Problematic Aspects of the Sexual Rituals of the Bauls of Bengal

Author(s): Rahul Peter Das

Source: Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol. 112, No. 3 (Jul. - Sep., 1992), pp. 388-
432
Published by: American Oriental Society
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 PROBLEMATICASPECTS OF THE SEXUAL RITUALS
OF THE BAULS OF BENGAL*
RAHUL PETER DAS
UNIVERSITY OF HAMBURG

This study examines several problematic syncretistic and by origin heterodox beliefs of the Ben-
gali Bauls, in the process also drawing attention to parallels not only in South Asia, but in other
parts of the Orient too. Particularattention is paid to "tantric"and Islamic elements in the beliefs
and rites pertaining to microcosmic and macrocosmic correspondences and the sexual duality of the
cosmic principle, as also to the esoteric code language in the songs pertaining to such matters. It is
shown that the confidence of many scholars in the transparencyof the Bauls' beliefs is misplaced,
and that the deeper we delve into the material, the more do the difficulties multiply.

1. The recent surge of interest in the Bauls (Bengali
bdul)1 and the resultant discussion (not always truly
scholarly,2 often tinged with Bengali nationalism)3 has
* This study has benefited greatly from discussions with
several colleagues in Germany and abroad (especially Dr.
Carol Salomon, Seattle, and Prof. Dr. Angelika Hartmann,
Wiirzburg), all of whom I hereby thank most heartily.
I On the transliteration used see R. P. Das, 1984a: 662 for
New Indo-Aryan (except when in the Arabo-Persian script,
for which see Transkriptionskommission 1969). Old Indo-
Aryan (= OIA) words (in the usual transliteration) are given
in their stem form which is indicated, where important, with a
hyphen, thus differentiating them from similar New Indo-
Aryan words. Tantric and yogic physiological terms are gen-
erally cited in their classical form, but without the hyphen.
2 Folkloric dillettantism is fashionable now (cf. too S.
Cakrabarti1989: 158; 291). On "The Evolution of the Bauls as
Cultural Emblem" and their image as unconventional, earthy,
transcendent,fundamentally Bengali and yet panhumanmystic
bards with an instinctive feel for eternal truths, see Capwell
1986: 20ff. The chief, though not sole, driving force (for older
examples see, e.g., the works in A. Ah'mad 1979, also R. Basu
1984: 73a) behind this development was RabindranathThakur
(Rabindranath Tagore), whose literary output has much of
such "Baul" thought (see also Mur'sid 1981: 137-41, Brahma
1987a: 53-57, Riyajul Hak 1976: 46f.). It has influenced
even the otherwise scholarly Das Gupta 1976: 157ff. Novels
such as P. Bhattacarya 1972 (on the famous Baul Lalan) go on
propagating such ideas. Indeed, few writers of fiction have
troubled to acquaint themselves with Baul thought; an excep-
tion is Kafl'kut.(Samares Basu) (see also Maharaj 1989).
3 To many, Bauls are the representatives of Bengali culture
and religious thought. This may lead to mystic effusion, as
in the poem Banalir janmatithi "The day of birth of the
Bengali": tomader hai'gulo antahin srotasbini, surer nirjhar
made this religious group4 well known. I may thus
content myself here with stating the basic characteris-
tics of their belief and for the rest referring to the ex-
tant literature on the subject.5 In short, the syncretistic
Baul creed, seemingly both lying outside the fold of
the religions of the so-called "great tradition(s)" previ-
ously or today current in Bengal, as well as somehow
ek'tard hate ek bauler manoj gambuj... "Your bones are
endless streams, the mind-born bastions/buds (?; cf. Persian
gunbad; surely not "domes"!) of a Baul with [his instrument]
the ek'tara, a spring of melody, in [his] hand ..." (Nurul
Hudai 1981: 17). It is thus fitting that Bangladesh's national
anthem (like India's by RabindranathThakur) has a Baul tune
(cf. Riyajul Hak 1976: 75, R. P. Das, 1984a: 65; for Gagan
Har'kara's original words see, e.g., U. Bhat.tacrya 1980:
1049f., Anoyarul Karim 1971: 288f.).
4 I
purposely avoid words such as "sect," "denomination,"
etc., in this connection, as the classification of the Bauls and
their beliefs is not easy.
5 See
esp. Anoyarul Karim 1971, Anwarul Karim 1980,
Capwell 1986, whose extensive bibliographies list many rele-
vant works it is superfluous to mention here, and the biblio-
graphic discussion and bibliography in Sarkar 1990: 17-26,
241-45. Add: Lut'pharRah-man 1980; S. M. Bandyopadhyay
1976; P. Bandyopadhyay 1988: 150-94 and 1989; K. K.
Dasgupta 1960; Sariph 1973 and 1983: 87-115 (also pp. 116-
66); Man'sur Uddin 1981, 2.2: 11-46; 0. Ah'mad 1974: 101-
5; Mahmuid1983: 410-43; Ab'dur Ragid 1984: 115-30 (see
also pp. 131-36); R. Pal 1976: 135-54; Begam 1976: 40-89;
Ab'dul Kfdir 1984: 123-27 and 1985: 1-15, 21-27, 42-76,
84-104; Datta/Bhaumik 1966: (93)-(158), 115-204; Siddiki
1980: 140-56; G. Sen 1987: 46-55; Maitra 1988: 108-22;
T. Caudhuri 1983: 169-77; Mahapatra 1972: 9-74; R. C.
Mitra 1981: 85; B. Mukhopfdhyay 1984 and 1986; A. Mukho-
padhyay 1988; Chaudhuri 1982: 18f.; Qureshi 1977; A. Gupta

388
 DAS: Sexual Rituals of the Bauls of Bengal
linked to these,6 places the human body, the micro-
cosmic form of the macrocosm, in the center of reli-
gious considerations.7 Ultimate salvation, leading to
1983; Inamul Hoque 1983: 94-96; A. Basu 1968: 378-95
(see also pp. 372-77); Sajedul Hak/Hai 1979: 30; Nasir 1977;
Chowdhury/Chowdhury/Hossain1985; Ashraf 1960: 31, 6620;
Caudhuri/Samiyul Is'lam 1981; Abu Talib 1985: 133-58;
B. Cakrabarti 1980: 10-18; A. A. Caudhuri 1974; As'gar
1985a, b and c; Mukherjee 1985; Khondakar1961 (written by
the famous Baul PanifijSah); Dimock 1987; Paul 1972 and
1973; Riyajul Hak 1976 and 1985; Caudhuri/Riyajul Hak
1982 and 1985; D. Simha 1986: 74-97; Schimmel 1980: 50,
148; Manirujjaman 1982: 84-90, 104-6, 115-19; Brahma
1982: 88-124, 174-213 (see also pp. 125-39, 167-72) and
1986; D. Bandyopadhyay 1987: 89ff.; Anisujjaman 1983:
181-90; G. Bhattacfrya 1989: 378-87; Sultana 1987. These
works (most with further references, though not always a
separate bibliography) are of quite varying quality, and natu-
rally not all the literature on the subject, though covering it
quite well. See also R. P. Das 1984a: 57 (the essay on Lalan
mentioned l.c. has appeared as R. P. Das 1981, but with mis-
prints: on p. 183 read qat' in 1. 24, qatac in 1. 26 and qit'a in
1. 28; also note that phdat and phat'nd, etc., on pp. 183f. may
in this case actually come from Arabic fitna "dissension, dis-
cord") and the other works mentioned below, especially those
from which songs are quoted.
6 Cf. S. Cakrabarti1989: 163. Though many Bauls consider
themselves a religious community distinct from others (this
often goes hand in hand with the negation of the authori-
tativeness of scripture), the feeling often seems not very
pronounced; many consider themselves part of the greater
surrounding community (though often it is unclear whether
only the researcher concerned thinks so), but with certain spe-
cial characteristics and traits setting them apart, like the non-
acceptance of many of its social and religious conventions,
which usually includes the idea that it is futile to worship at
temples or mosques, go on Hagg (Beng. haj) or the like. Re-
garding .Hagg, note, e.g., what Ek'lem says in the song Man
dmdr mathuri re, man damr madind re (Recordings 1: side
B, no. 6.): bhdbiya ek'lem bale, makkdyydoya miche "Having
thought [about it], Ek'lem says: It's wrong/useless to go to
Mecca." On Ek'lem, most probably Ek'limur Raja/Reja, the
son of Hasan Raja (on whom see n. 33), see Manirujjaman
1982: 87, also All 1979: 22, P. Gupta 1985: 15, Y. Bhatta-
carya 1984: 447.
7 That the macrocosm is
present within the microcosm is a
commonplace not only in India, but in many other parts of the
world; closely allied is the concept of the parallelism of mac-
rocosm and microcosm. On such concepts in different areas
and cultures, see, e.g., Diwald 1975: 130-32 (also Gulik
1961: 16f., A. Roy 1983: 167f.; for a note of caution however
also Rosel 1928: 51ff.). In India, we find even medical works
389
the state of being "dead while living,"8 requires not
only knowledge of the external macrocosm and corre-
sponding deeds, or the like, but also-and this is far
more important-knowledge of the microcosm, the
body and its secrets (including those of its macrocos-
mic significance and connections), and practices which
give the body its greatest power leading to a complete
microcosmic, and thus also macrocosmic, harmony.
These practices affect both body and mind, and they,
as well as the secret doctrines connected with them,
can as a rule only be learned from a preceptor (most
commonly guru, mursid/murs7d or gosdi/gosai), who
plays a crucial role in Baul belief. To many Indian re-
ligious groups the preceptor is not only often a deity,
but also may be amalgamated with the supreme divine
principle,9 though there may be subtle differences in
adhering to such views, e.g., the Carakasamhita (Acharya
1941) in Sarirasthana4.13 and several times in Sarirasthana5.
Such notions are of course much older, a particularly illumi-
nating example being Aitareyaranyaka 3.1.2.
8 Such nomenclature for one who has transcended
earthly
ties has a high antiquity in India, and is too well known to
need further elaboration. The commonest Baul expression
seems to be jydnte/jydnta mard (also mara). Regarding the
discussion in n. 42, it is evident that one who has transcended
all earthly ties may also be taken to be not bound by anything
(including social mores, which may even be breached before
the attainmentof such a final state, to help the mind and body
in overcoming all things earthly).
9 On the
importance of the preceptor (and his divinity) see,
e.g., Gupta/Hoens/Goudriaan 1979: 74ff.; McMullen 1982;
Gold 1987; Tripathi 1987: 42-45; Brahma 1982: 181-213,
361-66; Tivari 1975; G. Bhattacarya 1989: 383; Steinmann
1986; S. B. Dasgupta 1974: 158f.; Nicholas 1969: 40f.;
Wayman 1973: 49f.; Sarkar 1990: 33f., 141f.; Dimock 1966b:
22137; J. Simha 1969, 1:94-96; A. Roy 1983: 159-63, 207-
48; Yakariya 1974: ek'gata das f.; S. Cakrabarti 1989: 102,
148ff., 199f.; U. Bhattacarya 1980, 303ff.; R. Cakrabarti
1990: 222ff. Similar deificatory tendencies abound in South
Asian popular Islam, amalgamating with the cults around
graves of saints. Cf. too Sam'chujjuha 1932: [1]: ihudi na-
chardgan allah'ke chdariy-nija nija maulabi o dar'beg'di-
gake dllah'r matan bdndiyachila. tadrip barttamdn kale
anekei-nija nija maulabi o pir chaheb'digake mdbud banai-
ydche "Having left Allah, Jews and Christians had made their
own priests/religious scholars and ascetics like to God. Like-
wise, at the present time quite a few [Muslims] have made
their own venerable religious scholars and spiritual leaders/
saints (pir) into deities." Similar "orthodox" diatribes are le-
gion in South Asia. A work against the veneration of Pirs (see
A. Ah'mad 1985: 647) calls these the 33-crore gods of the
Muslims (a reference to the 33-crore Hindu gods) (see also
390 Journal of the American Oriental Society 112.3 (1992)
such matters only the initiated are aware of;10 the
Bauls are no exception."1 Among their most important
practices are (as in a part of tantrism) some of a sexual
nature;12 I shall briefly detail these, and the reasons for
them, as usually given by researchers. (On expressions
such as "tantrism" and "tantrist," cf. note 42.)
Ab'dur Rasid 1984: 138, 140). On the preceptor among Ben-
gali Vaishnavas cf. also Chakrabarty1985: 320ff., 350.
10 In this regard cf. also P. Das 1978: 188ff., S. Cakrabarti
1989: 215 on the difference between diksaguru and siksaguru
(= Krsna and Radha, respectively); see also U. Bhattacarya
1980: 310f., 387; Dimock 1966b, 22137; Wayman 1973: 49f.
(the latter on the "inner"and "external"preceptors). An invo-
cation to both these preceptors as well as the preceptor in gen-
eral begins Sekh Jahed's Adya-paricajy:sri Sri rddhakrsna. sri
ilahi alamin. sri ganesda-yanamah. Sri gurur carane namah.
sri sri mdtdpitdr caranaibhyam' diksaguru siksaguru namah
(Enamul Hak 1979: 30). From H. Sanyal (1989: 171f.) we
learn that the two preceptors might not always agree in their
opinions, placing their disciple in a fix. Sinha (1966: 77) men-
tions an interesting case in which the diksa-guruis a female,
the giksaguru a male; this is the exact opposite of the identifi-
cation given above (if a comparison be allowed). On a greater
number of preceptors (seven) see Kal'kut 1988a: 108. Accord-
ing to Sarkar (1990: 73, 77f.), Bauls usually have three or
four preceptors. Cf. also U. Bhattacarya 1980: 317f.
l See, e.g., U. Bhattacarya 1980: 303ff., Datta/Bhaumik
1966: (119)-(21), Lut'pharRah-man 1985: (40)-(7), Mukher-
jee 1985: 125f., 212; also Hak 1979: 4f., who objects to affix-
ing sdi (OIA svdmin-) to the names of famous Bauls, this
being an appellation of God. Note too Pagal/Pag'la Sam'su's
poignant songs on his preceptor Nedhugah (As'gar 1985c: 38-
47).
12 Those seeing in Bauls mainly "cultural emblems" (see
n. 2) mostly do not acknowledge this; this includes some
works in n. 5. See esp. U. Bhattacarya 1980: 50-104, also
Datta/Bhaumik 1966: (106)ff., Qureshi 1977: 4619. Sexual
practices disconcert even "clean" tantrists (cf. Nigiurhananda
1981: 46-56); how much more so others! (This attitude para-
doxically made a Baul song referring to sexual practices a film
hit: Rasaraj'sAmar yeman beni tem'ni rabe in Natun phasal.
For details see Capwell 1986: 53, 22420; the record number
cited differs from that of the one I possess: Angel/EMI 3
AEX.4001 on the cover, Odeon 3 AEX.4001 on the disk itself.
See Baul n.d.a.: satero f. for the song's words; on its coded
references cf., e.g., Bose 1986: 1103 and P. Das 1978: 275.)
But others draw express attention to sexual practices, seeing
in them the Bauls' special "Bengaliness" (cf. n. 3), in keeping
with the notion that tantrism and all connected with it, sexual
practices in particular, originate in (see, e.g., B. Bhatta-
charyya 1945, Majumdar 1974: 378, Enamul Hak 1979: 25f.,
2. The macrocosmic principle (as a rule seemingly =
life force = universal spirit/soul = creator) is present in
the human body too. It is mostly described anthropo-
morphically, often as one of the chief male deities cur-
rent in Bengal,13 though terms such as "man,"14 "man
of the mind," "golden man," "unobtainable man," etc.,
or "friend," "lover," "beloved," or the like are com-
moner; there are other images too, notably of a bird or
a light (see also Sarkar 1990: 46-51). But the cosmic
principle exists in humans in a split, dual form, female
and male, which must unite to a whole.15 Both men
and women contain the female and male aspects, but in
differing quantities (see also U. Bhattacarya 1980: 387,
Dimock 1966a: 159); moreover, they reside in differ-
ent, opposite parts of the body. The female aspect is in-
timately connected with menstrual blood,16 the male
with semen,17 which latter is stored in the head (proba-
Sariph 1984: 16) or are at least intimately connected with
Bengal or else eastern India (see, e.g., J. C. Cakrabarti 1987:
108; also Thakur 1972: 112f.; Prajfianananda1988: dthdra f.;
B. Bhattacharya 1977: 314, 320). T. Sanyal (1970: 17) says
laconically: bamlddeg'itantra sadhanar pith sthan "The coun-
try of Bengal it is which is the chief place of tantric practice,"
whereas Mandal (1949: ga[8]) asserts that Kamarfupaand the
adjoining areas are the chief centers of and where Yoga origi-
nated. See also Gupta/Hoens/Goudriaan 1979: 37ff. (the no-
tion of the "mystical" East seems in fact to be an old notion
in India as well; see, e.g., Vaudeville 1990). Many also think
tantrism is connected especially with the true "sons of the
soil," the "lower classes" (to which most, though not all,
Bauls are also taken to belong); cf., e.g., Chattopadhyaya
1986 (for a different opinion see Kvaerne 1977: 50). Cf. too
S. Cakrabarti1989: 16f., 132ff., 154ff., 209ff., 219f., 225ff.
13 Mostly, Krsna, Siva (Beng. Sib) and Allah (or synonyms).
14 This is the usual contextual translation of mdnus. In gen-
eral the word is, however, also used for male and female
in the sense of "human being; person" (OIA mdnusa- is of
course masculine); cf., on this problem, ?26.
15 The cosmic principle's creating the microcosm and then
residing in it is often referred to as a divine "game" (lilda,
kheld, or the like), and this also holds true for its appearing in
a dual form and then uniting.
16 In Indian medical theory and in a part, though not all, of
popular belief even today this is a procreatory fluid which
combines with semen to produce a child (its status in Baul
thought is however not clear). I am studying this theory (also
found outside India) in Old Indo-Aryan medical and sexolog-
ical works separately and shall not elaborate on it here.
17 Traditional
interpretations of sukra ("semen," also
"bright; white; clear, pure") characterizing Brahman or the
like in Vedic texts (e.g. Kathopanisad 6.1 = 2.3.1: tad eva
 DAS: Sexual Rituals of the Bauls of Bengal
bly in its highest portion), which is also where the male
aspect resides. This notion on the location of semen,
well known also from the tantras, is ancient and wide-
spread, found, e.g., not only in China,18 the ancient
Middle East and the oldest stages of Greek medicine,19
but also in India, even today20 (but Indian medical
texts do not subscribe to such a view).21 Bauls usually
refer to the seminal abode in special terms: "hall of
mirrors," "chamber of light," "chamber of colors," and
the like are most common, though there are other
expressions, such as "abode of ras,"22 "blue ocean,"
sukram tad brahma tad evamrtam ucyate; referring to the cos-
mic tree, on which cf. n. 154) usually do not consider semen.
But cf. Brhad7ranyakopanisad 3.7.23: yo retasi tisthan retaso
'ntaro yam reto na veda yasya retah sariram yo reto 'ntaro
yamayaty esa ta itmdntarydmi....
18 See, e.g., Gulik 1961: 198, 200, and passim. That semen
is located or stored in the head according to Chinese sexual
mysticism is also implied by the expression "making the se-
men return" or the like for making the semen flow up along
the dorsal column from the genitals to the head; see Beurdeley
1969: 27, 30, 34 (also Maspero 1937: 379ff., esp. pp. 388ff.).
19 Cf. Lesky 1951: 4 (=1228), 9-32 (=1233-56). For an Ira-
nian modification see Lincoln 1988: 138f.
20 Even in non-tantric environments. See Kvxrne 1975:
112103;Dimock 1966a: 157, 170; O'Flaherty 1980: 45-47, 84-
87, 222-25, 255, 327 (this work with much "interpretatory"
speculation, and also oblivious to the spread of this belief).
21
According to these, semen permeates the entire body of
males and females, with an affinity for certain organs (not the
head). But a seminal receptacle (sukragaya, sukrasthdna) of
males, too, is mentioned. Its location is a problem; details are
in the study mentioned in n. 16. A (pseudo-?)medical (but not
overtly tantric) 18th-century diagram from Nepal (on the
cover of Meulenbeld/Wujastyk 1987) has it where we would
expect the heart, and the receptacle of rasa "nutrient fluid"
on the opposite side of the body, though in classical Indian
medical theory this fluid has its chief seat within the heart.
The location in this diagram (which may show extraneous
influence, e.g., Tibetan) probably does not coincide with the
one older medical texts presuppose.
22 ras (OIA rasa-) "sap,
juice" also means "flavor, taste;
sentiment." The latter meaning is important especially in
Vaishnava doctrine, where ras describes the feeling of attach-
ment (of which there are various types) to Krsna (see De
1974: 104ff., P. Bhattacaryya 1986: 112ff., Saha 1986: 5ff.;
also H. Das 1987: 644-48, P. Das 1978: 316ff., K. Bhatta-
carya 1978: 167, Dimock 1966b: 48f.). Bauls too may use ras
thus, but also as "juice" for a number of body fluids, espe-
cially (but not only) semen and menstrual blood (ras is also
slang for "semen" at least in the Calcutta area). One who
391
"abode of Indra," "abode of Sri," "Medina," "Mecca,"
"Vrindavan," etc. The two aspects are united in a man
to form a complete, harmonious whole (ideally visually
perceivable internally; cf. S. Cakrabarti 1989: 101,
190) by his having sexual intercourse with a woman
with certain characteristics and knowledge during her
menstrual period. The belief in such unification due to
intercourse (which need not be during menstruation,
though it may; cf. Schoterman 1980: 20, 29ff.) is of
course widespread and not confined to the Bauls; an
interesting Bengali etymology even explains bhaga-
ban (the nominative bhagavan of OIA bhagavat- in
Bengali) "Supreme Being; God" as bhag (OIA bhaga-)
"vagina" + ban / ban (OIA vana- / bana-) "penis"
(*- "reed; arrow") (Sinha 1961: 195 and 1966: 80).
3. During intercourse, the male aspect, attracted by the
female aspect, descends with semen to unite with the
latter, the man involved effecting this by drawing
the menstrual blood inwards by means of his penis.23
The complete cosmic principle must be retained, which
is impossible if the semen to which the male aspect is
attached is lost. Thus the man must practice coitus
reservatus, must not ejaculate. Then he has to separate
the complete cosmic principle, i.e., the semen carrying
this, from the menstrual blood24 and induce it to rise
up again to the highest part of the body, the cranial
abode.25 There are varying accounts on whether the
understands, is able to appreciate, or is filled with, ras (in any
of these meanings), is a rasik (OIA rasika-). As regards rasa
in various meanings not having to do with feelings generally
(Chakrabarty[1985: 102f.] lists several; see also n. 21), we
lack a good, comprehensive study, a possible point of depar-
ture being its use in medical, tantric and alchemical works.
23 Cf. esp. U. Bhattacarya 1980: 411If. and Sinha 1961: 195
and 1966: 80; also Das Gupta 1976: 238f.; Gulik 1961: 345f.,
195, 206, 225, 279. The vajrolimudra too describes such
drawing inwards (Hathayogapradipikd 3.85ff.; see Svatma-
rama 1975), saying expressly (3.85) that women also may do
so; the amarolimudrd too presupposes such a practice by
women (ibid. 3.99ff.).
24 This, as also the separation of the female
principle from
the fluid (it is often difficult to determine what exactly is
meant), is often compared to refining treacle (Beng. gur) to
white sugar, or to making sweets out of sugary syrup. The an-
cient image of the hamsa (originally "goose," but nowadays
also "duck" and the like) separating milk from water (cf. Rau
1986: 195f.; also Ha. Bandyopadhyay 1978: 2319) is also
common.
25
This separation and the subsequent translocation are
often explained as necessary due to the latter fluid being the
392 Journal of the American Oriental Society 112.3 (1992)
intercourse usually takes place on all three days of
the (ideal) period of menstruation26 (each intercourse
effecting a further purification and concentration of the
substances to be united, the final union of the two as-
pects being only on the third day), or on only one of
these days, or just after them. But the basic principle
remains the same, so I shall not go into details here.
4. This translocation takes place via one of three tubu-
lar passages (OIA nadi-, Beng. ndai, in tantric termi-
nology) leading up the spine, one on its left and right
respectively (i.da, Beng. ihr, and pihgald in "Hindu"
tantras), and one within (susumna in "Hindu" tantras);
only the latter leads to the correct point and is to be
taken.27 The translocating agent is wind, first stabilized
within the body by breath control and then directed up-
wards through the middle passage. The Bauls usually
use dam(er kdj) "(action of the) breath," or expressions
such as (ul'ta) kal "(reverse) apparatus" to denote
this.28 Obviously all this requires a very good knowl-
edge of and long training in various physical and men-
medium of lust, the former, of love, it being only in a state of
love without lust and in a place in which it is fully at ease
and without temptation that the complete cosmic principle
can exist in the harmony of its constituents. A study of Baul
songs in this respect is made difficult by the use of prem (usu-
ally taken to mean "love" and seemingly the most common
word in the relevant contexts) and seeming synonyms in sev-
eral meanings, also for the excitation of ritual intercourse,
and sometimes, it seems, even "lust." On prem and kam (my
usual translation: "lust") see also Marglin 1982: 305-7, P.
Das 1978: 262ff., Dimock 1966b: 56f., Singer 1966b: 131
(though the generalizing interpretation on pp. 129f. seems
doubtful).
26 Intercourse must not take place on these very days ac-
cording to Dharmagsstraand medical texts (which expressly
presuppose that intercourse basically serves the purpose of
procreation).
27 Note also Lesky 1951 and Lincoln 1988 (cited in n. 19),
on the theory of the spinal cord forming the passage for se-
men to descend in the ancient Middle East and ancient
Greece. Cf. also n. 18.
28 One safely lodging the complete principle is in harmony
with the universe and transcends earthly bonds, of course pro-
vided the lodging is permanent. This ideal, permanent state is
however rarely achieved, and thus the process has to be re-
peated often. Repetition may, however, seemingly also be
necessary because the cosmic principle does not rise in a full
or unsullied state and has to be further purified. Cf., e.g.,
S. Cakrabarti1989: 242.
tal exercises and techniques-coitus reservatus alone
is difficult enough.29
5. The above seems a coherent system, logical in it-
self,30 in many respects agreeing with beliefs not only
of other religious groups, past and present, in Bengal,
29
According to recent sexological research male orgasm is
not necessarily linked to ejaculation and may as such be mul-
tiple; the technique must however mostly be actively learnt
(see, e.g., Ladas/Whipple/Perry 1982: 153-59). Is it possible
that Bauls experience something similar? At any rate, infor-
mants practising similar intercourse speak of intense, pro-
longed pleasure; see B. Bhattacharya 1977: 390ff., esp.
pp. 395f. (also Sinha 1961: 194).
30 And very male-oriented (cf., too, Capwell 1986: 74), as
the woman cannot unify the two aspects in her body. So is
she just a means to the man's ends, of no other import (cf.
also B. Bhattacharya 1977: 389)? Baul theory seems to make
no provisions for women, in contrast to, e.g., the vajrolimudra
and amarolimudrd of n. 23 (see also below). So there seems
no justification for their engaging in such practice (except for
the ritual of the "four moons," not needing intercourse, in
?42). Yet they do, seemingly of their own volition (cf. also
Sarkar 1990: 73f., 121, 171-73), after a not easy period of
initiation and preparation, expecting a certain reward-but
what? (A Sakta-Vais.navawoman adept cites release from the
cycle of rebirth; see B. Bhattacharya 1977: 393.) Has this as-
pect of the matter been studied? It should be, though such
considerations, typical for modern Westerners (who may see
here a typical example of male dominancy; cf., e.g., Herr-
mann-Pfandt 1986: 11; many women are indeed exploited;
cf. S. Cakrabarti 1989: 246f.), may be irrelevant in the eyes
of those concerned (e.g., since women do not long for sex:
S. Cakrabarti1989: 196f.). See, too, U. Bhattacarya1980: 398
(also Gulik 1961: 138, 346), where it is however unclear
whether the concern expressed for the woman's well-being is
really on her account or merely because any disharmony in
her body would affect the male. Mukherjee 1985 says that "le
Bafil [sic] et son epouse" (p. 127) or "the Baul couple"
(p. 213) both draw up what he views as their mingled fluids,
but this only shows unawareness of what actually is supposed
to happen (pp. 126, 212 speak of their tubular passages [!]
uniting and the resulting energy being forced up) and gives us
no actual information on what the woman is supposed to be
gaining. Cf., though, the Hathayogapradipikd passages men-
tioned in n. 23, esp. 3.99ff. (Svatmarama1975) on the amaro-
limudrd (in a system not that of the Bauls) in which semen
and rajas are united in the woman's body (see also Das Gupta
1976: 238f.); rajas here is the woman's procreatory fluid, the
counterpart of semen (see also 3.91), but whether it is the
same as menstrual blood (cf. ?2), I cannot say.
 DAS: Sexual Rituals of the Bauls of Bengal
but also pan-Indian and Chinese, maybe even pan-
Asian (on the androgynous deity, cf. also Dimock
1966b: 21914). Similarities with "tantrism" (both so-
called Hindu and Buddhist) are obvious. These have
however caused many to be careless in their descrip-
tions of Baul belief and ritual, to simply assume that
particular individual aspects of "tantrism" apply to
these too, and even to use, in their descriptions, tantric
terms which Bauls may not use at all or in the same
implied sense. The same applies, mutatis mutandis, to
the great traditions the Bauls are in contact with, espe-
cially those of Vaishnavism (non-tantric and tantric)
and Islam, particularly Sufism.31 Such terminological
carrying over has led, for instance, to the tantric terms
purusa and prakrti being generally used in publica-
tions for the male and female aspects of the cosmic
principle, though Bauls rarely use the term purusa
(cf. ?2) (prakrti is, however, frequent-also for the
female engaged in the ritual). But in this case the dan-
ger of transferring alien notions, even though we can-
not fully discount it (cf., e.g., prakrti = semen; S.
Cakrabarti 1986b: 134; 1989: 224), does not seem so
great, which is why I too use these terms for my read-
ers' facilitation, though aware of possible pitfalls.32 In
many other cases, though, such methodological un-
soundness, which is not confined to terminology, not
only may have quite adverse results, but at times
seems actually to have done so;33 sometimes this is
31 The
scepticism of Gaborieau (1989: 232) regarding the
Sufi influence on Indian mysticism is not valid, in the case of
the Bauls at least. See also Bakker (1990) on possible Sufi
influences in "Hindu" thought in general. As it is, the give
and take between Islam and what is called Hinduism has
never been a one-way street (as recently shown again by
Chinniah 1990).
32 Of course, the terms prakrti and purusa have many
meanings, but in a context such as this it is naturally the tant-
ric ones which apply. Cf. also n. 113.
33 An
example is the discussion, often bordering on the
weird, on the meaning and etymology of baul and aul, sum-
marized in Anoyarul Karim 1971: 23-60. The author himself,
however, seems unable to pass competent judgment (even
mixing up Sanskrit and Prakrit on pp. 36f.); thus his own
speculations are hardly scholarly, even more so the rather
queer remarks of Anwarul Karim (1980: 99-108). Cf. also
Mahmud 1983: 414f. On bdul, dul and their Indo-Aryan cog-
nates (not confined to Bengali, and including Middle and Old
Indo-Aryan) see Turner 1973: nos. 11504, 11546, 12183, and
no. 1012, respectively, which speak a clear language. As it is,
the adherents of many South Asian creeds (whether using
Indo-Aryan or other languages) call(ed) themselves "mad";
393
this is also found in Islamic mysticism, and is, indeed, so
common in many other religions as to hardly merit special
mention (for a brief discussion relating to South Asia, with
references and allusions to similarities in Christian mysticism,
see, e.g., Feldhaus 1984: 19ff., though some of the deductions
are probably debatable). In Bengal, too, the Bauls are not the
only ones to do so; they and many others also use commoner
words for "mad" (pagal, pag'ld, dioyana/deoyana, ksyapa,
mastan(d), unmdd, etc.); on this phenomenon see now
McDaniel 1989. It is also common knowledge that "mad" is
part of the name or honorific of many a Baul; this holds good
for adherentsof similar creeds. Madness is linked with ecstasy
(Ram'krsnatoo describes the ecstasy of a sidhaka thus), but
also with the attainment of hidden knowledge, and this too is
true of various religious groups. Thus Rameg (cf. n. 73), call-
ing himself pdgal, unequivocally says in a song (Baba ma-
oldnd maoldnd on Recordings 6: side A, no. 2): pdgal chard
ei kheld keu bujh'be nd "None but the mad will understand
this game" (cf. n. 15); similarly, the popular song Meher'ban
khodar karuna says that he who understands God's mysteries
becomes mad (ye bojhe se hay dioyana). Note in this connec-
tion also the belief in many cultures that fools, idiots and the
mad have a special relationship with divinity (as evinced too
in the Sanskrit devanam priyah "fool"). Madness can also be
due to longing; thus a famous song of Hasan (Hachan) Raja
(on him, see Khan/Hosen 1985: 292f.; Manirujjaman 1982:
88; P. Gupta 1985; All 1979; Man'sur Uddin 1981, 2.2: 36-
42; Riyajul Hak 1976: 42; Y. Bhattacarya 1984: 447; Khan
1982: 19-28; Sen'gupta/ Basu 1988: 627) opens by saying
that he is bduld and duld longing for God: Ego mauld, tomdr
lagi hdsan raja bduld. bhdb'tebhdb'tehdsan rajay haild eman
duld.... Note too the meaning "disordered"-- "dishevelled"
(also of hair) of bdul and dul (or related words) in many Indo-
Aryan languages, and that dul(d)jhdul(d) "dishevelled" (often,
but not only, of hair) is also used in Baul songs to mean
"unsteady, uneasy, bewildered; mad," as in the first line of
Amulyadhan's Aul'jhdul man re amdr bdul seje ne (Record-
ings 5: side B, no. 1, sung by Deb'das), in the line saddisah
phakire kay haiye duldjhduldgo, sakhi haye duldjhduld ... of
Sadaisah's Ami kari go mdnd sydm'rup nirakhi (Y. Bhatta-
caryya 1962: 94, also in Y. Bhattacarya 1984: 285 and Datta/
Bhaumik 1966: 181f.; on the poet see Y. Bhattacarya 1984:
422) or in the line premer mdnus yara auld-jduld [sic] hay re
tdrd of another song of Hasan Raja (Man'sur Uddin 1981,
2.2: 39). Incidentally, Anoyarul Karim 1971: 23-25 cites the
explanation of bdul by a Baul himself, who analyzes it as
"wind" (probably bau) + ul "quest; information"(on the mys-
tical speculations on this ul see pp. 49-52): "searcher for (or:
knowledgeable on) the wind" (cf. ?4). Another explanation of
baul given by (according to the author) Sahajiyas (cf. ?8) is
found in T. Cattopadhyay 1988: 285f.: ul is "success," namely
in esoteric actions relating to ba, which (due to the triangular
394 Journal of the American Oriental Society 112.3 (1992)
even intentional,34 though few are as honest about this
as Paul 1972: 4f.35
6. All this has, I trust, shown that describing the beliefs
and rituals of the Bauls may actually not be as easy
as it often seems. And in truth, this task is extremely
difficult, so much so that one could rightly say that,
though so much has been written on them,36 many
problems connected with the Bauls seem not even to
have been seen yet. This has several causes. Firstly, we
form of the Bengali letter) denotes the female genitals. Both
explanations are very interesting, showing how adherents of
these creeds see themselves; unfortunately the latter does not
differentiate between esoteric interpretation and etymology.
S. Cakrabarti(1989: 170) quotes the explanation ba "dtman-"
+ ul "searcher." (On the etymology of baul see also Dimock
1966a: 250f., 254, quoted wrong by Capwell [1986: 10]).
34
See, e.g., nn. 2, 3, 12, 35. The data in n. 33 is irrelevant
to one determined to seek a complicated (therefore "better"?)
explanation for the otherwise all-too-obvious and therefore
uninteresting; usually this means "proving" borrowing from
Arabic for bdul and dul. That aduliya,a normal Indo-Aryan de-
rivative of dul, (thus too: bduliyd) has probably coalesced
with the Arabic auliya' (a plural, but already in Urdu = the
singular wall), perhaps secondarily influencing dul, facilitates
such reasoning, even though these are quite different issues.
Linguistic games of fantasy are a common pastime in Bengal;
cases I find most interesting are the theory (M. Jana 1984: 3)
that the name of the forest region in South Bengal, Sundar'-
ban, is influenced by French; the unearthing of Arabic words
in the Carydpadas (cf. R. P. Das 1988b: 32516); the derivation
of Persian pir from OIA sthavira- (Enamul Hak 1984: 114,
l.c. sthabir; see also Enamul Hak 1979: 21); and the assump-
tion that the modern names of Mohenjodaro and Harappa are
five thousand years old (!), originally being Mahendra-drdha
"Fort Great-Indra"and Hara-appd (l.c. dppa) "Father Hara
(= Siva)" (Sen'gupta 1990: 135)!
35 "Moreover, it cannot be imagined that the members of
this sect will ever think of themselves as mad persons. And
again, any person who has fully appreciated the inner signifi-
cance of their songs, can never think of them as ordinary mad
persons" (with interesting consequences; see esp. pp. 5f.). In
conveniently disregarding what Bauls themselves say, the au-
thor quite openly shows his basic concern with propagating
certain personal convictions (cf. n. 2 above). His Bauls' reli-
gious life naturally also knows of no sex (cf. n. 12). He (p. 2)
also states: "Bdul-gdn really means 'Spiritual Song"'!
36 In most detail probably by U. Bhattacarya (1980) (for
Baul rituals see esp. pp. 387ff., 371ff.).
have the difficulty of deciding who is or is not a Baul,
not only because not all Baul groups use this name,37
but also because their connections with the religious
groups surrounding them quite often hinder adequate
delimitation;38 this holds good especially for Sufis39
37 Indeed, in many parts of Bengal the terms fakir (Beng.
phakir, which is also simply "beggar" in East Bengal), sufi
(Beng. suphY),etc., are commoner. It is incidentally not true
(at least today) that a Baul/Fakir must necessarily be "shorn"
(nerd), as the remarks of Datta (1977-1978: 447) could be
construed to mean. The Fakir (in Abul Basar 1986) too is any-
thing but shorn. Actually, nera phakir is an historical epithet;
cf. U. Bhattacarya 1980: 51 (though the explanation may be
debatable); the once common, now derogatory, Hindu term
for a Muslim, namely nere or lere, originally also meant
"shorn." The neras Capwell (1986: 14f.) says were written
about by R. Montgomery Martin do not seem to be Bauls; cer-
tain Vaishnavas too are, even today, often called nerd (and
neHl), though admittedly the distinction between them and
Bauls is often difficult to make, as the following line shows:
yata sab bairagi baisnab bhek diyd nam badale bdul ndra in
Gopal's song Ese ek rasik pagal badhale gol; for different
printed versions, see, e.g., Sil n.d.: 8f., Capwell 1986: 190;
for sung versions Recordings 8: side A, no. 4 (by Gaur Khepa
and Paban Das), Recordings 10: side A, no. 2 (by Ruma Guha
Thakur'ta), Recordings 15: side A, no. 6 (by Purna Candra
Das) and no. 7 (by Sambhu Das).
38 Many persons, mostly villagers (not only "lower class"),
adhere to what we would call Baul (in contrast to other
tantric) tenets, not necessarily seeing themselves in the same
category as those openly proclaiming themselves as Bauls,
Fakirs or the like. Even the latter are not necessarily the wan-
dering minstrels with the habits and dress popularly associ-
ated with Bauls, but may be ordinary householders, not easily
distinguishable. I may also draw attention to the surprisingly
high percentage of folk songs, collected from ordinary villag-
ers in different parts of Bengal, similar to Baul songs. Note
too that not all calling themselves Bauls are accepted as
such by other Bauls; see, e.g., Sarkar 1990: 88ff. (with p. 72);
S. Cakrabarti 1989: 158, 186, 244, 252ff.; A. Mukhopadhyay
n.d.: Iff.
39
Though Bauls are supposed to differ from Sufis
(Mahmud 1983: 413f., Brahma 1987a: 93f., Ab'dur Rasid
1984: 123-30, also Anwarul Karim 1980: 11-13, S. Cakra-
barti 1989: 265), common perception seems rarely to see this
(cf., too, Sarkar 1990: 137ff., Mandal 1949: cha[5]f.). To Jao-
har (1986: 1-115) the famed Lalan (and probably all Bauls)
are Sufis; A. Ah'mad (1985: 352, 584) lists books of Baul
songs in his bibliography of "Muslim" works without com-
ment. Most Sufis in Bengal seem bi sar' anyway, in appear-
 DAS: Sexual Rituals of the Bauls of Bengal
ance and behavior often difficult or impossible to tell from
Bauls, who may have true Sufi silsilas. A friend from Farid-
pur divulged several pithy sayings from his village, claiming
they referred to all Fakirs and Sufis: suphir thyald bara thy-
ald "The [coital] push of a Sufi is an immense push"; suphi
maird dise (of an absent-minded/eccentric girl) "A Sufi's
fucked [her]"; suphir thdp khdise (id.) "[She]'s been thrust
[into] by a Sufi." Picturing, for political or religious reasons,
the Bauls as true Muslims (even manipulating sources, accord-
ing to Lut'phar Rah-man 1985: [3]; see pp. [17]f. too) helps
this perception. Conversely, "orthodox" Muslims often perse-
cute Bauls (at times Sufis, too); see, esp., S. Cakrabarti1989:
17ff., 87f., 99ff., 163ff., 177ff., 192f.; A. A. Caudhuri 1990.
Talib (1980: 234-44) attacks "Hinduism" (including Bauls,
etc.) in Islam, and Yakariya (1974: birdnabbai ff.) speaks dis-
approvingly of "so-called 'Sufism"' (p. birdnabbai); for works
of similar nature see Abu Talib 1985: 233, Riyajul Hak 1976:
29f., Anwarul Karim 1980: 5, A. Ah'mad 1985: 699f. (cf. too
Ab'dur Ragid 1984: 136-40). Abul Basar 1986 is a story of
such antagonism; on p. 526 a Fakir (who is finally beaten up),
is called bidharmi "of another religion (= heretic)" and gumut
khdoyd phakir "stool and urine eating Fakir" (a reference to
certain Baul practices; see ?42) by a leader of the "orthodox"
camp. Syncretistic creeds, in general, may be persecuted as
"unislamic"; thus the Maij Bhan.dari song (see n. 72) Al ham'-
dulillah (Recordings 6: side B, no. 1) says: abujh bale kapher
ddke "[They] name [me] uncomprehending, call me an infi-
del." Intriguingly, Kay'sar (1987: 140) makes it clear that
"orthodox" Muslims (sunni) may, in their reactions against
what they do not regard as truly Islamic, even lump the Maij
Bhandari cult together with traditional Sufi orders such as
Cigtiya, Naqsbandiya, etc.; this is not surprising when we
consider that one of the Maij Bhandari adherents described
(pp. 129ff.) actually belongs to the Mugaddidiya order
(pp. 235ff.). Many "orthodox" Bengali Muslims are however
ambivalent in their attitude toward syncretistic creeds, which
include the Bauls; thus Baj'lur Ragid 1984: 220, on the one
hand, speaks derogatorily of "unislamic" beliefs and practices,
and simultaneously, eulogizes Lalan and his songs (pp. 9-11).
Intriguingly, the leader just mentioned (Abul Basar 1986: l.c.)
says: phakirer sdthe musal'miner jal-cal thdkleo, tara dmdder
kaiimer (gosthi ba sampraddy) keu nd [sic, not nay] "Though
Muslims, have a water-accepting relationship with Fakirs
[who thus do not make them impure], they are none of our
kindred (fold or community)" (Abul Basar 1986: 527). On
such attitudes, akin to caste consciousness, among Indian and
especially Bengali Muslims, see Dutta 1987: 173-87, R. P.
Das 1988b: 3181 (also Gabriel 1988, P. Gupta 1985: 13, Rana
1988: 14, S. Cakrabarti 1989: 172ff.), Ali 1985: 415 (kdr'o
dbdr hukdpan bandha ha'ta); Haq (1985: 101) even mentions
a Sufi order shunning food touched by others.
395
and Vaishnavas.40 Secondly, the Baul creed is not, as
is usually assumed, homogeneous, the difficulty being
compounded by the fact that other religious traditions
relevant for its study are also not homogeneous, which
circumstance too is very often overlooked. Thirdly, de-
spite all we today know about them, the Bauls still
keep much of their belief and ritual secret, at times
even deliberately misleading enquirers (cf., e.g., Sarkar
1990: 9f., 15f.; S. Cakrabarti 1989: 12f.). Yet the gen-
eral impression one gains from publications on the
Bauls is that, though some minor points still remain to
be clarified, we know most things about them quite
well. This may not only lead us astray, but also make
us blind to much that is interesting and important.
Comprehensive knowledge of the Bauls can be gained
only by not avoiding or neglecting even complicated
problems, and I mean to demonstrate this.
7. Let us start with the problem of heterogeneity.41 We
should expect this in a system of beliefs influenced by
various others (here especially, though not necessarily
only, those mentioned in ?5), which too show various
cross-influences, especially of tantrism on Vaishnavism
and Sufism.42 In fact one finds this heterogeneity at
40 See on this also the beautiful
picture painted by T. Ban-
dyopadhyay (1980) in the novel Raikamal. Cf. also Sarkar
1985: 52ff., and n. 37.
41 The problem of delimitation cannot be taken up here, as
it requires exhaustive comparative studies of different reli-
gious doctrines. The other two problems mentioned in ?6
however concern not only, but mostly, Baul creed.
42 I am aware of the problems the terms "tantrism" and
"tantric" occasion (cf., e.g., Torella 1983: 309, also Gulik
1961: 3391) but do not know what other expressions to use, as
this is not the place to deal with such difficulties in detail. It
must however be emphasized that tantrism is not a system
striving to derive power through a mere reversal of behavioral
norms, of "transgression." This peculiar notion, seemingly a
misunderstanding of what we have seen in n. 8 and present
especially among French and North American scholars of the
social sciences, is mostly a fabrication of Louis M. Dumont,
and has sadly distorted the views of many scholars (cf., e.g.,
Bouez 1991: 143f., 151ff.; R. P. Das 1991: 751ff., 766f.). But
even then the definition of the terms we are concerned with is
difficult enough. For now, we will have to make do with the
ill-defined expression "tantrism," as it is commonly used, to
describe various methods connected with the microcosmic
macrocosm and the duality of male and female, and which
may mean different things to different persons. Dwight A.
Tkatschow says he is preparing an extensive bibliography of
396 Journal of the American Oriental Society 112.3 (1992)
almost every turn, if one only chooses not to ignore it,
but perhaps nowhere as readily-and confusingly-as
in the references to the mystic plexuses along the spi-
nal path the Bauls too believe in. Now Bauls frequently
use the generic term padma of "Hindu" tantrism (cakra
is rather rare), and at times also refer to individual
plexuses with names known from the tantras; no one
would deny that there is some connection. Also, some
Bauls at least were or are well versed in what we
may perhaps call orthodox tantric tradition. But that
does not allow us to generalize, or uncritically to use
(mostly "Hindu") tantric nomenclature for the plexuses
in Baul belief,43 or to assume the same system, as is
commonly done.
8. Our problems do not end there. The exact signifi-
cance of the terms padma and cakra in so-called Hindu
tantrism is actually unclear: are these synonyms, or do
padmas and cakras only share specific locations, or are
they part of each other (see too Briggs 1970: 309f.)?
Their exact numbers and locations, too, are unclear, as
is also whether the two highest plexuses, djna and
sahasrdra (both in the head), are actually different
material on tantrism at the University of Toronto's Centre for
Religious Studies. For now, as an introduction see Gupta/
Hoens/Goudriaan 1979, N. Bhattacharyya 1982, M. Basu
1986, Prajnianananda1988, Goudriaan/Gupta1981, Snellgrove
1987, Kaviraj 1972, Banerji 1988, Acarya/Gautam 1985-
1986, and Kvaerne 1975 and 1977: 2721 (see also pp. 30-36,
and cf. also pp. 61-64-apart from Kvaerne 1975, J. Simha
1969, 1: 37-40 and P. Das 1988: 153f.-on the term sahaja,
which the Bauls too use, though on their sahaja, Beng. sa-
haj, see U. Bhattacarya 1980: 86ff., and ??23ff.); cf. too
Dyczkowski 1987 and 1988. See esp. Dimock 1966a, P. Das
1978 and P. Das 1988 on the special characteristics of Bengali
Vaishnava tantrism, in which connection T. Cattopadhyay
1988 (which also deals with the Bauls) is of interest. On
Sufi philosophy and practices see, esp., Schimmel 1975
(with an extensive bibliography), also Gramlich 1976 (esp.
pp. 253ff.) and 1981; Meier 1976 too contains much interest-
ing material and an extensive bibliography. For an overview
of tantric/yogic Sufism characteristic of Bengal (though found
also in other parts of India; for western Indian examples see,
e.g., Wagle 1991, Mallison 1991; cf. also Faruqi 1985: 9ff.)
see A. Roy 1983 (also R. P. Das 1988b: 32516 on Bengali
Islam), and, on the Sufi component in Baul thought, esp.
U. Bhattacarya 1980: 482-516 (also Datta/Bhaumik 1966:
[124]-[134]).
43 The
emphasis is on "uncritically," for one ultimately has
to adopt a system of nomenclature that is widely understood.
But it must be stressed that the same names do not necessarily
make what is so named the same.
points, or whether the latter is a (the upper?) part of the
former, or not exactly a plexus, but something different
(a void?); depending on the answer, we would, follow-
ing the usual mode of reckoning, have seven or six
plexuses-our handbooks mostly give either the one or
the other number. All this is important, for it is linked
with the problem of the abode of the Purusa, who is at
times portrayed as having his usual abode in the sahas-
rdra, at times in the djnd, at times in both. Similar
problems crop up with regard to so-called Buddhist
tantrism; here we have problems not only with the
terms kdya and cakra, but also kamala (padma).44
Then there are other tantric systems, often neglected,
whose padmas, cakras and the like may be very differ-
ent from those of the "orthodox" systems.45 Of espe-
cial import for us are also the notions on the padmas
(situated in sarobars-OIA sarovara- -"lakes") in
Bengali Sahajiya Vaishnavism (henceforth only "Sa-
hajiya"), which are not only at great variance with the
generally known notions of so-called Buddhist and
Hindu tantrism, but also not standardized.46
44 See also S. B.
Dasgupta 1974: 146-53, U. Bhattacarya
1980: 449-51.
45
Especial attention may be drawn to the Nath school (of
Bengali origin, according to a controversial theory), an over-
view of whose plexuses, e.g., M. Basu (1986: 636-43) gives.
Banerjea (1961: 169-88, 30) discusses the-nine-plexuses
according to Gorakh'nath extensively; he also lists sixteen
adharas, some with names of plexuses known from "Hindu"
tantrism, but says expressly that they are not cakras. Nine
plexuses are also assumed by other tantric schools; see Gupta/
Hoens/Goudriaan 1979: 16917 and also Prajnianananda1988:
571, 153-56 (on a theory in which the djid actually consists
of four cakras, giving in all nine cakras if one disregards the
sahasrara; cf. ?8). On nine plexuses cf. also Rath 1982: 24:
caturbhih sivacakrais ca sakticakrais ca pancabhih
navacakraig ca samsiddhim gricakram sivayor vapuh.
Cf., too, p. 6 (on the number 9 see also n. 133 below). Certain
sectarian works also mention "secret" plexuses; on these see,
e.g., Pott 1966: 21-24, 37f. (also pp. 137f., 38f. and Briggs
1970: 3174). Rosel 1928: 24f. and Prajinanananda1988: 14419
too mention several plexuses in addition to those usually enu-
merated. In Yakariya 1974, also, the editor draws attention to
problems occasioned by Nath theories on the plexuses, though
he sees them only in terms of "Hindu" and "Buddhist" tan-
trism (cf. pp. ek'gata egara if.).
46 Cf.,
e.g., Dimock 1966a: 170-77; P. Das 1978: 150f.;
Bose 1927a: 48f., 52; and 1986: 125f.; also U. Bhattacarya
1980: 365. The sarobars seem somewhat similar to the seven
oceans of ancient Indian cosmology, which are also present in
the microcosm of the human body, as, e.g., Garudapurana,
 DAS: Sexual Rituals of the Bauls of Bengal
9. So it is no wonder that Baul theory, not only on the
number and nature of the plexuses, but also on the
abode of the Purusa, is varied. The latter poses a prob-
lem similar to that in ?8: is this place akin to the djiid,
or is it akin to the sahasrira? And is the Purusa always
there, or do Purusa and Prakrti-Purusa (i.e., the Purusa
combined with the Prakrti) have different abodes (the
latter then probably in the place akin to the sahas-
rdra)? Or are what we would call ijnid and sahasrira
actually the same? The Bauls themselves seem to fur-
nish us with different answers, quite often also such as
we cannot link with either of the plexuses mentioned.47
Then too, the total number of plexuses in the body usu-
ally seems to be four, though we find other numbers
too, also six.48 The number four seems common in
"Buddhist" tantrism; however, many descriptions of
individual plexuses in Baul theory even then tally
rather with what we know of "Hindu" tantrism.
10. Most Baul enumerations or descriptions make all
this even more confusing. Particularly puzzling is a
song49 mentioning four lotuses (padma), namely-in
this order-sahasrdra, manipura (= manipura), khan-
jandksi (!) and mulddhara.50 These seem to be in de-
scending order, which is puzzling, for the khanjanaksi
is said to have two petals and be situated at the root of
the nose (ndsdmule khanjanak.si padma se dbidal), i.e.,
between the brows; it thus seems to correspond to the
ajind, which is above the Manipura! The same order
(with the name khaijanaksi, otherwise unknown to me)
is, also enigmatically, mentioned already by Candidas
(Bose 1986: 129).51 But he was a Sahajiya Vaishnava,
so we might find something relevant in Sahajiya
Uttarardha (Pretakalpa) 22.60-62 states (Pandey 1986); one
might therefore investigate whether Sahajiya notions on the
microcosm ultimately result from such cosmological notions
amalgamating with those on the plexuses.
47 Cf. also Datta/Bhaumik 1966:
(134)ff., (104); U. Bhatta-
carya 1980: 452.
48 E.g., in Gobin's Dekh'bi yadi cikan-kdal sbaser maila
jap
na (U. Bhattacarya 1980: 929); the cakras (the term used
here) are neither named nor described, just enumerated. The
famous Haure begins a song: Guru thaken sahasrare, sat-
cakra upare "The Guru (cf. ?1) resides in the Sahasrara, on
top of the six cakras" (A. C. Das 1986: 87); here too the
cakras are not named.
49 Man
pageld ydis'nd kabhu dhakar sahare by Mo. Nechar
All Sekh (Tena 1981: 157f.).
50 The transcription follows OIA (Sanskrit) norms, as is
common practice.
51 Note also M. Basu 1986: 640f. on similarly situated simi-
lar padmas.
397
literature. And there is a text (see P. Das 1978: 151)
which too could have the two-petalled lotus below the
region where the manipura usually is,52 namely in a
"lonely/solitary place," which might refer to the
genitals.53 In the Baul song, the manipura is also
called the abode of Siva (manipure param siber sthal).
Siva is the Purusa (see n. 13), and sib (OIA giva-) also
refers to semen in tantric texts.54 But both Purusa and
semen are generally said to reside in the head. Now the
position of the manipura above, just below the sahas-
rara, is where in "Hindu" tantrism we find the ajiia!
But what of the khanjaniksi, then? All this refuses to
fit into any single scheme we know of. Some of the
confusion might, of course, disappear if the order of
enumeration of the plexuses above should not be that
of their actual position in the body, but difficulties
would still remain.
11. There is even more food for thought. Manipura
(Beng. manipur) is literally "abode/city of the jewel."
But mani "jewel" is also a common esoteric term for
semen.55 Is manipura the abode of semen? Statements
52 It also locates a
six-petalled lotus in or at the navel, the
usual place of the ten-petalled manipura according to
"Hindu" tantrism, in which the six-petalled lotus is the sva-
dhisthana, located at the root of the genitals.
53 nirjan sthanete; cf.
guhyadesa in Dimock 1966a: 171118,
and the fact that guhyadesa is also a common term for the
private parts.
54 Note too that siva and
expressions for "Siva's semen"
(e.g., sivabija) also refer to mercury (also called rasa, on
which see nn. 21 and 22).
55 Medieval
Bengali Sufi-yogic-tantric works have it too.
Thus Sekh Sadi's Gadd-malika Sambdd uses mani (also can-
dra "moon"; cf. R. P. Das 1984b: 331) for "semen" (and rati-
ras for "menstrual blood") (Sariph 1976: 55, 69). Mani [sic]
is found in Sariph 1978 (e.g., pp. 28, 31f., 70) also. The edi-
tor of Sekh Jahed's Adya-paricay derives mani of the text
from Arabic mani "semen" (thus also in Persian, in High Ar-
abic minan) (Enamul Hak 1979: 19, 5266, 7474; A. Roy [1983:
186] derives mani thus too). But the text refers to semen by at
least three other known tantric terms as well, all from OIA:
bindu, sukra, and candra (op. cit., 13). The editor mentions
mani (not mani or mdni!) as a fourth name. Now he himself
admits to often emending the manuscript (pp. 4f.), but as a
rule does not mention rejected readings. We may thus ask
whether the text really has mani, or whether he has changed
mani / mani (the nasal is no problem, for Bengali manuscripts
usually confuse n / n; the letters are often similar). Moreover,
in some parts of Bengal a in an initial syllable was often writ-
ten as a (cf. R. P. Das 1988a: 344). I thus have reservations
regarding the etymology of mani proposed. It is possible that
398 Journal of the American Oriental Society 112.3 (1992)
like Tahejaddi's puruser mani thake mastake-manir
mokame ("a man's jewel is situated in the head-at the
abode56 of the jewel")57 make this worth considering.
Bholai calls the muni the "brain-flower" (magaj phul)58
-in which connection note that the Yogi-kdc says
that the mani-magaj is in the head (Mandal 1949: 1-
gha[5]). In a song by Gopal,59 manipur is the place to
which semen rises through the susumna, where the Pu-
rusa resides, and also a two-petalled lotus (cf. ?10).60
the Indo-Aryan and Arabic words have later amalgamated,but
as mani "jewel" is after all a well-known tantric term for "se-
men," it does seem more probable that this is the origin of the
expression used in Sufi-yogic Bengali works, too, especially
since they repeatedly refer to semen as "wealth" (A. Roy
1983: 186). Interestingly, Sekh Jahed (Enamul Hak 1979: 51)
calls candra after it has left the man and entered the woman
mani, but this differentiation does not seem to be consequent.
Gulik 1961: 3403 says that mani means "penis" in Buddhist
texts. I do not know whether this is correct, but cf. vajra
"thunderbolt;diamond; penis"; see, e.g., S. B. Dasgupta 1974:
106 (p. 169 on om mani padme hum); also J. Simha 1969,
1:179f. (on possible instances of New Indo-Aryan equivalents
or synonyms of vajra with the meaning "penis" in the Caryd-
padas, in which texts Simha, in contrast to other commenta-
tors, sees references to sexual practices). In medical texts the
glans penis is called mani.
56 mokam or mukim, from Arab. maqdm or
muqdm (in
South Asia the latter is common), appears in several contexts
in Baul songs. See also ?14, ?48 and n. 208.
57 In Ei sabhdte baisyd dchen yatek
jan, answering a riddle
song by Aher Baks (Ei sabhdte baisyd dchen yata baydti); see
Ab'dul Hamid 1981: 15f.
58 In Gdcher par tord dekh'se satadal (Tena 1980: 7f.).
Muni is a dialectical pronunciation for mani (cf. n. 155 and
Ha. Bandyopadhyay 1978: 1807). Jijidsi hayecha dmdy ese
ranger paricay (Tena 1980: 9f.), also by Bholai, connects
muni with ram "color," but the sense is unclear (dui rahgete
mathan haye muni[,(?)] ram prabal haye purus pay'dd hay;
this song links different colors with the conceived child's sex;
cf. on colors also n. 86).
59 Man re cala rup'nagare (U. Bhattacarya 1980: 853f.).
60 The song says, too, that one sees sixty-four "chambers/
compartments"(kuthuri) there. The mystic number sixty-four
appears in various contexts; I am not sure what it means here.
However, since the Purusa here is clearly Krsna, see also
H. DSs 1987: 273, on Krsna's sixty-four female companions.
The nirmanacakra (?kdya?) of "Buddhist" tantrism however
has sixty-four petals too; but it is in the navel region-like
the manipura! A coincidence maybe, but intriguing. Yakariya
(1974: 148) draws attention to Sekh Cand's Tdlib Namd,
which refers to the body's sixty-four tubular passages (nail).
In a song by Panj,61 Allah (= Purusa; cf. n. 13) as the
"fish"62 is in the manipur after having played at the
triveni63 (ache nirmal mahal manipure, kheleche kheld
ghat tripine), which too speaks for a cranial location.
U. Bhattacarya (1980: 1059) thus seems to be correct
in taking the manikothd "jewel-chamber" (commonly
"innermost chamber/sanctuary") in Panfij's Nirakare
jyotirmay (ibid., 744) too to be a cranial plexus, as it
is hardly different from the manipur. But the song
mentions a union here (manikothiy yog-milan); is this
meant literally, or just an allusion to the united state
of Prakrti and Purusa residing here now? The former
would be problematic, for it could imply that the
Purusa does not descend, but lets the Prakrti rise to
it, or else that the site meant is actually near the geni-
tals. Kal'kut 1988b: 46, too, enigmatically mentions a
"game" of the semi-legendary Jay'deb and Padmabati
61 Mul sadhan kara malek cine (U. Bhat.tacarya1980: 758f.).
62 Common for the cosmic principle, which the "fisherman"
"catches" in the menstrual river. (Fish incidentally are lust-
less; cf. S. Cakrabarti 1989: 83.) In Lalan's Samay bujhe
badhal badh'le na (U. Bhattacarya 1980: 578, Hamidul Is'lam
1981: 59f.; not in Das/Mahapatra 1958, S. Mitra 1979) the
fish is clearly Visnu's fish incarnation (to D. Bhattacharya
1969: 921, whose Bauls know of no sex-cf. n. 12-this is
the only meaning of "fish"). Images of "catching," and of
"traps," "cages," etc., are common in Baul songs. But not all
mean the same; thus something adverse may be "caught," to
neutralize it. And in the song Idur-mara kal ra'eche jagat'
mdjhire (Recordings 7: side A, no. 2, sung by Gaur Khepa)
the mouse-trap is the vagina.
63
Beng. tribeni, in dialects tir(')puni, tir(')pin, etc.: the
holy confluence of Gafga (Ganges), Yamuna, and the mythi-
cal Sarasvati at Allahabad (the Yuktaveni), also the point of
separation of Yamuna and Sarasvati (Beng. Sarasbati) from
the Bhagirathi/Hug'li (Hooghly) in Hooghly District, West
Bengal (the Muktaveni, a pilgrimage centre too). It refers in
tantric (also Baul) terminology to the meeting place of the
three tubular passages at the spinal base (see ?4). U. Bhatta-
carya 1980: 444 draws attention to the notion that there are
two trivenis within the body, namely the yukta triveni and the
mukta trivent, in the perineum and between the brows respec-
tively. On the triveni(s) also Yakariya 1974: 150, 154, 175 (in
the last place mentioned we find the opinion that according to
the Nath text edited the triveni is situated in the heart; I do
not know if this deduction is valid). Qureshi 1977: 236 says
that in Baul terminology triveni also describes "l'ut6rus d'ou
s'ecoule le sang menstruel"; I do not know whether this is
true (cf. also ?33). D. Bhattacharya (1969: 75') and Paul
(1972: 12, 25f.) explain triveni in various ways, except for
the one meant, as that entails sex (cf. n. 12).
 DAS: Sexual Rituals of the Bauls of Bengal
(revered by Bauls, especially in West Bengal) played in
the manipur, obviously during ritual intercourse. Even
more unclear is manipur in a song of Pacu,64 which
says only that the "man of the mind" (see ?2) sports
here. But S. Cakrabarti (1989: 242) expressly situates
the "jewel of the head" (mithar mani ) = Krsna in the
manikothi. A song of Ananta65 places the manikothd
right at the top of the dwelling66 which is the body.
And a song by an unknown poet,67 detailing the right
conduct of the sddhu,68 advises one to keep one's mind
attached to the "red sign" (menstrual flow) and close
up the mouth of the pitcher (kal'si ),69 with attention
fixed on the manikothd, which obviously refers to the
64
Amdr maner manus khel'che manipure (U. Bhattacarya
1980: 699f.).
65 Ke gareche eman
ghar. For the words see U. Bhattacarya
1980: 801f. A. Gupta 1983: 108 has a slightly shorter version,
whilst a corrupt and much abridged version is found on Re-
cordings 17: side B, no. 3.
66 ghar. The body as a house or the like is a common and
ancient image found also in the Caryapadas; see Kvaerne
1977: 45.
67 Sddhu yard jane tdra (Recordings 5: side B, no. 2, sung
by Paban'das).
68 "Of right/properconduct" seems the best approximation.
In Baul terminology sadhu mostly means one who knows how
to attain or has successfully attained the ultimate stage of cos-
mic harmony through the proper ritual.
69 Is the shape of the scrotum with the testicles enclosed
relevant here (a kal'si is round-bellied, with a large opening
and hardly any neck)? The simile is in any case understand-
able: one must hoard what one has received from the woman,
not letting it flow out again. Saha Kachim Ali's Tord hao yadi
keo dhani (Datta/Bhaumik 1966: 191f.) says: dr mdiyd-nadir
kule basi sndn karile guni; kal'sir mukhe cdp'ni di sandhdne
tula pani "And when [you], talented/skilled one, bathe, sitting
on the bank of the girl-river, raise the water in [your] search,
putting a lid over the pitcher." It could be that the image is
also influenced by the term kumbhak(OIA kumbhaka-), liter-
ally "(small) pot/pitcher," but, in tantrism, used to denote the
process of breath control by which the air within the body is
stabilized prior to being directed up via the susumnd. Bauls
usually use other terms for this (see ?4), but it is very prob-
able that some of them at least are acquainted with the tantric
term. The pot or pitcher is also supposed to represent the
susumnd and the plexuses, as well as the body (cf. Kvaerne
1977: 52), the latter an ancient image. A song by an unknown
poet (Hari badha man on Recordings 8: side A, no. 1, sung
by Gaur Khepa and Padan Das) speaks of binding a pot on the
date-tree (i.e., a woman; cf. n. 154), to be tapped when its
flood (menstruation) comes, to obtain real sugar (see n. 24).
399
process of translocation to the head.70 Such statements
obviously do not refer to the manipura of "Hindu" tan-
trism.71 It is also worth examining whether manikula
(variant: manimula) in Caryapada 4.3 might not have a
sense like that considered here.
12. This brings to mind the "chamber of goods/wealth
(mal)," frequently mentioned, which may point to a
parallel with mani (mal is also slang for "semen," at
least in the Calcutta area; cf. ras in n. 22). A Maij
Bhandari song72 by Rames73 has the Maij Bhandari
70 Prithwindra Mukherjee, on the cover of
Recordings 5,
calls "le Joyau" "Un des plexus neuro-physique, siege du
psychisme," but, probably unsure as to what exactly is meant,
gives no particulars.
71 Cf. the difficulties of Paul (1972: 12, 27). Incidentally,
Blanchet (1987: 70) records monni for "brain"in the language
of Jamalpur District; I am not sure, but there seems to be a
connection with the above.
72 Such
songs are named after a Sufi shrine in Maij Bhan-
dar, Chittagong District, mentioned also in some, mostly East
Bengali, Baul songs. Some researchers seem not to know of it
or its songs, or to have no real idea regarding them. Thus the
extensive list of the different types of Bengali folk songs in
Ab'dul Haphij 1975: 31-38 does not mention MaiijBhandari
songs. Datta/Bhaumik (1966: [32]) list "Maij Bhan.dar"as a
poet (!), but say too that the above village could be meant.
Kay'sar (1987: 129ff.) describes Maij Bhandari mystics in
vivid detail. On Maij Bhandari songs see Ohidul Alam 1979:
76, 84-87 and 1985: 18-33, Brahma 1986: 130-32, Jasimud--
din 1977: 67-77, Begam 1976: 79-83 (also Riyajul Hak
1976: 42). One can buy booklets containing them all over
Bangladesh (see too A. Ah'mad 1985: 112). Though the songs
in the one I possess (Iusuph/Ibrahimn.d.) are mostly not like
Baul songs, many others are. One Maij Bhand.ari song is
found in 0. Ah'mad 1974: 104, Ohidul Alam 1963: 43f.-
given as two different songs in Ohidul Alam 1985; 19, 21-
and Chowdhury/Chowdhury/Hossain1985: 79f., respectively.
There are also recordings of Maij Bhandari songs (e.g., Re-
cordings 6 and 18); some of these are just like Baul songs.
Some songs are also to be found on Recordings 9; song no. 6
on side A (Ohe dsekdn bhan.dari name) incidentally says:
khul'be na tor diler kapat nd bujh'le bhan.ddrirgan "The door
of your interior/core won't open if you don't understand the
song(s) of the Bhandari," showing (like Rameg's song in
n. 33) that at least some of the songs contain secret messages.
(I have used "interior/core"for dil/del to bring out the ambi-
guity; "heart"or "mind" would not do.) See also n. 73.
73 La illaha ilia lahu [sic] (Recordings 13: side A, no. 2).
On Rameg, a famous kabiyal (cf. n. 168) and Maij Bhandari
devotee, see Manirujjaman1982: 86; Khan/Hosen 1985: 231;
400 Journal of the American Oriental Society 112.3 (1992)
reside in the mdl'kotha.74 An unknown poet's song75
calls the body a train with eighty-four compartments
(probably, though not definitely, alluding to an ancient
measure of the ideal man: eighty-four of his own
fingers),76 then saying: sollo kothdy mdl kothd "the
mdl kotha is within/with/[made] of sixteen chambers/
compartments."77 This reminds one of the sixteen
ddharas of n. 45, but also of a lotus of sixteen petals
in the forehead in a "Buddhist" tantric theory,78
Sen'gupta/Basu 1988: 461; Khan 1982: 37-46; Ohidul Alam
1979: 85, 88-90 and 1985: 18, 43-53 (in the song on p. 25
ramen is probably a misprint for rames). A collection of his
songs has been published, but I could not see this. Recordings
6 and 18 however contain some songs; on others see nn. 33,
74, 131, and ?50. I am not sure if the two songs by a Rameg
on Recordings 14: side B, nos. 1 and 4 (Adhdrgharat rdit'kd
and Prem jbdldy) are by the same Rameg, but it is likely.
74 rames kay mdl'kothate birdj kare
maij bhdndari "Rames
says: The Maij Bhian.dariis illustriously present in the cham-
ber of goods/wealth." bhdn.darirefers to the Maij Bhandiari,
one of the saints (maulands, pirs), often regarded as reincar-
nations of famous holy men, including Jesus and Muhammad,
for whom this shrine is famous. There are supposed to have
been two (for their names see, e.g., Ohidul Alam 1985: 18).
Usually (if my information is correct) the chota pir/mauldna
is invoked (on him see Khan/Hosen 1985: 94, Jasimud'din
1977: 65-67, Ohidul Alam 1985: 33), but the bara pir/maul-
and (on him see A. Ah'mad 1985: 167, Jasimud-din 1977: 60-
65) might be the subject of songs too, so it may not always be
clear who is meant. On the amalgamation of Maij Bhandari
and the cosmic principle (also in two songs by Rameg in
Anoyarul Karim 1971: 12f.), cf. ?1.
75
Man're, cal'che harinamer gdri (Datta/Bhaumik 1966:
182f.).
76 See, e.g., Carakasamhita, Vimanasthana 8.117 with
Cakrapanidatta'scommentary (Acharya 1941). Sharif (1972:
349f.) (unaware of the antiquity of this notion) refers to a
similar statement in a mediaeval Bengali Sufi-yogic work. In
Yakariya 1974: cuydttar, the editor, also unaware of the no-
tion's antiquity, objects that measurements he himself con-
ducted did not tally with it, so that the author of this Bengali
text must have made a mistake!
77 Different sets of
"chambers/compartments" appearing
side-by-side is nothing unusual in Baul and similar songs.
78 According to the Sekoddesatika (Carelli 1941: 28: ...
sodasadalalaldte kamalakarnikayam... ; U. Bhattacarya
(1980: 451) wrongly says that the text means the neck region
like the Herukatantra, thus making the plexus correspond to
the viguddhaof "Hindu"Tantrism). Cf. S. B. Dasgupta (1974:
148f.) on the thirty-two-petalled lotus in the head (outside the
though I cannot say whether anything similar to one of
these is meant.79 Or do we have something like the
sixteen body parts (kalds) mentioned, e.g., in Dalha-
na's commentary on Susrutasamhitd, Uttaratantra 66.7
(Acharya/Acharya 1938)? But sixteen is also associ-
ated with the moon, which may refer to semen (see n.
55), whose place is the head;80 note in this context the
tubular passage (kaldnddi) consisting of sixteen kalds
and situated in the highest plexus in the head (Pra-
jinanananda 1988: 145). Nevertheless, the meaning of
mdl kotha is unclear. But a song by Rahimuddin81 de-
scribes the cosmic principle as standing in the cham-
ber of ras, having locked up its mdler kotha opposite
it (tar ultd). The song seems to describe the difficulty
of the sexual ritual; thus the former chamber might re-
fer to the genital region (cf. n. 22), making the latter
the head.
mahasukhacakra with its four-petalled lotus in the Heruka-
tantra), which is according to him based on the doubling of
the sixteen kalds also situated there. He (p. 150), incidentally,
wrongly holds the plexus of the heart to have thirty-two petals
according to the Sekoddesatikd; actually it has eight (the
karakamala has thirty-two petals, also a guhyakamala: Carelli
1941: I.c.). Prajidndnanda (1988: 144) says that there is a
sixteen-petalled lotus between the highest and next highest
"regular" lotuses (i.e., sahasrdra and djii respectively) ac-
cording to some (seemingly not "Buddhist") theories. On a
Bengali Nath text combining sixteen and thirty-two (with ref-
erence to the plexuses?) see Yakariya 1974: ek'gata bara, 148
(on thirty-two see also ?22).
79 The
song can hardly refer to the sixteen vikdras of the
Saiikhya system (see any good dictionary) (Datta/Bhaumik
1966: [131]), though song no. 71 in A. Bhat.tacarya
1977:1285f. probably does (this song by Bholanath-Dine
dine hala admr e din akhari-is usually ascribed to Lalan;
cf. S. Mitra 1979: 197, Das/Mahapatra 1958: 276, Hamidul
Is'lam 1981: 35, U. Bhattacarya 1980: 623f. and Recordings
11: side A, no. 2-sung to a modern tune by Arundhati Hom
Caudhuri). Cf. also Carakasamhiti, Sarirasthana 2.33
(Acharya 1941) on the sixteen bhutas in the body.
80 Cf. Gupta/Hoens/Goudriaan 1979: 60; J. Simha 1969,
1:85; P. Das 1978: 262; Wayman 1973: 160ff. Rath (1982:
3ff.) too mentions the sixteen kalas of the moon, which "also
imply the divine units of measurement" (p. 3), subsequently
expounding on the mystical meaning of 16 and other numbers
of the geometrical progression of 2, which incidentally also
play a role during ritual intercourse (B. Bhattacharya 1977:
389).
81
Sa'j pirit hay nd go sai manusete (Datta/Bhaumik 1966:
200).
 DAS: Sexual Rituals of the Bauls of Bengal
13. A song by Iman All82 successively lists four pad-
mas (the term is used here), which would, based on the
number of petals on each, correspond to muldidhdra
(the song too has this name elsewhere),83 svddhis-
thdna, sahasrdra and adjn (though, since the locations
of the last two-in the head and between the brows re-
spectively-are given, they seem not to be mentioned
in the strict order of ascension). But the svddhisthdna
seems to have amalgamated with the manipura, as the
text states: ose dbitiya padmate dagam dal ray tate "oh
on that second padma (i.e., the one "Hindu" tantras
would call svadhisthina) the/a tenth petal is on that."
This may be due merely to textual corruption (then we
would have five plexuses),84 but to me the text does not
seem corrupt. Now according to U. Bhattacarya (1980:
365), Sahajiya texts seem to presuppose a ten-petalled
lotus which is an amalgamation of the four-petalled
muilddhdra and the six-petalled svidhisthdna, the first
and second lotuses, counting upwards. It does look as
if our song had combined this either with "Hindu"
tantric theory, or else with the Sahajiya theory of n. 52,
in which a six-petalled lotus is in the place of the ten-
petalled manipura, the third lotus of "Hindu" tantrism,
or even with another Sahajiya theory which describes
the lowest lotus as having six petals (see Dimock
1966a: 175). But in a song of the Balahariis, by Sada-
nanda,85 the "apparatus" (the body?; or as in ?4?) arises
in the six-petalled lotus,86 while according to another,
82 Bhabanadir
madhye gach uddy (Tena 1981: 129f.).
83 Telling us that the "Lord"
(pati) is here and in the thou-
sand-petalled lotus at auspicious moments (subha laganete).
84 The
body expressly has five lotuses in a Balahariisong
by Sadananda (Hdairdm'din manab'deha gathan kare go;
S. Cakrabarti1986a: 146f.).
85 Hdriram manab'dehe
baniyeche ek ajab kal (S. Cakra-
barti 1986a: 145f.; see also p. 85).
86 In Bal- hdoydte kay'che katha (ibid., 140f.) Sadananda
says:
tar chajan ripu daman habe
hastir upar mdhutyeman
ahkus pele hay khaid.
Ial jarad ?bet pit(a)
saradale bikasita
yda samudrete
se to kare tal(a)mal satadal sahasradal
alek mdnus biraj kare sei mdnuse
nihdr rekhe nimdi cad murdy mdthd.
The six-petalled plexus has four colors on it here: red, yellow
(jarad), white and yellow (pit); one "yellow" may be a
mistake for "green" or "black" (cf. Enamul Hak 1979: 101f.,
401
by Dinu,87 this lotus seems to be, or be located near,
the womb.88 Thus Iman All may indeed be referring to
a ten-petalled plexus as the second-lowest. But in an-
other song89 he says that the body, here called a "lo-
tus,"90 has a ten-petalled plexus at its root (ihdr dasam
dale mill dhare), to which "flower" the Purusa repairs
at auspicious moments. This would make the ten-
petalled plexus the lowest. Such examples show what
convoluted notions we have to reckon with. U. Bhatta-
carya (1980: 373f., 452, 474) remarks that Bauls often
seem to regard the region of the muladhara and sva-
dhisthana and at times also the manipura as one single
region with a single plexus, not standardized,91 often
Sariph 1976: 69, Datta/Bhaumik 1966: 1682, and U. Bhatta-
carya 1980: 512 [also p. 508; see also n. 58]). The colors here
seem associated with creation, which would tally with
S. Cakrabarti 1989: 194f., where the menstrual flow has the
colors red, yellow, white and black, the first signifying fertil-
ity. Cf. on the "six enemies" (chajan ripu) ?30; on the "ele-
phant" (hasti [sic]), also Kvaerne1977: 46f.
87 Bal'bine ki calere mdnab
ga/i (ibid., 167).
88 Bholfi's first
song in n. 58 says that the six-petalled lotus
is maddi, i.e., madhye, of the body. Madhye is literally "in the
middle," but its usual postpositional meaning is simply
"within." In the latter case, the song would have no useful in-
formation about the plexus; but the former meaning would be
problematic, the exact significance of "middle" then being un-
clear. Another song by Bholai (Ki djab ghar ei bhaber par;
Tena 1980: 8) says that the cluster of six bindus(?) is the
place in the middle (madhyasthal sarabinda dal). Bindu has
many meanings (see n. 55 and Gupta/Hoens/Goudriaan1979:
182, also Datta/Bhaumik 1966: [101]); I do not know what is
meant here. Or is sarabinda just a word play on arabinda "lo-
tus"? In any case, the line is a problem, especially since "on/
above it is the hamsa-market"(tar upar hamser bdjdr); hamsa
may since olden times refer to the cosmic principle, and the
hamsabija is, in "Hindu"tantrism, within the jiia.
89
Ajab ek phul phuteche gdcher do-dale (Tena 1980: 20).
90 Or maybe just a "flower"
(depending on whether padma
in sata sahasra dal padma phule belongs to phule or not).
This is produced in a "tree," on which cf. n. 154; does it
therefore refer to a foetus? A decision is difficult, for the song
seems to use "flower" in different senses.
91 Really puzzling is a nine-petalled hidden plexus, in
Bhol,ai'sfirst song in n. 58, in the line dr phul chard mul ache
nigum phul nay daler pare. As far as I could ascertain, there
are theories which refer to nine plexuses (see n. 45), but not
to a plexus (flower) with nine petals. But perhaps the nine-
petalled "flower" (phul) in this song, playing on different
meanings of "flower" (cf. ?39), does not actually refer to a
plexus.
402 Journal of the American Oriental Society 112.3 (1992)
termed muladhara (see Qureshi 1977: 240); this also
begs for comparison with the nirmanacakra (?kaya?)
of "Buddhist" tantrism (see n. 60), as this too replaces
several plexuses of "Hindu"tantrism (op. cit., 449).
14. The Islamic mystic component in Baul belief has
already been mentioned. One aspect particularly rele-
vant is the notion, particularly wide-spread in Indian
Sufism, of, as a rule, four stages on the way to dissolu-
tion of individuality and to oneness with God: in as-
cending order, nasit (Beng. ndsut, in East Bengali
orthography nachut), malakut (Beng. mal'kut), gabarut
(Beng. jab'rut), and ladht (Beng. ldhut).92 Baul songs
too mention these as such, but seem also to transform
them (like, seemingly, the latiphas in n. 175) into
plexuses (see also n. 131), like much of Bengali yogic-
tantric Sufism (see A. Roy 1983 in n. 92). As what
exactly is meant is often unclear, there is much room
for confusion. Other difficulties abound; thus the
mal'kut follows on the jam'rut (= jab'rut) in a song by
Ichak.93A song of Pianijseems to mention a fifth stage
(probably = plexus), hdut,94 obviously a variant of
hdhut,95which is intriguing, for96 this term seems rare
in the mystic terminology of Sufis in the Islamic world
in general; it is found in Ibn al-'Arabi's vocabulary,
used, however, for the divine essence (Arabic hdhut;
see Schimmel 1975: 270).97 But it clearly is used in
Sufi circles in India.98 Now Panij,in keeping with Sufi
terminology (at least in Bengal), calls the other four
stages mokams (cf. on this n. 56), but not the haut. He
also mentions a lad-mokam,99 the seat of the "light" (on
this see ?36). Ab'dur Ragid (1984: 243) cites Ibn al-
92 On these stages in mediaevalBengali Sufi-yogicworks
see also A. Roy 1983: 170-77, 179. Esp. on the lahit and
ndsut, see also Bosworth/Donzel/Lewis/Pellat 1986: 611-14.
93
Naph'cher ul'te nado bdiyo re manurd (Datta/Bhaumik
1966: 197f.).
94 Ei mdnuse nabir nure
jhalak dey (see U. Bhattacarya
1980: 512, 750).
95 Cf. on this term Ab'durRagid 1984: 179, Sariph 1969: pha.
96
Despite what U. Bhattacarya (1980: 503-5) says to the
contrary.
97 H. C. Pal
(1969: 390), linking ha(h)ut (given thus) with
the angel Harutof the Koran, is quite off the mark; he clearly
did not understandthe word.
98 Dara Sikoh's Risala-i haqqndma mentions it (U. Bhatta-
carya 1980: 140). To Ab'dur Ragid (1984: 89, 178-81) it is
part of Sufi doctrine in general.
99 mokdmndchut, ladhut,mal'kut,jab'rut cdri hay,
car mokdme manjil-dbare gupta bese kiran dey,
Id-mokamenurer dsan, haute nabot bajdy.
'Arabi (with no reference) on a similar "light" in the
lad-makan(i.e., Arab. la-makan); I was unable to verify
this, but suspect that what is meant is lad-makdn"he
who has no abode" referring to the supreme deity (in
whom the "light" resides), as is common, e.g., in Per-
sian poetry. But the ld-mokam mentioned in several
Baul songs seems rather to be a void, maybe lying
above the plexuses. Though sometimes it and the ladhut
(usually the highest stage or plexus) could be taken to
be the same, mostly the two seem different, as in Panij's
song (the context makes la-mokdm "supreme deity"
unlikely here), in which hd(h)ut and lad-mokdmtoo are
separate. A mystic, cited in S. Cakrabarti 1989: 175,
says the latter is a space two fingers below the heart,
inaccessible to the devil. I lack the specialized knowl-
edge to write more on this subject.
15. Not only plexuses and related matters are prob-
lematic; problematic, too, are the natures of the fluids
involved, particularly vexing being that of rati. As this
pertains to Sahajiya Vaishnavism, too, we shall discuss
it in this context before examining it in Baul theory.
Rati to Vaishnavas is a state of mind;100to Bauls too it
has this sense. But it also could describe the Prakrtiin
Sahajiya terminology (note too Sinha 1961: 194f. and
1966: 79f.: the-non-menstrual-vaginal discharge
corresponding to male birva "semen" is also called
rati), and possibly also the combined Prakrti-Purusa
which rises through the middle tubular passage; cf.
P. Das 1978: 131ff. (esp. pp. 133-37). Page 135f. first
says that kam'rati = prakrti and prem'rati = purus are
present in the pihgald (right) and idd (left), respec-
tively, but then that the cosmic principle's ras (cf.
n. 22) of sensual pleasure from divine coitus descends
as kdm'rati or jib'rati via the pihgala, ascends, purified
as prem'rati via the ida, and rotates thus until the
mouths of the passages join and the two ratis combine
to form samaras (OIA samarasa-)l?l and then ascend
via the central susumnd. According to pp. 273f., 290f.,
the unmoving bija, already formed through ritual prac-
tice (i.e., Prakrti-Purusa),is brought down via the pih-
gala by sexual arousal, and then purified by making it
rotate as described.102But pp. 293f. say thatjib'rati or
100For details see K. Bhattacarya 1978: 165f.; Saha 1986:
8ff., 27. It is linked with ras, on which see n. 22. Cf. also
n. 110.
101This usually signifies the state of harmony of microcosm
and macrocosm; cf. S. B. Dasgupta 1974: 124-28; Das Gupta
1976: 31f., 82, 147f., 156.
102See also p. 144. P. Das (1988: 139) says: "Due to sexual
attractionsemen comes down through the Pifigala nerve and is
 DAS: Sexual Rituals of the Bauls of Bengal
deharati within the pihgala must be made to ascend in
the ida. Then the mouths of the two passages fuse and
the rati rotates, this being called the attainment
(sddhan) of kim'rati, which then attains samaras, etc.
This is rather confusing,103 maybe attempting to com-
bine different theories,104 e.g., ones locating Prakrti
and Purusa at opposite ends of the spine and on the
right and left of the body respectively. Also, "rotation"
means purification as in n. 24, according to U. Bhatta-
carya (1980: 398). I lack competence to decide such
matters.105 But I may point out that during ritual inter-
secreted"; this secretion is to be controlled, but what actually
is supposed to happen remains unclear; cf. ?16.
103 Tantric practice with or without a female partner ("ex-
ternally" and "internally" sexual, respectively; bdhya and
marma or gauna and mukhya, respectively, in Sahajiya termi-
nology; cf. Dimock 1966a: 214f.; P. Das 1978: 157-62, 302f.)
may require the Purusa to descend to the Prakrti (taken in or
already present at the perineum-in the latter case the
woman, if needed, might be just a stimulant to excite the Pu-
rusa, not the source of the Prakrti), or the latter to ascend to
the former. If the Purusa descends, the outcome is a combined
ascent through the central passage. Purification may be re-
quired first by circulation through the outer passages, or by
repeated ascent and descent via the inner one. Some theories
on "internal" intercourse hold Purusa and Prakrti each to be
present in one of the outer passages, respectively; here too a
circulation precedes the combined ascent.
104 Or has he misunderstood statements like that of the
Brhat Nigam (one of the rare written Baul works; cf. ?38) that
the "juice" (ras; cf. n. 22) of a woman's "flower" (puspa)
causes kdm and prem (or: turns kdm to prem) (sei pusparas
hate kdmprem hay; U. Bhattacarya1980: 383)? Kdm and prem
seem not to be substances here (cf. ? 16). Regarding puspa, the
text (p. 384) says that this refers to the opening of the three tu-
bular passages, obviously menstruation, for which "flower" is
indeed common, already in OIA (puspa-) (cf. French "les
fleurs"). Cf. also S. Cakrabarti1989: 94f.
105The Bibartabilds situates the Prakrti genitally-in all
(P. Das 1978: 146, 165). It says, too (U. Bhattacarya 1980:
399), that Prakrtiand Purusa are not in contact; one must take
the substance (bastu) situated in "one receptacle" (ek pdtre)
to another receptacle and let it rotate. When it becomes full of
prem, prem (feeling? substance?; cf. also n. 25) permeates ev-
erything, reaching the thousand-petalled lotus. Is "one" here
"same"? Then Prakrti and Purusa would be together, but not
joined, and must be "mixed" by rotation. This seems unlikely.
Is "one" thus simply "a"? Then the "substance" (Prakrti?,
Purusa?) must be moved to unite with the other aspect,
situated elsewhere in the same or another body. Though, like
403
course breath must be passed alternately through each
of the outer passages, this being effected through the
corresponding nostril, at times a reference to the pas-
sage actually meaning the nostril (cf. U. Bhattacarya
1980: 411); note too that "sun" and "moon," well-
known terms for pihgald and i.da, respectively, are in
the secret language of several religious groups also
used for the right and left nostrils respectively (op.
cit., 426).
16. Anyway, what the Nigurhdrthaprakdsdbali, on
which the above is mostly based, does say is different
(pp. 135, 293), namely that the pihgald is the passage
of blood, discharging in women who menstruate, while
the i.da is that of the kam-substance. "Joyful union"
(raman) is not to take place with the former. It may
take place at the latter's portal, then leading only to a
state of kdm "lust," not of prem "love" (cf. also n. 25);
the latter requires the portal of the central passage. Sa-
maras arises "if a blow with a stick takes place at the
portal of the susumni" (dan.daghdthay yadi susumnd
dbare). Caryapada 17 seems to have a similar im-
age106 (showing that danda there cannot refer to the
susumnd itself, as Das Gupta [1976: 98] opines). But
that image, too, is unclear and does not help to find out
what the "blow with a stick," which need not be quite
the same here, actually is. One may point to, e.g.,
Hathayogapradipiki 3.68 (Svatmarama 1975), which
refers to the Kundalini awakening and unravelling like
a snake hit with a stick, but can we assume the same to
be meant in the Bengali instances just quoted? We do
not even know for certain in whose body the passages
mentioned by the Nigirharthaprakaisball are. Turning
first to the outer ones, if they are in a man's body, then
the ida (on the left) might carry rati, here probably se-
men. Several "Buddhist" tantric texts actually say that
the left moon-passage carries semen, the right sun-
passage menstrual blood.107 But that contradicts not
only general tantric theory, but also the text itself,
which associates the right side of the body with the Pu-
rusa, the left with the Prakrti (P. Das 1978: 136, 294f.).
Also, the Prakrti could not be in the pihgald, as this
takes no part in the process. But if the outer passages
are those of a woman (could danda then refer to the
others, the text mentions both the "internal" and the "exter-
nal" sexual acts (P. Das 1978: 158) (cf. n. 103), the statement
on the Prakrti'slocation above could speak for the former. In
any case, it would be "standard"tantric theory.
106 On
this, see Kvaerne1977: 145-50.
107
Bagchi 1975: 66, S. B. Dasgupta 1974: 107, 156f.
404 Journal of the American Oriental Society 112.3 (1992)
penis?), then it seems as if rati would be associated
with the Prakrti (which would be in accordance both
with p. 136 and with the association with kdm) and be
different from the menstrual blood. Now Sahajiya rit-
ual as a rule does need a woman,108though not always
(see n. 103); is it thus not probable that the latter is the
case, even though I have no water-tight proof for
this?109 But what about the susumnd then; in whose
body is it? And what exactly is samaras? It may, but
does not really seem to have the meaning given in
n. 101. Is it a mingling of semen and the Prakrti-
substance? If so, how? Or is it a third substance?
17. The same text complicates matters by mentioning
(p. 133) two ratis, jib'rati and kdm'rati,in the kdm'saro-
bar in the bhagagatta "vagina-hole" (on the sarobars
cf. ?8). It also mentions three ratis: jib'ratilbasturati,
kdm'rati and krsnarati (pp. 133f.), leaving unclear
whether these are substances, or feelings.?10 P. Das
(1978: 282) says that the first of these ratis is to be
purified to give the second, and this then to give
prem'rati, seeming to take all these to refer to sub-
stances, for the last rati is to be further purified to
give a pure, glowing juice (ras). I miss clear evidence
for this theory in the texts adduced loco citato. How-
ever, the Amrtaratndbali says that the substance (bastu)
nirupan is in the kdm'sarobar, attaining which gives
the substance tattbadhan, attaining this the substance
rati, which leads to the pure "man" (or: lets a man
108Menstruating, according to S. Cakrabarti 1989: 151,
U. Bhattacarya 1980: 379 (see the passage in verse). But
cf., against this, Sinha; see ?15.
109Note too Candidas's line (P. Das 1978: 134): "Without it
has one portal, within there are three" (bahire tahdr ek'ti
duydr, bhitare tin'ti ache). These could be the external vagi-
nal opening and the three internal openings of the tubularpas-
sages, though a structurewithin the body could also be meant,
then perhaps in a male; P. Das indeed seems to see here the
union of the three tubular passages to form a structure with
only one opening to its exterior (but within the body), but
three (one of each passage) inside. (See on the song contain-
ing this line also Bose 1927b: 57ff.)
110In the former case not to be confused with the ratis in
n. 100, though note that the fifth of these (madhur'rati) is it-
self subdivided into three ratis, which, though having differ-
ent names (K. Bhattaicairya1978: 166, H. Dfas 1987: 639 sub
ratibhed, and Rana 1988: 20f., Saihfa1986: 14f.), may have
been transmutedinto the ratis above as substances, a connec-
tion being even more probable if these be not substances, but
emotions.
attain a pure nature).111 Another passage of the same
work112 makes it probable that there are code words
here which I do not understand; I also do not know
whether "substance"is meant literally. Yet anotherpas-
sage (p. 308) says that the woman/spouse of kam is
a sixteen-year-old called gandhakali situated in the
kam'sarobar; she, the kam'dtmd, is the woman of the
jib'atma. Through attaining her, kam-less rati is ob-
tained. Note also that the text in n. 112 says that rati re-
fers to Rfidha,kim to Krsna, but also uses these terms,
along with prem, in a confusing manner.113The same
work says (p. 279) that jib'rati/deharati and prem'rati
are situated on the left and right side respectively, in the
same passage mentioning kdm'rati and prem'rati too,
but in a way which to me looks as referringto emotions.
All this is only a preliminary overview, showing never-
theless how difficult the whole is.114
18. Baul theory has problems that are in some respects
similar, compounded by its connecting the Prakrtiwith
l Op. cit., 276:
kam sarobare ache bastu nirupan, sadhile pdibe tahd
bastu tattbadhan.
sei bastu sddhile pdibe bastu rati, guddhasattbamdnus
pdibe tahd prati.
The same text says (ibid.):
kdm sarobare rati sddhibe yatane, sddhile pdibe rati
sahaj bastu dhane.
rati siddha bastu hay karile sddhan, rdger bhajan ei
haila nibedan.
112
Op. cit., 197, 286f.:
rati gabde rddhd gun prem dr kdm, kdm gabde kdnta
rddhdramanndm.
rati rddhd nam hay prem bastu nitya, sahaj manus sei
sbatahsiddha satya.
sei akaitab hay prem nitya tar, tahd bind nityabastu
keha nahe dr.
sei mdnuser sthiti bakd nadi par, srinandanandan
krsna sbayam prakdg tar.
113 Anotherpassageof this work (op. cit., 278) says that
Krsna is rati, rup (cf. also ?20), ras and prakrti, which how-
ever is in keeping with his role as cosmic principle. The
Rasakadambakalikd(ibid., 179) says: rati siddha rddhd rati
prakrti sbarip.
114 Cf. also the puzzle posed by the terms gilimuiijari and
ndlimunjari and their explanations (the union of the genitals,
located in the genitals, and the union of the male and female
aspects, located in the thousand-petalled lotus, respectively)
in the Ndyikdsddhan'tikd(Dimock 1966a: 243).
 DAS: Sexual Rituals of the Bauls of Bengal
menstrual blood. This seems, according to some, to
have rati as its vital part. Seemingly, the menstrual
blood must be taken in, this vital part filtered out and
united with semen, which is obviously different from a
mere separation of semen and menstrual blood. One
gets the impression that rati here is the concentrated
Prakrti in the menstrual blood. But matters are not so
easy, as other statements could imply that the Purusa is
always present in the Prakrti in part, rati actually being
this part of the Purusa present in the Prakrti, and hav-
ing to be distilled out. On the other hand, one also gets
the impression that rati is the Prakrti-Purusa. Yet other
statements lead one to assume that rati is actually a
substance not the same as semen, menstrual blood, or
their combination (cf. also the statement of Sinha 1961
and 1966 in ?15). For preliminary information on all
this see, e.g., U. Bhattacarya (1980: 89, 362f., 368,
374f., 396-404, 412, 424), who seems the only scholar
aware of the problem at all; I may draw particular at-
tention to pp. 401ff., which links three ratis (cf. ?17)
with the three discharges of the three days of menstrua-
tion (cf. ?3). Apart from what has been said by
U. Bhattacarya (1980), I have little information on the
subject, though I must mention the possibility that
what could play a role here, too, is the most vexing
problem of female semen in Indian thought, which
O'Flaherty (1980: 15-61) has recently drawn attention
to115 (see also Kvarne 1975: 9738, Marglin 1982:
309).116 This would fit our last question in ?16 won-
derfully. U. Bhattacarya (1980: 412, 424) actually calls
rati, stribirya "female semen," expressly differentiat-
ing it from menstrual blood! If the outer tubular pas-
sages in ? 16 do indeed refer to those in a woman, then
the substance in the pihgald would be an exact coun-
terpart to male semen generally held to be in this very
passage. Note however also S. Cakrabarti (1989: 183):
rati is male semen, though in a different context, so
that here we may actually have a homonym of our rati
above (cf. ?39).
19. A song by Rup'cad,117 popular among Bauls of
western Bengal, where Vaishnavism is a strong influ-
ence, may illustrate the problem of rati:
115
Though her efforts at throwing light on it are not satis-
factory (she seems to be at a loss, especially, when discussing
Indian medicine).
116 I am also
discussing the problem of female semen in In-
dian medicine in the study mentioned in n. 16.
117 Text as in
U. Bhattacarya 1980: 840; a slightly shorter
version (sung by Laksman Das) is to be found on Recordings
405
My mind (= self), take on the characteristics of the
Prakrti.
Take on the nature of the Prakrti,do ritual practice;118
The rati of the body will be upward[-going].
The one who is in the six-petalled one:
Take that one into the reverse apparatus(see ?4).
If that one goes to the two-petalled one,
The/A light will blaze up.
Then fruitlessness/detriment will be cessation
(= cease);
The rati will become steadiness/concentration/
perfection/liberation (nistha),
12: side A, no. 3 (in part incorrectly translated and explained
on the cover):
amar man, saja prakrti.
prakrtir sbabhab dhara, sadhan kara, urdhba habe
deher rati.
ye ache saradale, tare lao ultakale,
yadi se yda dbidale, uth'bejbale jyoti.
takhan anartha nibrtti habe, nistha habe rati,
kam'brahmasdkar habe, uday habe gurur miirti.
ye ache mulddhdre, tare lao sahasradale,
ydbi birajar pare tdhdr samhati.
sei yubati rasabati, rasamay murati,
eman madhur rati jib'ke diye prdpta kardy krsnapati.
rup'cad bal'che sbaruip,age tui dhar'ge se rup,
sbarup-ripe rap dekh'tepabi koti suryer jyoti.
guru bhinna habe nd re murhamati,
gurur daydy saphal habe krsnakrpd-prapti.'
A. Bhattfacarya(1977: 948) has a different version, not men-
tioning Rup'cad. Who Rup'cad is I do not know; could it be
the poet mentioned by Jhf (1986: 107), H. Das (1987: 1352f.),
A. Cattopadhyay(1986), and Chakrabarty(1985: 465)?
118 Transforming inwardly into a female consort
(gopi) of
Krsna (originally to unite with him), specially Rfdha, is im-
portant in Bengali Vaishnavism (cf., e.g., Stewart 1985: 74f.,
159f., 199ff., 217, 257ff., 301, 339ff., 408ff., 466ff.; Dimock
1966b: 49); outwardly it may approach transvestism (Chakra-
barty 1985: 119). In tantric contexts too, "becoming a
woman" plays a role in uniting Prakrti and Purusa (for its ra-
tionale see, e.g., P. Das 1978: 158-62, 331ff.; U. Bhattacarya
1980: 364; Dimock 1966a: 158-61; Sanyal 1989: 131ff.,
173ff.; A. C. Dfis 1986: 62-64). Importantto many Bauls too,
it is also found elsewhere; see, e.g., Singer 1966b: 111,
129ff., with references to much older (also non-Vaishnava)
South Indian attestations-I may add the identification of
devotee and gopi(s) in book 10.3 of Nammalvar'sTamil Tiru-
vaymoli (probably pre-ninth century) (Matavatasan 1962:
745-47); cf. also Clooney 1991, S. Ghos 1984: 38ff.,
G. Bhattacarya 1989: 86f.
406 Journal of the American Oriental Society 112.3 (1992)
The Kamabrahman(Krsna?)119will take up form/
materialize;
The figure of the Guru will appear (cf. ?1).
The one who is in the mauldhara:
Take that one to the thousand-petalled one.
You'll go to the [other] side of the viraja,120
In her/To his union (= in union with her / to union with
him).
That young maiden is juicy, with a form all of juice.
Such sweet rati/enjoyment (madhur rati) through a
being
Does Lord Krsna cause (or: Causes Lord Krsna) to be
attained.
Rup'cad is telling (= describing) the sbarap;
First you go and catch that rup.
You'll be able to see the [real] form (or: beauty) (rap)
in sbarap and rap,
The light of a crore of suns.
Without the Guru [it] won't be (= you won't be
successful), oh [you] of ignorant intellect;
Through the mercy of the Guru the attainmentof the
grace of Krsna will be successful.
20. The mention of the "rati of the body," and of sub-
stances to be raised from the spinal base121 and present
there, suggest that this describes an "internal" sexual
act (see n. 103). But Bauls singing the song presum-
ably see it as being in accord with their beliefs, and
then the above might be taken to refer, in not too literal
language, to something that enters the body. This leads
to problems, starting with rup (OIA rupa-, "form,
shape") and sbarup (OIA svarupa-, "own form/shape;
nature, character [peculiar to someone/something]"),
theological concepts important to Bengali Vaishna-
vism: rup designates the outward appearance, sbarup
119Thus U. Bhattacarya 1980: 475. This is probably cor-
rect; cf., e.g., Venkateswaran 1966: 151ff., Dimock 1966a:
132 (on the Brahman-aspectof Krsna); and kdm gdaatri (as a
means of obtaining Krsna; see, e.g., Sastri 1987: 35f.) in
K Bhattacarya 1978: 39 (also Dimock 1966a: 149, 229;
P. Das 1978: 358).
120
This river (Beng. Biraja) is the boundary of the abode
of Krsna-Visnu, Vaikuntha, the heavenly Vrindavan (Vrnda-
vana) (cf. ?2). It is obtainable through the portal of Sakti,
i.e., the vagina, according to the Brhat Nigam (see n. 104)
(U. Bhattacarya 1980: 381: sribrnddban papti [sic] hap sakti
[sic] dbdre). See also Bose 1927a: 57ff.; P. Das 1978: 142,
285, 296; and H. Das 1987: 721, as well as n. 187.
121
On the six-petalled plexus, see ?13.
the inner essence.122 Thus behind the human rap is the
sbarip of the cosmic principle (split into two compo-
nents).123 True union124 of the male and female aspects
can take place only when the sbarup behind the rup is
fully realized. The Bauls too believe in the doctrine of
rip and sbarip. But to them (Sahajiyas seemingly too),
rup also is the substance of the Prakrti, and sbarup
may denote semen;125 the Prakrti-substance to Bauls
(also Sahajiyas?; see n. 108), however, is menstrual
blood. In a Baul interpretation, our song could play
with all these meanings. Rati seems to be a substance
here. The mention of something ascending, and of an
ascending rati, suggest that the two are identical. No
clear proof is possible, but if they indeed are, then
nistha (on its various meanings given above, cf. H. Das
1987: 390) arises after this rati's ascent and transfor-
mation into a glowing substance, immovable and unfet-
tered, i.e., firm and concentrated in itself.126 The state
of mind (rati; cf. ?15), too, is transmuted to such a
supreme state on the emotional plane; it is thus surely
no coincidence that our song mentions madhur rati
("sweet rati"), too, which is the highest emotional rati
subsuming all the others and as such the ultimate emo-
tion to strive for.127
21. According to whether the Purusa descends or re-
mains in the head, rati would refer to Prakrti-Purusa or
122
E.g., the rap of a man would be the man, his sbarup
Krsna = Purusa, rap and sbarap of a woman the woman
and Radha = Prakrti,respectively. It is tempting to see some-
thing similar, or at least the germ of such a theory, in
carato visvarapasya rapadravyam yad ucyate, referring to
semen (OIA sukra-), in Carakasamhita, Cikitsasthana 2.4.49
(Acharya 1941), but in the absence of any corroborating evi-
dence that would be nothing but speculation.
123Rap and sbarup are thus not the same as sthalasarira
("gross body") and lihgasarira or saksmasarira ("subtle
body"), which we could, though not quite equivalently, also
translate as "body" and "soul," respectively.
124
By emotive or sexual (OIA anumana-, vartamdna-; cf.
U. Bhattacarya 1980: 476ff.) means, the latter "internal" or
"external" (see n. 103).
125
Rap in this meaning is common (on rap "woman" cf.
S. Cakrabarti 1989: 215, 237), sbarap, however, much rarer
(see, e.g., Sariph 1984: 19).
126Cf., e.g., P. Das 1978: 132, 144f., 148f.; U. Bhattacarya
1980: 89, 1059.
127Rati also has a profane meaning; cf. the translation. We
have the same play with meanings in the use of "juice" (ras);
cf. n. 22.
 DAS: Sexual Rituals of the Bauls of Bengal
Prakrti, with regard to both "internal" and "external"
acts.128 In a Baul interpretation it would be the latter,
but we still do not know exactly in what manner, for,
despite the common notions on their theory, it is still
possible that those singing this song do suppose an as-
cent of the Prakrti (from the woman) to the Purusa,
who remains static; cf. Pafij's Nirdkare jyotirmay in
?11. There is another uncertainty too, for the relation
between ascending from the six-petalled plexus and as-
cending from the milddhdra is also not clear; are these
plexuses the same or different, and do the same or
different substances ascend? If different substances as-
cend, then are these Purusa and Prakrti, Prakrti-Purusa
and something else, or this latter and the Prakrti (to the
Purusa)? Now in a Sahajiya theory the basic character-
istic of one of Radha's rivals as Krsna's consort, Viraja,
is kam.129 We do not know whether our song presup-
poses a knowledge of this theory, but if it should, then
not only could the other side of the viraja be a refer-
ence to transcending lust, but we could also have a
very subtle reference to two "female" substances.
22. Should this seem like hair-splitting, then consider
Yadubindu's remark130 that rup, rati and ras move
"against the current"131 to the top of the thirty-two
chambers/compartments,132 where the manikothi is
(cf. ?11)!133 Songs speaking of "three persons," or the
128
The "young maiden" in the song may refer to the
Prakrti, but also to the female sexual partner (often called
Prakrti,by Bauls too).
129 See Dimock 1966a: 210f. (where we have
Viraja
throughout).
130 In the song Sahaj bhajan kathin karan ye pare ei sa-
hajer ghare (U. Bhattacarya 1980: 935).
131The simile is that of a laden boat plying against the cur-
rent, a very common image in Baul songs. An interesting
song using it is one by Rames (see n. 73) describing the jour-
ney of the Purusa from the triveni (see n. 63) via the nasat,
etc. (in correct order; cf. ?14), to be completed successfully
with the help of the bhn.dari (Recordings 6: side A, no. 6:
Majhi tribenir ghdite re joydr dhare yadio);cf. also Yakariya
1974: 154f.
132 Obviously in the head, irrespective of whether we here
have a plexus of thirty-two petals or the like or whether it is
the body which is said to have thirty-two chambers/compart-
ments; cf. nn. 78, 133.
33 rup-rati-ras ujan cale, batris kothar upare.
batris kothdr tald ata, tar upare mani-kotha.
rup-rasete cabi-dtd, sadar-khir'ki duidhare.
407
like, could perhaps134 refer to similar ideas (see esp.
Datta/Bhaumik 1966: [118], [131]-[34]), though one
could also consider the three ratis mentioned in ?18.
Complicating matters, U. Bhattacarya (1980: 458)
quotes a passage from Krsnananda's Tantrasira135
saying that in a woman the moon-passage (i.da) carries
water, the sun-passage (pihgald) menstrual blood and
the fire-passage (susumna) "seed."136 This naturally re-
minds one of the female semen in ?18. But he, p. 412,
also says that the man draws rap, ras and rati into his
penis, and identifies these as menstrual blood, semen
and female semen, which is problematic (is semen
drawn in?), the problem being compounded by the fact
that this statement is not substantiated, so that we do
not know whether it is based on the testimony of Bauls
or the author's own ideas.
23. This leads to another vexing matter. Many Baul
songs and descriptions seem to hold that the Purusa
sadar-khir'ki ei dui dbare rup-rati-ras basat kare.
dekh'te habe nihar dha're sethad rasaraj biraj kare.
(On the khir'ki "postern" mentioned here, cf. n. 231.) The
song makes it seem possible that the thirty-two chambers/
compartments refer to a plexus with thirty-two petals, or the
like. On the other hand, batris kothd might also mean "that
which has thirty-two chambers/compartments,"which would
speak for it signifying the body. Sukur Mah-mud in his Gupi-
candrer Sannyas actually says that the body (here, ghat "jar")
has thirty-two kothas (ghat madhye laba ladridr batris kothda;
Yakariya 1974: 173). In this connection it is interesting that
according to Yakariya (1974: 148, 172) the body has thirty-
two tubular vessels (nali, OIA nddi-); according to Bose
(1927a: 49f., 53; see also Bose 1986: 127f.), this is, however,
the number of the principal passages, according to Sahajiya
doctrine only. As regards laba lari in the manuscript of Gupi-
candrer Sannyds, this is quite problematic. Could it refer to
nine tubular passages (naba ndai) (cf. Yakariya 1974: 173)?
134 Though not necessarily, as "three" can mean various
things, principally, of course, the three tubular passages. Note
also the very frequent speculation on the three mysterious let-
ters a (alif, Beng. aleph, dliph), 1 (lam) and m (mim, Beng.
mim) found at the beginning of many Suras of the Koran.
135
Quoted in translation. The edition quoted from was un-
obtainable. On Krsnanandasee also Dimock 1966a: 42f.
136 On the nomenclature of the passages see, e.g., Das
Gupta 1976: 239; on the outer passages, cf. also Bagchi 1975:
61-73; S. B. Dasgupta 1974: 107, 154-57. An ancient system
associates the central, left, and right passages with sun, moon,
and fire, respectively (Gupta/Hoens/Goudriaan1979: 59f.).
408 Journal of the American Oriental Society 112.3 (1992)
appears in or with the menstrual blood. That need not
be problematic if it actually refers to the Prakrti-
Purusa;as this is formed in conjunction with menstrual
blood, we could rightly talk of its "appearance."More
problematic is that, in many descriptions, what we
have so far taken to be the Prakrti-Purusais referred to
in the same terms as the uncombined Purusa always
situated within the body. But one might suppose that
this is just terminological laxity.137 Even more puz-
zling is that, at times, one gains the impression that
some Bauls seem to hold that the (Prakrti-)Purusais
to be drawn, with the menstrual blood, into the male
body from without. This seems at first sight to be
in keeping with the theory of ritual intercourse of
U. Bhattacarya(1980: 387f.): the male aspect (bij, OIA
bija-, and isbar, OIA isvara-) in the woman's head is
each month attracted to the female aspect at the spinal
base in the menstrual blood, and descends to unite with
this. It is in this state the sahaj manus "sahaja man
(here perhaps better: person)," sahaj (cf. n. 42) being
the basic essence (mul'sattd) of the body, the union of
bij and menstrual blood. The sbarap (see ?20) of bij is
prem, of menstrual blood kam. Prem and kim must be
separated, and this is what the man does; he separates
out the sahaj mdnus "having the form of prem, i.e., the
sensation of the unchanging (or: the unchanging sensa-
tion of the) joy of prem,"138makes this ascend to his
head and feels the joy of the eternal prem-union of
Prakrtiand Purusa.139
24. But this theory is actually problematic; especially
the last part is unclear, seeming, moreover, to juggle
137Cf. also the discussion (Dimock 1966a: 140ff.) on the
different, but basically one, bhatatman (Prakrti= material na-
ture), jivatman (Purusa = spirit) and paramatman (Prakrti-
Purusa). But P. Das (1978: 199ff.) takes these to refer to the
soul (atma, opposed to deha "body"), saying however that the
individual (jib) addicted to earthly pleasures is the bhutattman,
with a mind purified through the guru's influence the jivat-
man, and in oneness with Krsna the paramatman. The texts
cited do not seem to substantiate this, as also not the theory
on the nature of the three bodies (bhautik deha, hutadeha,
nityadeha), explained as the bodies of the nonpracticer of rit-
ual, the practicer, and the successful practicer, respectively.
138prem-rupi sahaj-manus . .. arthat' sthir premanander
anubhuti.
139 This theoryis brieflyrepeatedon pp. 398f., a passage
from the Bibartabilas being cited as proof. But this is unclear,
and also a Sahajiya, not a Baul, text, not necessarily referring
to the same matters (see n. 105).
with expressions. One could hold that something new
(prem?) is created, this then ascending (cf. ??15ff.),
but then this cannot be the sahaj manus itself. But if
the sahaj mdnus is the male aspect and is alone sepa-
rated out, how can male and female aspects be in a
state of eternal union? Also, where is the male's male
aspect? It is not mentioned at all. And we surely cannot
interpret the theory as stating that the male aspects of
the man and the woman unite! Something seems wrong
here, and when we look at the excerpts from the Brhat
Nigam (see n. 104) on pp. 382-87, on which this
theory is mostly based, we find that the author seems
to misinterpret his material. For this text expressly
says that the sahaj mdnus is the Prakrti,140residing in
the menstrual blood in the thousand-petalled lotus in
the woman's head.141 It sallies forth to unite with the
Purusa (isbar "Lord," and bij). First comes the blood,
then ras and rap / the form (rap) of ras. The "sub-
stance" (bastu) (Prakrti?) reaches the six-petalled lo-
tus. The bindu (semen; cf., too, n. 88) descends. Then
all three go to the four-petalled, and finally to the
thousand-petalled lotus, where they are joyful and
flavor ras together with the "pair."142
25. The theory of U. Bhattacarya (1980) (?23) might
stem from his identifying the lotuses with six and four
petals as svddhisthana and muladhdra, respectively,
which would mean that the substances mentioned unite
in the woman's body, for that is where the svddhis-
thana would have to be, as the malddhara lies lower.
But the text (pp. 383f.) expressly defines not only the
sahaj manus as Prakrti, but also the siddha mdnus as
Purusa, who is to create a garden and partake of ras
140 ami
sahaj manus hai kisuri (= kigori) sbarap,
tumi siddha purus hao krsner anurup (p. 384).
Also:
isbar puras haen pikiti mdnus (ibid.).
141 sahastadal
[sic] padma kisurir mastak upare,
tahar bhitare rahe raja satadhare.
tahar angete hay manuser gati . .. (ibid.).
142 isbar miliba bali manus cali ydy, age rakta cale pdche
rasarap dhdy.
eirupe mdnus cale haid rase bas, bindupdt haile hay
mddhujyaprakda.
saradale jay bastu muttimdn haid, dpan sadal nayyd
rahila basia.
tdr'pare tin jane catudale jay, kisurir krpalese
sahastadal pday.
nijasthdne tin jane dnanda haid, jugal sahit rahe ras
dsbddid.
 DAS: Sexual Rituals of the Bauls of Bengal
with one lover in Braj (Beng. Braja, OIA Vraja-),143as
the vagina is called: sei bhag hay sudhya midhajya
brajadhdm. Now the Prakrti appears in Vrindavan (the
woman?, her vagina?; cf. pp. 383f., 386f.; also
S. Cakrabarti 1989: 134) of the woman, the Purusa in
Navadvipa (Beng. Nabadbip) in the man (p. 386). This
seems a reference to the notion that Caitanya is the
male aspect of Krsna;144it is thus consequent if the
text not only lets him seek union with Rfdha, but also
says (ibid.) that, through the union, Krsna, the divine
Prakrti-Purusa,is obtained.145Considering the fact that
Baul ritual requires coitus reservatus, it becomes clear
that the six-petalled lotus cannot be the svidhisthana
of the woman, but must rather refer to the six-petalled
plexus described in ?13 as the lowest plexus-in the
male. Then the four-petalled lotus is also not the
miiladhara of "Hindu" tantrism, but either the four-
petalled lotus in the throat mentioned by the Nigurh-
irthaprakasabali (P. Das 1978: 151), or akin to the
mahasukhacakra (?padma), in the head, of "Buddhist"
tantrism.
26. From this it follows that the Prakrtiis cranially sit-
uated in the woman just like the Purusa in the man, and
that both are referred to by the same term, "man" (or
"person"), which may be qualified by differentiating
adjectives, but need not be, as Baul songs tell us. Of
course, I do not know whether we can postulate accep-
tance of this by all Bauls, as it is not without its prob-
lems, for the seat of the Prakrtiis usually taken to be in
the perineum. However, it is also true that most tan-
trism seems to be concerned only with males, so per-
haps this does not hold true for females. But there is
also the problem of the three substances ascending in
the male. These may be the Prakrti-Purusaand its two
components regarded as separate entities (cf. also ?22),
but what then is the "pair" mentioned in ?24? And
143 ei
braje ek kuija karid sijyan, ek pyari lana kara ras ds-
badan. Padmalocan's Brajer gydm'sundar'ke dhar'bi yadi
sbarap sadhan karo (U. Bhattacarya 1980: 931) seems to use
"Braj" similarly too, as also might Rejo Ksyapa's Brajapure
rup'nagare yabi yadi man (ibid., 922f.; on rup cf. ?20).
144This older
theory has been almost fully superseded in
Bengali Vaishnavism by the image of Caitanya as an andro-
gyne, i.e., as Prakrti-Purusa.This development has been stud-
ied in detail by Stewart (1985; see also Srivfstav 1988: 515-
17, S. Sen 1988: 501). On its place in Baul thought see
U. Bhattacarya 1980: 54, 312; S. Cakrabarti1986b: 134.
145 pikiti bilase sukh
jane jei jan, sei pdibe braje brajen-
dranandan.
409
what is ras in the text of n. 142; is it linked with the
Prakrti, or is it semen in the male? There is obviously
much more to be studied, and this holds true also for
the differentiation of ras and blood, which brings us
right back to the problem of rati and female semen dis-
cussed above. But we should also remember the pas-
sage in ?22 telling us of three different substances in
the tubular passages of a woman (cf. also the three
ratis in ?17 and ?18).146 This brings to mind ?3, which
mentioned three days as the actual period of ritual in-
tercourse. According to Baul songs, there is obviously
a difference in the menstrual discharges of these days;
the question now is whether such differences might
perhaps be linked with different substances being dis-
charged by different passages, or whether there is just a
qualitative difference in the single substance secreted.
In this regard we must however also examine whether
all the passages discharge on each of the three days, or
whether only one discharges on each day. Baul songs
contain a wealth of material on these matters. I may
however point out again that the problem is obviously
linked to that of the three ratis, too; see ?18.
27. This leads to another problem regarding rati. A
song of Lalan147mentions the same triad (ras, rap and
rati) as ?22, saying, however, that it moves about in
the "hundredor thousand-petalled one(s)."148Then the
song, in succession, mentions lotuses with the follow-
ing number of petals: two, six (twice) (or sixteen and
then six),149 ten. On ten petals see ?13, on sixteen ?12;
the other two lotuses would correspond to the ajna and
svadhisthdna, respectively. The thousand-petalled lotus
corresponds to the sahasrdra. But what is the hundred-
petalled one? Is it just another form of the thousand-
petalled lotus, or different? If the latter, are the two
somehow part of each other, or separate? The hundred-
petalled lotus is mentioned in several songs of Lalan,
146 Brnddbanetin raner tin phul (Capwell
Radhagyam's
1986: 183; sung by Yatin Das: Recordings 15: side A, no. 3)
seems to refer to Radha and Krsna in the three menstrual
streams (cf. ?18), which is quite problematic (cf. ?23).
147 Kibda obhd dbidaler pare; for different versions see
Dag/Mahapatra 1958: 155f., U. Bhattacarya 1980: 627,
Brahma 1987a: 154, Hamidul Is'lam 1981: 111 (I could not
find it in S. Mitra 1979).
148 satadal kimbd sahasradal
ras'ratirupe kare caldcal (thus
correctly Dag/Mahapatra1958; Brahma 1987a has rab for ras,
probably a misprint, whereas the other two works delete rfpe).
149 Brahma 1987a: soladale bardm
yogdntare for saradale
baram....
410 Journal of the American Oriental Society 112.3 (1992)
either joined by "or,"150 or else in a copulative com-
pound,151 with the thousand-petalled one, and once
alone,152 the latter however doubtful, as other versions
do not have this reading.153 One gains the impression
that the two might be in the same place, the head.
Bholai's first song in n. 58 actually tells us that the
"hundred-petalled one" is (up)on the tree, i.e., the
body.154 But in his song Ki djab ghar ... (see n. 88)
he says that the body-house (see n. 66) has a lotus of
the feet, of semen and of a hundred petals, the latter
being where the house is made erect,155 which I do not
understand. His 0 yauban bali tore (Tena 1980: 8f.)
mentions the lotus of a hundred petals as something
that does not work properly anymore in old age (like
the emotions, senses, etc.); could this refer to the
brain? Imfn All, in his song of n. 89, says that the hu-
150
Til parimdn jay'gate ki kud'ratimayin Abu Talib 1968:
25 (joined through ki; Das/Mahapatra[1958: 91f.] have a cop-
ulative compound).
151In Apandr apani re man na jdna thikdna (Das/Maha-
patra 1958: 6, U. Bhattacarya 1980: 569, Hamidul Is'lam
1981: 99), Ache adi makka ei mdnab'dehe (Das/Mahapatra
1958: 199f.; the relevant line is missing in the shorter
versions of U. Bhattacarya 1980: 572f. and Hamidul Is'lam
1981: 37) and Bhdber uda) yedin hay (Das/Mahapftra 1958:
270, Hamidul Is'lam 1981: 80, U. Bhattacarya 1980: 669, and
S. Mitra 1979: 193f.).
152In Mur'gid ran'mahale saddi
jhalak dey (Dag/Mahapatra
1958: 90).
153U. Bhattacarya 1980: 615 and Hamidul Is'lam 1981:
107f. read saptatale antahpuri (cf. ?46) instead of gatadal an-
tahpuri.
154The concept of the body as a tree is old, found in the
Caryapadas (cf. Kvaxrne 1977: 40-42), and in tantric texts
too, where the tree is also said to be inverted (Gupta/Hoens/
Goudriaan 1979: 58), which reminds one of the cosmic tree
(often upside-down), not only in Vedic India, but in religions
all over the world (on the cosmic tree see, e.g., R. P. Das
1983: 67326, 1987: 247, and 1991: 74732; Reno 1977: 78ff.;
Parkes 1991: 85ff.; see also Derrett 1992: 55f. and Yakariya
1974: 169 on the anupdm brksa in Gupicandrer Sannyas of
Sukur Mah-mud). In Baul songs the tree seems also to be,
more specifically, the trunkof the body, and, still more specifi-
cally, the spine with its passages and plexuses. Cf. also a song
by Miraj All (Ami kare yauban dan kariba, Recordings 16:
side B, no. 4), in which the poet, like a woman pining for her
lover, laments on his futile quest for the "friend," saying that
he has bound the pot (see n. 69) of (i.e., for) ras (see n. 22) on
the tree of prem "love" (cf. n. 25) in vain. See also n. 17.
155ache pada padmadal, muni padmadal, gatadale hay
ghar khadr. On muni see n. 58.
man body ("lotus") has a hundred thousand "bunches/
clusters" (?), or that it ("flower") has a lotus with a
hundred thousand petals (cf. n. 90), but that a hundred-
petalled flower is on its eighth bunch/cluster/petal (and
a thousand-petalled flower in the head). Does this mean
that the hundred-petalled plexus is on the eight-
petalled plexus (cf. n. 158), or that it is the eighth
plexus?156
28. As far as I know, "orthodox" tantric systems have
no hundred-petalled plexus. But Sahajiya Vaishnava
works do (see, e.g., Dimock 1966a: 174-76; U. Bhatta-
carya 1980: 337f.; P. Das 1978: 150f., 277; Bose
1927a: 51 and 1986: 129). There seems however to be
confusion on the site of this padma (indeed, the whole
system of sarobars and padmas in these texts seems
not to be standarized; cf. also n. 46). Some place it in
the region of the heart (corresponding to that of the
andhata), some in that of the upper abdomen (corre-
sponding to that of the manipura).157 The Atmaniru-
pan, in an obvious amalgamation, mentions two such
lotuses, in the heart and the navel regions, respec-
tively.158 The Sahaj'tattba too mentions two such pad-
156sata sahasra dal padma phule, ihdr astam dale ray
gatadal;
bhom'ra se thake cirakal berajer kule (cf. n. 120 and
?21).
ore dudiya padma achen sei phule, oi ache sadhaner
phale;
ihar astam dale ray satadal, sahasra dal ray mastake.
157Cf. P. Das 1978: 150, U. Bhattacarya 1980: 337; in the
text quoted (Anandabhairab) the hundred-petalled padma
arises from the ksirod sarobar, which is above the man saro-
bar in the abdomen. (Dimock [1966a: 174] overlooks the lat-
ter part of this statement; thus, according to him, the padma
mentioned arises from the man sarobar.) One could argue that
both sarobars are in the abdomen, one in the lower, one in
the upper part. But the text of the Nigiurharthaprakdadbali
(P. Das 1978: 151) expressly places the ksir sarobar (obvi-
ously = ksirod sarobar) in the heart, the man sarobar in the
abdomen above the navel, which would tally with what the
Anandabhairab says, except that the hundred-petalledpadma
is said to arise from the man sarobar. The Amrtaratndbali
(ibid., 277) places the man sarobar, which gives rise to a
hundred-petalledlotus and is the seat of rati, in the heart.
158The lotus in the heart is the place of the "game" [of the
cosmic principle] descended from the thousand-petalled lotus,
whilst that below is where rup, rati and ras glitter (rup ras
rati karejhal'mal ) (U. Bhattacarya1980: 338). In the Ananda-
bhairab (see n. 157, esp. P. Das 1978) the man sarobar
seems to be the place of union; the mul substance (bastu)
 DAS: Sexual Rituals of the Bauls of Bengal
mas, the seats of Purusa (here Krsna) and Prakrti (here
Radha), in the right and left eye, respectively (Dimock
1966a: 176);159 this is repeated in the Brhat Nigam
(see n. 104) (U. Bhattacarya 1980: 383). All the texts
mention the thousand-petalledpadma too. Is Lalan thus
actually alluding to these theories, telling us that there
are two different places in which we may expect to find
the Purusa (at different times)?160
29. Baul songs may, like the Upanisads, refer to a cos-
mic principle in the heart. This could be due to lax use
of metaphors, maybe influenced by love songs, placing
the beloved in the heart(-lotus) of the lover. On the
other hand, P. Das (1978: 150f.) quotes a Sahajiya text
placing seven sarobars (sarovaras) in the heart. True,
this seems an uncommon notion (do we have a micro-
cosm within the microcosm?), and, moreover, not in a
Baul text, but, given the links between the two groups,
we should examine the possibility of a transference of
attributes of the body to the heart in some Baul tenets,
especially since there are old Indian notions, still sur-
viving in Bengal (S. Cakrabarti1989: 134), placing the
macrocosm not in the body as such, but in the heart.161
While delivering the paper summarized as Tkatschow
1987, Dwight A. Tkatschow drew attention to a Tibetan
tantric text describing how two opposite energies, at the
base of the spine and in the head, respectively, can be
(Prakrti?) is found here, especially on the hundred-petalled
lotus: mul bastur sbarup sei padme ray. But the line immedi-
ately following runs: tar ndm sarobar prthu ndm hay "Its
name is the sarobar named prthu," with no description or lo-
calization preceding; could one or more lines between the two
lines have been mistakenly left out? An eight-petalled lotus
arises from the latter sarobar; this lotus however arises from
the ksir sarobar according to the Nigurhdrthaprakdsabali(see
n. 157), the prthu sarobar lying at the navel and giving rise to
a six-petalled lotus. (On the eight-petalled lotus in Sahajiya
texts see also U. Bhattacarya 1980: 365.) Cf. n. 162.
159It also locates the paramdtman (see n. 137), coming and
going via the nostrils, in the navel-region. Radha and Krsna in
the eyes remind one of Indra and Indrani, residing in the right
and left eye respectively (descending to copulate in the per-
son's heart during sleep), in a Vedic belief (Frauwallner 1982:
103ff.). Sukur Mah-mud's Gupicandrer Sannyds too mentions
two sarobars in the eyes, but with no other details (Yakariya
1974: 154).
160Cf. also the enigmatic mention of the hundred- and
thousand-petalled lotuses in a copulative compound in the
Balahari song in n. 86; the song might eventually also say that
an ocean is to be found in these.
161See Gupta/Hoens/Goudriaan1979:
57.
411
made to approach each other by certain practices and
unite in the region of the heart (cf. also n. 159); unfor-
tunately, the paper containing this information has, to
my knowledge, not yet been published. In a Chinese
theory, what we would call the Purusa, situated in the
perineal/genital region, has to ascend to the seat of
what we would call the Prakrti,namely to the heart, and
there unite with the latter; cf. Beurdeley 1969: 40. This
is quite intriguing, for we have seen that the Prakrti is
connected with a hundred-petalledpadma, which itself
may perhaps ultimately also be connected with the re-
gion of the heart, even though, in the texts mentioned in
?28, the lotus is in the eye. Thus we should also con-
sider the possibility of the Prakrtiresiding, according to
some Baul theory, in the heart; we shall return to this
problem in ?31 below. According to Beurdeley (1969:
40) however, the Chinese theory mentioned is a later
development in China, which once again leads to the
most complex problem of the possibility and, if it
should have existed, the nature of the relation between
the Indian and Chinese (and other) mystical sexual sys-
tems; I lack competence to remark on this old bone of
contention (see too U. Bhattacarya 1980: 527f.). But
see Meyer 1990: 42ff. (also Gulik 1961: 198, 200): ac-
cording to Chinese and Tibetan (medical) theories, a
branch of the path leading from perineum to cranium
leads to the heart. Cf. also the theory of three bindus
(cf. n. 88) signifying the three deities of the (male)
"Hindu"trinity, of which one is linked with the mouth,
the other two with the breasts of the Devi (= Prakrti)
(bindudvayam stanadvayam hrdi sthdne niyojayet) (see
Prajnianananda1988: 156).
30. Here an unknown author's song (Aj'gubi tarahga
nadi: Ab'dul Hamid 1981: 18f.) is interesting. In it, the
laden boat plying upriver (cf. n. 131) from the triveni
(n. 63) must pass a bend where the sun has appeared,
navigating past which is very difficult, as six guards
(obviously the six vices: lust, anger, greed, infatuation,
vanity and envy) sally forth and impede the boat. If
"bend" refers to one of the plexuses to be passed on
the way up, then "sun" is hard to explain. Could it be
the light in the heart of the plexus of this region (the
anahata in "Hindu"tantric terminology), which is also
said to be the world of the sun and, in some theories,
where the jivdtman or Prajapatiresides?162This would
162
According to one theory, this lotus of the heart contain-
ing the jivdtman has eight petals (Gupta/Hoens/Goudriaan
1979: 51); cf. nn. 78, 158. As for the sun, note that there is
also a very ancient (Vedic) theory linking the heart directly
with the sun (see Frauwallner 1982: 100ff.).
412 Journal of the American Oriental Society 112.3 (1992)
fit the theory that one of the several "nodes" (OIA
granthi-) in the susumnd, forming especial obstacles to
ascent, is at the door of the andhata.163 We saw in
n. 137 that the jivatman may be equated with the Pu-
rusa. Now "sun" is linked with the male principle, as,
e.g., in the case of the sun-passage, the pihgala (cf.
??15ff.); dazzling brightness is a characteristic of the
(Prakrti-)Purusa,in any case.164 Note too the discus-
sion on the hundred-petalled lotus in the eye carrying
the Prakrti in ?29; there is, as we have seen in ?28, a
similar lotus in which the Purusa is situated. Cf. also
the remarks on the receptacle of semen in n. 21. So
could we postulate that the song refers to the Purusa
in the heart?165Interesting in this connection is also
Briggs 1973: 313, where the manipara(ka) in the re-
gion of the navel is called saryasthana "place of the
sun"; cf. manipura as the abode of semen in ? 11.
31. But what about the difficulty of moving past the
bend? This hardly makes sense if it should harbor the
male aspect. Some tantras hold the/a sun to be situ-
ated at the base of the spine,166 where the Prakrti's
influence is strongest. Sun and Prakrti are equated in
some "Buddhist"tantric theories (see, e.g., n. 107, also
n. 165), just as "moon" often denotes semen and Pu-
163Cf. Gupta/Hoens/Goudriaan 1979: 175f. According to
Yakariya (1974: 175) the "postern"(on this see n. 231) is sit-
uated in the heart. If so, then this too could explain the diffi-
culty of navigating past the "bend," if this indeed be the
heart. But is the explanation of Yakariya correct?
164Cf. also Paul 1972: 10.
165In China the male principle is connected with the sun,
the female with the moon (Gulik 1961: 197). He opines that
these equations are actually of Indian origin (pp. 342f., 356)
and imported into China (p. 347), and that later there was a
reversal in India. But even earlier than the time of the sup-
posed Indian influence we seem to have had a reversal in still
older mystic correlations in China (p. 84), though of a compli-
cated nature leaving unclear whether the ancient equations,
male principle = fire = sun and female principle = water =
moon (pp. 37, 40), were any longer valid. The point I want
to make here is that there seem to have been theories current
in India and adjoining countries linking the Purusa with the
sun, and that we thus cannot discount the possibility of the
Bauls' having been influenced by them. Note also theories
linking the intellect with the heart, e.g., in Carakasamhita,
Cikitsasthana9.5 (buddher nivdsam hrdayam) (Acharya 1941)
(cf. also Sutrasthana30.3ff.); see Rao 1987: 105f., also Rhys
Davids/Stede 1975: 728f. and Ruben 1971: 38, 83.
166See, e.g., Gupta/Hoens/Goudriaan1979: 60, U. Bhatta-
carya 1980: 445.
rusa (cf. n. 55); this fits the usual notion of the Prakrti
being the active, the Purusa the passive principle.
Could "sun" therefore be the Prakrti here too? Kalusah,
in a song,167 says: ek mdiya sahasra dale basat kare
hrd kamale "One/A girl resides in the thousand-
petalled [lotus], in the lotus of the heart" (note too how
the sahasrdra and the plexus of the heart are mixed up;
cf. ??28f.). A song by Ajit Das begins: Amdder hrd'-
brnddbane thdken rddhi, thdken krsna-ndi kona sam-
gay "In our heart-Vrindavan resides Radha, resides
Krsna-there's no doubt" (A. K. Das 1980: 78). But
this may have been used metaphorically. Cf. however
Briggs 1973: 318: menstrual blood originates in the
manipara(ka) = siryasthina (cf. ?30). We may thus
consider whether "sun" in our song might not refer to
the Prakrti. Then a "bend" with the "sun" would obvi-
ously be very difficult for the cosmic principle to navi-
gate past. On the other hand, the "curved river" (cf.
n. 187) may be the vagina (S. Cakrabarti 1989: 14,
151); could "bend" here thus actually be the vagina?
But the bend is part of the river's upward course (nadir
o ujdn banke); would this apply to the vagina?
32. But the song apart, there are other tantalizing hints
above that, to some at least, the heart might be the seat
of either Prakrti,or Purusa, or Prakrti-Purusa.Some of
this is not based on Baul songs, and is not even Indian;
nevertheless, given the close parallels between many
Indian and non-Indian esoteric sexual theories, we
should not neglect any possible avenue of investiga-
tion. The need for following up such leads may be il-
lustrated by a line from Panj's Nirakdre jyotirmay (see
?11), which says that rati sports in the lotus of the
heart (hrd'kamale), mixed with radiant ras. The pre-
ceding line mentions the mingling of rap and sbarup,
and the following line the union in the manikothd (cf.
?11). U. Bhat.tacarya (1980: 1059) explains the line by
referring to the astral body of Theosophy, saying that
Panij means to say that in this astral body rati (which is
not explained) arises in the heart of the Purusa. This
does look far-fetched. I must confess that I have no ex-
planation of my own, but the song is very difficult and
obviously meant only for the initiated. Nevertheless, I
would like to draw attention to the various mentions of
rup, ras and rati in ??22, 27 and n. 158. The possibil-
ity of a link must be considered in any case, and this
shows that the discussion regarding the heart may not
touch just some obscure particulars in Baul belief, but
167Man tui phakir habire maiydr bdjare ydiyd (As'gar
1985a: 95f.).
 DAS: Sexual Rituals of the Bauls of Bengal
fundamental concepts, though not necessarily in the te-
nets of all Bauls.
33. But the heart is not the only problematic internal
organ. The uterus too is puzzling. In males the three tu-
bular passages open out in the perineal region, and one
should think that this is what they do in women too.
But these passages are in women instrumental in the
process of menstruation, and one cannot imagine that
Bauls would have no idea at all about the connection of
menstrual blood and the uterine opening into the va-
gina. Note in this connection the remark of Qureshi
(1977) in n. 63 on the triveni and the uterus. Of course
Baul songs mention the uterus too, but I have not come
across any references linking it with the theory of rit-
ual intercourse, though I have not made a systematic
search. In any case, I may draw attention to the prob-
lem of the three tubularpassages and the uterus, which,
to my knowledge, has not been studied yet.
34. Males however also have three tubular passages.
Since we have seen above that at least some theories
hold that women discharge different substances through
their passages, the question must arise whether some-
thing similar might not be the case for men, too. In
this connection the song mentioned in ?30 (Ab'dul
Hamid 1981: 19) is interesting, for it ends with the
question (to which the answering song seems not to be
known):168
168
Disputes between individuals or groups on religious
themes in the form of poems and songs, often spontaneously
composed, were popular in Bengal, and still are in some parts
or among certain groups (to which the Bauls also belong; see
?38). In Jessore (Yago[ha]r), such disputes (called dhdti ) are
part of the marriage ritual (to test the bridegroom; cf. Masud
1980: 208). In "orthodox" Hindu surroundings, particularly,
this form of question and answer developed into a quite liter-
ary genre which was at one time very popular; see P. Pal n.d.
and D. Simha 1978. In many parts of Bengal, the contestants
were or are called kabiyal (see also Ohidul Alam 1979: 88-90
and 1985: 43-64 on the kabiyals of Chittagong; on p. 90 of
the former, an opening statement [ghosa] mentions the lahut;
cf. ?14). The word bayaff, used in our song, is rarer in such a
context. It may, incidentally, also refer to the lead or sole
singer of a group; cf. 0. Ah'mad 1974: 100. For quite another
meaning of baydaf ("narrative singer" is probably the nearest
equivalent) see A. Bhatt.carya 1977: 1236, Deb 1966: 452-
67. See also Abu Talib 1985: 202-19. Many singers, mostly
of local fame in East Bengali villages, affix the word bayatf to
their names; a well-known example in Bangladesh is Ab'dur
Rah'man Bayati, who also has done several recordings. Three
413
Moon and sun are situated in the sky;
That sun has a [dark period] of new moon.
On which day do sun and moon have the [period of]
new moon?
O (poet-)singer, tell me [what] the new moon
Of moon and sun [is].169
As the outer tubular passages i.da and pihgald are the
moon and sun passages respectively, one may consider
them being meant here. But we have remarked in
??30f. on the equation of both Prakrti and Purusa with
the sun, too. Also, "moon" often signifies the cosmic
principle in Baul songs, which is hardly surprising, for,
quite apart from any secret terminology, "moon" (cad,
candra), as the second part of an appellation, especially
in endearments, is common to Bengali. "(Full) moon"
also refers to the "man" appearing out of menstruation
(cf. ??23ff.), which170 Baul songs often allude to as
"new moon." A "new moon" of the Prakrtiis of course
no problem, but what if the poem should refer to a
"new moon" of the Purusa too? This leads to some-
thing on which I have only tantalizing hints from
informants and hardly any references in primaryor sec-
ondary sources. Some Bauls may have a notion that the
man too has a "new moon" like the woman, less fre-
quent than her menstruationand not necessarily coinci-
dent with it. S. Cakrabarti (1989: 195) seems to be
referring to this too, but as "full moon," not "new
moon." Could Camu's Jhumur song (Saha 1973: 132)
hint at something similar: yubatir hay mdse mase pu-
ruser hay kon dibase ("the young woman has it month
after month; on which day does the man have it?")? As
to the fluids possibly secreted, I have no idea what they
are, where they come from, and whether or not they are
related to semen. The "new moon" (amabasyd) of the
sun is mentioned in Sukur Mah-mud's Gupicandrer
Sannyds (Yakariya 1974: 17 If.), too. The text says that
the sun has phases that are the exact opposite of those
of the moon; thus it has a new moon when the moon
has its full moon, the latter having its new moon when
the former has its full moon, and the like (see also
folk-poets with the title bayati are described in Ghatak
Caudhuri 1984: 43-54. Milu, the main character in Kay'sar
1987, is also a bayati in his village, singing folk- and his own
compositions, before he becomes a professional singer in Cal-
cutta and Dhaka. See also n. 57.
169dakaete candra sfrya ray, o suryer amabasyd hay.
candra suryer amdbasyd kon' dinete hay?
candra suryer amabasyd re bayati kayyd deo dmdy.
170The menstrual period or only its first day (the usage
varies).
414 Journal of the American Oriental Society 112.3 (1992)
Mandal 1949: 171). I must confess to not understand-
ing these and similar statements of the passage; the ed-
itor, too, was at sea, on p. 203 simply explaining "new
moon" according to the etymology of OIA amavaisya as
the time when sun and moon dwell together, which is
not very helpful (on the new moon cf. also G. Bhatta-
carya 1989: 41).
35. In Capwell 1986: 49, a Baul claims to effect "in-
ternal" sexual union, regarding this as superior to the
"external" one (cf. n. 103) (like the Kartabhajas, who
practice both; see A. C. Das 1986: 70). Such "internal"
union, usually not considered as effective as "external"
union, seems unusual among Bauls on the whole, but
not unknown.171 The Baul is however quoted as say-
ing: "The reason a partner is needed at all is that semen
must be activated, not merely retained,172 in order to
force it along the reverse path up the spinal column
from the mystical plexus near the genitals, to which it
has descended, to the plexus in the brain where it can
unite with its female counterpart." This last part is
highly problematic; it either seems to imply that the
Prakrti is situated cranially and the Purusa genitally,
for which I know of no parallels, or that both Prakrti
and Purusa (the latter first made to descend) rise up-
wards together, but not united on the way, for which,
too, I know of no parallels. And the possibility that
they might ascend along different paths is not in keep-
171
Cf., e.g., the song Harike dhar'bi yadi age gakti sahda
kar of Candi, which says that the "mother of the world"
(jagat-mdtd) resides in the miuldhara, the "father of the
world" (jagat-pitd) in the sahasrara (U. Bhattaicarya1980:
712). See also ibid., 84f.
172An activation of semen makes sense especially if the
abode of the Purusa is not the sahasrara, but the djfia. For, as
far as I know, the Prakrtialone cannot effect the difficult pas-
sage from the adjd to the sahasrdra. Thus, if the Purusa be
static and the Prakrti alone be dynamic and ascend up to it,
only the djnh would be reached, as there the Prakrti-Purusa
would remain in a state of static harmony. But the dynamic
Prakrti-Purusaformed from a dynamic Purusa brought down
to the miuldhara and then forced up could be forced right up
to the sahasrara. In fact U. Bhattacarya(1980: 481) gives us
the words of a tantrist, who says that only the Prakrti-Purusa
from the Purusa first made to descend (cf. p. 479) can reach
the sahasrdra, whereas those bringing the Prakrti only up to
the Purusa can reach only the djfd. The reason for this state-
ment is given I.c. as: saptam dbdr (Nagari: dvdr) par raja
baithat, tahd kahd yaobi (Nagari: jdobi/jdvbi) nari "On/At
the seventh door(way) [between ajni and sahasrdara]the King
sits; where will you go there, woman (i.e., Prakrti)?"See also
Prajfianananda1988: 14419.
ing with the belief that only the middle passage leads
to the ultimate abode. Has the author misunderstood
the Baul's statement? But it is in accord with Panfij's
Nirdkdre jyotirmay, given in ?11, which mentions a
union in the manikotha-if this latter should be in the
head; see also n. 114 and ?21. I have no solution.
36. ?1 drew attention to the amalgamation of cosmic
principle and preceptor. In Baul theory this also seems
to apply to preceptors par excellence, like Caitanya, al-
ready divine to Vaishnavas (on his divinity, see, e.g.,
De 1974: 110-24, also Stewart 1985).173 Muhammad
(Beng. Mohammad), too, has amalgamated in this man-
ner; it is thus no wonder that, in many songs, Allah
(cf. n. 13) and his Prophet seem not only one and the
same (see R. Cakrabarti 1990: 238),174 but that the lat-
ter often seems to usurp the place of the former (we
must also bear in mind a similar phenomenon in the
popular version of so-called orthodox Islam in Bengal).
And not only Allah's "light" (= Muhammad), but Mu-
hammad's "light," too (Arabic nur, Bengali nutr), plays
an important role as an omnipotent force in Baul
songs;175 according to Yakariya (1974: 1712), cranial
semen evolved out of this "light." Then again, at times
Allah and Muhammad seem to be pictured as Purusa
and Prakrti respectively;176 this notion exists already in
173The song of n. 75 says kaler kothdy rap-sanatan (printed
thus), i.e., "in the chamber of the apparatus(cf. ?4) is the eter-
nal/permanent (sandtan) form (rip)," or "in the chamber of
the apparatus are Rup and Sanatan." Are two of Caitanya's
most important disciples, founding fathers of Bengali Vaish-
navism, who are often mentioned in one breath (on them
cf. N. Jana 1970), identified here with the Prakrti (on rup
cf. ?20)? The vagina is also the portal of (the disciple) Nitya-
nanda (on him cf. Chakrabarty1985: 133ff.); see S. Cakrabarti
1989: 230, 242. On Caitanya as the Purusa, cf. n. 144.
174 This is
probably influenced by Sufi concepts too, though
these, even when tending more or less in the same direction
(cf., e.g., Schimmel 1982: 21ff. and 1985: 140), as a rule do
not go quite as far as this.
175
It is important in mysticism elsewhere in the Muslim
world, too (cf. Schimmel 1985: 123-43; also Dimock 1987:
381f., R. Cakrabarti1990: 224). On different lights connected
with special centers in the body, cf. also A. Roy 1983: 168,
Haq 1985: 180f.; such centers (latiphd, Arabic latifa, on
which see Profitlich 1973: 85ff., Gramlich 1976: 63f., 144822,
399) vary in number (cf. Ab'dur Ragid 1984: 183, Datta/
Bhaumik 1966: 1893).
176Thus, e.g., in Kachim's Dekh- caiyd tor dehar mdjhe
(Datta/Bhaumik 1966: 171): dlld-rachul ek jani, ek na haile
kem'ne duniyd ray. ek-duiye milan kari, bhabanadi ydbe tari.
cdiyd dekh', tor ei dehate raiche duiyer meld "Allah and the
 DAS: Sexual Rituals of the Bauls of Bengal
medieval Sufi-yogic works (cf. U. Bhattacarya 1980:
513-15). But Adam (Arab., Beng. Adam) too is often
said to be the same as Allah and as Allah and Muham-
mad; we also find it said that all three are present in the
body, bringing up again the problem of three sub-
stances, which has already caused us much trouble.177
The use of ddam as "human, man" complicates this.
See also U. Bhattacarya 1980: 509ff., on an "unknow-
able man (manus)" who is "smaller/inferior to God"
(khoddr chota), but "larger/superior to the Prophet"
(nabir baro). We also find the mention of a female
Prakrti, such as Fatima (Beng. Phatima, Phatema),178
and maybe also Eve (Arab. Hawwa', Beng. Haoya).
Such problems are intrinsically linked with those dis-
cussed above, bringing in however a further complica-
tion, namely, the Islamic (Sufi) component.
37. There are also other matters to ponder, as, e.g., the
role of the Prakrti theoretically present even at the
perineum of a man who obtains the Prakrti from a
woman. But I cannot discuss here all problems having
to do with the heterodoxy of Baul thought, and shall
pass on to the problem caused by the secrecy still sur-
rounding Baul ritual (cf. ?6).
38. Bauls have no written codex except for a few
works (cf. n. 104; those listed by Mallik [1986: 188]
are today mostly classed as Sahajiya texts); its function
is taken over by their songs, which are, apart from the
secret instructions of preceptors and some utterances of
famous authorities,179their main repository, constantly
Prophet are one, I/we know; if [they] were not one, how could
the world remain (= exist)? Uniting the one and the other, [you]
will cross the river of life. Look and see: in this your body is
the assemblage of both." "River of life" and "ocean of life"
may also be esoteric terms for menstrual blood (cf. U. Bhatta-
carya 1980: 430). Lalan's Narekare dujan nnri bhds'che saddy
(Das/Mahapatra 1958: 81, S. Mitra 1979: 206f.) calls Prakrti
and Purusa two luminous beings (nnri), bringing to mind the
nurs just mentioned. I found an even more concrete state-
ment in a song-placing Allah in the head and the Prophet in
the "apparatus-room"(kaler ghar), the perineal seat of the
Prakrti (see ?4; cf. also ?31)-but, unfortunately, did not at
the time make a note; I have not found the song again, though
it should be in one of the works used to prepare this study.
177 Cf. also Datta/Bhaumik
1966: (131)f.
178
See, e.g., Panfij'ssong in n. 94: nurer yatna kebal jdnen
phdtemdy "Only Fatima knows how to care for the light," the
latter referring, as the song expressly states, to the "light" of
the Prophet.
179 Some Bauls jocularly call this their Hadit (U. Bhatta-
carya 1980: 370).
415
being replenished, of ritual knowledge-their scrip-
ture.180 The songs serve to impart knowledge, ask
questions on ritual matters,181test the knowledge (of-
ten in riddle form) of other Bauls, and also occasion
theological discussions, often in the form of publicly
sung debates.182Cf., e.g., S. Cakrabarti1989: 14. Most
of their matter is supposed to be kept secret, especially
that large part which has to do with sexual rituals.
Songs are however also something public; to overcome
this difficulty, Bauls resort to a coded mode of expres-
sion. Not only do code words and oblique allusions re-
place plain statements, but many songs may also have
two (or even more) levels of meaning, the actual ritual
one(s) being comprehensible only to the initiated.183
Some songs even seem to delight in playing with such
different levels of meaning, making it extremely diffi-
cult even for Bauls to understandthem.184
39. Many code expressions are now known, thanks in
no small part to pioneers like U. Bhattacarya(1980); I
will confine myself here to terminological problems
going beyond the general ones that use of a secret
180And not
merely upwellings of an overflowing heart, as
many believe, though this element is not to be neglected (cf.
also Capwell 1986: 49).
181
According to Lut-phar Rah-man (1985: [18]), Baul
songs are in the form of paired questions and answers, one
song answering the other. If so, it is a pity that mostly only
the question songs seem to be available.
182See n. 168. Bauls engaged in such disputes are not nec-
essarily expected to compose a song on the spot, but to select
one from their repertoire to fit the occasion; spontaneous com-
position is however also known.
183Perhaps this is why, though Bauls readily sing for a gen-
eral audience and appear to enjoy it, they seem happiest when
singing for other Bauls, who can readily appreciate what is
being sung (cf. the illuminating descriptions of Capwell
[1986: 68, 70]).
184 Such methods of imparting secret knowledge are, of
course, known from other parts of the Indian subcontinent
and of Asia. I may also mention Chinese texts simultaneously
discussing alchemical and sexual matters (see Gulik 1961;
also on sexual texts in the language of treatises on warfare;
on this latter subject cf. also Scharfe 1985, Leslie 1989:
243); explanations of alchemical operations in sexual terms
are known from Europe too. R6sel (1928: 37) discusses pos-
sible connections between tantrism/yoga and alchemy in the
Indian context. Cf. also the explanation of the process of im-
parting knowledge among Baul, Sahajiya and similar groups
(S. Cakrabarti 1989: 13, 79f.; P. Das 1978: 290), which has a
parallel in a medieval IsmaCilitext (Buckley 1984: 147, 149).
See also n. 22.
416 Journal of the American Oriental Society 112.3 (1992)
language entails. One such problem is caused by the use
of the same term in different meanings; this applies to
some very important expressions, too. Thus "flower,"
though often used for menstruation or the menstrual
flow (see n. 104), may also refer to the vagina,185 the
plexuses, the placenta (U. Bhatt.carya 1980: 374), the
tubular passages (cf., e.g., Datta/Bhaumik 1966: [128]),
the dazzling lights at the cosmic principle's abode
(cf. also, p. 1682), this principle itself186 (its male and
female aspects, too), semen (see ?11), and maybe the
body (see ?13). Bholai's first song in n. 58 (not fully
clear to me) plays on different meanings of "flower"
(phul) (cf. n. 91); see also ?27.
40. A similar expression is "dying"; no one seems to
have noticed so far that in some contexts this cannot
mean the same as in ?1. In such cases it usually refers
to a mistake preventing the cosmic principle from reach-
ing its final abode; though theoretically this could also
be something else (e.g., wrong breath control), as a rule
it means the unwanted ejaculation of semen.187 There
185 Thus also as
regards phul (differentiated there from
puspa) in the Brhat Nigam (see n. 104) (see U. Bhattfacarya
1980: 383: phul sadbe bhag mor sbarirete han). The tiger
mentioned in ?40 bears the name phulesbari "mistress who is
a/of the flower"; depending on the analysis of the compound,
the "flower" here is the menstrual blood or the vagina.
186 Cf. dheu khelaio
apan dele, padma yena bhase padmdr
jale "Make waves play in your interior/core (see n. 72), so
that the lotus floats on the Padma's water," in Sekh Bhfnu's
Nisithe yaio phul'bane (Ab'dul Kadir 1985: 98, also Man'-
sur'uddin 1967: 25; the poet is Radhframan in Bhattiacarya/
Caudhuri 1988: 396), which uses "flower" in various mean-
ings. The Padmf, the East Bengali arm of the Ganges (the
other works cited have gangar for padmar), is the susumnd of
the triveni (see n. 63) (see, e.g., S. B. Dasgupta 1974: 155f.);
"waves" could refer to sexual excitement (cf. S. Cakrabarti
1989: 240; A. Bhattaicarya1977: 979 sees no sexual connota-
tions in the song).
187See too Enamul Hak 1979: 4515; cf. the French "petite
mort" for an orgasm, and Chinese expressions for "die," for
having one (see, e.g., Gulik 1961: 304, 306). Hathayoga-
pradipikd 3.88 (Svatmarama 1975) says that one preserving
the bindu (cf. n. 88) conquers death (cf. ?1); death results
through the bindu falling, life through its being preserved
(see, too, Schoterman 1980: 29). Such uses of "death" might
make us ponder whether the emendation in Srikrsnakirtan(a),
Radhabiraha52, of marane to ramane (Klaiman 1984: 300172)
or mane (Lahf 1988: 167) is justified, as it is known that the
author of this text was versed in tantric practice or at least ter-
minology; cf. also Klaiman 1984: 283f. and 1983: 1 If. Also,
the explanation by Klaiman (1984: 28495) of the "tenth door"
are many such references in Baul songs-the most dras-
tic I know in a song by Dah (i.e., Dr.) Hanipha,188 men-
tioning the restless (nat'khati) khdm'dhard (?) (which
wants to burst out of even the tightest loin-cloth): ksudhd
lag'le kare bami khdile hay mard "When he's hungry,
he vomits; when he eats, he becomes dead"; khdoyd is
obviously elliptical for the obscene magi khdoyi "eat
a wench," meaning intercourse with a woman.189 A
song by an unknown poet190 refers to the vagina191 as
(which Krsna has blocked) in Radhfbiraha 29 as being situ-
ated in the oral cavity, though in keeping with a tantric theory
(also among the Nfths, cf., e.g., Das Gupta 1976: 239-43),
could also refer to the tenth body-opening through which se-
men issues, in the genitals; cf. U. Bhattacarya 1980: 426 (on
the corresponding "curved passage" see pp. 345f., as well as
Bose 1927a: 57f., which describes the curved river Viraja,
on which see also n. 120; cf. too ?31). U. Bhattacarya(1980:
33-35) wants to disregard the latter Srikrsnakirtan(a)passage
(p. 33: aprasahgik mane hay "it seems irrelevant"), but
apodictically and not based on evidence, and despite its fitting
the narrative plot well. The "tenth door" (the vagina in
S. Cakrabarti1989: 84, 151) is also found in Carydpada 3.3.
The Sanskrit commentary explains it as the "door of Vairo-
cana," which is enigmatic, but nevertheless what the allegori-
cal explanations of most modern scholars seem to follow;
Yakariya (1974: 174), however, identifies it with the brahma-
randhra (cf. ?43), whereas, according to J. Simha (1969,
1:61, 151), it is the seminal opening in the sense above.
188Khel'te dilam bhabe tin taiserkheld (Reja 1978: (94)f.).
189 And
not, like the similar American expression, to
cunnilingus.
190Bdgher dake antar kape (Recordings 5: side A, no. 1,
sung by Paban'das). The song also mentions the dancing na-
ked woman in battle attire, i.e., Kfili. References to Kali are
quite rare in Baul songs, though not unknown. Thus Mo. Ne-
char All Sekh's song in n. 49 mentions the naked Kali's
temple, with blood flowing in it, obviously a reference to
menstrual blood, and Duddu's Jydnta kali gharer mdjhe
dekh-li na (U. Bhattacarya 1980: 816) urges worship of the
real Prakrti, not just the image of Kfili. Bhaba Pfig'la, famous
preceptor of many Bauls in the extreme west of Bengal,
seems especially influenced by Sakta tantrism. He has also
written a hymn to Kali; cf. Recordings 5: side A, no. 3. Very
interestingly, the singer Paban'das unconsciously substitutes
hari for kali in the line kata din rabe tumi e(i) dhard dhdme,
maran tomdr nai maja kali name (he then repeats it with the
correct kali), showing how uncommon this hymn to Kali must
have seemed to him.
191 Here also called the "residence/chamber of the city/
abode of honey" (madhupurer ghar), a reference not only to
sensual pleasure, but also to sweet juice needing purification
(cf. nn. 24, 69). The similarity of madhupur to manipur (see
 DAS: Sexual Rituals of the Bauls of Bengal
a blood-sucking192 tiger with a snub nose (the clitoris),
and says that the tiger does not eat dead persons, but
catches a sadhu193 if it gets one.194 Some songs seem to
play with different meanings of "dead."
41. A song clearly playing with different meanings of
the same word is one by Gopal, in which "moon" oc-
curs in several meanings.195
Where is the dwelling of the moon?
In which circuit does the night rotate; in which circuit
does the movement of the day take place?
All people know the taking (grahan) of the moon at
full moon;
The taking (grahan) of the moon at new moon-who
enquires about that?
The nature/system of the four moons-get to know,
mind, its/their description;
Had [you] (or: [they]?) known it,
The harmful sentiments in the mortal body (or: in the
bodies of [all] beings?) would have ceased to exist.
Know (or: You'll know) that rising and setting is what
the moon does in this world;
Then (i.e., if you know this) the radiant moon (or,
maybe better: moon brought to light/shine), the full
moon, will rise.
?11) is surely no coincidence. I have found madhupur again
in the song Ghorar byepdri, about a horse-trader who over-
works his horse (= penis, it seems to me) without any palpa-
ble reward, also squanderinghis wealth on useless women. He
is advised to learn the correct art of horse-trading from a
guru, the song ending with the admonition: tom'rd sabe hao
sabdhan, abeder lok'sdn madhupure ghordr khydpa diyd
"You all be careful/You be careful in all: the votary's loss is
(= takes place) by making the horse run mad in the madhu-
pur" (Recordings 16: side B, no. 5).
192 An oblique reference to semen; semen is, in India,
widely (also in medical tradition) believed to be derived from
blood. In Bengal one drop of semen is widely held to equal
ten (or even a hundred) drops of blood.
193 See n. 68. The sadhu of course retains his erection.
194 Mard mdnus khay ni bEghe, sddhu pdailedhare. Croco-
diles (= the body's adverse emotions) seemingly do the exact
opposite in a song by Pag'la Kanai: "When they see [a man to
be] fresh, they catch and eat [him], when they see [him to be]
dead, they run away" (tdjd dekh'le dhairadkhay mard dekh'le
dauriyd palday:M. Caudhuri 1985: 199), but on "dead" here,
see ?1.
195See esp. U. Bhattacarya 1980: 375; cf. also ??31, 34, 47,
as well as Mandal 1949: kha[6]-[8] and Yakariya 1974: 168ff.
D. Bhattacharya (1969: 452), of course, sees only Krsna in
"moon" (cf. nn. 12, 62, 63).
417
In two fortnights (or: In/Through each party) (paksa)
there is one; the name of that/those, one says, [is]:
"pair."
Half a moon is hidden [as] the girl; her husband is at
the root of the Brahman.
He who makes the full moon rise during/from the
new moon
Will be victorious in [all] the three worlds: Heaven,
Earth and Nether-World.
It's not the work of an ordinary person; [only] when
one endeavours deeply [with the right knowledge]
does one become accomplished (siddha).
Now G6sai Ram'lal (Gopal's father and preceptor)196
says:
"Gopal, you'll be able to see its radiance."197
42. Not all the references are clear to me; also, since
Bengali does not usually distinguish between the singu-
lar and the plural of non-determinate inanimate objects,
"moons" may often (or throughout) be more correct
196 In South
Asia, a father (the preceptor par excellence;
see, e.g., Wezler 1979: 34-36, also Oguib6nine 1990: 2) is
often his son's esoteric teacher. Cf. pariya sunid dekha
bhdrata purdne, pita binu guru ndnfii tina bhubane "See by
reading/reciting and hearing in the Mahabharata[and] Pura-
nas: there is no guru apart from the father in these three
worlds" (Enamul Hak 1979: 56; modern pronunciation is dis-
regarded). Cf. the songs of Nedhusah (whose father Kalugah
was also his preceptor), many playing on the names Kalu and
Kala, also names of Krsna (clearly, e.g., in the song Kdlu bi-
hane saddy Jkhi jhare in As'gar 1985c: 53f.; cf. also ?1). But
a preceptor not the actual father may be called the father, too
(cf. Riyajul Hak 1976: 29, S. Cakrabarti1989: 60). According
to the Yogi-kdc father, mother, elder sister and elder brother
are gurus (Mandal 1949: l-gha[5]f.). On esoteric meanings
of guru (woman, breath) see S. Cakrabarti1989: 151, 224.
197 U. Bhattacarya 1980: 787f.:
kon'khdne candrer basati.
kon' pake rajani ghore, kon' pake hay diner gati.
purnimdte candragrahan jane sarbajan,
amdbasyay candragrahan ke kare tar anbesan,
car candrer niripan, jdn'gd man tar bibaran,
jan'le pare jib'dehete ghuce yeta kumati.
uday-asta candrer karmajdnibe bhabe,
dipta candra purnacandra uday haibe tabe;
dui pakse ek'ti hay, tar ndm yugal kay,
ddh candra gupta meye brahmamile tar pati.
amdbasydaypirnacandra ye kare uday
sbarga-martya-patdle tin dhdmete habe jay,
samanyer karma nay, sddhile siddha hay,
ebdr gosdi rdm'ldl bale,
gopdl, dekh'te pdbi tar jyoti.
418 Journal of the American Oriental Society 112.3 (1992)
here. Nevertheless, I have chosen this song because it
is one of the few direct references to a very secret Baul
ritual,198 namely the imbibing (grahan) of the four
"moons" menstrual blood, semen, urine, and stool (cf.
also n. 39), among some groups singly, but mostly
either in pairs (the first two and the last two) at differ-
ent times, or all together (the semen usually obtained
by the woman through fellatio). "New moon" refers to
the menses, out of which the cosmic principle, the "full
moon," has to be "taken" out (grahan) (see ?34). The
pun on grahan is completed by its meaning "eclipse."
Of course there is a difference between a lunar eclipse
and the new moon, but the tertium comparationis is the
disappearance of the moon.
43. The "moon" menstrual blood can be taken in only
at "new moon." If paksa refers to a fortnight, then we
could have a reference to the time when this "moon"
and the "moon" with which it forms a "pair" (semen)
"rise" or appear.199If however paksa here is a "party"
involved in something, then "moon" would refer to the
cosmic principle created by the union of menstrual
blood and semen, or to man and woman. "Half" refers
to the Prakrti,half of the "moon" cosmic principle (cf.
also n. 215). Brahman (Beng. brahma) is the name of a
tubular passage, the innermost and finest of several
such, lying within the central passage (susumna) ac-
cording to most theories; it leads to the true residence
of the cosmic principle, but in many theories also to
the brahmarandhra, the secret opening on the crown
(in some theories however the highest plexus), which
we should perhaps also consider here is referred to.200
In any case, "root of the Brahman" could be the
perineal region whence the central tubular passage
leading up to this plexus originates, the place of union
with the "husband."
44. Most of the song is thus relatively clear, though
difficulties remain, such as the circuits of night and
day. Are these the two outer tubular passages ida and
pihgald, the moon- and sun-passages? However, I have
discussed the song as an example for the problems
198 See U. Bhattacarya 1980: 394ff., 424ff.; Capwell 1986:
22; Qureshi 1977: 236; S. Cakrabarti1989: 30, 182ff., 198ff.
199In cases in which only menstrual blood and semen are
taken in together, urine and stool are usually ingested a fort-
night later.
200 See too
Banerjea 1981: 173f. on the brahmacakra in the
muladhara, the latter, according to pp. 182-88, 30 not a
cakra, but an adhara (see n. 45), the highest such being the
brahmarandhra(cf. also Briggs 1970: 317).
caused by the use of the same word in various mean-
ings, not to offer solutions at any cost.
45. But often Baul secrecy does not even give us the
chance of trying to coordinate a possible meaning with
known aspects of the creed, simply offering us no infor-
mation at all to build upon. Such is the case as regards
an expression in one of the best-known Baul songs, La-
lan's Khacdr bhitar acin pdkhi.201The line at(-)kutharl
nay dar'jd atd either calls the body, here a house (see
n. 66), "having eight chambers" (dt-kuthari), or says
that "[it has] eight chambers" (at kuthari). This is
enigmatic.202 "Eight" is absent in the list of numbers
in Datta/Bhaumik 1966:(126)-(31). It reminds one of
as.tdnga, the eight parts of the body used in profound
obeisance, but, by definition, this refers neither to the
whole body, nor to all times. Qureshi (1977: 225f.) ex-
plains our term as "huit enveloppes corporelles," but
gives no references and no other elucidation. Does he
mean something akin to the "skins" (OIA tvac-) in clas-
sical Indian medicine? These are, however, six or seven
in number. Mahapatra(1972: 33) says: "Eight cells are
the eight stages in the process of Baul sadhana."There
are however only three (U. Bhattacarya 1980: 111,
405), four (Lut'phar Rah-man 1985: [18]), or five
(U. Bhattacarya 1980: 503ff.) (see also ?14). Does he
then mean the plexuses, or something similar, situated
in the path of movement of the cosmic principle? This
would then not be an "orthodox" tantric theory. The
plexuses (as well as their "petals") could be and are in-
deed at times called "chambers" or the like, and Hi.
Bandyopadhyay(1978: 49f.) does mention eight cakras
residing within the body in Baul belief. But he names
only two (miuldhdra and svddhisthana) and says no
more; we thus do not know on what this statement is
based. Banerjea (1961: 172) says: "Cakras are enumer-
ated generally as six, and sometimes as seven or eight
or nine" (cf. on the last number also n. 45), but gives no
references for eight.
201For different versions of the text see, e.g., Das/Mahap-
atra 1958: 202f., Baul n.d.a: chatris f. (but Baul n.d.b:
niranabbai is different), Brahma 1987a: 5, U. Bhattacarya
1980: 599f. and Hamidul Is'lam 1981: 17. The song is not
found in S. Mitra 1979; Lut-pharRah-man 1985 too does not
have it, but this work is still incomplete. For different staff
notations see, e.g., Nurul Alam 1985: 41f. and B. Roy 1980:
15, for different sung versions (differing in tune and/or text),
e.g., Recordings 2: side A, no. 1 (sung by PuirnadasBaul), Re-
cordings 3: side B, no. 5 and Recordings 4: side B, no. 1.
202 In a
song written by her to "answer" Lalan's song,
Brahma (1987b: 25) evades the issue, which a Baul poet
would not have done.
 DAS: Sexual Rituals of the Bauls of Bengal
46. Panfj's song Nirakare jyotirmay (see ? 11) mentions
seven "storeys" of the body. U. Bhattacarya (1980:
1059) says these are the seven worlds.203 But this is not
sure, as the text says that nectar, mixed with lustre,
drips downwards (as it does in many songs) from the
two-petalled lotus-here however onto each of the
seven storeys, while lightning plays in the six-petalled
lotus and the cosmic principle tastes ras (see n. 22) at
the triveni (see n. 63).204 Gobin'cad in a song205 says
that the cosmic principle, taken up from the mulddhara,
lights seven storeys, or else lights that which has seven
storeys (alo kare saptatali) (on its way up?) and then
shines in a hidden chamber, obviously the cranial
abode. Similarly, Lalan speaks of the cosmic principle
in his abode above/on top of seven storeys,206 and of
the mirror (signifying brilliance) on/above seven sto-
reys.207 Now "seven" may refer to various things in
Baul songs,208 but the above statements do make us
consider whether here seven plexuses on the spinal
203 This refers to the seven
worlds on earth and above,
against the seven below. Together these give fourteen (see
also n. 211). As a rule, "seven worlds" refers to the first
seven (in Baul songs also found combined with the plexuses,
though not necessarily systematically). Note too U. Bhatta-
carya 1980: 444 and Bose 1927a: 49, 53; Bose 1986: 127;
A. C. Das 1986: 66: of all the passages (naii) in the body,
fourteen are the most important.
204 yugal'padmejyoti mise hacche sudhCrbarisan
saptatdldr tale tale saradale bidyut' khele
tribeni-tir-dhdre rase kare asbadan.
205 Khel'che mdnus
bakdnale (U. Bhattaicarya1980: 85 If.).
206 Ke bojhe sair lila kheld
(Das/Mahapatra 1958: 1llf.,
S. Mitra 1979: 136f.).
207 Ki sobhd kar'chen
sai rati'mahale:Hamidul Is'lam 1981:
133, Dag/Mahapatra1958: 103 (this with saptataldaa'nd alta
for sapta tald . . .).
208 Apart from the seven worlds (see n. 203), e.g., the seven
oceans (cf. n. 46), the seven divisions of the earth, the seven
mountains, etc., of ancient Indian cosmology, present in the
microcosm too, also according to several Baul songs. Ab'dur
Ragid (1984: 179) points out that some Sufi theories speak not
of five, but of six or seven mokams (see ? 14). The seven
parts of Muhammad's body are also often said to be in the
body (as seven plexuses?); cf. Schimmel 1985: 140, where
this seems to be not correctly understood. Ananta in a song
(E myad-samsdre ghireche dmda saptarathite, U. Bhattacarya
1980: 945f.) calls his mind and the six vices (see ?30) the
seven charioteers of the Mahdbhdrata (who killed Abhi-
manyu). The mind and the vices are obviously also meant by
Abdur Rah'man, who complains of marrying seven shrews
who live in his body and make his life miserable (Sddh kare
biye kare geche biyer sadh mite, Tena 1980: If.).
419
path might not be meant, or, at least, layers of the
body209 containing them.210 If the latter, then these
layers would probably be situated in the trunk and
head.211 One could then ask whether Lalan's song
might not refer to something similar, for adding the
209 In Lalan's Ache adi makka ei mdnab'dehe
(see n. 151) a
fantastic sound arises in Mecca (the body), piercing its seven
storeys. U. Bhattacarya (1980: 508) says this refers to the
seven heavens mentioned in the Koran, but that is sheer spec-
ulation; the song gives no hint on what is meant.
210 One could think of
similarly explaining the seven
abodes/rooms of Ananta's song of ?11, among/in the middle
of which is the innermost room (gharer prdcir[,?] saptapur,
tar madhye antahpur; is the "wall" the skin?). They cannot be
part of the fourteen worlds (see n. 203), as these are men-
tioned too. But the body is also a six-storeyed building (cf.
nn. 66, 77) (in Recordings 17 the line ghar bes atdsatd, cha-
tald kotha is different: e gharer car'dike berd, ache as'mane
khrai), having one more storey, the manikothd, above/on top
of it (tar upare). Should the plexuses be referred to, the case
for "six" would be as valid as for "seven." Which should we
consider? And if "six" refers to the plexuses, what about the
extra storey, the manikotha? If it does not, what does it mean?
The six vices (see ?30) can hardly be meant (Datta/Bhaumik
1966: [129]f. are at a loss in similar cases). Does "six" refer
to the Indian medical theory of the body's six divisions (OIA
anga-): the extremities, head and trunk (cf. Rao 1987: 38f.)?
On the other hand, Bose 1986: 194 draws attention to the six
qualities of the five sense objects and vildsa "pleasure." Note
also that in the secret language of some religious groups the
perineum is called the goindriya, giving six senses (OIA
indriya-) in all; see U. Bhattacarya 1980: 426. He (p. 333)
also mentions a seemingly rare theory speaking of six, not
seven, mountains (cf. n. 208). Should we consider this?
A. Bhattacarya (1977: 1274 [song no. 47]) complicates mat-
ters by listing not only six localities (mahalla) (and six ene-
mies, galim), but also sixteen storeys (tald), the latter a
problem, too (see ?12). Nechar Ali Sekh's song in n. 49 too
mentions six talds, but five gems (the senses?) are also said to
be there under heavy guard. So tald could be "storey" or
"lock" here, making "six" even more enigmatic.
211 But see also the references to the lower portions of the
body in Dimock 1966a: 175f.; S. B. Dasgupta 1974: 87;
U. Bhattacarya 1980: 337, 1060, and n. 155. Garudapurdna,
Uttarardha(Pretakalpa) 22.52-54 (see Pandey 1986), part of
the description of a macrocosm present within the micro-
cosm, says that the seven cosmic nether worlds are also
present within the human body, namely in the parts below the
navel; they are: tala (the usual name of this world seems to
be atala), vitala, sutala, taldtala, rasatala, mahatala and
patala. The similarity with the Bengali word usually used for
"storey" in Baul songs, namely tald (also tal[a]), strikes one
420 Journal of the American Oriental Society 112.3 (1992)
lower extremities (as one unit) would give eight. The
song however also states: tar upar ache sadar-kothd,
dynd-mahal tda "Above this/these is the principal
chamber, in this the mirror gallery," i.e., the abode of
the Purusa (see ?2), which could thus be above the
eight chambers ("layers"). This need not be, as
"above" might simply mean "at the highest point of,"
but if the abode itself should be one of the plexuses,
there would be a new difficulty. One could circumvent
this by counting each leg separately, but this leads even
more into the realm of unfounded speculation. How-
ever, the abode of the Purusa (or maybe only the
Prakrti-Purusa,the combination of Purusa and Prakrti)
at times appears to be a void above the plexuses (cf.
??8, 14), so that one may still arrive at the number
eight by counting the lower extremities as one. On the
other hand, Ram'krsna expressly calls each cakra
(seven in number, the sahasrdra included) a bhimi
"site; storey" (see Prajiinanananda 1988: 159f.), so that
we should consider whether the seven storeys of Baul
songs might not refer to the same. But this would be
even more difficult to reconcile with the eight chambers
or compartments, as in this case we must operate with
the plexuses themselves, and not with layers, which
need not necessarily all contain a plexus.
47. But the eight compartments/chambersof the body
are also found, equally enigmatically, in other songs.
Jfanananda's Esecha basecha bhabe tds khelite (Re-
cordings 7: side B, no. 2; sung by Subal Das) describes
their significance as a secret only the initiated know-
i.e., the enigma is intentional. This song however also
refers to the saptatald as another secret. This mention
side-by-side makes the reasoning based on Panij'ssong
in ?46 weaker,212leaving us, as before, at a loss. The
confusion is worsened by Naran's advice213 to make
the cosmic principle ascend by means of wind, while
keeping the eight chambers/compartments,or that with
eight chambers/compartments,shut (at kuthuri bandha
ka're); the latter would be simply a reference to the
at once; however, this may be mere coincidence, since the
discussion here (?46) does not make a special connection of
the seven "storeys" with the lower part of the body seem
likely. The worlds in the upper part of the body too are listed
in Garu.dapurana,Uttarardha (Pretakalpa) 22. 55f. (Pandey
1986), the names there being the same as those generally
given the upper cosmic worlds, namely bhirloka, bhuvarl?,
svarl0, maharl0,janal0 (usually janarl0), tapol0 and satyal?.
212 As we would have not different systems of enumeration
(cf. n. 77), but two systems, of which one subsumes the other.
213 In his song Dam lagiio sei damer ghare (U. Bhattacarya
1980: 858).
body and contain no new information, but should the
former be meant, then we would have a problem.
Bhaskar Bhattacharyya in his notes on Jfianananda's
song explains the eight compartments/chambersas the
cheeks, breasts, navel, forehead, chin and heart-I do
not know on what evidence, and, also, not how these
can be "shut." Yet this reminds one of U. Bhattacarya
(1980: 375), who lists eight "moons": mouth/face,
breasts, hands, chest, navel and genitals.214 This is
really worth considering; however, no reference for
this list is given,215 and this also holds true for P. Ban-
dyopadhyay (1989: 571), where Lalan's "eight" in ?45
is explained as "two hands, two legs, forehead, breast,
throat and backbone."
48. A Bangladeshi who has received basic Sufi initia-
tion216 told me that the body contains the eight layers
of Paradise (Beng. form: behest, behest), and that this
is what Baul and similar songs often hint at. But Is-
lamic cosmological systems usually mention only
seven heavens (and also seven earths and hells).217 In
some astronomical texts we do find eight heavenly
spheres mentioned, but the number is generally given
as nine218 (in some mystic systems, too, the body has
nine levels).219 And the mention of eight (in contradis-
tinction to seven) worlds in mystic texts seems to be
214Also enumerated thus by Datta/Bhaumik 1966: 2601;
this looks like a quote from a previous edition.
215 L.c. only refers to a song, explained on pp. 1060 in ex-
actly the same apodictic manner. True, there is also a quote
from a passage of the Caitanyacaritamrta, but this is puz-
zling, for it does not seem to be of any relevance, referring in-
stead to an eighth moon in the forehead, explained by H. Das
(1987: 86) as "halfmoon" (arddhacandra) (the astami is the
eighth day of the lunar half-month, i.e., the day of the half-
moon); on the "half-moon" see also Mandal 1949: ca[l],
where it is equated with semen (sukra) (cf. ?43 too, where the
female principle is called half-a-moon).
216 One of his first lessons, in a well-known mosque (!) in
Dhaka, was on the importance of holding back semen during
intercourse.
217 See, e.g., Nasr 1964: 57 and Heinen 1982: 138-45, with
the corresponding notes on pp. 196-209 and also p. 218. On
the significance of the number seven see also Diwald 1975:
40. According to Paul (1972: 27) the haft 'alam "seven
worlds" are the five stages or planes mentioned in ?14 plus
"others"-I do not know on what evidence.
218 On the number eight see, e.g., Nasr 1964: 133f.; on the
number nine, e.g., Diwald 1975: 152, Nasr 1964: 133, 236.
219 Cf. Nasr 1964: 97, though note the explanation which
states that these levels are "the first odd square and the num-
ber of heavens."
 DAS: Sexual Rituals of the Bauls of Bengal
very rare in general. Etim Alam and Ali Raja however
describe eight heavens in Abdullah'r Hijar Saoydl
and Sirdj Kul-b, respectively (Sariph 1976: 177, 204),
though to both the number "seven" denotes the seven
heavens, "eight" the chief angels guarding God's
throne (ibid., 145, 217; see also p. 214). We could ar-
rive at the number eight by taking the earth together
with seven heavens, but again we enter the realm of
unfounded speculation. Moreover, though Hindu cos-
mology, as a rule, has seven worlds on earth and above
(see n. 211), some systems mention eight, too.220 As if
this were not enough, the Brhat- Nigam (see n. 104),
tells us that a man and a woman each have four sub-
stances, of eight syllables in all, in their bodies.221 But
Datta/Bhaumik (1966: [133]f., 1734) state that the body
is composed of eight parts, four each (the known qua-
druplet: water, fire, dust, and wind) from mother and
father, these eight being part of the eighteen "stations,"
"abodes" or "bases" (mokam / mukdm) of the body
often alluded to in Baul songs.222What is quite intrigu-
ing is that Datta/Bhaumik (1966: 1751) gloss mukdm
with kothd, without comment. I do not know on what
this is based, or if it is justified at all, but it opens up
interesting avenues for investigation, especially when
we consider the Sanikhya system of eight prakrtis223
making up the body.
49. I have found other references to the number
"eight." A song by Abdulla224 refers to four law-
courts in number eight, in the city called the body; I
do not know what "eight" refers to.225 A song of Pha-
kir (Datta/Bhaumik 1966: 259f.) speaks of a hoe of
eight digits with a sixteen-digit handle for digging up
the earth for one's own body, which looks like an allu-
220 OIA
brahmaloka-, pitrl0, somal0, indral0, gandharval?,
raksasal0, yaksal0 and pisacal?.
221U.
Bhattacairya1980: 382: the male body has pankajala-
padmamula, the female body, patraphulabrndapuspa (the
transliterationdisregards pronunciation).
222 Textual evidence
supports this; see also Yakariya 1974:
173 and Sariph 1976: 50. For another explanation of the eigh-
teen mokams (including the mokams in ?14) see Datta/
Bhaumik 1966: 1734 and Qureshi 1977: 225 (the reference, in
the former, to U. Bhattacarya 1980 seems to apply to an edi-
tion I do not have); see also S. Cakrabarti 1986a: 84 and
1989: 42. On the (Arabic) terms maqdm in Sufi texts in gen-
eral see also Profitlich 1973: 93ff.
223 Not the term
prakrti we are here dealing with.
224
Ek'ti phuler tin'ti rase ddam-gahar (Datta/Bhaumik
1966: 168f.; see also the speculations on "eight" on p. 1698).
225 On "four" see
op. cit., (129), 1687, though I do not
know if the explanation is correct.
421
sion to the grave. Another song speaks of a man mea-
suring eight digits, with intelligence/brains (bujh) of
sixteen digits (ibid., 172f.) (ironic for: not intelligent?).
"Eight" seems in both songs to refer to the cosmic
principle, but I am not sure, for should "sixteen" mean
the vikdras (see n. 79) and thus the body, one might
consider that the penis is meant. But note the descrip-
tion of the body as a.t kuthari sola tald (in song 854,
Bhattacarya/Caudhuri 1988: 406). A song by Sarat
(Datta/Bhaumik 1966: 17f.) seems to call the body an
earthen jar (cf. n. 69) with eight gan.dds of cowries in
it; this works out to eight annas (half a rupee) (ganda =
anna), or else to thirty-two (gan.dd = four). This last
song (I am not sure about the others) looks as if it
could be relevant for our discussion, but I do not un-
derstand it. Ar'kum,226describing the upward journey
of the cosmic principle to the head as a laden boat's
struggle against the current (cf. n. 131), speaks of eight
baks227 in the boat.228 Now usually certain qualities,
properties, or agents are associated with the boat in
such images in the songs-plexuses or the like usually
being associated with the river or land along or through
which the boat plies. This rather speaks against "eight"
referring to plexuses or the like, at least here. Attention
may also be drawn to Rath 1982: 10, where we find the
esoteric explanation of vasudhd "earth; country" as
"divided into eight" (according to the numerical value
8 of vasu); since the body is regarded as a microcosm,
complete with its own geography, it may be worth ex-
amining whether similar notions might not be at the
root of the problematic eight compartments/chambers
in ??45ff. Dimock (1966a: 14238) lists still more eights,
in Sahajiya contexts, but they, too, do not serve to
clarify matters. I am still at a loss as to the significance
of the eight compartments/chambers, though it is clear
by now that we do have a problem here.229
50. What further complicates the matter is that the
original meaning (whatever it was) of this expression
may no longer be known to all who use it. Indeed, I
have come across a clear example of this in the song
Bhdnddre bhan.ddri ache (Recordings 6: side B, no. 2)
226Are asdah maser
gold (Datta/Bhaumik 1966: 333-35).
227 This is a nautical term
describing certain planks (see
Ray 1971: 77), for which I know no equivalent.
228 Also of twelve "bulwarks" (buruj). Datta/Bhaumik
1966: 1734 are of no help regarding the meaning of this.
229 It is however unlikely that an eight-petalled plexus such
as that at the navel in some Sahajiya theories (cf. U. Bhatta-
carya 1980: 365) or the dharmacakra in the heart in some
"Buddhist" tantric theories (others speak of thirty-two petals)
are of any import here.
422 Journal of the American Oriental Society 112.3 (1992)
of Rameg (on him see n. 73), which has the line at
daraja naiko dbari "eight doors, [but] there is no door-
keeper." The nine "doors" (= openings) of the body are
standard all over South Asia; eight "doors" are, how-
ever, a puzzle. I suspect that we have here a misinter-
pretation of the term dar(a)ja; dar(a)ja "door" has a
homonym dar(a)jd = Arabo-Persian daraga "stair; or-
der, rank; sort," which (also as darga) is also used as
"storey" in Hindustani and in other Indian languages
(also Bengali). As, in Bengali, the word is today rather
rare, at daraja could actually once have referred to
eight ranks, sorts, storeys, etc. (see above),230 but then
have been misinterpreted as "eight doors." The same
seems to be the case in Sadananda's Bal' hdoyate
kay'che kathd (see n. 86), where the cosmic principle
in the body, which is expressly said to have the usual
nine doors (openings), is asked whither it goes, shut-
ting the seven doors (dar'jd) and keeping the postern
(khir'ki) unfastened.231 Obviously, such things serve
only to complicate an already complicated situation.232
230 Unfortunately, the various meanings of dar(a)jd do not
allow us to draw any definite conclusions on the significance
of dt(-)kuthari.
231The postern door is, according to Yakariya (1974: 150,
175), the gateway for unwanted thoughts and emotions to en-
ter the mind. It remains to be examined whether this also
applies to the "postern" mentioned in Yadubindu's lines in
n. 133, which I do not quite understand. But whatever the
"postern" does refer to in Sadananda'ssong, and irrespective
of the problem of the number of doors mentioned, the picture
in this song seems to be different from that, e.g., in Ab'dul
Halim 1977: 21f. (song: Phaindphillar dese yadi yabi), which
tells us to close the nine doors and keep one door open to see
the rup (cf. esp. ?20), seemingly thus making Allah within us
visible: nav dar'ja-y maro tald, ek dar'jd rakho khold, sei
darjdy mil'be ruper chabi; the open door here probably refers
to the secret tenth mentioned in n. 187, especially since the
song subsequently speaks of a union to be effected in the
"room of three" (tiner ghare kara mil), which does look like
a reference to the meeting point of the three tubular passages.
232A famous song from Chittagong, Bhainer bandrasi sari
gay (see Ohidul Alam 1979: 81 and 1985: 6) seems to speak
(referring to the body of the "sister"?; on "sister" as a term
for the female lover cf. Ohidul Alam 1985: 70) of seven com-
partments (sat kutari) and nine doors, with a locker room (td-
lar ghar) in the middle (genitals?, heart?). But the song, as
found on Recordings 9: side A, no. 1 (Bhainar bendrasi sari
gay), has at kuthari, i.e., "eight" in the place of "seven," and
in the light of our discussion, that appears to be the correct
version. The other version, however, shows that the line in
question has been misunderstood, and perpetuated as such.
51. We thus end on a note of confusion, which, how-
ever, exactly mirrors the material studied. This study
has shown that there is much here that is confusing and
contradictory, much that is unclear, and much that is
unknown. Having to admit this is of course frustrating,
but more honest than trying by all means to press the
material into some uniform theoretical frame, smooth-
ing over difficulties by means of intellectual caprioles
and subterfuges-even though more satisfying to the
scholar concerned. We must also not overlook one im-
portant fact: phenomena such as those dealt with do
not exist merely in the intellect, but as parts of real and
very material life, subject to all its influences and de-
velopments, and not to be separated from the humans
who form and are formed by them-humans who are
characterized by unpredictability, inconsistence, desul-
toriness, and all the other traits that so frustrate psy-
chologists and sociologists. And it must also be borne
in mind that these phenomena did not develop or were
not developed for the sake of study by scholars search-
ing for universally valid explanations and rules.
A NOTE ON BAUL SONGS
Defining a Baul song exactly is difficult. Bauls do
compose songs relating to their creed (not only its sex-
ual aspects). But their syncretism allows them to take
over songs of other religious groups, or even folk songs,
too, if these may be interpreted to fit their tenets (see
also Salomon 1989: 323). Conversely, songs of a Baul
nature may be part of the stock of songs of other reli-
gious groups too. The researcher must thus also con-
sider songs classed as Padabali (Padavali) (mostly of
Vaishnavas), Dehatattba (Dehatattva), Phakirali (Fa-
kirali), Maij Bhandari (see n. 72), Mursidi (Murshidi),
Mar'phati (Marfati), Dhuya (Dhua), Gurubadi (Guru-
badi), and so on (none composed with scholars in
mind). This obviously does not lessen the problems de-
tailed in ?6. The mass appeal of the Bauls has created
problems, too, as it has led to the circulation of many
fake Baul songs (cf. U. Bhattacarya 1980: 103f.;
S. Cakrabarti1989: 253f.; also n. 3),233 to the designa-
tion of any folk song as "Baul" by many, and to a com-
mercialization which has led Bauls (often fake) to take
up the concert stage-which, though it has made an ac-
quaintance with Baul thought easier, has also served to
enhance their false image in the public mind, as often
only "clean" songs are sung. Some Bauls give lessons
233 Not all
songs composed by non-Bauls are out of keeping
with Baul tenets, though; a case in point is T. Das 1977.
 DAS: Sexual Rituals of the Hauls of Bengal42
in singing for a fee (cf. Capwell 1986: 46), to people
who often probably have no idea what they are learn-
ing-if they learn real Baul songs at all. In B. Ghos
1986: 49, a Baul sadly remarks on this state of affairs.
I am not moralizing, for why should Bauls, many of
them desperately poor, not sell their repertoire if they
wish to? I am only pointing out that this has created
problems of which the researcher must be aware. Cf.
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1 GraamBanglar Gaan. Grambamlargan. Anup Ghosal.
His Master's Voice/EMI (Dum Dum 1984) ECSD 41553.
(LP-record.)
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don El.
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