Section I

The Theme of Why We Cant Wait, by Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. (as the title suggests), is
rooted in the famous activists work which seeks to bring about social change in the country with
urgency and non-violent, direct actions. This books purpose is to inform and educate the reader
about that proposition for social change, as well as the Civil Rights movement that took not only
the nation, but the world by storm during the spring and summer of 1963. Dr. Kings account of
the movement takes place primarily in Birmingham Alabama, a heavily segregated and racially
tense atmosphere at the time, and aims to recognize how Civil Rights has evolved, and where it
must go in order to create a nation that is truly the land of the free. This book answers the
questions of why a revolution had to happen in the first place, how powerful the effects of
segregation and discrimination were, and the struggles protesters had to endure in order to make
small steps toward real equality and eliminate the oppression. It discusses the importance of
freedom songs, how families needed to be free because the suffering could no longer take hold,
and if emancipation was a fact and freedom was a force in the real world blacks were living in. It
reveals the real reason for the strugglethe goals of the movement, and the limitless
determination in the people that spearheaded the Civil Rights Movement. In the words of
Dorothy Cotton, the most important questions King answers are,
How nonviolence--the sword that healscan become a powerful tool to transform,
and thereby to transform systems designed to abuse people. He explains how all African
Americans involved in our own liberation struggle came to embody the dignity of moral
conviction and self-sacrifice (King, 8).
Section II
Introduction: Dr. King opens with a picture of a black boy and a black girl which are
both living in poverty in Harlem and Birmingham. He describes the two as separated by distance,
yet experiencing the same questions, Why does misery constantly haunt the negro? (King, 9).
The boy and girl are written to have known a history that was neglected to be told in
predominantly white textbooks about African Americans that contributed largely to the nations
foundation. These two children that represent black America are explained by King as two that
know beyond historythey know the reality of the timethe hard work and victory in war by
Lincoln resulting in the Emancipation Proclamation had occurred, but real equality hadnt taken
hold. Emancipation and freedom were not fully realized, Equality had never arrived. Equality
was a hundred years late (King, 10).
The Negro RevolutionWhy 1963? : King describes the year, saying money for
Americans was abundant, and many were flourishing, but the social climate was far from the
pleasant summer that was taking place. As the Revolution begins, those who saw its importance
are described as being driven by a burning need for justiceand a majestic scorn for risk and
danger that would grasp the country and shake the lacking societal norms that had been adhered
to without question for so long. The Negro Revolution is described as a movement that
generated quietly, but spoke in loud volumes against the long history of grievances the country
had assigned to it with a passion and a power that was a force of a frightening intensity,
(King,12). In the next part of this chapter, King continues on to ask the question of why 1963?.

There are a few reasons: first, if the nation kept the pace it was currently keeping in terms of
segregation and discrimination, it would be the year 2054 before integration in southern schools
would be a reality (King, 14). Something had to be done, because segregation was already
illegal on paper, but the reality of the lives that paper governed practiced segregation as a normal
part of life(Emancipation was a Proclamation, but not a fact, stated President Lyndon Johnson)
(King, 19). The second reason: political disappointment. It was a shared feeling among the black
population that politicians were promising and not delivering, but undermining the Civil Rights
cause. They had to listen to the constant promise that America would do anything to preserve
freedom in respect to the cold-war conflicts, yet the same heroic measures for defense were
neglected in the case of the nations own people simultaneously.
The movement also saw blacks in other countries granted the rights that they wanted, and
it was motivating. This, and the economic state of most blacks in the United States were a large
push, because in the celebration of the centennial for Negros liberation, the movement was
hardly joining in the festivities. Years after the emancipation, economic insecurity and social
inequality were very real issues, amongst a population that celebrated stability and financial
surplus. Discrimination was obvious in the south and subtle in the north, and black women had
been working for all of history while white ones were fighting for work. Decent employment for
African Americans was slim to none, and the centennial marking was a reminder of how long its
been and how far America hadnt come. The Civil Rights Movement would use nonviolence as
its most powerful tool as a sword that heals. Both a practical and a moral answer to the Negros
cry for justice (King, 22).
The Sword That Heals: In this chapter, King further discusses why it was imperative that
nonviolence was the route which the Revolution followed. He begins by explaining that for so
long, blacks had been physically enslaved, and even when this was over, there were still forms
that sought to oppress and sought to degrade the entire race, like the Jim Crow laws. Even in the
time of this writing, there was jailing as a very real threat that must be accepted by those in the
movement. Because of the color of their skin, their acceptance of jail often meant their
acceptance of beatings and trials that were a mockery of justice (King, 24). King explains that
by basically asking the police to punish them, they were making a claim. For so long, when the
threat of punishment is there, and then all of a sudden it is flipped, there is confusion. It was the
message that I do not deserve it, I will accept it so that the world will know that I am right and
you are wrong (King, 25). This is the courage and the soul force that would be the nonviolent
armys strength in opposition to the physical force they were met with.
King also describes tokenism as a step backwards for the movement which should not be
accepted because it is not the ultimate goal. Its a sort of cop-out, or, as he explains, a
hypocritical gesture not a constructive first step (King, 27). This chapter keeps that tone of
instruction for the movements people and why or why not they should choose these different
optionswhich will be most effective? Powerful? Resonating with the people? The chapter
continues to describe the life of black people as living in a world where they have been separated
on the basis of their color and stratified to a state equal with imprisonment. He then informs the
reader about the great work of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People,

which encouraged the establishment for blacks to participate in national elections and eliminate
methods like the grandfather clause which posed a barrier (King, 28). Nonviolence was chosen
because physical force could only get them so muchand often led to the loss of ones soul,
whereas nonviolent action stepped away from vindictive measures and instead proved a sort of
dignified sophistication that the movement would later be known for. King describes the nation
as a place which glorifies the violence of the frontier and physical brutality to say that
nonviolence is not an easy path, but it is true that it conjures a response from Americathat is
guaranteed.
King knew that for people to join the movement, they needed to feel like they were a part
of something, and people could get behind the nonviolence pact by securing their greatest
weaponstheir heart, their conscience, their courage, and their sense of justice (King, 33). The
chapter follows with a testament to the humanity of blacks, saying this is an entire race, and no,
not everyone will fight for freedom. People are different, and value different things, also,
corruption will obviously harm some minds, but what is important is that overall, the SCLC
portrays decency, honor, and courage (King, 38).
Bull Connors Birmingham: In the beginning of this chapter, King paints a picture for the
Birmingham that was the most segregated city in the United States. Everything was separate, and
although segregation had been denounced nationally, this city stated its incredible defiance and
reluctance to progress with the actions of desegregation. Brutality and violence were an everyday
fixture in the city, and at the head of this polluted town, was Eugen Bull Connor, who was an
extreme segregationist and racist that encouraged and did his part to perpetuate the power
structure the showed its overt disdain for the blacks that was equal with his disdain for the
federal governments authority (King, 41). People in the city were fearful, although many saw
the problems their town faced. The ultimate tragedy of Birmingham was not the brutality of the
bad people, but the silence of the good people (King, 42).
The second part of this chapter explains the efforts of the A.C.H.R. which met with
people like Dr. Lucius Pitts, A.G. Gaston, Edward Gardner, King himself, and Fred Shuttleworth.
They made progress in their meetings with local merchants by convincing them to remove their
Jim-Crow signs from their windows, which was encouraging, but all too soon, they were back up
and the rumor was that it was at the hands of Bull Connor who threatened merchants with a
revocation of their licenses if they did not heed his request. The group of activists knew
something greater had to be carried out, and began to plan a combined-action campaign. The
lunch counters in stores were the first targets for the SCLC, as they observed the black
population having a louder voice as far as buying power went in the business community.
The plan was entitled Project C (Birminghams confrontation with the fight for justice
and morality in race relations (King, 45), and was expanding quickly as the growing group
addressed letters to organizations like the NAACP and the Congress of Racial Equality, as well
as seventy-five religious leaders of all faiths who had joined us in the Albany Movement
(King, 49). The election was originally among King, Connor, and Boutwell, and the hope was
that the most extreme Connor would be taken out of the running firstunfortunately, it was

down to Boutwell and Connor, and the efforts of Project C would wait until the run-off election
on April 2nd to launch the direct-action campaign in Birmingham (King, 50).
New Day in Birmingham: Boutwell had won the election, but he was still a
segregationist, so there was still work to be done. King and his staff began their campaign with
sit-ins, where those participating were arrested after refusing to leave under trespass after
warning ordinance (exclusively local) (King, 52). The SCLC continued to hold meetings which
were gathering more followers, including the iconic activists Ralph Abernathy and Wyatt Walker
who was a prominent force in organizing the campaign. The author explains the importance of
freedom songs, declaring them the soul of the movement (King, 52). He states that the words
alone instill inspiration in those who can chant the shouts for joy, battle hymns, and the anthems
of our movement (King, 52). He saw them as a tie to the suffering of the slaves that came before
them and endured a bondage that spoke to the current movement. The Birmingham campaigners
were determined to prove that they did not need weapons of violence when they were armed with
the knowledge that their cause was right and the confidence in their actions.
In preparation for the brutality and violence that was an inevitable part of standing
against a large group of offenders, the campaign held training sessions that mimicked the
physical and verbal abuse they would experiencethe trainees were not to fight back with
violence or bitterness and maintain control, and as a result of this difficulty, some volunteers
could not pass as demonstrators, but the movement needed all the help it could get. They would
occupy other jobs that helped in ways like typing, making calls, running errands, &c. There was
a requirement to sign this commitment card that stated the ten commandments of the nonviolent
movement. In short, this card reminded the signer to always act with love and look to Jesus as an
example of how they ought to speak and carry themselves, sacrifice personal wishes for the
greater good, refrain from brute violence, maintain an altruistic sense of self, and follow
directions of leaders (King, 54).
A quick passing of helplessness and defeat was sweeping over the group when the public
media not only in Birmingham, but other parts of the country were disagreeing with the efforts of
the campaign. Without support, the strength of the SCLC was growing more difficult, but King
held true to his original message, even when the committee was beginning to become disjointed
and lose its unity it so desperately needed. King knew it was time for a get-together with the
team where he could reinstate the cause and remind the members what was really at stake. He
reiterated that Americans are standing together in this war, and that so long as dignity and
decency are denied to the humblest black child in Mississippi, Alabama, or Georgia, no Negro
or American is an outsider (MLK, Jr. had been dubbed an outsider recently). The SCLC regained
the slipping unity and the new order was stronger than ever in its demonstrations. It was then that
King and his staff, with much thought and discussion, would disobey a court order. The court
injunction that would force them to stop their activities until the right to demonstrate had been
tried in a court was denied by the group as they explained there was not a persuasive reason for
their position (King, 60).

Opponents were shocked, but the demonstrations carried on. On Good Friday, King and
all of the volunteers would walk together, but there was another obstacletheyd run out of
bond money to bring the hundreds of remaining demonstrators out from imprisonment and into
the march as well as to secure the position of King and the groups leaders. This was a problem,
but King took a risk and asked Abernathy if hed do the same and march together, knowing full
well they will go to jail. With help from his wife, Coretta, her phone calls to the President of the
United State (Kennedy) King was able to meet with his lawyers after his time in solitary
confinement, and met with more great newsthat Harry Belafonte, a huge helping hand in the
cause, had raised $50,000 for bail bonds.
Letter from Birmingham Jail: In his legendary letter, King addresses those who called the
SCLC demonstrations unwise and untimely (King, 66). He begins by explaining why the
nonviolent direction action campaigning began in the first place, as they were invited by the
outreach Alabama Christian Movement for Human Rights, but also because Birmingham was the
most segregated city in the United States, and obviously there needed to be work done. King was
aware and articulated the iconic phrase Injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere in
this letter, speaking to the interrelatedness of the nation and how the entire country must be
practice just statutes, not just a few (King, 66). The author also addresses the accusation of being
an outsider to the events in Birmingham, replying that every American is involved, and no one
can be considered an outsider if they are living in the country they seek to change.
Furthermore, King states that the timing of the nonviolent armys actions were
instated when they had no other choice due to the white hegemonic power structure in
Birmingham that was taking over. He explains that in a nonviolent campaign, the four steps to
completion are, collection of the facts to determine whether injustices exist, negotiation, selfpurification, and direct action the four steps which have been carried out in Birmingham since
the SCLC have arrived. The letter explains the promises that were made and broken by the
merchants in the wake of Bull Connor, and the timing of the demonstrations related to the
election. He explains that they had postponed the direct-action program many times until it was
obvious they couldnt wait any longer. The group couldnt wait for the new administration to
begin, because the acts in Birmingham that had become a normal part of the society had to be
eliminated before they had the chance to worsen and intensify. As King understands, whenever
wait has been used in terms of civil rights, it has meant never. He sees it as his responsibility
to take action and make a real difference. He also answers the question people might have as to
why he chose direct-action instead of negotiationreplying that direct-actions goal is
negotiation, seeking to bring forth the real problems and dramatize the issue that it can no
longer be ignored (King, 68).
In regard to the court orders the SCLC had disobeyed, King gives a riveting rebuttal to
the suggestion, saying that the responsibility of the people is not only a legal one, but a moral
one, and states, Any law that uplifts human personality is just. Any law that degrades human
personality is unjust, and because segregation is a law that is flawed on all fronts, it is an unjust
law that must be eliminated. King reiterates the importance of good people speaking up, and how
the silence of those who see what is wrong with the societal climate is worse than the events of

those who practice the physical evils, because they see change that has to be made and choose to
not fight for what is consciously right in their hearts, because its not convenient. In regard to
bringing tension to Birmingham, King states they are not creators of tension. We merely bring
to the surface the hidden tension that is already alive (King, 74). He explains that oppressed
people cannot remain oppressed, because the need for freedom is too strong and too essential to
ignore. The fight for freedom is an inevitable fight, in his eyes. And, in this same line of thought,
when labeled extremists from those on the outside, the author rightfully argues that they may
be extremists, but they are extremists of love and justice. In his last sentiments of this letter, King
explains his love for the church that is met with his disappointment in their lack of action, and
the fact that he cannot stand with the people in praise of the Birmingham police because they are
carrying on an evil if they choose to accept the laws of segregation and enforce it upon people
that seek the justice that is deserved and true.
Black and White Together: After eight days in the prison, Abernathy and King accepted
bond and started back up again with action and planning for more marches and demonstrations in
Birmingham, because the fight was far from over. Demonstrations and daily jailing were
consistent, but the citys status quo on segregation was still a very harrowing reality. King and
the rest of the SCLC agreed that they needed all the help they could get, and this is when young
people in high school and colleges joined the movementwith their enthusiasm and hunger for
participation King recognized as a necessity in any program. They were hesitant first, but it
would be one of the best decisions, because it brought a new impact to the crusade, and the
impetus that we needed to win the struggle (King, 84). With the help of these young students,
they were able to fill up the jails (Gandhian principle) (King, 86). There were 2,500
demonstrators in jail at one point, and the non-violent fight was growing stronger with every day.
However, with the great progress of the demonstrations and expansion, Bull
Connor was not ready to give up, and decided violence was what was needed to call attention to
his argument. In this time, people were being beat by police and seriously injured due to
firehoses and police dogs. But, the movement would soon be informed that the white business
structure was weakening under the adverse publicity, the pressure of our boycott, and a parallel
falling-off to white buying (King, 88). The progress was truly being recognized, and it was
motivating. Whites who previously would have joined in the harassments and horrendous acts of
violence that largely populated Birmingham were now neutral. In the midst of the
demonstrations, most of the participants were cited for criminal contempt, but leaders, including
King, were cited for civil contempt. It wasnt until the city attorney realized the leaders of the
movement would not give in that he reversed the charge to the criminal-contempt charge because
he would be putting away martyrs for the rest of their lives, and the adverse effects would be
detrimental to say the least.
The four issues of the campaign were the desegregation of lunch counters,
upgrading/hiring of blacks on a nondiscriminatory basis, dropping of charges against jailed
demonstrators, and creation of a biracial committee to discuss the further desegregation in
Birmingham. After days of violence and jails filled with those fighting for the same cause, the
business men that were key figure in a great city suddenly realized that the movement could not

be stopped and what was granted on May 10th? The four requests of the campaign. The victory
was hugebut it was known that the fight was not quite over in Birmingham. Those white
segregationists who believed the businessmen betrayed the race bombed the Gaston Motel where
the leaders of the campaign were staying, harming many in the act, and Kings brother had made
a call to the author when people had destroyed his home, noting that in the background he could
still hear people singing We Shall Overcome (King, 92-93). The president took a stand, and
ordered preparations to federalize the Alabama National Guard, which stopped those
committing the violence for a spell, but did not end the effects, as 1,000+ students that had
participated previously in the demonstrations were expelled by the citys Board of Education.
This decision, when taken to court with the help of the NAACP, was reversed, and Judge Tuttle
spoke out against the expulsions, explaining that while the country is trying to decrease the
number of school drop-outs, the last thing the nation needed was punishment for students
standing up to achieve their constitutional rights (King, 94). With the signing of the agreement,
this was a great sign for the justice in Birmingham to begin, but it was just thata beginning. It
was Kings hope that the sins of a dark yesterday will be redeemed in the achievement of a
bright tomorrow. I have this hope because, once in a summer day, a dream came true. The city of
Birmingham discovered a conscience (King, 95).
The Summer of Our Discontent: In this chapter, King reflects on the events of the
summer in Birmingham, explaining in the groundbreaking progress at Birmingham replaced a
sense of hopelessness and weakness with confidence that through nonviolent direct action and
unity with their organization, together they could achieve something representative of a social
transformation. King recognizes that these events ought not to be appreciated for the strides they
accomplished within Birmingham and the four main issues the campaign sought to achieve, but
for the accomplishments that were contributive to a larger scalethe changing in mindset of
millions of blacks and the faith in freedom. As King explains, the Negroes of America wrote an
emancipation proclamation to themselves. They shook off three hundred years of psychological
slavery and said: We can make ourselves free (King, 96). The events of the summer gave a
voice to a moment in time when a large population had been silenced for so long, and the white
mass of America was forced to see the reality of segregation and inequality that was such a
prominent fixture in the world they lived in. It shone a light on the injustices, and that has always
been one of the goals of the demonstrations.
Even still, with the legal desegregation of some programs and institutions in Birmingham,
there was an attitude that seemed to maintain the same kind of hostility within the people. King
reminds the reader that desegregation is not only a written law, but a way of life that must be
practiced by the people with their moral conscience active and not vacant. This kind of spirit
takes away from the accomplishments that the summer achieved. King recognized the events in
Birmingham as a large achievement that kicked off a revolution, noting that no revolution is
executed like a ballet (King, 100). He highlights the spontaneity of the movement which was
affected by the acts of humiliation, discrimination, and efforts to dismantle the unity within the
campaign, replying that those actions only strengthened the resistance by forcing the campaign to
reach deep into its arsenal for courage.

By the events of Birmingham, Alabama, the country acquired a different outlook. It

became a place where more integration was an ideal standard of living, and jobs were more
available for blacks, more people than ever, white and black, were fighting for everyday equality,
and A well-trained Negro found himself sought out by industry for the first time (King, 101).
The effects of Birmingham reached Washington, and accomplished what social revolutions do,
which, to King, are attracting more voices of strength, and crystalizing the opposition (King,
102). King saw those moderates in former opposition come to neutrality, and saw them in his
true optimistic fashion, as potential allies. The author also touches on the racial inferiority which
has been a stain unique to American history, beginning with the forced expulsion of many Native
Americans, which was continued in media culture and offered children a tainted view of what
was right and what justice ought to be.
King closes with the idea that blacks in this day would not (and could not) accept
domination or exercise violenceinstead, they ought to do what the non-violent direct action
campaign did by bringing attention to the existence of injustice and the need for true liberty the
country has prided itself on for centuries. He mentions that the impact of Birmingham could be
seen in the March on Washington led by A. Phillip Randolph, where for the first time, white
America looked at the black American conditions and decided to listen. This was a visible
change in the grand scheme of not only the nation, but the world.
The Days to Come: In this final chapter, King addresses how far the United States has
come, but more importantly, what has to be done in order to see the same type of change that
sparked the revolution in Birmingham and the evolving mindsets of the countrymen. He explains
that although some Americans might look back on the nations history and be disgusted or
horrified by the acts of slavery, those same principles are still being practiced today, and it is the
responsibility of the people to show those who cannot see the injustice to face it head on. King
compares the different times with their parallel characteristics between greedy hand of a slave
traffickerthe uplifted and admonishing finger of people who say today: What more will the
Negro expect if he gains such rights as.will he, like Oliver Twist, demand more? (King, 110).
In response to these questions of what more do they want? King in short says that black America
wants the justice and freedom that belong to him, but we do not have the luxury of granting all of
this change with a leisurely pace. It cannot happen gradually because of the years and years of
injustice, and because those who are suffering from it now deserve the independence they have a
right to but are being denied in the present moment. Waiting slows down the progress of the
black population, but also the entire nation.
King acknowledges that these solutions will not be easy to enact in the country. We have
to accept that there have been hundreds of years of injustice and outright wrongdoing, and we
cannot change those actions, but we can progress if we admit to ourselves that these things take
hard work and open minds/hearts. The author also emphasizes the importance of people to
create their own theories, shape their own destinies, and choose the leaders who share their own
philosophy (King, 114). There will continue to be differences of opinion, and that is fine,
because we are all individuals. But, we need to be fighting together, as collaboration allows the
masses to understand each other and truly coexist, rather than live in a world of social chaos and

anarchy. He continues on in saying that equality is not enough, we need to build a society where
we dont just give equal opportunity, but we provide opportunities that will give those who were
formerly labeled second-class citizens a possible chance at a higher standard of living. King
explains a comic performing a bit that basically said, even if the demonstrators at the lunch
counters were served, they wouldnt be able to payit has to go beyond equality, to realized,
practical help that makes that equal opportunity viable.
The writer goes on to describe the steps that ought to be taken to help those who are
impoverishedhow to give them a real chance at life, and the fact that even the supreme law of
the land (constitution) will be defied blatantly by those who see it unfit (see Birmingham,
Alabama, post demonstrations). He explains that future action has to take this resistance into
consideration because it is a very real obstacle in the way of the movement, and that there need
to be real alliances with civil-rights movements and organized labor forces and the federal
government. He then explains his experience with J.F.K, Lyndon Johnson, and Dwight
Eisenhower saying that Eisenhower could not commit to structurally changing movements
because of his rigid conservatism, Kennedy became a leader of social progress, but also an
example that hate is contagious and can directed from the black people to Americas loved
leader, and that Johnson had a different approach to civil rights matters than him, but that he
cared and was ready to be involved in any way he could.
Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. concludes his book explaining that now is the time to do away
with timidity and abandon abstract political neutrality in respect to voting alliances. Also, that
white and black have to stand together in order for real change to take hold and bring any
genuine equality to minority groups, and conscious and creative efforts have to be at the
forefront of the Negros liberation (King, 131). With these changes, black America will have to
adapt to new life, and there must be a philosophy that guides this change, but mankind has to use
the conscience they were given to look at their fellow human beings and realize what is right and
just, then accomplish those principles of justice through nonviolence.
Section III
Why We Cant Wait is a collection of answers, based on the real human experience. It
tackles the hardest questions that were the prominent social-climate discussions of the time, but
can also be applied to todays present conditions, and why things are the way they are, and how
we can recognize what needs to be changed then set out to make a difference in how those things
are perceived or acted upon. The book draws clear parallels between American slavery in the
1600s and an evolved form of the discrimination and oppression that continued on, hundreds of
years later. Kings telling of the motives in regard to the nonviolent direct action campaign are
inspirational because their success through much, much struggle is proof that people have to
fight for what they believe in not just with brute force and blind frustration, but with intelligence
and reasoning, with dignity and with the message of their goal exposed through peaceful actions
and driven by love, not by hate. The authors ability to recognize his opponents stances and
questions led his arguments and testaments to the cause that much stronger and honestly,
irrefutable. This novel worked in its time to inform people about what had to be done and why it

had to be done at that moment, and it still works today, when there is obviously still hatred and
fear, there is still racism and discrimination, and people that seek to overpower those that know
what is truly right and just. It is timeless, inspirational, and extremely educational in regard to the
human condition and how much has changed and remained the same.
Section IV
This book makes a huge contribution to sociology, because it tells of the struggles of a
minority group that were by no means new-comers, but just continually ostracized and
discriminated against based on the socially constructed racial components that people assigned
meaning towards. It is telling of the majority groups feelings toward the minority group, as well
as the minority groups struggle to assimilate, maintain culture, strive for stability which didnt
come and arguably hasnt come for a lot of people today, and escape stratification. By an
interactionist view, the events of Birmingham, Alabama, and how segregationists and white
supremacists reacted to the peaceful protests which shone a light on the true injustice of the
nation are significant as far as the tension in race relations go. As Ive stated above, this book is a
great marker for the transitions this country has faced, and how the events of blacks and whites
in America have changed, but maintained this tension, from physical slavery to the more subtle
racism we see today which has is prevalent in discrimination and micro-aggressions.
I didnt know the depth of Dr. Kings time in jail and the events of Birmingham,
Alabama. I had a vague idea, but my knowledge was significantly increased when I took the
chance to read the events of a man that experienced it first hand as a leader of the campaign. My
knowledge about the historical events was expanded, sure, but Dr. King was also very focused on
the why. My ideas of equality were very nave when I entered this class, and theyve grown, but
in reading this book especially, Ive seen them evolve because just like the campaigns
demonstrations, I was forced to see the grave injustices deeper than I ever had before, through
the ideas of someone who experienced it. I learned a lot about what has to be changed in order
for real justice to occur, and the alliances that have to be made in order for coordination to
actually be productive and for a nations ideas to come to fruition. I will never know the struggle
of Dr. King as he did, because I was not a black American in the 60s, but I can learn a lot from
reading and empathizing with the experiences he shared. It is a lesson in perseverance,
organization, cooperation, unity, trust, bravery, open hearts/minds, almost every admirable trait
that a human can possess, basically. Its not just about how to be a good citizen, but how to be a
good person, because recognizing these rights are not just legal issues, they are moral ones that
require individuals to look outwardly and inwardly about what is right.
I can absolutely apply this book to my own life. For one, I can learn from Kings
determination and his (nonviolent) fight. When someone can not only remain sane in solitary
confinement but create one of the most intelligent and inspirational letters in history, there is
something to be said for that persons perseverance. Everyone in the Civil Rights movement
needed this. They had to understand, like King did, that change required work, and was not
simple, not with all the obstacles that stood in the way. I think the biggest thing anyone can take
away from this book, or what I did, at least, was that if you believe in something, there is no time

like the present to see it realized in the world you live in. Also, that the inaction or silence of
good people or people with good intentions is just as much if not more of a crime than the
actions of bad people. It goes hand in hand with Gandhis famous, Be the change that you wish
to see in the world. Accepting or settling with complacency will never change anything, and
will only make you unhappy if you know change has to happen but are unwilling to do so. Also,
I think this book can apply not to my life exactly, but to those protestingreminding them that
violence and fear driven by hatred are not what changes the world for the better. If we want to
incite good change, we have to do so out of love. Dont fight because you hate the enemy, fight
because you love those who are being oppressed, and see what is truly deserved.
Personal Opinion:
There has not been a book that I have felt so lucky to read. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.,
such an iconic figure, has only elevated my respect and admiration for him, which I thought was
impossible before reading this account. I dont think Ive ever read such a book that was so
honest, but was still so informative. I was intrigued from the beginning, and so proud by the end.
Proud that we can live in a world where people like this exist. Proud that people who saw the
change that needed to happen actually took action, and fearful of what would have happened,
had they remained silent. I was ashamed of the actions of the country which for so long, had seen
the oppression and cruelty toward not only blacks, but Latinos, Native Americans, Chinese,
Arabs, and chose to continue the injustice and honest evil. But my shame in the depths of the
human race and the evil that could be done by it was outshone by the perseverance and
willingness for justice that was exemplified in the Civil Rights movement. I love this book,
because it was real. It seems impossible that so much destruction can be met with so much
goodness, and that people can be this good-hearted and spirited in the face of so many obstacles,
but it has brought me so much joy to reaffirm that this is real. Its a restoration of faith in
humanity, and motivation to be more in every aspect of my identity that I ought to wear proudly
and not dismiss.