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The Bongard-Levin INTERNATIONAL INSTITUTE

OF THE CLASSICAL WORLD


..-

Scripta
antiqua

Scripta
antiqua

Ancient History, Philology,


Arts and Material Culture

, ,

The Almanac

Volume Three

Edward Rtveladze
Felicitation Volume

Sobranie
oscow 2013

2013

94(3)+902/904+7.032
63.3(0)3+63.442+63.443+63.2+80+85
45

ISSN 2221-9560

:
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(VIIV . ..):
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31

:
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.., .., .., ..,
.., ..

S cientific C ouncil :
P.Bernard (France), G.W.Bowersock (USA), J.-Ch. Balty (Belgium),
M.D.Bukharin (Russia), M.A.Dandamaev (Russia), P.Ducrey (Switzerland),
J.-L.Ferrary (France), H.Heinen (Germany), L.Hannestad (Danemark),
M.Hatzopoulos (Greece), P.-F.Callieri (Italy), N.N.Kazansky (Russia),
G..Koshelenko (Russia), .Marth (Hungary), F.Millar (Great Britain),
H.Parzinger (Germany), S.Rosen (Sweden), N.Sims-Williams (Great Britain),
S.Shaked (Israel), V.Schiltz (France), I.Kh.Urilov (Russia)
E ditor-in- C hief
.D.Bukharin
E ditorial B oard :
A.Yu.Alexeev, N.P.Grintser, D.V.Zhuravlev, ..Zavoykin, L.L.Kofanov,
I..Ladynin, .V.Muravyev, ..Nemirovsky, .V.Podosinov,
S.Yu.Saprykin, S.R.Tokhtasyev
ISBN 978-5-9606-0128-3 (. 3)
ISBN 978-5-9606-0113-9

.., , 2013
. , 2013

..
: ,
, . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 75
..

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 133

Haga M.
Tyche as a Goddess of Fortune in the Great Departure
() scene of Life of Buddha . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 145
..
*axaina- . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 152
..

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 164
..
I . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 197
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: . . . . 220

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. . . 237

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IVII . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 243
.., ..

I . .. . . . . . . . . 280
..
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 302
Schindel N.
A New Kushano-Sasanian Coin Type? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 330

..
. . 341
..

: , , . . . . . 423
.., ..
( 19802003 .) . . . . . . . 481
1.
. . . 529
2.
. . . . . . . . . . . 556
.., ., ..

( 19982000 .) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 572
..
?
- . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 612
..
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 633

Tanabe K.
A Study of the Buddhas Coffin in Gandharan Art . . . . . . . . . . . . . 641
..
:
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 653

Kullanda S.V.
North Caucasian Loanwords in Indo-Iranian and Iranian . . . . . . . . 715
..
- . 724
..
. . . 737
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 747
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 752

Contens
9

CONTENS

Numismatics
Atakhojaev A.Kh.
Numismatic Evidences for the Political History
of Soghd in IVII Cent. B.C. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 243

Jumaev A.B.
The Jubilee of Edward Vasilyevich Rtveladze . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11
Archaeology
Sverchkov L.., Wun Xin, Boroffka N.
The Site of Kyzyltepa (VIIV cent. B.C.): New Data . . . . . . . . . . . 30
Bolelov S.B.
Kampyrtepa the Classical Fortress on the Oxus:
Stratigraphy, Periodization, Chronology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 75

Abramzon M.G., Fedina Yu.A.


The Golden Coins with the Legend from the
Collections of the Russian Museums and the Problems
of the Dacian Coinage of the I cent. B.C. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 280
Gorin A.N.
The Parthian Coins of Kampyrtepa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 302
Schindel N.
A New Kushano-Sasanian Coin Type? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 330
Fine Arts

Baypakov K.M.
Studies in Islamic Archaeology and Architecture in Kazakhstan . . 133

Treister M.Yu.
The Hoard of the Silver Rhyta of Achaemenid Circle
from Erebuni . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 341

History and Historical Geography

Kantorovich A.R.
Representations of the Elk in the East European Scythian Animal
Style (Classification, Typology, Chronology) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 423

Haga M.
Tyche as a Goddess of Fortune in the Great Departure ()
Scene of Life of Buddha . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 145
Bukharin M.D.
The Reflexes of *axaina- in the Iranian Hydronymy . . . . . . . . . . 152
Zavoykin A.A.
The Bosporan Greeks and the Asiatic Barbarians
(from Archaic till Early Hellenistic Time) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 164
Smirnov Sv.V.
Antiochus I Anabasis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 197
Pyankov I.V.
The Stone Tower on the Great Silk Road . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 204
Nikolskaya K.D.
The Daily Culture of Ancient India: Adults and Kids . . . . . . . . . . . 220
Klyashtorny S.G.
Sogdian Nobleman in the Yenisey Kyrgyz State . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 237

Dvurechenksya N.D., Novikov S.V.


The Terracotta Plastic Art of Margiana (from the Materials
of Central Asian Archaeological Expedition, 19802003) . . . . . . . 481
Supplement 1. Catalogue of the Finds of the Anthropomorphic Terracotta
Figurines of the Central Asian Archaeological Expedition . . . . . . . 529
Supplement 2. Tables of the Data of the Terracotta Figurines
of the Central Asian Archaeological Expedition . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 556
Pidaev Sh.R., Kato K., Mkrtychev T.K.
The Stone Sculpture Decor at Karatepa
(Excavations of 19982000) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 572
Shenkar M.
A Goddess or a Queen? On the Interpretation of the Female Figure
on the Relief of Narseh at Naq-e Rostam . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 612
Minasyan R.S.
The Golden Mask of Reskuporid . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 633

10

Contens

..

Tanabe K.
A Study of the Buddhas Coffin in Gandharan Art . . . . . . . . . . . . . 641

Tsvetkova T.G.
The Fretted Ganch of Varakhsha: Classification and Common
Compositional Techniques . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 653

Epigraphy and Linguistic


Kullanda S.V.
North Caucasian Loanwords in Indo-Iranian and Iranian . . . . . . . . 715
Lurje P.B.
Some Unpublished Chwarezmian Inscriptions from Tok-Kala . . . 724
Ilyasov J.Ya.
Arabic Inscriptions on the Glazed Pottery from Samarqand . . . . . . 737

2012 . 70--

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Idem. Archeological Research of Kampyrtepa: a Kushan Fortress on the Oxus //
Circle of Inner Asian Art. 1999. 10. P. 57; .., .. - //
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2008. 36. . 7984; Rtveladze E.V. Kampyr-Tepe-Pandocheion Alexandria
Oxiana // Alexander der Groe und die ffnung der Welt: Asiens Kulturen im
Wandel. Mannheim. 2009. S. 168175. . : .. . , 2007.
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Rtveladze E.V. Pre-Muslim Coins of Chach // SRAA. 1998. 5. P. 307328;
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Becker J. Halaf- und Obed-Zeit im Wadi al-Hamar, Nordost-Syrien //
Morgenlndische Altertmer. Studien aus dem Institut fr Orientalische
Archologie und Kunst. Herausgegeben von Markus Mode. Halle (Saale), 2004
(Hallesche Beitrge zur Orientwissenschaft. Bd 37). S. 130. Fig. 5.912.
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Gtzelt T. Ansichten der Archologie Sd-Turkmenistans bei der
Erforschung der mittleren Bronzezeit (Periode Namazga V). Mnchen,
1996 (Archologie in Eurasien. Bd 2.). Taf. 4.5255a.
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SUMMARY

The Site of Kyzyltepa (VIIV cent. B.C.): New Data


by L..Sverchkov (Tashkent, Uzbekistan), Wu Xin (New York, USA),
N.Boroffka (Berlin, Germany)
The fortified site of Kyzyltepa (southern Uzbekistan) is one of the
largest on the territory of northern Bactria and existed in four chronological
stages. The first, dated approximately to the end of the 6th Century BC,
consisted of a monumental public-administrative building of irregularly
hexagonal plan with an internal courtyard and two-storied open pavillions
along the sides. Over the entire Achaemenid period of 200 years duration
it was repeatedly renovated and renewed. Around 328 BC the settlement
was destroyed, presumably by the Graeco-Macedonian forces, but soon
afterwards a lower city was added, surrounded by a wall with towers and
containing lightly built temporary dwellings.
The first two stages of existence of Kyzyltepa date to the Achaemenid
period (Yaz III), the last two belong to early Hellenistic time, and this is
the main characteristic of the site, as well as its uniqueness. At Kyzyltepa
very clearly a site of the so called transitional period in Bactria could be
studied for the first time.

..

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,
( )
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5
Minorsky V.F. A Greek Crossing on the Oxus // BSOAS. 1967. Vol. 30.
P. 4749.
6
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3
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.. 20022005 . // . 2006. . 5. . 5.
27
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2004 . // . 2007. . 3. . 3537; Swertschkow L. Die Grabungen im
Form Kurgansol im Sden Usbekistans neuen Daten zur Geschichte Zentralasiens am Ende des 4. Jrs. v. Chr. // Alexsander der Grosse und die ffnung der
Welt. Mannheim, 2009. S. 148.

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Veuve S. Le Gymnase. Architecture, ceramique, sculpture. P., 1987
(MDAFA. T. XXX). . 11; Tanabe K., Hori A. Excavation at Dalversin Tepe,
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139
140

132

SUMMARY

Kampyrtepa the Classical Fortress on the Oxus:


Stratigraphy, Periodization, Chronology
by S.B.Bolelov
(Moscow)
The article presents analysis of the excavations of the site Kampyrtepa
(Southern Uzbekistan). The multimeter layers of the Hellenistic period
were discovered there in the last years. The results of the excavations allow
reconstructing planning and characterizing of the site development, as well
as model of the material culture on the earliest stages of the history of
the monument. Kampyrtepa-Pandaheion, established no later than the last
quarter of the IV cent. B.C., was the key-point on one of the most important
crossings on Amudarya. It is namely through Kampyrtepa passed the traderoute, which connected the capital of Bactria Balkh with Iran, India and
China through the Silk Road.

..

2009 . rchaeology

Abrahamica:
, . - .., , ,
, , . - . ,
1.
: ,
.
-, ,
,
() , . -,
, , 2.
XX .,
.
, ,

, . ( XVII .)
1
rchaeology Abrahamica: , / ., . ...
, 2009. . 6.
2
. . 67.

134

. 1. - (. XVI .)

. , 5070 .
,
3.
: ; ; 4.
,
, ,
c VIII .
. , C ,
1917 . 1922 . - .
Case Studies in Archaeology and World Religion / Ed. T.Insoll. Cambr.;
Oxf., 1999 (BAR. International Series. 755).
4
rchaeology Abrahamica. . 8.
3

... ...

135

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20052007 . .
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6.
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1945 .
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7.
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-2004.
, 2005. . 100; . :
// -2005. , 2006. . 166167.
6
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2007. . 343393.
7
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1982. 172. . 39.
5

136

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. 305393.
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. . ., 1960.
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., 1976. . 110112.
9

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140

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12

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(. 1) XVI .
(. 2), , 15161517 .
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142

SUMMARY

Studies in Islamic Archaeology and Architecture in Kazakhstan


by K.M.Baipakov
(Alma-Aty, Kazakhstan)
The numerous monuments of architecture have been revealed by
archaeological excavations in Kazakhstan, carried out during the last 20
years. Such Islamic monuments as mosques, medrese, khanaka, Moslem
bath-houses, necropoli and burials have been discovered along with the
monuments of secular architecture. Islamic monuments let us mark out the
new direction in the archaeology of Kazakhstan the study of Moslem
archaeological architecture. Together with the Islamic archaeological
monuments and Islamic cultural complex the analysis of the history of the
Moslem archaeology and architecture let us understand more profoundly
the cultural life of the medieval town and its Moslem character. Such an
approach helps in its turn to establish the common space for study of the
genetically related religions: Judaism, Christianity and Islam.

Mitsuru Haga

Tyche as a Goddess of Fortune


in the Great Departure () Scene
of Life of Buddha1

1. The Great Departure scene with


Tyche ~ Guardian Goddess (nagaradevat)
of Kapilavastu

he Great Departure is the scene when the prince Gotama Siddhrtha


(463383 B.C.) of the Skya clan at the age of 29 leaves his family and
the city of Kapilavastu at midnight
on the back of the horse Kahaka
in search for Enlightenment.
In many reliefs of this scene, a
female figure wearing a city-wall
crown is depicted. A relief from
Loriyan Tangai (Fig. 1) (upperleft corner, second from the left),
a relief from a private collection in
Japan (Fig. 2), and a relief from a
private collection in Europe (Fig. 3)
are good examples.
In previous studies, this female
Fig. 1. The Great Departure.
figure adorned with the city-wall
H. 45 cm. Loriyan Tangai, Calcutta
crown has been interpreted as
Museum (Tanabe K.
Tyche, the Greek guardian Goddess
(The Origin of the Vairavaa
Image). Fig. 32)
of the city2. The author also agrees
with this opinion that she is a
1
I hope that this small article may contribute in some way to praise the
greatness and magnanimity of the works and personality of the Professor Edvard
Rtveladze.
2
Foucher A. Lart grco-bouddhique du Gandhra. T. 1. P., 1905. P. 360f.
Fig. 184; Tanabe K. (The Origin of the Vairavaa Image).
Tokyo, 2006. P. 59, 63, 74, 84, 86, 200, 235f, 273.

146

Fig. 2. The Great Departure. H. 21 cm. Private collection in Japan. (Kurita I.


Gandhran Art. T. 1. Tokyo, 2003. Fig. 146)

personification of the city Kapilavastu. Her presence asserts that the event
took place in the city.
But the author argues that depicting Tyche in the scene of the Great
Departure has further meaning than just the personification of the city.
Tyche is depicted in the scene as a Goddess of the fate, destiny, and anxiety
toward the future, or dramatic reversal of fortune, as in this way she was
eagerly worshipped in the Hellenistic World.

2. Tyche ~ Just a genius loci of Kapilavastu?


If the Tyche-Kapilavastu was a personification of the city and was
depicted just to show where the event took place, many other events
of the Life of the Buddha, which also happened within the city should
also include Tyche-Kapilavastu. One of the most important event Birth
of Siddhrtha took place in Lumbin Garden outside the city, but many
other important events before the Great Departure happened within
the city. Dream of Queen My (conception of the Siddhrtha by the
Queen), Interpretation of Mys Dream, My and Siddhrtha return
to Kapilavastu, Interpretation of Horoscope, Marriage of Siddhrtha

Mitsuru Haga. Tyche as a Goddess of Fortune in the Great Departure...

147

Fig. 3. The Great Departure. H. 26 cm. Private collection in Europe. (Kurita I.


Gandhran Art. Fig. 144)

and Yaodhar, Life in Palace and Siddhrtha meets with Old Man,
Sickness and Death at Gates of the City all took place in the city. However,
Tyche is not depicted in these scenes.
Maybe merely marking the location of an event as a genius loci
(protective sprit of a location) is not Tyches main function in this case. In
the Great Departure, the City herself, being left behind by the protagonist
Siddhrtha, becomes an important supporting character of the scene, which
might have been the reason for the depiction of the city-figure in this
particular scene.
But in cases like My and Siddhrtha return to Kapilavastu and
Siddhrtha meets with Old Man, Sickness and Death at Gates of the City,
even though the city plays an important role in the scene, Tyche is not
depicted.
Therefore, the reason why the Goddess is often depicted in the
Great Departure scene should be explored from a different historical
perspective, in the world where the Goddess was born and became popular;
the Hellenistic World.

148

Fig. 4. Gold stater of Euagoras II of


Salamis in Cyprus. 361351 B.C.
(Franke P.R., Hirmer M. Die
Griechische Mnze. Mnchen,
1964. 195)

Fig. 5. Gold Coin of Pytagoras of


Salamis in Cyprus. 351332 B.C.
(Hiplito M.C. Ancient Greek
Coins. The Calouste Gulbenkian
Museum. Lisbon, 1998. 26)

3. Tyche as a Goddess of Fortune


in the Hellenistic World
What was Tyche to the mind of the Greeks and especially that of the
Hellenistic Age?
The Greek word tyche (t) means fortune, fate or chance.
Goddess Tyche is the personification of these ideas; she was not just Fortune
but also Fate. According to Hesiodus (Theog. 360), she is a daughter of the
Titan Oceanus and his consort Tethys. But before the Hellenistic Age, Tyche
was nothing more than an abstract noun and didnt have any personality.
But in the Hellenistic Age, as Prof. J.J.Pollitt states3, the obsession
with Tyche became the main characteristic of the age. Because the world
became much vaster than in the previous ages.
Lives of Greeks of the Classical period were within the confines of a
single, small polis. Therefore, Group-oriented experience and value were
essential, and the possibilities of leaving the polis permanently were few.
After an adventure, even Odysseus was intent on returning home.
Hellenistic Age broke open the sealed world of this Classical polis.
Thousands of Greeks flocked to the new cities of the Hellenistic East to
seek their fortunes. Thus strangeness, rootlessness, and anxiety became the
Pollitt J.J. Art in the Hellenistic Age. Cambr., 1986. P. 14. In the following
text, I quote some lines from the book where Prof. J.J.Pollitt explains clearly the
Zeitgeist or the temperament of the Hellenistic Age and Tyche.
3

Mitsuru Haga. Tyche as a Goddess of Fortune in the Great Departure...

149

dominant feeling of the new age. Turn of


fortune happened more than occasionally
in various places. With a little luck, one
might become wealthy and powerful or
even a king, but in the very next day one
might be overrun by an enemy and be
destitute or sold into slavery. The world
was less stable, making life unpredictable.
In the Hellenistic Age, the uncertainties of
life were very intense.
Such social conditions in the
Hellenistic Age were so anxious that
Fortune became an obsession. And Tyche
became a virtual goddess. It was thought
as something like a cosmic mind guiding
an unalterable process of the universe.
She was regarded to have magical charms,
Fig. 6. Tyche of Antioch.
which protected worshippers and brought
Roman copy. Marble.
them good luck.
H. 89 cm. Original ca.
The popularity of the images of
300 B.C. by Eutychides.
Vatican Museums. (Stewart A.
Tyche proves that belief in Tyche grew
Greek Sculpture. Fig. 626)
strong in the Hellenistic Age. Only a few
sculptured figures of Tyche are known to
have existed in earlier periods4. But it became popular in the IV century
B.C. and major development was achieved in the following Hellenistic
Age. Praxiteles (active ca. 375335 B.C.) made a statue of Tyche for her
temple in Megara (Paus. 1. 43. 6), which is a city between Attica and the
Corinthia, and a figure of Agathe Tyche (Good Fortune) which once stood
in Athens and was later taken to Rome (Ael. VH. 9. 39; Plin. HN. 36. 23).
The personification of cities as females wearing a city-wall crown was a
type already established in the IV century B.C. Aphrodite was often depicted
with a city-wall crown (Fig. 4). Sometimes Aphrodite was syncretized with
Astarte, a Phoenician Goddess of fertility (Fig. 5).
In the Hellenistic Age, Tyche was venerated not only as a protector of
an individual but also that of a city in which one lived, and thus depicted
with a city-wall crown. Around 300 B.C., Eutychides made a Tyche of
Antioch5 (Fig. 6). The Goddess was seated on a massive rock symbolizing
Mt. Silpius overlooking Antioch and above the swimming figure of the
LIMC. T. VIII, s.v. Tyche-Tyche/Fortuna.
Stewart A. Greek Sculpture. Yale, 1990. P. 201; LIMC. T. I, s.v.
Antiocheia.
4
5

150

river Orontes, which surged at her foot. Her right hand held a sheaf of
wheat to symbolize the prosperity she had brought, while her head bore the
city-wall crown. This statue set a standard format for the images of Tyche
of the Hellenistic Age. The image is known from a variety of copies dating
from the Roman period and representations on coins. In time, the creation
of Eutychides graced most Hellenistic cities, even in a remote city like
Dura-Europos, and even a city farther east like Kapilavastu.
Goddess Tyche with a city-wall crown was understood as fortune of a
city and of a person. It was an image of fortune, hope and anxiety.
And in fact the world where Siddhrtha was living was a very disturbed
one too, in a way very Hellenistic. Large countries were conquering small
countries. Actually within the life time of Siddhrtha, his Skya clan with
its capital Kapilavastu was destroyed by her suzerain Mahjanapada (big
country) Kosala.

4. The Goddess of Fortune Tyche observing


the dramatic reverse in the Life of Buddha ~
The Great Departure
Another way in which this preoccupation with fortune was expressed
in Hellenistic art was an interest in depicting dramatic reversal of fortune6.
This interest can be found in Greek art of previous ages, but scenes of
dramatic crisis abound in Hellenistic art. A sudden reversal of fortune and
the pathos that accompanied it seem to have been artists main themes and
the primary foci of the time. One renowned example is the Alexander
Mosaic (Fig. 7; see colour planches) from the House of the Faun at
Pompeii, where Darius III and Alexander the Great are depicted.
The Great Departure was one of the most dramatic turning points
in the life of Siddhrtha/Buddha. It was the volte-face moment from the
former to the latter, from sweet life in a palace to bitter ascetic practices,
from the Profane to the Sacred, from Chakravartin ( ideal
universal ruler) to Buddha ( enlightened one).
Gandhran sculptors were very aware of Greek Mythology and
Iconography7. They must have depicted Tyche in the Great Departure
scene, not only as a genius loci or protecting Goddess of the city Kapilavastu,
but also as a Goddess of Fortune observing and cheering the dramatic turn
of life of Siddhrtha / Buddha. That is why she is not depicted in other
scenes where Kapilavastu is also the location of the events.
Pollitt J.J. Art in the Hellenistic Age. P. 3f.
Tanabe K. (The Origin of the Vairavaa Image).
P. 274.
6
7

Mitsuru Haga. Tyche as a Goddess of Fortune in the Great Departure...

151

As Polybios (ca. 200 ca. 120 B.C.) observes (29. 21. 36), Tyche was
a mighty Goddess who even annihilated utterly the Persians that were the
masters of the whole world and let the Macedonians rule over all. Hence,
Tyche, the Goddess of Fortune, is blessing the departure of Siddhrtha and
letting Buddha rule over the whole universe in the Great Departure scene.

..

*axaina

,
inab.
.. , , , *Akes- ,
1, 2.
, .
(IV. 83)3,
Acesinus.
,
,

... ,
.
, .
, ,
.
, , ,
, [] .
, ,
, (III. 117) (.
.., . : . / . . ... ., 1993.. 173).
2
, , , ;
( .. . .
., 2008. . 328) .
3
.. - . // . 1922
(1924). 27. . 253.
1

... *axaina-

153


. , .. *aka- (,
)4. 5,
. 6,
7.
,
ayn, .. , .
, , , , ,
,
. , , , ()
.
, .., ,
. ,
(Geogr. III. 5. 2) (
). , () 8. , ,
. Sinus (Plin. NH. VI. 20),
*Aka- + Sinus ().
4
Almost the only possible Iranian etymological connection for the name
of the river Akes is with Av. aka-, the fem. of aka- evil, bad (The Gths
of Zarathustra and the Other Old Avestan Texts / Ed. and transl. by H.Humbach
in collab. with J.H.Elfenbein, Prods O.Skjrv. Part I. Introd., Text and Transl.
Heidelberg, 1991. . 39).
5
.. //
- : 1200-
. , 1983. . 3940, 4547; The Gths of Zarathustra . 39.
6
. . . 518.
7
Schmitt R. Medisches und Persisches Sprachgut bei Herodot // ZDMG. 1967.
117. S. 136. Anm. 140.
8

, ,
[
,

(II. 39) . ..; . : .. -
. . 254].

154


, . ,
, 9. , 10 Sinus
( Sinus ). .. *axaina *ax-> *xa-, , ,
. xan11 . n (), . xsin (-). , .
inab . andra-bhaga ( )
12, .
. , , .
inab , .. *p- (), ,
, , in, .
n ( n) .13. * -
. ,
, - . */
, ( ) ,
*/ (*,
, .).
.. - . . 254.
; .: ..
//
. . . , 1983. . 58.
11
. Xan .. *axaina-: Justi F. Iranisches Namenbuch. Marburg, 1895. S. 171.
12
Charnrock R.S. Local Etymology: A Derivative Dictionary of Geographic
Names. L., 1858. S. 67; (, , - ) / . , ., .,
. ... ., 2007. . 325.
13
, .. *axaina-, .: ..
. . ., 1986.
. 116 ( *xaina-); .., .. . . 1. ., 2000.
. 284285.
9

10

... *axaina-

155

- .
. */ *[], *[]
,
([], []) . *, *
, .14.
* *
15.
inab , ,
. : , ( *a-raxa),
, nichtleuchtend, dunkel16.
(), .
Acesinus17. . sikn18 (,
), -
.. *axaina-. sikn (RV. X. 75. 5) 19.
,
.. , ,
: . sikn
() .. axn, .. sikn
, .
.: .. . . . 120121.
15
The deliberately cautious wording of this important statement leaves
open the direction of the change (> or > ?), evidently because of the
etymological obscurity of the words cited by Henning. However, the addition to
their number of a single unequivocal example, the loan-word B Sogd. kc
sky < Skt. ka- provides a prima facie case in favour of the priority of the
forms with , at the same time indicating a Middle rather than Old Iranian date for
the emergence of the variants with (Sims-Williams N. A Parthian SoundChange // BSOAS. 1979. 42. 1. P. 133); Lazards material tends rather to support
than to controvert the proposal that the development of to in the vicinity of a
velar is of Parthian origin (Sims-Williams N. A Parthian Sound-Change. P. 136).
(*inb) *n ().
16
Schmitt R. Medisches und Persisches Sprachgut bei Herodot. S. 136.
17
:
. . 324325.
18
, , : Sanskrit-Wrterbuch in krzerer Fassung / Bearbeitet
von O.Bhtlingk. Erster Theil. SPb., 1879. S. 149;
. . 324.
19
sikn ., : Kirfel W. Die
Kosmographie der Inder nach den Quellen dargestellt. Bonn; Lpz., 1920. S. 68.
14

156

,
, , (Plin.
NH. IV. 84), . ,
.. ,
inab:
*axaina- ( )

inab ( )

sikn ()
..,
, 20.
, , ,
. , .. *axaina-
: , ,
, , ,
; (IV. 83; VI. 20, 49), (XLIX. 5)
(VI. 692), (. 2) : (Ad Dion. Per. 14) (Ad Dion. Per. 14)21.
.
: ...
,
, 22. ,
. 23.
, (.. .. *dnu-) . :


.. ( ..
. . .,
1997. C. 56).
21
.. ...
. 56.
22
Nicanor. Fr. 10 apud Steph. Byz.
23
...flumine Iaxarte, quod Scythae Silim vocant, Alexander militesque eius
Tanain putavere esse (VI. 49).
20

... *axaina-

157

(*dnu-)24, ,
() . Sinus25: Tanaim
ipsum Scythae Sinum vocant (NH. VI. 20). Sinus , *axaina-.
: ,
Acesinus:
Ultra Panticapes amnis, qui Nomadas et Georgos disterminat, mox
Acesinus. Quidam Panticapen confluere intra Olbiam cum Borysthene
tradunt, diligentiores Hypanim (IV. 83).
,
, . accusativus cum infinitivo
(Panticapen / Hypanim + confluere), (quidam / diligentiores)
tradunt, , , .
()
(IV. 25. 8), .
, ( ). -
, , . - sikn (RV.
X. 75. 5), sikn26.
inab 27

/ Acesinus .
24
.: .. (
: ). , 1982. . 3334.
, ,
.. *dnu-, , .
25
Sinum . .
26
Arrian. Der Alexandrzug. Indische Geschichte / Hrsg. und bers. von
G.Wirth und O. von Hinber. Mnchen; Zrich, 1985. S. 10961097.
27
. : Holzer G. Entlehnungen aus einer
bisher unbekannten Sprache im Urslavischen und Urbaltischen. Wien, 1989
(sterreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften. Philosophisch-Historische Klasse.
Bd 521). S. 190191.

158

, sikn, , .. *axaina- (,
, ,
sikn). .. *x-
, *-xV-, .. .

, *-x- . ,
*-xV-28.
*-x- (),

aart,
(178. 3) ..
- (. 24)29.
,
, . - 30 , ,
.
,
, .. *kaufaina(). ,
,
(Arr. Ind. 3. 10). (IV. 7. 4), , ; 31.
, , 28
.. .
. . 116.
29
.. // .. . . 3. . ., 1965. . 210 (. 1).
30
(Herod. VII. 65),
.
31
(Ptol. Geogr. VI. 7. 35), .. . ,
, (.
), (. -), (Ptol. Geogr. VI. 7. 3; , )
.

... *axaina-

159

, .
.. *axaina-
, ,
,
( Interpretatio Graeca ) .
, .32
.. *axaina- .. axn
, .. ,
. ,
( ) , , .. *axaina-,
.
Sinus
,
/ Acesinus
(. ), .
, : Tanaim ipsum Scythae
Sinum vocant (VI. 20), 33, : 34. Sinus .
Sinus , .. *axaina-.
Schmitt R. Namenkundlicher Streifzug ums Schwarze Meer //
Sprachwissenschftliche Forschungen. Festschrift fr Johann Knobloch. Zum 65.
Geburtstag am 5. Januar 1984 dargebracht von Freunden und Kollegen /
Hrsg. von Hermann M. lberg (Innsbruck), Gernot Schmidt (Bonn), unter
Mitarbeit von Heinz Bothien (Bonn). Innsbuck, 1985 (Innsbrucker Beitrge zur
Kulturwissenschaft. Bd. 23). S. 409415.
33
non Radalo cum fratre Sydon, Acesinaque laevo omine fatidicae Phrixus
movet agmina cervae (VI. 69).
34
.. ( .. Temarundam matrem maris.
// .
. 1975. 2. . 3847; .. Indoiranica
. .
. ., 1999. C. 31, 70) Sinus
.-. sndhu- ().

,
,
, .
32

160

. Sinum,
.35 Silim,
Sinum ,
( EDR),
IXXI .
36 () Silis, (apud
Plin. NH. VI. 49),
37. Silan (stagnum
in Indis), (VI. 31)
.
( IXXI .) (verstmmelt)38.
: , 26
, D R39. ,
Sinum, , , . Silim (VI. 20) ,
, ,
. 35
Detlefsen D. Die geographischen Bcher (II, 242 VI Schluss) der
Naturalis Historia des C. Plinius Secundus mit vollstndigem kritischen Apparat.
B., 1904 (Quellen und Forschungen zur alten Geschichte und Geographie. Heft 9).
S. 131.
36
; , . ,
(Mllenhoff K. ber die
Herkunft und Sprache der pontischen Skythen und Sarmaten // Monatsberichte der
Kniglichen preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin. 1867 (1866).
S. 556).
37
Detlefsen D. Die geographischen Bcher. S.131. .
Silis: :
. . I. / . ... ., 2009.
. 248 (. 1); .., ..
: . . . . ., 2011. . 325 (. 544).
38
Detlefsen D. Die geographischen Bcher. S.viiviii.
39
Detlefsen D. Die geographischen Bcher. S. x.

... *axaina-

161

, Sinum ,
40.
,
: , 41,
. , Sarayu .. *Haraiva (. Harauua)
. , (). ,
(Sinus) .
, . , , turbidus (Verg.
Georg. III. 50), , ,
(turbidis aliis)42. ,
:
(IV. 53). , (,
.) , , *a-raxa- (/ ).
, ( )
..
*a-x()- 43.
(, 44)
.
40
: .., ..
. . 186, 325326.
41
. IIV/ . . ... ., 1989. . 440.
42
tum Borysthenes gentem sui nominis adluit, inter Scythiae amnes
amoenissimus turbidis aliis liquidissimus defluit, placidior quam ceteri potarique
pulcherrimus. [ ] ,
; [] , , , ,
(II. 6) (. ..; . :
. . . I. . 232).
43
: Polom E.C. Balkan Languages (Illyrian, Thracian and DacoMoesian) // The Cambridge Ancient History. 1982. Vol. 3 / Ed. J.Boardman.
P. 879; .. . -
. ., 1993. . 168. . : Dan A.
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44
.: .. .
., 2005. . 7879.

162

(). , 45.
(App. Mithr. 293)
, . , , /
, Sinus , () , , , *a-xa()-.
- .. *axaina-
: , ,
*axaina- .
sinus (< *n< *axn)
.. *axaina-. par excellence , , ,
VI . ..,
,
. , ,
. 46 ., .
, Sinus ,
.. axaina-, , . ,
- , -: (VI. 20. 3),
(VII. 1. 61) = Sydrus (Plin. NH. VI. 63), ,
. kudra ()47 -
. : ()
.. katra (),
(Arr.
Anab. VI. 15. 1), , k
.
45
Georgiev V.I. Thrakisch und Dakisch // Aufstieg und Niedergang der
Rmischen Welt. 1983. II. 29. 2. S. 1182.
46
de Saussure L. Lorigine des noms de Mer Rouge, Mer Blanche et Mer
Noire // Le Globe. Organe de la Socit de gographie de Gnve. 1924. 63.
P. 2336.
47
(Arr. Ind. 4. 8) :
. utudr (. ).

... *axaina-

163

SUMMARY
The Reflexes of *axaina- in the Iranian Hydronymy
by M.D.Bukharin
(Moscow)
The article deals with some Iranian names of the rivers, fixed in the
Classical sources. It intends to show that such names as , ,
inab and Sinus go back to OIr *axaina- and have the same meaning:
pale, not clear, turbid. The linguistic peculiarities of these names are
supposed to demonstrate the development of the Middle Iranian features in
the Iranian languages from North-West India to Northern Pontic steppes.

..

( ..)
: (

), , ,
(, , , ,
). , , 2. 1
(. 12-01-00122).
2
..
( , ,
.., -
) (, .: .. V .
.. // . 2001. 4. . 7787; .
: .
. ... . . . ., 2002; . I // . 2003. 3. . 7792; . //
. . V. .,
2005. . 211296; . :
// . 2006. . 3.
VIII . .. . 1629; .
// . 2009. XXII. . 590), .., ,
(.: .
VIV . .. // .
1978. 1. . 2438; . VIII .
.. ., 1981; .
.. ., 1990; . IIII . .. //

... ...

165

. , ,
,
.

. 3,
,
, .
( , -). ,
VI . ..
,
( ) . , , 4.
, , 5,
, 40- VI .
.. 6,
. (, , , , - ),
. , 1993. . 58-68; .
. ( VII .
..). ., 1995 (. 8); . . . 6,
1037, 1038 8, 1014 ( ) // 19961997 .
. . ., 1999. . 170192; .
, // . 2001.
4. . 291323).
3
, .
4
.., ..
// . 2012. XIII. . 133134.
5
.: .. // . 2001. 4. . 229 .;
. // . . I. ., 2010.
. 431433.
6
, (.: .. .
. 228233).

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,
. , -,
: 7.
, (, )
. 8.
, ? (
)9 ,
(
) . ( -), ,
10. - (
, ,
) 11.
, . ( 7
.. . ., 1990. . 83 .
( ), 8890.
8
,
(, : Herod. I. 146).
9
, .: , ,
,
(..
// . ., 1967. . 128).
10
, ,
. ,
( .., .. // . . I. . 220).
11
.: .. - : // : , , . ., 2011. . 259260.
.. .. ( .., ..
// . 2012. 16. . 178 .),
, - / . , . .

... ...

167

) 12, , ,
. , ,
, . ,
. (
V . ..)13,
, , ,
( V IV . ..)14


(. ) ,
, . ( .: .., .. //
. . I. ., 2010. . 187189) , -, : , , . .: ..,
.. . . 220: ..., ,
... - (7273. ..)...
( : FGrHist. 4. F. 69), ,
- (899 Diller= F 18 Marcotte:
). (XI. 2. 11).
( ) (Herod. IV. 123). () (IV. 28).

(IV. 86).
, , ,
(. ),
, , , (- ). .: .. . :
// .: . , 2009. . 289290; .., .. -
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) , ( .., .. . . 228).
14
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( , , , , 15, . ,
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. ,
, . .
, VI . ..,
. VI . ..17.
, , .
-,
( I
18, ), .
15
1015 ( ..
- . ., 1991. . 28). ..
,
III . .. (. : .. // . . 1. , 1980. . 24 .),
: (.. .
. ..) VIV . .. ( .. - . . 29).
16
. . 5665; . . ., 1997.
. 2627. . 20; . // .
2000. VIII. . 160162. . 3; ..
// . 1995. 6. . 151; ..
I . . (
). , 2006. . 31, 7374, 81; .., .. - ...
. 56. . 1;
. . . . 3. ., 2010. . 254256.
17
... . 224, 252. . 224.7, 149, 157.

: ,
, , ( 149, 157, 158
(? ..), 159, 160(?), 7(?); , ,
1/1961). (, ) ( 149, 157, 159 ,
, 7), (, , )
149.
18
Polyaen. VIII. 55. IV . ..

... ...

169

,
(. ). ,
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. , ,
. , , (.: Herod. I. 146). , ,
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, , , ,
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,
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.
, a priori
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, , .: .. // . . 4. ., 2002. . 2324 ( , ,
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. ,
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25,
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.
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.: .. . . 8890.
.: .. I. (
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.., .. . . 228229; ..
- ... . 259264; .
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(.: ..
// : ,
, .. I. ., 2001. . 6379; ..
( V . . .) // . 2002.
3. . 7184; Frolova N.A. Corpus of the Sindian Coins (First Half of the Vth
Late Vth Century B.C.)// ACSS. 2002. 8. . 211235; .: ..
// . V. 2004.
. 1519; .., ..
// . 1994. 4. . 4347; .
// XII
. ., 2003. . 2425).
22
23

... ...

171

I I, ,
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. , -, - ,
. .
, , ( )
. , VI . ..
( ) 26.
, , (
- )27 . ,
(, ) .
, (), 28.
VI .
..
IV. .., (VIII.55),
. , 29,
, I ,
, , 30, . ,
, (),
, , .
, ,
26
.. 19841989 . //
. ., 1992. . 29, 42.
27
.., .. //. 2010.14. . 184219.
28
, Fr.161. Mller =St. Byz.s.v.
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SUMMARY
The Bosporan Greeks and the Asiatic Barbarians
(from Archaic till Early Hellenistic Time)
by A.A.Zavoykin
(Moscow)
Specialization of within the archaeological science became the reason
of the rupture in studying of Hellenic culture on the coast of Cimmerian
Bosporus and of that of culture of the neighboring barbarous peoples
which entered into the sphere of the Greek influence and exerted strong
influence on life of the Bosporan Greeks.
The author analyzes the contacts of the Bosporanoi and the native
peoples of the Kuban region in VIIII cent. B.C. The peculiarities of the
historical development of the Greek poleis, and level of social and economic
development of the Maeotai, character of influence of Hellenistic culture
on them and periodic changes in military-political conditions in this region
are taken into consideration. Special attention is given to the boundary sites
and to the analysis of dynamics of commercial relations.
Such an approach has allowed to establish the character and forms of
mutual relations of the Greek city-states in the period of their autonomy
(VIV cent. B.C.) with Maeotian tribes in more details. Formation of the
united Bosporan state at the end of Vth the first decades of IVth cent.
B.C. has sharply changed a correlation of forces. Some Maeotian tribes
appeared to be depended from the Bosporan governors, since Leukon I. It
is obvious that the leading role in defense of the Eastern frontiers of Asian
Bosporus was played through the IV cent. B.C. by the central power, while
the influence of the poleis was insignificant. The territories of the Maeotian
tribes, subordinated to the Spartokids, involved in the close economic
relations with the Bosporan Greeks, became a buffer zone, protecting the
Spartokids state from the other barbarous tribes. Significant changes took
place in late IVth early IIIrd cent. B.C., when Bosporos entered into the
period of economic crisis, and the Sarmatians (Syrakoi) gathered militarypolitical force in Kuban steppes.

..

295 . .. , I, -

, .
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,
: ,
.
.

198

... I

199

.
, , . , (Syr. 59) (Dem. 38),
, ,
1.
, .
III . .. I,
, , ,
.

.
, (BCHP. 5).
, , ,
, 295/294 . ..2. ,
. (BCHP. 6), ,
(BCHP. 7) (BCHP. 8).
. .
, . , ,
. , .
. . 295 . .. -

: . 293 .
, 290- , 286-
-.
( ) /, .
, ,
, , . ,
.
, , . ,
,

3.
, 295 .
,
4, ,
(BCHP. 5. Rev. 611). ,
. , (
). ,
,
, I.
,
.
. (Syr. 58), .
(BCHP. 6)
.
,

.: .. // . 4. 2009. . 159168.
2
. . (BCHP www.livius.org)
292 . ..
294 . .. (Spek R.J. van der. The Size and Significance
of the Babylonian Temples under the Successors // La transition entre lempire
achmnide et les royaumes hellnistiques / Ed. P.Briant, F.Joanns. P., 2006.
P. 294).

, ,
(.: Kritt B. The Early Seleucid Mint of Susa. Lancaster, 1997. P. 106107).
4
. ,
. , . (.: Martinez-Sve L.
Suse et les Sleucides au III sicle avant J.-C. // New Studies on the Seleucids /
Ed. by E.Dabrowa. Krakow, 2011. P. 49, 58).

200

... I

201

, ,
(BCHP. 5. Rev. 10). , 295 .
.. (SC. 130). , ,
, , ,
. (BCHP. 5. Ob. 14; 6. Ob. 7). ,
,
.
, , , . 293 . (SC. 177180). ,
.
, , , III .
.. ,
.
, -
, (Strat. VII. 39).
fratarak,
295285 . ..

(Bagdta), fratarak, .. . , ,
( ) . , . .,
,
, (IGCH. 1797), , ,
, , 280 . .., ..
5. ., , ,
, . 295 .
..6. ., 290285 7. . ,

II . ..8. , ,
.
(Strat. VII. 40)
, (Strat. VII. 39), (VIII. 4344) .

. 290 .
(SC. 276283). , . / .
, I .
(310 . ..). , ,
. (307305 ..).
, , -, . ,
,
.
, ,
, .
.
. ,
III . .. , 9.
. , I. (NH. VI. 49),

5
Mittag P. Antiochos IV. Epiphanes. Eine politische Biographie. B., 2006.
S. 312313.
6
Kritt B. The Early Seleucid Mint... P. 135.
7
Mrkholm O. Early Hellenistic Coinage. Cambr., 1991. P. 74.

Callieri P. Larchologie du Frs lpoque hellnistique. P., 2007. P. 115117.


.. // . . 1. / . .., ... , 1998. . 330.
8
9

202

(), ,
. , ,
290 286 ..10.
, . (NH. VI. 18. 47) ( )
, 11.
(XI. 10. 2),
, 1500 (250 ).
,
(Syr. 57) . .
, , .12. .

, . , - .
. , , .
. ( ,
), .
, ,
.
(), , 13. , .. // ,
, : XVI
. ., 2010. . 176.
11
.., .. //
. 2006. XVI. 1. . 1823.
12
Tarn W.W. Two Notes on Seleucid History: 1. Seleucus 500 Elephants.
2. Tarmita // JHS. 1940. P. 8994. .:
. . 327328.
13
Grainger J.D. Seleukos Nikator: Constructing a Hellenistic Kingdom.
L.; N.Y., 1990. P. 155157. .: Mehl A. Seleukos Nikator und sein Reich. I.
Seleukos Leben und die Entwiklung seiner Machtposition. Leuven, 1986.

... I

203

-, 14,
III . .
. ,
281 . ..
,
, ,
,
.
, ,
.
SUMMARY
Antiochus I Anabasis
by Sv.V.Smirnov
(Moscow)
The paper is dedicated to an eastern campaign of Antiochus I. This
little-studied episode of Seleucid history occurred under the joint reign
of Seleucus I and Antiochus I. The classical tradition didnt report about
it. The details of this campaign we reconstruct thanks to cuneiform,
numismatic and archeological sources. On this basis it may be concluded
that the eastern campaign of Antiochus I was not so much a military action
but rather a reorganization of the eastern satrapies.

10

S. 267; Grainger J.D. A Seleukid Prosopography and Gazetteer. Leiden; N.Y.;


Kln, 1997. P. 680.
14
Bernard P. Deuxime campagne de fouilles dA Khanoum en Bactriane //
CRAI. 1967. 111. 2. P. 322323.

..

( )
(II . ..). . -,
(Maes Titianus) ( ) ( 100 . ..).

. -, ,
,
. .
,
.

I.
.

.
.
(
: Ptol. Geogr. I. 12. 78),
(, , : Ptol. Geogr. VI. 1113).
, .

...

205

, 1. ,
,
.
. ( ).
, , (41) (Geogr. I. 12. 7). :
116/41. ( ) [ ] (Geogr. I.
12. 7).
.
[ ], , ;
- , ,
- . -
(43), - (41) (Ptol. Geogr. I. 12. 7).
- 125/43,
- 130/39. ,
, ( ?),
, ,
(Ptol. Geogr. I. 12. 7).
. ( - ?)
, , , ,
, (Ptol.
Geogr. I. 12. 8). :
135/43. ,
, , , ( I II . ..),
.

, , (Geogr. I. 17. 4).
, , .
1
. . . .,
1997. . 77, 270272; . // Gaudeamus igitur: 60- .. / . .., .., ... ., 2010. . 318324.

206

,
:
, ,
2.
3. ,
,
. .
, , , , ,
( )
. ,
, , , , , ( 116/41,
125/43); ,
,
, . , , , .
.
4, ,
, , .
.
, :
,
, , ,
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, , . ,
,
, ,
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3
: Lerner J.D. Ptolemy and the Silk Road: from Baktra
Basileion to Sera Metropolis // EW. 1998. 48. 12. 1998. P. 19.
4
, ,
..: . . / ... ... . 2. . 1. ., 1873. . 63.

...

207

, 5. , . , ,
, , ,
, .

,
,
, ,
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,
.

1. ,

().
(Geogr. VI. 11. 9; VIII. 23. 9). ,
() (Geogr. VI. 11. 2).
,
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(Geogr. VI. 11. 2, 7). , .
, ,
6.
. c
. ,
().
,
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,
,
,
.
5
.: . . ...
. 243246, 270271; . . . 318320.
6
. // . . 2. ., 1975. . 7375.

208

,
.

2. .

, () .
7, - , . , , .
*pharang- harang-on ( -on ).
8.
50 , , ,
130/ 39 (41 ) 135/43.
-, ,

. , , , 9.
Markwart J. Wehrot und Arang. Leiden, 1938. S. 6364.
.. // .
1977. 4. . 182187.
9
., : Markwart J. Wehrot und Arang. S. 63; . . ., 1953. . 428; ..
- . . 43.

-.
, , : 1 =
30 (Ptol. Geogr. I. 11. 3). ,
, , ,
(Tomaschek W. Zur historischen
Topographie von Persien. I. Die Strassenzuge der Tabula Peutingerana. Wien,
1883. S. 149), 4,5 (: 4,440 = 1,480 3). , , , 50 (Ptol. Geogr.
I. 12. 8). ( -)
220 (Markwart J. Wehrot und Arang. S. 64),
4,4 (220 : 50). ,
,
, . ,
7
8

...

209

. :
135/43 (Geogr. VI. 13. 2), 26280 24000 (Geogr. I.
11. 3; 12. 3, 9), , , 13730 132.
.. ,
10. , , , 11.
.: , ,
,
90000 (.: Geogr. I. 11. 1)12. , ,
(Geogr. I.
17. 4).
(Hsiu-hsn)13, 14.
, , , , - ,
- , . -
- :
, , *dara- , , , . :
,
( I . ..)15.
, - ,
( ) ,
(Lehmann-Haupt F. Stadion 2. Metrologie // RE. 1929. Hbd 6.
Col. 19611962), .
10
. . . 428.
11
Kubitschek W. Lithinos pyrgos // RE. 1935. Supplbd VI. S. 233.
12
Herrmann A. Das Land der Seide und Tibet im Lichte der Antike. Lpz.,
1938. S. 94.
13
Piankov I.V. The Ethnic History of the Sakas // BAI. 1994. 8. P. 41.
14
Lerner J.D. Ptolemy and the Silk Road. P. 18 (n. 31). ,
.
15
.. -
- -. .; ., 1952. C. 205207; ..
. .; ., 1962. . 186.

210


( ). -
, , 16.
, ( ), ()
() (Geogr. I. 12. 78), 135/43
140/43, ,
- .

-,
-,
. -. ,
. , , ,
-17,
, .

1979 . ,

. (
) ,
-
( XIX .;
,
), ,
( ) ,
, , ,
18.
16
,
, .: Lerner J.D. Ptolemy and the Silk Road.
P. 1819.
17
Herrmann A. Das Land der Seide... S. 104.
18
, , ( : ..
( ) // . 1985. 2. . 130136)
(Berggren J.L., Jones A. Ptolemys Geography:
An Annotated Translation of the Theoretical Chapters. Princeton, 2000. P. 51,

...

211

3.

, ( ), 125/43 (Ptol. Geogr. VI. 13. 2);


() (Ptol. Geogr. VI. 12. 1). - , 19. , ,
, ,
.

12520. ,
, 21.
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23. , , , ,
()24, 120/45 (Geogr. VI. 12. 6), .
. , , (),
, , -
. ,
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() - .
19
.. //
. ., 1976. . 27.
20
Ronca I. Ptolemaios. Geographie 6, 921. T. 1. Rom, 1971. Tab. 2.
21
.. ... . 269, 271; . ... . 321.
22
. . 318324.
23
.. ... . 133134.
24
.: ..
() . ,
1972. . 5456.

212

,
25.
, (), (Geogr. VI. 12. 5) ,
. , ,
. ,
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, -.
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VI. 12. 4) (), ()
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() ().
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, ,
()
(125/43) (130/39 41 ).
, -
-
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, ,
, ,
(Ptol. Geogr. VI. 13. 3), - .
, -,
. .
. , ,
.
.. -
. . 37, 38, 65; .: . ... . 73.
26
.. . IX. - // .. . . 3. . ., 1965.
. 212.

...

213


- , -.

4. .

, 27.
,
: [] ,
, , (Geogr. I. 12. 7).
28, ,
:
(43), ,
, -,
, 41 39 (
), -
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,
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: , 120/45 ,
125/4620 , 125/43
, 130/39 (41 ) ,
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5 ,
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.
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8 600 = 1800
- 650 29.
! .
., ,

25

Ronca I. Ptolemaios. Geographie 6, 921... Tab. 2.


., : Herrmann A. Das Land der Seide... S. 103.
29
Ibid. S. 106, 133.
27
28

214

30, . ,

, , .
-


, ..

.
, , ., , , ,
31, , : -
;
.
,
, ().
, , : *Caumedae.
: , , : , .
.
: , ,

(Ptol. Geogr. VI. 12. 3). ,
,
, , , ,
, 32. :
-, -, , III .
.. , 33. .

.
Ibid. S. 107, 111.
Markwart J. Wehrot und Arang. S. 6162.
32
.: Piankov I.V. The Ethnic History of the
Sakas. P. 4142.
33
.. -
- -. .; ., 1952. . 193, 204, 207.
30
31

...

215

5. .


-.
: .
, ,
.
,
;
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, ,
, 34.
: .
, , , - .
. , .
- ,
,
(Ptol. Geogr. I. 12. 8) .

(), (Ptol. Geogr. VI.
13. 1). . ,
, .
( : 140/43), , . ,
, 35.
,
.

Ronca I. Ptolemaios. Geographie 6, 921... Tab. 2.
.:
Lerner J.D. Ptolemy and the Silk Road. P. 19.
34
35

216

. , ,
. , , ,
, , ,
36. , I . ..
.., .
, III . ..
. I II . ..
( )
, , .

.

: .. ... . 130136. . ,
, , : .. . ., 1991.
. 23; - .. . ., 1994. . 235236.
.., . .-,
, , .., .
. ..-
, ,

,
.
, .
,
, .
..- ,

, () :
.. . .: Shiratori K. On the Tsungling Traffic Route
Described by C. Ptolemaeus. Tokyo, 1957 // . 1959.
2. . 234. .
: Lerner J.D. Ptolemy and the Silk Road. P. 22.
36

...

217

II.
- .
, . , , , , , , .
, []
( ). ,

(Geogr. I. 17. 14):
,
, (sic!) ,
, , , ; ,
(Geogr. I. 17. 4).

.
, ,
, (Geogr. I. 12. 8).

, (Geogr.
VII. 1. 42). , ,
(Geogr. VII. 1. 4263),
, ,
() (Geogr. VII. 1. 63),
I II . .. , ( ), 37.
( 7090 .
..) .
,
. 37
, , .: .. . , ,
, . ., 2007. (), 78 .. .: . . 141, 161168, 210.

218

( ), (
) , ,
( ?) - (Periplus Maris Erythraei. 64)38. ,
, , ,
.

, . , , , ( ).
, , , . , - ,
. ,
(Geogr. I. 17. 4), ,
,
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. , , , ,
, .
1. ,
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, ().
, , .
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() ,
, . ,
38
.: ..
//
. ., 1986.
. 2122.

...

219

, ( ), (
) (
) ().
, (- ) ( )
( , ,
).
, ,
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I . .. II . .. .
, , , ,
.
,
, .
SUMMARY
The Stone Tower on the Great Silk Road
by I.V.Pyankov
(Velikiy Novgorod)
The Stone Tower as an important landmark on the Great Silk Road
is mentioned in the Handbook of Geography of Ptolemy (II cent. A.D.).
Ptolemy knew the Stone Tower after two sources: the itinerary of Maes
Titianus (the turn of Christian era) through his predecessor Marin (about
100 A.D.). This itinerary contained a unique for all Classical literature entire
description of the overland route of the Great Silk Road from Roman Syria
to the capital of China. His second source of information was the accounts
of the sailors, his contemporaries, when the overland route through India
was completed with the sea-way. Here and there the Stone Tower seemed
to divide the Great Silk Road into two parts.
What was and where was situated this important landmark? Basing on
the data of the written sources and archaeology, as well as on the results of
personal observations on the spot (in 1979), the author is inclined to think
that the Stone Tower was a kind of settlement with the stone building in
form of a tower, which was situated near modern Daraut-Kurgan, where
Karategin enter the Alai valley (Kyrgyzstan). Such a building, though a
later one, is still present there.

..

Als das Kind Kind war,



Wusste es nicht, dass es Kind war

Peter Handke
Das Lied vom Kindsein


(, , ,
..). - .
, , -
, . , ,
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,
. -
- . ,
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, - .
, , 1.

. , , , , .
.., - :

1. , ,

, ..
. , , , , , , , .. ( . . ., 1999. . 171).
1

... :

221


2. .

3. ,

, ..2.
,

( ,
), (
). ,
, . , 3
, 4.

, , , 5.
,
6. ,
, ,
.
.. . ., 1988. . 67.
., : Aubover J. Daily Life in Ancient India. L., 1965.
4
.. - // .
.
., 1983. . 118148; .. // . . 149164; ..
( ) // . . 165185;
.. // .
. 89117; .. // . . - . .,
1988. . 129158; ..
// . . 159173; .., ..
// .
. 174189.
5
Aubover J. Daily Life in Ancient India. London, 1965, P. 161167.
6
Rau W. Staat und Gesellschaft im alten Indien nach der Brahmana-Texten
dargestellt. Wiesbaden, 1957. S. 43ff; . , . .,
1977. . 169; . ., 1975. . 419.
2
3

222

.
, ,
,
.
,
. ,

, . (
, ) , , :
. , .
() 7.

8. , ,

,
( , , ).
9, .. (jyate
puna) (Manu. IX. 78). , ,
. (
10) putrin (Manu. IX. 106).
, , , 11.
,
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7
, , ,
,
, ,
.
8
., : : AV. V. 25. 13; AV. III. 23; AV. I. 11. 5 ..
9
. ..: ( .. . ., 1981.
. 185).
10
, , , (dattrima), , ,
(Manu. IX. 141).
11
. . ,
( . .
. 49).

... :

223

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, (6 , 3 , 8 ,
16 ..). , , , .. , ,
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.


12. ..,
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, , ,

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. // . . .,
1988. . 100; .. . . 95. , .. , . ,
,
( . . I, III.).
,
..
12

224

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.

.
.

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,
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. , . bla (, ),

... :

225

. (bla
, Knabe ),
(bl , )13. , ,
, ,
. , . II.153 bla
, ,
(aja). ,
(, II. 239).
bla ,
, (IV. 184: blavddhaktur;
bla VIII. 312, IX. 230, 232). V , ,
. 77
(jti)
(putra). 78 , , .. (pthakpi) (bla). ,
-, putra bla , , bla ,
. VIII. 27
, bla: ,
.
, bla ,

(VIII. 7071). , (vyvahr), bla,
, (VIII. 163)14. , putra duhit
, , , , bla
, , ,
, , 15. 13
Bhtlingk O. Sanskrit-Wrterbuch in krzerer Fassung. SPb., 1884.
s.v. bla.
14
. 7: ,
, .
15
, , , , .. . -

226


. (putra).
(bla) : ,
(22. 26), (22. 27), ,
16 .. , ,

(bla) ,
, (
,
). ,
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), -,
(, ..).
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-.
, , ,
. , ,

( .. . ., 1993. . 41).
16
(465) // :
/ . ., .. ., 2003.
. 104.

... :

227

, .
, (, , ,
..). , .
( ,
)
17. , XIX .,
,
, .. 18.
, , , , , ,
, - ,
.
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.
.
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. , ,

, .
, ( ),
, ( , ..).

, (
..19) , ,
. . // . . . 99.
. . ,
16001900. ., 2009. . 109110.
19
.. . . 63.
17
18

228

... :

229

, .. ,
,
, , , .., .
.
(,
.) ,
, ( ) 20. .
, .
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,
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, , 21. ,

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,
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, ,

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.
(Mbh. I. 119).
, , , ,

. ,
22 .
( ,
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.
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. , , , , , . ,
, , , - , . , , .
,
(Mbh. I. 119. 1827). , - , (Mbh. I. 122. 12).
, , , , , , , ,
(KS. III. 3. 26. 1213) (
),

.
:
, ,

. . 62.
.. .
., 2008. . 280 .

22
, , ,
.

20
21

230

, 23.
( , , , )
, , ,
, . . , ,
,
24. , , . , ,
. ,

25.
,
: ,

26. ,
,
, , ,

27, . . . 75.
. Homo ludens. ., 1992. . 60.
25
,
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, (., : ..
//
. ., 1985. . 50).
,
, ,
, .
26
,
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, .
. , , .
27
..,
( .. . ., 1996. . 206214).
23

24

... :

231

. , , ,
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28.
, ,
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, ,
. ,
, .
, , :
(KS. III. 3. 26. 57).
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. , 29 , , , , ,
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-
30. ,
( , ..) (Mbh. II.
16. 3448) .
: ,
; ,
.
. , , ,
(I. 18. 1115)31.
. . . 74.
, .
. ,
. ,
( .
// . . . 274).
30
- - (432) // . 64.
31
. III / . ... ., 2006.
28
29

232


. , , -, , 1011
,
XVIII .32. , (I. 72. 25). ,
(I. 73. 7).
, , .
, ..
, .
,
, , . , , , , ,
. , ,
33. , , , . ,

. , , ,
. ,
:
, ,
, 34. ,
.. . ., 1990. . 101.
., : . . , 1999. .., ,
, (
, ,
)
XVIIIXIX ( .. .
(XVIII XIX .) ., 1994. . 6263).
,
( . ).
34
, ;
.
,
I ( , ).
32
33

... :

233


, ,
.
, ,
, , ,
.
.
( , )
. , , ,
.. , .
.., ,
,
,
35. ,
36. .. : ( ) ,
,
, , ,
37. , .
,
, 38. ,
,
, (
, , ,
, , ). , 39 ..
35
.. . ., 1982. . 246. , XVIIXVIII . ,
, , .:
. . . 4142.
36
.. . ., 2004.
. 175.
37
.. . . 41. .:
. . . 123.
38
. . . 54.
39
.

234

, ,
40.
, , ,
putra duhit, bla , - . , , ,
.
().
41 ( , ,
, )42. , , .
, , . (VIII. 27):
, .

bla. , , (putra, duhit), ,
bla, , . ,
, purusa ()
, (Manu.
IX. 45). ,
43.
., , ( ) : .. . ., 1990.
. 8889.
41
( , ..)
, ,
( , ) ( .. .
. 41).
42
, , , : , (Manu. V. 6870). .
43
-
(
), .
, ( -

... :

235

.
. .

, ,
, , , ,
,
. , , , ,
.
, ,
: . ,
.

40

, , )
. , (Rites de passage)
,
, ,
, , ( . :
. ., 2001. . 9598). , ,
.

236

SUMMARY
The Daily Culture of Ancient India: Adults and Kids
by K.D.Nikolskaya
(Moscow)
The article is devoted to the theme of image of child and childhood
in Ancient India texts. This subject is very poorly represented in ancient
Indian literature. Partly it is due to the specificity of Ancient India
historical sources, partly because of the attitude to the subject peculiar to
any traditional culture. A child is valuable only as a kin successor, future
performer of funeral rituals. All the qualities given to him in the texts are
important only to emphasize his future dignities as an adult as a hero,
king, wise man, etc. In the same way, the theme of childhood is bypassed
in Ancient India art, which doesnt know the image of a child as a human
being different from an adult. Ignoring children by verbal and pictorial
tradition is characteristic for any archaic culture. However, this question has
not been covered in historiography on the base of Ancient India material.

..

, II (-52). . 1907 .
. , 1960 . .
.
, 1. ,
..,

..2:
krtl saun bn im qanym-a
bg trkn r rdmind
a bar sara saun
,
.. :
( )-! ( )
!
( ) -!
(: , -, -!)
() .
.. ,
:
(3) -.
, (
?) .
1
.. . ., 1983. . 19.
2
.. . . . ., 2008. . 144.

238

, . , (jo),
, . - . ..
, , . , ( )
I . .. -,

3.

. -,
,
() .
, ,
, ccny (,
)4.

sodaq (, ), buqaraq (, ), Sod5.
, ,
-, : , - (- ), - (- ).
( )6.
, ( , )
7.
-, , bar ( ..
. ., 1964. . 157161.
4
Henning W.B. Sogdica. L., 1940 (James G. Forlong Fund. Vol. XXI).
P. 810.
5
..
. 127129.
6
Pulleyblank E.G. The Background of the Rebellion of An Lu-shan. Oxf.,
1955 (London Oriental Series. Vol. 4). P. 104.
7
Pulleyblank E.G. A Sogdian Colony in Inner Mongolia // Toung Pao. 1952.
41. P. 317356; Arakawa M. Sogdians and the Royal House of Ch in the Kaochang Kingdom // Acta Asiatica. 2008. 94. P. 6794.

...

239

) ,
.
(), () ,
, ,
, .. () . , , sara, .
sahr (), , , bar
sara (sahr) 8.
, 9.
.
- ,
, 10. IX .11. ,
, -II, ,
.
( )
, , ,
, (-II) , ( ) (), . , ,
.

8
Payne Smith R. Thesaurus Syriacus. T. 2. Oxf., 1927. P. 25382539.
.. .
9
( ) / .,
, . ... . ... .,
2008. C. 160, 173; Klimkeit H.-J. The Sun and Moon as Gods in Central Asia //
South Asian Religious. Art Studies. L., 1983. P. 1123.
10
Iwami K. Turks and Sogdians in China during the Tang Period // Acta
Asiatica. 2008. 94. P. 4165.
11
.. ( 50):
// . 2006. ., 2007. C. 207211.

240

SUMMARY
Sogdian Nobleman in the Yenisey Kyrgyz State
by S.G. Klyashtorny
(St.-Petersburg)
The article presents the results of the analysis of onomasticon of the
Yenisei epitaph Elegest-2. It shows that there is a Sogdian Manichean
name in the text. The person mentioned in the text is expected to be an
ambassador from Sogdian colonies to Eastern Tutkestan.

..



IVII . ..1

- ,
( ), . - ( III II . . .)
.
(..)

,
.
, , ,
, ,
,
2. ,
IIIII . . ., ..
- .
1
,
Revue Numismatique.
. (CNRS, Paris)
, .
,
MAFOUz-Sogdiane (ENS/
CNRS): . (Collge de France), .,
. . , . (CNRS) . (MAFOUzBactriane). .. (, ) .. (
) ,
. ,

, ...
2
.. // . 2005.
. 18. . 116.

244

: ? -
, , , ?!
,
, ,
- ?!
IIII .
.. , , :
: 1)

, ...
- ,
- , III . .. , , ; 2) ,

3.
4.
( ) 3
.. ... .116117.

.
4
(.:
. // : ,
, . ., 2000. . 7577; Lyonnet B. Les Grecs, les nomades et
lindpendance de la Sogdiane, daprs loccupation compare dA Khanoum
et de Marakanda au cours des derniers sicles avant notre re // BAI. 2001. 11.
P. 141157). . (Lerner J.D. Revising the Chronologies of the Hellenistic Colonies of Samarkand
Marakanda (Afrasiab IIIII) and A Khanoum (Northeastern Afghanistan) //
Anabasis. Studia classica et orientalia. 2010. 1. P. 5879),
, . .. (Lyonnet B. Questions on the Date of the Hellenistic Pottery from Central Asia
(A Khanoum, Marakanda and Koktepe)) // ACSS. 2012. 18. P. 143173.

... ...

245

; , , .
, ,
..5. 1983 . , , , , ,
6. , ..7,

..8, ..9, ..10, ..11,
..12. .., , , ..
13. 19
5
.. . , 1983. . 47;
. // , . ., 1983. . 7176.
6
.. ... . 68.
7
.., . //
. 1982. 5. . 3842.
8
.. I // .
2001. . 5. . 1114;Abdullaev K., Franceschini F., RaimkulovA. The
Tetradrachm of Seleucos I from Sazagan Region of Uzbekistan // CIAA. 2004. 19.
P. 1013; .. - // . 2006. 3. . 106115; .., ..
( ) // . , 2010. P. 4553.
9
.., .. -
// . 1984. 6. . 5858; Rtveladze E.V. La circulation montaire
au Nord de lOxus lpoque GrcoBactrienne // RN. VIe sr. 1984. XXVI.
P. 6176; ..
// - . . 1. , 2002. . 8285.
10
.. // . 2000.
. 31. . 131.
11
.. // . 2001. . 5. . 9697;
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102
.. - -
, // . 1940. 34. . 339347; .. ... . 45, 5455. 76; .. ... . 132. 14.
103
.., . ... . 3842; .. ... . 132. 15.
104
.. ... . 133, 17.
105
, : Bopearachchi O. Monnaies Greco-Bactriennes et IndoGreques. Eucratide II, sr. 1, nos.5.
101

274

? (). . 28 31 . ?
: . 1960 . 106.
I (145/144 . 130 . ..)
54. AR.
. .: .
. .: , ,
. . . : ,
; , , .
12,29 . . ? ?
:
. ?107
55.
52. ?108
. 16,97 . . 29,7 . ?
: , . 109.

IVII . .. .
.

. ; / .
,
.
1. -110.
.. . 133, 18.
..
// . . 1. ., 1974. . 203.
. 1; .. . 133. 19. :
Bopearachchi O. Monnaies Greco-Bactriennes et Indo-Greques. Hliocles I,
sr. I D.
108
, : Bopearachchi O. Monnaies Greco-Bactriennes et
Indo-Greques. Hliocles I, sr. I .
109
.. ... .109. . I.9.
110
.., . . -
// . 1984. . 5458; Rtveladze E.V. La circulation montaire
P. 6366; ., .. -
. , 1989. . 5; .. . 134.

... ...

275

1983 . . ,
-. 58 . .
: (4), I (1), II (51), (2).
2. 111.
1906 . ( . -). .
- .. 1924 . 100
., ,
I .

, 112.
(sic!) ( ?)
I .
. .., . .., . ,
- (. )
113. .. , ..114 ,
, ,
, ,
115.
- :

106
107

.. .. 20 1924 . // I. , 1926. . 272; .


19171927 .; .. II // .
1929. 2. . 282. 1; .. ... . 134135.
112
. . 135.
113
.. ... . 46; Bernard P. Fouilles dA
Khanoum. IV... P. 140.
114
.. - -... . 347.
115
.. ... . 135.
111

276

(.
)

391377/6
. .

AR, ,

336323
. . .
323305
. ..

, III
AR,

AR,

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. ..

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. . .

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. ..

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+ .

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(
. -)

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. ..

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223187
. ..

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III (?)
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,
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(?)

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III
200180
. ..

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, I
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176174
. ..

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..
171
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. ..

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277

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AR, I

AR, II


-
(AR, ,
I,
)

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R,
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( ?)

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(AR I,
,
I)

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?
>130 .
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V . ..
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. -

278

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, /,

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III . .. ( );
.
.
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III . ..
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, . - II . .. , ,
.
, ,
, ,
.

... ...

279

SUMMARY
Numismatic Evidences
for the Political History of Soghd in IVII Cent. B.C.
by A.Kh.Atakhodjaev
(Samarkand)
Numismatic evidences have crucial importance for the reconstruction
of the political history of Soghd in IVII centuries B.C. A new group of
coins from Soghd is introduced in the present publication. There have
been found mostly in the last decade on the Afrasiab site (Marakanda
Samarkand). Basing on the analysis of the finds of the previous years, some
still unpublished Seleucid and proto-Seleucid coins have been fixed. These
coins let us make a conclusion on the chronology of the inclusion of Soghd
in the sphere of influence of the Seleucud kingdom and Graeco-Bactria.

281

.., ... ...

.., ..


I . ..

. .., .
XVI 1; ,
, 2,
- -

, , 1520 . .: Winkler I.
Consideraii despre moneda Koson // Studii i cercetri de istorie veche
(i arheologie). 1972. 23. 2. . 173.
2
.: Kenderesi B.M. A aranyokrl vizsglodo
rtekezselk. Klzsvar, 1812; Bahrfeldt M. ber die Goldmnzen des Dakerknigs // Berliner Mnzbltter. Berlin, 1912. Bd IV. S. 366381; Gohl .
Koson (Kotison) dk kirly aranypnzei // Numizmatikai Kzeny. 1912. XI.
S. 6367; Winkler I. Consideraii despre moneda Koson. . 173199; Takov M.
Problematika minci typu Koson // Moravsk Numismatick Zprvy. 1977. 14.
P. 5-8; Morawiecki L. Zlote monety Kozon // Wiadomoci Numizmztyczne. 1987.
XXXI. Z. 12 (119120). S. 5259; Iliescu O. Sur les monnaies dor la lgende
KON // Numismatica e antichit classiche. 1990. P. 185213; Petolescu C.M.
A Hoard of Koson-Type Gold Coins. Bucurest, 1997. P. 8392; Idem. The
Treasure of King Koson. Bucureti, 1999; Preda C. Ein neuer Vorschlag zur
Chronologie der Koson-Mnzen // Stephanos Numismatikos. Edith SchnertGeiss zum 65. Geburtsag / Hrsg. U. Peter. B., 1998. S. 555562; Idem. Istoria
monedi in Dacia preroman. Bucurest, 1998. P. 226233; Munteanu L. Despre
discoperirile monetare de tip Koson // Archeologia Moldovei. 2002 (2004). 25.
P. 253270; Idem. Despre emiterea monedelor de tip Koson // Archeologia
Moldovei. 2003 (2005). 26. P. 241264; Vlcu A., Constantinescu B., Bugoi R.,
Pauna V. Some Considerations on Dacian Gold Coins of Koson Type in the Light
of Compositional Analyses // Revue Numismatique. 2010. 166. P. 295308.

10

11

1. 18 ; 9 ()
. , 73 . ..; 10 . , 54 .
..; 11 , . I . ..

282

3.
4:
.. ;

;
;
. .
.. ; . .
, ,
- 5.
.
.. 7 (
..6, 6 ..7), 4 8; 4 , 2009 . XIV
()
, (.: Munteanu L.
Some New Remarks Concerning the Gold Coins with the Legend //
XIV International Numismatic Congress: Abstracts of Papers. Glasgow, 2009.
P. 23; Vlcu A., Constantinesku B. Some Considerations on Dacian Gold Coins
of Koson Type in the Light of XRF Analyses // XIV International Numismatic
Congress. P. 3233.
4
Poole R. The British Museum Catalogue of Greek Coins. Vol. 3: The Tauric
Chersonese, Sarmatia, Dacia, Moesia, Thrace ( BMC 3. Thrace). L.,
1877. P. 208, 12; Sylloge Nummorum Graecorum Sweden. II. The Collection
of the Royal Coin Cabinet National Museum of Monetary History. Part 2 ( SNG Swed.). Stockholm, 1980. 674675; Sylloge Nummorum Graecorum Denmark. The Royal Collection of the Coins and Medals. Danish National
Museum. Vol. II. Thrace and Macedonia ( SNG Cop., Thrace). West
Milford, 1980. Thrace. Pl. 3. 123; Burnett A., Amandry M., Ripolls P. Roman
Provincial Coinage ( RPC). Vol. I. L., 1992. P. 312/ 1701.
5
Vlcu A., Isvoranu T., Nicolae Eu. Les Monnaies dor dInstitut
dArchologie de Bucurest // Collection Moneta. 2006. 57. P. 911, 67. 6871.
Pl. 3,6871.
6
.. ,
. ., 1891. . 244245. 1923.
7
.. // .
1956. . 66. . 118122.
8
.., ..
. . I // . 2006. 1. . 89. 36.
. I.36; . II. // ..
3

.., ... ...

283

9. , 15 . ,
. ,
10,
11,
() 2 12, 4 13 .. C ,
, ,
. , , ,
. 1996 . 910 , . ( 522
) 197
, 208 , 75
, 42 . 14.
, , .
. ..
15
1. . 52; 8,37 ; 21 .
.
2. . 1444; 8,64 ; 20,5 . 16.

( ). ., 2010. . 281. . VII.36.
9
.

.., ,
.., .
10
BMC 3. Thrace. P. 208. 12.
11
SNG Cop., Thrace. 123.
12
SNG Swed. 674675.
13
Vlcu A., Isvoranu T., Nicolae Eu. Monnaies dor dInstitut dArchologie
de Bucurest. P. 911, 67, 6871.
14
Petolescu C.M. The Treasure of King Koson. Romanian National History
Museum. Bucharest, 2000. P. 1; Chiriac M. O achizifie de monede de tip koson
fcult. De Banka National a Romniei // Buletinul Societti Numismatice
Romne. Bucureti, 19961997 (2002). 9091. P. 247248.
15
.. ... . 244245.
1923; .. . . 118.
. 18.1.
16
.. . . 118. 1.
. 18,2.

284

3. . 1445; 8,226 ; 20 . 17.


4. . 1446; 8,45 ; 19,3 . 18.
5. . 1447; 8,351 ; 19 . 19.
6. . 1448; 8,431 ; 18 . 20.
7. . 474/28801; 8,428 ; 19 . 21.

8. . . 33; 8,23 ; 21 .
(. 1.1)22.
23
9. . . 34 ; 8,21 ; 22 .
(. 1.2)24.
10. . . 35; 7,51 ; 19 .
(. 1.3)25.
11. . . 645726; 8,38 ; 19 .
(. 1. 4)27.

12. . 612; 8,47 ; 21 . (. 1.5).
13. . 613; 8,45 ; 23 . (?) (. 1.6).
14. . 614; 8,43 ; 22 . (. 1.7).
15. . 615; 8,29 ; 23 .
(. 1.8).
. ..
( 12); .
. ,
,
( 15).
, 28.
,
, , .

, . . 6. . 18.7.
. 6. 2. . 18.3.
19
. 5. . 18.6.
20
. 3. . 18.4.
21
. 4. . 18.5.
22
.., .. ... . 89. 3.
. I.3; . II... . 281. . VII.3.
23
.. 9.
24
.., .. ... . 89. 4.
. I.4; . II... . 281. . VII.4.
25
.., .. ... . 89. 5.
. I.5; . II... . 281. . VII.5.
26
.. 89.
27
.., .. ... . 89, 6,
. I, 6; . II... . 281. . VII.6.
28
Bahrfeldt M. ber die Goldmnzen des Dakerknigs . S. 363.
17

18

.., ... ...

285


(, , ). , ,
I . .. 29
: -,
(. 30, 31,
32, 33); , ( 34,
35); -, (36 37) . .


I . ..
1.
.38 .39,
, . .
40, ,
, ,
BR(utus), OLB(ia);
41. ., ., .
Munteanu L. Some New Remarks... P. 23.
c .: Cohen M. Description
gnrale des mannaies de la Rpublique Romaine, commencement appels
mdailles consulaires par H.Cohen. P.; L., 1857. P. 174175; Babelon E.
Description historique et chronologique des mannaies de la Rpublique Romaine.
II. P., 1886. P. 579. 30; Bahrfeldt M. ber die Goldmnzen des Dakerknigs
. S. 365; .. .
. 120.
31
Eckhel J. Doctrina numorum veterum. Bd. VI. Vindobonae, 1796. S. 23.
32
Head B. Historia Nummorum. 2nd ed. Oxf., 1911. P. 289.
33
Munteanu L. Some New Remarks... P. 23.
34
.. . . 122.
35
. ? // . Studia
Numismatica. 1998. 34. . 1420.
36
Head B. Historia Nummorum. 2nd ed. P. 289.
37
.. . . 118 .;
Preda C. Monedele geto-dacilor. Bucurest, 1973. P. 356.
38
Head B. Historia numorum. 1st ed. Oxf., 1887. P. 244.
39
Bahrfeldt M. ber die Goldmnzen des Dakerknigs . S. 366381.
40
Head B. Historia numorum. 1st ed. P. 244.
41
Head B. Historia numorum. 2nd ed. P. 289.
29
30

286

.. , , ,
. , ,
, , , , 42.
., , 43.
., . .. , - , ,
44.
,
: ( ) I . .., Olbia ,
. , (, )

, 45.
, , ,
. , ,

, 73 . ..46 ( 1.9).
54 . ..
, 509 . ..
, (accensus); BRVTVS47 (. 1.10).
. , , , 90 . .. , , ,
- 48.
. , ,
. 54 . ..,

, Ibid.
Minns E.H. Scythians and Greeks. Cambr., 1913. P. 489 (n. 6).
44
RPC. P. 312.
45
.. . . 121.
46
Crawford M. Roman Republican Coinage. I. Cambr., 1974. P. 410.
398/1.
47
Ibid. . 455. 433/1.
48
Ibid. . 410.
42

.., ... ...

287

52 . ..49. 44 . .. ,
, .

, ,
. , , ,
? , ,
, . ,
.
. ,

50. -
, ,
, .
,
.
, (Strab. VII. 3. 5, 11; XVI. 2. 39).
C ,
: , ,
, , .
,
. , .
, . ,
, , ,
-, 51. , (6040- . I .

43

Ibid. . 456.
Petolescu C.M. The Treasure of King Koson. P. 7.
51
Paulsen R. Die Mnzprgungen der Boier mit Bercksichtigung der
vorboischen Prgungen. Bd I. Lpz.; Wien, 1933. S. 96; Ondrouch V. Keltsk
mince tipu Biatec z Bratislavy. Bratislava, 1958.
49
50

288

..) 52. ,
, III . ..; ,
-,
I . ..
,
. .
. 70- I . ..
,
, .
,
53.
( ), .
,

(, ,
)54.
, , ,

, .
,
. , ; ,
, .
, , I
. .. (. I.11). ,
,
;
.
. , , ,
52
.. . IIV . .. ., 2000.
. 5556.
53
. . 95.
54
Munteanu L. Some New Remarks... P. 23.

.., ... ...

289

. , ,
, ,
. , ,

.

. ,
(.. ) . ., , , ,
, 43 . .. - , .

55.
2.
XIX , , , . .
Historia numorum 1887 . (2- 1911 .) 56. . ,
8,42 57. ,
, 112
58.
.59 .60.
., 8,424 , ,
.
,

Winkler I. Consideraii despre moneda Koson. P. 196.


Head B. Historia Nummorum. 2nd ed. P. 289.
57
Bahrfeldt M. ber die Goldmnzen des Dakerknigs . S. 368.
58
Winkler I. Consideraii despre moneda Koson. P. 174.
59
. 6 14
, , 2 -, 1 ,
, 3
3 (Winkler I. Consideraii
despre moneda Koson. Fig.1; 4; 5).
60
Iliescu O. Sur les monnaies dor la lgende KON.
55
56

290

61. .,
, , ,
, 62.
, ,
,
63, , , , . ,
, ,
,
, .
. : 64. . , , 65.
8,08 8,70 ,
8,11 8,55 . , , , ,
. ,
, , , , .
,
. , .

.., ... ...

291

3.
, ,

50- 20- . I . ..
I . .. . ,
; -

, , .
6040- . I . .. (Strab. VII. 3. 11); 66. -
200 000 ,
( )
40 000, (Strabo.
VII. 3. 13).
, 67.
, ,
54 . ..
( ) , , (Strabo. VII. 3. 5; Suet. Caes.
44; Aug. 8; Liv. Epit.117; Vell. Pat. II. 59. 4; App. Illyr. 13; Bell. Civ. II.
110; III. 25)68.
40- I . .. : 48 . ..
, 44 . .. (App. Illyric.
1213). 44 . ..

, . , ,
,
. 43 . ..

. 42 . ..
. . ,
(App. BC. IV. 128131; Plut., Brut. 4951; Cass. Dio. 47,
48-49; Liv. Epit. 124; Eutr. 7, 3; Flor. 4, 714; Horat. Carm. 2, 7).
.

.. . . 118.
Preda C. Monedele geto-dacilor. P. 356.
63

.
64
Bahrfeldt M. ber die Goldmnzen des Dakerknigs // Berliner
Mnzbltter, 1912. S. 363.
65
Winkler I. Consideraii despre moneda Koson. P. 176. af. 1, 6, 9;
af. 4. 3.

66
Macrea M. Burebista i celti de la Dunarea // Studii i cercetri de istorie
veche (i arheologie). 1956. 7. 12. P. 119-136; Grian J. Burebista and his
Time. Bucureti, 1978; Diacoviciu H. Dacia de la Burebista la cucerirea Romana.
Cluj, 1972; Idem. Burebista: Roi des Daces // Revue Roumaine dHistoire. 1980.
Vol. XIX. 23. P. 149. .: ..
... . 56.
67
.. ... . 58.
68
. . 5658.

61

62

292

, , , , ;
, , , .
(App. BC. IV. 88).
(App. BC. IV. 108). ,
.
, ,
. ,
, II
(4842 .)
.
, , (App. BC. IV. 75).
; , , I (4842 .
..), , :
, (App. BC.
IV. 87, 103104).
(XLVII, 25). (Brut. 38) , , ,
.
4. , : ?
, , , ,

. , , -
, 69.
(App. Bel.
Civ. II. 71). , ,
, ,
. - ;
. ,
.. ... . 57.

69

.., ... ...

293

(App. Illyric. 13),


.
,
? .70 , (codex Memmianus, codex Gudianus 268, codex Vaticanus 190471)
: Cosoni
Getarum regi. . , ,
72. ,
. , , , , , ,
, 73.
, , ,
, , , , , . -
,
( ?) .
4342 . .. , , ,
, , ,
, , ..74.
54 . .. , ,
.

,
,
,
70
C. Suetoni Tranquilli opera ex rec. M.Ihm, v. I: de Vita Caesarum libri VIII.
Lpz., 1907. S. 89.
71
Codex Memmianus ( codex Parisinus 6115)
(IX .); codex Gudianus 268 (XI .),
. , codex Vaticanus
1904 (XIXII .).
72
Bahrfeldt M. ber die Goldmnzen des Dakerknigs . S. 367.
73
M. ? . 20.
74
Crawford M. Roman Republican Coinage. I. P. 514515. No. 500/67,
501508.

294

.
? (
, , ).

, , , ,
, .
.
. : : ?
,
, . ,
. - ,
. - II, . , -
. ,
, , .
.
, ; , ,
. , ,
, . . : ,
, , - .

.. ,

. , , .
,
, ,

.., ... ...

295

- .
, , , .
. , . - . , ,
,
, . 42 . ..75.
, ,
..
,
, , ,
4342 . ..
, . ,
, , 76. - .
, (Strab. VII. 3. 12, 13),

80 000 20 000 , (App. Bel. Civ.
IV. 88, 108). , , ,
.
., , ,
, . , ,
:
77. -,
78,
Morawiecki L. Zlote monety Kozon. S. 5657.
.. . . 121122.
77
M. ? . 17.
78

(Bahrfeldt M. ber die Goldmnzen des Dakerknigs
. S. 363).
75
76

296

. , ., ,
42 . .. , 79.
, , . , , ,
,
,
(Suet. Aug. 63. 2). ,
35 . ..,
80. 3533 . ..
(App.
Illyric. 16; Suet. Aug. 2021). , 30 . ..81
, , , , ,
,
: Daci
montibus inhaerent. Inde Cotisonis Regis imperio, quoties concretus gelu
Danuvius inunxerat ripas, decurrere solebant et vicina populari (Ann.
Flor. II. XXVIII. 1819). 2928 . ..82.
: , ,
, (. ., ..) (Hor. Carm. I. 35.
910); ,
(Hor. Carm. II. 20. 1718); ...
(Hor. Carm. III. 6. 1415); -
(occidit Daci Cotisonis agmen) (Hor. Carm. III. 8. 18);
? (Serm. II. 6. 53).
2928 . ..
.
M. ? . 17.
.. // . . ., 1964. . 296 (. 154).
.. ( . ? . 18).
81
Patsch C. Beitrge zur Vlkerkunde von Sdosteuropa. V. Aus 500 Jahren
vorrmischer und rmischer Geschichte Sdosteuropas. 1: Bis zur Festsetzung der
Rmer in Transdanuvien // Sitzungsberichte der Akademie der Wissenschaften zu
Wien. Bd 214. Abt. I. Wien., 1932. S. 60; ..
... . 5859.
82
.. ... . 59.
79
80

.., ... ...

297

.
, .
, , ,
; , ..,
, 83.
29 . .. ,
. (Hor. Carm. III. 8. 18),
, - (occidit Daci Cotisonis
agmen), , ., 1 29 .
..84. . ;
, ; 85.
, , 28 .
..86 ,
28 . ..87.
, , . .
(VII. 3. 12), ;
(Strabo. VII. 3. 13).
88
(Strabo. VII. 3. 13). 89,
(Strab. VII. 3. 1). , ,
(Strab. VII. 3. 5).
,
, , 90.
- .
. . 58.
Bahrfeldt M. ber die Goldmnzen des Dakerknigs . S. 367.
85
Winkler I. Consideraii despre moneda Koson. P. 196.
86
. . ., 1993. . 372.
87
RPC 29 . ..
(RPC. P. 312), .. 28 . .. ( ..
... . 58).
88
.. ... .55.
89
.. // . 19961997. :
. ., 1999. . 226.
90
Istoria Rominiei. I. Bucureti, 1960. P. 289; ..
... . 58.
83
84

298

5.
, , ,
,
1996 . , 910 91.
, , . , 1543 . .
40 000 (360281).
, 300 . ,
, 92. 16
1803 . 400 ( I).
35 ( II). ,
. 24 1804 . (. ) , 987 93. , 400
,
. XIX ., .,
1412
528 , 1784 .94. , ,
, (Cass. Dio. 68.
14. 45; Zonar. XI. 21).
, , . , , 1811 .
, (. ). 1902 .

, . . ,

. ,
, .

.., ... ...

. , .
., 95, .., ,
II 96. ,
, ,
, ,
. : ;
(App. B.C. IV. 75).
. , . ,
,
. , . . .
,
(10, 08 )
97.
6. :


? ..,
, , .
98.
XRF- PAA- 21 (
20 )99.
(
Head B. Historia Nummorum (1911). P. 272.
Eckhel J. Doctrina numorum veterum. Bd. VI. S. 23.
97
Morawiecki L. Zlote monety Kozon. S. 5758. Ryc. 4.
98
.. ... . 95.
99
Cojocaru V., Constantinescu B., tefnescu I., Petolescu C. EDXRF
and PAA Analyses of Dacian Gold Coins of Koson Type // Journal of
Radioanalytical and Nuclear Chemistry. 2000. Vol. 246. 1. 1. P. 185190.
95
96

91
Petolescu C.M. The Treasure of King Koson. P. 1; Chiriac M. O achizifie de
monede de tip koson fcult. P. 247248.
92
Winkler I. Consideraii despre moneda Koson. P. 191193.
93
Ibid.
94
Ibid.

299

300

, , ), ,
100.

XRF- 74 ,
24 , 42 8 101. 32
IVI . .., I . ..
,
().
,
, . XRF- ,

, ,
.
: , ,
. , , , ,
, 102.
103 ,
,
.
XRF, -PIXE
-SR-XRF- 20 , -, ,
104. ,
.
100
Vlcu A., Isvoranu T., Nicolae Eu. Monnaies dor dInstitut dArchologie
de Bucurest. P. 911, 67, 6871.
101
Vlcu A., Constantinesku B. Some Considerations on Dacian Gold Coins of
Koson Type. P. 3233.
102
Ibid. P. 33.
103
Munteanu L. Some New Remarks... P. 23.
104
Constantinescu B., Cristea-Stan D., Vasilescu A., Simon R., Ceccato D.
Archaeometallurgical Characterization of Ancient Gold Artifacts from Romanian
Museums using XRF, micro-PIXE and micro-SR-XRF Methods // Proceedings of
the Romanian Academy. 2012. Ser. 4. Vol. 13. 1. P. 1926.

.., ... ...

301

7.
, , 43 . ..
( . ), . , :
4342 . .. , 4229/28
. .. .
. . 31
30 . .., , 29 . 105.
, ,
28 .
.., .
SUMMARY
The Golden Coins with the Legend
from the Collections of the Russian Museums
and the Problems of the Dacian Coinage of the I cent. B.C.
by M.G.Abramzon, Yu.A.Fedina
(Magnitogorsk)
The authors publish 15 golden coins with the legend from the
most important Russian collections the Pushkin State Museum of Fine
Arts, the State Historical Museum and State Hermitage. Some problems of
the Dacian coinage of the 3rd quarter of the Ist cent. B.C. are also analyzed.
The authors share the opinion that Koson, whose name is given of the
staters, and Kotison, mentioned by Horace, Suetonius and Annaeus Florus,
is probably one and same Dacian king, who could support Brutus in his
struggle with the triumviri. The iconography of the staters possibly reflects
the fact of the conclusion of the union between the Geto-Dacians and
Brutus in 43 B.C. The choice of the denarius of Brutus by Koson for the
imitation demonstrated allied guaranties.
The coinage of the kosons is divided in two periods: the series of the
coins with the monogram has been struck in 4342 B.C., those without
any monogramm in 4229/28 B.C. Since the time of death of Kotison,
with whom Koson is being identified, falls on 28 B.C., this date is the
terminus ante quem of the issues of the golden staters with the legend
.
Bahrfeldt M. ber die Goldmnzen des Dakerknigs . S. 369.

105

..

30 -
. . .
30 . ,

.

2.
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, , IV 2- II . ..
( -1 -3). - , , .
3.
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1

...

303

IV
III . .. 4.
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, , .
6.
, I II . .. (-6 -7). ,
7. // . 2006. . 5.
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.., ..
- // . . .
: , 50-
.. / . .., ..,
.., ... ., 2000. . 102; .
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5
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.. . ... . 7; . // . 2008. 36. . 79.
7

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304

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(. 4051 . ..).
6 128. 9. .. , , 12 10.
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1. IV. (. 1)
.. .
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..
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1 . , , IV
( ,
. ) .
IV (
;
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14
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34 ; ( . 45).
12

306

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...

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)15. , -
( ) .
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2. IV (. 2)
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.. . . .
. . : .
.. , , .
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Wroth W. A Catalogue of Greek Coins in the British Museum, 23: Catalogue
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18. , , , 19.
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Simonetta A.M. Overstrikes, Mules, Modified Dies and Retouched Coins in
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19
Sellwood D. Parthian Mint Operations // Essays in Honour Robert Carson
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Simonetta A.M. Overstrikes, Mules... P. 43.
18

...

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IV24 40,2% 28,2 % ,
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Sellwood D. An Introduction... Type 47.31.
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Ibid. Type 54.14
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Ibid. Type 64.33. ..
I . .., ( ..
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26
Khademi F.N., Arkan F., Arkan A.R., Saffari M. Scythian in Eastern Border
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27
I ( .. ... . 117).
28
.. // . 1996.
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. . ,
(Ibid. P. 114115). . (Senior R.C. The Coinage of Hermaios and its Imitations
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Bopearachchi O. Recent coin Hoard... P. 132134. 45 55 . .. 20 . ..
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Marshall J. Taxila. An Illustrated Account of Archaeological Excavations
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2000. 50. P. 239. Fig. 11. : - , , II
( . 57 . .. 20 . ..;
. ,
, (Senior R.C. Indo-Scythian Coins and History.
L., 2001. Vol. I. P. 8990), I . ..
, , ,

, II I . .. , , .. ..
,
, , ( .. . // . 1995.
I. . 1828; .. 29

...

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24 .
1. ( 23, ). 32.
I,
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I, I, , III, II, IV TANIC34.
2. ( 4).
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(. 4090 . ..) (Cribb J. The
Heraus Coins: Their Attribution to the Kushan King Kujula Kadphises, c. A.D.
3080 // Essays in Honour Robert Carson and Kenneth Jenkins / Ed. M.Price,
A.Burnett, R.Bland. L., 1993. . 107134).
( ) 127 . ..
, . (FalkH. The yuga of Sphujiddhvaja and
the era of the Kuas // SRAA. 2001. 7. P. 121136; Idem. The Kanika Era in
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of the Early Kushans // Res Orientales. 2007. XVII. Des Indo-Grecs aux
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premiers souverains kouchans: chronologie et iconographie monetaire // Journal
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Fig. 7881, 8387; Grenet, F., Lee J., Martinez F., Ory F. The Sasanian Relief at
Rag-i Bibi (Northern Afghanistan) // After Alexander. Central Asia before Islam /
Ed. J.Cribb, G.Herrmann. L., 2007 (Proceedings of the British Academy. 133).
P. 259, commentary 16; MacDowall D.W. Numismatic Evidence... P. 105106;
Idem. The Eras of Demetrius, Eucratides and Azes // Res Orientales XVII.
2007. Des Indo-Grecs aux Sassanides: donnes pour lhistoire et la gographie
historique. P. 112; Salomon R. The Indo-Greek Era of 186/5 B.C. in a Buddhist
Reliquary Inscription // Afghanistan, ancien carrefour entre lEst et lOuest. Actes
du colloque international au Muse archologique Henri-Prades-Lattes du
5 au 7 mai 2003 / d. O. Bopearachchi, M.-F. Boussac. Turnhout, 2005 (Indicopleustoi: Archaeologies of the Indian Ocean. 3). P. 375376.
32
Sellwood D. An Introduction... Type 91; Simonetta A.M. Overstrikes,
mules... P. 4647.
33
Sellwood D. An Introduction... Type 91.26.
34
Senior R.C. Indo-Scythian Coins and History. Vol. II. P. 145, issue 195;
Vol. III. P. 46.

312

,
II35, I ( , , )36. IV
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( )
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,
, IV ( , ,
II). ,
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. (Ibid. Vol. II. P. 146, issue 198.5D).
36
Sellwood D. An Introduction... Type 91.14. (Ibid. Type 64.33).
37
.. ... C. 149150.
38
.. // . . 1. 19461947 . / . .
... .; ., 1950 (. 15). . 174; ..
. C. 101102, 135.
39
.. . . 134 (. 53).
. IV
, (Sellwood D. An
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40
.., .. , - ( ) //
. - / . . ..-. ., 1982.
. 311; .. . . 133; Simonetta A.M.
The Indo-Parthian Coinage and its Significance in the Chronology of the
Kushans // Central Asia in the Kushan Period. Vol. I. Proceeding of the International Conference of the History, Archeology and Culture of Central Asia in the
Kushan Period. Dushanbe, September 27 October 6, 1968 / Ed. B.G.Gafurov,
G.M.Bongard-Levin, E.A.Grantovsky, L.I.Miroshnikov, B.Y.Stavisky. M., 1974.
P. 283; Widemann F. Les successeurs... P. 361.
41
Ibid. P. 359.

...

313

, - 42. I . .. I . ..
. ,
- ,
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, 43 42
,
, .
.., .., .. .. ,
IV
( . (Wroth W. Catalogue of the Coins of
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.. ... . 161162; .. ( ). ., 2006.
. 177178; RtveladzeE.V. Coins of the Rulers... P. 9293). , . (, ,
) , : , (
) (Mitchiner M. Indo-Greek and Indo-Scythian Coinage.
Vol. 45. L., 197576. P. 303. Type 509511; Senior R.C. Indo-Scythian Coins
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.. , IV

(.., ..
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.,
( ., . ( ) // . 1997.
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., IV (), (Mitchiner M. Indo-Greek
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IV 3,703,95 (Wroth W.
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314

. I . ..
- ,
. , ,
, IV,
.
,
.
, , .
, , .
2 , ,
. .. ,
. , IV
NI, NICA, NICAIA, 44.
.
-, ,
45. ,
, NICAIA, NIAIA, NI, N.

IV46, 47, II (. 1038 .)48
I (. 4045 .)49.
, -, 21,5 ,
2,32 ( .. . . 130).
IV
3,62, 2,54, 3,03, 2,75, 2,92, 3,62 (Wroth W. Catalogue of the
Coins of Parthia. P. 114. 97102).
44
.. ... C. 4142.
45
Sellwood D. The Drachms of the Parthian Dark age // JRAS. 1976. 1.
P. 1116; Idem. An Introduction... P. 1215.
46
Ibid. Type 52.1718, 53.8, 54.12.
47
Ibid. Type 56.14.
48
Ibid. Type 63.8, 63.1415.
49
Ibid. Type 64.32.

...

315

, (Isid. Char. Mans. Parth.


XII)50, 51.
,
52.
53.
, 54, ,
...
. II
(. 138127 . ..)55, I (. 127124 . ..)56,
I (. 9590 . ..)57, I (. 9080 . ..)58 .
IANH59. (. 70 . ..) 60,
III (. 7057 . ..)61 M ( ). -

Isidorus Characenus. Mansiones Parthicae. Parthian Stations by Isidore


of Charax. An Account of the Overland Trade Route between the Levant and
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: Koch H. A Hoard of Coins from Eastern Parthia.
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55
.. - () //
. 1976. 2. . 116. . 2.28.
56
Sellwood D. An Introduction... Type 20.56, 22.4
57
Ibid. Type 33.7.
58
Ibid. Type 31.9.
59
Ibid. Type 30.21.
60
Ibid. Type 36.16.
61
Ibid. Type 38.10, 39.12.
50

316

III (. 5754 . ..)62,


II63, IV64, II65 II66. ,
IV , I . ..,
. ,

. (
)
I . ..,
67.
-, -
I68, (. 75 . ..)69, II70
IV71. I . .. ,
72 ( ), .
, IV73.
Ibid. Type 40.13, 41.11.
Ibid. Type 43.8, 46.13, 47.11, 47.30.
64
Ibid. Type 52.19.
65
Ibid. Type 63.16.
66
Ibid. Type 64.37.
67
.. ... C. 125.
68
Loginov S.D., Nikitin A.B. Parthian Coins from Margiana: Numismatics and
History // BAI. 1996. 10. P. 44. 15.
69
Ibid. P. 44. 18.
70
Ibid. P. 44, 47. 19, 2223, 2627, 29, 3136.
71
Ibid. P. 47. 4041, 4345.
72
, I . ..,
, ( ),
( ) ( ..
// . 1980. 4. . 113114. III.5, IV.1, IV.2, V.1). ..,
,
, ,
,
. ,
( . . 118). . , , (Koch H. A Hoard of
Coins... P. 3234).
73
Sellwood D. An Introduction... Type 52.39; ..
62
63

...

317

: ,
74.

IV.

,
, ...
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, , . ..:
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, , ( )
, ( ) . 75.
2. IV 76. 77:
... . 113. I.1 I.2; Nikitin A.B. Early Parthian Coins
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Parthian and Sasanian Empires / Ed. V.S.Curtis, R.Hillenbrand, J.M.Rogers. L.;
N.Y., 1998. P. 16.
74
.. ... . 106107.
( . // . 1975. 1. . 7577).
75
Sellwood D. An Introduction... Type 52.19.
., , ,
27 . .. (Simonetta A.M. A New Essay on the Indo-Greeks. The Sakas and the Pahlavas // EW.
1958. IX. P. 166). .. .. ,
,
IV (Sellwood D. An Introduction... Type 50),
, ( ) (Ibid. Type 5254). , ,
,
( .., ..
( ) // . 2010. 1. . 193).
76
Wroth W. Catalogue of the Coins of Parthia. P. 114, 96. Pl. XXI.4;
Dobbins K. W. Sanabares and the Gondophares Dynasty // NC. 1971. XI.
. 138139. Fig. 1.P; Sellwood D. An Introduction... Type 91.12. .
,
(Mitchiner M. Indo-Greek and Indo-Scythian
Coinage. P. 411. Type 612).
77
( ) ( ..
... C. 89; .. -

318

-78. : I
I .
3. IV . 79.
: 1- 2- I . ..
4. 80. : -81.
: 2- I . ..
5.
. : 82. :
3- 4- I. ..
// / . ..,
... , 2001. . 54).
.
78
.., .. ...
. 309310. 2. .. , ,
( .. . . 131
(. 51); . / [ .]:
.., .. . . ., 1984. . 187 (. 26)).
79
(. 20928) ( ..
. . 131; .: Nikitin A.B. Early Parthian Coins...
Pl. I.10). . . (Simonetta A.M. A New Essay...
P. 166. Pl. I.7; Idem. The Indo-Parthian Coinage... Pl. I.5; Idem. Overstrikes,
Mules... Fig. 1012; Senior R.C. Indo-Scythian Coins and History. Vol. I. P. 106;
Vol. II. P. 146. Issue 199.1D; Vol. III. P. 46).
80
Wroth W. Catalogue of the Coins of Parthia. P. 114. 97102. Pl.
XXI.56; Simonetta A.M. A New Essay... P. 166. Pl. I.815; Dobbins K. W.
Sanabares and the Gondophares Dynasty. P. 138139. Fig. 2.P; Sellwood D. An
Introduction... Type 91.13. ., II (Mitchiner M. Indo-Greek and Indo-Scythian Coinage.
P. 410. Type 611-1; . : CallieriP. The Sakas in Afghanistan: Evidence
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. .., ... ., 2005. . 361. Fig. 12).
81
.. . . 135139. . 1617.
, ( . . 131. . 20929; .: Alram M. Stand und
Aufgaben der Arsakidischen Numismatic // Das Partherreich und seine Zeugnisse.
The Arsacid Empire: Sources and Documentation. Beitrge des internationalen
Colloquims, Eutin (27.30. Juni 1996) / Hrsg. J.Wiesehfer. Stuttgart (HistEz.
Ht 122), 1998. Taf. 4.46), . (Senior R.C.
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Vol. III. P. 46).
82
GhirshmanR. Bgram. Rcherches archologiques et historiques sur les
Kouchans. Le Caire, 1946 (MDAFA. T. XII). P. 197. Taf. XXII.7.

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24 ,
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(. 100/105127 . ..).
,
. 12 , 34
. 107, 3, 83.
4 46, 84, ,
I (. 128
150 . ..)85. ., , III . ..86. ,
-. , IV -
3. , , , I87. -, IV ,
I . .. II. ..88.
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. // .
2002. . 3. . 69. . 1.22. . ( C.
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., .
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88
Zeymal E.V. Tillya-Tepe within the Context of the Kushan Chronology //
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.. ... . 172.

320

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.. - . , 1985.
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. 3. 1928. . 285. 4). ..
II ( ..
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). ( ..).
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89

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92, IV.
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(. ), , ,
IV,
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: ( .. -.
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, ( .. ... . 9495. 19; . ... . 146; RtveladzeE.V. Coins of the Rulers... P. 82;
: . . 1 / . . ..,
.., ... ., 1991. . 83, 57); ( .. ... . 146);
(, 40 - .) ( ..,
.. ... . 179. 54).
, , ( .. //
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95
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, , , , .
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Bernard P. Les nomades conqurants de lempire grco-bactrien. Rflexions
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). . 138136 ( (Wu Xin)
). .: Grenet F. Nouvelles donnes sur la localization des cinq yabghus
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II (145140 . ..). ,
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Clarysse W., Thompson D.J. Two Greek Texts on Skin from Hellenistic
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. ... . 226; Dio Cassius. Roman History / With an
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326

. , , ,
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, - (Bopearachchi O. Recent Coin Hoard... P. 114).
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.
.. , 108. .. 109. ,
, , .
40
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100103)111. III (. 105147 .) ,
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.. ... C. 60.
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Lucian. Octogenarians (Longaevi) / With an English Transl. by
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Josephus. Jewish Antiquities. Books XVIIIXIX / With an English Transl.
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Ibid. P. 437.

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100 , (Jos. Flav. Bel. Jud. VII.


242248)113, 136 ., III
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.
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I . ..
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113
Josephus. The Jewish War / With an English Transl. by M.A.Thackeray.
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329

SUMMARY
The Parthian Coins of Kampyrtepa
by A.N. Gorin
(Tashkent, Uzbekistan)
The article describes a group of copper coins found at different time
during archaeological excavations in Kampyrtepa. One coin is a halkos
of a previously unknown type of the Parthian king Phraates IV (c. 38
2 years. B.C.). The other three coins are the latest of the known at the
moment imitations of the Parthian drachms of Phraates IV minted in the
mint Margiana. They have been overstricken, two of overstrikes are of
previously unknown type. Apparently, these imitations have been covered
by a thin layer of silver. Based on the topography of coin finds, one may
suggest that they have been minted in Bactria.
The issue of the imitations of the Parthian drachmas of Phraates IV is
connected with the arrival of a large amount of silver from the neighboring
Parthia. Most likely, this silver came to Bactria as simultaneous payments the donativum of Phraates IV to the rulers of the nomads (probably to those of the Saka tribes), who help him in a fight with Parthian usurper
of the throne Tiridat, supported by Rome.
Basing on their typology and on the archaeological context, the
imitations of the Parthian coins from Kampyrtepa date from no earlier than
mid. 2nd half of the I cent. B.C. This dating is going to suggest that they
can not be used to reconstruct the alleged Parthian period in the history of
the site of ancient town.
The analysis of all authentic Parthian coins from Bactria and their
imitations shows that they are concentrated along the narrow strip of the
right bank of the middle course of Amu-Darya, which served as a transit
transport route between neighboring regions in the antiquity. In this light,
these coins are preferably to be considered as an evidence of the trade
contacts than of direct control over the valley of the Oxus by the Parthians.

N.Schindel. A New Kushano-Sasanian Coin Type?

331

N.Schindel

A New Kushano-Sasanian Coin Type?1

Fig. 1. 1,92 g. 9 h. 14 mm. Private coll. Wahram 8

It is always a fascinating thing to discover previously unattested rulers in

relatively well-studied coin series, such as in the Kushano-Sasanian one


(i.e. the coinage of the Sasanian governors of large parts of the former
Kushan Empire). However, one has to emphasize the importance of
correctly evaluating new evidence in the greater context of the system of
coin issues. With the Kushano-Sasanian series, we are in the lucky situation
that a detailed system reconstruction by Robert Gbl is available2, so that
we have a basic framework into which to place newly discovered coins,
even if several details of Gbls interpretations now can be modified or
have to be changed altogether.
Having said this, let us proceed to the coins which are of interest here.
While working on the Kushano-Sasanian coins in the collection of Aman ur
Rahman (Dubai), I came across a small bronze coin which seemed to attest
a new crown form (Fig. 2). Basing interpretations on single specimens can
be hazardous, so it came as a great joy to me when in the spring of 2012
another coin of exactly the obverse same type turned up, which was struck
from a different pair of dies (Fig. 1).
These two coins clearly belong to a large group of copper issues which
were struck in Bactria, initially from dies made by craftsmen associated
with the mint of Marw3. The most plausible candidate for the actual mint
1
I have to thank Aman ur Rahman and Bob Schaaf for their kind permission
to publish coins from their collections, and Michael Alram, Fabrizio Sinisi and
Klaus Vondrovec for stimulating discussions.
2
Gbl R. Mnzprgung des Kunreiches. Vienna, 1984; for additions and
modifications: Gbl R. Donum Burns. Die Kunmnzen im Mnzkabinett Bern
und die Chronologie. Vienna, 1993. The numbering of the Kushano-Sasanian coin
issues used here follows these two studies.
3
Schindel N. Adhuc sub iudice lis est? Zur Datierung der
kushanosasanidischen Mnzen // Vindobona Docet. 40 Jahre Institut fr
Numismatik und Geldgeschichte der Universitt Wien, 19652005 / Hrsg.

place is Balkh4. These copper coins are characterised by legends in Pehlevi,


the bust of the ruler with his individual crown on the obverse and by and
large the depiction of a bust on a fire altar on the reverse5.
Our two coins fully fit into these basic patterns; however, their crowns
are neither attested in Gbls studies of 1984 and 1993, nor in any other
publication known to me. We shall discuss them in due time. The obverse
legends can be read as wlhln LBA k[ (Fig. 1) and wlhln LBA kw ]
(Fig. 2), and thus have to be reconstructed as wlhln LBA kw n MLKA,
Wahrm wuzurg kn h, Wahram, great King of the Kushan. This
name is well attested within the Kushano-Sasanian coin series: Gbl lists
no less than seven different variants which he numbers Wahram 1 through
Wahram 76. The main question is: how many different Kushanshahs bearing
H.Emmerig. Vienna, 2005 = Numismatische Zeitschrift. 2005. 113114. P. 228 f.;
Schindel N. The Beginning of Kushano-Sasanian Coinage // Alram M., Gyselen R.
Sylloge Nummorum Sasanidarum. Bd II: Ohrmazd I. Ohrmazd II. Vienna,
2012. P. 67.
My original idea that the actual striking of these coins must have taken place
in another city than Balkh now seems for various reasons no longer correct;
for an attribution of these small Pehlevi-inscribed copper coins to the mint of
Balkh: Cribb J. The Kidarites, the Numismatic Evidence. With an Analytical
Appendix by A.Oddy // Coins, Art, and Chronology II. The First Millennium C.E.
in the Indo-Iranian Borderlands / Ed. M.Alram, D.Klimburg-Salter, M.Inaba,
M.Pfisterer.Vienna, 2010. P. 107.
4
A detailed treatment of these issues by the present author, which is the result
of the cooperation between the Uzbek and the Austrian Academy of Sciences, is in
preparation.
5
For modifications of the divine bust depicted above the altar see TylerSmith S. Kushano-Sasanian Small Bactrian Copper Coins: Some Refinements //
Oriental Numismatic Society Newsletter. 1997. 151. P. 57.
6
Gbl R. Mnzprgung des Kunreiches. . 84 f. (Wahram 16); for Wahram 7: Gbl R. Donum Burns. Die Kunmnzen im Mnzkabinett Bern und die
Chronologie. P. 43. Pl. 10. 732.

332

Fig. 2. 1,84 g. 3 h. 13 mm. Aman ur Rahman coll. Wahram 1

this name did actually exist? Gbl went to extremes in claiming that there
was only one single Kushano-Sasanian ruler called Wahram who issued all
these coins. He identifies him with the future Sasanian Great King Wahram
IV (388399)7. However, this equation, I think, can be easily disproved
because Gbls overall chronology for the Kushano-Sasanian coin series
is wrong, as can be shown by comparing typological elements of Sasanian
and Kushano-Sasanian coinage8. Most links can be found between coins of
Narseh (293303) and Ohrmazd II (303309/10) on the one hand and the
main group of Kushano-Sasanian issues on the other hand, thus more than
half a century earlier than its alleged beginning date in the 350ies according
to Gbl. The sequence of the Balkh dinars and copper coins of Ohrmazd 1,
Peroz 4 and Ohrmazd 2 the last ruler before the Wahrams certainly
cannot be stretched in such a way as to equate Wahram 1 with the later
Great King. In my opinion, assuming that Ohrmazd 1 Kushanshahs reign
started around 300, Wahram 1 should not be dated much later than ca. 330,
thus half a century before Wahram IVs ascension to the throne. Also Cribb
refers to just one ruler called Wahram whom he dates ca. 3253509.
Gbl R. Mnzprgung des Kunreiches. P. 85.
Schindel N. Adhuc sub iudice lis est? Zur Datierung der
kushanosasanidischen Mnzen; Schindel N. The Beginning of Kushano-Sasanian
Coinage.
9
Cribb J. Numismatic Evidence for Kushano-Sasanian Chronology // Studia
Iranica. 1990. 19/2. . 171; Cribb J. The Kidarites, the Numismatic Evidence.
. 123126.

N.Schindel. A New Kushano-Sasanian Coin Type?

Fig. 3. 1,49 g. 3 h. 17 mm. Aman ur Rahman coll. (Gbl R. Mnzprgung des


Kunreiches. Pl. 116. 1092). Wahram 2

There are several objections against equating all seven Wahrams; we


shall briefly review them here. Arguably the most important argument is
the following one: if we take the Iranian concept of the individual crown
serious and we are well advised to do so10, and if we furthermore
assume that these issues date later than Shapur I under whom the early
experimental phase in the use of Sasanian crowns had already come to an
end, then it is impossible, I believe, to claim that the distinct crowns of
Wahram 1 (Fig. 3) and Wahram 4 (Fig. 5) with his rams horn crown should
have been worn by the same person in the same function. In parallel with
such an assumption, also the Sasanian Kings of Kings Wahram I (273276)
and II (276293) who wear markedly different crowns should be one and
the same person just because they happen to bear the same name, and this
is certainly wrong. At the same time, it is clear that certain modifications of
the crowns and its attributes are possible: The Kushanshah called Ohrmazd
who is wearing a lion heads crown certainly is the same (viz. Ohrmazd 1),
no difference whether the korymbos takes the form of an artichoke11 or a
pomegranate12. The most obvious difference of the copper coins of Wahram
113 and Wahram 214 is the same feature in the same order, but there are

7
8

333

10
Erdmann K. Die Entwicklung der ssnidischen Krone // Ars Islamica.
1951. 1516. P. 87121.
11
Gbl R. Mnzprgung des Kunreiches. l. 115. 10321060.
12
Ibid. Pl. 116. 10621075.
13
Ibid. 1092.
14
Ibid. 1093 f.

334

Fig. 4. 1,75 g. 9 h. 15 mm. Aman ur Rahman coll. (Gbl R. Mnzprgung des


Kunreiches. Pl. 116. 1093). Wahram 4

also minor, probably quite relevant changes in the rendering of the crown.
Some coins of Wahram 1 as well as those of Wahram 3, attested only on
gold dinars15 have two parallel pearl rows, whereas one type of Wahram
1 according to Gbl16 as well as Wahram 2 have one pearl row and below
it several small parallel triangles. The same crown like that of Wahram 2,
but with an artichoke rather than a pomegranate korymbos, is used by Wahram 5; it is attested only on dinars17. The crown of Wahram 6 shows a
zigzag decoration, but no pearl row, and in addition unusually prominent
upper ribbons, it is thus different from those described above18.
Out of the seven Wahrams known until now, five have the same basic
crown form an arcaded one (Wahram 1, 2, 3, 5, 6), whereas two
wear markedly different crowns (Wahram 4: rams horns, Wahram 7: stags
horns). The latter two certainly represent different individuals each because
of these highly individual crowns. Things are more different, and in any
case less clear, with the other Wahrams, especially since modifications in
the rendering of the upper ribbons occur e.g. under Kawad I19; yet all these
various issues certainly belong to one and the same king.
Still, apart from the forms of the crowns themselves, we have other
sources of information at our disposal. The most important one certainly
Ibid. Pl. 64. 713 f.; Pl. 71. 754.
Ibid. Pl. 71. 753.
17
Ibid. Pl. 65. 718723.
18
Ibid. Pl. VI.
19
Schindel N. Sylloge Nummorum Sasanidarum. Bd III. Shapur II Kawad I.
2. Regierung. Vol. 1. Vienna, 2004. P. 461 f.
15

N.Schindel. A New Kushano-Sasanian Coin Type?

335

Fig. 5. 1,12 g 11 h. 14 mm. Private coll. (Gbl R. Mnzprgung des


Kunreiches. Pl. 116. 1097). Wahram 6

are the patterns of minting which are revealed by the system analysis. It
is obvious that the amount of Balkh copper coins issued after Ohrmazd 2
drastically declined: While Gbl lists no less than 28 different variants of
the bronze coins of Ohrmazd 1, the three Wahrams known to him (Wahram
1, 2, 4) total just five variants. These numbers nowadays are not fully
complete since especially for Ohrmazd 1 some new variants have turned
up, but they are still representative. But not only the different variants are
relevant, also the overall number of coins attested is of interest: There are
174 specimens for Ohrmazd 1 listed in Gbls 1984 catalogue, opposed
to 69 of Peroz 4, 45 of Ohrmazd 2 who has just one single variant
and only five, four and eight for Wahram 1, 2 and 4 respectively20, thus
1: 10 compared only with Ohrmazd 1. Bronze coins of Wahram 6 (Fig. 6)
were utterly unknown to Gbl21. The copper coins of the Wahrams are thus
much less numerous, which might be at least in part be due to their inferior
workmanship and the resulting reduced interest for coin collectors.
The gold coinage does not show the same patterns: Ohrmazd 1 has 14
variants on altogether 39 coins; Peroz 4 has three and three respectively.
For Ohrmazd 2, just one single dinar is attested featuring an investiture
scene on the reverse, clearly a special issue22. Wahram 1 has 11 variants and
18 coins, Wahram 3 has 3 and 4, for Wahram 4 there are 10 and 15, Wahram
5 has 12 and 25, and Wahram 6 finally 14 and 27. The dinar of Wahram 7

16

Gbl R. Mnzprgung des Kunreiches. P. 138140.


See also: Cribb J. The Kidarites, the Numismatic Evidence. . 145. 64
(bust facing left).
22
Gbl R. Donum Burns. l. 36 f.
20
21

336

Fig. 6. 0,83 g. 3 h. 13 mm. Private coll. Narseh (293 303)

is so far unique. While a stylistic decline comparable to that of the copper


coins can be observed also in the gold coinage, the drastic decline of mint
output of the bronzes has no parallels among the later dinars. Comparing
the number of variants and actual coins of Ohrmazd 1 (14 and 39) with that
for all the Wahram put together (51 and 90) it becomes, I think, obvious
that this is much too large an output for just one single ruler. The rather
substantial issue of Wahram 6, which was to serve as a model for the
subsequent Kidarite issues, appears to belong to one distinct governor.
Also an equation of Wahram 1, 2, 3 and 5 seems quite problematic: Gbls
somewhat superficial treatment of the crown variants notwithstanding, the
two types ornaments of their arcaded crowns labelled pearl and lotus
petals by Cribb23 could imply that two different rulers are represented.
Probably the order of Wahram 4 and 5 has to be switched, with the king
wearing the rams horn crown coming directly before Wahram 7, who
then in turn is followed by Wahram 6, after whom the Kidarite coin series
commences. If one accepts this, then we could combine the issues of the
rulers with two pearl rows (Wahram 1, Wahram 3) as well as those with
the triangular ornaments (Wahram 2, Wahram 5) into one governor in each
case. Instead of seven different Wahrams, we thus would arrive at a total
number of five.
Now let us turn again to the new coins (Fig. 1, 2). As stated above, they
show a ruler bearing the name Wahram; the closest parallel to the long
obverse legend can be found under Wahram 124. What is special about these
Cribb J. The Kidarites, the Numismatic Evidence. . 124.
Gbl R. Mnzprgung des Kunreiches. l. 116. 1092.

23
24

N.Schindel. A New Kushano-Sasanian Coin Type?

337

two coins are the ornaments of the crown cap: Instead of two pearl rows or
several triangular elements and one pearl row, three elements resembling
fleur-de-lis are shown, the one in the middle in frontal view, those to the
left and right in profile view. The outlines of the crown cap which are
clearly visible prove that these are originals dies, and not recut dies of
Wahram 1 or Wahram 2 is impossible because he features a pomegranate
korymbos, rather than the artichoke version still clearly identifiable here.
The homogenous patination shows that no modern tooling has taken place.
Just for the sake of completeness it should be mentioned that there is no
indication whatsoever that we are dealing with modern forgeries.
There are two possibilities to make sense of these two coins: One can
either label them a mere variant of the Wahram 1, 2, 3 and 5 group (or even
of all the Wahrams put together in the fashion of Gbl or Cribb), or one
could count this Wahram as a new governor in his own right. It is clear that
according to what I have said above, I myself prefer the latter possibility.
The differences in the rendering of the crown are certainly more marked
than those between Wahram 1 and 2. Furthermore, while the interpretation
of the headgear of these two governors is not too obvious, the source for
the ornaments in the crown of this new Wahram, I believe, is clear: It is
a somewhat reduced version of the floral ornaments which Narseh wears
above his crown cap in the first two periods of his reign (Fig. 7)25. On the
crown cap of Shapur III (383388), the same floral elements are depicted
within arches (Fig. 8); his crown is thus composed in a fashion very similar
to that of our Wahram who, though, has to be earlier for the reasons already
stated26. I thus propose to introduce a new ruler who should be counted as
Wahram 8 into the series of bronze coin struck in Balkh27.
It might, at first glance, seem quite improbable to find a new governor
in such a well-researched coin series (well-researched, that is, for oriental
numismatics). Still, this does no way mean that it is absolutely impossible.
Wahram 7, as we have already seen, is attested by a single coin so far. The
copper coins of Ohrmazd 2 struck in the mint to the South of the Hindu
Kush possibly to be located at Kabul are attested so far by very few
coins28. Until 199029, the pretty numerous copper coins of Ohrmazd 2 were
Alram M., Gyselen R. Sylloge Nummorum Sasanidarum. Band II:
Ohrmazd I. Ohrmazd II. Vienna, 2012. . 281, 351 f.
26
Schindel N. Adhuc sub iudice lis est?; Idem. The Beginning of KushanoSasanian Coinage.
27
Notwithstanding his actual position in the system, a renumbering of some
other Wahrams would be most user-unfriendly.
28
Coin hoards VI. 1981. Fig. 8. 16; Fig. 9. 32.
29
Cribb J. Numismatic Evidence for Kushano-Sasanian Chronology. l. 1.
5.
25

338

Fig. 7. 3,71 g. 3 h. 27 mm. Schaaf coll. (Alram M., Gyselen R. Sylloge


Nummorum Sasanidarum. type Ia/1a). Shapur III (383388)

not accompanied by any gold coins; and even now, the dinar first published
by Cribb remains unique. During the last years, a lot of new material has
turned up, e.g. a large hoard containing hundreds of late Balkh issues from
Wahram 1 to Wahram 630.
If it was to be accepted that these two coins really represent a new
Kushano-Sasanian governor, we still have to find his proper place in the
system. Since the most reliable tool, the bymarks of the dinars31, are not
at our disposal on copper coins, we have to rely on other arguments. A
very important one is the weights. It goes without saying that with only
two coins available, no proper weight statistic can be done. However, the
two specimens show a certain trend: Under the Kushanshahs Ohrmazd 1,
Peroz 4 and Ohrmazd 2, most coins weigh around 2,002,19 g, as can be
seen from the chart below. After them, i.e. under Wahram 1 and 2, the
weights were reduced apparently to an ideal weight of about 1,601,79 g.
Under Wahram 4 and 6, the few attested weights imply that yet another
reduction took place. The data available for Wahram 8 1,92 g and
1,84 g strongly advocates that these two coins belong to the weight
standard of the Kushanshahs Wahram 1 and 2, and with all probability
before Wahram 4 and 6.

30
What little information about it could be gathered will be discussed in my
forthcoming study on Kushano-Sasanian copper coinage.
31
Gbl R. Donum Burns. Die Kunmnzen im Mnzkabinett Bern und die
Chronologie. Pl. 36 f.

339

N.Schindel. A New Kushano-Sasanian Coin Type?

Fig. 8. 4,12 g. 3 h. 24 mm. Schaaf coll. (Schindel N. Sylloge Nummorum


Sasanidarum. Type Ib2/1b).

Weights of the small copper Pehlevi-inscribed coins from Balkh (in %)


50
45
40
35
30
25
20
15
10
5
0

Ohrmazd 1
Peroz 4
Ohrmazd 2
Wahram 1
Wahram 2

1,00

1,20

1,40

1,60

1,80

2,00

2,20

2,40

2,60

There is no indication whatsoever that our Wahram 8 interrupts the


clear sequence Ohrmazd 1 Peroz 4 Ohrmazd 2. Whether our new
governor has to be dated before Wahram 1, between him and Wahram 2, or
after the latter, I cannot answer for the time being. Fig. 2 was part of a hoard
of Kushano-Sasanian copper coins which contained as regards the Balkh
issues 61 specimens of Ohrmazd 1, 15 of Peroz 4, 8 of Ohrmazd 2, 18 of
Wahram 1, and 46 of Wahram 2. The absence of Wahram 4 further advocates
the proposed dating of Wahram 8 before this governor, but the composition
of the hoard does not help us to establish beyond doubt where exactly
to place Wahram 8. Taking into account that so far only two coins have
turned up, Wahram 8s tenure must have been exceedingly short, covering

340

possibly just some weeks, or a few months at maximum. Things apparently


were very similar to the situation of Wahram 7. Whether Wahram 8 died
soon after taking up office, or whether he was removed from office, we
cannot tell, but in this regard i.e. the total absence of historiographical
data he is no special case among the Kushano-Sasanian governors.
The treatment of the crown proves that the terminus post quem for
Wahram 8 is the reign of Narseh, but despite the well-known controversies
in dating the Kushan dynasty as well as the Kushano-Sasanian coin issues,
all authors are in agreement about this already, so for absolute dating, the
new coins provide no really useful new data. They do, however, add to
our understanding of the system of Kushano-Sasanian coinage as a whole,
and at the same time show what interesting und surprising new material
still turns up. Hopefully, this publication will help to bring forward further
examples of this coin type, which then in turn might help address questions
which as of yet cannot be answered with a satisfying degree of probability.

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. 30. . , , . 21.
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. ., 181. . ,
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Boardman J. Symposion Furniture. P. 126. Pl. 11ab.
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, , (Kacharava D., Kvirkvelia G. Recent Archaeological Finds... P 293294. Fig. 48e).
238
Sini T. A Symposion Scene on an Attic Fourth-Century Calyx-krater in
232

406

239.

240 .
,
,
, : ,
,
, - ,
, , .
. ., 241, , ,
. ,

, - ,
,
. ,
- .

6.2. .


( ,
), 242.
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: Dentzer J.-M. Le motif du banquet couch... P. 131. VCa 910.
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239
: Dentzer J.-M. Le motif du banquet couch... P. 575.
R 62. Fig. 318; Miller M.C. Manners Makyth Man... P. 112.
240
Fabricius J. Die hellenistischen Totenmahlreliefs: Grabreprsentation und
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241
.: Boardman J. Persia... P. 187.
242
Ebbinghaus S. Between Greece and Persia... P. 397405; Valeva J. Gold

...

407


243
(244), (245) ( , ,
.246).
,
, ,
. ,
, , ,
. ,
-.
and Silver Vessels... P. 2022; . // . 2009. . 14.
. 45, 48.
243
: Treasures of
Ancient Bactria... P. 37 (ill.), P. 233. 19.
244
Puschi A., Winter F. Silbernes Trinkhorn aus Tarent in Triest // Jahreshefte
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. ... . 3233.
. 12; . . . 5560. . 5051; Pfrommer M. Italien Makedonien Kleinasien... S. 268269. Anm. 164 (c .);
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246
., :
(Drig J. Les trsors dorfvrerie thrace.
P. 18. 13; Melikian-Chirvani A.S. Lemblme de gloire solaire... P. 2526. Fig.
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S. 3536. Abb. 12; Manassero N. Confronting Two Rhytons Settings... P. 124125.
Fig. 14c; Stoyanov T. Sinope... P. 415),
(Melikian-Chirvani A.S. Lemblme de gloire solaire... P. 24, 26. Fig. 3, 56;
Faszination der Antike... 154; Summerer L. Achmenidische Silberfunde...
S. 3334. Abb. 11; Manassero N. Confronting Two Rhytons Settings... P. 123124.
Fig. 14a; 1617; Stoyanov T. Sinope... P. 415).

408


, - , IV . ..247. .
IV . ..248.
,

, ..
, ,

IV . ..249 250.
, 251.
, ,
, .
, . , , .

Berciu D. Das thrako-getische Frstengrab von Agighiol in Rumnien //


BRGK. 1969. Bd 50. S. 236238, 259260. Abb. 11. Taf. 135136; .
... . 3435. . 3; .
. . 5862, 141, 143144. . 5457 ( III .
..); Pfrommer M. Italien Makedonien Kleinasien... S. 270; Luschey H.
Thrakien als Ort... S. 329. B 25; Taf. 60.2; Ewigleben C. An Atelier of Silversmith in Western Thrace: the Jug Cat. 155 from Rogozen and its Connections
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Manassero N. Rhyta... P. 138. 9 ( .); 146147, 163. Tav. XLIII; Valeva J.
Gold and Silver Vessels... P. 2021. Fig. 34.
248
Luschey H. Thrakien als Ort... S. 329. B 25.
249
Ewigleben C. An Atelier of Silversmith... P. 2630.
250
Ebbinghaus S. Between Greece and Persia... P. 403, 406.
251
.. ... . 140; .
... . 36; .
. . 60.
247

...

409


IV III . .., ,
IV , V .
..252. , ,
2005 . 253
2007 . 254,
.
()255
, -;
1879 . .256.
IV .
..257 .
IV . ..258. ,
252
. . . 5562. . 5057; . 7076.
. 6674; . 143144; Pfrommer M. Italien Makedonien Kleinasien...
S. 281; Summerer L. Bemerkungen zum silbernen Kalbskopfrhyton... S. 139;
Manassero N. Rhyta... P. 137148.
253
Tesori della Bulgaria. Dal neolitico al Medioevo. Roma. Palazzo del
Quirinale, 15 febrraio 15 marzo 2006 / Ed. L. Del Buono. Bologna, 2006.
P. 72 ( ); 7475; Manassero N. Rhyta... P. 137. 23; P. 143,
145, 162. Tav. XLII; Valeva J. Gold and Silver Vessels... P. 20, 22; Fig. 3536;
Stoyanov T. Sinope... P. 415416. Fig. 5.
254
. ( ) //
. 2007. . 23. . 47. . 3;
. // .
. III /. ., ., .. , 2008. . 145146.
. 22; .
. , // : . . c. 65- - / . .. , 2008. . 122124.
. 110; . ... . 2061; Stoyanov T. Sinope...
P. 415416 (n. 48).
255
Filow B. Die Grabhgelnekropole... S. 166169. Abb. 182183. Taf. 10;
. ... . 35. . 4;
. . . 6871. . 6670; Gold der Thraker.
Archologische Schtze aus Bulgarien. Mainz, 1979. S. 160. 314; Taf. S. 154;
Pfrommer M. Italien Makedonien Kleinasien... S. 268269; Ancient Gold...
P. 140141. 66; Manassero N. Rhyta... P. 137. 1; P. 162. Tav. XLII; Valeva J.
Gold and Silver Vessels... P. 2021, fig. 31.
256
Filow B. Die Grabhgelnekropole... S. 163171.
257
Ibid. S. 169170. 13; Pfrommer M. Studien zu alexandrinischer und
grossgriechischer Toreutik... S. 178. Anm. 1290; S. 181.
258
Pfrommer M. Studien zu alexandrinischer und grossgriechischer Toreutik...
S. 181. FK 147.

410

, , ,
259, IV . ..260.
IV . .. -261.
, ,
1970 1980- .
(Black Sea Hoard) 262. . . . 420 . ..263. , 900 , 800 ,
(Silberschatz vom Schwarzen Meer)264.
, , , , ..
400 . ..265. ,
: , 266.
, , , 401 .267 395 . ..268.
. ... C. 47; .
. . 146147. . 24; Kitov G., Dimitrov P. A 4th Century B.C. Thracian
Gold Signet-Ring from the Dalakova Tumulus (SE Bulgaria) // Archaeologica
Bulgarica. 2008. Vol. XII. 2. P. 26, 29. Fig. 6.
260
. ... C. 4748. . 5; .
. . 146. . 23; Kitov G., Dimitrov P. A 4th Century B.C.
Thracian Gold Signet-Ring... P. 26, 29. Fig. 5.
261
D.Agre, in: Tesori della Bulgaria... P. 72. .: IV .
.. (Valeva J. Gold and Silver Vessels... P. 22).
262
Kraay C.M., Moorey P.R.S. A Black Sea Hoard of the Late Fifth Century
B.C. // NC. 1981. Vol. 141. P. 119.
263
Ibid. P. 1718.
264
Pfisterer M. Ein Silberschatz vom Schwarzen Meer. Beobachtungen zum
Geldumlauf im Achaimenidenreich. P., 2000 (SI. Cah. 22).
265
Ibid. S. 78; Summerer L. Achmenidische Silberfunde... S. 38; Summerer L. Rec. ad: Pfisterer M. Ein Silberschatz vom Schwarzen Meer... // Jahrbuch
fr Numismatik und Geldgeschichte. 2005/2006. Bd 55/56. S. 272273.
266
Manassero N. Confronting Two Rhytons Settings... P. 123.
267
Pfisterer M. Ein Silberschatz vom Schwarzen Meer... S. 79.
268
Summerer L. Achmenidische Silberfunde... S. 39; Manassero N.
Confronting Two Rhytons Settings... P. 127.
259

...

411

, 269,
, ,
, ,
IV . .. ,
, . 350330 . ..270. ,
IV III . .. , ,

IV . ..

.
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. . (. 12)

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IV . .. , ,
.
,
, , ,
330- . ..271. . .,
., , III .
..272. , 269
. . . 7688. . 7577, 7986;
Ancient Gold... P. 146147. 7375; Die Thraker... S. 227. 233df;
Lor des Thraces... 6769; Die alten Zivilisationen Bulgariens... S. 202, 204.
137ce.
270
Hoffmann H. Tarentine Rhyta. Mainz, 1966. P. 1819, 106.
271
.. ... . 154.
272
Haatrian ., Markarian A.Z. I rhyta di Erebuni... P. 20; Stronach D.
A Pipes Player... P. 270.

412

(. 3),
.
V/IV IV .
..
IV . ..
, . 330 . ..
, ,
273. ,
, .

1. .

. . ,
, . (. 23; 7).
.
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(. 5.12; 6.1).
. .

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, , .
, . , ,
. . 356, . 55.

273

...

413

(. 3.1; 5.13; 7.1).


- (. 5.4; 7.1).
.
; (. 5.13; 6.2).
. (. 6.12, 4).
, ; , (. 5.12).
(. 6.1, 4). ,
, , . , (. 4.1; 6.1, 3).
: ; ;
; ; .
. 21,2 . . 19 . : 12, 6
10,8 . : : 10,15 5,62 . .
0,30,4 . : . 11,44 ; . 5,35 ;
. 11,5 . : 0,96 1,02 .
; , , , , .
821,5 ( 1,6 ). 900.
, , . 19.
: .. ... . 143.
2. . 148149. . 5; .. ... . 4344. . 58; .. .
. 80 (.); .., .., .. .
. . . ., 1979. . 146. . 124; Calmeyer P. Zur Genese altiranischer
Motive... S. 130. Abb. 4 (); Tesori dEurasia... P. 58. 68; .. ... . 53. . IX.2; Armnie...
P. 197. 181. Ill. P. 176; Melikian-Chirvani A.S. The Iranian Wine Horn
from Pre-Achaemenid Antiquity to the Safavid Age // BAI. 1996. Vol. 10.
P. 97. Fig. 2; ... . 7475. 19;
Haatrian ., Markarian A.Z. I rhyta di Erebuni... P. 12. Fig. 4; P. 15;
.., . ... . 190.
. CII; Manassero N. Rhyta... P. 57. 43. P. 65, 87. Pl. XVII; Francfort H.-P., Lepetz S. Les chevaux de Berel... P. 81. Fig. 23 ( ); 82; Stronach D. A Pipes Player... P. 252. Fig. 1; P. 256258.
. 1.2; 27.

414

2. .
: ,


. .

(. 8).
(. 811; 20). (. 17.2).
. ,
.
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, (?) (. 9; 10.4; 12.23; 19).

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415

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10.3; 13.1.3). .

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13.13).
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13.12).

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(. 8; 9; 10,2.4; 18).
V- -

416

. , ,
(. 10.3; 14). , , , (?) .
,
. . . (. 89; 10.12; 13.4; 14.1).
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417

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.

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. . .

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(. 15.2.3). , .
.

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: : , (?), . ,
; , .
. 33, 2 . . 28 . . .
35,5 . . 20,3 . .
4,91 , 4,67 . : . . 10,35 ; . 4,93 ;
. 18,9 . : 16,3 12,5 . . 0,15 . : . 0,49 ; . 0,45 0,48 .
; , , , , .
1279 ( 1,8 ). 900.
, , . 20.
: .. ... . 143.
1. . 145148. . 14; .. -

418

... . 4243. . 5657; .. . . 72, 78 (.); .., .., .. ... . 145; Harmatta J. Royal Power and Immortality... P. 305306;
Cremer M. Zwei neue graeco-persische Stelen. S. 8788. Abb. 1; Calmeyer P.
Zur Genese altiranischer Motive... S. 129130. Abb. 4 (); von
Graeve V. Eine Miszelle zur griechischen Malerei. S. 142143. Abb. 13;
Tesori dEurasia... P. 58. 67; .. ... . 5253. . IX.1; Armnie... P. 197200. 182; Nieswandt H.-H. Zum sog. Pegasos-Rhyton aus Kurgan 4 von Aul Uljap //
Boreas. 1997. Bd 20. S. 139, 143. Taf. 30.1; Pfrommer M. Chronologie und
Komposition... S. 45. Anm. 315; S. 52. Abb. 6; Ebbinghaus S. Between
Greece and Persia... P. 411412; ...
. 7677. 20; .., ..
... . 114122; Haatrian ., Markarian A.Z. I rhyta di Erebuni...
P. 914. Fig. 12; .., . ... C. 190. . CI; : . , . ., 2008. . 129.
83; Sideris A. Achaemenid Toreutics in the Greek Periphery // Ancient
Greece and Ancient Iran, 2008. P. 344. Fig. 8; Manassero N. Rhyta...
P. 59. 65; P. 68, 91. Pl. XXI; Manassero N. La Purezza nella Libagione....
P. 248; Francfort H.-P., Lepetz S. Les chevaux de Berel... P. 81. Fig. 23
(); P. 82; Stronach D. A Pipes Player... P. 258264. Fig. 58.
. 1.1; 820.
3. .
,
(. 1.4; 2425). ,

(. 27.3).
,
.
, .
. . (. 24; 26.2; 27.1).
,
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...

419

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33.6). .
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420

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452,1 ( 460 ). 900.
, , . 21.
: .. ... . 143.
3; . 149152. . 69; .
... . 36. . 6; ..
... . 44. . 59; . .
. 57. . 53; 60; Pfrommer M. Italien Makedonien Kleinasien...

422

S. 270271. Abb. 3435; S. 274; 279; Tesori dEurasia... P. 59. 69; .. ... . 5456. . IXA ();
Goldman B. Womens Robes... P. 96. Fig. 34; P. 98 (
,
!); Armnie... P. 176 (.); 197. 181; Ebbinghaus S. Between Greece and Persia... P. 398, 401; Boardman J. Persia...
P. 187. Fig. 5.68.ad; ... . 7879.
21; Haatrian ., Markarian A.Z. I rhyta di Erebuni... P. 1620 Abb. 7;
Summerer L. Bemerkungen zum silbernen Kalbskopfrhyton... S. 136143.
Taf. 1.2; 2.2; Manassero N. Rhyta... P. 138. 8; P. 163. Tav. XLIII; Miller M.C. Manners Makyth Man... P. 107109. Fig. 9; Stronach D. A Pipes
Player... P. 263. Fig. 9; P. 264269. Fig. 1013, 15.
. 1; 2433.
4. .

. (. 21; . ; 22.1),
(. 23.1.3).

. , . ,
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, , 16-
274 ,
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. 18 . . . 11,95 12,95 . . : 7,50 7,68. : 9,79 10,48 . .
0,180,22 . : . 6,36 6,51 ; -
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; , , , .
.: ... , - ( ..
... . 143).
274

...

423

544 ( 650 ). 900.


, , . 22.
: .. ... .
143. 4; . 151, 153. . 10; Tesori dEurasia... P. 59. 70; . ... . 78. . 5.1; ... . 41. 22; Haatrian ., Markarian A.Z. I rhyta
di Erebuni... P. 1516. Fig. 5; .., .
... . 191. . CIV.
. 1.4; 2123.
SUMMARY
The Hoard of the Silver Rhyta of Achaemenid Circle from Erebuni
by M.Yu.Treister
(Bonn, Germany)
The paper is devoted to the Treasure, found in 1968. The hoard in
a big jug, consisting of three silver rhyta, a silver goblet and the fifth,
now missing object, was found during the construction works at the
foothill of the Erebuni citadel. The silver vessels were preserved in a jug
in a flattened condition. Every piece of the Treasure is discussed in detail.
The descriptions of the vessels are given in a catalogue section.
The vessels from the Erebuni Treasure are represented by the items,
which were probably manufactured in various time and different workshops,
which nevertheless may be localized with more or less degree of certainty
in the territory of Anatolia. Our analysis testifies that there are no grounds
for the narrow dating of the vessels.
The rhyta with the horse protome and the unique piece with a rider and
horse protome (cat. 12) belong to a rather wide time span from the second
half of the Vth to the middle (third quarter) of the IVth century B.C. The
parallels to the goblet with a hole in the bottom (cat. 4) are dating from the
late Vth / early IVth to the first half of the IVth century B.C. and probably
testify that the goblet from Erebuni Treasure also belongs to this period.
A partly gilt rhyton in the form of a head of a young calf is decorated with
a frieze on the neck, representing four figures, executed in relief (cat. 3).
The combination of the elements of the composition, typical for the scenes
of symposion with the citations from the Greek art with the elements and
gestures adopted from the works of the Greco-Persian style, allows to
suggest its manufacture in one of the peripheral workshops of Asia Minor,
in the contact zone of Greek and Achaemenid civilizations. The dating
of the complexes with the finds of silver rhyta of the type discussed in
frames of the late Vth/early IVth to the middle of the IVth century B.C.

424

and the iconographic parallels to the images of the frieze of the Erebuni
rhyton allow to date it not later than the middle or the third quarter of the
IVth century B.C.
Already B.N.Aralekyan, the first publisher of the Erebuni Treasure,
suggested, that it could have been hidden either as a result of a thread of an
enemys raid, or at the time of the fall of the Achaemenid supremacy over
Armenia in the late 330s B.C., whereas the second option was considered
more plausible to him. Z.Khachatrian and .Markarian followed by
D.Stronach put forward the idea that the Treasure was hidden not earlier
than in the beginning of the IIIrd century B.C. However, the latter dating of
the complex is based solely on the chronological position of the rhyton in
the form of a head of a young calf (cat. 3), which had not been grounded by
the scholars. The results of our analysis do not contradict to the suggestion
of the possible hiding of the Treasure in ca. 330 B.C., thus, it is most
probably more or less simultaneous to the hoard from Pasargadae, which
was also hidden in a clay vessel and most probably, as the latter, marks the
fall of the Achaemenid Empire.

..


:
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)
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VII . .. (
2) , ( )
V . .. VIIVI .
.. .. , , , ,
. , V . .., .., .
, , ..,
1
11-01-00532
(VIIVI . ..). .
2
.. //
. ., 1980 ( . 51).
. 7178.

426

. , ,
. .. 17 ,
11 , 5 , 1 ,
1 3.

, ..,
, - .
(Alces alces) Alces
Alcinae (Cervidae) (. 1.).
, , , , ,
, , -
(), 40 , ( ),
, , , ;
, .. ,
, 4. , , 5,
6.
.. :
// . ., 2006 (. 7).
. 155156.
4
. . 6. ., 1971. . 473, 476.
5
.: ..
//
: . . . ., 2011. . 34.
6
..
( .. // .
1965. 1. . 89; . .
, 1968. . 18. . 1) .. ( ..
- //
. ., 1971 (. 177). . 4, 713)

,
3

427

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SUMMARY
Representations of the Elk in the East European Scythian Animal Style
(Classification, Typology, Chronology)
by A.R. Kantorovich
(Moscow)
The article is devoted to the systematization of the representations of
the elk, which are popular in the art of the Scythian Animal Style of the
Eastern Europe. The systematization was made on the general principles
of the classification of the pieces of the Scythian Animal Style, grounded
by the author and earlier applied to the analysis of some other examples of
the Scythian zoomorphic art. In course of the present investigation there
have been revealed 17 types of the representation of the elk (the wholefigure and the reduced ones), to which belong 88 original representations
(copies are not taken into consideration), dated in VIIth beginning of
the IIIrd cent. B.C. Here belong 6 types of the whole-figure representations
of the elk (19 original representations, i.e. a little more than 21%), and
11 types of the representations of a separate head of the elk (69 original
representations, i.e. a little less than 79%).
On the basis of the independent chronoindicators and iconographic
dynamics the author has elaborated chronology of each type. The analysis
of generals chronology of the types has shown, that the artists-bearers of

482

the Scythian Animal style turned to the image of elk from the VIIth cent.
B.C. until the end of the IIIrd cent. B.C.: the peak of popularity of this image
falls on the period of the Vth first half of the IVth cent. B.C. The majority
of the representations and types belong to this time.
The beginning of the realization of this theme is connected here with
famous Zhabotinsky representations, while the initial sources of the birth
of the image of the elk in the Animal Style of the Eastern Europe of the
Archaic period remain unclear. It is possible that the specific iconography
of the Scythian elk has been directly influenced by the natural prototypes and was born during the formation of the animal style itself with
simultaneous influence of the iconography of a deer, close in landscape
relation and biologically, which was given sometimes a droopy elk-like
muzzle. The iconography of a deer in its turn was born in the Animal Style
of the Eastern Europe under the influence of doubtless impulses from the
Eastern zones of the Scythian Siberian world and with participation of the
art of the Near East.
The whole-figure representation of the elk in bounded in general by
the Scythian Archaic period, i.e. VIIVI cent. B.C., while the motives
of the separate head of the elk was practically unknown then and in most
cases is connected with the Scythian Classics period, i.e. with VIV cent.
B.C. The representations of the elk have been most often applied to the
decoration of the bronze belt bridle belongings of a badge, much more
seldom the arms, in unique cases the elements of a costume. The
classification and typology made let us point out the general directions of
the development of the iconography of the elk in the Scythian Animal Style
of the Eastern Europe, as well as the cross-points of the connection with the
other zoomorphic themes.

.., ..

(
19802003 .)

1980 . -

( ).

. . . ... .. ..,
.., ... 1989 . .,

(IsMEO).
2003 .,

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20
21
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1
1


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23

24

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488

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Francfort H.-P. Fouilles dAi-Khanoum. III. Le sanctuaire du temple
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.., ...

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Cumont F. Les fouilles de Sliheh sur lEuphrate // Syria. 1923. 4. 1.
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78
79

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Tanabe K. Earliest Aspect of Kanishka Is Religious Ideology. A Numismatic Approach // In the Land of the Gryphons. Papers on Central Asian
Archaeology in Antiquity / Ed. A.Invernizzi. Firenze, 1995 (Monographie di
Mesopotamia. 5). P. 203215.

528

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:
7794 7794 . .., .., ..,
.., , .. . 1980 .
10007 .., ..
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14678 ..
1985 . 14679 .
14047 ., .., .., ..
( ,
) 1988 .
22877 ., .., .. - 1997 .
22878 ., .., .. - 1998 .
SUMMARY
The Terracotta Plastic Art of Margiana
(after the Materials of the Central Asian
Archaeological Expedition, 19802003)
by N.D.Dvurechenskaya, S.V.Novikov
(Moscow)
The article presents the publication of the entire corpus of the
anthropomorphic figurines, found by the Central Asian Archaeological
Expedition in ancient Margiana during the excavations in the last 20 years.
Sixty one pieces from eight monuments in the Murghab delta illustrate
culture and religious beliefs of the local population of the Parthian and
Early Sassanian periods (IIV cent. A.D.).

530

New method of the complex study of the terracotta plastic art without
priority of the arts methods is used in the study of the material. The
application of the earlier elaborated typology of the anthropomorphic
figurines of Bactria, Margiana and Soghd revealed several archaeological
types: I, V, VIII, XXI. Consideration of the figurines within the
archaeological context let us considerably change the views on the dating
and genesis of the most principle types of the figurines. In the frames of
the most numerous and widespread type in Margiana (type VIII) the
figurines with the mirror the evolution of the image has been traced
back, three variations with precisions in the dating for each have been
marked out. The detailed analysis of the iconography allowed to limit the
frames of the possible interpretations and to disprove the conception of the
Margiana goddess and her images.

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1926 .

. , , ,
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VIII . ..1. ,
2 3, , ,
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1
.. ( ). ., 1998. . 14, 21.
2
Litvinsky B., Zeimal T. The Buddhist Monastery of Ajina Tepa, Tajikistan.
History and Art of Buddhism in Central Asia. Rome, 2004.
3
. //
. 1990. .17. . 1219.
4
.. (IX .). ., 2002.
. 6572; Pidaev Sh.,Kato K. The Excavation on the North and West (Central)
Hill of Kara-Tepa (19982007) //
, , 1216 2008. , 2010. . 135163 ( . .).

.., ., ... ...

575


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- . ., 1969. . 159160. . 3839; . - 19701971 . // -
. ., ., 1972. . 67100. . 21.-. . 74; ..,
.. , // . ., 1996. . 46. . 8; .. - (19851989) // -
. ., 1996. . 144145. .61; ..
. . 110114.
5

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8
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. , 1990. . 21.
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. 331332. . 98.
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92.

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II III . .. 14,30 14,67 .
, . , ,
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3.
, .. . . 111.
., .
// 2000 .
, 2001. . 116118.
13
(Pidaev Sh,, Annaev T., Fussman G. Monuments bouddhiques de Termez.
Catalogue des inscriptions sur poteries. I. 2. Planches, index et concordance,
resums. P., 2011. Pl. 18).
11

12

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579

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. 116118.
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. (. 3).
, .

AB
, 16.
3. , (15 9,3 5,5 ) (. 4)17. , , , ,
, .
18.
,
(.: .. - // . - . ., 1982.
. 244266; Nehru L. Origin of the Gandharan Style. A Study of Contributory
Influences. Delhi, 1989. P. 2937; Stavisky B. Bactria and Gandhara: The Old
Problem Reconsidered in the Light of Archaeological Data from Old Termez //
Gandhara Art in Context East-West Exchanged at the Crossroads of Asia. New
Delhi, 1997. P. 2953; Huntigton S. The Art of Ancient India: Buddhist, Hindu,
Jain. Boston; London; N.Y., 2006. . 110; Mkrtychev T. Buddhistische Kunst in
Bactrien // Alexander der Grosse und die ffnung der Welt. Mannheim, 2009.
S. 210223.
17
Kato K., Pidaev Sh. New Finds of Uzbek Archaeology. Osaka, 2002. Fig. 6.
18
Magische Gotterwelten. Werke aus dem Museum fr Indische Kunst.
B. S. 3233. 48; Zwalf W. A Catalogue of the Gandhara Sculptures of the
British Museum. Vol. II. L., 1996. Fig. 141.
16

.., ., ... ...

581

4. , (12 14,5 ). , . .
(. 5).
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7.
(6,4 6,3 2,3 ) (. 8). ,
22.

23. ,
.
.
,
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, .
Zwalf W. A Catalogue of the Gandhara Sculptures... 1996. Fig. 145146,
148, 150; Magische Gotterwelten. S. 29. 39.
20
Zwalf W. A Catalogue of the Gandhara Sculptures... Fig. 152153.
21
Ibid. Fig. 166.
22
Ibid. Fig. 156.
23
Ibid. Fig. 139, 233; Tissot F. The Art of Gandhara. P., 1986. Fig. 287.
19

582

. 2. . , , . 10 6,5 5

8. . , ,
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25,
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9. (11 8 4 ).
(?)
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(.10). ,
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.. ... C. 111.
Bussagli M. Lart del Gandhara. Torino, 1984. P. 141147.

.., ., ... ...

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10. , (10 7 ).
.
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Zwalf W. A Catalogue of the Gandhara Sculptures... Fig. 134.

584

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27

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Zwalf W. A Catalogue of the Gandhara Sculptures... Fig. 244.

28

588

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25. 29
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// - . ., 1996.
C. 331332. . 98.
30
Tissot F. The Art of Gandhara. Fig.34.

590

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30. , (10 5,1 ).
, . (. 31).
, , 32.

.
31. , (21 10 18 ).
; . . : ,
Kato K., Pidaev Sh. New Finds of Uzbek Archaeology. Fig. 19.
Azarpay G. A Jataka Tale on a Sasanian Silver Plate // BAI. 2001. 9.
Fig. 1314, 1920; . ., .. // .
2008. . 36. . 91101.
31

32

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. 331332. . 98.

598

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, (
, ), 37. : (vedika),
(karandaka), (kumbha),
(harmika), (yasti),
(chatra)38.

,
39.
.. ... . 111112.
Taddei M. Arte narrativa tra India e mondo ellenistico // On Gandhara.
Collected Articles / Ed. G.Verardi, A.Filigenzi. Vol. II. Napoli, 2003 (Collectanea.
3). . 376.
38
Roth G. Symbolism of the Buddhist Stupa // International Encyclopaedia of
Buddhism. Vol. 18. New Delhi, 1987. . 184
39
Behrendt K. The Art of Gandhara. N.Y., 2007. . 33. Fig. 14.
36

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III . ..43.
SUMMARY
The Stone Sculpture Decor at Karatepa (Excavations of 19982000)
by Sh.R.Pidaev (Tashkent, Uzbekistan), K.Kato (Tokyo, Japan),
T.K.Mkrtychev (Moscow)

. 34. . , , . 16 11 6

. 35. . , , . 16 11 6

The article presents a collection of the fragments of the stone dcor


from the excavations of the monumental monastery on the Northern
summit of Karatepa (the Old Termez site, Southern Uzbekistan) in 1998
2000. The analysis of the iconography of these fragments revealed several
groups, in which one may distinguish the fragments to be associated with
the narrative compositions (at least, to five ones, such as Dream of Maya,
Birth of Siddhartha, First Ablution etc.), and with the plot reliefs with
the images of Vajrapi, donators etc. All the fragments in question come
from the layer of the second stage of the existence of the monumental stpa
AB and are dated at 2nd cent. A.D. Their analysis showed that the stone
dcor could be used for the decoration of the niche on the Western butt
of the monumental stpa AB. Also the fragments of the decoration of the
votive stone stpas (chatra, etc.) are fixed in the collection.
These materials testify to the existence of the tradition of the narrative
reliefs in the decoration of the Buddhist monuments of Northern Bactria in
the Kushaa time, which was earlier doubted due to the lack of relevant data.
Moreover, stratigraphy and the circumstances of the find of the collection
of fragments prove the supposition of the disappearance of the stone dcor
from the design of the Buddhist monuments of Northern Bactria from the
second half of the 3rd cent. A.D.

.. ... . 117.

43

.A.


- 1

(293303 . ..),

- I (223/4
241 . ..) (. 12)2. , .
,
, (korymbos) , .
, .
,
, I - 3. , 4.
1
, .
2
Herrmann G. Naqsh-i Rustam 5 and 8, Sasanian Reliefs Attributed to
Hormuzd II and Narseh. B., 1977 (Iranische Denkmler. 8). P. 911. Fig. 2.
Pl. 814a; Vanden Berghe L. Reliefs rupestres de lIran ancient. Brussels, 1984.
75. ., 289 . .. (Weber U. Zu
den Feldbildnissen des Knigs Narseh // Sources for the History of Sasanian and
Post-Sasanian Iran / Ed. R.Gyselen. Bures-sur-Yvette, 2010 (Res Orientalis. 19).
P. 305321). . : Weber U., Wiesehfer J.
Knig Narsehs Herrschaftsverstndnis // Commutatio et Contentio. Studies in the
Late Roman, Sasanian, and Early Islamic Near East In Memory of Zeev Rubin /
Ed. H.Brm, J.Wiesehfer. Dsseldorf, 2010. P. 89133; Weber U. Narseh, Knig
der Knige von rn und Anrn // IA. 2012. 47. P. 153302.
3
Vanden Berghe L. Reliefs rupestres de lIran ancient. 52.
4
, -, .

.A.. ? ...

615

, , , .
, , ,
. .
:
, ?
(. . Anhd) arduu sra anhit,
, , 5. ,
, . ,
.
6.
II (404
359 . ..)7. , ,
. ,
, - ,
II : , , , , , (Clem. Al. Protr. V. 65. 3).
, :
8.
Boyce M. A History of Zoroastrianism. Vol. 1: The Early Period. Leiden,
1975. P. 71.
.., , , /
(Skjrv P.O. Ahura Mazd and rmaiti, Heaven and Earth, in the Old Avesta //
JAOS. 2002. 122/2. P. 400), ., , ,
, , (Kellens J. Le problme
avec Anhit // Orientalia Suecana. 20022003. 5152. P. 321323).
6
Kellens J. Le problme avec Anhit. P. 319.
7
2Ha, 2Sa, 2Sd (Lecoq P. Les inscriptions de la Perse achmnide. P.,
1997. P. 269275).
8
, , ,

.
5

616

.A.. ? ...

617

. 1. . -

, 9.
-
. ,
, 10.
, ,
, 11,
. .: Henkelman W.F.M. The Other Gods
who are: Studies in Elamite-Iranian Acculturation Based on the Persepolis
Fortification Texts. Leiden, 2008.
10
. : Lerner J.A. An Achaemenid Cylinder Seal of a Woman
Enthroned // The World of Achaemenid Persia. History, Art and Society in Iran
and in Ancient Near East / Ed. J.Curtis, J.Simpson. L., 2010. P. 153,
.
11

(Dalton O.M. The Treasure of the Oxus. L., 1964. 38, 103104);
, 1993 . , (Grenet F. Cosa sappiamo dei pellegrinaggi nel mondo iraniano preislamico? // La bisaccia del pellegrino: fra evocazione e memoria / Ed. A.Balbeo, S.Piano. Torino,
2010. Pl. 8); (Callieri P. Seals and Sealings
from the North-West of the Indian Subcontinent and Afghanistan (4th Century B.C.
11th Century A.D.): Local, Indian, Sasanian, Graeco-Persian, Sogdian, Roman.
9

. 2. . - . (Herrmann G. Naqsh-i Rustam 5 and 8. Fig. 2)

-
. , .
, - , . ,
,
Naples, 2010. 4.13); ( ..
//
. 2009. 67. . 37).

618

,
(. 3)12. ,
, , ,
13.
, ,
,
(. 4)14. , , ,
,

IXVIII . ..15.
. , , ,
16. ,
17.
, , . Lerner J.A. An Achaemenid Cylinder Seal... . 159.
Ibid. ., , : Brosius M. The Royal Audience Scene
Reconsidered // The World of Achaemenid Persia. History, Art and Society in Iran
and in Ancient Near East / Ed. J.Curtis, J.Simpson L., 2010. P. 143148,
.
14
Boardman J. Greek Gems and Finger Rings. L., 1970. 878; Idem. Persia
and the West. An Archaeological Investigation of the Genesis of Achaemenian Art.
L., 2000. . 165. Fig. 5.19.
15

(Ornan T. Itar as Depicted on Finds from Israel // Studies in the
Archaeology of the Iron Age in Israel and Jordan / Ed. A.Mazar. Sheffield, 2001.
Fig. 9.14) (Ibid. Fig. 9.16).
16
, ., : Compareti M.
The Eight Pointed Rosette: A Possible Important Emblem in Sasanian Heraldry //
Parthica. 2007. 9. P. 209210; Grenet F. Iranian Gods in Hindu Garb. The
Zoroastrian Pantheon of the Bactrians and Sogdians, Second Eighth Centuries // BAI. 2006 [2010]. 20. P. 87. Fig. 1.
17
, .: Panaino A. The Mesopotamian Heritage of Achaemenian
Kingship // The Heirs of Assyria. Proceedings of the Opening Symposium of
the Assyrian and Babylonian Intellectual Heritage Project. Held in Tvrminne,
Finland, October 811, 1998 / Ed. S.Aro, R.M.Whiting. Helsinki, 2000 (Helsinki:
The Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project 2000). P. 3738.
12
13

.A.. ? ...

619

. 3.
(Moorey P.R.S. Aspects of Worship and Ritual on Achaemenid
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Archologie.B., 1979 (AMI. Ergnzungsband 6). Pl. 1. Fig. 5)

,
18.

519. ,
18
,
,
.
, , , (ata.
kaoda) . 5. 128 (Panaino A. The Mesopotamian Heritage of
Achaemenian Kingship. P. 38 (n. 16)).
(lvarez-Mon J. The Arjn Tomb. At the Crossroads of the Elamite and
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19
, . .
: [Avesta] was not considered a source of narrative traditions or imagery. Its
practical use in many areas of Sasanian culture, such as politics, propaganda, and
belles lettres, would have been rather limited. The best way of seeing these texts is
to see them as a collection of ritual texts in the heads of priests (De Jong A. The
Culture of Writing and the Use of the Avesta in Sasanian Iran // Zarathushtra entre
lInde et lIran: tudes indo-iraniennes et indo-europennes offertes Jean Kellens
loccasion de son 65e anniversaire / Ed. .Pirart, X.Tremblay. Wiesbaden, 2009.
P. 38). The idea that the Avesta would be in any sense comparable to the Bible in

620

. 4. (Moorey P.R.S. Aspects of Worship and Ritual...


Pl. 1, Fig. 4)

, ,

20. , , , 21. ,
Hellenistic Judaism or in Christianity, that is, a source of inspiration and stories
for everyone to exploit, as a sacred book, is surely misleading (Ibid. P. 90).
20
(NA. XII. 23) ,
. , -,
, (Boyce M., Grenet F.
A History of Zoroastrianism. Vol 3: Zoroastrianism under Macedonian and Roman
Rule. Leiden, 1991. P. 4748; De Jong A. Traditions of the Magi: Zoroastrianism
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Nanaja eine ikonographische Studie zur Darstellung einer altorientalischen
Gttin in hellenistisch-parthischer Zeit // Zeitschrift fr Assyriologie. 2003. 93/2.
S. 231272; Ghose M. Nana: The Original Goddess on the Lion // JIAAA.
2006. 1. P. 97113.
21
,
. , ,
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, , , , 22. ,
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23. , ,
24.
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25
. , ,
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22
, .: Reding-Hourcade
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de lAnatolie ancienne: Mlanges en lhonneur du professeur Paul Naster / Ed.
R.Donceel, R.Lebrun. Louvain, 1983. P. 199209; Boyce M., Grenet F. A History
of Zoroastrianism. Vol. 3... P. 211235.
23
Ingholt H., Seyrig H., Caquot A. Receuil des tessres de Palmyre. P., 1955.
166167; Kaizer T. The Religious Life of Palmyra, Stuttgart, 2002. P. 159.
24
Agatangeos. XXXVIII. 786 ( .: Agathangelos. History of the
Armenians / Ed. and tr. by R.W.Thomson. Albany, 1976); Movss Xorenaci.
II. 12; II. 49 ( .: Moses Khorenatsi. History of the Armenians / Ed. and tr.
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25
. : Kellens J. Le problme avec Anhit. P. 318.
26
: Gignoux Ph., Gyselen R. Bulles et sceaux sassanides de
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Gnoli G. A Sasanian Iconography of the Dn // Bulletin of the Asia
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28
Brunner C.J. Sasanian Seals in the Moore Collection. Motive and Meaning
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. ,
D.G.Shepherd: Shepherd D.G. The Iconography of Anahita. Pt. 1 // Berytus. 1980.
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30
: .., .. .
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(.: ..
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Marshak B.I. Zoroastrian Art in Iran... P. 142.
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Duchesne-Guillemin J. Art and Religion under the Sasanians // Memorial Jean
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.A.. ? ...

623

34. ,
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I (272/3 . ..) (. 5)39.
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Harper P.O. Sources of Certain Female Representations in Sasanian Art //
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.., .. . 22.
36
: Gignoux Ph., Gyselen R. Bulles et sceaux sassanides... KP 20g.
37
.., .. . C. 8990.
38
Azarpay G. A Jataka Tale on a Sasanian Silver Plate // BAI. 1995. 9.
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, , ,
.
39
Gbl R. Sasanian Numismatics. Braunschweig, 1971. Tab. II.2; Gyselen R.
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40
Gbl R. Sasanian Numismatics. Tab. II.1; Gyselen R. Romans and
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41
. ,
, , ,
,
: Gyselen R. Romans and Sasanians in the Third Century... P. 78.

624

. 5. I ( .)

.A.. ? ...

625

. 6. II ( .)

, , , . , ,
42. I , , , ,
.
, , II (276293 . ..) (. 6)43.

I, , .
, II - (. 7; . )44 ,

(. 8)45.

.,
46.
. , , .
II, , ,
.
.. 47,
, , II.
,

. 5.30.127.
.: Gyselen R. Les Wahramides (273293 A.D.): quelques aspects de leur
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44
Fukai S., Horiuchi K. Taq-i Bustan. Vol. II. Tokyo, 1972. Pl. IIIXXXIII;
Vanden Berghe L. Reliefs rupestres de lIran ancient. . 81.

45
Vanden Berghe L. La dcouverte dne sculpture rupestre a Drbgird // IA.
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46
Shahbazi A.S. Studies in Sasanian Prosopography // AMI. 1983. 16.
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47
.. . M., 1969. C. 107, 177.

42
43

626

- , ,
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, , -, , 48. ,
,
: 49. , ,
..
,
, , , ,
, 50.
, , , , ( , ), .
51, (. 9; .
)52, .
, (153191 . . .)
, (. 10)53. .
(113127 . ..) ,
(. 11; . )54. , .: Weber U. Wahrm II., Knig der Knige von rn und Anrn // IA.
2009. 44. P. 583584.
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Curtis V.S. Royal and Religious Symbols on Early Sasanian Coins //
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Santoro A. Hands in Sleeves. A Note on Iranian-Central Asiatic Costume in
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, , () . 1 ( .: .. . (
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53
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Soudavar A. Looking through The Two Eyes of the World: A Reassessment
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627

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55
Santoro A. Hands in Sleeves. P. 292294.
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, .
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628

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, ,
, 57.
.58. , ,
, ,
, ,

I.
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., ,
, xarnah, 60. (
, .) : 1)
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2) ; 3)
, .
. ,
. , , I - 61.
- .
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,
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Ghirshman R. Iran. Parthians and Sassanians. L., 1962. Fig. 294.b.
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629

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BritishMuseum)

.
, , , , , , , , . ,
, ,
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, ,
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63

630

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,
64.
, , .
. .
, -
, ,
, .
I II,
II - .
?
, I,
- . , , 65, , ,
,
- .
, ,
(anhd bng) 66. , ,
, .
. ,
,
, ,
67. 64
. , I.
, ,
.
65
-, ,
, (Bosworth C.E. The
History of al-abar. Vol. 5. The Sasanids, the Byzantines, the Lakhmids, and
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Paikuli 9. 19 ( .: Humbach H., Skjrv P.O. The Sasanian Inscription
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Agathangeos. XLIII. 68 ( .: Agathangelos. History of the Arme-

.A.. ? ...

631

, , , ,
, , 68. ,

,
- .
,
- . - I, II
( III . ..) I ( IV . ..)
(. 1214; . ). ,
, , , 69.
, ,
, , , . , anhd bng,
, , ,
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,
.
I II , . I
. ,
( I), , (
nians...).
68
.: Agathangelos. History of the Armenians... . 440.
69
I (Cribb J. Numismatic Evidence for KushanoSasanian Chronology // SI. 1990. 19. P. 151195. . 5)
nhyt ZY MROTA (anhd bng), .
I (Cribb J. Numismatic Evidence... 16)
,
, , , : [n]()[y]t ZY
[M](RWTA). II (?) (Cribb J. Numismatic
Evidence... 17) , , ,
I.

632

II)70.
, ,
- , III . . .
Nhtk, -71.
, , 72,
.

II (. 15)73. , ,
I. ..,
, ,
74.
,
VI . .. , ,
, ,
.
. ,
- -
(.: Cribb J. Numismatic Evidence... Grenet F., Lee J.,
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71
.. // - II.
IVII . .. ., 2004. C. 191.
72
Lurje P.B. Personal Names in Sogdian Texts. Wien, 2011. 9495.
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Belenitskii A.M., Marshak B.I. The Paintings of Sogdiana // Sogdian
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Angeles; L., 1981. Fig. 34; ..
(VVIII .). ., 2009. . 72. . 112.
74
.. VVIII . //
. ., 1999. . 183. . (Grenet F. Crise et sortie de crise en Bactriane-Sogdiane aux Ive
Ve sicles: de lhritage antique ladoption de modles sassanides // La Persia
e lAsia Centrale da Alessandro al X secolo. Rome, 1996. P. 388). ., ,
.,
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.A.. ? ...

633

. 13. (?) . II (?). (Schindel N. Ardashir II Kushanshah and Huvishka the Kushan:
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2009. 198. . 1214)

,
.
, ,
.
, , , , ,
. , , ,
. , I
. II - II, ( ) .

634

SUMMARY
A Goddess or a Queen? On the Interpretation of the Female Figure
on the Relief of Narseh at Naq-e Rostam
by M.Shenkar
(Jerusalem, Israel)
The article offers a reassessment of the identity of the female figure
found on the relief of the Sasanian king Narseh at Naq-e Rostam. Based
on iconographic analysis of the relief and discussion of the arguments put
forward by A.Sh.Shahbazi and U.Weber, it is concluded that the figure is
not a queen but rather a goddess. She is most probably to be identified with
the goddess Anhit, to whom Narseh was perhaps personally devoted.
This discussion is followed by a critical examination of the pictorial
representations of Anhit in the pre-Islamic Iranian world. It is emphasized
that Anhit was a western Iranian goddess whose worship was probably
imported to Bactria after this part of the eastern Iranian world came under
the rule of the Sasanian kings.

..

Profani procul ite,


hic amoris locus sacer est (.)
(, ,
).

1837 . IIIIV . -

, (?) (. .1). , ,
, ,
, , 1.
, .

, .
,
. (. 1; .
). , ,
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,
.
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, (. 2; . ). .. , .
, 1906. . 75118; . . ., 2009.
1

636

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637

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2
.., .. // . ., 2009. . 7796.
3
.. // i . , 2010. . 109112.

4
. . III. 74 / . .
.. // - / . ... . 7. ., 1963.

638

.. 5.
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1969 ., 6,
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-, . , , . (XIV . ..)
. ,
.
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IV . ..7.
5
Durando F. Greece. Splendours of an Ancient Civilization. L., 2005. Cat. 44,
116117, 189; . , 2009. . 5253; ..
. ; ., 2009.
6
. . 57, 58.
7
. . . XXXIV, 51; XXXV, 153 / .
., . . ... . 1994.

...

639

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(VII. 10), , ,
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8

. . ., 2008. . 229.

640

(IV. 45). ,
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,
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... ., 2006.
10
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., 1963. . 92.
9

...

641

, , .
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5604 .
, .
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. , 12.
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. , XVI .
, . ,
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. : . ., 1981. . 77.
12
. . . 1 2. ., 1974. . 1. . 321.
11

642

.
.
.. ,
, .
,
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, .
, . ,
,

.
SUMMARY
The Golden Mask of Rescuporid
by R.S. Minasyan
(St.-Petersburg)
In 1837 in Kerch in a IIIrdIVth century tomb there was found a golden
male or female death mask (Cat. P.1) presumably of Bosporian king
Reskuporid and many other things, which are now stored in the State
Hermitage Museum. During the process of manufacturing of this mask,
some marks of the instruments, with which the relief was formed, appeared
on the gold. These marks testify that the deformation of the metal was done
from the front side of the object. The mask was made of a thin hollow form,
which was applied on a wooden positive matrix with the needed relief.
Between the wood and the matrix there was a piece of tissue, which texture
emerged on the back side of the mask (Fig. 12).

Katsumi Tanabe

A Study of the Buddhas Coffin


in Gandharan Art
Introductory remarks

t is said that the Buddha kyamuni died at the age of eighty and then
he was cremated at Kusinagara. However, when we look at a few coffins
(Fig. 1) of the Buddha kyamuni depicted on Gandharan reliefs, we are
liable to feel a sense of incongruity about their shape1. Almost the same
opinion or judgment was already stated by A.Foucher in 1905. He pointed
out clearly that avant tout, il faut relever la forme curieuse de la bire2.
He further notes the inappropriate appearance of the Buddhas coffin as
follows:
It is composed of two exactly equal halves that can be used interchangeably as bottom or the top. Three clamps (they are probably not hinges)
riveted perpendicularly to the suture join and fix them together. The curved
ends of the two parts compel us to admit that they are dug out from a log
or more plausibly that they are metal (iron) vats fashioned by hammering3.
The present author nearly agrees at Fouchers observation and criticism. The Gandharan depiction (Fig. 1) of the coffin of the Buddha is nothing but a strange and imaginary compromise between cremation and inhumation. According to the Buddhist relevant texts the Buddhas corpse was
cremated. Therefore, such a coffin (Fig. 1) was rather unnecessary.
In addition, as is clear from such Buddhist texts as the Mahparinirvastra and the Mahparinibbnasuttanta quoted below in chap Five pieces are currently known: Foucher A. Les Bas-Reliefs GrcoBouddhiques du Gandhra. P., 1905. Fig. 285286; Ingholt H. Gandhran Art
in Pakistan. N.Y., 1957. Fig. 143144; Ebert J. Parinirva Untersuchungen zur
ikonographischen Entwicklung von den indischen Anfngen bis nach China.
Stuttgart, 1985. Pl. 15,2627; Pl. 30,50; Kurita I. Gandhran Art. Vol. I. The
Buddhs Life Story. Tokyo, 1988. Fig. 502504, 506; Gandhran Art from the
Hirayama Collection / Ed. K.Tanabe. Tokyo, 2007. Pl. I.38.
2
Foucher A. Les Bas-Reliefs Grco-Bouddhiques du Gandhra. P. 576.
3
Foucher A. Les Bas-Reliefs Grco-Bouddhiques du Gandhra. P. 576.
1

644

Katsumi Tanabe. A Study of the Buddhas Coffin in Gandharan Art Introductory...

645

ter I, the Buddhas coffin was made of iron, and it was filled with (sesame
or vegetable) oil. However, according to J.S.Strongs personal communication with a director of a local crematorium, if a corpse were to be cremated
in such a container filled with oil, with the top on, there would be a risk
of explosion, and with the top off, the corpse would basically get boiled,
which would result in a gross mess (fat with bones floating in it)4. Therefore, the Gandharan depiction (Fig. 1) seems to contradict historical fact
and derives rather from artistic fancy.
In this short paper dedicated to my old friend Dr. Edward Rtveladze
whom I met for the first time in 1976 when I visited Tashkent as an exchange student between Akademia Nauk SSSR and the Ministry of Education, Government of Japan, I will attempt to explain why in Gandharan
Buddhist reliefs the real coffin or sarcophagus was not represented at all
in the scene of Laying corpse in a coffin, Mise au cercueil, and Aufbahrung des Sarges5.

I. Comparison with other types


of coffin and sarcophagus
If we compare the so-called Gandharan coffin (Fig. 1) of the Buddha
with that of Central Asia (Fig. 2), the former is quite inappropriate as far as
a coffin is concerned6. Furthermore, compared with Greek (Fig. 3), Etruscan and Roman sarcophagi (Fig. 4), Parthian lead sarcophagi (Fig. 5) of
Syria and Palestine, Jewish stone sarcophagi of Roman Jerusalem, Parthian
terracotta sarcophagus (Fig. 6) of Iraq (Kakzu) and Iran (Gellak), several
so-called coffins depicted on Gandharan Buddhist reliefs seem not to be
coffins but large oblong chests7. The coffer of the so-called Gandharan cof Strong J.S. Relics of the Buddha. Princeton; Oxf., 2004. P. 106 (n. 21).
Foucher A. Les Bas-Reliefs Grco-Bouddhiques du Gandhra. P. 575;
Ebert J. Parinirvna Untersuchungen... S. 61.
6
Grnwedel A. Altbuddhistische Kultsttten in ChinesischTurkistan. B., 1912. P. 35 (Fig. 71), 46 (Fig. 91), 90 (Fig. 203), Idem. AltKutscha:archologische und religionsgeschichtliche Forschungen an TemperaGemlden aus Buddhistischen Hhlen der ersten acht Jahrhunderte nach Christi
Geburt. Bd. II. B., 1920. S. 13. Fig. 17; Ebert J. Parinirva Untersuchungen...
Fig.16c, 17. Pl. 3133.
7
Andrae W., Lenzen H.J. Die Partherstadt Assur, B., 1933. Reprint in 1967,
Osnabrck. P. 9496. Pl. 45.ad, 49.o; Furlani G. Sarcofaghi partici di Kakzu.
Iraq, 1934. Vol. 1. P. 9094. Pl. XIIXIII; Haller A. Die Grber und Grfte von
Assur. B., 1954. P. 5385. Pl. 1118; Kurz D.C., Boardman J. Greek Burial
Customs. N.Y., 1971. P. 270. Pl. 71; Toynbee J.M.C. Death and Burial in the
Roman World. N.Y., 1971. P. 275276. Fig. 8889; Kurz D.C., Boardman J.
Thanatos, Tod und Jenseits bei den Griechen. Mainz am Rhein, 1985. S. 324325.
4
5

Fig. 1. Buddhas Coffin. Gandharan Style (Gandhran Art from the Hirayama
Collection. Pl. I.38)

fins is not as deep as those of aforementioned foreign examples while the


lid is unnecessarily deep. Especially, the fact that the extremities of coffer
and lid are curved and the side-view of the piece is oval leads me to doubt
that the so-called coffin of the Buddha is not a coffin, but another kind of
vessel made of wood, not of metal. As is clarified in the next chapter, the
relevant Pali and Sanskrit texts never mention a coffin or a sarcophagus but
an iron vat or bathtub (droi) filled with oil. In addition, the length of the
coffin (Fig. 1) is too short for an adult corpse to be laid within, because its
Fig.119ab; Foerster G. Sarcophagus Production in Jerusalem from the
Beginning of the Common Era up to 70 C.E. // Akten des Symposiums 125 Jahre
Sarkophag-Corpus. Marburg, 4.7. Oktober 1995 / Ed. G.Koch. Mainz am Rhein,
1998. S. 295310. Taf. 120125; Rahbar M. Shushtar. Les tombeaux dpoque
parthe de Gelalak // Les Dossiers dArchologie. 1999. 243. P. 9293; Sulla Via di
Alessandro da Seleucia al Gandhara / Ed. A.Invernizi. Torino, 2007. P. 182. Pl. 97.

646

Fig. 2. Buddhas Coffin. Eastern Turkestan (Grnwedel A. Altbuddhistische


Kultsttten in Chinesisch-Turkistan. Fig. 91)

length is 30 cm while the height of the attendant two monks ranges from
31 to 32 cm.
From the above observation it can be said that the sculptor of the relief
in question (Fig. 1) employed a wood oblong chest then available in Gandhara in order to represent the so-called iron vat or bathtub of the Buddha narrated in the Mahparinirvastra and the Mahparinibbnasuttanta,
vol. 16 of the Dgha Nikya, because a proper iron coffin or sarcophagus
was not known nor available in Gandhara when this relief was produced in
the Kushan Period (IIIII cent. A.D.).

II. Description of the Buddhas Coffin


in Buddhist Literature
As regards the treatment of the corpse of the Buddha, the
Mahparinibbnasuttanta, chapter 5, 11 states clearly as follows:
But, Lord, what are we to do with the Tathagatas remains? Ananda,
they should be dealt with like the remains of a wheel-turning monarch
(cakravartin). And how is that, Lord? Ananda, the remains of a wheelturning monarch are wrapped in a linen-cloth. This they wrap in teased
cotton wool, and this in a new cloth. Having done this five hundred times
each, they enclose the kings body in an oil-vat (tela-droi) of iron (ayasa),
which is covered with another iron pot (Pali text: rao cakkavattissa

Katsumi Tanabe. A Study of the Buddhas Coffin in Gandharan Art Introductory...

647

sarra vehetv ayasya tela-doniy pakkhipitv aiss ayasya doiy


paikujjetv8. T.W.Rhys Davids translates the above-underlined part as
they place the body in an oil vessel of iron, and cover that close up with
another oil vessel of iron9.
The Mahparinirvastra, Vorgang 36, 57 states as follows:
Wie bei einem weltbeherrschenden Knig (cakravartin), Ananda.Wie
(verfrt man), Herr, bei einem Weltherrscher? Der Krper eines weltherrschenden Knigs wird mit (zu Watte) geschlagener Baumwolle umwickelt.Wenn er mit geschlagener Baumwolle umwickelt ist, wird er mit 500
Paaren (Stoff) umwickelt. Wenn er mit 500 Paaren (Stoff) umwickelt ist,
wird er in eine mit Sesaml gefllte, eiserne Sarghlfte gelegt (und) mit der
anderen Sargflfte bedeckt (underline mine). The Sanskrit text is: katha
bhadanta rja cakravartina/rjna cakravartina kyo vihatai
karpsair veyate/ vihatai karpsair veayitv pacabhir yugaatair
veyate/pacabhir yugaatair veayitv tailap rym ayodroy
prakipynyayyodroy pracchdya10.
According to these texts, the iron coffer and the double iron lid of the
Buddha is not connected tightly by hinges. Therefore, the Gandharan depiction of the Buddhas coffin (fig. 1) is not in conformity with the description of the relevant Sanskrit and Pali texts.
The Chinese and Tibetan versions of the Mahparinirvastra also
state almost the same treatment of the corpse of the Buddha afforded to
that of the universal king (cakravartin), except for gold and wooden coffins
containing the iron vat11. However, the Tibetan Tripiaka XLIV, mentions
clearly an iron coffer and a double iron lid, not iron vat, vessel or pot
according to Snellgroves translation12.
However, a slightly different treatment of the corpse of the universal king (cakravartin) can be found in another Kharoh text written in
Walsche M. The Long Discourses of the Buddha. A Translation of the Dgha
Nikya. Boston, 1987. P. 264; Rhys Davids T.W., Carpenter J.E. The Dgha
Nikya. Vol. II. L., 1982. P. 142, 161 (underline mine).
9
Rhys Davids T.W. Dialogues of the Buddha. Vol. III. L., 1910. P. 182.
10
Weber Cl. Buddhistische Sutras Das Leben des Buddha in Quellentexten.
Mnchen, 1999. S. 230; cf.: 259, 261; Waldschmidt E. Das Mahparinirvastra.
Tl. III. B., 1951. S. 359360.
11
The gen ben shuo yiqui youbu pi nai na za shi (Kdrakavastuvinaya of the
Mlasarvstivdins), the Bkah-hgyur and Bstan-hgyur, Taish Shinsh Daizky.
Vol. 24. P. 394c; Waldschmidt E. Das Mahparinirvastra. Tl. III. P. 361;
Rockhill W.W. The Life of the Buddha and the Early History of His Order. L.,
1992 (reprint of Trbner, 1884 edition). P. 137.
12
Snellgrove D.L. kyamunis Final Nirva // Bulletin of the School of
Oriental and African Studies. 1973. Vol. XXXVI. Part 2. P. 399411; Waldschmidt E. Das Mahparinirvastra. Tl. III. S. 411.
8

648

Fig. 3. Greek Sarcophagus (Kurz D.C., Boardman J. Thanatos, Tod und


Jenseits bei den Griechen. Fig. 119.b)

Gandhr of the Mahparinirvastra, although fragmentary, which


was found several years ago in Bamiyan and now kept in the Schyen
Collection, Norway (SC. 2179/44a). In this fragment, the treatment of
Mahsudaranas corpse similar to that of the universal king is stated as
follows:
They put it in a vat... After an interval of a week, they took it out of the
vat of oil and bathed the body with all fragrant liquids... They wrapped the
body with five hundred pairs of unbeaten cloth. Having wrapped the body
with five hundred pairs of unbeaten cloth, they filled an iron vat with oil...13
(underline mine).
In any case, the obsequies of the Buddha were conducted in the same
way as those of Cakravartin king according to the above-quoted two
stras.
According to the above description, the corpse of the Buddha was laid
13
Gandhr text: droniye nikipisu satahasya acayena teladronito
udhvaritva sarvagadhotakehi kaya sapayisu... strayuvaatehi kaya
vehayisu ahatehi pacahi vastrayugaatehi kaya vehitva ayasadroni
telena (Allon M., Salomon R. Kharoh Fragments of a Gndhr Version of the
Mahparinirvastra // Buddhist Manuscripts / Ed. J.Braarvig. Vol. I. Oslo, 2000.
P. 247, 258260).

Katsumi Tanabe. A Study of the Buddhas Coffin in Gandharan Art Introductory...

649

twice in a vat and in an iron vat or bathtub filled with oil (tela). According to J.Przyluski and E.Waldschmidt, the oil might have been used for
transporting the corpse elsewhere (to the banks of the river Ganges, etc.) or
preserving the corpse from decaying14. On the other hand, after A.Foucher,
J.S.Strong opines that the purpose of the iron oil vessel had nothing to do
with the transportation and preservation of the corpse but with its cremation, i.e., keeping bodily relics (arra) separate from the embers or the
remains of the fire15. A.Bareau supposes that the relevant coffin is made
of wood and that the oil was used so as to make the burning of the corpse
complete without leaving embers and ashes16.
According to the Mahparinibbna-suttanta (VI. 23) only the bones
of the Buddha remained after the corpse was burnt as follows:
Just as when butter or oil is burnt, no ashes or dust remain, so it was
with the Lords body, what had been skin, under-skin, flesh, sinew, or jointfluid, all that vanished and not even ashes or dust remained, only the bones
were left: seyyath pi nma sappissa v telassa v jhyamnassa neva
chrik payati na masi, evam eva Bhagavato sarrassa jhyamnassa
ya ahosi chavti v camman ti v masan ti v nahrti v lasik ti v
tassa neva chrik payittha na masi, sarrn eva avasissisu17.
As for the (sesame) oil, the Sayutta-nikya (LV), Sotpattisayutta (III), Mahnma (1) states as follows:
Just as, Mahnma, when a person sinks a jar of clarified butter (ghee)
or (sesame) oil into a deep lake and breaks it, what is potsherds or fragments of the jar goes down but all that is clarified butter or oil ascends and
reaches a higher state: seyyath pi Mahnma puriso sappikumbha v
telakumbha v gambhram udakarahadam oghetv bhindeyya. Tatra y
assa sakkhar v kahal v s adhogm assa. ya ca khvassa tatra sappi
v tela v tam uddhagm assa visesgam18 (translation and underline
mine).
14
Przyluski J. Le parinirva et les funrailles du Bouddha. P., 1920.
P. 184185; Idem. Le partage des reliques du Buddha // Mlanges Chinois et
Bouddhiques. Vol. IV. 1936. P. 355357; Waldschmidt E. Die berlieferung
vom Lebensende des Buddha. Gttingen, 1944. S. 273, 345; Snellgrove D.L.
kyamunis Final Nirva. P. 408.
15
Foucher A. La vie du Bouddha, daprs les textes et les monuments de
lInde. P., 1949. P. 318; Strong J.S. Relics of the Buddha. P. 108109.
16
Bareau A. Recherches sur la biographie du Buddha dans les Strapiaka et
les Vinayapiaka anciens: II. Les derniers mois, le Parinirva et les funrailles.
T. II. P., 1971. P. 4344.
17
Walsche M. The Long Discourses of the Buddha. A Translation of the
Dgha Nikya. Boston, 1987. P. 275; Rhys Davids T.W., Carpenter J.E. The Dgha
Nikya. Vol. II. L., 1903. P. 164.
18
Feer M.L. The Sayutta-Nikya of the Sutta-Piaka. Oxf., 1898. P. 370.

650

Katsumi Tanabe. A Study of the Buddhas Coffin in Gandharan Art Introductory...

651

Fig. 5. Parthian Lead Sarcophagus (Toynbee J.M.C. Death and Burial in the
Roman World. Fig. 89)

Fig. 6. Parthian Terracotta Sarcophagus (Sulla Via di Alessandro da Seleucia


al Gandhara. Pl. 97)
Fig. 4. Roman Sarcophagus (Authors photo)

III. Two Greco-Bactrian Bronze Sarcophagi

The oil might have been employed in order that after nirva and cremation the soul of the Buddha would go certainly upwards and reach a
higher state, i.e., the celestial Brahmaloka (Brahma-world) and eventually
to be restored to life there19. Such a term as Brahmaloka is used as equivalent for the more negative term nirva20. The Mahparinirvastra,
Vorgang 49, 23 states as follows:
Yena kyaratnena nyako brahmalokam agaman maharddhika (Mit
Welch wertvollen Krper der Lehrer, der Zaubermchtige, in die BrahmaWelt ging)21.
In any case, such a wooden chest as some Gandharan Buddhist reliefs
(Fig. 1) depict, was never used as sarcophagus of the Buddha corpse if we
follow the descriptions of these texts. Why did this discrepancy between
literary evidence and figural representation take place in Gandharan Buddhist reliefs ? In the following I will attempt to clarify at least, one reason.

In Ancient India, cremation prevailed but inhumation was also adopted.


As regards the latter case, burial was done by terracotta, stone sarcophagus
and cist22. No iron or bronze coffin or sarcophagus has been attested by
Indian archaeological reports to the best of my knowledge. However, a
Greco-Bactrian bronze sarcophagus (Fig. 7.13) allegedly unearthed from
A-Khanum in northern Afghanistan in 1998, is now in the possession of
a private collector in Tokyo (L: 117.5 cm, H: 31 cm, W: 30.549.5 cm).
The piece has five handles, and the thin board lid opens on two hinges
(Fig. 7.4). The lid is decorated with Medusa/Gorgon head (Fig. 7.5) which
is rendered in Hellenistic style and has beyond doubt apotropaic function.
Another Hellenistic or Greco-Bactrian bronze sarcophagus (Fig. 8) fashioned out of two bathtubs was found from a Hellenistic cemetery in old
Kandahar in southern Afghanistan (L: 277 cm, H: 60 cm)23. This big sarcophagus contained two amphorae (urns) in which ashes of the dead were

Przyluski J. Le parinirva et les funrailles du Bouddha. P., 1920. P. 11,


13, 15, 21.
20
Snellgrove D.L. kyamunis Final Nirva. P. 407.
21
Waldschmidt E. Das Mahparinirvastra. Tl. III. P. 430; Weber Cl.
Buddhistische Sutras Das Leben des Buddha in Quellentexten. S. 261.

Singh P. Burial Practices in Ancient India. Varanasi, 1970. Pl. 31, 36, 47.
Bernard P. Deux nouvelles inscriptions grecques dAsie centrale. III.
Commentaire historique // Journal des Savants. 2004. JuilletDcembre, P. 324.
Fig. 23; Idem. Hellenistic Arachosia. A Greek Melting Pot in Action // EW. 2005.
Vol. 55. 14. P. 2728. Fig. 7.

19

22
23

652

Fig. 7. Coffins. Gandharan Buddhist Reliefs (Authors photo)

deposited in Greek way. Therefore, another bronze sarcophagus (Fig. 7) was


probably used for containing urns filled with ashes and bones of the dead.
The form of these two bronze sarcophagi reminds us of the vat or bathtub described in afore-quoted Buddhist texts. Therefore, this type of sarcophagus might have been introduced in Gandhara and northern India by
the Greco-Bactrians or Indo-Greeks in the 2nd cent. B.C., and then adopted
by some monks to invent such a curious episode of the Buddhas obsequies
as is recorded in the Mahparinibbnasuttanta and Mahparinirvastra.
In addition, the Mahparinirvastra states that the bones and ashes of the
Buddha were collected by the Mallas and put into a golden urn (sauvarna
kubha)24. This golden urn is nothing but an amphora urn contained in the
Kandahar sarcophagus. Therefore, it is almost clear that the iron vat and
golden urn for Cakravartin king recorded in the relevant Buddhist stra
was modeled after Greek or Hellenistic bronze sarcophagus accompanied
by urns.
Waldschmidt E. Das Mahparinirvastra. Tl. III. P. 410, 432.

24

Katsumi Tanabe. A Study of the Buddhas Coffin in Gandharan Art Introductory...

653

Fig. 7. Coffins. Gandharan Buddhist Reliefs (Authors photo)

Concluding remarks
From the above observation might be drawn the following conclusion.
Although it is not clarified when the extant Mahparinirvastra and
Mahparinibbnasuttanta were completed, the episode of the sarcophagus or coffin of the Buddha was probably inserted after the invasion of
the Greco-Bactrians of the Indian Subcontinent that took place around
180 B.C. Iron was then a precious metal and eventually regarded as worthy
for the coffin of the imaginary universal king, although a metallic coffin
is good for inhumation or containing urns but not appropriate and of no
use for cremation. It is simply because the author of the episode tried to
enhance the status of the Buddha by associating His cremation with that of
the so-called Cakravartin king who is a powerful and ambitious king conquering adjacent countries25. Such Greco-Bactrian kings as Demetrius I or
25
Bareau A. Recherches sur la biographie du Bouddha dans les Strapiaka et
les Vinayapiaka anciens III. Articles complmentaires. P., 1995. P. 408.

654

..

Fig. 8. Hellenistic or Greco-Bactrian Sarcophagus (Bernard P. Deux nouvelles


inscriptions grecques dAsie centrale. Fig. 22)

Eucratides I, or the Indo-Greek king Menander26, worthy of this Cakravartin name might be involved in such an enhancement.
Although we do not know whether these Greek kings were cremated
or inhumed, especially with regard to Menander, Plutarch (Moralia. 821.
DE) says that after his death his ashes were divided among the cities of
his kingdom and the relevant cities raised stpas () over his ashes
as well as the Buddha and the Cakravartin king were treated27. As the earliest extant image of the Cakravartin king is attested by the relief unearthed
from Jaggayyapeta dating from 1st cent. B.C. to 1st cent. A.D., the idea of
Cakravartin king might have been invented slightly earlier than this relief,
probably in 2nd cent. B.C.
On the other hand, when the relief (Fig. 1) of laying the corpse of the
Buddha was fabricated in Gandhara, the relevant sculptors avoided the
representation of such a vat or bathtub as described in the above-quoted
stras, thinking that it is not appropriate for the Buddha, or not knowing
the existence of such a metallic vat or bathtub, and eventually disregarded
such a description as vat or bathtub, and adopted the oblong wooden chest
then available in Gandhara. According to Przyluski, dro and do could
mean or recall a wooden trough-shaped canoe hollowed from a log28. This
type of canoe might recall such an oblong chest depicted in Gandharan
reliefs (Fig. 1).
Przyluski J. Le partage des reliques du Buddha // Mlanges Chinois et
Bouddhiques. Vol. IV. 1936. P. 354355; Strong J.S. Relics of the Buddha. P. 101.
27
Tarn W.W. The Greeks in Bactria and India. Cambr., 1938. P. 264, 266.
28
Przyluski J. Le partage des reliques du Buddha // Mlanges Chinois et
Bouddhiques. 1936. Vol. IV. P. 341343.
26

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. 1897.
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(-
). ., 1999. . 16; .
// ().
. 1999. 3. .11.
169
.. -
(19451948 .) // - . . 1. ., 1952. . 41; .. -.
. , 1960.
. 126128; .., .. . . 11; ..
// . .4. ., 1979.
. 16; . . , 1987. . 1213;
. : // . 2008. . 36. . 102.
170

(. 3.2).
167

712

:
, ,
. 171. . ,
.
, ,
,
, .
, ,
.
.
, , , ,
..,
. , ,
,
172.
: VI . ,
, 173.
,
.
,
.

,
. IX.
,
171
.. .
.259266. .XXXXVIII; . . . 150165.
. IXVIII.
172
.. ... . 148.
173
.. ...
. 269270.

... : ...

713


.
-174.
XIIIXIV .175,
, VIII .
.

.. . . 47; . :
.. ... . 24.
175
.. ... . 90.
174

714

SUMMARY
The Fretted Ganch of Varakhsha:
Classification and Common Compositional Techniques
by T.G.Tsvetkova
(Moscow)
In comparison with the previous publications the article presents
in more details the unique materials from the excavations on Varakhsha
near Bukhara (Uzbekistan), lead with certain interruptions in 19371991.
These are the fragments of the ganch architectural dcor from the aiwan
of the palace of Varakhsha (VII cent. A.D.). The classification proposed
here resulted from the multiannual work of the author in examination and
systematization of the collections of the Varakhsha ganch in the museums
of Russia and Uzbekistan.
As a result of the study of considerable amount of fragments there have
been made conclusions on the general composition of the ganch decoration.
Most probably the so called royal garden has been depicted on the walls
of the aiwan. Such decorations appeared in the Orient in the antiquity; in
Iran they are known from the written sources as well as from the pieces of
fine and applied arts from the Sasanian period, in Central Asia from early
Middle Ages.
In authors opinion the compositional scheme of the ganch fretwork
from Varakhsha mostly resembles Iranian garden carpets. All the pieces
of the real royal gardens have been depicted on the walls of the aiwans by
particular pictures fragments of the gardens as on the carpets: fruit and
decorative trees, different flowers, basins with fish, scenes of hunting on
various animals (the gardens were often used for the hunt).
The majority of the pieces of ganch are published for the first time.

S.V.Kullanda

North Caucasian Loanwords


in Indo-Iranian and Iranian1

The etymology of some Indo-Iranian words having no conclusive Indo-

European parallels and/or showing irregular phonetic correspondences


implies borrowing2. There have been attempts to identify some of them
as North Caucasian loanwords3. Below I propose tentative etymologies of
some unidentified lexemes of this kind. It seems to me that the topic of
this paper is in keeping with the personality of our distinguished jubilary,
Caucasian by birth and of origin, who devoted his life to the study of
Iranian period of Central Asian history.
Old Indian ka- hair and Avestan gasa- curls undoubtedly go
back to a single protoform while the irregular correspondence in anlaut
is due, according to Lubotsky, to borrowing from a substratum language
(cf. supra, note 2)4. These forms have been compared to Latin caesaris
This paper is a revised and enlarged version of a Russian-language article entitled , // XVI ( ..): . ., 1820 2012 . / . . ... ., 2012. C. 406415).
2
Alexander Lubotsky (Lubotsky A. The Indo-Iranian Substratum // Early
Contacts between Uralic and Indo-European: Linguistic and Archaeological
Considerations / Ed. Chr.Carpelan, A.Parpola, P.Koskikallio. Helsinki, 2001.
P. 301317) singled out a whole layer of such words in Indo-Iranian. He regarded
them as borrowings from the language of the bearers of the urban civilization of
Central Asia, namely the Bactria-Margiana Archaeological Complex (BMAC),
since this word-stock included irrigation and building terminology. He did not,
however, identify the alleged substratum language linguistically, and only cited
two tentative Dravidian parallels accompanied with question-marks to his list, one
of which is at the same time compared to an Akkadian word.
3
See, for instance: .. // . ., 1985. . 6074.
4
As Anna Dybo kindly pointed out to me, we hardly deal with borrowing into
Indo-Iranian protolanguage; in this case daughter languages would have shown
1

718

S.V.Kullanda. North Caucasian Loanwords in Indo-Iranian and Iranian

719

luxuriant hair. As to the Latin word, it is believed to be a derivative of an


r-stem caesar, which might be identical to the name Caesar5, where the
intervocal s survived because of r in the closed final syllable6. The Roman
cognomen Kaes may also belong here. The latter was not subject to the
-s- > -r- change owing probably to its antiquity and renown (as it was
the case with the survival of initial K-). An Indo-European etymology of
Latin caesar was proposed by G.-J.Pinault7. He reconstructed Proto-IndoEuropean*kaikro8-kseh2-es9- pourvu de (caractris par) un peignage des
cheveux > *kaikerkss- > *kairkss- > *kairss- > caesr-. The etymology
seems quite plausible in itself10 yet it does not account for Avestan forms
which can hardly be separated from the Old Indian ones. I prefer therefore
to trace the words in question back to Proto-Nakh *qs mane (Chechen
and Ingush qes, in Cyrillic characters < Proto-East Caucasian
*GwV11). The oblique stem of the latter, cf. Chechen oblique cases qsar-

an, qsar-na, etc., was probably borrowed into Latin. It would be tempting
to derive Old Indian ksara- hair; mane12 from the same oblique stem
but in view of an Indo-Iranian suffix *-ra I would rather not insist on it.
In any case, the irregular /s alternation in Old Indian is an additional
argument in favour of heterochronous borrowing. In Iranian, Indo-Aryan
and Latin the proto-Nakh long * was adopted as a diphthong13. Old Indian
ksara- and Latin caesaris were already regarded as North Caucasian
loanwords by S.Starostin14. He, however, tried to trace them to another
North Caucasian stem, i.e. *k(w)iw//a15 showing reflexes meaning rope
of horse hair, wool, plait, cocks comb, etc., which is phonetically and
semantically less likely than the above-proposed etymology, and presumed
borrowing into Proto-Indo-European, hardly possible in view of irregular
correspondences in daughter languages.16
Common Aryan17 kinship-by-alliance term *mH/- son-in-law

regular reflexes. Rather the word was borrowed by already split Proto-Indo-Aryan
and Proto-Iranian separately.
5
de Vaan M. Etymological Dictionary of Latin and the other Italic Languages.
Leiden; Boston, 2008 (Leiden Indo-European Etymological Dictionary Series.
Vol. 7). P. 81.
6
But cf.: Pinault G.-J. Analyse de latin caesaries // Moussyllanea. Mlanges
de linguistique et de littrature anciennes offerts Claude Moussy. Louvain; Paris,
1998 (Bibliothque dtudes classiques dirige par Guy Serbat et Paul-M. Martin.
15). P. 1617, with references. I am indebted to G.-J.Pinault who kindly provided
me with a copy of his paper.
The name Caesar is usually regarded as Etruscan in origin (Ernout A., Meillet A. Dictionnaire tymologique de la langue latine. Histoire des mots. Retirage
de la quatrime dition augmente dadditions et de corrections par Jacques
Andr. P., 2001. P. 84), which is worth noting in the light of the hypothesis of
North Caucasian roots of Etruscan ( ..
// : . ., 1988.
. 210211; Orl V.E., Starostin S.A. Etruscan as an East Caucasian Language //
Proto-Languages and Proto-Cultures: Materials from the First International
Interdisciplinary Symposium on Language and Prehistory, Ann Arbor, Michigan,
November 1988 / Ed. V.Shevoroshkin. Bochum, 1990. P. 6068 [reprinted in:
.. . ., 2007]).
7
Pinault G.-J. Analyse de latin caesaries.
8
From Indo-European kaik to comb merged with a hypothetical *kais hair
(Pokorny J. Indogermanisches etymologisches Wrterbuch. Bern; Mnchen,
1959. S. 520).
9
From Indo-European *ks-es-, zero grade of *kes- to comb + -es-Erweiterung
(Pokorny J. Indogermanisches etymologisches Wrterbuch. S. 585586).
10
De Vaans criticism on phonetic and semantic ground (de Vaan M.
Etymological Dictionary of Latin. P. 8182) is not fully convincing.
11
Cf. Nikolayev S.L. and Starostin S.A. A North Caucasian Etymological
Dictionary. Ed. by S.A. Starostin. Moscow, 1994. P. 468. The authors cited

Ossetic qs/es thick hair (< Common Iranian *gaisa-) as a parallel to the East
Caucasian forms and observed that if not for the labialization reflected in ProtoAvaro-Andian *wisV, it would be tempting to consider the listed Caucasian forms
as an old loan from Iranian. The above data show that not only the East Caucasian
labialization but the Iranian materials as well imply the opposite direction of
borrowing.
12
The irregular -s- instead of -- is traditionally explained through an alleged
intermediary form *kesra- (Wackernagel J. Altindische Grammatik. Bd I.
Lautlehre. Gttingen, 1896. S. 232; Pokorny J. Indogermanisches etymologisches
Wrterbuch. S. 520); cf., however, Pinaults objections: Pinault G.-J. Analyse de
latin caesaries. P. 1718.
13
Old Indian e not being the result of the secondary gua change of i may
only go back to a diphthong, since the original Indo-European *e changed into a
in Indo-Iranian.
14
.. - //
: . ., 1988. . 118; reprinted in: .. . C. 319320.
15
Cf. Nikolayev S.L. and Starostin S.A. A North Caucasian Etymological
Dictionary. P. 709.
16
As to comparable forms in other language families, V.V.Emelyanov
(personal communication) drew my attention to Sumerian kezer hairstyle
believed to be an Akkadian loanword (< Akkadian qirum knot; bunch; bun
having a plausible etymology: from the stem qr /kr to tie, bind.). It is hard to
say whether we deal with a pure coincidence or a Wanderwort.
17
Traditionally the notions Aryan and Indo-Iranian were used as
synonyms. It seems likely, however, that Common Aryan split first into IndoIranian and Nuristani branches, and then the former split indo Indo-Aryan, Iranian
and Dardic groups ( ..
// . 1992. 3. . 4467; Eadem. //
: . ., 1999;
- //

720

(Ashkun zam, Old Indian jm-tar-, Avestan zm-tar-, Pashto zm


id., Parachi zm-, Avestan zma-oiia- = zma-vya- son-in-laws
brother, etc.) is commonly regarded as cognate of Latin gener, Albanian
dhndr, Lithuanian ntas, Russian , etc. At the same time scholars
invariably note the irregularity of m n correspondence18 and emphasize
that the reflexes of this etymon were influenced by various kinds of folk
etymologies and adaptations (dans ce nom... il sest produit toutes sortes
dtymologies populaires et dadaptations19). It is supposed that IndoIranian and Greek forms go back to the Indo-European stem *g(e)mh1- to
repay, reward (cf. Avestan zman- reward, payment, wages, Khotanese
ysatha- payment for use, etc.)20 with further development m > n in Latin
(De Vaan, loc. cit.) or that the forms with n either were influenced by the
stem *g(e)nh1- to give birth21 or are its direct reflexes22. Since all those
explanations strongly remind of folk etymologies, it is advisable to pay
attention to North Caucasian parallels, all the more so since there are other
instances of striking likeness of kinship terms in the two language families
(cf. Indo-European *snus- daughter-in-law besides North Caucasian
*nsA daughter-in-law; sister-in-law; bride23, and Indo-European
. . 2009. 1. . 88. Fig. 2; ..
. . ., 2005. . 202).
18
de Vaan M. Etymological Dictionary of Latin. P. 258
As P.Friedrich put it, the Greek and Indo-Iranian forms for the daughters
and sisters husband contain an /-m-/..., and... simply cannot be reconciled with
the /-n-/ in all the other forms... Nowhere else in Indo-European does a Greek and
Indo-Iranian /-m-/ correspond to an /-n-/ in the other stocks... I emphasize that the
Indo-Europeanists have not been able to resolve the various discrepancies in the
phonetic and semantic evidence (Friedrich P. Proto-Indo-European kinship //
Ethnology. 1966. 5 (1). P. 1314).
19
Ernout A., Meillet A. Dictionnaire tymologique de la langue latine. P. 270;
cf. also: Beekes R. Etymological Dictionary of Greek. With the assistance of
L. van Beek. Leiden; Boston, 2010 (Leiden Indo-European Etymological
Dictionary Series. Vol. 10/12). V. I. S. 259.
20
Schwartz M. Proto-Indo-European *gem // Monumentum H.S. Nyberg
(Acta Iranica, deuxime srie: Hommages et Opera). Leiden, etc., 1975. P.
195211; Cheung J. Etymological Dictionary of the Iranian Verb. Leiden; Boston,
2007 (Leiden Indo-European Etymological Dictionary Series. Vol. 2). P. 464.
It is worth noting, however, that some scholars hold with regard to Greek
that il ny a pas trace de formes verbales hors du grec (Ernout A., Meillet A. Dictionnaire tymologique de la langue latine. P. 209); [t]here are no cognate verbs outside Greek (Beekes R. Etymological Dictionary of Greek. P. 259).
21
Beekes R. Etymological Dictionary of Greek. Loc. cit. Ernout A., Meillet A.
Dictionnaire tymologique de la langue latine. Loc. cit.
22
Ernout A., Meillet A. Dictionnaire tymologique de la langue latine. Loc. cit.
23
Nikolayev S.L. and Starostin S.A. A North Caucasian Etymological Dictio
nary. P. 856.

S.V.Kullanda. North Caucasian Loanwords in Indo-Iranian and Iranian

721

*suesor sister besides North Caucasian *sws bride24), which imply


borrowing25. Aryan and Greek forms could go back to either Proto-Nakh
*mV best man; bridegroom (Chechen zam-, Ingush zam-e best
man) or the cognate Proto-Lezghian *:am bridegroom (Lezghi :am,
Tabasaran am, Agul am/am id.)26.
Scythian *sana wine can be inferred from Hesychius gloss
. (in the Ms)/ .
(in the Latte-Hansen edition adopting Scaligers conjecture)/
. (in Schmidts edition) (The Scythians [call] a drunkard
/) owing to Ossetic sn/sn wine (the second part of
the Scythian word probably contains the stem meaning to drink27). The
word has been compared to Old Indian a, Middle and New Persian
an cannabis going back to the etymon with a sibilant/stop alternation in
Anlaut whose reflexes are German Hanf, Ossetic gn/gn, Russian id., etc.28 Semantically, however, borrowing from West Caucasian
seems far more plausible cf. North Caucasian *swn barberry; currants Avar san barberry, Lak sun pomegranate; Adyghe sna,
Kabardian sna grapes; wine29). Among the Circassians wine was an
important cult beverage and no enemy could be slain in the sacred day of
wine-drinking (Adyghe snasv, Kabardian snaf)30.
Old Indian gandharv- and Avestan gadra- also show irregular
correspondences (Old Indian ar ~ Avestan r, i.e. r, and Old Indian
v ~ Avestan a instead of uua) and no Indo-European pedigree. As
Mayrhofer31 put it after citing Indo-Aryan and Iranian forms, Weiteres
bleibt unklar. Borrowing would explain the irregular correspondence
of initial consonant in Indo-Aryan and Iranian forms, on the one hand,
and Greek a mountain-dwelling tribe in Thessalia (Homer),
later centaurs, mythical beings, half-men, half-horses, on the other. The
Ibid. P. 969.
Cf.: Kullanda S. Indo-European Kinship Terms Revisited // Current
Anthropology. 2002. 43 (1). P. 9798, with references.
26
For Eastern Caucasian materials see: Nikolayev S.L. and Starostin S.A.
ANorth Caucasian Etymological Dictionary. P. 1001.
27
Cf.: Vasmer M. Die Iranier in Sdruland. Lpz., 1923. S. 50, with references.
28
.. - .
. IV. .; ., 19581995. I. . 512513; III. . 6668, with references; Mayrhofer M. Etymologisches Wrterbuch des Altindoarischen. Bd. IIII. Heidelberg,
199219962001. II. S. 605.
29
Nikolayev S.L. and Starostin S.A. A North Caucasian Etymological
Dictionary. P. 971.
30
.., .. : . .,
1998. C. 133136.
31
Mayrhofer M. Etymologisches Wrterbuch des Altindoarischen.. I. P. 462.
24
25

722

second part of the Greek word was long ago believed to be influenced
by bull32, but this comparison has been in disrepute for the last
century and has not been mentioned in modern etymological dictionaries.
Lately, however, it has been revived33. L. Klejn supposed that this folk
etymology was triggered by the myth of Minotaur. It seems likely that
gandharv-/gadra- was a symbolic embodiment of the member of
youth age-class. Gandharvas of Indian myths, like the youth of Indian
tribes living in mens houses, were engaged in music, singing and
dancing34, and raided their neighbours, as in the well-known myth of
Purravas and Urva, to drive away cattle and to abduct girls for the
gandharvavivha-, the Gandharva marriage. Gandharvas, like initiated
youth, were considered spirits between the two births35. If the gandharva
belonged to the youth age-class, his name could have been borrowed
from Proto-Nakh *an(a)t (Chechen and Ingush ant, Batsbi nat36) boy;
young man; dare-devil + *ri gang; band (Chechen ra, Ingush r,
Batsbi ajr id.37) meaning youth gang (with *t > d change and the
emergence of aspiration in Indo-Aryan under the influence of voiced
uvular fricative *). Such compounds of the tatpurusha kind are common
in Nakh languages; cf. Chechen cergkow tooth-gap (cerg tooth, kow
gate), husamd householder; pater familias (husam house, d father;
Cf., for instance: Alexandre C. Dictionnaire grec-franais compos sur
un nouveau plan o sont runis et coordonns les travaux de Henri Estienne,
de Schneider, de Passow et des meilleurs lexicographes et grammairiens
anciens et modernes augments de lexplication dun grand nombre de formes
difficiles et suivi de plusieurs tables ncessaires pour lintelligence des auteurs.
Treizime dition avec un vocabulaire des noms historiques, mythologiques et
gographiques par A.Pillon. P., 1872. P. 776.
33
.. . .
., 2010. . 441; ..
d
o- u- // -
. . 2. ., 2012. . 48 (. 19).
34
.. , . ., 2010.
. 165.
35
.. , . . 194; cf. Also: Ibid. . 117.
L.Klejn explains the transformation of this spirit into the centaur in Greek
tradition as follows: the horse among Indo-European peoples was invariably
related to the other world, the world of ancestors, while the initiated were
regarded as dying and resurrecting to a new life. He notes, however, that the issue
calls for further investigation ( .. ... . 459.)
36
Nikolayev S.L. and Starostin S.A. A North Caucasian Etymological
Dictionary. P. 714.
37
Ibid. P. 475.
32

S.V.Kullanda. North Caucasian Loanwords in Indo-Iranian and Iranian

723

master), Batsbi juqmatt midday (juqa middle, mott place), etc.38 It is


worth noting in this connection that both Ossetic and Adyg Nartian tales
mention certain knt (Ossetic)39 or ynt [< Kynt] (Kabardian)40, sworn
enemies of the Nrt, referred to solely as a group. The semantic shift
in this case could have been akin to that of Avestan mairii rascal going
back to Indo-Iranian maria [warlike] youth.
As Lubotsky rightly pointed out, it is difficult to explain the root
structure of Indo-Iranian *uarjha wild boar (Old Indian varh-,
Avestan varza- id., etc.), a trisyllabic noun with long middle syllable,
on the basis of Indo-European morphology.41 This etymon strongly
reminds of North Caucasian *wHrw boar, pig (Batsbi buruk, Tsezi
beo, Lak burk id., etc. See also infra, note 44).42 True, the latter,
according to Starostin, was borrowed into Proto-Indo-European as
*poro- pig; piglet.43 A secondary Proto-Indo-Iranian borrowing from
an East Caucasian (proto)language resembling early Proto-Lezghian
(before the loss of *-r- and pharyngealisation and shortening of *)44 with
the subsequent metathesis *r > r is, however, quite possible.
It is tempting to compare Indo-Iranian *sur- alcoholic beverage
(Old Indian sr- intoxicating beverage, Avestan hur- kumiss, etc.)
to Proto-East Caucasian *sw//r a kind of milk product (Chechen
and Ingush ura milk, Avar sur alum; leavened dough, Tsezi zeru/
zero, Inkhokvari zlo alcoholic beverage, beer, etc.).45 Phonetic and
semantic correspondences are too close to be a mere coincidence. The
Indo-Iranian word is believed to be a derivative of Proto-Indo-European
.. - . 2- ., . ., 2006. . 387.
39
. . . 1. ., 1990. . 193; . 2.
., 1989. . 145.
40
.., .. : .
. 30, 37.
41
Lubotsky A. The Indo-Iranian Substratum. P. 303.
42
Nikolayev S.L. and Starostin S.A. A North Caucasian Etymological
Dictionary. P. 1047.
43
.. - . P. 116.
The alleged derivation of the Indo-European etymon from *per- dig/root up the
earth (Mallory J.P. and Adams D.Q. Encyclopedia of Indo-European Culture,
London, 1997. P. 425) seems to be a folk etymology.
44
Cf. Proto-Lezghian *waI:w (oblique base *waI:wa-) boar, pig
reconstructed from Lezghi wak, Tsakhur wok, Kryz wak, Budukh wk, Archi
boI:, Udi boq:I id., etc. (Nikolayev S.L. and Starostin S.A. A North Caucasian
Etymological Dictionary. P. 1047.)
45
Nikolayev S.L. and Starostin S.A. A North Caucasian Etymological
Dictionary. P. 970.
38

724

*seuhxcxto press, squeeze out cognate to Old Prussian sulo curdled


milk, Lithuanian sul birch sap/wine, etc.46 If so, the East Caucasian
etymon must be regarded as an Indo-European loanword. Yet in this
case the labial articulation of the Anlaut in East Caucasian is difficult
to interpret while its loss would be quite explicable with the reverse
direction of borrowing.
The Iranian word adopted by Greek as Persian sword
according to Herodotus (VII, 54), as the Father of History calls Scythian
swords as well (IV, 62; 70), cf. Sogdian kynk, does not belong to the
inherited Iranian wordstock where *ki > ci. In Greek it is also regarded
as a loanword, usually Iranian47 or Pre-Greek.48 No etymology has been
suggested so far. The word can be traced back to Proto-Nakh *hneV
iron knife: *hi iron, cf. Chechen ig, Ingush k,49 Batsbi ajh id.
+ suffix forming adjectives -in + neV knife, cf. Batsbi ne id. 50. The
combination *hi-in accounts for the long iota in the Greek loanword
acnacs implied by Latin prosody: it is the last word in the first line of
Alcaic hendecasyllabic verse where the antepenultimate syllable can only
be long (Hor. Od. I, 27, 5)51.
The relevant data, scarce as they are, enable us to reveal certain
regularities in adoption of North Caucasian phonemes by Indo-European
languages. Thus, North Caucasian long * was rendered as a diphthong in
Indo-Aryan, Iranian and Latin. North Caucasian voiceless uvular affricate
*q was rendered as g in Iranian and as *k in Indo-Aryan and (Proto)-Latin.
North Caucasian glottalized velar stop * was reflected as Greek and
Indo-Aryan and Iranian g (but East Iranian k cf. supra s.v. .)
Historical implications of these linguistic relations are no less significant.
Pokorny J. Indogermanisches etymologisches Wrterbuch. S. 912913;
Mallory J.P. and Adams D.Q. Encyclopedia of Indo-European Culture. P. 323.
47
Frisk H. Griechisches etymologisches Wrterbuch. Bd I. Heidelberg, 1960.
S. 53; Chantraine P. Dictionnaire tymologique de la langue grecque. Histoire
des mots. Nouvelle dition mise jour. Avec un Supplment sous la direction de:
Alain Blanc, Charles de Lamberterie, Jean-Louis Perpillou. P., 1999. P. 47
48
Beekes R. Etymological Dictionary of Greek. I. P. 51.
49
Chechen and Ingush forms are the results of the addition of the diminutive
suffix *- and a regular palatalization (Nikolayev S.L. and Starostin S.A. A North
Caucasian Etymological Dictionary. P. 851)
50
For North Caucasian etymology cf. Nikolayev S.L. and Starostin S.A. A
North Caucasian Etymological Dictionary. P. 851852. Borrowing of Proto-Nakh
hin-ig made of iron or *=-in (= denotes a class marker, cf. Batsbi d-a,
Chechen d-ea, Ingush d-a long) long + neV long knife seems less
plausible phonetically though by no means impossible.
51
Cf.: Chantraine P. Dictionnaire tymologique de la langue grecque. P. 47;
Beekes R. Etymological Dictionary of Greek. I. P. 51
46

S.V.Kullanda. North Caucasian Loanwords in Indo-Iranian and Iranian

725

It appears that the bearers of some Indo-European and North Caucasian


languages were in contact after the split of their respective proto-languages.
Judging from the fact that a specific East Iranian word sana not recorded
in West Iranian languages was borrowed from West Caucasian, more
precisely, from Adyghe-Kabardian, the bearers of East Iranian languages
after the split of Common Iranian stayed in the zone of contact with North
Caucasians. This fact should be borne in mind, inter alia, while analyzing
the genesis of Scythian culture, which is believed by many archaeologists
to originate from Central Asia.

... -

727

..

- -

, , 14
.. 1962 1964 .
1 , .
( ),
.
.. .. 1964 . 2. .. 17
48 1962 ., ,
3. ,
. ,
, , .. .., , . (
) 1968 (1970) .4 - . 1
( .., ..
-
// .
1967. . 1. . 3).
2
.., ..
- // . 1964. 2. . 5069 = Tolstov S.P., Livshitz V.A. Decipherment and Interpretation of the Khwarezmian Inscriptions from
Tok-kala // AAASH. 1964. . 231251.
3
.. -. , 1964.
4
Livshits V.A. The Khwarezmian Calendar and the Eras of Ancient Chorasmia // AAASH. 1968. T. XVI. Fasc. 14. P. 433446 = .. // . 1970. 21 (84). . 161169.

. 1. -62/-IV, . 22 ( :
.. -. . VI.1)

( ..5);
-.
, , : ,
.. ,
-6.
2011 . 7.
5
Henning W.B. The Choresmian Documents // Asia Major. New Series. 1965.
P. 166179 = Henning W.B. Selected Papers. Vol. 2. Leiden; Thran; Lige, 1977
(AI. 1415). . 645658.
6
, , .
7
, ..
., .. .,
.
-, .

728

94 ( ),
, 100 8.
. ,
.
, - II, -, - .
, -, . ,
.
( )
, ,
, , , , 23 - .
, , ;
658738 . , ( ,
5 , -,
- ). -, , VII VIII .,
I . ..

, 300
.
, , 25 (
)9:
, .
, II-1.
9
. ..;
. (
) ,
, ,
. , , , , , , ,
b, d g. , . X, .
8

... -

729

BNT VII C VI YRX


707,
brwrtn BYWM brwrtn ZNH tpnkwk ,
(19.01)
NPY y srwywk tysynnw rwn

, ,
D hyn y rwn L nw grdmn

mnyty

.
1. -62/-IV, . 2210. () , 4 . 7
. , .
1. [BNT IIII]II IC III YRX
723,
2. [... BYWM] (h)rwt ZNH tpnkwk
[? ] .

3. [
] NPY y kk(y) [
]
4. [
]npysk
[
] .
, ..
hrwt11, hrwdd , hauruuatt Xurdd.
, , .
kk (
//12) kk, kk, kknk -13. : *Kka-,
*Kkiya- , , kk 14.
y ( w, , - ) , y .
npsyk nbsnyk 15. , . .. -. . VI.1. . 1.
.. ... . 168.
12
( )
, ,
, .
13
.. // .. -. / .
... ., 1984 (. XIV). . 283 (. 85, 98).
14
. : Tavernier J. Iranica in the Achaemenid Period (ca. 550330 B.C.):
Lexicon of Old Iranian Proper Names and Loanwords, Attested in Non-Iranian
Texts. Leuven etc, 2007. 4.2.912914.
15
.., .. ... . 14 (. 3).
10
11

730

... -

731

npnyk .
npyn16. npysk ()
nbsk Schreiben17, *ni-paisa-ka. ,
,
: -. ,
.
2. -64/-IV, . 4318. , , . 5
, , ( ),
. .
1. [tpnkw]k y ktr NPY wrdxzn-w

2. kt(r)
3. YRX( b)rwrtn BYWM xtr(y)[wr]

,
.

,
; ,
, , .
( ),
xrywry xarahevairiiehe ..19, rwrjn .
:
. , . 69 (1962 .)
wxwntk. .. k, 8, YK,
, 20, MacKenzie D.N. The Khwarezmian glossaryV // BSOAS. 1972. Vol. 35.
Pt. 1. . 56.
17
Benzing J. Chwaresmischer Wortindex. Wiesbaden, 1983.S. 59, 466.
, .
18
(.).
19
.. ... . 168.
20
.., .. .... 6365.
.. wxwntn
: -62/IV, . 71 12 (.: .., .. ... . 14 (. 5); : -

. 2. -62/-IV, . 43. ( )

4 (1962 .) npsyk 21; :


k h , , . 39 ..
whwmn22 ;
whwntn.
: , 23.
, ktn, ktr, ktd, ktk. ktn , 24 -

16

.. -. . III.4 I.2.
21
.., .. ... . 14. . . , ,
, p, , w y.
22
.., .. ... . 65.
23
- (-62/IV, . 08/1,
, .. -. . VII. . 2) tnpr . , ,
.
24
.: .. (?) // -

732

... -

733

mn 28, ,
xzy, xz, *xz- ,
29: , ?
3. -64/-IV, . 2230.
. , , . , .
.
1. [BNT IIII]II C
[YRX]
680699. [?]
2. [? B]YWM t()[t
26.
3. ]tpnkwk y ky[
-?
4.](N)PY
.
, , 658 738 . ,
. tt ( t()[t]), t , artt,
. kw[.
. 3. -64/-IV, . 22. ( )

, ktr (kyr -,
, - ..), , , 25.
ktr/ktn-a
, , , , , ,
, (, , , , ),
-n-w26.
wrd *warda-, wr , *ward- 27,
. . I. ., 1974. . 339343; Werba Chl.
Die arischen Personennamen und ihre Trgerbei den Alexanderhistorikern
(Doktoratsdissertation). Wien, 1982. S. 208209.
Kt-na,
.
25
Lurje P.B. Personal Names in Sogdian Texts. Vienna, 2010 (Iranisches
Personennamenbuch. Bd 2. Fz. 8). 610.
26
-w, , , (
) -m Gen. Pl.
*-nm.
27
wrdk - ( .. . . 265) wrdk ( ..

4. -64/-IV, . 331. .
, -, .
1. []yrnbxyk

2. []yrnbxyk

3. yrnbxyk

4. tpnkwk
.
, . . yr, srra
, . ir-, ra-, er, arr-.
,
1 // . 2002. 2.
. 53).
28
, yrmnk -
( .. . . 285 (. 139)), drgmn ( ..
// . 2011. 4. . 160161, , Lurje P.B.,
Chorasmian Names in Nebenberlieferungen // Gedenkschrift M. Mayrhofer.
Wien ( ). B1).
29
Cheung J. Etymological Dictionary of the Iranian Verb. Leiden, 2007.
P. 445446.
30
(.)
31
(.).

734

: yrrtw yrmnk 32, yr 33.


*nx (
mnxd34) , *ham-bax-.
, yrxc , ,
-8 35.
*x xx. ..,
x,
36. ,
- ?
5. -62/-IV, . 1137.
. , .
YRX pnw(m) BYWM (gw)t ZNH tpnk(w)[k]
1. (B)[NT] IIIIII C
680, (?) , .


2. ( k) NPY y pystr ztyk nw( k)
, -?-.
wt , . gu.
pystr ( ),
, ktr . , *-tara-, -tr,
pys , *paisa, ps .
, pysk38. . . . 285 (. 139); 2, 3.
.. ... . 51. , ( 20b),
yry.
(. Lurje, Chorasmian names..., F16)? , , yr, yrgmg
, yr (.: .. . . ., 2010. . 154155).
34
Samadi M. Das chwaresmische Verbum. Wiesbaden, 1986. S. 118.
35
Lurje P.B. Personal Names... 1193.
36
Henning W.B. Mitteliranisch // Handbuch der Orientalistik. Pt. 1. Vol. IV.
Iranistik, 1. Abschnitt: Linguistik. Leiden; Kln, 1958. S. 115.
37
, . .. -. . VI.1.
38
Lurje P.B. Personal Names... 987. 20
.
32

... -

735

:
, , .
ztyk ..39. ,
nw ( ). *anaua- ,
- nw grdmn
40 , : (Anruwn .) 41.

. , .
42.
.
,
43. 23 912 ,
fw, . 4 8 fw f . , ., 5, 6 7 ,
, fw q (<*f , ) < 44. rwn
fw nwsrjy, nwsr
. , rwcn (brwrtn , . rwjn 19
), , , *nwsr .

33

.., .. ... . 60.


. . 6162. nw , nwk .
41
Lurje P.B. Personal Names... 833 .
42
Al-r al-bqaan al-qorn al-xla / Ed. C.E.Sachau. Lpz., 1879. S. 47.
43
Ibid. S. 6970; 235 ff.
44
(Umm. 4667), , -123, . 27b. ,
, .. ( ..,
// . 1985.
1.. 2833 = .. . / . .. . ., 2012. . 391398).
39
40

736

. 5. -62/-IV, . 11 ( : .. -. . VI.1)

, fw45 f ,
. , , ,
46. , ..
nkm,
, , , .-.
hangma- , , . nm47. , , xwm.
12, xwmnc 48. , xwm ..
-49.
24 . ,
, nfknjnkm, : nkm
, , knj , nf, *nfa- , , ,
np, n 50, nf 51.
.. f- w()
( .. . . 393).
46
Al-r... S. 237238; .: ..
II// . 1985. 6. . 3539 = ..
. . 399405.
47
Henning W.B. A Fragment of a Khwarezmian Dictionary / Ed. by
D.N.MacKenzie. L., 1971. P. 29.
48
, . .
49
.. ... . 167.
50
ccnnpc , .. ( ..
. , 2006).
51
..
nmaka- ( .. .
. 396397) .-. m . f(*?).
45

... -

737


np , ,
knc, nkm. yzyn, ywzn yyzn,
*yaz- , *yazna> jan .
pn pn, *pana- . , ,
. (
) . , m,
pnym pnym ,
BYWM m .
SUMMARY
Some Unpublished Chorasmian Inscriptions from Tok-Kala
by P.B.Lurje
(St.-Petersburg)
The biggest set of cursive Chorasmian inscriptions comes from the
necropolis of Tok-kala in Northern Chorasmia. Only nine of c. 100 inscriptions have been published so far. Here we publish the readings of
five more inscriptions. Particular attention is paid to personal names and
calendric terms attested in them.

..

..

,
, 1. ,

, , 1962 .,
2.
.., ,
IXXI .3. , ,
, 12 . 1
.. - //
CA. 1970. 3. . 253254; .
XI . //
. ., 1981. . 7576; .
// Ozbekiston arhitekturasi va qurilishi. 1999. 34. . 3738; .
// . 2001. XXVI.
. 129133; . .
// : . , 2003.
. 148151.
2
.. . . I. , 2012. . 121140.
3
..
IXXII . // . 1958. XII. . 2338; .
IXXII . (II) // . 1963. XV. . 7387; .
IXXII . (III) //
. 1963. XVI. . 3555; .
IXXI . (IV) // . 1966. XVII. . 5462; .
IXXII . (V) // . 1969.
XIX. . 4250.

...

739

, ,
, .. . - , . ,
,
..4. ,
1969 . .., ,
, , , , , ,
, 19921993 . 5.
, 1986 .
., ( )
, 6.


,
. ,
, 7.
,

IXXII .
, , .. IXX .8.
.C. IX
XIII . , 1967.
5
Terres secrtes de Samarcande. Cramiques du VIIIe au XIIIe sicle. P.,
1992.
6
Ghouchani A. Inscriptions on Nishabur Pottery. Tehran, 1986.
7
Grube E.J. Cobalt and Lustre. The First Centuries of Islamic Pottery. The
Nasser D.Khalili Collection of Islamic Art. Vol. IX. Oxf., 1994; Pancarolu O.
Perpetual Glory: Medieval Islamic Ceramics from the Harvey B.Plotnick
Collection. Chicago, 2007.
8
.., .. // .
, 60- . ...
, 1994. . 3233; .
// . , 2002. . 111117;
. IXX . //
4

740

. 1. (: ..
. . LIV.3)

() .
,
...
I. .,
.. 1979 .9, , (. 1). :
Al-ikhlu yuhainu l-aml .
, , . (), : Sincere devotion is endowed with actions. 10.
. ; . 2007. . 245248;
.., ..
IXX . // . 2001. XXVI. . 1930; .., . //
. . 2002. 1 (26). C. 124133.
9
.. ( VIII
XIII .). , 1979. . LIV.3.
10
Volov L. Plated Kufic on Samanid Epigraphic Pottery // Ars Orientalis.
1966. 6. P. 130, 133. Fig. 6.

...

741

. 2. (: .C. . . 42. . . 3.)

, ,
-. ., ,
, 11.
,
,
. , , .. 12.
, , , ,
, , (). :
[Al-i]khlu yuhainu l-aml wa l-adaqatu... ...
(, )
. , : ... Wilkinson Ch.K. The Glazed Pottery of Nishapur and Samarkand // The
Metropolitan Museum of Art Bulletin. N.Y., November 1961. P. 112.
12
.. // 2200 . . , 2009. . 161162.
11

742

...
. -,
,
(ikhl) , , ,
, , 13,

.
, . 5.
,
(:
. .
, 57. . 40)
,
. ,
.
II. , (. 1),
:
... wa l l-bukhlu f mli l-shahhi yuzdu .
, , , . .:
L l-jdu yufn l-mla qabla fanihi wa l l-bukhlu f mli l-shahhi
yuzdu ,
( ),
14.
: ...avarice dans la richesse (...
)15.
, .,
. .,
,
, . ,
: . ., 1991. . 202.
Wilkinson Ch.K. Nishapur. Pottery of the Early Islamic Period. N.Y., 1973.
P. 100, 119. Fig. 2829; Ghouchani A. Inscriptions on Nishabur Pottery. 99,
121, 127; Pancarolu O. Perpetual Glory. P. 61, 69. Fig. 2.
15
Terres secrtes de Samarcande. P. 90. 129.
13
14

...

743

. 6. , (: .. . . XXXII.1.)

,
.
.,
-16, .
III. 1967 .
.. , : 17. , ,
,
(. 2). , ,
:
Al-hiylatu abla[]a min al-quwwati
.
18
Ghouchani A. Inscriptions on Nishabur Pottery. P. 218.
.C. . . 42. . . 3..
18
. // Sanat.
. 2008. 34 (4041). . 79;
. //
. , 2009. . 5156; .
XXI . //
. ., 2010. . 5253.
16
17

744

. 7. , (: Terres secrtes de
Samarcande. . 96. 164)

(. 3; . ).
:
Al-hiylatu ablaa min al-quwwati Stratagem is better than force
() , 19.
( ), ..
1963 . : wa qla ablau
20.
, , Pancarolu O. Perpetual Glory. P. 70.
.. // . , 1963. . 129. . 2.14.
19

20

...

745

, :
( ).
IV. ,
,
, 21.
(. 4; . ).
, , :
Al-waf azzun ( ).
:
Oeuvre pour Dieu22, .
, , .,
. 23 (. 5). .,
, ,
IXX ., : Loyalty (to a promise) is honourable24.
V. , ,
, :
1) Wa qlu: yufarahu l-... l-murdi bil-... : ...
... (. 6). .. 25.
2) ... bil-adbi kafarahi l- murdi ... ... o,
....
, (.
A-43-87), (. 7),
..
..26.
.. . ,
1986. . 100. . 25. . 1709; Terres secrtes de Samarcande. P. 96. Cat. 162.
22
Terres secrtes de Samarcande. P. 96. Cat. 162.
23
..
IXXII . // . 1958. XII. . 38; .
. . ., 2008. . 57. . 40.
24
Ghouchani A. Inscriptions on Nishabur Pottery. P. 284285. 132.
25
.. . . XXXII.1.
26
Terres secrtes de Samarcande. P. 96. Cat. 164.
21

746


..
Iran Bastan
Museum (. 8, ), 27, :
Lafarau l-adbi bil-adbi
kafarai l-murdi bil-murdi
The pleasure of the man of letters
with another man of letters is like
that of the disciple with another
disciple28 (,
) . 8. Iran Bastan
() Museum (: 7000 Years of
(, )
Iranian Art. 563)
() .
, : () .
: , lafarau, yufarahu,
.
, , , :
... () ( ).
, , ,
: ...
(, ) 29. , ,
, .
, , ,
.
, , ,
7000 Years of Iranian Art. Circulated by the Smithsonian Institution.
Washington, 1964/1965. P. 97, 166. 563; The Arts of Islam. Hayward Gallery
8 April 4July 1976. L., 1976. P. 225. 284.
28
Ghouchani A. Inscriptions on Nishabur Pottery. P. 130131. Pl. 55. . : The pleasure of one learned man with another is like
the pleasure of a student (Pancarolu O. Perpetual Glory. P. 72).
29
.., ..
IXX . . 2223. . 1,3; .., .. IXX . . 246.
27

...

747

,
, .
SUMMARY
Arabic Inscriptions on the Glazed Pottery from Samarqand
by J.Ya.Ilyasov
(Tashkent)
The publication introduces some new Arabian inscriptions on the glazed
pottery from Samarqand (10th cent.). All the inscriptions are analyzed in
the context of earlier published and commented texts. It is shown that they
belong to the tradition spread all over Mawara al-Nahr and Khurasan.

749


.
. .

. .

.
;
/ . .. , ... . IIII. ., 2010
. .
.
. 2010

/ . .., ..,
... ., 2010 (. 13)

. .; .
. ;

:
.

. .
:
..
. .

. .

.

. .
.
- .
.. -
. . IV. .; ., 19581995

. .

. .


. .

. .

. .; .

. .

. .

.
. .
. .

. .

. .


, , . .;

. .

. .



. ... .

. .

. .

750

. 2008 - :


. 2125 2008 . /
. ... , 2008

. .

-

. .

. .


. .

. .

.

. .

.

. .; .

.

-
. .



. ;
.
. .
. .
.., ..
. . . 1 2000; . 2 2003;
. 3 2007, . 4 2011.

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755

() ,

,
..

() ,
,

(-) ,
,

(, ) ,

() ,

(, ) , ,
,
. ..

() ,

(Boroffka Nikolaus) (, ) ,

() ,
,

(, )
,

(-) ,
( )
(-)
,

(Mitsuru Haga) (), Professor, Doctor of Literature, Tohoku
University, Center for the Advancement of Higher Education
() ,

() ,

. ..
() ,
. ..
(, ) ,

() ,

( ) ,
.

(, ) ,

(, ) ,

() ,

(, ) ,

() ,

(Tanabe Katsumi) (, )
(Chuo)

756

(, ) ,

(Wu Xin) (-, ), , - Institute for the Study of the


Ancient World (ISAW), NewYorkUniversity
() , ,
() ,

(, ) ,

(Schindel Nikolaus) (, ) , ,

Scripta antiqua. , ,
,
. . ,
.
, , , .
- 20. . , - ,
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, 8, 300 dpi.
Unicode, Times New Roman Titus.
.

(, Hellenica, Greek ..),
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