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[WG]: Amos, when I say the words Julian Bond, what immediately
comes to your mind?
[AB]: It is the quintessential expression of one who was part of the
Black community, who did not fail to keep his responsibility of working
to lift up the masses of African-Americans and all people of
marginalized status in this country being respected and included as
citizens and individuals with worth and dignity.
[WG]: Amos, I really appreciate you joining us today. I saw and
listened to your interview on MSNBC earlier this week and it was
excellent - it just wasn't long enough, and I wanted you to be in a
conversation with me because we've got more time, and we cant talk
about this man too much. He's important. His legacy is important.
When did you first meet Julian Bond?
[AB]: I met him first in 1959 at Morehouse. We came from similar
similar orbits of civil rights activist. Julian was destined to be a fighter
for civil rights and human rights, because in his home his father
surrounded him with some of the brightest, most resourceful
statespersons who fought for human dignity and civil rights. He
peered many times, Im sure, from his bedroom looked down the
staircase at such personalities as Paul Robeson, W. B. DuBois,
entering the living room. And we just couldnt help it but to be
advocates for justice and freedom and peace in the world.
[WG]: I can't imagine what that environment must have been like! Of
all of his many achievements, which do you feel were the most
important to Julian Bond himself?
[AB]: I feel his a historian and a narrator of the struggle. Julian was an
outstanding writer a prolific writer, also. He was very articulate and
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quite a gentleman, too. I feel that young people today need to look to
his model and his mannerisms as they go about even dealing with
Black Lives Matter. Julian was not bombastic; he was very forthright;
he was very strong, but he was able to state his case in a very
respectful manner.
[WG]: Amos, if you asked Julian to list the priorities, what was at the
top of his list of important things to get done?
[AB]: I think number one was to get people to be world citizens; to not
live in a silo, and to come out of this pitting them against us, us
against them. Thats number one.
Number two, Julian felt that for this country voting rights was very
important for thats the only way you can impact public policy:
through electing persons to office who are supportive of your
interests. Education was very important for him. He was a teacher at
the University of Virginia and a number of other schools as guest
lecturer and adjunct professor.
Id say number three, it would be economic empowerment, for he new
so well that we did not get our 40 acres and our mule - which
destroyed the economic base of the Black community. And if we had
gotten our 40 acres and a mule, we would not have been thrown into
the system of sharecropping which he witnessed in the Mississippi
Delta. You know, Julian was involved, during the summer of 1964, in
Mississippi with Marian Wright Edelman, and they were working in
those impoverished areas, trying to enfranchise Blacks there and also
to get better opportunity programs going for them. It was on the cusp
of the summer of 64 that President Johnson inaugurated the poverty
program later. But Marian Wright Edelman and other students, along
with Julian, were the ones who were agitating for the world to know
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about the horrible social and economic conditions that Blacks were
living in in places like Sugar Ditch, Mississippi.
So those were things he was very passionate about.
[WG]: Were there aspects of the civil rights movement that you think
frustrated Julian?
[AB]: Yes. And the final one was marriage equality. Julian and I were
some of the students who sat at the feet of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.
at Morehouse, in semesters in 1961-1962. And we took a course in
Social Philosophy. And in that course, Dr. King expounded
Brightmans idea of personalism: that is, every person is important,
of worth and dignity, and should be respected. So when the issue
came up of Gay rights and marriage equality, Julian was frustrated
that unfortunately, a number of members of the national board of the
NAACP were very cool towards him when he spoke about Gay rights
being equated with civil rights. But he said it was hypocritical to talk
about Black people getting their rights under the 14 th Amendment,
that equal protection under the law and then you turn around and
deny Gays their right to be who they are, and to have life, liberty and
the pursuit of happiness. So that in 2008, at the board meeting in
Miami, Florida, when Alice Huffman, William Barber and I Im the
one who made the motion that the NAACP would support marriage
equality under equal protection under the law, when the vote was
taken, there were only two dissenters. And Julian said himself, Wow!
You all did something today that I didnt think that you were prepared
to do. You really surprised me. So I think that that was frustrating for
him, and he considered it a major contradiction for Black civil rights
workers to be against Gay rights when they had to fight for their
rights. He made it very clear, theres a difference between r-i-t-e-s,
rites, in a religious faith context, and civil rights that everyone in this
nation should have.
[WG]: Thats a remarkable comment, and I very well remember the
day that I was talking with you on State of Belief Radio about your
feelings regarding the comprehensiveness of rights for all people, and
including the Gay, Lesbian community, Transgender community, and
you were right there hearing the same thing that Julian Bond was
hearing - and that's a powerful recollection for me to hear that said by
you, and also what you said about how it came to pass in his life.
Amos, right now we are seeing increased awareness of inequalities
between White and Black America. The Black Lives Matter movement
is getting a lot of attention; political candidates or being challenged to
address issues of race. What are the lessons - in your mind what
are the lessons that today's activists must learn from the lifetime work
of Julian Bond?
[AB]: I think its, first, we must understand that the more things
change, the more they stay the same. And theyre fighting the same
struggle that we fought in our day. And until human beings get it in
their hearts and their minds that everyone is to be respected, we will
have this problem of racism, bigotry and injustice. And thats why we
have to understand that eternal vigilance is the price of success. And
young people today cannot chill; they cannot hang out. Theyve got to
be aware; theyve got to do their homework.
For example, when we sat down in Atlanta in 1960, we were hooking
up with a movement that had already been birthed by the NAACP
Youth Councils going back to August the 28th, 1958, when youth units
of the NAACP sat down in Oklahoma City, OK, Wichita, KS, and
Louisville, KY. Theres been a misstatement of the student movement.
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Each week, the Rev. Dr. C. Welton Gaddy offers listeners critical
analysis of the news of religion and politics, and seeks to provide
listeners with an understanding and appreciation of religious liberty.
Rev. Gaddy tackles politics with the firm belief that the best way to
secure freedom for religion in America is to secure freedom from
religion. State of Belief illustrates how the Religious Right is wrong
wrong for America and bad for religion.
Through interviews with celebrities and newsmakers and field reports
from around the country, State of Belief explores the intersection of
religion with politics, culture, media, and activism, and promotes
diverse religious voices in a religiously pluralistic world.
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