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13-05-07, 19:59 #1
indoroids
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Join Date: Oct 2006

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MAFIA GODFATHER nya INDONESIA

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Sebelumnya gw peringatkan anda semua, ini topik yang sensitif, karena pengaruh
mereka sudah sangat mengakar, sampai ke grassrott, jadi ada kemungkinan di antara
kalian juga (dengan atau tanpa di sadari) adalah bawahan para mafia ini. Ada
pepatah bilang, setan yang berbahaya itu bukan pocong, kunti, atau sebangsanya,
tapi setan dalam diri manusia itulah yang fatal, karena bisa killing langsung,
tidak seperti hantu yang cuma menakut nakuti aja. Jadi nanti kalo dalam perjalanan
thread ini, ada post post yang memanas (mungkin terlalu panas), anggap saja banyak
aura penampakan roh gentayangan, aura negatif yang keluar dari setan yg bermukim
dalam diri manusia itu tadi lah.

Topik ini adalah grey area, sebagian ada dokumentasi nya, sebagian lagi hanya
gosip. Tapi lucunya, gosip nya udah jadi rahasia umum, jadi apa donk? Gosip atau
beneran? At least jika kalian ketemu ama salah satu dari mereka atau bawahannya di
public place, anda sudah tahu harus bersikap apa (berkat membaca thread ini,
wekekekekekek).

Namanya juga gosip, jadi jangan nyuruh saya ajukan bukti bukti disini. Mo percaya,
mo gak percaya, terserah masing masing. Tapi kalo mo blak blakan, kiprah mereka
udah jadi rahasia umum, ibarat pepatah, gak ada bara kalo gak ada api nya. Jadi
ambil kesimpulan sendiri dah.

Just trying to clear things out over here. Freedom of speech harus selalu
ditegakkan, kesimpulan akhir kan kembali lagi kepada si penerima informasi. Sangat
diharapkan bagi kalian yg punya koneksi dengan mereka, atau at least tahu banyak
soal mereka, untuk memberi klarifikasi disini. Yg penting, jangan emosian. Blak
blakan aja, toh identitas kalian gak ada yg tahu. Ok happy reading.

tommy winata di pengadilan negeri Jakpus

TW (Tommy Winata), Yapto (bos nya Pemuda Pancasila), dkk adalah para mafia
Indonesia.
Dikembangkan pada jaman orba untuk melakukan "all the dirty works" dalam rangka
mengamankan bisnis cendana dan kroni2nya serta menciptakan "stabilitas".

Tugas mereka adalah menekan dan menghancurkan para pesaing bisnis maupun lawan
politik orba, dengan cara2 yang tidak mungkin dilakukan oleh penguasa secara sah.

Sebagai imbalannya mereka diberi sektor masing2 di bisnis2 haram( narkoba,

gambling, prostitusi, sindikat2 kriminal, debt collector, dll).

Dan mereka boleh menggunakan anak2 perusahaan cendana dan kroni2nya sebagai sarana
pencucian uang (money laundring).

Pada saat cendana jatuh, para mafia ini terpecah2 dan masing2 mencari sandaran
baru. Ada yang masih setia pada cendana, ada yang merapat ke kubu2 baru, ada yang
membentuk jaringan mafia baru dengan golongan sakit hati yang baru naik.

Beberapa yang masih setia pada cendana, sekarang cenderung memilih untuk menarik
diri, menggunakan tumpukan hartanya yang masih segunung hanya untuk menjaga,
minimal jangan sampai jaringannya bubar.

TW termasuk orang yang sukses melewati masa transisi kekuasaan karena taktiknya
"berkawan" di masa lalu dengan tokoh2 militer dan kepolisian yang diramalkan akan
"jadi orang".

Dari dulu dia memang pintar memupuk "persahabatan" dengan para perwira yang belum
naik dan masih di bawah.

Hampir semua perwira yang pernah bertugas di Kodam Jaya, Kostrad, Kopassus dan
Polda Metro pasti memiliki hubungan baik dengan TW.

SBY yang pernah menjabat sbg Asops Kodam Jaya juga pasti pernah "dikawani" oleh
TW.
Karena itu dia pasang Sutanto yang tidak pernah menjabat Kapolda Metro untuk
meredam TW.
Informasi, pada saat baru naik jadi kapolri, TW langsung setor 2 M sebagai tanda
"persahabatan". Dan mentah2 ditolak oleh Sutanto.

Makanya sekarang TW lagi berusaha buat "membeli" DPR biar bagaimana caranya
Kapolri bisa dilengserkan.

Saya nggak tahu kenapa Tommy Winata (TW) seperti berkesumat habis-habisan dengan
Tempo. Lebih nggak tahu lagi, kenapa jaksa dan hakim sejauh ini selalu
menguntungkan kubu TW, termasuk mengentengkan hukuman buat dua orang
kepercayaannya, David A Miuaw dan Teddy Uban yang akrab dengan aparat keamanan
itu. Kabar terbaru, dua wartawan Tempo, T. Iskandar Ali dan Ahmad Taufik, dituntut
dua tahun penjara oleh jaksa di PN Jakpus kemarin.

Nah jaksa yang aneh itu, Namanya Robert Tacoy, mengamini penyangkalan TW pernah
diwawancara Tempo. Bukti dari Telkom bahwa memang terjadi beberapa kali percakapan
dari kantor redaksi Tempo ke ponsel TW tak dipedulikan jaksa. Alasanhya, TW sudah
menyatakan tak pernah diwawancara.

Kesaksian ahli telematika Roy Suryo, bahwa suara dalam rekaman wawancara memang
suara TW, juga ditolak jaksa dengan alasan Roy bukan saksi yang langsung melihat
percakapan. Artinya, lain kali, dalam kasus berbeda, kalau konsisten, jaksa kita
itu akan menolak kesaksian ahli kedokteran forensik dengan alasan pak dokter nggak
melihat langsung pembunuhan.

TW memang orang kuat. Bisnisnya tumbuh karena dukungan Yayasan Kartika Eka Paksi
dan petinggi Angkatan Darat. Gayanya kayak bos triad dalam film Mandarin. Maaf,
ini bukan sentimen rasial anticina, karena sebagian kalangan Cina di Jakarta pun
menyebut nama TW dengan setengah berbisik dan tak mengekspresikan kekaguman maupun
penghormatan. Bahkan, dengan segala maaf saya ungkap cerita ini, pemuka pengusaha
Glodok yang bermarga Winata, tapi tak ada hubungan keluarga dengan TW, kurang suka
setiap kali ditanya apa hubungannya dengan TW.

The big boss TW ini yang anak buahnya saja punya akses langsung ke ponselnya Metro
1 (Kapolda), dan itu dibuktikannya saat mereka meneror orang Tempo di kantor
Polres Jakpus. Bos besar TW ini yang oleh petinggi Polri diakui pernah menyumbang
korpsnya.

Oh ya, saya nggak tahu kenapa Desmond J. Mahisa, aktivis yang pernah diculik anak
buah Prabowo itu, mau jadi orangnya TW.

Skarang soal Yapto/. Katanya Yapto ini dulu ketua genk 234SC, genk anak-anak
Siliwangi yaitu Komplek Kodam Siliwangi.... sebelumnya genk ini ketuanya adalah
Patrick, trus direbut ama Yapto yg konon dgn cara gak gentle.... trus berkembang
jadi PP-Pemuda Pancasila... kaki tangan Orba utk urusan dirty works.... barengan
ama Yorrys yg juga kenal deket ama TW....

234SC itu 'gosipnya' nama geng jadul di Jkt dimna Yapto jadi ketuanya.
Gengnya anak2 kolong dari komplek militer siliwangi. Katanya ini cikal bakalnya
organisasi Pemuda Pancasila yang pada jaman Orba menjadi 'satgas khususnya' golkar

Setahu gua TW itu pengusaha sukses, punya Artha Groups yaitu Bank Artha Graha, Mal
Artha Gading, Hotel Borobudur, Pantara yg ngurusin resort di pulau seribu, Musro
Jakarta, Musro Bali dll.... & semuanya diserahkan untuk diurus familynya, yaaa
adiknya, paman, sepupu, dll.... klo menurut gw.. jenis2 usaha2 kaya gitu kan emang
tempatnya mafia..bisa jadi didapet melalui jalur 'mafia'

setau gw.. jimmy tuh seorang pimpinan salah satu perguruan bela diri di
indonesia.. yg gw denger sih.. dia sering dipake buat 'ngurusin' saingan keluarga
cendana..
malahan sebelum nama yapto 'naek ke permukaan'

g rasa banyak tulisan2 ttg TW di media cetak. Misalnya di Tempo yg jadi kasus
Tommy Pemulung di Tanabang. Dan memang harus kita akui hal2 seperti ini
susahdibuktikan dengan data2 akurat. Kalo ada data2 akurat udah pada bisa diadili
donk ( kalo ada data akurat ttg kegiatan mereka yg illegal atau melanggar
aturan ). Dan harus kita akui bahwa kita cuma dengar desas desus saja kan ? Sama
seperti ttg desas desus Tommy Soeharto, Tutut, dan kawan2nya yang melakukan
pelanggaran hukum tp tidak pernah ada yang menyeret mereka ke pengadilan kan ?
kecuali tommy soeharto yg salah langkah 1 kali, tp cuma 1 kan tindakan dia yang
lain tidak ada yg bisa data akuratnya. Kalo ada buktinya bukankah negara kita ini
akan aman tentram semuanya

Yg gue denger.... dulunya sih Yapto dianggep pengecut, karena berani-nya cuma
ngebokong.... elo tanya deh ama mantan anak 234SC angkatan bokap-bokap elo
pada....
Dulu yg megang S2C tuh si Patrick.... dia cari-cari Yapto yg ngumpet gak tau
kemana..... kalo waktu itu dapet, yapto bakal dapet gelar Alm.

Oh ya, soal 234SC jadi genk paling ditakutin di jakarta ada hubungannya gak ya ama
Divisi Siliwangi yg nentang perintah Soeharto untuk membantai antek-antek PKI?

Cerita diatas gue cuma denger dari temen-temen bokap gue & mantan boss gue ....
jadi terserah mau dianggap gosip atau cuma teriakan tukang obat di pinggir
jalan....

TW? ..... cuma jongos bos-bos di Cilangkap & Cijantung....

Oh ya, soal 234SC jadi genk paling ditakutin di jakarta ada hubungannya gak ya ama
Divisi Siliwangi yg nentang perintah Soeharto untuk membantai antek-antek PKI?

Jamannya Yapto pertama kali nembak di Menteng mah gue blon lahir jek ...........
kalo cerita itu cuma boong, yaaa biarin aja dosanya temen bokap gue ini...
Kalo mantan boss gue itu emang nongkrong ama anak 234SC, gue percaya ama omongan
dia ......
cerita itu sekedar info tambahan

Gue baca2 berita,katanya tender pembangunan tanah abang di pegang oleh TW,tapi
sutiyoso tidak membenarkan nya..apa bener seperti itu?

unuk ukuran anak umur 15 tahun sangat hebat sekali yah saat itu apa saja yg
diperbuatnya dan bisnis2nya

Berbagi Kekuasaan dengan Mafia?

Info tambahan (mungkin udah banyak juga yg tau).... Hotel Borobudur itu sebagian
sahamnya dimiliki TW, so hati-hati kalo ngegosip soal TW di hotel itu, banyak kaki
tangannya lho
gue pernah liat yg namanya David itu mondar mandir di sekitar Cafe di Borobudur...
kebetulan gue lagi ada janjian ama temen kantor disana....

Konon, SCBD adalah tanah milik TNI yg dititipkan oleh Dewi Soekarno selaku pemilik
sah dari tanah tsb.... Dulu Soekarno menghadiahkan sebidang tanah yang luas kepada
Dewi "Madam Syuga" Soekarno yang kemudian dipinjamkan ke negara (TNI), sebagian
dijadikan museum Satria Mandala (dulunya Wisma Yaso kalo gak salah, tempat tinggal
Dewi S), peminjaman ini pun dengan syarat digunakan utk kepentingan negara
(gosipnya sih bukan dipinjam tapi disewakan ke negara dengan nilai milyaran Rp per
tahun)....nah yg jadi masalah adalah diam-diam tanah ini dijual ke Group AG, ini
membuat Dewi S meradang marah dan menuntut pemerintah RI (dulu pernah ada
beritanya kalo gak salah) dan oleh group AG tanah ini dijadikan SCBD..... konon
Komdak itupun merupakan tanah milik Dewi S...

Kayaknya sih TNI (bagian dari pemerintah juga kan)... jadi kayak insider trading
juga, jual ke company sendiri.....
ORBA merasa tanah tsb adalah milik negara dan untuk pengelolaannya kalo gak salah
lewat Sekneg dan Depkeu deh..... sedangkan Dewi S merasa tanah itu adalah bagian
dari Museum Satria Mandala d/h Wisma Yaso....

mafia di indo ada sapa aza? kaya kuancau / cocong gitu?

Berapa upeti bandar judi ke polisi?

Kapolsek bisa Rp 5 juta hingga Rp 10 juta tiap minggu. Kapolres
seminggu dapat Rp 20-50 juta. Kapolda, Rp 100 juta. Perwira Mabes
Polri bisa Rp 500 juta. Bayangkan. Ketika Sofjan Jacoeb jadi Kapolda,
ia minta bantuan pada saya, Rp 1 miliar. Ia bilang, ''Tolong Pak Haji
Anton, saya meminta satu miliar''. Saya menjawab, ''Limaratus juta
deh karena tempat kita tidak ramai''. Lantas, ia bilang, ''Kalau Anda
tidak sanggup memberikan ya jangan buka''. Kapolda saja, Rp 1 miliar.
Bayangkan, saja.

tapi gw heran, kalo emang ada perputaran uang perhari sampe Rp.1 triliun di Harco,
itu termasuk penjualan barang2 elektrnonik atau dari judinya doank??
kalo termasuk penjualan, kayaknya uangnya kurang banyak, tapi kalo judi doank,
nggak kebanyakan tuh?? siapa aja yang biasa maen ya?? gilingan duitnya, banyak aje

Bonyok gua pernah ketemu TW di rumahnye... trus TW pernah bilang "Gua kalo buka
judi di Singapur, pembagian hasil ama pemerintah tu 50-50... tapi kalo gua di
Indo, pembagiannya tu 99-1, 99 itu buat pemerintah, 1 buat gua... cuma masalahnya
1 itu udah lebih gede drpd 50-nya Singapur... jadi ngapain gua pindah ?"
Bedanya lagi klo di singapur 50 nya buat Pemerintah untuk Negara, klo di indo 99
buat Pemerintah untuk Pribadi ....edan .... pantes kaya2

Hahaha... ga heran dia bakal netep terus di Indo + bisnis terus

FPI dapat jatah nda...
FPI bukannya suka menangani/ turut serta memberantas Perjudian juga...
Dan FPI sekarang sudah kerjasama dengan pihak Kepolisian.
cuma sekedar pertanyaan...

Kalo yg ge prnah denger, nama 234SC itu lengkapnya 234 Siliwangi Club.
Asalnya 234 karena para pendirinya rokoknya ji sam su.
Siliwangi Club karena geng itu didirikan oleh anak2 kolong dari komplek militer
Siliwangi.
Bener ga yah itu...

Kalo yang gue denger, sejak PP mulai aktif, operasional mereka lebih kepada
mengatasnamakan atribut PP itu.

234SC secara organisasi kayanya hanya melambangkan Ring 1 nya Yapto.

Orang2 terdekat dan pihak keluarganya yapto yang menggunakan atribut 234SC.
(mungkin termasuk bos achil..)

Sekarang setelah reformasi dan Golkar sudah ganti strategi, PP kayanya agak
menarik diri, tapi ga tau apa itu berarti 234SC sebagai atribut operasi lagi.

Kalo untuk tanda pengenalnya, liat kalo ada sticker yang ditempel di kaca belakang
mobil, bentuknya sayap ditengahnya ada tulisan 234SC.
Sampe sekarang masih ada mobil2 yang pake koq.

emang sekarang ada partai Patriot Pancasila.

Tapi kan susah kalo atribut itu digunakan untuk operasional yang berbau2 mafia.
Makanya gue pake istilah "menarik diri".

Pokoknya intinya yang gue tau, 234SC itu lebih eksklusif dan elit lingkupnya,
kayanya mereka sekarang itu prinsipnya asal ga diganggu ga akan ganggu.

Kalo soal bisnisnya, gosip yang gue tau dari dulu Y dan PP menguasai paling
utamanya sektor debt collector, di sektor gambling mereka sebagai algojo2nya salah
satu gang of nine yang pentolannya PP juga, Yoris. Ga tau deh sekarang

baru aja tadi pagi gua liat di pertigaan Relasi kebon jeruk ada Nissan Xtrail
dengan sticker 234SC..

Kalo polisi tau berani nilang ngga yah??

kalau pas gini aku jadi ingat gus dur...
gus dur pernaha memerintahkan menangkap TW ke Kapolri.. tapi karena nggak ada
dukungan dan semua pada dibayar TW malah akhirnya Gus Dur yang jatuh.
kalau gini, kayaknya gus dur banyak benarnya tuch

mestinya masukin juga nih olwan panggabean. yapto katanya takut sama dia, dan ngga
berani ke medan. tapi tetap aja no.1 nya TW.

Yapto = John Gotti indonesia

btw pas lebaran kemaren pansernya TW mondar mandir tuh di scbd hahaha masih ada
anak mafia yang sok kuasa

anak2 mafia skarank down to earth. mungkin pas dulu boleh pada masa gelap2nya dan
dimana kekuatan pemerintah terlalu absolut. sekarang buat apa dah gak jaman. sama2
masyarakat indo jg. and indonesia must be back on track ke arah yg
bagus....menurut gue begitu

gw kemaren pulang ke jakarta ko banyak banget mobil dengan stiker 234SC ya??
apanya yang eksklusif and elite??mulai dari mobil mahal sampe karimun. nyetirnya
serampangan bos (ampir kesenggol mobil gw), gw sih ga peduli yah, tapi kok kayanya
jadi komersil banget gitu. ntar kalah ni stiker2 prambors

yang pake sticker 234SC itu pati anggota Pemuda Pancasila atau Partai Patriot
Pancasila boss.

yang dimaksud eksklusif dan elite, polisi segen untuk memberhentikan mobil yang
pakai sticker itu.
kalau sampai sembarangan dan dijadikan komersil kayanya kaga deh..
soalnya, sticker itu ga dijual. dan kalau ketahuan ada yang jual, bisa berabe
urusannya boss.

alah,,males deh ngurusin org2 kyk gini,,!!di ajak argumen jg palingan yg keluar
beceng

Iya neh .... gua malahan pernah ngeliat Mobil Dinas Polisi [plat yg coklat] pasang
stiker "234SC -Dont Bother Me-" ga penting bgt ya

Hati2 lho...TW n kawan2 kl ga seneng am qt org,mau culik qt ato bunuh,kpn aj dmn

aj bisa....
Bokap gw prnh blg,tmnny prnh nipu salah satu tmn baekny TW,3 hari kmdian dia
dipenjara...Tmn bokap gw itu org kaya bgt..Dia kira dia 2-3 hari uda bs keluar dr
penjarany....Eh uda berbulan2 ga keluar2...Tau2ny dia br tau siapa yg masukin dia
ke penjara...It's TW...Kt bokap gw,dia ampe skrg ms lom keluar bui.....

hmmm tadi pagi lewat tebet ada SLK hitam di belakangnya ada stiker 234SC
punya siapa ya?

makanya gua setuju banget tuh sama Ali Sadikin kalo judi dilegalkan aja....

kayanya yang ngak mau judi itu legal sebenernya yah cukong2 inilah yang bakalan
dapet saingan banyak kalo judi dilegalkan, soalnya kalo sekarang kan hanya orang
yang "connected" sama berani dirty work yang masuk bisnis ini...

judi dilegalkan aja,, tapi bikin "distrik2an" kayak model "redlight district"nya
belanda..... jadi di tempat tertentu aja, dan pintu masuknya ada penjaga buat
ngecek ID and all...

om Yapto klo bawa mobil gak kira2.....bawa SLK kayak bawa angkot....
klo gw mah boro2 digeber....ngeluarin dari garasi juga mikir2

Menurut gw sama aja tuh si Yapto PP (Pemuda Preman) ama si Habib FPI (Federasi
Preman Indonesia)......... cuman beda seragam ajaaa ......... dua-duanya pantesnya
dikasih bonus........ handukk yg dah dikencingin.....

Info Sepak Terjang bukan gossip (karna ini yg forum mau) :

Gw punya temen di salah satu perusahaannya (anak buah TW) yg bergerak di bidang
*sensor* dia bilang "gile neh perusahaan

dah dikit lagi bangkrut tapi bank (ehem syariah terbesar di ind) mau ngucurin
dana/kredit 30-40 M tuk bisnisnya" padahal nih total asset yg perusahaan miliki
gak sampai segitu, meskipun di tambah dari agunan pribadi direktur.

Memang ternyata lobby para mafioso (TW Especially) ternyata kuat juga di sektor
perbankan khususnya bank BUMN.

Bgmn dengan gw yg mau minta kredit dibank yg sama tuk proyek harus bla bla bla.
Mungkin ada anak buah or kroni TW & Yapto serta intelijen kepolisian
Neh... ucapan gw tuk yang ngebaca :

"Terbakarlah kau dineraka dengan harta yang kau miliki"

"Wibawamu terangkat dari harga diri yang rendah dan kusam"

Tuk yg pake sticker 234SC or bla bla bla

"Kau tidak tidak bisa apa-apa selain bersembunyi dibalik ketiak bapakmu -Pengecut-
GROW UP!!"

paling geli liat mobil nempel stiker "ala tentara" atau polisi atau organisasi2
nga jelas ngarapin biar kalo ada apa2 bisa dapat advantage (disenggol dikit
langsung tunjuk2 stiker, distop polisi langsung tunjuk2 stiker)

terus geli juga liat mobil pasang atribut tentara/polri kayak topi di dashboard
kayanya kampungan banget

iye negara hukum, tapi yang buat hukum dia dia juga... sama aja dong..... hukumnya
ya emang stiker... hahahahha

indonesia tuh hukum tak tertulis lbh kuat dibanding yang di rapatin di DRP
hukum uang berbicara tuh paling kuat...
hukum cendana lbh kuat lagi dari pada semua hukum

Bank Mandiri Syari'ah ya Bos??? masak mereka mau ngasih...,kalo ketauan nasabahnya
kan bs dihabisin tuh dananya (tp kemungkinan besar jg bs, soale kmrn aku tanya2x
ttg reksadana syari'ah, lucunya mereka tdk bs menghubungkan antara nasabah dg
manajer investasinya & duit mo diinvest ke manapun mereka gak infokan)
Skalian ikut geli jg bagi yg nempelin stiker HARLEY DAVIDSON CLUB, emang keren
yah...

Selama mereka dibekingin dan dilindungi pejabat-pejabat militer, mereka bakalan

tambah jumawa & sombong.

Malu lah jaman sekarang jadi preman kok maen bekingan bapaknya yang pejabat
militer.

Hare gene masih petantang - petenteng. Gua inget dulu waktu SMA punya temen culun
banget jalannya aja nunduk kayak orang bongkok, pas masuk PP dengan seragamnya
yang loreng orange dan sepatu bot kas tentara langsung berjalan gagahnya dengan
dada membusung seolah-olah keteknya sakit bisulan.

anak atma ada yg digebukin sama pp gara2 jualin sticker 234 sc. hahahhaa. tapi itu
tahun 2004. telat yah gw. rumahnya om yapto sama boilnya gilaaaa keren2 . mas abi
juga baik orangnya. emang sih yg masuk kebanyakan golongan menengah keatas. kalo
yg miskin2 jadi bemper hidup aja (kayak ngelakuin dirty works). tapi emang bener
sih keluarga cendana tetap nomor satu. pernah liat om yapto ditampar sama
perempuan? cuma keluarga cendana yg bisa hahaaa

baik? bukannya kalo ke club.bar paling suka cari gara2. Mending kalo sendiri, bawa
centeng banyak, bawa beceng pula. Dulu kan pernah sekali masuk koran tuh yang di
blok M, manager barnya sampe digebukin

iya tuh gua pernah denger yang katanya mangaer di gebukin.....

ama yang waktu itu katanya si abi pernah gak bomasuk ke suatu bar gitu...
mangaernya berani nantang si ABI.. dai gak tau abi siapa, cuman yang dia tau, abi
suka bikin rusuh,,,,, terus besok nya abi denger itu... di daterngin ama si abi..
dan abi cuman bilang" jgn ampe gua tutup bar elo" ehhh besoknya mangernya minta
maaf ama si abi

power banget dah itu org

Just curious, kalo dikasih kesempatan punya kekuatan... apa diri kita masih
idealis kayak gini? Pengalaman2 dengan orang2 sih... imannya pada goyah...

- ada pihak yang benci banget sama preman. berharap banget mereka dapat balasan
setimpal

- ada pihak yang bangga ""kenal"" sama preman (pernah ketemu di klub, hubungan
sangat jauh, saudara punya teman punya sepupunya kenal preman)

gw juga punya temen yang ngomong kalo Tomy Suharto orangnya baik.
sama kaya abi..
ya dia baik ke orang2 yang dibaikin ke dia. yang dendam ke mereka juga banyak...

kemarin temen2nya temen gw.. jenguk si tommy di nusakambangan. waktu balik... sama
tommy dikasih pistol desert eagle. katanya buat jaga diri.
baik bennner tuh orang yaks
Seperti biasa yang namanya orang bawahan malah lebih rese daripada atasnya...
kalo gua sih lebih baik gak bermasalah sama mereka tapi juga gak terlalu dekat
sama mereka....
Kenyataannya underworld akan selalu ada dan akan selalu ada orang-orang kaya TW,
Yapto atau siapapun itu...

di jaman sekarang gak usah sok bela-belain siapa-siapa..kecuali diri elo sendiri..

kalo tw sih gue nggak tau yah...........cuma kalo 234 mah tinggal tunggu bubarnya
aja..............anggotanya sekarang cuma anak2 singkong,,,,,,,,
pelindungnya udah bubar .............

tapi di aceh waktu jaman jaya2nya GAM, pasti kagak bakal berani mereka pasang
atribut militer
waktu rusuh 98 aja, mobil2 plat merah di kantor gue (di sumatera) langsung diganti
plat item

taun depan kan di jakarta ada pilkada buat milih gubernur.

kira2 tw ndukung siapa yah?

pks calonnya wakapolri

pdip kemungkinan besar calonnya juga dari militer atau polisi
fauzi bowo mungkin akan dicalonkan oleh ppp, pbr atau pkb

yg gue tau, beberapa tokoh ormas betawi juga punya hubungan baik dg tw
dulu sewaktu banyak demo mengenai pembangunan tn abang, ada demo yg
mengatasnamakan pedagang, yg ternyata setelah gue baca nama pimpinan demonya,
ternyata cuma seorang preman, anak buah dari seorang raja preman di tn abang
nah, si raja preman tn abang ini punya hubungan baik dg tw, dan sekarang dia udah
jadi ketua dpd ppp jakpus
petugas2 keamanan di tn abang, yg ngerekrut ya si raja preman tn abang ini

(ngeri, dari lepel kampung sampe pemerintah pusat digerayangin preman

nah, si raja preman tn abang ini punya hubungan baik dg tw, dan sekarang dia udah
jadi ketua dpd ppp jakpus
petugas2 keamanan di tn abang, yg ngerekrut ya si raja preman tn abang ini

h kan di seputaran tanah abang banyak bener spanduknya... gile sering banget ppp
ngadain acara. emang sih dari dulu mah tanah abang basisnya ppp. cuma si abang ini
emang kondang banget di sono.

Pemilu kemarin dia membelot dari ppp dan masuk pbr, entah kenapa sekarang bisa
rujuk lagi dg ppp, bahkan langsung terpilih menjadi ketua dpd jakarta-pusat

pbr terus ppp lagi ya? jangan heran deh. yang penting nyetor duit. lagipula partai
beginian emangnya ada kaderisasi. ngga adalah. mana laku lagi sih partai yang
bawa-bawa identitas agama. ngapain bawa-bawa tuhan untuk urusan duniawi.

yang penting mah duit masuk lancar... mau jalannya lewat apa kek... hehehe

TY, Yapto and the geng mungkin paling takut sama golongan putih, oleh sebab itu
mreka deket2 sama golongan merah

Aku pengusaha lemah pribumi, kenal TW dari sekitar tahun 1993 sewaktu pembangunan
Hotel Kartika Plaza, diikuti pembangunan SBDC, disusul renovasi Hotel Borobudur,
kemudian kompleks pulau Bidadari dan Pantara Barat.
Menurutku bisnis TW saat itu meski "tricky" tapi tidaklah terlalu kasar. Yang aku
ingat hanyalah membeli Bank milik keluarga Mas Agung, dengan saham "termurah
didunia", kemudian menelanjangi Hartono biang germo di Bali.
Selebihnya "biasa saja".

Menurut pendapatku, malah tidak ada yang perlu diributkan. Meski diback-up oleh
tentara, tapi kesuksesan dia tidaklah datang dengan mudah. Jatuh bangun penuh
perjuangan. Dan apakah dia menikmati "kemasyhurannya ?", belum tentu. Siang malem
disibukkan dengan berbagai macam perkara dan masalah , nyaris tidak aka waktu
terluang untuk "menjadi dirinya sendiri".
Yang sering menjadi biang masalah, malah kroco-kroconya. Seperti pepatah
"*censored**censored**censored**censored**censored**censored* lebih galak dari
Tuannya".

Aku sendiri tidak akan pernah mau mengarungi kehidupan macam dia. Jadi budak
pekerjaan, dan sekaligus budak duit.

TW ..sekarang bzness apa ya? kalo ga salah dia mo kuasain semua peredaran
miras..authorizednya chivas aja tutup,dutyfree pada kelimpungan ga ada
jualan..tapi yg lainnya yg dutypaid tetep aja ada stock..om tw mo jadi capone taon
ini kayaknya..
Tapi TW ngalahin lawan2nya dgn cara yg bagus lah..ga kasar2 amat..kecuali kalo
titipan para serdadu..ya diabisin ludes, tapi usahanya doang..orangnya kaga
diapa2in..--hmm gw kalah satu ruko neh sama om tw hehe--

Yapto..
udh bosen nge geng ga kaya2 juga..cape jado bodigar mulu, mana anak udh gede2,
nyoba maen politik aja lah lewat Pemuda Pancasila bikin partai patriot..kasian yg
dibawah2nya program2nya kaga jelas..mo lepas baju preman masih syusye ya bang
ya..hidup Patriot !!
eh gw koti PP neh..jgn salah jadi amaan..

Yg jelas, tw berkepentingan sekali dg pilkada gubernur dki tahun depan, demi

kelancaran bisnis judinya

Ok, berikut ini adalah beberapa dokumentasi mengenai mereka :

Yapto S Suryosumarno
Organisasi massa Pemuda Pancasila (PP) membentuk partai baru, Partai Patriot
Pancasila.. Yapto, sang pendiri partai dan Ketua Presisium PP mengatakan alasan PP
mendirikan Partai Patriot Pancasila sebab selama ini PP yang telah banyak
memberikan aspirasi dan dukungan kepada Partai Golkar tidak pernah dipedulikan
oleh pengurus partai tersebut.

"Kami bukan kecewa. Kami berpikir, kami ini kan punya hak pilih. Daripada memilih
partai yang tidak peduli pada kami, lebih baik kami bentuk partai sendiri. Dulu
peran PP kepada Golkar sangat besar, tetapi ternyata tidak ada feedback dari
Golkar kepada kami, terutama sahabat-sahabat kami anggota Pemuda Pancasila di
daerah. Mereka merasa tidak dilindungi dan tidak diperhatikan," ujar Yapto.
Partai Patriot Pancasila tercatat memiliki 27 Dewan Pimpinan Wilayah (DPW), 369
Dewan Pimpinan Cabang (DPC), serta 792 Dewan Pimpinan Anak Cabang (DPAC). Sekitar
enam juta warga Pemuda Pancasila diharapkan akan menyalurkan aspirasi politiknya
ke Partai Patriot Pancasila.

Dilahirkan dengan nama Yapto Sulistio Suryosumarno, lebih populer dengan panggilan
Yapto. Ketegasan sikapnya terbentuk sejak kecil. Sosok ayahnya yang militer
membayang kuat pada pribadinya. "Cita-cita saya sebetulnya ingin jadi tentara,"
katanya. Namun, keinginan itu tidak terwujud, kendati pada waktu mahasiswa di
Fakultas Hukum UKI, Jakarta, ia komandan Resimen Mahasiswa di universitas itu.

Lingkungan pergaulannya luas, sehingga ia sering dikaitkan dengan kehidupan

gangster. "Tentang pergaulan saya dengan mereka (eks residivis), saya rasa karena
tidak ada orang lain yang memikirkan mereka," tuturnya suatu kali. Golf adalah
olah raga kesukaannya. Berulangkali ia menyelenggarakan turnamen golf Pemuda
Pancasila Cup sejak tahun 1998.

Yapto dikenal sebagai tokoh "separuh hitam, separuh putih". Masa mudanya dipenuhi
dengan berbagai persaingan dan perkelahian antar gang pemuda di Jakarta. Pada
tahun 1965 dia telah memimpin sebuah geng yang dinamakan "Anak Siliwangi 234" dan
merupakan kelompok yang mayoritas terdiri dari anak perwira-perwira menengah dan
tinggi TNI-AD yang bermukim di Komplek Tentara Jalan Siliwangi, di daerah Senen,
Jakarta. Nama Yapto disegani dan ditakuti oleh anak-anak muda Jakarta: apabila
terjadi perkelahian-perkelahian di antara anak-anak ABG Jakarta seringkali dapat
diselesaikan secara "damai" dengan menyebut nama "Yapto" (atau dijuluki "Si Bul�"
oleh orang-orang yang dekat dengannya).

Tokoh yang dikaguminya adalah Bung Karno dan sekaligus Soeharto, presiden pertama
dan kedua Negara Republik Indonesia. Ketika bangsa sedemikian susah, Soekarno bisa
menonjol di kalangan dunia. Sedangkan dari Pak Harto, Yapto memuji karena
strateginya. "Dari suatu heterogenisme, tidak pernah ada gejolak yang berarti,"
katanya. (ma2n dari berbagai sumber)

Biodata

Nama:
Yapto Sulistio Suryosumarno
Lahir:
Solo, Jawa Tengah, 16 Desember 1949
Agama:
Islam
Ayah:
Soetarjo Soerjosoemarno
Istri:
Retno Sutjiati Estintami
Anak:
Tiga Orang
Pendidikan:
- SD, Jakarta, (1960)
- SMP, Jakarta, (1964)
- SMA, Jakarta, (1967)
- FH UKI, Jakarta, (1984)
Organisasi dan Karir Penting:
- Dan Menwa UKI
- Ketua AMPI
- Ketua Umum DPP Pemuda Pancasila
- Pendiri FKPPI
- Direktur Mahapala Sakti
- Direktur PT Swahasta Jaya
- Ketua Umum Partai Patriot Pancasila

H. Anton Medan, Mantan Bandar Judi/Pengasuh Ponpes At-Taibin

Kita Pakai Singkatan TW

Anda setuju soal melokalisasi perjudian?

Jika tujuannya untuk APBD, umat Islam harus menolak. Tapi untuk
mencegah judi kolektif alias kasino, boleh saja. Dibicarakan juga,
judi masalnya. Ada dua bentuk perjudian. Judi kolektif atau kasino.
Dampak kasino tidak langsung terhadap masyarakat bawah, orang
tertentu saja. Yang berbahaya, judi massal, contohnya, togel, Pa
Kong, Sampurna, Bola Mas, dan Wah Woi.

Judi kasino dilokalisir, Anda setuju?

"Setuju". Maksudnya, disahkan Keppres. Kalau disahkan kebijakan
gubernur karena otonomi daerah, semua daerah boleh buka, saya gempur
habis dengan massa saya. Tapi kalau Keppres, Indonesia hanya ada satu
keputusan. Umat Islam tidak boleh masuk dan jadi karyawan. Jika itu
yang dilakukan, saya mendukung. Dengan catatan, aturan judi di pasal
303 KUHP, direvisi.

Bagian mana yang perlu direvisi dari pasal 303 KUHP?

Ada klasifikasi jelas bentuk judi kolektif dan judi massal. Sanksinya
pun harus ditambah bagi yang pasang badan. Karena, tidak pernah ada
bos judi masuk penjara. Kapan bos judi masuk penjara, kecuali Hong
Li.20Apa dengan melokalisasi judi kolektif sudah menjawab persoalan?
Menurut saya tidak.

Kenapa?
Yang meresahkan masyarakat; judi massal seperti togel. Padahal togel
bisa dicegah. Barang bukti lengkap. Pengecer diseret hukuman minimal
5 tahun. Siapa yang berani pasang badan?

Sebenarnya ada apa di balik lokalisasi perjudian?

Sutiyoso dimanfaatkan Tommy Winata. Tanpa disadari, Sutiyoso masuk
dalam jebakan. Yang terpenting, itu proyek besar, yang mengeluarkan
kebijakan. Nilai kontraknya bisa mencapai Rp 50 miliar hingga Rp 100
miliar.

Indikasinya?
Anda cek di Pulau Seribu. Judi mickey mouse ada atau tidak? Ada.
Menurut bupati, judi di Pulau Seribu dikelola grup Rudi Raja Mas,
pemilik koran di Jakarta. Ada Tommy Winata, Ali Cocong, dan Eng San.
Jika Apoh, sepertinya tidak. Sebab, ia bekas anak buah saya. Ini
sangat mengerikan, seorang bandar judi gelap punya media massa.

Siapa yang berkepentingan dengan lokalisasi perjudian?

Kepentingan pejabat untuk kekayaan pribadi. Kita tidak dapat
menyalahkan bos judi, Tommy Winata, Rudi, Ali Cocong dsb. Kita tidak
bisa salahkan. Kenapa? Mereka bisnis. Naluri bisnis itu semudah-
mudahnya. Sekarang yang diuji kan moral, mentalitas dan etika pejabat.
Bagaimana peta perjudian saat ini?
Ada oknum Angkatan Darat yang ikut campur tangan. Sutiyoso dari
Angkatan Darat (AD). Tommy Winata dengan kekuatan AD. Kalau Apoh, dia
murni upeti dengan polisi. Sejak reformasi, tokoh-tokoh yang tadinya
tidak berperan, sekarang muncul.

Siapa God Father (penguasa) dari bisnis perjudian ini?

Ya... itu, kita pakai nama singkatan si TW. Karena apa? untuk
membuktikan, dia tidak di lokasi. Kan sulit. Tapi, sopir taksi pun
tahu, kalau TW itu punya Tommy Winata. Semua orang tahu, mereka juga
kan? Namun, bisa tidak dibuktikan. Tak pernah yang namanya bos judi
turun langsung ke lapangan. Kenapa koin kok tidak uang kontan? Karena
kalau digerebek tak jadi masalah, uang dapat dikembalikan dari hasil
penukaran koin. Kalau polisi menangkap sulit dengan barang bukti
duit. Paling yang ada, receh-receh.

Kenapa Tommy Winata ditakuti terutama di kalangan etnis Tionghoa?

Siapa yang takut? Demi Allah, saya tidak takut pada dia. Dia makan
nasi. Dulu, siapa yang tidak kenal raja judi Hong Li. Habis oleh
saya. Lantas, saya naik bendera. Karena saya masuk Islam, haram buat
saya, saya jauhi. Tapi, bekas anak buah saya tidak sedikit. Sekarang,
Apoh big boss. Dia, anak buah saya. Apa saya ngiler dengan harta
mereka? Tidak.

Tommy Winata bisnis judi togel dan ketangkasan?

Dari bola tangkas, togel, kasino, HPH, sampai bursa efek. Sekarang,
dia rajanya. Dia punya majalah yang terbit di Ibukota.

Siapa beking mereka?

Kalau dibilang upeti, oknum dari tingkat Polsek sampai Mabes Polri
tidak sedikit yang menolak (upeti). Mulai tingkat Koramil sampai
Kodam, banyak yang menerimanya. Kalau tidak dikasih upeti, digerebek.
Contoh, Hendarji (dulu di Pomdam Jaya, kini Wakil Danpuspom),
nggerebek judi. Kenapa? Boleh jadi, tidak dapat jatah. Marinir juga
ikut nggerebek, coba. Lucu kan?

Berapa upeti bandar judi ke polisi?

Kapolsek bisa Rp 5 juta hingga Rp 10 juta tiap minggu. Kapolres
seminggu dapat Rp 20-50 juta. Kapolda, Rp 100 juta. Perwira Mabes
Polri bisa Rp 500 juta. Bayangkan. Ketika Sofjan Jacoeb jadi Kapolda,
ia minta bantuan pada saya, Rp 1 miliar. Ia bilang, ''Tolong Pak Haji
Anton, saya meminta satu miliar''. Saya menjawab, ''Limaratus juta
deh karena tempat kita tidak ramai''. Lantas, ia bilang, ''Kalau Anda
tidak sanggup memberikan ya jangan buka''. Kapolda saja, Rp 1 miliar.
Bayangkan, saja.

Berapa total upeti yang dikeluarkan bandar judi tiap bulan?

Besar sekali. Tapi, jika untuk judi, itu tidak terlalu besar. Yang
besar untuk perempuanlah, yang tiketlah, yang tamulah, kemudian mau
beli tanah untuk bangunanlah, anaknya mau kimpoilah, segala macam.

Mereka minta terang-terangan?

Biasanya, dia melalui ajudannya. ''Tolong kamu hubungi, nanti saya
yang ngomong dengan Anton''. Begitu sudah berbicara dengan saya,
tolong dong, ini, ini, ini. Ya dijalani. Jika tidak dijalani, ia
menyuruh anak buahnya untuk menangkap.

Siapa yang menikmati uang judi?

Dari Kepala Pos Polisi, Kapolsek, Kapolres, Kapolwil, Kapolda, sampai
ke perwira tinggi di Mabes Polri, menikmati uang judi. Lalu, dari
Danramil, sampai ke Pangdam. Kemudian, oknum wartawan yang biasa
mangkal di Polsek sampai Mabes Polri, juga. Bukan cuma oknum polisi,
tentara dan wartawan, namun sudah sampai ke oknum jaksa, hakim,
bahkan lembaga pemasyarakatan.

Saya tidak katakan bahwa Pak Makbul (Kapolda Metro Jaya) pernah
menerima jatah. Tapi saat saya membuka kasino gelap, ia Kapolsek
Taman Sari. Hari Montolalu dulunya Kapolsek Penjaringan. Nurfaizi,
Kapolres 702. Noegroho Djajoesman, dulu Kapolres Jakarta Pusat.
Pokoknya semua. Dengan logika, apa hubungan saya dengan mereka.
Tinggal bagaimana Anda menerjemahkan.

Bagaimana dengan organisasi kepemudaan?

Zaman saya, organisasi pemuda, saya tidak menyebutkan siapa ia tapi
Anda dapat mengasumsikan. Dulunya, siapa organisasi kepemudaan yang
terkenal? Kini, sampai pada oknum ormas Islam. Jika dia tak
mengatasnamakan ormas, tapi orang tahu dia berada di ormas. Juga OKP,
bahkan mereka membekingi.

Partai juga kebagian upeti?

Zaman saya, tidak. Partai cuma PPP, PDI, dan Golkar. Semua, tak ada
itu. Tidak saya pandang kok. Seperti, PP (Pemuda Pancasila), juga
tidak ada. Paling, saya merekrut jagoan-jagoannya. Dia mau ambil
jatah jagoan, gue jagoan. Kalau lu kuat tahan bacok, lu nggak apa-apa
lawan gue. Kalau saya kasih, itu paling hanya kebijakan antara teman.
Tapi, kalau untuk oknum wartawan dan aparat memang harus dikasih.
Daripada digerebek terus ditutup, ya dikasih.

Siapa di belakang Yayasan Bina Dana Sosial?

Siapa yang dulu mengelola SDSB? Kini sudah bergeser. Tadinya tidak
punya peran, sekarang muncul dengan nama yayasan. Tapi di belakangnya
tetap si Tommy Winata, Rudi Raja Mas, Ali Cocong dan Engsan. Kelompok
Delapan itu kan mereka. Mereka masih berperan besar. Perputaran uang
di Harco Mangga Dua, Rp 1 triliun tiap hari.
(kar/dan/ad)

Proses Penghancuran Bangsa sedang terjadi II ?

Setio Koesoemo
Mon, 29 Apr 2002 17:29:04 -0700
From: anaswulan [mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED]]

Hati-hati dengan kelompok Naga. Proses pembodohan dan pemiskinan

Bangsa sedang terjadi.

Rakyat kecil yang miskin akan bertambah miskin. karena penghasilannya

yang kecil yang seharusnya untuk biaya sekolah ataupun untuk
perputaran usaha, habis di hisap perjudian.

Bagi anda yang tidak peduli dengan kondisi rakyat miskin, dukunglah
perjudian yang akan menambah terpuruknya Bangsa.

Mereka tidak peduli, karena mereka bisa bebas meninggalkan negara.

Mereka tidak peduli, karena mereka tidak ada kaitannya
dengan "Kebanggaan Bangsa".
Mereka hanya mementingkan diri sendiri.
Kalau ini diberantas, maka cacian dan sumpah serapah akan anda terima.

Anastasia Wulanjari

Membedah Lingkaran Setan

Reporter: Adhi/Dani/Eka
Adil - Jakarta, Telinga penguasa Daerah Istimewa Yogyakarta sontak
memerah. Gubernur dan Kapolda, ditantang bandar judi. Sri Sultan H.B.
X dan Brigjen Pol. Johanes Wahyu Saronto melarang judi mickey mouse
di arena judi Mahkota di Jl. Tanjung Baru. Tapi, geng bandar judi,
Irawan Sutanto, Gani dan Heru, cuek saja. Hingga kini, ketiga bandar
itu masih membuka perjudian di arena Mahkota.

Tak hanya di Yogyakarta. Irawan cs. buka cabang di Surabaya. Operator

di Yogyakarta diserahkan pada Jusuf dan Rohadji. Sedang di Surabaya,
Irawan cs. menyerahkan pelaksanaannya ke Widodo. Selain Irawan dkk.,
usaha judi di Kota Pahlawan itu juga digelar Iwan, Oentoro, Wee Fan,
dan Jhoni F. Pasar Atom, Andhika Plaza, dan Darmo Park adalah daerah
perjudian elite.

Di pentas judi nasional, ada beberapa nama. Sebutlah Wang Ang

(Bandung), Pepen (Manado), Firman (Semarang), Olo Panggabean (Medan
dan Aceh) serta Handoko (Batam, Tanjungpinang dan sekitarnya). Belum
di daerah lainnya. Kini, Olo melakukan ekspansi bisnis perjudiannya
hingga Depok dan Bogor. Pertarungan kian seru. Daerah Batam,
Palembang, Riau, Balai Karimun, dan Bagansiapi-api, sekarang di bawah
kekuasaan seorang pria bernama Rustam.

Memang, Rustam dapat titah mengurusi pusat perjudian di daerah. Ada

juga Eng Sui dan Eng San. Keduanya mengelola bisnis judi, meliputi,
judi bola tangkas, toto gelap, kasino, mickey mouse, rolet dsb. Tugas
lain; keduanya pun bertindak selaku pengontrol keluar masuknya uang
haram itu.

Masih segaris Rustam, Eng Sui, dan Eng San, pun ada nama Arief
Prihatna. Di dunia persilatan judi, Arief dikenal dengan nama Cocong.
Tugas Cocong adalah mendekati lalu memberi upeti kepada oknum aparat
keamanan. Mulai, tingkat Kepolisian Sektor hingga Mabes Polri. Guna
melancarkan kerjanya, Cocong dibantu anak buahnya. Misal Rudi, Abaw,
Manti, Lim Seng dan Hadi.

Rustam, Eng Sui, Eng San, dan Cocong merupakan kaki tangan Tommy
Winata. Ia disebut-sebut sebagai God Father. ''Kita memakai nama
singkatan si TW (Tommy Winata),'' kata bekas bandar judi yang kini
mengasuh Ponpes At-Taibin, Anton Medan. Sebab, menurut mantan raja
judi itu, TW menguasai saham, perbankan, narkotika dan obat
terlarang, hingga ke penyelundupan.

Anton Medan mengungkapkan tempat bermain judi terbesar di Jakarta

adalah Gedung ITC Mangga Dua, Jakarta Barat. Di sini bandar-bandar
judi kumpul. Mereka merajut jaringan di Jakarta serta seluruh
Indonesia. Jaringan itu mengerucut pada sembilan orang, yang kemudian
dikenal dengan "Gang of Nine" atau "Nine Dragons", atau disebut
kelompok Sembilan Naga.
Selain Tommy Winata dan Cocong, nama lain yang termasuk Sembilan
Naga; disebut-sebut, Yorrys T. Raweyai, Edi "Porkas" Winata, Arie
Sigit, Jhony Kesuma, Kwee Haryadi Kumala, Iwan Cahyadi serta Sugianto
Kusuma (Aguan). Yorrys sebagai "panglima" yang mengamankan operasi
kelompok ini. Tapi ia membantah. Juga, Arie membantah soal
keterkaitannya dalam Sembilan Naga.

Perputaran uang di Gedung ITC Mangga Dua mencapai Rp 10 miliar hingga

Rp 15 miliar tiap malam. Jumlah itu lebih besar dibandingkan di
bisnis judi milik Rudi Raja Mas. Tapi, dalam semalam, ia mengeruk
keuntungan sebesar Rp 5 miliar. Satu bulan, Rp 150 miliar. Fantastis.
Selain di darat, Rudi juga punya usaha perjudian di Pulau Ayer,
Kepulauan Seribu. Di sana, ia berkongsi dengan bandar judi lain;
Hasten, Arief, Cocong, Edi, dan Umar.

Rudi juga punya koran yang terbit di Jakarta. ''Media massa itu
berguna membangun opini di masyarakat bahwa perjudian memberi
keuntungan,'' kata Anton Medan. Kesuksesan Rudi membangun imperium
bisnis perjudiannya, tak lepas dari peran Gubernur DKI Jakarta,
Sutiyoso. Bahkan, perkenalan Rudi dan Sutiyoso, sudah lama. ''Rudi
dekat Sutiyoso, sejak Sutiyoso bertugas di Kodam (Jaya),'' terang
Anton yang kini punya nama H. Ramdhan Effendi.

Pemain lain di meja perjudian adalah Apoh. Dia merupakan mantan anak
buah Anton Medan. Apoh punya beberapa lokasi yang jadi arena judi
mickey mouse cukup besar. Misal di kawasan Glodok, Kelapa Gading,
Mangga Besar, Green Garden dan Jl. Kejayaan, Jakarta Barat. Apoh
meraup untung; Rp 2 miliar.

Sumber di Mabes Polri menyebut, para bandar judi tersebut yang

menguasai mafia judi di beberapa titik di Indonesia. Bahkan, mereka
sudah masuk di dalam mafia judi Hong Kong dan Singapura. Bandar-
bandar judi di Singapura, Malaysia dan Makao itulah yang gerah dengan
lokalisasi perjudian di Pulau Seribu. Sebab, kata Rizal Hikmat dari
LP3-UI, jaringan mereka terpotong.

Tentu, kehadiran lokasi-lokasi judi ini telah melahirkan banyak

centeng. Juga, tukang pukul yang menjaga lokasi. Asal-asul mereka,
beragam. Salah satu dari ormas. Seorang sumber di bisnis perjudian
mencatat adanya tiga ormas yang terkait dengan usaha beking
perjudian. ''Salah satunya, ormas partai,'' katanya. Juga, ormas
Islam disebut-sebut terlibat di dalamnya. Kehadiran ormas Islam --
kalau benar-- makin menyulitkan judi diberantas. Karena, menurut
Anton, saat ini perjudian sudah seperti lingkaran setan.
(kar)

(SUARA PEMBARUAN DAILY, 17/3/2003

(Denny JA *)
Apa jadinya negara kita jika polisi sudah dikendalikan oleh kelompok mafia?

Bagaimana masa depan demokrasi jika banyak politisi berpengaruh yang utang budi
kepada tokoh gangsters? Akankah Jakarta menjadi Sicilia di Italia atau New York
dan Chicago di era tahun 1930-an?
Ini pertanyaan dan keprihatinan yang normal. Mengikuti perkembangan kasus majalah
Tempo versus Tomy Winata, semakin banyak persoalan yang terkuak. Berbagai elemen
masyarakat kini bersatu menentang menguatnya
premanisme.
Tokoh senior pers, ahli hukum, aktivis LSM, intelektual dan pemimpin politik
sahut-menyahut berbagi pengalaman dan pandangan. Kasus "penyerbuan" majalah Tempo
oleh kelompok yang mengaku anak buah Tomy Winata dapat
menjadi picu sebuah gerakan masyarakat yang besar dan penting.
Puncak dari segala opini yang sangat layak kutip adalah pernyataan Ketua MPR Amien
Rais. Menurutnya, "pemerintah sekarang terlibat sharing kekuasaan dengan para
mafioso yang menguasai negeri kita." Dokumen Pernyataan Ketua MPR itu respons yang
wajar jika membaca kesaksian tertulis Ahmad Taufik, wartawan majalah Tempo.
Kesaksian itu kini
beredar secara luas. Tergambar betapa begitu berkuasanya demonstran, yang disebut
Ahmad Taufik sebagai "preman" itu.

Mereka melakukan sekaligus tiga bentuk penghinaan.

Penghinaan pertama terhadap institusi pers dan pekerja jurnalistik. BHM (Bambang
Harymurti) adalah pemimpin
redaksi majalah yang sudah melahirkan berbagai tokoh
pers yang kini menjadi pimpinan di berbagai lembaga pers lainnya.
Karena posisinya yang fenomenal, tidak mengherankan jika majalah itu sudah menjadi
simbol dari kewibawaan pers Indonesia. BHM dengan sendirinya, juga menjadi wakil
dari kehormatan, harga diri dan kebanggaan aktivis pers.
Namun dalam kasus penyerbuan itu, betapa BHM begitu direndahkan.

Dalam bahasa Ahmad Taufik sendiri, ditulis, "Sejak saat itu tampang Yosep tak lagi
bersahabat, malah menekan-nekan. Dialah yang pertama kali menggebuk wajah BHM dari
belakang. Keras juga, sehingga kaca matanya terpental.
David, Teddy, dan beberapa preman lainnya juga memaki-maki dan mendorong-dorong
BHM di depan kantor Kapolres, Jakpus." Di bagian lain Ahmad Taufik juga menulis.
Bahwa di depan polisi dan di dalam kantor polisi itu sendiri, "David emosi, dan
menonjok perut BHM, menendangnya dan memukul-mukul kepalanya." David juga
berkomentar soal kepala BHM, "Ini saking pinternya sampe botak."
Ketika memrotes atas perlakuan itu, malah bogem mentah
menghantam wajah sebelah kiri BHM, Ahmad Taufik melanjutkan.
Penghinaan kedua adalah terhadap kepolisian. Pemukulan dan kata- kata kasar atas
BHM dan wartawan Tempo lainnya bukan hanya dilakukan di pinggir jalan yang sepi.
Kekerasan itu dilakukan di depan polisi sendiri, bahkan di dalam kantor
polisi sendiri, tanpa pencegahan dari pihak polisi.
Bagaimana mungkin para pejabat polisi terkesan tidak berdaya di "kandangnya"?
Ahmad Taufik menulis, "Tapi David masih berlaku tak sopan dengan polisi, bahkan
merendahkan martabatnya. Namun polisi-polisi itu menerima saja
tampaknya. Ironis, bahkan di kantor polisi hukum pun seperti tak eksis." Bahkan
David berkata, "Udahlah, polisi sudah gua bayar semua. Lampu di sini juga gua yang
beliin." Pada bagian lain. David menyombongkan diri, "Tahu
nggak yang memberi tahu adanya bom Bali pertama kali ke Kapolri, gua. Dia belum
tahu, gua udah tahu." Soal Tanah Abang, ia berkata, "Elu tahu apa soal kebakaran
Tanah Abang. Gua tahu titik api pertama kali, kenapa pemadam
kebakaran tidak bisa masuk ke pasar."
Penghinaan ketiga adalah terhadap pejabat tinggi. Menurut Ahmad Taufik, di kantor
polisi itu hadir juga Kapolres AKBP Sukrawardhi Dahlan, yang juga tak bisa berbuat
banyak, "Bahkan, Teddy Uban lalu mengontak Kapolda melalui HP-nya.
Setelah tersambung, HP itu diserahkan kepada Kapolres. Kapolres terdengar bicara,
siap Jenderal. Siap Jenderal. Setelah itu ia bilang ke BHM, wah ini sudah jadi
urusan di atas."
Setelah mendapatkan telepon, menurut Ahmad Taufik, Kapolres "cenderung mengarahkan
agar Tempo membuat pernyataan mohon maaf kepada Tomy Winata karena berita yang
dibuat itu fiktif." Penghinaan atas pejabat tinggi menjadi-jadi. Di depan polisi,
dan di dalam kantor polisi sendiri, bahkan dengan bebasnya David berceloteh
"Sutiyoso juga
gue yang jadiin gubernur. Kalau nggak, mana bisa dia jadi gubernur." Para polisi
hanya menonton dan diam saja. Apa gerangan yang terjadi? Klarifikasi Kesaksian
yang ditulis Ahmad Taufik tentu saja tidak dengan sendirinya pasti benar.
Kesaksian itu perlu dikonfirmasi atau dibantah dengan
bukti oleh pihak yang terkait. Bahkan pernyataan David juga belum tentu pula
benar. Bisa saja, David, misalnya, membual atau berbohong untuk meneror. Namun
wajar
jika berbagai tokoh masyarakat mulai khawatir. Negara kita akan semakin terpuruk
jika benar sebagian pejabat polisi dan politisi sudah terbeli oleh para gangster.
Berkuasanya mafioso dalam birokrasi pemerintahan terjadi di banyak tempat.
Para gangster yang mampu membeli pejabat polisi, hakim, bahkan para politisi juga
terjadi di Amerika Serikat tahun 1930-an, dan di Italia sampai pertengahan tahun
1980-an. Tidak heran jika fenomena mafioso itu dapat terjadi di
Indonesia. Terminologi mafia merujuk kepada asosiasi longgar dari beberapa
kelompok kecil yang bekerja secara rahasia. Mulanya kelompok ini berkembang di
Sicilia, Italia, sejak abad pertengahan. Awalnya, para mafioso bekerja menjual
jasa keamanan kepada para bangsawan dan
tuan tanah. Atas jasa keamanan dan loyalitas, para mafia itu
mendapatkan sejumlah kekayaan. Namun dalam perkembangannya, mafia tidak puas hanya
menjadi
penjual jasa keamanan. Suatu ketika mereka bergerak ingin menjadi penguasa ekonomi
itu sendiri. Mereka memberontak terhadap tuan tanah. Lalu mereka sendiri yang
akhirnya menguasai tanah, berikut yang menjadi penjaga keamanan.
Ketika selesai Perang Dunia pertama, mafia di Sicilia melebarkan sayapnya.
Beberapa tokohnya masuk ke Amerika Serikat, melalui New York dan Chicago. Di tahun
1930-an, Amerika berada dalam masa Prohibition Era (1920-
193), era di mana terjadi larangan terhadap minuman keras. Namun justru di era
itu, mafia berkembang pesat dengan memperdagangkan minuman keras ilegal. Lahir
tokoh mafia
legendaris di masa itu, antara lain Al Capone. Ketika masa Prohibiton Era
berakhir, perdagangan minuman keras
dapat dilakukan oleh semua agen. Ia tidak lagi menjadi bisnis menguntungkan.
Dimulailah era para Mafioso memperluas jaringan ke bisnis remang- remang.

Mereka kemudian terlibat dalam jaringan monopolistik atau oligipolistik untuk

bisnis perjudian, narkoba, sampai kepada pelacuran. Ini bisnis "insting hewani"
manusia, namun justru yang paling menghasilkan uang. Bisnis remang-remang selalu
banyak penentangnya. Berbagai tokoh masyarakat yang
bergerak dengan basis moral dan agama selalu mengambil posisi beroposisi. Walau
menghasilkan banyak uang, bisnis remang-remang tak pernah membuat Mafioso aman.
Sebagai respons, akhirnya kalangan mafia mengembangkan struktur organisasi dan
kode etiknya sendiri. Mereka mulai menguasai polisi dan hakim. Karena dekatnya
bisnis
remang-remang itu dengan aneka kekerasan dan kriminal, para Mafioso mudah sekali
menjadi tertuduh kriminal. Kedekatan dengan polisi dan hakim dapat melindungi
bisnis
mereka.

Tak cukup dengan polisi, Mafioso mulai pula membeli politisi. Di era demokrasi,
tak hanya polisi dan hakim yang berkuasa, tetapi juga politisi yang dipilih
rakyat. Jaringan Mafioso lalu membina hubungan dan menjadi penyumbang kampanye
para politisi. Untuk menjaga harmoni di kalangan Mafioso yang sarat konflik,
dikembangkan sebuah kode etik, Omerta. Kode etik itu menjadi aturan main di
kalangan mereka.
Misalnya ada kesepakatan, anggota yang tertangkap dilarang
membongkar kasus anggota lainnya. Ada kesepakatan loyalitas kepada pimpinan yang
lebih tinggi. Satu anggota yang sudah diciduk polisi akan melindungi dan berkorban
agar pimpinan yang lebih tinggi terlindungi. Semua kesepakatan kadang dilakukan
melalui ritual. Sumpah darah
yang disaksikan kalangan terbatas menjadi tradisi yang mengikat kesetiaan.
Pembunuhan terhadap pengkhianat atau keluarga pengkhianat
menambah solidnya organisasi mafia. Sebagai sebuah organisasi terselebung, mafia
menjadi besar dan kuat. Mereka berhasil membuat banyak pesaing takut karena raktik
kekerasan, kriminal dan teror yang memang menjadi strategi bisnis mereka. Di
Amerika Serikat sebelum Perang Dunia kedua, dan di Italia sebelum tahun 1980-an,
organisasi mafia menjadi persoalan yang besar. Pada waktunya sentimen
publik anti-mafia berkembang. Pemerintah yang terpilih melakukan perang total
terhadap mafia. Di Italia, perang total itu nyaris terlambat karena mafia sudah
sedemikan kuat.
Akibatnya, perang total itu menyebabkan pembunuhan brutal kedua belah pihak.

Tak hanya raja mafia, banyak pula politisi dan hakim yang
memberantas mafia diteror dan dibunuh oleh para Mafioso itu. Mafia di Italia reda
setelah tertangkapnya gembong Salvatore Riina di tahun 1993. Moral Courage Jika
memang gejala mafia mulai membesari Indonesia, harus ada
solusi sebelum terlambat. Polisi dan tentara terlalu berharga untuk dikendalikan
oleh kelompok mafia. Politisi juga terlalu istimewa untuk tunduk dan dibeli para
gangster. Institusi pers dan hukum terlalu beharga untuk dibiarkan diinjak-injak
oleh preman. Indonesia jangan sampai terlambat menjadi seperti Italia, sebelum
terlalu banyak politisi yang dapat dibeli.
Di sisi lain, Tomy Winata belum tentu bersalah, belum tentu ia segelap seperti
yang dituduhkan. Sutiyoso juga belum tentu pula "dapat dibeli". Kapolda belum
tentu juga mudah diperintah oleh "preman" melalui HP. Bahkan David dan Teddy Uban
belum tentu pula menyatakan hal yang sebenarnya.
Mafia belum tentu pula dapat membeli birokrasi. Justu karena kebelum pastian itu,
demi kepentingan mereka endiri, saatnya berbagai isu miring diklarifikasi. Semoga
kasus Tempo versus Tomy Winata berlanjut ke pengadilan agar kita sebagai
bangsa belajar. Beruntunglah sebuah bangsa yang memiliki cukup banyak tokoh yang
punya moral courage untuk membongkar segala hal yang buruk. Semakin beruntung
lagi jika kita bisa bersikap adil untuk tidak menghakimi pihak yang belum tentu
bersalah.

Tommy Winata Bebas Pajak di Sultra

Setelah Mengancam Menarik Semua Investasi
Tim Liputan 68H, Jakarta, 13 April 2005

Pengusaha Tommy Winata sepekan mendatang akan menikmati fasilitas masa bebas pajak
atau tax holiday di Sulawesi Tenggara. Fasilitas ini diberikan Pemerintah Daerah
setelah beberapa bulan lalu kelompok Artha Graha pimpinan Tommy mengancam akan
menarik semua investasinya. Bagi Pemda, Tommy dianggap mampu menaikkan pendapatan
asli daerah. Dari 47 miliar rupiah tahun 2002, menjadi 100 miliar rupiah pada
2003, dan naik lagi pada 2004 menjadi 130 miliar rupiah.

Investasi dikaitkan dengan tax holiday

Tommy Winata mengepak sayap di timur Indonesia. Investasinya di Sulawesi Tenggara
dianggap mampu menaikkan pendapatan asli daerah sampai ratusan miliar rupiah. Tak
heran, ketika Artha Graha mengancam menarik diri dari wilayah Sulawesi Tenggara,
banyak pihak kalang kabut. Gerakan Tommy Winata ini sebenarnya hanya tekanan
kepada pemerintah daerah yang tak kunjung membuktikan janji memberikan potongan
pajak atau tax holiday bagi para penanam modal.

Kepala Konsorsium Artha Graha di Sulawesi Tenggara, Robert Kasenda, mengatakan

penanaman modal mereka sangat bergantung pada tax holiday yang dijanjikan itu.

Robert Kasenda: "Sampai sekarang belum ada keputusan. Sebab Perda tax holiday yang
dijanjikan oleh Pemda Sultra belum ada. Mungkin dalam waktu dekat, mungkin dalam
satu dua minggu sudah ada. Dua tiga hari lalu saya ketemu Gubernur, katanya akan
beres ".

Pertemuan Robert Kasenda dan Gubernur Ali Mazi itu berlangsung pada 4 April lalu.
Gubernur langsung menjanjikan Perda soal tax holiday akan segera kelar sekitar dua
minggu ke depan.

Mundur semua
Sebelumnya 25 November tahun lalu, tiba-tiba dua mitra Artha Graha menghentikan
kegiatannya. Langkah ini diikuti dua perusahaan lainnya dalam grup ini. Mitra
Tommy Winata yang hengkang itu adalah PT Bumi Artha Makmur yang sedang membangun
hotel bintang tiga plus, Kendari Beach. Hotel enam lantai di lahan seluas kurang
lebih lima hektar. Posisi hotel itu sangat indah dan strategis. Menghadap ke arah
Teluk Kendari 20 meter di atas permukaan laut. Pembangunan hotel memperkerjakan
sedikitnya 500 orang buruh.

Selain Bumi Artha, PT Sumber Alam Sultra ikut menarik diri dari pengolahan rotan
dan kayu. Perusahaan itu memperkerjakan kurang lebih 1300 buruh termasuk petani
penyuplai rotan. Dua perusahaan lainnya yang waktu itu bersiap-siap hengkang
adalah Mega Graha Sulawesi Tenggara dan Sultra Prima. Keduanya bergerak dalam
bidang ekspor coklat ke Malaysia.

Gubernur Ali Mazi lalu memanggil Walikota Kendari dan beberapa pejabat lainnya
untuk membahas masalah ini. Keputusan pertemuan? Mereka harus menemui Tommy Winata
di Jakarta, memohon agar grupnya tidak kabur dari Sulawesi Tenggara. Pergilah
delegasi Sultra itu dipimpin Ali Mazi, akhir Desember silam. Turut mendampingi
Gubernur adalah walikota Kendari, pimpinan DPRD Sultra dan DPRD Kendari.

Ali Mazi: ... "Sedianya Artha Graha berkesempatan, mungkin di atas tanggal 20
sebelum tahun baru, kita sudah bisa bertemu Tommy Winata untuk membicarakan
tentang maksud dari pemprov. Saya rasa ini penting sekali untuk disampaikan Robert
Kasenda ".

Menolak Artha Graha

Hidayatullah adalah salah seorang aktivis organisasi non pemerintah yang paling
keras menolak keberadaan Artha Graha.

Hidayatullah: "Mereka kumpul semua wartawan, LSM, tokoh masyarakat, tokoh agama,
itu di satu villa. Saya diundang dua kali tak mau hadir. Jadi di situ kumpul dan
sepakat untuk mendukung Tommy Winata. Banyak yang kemarin kontra, tokoh masyarakat
seperti Nur Alam juga kumpul dan membicarakan kembali. Dan kita bersama beberapa
kawan-kawan tidak bisa berbuat apa-apa. Dan hasil itu dianggap representative
mewakili seluruh masyarakat dan membuat Tommy semakin kuat untuk kembali ".

Tampak bebas hambatan

Persetujuan dari DPRD juga diaku sudah diperoleh. Wakil Ketua DPRD Sulawesi
Tenggara Nur Alam mengatakan:
"Sudah ada tapi berlaku secara umum yang belum memberikan perlindungan atau
proteksi, yang belum memberikan diskon tarif sehingga ada apresiasi dari pemda
terhadap investor. Soal tax holiday, ada kewenangan yang ditugaskan apda daerah
dan pusat. Kami sedang menggagas, untuk memperjuangkan agar beberapa kemudahan
untuk penurunan dan pemotongan tarif pajak sesuai kewenangan daerah yang bisa
dikeluarkan daerah ".

Di atas jalan bebas hambatan Tommy Winata melaju bersama kelompok bisnis Artha
Graha-nya. Sayap Tommy rupanya bisa mengepak mulus di Kendari.

PREMANISME SEJENIS TOMMY WINATA

HARUS DILAWAN

Aksi penyerbuan dan terror oleh premanisme pendukung Tommy Winata terhadap majalah
mingguan Tempo telah menimbulkan reaksi yang cukup ramai dari berbagai fihak. Ini
adalah pertanda baik. Sebab, dengan terjadinya penyerbuan dan terror yang
dilakukan terhadap Tempo ini maka masalah premanisme di negeri kita dapat
diblejeti, dibongkar dan dikutuk. Sebenarnya, masalah premanisme yang
dipertontonkan oleh Tommy Winata adalah hanya sebagian kecil saja dari premanisme
yang berpuluh-puluh tahun sudah terjadi selama Orde Baru di bawah Suharto dkk.
Selama rezim militer berkuasa, premanisme telah merajalela dalam segala bentuk dan
ukuran.

Sebenarnya, fenomena Tommy Winata adalah cermin miniatur dari sistem politik,
ekonomi, kebudayaan dan moral Orde Baru. Pada hakekatnya, dalam kadar dan bentuk
yang berbeda-beda, fenomena Tommy Winata adalah sejenis fenomena Eddy Tanzil,
Hendra Rahardja, Bob Hasan, Sudono Salim, Probosutedjo, Ibnu Sutowo; Haji Taher
(Pertamina), Tommy Suharto atau mereka yang tersangkut perkara BLBI, dan perkara-
perkara besar lainnya. Semua kasus-kasus ini adalah produk dari Orde Baru.

Kalau dikaji dalam-dalam, nyatalah bahwa rezim militer Orde Baru adalah diktatur
yang dijalankan oleh suatu kekuasaan yang merupakan mafia yang dikepalai oleh
Suharto. Diktatur mafia ini � yang tulang punggungnya adalah TNI-AD dan Golkar -
berhasil diselubungi dengan atribut-atribut pemerintahan yang berdasarkan
�demokrasi� (palsu), seperti MPR, DPR, dan pemilihan umum. Berkat jaring-jaringan
mafia yang luas dan menyeluruh, maka selama 32 tahun Orde Baru dapat mengontrol
dan menguasai semua bidang penting kehidupan bangsa.

FENOMENA TOMMY WINATA

Melihat sejarah hidupnya maka nampak dengan nyata bahwa Tommy Winata adalah produk
yang tipikal dari Orde Baru. Seperti halnya banyak konglomerat hitam lainnya, ia
dibesarkan dan juga menjadi besar oleh sistem politik dan kekuasaan mafia Orde
Baru. Pada hakekatnya, diktatur militer Suharto dkk adalah kekuasaan mafia dalam
bentuknya yang paling tinggi. Dengan kalimat lain, Orde Baru adalah manifestasi
dari premanisme. Selama mafia ini berkuasa segala macam pelanggaran hukum dan
norma-norma keadilan telah banyak dilanggar, dan selama puluhan tahun pula.

Orang-orangnya Suharto telah dibiarkan menyalahgunakan kekuasaan, dibiarkan

melanggar hukum dan undang-undang, dibiarkan main korupsi, dibiarkan merugikan
rakyat, asal jangan menentang Orde Baru dan jangan melawan Suharto. Jaring-
jaringan mafia ini, yang menguasai sepenuhnya bidang eksekutif, legislatif dan
judikatif, adalah sangat kuat. Itu sebabnya mengapa walaupun banyak sekali korupsi
terjadi selama puluhan tahun, sedikit sekali (hanya beberapa orang) koruptor yang
ditangkap dan diadili. Itu sebabnya juga walaupun banyak sekali terjadi
pelanggaran HAM (umpamanya orang diculik atau dibunuh), tidak diadakan tindakan.

Dalam jangka lama sekali, jaring-jaringan mafia ini (yang terutama sekali terdiri
dari tokoh-tokoh TNI-AD dan Golkar) saling melindungi, saling menutupi, saling
tolong-menolong atau �saling mengerti�. Banyak orang bisa menyaksikan sendiri
bahwa banyak jenderal TNI dan tokoh-tokoh utama Golkar telah memperkaya diri
dengan cara-cara yang �tidak normal�, atau dengan jalan yang tidak sah secara
moral. Jaring-jaringan mafia (militer dan sipil) ini mencakup juga sejumlah besar
konglomerat hitam, yang kegiatan mereka dalam bidang perekonomian dan keuangan
telah menimbulkan banyak kerusakan dan kerugian bagi negara dan bangsa (harap
ingat: masalah BLBI). Kasus Tommy Winata adalah cermin tipikal dari sistim mafia
atau premanisme yang banyak dipraktekkan selama Orde Baru.

(Salah satu di antara banyak contohnya yalah kasus gugatan Nyonya Dewi Sukarno
atas kepemilikan tanah seluas 5,5 hektar yang terletak di kawasan Jalan Sudirman,
yang menurut Tempo Interaktif jatuh di tangan Tommy Winata. Untuk mengetahui lebih
jauh cerita yang bisa berbuntut panjang ini, harap baca wawancara Dewi Sukarno
dalam website http://perso.club-internet.fr/kontak/).

SEJAK MUDA HUBUNGAN DENGAN TENTARA

Masalah Tommy Winata adalah soal yang menarik dipelajari. Oleh karena itu, perlu
dianjurkan kepada berbagai kalangan ilmiah (antara lain : politik, ekonomi, moral,
kriminologi) untuk menjadikan fenomena Tommy Winata sebagai objek studi atau objek
riset. Kasus Tommy Winata, seperti halnya kasus Tommy Suharto (atau banyak
konglomerat hitam lainnya) mengandung aspek-aspek yang mencerminkan betapa
rusaknya sudah moral di kalangan elite kita. Mereka menghalalkan segala cara
(antara lain : korupsi, kolusi, nepotisme, pemerasan, penyalahgunaan kekuasaan,
penyuapan) untuk memperkaya diri sambil merugikan kepentingan rakyat dan negara.

Selama ini sudah banyak informasi atau berita tentang Tommy Winata yang disiarkan
oleh media di Indonesia dan di luarnegeri. Kalau kita buka Internet dan kita
gunakan GOOGLE maka segala macam bahan mengenai Tommy Winata bisa kita temukan di
situ. Dengan kata kunci �Tommy Winata� kita bisa buka 437 bahan yang bersangkutan
dengan macam-macam persoalan tokoh yang satu ini . Sedangkan dengan kata kunci
�Artha Graha� kita bisa temukan 2880 bahan. (Artha Graha adalah salah satu
perusahaan induk dari ratusan perusahaan yang dimiliki atau diurusi oleh Tommy
Winata).

Siapa itu Tommy Winata? Untuk singkatnya, bisalah kiranya dikatakan bahwa ia
adalah orang yang mempunyai kelihaian, kemampuan, kecerdasan, kelicikan, yang luar
biasa. Menurut tulisan dalam Kompas 22 April 2002, pengusaha muda yang berumur 43
tahun (waktu itu, sekarang 44 tahun) itu dilahirkan di Pontianak. Sejak tahun
1972, ketika ia berumur 15 tahun, sudah punya hubungan erat dengan militer.
Mulanya ia diperkenalkan oleh seorang seniornya kepada sebuah instansi milier di
Singkawang, Kalimantan Barat. Di sana Tommy membangun sebuah mess tentra dengan
biaya Rp 60 juta. Hubungan itu kemudian dibina. Selain mess, ia membangun barak,
sekolah tentara, menyalurkan barang-barang ke markas tentara di Irian Jaya. Hingga
akhirnya di era tahun 1970-an ia menjadi seorang kontraktor yang andal dan
membangun projek militer di Irian Jaya, Ujung Pandang sampai Ambon.

Seperti Liem yang bertemu Soeharto atau Bob bertemu Gatot Subroto, Tommy, anak
miskin yatim piatu itu beruntung mengenal jenderal Tiopan Bernard Silalahi, mantan
Sekjen Departemen Pertambangan dan Energi serta Menteri Pendayagunaan Aparatur
Negara dalam Kabinet Pembangunan VI Suharto, tulis Kompas.

ARTHA GRAHA DAN KARTIKA EKA PAKSI

Masih menurut Kompas, berkat hubungan dengan Silalahi � yang hingga kini menjadi
tokoh kunci dalam Grup Artha Graha � Tommy memulai business dengan memperoleh
order pembangunan barak-barak asrama militer di Irian jaya, ketika dia berumur 15
tahun. Di Irian itu pula dia berkenalan dengan Yorris Raweyai, ketua Pemuda
Pancasila � sebuah organisasi yang dikenal memiliki hubungan khusus dengan
militer.

Sejak mengenal Yayasan Kartika Eka Paksi, lewat PT Danayasa Arthatama yang
didirikannya pada tahun 1989, masa keemasan Tommy pun tiba. Projek raksasa kawasan
bisnis Sudirman yang dilahirkan Tommy dengan memakan investasi US $ 3,25 miliar
itu bakal menjadi kawasan paling canggih dan diduga bakal meraup untung miliaran
juta dollar. Tommy pun merambah ke bisnis perdagangan, konstruksi, properti,
perhotelan, perbankan, transportasi, telekomunikasi sampai real estate. Akibat
kesuksesan kongsi inilah, Tommy andalan militer dalam hal cari dana. Bisnis
Kartika Eka Paksi yang bertalian dengan Artha Graha menghasilkan keuntungan tak
sedikit yang antara lain untuk menghidupi barak tentara di seluruh negeri dan
kegiatan operasi militer, tulis Kompas.

Dari sekelumit cerita ini saja sudah dapat diperoleh gambaran betapa hebatnya
hubungan Tommy Winata dengan pejabat-pejabat atau tokoh-tokoh militer. Begitu
hebatnya hubungan ini sehingga ada yang mengatakan bahwa Tommy Winata selama ini
sudah �mengantongi� puluhan jenderal, dan bahwa ia dengan gampang bisa menghubungi
berbagai instansi militer, termasuk Kodam-Kodam di seluruh Indonesia.

Rasanya tidak perlu dijelaskan panjang lebar lagi, bahwa hubungan yang erat Tommy
Winata dengan militer ini kebanyakan tidaklah ada urusannya dengan �pengabdian�
terhadap negara dan rakyat, melainkan urusan uang, urusan projek, urusan
penggunaan (dan penyalahgunaan) kekuasaan, urusan suapan dan komisi gelap, dan
juga urusan pemerasan dan penipuan dalam macam-macam bentuknya.

BISNIS REMANG-REMANG

Masih menurut Kompas, bisnis remang-remang atau perjudian di sejumlah sudut di

Jakarta ataupun di sejumlah pulau di kawasan Pulau Seribu, terkait dengan Tommy
Winata. Bisnis sampingan Tommy: perjudian, obat bius, dan penyelundupan.
Sebagaimana dilansir sumber TEMPO di tahun 1999, Tommy Winata adalah salah satu
dari sembilan tokoh (�Gang of Nine�) dalam bisnis gelap yang merajalela, tanpa
aparat keamanan bisa memberantasnya. Tokoh lain dalam bisnis ini, meliputi nama-
nama seperti Yorrys sendiri, Edi �Porkas� Winata, dan Arie Sigit Soeharto.

Mantan presiden Abdurrahman Wahid pun dalam sebuah diskusi publik dengan terang-
terangan menyebut Tommy adalah cukong dari bisnis perjudian di kawasan Pulau Ayer
(di Kepulauan Seribu). Malah dirinya telah memerintahkan Kapolri saat itu
Rusdihardjo dan Jaksa Agung Marzuki Darusman untuk menutup pulau itu dan mensita
kapal pesiar yang digunakan untuk perjudian ditahan (Kompas, 22 April 2002).

Jadi; seperti bisa dibaca di banyak bahan, Tommy Winata adalah seorang konglomerat
yang punya kaki dan tangan yang bisa main di banyak tempat. Dalam tempo belasan
tahun ia berhasil mendirikan imperiumnya Gedung megah dan indah Artha Graha yang
terdiri dari 29 lantai di kawasan Sudirman merupakan saksi dan bukti bahwa Tommy
Winata adalah seorang �kuat� berkat banyaknya uang yang dikuasainya. Dengan uang
ini ia bisa membeli banyak jenderal dan pejabat-pejabat tinggi negara (atau tokoh
masyarakat) hampir di semua tingkat dan di semua bidang.

Apakah negeri kita, rakyat kita, atau bangsa kita diuntungkan dengan adanya orang-
orang sejenis Tommy Winata, masih bisa dipertanyakan. Yang jelas ialah bahwa
konglomerat hitam (dari berbagai suku dan ras atau keturunan) adalah oknum-oknum
yang karena kerakusannya untuk menumpuk kekayaan, maka tidak peduli lagi apakah
segala tindakan mereka itu bermoral atau tidak, atau apakah kegiatan mereka itu
merugikan kepentingan rakyat dan negara atau tidak. Sudah banyak bukti bahwa para
konglomerat hitam adalah hanya merupakan benalu di tubuh bangsa, yang kehadirannya
banyak menimbulkan penyakit. Mereka adalah musuh masyarakat.

AROGANSI KEKUASAAN HARUS DILAWAN

Apa yang dipertontonkan oleh Tommy Winata beserta para pendukungnya di kantor
Tempo dan kemudian di kantor polisi Jakarta adalah sebagian dari praktek-praktek
premanisme yang pernah dilakukan secara halus atau secara kasar. Ini pernah
terjadi terhadap kantor Humanika, Forum Keadilan, masalah tanah Trakindo di
Cilandak, penyanderaan terhadap pengusaha-pengusaha India. Arogansi ini mencapai
puncaknya oleh orang-orang kepercayaan Tommy Winata di kantor polisi (baca laporan
kronologis wartawan Tempo Achmad Taufik). Dari kejadian ini orang dapat kesan
bahwa polisi sudah tunduk atau takut kepada Tommy Winata.

Reaksi yang hebat dari berbagai fihak terhadap peristiwa majalah Tempo adalah
tepat dan sangat diperlukan dewasa ini, mengingat bahwa premanisme dalam segala
bentuknya memang harus dilawan sekeras-kerasnya oleh semua golongan. Pada
hakekatnya, premanisme adalah tindakan tidak menghargai hukum dan lebih
mengutamakan ancaman, kekerasan, kekuatan, pengaruh, atau kekuasaan tanpa
mengindahkan keadilan dan kepatutan. Premanisme inilah yang telah dilakukan oleh
para pendukung Orde Baru selama puluhan tahun, dengan berbagai cara dan bentuk.
Dan premanisme Tommy Winata adalah bagian dari padanya.

Siapakah Tommy Winata?

Sumber : kompas Senin, 22 April 2002

Banyak orang kenal nama, tapi tak kenal siapa sebenarnya sosok lelaki berumur 43
tahun bernama Tommy Winata ini? Benarkah taipan muda dan digdaya ini sukses
berkait dukungan bisnis remang-remang: dari judi, obat bius, hingga penyelundupan?
Benarkah ia merupakan salah satu 'Mr Big' dari "Gang of Nine?"- sekelompok orang
yang menguasai bisnis remang-remang?

Tak mudah menjawab pertanyaan ini. Yang jelas, sebagai pengusaha,

Tommy termasuk punya kisah sukses. Lelaki berumur 43 tahun kelahiran
Pontianak ini termasuk ulet dan tekun, merangkak dari bawah.
Meskipun, ia kerap dituding menyumbang bagian yang akut dalam krisis
ekonomi dan politik di tanah air. Terutama dalam perselingkuhan
bisnis dan kekuatan senjata yang bisa menghasilkan banyak uang secara
mudah.

Ketekunannya memang membuahkan. Lewat Grup Artha Graha ("Rumah

Uang"), Tommy Winata terbilang mumpuni. Dalam tempo 10 tahun, Tommy
bisa mengembangkan imperium bisnisnya.
Pilar bisnisnya adalah properti dan keuangan. Di bawah payung PT
Danayasa Arthatama, imperium bisnisnya menjadi jaring bisnis yang
terdiri atas 16 perusahaan.

Bos Grup Artha Graha ini punya tiga kunci sukses: uang, kekuasaan dan
militer. Perpaduan yang menghasilkan power apa saja dan menghasilkan
apa saja.

Karena itu, soal kedekatan Tommy dengan kalangan militer, bukan

rahasia lagi. Laporan yang disusun Data Consult mengindikasikan bahwa
ekspansi bisnis grup ini memperoleh dukungan dana besar dari yayasan
milik tentara-khususnya Yayasan Kartika Eka Paksi.

Dari kantornya yang megah di kawasan bisnis Sudirman itu, Tewe-

demikian panggilan akrab taipan ini, dengan mudah bisa menghubungi
hampir semua panglima kodam di seluruh Indonesia-antara lain karena
aktivitasnya di Yayasan Kartika Eka Paksi milik Angkatan Darat.

Kedekatan Tommy dengan militer sudah terjadi sejak 1972, saat ia

berusia 15 tahun. Mulanya,ia diperkenalkan oleh seorang seniornya
kepada sebuah instansi militer di Singkawang, Kalimantan Barat. Di
sana, Tommy membangun sebuah mess tentara dengan biaya Rp 60 juta.

Hubungan itu kemudian dibina. Selain mess, ia membangun barak,

sekolah tentara, menyalurkan barang-barang ke markas tentara di Irian
Jaya. Hingga akhirnya di era tahun 1970 -an, ia menjadi seorang
kontraktor yang andal dan membangun proyek militer di Irian Jaya,
Ujung Pandang sampai Ambon.

Seperti Liem yang bertemu Soeharto atau Bob bertemu Gatot Soebroto,
Tommy, anak miskin yatim piatu itu beruntung mengenal Jenderal Tiopan
Bernard (T.B.) Silalahi, mantan Sekjen Departemen

Pertambangan dan Energi serta Menteri Pendayagunaan Aparatur Negara

dalam Kabinet Pembangunan VI Soeharto.

Berkait Silalahi-yang hingga kini menjadi tokoh kunci dalam Grup

Artha Graha-Tommy memulai bisnis dengan memperoleh order pembangunan
barak-barak asrama militer di Irianjaya, ketika dia berusia 15 tahun.
Di Irian itu pula dia berkenalan dengan Yorrys Raweyai, Ketua Pemuda
Pancasila-sebuah organisasi yang dikenal memiliki hubungan khusus
dengan militer.

Sejak mengenal Yayasan Kartika Eka Paksi, lewat PT Danayasa Arthatama

yang didirikannya pada tahun 1989, masa keemasan Tommy pun tiba.
Proyek raksasa kawasan Bisnis Sudirman yang dilahirkan Tommy dengan
memakan investasi US $ 3,25 miliar itu bakal menjadi kawasan paling
canggih dan diduga bakal meraup untung miliran juta dollar. Tommy pun
merambah ke bisnis perdagagan, konstruks, properti, perhotelan,
perbankan, transportasi, telekomunikasi sampai real estate.

Akibat kesuksesan kongsi inilah, Tommy andalan militer dalam hal cari
dana. Bisnis Kartika Eka Paksi yang bertalian dengan Artha Graha
menghasilkan keuntungan tak sedikit yang antara lain untuk menghidupi
barak tentar di seluruh negeri dan kegiatan operasi militer.

Kisah kedigdayaan Tommy menuai kontroversi. Sejumlah patner dan

pesaing bisnisnya, menuding Tommy memanfaatkan militer untuk
memudahkannya berbisnis. Seperti dituding Effendi Ongko dari Bank
Umum Majapahit Jaya atau kisah Hartono, muncikari keals nasional
dalam proyek Planet Bali adalah kisah bagaimana cara Tommy mematahkan
lawan bisnisnya.

Belakangan, terdengar kabar, bisnis remang-remang- sebutlah perjudian

di sejumlah sudut di Jakarta- ataupun di sejumlah pulau di kawasan
pulau seribu, terkait dengan Tommy Winata. Bisnis sampingan Tommy:
perjudian, obat bius, dan penyelundupan sebagaimana dilansir sumber
TEMPO di tahun 1999, mengatakan bahwa Tommy adalah satu dari sembilan
tokoh ("Gang of Nine") dalam bisnis gelap itu-bisnis yang ada bahkan
merajalela, tanpa aparat keamanan pernah bisa memberantasnya. Tokoh
lain dalam bisnis ini, menurut sumber-sumber tadi, meliputi nama-nama
seperti Yorrys sendiri, Edi "Porkas" Winata, dan Arie Sigit Soeharto.

Namun kepada TEMPO saat itu, Tommy menolak dengan tegas disebut
Mafia. Ia juga menolak disebut-sebut sebagai tulang punggung kelompok
ini.

Mantan presiden Abdurrahman Wahid pun dalam sebuah diskusi publik

dengan terang-terangan menyebut bahwa Tommy adalah cukong dari bisnis
perjudian di kawasan Pulau Ayer (di Kepulauan Seribu). Malah dirinya
telah memerintahkan Kapolri saat itu Rusdihardjo dan Jaksa Agung
Marzuki Darusman untuk menutup pulau itu dan menyita kapal pesiar
yang digunakan untuk perjudian ditahan.

"Begitu juga saya dengar, di dekat situ ada kapal laut yang dipakai
untuk berjudi. Lagi-lagi ini melanggar hukum, karena ada cukongnya,
yaitu Saudara Tommy Winata. Saya minta kepada Jaksa Agung untuk
menyita kapal itu dan menangkap Tommy Winata, karena ia melanggar
hukum. " demikian Gus Dur.

Kini, ketika bisnis perjudian bakal dilegalkan dan dilokalisasi, nama

Tommy kembali mencuat. Tak hanya soal bakal ditutupnya sejumlah
tempat perjudian ilegal di sudut Jakarta, tetapi karena telah bertemu
dengan Taufik Kiemas, suami Presiden Megawati dan Bupati Kepulauan
Seribu, Abdul Kadir di sebuah pulau seribu.

Meski kepada Koran Tempo ia membantah membicarakan soal ini, namun

toh pertanyaan publik tetap saja bakal menganggu. Kenapa pertemuan
digelar di saat sejumlah investor - sebut Bupati Abdul Kadir telah
melirik bisnis ini? wda dari berbagai sumber

Tommy Winata
Dari Wikipedia Indonesia, ensiklopedia bebas berbahasa Indonesia.
Tommy Winata adalah seorang pengusaha Indonesia keturunan Tionghoa yang merupakan
pemilik Grup Artha Graha. Usahanya terutama bergerak dalam bidang perbankan,
tekstil dan konstruksi. Ia seringkali didesas desuskan mempunyai kaitan dengan
bisnis hitam dan ilegal.

Grup Artha Graha miliknya didirikan dengan dukungan dari TNI (dahulu ABRI),
melalui beberapa kawan dekatnya seperti Eddy Sudradjat (dahulu KSAD, sekarang
Ketua Umum partai PKPI).Ia termasuk "taipan" yang ditakuti karena di belakangnya
konon berdiri tokoh-tokoh militer.

Taipan muda ini konon menyuruh karyawannya merusak gedung majalah dan koran Tempo
karena dituduh membakar pasar Tanah Abang pada awal 2003. Lalu ia memenangkan
proses dan mendapatkan uang sebesar Rp. 500 juta.

Menangnya Tommy Winata dalam sidang ini, membuat para wartawan di Indonesia
menjadi ketakutan dalam meliput berita.

From: "PAHLAWAN AKHIRAT" <panigoro@hotmail.com>

Subject: PERTEMUAN RAHASIA DUA TOMMY DI ARTHA GRAHA
Date: Fri, 14 Sep 2001 02:28:45 +0700

Hasil Rapat dan Rencana Makar Dua Tommy di Arta Graha.

Tommy Winata dan Tommy Suharto sedang menyusun kekuatan untuk menggulingkan
pemerintahan Megawati Sukarnoputri dan Hamzah Haz. Beberapa kali duo Tommy
ini mengadakan rapat rahasia di Gedung Artha Graha dengan melibatkan
sejumlah LSM dan wartawan. Beberapa oknum TNI dan Polri menjaga ketat gedung
milik Tommy Winata itu.
Reformasi yang digerakkan oleh mahasiswa dan kaum muda Indonesia telah
menghantam dinding kekuasaan rezim orde baru yang telah memegang kendali
kekuasaan di Indonesia dengan beberapa pilar kekuatan diantaranya militer,
konglomerat, birokrasi, Golkar dan ormas ormas binaan militer.
Salah satu kekuatan Orde Baru yang menjadi kasir bagi operasional Orba yaitu
Tommy Winata yang merupakan Bandar Judi terbesar di Asia Tenggara.
Tommy Winata merupakan binaan militer yaitu Angkatan Darat, dan menjadi
kolektor sembilan bandar judi besar dan memberikan suap pada kapolri
sebanyak 3 milyar setiap harinya.
Sulitnya menangkap Tommy Suharto juga disebabkan karena jaringan bawah tanah
Tommy Winata yang melindungi putra kesayangan penguasa Orde Baru tersebut,
sehingga sampai sekatrang Tommy Suharto bebas berkeliaran sekehendak
hatinya. Hal ini terjadi karena kesuksesan Tommy Winata sebagai konglomerat
sekaligus Bandar judi terbesar juga tidak lepas dari jasa penguasa Orde Baru
tersebut.
Disamping itu, untuk melindungi kekuasaan dan kebesaran bisnis judinya,
Tommy Winata juga menggalang beberapa perwiwa tinggi dan menengah baik di
Polri, Angkatan Darat, Laut dan Udara. Jaringan perwira tinggi dan menengah
di tubuh TNI dan Polrilah yang diperalat oleh Tommy Winata.
Dengan sumber dana yang melimpah ruah sebagai Bandar judi terbesar di Asia
Tenggara Tommy Winata bebas melakukan apa saja, kebal hukum, dan bisa
memerintah semua petinggi TNI dan Polri.
Sebagai warga negara keturunan Cina, Tommy Winata adalah saudara mantan
presiden Taiwan, Lee Teng Hui, dan karena hubungan persaudaraan tersebut
Tommy Winata telah direkrut menjadi agen Amerika, Central Intelegensia
Agency (CIA), yang banyak membantu operasi operasi sosial politik, dan
sabotase ekonomi dari badan rahasia Amerika di kawasan Asia Tenggara.
Peledakan peledakan dan sabotase yang terjadi belakangan ini merupakan
bagian dari kerja gerakan bawah tanah Tommy Winata. Disamping itu Tommy
Winata juga ikut mendanai gerakan separatis di Indonesia, yaitu melakukan
dukungan dana, logistik dan persenjataan bagi Gerakan Aceh Merdeka (GAM),
organisasi Papua Merdeka dan dukungan bagi grakan SARA di Ambon yang sampai
sekarang tidak bisa diselesaikan.
Semua tindakan Tommy Winata tersebut adalah pesasan dari negara superpower
terutama AS dengan boneka Taiwan-nya, agar Indonesia tidak bisa menjadi
negara yang besar dan kuat, dan dengan demikian judi yang dikelola Tommy
bebas merajelala karena hukum tidak tegak. Karena kalau Indonesia menjadi
negara yang besar dan kuat dan besar, dikhawatirkan akan mengurangi peran
besar Amerika dalam menguasai ekonomi dan kekuasaan peta dunia.
Geraakan yang dilakukan Tommy Winata dalam membuat instabilitas dan
kekuacauan juga bersinergi dengan kepentingan jaringan Suharto dan Orde
Barunya, karena kalau Indonesia kacau balau dibubarkan atau menjadi negara
yang kecil yang terpecah belah maka dosa politik dan ekonomi penguasa Orba
dan pengikutnya akan bisa terkubur dengan bubar dan kacaunya Indonesia.
Agenda besar dari jaringan bawah tanah Tommy winata dan keluarga Cendana
terakhir adalah menggulingkan pemerintahan yang baru terpilih sekarang ini
yaitu pemerintahan Megawati-Hamzah Haz.
Tahapan tahapan yang akan dikerjakan adalah sebagai berikut yaitu memutus
jalaur jalur dana dan logistik ke partainya Megawati, PDIP. Berikutnya
melakukan teror dan pembunuhan terhadap pengurus pusat PDIP. Karena DPP
memiliki garis komando ke arus massa besar di bawah yang jumlahnya puluhan
juta. Terkakhir duet Tommy ini akan pembunuhan karakter terhadap Mega
melalui suaminya Taufik Kiemas.
Jaringan wartawan yang dibina Tommy Winata dengan anggaran Rp 1 miliar
perbulan, akan melakukan publikasi besar-besaran terhadap ketidakmampuan
Megawati dalam memimpin pemerintahan, dan membongkar segala kasus dan bisnis
illegal yang pernah dilakukan Taufik Kiemas. Tak kurang 100 orang wartawan
dari berbagai media terkemuka di Jakarta berhasil �dibina� Tommy dan diberi
fasilitas kendaraan dan rumah. Termasuk sejumlah pemimpin redaksi dan
redaktur tv. Makanya, segala aktivitas illegal Tommy Winata tidak pernah
dipublikasikan, karena mulut wartawan sudah disumpal dengan uang dan
fasilitas.
Langkah langkah berikutnya yang dilakukan jaringan Tommy Winata adalah
memisahkan antara Megawati dan wapresnya Hamzah Haz dengan isu syariat
Islam. Sejumlah pimpinan gerakan Islam politik juga sudah dibeli Tommy.
Sebutlah misalnya, Eggi Sujana dan habib-habib FPI.
Target menggulingkan Megawati ini berjangka waktu satu tahun dan
penggantinya adalah kader terpercaya binaan Cendana yang sekarang menjadi
pimpinan pasukan elit Angkatan Darat. Maka Orba jilid 2 dimulai.

TOMMY WINATA anak angkat jendral siapa tuh ??????????????

Saya tidak tahu, anak angkat, bapak angkat, saudara angkat, banyak macam dan
banyak ragam. Siapa yang tidak mau diangkat dan mengangkat, kalau perkenalan
saja diberi 500 jt?

Dan saya beri sedikit informasi pada anda. Ketika diberitakan Dai Bachtiar
akan diangkat menjadi Kapolri, tommy winata mengantar 5 milyar, 5 milyar!,
tapi ditolak. Saya harus setuju dengan Dai Bachtiar, seorg preman spt tommy
winata atau nick TW tidak boleh didukung dan tidak boleh diajak bersama.
Gara-gara satu preman Cina, semua pengusaha Cina lain disikat dan ini
mempengaruhi perekonomian serta kenyamanan warga negara keturunan kita.
Dai Bachtiar kemudian menginstruksikan penangkapan Ang Kim Soei (rekan
kerjasama tommy winata) yg menggerakan pabrik Ekstasi terbesar di dunia.

Yg pasti Edi Sudrajat mendapat bagian besar dalam pembagian hasil ruislag
tanah TNI. Kekayaan ini kemudian digunakan utk membentuk partai politik
bersama Tri Soetrisno dan cs, kumpulan jenderal KORUPTOR muslim.
TW itu anak angkat Edi Sudrajat oiiiiiiiii
TW itu salah satu bagian dari gang of nine.
Ah loe aje gak tau modusnye hehehehehhehe
SIKAT buat perkenalan !!!!
Duit ngalir diem dah !!!!
Kalu nyang usahanye halal sih gak bakalan disikat !!!
Emang ape alesan polisi maen sikat kalu usahanya halal ?
Ente tau gak setoran hariannye dari judi berapa ?
Gue denger2 sih 1 milyard sehari buat dibagi2.

Saya suruh tommy winata sikat Cina spt anda baru tahu. spt dia menyikat
semua pengusaha Cina lainnya.

Menggaji FPI utk merusak usaha hiburan Cina lain, supaya tempat usaha
hiburannya bisa maju dan menguasai.
Sogok menyogok, membeli jenderal dan polisi utk menyikat pengusaha Cina
lain. Mendukung Golkar utk menyerang kantor PDI-P 1997. Mengerahkan Kopassus
di tahun '98 utk menyerang Cina-Cina spy mereka ketakutan dan lari ke luar
negeri, simpanan $$$ menjadi melambung. Mengcaplok usaha Cina lain dengan
kekuatan TNI dan POLRI.
Menguasai narkoba Indonesia, menguasai perjudian di Jkt.
Menjadi big boss dgn kriminal Cina lainnya spt Hong Lie pembunuh Nyo Beng
Seng pengusaha rekaman, Eng San komplotan Hong Lie pembunuh Nyo Beng Seng
pengusaha rekaman IRAMA TARA. Menolong Eng San dari hukuman yang sudah
dijatuhkan 17 tahun, naik banding ke Mahkamah Agung, bebas, dan sekarang Eng
San bekerja sebagai kacung tommy winata utk mengurus casinonya.
Membeli semua aset hitam Hendra Rahardja spt Gedung BHS dan Gajah Mada
Plaza, dan karena semua jenderal dan polisi sudah dibeli, maka aset-aset
hitam itu aman di tangannya. Menyolong pasir laut dan menjualnya ke
Singapore. Melakukan ruislag tukar guling tanah TNI dan POLRI, membeli
preman Pemuda Pancasila utk menggusur rakyat di Mangga Dua untuk dibangun
pertokoan dan dijual kepada BII Sinar Mas.
Menggunakan kiai-kiai utk menuduh keluarga tertentu bandar narkoba (saingan
rebutan pacar anak tommy winata), menggunakan preman utk merongrong keluarga
itu.
Dan segala kejahatan yang bisa anda bayangkan, maka pastilah pernah dibuat
tommy winata.

Pernah diperintahkan ditangkap di jaman Gus Dur, karena kapal judinya

memasuki wilayah Indonesia. Tapi bebas, karena semua jenderal dan polisi
dibagi 500 jt utk perkenalan saja.

Pastilah tommy winata adalah saudara anda. Ciri khas Cina Kriminal
http://stockfraudsters.com/index.htm
Edward Chandra Subiakto, aka Edward H.T. (Indonesian Citizen)
Edward is an associate and employee of Tommy Winata and Santoso Gunara. At Mendes
Prior, Edward was responsible for operating the front office and discouraging
disgruntled investors that showed up trying to get their money back. After Medes
Prior closed down, Edward went on to become a partner at Kearns Investments which
later evolved into Drexel Asset Management. Currently resides in Jakarta,
Indonesia.

Angke Restaurant, Jakarta, Indonesia

Johan Sudiato from Bank Internasional Indonesia (BII) brought me to this famous
Hakka restaurant in Jakarta, which started from a road side store some decades
ago. The food is very reasonably priced. My favourite dishes here are salted
chicken, eel (lindung), braised pork, sea cucumber, and prawn roll (lumpia udang).
The fresh orange juice from local mandarin oranges is also very good.

Posted by ymchee at August 7, 2003 01:41 PM | TrackBack

Comments
I did a search on "Angke" and your website was the first on the match. Angke is my
favorite; I especially like "Tripe with bean sprout (sweet & sour)" and "Frog
(Saklon) with salted vegetable".

There is rumour that there's a change of owner of this restaurant. The previous
owner who resides in Singapore lost in a gambling to Tommy Winata (owner of
Borobudur Hotel and Artha Group).

Quite an impressive resume I must say. You seem to be connected with several VC. I
used to be with JPM during the good old days but no more now since employment
situation is very bad.

Dan berikut ini, artikel yg mbahas soal kroni nya Soeharto, didalamnya juga di
sebutkan soal Pemuda Pancasila, TW, Yapto, Yorrys, dan semua dirty works mereka.

CHOPPING THE GLOBAL TENTACLES OF THE SUHARTO OLIGARCHY: Can Aotearoa (New Zealand)
Lead The Way?

By Dr. George J. Aditjondro

(University of Newcastle, Australia)

Ladies and gentlemen,

In respect of the original inhabitants of this country, let me express the

following greeting to you:

'Tena koutou, tena koutou, tena koutou korua'

IT is indeed an honour to be invited for the third time to this lovely country of
the long white cloud, Aotearoa. Therefore, allow me to express my gratitude to the
following friends for organizing this conference and inviting me to speak: Maire
Leadbeater and her colleagues from the Indonesian Human Rights Committee (IHRC),
Murray Horton and his comrades from Campaign Against Foreign Control of Aotearoa
(CAFCA), Dr Xin Chen from the New Zealand Asia Institute (NZAI), and my old
friends, Dr Tim Behrend and Saut Situmorang from the Indonesian Section of the
Department of Asian Languages and Literature of the University of Auckland.

Setting my feet for the third time on this nation, and especially in Tamaki Makau
Rau, or what the pakeha call Auckland, make me wonder: how many conferences and
speaking tours and investigative trips do I need to make, before one of the most
important goals of the Indonesian pro-democracy movement, namely forcing Suharto
to return their ill-gotten wealth to the Indonesian people, can be achieved?

However, to answer that question one should be inspired by the persistence of the
Timor Lorosa'e (East Timor) solidarity movement, which has achieved its immediate
goal: to determine the future of the Maubere people through a UN-supervised
referendum!

Therefore, I am so delighted -- and I believe, so are many of my comrades in

Indonesia -- that the Timor Lorosa'e solidarity movement in Aotearoa have taken up
the noble task to support the Indonesian pro-democracy movement, by campaigning to
have all the assets of the Suharto family and their cronies seized by the newly
elected Aotearoa government, to be followed, I think, by returning the proceeds of
the sales to the Indonesian people.

I am also happy to see that the newly elected government in this country, has
taken such an interest in this campaign, as proven by the participation in this
conference of three top politicians who may be in charge of seizing Suharto's
illgotten wealth in Aotearoa: Rt. Hon. Phil Goff (Labour), the new Minister of
Foreign Affairs; Hon. Matt Robson ( Alliance), the new Minister for Disarmament
and Corrections; and Keith Locke, Green Party Spokeperson for Foreign Affairs and
Defense.

I have much hope in Aotearoa's potential to play a leading role in chopping the
global tentacles of the Suharto oligarchy, for several reasons. First of all, the
peace and anti-nuclear movement in Aotearoa has played -- and is still playing --
a leading role in the global movement to disarm the nuclear powers in the world,
and especially in this region.

Secondly, in the struggle to liberate Timor Lorosa'e from Indonesia -- and

Indonesia from the economic and moral burden of becoming a new colonial power --
Aotearoa has also shown a leading role. If my memory serves me correct, Mr. Phil
Goff has played an important part in that struggle, for instance when he in 1995,
with fellow Labour MP Chris Carter presented a private members' bill in the
Parliament, in response to Aotearoa's military exercises with Indonesia. This bill
requires the Minister of Foreign Affairs and Trade to determine whether any
country with which Aotearoa has defense cooperation is using its armed forces to
deny human rights and to suspend such cooperation if this is found to be the case.

I do hope that that bill had been passed by the Parliament, for the following
reasons. First, parts of the Indonesian armed forces are still clandestinely
supporting the paramilitary forces in West Timor, which have increasingly intruded
into Timor Lorosa'e.
Secondly, in the former sultanate of Acheh on the northern tip of Sumatra, the
Indonesian military, police and paramilitary forces are waging a bloody war
against unarmed civilians -- mostly student activists -- who have called for a
similar referendum as in Timor Lorosa'e to determine the future of their country:
to stay as an integral part of the Republic of Indonesia, probably after
Indonesia's transformation from a unitary to a federal republic, or to choose the
path of independence.

A similar bloody struggle has intensified in West Papua, the former Dutch colony
which was deprived of its right to seccede from the Indonesian Republic in the
1969 fake referendum. Just last March, young people who were guarding the pole
where they had hoisted the Free West Papua flag, the Morning Star, were shot dead
by the elite forces of the Indonesian police, Brimob in the town of Nabire on the
northern coast.

Therefore, any defense cooperation between Wellington and Jakarta would certainly
violate that bill or act (law). Unfortunately, as much as I like to talk about
that, I have currently been invited not to talk about the human rights violations
carried out under the previous regimes in Jakartga, but on the globalisation of
Suharto's illgotten wealth and what our Kiwi comrades can do to chop its tentacles
in this country.

Such international pressure is extremely important, since the two successive

regimes in Jakarta have had not much progress in taking Suharto to court and in
forcing him and his relatives and friends to return their illgotten wealth to the
Indonesian people. Therefore, before talking about the globalisation, or,
'internationalisation' of the illgotten wealth, one first has to understand how
the wealth was accumulated, domestically. This exercise may also help to expose
the tremendous challenges faced by any regime in Jakarta which dreams to
appropriate that wealth. Only after exposing those means will I touch upon the
globalisation of the wealth and how our Kiwi comrades may help to 'chop the
oligarchy's tentacles'.

Based on my documentary research, field observations and interviews with sources

in fifteen countries, I have identified the following methods by which Suharto and
his family amassed their ill-gotten wealth.

DOMESTIC WEALTH ACCUMULATION

Domestically, one can distinguish two sets of methods, namely 'the carrots,' or
the promotional methods, and 'the sticks' or the repressive methods used to
discourage anybody from questioning the greed of the Suhartos and their friends.

THE CARROTS

Commodity Monopolies:

The wealth accumulation of this family began with the wheat-import-and-flour-

milling monopoly granted in 1969 to PT Bogasari, a company set up by Suharto's
oldest business partner, Liem Sioe Liong and Suharto's cousin, Sudwikatmono. They
initially used American wheat supplied under the Public Law 480 "Food-for-Peace"
Program of the US government, but after the demand for instant noodles was
strongly entrenched among Indonesian and overseas customers, they began to import
directly from the US, Canada, Australia, and Argentina.

The second strategic commodity the Suharto family was able to monopolize was the
import of cloves from Zanzibar (Tanzania) and Malagasy (Madagascar), to supply the
needs of Indonesia's clove cigarette (kretek ) factories. The Zanzibari cloves
were actually a part-payment of the Tanzanian government of the late Julius
Nyerere for China's technical assistance to build the 1150 miles Uhuru (Freedom)
railway between Dar-es-Salaam in Tanzania to the central Zambian town of Kapiri
Mposhi. A marvelous project of non-capitalist, non-World Bank South-South
cooperation. But ironically, since 1975 Beijing approached Liem to relieve them of
the unwanted supplies of cloves, turning the 'socialist' cloves into a purely
crony capitalist commodity.

Eventually, during his 32-years-reign, Suharto repeatedly established monopolies

in numerous strategic economic sectors to benefit companies owned by his children,
grandchildren, political allies, relatives, friends, and business associates.

Suharto's Yayasans:

During his thirty-two-year reign, Suharto, his late wife, and their six children
and their inlaws have set up numerous foundations, or yayasans as they are called
in Indonesian, whose stated purpose was to fund a variety of social and charitable
objectives. In reality, Suharto used these yayasans to avoid taxation and to
accumulate wealth by blurring the distinction between public and private
companies. By presidential decree, Suharto extorted money from private and public
companies by requiring that they pay levies and make "donations" to these
yayasans.

The five largest yayasans -- Dakab, Dharmais, Supersemar, Tritura, and Amalbhakti
Muslim Pancasila -- were all headed by Suharto himself and managed by family
members, former generals, and bureaucrats or Suharto's business associates.
Although the yayasans were indirectly funded by the public, the money collected
and spent by these entities was not subject to oversight by the state. All
financial activities of the yayasans were controlled by Suharto's inner circle and
were not subject to public supervision. A large portion of the yayasans' funds
were used to purchase controlling shares of companies for Suharto family members,
friends, political allies, and business associates.

Many of these charities were operating out of government offices and were managed
by civil servants and their families, ranging from the State Secretariate in
Jakarta (homebase for Yayasan Amalbhakti Muslim Pancasila) to the Indonesian
embassies in Paramaribo, Suriname (which supported the logging business operating
Yayasan Kemusuk Somenggalan) and Moscow, Russia (which supported Yayasan Balai,
that promoted Suharto-linked businesses in the former Soviet republics in Central
Asia).

Abusing Government Facilities:

During his seven terms of office as President, Suharto consistently made private
use of public facilities. He hijacked government institutions and facilities to
make profits for himself, his family, and his cronies. He made state employees
work for the private companies of his children, and he turned the Indonesian Armed
Forces into his private army. For instance, in the mid-1970s, Suharto set up his
family ranch at Tapos, near Bogor, West Java, on 751 hectares of land appropriated
from local peasants and then donated by the governor of West Java, General
Solichin G.P. The ranch's infrastructure was "donated" by the Ministry of Public
Works. The cattle for the ranch was shipped from Australia to Java on Indonesian
Navy vessels, which were returning from a mission to drop troops off in East
Timor.

Hijacking State Companies:

In addition to abusing state facilities, Suharto and his family and cronies have
taken over -- completely or signifanty -- state corporations for their own private
benefits. The most blatant example is the take over of PT P.P. (Pilot Project)
Berdikari, technically a state-owned company but actually a holding company
collecting political funds for Suharto. Before being transferred to Berdikari, the
company's assets were owned by Abdul Rachman Aslam, Teuku Markam, and Ibrahim
Tambunan, three close associates of the late President Sukarno who respectively
hailed from Acheh and North Sumatra.

After accusing Aslam of being a Communist, all the assets of the three business
people were taken over by Soeharto, whom on August 14, 1966, established PT PP
Berdikari to manage those assets. The total assets of the three former
entrepreneurs were huge, although still nothing compared to the wealth of the
current members of Suharto's oligarchy. Markam's assets only were worth US$ 460
million at that time.

Slowly but surely, with the assistance of his confidant, General Bustanil Arifin,
the legal status of this company was transformed into a private enterprise which
was wholly owned by three of Suharto's wealthies yayasans, Dakab, Dharmais, and
Supersemar. Berdikari's bank, Bank Duta, was also changed into a private bank
owned by those three yayasans.

Since the downfall of the dictator, the heirs of AR Aslam and Teuku Markam, who
respectively passed away in 1983 and 1985, as well as Ibrahim Tambunan have
planned to sue Suharto for seizing their families assets. So far, no progress has
been made.

The Berdikari case, however, is only a very small example of how state companies
have been hijacked by Suharto family members. The most 'popular' form, which
emerged when the Suharto children rushed into business, was to force most state
companies to form joint ventures with Suharto family companies. The state owned
road management company, PT Jasa Marga, is a shareholder in Ms. Rukmana's private
toll-road company, PT Citra Marga Nusaphala Persada. The company had no reason to
complain when the parliament, controlled by Suharto, approved annual hikes in the
toll. Theoretically, Jasa Marga was making money too. Consequently, by blurring
the difference between these public and private enterprises, the Suharto oligarchy
passed along to Indonesian taxpayers the inflated costs of crony capitalism.

This pattern was often repeated over the years, enabling the Suharto children to
build their television stations, toll roads, telecommunications networks,
supermarkets and other businesses with the minimum capital and little or no
competition at all from similar companies.

The Misuse of Presidential Decrees

During his years in power, Suharto repeatedly ignored the provision of Indonesia's
1945 Constitution requiring that any use of public finances be approved by the
Parliament. Throughout his terms as president, Suharto consistently issued
presidential decrees and ministerial decisions to benefit his family and inner
circle without seeking parliamentary approval. This misuse of public funds created
huge losses to the state and the resulting high-cost economy ultimately led to the
collapse of Indonesia's economy and Suharto's ouster from power in 1998.

In flagrant violation of the principle of rule of law, Suharto repeatedly issued

presidential decrees for the specific and sole purpose of benefiting a single
company owned by a family member or friend (as in the cases of the National Car
Program, the clove and citrus fruit monopolies, etc.).

Gate-keeping and Rent Seeking:

Suharto created an environment in which all major businesses, domestic or foreign,
had little choice but to provide cost-free shares and management positions to
Suharto's family and friends in order to do business in Indonesia. The 1997
controversy surrounding the Busang gold mine in East Kalimantan highlights the
limitless greed of the Suharto family and the reality that doing business in
Indonesia under Suharto meant doing business with his family and friends.

In 1997, Bre-X, a small Canadian mining company, reported finding a huge gold
deposit at the Busang mine in East Kalimantan. Bre-X did not have adequate
resources to develop the infrastructure needed to mine what might be one of the
world's largest gold deposits according to preliminary results. Bre-X was
therefore looking for a partner to help develop Busang. The Suharto government
wasted no time in assuring that Cendana interests got a piece of the action. To
accomplish this, the Suharto government ordered Bre-X to sell majority control of
the Busang mine to Barrick, a large Canadian mining company that had entered a
partnership with a Tutut Rukmana, Suharto's daughter.

Meanwhile, Bre-X tried to play by the same rules and entered a partnership with an
Indonesian company controlled by Tutut's brother Sigit. The negotiations between
Barrick and Bre-X fell apart by November 1997. In early December, Suharto
intervened personally and asked his old friend Mohamad Hasan, a billionaire timber
tycoon, to broker an agreement on who would exploit what might be the biggest gold
discovery in history. Hasan then negotiated a deal for the exploitation of the
Busang deposit that assured that both he and the Suharto family would get their
share. The deal negotiated by Hasan called for Bre-X to retain 45% of the Busang
mine and for Freeport-McMoRan, an American company run by Suharto's friend Jim Bob
Moffett, to get 15% of the mine. Another 10% went to the Indonesian government,
and the remaining 30% went to companies connected to the Suharto family and Hasan.

The race to mine the riches of Busang turned out to be a bust when tests revealed
that Busang did not contain the large gold deposits initially reported. Still, the
Busang debacle is a representative example of how foreign companies did business
in Indonesia under Suharto and how the Suharto family extracted lucrative deals at
every opportunity. This additional cost imposed on businesses operating in
Indonesia contributed to the high-cost economy that eventually led to Indonesia's
economic collapse in 1998.

Getting the Military On the Greasy Bandwagon:

Under Suharto's 'New Order' regime, the military's political role was justified by
the so-called "dual function" (dwifungsi ) doctrine, borne out of the competition
between the military, especially the Army, and the Indonesian Communist Party
(PKI) for hegemonic control over the country's political and economic systems.

This political role of the Indonesian armed forces, which from 1965 till 1998
included the Indonesian police (Polri), was further extended in the early 1960s to
include a growing control over the Indonesian economy, beginning with the take
over of oil fields and plantations in the Outer Islands by the Army after these
economic assets were abandoned by Dutch and British corporations, forced out of
the country due to Indonesia's confrontation with the Dutch (over the political
future of West Papua) and with the British and what then was still Malaya (over
the inclusion of the former British territories in Northern Kalimantan in the
proposed transformation of Malaya into Malaysia).

After Suharto putsch of Sukarno in 1965-1966, the armed forces (ABRI)'s economic
role obtained a further push, to reward them for their support in exterminating
between a half to two million Indonesian citizens, who had been the power base of
the Indonesian Communist Party. Following Suharto's example of forming military
charities, which Suharto had began in the 1950s, when he was the army commander of
Central Java, military charities began to flourish since 1965, with nearly every
military unit forming a business unit, supposedly to compensate the meagre
budgetary allocation to the armed forces with funds which could then be used to
improve the welfare of the rank-and-file soldiers and police officers.

The 32-years rule of Suharto has obviously left a legacy of numerous military
charities and cooperatives all over the country and in all important economic
sectors, which are closely intertwined with business enterprises owned by Suharto
and his families and cronies. Most of those cronies themselves are, like Suharto,
retired officers, or, business enterpreneurs who could make it into Suharto's
inner circle by trading favours with the Suharto family.

Among all those military charities, two of the most powerful ones, due to their
affiliation with the most powerful military units, are the Kobame (Korps Baret
Merah) Foundation and the Kartika Eka Paksi Foundation. The Kobame Foundation is
linked to the army's special force, Kopassus, whose obvious symbol is their red
berrets (= baret merah ), which owns the new Graha Cijantung shopping mall on
Kopassus land at their Cijantung headquarters south of Jakarta, part-ownerships in
the Horizon Hotel in Jakarta and a timber concession in Kalimantan, methanol
distribution agency from the state oil mining company, Pertamina, a Java-Sumatra
shipping line, and a coal bricket company partly owned by Suharto's eldest son,
Sigit Harjojudanto.

The Kobame's economic assets, however, are negligible compared to the economic
assets of the Kartika Eka Paksi Foundation, which are co-shareholders with two
Sino-Indonesian businessmen -- Tommy Winata (born 1958) and Sugianto Kusuma (born
1951) -- who injected capital into the foundation in 1985. This military-Sino
Indonesian joint business conglomerate was since called the Artha Graha (lit.:
"house of money") Group, with Rp 3.7 trillion worth of assets, including joint
ventures with Suharto's middle son, Bambang Trihatmodjo, in satellite
communication to a fleet in the Banda Sea in Maluku.

Artha Graha's operations are not limited to the economic sphere, however. Their
two top executives, Tommy Winata and Sugianto Kumala, are also linked to the
Jakarta underworld, including Yorris Raweyai, a leader of Pemuda Pancasila
(Pancasila Youth), Indonesia's largest organisation of political thugs. The
chairperson of this organisation, Yapto Suryosumarno, is close to the Suharto
kids, being also the son of a retired general and also a member of the
Mangkunegara court in Solo (Central Java), to which the late Mrs. Tien Suharto and
currently, Tommy Suharto's wife, are related. In addition, Yapto is also co-
shareholder of the large Tipperary ranch in Australia's Northern Territory,
together with another Suharto crony, Aburizal Bakrie.

Pemuda Pancasila is quite notorious among the Indonesian pro-democracy activists

for doing the dirty work for the military. Many of the most prominent pro-
democracy leaders, such as Megawati Sukarnoputri, Sri Bintang Pamungkas, and
Mochtar Pakpahan, have felt the brunt of Pemuda Pancasila thugs, who have attacked
their public rallies and attempted to turn peaceful demonstrations into violent
riots.

Meanwhile, the Kopassus forces themselves were never running out of funds to carry
out their 'counter-insurgency' operations. Apart from funds from their commander's
brother, Hashim Djojohadikusumo, it has recently been revealed that a group of
fourty ethnic Chinese tycoons used to contribute Rp 10 million (A$ 2,000) a month
each to Kopassus to enable its units to have the best equipment and training. They
even built a mess hall for the Kopassus base in Cijantung shortly before the May
1998 riots. The implicit understanding was that, at the least, the businessmen
would never have to worry about the security of their families and property. The
payment ceased after the riots, even though the fourty businessmen found mobs
stopping short of their front doors. The sense of betrayal was too much for them.

Forming An Oligarchy, Where Everybody Is Tainted With Corruption:

As all the previous examples show, Suharto must have intentionally involved so
many of his civilian and military co-workers in his family businesses, and thereby
created an oligarchy, where most of his closest confidants were also tainted with
various forms of corruption.

One of his closest confidants, who also had to accept the presidential baton after
the student movement forced Suharto to step down, was B.J. Habibie. As my research
has shown, the Habibie family was also closely involved in many sectors of the
Suharto family businesses, especially those based on the Batam Island export
processing zone, the chemical manufacturing business, and the electronic and
telecommunication business.

The Habibie family, however, is not the only 'bureaucrat-capitalist' family one
closely involved in the Suharto family businesses. As mentioned before, former
Information Minister Harmoko and his relatives are involved in numerous print and
electronic media co-owned by the Suharto family. While in private power generating
companies, the Suhartos have involved relatives of former Development Planning
Minister, Ginanjar Kartasasmita, and former Employment Minister, Abdul Latief.
Kartasasmita and Latief's relatives are deeply involved in infrastructure
companies related to the Freeport Indonesia copper-gold-and-silver mine, in which
Bob Hasan's Nusamba Group represent the Suharto family interests.

Even family members of Ret. General Benny Murdani, who was sacked from his post as
armed forces commander in the early 1990s for criticizing the president's
children's business appetite has three brothers involved companies close to the
Suharto family. One of them, Harry Murdani, is a co-shareholder in the integrated
crocodile farm-piggery-and-orchid farm of PT Sinar Culindo Perkasa on Bulan Island
near Singapore, with Anthony Salim, Tommy Suharto, and Timmy Habibie. Two other
brothers, Henricus Sandy Murdani and Ir. A. Mudjono Murdani, are involved in PT
Kodeco Batulicin Plywood in South Kalimantan. This Indo-Korean joint venture has
formed a cement factory with the Salim Group to supply power to the plywood
factory. Furthermore, Mudjono Murdani is also involved in PT Cipta Teknik Abadi, a
palm oil exporter which is co-owned by the family of Ret. General Yoga Sugama,
former intelligence chief whose wife is related to the late Mrs. Tien Suharto.

Thus we see how systematically Suharto former his oligarchy during his 32-years of
tenure as Indonesia's president, which eventually functioned as his 'insurance'
after his political downfall. Too many heads may roll, if Suharto is taken to
court, and he definitely knows that.

Funding pro-Suharto Politicians:

Since Suharto stepped down on May 21, 1998, and his successor, B.J. Habibie had
been forced to hold a genuine, multi-party election, several Suharto family
members have become an active financial sponsor of numerous political parties. One
of them is Ret. General Ibnu Hartomo, a younger brother of the late Mrs. Tien
Suharto, who is still implicated in a major fraud case in the US. He has publicly
stated that he was sponsoring between new political parties which were preparing
for the 1998 general election and wanted to prevent Suharto from being tried. The
number of political parties sponsored by Ibnu Hartomo, varies between 12 and 70.
Their weekly meetings with this brother-in-law of Suharto were organized by Agus
Mitfah, formerly a close ally of the timber tycoon, Bob Hasan.

Other relatives of Suharto who are also involved in funding political parties
which have entered the Indonesian electoral arena are Suharto's stepbrother,
Probosutedjo, and Suharto's eldest daughter, Ms. Rukmana. After donating half a
billion rupiah to one of the breakaway factions from the former Indonesian
Nationalist Party (PNI), in January 1999, Probosutedjo was elected as president of
PNI Massa Marhaen. Eventually, in the June 1999 election this small party obtained
one seat in the parliament, which obviously went to its new chairman,
Probosutedjo. Attempts of former PNI members to unseat him through legal means,
have not succeeded.

Meanwhile, Ms. Rukmana attempted to influence the previous general election

through a crony of her, Faisal Tamin, a former official of the Department of
Interior who was Ms. Rukmana's secretary in the Indonesian Red Cross, who managed
to obtain a seat in the election organizing committee, or KPU (Komite Pemilihan
Umum).

The chances for these Suharto-financed politicians to influence coming general

elections should not be dismissed. Under the pretext of forming a new Muslim
party, twelve political parties which only obtained 3% votes in last year's
general election have stated that they plan to join forces in the 2004 elections.
They have already proposed Adi Sasono, the former ICMI secretary general and
controversial Minister of Cooperatives and Small Businesses in Dr Habibie's 16-
months administration, to become the new party's chairman.

THE STICKS

Abuse of the military, police and judicial system to repress critics:

Since the early 1970s, Suharto has abused the power of the police, military and
judiciary to repress his critics. Many student leaders, academics, former civil
servants and retired officers who criticized the construction of Mrs. Suharto's
'Mini Indonesia' theme park, the Suharto family ranch in Tapos, West Java, the
Suharto family's mausoleum in Central Java have landed in jail, lost their jobs,
or had their business licences revoled in the 1970s, 1980s, and 1990s. In
addition, print and electronic media which dared to publicize or broadcast any
criticism of the Suharto family's wealth had their licences revoked and in many
instances had their editors imprisoned after government-controlled trials.

Repressing critics through media censors while simultaneously further accumulating

wealth by obtaining shares of numerous print and electronic media:

In addition to abusing the power of the police, military and judiciary, with the
assistance of his cronies who were appointed as Minister of Information, Suharto
had repeatedly repressed his critics through censoring the media and imprisoning
their editors. At the same time, however, seeing the economic potential of the
media, several of his Information Ministers, especially Harmoko, have further
enriched themselves and the Suharto family by forcing publishers to appoint their
family members as 'sleeping shareholders' in those companies, while the Suharto
children themselves set up their own television broadcasting companies by
initially abusing the facilities of the station of the state television company,
TVRI, which is ironically owned by a foundation headed by Suharto himself (Yayasan
TVRI).

Assasinating Vocal Critics:

Harrassment of critics of Suharto was not limited to the above mentioned
relatively 'mild' forms of repression. Occassionally, politicians and journalists
who exposed or were planning to expose the corruption of the president and his
family were known to die mysteriously. One of the most well-known stories in the
political circles is the death of Subchan Z.E., a 42-year old leader of the then
Muslim party, Nahdlatul Ulama, a deputy leader of the People's Consultative
Assembly (MPR), in a road accident in Saudi Arabia in January 1972. Subchan was
known to be a very vocal critic of the regime, who had protested strongly against
the repression against Muslim politicians during the 1971 general election.

As he told to AFP correspondent, Brian May, before he went to the pilgrimage, he

was planning to expose Suharto's links with several top Sino-Indonesian tycoons
who had invested their illgotten wealth in Singapore. The Suharto-linked
businesses in Singapore, according to Subchan, were the Waringin Finance Ltd.'s
jute mill and tin smelter, and the Ronbin Group businesses of Robin Loh. After
Subchan's mysterious death in Saudi Arabia, Brian May published the humorous
bachelor's allegations in his book on the Suharto regime. May himself was
consequently expelled from the country.

May's lot, however, was still much better than Fuad Muhammad Syafruddin, popularly
known as Udin. This Indonesian journalist of the Bernas daily newspaper died in a
hospital in Yogyakarta on Friday, August 16, 1996, thrtee days after being
attacked by two unknown men on the night of 13 August outside his rented home.
Although his attackers have not yet been apprehended, fellow journalists in
Indonesia strongly believe that the attack had something to do with his exposure
of the corrupt links between a local district head, Col. Sri Roso Soedarmo (53
years) with Suharto's stepbrother, R. Noto Suwito, who also heads one of the
Suharto yayasans which is involved in timber logging in Suriname. And although
Col. Sri Roso was eventually court-martialed for allegedly promising a Suharto-
linked foundation a sum of Rp 1 billion if he were re-elected, Udin's murderers
have not yet been taken to justice.

Creating a Pro-Suharto Muslim Front By Splitting The Growing anti-Suharto

Opposition Movement:

After indications that the Indonesian armed forces (ABRI) were no more solidly
supporting Suharto's presidency and when movements within the civil society
increasingly opposed his monolothic rule and the capital accumulation of his
family and friends, Suharto began to mobilize support among Indonesian Muslims by
framing himself as a defender of Muslim -- and indigenous -- Indonesian interests.

He managed to create a pro-Suharto Muslim front by taking three important steps.

Firstly, in June 1991 he took his entire family and Muslim members of his cabinet
to the haj pilgrimage, after which he changed his name into 'Haji Muhamad
Suharto'. Secondly, through one of his foundations, Yayasan Amal Bhakti Muslimin
Pancasila, which was based at the State Secretariate and staffed by State
Secretariate personnel, Suharto began to donate the construction of mosques and
Muslim boarding schools (pesantren) all over the country.

Thirdly, Suharto supported the formation of the Indonesian Muslim Scholars

Association (ICMI), which was headed by his favourte Research & Technology
Minister, the German-educated Dr. Baharuddin Jusuf (B.J.) Habibie. This semi-
official organisation was based at Dr. Habibie's office and funded and staffed by
Habibie's official staffpersons and was also supported by the Ministry of Foreign
Affairs and the Indonesian state carrier, Garuda Indonesian Airways.

While splitting the embryonal opposition movement among the civil society by the
formation of ICMI, Suharto's son-in-law, General Prabowo Subianto, who commanded
the elite forces of the army (Kopassus) and later also the strategic reserve
forces of the army (Kostrad) also began to split the ranks of ABRI along religious
line to blur the real division between Suharto loyalists and Suharto opponents,
who were labelled as being supporters of a retired general, Benny Murdani, who
happens to be a Catholic and was supported by a private think tank, the CSIS
(Centre for Strategic and International Studies), which was originally Suharto's
think tank during the first two decades of his rule.

In addition, General Prabowo was also instrumental in building a Suharto support

base among several groups of staunchly anti-Communist and anti-Christian Muslim
clerics, formed in the wake of a campaign to support Bosnian Muslims. This group
is called KISDI (Indonesian Committee in Solidarity with the Muslim World). The
political aim of this step was to split the growing anti-Suharto movement among
the two largest Indonesian Muslim organisations, Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) and
Muhammadiyah, which among them have about sixty to seventy five million members.

Provoking anti-Chinese sentiments to divert attention away from the wealth

accumulation by the Suharto family:

To further divert attention from the wealth accumulation by his family, Suharto
undertook systematic steps to influence the public to blame top Chinese business
people for Indonesia's economic problems. On March 4, 1990, Suharto summoned
Indonesia's 31 top business leaders to his Tapos ranch where in front of the
state-controlled television camers he appealed them to transfer 25% of their
equity to cooperatives.

Since only two of the guests were non-Chinese and Suharto's own relatives and
indigenous cronies were absent, this staged and highly publicized meeting
reinforced the popular belief that the Chinese minority were the main benefactors
of Indonesia's fantastic economic growth.

Then, after the 1996 financial crisis, with the enthusiastic help of his ambitious
son-in-law, General Prabowo Subianto, Suharto escalated the campaign to blame the
Chinese business minority for Indonesia's economic problems. This eventually led
to the infamous anti-Chinese riots in May 1998, in which forces loyal to General
Prabowo Subianto were allegedly involved, which resulted in thousands of deaths
among the Jakarta poor and gang rapes of more than one hundred Sino-Indonesian
women.

Developing Pro-Suharto Vigilante Forces:

During the last years of the Suharto era, his loyalists among the Indonesian army,
especially the Kopassus clique of General Prabowo Subianto, began to form
vigilante groups of civilians who were trained and led by drop outs from the
Indonesian military academy in Magelang, Central Java. This 'Tidar Group', named
after the famous hill in the center of the military academy, mobilized members of
various martial art groups in Java to join this network, facilitated by General
Prabowo's position as Kopassus commander and patron of a martial art group, Satria
Muda Indonesia (SMI) as well as patron of the Indonesian martial arts association,
IPSI (Ikatan Pencak Silat Indonesia). Eventually, students at various Muslim
boarding schools and various Islamic congregations known as majelis taklim were
also engaged in Prabowo's vigilante network, together with East Timorese and West
Papuans to whom he lent his patronage. Their operations were funded by Bambang
Trihatmodjo's Bimantara Group, as well as by the Suharto cronies within the state
corporations.

A year later, these vigilante groups were joined by another network formed by
Suharto's eldest daughter, Ms. Rukmana, which operated under the umbrella of YAKMI
(Yayasan Kesejahteraan Masyarakat Indonesia), a new charity formed by Ms. Rukmana
and a crony of the Suharto family, Abdul Gafur in May 1998. These two networks --
the Tidar Boys and the YAKMI volunteers -- provided many of the so-called 'self-
help civilian guards' (PAM Swakarsa), which were involved in demonstrations
against the student activists who demanded the trial of Suharto & Co, after
Suharto's handpicked successor, BJ Habibie, came into power.

Together with the main organisation of political thugs, Pemuda Pancasila

(Pancasila Youth) and the network of militant anti-Communist, anti-Christian and
anti-Chinese Muslim clerics groomed by Prabowo Subianto, these various vigilante
groups have increasingly been involved in fomenting so-called 'horizontal
conflicts' in 'Inner Indonesia' as well as in discrediting anti-Jakarta
independence movements in East Timor, West Papua and Acheh.

With East Timor now gone from the Indonesian military control with the advance of
Australian-led Inter-FET troops on September 20, 1999, inter-religious and inter-
ethnic conflicts have continued to profligerate in the archipelago, thereby
depriving the successive regimes of Habibie and Abdurrahman Wahid to prioritize
the trial of Suharto and the mismantling of the Suhartos' most lucrative economic
interests in West Papua -- where they control nearly ten percent of PT Freeport
Indonesia's shares -- and in Acheh, where they still benefit from a 20-years
contract to ship Acheh's LNG to South Korea.

THE GLOBALISATION OF THE SUHARTO OLIGARCHY:

Suharto and his relatives have not waited long to globalize their wealth overseas,
using the following means and tactics.

Awarding Cronies With Powers of Attorney To Promote Overseas Businesses for the
Suharto Family:

Suharto as well as his middle son, Bambang Trihatmodjo, have issued powers of
attorney to certain Indonesian businessmen to promote their business interests
overseas. On April 7, 1968, Suharto signed a power of attorney to a Sino-
Indonesian businessman, Jantje Lim Poo Hien, Suharto's neighbour who lives at 15,
Cendana Street, in Central Jakarta to conduct business transactions for and in the
name of Suharto personally. On the same day, Suharto ordered Jantje Lim to import
old, converted landing ships (LSTs) for the Indonesian Navy, via a company,
Greater Southeast Financial and Development Corporation Ltd., which was directed
by Ibnu Hardjanto, a brother-in-law of Suharto. An amount of Nfl 12 million
disappeared in this transaction, which caused a lot of commotion in the Indonesian
and foreign press, but was instantly hushed up by the military.

Jantje Lim, Yani Haryanto, or Lim Haryanto Wijaya Sarwono, was able to build his
own business empire, the Harita Group, with overlapping shares with the Suharto
family in the sugar cane and logging industry. He was also the first private
Indonesian businessman who was appointed as a 10% business partner for a foreign
mining company, Rio Tinto (then, CRA) in a gold mining company in East Kalimantan,
PT Kelian Equatorial Mining.

During the first two decades of Suharto's presidency, Yani Haryanto was also the
main financier of Kent Bruce Crane (born in 1935), an ex-CIA operative-turned-
businessman, whose Crane Group was involved in supplying small weapons for sale to
the US and other governments. Crane also developed a close friendship with
Suharto, and helped one of Suharto's sons to enroll in a college in Virginia and
even helped that son (Bambang?) to decide on a course of study to his liking and
helped to enroll his fiance as well. At one stage, US President Ronald Reagan
intended to nominate Kent Crane as US ambassador in Jakarta. This nomination was
withdrawn, after the US media publicized news stories about Crane's background.

Spending so much time in his partnership with Kent Crane and his own businesses,
Jantje Lim and his family -- wife, Grace, son Soerono (Ronny) Haryanto and his
wife Sofie Haryanto, younger son, Peter Haryanto, and a daughter -- bought several
properties in the US, a.o. in Germantown, Virginia, and Houston, Texas, during the
last years of Suharto's rule he was probably the only private businessman awarded
a diplomatic passport by the Indonesian ambassador. Currently, Jantje Lim's
official passport has been revoked by the Indonesian ambassador, Dr. Dorodjatun
Kuntjoro-Yakti, after Jantje Lim's son tried to escape from a traffic violation
using his father's diplomatic passport.

Following his father's example, on February 13, 1992, Bambang Trihatmodjo and his
wife, Halimah Agustina BT, signed a power of attorney for a Los Angeles-based
Sino-Indonesian businessman, Han Moeljadi, to represent them as their "true and
lawful attorney" and thereby to act on behalve of them for their use and benefit.
Interestingly to note, this power of attorney of which a certified photocopy is in
my file, was signed in the US Embassy in Jakarta, witnessed by Vice Consul of the
United States of America, Landal L. Phillips.

Consequently, my research at the land title office of the County of Los Angeles
has uncovered numerous properties under the name of Han Moeljadi, alone or
together with other individuals who also have "Moeljadi" in their names.

Utilizing Certain Law Firms:

In the early 1970s, reports had emerged that the capital of Liem Sioe Liong and
Suharto was administered by Rubin, Rubin, Weinberg and Dipaola (now: Rubin Rubin
and Dipaola) Solicitors of 375 Park Avenue, New York City. The law firm premises
were also the registerd offices of Greater Southeast Financial & Development
Corporation Ltd., which had close ties with Waringin Finance Ltd. The latter was
managed by two of Suharto's most trusted business operators, Jantje Lim and Liem
Sioe Liong.

In later years, the Indonesian government -- and the Suharto family -- began to
favour another law firm, namely White & Case LLP at 601 Thirteenth Street, N.W.,
Suite 600, Washington, DC, 20005-3807. This law firm has defended the Suharto
regime and Suharto family interests since 1978. In 1983, for instance, according
to my sources, they charged the Indonesian government US$ 3,090,711.49 worth of
defense fees for the previous twelve months. Their main lawyer is Carolyn Lamm,
aided by two assistants, Frank Panopoulos and Francis A. Vasquez, Jr.

Since 1994, this law firm has been defending a younger brother of the late Mrs.
Tien Soeharto, Ibnu Hartomo, who was sued by a US businessman, Curtis Phaneuf, for
selling fake Promissory Notes worth US$ 125 million. This fraud took place when
Hartomo was an official at the National Security Council (Dewan Hankamnas) in
Indonesia. The case is still being tabled in the Arizona district court.

As my investigation into the financial sources of the latest mega-projects have

shown, many of these mega-projects which were awarded to companies owned by
Suharto family members had listed White & Case LLP as their lawyers. E.g.,
Bambang's satelite communication company, PT Satelindo, Bambang's electric power
station company, PT Jawa Power, Tutut's paper & pulp company, PT Tanjung Enim
Lestari, and Hashim Djojohadikusumo & Titiek Prabowo's Paiton II power plant.

In the West Pacific hemisphere, another law firm has played an important role in
promoting the Suharto family interests. This law firm, Wilkinson & Grist
Solicitors and Notaries, is located at the Sixth Floor of the Prince Building on
Chater Road, Central, Hong Kong. Using several other names but with the same
address, such as Wilgrist Nominees Ltd, Wilvestor Ltd, Wilserve Ltd., and Nomitor
Ltd., my documentary research have shown that this law firm handles three forest
product trading companies of Bob Hasan in Hong Kong, namely Panelindo Co. Ltd.,
Plywood Indah (HK) Ltd., and Lakemba Ltd.

Complementing Wilkinson & Grist's role in Hong Kong is George Vasaris & Co.'s role
in Port Vila, Vanuatu. This law firm helped the Suharto family to set up their
Panca Holding Co. Ltd. in February 1985, and ten years later, according to my
sources in Vanuatu, they were also involved in setting up Dragon Bank
International Ltd. in the same tax haven cum money laundering centre.

Utilizing Local Businesspeople And Consultants With Access To Specific Markets:

While the Suharto family members and their Indonesian business partners were still
operating out of Jakarta, many of their overseas ventures were trusted to certain
local business people and consultants, who the needed access to the specific
markets the overseas Suharto companies were tapping into.

For instance, the Suharto family oil marketing companies, Mindo and Permindo,
which are based in Hong Kong -- with branches in Singapore and the US -- are
managed by a British passport holder, Wong Chun Sum. He began his association with
the Suharto family by helping them in the early 1980s to register a company in
Vanuatu, called Panca Holdings Co. Ltd., which operated out of Hong Kong. This
company had a monopoly over the import of raw material for Indonesia's plastic
factories, which did not last long due to opposition from the Indonesian business
community.

After Panca Holdings closed down, Wong Chun Sum's name is still listed on the
board of Mindo and Permindo, which is still located at the old office of Panca
Holdings in Room F on the Eighth Floor of Winner Building at 27 D'Aguilar Street
in Hong Kong.

While Mindo and Permindo, which is partly owned by Bambang Trihatmodjo and his
friends, still relay on Wong Chun Sum's connections, Tommy Suharto's Hong Kong-
based oil marketing company, Perta Oil Marketing Ltd, has relied on the
connections of an American oil consultant. Company records filed at the Hong Kong
Registrar of Companies show that on March 5, 1985, George C. Benson, a retired
military attache who continues to prefer to use his "Colonel" rank, was appointed
as a director of the Hong Kong-based company.

This former head of the Military Training Advisory Group (MILTAG) and military
attache at the US Embassy in Jakarta from 1957 to 1958 was later hired by Ibnu
Sutowo, then director of Pertamina, to act as a lobbyist for the Indonesian oil
company in Washington, DC. He seems to be very well connected in the oil circles
as well as in the military circles, and has befriended the former Indonesian
general, Benny Murdani.

So, having him on the payroll of Perta Oil Marketing Ltd., which is another joint
venture between Pertamina and the Suharto family (as is the case of Permindo), may
have worked wonders both for the state oil company as well as the Suharto family.

Another trusted business consultant of the Suharto family is Edward Anwar. This
Hong Kong-based Indonesian businessman runs four plywood marketing companies
linked to Bob Hasan, namely Panelindo, Plywood Indah (HK) Ltd, Celandine
International Ltd, which control Indonesian plywood exports to China, Hong Kong
and Taiwan.
Presumably, the Suhartos and Bob Hasan must be happy with Edward Anwar's
performance, regardless of the fact that the Indonesian plywood exporters, who all
had to pay a certain fee to have their product marketed by Plywood Indah (HK) Ltd.
and Panelindo Co. Ltd., may have not received any benefit from this forced
marketing arrangement.

Utilizing Cronies To Lobby the Clinton Administration:

The role of James Riady and his fellow Lippo Group executives, such as John Huang,
to nurture favourable relations with the Clinton Administration is now well
documenteed. During the 1992 presidential campaign, the Riady family, its
associates, and executives at Riady companies "donated" a total of US# 1,050,000
to Clinton's campaign machinery, more than any other corporation, labour union, or
Hollywood mogul had even donated to a presidential candidate in US history.

James' father, Mochtar Riady, the founder and chairman of the Lippo Group, is no
stranger to the Suharto family. He was initially recruited by Liem Sioe Liong to
develop the Salim Group's financial flagship, Bank Central Asia (BCA), in which he
obtained 17.5% shares, together with Suharto's eldest children -- Ms. Rukmana and
Mr. Harjojudanto -- who jointly owned 30% shares of BCA, which became the largest
private bank in Indonesia before the 1996 financial crisis.

The Riadys were, however, not the only cronies who lobbied for Clinton's favours.
It has recently been exposed that Tommy Winata, whose Artha Graha group is also
closely associated with the Suharto family, has also provided illegal donations of
US$ 200,000 to Clinton's 1997 presidential campaign.

Banking On The Support of Prominent Politicians To Avoid The Litigation Costs Of

Overseas Anti-Corruption Lawsuits:

The joint ventures between companies linked to the Suharto oligarchy and US power
and mining companies are strongly coloured by corrupt and unfair trading
practices. This has been well-documented by Peter Waldman and Jay Solomon,
recently. However, no US company has been taken to court being accused of
violating the US Foreign Corrupt Practices Act. On the other hand, attempts by
Adhi Satrya, the former director of the Indonesian State Electricity Company, PLN,
to sue these joint ventures for overpricing their power generating costs have been
blocked by Indonesian President Abdurrahman Wahid. The president suggested that
the PLN chief solved his disagreement with the power producers through
arbitration, not through litigation. In protest against President Wahid's
intervention, which came after US President Bill Clinton had put pressure on
Jakarta, Adhi Satrya resigned from his post on December 20, 1999.

Meanwhile, the US-based giant mining company, Freeport McMoRan, is also facing
strong criticism for its poor human rights and environmental records in West
Papua. In addition, the fact that most of the revenues from its Grasberg mine is
flowing out of the country to its shareholders in the US and Japan, has also
annoyed politicians in West Papua as well as in Jakarta. Hence, Wahid's
Environment Minister, Sonny Keraf, former West Papua Governor, Freddy Numberi, who
currently functions as Wahid's Minister for Administrative Reform, and former
Research Minister, Sumitro Djojohadikusumo have called for a review of the
company's contract of work. Dr Keraf even threatened to close the mine due to its
environmental impact. Instantly, a chorus of protests has been raised by the US
ambassador in Jakarta, as well as one of Freeport's shareholder, Dr Henry
Kissinger, the powerful lobbyist for many top US companies. Matters have become
worse for Freeport's critics, since President Wahid has asked Kissinger to become
one of his foreign politics advisors, making him vulnerable for criticism of
sacrificing national sovereignty for this MNC's business interests.

These two incidents show that to a certain degree, the stability of the Suharto
family's business interests lies in their joint ventures with powerful US
corporations, which can exert pressure on the Indonesian government through formal
and informal channels. Similar cases may also be uncovered from Suharto family's
joint ventures in other developed countries, such as Japan and Germany.

Abusing Suharto's International Position:

In his previous position as President and with it his high profile at the
Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN), the Asia Pacific Economic
Cooperation Forum (APEC), the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) and the Organization of
Islamic Conference (OIC), Suharto actively promoted the business interests of his
extended family and friends. During his February 1997 state visit to Rangoon,
Burma, for example, Suharto took along his eldest daughter Siti Hardiyanti Rukmana
(Tutut) who took the opportunity to sign a Memorandum of Understanding on behalf
of her company Citra Marga Nusaphala Persada with a Burmese state company to build
Burma's first toll road.

Similarly, in early April 1995 Suharto was accompanied on a state visit to the
Central Asian republics of Turkmenistan, Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan by daughter
Titiek Prabowo's business partner Hashim Djojohadikusumo. This trip also yielded
more lucrative business deals for companies connected to the Suharto family.

Suharto's son-in-law, the then rising army star, Prabowo Subianto, was also able
to increase his family fortunes due to his and his father-in-law's overseas
connections. After carrying out unspecificied missions in Burma and Cambodia, the
Cambodian government awarded the young general with a tin mining concession.
Prabowo immediately surveyed the tin mine's potential, which showed promising. He
then handed the tin mine concession over to the Indonesian state mining company,
PT Timah, which was directed by Erry Riyana Hardjapamekas, a friend of Prabowo
from his martial arts circles. Prabowo received a US$ 2 million compensation from
the state tin mining company.

In the mean time, facilitated by the secret missions of her husband, Titiek
Prabowo was able to obtain a large timber concession in Cambodia, which she
managed through a joint venture with a young transportation tycoon in Indonesia,
Jopie Widjaja. While the general's younger brother, Hashim Djojohadikusumo, was
able to form a joint venture with a SLORC-linked company to build a one million
ton cement factory in Burma.

Putting Business Eggs In As Many Overseas Baskets As Possible:

In the second decade of Suharto's power, Suharto relatives and cronies began to
set up overseas-based companies, where they could invest the capital accumulated
domestically. The largest of these companies is the First Pacific Group, which was
set up in Hong Kong by Liem Sioe Liong in 1991 but listed in Liberia. The Suharto
family is represented in this group by Sudwikatmono, Suharto's cousin and half-
brother, who also represents the Suharto family interests in the Salim Group, the
domestic business entreprise of Liem Sioe Liong and the Suharto family.

Later, after the First Pacific Group had evolved into an international
conglomerate, with total assets of US$ 11.38 billion profits after taxation of US$
427.5 million in 1998, the Suharto children themselves began to set up their
overseas business empires in oil and gas marketing (Bambang & Tommy), as well as
toll roads (Tutut).
The most successful among those overseas companies is the Singapore-based Osprey
Maritime Ltd. This oil and gas shipping company is owned by Suharto's second son,
Bambang Trihatmodjo and his partners, who enjoy a 20-years (1986-2006) contract to
ship LNG from Mobil Oil's Arun field in Acheh to South Korea, and an 18-year
(1999-2017) contract to ship LNG from the Bontang field in East Kalimantan to
China, with the option to be extended for 10 years.

This company also has a joint venture with Mobil Oil and the Qatar Emirate to ship
LNG from the Qatar gas fields to Turkey, as well as a series of LNG deliveries
from Australia and Algeria to Boston, and last year began to serve LNG delivery
contracts between Nigeria, Trinidad, Tobago, Puerto Rico and Boston, which has has
led Osprey Maritime to become the 25% supplier of the world's LNG trade. In 1997,
Bambang and his friends could be smiling at an operating profit of US$ 55.8
million.

While Osprey Maritime is probably the most lucrative 'money machine' of the
Suharto kids, their in-laws and not doing bad as well. The most internationalized
conglomerate of them is the Comexindo Group of Hashim Djojohadikusumo, younger
brother of the sacked general Prabowo Subianto. His company focuses on counter-
trade (barter) between commodities from Indonesia with commodities from second and
third countries, with a network which in early 1998 had already spread from
mainland Southeast Asia to the former Soviet republics in Central Asia, Eastern
Europe and Africa.

Immediately after Suharto stepped down, in early June 1998, Hashim set up a new
Comexindo branch in Geneva, Switzerland, funded with 2,8 million Swiss francs
loans from the Geneva branch of Credit Suisse. According to my sources in
Switzerland, this Geneva branch of Comexindo also prepared the Djojohadikusumo and
Suharto businesses in the Middle East, managed out of their Jordan office in
Amman. This Middle East office of Comexindo is currently managed by Hashim's elder
brother, Prabowo Subianto, after he had been sacked from the army on August 24,
1998.

So, while many of the Suharto family businesses are currently been investigated
and taken over by the Indonesian state or by other business interests, their
overseas business empire does not seem to be negatively effected.

Banks in safe havens/money laundering centres:

In addition to those normally operating business enterprises, the Suhartos and

their cronies have also opened their bank branches in 'safe havens' -- also known
as money laundering centers -- in the Caribbean (Bermuda, Cayman Islands, BWI and
the British Virgin Islands) and the South Pacific (Vanuatu, West Samoa, and Cook
Islands), in addition to bank accounts in Geneva, Amsterdam, Hamburg, Singapore,
Hong Kong, Osaka and numerous other places in the world.

Dragon Bank International (DBI) Ltd. in Port Villa, Vanuatu, is owned by Yayasan
Harapan Kita, one of the yayasans which was headed by the late Mrs. Tien Suharto.
This bank was allegedly involved in a scheme to launder billions of US dollars in
mega-projects in Jakarta, Langkawi (Malaysia), and Guangzhou (China). Protests by
foreign banks to which DBI owed millions of dollars forced the Indonesian
authorities to close its Jakarta representative office on June 14, 1996. However,
Ibnu Widoyo, DBI's business partner in Jakarta, was only briefly interrogated by
the police who did not press any charges against this brother-in-law of the
president.

Two years later, during the special session of the People's Consultative Assembly
(MPR) in Jakarta in mid November 1998, where Habibie's presidency was confirmed,
Dragon Bank's name resurfaced among the Jakarta finance community. This time its
Singapore branch was alleged of dumping nearly two billion US dollars in the
Jakarta market to stabilize the US dollar's exhange rate with the Indonesian
rupiah.

Apart from this speculative business, Suharto family-linked financial enterprises

have also stretched their tentacles to Cook Islands and Western Samoa, two well
known tax haven and money laundering centres in the South Pacific. Ms. Rukmana and
Mr. Harjojudanto's Bank Central Asia has opened a branch in Cook Islands (NZ),
while Bambang Trihatmodjo registered his Brighton Ltd. in Western Samoa.

Three cronies of the Suharto family have also set opened their bank branches in
Rorotonga, Cook Islands. These are the Lippo Bank branch and the BDNI branch of
the Gadjah Tunggal Group, both located at the notorious European Pacific Centre on
Tutakimoa Road, and Bank International Indonesia (BII) branch of the Sinar Mas
Group on the Cook Corner.

International Banking Networks:

Foreign banks have also provided an international financial network for the
Suharto family to finance their overseas businesses in several continents. One of
them is MeesPierson NV, a Dutch investment bank which is part of the Fortis Group,
a Dutch-Belgian banking and insurance group through its banking arm, Generale
Bank.

Since the 1990s, its Amsterdam-based subsidiary, MeesPierson Trust BV has helped
several Dutch-based Suharto family-linked companies to mobilize capital from the
European capital market. As my documentary research in the Netherlands has shown,
the companies assisted by MeesPierson include First Pacific Davies International
BV; FPDSavills Nederland BV; Holland Pacific BV; First Pacific Land BV (= Asian
Appetite BV): First Pacific Communications Holding BV; Indorayon International
Finance BV; Tri Polyta Finance BV; Paiton Energy Funding BV; and Satelindo
International Finance BV.

In addition, MeesPierson has also assisted capital mobilization for Suharto

family-linked companies involved in oil palm plantations and palm oil production,
such as PT Inti Indosawit Subur, PT Bakrie Sumatra Plantations and PT London
Sumatra.

What is also interesting of this bank is its Hong Kong and Aotearoa (NZ)
affiliates. As Generale Bank's 1995 annual report shows, one of its affiliates in
Hong Kong is Lowlands Corporate Services Company Ltd. (address:

Unit B, 23-rd Floor, One Capital Place, 18 Luard Road, Hong Kong) with

Aloysius Lin as its manager.

Interestingly, my documentary research in Hong Kong shows that this company

manages Figear Trading Ltd. This company is, in turn, one of the Hong Kong-based
companies used by Tommy Suharto to manage his oil trading and energy businesses.
Figear Trading's secretary was, until January 3, 1997, Lin Siu Chung. It is
unclear whether this is the same person as the 'Aloysius Lin' mentioned in the
Bank Generale 1995 annual report.

If this company is the same as the one used by Generale Bank to run part of its
businesses in Hong Kong, then this Belgian bank (as it had not yet merged with its
Dutch partners at that time) may have been involved in Tommy Suharto's oil trading
businesses in Asia. Why? Because Figear Trading was used by Tommy Suharto to bring
crude oil to Pertamina's Balikpapan refinery in East Kalimantan for refining and
then either sold to Pertamina or traded out through Singapore to the highest
bidder. Tommy's partner in this business was the young Malaysian businessman,
Ananda Krishnan, a protege of Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad.

Next, MeesPierson's affiliate in Aotearoa is Firdaus Abdullah Siddik, the

chairperson of the Indonesia-New Zealand Business Council. He is very well
connected in Jakarta, where his Siddik Group has several joint ventures with Ret.
General Bustanil Arifin, former head of Indonesia's rice procurement agency,
BULOG, whose wife is related to the late Mrs. Tien Suharto. He has a booming
property business in Aotearoa. In 1993, for instance, Siddik sold two alpine
chalets for NZ$ 250,000 each in Queenstown to Suharto's middle daughter, Ms.
Titiek Prabowo.

Another Dutch bank which has a network of Suharto family-linked companies with
stretch from the Netherlands to Aotearoa is ING Bank NV. As my documentary
research in the Dutch Chamber of Commerce shows, through its Nijkerk, Gelderland,
branch, ING Bank NV handles the businesses of the Van Der Horst Group. This group
is owned by Johannes Kotjo and Suharto's middle son, Bambang Trihatmodjo.

ING Bank is involved in AsiaPower Ltd., which was at least until 1998 still the
power generating arm of Brierly Investment Ltd. Its subsidiary, ING Trust
(Nederland) BV, is a a co-shareholder in AsiaPower Wayang Windu BV.

In the mean time, AsiaPower Ltd has a joint venture with Tommy Suharto in Mandala
Nusantara Ltd. This company has in turn a Dutch subsidiary, Mandala Nusantara BV,
in which AsiaPower Ltd is represented by Jason Hollingworth, who originates from
Christchurch and lives now in Wellington. This 35-years old Kiwi is only three
years older than Tommy Suharto, the co-director of Mandala Nusantara BV.

Both companies -- AsiaPower Wayang Windu and Mandala Nusantara -- were set up to
enable AsiaPower Ltd to win the contract to build the Wayang Windu geo-thermal
project in West Java, with Tommy Suharto as their partner and broker. This
strategy worked well, because even after the financial crisis hit Indonesia,
AsiaPower Ltd was still contracted to build the first phase -- 110 MegaWatt -- of
the Wayang Windu geo-thermal power generating plant.

Hiding Suharto Family Interests in Multi-Layered and Multi-Continental

Corporations:

The MeesPierson and ING Bank networks with Suharto family-linked companies in
Aotearoa, are still relatively simple arrangements. During the last five years,
much more complex arrangements have been developed by the business operators of
the Suharto family, to hide their bosses business interests.

To investigate Tommy Suharto's golf course near the Ascot horse racing circuit,
south of London, for instance, one has to peel several layers of companies and be
able to identify the key links with Tommy.

First of all, Tommy Suharto and one of his business partners, Setiawan Djody,
registered a company in the Bahamas, called V Power Corporation. That company was
initially set up to buy into the US automotive industry, and with it Tommy bought
64% shares in Vector Automotive Corporation, which took over Chrysler's shares in
the sports car company, Automobili Lamborghini SPa in Bologna, Italy. But that is
a different story.

V Power Corporation, as it later turned out, has an affiliated company in Hong

Kong, called Avant Ilototo International Ltd. In 1998, these two companies joined
forces to set up a new company, Onslow Developments Ltd., registered in Gibraltar,
the British colony on the southern coast of the Iberian Peninsula, which is the
UK's one of many tax havens. V Power Corporation owns 1,500 ordinary shares and
Avant Ilototo International, 500 ordinary shares.

This Gibraltar-registered company then set up a London-registered company, to

operate the golf course at Ascot. That company is called Lazian Limited, which
appointed two Indonesian, one Singaporean, and one British citizen as directors of
the company. With the exception of the British person, a professional lawyer whose
legal skills were needed to set up the company, the two Indonesian and one
Singaporean directors were also listed as principals of the Gibraltar-based
company.

From the names and the office addresses of the two Indonesian directors, I was
instantly able to recognize one person, whose names have repeatedly been mentioned
as a top executive of Tommy Suharto's Humpuss Group, and has been trusted to
tackle some of Humpuss' overseas ventures into Burma and Iran.

The Kalimanis Group, a much larger network of overseas companies controlled by

Suharto's gulfing buddy, Bob Hasan, has obviously much more layers. Its overseas
network of companies, which focus on forest products -- plywood, paper, pulp --
and insurance for the forestry and oil sectors, has at its core a company called
PT Nusa Ampera Bhakti (Nusamba).

On November 2, 1981, PT Nusamba was founded by Bob Hasan, Sigit Harjojudanto

(Suharto's eldest son), and the managers of Suharto's three top yayasans (Dakab,
Dharmais, and Supersemar), namely Arjo Darmoko, Hedijanto, and Zahid Husein. The
three yayasan managers collectively controlled 80% shares, while Bob Hasan and Mr.
Harjojudanto each controlled 10% shares.

On January 30, 1985, another company was set up by Bob Hasan, called PT Fendiwood
Indah. Its three equal shareholders were PT Nusamba, Bob Hasan personally, and
Achmad Bakrie. This company eventually changed its name into PT Fendi Indah,
without changing its owners.

Then, during 7 years (1991-1997) as chair of the Indonesian Forestry Society

(MPI), Bob Hasan also chaired all MPI-affiliates, which include the Association of
Indonesian Forestry Producers (APHI), the Association of Indonesian Wood Panel
Producers (Apkindo), the Association of Indonesian Furniture Producers (Asmindo),
the Association of Indonesian Concessionaires (APHI) and the Indonesian Sawmillers
Association (ISA). Using his power as the 'boss' of all these organizations, he
set up a number of overseas companies, which he claimed to be the official
marketing companies of Apkindo and Asmindo, so that all Indonesian plywood
companies had to market their products through these 'official' marketing
channels.

These companies include Fendi Wood Pte. Ltd. in Singapore, Plywood Indah (HK) Ltd.
in Hong Kong, Albacette and Indocor in South Korea, Nippindo Co. Ltd. in Osaka
Japan, and PT Kiani USA in the US. In addition, all the more than 100 Apkindo
members were 'strongly encouraged' to use the ships of PT Karana Lines, a company
co-owned by Bob Hasan and the Suharto family, and to insure their freight through
PT Tugu Pratama Indonesia, an insurance company co-owned by the state oil company,
Pertamina, and PT Nusamba.

However, were all those official marketing channels really owned by the
association? That was certainly not the case. The Hong Kong Registrar of
Companies' files show that Plywood Indah (HK) Ltd. is a fifty-fifty joint venture
between PT Fendi Indah and Bob Hasan and, as mentioned before, is managed by
Edward Anwar and the law firm, Wilkinson & Grist. Likewise, the Singaporean
Registrar of Companies and Businesses show that Fendi Wood Pte. Ltd. is a fifty-
fifty joint venture between two original owners of PT Fendi Indah, Bob Hasan and
Achmad Bakrie.

Therefore, one can assume that all other so-called 'Apkindo companies' are
basically co-owned by the Suharto family but managed for the family by Bob Hasan
through PT Nusamba. This includes the Osaka-based Nippindo Co. Ltd., which was
established in October 1988 as a joint venture between Kanmatsu Trading Company
and Apkindo.

Since Bob Hasan's resigned in March 1998 following his appointment as Minister of
Trade and Industry in Suharto's last and short-lived cabinet, and especially after
Suharto's own downfall, MPI members have formed a task force to investigate Bob
Hasan's corruption in the forestry sector. MPI Reformasi, a breakaway reform group
of the old forestry association, has demanded that the timber tycoon return
between two and eight billion US dollars of forestry fees he collected from 1991
to 1997. Unfortunately, nothing has been done by Suharto's successors, while Agus
Miftah, the leader of the MPI Reformasi faction himself has now been coopted by
the Suharto family, and has become the mediator for a number of new political
parties financed by the Suharto family, as mentioned earlier.

In the meantime, the Nusamba-linked forestry companies of Bob Hasan, have

continued their global expansion into the northern and southern hemispheres, with
offices in the US, Canada, the UK, Germany, China, South Korea, Malaysia, Brazil
and Chile, operating under their domestic name, the Kalimanis Group, or the Timber
Trade Federation.

These Nusamba-linked companies are not limited to the forestry sections, since
Nusamba is also a shareholder in the oil marketing joint companies of the Suharto
family in Hong Kong and Singapore, namely Tommy Suharto's Perta Oil Marketing
Company and Bambang Trihatmodjo's Perminda Oil. Also, as mentioned before, Nusamba
is a 35 % shareholder in the insurance company, PT Tugu Pratama Indonesia, with
its subsidiaries in Hong Kong (Tugu Insurance Company (Pensions) Ltd. and TIMS
System Solution Ltd), London (TRB (London) Ltd.), Singapore (Tugu Management
Service), Vietnam and Manila.

Contrary to the anti-corruption demands of the reformasi movement in Indonesia, in

February 1999 the new director of Pertamina renewed the monopoly of PT Tugu
Pratama Indonesia over all oil industry insurance businesses in Indonesia. Which
means that the Tugu Pratama Group can continue to invest Nusamba's billions
overseas through its network.

ASEAN-ization of the Suharto Oligarchy:

Speaking about Tugu Pratama's subsidiaries in Singapore, Manila and Vietnam one
touches on the main overseas business bastions of the Suharto family. Since the
early years of the Suharto presidency, Suharto's main business partner, Liem Sioe
Liong, has began to spread his global business tentacles from Singapore, in
partnership with numerous Singaporean state companies. Liem's examples where
quickly followed by Suharto family members and cronies from the Sino-Indonesian
business community as well as fellow 'bureaucrat capitalists', such as relatives
of former Research & Technology Minister Dr. B.J. Habibie and former Development
Planning Minister Ginanjar Kartasasmita.

From Singapore as one of the world's fastest growing financial centres the Suharto
oligarchy has spread its tentacles to Malaysia, the Philippines, Thailand,
Vietnam, Cambodia and Burma. In fact, the numerous Suharto family interests -- in
addition to the need to increase the number of authoritarian regimes in ASEAN --
did certainly play a role in Suharto's strong support for Burma to be accepted
into ASEAN.

But of all the ten ASEAN countries, the Suharto family has the strongest business
links with the Singaporean and Malaysian political elites, but with a rapidly
growing presence in the Philippines, where Suharto family companies are spread all
over the country, from instant noodles to communication satellites, and from
Mindanao to the marine cable between the Philippines and Guam. The most
outstanding symbol of the Suharto business link with the Philippines is the Metro
Manila Skyway Project, which influenced President Fidel Ramos' opposition to the
first Asia Pacific Conference East Timor (APCET) in Manila in May 1994.

Overseas Links of the Suharto Family's Haj Pilgrimage Aircraft Leasing Business:

During his presidency, Suharto imposed a state monopoly over the haj pilgrimage to
Mecca. All Indonesian pilgrims had to fly with the state airline, Garuda, and the
entire tour was organized by the Department of Religion. It has been estimated by
Muhamad Muas, a former member of the Indonesian Supreme Consultative Council, or
DPA (Dewan Pertimbangan Agung ), that thereby the Suharto family had been able to
add Rp 96 billion to their private fortune. So, he stated quite rightly, that it
was time for Suharto to be made accountable to those funds.

That the Suhartos had enriched themselves from the Indonesian haj pilgrimage
monopoly and that therefore the pilgrimage costs from Indonesia was much higher
than Malaysia, is already wellknown in Indonesia. What is less wellknown is the
fact that Mark Thatcher, the only son of former British Prime Minister, Mark
Thatcher, had also attempted to get his fingers in the pie. After befriending
Tommy Suharto in car racing circles, Mark Thatcher's company, Ameristar, became
interested to provide charter aircraft to transport Indonesian Muslims on the
annual pilgrimage to Mecca. "About three to five million people go to Mecca, and
Garuda does not have enough planes to bring them all," Ameristar's Jakarta
representative said in an interview with a British newspaper in 1994. He added:
"They are negotiating for Mark to supply planes to bring them all, but we haven't
got the answer yet."

It is not clear to me, whether Mark Thatcher eventually got that contract.
However, it has been well-documented, that a proportion of the haj planes were
leased by Garuda from a consortium which includes companies owned by Tommy Suharto
and his brother, Bambang Trihatmodjo, and Ireland-based company. So, it is not
unlikely that Mark Thatcher and Tommy Suharto cooperated in leasing aircrafts to
Garuda for the annual haj pilgrimage.

Drug trafficking:

Ecstacy or XTC (MDMA = 3,4-methyle -endioxy -methamphetamine ), the infamous

Dutch-made synthetic party-drug has found its way via Jakarta to the big cities of
Australia, especially Perth, Melbourne and Sydney, while in Indonesia it has
spread all the way to Bali, North Sumatra and Acheh. It has already caused deaths
among its users in Sydney as well as in Jakarta, where favourite discos such as
the Hard Rock Cafe and the Hai-Lai Discotheque in the Ancol entertainment resort
were its major distribution centres.

Several persons have been taken to court and sentenced for illegally possessing
and carrying this drug, such as Mohamad Said, a Garuda pilot who was sentenced to
15 months jail in Amsterdam for attempting to smuggle 8,000 ecstasy pills to
Jakarta, Zarina, a popular Indonesian artist who was tried in Jakarta, and three
Indonesian students, Nasar Aliando (then 25 years), Iwan Suparman (then 35 years),
and Jose Rizal Paruntu (then 25 years), who were tried in Perth in December 1995
for illegally importing 450 ecstasy tablets.

The latest scapegoat is Lieutenant Agus Isrok, a Kopassus officer and son of
former army chief, Gen. Subagyo HS, who now serves as President Abdurrahman
Wahid's military adviser. However, my sources in Jakarta and several Western media
have pointed their fingers at Suharto's eldest grandson, Ari Haryo Wibowo, also
known as Ari Sigit, as the main person behind this illegal drug traffic in
Indonesia.

Several indications underline that accusation. First of all, during the trial of
the Perth trio, allegedly at the request of Ari Sigit, who had specially flown to
Perth, they benefitted from the best defense council in town. Secondly, the
fathers of two suspects in the Perth case were promoted afterwards. The father of
Jose Rizal Paruntu, Brig. Gen A.P., then military attache in New York, received a
one star promotion and has become the assistant of the Defense Minister for
foreign affairs, since Suharto's last cabinet. The father of Nasar Aliando, R.H.
Sumarno,who was then the customs chief in East Timor, received a promotion in the
Directorate General of Customs.

Thirdly, Zarina, the so-called "ecstasy queen" who was apprehended with 20,000
ecstacy pills, also received a generous reduction in her sentence.

Fourthly, Col. A.B.R., a police officer who had received special drug-busting
training from the FBI and had successfully busted an ecstasy ring in Jakarta last
January and was also involved in Zarina's arrest, has received threatening phone
calls from his superiors in the Police and Army.

Fifthly, the violent attack on the Doulos complex at Cipayung, West Java, on
December 16, 1999 by Muslim vigilantes and soldiers loyal to Suharto's former
armed forces commander, General Wiranto, may not be solely driven by religious
sentiments but may also be seen as an attempt to cover up Indonesia's drug
trafficking network. The reason underlining this argument is that the Doulos
complex did not only host a Protestant seminary, but one of the main and largest
narcotics rehabilitation center in Southeast Asia. In addition, the Doulos complex
was only 2 Km away from the armed forces headquarters in Cilangkap, or a couple of
hundred meters near a minor army barrack. Yet, none of the troops rushed to
protect the seminary cum narcotics rehabiliation center, when it was attacked and
burned down to the ground.

So, if it is indeed true that Ari Sigit or any other member of the Suharto family
has been -- or, worse, still is -- involved in drug trafficking, this multi-
million dollar illegal trade would certainly have contributed -- or, is still
contributing -- substantially to their family coffers.

Using their Own Airline for Smuggling:

While in the previous case, the Indonesian state airline, Garuda, was used to
smuggle ecstasy into the country, a private airline owned by the Suharto family
has allegedly also been involved in smuggling precious goods in and out of
Indonesia. It has been alleged by an email newservice of the Alliance of
Independent Journalists, AJI (Aliansi Jurnalis Independen ) that in 1990 PT Bayu
Indonesia Air (= Bayu Air) was involved in smuggling the Suharto family's gold
bars to Swiss.

The plane involved in that flight was flown by an unnamed Martin Air pilot, but PT
Bayu Air's president director, Soelarto Hadisoemarto himself took part in that
operation. On its return flight to Indonesia, the plane carried a great number of
precious goods which did not go through customs check in Jakarta. As a matter of
fact, PT Bayu Air continued to smuggle precious goods in and out the country
during the following five years, although the gold smuggling operation itself was
only monitored in 1990.

Unlike several other airlines of the Suharto family (e.g. Sempati Air, Mandala and
Gatari Air) this private airline has a lesser known history. According to one
version, this cargo airline company was set up early in Suharto's presidency, to
divert the Lockheed agency for Indonesia away from a rival airline. It created its
first fortune through a presidential directive to the Director General of Air
Communications ordering a 5 % levy on all air cargo flown in and out of Indonesia
to this company, whose main owner is Suharto's eldest son, Sigit Harjojudanto.

In addition, as mentioned earlier, when Suharto began to distribute cattle from

the Tapos ranch to improve cattle stock all over the country, PT Bayu Air was
allowed to transport the cattle with Hercules planes of the Indonesian airforce
(TNI/AU) by covering the airforce logo with the company's logo.

The company's own executive's version is rather different. According to its

president director, Soelarto Hadisoemarto, he founded the company in 1975,
encouraged by Dr. B.J. Habibie, then director of the Indonesian state aircraft
factory, IPTN, to transport aircraft components from Europe. Later, Habibie wanted
to integrate PT Bayu Air into the aircraft company, but the president rejected
that idea. So, the air cargo company began to search for its own customers. He did
not explain, though, how the company obtained its capital and its airplanes to
transport the IPTN components from Europe when it was just founded in 1975.
Nevertheless, PT Bayu Air obviously made good business, since for thirteen years
the Dutch cigar afficianado became the head of the Indonesian National Air
Carriers Association (INACA). In addition to directing his cargo airliner, the
well-connected Hadisoemarto also directed PT Adveco (Aviation Development
Corporation), an aircraft maintenance company plus several restaurants in Jakarta.

Selling the Suharto Overseas Properties 'Below the Table":

After the international uproar over the Suharto wealth, stirred by the May 24,
1999 of Time magazine, attempts to sell some of those properties were intensified
by brokers hired by the family. One of the properties to go was the Lilybank
Station in the Southern Alps of Aotearoa, which was sold by Tommy Suharto to a
Singaporean businessman, L.Y.A. (Alan) Poh for NZ$ 1 (The Press , September 25,
1999; The Foreign Post , Manila, September 30-October 6, 1999).

This seems to be a ridiculous prize, since according to New Zealand company

records, Tommy had paid NZ$ 2.2 million in 1992 for the property, and it was
earlier on put for sale for NZ$ 10 million (Sydney Morning Herald , January 13,
1999).

So, as sometimes happen in business practice, a property can be sold to a close

friend or relative for a ridiculously low price, simply to avoid the original
(and, real) owner from having to pay certain obligations, or to prevent the
property from being seized by a second party. Therefore, if a NZ$ 10 million worth
hunting resort is sold for NZ$ 1 to another businessman, it is most likely that
the original owner -- in this case, Tommy Suharto -- is indeed still the owner.
Or, he had to sell his Southern Alps resort to Alan Poh, simply to pay other debts
to the Singaporean businessman.

WHAT CAN BE DONE?

By misusing his power and employing all those 'carrot and stick' tactics, Suharto
has been able to amass an immense personal fortune for himself, his family, and
his friends, all at the expense of the Indonesian people. TIME Magazine, in its
May 24, 1999 cover story, estimated that the wealth of Suharto's nuclear family
amounts to US$ 15 billion. Personally I believe that that estimate is very much on
the conservative side. Also, that estimate is limited to what Suharto and his six
children own, while in fact the children's conglomerates do include their wives,
husbands, and in-laws. On top of that, the wealth of Suharto's extended family is
also deeply intertwined with the wealth of a significant number of Sino-Indonesian
business families as well as another significant number of 'bureucat capitalist'
families.

So, if we include the entire oligarchy into the picture and considering that
TIME's estimate of the overseas wealth was mainly limited to their overseas
properties and bank accounts, and thereby excluding the corporate assets of their
overseas business groups, such as Sudwikatmono's First Pacific Group, Bambang
Trihatmodjo's Osprey Maritime tanker fleet, and Ms. Rukmana's toll roads, the
illgotten wealth of the entire oligarchy could easily amount to US$ 100 billion.

Now, what can be done in Aotearoa?

First of all, more public discussions need to take place in this country,
especially among political and economic decision-makers, to educate them about the
way the Suharto oligarchy had made their billions and are constantly making more
from their accumulated wealth and productive assets.

Secondly, simultaneously a thorough investigation need to be carried out by the

current government into the ways Suharto family members had been able to purchase
such huge tracts of land, such as Lilybank Lodge, and form joint ventures with
Aotearoa-based companies, such as AsiaPower, without having any prior experience
in power generation. This investigation might reveal several irregularities which
involved Aotearoan officials and companies as well, and might be needed to prevent
future and further abuse of the Aotearoan system.

Thirdly, a thorough investigation need to be carried out in the Cook Islands to

uncover the amount of Indonesian illgotten wealth stacked in those banks. The
first priority in this case is to freeze the accounts at the Cook Islands branch
of Bank Central Asia (BCA), to enable the Aotearoan and Cook Islands authorities
investigate possible accounts of the Suharto family in that branch.

Fourthly, the newly elected government need to decide, which level of the Suharto
oligarchy is the most unwelcome in this country. Should it be limited to immediate
members of the Suharto family, such as Tommy Suharto and Titiek Prabowo, whom seem
to prefer the Southern Alps over the noice and pollution of the big cities? Should
it include Suharto's extended family, such as Sudwikatmono, a co-shareholder of
the First Pacific Group, which subsidiary, FPD Savills, has offices in Wellington
and Auckland? Or, Bustanil Arifin, a further member of Suharto's extended family,
whose wife is related to the late Mrs. Tien Suharto, be made unwelcome in his
luxurious mansion in Queenstown?

Or, should other shareholders of Indonesian conglomerates close to the Suharto

family, such as Liem Sioe Liong, who is indirectly involved in Brierly Investment
Ltd. (BIL) through the Singapore and Malaysian-based Camerlin syndicate, also be
made unwelcome in Aotearoa? And what about other top executives of Indonesian
conglomerates which have benefitted from their close association with the Suharto
family, such as Arif Budiman, who owns some properties in Auckland, or Loka Manyan
Prawiro, or Firdaus Sidik?
This brings us to the basic question in determining the Aotearoan government's
criteria in selecting who is welcome and who is not to invest in Aotearoa: is it
the blood links with Suharto, or is it the degree of collusion in Suharto's
corruption? An individual such as Ret. General Bustanil Arifin, has quite far
blood relations with Suharto, but his role in appropriating the country's wealth
for the Suharto family, especially in transforming the Berdikari Group's ownership
from state to private, was very decisive. Or, an individual such as Liem Sioe
Liong, who has no blood links whatsoever with Suharto, has had a fifty years
business history with the retired general since the days that he was the army
commander of Central Java in the 1950s.

Fifthly, negotiations need to be initiated between the Attorney Generals of both

countries -- Aotearoa and Indonesia -- to synchronize the interrogations of
Suharto by the Indonesian A.G. and the investigations into the Suharto family's
wealth by the Aotearoan A.G. of Wellington and his colleague in Raratonga.

In all those steps, anti-corruption organisations from both countries need to be

involved, since they have been the ones that have kept the concerns alive, such as
CAFCA in Aotearoa and Indonesian Corruption Watch (ICW) in Indonesia. Also, these
inter-NGO links are needed to explore the best ways to return the illgotten wealth
of the Indonesian people to their rightful owners, avoiding another "Berdikari
Group-style" of state-to-private conversions of wealth to be repeated.

Those are some reflections of a perplexed academic, who has made it his calling
and academic exercise to identify the processes through which the Indonesian
people's wealth becoming privatized by a small group of individuals linked to
Indonesia's second president, Suharto. Hopefully, this documentation and
concluding ideas would not make you more perplexed that I am myself, and may lead
to some concrete steps to be taken by this government and its comrade-in-arms
within the NGO community.

'Kia ora, tatou'

Newcastle, March 23, 2000.

Bibliography:

Aditjondro, George J. (1996a). "Suharto family, the Philippines and APEC: the
business connection." Philippines News & Features , December 5.

----------------- (1996b). "Indonesia in business with ex-Muslim freedom

fighters." The Manila Times , December 12-13.

----------------- (1997a). "A poisoned 30-th birthday present for ASEAN: Suharto's
intimate relationships with the Burmese military junta." In Ralph Bachoe & Debbie
Stothard (eds). From consensus to controversy: ASEAN's relationship with Burma's
SLORC. Bangkok: Alternative ASEAN Network on Burma (ALTSEAN-BURMA), pp. 37-47.

----------------- (1997b). "Smoke signals send a warning." Sydney Morning Herald ,

October 1, 1997.

----------------- (1997c). "Myth of ASEAN solidarity." Sydney Morning Herald ,

November 14, 1996.

----------------- (1998). "Crony capitalism, Suharto style." Washington Post ,

January 25.
----------------- (1998b). Dari Soeharto ke Habibie: Guru kencing berdiri, murid
kencing berlari: kedua puncak korupsi, kolusi, dan nepotisme rezim Orde Baru.
Jakarta: Pijar Indonesia & Masyarakat Indonesia untuk Kemanusiaan (MIK).

---------------- (2000). "The political economy of violence in Maluku." Green Left

Weekly , March 15, 2000, p. 18.

AIDEnvironment, Telapak & Contrast Advise (1999). Dutch financial insitutions and
the expansion of Indonesia's oil palm plantations: report for Greenpeace
Netherlands Forest Campaign. Draft. Amsterdam & Bogor: AIDEnvironment, Telapak &
Contrast Advise.

Brighton, Michael (1999). Asian eclipse: exposing the dark side of business in
Asia. Singapore: John Wiley & Sons (Asia) Pte. Ltd.

Brown, Malcolm (ed). Rorting: the great Australian crime. Landsowne Australia Pty.
Ltd.

Brown, Steve & Peter Stuivenberg (1997). Smokkelroutes en witwaspraktiijk: achter

de schermen van de internationale drugsmafia. Rijswijk: Uitgeverij Elmar BV.

Caldwell, Malcolm and Ernst Utrecht (1979). Indonesia: an alternative history.

Sydney: Alternative Publishing C-operative Ltd.

CISI Raya Utama (1991). A study on top 300 national private business groups in
Indonesia, 1991-1992. Jakarta: PT CISI Raya Utama.

Ekloef, Stefan (1999). Indonesian politics in crisis: the long fall of Suharto,
1996-98. Copenhagen: Nordic Institute of Asian Studies (NIAS).

Forrester, Geoff (1999). "A Jakarta diary, May 1998." In Geoff Forrester & R.J.
May (eds). The fall of Soeharto. Singapore: Select Books Pte. Ltd., pp. 24-69.

Friedland, Jonathan & Adam Schwarz (1990). "No mere middlemen: Suharto's son has
high ambitions for Humpuss." Far Eastern Economic Review , August 23, pp. 56-59.

Friedland, Jonathan & Doug Tsurouka (1991). "On the inside track: Malaysian
racecourse developer emerges into the spotlight." Far Eastern Economic Review ,
December 5, pp. 56-61.

Halloran, Paul and Mark Hollingsworth (1995). Thatcher's gold: the life & times of
Mark Thatcher. London: Simon & Schuster.

Harsono, Andreas (1997). "To the Burmese military, Indonesia is a role model." In
Bachoe & Stothard (eds), pp. 55-62.

Hendratmoko, Heru (ed). Journalist slain: the case of Fuad Muhammad Syafruddin.
Jakarta: AJI (Alliance of Independent Journalists), FORUM-ASIA (Asian Forum for
Human Rights and Development) and ISAI (Institute for Free Flow of Information).

Hill, David T. (1994). The press in New Order Indonesia. Asia Paper No. 4. Perth:
University of Western Australia Press & Asia Research Centre on Social, Political
and Economic Change, Murdoch University.

Kahin, Audrey R. and George McT. Kahin (1995). Subversion as foreign policy: the
secret Eisenhower and Dulles debacle in Indonesia. New York: The New Press.
May, Brian (1981). The Indonesian tragedy. Singapore: Graham Brash (Pte.) Ltd.

Mietzer, Marcus (1999). "From Soeharto to Habibie: the Indonesian armed forces and
political Islam during the transition." In Geoff Forrester (ed). Post-Soeharto
Indonesia: Renewal or chaos? Bathurst: Crawford House Publishing, pp. 65-102.

PDBI [Pusat Data Business Indonesia]. Forestry Indonesia. Jakarta: Pusat Data
Business Indonesia (PDBI).

-------- (1997). Conglomeration Indonesia. Three Volumes. Jakarta: PDBI.

------- (1998). Indonesian financial profile. Vol. II, Jakarta: PDBI.

Pour, Julius (1993). Benny Moerdani: profil prajurit negarawan. Jakarta: Yayasan
Kejuangan Panglima Besar Sudirman.

Pura, Raphael (1993). "Hashim emerges in corporate Indonesia: family and political
connections bolster tough expansionary style." The Asian Wall Street Journal ,
February 2.

Ramage, Douglas E. 1995). Politics in Indonesia: democracy, Islam and the ideology
of tolerance. London: Routledge.

Ryter, Loren (1998). "Pemuda Pancasila : the last loyalist free men of Suharto's
order?" Indonesia . No. 66, October. Ithaca: Cornell Modern Indonesia Project, pp.
45-73.

---------- (1999). "The morning after: notes from the field." In Edward Aspinall,
Herbert Feith and Gerry van Klinken (eds). The last days of President Suharto.
Melbourne: Monash Asia Institute, pp. 95-98.

Schwarz, Adam (1994). A nation in waiting: Indonesia in the 1990s. Sydney: Allen &
Unwin.

Shin, Yoon Hwan (1989). Demystifying the capitalist state: political patronage,
bureaucratic interests, and capitalists-in-formation in Soeharto's Indonesia.
Ph.D. thesis at Yale University.

Soetriyono, Eddy (1988). Kisah sukses Liem Sioe Liong. Jakarta: PT Indomedia.

Suwalu, Sulangkang (1999). "Marhaenis gadungan bernama Probosutedjo." SiaR News

Service , February 16, 1999.

Timperlake, Edward and William C, Triplett II (1998). Year of the rat: how Bill
Clinton compromised U.S. security for Chinese cash. Washington, DC: Regnery
Publishishing, Inc.

Verchere, Ian (1978). "Liem Sioe Liong: Suharto's secret agent." Insight , May,
pp. 8-16.

Vriens, Hans (1995). "The grandson also rises." Asia, Inc ., March 1995: 46-51.

Waldman, Peter (1998). "Freeport and the first family." Wall Street Journal ,
September 29.

-------------- and Jay Solomon (1998). "Wasted energy: how US companies and
Suharto's circle electrified Indonesia." Wall Street Journal , December 23.
Wishart, Ian 1996). The paradise conspiracy. Auckland: Howling At The Moon
Productions Ltd.

BRIGJEN EDDI BUDIANTO CALON KASDAM SILIWANGI

INDONews Editors
Sat, 15 Apr 2000 22:05:38 -0700
JAKARTA, (TNI Watch! 15/4/2000). Sesaat seusai pembubaran
Bakorstanas, Panglima TNI Laksamana Widodo AS mengatakan, bagi perwira
yang berpangkat pati dan kolonel, akan menjadi tanggung jawab Panglima
TNI. Janji Panglima tersebut, segera diberlakukan kepada Brigjen TNI
Eddi Budianto, mantan Kepala Sekretariat Bidang Umum Bakorstanas.
Karena Brigjen Eddi Budianto rencananya akan ditempatkan di Bandung,
sebagai Kasdam III/Siliwangi. Jadi Brigjen Eddi bisa bernafas lega,
tak perlu "diparkir" terlalu lama di Mabes TNI.

Brigjen Eddi adalah salah satu perwira terbaik dari generasi baru
TNI. Pendidikannya pun meyakinkan, Sesko-nya ia selesaikan di Amerika
Serikat (Fort Leavonworth, Kansas). Demikian juga dengan bidang
intelijen, yang diperoleh saat mengikuti kursus intelijen di Arizona.
Saat mengikuti pendidikan Seskoad di Amerika, pengiriman Mayor Inf
Eddi Budianto terbilang kasus unik. Karena dia adalah perwira generasi
terakhir dari AD, yang belajar di Amerika, dalam program IMET. Setelah
generasi Mayor Eddi, tidak ada lagi perwira militer Indonesia yang
belajar di sana, sehubungan AS memutuskan program IMET karena kasus
Timor Timur.

Namanya mulai dikenal publik, saat masih berpangkat letkol, ia

diangkat sebagai Komandan Garuda XIV ke Bosnia Herzegovina, dalam misi
UNPROFOR (United Nations Protection Force), pada tahun 1993. Pada
tahun 1996, namanya "muncul" kembali, ketika Kolonel Budi dipercaya
sebagai pembaca "Sapta Marga" pada Hari ABRI ke 51 di Parkir Timur,
Senayan, Jakarta. Saat itu (1996), jabatan sehari-harinya adalah
Danrem 061/Suryakencana, Bogor.

Brigjen Eddi Budianto lahir di Magelang, 21 Oktober 1950. Ia lulus

dari Akabri (Darat) tahun 1974. Setelah lulus Akmil, Eddi bertugas di
Yonif 201/Jaya Yudha selama lima tahun. Dalam kesatuan inilah, Eddi
terjun dalam Operasi Seroja Timtim. Tahun 1985, Eddi mengikuti
pendidikan di Arizona.

Sepulangnya dari Arizona, Eddi bertugas di Satgas Intel Kopkamtib

(1985-1988). Pada tahun 1989, Eddi kembali bertugas di pasukan, saat
menjadi Komandan Yonif 113/Jaya Sakti, Bireun, Aceh. Saat bertugas di
Aceh inilah, ia mengikuti Sesko di Amerika. Tak lama setelah kembali
ke tanah air, Eddi dipercaya sebagai Dan Konga XVI, kontingen yang
berfungsi sebagai military observer.

Seusai dari Bosnia, Eddi kembali bertugas di Jakarta, tepatnya

sebagai Asops Kasgar I/Ibu Kota. Kemudian pada Juli 1995, ia kembali
ke pasukan, dengan menjadi Komandan Brigif 1/Jaya Sakti. Sekitar
setahun kemudian, ia dipindahkan ke Bogor, selaku Danrem setempat.

Selepas menjabat Danrem Bogor, Kol Inf Eddi ditarik ke Bakorstanas,

dengan posisi sebagai Kepala Sekretariat Bidang Umum Bakorstanas, pada
Juni 1998. Dengan jabatan ini, sekaligus Eddi memperoleh promosinya
sebagai Brigjen.

Kalau melihat tahun kelulusan Eddi dari Akmil, yakni tahun 1974,
orang akan mengasosiasikan dirinya dengan Letjen TNI (Purn) Prabowo
Subianto, yang juga lulusan Akmil 1974. Perkiraan itu tidak terlalu
meleset, mereka berdua memang berkawan akrab. Namun pertemanannya
dengan Prabowo, dari segi politik, tidak terlalu mengkhawatirkan,
karena kenyataannya mereka memang teman sejak lama di Akmil.

Justru yang dikhawatirkan dari Eddi, adalah "persahabatannnya" dengan

kalangan non-militer, dalam hal ini adalah dr. Hariman Siregar, mantan
tokoh gerakan mahasiswa, yang kini sedang mencari identitas dan
pijakan baru. Jangan sampai Brigjen Eddi "tertelan" bujuk rayu dari
mulut berbisa Hariman. Meski berteman akrab, diharapkan Eddi bisa
mengambil jarak dengan Hariman, terutama bila Hariman ada gelagat
politicking. Asal tahu saja, soal politicking, Hariman adalah jagonya.
Eddi dan Hariman sudah berteman sejak remaja, sebagai sesama anak
keluarga elite di Jakarta.

Selain itu, Eddi juga lumayan berteman dekat dengan "raja preman" RM
Yapto Suryosumarno, seorang keturunan Yahudi, tokoh Pemuda Pancasila,
ormas pemuda yang kini sudah mulai dilupakan, karena terlalu "jenaka".
Perilaku Yapto dan PP yang sering bikin onar, kini "diteruskan" oleh
anaknya, yaitu RM Sahid Abisholom (Abi).

Demikianlah untuk diperhatikan Brigjen Eddi Budianto, agar

berhati-hati berteman, demi karir anda di masa depan. Kedekatan Eddi
dengan Prabowo, masih bisa ditolerir. Namun masyarakat akan
menyayangkan, bila Eddi terlalu dekat dengan Hariman dan Yapto.
Selamat bertugas Brigjen Eddi Budianto, jangan lupa ambil jarak dengan
Hariman dan Yapto.

Subject: Yorris berencana ledakkan Kalbar & Daftar Cekal Bankir

> >>> Date: Fri, 16 Apr 1999 19:16:30 +0700
> >>>
> >>> Subject: SiaR---YORRYS BERENCANA LEDAKKAN KALBAR
> >>> Date: Fri, 16 Apr 1999 17:39:38 +0700
> >>>
> >>> PONTIANAK (SiaR, 16/4/99), Yorrys dan Yapto berencana
> >>> mengobarkan kerusuhan susulan di Kalimantan Barat. Rencana yang
> >>> disusun
> >>> di sebuah Hotel Bintang 5 di Jakarta itu bocor ke beberapa sejumlah
> >>> pihak dan sampai ke masyarakat Pontianak. Menteri Kehakiman Muladi
> >>> dikabarkan berang setelah mendengar bocoran rencana tersebut.
> >>>
> >>> Setelah sukses membakar Ambon dengan pertikaian antarAgama,
> >>> kali
> >>> ini Ketua Umum Pemuda Pancasila Yorrys Raweyai dan Yapto Suryosumarno
> >>> kembali dapat pesanan dari Cendana untuk mengobok-obok Kalimantan
> >>> Barat.
> >>> Sejumlah sumber Siar di Pontianak menyatakan Yorrs dan Yapto berencana
> >>> mengobarkan konflik etnis antara Madura dengan Melayu-Dayak di kawasan
> >>> Singkawang-Pontianak sebagai kelanjutan kejadian Sambas.
> >>>
> >>> Kesuksesan Yorrys dan Yapto di Ambon diduga karena menggunakan
> >>> operator operator preman Ambon yang kebetulan memang sedang bertikai
> >>> antara kelompok Ongky Pieterz dan Milton Natuawakota yang dikenal
> >>> sebagai kelompok Ambon Kristen melawan kelompok Ambon Muslim di bawah
> >>> pimpinan Ongen Sangaji. Dalam hal Kalbar, Yoris dan Yapto kerap
> >>> mengadakan rapat intensif dengan beberapa tokoh preman dan pejabat
> >>> intelejen asal Bakin.
> >>>
> >>> Pada Jumat (2/4) malam Yorrys dan Yapto beserta petinggi
> >>> intelejen ABRI mengadakan rapat guna mendesign skenario kerusuhan di
> >>> Kalbar. Skenario kali ini disusun setelah konflik etnis tersebut
> >>> ternyata tidak menghasilkan konflik agama dan malah justru mulai
> >>> mereda.
> >>> Menurut sumber SiaR tersebut Tommy dan Sigit Soeharto direncanakan
> >>> terlibat dalam pembiayaan operasi tersebut.
> >>>
> >>> Namun rencana yang akan digulirkan para operator kerusuhan
> >>> tersebut bocor dan didengar Menteri Kehakiman Muladi, yang konon
> >>> segera
> >>> mengontak beberapa tokoh masyarakat asli Kalimantan Barat di Jakarta.
> >>> Muladi dikabarkan geram pada tindakan para operator politik 'Cendana'
> >>> tersebut.
> >>>
> >>> Seorang kepercayaan Muladi, yang mengaku mantan operator Mbak
> >>> Tutut mengaku membocorkan skenario tersebut. Pria yang mantan redaktur
> >>> di dua majalah ibukota itu mengatakan, "Beberapa elit terutama Muladi
> >>> menginginkan Soeharto dan Tommy diadili sebelum Pemilu agar tidak
> >>> terjadi pemberontakan Rakyat." Menurutnya skenario kerusuhan Kalbar
> >>> itu
> >>> akan diledakkan di Pontianak dengan mengarahkan ke konflik Agama.
> >>> Tampaknya "track-record"
> >>> Yorrys dan Yapto makin naik dengan banyaknya paket kerusuhan yang
> >>> dipesan Cendana.***

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

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14-05-07, 08:45 #2
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Capek deh bacanya...

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your signature has been edited by ceritaserux

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17-05-07, 10:42 #4
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wau wau wau.....

mantap banget 1 jam nongkrongin thread
tapi tetep pusing juga........

mungkin intinya kembali ke pribadi masing2 mo ngapain

gitu ngga bro indo??

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17-05-07, 20:16 #5
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kemarin rabu malam, pas lagi macet macet nya long weekend di jalanan, gw ketemu
kijang yg ada stiker '234 SC' di belakang kaca nya , di apit gambar sayap gitu.
langsung deh gw inget ama thread ini (pemilik tuh mobil artinya anggota gang nya
Pemuda Pancasila)

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17-05-07, 22:54 #6
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Cool... gw suka artikel kayak gini....

Belum lebih dari 1 jam gw nongkrongin ni thread...
Berharap semua posting bermutu seperti ini... mengandung wawasan pokoknya..

"It's better ThaN NothiNG."

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17-05-07, 23:41 #7
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mantap bos

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18-05-07, 02:02 #8
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thereadnya kepanjangan kali bos

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Seratus Kancil Di Komando Sang Rusa

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18-05-07, 07:22 #9
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sebenarnya masih banyak lagi sumber informasi underground yg gw yakin pasti

menarik untuk kalian baca, cuma karena (bener kata ceritaseru) takut
kepanjangan,jadi tidak saya post di sini.

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18-05-07, 13:00 #10

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GIlak bneeer...

Capekk deegh.. bacanya 1 jam engga tamat....

Apalagi yang bagian Inggrisna...

But... bagus bangett.. I like it.. cerita2 yang kek gini ..GUe banget gitu loh..

Gpp broo.. post ajah meski panjang gitu... Aq nga terlalalu kecapean koq.. tuk
baca 10 x lebih panjang dari itu...

Karna hal2 yang gituan..dikit banget info nya dan agak ditutup2in gituu...

Go..Go..GO.. bro...

Aq tunggu post berikutnyaaa...

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18-05-07, 14:19 #11

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tadi malem ada d empat mata

klo tak perhatiin acaranya....
malah jadi agak kaku
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18-05-07, 17:50 #12

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ULAH SI ANAK ANGKAT TENTARA

Pengusaha Tommy Winata, punya utang menggunung di dalam negeri.

Tapi ia mampu menyumbang kampanye Bill Clinton.

Awal Februari lalu, dari New York, Amerika Serikat dikabarkan bahwa Tommy
Winata, bos PT Bank Artha Graha (BAG), dari Indonesia, telah memberikan
sumbangan secara ilegal senilai US$200.000 untuk kampanye Presiden AS Bill
Clinton. Padahal, ia sendiri punya utang terhadap Bank Indonesia Rp1,1
trilyun lewat Kredit Likuiditas Bank Indonesia (KLBI).

Ulah anak angkat Jenderal TB Silalahi dan sejumlah jenderal ini, tentu saja
bikin sewot jutaan rakyat yang sekarang sedang hidup morat-marit.

Sebelumnya, ketika merebak kasus pengambilalihan BAG, yang melibatkan kaki

tangan Soeharto Letjen Purn Hedijanto, yang juga menjadi bendahara Yayasan
Dharmais, Tommy sebenarnya sudah dipanggil oleh Jenderal Edi Sudrajat, Ketua
Yayasan Kartika Eka Paksi (YKEP). Tommy mengelak bahwa ia telah merugikan
dan mencemarkan nama baik YKEP. Sebagai jaminan agar para Jenderal tidak
marah, Tommy akhirnya menyerahkan 49 persen saham BAG kepada YKEP.

Kini, setelah mendapat backing dari TNI, Tommy leluasa bergerak dalam
bisnis. Termasuk bisnis kotor, yang hasilnya untuk tambahan kampanye calon
presiden Amerika Serikat. Soal sumbangan ke Bill Clinton sendiri, itu
dibeberkan oleh tokoh penghimpun dana kampanye Charlie Trie, kepada Biro
Penyelidik Federal (FBI) AS.

Disebutkan oleh Charlie, bahwa sebagian dari donasi ilegal yang diberikan
kepada Partai Demokrat (partainya Clinton) adalah berasal dari pengusaha di
bidang telekomunikasi Indonesia ini. Sebagai kompensasi sumbangan tersebut,
Tommy disebutkan kebelet bertemu secara pribadi dengan Clinton. Namun,
sampai dananya habis dipakai presiden AS itu, Tommy jangankan ngobrol akrab
dengan Bill Clinton. Kabarnya, masuk ke Gedung Putih saja susahnya bukan main.
Menurut Trie dalam laporan ringkas FBI sepanjang 47 halaman, disebutkan,
Tommy mengirim uang tersebut dalam bentuk travelers check kepada Trie, pada
waktu yang bersamaan ia juga harus mengajukan permohonan untuk bertemu
dengan Clinton secara pribadi.

Trie juga menambahkan, ia bertemu Tommy pada waktu pertemuan APEC

(Asian-Pacific Economic Cooperation) di Seattle, 1994. Tommy, waktu itu,
mengaku sebagai teman dekat Presiden Soeharto, penguasa Orde Baru.

"Winata menginginkan Trie memperkenalkan ia dan beberapa orang lainnya

kepada Presiden (Clinton)," demikian FBI.

Trie mengaku, ia awalnya memang menjamin menempatkan Tommy di sebelah

Presiden Clinton pada acara penggalangan dana di Hay-Adams. Namun, ternyata
Tommy kepengin lebih lagi, yaitu "pertemuan yang lebih pribadi". Ia mengaku
akan mengirimkan beberapa pembantunya sebagai gantinya, apabila ia
berhalangan pada acara penghimpunan dana tersebut. sebuah cabang bank di
Watergate di mana ia tinggal.

Trie kepada FBI juga mengaku, ia menggunakan identifikasi palsu untuk

seorang pengusaha kaya Taiwan, agar dapat membawa Tommy ke Gedung Putih.
Identitas palsu itu berupa Surat Izin Mengemudi (SIM) Arkansas milik suami
sekretaris Trie. Tommy sendiri waktu itu mengaku bernama Chih Chong "Simon"
Chien.

Ia bahkan sempat dibawa ke acara makan malam di Gedung Putih, setelah

skandal penghimpunan dana kampanye dari pihak-pihak asing ini terkuak ke
publik, menyusul Pemilu 1996. Demi bisnisnya di negeri adikuasa, Tommy
memang menggadaikan hartanya untuk kepentingan yang lebih besar lagi. Selain
pengutang di BI, Tommy juga merupakan salah satu obligor dari Badan
Penyehatan Perbankan Nasional (BPPN). Namun, ia tidak termasuk 20 obligor
terbesar di Indonesia yang kreditnya macet tersebut. Ia sendiri mengakui
kepada sesama temannya pengusaha Cina, pernah menjadi sorotan awal tahun
lalu, berkaitan dengan dugaan pengalihan kepemilikan PT Bank Artha Prima
(BAP) yang memakai fasilitas kredit likuiditas Bank Indonesia yang diterimanya.

Waktu itu, gara-gara Tommy Winata, Tim Jaksa Pemeriksa Kejaksaan Agung
sampai meminta keterangan mantan Gubernur Bank Indonesia (1993-1998) J.
Soedradjad Djiwandono (60), yang dinilai mengetahui soal penggunaan
fasilitas yang diduga menimbulkan kerugian keuangan negara tersebut.
Menyangkut persoalan Bank Arta Prima (BAP) secara proporsional, Tommy memang
dingin. Baginya, siapapun yang dipercayakan BI mengambil alih BAP, yang ia
inginkan adalah bisa dipercaya dan bisa mengatasi kesulitan keuangan BAP.

Pada kasus BAP, memang terungkap adanya kesimpang siuran soal siapa
sebenarnya yang menjadi pemilik resmi BAP. Masalahnya, BAP sudah dijual ke
PT Jagata Primabumi, tetapi kemudian BAP dikembalikan lagi oleh PT Jagata ke
BI. Kemudian Bank Indonesia menunjuk Tommy Winata dari Bank Arta Graha
sebagai investor baru BAP, sementara utang-utang BAP yang lama harus
ditalangi PT Kosgoro yang menjual bank tersebut ke PT Jagata Prima.

Bambang W Soeharto, Ketua Kosgoro, menjelaskan agar dibedakan antara Kosgoro

sebagai salah satu Ormas dan PT Kosgoro. Kosgoro sebagai Ormas tidak
mempunyai lingkup sebagai suatu perusahaan. Namun Kosgoro memang memiliki
unit usaha seperti koperasi dengan PT Kosgoro.

"Tetapi secara hukum unit usaha itu adalah badan hukum yang berdiri sendiri
dan memiliki hak otonom melaksanakan misi ekonominya," ujar Bambang.
PT Kosgoro juga pemilik PT Gunung Agung dengan saham mayoritas. Sementara PT
Gunung Agung memiliki BAP sebagai salah satu anak perusahaannya. "Dengan
demikian, yang terjadi di BAP tidak ada sangkut paut secara formal
legalistik dengan Kosgoro sebagai organisasi kemasyarakatan," ujar Bambang.

Namun demikian, Kosgoro akan menunjukkan rasa solidaritas terhadap PT

Kosgoro kalau terjadi sesuatu dengan mereka. Dia tidak menjelaskan secara
rinci apa yang dia maksudkan dengan rasa solidaritas itu.

Yang jelas, kata Bambang, Kosgoro sebagai Ormas, memiliki sikap mengenai
BAP, agar penanganan kasus Bank Arta Prima dipercayakan kepada Bank
Indonesia, agar diselesaikan sampai tuntas. "Dengan cara itu kepentingan
nasabah bisa dilindungi," ujarnya.

Anggota Komnas HAM ini memang bermaksud mengingatkan Tommy Winata, agar
hati-hati saja

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

JANGAN LUPA KLIK TOMBOL �THANKS� nya INDOROIDS

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wew...
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kk indoroids hebat banget

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