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Культура Документы
Ali S. Asani
with a foreword by
Annemarie Schimmel
Publication of
Harvard Center for Middle Eastern Studies
1991
and in memoriam
Ils~
Lichtenstadter (1901-1991)
CONTENTS
Foreword
Preface
Acknowledgments
Author's Note
Note on Transliteration Scheme
INTRODUCTION
Notes
PART ONE
1. THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE BOJH NIRANJAN
Background
The Ismaili Origin of the Bujb Niraiijan
Reconsidered
Internal Evidence of Authorship
The Multan Manuscript and
Bijapur Fragments
The Alleged Rivalry between the
QadirI Order and the Ismailis
The Sufi Origin of the Bujb Niraiijan
Notes'
2. SCRIPTS
The Perso-Arabic Script
The Khojki Script
Origin and Background
Khojki in Modern Times: Uniformity
and Demise
Inadequacies of the Khojki Script
The Vowel System
The Consonant System
Orthography
~~
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3
12
19
19
24
24
29
31
34
42
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48
51
51
55
58
60
62
M
68
69
70
73
76
76
76
79
80
81
83
~
K=4
Siglum: K = 5
Printed Editions
The Multan Manuscript
The Major Types of Corruption in
the Ismaili Texts
Misreading of the Perso-Arabic Script
Misreading of Sufi Technical Terms
of Arabic or Persian Origin
Influence of the Gujarati Language
Substitution of Words by Synonyms
Influence of the Khojki Script
Substitution between Pairs of Letters
Inversion of Order of Words
Changes in the Internal V owelling
of Words
Changes Resulting from Attempts to
Give Lines a New Interpretation
Notes
4. PROSODY
Syllable Length
Meter and Verse Forms in the B-ajb Nirafijan
Caupar
Dohrah (doba)
Soratha
Tek (refrain)
Notes
PART TWO
5. OBSERVATIONS ON THE CRITICAL EDITION
The Text of the Bujb Nirafijan
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217
Foreword
Despite the voluminous learned bibliographical work on
Ismaili literature by Ismail Poonawala, precious little is known
among Islamologists about the development of Ismaili poetry
in the Indo-Pakistani subcontinent. The texts of the so-called
ginans, the sacred songs of the Ismailis of the subcontinent,
have been used in the community for a long time, and depending upon the language of the participants in the devotional
services, they are preserved in Sindhi, Panjabi, Gujarati, and
mixed linguistic forms. As they were mostly written down in
the so-called Khojki script, these texts were not accessible to
non-Ismailis. Nowadays, after thousands of Ismailis have
settled in East Africa and the western hemisphere, the largely
obsolete script makes it difficult for the younger generations of
the community to read or understand the original or at least
the traditional texts. Furthermore, the printing process, by
which most of the texts are now published (mainly in Gujarati
script and Latin transliteration), has led to attempts at standardizing the language and, sometimes, the symbolism to make
the sacred songs easier to understand.
The ginans are generally accepted as works of the great
Ismaili daCfs, the preachers who, in the later Middle Ages,
spread the Ismaili teachings in western India, the Indus Valley
and Gujarat. After the fall of the Ismaili state of Alamut
(Iran) in 1256, Ismailism continued often as part of the Sufi
tradition and was thus able to perpetuate the esoteric teaching
of the community without being attacked by the Sunni majority
of the eastern Islamic lands. It is therefore natural that
exchanges between Sufi and Ismaili ideas, concepts, and symbols should have taken place, both groups learning, as it were,
from each other. Some central concepts of both Ismaili and
Sufi teaching, such as the deep veneration of the imam on the
one hand, and of the mystical leader, plr or shaykb, on the
other hand, facilitated such "spiritual osmosis," which much of
the Indo-Muslim literature in regional languages reveals on
closer inspection.
xi
xii
Preface
This study, a revised version of my Ph.D. dissertation
submitted to Harvard University, pertains to a little-explored
area of Indo-Muslim literature. While there are some critical
editions of works in Arabic andPersian originating from the
"high" Sufi tradition of the subcontinent, studies of vernacular
literature originating from the "low" Sufi tradition have been
relatively scarce. And yet vernacular Sufi literature, by blending Sufi terminology and concepts with. indigenous literary
forms and imagery, was the most important agency through
which Islamic precepts were diffused into the subcontinent's
Muslim and non-Muslim population. This study focuses on a
hitherto unexamined poem from the vernacular Sufi tradition:
the Bujh Niraiijan. The poem, an anonymous, seventeenthcentury Hindustani composition from the QadirI Sufi order, is
of significance.to the history of Indo-Muslim literature on two
counts. First, while longer Sufi poems in Hindi:Hindustani:
Urdu from this period are romantic, mystical poems of an allegorical nature, the Bujh Niranjan is a theoretical and didactic
composition, a form rarely seen. Second, the Bujb Niranjan is
the first known example oian Indian Sufi text from thevernacular tradition adopted into the ginan literature of the Ismaili
community of Indo-Pakistan. The work is in two parts. Part 1
discusses the origin and background of the poem- the peculiarities and problems of the scripts in which the various texts of
the poem are preserved (especially the Perso-Arabic and
Khojki scripts)" the extant versions and texts of the poem, and
the poem's prosodial aspects. Part 2 presents a critical edition
of the poem based on texts in the Perso-Arabic"Kbojki, and
Gujaratiscripts. The edited text, which is in transliteration, is
accompanied by a prose translation. In sum, this study,
through this important example in the vernacular, not only
enhances our understanding of Sufi poetry but also offers
methodology that may be employed to approach other similar
works in the tradition.
xiii
Acknowledgments
First and foremost I would like to express my gratitude to
His Highness the Aga Khan for the most generous grants from
his personal scholarship fund, which have supported my program of studies at Harvard and funded the necessary research
for the dissertation on which this book is based. Without His
Highness's strong commitment and interest, the dissertation
would not have been possible. My parents, brothers, and sister
have also been constant and unfailing sources of encouragement and support. In particular, I have been profoundly
touched by the self-sacrifice my parents have shown.
Among the faculty at Harvard, I am most indebted to
Professor Annemarie Schimmel. She is not only an outstanding scholar but also an exemplary teacher, and were it not for
her constant guidance, inspiration, and counsel at every stage,
this work would have been infinitely difficult to complete.
Professor William Graham, a wonderfully supportive teacher,
colleague, and friend, has been instrumental in facilitating the
publication of this study. I am also grateful to Professors
Wheeler Thackston, Diana Eck, and Brian Silver (now with the
Voice of America, Urdu service), each of whom gave freely of
their time and offered suggestions and valuable assistance.
Professors Peter Gaeffke of the University of Pennsylvania
and Christopher Shackle of the University of London went
through the initial draft of the text and the translation of the
Bujh Niraiijan and gave much-appreciated advice on several
problems related to the text and to methodology.
lowe a substantial debt to many people in the subcontinent for the hospitality and cooperation extended to me during
my dissertation research trip in 1981. In Pakistan, I would like
to thank the president, members, and staff of the then Ismailia
Association for Pakistan, in particular Mr. Hoosein Khanmohamed, Mr. Hashim Moledina, Mr. Mohamed Bacchal, and
Mr. Nurdin Bakhsh. I acknowledge the valuable assistance
given by Mr. Mumtaz Ali Tajddin Sadik Ali, who also supplied
me with. copies of some of the manuscripts used in this study.
My relatives in Karachi, especially the late Mrs. Shahanshah
xv
Jindani, her husband Abdulmalik, arid Mr. Sadrudin G. Bandeali, were most kind during my stay in that country. In India, I
thank the president and members of the staff of the then
Ismailia Association for India for their warm welcome and
kindness. Mr. Chottu Lakhani of Bombay, in particular,
assisted me beyond the call of duty and "adopted" me into his
charming family.,
I am conscious of my debt to many friends and colleagues
for their support, but I can mention only a few names. Pro"'
fessor SadruP. Kabani and Dr. Susan Plourde, Professor Janet
Levine of Baruch, Professor Wayne Eastman of Rutgers, Dr.
Ludwig Weber, Dr. Brian Fallon, Mr. Mahmud Sayani, and the
Damji family of Boston have all helped in one form or another.
I am also indebted to several of my friends on the staff of
Harvard College Library, in particular Ms. Carol Alexander,
Ms. Thelma Suarez, Ms. Barbara Dames, Ms. Stase Cibas, and
Ms. Pam Rowe for'their sympathy, warmth, and friendship,
which sustained me during the various ups and downs of this
work. Special thanks to Mr.Michael Currier for helping in
ways he knows best.
I acknowledge with much appreciation the efforts and
support of Ms. Carol Cross of Harvard's Department of Near
Eastern Languages and Civilizations in the preparation of the
camera-ready copy of a difficult and demanding text.
Last but riot least, I wish to express many, many thanks to
my dear friend Dr. Joel Brenner, who carefully read the first
draft of the original dissertation, helped me with eccentricities
of the English language, and suggested several improvements.
xvi
Author's Note
In 1984 when the Ph.D. dissertation on which this book is
based was submitted to Harvard University, several members
of the Ismaili community expressed concern about the implications of my scholarship. For the first time, a text from the community's religious literature, the ginans, had been critically
edited using manuscript sources. By suggesting that the Bujh
Niraftjan may not have been composed by an Ismaili pIr
(preacher-saint), specifically PIr Sadr ad-DIn, as is commonly
believed in the community, I had challenged not only the
Ismaili origin of the work but also, it seemed to some, its
legitimacy as a part of the ginan literature~ The corpus of
devotional poems (ginans) that constitute this literature dominates and permeates every aspect of the community's religious
life. Indeed, as I have discussed elsewhere,1 in many respects
the ginans playa "scriptural" role for the Ismailis of the Indian
subcontinent. They are the focus of intense veneration within
the community. For those who revere them, they are the
embodiment of the faith: the substantiation of the truth of the
faith as preached by the pIrs, the preacher-saints who are
believed to have composed them .. From the point of view of
the faithful, the legitimacy of the ginans as hymns appropriate
for the religious edification of the Ismailis is based on one
single factor, namely, their authorship by the Ismaili pIrs. Not
surprisingly, everyone of these poems end's with a verse or
verses identifying the composer. These authorship verses
impress on the individual ginans the seal of authority and credence. 2 Clearly, my investigations into the authorship of a
l"The Ismaili Ginans as Devotional Literature," Devotional Literature
in South Asia: Current Research 1985-8, ed. R. S. McGregor (CambrIdge:
Cambridge University Press, forthcoming 1992),101-112.
2Interestingly enough, several compositions attributed to individuals
who technically did not have the "official" status of pIr, namely the so-called
"unauthorized" pm, are commonly accepted as part of the ginan literature.
Examples of "unauthorized" pirs include Imam Shah (d. 1513) and Nar
Mul.tammad Shah (d. c. 1534), the pivotal figures of a sixteenth-century
schismatic group, the Imam-ShaMs, and the sayyids who disseminated
religious teaching within Ismaili communities in the eighteenth and
nineteenth centuries.
xvii
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xix
INTRODUCTION
When that powerful love surges from the heart,
Mother, father, all [other] love is forgotten.
[Even] t4e woma.n of that house is forgotten;
What [place then] remains for both mother-in-law
and sister-in-law?
This simple but eloquent quatrain, describing the transforming effects of divine love on the personality of the mysticlover, belongs to the Bujh Niraftjan, an important poem from
the ginan literature of the Ismaili community of Indo-Pakistan.
According to community tradition, the approximately 800
ginans, or religious poems, which constitute this literature,
were composed by IsmailidaCfs (missionaries) between the
thirteenth and early twentieth centuries. The principal purpose of these poems was to provide religious instruction to new
conVerts from the Hindu: tradItion to Islam in its specifically
Ismaili form. 1
The strong mystical and spiritual temperament of the work
has made the Bujb Niraftjan a very popular ginan within the
community. Selections from it are recited almost daily before
the early morning zikr or meditation service held in the
jama'1it kbanah (house of congregation). Since the zikr among
the Ismailis is a silent one (Zikr-i khafr), the recitation of verses
from a mystical oriented ginan like the Bujh Niraftjan assists
considerably in establishing the appropriate mood before further meditation commences. The impact that many of the
verses of the Bujb Niraftjan have had on members of the
Ismaili community has been so great that the poem has been
termed one of the "great classical ginans.,,2 In the Gujarati
preface to a recent edition, the work is called an "incomparable treasure" (ajoQ kbazano) , and the au thor of the same
preface expresses the hope that in the not too distant future
"the world will be able to see the splendour (prakash) of this
treasure which has remained hidden for eight hundred years
[sic]."3
Composed in medieval Hindustani,4 the Bujb Niraftjan is
only one among a myriad of works of Indo-Muslim literature
that utilize the vernacular languages of the subcontinent. Studies of the Islamic tradition indicate that this literature in the
vernacular, rather than the literature in the c1assial Islamic
languages, Arabic and Persian, was responsible for the spread
of Islamic precepts in the area; Discussing the significant role
of the Indian vernacular languages, Annemarie Schimmel
writes that the masses "understood. neither Arabic, the language of the QurJan and of the lawyers divine, nor Persian, the
language of poetry and historiography."S Consequently, literature in the vernaculars was instrumental in carrying the message of Islam, especially mystical Islam, to the masses. 6 The
role of the Sufis; or Islamic mystics, in the development of
these vernacular literatures in the subcontinent has been universally acknowledged} For example, Richard Eaton, in his
study of the ChishtiSufi order in Bijapur, points out thatfolk
literature composed in Dakhniby members of this order, by
blending the simplest tenets of Islam and the terminology of
the Sufi tradition with the imagery of existing indigenous
literary forms, played a profound role in the gradual acculturation of-the region's lower classes to the Islamic tradition. 8
On the other hand, Asim Roy. talks of the masses of Muslim
believers in Bengal who would have been debarred from the
Islamic tradition "by a linguistic and culturalbarrier,,9 had it
not been for the "cultural mediators" of the sixteenth and
seventeenth centuries who began the great task of making religious traditions available to Muslim folk in familiar and intelligible terms in the Bengali language. IO
Indeed, the Ismaili ginan literature to which the Bujh
Niraiijan belongsforms an interesting example of a genre of
Indo-Muslim vernacular literature used to propagate the
Ismaili form of Islam in the Punjab, Sind, and Gujarat.1 1
Composed in several Indian dialects, such as Sindhi, Punjabi,
Gujarati, Milltani, and Kacchi, and employing folk meters and
indigenous musical modes, the ginans may be categorized into
the five major thematic types: (1) conversion,portraying Islam,
specifically the Ismailiinterpretation of it, as the completion of
the Vaishnavite Hindu tradition; (2) didactic, imparting ethical
and moral instruction for the conduct of worldly and religious
life; (3) mystical, including guides for spiritual progress and literary expressions inspired by mystical experiences; (4) liturgical, recited at the performance of certain religious rituals or on
summarized as follows:
1. The use of indigenous literary forms: The move away from
the use of the classical languages, Arabic and Persian, also
meant the abandonment of Arabic and Persian verse forms
and meters. The Bl1jh Niraiijan; for example, utilizes the
Indian verse forms of the caupaJ and the dohrah. Other
indigenous forms used in Sufi vernacular poetry include
the sIlJarfr or Cautisa, the barahmasa, the kafr, the wai, the
carkha-nama or kapaitI, the cakkr-nama, and the lorinama. 37
2. The use of indigenous names to refer to God: The Bl1jh
Niraftjan, as the title itself indicates, uses an indigenous
Indian name, Niraiijan, to refer to God instead of the traditional Allah. Other indigenous names used in the work
include hari, syam, bidaha, ram, and gusaIii. This practice
of using such indigenous names is widespread in Sufi vernacular literature, and dates backseveral centuries. As
early as the fourteenth century, the orthodox Suhrawardr
saint of Ucch, Makhdllm-i Jahaniyan Jahangasht (d. 1385),
prohibited the use of Indian names of God in popular worship.38
Strong emphasis on the importance of love on the mystical
. path: Most of this literature sees love as the essence of
divine nature and hence advocates love, rather than barren
intellectualism and scholarship, as an effective means for
approaching God. This anti-intellectual bias often takes
the form of attacks on the mulla (theological scholar) who
symbolizes dry, fossilized learning. The Bujh Niraiijan's
stance on this issue is well illustrated in the following
quatrain:
Alas for those who have not attained his [the lover's]
state,
And call themselves mullas and scholars!
The learning through which [true] knowledge [of God]
is not acquired,
Such learning should be tossed to the dust!39
4. The use of the woman as symbol for the human soul:
While the woman is usually a negative symbol in Arabic
and Persian poetry, in the v~rnacular literature the Indian
symbol of the virahinI or woman longing for her husband is
3.
adopted into an Islamic setting and appears as the womansoul who longs to be reunited with the Divine Beloved. 40
The Bujh Nirafijan adds a new dimension to the symbol of
the virahinI (or birahI) by introducing the symbol of the
v~lI. The term v~lI is an adaptation of the Arabic noun
v~l (union) used in Sufi terminology to refer to the final
state of union between the soul and God. The addition of
an I suffix to the word produces the term v~lI, which in
contrast to virahinI or birahI, represents the woman-soul
already united with the Divine Beloved. 41
5. Highly exalted status of the spiritual preceptor: The
spiritual guide or preceptor plays an important role in
classical Sufi theory, for without his guidance the novice
would stray from the mystic path. Vernacular Sufi literature, while acknowledging this role of the shaikh, pIr, or
guru, often also accords an almost divine nature of the
mystic guide. The Bujh Niraiijan describes the guide as
the m~ar ilahI, that is, the locus of the divine manifestation. 42 This tendency in the literature is a consequence of
the important role that the veneration of saints plays in
folk Islam in the subcontinent.
6. The strong influence of the wabdat al-wujud theories:
Wa1;tdat al-wujud, "Unity of Being," theories propounded
by the Sufi Ibn cArabI (d. 1240) were popular in many
parts of the Islamic world, but they were especially influential in the subcontinent.. Almost all Sufi poetry in the
vernaculars is saturated with the idea of Unity of Being. 43
Under the influence of these theories, vernacular poetry
often contains paradoxical statements about the unity and
multiplicity of the Divine Essence. The following quatrain
from the Bujh Nirafijan is a good illustration:
He Himself is the mulla and He Himself is the q~I;
He Himself is God (bidaha) and the person
performing the ritual prayer (namazI);
See the entire world as the play of the Beloved;
The beloved Himself is at play.44
The Bojh Niraiijan is of significance in the history of the
vernacular Sufi literature on two counts. First, most of the
other longer poetic compositions in Hiridi-Hindustani-Urdu
from the medieval period are mystical and allegorical inter-
10
11
NOTES
IFor sources on the ginan literature see Ali S. Asani, "The Ismaili
Ginans as Devotional Literature," Devotional Literature in South Asia: Current Research, 1985-88, ed. S. McGregor (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, forthcoming); Ali S. Asani, "The Ginan Literature of the Ismailis of
Indo-Pakistan: Its origins, characteristics, and themes," Devotion Divine, ed.
D. Eck and F. Mallison (Groningen and Paris: Egbert Forsten and Ecole
Fran<;aise d'Extreme Orient, 1991), 1-18; Ali S. Asani, "The IsmaCUi Ginan
Literature: Its Structure and Love Symbolism" (A.B. honors thesis, Harvard
College, 1977); V. N. Hooda, "Some Specimens of Satpanth Literature,"
Collectanea, vol. 1 (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1948), 55-137; Wladimir Ivanow,
"Satpanth," Collectanea, vol. 1, 1-54; Wladimir Ivanow, The Isma"ilI
Literature, A Bibliographic Survey, 2d ed. (Tehran: Ismaili Society, 1963),
174~181; Azim Nanji, The Nizari Isma,lT Tradition in the Indo-Pakistan
Subcontinent (Delmar, 'NY: Caravan Books, 1978), 7-24, 120-130; Ismail
Poonawala, Bibliography of Isma"ili Literature (Malibu, CA: Undena, 1977),
298-311.
2R. D. Shariff, "Buj Niranjan," Roshni (Ismailia Association for the
United States of America) 3 (December 1980): 25.
3Kasamali M. Jafar, "Preface," Buj Niraiijan (Karachi: Ismailia Association for Pakistan, 1976), n.p. (my translation from the Gujarati). '
4The term Hindustani is used in this study to refer to the medieval
lingua franca of North India, written by Muslims in the Perso-Arabic characters. In the modern period, the language of the Bujh Niranjan would be
classified as Hindi. The terms Hindustani and Hindi are therefore used
interchangeably in this study.
5Annemarie Schimmel, "The Influence of Sufism on Indo-Muslim
Poetry," in Anagogic Qualities of Literature, ed. Joseph P. Strelka, 196
(University Park PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1971), 196.
6Annemarie Schimmel, As through a Veil: Mystical Poetry in Islam
(New York: Columbia University Press, 1982), 136.
7For a discussion of the role of the Sufis in the development of Islamic
vernacular literatures see Ali S. Asani, "Sufi Poetry in the Folk Tradition of
Indo-Pakistan," Religion and Literature 20.1 (1988): 81-94.
8Richard Eaton, Sufis of Bijapur 1300-1700 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1978), 174.
9Asim Roy, The Islamic Syncretistic Tradition in Bengal (Princeton:
Princeton University Press, 1983), 7.
10Ibid., 72.
llCommenting on the mode of conversion employed by the Ismaili P-rrs,
to whom the tradition attributes the authorship of the ginans, Wladimir
Ivanow says that one of their bold tactics was "in separating the meaning and
spirit of Islam from its hard Ai-abic shell .... They [the PIrs] explained the
high ideals of Islam in the familiar terms of the ancestral religion and culture
of the new converts, Hinduism, striving to make them good mumins, sincere
adepts of the spirit of Islam rather than muslims, i.e., those who formally
profess Islam, often without paying attention to its spirit and implications."
"Satpanth.' Collectanea, 1, 21.
12R,)y, The Islamic Syncretistic Tradition, 58.
12
13ryp ica1 of such apologies is the one found at the beginning of Shams
aVUshshaq ~lfanjrs Shahadat al-J:laqlqat, a Hindi poetic treatise on Sufism
composed in the late fifteenth century. In his apology, the author states that
the work has been written in Hindi because many people do not understand
either Arabic or Persian. According to him, a person ought not to go by the
external (~ahir) but should ponder the internal (ba!in). Whatever the
medium communication or language employed, a person ought to ponder the
meaning. As quoted in MaulawI cAbd al-l:faqq, UrdU ki Ibtidacr Nashwo
Numa men Siifiya'-i !Gram ka Kam (Aligarh: Anjuman-i Taraqqi-i Urdu
Hind, 1968), 41-42.
14Ibid.,67. Asim Roy also notes a similar attitude among the medieval
Hindu elite toward the use of Bengali for religious purposes. See ibid., 79-80.
Professor Schimmel points out that, as late as 1963, a child listening to his
father's Bengali poetry in praise of the Prophet, made the remark, "Daddy,
does God understand Bengali?" (Personal communication.)
15Cf. Imtiaz Ahmad, "The ashraf-ajlaf Dichotomy in Muslim Social
Structure in India," Indian Economic and Social History Review 3 (1966): 6878. Eaton discusses the animosity between the Foreigner and Deccani
classes in South India in Sufis of Bijapur, 42-43; 90-91.
16Annemarie Schimmel, "Reflections on Popular Muslim Poetry," Contributions to Asian Studies, 17 (1982): 18.
'
17Imtiaz Ahmad, "The Islamic Tradition in India," Islam and the
Modem Age, 12(1) (1981): 53.
'
,
. 18Eaton, Sufis of Bijapur, 139.
19Ahmad, "The Islamic Tradition in India," 44.
2OIbid. For a brief discussion on the subject, see Dale F. Eickelman,
"The Study of Islam in Local Contexts," Contributions to Asian Studies, 17
(19821 1-6.
1Aziz Ahmad, An Intellectual History of Islam in India (Edinburgh:
Edinburgh University Press, 1969), 126.
22Some of the more important studies include Lakshmi Dhar,
Padumavati (London: Luzac & Co., 1949) (this is a critical edition and
linguistic study of the important epic by Mul;tammad JaisI); Eaton, Sufis of
Bijapur, esp. chap. 6, "Sufis as Literati," 135-174; Enamul Haque, Muslim
Bengali Literature (Karachi: Pakistan Publications, 1957); Lajwanti Ramakrishna, Panjabi Sufi Poets (London: Oxford University Press, 1938); Roy,
The Islamic Syncretistic Tradition in Bengal, esp. pt. 1; Schimmel, As
through a Veil: Mystical Poetry in Islam, esp. chap. 4, "The Voice of Love:
Mystical Poetry in the Vernaculars"; Annemarie Schimmel, Pain and Grace:
A Study of Two Mystical Writers of Eighteenth Century Muslim India
(Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1976); Annemarie Schimmel, Sindhi Literature, 'vol. 8, pt.
2, of History of Indian Literature, ed. Jan Gonda (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz,
1974).
23Hiro J. Thakur, ed., Q3.?i' Qadan jo kalam (Delhi: Puja Publications,
1978) is a critical edition, with commentary in Sindhi, of the poet's work
based on the Haryana manuscript. A transliteration and English translation
of the newly-discovered verses appear in Motilal Jotwani, "Sindhi Sufi Poet
Qm Qadan: His Poetry in Transliteration and Translation," Punjab University Journal of Medieval Indian Literature 5 (1981): 41-70.
.
24See commentary for verses 17 and 18 in Thakur, ed., Q3.?i Qadan jo
kalam, 9.
13
14
Mysticism: Historical and Cultural Background, ed. R. Herrera and R. LinkSalin~er (Catholic University Press of America, forthcoming).
2Poem 9, quatrain 4.
43Schimmel, AS through a Veil: Mystical Poetry in Islam, 151.
44Poem 30, quatrain 3.
45Some of the Dakhni compositions of Burhan ad-DIn Janam (d. 1597)
and Mul).ammad Ma1;unud Bal).rf (d. 1717-18) are examples of didactic Sufi
poetry from the South Indian tradition. Cf. Muhammad Hafiz Syed, "Qadr
Mal).mud Bal).rI: A Mystic Poet of the 12th Century (A.H.) and His Poetical
Works," Allahabad University Studies 6 (1929): 445-478; Muhammad Hafiz
Syed, "Suk Sahela of Shah Burhanuddin J anam," Allahabad University Studies 6, pt. 1 (1930): 487-509; Muhammad Hafiz Syed, "ManfaCatu"l Iman of
Shah Burhanuddin Janam," Allahabad University Studies 8, pt. 1 (1931): 47198.
15
PART ONE
CHAPTER 1
THE AUTHORSHIP OF THE BQJH NIRANJAN
Background
Sometime in the early 1970s, Zawahir Noorally, then a
research assoCiate with the Ismailia Association for Pakistan,
unearthed at the India Office Library in London a hitherto
unexamined manuscript of the Bujh Nirafljan. 1 Consisting of
some 600 verses arranged in 34 parts, the Bujh Nirafljan (the
title means "knowledge of the Attributeless One") is a didactic
religious poem in medieval Hindustani that seeks to guide
Muslim novices through the stages and states of spiritual development. It is an important poem, particularly within the corpus of the Ismaili gin an literature, and its discovery in an
. eighteenth-century manuscript written in the Perso-Arabic
script is of great significance~ The version of the poem used
among the Ismailis has for a long time been rife with textual
obscurities, particularly when it comes to Sufi technical terms.
These obscurities have been major obstacles to a complete
understanding of the text. With the discovery of the India
Office manuscript, which is far older than any other version of
the poem, these problems in the traditional Ismaili texts can be
solved. 2
The chief significance of the manuscript - which is disturbing to many - is greater than this, however. The ginan literature had been traditionally considered, without exception, to
be the exclusive tradition of the Ismaili community of IndoPakistan. Now, for the first time a ginan manuscript had been
discovered which, as we shall see below, seems to have originated in non-Ismaili circles. The India Office manuscript
immediately appears strange to anyone acquainted with ginan
texts because it begins with the invocation ya gau~ al-a~
the epithet associated with the Sufi master cAbd aI-Qadir alOIl anI (1077/8-1166), thus implying that the scribe, if not the
author himself, was affiliated to the QadirI Sufi order. This, in
itself, might not appear wholly extraordinary if the manuscript
did not also possess three other unusual characteristics. First,
it is the Only known ginan manuscript from the eighteenth and
nineteenth centuries that is not written in the Khojki script.3
19
Instead, it was written in the Perso-Arabic script by an anonymous scribe and dated 4 Jumada al-awwal [sic] 1136 A.H. (30
January 1724). Second, Ismaili tradition ascribed the authorship of the work to the fifteenth-century Ismaili dacr (preachersaint) PIr Sadrad-Dln largely on the basis of a verse in the
poem in which his name appears.4 But this verse reads differently in the India Office manuscript. Instead of the name of
the Ismaili dace, the verse in the manuscript refers to "nabI," an
epithet that in this context could refer only to the Prophet
Mul;mmmad. Third, not only do the India Office manuscript
and the traditional Ismaili version differ in the sequence in
which some of the poems were arranged, but the manuscript
includes an entire poem that does not occur in the Ismaili version. This poem is the twelfth in the manuscript and is entitled
in Persian, "On the law [sharrcat] of Muhammad the chosen
one [al-m~lafa], may the peace and blessings of God be upon
him." It advocat.es a strict observance of the ritualistic or
exoteric aspects of Islam. The absence of this poem from the
Ismaili version is not difficult to explain, for its precepts run
counter to the esoteric interpretation of Islam favored in
Ismaili circles.
Clearly, the manuscript raises questions about the traditionally accepted view that the Bujb Niraiijan has an Ismaili
origin. The issue is a sensitive one, and it is therefore not
surprising that when the Ismailia Association of Pakistan published a revised edition of the Bujh Niraiijan in February 1976,
based in part on the India Office manuscript, it avoided the
question of origin altogether. Emphasis was placed rather on
clarifying obscurities and eliminating distortions within the
traditional Ismaili version of the poem. Since the text of the
Bujb Niraiijan itself contains many abstruse concepts and terms
that need elucidation, the 1976 edition was also supplied with a
Gujarati commentary so that the community could better
understand the work and know "how to live a spirituallife."S
The issue of origin was apparently thought unnecessary, or
inappropriate, to raise.
Normally the appearance of a new edition of a ginan is not
an unusual event in the Ismaili community. Few community
members take notice of such things. It is rare, however, for
editors of ginan texts to consult manuscript sources, especially
newly discovered ones. The publication of the 1976 edition,
20
based in part on the India Office manuscript, did not, therefore, go unremarked. The following year, 1977, an international workshop of Ismailia Associations was held in Karachi.
At that workshop a consensus was reached that the 1976 edition, because of numerous errors, was inadequate. A hew. edition was planned that eventually emerged in 1981. Ironically,
however, the preface to this edition not only avoids addressing
the question of authorship, but it makes no mention at all
about the existence of the India Office manuscript. According
to this preface, the 1981 edition seeks to undo the damage
done to the text by transmission "through individuals who were
not fully literate" and by scribes ''who did not have a command
of the different languages used in this work~"6 Similarly, a
1980 article on the Bujh Niraftjan in the Ismaili community
magazine, Roshni, also failed to tackle the issue of origin, for
the aim of the author was to discuss the philosophy and the
essence of the work. 7
Though the official publications of the community did not
confront the problem of authorship, a few preachers (wacitIn)
in the community began to express doubts, in private, that the
Bujh Niraiijan was composed by FIr Sadr ad-DIn. Some felt
that, if the PIr were indeed not the author, then the Blljh
Niraftjan was no longer a valid part of the ginan literature, and
they consequently felt it necessary to stop quoting from the
work dudng their sermons. 8 Finally, in 1982, the issue of the
origin of the Bujh Niraftjan was raised by Mumtaz Ali Tajddin
Sadik Ali in the privately-published monograph entitled
Authenticity of the Buj Nirinjan or "Cognition of the
Omniscient." The work discusses the poem's "authenticity,
evolution and real authorship by Pir Sadaruddin"9 and
attempts to explain the existence of a version of the text among
the QadirI Sufis.
Sadik Ali represents the perspective of a pious and enthusiastic Sindhi Ismaili on the sensitive issue of authorship.
Although this thesis argues that his work is erroneous in each
of its major arguments,10 that work is interesting not only
because it reflects the views of a large segment of the Ismaili
community, but also because it clearly lays out each of the
significant arguments that can be marshalled in support of that
view. It is therefore a convenient point of departure for the
discussion that follows.
21
According to Sadik Ali, after the Bl1jb Niraftjan was written by Prr Sadr ad-DIn, he introduced it to the Ismaili community in Punjab. From there it spread only to the region of
Sind. 11 Then, as a result of proselytizing by the QadirI Sufi
order in Punjab and Sind, some of the Ismailis in that region
broke with Ismailism and joined the Sunni fold, taking with
them those Ismaili ginans that were compatible with their new
religious affiliation. Among these works was the Biijb Niraftjan. 12 In Sadik Ali's view, among some QadirI circles the
name of PIr Sadr ad-DIn was eventually dropped from the
relevant verse of the Biijb Nirafljan, and the poem "began to
be counted as the work of the Qadiri order."13 This accounts,
he argues, for the existence of a manuscript of the Bl1jb Niraftjan in the Perso-Arabic script, a script traditionally foreign to
the Nizari Ismaili community of the subcontinent. It also
accounts for the mysterious absence of the name of Prr Sadr
ad-DIn in the India Office manuscript.
To support his argument, Sadik Ali refers to two fragments
of a Bujb Nirafljan manuscript said to be in the possession of
one Shaikh NaimuddIn of the QadirI order in Bijapur. 14 Sadik
Ali himself has not seen the manuscript; he was sent only a
photocopy of the two pages that survive. By coincidence, the
first fragment contains the controversial verse on the basis of
which Ismaili circles determine the authorship of the work. In
this manuscript, the verse contains the name of "Shaikh Sadr
Shah." According to Sadik Ali, this name, is another form of
"Prr Sadr ad-DIn." (This is plausible, if not necessarily the
case.) The name, he says, was retained in the Bijapur fragment
because the scribe of the fragment belonged to a QadirI circle
that considered PIr Sadr ad-DIn to be an orthodox Sufi
shaikh. IS
By further coincidence the second Bijapur fragment happens to be a colophon. Whether it is a colophon of the same
manuscript from which the first fragment survives is another
question, however - and one on which no critic can yet pass
judgment since the original is not available for inspection. 16
Sadik Ali assumes that the two .fragments are part of the same
manuscript. While this opinion may be premature, let us
assume for the present that it is correct in order to follow his
argument: the colophon states that the manuscript form which
the Bijapur scribe worked dates from 1707-8, or about sixteen
22
years before -the date of the India Office manuscript. .To further support his view, Sadik Ali then refers to an old Khojki
manuscript of the Bujh Nirafijan in Multan. The lineal ascendant of this manuscript, which also mentions Prr Sadr ad-DIn,
apparently dates from 1688. In both cases Sadik Ali implicitly
assumes that no alterations were made between the older
manuscripts that we do not possess and the recent ones that we
do have. He argues that, since both the Bijapur fragments and
the Multan manuscript boast an ancestry that is older than the
India Office manuscript, and, since they both contain the name
of Prr Sadr ad-DIn, then we can "undoubtedly hold thatthe Buj
Nirinjan was definitely composed and authored by Pir Sadaruddin." 17
The next portion of this chapter reexamines in detail each
of the three bases set up by Sadik Ali to support his thesis:
evidence internal to the poem bearing on the question of
authorship; the weight and reliability that should be accorded
to the Bijapur fragments and the Multan manuscripts; and
finally the historical contention that as early as the twelfth
century there was a rivalry between the QadirI order and the
Ismailis of the. subcontinent, and that the QadirIs were actively
engaged in a campaign of proselytizing Ismailis. (Unless the
last be true, Sadik Ali cannot account for the existence of the
ginan in two manuscripts written in the Perso-Arabic script the India Office manuscript and the Bija-pur fragments.) In
each case we shall see that Sadik Ali's arguments are faulty:
first, because there is much textual evidence against authorship
either by Prr Sadr ad-DIn himself or by any other Ismaili dacr
of the subcontinent; second, because there are serious difficulties with relying on either Bijapur fragments or the Multan
manuscript - difficulties that have only been hinted at above;
and third, because the contention of the QadirI-Ismaili rivalry
in the twelfth century is at best a conjecture supported by little
historical evidence.
After traditional explanations have been cleared away, the
third and final portion of the chapter offers a new and more
likely account of the origin of this marvelous contribution to
the devotional literature: namely, we have strong reason to
believe that the Bujh Niraiijan was indeed originally composed
in QadirI Sufi circles.
23
24
25
26
No reasonable explanation can account for the misplacement of these four poems. But one has only to examine the
structure of most ginans to discover the likely reason for the
misplacement of poem 13 in the Ismaili version. Traditionally,
in a ginan the name of the composer occurs in the last verse.
This convention is similar to the takhallus in Arabic and
Persian poetry or the bhaQita or signature line in Hindi poetry.
By replacing the name of the Prophet with the name of the PIr
in poem 13 and moving the poem to the end of the work, the
inference is created that the PIr was .the author.
In spite of this alteration and rearrangement, however, the
verse in its Ismaili version still does not conform to standard
ginanic usage. For in such usage, authorship is nearly always
indica ted in the final verse by means of one of several fixed
expressions explicitly stating that a certain PIr was responsible
for the work's composition. These expressions commonly
include kahave (said), boliya (recited), farmave or bhat;lave
(instructed), or other similar verbs. Not surprisingly, the last
verse of the Ismaili version of the Bujh Niraftjan, though it
includes PIr Sadr ad-DIn's name, uses none of these standard
expressions. In fact, the verse is not even an explicit statement
of authorship by PIr Sadr ad-DIn. This anomaly is yet another
indication of the non-Ismaili origin of the Bujh Niranjan.
What other internal evidence bears on the question of
authorship? Sadik Ali argues that the dialect used in the Bujh
Niraiijan is quite identical to the dialects llsed in other ginans
and that the terminology used in the work is "seen in other
ginans of Pir Sadardin." Readers are therefore asked to conclude that in the light of the language and terminology
allegedly "belonging to Ismailism," the Bujh Niraftjan was
written by PIr Sadr ad-DIn. 23
The argument based on dialect is faulty. While it is true
that the ginan literature favors the use of Indian vernaculars
such as Kachchi, Gujarati, Sindhi, Hindi, and Punjabi over
classical Islamic languages such as Arabic and Persian, the
Ismaili daCJs were not the only members of the Muslim community of medieval India to employ these vernaculars in their
compositions. At least from the early fourteenth century, Sufis
belonging to many different orders also turned to the Indian
vernaculars in order to be more effective in spreading their
27
28
29
phon, the original version of the manuscript was copied sometime before 1688. In itself, of course, this does not prove that
the text of the Bojh Nirafijan found in the Multan manuscript
also dates from the period before 1688; it could have been
incorporated into the manuscript at a much later stage in the
transmission. Alterations (as well as mistakes) by scribes from
one manuscript to another were quite common. Mter all, that
is how texts change over time. In this case, if we compare the
text of the Multan manuscript with other Ismaili texts, we find
that the Multan text probably does not date earlier than the
twentieth century. From the three other Khojki manuscripts of
the Bujh Niraiijan that are presently known, it is evident that
the Ismaili version had a lacuna in the text for poem 15 (number 21 in the India Office manuscript). When in the early
twentieth century printed editions of the text were produced,
this lacuna was filled in with metrically defective verses written
in a heavily "Gujaratized" Hindustani. These verses were later
dropped from the 1976 and 1981 editions of the Bujh Nirafijan
printed by the Ismailia Associatons for Pakistan and India,
respectively. But the Multan text, as transcribed by Sadik Ali,
contains these very twentieth-century verses. Hence the likelihood that this text could date to 1688 or even earlier is in
serious doubt. It is much more likely that the Multan text is a
.
product of our own century.
As for the Bijapur fragments, for the sake of argument let
us assume, as does Sadik Ali, that they are part of a single
manuscript. One of the fragments contains PIr Sadr ad-DIn's
name in the "authorship" verse. But contrary to what Sadik
Ali asserts, this verse does not settle the matter. One would
like to know, for example, whether the "authorship" verse and
its associated poem were placed according to the sequence in
the India Office manuscript (i.e., poem 13) or accordng to the
Ismaili sequence (Le., at the end) or possibly in yet another
sequence. Also, if we compare the Bijapur text of the poem
associated with the "authorship" verse with other versions, we
find that, although the text of the Bijapur manuscript is on the
whole similar to that of the India Office manuscript,32 there
are differences which may be significant. Sadik Ali uses one of
these differences - the name of Shaikh Sadr Shah appears in
the Bijapur manuscript instead of nahl as found in the India
Office manuscript - to support his argument.
30
But where does this text come from and how old is it?
Sadik Ali points to the colophon, which references an earlier
version from 1707-8, and insists that the Bijapur manuscript
therefore has better authority than the India Office manuscript, which itself dates from 1724. But once again, he is
merely assuming that the text underwent no alterations since
the early eighteenth century. And once again, internal evidence indicates that this assumption is probably false. For
example, the second line of the second quatrain in the Bijapur
text contains the word sab.l, which is metrically superfluous and
which does not occur in the India Office manuscript. Indeed,
this word occurs only in the texts of the Ismaili version that
were printed at the turn of the twentieth century. Also the
word sabh occurs in the second line of the dohrah only in the
Bijapur manuscript and the Ismaili texts.
This similarity between the Bijapur and Ismaili versions
raises the possibility of a relationship between the two versions.
Whether a relationship does, in fact, exist might perhaps be
clarified only if other portions of the Bijapur text (if it is a
single text) were available for analysis. Obviously, until the
question of the relationship is resolved, it is unwarranted to
regard the Bijapur manuscript as an independent QadirI version of the Bujh Nirafijan that corroborates the authorship by
PIr Sadr ad-DIn. The possibility that the Bijapur text or its
ancestor may have been influenced by the Ismaili version or its
ancestor cannot be ruled out.
The solution of the problems surrounding both the Multan
manuscript and the Bijapur fragments is made all the more difficult by the fact that both manuscripts appear to be inac~
cessible for further study and research.
The Alleged Rivalry between the QadirI Order and the
Ismailis
The most obvious explanation for the existence of the Bujh
Niraiijan in the Perso-Arabic script among the QadirIs is that it
originated there. This explanation is also consistent with the
great weight of the evidence. In order to avoid it, however,
Sadik Ali postulates that, though it was written by PIr Sadr adDIn, the Bujh Nirafijan was introduced into QadirI circles by
Ismailis who, through the proselytizing activities of the Qadirrs,
had been converted to Sunni Islam. 33 Relying exclusively on
31
32
33
I
\
34
35
36
[faiy~]
[f~];
37
38
39
40
Moreover, when one sees that the verse forms of the Bujh
Niraftjan - the dohrah and the Caupar . . are also common in the
ginan literature, it becomes clear that the thematic and structural compatibility of the Bojh Nirafijan with this literature was
also a critical factor allowing its incorporation into the Ismaili
community.
Given the lack of documents and textual evidence, one can
only conjecture at the process by which the Bujh Niraiijan was
adopted. Whether the initial copy already contained the corruptions of this Sufi text and whether it was in the PersoArabic script or an Indian script (most likely DevanagarJ) are
questions impossible to answer. As already noted, Khojki
manuscripts often included portions of mystical literature from
diverse non-Ismaili sources. We may postulate that the transcribed text of the Bujh Nirafijan was thus included in a Khojki
manuscript, and at a later point in time, its compatibility with
the other ginans inspired the necessary "adjustments" to give it
a ginanic identity. The major "adjustment" consisted of the
insertion of the name of PIr Sadr ad~Dln, the most popular of
the Nizari Ismaili daCfs, into an appropriate point in the text.
In the process, as we have noted, the sequence of poems had
also to be adjusted so that the "authorship" verse would occur
at the end of the work. A refrain, which is found in ginans with
verse forms similar to those of the Bujh Niranjan, was also
inserted in each poem between the caupaI sequence and the
dohrah. 80 The last of these "adjustments," the closing of the
lacuna in poem 15, took place in the early twentieth century
when the text of the Ismaili version was being prepared for
printing. It probably was in this fashion that the Bojh Niraiijan,
a Sufi poem, entered the corpus of the ginan literature and
became a "great classic."
41
NOTES
1The text of the Bujh NiraJijan is part of a manuscript that contains
other works in Persian. The entire manuscript has been catalogued as no.
2799 in Herman Ethe, Catalogue of Persian Manuscripts in the LIbrary of the
India Office, vol. 1 (Oxford: India Office, 1903) 1511. In the Catalogue of
Hindustani Manuscripts in the Library of India Office (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1926), Blumhardt catalogues the Bujh NiraJijan as no. P. 908 (p.
2). Currently the India Office Library designates the Bujh Niraiijan as Urdu
Ms. B4.
2Zawahir Noorally writes, "Whenever in our traditional editions the
meaning of a word was not clear, we have adopted [the reading] from the
London manuscript so that our community can clearly understand the meaning." "Introduction," Buj Niranjan (Karachi: Ismailia Association for
Pakistan, 1976) (no pagination; my translation from Gujarati).
3For a discussion of the KhojkI script, see Chapter 2.
4For P-ll Sadr ad-DIn, see Nanji, The Nizan IsmaCUi Tradition, 72-76,
and Ivanow, "Satpanth," Collectanea, vol. 1,16-17.
5Noorally, "Introduction," n.p.
6Abdulmahamad Juma Maskatwaia, "Preface," Buj Niranjan (Bombay:
Ismailia Association for India, 1981) (no pagination; my translation from
Gujarati).
7R. D. Shariff, "Buj Niranjan," Roshni 3 (1980): 24.
8This interesting development was mentioned to me during a research
trip to the subcontinent in 1981 to 1982. The preacher who was my
informant desires to remain anonymous.
9Mumtaz Ali Tajddin Sadik Ali, Authenticity of the '<J3uj N'llanjan" or
"~on of the Omniscient" (Karachi, 1982), 2.
lOrhe scholarly quality of Sadik Ali's work is perhaps sufficiently indicated by the following passage, ibid., 4:
However, the Sufic environment of Punjab in particular had suggested
Pir to bring forth a work on Sufic strain to justify Ismailism among Sufi
circles. It was therefore, Buj Nirinjan first introduced in Punjab and
thence it influenced Sindi Khojas in due course. However the other
parts of India remained unknown about this work till long..
llSadik Ali presents some interesting evidence, discussed below, indicating that, until possibly the early twentieth century, the Ismailis of Kutch,
Kathiawar, and Gujarat were unaware of the existence of the Bujh Nirafijan.
See Authenticity of the "Buj N"Irinjan," 5-7.
12Ibid.,4.
l3lbid.,5.
14Ibid., 17.
15Ibid., 13.
16Sadik Ali reproduces both fragments of the Bijapur manuscript in
Appendix IV of this work.
17S a dik Ali, Authenticity of the "Buj Nirinjan," 16.
18The dohrah, more commonly called the doha, is one of the verse
forms employed in the Bujh N"rraiijan, the other being the Caupai. Since the
India Office manuscript uses the term dohrah instead of dolla, we shall follow
'the same u:;age here. For the prosodial rules governing this verse form,see
Chapter 4.
42
2It is evident from poem 11, quatrain 2, that the composer of the Bujh
Niraiijan also had the traditional sequence in mind. This sequence is also
accepted in other Ismaili works on mysticism.
23S a dik Ali, Authenticity of the "Buj Nirinjan," 16.
24Cf. Asani, "Sufi Poetry in the Folk Tradition of Indo-Pakistan," 81-94,
and Schimmel, As through a Veil: Mystical Poetry in Islam, 135-169. The
role of SufIs in the literary history of Hindustani, the lingua franca of the subcontinent's northern provinces, and Urdu, the national language of Pakistan,
is described in MaulvLcAbd al-Haqq, UrdU lei Ibtida"i Nashwo Numa men
Siifiya-i Kirim ka Kam (Aligarh: Anjuman-i Taraqqi-i Urdu Hind, 1968).
25S adik Ali, Authenticity of the "Buj Nirinjan," 16.
26V. N. Hooda, "Some Specimens of Satpanth Literature," Collectanea,
vol. 1, p. 58, n.4; Nanji, Nizari Isma9li Tradition, 112; Gazetteer of the
Bombay Presidency, vol. 9, pt. 2 (Bombay: Govt. Central Press, 1899), 40.
For the whole development see G. Khakee, "The Dasa Avatira of the Satpanthi Ismailis and Imam Shahis of Indo-Pakistan," Ph.D. dissertation,
Harvard University, 1972.
271 refer especially to those technical terms employed in the SufI tradition, under the influence of Ibn cArabi"'s mystical philosophy of w~dat alwujud ("Unity of Being"), to denote various metaphysical and spiritual
realms stages and states.
28For a list of the corrupted forms of SufI terminology found in Ismaili
texts of the Biijh N"uaiijan, see 94-95 below.
.
29Sa dik Ali, Authenticity of the "Buj Nirinjan," 4.
3OIbid., 17.
31This concept is elaborated in the ginan Das Avatar, the central work
in the Nizarl Ismaili tradition in the subcontinent. This work laid down "the
defInitive formulation of the doctrine" of the tradition. See Nanji, Nizari
IsmaCW Tradition, 111, and Khakee, "The Dasa Avatara of the Satpanthi
Is'1lailis and Imam Shahis of Indo-Pakistan." The Das Avatar was so central
to the tradition that around the turn of the century it was considered necessary to read it to an Ismaili as he lay on his death bed. Gazetteer of the
Bomb~ Presidency, vol. 9, pt. 2, 46.
3 Faulty orthography and the vagaries of transmission have led to the
following disparities between the texts of the India OffIce manuscript and the
Bijapur fragment: the word rakhe in quatrain Il line 2, has been misspelled
in the Bijapur fragment as lakhe; in quatrain 3, line 4, the word sew has been
misspelled as sera/sira; in quatrain 4, line 3, in place of the word mag the
Bijapur text uses marag, a word that is metrically inappropriate in this line.
43
45
72Aziin N~nji writes, "The NizarI daCWa, when it entered the Subcontinent, already carried within its repertoire a strain of mysticism rooted in
Ismailism but tinged with the sufic terminology of the time." Nizarl Isma9li
Tradition, 126. According to Ivanow, "The early Ismaili missionaries and
saints appeared to the world at large, to the uninitiated, as Sufic pirs." "The
Sect of Imam Shah in Gujrat," Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal
.
Asiatic Society 12 (1936): 35.
73Ivanow, "Satpanth," Collectanea, vol. 1, p. 10.
74Ibid. According to local tradition, P-rr l:Iasan KabIr ad-DIn is said to
have belonged to the SuhrawardI order. See Nanji, NlZiri Isma9li Tradition,
78. See also John Subhan, Sufism, Its Saints and Shrines (Lucknow: Lucknow Publishing House, 1960), app. A, 359, where the Pir is listed among the
Suhrawarw saints.
75For a brief discussion on the similarities between the love symbolism
of the ginan literature and the Sufi poetry in Sindhi, see Asani, "The Ismacm
Ginan Literature," 48-53.
76Among the contents of the approximately 100 Khojki manuscripts in
the collection of the Ismailia Association for Pakistan, we fmd the following
(the number in parentheses refers to the manuscript): selections from the
Ma;inawrof RUmI, Persian verse with Sindhi translation (K.M.S. 1); 115
verses of the Bhakti poetess Mira BaI (K.M.S. 5); verses of the sixteenthcentury Gujarati poet Narsi Mehta (K.M.S. 9); verses of the famous poet
Kablr (K.M.S. 18, 34); Micaraj Nama of the Prophet in Hindi (K.M.S. 27);
verses of the Sindhi mystic Shah cAbd al-LatIf (K.M.S. 28); gazals of Amir
Khusrau and SacadI (K.M.S. 34); verses of the Kanphata Yogi, Gorakhnath
(K.M.S. 51); verses from various Sindhi poets including SacCal, Shah cAbd alLa~If, SahibdIno (K.M.S. 51, 99); collection of kirtans (K.M.S. 79). See also
Zawahir Noorally, Catalogue of Khojki Manuscripts in the Collection of the
Ismailia Association for Pakistan (drart copy, Karachi, 1971).
.
77Because of the popUlarity of the Ma~nawi within the Ismaili
community (Aga Khan III frequently urged his Ismaili followers to read the
work), an Ismaili wa~ Nurmuhammad Rahemtullah, translated the work
into Gujarati. See Nurmuhammad Rahemtullah, M~nawi Maulana Riimi
(Mombasa: n.p., 1978). The Husaini Gita, a training manual for Ismaili
wa'lpn, compiled by Chief Missionary Husaini Pirmub.ammad Asani in the
early decades of this century, quotes liberally from the poetry of the great
Sufi poets. A manuscript of this work is located at the Institute of Ismaili
Studies in London. For the role of RiimfS poetry among the Ismailis of Iran,
see Rafique Keshavjee, "The Quest for Gnosis and the Call of History: Modernization among the Ismailis of Iran," Ph.D. dissertation, Harvard University, 1981, 2:32, 3:40.
78The frequent recitation of these portions of the Biijh Niraiijan attests
to their immense popularity.
79See Asani, "The Isma9li Ginan Literature," 26-37.
BOFor the refrain in the Ismaili version of the Biijh Nrraiijan, see 111113 below.
46
CHAPTER2 .
SCRIPTS
The texts of the Bujh Niraftjan employ three scripts: the
Perso-Arabic, the Khojki, and the Gujarati. Of the three, the
Perso-Arabic and the Khojki present a complex set of problems during the perusal of texts. For a variety of reasons that
will be discussed below, these two scripts fail to record fully
and precisely the complete range of vowels and consonants of
an Indian language. Consequently, readers often have to rely
on personal judgment in determining the correct reading of a
particular word. For instance, the Perso-Arabic script, though
it possesses the technical means to record short vowels, normally requires readers to supply these vowels as they read the
text. Thus, the word "":':""':" may be read as pata, pita, puta,
pati, patu, piti, pitu, puti, or putu. This hypothetical example
illustrates well the nature of the problems that may arise while
ascertaining the reading of texts written in the two scripts.
However, as Tables 2.1, 2.2, and 2;3 illustrate, the modern
configurations of the Perso-Arabic script (its Urdu and Sindhi
versions) as well as Khojki have been so refined and standardized that, on the whole, they are better able to record a text
such as the Bujb Niraftjan, perhaps not so adequately as the
traditional Devanagari-based scripts. But this was not the case
with the medieval prototypes of the two scripts which were
characterized by imperfection of form and inconsistency of
usage. Consequently, script-related problems can become particularly serious during the reconstruction of a medieval text
such as the Bujh Niraftjan, which often makes use of littleknown and archaic grammatical forms and vocabulary.
Only the Devanagari-based Gujarati script records all the
vowels and consonants that are essential for ensuring an accurate and objective reading of a text. Unfortunately,'the texts of
the Bujh Nirafijan in the Gujarati script are unreliable editions
printed in this century) On the other hand, the manuscript
sources of the Bujh Niraftjan, which are particularly significant
in the preparation of a critical edition, utilize the Perso-Arabic
and Kho}ki scripts. Therefore, it becomes necessary for us to
47
a"
48
Perso-Arabic script system that incorporated additional characters for sounds peculiar to Braj. Moreover, every time he
uses a Braj word, he supplies a complete spelling by designating each letter with the special name he invented for it. 9
The scribe of the India Office manuscript, too, shows some
awareness of the need to represent Hindustani sounds accurately. The scheme he chooses is insufficiently systematic and
comprehensive, however, to encompass all such sounds, making it difficult for the modern reader to determine the correct
reading. Only in the case of the retroflexive sounds does he
attempt to use 'special characters. For the postalveolar retroflexives t and Q he uses the characters "~,, and " ~," respectively, while for the retroflexive flap f he uses ")." Unfortunately, the scribe is not careful in employing these characters
when they are required. Frequenqy a t will simply be transcribed as t and a Q as a d. As for ") ," the character for the r
sound, he rarely uses it. 10 .He frequently represents the r
sound by either ") ," the character for the regular r sound (e.g.,
sughar, poem 10, quatrain 3; parhe, poem 13, quatrain 4) or by
" ,) ," the character for the d sound (e.g., chore, poem 12,
quatrain 4). The inconsistency in the use of these characters
resul ts in a word like praghat being spelled in two different
ways: sometimes with the character " ~" (0 and sometimes
with "~" (t).
In addition to the retroflexive consonants, Hindustani has
two other types of sounds for which special provision must be
made for the Perso-Atabic script. First, there are the aspirated
sounds that the modem script system indicates by using a special form of the letter " ~" (h) - the so-called do eashme he.
Our manuscript uses only one form of the letter" a" (h) for
both the consonantal h as well as the aspiration h. Again for
nasalized sounds, our manuscript uses the character "0' for
both the regular and nasalized Ii sound. Consequently, in both
cases only a prior familiarity with the relevant words ensures a
correct reading of the aspirated and nasalized sounds.
Another ambiguity arising from the script system results
from a peculiarity that this manuscript shares with many Persian manuscripts. Although the script possesses special characters for each pair of certain letters, the scribe will often not
distinguish in writing a b (be,y) from a p (pe,~), a k (kaf,J)
from a g (gaf, J'), or a C (c, ~ ) from a j' GIm, t::). S. M.
49
50
..
51
52
ent sounds. Burton comments that these alphabets are so useless that "a trader is scarcely able to read his own accounts,
unless assisted by a tenacious memory.,,26 Grierson similarly
remarks that "It [LalJ.Qa] is seldom legible to anyone except the
original writer, and not always to him."27 In this regard, he
also quotes a Sindhi proverb: "Wa~ka akhar a 1;>uta, suka
parhana-khan Chuta"; which means that "the Wal).iko letters
are vowelless; [as soon as the ink is] dry, they are released from
reading [i.e., are illegible ].,,28
Among this hodgepodge of commercial scripts - scribbling,
we could truly say in many cases - Khojki was one of the few
that developed into a vehicle of literary expression. Although
for some scripts such as KhudawadI in Sind, DogrI in Jammu
and ChamIalI in Chamba, this evolution took place as a result
of official governmental initiative and encouragement in the
late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, for Khojki the
advance came about much earlier owing to (as we shall presently see) the script's affiliation with a minority religious
community.
Expression in written literature, as in music, requires an
instrument, and instruments require technical development. In
Khojki, the technical development that made a new range of
expression possible was the system of medial vowel marks
called lakana. In the region of Sind, Khojki was the only
La.o.<;la script to have sustained and perhaps even developed the
use of this medial vowel system. 29 It was this distinguishing
characteristic of Khojki that made the script suitable for its
extensive use in recording a considerable corpus of Ismaili religious literature. 30 Incidentally, it is possible that PIr Sadr adDIn, whom the tradition credits with the invention of the script,
may have been responsible rather for introducing the lakana
and possibly other refinements to Khojki.3 1
Nonetheless, as will be seen below, the Khojki scrip~
.er
evolved into an entirely satisfactory script system in splte of
these refinements. The queston therefore immediately arises:
why was it adopted for recording religious literature when
more developed scripts such as Devanagari and the PersoArabic alphabets were available? The answer lies perhaps in
the strong tendency among religious groups in medieval India,
both Hindu and Muslim, to make religious literature more
accessible to the masses. Their move away from the use of
53
54
55
as
56
57
58
59
60
i.
2. Redundancy. While Khojki originally did not have letters for certain Arabic sounds, it had developed special letters
for the implosive sounds that are found only in the Sindhi language. This development was not unusual since Sindhi was the
language for which Khojki was originally used. But with the
spread of the script to non-Sindhi-speaking areas, the letters
for this implosive sounds were given al ternate sound values.
The peculiar result was that a few sounds were represented by
two letters. Thus"~ ," the Khojki letter for the Sindhi
implosive Q ( y), became commonly used to represent the
sound b (,--:-,,). Consequently, the Khojki letter" """ " which
originally represented the b sound was then used along with
" .:>{ " to represent the sound bh ( ~).Likewise, " t.... ," the
letter for the Sindhi implosive g ( ~ ), is used for the sound d
so that the aspirated db is represented by two Khojki letters "~' (used earlier to represent d) and "~." Again," Vr ," the
Khojki letter for the Sindhi implosive dy ( cr: ), was sometimes
used in Gujarati-speaking areas for the sound z or J68 ":;).t ,"
the Khojki letter for Sindhi ng (~ ), was used to represent g
or even the conjunct gr.69 The factors influencing the direction of this particular shift in the value of the letters in nonSindhi areas certainly warrant further research. In light of the
dual sound values (Sindhi and non-Sindhi) for the above letters, it is quite clear that the area of origin of a Khojki text may
be of considerable significance in determiIling its correct read-
61
62
mIlana or as i:nilina...74
63
NOTES
1For factors contributing to the unreliability of these texts, see 87-90
below.
2The first in the series of these romances was Candayan composed in
the late fourteenth century by Maulana DaUd. Cf. S. M. Pandey, "Maulana
DaUd and His Contributions to Hindi SUfi Literature," Annali Instituto
Orientale Napoli 38 (1978): 75-90.
3Cf. S. A. Halim, "Development of Hindi Literature during Akbar's
Reign" Medieval India Quarterly 1-2 (1957): 88-99.
4Schimmel, Mystical Dimensions of Islam, 384, 389.
5Eaton, Sufis of Bijapur, 135-174.
6S. M. Ila:am, Muslim Civilization in India (New York: Columbia Universi~ Press, 1964), 243.
Ibid., 245.
8M. Ziauddin, Mirza Khan's Gram,mar of the Braj Bhakha (Calcutta:
Visva Bharati, 1935), 3 n.l.
9Ibid., 9-11.
1D-rhe scribe uses the character ':'; " for the sound f. only two or three
times in the entire manuscript. See poem 18, quatrain 3.
11S. M. Pandey, "Some Problems in Studying Candayan," Orientalia
Lovaniensia Analecta 8 (1980): 127-140. M. Hafiz Syed, "Divan of QazI
Mal,unud Bal}.rI of Gogi," Allahabad University Studies 8 (1937): 209, also
.
discusses similar peculiarities in the manuscript he used. .
12Much of the material in this section appears in my article, "The
Khojki Script: A Legacy of Ismaili Islam in the Indo-Pakistan Subcontinent,"
Journal of the American Oriental Society, 107, no. 1 (1987): 439-449.
13Though the term Khoja now most commonly refers to the Nizari
Ismaili followers of the Aga Khan, there are also SunnI and Ithna cAsharI
Khojas who, for various reasons, have seceded from the larger group and no
longer follow Ismaili doctrine .. The title Khwaja appears to have been
introduced to replace the original term thakur or thillar (also meaning
"lord, master") used by the Lohana Hindu caste, some members of which
were converted to Ismailism. The Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency, vol.
9, pt. 2, p. 39) remarks that in northeastern Kathiawar, Khojas were still
addressed by the Lohana title thillar and wore their waistcloths in the
Lohana fashion.. It must also be noted that, among the Ismailis of IndoPakistan, there are Ismailis who do not differ from the Ismaili Khojas either
culturally or in terms of religious doctrine, but nonetheless are not Khojas,
i.e., Momnas, Kunbis, or ShamsIs. See Shorter Encyclopedia of Islam, s.v.
"Khodia."
.
VlA. Nanj~ The Niziri Isma9tI Tradition in the Indo-Pakistan Subcontinent (Delmar, NY: Caravan Books, 1978),9, 74.
15F. A. Khan, Banbhore (Karachi: Department of Archaeology and
Museums, 1976), 16, esp. figs. 2 and 3.
16G. Allana, Sindhi Siiratkhati (Hyderabad, Pakistan: SindhI Zaban
Publications, 1969), 20.
17Ibid., 24.
18Though the earliest extant Khojki manuscript dates to A.D. 1736,
there is considerable evidence that the tradition of writing in the Khojki
script goes back earlier. See Nanji, The NizarI Isma"iti Tradition, 9-11,
64
65
molajo moejejo published in 1895 by Kasam bhar KarlIn Bhagat through the
Datt Prasadh Press, Bombay, and (2) Sindh Hedharabad Tatha Jimnagar ja
faramin, published in 1900 by M.[Muhammad?] Sale Kasam through the J.
D. Press, Bombay.
40The Gulam-i l:lusain Press was operated by AlaclIn 6ulam~usain and
his ~on Busain. Some of the Khojki publications of the press include GinanJi
copdi eogadie viri (1891), Rasalo imam jafar sadhakjo (1902), and Ginan
Granth (1907).
.
.
41The schisms were caused by attempts by some Khojas to remove the
Aga Khan from his position as Imam of the community, and they resulted in
court cases such as the Aga Khan Case of 1866 and the Hap Bibi Case of
1905. The Ag~ Khan Case was heard before Justice Arnold of the High
Court of Bombay 12 November 1866. A study of the case is presented in A.
A. Fyzee, Cases in Muhammadan Law of India and Pakistan (Oxford:
Clarendon Press, 1965),504-549.
42See pp. 87-89 below.
43It was under the auspices of the Recreation Club and its successor,
the Ismaili Society, that W. Ivanow, the celebrated scholar of Ismailism,
published some of his research.
440 n the basis of scanty information it appears that Lalji Devraj may
have played an important role in facilitating the switch from Khojki to
Gujarati. This, however, has to be adequately researched before strong
conclusions can be reached.
45Interview with Hashim Moledina, an experienced teacher of Khojki,
Karachi, January 1982.
46A resent research trip to the subcontinent revealed a tradition among
the Nizari Ismailis that holds that a group of professional scribes, Akhunds,
used to travel from one village to another for the purpose of transcribing
"fresh" copies of deteriorating manuscripts (cop4as) or making available
texts of ginans not available previously in the area. Some tenuous evidence of
this practice is provided by manuscripts in the same hand and found in
diverse places, but further research needs to be carried out to determine the
authenticity of this traditon. Interview with Abdul Hussain Alibhai Nanj~
Hyderabad,Pakistan, January 1982.
47Nanji, Nizari Isma'lli Tradition, 9.
48See Ignaz Goldz~er, "Linguistisches aus der Literatur der muhammadanischen Mystik," Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft 26 (1872): 765, and Alessandro Bausani, "About a Curious Mystical
Langt!age," East and west 4 (1958).
49Gulshan Khakee, "The Dasa Avatira of the Satpanthi Ismailis and
Imam Shahis of Indo-Pakistan."
50Ibid., 479, 603 n.2;
51AlIana, Sindhi Siiratkhati, 26.
52Khakee, "The Dasa Avatira," 479, 603 n.2.
53Stack, A Grammar of the Sindhi Language, 4.
54Khakee, "The Dasa Avatara," 479, 603 n.1.
55AlIana, SindhI Siiratkhati, 26.
56Stack, A Grammar of the Sindhi Language, 3.
57Khakee, "The Dasa Avatara," 479.
58Stac k, A Grammar of the Sindhi Language, 4.
59AlIana, Sindhi Siiratkhati, 26 n.
66
6OIbid., 24: points out that this was the reason that Khojki was sometimes called caliha akhari (forty letters). Nanji, Nizari Isma'lli Tradition, 8,
documents, forty-two letters in the script.
61 Khojki was used for writing not only theological terms and phrases
from the Arabic language but also for writing Persian. In fact, an entire
Persian text, the Pandiyat-i JawanmardI, was written in the script. Cf.
PaIidhiat Jawamardhi (Bombay: Khoja Printing Press, 1904). Ivanow
remarks that since this work expressed the ideas of the Imam it was considered to be "sacred." Hence it was ,accorded an honor otherwise known only
in the case of the Qur~an: its translation was accompanied by a parallel
transcription of the original Persian text in the Khojki script. Pandiyat-i
Javanmardi, Persian text ed. and trans. W. Ivanow (Bombay: Ismaili Society,
1953) 3.
62The Arabic ~ad (~) was usually pronounced as s.
63It is unlikely, however, that these modified characters were ever pronounced as the Arabic cain.
.
64Cf. story in Baloch, Sindhi I?oli, 33, frpm al-Jahi~, about a SindhI
woman who pronounced the Arabic jamal as zarilal.
65This letter is not found frequently in Khojki manuscripts. It is quite
common, however, in manuscript KH 131 in the collection of the Ismailia
Association for Pakistan.
66Khakee, "The Dasa Avatara," 604 n.13.
67Ibid., 482.
68In works published by LaJji Devraj, the letter "oM" is always used to
represent z or j but never dy.
69Ibid., 604 n.5. The Khojki manuscripts of the Biijh Niraiijan very
rarely use conjunct consonants. The introduction of conjunct consonants
probably took place at a late stage in the history of the script. The few conjunct consonants used in later, Khojki are derived from the DevanagarI script
(i.e., ")(" for tr, " ... " for ksh, and "1" for dhr.
70Ibid.,479.
71Stack, A Grammar of the Sindhi Language, 7,n.
72According to Stack's table (ibid., 6), the letter"~" represents both r
and~
.
73Khakee, "The Dasa Avatara," 483, also remarks on the frequent tendency in manuscript Kx to change b to bh and d to db. The change does not
take ~lace in all cases but no logical pattern is dis'cernible.
4It should be noted that, even in the later versions of the Bujh N"rrafijan
written in the Gujarati script, vowel lengths are not accurately represented.
75Khakee, "The Dasa Avatara," 604 n.3.
67
Table 2.1
Correspondence of Initial Vowels in the Roman, Urdu,
Sindhi, GUjarati, and Khojki Characters
Roman
Urdu
.Sindhi
Gujarati
Khojkia
-...., ---,
~l
\
....-
c..s\
.,
~,
-,I
~\
c:..s\
.
ai
au
a.
<5'
~l
--"'ll
Ef
tS
~q co:) c-<",<"?'')
(3
f,
td")
<3L
,
(4"") (r.,.J,)
.-J
~l
O(-.1r,~~n
cs'
"
~
(5l
~I
"
~
t~~~
,
-,I
~I
-:w
~S',. ~~ ..;;~]
68
Table 2.2
Correspondence of Noninitial Vowefs in the Rom~ Urdu,
Sindhi, Gujarati, and Khojki Characters
Khojkia
Sind hi
bad
->!
b{,
~ [W.-1
bad
~L
-=>4
btlE,
crtle..
din
(:.r~
0':;)
{f,ot
(at
dIn
e:,r..')
(do
10{
tA51
but
~.
"
~.
b{~
!!,Vl
but
-:!.Jy.
~y.
b{~
~\'l
so
HL
\'tL[~6J
;)
..,
.....
yAJ
be
cd--
d
..
hai
"
"
C;!.
nau
a.
Gujarati
Urdu
Roman
/'
~
~
,;
"
ui
"
Cft(cwJ
'(~~--NJ
a{l
(~,O\-\4"'J
69
Table 2.3
Correspondence of Consonants in the Roman, Urdu,
Sindhi, Gujarati, and Khojki Characters
Roman
Urdu
y
b
b
Gujarati
(,t
~.
Khojkia
~ ("'1.,4t J
c.....,)
bh
@l
::>{, ~C~J
<..::..>
't
th
&t
cb
2-
c:
th
b
~
dl
<5
10
1:?
(:ij.)
('\'()
Yo
""t
"'i. ('f?)
ph
...%!;
c......P
dy
jh
K:
ny
a.
Sindhi
("C'V\,]
("'~)
31 r :n (?J?)
C3?)
"[
V,
k.
-,.,
t!
j{,
~..o (~?l
.:rl. (7 1)
Ch
%..'
f9
2t ("('n
70
Roman
Urdu
Sindhi
1)
'G
(~)
(~')
kh
l~)
~C~)
::>
,)
E~
dh
,0)
:)
I Guiarati
;::,
4
.b
Kh oj ki
(~?)
'E
.s
~ \-t
. Jb"::>
-?
a,
.)
(-:d)
(-i1,th)
.J
,)
L,
,-
c;l
c;lh
r
rh
..J
(d,?)
x-
\It,
~06C~J
:r.1
31CV,J
'\."'1
Jb)
;i
Ca" ~,2-r?)
0"
./
..,.
sh
&
<Y
tL
,~
Cj'
<S
l~)
('"'"~)
ci'
rs
(~)
(:/;1 ~ 1h)
.b
.k
(~,a)
(V\, -z:.)
1;,
.la
C.~)
<:ffi , Vr'
t
t.
(~)
~~(~)
(;'l,)
~.\.. C?L)
c...JI
;f
(j
(~)
'i ('<t~
,/
<.J
c::.J
kh
~;::/
cJ
71
tu","J
1Tl
""'1 ~~~)
;:)L
~\ (:>,l ~1]
~
Roman
Urdu
Gujarati
c..f
ng
gh
Sindhi
ng
Kh oj ki
.:>A,
ft
t3"
~t~?)
3:
t~t~)
C-t
2-\(.'2-{'1
/'
.a.t
(.=J
C:J
..
o-t
rt,d-t
t,Sl
~ (~:!)
c:t
ct (,.otl
<...S
""
~C~l
Gq,
ksh
~n
gn
tr
>l
">l 6c ~"t: n
dhr
worv
72
.-t
(:-r, t)
CHAPTER]
I
73
74
by the misreading of the Perso-Arabi~ script. This would indicate that either the exemplar of the ilsmaili version was itself
transcribed from a text in the Perso-~abic script or that it was
copied from a text that had already been transcribed from such
a source. Some of the other types bf textual corruption are
attributable to a variety of factors, in'cluding the nature of the
Khojki script, unfamiliarity with Sufi technical terms of Arabic
and Persian origin, and the influence 'of Gujarati, the language
commonly spoken by a large segment of the community.
All Ismaili texts contain several vetses that are not found in
the Sufi version. 6 Many of these ve~ses are metrically defective, and their language bears a stro~g Gujarati flavor. They
are clearly later additions to the original text. On the other
hand, a few verses found in the Sufi version do not occur in the
traditional Ismaili texts. 7 Finally, it s~ould also be noted that
the sequence of individual lines in a ~aupaI may vary between
the Ismaili and Sufi versions. Of cout:se, after the discovery of
the Sufi version, many but not all of t~e corruptions indicated
above were removed from the recen:t Ismaili editions of the
work (Le., the 1976 and 1981 editions).1
There is one additional manuscript of the Bujh Nirafijan
whose relationship to the two major v~rsions delineated above
is as yet unclear. This manuscript, wri!tten in the Perso-Arabic
script, apparently survives only in two: fragments said to be in
the possession of Shaikh Naimuddin ofIBijapur. Sadik Ali, who
was the first to point out this manuscript?s existence, reproduces both surviving fragments in his trtonograph, The Authenticity of the Buj Nirinjan.8 As we have ialready seen, the first of
these fragments preserves poem 13 (npmber 33 in the Ismaili
version). It contains the name Shaikh ISadr Shah, which Sadik
Ali assumes is a variant of PIT Sadr aq-DIn. The second fragment preserves a colophon that presumably belongs to the
same manuscript as the first fragmJnt. According to this
colophon, the lineal ascendant of thi$ manuscript was transcribed in 1707 or 1708 into the Pers6-Arabic script from an
original that was in the "Hindi" script. I
While Sadik Ali consi~ers these two Ifragments to be part of
an independent version of the Bojh NuafIjan that corroborates
Prr Sadr ad-Dln's authorship, we belive, for reasons already
discussed, that there is a possibility of la relationship between
this manuscript and the Ismaili version. Whether a relation-
I
75
76
does not indIcate the source from ~hich he copied this text.
He states only that he copied this hindawI manuscript, intending by this adjective either "Indian" dr "belonging to the Indian
vernacular, Hindi." Moreover, the s6ribe makes no mention of
Richard Johnson; nor could he havb done so, for civil service
records indicate that Richard J ohnsbn arrived in India only in
1770.1 1 Though on the first folio, IRichard Johnson is mentioned as being the owner of the manuscript, the date in the
colophon indicates that the text of Bojh Niraftjan was already
transcribed before Richard Johnson could have acquired it.
Since no other date is mentioned el~ewhere in the manuscript,
it is not certain whether the other contents were also written in
1724 or at a much later date, perhJps under Johnson's guidI
ance.
Condition of the manuscript: Fragile but well preserved.
Script: The manuscript is written
in the Perso-Arabic
I
script by many hands in many stYjles. The scribe uses the
nastaClIq style to write the Bujb Niraiijan, occasionally changing to the shikastah style, especiallyi at the end of words. The
peculiarities of the script have already been discussed. 12
I
Contents of the manuscript: Contains scattered pieces and
fragments in prose and verse, in both Hindustani and Persian.
In addition to the Bujb Niraftjan, a few of the more important
portions area short treatise, in p'ersian, on measures and
weights; riddles in Persian; a Persi~n
translation of the Koka
I
Shastra, the standard Indian book on sexual intercourse; and a
large tract on magic, art, exorcism, ahd other mysterious craft.
Text of the "Bujh Niraftjan": ~he Bujb Niraftjan is found
on folios 1 through 14 with 13 to 14 lines on each folio.
Though it employs Indian metrical f6rms, the text has been laid
out in the manner of a Persian masnawI. The four lines of
I"
each of the four caupars have been written as if they were the
four misraCs (hemistiches) of two IPersian baits (distiches).
And the dobrab which concludes each poem is indented
slightly from each margin. This arrJngement may explain why
Ethe erroneously described the Bujb Niraftjan to be "a theosop hical masnavI." 13
While the text itself is written! in black ink, the various
headings are highlighted in red. 'The headings indicate the
verse forms. Each set of four cahp~Is is marked with the
1
77
"
78
79
80
81
82
83
84
,S
85
in Sindhi indicating the origin of the text. The text also ends
with the Arabic phrase, written in Khojki script, that is
commonly employed at the end of Arabic and Persian texts ..
tam.ma tamm3m (complete). This is most unusual for a Khojki
manuscript, and its presence raises the possibility that it was
included in the original transcription of the text from a PersoArabic manuscript. rSince the phrase is unusual in the Khojki
manuscript tradition, it was omitted from some manuscripts
and retained in others.
Siglum: K-5
Location of the manuscript: The text comes from a manuscript discovered by Sadik Ali at the godown of the Ismailia
Association premises in Karachi. The present whereabouts of
the manuscript are unclear. It is an uncatalogued manuscript
and has. not been kept with the regular collection of catalogued
Khojki manuscripts. The photocopy of the text used in this
study was provided by Sadik Ali.
.
Folios: According to a note accompanying the photocopy,
many folios of the original manuscript are missing. Only 44
folios survive at present. Folio size:. 20 inches by 7 inches.
Date and place of origin: The accompanying note does
not indicate the date on any of the surviving folios. However,
since the text contains the eight spurious verses found in the
early printed texts, we may presume that the text was written in
the early decades of this century. Sadik Ali mentions that
there is a note in English on the first folio stating that the
manuscript was presented to the Ismailia Association in
Karachi by the Ismaili jamacat of Sialkot (Punjab) in August
1969.
86
87
Bhag 1-5 has been called the "mother of all printed Ginanic
literature.,,26 Among some Ismaili circles his work "is the one
and only publication which may be safely taken as an authoritative and bonafide source of ginanic literature, and only that
source, in a real sense, can be the absolute basis of the comparison of all Ginanic literature.,,27 Notwithstanding LaijI
Devraj's crucial role in the shaping of the modern ginan literature, there are disconcerting aspects of his work. Both
Ivanow and Nanji mention that, for some strange reason, most
of the manuscripts used to prepare the printed editions were
destroyed. 28 . The magnitude of this destruction is compounded by the fact that, at least in the case of the Bujh
Niraiijan, there are serious questions regarding the methodology he employed to edit ginan texts.
An examination of the Bujb Niraiijan texts edited by LaljI
Devraj reveals that he introduced verses into the printed texts
that are not found in the Khojki manuscripts of the poem. In
this study, two editions of the Bujh Niraiijan edited by LaijI
Devraj have been employed: a Khojki edition printed in 1914
and a Gujarati edition printed in 1921.29 These editions are
designated here as K-2 and G-l, respectively. As we have seen,
the texts of the manuscripts K-l, K-3, and K-4 suggest that the
version of the Bujh Nirafijan that entered the Ismaili milieu
had several verses missing from poem 15. When we examine
the editions printed by LaijI Devraj, we find that this lacuna
has been filled in with spurious verses that are thematically,
linguistically, and metrically inappropriate. Even the 1976 and
1981 editions of the Bojh Nirafijan published by the Ismailia
Associations for Pakistan and India, respectively, recognized
the inappropriateness of these verses, and both editions
dropped them in favor of the reading of the India Office manuscript. Though it may be argued that perhaps LaljI Devraj was
not directly responsible for these verses and that he may have
found these verses in one of the many manuscripts he collected, the unreliability of his editing is beyond doubt when we
consider the fate of a single line in his editions. In the India
Office manuscript, line 1 of quatrain 3 of poem 11 reads: sun!
gal yuii guru ten bat, which means "such a discourse has been
heard from the guru." Since this line belongs to a series of
poems devoted to explaining the importance of the guru or
shaikh on the spiritual path, we can be reasonably certain that
88
89
'90
.
2. G-l: Published by MukhI LaljIbhaI Devtaj (Bombay:
Khoja SindhI Chapakhanu, 1921). Most likely the first edition
in the Gujarati script; includes the text of the ginan Brahma
Prakash (copies 500).
3. G-2: Published by His Highness Prince Aga Khan Shia
Imami Ismaili Association for India (Bombay: Ismaili Printing
Press, March 1981). Text accompanied by a commentary in
Gujarati (copies 5,000).
Other printed editions
1. Published by the Recreation Club Institute (Bombay:
Ismaili Printing Press, 1942). Text in the Khojki script;
includes the ginan Brahma Prakash. A reprinted edition of
K-2~
91
92
93
of
94
falahu:)l-kull
cabid
~alab
talapi, talapI
mushahada
mashaedh, mashayadh,mashayakh
nasIat es bhat, nasIyat es bhat,
nasihat lsI bat
karatav vejo, karatave vejo, karatavayejo
amu~ aju ~ ajuf alI
mill Iabhko, matalabh ko, matalab
kojo
karo binva faI, karu bhan vafal,
karm bin van fal,karoii banav fal
karU bhafarae, karU bha firae, karU
bhaf rae, karm fuaye, kaI1l firIaj,
karoii fIrmdh
nafsanryat
man lahu:)I-maula
nafI~bat
(kare) tavajjuh
cuJb riya
mutakhalliq
qurb-i navafil
qurb-i farac~
bIyasmaCu.
faCU J.taqq mutIaq
danishmand
danish
bhi~maji,
bhisama
95
96
97
NOTES
Ijames P. Blumhardt, Catalogue of Hindustani Manuscripts in the
Libra.!}' of the India Office (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1926), 2.
21'he fIrst Ismaili edition to be revised on the basis of the India Office
manuscript is Buj N'uanjan (Karachi: Ismailia Association for Pakistan,
1977).
Yrhese additional CaupaIs and dohrahs are transcribed in Appendix II.
4rrhe refrain consists of the phrase re tJ1iibiii mara saCha sanhiyiii piyijji
tJ1fihifi (You are my true Lord, You are the Beloved). The wording of the
refrain as well as the voweling of the individual words may vary slight from
ginan to ginan and from one text to another. Por more about this refrain, see
pp. 111-113 below.
5See pp. 110-111 below. It should be noted here that at the present
there are several different melodies in which the BujhN'lI'afijan is recited.
The most common melody is one that is also used for another structurally
similar ginan dealing with mystical themes, Satvet;li moti
6Por a list of verses found only in the Ismaili version, see Appendix A.
7Por a list of verses found only in the Sufi version, see Appendix B.
8Both fragments are reproduced in Appendix 1 of the monograph.
91n addition to being an able administrator, Richard Johnson belonged
to the small circle of British intellectuals of the eighteenth century who were
interested in exploring and appreciating various aspects of the culture of
India. Within this circle, as his collection reveals, Richard Johnson ranked as
an outstanding collector and connoisseur. Though interested in a broad
range of subjects, including Indian music and ragamala paintings, he was
especially fond of Indian literature. At his request Nawab Mahabbat Allah
Khan Shahbaz Jang composed an Urdu m~awi on the Punjabi-Sindhi epic
romance, Sassui-Punhun. It may well have been for his deep interest in
literature that in 1780 the Mughal Emperor Shah cAlani (ruled 1759-1806)
granted him a mansab of 6,000 with the title Mumtaz ad-daulah mufakbkbar
aI-mulk bahadur b.usam jang(the eminent of the state, exalted of the kingdom, the sharp sword in war). See Richard Johnson (1753-1807): Nabob,
Collector and Scholar (London: India Office Library, India Office Records,
1973). This is a catalogue published for an exhibition of oriental miniatures
and manuscript~ from the collection of Richard Johnson mounted for the
,
sesquicentenary of the Royal Asiatic Society.
lONoorally, "Introduction," Buj N"lI'anjan, n.p.
11According to an entry covering the career of Richard Johnson found
on p. 987 of Bengal Civilians (lOR: 0/6/25), a nineteenth-century India
OffIce compilation, Richard Johnson arrived in India on 4 June 1770. I am
grateful to Mr. Martin Moir formerly of the India OffIce Library for providing me with this information.
1.2See Chapter 2, pp. 49-51 above.
13Ethe, Catalogue of Persian Manuscripts, 1511.
141 am indebted to Professor Schimmel for this interesting observation.
151 am grateful to Zawahir Moir formerly of the Institute of Ismaili
Studies for bringing these manuscripts to my attention.
16It is significant that even the "reviser" who inserted these two
spurious verses into K-1 was doubtful about the authenticity of the other
verses and hence thOUght it best to omit them.
'
17Poem 14 in the Ismaili version corres'ponds to poem 16 in the SufI
, version and poem 32 corresponds to poem 20 in the Sufi version.
18Interview with Nurdin Bakhsh, Karachi, Pakistan, January 1982.
98
99
CHAPTER 4
PROSODY
The verses of the Bujh Niraiijan are composed on the rules
governing prosody in medieval Hindi. The prosody of Hindi
and its dialects has been the subject of extensive study and
commentary for several centuries because, until the late nineteenth century, poetry had been the predominant form of literature in that language.! As Kellogg aptly remarks, "In no
modern language probabq has prosody been so elaborately
developed as in Hindi." Indeed, prosody played such a
central role in medieval Hindustani and its dialects that even
the author of a seventeenth-century Persian grammar of the
Hindi dialect, Braj Bhasha, considered it necessary to introduce his readers to the intricacies of the prosody system)
However, when the modern student of Hindi poetry is
faced with the task of analyzing the functional aspects of
prosody in a work of poetry, the traditional methodology available to him is quite unsatisfactory. To quote Kenneth Bryant,
who has worked extensively on the poetry of Surdas,
The problem is that we simply have no ready vocabulary,
no descriptive short-cuts, for analysis of this sort; with the
tools currently available, a prosodic analysiS of any sophistication must be a slow, blow-by-blow affair .... In short,
what is needed is nothing less than a major reappraisal of
medieval North Indian metrics. 4
In the case of the Bnjh Nirafljan, the problem is compounded by the fact that here, as in most Indian poetry, meter
and music are closely allied. The cyclic succession (cakravartan) of musical beats (tals) is a prominent and natural feature
of medieval Hindi poetry.S Yet we have almost no studies
available that examine "the relationship between chanda and
tala, between meter as dictated by the syllable of the poem and
rhythm interpreted by the individual style of performance.,,6
In light of this situation, the following discussion of prosody
necessarily confines itself for the most part to the technical
aspects of prosody, reflecting the concerns of traditional
prosodists and taxonomists.
Before we proceed with the technical component of this
discussion, it would be expedient to remark on the importance
101
102
103
104
105
ji sten
106
occur, it is usually confined within one or two feet and may not
run through all the four lines. Thus in quatrain 4 of poem 4,
metrical parallelism is found in. the first foot of line 1, 3, 4;
second foot of lines 2, 3, and 4 and third foot of lines 1, 2, and 3
as follows:
- -1"' ........... 1-1jo to kilft is jag meft sajhe
svarag. . bak\sabh. . vake bUj~e
jo dekhe \ sibh'" va \ teft sO}he
to tUft bU~h"" ti'irarijan'"bU}he
It is rare in the Bujb Nirafljan to find a caupM or quatrain in
which there is a complete parallel in the metrical pattern of all
four lines, though one such quatrain does occur in poem 8,
where each line of quatrain 4 follows the metrical pattern
107
Poetry inoHindi is invariably rhymed with the rhyme occurring in the last two syllables of each line. In the caupaI meter,
the same rhyme occurs at the end of each line of the quatrain
so that the rhyme scheme a, a, ~ a is followed. Among the
caupro: verses of the Bujh Niraftjan the rhyme is formed by the
repetition of the same long vowel, consonant, and long vowel
at the end of each of the lines of a quatrain. Hence the usual
pattern followed is vcv. Alternative patterns such as cVcVcv,
wcV, or cVdJcV may also be found occasionally.37 But, since it
is preferable that a line in the caupro: meter end in two long
syllables, these alternative patterns may be considered to be
exceptions.
As to the rhyme oscheme, very rarely is the scheme ~ ~ ~ a
not observed. The scheme ~ a, b, b may occur in some quatrains in which, though the usual pattern VCV is followed at the
end of each the lines, the first two lines may have the identical
vowels and consonant in this pattern while the third and fourth
lines may conclude with a different set of vowels and consonant
in the same pattern.
To maintain the rhyme scheme, the pronunciation of
words may often be modified to fit the required pattern.
Hence in poem 7, quatrain 4, line 1, the pronunciation of the
word gusaIfi has been changed to gusaiyefi in order that it end
in the same vowel and consonant combination as the words
laiyefi, urajhaiyefi, and paiyefi. It should be onoted that, in
addition to the vowel changes, nasalization, (anusvar) has also
been inserted into the word for the sake of rhyme. It is also
very common to find - not only in the Bujh Nirafijan but in
Hindi poetry in general - that rules of grammar and syntax may
also be disregarded in order to preserve rhyme.3 8
Dohrah (doha)
A much admired meter in Hindi poetry, the dohrah consists of two lines, each containing twenty-four rnatras. Each of
the two lines is subdivided into two carans (divisions) of
thirteen and eleven matras. This results in a total of four
carans in a dohrah: the first and third carans consist of
thirteen matras while the second and fourth have eleven
matras. The thirteen m~itras of the first and third earans are
further divided into feet on the pattern six, four, three. In
addition, the last foot of these carans must lliu be a trochee
108
109
thirteen (line 1), eleven (line 2), thirteen (line 3), eleven (line
4).
A distinctive feature of the dohrahs in the Ismaili texts of
the Bujh Niraiijan is the syllable re found at the end of the
second and fourth wans, both of which contain eleven matras.
The presence of this syllable 1J1ay best be explained by a brief
consid~ration o~ the cyclic. suc~es~i.on ?f musical beats (t:lls)
accordmg to WhICh the BUJh NrranJan IS meant to be sung. 42
In prosody a cycle of syllables may be said to commence and
terminate at the beginning and the end of a unit, either a line
or a subdivision of a line (caran). For a caupaI this would be
after sixteen m:ltras at the end of the line, whereas for a
dohrah the cycle would "break" at the end of the first caran
after thirteen m:ltras. When a line is red ted according to
musical rhythm determined by means of tals, the cycle covers a
shorter period and is evenly divided. Thus if a line of Caupar is
recited on a tal cycle of four matras, then four tal cycles will be
needed to complete the recitation of the entire line of sixteen
matr:ls. If the same tal cycle of four m:ltras is applied to a
dohrah, then it is apparent that the first and third wans, which
contain thirteen m:ltr:ls each, lack three m:ltras to complete
the tal cycle, while the second and the fourth WaDS of eleven
nllltras each lack five matras.
The gap in the number of matras can be filled up in several ways. The voice may be silent for the required number of
beats or the last syllable lengthened, or the gap may be filled in
with meaningless syllables such as hejI, jI, re, re bhar. In the
case of the Bujh Niraiijan, as illustrated in the figure below, the
last syllables of the first and third carans of the dohrah are
usually lengthened, while in the second and fourth wans the
syllable re has been added to the line so that the tal cycle may
be completed. The re syllable is thus an indication that the
dohrahs of the Bujh Niraiijan had to be satisfactorily adapted
to fit a certain tal cycle as they were being recited.
123456789 10 1112 13 14 15 16
na tin naflv na thafiv hai ....... .
na bin nafiv na thafiv re ....... .
jo so nafiv bakhaniyeii ........ .
sabh va ke hai nafiv re ....... .
110
Soratha
The soratha is simply an inverted dohrah. The first and
third carans of the dohrah are transposed to become the
second and fourth carans, while the second and fourth carans
of the dohrah become the first and third waDs of the soratha.
Consequently, in the soratha the first caran consists of eleven
matras, while the, second, wan has thirteen matras. The same
rules regarding feet in the dohrah are applicable to the
soratha. The rhyme, however, by maintaining its place at the
end of the shorter eleven matra-carans, occurs in the middle of
the verse instead of the end. In the BUJb Niraiijan, the soratha
occurs only once at the end of poem 11. As pointed out above,
it is common in a poetic composition utilizing both:the CaupaI
and dohrah forms to sometimes substitute the latter form with
a soratha. In regard to the recitation of a soratha in a cycle of
musical beats, it would be expected that, due to the inversion
of carans, the Ismaili'versions would place the Ie syllable at the
end of the first and third wans since in a soratha these carans
are ,shorter ones. Instead, the Ismaili texts show that the re
syllable maintains its usual position at the end of the second
and fourth carans. Recordings of recitations of the Bujh
Niraiijan show clearly that the singers try to compensate for the
lack of syllables in the first and third carans. by sometimes
elongating the syllables at the end of the wans and sometimes
by adding the expression re bhaI to the line. 43
Tek (refrain)
In most forms of Hindi poetry, the first line or sometimes
the entire first verse of a poem is repeated after every stanza as
a refrain. In order to facilitate this arrangement, the first line
of many forms of verse is comparatively short. It is often not
even a full line, and there are few specifications about its
prosody.44 In a composition in which the poetic forms of the
CaupaI and dohrah are used together, such a refrain is probably
superfluous since the dohrah at the end of the sequence of
caupaIs does act in the manner of a refrain - if not a thematic
one then at least a structural one. Consequently, in the India
Office manuscript of the Bujh Niraiijan, one finds no indication
of a refrain.
The case is quite different in the Ismaili versions where a
refrain is clearly marked in the transition between the
111
112
NOTES
1M. S. Mahesh, The Historical Development of Mediaeval Hindi
Prosody (Bhagalpur: Bhagalpur University Publication, 1964), 16-18. Also G.
Grierson, Modem Vernacular Literature of Hindustan (Calcutta: Asiatic
Society, 1889), xxi, 58-66.
. IS. H. Kellogg, A Grammar of the Hindi Language, 3d ed. (London:
Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner, 1938),546.
3Mirza Khan Ibn Fakhrud-DIn Mul,tammad, Tu1;tfat ul-Hind, partially
ed. and trans. M. Ziauddin, A Grammar of the Braj Bhakha by Mirza Khan
(1676 AD.) (Calcutta: Visva-Gharati Bookshop, 1935), 16-20.
4K. Bryant, Poems to the Child-God (Berkeley: University of California
Press 1978), 132-133.
5Mahesh, The Historical Development, 23.
6Bryant, Poems to the Child-God
7The Ismaili version of the Biijh Niraiijan exhibits very little regard for
the rules of prosody. It shares this characteristic with the ginan literature in
general because in ginan texts meter "suffers from great inexactitude owing
to negligence in transmission and linguistic acculturation" (Nanji, NizarI
Ismll'lli Tradition, 20). In the majority of verses in the Ismaili version of the
Bujh Niraiijan, deviation from the prosodial requirements is caused by
imprecise vowel lengths. Occasionally, lapses are caused by the insertion of
superfluous words into a verse. Some of the spurious verses incorporated
into this version in the early twentieth century are also metrically defective.
8The ensuing discussion on Hindi prosody is based on the following
works: E. Greaves, A Grammar of Modem Hindi (Benares: Lazarus, 1896),
chap. 15; S. H. Kellogg, A Grammar of the Hindi Language, 3d ed. (London:
Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner, 1938), chap. 13; M. S. Mahesh, The Historical
Development of Mediaeval Hindi Prosody; H. C. Scholberg, Concise Grammar of the Hindi Language, 3d ed. (Oxford University Press, 1955), chap. 18.
9Kellogg, A Grammar of the Hindi Language, 553..
.
10 Greaves, A Grammar of Modem Hindi, 216.
llSee poem 26, quatrain 4.
12See poem 2, quatrain 2..
13See poem 13, quatrain 4.
14see poem 12, quatrain 3.
15See poem 21, quatrain 4.
16See poem 4, quatrain 1.
17See ibid.
18See poem 1, dohrah.
19See poem 5, quatrain 2.
20See poem 8, quatrain 3.
21See poem 9, quatrain 3.
22In poem 25, quatrain 3, the same word occui's, but there the short
vowel before the doubled consonant is scanned as a long syllable.
qhough often utilized in the Arabo-Persian prosody system, this rule
is not mentioned in any of the works consulted on Hindi prosody. It is appropriate to utilize it for the Biijh N'traiijan since in pronunciation syllables are
contracted and many words lose short vowels. The application of this rule in
no way affects the count of the total number of matras in 'a line; it only determines whether a word or part of a word is to be resolved as two short syl-
113
114
. PART TWO
CHAPTERS
OBSERVATIONS ON THE TEXT OF Burn NIRANJAN
1) The rendition of the Bujh Nirafijan that follows is based
-on a critical edition originally prepared for the author's doctoral dissertation at Harvard. Due to constraints of space,
simply the "text" portion of that edition has been reproduced
here. It is in Roman transliteration with an English prose
translation. With the exception of the first poem the full
critical apparatus noting the variant readings within the manuscript and printed corpus has been omitted. Also excluded
from the present text is the metrical scansion of each line, i.e.,
its division into shor.t (laghu) and long (guru) metrical instants
(matra). Readers interested in a detailed textual criticism of
the Bujh Nirafijan 'along these lines should refer to the original
dissertation where the entire text with the complete paraphernalia of textual criticism is available.
2) The numeral at the head of each page indicates the
position of the poem in the sequence of thirty-four poems
found in the India Office manuscript. The text found in this
manuscript appears to be the most reliable. The numeral
within brackets ref~rs to the poem's position in the Ismaili
version when it differs from that of the India Office manuscript. Each of the four quatrains or caupars of each poem is
numbered. Thus "21(15):2" designates poem 21 of the India
Office manuscript (poem 15 in the Ismaili version), second
caupar.
3) Changes introduced into the text as a result of critical
editing and therefore absent from any of the recensions are set
off within brackets - [ ].
4) The implicit word-final short a vowel, which is unarticulated in most words, has been omitted in the transcription.
The vowel, however, has been supplied for words where it is
pronounced (for example, piya).
5) An asterisk marks words whose scansion may be
affected by the omission of an interconsonantal short vowel
(for example, darsan instead of darasan).
6) In the Ismaili versions of the Bujh Nirafljan, the transi-
117
tion in each" poem from the caupaJ meter and verse to the
dohrah meter and verse is marked by the refrain Re tuiibr
mara saCha saiihiyaft pIytijI tiifLhIii (0 You are my true Lord,
You alone are the Beloved). In these texts, the refrain is not
written out in its entirety; the words re tunhI are used as an
abbreviation for the phrase.
7) The second and fourth carans of the dohrahs in the
Ismaili texts end with a re syllable. Apparently, during recitation, this syllable helps the singer to maintain the tal or musical
beat. Only exceptionally is this re omitted in Ismaili texts.
118
The Text
11
1
ati acaraj kahuft ek pahelI
jis teft hoe jo sune suhelI
[
[
2
piy[ti] chanaft kyuft paraghat aya
kon kon piya bhekh phiraya
la taCaiyun* zat kaha[ya]
jakI bat kahI nahift ja[ya]
3
maha agam samuftdar kahave
ja ko par na kabahuft pave
QubakI lele janam gaiivave
va kI thah na kabahuii pave
4
120
1
1
2An allusion to the b.a~ qudsi (divine saying), attributing to God the
words, "1 was a hidden treasure and I wanted to be known, so I created the
world."
3An allusion to the 1;la~ (prophetic saying) "Die before you die."
121
14
1
line 2
fu:
line 3
line 4
4This first poem is the only one included herewith the complete critical
apparatus noting variant readings. Readers interested in the critical
apparatus for subsequent poems should refer to the original dissertation,
"The Bujh Niraiijan: A Critical Edition of a Mystical Poem in Medieval
Hindustani with its Khojki and Gujarati Recensions" (Harvard University,
1984). The manuscripts and texts represented in this critical edition are
described in detail in Chapter 3.
122
1
2
piy[u] chanafi kyilii paraghat aya
kon kon piya bhekh phiraya
la ta'aiyun* iat kaha[ya]
jill bat kahi nahifi ja[ya]
line 1
This line alludes to the I.ta~ qudsI attributing to God, the words,
"I was a hidden treasure and I wanted to be known, so I
created the world."
n.iYY: P piyfi, K-l, K-3, K-4 piil, K-2 plyfifi, K-5 plyU, KG plyufi,
G-l plyu.
chanafi: Ismaili tests read chana.
kyiifi: K-l, K-3 kiil, K-2 kiyufi, K-4 kiilfi, K-4 kiyfi, KG, G-l, G-2
kyufi
paraghat: K-l, K-2, K-3, K-4, K-5, KG paragat, G-l, G-2 pragat.
K-l aeya, K-2, K-3, K-4, K-5 aea.
m:
line 2
line 3
line 4
123
3
Qubaki Ielego!ah* khave
pIT paigathbar to nahiii pave
maha agam samuIidar kahave
ja ko par na kabahfui pave
line 1
dubakI: P uses " ~ " to represent "Q." K-2 dfibalI, K-2, K-3, K-4
dfibaki, K-5 dfibhaki.
Iele: K-2, K-5, G-Ile Ie ke.
go.~ah: K-I, K-2, K-5, KG, G-I, G-2 gotha, K-3, K-4 gota.
line 2
line 3
line 4
124
G~2
1
4
jo so: K-l, K-3, K-4 jo e, K-2, K-5 jo es, KG, G-l, G-2 jo is.
budI: Derivation not clear; possibly from Persian "bud." K-l
samudhar me, K-2, K-5 samudhr mati, K-3, K-4 samudhr
mae, KG samutidar me, G-l samudhr man, G-2 samutidhr
man (K-2, K-3, K-4, K-5 use ".l." to represent "dhr").
QubakI: P uses" 1" to represent "c;i," K-l, K-2, K-3, K-4 dubakI,
K-5 dubhakI.
line 2
m:
line 3
c;iubakI: P uses ".1 " to represent "c;i," K-l, K-2, K-3, K-4 dubakI,
K-5 dubhakI.
gaiivave: K-l, K-2, K-3, K-4, K-5, G-2 gamave, KG, G-l gumave.
line 4
va ke: K-l, K-5 to ya ko, K-2 to yati ko, K:3, K-4, to yake, KG,
G-l, G-2 villo.
thah: K-l, K-2, K-3, K-4, K-5, G-l thak, KG, G-2 thag.
na kabahUii: K-l, K-2, K-4, K-5 kabhuek, KG, G-l kabuek, G-2
kabahu.
125
dohrah
nan ilah niraiijan kahiye; nan kahiye kachu bat
giiiige supana paiya; samar samar pachatat
line 1
naii: K-1, K-3 na, K-2, K-4, K-5, G-1, G-2 nirala, KG nIrala.
ilah: Fin~ "h" not reckoned in meter. Pit ilah, K-1 ala, K-3, K-4
ala. Does not occur in K-2, K-5, KG, G-1, G-2.
niraiijan: K-1, K-3 narijan, K-2, K-4, K-5 nirijan, KG niraiijan, G-1
niriiijan.
kahiye: K-1, K-3, K-4, K-5, KG kahie, K-2, G-2 kahieii, G-1 kahie.
nan: K-3na, K-2, K-4, K-5, G-1, G-2 nirali, KG nIrali.
kahiye: K-1, K-3, K-5, KG, G-1, G-2 kahie, K-2, K-4 kahien.
kach[u]: Vowel of second syllable shortened for meter. P kachu,
K-1; K-2, K-4, K-5 kuch, KG, G-1, G-2 kuch.
bat: K-1, K-2, K-4, K-5 bhat (K-1 uses ">i' to represent "bh").
line 2
guiige: 1<.-1, K-2, K-3, K-4, K-5 gilnge, KG, G-1, G-2 guiige.
supan a: "Ismaili texts, except G-1, read sapana. G-1 svapna.
paiya: K-1, K-2, K-3, K-4, K-5, G-1 paea, KG, G-1 paya.
samar samar: Ismaili texts read samajsamaj. (Cf. D. Varma, La
langue Braj, pp. 55, 59 on the tendency of word final "r" to
be changed to "j," e.g., maj jaungI instead of mar jaungI.)
pachatat: K-1, K-2, K-5 pachatae, K-3 pasatae, K-4 pashatae, KG
pasatay, G-1 pastay.
126
3
in dOM rnahiii vabdat* kahiye
jakufi dOM ~ifatofi sufi lahiye
kya nyare sabh tefi sufi sahiye
kya sabh sufi so paraghat lahiye
4
jarnaC jahaii as rna * kr hOI
kahat uluh[i]yat so teii SoI
rabb jahafi taf~Il jo hOI
bujhe bujhan har jo kOT
dohrah
jine nahi rafig na rup kachu; na kOT nanv na thanv
soi gupta * paraghat bhaya; lakh dhare tab nafiv
128
2
1
How can you describe [the stage of] al).adlyat?5
Know it to be different from all [divine] attributes;
Consider it to be more different than the different;
In this manner, you may comprehend it a little.
2
That which is acquired from [the coming together] of all
the attributes,
That again is called vaLUdlyat6
Many and incomparable are the forms He shows Himself;
Myriad are the forms He assumes.
3
In [between] these two [stages] is that of val).dat,7
Which can be attained through both attributes.
Listen to how different He is from everything,
And yet how evident He becomes from everything.
4
When there is the pleroma of all the [divine] names,
It is said divinity [ula1lIyat] is from that,
And the attribute rabb [Lord] arises when there is specification.
Only the perceptive one will understand.
dohrah
The One who has neither color nor form, nor name nor
place;
That Hidden One became manifest, assuming a hundred
thousand names.
129
3
1
nanv niranjan ke do bhatI
ek ian ek bhae $ifan
ummahat sabh kahiyen ian
aur bhae sabh nanv $ifan
2
jit piyu cain Ciyan kahayo
tit n[ a ]nv ~ahir cilm * dharayo
jo ut tha so it ho ayo
vahlparsabhjagatbanayo
(1)
(2)
3
man guman karo mat kOT
jo ut hai so it bhin SOl
hOI raha hove bhin SoT
yah * likhiya mIte nahin kOT
4
yah* sabh calam-i gaib kahave
pakI jak[i] kahI nahin jave
khalqat* kun it nanv na pave
sabh yah * ?;ahl1r kahave
dohrah
na tine nanv na thanv hai; na bin nanv na thanv
jo so nafly bakhaniyen; sabh va ke hai nanv
ek alakh lakh bhekh dhar; tribJ:mvan raho samay
sabh men paraghat hoi raho; ya ten lakho na jay
130
3
1
The names of God [niraftjan] are of two kinds:
One is that of the essence [zat], and one derives from the
attributes [sifat].
Know the names of the essence to be the basic ones,
The remaining being names of the attributes.
2
Where the Beloved was called cain qyan, 8
. There He assumed the name [attribute] ~ahir cilm.9
Whatever was there has come here;
In this manner, the whole universe was created.
3
Entertain not selfish doubts and suspicions, .
That which is there is also here.
That which happens will happen as it should;
No one can erase that which has been written.
4
All this is said to be the calam-i gaib, 10
Whose purity cannot be described.
Of the created world not a trace is found here;
Here everything is said to be pure manifestation.
dohrah
(1) Neither does He have any name nor place, nor is He
without name and place;
With whatever name He is described, all names are His.
(2) The one invisible One assumed a hundred thousand forms
and was contained in the three worlds.
He became evident in everything, [yet] He is not to be
seen.
131
4
1
sabh khilqat* arva1)* ko calam
jak[i] bat allah run milam
yahr malim Cain balam
jake sikh hoe sabh calam
2
pahalen I111)u'l * qudus ki roy a
akhir ~ifat jabr[i]l jo hoya
jo un Citvan* run nahin roya
so sundar jagat hin soya
3
tIjo calam kahiyen mi~al[a]
jakI mOrat pak kamal[a]
vakI juz aur ba~* niu1)al[a]
is calam kon aiso hal[a]
4
jo to run is jag men sujhe
svarag bak sabh vake bujhe
jo dekhe sabh va ten sujhe
to tun bujh niranjan bujhe
dohrah
piya surang bahu rang hai; aur rang rang dikhay
jo lauen dib disht* hoe; to rang rang men samay
132
4
1
All the created spirits belong to a world,
Whose affairs are known [only] to God.
Here the teacher is none other than the Beloved,
Whose disciples include entire creation.
2
First there is the vision of the n1 Qu:JI qudus,l1
Which finally became the epithet of Gabriel.
Whoever has not seen that vision,
That soul,12 though awake, is [in reality] ~sleep.
3
The third world is that of symbols [~al], 13
Whose form is pure and perfect.
Division and analysis of it is impossible;
Such is the condition of this world.
4
.If in this world you attain knowledge,
Then you will understand all its [Le., that world's] heavenly
language.
If you perceive whatever you see to come from there,
Then you have understood the Bujh Niraiijan
dohrah
The Beloved is of beautiful and variegated color and He
manifests Himself in color after color.
When the divine vision takes place, then [all] colors are
contained in [one] color.
133
5
1
pahale fai:? faiy~ ten ave
pache mukh arvab dikhave
va ten hoe mi~al men ave
ta ten jave shahadat pave
2
cotha mulk* shahadat kahiye
bure bhale sabh ja men sahiye
to men guru ke [yamen?] kahiye
allah * rasul ut hin bhin lahiye
3
panevan * calam tab kahalave
jab manas kr murat pave
jo apas men ulat samave
jamaCjam[i]C ~ifat kahave
4
134
5
1
First from the Bountiful One [faiyaz] comes f~;14
Then it appears in the [world of] spirits [arval)];
From there it comes to the [world of] symbols [mia1];
After which it reaches the [world of] perception
[shahadat].
2
The fourth realm is that of perception [shahadat]; 15
Good and bad are endured everywhere [?]
[meaning uncertain]
There [knowledge of] God and Prophet is also acquired.
3
One may speak of the fifth world,
When it reaches the human form.
If it returns into itself [through the medium of human
nature],
Then he is called "the comprehensive container of
attributes." 16
4
The talk of nUZi1l17 is complete;
Without the Curoj18 all is in vain.
All, elite and masses, are aware:
Without the Beloved, the woman [soul] is of no use.
dohrah
The pearl comes from water even so it is not called water.
You may drink the pearl by crushing and piercing it, but it
is impossible to drink the ocean.
14faq: - .overflowing, abundance; beneficence, favor, grace; used in
Sufism to refer to divine emanation.
15The visible world or the world of senses.
16An epithet in Sufism for the Perfect Man as microcosm.
17n uziil- descent; used in Sufism to refer to the descent of the Divine
Essence, through various limitations, into the world of creation.
18curuj - ascent, ascension; used in Sufism to refer to the ascent of the
soul through various spiritual stages and states until it finally reaches its
home in God.
135
1
jis ko calam sun mere mna
dhartI* bI ta carsh * jo kna
l)aif jo blljhe ka vah mna
ke pach ta men kya kar Ina
2
gun apane kOI Cit na ave
sabh avagun apas men pave
sIs tale kachll batna ave
is c;lar ten kahu kya man bhave
3
nabI mul)ammad kare shafaCat[a]
jakun hai ummat kr riCayat[a]
jo guru mo pe kare Cinayat[a]
gunah mere sabh hove ~aCat[a]
4
dehaI pare mat dekhe pIll
jo hai dIn dllnI ko jIll
is jab men hai yun kar pIli
jyun kar dlldh dahl mon ghIll
dohrah
birahI rain jo niramalI; hit cit piya sun lay
piya avan kI bel hai; mat bhor bhae pachatay
136
6
1
Him whom my Beloved has created along"with the universe,
From earth to the highest heaven;
Alas if he only knew the whereabouts of that Beloved.
What does he gain by that [?].
2
N one of his own virtues comes to mind,
He finds in himself only all the vices.
By hesitating 19 he achieves nothing.
On account of this fear, say, what can he enjoy?
3
[When] the Prophet Mu.bammad intercedes,
For it is he who looks after the community [ummat];
And when the Guru graces me with favor,
[Then] all my transgressions become [acts of] obedience
(i.e., devotion).
4
Look not far from this body for the Beloved,
Who is the life of religion and the world.
The Beloved is present in this world,
As ghee is present in milk and curds.
dohrah
If the night of separation is to be chaste, fix [your] attention and mind on the Beloved;
For it is time for the coming of the Beloved: let there be
no regrets with the coming of dawn.
137
7
1
piya darsan * kahu kaisen paven
taj maya aur guru pe javen
vahI karen jo guru faramaven
ta ten darsan * piya ka paven
2
kaha soya uth sundar jag[a]
man! manore ten uth bhag[a]
jo mathe rujh hoe yaha bhag[a]
apne* guru ke paeft lag[a]
3
ek Citavan jo vak! pave
to tan man nirmal * ho jave
nih * kalaiik kar bat dikhave
dukh khove sabh sukh upajave
4
ek nabI aur ek gusaiyen
ek guru bin cit na laiyen
auran son jo man urajhaiyen
jlbit ko phal mol na paiyen
dohrah
ek abmad * ek jagat pati; ek guru sOft man lay
guru sevit abmad* mile; abmad mIm gaftvay .
138
7
1
Tell [us] how one may attain the vision of the Beloved?
Abandoning the illusionary world, he should turn to the
Guru.
He should do what the Guru commands,
Thus may he attain darsan20 of the Beloved.
2
.Why have you been asleep? Rise, 0 soul, awaken!
Rise and flee from selfish desires!
If you have this good fortune [written] on your forehead,
Then prostrate before your Guru.
3
If [you] obtain only one of his glances,
Then body and soul will become pure.
Making [you] without blemish [Le., pure], he shows the
path:
All afflictions disappear and happiness arises.
4
Except for the one Prophet, one God,
And one Guru, the mind should not be attached to any
one.
If you entangle your mind with others,
Then you will not acquire the [real] rewards and worth of
life.
dohrah
Concentrate on the one Abmad, the one Master of the
universe and the one Guru.
Serving the Guru, one acquires A1).mad and then A1).mad
loses the letter m. 21
139
8
1
jo pan<;lit* aur siddh* kahave
catur sujan sughar hoe ave
jap tap kar sabh janam gaiivave
bin guru marag pem na pave
2
jo cerI guru maya na paveii
dhyan gyan kach[ u] kam na aveii
<;lhuii<;lhat dau~at janam gaiivaveii
bin guru maya na marag pavefi
3
jo tuii lakh tablb bulave
bin guru Plf bedan na jave
bedan jay jo guru cit ave
dukh khove sabh sukh upajave
4
jo guru teii jo bedan jave
so guru saiica gafij kahave
[
[
dohrah
bara guru mile bed kilii; aur daru deve car
bin guru bedan jave nahlii; ya bedan ke sar
140
8
1
Those who are known as scholars [pancjits] and ascetics
[siddhs];
They come forth as sagacious, intelligent, and accomplished.
However, in muttering prayers they squander their entire
lives,
For without the Guru, the path of love cannot be attained.
2
If this slave girl does not acquire the grace of the Guru,
[Then] meditation and knowledge are entfrely in vain.
She may squander a lifetime in searching and running
around
But without the Guru, she" will not find the path.
3
Even if you were to call a "hundred thousand doctors,
Without the Guru the pain and affliction will not disappear.
The pain disappears only when the Guru comes to mind,
[Then] all suffering vanishes and only happiness arises.
4
If through [the mediation] of the Guru, the pain disappears,
[Then] that. Guru is called a true treasure.
[
]
[
]
dohrah
This pain [is curable] if one meets a great Guru who gives
medicine and remedy.
Without the Guru this pain will not disappear; such is the
nature of this pain.
141
9
1
jo bhift is jag mahift aya
bhag sobhag apane jo Ie aya
tin guru shah masr1)a paya
mar pot vahr p[u]n jaya
2
shah cain jo darsan * paiye
vake cara1.J. par bal jaiye
jo man meft iccha Ie aiye
so bhift yah maya s[ ti]ft paiye
3
kar ~ahor latkaftda aya
cainu:>l * cirfaft* nam dharaya
jag par hai bhift vaka saya
jin jag koft e bat lagaya
4
cain nabr ka nOr pachan.oft
ma~har kh~S ilahr janoft
jo [guru kahana?] mera manbft
jag man ko tab yah pachanoft
dohrah
cain cain jis ko kahoft; so cain hai ghat mafth
jo ghat teft paraghat hove; to rom rom sukh pafth
142
9
1
Whoever has come into this world, .
Has come with his fortune, bad and good
He who has found the Guru, Shah, Messiah;
That mother's son22 is born fortunate.
2
If you [want to] acquire d arsan23 of the Lord's essence,
[Then] you should sacrifice [yourself] at his feet.
Whatever desires you may have in your heart,
These, too, will be fulfilled through his compassion.
3
When he became manifest and came forth coquettishly,
He assumed the name cainu:>l cirfan.24
In this world he is the shadow of He
Who set the world on this path [of existence].
4
Recognize him to be the ~ssence of the Prophet's light,
And the special locus of the Divine manifestation.
If you believe [the message] the Guru has made me utter
[?]
Then in this world you will recognize Him.
dohrah
The one whom I call the essence of the essence; He is the
very essence in the heart.
When He becomes manifest in the heart, then in every
pore [you will] find happiness.
143
1025
1
nabI ko naib ho kar aya
sabh kahu ke man meft bhaya
ja par nahift vako saya
bhag abhag so bhift Ie aya
2
vak! seva karo savere
mat pachatao akhar vere
sabh jag hai guru vake cere
so seve bhed niraftjan mere
(1)
(2)
2SThis poem has two dohrahs, the ftrst of which does not occur in the
Ismaili version.
144
10
1
145
11
1
aisa guru jo kabahon pave
aUf taufrq ilahT ave
Cit apana it ut na Qolave
tab ja marag pem ko pave
2
c
pahale to kiln shara batave
pache rah ~arTqat lave
tab tujh ijal ijaqTqat ave
rnacrifat * kerT sudh tab pave
3
sunI gaT yon guru ten bat[a]
dTpak sharaCJ leve hath[a]
tai karahe tab yah* ~lmat[a]
pave ape ab-i ijayat[a]
4
146
11
1
If ever one finds such a Guru,
And there also comes divine grace,
And one's mind does not wander hither and thither,
Then at that point he attains the path of love.
2
First he shows the sharC;29
After which he brings you to the road of tarIqat,30
Then the state of 1;taqlqat31 comes to you,
Only then will you acquire macnat 32
3
Such a discourse has been heard from the Guru:
"Take the lamp of the divine law [sharC] in hand,
Then crossing through this darkness,
Acquire for yourself ab-i 1;tayat."33
4
This darkness is called tarIqat .
In which, without a guide, the road cannot be found.
Only with a guide can all afflictions be endured;
Otherwise one should stay blissfully within the sh3.rc.
soratha
Of great danger is this path; how can it be traversed without a guide [aguva]
Only with a guide may the water of life be found.
147
1234
1
rah sharfCat ka suri pyare
jo tun khodr takabur mare
man! manore apane jare
to tun jIte kabahun na hare
2
3
kalamaf11aiyib kaho ghanera
ek bar kar makke phera
de zakat aur khair ghan~ra
duniya dIn hove sabh tera
4
alkas * chore sustr'*. mare
uth kar vu~ tava+?il dhare
panco vaqt* namaz guZare
tab ton dIn damaman mare
dohrah
tIson rakho pane guz[ a ]ro; kalaman kaho rasol
dIyo zakat aur 1}.ajj karo; dargah* par ho qabol
148
12
1
Listen, dear one, about the path of shaf1Cat:
If you kill khadI [selfhood]3S and pride,
And burn your selfish desires,
Then you will win and never lose.
2
First believe in the divine essence,
.And know that everything, good and bad, comes from
there.
Then believe in the Prophet Mul)ammad,
And recognize the four friends. 36
3
Recite the felicitous kalma37 many times,
And perform once the circumambulation at Mecca,
Give much zakat38 and alms,
[Then] everything, material and spiritual, will be yours.
4
- When you have abandoned sloth and conquered laziness,
And have risen and performed the ablution with steadfastness, .
And have performed the ritual prayer at the five times,
Then you may beat upon the kettledrum of religion.
dohrah
Keep the thirty [fasts], perform the five [prayers]; recite
the kalma of the Prophet;
Give zakat and perform the bajj; then you will be accepted
at the [divine?] court.
35khiidi - selfhood; in traditional Sufism a negative concept; used later
by Muhammad Iqbal in a positive sense in reference to the development of
the individual's essence to its utmost limits.
36"The four friends" refers to the four successors of the Prophet
Mu1.Iammad - "the rightly guided ones" (i.e., AbiiBakr, cUmar, Oman, and
CAlI).
37kalrpa(h) - word, speech, saying; the profession of faith in Islam.
38Alms tax that a Muslim is required to pay; one of the pillars of the
faith.
149
13 [33]39
1
jo nafsanIyat* Iron nakhe
sabh roze rama+an ke rakhe
man ten hoe shahadat bakhe
tab laiat islam * kI cakhe
2
c[a]r maihab* bar baq kar jane
car kitabon kiln pahachane
aur nabl sabh baq kar jane
tabh tujh hove durust Iman[e]
3
vajib far?:* jo sunnat jane
sabh abkam* arkan* pachane
raz-i qiyamat ke gawan mane
seva sabh kaho ke thane
4
parhe quflan * kitaban bojhe
tab tujh rah nabl ka sojhe
jo mag abmad* kera bojhe
rab niranjan ape sojhe
dohrah
bojhe marag nabl kera; jo hai sada qabol
sar nabiyon sar taj hai; dolah * nabl rasol
150
13 [33]
1
If you give up the pleasures of the lower self,
And observe all the fasts during [the month of] Rama+an,
And recite the shahada40 with sincerity,
Then you will taste the delight of Islam.
2
When you comprehend the four IDrihabs 41 as based on
truth,
And recognize the four books,42
And know all the prophets to be true,
Then you will have true faith.
3
When you recognize the obligatory duties- to be sunnat;43
And acknowledge all the pillars and commands [of the
faith];
And believe in the (procedures?) of the Day of Resurrection;
And perform service to all;
4
,And [when] you have read and understood the Qur:>an and
the books,
Then the path of the Prophet will be known to you.
When you know the path of Abmad,
Then the path of God [niraiijan] will be spontaneously
evident.
dohrah
Know the path of the Prophet which is eternally accepted,
On the head of the Prophets, .the bridegroom Prophet
[Mul)arnrnad] is the crown.
40shahada(h) .;. the profession of faith, declaring thatthere is no god but
God, and M~ammad is His prophet; identifies the declarer as a Muslim.
41The four religions that possess the four divinely revealed scriptures; or
the four legal schools of Sunni Islam (i.e., Hanafi, Shari'i, MalikI, and
Hanbali).
42The four books or scriptures revealed by God (i.e., the Taurah to
Moses, the Zabiir to David, the Injil to Jesus, and the Qur-an to Mub.ammad).
43sunna(h/t) - received custom, particularly that associated with the
Prophet MuI}.ammad.
151
14 [12]
1
jin yah* marag kiya qabol[a]
pache kabahon na hoe malol[a]
kahu tan kalaman nabl rasol[a]
do jag men bhin hoe maqabol[a]
2
sharrcat ko jo rah na mane
andhala * hai vah * kya pahachane
.jo On bojh na bojh mane
so kya sar nabl ke jane
3
ya mag ten jo munkir* hove
ut kya pave aithahin khove
pet bhare jyon morakh sove
l)aif jo kam apane ke khove
4
amr* nabl ka jo nahifi mane
bahra * hai vah * kya sun jane
age kilfi jo Cit n[a] ane
kya hove pache pachatane
dohrah
jin yah* sabd* na maniyo; On piche mat daur
it un kiln sobha nahiii; ut nahiii paveii thaur
152
14 [12]
1
He who has accepted this path,
Will never again be grieved.
Recite the kalma44 of the Prophet,
Then you will be accepted in both worlds.
2
153
15 [13]
1
jab e parde* uth ke javeii
jhuth saiich sabh (murakh?) paven
ut ten (cahan) phir it aven
mat Gay?) rah nabI ka paveii
2
46The Ismaili text have the following ~s lines 3 and 4 of the fourth
Caupru: jo bhajan karat hi ap gamave; to piya sii.ii mi$ri diidh jyii.ii mil jave.
154
15 [13]
1
When this veil is lifted,
Then, 0 ignorant one, all falsehood and truth can be discerned [?]
[meaning unclear]
Do not go by yourself; follow the path of the Prophet [?]
2
Having gone there, one should not return here [?],
For he will not find the path of the sh3.fICat [?].
Pining away, day and night, he regrets a lot,
But this opportunity will not come again.
3
If one loses association with such [a state?]
Then all of his pleasures are lost.
Cutting his hands, he regrets a lot,
But such a state he will not regain.
4
- The state of man lahu:ll maula47 is attained, .
When he acquires association with the Silfr.
Through his compassion he loses himself,
And then the station of lahu:ll kull48 is attained.
dohrah
Making the body like a stick, associate with the sugar-like
Guru,
Then as a result of this association, be weighed and sold as
sugar.
47man lahu:IJ. mauli - He who has his Lord; fust part of an al1egedJ,l.a~
or saying of the Prophet: "He who has his Lord, has everything."
481ahu:llIrull - he has everything; second part of the Prophetic saying
quoted in the note above.
155
16 [14]
1
mel;mat kar kar jo kacho lave
10k kutumb sOfi adh batave
adh thath allah kahalave
khadim hoe makhdomI* pave
2
lekhe ka dar jakofi ave
sabh tefi pahle* bihisht* mefi jave
ya tefi maya mollutave
tab yah * nam faqrr kahave
3
jo kor gair sharc ten bhage
adhr rat Ie pichalr jage
sava pahar jap tap sOfi lage
paChe kam maya ke lage
4
bhokh mare cabid kahalave
maya kilfi din rat na dhave
din sagra * taCat sOfi jave
cabid ka tab rutba * pave
dohrah
hari samarat hari paiye; ~ari paiyefi sukh hoy
nipat nikat harr jo basefi; hari samarat nahifi koy
156
16 [14]
1
. Whatever he brings [earns] through hard work,
He distrjbutes half among kith and kin,
[And the remaining] half is said to be God's.
[Thus] being [only] a servant, he attains mastership.
2
When he comes to the door of reckoning,
He will be the first to enter paradise.
When [desire for] the material world is uprooted from
him,
Then he is called a faqIr.49
3
He who flees from what is other than the divine law
[sbarC];
Stays awake tbe last half of the night;
Worships for 11/4 pahars;50
Then turns to the affairs of the material world;
4
Having conquered hunger, he is called "a [true] servant"
[cabid].
He no longer spends day and night adoring the material
world;
The whole day is spent in obedience [1acat],51
Then he has attained the rank of cabid.
dohrah
Remembering God (bari),52 one' finds God [bari]; if [you]
find God [bari] there is much happiness;
Yet no one remembers God [bari] who is so very close.
49faqIr - poor; general name for the Sufi; in later times often used in a
pejorative sense.
50pahar - a division of time consisting of eight gharis or three hours; an
eighth part of a day; a watch.
.
51tacat - obedience; submission to God; devotion.
52hari - an Indian epithet of God; used specifically iIi the Hindu tradition to refer to Vishnu and his incarnations.
157
17 [29]53
1
hit maya kI cit thin jave
lakh karoran jo mil ave
vake Cit men thor na pave
so sundar zahid kahalave
2
ya sabh ~alib bihisht* ke hoven
sabh dozakh ke cjar ten roven
yah * sabh sundar marakh hoven
lahe karan mal jo khoven
3
khadim aur faqIr dIvane
zahid cabid khare sIyane
nisadin dozakh bihisht* bakhane
shah* apne* kiln Cit n[a] ane
4
jin shah* dozakh bihisht* upal
sat dIp nay khancjh banal
yah * sabh rap anOp dikhaI
a1).mad* ke sabh sang lagaI
dohrah
kya lave man aur san; k[a]ha cjolave Cit
ek pal Cit us piyu knn; jo Citvan * to yah * nit
5Jrhe verses of this poem do not appear in an identical order in all the
texts.
158
17 [29]
1
[Once] desire for the material world disappears from the
heart
[Then] even if a hundred thousand crores were acquired,
[Still] it would have no place in his heart.
Such a person is called a zahid. 54
2
54zahid - one who shuns the world and exercises himself in the acts of
devotion; a monk, recluse, hermit.
55According to some schools of Indian philosophy the world is divided
into seven island-continents: J ambu, Plaksha, Shalmali, Kusha, Kraunca,
Shaka, and Pushkara.
56The nine divisions of the earth that according to Indian thought
constitute the Jambii-dvip, the central portion of the world, or the known
world.
159
18 [30]
1
jo guru rah tarrqat lave
maya puftjr mOllutave
ghar dvare koft ag lagave
hoe majnuft * lail1 koft dhave
2
pem piyare ka jab hove
aur hosh sabh dil teft khove
nisadin jage kabah[ u]ft na sove
zar zar do naina rove
3
hirday* "maflhift ag sIlage
age hoe so age age
pache paftv nakabahuftlage
in lokan teft mrig jyoft bhage
4
cahe jyafi pafikhI ur jaufi
lalan kera darsan * pauft
sajan par hauft bal bal jauft
Ie sajan koft kaftth lagauft
dohrah
pafikh1 ho[i] jo ur sakoft; dhauft piya ke or
yah * j1V kO ne kaj hai; varoftiakh karor
160
18 [30]
1
161
19[31]
1
c.lholan moknn lal kanI
birah k[i] mar[i] phiIiin dlvanI
10k kuturhb ten bhaI beganI
sajan merI sar na janI
162
19 [31]
1
The Beloved has struck me with an arrow;
Mflicted by birah,6O I roam about intoxicated.
I have become estranged from family a"nd people,
[But] the Beloved knows not my worth.
2
Without the Lord, desolate is the state of [this] woman
[soul];
For the Beloved, she cries the entire day.
Father, mother, no one understands;
Only one who has been struck [similarly] can understand.
3
He who has an affliction in the heart,
How can he sleep in peace?
All desires are washed away from the mind,
And day and night the eyes shed [tears of] blood.
4
Night and day I get no sleep,
And night and day tears flow from the eyes.
I am dying now, 0 Beloved, because of your coquetry,
[And yet] you show no kindness to me.
dohrah
Look, 0 sisters and friends; look at the wretched state of
this woman!
When my mind is occupied with the Beloved Lord, then
look after this stricken one!
163
20 [32]
1
sajan par hauil hail baliharT
jin lalan moil nipat bisarT
nisadin loyan lage tarT
kabah[u]il to ave hamarT barT
2
jab darasan hauil dekhoil tera
sabh dukh bisare Cit teil mera
sokh opaje mujh ghan ghanera
lalan karo hamare hail phera
3
abke* jo hauil lalan pauil
hairde aildar sej bichaoil
apane rothe lal manailil
Ie sajan kilil kailth lagaoil
4
164
20 [32]
1
62This line is strongly reminiscent of the yearning that the gopis, the
of Hindu mythology, have for Krishna, each one of them hoping
expectantly that she is her beloved's chosen one.
63Syam - black, dark blue; an epithet of the Hindu deity Krishna.
cow~maids
165
21 [15]64
1
nafi mujh rap na gun kach[u] salfi
kaisefi kahofi piya mujh ghar alfi
to kofi tohi maya SOfi paofi
karafi badhal mafigal gaofi
2
~alab kamal ilahr ave
mItha karva * sam ho jave
bura bhala to cit na ave
astut* nifida ekIfi pave
3
aisa dard * piya ka hove
Qal qal apana sabh khove
nisadin jhur jhur piiijar hove
aise pare to ~alib hove
4
nisadin birahi jyl1fi vah[a]efi kote
mali] pot rfiha sabh chute
[
dohrah
chut pare jafijal tefi; jinhofi lutaya ap
harr kara.t:J. maya tajr; karaI). p[o]n na pap
64KhojkI manuscripts have a lacuna in this poem that later prmted texts
fill in with the following lines: niiidi kharab hai so mat kanl~i; niiidi
kara.r;tese munivar Qarani; nhidi kiesiifi jise dharam; upajase sarVe sir par
karam; niiidi thie tyiii besavuii. nahi; niiidi kin siifi s~vi nahi.
166
21 [15]
1
Lord, neither do I have any beauty nor virtue;
How can I say, "Beloved, come to my house."
If I were to attain You through Your kindness,
Then I would celebrate by singing wedding songs.
2
When desire for divine perfection arises,
[Then for the seeker] the sweet and bitter are identical;
The mind does not distinguish between bad and good;
Praise and censure are alike.
3
The pain for the Beloved is such that,
He [the lover] loses all speech and composure.
Pining, day and night, he becomes a [mere] skeleton.
If such becomes [his state] then he is lalib. 65
4
Day and night he spends like a birahI,66
In this way all mothers' sons are liberated [?].
[
]
[
]
dohrah
He who has been robbed of his self, he is liberated from
the anxieties [of worldly concerns].
For the sake of God [hari], he abandons the material
world; not for virtue or vice.
167
22 [16]
1
pache bal mujahada ave
vahI kare jo nafs * na bhave
bura bhala yaks an * ho jave
tab tun bal mushahada pave
2
vaqt * malamat ka tab ave
apane nek aCmal* chupave
bure aCmal * paraghat dikhalave
to piya klln yah sundar pave
3
nisadin dard * piya ke jagen
sabh (larake?) (uth?) pIche lageii
tukare mange jis ke ageii
yar bhai sabh sun bhageii
4
168
22 [16]
1
Then comes the state of mujahada67
[In which] he does what the nafs68 does not like.
[When] good and bad are the same,
Then you have attained the state of mushahada.69
2
The time for reproach [malatnat] comes,
When he conceals his virtuous actions,
And he openly displays his evil deeds;
Such a soul, then, finds the Beloved.
3
Day and night the pangs for the Beloved are aroused,
All the boys chase [after you] [?],
From whomever you beg a morsel,
Be they friends or brothers - they all flee from you.
4
On account of the Beloved he loses himself completely,
And he shaves off his head and beard.
Assuming a black face 70 he shows himself to the world.
Then he acquires the redness of the Beloved.71
dohrah
Having shaved off his head and beard, he assumes a disgraceful state and roams the world;
All the abuse of the world he bears on his head; then he
has placed the Beloved in his heart.
169
23 [17]
1
170
23 [17]
1
All the family and folk come together;
Giving him advice and guidance, they reason with him.
But his state does not change in any way;
[So after] reproaching him, they turn away.
2
Mother, father, and woman of the house;
Sister, brother, mother-in-law, sister-in-law;
All meet and come to him many times,
[But finally] they all insult him [in frustration].
3
The lover has drunk froni the goblet of love:
Mother and father say, "[Our] son is astray!"
The family and folk say, "He has been possessed!"
The wife says, "There is [certainly] a slut Some place." .
4
When that powerful love surges from the heart,
Mother, father, all [other] love is forgotten.
[Even] the woman of that house is forgotten;
What [place then] remains for both mother-in-law and
sister-in-law? .
dohrah
Ignorant people really do not know that my body suffers
from love-in-separation [birah],
When the Beloved Husband comes to mind, then forgotten
are all folk.
171
24 [18]72
1
172
24
1
The person who has completely abandoned the world;
He is not kith or kin to anyone.
That [world] no longer remains an obstacle [for him].
[meaning not clear]
2
]
[
]
He, too, is his Beloved's [?]
May nobody say mine and thine [?].
3
Hunger and affliction all come upon him;
Wherever he goes, he finds no place [i.e., peace]
And no kindness comes to him from his wife.
He prefers suffering to happiness.
4
If it pleases the Beloved to give affliction,
[Then all] your [material] happiness is of no use The [material] happiness for which you squander [your]
life.
Without affliction, [you] will never find [spiritual] happiness.
dohrah
In every heart is your sign, and in the heart is also [yearning] pain for you;
Pain for you rages; be merciful so that it changes into happiness.
173
25 [19]
1
guru jo bat l)aqIqI lave
pahalen nafr i~bat* batave
kare tavajjuh tohi othave
ape ap niranjan pave
2
jab taufrq ilahI ave
murashid kera dhyan lagave
"la ilah" kar ap lutave
"illaJllah"* kar sajan pave
3
kibr* takabbur manI ganvave
kIn[a] l)asad aur bug?:* na lyave
eujab riya ko mollutave
so shah beg niranjan pave
4
la yaCnJ* [kha1ir] sabh khove
manI manore run sabh dhove
iikar shugal kI khetI bove
nOr tajallI ko phal hove
dohrah
khetI bOJo pem kI; aur panI diyo gyan
nOr tajallI phal paren; jo lao piya dhyan
174
25 [19]
1
When the Guru brings [you] to the path of .b.aqlqat,73
First he shows you miff i$.bat; 74
Then turning his attention to you, he' raises you;
Spontaneously you will find God [niraiijan].
2
When the divirie grace descends,
And [your] concentration is on the guide [murshid],
Then by saying la ilaha75 you lose your self,
And through illa:>llah76 you find the Beloved.
3
He who loses pride, arrogance, and selfishness,
And does not bear rancor, jealousy, and spite;
,And uproots self-conceit arid hypocrisy;
Such a person finds the Lord and Master, God [niraiijan].
4
All insignificant [?] thoughts are dispelled,
And all material desires are washed away,
He sows the field of iikr77 and shugal,78
Then [only] is the fruit of nor taja1lI79 produced.
dohrah
Sow the field of love and give it the water of knowledge;
The fruit of manifestation [nur tajallI] ripens when you
bring your attention on the Beloved.
175
26 [20]
1
jakofi nor tajallI hOI
ta gat kr kya bojhe koT
laj sakuc sabh vatefi dhoI
jo nahifi vatefi so bhifi hOI
2
kabahofi pave kabahofi khove
qab~* bast* Inha bhifi hove .
kabahofi haiise aur kabahofi rove
kabahufi lag piya gal sove
3
bal mushahada ko jab ave
sabh kahu mefi piya kofi pave
jis dekhe tis (piyufi?) phal jave
jyufikar ali phulan lipatave
4
gair gair[i]yat sabh uth jave
bura bhala sabh vakilfi bhave
rabat ave sabhdukh jave
yah phan Cishq* allah kahave
dohrah
kasufi resUfi (kasu?) milUfi; kasofi laUfi Citt*
nain tiharI cah kiln; vahI bairI vahI mit
176
26 [20]
1
He who has [experienced] nUr tajallI,80
How does anyone understand his state?
All shame and modesty are washed away from him,
And those [qualities] that were not [in him], they, too are
now present.
2
Sometimes he finds [the Beloved] and sometimes he loses
Him;
The [states of] qab~~n and bast82 occur in this way.
Sometimes he laughs, and sometimes he cries,
And sometimes he sleeps in the embrace of the Beloved.
3
When he reaches the state of mushahad~ 83
Then he finds the Beloved in everything.
Whatever he looks at, from there appears the Beloved;
Just as the bumblebee and the flowers are entangled.
4
All other and otherness is removed,
And he likes everything, bad and good;
Tranquility descends and all affliction disappears.
This, then, is called love of God.
dohrah
With whom should I get annoyed, whom should I meet [?]
and whom should I remember?
To the eyes [intoxicated] with desire for you, he who is the
enemy is also the friend.
8O n iiI'
177
27 [21]
1
mutakhalliq ko bal jab ave
Cajab Cajaib balat pave
kabahon apas men hari pave
kabahon hari mon <;Iole <;Iolave
2
jako bal na bujho jave
takI bat kahln ban ave
qurb-i * navafil chin kahalave
chin men qurb-i* farai?: pave
3
jo ton ulat baqq ho jave
apas kiin gafil bhin pave
"bl yasmacu"* jab Cit men ave
qurb-i * navafil tab kahalave
4
jo apas kiin alat jane
facil baq mutlaq* pahacane
"rna ra:laito" kogyan bakhane
qurb-i * faral?: to it thane
dohrah
piy[ u] kon <;Ihon<;Ihan haun call; piy[ u] hai sabahin
mafth .
khan paraghat khan gupat hai;. yah piya kaisen pafth
178
27 [21]
1
When he comes to the state of rnutakhalliq84
He attains a strange and wondrous condition.
. Sometimes he finds God [bari] in himself.
Sometimes in God [bari] he swings to and fro.
2
He whose state cannot be understood,
How is it possible totalk about him?
One moment he is said to be in the qurb-i navafil, 85
And the [next] moment he acquires the qurb-i far~.86
3
When you have returned [once again] to Reality,
Then you are heedless even of yourself,
When the words bI yasrnaCu87 come to mind,
Then [that state] is called qurb-i navafil.
4
179
28
1
bal baqIqat ko jab ave
apas kon tab mnl uthave
ape ap niranjan pave
cain muvabbid[i]yat kahalave
2
3
suiidar kera bal na jane
bUrT bhalI sabh jagat bakhane
kahn kilii vah Cit n[a] ane
sabh jalva* us [kera] jane
4
"ana:>l baq" vah it hIn bhakhe
jab laiat ma~or* kr cakhe
jo kar b~* maratib rakhe
laj sukac sabh kul kr rakhe
dohrah
jab dekhe sabh ap kon; anr na pave koy
kah na bhakhe "ana:>l baq" cain niraiijan hoy
180
28
1
When he comes to the state of baqrqat
Then from within himself he removes the root [of
selfhood].
Spontaneously he finds God [nirafijan].
[This state] is called the essence of being a true monotheist.
2
When [the state of] attestation of divine unity comes,
Then cain and gain disappear [Le., differentiation].89
When he acquires [divine] manifestation within hiinself,
Then he is called a heretic and unbeliever [by the people].
3
[N 0 one] understands the state. of [such a] person,
He describes the world as [neither] good [nor] bad [?] ..
He does not think of anything,
[Without] knowing everything to be His manifestation.
4
89cain gain - as the Arabic letters cain (e.) and gain (i), similar but
slightly different.
9Oana
1 . I;taqq - I am the Absolute Reality (Truth); usually interpreted as
"I am God"; claim made by the famous Sufi l:Iusain ibn MaIl$Ur al-l:Iallaj
(executed in Baghdad, A.D. 922); allusion to his death on the gallows, poem
29, quatrain 1.
181
29 [23]91
1
mil mullan dur kaje aven
likh fatva * muftI* pe javen
istifsar* kar shahr milaven
sundar ko pe dar ca.rhaven
2
91The sequence of lines in the fIrst and second Caupais varies among the
texts.
182
29 [23]
1
The mullas92 come together for a wicked purpose,
[In order to have] afatva93 written, they go the muftI.94
They assemble the town for the inquisition,
And they make the beautiful one climb the gallows.
2
All the wicked people and mull as come together,
With pebbles, stones or whatever they can find,
They fling spears, daggers and arrows;
Becoming enemies, they all come to kill him.
3
Alas for those who have not attained this state,
And call themselves mullas and scholars!
The learning through whiCh [true] knowledge [of God] is
not acquired,
Such learning should be tossed out in the dust!
4
He who does not understand the essence of this path,
How can he understand your state?
Only you understand your state fully.
What does the mulla and his wife know?
dohrah
Only the lover knows [about] love; no one else understand
it.
Ignorant people are absolutely unaware of the essence of
love. -
183
30 [24]
1
3
ape mullafi ape qa?I
ape bidaha ap namazI
sabh jag dekhofi piya kI bar Z]I
khele ape ap piya[ Z]I
4
ape saln bah[u] ghan yara
ap nirafijan aparam para
sabh SOfi ap sabahin ten nyara
do jag mon piya [kIyu] pasara
dohrah
kahifi sundar kahifi nainaha; kahifi raja kahifi jog
kahifi mahrI* kahifi piirakh hai; ape karata bhog
.184
30 [24]
1
The ignorant ones are those who do not know,
They do not understand his state.
They have not come to [the state of] divine vision,
And if [one] explains they do not believe.
2
Here he does notask mother or father [?]
He knows the Lord [shah] from within himself [?]
[
]
[
]
3
He Himself is the mulla and He Himself is the q~I;95
He Himself is bidaha96 and the person performing the
prayer [namazI];
See the entire world as the play of the Beloved;
The Beloved Himself is at play.
4
He Himself is the Lord, unfathomable and mysterious,
He is God [nirafijan] infinite.
Everything is from Him and [yet] He is so different from
all.
How the Beloved pervades the two worlds!
dohrah
Sometimes He is the beautiful one and sometimes the
eyes; sometimes He is the King and sometimes the
yogi,
Sometimes He is woman and sometimes man; He Himself
causes the illusions.'
185
31 [25]
1
ape mare ap jilave
ape dukh ati sukh dikhalave
pon pap sabh ap karave
ape narak sarag Ie jave
2
ape hai jo koT jane
bura bhala do:>o nam bakhane
maya kare tab yah budh ane
ap khoe sabh piya kunjane
3
maya karo birahT ke saen
to dar cha:rh kaho kit jaen
mon ghat menlatakanda aefi
ghat ten hoe paraghat dikhalaen
4
ek alakh lakh bhan~ kahaya
sabh asma tab jalva paya
kahifi jalal jamal ho aya
kahin badal hadT kahalaya
dohrah
piya latakat lat chat re; bikhar gae sabh bal
kahifi ?;ahir ba~in kahin; kahin jalal jamal
186
31 [25]
1
He Himself kills and resurrects;
He Himself shows affliction and much happiness;
He causes [one] to do all good and bad actions;
He Himself leads to hell and heaven.
2
He Himself is the one whom only a few know;
He is described by both good and bad attributes;
This understanding comes only if He is benificent;
After losing one's self, one knows everything to be [of] the
Beloved.
3
Be kind, 0 Lord of this birahI!97
Tell [us] where else do we go if we abandon your door?
Come full of coquetry into my heart,
And from the heart show Yourself manifest.
4
He was called the imperceptible one with a hundred thousand forms;
Then all the asma98 became manifest,
Sometimes He appeared as jalal99 and sometimes as
jamal,lOO
Sometimes He changed and was called the Guide [hadr].
dohrah
Beloved stop this [unreliable] coquetry for I am in great
perplexity.
Sometimes You are Apparent [~ahir], sometimes Hidden
[batin], sometimes Majesty [jalal] and sometimes
Beauty [jamal].
187
32 [26]
1
carif kr jab sudh budh pave
phiruii phir kar sharac mefl ave
dhyan gyan lokan batalave
guru saflca ho bat dikhave
2
bif~*
188
32 [26]
1
When he has acquired the knowledge and understanding
of an cariflOl
Then he turns and returns to the divine law [sharC].
He instructs the people regarding meditation and knowledge,
And becorriing a true Guru he shows [others] the path.
2
When he maintains the [proper] etiquette of ranks,
Then he tastes the delights of an carif.
He does not talk in a frivolous manner,
And maintains a firm foo~ing within the divine law [sharC].
3
When he is firmly grounded in God.
Then he loses all the glory of the shaikhs ..
Sitting, he worships his Lord [niraftjan],
Bestowing divine grace on all.
4
When from himself he proceeds to God [mutlaq], 102
Then except for"himself, he does not find anyone.
Having become God [nirafijan],
He finds all creation to be his own manifestation.
dohrah
When he has lost himself, he finds the Beloved; then he is
called a gnostic [carif].
.
Inwardly knowing himself to be the Lord, he appears [outwardly] as the slave.
101 c lirif - gnostic, one endowed with gnosis (macrifah); used in later
Sufism to refer to the advanced mystic.
102muf)aq - absolute, entire, universal; unconditional; unrestricted; an
epithet of God.
189
33 [27]
1
carif bPllah * tab kahalave
jap tap kar jab ap ganvave
fanI thIfi baqI ho jave
bojh niranjan das kahave
2
bif~*
190
33 [27]
1
191
34 [28]
1
192
34 [28]
1
When you come to [the state] of cain shIn,107
Then the state of manifestation [tajallI] flashes.
You do not find within yourself the root [of your former
self],
[For] you have become the essenceof God [niraiijan].
2
You call Him "other" but no longer know him as "other,"
You are called a slave but you "know" God,
You know Him as He is, .
You believe in Him as He exists.
3
Religion and the world; darkness and light;
Hell and heaven; bfirIS108 and palaces.
All the [divine] names have become manifest;
In them is the Forgiver Himself.
4
[This work of] nuzi1l109 and curojll0 is complete,
Whose name is the Bujb Niraiijan.
God [ram] is closer than the jugular vein,ll1
[So] act upon [the teachings of] the Bujh Niranjan.
dohrah
God [bari] dwells in the heart of every lover; recognize
God's form.
In whatever manner He has become manifest, know Him
in that manner.
193
APPENDIX A
VERSES OCCURRING ONLY IN THE ISMAlll VERSION
Since the Ismaili texts of the Bujb Niraiijan used in this study
differ among themselves with regard to the degree of corruption and editing, some of these verses may not occur in all the
texts. The texts in which each verse occurs are, therefore,
no~ed in parentheses. Again in view of the minor variations in
readings among the texts, the readings transcribed here are
those of the text G-l. (Note: K-2, G-I are texts edited by LaljI
Devraj at the beginning our our century. There is considerable
textual evidence to indicate that K-5 and KG have been copied
from the LaljI Devraj editions.
Poem 5, quatrain 2
(K-I, K-2, K-3, K-4, K-5,
hun tun nikal kar jame kahIye
KG, G-I, G-2)
Poem 8, quatrain 3
(K-I, K-2, K-3, K-4, K-5,
bin guru vednafl ten nan jave
KG, G-I,G-2)
Poem 8, quatrain 4
je guru thI jo vednan jave
(K-I , K-2 , K-3 , K-4 , K-5 ,
KG, G-I, G-2)
Po.em 9, dohrah
(K-I, K-2, K-3, K-4, K-5,
jis guru kun satgur kahun
KG, G-I, G-2)
Poem 10, quatrain 2
. (K-I , K-2 , K-3 , K-4 , K-5 ,
sabh jug he gunl vake cen
KG, G-I, G-2)
sho seve bhed niranjan bherI
(K-I , K-2 , K-3 , K-4 , K-5 ,
KG, G-I, G-2)
Poem 10, dohrah
(K-I , K-2 , K-3 , K-4 , K-5 ,
vohI he sab ghat maho
KG, G-I, G-2)
Poem 13, quatrain 1
phIr voh rah khudakI pave
(K-l , K-2 , K-3 , K-4 , K-5 ,
KG, G-l)
Poem 13, quatrain 4
jo bhajan kar hit ap gamave
(K-l , K-2 , K-3 , K-4 , K-5 ,
KG, G-l , G-2)
195
KG,
KG,
KG,
KG,
G-1)
G-1)
G-l)
G-1)
196
APPENDIXB
VERSES OCCURRING ONLY IN THE SUFI VERSION
(INDIA OFFICE MANUSCRIYI)
Note: The Ismaili text G-2, which has been based partially on
the India Office manuscript, includes some of these verses.
One of the verses listed below (from poem 20, quatrain 3) also
occurs in two KhojkI manuscripts, K-J and K-4, but is not
found in any other Ismaili text.
Poem 2, quatrain 1
a1)adIyat ko kaha bakhanon
sabh sifaton ten nyara janon
Poem 2, quatrain 3
kya nyare sabh ten sun sahiye
kya sabh son paraghat lahiye
Poem 3, dohrah
ek alakh lakh bhekh dhar; tribhuvan raho samay
sabh men paraghat ho[i] raho; ya ten lakho na jay
Poem 5, quatrain 2
to men guru ke (yamen?) kahiye
Poem 8, quatrain 4
parbat mahin and(I/ e) dev(I/ e)
lakh kos hoe and(I/ e) sev(I/ e)
Poem 9, dohrah
Cain Cain jis [ko] kahon ....
Poem 10, dohrah (1)
jaise bhanjafl hot nIr son; bhariyo na bond samay
pItam ham misarI [ho] mile; chalak na bahar jay
Poem 10, dohrah (2)
vahI vahI hai ah
Poem 12, quatrain 1
rah sharrcat ka sun pyare
jo ton khodI takabur mare
man! manore apne jare
to ton jite kabah[u]n na hare
Poem 12, quatrain 2
pahlen iat ilahr manon
bura bhala sabh va ten janon
197
198
199
GLOSSARY
Note: The words in this glossary are alphabetized according to
the Roman alphabet. Short vowels of a kind precede long
vowels of the same kind - i.e., a, ~ L I, ~ u. The initial Roman
letter of the name of the language to which a word belongs is
placed in parenthesis after the word. Thus A stands for
Arabic; H for Hindustani/Hindi; P for Persian; S for Sanskrit.
Works consulted for some of the definitions include: Marshall
Hodgson, Venture of Islam (2 vols.; Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1974); K. S. Khaja Khan, Studies in Tasawwuf
(reprint ed., Delhi: Idarah-i Adabiyat-i Delli, 1978); John T.
Platts, A Dictionary of Urdu, Classical Hin'dI and English
(reprint ed., Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1974); Annemarie Schimmel, Mystical Dimensions of Islam (Chapel Hill;
University of North Carolina Press, 1975); Annemarie
Schimmel, Islam in the Indian Subcontinent, Zweite Abt.,
Vierter Band, Dritter Abschnitt, Handbuch der Orientalistik,
ed. J. Gonda (Leiden-Koln: E. J. Brill, 1980).
aguva (H)
al)adIyat (A)
al)kartl (A)
Cain (A)
Cain gain
201
arkan (A)
carsh (A)
arvab (A)
asma (A)
avagun (S/H)
cabid (A)
calam-i gaib
202
(A/P)
of spirits.
ealam-i rnial
(A/P)
ealam-i shahadat
(A/P)
earif (A)
bast (A)
baqI/baqa (A)
bat (H)
batin (A)
Bayazld
bhafit (H)
bidaha (H)
bihist (P)
203
birah (H)
birahi(r) (H)
br yasmaCu (A)
bajh (H)
car mazhab
(PIA)
the four friends; refers to the four successors of the Prophet Mul)ammad, i.e.,
Aba Bakr, cUmar, O~man, and CAlI.
cerI (H)
a slave-girl.
Cit(t) (H)
Citvan (H)
darsanl darshan
(HIS)
dhani (H)
woman.
<;lholan (H)
dhyan (S)
204
dozakh (P)
hell. .
danI (H)
fai? (A)
faiya? (A)
faqIr (A)
fatva (A)
fanI/fana (A)
gair (A)
gairIyat (AlP)
205
gun (S)
gunah (P)
gur/guru (S)
gusaiyefl/ gusalfl
(H)
gyan (H/S)
hadI~
an-navafil
(A)
baqlqa(t) (A)
hari (H)
an epithet of God; used in the Hindu tradition to refer to Vishnu and his incarnations.
hadr (A)
hif?;-i maratib
(A/P)
206
bur (A)
(originally plural, in P also used as singular) virgins or a virgin of Paradise mentioned in the Qu{)an.
Cirfan (A)
gnosis.
jalal (A)
jalva (A)
jamal (A)
jamaCjamJC ~ifat
(A)
kalamafi/
kalma(h)/
kalima (A)
ka~rat
plurality.
(A)
kafir (A)
khadim (A)
a servant.
khudI (P)
la ilaha illa=>llah
(A)
207
la taCaiyun (S)
lalan (S)
beloved, sweetheart.
majnl1n lailI
(A/P)
malamat (S)
blame, self-reproach.
man (H)
man lahu:ll
maula falahu:ll
kull (A)
manI manore
(H)
Ma~l1r
(A)
living after dying; rendering into Hindustani of the alleged saying attributed to the
Prophet, "Die before ye die."
maCrifa(t) (A)
masI!) (A)
208
rna~har
(A)
maya (S)
muftI (A)
mujahada(h)
(A)
mull,1id (A)
mulla (AlP)
murshid (A)
mushahada(h)
(A)
mutakhalliq (A)
209
of God."
mUllaq (A)
muval)l)idryat
(A/P)
nabr (A)
nafs (A)
nafsanIyat (A/P)
namaz (P)
narak (S)
nav khan<;lh
(H/S)
niranjan (S)
pahar (H)
panOit (S)
paraghat/
praghat (H)
pap. (S)
piya/piya/piyu/
piyu (H)
pun/pun (H)
qab? (A)
qurb-i farai?
(AlP)
qurb-i navafil
(AlP)
proximity to God brought about by supererogative works, connected with sainthood. See .badI~ an-navafil.
211
riiouJI qudus
(A)
riiz-i qiyamat
(A/P)
sarag (H)
sajan (H)
beloved.
according to some schools of Hindu philosophy the world is divided into seven
island-continents: J ambu, Plaksha, Shalmali, Kusha, Kraunca, Shaka, and Pushkara.
shah/shah (P)
shahada(h) (A)
shahadat (A/P)
shahrag (P)
share/ sharYCa( t)
(A)
siddh (S/H)
~ifat
(A)
(pI.
~ifat)
212
sunna(h/t) (A)
syam (H)
tajallI (A)
takabbur (A)
tarlqa(h/t) (A)
road, path, or way; mystical order or fraternity; second stage on the mystical path.
tavajjuh (A)
t.alib (A)
ull1hlyat (A/P)
divinity.
umma(h/t) (A)
213
Curoj (A)
val)dat (A)
val)idlyat (AlP)
va~alI
(A/H)
vu+u (A/P)
zakat (A)
zahid (A)
~ahir
(A)
~ahir
cilm (A)
214
zat (A)
zikr (A)
~lmat
(A)
215
BIBUOGRAPHY
This is a select bibliography listing only those works that
are most central to this study.
PRIMARY SOURCES (for texts of the Bujh Niraftjan)
A. , Manuscripts
Khojki manuscript K-l. Karachi: Mohammed Bacchal.
Copied early twentieth century.
Khojki manuscript K-3. London: Institute of Ismaili Studies,
temporary 'no. 117. Copied late nineteenth century.
Khojki manuscript K-4. 'London: Parveen Peerwani. Copied
1901.
Khojki manuscript K-S. Karachi: Ismailia Association for
Pakistan? Copied early twentieth century.
Perso-Arabic manuscript P.London: India Office Library, P
908/Urdu Ms. B4. Copied 1724.
B. Printed Editions
Gujarati text G-l. Edited by MukhI LaljI Devraj. Bombay:
The Khoja SindhI Chapakhanu, 1921.
Gujarati text G-2. Edited by His Highness Prince Aga Khan
'Shia Imami Ismailia Association for India. Bombay:
Ismaili Printing Press; 1981.
KhojkI text K-2. Edited by MukhI LaijI Devraj. Bombay:
Ismaili Printing Press, 1914.
KhojkI-Gujarati text KG. Transcribed and edited by Mumtaz
Ali Sadik Ali from the original, which is in Multan:
Mubarak Husain? Original copied in the early twentieth
century.
SECONDARY SOURCES
Ahmad, Aziz. Islamic Culture in the Indian Environment.
London: Oxford University Press, 1964.
____ . An Intellectual History of Islam in India Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1969.
Allana, G. SindhI SnratkhatI. Hyderabad, Pakistan: SindhI
Zaban Publications, 1969.
Asani, Ali S. The Harvard Collection of Ismaili Literature in
Indic Languages. Boston: G. K. Hall, forthcoming 1992.
. "The Ismaili Ginans as Devotional Literature."
-=-Devotional Literature in South Asia: Current Research
217
1985-8, ed. R. S. McGregor. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, forthcoming 1992, 101-112.
. "The Ginan Literature of the Ismailis of IndoPakistan: Its Origins, Characteristics, and Themes." Dev~
tion Divine, ed. D. Eck and F. Mallison. Groningen Oriental Series, vol. VIII. Groningen and Paris: Egbert
Forsten and Ecole Fran~ais,e d'Extreme-Orient, 1991, 1-18.
_ _ _. "Bridal Symbolism in the Ismaili Ginan Literature."
Typologies of Mysticism: Historical and Cultural Background, ed. R. Herrera and R. Link-Salinger. Catholic
University Press of America, forthcoming.
. "Sufi Poetry in the Folk Tradition of Indo--- Pakistan," Religion and Literature 20.1 (1988): 81-94.
. "The KhojkJ Script: A Legacy of Ismaili Islam in the
Indo-Pakistan Subcontinent," Journal of the American
Oriental Society 107, no. 1 (1987): 439-449.
_ _ _ . "The IsmaC'fII ginan Literature: Its Structure and
Love Symbolism." A.B. honors thesis, Harvard College,
1977.
Baloch, Nabi Bakhsh Khan. SindhI bolI jI mukhta~ar tal1kh.
Hyderabad, Pakistan: Sind University, 1962.
Bryant, Kenneth. Poems to the Child-God. Berkeley and Los
Angeles: University of California Press, 1978.
BurhanporI, Rashid. Burhanpur ke SindhI Auliya. Hyderabad,
Pakistan: Sindhi Adabi Board, 1957.
Burton, Richard. Sindh and the Races that Inhabit the Valley
of the Indus. Reprint ed. Karachi: Oxford University
Press, 1973.
Dhar, Lakshmi. PadumavatI. London: Luzacand Co., 1949.
Eaton, Richard. Sufis of Bijapur, 1300-1700. Princeton:
Princeton University Press, 1978.
Fairbanks, Constance~ "The Development of Hindi Oral Narrative Meter." Ph.D. dissertation, U,niversity of WisconsinMadison, 1981.
Gandhi, S. S. History of the Sikh Gurus. New Delhi: Gur Das
Kapur and Sons, 1978.
The Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency. 27 volumes. Bombay: Government Central Press, 1877-1914..
Greaves, E. A Grammar of Modem Hindi. Benares: E. J.
Lazarus and Co., 1896 ..
---=~-
-~-
218
Grierson, George. A Grammar of the Hindi Language. Calcutta: Asiatic Society, 1889.
---=- linguistic Survey of India. 11 volumes. Calcutta:
Office of the Superintendent of Government Printing,
1903-28.
On the Modem Indo-Aryan Vernaculars. London:
B. Quaritch, Ltd., 1931-33.
Hafiz Syed, M. "QazI Mabmild BabrI: A Mystic Poet of the
11th Century A.H. and His Poetical Works," Allahabad
University Studies 5 (1929): 445-78.
. "Suk Sahela of Shah Burhanuddin Janam,"
---Ailahabad University Studies 8(1) (1931): 471-98.
al-Haqq, Abd Maulvi. Urdu kI IbtidaCf Nashwo Numa men
Sufiya-i Kiram ka Kam. Aligarh: Anjuman-i Taraqqi-i
Urdu Hind, 1968.
His Highness the Aga Khan Shia Imarni Ismailia Association
for Canada. "Observations and Comments on Our
Modern Ginanic Literature." Paper presented at Ismailia
Associations International ,Review meeting, Nairobi,
Kenya, 1980.
Hodgson, Marshall. The Venture of Islam. 3 volumes.
Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1974.
Hooda, V. N. "Some Specimens of Satpanth Literature,"
Collectanea Vol. 1. l.eiden: E. J. Brill, 1948, pp. 55-137.
Ikram, Shaikh Muhammad. Rud-i ka~. Lahore, 1955.
--. Muslim Civilization in India. New York and London: Columbia University Press, 1964.
Ivanow, Wladimir. IsmaCtlI literature, A Bibliographic Survey.
2d ed. Teheran: Ismaili Society, 1963.
_ _ _. "Satpanth," Collectanea Vol. 1. Leiden: E. J. Brill,
1948, pp. 1-54.
_ _ _ . "Sufism and Ismailism: Chiragh-Nama," Revue
Iranienne d'Anthropologie 3 (1959): 13-17.
J otwani, Motilai. Shah Abdul LatIf: His Life and Work.
Delhi: Delhi University Press, 1975.
-- "Sindhi Sufi Poet QazI Qadan: His Poetry in Transliteration and Translation," Punjab University Journal of
Medieval Indian Literature 5 (1981): 41-70.
, Katre, S. M. Introduction to Indian Textual Criticism. 2d ed.
Poona: Deccan College of Postgraduate Studies and
Research Institute, 1954.
--=-~
219
--------,..........~
221
Harvard University