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    t Glottalization

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    T Glottalization

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    t Glottalization

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    T-GLOTTALIZATION IN AMERICAN ENGLISH DAVID EDDINGTON MICHAEL TAYLOR iniversity iniversity New ¥ Brigham You! AnsTRAGT: In woreHfinal prevocalic position (e.g. right ankle), there are various pos sible phonetic realizations of fin American English: [¢] [e], [2]. The present study focuses on the linguistic and social factors associated with the use of the glottal stop. Data were gathered by having participants repeat sentences they were presented antl), Th ne. Logistic regression analysis identified auditory (€g., She tise her presented sentences was masked Wi tal stops were favored by Following front yowel three significant fac younger female speakers were most likely 0 use glottal stops, which may indicate change in progress; and (3) speakers from the Western United States glottalized more than speakers from other parts ofthe country [2 Glotalzaion isa ype of lenition in which the oral gesture ofa stop stops are common allophones of /t/ in glottal point of articulation, Glotta ‘most varieties of English; however, there isan impressionistic idea that their frequency in British varieties is much higher than in American varieties, so much so that Robinson (2009) asserts that ‘-glottalization is not "a feature of any US accent and thus one of the many examples that British English and American English, in terms oftheir pronunciation at least, are diverging rather than converging” (see also Wells 1982 and Holmes 19 Although glottal stops in English have arguably existed for many years, the first written documentation of them is from Scotland in the late nine. {in formal registers teenth century (Andrésen 1958); they are also attes of speakers of Received Pronunciation who were born in the kite nineteenth century (Collins and Mees 1996). [n Great Britain, the glottal stop is gener ge varieties (Trudgill 1974; Macaulay 1977 lly associated with low presi J. Milroy etal. 1994), although in Cardiff, Wales, itis more common in highe social classes (Mees 1987). While many vatieties of English, including thos spoken in the United States, have glottal stops before other consonants (eg. Bal ]man, ou[?] nu), the idea that glottals are nonexistent in American speech may come from the abundance of glotals in British English prevocalically el?ler pul] a lo{2] of), where American varieties tend to have a flap c various po present stud e glotal stop re presented n of fin the sis identified nevowels ( glottal stop, re of a stop 0 develop a nes of (tin ea that their na feature tish En, re diverging 1 late nine nineteenth op isgener aulay 19) mnants (e.g ‘can speech ‘evocalically have a flap T-Clottalization 29 ule] a folr] of). In fact, the prevocalic low-prestige vatieties of the Metropolitan New York City Regional Dialect have been branded as forcignisms (Wilson 1993, 283). glottal stops has been described in a number of varieties and in many different phonetic contexts, In word-final prevoealic context, our ‘© have found them documented in both British and American varieties: Received Pronunciation (Wells 1997; Fabricius 2000), glish ‘oulkes 19gQ), Ipswich (Strand Patrick 2007), Cardiff (Mees 1987), United States (Byrd 19g), New York ia (Wells London (Wells 1982), Scotland (Reid 1978; Marshall 2003), Estuary En (Coggle 1993), Newcastle (Docherty au Gigy (Wells 1982; Levon 2006), Vermont (Roberts 2006), Appalac 1982), and California (Partin-Fernandez 2005), The literature on f-glottalization is quite extensive in British varieties, While it has been noted in American English, the only stuely we are aware dedicated exclusively 10 this phenomenon in the United States is Roberts (2008), which found that ¢glotalization was highest among adlolescents, Other studiesalso report that younger speakers jottalize more (California: Partin-Hernandez 2005; New Zealand: Holmes 1995; London: Tollfree 1gggi Scotland: Macaulay 1 77, Marshall 2003). The tendency for women, to use more glottal stops was previously observed in the United States (Byrd 1994), New York (Levon 2006), New Zealand (Holmes 1995). and Tyneside J Milroy et al. 1994). yet in Vermont, the trend is reversed with men fave ing glottal stops more than 2006). While glottalization has een documented in several regions of the United States, only Byrd (1994 ons, Her data indicate that speak ers from the North and South glottalize more than those from the North Midland region, but no mention of the speech of the West is macle As faras the phonetic realization of t/in American English is concerned. flaps are firmly entrenched word internally in American English in words such as better, wilty, and decimated. However, a great deal of variation between [2] and [c] is found prevocalically beeween words such as prt anny right an ind (able! in, Roberts (2006) observes that this is the only phonetic environ ment in which glotal stops and flaps alternate in Vermont. In like manner Strawand Pattick (2007, 90) cite the prevoealic position among those that to allow the greatest play for social factors. There are two reasons wh lottalization in American English eserves sntion. First, with the exception of Roberts (2006), it has 1 apparent age difference in the pronunciation of worel-Anal /t/ when fol Towed by a vowel a few years ago. Our unsystematic observations were that flaps are more common for older speakers and glottal stops for younger ones. Moreover, glottal stops appeared to be more common in residents of _ en the Western United States. A systematic study was needed to determing it Our impressions are valid. Therefore MeNL to investigate tle foal of the study isto explore the social and linguistic factors thar nn ottalization. At the same time, we want to follow Roberncs (2006) lead and provide more data for this phey omenon in the English of the United States. SHADOWING AS AN ELICITATION TECHNIQUE Our method for eliciting glotalized and nonglottalized tokens of shadowing. Since shadowing is not a welh, }own technique in variationist studies, it deserves some introduc atliest shadowing experiments (ex. Cherry 1953) were carried out in the field of peychol ‘cously presenting different stimuli to participants’ ti asking them to repeat what they h on. The ght and left ears and had heard as fast as possible This is known s dich "ie Tstening, In the shadowing studies that interest us, participants heat an utterance and immediately repeat it several times, Honexe h hear has been masked with noise so that the participants are not merely mimicki ‘utterances uninfluenced by th crucial part of the utterance they what they hear, but producing Pronunciation in the presented speech, This method of analyzing speech has been ised by several researchers, For example, van Heuven (1988) asked whether stre recognition in Dutch. His parti ss plays.a part in word ants repeated sentences containing words n’ and [ ‘orkést] ‘orchestra’ in which pink noise masked all but the initial [or/ér] of the test word. His participants were more likel to repeat the sentence {6rxal] when [or] was stressed, which demonstrates th importance of stress Van der Veer (2008) studied the v diphthe iation between monophthongs and specifically, the alternation bLwo]nissimo ‘very good.’ Hi ie embedded test words such or diphthong of the firstsyllable The participants were asked to repe heard and in this way were f section of the test words with their oy encesand replaced the vou of the each test word with noise sentences the forced to fill in the noised out wn pronunciation. Rohena-Madrazo, Simonet, and Pa %2 (2006) elicited tokens of syllable coda /rf in Puerto Rican Spanish by replacing them with noise in much limes ine ney. However, their participants repeated each sentence as mma times as they were able in a ten-second period, Lateralized of fr/ are h ahly stigmatized in Puerto Rican Spanish and are more common the English of QUE s experiments ry by simulta Heft ears andl This is known participants However, the noise 50 that wt producing cd speech, I researchers, partin word taining words noise masked € more likely ss and to sa Hnthongs andl en [wo] and stwords such first syllable repeat the € noised out 18 of syllable ise in match eee caer ger enna eSIe eee aaEECenereaayy in colloquial registers (Lopez Morales 1983: Paz 2005), RohenaMadrazo, Simonet, and Paz compared the pronunciations of fr! resulting from their shadowing experiment with those collected during a casual conversation, sentence reading, and a task involving givin directions on & map, all of which were carried out in a controlled laboratory setting surprisingly, few lateralized pronunciations occurred in the reading and map tasks when compared with casual conversation, Rohena-Madvitzo, Simonet, and Par point out that their data corroborate the observations made by Labov (1966, 1972), that casual conversation will yield more vei nacular variants than a more formal reading task, defined by an increase i the amount of attention paid to speech—even when this conversation occurs in the unnatural setting of a soundproof booth. The most telling Finding is that the shadowing task elicitec| even more stigmatized tokens of fi than I conversation. One possible interpretation of this finding, though one we will not pursue here given the scope of the present study, is that shadow ing represents or elicits a style that is “less formal” (see Labov 2001) than casual conversation. Whatever the implications are for sociolinguistic style shaclowing appears to provide an ideal method for eliciting casual speech features, while allowing for the quality and control available only in labors ry setting. We adopted a similar shadowing technique in order to study sglottalization in American Engl SHADOWING EXPERIMENT PaticiraNrs, All of the participants in our study were from the United Statesand had at least some college eccation, which means that sockal ekass ‘was held fairly constant. All but one were European Americans. The remain ing participant was a bilingual English-speaking Hispanie woman with no traces of Spanish accent. The age and sex of participants is found in table 1 In total, there were 58 participants: go fvom Utah, 22 from other Western states (Arizona, California, Colorado, Idaho, Oregon, and Washington), and 16 from non-Western states (South: Louisiana, Mississippi, Texas, Virginia North/Inland North; lowa, Michigan, Minnesota; Midland: Illinois, Ohic Oklahoma; and MiclAtlantic: New Jersey), States were classified by region Participants by Gender and Female 1 7 9 97 Male 1 i at ora, 2 13 8 .— oo aoe s02 AMERICAN SPEECH 84.3 (2009) n accordance with dialect-eature boundaries delimited in Labox, Ash, and Boberg (2006). STIMULUS MATERIALS. Twenty collocations were chosen in which the first word ends in /t/and is followed by a vowel-nitial second word (table 2). Typically speakers of American English pronounce the final /t/ of the first word in these collocations as a flap, but glottalization is also a possibility The frequencies of all test items were taken from the British National Corpus (http://mww.natcorp.ox.ac.uk/). It would of course have been opsti= mal to use a corpus based on U.S. English, but when the experiment was carried out there was not one of the scope and size of the British National Corpus. However, we attempted to choose test items that did not scem be particularly salient British or American usages, Half of the final words appe 1 in a collocation with a frequency of under 100, while the othe had a collocational frequency of 460 o greater. Ten of the test words (i.« the first word of the collocation) had frequencies of 9 or lower, and the Wf test words had frequencies of 18,865 or greater. Exactly where to place the cutoff points for high and low frequency items is, of course, arbi Stimulus Materials (A= frequency of first ward in collocation) Catocation A Ping/A Tost Semte Steet outside 18865

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