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  • A Dictionary of Terms and Quotations - Compiled From The Works of V.I. Lenin by Thomas Bell 1942

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    Communist Party
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    Read Lenin again and Again, you will always find something startling and new, giving fresh inspiration and renewed enthusiasm for the cause of labour and communism. This little dictionary is not a substitute for the study of Leninism; nor is it intended to encourage those who have a weakness for indulging in mere phrases. It is intended to show how Lenin himself defined a number of terms most frequently used in political literature and discussion; and, by further related quotations how he extended and developed the content of the definitions.

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    A Dictionary of Terms and Quotations - Compiled from the works of V.I. Lenin By Thomas Bell 1942

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    Read Lenin again and Again, you will always find something startling and new, giving fresh inspiration and renewed enthusiasm for the cause of labour and communism. This little dictionary is not a substitute for the study of Leninism; nor is it intended to encourage those who have a weakness for indulging in mere phrases. It is intended to show how Lenin himself defined a number of terms most frequently used in political literature and discussion; and, by further related quotations how he extended and developed the content of the definitions.

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    306 просмотров26 страниц

    A Dictionary of Terms and Quotations - Compiled From The Works of V.I. Lenin by Thomas Bell 1942

    Загружено:

    Communist Party
    Read Lenin again and Again, you will always find something startling and new, giving fresh inspiration and renewed enthusiasm for the cause of labour and communism. This little dictionary is not a substitute for the study of Leninism; nor is it intended to encourage those who have a weakness for indulging in mere phrases. It is intended to show how Lenin himself defined a number of terms most frequently used in political literature and discussion; and, by further related quotations how he extended and developed the content of the definitions.

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    Скачайте в формате PDF или читайте онлайн в Scribd
    Отметить как неприемлемый контент
    из 26
    CMMI HEL ELLEN G MANNIE LITTLE LENIN LIBRARY VOLUME TWENTY-FIVE A DICTIONARY * of TERMS AND QUOTATIONS Compiled from the Works of V. 1. LENIN by Thoms Bell A DICTIONARY of TERMS AND QUOTATIONS Compiled from the Works of VY. 1, LENIN Phomas Bell LONDON LAWRENCE & WISHART, LTD rust punLasmen ry 104 Polished ty Larwrenee and Wishart Lad London, WG, and. printed at the Tar Teen Works, Watford Da Prost De, hampeon Place, Foreword ‘There is no royal road to learning, least of all to the teachings of tie great revolutionary. thinker and. leader—Lenin, the continuator of the work of the founders of scientific socialism Mars and Engels, ‘The voluminous writings of Lenin, of which we have yet only 2 selection, form a veritable treasure house of knowledge in. the subjects of historieal_materislion, history, econoinies, polities and revolutiqnary party leadership, Tn these worke the serious student and worker, the propa: gandist and organiser will find almost everything necessary te equip them for the tusks before them. Read Lenin, again and again; you will always Sind something startling “and! new, giving fresh inspiration and renewed enthusiasm for the cause of labour and Coramunisin ‘This Jit Dictionary is not a substitute for the scady of Leninism; nor is it intencled tw encourage those who have it weakness for indulging in mere phrases, It is intended to show how Lenin hitaself defined a nab of the terms most frequently used in politieal literature and discussion; and, by further related quotations, how he extended and developed ihe content of the definitions, ‘The references 1 Volume and Pago in the Selected Works should enable the reader, by stdying the whole passage i ‘question, to obtain a still more complete elueidacion of the ide One special remark. It must “he remembered that ele October, 1917, the name of the Rolshovik Party: was Russian Sociat Democratic Labour Party (Bolshevik), and that therefor Lenin referred to the members of this Parly as Social Dem crats, After the revolution the name of the Russian Party was changed ta Commimist and Commmaniet Parsien avore formes in ull countries; the old parties remaining Social Democratic, Socialist or Labour : “This selection of terme and qu tations is limited for veasone of space, and is confined to those most frequently used. No doubt the reader will be able to think of other definitions and quotations, important and useful, whieh he would have. liked to see included. But that would have entailed a moch larger book than is practicable for the moment. ‘The compiler will be grateful for any suggestions, which may be sent throngh the publishers; all such suggestions will he carefully considered in relation to further editions ‘THomas Bev NOTE TO THE RBADER ‘The quotations (with one exception, p. 17) are all taken from ‘the twelve-vohume edition of Lenin's Selected Works, published by Lawrence and Wishart, Ltd. References to the warks quoted are given in the following abbreviated forms: SM, 6, p. 86, stands for Selected Works, Volume 6, pase 56 LLL,'9, p. 3, stands for Little Lenin Libvary, Nolane 8 rage 8 Where the two referees 8." and dads fa ae fou the end of # quotation they refer to the sumae passage, which can he found either in the Selerted Works or in dhe Life Le Library, though the text used is always thet of the Selected AWorks.” A full lise of the Little Lenin Library will be found at Ae end of this volume (AI Rights Reserved) Adriculiure The development of agriculture lags behind that of industry. ‘This is characteristic of all eapitalist countries and is one of the most important causes of the disproportion in the development of the different branches of national economy, of erises, and of the high cast of living. SIP. 12, p. 274 Alfiances Only those who have no self-reliance ean fear to enter into tetnporary allianeee even with uncelighle people; mot a single politi party could exist without entering Into such alliances, SAP. RAM. LLL, p21 Bot an essential condition for euch an alliance must be com plete liberty for Socialists t0 reveal to the working. el 4s interests are diametrically opposed to the interests of bourgeoisie SUP, 2, p40. LEB. 4, ps 2h Anarchism Meraiom differs from anarchism in that it recognises the necessity for the state and for state power in a period of-revolu tion in general, andl in the period af transition from cxpitatisna to socialism. in particule SUV. 6p. 56, LLL. 9, p. 13. jophy of the snarchists is bourgeois philosaphy ont, Their individualist dwories and th individualistic ideals are the very antithesis of socialism, views express, not the future of bourgeais society, which irresistibly being diiven towards the eoctalisstion of labour, but the present and even the past of that society, the domination of Blind chance over the scattered, isolated ‘small produce "Their tactics, which amonnt to the negation of the political single, serve tn disnnite the prnletariana and, in fact, to convert them into passive participants of one o another” set ‘of bourgeois politics; hecause ic is impossible for the workers teally to detach thensselves from polities, SIP. 3, p. 3 Not every appropriation of “foreign” territory may he described! ag annexation, for, generally speaking, Soviatists ore in favour of “abolishing frontiers between nations and. the formation of larger states; nor may every disturbance af the status gio be described "as annexation, for this would be extremely reactionary and a mockery of the fundamental con cepts of the science af history; nor may every militery appro prlation of territory be called annexation, for Sociilisis eannot repudiate violenes and wars in the interests of the majority of the poputstion, “he term annexation must be applied only fa the eppropriation of territory agaiusi the wwill of the popti- tion of that territory; in other wards, the concept annexation is inseparably bound’up with che concept self determination of nations SAP. 5, p. 236 Wis not sufficient f socialists in every country to pay lip service to the equality of nations, or to declaitn, vow and solemnly declare that they are opposed to annexations. The socialists in every eountry must demand insmediate an! uncom: ditional freedom of secession for the colonies and tutions that sre oppressed Sy their oton * fatherland.” SAP. 3, p. 297. Banks ‘The principal and primary funetion of banks is to serve ax an intermediary in the making of payments, In doing 30 they transform inactive money eapital into xctive expitaly thal is into capital producing a profit; they collect all kinds of money revenues and place them at che disposal of the capitalist class As banking develops and becomes concentrated in a small number of establishments, the banks heoame transformed, instead of being modest ‘intermediaries Uiey become power! monopolics having at Geir command almost the whole ofthe capital of afl the capitalists and small business men and also a large part of the means of production and of the sourees.of raw materials of the given county and of a mumabes cof counties, ‘The teamsformation of numerous. intermediaries into x handful of monapotiste reprevente one of the Fundamental processes in the transformation of capitalism int capitalist perialisn SUP. 5. p27 E, Bolshevism e Bolshevism asm trend of political thought and a politica party exiats since 1903.7 ‘The bourgeoisie has always and_ every Feudalism inthe name of the abolition af social status. “The bonrgensie hae stays and everywhere apposed the obsok Framework af the estes and other metoval iatetions in ne nthe hale penple” within which clays eontaditions (ree oll undeveloped And eas igh, oth in the West a rn Rela heenuae she ineitons.crtised were actly ampevine ererybody SHV. AL, p. 636, Bribery of Workers All of you who have read trade inion literatore knows that there are not only trade unions in Fngland, bu also alliances between workers and capitalists in a particular industry for th pnspose af raising prices nnd of robbing, eversbody else SP. 7, p. 418. Capital : (accumatation of) The accumulation of capita, Le. the transformation of 4 part of surplus value fate capital, not for satisfying the personal needs o7 whims of the capitatists, but for new production, SHPO, p26, Ladabs By ps 31 + a the Second Congs f the RusanSochl-Demosais Laut partyin 1903, trloas ferences arose ap wiody eheons of PriBcD Panluincdy nc tothe shame of the Pane reeontion aa the cor aon oy cota ston. The aston the Cena Comm Gnd tothe dion board of the paper Coke) ese mao fo apie followers: Hence bie term oer, caaing in Rusan one of Capital: (genesis of) were, firstly, the accumulation and a relasvey Risk lath development of commodity production in general, net seccndh the existence of a labourer who is “free” in a double sense: free trom all costain, or resrctan onthe edt hes te power, and free Trom the lands and af al esse of gk In general, a propertses labourer a" protean eat subsist except by the sale of his labour power. SIM, pp. 25-26, LEE, 1, p. 30 Ce Uneven economic and pica! development is an able law of capitalism, »Henes, the sietory ot sesalisnn ie peeche first ins few or even in one single country ~ | he progressive feature of septal ‘ of septs cons pisciey in the Fact that it destroyed the old, ramped sonditang of Tete, 1, which dalled the mind and prevented the peace ey taking thes destinies tito the oon hander Thee perenne development of unde teations nd ork! exchenge el ae the cient eso the fry a ee munity and created that variegation of development, th variegation of talents and wealth of social mhatees © which plage a0 greats olen the moder Hei at ane Sik 8 Caricls : (combin es) Cate come fo apsenent onthe conto of le tem aftnnen ct. “They vide the money tig See ‘Pha the quan of ganda to be profued Tey a ee They slvide the profits Smong the various enterprises, eke SWS p09. Lol te p22 Certain bourgeois writers Ef international cls ace te mois sehng capes oe interntioatcation of eaptay and that they. therore, gs the hope of peace amnng ‘the nations “andes contalhee the yond tel i usualy applied (0 combinations for eontroling 8 sine fron" these"siectyeowleoing products 8 “Pheoretically this opinion is absore, while in practice it is a sophism and a dishonest defence of the worse opportunism, Tnternational cartels show to what point expitalist cnonopolies have developed, and they reveal the object of the struggle between the various capitalist groups, SIPS, po 87. Tadade 15, p. 68. 12 abolish erises is a fable spread desire to ph ‘The statement that cartels by bourgeois economists who at all cost capitalism in a Favourable Hight. SW. 5, p. 2 Taleb 1S, p. 27. Classes Classes are large groups of people whieh differ from exch other by the place they occupy in a bi definite system ff social production, by their relation (ia most eases fixed and formulated in levis) to the means of production, by their role in the social organisation of labour, and, consequently, by the dimensions and method of acquiring the share of social wealth that they obtain, Classes are gcoups of people one of whiety may appropriate the labour of another owing to the diferent places they occupy in the definite gystem of sneial economy. SAP. 9, pp. 432438 Class Conseiousness Class consefousness means that the workers understand that the only way to improve their conditions and ta secure their emancipation is to fight aguinst the class of capitalists aud factory owners that was ereuted by thé big factories. Further more, class consciousness means that the workers understand that the interests of all the workers in the given country are identiea! that all the workers represent a single cluss, separate from all other classes, Finally, class consciousness means that the workers tnderstand that in order to achieve their aims, the workers must strive to influence the affairs of state in the same way 28 the landlords and the capitalists influence it, and strive to influence it still more, SAV. 1, p. 488. Class Straggte “Tr ig often said and written that the core of Mars’s theory is the class struggle; bt i is not true. And from this error 9 very lien, springs the opportunist distortion of Marxism its faletication ‘to make it acceptable by the housgecisie, "The theory of the class struggle was not created by Alarx, but by the bourgeoisie before Marx, and generally speaking iti acceptable to the bourgeoisie.” ‘Those wha recognise only the lass stiugele are not yet Marxists; those may be found to have gone no further than the boundaries of bourgeois reasoning ancl bourgeois polities. 'Zo limit Marxism to the thenry ofthe class struggle means curtailing Marxism, distorting it, reducing is to something which is acceptable to the bourgeoisie. A Marist is ono who estends the acceptance of the class struggle to the acceptance of the dictatorship of the proletariat. Vhisis where the profound difference ties between a Marxist and! an ordinary petty (and even big) bourgeois.” SHPLT, p. 33 Comm ‘Theoretically, there can be no doubt that between capitaliem and communism there lies a definite transition period. ‘The latter cannot but combine the features and properties of both these systems of social enterprise. This transition period cannot bat he a period of struggle hetween moribund capitalism ant aseent communisin—in other words, between capitalisin which has been defeated, but not yet destrayed and eomemanisty which hhas been born but which i still very feeble. SHV, 8, p. 3, ‘Communism :(the first phase) In the Critique of the Gotha Programme, Mary. goes some details t0 disprove Lassalle’s idea that under ‘sorialion the worker wilt receive the “ undiminished” or “whole proceeds of his Iebour.”| ‘Manx shows that from the whole of the social labour of saciety ic is necessary to deduet a reserve fund, a fund for the expansion of production, for the replacement’ of “worn-out” machinery, and so on; then, also, from the meacs of consumption snust be deducted a fund for the expenses uf the management, for schools, hospitals, homes for the aged and ind it is this communist society . . . that Marx terms the “first,” or fowes, phase of communist society. The means of produetion are no longer the private property 0 of individuals. ‘The means of praduetion helong to the whole of wociety, Every member af society, perfarmsinge a certain part oF socially necessary Labour, receives 2 eevtlicate from society to the effect that he has dane such and such an amount of wo According to this certificate, he receives fram the public ware- houses, where articles of consumption are stored, a enrresponding ‘quantity of products. Deducting that proportion of lal which goes to the public fund, every worker, therefare, recelves from society as muck as he has given it, . “Equal right,” says Marx, we indeed have here; bot it is sill a “bourgeois right,” which, like every right, presuppave inequality. Every right is an application of the same smeasure to different people who, in fact, are not the same and are not equal to one another; that is why “equal right” is really a violation of equality and an injustice. As a matter af Taet, every ‘man having pesformed as much social fsbour as another receives an equal share of the social praduet (less the ahove-mention Ueductions). But people are not alike: one is strong, another is weak, om is married, another is not; one has more children, another has less, and so on. And the conclusion Mars draws is #. . ovith am equal output and hence. an equal share in sie cial Consumption fund, ane will i fact ecetve more Wes nother, one swill he richer thon anothers an a0 mn Hence, the first phase of communisin cannot produce justi and equality; differences, and unjust diferences, in wealth will still exist, but the exploitation of man by man will have becom impossibie, because it will be impossible to seize the means of production, the factories, machines, lan, ete, 83 privat property SUP, pp. 83-95, LEE Vy pp. 70-71 Coniannisn : (the higher phase) Macx continues: “Im a higher phase of Communist sogicty after the entavin subordination of individuste"ander “ivsho of Tobe aad therewith also the antithesis between mental an hye labour, hat "vanheds after lint ne become nae ers a "iniona to "ive. bat ha seams helt te peasy eceniy of fe after the’ proetive. fore have aes est ih the atm ef he i, Ait the springs of covopertive weal fae mare shun then ean the warvew veut horace abe he aly ea toh abl ts cach second a hee neeloe SW T p81. DLL. M, pp, 7227 Communism... ig the name we apply to 2 system, under sshich people become aevustomed tothe performance uf public Satis Without any" speciic snachinery of compulsion, “when Unpaid work for" the “commoner Pecbmes the, "gemer phenomenon, SIV. 8, 9. 239, Communism is the Soviet power plus the electrification of the whole eoantey. SUP. 8, p. 276, Compramises To rej “ eompromis “on principle" to reject the amie ily ‘of compromise in general no tater af wht ied Ss childmete which is dpe even te tke antsy. There oe compromises and compromises, One must bs able to analyte the stulions and the eaerce coms oF ach compromise, ov of each form of compromiee ta plies it not aleays posble to-do ths ae ean. Bit Saye Who seamed To invent reps foe the orkess that wood _oviderendyemads soloiong of all eases hat occu fa Heo So promied thatthe plies of the evoltionary proftvat woald never encounter ‘dificult or intrieate situations, would Simpy be's chistes SHO, pp. 16-77. Lafalo V6, p. 22. To tie one’s hands beforehand, openly to tell the enemy, who is at present beiter armed than we are, whether and when we shall Aght him, is stupidly ane not revolutionariness. ‘To accent battle at atime when itis ebviously advantageous to the enenty and not to us is a evimes and those political feaders of the revolutionary class who are unable “to tack, to. manoouvre, to compromise” ip order to avoid an obviously disadvantageots battle, ate good for nothi SUY.10, pp. W819, LLL. 16, p. 38 ‘Phe whole point lies in Amessing how to. apply these tation in auch ay to else and not lower the genera level of proletarian elats eoneciousness, revolutionary spirit, and abil to fight and ta conguer : * SIV. 10, p. 116. LLL, 16, p. 56. 2 Concessions he fundamen thing the water of eosin fe the stoedpsint of poltical considerations... is the rule whic the have not omy metered theoretically bu, have eno applied Practically, ancl whieh il, until socialism finally triumphs ll rer the world, remain a fundamental re with ws, namely, thal we nwt take advantage. of the antagoniams and contra Hitions beneen capa between fp tems “Uputaeestates inte ope against the other, Ae Tong. a we fave noe canglered the whole work, a8 long. as, from the conomie and aoiitery.eandpotnt, we are weaker than the apuoat orld, We must adhete co the rule that we must know hegr to take advantage ef the antagonism and contradictions ating among the imperialists. Had we not adhered 10 this Sale ery ame of us would have long ayo been hanging from fm depen tre, an the satisfaction of the capitals. Sar. 8,9 279-280. Con ‘One view of nity may place in the forefront the * recon~ ciliation” af “given persons, groups anit institutions.” “Phe identity of their views on party work, on the policy of that work, is a matter of secondary importance, Differences of pinion aust he hushed up, their eauses, their significance, their objective conditions shovid not be elveidated. "The principle hing is to “reconcile persons and groups. HI they do not agree upon the carrying aut of a common paliey, that policy must he interpreted in euch a way ato be acceptable to all Live and let live, ‘This is philistine “ concitiationism,” whiels inevitably leads to narrow cirele diplomacy. - SW. 4 pal iiation “The sole of the coniators dusing the period of counter- waltion may he eharacterised by the following picture. With fmente efits the Bolsheviks se ufing” Party wagon pla steep slope, sa the segggon site 3 conciliator: Be is recare of tenderness. Te hue such 9 sect, sweet face. ike thgeot Jeauss He looks the very Ineamation’ uf vite, And modesty dropping his ejes and raising his hands, he exclaims ythadk the Lord, thae I'am not ike ne of these "a nod in the aivction ofthe Bolsheite and. Mensheviks-—" vicious factionalists who hinder all_ progress But the waggoa move slowly forward and in the wagon sts the tor the coneilingr: SUV. 4, p. 100, Constructive Work In constructive work you eamnot avoid a vast mumbs repetitions, you exnnot avoid turnin nd nd agai, I cannot. avoid. ant avoid tenting what yo fave done, maki een corrections, adopting new methods, hending: every eflart to con vince the backward and untrained. * for SHV. 8 p. 256. Co-operatives “There is no dou that under the epitalist State th» co-opers= tives are collective capitalist Institutions, - Under prveate txpitalism, cosnperstive enterprises lifer froin capa ener Pribes as collective enterprise fer from poate enterprves Under ‘sate capitalian, ‘ecroperstive enterprises ifr trem trate capitals enterprises, fisty, hecase they ine prate enter prises, id scoondly ‘Because they” are calla emerpines Under our system, to-operative enterprise dle lea privat capitalitenterprnts boctace they ive volecive enterprises hit they de not der from Sos enterpries the fd on which they are situated and she means of production belong to the State, iv., the working class, “ SW. 9, p 407 Why were the plane of the cl eo-operator, from Robest Owen onwards, fantesic? Becmise they dreamt of peacetall transforming preoney eocety into. Selim witht alan into account o fundamental question like the queston of the clas struggle, af the working clase winning polled] ponte, overthrowing the rule of the exploiting clay That i wy se tnmvely Tanta, and the dream’ of being ble to anafors the lt enemies into eles -colleagucs and the case strgls into elas pence (orale vil pene), merely by orgeniaing he epulaton in co-operative societies, something romantic and S..9, p. 407. “ Demsifogues emagoyies are the worst enemics of the working clas, pecurce thoy arouse bad instincts in the eravd, beemise the Tansee worker is unable ta recognise his enemies in men whe present themoele, and sovttimes sincerely represent them Thien to be hie friends inthis period of dispersion and Steligsion, when our movement is just beginning to take shape, Nothing i caser than to etnplay demagoic methods to side- tack the ced, which can realise its mistakes only by bitte experinin, W. 2p. 197, Democraey Can a class-conscious worker ignore the democratic struggle for the seke of the Socialist struggle, or ignore the latter for the sake of the former? No, x class-consciouss worker calls him- self 2 Social Democrat precisely because hie understands the intes-relation fetween the twa struggles. He knows that there fe na ether road to socialisnn but the road through democracy, through politieal i He, therefore, strives for the com- plete and consistent achievement of democraey for the sake of taining the ultimate goat SAV. 3, p. 153. Demoveats + (petty bourgeois) Petty from the class strug the class struggle, by tile, and tn Lake the edge off sharp comers. Such di therefore, either avoid recognising the necessity for a whole historival’ period of transition from capitalism to communism ‘or sogaed it a8 their slsty te coneoet plans for reconciling the twa contending foroes, instead of leading she struggle af one fof these forces against the other, ourgeois democrats are distinguished hy an aversion by the hope of getting along withsut fr enddeavantr to smaath over and recon- rats, Sav 8, p. 4 Deviatinos By saying " deviations ” we emplusise the fact that we do not yet reyard them 8 something definitely formed, as, something Shealutely and Tolly defined, but merely as the beginning of abtieal trend nf which the Party roust give its appraisal W.9, p. 123. 5 A deviation is something that can be rectified. People heve just wandered somewhat from the path, or are beginning 1 wander froma the path, but they can atill be pat right SW. 9, p. 126, Diateoties ‘The fundamental thesis of dialectics is: the thing as abstract cruth, truth is always concrete, SAP. 2, p. 403, Dislevties, as understood by Marx, and in conformity. with Hegel, ineludes what is now called ihe theory of knowledge, or epistemology, which, too, must regard its. subject “matter historically, studying and generalising the origin snd develon ment of Roowledge, the transition from non-knswledge to knowledge, SW. Al, pot? LZ. pa Dialectical Mateviotom Frederick Bngels writes: “The great basic question of ai philoso, esperalty of modern plicsophy, ts that concetnis tho relation of thinking and being epi to ncune wbih is rina, si ornare “the anaemic te Philosophers gave to this question pit therm ite Yo gree amps." Those who asserted the piney af ep to nice andy therefore, inthe last instance, tasted world eaten in sane form or thes "comprised the emp of ie, athe, who regarded nature 8 primary, balay to The raion schools of materialism.” : u “ SIV, pS, LLL 1, p. 19. ‘Marx and Engels considered the fundamental limitations of the “old snateriatism, inchucting the materialism of Feuerbach Cand still more of the “ vulgar” materialism of Biichner, Voy and) Moleschot). ‘To. be ©) ‘Thot thie materialism was.“ predominantly ynecbanieal” failing 40 take: accnut of the Ines “developments of chemiaty and Biology (in our day it would be neseesny to lds ano the alerted theory. of matter ©) Thar the old materalssn was non-historcal, non-daleticat, nexaphysical, in. the sense of antedisletical), and did) mot adhere consiztentl and comprehensively to the. atyndjn we Sevelopanent 16 ) Phat ie seyarded the “humem eesence " abstractly and not 9" the "ensemble" of all cincretely defined historical soil Felatione* ad therefore only "interpreted" the work sherene the point ie to “change” it shat ly to aa, iL did aot understand the Importance of "revohitionsey,” Practicslritea! activi. SIF 1, p15. LL.L6 1, pp. 19-20, Dictatorship of the Proletariat “The dictatorship of the proletariat i the rule of eae elas, which takes into ite hands the whole appavatus of the new sate, which cunguishes the hourgeaisie and neutratises the whole of the petty-bourgeoisie, the peasantry, the lover middle class and intelligentsia.” SUV. 10, pp. 51-52. Doctrine Our dovtrine—said Engels, referring to himself and hie famous Friend (Mars}—is not a dogina but a guide to action, SUPA p. $3, Eeonomism "The characteristic features of this tendeney are: in the matter of principles—vulearisation of Marxism in_ politics striving €0 restsie: or to fragmentise political agitation and polities! struggle, a failure 10 understand that unless social Democrats take the leadership of the general democratic move- ‘ment in their oxi hands, they will never be able to ovesthrow the autocraey; in tacties-—complete instability in regard to omanisation—the failure to understand that the mass character of the movement does not diminish but inereases ons obligation to establish a strong and centralised organisation of revolutionaries capable of leading the preparatory straggle, all unexpected outbursts and the final decisive a¢tack. nin: Collected Works IV. 2, 69. ‘Whe fundamental political tendencies of Beonomisn, viz Let the workers carty on the economic struggle (it would be more correct to say the trade union struggle, because the Jatter also esabraves specifically Iubour polities}, and let the Mann intelligentsia merge with the liberals for the political “ struggle.’ SAP. 2, pA ELI. 4, p. 22. * See also Clas Sige W English one for instance, elps Any trade ontion secretary, an rigule, helps ta expose the workers to conduet the economic Factory abuses, explains the injustice of the laws and of measures which hamper the freedom to strike and the freedom to. pick Ge, t0 warn all and sundry that a sivike is proceeding at « certain f4etors) explains the partiality of arbitration, court judges who hela tr the hourgeois classes, ete, ete. Inna) word, every fvade union secretary conducts and helps to epndaet * the economic strugele against the emplayers and the goveramnent TH eamot be tao steangly insisted that Jhis isnot enough to constitute Secial-Democracy. ‘The Social Democrat's idea! should not he a trade union secretary, but a tribune of the people, able to react to every manifestation of tyranny and oppression, mo snatter whese it takes plnee, no matter whi srattim ar elass of the people it affects, SW. p99, LEB pT. Faueation When the bourgeois gentry and their uncritical chorus of satellites, the social reformists, talk priggichly about the “education” of the masses, by’ edneation they usually mean something schoolmasterly, pedantic, somethings that «lemoralise: the masses and imbues them with Bourgeais prejudices. "Whe real education of the masses can never be separated from the independent, the political, and particularly froin the revole tionary, strggle of the masces themselves. Only the struggle educates the exploited class, SW. 3, p. 6 Factions faction ig an organization within the party, united mot by its place of work, language, or other objective conditions, Every faction is convinced that its platform and potiey ave fi best ameans off abolishing factions, for no one regetds the exist cence of factions 18 ideal, ‘The only difference is that faction with clear consistent platforms openly defend their platform, ‘while unprineipled factions hide behind cheap shouts about their ‘about their non-factionalism, SAT. 4, ps 100. Phere is an objective logic in factional struggles which inevitably leads even the host of people—if they persist in 18 eceupying a wrong position--to 4 position which actual! dliffets in no way from wnprineipled demagogy SUP. 9, p. 36, Fatherland "The fatherland, i, the given politcal, caleural and sos exwinonment, the most powerful factor in the cl. struggle of the proletariat. "The proletariat cannot treat the pale, social nl eulural evdtione of ite struggle with indifference nt equanimity, consequent, He cannot remain iniferent to the Gating of Sts countey. Huei Inteceste nthe destiny of conntry nly no far as it afets ts cass struggle and not by ‘rte of some bourses patti” which sound altogete indecent om the i of # Soval-Denoerat SIVA, pp. 327-3 Finance Capital > “The concentration of procs; the monopaly arising there- from; the merging or coalescing of banking with industry, this ie the history of finence capital a what ges the term © Rance xpi i eomtent SW. 8, p42. Tada. 1S, pA, Finance capital, coneuttated n 4 feye hands and exercising 2 viral monopoly, exacts enormous and ever inereing proft from the foting of companies, Jue of to, sate lat ee, tightens the ip of the Financial ligarchie, nd levis tute ‘pon the whee of snciety for the heneSt of the monopolist SIPS, DAT. Tadao, pA, Frontiers ‘The method of accomplishing a socialist revolution under dhe slogan “down with frontiers” is utterly absurd... - We maintain that the state ig necessary and the existence of a state pre-supposes frontiers. ‘The state may, of course, be ruled by 4 bourgenis government, while we want Soviets) Tut even Soviets are confronted with the question of frontiers ‘The “method ” of socialist revolution under the slogan of “down with frontiers ” is a hodlge pode SIP, 5, p. 308. © S00 alo nuperaton. 9 In the preface to his Comiribuiion to the Gritiyne o} Politica! Beonosay, Mi ral Fornaulation of tie fundamentel principles of materialism as extended to husnan seciety and its history, in the following word: “Sm the soci production which men earry on,) they ente inio dante relations shat ace indipsneable aid independent Aince'wil these relations of production correspond ta # deinte age of dovslopment of thee materia from of prediction. "The ‘Ste total of these reloions of producin eostitutes the economic Structure of sociey-the teal loundation, on which wees @ Segal thd. polite superstructure and to which correspond define foram of suet! cinsctoueness. The move of production in raterial fe detcrnines he sock, polical snd intlecnel We processes fp gener ln aot the consciouenese of ten at etermincs thee Tlie bat, on the omy, their nell being that ederins the Cooreloumia, Ata cetiain.atwge oftheir develapment, the Stern Torecs of prodtion i society come fo confer sith the Chisting rslaton Of production, er-what but @ legal expres fon for the same thinge—avith the Felton shin oie the forces of peotsciion shone rslations turn inte fe Regine ov epoch of nei revolution. Wi he ¢ Gr lea rapidly transformed, In considering ateh tbaformations S"ateinetion, should always be wade between the steia tran=r station ef toe eeonome coadioar of production, which eh W'detesnined withthe precision of naturel science, a the leg, politesh rellious, aestheric oF philosophicin ehort ideologicsl Tome i which men become conscious af his confi. and Sght trout, "Jowt ag cur opmnfon of an individual isnot based on what thinks of hitnacfs no can we not Bdge of such a period of Manstotinetion by ite own eocionanest on the eontary. this onsciousnese mist he cxplsined sather from the contreditions St material ie, from the ousting confer betrece. the sme) Jarees of production snd the relations of production. a fod oulines we cam designite the Astatic, the ancient, the fencil,“and the modern ‘bogie modes of production as any’ gpocht in the” progress of the eccnomie furmation oF WOT, pI ELL. 1, pp. 22, Imposition Tay faliom, ov the epoch of finance eapitel represents 4 bigh stage of development of the capitalist economic system, one in ‘which mostopolist association of capitalists-syndicates, carte and trusts—have sasomed decisive importance; enormously eon rentrated banking enpital has fused with industrial capital; the 20 export of capital to foreign countries has assumed enormous Appensions; the whole world has been divided up texritorially mong the richer countries, and the economic partitioning of the reorle among international trusts has begwn. SH. 6 p. 14 Staces iy Davezorsimr.—'he principal stages in the history of monopolies are the Following: (1) 1860-70, the bighest stage, the apex of development of free compelition; monopoly i in the barely discernible, ‘embryonic stage. (2) After the crisis of 1873, a wide zone of developinent of cartels; but they are still the exception, ‘They are not yet Gurable. They are still a transitory phenomenon. : (3) ‘The boom at the end of the nineteenth century and ihe eritis of 1900-3. Cartels become one of the foundations of the whole of econarnie life. Capitalism has been transformed into imperialisn, Baste Featoses.—-(J) ‘The concentration of produetion and capital developed fo suteh a stage that it ereates nvomopolies which play 1 decisive role in economic life, Q) The merging of bank capital with industrial capital, and the creation, on the basis of “finance capital," of financial oligarchy. (3) ‘The export of capital, which has become extremely famportant, #8 distinguished {rom the export of commodities. (U) The formation of international éapitatist monopoties which share the world among themselves. (5) The territorial division of the whole world among the great capitalist powers is completed. SUP. 5p. 81, LLL 15, p. 8b Insurrection "Po he successful, insurrection must rely not upon conspirne ond not upen a party, bat upon the advanced class. ‘That the fee point,” nsurreten snot rely upon the revalutonsry tnirit of the people. ‘That is the second point. Insursection musi rely upon the crucial moment in the history of the growins 2 revolution, when the activity of the advanced ranks of the people ig at ite height, amd when eacillarions in the ranks of the enemies and in the ranks of the weak, half-hearted, and irresolute Jrlends of the revolution ace strongest? ‘That is the third point, ‘And these three factors in the attitnde towards insurrection Aistinguished Marxism from Blanguiem SAV. 6, >. 218, International ‘The First International (1864-1872) laid the foundations af the proletarian, international struggle for Socialism. ‘The Second International (1889-1914) marked the epoch in which the soil swas prepared for a brond, mass, widespread movement ina umber of countries. ‘The Third (Communist) Intemational (March, 1919) gathered the fruits of the work of the Second International, punged it of its opportunist, social-chauvinist, bourgeois and petty-bourgeois dross, and has begun to effect the dictatorship of the proletariat W. 10, p. 31 Kuloks Rich peasants, profiteers in grain they have raked in thousands and hundreds of roubles by screwing up the price grain and other products... gathering the landed estates into their hands; they are ance more enslaving the poor peasants, SIV. 8, p. 130. Exploiters and profiteers, who used their surplus grain to tovigh themntlves a the expene of the starving nen-agricultral parts of Ru SHV. B, p. 162. ‘The experience of every revolution that has hitherto occurred ‘urope offers striking corroboration of the fact that revolu- tion is inevitably doomed if the peasants donot throvr off the domination of the kalaks, SV. 8, p. 137. Leader A political leader is not only responsible for the way he leads Int shen far what is done by those he leads. Somotimnes he doce riot know that, bften he does not want that, but he is responsible all the saine SHV. 9, 9.19. SAV pp. 2 Market : (foreign) octane, nae "The fact that capital stands in need of a foreige market ig twilained, not by the Impossibility of realising the produc is elegy oe oc By the fast that captain i unable ae renee" amd the came poses produetion in te sare ‘Bateftade in mchanged conditions (25 asthe case under he reaeeialiee eysteny, and that, st inevitbly fends 00 the eesfaned growth of production which overflows the old, narrow limits of previous economic units. sir Masses “

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