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Melissa Leavitt
The Peoples Revolution
During Russias political and social upheaval in 1917, many revolutionary events took
place that would definitively shape the structural basis of the country for the next several
decades. In October of 1917, The October Revolution began and, under the control of Vladimir
Lenin, the Bolshevik Party overthrew the Provisional Government and forcibly seized power.
Although military force and strategy were involved, the purpose of this paper is to argue that this
seizure of power was not a military coup, but rather a revolution driven by the people of Russia.
The October Revolution was a popular movement of the people because by late 1917 the
Bolsheviks had obtained a majority in the soviets through the sharing of radical ideology, they
(intentionally and unintentionally) had their plans to seize power publicized and still pushed for a
revolution in the interests of the people, and had obviously compromised Marxist ideology to
include peasantry in the rebellion.
As Bolshevik support in the soviets accelerated throughout 1917, it proved that the Party
had growing popular political support from the most important working class organization.1 They
initially achieved this power through the spreading of their radical ideology. Soviets were born
out of a deteriorating economy as the working class looked to form a new government that would
better support them, and Lenin well understood that a majority within the soviets meant power
with the people.2
As Bolsheviks rallied within the soviets and became elected to leadership positions, they
began to share their ideology in an attempt to prove that their goals aligned with those of the
newly radicalized workers. Lenin, in his April Theses, shared views that would have resonated
1 Peter Kenez, A History of the Soviet Union from Beginning to End, 2nd ed. (New York:
Cambridge University Press, 2006), 26.
2 Kenez, A History of the Soviet Union, 26.

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well with the masses, and especially well with the unprecedentedly large masses of proletarians
who have just awakened to political life.3 Throughout the April Theses, Lenin outlines the
overthrow of the bourgeoisie and insists that the soviets workers of deputies is the only possible
form of revolutionary government.4 The success of these policies is evident from the general
upswing of Bolshevik support from within the soviets. Importantly, this sharing of ideology was
not done through propaganda or intimidation, but happened organically, as Kenez states,
because there was an eager audience for radical positions.5 This support of radical positions
later led to a majority of Bolsheviks within the soviets and recognition that their power was
legitimately derived from the members within.
The Bolsheviks intentions to seize power were shared with the public, which would
usually guarantee failure if the public was vehemently opposed to their plans. Their plan to
overthrow the bourgeoisie was public knowledge through their sharing of radical policies,
however the Party experienced a potential setback when Lev Kamenev and Grigorii Zinoviev
published key details of their imminent seize of power.6 Their intention, no doubt, was to give
the counterrevolutionaries the upper hand and stop the Bolsheviks from taking power. As Kenez
states, every politically aware person in Russia knew about the well-advertised intentions of the
revolutionaries.7 Kamenev and Grigorii essentially handed the populace the tools to destroy the
chances of Bolshevik power, and one could argue that the Bolsheviks successful transition of

3 Vladimir Lenin, The Tasks of the Proletariat in the Present Revolution (April Theses), in
The Structure of Soviet History: Essays and Documents, ed. Ronald Grigor Suny, (New York:
Oxford University Press, 2014), 40.
4 Lenin, Tasks of Proletariat, 41.
5 Kenez, A History of the Soviet Union, 26.
6 Jonathan Brunstedt, Lecture 5: Bolshevik Revolution, (lecture, Soviet Union, Utah State
University, September 10, 2015.)
7 Kenez, A History of the Soviet Union, 30.

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power despite obstacles that would destroy any normal military coup, happened because of the
support of the people.
Under the context of having intimate details of their plan published, Lenin, in his Letter
to Central Committee Members, explicitly outlines that the revolution must happen immediately
for the defense of the people.8 He goes on to say, If we seize power today, we seize it not in
opposition to the soviets, but on their behalf.9 These statements imply that although the
Bolsheviks may be acting independently of the soviets and without their permission, they intend
to keep the needs of the proletariat central to the revolution. His impassioned plea with his
comrades was for the interests of the army. the interests of the peasant and interests of the
starving.10 Lenin understood victory was possible even though their secrecy may have been
compromised, because they represented and were supported by the oppressed proletariat.
Discontinuing strictly adhering to a Marxist image of the future,11 the Bolsheviks
changed some of their key ideological viewpoints with regards to the peasantry to aid them in
their own agricultural revolution. The chaos that ensued as the peasantry revolted against
landowners in June 1917 is illustrated in the Report of the Commissar of Novoaleksandrovsk,
which describes the mass uprising of the peasantry after attending a socialist assembly.12 Private
land owners were allocated land that they could cultivate themselves, and the rest was divided
among the deserving peasants. In a word, private owners and tenants are completely denied
management of their lands,13 as the peasants intended to erase the establishment of the old order
8 Vladimir Lenin, Letter to Central Committee Members, in The Structure of Soviet History:
Essays and Documents, ed. Ronald Grigor Suny, (New York: Oxford University Press, 2014), 48.
9 Lenin, Letter to Central Committee, 48.
10Lenin, Letter to Central Committee, 48.
11 Kenez, A History of the Soviet Union, 29.
12 M. Martynov, Report of the Commissar of the Novoaleksandrovsk Uezd, Kovno
Guberniia, in The Structure of Soviet History: Essays and Documents, ed. Ronald Grigor Suny,
(New York: Oxford University Press, 2014), 45.
13 M. Martynov, Report of the Commissar, 45.

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completely. Even though the committee later issued commands to try and stop peasant land
seizures, there was nothing to be done to subdue the masses.14 It was clear that the peasantry was
participating in a haphazard agricultural revolution that defined their class struggle.
Immediately after coming to power in 1917, the Bolsheviks declared all land to be
national property, but were willing to allow peasants to cultivate the plots they had previously
seized as their own.15 This signified that the Bolsheviks recognized the peasants claim to private
property as legitimate, even though it went against Marxist ideology. Kenez explains they
believed that the possession of private property would make the establishment of a socialist
party more difficult.16 However, with the understanding of the value the peasants placed on the
land obtained in their agricultural revolution, the Bolsheviks made concessions that conflicted
with Marxism to ensure continued support of the peasantry. This change in Party policy shows
major external influence from public needs and even though the Party was one entity, it acted on
behalf of the public. If the Party had the force and the desire to enact a completely authoritarian
military coup, then they wouldnt be so concerned with public support and appeasing the
peasantry.
Through peasant and proletariat uprisings, power over the Russian state was essentially
up for grabs in the fall of 1917. By sharing radical ideology within the soviets and obtaining a
majority from within, Bolsheviks were able to represent the needs of the proletariat and gain
legitimate public power. Bolsheviks showed that they had general public support, discredited
conspiracy theories by making their plans public, and still had a successful transition of power by
continually advocating for bread, land, and peace.17 Lastly, through the influence of public
14 M. Martynov, Report of the Commissar, 46.
15 Kenez, A History of the Soviet Union, 28.
16 Kenez, A History of the Soviet Union, 29.
17 Jonathan Brunstedt, Lecture 5: Bolshevik Revolution.

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opinion Bolsheviks adhered less strictly to Marxism, and the terms of the revolution became
dictated by the needs of the masses. The Bolsheviks were enabled through public support and
public uprisings to take control of the Russian state, and even though it could be viewed as one
party dominating the people, the October Revolution was a genuine proletariat revolution.

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Bibliography

Brunstedt, Jonathan. Lecture 5: Bolshevik Revolution. Lecture presented in the class Soviet
Union at Utah State University, Logan, Utah, September 10, 2015.
Kenez, Peter. A History of the Soviet Union from Beginning to End, 2nd ed. New York: Cambridge
University Press, 2006.
Lenin, Vladimir. Letter to Central Committee Members. in The Structure of Soviet History:
Essays and Documents, edited by Ronald Grigor Suny, 47-48. New York: Oxford
University Press, 2014.
Lenin, Vladimir. The Tasks of the Proletariat in the Present Revolution (April Theses). in The
Structure of Soviet History: Essays and Documents, edited by Ronald Grigor Suny, 44.
New York: Oxford University Press, 2014.
Martynov, M. Report of the Commissar of the Novoaleksandrovsk Uezd, Kovno Guberniia. in
The Structure of Soviet History: Essays and Documents, edited by Ronald Grigor Suny,
45-46. New York: Oxford University Press, 2014.