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Germany is a land of immigrants, but for decades it has shunned that classification. Germany is a
reluctant land of immigration, yet one of the top destinations for immigrants. The menschen
mit Migrationshintergrund (people with a migratory backgroundimmigrants) make up around
twenty percent of Germanys population, including vie million native born second and third
generation individuals. Around one-fourth of these foreign national residents are of Turkish
origin. Fifty-five percent are from Central and Eastern Europe (Kim 2009).
The history of modern immigration to Germany is that of wartime adjustment. Between 1945
and 1949, 11.6 million refugees arrived in Germany. Between 1949 and 1961, 3.5 million
individuals crossed the East/West border to settle in Western Germany. By the time the Berlin
Wall went up in 1961, West Germany was faced with a scarcity of labor in certain sectors of the
economy. Labor recruitment agreements were signed with various nations, starting with Italy in
1955 and continuing with Greece, Spain, Turkey, Morocco, Portugal, Tunisia and Yugoslavia
between 1960 and 1968. Fourteen million migrants came into West Germany between 1961 and
1973, 11 million of whom eventually left; by 1989, the number of foreign residents in the
Federal Republic of Germany had risen to almost 4.9 million individuals (Card 2007).
Initially, that these immigrants would reside permanently in Germany was not taken into
account. However, by the mid-1970s, many immigrants began to stay in Germany after their
labor contracts ended. German politicians began offering Turkish guest workers 10,000 marks as
an incentive to go home, but the number of takers on this offer was disappointing (Steinborn
2011). The immigration law, unchanged since 1913, was finally formed in 2000. The jus soli
concept of citizenship was extended to the children of immigrants born in Germany. The sojourn
time for adult foreigners was decreased from fifteen to seven years, but a language test was
added. Furthermore, a green card initiative to make employment of high-qualified foreign IT
skilled workers was added (Card 2007).
Immigrants have contributed immensely to Germanys miracle economic growth post-WWII.
Immigrants have a high net contribution the pension system, and although they also place a
burden on this system, the longer they stay in Germany, the less of a burden they place (due to
years worth of paying into the system). Economic analysis estimates that the miracle economic
growth of the 1960s and the 1970s would not have been possible at the same pace as without
guest workers. The GNP in 1992, for instance, was 6% higher with the contribution of
immigrants, and the GNP growth rate with immigrants was 3.5% (versus 2.0% without
immigrants). In addition, immigrants create jobs. 1.4 million immigrants were employed in 1992,
and 90,000 jobs were created. The unemployment rate would have been 0.2% higher in 1992
without immigration (Card 2007, Kerr 2008).
Despite their positive impact on the economy, immigrants have been criticized in Germany for
many of the same reason they are criticized in the United States. Some concerns include the
burden immigrants place on the pension system due to their higher population growth rate. Other
concerns include immigrants taking native Germans jobs and depressing wages. Based on data
from 1975 to 1997, a ten percent increase in the share of immigrants in the workforce lowered
wages by less than one percent and did not increase unemployment. In addition, it may not be
true that immigrants are substitutes for German workers due to immigrants lower education and
experience levels (Bonin 2005). Nearly half of foreign migrant workers are employed in labor-
intensive and low-wage industriesjobs that native Germans may not desire because they have
higher education levels that allow them to secure high-paying, high-skill jobs (Kim 2008).
Immigration is a reality for individuals who live in developed countries, as much as it is a reality
for individuals who migrate from less developed nations. Even in nations that embrace
multiculturalism, such as the United States, anti-immigrant sentiment exists. While this
sentiment may not be in the form of explicit racial epithets or discriminatory language, it is often
shrouded in false economic and social arguments. In Germany, the language used to discuss
immigration is quite distinct in that it clearly demarcates between ethnic Germans and aliens.
For instance, auslandiche Mitburger refers to foreign co-citizens and Jugend mit
Migrationshintergrund is the term for youth of migrant background. German citizens of
foreign descent are referred to as Deutsche auslandisher Herkunft. These vocabulary terms
protects the cultural integrity of German national identity while claiming to allow various
ethnic groups full citizen rights (Baban 2006). This us vs. them language is also prevalent in
the United States, emphasizing that immigration is still a contested issue in the so-called mixed
salad.
Question:
Choosing a college major is an important decision that has long-term impacts on an individual,
especially with regards to career trajectory and future income. This decision is therefore an
economic one: each major must be scrutinized through a cost-benefit analysis. There are a
variety of factors that influence a students decision to major in a particular subject. These may
include projected future earnings, degree of prestige, personal interests, academic strengths, and
the desired amount of time spent in higher education. Other factors, related to identity, may also
explain students choice of majorethnic identity, gender, and citizenship status. The field of
identity economics is still newly burgeoning, and I aim to align my research topic within this sub
field.
I will investigate the impact of ethnic and immigrant identity on college students choice of
major in Germany. I am primarily interested in how ethnic identity and immigrant status affects
student decisions; however, college major is inextricably tied to other factors, such as gender and
socioeconomic background. I will attempt to find a correlation between students ethnic
connectivity and their decision to major in STEM (Science, Technology, Engineering, Math). An
inability to find a strong correlation will indicate that other factors may be more important in
determining this economic decision.
Identity explains behavior that seems detrimental to economic success, as identity creates
externalities, affects payoffs, changes preferences, and contains consequences for economic
well-being (Casey 2010). Identity can be viewed as both an externality (for both the individuals
and third parties), as well as a choice that may or may not be proscribedindividuals who have
no physical characteristics outside of the norm may be able to construct their own identities,
while individuals who are marked outsiders may have their identities predefined by society
(Akerlof 2000). Theories of ethnic identity and its relation to economics posit that ethnic identity
can be thought of as a bipolar linear model, where strong ethnic identity implies a weak sense of
majority, and the more an individual commits to and feels for one country, the less he/she
commits to and feels for the other country (Casey 2010 , Constant 2008). In addition, identity
may force individuals to trade off economic gain for social reassurance (Pendakur).
Identity is clearly related to economic outcomes, yet identity is rarely discussed in traditional
economic textbooks. Evidence from Germany and the United States demonstrates that ethnic
identity can impact economic outcome, even for generations after the initial immigrant cohort. In
the United States, for instance, the children of better-educated immigrants tend to be better
educated, earn higher wages, and are more likely to marry outside of their fathers ethnic group
(Card 2007). One poignant example of this trend is the gap in achievement between the children
of East Asian and Latin American immigrants: the former group tends to be well-educated and
have positions in high-paying STEM-fields, while the latter group tends to cluster in low-wage,
unskilled labor.
In Germany, there are marked differences in the economic outcomes of the initial immigrant
cohort, the first generation, and the second generation. In the initial immigrant/first generation
group, no significant relationship exists between possessing a strong German identity and
economic outcome. For females in this group, however, a stronger German identity correlates to
slightly higher employment prospects. In the second generation, the only statistically significant
relationship exists between males, a strong ethnic identity, and employment: higher levels of
ethnic identity correlate to higher employment prospects. This could be attributed to secondgeneration males drawing upon ethnicity-based networks for career prospects, especially given
that self-employment and entrepreneurship among ethnic minorities in Germany is on the rise
(Casey 2010, Volker 1976). Ethnic minorities need not be viewed as a monolithic entity:
economic prospects vary between different ethnic groups. In Germany, for instance, secondgeneration male Greeks and Yugoslavs find their economic outcomes to be a significant
improvement from previous generations, while second-generation male Italians, Central/Eastern
Europeans, and Turks find that their economic outcomes are worsening. For women, only
second-generation Yugoslavs and Greeks find their economic outcomes improving (Algan 2000).
College major fits in with the general topic of identity in that the choice of a major can represent
a radical departure from the norm or solidify expectations. A college major may signal that an
individual is attempting to break free of the conventional, or may be a continuation of a pattern
that is entrenched in a familys history. In terms of ethnic identity, choosing a prestigious college
major, one with a high expected rate of return, may be a mechanism for integration or even
assimilation. Due to xenophobia and an ethnically-based definition of nationalism, Germans with
hyphenated identities may be better assimilated than their parents [but] less well-integrated
(Shaeffer 2014). A college major that is viewed as contributing to society may help with
integration efforts. In the United States, for instance, Asians are statistically overrepresented in
engineering and science fields, while immigrants tend to choose business and technical fields,
emphasizing how minorities may choose college majors based on the subjective notion of what
constitutes contributing to society (Ma 2009).
College majors also impact identity in that a college major affects placement on the social
ladder and movement along the social ladder (Woniak 2008). Students from socioeconomically
disadvantaged families may favor majors that are relatively risk-averse, such as those in STEM,
because they tend to have a high rate of return and may help them move up the social ladder.
Students from socioeconomically well-off families may also be pressured by parents
expectations to take a relatively risk averse course as well, to avoid downward mobility.
However, an interesting trend is that of students from socioeconomically well-off families
choosing to major in the liberal arts/humanities, possibly because they can choose to enter fields
with significantly less expected earnings. (Ma 2009). Socioeconomic status, when combined
with ethnicity, may present a more robust picture of ethnic minorities choice of college major,
since ethnic minorities in Germany typically have higher unemployment rates and lower salaries
(Kim 2008).
Ethnic identity and socioeconomic status are not the only factors that go into making a decision
about college major. Expected earnings are a key factor, more statistically significant for men
than women; perceived probability of success is another, lesser discussed determinant. Students
who major in the liberal arts or education perceive their probability of success in science fields to
be less than it actually is statistically. For females, the perceived probability of success in
education is greatest (Montmarquette 2002). Gender is another important factor. Male
concentration in technical fields is greater than female concentration by a factor of three while
females lead in life, health, the social sciences, and education (Ma 2009).
To my knowledge, a study that investigates all these factors simultaneously does not exist; I will
attempt to collect data that will allow me to look into how all of these factors affect students
college major decisions.
Cultural Sensitivity:
My biggest bias coming into this project is that I come from a very open personal and family
culture where anything can be discussed openly, which is something that is not true for the
United States as a whole and most likely not Germany. Issues relating to identity and culture are
still difficult to talk about freely, and I will be trying to get opinions that are honest as possible.
This is why my survey responses will be anonymous, and interviewees names will be changed
and opinions will never be able to be traced back to a single individual.
My other biases include my position as a minority majoring in economics. As a woman, and an
Arab-American, I am in the minority in my major, which presents unique challenges. In society
as a whole, I am more inclined to believe that my minority status creates complex challenges, as
well. Therefore, I am more sympathetic to the issues and struggles of minorities, which is a bias
that I need to keep in check as I am interviewing and surveying non-minorities as well.
I hypothesize that ethnic and immigrant identity is tied to choice of college major in that the
children of immigrants choose majors that are considered prestigious or valuable by society in
order to better integrate and to demonstrate that they are committed to contributing to society. I
believe that this trend will be apparent in both the children of immigrants to the United States
and Germany.
Daily Schedule:
Before DepartureSeattle:
-Research reading: Already complete (have read around 30 sources related to topic; see reference
section)
-Week nine/ten: Survey high school seniors (completed); start analyzing data
Berlin:
-Wednesday, June 17: Talk to professors, students at Humboldt, assess best way to go about
interviewing/surveying
-Action plan: interview/survey students on days when we have class at Humboldt, on one of the
free days if necessary
-Can also interview students we meet in hostel from other universities in Germany and/or high
school seniors (final two years of Gymnasium)
-Key people: professors in economics departments, Career Center
-Make sure to survey/interview students in a variety of departments
Equipment: Notebook, pens, copies of survey, iPhone (to record interviews if necessary), printer,
computer
Survey Questions
1) Are you a citizen of the United States? Y
N
2) Did you immigrate to the United States? Y
N
3) Gender:
Male
Female
4) How would you ethically identify yourself?
White
African-American
Asian-American
Native American or Pacific Islander
Hispanic/Latino
Other: _________________________
Y
Y
N
N
N
N
Asian-American
Native American or Pacific Islander
Hispanic/Latino
Other: _________________________
How strong is Parent 2s connection to their ethnic heritage?
*slider scale*
11) What are the three most important factors that are a part of your decision to major in what
you are currently are thinking of majoring in?
Expected future income
Parental influence/expectations
Interest in subject
Career prospects
Opportunity to be creative
Exploring an unfamiliar subject
Flexibility (due to desire to have a family)
Other: ____________________________________
12) How likely is it that you will major in:
STEM (Science, Technology, Engineering, Math):
*slider scale*
13) What are the top three majors you are considering?
1)
2)
3)
14) Where does your familys income fall roughly?
<$23,000
$23,000-$50,000
$50,000-$75,000
>$100,000
$75,000-$100,000