are declined exactly like tudt . The word dhanus will drop the case-endings in nom. and acc. g. (No. 227) ; and the form vvill be dhanu . In nom. and acc. plr. i is substituted for jas and as (No. 222) and by numgama (No. 224) and upadhcrgha (No. 322) vve have the form dhanmsi. Before vovvel case*-endings there is no change; while before consonantal case-endings the final s is changed to ? (or to s optionally befpre su = su of loc, plr.). Thus we have the forms dhanusl, dhanurbhym, etc. The words caksus, havis, etc. are to be similarly declined. The vvord payas gives the nom. and acc. forms: paya (No. 227) payasl (No operation except substitution of for aun by No. 219), and paymsi (Nos. 222, 224 and 321). Before vovvel case-endings no change occurs; and before consonantal case-endings the final s takes rutva and utva (Nos. 80 and 8 6 ); and vve get forms like payobhi, payobhya, etc. In Joc. plr. again the final s is changed to ru and then to visarga optionally; and thus vve have the forms payasu or payassu. Tbe pron. adas vvill drop the nom. and acc. sg. case-endings. (No. 227); and the form vvill be ada (after rutva and visarga). The nom. and, acc. du. vvill be: adas+

131

S 339

Srasiddhntakaumudl

au ada+a+ (172 and 219) = ada + i (No. 257) = am No. 328); and nom. and acc(. plr. will be adas + (No. 222) = ada + i (No. 172) = adan + i (No. 224) = amun i (No. 328) = amni (No. 156). In ali other cases this is to be declined like adas (masc.) 340. In this sutra P has declared thai the words belonging to the svardi gaa and also the words which have been declared as niptas have the designation avyaya. O ur author has given a few words of the svardigana and a few of the cdigaa and declared that both these are kftigaas . P has discussed the niptas in PA 1.4.56-97. He has discussed the designation avyaya in PA 1.1.37-40. 341. The section on avyayas is included in this subanta section because according to P even avyayas are subantas (like nouns, pronouns and adjectives). But the point of differenoe betvveen the two is that in the case of avyaya the sup endings and the suffix p are elided; while they are not elided after nouns etc. In this stra P lays down that after. an avyaya there will be elision (lopa, got by anui/rtti) of the suffix p and also of the sup endings. In tatra [ym, tatra refers to l and hence must be fem. Hence it must have the fem. suffix appended to it. But it is elided by the present stra . Similarly atha is an illustration of the elision of sup . It would thus appear that an avyaya according to P has linga, vacana and also vibhakti like other words. But the main point of difference between the avyayas and the other classes of words is that the latter undergo modifications as a result of linga, vacana and vibhakti while the avyayas

132

Noies

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remain unmodified. This is what has been stated by the couplet given here by our author. In a way the couplet shows that the designation avyaya is quite significant and surely means what it literally conveys Thus ends (the section on) subanta (i.e. declension) in the Siddhdntasrakaumudi. 342. Here our author has given the names of the ten lakras in Sanskrit. Six of them are tit and the remaining four are it. The purposes served by these mute letters (namely t and ) are noted in the subsequent stras. The vowels in these names (namely a, i, u and r) are also mute and serve the purpose of distinguishing the lakras from one another. In the present stra P has laid down the sens es which the lakras are meant to convey. In this stra la (nom. plr. of Z) means lakrah. The vvords dhto and kartari are got here by adhikra and anuz/ftti respectively. This stra is to be unuerstood as containing two sentences. The first sentence lavs down that the lakras are used after transitive roots to convev the sense of kartr and kar man; vvhile the second statement lays down that they are appended to intransitive roots to convey the sense of kartr or bhva. It vvill be seen belovv (No. 344) that Z (which here is said to convey the senses of kartr9 or karman or bhva) is substituted by several pratyayas (known by the pratyhra tin). 343. In this stra the vvord dhto is got by adhikra. The stra thus lays dovvn that lat is appended to a root that conveys a kriy of the present. As already said above, in the vvord lat, the two letters (namely a and t) are it (m ute). But the letter Z is not to be so considered in spite of PA 1.3.8.,

133

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laakvataddhite. For if it is considered it, its uccraa will be futile. Novv we take up V bh = to exist, to be,' and when the kartr is to be conveyed, the position will be bh+la. 344. This sira lays down the deas for lakra. These are often referred to by the pratyhra tin. They are eighteen in number. Some of these have some mute letters appended to them, the purposes of which vvill be explained at the proper places. 345. In this sira, l'a is sthnasasth; and dea we get by adhyhra. Thiis this sira lays down that the substitutes of l (given in No. 344) are designated parasmaipada. This, it must be observed, is a general rule and has to be modified by the next rule which is an apavda. For, the rule is prakalpya vpavdavisayani tata utsarg abhiniviante {Pbh. G3) or prvarn hyaparvd abhiniviante pacd utsargh {Pbh. 62). 346. In this sira tan is a pratyhra based on PA 3.4.78 and conveys the nine personai endings from ta upto mahin. Similar!y nau stands for the two suffixes nac {PA 3.2.124) and knac {PA 3.2.106), vvhich also are ldeas like tan. The suffix cna divstd of its mute letters is identical with these. But it is not a ldea (See PA 3.2.129) and hence cannot be covered by na in this stra. Thus this stra lays down the designation tmanepada for the endings conveyed by the pratyhra tan and by the suffixes na (i.e. nac and knac). This is, as has been already stated above, an apavda to the samj laid down in the previous rule (No. 345). 134

Noies

S 349

347. The designation parasmp,. and tmp. as also their samjins have been stated. Novv vve are being told when the parasmp . or the tmp. deas are to be substituted for Z . The present stra lays down that tmp. deas are to bc substituted for l after roots vvhich have an anudtta (vowel) and the letter n appended to them as mute letters. In this stra the word upadee is got by mandkapluti (from PA 1.3.2) and the vvord dhtu also is similarly obtained from PA 1.3.1. Then by tadantavidhi nit means a dhtu ending in mute . As,. fpr upadea also it has to be observed that it has relevance to the vvord nit .and not to anudttet also. The vvord upadea has been expined above (No. 1). . 348. The expression svaritaitah in this stra is to be explained likc anuditanita in the previous stra. This stra lays dovvn that in the case of svariet and nit roots l vvill be substituted by the tmp . endings, provided that the result arising out of the action (denoted by the root) is intended to accrue to the aent ( kartr ). 349. The vvord dhta is got in this stra by adhikra. The vvord esa in this stra naturally means the roots other than those referred to in Nos. 347 and 348. (i.e. roots vvhich are not anudttet, svaritet, and do not have n or mute appended to them in the upadea). This stra thus lays dovvn that parasmp. deas are substituted for / after these ( = esa) roots to convey the sense of kartr . It has been said above that is appended to transitive roots to convey the sense of kartr and karman (No. 342), etc. Here it is laid dovvn that vvhen the l is kartari, its dea vvill be parasmp. after the esa roots.

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Srasiddhntaltaumudi

350. In this stra vve are given the three designations, namely prathama, madhyama, and uttama for the three triads {trika) respectively of both the padas. Thus in No. 344 the first part upto mas contains the three trikas of the parasmp., while the remaining portion of that stra con tains the three trikas of the dtmp . The endings are eighteen in ali and naturally form six trikas. Thus tip tas jhi {prathama parasmp) while ta tam jha {prathama dtm p.). The others can similarly be understood. Here it has to be noted that what P designates prathama, madhyama and uttama {purusa, prvdcdryasamj) is generally described by modern scholars as the third, the second, and the first persons respectively. 351. In the former stra three samjds have been given {tria, one for each trika). Now this stra gives designations for each one of the deas in the trika. The samjds are eka-, dvi-, and bahu- vacana respectively. Thus in these three stras we come to know of the classification of the endings into two padas, three persons, and three numbers. 352. This and the follovving two stras P has devoted to the use of these endings. The word upapada in this stra is to be understood in its literal sense, namely a word that is uttered in the vicinity {upoccdritam padam ). So also sthdnin means a vvord the sense of vvhich is understood but vvhich is not actually employed. Hence V has paraphrased sthdnini by aprayujyamdne; vvhile by the vvord prayujyamdne he has brought out the force of the vvord api. Thus this stra lays dovvn that the madhyama endings are to be used vvhen yusmad, expressed or implied, is used as samdnddhi-

136

Noies

S 357

karaa (syntactically agreeing) with the lakra for which the tin (ending) is substituted. 353. When asmad, expressed or implied, is used like yusmad as stated in the previous rule, the uttama (endings) are to be substituted for the lakra . 354. The prathama (endings) are to be substituted for lakra in ali other cases. Thus from the position bh+ l we now come to the position bh+ ti . 355. This stra lays down the samj, srvadhtuka, for ali the personai endings (tin, mentioned in No. 344) and also suffixes etc. which have a mute appended to them. It has, hovvever, to be noted that the word dhto is got in this stra by adhikra and hence this designation will apply only to such it pratyayas as are laid dovvn in the dhtvadhikra (from PA 3.1.91 upto the end of the third adhyya). The purpose of this samj is seen in the follovving stra . 356. In this stra the vvords srvadhtuka and dhto are got by anuvrtti . Thus this stra lays dovvn that the vikaraa, ap ( = a) is affixed to a dhtu vvhen follovved by a srvadh tuka pratyaya expressing the aent. Thus vve have, bh+ a+ ti. 357. In this stra the vvord agasya is got by adhikra (PA. 6.4.1) and ika is got by the paribhs, iko guavrddhi (PA 1.1.3); and by tadantavidhi means igantasya. Thus this stra lays dovvn that the final ik ( = i3 u, T l) of an iganta aga vvill take gua vvhen follovved by srvadhtuka and rdhadhtuka pratyayas. (For these terms see PA 3.4. 113-117). Thus novv vve have bh+ a+ ti = bho+a +ti = bhavati (avdea by No. 22). Similarly bhavata.

137

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Srasiddhnlaltaumud

358. F or 3rd plr. the position is bh+a+jhi. Novv the present stra lays dovvn that the letter jh forming part of a pratyaya vvill be substituted by ant. (The vvord pratyayasya is got by anu/ftti). Thus novv vve have bh+ a+ anti = bhava + anli = bhavanti . (No. 257 , ato gue ) . The forms of the madhyama-purusa, are bhavasi, bhavatha, bhavatha. These are to be similarly explained. For uttama ekavacana the position is bh+ a+ m i. 359. In this stra the vvord srvadhtuka is got by anuvTtti; agasya is got by adhikra; and ata means adantasya. Thus this sira lays dovvn that the final a of a base (aga) ending in a is lengthened vvhen follovved by a srvadhtuka pratyaya beginning vvith a letter from the pratyhra ya. Hence vve get bhava+mi = bhavmi. Similarly bhavva and bhavma. Thus novv vve have got ali the nine paradims of lat (the present tense) of ^Jbh. 360. The next lakra is lit; and this sira lays dovvn that lit is used to signify a paroksa event. In this stra the vvord anadyatana is got by anuvrtti and bhta by adhikra. In this lakra also tip etc. vvill be substituted for l (No. 344). But since lit is not srvadhtuka (PA 3.4.115), the vikarara (i.e. ap = a, No. 356) vvill not be affixed. Thus for 3rd sg. the position is bh+ ti . 361. In this stra lita is got by anuvrtti. Thus this stra lays dovvn al etc. as the substitutes for tip etc. substituted for lit. These substitutes have some mute letters appended to them, the purposes of vvhich vvill be made clear belovv. The substitutes thus are: al { a ) , atus, us, thal, athus, a . rtai, va, ma. Thus by substituting al for ti vve have bh+a.

138

Noies

S 367

362. ._In this stra the word aci is got by anuvrtti. Thus this stra lays dovvn that ^Jbh will have the gama vuk ( = v), vvhen follovved by lu and lit . Accordingly novv vve shall have bhv+a. 363. In this stra the vvords ekco dve prathamsya are got by adhikra (PA 6.1.1); and dhto, being avayava sasth, means dhtvavayavasya. Thus this stra lays dovvn that a monosyllbic initial portion of a root, other than abhysa, is reduplicated. O n the basis of the adhikra, ajder dviyasya (PA. 6.1.2), this stra further lays dovvn that in the case. of a root beginning vvith a vovvel, the second monosyllabic portion thereof is to be reduplicated. At present vve are concerned only vvith the former; and accordingly vve get bhv bhv+a. 364. This stra lays dovvn the designation abhysa for the first portion of this reduplication. Thus in the present case the first bhv is abhysa. 365. In this stra the vvord abhysasya is got by anuvrtti. Thus this stra lays dovvn that the first hal of the abhysa is retained. This means that the other hals that may exist in the abhy.sa are elided. For such is the implication of Vi? (read: isadhtur itaranivrttiprvakvasthitau, B M .). Thus novv vve get bhbhv+a. 366. In this stra the vvord abhysasya is got by anuz/rtti and acd is got on the basis of the paribhs} aca ca, PA 1.2.28. Thus this stra lays dovvn that the vovvel of the abhysa is shortened. Hence vve get bhubhv+a. 367. Novv here is a stra vvhich lays dovvn that the vovvel of the abhysa of bh is substituted by a vvhen follovved by lit

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endings. In this stra the words abhysasya and liti are got by anuz/rtti. Hence now we get bhabhv a. 368. In this stra the vvord jhalm is got by anuvrtti and the vvord jaa is got by the force of ca. Thus this stra lays down that in the abhysa the jhal letters are substituted by car letters and ja letters. Here the question arises as to vvhich jhal letters are substituted by car, and which by ja . This question is to be ansvvered on the basis of No. 18; and our author has stated that ja will be substituted forjha?; and car vvill be substituted for khay. Thus in the case under consideration bh will be substituted by b and thus we shall have babhva . The forms babhvatu and babhvu (3rd du. and plr.) are to be similarly explained. 369. Novv before vve take up the 2nd sg. of y/bh (p f), we have to note that lit is designated rdhadhtuka. This we have indirectly noticed under No. 360. Here vve have to note this designation because it inducs certain modifications in the base to vvhich such pratyayas are appended. 370. This stra lays dovvn the gama it for the rdhadh tuka pratyayas beginning vvith a letter from the pratyhra vai. Novv in the present case the pratyaya tha (substituted for sip by No. 361), being rdhadhtuka (No. 369) valdi, vvill take idgama and then vve get the form babhvitha (ali other operations taking place as in other forms explained above). The other forms, in vvhich idgama occurs, are babhviva and babhuvima (lst du. and plr.). The remaining forms also can be easily explained on the same lines as above.

140

Noies

S 374

371. This novv brings us to the third lakra, lut, vvhich, vve are told> is to be used to convey a m atter vvhich is anadyatana bhavisyat. In this stra, dhto is got by adhikra , vvhile bhaviyat is got by anuvrtti. 372. This stra lays dovvn that sya and tsi ( = ts) are to be appended to a root vvhen it is follovved by Ir and lut. The vvord dhto is got here by adhikra . It is further to be observed that Ir in this stra is intended to stand for tvvo lakras, namely Irt and lrn . Furthermore, this stra constitutes an apavda to Nos. 356 etc. laying dovvn the vikarcta ap . Hence vve have bh+ts+ti. 373. This stra lays dovvn The designation rdhadhtuka for esa (i.e. ali the other pratyayas, except tin and sit noticed in No. 355). The only point to be noted here is the adhikra, dhto (see No. 355 above). The pratyayas, sya and tsi, can come under this term esa and hence are rdhadhtuka. This makes them amenable to No. 370 and hence they take the gama it. (of course, as their dya avayaya by No. 75). Hence novv vve get bh+its+ti. 3 7 4 . This stra lays dovvn that the endings of the first person of lut shall be substituted by d, rau and ras. Here it has to be noted that this holds good in the case of both parasmp and tmp endings. As for the dea d it should be observed that it is an dea and cannot be called a pratyaya unless it is substituted for tip; and since it is not a pratyaya, d cannot be considered it (mute) acc. to No. 107. Thus at this stage it is anekl and hence sarvdea. After substitution, hovvever, it becomes a pratyaya by sthnivad bhva (No. 122); and then d in it becomes it (mute) by

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No. 107. Thus we have now bh its bhavils . (by gua and avdea acc. Nos. 357 and 22). 375. This stra lays down the elision of ti of bha before a dit pratyaya. In this stra the word bhasya is got by adhikra and the vvords lopa and diti are got by anuvrtti . Thus strictly speaking this rule can apply in the case of a base that can be designated bha (acc. to No. 144). But the pratyaya d cannot give rise to that designation for its base, because it has been laid dovvn in PA 2.4.85; vvhile bha sarajrt applies only to hose bases that are follovved by pratyayas laid dovvn betvveen PA 4.1.2 and PA 5.4.151. Hence our author has remarked that in this particular case, the base will drop its ti, even though it is not bha. Hence we get bhavit. .= . bhavit. 376. In this stra the vvord j r ( = sakrdu pratyaye pare by taddividhi) is got hy anuvTtti. Thus the stra lays dovvn the elision of (the final letter of) ts and asti ' ( = ^/as) vvhen follovved by a pratyaya beginning vvith s. For illustration see the next stra . 377. In this stra ali the vvords of No. 376 are to be read by anuvTtti and ri is to be understood to mean rdau pratyaye pare (like si in the previous sira ). Thus before a pratya\'i beginning vvth r, the final 5 of ts and V as is elided. Thus we have the follovving forms: bhavits+rau = bhavitrau. Similarly bhavitra; and bhavits+si = ' bhavitsi. In the other forms bhavitstha etc. the operations can be similarly explained. 378. Novv vve come to Irt for vvhich sya has been alreadv laid dovvn (No. 372). In this stra, dhto comes by adhikra and bhavisyati is got by anuvrtti. The vvord esa in this stra

142

N ots

S 382

means other than what is mentioned in the preceding stra (i.e. in PA 3.3.12). There vve find a mention of kriyrthym kriyym and hence esa signifies kriyrthym ky y m asatym. But by the force of ca vve also get kriyrthym kriyym satym. Thus practically this stra lays dovvn that /rt is used after a root vvhich is intended to convey an act of the future, vvhen the act may or may not be kriyrtha . Thus vve get: bh+ syaJrti = bh + i+sya+ti (No. 370) = bh f isya+ti = (No. 128) = bhavisyati (No. 357 and 22). Similarly ali the other forms The forms bhavisyahti and bhavisymi, are to be explained on the analogy of bhavanti and bhavmi. 37. Novv vve come to lot, the sixth lakra; for, the fifth lakra (namely Iet) is found in the Veda only ( pacamo lakras chandomtragocara, Bh.). In this stra, the vvord dhto is got bv adhikra and vidhinimantramantradhstasampranaprrthanesu is got by anuvrtti (from PA 3.3.161, No. 393 belovv). 380 . This stra lays dovvn the additional case, namely, a root intended to convey is, to vvhich lin and lot endings are appended. 381 In this stra the vvord lota is got by anuvrtti, and e (gen. sg. of i ) is sthnasasth. Thus this stra lays dovvn that i of lot is substituted by u. Hence vve get bh a ti = bhavatu. 382. Thu. stra lays dovvn the dea ttan ( = tt) for tu and hi (of lot 2nd and 3rd sg.) optionally, vvhen is is to be conveved. Here vve find that the dea is anekl and hence vvould be sarvdea (No. 42). But it is also nit and hence

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S 382

Srasiddhntakaumud

vvould be antdea . Hence the question is how are vve to take this dea? The ansvver is to be based on PA 1.4.2 (No. 94) and hence our author declares that this is to be understood as sarvdea ovving to paratva (of the rule prescribing it over the rule prescribing antdeatva) . Thus novv vve have bh+ a + tt = bhavatt (or bhavatu also vvhen tt is not substituted). 383. In this stra lavat means laa iva. Thus this stra lays dovvn that substitutions in the case of lot vvill be as in the case of la, These are tmdaya and salopa. 384. In this stra nita is got by anuvrtti . Thus this stra lays dovvn the deas tm, tam, ta and am respectively for tas, thas, tha and mip. Thus vve get bh+ a + tas = bhavatm. The form bhavantu can be easily explained (see No. 381). (.salopa is laid dovvn in PA 3.4.99, No. 389). 385. In this stra lota is got by anuvTtti. Thus this stra lays dovvn the substitute hi for si and declares it to be apit; for, othervvise it vvould be pit like its st'hnin (by No. 122). Thus vve have bh+ a+ si = bhava hi. 386. In this stra, the word luk is got by anuvrtti; and ata is abi. of at ( = adanta aga by tadantavidhi and adhikra). Thus this sira lays dovvn the elision of hi after a base (artga) ending in a. Thus vve have bhava + hi = bhava. Here optionally tt also c;an be substituted for hi (No. 382, vvhich is para to this stra) and thus we can have bhavatt. The forms bhavatam and bhavata can be easilv explained. 587. Here also lota is got by anuvrtti. This stra lays dovvn ni for mi in lot. Thus the position vvould be: b h+ a+ ni = bhava+ni.

144

N oies

S 392

383. Here also there is anuvTtti of lota. This stra lays dov/n the gama t ( = ) vvhich is to be considered pit. Thus vve get bhava + ni = bhava+ni = bhavni. Here one may think of No. 381 and change the final i to u. But our author tells us that this cannot and should not be done. For hi and ni have been specifically laid dovvn as such. If utva vvas necessary or admissible, P vvould rather have laid them dovvn as hu and nu for lghava. 389. In this sira, the vvords sa uttamasya are got by anuvrtti, and it by tadantavidhi means sakrntasya uttamasya. Thus this sira lays dovvn the elision of the final s of the first personai endings of the nit lakras. This is the salopa mentioned under No. 383 above. Hence vve get bhavva and bhavma. 390. Novv vve come to the seventh lakra la (the first among the nit lakras). This lakra is laid dovvn in this stra in the sense of a past action not pertaining to this day. This stra is to be explained like Nos. 343, 360, 371, 378, etc. 391. In this stra, the vvord agasya comes by adhikra . This stra lays dovvn the gama at ( = a) for the anga vvhen follovved by lu, la, and Ir. This at is declarcd to be udtta. Thus novv the position is abh+ a+ ti = abhava ti. 392. In this sira lasya comes by adhikra (PA 3.4.77) ; and ita (3.4.99), lopa and parasmaipadasya are got by anuvrtti, and ita by tadantavidhi stands for ikrntasya. Thus this stra lays dovvn the elision of the final i of the ikrnta substitutes of the parasmp. la in the case of nit lakras. Hence novv vve get abhavat. The other forms of la ( = impf.) namely abhavatm, abhavan, etc. can be novv easily explained.

145

S 393

Srasiddhntaaumudi

393. Novv vve come to li vvhich is laid dovvn by this stra for roots intended to convey several senses such as vidhi, nimantraa, etc. The vvords vidhi, nimantraa, etc. have been explained by Bh. in S K . (Read: vidhi preraam/ nimantiaai niyogakaraam/ mantraai kmacrnuj/ adhsta satkraprvako vypra/. For the other tvvo vvords read: idam kryai na veti vicrya nirdhraai samprana/ prrthan yc/ B M .). 394. The vvord lia is got in this stra by anuvTtti; and loc. is in the sense of gen. Thus this s*tra lays dovvn that the parasmp li endings vvill have the gama ysut ( = ys) and it vvill be udtta and it . Thus vve have the position: b h + a + ti = b h a va + y s+ ti = b h a va + y s+ t (No. 392). 395. The vvord srvadhtuka is got in this stra by anuvTtti. This stra thus lays dovvn the elision of the non-final s of the srvadhtuka li. Thus novv vve get bhava+y+t. 396. In this stra y is luptasasthka vvord, and ata is abi. sg. of at; and srvadhtuka is got by anuvTtti. Thus this stra lays dovvn the substitute iy for y of a srvadhtuka la ending, coming after a base ending in a. Thus novv the position vvould be b h a v a + iy + t = bhavey t (by gua). 397. This stra lays dovvn the elision of v and y vvhen follovved by a letter of the pratyhra vai. Thus ultimately vve get bhavet (by elision of y). The form bhavetm can be similarly explained. In this stra the vvord lia is got by anuvTtti. This stra lays dovvn the substitute jus ( = us) ( sarvdea because it is anekl) for jhi in the case of li. Ali the other operations 398.

146

Noies

S 404

are as in bhavet. So we get the form bhaveyu. The other forms such as bhaue, bhavetam, bhaveta, etc. are to be similarly explained. 39. This stra lays down that the endings of the li used in the sense of is will have the designation rdhadhtuka. Here li is luptasasthka and means lia (li9 which is got by anuvrtti ). 400. This stra is to be interpreted in the light of No. 394 above, which immediately precedes it in PA. It thus lays down that the gama ysut in the case of isi li is to be considered kit. Thus the position for 3rd sg. is bh+ys+t = bhys+t (gua prevented by kittva) = bhyt (PA 5.2.29). 401. In this stra kniti is nimittasaptam; the words iko guavrddh and also na are got by anuvrtti. Thus this stra lays down that the operations gua and vrddhi will not take place when the factor indicating them is kit, git or nit. In the present case the nimitta for gua is ysut (No. 394). but it is kit (No. 400) and the gua is prevented. Thus we have bhyt. The other forms bhystm etc. can be easily explained as before. 402. Now we come to lu which is laid down by this stra when the root is intended to convey a m atter of the past. The words dhtoh and bhte are got by adhikra. 403. This stra lays down the pratyaya cli for a dhtu when followed by lu. This cli is an apavda to vikaraas like ap etc. Thus the position for lu 3rd sg. is: bh+cli+lu. 404. This stra lays down the substitute sic ( = s) for cli (of lu). Thus we get bh+s+lu.

147

S 405

Srasiddhnlakaumudi

405. In this stra the vvord luk is got by anuvrtti . Thus this stra lays down the elision of sic in the case of the roots g, s t h ghu, p and bh* vvhen follovved by parasmp . endings. It is to be noted here that gti is a tip mrdea and means \/g . The term ghu is explained in P A 1.1.20 ddhghvadp. ^ b h is included in this stra; and hence after it sic vvill be dropped. Thus vve get bht+ti = abht ( adgama by No. 391 and elision of i by No. 392). 406. The vvords srvadhtuke guo na are got in this stra by anui/rtti. Thus this stra lays dovvn that there vvill be no gua in the case of V bh and V*m vvhen follovved by srvadhtuka tin endings. Hence No. 357 does not apply here; and finally vve get the form abht. The other forms of lun of V bh (such as abhtm, abhvan, a b h h ) abhtam etc.) can be similarly explained. 407. Novv vve come to lrn (conditional). This stra lays dovvn that lrn shall be used after a root that is intended to convey a matter of the future under conditions calling for the use of lrn , vvhen it is irrnlicd that the evcnt or act has not been effected. The lin-nimittas are hetuhetumadbhva , icchrthatva, etc. vvhich have been brought together by Bh. in the section named lakrrthaprakaraa of his SK . The vvord bhavisyati ( arthe) is got by anuvrtti and dhto by adhikra. The vvord atipatti signifies anispatti. The force of the loc. here is brought out by the vvord gamyamnym. Thus for lrn 3rd sg. the position vvould be: abh+sya+lr = abh+ isya+ ti = abhavisyat. Ali the other forms of the cond. of \/b h (such as abhavi?yatm, abhavisyan, etc.) can be similarly explained. The sentence suvrsti ced abhavisyat etc. illustrates the use of lrn. It mav be observed here that the relation betvveen

148

Nots

S 409

the two parts of this statement is that of cause and efcct ( hetuhetumadbhva) and that non-occurrence of the event in the latter part in the future is implied. Hence the use of this lakra. Thus far we have studied the conjugation of yjbh in ali the lakras. Now we have to study that of V at (to w ander). The pr. 3rd sg. (i.e. lat) would be at+ a+ ti = atati. Ali the other forms of V at in lat can he obtained on the analogy of > /b h . 408. In this stra the words abhysasya and dngha are got by anuvrtti. Thus this stra lays down the drghatva of the initial a (of course, before lit). Thus we have at+lit = atat + a = t+a ta. Similarly are to be explained the forms tatu, tu, titha, etc. (of pf.). The 3rd sg. lut will be a t+ i+ t s + = atit. Similarly may be explained the remaining forms. The forms of Irt and lot 3rd sg. are atisyati and atatu. These and the remaining forms of these lakras are to be explained like those of \/b h . 409. Now v/c come to la (of V 0* This stra (which comes immediately after No. 391 in PA) lays down that roots beginning with a vowel will take the augment t ( = ) instead of at ( a ) . Hence we have + at+ a+ ti = ta + t = tat (like abhavat). The remaining lan forms can be obtained on the analogy of yjbh. The forms of li (i.e. vidhi li) atet, etc. are to be explained like those of ^Jbh ( bhavet, etc.). The 3rd sg. li (i.e. isi) of \/a t is atyt ( ysut gama No. 394 and salopa by P A .8.2.29) ; aiystm is 3rd du. (like bhstm). Similarly may be obtained the other forms.

149

S 409

Srasiddhntakaumudl
tis t

Novv for lu 3rd sg. the position is: atis ti = (No. 392).

410. In this stra the vvords hala and t are got by anuvrtti, and astisica is abi. sg. of astisic. (for detailed explanation of this vvord see B M ) . Thus this stra lays dovvn that a single consonant coming after sic ( = s of lu) and of V as, actually existing, will have the augment t ( = ). Hence vve have atis++t. 411. In this stra ita is abi. of it and means ita parasya; vvhile the vvords sasya and lopa are got by anuvrtti. Thus this stra lays dovvn the elision of s coming after i vvhen it is follovved by . Thus novv vve get ti+t = tt. 412. But the elision of s (laid dovvn by PA 8.2.28, No. 411) is asiddha (not accomplished) for the operation of savara dirgha ekdea (laid dovvn by PA 6.1.10, No. 40) according to PA 8.2.1 (No. 3 1 ); and hence the form cannot be obtained. This objection is warded off by this vrttika vvhich lays dovvn that the elision of s is to be considered as siddha for the purposes of ekdea. Hence novv vve can have the form tt. The 3rd du. is tistm. This and the other forms of lu of V at can be explained on the analogy of those of V bh . It is to be noted that here the sic is not elided as it is after ^Jbh by No. 405. 413. In this stra the vvords jher jus and ita are got by anuvrtti. Thus this stra lays dovvn that jhi of a it lakra coming after sic, abhyasta and y/vid is substituted by us. For abhyasta see PA 6.1.5, No. 482 belovv. Hence vve get the form tisu. The other forms of (isi) li are ti , tistam, tista, etc. vvhich can be similarly explained. The forms

150

Nots

S 416

of lrn such as tisyat can also be explained on the ana!ogy of abhavisyat etc. of y/bk\ The lat forms of V gad are obtained like those ofy/bh or V a t : gadati etc. 414. For lit 3rd sg. the position is gadgad + a = gagad a. Now in the present stra, abhysasya is got by anuvrtti. This stra thus lays dovvn the substitution of cu for ku and h. Here it can be easilv understood that letters of the cavarga are to be substituted for letters of the kavarga respectively on the basis of bhyaprayatnasmya. The substitute for h, hovvever, is also to be determined on the basis of bhya prayatna and it is jh. Thus in the present case vve get jagad+a. 415. In this stra the vvords nti, iti and vrddhi are got by anuvrtti. Thus this stra lays dovvn that the penultimate a of a base undergoes ifddhi vvhen follovved by a it or it pratyaya. In the present case a ( = al) is it and hence vve get jagda. The other forms such as jagadatu, jagadu, jagaditha, etc. can be easily explained on similar lines. 416. Novv for lit lst sg. the position is: jagad+a (as in 3rd sg.). Novv in this stra the vvord it is got by anuvrtti and thus the stra lays dovvn that the pratyaya al (substituted for mi by No. 361) is to be considered as being it only optionally. We have already seen the implication of mute (in No. 415). In the present case it vvill take place optionally and hence vve get the forms jagda or jagada. The other forms of lit, jagadiva and jagadima can be easily explained. There is nothing particular to be noticed in the lut, Irt, lot, lan, Un (vidhi ) , and li ( si) of V gad; and the 3rd sg. forms are gadit, gadisyati, gadatu, agadat, gadet and gadyt

151

S 416

Srasiddhnlaltaumudi

respectively. For lu and Ir we have to turn to the next stra. 417. In this sttra, the whole of PA 7.2.1 (No. 442 below) and the words iti and vibhs. are got by anuvrtti . Thus this stra lays down the vrddhi of the a of a base beginning with a consonant optionally when follovved by sic. in the parasmp. Thus in the present case (i.e. lu of V gad) we get agad+U = agrfit. For detailed explanation of ali the other operations scc Nos. 403-11 above. The Ir forms vvould be agadisyat etc. vvhich can be easily explained like abhavisyat above. 41ft. For conjugating V gup we stra, This stra lays down the no specific mention is made of the is to be appended, implies that gup+ya. have to turn to the present suffix ya, The fact, that artha in vvhich this pratyaya it is svrtha. Thus we get

419. In this stra P lavs dovvn that bases vvith san etc. applied to them vvill be designated dhtu, The pratyayas covered by the term sandi are put together in the follovving couplet: sankyackmyackyakyasthcrakvibnijycLau tath/ yagya iya i ceti dvdami sandaya / / The pratyayasy 12 in number, have been laid dovvn by P in PA 3.1.5 upto PA 3.1.10, kamr m. Novv gupa+ya becomes dhtu by this rule; and hence the lakras can be appended to it.

420- 422. This and the next tvvo stras define the

terms laghu and guru. A short letter i.e. a syllable having a short vovvel is designated hrasva. But if such a syllable is follovved

152

Noies

S 42

by a sarayoga (conjunct consonant, No. 14), it is designated guru. Similarly a long syllable (i.e. a syllable having a long vowel) is designated guru. 423. In this stra the word angasya is got by adhikra; ik a comes by PA 1.1.3 iko guavTdhl; and guah is got by anuvrtii. Thus this stra lays down that the ik of a base ending in puk ( = p) and of a base having a short penultimate vvill take gua vvhen follovved by srvadhtuka and rdhadtuka pratyayas (see No. 357). Hence vve get gopyati. Forms of ali srvadhtuka lakras are to be similarly formed. 424. This stra lays dovvn that the pratyayas ya etc. are to be appended to the roots gup etc. (cf No. 418) only optionally when rdhadhtuka pratyayas follovv. The ydi pratyayas are ya3 iyan and in (laid dovvn in PA 3.1.28-30) 425. PA 3.1.35 has laid dovvn. that m vvill be appended to y/ks and roots formed by appending ydi pratyayas in lit. The vrttikakra, hovvever, has amended this rule by declaring that m is to be appended to \fks and to anekc roots. Here the fact, that m is enjoined as pratyaya, shovvs that m (in m) is not mute. Thus novv vve get gopya+m. 426. In this stra the vvord rdhadhtuke is got by adhikra and is to be taken tvvice. Once it is to be construed vvith upadee ( =upadeakle ) ,and secondly it is to be construed as mmitta-saptami vvith reference to the lopa of a. Thus this stra lays dovvn the elision of the final a of roots vvhich are adanta at the time of rdhadhtukopadea , vvhen it is follovved by the rdhadhtuka endings. Accordingly vve hve novv gopym.

153

S 427

Srasiddhniaaumud

427. In this stra the words le and luk are got by anuvrtti; and thus it lays dovvn the elision of li coming after m. Accordingly gopym+li = gopym. 428. In this si'Ara the vvord ma ( mantt by tadanta vidhi) is got by anuz/rtti, and liti is to be understood to mean liti pare (ya kr). Furthermore kr is here to be understood as a pratyhra based on PA 5.4.50 upto PA 5.4.58, signifying the roots kr, bh} and as. Novv since these roots are litpara, therefore, they vvill undergo dvitva (or abhysa) bv No. 363, and other operations also as noted above vvhile discussing lit formations of V bh . 429. In this stra the vvord abhysasya is got by anuvrtti and angasya by adhikra. Thus this stra lays dovvn that the r of the abhya is substituted by a vvhen follovved by a pratyaya. Thus vve get, kr kr+a = kakr+a = cakr~\~a (No. 414) = cakra (No. 162). Thus novv vve get the full form gopyarricakra. For 3rd du. the position is cakr+ atu vvhere bv No. 16, r (of cakr) should be changed to r. But it is prevented by the follovving stra as explained belovv. 430. In this stra the vvords aca dea na are got by anuvrtti and the vvord dvirvacane has been used in the sense of dvitvanimitte (Read: dvir ucyate yena paranimittena tad dvirvacanara dvitvanimittam iti yvat, B M .). It is further to be observed that the vvord dvirvacane is to be taken tvvicc: once to mean dvitvanimitta as explained above and again to mean dvitve kartavye. Thus this svdra lays dovvn that a vovvel vvill not take its substitute vvhen it is follovved by a vovvel causing reduplication and vvhen reduplication is yet to be made. In the present case dvitva is already made and hence the

154

Noies

S 431

prohibition in this stra has no effect. The vowel r in cakr vvill, therefore, take yadea and vve have cakratu. Thus the final form of V gup vvill be gopym cakratu. Similarly plr. is gopymcakru. 431. In this stra the vvords dhto and na are got bv anuvrtti . The vvord rdhadhtukasya is got by implication from the fact that the gama it is possible only in the case of rdhadhtuka pratyayas and as such can be negatived in their case only. Thus this stra prohibits the gama it for rdhadhtuka pratyayas in the case of roots vvhich are upadee ekc (monosyllabic) and anudtta. V&T satisfies both these conditions and hence vvill not have the augment it; and hence vve have the forms cakartha, cakrva, and cakfma. By appending these to gopym vve novv get the forms gopyavn cakartha etc. In the lst sg. (the pratyaya being optionallv it) the final vovvel vvill take vrddhi optionally. Hence the form vvill be gopymcakra or - cakara . Similarly are to be explained the forms gopymsa, -babhva etc. Novv by No. 424 the pratyaya ya is appended only optionally and vve have seen so far the forms that vve get by appending it to V gup. When, however, it is not appended, the root gup is not anekc and hence the gama m cannot be appended to it (see No. 425). Hence it vvill have reduplication (No. 363), retain only the first consonant of its abhysa (No. 365), have cutva (No. 414) and gua of the penulti mate short (No. 423), and thus ultimately vve shall get the form jugopa. Similarly, can be explained the forms jugupatu , jugupu, etc. Here vve have to note the kriks vvhich enable us to know vvhich roots are anudtta. In one couplet are brought

155

S 431

Srasiddhnlaaumud

together roots (ending in vovvels) vvhich are not anudtta and then vve are tolcl that among the ajanta roots, ali excepting those enumerated in this couplet are anudtta. Thus among monosyllabic ajanta roots, ali except those ending in , f and excepting the roots yu, ru, ksu, si, snu, nu, ksu, vi, di, , vr and vr are anudtta. After this couplet, our author has given us a complete list of halanta roots vvhich are anudtta. Thcy are 103 in ali. He has arranged them alphabeticallv according to their endings. These lists vvill be useful in the application of No. 431 vvhich applies to anudtta monosyllabic roots only. 432. In this stra the vvord apit is got by anuvTtti from the preceding stra . By tadantavidhi, asariiyogt means asam* yogntt (dhtoh or angt). Thus this stra declares that an' apit lit ending (i.e. a weak pf. term ination), coming after (or appended to) a base not ending in a conjunct consonant, should be considered kit (i.e. having a mute A;). Novv P has laid dovvn that before a kit, git, or nit pratyaya the base vvill not undergo gua operation. Thus pf. 3rd du. of V g u p is = jugup + atus = jugupatu (by rutva and visarga). Similarly 3rd plr. is jugupu . 433. In this sMra the vvhole of No. 370 is got by anuvTtti. This stra thus lays dovvn that the gama it vvill be optional in the case of the roots svT, s> (cl. 4 and cl. 2), dh and ali roots having mute (long) appended to them. Novv in the absence of m the position for 2nd sg. of V gup (this root is dit) vvill be : jugop+tha. Novv by this rule idgama vvill be optional and hence vve have the forms jugopitha and jugoptha. In lut the pratyaya ya vvill be optional (No. 424). Thus vvith ya vve shall have the form gopyit (to be explained

156

N o ies

S 436

like bhavit above). In the absence of ya, V gup ( gup) vvill have idgama optionally and thus vve shall have the forms gopit and gopt. Thus in ali vve have three forms. Ali the other forms of lut can be similarly obtained. In Irt also vve shall similarly have three form s: one vvith ya and tvvo vvithout ya, namelv gopyisyati gopisyati, and gopsyati. In lot , la and ( vidhi ) li, the ya gama is obligatory (No. 4 1 8 ); and thus vve shall have the forms gopyatu, agopyat, and gopyet. In (sr) li, ya gama vvill be optional (No. 4 24); and vve shall have the forms gopayyt and gupyt. Similarly, for lu also the ya gama vvill be optional, and vvith the gama the form vvill be agopyt (like agdit explained under No. 417). But vvhen ya is not appended vve have agopt. 434. In this stra agasya comes by adhikra and No. 4 4 2 (vvhole of it) comes by anuvrtti. Thus this stra lays dovvn that the vovvel of the aga of the roots vad and vraj and of roots ending in a consonant takes vrddhi vvhen follovved by sic ( = j) in the parasmp. Thus agup~\~s+ti = agup sit (No. 410) = agaupt (No. 434). Here V gup has not taken idgama (as per option allovved by No. 431). 435. But vvhen it takes the gama it, this stra lays dovvn that the vovvel of a consonantal base vvill not take vrddhi vvhen follovved by sic preceded by it. Thus vve have agop i s t = agop is it (No. 410) = agop i+ t (No. 4 1 1 ) = agopt.
O

436. In this stra the vvords lopa and sasya are got by anuvrtti. Thus this sira lavs dovvn the elision of sic ( = j) coming after a jhal and also follovved bv a jhal. Thus agup + s-\'tm = agaup+s + im (No. 434) = agauptm (No. 436). Similarly are to be explained the forms agauptam, agaupta.

157

S 436

Srasiddhntakaumudi

The forms agaupsu, agaupi, agaupsam , etc. can be easily explained on the lines of agaupt above. In lrn also V gup will take ya optionally and hence we shall get agopyisyat (with y ) and agopisyat (without ya). Again when V gup does not take ya, it will take idgama optionallv (No. 433). Now with idgama the form vvould be agopisyat; vvhile vvithout it vve shall have agopsyat. Novv vve come to y/ksi. The forms ksayati (/flt), cik?ya, ciksiyatu, ciksiyu (lit) can be easily explained. Novv vve take up V tap . Its pr. 3rd sg. is tapati; and pf. 3rd sg is tatpa. The forms of lat and 3rd sg. of lit can be easily explained. Novv for 3rd du. lit the position is tatap+ atu. 437. In this strc the roots are mentioned vvithout any mute letter appended to them. Hence they are to be understood to stand for the corresponding root vvith one or even tvvo or even different mute letters. Thus kr here stands for d u kf ( s /k f cl. 8) and k f ( V kr cl. 5 ). Similarly bhr stands for bhr ( y/bhr cl. 1) and dubhr (\fb h r cl. 3 ); and vr stands for z/rn (V vT cl. 9) and zi (VzT cl. 9). The vvord liti here is loc. in the sense of gen; and the vvords it and na are to be taken by anuvrtti from the preceding stra. Thus this stra lays dovvn that only in the case of these roots the augment it vvill not be appended to lit pratyaya. This means that it vvill be appended in the case of ali other roots even if thev are declared to be anit . Hence in the case of V ksi, the augment it vvill have to be appended. 438. In this stra tsvat means tsi iva (read: tsvad iti saptamyantd vati, B M ) . The vvord dhto is got on the strength of the thali (vvhich is impossible in the absence of

158

N o t s

S 440

a d h tu ) ; and aca by tadantavidhi means ajantasya (sc. dhto). The word nityam is to be construed with anita which is abi. sg. of anit ( bahuvhi cpd). Lastly the vvords it and na are to be got into this stra by anuvrtti as in the last stra. Thus this stra lays dovvn that a root, vvhich ends in a vovvel in the upadea (original enunciation) and is necessarily anit before tsi (i.e. ts of the First Future), vvill not take the augment it before thal. Novv V ksi satisfies the conditions of this rule; and hence (against the implication in the preceding rule) vvill not take the augment it before thal. 439. In this stra on the strength of anuvrtti vve have to take the vvhole of previous stra (but for the vvord ac) together vvith ali the vvords that vvere got therein bv anuvrtti. Thus this stra lays dovvn that a root vvhich contains a (short) a in the original enunciation and vvhich is anit before ts does not have the augment it appended to the ending thal after it. No. 438 and No. 439 both form exceptions to No. 437. No. 438 prohibities idgama in the case of roots ending in a vovvel, vvhile No. 439 does the same in the case of roots having the vovvel a therein. 440. W ith ali the anuz/rtti as in the previous stra this stra lays dovvn that a root ending in r ( rta = rdantt dhto) vvhich is anit before ts, does not have the augment it appended to the ending thal (of Pf. 2nd sg.) according to Bhradvja. This in other vvords means that thal vvill take the augment it after roots not ending in r. But since this is given as the vievv of Bhradvja, it follovvs that in the opinion of other authorities thal vvill not take the augment it (i.e. there vvill be prohibition of the augment it by No. 438). Thus ultimatelv vve get the option in the case of roots not ending in r. Hence vve get the

159

S 440

Srasiddhntaaumudi

forms ciksayitha (vvith idgama) and ciksetha (vvithout idgama) as pf. 2nd sg. of ^JksL The other pf. forms of V k si can novv be easily explained. The forms kset (Ist fut. 3rd sg.), ksesyati (2nd fut.), ksayatu (Im pv), aksayat (im pf), and ksayet (pot.) also can be easily explained. The teaching of these four stras (namely Nos. 437-440) has been conciselv put in the follovving complet: ajantokravn v yas tsy anit thali vedayam/ rdanta drn nitynit krdyanyo liti sed bhavetj / 441. In this stra the vvord angasya is got by adhikra {PA 6.4.1); yi is got by anuvrtti and by pratya.yagrahaaparibhs means ydau pratyaye pare; and by the force of the dgha dea vve get aca (by aca ca, PA 1.2.28) vvhich bv tadanta vidhi means ajantasya (sc. angasya). Thus this sitra lays dovvn that the vovvel of a base ending in a vovvel is lengthened before a suffix beginning vvith y, provided it is ncither a krt nor a srvadhtuka t)ratyaya. Thus ksi + ys+ti = ksi + ys+t ( ita ca, PA 3.4.100) = ksl + ys + t (No. 441) = ks + y + t (No. 400) = ksyt. 442. In this stra by the force of the vvord vrddhi vve get the vvord ikah (acc. PA 1.1.3), which by tadantavidhi means igantasya (sc. agasya, got by adhikra). Thus this stra lays dovvn that a base ending in ik {i , u, r, ) takes gua substitute for its (final) vovvel before ric (the sign s of the aorist) vvhen parasmaipada endings are appended to it. Thus vve get a + ksi + s + t ( t i - -t bv PA 3.4.100)= a + ksai + s + t (No. 442) = aksai + s + 1 + t {PA 7.3.96) = aksaist. (aor. 3rd sg). cond 3rd sg is ak?esyat.

160

N ots

S 444

443. In this stra dedi is a bahuvhi cpd. qualifying angasya (got by adhikra). Secondly, the word liti is nimittasaptarm and is to be construed with the word dee (in the cpd. andee). Finally, agasya is avayavasasthl. Thus this stra lays down that a standing between eka hal (two single consonants) belonging to a base (aga) is changed to e, and the abhysa is elided, provided that the anga does not begin with an dea caused by the following lit . It may be observed here that et and abhysalopa are got in this stra by anuvrtti . So also the word kiti . Thus tatap atu = tep atu = tepatu . Similarly tepu. 444. This stra is to be interpreted along with the pre ceding one; and thus lays down that the etva of a and abhysalopa laid down in the preceding stra will take place before set thal (i.e. tha of pf. 2nd sg. with the augment it i). This had to be specially laid down because the previous rule holds good only before kit pratyayas; but tha is not kit and hence will not follow that rule. Furthermore, it has to be observed that these operations are laid down before set thal. Hence when the thal is not set (i.e. does not take the gama it) etva and abhysalopa will not occur; and hence the form will be tataptha. (The augment it is optional by No. 433). The other forms of lit, namely tepathu, tepa, etc. can be easily explained. In the lst person the pratyaya is optionally it (No. 416) and hence we have tatpa or tatapa. The forms of lut (tapt, etc.), Irt ( tapsyati), lot ( tapatu , etc.), lan (atapat, etc.), the two lins (tapet etc. and tapyt, etc.), lu ( atpst, atptm, etc.), and Irii ( atapsyat, etc.) can be easily explained.

161

444*

Srasiddhniaaumudl

Thus ends the treatment of conjugation of parasmaipada roots of class I. For tm p . we start with y/edh . 445. This stra lays down that in tit lakras the t?np la endings substitute e for their ti. In this stra the word lasya is got by adhikra {PA, 3.4.77). Thus edh~\~a+te = edhate . Novv for 3rd pers. du. of lat the position is edh+a + lm = edha te (No. 445). 446. In this stra the vvord nit is got by anuvrtti . Thus this stra lays dovvn that srvadhtuka apit la endings are to be considered nit. 447. The vvords ata and iy are got in this stra by anuvrtti. Thus this stra lays dovvn that the initial of nit pratyayas coming after a is substituted by iy. Hence vve novv have edha+iy+te. Then by gua (No. 27) and elision of y (No. 397) vve get edhete. The form of lat 3rd plr. is edha anta = edha ante=edhante (No. 257). 448. This stra lays dovvn the substitute se for ths (2nd s g .) ; and the form is ledhase. In this stra the vvord tita is got by anuvrtti and lasya by adhikra. The remaining forms of the lat of V edh, namely edhethe, edhadhve, edhe, edhvahe, edhmahe can be similarly explained. 449. Novv vve come to the lit of V edh for vvhich this stra is required. In this sira the vvords dhto, m and liti are got by anuvrtti. Thus this stra lays dovvn the pratyaya m for a root beginning vvith a long vovvel except {ijde gurumata) vvhen follovved by lit. This, hovvever, do^r-'-not. apply to \frcch. Thus in the present case vve get *>dha + m Hit.
162

N o ies

S 452

450. In this sutra the vvord prvavat is to be got by anuvrtti and the sutra is to be understood as containing two statements, namely mpratyayavat etc. (The vvhole stra as it is) and prvavat kronuprayogasya. Thus this stra lays dovvn tvvo things: (1) The lit forms of vvill be used (after these roots) as after the base to vvhich m is appended (i.e. in the pada of that base, irrespective of the kriyphala going to the kartr or to some one else). (2) The forms of V^T will be used in that very pada and not the other. Thus y/edh is tm p . Hence tmp. forms of V * r are to be used after edha + m; and thus vve get edhm+cakr + te. 451. This stra lays dovvn the substitutes e ( e) and irec ( = ire) for ta and jha of the lit respectively. Hence novv vve get edhm + cakr+e = edhmcakre. The 3rd plr. vvould be edhamcakrire. The other forms of lit , namely edhmcakr?e etc. can be similarly explained. Novv vve come to lit 2nd plr., for vvhich the position is edhm+cakr + dhve. 452. Novv this stra lays dovvn that dh coming after a base ending in i (i.e. i and u) is changed to dh, if it belongs to sdhvam, lun or lit. In this stra, apadntasya mrdhanya comes by adhikra (PA 8.3.55) and ia means iantasya angasya (by tadantavidhi and adhikra ). Hence the form is edhmcakrdhve. The other forms of lit, namely edhmcakre etc., can be similarly explained. Similarly vve have edhmbabhva and edhmsa. The forms of lut are edhit etc. Here it has to be observed that in the 3rd person of lut the forms in both the padas are alike. The 2nd sg. is edhits+se =edhitse (No. 376). For 2nd plr. the position is edhits+dhve (No. 445).

163

S 453

Srasiddhntaliaumudl

4 5 3 ;: This stra lays down the elision of s vvhen followed by d k : In this stra,- sa and lopa are got by anuvTtti and dhi by tadantavidhi means dhdau pratyaye. Hence we get the form edhitdhve. 454. Now for lut lst sg. the position is edhits+e (No. 445). This stra lays dovvn that the final j of ts and V as is sub stituted by h vvhen follovved by e. The vvords sa and tsastyor are got here by anuz/rtti. Thus vve novv have the form edhithe. The dual and plr. forms, namely edhitsvahe and edhitsmahe can be easily explained. Similarly ali the forms of /rt, namely edhisyate , etc. can be easily explained. Novv vve come to lo t , for 3rd sg. of vvhich the position is edha + ta = edha+te (No. 445). 455. In this stra the vvord lota is got by anuvrtti. Thus thi*$i*ra lays dovvn that in lo t e is substituted. by m. Novv in the case under consideration vve shall get edhatm. In 3rd du. there vvill be iy dea (Nos. 446 and 447) and the form vvill be edhetm. Similarly can be explained the form edhantm (3rd plr). For 2nd s. the position is edha + ths = edha+se (No. 448). 456. The vvords lota and eta are got in this stra by anuvTtti. Thus this stra lays dovvn that e after s and v of lot takes the deas va and am respectivelv. Thus vve have edhasva. The du. and plr. forms, edhethm and edhadvam can novv be>similrly explained. For lst sg. the position is edha + i = edha+e (No. 445).

164

N o ie s

S 460
by of = be

457. In this stra the vvords lotah and uttamasya are got anuvrtti. Thus this stra lays down ;the substitution of e lot lst personai endings by ai. Thus we novv have edha + ai edhai. The other forms edhvahai and edhmahai can similarly explained.

For lan the position is edha + lan = +edha+ta (No. 409) = aidha+ta (No. 203) = didhata. Ali the other forms of la n } such as aidhetm, aidhanta, etc. can be similarly explained. In ( vidhi) lin 3rd sg. the position is edha + ta. 458. This stra lays down the augment syut ( = sy) for the Un endings. Now the augment ysut has been laid down specifically for parasmp Un endings (No. 394). Hence this stra has to be understood as having reference to tmp. tin endings only. Thus novv vve have edha+y+ta. Here the s of sy is dropped (No. 395), y is dropped (No. 397), and we get edha+ta = edheta. Similarly is to be explained the form edheytm. For 3rd plr. the position is edha+sy+jha = aidhe+jha. 459. This stra lays dovvn the dea ran for jha in lin. Thus vve get the form edheran. The forms of 2nd pers. such as aidhethh etc. are to be similarly explained. For lst sg. the position is edha+i e d h + ^ + i = edhey-fi. 460. This stra lays dovvn the substitute a for i . (substituted for Un lst sg.). Hence we get edheya. The forms edhevahi and edhemahi can be easily explained. Novv vve come to (isi) lin, for 3rd sg, of vvhich the position is: edh + ta edh+sy+'ta (No. 458) = edhiy+ta (No. 370) = edhisy+ta = edhisi ta (No. 397).

165

S 461

Srasiddhniaaumudi

461. Now this sutra lays down the gama sut ( = s) for t and tha (belonging to the lin endings). Hence now we get edhisl+ s + ta = edhissta (s and t being changed to s and t respectively). In du. the y of sy will not be elided and hence the form vvill be edhislytm. In 3rd plr. jh vvill be substituted by ran (No. 459) and the form vvill be edhislran. In the same manner can be explained the remaining forms of li such as edhisisthh , etc. Novv vve come to luy for 3rd sg. of vvhich the position is aidhis+ta = aidhita. Similarly aidhistm . 462. In this stra the vvords jha and at are got by anuvTtti. The vvord anata is abi. sg. of anat (= m z+ a/) and means ant (i.e. anakrt) parasya. Thus this stra lays dovvn the substitute at for jh in tmp after base not ending in a. Thus 3rd plr. vvould be aidhis jha=aidhiata . The other forms of lu such as aidhisthh} aidhisthm, etc. can be similarly explained. In 2nd plr. vve shall get aidhis+dhvam =aidhi+ dhvam (No. 453) = aidhidhvam (No. 452). The forms of the If, such as aidhisyata etc. can be easily explained. Novv vve take V pac = to cook. (dupacas in D P ). 463. This stra lays dovvn that the letters iy tu, and du forming the initial part of a root in upadea are to be considered it . The vvords dhto, upadee, and it are got in this stra by anuvrtti (though our author has not taken the vvord upadee in his vTtti). The root pac is ubhayapadin and hence takes both kinds of endings. The forms can be easily explained. Thus pacati, -te (lat 3rd s g .); papca, pecatu, pecu etc.

166

N ots

S 467

(lit parasm pf\ pece (lit tm p ) ; paktsi, paktse (lut 2nd s g .); paksjati, -te (Irt 3rd s g .); pacatu, -tm (lot 3rd s g .); apacat, -ta (lan 3rd s g .); pacet, paceta (li 3rd s g .); pacyt, pakssta (isi li 3rd s g .); apkst, apakta (lu 3rd s g .); and (paksyat, apaksyata (Ir 3rd sg.). Thus ends the treatment of bhvdi gaa . Now we take up V ad (of class 2). 464. In this stra stra thus lays down and other roots (i.e. as atti, atta, adanti, the word luk comes by anuvTtti. This the elision of the vikaraa ap after V ad of cl. 2). Hence we get the forms of lat etc.

465. The words ada and ghas are got in this stra by anuvrtti. This stra thus lavs dovvn the optional substitution of V ad by ghas (=ghas) before lit endings. Thus lit 3rd sg. vvould be ad + l ghas+a = ghasghas+a = ghaghas a = jhaghas a = jaghas a = jaghsa. 466. In this stra the vvord upadhyh is got by anuvrtti. Thus this stra lays dovvn the elision of the penultimate vovvel before kit and it pratyayas beginning vvith a vovvel. This, hovvever, does not occur before the Aorist vikaraa a (i.ef. of lu). Thus for 3rd du. the position is jaghas atu = jagh+s ~\~atu = jak+ s+ atu. 467. This stra lays dovvn the substitution of s for s of the roots s} vas, and ghas vvhen preceded by i (i.e. i, u) or ku (i.e. letters of the kavarga ). In this stra the vvord sa is got by anuvrtti; and iko and apadntasya mrdhanya come by adhikra. Hence novv vve get jaksatu. Similarly jaksu. The other forms, namely jaghasitha etc., can be similar-

167

S 467

Srasiddhnlaltaumud

ly explained. Now ghas is substituted for V ad only optionally. We have seen the forms of V ad { ghas). The forms of V ad itself would be adad+a =aad+a = da; datu; du; etc. 468. In this stra the word thali is got by anuvrtti. Thus this stra lays down the gama it for the ending thal ( = tha) after the roots ad} ry and vye. This augmentation is obligatory (and not optional, because the word vibhs is not anuvftta here). Henec 2nd sg. of V ad is: ad i+tha = d+ i+ tha = ditha. The remaining lit forms of V ad can be easily worked
o ut.

The forms atta {lu t) y atsyati ( lt) , and attu, attt, attm, adantu {lot) can be easily explained. Now we come to lot 2nd sg. of y/ad. 469. In this stra jhalbhya = jhalantebhya by tadantavidhi. Thus this S'utra lays down the substitution of dhi for hi {lot 2nd sg.) after \/h u and roots ending in a letter of the pratyhra jhal. Thus we novv get ad+hi = addhi. In the absence of this stra the substitution of h by dh vvould have been optional (by No. 67). Ali the other forms of lot can be easilv vvorked out. 470. In this stra the vvords aprkta and srvadhtuka are got by anuvTtti; and sarvesm means according to ali authorities. Thus this stra lays dovvn that the aprkta {=ekl) srvadhtuka endings coming after V ad vvill take the augment at. Thus lin 3rd sg. vvould bc:d+ t = d+ a+ t = dat. Similarly is formed da (2nd sg.). Ali the remaining forms of li of V ad can be easily vvorked out. The forms of {vidhi) li vvould be adyt, adytm} a d y u etc. These can be easily explained by No. 394 {ysut gama) and No. 395 ( salopa ).

168

Nots

S 474

In (isi) li the forms are adyt, adystm} etc. which can be explained on the analogy of similar forms of ^/bh (Nos. 399-401). Now we come to lu of V ad .
471. This ghas before vTtti). Thus ghas+cli+ti 472.

stra lays dovvn that ad vvill be substituted by lu and san, (the vvord a d a being got by anu the position for lu 3rd sg. vvould be ad+cli+ti = = aghas+cli+t.

This stra lays dovvn that cli coming after a root of the pusdi, and dyutdi gaas and a root having a mute vvill be substituted by a ( = a ) .T h e vvords cle and adi are got in this stra by anuvTtti. Secondly, it has to be noted that pus for the purposes of this stra is the root of the divdi gaa. (see B M ). Thus vve have the forms aghas+a+t = aghasat. The other forms can be similarly vvorked out. The forms of If also, such as tsyat, can be easily explained. Novv vve take up (cl. 2, tmp.) 473. This stra lays dovvn that y/i will take gua before srvadhtuka pratyayas. Hence lat 3rd sg. and du. forms vvill be ete, ayte. For 3rd plr. the position is +ate. The present stra lays dovvn that at (dea for jh, by No. 462) vvill take the augment rut ( = r ) after V. Hence vve get erate. Other forms vvith rudgama are aerata and eratm. Ali the other forms of (in other lakras) can be easily vvorked out. Thus vve have siye etc. (/it), ayit (lu t), esyate (Irt), stm etc. (lot), aeta etc. (la), ayta etc. (vidhi li), ayi^sta (isi li), aayista (lu) and aayisyata (If ). Novv vve take up V duh.
474.

169

S 475

Stvasiddhn 'aaumud

475. In this stra dha is nom. sg. ( dhakra) and adha is gen. sg. of adh and means dhdhtubhinnasya ( na tu dadhte) . Thus this stra lays dovvn that t and th coming after jhas will be substituted bv dh, except in the case of V dhd. Hence vve get the forms dogdhi, dugdha, etc. In the forms dhoksi, dhugdhve, dhoksyati, dhugdhvam, etc. (i.e. before terminations beginning 5 or. dhv), vve have to note that d of the root is substituted by dh (by No. 236). Ali the forms of V duh in ali the lakras upto {vidhi) li can thus be easily vvorked out. For (isi) li the position is duh+si+ta = dhuk + s+ta = dhuks+ s+ ta = dhukssta . 476. This stra lays dovvn that jhaldi li endings and sic (tmp) coming after a consonant preceded by ik ( = i, u, T or ) should be considered kit. This prevents gua in the base. In this stra iko jhal and halantc ca (PA 2.1.9-10) are got by anuvrtti. So is the vvord kit, from PA 1.2.5. The vvord ikah is smpye sasth, to be construed vvith h a l a h ; and tmanepadesu has reference to sic onlv and not to li. The other forms of (isi) li of V duh are to be similarly worked out. For lu 3rd sg. parasmp. of V duh the position is aduh+ cli+t. 477. In this stra ala by tadantavidhi means alantt, to be construed vvith igupadht. Thus this stra lays dovvn that ksa ( = 5 ) vvill be substituted for cli, not having the augment i, after a base ending in al and having a penultimate ik (= i, u, T or ). Hence vve get adhuksat. 478. This stra lays down the optional elision of ksa vvhen follovved by dental ta tmp in the case of the roots duh, 170

Noies

S 483

dih, lih and guh. Thus we have aduh+sa+ta = adhuksata or aduh+ta = aduh+dha = adugdha. 479. This stra lays down the elision of ksa before ta beginning with a vowel. Here it has to be observed that by No. 20 the final a (of ksa) alone is elided. Thus now we have aduh+sa+ata adhuk+s-\- ata = adhuksata. Similarly are to be explained ali the forms of lu with vowel terminations such as adhukstm, adhuksthm, etc. Before consonantal endings the sa will be elided optionally (No. 478) and we shall have double forms, such as adhuksathh or adugdhh. The other forms can thus be easilv explained. The forms of Ir also, such as adhoksyaty adhoksyata (3rd sg. parasmp. and tmp.) can be easily worked out. Thus ends the treatment of addi gaa. For conjugation of cl. 3, we take V hu. 480. This stra lays down the substitute lu for ap after roots of the third conjugation ( juhotydi gaa). The word apa is got in this stra by anuvrtti. Thus we get hu+ a+ ti = hu+ ti (for lat 3rd sg.). 481. In this stra the words dhto and dve are got by anuvTtti. This stra lays down the reduplication of the root before lu. Thus we now get huhu+ ti = juhu+ ti (No. 414) = juhoti. The 3rd du. form juhuta can be easily explained. Now for 3rd plr. the position is juhu+ jha. 482. This stra lays down the designation abhyasta for the reduplicated base (as laid down in PA 6-1.6). 483. This stra lays down the dea at for jh coming after abhyasta (as defined above). The word jha is got here by anuvTtti. Thus we now have juhu+ati. 171

S 484
484.

Srasiddhnlaaumudi

In this stra nu means nupratyaynta; and the words oy ya aci and anekco3 sarhyogaprvasya are got by anuvTtti. Thus this stra lays down that the vowel u not preceded by a conjunct consonant belonging to an anekc base of V hu and roots ending in nu (i.e. roots of cl. 5) is substituted by ya ( = v) when followed by a srvadhtuka pratyaya beginning vvith a vovvel. In the present case, therefore, the form vvill be juhvati. It may be observed here that in the absence of this rule u vvould have had the uvan dea by No. 173 485. Now vve come to lit. The present stra lays dovvn that the roots bh, h , bhr and hu vvill take the pratyaya m in lit and vvill undergo operations as before lu. In this stra liti, m and v are got by anuvrtti. Thus for lit 3rd sg. the position would be: juhu+m cakra (sa, babhva) juhavmcakra (-sa, - babhva ) ; or juh u + a = juhva (vfddhi because the a is it). The lit vvill have double forms ali through and they can be similarly vvorked out. The other forms, namely hot ( lu t ), hosyati ( lt) , juhotu, juhutt, juhutm etc. (lot), ajuhot, ajuhutm (lan 3rd sg. and du.) can be easily explained. For lan 3rd plr* the position is: ajuhu+jhi = ajuhu+ jm (No. 398). This stra lays dovvn that a base ( aga) ending in ik vvill take guna before jus (dea for jhi). Hence vve get ajuhavu. In this stra the vvord gua comes by anuvrtti. Then ika is got by the paribhs stra, iko guavrddh, and by tadantavidhi means igantasya (angasya, got by adhikra). The vvord aci, got by anuvrtti, means ajdau (jusi) by taddividhi. The forms of other lakras, such as juhuyt 172
486.

N o t s

S 490

(li), hyt (isi li), ahaust (lu) and ahosyat (lr) can be easilv vvorked out. Thus ends the treatment of juhotydi gana. Novv vve take up V div (of cl. 4 ). 487. This stra lays dovvn that after V div and other roots of that class the vikarara syan ( = ya) vvill be added instead of ap. Thus vve vvould have div+ ya+ ti (for lat 3rd sg.). 488. In this stra the vvhol of PA 8.2.76 (No. 323) is to be got by anuvrtti. Thus this stra lays dovvn the leng thening of the penultimate ik of a base ending in r or v vvhen follovved by a consonantal pratyaya. Hence novv vve have dvyati. The forms of other lakras, namely dideva (lit), devit (lut) devisyati (Irt), dvyatu (lot) advyat (laii), dvyet (lin), dvyt (isi li), adevit (lu), and adevisyat (lrn) can be easily vvorked out. Thus ends the treatment of divdi gana. 489. Novv vve take up ^ su (cl. 5 ). This stra lays dovvn the vikaraa nu ( nu) for \/su and other roots of this class (i.e. cl. 5 ). This, of course, is an apavda of No. 356 above. Thus the lat forms of V su vvould be snoti, sunuta, sunvanti etc. 490. In this stra the vvord asya refers to the ukra, spoken of in PA 6.4.106 (No. 491), vvhich has to be asafiyogaprva and pratyayasambandl. Thus this stra lays dovvn that u of a pratyaya not preceded by a conjunct consonant is elided optionally vvhen follovved by m or v. Accordinglv in lat lst du. vve have sunu + va = sunuva or 173

S 490

Srasiddhntaaumud

sunva. Similarly plr. vvould be sunuma or sunma. The lat tmp. forms, such as sunute, sunvte, sunuvahe , sunvahe , etc. are to be similarly vvorked out. The forms of the other lakras, such as susva, susuve (lit), sot (lut), sosyati, soyate (lt) sunotu , sunutt etc. (lot) can be easilv explained. For lot 2nd sg. the position is sunu+hi. In this stra the vvords he and luk are got by anuvrtti. Thus this stra lays dovvn the elision of hi (2nd sg. ending) after u of a pratyaya vvhen it is not preceded by a conjunct consonant. Accordingly novv vve get sunu; and vve may also have sunutt. The lot 3rd and 2nd person forms of su can be similarly explained. This stra has been explained above (No. 388). Accordingly lst pers. parasm. forms vvould be sunu+-\~ni = sunavni; sunavva sunavma. In tmp. the forms vvould be sunu + +i = sunavai; sunavvahai, sunavmahai. The forms of la, namely asunot, etc. and asunuta , etc., can be similarly explained. The 3rd sg. and du. li (vidhi) forms of \/su are sunuyt, and sunuytm. For 3rd plr. the position is sunu+y+us. In this stra eka prvaparayo comes by adhikra (.PA 6.1.75) and the vvords t and pararpam come by anuvTtti. Thus this stra lavs dovvn the pararpa as ekdea vvhen iz or not standing at the end of a pada is follovved hy u (of it*). Accordingly vve novv get simuyu. The other parasmp. forms of li and also those of tmp. can be casily vvorked out. The forms of isi Un are syt (3rd sg. paras?np), sutssta, suystm , susran (3rd sg., du., plr. tmp) also can be easilv explained. Novv vve come to lu . 445). 174
493. 492. 491.

Noies

S 498

494. This stra lays down the gama it for sic after the roots stu, su and dh when parasmaipada endings are appended. The words sica and it come in this stra bv anuvrtti. Thus 3rd sg. parasmp of lu of \/su vvould be asu+s-r t ~ asu+ i+ s+ + t asu+i+it asvt. In tmp the form would be asosta. The lrn forms, nameiv asosyat, etc. can be easily explained. Thus ends the treatment of svdigaa.
495. Now wc take up \/tu d (d . d). This stra lays down a instead of ap. for roots of class 6. The forms of V tud in various lakras in both the padas can be easilv vvorked out. tudati, tudate { la t): iutoda, hitoditha , tulude {lit) ; tott {lu t); tOiSya, totsyate {Irt) ; tudaiu, tudatm {lot); tudet , tudeta {li); aludat, atudata {lan) ; tudyt, tutssta {isi lin); aiautst, atutta {lu); atotsyat, atotsyata (/r ).

Thus ends the treatment of tuddigaa. 496. Novv vve take up ^frudh (cl. 7). DP gives the root as rudh ir. This vrttika lavs dovvn that ir (in such cases) should be declared to be it. Thus the ac.tual form of the root is rudh as given above. 497. This stra lavs dovvn the vikaraa nam {= na) instead of ap for roots of class 7. Thus lat 3rd sg. vvould be rudh~\~ti ru+na + dh + ti = ruaddhi. For du. the position is ruadh+ta. 498. In this stra the vvords srvadhtuke and kiti come by anuvrtti; and naso is gen. du. of nas {na and as). Thus this stra lays dovvn that the a of the vikaraa nam and of V as vvill be elided vvhen follovved by srvadhtuka kit and nit endings. Thus rundh+dha = runddha; Similarlv runddha (2nd plr.). The parasmp. forms of ^Jrudh in various lakras can thus be easilv vvorked out. In tmp. 175

Srasiddhntakaum udl

S 498

the forms in lat are runddhe, rundhte etc. The forms of the other lakras in both the padas a re : rurodha , rurudhe (lit); roddh (lu t ); rotsyati3 rotsyate (Irt ) ; rvaddhu , rundht, runddhm , etc., runddhm , rundhtm etc. (lot ) ; aruat, arunddhm , arundhan (la 3rd sg, du, plr. parasmp).
499. In this stra , the stra sipi dhtor rur v is got by anuvrtti; and da by tadantavidhi means dakrntasya (dhto, got by adhikra). The word padasya also is got by adhikra (and means padntasya). Thus this stra lays down, that the final d of a pada belonging to a root ending in d is changed to ru (r) vvhen follovved by sip (=si. of 2nd sg), optionally. Hence vve get aruadh si = aruat+s = aruat or aruad or arua (lan 2nd sg. parasmp). Ali the other forms of lan parasm. and tmp can be easily vvorked out. The forms rundhyt, rundhita (lin), and runtsta (isi lin) can be easilv explained.

In this stra the words dhto , cle, an and parasmaipadesu are got by anuvrtti. Thus this stra lays dovvn the substitution of cli by an in the case of roots having mute ir in DP. Accordingly vve get a+rudh~\~ eli+t = arudh+a+t = arudhat. When, hovvever, an is not substituted for cli, the form vvould be arautt vvhich can be easily explained. Ali the other forms of lin can be easily worked out. The 3rd sg. tm. lu is aruddha; vvhile arotsyat, arotsyata are lrn 3rd sg. parasmp and tmp. respectively. Similarly are to be conjugated the roots bhid, chid , and yuj (ali irit roots). Thus ends the treatment of rudhdi gaa.
501.

500.

Novv vve take up y/tan (class 8). For roots of this class and y k r , this stra lavs dovvn the vikaraa u instead of ap. 176

Noies

S 505

Thus we get the following forms: tanoti, tanute ( lat), tatna, tene (lit), tm it (lu t), tanisyati, tanisyate ( lt) , tanotu, tanutm (lot), atanot, atanuta ( la )9 tanuyt, tanvta (li), tanyt, tanissta (isi li )y atarU atnt (lu parasmp ). Ali these can be easily worked out. 502. In this stra the words sica, luk, and vibh are got by anuvrtti. Thus this stra lays down the elision of sic before the endings ta and ths optionally. Thus we have the forms atata, atathh ; and atanista and atanisthh (when sic is not elided). Here it has to be observed that ta is 3rd sg. tmp. ending and not 2nd plr. parasmp. ending. The forms of 2nd plr parasm. would be atanista or atnista. The forms of Ir, such as atanisyat, atanisyata can be easily explained. Now we take up \/k r (cl. 8). The 3rd sg. lat would be kr+ u + ti = karoti. 503. The words upratyayntasya and kra are got in this stra by anuvrtti. So also the word kiti. Thus this stra lays dovvn the substitution of u for a of k? ending in the vikaraa u vvhen follovved by srvadhtuka kit or nit endings. Hence 3rd du. lat vvould be kr+ u + ta = kar+u + ta = kuruta. For 3rd plr. the position is kuru+anti. 504. This stra prohibits the elongation of the penultimate a laid dovvn by PA 8.2.77 (No. 488) in the case of bha ending in r or v and also in the case of kur (VAr) and chur. Hence we have kurvanti. Forms of 2nd person of V^T parasm can be easily vvorked out; and lst person sg., kar omi is also easy. For lst du. and plr. the position is kuru+ va (kuru m ah). 505. In this sira the vvords uta ca pratyayt (from No. 491) and the vvords lopa mvdh (from No. 490) are got by anu-

177

S 505

Srasiddhnialtaumudi

i/rtti. Thus this stra lays down that the elision of u belonging to a pratyaya before m and v is obligatory in the case of ^Jkr. Hence we now have kurva, kurma. Similarly in tmp. Wc shall have kurvahe, kurmahe. The other forms of ^ kr in lat can be easily worked out. The forms of y jkr in lit, such as cakra, cakartha, cakrva, and cakre, can be easily explained. So also krt ( lu t ). etc. 506. This stra lays down the gama it for sya (of Irt) in the case of roots ending in r and also of V han, (The word it being got by anuvrtti). Hence now we have kT+sya+ti=kar+ isya+ti = karisyati. In tmp, we get karisyate. The forms of lot such as karotu and kurutm, and of lan such as akarot and akuruta can be easily vvorked out. 507. In this stra the words lopa* asya (=pratyayokrasya) . karoteh are got by anuvrtti; and ye means ydau pratyaye (pratyaya vvhich is implied by agdhikra). Thus this stra lays dovvn the elision of u of kuru ( y /k r ) before yakrdi endings. Hence in lin vve have kuru+yt=kuryt. In tmp. vve shall have kurvta. The other forms of li can be similarly vvorked out. 508. In this stra the vvords yi and akrtsrvadhtukayo are got by anuvrtti and are to be construed vvith li only (and not vvith a and yak also). Thus they mean ydv rdhadhtuke lini. Secondly the word rta also is got by anur/rtti and means rdantasya agasya (by tadantavidhi and adhikra). Thus this stra lays dovvn that r final of a base (aga) ending in r vvill be substituted by ri before a, yak and yakrdi rdhadhtuka li (i.e. isi li). Hence we get kr+yt = kriyt (in parasmp).

178

N oies

S 513

509. This stra lays down that jhaldi lin and tmanepadapara sic coming after roots ending in r are to be considered kit. In this stra the vvords jhal ( = jhaldi by taddividhi ) , kit and the whole of No. 476 are got by anuvrtti; and u is gen. sg. of r and means fvart. The effect of this stra is to prevent gua. Hence we get the form kr sista- The other forms of (isi) lin can be similarly vvorked out. The forms of lun parasmp. Such as akrsit also can be easily explained. 510. This stra lays dovvn the elision of sic after a base (anga) ending in a short vovvel. In this stra the vvords jhali and lopa are got by anuvrtti. Thus in lun tmp. vve get akr+ s+ ta akrta. The other forms of this lakra can be easily vvorked out. The forms of lrn also such as akarisyat and akarisyata can be easily explained. 511. This stra lays dovvn the gama sut for V kr vvhen preceded by the prefix sam or pari. (The vvord sut is obtained here by anuvrtti). Thus lat 3rd sg. is samskaroti. The forms of other lakras can be easily vvorked out. Thus ends the treatment of tandi gaa. 512. Novv vve come to y jk (cl. 9 ). This stra lays dovvn the vikaraa n ( = n) for this gaa instead of ap. Thus lat 3rd sg. of y /k vvould be kti. 513. In this stra vve get by anuvrtti the vvhole of No. 514 and also the vvords kniti and srvadhtuke. Thus this stra Iays dovvn the substitution of for of the vikaraa n and of the abhyasta bases vvhen follovved by srvadhtuka consonantal kit or nit pratyayas. Hence vve get k + n + ta = kta. 179

S 514

Srasiddhnialaumud

514. In this stra the vvords lopa and srvadhtuke kniti are got by anuvTtti . Thus this stra lays dovvn the elision of of bases ending in n and of the bhyasta bases before kit and nit srvadhtuka pratyayas. Thus vve get k + n + anti = k + n + a n ti = kanti. Ali the forms of ali the lakras can novv be easily vvorked out. Thus vve get the follovving forms: krsi etc. (lat), kitie etc. (lat tm p), cikrya, cikriye (lit), kret (lu t), kresyati, kre?yate, (tt), ktu, ktm (lot), akt, akta (lan), kyt} kta (li), kyt} kressta (isi lin), akraist, akresta (lu), and akresyat, akresyata (Ir). Thus ends the treatment of krydigaa. 515. Novv vve take up V cur (class 10), for vvhich this stra lays dovvn the pratyaya ic ( i) vvithout any change of meaning. This pratyaya is laid dovvn here for the bases satypa etc. and the curdi roots, in addition to the vikaraa ap (and not instead of it, as in the case of roots of other gaas ). Thus vve get, cur+i+a~\~ti = cor + e+ a+ ti = corayati. Similarly vve can get the remaining forms of lat . 516. In this stra the vvords tmanepadam and kartra bhiprye kriyphale are got by anuvTtti; and the vvord ica by the pratyayagrahaaparibhs means ijantt. Thus this stra lays dovvn that tmp endings vvill be appended to ijanta bases (agas) vvhen the kriyphala is intended to go to the aent. Thus from V cur vve have: corayate (lat), coraymcakre, coraymbabhva, coraymsa ( li t) ; corayit (lu t), corayatu, corayatm (lot), acorayat, acorayata (la), corayet, corayeta (li).

180

N oies

S 522

517. In this stra the word rdhadhtuka is got by adhikra and lopa is got by anuvTtti. The word aniti by the pratyaya grahaaparibhs means aniddau. Thus this stra lays down the elision of ni (= i) before rdhadhtuka pratyayas not beginning vvith it ( = i). Thus in isi lin we get cur+ i+yt = coryt. But in tmp vve get corayisista (because the pratyaya is not aniddi). 518. Novv vve come to lun . This stra lays dovvn that can vvill be substituted for cli in the sense of kartr after ni (i.e. bases ending in i) and the roots sru, dru, and . Hence for lun 3rd sg. parasmp . vve have cur+ i+ a+ t = cor+i+at.

519. This stra lays dovvn that the penultimate vovvel of the base (anga) before i will be shortened vvhen follovved by can. Thus cor+i+at = cur + i+ a t (by No. 233).
520. This stra lays dovvn the reduplication of the prathama avayava (i.e. ekc) of monosyllabic roots, vvhich is not abhysa, vvhen follovved by can; and of the dviya avayava (i.e. ekc), if the root begins with a vovvel. In this stra the vvords ekco dve prathamasya and ajder dviyasya are got by anuvrtti ; and the stra (No. 363) also is so obtained but for the vvord liti therein. Thus by reduplication novv vve get cucur+i+at. 521. Novv this stra lays dovvn that the abhysa of a base (aga) follovved by i and ca is to be operated upon as before san, provided it is laghupara. Thus in the present case cu in cucur is to have sanvatkrya. 522. This stra lays dovvn that in the case of sanvadbhva, a short vovvel is to be substituted by a long one. Hence vve shall novv have a+ ccur+ i+ at = accurat. In tmp vve shall
181

S 522

Srasiddhnlal(aumudl

have accurata. The forms of lrn such as acorayisyat and acorayisyata can be easily vvorked out. Thus ends the treatmentof ten gaas. 523. This stra lays down the designation kartr for one that is intended to be mentioned as being independent as regards the performance of the action. 524. This stra is meant to lay down the designation hetu. The vvord tat in this stra refers to the kartr of the previous stra. Thus according to the present stra the prayojaka of that kartr (as defined above) has the designation hetu. The word ca in this stra is meant to imply the samuccaya of the designa tion kartr (of the last stra) - Thus the prayojaka of the prayojya aent is both hetu and kartr. 525. The vvord hetumati in this stra means prayojakanisthe prerandau vypre vcye. (Read: hetu prayojaka dhratay asysti hetumn, B M .) . In this stra the vvords dhto and ic are got by anuvrtti. Thus this stra lays dovvn that ic vvill be affixed to a root vvhen (by the lakra appended to it) the prera ( urge) given by the hetu (the prayojaka) to the original aent is intended to be conveyed. This is illustrated in the statement bhavantam prerayati = bhvayati. In this case the ic in bhvayati conveys the prera given by the hetu (or the prayojaka kartr ) to the kar ir of the original act (conveyed by V b h ) . This is shovvn by the vvord bhavantam. (R ead : bhdhtvarthasya bhavanasya mukhyakart yajv, tasya yajvabhavane pravartayit yjakdi prayojaka, tannisthym preraym bhdhtor ic, vrddyvdeau , bhve iti ijantam / tasmd bhavmnuklavyprrthaki lati bhvayati iti rpam B M .). Ali the forms (of ijanta) of ali the lakras are to be worked out like those of the curdigaa.

182

N oies

S 527

526. In this stra the vvord agasya comes by adhikra and the vvord sara by anuvTtti. So are the vvords it and abhysasya. The vvord apare is a bahuvhi cpd. and means follovved by a \ Thus this stra lays dovvn that the u of the abhysa (reduplicated syllable) of the base (anga) before san vvill be changed to i vvhen it is followed by a consonant of the pavarga, a letter from the pratyhra ya) or j that are followed by a. Thus vve have bk+ i+ at = bhbh + at babh+at bibh + at = abbhavat. The remaining forms of lun can be similarly explained. Here the reduplication and sanvadbhva occur according to Nos. 520-21 above. Thus ends the treatment of hetumanyanta. 527. In this stra san is got by anuvrtti. Furthermore karma a means icchkarmaa and is to be construed with dhtoh. Thus dhto karmaa means: of the root vvhich expresses an act (or vypra) vvhich is the object of icch. (icchkarmibhto yo vypra tadvcakd dhto B M ). Similarly samna kartrkt also has reference to icch and hence signifies: a dhtu whose krt is the same as that of the icchkarma dhtu as explained above. In simpler terms this stra lays dovvn the pratyaya san to convey desire, for a dhtu whose karlr is identical with that of the icch (or y/is) and which conveys a sense of vypra (or an act), that forms the object of icch. Thus, for example, in pipathisati, san is appended to y path. For, the kartr of icch (or icchati) and of V path (or pathitum) is the same; and at the same time V path conveys a vypra or an act vvhich is the karman of icch. B M has very succinctly expressed ali this idea as follovvs : eva ca icchsamnakartrkatve sati icchkarrrbhto yo

183

S 527

Srasiddhnlaltaumud

vypra tadvcakd dhto ityartha/ Thus armanta of V path vvould be path+ sa+ ti = p a th+ i+ sa+ ti (by idgama ). 528. In this stra, the stras ekco dve prathamasya ( PA 6.1.1.) and ajder dviyasya {PA 6.1.2) are got by adhikra; and the vvords dhtor anabhysasya are got by anuvrtti. Thus this stra lays dovvn the reduplication of the first (or the second) syllable of non-reduplicate roots, before the pratyayas san and y a n . Hence vve novv have papath-\- i+sa + ti. 529. In this stra the vvords abhysasya and it are got by anuvrtti. Thus this stra lays dovvn the substitution of i for a of the abhysa before san. Thus novv vve have pipath+i + sa+ ti = pipathisati ( = pathitumicchati ) . Karm aa kim etc. In these vvords our author has shovvn vvhy the vvords karmaa and samnakartrkt in No. 527 above are necessary. In the statement gamanenecchati, the gamana is not the karman of icch (or icchati), though it is samnakartrka vvith it. In the second statement pathana {pathantu) is the karman of icch (or icchati), but it is not samnakartrka vvith it. Thus in the former is violated the condition laid dovvn by the vvord karmaa, vvhile the latter violates that laid dovvn by the vvord samnakartrka. Hence san cannot be appended to V path in these statements. If the vvord karmaa is dropped from the stra, in statements like gamanenecchati san vvill have to be admitted; vvhile if the vvord samnakartrkt is dropped, statements like isy pathantu iti icchati guru vvill fall under the stra and admit the use of san. But san can be admitted in neither. This shovvs that inclusion of both these vvords laying dovvn tvvo conditions is quite necessary. For san to be appended both the conditions must be satisfied simultaneously. Thus ends the treatment of sannanta.

184

Noies

S 532

530. This stra lays dovvn that the pratyaya yan ( = ya) vvill be appended to a monosyllabic root beginning with a consonant to indicate (or imply) kriysamabhihra. This term is explained as meaning repeated performance ( paunapunya) and intensity of the act ( bhrkrtha ). It may further be observed here that this kriysamabhihra is only dyotya (and not vcya) by this pratyaya (unlike san, vvhich is expressive, vcaka, of iccrtha). 531. In this stra the vvord abhysasya is got by anuvrtti; and the luk meant is that of yan only (and not of any other pratyaya ). Thus this stra lays down the gua of the abhysa before yan or yaluk (i.e. elision of yan). Here it has to be noted that No. 528 has already laid dovvn abhysa before yan (and also yanluk by pratyayalaksoapribhs) . This stra lays dovvn the gua of the abhysa. Thus to convey the sense, puna puna ( atiayena v) bhavati, this pratyaya is to be used; and thus we get: bhbh+ ya+ ta = bbh+ya + te = bobhyate. Thus ends the treatment of yananta. In this stra by anuvTtti vve have the vvords karmaa (as in No. 527 above) means icckarmaa, and tmana stands for the icchkart himself. Thus this stra lays dovvn that the pratyaya kyac ( = ya) vvill be appended to a sup ( = subanta by tadanta vidhi) vvhich is the karman of icch when that object is desired by the desirer ( icch ka rtr ) for himself. (Read: svasmai yad . isyate karmakrakam tadvrtte subantd icchym kyaj v syt, B M .). Thus vve have putram + ya+ ti.
icchym v. The vvord karmaa

532.

185

S 533

Srasiddhnlalaum ud

533. The word luk is got in this stra by anuvrtti; and dhtuprtipadikayo is avayavasasth. Thus this stra lays down the elision of sup endings belonging to what has the designation dhtu or prtipadika. Now No. 419 {PA 3.1.32) lays down the designation dhtu ior formations in san etc. (see Nots on No. 4 1 9 ); vvhile^Nos. 96-97 {PA 1.2.45-46) lay down the designation prtipadika (see Nots on Nos. 96-97). Here we may also remember the remark in the kik in this connection, namely tadantargats tadgrahaena grhyante. Thus the ending sup of putrm vvill be elided, because the vvhole formation has the designation dhtu by No. 419. Thus vve have putra+ya + ti. 534. In this stra the vvords asya {avarasya) and l are got by anuvrtti. Thus this stra lays dovvn that a base {anga, got in this stra by adhikra) ending in a (tadantavidhi ) vvill substitute i (for its final a) before kyac. Hence putyati. Ali the other forms from this base can novv be easily vvorked out. The vvord putyati means putrm tmana icchati. Thus ends the treatment of nmadhtus. 535. In this stra the vvord dhatbhya is got by adhikra. Thus this stra lays dovvn the suffbc yak ( = ya) for the roots belonging to the kadvdi gaa, vvithout any change of meaning. Here it has to be noted that this yak is obligatory and not optional like san, yan and such other pratyayas. Secondly, it is to be observed that these vvords, namely kand etc. are tvvofold; they are either nouns or dhtus. The pratyaya yak is to be appended to the dhtus and not to nouns. (Read: dvidh hi kandvdaya, dhtava prtipadikni ca, S K ). Thus from A /ka d (P and A as shovvn by mute in kadi i), vve get kad+ ya+ ti kadyati. Similarly kadyate, etc.

186

Nots

S 537

536. This stra lays down that tmp. endings will be appended to a root when it is followed by a vikaraa denoting kartr to imply or indicate karmavyatihra. The word tmanepadam is got in this stra by anuvrtti. The word samabhivyhra means vinimaya. This may occur when one does something vvhich ordinarily should be done by some one else. It also occurs vvhen an act is performed by tvvo persons mutually to one another. (Read: parasparakaraam api vyatihra iti kaiyata} BM . Kaiyatas remark is: yatrnyasambandhinvth kriym anya karoti itarasambandhimrh cetara sa karmavyatihdra). The illustration vyatilunte> as explained by Bh.. BM . and our author, illustrates karmavyatihra of the first type. The kik gives the illustration as vyatilunate 3rd plr. (and not sg. as vve have it here) vvhich surely signifies vinimaya (karmavyatihra) of the second type. B M has given sampraharante rjna to illustrate vyatihra in this sense. It may be observed that the vvord karmavyatihra occurs once again in PA 5.4.127 vvhere the latter explanation of karmavyatihra (as given here) appears to be favoured by the illustrations, musalmusali and daddadi, given there. 537. This stra lays dovvn the substitution of tmp. endings for la to denote bhva or karman. In No. 342 above lakras have been laid dovvn for transitive roots in the sense of kartr and karman . and for intransitive roots in the sense of kartr and bhva. The lakras in the sense of kartr have been dealt vvith so far; and the present stra turning to lakras in the sense of bhva and karman lavs dovvn that these vvill be substituted by tmp. endings. It may be noted here that kartari lakras are substituted by parasmp endings or tmp .

187

S 537

Srasiddhnlaaumudi

endings as shown in Nos. 345-349. The ka rm a i and bhve lakras, however, are invariably replaced by tmp . endings as laid down by this stra. 538. This stra lays down that yak ( = ya ) will be appended to a dhtu when followed by a srvadhtuka lakra denoting bhva or karman . We know that bhva is kriy or act, which is expressed by a dhtu. It is merely repeated (or rementioned) by a lakra expressing a bhva. It is, therefore, but natrai that such lakra should correspond in person and number to the bhva. Now the bhva ( = action) can never have smndhikarnya ( appositional relation) with the first and the second personai pronouns, namely asmad and yusmad. Naturally, therefore, the lakra expressing a bhva must be that of the third person only. Similarly the kriy expressed by a tin cannot be dravya and can as such afford no scope to a dual and a plural. The dvi and the bahu vacanas, there fore, are impossible when a bhva is to be expressed. Hence as a general rule only ekavacana can be used in such cases. This shows that to express a bhva, the only tin ( = substitute of lakra) that can be used after a dhtu is that of the 3rd person singular (i.e. ta and its various substitutes). This is illustrated in the statement tvay may anyaica bhyate (/flt), or babhve (lit). Similarly the corresponding forms in any of the remaining lakras may be used. When, however, the lakra used is meant to express karman (kraka), the case is quite different. The kraka (karman) can be yusmad, asmad or any thing else. Similarly it may be eka, dvi, or even bahu. Thus this would give scope to tin endings of ali the persons and ali the numbers. O ur author has not here given illustrations for this. For them see No. 540 below.

188

Noies

S 540

539. This stra lays down that a root ending in a mute vowel in upadea and the roots han, grah and dr vvhen follovved by a lakra expressing bhva or karman vvill be treated optionally as before ci and have it appended to them vvhen follovved by sya (of Irt and lrn ), sic (of lu n ), yut (of isi lin) and tsi (of lu t). Here tvvo points have to be noted: (1) The gama it is not for the dhtus but for the pratyayas sya, sic, yut and tsi. (2) By civadbhva are meant only such operations as are applicable before ci in the angdhikra (PA 6.4.1 upto the end of PA 7.4). Hence the operations before ci outside the angdhikra vvill not take place here. So far as A /b h is concerned the effect of civa dbhva is vrddhi (by No. 162). Thus vve get bhvit or bhavit (lu t), bhvisyate or bhavisyate (Irt), bhyatm (lot), abhyata (la), bhyeta (li), bhvissta or bhavissta (isi li). Here naturally vve have optional forms in lut, Irt and li, but not in other lakras. 540. This stra lays dovvn the substitution of ci for cli appended to a root vvhen it is follovved by ta (3rd sg. tm. lu ending), substituted for la denoting bhva or karman . Thus vve have abhvi (lu). But in lrn again bv No. 539 vve have abhvisyata or abhavisyata. O u r author has pointed out that though y/bh is as a rule intransitive vvhen combined vvith a prefix it can become transitive. Thus anu+bhu is transitive. Then he proceeds to illustrate the karman part of this rule (and of No. 537) vvhich has not been touched so far. The forms in the several lakras are to be obtained on the same lines as above. The only point of difference here is that the root here can have tin of any purusa and any vacana substituted for the la after

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it. Thus we have the statement anubhyate nanda caitrea tvay may ca. Here 3rd sg. ending is substituted because the karman vvhich is to be denoted by the lakra (substituted by it) is nanda. Similarlv vve can have anubhyete or anubhyante, if the number of things to be experienced is tvvo or more than tvvo. If the object of experience is asmad (or yusmad) the verb vvill be in the first person (or the second person) and vvill have the same number as the object {asmad or yusm ad). Thus vve may have the statements, tvam anubhyase, aham anubhye. No. 539 can have scope in such cases also. Hence vve have the optional forms in lu, anvabhvistm or anvabhavistm. Thus ends the treatment of bhvakarm aprakriy. Thus ends the section on tiantaprakriy. 541. This is an adhikra stra having its sway from here (i.e. PA 3.1.91) upto the end of the third adhyya of P s vvork. Thus vvhat is meant is that ali the pratyayas laid dovvn from this stra upto the end of PA 3 are to be understood as being laid dovvn for being appended to roots. Such pratyayas, it may be observed, are generally designated krt (as opposed to taddhita , vvhich is the name given to pratyayas applied to prtipadikas) . The krt and the taddhita pratyas are generally referred to as primary and secondary suffixes respectively. 542. This is a paribhsstra. This stra (or rather the paribhs in this stra) has been explained by B M as follovvs: asarpa iti liganirdea/ yatra asarpapratyayo vidhsyate tatra vetyupatisthate / The implication of this explanation is clearlv stated by Bh. in S K and our author here in the vrtti. Within the dhtvadhikra a non-similar suffix, vvhich evidentlv

190

N oies

S 545

is an apavda pratyaya , is to be considered as optionally bdhaka of the utsarga pratyaya. As a general rule an apavda is necessarily and invariably bdhaka of an utsarga. But this does not hold good in the case of the pratyayas in this dhtvadhikra. Here apavda is optionally bdhaka of the utsarga. Stpratya yas, hovvever, follovv the general principle in this respect, so that asarpa stpratyayas are necessarily apavda and hence bdhaka of the utsarga pratyayas. Actually there is only one sira in this dhtvadhikra that lays dovvn stpratyaya; and hence astriym in the present stra has reference to the stras P. 3.3.94-113. This is clearly stated by B M as follovvs striym ktin (PA 3.3.94) iti vaksyamastryadhikrastham apavdam vin ityartha/ stryadhikrastu asarpa pratyaya nityameva bdhaka iti bhva/ 543. This is an adhikra stra having its sway from PA 3.1.95 upto PA 3.1.133 (vultrcau) ; and is meant to lay dovvn the designation krtya for ali the pratyayas laid dovvn vvithin the limits as noted above. 544. This stra lays dovvn that a krt pratyaya is used to convey the sense of kartr (aent). Novv kftya and such other pratyayas are krt pratyayas and hence vvould be used to denote kartr . But this is not admissible. 545. This stra lays dovvn that the suffbces designated as krtya (sete No. 543 above), kta (PA 3.2.102) and khalartha suffixes (PA 3.3.126 onvvards) vvill be used to denote the senses of bhva and karman only (and not that of kartr), In this stra the vvord tayo stands for bhvakarmao vvhich are mentioned in PA 3.4.69, No. 342 above; and eva suggests that these suffixes vvill have the designation krt (as vvell as

191

S 546

SrasiddhntakcLumudl

kftya) and yet they will be used to convey the sense of bhva and karman only (and kartr also as laid down by No. 544). 546. This stra lays down the suffixes tavyat, tavya and anyar to be appended to a dhtu to signify bhva or karman (as per No. 545). The final t (in tavyat) and r (in anlyar) are mute and are meant to indicate the accent of the formation. (see PA 6.1.185 and 6.1.210 respectively). So practically we have only two suffixes, namely tavya and aniya. V edh is akarmaka; and hence these pratyayas when appended to it will signify bhva . This is illustrated by edhitavyam, edhariiyam tvay. We have already seen above (in No. 538) that bhva being a kriy will lways be only one and hence will be expressed by a singular ending,: because it cannot have dvitva and bahutva. Similarly in the absence of a definite gender it can have only a smnya linga i.e. the neuter gender. (Cf. Ungasarvanma napumsakam, M Bh. on PA 6.4.174; cf. Also the vrttika, smnye napum sakam ) . Hence a bhvavcaka formation in tavya etc. must be neut. sg. The second illustration is i cetavya cayanyo v dharmas tvay) where the tavya etc. formation has taken the gender and the number of the word denoting the kraka, karman , In such cases it can be in any gender and any number (according to the kraka that is denoted by it). 547. In this stra, aca by tadantavidhi means ajantt (dhto, which is got by adhikra). Thus this stra lays down that to a root ending in a vovvel the suffix yat ( = ya ) is appended. Thus from V ci vve have ci+y = ceyam (by gua). 548. In this stra the vvord ta is got by anuvrtti. Thus this stra lays dovvn that a root ending in vvill change its to i before yat. Thus d+ya = d+ ya = deyam (by gua).

192

N oies

S 555

549. This stra lays down the suffix kyap (=)w ) for the roots i, stu, s, z/r, dr and jus. Thus now we have: i+ ya or stu+ya . 550. This stra lays down the gama tuk ( = t) for a base ending in a short vowel before a pit krt suffix. Hence we get itya, stutya. 551. When y is appended to y/s, this stra will operate. In this stra the vvord upadhy is got by anuvrtti . This stra thus lays dovvn the substitution of i for of V s before an and consonantal terminations (or suffixes) vvith mute k or . Accordinglv s+ya = is ya = isya . From V vr and dT V dy9 vve get vTtya and drtya (No. 550). From y/jus vve have jusya. 552. In this stra, dhto comes by adhikra and rhalo (gen. for abi.) by tadantavidhi means rvarntt halantt ca [dhto). Thus this stra lays dovvn that the suflfhc yat (ya) vvill be appended to roots ending in r or a consonant. 553. This stra lays dovvn that c and j vvill be substituted by ku (a letter of the kavarga ) before the ghit suffixes and before yat. Here it has to be observed that PA 1.3.10 does not apply and the substitution of both c and j by ku takes place before both the suffixes. (i.e. ghit and yat). 554. This is a vrttika vvhich points out that the substitution laid dovvn in No. 553 should be laid dovvn only after such roots as do not take the augment i before nisth (i.e. kta and ktavat, PA 1.1.26). Thus novv from yfgarj vve shall have, garjyam (no kutva, because this root takes i before kta , garjita ). 5 55. In this stra the vvord ika is got by PA 1.1.3 and the vvord dhtupratyaye is got on the basis of the paribhs ,

193

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Srasiddhniakaumudi

dhto svarpagrahae tatpratyaye kryavijnam (see B M ). This stra thus lays dovvn the vrddhi substitute for the r of yjm yj before suffixes or pratyayas laid dovvn for dhtus. Thus m rj+ yat = mrj+ya = mrg+ya (Nos. 555 and 553 ) mrgya. It may here be noted that the suffix kyap also can optionally he appended to y/m rj (PA 3 . 1. 113 ) and then vve get mrjya (neither kutva nor vrddhi). 556. From bhuj+yat vve should get bhogyam (gua and kutva). The present stra declares the formation to be bhojya in the sense of bhaksya (eatable). This means that in the other sense the formation vvould be bhogya. 557. This stra lays dovvn the suffixes vul (= vu) and tfc (= tr ). It has to be observed that formations in these suffixes are to be used vvith reference to the present tense only. (Read: anayor vartamnakld anyatra na prayoga iti bhsyam, B M ). These suffixes are used in the sense of kartr according to PA 3.4.67 (No. 544). Thus from V k f vve get kr+ vu, and

kr+tr.
558. This is a paribhsstra laying dovvn that the suffbces yu and vu vvill respectively be substituted by arta and aka. Here it has to be noted that this substitution is for yu and vu vvhich are anunsika and not for others- As for anunsikatva vve have to remember that in P s system it is knovvn from tradition and not from actual pronunciation. This is shovvn by the vvell-knovvn paribhs : pratijnunsikyh pimy. This explains why suffbces like yu in ubharnyu are not substituted by ana etc. acc to this stra. In the case under consideration the substitution takes place and vvith proper operations vve get kr+ aka = kraka; and kr+ tr = krt.

194

Noies

S 562

559. This stra lays down three suffixes, namely lyu ( = ana by No. 558), ini (= m ) and ac ( = a) for roots in three different gaas, namely nandydi, grahydi, and pacdi respectively. Here is an instance of the application of the yathsamkhyanyya (PA 1.3.10, No. 23). The suffix lyu = yu ana (No. 558); ini = in (before this the vowel of the base will take vrddhi No. 162); and aca . Illustrations of lyu are nandana, janrdana and lavaa (for change of n to here read nandydigae nipdtam t atvam, S K ). Illustrations of ini are grhi, sthy} m ant; in sthyi there is yuk gama by No. 568. Illustration for ac is paca. These are krtigaas. 560. This vrttika lays down the suffbc ka (=fl) for the bases mlavibhuj (i.e. mula + vi + V bhuj) etc. Thus we get the formations mlavibhuja (ratha ), mahdhra, kudh ra . 561. This is a paribhsstra which lays down that in the dhtvadhikra ( tatra = asmvn dhtvadhikre) that which is meant by the word in the locative in the stra is to be designated upapada . This will be clear from illustrations in the follovving stras. 562. In this stra, dhto is got by adhikra. Thus this stra lays down that a root will take the suffix a when it has a word expressive of the karman (i.e. the object of the dhtu) for its upapada (or adjunct). Thus, for example, in k u m b h a m karoti, kumbha is the object of So when this vvord ( kumbha a karmavcaka vvord) is put before V kr, the root vvill take the suffix a and thus vve shall have kumbha+am + kr+ a kum bha+ kr+ a (2.4.71) = kumbha-

195

S 562

Srasiddhntaaumudi

kra . Thus it may be seen that up apada is a vvord vvhich is expressive ( vcaka) of what is indicated in the stra by the vvord in the locative. 563. The ta in this stra means krntt ( tadantavidhi ) dhto (got by adhikra). This stra thus lays dovvn the suffix ka (= tf) for roots ending in vvhen not preceded by upasarga, and vvhen they have a karmavcaka vvord for upapada . The vvord karmai is to be got in this stra by anuz/rtti. Thus g dadti = go + d+a = goda (vvith elision of by PA 6.4.64). Similarly is to be explained kambalada. 564. This stra lays dovvn the suffix kvip {= v= o ), to roots having a karmavcaka vvord for adjunct. Thus vve have the formation paradhvat (final s being changed to d by PA 8.2.72. No. 246). 565. This stra lays dovvn the designation nisth for kta and ktavatu. 566. In this stra, bhte and dhto come by adhikra. The suffix kta is used to convey bhva and karman (acc. to No. 545) and ktavatu to denofce kartr (acc. to No. 544). The statement sntai may and stutas tvay visnu illustrate the use of kta in the sense of bhva and karmam respectively; vvhile visur vivam kftavn illustrates the use of ktavatu in the sense of kartr. 567. This stra lays dovvn the suffix u (= u, mute indicating vrddhi) for the roots kr, v, p, mi, ji, svad, sdh and a. From ^Jkr vve have kru, (vvith vrddhi of the final vovvel of the root).

196

Noies

S 569

568. In this stra, ta means krntt (by tadantavidhi) angt (got by adhikra ). Thus this stra lays down the gama yuk ( = y ) to a root ending in when followed by ci or a krt. Illustrations are v+u = vyu; and p+u = pyu. The words jyu ( ji+ u = jai+ u = jyu ), myu ( m i+ u m+u m yu), svdu, sdhu and u are the formations from roots svad etc. mentioned in the previous stra . 569. This stra lays down that the undi sufixes (they are ali krt suffixes) are variously used and indicate various operations. But as a general rule they are used to indicate a matter of the present and are samj abdas (i.e. rdha as opposed to yaugika abdas). In the undi section Bh. has brought together about four hundred such suffixes, and remarked that the list is not exhaustive. The othens may thus be inferred on the analogy of those that are enlisted in these undistras. samjsu etc. This couplet lays down the general lines on vvhich the so-called udi vvords are to be derived. The first point to be noted in connection vvith these vvords is that they are samjs (or rdha vvords) and are not easily and regularly amenable to ordinary principles of etymology. Nor vvill the avayavrtha be always found to agree vvith the samudyrtha in them. They represent a process that is exactly the reverse of vvhat is adopted in the case of ordinary vvords. In the case of ordinary vvords, the avayavas (i.e. prakrti and pratyaya) are pratyaksa and the avayvin (or samudya) is unneya or to be arrived at. In the case of these vvords the avayavin (or samudya) is pratyak?a and the avayavas are unneya . How the avayavas are to be guessed or arrived at in the case of these vvords, has been stated in this couplet.

197

S 569

Srasiddhnlakaumudi

Thus this couplet lays down that in the case of these words (1) first infer the form of the root; (2) then try to fix up the suffixes thereafter; and finally (3) try to determine the anbandha (the mute letters attached to dhtus, pratyayas, etc.) on the basis of the krya (i.e. the modifications that appear to have taken place in the dhlu or in the pratyaya or in both). Take, for example, the word kru. Here it is possible to think of the root kr and the suffix u. Then because r in V kr has undergone vrddhi, the suffix will be capped with a mute letter indicating i/rddhi. Now there are two such letters, and . But indicates the dyudttatva in addition to vrddhi, while indicates vrddhi on!y. Hence mute n is appended to u and the suffix is given as u This process will be found at work in ali the udi stras; and is recommended for use in the case of ali the words that may not have been included in the so called udistras. P, hovvever, held the view that these words are not derivable; and has left them out as such. 570. In this stra the word dhto comes by adhikra. Here it has to be noted that kriyym etc. is in loc. and hence a word expressive of a kriyrth kriy is here intended as upapada (No. 561). Thus this stra lays down the suffixes tumun ( = tu m ) and vul ( = vu =aka by No. 558) for a dhtu, when it has a word expressive of an act meant for the act denoted by the dhtu for its upapada. In the statement Icrsam drastum yti, the act denoted by y/y is meant for the act denoted by V dr and is used along with it as the upapada of the latter. Hence the suffix tum is appended to V dr to form dratstum. Similarly in the other statement the suffix vul is appended to V dr under identical circumstances and we have the formation daraka.

198

Noies

S 575

571. In this stra the word bhva means siddhvasthpanna dhtvartha (i.e. what in Nir. is described as mrta sattva bhta as opposed to prvpabhta {bhva) the former being expressed by a noun, the latter by an khyta). Thus this stra lays down the suffix g h a for a root when a bhva is to be expressed. This means that a g h a formation denotes bhva . Thus p a c + g h a = pc+a {t/rddhi indicated by mute ) = pka {kutva indicated by mute gh). 572. This stra lays down the suffix ac {a) for roots ending in i to denote bhva. In this sira e means ikrntt (by tadantavidhi) d h to (got by adhikra) ; and bhve is got by anuvTtti. Thus ci+ac = ce+a caya. 573. This sira is to be explained as the previous one. It lays down the suffix ap for roots ending in r and u or in the sense of bhva etc. Thus we get kr+a = kara; yu+ a = yava; l+a = lava. 574. This stra lays down the suffix ktin in the sense of bhva etc. and further lays down that the formation will be feminine in gender. Here we have to remember that this suffix, which is an apavda to g h a , is necessarily bdhaka of the utsargarpa suffix, while the other apavdas are only optionally so (see No. 542). The formations krt and stuti illustrate this rule. 575. This stra lays down the suffix ktv { = t v ) in the sense of bhva, for a root denoting the prior one of two (or more) acts conveyed by dhtus, whose arthas have the same kartr (aent). In the statement bh u ktv vrajati, two acts, namely eating and going, have been expressed by the two roots bhuj and vraj respectively; the aent for both these

199

S 575

Srasiddhnlaltaumudi

is the same; and y/bhuj denotes an action which is the prior of the two. Hence the suffix ktv is appended to yjbhuj and thus we get the formation bhuktv. Here it has to be observed that the dual used in the sira (in the vvord samnakartrkayo) is atantra (i.e. is not intended as the object of the rule). This means that vvhatever be the number of actions, if they are samnakartrka, ktv will be appended to ali the roots that denote actions vvhich are prvakla vvith reference to the subsequent one vvhich is denoted by a verb. This is illustrated by the statement sntv bhuktv ftv vrajati, vvhere ali the kriys, namely snna, bhojana, pna, and vrajana are samnakartrka; and the first three of them are prvakla vvith reference to the last one standing for subsequent action. Hence the roots denoting them (namely y/sn, yjbhuj and y/p) have the suffix ktv appended to them. 576. In this stra the vvord samse (by the force of the vvord anaprue) means avyayaprvapade samse. Thus this stra lays dovvn the substitute lyap for ktv for a dhtu vvhen it is compounded vvith an avyoya except na. Thus, pra+ kr+ tv = pra+ kr+ ya = prakrtya (vvith tuggama by No. 550). 577. In this stra the vvord bhksya means paunapunya (repetition, repeated perform ance). By the force of ca vve get the suffix ktv also in this stra . Thus this stra lays dovvn that vvhen bhHksya (repetition) of a prior action is to be conveyed, the root denoting that action vvill have the suffix amul (= a m ) (or ktv) also appended to it. Thus the position vvould be smr am (namati ivam) or smr tv (namati ivam ). Novv sm r+am ~ sm rdam = smram; and sm f+ tv = smrtv .
200

N oies

S 579

578. In this sira the words sarvasya dve come by adhikra (PA 8.1.1). The word nitya here stands for nityatva by vvhich is meant blksnya ( = paunapunya, repetition of the actio n ); and vps means vyptum icch ( = vyptipratipdanecch, vvhere vypti = krtsnyena sam bandlia). Thus this sira lays dovvn the repetition of a vvhole vvord tvvice vvhen repetition ( bhlksya) or totality (iftps) is to be conveyed. Now bhiksya pertains to action and can find scope only in linanta formations (or finite verbs) or in such krdanta formations as have the designation avyaya (as given in PA 1.1.39-40, kviimejanta/ ktvtosunkasuna/) . Hence finally vve get smrarh smraih (or smrtv smrtv) namati ivam. Thus ends the treatment of krdanta . 579. This stra lays dovvn that p ra th a m (i.e. the first three case-endings) are used to convey the prtipadikrtha etc. There are various views regarding prtipadikrtha. (For these see B M ). O ur author (or rather Bh.) has defined prtipadi krtha as that meaning vvhich is invariably apprehended on hearing a word. This vvould cover only prai/rttinimitta and vyakii, but not linga. For, in cases like tata (which is masc., fem., as vvell as neut.) the definite gender cannot be invariablv apprehended. Hence it is not covered by the term prtipadi krtha and has, therefore, been separately mentioned. Secondly, it has to be observed that the vvord mtra, since it stands at the end of a dvandva compound, is to be construed with each one of the members of that compound. Novv prtipadi krtha is apprehended from a nominal stem itself and as such it is correct to say that p ra th a m is used to convey prtipadikrthamtra. But linga, parima and vacana are
201

S 579

Srasiddhnlaaumud

not generally apprehended from the prtipadika . Hence our author declares that pratham is used to convey linga mtra etc. in addition (to the prtipadikrtha). O ur author proceeds to illustrate these uses one by one. The indeclinables uccai, r&ai can be said to be proper illustrations for prtipadikivhamtre pratham; for, they have no linga (gender) and hence have nothing else to convey. The words kf^a, M , and jnam are also proper illustrations; for, their linga is fixed and need not be conveyed separately by the nominative. In such cases linga is covered by prtipadikrtha. The word tata is not niyataliga and hence in this case linga has to be conveyed separately. Thus this is an illustration of ligamtrdhikya . Thus tata conveys the masc., tat fem., and tatam, neut, in addition to the prtipadikrtha. The word droo ( v h i ) illustrates parimamtrdhikye pratham . For, droa conveys the idea of parima smnya in addition to the prtipadikrtha of the word droa . The word vacana means samkhy (or num ber). We have seen that linga and parima cannot be conveyed always by the nominal stems th-emselves. But there are words like eka, dvi, bahu which convey sarhkhymtra and hence they can be said to illustrate sankhymtre pratham (and not -matrdhikye pratham). It has further to be observed that as a m atter of fact samkhy, being identical with the prtipadikrtha in words like eka, dvi and bahu, is already ukta; and hence, according to the maxim uktrthnm aprayoga, we cannot employ the case terminations to denote the sense number5. Thus here pratham is aprpta; and hence P has specifically laid down its use in the sense of number.

202

Noies

S 583

580. In this stra the word pratham is got by anuvrtti. This stra thus lays down that pratham shall be used to convey the idea of sambodhana also. Illustration is: he rma. 581. The word krkm is got in this sira by adhikra {PA 1.4.23). The word psitatama has been explained as kriyay ptum istatamam {krkm). Thus this sira lays down that karman is the designation given to a kraka which is most desired to be obtained by the kartr (aent) by means of his act. 582. In this stra the word anabhihite {= anukte) is got by adhikra {PA 2.3.1). Thus this sira lays down that dvitiy (endings) will be used to express the karman, if it is not already othervvise conveyed. In the sentence brim bhajati, hari is ptum istatama by means of bhajanakriy by the bhajaka. Hence hari is karman. It is not expressed or conveyed by any thing else; and hence dvi y has been used to convey the idea. When, hovvever, karman etc. are othervvise expressed, only the prtipadikrtha remains to be conveyed. And for this (by No. 579) p ratham vvill be used. Here vve are given tvvo statements in vvhich karman is abhihita and hence only pratham is used. The first sentence is hari sevyate. Here the suffix te accompanied by yak { = ya in sevyate) expresses karman (by PA 3.1.67, No. 538); and in the second, namely laksmy sevita {hari), it is conveyed by the suffix kta. Hence here onlv pratham is used to convey the sense of the prtipadika, vvhich alone has novv remained to be conveyed. 583. The vvords krkm and anabhihitam are got in this stra by adhikra. Thus this stra lays dovvn that the kraka

203

S 583

Srasiddhnlat^aumudl

which is sdhakatama (i.e. the most conducive to the accomplishment of the act denoted by the verb) is designated karaa. 584. This stra lays dovvn that trfy is used to express or denote either kartr (aent) or karaa (the instrum ent), of course, if it is anukta. As in the previous stra, the vvords krkm and anabhihitam are got in this stra by adhikra . The statement rmea etc. illustrates kartr as vvell as karaa . The kartr (aent) is defined by P as svatantra krt (PA 1.4.54). In this statement rma is the kartr; and since the aent is othervvise anukta, vve find the instrumental rmea used to express it. Similarly ba is the sdhakatama by means of vvhich the kartr accompishes the act of killing. And since the idea of karaa also is not othervvise expressed, try has been used to convey it. 585. This stra defines sampradna. Here karma is to be understood to stand for dnasya karma and abhipraiti to stand for esitvena (i.e. bhoktrtvena) abhipraiti i.e. adhyavasyati. Thus this stra lays dovvn that sampradna means one vvho is intended as the receiver of the object of dnakriy. In the statement given in the next stra, gh is the object of the dnakriy ( dadti) and vipra is intended as the receiver of that object. Hence vipra is sampradna . 586. This stra lays dovvn that dative shall be used to denote a sampradna, provided it is not othervvise conveyed or expressed (the vvord anukte is got here by adhikra, PA 2.3.1 anabhihite) . The statement viprya gm dadti shovvs vipra, the sampradna, in the dative. 587. This stra defines apdna. In this stra the vvord apya means separation (vilesa i.e. viyoga), vvhich occurs

204

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vvhen out of two things standing together one moves off. In such a case, the thing that does not move (and is stationary at the moment) is naturally the avadhi or m aryd ( .e. the point) from vvhich the other thing has moved off. This avadhibhta thing is given the designation apdna. Thus in the statements given in the next stra grma and dhvat ava are the apdna, because they form the avadhi (the starting point) of the actions. 588. This stra lays dovvn that ablative shall be used to denote apdna (as defined above), provided it is not othervvise expressed (the vvord anabhihite being got by adhikra). The tvvo statements illustrate apdna in tvvo possible circumstances. In the first, the apdna {grma) is stationary; while in the other the apdna (namely dhvat ava) is moving. But in either case, the apdna does serve as the starting point of the action denoted by the main verb, namcly yti in one and patati in the other. Hence in both the cases the ablative has been used. 589. The vvord esa in this stra stands for vvhat has remained after stating the prtipadikrtha (i.e. of the nominative) and the krks, karman, kartr , karaa, sampradna, apdna (conveyed by cases from acc. upto abi.) and adhikaraa (conveyed by loc. to be dealt with in Nos. 59091). This in other vvords means svasvmibhvdisambandha in general. This stra lays dovvn that gen. shall be used to convcy this esa. Thus in brief gen. may be said to convey any kind of relation {sambandha) betvveen tvvo things that is not covered up by the other cases. The illustration is r j a purusa, vvhere the relation betvveen rjan and purusa is only general and does not come under anv of the relations conveyed by the other cases.

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It has further to be observed that the use of a particular case depends more on the speakers desire ( vivaks) rather than on the actual relation subsisting between tvvo things. Thus, for example, vvhen mtr is intended to be conveyed as the object of smarati (the act of remembering), accustive vvill be used; and vve shall say mtaraih smarati. But vvhen the karmatva of mtr is not intended {vivaksita) , i.e. vvhen only sambandhasmnya is vivaksita, the vvord mtr will be put in the genitive; and vve shall say mtu smarati. Similarly vvhen kartrtva is vivaksita vve shall say sadbhi gatam; but if it is not vivaksita vve shall use the genitive and say satm gatam . In sarpiso jmte, the karaatva is not vivaksita; othervvise the statement vvould be sarpis jmte. In edhodakasyopaskurute and bhaje ambhocara ayo, karmatva is avivaksita and only esatva is vivaksita; vvhile in phalnm trpta, karaatva is avivaksita and esatva is vivaksita. Thus vve see that acc., instr. etc. are used vvhen karman, kartr, karaa, etc. are intended to be conveyed as karman, etc.; but vvhen thev are intended to be conveyed not as karman , etc- but as esa only, the case to be used is the genitive. This is vvhat our author has stated in the vvords karmdmm api etc. 590. In this stra, krti means krtpratyaye prayujyamne; kartrkarmao is loc. and means kartari karmai ca. The vvord sastf is got by anuvrtti. Thus this sira lays dovvn that gen. shall be used to express kartr or karman, vvhen the action in question is denotcd by a krdanta formation. Thus krti ( bhve ktin) denotes creation. Novv krsa is the kartr thereof and hence gen. is used in the statement krsasya krti. In the statement jagata krt krsa, the krdanta used is krt . Novv jagat is the object and krsa is the subject of the action

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of creation denoted by the word krt. Hence here the object (namely jagat) is denoted by the genitive. Here it has to be noted that in cases like this, where both kartr and karman occur simultaneously in one statement, only the latter can be expressed by the genitive. {PA 2.3.36). Hence in the present case we get the gen. jagata. As for krsa it has to be noted that the aent is already conveyed by the suffix tr {PA 3.1.133; 2.135) in the vvord krt. Novv by the maxim uktrthnm aprayoga or by the condition anabhihite {PA. 2.3.1) the instrumental cannot be used. Hence prtipadikrthamtre pratham has been used. 591. This svtra defines adhikaraa as dhra (substratum). This dhra necessarily is that of a kriy (vvhich is implied by the kraka adhikra). But since a kriy cannot have an dhra directly for itself, the dhra here must be understood as something that serves as a substratum for the action indirectly through its kartr or karman. Thus in kate ste, kata is really the dhra of the person vvho sits {kartr ) ; and indirectly through him it becomes the dhra of the act of sitting performed by him. Thus kata is the dhra of the sanakriy through its aent. In sthlym pacati, sthti is the dhra of the pkakriy through its karman {odana etc.). Thus dhra is tvvofold kartrdvr or karmadvr. 592. This s tra lays dovvn that loc.shall be used to denote adhikarcca as explained above, of course, if it is anabhihita. O ur author now explains the vrieties of dhra vvhich are, according to him, three. They are (1) aupalesika, (2) vaisayika, and (3) abhivypaka. In the last stra it is pointed out that the designation dhra vvas based upon hovv it vvas connected vvith the kriy. Here the basis of division concerns dheya. In

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the first and the second illustrations the kartr and the karman are connected with the adhikaraa (or dhra) by sarhyoga (or upalesa). Hence this dhra is upolesakrta or aupalesika . In mokse icch asti, moksa is the dhra of asti (existence) through its subject, namely icch, But moksa is the visaya of ioch and hence from this point of view moksa becomes dhra of icch, through visayatva . Hence this dhra is said to be vaisayika dhra. In sarvasmin tm asti, sarva becomes the dhra of asti through its subject atman. But here the relation between sarva and tman is abhivypybhivypakabhva. Hence the dhra here is described as abhivypaka. Thus from the point of view of the relation which the dhra has with the kartr or the karman of the action concerned, dhra has three vrieties vvhich are designated aupalesika, vaisayika and abhivypaka. These are illustrated in the three statements just discussed. By the force of ca in this stra, the vvord conveying the sense of dra, antika, etc. also vvill have the loc. endings appended to them in the sense of the nominative (prtipadikrthamtre ) , (this sense vve get from PA 2.3.35 vvhich lays dovvn the use of acc. and abi. and instr. after d<ra, antika and their synonyms to convey prtipadikrthamtra ) . Thus ends the treatment of subartha \ 593. Before commencing the section on compounds, our author by way of introduction makes a statement regarding the vrieties of compounds (vvhich according to him are five) and their broad characteristics. The vrieties together vvith their characteristics are as follovvs:

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(1) Kevala This is the name given to ali the samsas that do not fall under any one of the following four vrieties and hence cannot be given any particular designation ( viesa samj). (2) Avyaybhva From the name it is quite clear that in this variety the final compound formation is an avyaya even if in the dissolution and their independent form, its members are not ali of them avyaya. In fact only one of its members is avyaya; it is more prominent than the other member; and generally stands first in the compound. Hence avyaybhva is described as being prvapadrthapradhna as a general rule ( pryea ). There are certain exceptions to this general rule- These we shall see below. (3) Tatpurusa This variety, broadly speaking, bears a contrast to avyayibhva . For in this variety the uttara padrtha is generally more prominent ( pradhna ) than the purva. In this variety the final formation is not tum ed into an indeclinable (as in 2 above). It has further to be noted that besides its proper variety, this compound has two sub-varieties designated karmadhraya (a sub-variety of tatpurusa proper) and dvigu (a sub-variety of karmadhraya proper). Thus under tatpurusa we have three different types, namely, tatpurusa proper (commonly known as vibhakti tatpurusa ), karmadhraya and dvigu. Ali these will be defined and illustrated belovv. But here also V has used the word pryea to indicate that there are some exceptions to the general rule of uttarapadaprdhnya stated by him. These exceptions will be pointed out below. (4)
B ahuvhi In this variety neither of its members is pradhna; for in these compounds generally both the members

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are guabkta to some padrtha other than that which is indicated by each one of them. To this also there are some exceptions. These vve shall see belovv. (5) Dvandva In this variety both the members are equally pradhna, of course, as a general rule. Exceptions to this also vvill be shovvn belovv. From vvhat has been stated so far, it should not be very diflicult to see the principle on vvhich our author has sought to classify the compounds. It must first of ali be noted that for this purpose he has chosen the smallest unit of a compound (i.e. compound comprising tvvo members only). The tvvo members naturally are designated prva and uttara respectively. Then taking into consideration the factor of prdhnya one can see four different possibilities, namely prdhnya of the prva, or of the uttara, or of both prva and uttara, or of neither of them (and hence of some other padrtha). Logically, therefore, vve get four different vrieties, vvhich have been designated avyaybhva, tatpurusa, dvandva and bahuvhi. But since this consideration is too broad and perhaps too mechanical, it is not impossible that some compound vvords may be left uncovered by ali this. Such compounds are, there fore, classed as the fifth variety, vvhich is given the name kevala . This use of the designation kevala is analogous to its use in connection of amkarcryas advaita (vvhich is called kevala advaita). The systems propounded by Rmnuja, Nimbrka and Vallabha are advaita no doubt but qualified bv some SDecific adjunct. Hence they are generally designated viistdvaita , dvaitdvaita and uddhdvaita respectively. But the system propounded by amkarcrya has no such specific adjunct. But it has to be distinguished from the other types

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of advaita just referred to. Hence it has been given the designation kevaldvaita. Now it vvill be clear why kevala (samsa) has been described by our author as viesasamjvinirmukta. Attention may here be dravvn to a couplet (quoted by Bh. in his S K ) according to vvhich samsas are of six different vrieties according to the class or kind to vvhich their component members belong. The couplet is: supm sup trh nmn dhtuntha tinm ti / subanteneti vijeya samsa sadvidho budhai / / In fact one may read vvith profit as vvell as interest the vvhole of the sarvasamsaesaprakaraa of Bhs S K on vvhich the present introductory statement of our author is based. The vvord samartha has been variously explained: (1) sambaddhrtha samartha, (2) sangatrtha samartha, or (3) samsrstrtha samartha . The smarthya according to the first explanation consists of the vyapek, vvhich brings about mutual connection (parasparnvaya) among the various padas in a statement on the basis of knks. This smarthya exists in a statement ( vkya) only, vvhere each constituent pada is free to have its ovvn suitable anvaya on the strength of knks, yogyat and samnidhi. According to the other tvvo explanations, the smarthya vvill be ekrthlbhvalaksairia, vvhich belongs to (not individual padas as above, but to) ali the padas together vvhen formed into one vvhole. By this smarthya vvords formed into a compound together convev viistaikrtha. These tvvo smarthyas vvould thus seem to be mutually exclusive. But it should be remembered that there
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are cases like devadattasya gurukulam, where both of them may be observed to come together. For this read the following couplets: samb.andhiabdaspekso n ity a m sarva samasyate/ vkyavat s vyapeks hi vTttvapi na hyate / / samudyena sambandho yesm gurukuldin/ sardspryvayamste tu yujyante tadvat saka / V P . 3.14. 47f. It is further to be observed that samartha in this sira by laksa means samarthrita. (Read: stre samarthaabda samarthrite lksctikax BM) . The Kik has accepted this explanation, though it would rather understand the word samartha as directly having the power to convey the sense of the vigrahavkya. (Read: vigrahavkyrthbHidhne ya akta sa samariho veditavya athav samarthapadrayatvt samartha samarthnm padnm sambaddhrthnm samsrstrthnm vidhir veditavya ). O ur author, hovvever, appears to prefer the latter, as Bh. has done it in his SK. padavidhi = a vidhi (or rule) pertaining to a pada (a fully formed or inflected word, as opposed to prtipadika oi a crude word. For a definition of pada read supt'rtantarh padam> PA 1.4.14). One more thing to be noted about this svdra is that it is a paribhs which is to be distinguished from adhikra. This has been discussed before. 594. This is an adhikrastra having its sway as far as the word kadra (in PA 2.2.30). In this stra P has used the word prk. The purpose behind this can be understood when we look to the stra, kadrd ek sam j, PA 1.4.1.
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In that stra, ek samj has been enjoined by employing the expression kadrt. By avoiding that expression in the pre9ent stra, P has indicated that the rule of ek samj is not applicable here. This, in other words, means that from here upto kadra, there will be samjsamuccaya (or samjntarasamvea). Thus what is ultimately meant is that what are discussed hereafter upto PA 2.2.38, will have the designation samsa in addition to any other designations (such as avyaybhva, tatpurusa, etc.), that are laid down in some of the following stras. It is, however, obvious that samjn tarasamvea is possible only with the designation samsa that is laid down in that stra, but not with the designations avyaylbhva etc. which fall under the sway of the stra, kadrd ek samj. 595. In this stra, the word sup is obtained from the preceding stra by anuvTtti, Secondly, by pratyayagrahaaparibhs sup means subanta. Kik tells us that the tvvo vvords in this stra along vvith the third vvord sup got by anuvTtti should be considered to form an adhikra. (Read: trayamapyadhikrtam veditavyam yad ita rdhvam anukramisymas tatredam upasthitam drastavyam ) . Tvvo of our MSS read v in the vTtti on this stra. But in vievv of the reading found in Bhs S K vve think it better not to read it. As a m atter of fact, P has admitted option in the case of samsas by the stra vibhs (PA 2.1.11). This option, hovvever, is not available in the present stra; and hence Bh. is right in not admitting it here. Even the Kik has not admitted it. Thus by this rule a subanta is compounded vvith another subanta; and a samsa is formed. Novv acc. PA 1.2.38 a samsa is a prtipadika ; and hence acc. PA 2.4.7, supo dhtuprtipadi-

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kayo, the case-endings standing after component members are elided. V is here giving an illustration of the present stra and explaining the whole process of formation step by step. The illustration given by him is purvam bha (this is the vigrahavkya) bhtaprva (this is the compound w ord). Here the original vvords (members of the compound) are purvam and bhta . Both of them are subanta and hence by the present stra vve can form a compound. Novv the question is, vvhch vvord is to be placed first in the compound? P has laid dovvn that upasarjana shall be prva (PA 2.2.30). In another .stra {PA 1.2.43) P lays dovvn that upasarjana is vvhat is mentioned by nom. in a stra enjoining a samsa. Novv in the present stra sup is nom., vvhich shovvs that a sup ( = subanta) vvill be upasarjana . But since both the vvords in the compound under discussion are subanta, either of them can be upasarjana and as such stand first in the samsa. Such, hovvever, is not the usage, as shovvn by P himself. For in PA 5.3.63, he has used the expression bhtaprva vvhich is understood as an indication of the position of bhta in the compound expression formed out of prva and bhta . Hence vve get bhta+s + prva+am. As this stage comes in PA 2.4.7 and the sup { = case-endings) are elided. This gives us bhta prva, vvhich then becomes one vvord bhtaprva (nom. sg. mas. bhtaprva). nirdet It may be observed here that authorities on SK. grammar right from Pat onvvards have tried to infer (or deduce) certain rules vvhich vvere required by the current usage but vvere not actually framed by P. This they did on the basis of P s own stras, vvhich to their descerning eye ofered some indications of the required rule. Here is a case 214

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vvhich illustrates this point. For though P himself has novvhere ruled that bhta must be placed first vvhen compounded vvith prva, the fact that he has himself used the vvord bhtaprva (and not prvabhta) is indication strong enough to suggest (and establish) the prvanipta of bhta. 596. This is said to be a vrttika vvhich is variously read by different authorities. We have adopted the reading accepted by Bh. and supported by tvvo of our MSS. A few point have to be noted about this vrttika: (1) The vvord iva in P s system is a subanta, vvith its sup elided according to PA 2.4.82. Hence the compound enjoined in this vrttika is in fact covered by No. 595; and the vrttika thus appears to be redundant. But it has to be observed that in the absence of this vrttika, the vvord iva also vvould be an upasarjana and hence have prvanipta. This is vvarded off by this vrttika by putting the vvord iva in instr. and thus preventing it from being upasarjana. The vvord iva vvill, therefore, alvvays stand second in this samsa. (2) The compound vvith iva is, as a matter of fact, found in the Veda only. In classical SK. it is not obligatory. In fact, it may not be treated as a compound at ali, though rhetoricians like M am m ata have accepted it as forming a nitya samsa. (3) The rule PA 2.4.7 quoted above does not apply to this samsa and hence the sup after the first member is not elided. (4) vgarthviva and vgarthau iva may be understood as samsa and vigrahavkya respectively, and said to illustrate the optional nature of the samsa. (5) finally vve may note the expression prvapadaprakrtisvaratvam (read in this vrttika by some authorities) vvhich lays dovvn that in this compound

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the first member will retain its original accentuation. As a general rule a samsa is oxytone (PA 6.1.223 samsasya) ; but the samsa with iva will not be so. It is prvapadaprakrti svara. In R V . this samsa is found to be nitya as also prva padaprakrtisvara (as is clearly shown by the padaptha). The proper vedic illustration for this rule would be aveiva, gveva, etc. (or jmtasyeva given by Bh.). In Y V however, this samsa is not recognized as such (cf. yjuss tu bhinne eva pade pathanti, B M .). Here ends the treatment of the kevala samsa. 597. With this stra begins the treatment of the second variety. This is an adhikrastra having its sway upto PA 2.1.20, and !aying down the designation avyaybhva for ali the compounds detailed upto that stra. This designation is not, however, bdhaka of the designation samsa as has been already shown above. The designation avyayibhva is quite significant ( anvartha) and indicates the prdhnya of the prvapada in these compounds. (Read: anvarthasamj ceyam mahati prvapadrthaprdhnyam avyaybhvasya darayati, Kik). 598. In this stra the words saha, sup and samarthena are obtained from the preceding stras by adhikra or paribhs or anuvTtti; and the loc. conveys the idea of vartamnamThus the stra means that an avyaya conveving the sense of vibhakti , sampa, etc. is compounded with a subanta to form an avyaytbhva. The word vacana is to be construed with each one of the preceding words (namely vibhakti etc.) acc. to the rule dvandvnte ryamaih padam pratyekam abhisambadhyate. Now our author proceeds to illustrate this stra

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part by part. For vibhakti he takes the samsa adhihari, and shows how it is formed step by step. Before, however, actually starting with this compound, he has given us the dcfinition of nitya samsa. This he feels compelled to do because whi!c explaining this stra he has stated that the samsa formed acc. to this -tra is nitya . A nitya samsa is a compound which has no dissolution or which has no dissolution with its own members {padas). This tvvo-fold definition is taken by our author from Bhs SK., where we find some remarks on vigraha . The definition of vigraha given by Bh. is vrtlyarthvabodhakam vkyam, which, we are told is twofold, namelv laukika and alaukika. In the case of rjapurusa, the tvvo vigrahas respectively are (1) rja purusa and (2) rjan as purusa su. The samsa, for which laukika vigraha with its own members is not possible, is a nitya samsa. Novv adhihari (the illust ration chosen by V) is a nitya samsa and can have only alaukika vigraha; and this he gives as hari+ni adhi. The usually given vigraha, namely harau, is its laukika vigraha; but it is asvapadavigraha. 599. In this position V takes up tvvo of P s stras, one defining an upasarjana and the other laying down that upasarjana is to be placed first in the compound. The present stra gives the definition of upasarjana. In this stra, samse = samsatre, that is in the stra enjoining the samsa. Aocordingly in the case under consideration, adhi (the avyaya) is upasarjana. 600. According to this stra, adhi (being upasarjana) will stand first in the samsa. Before this, hovvever, the sup after hari will be elided by PA 2.4.71; and then by the present rule vve shall have adhihari after vvhich sup (nom. sg. ending

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s ) is to be appended (acc. PA 2.3.46) in the sense of prtipadikrthamtra. 601. At this stage, we have to note that avyayibhva is an avyaya. {PA 1.1.37-47 State the various formations or words that are designated avyaya). And because it is an avyaya, therefore, by PA 2.4.82, the sup after it '*s elided. Hence ultimately we get the samsa, adhihari. It may be observed here that harau is the laukika (but asvapada) vigraha. BM has explained this whole process succinctly as follows: haru iti laukikavigraha/ . . adhiabdasya haru ity anenvyayibhvasamse subluki, samsavidhv avyayamiti prathamnirdistatvt adhe prvanipte, samst utpannasya supa , avyayd psupa iti luk , iti bhva/ 602. Novv our author turns to upakr^am {krsasya sarmpam) illustrating the next item in No. 598. Here the position is krsa+ as upa {alaukika vigraha ). By PA 2.4.71 as vvill be elided and by No. 599 and 600 upa vvill be placed first. Thus vve get upa+krsa (and s of nom. sg.). Novv by PA 2-4.82, s vvill have to be elided. But the present stra prohibits elision of sup after an avyayibhva ending in a. In this stra, ata stands for adantt; and supa and luk are obtained by anuvrtti from the preceding stra. The present stra , it may be observed, fails into tvvo parts. The first part prohibits the elision of sup after an adanta avyayibhva, vvhile the second part lays dovvn that instead of luk , the sup has the dea am, except, hovvever, the abi. case-ending. Hence s (in the above position) is substituted by am; and vve shall have upakrsa+am, vvhich by No. 113 vvill give us the final samsa as upakrsam. In 218

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this case, krsasya sampam (the laukika vigraha ) is asvapadavigraha\ so this is a nitya samsa. Here it has to be noted that dea am substitutes ali case endings except the abi. and hence upakrsnam represents ali other cases, while with abi. ending the compound will be upkrst . 603. In this stra P has laid down that the substitution of am for instr. and loc. endings takes place as a general rule, but not invariablv. Hence with those case-endings the final forms of the compound will be upakrsam or upakrsena; and upakrsnam or upakrse respectively. The words sumadram and duryavnam are illustrations of the next tvvo items in No. 598. Here madrm samrddhi and yavannm vyrddhi, the laukika vigrahas, are asvapada vigrahas; vvhile the alaukika vigrahas are madra + m+su and yavana+m + dur respectively. The ultimate formations are to be explained exactly like upakrsnam above. 604. Turning to the next item in No. 598 above, our author novv takes up the illustration nirmaksikam (the vigrahavkya being maksiknm abhva). Novv acc. to No. 599 nir (being an avyaya) is upasarjana. But the present stra shovvs that in this case the vvord maksik also is an upasarjana. The present stra declares that the pada, vvhich stands in the same vibhakti in the dissolution (even vvhen the vibhakti of the other pada is changed) is to be considered upasarjana. Hence the vvord maksik must be considered here as upasarjana. But at the same time, the stra declares that such a pada vvill be upasarjana for ali practical purposes except the prvanipta. The rule about prvanipta does not apply to it. Thus the

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position now is maksik+m nir nir maksik + m = nir maksik (by sblopa acc. PA 2.4.7). 05. At this point comes the present sira according to which the final vowel of the word go or of a word with fem. ending is shortened, provided they are upasarjana. In this stra st stands for stpratyaynta word (by pratyayagrahaaparibhs) and then by tadantavidhi, the stra is to be explained as is done by our author and shown above. Hence we get nir maksika ( + s nom. sg. ending, which is substituted by am No. 602) = nirmaksikam. Illustrations for the next four items (of No. 598) with their vigrahavkyas given by our author are : atihimam (himasya atyaya ) ; atinidram (nidr sampraii na yujyate ) ; itihari ( hariabdasya praka ) ; and anuvisu ( viso pact) . This brings us to the next item, namely yath; and V, before giving illustrations, tells us the senses conveyed by yath. They are four, namely yogyat , vlps, padrthnativTtti and sdrya. The illustrative compounds with their dissolutions respectively are: anurpam (rpasya yogyam j\ pratyrtham (artham arthctrh prati ) ; yathakti (aktim anatikramya ) ; and sahari (hare sdxyam)- Here it has to be observed that in sahari the word saha denotes sdrya and is thus yathrtha (conveying the sense of yath). It is changed to sa by the following stra. 06. The words sahasya and sa are got in this stra by anuvrtti from the preceding stra. Thus the stra sanctions the substitution of saha by sa in an avyaybhva provided it
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does not signify kla. The expression sahaprvkam is given as a counter illustration. Hereafter our author has given illustrations with dissolutions for the remaining six items of No. 598 as follovvs: anujyestham ( jyesthasynuprvyea ); sacakram (cakrea yugapat ) ; sasakhi (sadva sakhy ) ; saksatram (ksatrm sa'ipatti) ; satTV'Um (tTV'Cimapy aparityajya ) ; sgni ( agnigranthaparyantam). In ali these compounds the vvord saha denoting the various senscs is substituted by sa by No. 606. Tvvo points have further to be noted about the vvords pact and yalh in No. 598- Firstly, sincc the stra enjoins the samsa by using the vvord vacana , it is indicated that the avyayas used in th's stra themselves cannot form part of compounds. This is further shovvti by the fact that in the very next stra ( yath'~ sdrye) P has laid dovvn separately that yath is compounded vvith a subanta except vvhen it denotes sdfya. Hence it follovvs that pact cannot enter into a compound; vvhile yath may do so in senses other than sdrya . Ali these illustrations are to be similarly explained. 607. The S K here reads the stra samsnth (PA 5.4.68) vvhereas V both in L S K as also in SSK reads the stra taddhith (PA 4.1.76). In S K the adhikra taddhith is already mentioned in the stpratyaya section. Both these are adhikra stras having their sway as far as the end of the fifth chapter (of PA) . It vvould thus appear that both these are necessary for a full understanding of the rules that follovv. O ur author appears to have taken the latter in preference to the former po^sibly in vievv of No. 610 belovv vvhere the vvord taddhite has been used. W hat has to be remembered is that the pratyayas enjoined in the follovving tvvo rules are both taddhita and samsnta.

221

S 608

Srasiddhnlaaumud

608. For aratprabhrti (gaa) see G RM . The suffix tac ( a) is appended to arad etc. when standing at the end of an avyaybhva compound. The illustrations are upaaradam and prativipam. These compounds are formed acc. to No. 598 and are to be explained exactly like upakrsam with the additional application of the present rule. 609. This and the follovving stras are meant for samsas like uparjam and adhytmam in vvhich the final member is a vvord ending !n n or an, According to this stra such avyaybhva compounds have the suffix tac (= a) appended to them. Thus starting vvith rjan+nas upa vve come to the position upa + rjan+a (by appnding tac by the present rule). 610. At this stage comes up this rule according to vvhich the ti of a bha endng in n is elided vvhen follovved by a taddhita suffix. The technical terms bha and ti are defined by P as yaci bham (PA 1.4.18) and acolntydi ti (PA 1.1.64) respectively. Accordingly bha means a base vvhich is follovved by a taddhita suffix beginning vvith j or a vovvel (ac) ; vvhile ti is the designation given to the last vovvel in a base together vvith the follovving consonant or consonants if any. In the case under consideration uparjan is bha because it is follovved by the vovvel a\ and an is ti. Novv since a is taddhita the base uparjan vvill drop its ti (i.e. an) before it; and thus vve shall get uparja ( + s, nom . sg. ending). Then by No. 602, this s is substituted bv am and ultimately vve get uparjam. The compound adhytmam also is to be similarly explained. Here ends the treatment of avyaybhva.

222

Nots

S 614

611. V begins his treatment of tatpurusa with this stra which is an adhikrastra having its sway as far as PA 2.2.33 eso bahuvhih. Like avyaybhva, this samj also is in addition to the samj samsa (see Nots on No. 596 above). 612. The designation dvigu is to be explained below. Here in this stra P has laid dovvn that dvigu also is tatpurusa. This stra serves the purpose of making the samsnta rules applicable to it; and that is why our author has taken this stra and not dropped it. (Read: dvigos tatpunisatve s a m s n l h prayojanam, K s). 613. From this stra starts the treatment of vvhat is generallv called vibhakti tatpurusa (i.e. dviy tatpurusa etc). The vvord dviy in this stra means dviyntam subantam by tadantavidhi through pratyayagrahaaparibhs. It has further to be noted that the vvords rita etc. in this s4ra stand for ritdiprakrtika subanta. Lastly vve have to note that ali the compounds laid dovvn after PA 2.1.11 ( vibhs ) are optional. This has been indicated by our author by using the vvord v in the vrtti. In ali the vibhakti tatp. compounds, the vibhakti (i.e. vvord ending in it) is stated by nom. and hence as upasarjana it is to be placed first. Thus krsa+am + rita = krsarita. This holds good in the case of ali the vvords except prpta and panna. For, acc. to PA 2 .2 .4 , these vvords being mentioned in nom. vvill also be upasarjana and hence stand first in the compound. Thus vvith these vvords the compounds vvill be prptajvika or jvikprptah; pannajvika or ftvikpanna. 614. The vvord trty stands here for tr&yntam ( samartham) subantam (by pratyayagrahanaparibhs and adhikra). The pronoun tai (in tatkrtrtha etc.) refers to vvhat is denoted

223

S 614

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by this trtjnta subanta ( prakrtaparmaritvt). The part tatkrta (of the cpd word tatkrtrthena) is to be understood as being luptatrtyka and hence equivalent to tatktena ( ~trtiyn trthakrtena). Thus vvhat the present stra lays dovvn is (1) A vvord in the instrumental is compounded vvith a vvord standing for a qua!ity, vvhen it is caused by vvhat is denoted by it (i.e. the vvord in the instrum ental); and (2)Secondly, a vvord n the instrumental is compounded vvith the vvord artha. In the former case the main condition is that the second vvord must be expressive of a gua (i.e. as B M has put it, must be guopasarjanadravyavcl). In the cpd. ankulkhada, vvhich is meant to illustrate this part of the present stra, the vvord khada is to be understood to mean khadanakriyvn, and hence a vvord like devadatta has to be understood after this samsa. Pat himself has gven the illustration as ankulkhado devadatta (and not merely ankulkhada) . Read: gueneti siddhe vacanagrahat guopasarjanadravyavciabdo grhyate iti vykhy?it / a n k u l a y khada ankulkhada iti / devadatta iti esa / ankulkhado devadatta ityeva bhsye udhrtam khadi bhedane bhve gha khadanam khada / matvarthlya araddyac / ankidayeti karae trty / ankulkrtakhadana kriyvn ityrtha/ BM . The second part of this stra is illustrated by dhnyena artha = dhnyrtha} in vvhich dhnyena is hetau (and not karae) txtiya. This aspect obviously is not covered up by the first one (vvhere karae trtly is requ:ed ) and hence had to be separately noticed. 615. The vvord trfty is got in this stra by anuvrtti, and kartrkarae is loc. sg. of kartrkara ( samhra dvandva ). So also krt means krdantena. Here it has to be noted that acc. to Pat. krt ( = krdanta) here is to be restrieted to kta ( = kt -

224

N oies

S 617

nta) only on the strength of the vvord bahulam used in this stra. Hence illustrations vvith ktnta alone (namely haritrta and nakhabhinna) are given. As a general rule tadantavidhi is not applicable in a samsavidhi (cf. samsapratyayavidhau tadantavidhipratisedha B M ). Hence krsam rita = k f^ a s rita But vve cannot have a compound out of krsaih paramarita. In the case of krt, hovvever, vve have a different paribhs, namely kfdgrahane gatikrakaprvasypi grahaam, Pbh 29; and hence vve have the cpds. nakhabhinna as also nakhanirbhinna. 616. The vvord caturth means caturthyantarn subantam . The vvords artha etc. (like rita etc. above) stand for arthdiprakrtika subanta. tadartha = that vvhich is meant for it (tat i.e. vvhat is denoted by the vvord in d at.). Here it has to be noted that tadartha is meant to signify prakrtivikrtibhva only (and not any other kind of tdarihya). Hence ypya dru = ypadru; but randhanya sthl cannot form a compound. The compounds avaghsa etc., vvhich appear to go against this explanation of tadartha in this stra, are declared to be sastfth (and not caturthi) samsas. 617. The vvord artha as a second member of tatp. cpd. has peculiarities of its ovvn, vvhich have been noted in this vrttika. Ali compounds, enjoined after PA 2-1.11 are optional, as has been already observed above. But the cpd. vvith artha is an exception to this; for it is a nityasamsa (as shovvn by the fact that it is asvapadavigraha) . Secondly, as a general rule the tatp. cpd. has the gender of its final member. (unless, of course, it is asvapadavigraha ). But the cpd vvith artha ( artha is not an adj.) takes the gender of the viesya (i.e. the cpd becomes a

225
F. 15 A

S 617

Srasiddhnlaltaumud

viesaa). The illustrations are: dvijrtha ( spa ), dvijrth ( yavgh ), and dvijrtharh ( p aya)9 the vigraha being dvijya ayam, iyam, and idam respectively. The illustrations for the remain jng items in No. 615 are given by our author as bhtabali, gohitam, gosukham, and goraksitam respectively. 618. The word pacarm is to be understood like dviy etc. above. The illustration is corabhayam (cord bhayam). Three more vvords are capable of being compounded vvith a pacamyanta vvord as can be seen from the vrttika, bhayabhtabhtibtbhir iti vcyam. 619. sasth = sasthyanta subanta. The stra lays dovvn that a vvord in gen. is optionally compounded vvith another subanta. The illustration is rjapurusa (rja purusa ). 620. saptam = saptamyanta subanta . The plr. audai = auddibhi ( bahuvacananirdet gaapthcca , says B M .). Illustration is aksaauda (aksesu auda ) . dviytrfiyetydi: Having explained and illustrated the stras dealing vvith the vibhakti tatpurusa, our author dravvs our attention to certain compounds in vvhich dvifiy etc. appear to be compounded vvith vvords other than those mentioned in the respective stras. This, he suggests, can be justified by resorting to yogavibhga and reading dviy , trfiyy etc. as separate stras by themselves. Thus read, on the basis of the adhikra (in No. 593 above) dviy vvould mean: dvityntani subantam subm tena samasyate sa tatpuruso bhavati. This means that a vvord in acc. is compounded vvith a (i.e. any) subanta. This applies to ali the case endings. But one must carefully 226

No t s

S 621

observe V s remark here namely prayogavat samso j eya. This means that this device of yogavibhga and the consequent explanation is to be resorted to only to account some how for the compound words going beyond the limits of the stras. This evidendy is according to the maxim, sthitasya gati cintariy; and hence should not be used for coining fresh compounds.
621. The express,*on diksaihkhye is got in this stra by anu vTtti from the preceding stra; and sam ndhikaraena (sub antena) is also similarly got. This stra lays down that words signifying di or saikhy may form a tatpurusa compound vvith another subanta (1) vvhen the sense of a taddhita is

intended to be conveyed, or (2) vvhen some other vvord comes after that subanta , or (3) vvhen samhra is expressed. O ut of these three, the first tvvo apply to di as vvell as saikhy; and the third applies to sam khy alone. The respective illustrations for these as found in S K are: (1) p a u rva la ; (2) ptrvaldpriyah and (3) pacagavadhana. Here it must be noted that the dikabda or sam khyabda vvith the follovving subanta alone forms the tatpurusa vvhile the vvhole expression is either a taddh ita (in 1) or a bahu v hi (in 2 and 3). Novv our author is explaining ihe first illustration, for vvhich the vigraha is p w v a sy m lym bhava. In this case the sense of taddhita (a = a} acc. No. 29) is intended to be expressed and hence the dikabda prva forms a tatp. cpd. vvith the subanta l vvhich is sam ndhikaraa vvith it. Hence vve get p rv l . At this stage V quotes Pat to shovv that in ali vrttis a pronoun assumes the masc. form. Hence the position novv is p rva l, vvhich is to be follovved by the
taddh ita a. 227

S 622

S ra sid d h n ta ka u m u d i

622. This stra lays down that the suffix a ( = 0 ) is appended to a compound expression having dikabda for its first member, provided it does not convey a saij . Thus now the position is prval+a. 623. The words a c a and iti are got into this stra by anuvrtti . This stra lays dovvn that before it and it suffixes the first vovvel of the base undergoes vrddhi. Hence vve novv have paurval+a. 624. The vvord bhasya is got in this stra by adhikra {PA 6.4.129). P has declared that the base vvill have the designation bha vvhen it is follovved by a suffix beginning vvith y or vvith a vovvel {PA 1.4.18, yaci bham ). Novv the present stra lays dovvn that the final vovvel of a bha ending in i or a vvill be elided vvhen follovved by a taddhita suffix. In this stra, yasya is gen. of ya vvhich stands for i and a; and these by tadanta vidhi mean ikrnta and akrnta bha. It has further to be observed that a here signifies ali the vrieties of a (acc. PA 1.1.69). Hence in the case under cons deration the final of parval is dropped; and finally vve get the vvord paur vala (by appending s nom. sg.). 625. O ur author passes over the second illustration (i.e. prvalpriya) because there is nothing peculiar about it and can be easily explained. Novv turning to the third illustra tion (namely pacagavadhana) he gives the vigraha as paca gvo d h a n a fi yasya (as a tripada bahuvhi). Then to explain the formation itself he takes up the present vrttika. Acc. to this vrttika, vvhen a dvandva or tatpurusa compound is follovved by an uttara pada (i.e. is to be compounded vvith a third pada) the compound is nitya . Ordinarily vve have seen

228

Noies

S 628

that ali sams as laid down after PA 2.1.11 are optional. The present vrttika draws attention to the fact that this option is not available in cases where uttara pada follows. By this vrttika our author indicates that in the case under consideration pacan and go when followed by the word dhana, must form a ( tatpurusa) samsa. And now comes up the question of actual formation of the compound. 626. For this, the present stra is required. In this stra go (abi. sg. of go) by tadantavidhi stands for gontt (tatpurust , got by anuvrtti) and samsnta is got by adhikra {PA 5.4.68). Thus this stra means that the suffix tac (got by anuvrtti) is appended to a tatp. cpd. ending in the word go, provided there is no elision of a taddhita suffbc after it. Hence now the position would be pacan+go + a {dhana). 627. At th's stage the designation dvigu is necessary before further operation takes place. Hence V takes up this and the next stras laying down the designations karmadhraya and dvigu. This stra declares that a tatpurusa whose members are samndhikaraa is karmadhraya. 628. This stra further lays dovvn that if such a tatpurusa has sam khy for its first member, it vvill be designated dvigu. Here our author makes it clear that this stra is to be under stood vvith reference to No. 621, so much so that ali the vrieties noticed in that stra having saihkhy for the first member vvill have the designation dvigu. Thus in the present case pacan + go + a {dhana) vvill be dvigu. Novv paca+go+a = pacagava .

229

S 629

Srasiddhnlal^aumudl

629. Thi stra lays down that a dvigu conveys the sense of samhra and is always singular. 630. In this stra P has laid down that a compound conveying the sense of amdhdra 'vvill be neuter. Hence novv the amdhdra finally vvould b pdcagavam, the vigraha being pacdndm gavdm samdhdra, And then with dhana, it will be pacagavadhana (vvith vvhich vve started in No. 624). 631. In No. 626 karmadhdraya has been defined. Novv V starts dealing vvith it. For Ps viesaa and viesya our author has used the vvord bhedaka and bhedya, to suggest that these terms are not used in their narrovver senses. The vvord samdnddhikaraena is got in this stra by adhikra (or anuvTtti). So a bhedaka vvith a samdnddhikaraa bhedya forms a karma dhdraya . By PA 2.1.11 (vibhs), this samsa should be optional like other samdsas. But P has purposely used the vvord bahulam in this stra to indicate that sometimes it is nitya vvhile in some cases it is not so. Thus in the illustration given by V, vve can have the samsa optionally and can say nlotpalam or ntam utpalam. But the vvord krsasarpa is a ntyasamdsa (because it has no vigraha) ; vvhile in cases like rmo jdmadagnya no samsa is admissible. cf ( vdgrahaena siddhe bahulagrahaai vyavasthdrtham , K s). 632. In this stra also samdnddhikaraai is got as in the previous stra. The vvord sdmdnyavacana is explained by B M as prvai sdmdnyam uktvd tadvati dravye ye paryavasyanti te sdmdnyavacandh. In the illustration ghanayma, the vvord ydma primarily denotes the sdmdnya ( = sdhraa dharma) and then tadviista upameya or dravya. 633. In this stra P has laid dovvn vvhat are knovvn as ekadeisamdsas (vvhich form an exception to the sasth

230

Noies

S 635

tatpurusa ). It is further to be noted that ekdhikarae \s > quite different from samndhikarae and means when the ekadein (i.e- the avajavin) is eka (ekatvasamkhyviista ) . The vvords prva etc. are mentioned by the compound expression in nom. sg. ( samhradvandva) and hence have to be placed first in the compounds thus formed. The illustrations are prvakya (purvam kyasya, vigraha) and aparakya . The gender here is determined by PA 2.4.26. In prva chtrm, the ekadein (i.e. chtra) is not ekdhikaraa . Hence this stra cannot apply to it; and no compound can be formed. 634. This stra lays down a similar samsa of the vvord ardha (neuter) with the ekadein . vvhen it is ekdhikaraa. O ur author tells us that ardha ( = exact half) is always neuter. The illustration is ardhapippal (vigraha is ardham pippalyh). Here also ardha is upasarjana; and hence placed first. Here it must be observed that acc. No. 604 above, pippall vvould be upasarjana and then acc. No. 605 its final vovvel vvill have to be shortened. But this does not happen, because the samj upasarjana is prohibited in the case of sasth by the vrttika, ekavibhaktvasasthyantavacanam . Hence the compound formed is ardhapippaU only. 635. This is a vrttika laying dovvn the formation of vvhat are generally referred to as madhyamapadalopin ( karmadhraya) samsa. In the illustration, kapriya (vvhich itself is a bahuvhi cpd.) is compounded vvith pthiva; and since these are bhedya and bhedaka respectively, tShey can form a karmadhaya acc. to No. 631. But this vrttika lays dovvn that in such cases the latter member of the prva pada

231

S 635

S ra sid d h n ia a u m u d

(in its original cpd. form) will be dropped. Hence by dropping the word priya, the compound becomes kaprthiva. Similarly out of devapjako brdhmaa we get devabrhmaa . This vrttika has been included by Pat under PA 2.2-9, varo varena. 636. This stra deals with na (tatpurusa) compound. The word sup ( = subantena) is got by anuvrtti and then the stra is to be explained like the other stras. So we take the illustration: na. brdhmaa. 637. Acc. to this stra the n of na is dropped when it is followed by another word. The word uttarapade is got here by adhikra (from PA 6.3.1). Hence we get abrdhmaa (with s of nom. sg. appended to it). 638. Now we take up the case na ava, vvhich by No.637 vvill be a ava. Here comes up the present stra according to vvhich the augment nut ( = n ) is appended, vvhen after it (i.e. after the na vvith its n elided) comes up a vvord beginning vvth a vovvel. The anubandha t shovvs clearly that it is to be prefixed. But to vvhat is it to be prefixed? As a general rule the base to vvhich the gama is to be appended is mentioned in gen. (cf. PA 7.2.25; 7.3.40, etc.). But in this stra there is no vvord in gen. and hence crops up the que5tion noted above. B M solves this question by mentioning a paribhs acc- to vvhich vvhen both abi. and loc. occur together in a rule, the former is to be considered stronge, because it is para. This means that in such cases loc. is not used in its usual sense. This makes it possibleto understand loc. in the sense of gen. (the case vvhich is used to indicate the base of an gama). Thus vve come to the conclusion that

232

Nots

S 641

in tie present case n is to be appended (i.e. prefixed) to the uttara pada (i.e. its initial vowel). Read: ubhayanirdee pacamnirdeo baym paratvt iti paribhsay saptarm sasthim prakalpayati BM . Hence finally we get a n ava = anava, Now we can understand how our author has rightly explained loc. aci by gen, ( uttarpadasya) ajde, 639. The word nityam is got in this stra by anuvrtti from the preceding stra, Accordingly this stra lays down that the word ku, and the gati and the prdi words form mtya (i.e. asvapadavigraha) samsa with a samartha subanta, The illustration for ku is kupurusa (its vigraha being kutsita purusa), Now before taking up illustrations for gati and prdi we must know what they are. Prdis are, of course, the 22 (or 24) niptas noticed by P in PA 1.4.58. Then in PA 1.4.59 and 60 P tells that these prdis have the designation upasarga and also gati, when they are connected with kriy. And further in PA 1.4.60-79 P has noticed certain words which have the designation gati (under particular circumstances). 640. We have seen that pra etc. are gati when witih kriy. Now the present stra also lays down gati for rydi words, for words ending in cvi pratyayagrahaaparibhs we obtain tadantavidhi) tions with dc, For rydigaa see GRM . 2.96f. connected the samj suffix (by and forma

Illustrations for these respectively are: krtyay ukRkrtya, and patapatkrtya. These are illustrations for gati. The illust ration for prdi is supurusa. 641. Now our author takes up the stra dealing with upapada samsa. P has defined upapada in PA 3.1.92 as a word that is mentioned in the stra (laying down a krt

233

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Srasiddhntalaumud

pratyaya) in loc. In the present stra also the vvord nilyam is got by anuvTtti. Thus this stra also lays dovvn that an upapada vvill form a nitya ( = asvapadavigraha) samsa vvith a samartha (pada vvhich is) not a tin (i.e. tinanta). This means that though a tinanta is used in the vigraha, the compound vvill never end in a tinanta . In the illustration kumbhakdra, kumbha is upapada (because it is karman of kra and the vvord karman is mentioned in loc. in karmay an PA 3.2.1); and kra is an a formation from ^Jkr in the sense of karoti. Thus the alaukika vigraha vvould be kumbha+am+kra vvhile the statement kumbhai karoti iti is used only to convey that sense, and cannot be said to be the vigrahavkya in the strict sense of the term. In order to bring out the significance or need of the vvord atin in this stra, V takes the statement m bhavn bht, and points out that since m is mentioned in loc. in PA 3.3.175, mni luy it has the designation upapada. But it vvill not form a compound vvith the lu form (bht), because compounding of an upapada is admitted vvith vvords other than a tinanta (by the vvord atin in the present stra). 642. This stra lays dovvn the suffix ac as samsnta (by the adhikra in PA 5.4.68) to the vvord rtri vvhen it comes after ahan (in dvandva) and after sarva etc. (in tatpurusa). To illustrate ahan follovved by rtri, vve have the position ahan s ca rtri ca = ahar rtri a = ahortr a (i elided by yasyeti ca, No. 624) = ahortra. 643. Novv this samsa comes under the stra jtir aprinm and hence must be singular; while No. 630 above vvould make it neuter. But that rule is set aside by the present stra

234

Noies

S 646

acc. to which tatp. cpds. ending in rdtra, ahna and aha are masc. in gender. Hence the nom. sg. of the cpd. thus formed vvill be ahortra. Similarly may be explained the illustrations for other items in No. 642. They are sarvardtra, purvardtra (ekadea ), samkhydtardtra , and puyardtrah. In ali these the compound is masc. in gender by No. 643 (this ru le ); and the puihvadbhva of the first member is acc. to PA 6.3.42, purhvatkarmadhraya etc. 644. In his vrtti on No. 642 our author has brought out the force of ca in that rule in the vvords: cdt samkhydvyaydde. Thus rdtri vvill be changed to rdtra vvhen it comes after sathkhyd (a numeral) and avyaya . To illustrate samkhyd our author takes the cpd. dvirdtram. In this case the cpd. is not masc. (by No. 643) but neut. acc. to the rule samkhydprvam rdtrara kUbam. The vvord (rdtri changed to) rdtra, vvhen preceded by a samkhyd in a samsa, is neuter in gender. This explains the gender of cpds. like dvirdtram. Illustration for avyayaprva compound vvith rdtri is atirdtra vvhich is to be explained on the basis of No. 643 above. 645. This sutra also lays dovvn tac {a) as sdmdsdnta (see adhikra , samdsdntdh) for tatp. cpd. ending in rdjan, ahany and sakhi ( tadantavidhi ). An illustration for this rule is paramardja. In this case the ti of paramardjan is dropped vvhen the suffix tac is appended, acc. to No. 610 above. O ur author does not give illustrations for ahan and sakhi. Bh. in his S K gives them as uttamdha and krsasakha respectively. In the former vve have to note that the vvord ahan has dropped its ti and this is acc. to PA 6.4.145. 646. In this sutra the vvord uttarapada comes in by adhikra and qualifies samdnddhikaraua {pada). It cannot be construed

235

S 646

S ra sid d h n la a u m u d

with jtlya because it is only a suffix. Thus the stra lays down the antdea (see PA 1.1.52) for the word mahat when followed by a samndhikaraa pada or by jfiya. The illust ration for the former is mahrja, which is to be explained as follows. mahat+s rjan+s mahat + rajan maha rjan = mahrjan+a (by No. 645) = mahrj+a ( tilopa by No. 610) = mahrja (masc. nom. sg.). The illustration for the latter is mahdjdtya which can be similarly explained. 647. In this stra also uttarapada is got by adhikra and qualifies samkhyym. This stra lays down the antdea (by anuvrtti) for dvi and astan when followed by a samndhikarana samkhy {pada) . This substitution does not take place in a bahuvhi cpd. or when the uttara pada is ati. The illustrations respectively are dvdaa and astvimati. O ur author dissolves the former as dvyadhik dea {tatpurusa) while BM dissolves it like this or even as dvau ca daa ca {dvandva). The cpd. astvimati is dissolved by B M as astdhik vimati {tatpurusa) or astau ca vimati ca {samhradvandva, not neut. (by No. 630), but fem. by usage. (cf. sa napumsakam iti kbatvam tu na, kintu sttvam lokt). 648. In this stra P lays down that a dvandva or a tatpurusa compound will have the gender of the final member {uttara pada) . This is illustrated by kukkutamayryau (fem.) or m aykukkutau (masc.) for dvandva, and by ardhapippa (for tatpurusa). 649. This is a vrttika which lays dovvn that vvhen no specific indication of gender is available, neuter gender shall be used. Tvvo illustrations are given. In mrdu pacati, mrdu is acc. sg. of

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Nots

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mrdu (n e u t.); while in prta kamaniyam, the word kamamya is in neuter. In both these, neuter gender is used because the vvords accompanying them are not capable of giving any indication of a definite gender. Thus ends the treatment of tatpurusa. 650. The vvord prathmntam is got in this stra by adhikra (esa = prathamntam in PA 2.2.23). Thus the present stra means: more vvords than one, standing in nom. and expressing anyapadrtha , vvhen compounded together form a bahuvhi. It has to be observed here that a bahuvhi cpd. has the capacitv to convey the sense of any vibhakti except the nominative. Read: prathamrtham ekam varjayitv sarvesu vibhaktyarthesu bahuvhir bhavati, Ks. Hence V has given six illustrations (one for each case from acc. upto loc.). In ali these, it has to be noted, the constituent members are prathamnta (i.e. in the same case) and hence this sort of bahuvhi is often knovvn as samndhikaraa bahuvhi . Also read: aprathamvibhaktyarthe bahuv hir iti samndhikaraV'nm iti ca phalitam , Bh. SK. O ur author has given the vigrahavkya, the samsa, and the anyapadrtha conveyed by it in serial order. Thus prptam udakam yam is the vigraha; prptodaka is the samsa formed; and grma is the anya padrtha conveyed or referred to. This is dvifiyrthe bahuvhi as shovvn bv the vvord yam in the vigraha. 651. In this stra , saptarr means saptamyanta (by pratyayagrahaaparibhs ) and prvam is got by anuvrtti from the

preceding stra. Thus this stra lays dovvn that in a bahuvhi cpd. the vvord in loc. or the viesaa must be placed first. This explains vvhy in the illustrations given above, the vvords prpta, dha, etc. are placed first. They are ali viesaas.

237

S 651

S ra sid d h n la a u m u d l

The illustration for saptam is kathekla, for which, however, the following stra is needed. 652, The word aluk is got in this stra by anuvrtti. By PA 2.4.71, the case-endings of the padas of a compound are to be elided. But the present stra lays down that loc. case-ending after a pada (in a compound) ending in a or in a consonant is not elided. Thus when we form a cpd. from the vigraha kathe kla yasya, kathe will not drop its loc. ending and will be placed first. Thus the cpd. will be kathekla. In No. 650 P has spoken of samndhikaraa bahuvhi only; but he has nowwhere spoken of vyadhikaraa bahuvhi. But the fact that he has made a rule pertaining to a bahuvhi in which the first member stands in loc. (and the second in nom.) indicates that such a variety (i.e. vyadhikaraa) was known to and admitted by him. This is what our author means When he remarks: ata eva jpakt etc. It must, however, be noted that it is possible to dissolve the cpd. kathekla as kathestha kla yasya (on the strength of the vrttika, saptamyupamnaprvapadasya bahuvhir uttarapadalopa ca) and in that case the present stra cannot be said to be jpaka of vyadhikarana variety of bahuvhi . (Read: B M and M bh on PA. 2.2.24). One more thing to be noted here is that this stra applies only when and if the cpd formed is a samj . In the Kik on PA 2.1.44, samj is defined as samudyopdhi, with the further remark: tena nityasamsa evyam / nahi vkyena samj gamyate. For further details see K. V. A b h y a n k a r , DSG. P. 375. 653. In this stra, the word bhsitapumskdan is to be understood as a bahuvhi with the non-elision of pacarm in

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the prvapada and elision of sasthi of the compound itself. The vigraha given by B M is bhdsitapuihskdt (para) andi yasya ( tasya striydh = stvdcakasya ) . The word bhsitapuihska is explained by B M as bhdsita pumdn yena tad bhdsitapumskam / tad asydsti ara dyacpumstve sttve caikapravTttinimittakam iti ydvat/. Thus the expression means a vvord whose application to males as well as females is governed by the same factor or pravrttinimitta . Thus, for example, the vvord rpavat (fem. rpava) is applied to man or vvoman on account of the same circumstance, namely possession of rpa (beauty). The loc. striym means vvhen a vvord of the fem. gender follovvs. Thus novv the stra lays dovvn that a bhsitapuihska feminine vvord, not having the (fem. suffix) appended to it, vvhen follovved by a fem. vvord in the same case, vvill have the form of the masculine (pu'ivadbhva ) . This rule, hovvever, does not apply to pram (fem. ordinals) and the vvords of the priydigaa . Tvvo illustrations have been given. In citragu the vvord citrd is bhdsitapurhska an st and it is follovved by samdnddhikaraa st , namely go. Hence by this rule, citrd has puthvadbhdva (i.e. it becomes citrd) and go is changed to gu (by No. 605 above, the hrasva of o being u acc. to eca ig hrasvddese, PA 1.1.48); and ultimately vve have the cpd. citragu. The cpd. rpavadbhdrya can be similarly explained. To illustrate the need of the expression apwaypriyddisu , our author gives the cpd kalydrpriya; but he avoids giving illustration for pram. For that vvould require .the inclusion in this vvork of one more sltray namelv PA 5.4.116. The illustration for it is kalyaVpacamdh ( rdtraya). 654. In this stra the vvord samdsnta is got by adhikra {PA 5.4.68). The genitive sakthyakso stands for ablative

239

S 654

S ra sid d h n ia ka u m u d i

and the expression means sakthyaksyantd {bahuvhe) by tadantavidhi. This stra thus lays down the samsnta sac ( = a) for a bahuvhi ending in sakthi or aksi, both signifying part of a body {s vrga). To illustrate this our author gives drghasaktha, the vigraha being drghe sakthir yasya sa. 655. In this stra P lays down that the consonant s standing at the beginning of a suffix is mute. (The words di and it are got by anuvrtti). The letter c is, of course, it by PA 1.3.3. Thus the samsnta is a only. Novv drghe has pumvadbhva by No. 653; sakthi drops its final i and vvith a added, the final form of the cpd is crghasaktha. To illustrate aksi, our author takes the cpd. vmks {vma + aksi) vvhich is to be similarly explained. The only additional point to be noted is the fem. suffix rs ( = ) vvhich is appended to this compound because it ends in a sit pratyaya {PA 4.1.41 sidgaurdibhyaca ) . 656. This stra also lays dovvn the samsnta kap (= fl) for bahuvhi compounds ending in uras etc. ( tadantavidhi). Illustrations are vydhoraska and priyasarpiska . In both these cpds. the vvords vydha and priya are placed first by No. 651. 657. In this stra P lays dovvn that samsnta kap ( = a ) shall be optionally appended to ali such compounds for vvhich no samsnta has been expressly laid dovvn {esa). The illustra tion is mahyaaska or mahyah (the change of mahat to mah takes place by No. 646). Thus ends the treatment of bahuvhi. 658. In this stra the vvord anekam {subantam) is got by anuvrtti. Thus the stra means that tvvo or more vvords convey-

240

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S 659

ing the sense of ca are optionally compounded; and the ompound thus formed is named dvandva . Here our author gives the senses conveyed by ca. They are: (1) samuccaya, (2) anvcaya, (3) itaretarayoga, and (4) samhra. Samuccaya means putting together in one context more than one things, vvhich are totally independent of one another; e.g. varam gurum ca bha ja, vvhere vara and guru who are parasparanirapeksa are connected vvith one verb, namely bhaja as its objects. Anvcaya accurs vvhen, of the things brought into one context, one is incidental ( nusagika ) ; e.g. bhiksdm ata gm cnaya. Itaretarayoga is bringing tvvo or more things in one contex,t together or in a group: e.g. dhava khadirau chindhi, where dhava and khadira are connected vvith the chedanakriy as its object not separately or independently of one another, but together. Finally samhra means samha, collection or group (i.e. forming one unit out of several things): e.g. samjparibhsam vvhere tvvo separate ideas, namely samjs and paribss are put together to form one group. Novv our author tells us that the first and the second of the crthas are not amenable to samsa, for vvant of smarthya ( ckrtlbhva) (which is necessary for a samsa acc. to PA 2.1.1). It, therefore, follovvs that onlv the remaining tvvo can give us the dvandva compound,-vvhich, therefore, naturally fails into tvvo vrieties, named after the crtha conveyed by them. 659. This and the follovving tvvo stras deal vvith the itaretarayoga dvandva and lay dovvn the prvanipta of some vvords. Thus this stra lavs dovvn that in rjadanta and other com pounds that, vvhich by a general rule should be placed first, vvill be placed last. In rjadanta (dantnrh rj), danta stand ing in gen. is upasarjana (acc. No. 599) and hence must be

241 F. 16 A

3 659

S ra sid d h n ta a u m u d

placed first. But that rule is superseded by the present stra and it is placed last. For hjadantdigaa see GRM . 2.78-88. 660. This stra also is to be similarly exp!ained. In dvandva cpds. ghi is to be placed first. For ghi see PA 1.4.7. The illustra tion is hariharau. 661. This stra lays dovvn that a vvord beginning vvith a vovvel and ending in a should be placed first. The illustration is akrsnau. 662. In this stra the vvord anga, standing at the end of a dvandva compound, is to be connected vvith each member of the compound, acc. to the mle dvandvnte ryamam padai pratyekam abhisarhbadhyate. Thus the stra means: vvords expressive of the parts of animals, instruments and army are compounded into a samfiradvandva . Naturally this stra has three illustrations. They are: pipdam , mrdangikapavikam , and rathiksvroham respectively. 663. This sira lays dovvn the samsnta tac (got by anuvrtti) for samfiradvandva compounds ending in cu (letters of cavarga) and the letters d, and A. The illustrations are vktvacam (samfira ovving to pryaga ), tvaksrajam, mdvsadam, vktvisam, and chatropnaham, ali samhradvandvas. This samsnta is available only in a samfira. Hence vvhen no samfira is expressed it cannot be appended, as for example, in pri/rtsaradau (vvhich is an itaretaradvandva samsa). Here ends the treatment of dvandva . 664. In this stra nakse = a anakse . Furthermore, by tadantavidhi, rk etc. mean samsas ending in rk etc Thus this stra lays dovvn the samsnta a (by adhikra PA 5.4.68)

242

Nots

S 666

for compounds having rk etc. for their final member. This holds good in the case of the word dhur, only if it (i.e. dhur) is not connected vvith (or does not pertain to) aka. V proceeds to illustrate and starts vvith ardharca. This is to be explained as follovvs: rc+ a ardham = ardha Tc+a (by this rule) = ardharca (masc. acc. to PA 2.4.31). But vve may also have neuter ardharcam. The next illustration is: viso ph = visnu+pur+a (by this rule) = visupura . Nom. sg. vvould be visupuram (neut. and not fem. as expected acc. to PA 2.4.26). Bh. remarks klbatvam lokt. The third illustration is vimalpam ( sara ), vimalh pa yasmin is the vigraha . The fourth llustration is: rja dku = rjan dhur a = raja dhura = rjadhura + (i.e. tp by No. 194 above) = rjadhur. The compound is feminine because the final member is feminine. By vvay of counter examples are given the cfcmpounds aksadhh ( tatpurusa) and dT&hadh ( aksa, bahuvhi ), in both of vvhich dhur is connected vvith aks'a and hence does not .get the samsnta a. Illustrations for pathin are : sakhipatha ( sasth tatpu rusa) , vvhere before the samsnta a , pathin drops its ti by PA 6.4.144; and ramyapatha (a bahuvhi to be explained as above). 665. The vvord sam snth is got in this stra by adhikra (PA 5.4.68). Thus the stra prohibits the appending of the samsnta pratyayas to vvords coming (in compounds) after vvords expressing honour or veneration. The illustrations are surj and atirj in both of vvhich vve see that the samsnta tac by No. 645 above has not been appended. 666. This appears to be a vrttika . But B M gives vrttika as pjym svatigrahaam kartavyam. Thus
243

the the

S 666

S ra sid d h n ta ka u m u d

prohibition of samsnta does not apply to words other than su and ati. Hence it is appended in them. Thus vve have parama Jcsau rj ca = paramarja . 667. In this stra P has sanctioned highly irregular compounds like prsodara etc. (for this gaa see G R M ) on the basis of currency among the sistas (the elite). Here our author gives a famous couplet vvhich gives and illustrates the four kinds of irregular modifications that the bases or vvords undergo in the formation of (vvords or) compounds. Thus in hamsa vve have vargama. DM derives this vvord in tvvo vvays (1) from y h a s in vvhich case there is gama anusvra; or (2) from V han vvhen there is gama s, before vvhich the n of the root is changed to anusvra acc. PA 8.3.24, nacpa dntasya. In both the cases the suffix appended is ac (acc. PA 3.1.134). The vvord siraha (illustration for varaviparyaya) is derived from V hims vvith the addition of ac (PA 3.1.134). Here num is added (by PA 7.1.58), n is changed to anusvra (as above) and 5 and h change plaes. The third modification is varavikrti, vvhich is illustrated by gdhotm. This is a bahuvi compound dissolved as gdha tm yasya. The compound vvould be gdha + tm . But the initial of tm is changed to u and then by PA. 6.1.87 vve get g d h o tm (instead of g d h tm ). The vvord prsodaram illustrates the last item, varansa. It is a karmadhraya compound in vvhich the first member droos its final consonant t and then by sarndhi acc. to PA 6.1.87 vve get pr$a+udara = prsodara. The above explanation of the couplet shovvs that only the last tvvo illustrations are compounds. But this need not be supposed as indicating that only those tvvo changes pertain

244

Noies

S 669

to samsas. In fact ali the four (and perhaps several others) are noticeable in compounds. It may further be observed that in couplet whih mentions five modes of four of which are identical with the the present couplet. The couplet in the the Kik we get a niruktam (derivation), changes mentioned in Kik is :

vargamo varaviparyaya ca dvau cparau varavikranau/ dhdtos tadarthtiayena yogas taducyate pacavidham niruktam / / Kik on PA 6.3.109. Thus ends the treatment of samsas. 688. Ali the words in this stra are adhikrta and have their sway as far as PA 5.3.1 ( prg dio vibhakti). 669. This also is an adhikrastra having its sway as far as PA 4.4.2, tena dvyati. From here upto that stra the suffix a is to be understood as adhikrta (along with the preceding stra). Here it has to be observed that these two stras so to say from the general rule according to which (1) the suffix a is laid dovvn in such of the follovving stras as do not specifically enjoin any specific suffix (viesa pratyaya) ; and (2) in stras vvhere the base (for the suffix enjoined) is not stated, it is to be understood on the basis of No. 668 (namely samarthnm prathamdv) . In those stras, hovvever, vvhere the suffix is specifically enjoined, the suffix a (generally laid dovvn by this stra) does not apply. Read: tath ca tasypatyam itydyuttarastreu kevalam arthanirdeaparesu

245

S 669

Srasiddhnlaaumudi

vidheyapratyayaviessamyuktesu kirn bhavattykksym a ityupatisthta iti labhyate/ kasmd bhavatykksym samartht prathamt iti prakrtivieso labhyate/ yatra tu vidhe ya pratyayaviesah ryate tatra a iti nopatisthate, a ityasya auisargikatay vaiesikea iadind bdht/ B M . 670. This stra lays down specifically the suffix ya ( = ya ) and hence the suffix a does not apply here (as has been explained above). Here it has to be observed that this suffix ya is appended to the bases mentioned here to convey the prgdvyafiya senses (i.e. the sens es conveyed by the suffixes enjoined by P in PA 4.3.132-166). These suffixes have been put together by Bh. in his S under the heading prgdvyatyaprakaraa. ~ Illustrations respectively are : daitya (from diti), ditya (from aditi or ditya ), and prjpatya (from prajpati which is a patyuttarapada base). The formation daitya is to be explained as follovvs: diti+ya = daiti+ya (by PA 7.1.117) dait ya (by PA 6.4.148) = daitya. The formations ditya and prjpatya are to be similarly explained. 671. This stra lays down the suffix a (= a) for utsa etc. (for utsdi gaa see G R M 4.254 ff.) in the prgdvyaya senses (by adhkra). In the illustration autsa, the first vowel undergoes vrddhi (by PA 7.2.117) and the final a (of utsa) is elided before a (by PA 6.4.148). 672. This is a vrttika laying down the suffix ya (= ya) causing vrddhi in the base (by PA 7.2.117) and eliding its ti (for definition of ti see PA 1.1.64) before it. Thus bahis+ ya = bh+ya = bhya. Here the elision of ti ordinarily should occur by PA 7.1.88 ( bhasya ter lopa). But

246

N oies

S 676

this tilopa is not obligatory in the case of auyayas as can be seen from formations like rfiya (from rt + ya) and hence here tilopa has been particularly enjoined. R ead : tilopavacanam avyayndm bhamtre tilopasynityatvajpanrtham/ Ks, on this vrttika under PA 4.1.85. 673. This is another vrttika laying down the suffix kak (= ka ), Now this suffix has a mute k appended to it. The operation indicated by mute k is noticed in the following stra . 674. In this stra, acdm dde (aca vTddhi) is got by anuz/rtti, T h u s bahis + ika = bhis+ka bdh %a -b d h Ika, 675. In the Kik, this vrttika is read as sarvatra ajdi . Accordingly when a suffix beginning with a vowel is to be applied to the word go, the suffix yat is substituted for it. Thus go '+ a = go + ya = gav + ya ' = gavya (o is changed to av by PA 6.1.78, vnto yi pratyaye), 676. It has been already explained above that when a stra mentions the artha (but not the suffix) and mentions the base only in a general way (by some case form of a pronoun), we have to understand the base on the basis of the stra, samarthnm prathamd v (PA 4.1.82), and the suffix a, In the present stra P has la:d down ali the pratyayas ( ukt vaksyam ca) to a samartha (i.e. krtasardhi) base stand ing in the genitive. Bh. has explained smarthya as krtasandhikryatva and rightly so because a abda gets its capacity to express its sense only after the sandhi operatons are carried out (Read: B M on smarthyam under PA 4.1.82). Thus when a (= a ) is appended to upagu, we have upagu + a.

247

S 677

Srasiddhnlakaumud

677. By the stra yaci bham {PA 1.4.18), the base upagu gets the designation bha. Now the present stra lays down that before a taddhita suffix-the final u of a bha takes gua. By tadantavidhi, o means uvarntasya ( bhasya, by anuvrtti). Similarly by PA 7.2.117 the first vowel of the base takes vrddhi. Thus ultimately we get aupago + a = aupagava (by avdea). The formation daitya has been already explained above. 678. The vvord apatya, it has to be noted, does not signify putra (son) alone. It signifies a descendant and includes pautra and further descendants also. In the present stra P has declared that descendants ( apatya) from pautra {putrasya putra) onvvard are designated gotra . The vvord apatyam can be got in this stra on the basis of adhikra. But it has been purposely included in this stra to indicate that pautra etc. can be designated gotra only if thev are intended to be mentioned as apatya. If, on the other hand, they are intended to be expressed as pautra etc. they cannot have the designation gotra (see B M ) . 679. In this stra, apatyapratyaya is got as vie?ya for aka on tbe strength of adhikra {PA 4.1.92 and PA 3.1.1). Furthermore, eka naturallv- means eka eva. Thus the present stra means that a base vvill have only one {apatya pratyaya) appended to it vvhen gotra is to be conveyed. The illustration aupdgava {upagor gotrpatyam) is to be explained as above. Here the suffix is a. 680. In this stra , the pratyaya enjoined is y a ( = ya ), in vvhich the mute . indicatcs vrddhi of the first vovvel in the base {PA 7.2.117). This stra is to be understood in the

248

Noies

S 682

light of the prev.ous stra as laying down the (aka) gotra pratyaya. The illustrations grgya and vtsya are to be explained on the same lines as aupagava . The oly additional point to be observed here is the elision of the final a in both the cases (by yasyeti ca, PA 6.4.148). 681. By pratyayagrahaav:dhi, ya and i mean yaanta and ianta respectively. On the strength of adhikra we have to understand the suffixes ya and in as signifying gotra. Thus the present stra means that the yaanta and ianta formations signifying gotra ( apatya) will drop these suffixes when the plurality of the sense of the suffixes is to be conveyed. Thus grgya is a yaanta formation from garga. Now when pluralitv is to be conveyed (i.e. gargasya apatyni) the suffix ya is elided and hence we shall have the plural formation gargh. The word vatsh also is to be similarly explained. Illustration for ianta formation is u ts h . It has to be noted, however, that this elision is prohibited in the case of feminine formations in these suffixes. In this stra we have the anuvTtti of the whole of PA 2.4.62 but for the vvord tadrjasya; similarly the vvords luk and gotre are to be got from PA 2.4.58 and PA 2.4.63 respectively. 682. In this stra P has declared that if a vaiyd ( pitrdi) is alive, the apatya of the pautra (i.e. the fourth descendant) and the subsenuent descendants vvill be designated yuvan. This means that the designation gotra vvill not be applicable to them. Thus vve see how these three designations are to be distinguished from one another. The distinction, indicated in the formation by the taddhita suffixes, is to be specifically expressed in the analytical semantic explanation of thesd forma-

249

S 682

Srasiddhnialtaumudi

tions by using the word apatyam, gotrpatyam and yuvpatyam iespectively. The first two have been already illustrated in Nos. 676, 679 above. Before illustrating the third, we have to take up two more stras vvhich are requ red for these formations. 683. In this stra , gotrt means gotrapratyayntt} yni means vvhen the sense yuvpatya is to be conveyed. The vvord apatyapratyaya is got by adhikra . Thus this stra lays dovvn that the suffix denoting yuvpatya is to be appended to a gotrpatya formation only (and not to the simple base of that form ation). The vvord astriym m this stra shovvs that yuvasa'thj is not available in the feminine. So novv yuvpatya is defined and it has also been ruled that yuvpatya suffix is to be appended to gotrpatya forma tion. Novv vve have to knovv the yuvpatya suffix itself. For this vve turn to the next stra. 684. By pratyayagrahaa paribhs, ya and i mean yaanta and ianta formations respectively. By adhikra these suffixes are to be understood as signifying gotra. The suffix phak ( =pha = yan see next stra) is yuvpatya suffix. For it can be neither apatya suffix (vvhich is applied to the simple base only), nor can it be gotra suffix (for the rule ako gotre, No. 679 prohibits it). The suffix phak is got here by anuvTtti. 685. This stra tells us the substitutes for various letters standing at the beginning of the suffixes given by P. They are: yan (for pha), ey (for dha ), in (for kha), y (for cha)> and iy (for gh). It has to be observed that in ali these sthnins (except the last one, namely gh) akra is uccrarthaAccordingly phak=pha (k is mute and hence dropped) = yana. When this is applied to grgya, vve get grgyyaa ( n

250

Noies

S 689

being changed to by PA 8.4.1-2). Here the base grgya does not drop its y though an apatya (i.e. yuvpatya) suffix is appended to it, because the suffix here begins with (see PA 6.4.151, patyasya ca taddhitenti) . T he formation vtsyyana is to be similarly explained. Similarly from dksi (an ianta formation) vve have dksyaa. In ali these cases the final a or i is dropped before ayana according to PA 6.4.148, yasyeti ca. 686. In this stra ata means adantt prtipadikt. The vvords tasya apatyam are got by anuvrtti; and hence the present stra means that to an adanta prtipadika vvith a gen. caseending, the suffix i is appended in the siense apatya . Mute indicates vrddhi of the first vovvel of the base. Thus daka + i = dksa+i = dks+i (final a dropped by PA 6.4.148) = dksi. 687. This stra lays dovvn m for bhu etc. For this gana see GRM . 3.203-7. To illustrate: bhu+ i = bho+i (by PA 6.4.146, or gua) = bhavi ( avdea ). Similarly uduloman + i = auduloman+i = audulom + i = audulomi . audulomi is nom. du. 688. This vrttika lays dovvn that apatyrtha ianta formations from bases ending in loman change their final i to a before plr. case-endings. Hence audulomi+as = uduloma+ as = udulomah, 689. This stra lays dovvn the suffix a , in the sense of apatya, for iva and other vvords. For this gaa see G RM . 3.212-17. The illustration is saiva ( vrddhi of the first vovvel and elision of the final a of the base).

251

S 690

Srasiddhntal^aumud

690. The vvord stbhya means vvords or formations ending in the feminine suffixes given by P in the fourth adhyya of his vvork (and not ali feminine vvords). Read: Stscbdena tbdyh stpratyay cturthik grhyante na tvanye)pi stvcakh/ vykhynt / BM . The suffix dhak = dha = eya (see No. 685), mute k in vvhich indicates vrddhi of the first vowel of the base ( PA 7.2.118).Thus from vinat we get vainateya (by vrddhi of the first vovvel and elision of the final a by PA 7.2.118 and 6.4.148). 691. The vvord tat in this stra , on the basis of the adhikra (.PA 4.1.82) means, to a samartha prtipadika in the accusative. Since here the suffix is not sp<ecifically mentioned, vve have to take a (or some such suffix as may be available). Novv vykaraam adhlte, veda vykaraa + a. Here the follovving stra lays dovvn a further operation. 692. Ordinarily before a it taddhita , the first vovvel of the base undergoes vrddhi . But the present sira lays dovvn an exception to this rule, declaring that a vovvel preceded by a final y or v vvill not undergo vrddhi before kit or it or it suffixes. It further lays down the augments ai (in the case of y) and au (in the case of v) before y and v rspectively. Thus vykaraa+a vaiykaraa+a = vaiykara+a = vaiykaraa . 693. The vvord rgt means rgavcakt prtipadikt and tena (raktam ) means trtysamartht, The suffix is not men tioned and hence it is a (by adhikra, No. 669 above). Thus to convey the sense kasyea raktam vve have kasya a = ksyam.

252

Nots

S 701

694. Here also the suffix a is to be appended to a devatvcaka prtipadika with the nom. case-ending. Thus from paupali+a we get pupata (to be similarly explained). 695. In this stra the vvord tatra is got by anui/rtii and this means the suffix a is appended to a saptamyanta prti padika denoting some thing in vvhich some bhaksa (eatable) is prepared (samskvta). Thus vve get the formation bhrstra a = bhrstrh ( = bhrstrcsu saiskrt bhaksh). 696. In this stra also a is appended to a saptamyanta prtipadika denoting a place vvhere one s*ays or is born. Thus srughne bhava = srughna+a = sraughna . 697. In this stra P defines the term vrddha as a vvord, the first among the vovvels in vvhich is vrddhi (i.e. the vovvels } ai, au, see vTddhir d aic, PA 1.1.1). 698. In this stra P lavs dovvn that instead of a the suffi\ cha ( iya ) (see No. 685) is added to a vrddha base (as defined in No. 697 in the same sense (i.e. tatra bhava). Thus lym bhava = l+ya = l+ya = [iya. 699. In this stra also tatra bhava is got by anuvrtti and thus this stra lays dovvn the suffix yat for di etc. in the sense tatra bhava. Thus vve have diyam (from di) and vargyam (from varga). For digdigaa see G R M 5.339f. 700. Similarly yat is to be appended to a vvord denoting the part of the body in the same sense as above. Thus vve have the formations dantyam and kathyam. 701. This vrttika declares that the suffix tha {tha ~ ika, see next rule) is appended to adhyt?na and other vvords, for vvhich see Kik. Thus vve get dhytmika.

253

S 702

Srasiddhntaaumud

702. In this stra P lays down that ika is to be substituted for the suffix tha. This is illustrated in the formation dhyt mikam. The explanation of this formation is: tmani+iti adhytmam (avyaybhva cf. adhihari ) ; and then adhytm arn bhavam adhytma+ika = dhytmika. 703. In this stra vve get the vvords prvapadasya cottara padasya ca acm der iffddhi by anuvTtti. For anuatikdi gaa, see Kik on PAj 7.3.20. Thus this stra lays dovvn that before suffixes having mute , or k these bases take z/rddhi of the first vovvel in both the constituent padas. Thus vve get the formations dhidaivika, dhibhautika, aihalaukika . and pralaukika formed by appending tha to (the avyayibhva bases) adhideva, adhibhta and (the karmadhraya bases) ihaloka and paraloka. 704. In this stra the senses vikra and avayava are got by anuz/ftti. Thus this stra lays dovvn the suffix yat (= ya) for go and payas to conveythe senses vikra or avayavaa Thus go vikra = go+ ya = gav+ya (by PA 6.1.78), = gavyam. Similarly from payas vve get payasyam. 705. In this stra also the suffix yat is laid dovvn for a vvord in the locative denoting some thing (or place) in vvhich one is sdhu (adept, vvell-versed). Illustrations are smanya, karmaya (from sman and karman). The bases ending in a drop their final a acc. to PA 6-4-148. 706. The vvord tena in this stra shovvs that the suffix vati ( vat) is to be appended to a trtiynta prtipadika in the sense of tulya, provided that the tulyatva consists in kriy. The vvord tulyam (smnye napumsakam) is to be under-

254

Noies

S 713

stood as bhedaka of kriy . The illustration is brhmaena tulyam (adhte) = brhmaavad ( adhte). It must be observed that vat cannot be appended if kriy is not tulya (See putrea tulya sthlah given by B h .). 707. The suffixes tva and tai are laid dovvn for a sasthyanta prtipadika to denote bhva, vvhich is defined as prakftyartha -? bodhe prakra. 708. This is a lingnusanastra and formation in tva vvill be neuter and that be feminine (i.e. of course by adding tp Hence the illustratons for these suffixes got (both are analysed as gor bhva). lays dovvn that a in tai ( = ta ) vvill acc. to PA 4.1.4). are: gotvam and

709. The vvords tad asya are got here by anuvrtti; and thus this stra means that the suffixes dvayasac, daghnac and mtrac are appended to a prathamnta prtipadika in the sense of tad asya pramam. Illustrations are r pramam asya = rudvayasam, rudaghnam, and rumtram. 710. In this stra the suix matup (= m at) is laid dovvn after a prathamnta prtipadika denot.ng some thing vvhich belongs to and exists in some person or place. Thus gva asya (asmin v) santi = gomn. 711. This stra lays dovvn the suffix ka for a base to convey the sense ajta. Thus avaka means an ajta horse. The idea of ajtatva is conveyed by the question kasyyam (ava). 712. Similarly the suffix ka conveys the idea kutsita (bad), so that avaka can also mean kutsita ava. 713. This stra lays dovvn the suffix akac ( aka) for avyayas and sarvanmans; and this suffix is to be infixed before

255

S 713

Srasiddhntakaumudl

the ti (of the base). Thus uccai+aka = uccaka+ais = uccakai. Similarly are formed mcakai from cai and sarvake from sarve. This suffix is appended vvithout any change in the meaning. 714. The suffix a is appended to praja and other vvords (for this gaa see G R M 3.174-77) vvith no change in the sense. The suffix is it and hence causes zrrddhi of the fust vovvel of the base. Secondly the final a is elided by the rule yasyeti ca , PA 6.4.148; nnd thus vve get the formation Prja (from firaja ) ; daivata (from devat ), and bndhava (from bandhu). In this last illustration the final u takes gua (bv No. 677 or guah ) and then vvith avdea vve get bndhava. Here ends the treatment of the taddhitas. 715. The feminine suffix tp ( =) has been alreadv noticed above (No. 194) for vvords ending in a and also the vvords of the ajdi gaa. Novv in this sutra the suffix p (got by anuvTtti) is being laid dovvn for formations in ugit suffixes (i.e. suffixes having mute or r ) . Here ugit = ugidanta (by pratyayagrahaaparibhs) prtipadika (bv adhikra). The illustration is : gomat (go + matup) + p = gomaft. Before , the ba.se has the designation bha (by yaci bham , PA 1.4 . 18 ) and hence the final t is not changed to d. t 716. This stra lays dovvn the suffix p for Prtipadikas ending in tit suffixes, and the suffixes dha, a, a} dvayasacs daghnac, mtrac, tayap, thak, tha, ka and kvarap. But this happens only if these formations are not upasarjana (for iipasarja.ua see PA 1.2.43:4 4 ); and secondly vvhen they are adanta (if at ali they end in a vovvel). Read: ata iti sawatrnuvartatetat sati sambhave viesaai bhavati/ K. Thus

256

Not s

720

kuruc illustrates titpratyaynta base; vvhile n ad and devi show that mute t added to prtipadikas in the gaaptha is also meant to indicate the fem. suffix. Saupareyi illustrates <hapratyaynta; vvhile aind illustrates aanta bases. The vvords saupareya and aindra are formed by appending dhak and a to supara and indra respectivelv. 717. a to This stra tells us that aindra is formed by appending indra in the sense, it belongs to him.

The vvord aut illustrates aanta formation, acc. to PA 4.1.86. Similarly rudvayas} rudaghn and rumtri illustrate the next three items. The other items have not been illustrated by our author. This stra also lays dovvn the suffix np to signify an k h y (name, designation) vvhch, belonging to a male, applies to a femnle ovving to her connection vvith the male. The vvord ..gop- is applied to the vvife of a gopa (i.e. it is a designation vvhich the vvife gets on account of her connection vvith a gopa). Hence the fem. is formed by appending np to gopa. 719. suffix it is) This vrttika lays dovvn that to the vvord srya the fem. isappended to denote d e v a t . Thus sryasya st (vvhen d e v a t = s r y a + = s r y . But othervvise (A.e. vvhen d e v a t is not intended, but only a human being) the fem. suffix to be appended is np only. Thus suryasya str (not devat, but mnus) = srya+.
c p

718.

720. At this stage comes another vrttika vvhich lays dovvn that before n (i.e. the suffix represented by n, rtp, and ns) as also before the suffix cha, the vvords srya and agastya drop

F. 17 A 257

S 720

Srasiddhntaaumud

their y. Hence srya+ = sra+' = sr l (by PA 6.4.148) = s , which means Kunt. V has not given an illustration for cha, because it is not relevant at this place. 721. The word manusyajte is got in this stra by anu vrtti; and uta by tadantavidhi means udantt prtipadikt (by adhikra ). Thus this stra lays down the suffix n for a prtipadika (denoting a hum an being) ending n u (short). For instance, we take the word kuru (vvhich satisfies the above conditions) and apply the fem. suffix n ( = ) to it. M ute n prevents gua in the base; and thus vve get kur. Here V reminds us of the paribhs , prtipadikagrahae lingaviistasypi grahaam {Pbh. 72) according to vvhich the fem. format on can be designated prtipadika and hence sup pratyayas can be appended to it acc. to PA 4.1.1. Thus vve have kurh (nom. sg.). 722. In this vrttika the vvord ca shovvs that the fem. suffix n is to be applied to the vvord vaura. Before the suffix } the vvord vaura drops its u (in u) and a (in ra) and thus vve get the formation varh. 723 This stra comes after the stra taddhith ( PA 4.1.76) vvhich shovvs that the suffix ti enjo ned by this stra is to be considered a taddhita sufhx, vvhich designation is not available to the other fem. suffixes. It is on account of this designaton, that the formation yuvati can have the designation prtipa dika (by PA 1.2.46) and hence can have sup pratyayas appended to it (by PA 4.1.1). The final n of yuvan is elided by PA 8.2.7 nalopa prtipadikntasya. ' Here ends the treatment of stpratyayas .

258

Nots

S 723

In the concluding verses our author declares that a work of 750 ( stras ) named the srasiddhmtakaumudi (the moonlight of the principles of grammar in quintescence) has been composed by him, Varadarja, son of Durg (durgtanaya ) , for an (easy) access to the knowledge of the Vedas, for an (easy) access to ali stras. This declaration of V aradarja has to be understood not too literally. And yet it is true that grammar does form a sort of entrance (i.e. introduction) to the Vedavidy9 nay to ali Sciences. Secondly it may be noticed that the number of sutras, vrttikas, etc. (i.e. of the rules in the work) is 723 (which together with the iva-stras, may be said to justify our authors declaration srdhasaptaat approximately). Here ends the Srasiddhmtakaumudi composed V ar adar j abhatta. by S

259

Appendix A

Pralhras

I
Pralhras based on the iva-slras :
a/f a, i, u, r (short, long, and prolated). and I (short and prolated). A li vowels.

ac at a am al
as

Vowels,' semivowels, and h. (i) a, i, u. (short, long, and prolated), (ii) Vowels, semivowels, and Vowels, semivovvels, nasals, and h. A li letters of the Devangar alphabet. Vowels, semivovvels, and soft consonants. i, u, , (short, long and prolated). A li vowels except a and . A li vowels except a and , semivowels, and h.

ik ic i
uk

u, r, I (short, long, and pjrolted).

e ec aic khay khar am

e, o. e, o, aif au. ai au.


hard class consonants.

hard consonants.

t , n.

261

Appendix A
cap k> c, t, i, p.

caf chav ja jhaif jhat jhal jha jhas ba bhas


map

k, c, t, U P. , s, s. c, ch, t, th, i, th.


/, b, g, d, d. A li class letters except nasals. A li class lettres except nasals, , s, and s. A li class letters except nasals, , s, s and h. 8* 8b / jh, d , dh, d, dh, b, bh. gh, ;h, dh, dh, bh. g, d, d, b. gh, dh, dh, bh. A li class letters except . Semivowels, nasals, jh, bh. Semivowels. Semivowels, and nasals. A li class letters and semivowels. A li consonants except h. r. /. A li consonants except p and v.

))a
pa pam pap par

ra rai vai va af al hal ha

A li consonants except p. Last three consonants of each class, v, r, and /. s, s, s. , s, s, h. A li consonants. T he last three consonants of each clsss, semi-vowels, and h.

262

Appendix A
II

Pratyhdras based on P inis stras : p A li case endings from instr sg. upto loc. plr. (both inclusive) The roots Iflr, bh, and as. A li tmanepada personai endings. A li personai endings. A li the suffixes enjoined in stras from latah atrdnacau {P A 3 .2 .1 2 4 ) upto tm {P A 3 .2 .135) sut sup The first five case endings. A li case endings.

r * tan tin irn *

* These forms particularly represent the verbal root Ir and the suffix tr. But Patajali and the later commentators take them as prathra in P A 3.1.40 and 2 .3 .6 9 respectively. Elsewhere, however, they represent their usual meaning only.

263

p p e n d ix

LETTERS OF T H E DEVANGAR A LPH A BET

I
C L A S S IF IE D A C C O R D IN G T O T H E P L A C E O F O R IG IN A T IO N
ii ----------------------------------------------- ----------- ~ ----------------- i

3T , sfE P T , , < ? > T T ^ o

3 T > ,
with

J, TO, *, 5 T i 2,'^T, T, ^

snvTFHT:
SP * ?T:
/

15 'Sf
VpZ Z ^*

'3 h HTjft^

31, " T H, *
together witli S F T O etc.

fvT^THvfgl

II
C L A S S IF IE D A C C O R D IN G T O I N T E R N A L E F F O R T
f^fepT f^T c
1

* 1 T

5 T *^TT: *
.

3? in SRi

T < T 3TT

-------------------------------1|

p p e n d ix

III CLASSIFIED ACCORDING TO E X TER N A L EFFO R T .:---- : ----^T^r: 51^: i


*

f e n r , 5^ h , rsta 3 T ^T 5 T F JT sr, 5T

tPHT, 5TK, ^T$TF * 5 T 3 H

fdirf, 3T^TrT, ^ R d , dVlT, fta, 3Tqsim 3TT51FT * T 3 3[ 3T * S *T T *sna:

T hr

S, V
% *

T < T
V

sr m

265

INDEX Important and technical words explained in the Nots: [References are to pages] aga 52 adhikaraa 207f adhikra 20 etc. and paribhs 30 adhikrastra 30 etc. anunsika 6 anunsikatva 194 anubandha 194 anuvrtti 17 anusvra 9 apatya 248 apavda 191 apdna 206f aprkta 69 abhyasta 171 abhysa 139 avasna 56 avyaya 132 krtigaa 43, 132 tmanepada 132 dea 27f bhiksya 200f rdhadhtuka 140, 141 it 3 uttama 136 upadea 21 upadh 69 upadhmniya 9 upapada 195 upasarga 24 upasarjana 217, 219, 231 karaa 204 kartr 182 karman 203 krt 112, 190 krtya 191 gana 43, 87, etc. gaastra 59f gati 75 gotra 249f ghi 47, 71 ghu 148 crtha 241 jihvmBya 9 ti 26 tadantavidhi, nyya 12f taddhita 190 tdarthya 225

267

tripdi 22 dvirvacana 154, 155 dhtu 24f, 152 nadi 87, 89, 91 nipta 31 . pada 34 parasmaipada 132 paribhs 15, 16, 25, 40, 42, 48,63, 69, 78,81, 94, 98, 119, 160, 180, 194, 225, 233, 250, 253, 256 paribhsstra 14, 137, 139, 172, 194 purvavipratisedha 79, 95 purvcryanirdea, samj 84, 92 prgrhya 3 lf, 33 pratyhra 3ff, Appendix A. prathama 136 prayatna 9f prtipadika 201 prtipadikrtha 201 bahuvhi 237f bha 65 bhs 36 bhsitapurhska 239 madkapluti 17, 42, 106, 107, 135 madhyama 136

yadea 13 yathsamkhyanyya 43, 195 yuvan 249 yogavibhga 226 luk 72 lup 72 umat 92 lopa 3 vipratisedha 46 vibhakti 52 vibhs 61 f, 78 zps 201 vrddha 253 lu 72 sas 72 samkhy 72, 111 samj 13 samjstra 23 etc. samhit 12 sapdasaptdhyyi 22 sampradna 204 samprasraa 101 sambuddhi 52 sarvanmasthna 64, 93 savara 7 srvadhtuka 137 sthnin 136 hetu 182

268

SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY (For Further Reading)


I. T exts

1. Ed. J. R- Ballantyne, The Laghu-Kum ud of Varadarja, 1849, Reprint 1967. 2. Ed. MM . V. V. Mirashi, Laghu-Siddhnta-Kaumud, Part I, 1928, Reprint 1967. 3. Ed. Devaprakash Patanjal, Astdhyy-Prakik 5 1955.
I . T r a n s l a t io n s

(vvith Text) I, II,

1. S. C. Vasu, The Ashtdhyyi of Pini, Vols. 1891, Reprint 1962. 2. S. C. Vasu, The Siddhnta Kaum udl Diksit, V ols. I, II, 1906, Reprint 1962. of

Bhattoji

3. Saradaranjan Ray and Kum udranjan Ray, Siddhnta Kam udh Vols. 1 to 7, 1954. III.
A l l ie d S t u d ie s

1. Ed. M. M. Ghosh, Pinya iks, Calcutta University, 1938. 2. Dr. R. S. Bhattacharya, Importance of the First Words of the Gaa-ptha-s , B V (1954) 15,29-34. 3. Dr. Kapil Deo, Sams krt Vykara me Gaapth ki Parampar aur crya Pini (in H indi), 1961. 4. Dr. G. B. Palsule, Sanskrit Dhtupthas-^-A Study, 1961. Critical

269

5. Dr. G. V. Devasthali, Phitstras of ntanava, 6. T. Aufrecht, The Udi-Stra Commentary), Bonn, 1859. (with

1967.

Ujjvaladattas of

7. Ed. T. Chandrashekharan, Pini-Stra-Vykhy Virarghavchrva, Vols- I (1954), II (1955). IV.


T e c h n i c a l T e r m in o l o g y

1. Dr- M. D. Shastri, The Relation of Pinis Technical Devices to his Predecessors , Proceedings of the IV A.-I.O.C. (1926), Allahabad, 1928, 465-74. 2. Prof. S. P. Chaturvedi, Technical Teims of the A s t d h y y 5 Proceedings of the IX A.-I.O.C. (1937), Trivandrum, 1940, 1191-1208. 3. K. C. Chatterji, Technical Terms and Technique of Sanskrit Grammar, 2nd Revised Ed., 1964. 4. Prof. K. V. Abhyankar, Grammar, 1961. A Dictionary of Sanskrit

5. Dr. G. V. Devasthali, Anubandhas of Pini, 1967. V.


T e c h n i c a l D e v ic e s

1. F. Kielhorn, Nots on the Mahbhya, No. 7: Some Devices of Indian Grammarians , IA (1887) 16. 244-52. 2. Prof. K. V. Abhyankar, Introduction (pp. 1-40) to the ed. of Paribhsenduekhara, Part I, 1962. V I.
H is t o r y o f S a n s k r i t G r a m m a r C o n c is e .

(A)

1. 1924. S. C- Chakravarti, Introduction (pp. 1-26) to the ed. of Kik-Vivaraa-Pajik or Nysa-

270

2* 1927. A. A. Macdonell, Introduction (pp. x-xviii) to A Sanskrit Grammar for Students , Reprint 1962. 3. 1928. A- B. Keith, Ch. X X I, Sections 1-3 (pp. 422-33) from A History of Sanskrit Literature, Reprint 1961. 4. 1944. Prof. S. P. Ghaturvedi, Gata Dvisahasrbd m e Samskrt Vykara k Viks, (in Hindi) NPP (Vikramka, U ttarrdha), 301-28. 5. 1962. I. J. 8. Taraporewala, 264-73 (pp. 423-36) from Ch. X IV of Elements of the Science of Language . (B)
E x h a u s t iv e .

6. 1915. S. K. Belvalkar, Systems of Sanskrit Grammar . 7. 1931. H. P. Shastri* pp. vii-cxviii from the Preface of A Descriptive Catalogue of the Sanskrit Manuscriptv in the CoUections of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. VI. 8. 1954. Prof. K- V. Abhyankar, Vol. 7 ( Prastvan K hada ) of the M arathi Translation of the VykaraliaMahbhya.

271

Publications of the Centre of Advanced Study in Sanskrit University of Poona Title Author

Class A No.

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13.

Vedic Religkm and Mythology Post-Vedic Literature lesa as a Means of Economy in the Bhradvja Maala The Purusa-Skta (R V 10,90) in the Vedic Literature Two Methods of Interpreting Pini The thee Pinian Sufoes aC, inU, and Ktri Mathematical Representation of some Pinian Stras Hinduism and Modern Culture Adjectives and Substantives as a Single 'Class inthe Parts of Speeh Samjym i Prtini Patajali ott the Pre-Pinian Anubandhas N an C Gtsamada and rma Crtsamada A Statistical Study Amvasy: An Accentual Study

R. N. Dandekar R. N. Dandekar G. V. Devasthali N. J. Shende S. D. Joshi M. D. Balasubrahm anyam M. D. Pandit R. N. Dandekar S. D. Joshi G. B. Palsule M. D. Balasubrahm anyam M . D. Pandit M. D. Balasubrahm anyam K. P. Jog Saroja Bhate H. C. Patyal P. D. Nawathe G. B. Palsule M . D. Pandit S. D. Joshi R. N. Dandekar G. V. Devasthali N. T . Shende G. V. Devasthali R. N. Dandekar G. V. Devasthali S. D. Joshi

Class B No.

2. Anubandhas of Pini 3. Some Aspects of the Hisiofp of Hinduism Class C No. 1. The Phitsiras of ntanova 2. The Sphotairaa of Kauda Bhatta 3. Paiajalis Vpkarana.M&hhhsa: S. D. Joshi Samarlhhnika (P.2.P.T*)* 4. Srasiddhntakaumudl of Varadarja G. V. Devasthali Bhatta N. B.: These Publications can be had from the Superintendent, Publications Section, University of Poona, Poona-7.

14. Qn the Rgvedic denominative Adhvarya 15.: Some prim^y and seondary sufhxes known to Yska 16. A note on the Sandhi crovaca in Gopatha Brhmaa (1.1.31) 17. The Ritual Teachers cited in the valyana rauta Stra 18. Some Primary Nominal Formations missing in Pini 19. The Avestan pBmamolma 20. Word-Integrity and Syntactic Analysis 21. God in Hindu Thought 22. Pini and Rgvedic Exegesis 1 Kavi and Kva in the A iharvaveda

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