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the left movement. Their efforts to publish were nothing short of heroic, given
the censorship of the colonial state and the risks of imprisonment, and
deserve a place in the history of the nationalist movement even if the nation
was not the central theme of their writings. Appropriately the language they
used was colloquial Low Malay, which was significantly different from the
colonial administration codified High Malay found in the texts now
considered to be the loci classici of nationalist thought, such as the letters
of R A Kartini and the writings of Soekarno and Hatta. Unlike writers and
activists from other colonial societies who wrote in the languages of their
colonizers to express their thoughts, these writers and activists from the
Netherlands East Indies turned one of the indigenous languages, Low Malay,
into a powerful tool of resistance, able to express what Marx called ‘the
language of real life’.5 These writers imagined Indonesia as a nation of toilers
struggling against exploiters, and many of those exploiters were putative
‘Indonesians’.
allowed the colonial state pre-publication censorship. Thus, for 300 years all
production of reading material in the Dutch East Indies by modern printing
presses was in the hands of the colonial officials and European private
businesses.
Towards the end of the nineteenth century, the government began using
Malay as a medium of communication with the colonized. Faced with a
profusion of different dialects of Malay, they chose one dialect, codified it,
and called it High Malay. They standardized the High Malay language such
that it could be used for official purposes. It was a somewhat artificial
language in the hands of the Dutch since they developed their own set of rules
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for it. The term ‘Melayu Rendah’ (Low Malay) was invented by the colonial
state to denigrate the colloquial Malay, the lingua franca of the archipelago.
Until the end of the nineteenth century, most publications were for colonial
government officials, plantation owners and their staff, and a small number of
indigenous persons with Dutch education. They usually used Dutch or High
Malay and were full of stories about plantation revenues, state budget
problems, and official ceremonies. Given their readership, these publications
did not criticize the colonial system.
This situation began to change when some Indo-Chinese and Indo-
Europeans established dozens of new printing houses towards the end of
the nineteenth century. They ended the Dutch monopoly in the publishing
industry. These new publications carried stories about investigations into
scandals at the plantations, romances that offended colonial good taste, and
news about the Russian-Japanese war from the perspective of those in
solidarity with a rising Asian power. From the printing presses of the Indo-
Chinese and Indo-Europeans emerged a new literature in Low Malay:
newspapers, novels, poems, advice books, and reports on events in the Indies.
This new literature found a market in the people educated in the expanding
colonial school system of the late nineteenth century. By the beginning of the
twentieth century the number of ‘native’ students at government and private
schools had reached about 80,000. The emergence of a Low Malay press
changed the script in which that language had usually been written. The new
press adopted the Roman script already in use for High Malay. The Jawi and
Rumi scripts, which had been the standard scripts for Malay for centuries,
were displaced. Few publications in Low Malay appeared in any script other
than Roman after the early twentieth century.7 Trade unions and political
organizations were important centers of the production and distribution of
batjaan liar. The railway workers union, VSTP (Vereeniging voor Spoor- en
Tramwegpersoneel), based in Semarang, bought their own printing press and
published a newspaper Si Tetap [The Steady One]. Its circulation 15,000
copies was remarkably large in a colonial society where the literacy rate of
the native population in Java was as low as 6.4 percent.8
Unlike the Dutch printing houses which only employed ‘natives’ as
unskilled workers, the Indo-Chinese and Indo-European private printing
and publishing houses employed them as assistant editors and sometimes
gave them the opportunity to write. Several important figures in the
production of batjaan liar such as R M Tirtoadhisoerjo started their careers
279
HILMAR FARID AND RAZIF
Colonial rulers were conscious of the power of words and employed all sorts
of strategies to suppress Mas Marco’s newspaper. Censorship and repression
against the press were often applied. Dozens of indigenous journalists as well
as the Dutch ones who sided with the movement were arrested and tried for
violating the press law. Colonial rulers also ordered printing houses owned by
the Dutch not to serve indigenous publishers of batjaan liar. The rulers also
expanded their own publication of Malay-language books, whose content and
style of language were more agreeable to them.
As journalists, writers and publishers began to get involved in trade unions
and nationalist organizations, they strengthened the financial and institu-
tional bases of their publishing houses. Members of the organizations were
usually obliged to buy newspapers and other printed matter produced by
these publishers. Likewise, the publications helped to expand the organiza-
tion. This cooperation with organizations brought in quite a large income for
a publisher, sometimes even more than that earned by the colonial publishers.
Some of them were successful enough to parlay the capital earned into other
business ventures, such as opening hotels and restaurants.
The wave of workers’ strikes from 1918 to 1923 was crucial for the activists
and their supporters. It helped them to better understand the colonial system.
280
A COLONIAL ANTIPODE
This radicalization of labor in turn increased the growth of batjaan liar. In the
second half of the 1910s, hundreds of books and dozens of newspapers
categorized as batjaan liar were published. In contrast to reading material in
Dutch and High Malay which taught the natives about law, regulations and
orders, the publications in Low Malay brought up a wider variety of themes.
Not all of them were related to politics or nationalism. There were stories
about criminals, romantic scandals, and lifestyles of the urban youth. The
same writers and publishers also produced propaganda and translations of
political books. Biting criticism and polemics were popular forms of writing,
especially in the movement’s newspapers. Even though the main target was
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be uprooted from the movement. People should not follow the stream of good
advice from books from the Volkslectuur [Balai Pustaka] because those reading
materials are not good for the colonized.13
282
A COLONIAL ANTIPODE
combine Communism and Islam at a time when the colonial state was
encouraging Muslim leaders to view communists as wholly alien and atheistic.
At the PKI congress in 1924, the leaders came to the conclusion that ‘the
era of agitation to unify the heart has passed and the party should as soon as
possible improve the quality of the cadre and the members’ knowledge’.15 On
the one hand, this decision could be interpreted as strengthening the
institutions producing batjaan liar. On the other hand, it could also
be interpreted as the beginning of a clear schism within the movement as
the party sought ideological purity. The party limited its themes related to the
party line, such as organizational discipline, internationalism, and proletar-
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ianism. The leaders of the party themselves often referred to decisions of the
Comintern and the need to fight for the ‘class line’ within the movement. This
kind of tension consistently marked the formation of discourse about
national identity during the colonial era. In the next sections, we will show
the dynamics of this tension.
Critique of colonialism
Almost all leaders and activists within the radical movement in the early
twentieth century came from the ranks of workers, lower officials, and petty
traders.16 Their life experiences were different from those of the priyayi (the
Javanese aristocracy) and of the students who joined organizations such as
Perhimpunan Indonesia (Indonesian Association) in the Netherlands, and of
the students who were involved in the Sumpah Pemuda (Youth Pledge) of
1928, resulting in different perspectives on colonialism. The priyayi usually
refrained from openly criticizing colonialism. Their ideas centered on
reforming the colonial system such that it would respect the indigenous
population more and pay attention to their conditions. They usually situated
themselves between ‘the people’ and the high Dutch officials. They spoke on
behalf of ‘the people’ to the colonial government in terminologies more
comprehensible to the colonial rulers than to the people they claimed to
represent. Working in the bureaucracy, they were more drawn to Javanese
feudal traditions (or rather, invented traditions) than to the modern ideas
emerging in the island’s bazaars and factories. It was from amongst the ranks
of the priyayi that the colonial rulers found many men willing to accept
appointments to sit in the Volksraad (a kind of parliament) established in
1918.
Dutch-educated Indonesian intellectuals were usually sharper in criticizing
colonial rulers than the priyayi. Some of the students who were part of
Perhimpunan Indonesia were very radical and willing to adopt socialist and
communist ideas they learned in Europe. They talked about principles of
freedom, national unity, and solidarity with the oppressed. Nevertheless, they
barely understood the concrete situation in the Indies. Instead, they thought
more in terms of a racial struggle between Asia and Europe which sometimes
overlapped with the socialist struggle against capitalism.17 Their reluctance or
inability to develop an analysis about class was probably a result of their
background as part of the traditional elite and their conviction that they
283
HILMAR FARID AND RAZIF
would become the new rulers if the Dutch were ever driven out of Indonesia.
Their nationalism, therefore, relied more on differences of skin color rather
than the economic inequality produced by colonialism. They spoke Dutch
fluently and the High Malay used among the educated, so that they often felt
more comfortable debating with colonial rulers who were their enemies rather
than talking with the people whose interests they were supposed to defend.
The writers of batjaan liar, by contrast, wrote in straightforward prose and
were not hesitant to satirize the powerful. They understood, or even
experienced, the suffering of plantation and industrial workers, and many
of them even had the experience of working in those sectors before joining the
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movement. They never felt the need to paternalistically represent other people
to the colonial rulers. The tone of their writings was also very clear, directed
towards the people and not to the colonial rulers. This was what made their
publications worrisome for the rulers who still believed in the possibility of
‘association’ between the rulers and the ‘natives’. These radical writers
dreamed of their own modern world, one inspired by the Russian Revolution,
Kemal Attaturk, and the concrete experience of the colonized. In contrast to
the educated priyayi who seemed hesitant to express their opinions, the
activists wrote in a style that was alternately intimate, witty, ironic and
sarcastic. By borrowing idioms from different languages impossible in
colonial Dutch or High Malay they could evoke a wide range of registers.
Theirs was a flexible heteroglossia. Consider the following quotation:
Poor those fellows who have that saying! Who the hell is he? The ass-licker
consists of two words: lick plus ass. Lick rub the tongue against something.
Ass je weet wel (well you know what). Yikes, disgusting, huh! [Brrrr,
afschuwelijk, he!] But there are many people who like to do it. For the Javanese,
the ones who do it most often: priyayi. Many people from other nations know
that many Javanese priyayi like likken. It is clear that many people do not
understand the value of hard work, or they do not trust their own strength. For
those who know would certainly feel ashamed to lick like that.18
Some of the activists used Low Malay consciously as an act of resistance to
the colonial system. There was a practical reason as well. Semaoen, chief
editor of the above-mentioned union-owned daily newspaper Si Tetap, for
example, said that Low Malay was used because it was understood by the
majority of the East Indies population, unlike High Malay or Dutch. Since
the number of Javanese who could read romanized characters was only 6.4
percent, those interested in the batjaan liar formed reading circles where the
literate ones would read aloud to those who were illiterate. This practice was
only possible in Low Malay which was more a transcription of daily
language.
Activists of the lower class in the nationalist movement always based
themselves on their concrete experience of injustice and composed journal-
istic reports that exposed the cruelty of colonial practices. It was the lower
class’s experience of oppression that grounded its conception of Indonesian
nationalism. The writers of the batjaan liar did not imagine themselves to be
in solidarity with every person in the Netherlands East Indies; they viewed
284
A COLONIAL ANTIPODE
the priyayi as part of the colonial state, not part of the Indonesian nation.
Their literature presented stories about the kidnapping of women to be
turned into plantation slaves and the hunger suffered by certain communities.
Such stories filled the pages of newspapers and inspired various pamphlets,
novels and poems. The descriptions were usually precise and included details
that reflected the writer’s knowledge of the situation. The two main targets of
criticism were the expropriation of land by plantation owners and tax
collectors. Once urban industry developed, the radical literature also
addressed injustices at the workplace. There were also critiques of the local
aristocracy in imposing feudal customs. One article, for instance, complained
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about the regulations requiring bank workers to squat and pay obeisance
(sembah jongkok) when their managers appeared.19 The language of class was
very striking and became the trademark of radical literature of the 1920s.
Critiques of colonialism did not stop at matters directly experienced by the
colonized. Activists realized that education was crucial for progress and for
the advancement of the anti-colonial movement. Education was needed to
undo the education promoted by the colonial state. Constructing a new
history of the Indies society thus became an important aim. Perhaps the most
ambitious project in this respect was Marco Kartodikromo’s rewriting of the
Babad Tanah Jawa, the classic Javanese-language text of the history of Java
first written by the court poet of King Pakubuwono III of Surakarta in 1788.
The text was written after the Surakarta court had already been defeated by
the Dutch and reflected the Javanese royalty’s compromise with colonialism.
Mas Marco’s version was published in serial form in the magazine Hidoep in
1924.20 The goal of the rewriting was to ‘take back the past of the Javanese
who have all along been in the hands of the Dutch’. Marco noted that
colonialism did not only create injustice in economic matters but also robbed
the consciousness of the colonized of their own past. He criticized the
collaboration between the colonial rulers and the indigenous literati
(pudjangga) to reshape the past:
Babad is a knowledge (wetenschap), but not a few composers of Babad faked
their writings. This problem turns out to be like what the Czechs would say:
‘Among those Babad composers, there are also some who fake the Babad they
write while Babad is supposed to be written truthfully like what actually
happened.’ The Turks have a saying as well, ‘the one who writes or composes
Babad is not an ink container’.21
While writing his own babad Marco studied the writings of colonial scholars
such as Sir Thomas Raffles (1781 1826) and Pieter Johannes Veth (1814
1895) about Java and expressed his criticism toward both their facts and
interpretations. Marco divided his book into six parts, covering the origins of
the name Java, the arrival of Hinduism, and the arrival of the Portuguese and
Dutch. For Marco, the existing Babad Tanah Jawa basically reflected the
defeat of Javanese culture. Therefore, he felt the need to provide a scientific
grounding to understand why the Javanese had been defeated and what they
had to do to overcome the weakness. Unlike the poets who failed to
acknowledge the defeat of the Javanese kingdom and culture, Marco
285
HILMAR FARID AND RAZIF
anti-Chinese and that they should support the repression of the movement.
But the racial antagonisms that were fairly prominent in the early years of the
twentieth century abated during the movement’s peak from 1918 to 1923,
when the radical activists proved by their deeds that they were not targeting
the Sino-Indonesians and were not motivated by racism. The activists showed
they were only concerned with class. The colonial state’s rumor-mongering
proved ineffective.
The radical writers called themselves orang terperentah [the ruled people], a
term that tended to overlap with the terms ‘Javanese people’ and ‘Indies
people’. The distinctions were sometimes not strictly drawn. But they did
distinguish between those Javanese who collaborated with the Dutch and
those who resisted. Thus, they attacked the ‘Javanese people’ who ‘sold
themselves’ to the colonial officials and plantation owners. Everyone in the
Indies faced the three-tiered racial classification system imposed by the
Dutch. The question for those classified at the bottom as ‘natives’ was how
to respond. A popular demand among the Chinese and Arab communities
was for an elevation of their status from Foreign Oriental to European, in
the same way that the small Japanese community in the Indies had been
elevated after Japan’s victory in its war with Russia in 1905. Some ‘natives’
also thought that their status should be raised. But in the batjaan liar
literature, the demand was much more radical: it was to remove the system
that produced social inequality in the first place. Marco, in his serialized
novel Matahariah in the late 1910s, used the term anak-anak Hindia
(children of the Indies) to refer to everyone in the Indies who was not
European:
Even now [we] have already built a consensus to establish an association we
call Kromo Bergerak [People on the Move], meaning an association with the
efforts of our people, the anak-anak Hindia [children of the Indies], to be at
peace with each other towards one heart, so that we will not continue to be
exploited by the cruel nations. Moreover, we children of the Indies can be at
peace if we are one; that’s the time we can eliminate arbitrary actions. Now we
already have orang particulier who certainly will try very hard for the children
of the Indies to gain higher rank like the European in our land. You know it
yourselves, that we children of the Indies were always disgraced by the
European people who also live here.26
Some of the writers ignored the racial categorization altogether, preferring
instead to see only two classes in the Indies. Consider the following statement
by Darsono:
Now in the Indies emerged two groups of people, i.e. one group owns factories,
railway companies, stores, etc.; and the second group is the workers of different
nations or people who work for the enterprises of the first group. This group of
workers comes from peasants, batik makers, weavers, petty traders of all nations
287
HILMAR FARID AND RAZIF
etc. They sell their labor because they’re cornered by factories or machines and
big commerce.27
be said to have been fast asleep. We never saw the light of the sun. Because, since
the earliest time until now, we women were perceived as the household’s
decoration and head chef. But this rule should be changed now. For we women
who have household responsibilities, the men can do that work as well, but for
women who do not have that responsibility, they should indeed help the work of
the men for public need. WE know that there are many women who choose to sit
around and take it easy although they are educated; they like to do that thing.
Now we think it’s time for us women to participate, move together with our
brothers. We also know that the conservatives would smirk at this statement.
Alright, we can ignore those who disagree with us.28
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The women figures portrayed in batjaan liar were generally different from the
images drawn by the colonial rulers or the Javanese priyayi. Batjaan liar
usually described a woman activist with a strong character, broad knowledge,
able to pass judgment and sometimes conduct debates with men. One will not
find such characters in Balai Pustaka novels. The position of the nyai
(mistress) in the batjaan liar was also described differently compared with the
other literary works of the era. The nyai was portrayed as a woman with
strong character and willpower even though her fate was very much in the
hands of the plantation owners.
By the mid-1920s, the colonial rulers began to realize that the radical
movement could not be effectively countered with books from Balai
Pustaka or a new representative council (the Volksraad). The state started
to use violence to destroy the movement. Several leaders of the movement
such as H M Misbach and Dr. Tjipto Mangunkusumo were arrested and
exiled to places outside of Java. Differences within the movement
sharpened. The tension was not only between lower-class activists and
the priyayi or the educated ones, but also among the lower-class activists
themselves. The propagandists of the PKI stated that the struggle against
colonialism was a class struggle, like the workers’ struggle to topple the
Tsar in Russia in 1917. Several PKI leaders visited the Soviet Union to
talk with the leaders of the Comintern. They subsequently proposed that
the party sharpen the perspective on classes in the colony.29 On the other
hand, figures like Mas Marco, Darsono and leaders of the Sarekat
Rakyat disagreed with this rigid approach to class. At the PKI conference
in Kota Gede in December 1924, one of the party theoreticians, Ali
Archam, suggested that Sarekat Rakyat, the political organization of the
radical ‘petty bourgeoisie’, be dissolved and that full concentration should
be directed towards organizing workers into revolutionary trade unions.
This suggestion was rejected by Darsono and Mas Marco who
emphasized the importance of unity among all people challenging
colonial power.30
These differences in views kept intensifying along with the escalating
colonial repression. Discussions about class, religion and ethnicity as the
composition of the nation were replaced with differentiations based on brave
vs. cowardly, militant vs. moderate. By 1926, texts of the movement generally
talked about the importance of militancy, discipline and firmness. Indepen-
dence for them was rebellion against colonial rule, and the Indonesian nation
289
HILMAR FARID AND RAZIF
consisted of those who supported the rebellion. Despite the ideal of total
unity of the colonized, there were repeated splits and divisions within the
radical movement. In this kind of uncertainty and crisis, the PKI and Sarekat
Rakyat, under immense pressure from their own cadres, decided to launch a
rebellion in November 1926. The colonial rulers responded with extreme
repression. Thousands of people were arrested, and 1,308 people were exiled
to Boven Digul in the middle of the Papuan forest. One episode of the
pergerakan (movement) came to an end.
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The decline
The failure of the rebellion had several consequences. First, the writer-
activists from lower classes who formed the dominant bloc in the social
movement of the 1920s were eliminated. They were exiled to Boven Digul
and did not return until the arrival of Japanese troops in 1942. Some of
them, like Marco Kartodikromo and Ali Archam, died in exile. Other
figures, such as Darsono and Semaoen, left for Moscow, worked for the
Comintern, and never had any influence in the movement in the
subsequent years. Secondly, the networks of publishers, distributors,
readers and organizations that had supported batjaan liar production for
at least fifteen years were destroyed. Printing houses owned by trade
unions, the Communist Party, and orang particulier, who supported the
movement, were closed down or confiscated. The colonial government, in
turn, established more rigid controls and regulations on the production
and distribution of printed matter. It restored the power of ‘print
colonialism’. Thirdly, and perhaps most importantly, the colonized became
increasingly wary of writing anything straightforward about their own
problems and demands. One example of this tendency can be seen in
Hatta’s explanation of the program of Perhimpunan Indonesia in front of
the Dutch court in 1928.31 His explanation falsified the organization’s 1923
program, which was fairly radical, and did not even affirm that its
intention was to gain national independence. The colonial rulers were
successful in establishing a time of order and peace, often referred to as
zaman normal.
The nationalist leaders of the 1930s were generally students who studied
inside and outside the colony, government officials, and political activists
who escaped colonial repression. None of them had any experience in
developing a movement from below and vividly expressing injustice in
writing. They usually spoke and wrote in Dutch, not even in High Malay.
Even if they spoke in Malay, all the spontaneity, irony and wittiness which
characterized the language of the batjaan liar was missing. The tone of
speech was more paternalistic, even arrogant, making a show of authority
and pretending to be sagacious. They usually positioned themselves as
candidates for the leaders of a modern, advanced and educated nation, who
had little or no connection with the coolies in the plantations and workers
in the factories. The failure of the communist rebellion of 1926 1927
became the foundation for a new type of nationalism that disregarded the
290
A COLONIAL ANTIPODE
Notes
1
In the 1960s several left historians and writers criticized the elitist bias in the nationalist historiography.
See Bakri Siregar, Sedjarah Sastra Modern Indonesia, Jakarta: Jajasan Pembaruan, 1964; Pramoedya
Ananta Toer, Sedjarah Modern Indonesia: Babak Perintis, Jakarta, 1965. After being released from
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prison, Pramoedya Ananta Toer composed a biography of R M Tirtoadhisoerjo, a pioneer in the press
world who had been neglected in the writing of Indonesian history. See Pramoedya Ananta Toer, Sang
Pemula, Jakarta: Hasta Mitra, 1985.
2
Ranajit Guha, ‘On Some Aspects of the Historiography of Colonial India’, Subaltern Studies, Vol. 1,
Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1982, pp 1 8.
3
For a relatively complete list, see G F Ockeloen, Catalogus dari boekoe boekoe dan madjallah madjallah
jang diterbitkan di Hindia Belanda dari tahoen 1870 1937, Batavia: Kolff, 1939.
4
The arrested leaders of the movement were exiled to the furthest eastern edge of the colony, a malarial
forest on the island of Papua.
5
Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, The German Ideology, Moscow: Progress Publisher, 1968.
6
Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origins and Spread of Nationalism,
London: Verso, 1991, p 44.
7
For a comprehensive account of the Indonesian nationalist press in its early days, see Ahmat B Adam,
The Vernacular Press and the Emergence of Modern Indonesian Consciousness, 1855 1913, Ithaca:
Cornell University Southeast Asia Program, 1995.
8
Semaoen, ‘An Early Account of the Independence Movement’, Indonesia 1, April 1966, pp 46 75.
9
R M Tirtoadhisoerjo was the initiator of the press affiliated to a social movement. Pramoedya Ananta
Toer called him ‘the pioneer’ because of his role in developing an independent press. Toer, Sang Pemula.
Tirtoadhisoerjo is also the inspiration for the main character in Toer’s most celebrated work, the Buru
tetralogy.
10
Marco, ‘Djangan Takoet’, Sinar Djawa, 11 April 1918.
11
Hilmar Farid, ‘Kolonialisme dan Budaya: Balai Poestaka di Hindia Belanda’, Prisma 10, October 1991.
12
Semaoen, ‘Menentang Literatuur Menjesatkan’, Keras Hati 7, February 1920.
13
Moesso, ‘Kita Haroes Mendirikan Bibliotheek Sendiri’, Api, 25 July 1925.
14
Soekindar, ‘Socialistische Literatuur di Hindia’, Sinar Hindia, 17 December 1921.
15
Overzichten van de Inlandsche en Maleisch Chineesche Pers, 25, 1924, pp 568 569.
16
The priyayi and doctors who joined Budi Utomo are known as the ‘pioneers of the nationalist
movement’ in the writing of modern Indonesian history. Indeed, they opened the way by establishing a
modern organization and some room for bargaining with the colonial state, but by the end of the 1910s
they no longer played a major political role. Some of them, such as R M Soejopranoto, Cipto
Mangoensoekomo and Soewardi Soerjaningrat, chose to join the popular movement and become more
radical. See Takashi Shiraishi, An Age in Motion: Popular Radicalism in Java 1912 26, Ithaca: Cornell
University Press, 1990.
17
John Ingleson, Perhimpunan Indonesia and the Indonesian Nationalist Movement 1923 1928, Melbourne:
Monash University, 1975.
18
‘Tjis, tra’ maloe!’ Doenia Bergerak 2, 1914.
19
M A, ‘Sembah djongkok’, Sinar Hindia, 15 June 1918.
20
Marco also published an anthology of verses entitled Sjair Rempah Rempah (Verses of Spices) dan Sjair
Sama Rata Sama Rasa, which described the Dutch as ‘badjak laoet’ (pirates) who deceived the peoples
of the archipelago and then dominated the whole territory.
21
Marco, ‘Pendahoeloean untuk Babad Tanah Djawa’, Hidoep, 1 June 1924. It is unclear what Czech and
Turk sayings Marco was referring to in this passage. Most likely, he mentioned these names of other
nationalities only to create the impression that he was modern, cosmopolitan, and erudite.
22
In his novel Matahariah Marco satirized the power relation between colonial government and Javanese
kings.
23
In Low Malay, babah is a derogatory term for Chinese.
24
Tjhoen Tjhioe 84, 1914, pp 2 3.
291
HILMAR FARID AND RAZIF
25
Marco, ‘Mata Gelap: Boleh djadi lantaran seboeah boekoe bisa djadi perselisihan jang berat’, Doenia
Bergerak 28, 1914.
26
The novel, a rare love story between people of different races, was published as a serial in Sinar Hindia,
in 1918 and 1919. The term ‘children of the Indies’ was meant to include Sino-Indonesians and Indo-
Europeans, albeit only those among these communities who supported the movement. Ernest Douwes
Dekker (18791950), an Indo-European, established the Indische Partij (Party of the Indies) in 1913,
which had a major impact on the radical movement that followed.
27
Darsono, ‘Giftige Waarheidspijlen’, Sinar Hindia, 13 May 1918.
28
Rangsang, ‘Kaoem Merah’, Hidoep, 1 October 1924. This novel was clear communist propaganda: it
was essentially the complete Communist Party program with a few dialogues and narratives added.
29
Semaoen, ‘An Early Account of the Independence Movement’, pp 4675.
30
Persatoean Ra’jat, 12 February 1926.
31
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292