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VOLUME 02

NUMBER 02
Volume 2 Number 2 | February 2014
Congress of Teachers/Educators for Nationalism and Democracy (CONTEND)
and
Commission on Concern 11: Rights of Teachers, Researchers and
Other Education Personnel, International League of Peoples Struggles (ILPS)
Volume 2 Number 2 | February 2014
Congress of Teachers/Educators for Nationalism and Democracy (CONTEND)
and
Commission on Concern 11: Rights of Teachers, Researchers and
Other Education Personnel, International League of Peoples Struggles (ILPS)
PINGKIAN
Journal for Emancipatory and Anti-imperialist Education
Volume 2 Number 2
ISSN-2244-3142
Copyright 2014 CONTEND and ILPS
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a
retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, except for brief
quotations for the purpose of research or private study, or criticism or review,
without permission of the publisher.
Editors
Gonzalo Campoamor II (University of the Philippines)
Peter Chua (San Jose State University, USA)
Gerry Lanuza (University of the Philippines)
Roland Tolentino (University of the Philippines)
Layout
Fred Dabu
Cover design
Tilde Acua
International Advisory Board
Delia Aguilar (University of Connecticut)
Joi Barrios (University of California, Berkely)
Jonathan Beller (Pratt Institute)
Ramon Guillermo (University of the Philippines, Diliman)
Caroline Hau (Kyoto University)
Bienvenido Lumbera (University of the Philippines, Diliman)
Elmer Ordonez
Robyn Magalit Rodriguez (University of California, Davis)
Epifanio San Juan, Jr. (University of Texas, Austin)
Neferti Tadiar (Barnard College)
Judy Taguiwalo (University of the Philippines, Diliman)
Ed Villegas (University of the Philippines, Manila)
PINGKIAN , e-Journal for Emancipatory and Anti-imperialist Education,
is published by the Congress of Teachers/Educators for Nationalism and
Democracy (CONTEND) and the Commission on Concern 11: Rights of Teachers,
Researchers and Other Education Personnel, International League of Peoples
Struggle (ILPS). Papers submitted for consideration should be sent to the editors at
pingkian.journal@yahoo.com.
PINGKIAN
Journal for Emancipatory and Anti-imperialist Education
Volume 2 Number 2
ISSN-2244-3142
Copyright 2014 CONTEND and ILPS
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a
retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, except for brief
quotations for the purpose of research or private study, or criticism or review,
without permission of the publisher.
Editors
Gonzalo Campoamor II (University of the Philippines)
Peter Chua (San Jose State University, USA)
Gerry Lanuza (University of the Philippines)
Roland Tolentino (University of the Philippines)
Layout
Fred Dabu
Cover design
Tilde Acua
International Advisory Board
Delia Aguilar (University of Connecticut)
Joi Barrios (University of California, Berkely)
Jonathan Beller (Pratt Institute)
Ramon Guillermo (University of the Philippines, Diliman)
Caroline Hau (Kyoto University)
Bienvenido Lumbera (University of the Philippines, Diliman)
Elmer Ordonez
Robyn Magalit Rodriguez (University of California, Davis)
Epifanio San Juan, Jr. (University of Texas, Austin)
Neferti Tadiar (Barnard College)
Judy Taguiwalo (University of the Philippines, Diliman)
Ed Villegas (University of the Philippines, Manila)
PINGKIAN , e-Journal for Emancipatory and Anti-imperialist Education,
is published by the Congress of Teachers/Educators for Nationalism and
Democracy (CONTEND) and the Commission on Concern 11: Rights of Teachers,
Researchers and Other Education Personnel, International League of Peoples
Struggle (ILPS). Papers submitted for consideration should be sent to the editors at
pingkian.journal@yahoo.com.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION 1
Engaged Pedagogy as a Form of Critical Pedagogy 5
Gerry Lanuza
Future Exploits, Sharing Practices:
Performance and Filipino Labor Trafficked Workers 11
Vanessa Banta
The Sexuality of Filipino Womens Migration 19
Valerie Francisco
A Critical Look at the Anti-Corruption Discourse 23
Gerry Lanuza
LITERARY FOLIO
May Bagyo Walang Pasok 39
Tilde Acua
Storm Advisory 40
Tilde Acua
Pananalig 41
Tilde Acua
Subukang Purihin ang Mundong Pinira-piraso 42
Tilde Acua
Sa Kuna 43
Tilde Acua
Ang wakas at ang simula 44
Tilde Acua
Ibinalita sa Telebisyon 46
Kislap Alitaptap
Sa mga batang di ko na Daratnan 48
Rogine Gonzales
TABLE OF CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION 1
Engaged Pedagogy as a Form of Critical Pedagogy 5
Gerry Lanuza
Future Exploits, Sharing Practices:
Performance and Filipino Labor Trafficked Workers 11
Vanessa Banta
The Sexuality of Filipino Womens Migration 19
Valerie Francisco
A Critical Look at the Anti-Corruption Discourse 23
Gerry Lanuza
LITERARY FOLIO
May Bagyo Walang Pasok 39
Tilde Acua
Storm Advisory 40
Tilde Acua
Pananalig 41
Tilde Acua
Subukang Purihin ang Mundong Pinira-piraso 42
Tilde Acua
Sa Kuna 43
Tilde Acua
Ang wakas at ang simula 44
Tilde Acua
Ibinalita sa Telebisyon 46
Kislap Alitaptap
Sa mga batang di ko na Daratnan 48
Rogine Gonzales
Kung Paano Tayong Tinuruan Manahimik sa Klase 50
Rogine Gonzales
By Squander 52
Mark Angeles
Women and children first 53
Mark Angeles
DOCUMENTS & STATEMENTS
Academic Calendar Shift and Internationalization:
Implementation Guidelines and Monitoring and Evaluation Plan
Philippine Higher Education Institutions and World Rankings:
Thinking Outside the Box
International Conference on Strengthening the
Internationalization Strategies of Philippine Higher Education
Institutions (HEIs)
Symbiosis/Mutualism and the University of the Philippines
Enhanced and Strategic Internationalization Agenda
Reply of Statistics Dean Erniel Barrios to the column of Prof. Monsod
on Feb. 15, 2014 which refers to the regression analysis
made by Prof. de Dios
Reply of AVPAA Marilou Nicolas to the article of Prof. Ramon Guillermo
Change in Academic Calendar: Weather as a Backdrop and More
Weather as Backdrop
Proposal to pilot the shift in UPs academic calendar
in academic year 2014-15
Other Articles, Statements and
on Academic Calendar Shift and Internationalization
Compilation of CONTEND UP Diliman Statements 2013-2014
54
University of the Philippines
Memorandums
Kung Paano Tayong Tinuruan Manahimik sa Klase 50
Rogine Gonzales
By Squander 52
Mark Angeles
Women and children first 53
Mark Angeles
DOCUMENTS & STATEMENTS
Academic Calendar Shift and Internationalization:
Implementation Guidelines and Monitoring and Evaluation Plan
Philippine Higher Education Institutions and World Rankings:
Thinking Outside the Box
International Conference on Strengthening the
Internationalization Strategies of Philippine Higher Education
Institutions (HEIs)
Symbiosis/Mutualism and the University of the Philippines
Enhanced and Strategic Internationalization Agenda
Reply of Statistics Dean Erniel Barrios to the column of Prof. Monsod
on Feb. 15, 2014 which refers to the regression analysis
made by Prof. de Dios
Reply of AVPAA Marilou Nicolas to the article of Prof. Ramon Guillermo
Change in Academic Calendar: Weather as a Backdrop and More
Weather as Backdrop
Proposal to pilot the shift in UPs academic calendar
in academic year 2014-15
Other Articles, Statements and
on Academic Calendar Shift and Internationalization
Compilation of CONTEND UP Diliman Statements 2013-2014
54
University of the Philippines
Memorandums
INTRODUCTION
TEACHING AGAINST DISASTER CAPITALISM
How Capitalism and Imperialism Take Advantage of Disasters
to Further Exploit the Poor
Winds of up to 270km per hour hit the central Philippines when it made landfall on Samar and
Leyte on 8 November 2013. Four months after the terrible disaster bodies are still being found under
the wreckage as survivors struggle to rebuild their lives. The government's confirmed death toll of
6 , 2 0 1 h a s n o t b e e n u p da t e d f o r a mo n t h a c c o r di n g t o me di a r e p o r t s
(
). Meanwhile the Aquino government had appointed Senator Panfilo Lacson as the
Rehabilitation Secretary. And the Rehabilitation czar, following the shock doctrine of disaster
capitalism (Naomi Klein, Shock Doctrine: The Rise of Disaster Capitalism, 2007) invited the private
sector for the long-term task of rebuilding. Nine giant companies promised to lead rehabilitation in most
of the areas damaged by Super Typhoon Yolanda. These companies divided among themselves 16 out of
24 development areas, or clusters of Yolanda-affected towns and cities. To facilitate the privatization
of rehabilitation, Lacson implemented the no build zone policy. Urban poor families are barred from
returning to their communities due to the no build zone policy and are crammed into substandard
bunkhouses. Worse, the no build zones where the urban poor in Tacloban is being denied entry are the
same areas where supposed investment zones are being offered to big business and inventors. These
no-build zones are strategic policy of disaster capitalism to clear the area not for safety's sake but for
big businesses.
To add insult to the injury, the national government had built bunkhouses that according to a
report by an international shelter group assisting the government in its relief efforts said the
bunkhouses being developed by the DPWH in areas devastated by Supertyphoon Yolanda
(international name: Haiyan) were noncompliant in many respects with internationally recognized
standards and best practices (
).
With the people devastated, the US-Aquino Regime employs a deliberate strategy to exploit crises
by pushing through controversial, exploitative policies while citizens were too busy emotionally and
physically reeling from disasters or upheavals to create an effective resistance. So we witness how the
Yolanda survivors were not given foods and medicines immediately right after the typhoon. Instead the
government deployed many police and military purportedly to keep peace and order. The US
government likewise deployed 13,000 US servicemen to conduct humanitarian relief mission. The
th
Center for Women's Resources, during the 100 anniversary celebration of International Women's Day,
laments: Sadly, the disaster became the reason for a smoother military deployment in the region. It is
well known that there is ongoing talks with the increased rotational presence of US troops in the
Philippines in line with the strategic US Pivot in Asia-Pacific.
But the people are not taking this shock doctrine passively. People's Surge was formed last January
24 to 25 in Tacloban City when more than 13,000 protesters mobilized in downtown Tacloban to
demand government action on the plight of the affected victims in the region. That was one of the
biggest mass demonstration seen in Eastern Visayas in recent years. The group of typhoon survivors
http://newsinfo.inquirer.net/581040/corpses-still-being-found-in-tacloban-4-months-after-
yolanda
http://newsinfo.inquirer.net/558299/yolanda-bunkhouses-
overpriced
1
INTRODUCTION
TEACHING AGAINST DISASTER CAPITALISM
How Capitalism and Imperialism Take Advantage of Disasters
to Further Exploit the Poor
Winds of up to 270km per hour hit the central Philippines when it made landfall on Samar and
Leyte on 8 November 2013. Four months after the terrible disaster bodies are still being found under
the wreckage as survivors struggle to rebuild their lives. The government's confirmed death toll of
6 , 2 0 1 h a s n o t b e e n u p da t e d f o r a mo n t h a c c o r di n g t o me di a r e p o r t s
(
). Meanwhile the Aquino government had appointed Senator Panfilo Lacson as the
Rehabilitation Secretary. And the Rehabilitation czar, following the shock doctrine of disaster
capitalism (Naomi Klein, Shock Doctrine: The Rise of Disaster Capitalism, 2007) invited the private
sector for the long-term task of rebuilding. Nine giant companies promised to lead rehabilitation in most
of the areas damaged by Super Typhoon Yolanda. These companies divided among themselves 16 out of
24 development areas, or clusters of Yolanda-affected towns and cities. To facilitate the privatization
of rehabilitation, Lacson implemented the no build zone policy. Urban poor families are barred from
returning to their communities due to the no build zone policy and are crammed into substandard
bunkhouses. Worse, the no build zones where the urban poor in Tacloban is being denied entry are the
same areas where supposed investment zones are being offered to big business and inventors. These
no-build zones are strategic policy of disaster capitalism to clear the area not for safety's sake but for
big businesses.
To add insult to the injury, the national government had built bunkhouses that according to a
report by an international shelter group assisting the government in its relief efforts said the
bunkhouses being developed by the DPWH in areas devastated by Supertyphoon Yolanda
(international name: Haiyan) were noncompliant in many respects with internationally recognized
standards and best practices (
).
With the people devastated, the US-Aquino Regime employs a deliberate strategy to exploit crises
by pushing through controversial, exploitative policies while citizens were too busy emotionally and
physically reeling from disasters or upheavals to create an effective resistance. So we witness how the
Yolanda survivors were not given foods and medicines immediately right after the typhoon. Instead the
government deployed many police and military purportedly to keep peace and order. The US
government likewise deployed 13,000 US servicemen to conduct humanitarian relief mission. The
th
Center for Women's Resources, during the 100 anniversary celebration of International Women's Day,
laments: Sadly, the disaster became the reason for a smoother military deployment in the region. It is
well known that there is ongoing talks with the increased rotational presence of US troops in the
Philippines in line with the strategic US Pivot in Asia-Pacific.
But the people are not taking this shock doctrine passively. People's Surge was formed last January
24 to 25 in Tacloban City when more than 13,000 protesters mobilized in downtown Tacloban to
demand government action on the plight of the affected victims in the region. That was one of the
biggest mass demonstration seen in Eastern Visayas in recent years. The group of typhoon survivors
http://newsinfo.inquirer.net/581040/corpses-still-being-found-in-tacloban-4-months-after-
yolanda
http://newsinfo.inquirer.net/558299/yolanda-bunkhouses-
overpriced
1
went to Malacaang last Feb. 17, carrying a list of their demands to the government signed by 17,000
individuals. They were snubbed by President Benigno Aquino III, only three of their members were
allowed into the Palace where their petition was received by a clerk. Two days later, Aquino questioned
their request for P40,000 in financial assistance, as well as their choice to travel to Manila instead of
tending to their families in Eastern Visayas (
). Rehabilitation czar Panfilo Lacson later accused them of being used by communists to
destabilize the government.
Today capitalism has gone a long way from simply exploiting the workers towards exploiting natural
disasters to further its territorial hold on public resources and accelerate the privatization of relief
operations. Disasters have become opportunities for corrupt bureaucrat capitalists and their minions to
further expand the market and extend the reach of capital. In devastated areas.
In this context, teachers and educational workers cannot afford to just be spectators. Teachers and
their students had been affected by these disasters. And the government has been consistent in its
neoliberal policy to abandon state's support of public education. Teachers and educational workers
therefore will have to join forces with people's movement to assert their rights. Only through collective
struggle and solidarity with the wretched of the earth can a genuine rehabilitation work.
**********
In this issue of Pingkian, Gerry Lanuza, the current Chair of Congress of Teachers/Educators for
Nationalism and Democracy elaborates on the philosophical presupposition of his critical pedagogy.
Dubbed as engaged pedagogy, Lanuza argues that rather than parroting the nave bourgeois ideology
that says education is the preparation of man to be a productive member of society, education should
be defined not merely as a form of transmission but engaging the students in praxis that allows for
critical reflection upon their beliefs and practices. Education is a subversive activity in so far as it
challenges the complacency of students to the prevailing douxa or public opinion.
The journal also includes three essays on national democratic scholarship. Two essays tackle the
issue of migration. Vanessa Banta, currently Instructor at the Department of Theater Arts at the
University of the Philippines, Diliman, offers her Future Exploits, Sharing Practices: Performance and
Filipino Labor Trafficked Workers, which examines the plight of Tita Josie and the Florida 15 who were
trafficked in the United States in the pursuit better employment. Echoing E. San Juan's critical analysis of
Filipino diaspora, Banta described these trafficked Filipinos as exchangeable commodities. Based on her
interviews, Banta asserts that common in the narratives of these trafficked Filipinos is the feeling of
having been exploited.
In the second essay, The Sexuality of Filipino Women's Migration, Valerie Francisco, who teaches
at the Department of Sociology and Social Work University of Portland, Oregon, U.S.A., documents how
Filipino migration is tied with the exploitation of women. For Francisco, Filipino women's migration
narrate a circulation of the Filipino woman's body as a sexualized object through different circuits of
labor brokerage, migration and incorporation.
The third essay by Gerry Lanuza attempts to deconstruct the growing popularity of corruption
discourse among scholars. Lanuza argues in this essay that corruption discourse cannot be divorced
from neoliberal ideology that diverts attention away from the questions of global justice and inequalities
towards moralistic discourse on corruption. Lanuza concludes that corruption discourse should always
be put within the wider context of people's struggle to end bureaucrat capitalism.
In this issue we also included literary works of Tilde Acua, Kislap Alitaptap, Rogene Gonzales, Joi
Barrios, and Mark Angeles. These literary works, which deal with education and disasters, reflect the
http://newsinfo.inquirer.net/580604/in-the-know-what-
is-people-surge
revolutionary imagination of poets in allowing the readers have a glimpse of a utopian world. These
works highlight the continuing relevance of aesthetic and literary imagination to unmask the one-
dimensionality of capitalist consciousness.
**************
It is our hope that like the past issues of Pingkian, the essays in this current issue will serve as
resources for educators and students who are committed to teaching against disaster capitalism.
Disaster capitalism does not only exploit the vulnerabilities of the poor. It also takes advantage of
exploiting the weakness of women who bear the brunt of disaster, state-sponsored repression, and
neoliberal policies that leave people totally destitute. Disasters are not a loss for bureaucrat capitalism
and imperialist lackeys. Disasters are opportunities to traffic women, to suspend democratic
governance, and to take advantage of the vulnerabilities of the poor. Confronted with these violent
contradictions, our task as critical educators is to transform the consciousness of our students so that
they will participate in the struggle against neoliberal assault on our people. As Gerry Lanuza puts it in
his essay, [b]y asserting that knowledge is intrinsically interwoven with power, critical pedagogy
steadfastly dismisses the mainstream assumption of knowledge as objective and neutral. Education is
always a reproduction of dominant social relations. It is only by demystifying the reification of our
consciousness that we can begin to awake from the shock of disaster capitalism.
The Editors
February 2014
3 2
went to Malacaang last Feb. 17, carrying a list of their demands to the government signed by 17,000
individuals. They were snubbed by President Benigno Aquino III, only three of their members were
allowed into the Palace where their petition was received by a clerk. Two days later, Aquino questioned
their request for P40,000 in financial assistance, as well as their choice to travel to Manila instead of
tending to their families in Eastern Visayas (
). Rehabilitation czar Panfilo Lacson later accused them of being used by communists to
destabilize the government.
Today capitalism has gone a long way from simply exploiting the workers towards exploiting natural
disasters to further its territorial hold on public resources and accelerate the privatization of relief
operations. Disasters have become opportunities for corrupt bureaucrat capitalists and their minions to
further expand the market and extend the reach of capital. In devastated areas.
In this context, teachers and educational workers cannot afford to just be spectators. Teachers and
their students had been affected by these disasters. And the government has been consistent in its
neoliberal policy to abandon state's support of public education. Teachers and educational workers
therefore will have to join forces with people's movement to assert their rights. Only through collective
struggle and solidarity with the wretched of the earth can a genuine rehabilitation work.
**********
In this issue of Pingkian, Gerry Lanuza, the current Chair of Congress of Teachers/Educators for
Nationalism and Democracy elaborates on the philosophical presupposition of his critical pedagogy.
Dubbed as engaged pedagogy, Lanuza argues that rather than parroting the nave bourgeois ideology
that says education is the preparation of man to be a productive member of society, education should
be defined not merely as a form of transmission but engaging the students in praxis that allows for
critical reflection upon their beliefs and practices. Education is a subversive activity in so far as it
challenges the complacency of students to the prevailing douxa or public opinion.
The journal also includes three essays on national democratic scholarship. Two essays tackle the
issue of migration. Vanessa Banta, currently Instructor at the Department of Theater Arts at the
University of the Philippines, Diliman, offers her Future Exploits, Sharing Practices: Performance and
Filipino Labor Trafficked Workers, which examines the plight of Tita Josie and the Florida 15 who were
trafficked in the United States in the pursuit better employment. Echoing E. San Juan's critical analysis of
Filipino diaspora, Banta described these trafficked Filipinos as exchangeable commodities. Based on her
interviews, Banta asserts that common in the narratives of these trafficked Filipinos is the feeling of
having been exploited.
In the second essay, The Sexuality of Filipino Women's Migration, Valerie Francisco, who teaches
at the Department of Sociology and Social Work University of Portland, Oregon, U.S.A., documents how
Filipino migration is tied with the exploitation of women. For Francisco, Filipino women's migration
narrate a circulation of the Filipino woman's body as a sexualized object through different circuits of
labor brokerage, migration and incorporation.
The third essay by Gerry Lanuza attempts to deconstruct the growing popularity of corruption
discourse among scholars. Lanuza argues in this essay that corruption discourse cannot be divorced
from neoliberal ideology that diverts attention away from the questions of global justice and inequalities
towards moralistic discourse on corruption. Lanuza concludes that corruption discourse should always
be put within the wider context of people's struggle to end bureaucrat capitalism.
In this issue we also included literary works of Tilde Acua, Kislap Alitaptap, Rogene Gonzales, Joi
Barrios, and Mark Angeles. These literary works, which deal with education and disasters, reflect the
http://newsinfo.inquirer.net/580604/in-the-know-what-
is-people-surge
revolutionary imagination of poets in allowing the readers have a glimpse of a utopian world. These
works highlight the continuing relevance of aesthetic and literary imagination to unmask the one-
dimensionality of capitalist consciousness.
**************
It is our hope that like the past issues of Pingkian, the essays in this current issue will serve as
resources for educators and students who are committed to teaching against disaster capitalism.
Disaster capitalism does not only exploit the vulnerabilities of the poor. It also takes advantage of
exploiting the weakness of women who bear the brunt of disaster, state-sponsored repression, and
neoliberal policies that leave people totally destitute. Disasters are not a loss for bureaucrat capitalism
and imperialist lackeys. Disasters are opportunities to traffic women, to suspend democratic
governance, and to take advantage of the vulnerabilities of the poor. Confronted with these violent
contradictions, our task as critical educators is to transform the consciousness of our students so that
they will participate in the struggle against neoliberal assault on our people. As Gerry Lanuza puts it in
his essay, [b]y asserting that knowledge is intrinsically interwoven with power, critical pedagogy
steadfastly dismisses the mainstream assumption of knowledge as objective and neutral. Education is
always a reproduction of dominant social relations. It is only by demystifying the reification of our
consciousness that we can begin to awake from the shock of disaster capitalism.
The Editors
February 2014
3 2
Pingkian: Journal for Emancipatory and
Anti-Imperialist Education
Engaged Pedagogy
as a Form of
Critical Pedagogy
Gerry Lanuza
Pingkian 2, No. 2 (2014)
Pingkian: Journal for Emancipatory and
Anti-Imperialist Education
Engaged Pedagogy
as a Form of
Critical Pedagogy
Gerry Lanuza
Pingkian 2, No. 2 (2014)
Engaged Pedagogy
as a Form of Critical Pedagogy
Gerry Lanuza
First, I distinguish teaching from pedagogy. Teaching is to pedagogy just as method is to
methodology. Teaching involves tools of inquiry and effective methods for transmission of knowledge,
which may either be formal or informal. Pedagogy, however, as I define it, refers to the complex set of
instruction as well as to the philosophical and epistemological assumptions that guide the pedagogue's
approach to leading the learners to live with/in the world as well as transform it. "All descriptions of
pedagogy like knowledge in general are shaped by those who devise them and the values they hold"
(Kincheloe 2004, 5-6). Or as Peter McLaren says, Critical pedagogy is a way of thinking about,
negotiating, and transforming the relationship among classroom teaching, the production of
knowledge, the institutional structures of the school, and the social and material relations of the wider
community, society, and nation-state (McLaren 1998, 443). Kincheloe would argue, however, that one
commonality between the various descriptions is that a critical pedagogical vision within schools is
grounded in the social, cultural, cognitive, economic, and political context that is part of the larger
community and society.
I therefore reject offhand any notion that education is simple process of finding the best
technology to transmit knowledge to a group of eager learners. My choice of engaged pedagogy to
characterize my pedagogical practice reflects my self-conscious attempt to question the reduction of
teaching and education to instrumentalist practice and philosophy. That is, equating pedagogy with the
mere search for best teaching methods.
Edward Eisner (2002) criticizes critical theorists as being more interested in displaying the
shortcomings of schooling than providing models toward which schools should aspire. Henry Giroux
(1988, 37) declared that critical educational theory has "been unable to move from criticism to
substantive vision." Giroux also observes that critical theory has been unable to "posit a theoretical
discourse and set of categories for constructing forms of knowledge, classroom social relationships,
and visions of the future that give substance to the meaning of critical pedagogy" (ibid., 37-38). In
response to these shortcomings, I will try to present a coherent account of my own practice of doing
critical pedagogy, which I specifically call as engaged pedagogy.
My Pedagogical Creed
My pedagogic creed, if it can be considered as one, is derived mainly from John Dewey, Ivan Illlich,
and Paolo Freire. However, the contemporary works of Ira Shor, the anarchistic theory of Paul
Goodman, the libertarian pedagogy of John Holt and Neil's Summerhill, the radical educational theory
of Henry Giroux, the black feminist theory of bell hooks, and the neo-Marxist theory of Peter McLaren
also shaped the way I approach my pedagogical practice inside and outside the classroom.
Engaged Pedagogy Is Passionately Committed
From Paolo Freire I learned the almost awful slogan among liberal educators: that education is
never neutral. All pedagogical activities are saturated with ideological interests. At its core, Freirean
5
Engaged Pedagogy
as a Form of Critical Pedagogy
Gerry Lanuza
First, I distinguish teaching from pedagogy. Teaching is to pedagogy just as method is to
methodology. Teaching involves tools of inquiry and effective methods for transmission of knowledge,
which may either be formal or informal. Pedagogy, however, as I define it, refers to the complex set of
instruction as well as to the philosophical and epistemological assumptions that guide the pedagogue's
approach to leading the learners to live with/in the world as well as transform it. "All descriptions of
pedagogy like knowledge in general are shaped by those who devise them and the values they hold"
(Kincheloe 2004, 5-6). Or as Peter McLaren says, Critical pedagogy is a way of thinking about,
negotiating, and transforming the relationship among classroom teaching, the production of
knowledge, the institutional structures of the school, and the social and material relations of the wider
community, society, and nation-state (McLaren 1998, 443). Kincheloe would argue, however, that one
commonality between the various descriptions is that a critical pedagogical vision within schools is
grounded in the social, cultural, cognitive, economic, and political context that is part of the larger
community and society.
I therefore reject offhand any notion that education is simple process of finding the best
technology to transmit knowledge to a group of eager learners. My choice of engaged pedagogy to
characterize my pedagogical practice reflects my self-conscious attempt to question the reduction of
teaching and education to instrumentalist practice and philosophy. That is, equating pedagogy with the
mere search for best teaching methods.
Edward Eisner (2002) criticizes critical theorists as being more interested in displaying the
shortcomings of schooling than providing models toward which schools should aspire. Henry Giroux
(1988, 37) declared that critical educational theory has "been unable to move from criticism to
substantive vision." Giroux also observes that critical theory has been unable to "posit a theoretical
discourse and set of categories for constructing forms of knowledge, classroom social relationships,
and visions of the future that give substance to the meaning of critical pedagogy" (ibid., 37-38). In
response to these shortcomings, I will try to present a coherent account of my own practice of doing
critical pedagogy, which I specifically call as engaged pedagogy.
My Pedagogical Creed
My pedagogic creed, if it can be considered as one, is derived mainly from John Dewey, Ivan Illlich,
and Paolo Freire. However, the contemporary works of Ira Shor, the anarchistic theory of Paul
Goodman, the libertarian pedagogy of John Holt and Neil's Summerhill, the radical educational theory
of Henry Giroux, the black feminist theory of bell hooks, and the neo-Marxist theory of Peter McLaren
also shaped the way I approach my pedagogical practice inside and outside the classroom.
Engaged Pedagogy Is Passionately Committed
From Paolo Freire I learned the almost awful slogan among liberal educators: that education is
never neutral. All pedagogical activities are saturated with ideological interests. At its core, Freirean
5
critical pedagogy has the following two major agendas: transformation of knowledge and pedagogy. The
most significant focus of critical pedagogy is the relationship between knowledge and power. By
asserting that knowledge is intrinsically interwoven with power, critical pedagogy steadfastly dismisses
the mainstream assumption of knowledge as objective and neutral. In my classes therefore I always begin
by telling my students that I'm not just a neutral teacher who transmits faithfully objective knowledge.
The act of transmitting knowledge itself is a form of reproduction of the ruling ideas in a particular society.
a
To teach is to position one's self in the on-going conflicts and power struggle in society (Zamudio ,
b c d
Bridgeman , Russell and Rios 2009). To practice engaged pedagogy is to make one's self vulnerable to
students' interrogation. It is to open up one's arsenal of ideas and set it off against the prevailing douxa or
opinion of society as well as the pre-existing knowledge horizons of the students. In engaged pedagogy I
transform the space of my classroom into an arena of battlefield of ideas and assumptions where the only
rule is: let the truth emerge in the dialogue to uncover the symbolic violence of arbitrarily imposed ideas
and conventions. Thus, for me, the most important part of a class discussion is not to know what the
students think but to be able to make students justify why they think that way.
Hence, I reject vehemently Max Weber's (1949) fetish for objectivism inside the classroom and
during class discussions. I strongly believe that OBJECTIVISM is the tacit fortification of teachers to
discourage students from critically examining the assumptions of the teacher. Objectivism is supposed to
be critical: questioning everything except objectivism itself. Such classroom practice creates agnostic
students who are obsessed with questioning all prevailing truths and dogma without any commitment to
a cause other than pure cynicism towards everything existing.
However, engaged pedagogy is not the celebration of the opposite of cynicism. It can never be an
unproblematic excuse for dogmatism and a justification for creating somnambulist students who simply
follow the teacher's chosen or preferred position. Moreover, from this reductionist perspective the
curriculum becomes merely a body of finalized knowledge to be transferred to the minds of students. Far
from it, an engaged teacher must be able to lay bare his or her assumptions to allow students to examine
them for their ideological worth and validity. Fear of unquestioned authority is the greatest enemy of
engaged pedagogy. Albert Einstein, who had been victimized by this kind of pedagogy, points out its dire
consequence:
To me the worst thing seems to be for a school principally to work with methods of fear,
force and artificial authority. Such treatment destroys the sound sentiments, the
sincerity and the self-confidence of the pupil. It produces the submissive subject.
(Einstein 1950, 36)
So, rather than parroting the nave bourgeois ideology that says education is the preparation of
man to be a productive member of society, I define education not merely as a form of transmission but
engaging the students in praxis that allows for critical reflection upon their beliefs and practices.
Education is a subversive activity in as far as it challenges the complacency of students to the prevailing
douxa or public opinion.
However, transmission is never a one-way process of indoctrination. Every process of transmission
also allows room for resistance and creativity. A teacher therefore cannot treat her students as mere
passive dopes or empty glasses waiting to be filled with scientific knowledge no matter how noble and
expedient the goal is. Engaged pedagogy is a dialogical process that establishes, not only a democratic,
but also, nurturing relationship between the learner and the teacher.
By affirming the agency of students, as against the traditional conception of students as mere
passive learners, critical pedagogy basically relies on experiences against the claims of hegemonic truth.
The pedagogy of experience aims at freeing students from oppressive cultural frames of knowing by
providing them with new ways of claiming authority for their own experience (Zavarzadeh and Morton
1994, 22). Claiming one's own experience is regarded not only as a process of ideology critique, but also a
way to find alternatives. As Darder, Baltodano and Torres (2003, 12) put it, students come to
understand themselves as subjects of history and to recognize that conditions of injustice ... can also be
transformed by human beings. Engaged pedagogy therefore aims at creating the condition for the
possibility of transformation.
Practitioners of critical pedagogy seek a liberating and transformative education that challenges
the hierarchical power structures assumed in and naturalized by patriarchy, colonialism, and global
capitalism. Not wishing to simply substitute a new set of dominant ideologies for older ones, critical
pedagogy seeks a truly democratic classroom of learners, and therefore it must be, in the words of
Henry Giroux (1994, 52), simultaneously utopian but always distrustful of itself.
Engaged Pedagogy Is Creating a Democratic Classroom
From John Dewey (1916/1930, 101) I learned that education is all about democracy. Dewey
writes:
A democracy is more than a form of government; it is primarily a mode of associated
living, of conjoint communicated experience. The extension in space of the number of
individuals who participate in an interest so that each has to refer his own action to
that of others, and to consider the action of others to give point and direction to his
own, is equivalent to the breaking down of those barriers of class, race, and national
territory which kept men from perceiving the full import of their activity.
I see my classrooms as actual laboratories for democratic citizenship for the wider society. The
goal is not to fully understand each other's perspectives but rather to establish a common, respectful
space in which to acknowledge and engage differences.
Critical pedagogy is not just about preparation for democracy. It is democracy itself. Based on my
experience, students lose their enthusiasm if you tell them that the objective of the course is to prepare
them for future career or work. For me it is also dangerous to tell my students that democracy is
something they will exercise in the near future. For it will only make student complacent about the non-
democratic practices that pervade our society. In short, if we focus mainly on the future applications of
what we teach, our students lose sight of the pressing present problems they confront. I am not in any
way denying the future-orientation of our pedagogical practices, but as Dewey explains:
The mistake is not in attaching importance to preparation for future need, but in
making it the mainspring of present effort. Because the need of preparation for a
continually developing life is great, it is imperative that every energy should be bent
to making the present experience as rich and significant as possible. Then as the
present merges insensibly into the future, the future is taken care of. (ibid., 65)
Engaged Pedagogy Is Creating a Convivial Community of Learners
From Ivan Illich I learned that education is not about creating a self-perpetuating bureaucracy but
establishing a community of learners. Moreover, this community of learners is nourished by convivial
approach to educational tools. The term "convivial tools" comes from Ivan Illich's book Tools for
Conviviality, published in 1973. Illich presented a radical critique of the existing system of industrial
tools, which is oriented towards mass production for consumer society. He observed that: "As the power
of machines increases, the role of persons decreases to that of mere consumers." Illich wanted to
"invert the present deep structure of tools" and to "give people tools that guarantee their right to work
with independent efficiency." He claimed that "people need new tools to work with rather than tools
that work for them." Illich suggested that such tools would enhance a sort of "graceful playfulness" in
personal relations, which he summed up by calling such tools "convivial" (Illich 1973).
7 6
critical pedagogy has the following two major agendas: transformation of knowledge and pedagogy. The
most significant focus of critical pedagogy is the relationship between knowledge and power. By
asserting that knowledge is intrinsically interwoven with power, critical pedagogy steadfastly dismisses
the mainstream assumption of knowledge as objective and neutral. In my classes therefore I always begin
by telling my students that I'm not just a neutral teacher who transmits faithfully objective knowledge.
The act of transmitting knowledge itself is a form of reproduction of the ruling ideas in a particular society.
a
To teach is to position one's self in the on-going conflicts and power struggle in society (Zamudio ,
b c d
Bridgeman , Russell and Rios 2009). To practice engaged pedagogy is to make one's self vulnerable to
students' interrogation. It is to open up one's arsenal of ideas and set it off against the prevailing douxa or
opinion of society as well as the pre-existing knowledge horizons of the students. In engaged pedagogy I
transform the space of my classroom into an arena of battlefield of ideas and assumptions where the only
rule is: let the truth emerge in the dialogue to uncover the symbolic violence of arbitrarily imposed ideas
and conventions. Thus, for me, the most important part of a class discussion is not to know what the
students think but to be able to make students justify why they think that way.
Hence, I reject vehemently Max Weber's (1949) fetish for objectivism inside the classroom and
during class discussions. I strongly believe that OBJECTIVISM is the tacit fortification of teachers to
discourage students from critically examining the assumptions of the teacher. Objectivism is supposed to
be critical: questioning everything except objectivism itself. Such classroom practice creates agnostic
students who are obsessed with questioning all prevailing truths and dogma without any commitment to
a cause other than pure cynicism towards everything existing.
However, engaged pedagogy is not the celebration of the opposite of cynicism. It can never be an
unproblematic excuse for dogmatism and a justification for creating somnambulist students who simply
follow the teacher's chosen or preferred position. Moreover, from this reductionist perspective the
curriculum becomes merely a body of finalized knowledge to be transferred to the minds of students. Far
from it, an engaged teacher must be able to lay bare his or her assumptions to allow students to examine
them for their ideological worth and validity. Fear of unquestioned authority is the greatest enemy of
engaged pedagogy. Albert Einstein, who had been victimized by this kind of pedagogy, points out its dire
consequence:
To me the worst thing seems to be for a school principally to work with methods of fear,
force and artificial authority. Such treatment destroys the sound sentiments, the
sincerity and the self-confidence of the pupil. It produces the submissive subject.
(Einstein 1950, 36)
So, rather than parroting the nave bourgeois ideology that says education is the preparation of
man to be a productive member of society, I define education not merely as a form of transmission but
engaging the students in praxis that allows for critical reflection upon their beliefs and practices.
Education is a subversive activity in as far as it challenges the complacency of students to the prevailing
douxa or public opinion.
However, transmission is never a one-way process of indoctrination. Every process of transmission
also allows room for resistance and creativity. A teacher therefore cannot treat her students as mere
passive dopes or empty glasses waiting to be filled with scientific knowledge no matter how noble and
expedient the goal is. Engaged pedagogy is a dialogical process that establishes, not only a democratic,
but also, nurturing relationship between the learner and the teacher.
By affirming the agency of students, as against the traditional conception of students as mere
passive learners, critical pedagogy basically relies on experiences against the claims of hegemonic truth.
The pedagogy of experience aims at freeing students from oppressive cultural frames of knowing by
providing them with new ways of claiming authority for their own experience (Zavarzadeh and Morton
1994, 22). Claiming one's own experience is regarded not only as a process of ideology critique, but also a
way to find alternatives. As Darder, Baltodano and Torres (2003, 12) put it, students come to
understand themselves as subjects of history and to recognize that conditions of injustice ... can also be
transformed by human beings. Engaged pedagogy therefore aims at creating the condition for the
possibility of transformation.
Practitioners of critical pedagogy seek a liberating and transformative education that challenges
the hierarchical power structures assumed in and naturalized by patriarchy, colonialism, and global
capitalism. Not wishing to simply substitute a new set of dominant ideologies for older ones, critical
pedagogy seeks a truly democratic classroom of learners, and therefore it must be, in the words of
Henry Giroux (1994, 52), simultaneously utopian but always distrustful of itself.
Engaged Pedagogy Is Creating a Democratic Classroom
From John Dewey (1916/1930, 101) I learned that education is all about democracy. Dewey
writes:
A democracy is more than a form of government; it is primarily a mode of associated
living, of conjoint communicated experience. The extension in space of the number of
individuals who participate in an interest so that each has to refer his own action to
that of others, and to consider the action of others to give point and direction to his
own, is equivalent to the breaking down of those barriers of class, race, and national
territory which kept men from perceiving the full import of their activity.
I see my classrooms as actual laboratories for democratic citizenship for the wider society. The
goal is not to fully understand each other's perspectives but rather to establish a common, respectful
space in which to acknowledge and engage differences.
Critical pedagogy is not just about preparation for democracy. It is democracy itself. Based on my
experience, students lose their enthusiasm if you tell them that the objective of the course is to prepare
them for future career or work. For me it is also dangerous to tell my students that democracy is
something they will exercise in the near future. For it will only make student complacent about the non-
democratic practices that pervade our society. In short, if we focus mainly on the future applications of
what we teach, our students lose sight of the pressing present problems they confront. I am not in any
way denying the future-orientation of our pedagogical practices, but as Dewey explains:
The mistake is not in attaching importance to preparation for future need, but in
making it the mainspring of present effort. Because the need of preparation for a
continually developing life is great, it is imperative that every energy should be bent
to making the present experience as rich and significant as possible. Then as the
present merges insensibly into the future, the future is taken care of. (ibid., 65)
Engaged Pedagogy Is Creating a Convivial Community of Learners
From Ivan Illich I learned that education is not about creating a self-perpetuating bureaucracy but
establishing a community of learners. Moreover, this community of learners is nourished by convivial
approach to educational tools. The term "convivial tools" comes from Ivan Illich's book Tools for
Conviviality, published in 1973. Illich presented a radical critique of the existing system of industrial
tools, which is oriented towards mass production for consumer society. He observed that: "As the power
of machines increases, the role of persons decreases to that of mere consumers." Illich wanted to
"invert the present deep structure of tools" and to "give people tools that guarantee their right to work
with independent efficiency." He claimed that "people need new tools to work with rather than tools
that work for them." Illich suggested that such tools would enhance a sort of "graceful playfulness" in
personal relations, which he summed up by calling such tools "convivial" (Illich 1973).
7 6
By making pedagogy as convivial, it means treating your students as persons rather than as
grade-achievers or grade-addicted freaks. It means seeing grades, examinations, and other school
requirements not as ends themselves but as playful instruments to further the growth and engagement
of the students. What I abhor most is mass-ification of students through large classes and reduction of
face-to-face interactions through computerized registration. Such non-convivial view of pedagogy
reduces human interaction to mere circulation of information from one terminal to another. Efficiency
becomes the end itself rather than humanization of teaching. Illich's convivial view of teaching converges
with Freire's definition of dialogical learning as a form of love:
Dialogue cannot exist, however, in the absence of a profound love for the world and for
people. The naming of the world, which is an act of creation and re-creation, is
not possible if it is not infused with love. No matter where the oppressed are
found, the act of love is commitment to their cause the cause of liberation. And
this commitment, because it is loving, is dialogical. As an act of bravery, love
cannot be sentimental; as an act of freedom it must not serve as a pretext for
manipulation. It must generate other acts of freedom; otherwise, it is not love. Only by
abolishing the situation of oppression is it possible to restore the love which that
situation made impossible. If I do not love the world if I do not love life if I do not love
1
people I cannot enter into dialogue. (Freire 2000, 89-90)
According to a practitioner of engaged pedagogy, one of the main assumptions of critical pedagogy
is [c]oncerned that schools don't hurt students good schools don't blame students for their failures or

strip students of the knowledges they bring to the classroom (Kincheloe 2008, 11). In the counter-
hegemonic classrooms of a critical pedagogy, teachers reframe the ways that school looks at students, in
the process discovering student talents invisible to most everyone at school. Here teachers use such talents
as bases of opportunity to which they can connect academic skills and affective dynamics. In other words,
an engaged educator builds up on the existing knowledge of the students. Alternatively, as Freire states, If
students are not able to transform their lived experiences into knowledge and to use the already acquired
knowledge as a process to unveil new knowledge, they will never be able to participate rigorously in a
dialogue as a process of learning and knowing (Freire 2000, 20).
I must therefore start with the pre-existing knowledge and background of my students. Moreover, in
many instances, these planes of knowledge are not authorized by the academic discourse of the teachers
and the official curriculum of the schools. This is not a simple way to skip rigor and academic demands in
the name of the anything-goes philosophy of education that romanticizes the pre-existing knowledge of
the students. Engaged pedagogy does not demand less rigor in the classroom. But it defines rigor not in
the authoritarian way that makes it an exclusive property of students who follow rigid rules and sacred-
like pronouncement of teachers and educational experts. It means, in the words of Freire: we have to
fight with love, with passion, in order to demonstrate that what we are proposing is absolutely rigorous.
We have, in doing so, to demonstrate that rigor is not synonymous with authoritarianism, that rigor does
not mean 'rigidity'. Rigor lives with freedom, needs freedom. I cannot understand how it is possible to be
rigorous without being creative. For me it is very difficult to be creative without having freedom. Without
being free I can only repeat what is being told me (Freire and Shor 1987, 75). That I think summarizes
the humanistic foundation of engaged pedagogy.

Engaged Pedagogy Is Knowing about Myself So I can Love Better
2
Finally, my reading of Bell Hooks , Teaching to Transgress (1994), has taught me the value of the body
language, emotional management, and the production of desire inside the classroom. Teaching is a
performative act. Bell Hooks says,
To embrace the performative aspect of teaching we are compelled to engage
audiences, to consider issues of reciprocity. Teachers are not performers in the
traditional sense of the word in that our work is not meant to be a spectacle. Yet it is
means to serve as a catalyst that calls everyone to become more and more engaged, to
become active participants in learning (Hooks 1994, 14).
Teaching, conceived in the masculinist way, perpetuates the myth that teachers must become
detached towards their students. Such technicist approach lauds efforts of teachers to maintain
authoritarian relationship with the students to maintain his or her power over them. bell hooks reminds
us:
To educate as the practice of freedom is a way of teaching that anyone can learn. That
earning process comes easiest to those of us who teach who also believe that there is
an aspect of our vocation that is sacred; who believe that our work is not merely to
share information but to share in the intellectual and spiritual growth of our students.
To teach in a manner that respects and cares for the souls of our students is essential if
we are to provide the necessary condition where learning can most deeply and
intimately begin. (ibid., 13).
The feminist version of engaged pedagogy made me realize the need for reflexivity, that I must
treat my class as a form of autoethnography or self-study. According to Robert Kincheloe, In many
contemporary educational settings driven by epistemologically nave, unexamined top-down
standardization, students and teachers are not encouraged to confront why they tend to think as they do
about themselves, the world around them and their relationships to that world. In other words, such
individuals gain little insight into the forces that shape them the construction of their
consciousnesses (Kincheloe 2008, 31).
And this is not only nave but dangerous. For it perpetuates the myth of knowledge production as
happening in a vacuum sealed from material and cultural currents and influences.
Every after lecture I ask myself what are the things that I missed. I often feel upset whenever my
students get out of my class without me making them understand fully the gravity of what we are doing.
Engaged pedagogy is very demanding. It involves time investment and emotional management. For
these are the prerequisites for creating a caring and nurturing classrooms. One of the first tasks of the
critical educator is to explore her own subjectivity and "locate" or situate herself within that praxis. This
process is both active and reflexive. Subjectivity, in this sense, represents an ongoing construction of the
development of the personal lens through which one sees the world, and through which notions of
reality and truth are shaped. As Parker J. Palmer rightly points out,
Teaching, like any truly human activity, emerges from one's inwardness, for
better or worse. As I teach, I project the condition of my soul onto my students,
my subject, and our way of being together. The entanglements I experience in the
classroom are often no more or less than the convolutions of my inner life. Viewed
from this angle, teaching holds a mirror to the soul. If I am willing to look in that mirror
and not run from what I see, I have a chance to gain self knowledge and knowing
myself is as crucial to good teaching as knowing my students and my subject.
In fact, knowing my students and my subject depends heavily on self-knowledge.
When I do not know myself, I cannot know who my students are. I will see them
through a glass darkly, in the shadows of my own unexamined life and when I
cannot see them clearly, I cannot teach them well. (Palmer 1998, 2)
My students have their own life-projects or vocation. According to most critical theorists and
experiential educators, students are not empty vessels, but rather are individuals with life experience
9 8
1
Illich has a very similar position: I remain certain the quest for truth cannot thrive outside the nourishment of
mutual trust flowering into a commitment to friendship (Illich 2002, 235).
2
Whose real name is Gloria Jeans Watkins, an American author, professor, feminist, and social activist.
By making pedagogy as convivial, it means treating your students as persons rather than as
grade-achievers or grade-addicted freaks. It means seeing grades, examinations, and other school
requirements not as ends themselves but as playful instruments to further the growth and engagement
of the students. What I abhor most is mass-ification of students through large classes and reduction of
face-to-face interactions through computerized registration. Such non-convivial view of pedagogy
reduces human interaction to mere circulation of information from one terminal to another. Efficiency
becomes the end itself rather than humanization of teaching. Illich's convivial view of teaching converges
with Freire's definition of dialogical learning as a form of love:
Dialogue cannot exist, however, in the absence of a profound love for the world and for
people. The naming of the world, which is an act of creation and re-creation, is
not possible if it is not infused with love. No matter where the oppressed are
found, the act of love is commitment to their cause the cause of liberation. And
this commitment, because it is loving, is dialogical. As an act of bravery, love
cannot be sentimental; as an act of freedom it must not serve as a pretext for
manipulation. It must generate other acts of freedom; otherwise, it is not love. Only by
abolishing the situation of oppression is it possible to restore the love which that
situation made impossible. If I do not love the world if I do not love life if I do not love
1
people I cannot enter into dialogue. (Freire 2000, 89-90)
According to a practitioner of engaged pedagogy, one of the main assumptions of critical pedagogy
is [c]oncerned that schools don't hurt students good schools don't blame students for their failures or

strip students of the knowledges they bring to the classroom (Kincheloe 2008, 11). In the counter-
hegemonic classrooms of a critical pedagogy, teachers reframe the ways that school looks at students, in
the process discovering student talents invisible to most everyone at school. Here teachers use such talents
as bases of opportunity to which they can connect academic skills and affective dynamics. In other words,
an engaged educator builds up on the existing knowledge of the students. Alternatively, as Freire states, If
students are not able to transform their lived experiences into knowledge and to use the already acquired
knowledge as a process to unveil new knowledge, they will never be able to participate rigorously in a
dialogue as a process of learning and knowing (Freire 2000, 20).
I must therefore start with the pre-existing knowledge and background of my students. Moreover, in
many instances, these planes of knowledge are not authorized by the academic discourse of the teachers
and the official curriculum of the schools. This is not a simple way to skip rigor and academic demands in
the name of the anything-goes philosophy of education that romanticizes the pre-existing knowledge of
the students. Engaged pedagogy does not demand less rigor in the classroom. But it defines rigor not in
the authoritarian way that makes it an exclusive property of students who follow rigid rules and sacred-
like pronouncement of teachers and educational experts. It means, in the words of Freire: we have to
fight with love, with passion, in order to demonstrate that what we are proposing is absolutely rigorous.
We have, in doing so, to demonstrate that rigor is not synonymous with authoritarianism, that rigor does
not mean 'rigidity'. Rigor lives with freedom, needs freedom. I cannot understand how it is possible to be
rigorous without being creative. For me it is very difficult to be creative without having freedom. Without
being free I can only repeat what is being told me (Freire and Shor 1987, 75). That I think summarizes
the humanistic foundation of engaged pedagogy.

Engaged Pedagogy Is Knowing about Myself So I can Love Better
2
Finally, my reading of Bell Hooks , Teaching to Transgress (1994), has taught me the value of the body
language, emotional management, and the production of desire inside the classroom. Teaching is a
performative act. Bell Hooks says,
To embrace the performative aspect of teaching we are compelled to engage
audiences, to consider issues of reciprocity. Teachers are not performers in the
traditional sense of the word in that our work is not meant to be a spectacle. Yet it is
means to serve as a catalyst that calls everyone to become more and more engaged, to
become active participants in learning (Hooks 1994, 14).
Teaching, conceived in the masculinist way, perpetuates the myth that teachers must become
detached towards their students. Such technicist approach lauds efforts of teachers to maintain
authoritarian relationship with the students to maintain his or her power over them. bell hooks reminds
us:
To educate as the practice of freedom is a way of teaching that anyone can learn. That
earning process comes easiest to those of us who teach who also believe that there is
an aspect of our vocation that is sacred; who believe that our work is not merely to
share information but to share in the intellectual and spiritual growth of our students.
To teach in a manner that respects and cares for the souls of our students is essential if
we are to provide the necessary condition where learning can most deeply and
intimately begin. (ibid., 13).
The feminist version of engaged pedagogy made me realize the need for reflexivity, that I must
treat my class as a form of autoethnography or self-study. According to Robert Kincheloe, In many
contemporary educational settings driven by epistemologically nave, unexamined top-down
standardization, students and teachers are not encouraged to confront why they tend to think as they do
about themselves, the world around them and their relationships to that world. In other words, such
individuals gain little insight into the forces that shape them the construction of their
consciousnesses (Kincheloe 2008, 31).
And this is not only nave but dangerous. For it perpetuates the myth of knowledge production as
happening in a vacuum sealed from material and cultural currents and influences.
Every after lecture I ask myself what are the things that I missed. I often feel upset whenever my
students get out of my class without me making them understand fully the gravity of what we are doing.
Engaged pedagogy is very demanding. It involves time investment and emotional management. For
these are the prerequisites for creating a caring and nurturing classrooms. One of the first tasks of the
critical educator is to explore her own subjectivity and "locate" or situate herself within that praxis. This
process is both active and reflexive. Subjectivity, in this sense, represents an ongoing construction of the
development of the personal lens through which one sees the world, and through which notions of
reality and truth are shaped. As Parker J. Palmer rightly points out,
Teaching, like any truly human activity, emerges from one's inwardness, for
better or worse. As I teach, I project the condition of my soul onto my students,
my subject, and our way of being together. The entanglements I experience in the
classroom are often no more or less than the convolutions of my inner life. Viewed
from this angle, teaching holds a mirror to the soul. If I am willing to look in that mirror
and not run from what I see, I have a chance to gain self knowledge and knowing
myself is as crucial to good teaching as knowing my students and my subject.
In fact, knowing my students and my subject depends heavily on self-knowledge.
When I do not know myself, I cannot know who my students are. I will see them
through a glass darkly, in the shadows of my own unexamined life and when I
cannot see them clearly, I cannot teach them well. (Palmer 1998, 2)
My students have their own life-projects or vocation. According to most critical theorists and
experiential educators, students are not empty vessels, but rather are individuals with life experience
9 8
1
Illich has a very similar position: I remain certain the quest for truth cannot thrive outside the nourishment of
mutual trust flowering into a commitment to friendship (Illich 2002, 235).
2
Whose real name is Gloria Jeans Watkins, an American author, professor, feminist, and social activist.
and knowledge, situated within their own cultural, class, racial, historical and gender contexts (Freire,
1970; Hooks, 1994). Students arrive in the critical classroom with their individual expectations, hopes,
dreams, diverse backgrounds, and life experiences, including a long history of previous schooling and
educational hegemony. The challenge is to let them see how these knowledge productions relate and
enhance their life-projects. These theories must be alive and must be able to transform the life-projects of
the students in relation to the transformation of the world.
When the role of the student in the critical classroom is thus considered, the assumption is that not
only will an educator create a classroom condition that offers students the opportunity to work toward
social change, to have a voice in the educational process, to have the knowledge and courage to be critical,
and to be interested in and committed to this process, but that students have a responsibility to critically
commit themselves to this process.
References
Darder, A., M. Baltodano, and R. Torres. 2003. Critical pedagogy: An introduction. In The Critical Pedagogy
Reader, ed. A. Darder, M. Baltodano and R. Torres. NY: Routledge Falmer.
Dewey, John. 1916/1930. Democracy and education. NY: Macmillan.
Einstein, Albert. 1950. On education: Out of my later years. NY: Wisdom Library.
Eisner, Edward. 2002. The educational imagination: On the design and evaluation of school programs, 4th
ed. NY: Macmillan.
Freire, Paulo. 2000. Pedagogy of the oppressed, trans. Myra Bergman Ramos. NY: Continuum International
Publishing Group.
Freire, Paulo and Ira Shor. 1987. Pedagogy of liberation: Dialogues on transforming education. NY: Bergin
and Garvey.
Giroux, Henry. 1994. Living dangerously: Identity politics and the new cultural racism. In Between
borders: Pedagogy and the politics of cultural studies, ed. Henry Giroux and Peter McLaren, 29-55. NY:
Routledge.
-----. 1997. Pedagogy and the politics of hope: Theory, culture, and schooling. GO: Westview Press.
Hooks, Bell. 1994. Teaching to transgress. Routledge.
Illich, Ivan. 1973. Tools for conviviality. Harper and Row.
-----. 2002. The cultivation of conspiracy. In The challenge of Ivan Illich, ed. Lee Hoinacki and Carl
Mitcham. NY: SUNY Press.
Kincheloe, Joel L. 2004. Critical pedagogy primer. NY: Peter Lang.
-----. 2008. Knowledge and critical pedagogy: An introduction. NY: Springer Science.
McLaren, Peter. 1998. Revolutionary pedagogy in post-revolutionary times: Rethinking the political
economy of critical education. Educational Theory 48(4).
Palmer, Parker J. 1998. The courage to teach. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass.
Weber, Max. 1949. On the methodology of the social sciences, trans. and ed. Edward Shils and Henry Finch.
Illinois: Free Fress.
Zamudioa, Margaret, Jacquelyn Bridgemanb, Caskey Russellc and Francisco Riosd. 2009. Developing a
critical consciousness: Positionality, pedagogy, and problems. Race Ethnicity and Education 12(4):
455-472.
Zavarzadeh, M. and Morton, D. 1994. Theory as resistance: Politics and culture after poststructuralism. NY:
Guilford Press.
Notes
First published in Himig Ugnayan, The Theological Journal of Institute of Formation and Religious Studies
(IFRS), Vol. 18, 2013.
10
Pingkian: Journal for Emancipatory and
Anti-Imperialist Education
Future Exploits,
Sharing Practices:
Performance and
Filipino Labor
Trafficked Workers
Vanessa Banta
Pingkian 2, No. 2 (2014)
and knowledge, situated within their own cultural, class, racial, historical and gender contexts (Freire,
1970; Hooks, 1994). Students arrive in the critical classroom with their individual expectations, hopes,
dreams, diverse backgrounds, and life experiences, including a long history of previous schooling and
educational hegemony. The challenge is to let them see how these knowledge productions relate and
enhance their life-projects. These theories must be alive and must be able to transform the life-projects of
the students in relation to the transformation of the world.
When the role of the student in the critical classroom is thus considered, the assumption is that not
only will an educator create a classroom condition that offers students the opportunity to work toward
social change, to have a voice in the educational process, to have the knowledge and courage to be critical,
and to be interested in and committed to this process, but that students have a responsibility to critically
commit themselves to this process.
References
Darder, A., M. Baltodano, and R. Torres. 2003. Critical pedagogy: An introduction. In The Critical Pedagogy
Reader, ed. A. Darder, M. Baltodano and R. Torres. NY: Routledge Falmer.
Dewey, John. 1916/1930. Democracy and education. NY: Macmillan.
Einstein, Albert. 1950. On education: Out of my later years. NY: Wisdom Library.
Eisner, Edward. 2002. The educational imagination: On the design and evaluation of school programs, 4th
ed. NY: Macmillan.
Freire, Paulo. 2000. Pedagogy of the oppressed, trans. Myra Bergman Ramos. NY: Continuum International
Publishing Group.
Freire, Paulo and Ira Shor. 1987. Pedagogy of liberation: Dialogues on transforming education. NY: Bergin
and Garvey.
Giroux, Henry. 1994. Living dangerously: Identity politics and the new cultural racism. In Between
borders: Pedagogy and the politics of cultural studies, ed. Henry Giroux and Peter McLaren, 29-55. NY:
Routledge.
-----. 1997. Pedagogy and the politics of hope: Theory, culture, and schooling. GO: Westview Press.
Hooks, Bell. 1994. Teaching to transgress. Routledge.
Illich, Ivan. 1973. Tools for conviviality. Harper and Row.
-----. 2002. The cultivation of conspiracy. In The challenge of Ivan Illich, ed. Lee Hoinacki and Carl
Mitcham. NY: SUNY Press.
Kincheloe, Joel L. 2004. Critical pedagogy primer. NY: Peter Lang.
-----. 2008. Knowledge and critical pedagogy: An introduction. NY: Springer Science.
McLaren, Peter. 1998. Revolutionary pedagogy in post-revolutionary times: Rethinking the political
economy of critical education. Educational Theory 48(4).
Palmer, Parker J. 1998. The courage to teach. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass.
Weber, Max. 1949. On the methodology of the social sciences, trans. and ed. Edward Shils and Henry Finch.
Illinois: Free Fress.
Zamudioa, Margaret, Jacquelyn Bridgemanb, Caskey Russellc and Francisco Riosd. 2009. Developing a
critical consciousness: Positionality, pedagogy, and problems. Race Ethnicity and Education 12(4):
455-472.
Zavarzadeh, M. and Morton, D. 1994. Theory as resistance: Politics and culture after poststructuralism. NY:
Guilford Press.
Notes
First published in Himig Ugnayan, The Theological Journal of Institute of Formation and Religious Studies
(IFRS), Vol. 18, 2013.
10
Pingkian: Journal for Emancipatory and
Anti-Imperialist Education
Future Exploits,
Sharing Practices:
Performance and
Filipino Labor
Trafficked Workers
Vanessa Banta
Pingkian 2, No. 2 (2014)
11
Future Exploits, Sharing Practices
Performance and Filipino Labor Trafficked
Workers
Vanessa Banta
In December of 2011, reports stated that a California federal judge had set a historic legal
precedent by stating that the federal Trafficking Victims Protection Act (TVPA) would be applied to a
group rather than to individual victims. These reports contextualize the upcoming court proceedings
scheduled for July starring 350 Filipino school teachers who have been victims of labor trafficking and
the defendant, their illegal recruiters. Purported to protect not only the victims of the most heinous
human trafficking crimes but also of trafficking cases involving fraud and extortion in forced labor, the
TVPA would aid plaintiffs such as the group of 350 teachers who suffered from psychological coercion
when threatened with deportation and loss of employment (SPLC). The stakes are high. The precedent
is predicted to offer hope to the 350 school teachers who were trafficked and at the same time, it
stands as a promise of the judicial system to help future victims of human trafficking. Here the report
portends how the law proscribes -- gives, even -- a certain feeling but then also how the law would soon
seize and be in charge of feelings that have been forged and broken in relationships, in this case,
between the employee and employer, the duped and the deceiver. Yet in spite of the law's performative
announcement of what is to come and how we should feel in the future, meanings and feelings have
been and are being continuously contested outside of the courts. For labor trafficked workers, what
does it mean to be, feel, speak and move in this moment in between now and July 2012?
I examine the speech acts of a migrant worker who will be named here Tita Mely (Aunt Mely ) and a
group of workers who have collectively taken up the name Florida 15 that stands for the 15 workers who
have together escaped from their employers in Florida and now live together in Jersey City, New York. I
suggest that theories on performance provide critical weight in this attempt to understand the
strategies employed by the workers I interview who await their trial. I hope to underscore and
contextualize Tita Mely's speech acts in order to consider the ways in which they do much more than
contain stories of migration. I draw from performance theorist Judith Butler's assertion in her work,
Excitable Speech that we may think of speech acts as possessing a force gained from ones that have come
before contra a speech act which can be traced to an originator, a subject as sovereign, presumed in
the Austinian account of performativity (Butler 1997, 49). Tita Mely and the Florida 15 may be
positioned with other Filipino trafficked workers they speak with, magically invoked at the moment in
which [their] utterance is spoken (ibid.). That is, aside from Tita Mely and the Florida 15, other workers
before them have already filed cases. Years earlier, Sentosa 27, a group of twenty seven Filipino nurses
became the subject of web postings and public calls to action by community groups and labor
organizations after they issued the case against their recruiter. In the case of Sentosa 27 alone, we see
the invocation of past speakers while simultaneously opening up the field for others. For example, in
speeches by community activists, the case of Sentosa 27 is mentioned to be the continuation of the
fight of the early Filipino farm workers, the WWII veterans, and the Filipino Airport Screeners, thus
drawing connections from past to future struggles of Filipino laborers (Sentosa 27 Speech 2007). Also,
research on current developments on the case of Sentosa 27 brings to light a slight but significant
change. While these articles report that some charges have been dropped, they also mention the fact
that other are following suit; instead of writing Sentosa 27, we see Sentosa 27++. It is in this
seemingly simple notation of an accretion, of the addition to the number of plus signs, that we are most
11
Future Exploits, Sharing Practices
Performance and Filipino Labor Trafficked
Workers
Vanessa Banta
In December of 2011, reports stated that a California federal judge had set a historic legal
precedent by stating that the federal Trafficking Victims Protection Act (TVPA) would be applied to a
group rather than to individual victims. These reports contextualize the upcoming court proceedings
scheduled for July starring 350 Filipino school teachers who have been victims of labor trafficking and
the defendant, their illegal recruiters. Purported to protect not only the victims of the most heinous
human trafficking crimes but also of trafficking cases involving fraud and extortion in forced labor, the
TVPA would aid plaintiffs such as the group of 350 teachers who suffered from psychological coercion
when threatened with deportation and loss of employment (SPLC). The stakes are high. The precedent
is predicted to offer hope to the 350 school teachers who were trafficked and at the same time, it
stands as a promise of the judicial system to help future victims of human trafficking. Here the report
portends how the law proscribes -- gives, even -- a certain feeling but then also how the law would soon
seize and be in charge of feelings that have been forged and broken in relationships, in this case,
between the employee and employer, the duped and the deceiver. Yet in spite of the law's performative
announcement of what is to come and how we should feel in the future, meanings and feelings have
been and are being continuously contested outside of the courts. For labor trafficked workers, what
does it mean to be, feel, speak and move in this moment in between now and July 2012?
I examine the speech acts of a migrant worker who will be named here Tita Mely (Aunt Mely ) and a
group of workers who have collectively taken up the name Florida 15 that stands for the 15 workers who
have together escaped from their employers in Florida and now live together in Jersey City, New York. I
suggest that theories on performance provide critical weight in this attempt to understand the
strategies employed by the workers I interview who await their trial. I hope to underscore and
contextualize Tita Mely's speech acts in order to consider the ways in which they do much more than
contain stories of migration. I draw from performance theorist Judith Butler's assertion in her work,
Excitable Speech that we may think of speech acts as possessing a force gained from ones that have come
before contra a speech act which can be traced to an originator, a subject as sovereign, presumed in
the Austinian account of performativity (Butler 1997, 49). Tita Mely and the Florida 15 may be
positioned with other Filipino trafficked workers they speak with, magically invoked at the moment in
which [their] utterance is spoken (ibid.). That is, aside from Tita Mely and the Florida 15, other workers
before them have already filed cases. Years earlier, Sentosa 27, a group of twenty seven Filipino nurses
became the subject of web postings and public calls to action by community groups and labor
organizations after they issued the case against their recruiter. In the case of Sentosa 27 alone, we see
the invocation of past speakers while simultaneously opening up the field for others. For example, in
speeches by community activists, the case of Sentosa 27 is mentioned to be the continuation of the
fight of the early Filipino farm workers, the WWII veterans, and the Filipino Airport Screeners, thus
drawing connections from past to future struggles of Filipino laborers (Sentosa 27 Speech 2007). Also,
research on current developments on the case of Sentosa 27 brings to light a slight but significant
change. While these articles report that some charges have been dropped, they also mention the fact
that other are following suit; instead of writing Sentosa 27, we see Sentosa 27++. It is in this
seemingly simple notation of an accretion, of the addition to the number of plus signs, that we are most
13 12
reminded of the breadth of the field that the initial enunciative act the original Sentosa 27 opened up.
More nurses and health practitioners have decided to come forward with their illegal recruitment
perhaps more invigorated to fight their abusive employers and illegal recruiters. Currently, Tita Mely and
the Florida 15 speak with three hundred fifty teachers from Louisiana, a group of educators in Baltimore,
the Sentosa 27, Arizona 34, and fifty engineers in New York City.
To acknowledge this endowment of force is also to acknowledge the work that their speech acts have
done and continuously are doing within the authoritative set of practices that have worked to also
control, even censor, their speech. However, I aim to show that beyond producing oppositional speech,
one that refutes allegations of illegal entry to the U.S. for example, the workers themselves perform.
According to Butler (1997, 140), the possibility remains to exploit the presuppositions of speech to
produce a future of language that is nowhere implied by those presuppositions. Thus, thinking along
with Butler, I not only ask whether there is another way to read the speech acts which ostensibly merely
problematizes the legal definition and current understandings of human trafficking. I argue for their
place within the field of performance studies because if the the performative needs to be rethought ... as
social ritual, affecting bodily doxa, that lived and corporeally registered set of beliefs that constitute
social reality, their performance becomes a space wherein the workers practice and rehearse perhaps
what the future language is for these workers. For these workers, speaking and appearing before an
audience, is intentional and not without risk. This essay is an attempt to take on that challenge by looking
at these performances as, in fact, acts of labor and perhaps, even acts of love. They speak to look out for
others. They also ask for others to look out for them.
Tell on Them: the State/s of the Filipino Trafficked Worker
As I suggested earlier, Tita Mely and the Florida 15 are only a few of the thousands who have left the
Philippines to seek better employment in countries such as the United States as part of a mass labor
migration engendered by the Philippine state's institutionalization and facilitation. In the past two
decades, the government through state agencies such as the Philippine Overseas Employment
Administration (POEA) monitors and works together with private recruitment agencies, legal and illegal,
that match Filipinos with their foreign employers. This recruitment operation makes the Philippines the
world's largest exporter of government-sponsored labor (Magalit Rodriguez, 2010). The Philippines'
reliance on the migrant's remittances increases every year as the state's strategy for survival, as the labor
forces have become pillars of the Philippine economy. In 2005, remittances reached 10 billion USD from
Filipinos working in more than 130 nations throughout the world. Ad campaigns position migrant
workers as heroes of the people as they heavily support the economy of the nation state through
monetary remittances. Former President of the Philippines Gloria Macapagal Arroyo, for example, during
her term called herself CEO of global enterprise that services the globe through highly skilled, well-
educated, English speaking, productive and efficient workers (ibid.). As Filipino literary theorist,
Epifanio San Juan has described, the Filipino/a belongs to the world as assets, human capital and as
exchangeable commodities (San Juan in Manalansan, 2007).
I underscore the Philippine government's role in this mass migration because recently it seems that
the issue on labor trafficking has become something that has been used by Filipino activist groups here
to expose actions by both the Philippines and the United States. Indeed these actions join other
movements towards defining and/or expanding common perceptions on what labor trafficking is or
what it contains. It was only in 2003 that the United Nations Convention against Transnational Organized
Crime proposed the definition of trafficking as such:
The recruitment, transportation, transfer, harbouring or receipt of persons, by means
of the threat or use of force or other forms of coercion, of abduction, or fraud, of
deception, of the abuse of power or of a position of vulnerability or the giving or
receiving of payments or benefits to achieve the consent of a person having control over
another person, for the purpose of exploitation. Exploitation shall include, at a
minimum, the exploitation or the prostitution of others or other forms of sexual
exploitation, forced labour or services, slavery or practices similar to slavery, servitude
or the removal of organs. (Aronowitz 2006)
I quote the U.N.'s entire definition of trafficking because it gives us the sense of alienation that legal
jargon often produces and highlights these slippage and oft conflated terms, smuggling and trafficking,
that undergird the workers' experience of being immediately criminalized as people who have entered
the country illegally. This criminalization impacts and inflects the performance of admitting one's status
as a victim of labor trafficking. Such allegations help explain the overwhelming feelings of fear and
even shame that workers need to be overcome just to seek any form of help.
What is most relevant for this project is the degree to which the speech acts of the workers could
easily be read as acts that only critique the two nations of the Philippines and the United States. While
this may be true, I wish to distinctly attend to the ways Tita Mely and the Florida 15's performances
argue that there is a way in which a new type of language could, through and within performance, be
rehearsed and practiced as both a neoliberal critique but also as an affective and ethical appeal.
Throughout this paper, it will become more and more apparent that these performances are always to
be situated within the growing activist movement of Filipino and Filipino Americans which I find has
always been put in tension with the invisible community of Filipinos despite its early years of
migration. As their stories tell, Tita Mely and the Florida 15 would not have the legal support that they
have now if it were not for the series of performances or a series of coming outs they have decided to do.
In fact, I would not have been able to know their stories if it were not for the performances which Tita
Mely and Florida 15 have given to the small activist groups, of which I am a part of, here in New York City.
What I have here are my ethnographic accounts to describe what I saw, heard, and felt listening to Tita
Mely and the Florida 15. Although I believe I have included much detail, I also know there is always more
that could not be encapsulated through words.
That Exploited Feeling
I do not consider it a coincidence that it was the day after Filipino boxer Manny Pacquio's long
awaited fight that I met Tita Mely. Manny Pacquiao, a boxer turned politician, has beaten many of his
opponents invoking pride for many Filipinos across the globe. Rooting for Pacquiao is rooting for the
country. The match the night before wasn't a KO (knock out) as many had hoped, and that morning
people already feel ambivalent towards Pacquio's win, a win determined by numbers and judges as
opposed to the display of brute force in one's knocking out of the other. Despite the many viewing
parties we were invited to, Tita Mely and I instantly bonded over the fact that we both didn't get to see the
match. She can't bear the bloody faces shown on TV, she said. After taking our seats, Tita Mely said, Hindi
ko alam. Nagulat na lang ako. (I didn't know. I was completely surprised when I found out that they did
not file my papers correctly) She almost told me in jest with a light tap on my hand as many Filipinos oft
do when they tease. According to her, it was only after nine years that she found out that she was a victim
of human trafficking. After working as an accountant in Manila, Tita Mely saved enough money to travel
to the U.S. with a tourist visa to visit and explore the possibility of working in the U.S. Kung wala, wala.
Alam ko namang uuwi ako. (If there's none, there's none. I knew it meant home for me). But by the grace
of God, a friend would refer Tita Mely, a devout Christian, to the recruitment placement agency where
Tita Mely would work for nine years. With the price of 3000 USD, she got a job and the promise of
receiving her work visa and her green card eventually. Thus for nine years, Tita Mely worked not only as
a supervisor the job she was originally hired for but also as a janitress (or female janitor), telephone
operator, and comforter or one who provided comfort to other Filipino workers recruited and placed
in different nursing homes and hospitals who complained about their jobs to Tita Mely. She worked long
hours without making any demands, afraid that she would be threatened if she didn't comply. While
regularly sending money back to her family in the Philippines, she saved money for processing fees of
her documents and lawyer fees on top of the 3000 USD she already paid. After nine years, she received a
letter notifying her that processing would be halted. Her employers did not file the necessary papers for
13 12
reminded of the breadth of the field that the initial enunciative act the original Sentosa 27 opened up.
More nurses and health practitioners have decided to come forward with their illegal recruitment
perhaps more invigorated to fight their abusive employers and illegal recruiters. Currently, Tita Mely and
the Florida 15 speak with three hundred fifty teachers from Louisiana, a group of educators in Baltimore,
the Sentosa 27, Arizona 34, and fifty engineers in New York City.
To acknowledge this endowment of force is also to acknowledge the work that their speech acts have
done and continuously are doing within the authoritative set of practices that have worked to also
control, even censor, their speech. However, I aim to show that beyond producing oppositional speech,
one that refutes allegations of illegal entry to the U.S. for example, the workers themselves perform.
According to Butler (1997, 140), the possibility remains to exploit the presuppositions of speech to
produce a future of language that is nowhere implied by those presuppositions. Thus, thinking along
with Butler, I not only ask whether there is another way to read the speech acts which ostensibly merely
problematizes the legal definition and current understandings of human trafficking. I argue for their
place within the field of performance studies because if the the performative needs to be rethought ... as
social ritual, affecting bodily doxa, that lived and corporeally registered set of beliefs that constitute
social reality, their performance becomes a space wherein the workers practice and rehearse perhaps
what the future language is for these workers. For these workers, speaking and appearing before an
audience, is intentional and not without risk. This essay is an attempt to take on that challenge by looking
at these performances as, in fact, acts of labor and perhaps, even acts of love. They speak to look out for
others. They also ask for others to look out for them.
Tell on Them: the State/s of the Filipino Trafficked Worker
As I suggested earlier, Tita Mely and the Florida 15 are only a few of the thousands who have left the
Philippines to seek better employment in countries such as the United States as part of a mass labor
migration engendered by the Philippine state's institutionalization and facilitation. In the past two
decades, the government through state agencies such as the Philippine Overseas Employment
Administration (POEA) monitors and works together with private recruitment agencies, legal and illegal,
that match Filipinos with their foreign employers. This recruitment operation makes the Philippines the
world's largest exporter of government-sponsored labor (Magalit Rodriguez, 2010). The Philippines'
reliance on the migrant's remittances increases every year as the state's strategy for survival, as the labor
forces have become pillars of the Philippine economy. In 2005, remittances reached 10 billion USD from
Filipinos working in more than 130 nations throughout the world. Ad campaigns position migrant
workers as heroes of the people as they heavily support the economy of the nation state through
monetary remittances. Former President of the Philippines Gloria Macapagal Arroyo, for example, during
her term called herself CEO of global enterprise that services the globe through highly skilled, well-
educated, English speaking, productive and efficient workers (ibid.). As Filipino literary theorist,
Epifanio San Juan has described, the Filipino/a belongs to the world as assets, human capital and as
exchangeable commodities (San Juan in Manalansan, 2007).
I underscore the Philippine government's role in this mass migration because recently it seems that
the issue on labor trafficking has become something that has been used by Filipino activist groups here
to expose actions by both the Philippines and the United States. Indeed these actions join other
movements towards defining and/or expanding common perceptions on what labor trafficking is or
what it contains. It was only in 2003 that the United Nations Convention against Transnational Organized
Crime proposed the definition of trafficking as such:
The recruitment, transportation, transfer, harbouring or receipt of persons, by means
of the threat or use of force or other forms of coercion, of abduction, or fraud, of
deception, of the abuse of power or of a position of vulnerability or the giving or
receiving of payments or benefits to achieve the consent of a person having control over
another person, for the purpose of exploitation. Exploitation shall include, at a
minimum, the exploitation or the prostitution of others or other forms of sexual
exploitation, forced labour or services, slavery or practices similar to slavery, servitude
or the removal of organs. (Aronowitz 2006)
I quote the U.N.'s entire definition of trafficking because it gives us the sense of alienation that legal
jargon often produces and highlights these slippage and oft conflated terms, smuggling and trafficking,
that undergird the workers' experience of being immediately criminalized as people who have entered
the country illegally. This criminalization impacts and inflects the performance of admitting one's status
as a victim of labor trafficking. Such allegations help explain the overwhelming feelings of fear and
even shame that workers need to be overcome just to seek any form of help.
What is most relevant for this project is the degree to which the speech acts of the workers could
easily be read as acts that only critique the two nations of the Philippines and the United States. While
this may be true, I wish to distinctly attend to the ways Tita Mely and the Florida 15's performances
argue that there is a way in which a new type of language could, through and within performance, be
rehearsed and practiced as both a neoliberal critique but also as an affective and ethical appeal.
Throughout this paper, it will become more and more apparent that these performances are always to
be situated within the growing activist movement of Filipino and Filipino Americans which I find has
always been put in tension with the invisible community of Filipinos despite its early years of
migration. As their stories tell, Tita Mely and the Florida 15 would not have the legal support that they
have now if it were not for the series of performances or a series of coming outs they have decided to do.
In fact, I would not have been able to know their stories if it were not for the performances which Tita
Mely and Florida 15 have given to the small activist groups, of which I am a part of, here in New York City.
What I have here are my ethnographic accounts to describe what I saw, heard, and felt listening to Tita
Mely and the Florida 15. Although I believe I have included much detail, I also know there is always more
that could not be encapsulated through words.
That Exploited Feeling
I do not consider it a coincidence that it was the day after Filipino boxer Manny Pacquio's long
awaited fight that I met Tita Mely. Manny Pacquiao, a boxer turned politician, has beaten many of his
opponents invoking pride for many Filipinos across the globe. Rooting for Pacquiao is rooting for the
country. The match the night before wasn't a KO (knock out) as many had hoped, and that morning
people already feel ambivalent towards Pacquio's win, a win determined by numbers and judges as
opposed to the display of brute force in one's knocking out of the other. Despite the many viewing
parties we were invited to, Tita Mely and I instantly bonded over the fact that we both didn't get to see the
match. She can't bear the bloody faces shown on TV, she said. After taking our seats, Tita Mely said, Hindi
ko alam. Nagulat na lang ako. (I didn't know. I was completely surprised when I found out that they did
not file my papers correctly) She almost told me in jest with a light tap on my hand as many Filipinos oft
do when they tease. According to her, it was only after nine years that she found out that she was a victim
of human trafficking. After working as an accountant in Manila, Tita Mely saved enough money to travel
to the U.S. with a tourist visa to visit and explore the possibility of working in the U.S. Kung wala, wala.
Alam ko namang uuwi ako. (If there's none, there's none. I knew it meant home for me). But by the grace
of God, a friend would refer Tita Mely, a devout Christian, to the recruitment placement agency where
Tita Mely would work for nine years. With the price of 3000 USD, she got a job and the promise of
receiving her work visa and her green card eventually. Thus for nine years, Tita Mely worked not only as
a supervisor the job she was originally hired for but also as a janitress (or female janitor), telephone
operator, and comforter or one who provided comfort to other Filipino workers recruited and placed
in different nursing homes and hospitals who complained about their jobs to Tita Mely. She worked long
hours without making any demands, afraid that she would be threatened if she didn't comply. While
regularly sending money back to her family in the Philippines, she saved money for processing fees of
her documents and lawyer fees on top of the 3000 USD she already paid. After nine years, she received a
letter notifying her that processing would be halted. Her employers did not file the necessary papers for
the renewal of her work visa. Tita Mely now faces charges of overstaying in the country because her
employers were found to be financially incapable of sponsoring the processing of her green card.
The element of surprise is one that can be found in almost every narrative about trafficking. While
legal immigration issues are things that these workers need to navigate, illegal trafficking is something
that the workers only learn about when they suddenly find themselves in certain situations. In fact, it is
even quite unsure whether the workers fully know the legal conditions. They usually refer to their
lawyers for questions. For example, a recent Facebook post from one of the workers involves a question
whether one could get married or not.
Tita Mely did not even mention the money she has lost during those nine years. She did, however,
lament on how diligently she worked and trustingly she waited and how disappointing and devastating it
was to work and wait for something all those years only to find out that she were fooled. Far from being a
consolation and more of an act to pacify and placate Tita Mely, she was offered to work again in the office
by the same employers after she received the letter. Tita Mely agreed to work again to save money in the
event that she gets deported. She tells me, I couldn't work anymore because I would just cry in front of my
computer. Nine years, Van. They were just pushing me out. It wouldn't take long for Tita Mely to leave the
company for the second time. But again, in their last effort to keep her close, afraid of what she might do
to them and their business, her employers suggested that she marry a relative of theirs after paying a big
sum of money first as fee for the arranged marriage. She vehemently said no.
Tita Mely worked long hours, performed tasks outside her job description, and received pay below
what was her due. Yet what clearly caused her more grief was the fact that she had believed in what
turned out to be an empty promise. More than the lost time and money, Tita Mely was more upset and
hurt about how she was treated after learning about her impending deportation. They were pushing me
out. They were pushing out, she said repeatedly. Tita Mely needed to pause or back track quite a few
times to recount the series of events. Court dates and dates of meetings with lawyers got confused. She
would say, Ay teka lang (Wait) and she would proceed to tell me what had come before, a detail that
should not be forgotten. Hindi ako makapaniwala na nine years na. (I can't believe it has been nine
years.), she kept on saying. Yet despite Tita Mely's allusions to how time seems to escape her, she also
comments on how quickly she is caught up in it and how quick it is for emotions we thought had passed
to return and get relived in the moment of its retelling. We held hands as she tells me how she cannot
seem to hold back her tears every time she tells the story. I cry every time. I still remember their faces,
the sound of their voices vividly. She lightly touches my thigh asking for something, Ikuha mo nga ako ng
tissue, Van. (Please get me some tissues, Van.)
What unfolded in my conversation with Tita Mely suggests that a narration of the events or the
giving of details simply could not capture the worker's felt crime of exploitation. Butler writes that the
speech act is a bodily act, and that the force of the performative is never fully separable from bodily
force. (Butler 1997, 46) Expanding this further is theorist Shoshana Felman who argues that the body is
not always knowing about what it says. Tita Mely's speech act bears more than the truths of her
migration story or illegal recruitment. The OED defines the verb exploit as to make use of (a situation) in
a way considered unfair or underhand Also it is to benefit unfairly from the work of (someone), typically
by overworking or underpaying them (OED). 'While the word exploitation often signals that one is
overworked or over utilized over a period of time, exploitation in Tita Mely's terms also connotes the
feeling of being used for more than one's skills or labor. The expression I was used in this case needs
to be given a different affective weight. In excess of the feelings of loss of the material and the concrete,
exploitation for Tita Mely connotes abuse of the heart, when one hopes only to be deceived or when one
trusts only to be deceived. Thus, instead of explicating or broadening one's definition of labor trafficking,
Tita Mely's performance serve to illuminate the affective relations within the space of labor trafficking.
Indeed a number of scholars have noted that workers like Tita Mely engage in a type of work that fall
under the rubric of what Eileen Boris and Rhacel Parrenas (2010, 3) calls intimate labor, defined as paid
or unpaid work that includes activities [which] promote the physical, intellectual, affective, and other
emotional needs of strangers, friends, friends, family, sex partners, children, and elderly, ill or disabled
people. With the aim of investigating the wide range of intimate labors and complicat[ing] the space
and time continuum under which such work occurs, scholars have added that [intimate labors]
include fleeting encounters and durable ties. According to Boris and Parrenas (ibid.), intimate labor,
regardless of the various temporalities, involves maintenance of precise social relations between
employers and employees or customers and providers. This is to say that Tita Mely and countless
others are intimate laborers not only by virtue of the service they provide, but also precisely because of
the work that goes towards caring for the relationship. If good relations are considered only added
bonus to a working environment for some occupations, for intimate laborers caring for the
relationship, is in fact, part of the work.
Yet it is also this framework of intimate labor that has catapulted [the Filipina worker] into the
view as the global servant and domestic helper par excellance. Filipino cultural theorist Martin
Manalansan (2007) critiques current scholarship for reifying the image of the docile Filipino worker
thus perpetuating his/her subordination. Manalansan offers what he terms as disaffection, the
workers' response that actually does not pivot on maternal emotions and in the effusive flow of caring
feelings. Linking disaffection, which may include emotional distance, alienation, antipathy, and
isolation with Lauren Berlant's work on composure as gestures or other bodily practices that
undergird such precarious living, Manalansan suggests disaffection as an affective orientation that
inclines towards a managed if not studied, refusal to unleash or display emotional states publicly as
strategy for coping, survival and moving on. I reference Manalansan here not because I'm arguing
that the workers engage in disaffection. Rather, what Manalansan's intervention opens up is the
possibility of rethinking the migrant worker's different affective orientation. I ask, how are negative
emotions actually channeled and rerouted, and hence, put to work? Or better yet: how can we describe
the affective orientation of Tita Mely and the Florida 15?
You Feel Me?: Circulating Negative Affect
The Florida 15, the latest trafficked group to come forward with its case, is a group of Filipino
hotel housekeepers and managers recruited through H2-B visas to work at the W hotel in Miami
Florida from 2008 to 2011. Unlike Tita Mely, the Florida 15 all left the Philippines already expecting a
job. After having paid 3,000 dollars to have their papers filed, the Florida 15 were surprised to find out
that another 3000 dollars was being demanded of them so that they would receive their papers in order
to leave the country. Feeling that they had no other option but to leave, all of them took out loans in the
Philippines, and some sold their family owned lands. 6,000 USD after or 300,000 pesos, the Florida 15
left Manila already burdened with having to pay the money they owe on top of the money they expected
to earn to send back to their families. Kuya Ronald, the comedian of the group said, Kahit sobrang ganda
mo, pantay pantay lang (Even if you're the most beautiful person in the world. We were all treated the
same). According to them, the Florida 15 lived in a house without the promised furniture forcing them
to salvage furniture[s from the garbage, and managing with the help of good hearted people who
provided them with blankets, kitchen utensils to eat, curtains for privacy. Upon seeing the house,
Trixie, one of the members said to herself, What did I get myself into? They all got paid 6 dollars per
hour instead of the 8 dollars that was promised and worked positions not stipulated in the signed
contracts. It was only after one worker was arrested by the Immigration and Custom's Enforcement
(ICE) while on vacation that the Florida 15 found out that their worker's visa was never filed by their
employers. When things started to escalate and their recruiter began to feel the dissonance from the
Florida 15, he made others relocate to Jersey and promised they would again find employment. They
waited and waited, but never got employed until they had no money to pay the rent of the house they
lived in and were finally evicted. The Florida 15 now all live in New Jersey and some of them are still
looking for jobs that will pay them under the table. We live with the grace of God. We still have jobs and
ways and means to survive. We love each other and we support each other, Kuya Ronald told me.
15 14
the renewal of her work visa. Tita Mely now faces charges of overstaying in the country because her
employers were found to be financially incapable of sponsoring the processing of her green card.
The element of surprise is one that can be found in almost every narrative about trafficking. While
legal immigration issues are things that these workers need to navigate, illegal trafficking is something
that the workers only learn about when they suddenly find themselves in certain situations. In fact, it is
even quite unsure whether the workers fully know the legal conditions. They usually refer to their
lawyers for questions. For example, a recent Facebook post from one of the workers involves a question
whether one could get married or not.
Tita Mely did not even mention the money she has lost during those nine years. She did, however,
lament on how diligently she worked and trustingly she waited and how disappointing and devastating it
was to work and wait for something all those years only to find out that she were fooled. Far from being a
consolation and more of an act to pacify and placate Tita Mely, she was offered to work again in the office
by the same employers after she received the letter. Tita Mely agreed to work again to save money in the
event that she gets deported. She tells me, I couldn't work anymore because I would just cry in front of my
computer. Nine years, Van. They were just pushing me out. It wouldn't take long for Tita Mely to leave the
company for the second time. But again, in their last effort to keep her close, afraid of what she might do
to them and their business, her employers suggested that she marry a relative of theirs after paying a big
sum of money first as fee for the arranged marriage. She vehemently said no.
Tita Mely worked long hours, performed tasks outside her job description, and received pay below
what was her due. Yet what clearly caused her more grief was the fact that she had believed in what
turned out to be an empty promise. More than the lost time and money, Tita Mely was more upset and
hurt about how she was treated after learning about her impending deportation. They were pushing me
out. They were pushing out, she said repeatedly. Tita Mely needed to pause or back track quite a few
times to recount the series of events. Court dates and dates of meetings with lawyers got confused. She
would say, Ay teka lang (Wait) and she would proceed to tell me what had come before, a detail that
should not be forgotten. Hindi ako makapaniwala na nine years na. (I can't believe it has been nine
years.), she kept on saying. Yet despite Tita Mely's allusions to how time seems to escape her, she also
comments on how quickly she is caught up in it and how quick it is for emotions we thought had passed
to return and get relived in the moment of its retelling. We held hands as she tells me how she cannot
seem to hold back her tears every time she tells the story. I cry every time. I still remember their faces,
the sound of their voices vividly. She lightly touches my thigh asking for something, Ikuha mo nga ako ng
tissue, Van. (Please get me some tissues, Van.)
What unfolded in my conversation with Tita Mely suggests that a narration of the events or the
giving of details simply could not capture the worker's felt crime of exploitation. Butler writes that the
speech act is a bodily act, and that the force of the performative is never fully separable from bodily
force. (Butler 1997, 46) Expanding this further is theorist Shoshana Felman who argues that the body is
not always knowing about what it says. Tita Mely's speech act bears more than the truths of her
migration story or illegal recruitment. The OED defines the verb exploit as to make use of (a situation) in
a way considered unfair or underhand Also it is to benefit unfairly from the work of (someone), typically
by overworking or underpaying them (OED). 'While the word exploitation often signals that one is
overworked or over utilized over a period of time, exploitation in Tita Mely's terms also connotes the
feeling of being used for more than one's skills or labor. The expression I was used in this case needs
to be given a different affective weight. In excess of the feelings of loss of the material and the concrete,
exploitation for Tita Mely connotes abuse of the heart, when one hopes only to be deceived or when one
trusts only to be deceived. Thus, instead of explicating or broadening one's definition of labor trafficking,
Tita Mely's performance serve to illuminate the affective relations within the space of labor trafficking.
Indeed a number of scholars have noted that workers like Tita Mely engage in a type of work that fall
under the rubric of what Eileen Boris and Rhacel Parrenas (2010, 3) calls intimate labor, defined as paid
or unpaid work that includes activities [which] promote the physical, intellectual, affective, and other
emotional needs of strangers, friends, friends, family, sex partners, children, and elderly, ill or disabled
people. With the aim of investigating the wide range of intimate labors and complicat[ing] the space
and time continuum under which such work occurs, scholars have added that [intimate labors]
include fleeting encounters and durable ties. According to Boris and Parrenas (ibid.), intimate labor,
regardless of the various temporalities, involves maintenance of precise social relations between
employers and employees or customers and providers. This is to say that Tita Mely and countless
others are intimate laborers not only by virtue of the service they provide, but also precisely because of
the work that goes towards caring for the relationship. If good relations are considered only added
bonus to a working environment for some occupations, for intimate laborers caring for the
relationship, is in fact, part of the work.
Yet it is also this framework of intimate labor that has catapulted [the Filipina worker] into the
view as the global servant and domestic helper par excellance. Filipino cultural theorist Martin
Manalansan (2007) critiques current scholarship for reifying the image of the docile Filipino worker
thus perpetuating his/her subordination. Manalansan offers what he terms as disaffection, the
workers' response that actually does not pivot on maternal emotions and in the effusive flow of caring
feelings. Linking disaffection, which may include emotional distance, alienation, antipathy, and
isolation with Lauren Berlant's work on composure as gestures or other bodily practices that
undergird such precarious living, Manalansan suggests disaffection as an affective orientation that
inclines towards a managed if not studied, refusal to unleash or display emotional states publicly as
strategy for coping, survival and moving on. I reference Manalansan here not because I'm arguing
that the workers engage in disaffection. Rather, what Manalansan's intervention opens up is the
possibility of rethinking the migrant worker's different affective orientation. I ask, how are negative
emotions actually channeled and rerouted, and hence, put to work? Or better yet: how can we describe
the affective orientation of Tita Mely and the Florida 15?
You Feel Me?: Circulating Negative Affect
The Florida 15, the latest trafficked group to come forward with its case, is a group of Filipino
hotel housekeepers and managers recruited through H2-B visas to work at the W hotel in Miami
Florida from 2008 to 2011. Unlike Tita Mely, the Florida 15 all left the Philippines already expecting a
job. After having paid 3,000 dollars to have their papers filed, the Florida 15 were surprised to find out
that another 3000 dollars was being demanded of them so that they would receive their papers in order
to leave the country. Feeling that they had no other option but to leave, all of them took out loans in the
Philippines, and some sold their family owned lands. 6,000 USD after or 300,000 pesos, the Florida 15
left Manila already burdened with having to pay the money they owe on top of the money they expected
to earn to send back to their families. Kuya Ronald, the comedian of the group said, Kahit sobrang ganda
mo, pantay pantay lang (Even if you're the most beautiful person in the world. We were all treated the
same). According to them, the Florida 15 lived in a house without the promised furniture forcing them
to salvage furniture[s from the garbage, and managing with the help of good hearted people who
provided them with blankets, kitchen utensils to eat, curtains for privacy. Upon seeing the house,
Trixie, one of the members said to herself, What did I get myself into? They all got paid 6 dollars per
hour instead of the 8 dollars that was promised and worked positions not stipulated in the signed
contracts. It was only after one worker was arrested by the Immigration and Custom's Enforcement
(ICE) while on vacation that the Florida 15 found out that their worker's visa was never filed by their
employers. When things started to escalate and their recruiter began to feel the dissonance from the
Florida 15, he made others relocate to Jersey and promised they would again find employment. They
waited and waited, but never got employed until they had no money to pay the rent of the house they
lived in and were finally evicted. The Florida 15 now all live in New Jersey and some of them are still
looking for jobs that will pay them under the table. We live with the grace of God. We still have jobs and
ways and means to survive. We love each other and we support each other, Kuya Ronald told me.
15 14
Although two or three people usually speak for the whole group, each body of the members of the
Florida 15 make their presences known and speak. Watching the Florida 15 pass the baton in storytelling
brings to mind the variety of voices actually comprising the collective narrative of the Florida 15. Though
bonded together by what feels like one promise made, one act of betrayal, each of the members of the
Florida 15 was impacted in a unique way and now, each live this story of betrayal differently in the
present. From the few performances I have so far attended, I have yet to know half of the stories. On one
hand, this could be to signify the work that needs to be done in order to get to know all stories. These
stories, not necessarily hidden nor concealed, are stories that just need to be not only be sought out by the
community members, but these stories need to be eventually entrusted by the members of the Florida 15
themselves. Therefore these performances illuminate the work done by the workers to share their
stories. In other words, the workers conduct a type of intimate labor especially for the community.
Asked to perform or tell the story to a particular audience, Tita Mely for example came in with a
printed script in hand she prepared the night before so she could tell the story in English to
accommodate those who do not speak fluent Tagalog in the group of young activist Pinays gathered in a
house in Brooklyn. Similar to Tita Mely, the most outspoken representatives of the Florida 15, Cecilia,
Trixie, May, Anabel and Ronald, assist each other in writing their statements whether it is tasks like
translating or editing. The Florida 15 coordinate amongst themselves to figure out work and rest
schedules in order to have at least two or three of them to appear before a group. They also travel to
various locations in New York and New Jersey to attend meetings and share their story. However, it is
significant to bear in mind that these encounters of the trafficked workers and the people from the
community are never without any complication. In most cases, the Filipino human trafficked workers
find themselves in what Anna Tsing (2005) calls the zone of awkward engagement where friction
occurs between the workers and their audience. These zones for Tsing are where words mean
something different across a divide even as people agree to speak. This is to say that in most cases the
workers' stories do not necessarily cause the easy comprehension of their cases. The common audience,
mostly composed of Filipino Americans or U.S. citizens, remains perplexed about the Philippine state's
labor export policy. Some in their lack of understanding of the legal system leave overwhelmed, even
frustrated at the absence of concrete steps on what to do to help.
Nonetheless, Tita Mely and the Florida 15's candor and willingness to share open up a space of affect
for Filipino immigrants who normally would gather for a different reason. While karaoke nights, holiday
parties, and Pacquio fights may substantiate impressions of the Filipino community's mirth and
convivial nature, it sometimes work to conceal the many stories of loss, disappointment, and longing of
many of the Filipino workers here in the U.S. The performance of Tita Mely and the Florida 15 works to
constitute a space wherein negative affect could circulate. From my conversations with the young
women who heard Tita Mely speak that day, I learned that her feelings of loss resonated with most of the
women who grew up seeing their parents work two or three jobs to provide for the family in the U.S.. Her
sadness over losing a job and challenges to find a new one spoke to those who are struggling to find jobs
despite being citizens and now having to work as servers or babysitters. On the other hand, witnessing
the Florida 15's anger, humor and determination to continue with their legal case remind a group of tired
activists the purpose of their struggle. Thus, their performances of coming out in front of different
community groups is believed to embolden and reinvigorate activist work as activists become more
agit or more agitated. These community groups have taken up their cause by either rallying in front of
Philippine consulates, connecting them to lawyers and even just helping them settle into their new place.
The Florida 15's narratives have become interwoven with different Filipino organizations across the
United States, for example, as they embark on a continuing campaign against labor trafficking.
Practice Sharing
As a way to conclude, I would like to speak about the most recent performance of Florida 15. In April
24th of this year, two members of the Florida 15, Trixie and Cecilia, stood alongside their lawyer in front of
a small group of community members and supporters in a rented auditorium at a Catholic college in
Jersey City, New York. From the question and answer portion of the day and from hearing some speak
after the forum, we could say that half of the group present that day expressed their surprise, even
shock, that labor trafficking is an issue that affects migrant workers here in the U.S. Yet almost half of the
group have already seen and heard Trixie and Cecilia share their story. What does one do when we have
already heard twice or thrice?
By no means does this paper suggest that Trixie and Cecilia know the legal systems or much less
the state systems that affect their lives as now undocumented workers in the U.S. In fact, seeing them
turn to the lawyer to either confirm or ask a question when asked about the future steps in the case
during the forum attests to workers' continuing education on the legal and immigration system .
Whether in a more casual and relaxed environment or a more formal one similar to community forum,
Trixie and Cecilia basically narrate the same story. Although perhaps there is something to be said
about new details -- the exact hourly rate for work for example -- and their iteration, something else
arose from Trixie and Cecilia's performance that night. Both of them addressed something that
perhaps was not apparent to some of the audience members that day. Trixie and Cecilia addressed
people who not only not present but more importantly people who have had something to say already
about their presence in the U.S. Towards the end of her speech, Trixie addressed the audience:
But before [asking for your support] what we need from you guys is your
understanding, your understanding as [to] why we did this, why we are doing this, why
we are undocumented, why I am standing in front of you... We were weren't expecting
to be called liars, scumbags people just after getting a green card, illegal immigrants,
TNT, or what we Filipinos call, tago ng tago or always in hiding. We are not in hiding.
We are actually coming out, into the open.... We are definitely not liars and scumbags.
It is important to note here that this act is one that implicates the audience in the narrative of the
members of the Florida 15 for the first time. After just seeing how events have played out, the audience
is called upon to do something with the workers. But first it is an invocation, an invocation of speakers
whom the audience may or may not have been aware of.
As of late, the Florida 15 is made present only by the continuous flow of shared information and
talk within the New York based Filipino activist community. On the one hand, this talk has been kind.
The Florida 15 decided to come forward with their case because Cecilia found a flyer in a community
center. She then consulted with the rest of the workers and together, they decided to send the email. Yet
on the other hand, the Florida 15 has been a subject of critique within the community. Despite being
warned by their lawyer of the public scrutiny that would come once the media begins, the Florida 15
was not expecting negative feedback from the community. In July of 2011, a Filipino online news
website released an article about the case, and several members of the group have expressed their
disappointment that harsh critique came from their fellow Filipino immigrants.
I draw our attention to this break in Trixie's narrative as I see it as a productive rupture in the
narrative wherein we could examine what the future of language could mean for the workers. In
Butler's work, she explicates the insurrectionary potential of taking up a name, originally meant to be
injurious. She states: To take up the name that one is called is no simple submission to prior authority,
for the name is already unmoored from prior context, and entered in the labor of self-definition (Butler
1997, 163). The word, becomes for the theorist, an instrument of resistance. However, I argue that
Trixie's speech act complicates further what labor of self-definition implies. According to her, the self
as labor trafficked is highly contingent on the other whom she wishes understands. The question then
becomes: will we ever truly understand? What the statement of Trixie performs is the flashing of the
sobering unknowability of the whole experience that stands between the labor trafficked worker and
her/his audience. However, it also an appeal for a continuous provision of understanding through a
reciprocal affective orientation on the part of the listeners towards the workers.
17 16
Although two or three people usually speak for the whole group, each body of the members of the
Florida 15 make their presences known and speak. Watching the Florida 15 pass the baton in storytelling
brings to mind the variety of voices actually comprising the collective narrative of the Florida 15. Though
bonded together by what feels like one promise made, one act of betrayal, each of the members of the
Florida 15 was impacted in a unique way and now, each live this story of betrayal differently in the
present. From the few performances I have so far attended, I have yet to know half of the stories. On one
hand, this could be to signify the work that needs to be done in order to get to know all stories. These
stories, not necessarily hidden nor concealed, are stories that just need to be not only be sought out by the
community members, but these stories need to be eventually entrusted by the members of the Florida 15
themselves. Therefore these performances illuminate the work done by the workers to share their
stories. In other words, the workers conduct a type of intimate labor especially for the community.
Asked to perform or tell the story to a particular audience, Tita Mely for example came in with a
printed script in hand she prepared the night before so she could tell the story in English to
accommodate those who do not speak fluent Tagalog in the group of young activist Pinays gathered in a
house in Brooklyn. Similar to Tita Mely, the most outspoken representatives of the Florida 15, Cecilia,
Trixie, May, Anabel and Ronald, assist each other in writing their statements whether it is tasks like
translating or editing. The Florida 15 coordinate amongst themselves to figure out work and rest
schedules in order to have at least two or three of them to appear before a group. They also travel to
various locations in New York and New Jersey to attend meetings and share their story. However, it is
significant to bear in mind that these encounters of the trafficked workers and the people from the
community are never without any complication. In most cases, the Filipino human trafficked workers
find themselves in what Anna Tsing (2005) calls the zone of awkward engagement where friction
occurs between the workers and their audience. These zones for Tsing are where words mean
something different across a divide even as people agree to speak. This is to say that in most cases the
workers' stories do not necessarily cause the easy comprehension of their cases. The common audience,
mostly composed of Filipino Americans or U.S. citizens, remains perplexed about the Philippine state's
labor export policy. Some in their lack of understanding of the legal system leave overwhelmed, even
frustrated at the absence of concrete steps on what to do to help.
Nonetheless, Tita Mely and the Florida 15's candor and willingness to share open up a space of affect
for Filipino immigrants who normally would gather for a different reason. While karaoke nights, holiday
parties, and Pacquio fights may substantiate impressions of the Filipino community's mirth and
convivial nature, it sometimes work to conceal the many stories of loss, disappointment, and longing of
many of the Filipino workers here in the U.S. The performance of Tita Mely and the Florida 15 works to
constitute a space wherein negative affect could circulate. From my conversations with the young
women who heard Tita Mely speak that day, I learned that her feelings of loss resonated with most of the
women who grew up seeing their parents work two or three jobs to provide for the family in the U.S.. Her
sadness over losing a job and challenges to find a new one spoke to those who are struggling to find jobs
despite being citizens and now having to work as servers or babysitters. On the other hand, witnessing
the Florida 15's anger, humor and determination to continue with their legal case remind a group of tired
activists the purpose of their struggle. Thus, their performances of coming out in front of different
community groups is believed to embolden and reinvigorate activist work as activists become more
agit or more agitated. These community groups have taken up their cause by either rallying in front of
Philippine consulates, connecting them to lawyers and even just helping them settle into their new place.
The Florida 15's narratives have become interwoven with different Filipino organizations across the
United States, for example, as they embark on a continuing campaign against labor trafficking.
Practice Sharing
As a way to conclude, I would like to speak about the most recent performance of Florida 15. In April
24th of this year, two members of the Florida 15, Trixie and Cecilia, stood alongside their lawyer in front of
a small group of community members and supporters in a rented auditorium at a Catholic college in
Jersey City, New York. From the question and answer portion of the day and from hearing some speak
after the forum, we could say that half of the group present that day expressed their surprise, even
shock, that labor trafficking is an issue that affects migrant workers here in the U.S. Yet almost half of the
group have already seen and heard Trixie and Cecilia share their story. What does one do when we have
already heard twice or thrice?
By no means does this paper suggest that Trixie and Cecilia know the legal systems or much less
the state systems that affect their lives as now undocumented workers in the U.S. In fact, seeing them
turn to the lawyer to either confirm or ask a question when asked about the future steps in the case
during the forum attests to workers' continuing education on the legal and immigration system .
Whether in a more casual and relaxed environment or a more formal one similar to community forum,
Trixie and Cecilia basically narrate the same story. Although perhaps there is something to be said
about new details -- the exact hourly rate for work for example -- and their iteration, something else
arose from Trixie and Cecilia's performance that night. Both of them addressed something that
perhaps was not apparent to some of the audience members that day. Trixie and Cecilia addressed
people who not only not present but more importantly people who have had something to say already
about their presence in the U.S. Towards the end of her speech, Trixie addressed the audience:
But before [asking for your support] what we need from you guys is your
understanding, your understanding as [to] why we did this, why we are doing this, why
we are undocumented, why I am standing in front of you... We were weren't expecting
to be called liars, scumbags people just after getting a green card, illegal immigrants,
TNT, or what we Filipinos call, tago ng tago or always in hiding. We are not in hiding.
We are actually coming out, into the open.... We are definitely not liars and scumbags.
It is important to note here that this act is one that implicates the audience in the narrative of the
members of the Florida 15 for the first time. After just seeing how events have played out, the audience
is called upon to do something with the workers. But first it is an invocation, an invocation of speakers
whom the audience may or may not have been aware of.
As of late, the Florida 15 is made present only by the continuous flow of shared information and
talk within the New York based Filipino activist community. On the one hand, this talk has been kind.
The Florida 15 decided to come forward with their case because Cecilia found a flyer in a community
center. She then consulted with the rest of the workers and together, they decided to send the email. Yet
on the other hand, the Florida 15 has been a subject of critique within the community. Despite being
warned by their lawyer of the public scrutiny that would come once the media begins, the Florida 15
was not expecting negative feedback from the community. In July of 2011, a Filipino online news
website released an article about the case, and several members of the group have expressed their
disappointment that harsh critique came from their fellow Filipino immigrants.
I draw our attention to this break in Trixie's narrative as I see it as a productive rupture in the
narrative wherein we could examine what the future of language could mean for the workers. In
Butler's work, she explicates the insurrectionary potential of taking up a name, originally meant to be
injurious. She states: To take up the name that one is called is no simple submission to prior authority,
for the name is already unmoored from prior context, and entered in the labor of self-definition (Butler
1997, 163). The word, becomes for the theorist, an instrument of resistance. However, I argue that
Trixie's speech act complicates further what labor of self-definition implies. According to her, the self
as labor trafficked is highly contingent on the other whom she wishes understands. The question then
becomes: will we ever truly understand? What the statement of Trixie performs is the flashing of the
sobering unknowability of the whole experience that stands between the labor trafficked worker and
her/his audience. However, it also an appeal for a continuous provision of understanding through a
reciprocal affective orientation on the part of the listeners towards the workers.
17 16
In this paper, I suggested the sharing of stories of the Filipino trafficked workers I have come to
know go beyond the telling of a narrative and demand an affective and ethical orientation of both parties.
From this perspective, I argue, would we then be able to consider what could be the future of language
for the workers and the community that both has embraced and criticized them. In the space opened up
by performance, Tita Mely and the Florida 15 offer themselves to the other with the hope of co-creating
or co-defining the self in the present, at the sharing's very moment, especially when the law wishes to
even predict and seize the future for them.
I am reminded by what Tita Mely said that day. According to her, in her helplessness when she
initially found out about her situation went to Balitang Amerika (News in America), a Filipino run news
cable channel here in the U.S, on her own volition. I wasn't even thinking of asking help. I was ready to go
home if needed. I just wanted to share my story to our kababayan (fellow country man/woman).
Because Tita Mely and the Florida 15 use the rhetoric of looking out for fellow workers, their stories
make us, the audience they have shared with, ask what it truly means to look out for someone as Filipinos
today look to a common yet still unseen future. As the number of Filipinos who leave the country increase,
I ask, what is accomplished if we also turn to Tita Mely and the Florida 15's vigilance in sharing their
experience? What does it mean to share and be shared with?
References
Aronowitz, Alexis A. 2006. The United Nations global program against trafficking in human beings:
Results from phase I of coalitions against trafficking in human beings in the Philippines. In
Migration, Culture Conflict, Crime and Terrorism, ed. Joshua D. Freilich and Rob T. Guerette, 135-156.
VT: Ashgate.
Boris, Eileen and Rhacel Parrenas. 2010. Intimate labors: Cultures, technologies, and the politics of care.
California: Stanford University Press.
Butler, Judith. 1997. Excitable speech: A politics of the performative. NY: Routledge.
Magalit Rodriguez, Robyn. 2010. Migrants for export: How the Philippine state brokers labor to the world.
Minnesota: University of Minnesota Press.
Manalansan, Martin IV. 2007. Global divas: Filipino gay men in the diaspora. NC: Duke University Press.
-----. 2010. Servicing the world: Flexible Filipinos and the unsecured life. In Political emotions: New
agendas in communication, ed. Ann Cvetkovich, Ann Reynolds and Janet Staige. Austin: University of
Texas-Austin Press.
Precedent-Setting Decision Issued in SPLC Teacher Trafficking Case. Southern Poverty Law Center. 20
December 2011. Internet document, http://www.splcenter.org/get-informed/news/precedent-
setting-decision-issued-in-splc-teacher-trafficking-case-0, accessed 5 May 2012.
Sentosa 27 Speech @ the SONA RALLY SF! 07.23.07. Youtube.com. 26 July 2007. Online video,
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-O7iG8LikrE , accessed 12 December 2011.
Tsing, Anna Lowenhaupt. 2005. Friction: An ethnography of global connection. NJ: Princeton University
Press.

18
Pingkian: Journal for Emancipatory and
Anti-Imperialist Education
The Sexuality of
Filipino Womens
Migration
Valerie Francisco
Pingkian 2, No. 2 (2014)
In this paper, I suggested the sharing of stories of the Filipino trafficked workers I have come to
know go beyond the telling of a narrative and demand an affective and ethical orientation of both parties.
From this perspective, I argue, would we then be able to consider what could be the future of language
for the workers and the community that both has embraced and criticized them. In the space opened up
by performance, Tita Mely and the Florida 15 offer themselves to the other with the hope of co-creating
or co-defining the self in the present, at the sharing's very moment, especially when the law wishes to
even predict and seize the future for them.
I am reminded by what Tita Mely said that day. According to her, in her helplessness when she
initially found out about her situation went to Balitang Amerika (News in America), a Filipino run news
cable channel here in the U.S, on her own volition. I wasn't even thinking of asking help. I was ready to go
home if needed. I just wanted to share my story to our kababayan (fellow country man/woman).
Because Tita Mely and the Florida 15 use the rhetoric of looking out for fellow workers, their stories
make us, the audience they have shared with, ask what it truly means to look out for someone as Filipinos
today look to a common yet still unseen future. As the number of Filipinos who leave the country increase,
I ask, what is accomplished if we also turn to Tita Mely and the Florida 15's vigilance in sharing their
experience? What does it mean to share and be shared with?
References
Aronowitz, Alexis A. 2006. The United Nations global program against trafficking in human beings:
Results from phase I of coalitions against trafficking in human beings in the Philippines. In
Migration, Culture Conflict, Crime and Terrorism, ed. Joshua D. Freilich and Rob T. Guerette, 135-156.
VT: Ashgate.
Boris, Eileen and Rhacel Parrenas. 2010. Intimate labors: Cultures, technologies, and the politics of care.
California: Stanford University Press.
Butler, Judith. 1997. Excitable speech: A politics of the performative. NY: Routledge.
Magalit Rodriguez, Robyn. 2010. Migrants for export: How the Philippine state brokers labor to the world.
Minnesota: University of Minnesota Press.
Manalansan, Martin IV. 2007. Global divas: Filipino gay men in the diaspora. NC: Duke University Press.
-----. 2010. Servicing the world: Flexible Filipinos and the unsecured life. In Political emotions: New
agendas in communication, ed. Ann Cvetkovich, Ann Reynolds and Janet Staige. Austin: University of
Texas-Austin Press.
Precedent-Setting Decision Issued in SPLC Teacher Trafficking Case. Southern Poverty Law Center. 20
December 2011. Internet document, http://www.splcenter.org/get-informed/news/precedent-
setting-decision-issued-in-splc-teacher-trafficking-case-0, accessed 5 May 2012.
Sentosa 27 Speech @ the SONA RALLY SF! 07.23.07. Youtube.com. 26 July 2007. Online video,
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-O7iG8LikrE , accessed 12 December 2011.
Tsing, Anna Lowenhaupt. 2005. Friction: An ethnography of global connection. NJ: Princeton University
Press.

18
Pingkian: Journal for Emancipatory and
Anti-Imperialist Education
The Sexuality of
Filipino Womens
Migration
Valerie Francisco
Pingkian 2, No. 2 (2014)
19
The Sexuality of Filipino Womens Migration
Valerie Francisco
Sex-For-Flight Scheme
In April of 2013, a migrant workers organization called Migrante International, a grassroots
alliance of migrant organizations in over ten countries where Filipino migrants work and live, reported
that over 2,000 Filipino migrant workers, including women and children, had set up camp outside the
Philippine embassy in the city of Jeddah in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA). The visas of these
stranded Filipino workers had expired for a range of reasons. Many migrant workers escaped
exploitative conditions such as work beyond the scope of their contracts. Others were fired for
requesting days off while some were dismissed because of ?ad attitudes.
National policies put migrant workers in a bind in KSA. The Nitaqat program or the Saudization
policy of KSA is a program that prioritizes the employment of Saudi nationals which pushes out the high
number of Filipino migrant workers that populate industries like domestic work. This program is
further complicated by restrictive immigration policies, such as the Kafala systema system used to
monitor migrant workers by tying each migrant to an in-country sponsor responsible for their visa.
Migrant workers are vulnerable to exploitation that often drive them to escape their workplaces which
then renders them illegal as their status is tethered to their past employers.
In this state of legal limbo, thousands of Filipino migrants head to Overseas Foreign Workers
shelters in Philippine embassies that are already past capacity due to the number of workers that need
reprieve. In tent cities in Jeddah and Riyadh, Filipino migrants wait for long periods for their
repatriation because of the high cost of repatriation including flights back to the Philippines, penalties
for absconding, and payment to their employers to relieve them from their contracts. This puts
undocumented, stranded migrant workers in a precarious situation as they ca no longer work without
legal status and therefore cannot earn money to pay the fees to leave KSA.
In May 2013, the chapter of Migrante in Jeddah circulated a petition to raise awareness about the
1
situation of Filipino migrants in the KSA demanding President Benigno Noynoy Aquino III and his
administration to take responsibility for the thousands of migrant citizens in KSA by provid[ing]
immediate attention, relief and repatriation. The crisis escalated as headlines described the
worsening plight in tent city conditions under which Filipino migrant workers, many of them women,
lived. To add insult to injury, in July 2013, an expose by a Philippine official accused Philippine labor
overseas officials in KSA of forcing distressed migrant women into prostitution if only to earn money for
flights back to Philippines. Migrante in Jeddah and Manila began protest actions and media blitzes to
2
uncover what they referred to as sex-for-flight schemes imposed by Philippine overseas officials.
Victims of the schemes reported how officials would use the desperation of migrant workers to coerce
3
them into earning anywhere from 100 to 1,000 Rials to pay for their outstanding fees and flights. They
stated that Philippine officials would proposition them by first asking about how high their fees were
and then asking them about their families back home. Officials first reminded them of their desperation
so that when they offered money in exchange for sex, many migrant women felt that they had no other
option. Others felt that they may even be deterred from returning home if they do not accept the
officials nefarious advances.
19
The Sexuality of Filipino Womens Migration
Valerie Francisco
Sex-For-Flight Scheme
In April of 2013, a migrant workers organization called Migrante International, a grassroots
alliance of migrant organizations in over ten countries where Filipino migrants work and live, reported
that over 2,000 Filipino migrant workers, including women and children, had set up camp outside the
Philippine embassy in the city of Jeddah in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA). The visas of these
stranded Filipino workers had expired for a range of reasons. Many migrant workers escaped
exploitative conditions such as work beyond the scope of their contracts. Others were fired for
requesting days off while some were dismissed because of ?ad attitudes.
National policies put migrant workers in a bind in KSA. The Nitaqat program or the Saudization
policy of KSA is a program that prioritizes the employment of Saudi nationals which pushes out the high
number of Filipino migrant workers that populate industries like domestic work. This program is
further complicated by restrictive immigration policies, such as the Kafala systema system used to
monitor migrant workers by tying each migrant to an in-country sponsor responsible for their visa.
Migrant workers are vulnerable to exploitation that often drive them to escape their workplaces which
then renders them illegal as their status is tethered to their past employers.
In this state of legal limbo, thousands of Filipino migrants head to Overseas Foreign Workers
shelters in Philippine embassies that are already past capacity due to the number of workers that need
reprieve. In tent cities in Jeddah and Riyadh, Filipino migrants wait for long periods for their
repatriation because of the high cost of repatriation including flights back to the Philippines, penalties
for absconding, and payment to their employers to relieve them from their contracts. This puts
undocumented, stranded migrant workers in a precarious situation as they ca no longer work without
legal status and therefore cannot earn money to pay the fees to leave KSA.
In May 2013, the chapter of Migrante in Jeddah circulated a petition to raise awareness about the
1
situation of Filipino migrants in the KSA demanding President Benigno Noynoy Aquino III and his
administration to take responsibility for the thousands of migrant citizens in KSA by provid[ing]
immediate attention, relief and repatriation. The crisis escalated as headlines described the
worsening plight in tent city conditions under which Filipino migrant workers, many of them women,
lived. To add insult to injury, in July 2013, an expose by a Philippine official accused Philippine labor
overseas officials in KSA of forcing distressed migrant women into prostitution if only to earn money for
flights back to Philippines. Migrante in Jeddah and Manila began protest actions and media blitzes to
2
uncover what they referred to as sex-for-flight schemes imposed by Philippine overseas officials.
Victims of the schemes reported how officials would use the desperation of migrant workers to coerce
3
them into earning anywhere from 100 to 1,000 Rials to pay for their outstanding fees and flights. They
stated that Philippine officials would proposition them by first asking about how high their fees were
and then asking them about their families back home. Officials first reminded them of their desperation
so that when they offered money in exchange for sex, many migrant women felt that they had no other
option. Others felt that they may even be deterred from returning home if they do not accept the
officials nefarious advances.
21 20
Philippine attaches denied any allegations that they were eliciting sex by saying that their
propositions were not for the exchange of flights or money. Instead they blamed distressed migrant
workers accusing them of being involved in prostitution rings and therefore their propositions did not
involve taking advantage of migrant womens desperation for repatriation. After investigation, overseas
officials accused of sexual assault were stripped of their administrative titles for negligence but will not
serve criminal time. Reforms to keep these sex schemes from recurring include hiring women officials to
deal with migrant women workers to diffuse any chance of sexual interaction between overseas officials
and migrant Filipinos.
What does this story have to do with global sexual violence?
These types of incidents have continued throughout the history of Filipino women migrating for
work. The women caught in the web of the sex-for-flight schemes are exported through a sophisticated
system of migration governed by gendered and sexualized logics. This example demonstrates three
things about the sexuality of Filipino womens migration: (1) the global demand for domestic labor
already possesses a need for inferior and submissive workers in an occupation often ascribed as
womens work; (2) the Philippine labor export policy recruits and exports Filipino women profits from
the delivery of migrant women to these gendered industries and (3) consequently, the mode of
incorporation into destination cities are equally gendered and sexualized before migrant women even
step foot on foreign land as both migration exporters and overseas employers anticipate the arrival of an
easily controlled population. The example highlighted above demonstrates the insidious way that the
vulnerability of migrant women is exploited by, not just employers abroad, but by the very migration
managers, regulators and supposed advocates for Filipino overseas workers. These dimensions of
Filipino womens migration narrate a circulation of the Filipino womans body as a sexualized object
through different circuits of labor brokerage, migration and incorporation. Although incidents of sexual
violence as exemplified by the sex-by-flight schemes verify its prevalence, I argue that global sexual
violence is embedded in the process of migration and migrant incorporation to overseas destinations. I
suggest that we move to understand global sexual violence as intrinsic to the organization of the export of
women as corporeal objects, as domestic workers and as gendered and sexualized beings-in-formation.
Theoretical Frame: The Sexuality of Filipino Womens Migration
In his study of Queer immigrants, Lionel Cantu argues that sexuality shapes and organizes
processes of migration and incorporation and dialectically, migration experiences impacts the way in
which gendered and sexualized identities are formed. In the same vein as Cantu, Eithne Lubheid
encourages scholars to look at the role of migration in constructing queer sexual identities, communities
and politics. In this paper, I take this framework to think about the production of Filipino womens sexual
identities through migration. In Martin Manalansans work urging migration scholars to use queer as a
theoretical and political perspective, he argues that the naturalizing heteronormative ideas about
Filipino migrant women as domestic workers who attend to the gendered care work of host families and
families from afar provides an incomplete understanding of the sexualized nature of their occupations
and migrations. I argue that queering systems of labor export and labor incorporation can trouble the
normalized conception of the migrant Filipino woman as the good domestic who was tainted abroad.
Thereby proving, the migration process constructs them as sexual beings that, then, leaves them
vulnerable to sexual violence abroad. Sexuality is key in their export, deployment and critical to their
exploitation. Ill deepen my discussion on sexuality embedded in global labor demand, the labor export
policy and incorporation in foreign countries.
First, Filipino womens global migration, at its most treacherous circuitsex trafficking--has
established sexualized narrative for migrant Filipino women. But more prevalent and with a longer
history, the circulation of Filipino migrant women as domestic workers to over 100 countries globally
has contributed to a different sexualized and gendered narrative of the migrant Filipino woman. In
countries like Canada, Italy and Hong Kong, the word Filipina is synonymous to domestic worker.
Because of this economic niche, the continuous and large amount of Filipino women migrating to
answer this global call creates a multitude of opportunities for sexual violence, just based on the sheer
numbers. These migration streams aimed mainly at the precarious migrant domestic labor industries
narrate a story about the migrant Filipino woman, her body, her sexuality and her nature as immaterial
and expendable. For example, the anonymity of perpetrators of sex-by-flight schemes alongside
thousands of unreported incidents of sexual abuse, assault and violence exonerates those responsible
for these violences but it also exonerates the institutions that do not pursue justice for migrant victims
of sexual violence.
Second, sexuality shapes the experience of migration for Filipino migrants even before they leave
the country. Anna Guevarra has argued that pre-departure orientation seminars is underlined with
rhetoric of Catholic womanhood and virtuous sexuality. In this comic, the tip given to migrant women
is to be responsible for your tasks and action and to abide by the rules. The onus is put on migrant
women to dress conservatively and foresee possibilities of sexual advances or propositions during
their time abroad. These speeches are underlined by a logic of being a good mother by enduring
difficult situations in their workplaces, even if employment situation transforms into dangerous ones.
In this way, state institutions acknowledge that there is a prevalence of sexual harassment, abuse and
assault inherent to womens migration. The pre-emptive stance on training women to calculate
impending abuse, points to the governments acquiescence to the volatile situation of migrant women,
which will have no effect on the systemic export of Filipino women abroad.
Lastly, I argue that the incorporation of migrant women into their destinations is influenced by
stories like sex-for-flight schemes. In foreign cities, Filipino migrant women are delivered as domestic
bodies of the Philippineswhat Neferti Tadiar refers to as corporeal objects commodified through
migration. Filipino migrant womens value is counted by their annual remittances, thereby relegating
their lives as mere points to the formula of the Philippines national economy. To overseas employers,
they are viewed as precarious workers that can be disposed of for any reason. Employers even
internalize an idea of Filipino workers as corporeal objects as they feel entitled to compensation if
workers escape or quit because of their inadequate performance of gendered duties like cooking and
cleaning. Their sexuality identities disciplined over their ability to work. Theyre either sexual beings
or workers, one rejected over the other as in the case of KSA.
The historic and current circulation of the Filipino woman as a corporeal object and the cultural
ideal of a gendered and sexualized servant informs the milieu in which Filipino migrant women enter
into daily. Geraldine Pratt has argued that narratives about the migrant Filipino woman are ascribed to
all and any Filipino woman in the diaspora, whether they are migrant or born in the foreign land they
live in.
For the women in KSA, ideas about their sexuality landed in their employers mentality way before
they even showed up on their first day of work. Stories of sexualized and gendered violence such as the
sex-for-flight scheme expose the vulnerability of Filipino migrant women workers through the
objectification of their bodies as corporeal objects for sexual disciplining. These micro processes are
shaped by the macro processes that dole out Filipino migrant women as gendered commodities on the
global market. Global sexual violence does not happen only at the incident of violation, it is always
happening as institutions engage with state-to-state policy of the import/export of gendered workers,
as markets continue to devalue work that are ascribed to immigrant women of color. In this paper, I
hope that I conveyed that there is already violence in the process and experience of migration, and
more so when ones migration is narrated in sexual and gendered terms.
21 20
Philippine attaches denied any allegations that they were eliciting sex by saying that their
propositions were not for the exchange of flights or money. Instead they blamed distressed migrant
workers accusing them of being involved in prostitution rings and therefore their propositions did not
involve taking advantage of migrant womens desperation for repatriation. After investigation, overseas
officials accused of sexual assault were stripped of their administrative titles for negligence but will not
serve criminal time. Reforms to keep these sex schemes from recurring include hiring women officials to
deal with migrant women workers to diffuse any chance of sexual interaction between overseas officials
and migrant Filipinos.
What does this story have to do with global sexual violence?
These types of incidents have continued throughout the history of Filipino women migrating for
work. The women caught in the web of the sex-for-flight schemes are exported through a sophisticated
system of migration governed by gendered and sexualized logics. This example demonstrates three
things about the sexuality of Filipino womens migration: (1) the global demand for domestic labor
already possesses a need for inferior and submissive workers in an occupation often ascribed as
womens work; (2) the Philippine labor export policy recruits and exports Filipino women profits from
the delivery of migrant women to these gendered industries and (3) consequently, the mode of
incorporation into destination cities are equally gendered and sexualized before migrant women even
step foot on foreign land as both migration exporters and overseas employers anticipate the arrival of an
easily controlled population. The example highlighted above demonstrates the insidious way that the
vulnerability of migrant women is exploited by, not just employers abroad, but by the very migration
managers, regulators and supposed advocates for Filipino overseas workers. These dimensions of
Filipino womens migration narrate a circulation of the Filipino womans body as a sexualized object
through different circuits of labor brokerage, migration and incorporation. Although incidents of sexual
violence as exemplified by the sex-by-flight schemes verify its prevalence, I argue that global sexual
violence is embedded in the process of migration and migrant incorporation to overseas destinations. I
suggest that we move to understand global sexual violence as intrinsic to the organization of the export of
women as corporeal objects, as domestic workers and as gendered and sexualized beings-in-formation.
Theoretical Frame: The Sexuality of Filipino Womens Migration
In his study of Queer immigrants, Lionel Cantu argues that sexuality shapes and organizes
processes of migration and incorporation and dialectically, migration experiences impacts the way in
which gendered and sexualized identities are formed. In the same vein as Cantu, Eithne Lubheid
encourages scholars to look at the role of migration in constructing queer sexual identities, communities
and politics. In this paper, I take this framework to think about the production of Filipino womens sexual
identities through migration. In Martin Manalansans work urging migration scholars to use queer as a
theoretical and political perspective, he argues that the naturalizing heteronormative ideas about
Filipino migrant women as domestic workers who attend to the gendered care work of host families and
families from afar provides an incomplete understanding of the sexualized nature of their occupations
and migrations. I argue that queering systems of labor export and labor incorporation can trouble the
normalized conception of the migrant Filipino woman as the good domestic who was tainted abroad.
Thereby proving, the migration process constructs them as sexual beings that, then, leaves them
vulnerable to sexual violence abroad. Sexuality is key in their export, deployment and critical to their
exploitation. Ill deepen my discussion on sexuality embedded in global labor demand, the labor export
policy and incorporation in foreign countries.
First, Filipino womens global migration, at its most treacherous circuitsex trafficking--has
established sexualized narrative for migrant Filipino women. But more prevalent and with a longer
history, the circulation of Filipino migrant women as domestic workers to over 100 countries globally
has contributed to a different sexualized and gendered narrative of the migrant Filipino woman. In
countries like Canada, Italy and Hong Kong, the word Filipina is synonymous to domestic worker.
Because of this economic niche, the continuous and large amount of Filipino women migrating to
answer this global call creates a multitude of opportunities for sexual violence, just based on the sheer
numbers. These migration streams aimed mainly at the precarious migrant domestic labor industries
narrate a story about the migrant Filipino woman, her body, her sexuality and her nature as immaterial
and expendable. For example, the anonymity of perpetrators of sex-by-flight schemes alongside
thousands of unreported incidents of sexual abuse, assault and violence exonerates those responsible
for these violences but it also exonerates the institutions that do not pursue justice for migrant victims
of sexual violence.
Second, sexuality shapes the experience of migration for Filipino migrants even before they leave
the country. Anna Guevarra has argued that pre-departure orientation seminars is underlined with
rhetoric of Catholic womanhood and virtuous sexuality. In this comic, the tip given to migrant women
is to be responsible for your tasks and action and to abide by the rules. The onus is put on migrant
women to dress conservatively and foresee possibilities of sexual advances or propositions during
their time abroad. These speeches are underlined by a logic of being a good mother by enduring
difficult situations in their workplaces, even if employment situation transforms into dangerous ones.
In this way, state institutions acknowledge that there is a prevalence of sexual harassment, abuse and
assault inherent to womens migration. The pre-emptive stance on training women to calculate
impending abuse, points to the governments acquiescence to the volatile situation of migrant women,
which will have no effect on the systemic export of Filipino women abroad.
Lastly, I argue that the incorporation of migrant women into their destinations is influenced by
stories like sex-for-flight schemes. In foreign cities, Filipino migrant women are delivered as domestic
bodies of the Philippineswhat Neferti Tadiar refers to as corporeal objects commodified through
migration. Filipino migrant womens value is counted by their annual remittances, thereby relegating
their lives as mere points to the formula of the Philippines national economy. To overseas employers,
they are viewed as precarious workers that can be disposed of for any reason. Employers even
internalize an idea of Filipino workers as corporeal objects as they feel entitled to compensation if
workers escape or quit because of their inadequate performance of gendered duties like cooking and
cleaning. Their sexuality identities disciplined over their ability to work. Theyre either sexual beings
or workers, one rejected over the other as in the case of KSA.
The historic and current circulation of the Filipino woman as a corporeal object and the cultural
ideal of a gendered and sexualized servant informs the milieu in which Filipino migrant women enter
into daily. Geraldine Pratt has argued that narratives about the migrant Filipino woman are ascribed to
all and any Filipino woman in the diaspora, whether they are migrant or born in the foreign land they
live in.
For the women in KSA, ideas about their sexuality landed in their employers mentality way before
they even showed up on their first day of work. Stories of sexualized and gendered violence such as the
sex-for-flight scheme expose the vulnerability of Filipino migrant women workers through the
objectification of their bodies as corporeal objects for sexual disciplining. These micro processes are
shaped by the macro processes that dole out Filipino migrant women as gendered commodities on the
global market. Global sexual violence does not happen only at the incident of violation, it is always
happening as institutions engage with state-to-state policy of the import/export of gendered workers,
as markets continue to devalue work that are ascribed to immigrant women of color. In this paper, I
hope that I conveyed that there is already violence in the process and experience of migration, and
more so when ones migration is narrated in sexual and gendered terms.
Notes
1
http://www.apmigrants.org/home/item/98-ph-embassy-in-ksa-blocking-aid-to-stranded-ofws http://www.change.org/en-
GB/petitions/philippine-government-to-the-aquino-government-act-now-to-help-stranded-filipinos-in-ksa
2
http://www.rappler.com/nation/31743-migrante-hunt-embassy-predators
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lnVm9YSWPQ8
http://www.gmanetwork.com/news/video/168563/balitanghali/gabriela-nagprotesta-sa-dfa-para-sa-pagpapauwi-sa-
undocumented-ofws-mula-saudi-arabia http://bulatlat.com/main/2013/07/05/migrants-group-demand-justice-for-
victims-of-abusive-embassy-officials/
3
http://www.abs-cbnnews.com/global-filipino/06/21/13/how-sex-flight-scheme-works
Pingkian: Journal for Emancipatory and
Anti-Imperialist Education
A Critical Look at the
Anti-Corruption
Discourse
Gerry Lanuza
Pingkian 2, No. 2 (2014)
22
Notes
1
http://www.apmigrants.org/home/item/98-ph-embassy-in-ksa-blocking-aid-to-stranded-ofws http://www.change.org/en-
GB/petitions/philippine-government-to-the-aquino-government-act-now-to-help-stranded-filipinos-in-ksa
2
http://www.rappler.com/nation/31743-migrante-hunt-embassy-predators
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lnVm9YSWPQ8
http://www.gmanetwork.com/news/video/168563/balitanghali/gabriela-nagprotesta-sa-dfa-para-sa-pagpapauwi-sa-
undocumented-ofws-mula-saudi-arabia http://bulatlat.com/main/2013/07/05/migrants-group-demand-justice-for-
victims-of-abusive-embassy-officials/
3
http://www.abs-cbnnews.com/global-filipino/06/21/13/how-sex-flight-scheme-works
Pingkian: Journal for Emancipatory and
Anti-Imperialist Education
A Critical Look at the
Anti-Corruption
Discourse
Gerry Lanuza
Pingkian 2, No. 2 (2014)
22
23
A Critical Look
at the Anti-corruption Discourse
Gerry Lanuza
Why Corruption Now?
When Kofi Annan declared in his speech before the General Assembly of The United Nations
Convention Against Corruption on 31 October 2003 that corruption is an evil phenomenon that
afflicts countries big and small, rich and poor, corruption gains the spotlight in the agenda of the
1
United Nations. According to Tara Polzer (2001, 1), who dissected the sudden rise of corruption
discourse, [c]orruption is the new star of the development scene. The widespread consensus among
anti-corruption scholars is that, corrupt practices are more egregious and more obscenely excessive
in the worlds newer nations, and that what is truly novel in this century is that corruption is much more
a threat to world order than ever in the past. Against those who think that corruption is a recent
phenomenon, Robert I. Rotberg is quick to point out that [c]orruption is a human condition and an
ancient phenomenon. From Mesopotamian times, if not before, public notables have abused their
offices for personal gain; both well-born and common citizens have sought advantage by corrupting
those holding power or controlling access to perquisites. Yet it is a common perception that corruption
today is unprecedented. U Myint (2000, 33), former Chief, Least Developed Countries Section,
Development Research and Policy Analysis Division, ESCAP, suggest that there is now a widespread
consensus among scholars that corruption now plays a more central role in politics than at any other
time. Governments have fallen, careers of world renowned public figures ruined, and reputations of
well-respected organizations and business firms badly tarnished on account of it. Myint roots this
trend in the mass medias bloating and feasting on political scandals involving corruption. Other
scholars maintain that mainstream politicians have also unscrupulously manipulated popular fixations
on corruption. The concept of corruption provides an all-embracing trope that explains the
inexplicable poverty and other social ills in the post-Cold War world and channels social resentment
against corrupt politicians and ossified bureaucracies (Ivanov 2007). This prompted a critic of
corruption discourse to argue that it seems that there is hardly any contemporary political tendency
that does not contain some form of anti-corruption agenda (Bratsis 2003: 9).
But what launched this anti-corruption vogue is the convergence of the efforts of the World Bank,
the International Monetary Fund, various NGOs, and international law. They share a common set of
concepts in the fight against corruption and that this commonality allows one to speak of the anti-
corruption campaign (Gephart 2013). Vito Tanzi (1998, 564), writing from the perspective of World
Bank observes that corruption is in the center of development agenda not so much because there is
more corruption than in the past but because the current interest in corruption probably reflects
an increase in the scope of the phenomenon over the years and not just a greater awareness of an
age-old problem.
This new awareness, according to Sara Bracking (2009, 3), has produced, in a fifteen-year period,
an industry of consultants, organizations, and technologies bounded in the discourse of combat and
high moral velocity. People have been urged to fight corruption, to combat its causes and effects, to
wage a war against the degradation of the social fabric, and to rally around a moral standard of
integrity and principal.
23
A Critical Look
at the Anti-corruption Discourse
Gerry Lanuza
Why Corruption Now?
When Kofi Annan declared in his speech before the General Assembly of The United Nations
Convention Against Corruption on 31 October 2003 that corruption is an evil phenomenon that
afflicts countries big and small, rich and poor, corruption gains the spotlight in the agenda of the
1
United Nations. According to Tara Polzer (2001, 1), who dissected the sudden rise of corruption
discourse, [c]orruption is the new star of the development scene. The widespread consensus among
anti-corruption scholars is that, corrupt practices are more egregious and more obscenely excessive
in the worlds newer nations, and that what is truly novel in this century is that corruption is much more
a threat to world order than ever in the past. Against those who think that corruption is a recent
phenomenon, Robert I. Rotberg is quick to point out that [c]orruption is a human condition and an
ancient phenomenon. From Mesopotamian times, if not before, public notables have abused their
offices for personal gain; both well-born and common citizens have sought advantage by corrupting
those holding power or controlling access to perquisites. Yet it is a common perception that corruption
today is unprecedented. U Myint (2000, 33), former Chief, Least Developed Countries Section,
Development Research and Policy Analysis Division, ESCAP, suggest that there is now a widespread
consensus among scholars that corruption now plays a more central role in politics than at any other
time. Governments have fallen, careers of world renowned public figures ruined, and reputations of
well-respected organizations and business firms badly tarnished on account of it. Myint roots this
trend in the mass medias bloating and feasting on political scandals involving corruption. Other
scholars maintain that mainstream politicians have also unscrupulously manipulated popular fixations
on corruption. The concept of corruption provides an all-embracing trope that explains the
inexplicable poverty and other social ills in the post-Cold War world and channels social resentment
against corrupt politicians and ossified bureaucracies (Ivanov 2007). This prompted a critic of
corruption discourse to argue that it seems that there is hardly any contemporary political tendency
that does not contain some form of anti-corruption agenda (Bratsis 2003: 9).
But what launched this anti-corruption vogue is the convergence of the efforts of the World Bank,
the International Monetary Fund, various NGOs, and international law. They share a common set of
concepts in the fight against corruption and that this commonality allows one to speak of the anti-
corruption campaign (Gephart 2013). Vito Tanzi (1998, 564), writing from the perspective of World
Bank observes that corruption is in the center of development agenda not so much because there is
more corruption than in the past but because the current interest in corruption probably reflects
an increase in the scope of the phenomenon over the years and not just a greater awareness of an
age-old problem.
This new awareness, according to Sara Bracking (2009, 3), has produced, in a fifteen-year period,
an industry of consultants, organizations, and technologies bounded in the discourse of combat and
high moral velocity. People have been urged to fight corruption, to combat its causes and effects, to
wage a war against the degradation of the social fabric, and to rally around a moral standard of
integrity and principal.
24 25
But as this paper will argue later, this anti-corruption campaign must be set within the historical,
political, and economic context of the post-Cold War development theory (Roden 2010; Bedirhanoglu
2007; Hindess 2005). As Polzer (2001, 4) has demonstrated in her deconstruction of corruption
discourse, and this paper will discuss later, the discourse of corruption can be placed within the context,
and is a continuation, of, the production and control of knowledge about desirable development
outcomes. Put simply, the popularity of anti-corruption discourse is the latest phase in the development
of Western-led theory of development (Bedirhanoglu 2007; Ivanov 2007). So there is more to
corruption discourse other than the advocacy for good governance, transparency, and moral integrity of
rulers. It is the logic of post-Washington consensus. Sarah Bracking (2009, 37) provides the succinct
summary of this critical position from political economy:
In other words, policy on corruption is deeply embedded within the wider
constructions of global neoliberal and free market economic governance, where a clear
divide between the political and economic and between the public and private spheres
is expected. Political corruption is then understood in its liberal form as the misuse of
entrusted power by political leaders, using a range of mechanisms such as vote buying,
misuse of resources, sale of public appointments, and so on.
The Cost of Corruption
Kofi Annans speech in 31 October 2003 before UNCAC 2003 summarizes the adverse effects of
corruption on all countries.
Corruption is an insidious plague that has a wide range of corrosive effects on societies.
It undermines democracy and the rule of law, leads to violations of human rights,
distorts markets, erodes the quality of life, and allows organized crime, terrorism and
2
other threats to human security to flourish.
Anti-corruption scholars agree that corruption has negative effects on development, on the rule of
law and democracy, and on social expenditures (see Della Porta and Vannuci 1999; Egger and Winner
2006; Kaufmann and Shang-Jin 2000; Mauro 1995). Corruption hurts democracy especially in post-
socialist countries transitioning to liberal capitalism (see Oquendo 1999; Seligson 2002). The World
Bank estimates that globally $1 trillion is paid each year in bribes. Some scholars even link corruption
with human rights violations. The weaker the state in persecuting human rights perpetrators, the
greater the corruption.
Sam Vaknin (2009) argues that [c]orruption runs against the grain of meritocratic capitalism. It
skews the level playing-field; it imposes onerous and unpredictable transaction costs; it guarantees extra
returns where none should have been had; it encourages the misallocation of economic resources; and it
subverts the proper functioning of institutions. It is, in other words, without a single redeeming feature, a
scourge. He further points out:
It is widely accepted that corruption retards growth by deterring foreign investment
and encouraging brain drain. It leads to the misallocation of economic resources and
distorts competition. It depletes the affected country's endowments - both natural and
acquired. It demolishes the tenuous trust between citizen and state. It casts civil and
government institutions in doubt, tarnishes the entire political class, and, thus,
endangers the democratic system and the rule of law, property rights included.
S. Gupta, H. Davoodi and Rosa Alonso-Terme (1998) conducted a cross-country analysis and found
that corruption increased inequality by reducing economic growth, minimizing the progressiveness of
the tax system, lowering the level and effectiveness of social spending, and by perpetuating an unequal
3
distribution of asset ownership and unequal access to education (Khagram and You 2003, 3). In 1983,
David J. Gould and Jose A. Amaro-Reyes (1983, 28-29) concluded that corruption had a harmful effect
on administrative performance and political administrative efficiency and economic development in
the developing countries. Rick Stapenhurst, Martin Ulrich, and Severin Strohal (2006), writing for
World Bank, define corruption as the exploitation by public officials of their power in delivering public
goods for private payoffs. Taking off from this definition, they point out that corruption is the greatest
threat to the democratic ideal of self -government, undermining economic development, violating
social justice, and destroying trust in state institutions (it threatens and affects the poor in the worst
way).
Corruption, Philippine Style
In a September 1998 SWS survey, asked whether corruption happens in the private sector as well,
fifty-two percent of the respondents said it did, even without the involvement of government personnel.
Similarly, sixty-six percent of the respondents said that when corruption involves a businessperson
and a government official, both parties are guilty.
In a September 1996 national survey by SWS, respondents were asked how much they believed
was wasted due to corrupt practices. Fifty-one percent of the respondents said that more than fifty
percent of funding for road building was wasted. More than sixty percent of respondents said they
thought that in the process of collecting taxes, providing free books to children in public schools, and
installing modern equipment like computers in government offices, more than thirty percent of the
funding was wasted. In 2007, the United Nations Development Program estimated that nearly two
billion dollars, or roughly thirteen percent of the Philippines' annual budget, is lost to corruption each
year (Conde 2007).
In 2008, the WB rated the Philippines as the worst country in Asia (Dumlao 2008). As of 2011, the
Philippines came in at 129 with a 2.6 CPI in Transparency International's list that ranks 178 countries
and territories based on how corrupt their public sector is perceived to be. This is better than the
Philippines' 134th ranking in 2010 with a 2.4 CPI. The CPI score indicates the perceived level of public
sector corruption on a scale of zero to ten, where zero means that a country is perceived as highly
4
corrupt and ten means that a country is perceived as very clean.
Defining Corruption
There are many conflicting and often ambiguous definitions of corruption based on disciplinary
approaches of the authors. This led Williams (1976) to argue that:
While it is not necessary at this stage to examine any particular definition, it is
important to note that there are nearly as many definitions of corruption as there are
species of tropical plants and they vary as much in their appearance, character and
resilience. The point is that the search for the true definition of corruption is, like the
pursuit of the Holy Grail, endless, exhausting and ultimately futile (quoted in Senior
2006 22).
Of course most scholars do not follow Williamss advise. John Joseph Wallis (2006), for instance,
suggests that the term corruption has its origins in an analogy between the state and the human body. In
its first incarnation, corruption referred to the process by which a well-functioning system of
government decays into one that fails to deliver and maltreats its citizens. According to the Greek
historian Polybius (c. 200120 BCE), monarchy corrupts into tyranny, aristocracy into oligarchy, and
democracy into mob rule.
Edward L. Glaeser and Claudia Goldin, writing about the economic history of corruption in the
United States define corruption by listing three central elements: (a) payments to public officials
24 25
But as this paper will argue later, this anti-corruption campaign must be set within the historical,
political, and economic context of the post-Cold War development theory (Roden 2010; Bedirhanoglu
2007; Hindess 2005). As Polzer (2001, 4) has demonstrated in her deconstruction of corruption
discourse, and this paper will discuss later, the discourse of corruption can be placed within the context,
and is a continuation, of, the production and control of knowledge about desirable development
outcomes. Put simply, the popularity of anti-corruption discourse is the latest phase in the development
of Western-led theory of development (Bedirhanoglu 2007; Ivanov 2007). So there is more to
corruption discourse other than the advocacy for good governance, transparency, and moral integrity of
rulers. It is the logic of post-Washington consensus. Sarah Bracking (2009, 37) provides the succinct
summary of this critical position from political economy:
In other words, policy on corruption is deeply embedded within the wider
constructions of global neoliberal and free market economic governance, where a clear
divide between the political and economic and between the public and private spheres
is expected. Political corruption is then understood in its liberal form as the misuse of
entrusted power by political leaders, using a range of mechanisms such as vote buying,
misuse of resources, sale of public appointments, and so on.
The Cost of Corruption
Kofi Annans speech in 31 October 2003 before UNCAC 2003 summarizes the adverse effects of
corruption on all countries.
Corruption is an insidious plague that has a wide range of corrosive effects on societies.
It undermines democracy and the rule of law, leads to violations of human rights,
distorts markets, erodes the quality of life, and allows organized crime, terrorism and
2
other threats to human security to flourish.
Anti-corruption scholars agree that corruption has negative effects on development, on the rule of
law and democracy, and on social expenditures (see Della Porta and Vannuci 1999; Egger and Winner
2006; Kaufmann and Shang-Jin 2000; Mauro 1995). Corruption hurts democracy especially in post-
socialist countries transitioning to liberal capitalism (see Oquendo 1999; Seligson 2002). The World
Bank estimates that globally $1 trillion is paid each year in bribes. Some scholars even link corruption
with human rights violations. The weaker the state in persecuting human rights perpetrators, the
greater the corruption.
Sam Vaknin (2009) argues that [c]orruption runs against the grain of meritocratic capitalism. It
skews the level playing-field; it imposes onerous and unpredictable transaction costs; it guarantees extra
returns where none should have been had; it encourages the misallocation of economic resources; and it
subverts the proper functioning of institutions. It is, in other words, without a single redeeming feature, a
scourge. He further points out:
It is widely accepted that corruption retards growth by deterring foreign investment
and encouraging brain drain. It leads to the misallocation of economic resources and
distorts competition. It depletes the affected country's endowments - both natural and
acquired. It demolishes the tenuous trust between citizen and state. It casts civil and
government institutions in doubt, tarnishes the entire political class, and, thus,
endangers the democratic system and the rule of law, property rights included.
S. Gupta, H. Davoodi and Rosa Alonso-Terme (1998) conducted a cross-country analysis and found
that corruption increased inequality by reducing economic growth, minimizing the progressiveness of
the tax system, lowering the level and effectiveness of social spending, and by perpetuating an unequal
3
distribution of asset ownership and unequal access to education (Khagram and You 2003, 3). In 1983,
David J. Gould and Jose A. Amaro-Reyes (1983, 28-29) concluded that corruption had a harmful effect
on administrative performance and political administrative efficiency and economic development in
the developing countries. Rick Stapenhurst, Martin Ulrich, and Severin Strohal (2006), writing for
World Bank, define corruption as the exploitation by public officials of their power in delivering public
goods for private payoffs. Taking off from this definition, they point out that corruption is the greatest
threat to the democratic ideal of self -government, undermining economic development, violating
social justice, and destroying trust in state institutions (it threatens and affects the poor in the worst
way).
Corruption, Philippine Style
In a September 1998 SWS survey, asked whether corruption happens in the private sector as well,
fifty-two percent of the respondents said it did, even without the involvement of government personnel.
Similarly, sixty-six percent of the respondents said that when corruption involves a businessperson
and a government official, both parties are guilty.
In a September 1996 national survey by SWS, respondents were asked how much they believed
was wasted due to corrupt practices. Fifty-one percent of the respondents said that more than fifty
percent of funding for road building was wasted. More than sixty percent of respondents said they
thought that in the process of collecting taxes, providing free books to children in public schools, and
installing modern equipment like computers in government offices, more than thirty percent of the
funding was wasted. In 2007, the United Nations Development Program estimated that nearly two
billion dollars, or roughly thirteen percent of the Philippines' annual budget, is lost to corruption each
year (Conde 2007).
In 2008, the WB rated the Philippines as the worst country in Asia (Dumlao 2008). As of 2011, the
Philippines came in at 129 with a 2.6 CPI in Transparency International's list that ranks 178 countries
and territories based on how corrupt their public sector is perceived to be. This is better than the
Philippines' 134th ranking in 2010 with a 2.4 CPI. The CPI score indicates the perceived level of public
sector corruption on a scale of zero to ten, where zero means that a country is perceived as highly
4
corrupt and ten means that a country is perceived as very clean.
Defining Corruption
There are many conflicting and often ambiguous definitions of corruption based on disciplinary
approaches of the authors. This led Williams (1976) to argue that:
While it is not necessary at this stage to examine any particular definition, it is
important to note that there are nearly as many definitions of corruption as there are
species of tropical plants and they vary as much in their appearance, character and
resilience. The point is that the search for the true definition of corruption is, like the
pursuit of the Holy Grail, endless, exhausting and ultimately futile (quoted in Senior
2006 22).
Of course most scholars do not follow Williamss advise. John Joseph Wallis (2006), for instance,
suggests that the term corruption has its origins in an analogy between the state and the human body. In
its first incarnation, corruption referred to the process by which a well-functioning system of
government decays into one that fails to deliver and maltreats its citizens. According to the Greek
historian Polybius (c. 200120 BCE), monarchy corrupts into tyranny, aristocracy into oligarchy, and
democracy into mob rule.
Edward L. Glaeser and Claudia Goldin, writing about the economic history of corruption in the
United States define corruption by listing three central elements: (a) payments to public officials
26 27
3) and in a manner which harms the public interest,
4) knowingly engages in conduct which exploits the office for clear personal and private gain in a
way which runs contrary to the accepted rules and standards for the conduct of public office
within the political culture,
5) so as to benefit a third party C, by providing C with access to a good
or service C would not otherwise obtain.
Myint (2000) defines corruption as the use of public office for private gain, or in other words, use
of official position, rank or status by an office bearer for his own personal benefit. Following from this
definition, examples of corrupt behavior would include: (a) bribery, (b) extortion, (c) fraud, (d)
embezzlement, (e) nepotism, (f) cronyism, (g) appropriation of public assets and property for private
use, and (h) influence peddling (p. 34). He proposes a formula for corruption derived from Klitberg:
C = R + D A
Where C is corruption, R stands for rent or economic opportunities, D for the discretionary power
of the government officials, and A is accountability.
What is common to all these definitions is the neoliberal economic notion that corruption is the
result of state bureaucrats allowing their private interests to override the interests of the public. The
problems with this definition are numerous as will be shown later. An alternative definition is to define
corruption, following Stefan Sullivan (2002, 100), who discusses corruption from a post-Marxist
perspective, as the failure of the liberal democratic state to uphold adequately the ideals it claims to
profess. In this Hegelian definition, corruption refers more generally to the vulnerability of states to
market forces, to the power of capital, to the influence of wealthy voters and interest groups. In short,
following Hegel, it refers to a great and general corruption in which the democratic polity has lost
touch with its higher aim. This higher aim, according to Sullivan, refers to the public good, i.e., the
equitable distribution of access to social surplus (ibid., 101). This avoids the reductionist definition of
corruption as happening only between an agent and a principal. It veers away from the legalistic
definition of defining the wrongdoings of individuals. In this Hegelian approach, corruption is seen as
destroying the very fabric of society and the state by negating the purposes and values of these
institutions (see Girling, p. 6). In this view, certain legal acts will still be corrupt when they undermine
the values that sustain human flourishing.
Corruption as Lubricant: The Social Functions of Corruption
Many authors, writing from the functionalist perspective, avoid moralistic definition of
corruption by claiming that corruption may be positive for the economy. In the academic circles,
especially in the 1980s, some economists have been comparing corruption to a lubricant that makes
the economic wheels turning around. According to this view, if a country has a lot of bureaucratic and
complex structures that stifle completion, corruption serves as a deregulating machine that makes the
process smooth and fast. Political regimes that tolerate corruption and bribery can also promote
efficiency, or that it serves as grease for the bureaucratic machine and elicits administrative action
(Chang and Chu 2006: 260). Others argue that corruption through bribery attracts the best in
bureaucracy because they can augment their income. This seemingly amoral and functionalist
approach is supported by the Asian paradox: while growth rates in East Asian countries were twice
those in the OECD East Asian countries were also twice as corrupt. The most likely explanation is
that East Asian countries take corruption as something positive.

The view that corruption is the lubricant that oils the political wheel and bureaucratic machinery
does not find strong support among scholars of corruption especially those who pursue moralistic turn
in the neoliberal paradigm (Roden 2010). Many scholars point out that the functionalist analysis flies
in the face of the fact that while greasing the machine, nevertheless it undermines democracy by
undermining equality and accountability. It distracts political parties from working for the common
good towards self-aggrandizing behaviors (Theobald 1990). Whether functional or not, corruption is
beyond their salaries; (b) an action associated with these payments that violates either explicit laws or
implicit social norms; and (c) losses to the public either from that action or from a system that renders
it necessary for actions to arise only from such payment (p. 7).
Wallis (2006, 25) suggests two types of corruption, systematic and venal. Systematic corruption
according to Wallis happens when a group of politicians deliberately create rents by limiting entry
into valuable economic activities, through grants of monopoly, restrictive corporate charters, tariffs,
quotas, regulations, and the like.
Another definition is the breach-of-duty conception of corruption which is common in the legal
academic and political science literature. According to this theory, public corruption is the breach of a
duty owed to the public of an intentional and serious nature, which involves, as the result of that breach,
anticipated private gain. While this theory may be useful in describing bribery, it does not discriminate
in the magnitude of corruption. Moreover it fails to answer the question of whether the law is always
moral. For duties are vague and they are often circumvented by people in order to justify their corrupt
practices.
Other problem with this definition is that there may be certain number of illegal acts that may not
be considered as corrupt. Inversely, there are also corrupt practices that may be considered legal such
as nepotism and pork-barrel. Moreover there is no guarantee that the legal system will necessarily
punish corrupt practices especially when the ruling class is involved.
Other scholars add the notion of betrayal of public trust. They argue that it is not enough that the
public official makes a breach of her duty but she must also intentionally betray the trust given to her by
the public. Others add the notion of secrecy in order to correct betrayal-of-public trust definition. For
instance, Brasz de?nes corruption as the stealthy exercise of derived power to the detriment of the
public, under the pretense of a legitimate exercise of [that] power. The trouble with this definition is
that it does not address the fact that a transaction may be secret but may not necessarily be corrupt. In
some cases, it may even be worse when transactions are in the open. A transaction in the open may not
necessarily warrant a less punitive reaction.
Corruption is also defined as the subversion of public interest. As Scott observes, we can imagine
many acts [that] we would commonly call corruptione.g., placing destitute immigrants illegally on the
city payrollthat could be considered in the public interest, just as we can imagine acts against the
public intereste.g., the legislative creation of tax loopholes for the richwhich, however much they
smack of favoritism, are not commonly seen as corrupt. Although violation of the public interest is
involved in corruption, once again, it is not enough, alone, to identify corruptions core.
Other economists consider corruption as the failure of the market. They argue that when the
mechanisms of the market are not followed, corruption serves as a kind of black market that allows
people to circumvent the legal rules of the market. This approach also connects corruption with
efficiency. Corruption is often tied to the costs of maintaining such illegal acts. But inefficient acts may
not necessarily be corrupt and corruption is not necessarily inefficient.
Senior gives five conditions for a good definition of corruption: The definition consists of five
conditions that must all be satisfied simultaneously. Corruption occurs when a corruptor (1) covertly
gives (2) a favour to a corruptee or to a nominee to influence (3) action(s) that (4) benefit the corruptor
or a nominee, and for which the corruptee has (5) authority.
Some scholars therefore combine several definitions such as Philps. He states: We can
recognise political corruption when:
1) a public official (A),
2) in violation of the trust placed in him by the public (B),
26 27
3) and in a manner which harms the public interest,
4) knowingly engages in conduct which exploits the office for clear personal and private gain in a
way which runs contrary to the accepted rules and standards for the conduct of public office
within the political culture,
5) so as to benefit a third party C, by providing C with access to a good
or service C would not otherwise obtain.
Myint (2000) defines corruption as the use of public office for private gain, or in other words, use
of official position, rank or status by an office bearer for his own personal benefit. Following from this
definition, examples of corrupt behavior would include: (a) bribery, (b) extortion, (c) fraud, (d)
embezzlement, (e) nepotism, (f) cronyism, (g) appropriation of public assets and property for private
use, and (h) influence peddling (p. 34). He proposes a formula for corruption derived from Klitberg:
C = R + D A
Where C is corruption, R stands for rent or economic opportunities, D for the discretionary power
of the government officials, and A is accountability.
What is common to all these definitions is the neoliberal economic notion that corruption is the
result of state bureaucrats allowing their private interests to override the interests of the public. The
problems with this definition are numerous as will be shown later. An alternative definition is to define
corruption, following Stefan Sullivan (2002, 100), who discusses corruption from a post-Marxist
perspective, as the failure of the liberal democratic state to uphold adequately the ideals it claims to
profess. In this Hegelian definition, corruption refers more generally to the vulnerability of states to
market forces, to the power of capital, to the influence of wealthy voters and interest groups. In short,
following Hegel, it refers to a great and general corruption in which the democratic polity has lost
touch with its higher aim. This higher aim, according to Sullivan, refers to the public good, i.e., the
equitable distribution of access to social surplus (ibid., 101). This avoids the reductionist definition of
corruption as happening only between an agent and a principal. It veers away from the legalistic
definition of defining the wrongdoings of individuals. In this Hegelian approach, corruption is seen as
destroying the very fabric of society and the state by negating the purposes and values of these
institutions (see Girling, p. 6). In this view, certain legal acts will still be corrupt when they undermine
the values that sustain human flourishing.
Corruption as Lubricant: The Social Functions of Corruption
Many authors, writing from the functionalist perspective, avoid moralistic definition of
corruption by claiming that corruption may be positive for the economy. In the academic circles,
especially in the 1980s, some economists have been comparing corruption to a lubricant that makes
the economic wheels turning around. According to this view, if a country has a lot of bureaucratic and
complex structures that stifle completion, corruption serves as a deregulating machine that makes the
process smooth and fast. Political regimes that tolerate corruption and bribery can also promote
efficiency, or that it serves as grease for the bureaucratic machine and elicits administrative action
(Chang and Chu 2006: 260). Others argue that corruption through bribery attracts the best in
bureaucracy because they can augment their income. This seemingly amoral and functionalist
approach is supported by the Asian paradox: while growth rates in East Asian countries were twice
those in the OECD East Asian countries were also twice as corrupt. The most likely explanation is
that East Asian countries take corruption as something positive.

The view that corruption is the lubricant that oils the political wheel and bureaucratic machinery
does not find strong support among scholars of corruption especially those who pursue moralistic turn
in the neoliberal paradigm (Roden 2010). Many scholars point out that the functionalist analysis flies
in the face of the fact that while greasing the machine, nevertheless it undermines democracy by
undermining equality and accountability. It distracts political parties from working for the common
good towards self-aggrandizing behaviors (Theobald 1990). Whether functional or not, corruption is
beyond their salaries; (b) an action associated with these payments that violates either explicit laws or
implicit social norms; and (c) losses to the public either from that action or from a system that renders
it necessary for actions to arise only from such payment (p. 7).
Wallis (2006, 25) suggests two types of corruption, systematic and venal. Systematic corruption
according to Wallis happens when a group of politicians deliberately create rents by limiting entry
into valuable economic activities, through grants of monopoly, restrictive corporate charters, tariffs,
quotas, regulations, and the like.
Another definition is the breach-of-duty conception of corruption which is common in the legal
academic and political science literature. According to this theory, public corruption is the breach of a
duty owed to the public of an intentional and serious nature, which involves, as the result of that breach,
anticipated private gain. While this theory may be useful in describing bribery, it does not discriminate
in the magnitude of corruption. Moreover it fails to answer the question of whether the law is always
moral. For duties are vague and they are often circumvented by people in order to justify their corrupt
practices.
Other problem with this definition is that there may be certain number of illegal acts that may not
be considered as corrupt. Inversely, there are also corrupt practices that may be considered legal such
as nepotism and pork-barrel. Moreover there is no guarantee that the legal system will necessarily
punish corrupt practices especially when the ruling class is involved.
Other scholars add the notion of betrayal of public trust. They argue that it is not enough that the
public official makes a breach of her duty but she must also intentionally betray the trust given to her by
the public. Others add the notion of secrecy in order to correct betrayal-of-public trust definition. For
instance, Brasz de?nes corruption as the stealthy exercise of derived power to the detriment of the
public, under the pretense of a legitimate exercise of [that] power. The trouble with this definition is
that it does not address the fact that a transaction may be secret but may not necessarily be corrupt. In
some cases, it may even be worse when transactions are in the open. A transaction in the open may not
necessarily warrant a less punitive reaction.
Corruption is also defined as the subversion of public interest. As Scott observes, we can imagine
many acts [that] we would commonly call corruptione.g., placing destitute immigrants illegally on the
city payrollthat could be considered in the public interest, just as we can imagine acts against the
public intereste.g., the legislative creation of tax loopholes for the richwhich, however much they
smack of favoritism, are not commonly seen as corrupt. Although violation of the public interest is
involved in corruption, once again, it is not enough, alone, to identify corruptions core.
Other economists consider corruption as the failure of the market. They argue that when the
mechanisms of the market are not followed, corruption serves as a kind of black market that allows
people to circumvent the legal rules of the market. This approach also connects corruption with
efficiency. Corruption is often tied to the costs of maintaining such illegal acts. But inefficient acts may
not necessarily be corrupt and corruption is not necessarily inefficient.
Senior gives five conditions for a good definition of corruption: The definition consists of five
conditions that must all be satisfied simultaneously. Corruption occurs when a corruptor (1) covertly
gives (2) a favour to a corruptee or to a nominee to influence (3) action(s) that (4) benefit the corruptor
or a nominee, and for which the corruptee has (5) authority.
Some scholars therefore combine several definitions such as Philps. He states: We can
recognise political corruption when:
1) a public official (A),
2) in violation of the trust placed in him by the public (B),
28
morally reprehensible. But this is a very Western way of looking at corruption. For corruption per se, in
some instances, can become a substitute for the weak rule of law. Moreover petty corruption is the only
way for a developing country to transition to democracy (Roden 2010; Houston 2007). As John Roden
argues, developed countries and donors cannot demand full transparency and corruption-free
transactions in developing countries because social institutions necessary for such condition must first
be created. Other scholars from the conservative school are willing to concede to the positive function of
corruption by distinguishing between restrictive and expansionary corruption.
From the opposite direction, many scholars advocate that corruption is not an oil but corrosive
sand that retards the smooth functioning of a polity. It directly undermines democracy by short-
circuiting the process of collective decision making. By making a mockery of the rules and regulation,
citizens perceive the state as corrupt thereby undermining its legitimacy. It may also lead to nonchalant
attitude towards corruption (Ledet 2011, 151).
Moralistic View of Corruption
The idea that political or public corruption is a deeply moral concept can be found in classical
accounts, as well as in contemporary political theory. Both Platonic and Aristotelian notions of
democratic governance, its maintenance, and its decline warned of the morally eviscerating nature of
political corruption (Girling 1997). Barry Hindess states, The most general meaning of corruption is
that of impurity, infection, or decay. Corruption can happen to anything a piece of fruit, a sporting
event, a religious community, or a university but the term is now most commonly used to suggest that
there is something rotten in the government of the state.
Laura S. Underkuffler (2009, 41), after analyzing all the existing definitions of corruption and
grouping them under different traditions, suggests that the problem of corruption is not just economic
and political but moral as well. She points out that [w]e are not outraged about corrupt politicians
because their existence in office proves a lack of efficiency or government transparency; we are
outraged because of the evil, the arrogance, the flagrant disregard of deeply entrenched social norms
that their tenure exhibits. In this moralistic view, [e]xhortations about the need for open government,
the limitation of bureaucratic discretion, and improved law enforcement do not convey a sense of
immediate crisis and governmental danger in the way that exhortations about corruption, moral decay,
and evil do.
The moralistic approach to corruption shares with the World Banks corruption analysts and many
anti-corruption advocates, who argue that corruption is largely due to the greed of bureaucrats or
politicians who use their discretionary powers to confer personal benefits selectively or cause societal
damage (see Sundaram 2009, 461). But as Jomo Kwame Sundaram (2009), speaking in the context of
developing countries, argues,
The tendency for reformist governments to succumb quickly to corruption suggests
that transparency and accountability reforms, on their own, cannot resolve the
problem. The larger issues, as well as fiscal constraints, must be addressed. Clientelist
politicians win elections, even if their corruption is well-known, because they deliver,
even if the delivery is biased. Appropriate governance reforms are context-specific,
and unlikely to be aided by ambitious anti-corruption strategies, which are hard to
implement and rarely successful.
Moreover the transition from seeing corruption as the decay of public and social fabric towards the
principal-agent model is the triumph of liberal individualism. Concomitant with this definition is the
idea that corruption has to do with the conflict between private and public interest (see Bratsis 2003;
Hindess 2007). The problem is that this split between private and public does not necessarily jibe with
the cultural practices of some non-Western countries.
Ironically, in one study involving twenty-seven countries, in twenty-two countries the population
attending church is predominantly Christian of various denominations: Catholic, Protestant and
Orthodox. It is disheartening that high overt religiosity, far from repressing corruption, seems to make
it more common (Senior 2006, 164).
Peter Bratsis sums up the way out of the moralistic approach to corruption: The task at hand
today is to go beyond the moralistic, technocratic, and formalistic positions that the concept of
corruption leads us to. The real problem is not that something is out of place; it is that there is no
political process through which we can posit what we think the good society is, in order to know if we
are moving in the proper direction or are in a state of diaphthora. Illusions of purity and the desire for
order have replaced real politics; that is the problem.
Psychological Approach
The psychological approach is suggested by Sam Vaknin (2009) when he contends that corrupt
politicians are psychologically deficient. He says, [p]oliticians with mental health disorders (for
instance, narcissistsor psychopaths) react by decompensation. They rob the state and coerce
businessmen to grease their palms because it makes them feel better, it helps them to repress their
mounting fears and frustrations, and to restore their psychodynamic equilibrium. These politicians
and bureaucrats "let off steam" by looting. Kleptomaniacs fail to resist or control the impulse to steal,
even if they have no use for the booty. He further adds, These politicos were not only crooks but also
kleptomaniacs. They could no more stop thieving than Hitler could stop murdering. Venality was an
integral part of their psychological makeup (n. p.). The problem with this approach is that many
corrupt politicians are not psychopaths. As the history of Nazism attests, torturers and corrupt state
officials need not be extra-ordinarily evil to do corrupt practices. Moreover, Robert Klitgaard (1998,
4) correspondingly asserts, [c]orruption is a crime of calculation, not of passion. True, there are
both saints who resist all temptations and honest officials who resist the most. But when bribes are
large, the chances of being caught small and the penalties if caught meager, many officials will
succumb.
Moreover this view tends to support the realist theory of politics that is expressed in classical
sociological theory of Vilfredo Pareto, an Italian sociologist and economist:
A political system in which the people expresses its will (supposing it to have one
which is arguable) without cliques, intrigues, lobbies and factions, exists only as the
pious wish of theorists. It is not observable in the West or anywhere else.
This cynical perspective seems to eternalize corruption and makes it natural part of human
nature and of every political organization (Sullivan 2002, 121).
Corruption and the Neoliberal Order
Mynint (2000, 42) asks, But why should advanced countries be concerned about corruption in
poor countries? His answer is: One good reason is that with the ending of the cold war, there is less
need for major donors to be distributing aid based on political considerations. Corruption becomes
the measure of economic assistance. At the 1996 World Bank and International Monetary Fund (IMF)
Annual Meeting, World Bank President James Wolfensohn broke a longstanding taboo on discussing
corruption in the development sphere, openly bringing the issue to the top of the international
development agenda in his cancer of corruption speech. In the foreword to the UNCAC, Kofi Annan
describes corruption as an evil phenomenon, going on to highlight its particular impact on the poor
and disenfranchised:
29
28
morally reprehensible. But this is a very Western way of looking at corruption. For corruption per se, in
some instances, can become a substitute for the weak rule of law. Moreover petty corruption is the only
way for a developing country to transition to democracy (Roden 2010; Houston 2007). As John Roden
argues, developed countries and donors cannot demand full transparency and corruption-free
transactions in developing countries because social institutions necessary for such condition must first
be created. Other scholars from the conservative school are willing to concede to the positive function of
corruption by distinguishing between restrictive and expansionary corruption.
From the opposite direction, many scholars advocate that corruption is not an oil but corrosive
sand that retards the smooth functioning of a polity. It directly undermines democracy by short-
circuiting the process of collective decision making. By making a mockery of the rules and regulation,
citizens perceive the state as corrupt thereby undermining its legitimacy. It may also lead to nonchalant
attitude towards corruption (Ledet 2011, 151).
Moralistic View of Corruption
The idea that political or public corruption is a deeply moral concept can be found in classical
accounts, as well as in contemporary political theory. Both Platonic and Aristotelian notions of
democratic governance, its maintenance, and its decline warned of the morally eviscerating nature of
political corruption (Girling 1997). Barry Hindess states, The most general meaning of corruption is
that of impurity, infection, or decay. Corruption can happen to anything a piece of fruit, a sporting
event, a religious community, or a university but the term is now most commonly used to suggest that
there is something rotten in the government of the state.
Laura S. Underkuffler (2009, 41), after analyzing all the existing definitions of corruption and
grouping them under different traditions, suggests that the problem of corruption is not just economic
and political but moral as well. She points out that [w]e are not outraged about corrupt politicians
because their existence in office proves a lack of efficiency or government transparency; we are
outraged because of the evil, the arrogance, the flagrant disregard of deeply entrenched social norms
that their tenure exhibits. In this moralistic view, [e]xhortations about the need for open government,
the limitation of bureaucratic discretion, and improved law enforcement do not convey a sense of
immediate crisis and governmental danger in the way that exhortations about corruption, moral decay,
and evil do.
The moralistic approach to corruption shares with the World Banks corruption analysts and many
anti-corruption advocates, who argue that corruption is largely due to the greed of bureaucrats or
politicians who use their discretionary powers to confer personal benefits selectively or cause societal
damage (see Sundaram 2009, 461). But as Jomo Kwame Sundaram (2009), speaking in the context of
developing countries, argues,
The tendency for reformist governments to succumb quickly to corruption suggests
that transparency and accountability reforms, on their own, cannot resolve the
problem. The larger issues, as well as fiscal constraints, must be addressed. Clientelist
politicians win elections, even if their corruption is well-known, because they deliver,
even if the delivery is biased. Appropriate governance reforms are context-specific,
and unlikely to be aided by ambitious anti-corruption strategies, which are hard to
implement and rarely successful.
Moreover the transition from seeing corruption as the decay of public and social fabric towards the
principal-agent model is the triumph of liberal individualism. Concomitant with this definition is the
idea that corruption has to do with the conflict between private and public interest (see Bratsis 2003;
Hindess 2007). The problem is that this split between private and public does not necessarily jibe with
the cultural practices of some non-Western countries.
Ironically, in one study involving twenty-seven countries, in twenty-two countries the population
attending church is predominantly Christian of various denominations: Catholic, Protestant and
Orthodox. It is disheartening that high overt religiosity, far from repressing corruption, seems to make
it more common (Senior 2006, 164).
Peter Bratsis sums up the way out of the moralistic approach to corruption: The task at hand
today is to go beyond the moralistic, technocratic, and formalistic positions that the concept of
corruption leads us to. The real problem is not that something is out of place; it is that there is no
political process through which we can posit what we think the good society is, in order to know if we
are moving in the proper direction or are in a state of diaphthora. Illusions of purity and the desire for
order have replaced real politics; that is the problem.
Psychological Approach
The psychological approach is suggested by Sam Vaknin (2009) when he contends that corrupt
politicians are psychologically deficient. He says, [p]oliticians with mental health disorders (for
instance, narcissistsor psychopaths) react by decompensation. They rob the state and coerce
businessmen to grease their palms because it makes them feel better, it helps them to repress their
mounting fears and frustrations, and to restore their psychodynamic equilibrium. These politicians
and bureaucrats "let off steam" by looting. Kleptomaniacs fail to resist or control the impulse to steal,
even if they have no use for the booty. He further adds, These politicos were not only crooks but also
kleptomaniacs. They could no more stop thieving than Hitler could stop murdering. Venality was an
integral part of their psychological makeup (n. p.). The problem with this approach is that many
corrupt politicians are not psychopaths. As the history of Nazism attests, torturers and corrupt state
officials need not be extra-ordinarily evil to do corrupt practices. Moreover, Robert Klitgaard (1998,
4) correspondingly asserts, [c]orruption is a crime of calculation, not of passion. True, there are
both saints who resist all temptations and honest officials who resist the most. But when bribes are
large, the chances of being caught small and the penalties if caught meager, many officials will
succumb.
Moreover this view tends to support the realist theory of politics that is expressed in classical
sociological theory of Vilfredo Pareto, an Italian sociologist and economist:
A political system in which the people expresses its will (supposing it to have one
which is arguable) without cliques, intrigues, lobbies and factions, exists only as the
pious wish of theorists. It is not observable in the West or anywhere else.
This cynical perspective seems to eternalize corruption and makes it natural part of human
nature and of every political organization (Sullivan 2002, 121).
Corruption and the Neoliberal Order
Mynint (2000, 42) asks, But why should advanced countries be concerned about corruption in
poor countries? His answer is: One good reason is that with the ending of the cold war, there is less
need for major donors to be distributing aid based on political considerations. Corruption becomes
the measure of economic assistance. At the 1996 World Bank and International Monetary Fund (IMF)
Annual Meeting, World Bank President James Wolfensohn broke a longstanding taboo on discussing
corruption in the development sphere, openly bringing the issue to the top of the international
development agenda in his cancer of corruption speech. In the foreword to the UNCAC, Kofi Annan
describes corruption as an evil phenomenon, going on to highlight its particular impact on the poor
and disenfranchised:
29
[I]t is in the developing world that [the] effects [of corruption] are most destructive.
Corruption hurts the poor disproportionately by diverting funds intended for
development, undermining a Governments ability to provide basic services, feeding
inequality and injustice and discouraging foreign aid and investment. Corruption is a
key element in economic underperformance and a major obstacle to poverty
alleviation and development.
Highlights of the Banks anti-corruption activities since then include anti-corruption training
modules for client government officials, the de facto introduction of corruption conditionality with the
suspension of loans to Kenya pending anti-corruption reforms in 1997, and the approval in 1998 of the
first World Bank Anti-Corruption Action Plan for FY99 (Polzer 2001). Following initiatives taken by the
World Bank and international development agencies, empirical research on corruption has grown
enormously since the late 1980s (Hindess 2007, 808). Studies have concentrated on public sector in
order to establish the relationship between corruption and economic growth.
While seeing corruption as problem afflicting all societies, these studies have focused on non-
Western societies and post-socialist economies. In 2002 at Monterrey, Mexico, major multilateral
development organizations and governments gathered to agree on practical steps for implementing the
Millennium Development Goals, mainly reducing poverty 2015 in the worlds poorest countries. The
basic bargain agreed on at Monterrey moved corruption measurement to the front and center of the
debate: if developing countries performed well on anti-corruption and good governance assessments,
they would be rewarded with increased aid from the developed donor countries (Heller 2011, 47). This is
of course to blame the host countries for their predicament rather than taking the responsibility for the
failure and sufferings caused by the IMF sanctioned structural adjustment program (SAP). The IMF has
integrated anti-corruption programs within its policies and has denied and suspended certain loans and
assistance due to unmitigated corruption. It has suddenly found a new rationale to legitimize its
beleaguered reputation among grassroots organizations and Leftist governments.
Because neoliberal order demands the operation of open market free from state intervention,
neoliberal analysis of corruption naturally sees corruption as having corrosive impact on both
overseas market opportunities and the broader business climate. It also deters foreign investment,
stifles economic growth and sustainable development, distorts prices, and undermines legal and judicial
systems. More specifically, corruption is a problem in international business transactions, economic
development projects, and government procurement activities (Olsen 2011, 5). Furthermore, studies
sponsored by the IMF have regularly linked high levels of corruption to high levels of government
intervention in the economy. The more discretion government officials have in private-sector
transactions, such studies argued, the more temptations there will be for abuses of power. An IMF study
carried out in 1996 and based on interviews with 165 elite public and private sector leaders in 63
developing countries, found that over 80 per cent of the respondents favored deregulation and
liberalization of the economy as a means to curb corruption (cited in Sullivan 2002, 123).
This view that puts the big government in the bad light is not supported by empirical data. The
strongest proponent of this position is Gary Becker, Nobel Laureate in economics who proposed that
corruption is the product of large government and taxation. This view presumes that all discretionary
government interventions are undesirable, ostensibly because such interventions generate
opportunities for public officials to participate in corruption. So, [if] government interventions benefit
some more than others, or even benefit some at the expense of others, the inevitable rent-seeking that
will occur needs to be managed to maximize these interventions socially desirable outcomes
(Sundaram 2009, 463). But the Becker argument seems to collide with the experience of the least
corrupt countries in the world, such as Canada, Denmark, Finland, the Netherlands, and Sweden,
that have some of the largest public sectors, measured as shares of tax revenue or public spending
in gross domestic product (Tanzi 1998, 566; also Khagram and You 2003, 4). It is also contradicted by the
5
East Asian paradox (see Wedeman 2002; Sundaram 2009).
As Sullivan (2002, 123) rightly points out, by wrestling monopoly away from the state, the
majority of people, who would not normally be able to afford the goods that the state subsidizes, would
be, and have been, disenfranchised once the management of these goods is delegated to the private
sector and its profit-orientated definition of value. In addition, to argue that by taking the state away
from providing basic services to curb down corruption is a false hope:
to deprive the state of its subsidy-granting power and hope somehow that other
private parties will assume it, or to argue that access to public goods should be based
on individual purchasing power, only opens the door to anarchy and sporadic
pockets of comfort in an otherwise under-serviced social sector (ibid., 124).
Surprisingly, countries that have chosen mass privatization faced the most significant growth of
corruption. Countries suffering from endemic corruption are those countries least advanced in
marketization and institutional reform (Ionescu 2011). But the anti-corruption scholars who
champion the free market approach would only resort to moralistic exhortations and good
governance to overcome the difficulty in transitioning from strongly government-regulated economy
to a more market oriented one (see CATO papers). But studies would show that the experience of the
Eastern European countries in transition to capitalist economies revealed that massive privatization
produced enormous corruption, not because of excessive government intervention but because of the
self-interested motivation and opportunities offered to private actors to engage in state capture
(Khagram and You 2003, 21). In short, the introduction of the market becomes the omnibus source of
corruption.
Sundaram (2009, 457) further clarifies that there is a weak and moot relationship between the
requirements of the good governance agenda and improved economic performance. Moreover,
[d]ata for all countries for the 1980s show a weak positive relationship between governance quality
and economic growth. Sundaram (ibid., 459) adds, there is no evidence that the full good governance
agendaall the indicators that are identified as significant for development and those that are
promoted by the World Bank or the Millennium Challenge Corporationcan be fully implemented in
poor countries or that such reforms are preconditions for growth in poorly performing countries.
Yet because corruption is blamed for the implementation of the structural adjustment program of
IMF-WB, these international financial institutions the World Bank, Inter-American Development
Bank, and the International Monetary Fund believe that corruption is a serious deterrent to
economic growth and financial stability and must be addressed in the context of economic and
financial evaluations and assistance programs (Olsen 2011: 14; see also Myint 2000, 33). The World
Bank estimates that corruption reduces the growth rate of an affected country by 0.5 to 1 percent
annually. In its bid to fight corruption, the World Bank has appointed in 2001 a Director of Institutional
Integrity - a new department that combines the Anti-Corruption and Fraud Investigations Unit and
the Office of Business Ethics and Integrity. The Bank also helps countries to fight corruption by
providing them with technical assistance, educational programs, and lending. The Bank has integrated
anti-corruption projects as part of every Country Assistance Strategy (CAS). The Bank also supports
international efforts to reduce corruption by sponsoring conferences and the exchange of
information. It collaborates closely with Transparency International and other international anti-
corruption bodies.
Civil society has been crucial in legitimating the global anti-corruption agenda. The
Transparency International works at the multilateral level with the World Bank, IMF, Organization of
American States (OAS), OECD, Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC), Global Coalition for Africa
(GCA), and other public organizations. The annual TI Corruption Perceptions Index, which reflects
perceived levels of corruption in foreign countries, continues to generate widespread attention. This
was also the time when IMF and WB began to listen and dialogue with NGOs and civil society groups.
Yet the IMF-WB still see corruption as an economic problem requiring liberalization, deregulation,
30 31
[I]t is in the developing world that [the] effects [of corruption] are most destructive.
Corruption hurts the poor disproportionately by diverting funds intended for
development, undermining a Governments ability to provide basic services, feeding
inequality and injustice and discouraging foreign aid and investment. Corruption is a
key element in economic underperformance and a major obstacle to poverty
alleviation and development.
Highlights of the Banks anti-corruption activities since then include anti-corruption training
modules for client government officials, the de facto introduction of corruption conditionality with the
suspension of loans to Kenya pending anti-corruption reforms in 1997, and the approval in 1998 of the
first World Bank Anti-Corruption Action Plan for FY99 (Polzer 2001). Following initiatives taken by the
World Bank and international development agencies, empirical research on corruption has grown
enormously since the late 1980s (Hindess 2007, 808). Studies have concentrated on public sector in
order to establish the relationship between corruption and economic growth.
While seeing corruption as problem afflicting all societies, these studies have focused on non-
Western societies and post-socialist economies. In 2002 at Monterrey, Mexico, major multilateral
development organizations and governments gathered to agree on practical steps for implementing the
Millennium Development Goals, mainly reducing poverty 2015 in the worlds poorest countries. The
basic bargain agreed on at Monterrey moved corruption measurement to the front and center of the
debate: if developing countries performed well on anti-corruption and good governance assessments,
they would be rewarded with increased aid from the developed donor countries (Heller 2011, 47). This is
of course to blame the host countries for their predicament rather than taking the responsibility for the
failure and sufferings caused by the IMF sanctioned structural adjustment program (SAP). The IMF has
integrated anti-corruption programs within its policies and has denied and suspended certain loans and
assistance due to unmitigated corruption. It has suddenly found a new rationale to legitimize its
beleaguered reputation among grassroots organizations and Leftist governments.
Because neoliberal order demands the operation of open market free from state intervention,
neoliberal analysis of corruption naturally sees corruption as having corrosive impact on both
overseas market opportunities and the broader business climate. It also deters foreign investment,
stifles economic growth and sustainable development, distorts prices, and undermines legal and judicial
systems. More specifically, corruption is a problem in international business transactions, economic
development projects, and government procurement activities (Olsen 2011, 5). Furthermore, studies
sponsored by the IMF have regularly linked high levels of corruption to high levels of government
intervention in the economy. The more discretion government officials have in private-sector
transactions, such studies argued, the more temptations there will be for abuses of power. An IMF study
carried out in 1996 and based on interviews with 165 elite public and private sector leaders in 63
developing countries, found that over 80 per cent of the respondents favored deregulation and
liberalization of the economy as a means to curb corruption (cited in Sullivan 2002, 123).
This view that puts the big government in the bad light is not supported by empirical data. The
strongest proponent of this position is Gary Becker, Nobel Laureate in economics who proposed that
corruption is the product of large government and taxation. This view presumes that all discretionary
government interventions are undesirable, ostensibly because such interventions generate
opportunities for public officials to participate in corruption. So, [if] government interventions benefit
some more than others, or even benefit some at the expense of others, the inevitable rent-seeking that
will occur needs to be managed to maximize these interventions socially desirable outcomes
(Sundaram 2009, 463). But the Becker argument seems to collide with the experience of the least
corrupt countries in the world, such as Canada, Denmark, Finland, the Netherlands, and Sweden,
that have some of the largest public sectors, measured as shares of tax revenue or public spending
in gross domestic product (Tanzi 1998, 566; also Khagram and You 2003, 4). It is also contradicted by the
5
East Asian paradox (see Wedeman 2002; Sundaram 2009).
As Sullivan (2002, 123) rightly points out, by wrestling monopoly away from the state, the
majority of people, who would not normally be able to afford the goods that the state subsidizes, would
be, and have been, disenfranchised once the management of these goods is delegated to the private
sector and its profit-orientated definition of value. In addition, to argue that by taking the state away
from providing basic services to curb down corruption is a false hope:
to deprive the state of its subsidy-granting power and hope somehow that other
private parties will assume it, or to argue that access to public goods should be based
on individual purchasing power, only opens the door to anarchy and sporadic
pockets of comfort in an otherwise under-serviced social sector (ibid., 124).
Surprisingly, countries that have chosen mass privatization faced the most significant growth of
corruption. Countries suffering from endemic corruption are those countries least advanced in
marketization and institutional reform (Ionescu 2011). But the anti-corruption scholars who
champion the free market approach would only resort to moralistic exhortations and good
governance to overcome the difficulty in transitioning from strongly government-regulated economy
to a more market oriented one (see CATO papers). But studies would show that the experience of the
Eastern European countries in transition to capitalist economies revealed that massive privatization
produced enormous corruption, not because of excessive government intervention but because of the
self-interested motivation and opportunities offered to private actors to engage in state capture
(Khagram and You 2003, 21). In short, the introduction of the market becomes the omnibus source of
corruption.
Sundaram (2009, 457) further clarifies that there is a weak and moot relationship between the
requirements of the good governance agenda and improved economic performance. Moreover,
[d]ata for all countries for the 1980s show a weak positive relationship between governance quality
and economic growth. Sundaram (ibid., 459) adds, there is no evidence that the full good governance
agendaall the indicators that are identified as significant for development and those that are
promoted by the World Bank or the Millennium Challenge Corporationcan be fully implemented in
poor countries or that such reforms are preconditions for growth in poorly performing countries.
Yet because corruption is blamed for the implementation of the structural adjustment program of
IMF-WB, these international financial institutions the World Bank, Inter-American Development
Bank, and the International Monetary Fund believe that corruption is a serious deterrent to
economic growth and financial stability and must be addressed in the context of economic and
financial evaluations and assistance programs (Olsen 2011: 14; see also Myint 2000, 33). The World
Bank estimates that corruption reduces the growth rate of an affected country by 0.5 to 1 percent
annually. In its bid to fight corruption, the World Bank has appointed in 2001 a Director of Institutional
Integrity - a new department that combines the Anti-Corruption and Fraud Investigations Unit and
the Office of Business Ethics and Integrity. The Bank also helps countries to fight corruption by
providing them with technical assistance, educational programs, and lending. The Bank has integrated
anti-corruption projects as part of every Country Assistance Strategy (CAS). The Bank also supports
international efforts to reduce corruption by sponsoring conferences and the exchange of
information. It collaborates closely with Transparency International and other international anti-
corruption bodies.
Civil society has been crucial in legitimating the global anti-corruption agenda. The
Transparency International works at the multilateral level with the World Bank, IMF, Organization of
American States (OAS), OECD, Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC), Global Coalition for Africa
(GCA), and other public organizations. The annual TI Corruption Perceptions Index, which reflects
perceived levels of corruption in foreign countries, continues to generate widespread attention. This
was also the time when IMF and WB began to listen and dialogue with NGOs and civil society groups.
Yet the IMF-WB still see corruption as an economic problem requiring liberalization, deregulation,
30 31
and institutional reform. The Bank has successfully co-opted the counter hegemonic discourses of civil
society groups in its use of good governance, transparency, and democracy. By tying corruption with
economic growth, and depoliticizing it (because it is beyond the mandate of the Bank), the Bank has
gained a new prominence in orchestrating development programs for developing countries.
The new discourse on corruption blames poverty on corruption (Bukovansky 2006; Hindess
2005). As Myint (2000, 47) states, the burden of corruption falls more heavily on the poor as they
cannot afford to pay the required bribes to send their children to a decent school, to obtain proper
health care, or to have adequate access to government provided services such as domestic water
supply, electricity, sanitation and community waste disposal facilities. While acknowledging poverty,
the WB consultants and economic experts blame this poverty on corruption rather than on the policies
of the international donor institutions and national inequality. As Sam Vahakin wryly observes, [t]he
moral authority of those who preach against corruption in poor countries -the officials of the IMF, the
World Bank, the EU, the OECD - is strained by their ostentatious lifestyle, conspicuous consumption,
and "pragmatic" morality. Moreover the IMF forgets the fact that it is not the big government that
corrupts, but the big money from big businesses. Ironically, the ascendancy of anti-corruption
campaign harnessed the growing anti-corruption sentiment worldwide to re-legitimize the policies of
structural adjustment (Krastev 2004, 15; Montinola and Jackson 2002).
Corruption Discourse as a New Mode of Modernization Theory
Missing from many analysis of corruption is the fact that the recent discourse on corruption is a
recycled theory of modernization. Especially among neoliberal economists, corruption is a failure of
market and the existence of big governments. One is reminded of the idea that corruption is a failure of
modernization (Huntington 1968, 63). In the case of corruption, the institutions of modern society
especially politics and economics become enmeshed in the wrong way. Institutional autonomy is
violated. Michael Goldman (2005, x) puts the issue in the best light:
Many commentators on developmentscholars as well as Bank officialsargue that
projects often fail because of corruption, a social disease endemic to the third world.
These in-evitable aberrations, which the project of development works to eliminate,
occur during the transition from tradition to modernity.
Today, this recycled theory of modernization pushes further the frontiers of modernization
through fostering of values that would create transparent and accountable government (Bukovansky
2006). This developmental perspective on corruption, according to Hindesss (2007, 808) judicious
analysis:
is particularly concerned with what it sees as the limitations of nonwestern cultures
and ways of life, and especially with cases in which conduct that was once regarded as
acceptable no longer fits modern conditions (Rose Ackerman 1999: 5). Not
surprisingly, perhaps, this perspective also suggests that an important part of the
corruption on which it focuses is likely to involve the conduct of western businesses
operating in these societies.
Sarah Dix and Emmanuel Pok, for instance, in their study of Papua New Guinea, suggest that
corruption is rampant in this poor country because of indigenous values that are tolerant of
corruption. What is new in this modernization theory is the need for private-public partnership, the
importance of legal rationalization, and the cultural sensitivity which were downplayed in the
modernization theory of the sixties. As one of the documents of the World Bank puts it,
the causes of corruption are always contextual, rooted in a countrys policies [italics
mine], bureaucratic traditions, political development, and social history. Still,
32 33
corruption tends to flourish when institutions are weak and government policies
generate economic rents. Some characteristics of developing and transition settings
make corruption particularly difficult to control. (Cited and quoted in Bedirhanoglu
2007, 1242)
Olsen, writing about corruption in the private sector, suggests, [a] global consensus is emerging
that governance and anti-corruption capacity building must incorporate a more holistic approach that
focuses on comprehensively integrating checks and balances, preventive measures, internal controls,
effective law enforcement, education awareness campaigns, and public-private partnerships (Olse
2011, 18). But even in this culturally-sensitive discussion of corruption, the superiority of Western
values of good governance remains implicitly assumed (see Polzer 2001). The website of the World
Bank Anti-Corruption Knowledge Centre expresses this clearly: Corruption is a symptom of
institutional dysfunction, thriving where economic policies are poorly designed, education levels are
low, civil society is underdeveloped, and the accountability of public institutions is weak. This
development worldview creates a universal dichotomy between the developing and developed countries.
Theobald therefore is right to reject the modernization theorists who argue that since corruption
seems to be a symptom of underdevelopment, the only course open to us is to wait for these
societies to develop. For Theobald (1999, 499), [s]uch Olympian detachment would be vacuous as
well morally reprehensible. The right direction is to realize that third world dependence upon a
particular conception of a state whose origins lie in the unique historical experience of the West
may be clouding the issue of the real problem of underdevelopment and how it might be
addressed.
As Polzer (2001, 12) rightly argues, [b]ecause of the othering character of the discourse, the
Bank takes on the position of expert and champion of the good, simply by expressing the inferiority of
corrupt systems. Polzer concludes:
Nevertheless, my analysis suggests that it is firmly embedded in the Bank's larger
project of modernisation and indeed extends its reach further into the lives and minds
of its target societies. Far from resulting in mere technical adjustments within a largely
functioning system, the discourse of corruption categorises and thereby delegitimises
entire societies. A good society is a modernising one; a corrupt society is one that
inhibits development.
The IMF also has contributed to the production of knowledge on the consequences and causes of
corruption from an economic perspective through numerous quantitative studies (Mauro 1995;
Kaufman 1997; Tanzi 1998; Tanzi and Davoodi 2002). The second explanation refers to a convergence
of interests between transnational corporations in the US whose operations are threatened, the
democratization movement in Latin American, and the growing insignificance of IMF in the
development program of developing countries. Third, the United States played a crucial role in the spread
of anti-corruption program following the introduction of the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act of 1977,
American firms complained that the conditions of international economic competition had, from their
viewpoint, worsened. This was especially true for China where big infrastructures were being
constructed. Anti-corruption policy became the instrument for leveling off the playing field (Moroff
2005, 465). Ivan Krastev (2004) arrives at the same conclusion. He argues that foreign investors could
not understand the local culture that defines distribution and power so they sought to eliminate the local
bureaucracies.
The crucial role of the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank should be seen in the light
of their growing insignificance among developing countries (Bukovansky 2006). Schmitz (1995)
interprets the adoption of the good governance model as a defensive strategy to forestall a perceived
crisis of the neo-liberal paradigm through the co-option of a critical discourse. Rather than being a
transformative and progressive move, Schmitz argues, the neo-liberal paradigm was ultimately
and institutional reform. The Bank has successfully co-opted the counter hegemonic discourses of civil
society groups in its use of good governance, transparency, and democracy. By tying corruption with
economic growth, and depoliticizing it (because it is beyond the mandate of the Bank), the Bank has
gained a new prominence in orchestrating development programs for developing countries.
The new discourse on corruption blames poverty on corruption (Bukovansky 2006; Hindess
2005). As Myint (2000, 47) states, the burden of corruption falls more heavily on the poor as they
cannot afford to pay the required bribes to send their children to a decent school, to obtain proper
health care, or to have adequate access to government provided services such as domestic water
supply, electricity, sanitation and community waste disposal facilities. While acknowledging poverty,
the WB consultants and economic experts blame this poverty on corruption rather than on the policies
of the international donor institutions and national inequality. As Sam Vahakin wryly observes, [t]he
moral authority of those who preach against corruption in poor countries -the officials of the IMF, the
World Bank, the EU, the OECD - is strained by their ostentatious lifestyle, conspicuous consumption,
and "pragmatic" morality. Moreover the IMF forgets the fact that it is not the big government that
corrupts, but the big money from big businesses. Ironically, the ascendancy of anti-corruption
campaign harnessed the growing anti-corruption sentiment worldwide to re-legitimize the policies of
structural adjustment (Krastev 2004, 15; Montinola and Jackson 2002).
Corruption Discourse as a New Mode of Modernization Theory
Missing from many analysis of corruption is the fact that the recent discourse on corruption is a
recycled theory of modernization. Especially among neoliberal economists, corruption is a failure of
market and the existence of big governments. One is reminded of the idea that corruption is a failure of
modernization (Huntington 1968, 63). In the case of corruption, the institutions of modern society
especially politics and economics become enmeshed in the wrong way. Institutional autonomy is
violated. Michael Goldman (2005, x) puts the issue in the best light:
Many commentators on developmentscholars as well as Bank officialsargue that
projects often fail because of corruption, a social disease endemic to the third world.
These in-evitable aberrations, which the project of development works to eliminate,
occur during the transition from tradition to modernity.
Today, this recycled theory of modernization pushes further the frontiers of modernization
through fostering of values that would create transparent and accountable government (Bukovansky
2006). This developmental perspective on corruption, according to Hindesss (2007, 808) judicious
analysis:
is particularly concerned with what it sees as the limitations of nonwestern cultures
and ways of life, and especially with cases in which conduct that was once regarded as
acceptable no longer fits modern conditions (Rose Ackerman 1999: 5). Not
surprisingly, perhaps, this perspective also suggests that an important part of the
corruption on which it focuses is likely to involve the conduct of western businesses
operating in these societies.
Sarah Dix and Emmanuel Pok, for instance, in their study of Papua New Guinea, suggest that
corruption is rampant in this poor country because of indigenous values that are tolerant of
corruption. What is new in this modernization theory is the need for private-public partnership, the
importance of legal rationalization, and the cultural sensitivity which were downplayed in the
modernization theory of the sixties. As one of the documents of the World Bank puts it,
the causes of corruption are always contextual, rooted in a countrys policies [italics
mine], bureaucratic traditions, political development, and social history. Still,
32 33
corruption tends to flourish when institutions are weak and government policies
generate economic rents. Some characteristics of developing and transition settings
make corruption particularly difficult to control. (Cited and quoted in Bedirhanoglu
2007, 1242)
Olsen, writing about corruption in the private sector, suggests, [a] global consensus is emerging
that governance and anti-corruption capacity building must incorporate a more holistic approach that
focuses on comprehensively integrating checks and balances, preventive measures, internal controls,
effective law enforcement, education awareness campaigns, and public-private partnerships (Olse
2011, 18). But even in this culturally-sensitive discussion of corruption, the superiority of Western
values of good governance remains implicitly assumed (see Polzer 2001). The website of the World
Bank Anti-Corruption Knowledge Centre expresses this clearly: Corruption is a symptom of
institutional dysfunction, thriving where economic policies are poorly designed, education levels are
low, civil society is underdeveloped, and the accountability of public institutions is weak. This
development worldview creates a universal dichotomy between the developing and developed countries.
Theobald therefore is right to reject the modernization theorists who argue that since corruption
seems to be a symptom of underdevelopment, the only course open to us is to wait for these
societies to develop. For Theobald (1999, 499), [s]uch Olympian detachment would be vacuous as
well morally reprehensible. The right direction is to realize that third world dependence upon a
particular conception of a state whose origins lie in the unique historical experience of the West
may be clouding the issue of the real problem of underdevelopment and how it might be
addressed.
As Polzer (2001, 12) rightly argues, [b]ecause of the othering character of the discourse, the
Bank takes on the position of expert and champion of the good, simply by expressing the inferiority of
corrupt systems. Polzer concludes:
Nevertheless, my analysis suggests that it is firmly embedded in the Bank's larger
project of modernisation and indeed extends its reach further into the lives and minds
of its target societies. Far from resulting in mere technical adjustments within a largely
functioning system, the discourse of corruption categorises and thereby delegitimises
entire societies. A good society is a modernising one; a corrupt society is one that
inhibits development.
The IMF also has contributed to the production of knowledge on the consequences and causes of
corruption from an economic perspective through numerous quantitative studies (Mauro 1995;
Kaufman 1997; Tanzi 1998; Tanzi and Davoodi 2002). The second explanation refers to a convergence
of interests between transnational corporations in the US whose operations are threatened, the
democratization movement in Latin American, and the growing insignificance of IMF in the
development program of developing countries. Third, the United States played a crucial role in the spread
of anti-corruption program following the introduction of the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act of 1977,
American firms complained that the conditions of international economic competition had, from their
viewpoint, worsened. This was especially true for China where big infrastructures were being
constructed. Anti-corruption policy became the instrument for leveling off the playing field (Moroff
2005, 465). Ivan Krastev (2004) arrives at the same conclusion. He argues that foreign investors could
not understand the local culture that defines distribution and power so they sought to eliminate the local
bureaucracies.
The crucial role of the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank should be seen in the light
of their growing insignificance among developing countries (Bukovansky 2006). Schmitz (1995)
interprets the adoption of the good governance model as a defensive strategy to forestall a perceived
crisis of the neo-liberal paradigm through the co-option of a critical discourse. Rather than being a
transformative and progressive move, Schmitz argues, the neo-liberal paradigm was ultimately
34
protected by shifting attention from international systemic factors, such as adverse conditions, unfair
markets or inappropriate economic reforms, to the local lack of proper institutional capacity to manage
the necessary processes of adjustment (Polzer 2001, 8).
When the Transparency International talks about corruption, and begins linking corruption to
poverty in the developing countries, it embraces the ideology of WB and IMF:
Designing an anti-corruption strategy that is pro-poor involves recognising how
wealth and poverty are created and how abuse of power conditions the process.
Corruption on the part of public and private sector actors facilitates market failures,
which can generate and perpetuate income equalities. Most countries in Latin
America, Southeast Asia and Sub-Saharan Africa present highly unequal income
distributions along with elevated levels of corruption. In comparing the CPI rankings for
the worlds most unequal nations, half the countries fall within the bottom 40 percent
of the index. (TI 2008, 4)
Such approach seeks to empower the poor to fight corruption bypassing the problem of economic
structures that create inequality and the policy impositions of internal financial donors that reinforce
these economic structures. It is unable to pinpoint the expansion of the market as the very problem of
corruption itself (Bedirhanoglu 2007).
Conclusion
If social scientists agreed that globalization was the buzzword for the nineties, today corruption
is the strongest contender to replace globalization. What this paper suggests is that we must be careful
in riding the crest of the popularity of the discourse of corruption. In the aftermath of the collapse of
socialism worldwide, Western liberal democracy has two main enemies, namely, Islamic
fundamentalism and corruption. These two evils are now considered as the remaining obstacle to the full
triumph of western liberal democracy. But the problem of corruption is more onerous and pervasive
than religious fundamentalism. For corruption discourse defines corruption ahistorically as endemic to
all societies and individuals.
The only way therefore to confront the issue of corruption as a social problem and global
phenomenon is to detach it from the vulgate of neoliberalism still being propagated by International
Monetary Fund and World Bank as well as international organizations that celebrate free market, liberal
6
democracy and less government . Following Sarah Bracking, what the concept is is less interesting that
what it does. And the discourse of corruption acts in practice as a strategic resource and signifier within
World Bank political discourse, indicating bad governance, illegitimacy and geopolitical position
(2009: 36).
An alternative approach to the reigning anti-corruption discourse is to wrestle it away from the
narrow definition of neoliberal discourse that confines it merely to the distortion of the market and self-
interests. As Bukovansky (2006, 197) rightly argues, an alternative discourse of corruption should bring
it back to the folds of politics. This involves addressing the problem of democratic determination and
struggle over the processes that define the public good and collective identity. It also means
deconstructing the moral high ground that donor countries assume in defining corruption as endemic to
the culture of developing nations.
One study that looks into the UN resolutions from 1996 to 2002 suggests a normative embrace of the
virtues of capitalism, buffered to commitments to democratic governance an attitude consistent with the
ideological tone of the 'Washington Consensus'but tempered in the UN General Assembly's rhetorical efforts
to put the welfare of peoples onto the international governance agenda. The potential conflict betweensocial
stability andopen markets and economic growth is conveniently overlooked (Bukovansky 2006, 187).
35
Corruption, in all its forms (albeit functionally some forms of corruption serve as a weapon of the
poor) is morally wrong. But moral condemnation is not a good starting point to fight corruption. Moral
exhortations can rouse and enthuse good and honest people to fight corruption, albeit the temptation to
remain quiet is strong. Nevertheless the perennial problem of neoliberal inspired structural adjustment
program cannot be denied. As Michael Goldman (2005) rightly argues,
As long as we perpetuate the claims that there is no connection between increased
poverty in the South and increased wealth accumulation in the North, and that such
global institutions as the World Bank are composed of mere technocratic experts
offering transhistorical truths to those who lack know-how, experience, and skills, we
are merely retelling imperial-modernization myths.
Paraphrasing Goldman: As long as we perpetuate the claims that there is no connection between
increased poverty in the South and increased wealth accumulation in the North, and that corruption is
the main problem of developing countries so that we need transhistorical truths about market
operation, transparency, accountability, and good governance that are lacking in developing countries,
we are merely retelling imperial-modernization myths.
Second, fighting corruption is not only about moral education. Its about increasing social support,
raising wages and salaries (see Zhang, Cao and Vaughn 2009). To argue, like WB and IMF and scholars
who unquestioningly support these international institutions, that corruption can be reduced if only
donor countries can put pressure on corrupt nations before aid is made available, fails to address the
very nature of these financial aids (Senior 2006, 189). The contradiction in the neoliberal paradigm of
state orphanhood (Sullivan 2002) (complete abandoning of the state of its social duties) is that this
creates a stronger need for the state to intervene in order to curb corruption.
Any approach to corruption will have to address the problem of inequality. Much of the literature
on anti-corruption revolve around the issue of efficiency. As Khagram and You (2003) argued, in
developing societies the poor are more likely to be deprived of basic rights and have more difficulty
gaining access to public services such as education and health care than in low inequality countries.
Hence, they are more likely to rely on petty bribery or be the targets of bureaucratic blackmail in order to
secure basic services to which they are legally entitled.
In fact, Khagram and You found out that [t]he effects of inequality are greater in democratic
regimes compared with authoritarian regimes. Moreover they have established the fact that inequality
may be more powerful determinant of corruption than economic growth and development. But this
does not mean that there is a one-way relationship between inequality and corruption. For as Khagram
and You (2013, 20) have shown, corruption and inequality affect each other, giving rise to the
possibility of vicious and virtuous cycles.
Finally, fighting corruption should be seen within the wider context of economic backwardness
and the neocolonial character of our nation. So, let me end with this statement from the Concerned
Artists of the Philippines:
Any anti-corruption campaign by the government will result in merely superficial
effects, because it is contradictory to the nature of its existence. With the present
system, how political and economic power is gained and maintained is at the root of
34
protected by shifting attention from international systemic factors, such as adverse conditions, unfair
markets or inappropriate economic reforms, to the local lack of proper institutional capacity to manage
the necessary processes of adjustment (Polzer 2001, 8).
When the Transparency International talks about corruption, and begins linking corruption to
poverty in the developing countries, it embraces the ideology of WB and IMF:
Designing an anti-corruption strategy that is pro-poor involves recognising how
wealth and poverty are created and how abuse of power conditions the process.
Corruption on the part of public and private sector actors facilitates market failures,
which can generate and perpetuate income equalities. Most countries in Latin
America, Southeast Asia and Sub-Saharan Africa present highly unequal income
distributions along with elevated levels of corruption. In comparing the CPI rankings for
the worlds most unequal nations, half the countries fall within the bottom 40 percent
of the index. (TI 2008, 4)
Such approach seeks to empower the poor to fight corruption bypassing the problem of economic
structures that create inequality and the policy impositions of internal financial donors that reinforce
these economic structures. It is unable to pinpoint the expansion of the market as the very problem of
corruption itself (Bedirhanoglu 2007).
Conclusion
If social scientists agreed that globalization was the buzzword for the nineties, today corruption
is the strongest contender to replace globalization. What this paper suggests is that we must be careful
in riding the crest of the popularity of the discourse of corruption. In the aftermath of the collapse of
socialism worldwide, Western liberal democracy has two main enemies, namely, Islamic
fundamentalism and corruption. These two evils are now considered as the remaining obstacle to the full
triumph of western liberal democracy. But the problem of corruption is more onerous and pervasive
than religious fundamentalism. For corruption discourse defines corruption ahistorically as endemic to
all societies and individuals.
The only way therefore to confront the issue of corruption as a social problem and global
phenomenon is to detach it from the vulgate of neoliberalism still being propagated by International
Monetary Fund and World Bank as well as international organizations that celebrate free market, liberal
6
democracy and less government . Following Sarah Bracking, what the concept is is less interesting that
what it does. And the discourse of corruption acts in practice as a strategic resource and signifier within
World Bank political discourse, indicating bad governance, illegitimacy and geopolitical position
(2009: 36).
An alternative approach to the reigning anti-corruption discourse is to wrestle it away from the
narrow definition of neoliberal discourse that confines it merely to the distortion of the market and self-
interests. As Bukovansky (2006, 197) rightly argues, an alternative discourse of corruption should bring
it back to the folds of politics. This involves addressing the problem of democratic determination and
struggle over the processes that define the public good and collective identity. It also means
deconstructing the moral high ground that donor countries assume in defining corruption as endemic to
the culture of developing nations.
One study that looks into the UN resolutions from 1996 to 2002 suggests a normative embrace of the
virtues of capitalism, buffered to commitments to democratic governance an attitude consistent with the
ideological tone of the 'Washington Consensus'but tempered in the UN General Assembly's rhetorical efforts
to put the welfare of peoples onto the international governance agenda. The potential conflict betweensocial
stability andopen markets and economic growth is conveniently overlooked (Bukovansky 2006, 187).
35
Corruption, in all its forms (albeit functionally some forms of corruption serve as a weapon of the
poor) is morally wrong. But moral condemnation is not a good starting point to fight corruption. Moral
exhortations can rouse and enthuse good and honest people to fight corruption, albeit the temptation to
remain quiet is strong. Nevertheless the perennial problem of neoliberal inspired structural adjustment
program cannot be denied. As Michael Goldman (2005) rightly argues,
As long as we perpetuate the claims that there is no connection between increased
poverty in the South and increased wealth accumulation in the North, and that such
global institutions as the World Bank are composed of mere technocratic experts
offering transhistorical truths to those who lack know-how, experience, and skills, we
are merely retelling imperial-modernization myths.
Paraphrasing Goldman: As long as we perpetuate the claims that there is no connection between
increased poverty in the South and increased wealth accumulation in the North, and that corruption is
the main problem of developing countries so that we need transhistorical truths about market
operation, transparency, accountability, and good governance that are lacking in developing countries,
we are merely retelling imperial-modernization myths.
Second, fighting corruption is not only about moral education. Its about increasing social support,
raising wages and salaries (see Zhang, Cao and Vaughn 2009). To argue, like WB and IMF and scholars
who unquestioningly support these international institutions, that corruption can be reduced if only
donor countries can put pressure on corrupt nations before aid is made available, fails to address the
very nature of these financial aids (Senior 2006, 189). The contradiction in the neoliberal paradigm of
state orphanhood (Sullivan 2002) (complete abandoning of the state of its social duties) is that this
creates a stronger need for the state to intervene in order to curb corruption.
Any approach to corruption will have to address the problem of inequality. Much of the literature
on anti-corruption revolve around the issue of efficiency. As Khagram and You (2003) argued, in
developing societies the poor are more likely to be deprived of basic rights and have more difficulty
gaining access to public services such as education and health care than in low inequality countries.
Hence, they are more likely to rely on petty bribery or be the targets of bureaucratic blackmail in order to
secure basic services to which they are legally entitled.
In fact, Khagram and You found out that [t]he effects of inequality are greater in democratic
regimes compared with authoritarian regimes. Moreover they have established the fact that inequality
may be more powerful determinant of corruption than economic growth and development. But this
does not mean that there is a one-way relationship between inequality and corruption. For as Khagram
and You (2013, 20) have shown, corruption and inequality affect each other, giving rise to the
possibility of vicious and virtuous cycles.
Finally, fighting corruption should be seen within the wider context of economic backwardness
and the neocolonial character of our nation. So, let me end with this statement from the Concerned
Artists of the Philippines:
Any anti-corruption campaign by the government will result in merely superficial
effects, because it is contradictory to the nature of its existence. With the present
system, how political and economic power is gained and maintained is at the root of
corruption. Pervasive corruption promotes the culture of corruption among the elites
and reinforces the disempowerment of the masses. The cycle continues, as the culture
of corruption and a disempowered people perpetuate elitist political and economic
power.
Corruption benefits the political and economic elites as it facilitates their sell-out and
exploitation of our country's human and natural resources. The victims of corruption
are the Filipino masses. This is the reason why we should persist in countering
corruption.
However, it is of utmost importance to extend our efforts to actively resisting unequal
treaties, foreign dictates, the exploitative political and economic system, and the
corruption of culture. These actions nurture love of country, honesty, integrity, and
other positive values based on pursuing the interest of the people and our nation. This
7
is a concretization of a holistic anti-corruption drive.
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36 37
corruption. Pervasive corruption promotes the culture of corruption among the elites
and reinforces the disempowerment of the masses. The cycle continues, as the culture
of corruption and a disempowered people perpetuate elitist political and economic
power.
Corruption benefits the political and economic elites as it facilitates their sell-out and
exploitation of our country's human and natural resources. The victims of corruption
are the Filipino masses. This is the reason why we should persist in countering
corruption.
However, it is of utmost importance to extend our efforts to actively resisting unequal
treaties, foreign dictates, the exploitative political and economic system, and the
corruption of culture. These actions nurture love of country, honesty, integrity, and
other positive values based on pursuing the interest of the people and our nation. This
7
is a concretization of a holistic anti-corruption drive.
References
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Reflections from post-crisis Turkey. Third World Quarterly 28(7): 1239-1254.
Bracking, Sarah L. 2009. Political economies of corruption beyond liberalism: An interpretative view
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Bratsis, Peter. 2003. The construction of corruption, or rules of separation and illusions of purity in
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Bukovansky, Mlada. 2006. The hollowness of anti-corruption discourse. Review of International
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144628/WB%3A_Corruption_in_RP_worst_in_East_Asia, accessed 12 August 2012.
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Routledge.
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Claudia Goldin, 23-63. The University of Chicago Press.
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The Concerned Artists of the Philippines. 2005. Culture of corruption: the corruption of
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36 37
Pingkian: Journal for Emancipatory and
Anti-Imperialist Education
Literary Folio
Corruption. 14-15 January, UPCSWCD. Internet document,
, accessed 4 August 2013.
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Transparency International. 2008. Poverty and corruption. Washington: Transparency International
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rd
Vaknin, Sam. 2009. Financial crime and corruption, 3 ed. Lidija Rangelovska/United Press
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and reform: Lessons from America's economic history, ed. Edward L. Glaeser and Claudia Goldin,
23-63. The University of Chicago Press.
Zhang, Yan and Liqun Cao and Michael S. Vaughn. 2009. Structural determinants of corruption in the
world. The Australian and New Zealand Journal of Criminology 42 (2): 204217.
Notes
This paper was originally published in Himig Ugnayan, The Theological Journal of the Institute of
Formation and Religious Studies (IFRS), Vol. 19, Golden Jubilee Issue.
1
Earlier, the speech of J Wolfensohn Annual Meetings Address broke the taboo on corruption as an agenda for IMF-WB. Speech
delivered at the World Bank and IMF Annual Meeting 1 October 1996, available online, http://go.worldbank.org/1NQRAFLP50,
accessed 12 August 2012.
2
Statement On The Adoption By The General Assembly Of The United Nations Convention Against Corruption,
http://www.unodc.org/unodc/en/treaties/CAC/background/secretary-general-speech.html, accessed 12 August 12, 2012.
3
http://web.hks.harvard.edu/publications/workingpapers/citation.aspx?PubId=2023n, accessed 21 August 2012.
4
Corruption in the Philippines, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Corruption_in_the_Philippines, accessed 12 August 2012.
5
The study of Ji Li, Jane Moy, Kevin Lam, W.L. Chris Chu, comparing Hong Kong and Singapore suggest that without strong
government intervention corruption will go uncontrolled. The study concludes that countries with high level of governmental
intervention is able to curb corruption, as is the case in Singapore, or a low level of governmental intervention, as is the case in
Hong Kong, may still lower corruption as long as the government is dead serious in fighting corruption.
6
Like the CATO Institute that blames corruption on big government and non-existence of free market (Tupy 2006).
7
This is an edited version of the paper presented to the National Study Conference on Corruption. Jan. 14-15, 2005, UPCSWCD. In
Culture of Corrupt i on: The Corrupt i on of Culture, The Concerned Art i sts of t he Phi l i ppi nes,
http://www.bulatlat.com/news/4-51/4-51-culture.html, accessed 21 August 2012.
http://www.bulatlat.com/news/4-
51/4-51-culture_printer.html
38
Pingkian: Journal for Emancipatory and
Anti-Imperialist Education
Literary Folio
Corruption. 14-15 January, UPCSWCD. Internet document,
, accessed 4 August 2013.
Theobald, Robin. (1990). So what really is the problem about corruption? Third World Quarterly
20(3): 491-502.
Transparency International. 2008. Poverty and corruption. Washington: Transparency International
Working Paper # 02/2008.
Tupy, Marian L. 2006. The rise of populist parties in Central Europe: Big government, corruption,
and the threat to liberalism. Center for Global Liberty and Prosperity.
rd
Vaknin, Sam. 2009. Financial crime and corruption, 3 ed. Lidija Rangelovska/United Press
International.
Wallis, John Joseph. 2006. The concept of systematic corruption in American history. In Corruption
and reform: Lessons from America's economic history, ed. Edward L. Glaeser and Claudia Goldin,
23-63. The University of Chicago Press.
Zhang, Yan and Liqun Cao and Michael S. Vaughn. 2009. Structural determinants of corruption in the
world. The Australian and New Zealand Journal of Criminology 42 (2): 204217.
Notes
This paper was originally published in Himig Ugnayan, The Theological Journal of the Institute of
Formation and Religious Studies (IFRS), Vol. 19, Golden Jubilee Issue.
1
Earlier, the speech of J Wolfensohn Annual Meetings Address broke the taboo on corruption as an agenda for IMF-WB. Speech
delivered at the World Bank and IMF Annual Meeting 1 October 1996, available online, http://go.worldbank.org/1NQRAFLP50,
accessed 12 August 2012.
2
Statement On The Adoption By The General Assembly Of The United Nations Convention Against Corruption,
http://www.unodc.org/unodc/en/treaties/CAC/background/secretary-general-speech.html, accessed 12 August 12, 2012.
3
http://web.hks.harvard.edu/publications/workingpapers/citation.aspx?PubId=2023n, accessed 21 August 2012.
4
Corruption in the Philippines, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Corruption_in_the_Philippines, accessed 12 August 2012.
5
The study of Ji Li, Jane Moy, Kevin Lam, W.L. Chris Chu, comparing Hong Kong and Singapore suggest that without strong
government intervention corruption will go uncontrolled. The study concludes that countries with high level of governmental
intervention is able to curb corruption, as is the case in Singapore, or a low level of governmental intervention, as is the case in
Hong Kong, may still lower corruption as long as the government is dead serious in fighting corruption.
6
Like the CATO Institute that blames corruption on big government and non-existence of free market (Tupy 2006).
7
This is an edited version of the paper presented to the National Study Conference on Corruption. Jan. 14-15, 2005, UPCSWCD. In
Culture of Corrupt i on: The Corrupt i on of Culture, The Concerned Art i sts of t he Phi l i ppi nes,
http://www.bulatlat.com/news/4-51/4-51-culture.html, accessed 21 August 2012.
http://www.bulatlat.com/news/4-
51/4-51-culture_printer.html
38
39
May Bagyo, Walang Pasok
(first published in The Literary Apprentice, 2013)
Tilde Acua
Signal number ano ba ang
sampunlibong estudyante?
Wala akong instrumentong
panukat nito, subalit
klarong kahit walang sikat
ng araw: ang sampunlibong
estudyanteng sumuspinde
sa klase ay hindi anggi,
hindi ambon kundi unos
ang mamamayang nag-aral
ng lipunan sa lansangan,
kung saan bumabagyo ng
protesta, kung saan hindi
kailangang sabihing walang
pasok upang lumiban sa
opisina man o skwela,
kung san nagbabantang muli
hindi si Sendong kundiang
mga sinalanta nitong
walang masilungan, walang
makain, walang anuman
dahil sa pagkakait ng
naghahari, at kung saan
mapatutunayang muli:
Walang pasok twing may Sigwa.
39
May Bagyo, Walang Pasok
(first published in The Literary Apprentice, 2013)
Tilde Acua
Signal number ano ba ang
sampunlibong estudyante?
Wala akong instrumentong
panukat nito, subalit
klarong kahit walang sikat
ng araw: ang sampunlibong
estudyanteng sumuspinde
sa klase ay hindi anggi,
hindi ambon kundi unos
ang mamamayang nag-aral
ng lipunan sa lansangan,
kung saan bumabagyo ng
protesta, kung saan hindi
kailangang sabihing walang
pasok upang lumiban sa
opisina man o skwela,
kung san nagbabantang muli
hindi si Sendong kundiang
mga sinalanta nitong
walang masilungan, walang
makain, walang anuman
dahil sa pagkakait ng
naghahari, at kung saan
mapatutunayang muli:
Walang pasok twing may Sigwa.
41 40
Pananalig
malayang salin ni Tilde Acua
ng salin nina Robert Hass, Robert Pinsky, at Renata
Gorcznski ng tula ni Czeslaw Milosz
Ang salitang Pananalig ay nangangahulugang kapag may nakitang
Isang patak ng hamog o isang dahong lumulutang, at nalalamang
sila ay gayon, sapagkat dapat silang maging.
At kahit pa ika'y nanaginip, o nagpinid ng mga mata
At humiling, mananatili ang daigdig sa kung ano ito noon,
At ang dahon ay maaanod pa rin at magpapadala sa ilog.
Nangangahulugan itong kapag nasaktan ang isang paa
Ng isang matalas na bato, nalalaman ding ang mga bato
Ay naririto upang makapanakit ng ating mga paa.
Pagmasdan, tignan ang mahabang aninong nagmumula sa mga puno;
At ang mga bulaklak at mga taong nagtatapon ng anino sa lupa:
Anumang walang taglay na anino ay walang lakas manatiling buhay.
A Storm Advisory
(DD/MM/YYYY)
(first published in Philippines Free Press, 24 October 2011,
reprinted with permission)
Tilde Acua
Classes will be suspended, once tempests of outrage flood the streets with
protests against laboratory classes that require ivory gowns in exclusive
rooms atop marble towers of pearls and gems and promises of knowledge
from academic factories. Following class suspension will be
more storms waged among 1.) those who want to hold classes despite all
the turmoil; and 2.) those who want to suspend classes to further study
outside the state-sponsored classrooms; and 3.) those who want to
completely abolish classes; and 4.) those who lie in between the
aforementioned categories; and even 5.) those who are outside the
aforementioned categories
encompassing all categories as all of us are meant to clash. Thus, besides
Change, Chaos is constant as classes will be suspended way beyond a couple
of times and it may or may not resume anytime soon but somethings quite
certain and anyone may disagree with the claim that:
every so after, with enough and potent civil disturbanceswhich are
natural catastrophes or staged occurrences, depending on the lenses you
choose to useclasses may be suspended from time to time depending
onas it has been said a number of timesthe force, which is equal to the
mass multiplied by the accelerationas the second law of motion (or
movement) states.
41 40
Pananalig
malayang salin ni Tilde Acua
ng salin nina Robert Hass, Robert Pinsky, at Renata
Gorcznski ng tula ni Czeslaw Milosz
Ang salitang Pananalig ay nangangahulugang kapag may nakitang
Isang patak ng hamog o isang dahong lumulutang, at nalalamang
sila ay gayon, sapagkat dapat silang maging.
At kahit pa ika'y nanaginip, o nagpinid ng mga mata
At humiling, mananatili ang daigdig sa kung ano ito noon,
At ang dahon ay maaanod pa rin at magpapadala sa ilog.
Nangangahulugan itong kapag nasaktan ang isang paa
Ng isang matalas na bato, nalalaman ding ang mga bato
Ay naririto upang makapanakit ng ating mga paa.
Pagmasdan, tignan ang mahabang aninong nagmumula sa mga puno;
At ang mga bulaklak at mga taong nagtatapon ng anino sa lupa:
Anumang walang taglay na anino ay walang lakas manatiling buhay.
A Storm Advisory
(DD/MM/YYYY)
(first published in Philippines Free Press, 24 October 2011,
reprinted with permission)
Tilde Acua
Classes will be suspended, once tempests of outrage flood the streets with
protests against laboratory classes that require ivory gowns in exclusive
rooms atop marble towers of pearls and gems and promises of knowledge
from academic factories. Following class suspension will be
more storms waged among 1.) those who want to hold classes despite all
the turmoil; and 2.) those who want to suspend classes to further study
outside the state-sponsored classrooms; and 3.) those who want to
completely abolish classes; and 4.) those who lie in between the
aforementioned categories; and even 5.) those who are outside the
aforementioned categories
encompassing all categories as all of us are meant to clash. Thus, besides
Change, Chaos is constant as classes will be suspended way beyond a couple
of times and it may or may not resume anytime soon but somethings quite
certain and anyone may disagree with the claim that:
every so after, with enough and potent civil disturbanceswhich are
natural catastrophes or staged occurrences, depending on the lenses you
choose to useclasses may be suspended from time to time depending
onas it has been said a number of timesthe force, which is equal to the
mass multiplied by the accelerationas the second law of motion (or
movement) states.
43 42
Subukang Purihin
ang Mundong Pinira-piraso
malayang salin ni Tilde Acua
ng salin ni Clare Cavanagh
tula ni Adam Zagajewski
Subukang purihin ang mundong pinira-piraso.
Alalahanin ang mahahabang araw ng Hunyo,
at ang mga ligaw na aratilis, ang mga patak ng alak, ang hamog.
Ang mga damong madiskarteng lumalago at sumasapaw
sa mga inabandonang bahay ng mga dinistiyero.
Dapat mong purihin ang mundong pinira-piraso.
Umantabay ka sa nauusong mga yate at mga bapor;
isa sa mga ito ang bumiyahe nang matagal at nauna,
habang maalat na pagkalimot ang naghihintay sa iba pa.
Nakita mong walang mapupuntahan ang mga bakwit,
narinig mong maligayang umaawit ang mga berdugo.
Dapat mong purihin ang mundong pinira-piraso.
Alalahanin ang mga saglit na magkasama tayo
sa isang puting silid at humahayuhay ang kurtina.
Ibalik sa isip ang konsiyerto kung saan sumiklab ang musika.
Namitas ka ng mga bunga sa liwasan noong taglagas
at umalimpuyo ang mga dahon sa mga pilat ng daigdig.
Purihin ang mundong pinira-piraso
at ang abuhing balahibong naiwala ng maya,
at ang banayad na ilaw na nawawalay at nagmamaliw
at nagbabalik.
sa kuna
Tilde Acua
may sanggol na ngawa nang ngawa, aniya,
gumawa na lang daw kayong lahat at huwag nang
ngumawa;
nguya nang nguya, walang modong
nagsasalita pa rin habang
puno ang bunganga,
hindi raw kayo naghanda, kaya't
kayo ang gumawa at huwag nang
ngumawa;
nguso nang nguso, walang pinaliligtas
sa paninisi, mali ang lahat ng ulat,
salat ang lahat ng pagtulong, kulang ang lahat
ng paghahanda ng lahat maliban sa kanyang
pagkakawang-
ngawa;
ngawit na ngawit sa kakatunganga,
kahit awa ay hindi man lang
maibahagi, kahit bahagi
ng kabang hindi naman kanya
ay hindi man lang maibigay
sa mga humihibik
sa mga rehiyong sa ngayo'y dambuhalang
kabaong, sa mga inulila at inalila
ng delubyong dulot ng kapwa taong
iba ang uri tulad nitong sanggol na
nagngangalit; numinipis
nang numinipis ang buhok sa bumbunan,
kaalinsabay ng pagliit ng puso at isip,
dulot ng higit limampung taong karanasan
bilang hacienderong ngumangawa
sa mga manggagawang-bukid, dulot ng
tatlong taon bilang pangulong puro
bilang ang pinoproblema, bilang
sanggol na wala nang ginawa kundi
ngumawa,
ngumuya,
ngumuso,
mangawit,
manlansi,
at manisi habang nakahilata
at namamahala mula
sa kuna.
43 42
Subukang Purihin
ang Mundong Pinira-piraso
malayang salin ni Tilde Acua
ng salin ni Clare Cavanagh
tula ni Adam Zagajewski
Subukang purihin ang mundong pinira-piraso.
Alalahanin ang mahahabang araw ng Hunyo,
at ang mga ligaw na aratilis, ang mga patak ng alak, ang hamog.
Ang mga damong madiskarteng lumalago at sumasapaw
sa mga inabandonang bahay ng mga dinistiyero.
Dapat mong purihin ang mundong pinira-piraso.
Umantabay ka sa nauusong mga yate at mga bapor;
isa sa mga ito ang bumiyahe nang matagal at nauna,
habang maalat na pagkalimot ang naghihintay sa iba pa.
Nakita mong walang mapupuntahan ang mga bakwit,
narinig mong maligayang umaawit ang mga berdugo.
Dapat mong purihin ang mundong pinira-piraso.
Alalahanin ang mga saglit na magkasama tayo
sa isang puting silid at humahayuhay ang kurtina.
Ibalik sa isip ang konsiyerto kung saan sumiklab ang musika.
Namitas ka ng mga bunga sa liwasan noong taglagas
at umalimpuyo ang mga dahon sa mga pilat ng daigdig.
Purihin ang mundong pinira-piraso
at ang abuhing balahibong naiwala ng maya,
at ang banayad na ilaw na nawawalay at nagmamaliw
at nagbabalik.
sa kuna
Tilde Acua
may sanggol na ngawa nang ngawa, aniya,
gumawa na lang daw kayong lahat at huwag nang
ngumawa;
nguya nang nguya, walang modong
nagsasalita pa rin habang
puno ang bunganga,
hindi raw kayo naghanda, kaya't
kayo ang gumawa at huwag nang
ngumawa;
nguso nang nguso, walang pinaliligtas
sa paninisi, mali ang lahat ng ulat,
salat ang lahat ng pagtulong, kulang ang lahat
ng paghahanda ng lahat maliban sa kanyang
pagkakawang-
ngawa;
ngawit na ngawit sa kakatunganga,
kahit awa ay hindi man lang
maibahagi, kahit bahagi
ng kabang hindi naman kanya
ay hindi man lang maibigay
sa mga humihibik
sa mga rehiyong sa ngayo'y dambuhalang
kabaong, sa mga inulila at inalila
ng delubyong dulot ng kapwa taong
iba ang uri tulad nitong sanggol na
nagngangalit; numinipis
nang numinipis ang buhok sa bumbunan,
kaalinsabay ng pagliit ng puso at isip,
dulot ng higit limampung taong karanasan
bilang hacienderong ngumangawa
sa mga manggagawang-bukid, dulot ng
tatlong taon bilang pangulong puro
bilang ang pinoproblema, bilang
sanggol na wala nang ginawa kundi
ngumawa,
ngumuya,
ngumuso,
mangawit,
manlansi,
at manisi habang nakahilata
at namamahala mula
sa kuna.
45 44
Ang Wakas at ang Simula
salin ni Tilde Acua
ng salin ni Joanna Trzeciak
ng tula ni Wislawa Szymborska
Matapos ang bawat digmaan
mayroong dapat magligpit.
Hindi isasaayos ng mga bagay
ang kanilang mga sarili, sa kabila ng lahat.
Mayroong dapat magtabi ng kalat
sa isang gilid ng kalsada,
upang makadaan
ang karitong puno ng bangkay.
Mayroong dapat na lumusong
sa latak at abo,
sa mga pako ng silya,
sa mga bubog,
at sa mga duguang katya.
Mayroong dapat humila sa tahilan
upang isandal sa dingding.
Mayroong dapat magpakintab ng bintana,
magkabit muli ng pinto.
Hindi ito maganda sa paningin,
at tumatagal nang ilang taon.
Lumisan na ang lahat ng kamera
para sa isa pang giyera.
Kakailanganin nating ibalik ang mga tulay,
pati ang mga bagong estasyon ng tren.
Magugulanit ang mga manggas
mula sa pagkakarolyo nito.
Tangan ang walis, mayroong
mga makakaalala pa rin ng nakagisnan.
Mayroong isa pang nakikinig
at tumatango nang may ulong hindi napugot.
Pero mayroon ding mga nasa di-kalayuang
nagsisimulang magbilang ng poste
at mapapagtantong nakakabato ito.
Mula sa halamanan
paminsa'y mayroong nakakabungkal
ng mga katwirang kinalawang na
at dadalhin ang mga ito sa tambak ng basura.
Ang mga nakakaalam
kung anong nagaganap dito'y
marapat na gumawa ng paraan para
sa mga kapos ang nalalaman.
At mas kaunti kaysa kapos.
At sa huli, singkaunti ng wala.
Sa damuhang lumabis ang paglago
ng mga sanhi at mga bunga,
mayroong dapat magpalawig
talim ng damo sa kanyang bibig
tumutunghay sa langit.
45 44
Ang Wakas at ang Simula
salin ni Tilde Acua
ng salin ni Joanna Trzeciak
ng tula ni Wislawa Szymborska
Matapos ang bawat digmaan
mayroong dapat magligpit.
Hindi isasaayos ng mga bagay
ang kanilang mga sarili, sa kabila ng lahat.
Mayroong dapat magtabi ng kalat
sa isang gilid ng kalsada,
upang makadaan
ang karitong puno ng bangkay.
Mayroong dapat na lumusong
sa latak at abo,
sa mga pako ng silya,
sa mga bubog,
at sa mga duguang katya.
Mayroong dapat humila sa tahilan
upang isandal sa dingding.
Mayroong dapat magpakintab ng bintana,
magkabit muli ng pinto.
Hindi ito maganda sa paningin,
at tumatagal nang ilang taon.
Lumisan na ang lahat ng kamera
para sa isa pang giyera.
Kakailanganin nating ibalik ang mga tulay,
pati ang mga bagong estasyon ng tren.
Magugulanit ang mga manggas
mula sa pagkakarolyo nito.
Tangan ang walis, mayroong
mga makakaalala pa rin ng nakagisnan.
Mayroong isa pang nakikinig
at tumatango nang may ulong hindi napugot.
Pero mayroon ding mga nasa di-kalayuang
nagsisimulang magbilang ng poste
at mapapagtantong nakakabato ito.
Mula sa halamanan
paminsa'y mayroong nakakabungkal
ng mga katwirang kinalawang na
at dadalhin ang mga ito sa tambak ng basura.
Ang mga nakakaalam
kung anong nagaganap dito'y
marapat na gumawa ng paraan para
sa mga kapos ang nalalaman.
At mas kaunti kaysa kapos.
At sa huli, singkaunti ng wala.
Sa damuhang lumabis ang paglago
ng mga sanhi at mga bunga,
mayroong dapat magpalawig
talim ng damo sa kanyang bibig
tumutunghay sa langit.
47 46
Ibinalita sa Telebisyon
(12 Disyembre 2013)
Kislap Alitaptap
Ibinalita sa telebisyon
Ang tungkol sa isang Ama
Na namatayan ng Anak
Dahil sa pagsusukat pagtatae
Ama na itinakas ang bangkay
Ng Anak mula sa morgue
Ama na walang maipambabayad
Sa singil na itatakda ng pagamutan
Pagkatapos
Ibinalita sa telebisyon
Ang kahandaan ni
Heart Evangelista, na
Makasama sa habambuhay
Si Senator Chiz Escudero
Pagkatapos
Ibinalita sa telebisyon
Kung sasagot ba ng Oo
Si Angelica Panganiban,
Oras na hamunin siyang
Magpakasal ni John Lloyd Cruz
Pagkatapos
Isinalang sa telebisyon
Ang mga patalastas
Patalastas ng deodorant
Patalastas ng Skinwhite
Patalastas ng Chowking
Patalastas ng KFC
Patalastas ng MERALCO
(upang idepensa ang dagdag singil)
Patalastas ng sabong panlaba
Patalastas ng susunod na eksena
Sa Maria Mercedes at Galema
Patalastas ng shampoo
(yung para kang nagpa-rebond)
Patalastas ng SMART
Patalastas ng Nescafe
Patalastas ng spaghetti
Patalastas ng toyo
Patalastas ng korean novela
Patalastas ng malakas na bentahan
Ng album ni Daniel Padilla
At patalastas ng pelikulang
My Little Bossing bida
Si Vic Sotto, at, Kris Aquino,
Entry sa MMFF, abangan
Sa Pasko, sa mga sinehan
Pagkatapos
Nalusaw na sa pag-iisip
Ng mga manonood ang balita
Tungkol sa isang Ama
Na namatayan ng Anak
Dahil sa pagsusukat pagtatae
Ama na itinakas ang bangkay
Ng Anak mula sa morgue
Ama na walang maipambabayad
Sa singil na itatakda ng pagamutan
(Mula sa: https://www.facebook.com/notes/kislap-alitaptap/ibinalita-sa-
telebisyon/10153599433620244)
47 46
Ibinalita sa Telebisyon
(12 Disyembre 2013)
Kislap Alitaptap
Ibinalita sa telebisyon
Ang tungkol sa isang Ama
Na namatayan ng Anak
Dahil sa pagsusukat pagtatae
Ama na itinakas ang bangkay
Ng Anak mula sa morgue
Ama na walang maipambabayad
Sa singil na itatakda ng pagamutan
Pagkatapos
Ibinalita sa telebisyon
Ang kahandaan ni
Heart Evangelista, na
Makasama sa habambuhay
Si Senator Chiz Escudero
Pagkatapos
Ibinalita sa telebisyon
Kung sasagot ba ng Oo
Si Angelica Panganiban,
Oras na hamunin siyang
Magpakasal ni John Lloyd Cruz
Pagkatapos
Isinalang sa telebisyon
Ang mga patalastas
Patalastas ng deodorant
Patalastas ng Skinwhite
Patalastas ng Chowking
Patalastas ng KFC
Patalastas ng MERALCO
(upang idepensa ang dagdag singil)
Patalastas ng sabong panlaba
Patalastas ng susunod na eksena
Sa Maria Mercedes at Galema
Patalastas ng shampoo
(yung para kang nagpa-rebond)
Patalastas ng SMART
Patalastas ng Nescafe
Patalastas ng spaghetti
Patalastas ng toyo
Patalastas ng korean novela
Patalastas ng malakas na bentahan
Ng album ni Daniel Padilla
At patalastas ng pelikulang
My Little Bossing bida
Si Vic Sotto, at, Kris Aquino,
Entry sa MMFF, abangan
Sa Pasko, sa mga sinehan
Pagkatapos
Nalusaw na sa pag-iisip
Ng mga manonood ang balita
Tungkol sa isang Ama
Na namatayan ng Anak
Dahil sa pagsusukat pagtatae
Ama na itinakas ang bangkay
Ng Anak mula sa morgue
Ama na walang maipambabayad
Sa singil na itatakda ng pagamutan
(Mula sa: https://www.facebook.com/notes/kislap-alitaptap/ibinalita-sa-
telebisyon/10153599433620244)
49 48
Sa mga batang hindi ko na daratnan
Rogene Gonzales
I.
Nais kong mag-ambag ng aral
sa mga batang hindi ko na daratnan
o makilala man lang ang munting ngiti
na ipapalit sa takot at kubling hikbi.
Magsilbing kanilang pang-araw-araw na hininga
sa halik ng hangin sa munting mga mata,
sipol sa buhangin ng dalampasigang uukitan
ng puso at ngalang saliw ang kapayapaan.
Nais kong kanilang matutunan
ang musmos na pag-ibig sa sariling bayan,
paano matayog na kumapit sa bawat pangarap
sa maagang rikit ng mga bituin sa alapaap.
II.
Nais kong mag-ambag ng aral
sa mga batang hindi ko na daratnan
o masilayan man lang sa ganap na pagbangon
ng mundong batbat sa panganib ng mga alon.
Maging kanilang bisig na handang manindigan,
gaya ng punong papayong sa lupit ng tag-ulan,
at tahanang ligtas sa unos ng karimlan
o pait ng sikmurang walang maipalaman.
Nais kong magising sila sa araw,
hindi sa kalsada ng mga basura at langaw,
kundi sa mga kinabukasang tiyak na paparating
ang liwanag sa palad ng pagkamit sa ating hiling.
III.
Nais kong mag-ambag ng aral
sa mga batang hindi ko na daratnan,
nais kong ipagtanggol ang kanilang dangal
nang mapatid ang mga luhang dumaratal.
Kahit ni minsa'y 'di na maaninag ang mukha
o makakulitan man lamang sa mga pagtawa;
sapat nang maging bahagi ng pag-asa,
sa pagtudla at paglikha ng para sa kanila.
Sapagkat nais kong kanilang madatnan
isang lipunang 'di tulad ng kasalukuyan
kundi silangang tuwina ang pagpula,
at tinubuang lupa sa tuwa'y sagana.
Nais kong gagap ng kanilang murang diwa
ang gintong dunong na pundar ng paggawa
at ang dugong daloy sa ugat ng pagsinta
mula bata hanggang pagtanda
ay ang pinunla't inambag na paglaya
ng sambayanang siyang magiting na nakikibaka.
49 48
Sa mga batang hindi ko na daratnan
Rogene Gonzales
I.
Nais kong mag-ambag ng aral
sa mga batang hindi ko na daratnan
o makilala man lang ang munting ngiti
na ipapalit sa takot at kubling hikbi.
Magsilbing kanilang pang-araw-araw na hininga
sa halik ng hangin sa munting mga mata,
sipol sa buhangin ng dalampasigang uukitan
ng puso at ngalang saliw ang kapayapaan.
Nais kong kanilang matutunan
ang musmos na pag-ibig sa sariling bayan,
paano matayog na kumapit sa bawat pangarap
sa maagang rikit ng mga bituin sa alapaap.
II.
Nais kong mag-ambag ng aral
sa mga batang hindi ko na daratnan
o masilayan man lang sa ganap na pagbangon
ng mundong batbat sa panganib ng mga alon.
Maging kanilang bisig na handang manindigan,
gaya ng punong papayong sa lupit ng tag-ulan,
at tahanang ligtas sa unos ng karimlan
o pait ng sikmurang walang maipalaman.
Nais kong magising sila sa araw,
hindi sa kalsada ng mga basura at langaw,
kundi sa mga kinabukasang tiyak na paparating
ang liwanag sa palad ng pagkamit sa ating hiling.
III.
Nais kong mag-ambag ng aral
sa mga batang hindi ko na daratnan,
nais kong ipagtanggol ang kanilang dangal
nang mapatid ang mga luhang dumaratal.
Kahit ni minsa'y 'di na maaninag ang mukha
o makakulitan man lamang sa mga pagtawa;
sapat nang maging bahagi ng pag-asa,
sa pagtudla at paglikha ng para sa kanila.
Sapagkat nais kong kanilang madatnan
isang lipunang 'di tulad ng kasalukuyan
kundi silangang tuwina ang pagpula,
at tinubuang lupa sa tuwa'y sagana.
Nais kong gagap ng kanilang murang diwa
ang gintong dunong na pundar ng paggawa
at ang dugong daloy sa ugat ng pagsinta
mula bata hanggang pagtanda
ay ang pinunla't inambag na paglaya
ng sambayanang siyang magiting na nakikibaka.
51 50
kung paano tayo tinuruang
manahimik sa klase
Rogene Gonzales
sinong maingay diyan sa likod ng row
four subukan niyo ngang magsalita dito
sa harap nang makita niyo kung gaano
kahirap ilista yang maingay na yan
namimihasa ka na ha bastos ka ba akala mo
nakakatawa ginagawa mo papatawag kita bukas
sa guidance office ka na dumiretso lumabas ka sa klase
ko walang hiya ka walang modo wag ka nang pumasok
pumapasok pa ba kayo ang babata niyo
pa bakit niyo kailangang mag-ingay pwede
naman natin itong mapag-usapan walang
mapapala ang pagprotesta niyo kundi gulo
mag-aral muna kayo in the future kapag nasa posisyon
din kayo maiintindihan niyo rin ang mga patakaran dito
kailangang sundin at ipatupad namin gusto natin payapang
nakikipag-ayos tayo basta bawal ang ginagawa niyong yan
alam niyo bang pwede kayong masuspend o ma-expel sa
ginagawa niyo handa naman kaming tugunan ang inyong
hinaing pero let's make ends meet remember this di lahat
ng gusto pwede di lahat ng kailangan maibibigay mga anak
anak ng di ba talaga kayo aalis sinabi ng bawal dito
ang ginagawa niyo di ba kayo tinuruan ng mga magulang
niyong sumunod sa batas hindi pwede ang ginagawa niyo
wala kayong permit sa pagrali umalis na kayo mga bingi ba kayo
nakakaabala na kayo sa mga tao umalis na kayo bibigyan
namin kayo ng limang minutong palugid kung hindi pa kayo
lalayas sabihin niyo sa mga kasamahan niyo hindi namin
kasalanan kung magkasakitan dito binalaan na namin kayo
anak ng puta hindi ka ba talaga aamin pinipilosopo mo ba ako akala
mo ba nagbibiro lang kami kilala mo ba kung sino kami may angas ka pa
umamin ka na kasi na ikaw ang pasimuno pinaglololoko mo ba ako
hindi ka pa rin magsasalita eh kayo tong laging umiingay sa kalsada
kilala ka namin umamin ka na umamin ka na kung ayaw mong
masaktan pa alam namin ang totoo mong pangalan ikaw si
ka bart alias mo yan nung umakyat ka kasama ka sa nangyaring
engkwentro noong nakaraan linggo asan ang tapang mo ngayon
hayop ka ha magbibilang ako ng tatlo kung gusto
mo pang makita ang pamilya mo
at makalabas dito ng buhay
tangina ka kumanta ka na kumanta
ka na tangina kang hayop ka
dahil maingay kang bata ka
kumanta ka kumanta ka
sa flag ceremony bukas
malinaw ba?
may
reklamo
ka?
51 50
kung paano tayo tinuruang
manahimik sa klase
Rogene Gonzales
sinong maingay diyan sa likod ng row
four subukan niyo ngang magsalita dito
sa harap nang makita niyo kung gaano
kahirap ilista yang maingay na yan
namimihasa ka na ha bastos ka ba akala mo
nakakatawa ginagawa mo papatawag kita bukas
sa guidance office ka na dumiretso lumabas ka sa klase
ko walang hiya ka walang modo wag ka nang pumasok
pumapasok pa ba kayo ang babata niyo
pa bakit niyo kailangang mag-ingay pwede
naman natin itong mapag-usapan walang
mapapala ang pagprotesta niyo kundi gulo
mag-aral muna kayo in the future kapag nasa posisyon
din kayo maiintindihan niyo rin ang mga patakaran dito
kailangang sundin at ipatupad namin gusto natin payapang
nakikipag-ayos tayo basta bawal ang ginagawa niyong yan
alam niyo bang pwede kayong masuspend o ma-expel sa
ginagawa niyo handa naman kaming tugunan ang inyong
hinaing pero let's make ends meet remember this di lahat
ng gusto pwede di lahat ng kailangan maibibigay mga anak
anak ng di ba talaga kayo aalis sinabi ng bawal dito
ang ginagawa niyo di ba kayo tinuruan ng mga magulang
niyong sumunod sa batas hindi pwede ang ginagawa niyo
wala kayong permit sa pagrali umalis na kayo mga bingi ba kayo
nakakaabala na kayo sa mga tao umalis na kayo bibigyan
namin kayo ng limang minutong palugid kung hindi pa kayo
lalayas sabihin niyo sa mga kasamahan niyo hindi namin
kasalanan kung magkasakitan dito binalaan na namin kayo
anak ng puta hindi ka ba talaga aamin pinipilosopo mo ba ako akala
mo ba nagbibiro lang kami kilala mo ba kung sino kami may angas ka pa
umamin ka na kasi na ikaw ang pasimuno pinaglololoko mo ba ako
hindi ka pa rin magsasalita eh kayo tong laging umiingay sa kalsada
kilala ka namin umamin ka na umamin ka na kung ayaw mong
masaktan pa alam namin ang totoo mong pangalan ikaw si
ka bart alias mo yan nung umakyat ka kasama ka sa nangyaring
engkwentro noong nakaraan linggo asan ang tapang mo ngayon
hayop ka ha magbibilang ako ng tatlo kung gusto
mo pang makita ang pamilya mo
at makalabas dito ng buhay
tangina ka kumanta ka na kumanta
ka na tangina kang hayop ka
dahil maingay kang bata ka
kumanta ka kumanta ka
sa flag ceremony bukas
malinaw ba?
may
reklamo
ka?
53 52
By Squander
Mark Angeles
Yolanda, you land
there in the heartland
of my native land.
With wind and water, you jackhammered
the living and lifeless; by your hammers
claw, you ripped up trees; and hammer
home to us what death means
for us. For us, it is having the means
to survive when we lose our means
by official squander.
Death by hunger, thirst, and squander
puts a price on the squanderers.
Women and children first
Mark Angeles
Women and children first
departed and ran for shelter.
But Yolandas eye was blind
like the heart of politicians
who have gone to the dogs.
Wind and waters sleight of handCategory 5
on par with the muscle
that ransacked public funds
ravaged island after island.
And left the people in their most vulnerable:
injured inside and out.
The living share stench and flies with the dead,
the uprooted coconut trees they waited for a decade
to yield, the rubbles.
The dead cant wait
for the government
and begins to decay.
Belated, the state carries out
its expertise: hoarding
and looting; digging
more mass graves.
Let the wreckage remind us:
Nobody gets spared.
We must carry on weathering
the storm of climate change
and globalization.
53 52
By Squander
Mark Angeles
Yolanda, you land
there in the heartland
of my native land.
With wind and water, you jackhammered
the living and lifeless; by your hammers
claw, you ripped up trees; and hammer
home to us what death means
for us. For us, it is having the means
to survive when we lose our means
by official squander.
Death by hunger, thirst, and squander
puts a price on the squanderers.
Women and children first
Mark Angeles
Women and children first
departed and ran for shelter.
But Yolandas eye was blind
like the heart of politicians
who have gone to the dogs.
Wind and waters sleight of handCategory 5
on par with the muscle
that ransacked public funds
ravaged island after island.
And left the people in their most vulnerable:
injured inside and out.
The living share stench and flies with the dead,
the uprooted coconut trees they waited for a decade
to yield, the rubbles.
The dead cant wait
for the government
and begins to decay.
Belated, the state carries out
its expertise: hoarding
and looting; digging
more mass graves.
Let the wreckage remind us:
Nobody gets spared.
We must carry on weathering
the storm of climate change
and globalization.
Pingkian: Journal for Emancipatory and
Anti-Imperialist Education
DOCUMENTS
& STATEMENTS
Pingkian 2, No. 2 (2014)
Pingkian: Journal for Emancipatory and
Anti-Imperialist Education
DOCUMENTS
& STATEMENTS
Pingkian 2, No. 2 (2014)
ACADEMIC CALENDAR SHIFT AND INTERNATIONALIZATION: Implementation Guidelines and Monitoring and Evaluation Plan
Implementation Areas CU Actions
and 3-Year
Timeframe
CU
Budget
Years
1-3
System
Actions
and 3-Year
Timeframe
System
Budget
Years
1-3
Monitoring

Year 1
Year 2
Evaluation
Year 3
1. Information Dissemination, Coordination, Storage, Monitoring
and Feedback

1.1. Develop a multimedia and social network-based public information
dissemination plan regarding the academic calendar shift and
internationalization (regional/local, national, regional, global).
1.2. Develop a multimedia and social network-based UP information
dissemination plan (within units, across units, within CU, across
CUs, to and from System).
1.3. Fast-track e-UP connectivity - facilities, operations, manpower
training to improve academic and administrative efficiency.
1.4. Set up an organized team with a leader/champion, manager and
implementers of the above.

2. Physical Infrastructure and Facilities
2.1. Install electric fans, cool air blowers, air conditioners, sun
screens/blinds/tints, roof/ceiling insulation in classrooms and
meeting/assembly places, outdoor/corridor water sprinklers.
2.2. Install solar panels, generators, voltage regulators, water recycling
systems.
2.3. Construct covered walks, waiting sheds, and water stations.
2.4. Construct well-ventilated, open air gyms/auditoriums as
convocation and social halls.
2.5. Construct, renovate, and expand student dormitories, faculty
housing and other facilities (food, sports, health and wellness
centers, infirmary) inside campus.
2.6. Arrange to rent housing for students and faculty outside campus in
the interim.
2.7. Improve transportation within campus.
2.8. Provide transportation to/from off campus housing.
2.9. Provide bicycles for rent or purchase, and provide bicycle lanes.
2.10.Monitor data on the above regularly and adjust actions accordingly.
2.11.Set up an organized team with a leader/champion, manager and
implementers of the above.

3. Security and Other Administrative Services
3.1. Strengthen security force and institute safety measures inside
buildings and outdoors.
3.2. Maintain order and cleanliness in indoor and outdoor facilities and
spaces.
3.3. Install lighting and alarm systems in dark, secluded places.
3.4. Ensure running water in all restrooms, food facilities, laboratories.
3.5. Streamline and speed up administrative processes, especially
procurement, for all academic and operational matters; reduce
bureaucracy and increase efficiency.
3.6. Extend the appointments of non-tenured faculty and staff.
3.7. Monitor data on the above regularly and adjust actions accordingly.
3.8. Set up an organized team with a leader/champion, manager and
implementers of the above.

4. Schedules
4.1. Plan the academic calendar - schedules of two semesters and short
summer classes - to meet required class days, integration,
examination/evaluation and grade submission periods, and pre-
registration, registration, orientation, dropping/leave of absence
deadlines, and commencement exercises.
4.2. Consider adjusting class hours to early morning and late afternoon
with mid-day free during hot months in the 2
nd
semester.
4.3. Plan and coordinate schedules of:
4.3.1. UPCAT exam, announcement of UPCAT results, advance
placement exams, graduate program application
4.3.2. high school/K-12 summer bridge programs, remedial
programs, advance placement programs
4.3.3. student assistance programs - the STS (Student Tuition
System), student scholarships, loans and assistantships
program
4.3.4. student outdoor class activities, field trips, OJTs/externships,
internships, job fairs and job interviews
4.3.5. licensure exams with PRC and bar exam with the SC
4.3.6. faculty and staff training, retooling, and strategic planning
workshops
4.3.7. hosting of national and international conferences
4.4. Observe national, regional, international cultural (and religious)
traditions, including UPs traditions, commemorate anniversaries
and feasts, plan celebrations on campus; adjust schedules if
necessary.

4.5. Monitor data on the above regularly and adjust actions accordingly.
4.6. Set up an organized team with a leader/champion, manager and
implementers of the above.
5. Finances and Fundraising
5.1. Generate significant income from tuition and other fees from
foreign students enrolment.
5.2. Raise additional/counterpart funds through the respective foreign
embassies, govt funding agencies and industries of the foreign
students.
5.3. Apply for funding for outbound undergraduate/graduate (UG/G) UP
students from CHED, other local govt funding agencies and local
industry.
5.4. Increase UP funding to support faculty/REPS and students to attend
international workshops and meetings and to enrol in courses for
credit in foreign universities, aside from increased support for PhD
fellowships, Visiting Professor Program, research conference travel
grants.
5.5. Seek foreign and local donors to build student dormitories, faculty
housing and other facilities.
5.6. Monitor data on the above regularly and adjust actions accordingly.
5.7. Set up an organized team with a leader/champion, manager and
implementers of the above.

6. Academics Degree Programs, Curricula, Course Content,
Pedagogy and Quality Assurance

6.1. Strengthen summer bridge programs for incoming freshmen;
organize summer training workshops and team-
building/leadership workshops for incoming freshmen.
6.2. Focus to improve leading undergraduate and graduate degree
programs, curricula and courses in the CUs niche area based on
CUs on-going academic program streamlining.
6.3. Strengthen, update, enrich the content of GE and majors courses
and key UG/G degree programs at par with international standards.
6.4. Instil rigor and depth of discussion of fundamental concepts and
principles; broaden the scope and underscore the relevance of
courses by infusing ones own research, creative work and
extension work into learning and discussion materials.
6.5. Stimulate critical, rational, creative, constructive, expansive, holistic
thinking and experiential/blended learning; promote value chain,
processive, complex, interdisciplinary approaches to innovation,

creativity and problem solving; expose students to balanced
national, regional, global viewpoints.
6.6. Explore new, progressive, pervasive, dynamic, technology-assisted
teaching and learning.
6.7. Establish mutually beneficial/symbiotic joint graduate degree
programs, graduate sandwich programs with coursework and
thesis within and across CUs, and with leading foreign universities,
benchmarked with international program standards, in areas of
competitive advantage (culture, arts, humanities, English) and need
(STEM, science, technology, engineering and mathematics) of UP
and the Philippines.
6.8. Structure courses per semester to allow inbound and outbound
students to earn course credits based on equivalent courses in
ASEAN universities under the ASEAN credit transfer system (ACTS).
6.9. Plan series of UP signature courses such as arts- and culture-
enriched GE courses, and advanced courses showcasing Philippine
culture, history (including natural history and biodiversity), belief
systems, literature, arts, and the humanities, and comparing these
with Eastern and Western culture, taught in expert English, and also
with exposure to Philippine languages and dialects; focus on the
relatedness of cultures and of nationalism and internationalism.
6.10. Subject leading UG degree programs to Quality Assurance (QA)
assessment.
6.10.Monitor data on the above regularly and adjust actions accordingly.
6.11.Set up an organized team with a leader/champion, manager and
implementers of the above.
7. Research, Creative Work, Intellectual Property, Global
Competitiveness

7.1. Pursue research and creative work with counterparts in leading
foreign universities with local and/or foreign funding; activate
MOAs/MOUs with leading foreign university partners.
7.2. Submit proposals with foreign counterparts to international funding
agencies and participate in international research programs.
7.3. Publish papers co-authored with foreign collaborators.
7.4. Pursue intellectual property, i.e., patents and copyrights, with
equitable sharing with foreign collaborators.
7.5. Pursue commercialization of UP R&D to contribute to global
competitiveness.

7.6. Monitor data on the above regularly and adjust actions accordingly.
7.7. Set up an organized team with a leader/champion, manager and
implementers of the above.
8. Extension Work, Public Service, Problem Solving
8.1. Identify local problems and common problems in the ASEAN region
and collaborate with foreign counterparts to develop R&D-based
interventions and policies to solve problems.
8.2. Participate in government and private sector initiatives on the
national and regional level.
8.3. Monitor data on the above regularly and adjust actions accordingly.
8.4. Set up an organized team with a leader/champion, manager and
implementers of the above.

9. Undergraduate Students
9.1. Promote study abroad-horizon broadening semester stints for top
UP UG students.
9.2. Promote joint student-faculty foreign stints, e.g., UP faculty is guest
lecturer or team teacher in a course in a foreign university where UP
students are enrolled.
9.3. Offer courses and credit transfers for foreign students on a semester
basis.
9.4. Host international UG student competitions, cultural exchange and
leadership meetings in UP.
9.5. Organize cultural immersion activities for foreign students in UP.
9.6. Monitor data on the above regularly and adjust actions accordingly.
9.7. Set up an organized team with a leader/champion, manager and
implementers of the above.

10. Graduate Students
10.1.Support inbound and outbound graduate student exchange for
graduate courses and training under joint degree and sandwich
programs, and research programs.
10.2. Support MS thesis and PhD dissertation and postdoctoral stints in
foreign universities.
10.3. Host doctoral and postdoctoral workshops and conferences in UP.
10.4. Monitor data on the above regularly and adjust actions accordingly
10.5. Set up an organized team with a leader/champion, manager and
implementers of the above.

11. Faculty and REPS
11.1. Support inbound and outbound faculty/REPS short 1-2 week visits
to establish linkages, followed by 1 month visits to conduct short
training workshops, followed by 1 year fellowships to establish
research collaborations and graduate student co-mentoring.
11.2. Promote outbound and inbound guest lecturing visits of UP faculty
during the semester study stints of UP UG/G students in foreign
universities; promote combined student-faculty exchanges.
11.3. Make use of UPs Visiting Professor Program, foreign-trained PhD
Faculty Recruitment Program, Expanded Modernization Program,
Research Dissemination (travel) Grant, EIDR and CWRG research
programs, to recruit foreign faculty and establish research
collaborations with foreign universities.
11.4. Host international R&D training workshops and conferences in UP.
11.5. Host international conferences, e.g., on Philippine and other
ASEAN and foreign cultures, on The role of higher education and R&D
in national and regional development, on relating nationalism and
internationalism.
11.5. Monitor data on the above regularly and adjust actions
accordingly.
11.6. Set up an organized team with a leader/champion, manager and
implementers of the above.
12. Administrative Staff
12.1.Train staff to address issues and concerns during the pilot phase of
implementation of the academic calendar shift.
12.2. Train staff to maintain and operate new facilities.
12.3. Hire staff with international communication skills to move forward
UPs internationalization plan.
12.4. Hire staff with special skills to deal with foreign students and
faculty and address the needs of UP students and faculty/REPS
abroad.
12.5. Monitor data on the above regularly and adjust actions
accordingly.
12.6. Set up an organized team with a leader/champion, manager and
implementers of the above.

13. International Academic Networks
13.1.Establish linkages between UP and foreign faculty and
administrators to plan mutually beneficial joint academic programs,
student and faculty exchange and research collaborations.
13.2. Participate in course credit transfer systems and Quality

Assurance (QA) assessments implemented by the networks.
13.3.Send UP students to international student leadership workshops
and meetings organized by network member universities.
13.4. Send UP faculty and researchers to research and training
conferences organized by the networks.
13.5. Host conferences as part of the network and invite speakers and
participants through the network.
13.6. Identify R&D topics and problems and challenges common to the
region where the network operates and organize regional research
teams.
13.7. Join consortia of universities to apply for support from funding
agencies for student and faculty mobility.
13.8. Monitor data on the above regularly and adjust actions
accordingly.
13.9. Set up an organized team with a leader/champion, manager and
implementers of the above.
14. Local and Foreign Funding Agencies
14.1.Obtain funding from CHED, DOST, AUN, USAID, EU and other
programs to support UP student and faculty academic exchange, MS,
PhD and postdoctoral programs and research training and
collaboration.
14.2. Obtain support from these agencies for foreign faculty and
students visiting UP.
14.3.Monitor data on the above regularly and adjust actions accordingly.
14.4. Set up an organized team with a leader/champion, manager and
implementers of the above.

15. Alumni and Industry
15.1. Provide OJTs and externship opportunities to local and foreign
students.
15.2. Provide consultancies for local faculty and foreign visiting
professors.
15.3. Explore commercialization of UP R&D to contribute to global
competitiveness.

15.4. Seek donations and sponsorships from foreign and local industries
for support facilities such as housing, transportation for students and
faculty.
15.5. Seek support to augment the compensation of UP and foreign
faculty.
15.6. Seek support for the study abroad horizon broadening program
of UP students.
15.7. Monitor data on the above regularly and adjust actions
accordingly.
15.8. Set up an organized team with a leader/champion, manager and
implementers of the above.
16. Alignment with National Government Agenda:
Internationalization and ASEAN Economic Cooperation in
Response to Globalization

16.1.Seek major funding for physical infrastructure from the national
government to support UPs academic calendar shift as part of UPs
internationalization plan.
16.2. Seek better compensation and incentives for UP faculty and staff
to be at par with faculty in ASEAN universities.
16.3. Seek assistance from DFA and DOLE in granting visas to foreign
students and work permits to foreign faculty coming to UP.
16.4. Seek assistance from Philippine embassies and consulates for UP
students and faculty on study or research stints in foreign
universities.
16.5 Seek representation for UP in ASEAN Economic Cooperation (AEC)
meetings to address higher education and R&D concerns in relation to
ASEAN integration and globalization.
16.6. Monitor data on the above regularly and adjust actions
accordingly.
16.7. Set up an organized team with a leader/champion, manager and
implementers of the above.


Monitoring and Evaluation Plan:
1. Select any/all of the above actions to pursue and indicate corresponding existing or requested budget.
2. Gather baseline data in the 1
st
Quarter of 2014 for actions to pursue.
3. Submit Monitoring Reports for Year 1 (February 2015) and Year 2 (February 2016) and Evaluation Report at the end of Year 3 (February
2017).
4. For each report, provide an Executive Summary with Annexes (of facts and figures).

Indicators for Success of Internationalization:
1. Percent increase in attraction of highly qualified incoming students including those from international market
2. Percent increase in graduation rates
3. Percent increase in quality and achievements of graduates
4. Percent increase in efficient and qualified faculty and academic staff including those from international market
5. Percent increase in MOAs with high ranking Higher Education Institutions (HEIs) actively implemented
6. Percent increase in faculty/researcher/student exchange inbound and outbound
7. Percent increase in academic joint degree/sandwich programs
8. Percent increase in PhD/MS graduates, publications and other outputs from international collaborations
9. Percent increase in faculty/REPS research and creative collaborations (programs/projects) and research and creative outputs (publications,
patents, copyrights)
10. Percent increase in trainings/seminars/conferences
11. Percent increase in degree programs that pass Quality Assurance assessment and other academic international standards
12. Percent increase in successful industry partnership and other extension services/contributions to society

OVPAA v.3 20 Feb 2014
Philippine Higher Education Institutions and World Rankings:
Thinking Outside the Box

I. The World University Ranking Systems: A Backgrounder

Rankings have been created and done for many types of individuals and
institutions and even for countries/economies. With the rise in the usage of e-
communication technologies and networkings, the rankings put on spotlight those
who/which are in the list and not in the list, depending on the type of
ranking/listing and the credibility/popularity of the originators/authors of the list.
Still, there are a few stakeholders who ignore some rankings for one reason or
another.

University ranking systems have been shaping the world of Higher
Educational Institutions (HEIs) during the last two decades. Nations have been
driven to increase investments on HEIs to raise the quality of education. Academic
performance and over-all reputation of high ranked universities/HEIs consequently
increase demand for their graduates locally and internationally. Higher rankings of
universities are likewise equated with high impact research/creative work
outcomes and innovations which invite the interest of relevant investors and better
from the government.

Philippine Universities/HEIs, hence, should be aware of the significance of
ranking systems and its impacts on the development of higher education, as these
present a clear challenge to be globally competitive and significantly contribute to
the nations intellectual capital towards its socio-economic growth. In this regard,
the Commission on Higher Education (CHED), the Development Academy of the
Philippines (DAP), and the University of the Philippines (UP) held a Conference on
International Rankings and Its Implications for Philippine Higher Education
Institutions on 3-4 July 2013. The conference aimed to serve as venue for dialogue
between an international ranking group (i.e. QS World University Rankings) and
Philippine universities, and a forum for discussions on how the latter can
communicate ideas on what should also matter in ranking universities/HEIs based
on their collective ideals and experiences.

The following were the objectives of the conference:

1. provide greater awareness of the implications of international
rankings to Philippine Higher Education Institutions (HEIs);
2. review and assess the criteria and guidelines used in the World
University Rankings (WUR), particularly that of Quacquarelli Symonds
(QS) and Thomson Reuters (TR);
3. asess and make recommendations pertinent to the rankings of
Philippine HEIs; and
4. initiate/facilitate dialogue among Philippine universities/HEIs
towards the development of a national strategy in relation to
international rankings and make recommendations toward the
development the aforementioned national strategy.






I. Workshop Results

A. On the Criteria, Relevance, Context of World University
Rankings

The workshop participants (who were grouped into 5 with about 20
members each) generally expressed the belief that the University Ranking Systems
(QS and TR) are relevant and criteria used are proxies for internationalization. The
Ranking Systems have been viewed by the participants as unavoidably significant,
an incentive for improvement and a tool for recognition. Hence, Philippine
universities should be encouraged/ should participate in these systems. There were
however philosophical underpinnings that were voiced out by some participants
like, the system seem to be a homogenization and should consider economic
inequalities among universities/HEIs from different countries/regions which are in
various stages of development, not to mention cultural diversity amongst these
countries. For example, the higher education landscape in the Philippines could be
considered different even from the rest Asia considering its socio-culturalk diversity
primarily influenced by the variety of influence from its neighbors by virtue of its
geographic location and archipelagic nature.

Academic Reputation which is based heavily on research outputs/impacts
(publication, innovation and citation) could not be hurdled by most Philippines HEIs
except those that could afford to undertake research. Academic loading in most
HEIs in the country are based mainly on teaching with research being undertaken
by a few faculty i.e. from 1% to 10% in the faculty. Research funds are limited and
facilities not at par with the requirements of the field; hence, outputs are quite few
and some are not publishable. From the arts and humanities group, there was the
opinion that in the ranking system, creative productivity seemed to be not
appropriately and adequately nuanced and could be missed out but this is
significant in shaping knowledge generation and dissemination in HEIs.

Student-faculty ratio being used as a metric for academic reputation in the
world rankings does not capture quality education completely. It is not reflective of
the HEIs performance indicators. Faculty/student interactions should produce
student competencies that could not be shown by ratios.

Extension programs are not explicitly considered in the metrics of the
ranking systems but are being undertaken by most universities/HEIs in the
Philippines. These are not income generating but contribute to the development of
the country specifically in the rural areas, although it can be argued that this could
be considered under research impact.

Graduate employability seems to be improperly quantified for the
Philippines, considering that a good percentage of graduates from Philippines HEI
have been employed by leading government and non-government agencies and
organization outside of the country and, in fact contributing to the development of
the countries wherein they are employed.

The systems world rating/criteria are proxies of internationalization of the
universities. In the Philippines, many HEIs find it difficult to reconcile nationalism
with internationalism, and therefore subsequently internalizing and
operationalizing internationalization and globalization within its system. Finally,
it was the opinion of some participants that the US and European universities have
been apparently the benchmark for excellence the systems should capture realities
worldwide in the internationalization process in this rapidly changing world.


B. SWOT Analysis and Suggested Strategies for
Internationalization/University Ranking

Strengths and Opportunities

Philippine universities/HEIs are considered with creative, resourceful,
innovative and resilient human resource (faculty, researchers, staff and students), in
almost all the fields. The graduates are employable locally and in some fields globally
competitive. The national environment is highly diversified and rich in research
topics. The same goes for the culture and heritage. Proficiency in English by all
sectors in the academe (and the society) is one very strong asset in this
globalization wave where English is the medium for communication.
Opportunities are wide and open with ASEAN integration and other networkings
regionally and globally; more funding opportunities locally are now being joined.

Weaknesses and Threats

Low percentage of faculty with Ph.D. in many universities/HEIs is
considered a weakness for this means lack of expertise in both research and
teaching. Fast turnover rate of faculty (particularly those with Ph.D.) due to low
salary and lack of other incentives, is still a major problem for a number of HEIs
especially those that are government-funded/not income generating.

Low productivity in research and creative work is limited by teaching
overload in most universities/HEIs, worsened by lack of facilities and funds. In
other HEIs perception that research is difficult needs to be tackled by the
administration/leadership where motivation and enabling environment are most
needed. Replication of specializations between many HEIs and even in sub-units of
universities is one weakness because funds could not be optimized or focused.
Salaries and incentive package for academics and staff are considered weaknesses
and threats because locals tend to go to greener pastures i.e. abroad to gain more
economically.

Enabling laws and policies are still lacking to enhance research/creative
activities locally and undertake academic linkages and collaborations globally.
Faculty and student inward and outward mobility lack government legislation and
support from relevant agencies. Basically, although the country has gained a hit of
popularity for tourism with the Its More Fun in the Philippines advertisement,
students and faculty from abroad are still wary of the Philippines because of its
peace and order image. Further, many universities cannot offer decent and
sufficient accommodation, housing for incoming faculty/experts and students.

Mismatch of Philippine academic year with the rest of the region/world is
one set back because it can cause delays for outbound and even inbound, students
and faculty; and many other related efforts. Finally, too open, too hospitable too
subservient attitudes/values common to Filipinos could be a weakness in the
attempt to become internationalized according to some participants.




C. Recommendations/Strategies towards Internationalization

The participants agree that a National Higher Education R&D and
Internationalization Strategy/Agenda should be developed and implemented the
soonest. The strategy is to have priority inter-university researches through
partnerships locally (and internationally) with funds coming from various sources.
Niches for research (and teaching) should be considered in this partnerships
including thrusts of the national government and if relevant those of international
funding agencies. For enhanced participation of qualified (which is quite few)
faculty/researcher, incentives should be packaged for these multi-transdisciplinary
research/creative works. Legislation/s specific to research and the implementation
of the proposed HEI R&D and Internationalization Strategy/Agenda should be made
for its successful implementation. Monitoring of productivity in terms of
publications, and Ph.D. graduates etc. should be closely done and be the basis for
further reward system. Upgrade of key research centers and their satellites should
be implemented wherein focused utilization of funds could become beneficial to a
greater number of institutions compared to giving insufficient enhancement to
several/many institutes. Key plantilla positions for research/creative works should
be supported in HEIs.

A well-planned faculty development which includes Ph.D. fellowships and
recruitment should have research/creative productivity as a primary indicator.
Foreign faculty should be considered in areas where their expertise are needed;
mentors for research and teaching could be availed of through co-programs
sandwich programs with high ranking university. Teaching underloading and
retooling of faculty could help them engage in productive, research and creative
activities.

Curricular programs should be research and creative work based,
internationalized and demands locally/globally systematically considered.
Benchmarking of curricular offerings with the best universities result to enhanced
academic quality and improved changes of international academic collaboration;
International Quality Assurance should be done periodically on these offerings;
being research/creative work based-publications/ other universally-cited and
measurable outputs can be required for graduation. Universities should strive to
seek double degrees and sandwich programs with high ranked universities taking
into consideration all types of costs and benefits in the process, and CHED could help
HEIs to be more strategic in this regard. A Philippine version of quality
accreditations could be developed/used as an additional option but not disregarding
the international quality assurance standards.

Universities/HEIs should improve admission requirements particularly
with the K-12 curricula, students could be screened well as to qualities of
successfully completing their degrees are their employability. CHED could help in
the development of Graduate Tracer Strategies locally and in the region, with
achievements documented made available and serve as icons to students/where they
have graduated, and the country in general.

Suggestions to the Commission on Higher Education (CHED), Department of
Education (DEPED) and Other Rlevant Agencies

Consideration of the following was suggested.
1. School/Academic calendar should be aligned with the rest of the world;
2. Institutional/fiscal autonomy for State Universities and Colleges (SUCs)
to generate income from R&D;
3. Varying tiers of support for different HEIs to develop research and
internationalization;
4. Harmonize and rationalize HEIs according to World University
Rankings vis-a-vis national setting;
5. Institutionalize systematic relationship between academic and
industry/stakeholders for better partnership;
6. Require graduate programs have research/creative work and
publications/outputs as requirements for graduation;
7. With the ASEAN integration coming closer at 2015, HEIs should be
aware of its relative position and coping mechanisms put in place; and
8. Legislative and Executive Agencies have enabling laws, policies and
mechanisms for internationalization, and mobility of faculty and students.

I. Conclusions and Lessons from other Countries

Building global universities/HEIs in the context of developing versus
developed world could really pose several difficult challenges and decisions would
entail economic and socio-political considerations. Even within a university there
could be problems of operationalizing nationalism with internationalism. A
strong leadership, appropriate strategies and indicators and rewards have been the
formula for some success stories in Asia.

Vice-President Bajpai, President of the Association of Indian Universities,
the worlds largest network of university, reports (2013) that India was at first
adverse to opening up to internationalization with the feeling of some sectors that
the interests of India will not be protected. Eventually it was decided that with
appropriate legislation, floodgates can be opened and India can enlist help of
foreign universities to increase academic capacity and provide competition that can
spur greater quality in local institutions.

Indonesia, according to Prof. Suharchiyanto of Bogor University, included in
its 2010 Master Plan for Economy new targets for its universities, considering the
improvements in education that could spark exponential growth in Indonesias
economy. The government has set aside 1% of its Gross Domestic Product (GDP) for
innovation in research and development up to year 2014.

Singapore, on the other hand, according to Prof. Anderson of Nanyang
Technological University aims to deviate 3% of its GDP to R&D and universities, and
have pursued a top-down approach for planning and implementation strategy to
achieve excellence in teaching and research.

Vietnam took a braver and could be a faster path to a global university. The
University of Science and Technology in Hanoi was established, which aims to
produce 1,000 Ph.D. graduates and ventured with co-programs (split programs)
with international universities. This political will emanated from the paradigm that
unless you change the institutional culture and mindset it is going to be very
difficult to become world class.

Prof. Hiley of the University of Canterbury in New Zealand believes that
policy makers in the university and government can study trends across the
regions and make better, more informed choices about the future of higher
education in their countries.

12 August 2013
The Philippines is at the crossroads where leaders of government and civil
societies and the entire nation have to make decisions particularly in relation to the
ASEAN 2015 integration. Shall the HEIs go regional/global? Are we helping move
the country to become more competitive towards a thriving economy for security
and prosperity? Have we integrated and are we competitive with the rest of the
universities of the Region? The Globe?

The conference participants who are academic heads/top administrators
from leading UP and HEIs in the country have generally agreed that there seem to
be more short and long-term benefits in seriously considering internationalization
and University Ranking Systems.



1

Annex 1

International Conference on Strengthening the Internationalization
Strategies of Philippine Higher Education Institutions (HEIs)
3 to 4 July 2013
Crowne Plaza Hotel, Ortigas Center, Metro Manila, Philippines

Rationale

Internationalization is essential for the future development of Philippine
Higher Education Institutions (HEIs). Leading universities in the Philippines i.e.
University of the Philippines, Ateneo de Manila University and De La Salle
University, have long begun to internationalize their academic
activities/campuses. The move to internationalize is an imperative, given the
changes in our socio-political, economic and cultural landscapes and the desire of
universities always to be at the forefront of teaching, research and extension work.
Furthermore, Philippine universities/HEIs are being challenged today to produce
graduates who can compete in the global market by producing researches that can
contribute to the growth and development of their communities, and enhance the
reputation of their respective universities.

Meanwhile, despite recognized apprehensions on world academic
rankings, Philippine universities/HEIs cannot ignore the genuine economic and
social values attached to their academic reputation, e.g. in the recruitment of
international students. Incidentally, a large percentage of the indicators used by
the QS World University Rankings
(http://www.topuniversities.com/university-rankings) and Thomson Reuters
Higher Education Rankings (http://www.timeshighereducation.co.uk/world-
university-rankings/) to measure the competitiveness of universities, deal with
the elements of internationalization.

It is in this context that the International Conference on Strengthening
the Internationalization Strategies of Philippine Higher Education
Institutions (HEIs) is being held on 3 to 4 July 2013. The conference aims to
facilitate the building and strengthening of structures and competencies among
Philippine universities/HEIs in developing strong and sustainable international
programs and activities. The conference also aims to serve as a venue for dialogue
between an international ranking group, i.e. QS World University Rankings, and
Philippine universities/HEIs and a discussion on how the latter can communicate
ideas on what should also matter in ranking universities/HEIs based on their
collective ideals and experiences.

Targeted speakers for the conference are Ms. Mandy Mok of QS World
University Rankings and Mr. Michael Fung of the Hong Kong University of Science
and Technology international office, internationalization experts, who shall discuss
the general trends in higher education and institutional structures for
internationalization. Mr. Pio Salvador Ramon Omana of Elsevier and Ms. Ng Hui
Ling of Elsevier/Scopus will also speak on the requirements of

2

international/internationally indexed journals and the support/advice that can be
provided by Elsevier and Scopus.






Conference/Workshop Objectives

1. Provide greater awareness of the internationalization of leading
universities/HEIs
2. Review and assess criteria and guideline for World University Rankings
(WUR), i.e. QS and Thomson Reuters
3. Assess and make recommendations pertinent to the
WUR/internationalization of Philippine universities/HEIs
4. Review and assess Philippine universities/HEIs Strength, Weakness,
Opportunities and Threats (SWOT) in relation to the WUR
5. Transform academic leaders to become internationalization champions of
their respective universities/HEIs
6. Initiate/facilitate dialogue among Philippine universities/HEIs towards
the development of a national strategy on internationalization and make
recommendations toward the development of a national strategy on
internationalization of Philippine universities/HEIs


Participating Universities

1. University of the Philippines (UPD, UPM, UPLB, UPV, UPC, UPMin)
2. Ateneo de Manila
3. De La Salle University
4. University of Sto. Tomas
5. Other Universities recommended by the Commission on Higher Education
(CHED)
CHED
Development Academy of the Philippines (DAP)
Press


Targeted Participants

Heads of HEIs (Presidents, Chancellors, Rectors, Vice-Chancellors for
Academic Affairs, R&D)
CHED and DAP
Heads of International Offices
Heads of Publication Offices, Editors and Journalists



3

Matrix of Questions to be addressed during the Workshop

Objective #1
Are the context and rationale for World University Rankings i.e., QS and TR
relevant and appropriate to Philippine universities/HEIs and those from
other developing countries?
Can Philippine universities/HEIs be appropriately evaluated by the
current guidelines/criteria of QS (and other) World Ranking instruments?


Objective #2
What are the criteria/guidelines in these instruments that do not
appropriately/realistically apply to Philippine universities/HEIs? Provide
clear and specific reasons?
What recommendations can be made to WUR agencies revise these
criteria in order to capture realities/conditions and experiences in the
Philippines and other developing countries?

Objective # 3
In general, what are the Strength, Weakness, Opportunities and Threats
(SWOT) of Philippine universities/HEIs in relation to internationalization
and world rankings?

Objective # 4
What should be done by the government through CHED and Philippine
universities/HEIs to bring Philippine universities/HEIs to the top 400 of
the world and the top 100 of Asia?
What important aspects of a national higher education, R&D and
internationalization strategy/policy can be initiated/developed beginning
2013?

Symbiosis/Mutualism and the University of the Philippines
Enhanced and Strategic Internationalization Agenda up.edu.ph
Internationalization is a universitys response to globalization, which is the strong and growing
interdependence of countries, economies and cultures (Stromquist 2007). It is the
fusion/hybridization of academic culture and pedagogy, including ethos and value systems, of
universities across nations. It provides the opportunity for strengthening academic resources, while
retaining the universitys distinct identity in the fast changing world. It is therefore essential for the
future development of the University of the Philippines (UP) and other Philippine Higher Education
Institutions (HEIs) to pursue internationalization, given the rapid changes in the socio-political,
economic and cultural landscapes, and the desire of universities always to be at the forefront of
teaching, research and extension work.
Internationalization is being vigorously and aggressively undertaken by many universities in
developed and developing countries, including those which were not as open before. In fact now,
the most internationalized nations are the most nationalistic ones.
The ASEAN Economic Cooperation 2015/Integration 2020 aims to form an ASEAN Economic
Community (AEC) which is the transformation of 10 member countries of ASEAN into a single
market and production base for the free flow of goods, services, investment, capital and skilled
labor. The AEC is further characterized as a highly competitive region of equitable economic
development and a region fully integrated into the global economy (http://www.asean.org
/communities/asean-economic-community). Philippine universities and others in the ASEAN region
are being challenged today to produce graduates who can compete in the global market and
undertake researches that can contribute to the growth and development of their communities.
These academic activities could also enhance the reputation of their respective universities. It is
then expected from UP and other Philippine HEIs to have greater mobility of faculty and students,
to have international quality programs and more collaborative research and curricular activities,
and to meet higher employer standards.
The 2008 Charter of the University of the Philippines (UP), mandates the national university to (1)
lead in setting academic standards and initiating innovations in teaching, research, and faculty
development; (2) serve as a graduate university by providing advanced studies and specialization
for scholars, scientists, writers, artists, and professionals; (3) serve as a research university in
various fields of expertise and specialization by conducting basic and applied research; (4) lead as
a public service university b providing various forms of community, public and volunteer service;
and (5) serve as a regional and global university in cooperation with international and scientific
unions, network universities, scholarly and professional associations in the Asia Pacific region and
around the world.
Internationalization is not new to most units of UP. Research/creative work collaboration with other
universities/HEIs abroad has been done since its founding more than 100 years ago. International
mobility has been generally undertaken by faculty members/staff some of whom are PhD
graduates of foreign universities.
UP (and other Philippine HEIs) should strive to promote Philippine consciousness/culture and
products/services, while appreciating/benefiting from those of partner universities. The relationship
should be more of symbiosis with partners almost of equal footing/level or gaining something
Symbiosis/Mutualism and the University of the Philippines Enhanc... http://www.up.edu.ph/symbiosismutualism-and-the-university-of-the-phi...
1 of 3 5/31/2014 10:29 PM
vital from each other; or a mutualism where each partner has strength/s to share with the other.
The relationship should be assessed so that one should not become a predator nor a prey to the
other. For this reason, UP is developing its capabilities to be able to enter this
internationalization/globalization arena well-prepared, ready for productive and beneficial
partnership/engagement.
UP has several activities/organizational structures that are being enhanced by the present
administration. All eight Constituent Universities (CUs) of UP have been developing an office
and/or staff addressing the needs for internationalization. Communications and data
banking/analysis among CUs and other partners are facilitated through the e-UP portal for
internationalization. The Office of Institutional Linkages (OIL) of the UP System coordinates all the
above-mentioned offices in terms of disseminating available scholarships and shortterm courses,
calls for paper presenters, creation of possible collaborations in research and publications,
participation in the ASEAN-University Network ASEAN Credit Transfer System (AUN-ACTS), etc.
Enrichment of the database of foreign university partners, projects and activities for consistent
monitoring is ongoing. Strengthening of former partnerships and creation of new ones with top
universities and associations, especially those where outstanding UP graduate students have had
ongoing researches and programs, are also being undertaken. Active participation in international
events/conferences as research paper readers, membership in Steering/Executive Committees,
and hosting of international conferences are being carried out. Facilitation of research/training
partnerships with universities has been initiated. Other faculty/student and researcher development
include support for (a) the acquisition of Masters, PhD and postdoctoral fellowships, (b)
implementation of UP Visiting Professor Program and (c) research dissemination travel grant and
(d)international publication awards.
A Foreign-trained Filipino PhD Recruitment Program has been started to increase the number of
PhD advisor/senior researchers especially in areas needed for development but for which the
country lacks the expertise.
Recent efforts that have been spearheaded by UP with the help of the Commission on Higher
Education (CHED) and the Development Academy of the Philippines (DAP) involved the
improvement of understanding by the UP community (and other Philippine HEIs) of the value of
internationalization (internalization) through the hosting of the following international conferences
and workshop: (a) mini-symposium on marine biodiversity and neurosciences with HKUST
(Hongkong University of Science and Technology, which is ranked number one in the QS Asia
University Rankings, in June 2013; (b) mini-conference on internationalization with speakers from
Quacquarelli Symonds (QS), HKUST and Elsevier/SCOPUS in July 2013; (c) workshop on Building
International Collaborations for Philippine HEIs and Graduate Sandwich Programs with experts
from ASEA-UNINET (ASEAN-European University Network) Member Universities in November
2013; (d) International Conference on Shakespeare in Asia and (e) International Conference on
Women Studies, both in December 2013.
Other endeavors were focused on the internationalization of academic programs such as (a)
planning for the shift of the academic calendar to the western calendar to harmonize the sandwich
program activities and research collaborations with partner foreign universities; (b) development of
advanced General Education (GE) courses to support K-12 education reform and prepare college
graduates for international employment and graduate studies; and (c) promotion of joint degree,
sandwich and accelerated graduate programs with leading foreign universities. In addition, results
Symbiosis/Mutualism and the University of the Philippines Enhanc... http://www.up.edu.ph/symbiosismutualism-and-the-university-of-the-phi...
2 of 3 5/31/2014 10:29 PM
azanza
of research and creative works are also internationalized via transformation of UP journals to
e-journals. Academic research collaborations with leading foreign universities are being reviewed
and strategic activities are being planned for the next three years.
Challenges that may hamper internationalization include (1) lengthy processing time of visas
(faculty and student); (2) safety and security of inbound students, and in rare cases also outbound
students; (3) implementation of the shift of academic calendar that varies from the worlds
academic calendar; (4) UP/the national university has limited slots for foreign students; and (5)
courses offered in some undergraduate programs do not meet the needs of the international
community.
When a student/faculty or institution desires or plans to consider an academic exchange activity
with another, there are those so-called push and pull factors. Both factors make the exchange
or visit/collaboration possible and eventually this becomes successful. The push factors are
those that make the potential partner/academic institution become stimulated or assured that the
engagement will be successful and these would include (1) academic productivity/tract record of
the institution/partner, and (2) facilities of the institution. The pull factor is a dragging/drawing
factor such as (1) additional benefits e.g. eco-tourism and other educational trips that can be done
in the host country; (2) peace and security in the country/area; and (3) the ease in getting travel
documents, etc. Hence, not all academic exchanges can be realized because some
challenges/hindrances cannot yet be timely met or not met at all. Government (national and local)
and private organization support are therefore necessary requirements in a universitys
internationalization effort.
Despite the challenges and considering the advances and successes so far made, the University
of the Philippines has been on the tract towards productive and beneficial internationalization.
The University is appropriately positioning itself in the highly competitive global field, gaining
academic strengths, collaborators and friends for the benefit of the country.

Rhodora V. Azanza, Ph.D is currently an Assistant Vice-President for


Academic Affairs of the University of the Philippines and Director of the Office
of Institutional Linkages. She is also a Professor of Marine Science and former
Dean of the College of Science, University of the Philippines-Diliman.
E-mail Address: rhodaazanza@gmail.com

References:
ASEAN Economic Community. 2012. Accessed in <http://www.asean.org/communities/asean-
economic-community> on November 2013.
Stromquist N. 2007. Internationalization as a response to globalization: Radical shifts in university
environments. Higher Education 53:81-105.
Symbiosis/Mutualism and the University of the Philippines Enhanc... http://www.up.edu.ph/symbiosismutualism-and-the-university-of-the-phi...
3 of 3 5/31/2014 10:29 PM
8eply of uean Lrnlel 8arrlos Lo Lhe column of rof. Monsod on leb.13, 2014 whlch refers Lo Lhe
regresslon analysls made by rof. ue ulos.
May l polnL ouL some baslc lssues regardlng Lhe reference of rof. Monsod ln her column daLed
lebruary 13, 2014? She was referrlng Lo Lhe regresslon analysls ln Lhe paper of rof. ue ulos presenLed
durlng Lhe forum on Lhe academlc calendar shlfL ln u ulllman. 1he regresslon analysls referred Lo
conslders percenLage of lnLernaLlonal sLudenLs/faculLy as dependenL varlable wlLh academlc calendar
(dummy varlable), academlc repuLaLlon, faculLy Lo sLudenL raLlo, papers per faculLy, and lnLernaLlonal
faculLy as lndependenL varlables. 8esulLs lndlcaLed LhaL Lhe dummy varlable academlc calendar"
lndlcaLed LhaL Lhe esLlmaLed regresslon coefflclenL ls noL slgnlflcanL. 1hen rof. ue ulos concluded LhaL
Lhe change of academlc calendar wlll noL slgnlflcanLly conLrlbuLe Lo lnLernaLlonallzaLlon of u". 1he
followlng lssues could ralse quesLlons on Lhe valldlLy of hls concluslons:
1. non-re[ecLlon of Lhe null hypoLhesls does noL necessarlly mean LhaL Lhe null hypoLhesls ls Lrue.
ln sLaLlsLlcs, we flnd evldence agalnsL Lhe null hypoLhesls and we can only conclude LhaL Lhe null
ls false buL noL LhaL Lhe null ls Lrue.
2. uurlng Lhe presenLaLlon, rof. ue ulos noLed LhaL when Lhe academlc calendar varlable ls
removed, Lhe coefflclenL of deLermlnaLlon drops by a large amounL. 1hls ls clear evldence of Lhe
mulLlcolllnearlLy problem whlch ls very clear from Lhe lndependenL varlables used. 1hus,
esLlmaLed coefflclenLs are very unsLable and LhaL could be Lhe reason why Lhe coefflclenL for
academlc calendar ls noL slgnlflcanL. Pad Lhere been correcL mlLlgaLlon for Lhe problem of
mulLlcolllnearlLy, Lhe coefflclenL may sLlll Lurn ouL Lo be slgnlflcanL.
3. WlLh a dlscreLe dependenL varlable or a llmlLed dependenL varlable, a llnear model wlll be an
overslmpllflcaLlon of Lhe regresslon sLrucLure. 1hus, afLer flLLlng a llnear model plagued wlLh
problems, lL ls noL approprlaLe Lo go lmmedlaLely Lo Lhese concluslons.

We Leach sLaLlsLlcs sLudenLs Lo furLher search for a more approprlaLe model before we flnally
declare LhaL lndeed, Lhere ls or Lhere ls no emplrlcal evldence Lo a cerLaln hypoLhesls, ln Lhls case,
LhaL academlc calendar wlll noL maLLer ln Lhe lnLernaLlonallzaLlon of u".

Lrnlel 8. 8arrlos, hu
rofessor and uean of Lhe School of SLaLlsLlcs
unlverslLy of Lhe hlllpplnes
ulllman, Cuezon ClLy

Does the academic calendar matter?
By Solita Collas-Monsod
Philippine Daily Inquirer
11:02 pm | Friday, February 14th, 2014

Read more: http://opinion.inquirer.net/71582/does-the-academic-calendar-matter#ixzz2tNklurlr
Follow us: @inquirerdotnet on Twitter | inquirerdotnet on Facebook


Reply of AVPAA Marilou Nicolas to the article of Prof. Ramon Guillermo

It is unfortunate that Prof. Ramon Guillermo missed the point of the proposal to change the academic
calendar to synchronize the start of classes with our regional and international partners. The first
reason he cited the blazing Philippine summer - is irrelevant as Philippine seasons are the same as
other ASEAN countries found in the same latitude. However, these ASEAN countries still start their
academic calendar in August or September notwithstanding the fact that their second term will also
fall during their own blazing summers. In addition, the discomfort in classrooms can be remedied by
structural changes in infrastructure or facilities such as air-conditioning units. If we have to serve
the Filipino students, it is to provide them the competitive advantage when they graduate from our
programs by providing them exposure to other cultures and education through student mobility. It is
a value-added advantage to our students that will make them stand out among the rest of the world.
Thus, as faculty members, we strive to give them all the tools necessary for them to compete in the
labor arena or in post-graduate education should they aim to pursue a career in the academe. In a
highly competitive world, brain circulation will allow students to have the global perspective,
intercultural experience and language skills they can derive from an international or regional
experience.

The second argument is in fact a support for the justification to shift the academic calendar. There
are many reasons why international students do not enroll in UP. We can only surmise why although
some reasons may be the quality of our programs, the bureaucratic maze they have to go through in
order to enroll as full-time students in the University and others including our academic calendar.
Inbound students find it difficult to enroll in June, since their classes are yet to end in May. On the
other hand, outbound students cannot enroll for just one semester even in universities in the ASEAN
since classes end in December, which is already mid-second semester in the Philippines. It is by not
providing an enabling mechanism that prevents our students from internationalizing.

Below is a table that shows a comparison of enrolled tertiary students across Asia which shows the
Philippines lagging behind in student mobility compared with other countries in the region.

0
2
4
6
8
10
12
14
0
50,000
100,000
150,000
200,000
250,000
300,000
350,000
400,000
450,000
500,000
TOMRs (% of enrolled tertiary students abroad) &
student numbers vary greatly across Asia
Number abroad % of enrolled tertiary students abroad


Kritz, MM. (2012). Globalization of Higher Education and International Student Mobility (a
presentation to the United Nations Expert Group Meeting on New Trends in Migration: Demographic
Aspects Population Division)

Between 2000 and 2011, the number of international students has more than doubled with 53%
coming from Asia (Education Indicators in Focus 2013/05 (July) OECD 2013). Current trends
are also showing that more Asian students prefer to pursue their studies outside their home country,
yet within Asia the so-called glocal education path. Asians would like to be educated by the
worlds leading universities to give them better opportunities upon graduation and expose them to
new trends and new cultures. Currently, a growing number of Asian universities, particularly in
Singapore, Hongkong, China, Japan, Thailand and Malaysia are acquiring reputations as world
leaders. Thus Asian students could stay within Asia, spend less but still receive a world-class
education. http://www.topuniversities.com/university-rankings-articles/asian-university-
rankings/universities-asia-major-competitors-international-students. Transnational education,
defined as education for students based in a different country to the degree-awarding institution, is
also becoming increasingly popular as this even costs less with students staying in a different
country only for a short period of time. With the ASEAN integration, it is expected that education will
play a crucial role in such community. Student mobility, credit transfers, quality assurance and
research clusters were identified as the four main priorities to harmonize the ASEAN higher
education system (http://www.topuniversities.com/where-to-study/region/asia/rise-glocal-
education-asean-countries).
While the UP Diliman UC voted to disapprove the proposal, the majority of the UP constituents
consisting of 8 CUs voted to approve the proposal to shift the academic calendar. Seven (7) CUs
constituting 55% of the population of the University approved the shift to August as the start of the
academic year. It should also be clear that academic calendars are approved by the BOR, but not by
the University Council. Both the old (Section 9, RA 1870) and new (Section 17 RA 9500) UP Charter
specify the power of the UC which includes admission, prescription of academic programs, other
curricular matters and approval of the conferment of degrees or graduation.
Marilou G. Nicolas, PhD
Assistant Vice President for Academic Affairs
Director, Center for Integrative Development Studies
University of the Philippines System

Professor and former Dean, College of Arts and Sciences
University of the Philippines Manila


UPs impractical proposal
http://opinion.inquirer.net/67851/ups-impractical-proposal
December 22, 2013
This is a reaction to the news report titled UP board mulls moving class opening to August (Metro,
12/20/13).

First of all, imagine a public elementary or high school scenario where at least 70 students are seated
in a packed classroom with no (working) electric fans while their teacher is struggling hard to teach
at the height of the blazing Philippine summer. One can easily imagine how impractical changing the
academic calendar would be for Philippine basic education. It must be emphasized, however, that
these same students are the ones which UP must strive to serve first of all. These are the students UP
must at all costs not leave behind. With its proposal to desynchronize the UP academic calendar with
the whole of Philippine basic education and all other state universities and colleges, the UP
administration seems to be deluding itself that UP is not a public university pledged to serve the
Filipino people above all.

The UP administration has not offered any study which proves that the proposed calendar change
will not impact negatively on the universitys accessibility to Filipino undergraduate and graduate
students. The administrations flimsy five-page proposal offers no evidence that there is any
substance to what they claim as their main objective: international student mobility. What
percentage of UP students will actually enroll abroad, in the Asean countries or in Europe in between
their regular semesters at UP? Would it be even 2 percent? The administration cannot even say if any
market exists for UP education in the Asean. The last we heard is that Thais would much prefer to
study in Europe or North America than elsewhere. These glaring weaknesses of the proposal of the
administration are some of the reasons the proposal was resoundingly voted down in the UP Diliman
University Council (UC) meeting on Dec. 2, 2013. (The UC is UPs highest academic policy making
body.)

UP vice president for public affairs Dr. Prospero de Vera was quoted as saying that most Diliman
colleges seem to be ready for the shift. This claim is baseless and was already completely refuted
during that Dec. 2 UC meeting. Moreover, his statement that the UP Board of Regents also has the
final say on the matter, regardless of any UC decision, smacks of authoritarianism and bullying and
rides roughshod over all of UPs cherished democratic traditions and processes. All this for the cheap
edification of some of its overly ambitious and supremely vain officials addicted to their false and
vapid concept of internationalization, and who seem to have forgotten that UP is a public institution
meant to serve the Filipino people first, most of all the poorest and most marginalized of our
intelligent youth.


RAMON GUILLERMO,
National president,
All UP Academic Employees Union


Change in Academic Calendar: Weather as a Backdrop and More

Rhodora V. Azanza, Ph.D.
University of the Philippines


The paper of Solita Monsod published at the Philippine Daily Inquirer on 14 February 2014, made
mention of the presentation of Dr. Laura T. David during the Forum on Academic Calendar at the
University of the Philippines-Diliman (UP Diliman). Since the column did not clearly present the
issue, for the benefit of the public and to illustrate that the change in academic calendar was well
studied by the University (i.e., all the 8 constituent units and the system administration) with
weather as one of the more important considerations. The universitys current first semester is
from June to October; there is a brief semestral break in November and classes resume in the
second semester from middle of November to middle of December, then there is a Christmas break
that runs up to almost the first week of January. The second semester resumes in January and is
completed in the middle of April with graduation usually scheduled during the last week of this
month.

What has been the general weather condition during the first semester, i.e., June, July, August,
September and October, for example in UP Diliman and its environs? According to weather data
during the last 50 years as presented by Dr. David, the wettest months are June, July and August and
consequently, these are the months with highest probability of suspension of classes. With the first
semester moved towards the month of August, September, October and November, would the
change matter? It would because June, July (but even August) have been projected to be wetter in
2020 and beyond (Philippine Atmospheric, Geophysical and Astronomical Services Administration,
PAGASA projections). Moving the class opening by two and a half months would mean lesser
suspension of classes considering that September, October and November in the past and the
weather projections have lesser probability of rainfall.

The new calendar will have the second semester run from January to May; the semestral break
therefore coincides with the Christmas break and also with fine cool weather. Incidentally, this
schedule would mean less cost for parents and students who need not go back and forth to the
campus twice in the present/old schedule. The months of January and February are the coolest
months and therefore would not be problematic. The months of March, April and May are drier with
the highest average temperature being 29.3C. It should be noted that this is only 0.6C higher
compared to the highest average of 28.7C during the months of June, July and August for the last 50
years. PAGASA does however project higher temperatures for March, April, May by 2050. The new
second semester therefore means adjustments to periods very similar to the current summer
classes, as well as implementation of temperature-adaptive green infrastructures, many of which
had already been set up especially for the so-called summer classes of the old/current calendar.

Certainly, weather was not the only factor considered in the decision making. Positive impacts
which outweigh heavily the minor challenges, include: 1) enhanced student/faculty/researcher
mobility; 2) better implementation of on-going and new international and regional
research/creative collaborations; 3) development and implementation of dual degrees and
sandwich degree programs for PhD and MS degrees; and 4) increase in the number of international
publications and other research/creative outputs from international collaboration.

Change in the academic calendar will give a boost to internationalization. As I have stated in my
earlier paper (published in The Philippine Star on 30 January 2014), Internationalization is being
vigorously and aggressively undertaken by many universities in developed and developing
countries, including those which were not as open before. In fact today, the most nationalistic
nations are also the most internationalized ones. The goal to Internationalize is not being
questioned anymore in universities especially the progressive ones. It is one of the major endeavors
for development/growth of the institution.
Weather as Backdrop
LDavid (UPMSI), FHilario (PAGASA)

Storms and extreme rainfall can disrupt class schedules while lack of rain and extremely warm days can
make for uncomfortable class atmosphere. All these need to be taken into consideration as part of
decision making and strategic planning .
Specifically, there are 3 salient points regarding weather and its significance to the academic calendar:
(1) With respect to historical storm and rainfall data, there is no significant difference for the 1
st

semester in terms of weather. This is because either option (JUNE start or AUGUST start) will
still cover August, September and part of October which are the months with the highest
historical storm events and rainfall anomaly.
The 2
nd
semester fares better for the AUGUST start option since January-May have historically
had lesser anomalies that November March.
The summer offering fares better for the JUNE start option since it will avoid the summer
offering in June-July the months when rainfall are abundant.
DATA used : historical data for storms, rainfall, extreme rainfall events,
and extreme low precipitation events (figures 1, 2a&b, and 3)

(2) Using future projections of rainfall (2020 and 2050) UPD will be facing a wetter June, July,
August and a substantial reduction of rainfall (i.e. drought) during March, April, May.
The question therefore is which scenario can UPD better handle. Wetter June, July , August
translates to higher probability of suspension of classes for the JUNE start option unless most
students and faculty are housed within campus. Drier March April, May does not necessarily
translate to suspension of classes for the AUGUST start option, but UPD has to make structural
measures that will assure adequate supply of water for all its needs office, labs, food service,
dorms, etc
DATA used: A1B (HadCM3Q0) and A2 (ECHAM4) rainfall scenario projections of PAGASA (figure
4 and 5)
(3) Using historical air temperature, no significant difference is seen for the 1
st
semester between
the 2 options. The difference lies in the tail end of the 2
nd
semester, since the highest average
temp of Jan, Feb, March (JFM) is 27.0C (tail-end of the JUNE option) while the highest average
temp of March, Apr, May (MAM) is 29.3C (tail-end of AUGUST option). It is interesting to note
however, that the highest average temp of June, July, Aug (JJA) is 28.7C, only a historical 0.6C
difference to the MAM (1950-1999).
A shorter but more recent time-series covering 1981-2010 shows the highest average temp of
MAM to be 29.0C with an average peak high temperature at 34.4C. The average peak high
temperature for JFM for 1981-2010 is 31.9C and for JJA is 32.1C
Overall, future projections show a relatively uniform increase of air temperature by 0.5-1.3C for
the entire Philippines in 2020. So again, neither option has the advantage. One of the two 2050
projection of PAGASA (A1B (HadCM3Q0) however, shows a significantly warmer MAM. If this
scenario becomes reality, UPD has to make structural measures (aircon, ceiling fans, green
roofs, more trees near building windows, better ventilation, better insulation etc) that will
assure tolerable temperature for all its constituents if UPD will opt for an AUGUST opening
most especially for the classroom environment.
Alternatively, class hours can be adjusted to avoid the hottest hours of the day (11a.m. to 3
p.m.) and the use of the top floors can be avoided since these are the hottest rooms during the
day.
DATA used: A1B (HadCM3Q0) temperature scenario projections of PAGASA (figure 6 and 7)

FIGURES:
(1)_ Storm events 1951-2013 within 100 km of Diliman





(2)_(a) based on satellite data & (b) based on actual measurements from PAGASA


(3)_EXTREME HIGH (BLUE) AND LOW (RED) PRECIPITATION

(4)_ Rainfall 2020

(5)_Rainfall 2050


(6)_Monthly temperature (a) highest mean for 1950-1999; and
b)mean and min/max for 1981-2010













(7)_Temperature Change 2050



Proposal to pilot the shift in UPs academic calendar
in academic year 2014-15

The proposal is to pilot a shift in UPs academic calendar starting in academic year
2014-15 in the following constituent units (CUs): UP Los Baos, UP Manila, UP Visayas,
UP Open University, UP Mindanao, UP Baguio, and UP Cebu.
These seven CUs have already obtained the agreement of their constituents for the
calendar change and have prepared their respective 2014-15 academic calendars that
all start in August 2014. They are now seeking approval by the Board of Regents of their
proposed new calendars.
UP Diliman, which accounts for about 45% of the Universitys students and faculty, is
still going through the process assessing the pros and cons of the calendar shift and
ascertaining the general preference of its constituents.
Rationale for the calendar shift:
A key strategic initiative of UP is to intensify its internationalization. This initiative is
aimed at fulfilling UPs mandate to serve as a regional and global university as well as to
realize its vision of taking a leadership role in developing a globally competitive
Philippines. A change that will synchronize UPs academic calendar with the major
universities in ASEAN and in the rest of the world will provide a clear signal that UP is
now internationalizing and is getting ready to fully engage universities in the countrys
trading partners. An internationalized UP will be in a better position to produce Filipino
graduates who are internationally oriented and have the competence to assume
leadership roles not only in the Philippines, as the country competes globally, but also in
the region which will become an integrated ASEAN Economic Community by 2015.
To be sure, calendar synchronization is not a sufficient condition for internationalizing
UP. The University is pursuing, as it must, other initiatives (e.g., faculty development,
quality assurance, programs streamlining, credit transfer arrangements, infrastructure
modernization, etc.) to strengthen its program offerings and make it internationally
competitive.
But a synchronized academic calendar is necessary to facilitate internationalization. By
minimizing the gap in the start and end of its semesters relative to its partners, UP will
have the opportunity to increase student and faculty mobility (inbound and outbound),
facilitate academic exchanges, and ease research collaborations and inter-cultural
projects with ASEAN and other foreign universities. The interactions of UP students
and faculty with their foreign counterparts will broaden their knowledge and
perspectives, and deepen their understanding of important socio-cultural, political,
economic, technological and developmental issues in the region and the world.
Rationale for the pilot implementation:
The pilot implementation in the 7 CUs starting in AY 2014-15 will enable the University
to make the necessary adjustments and resolve operational issues and concerns prior to
full implementation possibly in AY 2015-16, the start of ASEAN integration. The
experience of UP with the pilot shift will also inform other universities in the country
which are also planning to shift their academic calendar. To reiterate, the said CUs have
already obtained the agreement of their constituents for the calendar change and have
prepared their respective 2014-15 academic calendars that all start in August 2014.
04Feb2014 Page 1 of 5


Implementation plan:
The academic calendar will be shifted by two months as follows:

FIRST SEMESTER: FROM Jun - Oct TO Aug - Dec
SECOND SEMESTER: FROM Nov - Apr TO Jan - May
SHORT TERM: FROM May - Jun TO Jun - Jul

Specific benefits to the University of the calendar shift:
1. Academic calendar synchronized with most ASEAN, European and American
academic partners will result in:
less problems with semestral gaps relative to partner universities
increased participation in student and academic staff exchanges;
more joint programs and partnerships with other universities;
students can easily get credit transfers, particularly under ASEAN and
ASEAN +3 Credit Transfer System (ACTS), on a semestral basis; and
greater participation of academic staff in training programs, conferences
and workshops for knowledge update and sharing, usually held in June-
July which are the summer breaks in these countries.
2. Combined Christmas and semestral breaks will result in continuous classes in
the 1st semester and 2nd semester. This will mean:
no disruptive Christmas break in the 2
nd
semester; no time wasted in the
review of lessons when classes resume after a break;
savings on transportation cost for vacation of students; and
longer bridging program during the longer summer break; good for
incoming freshmen from disadvantaged high schools who urgently need
bridging, particularly during the initial implementation of the K-12 basic
education reform program.
3. Shifted academic calendar1
st
semester (August-December) and 2nd semester
(January-May)will mean less suspension and disruption of classes due to
typhoons, rains, and floods. The current and predicted weather patterns
(http://www.weather-and-climate.com):
for the northern and western parts of the country, rainy season starts in
June (monsoon) and peaks in August; an August opening for the 1
st

semester will mean skipping part of the rainy season for the northern and
western parts of the country
for the eastern and southern parts of the country, peak of the rainy season
is December-January; a January opening for the 2
nd
semester will mean
avoiding the peak of the monsoon rains in the eastern and southern parts
of the country
Data from UP Diliman showed that during the past 5 years (2009-2013)
the most number of days of class suspension occurred in August (7 days),
followed by July (5 days)two months which are fully within the 1
st

semester of the existing academic calendar. The data indicate that the
avoided disruption of classesaverage of about 2 days a yearmay not
be significant.
04Feb2014 Page 2 of 5


Major concerns:
Certain concerns and issues were brought up and discussed during consultations with
the various UP constituents.
Major concerns Suggested solutions
1. Operational concerns: UPCAT
and registration of freshmen

UPCAT exams and release of results will be as
scheduled; this will even be more advantageous
for incoming students as the 4-month break (if
DepEd does not change their academic calendar
since internationalization will impact more on
higher education than basic education) will allow
them to look for scholarships as well as have a
longer bridging period.
2. Schedule of licensure
examinations
UP will make representations with PRC regarding
the rescheduling of the licensure examinations, if
necessary. In some professions, there is no need
because there are two licensure exams per year.
Also, PRC should be preparing for such
rescheduling in view of the provision for mutual
recognition agreements of professional degrees in
relation to ASEAN 2015.
3. Field activities, clinics and
internship
CUs will need to reschedule field activities, clinics
and internship programs; such changes can be
incorporated when degree programs are revised
in response to the K-12 basic education reforms.

4. Non-tenured faculty
appointments
Extension of appointments of non-tenured faculty
who will be renewed for AY 2014-2015 can be
addressed by a simple administrative order.
5. Second semester will extend
to April-May which are the
hottest months of the year
Need for structural changes (construction of
waiting sheds and covered walks, installation of
ACUs, electric fans, outdoor sprinklers, etc.) to
combat summer heat; other ASEAN countries with
classes that also start in August are able to cope
with their summer heat even if temperatures are
much higher than ours. [Note: Summer classes
are not new in the Philippines and students and
teachers are able to cope.]
6. Students from provinces will
not be able to help during the
harvest season which are
April-May
Many farmers have already adapted to climate
change by moving their planting time from June-
August to October-December.
7. UPs traditions UP should be flexible and find creative ways to
still celebrate the Christmas season, UP
Foundation Day, etc. and to hold commencement
exercises.

04Feb2014 Page 3 of 5


Actions at UPs various constituent units and expected advantages they reported:
CU Action as reported Expected advantages to the CU
UP Baguio Unanimous approval The shift will facilitate student and faculty
exchange with partner universities outside the
Philippines; student no longer needs to take a
Leave of Absence (LOA) because of the
difference in academic calendar.
UP Cebu Discussed and
approved by the
University Council
Faculty can attend international summer
schools usually scheduled in June and July;
more inbound and outbound students
facilitating exchanges; new calendar has fewer
but more compact semestral breaks.
UP Diliman Disapproved by the UC A referendum conducted in the various
Colleges showed that except for two, most
Colleges or their CEBs agree with the shift; the
UC action however does not reflect this
position.
UP Los
Baos
Discussed at UC; no
objection to the shift
Synchronization of academic calendar will
open new opportunities for greater
partnerships particularly with ASEAN, in
teaching and research and curricular
development, providing not only expertise but
physical resources of the more advance
universities as well; more student, faculty and
researcher exchanges since no semester will
be lost due to the (dis)synchronized calendar
enhancing global competitiveness of UPLBs
graduates.
UP Manila Discussed and
approved by UC
Student exchanges will enrich the learning
experiences of students as it will allow them to
interact with multi-cultures; facilitate inbound
and outbound exchanges; increased
participation in and offering of training
courses that will coincide with the breaks;
result in less disruption of classes due to
inclement weather.
UP
Mindanao
Discussed and
approved by UC
More student and faculty exchanges; January
and July are scheduled for meetings and
planning with ACIAR which will coincide with
the break in the new calendar, hence class
meetings will not be disrupted; no problem
with licensure exam and internship programs
for BS Architecture; early implementation
(2014) will give time to make necessary
adjustments.
04Feb2014 Page 4 of 5


CU Action as reported Expected advantages to the CU
UP Open U Approved during the UC
meeting; full support of
the shift
Majority of students support the shift; teacher-
students can do academic requirements
without resulting in disruption of their own
classes in their schools; more student and
faculty international exchanges and increased
participation in international training courses
usually offered in June-July; greater
collaboration and participation will allow staff
and students to gain a wider perspective from
exposure to best practices in the region;
benchmarking of programs against regional
and global standards.
UP Visayas Unanimous approval by
the UC; endorsement by
student leaders
Facilitate UP/UPVs integration with the
ASEAN academic community; less suspension
of classes; longer holiday break will allow
more bonding time with the family.


04Feb2014 Page 5 of 5

To: All lnstitute Directors, Department Chairpersons and
Faculty Members
Subject: Referendum on the UP Diliman Academic Calendar
'., .. .::!
OFFICB OF THE CHANC
MEMORANDUM NO. CCAS 4011a
ln a special
Committee decided (in
referendum of all
1.1
[
Curent Schedule
First semester
Semester Break
Second Semester
SummerTerm
1.2
!
Fr.oposed
First semester
Semester Break
Second Semester
Short Term
:
1.24 lf you favor an
semester is
implemented?
n
AY 2O1+2O15
lnstructors will be
separate survey.
UNIVERSITY OF THE PHILIPPINES
Dllrunx
Qunzox
Crrv
VoIP TnuNrr-rNc 931-8500 locel: 2558,2556
Drnscr LrNe: (632) 929-5401, (632) 927-1835
Fnx: (632) 928-2863
E-lvlnrr-:oc.upd@up.edu.ph
Y
.F{NDH,6ABIEATtITERIft
''*'ffiffit?Hi*
iANGSAPAN
NG DEKAlu,
19 February 2014
"
ffi,t
o
'
--*3Jz!/L?b6-
UP DilimanAcademic . The Vice-Chancellors did not participate in the voting.
exercise. UP Diliman em
I respectfully ask all ;emed factrlty members to participate in this important
a totaf of 1,525 regular faculty members (Professors:
226, Associate Professors:
,
Assistant Professors: 598, lnstructors: 424'1 as of 30
January 2014.
The.referendum will
following questions will be a
on 24 (Mon)
-
26
Wed)
February 2014 and the
Which UP Diliman Calendar schedule do you favor?
on 17 February 2014, the UP Diliman Executive
16, against 5, abstention: 1) to conduct an ad hoc
Associate Professors and Assistant Professors on the
100 class days per semester)
(June
-
October)
-
December, Christmas Break, 1s week of
-
[t-4arch of following year)
(April - May,25-26 class days)
(100 class days per semester)
(August
-
December)
December
-
January of following year)
(3'd week of January
-
May)
ne - July, 25-20 class days)
Calendar that starts in August (and where the second
by a Christmas break) then when do you like it first
flAY
201si2016
asked to respond to the same questions in a parallel but
Our Deans, lnstitute
all their resper:tive faculty
colleges (e.9. College of
and Philosophy, College of
offices of their respective
Thank you for your
and Heads of Academic Units shall ensure that
are able to participate. Faculty members of large
College of Engineering, College of Socia! Science
and Letters) will cast their votes at the administrative
or departments.
needed cooperation.
. Saloma
llor
Highlights of the
FORUM ON THE PHILIPPINE ACADEMIC CALENDAR
10 February 2014
SYNCHRONIZE?
But with which academic partners? UP has partnership agreements with
6 Australian universities (February start
!" #apanese universities (April start
!$ %orean universities (&arch start
'hese "( universities ma)e up *!+ of our global partners,
They ! "!# $#ar# %&a$$e$ '" Au(u$# !r Se)#e*ber+
- sourced from presentation given by
Dr. Evangeline C. Amor, University Registrar, on the "U Diliman Academic Calendar"
and actual partnerships of the University


-By itself. the change is unli)ely (or at least uncertain to lead to immediate
improvement in the University/s international character0 *!re '*)!r#a"#
b'"'"( %!"$#ra'"#$ *u$# be are$$e+ M!re $'("','%a"# '$ #he a&&!%a#'!" !,
*!re ,a%u&#y #'*e #! re$ear%h a" )!$#-(raua#e eu%a#'!" a$'e ,r!* #he
)r!,e$$'!"$,-
- from "!nternationali"ation and the University#s $lobal %tanding& does calendar
change matter'"
by Dr. Emmanuel De Dios, %chool of Economics

(Historically '# .a$ *!re '*)!r#a"# #! 'e"#',y .he" $%h!!&$


.!u& be %&!$e ,!r /a%a#'!" #ha" .he" %&a$$e$ $h!u& !)e",
1onsideration for vacation months2
economic activities. cultural practices
and comfort of the students in school,
-- from "(he Academic Calendar in the hilippines& A )istorical Revie*"
by Dr. +aria ,ernadette -. Abrera, Dept. of )istory, C%%

'he country/s hottest months of April and &ay are e3pected to increase by a
ma3imum of (,!41 in 5656,
-- from ".eather as ,ac/drop"
by Dr. -aura David, +%!, U-Diliman and 0. )ilario, D1%(-A$A%A

And as a final guide,,,


N!#e #ha# $y"%hr!"'0e %a&e"ar$ are "e/er *e"#'!"e+
OUR ACADEMIC CALENDAR IS ATTUNED TO OUR CLIMATE AND CULTURE+
1e "ee be##er (!/er"*e"# $u))!r# #! '*)r!/e !ur re$ear%h !u#)u# a"
!ur a%ae*'% )r!(ra*$+ THIS .'&& '"%rea$e !ur $#a#ure '"#er"a#'!"a&&y a"
a##ra%# *!re ,!re'(" $#ue"#$ a" ,a%u&#y+
2!#e NO #! A%ae*'% Ca&e"ar Cha"(e
ALL U.P. ACADEMIC EMPLOYEES UNION
University of the Philippines
Diliman, Quezon City


Uphold the Decision on Calendar Change of the
UP Diliman Academic Community and the University Council!

... based on a college by college assessment, most Diliman colleges seem to be ready for
the shift, he added. The final decision, however, would rest with the BOR.

UP vice president for public affairs
Dr. Prospero de Vera
There is a patent falsehood in the proposal which was approved by the Board of Regents last Feb.
6, 2014 (Proposal to pilot the shift in UPs academic calendar in academic year 2014-15). It says
that, A referendum conducted in the various Colleges showed that except for two, most Colleges
of their CEBs agree with the shift; the UC action however does not reflect this position. .
This supposed referendum is constantly quoted and cited ad nauseamin the UP Administration
press releases curently flooding the media. The results of that so-called referendum which
supposedly shows that only two small academic units in Diliman were against the calendar shift
was vigorously questioned in the University Council meeting where it was presented. (The minutes
to that meeting will clearly attest to this.) We reiterate, that that referendumpatently cannot be
used to classify colleges and units as pro or anti calendar change. Faculty members from various
colleges expressed puzzlement about the results and requested clarification regarding the basis of
the report. The UC committee which was assigned to present the results admitted that it could not
explain adequately how colleges and academic units were indeed determined to be for or against
calendar change. It turned out that the supposed referendum was merely a collation of more or
less scattered opinions weighing the issue. Obviously, President Pascual was not in attendance at
the Dec. 2, 2013 UC Meeting. Maybe even VP De Vera was absent.
Based on reports from union chapters, there is also reason to doubt whether there was adequate
consultation and opportunity for reasoned deliberation regarding the calendar shift in the other UP
campuses. The Proposal...states that in UP Los Baos, it was Discussed at UC; no objection to
the shift. There was no voting done in the UPLB UC because, it was asserted, the academic
calendar was supposedly an administrative and not an academic matter. The approved proposal
states that in UP Manila, the proposal was Discussed and approved by the UC. There were
questions and reservations raised by UP Manila faculty during the consultation and at their UC but
a votation took place despite objections, and their questions were never answered. Similar
scenarios were reported for the other UP campuses.
Since the approval by the BOR of the proposed calendar shift for other UP campuses, there has
been a virtual barrage of UP Administration press releases extolling the change and preaching its
inevitability. In spite of all these, the UP Diliman academic community will continue to assert its
critical spirit and remain vigilant in upholding the ideals of democratic governance in the University.

All UP Academic Employees Union
Feb. 11, 2014

Open Letter to the Board of Regents:


Comments on the Policy Proposal entitled Change in the academic calendar to
synchronize with the Universitys major global academic partners

Concerned UP Diliman Faculty Against Calendar Change
Dec. 13, 2013

The Calendar Change Policy Proposal refers to Republic Act 9500 (An Act to Strengthen the
University of the Philippines as the National University) or the UP Charter in asserting that
one of the Universitys purposes is to serve as a regional and global university in cooperation
with international and scientific unions, networks of universities in the AsiaPacific Region
and around the world. Indeed, this is one of the possible purposes of the University. But
what is its main purpose? Some relevant sections of the UP Charter must here be quoted in
full:
SEC. 2. Declaration of Policy. The University of the Philippines is hereby declared as
the national university.
The State shall promote, foster, nurture and protect the right of all citizens to accessible
quality education. Toward this end, it is the policy of the State to strengthen the
University of the Philippines as the national university.

SEC. 8. Social Responsibility. The national university is committed to serve the
Filipino nation and humanity. While it carries out the obligation to pursue universal
principles, it must relate its activities to the needs of the Filipino people and their
aspirations for social progress and transformation
(emphasis ours)

The main objective of UP as a public university is to serve Filipino citizens. Why should it
therefore put a greater temporal distance/gap between its calendar and the whole Philippine
basic education and other State Universities and Colleges? Why should it desynchronize with
Philippine educational institutions in the interest of synchronizing with Thai, Malaysian and
Indonesian academic calendars? The UP Charter cannot be used as justification for calendar
change.

Moreover, this proposal is not well thought out. It lacks the backbone of basic research.

1) No study has been done on the impact on accessibility of UP education for students
graduating from the Philippine basic education system with the gap from graduation to
entry increasing to almost five months. It is not enough to say flippantly, as the policy
proposal does without argument or proof that, Whether DepEd follows or not, the
Universitys intake of students from high school will not be delayed nor altered.
(Policy Proposal 4.4.1) Whose word is this that it should be believed? There has
likewise been no study regarding the impact that differences in schedules with other
State Universities and Colleges (SUCs) and the majority of tertiary level institutions
will have upon the UPs graduate student enrollment . This is ironic given UPs
objective of becoming a graduate research university.

2) The calendar change is ostensibly meant to provide the opportunity for greater
student mobility but no study has been done on potential enrollment (i.e., market) of
students from nearby Southeast Asian nations like Thailand, Malaysia, Indonesia,
Singapore and beyond, since this is presumably the main reason for calendar change.
No study has likewise been done to prove that there is a significant segment of UP
students who wish to take up semesters in universities in neighbouring countries. Will
this even be five percent? Who can even say at this point?

3) Transferring the second semester to the hottest months of the year will necessitate
massive airconditioning installation costs and higher rates of energy consumption
which will drive up the cost of education per student and imply higher tuition fees. This
policy will also go against the global appeal to recognize and respect the forces of
nature by going green and reducing carbon footprints institutionally. Predictably,
there has likewise been no study done on the undesirable impact of increased energy
costs and what this will entail for a huge campus such as Diliman.

4) We repeat, differences between the academic calendar in UP and those abroad have
never posed insuperable obstacles in the past for UP students to participate in
exchange programs. It has likewise scarcely prevented UP faculty from studying
abroad, taking up visiting professorships, attending conferences and the like. On the
contrary, the fact that the regular semester in UP coincides with the teaching break in
other universities abroad has made it easier in many cases for foreign students and
faculty to take up shortterm research and teaching fellowships in the Philippines.

The report entitled Results of the Discussions on the Proposed Shift in the Academic
Calendar which collated and compiled various opinions for and against calendar change in
UP Diliman was only just that, a compilation and collation. When this document was
presented to the University Council Meeting (Dec. 2, 2013), only two colleges/units were
listed as being against the proposal, the Archaeological Studies Program (ASP) and the
School for Library and Information Science (SLIS). Members from the various colleges and
units stood up and objected that what was undertaken in the colleges was a mere consultation
and no collective positions had been actually reached. The resulting vote in the University
Council rejected calendar change by a significant majority (for calendar change: 51, against
calendar change: 79, abstained: 25). The question now is whether the decision of the highest
policy making body in UP Diliman will be upheld.

According to the UP Diliman Faculty Manual, the academic calendar, although subject to the
approval of the President, must first be approved by the UP Diliman Executive Committee. The
Faculty Manual also states that, The first semester begins in June, the second semester in
November, and the summer session in April. (UP Diliman Faculty Manual Section 11.1). This
has not been amended or revised as of this writing.

Everyone knows that haste makes waste. The rush to change the academic calendar without
any studies, particularly on ecological impact and the effects of desynchronization with
Philippine basic education and all other SUCs, makes the arguments of the Calendar Change
Policy Proposal unconvincing. We hope that the honourable Regents will consider our
position.
Page 1 of 3 As of 19 February 2014
!"#$%&' )*!*)*+,$- "+, .$)/*' 0+ &1*
$2 ,3%3-"+ "#",*-3# #"%*+,")
4$3,*%3+*.


!56789: ;<= 65> ?=9@
All regular faculLy (asslsLanL professor, assoclaLe professor, professor) are quallfled Lo
parLlclpaLe ln Lhe faculLy referendum.

lnsLrucLors are en[olned Lo respond Lo Lhe parallel buL separaLe survey. 1hls would allow Lhe
admlnlsLraLlon Lo assess Lhe senLlmenL of lnsLrucLors regardlng Lhe academlc calendar.

2A=6@B7A@ C=A ?=9D>E
!"#$%&'()*
1he unlverslLy Councll SecreLarlaL wlll dlsLrlbuLe Lhe balloLs on 21 lebruary 2014 Lhrough Lhe
Cfflce of Lhe College SecreLary c/o Lhe College SecreLary.

lor Lhe large colleges (e.g., CS, CoL, CSS, and CAL), Lhe balloLs wlll be dlsLrlbuLed Lhrough Lhe
ueparLmenL/lnsLlLuLe Chalrs.

1he College SecreLary and Lhe ueparLmenL/lnsLlLuLe Chalrs shall acL as Lhe Chalr of each voLlng
cenLer. 1he Chalrs shall asslgn a sLaff Lo be Lhe poll clerk.

Lach voLlng cenLer wlll recelve Lhe followlng maLerlals:
balloLs for regular faculLy (whlLe paper)
survey forms for lnsLrucLors (blue paper)
6 sealed balloL envelopes
voLers' llsL for regular faculLy
reglsLraLlon form for lnsLrucLors
sample balloLs, survey forms, and Lally sheeL
3 lncldenL reporL forms
offlclal Lally sheeL
dally Lally of voLers LurnouL form

1he poll clerk shall slgn Lhe dellvery recelpL Lo aLLesL Lo Lhe compleLeness and usablllLy of Lhe
maLerlals glven Lo Lhe unlL.

1here ls only one voLers' llsL on whlch voLer reglsLraLlon may be done. 1he number of balloLs
released Lo Lhe unlLs corresponds Lo Lhe number of faculLy ellglble Lo parLlclpaLe ln Lhe
referendum (regular faculLy) and survey (lnsLrucLors). An addlLlonal flve (3) balloLs shall be
lncluded ln Lhe maLerlals glven Lo Lhe voLlng cenLers, whlch may be used by faculLy who are noL
lncluded ln Lhe voLers' llsLs.

Page 2 of 3 As of 19 February 2014
,#-./)(-0 &1 -/0'()* %&'#0
laculLy wlll reglsLer on Lhe voLers' llsLs by slgnlng across hls/her name.

lf Lhe faculLy ls a regular faculLy, Lhen s/he wlll clalm a balloL (whlLe paper) afLer reglsLerlng. lf
Lhe faculLy ls an lnsLrucLor, Lhen s/he wlll clalm a survey form (blue paper) afLer reglsLerlng.

AfLer fllllng ouL Lhe balloL or survey form, Lhe faculLy wlll lnserL Lhe balloL/survey form lnLo Lhe
approprlaLe balloL envelope (brown envelope for regular faculLy, blue envelope for lnsLrucLor).
8alloLs/survey forms may noL be reLrleved afLer Lhey have been lnserLed lnLo Lhe balloL
envelope.

voLlng shall be from 24 (Monday) Lo 26 (Wednesday) lebruary 2014, from 8:30 am Lo
4:30 pm.

!&0'$%&'()*
AL Lhe end of each day, Lhe poll clerk shall phoLocopy Lhe voLers' llsLs Lhen Lally Lhe number of
voLers for Lhe day and lndlcaLe Lhls on Lhe space across Lhe approprlaLe daLe. 1he Chalr and poll
clerk shall slgn and aLLesL Lo veraclLy and accuracy of lnformaLlon on Lhe voLers' llsLs. A copy of
Lhe voLers' Lally for Lhe day shall be submlLLed Lo Lhe uC SecreLarlaL.

lor Lhe blg colleges, Lhe Chalrs of Lhe voLlng cenLers shall aLLach Lhe Lally of Lhe number of
voLers Lo Lhe sealed balloL envelopes, seal Lhe openlng of Lhe balloL envelopes wlLh paper Lape,
and slgn across Lhe Lape. 1hen Lhey musL submlL Lhese Lo Lhe Cfflce of Lhe College SecreLary. A
copy of Lhe voLers' Lally for Lhe day shall be submlLLed Lo Lhe uC SecreLarlaL as well.

ln addlLlon, all Chalrs shall LransmlL Lo Lhe uC SecreLarlaL an elecLronlc reporL of Lhe dally Lally of
Lhe number of voLers. 1hls wlll be done vla an onllne Coogle lorm, Lhe llnk of whlch shall be
emalled Lo Lhe Chalrs. 1he Chalrs wlll only need Lo lndlcaLe Lhelr voLlng cenLer, and Lhe LoLal
number of regular faculLy and Lhe LoLal number of lnsLrucLors LhaL voLe for each day.

1he uC SecreLarlaL shall summarlze each dally reporLs and LransmlL Lhe summary Lo Lhe Cfflce of
Lhe Chancellor.

2/)%/00()* &1 3&'()*456"%#7 8#069'0
Canvasslng of voLes shall be done on 27 lebruary 2014 uslng Lhe offlclal Lally sheeLs. Canvasslng
shall be done aL Lhe Cfflce of Lhe College SecreLary"

1he College SecreLary and Lhe poll clerk shall be deslgnaLed as Lhe offlclal canvassers.

1he College SecreLary shall also asslgn a sLaff Lo be a poll waLcher who should be presenL when
Lhe canvasslng beglns.

Cnly members of Lhe u ulllman LxecuLlve CommlLLee shall be allowed Lo enLer Lhe room
where Lhe canvasslng wlll be held.

Page 3 of 3 As of 19 February 2014
,#-./)(-0 &1 -/)%/00()*
Canvassers shall open Lhe sealed balloL envelopes ln Lhe presence of Lhe poll waLcher.

Manual Lallylng of voLes and survey resulLs shall proceed afLerwards.

Canvassers shall afflx Lhelr slgnaLure on Lhe Lally sheeL Lo aLLesL Lo Lhe veraclLy and accuracy of
Lhe resulLs of voLlng.

8#069'0 &1 %&'()*
1he canvassers musL reseal Lhe balloL envelopes and slgn Lhe seals. All maLerlals, lncludlng Lhe
used and unused balloLs/survey forms, shall be Lurned over ln a sealed and slgned envelope by
Lhe Cfflce of Lhe College SecreLary Lo Lhe unlverslLy Councll SecreLarlaL aL Lhe 3/f Cfflce of Lhe
unlverslLy 8eglsLrar bulldlng. 1he maLerlals musL be Lurned over Lo Lhe uC SecreLarlaL no laLer
Lhan 12:00 noon on 27 lebruary 2014 (1hursday).

1he unlverslLy Councll SecreLarlaL wlll verlfy Lhe resulLs and LransmlL a slgned summary of
resulLs Lo Lhe Cfflce of Lhe Chancellor.

#=>9569
lor quesLlons and clarlflcaLlons, please conLacL uC SecreLarlaL aL 9818300 loc. 4334/4338 or vla
uc.secreLarlaL.upd[gmall.com.


Academic Calendar Change:
Another Step Towards Neoliberal Internationalization

The Pascual Administrations academic calendar change proposal is merely the latest move in its thrust
towards neoliberal Internationalization. Some of these measures include the following:

1) Unrelenting pressure on the faculty to publish in predominantly Anglo-American Thomson-
Reuters (ISI) listed Journals. In this way, scholarship becomes increasingly detached from and
irrelevant to Philippine concerns.
2) UP participation in the anomalous P8B Philippine California Advanced Research Institutes
(PCARI). The Philippines will be funding singlehandedly research projects which will be
undertaken by researchers from the University of California-Berkeley and Philippine Universities.
3) The eUP Project: Purchase of P700M off-the-shelf Oracle Software. Costs are probably
mounting due to continuing delays in implementation.
4) Changes in the naming policies of the University of buildings and academic programs are
being implemented in order to use these policies as means for income generation.

The public and service-oriented character of UP as the National University is being sacrificed wholesale
for the sake of market-driven global competitiveness. UP education is being thoroughly denationalized
to make it a more attractive commodity in the global educational marketplace. Instead of addressing
social equity, democratization and improved accessibility, the UP Administration is prioritizing
international student mobility. It is putting international market competitiveness above national
relevance and the broader social mission of the University.

We say NO to Academic Calendar Change!
Vote NO in the Calendar Change Referendum!
Oppose Neoliberal Internationalization!
Make your voices heard!
Join the Multisectoral Mobilization at the February 27 Board of Regents Meeting
(time: 8 am, venue: Executive House)

UP Kilos Na!


POLICY PROPOSAL

Change in the academic calendar to synchronize with the Universitys major
global academic partners
___________________________________________________________________

Policy statement

This is a policy proposal to change the academic calendar of the University
from June-March to August-May schedule. The proposal is consistent with the
provision of UPs Charter to be a regional and global university, and addresses
current developments in the region and the world.
___________________________________________________________________________

1. Background and rationale:

Most Philippine schools academic year starts in June with the first semester
ending in October and the second semester commencing in November and ending in
March the following year. Such a schedule allows for a two-month summer vacation
when the weather is too hot and fiestas are held in different parts of the country.

World education, although marked by bilateral and even multilateral
cooperation, had largely been implemented by individual universities with policies
unique to the needs of the partner universities or countries. However, by the 21
st

century, the worlds educational systems have globalized with universities embarking
on greater collaboration through university networks and joint offerings of curricular
programs and research. Moreover, in 2015, ASEAN countries are expected to
implement fully the action plan of the vision of the ASEAN Economic Cooperation
(http://www.asean.org/archive/5187-10.pdf) as an initial mechanism for the ASEAN
Integration 2020. Although it is envisioned that in 2015, ASEAN will become one
single market and production base and thus the focus is on economic cooperation, it
is inevitable that it will involve human resources and capacity and their movements in
the region.

For the University of the Philippines, the developments in the last 5 years
signaled a greater role in the international arena. In 2008, RA 9500 was passed into
law. The act, entitled, An Act to Strengthen the University of the Philippines as the
National University or the University of the Philippines Charter of 2008, was aimed
at strengthening UPs unique and distinctive leadership role in higher education and
development and tasked UP to respond to this globalized education. Thus, one of
the Universitys purposes is to serve as a regional and global university in
cooperation with international and scientific unions, networks of universities! in the
Asia-Pacific Region and around the world.

In facilitating the flow of services by 2015, ASEAN is working on
harmonization and standardization and the ASEAN Universities Network (AUN) is
laying the groundwork for increased mobility of both students and staff within the
region. However, one of the challenges of AUN in facilitating student and staff
mobility is harmonizing the academic calendar of the different AUN member


Page 2
2
universities. Most AUN member universities as well as China, Korea, Japan (see
attached calendar), EU and the USA start their classes in August, September or
October. Among countries with universities as part of AUN, only the Philippines
starts the academic calendar in June. Thailand has two (2) academic calendars but
their international calendar to which foreign students are allowed to enroll in, also
starts in August or September. Thus, under our present academic calendar,
students that we send to AUN member universities under the ASEAN Credit Transfer
System (AUN-ACTS) must ensure they get courses for a full 10 months or two
semesters. This is because most ASEAN Universities starts their first term in August
or September, as mentioned, while their second term starts in January or February.
If UP students cross-enroll for the first term in an ASEAN University for credit
transfer, their classes will end in December, which is already a third of the way into
our second semester. On the other hand, if they choose to cross-enroll during the
second term, they will have to wait until January for classes to begin.

Providing the opportunity for greater student mobility will enhance UPs
internationalization program. In the ASEAN, student exchanges will enrich the
learning and experiences of our students as it allows them to interact with multi-
cultures. Studies have shown that students whove had the opportunity to interact
with other cultures or study abroad even for short periods of time are more
intellectually mature, and well-rounded in terms of skills, experience and personal
development (http://www.gla.ac.uk/media/media_105267_en.pdf) and are more
employable. Worldwide there is a strong emphasis on internationalization because 1)
it helps to improve student preparedness particularly in dealing with multi-cultures
and in addressing global demands of society, employment and the economy; 2) it
internationalizes the curriculum; 3) it enhances the international profile of the
institution, particularly important for university rankings; 4) it strengthens research
and knowledge production and 5) it diversifies its faculty and staff thereby avoiding
inbreeding (http://chronicle.com/blogs/worldwise/internationalization-of-higher-
education-the-good-the-bad-and-the-unexpected/27512).

2. Objective:
This proposal therefore aims to fully implement the provision of UPs Charter
to be a regional and global university, maximize student and staff mobility as
well, and foster greater cooperation in relation to implementing the action plan
of the ASEAN Economic Cooperation 2015.

3. Scope and implementation plan

To synchronize academic calendar with ASEAN, Northeast Asian (China and
Korea; Japan starts classes in October), American and European Universities
which are our usual academic partners, it is proposed that the academic
calendar be shifted from a June-March schedule to August-May academic
year starting upon approval of the Board of Regents but not later than 2015.
The shift will apply to all academic programs, undergraduate and graduate.
The academic calendar will thus be as follows:






Page 3
3
GENERIC ACADEMIC CALENDAR

First Semester Second
Semester
Summer
Registration 2
nd
week of
August
2
nd
week of
January
2
nd
week of June
Start of Classes 3
rd
of August 3
rd
week of
January
3
rd
week of June
End of Classes 1
st
week of
December
2
nd
week of May

3
rd
week of July

No. of class weeks 16 16 5
Final exam 2
nd
week of
December
3
rd
week of May 4
th
week of July
Last day for
submitting grades
3
rd
week of
December
4
th
week of May 5
th
week of July
Christmas/semestral
break
4
th
week of
December
5
th
week of May 1
st
week of
August

4. Impact to the University, its operations and traditions

4.1. Advantages:
4.1.1. Moving the start of classes to August will allow greater synchronization
of our academic calendar with that of ASEAN, Northeast Asian (China
and Korea; Japan starts classes in October), and the American and
European Universities as well, which are our usual academic partners.
As shown by the attached calendar, most ASEAN universities start
classes either August or September except for Cambodia, which starts in
October, and Myanmar that starts in July. In addition, most American
Universities starts their fall term in the middle or end of August ending in
the middle of December while the spring term starts in the middle of
January and ends at the beginning of May
(http://www.fulbright.org.uk/pre-departure/academics/academic-
calendar). European universities start their classes between September
October with the first semester ending in the second week of
December; second semester starts in the first week of February and
ends in the 3
rd
week of May.
(http://eacea.ec.europa.eu/education/eurydice/documents/facts_and_figu
res/academic_calendar_EN.pdf). With greater student mobility and
partnerships/joint programs being envisioned with Universities in these
countries, there will be less problem with semestral overlaps and
students can easily get credit transfer on a per semester basis.

4.1.2. Synchronizing the academic calendar with most of our international
academic partners will allow our faculty to participate in many training
programs and summer institutes offered by these institutions during the
months of June-July. In addition, since currently classes in high school
will end in March, there will be a longer bridging program for entering
freshmen that will need remedial classes before they enter the University.




Page 4
4
4.1.3. Currently, the second semester starts in November then a 2-week
break coinciding with the Christmas break interrupts the momentum of
class activities. The shift will allow for continuous classes to be
conducted and a longer semestral break that will coincide with the
Christmas break.

4.1.4. June-July is the start of the countrys rainy season. The shift in the
academic calendar will extend classes to April-May where there is less
disruption of classes compared with classes being held in JuneJuly
when there are more typhoons and inclement weather. The table below
gives the average number of typhoons that visited the country over a 6-
year period from 2005-2010 during the months of March-July (whether it
made landfall or not but nonetheless entered the Philippines Area of
Responsibility (PAR) and enhanced the southwest monsoon).

Average number of typhoons over a period of 6 years (2005-2010)
Month Ave.
March 0.17
April 0.33
May 1.33
June 0.67
July 2.50

The table shows that the probability of typhoons disrupting classes in
April and May is lower than the period June-July hence there will be less
loss of class hours. In addition, although officially the rainy season starts
in June, the annual precipitation profile varies with region
(http://www.weather-and-climate.com/). For a 3-year period (2010-2013),
precipitation profiles showed that regions in the northern, central and
northwestern part of Luzon including Manila and Batangas, as well as the
islands in the western side of the country such as Palawan and Iloilo
have similar patterns with the rainy season peaking in August. On the
other hand, the southeastern part of Luzon (Bicol region) and eastern
Visayas (Leyte) and Mindanao (Surigao) shows similar precipitation
profiles where June-July show the lowest average precipitation while the
months of November-January give the highest average precipitation.
Areas somewhat in the middle show less variability in the average
precipitation with rainfall spread almost evenly throughout the year.

4.2. Operational concerns

4.2.1. Registration will have to be re-scheduled for sophomore onwards.

4.2.2. UPCAT examinations since currently there is no change in the
schedule of graduation from high school of entering freshmen, UPCAT
exam can simply be administered in middle or late July when the
University is on its summer break and college registration and classes
have not yet started. Exam results may be released as scheduled to
inform applicants early on of their acceptance to the University; freshmen
registration can also proceed in May (when advisers are also around) as


Page 5
5
previously scheduled so that only sophomores onwards will have their
regular registration during the new registration period in August. This will
also give time for the University and the freshmen students to look for
scholarships before formal classes starts.

4.3. UPs traditions

4.3.1. The University must readjust schedule or think of creative means to
preserve the traditional Lantern parade and other Christmas activities.
4.3.2. UPs foundation day in June should encourage more participation from
the alumni who have the historical and institutional memories of their UP
days. Moreover, every new alumnus should be made more aware that it
is also the graduates who should build upon the foundations of the
University. Every foundation should also hold activities that should
showcase what UP had accomplished and what it contributed to nation
building.

4.4. UPs relationships with national institutions

4.4.1. CHED and DepEd
In re-affirming its leadership role, UP must lead in enhancing
internationalization and student and staff mobility by initially
synchronizing its academic calendar with most of its university partners
abroad. Whether DepEd follows or not, the Universitys intake of
students from high school will not be delayed nor altered. Students will in
fact have a longer bridging program before the start of classes in the
University. On the other hand, shifting to UP by students from other
higher education institutions regulated by CHED will also not be affected;
students who want to shift to UP will in fact be able to enroll in summer
classes in other higher education institutions to improve their grades and
increase their chances of being accepted by programs in the University.

4.4.2. PRC
The University will have to make representations to PRC to change also
the schedule of professional licensure examinations to accommodate our
graduates who will obtain their diplomas in May.

UNIVERSITY OF THE PHILIPPINES DILIMAN
ltoposol No. 2_ACAuLMlC CALLnuA8 2014-2013[
ll8S1 SLMLS1L8 ll8S1 SLMLS1L8 SLCCnu SLMLS1L8 SLCCnu SLMLS1L8
SuMML8 SuMML8
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02 !un, Mon - 30 !un, Mon
07 !ul, Mon - 11 !ul, lrl
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18 !ul, lrl - 14 Aug, 1hu 02 !an, lrl - 29 !an, 1hu
04 Aug, Mon 19 !an, Mon 13 !un, Mon - 16 !un, 1ue
03 Aug, 1ue - 06 Aug, Wed 20 !an, 1ue - 21 !an, Wed (lot oll stoJeots)
06 Aug, Wed 21 !an, Wed
07 Aug, 1hu 22 Ian, 1hu 17 Iun, Wed
11 Aug, Mon
18 !un, 1hu
(c/o Offlce of AJmlssloos)
22 Aug, lrl
06 leb, lrl
02 !ul, 1hu
(c/o Offlce of AJmlssloos)
07 Cct, 1ue 21 Mar, Sat 02 Iu|, 1hu
06 nov, 1hu 24 Apr, lrl 10 !ul, lrl
19 nov, Wed 08 May, lrl
30 CcL, 1hu 17 Apr, lrl 26 !un, lrl
0S Dec, Ir| 2S May, Mon 20 Iu|, Mon
06 uec, SaL 26 May, 1ue 21 !ul, 1ue
08 uec, Mon - 13 uec, SaL 27 May, Wed - 02 !un, 1ue 22 !ul, Wed - 23 !ul, 1hu
13 uec, Mon
16 uec, 1ue - 16 !an, lrl
22 uec, Mon 10 !un, Wed 31 !ul, lrl
14 !ul, Mon 13 uec, Mon 22 May, lrl
11 Aug, Mon 02 leb, Mon 10 !un, Wed
21 !ul, Mon 03 !an, Mon 29 May, lrl
18 Aug, Mon 09 leb, Mon 17 !un, Wed
28 !uly, Mon 12 !an, Mon 23 May, Mon
22 Aug, lrl
06 leb, lrl
02 !ul, 1hu
29 Aug, lrl
13 leb, lrl
09 !ul, 1hu
01 Sep, Mon
16 leb, Mon
24 !un, Wed
23 Sep, 1hu *** 26 leb, 1hu *** 23 !un, 1hu ***
28 !un, Sun
** Appeals submitted beyond the deadline will be processed for the following term.
01 May, lrl Labor uay
12 !une, lrl lndependence uay
19 !uly, Sun Lldul-llLar
19 AugusL, Wed Cuezon uay (CC only)
21 AugusL, lrl nlnoy Aqulno uay
31 AugusL, Mon naLlonal Peroes uay
01 november, Sun All SalnLs uay
30 november, Mon 8onlfaclo uay
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30 uecember, Wed 8lzal uay
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naLlonal Peroes uay
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Lldul-llLar
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nlnoy Aqulno uay
23 uecember, 1hu
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23 AugusL, Mon
21 AugusL, 1hu
01 May, 1hu
12 !une, 1hu
01 november, SaL
30 november, Sun
19 AugusL, 1ue
30 !uly, Wed
Alternative Classroom Learning Experience (ACLE) is an activity of the UPD Student Council and is held once every semester, every 3
rd
week of August and 3
rd
week of January.
@
Approved by UP President Alfredo E. Pascual ________. Applies to all units except the MBA and MS Finance programs of the College of Business Administration, the MM Program of UPEPP and UPEPO, and
the Spring-ASIA program of the School of Urban and Regional Planning.
a
For the Summer session, 3-unit lecture classes meet two (2) hours daily, Monday to Friday, for 24 class days.
b
For transferees from schools outside the UP system only; students from other CU should check earlier deadlines set by the college where they intend to transfer.
* A special removal schedule outside this period may be implemented by the Unit subject to removal fees.
*** Per OSU, BOR Meetings are usually held every last Thursday of the month. However, the BOR Chair or UP President may ask for a re-scheduling of the said meeting. For December, the BOR Meeting is
usually held on the same day as the Lantern Parade.
Summer 2014
1
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lor 1
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UNIVERSITY OF THE PHILIPPINES DILIMAN
ltoposol No. 1_ACAuLMlC CALLnuA8 2014-2013[
ll8S1 SLMLS1L8 ll8S1 SLMLS1L8 SLCCnu SLMLS1L8 SLCCnu SLMLS1L8 SuMML8 SuMML8
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19 AugusL, Wed Cuezon uay (CC only)
21 AugusL, lrl nlnoy Aqulno uay
31 AugusL, Mon naLlonal Peroes uay
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Approved by UP President Alfredo E. Pascual ________. Applies to all units except the MBA and MS Finance programs of the College of Business Administration, the MM Program of UPEPP and UPEPO, and
the Spring-ASIA program of the School of Urban and Regional Planning.
a
For the Summer session, 3-unit lecture classes meet two (2) hours daily, Monday to Friday, for 24 class days.
b
For transferees from schools outside the UP system only; students from other CU should check earlier deadlines set by the college where they intend to transfer.
* A special removal schedule outside this period may be implemented by the Unit subject to removal fees.
*** Per OSU, BOR Meetings are usually held every last Thursday of the month. However, the BOR Chair or UP President may ask for a re-scheduling of the said meeting. For December, the BOR Meeting is
usually held on the same day as the Lantern Parade.
Alternative Classroom Learning Experience (ACLE) is an activity of the UPD Student Council and is held once every semester, every 3
rd
week of August and 3
rd
week of January.
NO1. 8eglsLraLlon perlod ls when a sLudenL becomes "Cff|c|a||y reg|stered," whlch means LhaL Lhe sLudenL has already gone Lhrough all Lhe processes lnvolved ln
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01 november, SaL All SalnLs uay
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LND CI CLASSLS
NEVER FORGET THE MARTYRS OF MENDIOLA, HONOR THEIR SUBVERSIVE
MEMORIES BY FIGHTING RELENTLESSLY FOR GENUINE LAND REFORM

Statement of Congress of Teachers and Educators for Nationalism and Democracy-
UP (CONTEND UP) in commemorating the 27
th
year of the Mendiola Massacre

If the land could speak, it would speak for us. It would say, like us, the years have
forged the bond of life that ties us together. It was our labor that made the land she
is. Macliing Dulag, tribal leader, killed by military, April 24, 1980

On January 22, 1987, exactly 27 years today, on the so-called Black Thursday, state
security forces brutally dispersed a farmers march to Malacaan Palace. Thirteen
of the farmers were killed and many were wounded when government anti-riot
forces opened fire on them. The farmers were demanding fulfilment of the
promises made regarding land reform during the Presidential campaign of Cory
Aquino, the mother of the Impunity King, Benigno Simeon Cojuangco Aquino III.

Twenty-seven years later, the murder of the farmers are still haunting the fascist
state of US-Aquino Regime. In 1988, the Manila Regional Trial Court issued a
decision to dismiss a P6.5-million class suit filed by relatives of the victims. This
decision was upheld by the Supreme Court in 1993. This travesty of human rights
merely demonstrates that [t]hroughout history, as Lenin says, the state has been
an instrument for the exploitation of the oppressed class. Usually the state is
controlled by the most powerful, economically dominant class, which, through the
medium of the state, becomes also the politically dominant class, and thus acquires
new means of holding down and exploiting the oppressed class.

Twenty-seven years after the infamous Mendiola Massacre, our state is still
controlled by the big landlord compradors. The sixty-six percent of lands
distributed under the US-Aquino Regime are government lands and not those
controlled by powerful landlords. The Aquinos, Roxases, Aranetas, Cojuangcos and
other big landlord families wallow in excessive luxury. Big transnational
corporations exploit the vast agricultural lands such as Dole, Del Monte, Nestle, Inc.
and San Miguel Corp. Mining industries, through the neoliberal policies of the US-
Aquino Regime, are also having bonanza in exploiting and destroying prime
agricultural lands. The Comprehensive Agrarian Reform with Extended Reforms
(CARPer) retained CARPs provision allowing multinational corporations to control
and operate the countrys agricultural lands through lease, management, grower or
service contracts for a period of 25 years and renewable for another 25 years.
Meanwhile, the Filipino peasantry, who comprise more than 70% of the countrys
population, wallow in indescribable misery, unmitigated poverty, and subjected to
massive militarization by the AFP, PNP and armed paramilitary units in the rural
communities.

The First 100 Days Report of Pres. Benigno Noynoy Aquinos administration made
no mention of its program for land reform. Ibon Foundation, said that among post-
Marcos presidents, Aquino performed the worst in terms of land distribution. And
Pres. Aquinos, a haciendero himself, support for the CARPer betrays his true class
interests. The CARPer just like its predecessor land reform programs merely
perpetuates the bondage of farmers to the land by mandating compensation for
landlords and owners rather than redistributing the land for free. Under the
CARPer, the required down payment for such compensation has even been raised
from 25% to 50%. Under the CARPer, the conversion of hundreds to thousands of
agricultural lands to non-agricultural use persists, which puts the livelihood of
thousands of farmers families and the countrys food security at risk.

The oppressive and exploitative character of the CARP, its extended version in
CARPer and the neoliberal policies of the US-Aquino Regime is demonstrated by
the continuing violence at Hacienda Luisita. The agrarian reform dispute-cases of
Hacienda Luisita, Hacienda Looc in Batangas, Roxas-Araneta lands in Bulacan,
among others, are concrete cases where landlords made use of the CARPer to
evade land distribution. The Cojuanco-Aquino clan continues to enjoy the benefits
of what approximates a slave economy from which regular farmworkers are
supposed to receive only P 199.50 a day while seasonal or casual farmworkers,
only 194.50. To this day, repressive acts such as harassment, imprisonment,
bulldozing of farmlands and destruction of plants and crafts are committed against
the farmworkers with impunity. Illegal arrest, detentions, and militarization of HLI
is a regular activity.

In the face of these continuing exploitation of the Filipino peasants, the intensifying
assault of the US-Aquino Regimes fascist forces on peasants organization, the
unmitigated influx of foreign mining companies and transnational corporation that
exploit our prime lands and natural resources, we, the members of Congress of
Teachers and Educators for Nationalism and Democracy, UP Diliman, join the
Filipino peasants clamour for genuine land reform. We support the peasants
struggle to junk the CARP and CARPer for free land distribution. We are firmly
convinced that there can never be genuine and lasting peace in our nation as long
as the peasants remain landless and the big landlords and their families
monopolize the ownership of vast tracts of lands.

Today, as we remember the heroism and martyrdom of the thirteen peasants who
were killed in the Mendiola Massacre, we urge all patriotic and progressive
teachers and educational workers to join the peasants centuries-old protracted
struggle to dismantle the pernicious tentacles of semi-feudalism engulfing the
Filipino peasants. As teachers and educators we cannot remain aloof amidst these
struggles for they define the food security of our nation, and the coming
generations. Our daily sustenance is made possible from the sweat and hard labor
of thousands of landless and exploited peasants. As teachers, it is our duty to
educate our students that landlessness is the fundamental root cause of
insurgency, poverty, and the economic backwardness of our nation.

Junk CARP! Junk CARPer!
Down with feudalism!
Down with capitalism!
Down with imperialism!
For a genuine land reform!
Enact House Bill 252 or the Genuine Agrarian Reform Bill (GARB) now!
For free land distribution!
Justice to all peasants who were victims of Mendiola Massacre and Hacienda
Luisita Massacre!





























DENOUNCE THE DETERIORATING HUMAN RIGHTS SITUATION UNDER THE
LORDSHIP OF THE IMPUNITY KING BENIGNO AQUINO

Statement of Congress of Teachers and Educators for Nationalism and Democracy,
University of the Philippines Diliman on the 63
rd
of International Human Rights
Day, December 10, 2013

Months into the end of Oplan Bayanihans Phase 1, human rights violations
continue to belie the conjured picture of peace and development of the three-
year US-Noynoy Aquino regime, according to latest Karapatan Monitor report on
the state of human rights in the Philippines. Under the presidency of President
Aquino, there are already 142 extrajudicial killings and 164 frustrated extrajudicial
killings, 76 cases of torture, and 293 illegal arrests and detentions. Most of the
victims of extrajudicial killings are indigenous people (27) and peasants (80).

The failure of the Aquino Administration to bring to justice the personalities
responsible for the infamous Ampatuan massacre had prompted many journalists
and human rights advocates to hail President Aquino as Impunity King! However
Communications Secretary Sonny Coloma promptly replied: Suriin po natin ang
ibig sabihin ng salitang impunity. Ang ibig sabihin mo ng impunity ay walang
habas na nagaganap ito, hindi tinututulan ng awtoridad, hindi gumagawa ng
karampatang aksyon upang pigilin ang krimen. Ironically, Colomas definition
perfectly fits his Boss.

Impunity persists because it has been four years since 58 individuals, including 32
journalists and media workers, were brutally killed in Ampatuan town,
Maguindanao. To date, no one has been convicted of murder charges since the
hearing began on January 5, 2010. And Sec. Coloma could only say pathetically that
not all 58 victims were journalists!

Aquino has also refused to punish and instead rewarded the most rabid
perpetrators of human rights violations. Gen. Eduardo Ano (implicated in the
abduction of peasant activist Jonas Burgos) and Gen. Aurelio Baladad (charged
with criminal and civil cases in relation to the arrest and detention of the 43 health
workers or the Morong 43). To date, the US-Aquino Regime has not brought Gen.
Jovito Palparan, the berdugo of activists, and his henchmen to justice.

Hence, we the members of Congress of Teachers and Educators for Nationalism
and Democracy, UP Diliman strongly denounce the worsening state of impunity
under the Aquino Regime. We denounce not only the direct violations of human
rights of political activists and human rights workers and advocates, but also the
ineptitude of the Aquino administration in securing the welfare and rights of the
most vulnerable members of our society before and the aftermath of Yolanda
typhoon. It is horrifying how the government in Tacloban had disposed dead
bodies and how it failed to secure the safety of women and children.

We also denounce the deplorable act of the military who refused to heed the call of
the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Philippine, who declared
unilateral ceasefire since November 8, 2013, and instead are now taking advantage
of the ceasefire to carry tactical offensive against the New Peoples Army. Such
cowardly atrocities simply demonstrate how the US-Aquino regime takes
advantage of peoples miseries to carry out its US-backed Oplan Bayanihan
counter-insurgency program.

As teachers and educators we are also terrified by the impunity shown by the
fascist force of the state in arresting peoples scientist, Prof. Kim Ajeas Gargar last
October 1, 2013 in Sitio Spur Dos, Barangay Aliwagwag in Cateel, Davao Oriental.
The barbarism shown by 67th Infantry Battalion of the Armed Forces of the
Philippines in arresting and fabricating false charges against our fellow teacher
merely strengthened further the attribution of Impunity King to President Aquino!
We also condemn the continuing neglect of political prisoners especially our fellow
teacher Charity Dino a public school teacher (arrested and tortured by the military,
& detained for three years now at the Batangas Provincial Jail).

But the reign of terror perpetrated by the US-Aquino Regime should be seen in the
light of the continuing meddling of US imperialism in Philippines. The
unprecedented swarming of US military and para-military troops with their
warships, planes, boats and drones in typhoon-devastated areas after Yolanda is an
ominous warning that the imperialist forces are here to stay! We therefore strongly
condemn the mendicant posturing of Foreign Affairs Secretary Albert del Rosario
who insinuated that the damage caused by super typhoon Yolanda to the country
proves the need for greater presence of the US troops in our country. Such pro-US
deportment of our DFA simply illustrates the continuing stranglehold of US
imperialism on our country. Using disaster as leverage to gain foothold in our
country is a gross violation of our right to self-determination. The continuing
presence of US troops would merely translate to more human rights violations as
our military will be assisted copiously by US intelligence to suppress peoples
resistance and perpetuate semi-colonialism.

In celebration of the International Rights Day, we, the members of CONTEND UP
Diliman raise our fists in defiance against the reign of terror under the Impunity
King President Aquino! We join the chorus of voices of the people and express our
profoundest solidarity for all the victims of human rights violations and join hands
with all political prisoners who are now languishing in jails, in demanding the end
to the impunity of the Aquino regime in violating the human rights of activists, our
fellow teachers, journalists, human rights advocates and workers, indigenous
people, church people, peasants and workers!

We demand justice for all those who have been tortured, brutally assaulted,
politically harassed by the US-Aquino regime. We demand full accountability from
this barbaric state and its fascist military forces.

Uphold Human rights!
No to Oplan Bayanihan!
Free All Political Prisoners!
Free Prof. Kim Gargar and Teacher Charity Dino!
Make the US-Aquino Regime Accountable for all its human rights atrocities!
Justice to all victims of human rights violations!
No to rotational presence of US troops in the Philippines!
Down with imperialism!
Junk VFA!






























PCARI: THE WHITE ELEPHANT THAT WEIGHS DOWN THE RESEARCH AND
DEVELOPMENT NEEDS OF THE COUNTRY

Statement of Congress of Teachers and Educators for Nationalism and Democracy-
UP (CONTEND-UP) and Alliance of Concerned Teachers Philippines

What is the state of research and development in the Philippines?

The Philippines is lagging behind almost every other country in Southeast Asia in
terms of research and development (R&D) in science and technology. Singapore,
Malaysia and Thailand are taking the lead with the most scientific output in the
region while Indonesia and Vietnam have already taken significant leads over the
Philippines. Local scientific research is considered the lowest in quality compared
with Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore, Thailand and Vietnam (World Economic
Forum 2012-2013).

One need not look too far to find an explanation for its miserable performance. The
Philippines spent only a measly 0.12% of its GDP on R&D in 2005. In contrast,
Malaysia allotted 0.63% of its GDP in 2006 and Thailand 0.23% in the same year.
Public expenditure per tertiary level pupil as a percentage of GDP per capita puts
the Philippines at 9.6% (2008), Indonesia at 21% (2009), Thailand at 22.7%
(2009), Malaysia at 60% (2009) and Vietnam at 60.6% (2008). It is no wonder that
the Philippines has only 81 researchers in R&D per million people as opposed to
Malaysias 365 and Thailands 307 (All data from the World Bank).

What is PCARI?

The Philippines-California Advanced Research Institutes (PCARI), is a brainchild of
the Filipino-American Silicon Valley entrepreneur, Mr. Diosdado Banatao which
will receive an initial outlay of P1.76B (or $205 million over four years) per year
over a five-year period, as provided for under the Special Provision No. 6
Allocation for the Research and Scholarship Project of the General
Appropriations Act (GAA/RA 10352). The initial budget is more than sixty percent
of CHEDs 2013 budget. All in all, eight to ten billion pesos of the budget of the
Commission on Higher Education (CHED) will be spent on PCARI over a span of
five years.

Two research institutes in Information Technology and in Health will be
established with the participation of five Philippine higher education institutions,
the University of the Philippines, Ateneo de Manila University, De La Salle
University, Mapua Institute of Technology, and Mindanao State University (and
other selected HEIs) in partnership with the University of California San Francisco
(UCSF) and the University of California Berkley (UCB). It will be focused on
developing Philippine research and development capacity in information
technology and medicine. PCARI is expected to give a strong boost to the
Philippines internationally in terms of the number of scientific publications in
international journals and the increase in the number of local PhD holders and
researchers. The Philippines will be the sole funder of all its projects.

Why is it disadvantageous and even harmful to genuine development goals of
the Philippines?

The solution to the mediocre performance of the Philippines in R&D and in higher
education as a whole is simple and straightforward. More priority should be given
in terms of budget allocation to science and technology development, the
strengthening of science program in basic education, and the improvement of
tertiary education. All of these should then be linked to a comprehensive national
industrialization program. However, leaders and technocrats in government
always seem to fail to see the straightest path to solving the problems of the nation.
They are addicted to quick fix schemes and pyramid scams, most especially when
the potential personal and political gains in the short-term promises are quite
substantial. The Philippines-California Advanced Research Institutes (PCARI) is
quickly turning out to be one such neoliberal scam. Why? Because of the following
reasons:

1) The Philippines will in effect be funding US researches to be done in UCSF and
UCB singlehandedly since there will be no counterpart coming from the US partner
institutions;

2) It is to be expected in such an arrangement that proprietary claims to the results
of the researches which it singlehandedly funded will not redound solely upon the
Philippines;

3) The Philippines will most likely end up funding US researchers and the use of
facilities at dollar rates while Philippine researchers will be paid unequally at
Philippine rates, an arrangement which harks back to the colonial era;

4) The use and disposition of the funds will be tied to just a few institutions in the
US, the selection of which was questioned legally and morally, when greater
flexibility in the use and disposition of its limited R&D budget would better serve
the Philippines;

5) Private universities involved in the partnership, such as Ateneo de Manila
University, De La Salle University and Mapua Institute of Technology, will greatly
benefit from the scheme even as State Universities and Colleges (SUCs) like the
Polytechnic University of the Philippines (PUP) continue to be starved of the
funding they need for survival;

6) There is also reason to be uneasy about the composition of the PCARI steering
committee. Mr. Diosdado Banatao, is concurrently serving as the Chairman of the
University of California Berkeley, College of Engineering Advisory Board and as a
member of the UC Berkeley Chancellors Executive Advisory Council, while his
wife, Maria Cariaga Banatao, who is also part of the PCARI steering committee, is a
member of the Board of Trustees of the University of California Berkeley
Foundation. Whose personal interests are being served in this kind of arrangement
when the main proponents of the project are personally connected with UC
Berkeley?

What is its relationship with the current neo-liberal thrust of
internationalization of higher education?

The PCARI is symptomatic of the neoliberal definition of internationalization of
higher learning institutions which ties it to the effort to enhance international
reputation of universities and embellish outer appearance with short-term and
superficial schemes. Rather than addressing the root of the problems of
educational and scientific backwardness in the Philippines through adequate state
intervention, the neoliberal definition of internationalization is obsessed with
selling its delusions as truths.

Firstly, the PCARI demonstrates a fetish for building up the international
reputations of a few elite universities like the University of the Philippines (UP)
while basic education and tertiary education as a whole languishes in utter state
neglect. It ignores that efforts on improving the Filipino students competence in
science and mathematics, which are at the backbone of research and innovation,
need to be accelerated if the country wants to be competitive. Our performance in
Trends in International Mathematics and Science Studies (TIMSS) should give
CHED and the government a big pause in considering where to put the P10 billion
budget. Thus, it can be argued that the real quality of an educational system can be
measured by its overall average quality rather than by its few showcases.

Second, it reveals a fetish for increasing international publications as a surrogate
for the actual development of sustainable national basic industries as the
foundation for genuine development. It can be argued that first tier countries in
publication performance such as Thailand and Malaysia owe their advances in R&D
primarily to their increasingly broad and stable industrial bases which the
Philippines lacks. Indeed, a one-sided obsession with publication for
international journals may not actually contribute to addressing local needs and
more pressing national research agendas.

Third, it is driven by a fetish for credentialism that relies on accumulating
advanced degrees and multiplying the number of PhDs as a seeming end in itself,
when, lacking sustainable industrial growth, it is certain that the advanced
graduates we produce, will continue to find themselves underpaid, underemployed
or unemployed and will continue to stream outwards like Mr. Banatao himself, the
pinnacle of a Filipino who made it. Why is it that the Brazilian government can
send and finance 100,000 of their citizens to gain advanced degrees abroad? How
is it possible that Vietnam can spend $50M of its yearly budget to send 1,000
Vietnamese abroad per year for their PhDs? The answer is because the majority of
Brazilians and Vietnamese come home and contribute to building their own
nations. Filipinos, coming from a country mired in government corruption,
perennial poverty, and bleak employment opportunities, are driventomigrate and
practice their professions abroad. This is made dramatic by the current exodus of
our weather forecasters abroad. PCARI is another window for continuing brain
drain.

And finally, the PCARI demonstrates a fetish for lauding individual
entrepreneurship dislocated from the realities of collapsing local industries,
stagnating agriculture and stupendous corruption. Our individual entrepreneurs
will be simple compradors for the most part, agents of foreign businesses in the
Philippines.

What are our calls?

Indeed, one has to start somewhere. But unless Philippine R&D and tertiary
education initiatives are based on long-term plans for national industrial and
agricultural development, such initiatives are destined to serve some other
nations development and not that of the Philippines. And as in the past, we
become a willing host for the advancement of the economically advanced nations.
Without more fundamental reforms in education, especially strengthening science
and technology programs in basic education, reversing the perverse outcomes of
neoliberal reforms in higher education, and building industrial infrastructure
based on sound agricultural policies, the PCARI will just end up as mere window-
dressing, like so many innovative neoliberal scams of the past, to the chronic
failure and miserable state of Philippine higher education. It is to be expected that
there will be little to show when the last peso has been spent in financing this
white elephant to the tune of10 billion pesos in five years for the country to
attain academic respectability in the heartless global supermarket.

Oppose the Commission on Higher Educations (CHED) extravagant PCARI scheme!
Oppose the privatization of social services and increase the budget of basic
education and public tertiary education institutions!
Support research and development towards national industrialization and genuine
land reform!
Propagate a Nationalist, Scientific, Mass Oriented Education!





RESISTING THE DICTATORSHIP OF NEOLIBERAL DEFINITION OF
INTERNATIONALIZATION OF HIGHER LEARNING INSTITUTIONS

Statement of Congress of Teachers and Educators for Nationalism and
Democracy(CONTEND-UP), University of the Philippines, Diliman on the Proposed
Academic Calendar Change to Synchronize with ASEAN Universities

DECEMBER 2, 2013

The ASEAN was created in the wake of the so-called Nixon doctrine in 1969 that
permitted the ASEAN members to create their own defence against communism.
With the collapse of communism, ASEAN is now vigorously pushing for integration
to rival its imperialist competitors. In the "ASEAN Business Outlook Survey"
released August 2013 and prepared by the US Chamber of Commerce and AmCham
Singapore revealed that US companies are optimistic about investing in ASEAN
countries (http://www.rappler.com/world/regions/asia-pacific/39481-apb-
survey-asean-economic-integration). Inward flow of Foreign Direct
Investment(FDI) to ASEAN has recorded an increase of more than fourfold - from
US$ 21.81billion in 2000 to US$ 114.08 billion in 2011 - with Singapore, Indonesia
and Malaysia leading the Member States. Intra-ASEAN FDI inflow has increased
from 3.9% to 23% during the same period. ASEAN trade in goods among its
Member States more than doubled from US$ 260.9 billion in 2004, to US$ 598.2
billion in 2011. For the same period, extra-ASEAN trade grew from US$ 428.1
billion to US$ 914.8 billion (http://www.asean.org/news/asean-secretariat-
news/item/latest-asean-statistics-show-progress-towards-2015-integration). That
makes the ASEAN countries the hotbed for capitalist expansion. This drive to
create an integrated economic hub to increase ASEANs competitiveness through
trade and investment liberalization, and closer economic cooperation as well as the
valorization of Asian values and culture, define the trajectories of the
internationalization of higher education in the Philippines.

ASEAN University Network (AUN) Executive Director, Prof. Piniti Ratananukul
defines internationalization of higher education as the process of integrating an
international/intercultural dimension into the teaching, research and service
functions of the institution." CHED issued its Memorandum Order No. 1 entitled
Policies and Guidelines in the Implementation of International Linkages and
Twinning Programs that sets the aim of internationalization to strengthen
educational, cultural, social, economic and political bonds between Philippine and
foreign institutions of higher learning thereby fostering a vibrant exchange of
cultures integral to a peaceful living within a global community.
Internationalisation is often discussed in relation to physical mobility, academic
cooperation and academic knowledge transfer as well as international education.
The claim that higher education is internationalising or ought to internationalise is
somewhat surprising because universities have long been considered one of
societys most international institutions.

The current mulling of the University of the Philippines to synchronize academic
calendar with ASEAN, Northeast Asian (China and Korea; Japan starts classes in
October),American and European Universities, its academic partners, by shifting
the academic calendar from a June-March schedule to August-May, should be
framed within this global process of commodification of higher education.
International education is most commonly associated with the recruitment and
enrolment of international students. UNESCO in their 2009 World Conference on
Higher Education report, over 2.5 million students were studying outside their
home country. UNESCO also predicted that the number of international students
might rise approximately to 7 million by the year 2020 (OECD International
Migration Outlook 2010). The main destinations preferred by international
students are the United States, United Kingdom, Germany, France and Australia.
What is significant about these flows is that the producers of higher education are
mainly from the industrialized, Western nations of the world, the North, whereas
students are overwhelmingly from the South and East of developing countries. The
overriding drive to accelerate internationalization must be shown for what it truly
is: frantic desire to attract foreign students to ASEAN universities to rival the
dominant role of the US and UK as the largest importers of overseas students.

The avowed reasons for the controversial calendar synchronization are just
confirmation of the growing marketization of UP education and Philippine HEIs.
The argument is that, if universities are to survive and remain competitive in this
rapidly changing global market place, they must become flatter, leaner,
decentralized, and make use of the efficiencies afforded by electronic media and
computer-mediated communication. They need to become flexible and reflexive
accumulators, in part through drawing on the information or knowledge to be
gathered through the work process.

We, the members of Congress of Teachers and Educators for Nationalism and
Democracy strongly believe that internationalization, whether global or regional
should be anchored in principles of fairness and equality where no culture should
unfairly dominate. But as the proposed ASEAN integration shows, it is an Asianized
version of the imperialist Western paradigm of internationalization. We become
part of ASEAN economic hub only for the richer partners to exploit their
advantages in resources and infrastructure. Malaysia, Singapore and China are the
emerging destinations for international students. These three countries have
combined share of approximately 12% of the global student market with
somewhere between 250,000 and 300,000 students having decided to pursue
higher education studies in these countries in 2005-6 (World Educations News and
Reviews, October 2007). Such integration merely homogenizes the marketization
of HEIs while paying lip service to cultural pluralism. It is a scramble among ASEAN
universities for the piece of market among ASEAN members following the
comparative advantage of offering Asian courses for foreign and Asian students.

What is missed in this turbo-capitalist proposal to synchronize our academic
calendar with Asian countries, American Universities, and European partners is
that we have a very inadequate academic infrastructure and the resources to carry
out a fully competitive HEIs. Our University suffers from the syndromes of
developing economies: problematic tenure for faculty, contractualization of
academic personnel, ageing faculty, dwindling state subsidies, the inability to
attract younger faculty and foreign scholars and researchers. Added to these
problems are the insufficient facilities to accommodate foreign students and
inadequate support for faculty research and extensions programs. Many of our
faculty are already saddled with administrative works, lack of personnel support,
bureaucratic hurdles for research grant, and the steady large class size
assignments. These obstacles dissuade our University faculty and researchers from
publishing and engaging in field research and other creative works. And all of these
predicaments are rooted in the continuing assault of neoliberal reforms against our
educational institutions. The demand to upgrade educational institutions with the
imperative to decrease public spending on education is the nemesis of
internationalization. Our definition of internationalization is whitewashed by the
neoliberal principles that underpin ASEAN integration as well as Philippine
economic policies on higher education.

We therefore refuse to be coaxed into the frivolous debate about changing
academic calendar as a way to internationalize our University. While this issue is
relevant, we believe that changing the calendar should not be reduced to mere
question of efficiency and the imperative to accelerate cross-border mobility of
students and faculty. Internationalization has to address the wider economic and
political context, both regional and global, that define the general contours and
orientation of the culture of inquiry we want to create and nurture as well as the
learning environment of the students and faculty. We can always change the
calendar. But the entire philosophy that underpins such change must be debated
and carefully weighed. Jumping too quickly into the bandwagon of
internationalization is not necessarily helpful for our nation. We have to pause and
decelerate to think hard about these questions: Whose internationalization?
Internationalization for what? Only when these major questions are put into the
table for discussion that we can rethink the mission and vision of the University as
both national and international in scope, and not just follow the policy
recommendations of bureaucrats who are often detached from real intellectual life
of the university.


No to dictatorship of neoliberal definition of internationalization of higher
education!
No to market-driven integration of ASEAN universities!
No to commercialization and privatization of education!
Education is a right!
Fight for greater state subsidy for state universities and colleges!
Fight for emancipatory internationalism!


DECEMBER 2, 2013




NINE YEARS AFTER THE INFAMOUS HACIENDA LUISITA MASSACRE,
ADVANCE AND INTENSIFY THE PEOPLES STRUGGLE AGAINST FEUDALISM

Statement of Congress of Teachers and Educators for Nationalism and Democracy,
University of the Philippines, Diliman (CONTEND-UP Diliman) on the 9
th

Anniversary of Hacienda Luisita Massacre

November 16, 2013

On November 16, 2004, police and army units carried out a brutal massacre of
striking sugar plantation workers at Hacienda Luisita. At least seven protesting
farmers were killed in a clash with police and military personnel. It is the second
recent massacre involving the Cojuangco family. The first one was the Mendiola
Massacre on January 22, 1987, during the presidency of Corazon Cojuangco
Aquino. Today, nine years have passed since the infamous Hacienda Luisita
massacre, justice has remained elusive. Worse, the problems of peasants
repression that had led to this massacre have remained, even worsened. Last
October 31, Dennis dela Cruz, an official of the Alyansa ng mga Manggagawang
Bukid sa Asyenda Luisita (AMBALA), was found bludgeoned inside a hut he was
fixing in Barangay Balete. His murder could have only been perpetrated by the
Cojuangco-Aquinos hooligans who harassed peasant organizations for exposing
the bogus land reform scheme of the Department of Agrarian Reform in collusion
with Cojuangcos Luisita Realty Corp. and the Tarlac Development Corp. No land
distribution is actually taking place. Instead, peasant organizations have exposed
that what is being distributed are certificates of land amortizations which are to be
paid for by supposed beneficiaries for the next 25 years. They have also exposed
how the scheme has displaced a number of long-standing claimants to the land
who have been excluded from the list of beneficiaries prepared by the DAR in
collaboration with the Cojuangco-Aquinos.

In hysterical attempt to stem the tide of genuine land being pushed by peasants
organizations the Cojuangco-Aquinos are now forced to resort to fascist attacks as
the farm workers sentiment for a free distribution of lands is ballooning. On Sept.
17, eleven members of the fact finding mission, which was organized to investigate
the land claims of Tadeco in Hacienda Luisita and the intensified militarization in
the area, were arrested at around 11:40 A.M. in the village of Balete. The fact-
finding mission that gathered data to verify the initial reports that farm worker
beneficiaries (FWB) were coerced into signing an application to purchase and
farmers undertaking with the DAR. This accumulation by dispossession directed by
DAR clearly obliges FWBs to pay amortization, consequently compensating the
Cojuangco-Aquinos. In its bid to extract superprofits from the landless peasants,
the Cojuanco-Aquinos are tricking the farm worker beneficiaries by distributing
certificates of land amortizations which are to be paid for by supposed
beneficiaries for the next 25 years. By requiring them to pay amortization, the
FWBs are being robbed again of what rightfully belongs to them.

The Alyansa ng mga Mangggawang Bukid sa Asyenda Luisita (AMBALA) had
exposed how the scheme has displaced a number of long-standing claimants to the
land who have been excluded from the list of beneficiaries prepared by the DAR in
collaboration with the Cojuangcos. Furthermore, Ambala also asserted that the
tambiolo method of distribution is outright illegal and violation of their rights as
FWBs. The 200-300 hectares of land under the Tarlac Development Corporation
(TADECO), which is owned by Aquinos family, should be covered by land reform
and thus distributed to farmworker-beneficiaries. These are in barangays Cutcut,
Balete, and Mapalacsiao.

In the light of this iniquitous accumulation by disposession being perpetrated by
the Cojuanco-Aquinos against the toiling landless farmers, we, the members of
Congress of Teachers and Educators for Nationalism and Democracy, express our
profoundest solidarity for all the farmworkers of Hacienda Luisita. We support the
peasants demand to carry out genuine land reform by dispossessing the Cojuanco-
Aquinos of their land. We support the free distribution of lands to the farm
workers. Land redistribution however is not sufficient with genuine agrarian
reform. Farm workers should not only be given lands to till but must be given the
appropriate infrastructure and much-needed subsidies so they can be the base of
national industrialization program.

Hence we also call for the abolition of pork barrel system so that these gargantuan
funds can be channelled to spur and support genuine agrarian reform. However
staggering the amount of funds involved in stealing from the public coffers, they
are insignificant compared to the hundreds of billions of pesos plundered by
various predatory governments in implementing one of the grandest and most
deceptive projects in the countrys historybogus land reform. From the Marcos
dictatorships PD 27 to the CARP of the Corazon Aquino, Fidel Ramos and Joseph
Estrada regimes to the CARPER under Gloria Arroyo and Benigno Aquino III, the
reactionary state has spent P259.5 billion for land reform. But the face of feudal
and semifeudal exploitation has hardly changed even on the eve of CARPERs
conclusion in 2014.

We call on our fellow educators, educational workers and students to mobilize and
support the struggle of the Hacienda Luisita farm workers, and all the landless
peasants of our nation, to intensify the struggle against feudalism. Pork barrel
system is one of the offshoots of exploitative feudal relations. The struggle against
feudalism is the struggle to bring down patronage and electoral clientelism.

Down with feudalism!
Punish all parties and individuals responsible for the Hacienda Luisita Massacre!
Fight for genuine agrarian reform!
Fight for free redistribution of land to all landless farmers!
Support the Hacienda Luisita Farm Workers Struggle for justice and right to land!

LETS MOBILIZE ALL-OUT SUPPORT FOR THE VICTIMS OF THE TYPHOON,
WHILE WE CONTINUE OUR STRUGGLE FOR SOCIAL JUSTICE

Statement of Congress of Teachers and Educators for Nationalism and Democracy,
University of the Philippines, Diliman on the Aftermath of Super typhoon Yolanda
11November 2013

Karl Marx once amended Hegel who said that all great world-historic facts and
personages appear, so to speak, twice, by adding: the first time as tragedy, the
second time as farce. The same goes for natural disasters. But natural disasters,
especially typhoons, that regularly hit our country, are always catastrophic.
Seemingly, we never learn our lessons from the countless repetitions of these
historic disasters.

The latest of these disasters is super typhoon Haiyan (Yolanda in the Philippines)
that affected 9.5million people, according to a report from the United Nations.
Super typhoon Haiyan destroyed about 70 to 80percent of structures in its path as
it hit Leyte. As a result, over 630,000 were forced from their homes, many to seek
refuge in evacuation centers. The estimated death toll continues to rise with at
least 10,000 estimated deaths in the province of Leyte alone, 300 dead and 2,000
missing in Samar. Broad swaths of land were engulfed by the surging seas resulting
in massive destruction of public infrastructure, homes, property and agricultural
land. Majority of the victims of the storm are small peasants, farm workers,
fisherfolk, mountain people, workers and other poor people who are the most
vulnerable to the storm. Schools were devastated. The United Nations Children's
Fund estimated that 1.7million children lived in the areas that were pummeled by
Haiyan.

In the face of this massive destruction and heart-breaking catastrophe, we the
members of Congress of Teachers and Educators for Nationalism and Democracy,
express our profoundest commiseration with the entire Filipino people, especially
those who have suffered the loss of loved ones, family members and friends, and
are now feeling despondent and psychologically helpless.

We express our deepest solidarity with all the generous local and international
organizations and individuals who are ceaselessly giving their assistance and
support to our unfortunate kababayans. Like them, we pledge our continuing
support for relief operations, not only in these trying times, but also in the
succeeding work of rebuilding the shattered lives of the people and reconstructing
their communities.

We are exasperated by the slow and inadequate response of the Aquino
government towards the disaster. Isolated and feeling abandoned by the
government, more and more people have become engulfed by hopelessness. In
remote barangays, people have resorted to "looting" in a desperate attempt to
survive and save their families. The social anarchy created by the disaster could
have been minimized if only the government had taken seriously the early
preparation for the coming of the super typhoon. The bureaucratic ineptitude of
the Aquino government has only served to aggravate our peoples miseries.

Natural calamities hit the poor and the rich alike. The poor, however, lacking in
resources, have always been the most ravaged, with very little hope of coping with
and recovering from the aftermath of disasters. We therefore believe that the
clamour of the Filipino people to abolish the pork barrel fund is made all the more
urgent by this tragedy. We should not wait for another super typhoon or killer
earthquake before we demand that the government allocate its budget to
infrastructure and to better prepare local communities for natural disasters. In this
hour of need, it has become glaringly apparent that pork barrel funds should be
channelled to local government units and appropriate agencies to create risk
prevention and disaster management programs without having to go through the
pockets of lawmakers.

We call on all educators, educational workers, and students to help in whatever
way they can to mitigate the suffering and trauma of our fellow Filipinos. United in
our common suffering, we shall stand again! And we should never allow such
meaningless but avoidable misfortune to waste the lives of our people in the
future. We call on all Filipinos to struggle for a just and democratic society. For
only a just and democratic society that puts the welfare of the people above and
beyond profit and patronage can enable us to endure any disaster, whether natural
or man-made.


Serve the people!
Abolish pork barrel funds and rechannel them to social services to help typhoon
victims now!
Make the government accountable for any failure in securing the safety of our
people!













DEFEND AND UPHOLD ACADEMIC FREEDOM AGAINST STATE REPRESSION
FREE PROF. KIM GARGAR AND ALL POLITICAL PRISONERS

Statement of Congress of Teachers and Educators for Nationalism and Democracy,
University of the Philippines, Diliman (CONTEND, UP Diliman) on the Arrest of
Prof. Kim Gargar

We, the members of the Congress of Teachers and Educators for Nationalism and
Democracy, University of the Philippines, Diliman (CONTEND, UP Diliman)
strongly denounce the arrest of peoples scientist, Prof. Kim Ajeas Gargar last
October 1, 2013 in Sitio Spur Dos, Barangay Aliwagwag in Cateel, Davao Oriental.
Prof. Gargar, who hails from Iligan City, finished BS in Physics, magna cum laude, at
the Mindanao State University-Iligan Institute of Technology in 2000; and his MS in
Physics at the University of the Philippines in Diliman, Quezon City. Prof. Gargar
has taught Physics in four universities: University of the Philippines as Teaching
Associate from June 2000 to May 2003; Mindanao Polytechnic State College in
Cagayan de Oro City from 2003 to 2004 and head of the Department of Physics
from 2004 to 2005; Polytechnic University of the Philippines from 2005 to 2006
and the Mapua Institute of Technology from 2007 to 2008, where he also served as
Research Director for Computational Sciences. He started his PhD in 2009 and did
research on Analyzing a mathematical model of the mammalian circadian
pacemaker.

Such academic track record did not deter the military to fabricate charges against
Prof. Gargar: violation of RA 9615 or illegal possession of explosives, firearms and
ammunitions; two counts of multiple frustrated/attempted murder; and violation
of the election gun ban. These are unfounded charges that merely reveal the fascist
and repressive character of our nations armed forces. According to AGHAM-
Advocates of Science and Technology for the People, Kim decided to devote his
time to volunteer work in AGHAM. As a scientist for the people, he unselfishly
shared his technical expertise and energy in explaining scientific concepts to local
communities to help sharpen their analysis in confronting issues that affect them.

We should acclaim Prof. Gargar for volunteering to be among the 69 members of a
fact-finding team in mid-April 2013 that documented the March 4 killing of a
Baganga village councilor and the state of the environment in the typhoon-hit areas
in Davao Oriental and Compostela Valley. Prof. Gargar returned to Compostela
Valley in late June for a six-month resource mapping for the rehabilitation of the
devastated areas, mainly for rainforestation program, in coordination with Balsa
Mindanao and the environmental group, Panalipdan. While doing his volunteer
work for the people, he was arrested! Rather than commending his works, the
military branded Prof. Gargar as the enemy of the state!

We are therefore alarmed by the way the 67th Infantry Battalion of the Armed
Forces of the Philippines arrested Prof. Gargar and came up with trumped up
charges to implicate him with the New Peoples Army (NPA). This repressive tactic
of the military, as part of the US-Aquino Oplan Bayanihan counter-insurgency
program, sends a shockwave of terror among scholars and the community of
scientists who are doing their legitimate field research in far-flung areas, and
deters other scientists from doing their field work in conflict-ridden areas of our
country.

We call on all concerned members of the scientific community to demand the
immediate release of Prof. Gargar. His release is the last hope that can show the
world that our country is civilized enough to respect the rights of scholars and
teachers. We cannot just stand as innocent bystanders while our colleagues are
being arrested, illegally detained like Charity Dino, a public school teacher
(arrested and tortured by the military, & detained for three years now at the
Batangas Provincial Jail). Its part of our academic freedom as scholars, scientists,
and teachers to work in the field with the people without being subjected to undue
military harassment and surveillance. The arrest of Prof. Gargar sends a wrong
signal to our nationalist scholars, scientists, and teachers that their research and
works are no longer safe. Our armed forces, rather than guaranteeing our safety in
the conducting our studies, have become the very threat to the integrity of our
academic work!

We therefore call on all teachers and students to join us in our urgent call to expose
and denounce the dirty tactics of the military to harass and repress peoples
scientists. We call on all patriotic and progressive members of our society to
demand the immediate release of Prof. Gargar and all other political prisoners who
are now languishing in jails and prisons.

Free Prof. Kim Gargar!
Free all political prisoners!
Uphold academic freedom against state repression!
Abolish US-Aquino Oplan Bayanihan!
Down with fascism!











TEACHERS AS ACTIVIST INTELLECTUALS:
TEACH TO EMANCIPATE, ORGANIZE TO RESIST BUREAUCRCAT CAPITALISM

Statement of Congress of Teachers and Educators for Nationalism and Democracy,
UP Diliman on 19th World Teachers Day, 5 October 2013

On the 19th celebration of the World Teachers Day, we the members of the
Congress of Teachers and Educators for Nationalism and Democracy, University of
the Philippines, Diliman, join the raucous chorus of all teachers in the Philippines,
and around the world, in fighting for better condition and social welfare and
benefits for all teachers, while joining other progressive and advanced sectors of
our society to denounce the continuing neoliberal capitalist practices, structures,
and policies that aggravate the already impoverished conditions of our teachers
and educational system.

We decry the immoral and unjustifiable misappropriation of our national budget to
debt service totalling toP1.06 trillion and stingily giving to Department of
EducationP336.9 billion or 15% of the total proposed budget, while the total
budget to education comprises 14.3% of the projected GDP for 2014, a far cry from
the 4.3% GDP share of education (total P323.3 billion fund for DepEd, SUCs, TESDA
and CHED). This is far from the UNESCOs recommendation of allocating 6% of GNP
to education. Also, we do not laud the realignment of P1.02 billion to the
Department of Education for education and scholarships from the defunct PDAF.
For it gives lawmakers the privilege to still tap the fund by submitting proposals
for projects to the Department of Education and CHED. Patronage and clientelism
are dubiously killed only to be resurrected through line-item budgeting, or
patronage with transparency.

We deplore the shameful proposed P2.268-trillion national budget which is laden
with big-ticket infrastructure projects, in which bulk of these infrastructure funds
will undergo the Public-Private Partnership (PPP) scheme, wherein the
government allows the private sector to invest and partly finance public projects
(P1.6 billion for the amortization of the construction of 9,301 classrooms under
PPP Batch 1).While the government boasts of an 18% increase in the budget for
basic education, from P330.2 billion to P389.5 billion, the amount is still
insufficient considering that DepEd will be shouldering the additional costs
brought about by the full implementation of the K-12 program. This budget
translates to only P6.22 funding per student per day, considering that there are
17.2 million learners at the basic level that DepEd needs to fund. This means
teachers will bear the agonizing brunt of educating young people with meagre
resources and insufficient funds.

We strongly repudiate the Roadmap for Public Higher Education Reform (RPHER)
that seeks to further commercialize and privatize higher education through bogus
rationalization and internationalization. The DBM-approved budget for state
universities and colleges (SUCs) increased nominally by P1.9 billion, from the
current P32.8 billion to P34.7 billion in 2014 (amounts net of RLIP). Despite the
nominal increase, there will be 79 SUCs that will be suffering from budget cuts in
FY 2014, some due to lower PS components, others due to lower MOOE, and many
due to zero capital outlay. Rationalizing SUCs would mean merging SUCs and
abolishing programs rather than strengthening and reforming the existing ones.
This is a move to prepare our college students as infinite resources for capitalist
exploitation and expansion.

We demand that higher state subsidies for education should be given to improve
the current starting pay of teachers of P18,594 per month. Our public school
teachers are at the borderline of poverty threshold considering that In the National
Capital Region, IBON estimates that the family living wage (or the minimum
amount needed for a family of six members to meet their daily food and non-food
needs plus 10% allocation for savings) is Php1,034 for a family of six as of
December 2012.Accoridng to National Statistics Coordinating Board, in terms of
Purchasing Power Parity (PPP), Filipino teachers earn US$5,000 to $6,000
annually, while teachers in the US earn $35,000 to $45,000. Because of the large
disparity in the salary, many Filipino teachers have gone to the US to teach. The
NSCB said there have been a total of 2,768 teachers deployed to the US between
2005 and 2010. This pimping of our teachers for global markets is unashamedly
celebrated by the Aquino Administration as internationalization of education.

In our critical historical period when the assault of neoliberal policies on our
educational system is escalating, which reduces our teachers to bureaucratic clerks
of the state and proletarianizes educational workers through labor
contractualization and harassing of unions, we urge all teachers to embrace their
historic duty as activist intellectuals and organize through national democratic
unions, creating alliances with progressive peoples movements of our society, to
register our urgent demands for better educational services, better benefits for
teachers, and greater subsidy for educational infrastructure.

We demand that the budget allocated to the controversial Priority Development
Fund (PDAF) and the presidential pork barrel be abolished completely. The refusal
of the Aquino Administration and its backers to let go of their pork barrel is
unacceptable for teachers when education is in a budget squeeze of great
magnitude. We join the Filipino masses in denouncing the pork barrel scam, and its
newest expression in the notorious Disbursement Acceleration Program (DAP),
prosecuting all guilty individuals and parties, and the rechanneling of
congressional and presidential pork barrel to basic social services and to subsidize
free land distribution for landless peasants.

We demand that debt servicing, the budget for modernization of the armed forces
and militarization which are being used to finance the notorious US-backed Oplan
Bayanihan counter-insurgency program, whose primary victims are civilians,
human rights defenders and advocates including teachers like Charity Dino(a
public school teacher arrested and tortured by the military, & detained for three
years now at the Batangas Provincial Jail), be rechanneled to subsidize peoples
welfare and other social services such as health, free housing for urban poor, free
distribution of lands to landless peasants, and agrarian reform.

We, teachers, do not only teach! We are not simple submissive bureaucrat-
worshippers of state policies. We refuse to be reduced to mere technicians
perfecting our teaching methods. We teach to emancipate the silenced minds!
Teaching is the most political and revolutionary praxis. For it is premised on the
possibility of changing the consciousness of the oppressed so that they will rebel
and emancipate themselves from the shackles of our semi-feudal, semi-colonial,
bureaucrat capitalist society! We teach while we engage in political practice.
Therefore, on the 19thcelebration of World Teachers Day, we seize this
opportunity to fight and shout:

Education is a right!
Free education for all!
Rechannel pork barrel funds to education and other social services!
No to privatization and commercialization of education!
Down with colonial, commercialized, and elitist education!
Stop the repression and harassment of activist teachers and their unions!
Lets fight for a nationalist, scientific, and mass based education!


















FREE THE LAND REFORM ADVOCATES NOW!
FIGHT FOR GENUINE LAND REFORM!

Statement of Congress of Teachers and Educators for Nationalism and Democracy UP
Diliman On the Arrest of Land Reform Advocates at Hacienda Luisita
September 18, 2013

As the Aquino Administration and its allies harass and push Janet Napoles and the
non-administration lawmakers as escape-goats for its PDAF corruption, they are
also busy defending their power and privileges by ordering its repressive military
and police personnel to arrest people who want to expose and oppose their
corrupt practices.

Police Officer 3 Norbelita Ingaw of the Tarlac City police confirmed to
INQUIRER.net that around nine people were arrested at the sugar estate on
charges of illegal assembly, direct assault, trespass to dwelling and malicious
mischief last September 17, 2013. The group arrested include Anakpawis
Representative Fernando Hicap, Danilo Ramos of Anakpawis party-list, Florida
Sibayan, acting chairperson of Alyansa ng Magbubukid sa Asyenda Luisita
(AMBALA), Sister Patricia Fox of the Zion Sisters, former political prisoners Ericson
Acosta, Kerima Tariman, Rene Blazan, Karl Mae San Juan of Anakpawis, Ronald
Matthew Gustillo, Luz Versola, Pong Sibayan of Unyon ng mga Manggagawa sa
Agrikultura (UMA).

According to Ericson Acosta, the arresting police force consisted of seven armed
men in plain clothing and armed supervisors of Cojuanco-owned Tarlac
Development Corporation. Antonio Flores, KMP secretary general, said the arrests
took place on the last day of a fact-finding mission to look into allegations that a
Supreme Court order to distribute the 5,000-hectare estate to around 6,000
farmers had been tainted by wrong land allocations, land-grabbing and
militarization. Hacienda Luisita is a vast plantation owned and controlled by
President Benigno Aquino III and his family for more than 50 years. The land
reform advocates were confirming accusations of fraud and harassment in the area
reported by land distribution beneficiaries.

We the members of Congress of Teachers and Educators for Nationalism and
Democracy, University of the Philippines Diliman, strongly condemn the arrest of
these land reform advocates. As teachers and educators we are alarmed by the
intensifying fascist and repressive tactics being employed by the military and
police to protect the private interests of the big landlords who are related to the
President. We decry this incident as a flagrant demonstration of how the current
administration is politically and morally bankrupt to its very core! While it talks
about daang matuwid and the abolition of corruption in the government, it
continues to preserve the oppression and exploitation of landless farmers by
promising bogus land reforms. It brings to mind the repression, corruption and the
anti-farmers and anti peoples policies during the martial law period whose 41st
declaration will be on September 21.

As teachers and educators we express our profoundest solidarity with the arrested
land reform advocates and with the thousands of landless farmers, not only in
Hacienda Luisita but in the entire Philippines, who are still struggling to have a
genuine land reform in our society. We cannot remain aloof and unaffected by
these on-going fascist tactics of the government against our people. As teachers
and educators we uphold the right of the farmers to have free access to the land
they till. We therefore call on all patriotic and progressive Filipino teachers,
educational workers and students to express their solidarity with the arrested land
reform advocates and landless farmers.

We call for the immediate release of the arrested land reform advocates. We
demand that the police and all those private individuals who were involved in this
brazen human rights violation be held accountable. We demand for the end of state
repression and all forms of militarization perpetrated against the farmers of
Hacienda Luisita!

Free the arrested land reform advocates now!
Stop militarization and repression of Hacienda famers and agricultural workers!
Make accountable all police personnel and private individuals who made the
arrest!
Distribute for free Hacienda Luisita to genuine farmers and farm workers not to
the stooges of the Cojuangco and Aquino family.
Implement genuine land reform now!
Down with fascism!
Down with feudalism!
Never again to martial law!!













OPPOSE THE IMPENDING US WAR OF AGGRESSION IN SYRIA,
CALL ON THE AQUINO GOVERNMENT TO REJECT THE US-PH FRAMEWORK
FOR INCREASED ROTATIONAL PRESENCE AND DEFENSE COOPERATION

Statement of Congress of Teachers and Educators for Nationalism and Democracy UP
Diliman on the Impending Military Intervention in Syria
September 12, 2013

The Congress of Teachers and Educators for Nationalism and Democracy
(CONTEND) UP Diliman opposes the impending US war of aggression against the
Syrian people. Evidently, the US governments warmongering schemes are rejected
by the peoples of the world who recognize and respect the right of sovereign
nations to self-determination and territorial integrity. The US government
continues to be alienated in its scheme and lies.

In spite of the existence of international laws and international bodies like the
United Nations (UN), US President Barack Obamas regime is most desperate to
unilaterally take military action that it considers to be the most solemn decision at
the moment.

In 2003, the US claimed that Iraq has weapons of mass destruction to justify its
invasion. Now, even with the absence of a UN report on the alleged chemical
weapons attack in Syria and reports that reveal how the footage of the said attack
was fabricated, the US is hell-bent in insisting that it wants to protect the
international community against the proliferation of chemical weapons.

After more than a decade of US war of aggression in Iraq, the culprits remain
unpunished for committing international crimes against humanity that killed more
than a million innocent Iraqi people under the pretext of US war against terror.
Now, it finds another ploy to justify its military intervention in Syria.

According to the International League of Peoples Struggles (ILPS), the US has most
to gain in economic, political and military terms from the destruction of Syria.
Consequently, the fall of the Syrian government will weaken Iran whose oil
resources are targeted by the US government.

Pope Francis even characterized this tactic a commercial war to sell arms as he
called for a stop to violence and devastation and for people to work with a
renewed commitment for a just solution to the internecine conflict.

More than ever, this is the time to call the Aquino government to reject the US-PH
Framework for Increased Rotational Presence and Defense Cooperation. This
framework of allowing more US troops in the country and letting them use
Philippine bases sends a message to the international community that the Filipino
people are fully supportive of the US agenda and its wars of aggression. It is high
time to abandon this strategy and abrogate all lopsided agreements.

The Congress of Teachers and Educators for Nationalism and Democracy
(CONTEND) UP Diliman strongly supports the moves of various sectors in calling
for peace. Teachers and educators must be in the forefront in promoting peace and
showing solidarity for the people of the world who fight for justice.

Today, we wear white ribbons to symbolize our call for peace in Syria. In the next
days, CONTEND will be conducting discussions among the UP community to
intensify our calls and unite the whole community in rejecting the US war of
aggression.

OPPOSE THE US WAR OF AGGRESSSION IN SYRIA!
DOWN WITH US IMPERIALISM!
UPHOLD AND RESPECT THE SOVEREIGNTY OF SYRIA
JUNK THE VISITING FORCES AGREEMENT (VFA)
REJECT THE US-PH FRAMEWORK FOR INCREASED ROTATIONAL PRESENCE AND
DEFENSE COOPERATION





















EXPOSE AND OPPOSE BUREAUCRAT CAPITALISM
PROSECUTE AND PUNISH THE PARASITES THAT FEED ON PEOPLES MONEY

Statement of Congress of Teachers and Educators for Nationalism and Democracy-UP
Diliman on the Intensifying Peoples Protest for the Abolition of Pork Barrel

The current financial haemorrhage from the pork barrel scam finally revealed in
broad day light the horrendous and massive siphoning of peoples taxes into the
pockets of corrupt politicians, senators, and congressmen, and the rent-seeking
capitalist leeches in the persons of Janet Napoles and her kind. As the criminal
syndicate behind the pork barrel scam is daily unveiled through the media, the pot
of booty that started with P10 billion is increasing in astronomically, while the
number of people and organizations who are involved increase arithmetically. Its
scope is getting infinitesimal. It is resulting in an irreparable moral delegitimation
of our current political system that prompted the Catholic Bishops to call it an act
of terror against the poor.

But the tail of the scam does not end with the corrupt bureaucrats and their rent-
seeking partners. The hydra-like character of contemporary bureaucrat capitalism
finds its focal point in the President of the Republic who responds to the issue with
reformist rhetoric to conceal his ultimate aim to keep the pork barrel for his own
political ambitions. Such deceptive reformist rhetoric however did not pacify
peoples rage as thousands joined the million march to Luneta last August 26,
2013. Neither did it convince the thousands of netizens that reforms by calling the
pork barrel by another name is the panacea to save the pork barrel from
decapitation. In desperation, President Aquinos claim that the Luneta protesters
are his allies to clean politics of patronage, which was seconded enthusiastically by
his minions including his official partylist, only further fuelled the uproar of people
in protest.

The massive outpouring of peoples indignation against the reformist rhetoric of
the Aquino Administration, the Presidents stubborn refusal to let go of the
Presidential pork barrel, the seemingly slow prosecution of all guilty personalities
and organization, and mysterious surrender of Porkbarrel Queen Janet Napoles to
the President, has qualitatively transformed the massive protests of the Filipino
people towards a critical point when a total clean-up of the system is becoming
possible. The Filipino nation has reached a critical juncture in history when a
serious and profound transformation, which could even translate to regime
change, is in the horizon. The Filipino people are demanding an end to the
connivance of politicians and bureaucrat capitalists who want to stay in power,
perpetuate their family rule, secure offices in all branches of the government, and
siphon money from the national coffers to their swollen pockets.

At this critical juncture of our history, the alliance among various classes, political
groups, and the politically unaffiliated in Philippine society has developed to such a
point where the Aquino regime is in a defensive position. The Filipino people is
seeing clearly that in spite of the anti-corruption rhetoric of Aquino, his so-called
matuwid na daan, his administration is not different from previous ones.
Bureaucrat capitalism remains and has expanded during Aquinos regime. The
people demand accountability, an end to impunity and patronage politics.

Therefore, we, the members of Congress of Teachers for Nationalism and
Democracy (CONTEND) UP Diliman, call on all patriotic teachers, scholars,
students, and educational workers to close ranks with the millions of outraged
Filipino people throughout the archipelago, to demand and work for the immediate
dismantling of the century-old patronage politics handed down to us by American
colonizers. It is time we put a stop to bureaucrat capitalists use of public offices to
squeeze profits from peoples money so that they can perpetuate their iron-grip on
political power. The pork barrel scam is not just a creation of few wicked
individuals. The financial haemorrhage cannot be stopped by simply prosecuting
Janet Napoles and her cronies. The true test of peoples victory is when the people
through collective struggle have finally abolished the presidential pork barrel, and
imprisoned the untouchable politicians who made a travesty of peoples will and
the common good.

It is the historic duty of teachers and educators to raise the political consciousness
of our people about the social evils of bureaucrat capitalism through teach-ins,
educational discussions, and social media. But as teachers and educators, we do
not simply demand the abolition of pork barrel system in whatever form it might
manifest itself. We also demand that the peoples money should be used to finance
basic social services such as education, health, housing, and infrastructure for
national industrialization. We believe that at this critical juncture in our nations
history, we can seize this unique opportunity to create a truly democratic politics,
dismantle family dynasties, implement a pro-people budgeting, and once and for all
end political patronage and destroy oligarchy. United, we shout with the Filipino
people:

Abolish the presidential and congressional pork barrel system now!
Prosecute immediately all guilty parties in the pork barrel scam!
Down with feudalism!
Down with bureaucrat capitalism!
Down with imperialism!
Rechannel pork barrel to basic social services!






PUBLIC UNIVERSITYS NEMESIS:
CORPORATIZATION OF COLLEGES BY RE-NAMING AND RE-BRANDING

Statement of Congress of Teachers and Educators for Nationalism and Democracy-
UP (CONTEND-UP) on the Renaming of UP College of Business Administration to
Cesar Virata School of Business

Universities are brands whether they like it or not, declared Ian Pearman, CEO of
Abbott Mead Vickers BBDO, the UKs largest advertising agency. But thats only
true when one views the universities as part of the market. Today with the growing
corporatization of education, universities are no exception. With the
corporatization of universities and higher learning, universities are scrambling to
re-name and re-brand their existing names and logos, courses and academic
programs. Naming is about branding. And in a highly competitive market of scarce
academic goods, re-naming or re-branding a school is either priceless or expensive,
for sale or not for sale. For instance, DePaul Universitys College of Commerce
received a $30 million gift from philanthropist Richard Driehaus to enhance the
academic programs of the 100-year-old Business School. In recognition of the
donation, DePaul renamed its business school the Richard H. Driehaus College of
Business. So how much does it cost to rename a business school? Stephen M. Rosss
donation in 2004 to rename the University of Michigan business school the Ross
School of Business: $100 million. David G. Booths donation in 2008 to rename the
University of Chicago business school the Booth School of Business: $300 million.
The latest headline-grabbing name change among elite schools occurred last year,
when the University of Pennsylvanias medical school became the Perelman School
of Medicine after Raymond and Ruth Perelman donated $225 million to it. But
some universities manage not to wear price tags. Harvard, Stanford, and Columbia
are going with priceless; they say their business schools naming rights arent for
sale.

Is the UP College of Business Administration any different? The Board of Regents
during its 1287th Meeting held on 12 April 2013 approved the proposal of the
Business faculty to honor its former Dean by renaming the College of Business
Administration as Cesar E.A. Virata School of Business. For how much? Zero! But
even if the Viratas can raise as high as $100 million, does it morally justify the
renaming of the college? Whats in a name? Is the name Cesar Virata on par with
the integrity shown by people to whom UP buildings and colleges were named
after? Take Alejandro Melchor (1900-1947), a civil engineer, mathematician,
educator, and member of the Cabinet of the Philippines, as an example. He was
known for designing the pontoon bridges used by the U.S. Army during the Second
World War. Melchors work contributed significantly in winning the war for the
Allied Forces. In recognition, the building that houses the College of Engineering
was named after him. Wenceslao Quinito Vinzons (1910 1942) was a Filipino
politician and a leader of the armed resistance against the Japanese occupying
forces during World War II. He was the youngest member of the 1935
Constitutional Convention. Among the first Filipinos to organize the guerrilla
resistance after the Japanese invasion of the Philippines in 1941. He was executed
by the Japanese army. The famous Vinzons Hall now houses student activities and
organizations. And who will forget Palma Hall that was named after Rafael Palma
(1874-1939), who served as the fourth president of the university from 1923 to
1933. He was a politician, journalist, and lawyer. Palma was dubbed as the builder
president because during his term, many new buildings and laboratories were
constructed. Palma believed in freedom of expression (being a journalist) so he
supported liberalism and academic freedom. The list can go on.

Naming is a serious matter. Proper names, in one philosophical interpretation, are
rigid designators: A proper name refers to the named object in every possible
world in which the object exists. Names designate the essence of the thing or object
being named. Naming is not just about description. It reveals the essence of the
thing or object being named. In the case of a college or school, re-naming brings
into existence the very idea of what the college stands for.

Branding is selling. And the UP Business School should have known how to brand
properly. It is not just a question of the academic freedom and autonomy of the
unit to re-name its unit simply because it fits their vision. The autonomy of the unit
must also be framed within the wider context of the vision of the University as a
community of scholars.

The re-naming of the UP College of Business Administration seemed so pressing
and invaluable that it even violated the BOR Naming Policy approved by the said
board on August 29, 2009. Former Sen. Rene Saguisag, in a statement, questioned
the renaming on ethical and legal grounds, citing Republic Act No. 1059 prohibiting
the naming of public places, crafts, vessels and institutions after persons still alive.
Furthermore the person so honored, under the BOR rules, must have
exceptional or exemplary achievement in his/her field/profession, or significant
contribution to the University or the Filipino people. The person honored must
have a sterling reputation or could be looked upon as a role model for the youth.
It is obvious that Viratas reputation as a loyal technocrat of the Marcos
authoritarian rule is far from sterling and he cannot be foisted as a role model of
the youth.

Yet in the website of Cesar E.A. Virata School of Business, on a hyperlink one can
read: Cesar E.A. Virata is a graduate, professor and dean of the College, and an
honorable public servant who served as Secretary of Finance and Prime Minister of
the Philippines. Dean Virata is respected as a professional manager by the business
community in the Philippines and in the ASEAN region. His career can be an
inspiration to and it is fitting that the business school of the University of the
Philippines should carry his name.

No mention of the political career of Cesar Virata other than being an honorable
public servant. What is missed here but underlies the entire citation is: for
aspiring managers doing business has nothing to do with political integrity. Its
like arguing that Martin Heideggers a very famous German philosopher at the
height of Nazism philosophy has nothing to do with his Nazi past because he
served honorably as the Rector of Freiburg University during the Third Reich.
Virata was appointed finance secretary in 1970 and held the post until 1986 when
Marcoses were ousted through people power.

As a University, are we operating on the premise that engaging in business
activities and teaching our students the craft of the trade, is bereft of any political
values and moral scruples? Isnt this the reduction of business as mere instrument
to accumulate wealth and amass profit without accountability to the community? Is
this the message we want to impart on our students? And what does it mean to
honorably serve as a public servant? Isnt the highest honor to serve as public
servant is to maintain ones integrity by refusing to be part of corruption and
authoritarian rule like Jose Abada Santos who turned down the Japanese offer for
collaboration? Before he was executed, he said to his son: Do not cry, Pepito,
show to these people that you are brave. It is an honor to die for ones country. Not
everybody has that chance. That would have merited a re-naming of a college! The
same message of Jose Abad Santos was embraced by many Martial Law activists
during the darkest hour of the US-supported Marcos dictatorship. And that honor
earned by many men and women of UP will be for nothing if Viratas reputation
will be upheld.

The name Virata therefore is the negation of what it means to serve ones country
with honor and integrity. Its not only a question of Virata serving under the
dictatorship but it is also a question of his economic policies that plunged this
country into debt and financial crisis. Yet even if we follow F Sionel Joses
charitable interpretation of Virata (in his article The man who holds a candle:
Cesar Virata in the Marcos regime in Philippine Star), which boldly asserts, thus,
there is always a special niche for an upright bureaucrat, a man of good will even in
the most corrupt of systems; in the darkness, he who holds a candle is always
needed, we may concede that Virata may have possessed Joses integrity. But his
integrity was muffled by the horrendous sufferings created by the Marcos
dictatorship! Virata as the major economic technocrat of President Marcos plunged
our country to what the political economist Ed Villegas calls as debt peonage. F
Sionel Jose forgot that a candle is worthless compared to an eternal flame created
by the heroic act of refusing to serve under a system that merely used the
economic technocrats as leverage for getting good credit standing from IMF and
WB. Virata willingly allowed himself to be the Trojan Horse for creating what Paul
Hutchcroft termed as booty capitalism that left the Philippines with $28.3 billion
debt in 1986! By the end of the Marcos years, the Philippines was the ninth most
indebted nation in Asia, Africa, and Latin America in absolute terms.

In view of this scandalous and anomalous move to re-name the UP College of
Business Administration to Cesar E.A. Virata School of Business, we the members
of UP Diliman Concerned Teachers/Educators for Nationalism and Democracy (UP
Diliman CONTEND), vigorously support the petition of the UP Kilos Na and the UP
Staff Regent Rara Ramirezs motion to rescind the renaming of the UP College of
Business Administration into the Cesar E.A. Virata School of Business. We support
such valid petition on the grounds of upholding to the highest degree the moral
integrity of the University, the questionable legal basis of such act, collegiality and
democratic consultation, and most importantly, on the vision that the college
purports to uphold and what our University stands for, and what our people fought
for during the Martial Law!

We therefore call on the members of the BOR who will meet on July 29, 2013 to
thoroughly and critically examine this anomalous re-naming. We urge them to use
their natural reasoning to understand the simple fact that such move is blatantly
scandalous and improper.

And we urge all the faculty of Business to heed the voice of the majority of the
members of the community of the University and even those voices outside the
University now deploring such scandalous act!

Revoke the renaming of the UP College of Business Administration into the Cesar
E.A. Virata School of Business!
No to corporatization of higher learning!
No to re-branding and re-naming in the name of corporatization!
Respect and preserve the heroism of all UP martyrs and activists who resisted the
dictatorship under Marcos Rule!
Names of universities/colleges/schools are priceless!
For a market-independent, non-corporate University of the people!














RESIST AND DEFEAT THE INTENSIFYING BRUTAL TERRORISM OF THE STATE
AGAINST THE PEOPLE
SOLIDARITY STATEMENT OF CONGRESS OF TEACHERS AND EDUCATORS FOR
NATIONALISM AND DEMOCRACY-UP (CONTEND-UP)
FOR FREE RENANTE GAMARA MOVEMENT

When our rights are trampled upon, we have to stand and fight
Nikki Gamara, daughter of Renante Gamara

Samahan ng mga Ex-Detainees Laban sa Detensyon at Aresto (SELDA) defines
political prisoners as those who were arrested, detained and imprisoned for acts
that further their political beliefs. They are arbitrarily denied their liberty and due
process of law. They are charged with political offenses such as rebellion and
sedition. More often, they are charged with criminal offenses like murder, arson,
kidnapping, robbery-in-band and illegal possession of firearms to deny the political
nature of their alleged offenses and to reduce them into plain criminals. There are
a total of 354 political prisoners (PPs) reported as of end June 2011. But La Via
Campesina, that gathered together on June 10 to 12, 2013 in Jakarta, Indonesia, in
its VI International Assembly, declared there are 398 political prisoners in the
Philippines, at least 123 of whom were arrested under the Aquino administration.
And this number is steadily rising every week as the fascist arm of the state cracks
down on alleged enemies of the state.

Yet the state does not recognize the existence of political prisoners. As Presidential
Spokesperson Edwin Lacierda declared, like Marcos: We have no political
prisoners. The same states denial repeated 40 years after the declaration of
martial Law. The height of irony is that such statement comes naturally from
Aquino Administration, and President Aquinos father was subjected to the same
fascist repression.

The denial of course is a modus operandi of a repressive state in order to
criminalize political offenses under Aquinos watch. While The Communist Party of
the Philippines (CPP) uphold the Comprehensive Agreement on Respect for Human
Rights and International Humanitarian Law (CARHRIHL) despite the unilateral
termination by the Government of the Republic of the Philippines (GPH) of peace
negotiations with the National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP), the
Armed Forces of the Philippines, now that it is unbound by the CAHRIHL and
desperate to achieve its goal of decimating the peoples armed resistance within
the year, brutalizes and terrorizes the Filipino people through its notorious Oplan
Bayanihan war of suppression even at the cost of committing massive human
rights violations.

The fascist troops of the AFP have been committing grave violations of human
rights such as the occupation of peoples homes, converting civilian infrastructures
such as day care centers and barangay halls into soldiers barracks, imposing food
blockades, restricting commerce and other economic activities, illegal arrests and
detentions, abductions, tortures and extrajudicial killings. Not content with
decimating peoples protracted war, the military through Oplan Bayanihan, is
desperately targeting legitimate peoples political organizations. The most recent
case is the arrest of Renante Gamara on April 3, 2012, at around 1:00 in the
afternoon in Las Pinas City. The ISAFP and CIDG use an amended warrant of arrest
putting the name of Renante Gamara to a kidnapping with murder case which was
filed against a certain Ka Mike and 37 other aliases on May 2007 in Mauban,
Quezon Province. Such blatant fabricated criminal charges should have no merit
and value in a society that believes in the rule of law.

We, the members of Congress of Teachers and Educators for Nationalism and
Democracy, therefore, express our profoundest solidarity with the family members
of Renante Gamara, especially to her daughter Nikki Gamara, an iskolar ng bayan
from UP Manila, who has to endure the physical and psychological turmoils just
like the rest of the children of other political prisoners resulting from such
political repression. As teachers and parents to our students, we cannot tolerate
such gross human rights violations perpetrated against the family of our iskolar ng
bayan. Our profession and our University uphold that the use of violence and the
manipulation of the legal system to harass and falsely convict innocent civilians are
barbaric ways that do not in any way fit with the democracy we fought for against
the Marcos dictatorship. Hence we condemn in the strongest possible way the
arrest and illegal detention of Renante Gamara. And we also express our gravest
concern for all the other political prisoners who are now languishing in various
jails nationwide. The zeal of the Aquino Administration to end the armed conflict
has only resulted, not in addressing the genuine social and political problems that
generate such contradictions, but in brutal extra-judicial killings, warrantless
arrests, political harassment and repression of legitimate peoples political
organizations.

We call on all progressive teachers, students, and educational workers to support
the call of progressive sectors of our society for the Aquino Administration to
immediately declare a general, unconditional and omnibus amnesty for all political
prisoners. Such act is one of the most important ways to achieve lasting peace in
our nation. We urge all progressive teachers to intensify our campaigns within and
outside our schools and class rooms to educate our students and our people of the
dark forces of fascism encroaching our democracy and threatening the very moral
fabric of our civilized society. We should forge a strong solidarity with all the other
progressive and patriotic sectors of our society to advance peoples resistance
against militarization, state repression, and human rights violations.

Free Renante Gamara and all political prisoners!
Resist and defeat state fascism and militarization!
End state impunity!
Justice for all the victims of human rights violations!


A LIE TOLD OFTEN ENOUGH BECOMES THE TRUTH.
VIGOROUSLY DEMYSTIFY THE ANTI-PEOPLE LIES OF PRESIDENT BENIGNO
AQUINO III ON HIS 4th STATE OF THE NATION ADDRESS (SONA)

Statement of Congress of Teachers and Educators for Nationalism and Democracy
(CONTEND-UP) on the 4th SONA of President Benigno Aquino III, 22 July 2013

Lenin once said A lie told often enough becomes the truth. And this truism will
again be confirmed on July 22, 2013 during the 4th State of the Nation Address
(SONA) of President Benigno Aquino III. The President, as expected from a habitual
liar, will paint in glowing colors his accomplishments to conceal the worsening
condition of our nation.

Through the paid rhetorical skills of his speech makers and the skillful statistics-
manipulators, President Aquino will boast that the Philippines enjoyed the fastest
growth in Asia, even better than China. He will preach to his flock in Congress that
the countrys gross domestic product (GDP) grew an impressive 7.8% in the first
three months of 2013, after an equally strong growth rate of 6.8% in the whole of
2012. But even the applauding economists are in quandary how to translate this
growth into a tide that left all boats. For this much peddled growth has made
little impact on unemployment, which hovers at around 7 percent.
Underemployment is nearly 20%, and more than 40% of the employed are
estimated to be working in the informal sector. Hence the President cannot lie
anymore in the face of hard facts when he claimed in his last SONA, our
unemployment rate is declining steadily. No, Mr. President, youre lying!

Even Arsenio Balisacan, Director-General of the Philippine National Economic and
Development Authority (NEDA) and incumbent Secretary of Socioeconomic
Planning of the Philippines, admitted at a recent forum by the Philippine Council
for Industry, Energy, and Emerging Technology Research and Development
(PCIEERD) that [p]overty incidence remains high, and so does income inequality.
To pacify the restive poor, the government has quadrupled the budget for
conditional cash transfers (CCT), aimed at the poorest fifth in the population of 95
million. The cash, which range from 500 pesos to 1,400 pesos per household, are
given on the condition that parents send their children to school and have their
health checked regularly. In his last SONA, the President boasted: We want that
figure to hit 5.6 million by the end of the presidential term. Yet according to the
National Statistical Coordination Board (NSCB) poverty incidence among
population was estimated at 27.9% during the first semester of 2012. Comparing
this with the 2006 and 2009 first semester figures estimated at 28.8% and 28.6%,
respectively, poverty figures remain unchanged. Unable to face up to this self-
evident fact, Noynoy and his neo-Malthusian minions now blame overpopulation!
We remain poor because of overpopulation, they say!

But the 2012 World Fact book of the CIA provides data showing the Philippines a
little bit slower in poverty reduction than neighboring countries that have softened
the neoliberal measures they had selectively adopted. Yet the Aquino government,
unlike other Asian countries, continues to push in full throttle Philippine
development towards neoliberal reforms.

While President Aquino can boast of strong peso, robust stock market, and newly
acquired investment grade credit rating, he cannot deny that these trends fail to
translate into more jobs and poverty reduction. The Philippines has one of the
highest gaps between the richest and poorest citizens of any country in Asia. Our
nation is still in 40th place in income inequality worldwide (and President
Aquinos imperialist ally, the bankrupt America is 41st!).

Boasting of making our economy friendly to investors means allowing the rampant
abuse not only of our natural resources but of our human capital. According to the
International Solidarity Mission on Mining (ISMM), large-scale mining companies
are earning as much as P36 million for the two-day work of skilled Filipino miners
who receive as low as P233 daily wage. The President therefore is a liar just like his
predecessor, Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo. He only tells us the half-truth about foreign
investments, not mentioning the exploitative price to purchase such economic
growth.

The minimum daily wage in the Philippines ranges from P419-456, way below the
P1,034 family living wage per day. It is not surprising that many Filipinos risk
going abroad; an average of 4,000 daily in 2012. Many of them end up being
maltreated and executed in their host countries. As Migrante International said: 5
Pinoys executed abroad in Noynoys midterm all victims of desperation, poverty
and govt neglect. Desperate for help, our migrant workers are forced to take sex-
for-ticket because of the Aquino governments failure to address immediate
repatriation of distressed OFWs.

Finally, the most important achievement that President Aquino will manipulate is
educational reforms. The cohort survival rate at 73.46% in the past year was down
from 75.26% five years before, in spite of the vaunted P20-billion conditional cash
transfer (CCT) program to keep children in schools. The CCT fund this year is
around P40 billion! Completion ratethe percentage of pupils who are able to
finish their studieswas down at 70.96% from 73.06% over the five-year period.
Yet according to the World Bank, the Philippines spends $138 (P6,650) per student
per year compared to $853 (P41,110) in Thailand, $1,800 (P86,751) in Singapore
and $5,000 (P240,975) in Japan.

A lot of our high school graduates70 percentdo not go to college according to
K+12 DepEd consultant Alice Paares. But she, like her Boss, draws the wrong
conclusion: Under the new K to 12 program, they would at least be assured of a
vocational certificate that would enable them to land jobs. Now they have a
chance They will not be a burden. This reflects the misleading reform of our
educational system under Aquino Administration. This Administration does not
want to provide better education! It does not want to have a solid human capital
base upon which to industrialize our nation. They just want to create an army of
reserved laborers, thanks to K+12, in order to supply the BPOs and transnational
corporations with cheap but skilled labor!

President Aquino will brag that our education budget rose 22.6%, from P238.8
billion in 2012 to P292.7 billion in 2013. As he said in the last SONA, I said the
increase is meant to eliminate all resource gapsclassrooms, teachers, textbooks,
and other facilities by 2013. Next year will mark the second year of
implementation of the K-12 basic education program in all Philippine schools,
which added two more years in high school for all students. Defending the
Department of Educations proposed P292.7 billion budget for 2013, he would
boast of hiring 61,000 new teachers and finish constructing some 66,000
classrooms and 90,000 toilets for public schools to end the backlog once and for all.

Yet amidst these statistical ruse and grand-standing, the Philippine governments
social debt to education has reached P3.763 trillion, with the Aquino
administration allocating less funds and giving a greater priority to debt payments
than educational spending. The budget for debt (principal and interest) payments
amounting to P739 billion is three times more than the P224.9 billion set aside for
education. The budget for education amount only to 15.03% of the national budget
and only 2.2% of the gross domestic product, well below the international
benchmark of 6.0% of gross national product. The budget for 2013 at 14.97
percent was even lower than the post-Edsa average of 15%. Based on the data
from UNESCO and the World Bank, the Philippines has the lowest education
spending in proportion to the total budget (except Singapore), as percent of gross
domestic product, and per student.

With budget cut, one out of eight Filipinos, or around 6.24 million Filipinos,
between the ages of 6 and 24, was an out-of-school youth based on the National
Statistics Office. Six percent of the estimated 29 million children 5 to 17 years old
are working children. And the two main reasons these youths are not in school are
the high cost of education and the need to earn a living.

Meanwhile data culled from the Commission on Higher Education showed that
only 2 out of 10 high school graduates went to college in 2011. Based on the 2007
Annual Poverty Indicators Survey, the proportion of dropouts was worst at the
tertiary level (16-24 years old). Out of every 100 college enrollees, only 19 will
receive their college degrees.

Insufficient budget for education is aggravated by state abandonment of basic
social services. Families do not only have to deal with high cost of education, but
more importantly, they have to shoulder the growing inflation rate, rising cost of
living, and staggering increase in water and electricity rates. And this incredible
rate of increase in basic utilities has been due to neoliberal policies of privatization
and deregulation dictated by the World Bank/IMF. So far, the Manila Water had the
biggest figure passed on to consumers at a total of P132.8 million while Maynilad
has passed on P7.2 million according to the Water for the People Network. The
Manila Water and Maynilad had already earned profits of P16.9 billion and P17.1
billion or a total of P34 billion, as a result of these pass-on charges from 2007 to
2011, and they stand to earn much more, according to the business plans they
submitted to the Metropolitan Waterworks and Sewerage System. And the
President Aquino stands impotent but happy amidst these glaring institutionalized
forms of robbery!

Therefore, Prof. Boehringers, a former Dean of Macquarie University Law School
in Sydney, Australia, remarks about the current human rights situation in our
country is very appropriate: progress limited, some backsliding; needs to do
better, but systemic barriers suggest will not improve.

But lets add: will not improve but will deteriorate further. This is specially true in
the case of human rights violations. From July 2010 to April 30, 2013, Karapatan
has documented 142 cases of extrajudicial killings, 164 cases of frustrated killing,
16 cases of enforced disappearance, 293 cases of persons arrested and detained
and 16 cases of children killed, with ages ranging from 4 to 15.

But lies built upon lies, no matter how systematically disseminated by propaganda
machine of the government cannot whitewash the intolerable sufferings inflicted
on the majority of our people. Hence, the desperate Aquino Administration is
relying heavily on the military and US intervention to show it is capable of
containing dissent and massive protests against the interests of capitalists and
their imperialist supporters. Aquino Administrations announcement last week
that it would virtually reopen the former US military bases in the country was
signaled by more than 600 U.S. Sailors and Marines who participated in a six-day
military exercise called CARAT (Cooperation Afloat Readiness and Training). They
held it in Subic Bay, Philippines, former site of one of the largest US naval bases
outside of US mainland. This is a warning to all movements seeking drastic social
change, that the Aquino Administration, will not only employ the local military
force to contain dissent, but will also summon the forces of imperialism to quell
and quash all forms of local resistance. Such blatant subservience to US
imperialism is part and parcel of Aquinos total war against legitimate peoples war
being waged all over the country and is a preparation for the possible direct
intervention of US military forces in the ongoing civil war. Hence the Aquino
Administration is putting the blame on the NDF Panel for the breakdown of peace
negotiation. And while the Aquino Administration keeps on shouting peace, it also
restlessly keeps arresting suspected rebels, massacring innocent civilians, and
rampantly violating international conventions on the conduct of just war.

But the Filipino people are not frightened by these muscle-flexing of the fascists
and their imperialist allies. The Filipino people are not ready to give up their
resistance against the encroachment of their territory and sovereignty by
imperialist forces, the exploitation of our natural patrimony, and the repression of
anti-capitalist, anti-imperialist movements. We, therefore, the members of
Concerned Teachers/Educators for Nationalism and Democracy UP Diliman
(CONTEND), join in solidarity the massive protest to be launched on July 22, 2013,
to oppose and repudiate the lies and deceptive rhetoric of President Aquinos 4th
SONA. We are calling all progressive and patriotic elements of our nation, to
express their united stand against the repressive, anti-people policies of the
Aquino Administration. We stand strongly united with other progressive sectors
and militant movements of our society in denouncing the American puppetry of the
Aquino Administration. Critical and revolutionary educators cannot remain
innocent bystanders as our nations children are brainwashed by imperialist
rhetoric, raised in fascist values, educated under semi-feudal and neoliberal
environment , and shipped directly to the capitalist machines. President Aquino
and his administration has to face the wrath of the suffering poor, evicted
communities, families of the disappeared, landless peasants, abused migrant
workers, and exploited working class women and mothers. We join the chorus of
these powerless:

EXPOSE AND OPPOSE THE ANTI-PEOPLE AND PRO-IMPERIALIST POLICIES OF
THE AQUINO ADMINISTRATION!
UPHOLD THE PEOPLES RIGHTS TO LAND, JOBS, ADEQUATE SOCIAL SERVICES
PERSEVERE IN ADVANCING PEOPLES STRUGGLE AGAINST FASCISM,
BUREAUCRAT CAPITALISM, AND IMPERIALISM!
ONWARD WITH THE STRUGGLE FOR NATIONAL INDEPENDENCE AND
DEMOCRACY!














REPUDIATE THE PERVERSE ROAD TO INTERNATIONALIZATION OF
PHILIPPINE HIGHER EDUCATION INSTITUTIONS BY THE COMMISION ON
HIGHER EDUCATION (CHED)

STATEMENT OF CONTEND UP-DILIMAN and Alliance of Concerned Teachers-
Philippines (ACT Philippines)on the International Conference on Strengthening the
Internationalization Strategies of Philippine Higher Learning Institutions, CHED,
July 3 -4

Internationalization requires engagement with interdisciplinarity in the teaching
and research mission of universities. It requires universities to develop in their
graduates the capacity to solve problems in a variety of locations with cultural and
environmental sensitivity. Today however internalization, like globalization, has
been hijacked by the neoliberal framework of marketization. Beginning in the late
eighties, the term became part of the lexicon of Higher Education (HE) and
especially became formalized following the General Agreement on Trade in
Services (GATS) conference in 2003. The process of globalization of HE is
accompanied by a process of marketization, because universities have to adopt
market-like ideologies and diversity policies. Marketization means attracting more
students, raising the reputation of the University so it can attract more students,
draw corporate players into partnership with the universities, and create better
employable graduates. Despite the scepticism of scholars and administrators about
national governments desire to foster world class research-intensive
universities as a source of comparative economic and status advantage (King
2009), universities are scrambling to get a piece of the cake in the market.

What these prophets of internationalization miss is that the mobility and exchange
of students have been primarily education for the empire. The
internationalization of education is simply a reflection of the division of world
economies into those who monopolize knowledge production and those
universities that merely consume Western products. Poor countries become
beneficiaries of western education, while supplying the imperialist countries with
cheap migrant labourers! Undeniably, the measures and standards by which non-
western universities are basing their concept of internationalization is based on
Western models.

Internationalization is a move to integrate the local universities from isolation
towards a common market culture called ranking. As higher education becomes
increasingly subject to marketization, reputation becomes critical because it is
regarded by universities, employers, government, and the best qualified and most
mobile students as ultimately more important than quality. In the era of managed
universities, universities must compete in the market to attract diverse students
while maintaining a global standard. Education is thereby commoditized to serve
the students who have been transformed from learners to customers. The rise of
managerialist ideology and increased power of university managers has created an
alienated and demoralized academic work force and a climate of resentment and
resistance, even among academics who have become academic managers (Bellamy
et al. 2003). Managerialism has centralized decision-making, increased workloads,
fragmented work tasks and diminished academic autonomy by alienating
academics from the decision making structures within universities (Coaldrake &
Stedman 1999).

Now, the Commission on Higher Education whose mission is the development of a
Filipino Nation as a responsible member of the international community, is
vigorously pushing for internationalization that is based on managerialist
orientation. Consistent with CHEDs neoliberal inspired Roadmap Public Higher
Education Reform agenda that pushes for gradual state abandonment of higher
education by forcing public higher learning institutions to generate their own
resources, what we can expect is the catastrophic creation of an enterprise
university, whose main objective is to advance the prestige and competitiveness
of the university as an end in itself. At the same time, academic identities, in their
variations, are subordinated to the mission, marketing and strategic development
of the institution and its leaders (Marginson and Considine, 2000). Academics will
be squeezed by the competing demands of entrepreneurial marketing and quality
educational outcomes and academic standards (Bellamy et al. 2003, Chandler et al.
2002, Welch 1998, Winter et al. 2000). University entrepreneurial activities
encourage a shift away from basic research to more lucrative commercial
consulting activities and links with industry to increase revenue flows and
institutional prestige (Marginson & Considine 2000, Pratt & Poole 1999/2000).
The corrupting influence of giving incentives to faculty and staff to publish in
international journals merely drive faculty to seek ever greater opportunities to
augment income rather than building a community of scholars and researchers.
Such internationalization will only result in further deterioration of the academic
freedom of higher learning institutions, notwithstanding the deteriorating quality
of education largely due to dwindling state subsidies to public higher education.

Such a roadmap that rationalizes Philippine HEIs and drives them into the global
market of commoditized knowledge would lead to over-concentration of high
quality resources in certain places that may lead to only small gains through
concentration and to serious losses everywhere else.

After three decades of promises and realities, it is becoming more and more
evident that neoliberal economic globalization is not an engine for universal
prosperity. Giroux and Searls Giroux (2004, p. 265) pointed out, Neoliberalism,
fuelled by its unwavering belief in market values and the unyielding logic of
corporate profit-making, has little patience with noncommodified knowledge or
with the more lofty ideals that have defined higher education as a public service.
Internationalization of Philippine HEIs, rather than leading to mutual exchange of
culture, risks sacrificing the diversity of their national and cultural vitality to
standardization, comparability and cost effectiveness. And this is very true
especially when HEIs adopt university rankings defined along commoditized
educational knowledge. University ranking that is vital to market-driven
internationalization creates a hegemonic global- standard research university, but
at the price of global standardization, subordination of most universities and
countries, and the washing away of cultural and educational diversity.

In this light, we the members of Congress of Teachers and Educators for
Nationalism and Democracy-University of the Philippines, Diliman, call on all
progressive educators and educational workers to vehemently oppose the move of
CHED to internationalize Philippine HEIs through marketization. Such a strategy
will only push Philippine HEIs to deeper into the quagmire of crisis and will simply
align them to the international division of knowledge production. We call on the
delegates and participants of the CHED-sponsored International Conference on
Strengthening the Internationalization Strategies of Philippine Higher Learning
Institutions, to critically examine the ideological pitfalls of the programs vision.
We should never be seduced by the false promises of such marketization that
simply aims further commodifying education further. As educators, we should
never allow the conglomerates and conduits of imperialist pedagogical machine
define our national agenda according to their profit-driven whims. Education is a
weapon for social transformation, not a tool in the hands of neoliberal corporate
managers to advance the interests of their imperialist masters and their local
supporters.

No to corporate internationalization of HEIs!
No to market-driven internationalization of HEIs!
Down with educational imperialism!
No to university ranking based on corporate dogma!
Full state subsidy to all SUCs now!
Fight for a scientific, nationalist, mass based education!










ANG ELEKSYON SA PANAHON NG NEOLIBERALISMO

Pahayag ng Congress of Teachers and Educators for Nationalism and Democracy-UP
(CONTEND-UP) hinggil sa Halalan ng 2013
11 Mayo 2013

Nakaantabay ang buong bayan sa Mayo 13, 2013 bilang araw ng pagboto ng
mamamayan sa mga susunod na pinuno na uupo sa mga lokal at pambansang
posisyon sa bansa. Pinutakti ang telebisyon, radyo, dyaryo, mga social networking
sites at ibat iba pang moda ng midya at popularisasyon ng patalastas ng mga
kandidato at party list na naglatag ng kani-kaniyang agenda at plataporma. Sa
halos tatlong buwan na pangangampanya, inaasahang sapat na itong panahon
upang tangkilikin ang mga pangako at alok na serbisyo ng mga kandidato sa
ikauunlad ng bansa. Subalit ang tanong, ilang ulit na bang nagkaroon ng eleksyon
sa Pilipinas? Katunayan, na-perpekto na ang sistemang ito ng dating may posisyon
sa pamahalaan, mga panginoong maylupa, malalaking burgesya- komprador, at
mga angkang alta-sosyedad na deka-dekada na ring humahawak ng kapangyarihan
sa bansa.

Ang mismong kultura ng eleksyon na nakikita natin sa kasalukuyan ay sintomas
lamang ng krisis panlipunan. Humahawak sa sistemang ito ang pamamahalan na
patuloy na yumuyukod sa mga regulasyon at polisiyang epekto ng neoliberalismo;
ang deregularisasyon, pribatisasyon at liberalisasyon. Sa pamamagitan nito,
matitiyak ang pananatili ng kaayusang panlipunan kung saan interes ng iilan at
makapangyarihan ang inaalagaan. Itinuturing na araw ito ng paghusga ng
taumbayan sa mga kandidato dahil maitatakda ang kagyat na hinaharap ng bansa.
Handa na ba tayo sa paghahatol sa pinakahihintay na araw na ito?

Marami sa kabataan ang unang pagkakataon na boboto. Mararanasan nila kung
papaanong kumilatis ng mga pulitiko at magdesisyon gamit ang balota. Gagamitin
nila ang karapatan at responsibilidad sa pagpili ng mga lider, at makibahagi sa
pagluklok ng mga mamumuno sa bansa.

Masasabing naging pamilyar na ang mga mukha at pangalan dahil sa mga politikal
na patalastas ng mga tumatakbo sa Halalan 2013 dahil sa paulit-ulit nilang pang-
aakit sa mga botante. Alok ang edukasyon, pagkain, trabaho, kaunlaran at marami
pang ibang matatamis na pangako sa madla. Lalong kapana-panabik para sa mga
unang boboto ang automated election system (AES) na pagkatapos maipasok sa
makina ang balotang naglalaman ng piniling mga kandidato, aasa na lang ang
botante na tama ang pagkakabilang sa pinagkakaingatan niyang karapatang
bumoto nang tama. Ngunit para sa mga nakaranas na ng maraming halalan,
malamang ay kaiba na ang pakiramdam na ito. Sa maraming ulit nang nakatikim
ng mga pangakong napako at mga pulitikong nakapang-abuso sa kapangyarihan,
ang mga nakakatanda ay maraming maipapayo sa kabataang boboto sa unang
pagkakataon. Hindi lamang sa pagpili ng kandidato, kundi bakit nga ba may
sistema ng eleksyon sa bansa.

Hawak ng mga naghaharing-uri ang sistema ng eleksyon; ang mga panginoong
maylupa, malalaking negosyante at ahente ng imperyalismong Estados
Unidos. Hindi na kataka-taka kung ang nangingibabaw sa alaala o mayroong
instant name-recall para sa madla yung mga kandidatong may
pinakamaraming campaign ad o paraphernalia, yung mga may pinakamalalaking
panggastos sa pangangampanya, yung mga magulang o anak o asawa o kapatid o
kamag-anak, mga politikal na dinastiya. Nakaukit na ang gawing ito sa kasaysayan,
na sa napakatagal na panahon ay kilala sa katawagang tradisyunal na
pulitika,traditional politics/politicians, tradpols, trapo, o pulitikang ginagamitan
ng guns, goons and gold. Sa esensya ay hindi nagbago ang tradisyunal na pulitika sa
bansa, haluan man ang kampanyahan ng mistulang abanteng pagpapakete,
umunlad man ang kagamitan at teknolohiya, computerized man o manual ang
bilangan.

Mismong ang pangulo ng bansa ang nangunguna sa pangangampanya para sa mga
kapartido. Sinu-sino rin nga ba ang lagi na lang nangunguna sa surveys na
ibinabandera sa midya na pagmamay-ari naman ng mga negosyantet
korporasyon? Idagdag pa ang pag-eendorso ng mga relihiyosong organisasyon na
umanoy naghahatid ng solidong bilang ng boto sa pamamagitan
ng blockvoting. Sinu-sino ba silang pinagpala na kani-kanilang mga kauri din ang
kinakatawan kapag nakaluklok na sa kapangyarihan? Sila-sila rin na nagmumula at
kumakatawan sa naghaharing uri ang nananatiling nasa puder. Kaya sa antas
nasyunal, tila napili na ng naghaharing-uri ang mga susunod na uupo at
ikinokondisyon ang madla sa pagkapanalo ng sinasabing Magic 12 sa senado.
Kayat masasabing isang anyo ng pagkondisyon sa kamalayan ng mamamayan ang
eleksyon.

Sa antas lokal, marami pa ring anyo ng pandaraya ang dapat bantayan. Mula sa
bilihan ng boto, pananakot, panlilinlang, pananabotahe, pinangangambahang
manipulasyon ng AES, ng memory cards at PCOS machines, maging ang karahasan,
ang lahat ng mamamayan ay kinakailangang maging mapagbantay at alisto para sa
wastong pagtugon. Marapat ding kilatisin ang mga kandidato ang partidong
nagmimistulang progresibo, makamasa at umaastang nagsusulong ng kapakanan
ng nakararami. Marapat ilantad ang kanilang pakikiisa sa naghaharing-uri para
lamang makaupo sa posisyon ng kapangyarihan.

Inililihis tayo ng sistema ng eleksyon sa kontradiksyon at tunggalian ng uri sa
lipunan. Ipinamumukha nito na sa araw ng eleksyon, pantay-pantay ang lahat dahil
sa karapatang bumoto ng indibidwal. Subalit, mismong ang eleksyon ay aparato ng
lipunan upang mapanatili ang malaking agwat ng mga mahihirap at mayaman.
Inihihiwalay din ng eleksyon ang usapin ng moda ng produksyon na tila natitigil ito
o kayay pansamantalang nawawalan ng bisa sapagkat hinihikayat ang mga
lumilikha ng yaman ng bansa na basbasan ng kanilang boto ang mga kandidato at
partidong siyang dahilan ng pananatili sa lugmok na kalagayan ng masang
magsasaka, manggagawa at mga maralitang tagalunsod. Panahon lamang ang
nababago sa araw ng eleksyon. Makinarya ito ng estado upang sagipin ang
lumalalang krisis panlipunan ng bansa, upang panatilihin ang kapitalismo sa mga
huling yugto nito ng pag-iral. Mapanganib ang magtiwala sa naghaharing-uri; ang
uring may hawak at pakana ng sistemang laging nag-aalok ng lunsaran ng
pagbabago. Subalit, sa halip na isulong ang tunay na pagkakapantay-pantay at
soberanya ng bayan, mas prayoridad nito ang maluwag na pagpapatupad ng
neoliberalismo sa bansa. Sa halip na maging tagapagtaguyod ng pagbabago ang
eleksyon, ito mismo ang sistemang nagpapanatili ng urong at lugmok na kalagayan
ng bayan.

Gayunman, mahalagang makisangkot pa rin sa ganitong mga makinarya ng estado.
Bukod sa pagiging kritikal at mapanuri upang matukoy na tanging ang
naghaharing-uri ang nakikinabang sa sistemang ito, maaari pa ring magsilbing
lunsaran ang eleksyon sa pagluklok ng mga kadidato at partylist na hindi
binitawan ang hangaring baguhin ang lipunan; sa pamamagitan man ng
pagsasagawa ng mga kilos-protesta o pagpapatuloy ng mga programang
nagtataguyod sa kapakanan ng mga isasantabi, subalit siyang may pinakamalaking
bilang ng populasyon ng bansa; ang masang sambayanan.

Sa darating na araw ng halalan, harapin natin nang buong tapang ang paghahatol
para sa bayan. Piliin natin ang mga kandidatong may malinaw at komprehensibong
plataporma at paninindigan para sa ating sambayanan. Ipanalo natin ang mga
kandidato at partylist na tunay na nakatutugon sa mga suliranin ng bayan, lalo na
yung mga epektibong kumakatawan sa interes ng mga mamamayan. Manindigan
tayo upang mapalitan yung mga matagal na sa posisyon ngunit korap o inutil sa
katungkulan, maihalal ang mga karapat-dapat na lider, at maisulong ang mga
karapatan at kagalingan ng taumbayan.

Bagaman bahagya lang ang inaalok na pagbabago sa sistema ng eleksyon, maaari
pa rin itong panghawakan hanggang sa tuluyang mamulat ang uring api at
pinagsasamantalahan na tanging sa pagbabago ng sistema ng pamamahala
mangyayari ang tunay na pagbabagong matagal ng asam. Sa hanay ng mga senador,
natatangi si Teddy Casio (#6 sa balota) dahil sa kanyang prinsipyo at
paninindigan. Hindi matatawaran ang kanyang dedikasyon at mga isinagawang
pagkilos kasama ang mga uring manggagawa at magsasaka upang ipaglaban ang
kanilang karapatan sa buhay at lupa. Siya lamang ang naging kritikal sa epekto ng
neoliberalismo sa bansa. Gayundin,tanging ang ACT Teachers Partylist (#49 sa
balota) ang tunay na kinatawan nating mga nasa sektor pang-edukasyon.
Napatunayan ng ACT Teachers Partylist na marapat maging bahagi ang sektor ng
edukasyon sa mas malawak na kilusang masa upang makamit ang tunay na
pagbabago sa lipunan. Sa pamamagitan ng organisado at militanteng pakikibakang
parlamentaryo, higit nating maisusulong ang interes ng sambayanan.





IPAGBUNYI ANG KILUSANG PAGGAWA, BIGUIN ANG REHIMENG US-AQUINO

Pahayag ng Congress of Teachers and Educators for Nationalism and Democracy
(CONTEND UPDiliman) para sa Internasyunal na Araw ng Paggawa
1 Mayo2013

MANGGAGAWA
ni Jose Corazon de Jesus

Bawat palo ng martilyo sa bakal mong pinapanday
alipatong nagtilamsik, alitaptap sa karimlan;
mga apoy ng pawis mong sa bakal ay kumikinang
tandang ikaw ang may gawa nitong buong santinakpan.

Nang tipakin mo ang bato ay natayo ang katedral
nang pukpukin mo ang tanso ay umugong ang batingaw,
nang lutuin mo ang pilak ang salapi a lumitaw,
si puhunan ay gawa mo, kaya ngayony nagyayabang.

Kung may ilaw na kumisap ay ilaw ng iyong tadyang,
kung may gusaling naangat, tandang ikaw ang pumasan
mula sa duyan ng bata ay kamay mo ang gumalaw
hanggang hukay ay gawa mo ang krus na nakalagay.

Kaya ikaw ay marapat dakilain at itanghal
pagkat ikaw ang yumari nitong buong kabihasnan
Bawat patak ng pawis moy yumayari ka ng dangal,
dinadala mo ang lahi sa luklukan ng tagumpay.

Mabuhay ka ng buhay na walang wakas, walang hanggan,
at hihinto ang pag-ikot nitong mundo pag namatay.

-

MaiklingKasaysayan ng Progresibo, Makabayan at Militanteng Uring Manggagawa

Ang taunang paggunita sa Internasyunal na Araw ng Paggawa ay ang pagsasabuhay
ng progresibo, makabayan at militanteng tradisyon ng paglaban ng uring
manggagawa at anakpawis sa sistemang kapitalismo. Paggunita ito sa lakas at
tapang ng mahigit dalawang daang mga manggagawa na lumaban, nagwelga at
pinaslang sa Hay Square Market, Chicago noong 1886 dahil sa kanilang pagtutol sa
mapanupil at mabangis na mga palisiya at patakaran ng estado ng Amerika.

Sa kasaysayan naman ng paggawa sa Pilipinas,hindi matatawaran ang dakilang
kontribusyon ng mga uring manggagawa na lumaban sa mga kolonisador na
Kastila at Amerikano. Isinakatuparan ang sapilitang-paggawa sa mga Filipino sa
kalakalang galyon noong panahon ng pananakop ng Kastila. Naging malupit ang
mga kolonisador sa mga manggagawa sa pamamagitan ng paglatigo at pananakit
samga katutubong tumatanggi sa sapilitang-paggawa. Dahil sa kolonyal na
sistemang encomienda, iniluwal ang mga uring manggagawa at magsasaka upang
lumikha ng mga produktong pinakikinabangan naman ng mga kolonisador at mga
lokal na naghaharing uring panginoong maylupa at malalaking burgesya
komprador.

Batid ng mga magigiting na lider manggagawa at magsasaka ang malupit na
kalagayang ito ng mga Filipino sa kolonyal na sistema. Kaya binuo ang lihim na
kilusang Katipunan ng dakilang lider-rebolusyonaryo at simbolo ng uring
manggagawa na si Andres Bonifacio upang wakasan ang dayuhang panaanakop sa
Pilipinas. Lalong umigting ang pagsasamantala sa mga uring magsasaka at
manggagawa sa pagpalit ng Amerika bilang imperyalistang bansa na sumakop sa
Pilipinas. Nagtakda ng mga dayuhang patakaran upang proteksyunan ang interes
ng Amerika at dayuhang mangangalakal sa pag-abuso sa likas-yaman ng bansa at
murang lakas-paggawa ng mga Filipino. Dahil sa pang-aabuso ng imperyalistang
Amerika, itinayo saPilipinas ang kauna-unahang unyon ng mga manggagawa ng
mga Filipino, ang Union Obrera Demokratika (UOD), sa pamumuno ni Isabelo de
los Reyes, isang lider-unyonista at dakilang manunulat. Hindi natigil ang pag-
oorganisa sa mga manggagawa lalo na sa panahon ng Commonwealth sapagkat
mas umigting ang hirap na hatid ng pakikipag-ugnayan ng Pilipinas sa mga
makapangyarihang bansa na patuloy na nagnanakaw sa ating likas-yaman at pang-
aabuso sa lakas-paggawa ng mga Filipino. Sa mga sumunod na yugtong
neokolonyal na pamumuno sa bansa, sa seryeng pagtatalaga ng mga sunod-
sunuran na mga pangulo at lokal na naghaharing-uri sa dikta ng imperyalistang
Amerika, hindi kailanman umunlad ang uring manggagawa. Sa halip, mas lalong
nasadlak sa hirap ang mga pangunahing pwersa sa paglikha ng yaman ng bansa.

Hirap nakalagayan ng mga manggagawa sa ilalim ng rehimeng US-Aquino

Sa panahon ng neoliberalismo at globalisasyon, malupit at marahas ang laging
tugon ng kapitalismo sa mga lehitimong panawagan ng mga manggagawa. Pinipipi
ang panawagan sa nakabubuhay na sahod, sapat na benepisyo, seguridad sa
trabaho, at makataong kondisyon sa loob at labas ng pagawaan. Sa ngayon ay lalo
pang pinasahol ng kontra-mamamayan at kontra-manggagawang rehimen ng US-
Aquino ang kalagayan ng mga anakpawis dahil sa garapalang pagpapatupad ng
mga neo-liberal na mga palisiya ng globalisasyon. Walang maaasahang pagbabago
sa mga naghaharing-uri kayat hindi sila marapat pagkatiwalaan. Pinapakita
lamang ng kasalukuyang kondisyon ng mga manggagawa na sa tanging lakas at
kolektibong pagkilos maisasakatuparan ang mga pagbabagong panlipunan.

Sa loob ng tatlong taon ni Benigno PNOY Aquinosa Malacanang, wala itong
kongkretong ginawang solusyon sa usapin ng makabuluhang umento sa sahod
habang pinahintulutan nito ang pagtaas ng presyong mga bilihin at serbisyo. Sa
pagpapatupad ng mga makadayuhan at maka-kapitalistang polisiya sa usapin ng
paggawa, tanging ang interes ng mga lokal at dayuhang naghaharing-uri ang pino-
proteksyunan nito. Kayat sa halip na maglatag ng solusyon, mas pinahahaba ang
paghihirap ng karaniwang mamamayan na binubuo ng malaking porsyento ng
ating populasyon; ang mga manggagawa at magsasaka.

Tinututulan din ni PNOY ang pagpasa ng mga panukala ng mga makabayang
kinatawan ng partylist sa Kamara gaya ng House Bill375 o dagdag na P125 across-
the-board para sahod ng mga pribadong manggagawa at panukalang dagdagan ng
P3000 ang sahod ng mga guro sa pampublikong paaralan at mga kawani ng
gobyerno.

Sa pananaliksik ng Ibon Foundation, napatunayan na nasa P363 lamang ang tunay
na halaga ng daily minimum wage saNational Capital Region (NCR) at lubhang
napakalaking agwat nito sa Family Living Wage na P1,022, o ang minimum na
halaga na kailangan ng pamilya na may anim na miyembro para makabili ng
pagkain at iba pang mga pangangailangan. Ito ay batay sa pagtataya sa datos
mismo ng National Wages and Productivity Commission ng DOLE.

Sa tala naman ng Ecumenical Institute for Labor Education and Research (EILER),
ipinatupad ni Aquino ang Two-Tiered wage system o ang iskema parapababain ang
napakababa nang sahod ng mga manggagawa sa pamamagitan ng pagtakdang floor
wage na higit na mas mababa sa minimum wage at nakabatay sa poverty threshold
at ang higit na pleksibilisasyon ng sahod alinsunod sa kapritso ng kapitalista gamit
ang pakulo na productivity-based pay.

Pilit nitong tinatakpan ang tunay na sitwasyon ng kahirapan sa bansa sa
pamamamagitan ng pagpapababa sa poverty threshold batay sa baluktot nitong
pamantayan. Para sa rehimengAquino, hindi ka mahirap kung mayroong kang P46
kada araw o kaya mong pagkasyahin ang P15 sa bawat almusal, tanghalian at
hapunan. Ngunit sa kabilang pamantayang ito, lumabas pa rin sa pinakabagong
sarbey ng National Statistical Coordination Board (NSCB) na walang pinagbago ang
sitwasyon ng kahirapan sa bansa, bagkus ay lumala pa sa nakalipas na anim na
taon. Nagsilbi ring tagapagsalita at tagapagtanggol ng mga kapitalista si Aquino na
mayat maya ay nagbabanta ng tanggalan sa trabaho at pagsasara ng mga
pagawaan sa tuwing iginigiit ng mga manggagawa na itaas ang sahod at dagdagan
ang kanilang mga benepisyo.

Ipinatupad din ng rehimeng Aquino ang kontraktwalisasyon sa bisa ng Department
Order 18 series of 2011 ng Department of Labor and Employment(DOLE).
Ipinagpatuloy nito ang kapangyarihan ng kalihim ng DOLE na pangunahan ang
pamamahala sa mga strike at labor dispute na siyang naging lisensya ng gobyerno
sa Hacienda Luisita masaker noong ika-16 ng Nobyembre 2004. Pinatutunayan
lamang nito na ang pagpapasok sa lehitimong paraan ng pagresolba sa mga
suliranin ng mga manggagaway nagreresulta lamang sa mas matinding
pagsasamantala at lalong paghihirap ng mga lumilikha ng yaman ng bansa. Sa
pagpasok ng kasalukuyang administrasyon sa pakikipagkasunduan sa mga
pribadong kompanya, lalong lumala ang mga patakaran sa batayang serbisyo ng
bansa, partikular sa sektor ng edukasyon at kalusugan. Mas interes sa kita at
ganansiya ang pinapapaboran ng mga bagong polisiya sa pamamahala sa mga
serbisyong ito sa halip na tunay na maglingkod sa mga lubos na nangangailangan.

Isinabatas rin ng adminstrasyong Aquino ang National Tripartite Industrial Peace
Council na siyang pormal na mekanismo para sa kuntsabahan ng gobyerno,
malalaking kapitalista at mga dilawang grupo ng mga manggagawa. Pinirmahan rin
nito ang isang batas na nagtatakda ng compulsory arbitration sa mga labor dispute
na nagiging balakid para sa pagsusulong ng mga manggagawa sa kanilang mga
karapatan. Lalo ring lumala at tumaas ang bilang ng disempleyo (7.1%) at
underemployement(20.9%) ayon sa pinakahuling resulta ng Labor Force Survey
nitong Enero 2013 gamit ang baluktot nilang depinisyon. Samantala,patuloy rin sa
paghahasik ng karahasan ang rehimeng US-Aquino sa pagpapatupad ng Oplan
Bayanihan na umaatake sa buhay at karapatan ng ibat ibang sektor na inilalantad
ang bangkarote at bulok na sistema. Lalo itong nagmamaniobra upang biguin ang
mga makabayang kinatawan ng mamamayan at partylist sa nalalapit na halalan sa
ika-13 ng Mayo.

Uring manggagawa, hukbong mapagpalaya

Ang lahat ng ito ay patunay lamang na walang makabuluhang pagbabago sa ilalim
ng rehimeng US-Aquino. Lalo nitong pinapatingkad ang kawastuhan ng kilusan ng
mamamayan na matagal nang isinuka ang neo-liberal na mga polisiya ng
globalisasyon at kapitalismo tulad ng diregularisasyon, liberalisasyon at
pribatisasyon. Gaya ng paglaban ng mga manggagawa mahigit isang siglo na ang
nakalipas, walang ibang daan kundi ang militanteng pagkilos ng masang anakpawis
upang baguhin ang sistemang mapang-api at mapanupil.

Nararapat lamang na manindigan ang mga manggagawa kasama ng malawak na
sektor ng mga magsasaka, kabataan, kababaihan, makabayang guro, katutubo,
sektor-pangkalusugan, ang buong sambayanan upang isulong ang kanilang mga
demokratikong karapatan at kagalingan. Kasaysayan na rin ang nagpatunay na
hindi kailanman magtatagumpay ang mga abusadong opisyal at gahaman ng mga
panginoong maylupa at burgesya komprador sa kanilang planong paglusaw sa
kilusang paggawa sa Pilipinas. Sa patuloy na pag-aaral ng kasaysayan at tunggalian
ng mga uri, dumarami at patuloy na namumulat ang mga manggagawa sa kanilang
aping kalagayan. Gayundin naman, higit nilang nauunawaan ang halaga ng
kolektibong pagkilos para sa mithing pagbabago, ang isang lipunang tunay na
malaya.

MABUHAY ANG MGA MANGGAGAWA!
LABANAN AT BIGUIN ANG KONTRA-MANGGAGAWANG POLISIYA NG REHIMENG
US-AQUINO!
ISULONG ANG PANAWAGANG P125 UMENTO SA SAHOD!
ISULONG ANG PANLIPUNANG PAGBABAGO!
MANGGAGAWA, MAGKAISA!
IMPERYALISMO, IBAGSAK!








LEARN THE LESSON OF EDSA, OUSTING A DICTATOR IS NOT ENOUGH, SYSTEM CHANGE IS NECESSARY
Statement of Contend on the 28
th
Anniversary of Edsa People Power I
February 24, 2014

Twenty eight years after the broad masses of Filipino people overthrew the US-Marcos dictatorship, the basic
character of our country remainsa semi-colonial, semi feudal one under comprador and landlord rule. The much touted
economic growth of 7.2 percent being peddled by the US-Aquino Regime is unsustainable growth made possible by
unstable foreign investment, the high remittances of overseas Filipino workers (OFWs), the wanton government borrowing
and spending on non-productive purposes. It is growth that does not benefit the majority of the people. Behind this
artificial growth is the staggering unemployment rate that averaged 7.3 percent in 2013, up from 7 percent of the previous
year despite the economys expansion. The National Statistics Office (NSO) reported that, of the countrys 40.96 million-
strong labor force, 2.99 million were unemployed in 2013. Moreover poverty incidence in the Philippines has remained
unchanged despite the 6.8 percent economic growth rate that the country posted in 2012.

Edsa People Power I that installed Pres. Corazon Aquino missed the opportunity to create equitable and just
economic conditions to eradicate poverty. Pres. Corazon Aquino and her successors simply implemented the structural
adjustment program imposed by the IMF-WB that further plunged our nation to foreign debt, and created stronger ties
with US business and political system. Today, the structural adjustment program has expanded under the banner of
neoliberal reforms such as privatization of public assets and services including education and health services through
public-private partnership, the deregulation of public utilities and higher education, and the liberalization of trade that
allows foreign companies and their dummies to dominate our economy.

Edsa People Power I missed the opportunity to break the clout of the big landlord compradors and multinational
corporate holdings on our prime lands. The landless farmers that joined and supported Edsa People Power I uprising were
wantonly neglected by the Cory Administration. Tragically, thirteen farmers were massacred in Mendiola only less than a
year after the Edsa Revolution. Today, after 28 years of relentless struggle for genuine land reform, our landless farmers
continue to wallow in utter destitution. Today, the colossal failure of the Pres. Benigno Aquino, an haciendero, to
implement free distribution of the land among the Hacienda Luisita beneficiaries negates the very spirit of Edsa I. The 1987
Mendiola Massacre was repeated in the 2006 Hacienda Luisita Massacre that killed seven farmers. And until now, the farm
workers and farmers of Hda. Luisita remain landless.

Edsa People Power I did not put an end to bureaucrat capitalism. The succeeding regimes after the overthrow of
Marcos did not put an end to cronyism and corruption. The recent pork barrel controversy involving billions of pesos and
supported by the intricate political network that sustained such mammoth robbery of our national coffers, is a testament
that Edsa People Power I did not touch the nerve centre of our national corruption.

Edsa People Power I did not bring about a strong and independent foreign policy that could have ended unequal
and servile relationship with US imperialism. Today, US-Aquino Regime continues to provoke China while bragging its ties
with US imperialist military hooligans. Our economy and politics remain subservient to the policies of US economy and its
political interests. The US-Aquino regime terminated its talks with CPP-NDF while continuing its negotiation for rotational
presence of US forces in the Philippines. It is ironic that after Edsa People Power I, which exposed the covert hands
American interests in maintaining Marcos dictatorship, our government is now begging for stronger presence of US military
in Southeast Asian region.

Edsa People Power I displayed the heroic courage of countless activists who fought bravely the fascist dictatorship
of the US-Marcos regime. In the barbaric moments of Philippine history, countless men and women rise up to the challenge
and sacrificed their lives to restore democracy. Now the US-Aquino Regime is dead set to throw our nation back into the
darkest moment of our history by enacting the Cyber Crime Prevention Act of 2012 or Republic Act No. 10175. The US-
Aquino regime is waging war against our people not only in cyberspace, but against peoples organization and movements
opposing the regimes repressive policies. Pres. Benigno Aquino indeed deserves the notorious title Impunity King by
unleashing repressive counter-offensive against peoples organizations, activists, and human rights defenders. He holds a






record of 142 extra-judicial killings and 164 frustrated extrajudicial killings. The US-Aquino Regime even appointed ex-
military personnel to human rights board and promoted generals who were known to be notorious human rights violators.
But the most savage violence unleashed by the US-Aquino Regime against the people is to abandon the millions of victims
of typhoon disasters (Pablo and Yolanda), the thousands of civilians displaced by Zamboanga siege, and the Bohol
earthquake victims. By abandoning the victims of war and disasters, the US-Aquino Regime has shown its true interest: to
promote of big businesses by parcelling out the rehabilitation of Tacloban to top ten corporations. To defend the interests
of the big businesses, Pres. Aquino appointed Sen. Ping Lacson, a henchman of military fascism as rehabilitation czar. And
Sen. Lacson has shown his tenacity to supress the intensifying people surge against the ineptitude of the US-Aquino
Regime during post-Yolanda recovery by labelling the movement as communist.

Confronted with this outrageous fiasco of the US-Aquino Regime we the members of Congress of
Teachers/Educators for Nationalism and Democracy vow to continue to fight for what the martyrs and heroes who fought
the US-Marcos dictatorship. We urge our fellow educators, educational workers and students to seize the missed
opportunities of Edsa People Power I and advance the peoples struggle to address the root causes of our economic and
social miseries. We urge all educators to explain to our students the historical significance and limitations of Edsa I and the
historic lessons we have to learn from the peoples movement that led to it. We call on our colleagues in the teaching
profession to stop romanticizing Edsa I as the final liberation of our people from dictatorship. Edsa People Power I must be
seen as just a part in the series of peoples actions to arouse, organize and mobilize to overthrow the semi-colonial, semi-
feudal , and bureaucrat capitalist system that exploits our people.

Today, 28 years after euphoria of EPP1 we join the millions of Filipino people and organized movements in
wrestling away the meaning of Edsa I from the US-Aquino Regime that glorifies and intensifies the state violence against
the workers, urban poor, poor women and children, landless peasants, and indigenous people. We join all progressive
sectors of our society and all patriotic movements who are persistently fighting not merely for a change in regime but for a
system change!

We salute and pay the highest tribute to the countless activists, including students and teachers, who valiantly
fought the US-Marcos dictatorship. We honor their memories by vowing to never let their sacrifice be wasted in vain!

Honor the martyrs and heroes who fought the US-Marcos dictatorship!
Oppose the intensifying state violence of the US-Aquino Regime!
Down with bureaucrat capitalism!
Down with feudalism!
Down with fascism!
Down with imperialism!
Advance the peoples struggle for national independence and genuine democracy!