Part Two Division of Labour, Crime and Punishment Reading 3 THE DIVISION OF LABOUR IN SOCIETY Preface to the first edi ‘This work originated with the question about the relationship between individual personality and social solidity. How can it be that the individual, while becoming more autonomous, depends more heavily 'y How can he be at the same time both more individual and ally integrated? It is undeniable that these two movements, though they may appear, develop along parallel lines fe problem we raised: it seemed that what resolved this apparent dichotomy was a change in soctal solidarity brought about by the ever.increasing development of the division of labour. This is what led us to make it the object of our study. INTRODUCTION ‘The Problem [Although the division of labour is not new, it was only at the end of the flghteenth century that societies began to be aware of the principle hich, until then, they had been subject almost unwittingly. To be ure, even from antiquity, several thinkers recognized its importance, ut Adam Smith was the first to attempt a theory of it It was he who Invented the term that social science subsequently lent to biology. jom: De le Divison du tava! socio, Pais, Alean, 1893, Translation by Manzaret Thompson.saint comemt ae jis immediately raat oars a dncentraions sf forces and capital, and the refore an scien ty oe soe ‘Specialized ‘ad infinitum within factories, DUt each rect i, toa tel its growing influence can be obser 1 a, a ee ty Pa same sre for atin and sen nce Ber removed from the ‘philosophy was the only scien a oren fen disciplines, each Betas But how do we Iris not suf ‘by the division of Jeties the division indeed an es rit is merely an accesso “The Division of Labour in Society 25 ‘or secondary condition. In order to answer this question, we ‘Compare this social link with others, so that we can measure its part in the total effect. To do this we must bepin by classifying the different rity is a completely moral phenomenon which in itself does not lend itself to precise observation nor indeed to measure ‘carry out & classification and comparison we have to jex which sym- pushes men toget i ‘opportunities to enter in {At this point, itis difficult to say whet these phenomena or whether it is t ‘become close because it is a driving force, or whether force because they have entered each other. for the moment, it is not necessary to elucidate sufficient to note that these two orders of facts are linked and vi the same time and in the same direction. Th the members of a society are, the more they sustain bither with each other or with the group taken collectively: for, if their ‘On the other hand, the num! sroportional to the number of juridicial rules fe has a durable tionships is necessa ich determine the form, The general life of the society cannot be juridical life is extended at the same time and in ‘We can thus be sure of finding all the essential inate for that reason: instead of being regulated by lew they by custom, Law, then, reflects o social life, provides us only with incompl ften happens that custom tly being said that custom tempers the 1s excessive formalism, and sometimes1 Labour, Crime and Punishment ‘even that itis inspired by a completely different even that fat custom manifests othr sorts of socal 2 expressed in positive law? rae Peppostion arises only in quite exceptional ewnsttte ‘This happens when law no longer corresponds 0 he PSY ate of The soctety, yet Js maintained without apparent ‘see by force of tn Fork sense, new relationships which ate establish in spite of it void becoming organized, for they cannot i cerofidation. But since they are in conflict with the hey do not go beyond the stage of eustom and &o 10. TS to enter uridiial life proper. Ie i in this way thet ‘conflict erupts. ioiy are in rae and pathological cases, which cane’ persist wi cary dangerous. Normally, custom is not OPPOR=S Taw but is, the contr rue that sometimes nothing develop! from this bass *Stationships may exist which require only ones from custora; but this is because they ity, except, of course, in the abnormal 63 j ‘there are types of social ise reveals, they are certainly very secondary; alone re eel types, and these are the only one that WON to know about. fight it mot be ity than that Tt we go further and say that socal slidanty smanirated in a tangible way, that these manifestations fand imperfect, and that beyo! State from whence it derives, an essence and without intermediaries? tifically only by the determine their nature, re the most objective and which lend Science studies heat through varia ‘by changes in temperature, ele effects, and force through mov an exception? ‘What remains of | ‘of the group whose unity it assures that gives, ti jswhy it varies according to the as in ps the volume of bodies Pt through physical and ef int, Why should social solid pa omen tina sy to all of ther a tenden mn, name i ich is alas anh sete longer perceive wi ee eee Thus the study of soltdarit fact of the In order to exist, first order, depenc yychological const depends on our ae be contained within eerie At pinch one might be cones tha soe soit iy prope, ut father indy would obvious. a Hroduce: lepends. tain! es ie hha by way 8 a 10 Slee de cla the sociological perspectin eek Perspective Wf sola ily ou ly outlined. Since law reproduces the ity, w ‘Ys We have only to classify the differ.28 Division of Labour, Crime and Punishment ‘ent types of law in order to social solidarity. It is already likely that solidarity brought sbout by the d i will be sufficient to compare the number of juridical rules expressing total volume of the law, the part played by the For this task, we cannot use the distinctions made by legal experts. rey can be very convenient from that .d with these empirical and ships between individuals. But when one looks more closely at these first glance seemingly clear, begins to disappei is always and everywhere 00 present and acting; but all ‘ social function, and that in different ways, functionaries of societ Where does it begin and end? We kn ‘not scientific to base s fundamental Feation on a notion so obscure and so badly analysed. fo. proceed methodically, we have to find some ch which is both essential to juridical phenomena and ‘when they vary. Every legal precept can be define ‘which is sanctioned, On the other hand, it is clear that sane ‘ecording to the seriousness attributed they occupy in the public consciousness, and in society. It is therefore appropr to the different sanctions attached to them, "There are two kinds, The first consists es some suffering, or at least some disadvantage, purpose is to diminish his fortune, his honour, his Ife, ‘of something that he enjoys. penal law particular organ: they are ‘not necessarily involve su fists only of restoring the previ relationships thot have been done either by foreibly restoring The Division of Labour in Society 29 value, pend. ‘d, oF by annullin ore divide an it, by depriving ito : tat fr vid a ie of aac tac ioe’ have organized repressive nS, OF pure ong, hat may be foundin a din them, ‘cial solidarity which corres, on 0 ave System with ale ofr presentations and safe usness. To avoid0 Division of Labour, Crime and Punishment Summarizing the previous analysis, we can say that an act is criminal ven it offends strong and defined states of the collective consciousness. ioe Maral meaning of this proposition is rarely questioned. bat ‘different meaning from what it should have. characteristics of crime, but one: Id, ‘but it tends to loffensiveness, But one is hard put Weness consists of, Does it consist of # particul it were so; but this is by posing snothe Jem to know wh that society represses by me ‘constitutes criminality. Obviously characteristics that are common. Characteristic that might satisfy this exists between the crimes fentiments. It is, therefor an effect of not the common consciousness becas criminal, but triminal because it offends the commé caring, We do not condemn it because it isa crime, Dut ease we condemn it, It is imposible to be specific a ture of those sentiments: they are directed at wide -d within 2 single formu sa sentiment, whatever pose, that consciousness, endowed with omit of force and precision, and every act which offends isacrime. (..) However, there are some cases where the preceding ene acts which are more Sve docs Tne degree of condemnation they receive from publ ‘Thus, conspiracy among public a judiciary on administrative authorities, or Py raivons, these are the object of a repression which it canes with the indignation they arouse in individual co ere leer ‘The Division of Labour in Society 31 ‘uments leaves us quite inc may even be ne different and yet is case that y offend any collective sentiment: there ane not have been hed opinion, such opini Pnishrent at a or wo All cases of this least not completely, that are offended, but once some gore ‘has in [eel ee, Scxermmental author ied, it has i lf enough power to attach pena Mies cat change its see coc sate effect — pias ise8 are basically the same. So the ‘must be the same 9 the same as the power diffused throughout Could this come fi this come fom? Is fom the in nde the diection ofthe State, which s10W that even harm caused to important inorene ent to determine the penal reason Particular way, How aps tatcalar vay. How does is damage to other s0 tance of the bodys pune, whee ved fr Drought about jo of highy Soncelwith important interests, ‘way. The brain is impor hness in either is a threat to life. ‘what is sometimes referred to as the "The problem is easily solved if we draw wherever a governing authority is established, for collective beliefs, tra vabese is transmitted to the governing authority, ideas are communicated through the "This is how the governing authority acquires ‘tin a paramount position, It is no longer one It participates in the authority that the We petfoumnenes, and tt is from the collective, conusimeet eter. But, once this powsr is established, withow beste Tt independent of the sou! flows and from which it con- tinues to draw sustenance, in social life, capable of spontaneous pres ad tive consciousness, it ions, even when the collec- herefore erivative of therefore has the same properties tre resciousness does not react completely in wnt ti ee against all forees that are opposed t0 its 68 {iffused consciousness of socie ‘experience the oppositior it regards acts as crimins the collective sentimes five sentiments that it receives all its power to crea\e #1 tre det that the power could not come from elsewhere, following facts, which wi firm this explanat m the re governmental authority in determining the must nd type of criminal acts depends on the Powe jum can be measured either by the ©? cor by the degree of ‘We shall see that 2t seriousness are much greater, and further a ane eonsciousness hes most power in societies of ‘he Division of Labour in Society 33, Thus ft is always to the collec 0 the collective conscious return: all criminality flows from SHenan ae thi, either died ite an offence agai the individual, except collective moral force. ‘a way of verifying this conclusion. What v . lusion. What characterizes the punishment. Consequent primitive peoples punish forthe sake ve ‘of pushing, making the fon safle tingy 2 tat he sight exerenes ae, hms ee Se siete Po ok cee lene ea ee 5 Rees such a radical distinction between these two sorts ends. The ture of a practice does not ne = een eae a this lies in the detailed - pecauto tu he pant mathew dl est te erounes of @ efforts would be inexpcable if we didnot believe the fuffer in proportion to that wrong. In fact, this gradation is unnecessary if punishment is only a means of defence. [. ishment fons for us wet was to on prdecanors I il an a ofvengeance, sage, and what the criminal expiates ‘We can therefore fate that punishme ion of graduated intensit "Thus the analysis of punishment ¢ inductively that snd defined at all the characteris This is because the ntial socials ant consists of a pass confirms our definition of crime. ‘verime consisted essentially of ites of the common conscious: istics of punishment derive hh punis common confomipcr than the psychological life of the society: fn ee aly ate all the members of the group individually #6 § to each other because they share a common resemblance, but they a toca ohed to what isthe condition forthe existence of he toes ‘eine society that they form by their union. Not 9 cher and seek each other out in preference toforel love their country. Itsneeds are their needs + ts persistence and prosperity, beeause withow ‘paychological life would be ham what they have to offer on the from the shared chara fy. In the next chapter chanical’. Th are ‘generis which, deriving ‘the individual to societ positon to show why we suggest calling ite this explanation we are assuming Infact we participate in several ive consciousness ‘we ae discussing. ‘hat the ind pours and But this complication doo consists not only in a individ! to SEN a eet iarmonious. In fact, as same, they alvays produce the impulses are eve 1e the same effects, Cor yaters te onsequently, every time they ‘are brought int fhe ar rowenta pay all wis move spontaneoul nd tept Of the offender and those collective type, or else they offend y ‘ainst the organ of the common consciousness, In both cases, the force ing the social cohesion which de ies, without which al would be a threat to the unity of the social body, and by respect for that which symbolizes and expresses those simi y beat n any ee wea Tea unto io ocraseusieshemt redox, hat punshen infced pon the colectve sentiment tah satinonts exist and 9 the aan feta pends on th extent of the ara of sot IeBut the numb of repressive rules ‘THE DIVISION OF LABOUR sanction is sufficient to demon this type of lew comerraig ORGANIC SOLIDARITY DUE TO no yale opty ett ekg wu const ay oa et ie he Payments of damages do Payments of Sowing the pas in onde c restore, ‘normal condition. (.. ‘ot rr preie la tends remain d ‘tribunals, arbitration Tost general pec anime functionaries ees sd in ths ole Deca of 8 reately "oe invited by the ine i es nerventon inverts pom me the syste futon Saving force, nee eving Foe tne agency of ts eps Since negnve sity reover tere 90 satan and so sors of poate slay, Aste ‘The Dhision of Labour in Society 37 following characteristics: (1) The first kind links the individual directly to soci intermediary. With the second kind, the individual society, because he depends on the (2) Society is not viewed in the same way in the two cases. In the first cease, what we ‘ety is a more or less organized tally, but whch none the ss need tobe distingusien (G) Out of this second difference there arses spotter which wil hep us to dseibe and name these two sorts of soldat, eater in ty than those which belong personally 10 each of er the excess, the sto pealar to and characte } a that distinguishes it from othe fas be, only increase in inverse propotin to the personaly thor ae in the conscioumes of each of os Wo coecous one which s common to our whe ve consciousness completly icides with Wet ipetal, the other ‘nerease at the same time. We cannot devel such opposing s. If we have a strong inclinstion annot also be strongly inclined to ideal is to make a distinct, personal Id not be ideal to resem! is way cou hey have no movements of the[38 Division of Labour, Crime and Punishment or ea pe ta the irk which inthe Si yholly analogous to the link between ‘thing ce {dered from this viewpoint, ly developed, the ale er, ge ely in thew sme 2 the yosal of the society. Also oe no hee not yo dikinglshed from real igs ‘on the other hand, the more specializes the more personal it is. Circums ‘The Division of Labour in Society 39 ‘THE INCREASING PREPONDERANCE OF ORGANIC SOLIDARITY AND ITS CONSEQUENCES igh and the becoming more general and imprecise, of human forces. The individual feels oing back to the up with the fund and it thus demons timents which are bo nd strong to assume a religious character. This Intensity ofthe common consciousness progress This dems penal law, we can only get at whilst religion covers ideas and lecrease in the number of prov tes develop, is further proof that jome progressively less well defined. immarize the first part of this work. ual source, the similarity of conscious: tnd the social division of labou lized because, in the absence40 Division of Labour, Crime snd Punishment art of the same collective typ hav larity of consciousnesses ical rules accom- the threat of represive sanctions which impose uniform bllefs and practices on eveyone. The more marked this tendency the more completely is social life identified with rel fe, and the ‘more communist are econom tions. The division of labour produces juridical rul nature and 1 ‘whole host of ion. Where rest- ly developed, each profession has its own occupational J) Profession misdemeanours ate much more tacks against public mo ing occupational morality and justices are just as imperat They compel the individual 19 ect wih a view to ends ¥ ctly his own, to make concesions, to agree to compromises account higher interest han of contact wit ns when i is given the task of evoking sentiment of common solidarity. BOOK Il: THE CAUSES AND CONDITIONS ‘THE CAUSES ‘The division of labour develops, therefore, to the extent that there are The Division of Labour in Society 44 more individuals in sufficient con one another, If ion of lsbour of society, effect only if the actua, hed In some ways te tcrease unless mate lensity grows. alten can be used to measure the former Meover which determined the other; nn Of lower societies is spread ‘osieties, the Population always pm mote character. lumber and rapidity of methods nf. If the di ee aa 8 increase in vol. circumstances, by in the external bal herefre, 4 cent of the struggle ed outcome, By Virtue of vale 0 4 ns, but can eo f Provides the means of sistereas Pe ber of individuals who otherwise Mos Hemeterous sos be condemned oes ae42. Division of Labour, Crime and Punishment several vets of circumstances in which different functions periods of famine of economic eis, the vital atthe expense of less essen Laxury industries are ruine and progressively, Consequer ‘had been used to support them i . funetion to be divided into two on the jum has been disrupted. an arises: an industry exists only if it a ‘A function can only become specialized if this specialization ponds to some social need. But ea cialization has the res inereasing and improving produ ‘this advantage is not the reason for the existence of the division of labour, consequence. Thus, an only becor nent form if individu ‘They bby the same cause of the division of labour. We have just noted to the increased sever not occur without cor fe stared habits, ete. th has ben formedon these bases that coos pee v0 bases that \dividuals who, consec ne i consequent, ented into rl the pups of eompratn, bec hey su nee 2 cere the distance separating them. te 3. But this theery, which iso widely held, postulates le creario ex nihilio (creation out of nothing). fF functions that were previously held in ‘sharing cannot be performed according to a preconceived pl impossible to know in advance where the demarcation line44 Division of Labour, Crime and Punishment ‘SECONDARY FACTORS a indeterminate common consciousness and it causes of ts work we obened tat he alte comelout ‘weaker and vaguer with the development of the division position to some strong and defi ronger this s, the gres ‘ance to anything that may weaken it; the more clearly defined less space it leaves for changes. [ ‘ety, because everyone is obviously placed in the same istence, the collective environment is essentially coo as societies inrese in volume. read out over a greater area, the common fo wenoend al ocl differences to dominate more space, and consequently to become more abstract ooible for many gone things tobe common toa Het di E ts. [.d jows to individual variations. [...] There nothing rules, which can be applied freely inquitdifferest extended and concentratel, tit also cannot restrain tie ‘emerging divergent tendencies. In order to convince ourselves of ppare large cities with small ones. In the ‘The Division of Labour in Society 45 BOOK III: THE ABNORMAL FORMS lysed. Normally, the division of labour produces social solidarity, but {Lat happen to produce totaly diferent or eren oppo reais, We shall reduce the exceptional are studying to three types. This bbut the forms that we are about ‘most serious, of the phenomenon that we cause there cannot be others, axe the most general and the ed for us by industrial or commer are no less than partial breaks in en Iebour and capital is another, more striking, example of the same phenomenon. As industrial functions become more specialized, the struggle becomes keener rather than solidarity increasing. [...] ‘We shall see in the following chapter that this tension in social relationships is due in part to the fact that the working classes do not really want the conditions imposed upon them, but too often accept them only when of overcoming ther Nowaday: ined and forced to do so, having no means lack of regulation Tt is true that econ in equilibrium and more or less prolonged disturbances have occurred. On the other hhand, the more specialized the functions are, the more frequent these ‘more complex the organization, the greater the gulation. ‘The relationships between capital en remained in the same legal state of imprecisio necessity for exten:446. Division of Labour, Crime and Pur ‘These various examples are therefore varieties of the same species in all cases, if the division of I because the relationships between the organs are not regul are ina state of anomie. But what gives rise to this state? Since a body of rules is the defined form of relationships that have been established spontaneously and over time between the social functions, one can say a priori that the state of anomie is impossible wherever solidly linked organs are in sufficient contact for a sufficient length of time, ‘THE FORCED DIVISION OF LABOUR {is not enough that rules exist, for sometimes these very labour, one that is strictly regulated. Yet it is often a source of dissen- sion. When the lower classes are not, or are no longer satisfied with the role allotted to them through custom ot law, they aspire to functions forbidden to them, and try to dispossess those who exercise these functions. From this arise civil wars, which are due to the way in which pour to engender so fore, sufficient that each person has his task: this tas is this condition which is not met in the example that we Ineffect,if the ives rise to painful wrangling, instead of producing solidari ton of natural talents, short, work is only divided spontane way that social ineq if the society is con- 8 express exactly the lationships necessarily develop with the division of bour, since this division is not possible without exchange, of which +r words, one of the important quantity of useful labour which Having laid down this definition, we shall say that a contract is fully consented to only if the services exchanged have equal social ‘The Division of Labour in Society 47 J In order for such equivalence the contacting pats be IIE one cl cet noble to oder to sie, wl tober a on thanks to the resources tk paneer the nt of any soc spoon advantage over the ist, In ether weds, tere anne : ch and poor from birth without there being unjust contracts. L cea CONCLUSION i not only be. nda! a chp te sonoma ny 3 between mena whole sytem of rights and dunce "m together in an enduring way. Just as. fn eae them, s the divion of cet and regular coe 0 be just, and conditions for competition must be In a short space of time, profound changes have occurred in the He of our societies. They have been liberated from the segmen. and in such proportions Consequently the mo: ed From collective ug other hand, the fonctions erupted dung the pen had Lime to ast to one another. The new Ife that oteged so weed has not been able to get completly onaed, and net porn as not been organize ina fis the need for jute which hat grown stronger Cate, the remedy forthe evi not, howe longer responding to. actual soll condition, eae arufcially and in appearance only. We must put stop We must ind ways of making these organs function hana which, at presen, lah icorduny, We must trode into the lationship by further dinning the exter which ate the sours of our ily