Understanding Resilience in Muslim-American Immigrant Women: An Examination of Protective Processes An Abstract of a Psy.D. Clinical Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the California School of Professional Psychology at Allliant International University — San Diego In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirement for the Degree Doctor of Psychology by Karen Golden Abuzahra 2004UMI Number: 3119783 Copyright 2004 by Abuzahra, Karen Golden Alll rights reserved, INFORMATION TO USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleed-through, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized ‘copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. UMI UMI Microform 3119783 Copyright 2004 by ProQuest Information and Learning Company. All rights reserved. This microform edition is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest Information and Learning Company 300 North Zeeb Road P.O. Box 1346, ‘Ann Arbor, MI 48106-1346Understanding Resilience in Muslim-American Immigrant Women: An Examination of Protective Processes ‘An Abstract of a Psy.D. Clinical Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the California School of Professional Psychology at Alliant International University ~ San Diego In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirement for the Degree Doctor of Psychology by Karen Golden Abuzahra 2004Abstract This qualitative clinical psychology dissertation examined the life journeys and immigration experiences of 9 resilient Muslim immigrant women. The primary purpose of this exploratory interview study was to obtain a greater understanding of the protective processes that foster resilience in Muslim-American immigrant women. The participants immigrated to America as adults, residing in the U.S. for between 6 and 35 years. They faced risks and challenges common to other immigrants (¢.g., language difficulties), but they also struggled with unique challenges secondary to being Muslim women (e.g., dealing with stereotypes, bias and discrimination, especially post-September 11" raising, children in a minority faith; and adjusting to a non-collectivist society). The participants emphasized the importance of spiritual, familial, gender, and individual protective processes. However, faith uniquely emerged as a broad, underlying, and central support for these women. They highlighted their positive, close, direct, and collaborative relationship with God as their most important support. Additionally, relational and collective bonds from inside and outside of the family system cultivated resilience across the lifespan. They emphasized the importance of spousal support. Their resilient stories of strength and empowerment contradicted societal stereotypes about ‘Muslim women. All of the participants demonstrated a clear integrationist acculturation preference. Their life joumeys provided support for the importance of conceptualizing resilience as a dynamic, developmental growth process embedded within overlapping contexts. This researcher offered clinical suggestions for fostering resilience development as well as recommendations for additional strength-based multicultural research.Dedication and Acknowledgements In the Name of Allah, The Most Gracious, The Merciful. I humbly dedicate this work to Allah, The One and Only God, The Cherisher and Sustainer of the Worlds. May Allah accept this effort and make this work a source of knowledge and inspiration. May Allah forgive me for any mistakes that may have occurred herein. Ithank You, Allah, for all of the favors that You have bestowed upon me. Thank You for guiding me to Islam. Thank You for granting me the ability to complete this task and the strength to persevere through this long journey. Without Your Help this work would not have been possible. Were it not for Your Guidance and Mercy, this dream would never have become a reality. Alhamdulillah (Thanks and Praise be to God). Thank you Allah, The Most High, for surrounding me with loving and supportive others since my earliest days. Jazaka Allahu khayrun to my supportive, encouraging, and patient husband, May Allah reward you with the best of rewards. Thank you Allah for blessing us with a child. My son, your faith and joy have enriched my life in so many beautiful ways. May Allah always guide you on the straight path. Thank you Allah, The Most Compassionate, for blessing me with parents, who deeply loved me and nurtured my resilience. Thank you my parents for teaching me to reach for the stars, to follow my dreams, and to stand up for my convictions. Thank you for encouraging my independent thought and my faith in myself. Your trust, acceptance, and support have been invaluable. Thank you my mother for your unconditional love, ever- available listening ear, and for sharing your faith. Thank you for your positive modeling, teaching me to respect, understand, empathize with, and jove others, as well as myself. Thank you my father for your generous support throughout my academic career and your patience, especially in the last few months of this endeavor. ‘Thank you my grandparents for your love and support through the years. Thank you Judy for your protective guidance and loving concern. Thank you for sparking my interest in psychology. ‘Thank you Allah for granting me the support of my husband’s loving family. I am deeply ‘grateful for all of their support, prayers, generosity and sacrifices. Jazahum Allahu Khayrun, May Allah reward all of them. Next, I wish to acknowledge and thank the remainder of my family, as well as my friends, mentors, professors, supervisors, and colleagues who have inspired me over the years, graciously sharing their knowledge and hope. I have learned so much from all of you. I would especially like to thank all of my dissertation committee members for their never- ending commitment, support and guidance over these many years. Your flexibility and understanding were invaluable.Dr. Mei-I Chang, thank you for being much, much more than the best dissertation chair imaginable. I am grateful and indebted to you for your dedication, knowledge, optimism and patience. Since my first days of graduate school, you have nourished my professional and personal development. Thank you for illustrating the value of a strength-based approach so early in my training. Thank you for encouraging me to strive to meet my full potential. Your faith and confidence in me was inspiring. You've been a wonderful mentor. Dr. Felise Levine, thank you for your belief in this resilience study since its conception. I appreciate your sincere commitment as a reader. Your insightful comments and suggestions increased my comprehensive understanding of the material. Thank you for so richly illustrating the importance of the familial and systemic context in which we all live. Dr. Rasha al-Disugi, jazaki Allahu khayrun. May Allah reward you with the best of rewards and shower you with His blessings, I am very grateful for your willingness to join my dissertation committee as a reader and your continued enthusiasm over the years. Your contributions have been invaluable in shaping this work, as well as my own sense of myself as a resilient Muslim woman. Thank you also for your extensive editing and proofreading Dr. Debra Kawahara, thank you for your contributions as my dissertation reviewer. Your suggestions stimulated my thinking and strengthened the document. Thank you very much for helping me meet my tight deadlines. ‘Thank you to my dissertation group colleagues for your support and wonderfil suggestions. ‘My friend Zain, our journey together as graduate students has finally come to a close. This day seemed so far off the very first day of school when we met. I thank Allah for blessing me with the gift of your friendship. Thank you for always being there to lend a helping hand and a listening ear. You contributed so much to this work. May Allah reward you. I would like to acknowledge and thank Monica Boddie for her editing assistance. Our long talks were also a profound inspiration, which richly contributed to this final product. Thank You Allah for guiding me towards the most precious, beautiful group of supportive friends in San Diego. Thank you my friends for your love, friendship, support, encouragement, and wise suggestions. Jazakunna Allahu khayrun. May Allah reward all of you with the best of rewards. A special acknowledgement goes out to the sisters in my ‘Arabic and Islamic study groups. Thank you for inspiring me to strive in the way of Allah. Also, thank you Eka for helping me decide upon a research focus, and thank you Rebecca, Saadiqah, and Mary for your endless support over the years. There are too many names of women for whom I would like to thank. May Allah reward all of you. Words cannot even begin to convey what your friendship and sisterhood mean to me. Thank you for your patience, assistance, and sacrifices. I will treasure these gifts and our memories together. Last, but not least, I want to express my thanks and gratitude to the participants, who so ‘generously volunteered to share their time, their words, and their life stories. I pray that T accurately understood and articulated your experiences and voices. Your unique strengths and resilience were truly inspiring! May Allah shower you with His blessings.TABLE OF CONTENTS Chapter 1-Introduetion Historical Overview... Growing recognition of the importance of multicultural researc! History of religion and spistuaity in psychology Statement of Problem... Statement of Purpose .. Relevance to Clinical Theory. Definitions of Terms... Chapter 2-Literature Review The Muslim Faith....... Population size and demographics... History of the Muslim fait Components of faith-Main beliefs and practices. 20 Gender—Muslim women. ‘Women in Islam~Attitudes toward women/women’s rights and roles.. ‘Muslim women in the modern world where ideals meet reality... Women’s role in the family and gender socializatior Islam and psychotherapy... History of the Concept of Resilience Introduction to the concept. The individual component of resilience —Key research studies and theoretical notions 51 Individual traits associated with resilience Z sesersseessereeee D2, Gender influences Resilience in Context Resilience as a transactional process The familial component of resilience . Resilience in an ethnic/cultural context, The spiritual component of resilience. Faith: A protective mechanism . Integrating family, cultural diversity, and spirituality into a systemic view of resilience 73 Immigration and Acculturation. Immigration statistics.. Immigration and its psychological impact. Acculturation. Muslims in America—Muslim immigrants.. Immigration.. Acculturation—Life in America. Unique challenges and opportunities facing Muslim women living in Americ:Resilience and Muslim-American Women. Spiritual protective processes—Muslim spirituality as a source of resilience Individual protective processes. Gender protective processes ....... Familial protective processes... Research lens 100 102 1105 Chapter 3-Methods and Procedures 106 108 ‘Type and design of stud! Research questions... Site and time of year. 108 Participants. 109 Procedure-Data collection and analysis 110 Analysis of data. 12 115 116 Provisions for trustworthiness. Protection of human subjects Chapter 4 Results 117 tig 120 Participants... Participant demographics. Individual descriptions of participant Summary of Data Analysis. we BL Table | - Summary of the number of participants endorsing each major theme.......-131 Thematic Content. 14.132 ‘Theme #1—Mourning the Loss of the Familiar 132 ‘Theme #2—“They Don’t See Us for Who We Really Are Behind the Scarf” 137 Theme #3—Managing Multiple Roles... . 143 Theme #4—Spiritual Supports and Spiritual Growth... 147 ‘Theme #5—Familial Supports in Americ: 162 Theme #6—Growing Up: A Strong Caring Foundation. 165 Theme #7—Experiences of War, Oppression, and Discrimination “Back Home"....170 ‘Theme #8—Gender Messages... TB ‘Theme #9—Personal Resilient Strengths 180 Theme #10—“Without Sacrificing Faith”: An Integrationist Acculturation Preference189 Chapter 5Discussion 194 194 194 Research and Interpretative Lens. Growth Journeys ....00 Growing years: A secure, ecosystemie foundation Coming to America: Uprooted and replanted in a “different environment” . 199 Constructing a stronger new home 204 PaIth nn 206 Resilience as growth in the face of adversity. 208Integrative Summary... Limitations to the Study. Clinical Implications. Suggestions for Future Research .. References... Appendices... . . ‘Appendix A—Informed Consent Agreement. Appendix B—Subject’s Bill of Rights Appendix C—Community Psychological Resources and Referrals Appendix D—Demographic Questionnaire. .. Appendix E—Interview Guide... Appendix F—Study Recruitment Flyer ‘Appendix G—Translation Key...List of Tables ow 131 Table 1 Summary of the number of participants endorsing each major themeChapter 1 Introduction Historical Overview Growing Recognition of the Importance of Multicultural Research ‘American society is fast becoming a multicultural, multiracial, multilingual, and a multifaith community. The percentage of ethnic minorities in this country is rapidly growing (Sue & Sue, 1999). According to data from the U.S. Census Bureau, approximately 32.5 million immigrants live in the United States, the largest number ever recorded in the nation’s history (U.S. Census Bureau, 2003). One third of the U.S population are people of color (U.S. Census Bureau, 2002), and diverse religious and spiritual faith traditions currently form a mosaic throughout American society. Hall (1997) has proposed that the changing demographics occurring in the United States require psychology to make substantive revisions in its curriculum, training, research, and practice. "Without these revisions, psychology will risk professional, ethical, and economic problems because psychology will no longer be a viable professional resource to the majority of the U.S. population" (p. 1). Increasingly, many researchers have noted that culture needs to be made more central to the understanding of personality and psychopathology (Lewis-Ferandez. & Kleinman, 1994; Sue & Sue, 1999). Unfortunately, within society, the history and experience of the culturally different has often been a history of oppression, discrimination, and racism. Likewise, historically, the psychological and mental health literature has portrayed minorities as mentally unhealthy (Sue & Sue, 1990). Psychological research has tended to exclude diverse populations fromits participant pool and Western psychology has tended to operate from an ethnocentric perspective, assuming that research and theories based on the majority population are applicable to all groups (Hall, 1997). Hall has noted that with this inappropriate generalization, people of color and women have been misdiagnosed and mistreated by psychology for decades. As psychology has failed to meet the needs of minority populations, minority clients have tended to underutilize traditional mental health services and terminate counseling prematurely at a rate much greater than White clients (Sue & Sue, 1999). However, in recent years, the necessity of respecting diversity and conducting multicultural research became increasingly apparent. Beginning in the 1960s and 1970s, culturally encapsulated views of women and minority groups began to receive widespread criticism. Then, the civil rights’ and feminists' movements further chipped away at some long-held prevailing stereotypes. In the last two decades, many writers published articles and books proclaiming the need for greater multi-cultural sensitivity. Researchers began. exploring the impact of cultural diversity within the family system as well. Furthermore, ethical guidelines have come to recognize that psychologists have a clear ethical and clinical obligation to obtain the training and experience necessary to provide competent services to diverse populations. For example, the 1992 and 2002 APA Ethical Principals of Psychologists and Code of Conduct have emphasized the importance of being aware of and respecting cultural, individual, and role differences that are based on age, gender, race, religion, as well as other factors (American Psychological Association, 1992, 2002). However, one area of cultural and role diversity has remained problematic, religious difference is still very poorly understood. History of Religion and Spirituality in Psychology Historically, religious and spiritual issues were excluded and neglected withinpsychological and clinical theory, research, and training. The relationship historically between psychology and religion was an uneasy one (Loewenthal, 2000). Often, religious beliefs were regarded as reflecting immature and underdeveloped aspects of the individual (Freud, 1927/1961). For example, Freud referred to religion as "the universal obsessional neurosis of humanity" (Freud, 1927/1961, p. 43). Describing the alienation between religion and psychology, Richards and Bergin (1997) noted that early biases against spiritual perspectives adopted by the early psychoanalytic and behavioral leaders became deeply embedded in psychological and clinical thought. Patterson, Hayworth, Turner, and Raskin (2000) further recognized that researchers and clinicians within the family field often ignored issues of religion and spirituality. However, there were a few historical noteworthy exceptions, scholars who valued the exploration of spiritual processes within the psychological realm. These individuals included James (1902/1936), Jung (1938), social psychologists such as Allport (1950), and psychiatrists such as Frankl (1963). Jung was one of the few theorists to believe that healing the psyche necessitated a reconnection to a spiritual and religious outlook. However, this religious and spiritually open counter-culture did not begin to significantly influence mainstream behavioral science until the 1970s and 1980s (Richards & Bergin, 1997). In recent years, there has been a resurgence of interest in spirituality in the general public and in the field of psychology. This movement in psychology is evidenced by several factors, such as the revised Ethical Principles of Psychologists and Code of Conduct (American Psychological Association, 1992), which includes religion as a human diversity issue. The DSM-IV also added a V-code entitled "Religious or Spiritual Problem" (American Psychiatric Association, 1994). The multicultural movement in psychology is partly responsible for the increased attention given to spirituality as spiritualissues are now often regarded as a dimension of cultural diversity. Furthermore, there have been a number of recent attempts to integrate aspects of religion and spirituality into the psychotherapeutic context (Miller, 1999; Richards & Bergin, 1997, 2000). Therapists have begun realizing that spiritual beliefs and behaviors can be powerful resources for promoting therapeutic change (Richards & Bergin, 1997, 2000). To work with many clients, especially those from varying cultural and religious groups, an integrated spiritual component of treatment is helpful and enhances treatment effects (Budman, Lipson, & Meleis, 1992; Propst, 1980; Propst, Ostrom, Watkins, Dean, & Mashburn, 1992; Richards & Bergin, 1997). Furthermore, in contrast to previous assumptions about the detrimental impact of religion on functioning, empirical research has shown that religious devoutness and commitment have been positively associated with healthy physical, emotional, familial, and social functioning (Bergin, 1991; Richards & Bergin, 1997). ‘There has been a growing surge of interest in spirituality among family psychologists as well (Walsh, 1999a). Researchers have begun realizing that, for most people, religion and family life have been deeply intertwined (Burton, 1992; Walsh). The family has been the vehicle through which religion and faith have been transmitted across generations. Although significant efforts recently have been made to develop and integrate spiritual interventions into psychotherapy practice, the profession is still in its infancy in this domain, Furthermore, despite the recent growing interest in spirituality within psychology, knowledge about the Islamic faith has remained scarce (Daneshpour, 1998; Haque, 2004; Kobeisy, 2001, 2004). The growing field of the psychology of religion has primarily focused its research upon the psychology of Westen Christianity. Other religious and spiritual traditions have failed to be studied in the same way. However, research has shown that the relationship between psychological and religious variablesdiffers in different cultural contexts (Loewenthal, 2000). ‘Statement of Problem ust as therapists ethically need to seek training to enhance their skills and sensitivity with respect to issues of race, gender, and other aspects of diversity, they also have an ethical obligation to increase their skills and sensitivity with clients who are religious and spiritually oriented (Richards & Bergin, 1997). However, religious and spiritual issues traditionally have been neglected within psychological research, practice, and theory. Additionally, few psychotherapists have been adequately trained or prepared to deal effectively with such issues clinically (Richards & Bergin). Shafranske and Malony (1990) discussed the results of a survey of members of the American Psychological Association. The survey found that 83% of clinicians reported non-existent education and training about religion/spirituality. Additionally, only 33% of clinicians stated that they felt competent to address such concerns in therapy. Furthermore, despite the fact that over a billion people worldwide identify themselves as Muslim (Barrett, 1996) and Islam is the fastest growing faith in this country (Glassman, 1996; Stone, 1991), the research literature concerning Muslim-Americans has remained inadequate (Haque, 2004; Haque-Khan, 1997; Kobeisy, 2001). Although there are an estimated 5 to 8 million Muslims living in the United States (Ba-Yunus & Siddiqui, 1998; Council on American-Islamic Relations, 2004; Glassman, 1996; Nu’man, 1992, Stone, 1991), very little research has explored the psychotherapeutic implications involved in working with this population (Haque). Muslims constitute a sizeable minority of the immigrant population in this country, yet little literature has examined the factors helping them adjust to their new and different life in America. Additionally, in the literature, there have been widespread misconceptions about Muslims, a general lack ofknowledge about Islam, and poor representations of Islamic values, traditions, and beliefs. The tragedies that occurred on September 11, 2001 in New York and Washington DC have led to some increased attention and interest in understanding the Islamic faith. However, accurate and unbiased information has remained scarce, and the media has continued to perpetuate many stereotypes about Islam and Muslims, Perhaps the greatest area of misunderstanding and stereotypes has concerned the rights and roles of Muslim women. Often, Muslim women have been the focus of misunderstanding and misrepresentation (Haque-Khan, 1997). There has been little psychological research studying Muslim-American women and almost no literature focused on understanding how they adjust and cope with stress. No previous research has specifically explored the concept of psychological resilience among Muslims or Muslim- American immigrant women. The process of immigration and acculturation has created unique stressors for all immigrants (Espin, 1987); however, this process has been especially difficult for Muslim women (Hermansen, 1991). Unfortunately, current political events have just further intensified the tensions and risks that these women face, Historically, the small amount of research conducted on Muslim women has often perpetuated biases and stereotypes, failing to reveal the Muslim American woman's own voice. One central stereotype spread throughout the literature has been the allegedly low position of women within Islamic teachings (Aswad & Bilge, 1996). However, Islam, as a religious belief system, has emphatically advocated the just, equitable, respectful, and loving treatment of women (al-Disugi, 1999; Badawi, 1991; Jawad, 1998), Problematically though, many researchers have erroneously associated certain oppressive, patriarchal, and pre-Islamic cultural practices with true religious teachings and have remained misinformed about true Islamic spiritual beliefs as they concer the role of women in society (Jawad).Further complicating matters, the misguided actions of a minority of Muslim individuals have further reinforced erroneous perceptions of the true Islamic perspective. Unfortunately, the publication of this research has further perpetuated biases, increasing the likelihood of Muslim-Americans avoiding mental health treatment. Research has suggested that perceived prejudice does significantly impact help-seeking behavior among Muslims (Haque-Khan, 1997). Biased research has also perpetuated societal misunderstandings, creating greater difficulty in bridging the gap with this population. As with cross-cultural studies of other minority groups, researchers have used a defi pathology model when studying Muslims. Rarely, has research examined strengths, coping, and resilience. Historically, psychological research as a whole has neglected the study of those who have successfully negotiated life demands. As stated by the Basie Behavioral Science Task Force of the National Advisory Mental Health Council (1996), “Understanding what can go wrong in personality development is essential; equally important is discovering what can go right” (p. 1) In general, resilience has remained a concept that is poorly understood. Despite growing interest in the concept itself over the last several decades, definitions have remained unclear and debated (Luthar, Cicchetti, & Becker, 2000). Furthermore, little has been known about the cultural variations in this construct or about the role that spirituality may play in its development (Lopez et al., 2002). Previous research has primarily focused upon identifying individual personality traits that foster resilient functioning. Instead of being seen as a source of strength, often the family has been seen as dysfunctional, and the community and cultural context has been ignored in the research (Walsh, 1998). Within the resilience literature, spirituality has been found to be a protective factor for individuals facing many different types of challenges (Walsh, 1999b; Werner & Smith,1982, 1992; Wolin, Muller, Taylor, & Wolin, 1999). Even though both spirituality and faith have emerged as key themes that enhance adaptation and resilience, very few studies have sought directly to explore the interface of these constructs. Additional research has been needed to understand more fully how, why, and under what circumstances spirituality enhances resilience. Qualitative studies may be particularly enlightening by giving participants the ability to explain in detail the role that spirituality has played in their life. ‘Additionally, values and spirituality have been transmitted through the family from one generation to another; therefore, the family context must not be ignored. Given that the family has been considered by many to be the foundation for the Muslim society, family variables are crucial in studying and treating Muslims. The extended family and community plays a much larger role in life and decision-making for Muslims than is ‘common in most Euro-American families (Daneshpour, 1998). Yet, few psychologists have received training in the practice of psychotherapy with Muslim clients or families. As this population continues to grow, itis crucial for clinicians to learn more about their values and experiences. It is important that more in-depth unbiased and strength-based research be carried out. Statement of Purpose ‘The purpose of this qualitative clinical dissertation was to obtain a greater understanding of the protective processes that foster resilience in Muslim-American immigrant women. This study sought to help bridge the information gap concerning, Muslim-American women by exploring the factors helping these immigrant women adjust to life in America, This clinical dissertation sought to obtain a better understanding of the psychological processes involved in immigration and acculturation. A focus was placed ‘upon the analysis of the processes that facilitated healthy psychological functioning andadjustment following the stressors of immigration and acculturation. This study sought to understand the process of these women's resilience development, the process whereby they were able to grow psychologically through the challenges that they faced. Specifically, through the use of open-ended interviews, this, exploratory study explored the ways in which spiritual, familial, gender, and individual protective processes encouraged resilience development. Given the limited amount of research on resilience in this population, I chose a qualitative approach with an exploratory and descriptive design. Nine resilient Muslim immigrant women participated in this study. Inclusion. criteria outlined that participants had to be 24 years or older and identify themselves as adherents and practicing believers of the Muslim faith. Participants needed to be permanent residents of the United States, needed to have resided in this country for a minimum of six years, and needed to have chosen to immigrate voluntarily to this country after the age of 18. Women who demonstrated severe psychopathology or a current DSM- IV Axis I or II disorder that might have interfered with participation in the study were excluded. This dissertation sought to study resilient women rather than those currently facing significant psychological challenges. Ultimately, the goal of this research was to help clinicians become more culturally responsive in their treatment of Muslim-American immigrant women by providing descriptive realities of Muslim immigrant women living in America. This research sought to identify the cultural themes and topics that are important for a therapist to know for exploring some potential sources of strength. This dissertation concludes with some clinical suggestions about possible ways to tap into personal, familial, and spiritual resources for encouraging the development of resilience in Muslim-American clients.10 Relevance to Clinical Theory This study also offered several important contributions to the field of clinical theory. First, it sought to increase clinical awareness and knowledge concerning spirituality within the psychotherapeutic context by studying a particular under-researched group. The recent professional literature suggests that many clients can be successfully treated only if their spiritual issues are addressed sensitively and capably (Richards & sues is minimal. Bergin, 1997); however, clinical knowledge about these i Furthermore, this research sought to expand the multi-cultural treatment literature by exploring some of the clinical implications involved in the treatment of Muslim- American immigrant women. Cli icians need adequate research as a basis for the formulation of diagnosis and treatment of culturally different clients, but unfortunately, the research regarding this population has just begun, Given that previous research has tended to perpetuate biases and stereotypes, this study aimed to take a qualitative approach to give voice to Muslim-American women as they told their own stories. Clinicians could benefit from an increased awareness of this population's cultural beliefs, especially information about these women's strengths and resources. Additionally, this dissertation sought to expand the resilience literature base, to increase clinical theory, and to elaborate on the role of the context in the development of resilience, Given that the literature concerning spirituality, resilience, and cross-cultural work with Muslim-Americans is scarce, there is a need to increase their theoretical foundations. Learning more about resilient individuals can help inform our interventions, with distressed clients. Knowledge about the processes associated with resilience in Muslim- ‘American women can guide and shape our attempts to foster resilience in treatment, Resilience is not just an inborn gift or trait; resilience can be cultivated (Higgens, 1994).il Definitions of Terms American ~The following definition relates to the use of this term in the phrase “a Muslim-American.” The use of the term "American" does not imply a specific country of origin or birth, Actually, to be included in the study, participants must have been born outside of the United States. The term "American" is not necessarily concemed with one's level of acculturation and is also not meant to reflect a person's endorsement or support of American values and customs, "American" is used in this study to refer to a woman who permanently resides in America. Faith -- In this study, the term "faith" has a two-fold meaning. First, the term “faith is used throughout the document in the phrase "the Islamic faith." In this context, the term is meant just to symbolize the belief in the worldview and religion of Islam. In this study, "faith" also has a second more specific meaning. Here, "faith" concems the particular cluster of beliefs, cognitions, and emotions generally summarized by feelings of belief in God and trust that God will enable the individual to bear life's trials. Islam ~The term "Islam" derives from the three-letter Arabic root s-I-m, which generates words with interrelated meanings, including "surrender," "submission," "commitment’ and "peace" (Council on Islamic Education, 1995). Islam commonly refers to the monotheistic religion revealed to Prophet Muhammad ibn (son of) Abdullah (peace be upon him) between 610 and 632 C. E. Islam is a worldview focused on belief in One God and a commitment to His commandments. ‘Muslim -- The followers of Islam are called Muslims. The word "Muslim" also comes from the three-letter Arabic root s-/-m and means "one who willfully submits (to God)" (Council on Islamic Education, 1995). A Muslim is commonly used to refer to one who believes in the basic Islamic declaration of faith and one who embraces a lifestyle in12 accordance with Islamic principles and values. Muslim participants in this study are those ‘who identify themselves as Muslim believers who are regularly practicing their Islamic faith. The term “practicing Muslims” refers to those who are regularly fulfilling the obligatory acts of worship of the Islamic faith and to those who practice the faith as a way of life. “Practicing Muslims” refers to those who strive to strictly follow and endorse true religious teachings as outlined in holy writings, as opposed to purely cultural beliefs. Protective Processes -- Rutter (1990) described that protective and vulnerability processes are those interactive mechanisms that involve a catalytic modification of a person’s response to the risk situation. He noted that protective processes are those influences that serve to ameliorate and protect against risk mechanisms. This study sought to obtain a greater understanding of the protective processes that enhance psychological functioning and help Muslim-American immigrant women successfully manage the stressors of the immigration and acculturation process. Some processes highlighted within this study and literature review include the following four categories of protective processes: (a) spiritual, (b) familial, (c) gender, as well as (d) individual processes. Resilience/Resiliency -~ Researchers have provided varying definitions of resilience (Luthar et al., 2000; Masten, 2001). In this study, resilience is seen as encompassing the state of psychological growth, emphasizing that some individuals thrive and emerge from trauma and adversity with enhanced functioning and increased skills. This dissertation defines resilience as the process and development of psychological growth through trauma, hardship, and adversity. The specific adversity faced by participants in this study includes the hardships, tensions, and discrimination associated with the immigration and acculturation process. Dimensions of spiritual growth will be conceptualized as one of several aspects of psychological growth.13 ‘The term resilience, rather than resiliency, will be used throughout this document, in accordance with recent researchers’ recommend ns (Luthar, 1996; Luthar et al., 2000; Masten, 1994). Luthar et al. (2000) cautioned against the use of the term resiliency because it “carries the misleading connotation of a discrete personal attribute” (p. 546). They recommended, instead, the use of the term resilience in order to emphasize that “resilience is a dynamic developmental process” (p. 546). Spiritual/Spirituality ~ Numerous researchers have attempted to define, distinguish, and study the terms "religion" and "spirituality" (Zinnbauer et al., 1997). Even though the terms are often used interchangeably in the literature, most researchers still do tend to describe them as distinct, though overlapping concepts. The term "religious" is generally thought of as having to "do with theistic belief’, practices, and feelings that are often, but not always, expressed institutionally and denominationally as well as personally" (Richards & Bergin, 1997, p .13). Commonly the term "spiritual" is used as a broad term often ‘understood to be related to "those experiences, beliefs, and phenomena that pertain to the transcendent and existential aspects of life" (Richards & Bergin, 1997, p. 13). Within this study, the term "spiritual" has a narrower meaning closer to, but certainly not identical to, that commonly given to the term “religious.” In this dissertation, "spiritual" refers to: (a) those beliefs, cognitions, emotions, practices, and behaviors related to the Islamic worldview and way of life; (b) phenomena related to a faith and trust in Allah; and (c) influences related to connections and relationships with the Islamic community, mosques, and religious leaders. Although Islam can be described as a religion, its adherents view it in much broader terms because Islam is believed to shape and influence all aspects of both private and public life, Islam is practiced as a complete way of living. Consequently, an Islamic worldview shapes "religious" as well as “spiritual” practices, beliefs, and experiences.14 Chapter 2 Literature Review This clinical dissertation reviews major relevant areas of the literature. First, this dissertation focuses on the literature conceming Muslims and Islam. It provides an introduction to the basic beliefs and practices of the Islamic faith. The writing examines information about gender, Muslim women in Islam, and the Muslim family system. It also describes the socio-political, cultural, and psychological factors leading to the creation, persistence, and perpetuations of common stereotypes and erroneous practices. Next, the document provides a thorough review of the resilience literature. It explains the historical development of the concept of resilience and then focuses upon the importance of ‘understanding resilience within context. The document describes resilience from a family system, ethic/cultural, and a spiritual framework. Next, this review focuses upon the risk processes associated with the immigration process. It summarizes the general psychological literature about immigration and acculturation, and then provides more specific information about Muslim immigrants in America. This section also discusses some unique challenges and opportunities facing Muslim-American immigrant women, The last section of the literature review provides an integrative exploration of how Muslim spirituality, individual protective processes, Islamic gender conceptions, and the Muslim family system could be a source of resilience for Muslim-American immigrant women, The Muslim Faith ‘The information in this first section of the literature review provides the reader with an introduction to the Islamic faith and its basic beliefs. In order to understand the15 worldview of Muslims and Muslim clients, itis crucially important to be familiar with the basic history and tenets of Islam. Given that accurate information summarizing Islamic beliefs is very scarce, it is hoped that this information may promote better understanding of the worldview and values of Muslims. The text summarizes some overarching key beliefs and practices. Then, the review focuses in greater depth upon beliefs regarding two ‘more specific domains: (a) gender conceptions and (b) psychological understandings. Population Size and Demographics Islam is a monotheistic religion, civilization, and way of life practiced by over one-fifth of the world's population (Council on Islamic Education, 1995). The followers of Islam are called “Muslims.” Approximately 1.1 billion people worldwide identify themselves as Muslim (Barrett, 1996). Itis estimated that shortly after the year 2000, for the first time in history, the number of Muslims will surpass the number of Christians in the world (Daneshpour, 1998). Only 18% of Muslims live in the Arab world, while a fifth are found in Sub-Saharan Africa. Substantial parts of Asia are Muslim. The world’s largest ‘Muslim community is in Indonesia. A significant number of Muslims live in the Central Asian republics, India, China, Eastem and Western Europe, and North and South America. Furthermore, Muslims now constitute a large and growing segment in American society. There are an estimated 5 to 8 million Muslims living in the United States and Islam is the fastest growing faith in this country (Ba-Yunus & Siddiqui, 1998; Council on American Islamic Relations, 2004; Glassman, 1996, Nu’man, 1992, Stone, 1991). “Approximately 42% of Muslims in America are African-American, and 56% of Muslims are immigrants (Glassman), The ten states with the highest concentration of Muslims are California, New York, Illinois, New Jersey, Indiana, Michigan, Virginia, Texas, Ohio and Maryland (listed in order of population) (Glassman). Despite the size of the Muslim16 population, little research has explored the cross-cultural or religious factors clinically salient for this group. As this population continues to grow, it is crucial for clinicians to learn more about their experiences and beliefs in order to provide competent services. History of the Muslim Faith Islam is the second largest religious faith in the world. In this country though, ‘Muslims are commonly perceived as "the other” and are often thought of as foreigners, who adhere to different alien and extreme beliefs. However, in actuality, there is a close ideological and theological relationship between Islam, Christianity, and Judaism (the world’s three largest religious faiths), All three faiths believe in the notion of one divine God or Creator, who sent prophets to instruct humankind throughout history (Esposito, 1988). They believe that humans are mortals temporarily put on earth and that people are accountable for their actions. Muslims, Christians, and Jews all trace their genealogical origins to the Prophet Abraham (peace be upon him) and their three prophets are direct descendants from his two sons~Muhammad from Ishmael, and Moses and Jesus from Isaac (pbuh). (Whenever Muslims speak or write the prophets’ names, they usually add, “May the peace and blessings of Allah be upon him,” sometimes abbreviated as “pbuh”). Muslims believe that a man named Muhammad ibn Abdullah (pbuh) was the last, final messenger and prophet from God. Muslims believe that God sent His messengers and prophets to all people on earth beginning with Adam (Adam) and including Noah (Nuh), Abraham (Ibrahim), Lot (Lut), Ishmael (Ismail), Isaac (Ishaq), Jacob (Ya'qub), Joseph (Yusuf), Job (Ayuub), Moses (Musa), Aaron (Harun), David (Dawud), Solomon (Sulayman), Elias (Ilyas), Jonah (Yunus), John the Baptist (Yahya), and Jesus (‘Isa); peace be upon them all. Muslims also believe in the previous original scriptures revealed to the prophets Abraham (the Scrolls), Moses (the Torah), David (The Psalms), and Jesus (the7 Evangelium or original Gospel). However, Muslims believe that these books have been modified, poorly translated, distorted, and interpolated with a human element since they were first revealed, rendering them not totally divine (Council on Islamic Education, 1995). Therefore, Muslims maintain that the current text of the Christian and Hebrew Bible does not fully represent the original, pure revelation of God. ‘The descriptions of these prophets in the Qur'an, the Muslim holy book, on ‘occasion differ somewhat from that in the Christian Bible. For example, in the Qur’anic description about Prophet Adam (pbuh), both Adam and Eve are equally blamed for eating from the forbidden tree. The Qur’an describes that they repented, and were forgiven. Consequently, in contrast to common Christian belief, Muslims do not believe in the notion of original sin; instead, they reason that people are bom free of sin and that it is only after the age of puberty that they are accountable for their own mistakes. Additionally, Muslims honor the prophetic mission of Jesus (pbuh), but they ascribe divinity to God alone and do not support the Christian beliefs of the divine sonship of Jesus or the Holy Trinity. Muhammad (pbuh) is believed by Muslims to be the last of all prophets, who was sent to correct misunderstandings in society, concerning previous prophets and holy books. Muslims believe that over time these religious systems wandered from the straight path that God revealed, and therefore humankind needed further divine instruction. Muslims feel a sense of affinity and continuity with previous religions, believing that God has sent prophets to every land and people throughout time (Ahmed, 1994). Thus, for Muslims, Islam culminates what can be described as the Judeo-Christian- Islamic tradition of monotheism (Council on Islamic Education, 1995). Indeed, the Qur’an emphasizes that Christians and Jews--often called "the People of the Book"~are to be treated with special respect. Many Muslims may feel misjudged when their spiritual18 beliefs are labeled as “foreign” and these similarities with other faiths are overlooked. By remembering the commonalities between the world’s religions and faiths, we could enhance our multicultural interactions, enrich our understanding, and increase our empathy with those who are culturally different. Prophet Muhammad (pbuh) is seen by Muslims as one in a long series of prophets, who taught the eternal message of God to humankind. Muslims assert that God's eternal speech and words were revealed to the prophet Muhammad (pbuh) over a period of 23 years and are recorded verbatim in Arabic in the Qur'an, the Muslim holy book. For ‘Muslims, the Qur’an is the Book of God and it is the principal source of every Muslim's faith and practice. It is the eternal, literal word of God sent down from heaven as a guide for humankind (Esposito, 1988). Approximately four-fifths the size of the Christian New Testament, it consists of 114 chapters (suras) of 6616 verses (ayas). In addition to the Qur’an, Islamic law is also based on what is referred to as the ‘Sunnah of the prophet. The Sunnah includes the collected sayings (the Hadith), the teachings, and the practices of the Prophet Mohammad (pbuh). The Qur'an and the ‘Sunnah provide the foundation of faith for Muslims. They are the sourcebook for all aspects of existence, Given the high value placed on these sources, itis important for clinicians to be aware of the influence of these documents. For many Muslims, reminders of the Quranic scripture and the sayings of the Prophet are likely to foster emotional well-being and could be used as valuable resources in therapy (Mahmoud, 1996). Muhammad (pbuh) was born in Mecca, Arabia in the year 570 C. E. (Haykal, 1976/1993). As a young man, he became known for his truthfulness and generosity, earning the nickname of al-Amin, the trustworthy one. At the age of 40, Muhammad (pbuh) received his first revelation from God during the holy month of Ramadan (Council19 on Islamic Education, 1995). Muslims believe that this revelation was revealed by God through the Angel Gabriel to Muhammad (pbuh) in the Arabic language. The first words given to this “unlettered” Prophet comprise the following verse of the Qur’an. Proclaim! (or Read!) In the name of thy Lord and Cherisher, Who created. Created man, out of a (mere) clot of congealed blood: Proclaim! And thy Lord Is Most Bountiful, -He Who taught (the use of) the Pen, ~Taught man that which he knew not. (The Qur’an, Surah Al-’Alag [The Clot], 96: 1-5). Translations of the Qur’an exist in many languages. However, itis important to note that while translations are useful as renderings or explanations of the Qur'an, Muslims believe that only the original Arabic text is considered to be the Qur'an itself. Only translations of the meaning of the Qur’anic text will be included in this clinical dissertation document. ‘As Muhammad (pbuh) preached his message to the people of Mecca, he faced much persecution and violence. In 622 C. E., the small growing Muslim community migrated to the city of Madinah, some 260 miles to the north to secure their safety; it is here the first Muslim community was established (Council on Islamic Education, 1995) This crucial event for Muslims, the hijrah or migration, marks the beginning of the Muslim calendar, Several years later, Muhammad (pbuh) and his followers returned to Mecca establishing Islam as the faith in that land, Before he died at the age of 63, the greater part of Arabia was Muslim and within a century after his death, Islam had spread to Spain and as far east as China, Muslims highly value the study of Islamic history, looking to the Prophet and his early male and female companions as important positive role models. Islamic states ruled over vast areas of the world until the beginning of the twentioth century. Muslim scholars excelled in areas including astronomy, architecture, art, T The numbers in parentheses, following a quotation from the Qur'an, indicate the chapter and the verse number, respectively. The above quote ear be found in chapter (surah) #96, and in verses 1 to 5 inthe Qur'an. The quotes ffom the Qur’an in this dissertation were translated into English by Yusuf Ali (1988)20 geography, history, literature, medicine, and psychology (al-Farugi & al-Farugi, 1986). Within the Islamic community, the large majority, approximately 90%, are Sunni Muslims (Ahmed, 1994), Sunni Muslims follow and rely on the Qur'an and the Sunnah of ‘Muhammad as the primary source of their religious doctrine and practice. However, there are some other smaller branches or groupings among Muslims (e.g., about 10% of ‘Muslims are Shia Muslims). Differences of opinions over succession in the first centuries of the Muslim era led over time to the evolution of some different rituals and practices. Most Muslims in America today enjoy a conciliatory relationship with all of their brethren, Islam teaches that all Muslims are to be the brothers and sisters of one another; all of them together constitute but one wkiuwwah or brotherhood (al-Farugi & al-Faruqi, 1986). When assessing a Muslim individual, it is important to understand how they personally identify themselves and how their relationship with the Islamic community impacts their daily life. In this clinical dissertation, Sunni Muslims were the focus of study. Components of Faith--Main Beliefs and Practices ‘The word "Islam" in Arabic means surrender, submission, commitment, and peace (Council on Islamic Education, 1995). "Islam" means to achieve peace--peace with God, peace within oneself, and peace with the creations of God through submission to God and commitment to His guidance. A Muslim is one who struggles to submit his/her will to the will of Allah, Islam is not just a personal religion but a complete way of living, Central to Islamic teaching and way of life are various obligatory acts of worship, which are often referred to as the "Five Pillars of Islam." These "pillars" provide the framework of Muslim spiritual life and include the following: (a) declaration of faithvbelief in the Oneness of God and the finality of the prophethood of Muhammad (pbuh), (b) establishment of the prayers, (¢) concer for and almsgiving to the needy, (4) self-purification throughan fasting, and (e) pilgrimage to Mecca for those who are able (Haneef, 1993; Smith, 1999) ‘The central belief in Islam, as well as being the first pillar, is the following declaration of faith (the shahada): "There is none worthy of worship except Allah (God) ‘and Muhammad is the messenger of God." "Allah" is the Arabic word for the personal name of the One and Only God. The first part of this declaration affirms Islam's absolute monotheism, an uncompromising faith in the oneness or unity of God. Muslims believe in one, unique, incomparable, merciful, and just God. In the Qur'an, Allah has 99 names, such as The Gracious, The Merciful, The Creator, The All-Wise, The Just, The Provider, ‘The Forgiver, The First, and The Last. The second part of the declaration is an affirmation of Muhammad (pbuh) as the last and final messenger of Allah. It is simultaneously a proclamation of belief in the guidance that this prophet brought to humankind. The second pillar in Islam is prayer. Salah is the name for the obligatory prayers that are performed five times a day and are seen as a direct link between the worshipper and God. These prescribed prayers contain verses from the Qur'an and are said in Arabic. Personal supplications (duas), however, can be offered in any language and at any time. ‘The third pillar is zakah or charity, the financial obligation upon Muslims. Zakah involves the annual payment to the poor and needy of a fortieth of one's capital (excluding such items as primary residence, car and professional tools). An important prineiple in Islam is that everything belongs to God. Wealth is therefore held by human beings in trust and those who have been granted more of this bounty from God have an obligation to help those in need. Charitableness and compassion are among the most emphasized qualities. Fasting is the fourth pillar. Every year in the month of Ramadan, Muslims, who are healthy and able, fast from dawn until sundown abstaining from food, drink, and sexual relations with their spouses. Although fasting is seen as beneficial to health, it is22 mainly a method of self-purification and restraint, enhancing one's resilience against life's hardships and temptations. ‘The fifth pillar, the pilgrimage to Mecca, the Hajj, is an obligation only for those who are physically and financially able to do so, Over 2 million people from every comer of the globe go to Mecca each year, providing an opportunity for those of different nations to meet one another. Pilgrims wear simple garments that strip away distinctions of class and culture, reinforcing the basic Islamic principle of unity that all are equal in God's eyes. Similar to the five Islamic responsibilities often referred to as the “five pillars," there are six articles of faith, constituting the Muslim affirmation of divine being and human responsibility. Islam is based upon six specific beliefs: (a) faith in God, (b) faith in the reality of angels, (c) faith in the holy books, (d) faith in God's messengers, (e) faith in the Day of Resurrection and Judgment, and (f) faith in God's divine decree (al-qadar), For Muslims, both faith and good works/practices are important. Esposito (1988) described that in Islam, blind faith without good works is seen as empty, without merit, Muslims are often very attuned to their behavior because they believe in a Day of Judgment when everyone will be brought to account individually for their every action. Islam asserts that the present life is but a minute part of the totality of existence. A human being's life in this world constitutes a test of his faith and actions. It is important to remember that Muslims in America have emigrated from many different countries. Their distinct cultural backgrounds as well as local ethnic, social, and historical factors affect the ways in which the Islamic faith is interpreted and applied. The above description represents traditional Islamic practices and beliefs; however, individuals vary in the degree to which they apply these practices in their daily lives. When working with Muslim clients, it is important to assess and distinguish between cultural traditions23 and true religious teachings. Even though Muslims have their roots in many different parts of the world, Islamic ideology still creates a fundamental link between cultures, establishing a common framework of values (Daneshpour, 1998). Often practiced as a complete way of living, Islam embraces all spheres of its follower’s life. As such, the Islamic worldview influences attitudes, beliefs, and behavior governing social and familial relationships as well as, societal gender conceptions. Islamic teachings offer specific guidelines regarding the status of women, women's rights, marriage, and ideal gender relations. In the next section, this dissertation reviews and clarifies some key Islamic gender conceptions and practices. Gender--Muslim Women “All women are women, but there is no being who is only a woman" (Spelman, 1988, p. 102). Yoder and Khan (1993) argued for a psychology of women that recognizes the importance of other diversity markers in the lives of women. They proposed that one cannot understand the concept of women in isolation from other concepts of identity, such as race and class, In addition to the importance of considering race, ethnicity, and class, a woman's spiritual identity plays a key role in defining her worldview and is an often ignored, but important, variable, As in the case of general clinical psychology research, spirituality also has been a neglected area of study within the psychology of women research literature. Despite the relative lack of scholarship is this area, spiritual and religious factors do influence the social construction and meaning of gender. Spiritual faith and beliefs can significantly contribute to one's definition of womanhood, influencing the development of gender roles and rights in a society. For many Muslim women, their faith shapes a very ey component of their identity and their concept of womanhood. Furthermore, given the4 broad socio-political as well as spiritual guidance provided by Islam, the Muslim faith may play even a larger role in influencing the roles and rights of Muslim women in society. Women in Islam--Attitudes toward women/women's rights and roles. The role and rights of women in Islam has been one of the most hotly debated and misunderstood areas of study within all of social science research. Roded (1999) remarked that the literature on Muslim women "is extremely value laden, informed by stated and latent assumptions derived from the culture and society of the author and the audience" (p. 1). One central stereotype most Americans hold is the allegedly low position of women in Islam (Aswad & Bilge, 1996), However, in contrast to this stereotypic image, the status of woman according to true Islamic teachings is unprecedently high. Thus, for clinicians to understand Muslim women, it is important to clarify the relevant Islamic teachings vis-a- vis their Western literary representations. Numerous references to women are included throughout the Qur’an. The Qur’an even includes a chapter entitled “Surah An-Nisaa,” or “The Women” (Chap. 4). Quite a few other chapters and verses deal with issues concerning women, their rights, and their roles (c.g., Surah al Imran [The Family of ‘Imran, Chap. 3]; Surah Mariam (Mary, Chap. 19]; Surah al-Mujadilah [The Woman Who Pleads, Chap. 58], and Surah al-Talag [Divorce, Chap. 65]. Furthermore, rich examples from the Sunnah (the collected sayings, teachings, and practices of the Prophet Mohammad) reflect the ideal treatment of women in Islam. Writers have described that before the advent of Islam in Arabia, women were seen as inferior and were often treated worse than animals (Badawi, 1991; Jawad, 1998). ‘These inhumane practices were prevalent in most other ancient societies at the time (al- Hatimy, 1993; Badawi). With the advent of Islam in the 7th century, the spiritual and social position of women in Arabia was rapidly and radically redefined (Jawad). Women25 ‘were granted previously unheard of rights over a period of just several years. Islam offered women extensive human, familial, economic, civil, and political rights, not obtained by other women until very recent times, if at all (al-Disuqi, 1999; Jawad). Islam established a woman's equality in her humanity with men. In Islam, men and women have the same human spiritual nature (Badawi, 1995). Islam regards men and women as being of the same essence created from a single soul. The Qur'an declare © mankind! Reverence your Guardian-Lord, who created you from a single person, created, of like nature, his mate, and from this pair scattered (like seeds) countless men and women. Reverence Allah, through whom you demand your mutual (rights), and reverence the wombs (that bore you); for Allah ever watches over you (The Qur’an, Surah Nisaa [The Women], 4:1). Allah has invested both genders with inherent dignity and has made men and women, collectively, the trustees of Allah on earth. Her role is not seen as less vital than his. Likewise, the Qur’an provides evidence that men and women have the same religious and moral duties and responsibilities (Badawi, 1995). Concerning her familial rights, woman as wife and mother enjoys immense respect in Islam, The Qur’an enjoins Muslims to show kindness and honor their mothers. The Prophet stated emphatically that the rights of the mother are paramount. It is documented that when asked by someone, "Who is the most deserving of my good treatment?” Prophet Muhammad (pbuh) replied, "Your mother. Your mother. Your mother." And then "Your father" (Sahih Muslim, n.d., trans, 1993, p. 164)? The Qur'an admonishes those men who oppress or ill-treat women, extolling man iahih Muslim is recognized as a legitimate source among Muslim scholars for the collection of hadith, the collected sayings of the Prophet Muhammad (pbuh). In the first centuries following the propher's death, several notable scholars systematically sought to gather and verify these honored swords. Hadith collected by Tirmizi, Abu Dawud, and Malik also will be cited in this document. This document's reference section contains a more detailed description of the location of these cited words within the translated and original works.26 to "live with them on a footing of kindness and equity" (The Qur’an, Surah Nisa (The Women], 4:19). Prophet Muhammad (pbuh) similarly stated that "the most perfect Muslim in the matter of faith is one who as an excellent behavior; and the best among you are those who behave best towards their wives" (Tirmizi cited in An-Nawawi, n.d., trans. 1983, p. 180). Islamic teachings clearly forbid all forms of psychological, physical, or sexual abuse of women (al-Disugi, 1999; Badawi, 1995; Jawad, 1998). ‘The Qur'an says: "And women shall have rights similar to the rights against them, according to what is equitable" (The Qur’an, Surah al-Bagarah (The Heifer], 2:228). Some rights of wives include the following: (a) the right to a marital gift, a mahr, from the husband; (b) the right to maintenance, protection, and support; (c) the right to kind treatment and companionship; and (d) the right to sexual satisfaction in marriage (Daneshpour, 1998). ‘Women in Islam were granted liberal economic rights, rights to inheritance, and the right to financial support from their husbands or male relatives (Jawad, 1998). They have the privilege to cam money, the right to own property, the right to manage their financial assets, and the right to make any contract or bequest in their own name, For this reason, Muslim women usually keep their maiden names after marriage, an indication of their independent property rights as legal entities (Badawi, 1995). In terms of civil and political rights in Islam, women have completely independent identities and are considered to be active, valued members of society (Jawad, 1998). The Qur'an provided the basis for legal rights, such as testifying in court, itiating divorce, and pursuing an education (al-Disuqi, 1999; Badawi, 1995). Additionally, women were encouraged to voice their opinions, participate in polities, and vote. They were permitted to hold important positions in the government (al-Disuqi; Jawad) at the time of the27 Prophet Muhammad (pbuh). On occasion, women even actively participated in battle combat (Jawad), In summary, Islamic teachings clearly require all followers to respect women. However, over the years, widespread inaccurate stereotypes and various erroneous practices have developed. Kahf (1999) described the history of Westem literary representations of Muslim women. She noted that while the image of the Muslim woman. in Western culture has historically been a changing, evolving phenomenon, a distinct narrative has formed a central part of Westem discourse on Islam ever since the eighteenth century. The core narrative itself is this: "The Muslim woman is being victimized and the Muslim woman is innately oppressed” (Kahf, p. 177). According to this stereotype, many believe that Muslim women must often endure arranged marriages and polygamy, must be subservient to their husbands, are uneducated, and are forced to cover their entire persons if they ever manage to venture into public. Muslim men are often depicted as domineering, authoritarian, and fundamental extremists or terrorists (Aswad & Bilge, 1996). Aswad & Bilge noted that these stereotypes are in reality exaggerated, inaccurate, misinterpreted, or of infrequent occurrence. Several interrelated socio-political and psychological factors led to the creation and persistence of these stereotypes and exaggerations. Historically, the image of Muslim women as oppressed was shown to have originated from the desire of colonialist powers to present a rationale for their invasions (Khan, 2000). By depicting the Muslim men as oppressors of women, they presented a rationale for their need to enter and "liberate" these victims. For example, Fanon (1965) described this phenomenon with the example of the country of Algeria. In his essay "Algeria Unveiled,” he argued that the French were concerned with liberating Algerian Muslim women as a means of gaining control over28 Algerian men, subordinating Algerian society to French colonialism. Khan (2000) noted a similar message in the British colonies as well. While British Victorian society was finding ways to contest and dismiss suffragettes and feminists, British colonial authorities were using feminist ideas in the service of colonialism. The idea was propagated that other men oppressed their women; therefore, other men were barbaric and therefore not fit to rule the societies in which they lived. Khan described that as we move into the twenty-first century, Orientalist fantasies and stereotypes remained. Biased media presentations of Islam and Muslims, fueled by arrogance, fear, and political motives, further perpetuated stereotypical images. ‘These stereotypes were further maintained by the human tendency to view those who are different as less than or deficient in some way. Espin and Gawelek (1992) noted that this tendency was also illustrated in psychological research. They described psychology as a discipline that studies individual differences in human nature, Psychology often does not know how to study human diversity except as "difference," which is often seen as a reflection of abnormalities or deficiencies. Further perpetuating, stereotypes, many in America remain unaware and ignorant about the actual Islamic teachings on women. Two key areas of common misunderstanding concen Muslim women's traditional dress (the hijab) and the Islamic position on polygamy. As Islam proscribed direction in all aspects of living, Islamic doctrine addressed the issue of what is the recommended dress for women as well as for men. Both men and women are expected to dress in a way that is simple, modest, and dignified. Although there are some differences of opinions among scholars about what is required for Muslim women, according to most sources, conservative clothing for a Muslim woman generally means covering all parts of the body except the29 face and hands, Specific traditions of female dress found in some Muslim countries are often the expression of local customs rather than religious principle (Smith, 1999). In order fully to understand the concept of hijab from a Muslim perspective, itis important first to clarify the concept of the “hair cover” as depicted historically in Christian and later Western thought; our symbolic understandings are intimately influenced by our history and our own social construction and experiences of reality. A biblical reason for requiring the “covering” of women is described in biblical footnotes as, illustrating “a sign of woman’s subordination” to man (The New American Bible, n.d., trans, 1987, p. 1242). The Catholic New American Bible describes: A man, on the other hand, should not cover his head, because his is the image and glory of God, but woman is the glory of man, For man did not come from woman, but woman from man; nor was man created for woman, but woman for man; for this reason a woman should have a sign of authority on her head (1 Cor. 11: 7-10, ‘The New American Bible). Most Americans, then, understandably view the Muslim practice of hijab through their own culturally-filtered lens and therefore often have difficulty understanding that the “hair cover” symbolizes something much different in Islam. Consequently, over time, the “covering” of women has been seen as a symbol of something very antithetical to modem ‘American values, which include conceptions of individualism, freedom, independence, and gender liberation. Although many non-Muslims in America associate the Muslim practice of a scarf covering the hair with oppression, the over-whelming majority of Muslim women see it as just the opposite. They view it as a chosen symbol of strength in faith and as a source of protection and identity. Wearing the hijab may also be seen as a statement that women should be respected for whom they are inside and not judged by their outward, material, or physical appearance (al-Disugi, 1999; Ali, 2002; Read & Bartkowski, 2000). This dress30 code is seen as just a small part of the Islamic system of respecting the nature and humanity of woman, attempting to remove the dimension of sexual politics and concerns from public life. “Unlike other perceptions of woman’s subservience to man by original, natural formation, the Qur'an emphasizes partnership, complementarity, and harmony in unity” (al-Disugi, 1999, p.8). The Qur’an describes that the origin of both man and women was from a single soul (The Qur'an, Surah Nisa [The Women], 4:1; see Naseef, 1999, for further information), Furthermore, the Qur’an does not blame woman for the “fall of man,” On the contrary, the Qur’an depicts Adam and Eve as equally responsible for their sin in the Garden, never singling out Eve for blame as a temptress (Badawi, 1995; Couneil on Islamic Education, 1995). Another common area of widespread misunderstanding concems the Islamic position on polygamy (Jawad, 1998). It is incorrect to assume that Islam introduced or generally encouraged this practice. Al-Disugi (1999) wrote, "Islam did not introduce polygamy, but rather restricted it" (p. 25). With the advent of Islam, the ongoing uncontrolled practice of polygamy was redefined. Islam limited the number of wives to four and introduced monogamy as an ideal form of marriage (Jawad). The Qur'an instructs that if'a man fears that he cannot treat them equally, then he should marry only one. Consequently, many Islamic scholars conclude that a ban on polygamy becomes imperative in many circumstances in order to prevent any injustice towards the wife. The verse in the Qur’an permitting polygamy in some cases occurred after a battle, where many Muslim men were killed. The verse addressed the great societal concern about protecting the welfare of the widows and orphans, who had no other viable source of support. In actuality, the practice of polygamy is rare among Muslims, especially in Europe or the Americas.31 In conclusion, in sharp contrast to Wester stereotypical perceptions, many Muslim women revel in the strength and power of their Islamic identity. Commonly, in the mind of the Muslim woman, itis the Western, non-Muslim, woman who is oppressed because her self-image is tied to her sexual being and she is often exploited and objectified throughout all avenues of society (Cainkar, 1996). Many Muslims feel that Muslim women do in fact have a better situation than women in other religious traditions (Cainkar; GhaneaBassiri, 1997; Haddad & Lummis, 1987). However, due to widespread ignorance about Islamic teachings, common misunderstandings that erroneously associate certain cultural practices with religious teachings continue further to fuel negative stereotypes. Many pre-Islamic cultural practices are actually very antithetical to true Islamic teachings. Therefore, many look to the behavior of those who identify themselves as Muslim, assuming that their religious faith, rather than numerous other factors, solely determines their behavior. However, it is a logical ertor to look to the behavior of non-practicing Muslims and then argue that their behavior clearly illustrates that Islam subjugates women. One cannot seek to understand religious teachings by studying those who do not follow them. “The bad treatment of Muslim women is the result of bad practice or not putting the teachings into effect. In actuality, Islam offers social and familial cures and remedies that have been neglected by non-practicing Muslims” (personal communication, R. al-Disuqi, April 24, 2001). Muslim women in the modern world where ideals meet reality. As illustrated in the previous section, Islamic teachings and ideology have provided much guidance concerning the creation of an ideal family and community, However, in actuality, a myriad of factors have influenced actual behavior. Badawi (1991) argued that in truth, it is impossible for anyone to justify any mistreatment of woman by any decree or rule embodied in the32 Islamic Law. However, in reality and over time, families, societies, and governments have often moved away from the Islamic ideal. Consequently, some scholars have continued to note that women's status in reality is sometimes one of subjugation (Jawad, 1998). Factors which have influenced the actual treatment of Muslim women in society include some of the following influences: true Islamic religious principles, culturaV/ethnic customs and traditions, familial traditions, colonization history, as well as an individual Muslim's education level, acculturation level, and experience of socio-political events. Muslims believe in the timeless nature of Qur’anic teachings. However, as Islam spread across the world to different geographic regions, Muslims have often interpreted these sources in various ways, mixing and applying them along with their cultural and ethnic traditions to meet their everyday needs. Consequently, many cultural traditions and patriarchal attitudes have been erroneously assumed by some to be religious teachings. Concems about women’s rights and treatment are perhaps the strongest examples of this practice. Illustrating this point, Haque-Khan and Philipps (cited in Haque-Khan, 1997) found that a sample of Pakistani Muslim females clearly conveyed that cultural interpretations and male patriarchy were the main reasons for women's subjugation and not Islam. For example, one woman responded: "Cultural background has much to do with projecting wrongful images rather than Islam, If we lived our lives according to the rules of Islam, non-Muslim women would envy us rather than degrade us" (Haque-Khan, p. 26). Examples of cultural traditions that contradict Islamic law include: forced or pressured marriages, male favoritism (of children), limited educational opportunities for women, and domestic violence. Contrary to stereotypes about the frequency of forced and arranged marriages, Islam clearly requires that the bride freely consent to the marriage (Badawi, 1995; Jawad, 1998). Widespread cultural practices, not religious doctrines, have33 coerced women into arranged marriages throughout the centuries (al-Disuqi, 1999). Islamic teachings grant women the clear right to annul a forced marriage and grant both men and women the right to initiate divorce. Ideally, Islamically, priority for the custody of young children is given to the mother (Badawi). Adgitionally, Islam mandated the equitable treatment of male and female children and sought to end the custom of female infanticide and male favoritism prevalent in ‘Arabia and throughout much of world. Therefore, "any discrimination against new-born girls is not Islamic, and Islam bears no responsibility for it" (al-Disuqi, 1999, p. 6). A crucial aspect in the upbringing of children is ensuring their education. In sharp contrast to the recently publicized limited educational opportunities given to young girls in ‘Afghanistan under the former Taliban rule, according to clear Islamic teachings, education is not only a tight, but also a responsibility for all males and females. Prophet Mohammad (pbuh) said that “seeking knowledge is mandatory for every Muslim” (Badawi, 1995). This right was freely exercised at the time of Mohammad (pbuh) and women have used it to pioneer in various fields of knowledge throughout numerous centuries of Islamic history (al-Disugi), However, in some parts of the Muslim world and in some families, women may still face obstacles and societal resistance when seeking higher education. Another oppressive action that writers have erroneously associated with Islamic teachings concerns abuse in the family system. Badawi (1995) argues: Any excess, cruelty, family violence, or abuse committed by any “Muslim” can never be traced, honestly, to any revelatory text (the Qur'an or hadith). Such excesses and violations are to be blamed on the person(s) himself, as it shows they are paying lip service to Islamic teachings and injunctions and failing to follow the true Sunnah of the Prophet (p. 62). ‘Some Muslim women, though, are in reality abused by their husbands, although projected numbers concerning domestic violence in Muslim homes are below the national average34 in this country. According to estimates by the National American Council of Muslim Women, approximately 10% of Muslim women in the United States are abused emotionally, psychologically, sexually, and/or physically by their husbands (Memon, 1997). The most common form of abuse is emotional and mental abuse (Memon). A ‘modified “Wheel of Power and Control” focusing on domestic violence in “Muslim” homes can be found on the Islamic Society of North America (ISNA) website (2003). Faizi (2001) emphasized that deviation from Islamic teachings is believed to be one of the major causes of domestic violence in Muslim families. ‘Also, family values significantly shape ideas conceming women's role in society. The family is the primary context of human development. Family beliefs, rules, and structure convey countless direct and indirect messages about gender roles. Even if these ‘messages are in contrast with Islamic religious teachings, their power and influence cannot be forgotten. Experiences of color ion and foreign rule throughout much of the Muslim world tremendously contributed to the restriction of Muslim women's rights. Westen occupation was the major factor in secularizing society and transporting into it a patriarchy that did not exist in Islamic teachings (al-Disugi, 1999). In an effort to secularize society, European colonization changed the Islamic educational system, specifically the school and university curricula, to prevent Muslims from learning about and practicing their faith. As result, generations of Muslims were strenuously distanced from knowledge about Islam. Both men and women were prevented from gaining Islamic knowledge and knowledge about women's rights in Islam (al-Disugi). Also, the colonizers brought with them many of their own oppressive foreign customs and traditions, which infiltrated local social attitudes and became confused with true Islamic teachings. For this reason, any researcher of Islam35 must distinguish between true Islamic sources and intruding cultures. Furthermore, Memissi (1987) suggested that the negative condition of women in some Muslim countries resulted from a resistance to Western values. Mernissi argued that many of today’s Muslim countries were at one time colonized by a Western nation, whose Orientalist opinions and stereotypes depicted women being treated unfairly. Therefore, the resulting attitude of some of the nationalists within the colonized countries was to believe that any change in the condition of women would be a concession to the colonizer. Furthermore, an individual Muslim’s level of education, level of acculturation, and experience of socio-political events were factors that researchers found to influence the actual treatment of Muslim women within families. For example, Damii and Lee (1995) found that generally Muslim couples with more education tended to be more liberal in their gender role attitudes. Also, gender role attitudes were influenced by members’ levels of acculturation to the American society. Haque-Khan (1997) found that first-generation (American-bom) Muslim women were likely to differ from their immigrant mothers in how Islamic religiosity and cultural traditions were combined. For immigrant women, a clear distinction between religion and custom was not likely to exist; however, American- bom Muslims appeared to be differentiating more between ethnic cultural tradition and religious practices. Consequently, new immigrants to this country may be more likely to hold cultural stereotypes that may perpetuate inequitable gender norms. ‘The experience of traumatic socio-political events and oppression may also be related to the negative treatment that some Muslim women have received. Some men may have sought to over-control their wives' behaviors as a psychological defense against the intense feelings of powerlessness they have felt in the broader social-political world. Often stripped of their land, rights, and power by dictatorial and foreign governments,36 many men have been left with a great sense of powerlessness and inadequacy, facing prejudice and discrimination in the broader social world. Consequently, some have attempted to gain control in the one arena they could, in their families. Similarly, Espin (1994) recognized that often women and children have become recipients for the displaced anger of an oppressed man. However, experiences of oppression can never justify the abuse of women. Despite the documented poor treatment of Muslim women on occasion throughout the world, the large majority of Muslim women have experienced a life in which their rights and personalities have been respected. Although their lives may not have perfectly matched the Islamic ideal, they generally have been treated well (GhaneaBassiri, 1997). However, given the negative media attitude and extensive misunderstandings about Muslim beliefs in this country, it has been easy for exceptions to become the rule in the public mind. Given the less than ideal situation of some Muslim women around the world, ‘numerous individuals intemationally have offered recommendations for the reforms needed in Muslim societies in order to ensure that women receive all their divine rights (al-Disugi, 1999; Ghadbian, 1995). Muslim and non-Muslims, alike, have advocated some reforms. For example, the status of women in the Muslim world has attracted the attention of westem feminists, However, Haque-Khan (1997) has remarked that their "universal/ ethnocentric version of feminism and women's rights" often has failed to recognize the Muslim woman's own voice, failing to recognize the strengths offered by true Islamic traditions (p. 29). There has been an ethnocentric assumption that Muslim women should aspire for an emancipation, one that's molded by a single feminist vision (al-Disuqi). Similarly, Espin (1994) has regrettably noted the presence of some insensitivity, racism, and classism among feminists in psychology and within the women's movement in general.37 Khan (2000) has further emphasized the assumptions within liberal feminism that Muslim women had to discard their societies in order to be liberated. In contrast, Jawad (1998) has argued that it is only through the authentic Islamic way that Muslim women will achieve freedom and self-respect and will be able to dispel misconceptions surrounding the true position of Islam regarding women, Muslim writers have noted that true freedom for women will only be achieved through a retumn to Islamic roots (al- Ghazali, 1994; al-Disuqi, 1999; Ghadbian, 1995). Numerous Muslim organizations and religious leaders in America have put forth increasing efforts to perfect the treatment of women in Muslim homes. Itis important for a practitioner to understand the true Islamic religious prescriptions for equitable relations between men and women. This information may be a great resource for Muslim clients and families, who may be unaware or ignorant of actual Islamic teachings. Women's role in the family and gender socialization. The family is the foundation of the Islamic society. Within the family, Islam assigns great importance to marriage (Daneshpour, 1998). It is highly recommended on religious, moral, and social grounds because it benefits both the individual as well as the society (Jawad, 1998). Marriage is both a sacred act as well as a legally binding contract between a man and woman. The theme of marriage in Islamic teachings is characterized as one of mutual respect, kindness, Jove, companionship and harmonious interaction (Haneef, 1996). Marriage is described in the Qur'an by the following verse: "And among His Signs is this, that He created for you mates from among yourselves, that ye may dwell in tranquility with them, and He has put ove and merey between your (hearts)" (Qur’an, Surah Rum [The Roman Empire], 30:21). In Muslim families, gender roles and rules are often clearly, traditionally defined.38 In Islam, gender roles are primarily defined within the marital bond. Children rarely leave home until they marry, Many marry at a young age. Although recently some are waiting a little longer, only a few stay single, choosing never to marry. Homosexuality is forbidden according to Islamic law (Dynes & Donaldson, 1992; Mahmoud, 1996). Roles of Muslim men and women are seen as complementary and collaborative (Jawad, 198). According to Islamic teachings, rights and responsibilities of both sexes are equitable and balanced. Islam includes clear prescriptions regarding the duties of husbands to their wives and wives toward their husbands. The man generally assumes the role of husband, father, protector, and provider, while the woman assumes the role of mother, wife, caretaker, and nurturer (Carolan, 1999). However, roles may change according to family needs and women’s desires for public role fulfillment. Worldwide, a growing number of Muslim women are choosing to work (Hedayat-Diba, 2000). In a study by GhaneaBassiri (1997) of Muslims living in the United States, 96% of the respondents agreed that "women should be able to work outside of the home" (p. 108). Although most support women's right to work, there may be discussions about what family sacrifices should be made to fulfill the families’ and women’s needs for their own fulfillment (Smith, 1999). For Muslims, roles are seen as complementary as both men and women are recognized to have strengths, weaknesses, and unique paths in life (Sherif, 1999). Their contributions are different but of equal value. The Qur'an depicts the complementary roles played by husbands and wives, illustrating, “They are your garments and ye are their garments” (The Qur’an, Surah Al-Bagarah {The Heifer}; 2:187). Muslims see it as honorable to observe these traditional roles; most women happily accept these identities (Mahmoud, 1996). GhaneaBassiri (1997) reported that the39 majority of Muslim women and men in her large California diverse sample agreed with the following statement: “Women in Muslim families here or abroad are treated as well as or better on average than non-Muslim women in the United States" (p. 128). Mahmoud urged therapists to respect women's choices of different models of womanhood and femininity. According to Islam, the most important role a woman performs in her lifetime is that of'a mother. The Muslim mother is portrayed as nurturing, loving, and self-sacrificing (Sherif, 1999), and is seen as fostering, nurturing, and supporting the relationships of all family members. This role accords her immense respect, as well as much responsibility. Even if a Muslim woman is not a mother or is barren, her status ideally remains unchanged, However, facing infertility in a society that so strongly values motherhood may, in actuality, be a challenging test for some women. ‘As in most societies worldwide, Muslim women have tended to be predominantly responsible for the domestic work of the house (e.g., the cooking and cleaning) (Carolan, 1999), However, this was not strictly required of them by Islam. According to religious traditions, a husband should help with the housework. Following Prophet Muhammad's (pbuh) example, men were proven to "share heavy burdens of domestic duties with their wives" (al-Disugi, 1999, p. 42). Some scholars have insisted on the necessity of hiring a household helper (maid) if the women so desired and finances permitted (al-Disuqi; Jawad, 1998). Despite clear religious injunctions, cultural factors and family of origin customs have significantly influenced gender role socialization. These cultural customs and traditions have often largely determined the balance of gender roles in the family system. Although the Muslim woman is generally seen as primarily responsible for the daily management of the home and of her children’s education, both the mother and father are involved in the raising of children. A man's role as father is highly respected andviewed as a crucial component for a successful family. Time spent playing with and teaching the children as a family unit is important. Being a "good" parent is perceived by women and men alike as being one of their most significant roles in life (Sherif, 1999). ‘The husband usually assumes the protector and provider role along with his important role as father. Within the marital relationship, the wife is entitled to financial maintenance by the husband, even if she is well off (al-Disuqi, 1999). Although Islam gives woman the right to work, she is not compelled to use it. She is not required to spend any of her money upon the household, “A husband shoulders her full financial responsibilities, het maintenance, residence expenses, clothing, medication, children’s education, and much more when able and capable. This is called ‘givamah™ (al-Disuqi, p. 10-11). ‘The Qur’an describes that men have “giwamah” over women because God has given the one more (strength) than the other and because they support them from their means" (The Qur'an, Surah Nisaa [The Women], 4:34). The term “giwamah” has often been translated as the "protectors and maintainers." For the modem scholar, Asghar Ali Engineer, the term "giwamah” signified guardianship, not control. He described the role of guardian as determined by the social context rather than any inherent superiority (Nachtrieb, 2000). Badawi (1995) further clarified, “Nowhere does the Qur’an state that one gender is superior to the other. Some interpreters of the Qur'an mistakenly translate the Arabic word giwamah (responsibility for the family) with the English word “superiority” (p. 13), Those who misinterpret the term do not understand God's system as balanced, just, and equitable. The Qur’an makes it clear that “the sole basis for the superiority of any person over another is piety and righteousness, not gender, color or nationality” (Badawi, p. 13). The husband is seen as the protégé of the Muslim family, given his role as thea "qawwam." More responsibility is placed on the man in that he has to provide financially for the family. However, this does not mean that men are lords over their wives and should not be taken out of context in any other negative way. However, in reality, men have sometimes unfortunately taken this religious label, and mistakenly used it to defend and justify their authoritarian or oppressive actions. Ideally though, both parties have power in the marriage and voice their opinions during decision-making in the partnership. ‘Women also often exert a great deal of power through their role as mothers and as maintainers of the family. They may choose more indirect means for added familial influence (Erickson & Al-Timimi, 2001). Islamically, men are taught the need to consult with their partners before making decisions, There is evidence in the Qur’an that Allah has issued a universal order encompassing all Muslims to consult with one another or practice shura, and that dictatorial rule is not in Islam (al-Disugi, 1999, p. 34). Allah named an entire chapter of the Qur'an “al-Shura” (“Consultation”), emphasizing, “And their matters are by consultation among themselves” (Qur'an, Surah Al-Shura (Consultation), 42:38). “This principle of decision-making by consultation applies to spousal family relations at the private level as well as to political activism in the public sphere” (al-Disuqi, p. 34), In Muslim families, children are raised to perpetuate their families’ customs and traditions. The research literature describes that strong, positive identification with one's. gender role is encouraged, while acting or dressing like the opposite gender is strongly discouraged (Mahmoud, 1996; Sherif, 1999). Through gender socialization, roles are clearly taught to young girls and boys. For women, femininity is applauded and respected. ‘Abu-Ali and Reisen’s (1999) study, exploring gender role identity among Muslim girls attending an Islamic high school in America, found some noteworthy results. They42 discovered that Muslim girls tend to have comparable levels of femininity as compared to anormative college female sample (Bem, 1974), but reports of greater adherence to and belief in Muslim practices were associated with greater femininity. However, in contrast to stereotypes and over-generalized assertions of rigid gender role socialization in Muslim homes, these young women also surprisingly had higher masculinity scores than normative female samples. In another study, Damji and Lee (1995) similarly found that the Muslim males and females did not differ in their reported level of masculine personality traits, Moreover, the Muslim men had higher femininity scores than normative samples of men, In their discussion section, Abu-Ali and Reisen concluded: ‘This study contradicts the common Wester stereotype of Muslim women as submissive and passive . .. The items in the masculinity scale are often considered to reflect instrumentality, which implies an active, self-assertive stance. Thus, these ‘young women do not fit the stereotype often applied by Western cultures (p. 190). They went on to conclude that cultural influences on gender identity are complex. Given contrasting descriptions across the research literature, additional studies appear needed. Islam asserts the rights of daughters to be treated on an equal footing with their brothers, emphasizing the importance of education for both male and female children (al- Disugi, 1999; Jawad, 1998). Consequently, it is common for many Muslim girls in ‘America to excel in school and attend college (Sarroub, 2000). However, in some respects, because of cultural rather than religious traditions, Muslim daughters are often treated somewhat differently than their brothers. More social restrictions may be placed on the girls out of fears of them being abused in some way, whereas the boys are seen as more capable of caring for themselves (Bisenlohr, 1996; Haque-Khan, 1997). Also, in reality, there are often differing role expectations for sons and daughters. Often, the daughters are encouraged to help much more with the daily household chores and the43 caretaking of younger siblings. ‘The Muslim family is not scen as nuclear, but as extended (Abudabbeh, 1996; Carolan, 1999; Erickson & Al-Timimi, 2001). Even if members of extended families do not reside together, they are considered valuable important sources involved in decision- ‘making and consultation. The Muslim woman and mother assumes a central place in this large extended family network. Often, parents and the elderly are greatly respected where children both male and female are taught very early the importance of honor and obedience to one's elders (Smith, 1999). In general, family roles emphasize ‘the family’s collective good. As such, a women's role in the family is tied to the concept that individual needs and desires are secondary to the good of the family as a unit. Muslim women develop their female identities in the background of this larger collective culture. The Islamic idea of gender complementarity may also involve separation of the sexes in the public sphere. On most social and religious occasions, the sexes’ separation is observed among practicing Muslims, For many, maintaining different space is not viewed as forced or oppressive, but signifies that women have as much right to define their own space as do men (Ahmed, 1994). This behavior reinforces intimacy jn the sexes and offers emotional support and security (Mahmoud, 1996). However, the extreme isolation and seclusion of women from the public sphere, as practiced in some countries and families, conflicts with Islamic historical evidence of women’s participation in public Recently, many scholars began to readdress the description of women in religious documents, reanalyzing ideal gender roles. For example, Wadud (1999) in her book entitled "Women in the Qur’an: Rereading the Sacred Text from a Woman's Perspective" provided a female gender-inclusive reading and analysis of the Qur'an. She argued that compatible mutually supportive functional relationships between men and women couldbbe seen as part of the Qur’an’s goal with regard to society. In actuality, the opinions of individual Muslims regarding gender roles range from liberal to more traditional attitudes. In practice, the sharing of household duties and responsibilities varies with families (Mahmoud, 1996). In some Muslim homes, gender roles may be very equitable with the man and woman sharing equally the performance of household chores and the responsibility for child-care and decision-making. A therapist should be sensitive to the differing conceptions of gender roles in Muslim families, assessing the degree to which religious gender ideals impact daily family functioning. Islam and Psychotherapy Moreover, many writers have increasingly recognized the importance for practitioners to understand their clients’ worldviews (Richards & Bergin, 1997). Ibrahim (1985) has suggested that a lack of understanding of one's own and one’s clients’ ‘worldviews has resulted in frustration and anxiety for both the helper and the client. Worldviews have had a major impact on physical and mental health as well as interpersonal relationships. Worldviews have played a crucial role in the definition, meaning, and management of whatever is interpreted as illness. Similarly, the Islamic worldview has significantly impacted the lives of its Muslim followers, influencing altitudes, beliefs, and behaviors that have considerable consequences for psychotherapy. Even though modem psychology as described from a "Western" paradigm has gone largely unrecognized in the Islamic world, traditional spiritual forms of healing have been present for thousands of years (Haque-Khan, 1997). Islam has a long tradition of interest in mental health (Ashy, 1999; Loewenthal, 2000). The earliest recorded psychiatric institutions, established over a thousand years ago, were in Muslim countries (Dwairy, 1998; Loewenthal).45 Centuries ago, Islamic scholars excelled in the field of psychology (Ashy, 1999; Badri, 1997, 2000). Ashy described in depth several Muslim scholars who were interested in human psychology, including al Kindus (801-866 C.E.), al Faraby (872-950 C.E.), Avicenna (980-1037 C.B,), and al-Ghazali (1058-1111 C-E.), For example, al Kindus developed theories about happiness and sadness, attachment to love objects, imagination, and wrote extensively about dreams, Avicenna offered a comprehensive theory about the Islamic understanding of the “self” (see Ashy for a more detailed description). Moreover, Badri (2000) noted: “The cognitive principles and practices which have only recently impressed moder Western psychology were already known, centuries ago, by scholars such as Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah (also known as Ibn al-Qayyim), al-Balkhi, al-Ghazali, Miskawayh, and many others” (p. 21). Furthermore, at a recent conference, Badri (1997) highlighted several of the achievements and discoveries of Muslim scholars in the field of psychology. Badri (1997, 2000) pointed out that early Muslim scholars explicated many psychological leaming and conditioning principles, described some of the basic methods used today in experimental psychology, conducted psychophysics research into human vision as early as the 11th century (e.g. Ibn al-Haytham), contributed much to the theoretical understanding of contemplation therapies (e.g., al-Ghazali), and classified emotional disorders in a strikingly modem way (¢.g., Al-Balkhi). For Muslims, faith and spirituality are integral components of the healing process that have been too often neglected in Western psychological models. Haque (2004) explained that Islam takes a two-pronged preventive approach to protect humans from sacrificing their mental health. The emphasis is on both building positive qualities in oneself that would prevent mental health problems and avoiding negative qualities that may lead to various mental health problems. Muslims are often very aware that most46 psychotherapists likely do not share or understand these important beliefs about health and healing. Hedayat-Diba (2000) went so far as to state that "a cultural gap is a given when a non-Muslim mental health provider comes into contact with a Muslim patient" (p. 311). Muslims, along with other minority groups in this country, underutilize traditional psychotherapy (Hedayat-Diba). Underutilization may represent the lack of knowledge of such services, the need for services being met from alternative community resources, the negative cultural stigma associated with mental illness, the fear of being misunderstood, the fear that spiritual beliefs will not be respected, or the belief that a therapist will impose conflicting cultural norms and behaviors. Haque-Khan (1997) found that perceived prejudice significantly affects help-seeking behavior for Muslim women. A Muslim client will generally try to seek help from family, friends, or religious sources before seeking professional psychological assistance (Husain, 1998). Therefore, it is important to remember that Muslims, who do manage to find their way into the therapy room, may hold unique beliefs and understandings, further emphasizing the need for a careful open- ‘minded spiritual and cultural assessment in order to prevent common stereotypes and biases from negatively affecting treatment. “Cultural” beliefs may influence a Muslim client’s communication of mental health symptoms and attitudes about what may be healing. For Muslims, expressions of ‘mental distress are likely to be articulated in physical terms given their cultural backgrounds (Dwairy, 1998; Erickson & Al-Timimi, 2001; Seyed, Collins, & Takahashi, 1998). Consequently, many may be more comfortable seeking help from a physician. They may expect and be more receptive to pharmacological rather than psychotherapeutic. recommendations (Dwairy; Seyed et al.). Also, despite strong Islamic teachings to the contrary, a common “cultural” belief holds mental illness as a social stigma, casting a47 negative light on the individual and the family of the affected individual (Budman et al., 1992; Kobeisy, 2001). This stigma may impede treatment efforts (Kobeisy; Murray, 2002). Several researchers discussed the need to adapt Western approaches to the context of working with Muslim clients (Azhar, Varma, & Dharap, 1994; Badri, 2000; Carter & Rashidi, 2003; Daneshpour, 1998; Murray, 2002; Seyed et al., 1998). For example, Seyed et al, (1998) and Jafari (1993) noted that Islamic values may be overlooked by a therapist, operating within a traditional Wester counseling paradigm. Seyed ct al. described the Islamic worldview, which cites the collective group as the source of individual identity. In contrast to the Western worldview, which fosters independence, self-sufficiency, and competition, the Islamic view sees togetherness, common striving, and communal interdependence as the hallmarks of existence. Jafari discussed that Islamic values are not geared toward the welfare and satisfaction of an individual; rather, they emphasize the well-being for the entire society achieved by promoting selflessness, altruism, and perfection of oneself. She described that the ultimate objective becomes seeking the pleasure of God and "self actualization” occurs when there is an alignment between thought, action, and God's will, making mental and spiritual well-being inseparable. In recent years, scholars have returned to the tradition of relating psychology and Islam, Some have advocated the Islamization of psychotherapy for Muslim clients Recently, a few researchers have attempted to incorporate religious beliefs into treatment programs. Azhar et al. (1994) studied religious psychotherapy with patients diagnosed with generalized anxiety disorder. They found that those who received religious psychotherapy showed significantly more rapid improvement in anxiety symptoms than those who received supportive psychotherapy and drugs only. Azhar and Varma (1995) discovered similar results in a sample of Muslim patients with depression. Additionally,48 ‘Al-Radi and Mahdy (1994) described group therapy from an Islamic perspective. Meanwhile, Mohamad (1995) discussed the theoretical foundation of an Islamic psychological paradigm. He introduced the concept of "fitrah," a God-given innate state of “original purity" or "primordial faith," and an inclination to believe in and to worship God He operationally defined psychological abnormality as a deviation from "fitrah" and described treatment as restoring one to the innate state as a "believer" to worship God. Furthermore, a thorough spiritual, cultural, and familial assessment with Muslim clients has been identified as crucial (Abudabbeh, 1996; Almeida, 1996; Mahmoud, 1996; Pierey, Soekandar, & Limansubroto, 1996). One measure, the Islamic Religiosity Scale, developed by Haque-Khan (1997), can help measure a Muslim client’s strength, ‘commitment, and practice of the Muslim faith. A few other researchers are currently working on developing other Islamic religiosity scales. Several authors have emphasized the importance of constructing a multi-generational genogram with Muslim clients (Daneshpour, 1998; Mahmoud). A new tool, the spiritual genogram, may also be especially useful with Muslims (Hodge, 2001). Tn working in therapy with Muslims, the literature emphasized that family context \vas especially important to consider. Daneshpour (1998) described the strong sense of cohesion and interdependency among Muslim families. She recommended a holistic, ecological perspective towards intervention rather than a limited, reductionistic, individualistic perspective. She also emphasized that extended family and community members, especially the elderly members, were important to involve in treatment since among Muslims, the collective group was often the source of individual identity. Internationally, there have been a growing number of articles, conferences, and organizations devoted to psychology, Islam, and Muslims. However, within the United49 States, despite the sizable American Muslim population, this area of psychological study remains practically non-existent. Even less research, has examined the strengths, coping mechanisms, and the resilience of this population. If Wester practitioners become more knowledgeable about Islamic practices, beliefS, and resources, then they can provide more competent services to this growing population. History of the Concept of Resilience Introduction to the Concept "Clinical psychologists have focused the majority of their attention on the diagnosis and treatment of pathologies, and in the quest for ‘fixes,’ scant attention has been paid to the nature of psychological health" (Sheldon & King, 2001, p. 216). However, over the past three decades, the concept of resilience has received much increased public and scientific attention, Many researchers have begun slowly to shift their focus from a deficit pathology based model to a more positive health-promoting model that highlights strengths and positive outcomes (Aspinwall & Staudinger, 2003; Iekovies & Park, 1998; Keyes & Haidt, 2003; O'Leary, 1998; Seligman, 2000, Seligman & Csikszentmihalyi, 2006 snyder & Lopez, 2002). The term "resilience" was derived from Latin roots meaning “to jump (or bounce) back” (Costello et. al, 1992). Generally, in the literature, resilience referred to the ability to rebound from adversity and prevail over the circumstances of life. Over the years, researchers provided varying definitions of resilience and a clear definition for this complex phenomenon remains debated among researchers (Luthar et al., 2000; Masten, 2001). In this dissertation, resilience is seen as encompassing the state of psychological growth. Resilience is conceptualized as similar to the concept of "thriving," and represents the ability to go beyond the original level of psychosocial functioning, to grow vigorously,50 to flourish (Carver, 1988; O'Leary, 1998; Keyes & Haidt, 2003; O'Leary & Ickovies, 1995). Early studies indicated that approximately 10% of the population was resilient; they underwent personal growth despite adverse circumstances and thrived despite their trauma (Anthony, 1974; Higgins, 1994; Wemer, 1990). These resiliencies were usually ‘viewed in terms of individual personality traits and coping strategies that enabled a child or adult to overcome harrowing life experiences. More recent works began to acknowledge the confluence of variant factors both within the individual and the immediate context. Additionally, newer studies suggested that there is no single source of resilience o vulnerability, rather “many interacting factors come into play” (Basic Behavioral Science Task Force of the National Advisory Mental Health Council, 1996). Very recent writing further noted that the accumulating data on resilience in development suggested that resilience does not just come from rare and special qualities, but "resilience appears to be a common phenomenon that results in most cases from the operation of basic human adaptational systems" (Masten, 2001, p. 227). Masten (2001) wrote that "the great surprise of resilience research is the ordinariness of the phenomena” (p. 227), Similarly, Benard (1995) suggested that every human being is born with the potential for resilience, Rather than labeling only a small percent of the population as resilient, she noted that as many as 50% of individuals are resilient. Resilience investigators in the last decade have come to realize that resilience arises from many dynamic interactions within and between organisms and environments (Masten, 2001; Waller, 2001). This clinical dissertation sought to explore several contextual influences on the development of resilience. First, this document presents a thorough review of the research studying the individual component of resilience.sl The Individual Component of Resilience-Key Research Studies and Theoretical Notions Researchers have gone through several stages in their approach to understanding resilience (Werner, 1990). Initially, resilience was seen as a fixed in-born attribute of the individual. Then, later research understood it more as a process. Finally, theorists conceptualized resilience as a dynamic transactional phenomenon. Historically, most of the resilience literature has examined resilient children or adolescents (Watt, David, Ladd, & Shamos, 1995) or adults who experienced extraordinary events as a child. However, adults facing challenges in their adult years have been studied much less. Even though this dissertation examined resilience in adult women, sources of resilience for both children and adults will be included in this literature review, since traditionally so much of the resilience literature has focused upon resilient children. Some of the first resilience studies were exploratory longitudinal studies of children exposed to certain risk factors. Werner and Smith (1982, 1992) conducted one of the first and most comprehensive studies of resilience. In their classic 30-year, multi- disciplinary, exploratory study, Werner and Smith followed the lives of 698 children born into hardship on the island of Kauai. Their study began by examining the children's vulnerability, but as their investigation progressed, they also began to look at the roots of resilience in those children who successfully coped (Werner, 1993). One out of three children developed learning or behavior problems in the first two decades. Surprisingly, they also found that despite the odds, many others developed into "competent and caring young adults" (Wemer, 1990, p. 100). Their success was explained as a result of both personal traits and protective factors in the family and social context. The researchers noted, "optimal adaptive development appears to be characterized by a balance between the power of the person and the power of the social and physical environment" (Werner &82 Smith, 1982, p. 136). Ten percent of the study's cohort, who had experienced at least four risk factors prior to age two, developed into competent adults and were identified as "resilient." Werner and Smith (1982) labeled them as “vulnerable, but invincible.” Werner (1990) identified four central characteristics present in the lives of the resilient individuals. These factors included: (a) an active evocative problem-solving approach that enabled people successfully to negotiate emotionally hazardous experiences; (b) an inclination to perceive life experiences constructively; (c) the ability to gain other people's positive attention; and (@) a strong ability to use faith to maintain a positive vision of a meaningful life. Individual traits associated with resilience. Much of the early resilience literature focused o1 lentifying the specific traits associated with resilience. Early descriptions of resilient children labeled them as “invulnerable” (Anthony, 1974; Garmezy & Neuchterlein, 1972). Anthony was often thought of as introducing the concept of the “psychologically invulnerable child.” He used this term to refer to children who displayed competence, drive, originality, and resourcefulness, despite their exposure to psychological stress and adversity. These children were likened to steel dolls--so constitutionally sound that, unlike glass or plastic dolls, they could withstand even the most severe adversity. The use of the term “invulnerable” can be very misleading because it implies that some children are incapable of succumbing to adversity, representing resilience as a fixed constitutional trait. Later research has pointed out that resistance to stress is relative, not absolute (Rutter, 1985), Consequently, most researchers now prefer to use the term “resilient” to describe such individuals. Several key individual and dispositional protective traits have been identified actoss many studies. For example, numerous researchers have described the temperament53 of resilient children, noting that many resilient children have an "easy" temperament that is marked by good adaptability, positive mood, sociability, and the ability to elicit positive attention from caregivers (Masten & Reed, 2002; Wemer & Smith, 1982, 1992). Studies also have found that resilient children appeared able to balance a strong social orientation and social competence with a great deal of independence (Wemer & Smith, 1982, 1992). Additionally, Wemer and Smith (1982) noted that resilient children derived competence from life events and the available models in their households. They also developed those attributes that complement each gender: autonomy and independence for the resilient girls; caring and nurturance for the resilient boys. Garmezy similarly found that competent behavior was a powerful protective factor (Garmezy & Masten, 1986; Garmezy, Masten, & Tellegen, 1984). Werer and Smith (1992) found that in late adolescence, the resilient youth had a ‘more inner locus of control. Luthar (1991) also identified an intemal locus of control as a protective factor along with good social skills and humor. Optimism was another related trait identified in the literature (Carver & Scheier, 2002). Murphy (1987) described the optimistic bias of resilient individuals, noting that many latch on to any excuse for hope and faith in recovery, actively mobilizing all thoughts and resources that could contribute to their recovery. Optimism was associated with an individual's ability to resist succumbing. to feelings of defeat and despair, resulting in better psychological health (Seligman, 1990). Overall psychological health was also found to relate to resilient outcomes. Rutter (1985) noted that a strong sense of self-esteem and self-efficacy makes successful coping ‘more likely, while a sense of helplessness increases the probability that one adversity will lead to another. Furthermore, Beardslee (1989) identified self-understanding as the central determinant of successful long-term adaptation across three diverse samples. Self-54 understanding was defined as an intemal psychological process through which an individual makes causal connections between experiences in the world at large and inner feelings. Wemer and Smith (1982, 1992) also noted that at the threshold of adulthood, the resilient men and women had developed a sense of coherence in their lives. They were able to draw on a number of informal support sources; they also expressed a great desire to “improve themselves”-- a continued commitment towards psychological growth. “Intelligence” was another specific trait identified in the literature. Researchers found that those with average to above average intellectual ability were generally more resilient than those with low intelligence (Block & Block, 1984; Felsman & Vaillant, 1987; Garmezy, 1987; Wemer, 1990). Werner (1990) described individuals, who are better able to understand their life events, as more likely to figure out strategies for coping with adversities. However, an exception to this strong relationship between intelligence and resilience was a study by Luthar (1991). He found that intelligent girls were less competent than their male peers during adolescence. Researchers have increasingly began to question the presumed simplistic relationship between intelligence and resilience. For example, newer studies within positive psychology have emphasized the need to re-define and broaden the concept and ‘measurement of intelligence (Stemberg, 2003). More recently, researchers have identified social or emotional intelligence, constructive thinking abilities, creativity, and cognitive flexibility as central personal strengths, rather than the more narrow traditional focus solely upon academic “grades” or “IQ” (Cantor, 2003; Epstein, 1998; Salovey, Mayer, & Caruso, 2002; Simonton, 2002; Stenberg). Gender influences. Gender was an additional factor specifically discussed in the resilience literature. Researchers noted that protective factors and processes sometimes55 differed for males and females (Rutter, 1990; Werner, 1990, 1993). For example, several researchers identified that characteristic child-rearing styles and socialization practices promoted resilience differentially in boys and girls (Block & Gjerde, 1986; Wemer, 1990; ‘Werner & Smith, 1982). Wemer (1990) noted that resilient girls tended to come from households that combined (a) an absence of overprotection, (b) an emphasis on risk taking and independence, and (c) reliable emotional support from a primary caregiver. Resilient boys, on the other hand, tended to come from households where there was (a) greater structure, rules, and parental supervision; (b) a male who served as a model of identification; and (c) encouragement of emotional expressiveness. Further research illustrated that age impacted the relationship between gender and resilience (Waller, 2001). Numerous studies found that young boys were often more vulnerable than young girls (Rutter, 1982, 1987). However, several other studies noted a reversal of gender and vulnerability beginning in adolescence (Ebata, Petersen, & Conger, 1990; Girgus, Nolen-Hocksema, & Seligman, 1989; Kessler & McLeod, 1984; Locksley & Douvan, 1979; Waller). ‘Thomson (1942) made a similar observation many years ago. She suggested that for boys, adolescence is a period of opening up, but for girl, it is a time for shutting down. Several more recent Western feminist examinations have noted a decreased sense of competence in adolescent females (Miller, 1991, Kaschack, 1992). Miller (1991) described, "Adolescence is a time when girls begin to contract’ rather then expand” (p. 19). ‘Writers have suggested that a woman's sense of self worth lies heavily on their sense of their ability to make and build relationships Gilligan, 1982; Kaplan, 1991; Miller, 1976). However, as Miller (1976) and others have argued, western society not only does not value these "feminine" attributes but tends to interpret them as weaknesses. Hamilton and56 Jensvold (1992) further explained that a woman's sense of identity often has developed within a framework that devalues women. Consequently, there "lingers a certain sense of inadequacy . .. that is often translated into lowered self-esteem" (Kaplan, p. 215). Acknowledging this social, developmental context of women’s lives, Blankenship (1998) emphasized the importance of viewing resilience from a gender, race, and class perspective. Resilience in Context ‘Attempts to understand resilience just recently moved beyond a primary focus upon protective factors, residing within the individual, to considering the importance of family, system, and contextual processes. Masten and Garmezy (1985) noted that whereas resilience is usually thought of as a characteristic of the individual, protective factors necessarily include both individual and environmental characteristics that ameliorate or buffer a person's response to constitutional risk factors or stressful life events. Garmezy (1985) identified the importance of all three of the following broad categories of protective factors: (a) dispositional attributes of the child; (b) family cohesion and warmth; and (c) the availability and use of external support systems by parents and children. The dispositional attributes that protect children included genetic and constitutional factors. ‘The second category of factors described by Garmezy (1985) were familial factors. Research has also indicated that resilient individuals obtain a great deal of emotional support from individuals outside of their own family, pointing to the importance of the third category of factors identified by Garmezy (1985), protective factors in the community. Many studies have documented the importance of having a strong support system and emphasized the benefits of friends, neighbors, teachers, and religious institutions (Haight, 1998; Werner, 1990). Werner (1990) noted that external support systems often reinforce competence providing resilient children with a positive set37 of values. Another contextual protective factor found to impact resilience was socio economic status (Masten et al., 1988). Cohler, Stout, and Musick (1995) described that recognition of psychological development in context is essential for the study of psychological resilience across the life course. Rutter (1989) argued that risk and protective factors must be examined within the context of a person’s life, because they are embedded in an individual's context. Similarly, Bronfenbrenner (1979) noted that the family, peer group, school or work setting, and larger social systems can be seen as nested contexts for social competence. Resilience as a Transactional Process Research in the past decade began to understand resilience more as a dynamic transactional process. Resilience and vulnerability came to be understood as relative rather than absolute processes. For example, Rutter (1987) emphasized that resilience was not a fixed attribute or trait; instead he saw it as a dynamic, ever changing quality. He described, "Those people who cope successfully with difficulties at one point in their lives may react adversely to other stressors when their situation is different. If circumstances change, the risk alters" (1987, p. 317). For Rutter (1990), it was not the variable per se that made one resilient, but the dynamic process of interaction between variables that was important. Historically, much of the resilience literature focused on identifying and describing “risk" and "protective" factors. However, Rutter (1987, 1990, 1993) stressed that it was important to consider risk and protective factors as interactional processes or mechanisms. He noted, "Instead of searching for broadly based protective factors, we need to focus on protective mechanisms and processes" (1990, pp. 182-183). Rutter (1990) described that protective and vulnerability processes are those interactive mechanisms that involve a catalytic modification of a person’s response to the risk situation. He saw resilience as a58 process leading to enhanced protective mechanisms, transforming potential sources of threat into opportunities for maintaining personal adjustment. He pointed out that it was more important to understand the processes by which resilience occurred rather than simply identifying factors that were associated with positive outcomes. Rutter's (1987) interactive model of protective mechanisms consisted of the following four processes: (a) the reduction of the risk impact; (b) reduction of possible negative chain reactions; (c) establishment and maintenance of self-esteem and self-efficacy, and (d) taking advantage of opportunities. Similarly, Egeland et al. (1993) viewed resilience as a process suggesting a developmental approach to the study of resilience. In their article entitled "Resilience as process," they looked at resilience in terms of a transactional process within an organizational framework. They stated, "From an organization view, the capacity for resilience is seen as developing over time through an interaction of constitutional and experiential factors in the context of a supportive environment" (p. 525). Furthermore, Waller (2001) suggested that resilience is “a multi-determined and every-changing product of interacting forces within a given ecosystemic context” (p.1). Now, rather than being seen as a set of traits or fixed attributes, adaptation and resilience are increasingly being viewed as multi-determined interactive processes extending over time (Walsh, 1996). The results of Werner and Smith’s (1982) study lent further support to this transactional model of human development. The relative contributions of risk factors, stressful life events, and protective factors within the child and his caregiving environments changed, not only with the stages of the life cyele, but also with sex of the child and the cultural context in which she/he grew up. Resilience is truly a process, involving complex interrelationships among risks, resources, and contexts (Gilgun, 1999).59 The Familial Component of Resilience The family is the primary context of human experience from the cradle to the grave; however, it was only within the last several decades that the family became a major focus of study within psychological theory and research (Mikesell, Lusterman, & McDaniel, 1995). In the decade following WWI, a new therapeutic paradigm emerged in the matrix of fields concemed with human behavior. Many begun to acknowledge the critical importance of the family in influencing individual psychological symptoms and problems, especially recognizing the transactional influence one person has upon another. Historically, psychological theory, practice, and research were overwhelmingly deficit-focused, implicating the family in the cause or maintenance of nearly all problems in individual functioning (Walsh, 1998). However, in the last decade, there was a movement in the family field toward strengths-based and away from deficit-based models (Hawley & DeFlaan, 1996; Walsh, 1995, 1998). Hawley & DeHaan (1996) pointed out that an emphasis on resilience in clients often accompanied this focus on strengths. For ‘example, Wolin and Wolin (1993) offered the "Challenge Model" as an alternative to the damage model that underlies many traditional approaches to psychotherapy. Growing attention has been paid to the construct of resilience in the family field (Hawley & DeHaan, 1996; Walsh, 1998). The concept of resilience in the family can be conceptualized at two different levels of analysis. First, resilience can be viewed as an individual factor with the family serving as a protective or risk factor, From this, perspective, the unit of analysis remains at the individual level. Secondarily, resilience can be conceptualized as a systemic quality shared by the family as a whole. ‘The family in which one is raised influences the developmental process and can contribute to the development of individual resilience. In the nature-nurture debate, the60 nurture component always remains an important piece to the puzzle. Throughout the history of psychology, numerous studies have described how families or family conflict can lead to the development of psychiatric disorders. Families can be a risk factor. Some family risk factors that have been identified in the literature include marital discord and family violence, divorce, parental mental illness and substance abuse, teenage pregnancy, and limited parenting abilities (Rutter, 1979, Werner, 1990). However, as described by Garmezy (1985), familial factors can also serve as a protective factor for resilient individuals. For example, in his review of family correlates of resilience, Barnard (1994) identified the following factors as contributing to resilience development: a good fit between parent and child; maintenance of family rituals; proactive confrontation of problems; minimal conflict in the home during infancy; the absence of divorce during adolescence; and a productive relationship between a child and his or her mother. When exploring the concept of ego-resiliency through childhood, Block (1971) noted that “ego-brittle” children come from homes marked by discord and conflict, whereas “ego-resilient” children have parents who are competent, loving, patient, compatible, and share common values, Resilience studies identified protective traits in the family members of resilient children. Numerous researchers found that parental competence and parenting quality correlated highly with multiple domains of adaptive behavior (Cowen et al., 1997, Gribble et al., 1993; Masten, 2001; Wemer & Smith, 1982). Effective parenting (e.g., authoritative parenting, monitoring, support) was suggested to be an especially important protective factor against antisocial behavior in risky environments (Masten et al., 1999). Other researchers sought to broaden their study of resilience to include the child's attachment with a caregiver. Several researchers noted that a secure attachment was61 correlated with later resilient functioning (Egeland et al., 1993; Farber & Egeland, 19875 Fonagy, Steele, Higgitt, & Target, 1993; Rutter, 1987; Wemer, 1989). The connection between secure attachment in infancy and later competent functioning was demonstrated in several studies beginning with Mary Ainsworth’s (1978) work and followed by the research of John Bowlby and Attachment Theory (1980). According to Bowlby’s theory, the development of a secure attachment between an infant and his or her primary caregiver allows a child to develop a secure sense of self-worth and self-confidence, helping them construct an adaptive intemal working model of relationships. Fonagy et al. (1993) used attachment theory as a conceptual framework for studying resilience. They identified reflective-self function in the context of attachment relationships as a powerful protective process against the intergenerational transmission of maladaptive relationship patterns. They described reflective self-function as the reliable capacity to invoke, reflect upon, and think of one’s own and other’s actions in terms of mental states (¢.g., feelings, beliefs, intentions, conflicts and other psychological states). They described that the mother’s abi ry to accurately reflect upon her infant's mental states reduced the infant’s need to use defensive behaviors (insecurity) and fostered a secure attachment bond. Fonagy et al. further discussed that this concept may be helpful in considering aspects of resilience beyond the transgenerational process. For example, they hypothesized that superior reflective-self function may explain the greater interpersonal awareness and empathy observed in resilient children. A consistent finding throughout empirical studies was the fact that a supportive relationship with at least one parent or other adult could protect against the potential risks associated with adverse circumstances (Rutter, 1990; Werner & Smith, 1990). For example, all of the resilient children in Wemer and Smith's study had "at least one person62 in their lives who accepted them unconditionally, regardless of temperamental idiosyncrasies, physical attractiveness, or intelligence" (Wemer, 1993, p. 512). Werner further emphasized that self-esteem and self-efficacy are promoted, above all else, through supportive relationships. Although researchers have noted that a good caregiver bond often has been correlated with resilient functioning (Farber & Egeland, 1987; Egeland, Carlson, and Sroufe, 1993; Rutter, 1987; Werner, 1989), only recently have researchers acknowledged the bi-directional nature of attachment relationships, studying the dynamic interactional influence of the child upon the caretaker. One of the few studies that demonstrated this interactional effect was a study by Masten et al. (1999). They found parenting to predict child competence, resilience, and change in child competence over time. They also found that child competence predicted changes in parenting quality over time. As this reciprocal interaction is being explored, researchers have just begun to describe the dynamic interactions present between variables traits, and the external environment. Furthermore, in high-risk families, some of the nurturing often has come from alternative caregivers rather than parents. For example, Werner (1990) has noted that grandparents and older siblings often have emerged as important stress buffers. Social support from grandparents has been shown to be an important predictor of secure attachment and adjustment in children of mentally ill or abusive parents (Crockenberg, 1981; Musick, Stott, Spencer, Goldman, & Cobiler; 1987, Farber & Egeland, 1987), as well as for children of divorce, those living in poverty, and children from immigrant families (Barresi, 1987; Kellam, Ensminger, & Tuer, 1977; Wallerstein & Kelley, 1980). Considering familial protective factors important in adulthood, Werner (1993) noted that many of the high-risk youth who had problems in their teens, but staged a63 recovery in adulthood, gained a more positive self-concept in the context of an intimate relationship. Similarly, Walsh (1998) described resilience within couple relationships being fostered when each partner supported the better characteristics and creative aspects of the other in mutual, equitable ways. Support from extended family members, kinship networks, and religious institutions also served additional protective functions. The family as a unit can also exhibit resilience. A small growing body of research has addressed resilience as a family-level construct (Hawley & DeHaan, 1996). As Walsh (1996) discussed, the concept of family resilience goes beyond a contextual view of individual resilience to a family-system level of assessment and intervention, focusing on relational resilience in that family as a functional unit Recently, various definitions of "family resilience" were proposed. In 1996, Hawley and DeHaan proposed the following comprehensive definition of this concept: Family resilience describes the path a family follows as it adapts and prospers in the face of stress, both in the present and over time. Resilient families respond positively to these conditions in unique ways, depending on the context, developmental level, the interactive combination of risk and protective factors, and the family’s shared outlook (p. 293). Their definition suggests that resilience at the family level consists of a trajectory within which the family positively adapts to stressful circumstances. As seen in the individual resilience research literature, the importance of viewing resilience as a transactional process is emphasized. Additionally, their definition recognizes that adaptation occurs in a cultural context, Several family resilience factors identified in the literature include: commitment, cohesion, adaptability, communication, time together, efficacy, connectedness, resource management, coherence, and spirituality (Hawley & Delian; Silliman, 1994). ‘Walsh (1998) described three domains for a family functioning assessment framework, distinguishing healthy, well-functioning resilient families from the more64 seriously dysfunctional families. These three domains include the family's belief systems, organization patterns, and communication processes. These resilient processes are believed to foster resilient families as well as contribute to the resilient functioning of individual family members. Silliman (1994) emphasized that the individual, family, and community levels of resilience are inter-related. Consequently, just as family dynamics can affect individual resilience, the process may be bi-directional with individual resilience and personal strengths contributing to resilience in the family unit. Walsh (1998) identified belief systems as the core of all family functioning and as powerful forces in resilience. She suggested that the key beliefs in family resilience could be organized into three areas: making meaning of adversity, positive outlook, and transcendence and spirituality. Walsh noted that members in resilient families share a strong belief in the importance of family, tending to view crisis situations as a shared challenge that is best tackled together. In resilient families, transcendent beliefs further foster resilience by providing meaning and purpose beyond ourselves, our families, and our adversities (Beavers & Hampson, 1990). ‘Walsh (1998) further emphasized that family organization processes support the integration of the family unit, Key organizational elements that foster resilience include flexibility, connectedness, and social and economic resources. A dynamic balance between stability and change is required to maintain a stable family structure, while also allowing for change in response to life challenges (Beavers & Hampson, 1993; Olsen, 1993). This ability to adapt to changing circumstances may be especially important in immigrant families. Family processes that may have been functional in their country of origin may not enable them to adapt in their new culture (Falicov, 1998). Another important dimension of family organization involved connectedness, an65 ability to balance forces for unity and separateness (Walsh, 1998). For individual and family members to rise above adversity, members need to believe that they can turn to one another and obtain nurturance and reinforcement for their own efforts, sense of competence, and self-worth, In healthy families, individuals are able to be both differentiated and connected. Family organization styles vary a great deal, but it is thought that extreme styles of “enmeshment” and “disengagement” are often dysfunctional. However, Green and Werner (1996) suggested that these terms have been used too loosely in clinical practice, often pathologizing pattems of high connectedness or separateness that may be normal and functional in different contexts. For example, in many ethnic groups, respect for elders and high concem and involvement in each other's lives may be mistakenly labeled as "enmeshment.” The ability to mobilize social, economic, and spiritual resources was another important strength. Walsh (1998) wrote that "family and social networks are natural ‘shock absorbers’ in times of crisis" (p. 104). Walsh also remarked that many clinicians have mistakenly labeled the extended kin networks in African American and other ethnic families as "disorganized" when they do not conform to the norm of the traditional nuclear family. It is important to remember that no family form or style is inherently healthy or dysfunctional. Whether or not organizational processes are functional depends largely on their fit with family challenges in relation to developmental and social contexts. Another broad domain important in a family functioning assessment included an assessment of communication processes. Across ethnically diverse samples, communication in healthy families was direct, clear, specific, open, and honest (Satir, 1988; Walsh, 1998). An empathic sharing of a wide range of feelings produced strikingly little blame of scapegoating in resilient families (Beavers & Hampson, 1990).66 Collaborative and effective problem-solving processes were important (Walsh). In times of crisis, communication is even more crucial and itis important to clarify the stressful situation as much as possible to avoid misunderstandings (Walsh). Following this line of thinking, for immigrant families, clear communication may play a very important role in helping members understand each other's struggles and in helping to minimize the negative effects of an intra-familial generation gap. ‘Walsh (1998) noted that all these resilient processes, the family's resilient beliefs, organizational structures, and communication styles overlapped and interacted with one another in a synergistic way, reinforcing a family’s ability to deal effectively with stress. Furthermore, a family resilience framework recognizes that the processes needed for effective functioning vary depending on differing cultural contexts and developmental challenges (Hawley & DeHaan, 1996), Resilience in an Ethnic/Cultural Context Resilience does not occur in a vacuum, but in a transactional, social, relational, ecological, and ethic/cultural context (Jordan, 1992; Keller, 2001; Walsh, 1996). One's culture and community is the lens through which we understand where we came from, where we are today, and where we are going. Moreover, our very definitions of human development are culturally based (McGoldrick et al., 1996). Eastern and collective cultures, for example, tend to define a person as a social being and categorize development by the growth in the human capacity for empathy and connection. In contrast, Western cultures posit the individual as an independent psychological being and define development as growth in the capacity for separation from the family. Unfortunately, despite the centrality of culture in the developmental process, much of the study of resilience has failed to consider the place of culture as a factor associated67 with the origin and course of personal distress across the life span (Cohler et al., 1995; Lopex-et al., 2002). However, culture is the maker of meaning in our lives. The cultural context in which meaning is made and resilience developed must not be forgotten. Several studies demonstrated the significant impact of cultural factors in enhancing resilience (Orgu (1981, 1990), In an early study, Bettelheim (1943/1986) observed that those inmates of concentration camps, who were most resilient, had a clear cultural tradition that they could rely on in times of crisis. Furthermore, several other researchers discovered that val 1g one’s own ethnic and cultural heritage served a protective function (Phinney, Chavira, & Williamson, 1992; Spencer, Dobbs, & Swanson, 198: immerman, Ramirez, Washienko, Walter, & Dyer, 1995). Mansour (2000) found a positive correlation between ethnic identity and self-esteem among Arab-American Muslim adolescents. Furthermore, itis important to remember that because risk and protective factors are influenced by the individual's cultural context, what is a protective factor in one cultural context may not be in another. For example, Barresi (1987) noted that grandparent roles might be more salient in many ethnic groups than in the dominant Anglo-American culture, Additionally, social and spiritual support may be particularly important for minority cultural and disadvantaged groups (Blain & Crocker, 1995; Dalla & Gamble, 1995; Haight, 1998; Rogers-Dulan, 1998; San Miguel, Morrison, & Weissglass, 1995). Spiritual beliefs are often a central component of one's cultural beliefs. The Spiritual Component of Resilience Spirituality is an important environmental and contextual variable within the theoretical foundation of resilience. Spiritual beliefs and frameworks are integral components of the larger culture and social system. Little research addresses the interface of spirituality and resilience or directly describes the role that spirituality may play in68 resilience development. However, some research findings have shown that "at times of crisis and adversity, spiritual beliefS and practices have fostered resilience and recovery from loss, trauma, and suffering” (Walsh, 1999a, p. 3; see also Barrett, 1999; Koenig, 1998; Valentine & Feinauer, 1993; Walsh, 1999; Wemer & Smith, 1992; Wright, Watson, & Bell, 1996). Spiritual involvement has consistently been associated with better overall health (e.g,, lower rates of physical, mental, and substance use disorders) (Larson, Swyers, & McCullough, 1997; Miller, 1999; Townsend, Kladder, Ayele, & Mulligan, 2002). Spirituality can be understood as a component or part of resilience. A neglected area in the study of resilience concems the spiritual component of health and healing, specifically the presence of faith. The construct of faith can provide a conceptual bridge between the concepts of spirituality and resilience. “Faith is a term with a wide range of meanings (Loewenthal, 2000). Webster's dictionary defines faith as a "confidence or trust in a person or thing” and a "belief that is not based on proof” (Costello, 1992, p. 479). Loewenthal described that faith may have several components: (a) a closeness to God; (b) a feeling that whatever happens is part of a divine plan, and is ultimately for the best, even if this is not immediately apparent; and (c) a feeling that it is possible to bear whatever happens. Walsh (1999a) described that faith supports the belief that we can overcome adversity; "faith fuels the resilient spirit" (p. 24). Faith seems to represent a relatively universally understood concept, Many religious and spiritual perspectives encourage a faith in a positive vision of life. A recent qualitative study by Cinnirella and Loewenthal (1999) found that members of different religious groups hold very similar ideas about the role of religious faith and trust in coping with stress. Faith: A protective mechanism, Faith can serve a protective function ameliorating the negative influence of stress, hardship, and distress. The vast majority of people in the69 United States and across the world use their spiritual and religious faith in one way or another to understand and cope with stress, loss, and tragedy (Koenig, 1998; Pargament, 1997), Although little research has directly or prospectively explored the role of spirituality in the resilience process, spirituality has emerged as an undeniable theme across numerous resilience studies. Werner and Smith (1982, 1992) found that faith was an important protective factor from childhood through adulthood. They wrote, "A potent protective factor among high risk individuals who grew into successful adulthood was a faith that life made sense, that the odds could be overcome" (1992, p. 177). Examining the resilient children in their early 30s, they were able to obtain follow-up data in adulthood on 63 of the 72 resilient men and women in the 1955 birth cohort, "Nearly half of resilient women and one out of five among the resilient men relied on faith and prayer as an important source of support in times of difficulty" (Werner & Smith, 1992, p. 71). Faith has emerged as a protective factor in individuals facing many different types of challenges. For example, faith has been shown to improve recovery from loss and addictions, enhance one’s ability to survive poverty and racism, reduce the impact of job stressors, and demonstrate physical health benefits (Aponte, 1999; Gilbert, 1992; Jamal & Badawi, 1993; McIntosh, Silver, Wortman, 1993; Plante & Pardini, 2000; Walsh, 1999b). In addition, faith has emerged as an important protective mechanism enhancing resilience in survivors of violence and abuse (Bettelheim, 1943/1986; Dunbar & Jeannechild, 1996; Hage, 1998; Kalayjian & Shahinian, 1998; Valentine & Feinauer, 1993). The literature described spirituality as especially helpful for some special populations. For example, several studies documented spirituality as a protective factor in the lives of African-Americans (Boyd-Franklin & Lockwood, 1999; Haight, 1998;70 Rogers-Dulan, 1998; Todd, 1998) and as a source of strength among elderly populations (Bower, 1996; Koenig, George, & Peterson, 1998; McFadden, 1995). Additionally, the literature identified spirituality as an important resource for immigrant populations from a wide variety of spiritual faith traditions and countries (Basit & Shoace, 2001; Cinnirella & Loewenthal, 1999; McGoldrick, Giordano, & Pearce, 1996). Falicov (1999) noted that immigrants used established spiritual practices to help resurrect the life left behind and engender the comfort of continuity and familiarity. Furthermore, across numerous studies, faith demonstrated many physical health benefits. Medical studies found increasing evidence that faith, prayer, and spiritual rituals strengthen physical health and healing (Ellison & Levin, 1998). In a recent meta-analytic study examining over 125,000 people, McCullough, Larson, Hoyt, Koenig, and Thoresen (2000) found that religious involvement was significantly related to longer life expectancy, Illustrating a similar finding, Hummer et al. (1999) concluded that church- ‘goers in their study had a seven year’s longer life-expectancy at age 20, Some researchers offered the critique that this positive relationship may be solely the result of better health care behaviors by church-goers or may be related to the presence of greater social support. However, Idler and Kasl (1992), among others, found an effect of religion even after health behavior and social support had been controlled for within their analyses. Faith was shown to be a protective factor for individuals facing different kinds of chronic physical challenges and illnesses. Faith stood out as a central predictor for females study participants, who were in treatment for gynecological or breast cancer (Roberts, Brown, Elkins, & Lawson, 1997; Boer, 1996). Furthermore, faith was used to successfully relieve headaches, control hypertension, overcome insomnia, alleviate backaches, reduce cholesterol levels, and improve recovery from heart surgery or a traumatic bum (Benson,1 1984; Hafen, Karren, Frandsen, & Smith, 196; Sherrill & Larson, 1988). In addition to physical health benefits, faith and spiritual practices have demonstrated a positive effect on mental health (Koenig, 1998; Larson et al., 1992, 1997; Miller, 1999; Richards & Bergin, 1997). Research has consistently shown that religious devoutness and commitment are usually positively associated with healthy emotional, social, and familial functioning (Bergin, 1991; Hodge, 2000; Richards & Bergin). Faith and religion often provide an external structure and sense of cohesion when an individual's personal life and world is falling apart (Koenig, 1998). Not only do spiritual beliefs and faith serve protective functions enhancing overall adaptation and resilience, but a person can also demonstrate spiritual growth in the face of adversity (Tedeschi, Park, & Calhoun, 1998). For example, there can be a greater sense of the presence of God, an increased sense of commitment to one’s chosen spiritual tradition, a clearer understanding of one’s spiritual beliefs, or just a greater awareness of spiritual elements in one’s life. Religion can be helpful, but some studies also showed that sometimes religious beliefs were harmful, or irrelevant to adjustment. The results seemed to depend on several factors: the method of religious coping, the sample, the situation, and the time frame (Pargament & Brant, 1998). Another factor that predicted the impact of religious beliefs ‘on adjustment was the distinction between “intrinsic” and "extrinsic" religiosity (Allport, 1950; Al-Noor, 2001). Batson, Schoenrade, and Ventis’s (1993) meta-analysis revealed that intrinsic religiosity correlated positively with mental health, while extrinsic religiosity correlated negatively. Furthermore, Kirkpatrick (1992), who used attachment theory as the basis of her study, concluded that coping and mental health outcomes depended on the way people viewed their relationship with God. Kirkpatrick discovered that people who viewed God2 as a warm, caring and dependable friend were much mote likely to have positive outcomes than people who viewed God as a cold, vengeful and unresponsive deity or who were not sure whether or not to trust God. People who classified their attachment to God as secure scored much lower on loneliness, depression and anxiety and higher on life satisfaction. However, since most of the research has focused on studying Christians, few studies have addressed the differential impact of faith upon resilience in multi-cultural populations. One recent study though did attempt to explore the perceived effectiveness of different religious activities in coping with depression among different cultural-religious ‘groups in the UK. Loewenthal, Cinnirella, Evdoka, and Murphy (2001) found that Muslims believed more strongly than any other religious group in the efficacy of religious coping methods, Muslims were also the most likely to say that they would use religious coping behavior to deal with psychological problems. Several mechanisms have been hypothesized as being responsible for the positive association between faith, spirituality, and mental health. One key way that spirituality may foster resilience consists of helping the individual find renewed meaning and purpose (Garwick, Kohrman, Titus, Wolman, & Blum, 1999; Frankl, 1963; O'Leary and Ickovies, 1995; Pargament, 1990; Weisner, Betzer, & Stolze, 1991). Another mediating factor may relate to the idea that spirituality aids the process of cognitive assimilation after a trauma (Calhoun & Tedeschi, 1999; Pargament, 1997). Or, spirituality may encourage resilience through the development of enhanced spiritual and social support networks (Calhoun & Tedeschi; Pargament, 1997). Furthermore, spirituality helps foster hope and optimism, which are central features of resilience. Spirituality may also interact with resilience by encouraging specific activities, such as prayer and meditation, which are effective forms of relaxation (Miller, 1999; Walsh, 1999c).73 Moreover, spirituality may foster psychological growth and health by encouraging the development of acceptance and forgiveness and by fostering connectedness. Walsh (1999a) shared her view that "faith is inherently relational" (p. 22). She described relationships as offering pathways for spiritual growth as they strengthen resilience. Recently, a growing accumulation of studies have begun to document the salutary relationship between spirituality and the mental health of a family system (Hodge, 2000; Walsh, 1999b). Spirituality has been strongly associated with fostering resilient families a well as resilient individuals (Walsh, 1998; Walsh, 1999). Walsh (1998) described family belief systems as "the heart and soul of resilience” (p. 45). Spirituality has enabled families to cope with challenges and recover from crisis, (McCubbin, MeCubbin, Thompson, et al., 1997). Research has found that transcendent spiritual beliefs and practices are key ingredients in healthy family functioning (Beavers & Hampson, 1990; Stinnett & DeFrain, 1985). Gallup surveys (1996) have shown that nearly 75% of respondents reported that their family relationships were strengthened by religion in the home and more than 80% said that religion wa portant in their family of origin. Spirituality has been found to enhance marital adjustment (Hansen, 1992), stability (Call & Heaton, 1997), happiness (Witter et al., 1985), and sexual satisfaction (Hood et al., 1996), Divorce rates are lower for those who are religious and significantly lower in families who report regular, joint church attendance (Call & Heaton; Davis & Smith, 1994). Spirituality has also been identified as a factor leading to resilience in the family as a unit (Garwick et al., 1999; Rogers-Dulan, 1998; Thompson, 1999; Weisner et al., 1991). Integrating Family, Cultural Diversity, and Spirituality into a Systemic View of Resilience ‘This document has summarized the literature concerning the individual, gender/familial, ethnic/cultural, and spiritual components of resilience. This next section74 provides a brief integrative discussion of the dynamic interrelationships of the previously described protective processes. Cultural/spiritual worldviews and shared meanings are commonly articulated to individuals through the family system. However, families do not develop their rules and beliefs in a vacuum. Families are all situated in their respective ethnic, cultural, and spiritual matrices, The larger culture and community provides the background and context in which family rules, traditions, and strengths develop. Culture has been an often overlooked factor in psychology's efforts to understand the family system; however, culture does impact families in a number of ways (Cuellar & Glazer, 1996). Culture affects the definition of family membership, gender conceptions, family norms, and the forms of adaptation required to meet those norms. Cultural beliefs influence conceptions about normality and what is considered atypical. The larger culture and community provides the context in which resilience develops. Adaptation is further influenced by the meaning one gives to experiences and spiritual beliefs often powerfully shape the process of meaning-making, Furthermore, cultural and spiritual traditions often combine in unique ways when families serve as a means of socialization. Spirituality and family life are deeply intertwined (Abu-Laban, 1991). Clients’ spiritual and religious beliefs are significantly shaped by family influences, particularly among many minority populations (Hodge, 2001). For example, researchers have noted that people who have experienced loving, nurturing parental relationships tend to view God as loving, accepting, and forgiving (Kirkpatrick, 1999; Richards & Bergin, 1997). Tisdale's (1997) comprehensive dissertation study confirmed these findings among a large sample of Muslim, Christian, Observant Jewish and Cultural Jewish college students. She found that higher levels of object relations development were positively related to positive15 experiences and conceptualizations of God as loving, benevolent, meaningful, powerful, ever-lasting, and all-knowing. Tisdale (1997) suggested that for Muslims, positive intemalizations of others will very likely be transferred to God. For example, secure attachments with others and relationships that were not egocentric demonstrated the strongest connection with experiences of God as benevolent, close and loving, powerful, and meaningful. Conversely, she suggested that relationships with others that are marked by insecurity and egocentricity may relate to experiences of God as wrathful, irrelevant, and distant and impersonal. Furthermore, she discovered that for Muslims, religious tone in the home had the greatest number of correlations with experience of God of any of the four groups. A formal, strict but caring and non-oppressive environment was most related to a positive experience of God among Muslims. She theorized that high structure as well as high love are both essential for Muslims to develop a complete and positive experience of God. Abu-Laban (1991) described that the nexus between family and religion can be important and interactive, mutually empowering or weakening for both institutions ‘Across cultures, family and religion often reinforce one another, serving as centers for personal identity and a sense of belonging. When family and religion are in tandem, they mutually reinforce one another, not only facilitating the socialization of the young but also fortifying the continuing resocialization of adult family members (Abu-Laban). Given all the surveyed resilience literature encompassing the individual, gender, familial, cultural, and spiritual components of resilience, it seems that it is not possible to factor out the unique influence of these contextual processes in isolation from the others. Attempts to do so would likely be unsuccessful and ignore the “larger picture.” Furthermore, such approaches may overlook the dynamic potential for the synergy of these16 factors together to foster growth and the development of unique strengths. This dynamic systemic perspective is particularly relevant to understanding the adaptation process of immigrants, Immigrants are uniquely challenged to construct a secure sense of personal and collective self, while at the same time struggling to synthesize numerous, often conflicting, contextual messages. Immigration and Acculturation Immigration Statistics According to data from the U.S. Census Bureau, approximately 32.5 million immigrants live in the United States, the largest number ever recorded in the nation's history (U.S. Census Bureau, 2003). As a population, immigrants account for more than one in nine residents (11.5%) (U.S. Census Bureau, 2003). Muslims constitute a sizable minority of this population. Of the estimated 5 to 8 million Muslims living in the United States, approximately 56% are immigrants to this country (Glassman, 1996). Immigrants from South Asia comprise 24.4% of the American Muslim population; Africans, 5.2%; Iranians, 3.6%; Turks, 2.4%; and Southeast Asians, 2.0%. Despite common assumptions, only about 12% of the U.S. Muslim population is of Arab origin (Nu’man, 1992), Immigration and Its Psychological Impact Immigration is commonly defined as the act of coming to a country of which one is not a native or the act of coming into a new habitat or a place (Costello, 1992). The process of immigration and acculturation creates unique stressors for all immigrants, and the psychological impact of the process is recognized to be multi-faceted (Akhtar, 1999; Horan, 1996; Lee, 1998). This process is seen to encompass such important factors as culture shock, loss and mourning, reorganization of identity, acquisition of the new language, and coping with an unfamiliar culture (Lee).1 Garza-Guerrero (1973) described culture shock as threatening the stability of the newcomer's psychic organization and his or her identity. He also noted that the greater the disparity between the culture of origin and the new culture, the more difficult would be the task of coping. He described that culture shock was often accompanied by a process of mourning brought on by the immigrant’s immense sense of loss, consisting of a variety of love objects in their culture of origin. ‘The psychological impact of immigration is the result of a complex interplay between individual factors, familial factors, and cultural experience. Antokoletz (1993) explained that individual factors (e.g., age, sex, education, ego strength, self-cohesiveness, reasons for migration) interact with cultural factors, such as characteristics of the native culture (¢.g., values, ideals, language, attitudes toward receiving culture) and characteristics of the receiving culture (e.g,, attitudes toward immigrants), to either facilitate or hinder psychological well-being, In the literature, familial factors also impacted the mental health of immigrants (Canadian Task Force on Mental Health Issues Affecting Immigrants and Refugees, 1988), For example, Murphy (1977) found that people, who immigrated with their family or those who immigrated to a culture in which their family was already living, tended to cope better because familial support buffered the psychological stress, Espin (1987, 1999) described the process of migration as having three stages: (a) the initial decision concerning relocation, (b) the actual geographical move into another country, and (c) the adaptation to a new society and way of life. She noted that at each stage in the process men and women may experience the process differently and that gender is central to the lived experience of migration (Espin, 1999). For example, in the initial decision making stage, women may not be consulted about their preferences to leave or stay. In the last stage, the adaptation stage, when acculturation and adaptation are8 taking place, modifications of women's gender roles may be more dramatic than those experienced by men, leading to increased gender role conflicts in the home. Acculturation Historically, the psychological literature has reflected a changing and differently understood view of acculturation, Older theories of acculturation tended to assume that adaptation was unidirectional and determined by the dominant culture. Acculturation was initially seen as a process by which immigrants changed towards the host society, but recently it has been recognized as a more dynamic, multicultural process (Azar, 1999), One classic definition of acculturation was presented by Redfield, Linton, and Herskovits (1936): “acculturation comprehends those phenomena which result when ‘groups of individuals having different cultures come into continuous first-hand contact, with subsequent changes in the original culture patterns of either or both groups" (cited in Berry, 1998, p. 149). Espin (1999) described that acculturation and adaptation to a new culture follows several stages. These included: initial joy and relief, disillusionment with the new country, and, finally, acceptance of the good and the bad in the host country. She clarified that the process of adaptation and acculturation is not linear. She stated that individuals will experience changes at their own pace and "the multiple intrapsychic and behavioral changes required for successful acculturation occur at many levels" (p. 21). Berry (1998) described a complex framework for understanding acculturation and. adaptation, He illustrated that the social and psychological outcomes of acculturation were quite variable and were influenced by numerous moderating and mediating factors. He described psychological acculturation as being influenced by numerous group-level factors in the society of origin and in the society of settlement (¢.g., societal attitudes: prejudice and discrimination) as well as numerous individual-level factors (¢.g., religion,79 gender, locus of control), which interacted together in a transactional fashion. Berry (1998) described these strategies with respect to two major issues, which are usually worked out by groups and individuals in their daily encounters with each other. ‘These two issues were cultural maintenance (to what extent are cultural identities and characteristics from the original culture considered to be important and maintained) and contact and participation with the new host culture. When considering these two underlying issues simultaneously, Berry described a conceptual framework that posited four key acculturation strategies: (a) assimilation, (b) separation; (c) integration, and (d) marginalization. The integrationist or bicultural acculturation strategy appeared to be a consistent predictor of more positive outcomes than did the other three alternatives (Berry, 1998). However, the availability and success of a dual-adaptation strategy depended on the willingness of the dominant society to pursue multiculturalism and allow it. Cuellar and Glazer (1996) similarly noted that acculturation processes involved changes to the individual as well as changes to the family and larger social systems. They identified modes of acculturation with regard to family adaptation, hypothesizing five family acculturative types: Traditional Oriented Non-resistive Style, Integrated Bicultural Family, Assimilated Family Style, Separatist Family Style, and Marginalized Family Style. Migration has been referred to as a "risk factor" for developing a mental disorder (Canadian Task Force on Mental Health Issues Affecting Immigrants and Refugees, 1988), However, Berry (1998) noted that while it had been previously thought that acculturation inevitably brought social and psychological problems, such a broad, negative generalization no longer appears to be valid. Berry (1998) preferred the term "acculturative stress” over the term “culture-shock,” noting that "shock" suggested the presence of only negative experiences and outcomes of intercultural contact, He emphasized that migrating80 to a new country presented opportunities as well as challenges. Other investigations have casted some further doubt on the association between migration and poor mental health (Bumam, Telles, Kamo, Hough, & Escobar, 1987; Galding and Burnam, 1990). Muslims in America-Muslim Immigrants Immigration, Currently, there are an estimated 5 to 8 million Muslims, forming the mosaic of the Muslim community in America, who trace their roots to ancestors worldwide. Their migration to the Americas began over several hundred years ago (Haque, 2004). Some scholars argued that centuries before the time of Christopher Columbus's venture in 1492, Muslims sailed from Spain and parts of the northwestem coast of Africa to both South and North America (Quick, 1996). Muslims were among the members of Columbus's own crew (Smith, 1999), Others dated the emergence of Muslims in this country to the earliest days of their forcible exportation to this continent as slaves (McCloud, 1995, Austin, 1997). Some estimated that as much as a fifth of all slaves brought to America in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries were Muslims (Austin; McCloud; Wormser, 1994). Many scholars classically have described as many as five waves of immigration of the Muslim population to this country, beginning at the end of the nineteenth century (Aswad & Bilge, 1996; Haddad & Lummis, 1987; Smith, 1999). The first major wave of emigration occurred between 1887 and 1912 mostly from rural areas of what was then called "Greater Syria" (currently Syria, Jordan, Palestine, and Lebanon) (Haddad & Lummis), Most were uneducated migrant laborers searching for financial security. The second wave began at the end of World War I after the fall of the Ottoman Government and the imposition of Western colonial rule under the mandate system. Immigration laws in 1921 and 1924 began to establish quota systems severely limiting the number of Muslims who were allowed to enter the country. The third wave lasted up until the end of81 World War IL. In this period, immigration was limited and only allowed for relatives of people already living in America. The fourth wave, which lasted from 1947 to the mid 1960s, included immigrants from more diverse countries, such as Pakistan, India, Eastern Europe, the Soviet Union, and other parts of the Islamic world. The Nationality Act of 1953 gave every country an annual quota of immigrants, These more permissive immigration laws allowed for a greater number of Muslims to immigrate. Many Muslims immigrated at that time in an attempt to escape political oppression or they came to the United States in hopes of continuing their education. These immigrants presented quite a different picture; unlike like their predecessors, they were often urban in background and highly educated. In the past, Muslim immigrants from the Middle East/North Africa outnumbered those from all other geographical regions, but more recently the relative concentration significantly shifted, with more Muslims coming from Asia than any other region (Stone, 1991). ‘The fifth wave of immigration from the mid 60s until the tun of the millennium resulted in the greatest number of Muslims entering the country. In 1965, the quotas were repealed and an influx of Muslims immigrated from countries across the globe. Again, ‘many were attempting to flee political turmoil, such as those from Afghanistan, Palestine, Lebanon, Iran, Somalia, and Bosnia, Many may exhibit post-traumatic symptomatology or experience tensions associated with intergenerational trauma experiences. Also, in this fifth wave, great numbers of Muslim students from all parts of the world arrived in this country. Very recent writings have noted that a new phase of Muslim immigration could be said to characterize the post-September 11" world, one characterized by fear, suspicion, restrictions, and discrimination (Akram, 2002; CAIR, 2002, 2003; Nadir, 2003). “Muslims in the United States are more apprehensive than ever about discrimination and intolerance”82 (CAIR, 2002, p. 1). The Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR) (2003) civil rights report entitled “Guilt by Association” noted that since September 11", numerous government policies have critically targeted Arabs and Muslims (¢.g., widespread arrests, detentions, and deportations; secret evidence; visitor, work, student, and immigrant visa denials/dclays; privacy and civil liberty erosions; raids; and racial profiling). These governmental policies coupled with growing public incidents of discrimination and violence have fostered a profound sense of fear and uncertainty for Muslim immigrants and their descendents, This environment of suspicion challenges an immigrant’s ability to adjust to the new environment and positively identify with both cultures. Itis important to determine the date and circumstances surrounding immigration and the degree of acculturation in order to gain more insight into any individual Muslim's experience. It also is increasingly important to assess for experiences of prejudice and discrimination and the resulting impact upon the acculturation process. A central Islamic teaching is that all Muslims, regardless of background, should constitute one united community. Muslims in America, though, do remain a group with diverse cultural des, behaviors, levels of religiosity, life experiences, and acculturation styles. Historically, immigrant Muslims often discovered a society that held sharply different values and social customs than their own. Attempting to maintain their identity and faith in this new country often posed significant problems. Many slowly began to drift away from their faith integrating into American society, while some others began to organize new Muslim communities affirming their traditional identities. Acculturation—Life in America, Acculturation tensions continue to pose a central challenge to Muslims in America today. Many struggle to affirm the traditional values of their faith's traditions while at the same time they try to function in American society.83 For all immigrants to this country, the process of migration implies a certain degree of culture-shock that entails mourning the loss of the old country and of love objects, coupled with the need to confront new situations and interpersonal encounters (Espin, 1987). These tasks are often especially challenging for Muslim immigrants (Haque, 2004; Hermansen, 1991; Nyang, 1991). They are likely to experience a great deal of culture shock. Their values, beliefs, and customs often differ sharply from the Western Eurocentric values emphasized in America (Haque). Furthermore, often times, their very self-identity and ability to practice their faith is challenged in this new land, Hermansen (1991) described acculturation as a concer relevant for both ‘American and immigrant Muslims. She defined the term "as the process of confronting a new cultural context and worldview and having to choose where to adapt to aspects of the context or worldview in one's own life." She noted that issues of acculturation in this, sense were always present, especially for Muslim women Many Muslims face challenges trying to practice the basics of their faith in this, country (Haque, 2004; Nadir, 2003; Smith, 1999). For example, offering the obligatory prayers may be problematic for those who lack job flexibility (Haque). Also, difficulties ‘may arise in employment settings when social intermingling is linked with alcohol, which is strictly forbidden in Islam (Smith, 1999). Even subtle non-verbal behaviors, such as the acceptance of handshaking between men and women, may leave a devout Muslim struggling to make a choice between trying to explain the reason for not freely giving his/her hand or compromising his/her beliefs. Also, dietary restrictions make it harder for Muslims to find acceptable food to purchase (Haque). In addition, some Muslims face economic challenges if they adhere to strict Islamic laws prohibiting the charging or paying of interest of any kind (Haque).84 Furthermore, many parents have concems about how to raise children in this society (Haque, 2004; Haque-Khan, 1997; Smith, 1999). Most traditional Muslim families have ambivalent attitudes toward American educational institutions and fear the loss of Islamic values if they permit their child to attend public schools (Smith). Muslim youth face intense peer pressure as do many children, but having to deal with issues such as, dating, Islamic dress, the celebration of American holidays, drugs, and prejudice may be especially challenging (Nadir, 2003). Acculturation tensions and an "acculturation gap" among family members can result in intergenerational tension and conflict (Haque-Khan), ‘Along with acculturation dilemmas, identity concems become factors for many Muslims in America. Haque-Khan (1997) found that one of the primary difficulties cited by American Muslim women was the need to negotiate a bi-cultural identity. Nyang (1991) further described the challenges Muslims face in attempting to maintain an Islamic identity in America. Specifically, he emphasized that an American Muslim must recognize that he or she lives in a variety of different, often overlapping circles. Another very central challenge facing Muslims in this country is the need to deal with misconceptions, stereotypes, and discrimination from many people in society. The media and "Hollywood" are inundated with negative and stereotypical images of Islam and Muslims (Ahmed, 1999; al-Disugi, 1996; Erickson & Al-Timimi, 2001; Said, 1997; Shaheen, 1984, 2001). These images often convey to the world an inaccurate picture of ‘what it means to be Muslim. While Muslims make up one of the fastest-growing religious groups, they are among those least understood by their neighbors. Over half the respondents to a 1998 poll described Islam as inherently anti-American, anti-Western, or supportive of terrorism--though only five percent of those surveyed said they had much contact with Muslims personally (Blank). Faced with misunderstanding and prejudice85 from the American public, many Muslims understandably develop some anger, sadness, and fear towards this society. Allport (1954/1979) pointed out that discrimination may affect its victims because, "One's reputation, whether false or true, cannot be hammered, hammered, hammered into one's head without doing something to one's character" (p. 142). Even though Muslims are generally more bombarded by subtle prejudice as a group, (Haque-Khan, 1997) many Muslims still cite personally experiencing racism and discrimination in their everyday life, A 1998 civil rights report published by the Council of American-Islamic Relations (CAIR) stated that discrimination is now part of daily life for ‘American Muslims. For example, many Muslims have been called a derogatory name, have experienced stares, have received unequal service because of their appearance, or have been the victim of increasing racial/religious profiling. Some fear that during job interviews, they will receive unfair treatment and others cite their Muslim beliefs as reasons for not being offered a job or for losing a job (CAIR, 1997). Omeish (1999) found that the majority of Muslim university students in America perceived that prejudice and discrimination were common phenomena in their institutions of higher education. ‘On amore extreme dimension, there have been a growing number of violent threats and actual violent assaults against mosques or Muslim individuals (CAIR, 2001, 2002, 2003), especially since September 11", 2001. A CAIR (2002) civil rights report indicated that reports of anti-Muslim incidents in the United States increased three-fold over the previous year. Continuing this trend, a CAIR (2003) report noted another 15% increase in cases of discrimination during 2002. The report described: “The fallout from September 11 continues to impact Muslim daily life, whether at schools, in the workplace or in general public encounters” (p. 3). According to a national survey, nearly 75% of Muslim Americans either know someone who has been discriminated against or have86 themselves experienced an act of anti-Muslim discrimination, harassment, verbal abuse or physical attack since September 11" (Hamilton College & Zogby International, 2002). In America, widespread misconceptions about Muslims remain, There is a general lack of knowledge about Islam and the associated values, traditions, and beliefs. Muslims often confront images of themselves as "terrorists", "fanatics", or "abusers of women.” One misunderstood and overused term "jihad" literally means to "struggle or strive in the way of God," but not holy war. Living in a society in which one is viewed as the "other" can have negative psychological effects (Brickson & Al-Timimi, 2001). Negative personal attributes may be internalized into one's self image (Al-Shingiety, 1991; Suleiman, 1988). ‘Also, Muslims often need to consume a great deal of emotional energy confronting biases. and educating others about their beliefs. Some researchers have described that Muslim-Americans are often reluctant to adapt to the American culture and society (Horan, 1996). This hesitancy to adopt ‘America’s core values and this desire to maintain a strong commitment to religious mores is frequently pathologized by authors. However, little effort is put into understanding the reasons underlying this attitude, Few researchers look to the negative attitudes and behaviors in the host society to help explain this finding. Berry (1998) noted that the availability and success of an integrationist acculturation strategy depends on the willingness of the dominant society to allow it. “Integration can only be freely chosen and successfully pursued by nondominant groups when the dominant society is open and inclusive in their orientation toward cultural diversity" (Berry, p. 45). He further described the integration strategy as only being possible in societies in which certain preconditions are established, such as minimal ethnocentrism, and relatively low levels of prejudice, racism, and discrimination. This87 finding seems relevant when understanding the difficulties Muslims face attempting to adapt to American society. This society often rejects, discriminates, and does not accept them (Erickson, & Al-Timimi, 2001). Therefore, it is not necessarily the Muslims who are “unwilling to adapt,” but the American society that is unwilling to accept them. Haque-Khan (1997) observed that both immigrant and first-generation (American- born) Muslims in her sample spoke of their respective experiences of acculturation in a ‘manner strikingly similar to stages of the Racial/Cultural Identity Development Model as described by Atkinson, Morten, & Sue (1989). The Racial/Cultural Identity Model presented a framework to assess the different stages that a culturally different person may go through in understanding themselves in terms of their own culture in contrast to the dominant culture, Five distinct stages were categorized, including Conformity, Dissonance, Resistance and Immersion, Introspection, and Integrative Awareness. In the Integrative Awareness stage, minority persons were described as developing an inner sense of security and an ability to appreciate unique aspects of their own culture as well as those in the dominant culture, These stages were not described as static or fixed, nor did they necessarily indicate a linear developmental progression. Haque-Khan noted that racial/cultural identity development played a significant role in influencing help- seeking behaviors and the amount of perceived prejudice among Muslims in America. She found that Muslims in the Integrative Awareness stage described more positive aspects of life in America and reported less perceived prejudice. Haque-Khan (1997) also formulated a model of Islamic Religious Identity Development, These stages paralleled those of Racial/Cultural Identity Development. She argued that religious identity development was a process that helped explain aspects of religiosity for both immigrant and American-bom Muslims. She described that a person88 with an evolved religious identity, after having gone through a stage of personal contemplation, was one who was able to integrate both the ritual and spiritual aspects of Islam in a stage similar to “Integrative Awareness.” According to her writings, adherence to cither exclusively “ritual” or “spiritual” Islam represented incomplete dimensions of Islamic religiosity. Despite facing numerous challenges living in the country, many Muslims remain resilient and find ways to lead happy, successful, integrated, and faith- filled lives in America, Unique challenges and opportunities facing Muslim women living in America. Living in America, Muslim women have been confronted with unique challenges and opportunities. They have had to adapt to minority life in a community that possesses contrasting values from their own and a community in which they often have been misunderstood. They have had to forge an identity for themselves in this broader socictal context, "choosing in which domains to adapt and in which to not" (Hermansen, 1991). ‘They have often faced even more challenges than have their male counterparts as they have strived to affirm their faith as well as survive in the larger societal context. Acculturation concerns have often been especially prominent for these women. Immigrant Muslim women have faced special challenges adjusting to this new cultural milieu, Researchers have emphasized that the impact of migration on women and their roles has been different from the impact of the same process for men (Dion & Dion, 2001; Espin, 1987). Women have had a harder time for several reasons. Given that so much of their sense of self has been connected to their relationships, the loss of this support and family ties has been especially challenging. For immigrant Muslim women, many have only been able to call or visit infrequently, if ever, due to financial and socio-political considerations. Moreover, after immigrating, many women have lost the frequent89 assistance and support that extended family members or maids used to offer with child- cate and household tasks. Immigrant women have also had more limited access to resources to assist them with leaming English, driving, and new occupational skills. In addition to acculturation tensions, women in particular may struggle to reconcile their gender role identities in this country. In her dissertation study, Haque-Khan (1997) found that Muslim-American women participants expressed internal conflict and ambiguity about specific roles and identity conflicts, which evolved through their Wester living. Many Muslim women in her sample were aware that they had to struggle to protect their faith from widespread secular pressures. Muslim women and girls needed to find a way to forge a strong female identity for themselves in this Westem society. At the same time, some of these women also needed to deal with the negative gender images promoted by misinformed and uneducated members of their own Muslim family or community. Haque-Khan (1997) found that as immigrant mothers clung to their cherished spiritual and cultural pattems, first and second-generation immigrant children often acculturated more to the American society, frequently producing generational conflict. The task of parenting and guiding children in their faith tradition was described as much harder in this country. Also, conflicts sometimes arose as the children of immigrants followed a path towards a truer definition as Muslim individuals, while their parents often continued to follow more cultural and ethnic rather than religious traditions (Haque-Khan). Role conflicts resulting from the need to work versus the desire to stay in the home cating for children has sometimes caused further psychological distress among Muslim- ‘American women. Nanji (1988) suggested that the most fundamental change resulting from immigration and modern economic crises was the transition of women from the private to the public sphere of work. Many women may have difficulty adjusting as their90 traditional forms of relating to others (especially to men), their traditional form of dress, and their social customs and mannerisms are challenged in this new public workspace. Furthermore, Muslim women conftont the additional challenge of dealing with widespread negative Wester stereotypes. Americans often view Muslim women as representing the epitome of disempowerment and patriarchal control (Kahf, 1999). In contrast, most Muslims feel that the American media and public exaggerate the level of oppression Muslim women experience. It can be very hurtful for Mustim women to feel misunderstood and misjudged by the society in which they live. They may take offense to suggestions that they are oppressed, as such suggestions indirectly imply that they tolerate such abuse either consciously or out of ignorance. It may be hard to accept the society's criticism of their faith and beliefs, which are the framework of their psychological world. Furthermore, Muslim women of color have faced discrimination on several fronts. Women of color often have been referred to as a "double minority" because they live in a racist social system that is also patriarchal (Comas-Diaz, 1994), However, Muslim women of color have had to adopt a “triple minority status," facing discrimination from society at large on three fronts (i.e., as a women, as a women of color, and as a Muslim). ‘Asa consequence of widespread stereotypes and misunderstandings, many Muslim women have become the victims of harassment, discrimination, and even violence. Due to their cultural visibility in dress, Muslim women have experienced more of the anti-Muslim backlash than the men (Hedayat-Diba, 2000). Consequently, concerns about physical safety have become a central worry for immigrant women upon hearing stories and information about the frequency of crimes against women in this country and the increasing number of anti-Muslim hate crimes. Muslims and individuals of Middle East and South-Asian decent reported over 700 cases of harassment and violence in just1 the first week after the tragedies in New York City and Washington DC (CAIR, 2001, 2002). Following these terrible events, many have noticed significantly increased levels of anxiety and fear among Muslim women. ‘When a sample of American Muslim women were asked which aspect Americans least understood about Islam, they identified the concept of modesty in Islamic dress and the "veil," the hijab (Haque-Khan & Philipps cited in Haque-Khan, 1997). Women who wear the hijab may face discrimination and prejudice in daily life and at work (Goodstein, 1997). The Center for American-Islamic Relations receives a phone call at least daily from a woman who has been dismissed, suspended, or denied employment because of traditional dress (Goodstein). Although many in America associate the Muslim hair covering with ignorance and oppression, many Muslim women see it as just the opposite. Haque-Khan (1997) asked a sample of Muslim-American immigrant women and first-generation (American-born) Muslim women to talk about any positive or negative issues that affected them as Muslim women living in America. The challenges identified by immigrant women consisted of four major themes. These women discussed the challenge of compromising between two cultures and dressing differently. They further reported being the target of negative media attention, and experiencing new and difficult challenges to which they were not exposed to in their countries of origin. ‘The American-born Muslim women identified somewhat different challenges. The themes of negativity fell under the following six categories. They discussed conflict between their external appearance and internal value system. These women also reported contemplation and ambivalence about their sexuality. They reported difficulties resulting from others being unaware of cultural-religious norms and the constant comparison to ‘Muslim stereotypes, both within and outside one's home. Additionally, they reported92 isliking the emphasis on material values and reported challenges in academic settings, Faced with such numerous stressors and challenges, it has not been surprising that psychological concems have been documented among Muslim-American women (Haque- Khan, 1997). However, in the face of challenges, many Muslim women have been able to emerge resilient, psychologically strengthened, and more resourceful. Many have continued to perceive that there are opportunities for them in this country. For example, Haque-Khan (1997) explained that immigrant Muslim women identified themes of freedom, independence, and employment opportunities alongside more negative themes. For many Muslim women, life in America was seen as an impetus to become more Islamically knowledgeable and fostered spiritual growth (GhaneaBassiri, 1997; Haque- Khan). Additionally, Muslims reported appreciating the opportunity to practice their faith more freely without the political oppression imposed by some native governments. Empirical studies of the mental health of Muslim immigrant women were very small in number; however, some researchers emphasized the strengths that they saw in these women. For example, concerning role conflicts, many females were successfully able to develop bi-cultural identities and strong identities as Muslim women in society. Studying the identities and aspirations of adolescent British Muslim girls, Basit (1997) discovered that their identities as females, Muslims, and family members, combined with their identities as educated and career-oriented British Asians in positive dynamic ways. Furthermore, in America, although some Muslim women were strained by the identity challenges that they faced, others demonstrated a great ability to succeed in both worlds. Almeida (1996) described Asian Indian Muslim female immigrants’ ability to adapt as a “survival strength” (p. 416). She noted that their socialization encouraged their capacity to adapt to different environments with minimal resistance.93 ‘Many women have also chosen to take an active role in shaping Islam in America. Recent literature has described American Muslim women as becoming more active as participants in mosque activities (Hasan, 2000; Smith, 1999). While some women have remained uneducated and uninformed about their Islamic rights, others have been speaking and writing articulately about their roles as participants in emerging Islamic societies and have been giving new interpretations to material from the Qur'an and the prophetic traditions (Smith). Muslim women have found growing opportunities to unify as, a group today in America. This clinical dissertation sought to provide Muslim-American ‘women with the opportunity to share their own stories of growth and their understandings of their lives as Muslim mothers, daughters, wives, and women living in America. Resilience and Muslim-American Women This last section of the literature review provides an integrative exploration of how Muslim spirituality, individual protective processes, Islamic gender conceptions, and the ‘Muslim family system can be a source of inspiration and resilience for Muslim-American women, First, this section explores how Muslim spirituality and Islamic teachings can be a source of resilience for Muslims and Muslim-Americans. Next, this review delineates some possible individual difference and personality processes that may further empower and foster psychological, social, and spiritual growth. Then, this review explores possible strength-based gender aspects of a Muslim woman’s spiritual identity, which are components that further define her identity collectively as a wife and mother in the larger familial and community context. A discussion of possible protective Islamic familial processes follows. Lastly, the writing describes this study's strength-based research lens. Spiritual Protective Processes--Muslim Spirituality as a Source of Resilience “Islam is, indeed, a strengthening factor that provides stamina for more resilience”94 (personal communication, R. al-Disugi, May 24, 2001). From it's inception, Islam has provided clear and precise methods of avoiding emotional disturbance, and therefore should not be discarded as a viable means of providing Muslims with psychological relief (Haque-Khan, 1997), For example, Islamic practices, beliefs, and the Islamic spiritual and social community have offered Muslims many psychological benefits and can enhance their development of resilience. In the last decade, several publications on the psychological aspects of Islam have begun to appear in the literature (El Azayem & Hedayat-Diba, 1994; Hedayat-Diba, 1997, Husain, 1998; Kose, 1996; Mohamad, 195; Murray, 2002). One feature of some of these writings has been an emphasis on the psychological benefits of Islamic practice. Some research has demonstrated that Muslims can and do psychologically benefit from following the five pillars of Islam (El Azayem & Hedayat-Diba). Islamic practices and rituals, such as the five daily prayers, have offered Muslims spiritual and psychological benefits (Cinnirella & Loewenthal, 1999; Haque-Khan, 1997; Jamal & Badawi, 1993; Mosalum, 1998), Al-Dhahabi, an Islamic scholar, explained: Prayers often produce happiness and contentment in the mind; they suppress anxiety and extinguish the fire of anger. They increase love for truth and humility before people; they soften the heart, create love and forgiveness and dislike for the vice of vengeance. Besides, often sound judgment occurs to the mind and one finds correct answers [to problems}. (Al-Dhahabi as cited in Rahman, 1987, p. 44). Furthermore, the physical motions associated with the prayers, consisting of standing, bowing, prostrating and sitting, have allowed Muslims to express submission and glorification to God with their entire beings. These motions have provided a health- enhancing form of cardiovascular exercise combined with meditation. Fasting, another pillar and ritual in Islam, has also been described as offering benefits (Ashy, 1999; El Azayem & Hedayat-Diba, 1994), Husain (1998) emphasized that95 fasting has taught love, sincerity, and devotion. It has developed patience, unselfishness, and willpower to bear hardships. Fasting also has helped Muslims empathize with the poor, encouraging social consciousness. The last pillar of Islam, performing hajj (the pilgrimage), has also been said to foster an overwhelming sense of renewal and rebirth and a truer belief in the inherent equality of all creations (Haneef, 1996). In addition to requiring the performance of certain specific ritual practices, the Qur'an and Sunnah have also provided information and advice concerning mental illness and treatment (Haque, 2004; Husain, 1998). Following this advice may enhance a Muslim's psychological adjustment and resilience. Muslims believe that Allah says that the Qur'an “is a healing and a mercy to those who believe" (The Qur'an, Surah Bani Israil [The Children of Israel}, 17:82). Husain (1998) noted that Islam, in addition to being a religion, was also a sociopolitical system, offering a very comprehensive methodology for solving humankind's spiritual, intellectual, as well as psychological problems. He summarized 10 values and practices that the Qur’an repeatedly mandated to help Muslims cope with life's trials and tribulations: (a) A/-Dhikr (remembrance of Allah); (b) Al-Tawbah (repentance); (©) Al-Du’a (prayer or supplication); (d) rida-Allah (seeking Allah's pleasure rather than that of others); (¢) Al-Jihad (exertion, struggle); (f) Al-Tawakkul (trust and submission to Allah); (g) Al-Sabr (patience in times of hardship); (h) Al-Zisan (goodliness/kindness to others); (i) Al-Afic (forgiveness); and lastly (j) A/-Ukhuwwah (brotherhood). The Qur'an and Sunnah also recognize several divine purposes of illness and other misfortunes. Recognizing the purpose and the possible benefits of one's current suffering could foster resilience and adjustment, The following beliefs could help foster resilience, enabling a Muslim to better endure hardships. Firstly, many Muslims believe that through96 illness and adversity, Allah tests man's faith in Him (al-Jibaly, 1998; Kulwicki, 1996). For example, when asked how he copes with having Parkinson’s disease, the famous boxer Muhammad Ali remarked, “I never ask ‘Why me?” for no condition. There's so much good, [I’ve] been so blessed. God tries you. Some things are good. Some things are bad. All of them are trials” (Bingham, 2001, p. 97). ‘A Muslim is encouraged to respond to illness with patience and acceptance as well as to seek God's mercy in this world and the hereafter (HIusain, 1998). Also, the Qur'an reminds man that "Allah does not burden a person beyond his capacity" (Qur’an, Surah Al-Bagarah (The Heifer] 2:286) and that "verily, with every difficulty, there is relief. Verily, with every difficulty there is relief." (Qur’an, Surah Inshirah [Solace] 94:5-6). A Muslim's faith in his own efficacy and ability to cope and solve problems could be enhanced by the belief that God will not challenge a person beyond his means. In Islam, hardships are seen as instances of rest and remembrance, tests that promise great rewards, Some of the benefits of sickness and hardship, according to Islamic writings, include the following: (a) sin expiation; (b) indication of Allah's love for a believer; and (c) indications of the strengths of one's belief, faith, and righteousness (al-Jibaly, 1998). ‘When a Muslim shows contentment and patience during trials, he believes God multiplies his rewards. Having faith and a deep trust in God was another important spiritual protective factor suggested in the literature. Within Islamic writings, the importance of faith was very highly emphasized (¢.g., Mawdudi, 1932/1993). In Cinnirella and Loewenthal's (1999) study, exploring the role of religion in coping with stress and depression among a religiously-diverse sample of immigrant women, a Muslim woman declared: It is true that people who have a blind faith in God will not get depressed, but if97 they do they will come out of it very quickly because they believe that whatever is, happening is happening for their good and they accept this thing from their heart. ‘When our faith is weak, we go deeper and deeper into depression (p. 112). Haque-Khan (1997) also found that Muslim women often spoke of relying on their faith as a way to deal with emotional problems. Furthermore, Islamic writings described specific cognitive and behavioral remedies to help Muslims deal with various life stressors. For example, Muhammad (pbuh) offered the following anger management techniques. He encouraged a person do the following to reduce anger: (a) to turn to Allah and seek refuge from Satan; (b) to relax the body ("If one of you gets angry while he is standing let him sit down, and if he is still angry let him lie down"); (c) to drink water; (4) to perform ritual ablution, taking a short break to relax and cleanse the body with cool water; and lastly (e) if necessary, just to be silent (so as not to say something hurtful that one may later regret) (Abu Dawud, n.d., trans. 1990, p. 1340-1341). Islamic teachings also offered recommendations for marital and familial problems. Teachings encouraged Muslims always to remember the positive traits of their spouses. But if marital problems continued for some time, in order to avoid divorce, the Qur’an recommended that a representative from each family intervene as mediators to promote reconciliation. This indigenous form of divorce mediation had the purpose of maintaining family stability, keeping in mind that marriages were not solely between individuals, but between families and communities. According to Islamic teachings, divorce was seen as a last resort. It was permissible, but not encouraged (Badawi, 1995). Furthermore, a Muslim is encouraged to raise children with kindness and mercy; Islam prohibits the physical punishment of children as well as spousal abuse. Prophet Mohammad (pbuh) stated: "A strong person is not the person who throws his adversaries to the ground. A strong person98 is the person who contains himself when he is angry" (Malik, n.d., trans. 1982, p. 438). Additionally, Islamic medicine employed a preventative and holistic approach to illness (Husain, 1998). Prophet Mohammad (pbuh) modeled strict cleanliness, good eating practices, and help-secking behaviors. According to Islamic laws, a sick person was required to seek treatment and to accept help if he needed it (al-Jibaly, 1998). Nothing was ‘wrong in receiving treatment as long as one realized that Allah was the true curer. The Islamic spiritual and social community may constitute another source of emotional comfort and resilience. Esmail (1996) argued that Islam offers a comprehensive vision of community, self, and self-actuatization, differing from the dominant philosophy of the West. He emphasized the importance of communal ties in Islamic life. Given the central Islamic teaching that all Muslims, regardless of background, should constitute one united umma, or community, he noted that a strong sense of unity and brotherhood often develops between Muslims. Hedayat-Diba (2000) further described that this common spiritual bond provided Muslims with a sense of community, which in turn was an essential source of solace and support. Muslim community members frequently functioned as extended family members, offering support to those who lost their large family and kinship networks after immigrating. Furthermore, in Haque-Khan's (1997) study, several immigrant women focused on the mosque as an important place to seek help for problems, Another protective function of Islamic spirituality has been related to the idea that religion often becomes a positive and primary source of identity for Muslim women. Loewenthal (2000) remarked that members of minority groups may be particularly dependent upon religious group membership for self-esteem, social support, and satisfaction. This religious identity has been shown to enhance self-esteem and foster strong social connections. Jacobson (1997) suggested that for young Muslim Pakistanis99 living in the West, religious identity was a very important source of self-esteem. In this study, the Muslim immigrants portrayed their ethnic identity as a source of conflict and divisiveness, but saw their religious identity as overcoming this divisiveness. Other authors emphasized that immigrating to America has sparked an "awakening" in many Muslims, offering them an opportunity to strengthen their faith and to rediscover and redefine their identities in positive, empowering ways (Haque-Khan, 1997; Haddad & Lumis, 1987). In summary, certain unique features of the Islamic spiritual worldview may foster resilience. The Islamic faith offers an extraordinarily comprehensive and clear system outlining ideals governing all aspects of relationships and living. Islamic values emphasized through the Qur’an and prophetic guidelines outline key principles needed to foster balanced, structured, and successful development through developmental life stages (Inamdar, 2000). Additionally, the intense integration of faith and daily life through ritual and practice may provide further soothing and stress-resistant supports. Furthermore, Islam provides a complete representational world for its followers, providing structure, connection, and ideal role-models (Hedayat-Diba, 1997; Inamdar). Individual Protective Processes The individual is the core of worship in Islam. The individual is seen as the integral building block and foundation necessary for the secure construction of the larger family and community. This next section describes some hypothesized individual and personality processes that could further foster growth, allowing a particular Muslim immigrant woman to draw inspiration from spiritual teachings and apply them practically ‘with wisdom into her everyday life. From a Muslim perspective, a resilient woman, first and foremost, would be one with strong iman (faith) as well as tagwa (God-consciousness and piety) in her heart (The Qur'an, Surah Al-Hujurat (The Dwellings], 49:13).100 However, additional individual processes may mediate this relationship between faith and resilience. These processes cither could enable a woman to flourish in her new surroundings or conversely could impede successful adjustment. For example, a secure, sense of self and self-worth could enable a Muslim immigrant woman to better withstand discrimination and rejection in the broader societal context. Furthermore, a woman with a social, extraverted, bright, and easy-going personality may be more able to skillfully take advantage of community supports, may be more likely to seek out learning opportunities, and may be more likely to proactively reach out forming connections with her new American neighbors. The use of a creative, flexible problem-solving style could further enhance adjustment, along with initiative, independence, and an ability to find humor in life challenges. Moreover, the use of adaptive psychological defenses may foster resilience (Vaillant, 2000). In addition, the ability to understand and accept the good and bad aspects of this new country and to develop a bicultural identity may facilitate the mourning, process and nourish the development of a positive, integrated identity (Akhtar, 1999; Haque-Khan, 1997). | anticipated that some of the individual traits identified across previous resilience studies would emerge in the interviews. However, I also anticipated that the emphasis, process, and resilient mechanisms may differ, as these Muslim ‘women’s journeys were mediated by their unique worldviews. Gender Protective Processes ‘Across the resilience literature, gender processes influenced resilience development (Werner, 1993). Gender processes were expected to play an even bigger role influencing Muslim women since Islamic teachings offer very comprehensive guidelines regarding women’s status and gender relations. Several strength-based gender aspects of101 Islamic teachings were anticipated to foster resilience development. For example, in contrast to studies of Western adolescents, research examining Muslim adolescent girls found that they perceived an increased sense of competence and resilience during adolescence (Basit, 1997; Sarroub, 2001). Basit’s (1997) qualitative research aimed to discover what factors were shaping the identities of a group of British Muslim teenage girls. She found that contrary to Western psychological theories, adolescence was not described as a period of storm, stress, confusion, and a problem stage in human development. Her research depicted adolescence asa period of hope, optimism, and aspiration toward the future; a positive stage in the life of an individual. She described that the Muslim girls were not expected to sever ties, grow up, and become independent, but childhood dependence was gradually and gently complemented and then superseded by quasi-adult responsibility. Basit stated, "The majority of the teenage girls in my research appear to deal with conflict and contradiction without undue stress" (p. 171). Adolescence was depicted as a time of supported “growth,” rather than a time of “shutting down.” Basit described that with the help of their family and faith traditions, these girls were being eased and nurtured into adulthood, not left floundering to trace the route themselves. They did not feel isolated at this stage, but defined their identity in relation to others (Basit) Islamic spiritual teachings recognize that a woman's and a man’s sense of self ‘worth and identity is developed within a relational context. The teachings value and validate the “stereotypically feminine” attributes of empathy and connectedness over the ‘Western “stereotypically masculine” ideals of individuality and separation. The Islamic worldview reveres women and the mother role. Rather than defeating a woman’s sense of agency, competence, and worth, Islamic teachings can nourish a woman’s self-esteem,102 leading to an enhanced sense of personal role fulfillment and positive growth in connection. In fact, researchers have noted that Muslim women often have exhibited a strong sense of pride in their female identities (Ball, 1987; Basit, 1997; Mahmoud, 1996). ‘Moreover, many female converts have described an enhanced sense of purpose upon realizing that their feminine self and their wife and mother roles were valued within Islam (Ball; Kose, 1996; Poston, 1988). Islamic spiritual teachings that clearly value one’s piety and intellect over superficial physical traits and appearance may further enhance a Muslim ‘woman’s sense of personal worth, value, and resilience. Researchers have noted that eating disorders are very rare in Muslim countries; however, an increasing number of cases have been reported among Muslims living in the West (Dwairy, 1998; Nasser, 1986). For the Muslim woman, this sense of pride, worth, and fulfillment in one’s female identity may foster personal strengths as well as familial commitment and stability. Familial Protective Processes ‘As described above, Muslim spirituality has been an important source of strength, yet it must be remembered that the family has been the means through which values have been transmitted across generations. Many scholars have considered the family to be the ‘Muslim society's foundation. Consequently, familial processes are crucial to remember when studying and treating Muslims. Although most Westem developmental theories have assumed that the individual was the basic unit of the society, this notion does not usually hold in Muslim families (Dwairy, 1998; Horan, 1996), as they consider the family as the basic unit operating as a strong bonding system supporting the individual. Muslim communities have been built around the extended family system. Family obligations have often taken precedence over loyalty to friends or personal needs. Writers have noted that despite recent stressors facing Muslim families in today's world, the103 family has remained the main support system worldwide (Abudabbeh, 1996). Al-Naser and Sandman (2000) found that living in an extended vs. a nuclear family significantly enhanced ego resiliency for the females in their large sample of Kuwaiti college students. Haque-Khan (1997) concluded in her dissertation that "family, without a doubt, plays a central and paramount role in all Muslim women's lives" (p. 194). For Muslim immigrants, the family assumed an even more primary role, providing members with a firm identity and a solid base in this different environment. Familial processes can play a key protective function, enhancing resilience. Abu-Laban (1991) theorized that Muslim families buffer the psychological stress of immigration. She noted that Muslim families often seek and expect reciprocal support from each other, particularly in times of crisis. For Muslim immigrant families, the extended family and the community play a very important role. The financial, emotional, and spiritual support these sources offer will likely foster positive psychological adaptation. Furthermore, theoretically, several ‘common family dynamics and values in practicing Muslim-American families may help foster resilience development. For example, spirituality was a family resilience variable identified across studies (Silliman, 1994; Walsh, 1998, 1999b). The comprehensive and important role of spirituality within the Muslim family system will likely encourage resilience development among members. Furthermore, Walsh (1998) described that family ‘members in resilient families tended to share a strong belief in the importance of family; Muslim families almost universally share this belief. In recent years, many writers have observed the collapse and breakdown of the nuclear European-American family as divorce rates, marital infidelity, substance abuse, and family violence have reached astronomical proportions (Al-Disugi, 1999). Despite severe stressors, the Muslim family system has remained largely intact and strong,104 enduring many difficult challenges. In the large majority of Muslim homes, divorce, infidelity, teenage pregnancy, substance abuse, and violence have been only unthinkable, rare occurrences. Islam has offered Muslims precautions to protect the family from collapse. Its goal has been maintaining marital harmony and resolving discord, rather than rushing to the dissolution of marriages (Al-Disugi, 1999). Al-Disuqi has described her view that "Islam carries the solution" for many of the ills plaguing modern societies. For example, the Islamic values of patience, cooperation, trust, respect, justice, honesty, and mercy may foster resilience despite risks, Additionally, Islam's recognition of importance of a secure bond between a child and his or her parents could help foster the creation of a secure, safe and trustworthy home environment for children’s growth. Another Islamic safeguard for protecting and nurturing the family and the society is the concept of shura, or mutual consultation (Qur'an, Surah Al-Shura (Consultation), 42:38). Shura is the Islamic communication process involving collaborative discussion, and exchange of thought, by which two or more individuals come together to reach an agreement on an issue of mutual interest (Shaarawy & Schaffer, 1998, p. 126). Moreover, the Muslim families’ high degree of connectedness and commitment could foster adjustment (Daneshpour, 1998). For immigrants, this family unity may provide a much-needed sense of belonging, buffering the stressors associated with the societal label of the Muslim as the "other." It is important to remember that resilience must be viewed within a cultural context, From this perspective, there is no single model for the most “normal,” “healthy,” or “resilient” family; instead, the challenge is to analyze each family’s unique strengths and challenges in the context of their own culture and history. Therefore, what is adaptive for Mustim-American families may differ from what is adaptive for a family rooted in a105 different cultural tradition. Furthermore, what may be adaptive for Muslim families that have just recently immigrated to this country may be different from what may be adaptive for Muslim families that have lived here for many years. Resilience must be understood as occurring within a developmental trajectory, with different factors being important at different points in the family life cycle. Unfortunately, this perspective rarely has been recognized within psychological writings and research. Walsh (1993) has discussed that families differing from the norm have been pathologized and presumed to be dysfunctional, even though their family processes and dynamics may have been typical and even functional in their particular situation, Research Lens In summary, numerous potential spiritual, individual, gender, and familial protective processes exist that could facilitate resilience in this population. I anticipated that all of these processes together would have the dynamic potential to nourish the development of unique strengths, enabling Muslim immigrant women to grow through the challenges they faced. This current study utilized a strength-based research lens. Moreover, this study aimed to further broaden this positive psychology perspective by exploring resilience using a transactional, multi-cultural, and developmental lens, giving, voice to the life journeys of Muslim-American immigrant women, Resilience, here, was seen as woven in a web of relationships and experiences over the life cycle and across generations.Chapter 3 Method and Procedures Type and Design of Study This clinical dissertation was an exploratory and descriptive qualitative interview study that sought to understand the processes that enhance resilience in Muslim-American immigrant women. Through the use of open-ended interviews, this study explored the ways in which spiritual, familial, gender, and individual protective processes encouraged the development of resilience in these women and facilitated healthy psychological functioning and adjustment following the stressors of immigration and acculturation. Qualitative research was the method of choice for this study because qualitative research provides richer and deeper layers of information for any given research question, aspects that traditional quantitative research methods often fail to encompass, Qualitative research is a field of inquiry used across many disciplines and subject ‘matters, encompassing many theoretical paradigms, methods, and approaches to research (Denzin & Lincotn, 1994). Qualitative research is difficult to define because of its complexities; however, Denzin and Lincoln offered the following definition: Qualitative research is multimethod in focus, involving an interpretive, naturalistic approach to its subject matter. This means that qualitative researchers study things in their natural settings, attempting to make sense of, or interpret, phenomena in terms of the meanings people bring to them (p. 2). Due to the limited research on resilience in Muslim-American women, a qualitative approach, due to its exploratory and descriptive nature, is ideal in this context. Haque-Khan (1997) noted that "in studies with Muslim-women, a qualitative 106107 ‘methodology becomes paramount” (p. 54), She described several reasons for this conclusion, noting that traditional quantitative research has not been sufficient in accounting for diversity within Muslim women, and traditional designs have bordered on the “unethical” in promoting ethnocentric bias. She further emphasized that comparative, quantitative studies have led to and continue to promote ethnocentric views of the position of Muslim women, Additionally, comparative designs have not been very useful in understanding the depth and complexities of Muslim women's issues. Problematically, ‘Western-normed instruments have also overlooked and ignored important cultural factors and consequently may have led to inaccurate conclusions (Aposhian, 1995; Haque, 2004). Additionally, qualitative research has allowed for a fuller exploration of processes and meanings of events. Massey, Cameron, Ouellette, and Fine (1998) described the benefits of using a qualitative approach to the study of resilience, noting that "qualitative work offers a way to take seriously the influence context has on experience and meaning” (p. 340). They further explained that the qualitative method has allowed researchers to see beyond any particular moment of thriving and to observe shifts across the life span. Brown and Gilligan (1991) also strongly supported the use of qualitative methods. They asserted: Ina psychology understood as a relational practice, the process of listening to, interpreting, and speaking about the stories of others is a relational act; such a psychology demands a method that is responsive to different voices and sensitive to the way body, relationships, and culture affect the psyche (p. 43). In studies of resilience, dimensions of context and culture must not be ignored. This qualitative study was predicated on a non-emergent data analysis paradigm, which dictated that the data be collected and subsequently analyzed for themes only upon the completion of data collection. Maykut and Morehouse (1994) contended that this form of qualitative research has yielded important findings. A non-emergent data analysis108 design seemed ideal given this exploratory study’s small homogenous sample. However, in order to increase openness and responsive, I engaged in an emergent process when. developing the broad, open-ended, proposed interview questions. Initially, numerous structured interview questions were formed based upon personal experiences and the literature reviewed. However, the questions were modified several times, incorporating suggestions from my dissertation group, committee members, and a pilot interview with a Muslim immigrant woman, Several broad, open-ended questions finally emerged from this research design process (see Interview Guide, Appendix E). Research Questions The purpose of this clinical dissertation was to obtain a greater understanding of the protective processes that foster resilience in Muslim-American immigrant women. Interview questions were asked of participants in order to explore some the following research questions. First, they briefly explored the general psychological impact of immigration and acculturation. For example, questions explored what were some of the immigration and acculturation tensions, stressors, and risks experienced by these women. Furthermore, this study sought to better understand the processes that facilitated resilience and successful psychological adjustment. Participants were asked to describe what helped them deal with difficulties and challenges after immigrating to this country. I used the questions in the interview guide as a general guideline (Appendix E). During the course of the interviews, I encouraged the participants to elaborate upon topic areas that seemed to inform the research questions and upon topic areas that illustrated the spiritual, familial, ‘gender, and individual protective processes important for them. Site and Time of Year In January, 2003, I began recruiting interview participants from flyers (Appendix109 F) placed in mosques and Islamic centers in Southern California. The interviews were conducted at the interviewee’s home, my home, or at a local Islamic center, depending, upon the participants’ preferences. I interviewed the participants during February and March 2003. All of the interviews were completed before the war began in Iraq. However, 3 participants shared some of their fears about the then impending war as well as continued hopes for a peaceful end to the conflict. I conducted the last interview the day before the bombing began. Most of the data analysis occurred during the summer and fall of 2003, when I was temporarily residing outside of the United States in the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan. Participants ‘Nine resilient Muslim immigrant women participated in this clinical dissertation. Participants met the following inclusion criteria. Participants were 24 years or older and identified themselves as adherents and practicing believers of the Muslim faith. Participants were permanent residents or citizens of the United States, resided in this country for a minimum of six years, and chose to immigrate voluntarily to this country after the age of 18. Participants were immigrant women who were born outside of North ‘America or Western Europe. No other specific limits were placed upon country of origin or birth. For example, participants could have included immigrant women born in Asia, the Middle East, Aftica, or Latin America. Participants were excluded from the study if they did not voluntarily immigrate to this country or if they immigrated before the age of 18. For example, women immigrating with refugee status visas, who did so solely to escape intense political persecution, were excluded from the study, as were those who immigrated to this country before adulthood. Previous research highlighted the unique psychological impact of refugee experiences110 upon the immigration and acculturation process (Akhtar, 1999; Espin, 1999). Consequently, I chose to focus upon adult, voluntary immigrants, fearing later difficulties differentiating between these populations in this small, exploratory study. I also excluded from participation women who had previously migrated to another Western country (¢.g., England) earlier in their lives. Converts to Islam were excluded in order to study individuals born and raised within a Muslim family system. Women currently involved in inter-faith marriages or those married to Muslim converts were also excluded. ‘Additionally, the study included only women who were currently married or those who had been previously married in their lifetimes. Women who had never been married were excluded from the study in order to create a more homogenous sample, focusing upon women who all had experienced some of the developmental challenges associated with the marital process. The marital union uniquely challenges women to construct and negotiate new integrated, interfamilial identities and relationships. In addition, women who demonstrated severe psychopathology or a current DSM- IV Axis I or Il disorder that might have interfered with participation in the study were excluded. T s study sought to study resilient immigrant women rather than women who ‘were currently facing significant psychological challenges. However, this exclusion criterion did not mean that women, who had experienced past mild depressive, anxiety, post-traumatic, or other psychological symptoms over the course of the adaptation/ acculturation process, were excluded. Lastly, participants who were not fluent in the English language were excluded because of my limited bilingual skills. Procedure--Data Collection and Analysis Nine participants were recruited by posting and distributing flyers (Appendix F) in mosques and Islamic centers in Southern California. I briefly explained the study's,M1 inclusion criteria and the concept of resilience to mosque and school administrators in the centers. An initial phone screening interview was conducted with potential participants in order to determine if the individual was appropriate for inclusion in the study. During the initial phone contact, I discussed the topic and procedures of the study, addressed confidentiality issues, and informed the potential participant about the risks and benefits of the study, Several questions were asked in order to determine if the individual met inclusion criteria. Participants that did not meet inclusion criteria were thanked for their time and I offered to mail them a list of resources/referrals in the community (Appendix C). was also prepared to offer participants who appeared to be in psychological distress and/or were experiencing a psychological crisis appropriate referrals on the phone, as well as through the mail (Appendix C). However, no participants displayed such a need. If the prospective participant met all inclusion criteria, then a two to three-hour interview was scheduled at a convenient time for the participant. Informed consent (Appendix A) was obtained and the participants were briefed on the procedures and intent of the study. All participants were provided a rationale for the study, and any questions regarding this research were answered. Participants were informed that they had the right to discontinue participation in this study at any time without the threat of negative consequences or the loss of the $25 gift certificate to a local “Islamic” food grocery store that was given at the end of the in-person interview. Participants completed a brief demographic questionnaire (Appendix D). During the actual interviews, broad, open- ended interview questions (see Appendix E) were asked of participants in order to gain a ‘greater understanding of the process of these women's resilience development. Participants were also offered a copy of the final results. T audiotaped and transcribed verbatim all of the interviews. Throughout the112 interviews, all of the participants occasionally used various common Arabic, Islamic and cultural words or phrases intermixed with English in order to describe their experiences. I translated these foreign terms into English and then created a detailed translation key containing almost 100 items (Appendix G). On the typed transcripts, the spoken foreign terms were transliterated and italicized and then the English meaning was placed in parentheses. For example, the phrase alhamdulillah (Thanks and Praise be to God) was repeated frequently throughout all of the interviews, almost 500 times. The interviews were transcribed and coded to ensure the anonymity of the participants. Furthermore, all identifying data was excluded. I used an assumed name for the participants on all tapes, transcripts, and the final research document. All documents pertaining to this research were kept in a secure environment throughout the study, and all data will be kept for a minimum period of 7 years. Obtaining Institutional Review Board approval also protected participant's rights. The next step in the procedure involved the analysis of the data, Analysis of Data As described by Maykut and Morehouse (1994), the Constant Comparative Method of qualitative data analysis was used to analyze the interview data. This approach is designed to investigate a particular phenomenon by utilizing an inductive analysis of the data, The following steps outline the data analysis process. The first step was to organize the raw data by typing up verbatim the transeribed interviews. Then each page was coded with the type of data (interview), the source of the data (participant code), and the page number. All pages were then photocopied. Each transcribed interview was printed and color photocopied in a different color in order to facilitate clarity in the data analysis process.113, ‘The next step was to identify the chunks or units of meaning in the data, a process referred to by Lincoln and Guba (1985) as "unitizing the data." Smaller units of meaning were identified first and later aided in defining the larger categories of meaning. I derived units of meaning from the data by carefully reading through the transcript and identifying words, sentences or paragraphs which described experiences, thoughts, or actions that could be grouped into distinct categories. I cut out each unit from the photocopied pages and taped them to separate 5" x 8" index cards. The next step was an important initial step in the data analysis called "discovery." During this part of the data analysis, I carefully reread the data that had been collected through the interviews, reviewed notes and ideas from the journal, and familiarized myself with these emerging concepts and ideas. While reviewing the data, I asked myself the following questions as suggested by Maykut and Morehouse (1994): What are the recurring words, phrases, and topics in the data? What are the concepts that the interviewees use to capture what they say or do? Can you identify any emerging themes in your data, expressed as a phrase, proposition or question? Do you see any patterns? (p. 133) ‘The next step involved inductive category coding. The process started out by comparing each new unit of meaning to all other units of meaning across categories. Similar units were grouped within the same category until no units with similar content remained, at which point a new category was formed. I reviewed my initial discovery sheet of recurring concepts and themes, combining ideas that overlapped with one another. ‘Then, one prominent idea from the sheet was selected and written on an index card. This word or phrase was considered the first provisional coding category. For example, I identified “Language” as the first provisional coding category. The unitized cards where then checked to find out if there were any cards that fit the first provisional category. Any114 card that matched this category was placed undemeath this index card in a pile. Step by step, each card was compared to this category, using the "looks like" or “feels like" criteria proposed by Lincoln and Guba (1985). Any card that did not fit the provisional category was compared to the other categories on the discovery sheet. If its content matched the content of another category on the sheet, that new category was formed and the card was placed in this new category. Ifa data card did not match any of the categories on the discovery sheet, a different new category was identified. Very frequently, a card fit into more than one category, in which case it was copied and placed into each of the matching provisional categories. This process continued until approximately 6 to 8 cards were accumulated in a pile. Then, a "rule for inclusion" for additional data cards was established. The next step involved coding all the data cards to their categories. The code was written on the top of each card and was a reflection of the meaning of the category. Remaining cards were selected and ordered to the fitting categories based on the inclusion rules for each category. ‘The categories were reviewed for any overlap. The propositions were carefully examined to see whether they formed relationships and patterns with each other that described an aspect of the phenomenon studied, or whether they stood alone. The final phase of data analysis involved the exploration of relationships and patterns across the categories in order to form salient themes. In summary, I derived each theme from the analysis of the interview data, which was organized first into units of meaning, categories, and finally salient major themes. The following example illustrates this process: A unit of meaning derived from an interview was “Some people actually, they after September 11", they looked at me as an115 enemy.” This unit of meaning was given the label “September 11""” and then placed into the category entitled “Impact of September 11°.” The rule of inclusion for this category ‘was as follows: “This category includes statements reflecting the participants experiences and thoughts about the impact of September 11".” This category was then collapsed with other categories to form the theme entitled “They Don’t See Us for Who We Really Are Behind The Scarf.” The final step involved writing up what had been heard and learned in a narrative format. The 10 themes that were identified during the analysis are presented in the results section of this document and are illustrated with participant quotes. Provisions for Trustworthiness Trustworthiness was the term used by Lincoln and Guba (1985) to refer to the believability of a researcher's findings. What has the researcher done in designing, carrying out, and reporting his or her study that persuades us that the results are credible. Lincoln and Guba (1985) suggested several methods which contribute to more trustworthiness and which were included in this study. A detailed “audit trail" was kept, which recorded the methodology used throughout the research and allowed for replicability of the study. All of the interview transcripts, the step by step process of the “constant comparative data analysis,” and a research journal were elements of such a “trail” (Maykut & Morehouse, 1994). In this study, a research journal served as a permanent audit trail that delineated the research and analysis process from start to finish. ‘Also, in order to reduce researcher bias and enhance neutrality, Maykut and Morehouse suggested working with team members, or so called "peer debriefers" who can review aspects of the study and raise questions and concems regarding bias. Dissertation group presentations served as regularly scheduled opportunities to discuss concerns with colleagues and my dissertation chair.116 To further increase trustworthiness, my dissertation chair supervised three random reliability and validity checks of the transcriptions. The first check assessed the accuracy of the actual transcription process. Another accuracy check assessed for agreement or disagreement between the interview transcript and data analysis. The last accuracy check assessed for agreement or disagreement regarding the interview transcript and final emergent theme reliability. Protection of Human Subjects This study adhered to requirements established by the Institutional Review Board to protect study participants. It was expected that the risk of participation in the interviews was minimal. However, there was always a risk that a woman may have experienced some emotional distress as a consequence of thinking and talking about past hardships. Ifa participant had become distressed during the interview, then the interview would have been stopped. She still would have been compensated with the $25 gift certificate even though she did not complete the full in-person interview. I was prepared to pro le the appropriate intervention(s) to alleviate such distress, as well as referrals to licensed mental health professionals and local agencies that provide psychotherapy (Appendix C), if necessary. None of the participants succumbed to such risks and no additional interventions were necessary. Participants were free to withdraw their consent at any time, lll information obtained in this study was held in confidence, which would have only been broken per mandated reporting laws, regarding potential child abuse or elder abuse or threat to harm self or other.7 Chapter 4 Results The following chapter outlines the results from the data analysis. This chapter starts with an overall group summary of the participants’ demographics and characteristics. Then, the chapter describes each participant in detail in order to provide a clearer developmental context from which one can interpret and understand her unique immigration and acculturation experiences. After each individual participant description, a brief summary of the data analysis with delineation of themes and categories will be presented. Following this summary, Table 1 lists the major themes as well as the number of participants that endorsed each major theme. The final part of this chapter includes a detailed narrative explanation of each theme with illustrative participant quotes. Participants Participant Demographics interviewed nine Muslim immigrant women for this study. Seventeen women expressed the desire to participate in the research, but eight women were excluded because they did not meet the inclusion criteria, Half of these 8 women were solely excluded because they immigrated to the United States on a refugee status visa, and this study sought to focus upon those who voluntarily chose to immigrate to America. ‘The participants were between 30 and 64 years of age (M= 43 years). The women had resided in America between 6 and 35 years (M= 13 years) with four of the participants living in America for 6 to 7 years. Six of the women were United States, citizens, and three were permanent residents. The participants cited the following main118 reasons for immigration: (a) joining new husband or family already living in America (8 participants); and/or (b) hope for greater educational, financial, and occupational opportunities (7 participants). All of the women immigrated to urban or suburban areas in California and they all currently reside in Southem California. Alll of the 9 participants were either married or divorced. Bight of the participants ‘were currently married, while two of the participants had been divorced. One of the divorced women described her ex-husband as emotionally abusive. Additionally, one divorced woman remarried, while the other remained single. Both of the divorced participants did not have children, but all the other women had between two and four children (M = 3.1). lll of the participants were born into large and extended families. All of the women had many siblings (M= 6 siblings) and they tended to be the younger or middle children in their family’s birth order. Three of the participants were the youngest born in their family. All of the participants were raised in intact two-parent homes by their biological parents; however, older siblings, grandparents, and other extended family members played a crucial and supportive role in their development. The participants described diverse countries of birth and residence. They reported having lived in the following countries: Lebanon, Jordan, Palestine, Egypt, Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, India, Bulgaria, Turkey, Qatar, and Bangladesh. Seven of the women immigrated from Arab countries, one from Eastern Europe, and one from South-Asia. Many of the study participants shared an eatlier personal history and/or an intergenerational family history of migration. Three of the participants themselves had migrated before, Furthermore, five of the participants’ parents were immigrants to neighboring “Muslim” countries within the same general geographic region. Six of the119 ‘women also had siblings, who left their home countries to study or move abroad worldwide, but only three had siblings currently living in North America. Even though none of the participants immigrated to America on a refugee-status visa and none of them chose to immigrate to America for the purpose of fleeing a situation of war or political unrest; nevertheless, like many Muslims worldwide, six of the women witnessed traumatic events or experienced political oppression in their countries of birth. All of the women attended some college in their country of origin or in America with six of them holding bachelor’s degrees. Four of the women with degrees also had some additional post-graduate schooling. Only one had completed her Master's degree. They described various fields of study. For example, two had a business-related degree; two had a science degree; and two had a social or liberal science degree. Five of the women had also completed coursework studying Education or Child Development. Seven of the women were or had been teachers, educators, or professional caretakers of children. The majority of the women’s husbands also held advanced degrees. These findings parallel other statistical research showing that Muslim and Arabs tend to be much more highly educated than the general American population (Project MAPS: Muslims in ‘American Public Square, 2001; Hamilton College & Zogby International, 2002). All of the women had experience working outside the home. After completing their bachelor’s degree, five of the women worked in their native countries before immigration. Additionally, all of the women chose to begin working in this country within a couple of years after their immigration, Six of the women were still currently working; four were working full-time. Socio-economic status was very broadly represented from lower to upper class. I chose pseudonyms for the participants in order to protect their confidentiality.120 Individual Descriptions of Participants Eman. Eman, a married permanent resident in her mid-30s, was born and raised in Saudi Arabia, Although initially hesitant to move “so far away” from her family, she decided to immigrate in the mid-1990s with her husband and their young children. Her husband hoped to find better occupational opportunities. She has worked full-time for many years as a teacher, before and after her immigration. Eman gave birth to a daughter 6 months ago, who was present during the interview. Eman, the middle-born of several children, joyfully shared childhood memories of ‘growing up in her “fun, big family.” She stated: “I am so attached to my family . . . [ike them. Ilove them.” She focused upon her parents and siblings as positive role models, who taught her the importance of patience, commitment, knowledge, and compassion. Eman ‘was close to completing a Master’s of Science degree before she immigrated. Eman’s pre-immigration worries focused upon raising children in this new culture. She described the move here as “a big jump, a big change,” desribing sadness and headaches as she struggled initially to adjust to living away from her family. She also identified her key challenges as the language, “wearing the scarf,” and finding herself a job. ‘When asked what helped her deal with challenges since immigration, she focused upon her “faith,” her relationship with God, and secondarily her supportive husband as important. She described slowly learning to manage and organize her time without the family assistance she had back home. A key theme that emerged for Eman was the importance of “finding” herself and a sense of “meaning.” She found that reaching out to others and correcting stereotypes provided her with a sense of purpose in America. Eman responded articulately in a well-organized fashion to the questions, all the121 while lovingly holding her child. She was friendly and helpful. She was very interested in the research topie, hoping it would make a positive difference toward educating others, At the end of the interview, she spontaneously suggested, “Maybe you can add a question like “As women, what can you change in the community?”” She went on to describe her pro- social belief that “part of my worship is to help others and explain to others what I feel.” Iedikaar. Tzdihaar, a married U. S. citizen in her mid-S0s, emigrated from Pakistan in the late 1960s, “Excited” to begin her new life, she traveled alone to join her new husband, who had immigrated three months before her on a student visa. She completed her Bachelor's degree in Pakistan and planned to start working right away. Once here, a promised job opportunity fell through and they struggled financially both having to work and make frequent sacrifices for many years in order to cover his school expenses, their living expenses, and raise their children. She worked full-time for many years as an educator, but now is just working part-time helping run their family business. Her adult children currently live outside of the home, the oldest ones having families of their own, Izdihaar’s parents migrated from their birthplace in India to Pakistan during her infancy, The youngest of a dozen children, Izdihaar was raised in Pakistan and schooled in English Catholic missionary schools. English was the primary language spoken in her home growing up. She reported a close attachment to one of her older sisters growing up, describing her childhood home as a “nice, fun, big, joint family living type of household.” She identified financial struggles as her biggest difficulty in America. Secondarily, she noted the challenge of having to raise her children in the faith tradition, despite the almost complete lack of community Islamic resources approximately 30 years ago. When asked about her most important support, she replied, “I think it was my husband and our122 practice of religion really that kept us going. Because, we just knew that we could surpass everything, anything that comes our way, with God’s help we would be able to solve it.” Her siblings were all college educated, including many who obtained a Masters or a doctoral degree. Several studied and lived in America, but in different states than she lived. Unlike the other participants, she remarked that “things were not too strange here in America” probably because as she noted she was “exposed to the culture of America,” namely, “Christianity,” and “English” from her older siblings, who had migrated before her and through her schooling. Similar to many Americans, she even distinctly remembers the exact moment she heard about JFK’s assassination while attending classes on her American college missionary campus in Bangladesh. She shared a more open and longer narrative than the others, detailing many of her experiences in a very friendly, casual, and conversational tone. She was aware and conscious of her quick and talkative speech pattern, which she attributed to developing, secondary to being the youngest and trying to “get heard” in her large family. She enthusiastically, and at times dramatically and humorously, reflected upon the “ups and downs” while “struggling through” challenges and “building roots” in this new land. She was the only participant to have prior experience participating in a psychological research study, approximately 10 years ago. Salmah. Salmah, a married U.S. citizen in her mid-30s, immigrated immediately after her 18" birthday, traveling to America from Lebanon during the late 1980s in order to get to know her prospective future husband, who was the son of family friends. Soon, she married this man, who migrated with his whole family several years before in search of economic opportunities. In America, she studied and completed her Bachelor's degree. Salmah123 currently works full-time in the education field. She has several school age children. Salmah was born and raised in Lebanon, the youngest of several children. Her parents were bom in Palestine but left in 1948. Reflecting on her childhood, she described, [have lots of good memories and at the same time I have horrible memories from the war.” She noted: “Both my parents worked all their lives, so we depended on each other as siblings more.” She described “a good home, a warm, warm house” and frequent visits from extended family and very “supportive neighbors.” Salmah tended to have overly positive pre-immigration expectations. She ‘identified the language, transportation, being away from her family, and dealing with remarks about her “Islamic dress” as key challenges in America. In sharp contrast to the other participants, she found the “Muslim community” less supportive than she expected. Therefore, she looked elsewhere for support, focusing on the importance of quality family time, For her, “going to school” and “getting engaged in the society” were important. She strove to raise her children bi-culturally, fully embracing a multicultural perspective. From the start, she was comfortable and confident in the interview setting. She perceptively responded in a clear, well-spoken manner to the questions. Showii ‘openness to the idea of psychotherapy, she inquired after the interview about Muslim psychological organizations or professionals in the area in order to obtain a possible referral for an acquaintance. Kareema. Kareema, a married U. S. citizen in her mid-60s, was the oldest participant. She emigrated from war-torn Lebanon over a decade ago to visit her children studying in America, and longing to remain near her children, she decided to stay. Her older husband joined her several months later. Despite extensive education and experience, he was unable124 to find a job in his field secondary to language difficulties. However, with persistence and ahumble openness to accept all opportunities, they both acquired part-time jobs. She worked for the first time in America, really loving this “social” experience. Kareema was bom and raised in a large city in Lebanon. She had several older and younger siblings. She described growing up ‘in a good situation,” enjoying her school days and her simple “moderate” life. She strongly valued the importance of education and family closeness. Kareema began college, but regretfully stopped after her marriage and the birth of her first child. Her other siblings are very highly educated. She identified that “getting the visa was the worst thing . . . But when you reach here, everything is fine.” When directly asked again about possible challenges, she reiterated, “No. No. Nothing here.” Initially she was “scared” of what life in America would be like, since she had heard stories about there being “too much violence” and “divorce.” However, she was unexpectedly pleased with what she found. She shared indirectly about some minor, initial language, transportation, and employment challenges. She positively described multiple sources of support, saying, “Everything! From everything. ve got the support from everything,” She emphasized the support from her children. Kareema presented as very friendly, welcoming, motherly, hopeful, and eager to please. She was somewhat self-conscious about her language skills. She was the first of several participants to adamantly refuse to accept the $25 gift certificate, preferring to donate it to a needy family. She was very eager to help recruit participants for this study. Sabreen, Sabreen, a remarried U. S. citizen in her mid-50s, emigrated from Jordan in the mid-1980s, She was born in Palestine soon after the end of WWII. As a very young infant, the Israeli army forced her family at gunpoint to leave their home. They fled on foot for 4125 days to a neighboring village. She grew up in Palestine in the West Bank between the two major wars. During the 1967 war, she again fled her home moving to Jordan with her family. She could not afford to go to college at the time, She married and lived in Jordan with her first husband for over a decade. She has no children. Sabreen was the only participant to visit America before her immigration. In the late 1970s, she visited her brother for a few months. Then, following a very amicable divorce, she immigrated to America several years later. She came to stay with her mother and siblings, who had previously immigrated over the past two decades. A few years later, she married an older man, who recently had emigrated from an Arab country. Sabreen lived abroad twice since her immigration to America, residing with her stepchildren in two different Gulf countries. Additionally, she took several junior college courses in America. For several years, she has worked as an educator for a few hours a week. Her husband is retired, so her stepchildren send money on a monthly basis to support them. ‘She was the middle-bom of eight children. She faced numerous hardships growing up; however, she maintained a strong faith in God and an unwavering hope for the future. She focused upon the positives amidst the suffering, expressing gratitude that she was, raised “in good environment.” Her father and paternal grandfather served in the army for most of their lives. She described loving relationships with her live-in grandparents. She identified her challenges as the language, the driving, and dealing with all the new and different things in America, When asked what helped her deal with challenges, she emphasized the importance of determination and perseverance. She also identified that the opportunity to finish her education and the presence of family and friends were supports. Tarrived at Sabreen’s apartment when she was praying. After finishing her noon prayers, she answered the door and generously greeted me. She insisted on sharing some126 tea and muffins before beginning the formal interview. She immediately began to disclose details about her past in a very friendly, comfortable tone. She ended the interview with a prayer for this study’s successful completion. Rasheeda Rasheeda, a married U.S. citizen in her mid-40s, emigrated from Egypt in the 1980s. Her father insisted that she finish her Bachelor’s degree before her marriage. After finishing her degree, she married her long-time fiancé and immigrated to join him and his big family, who were already U.S. citizens. She lived with her in-laws for the first year. Rasheeda worked before and after her immigration, but stopped after the birth of her third child. She took several classes in America soon after her immigration. In fact, she expressed a desire to return to school, since her school-aged children are now older. Rasheeda, the middle-bom of three children, was born and raised in Egypt. She ‘was the only participant not to have an older sister. She described her childhood as “very nice,” focusing upon close relationships with her extended family. She also stressed how friendly the people and neighbors were back home. She described her family back home as “conservative,” but not practicing Islam “completely.” She was “excited” to come to America; however, many things turned out to be harder and different than she expected. She emphasized that being away from her family for the first time was the hardest experience. She also described some other challenges: (a) the language; (b) balancing responsibilities and time demands; (c) raising her children; and (d) dealing with stereotypes. ‘When first asked what helped her deal with these challenges, she stressed the importance of learning more about her religion and reading the Qur'an. She described that coming here to a different country and being away from her family, helped her grow and127 learn many things. Several other relational supports were important for her. She also described that social contacts and the local Islamic center were helpful. I needed to reschedule the interview several times secondary to Rasheeda’s busy schedule. Her interview occurred in my home. She initially was somewhat more concerned than the others about confidentiality matters and being tape-recorded. She presented as very polite, helpful, and friendly. She ended the interview by graciously thanking me for taking the time to listen to her. Haleema. Haleema, a married U. S. citizen in her young 40s, has several children of varying ages living in her home. Secondary to winning the immigration lottery, she emigrated from Turkey with her husband and their oldest child in the mid-1990s. Due to the need for both of them to work Jong hours to support themselves, she sorrowfilly left her then youngest child in Turkey for the first few years with her parents. She knew almost no English at the time of her immigration. After studying English for several months, she found a full-time position as a child-care provider, but is not currently working. Her youngest child was born in America with a serious medical condition. The youngest of several children, she was bom and raised in a rural Muslim village in a different Eastemn-European country. Several years before moving to the America, she migrated to Turkey, secking greater religious freedoms. She shared positive memories of a happy childhood, describing good family relationships. She continues to view her deceased parents as positive role models of the values of patience and kindness. Haleema identified the language and separation from family as challenges, but maintained an extremely positive focus on how “nice” people are in America. She was very pleased to find the freedom to practice her faith comfortably. Haleema was the only128 participant to report having no negative or discriminatory experiences in America. She identified “patience” as her biggest strength and support, along with faith and prayer. She emphasized that working and “keeping busy” helped keep her mind off missing family. Haleema presented as very welcoming, friendly, and helpful. I observed her warm and loving interactions with her children. She had less English fluency than the other participants, but slowly expressed her experiences in a coherent and understandable fashion, Unlike the other participants, her husband was the one who initially responded to the posted flyer by calling and saying that his wife was interested in participating. He demonstrated a great curiosity and eagerness to share his thoughts and experiences following the interview at their home. Khadija. Khadija, a divorced permanent resident in her young 40s, emigrated from Palestine several years ago as a new bride. She divorced soon after immigrating, after her husband became psychologically and emotionally abusive to her. After their marriage, she realized that her husband, who had lived in America since his teenage years, was not a “practicing” Muslim. Her desire to fully practice Islam conflicted with his much more Westemized orientation. Despite facing numerous obstacles, she chose to remain and ‘stand for herself” on her own in America. With patient perseverance, she slowly found means to support herself financially and built a support network from “zero.” She has no children, but she currently works and studies full-time. Khadija, the second youngest of many children, was born and raised in Palestine. She described feeling “really, really, really lucky to be brought up” in her well-respected and big, caring extended family. She excelled academically as a child in her small hometown and later obtained a Master’s of Science degree from a distinguished Arab129 university. She described her “wonderful” social life back home; however, at the same time, she somberly recalled some “bitter” memories of growing up in “occupied Palestine.” Unlike all of the other participants, Khadija described her ex-husband as major initial stressor rather than as a big support. He limited her movements, blocking her societal interactions with Muslims and non-Muslims alike. She identified worries about her immigration status post-divorce and serious difficulties finding a good job with her degrees as key challenges, She also lamented how her busy schedule prevents her from having time for a “social life.” When asked what was her most important support, Khadija emphasized that the support she received from her faith, family, and friends were all crucially important. She remarked, “So I can’t say that it’s just one thing. I think the three they were like tightly interlocked with each other.” Khadija was the only participant who had received professional psychological help. She attended weekly individual outpatient psychotherapy with a female counselor for approximately six months following the break-up of her abusive marriage. Khadija explained that initially she was “like so, so, so hesitant” to talk to a counselor. However, she later described that sharing her story with her “understanding” counselor helped relieve some of her adjustment-related depressive symptoms. Khadija denied any noteworthy current psychological concerns. She warmly welcomed me into her home, quickly establishing a deep rapport. However, unlike the other participants, she very carefully read the informed consent agreement asking several question confirming the confidential nature of the study. She became somewhat emotional and tearful at times when sharing about her profound post- immigration life-stressors. She was able to self-redirect and to maintain a hopeful outlook. She displayed excellent language skills throughout the interview.130 Lateefa Lateefa, a married permanent resident in her young 30s, was the youngest participant. Several years ago, she emigrated from Lebanon and joined her new husband, ‘who had become a citizen of the United States a few years earlier. She obtained her Bachelor's degree and worked for one year in the business field before her immigration. She has three young children and is not currently employed. She only worked briefly in ‘America, preferring to spend more time with her children when they were young. However, she was thinking of enrolling part-time in college next semester. Lateefa, the second youngest of several girls, was bom and raised in Lebanon. When asked about what it was like growing up in her family, she described her very close relationships with her sisters, parents, extended family, and 90-year-old grandmother. Lateefa went on to emphasize that even though her family did not strictly practice the Islamic ways, her parents sent her to Qur’anic learning classes throughout her childhood. She described: “So I met friends, you know kids the same age who were all practicing reading Qur’an.” She explained: “I think this thing helped me to be raised as a Muslim.” When asked about the challenges she has faced, she responded: “Disadvantages. 1 think being away from my family . . . and being as a Muslim, I worry about my kids to be raised here.” When asked what was her most important support, she explained, “I think the community. Everybody was pretty helpful. And I think having my husband's family here was good. ... And my husband . . . He made everything easy for me.” Lateefa presented as friendly, but more soft-spoken and less dramatic than some of the other participants. She was aware of her quiet voice and her tendency to give shorter responses, so she politely requested for me to let her know when and if she needed to talk louder or describe things in more depth.131 Summary of Data Analysis Tanalyzed the interview data using the constant comparative method of qualitative data analysis (Maykut & Morehouse, 1994). I derived each theme from the analysis of the interview data, which was organized first into units of meaning, categories, and finally salient major themes, Ten major themes emerged from this analysis (Table 1). All 10 of these themes included statements made by 8 or more participants. Thus, no minor themes ‘were identified. This results section will explain these major themes in depth. Within the detailed description of each major theme, the relevant categories will be described. Table 1 Summary of the number of participants endorsing each major theme Major Themes —— Mourning the Loss of the Familiar 9 “They Don’t See Us for Who We Really Are Behind The Scarf” = Managing Multiple Roles 9 Spiritual Supports and Spiritual Growth 9 Familial Supports in America 9 Growing Up: A Strong Caring Foundation 9 Experiences of War, Oppression, and Discrimination “Back Home” 8 Gender Messages 8 Personal Resilient Strengths 9 “Without Sacrificing Faith”: An Integrationist Acculturation Preference 9132 Thematic Content Theme #1—Mourning the Loss of the Familiar One of the strongest themes that emerged from this study concemed the process of mourning the loss of the familiar and adjusting to the new, different environment in America. All of the 9 participants shared their struggles to mourn the loss of loved ones and their social lives “back home,” while simultaneous actively seeking to leam English and other needed new life skills. America—"A completely different environment”. Every participant in the study remarked about how life in America was different from life in their native countries. Eight of the women described that America was indeed “a completely different environment.” The participants identified some of the following key cultural and societal differences, including: (a) language; (b) transportation; and (c) safety worries. They also emphasized the presence of differing social, religious, and family values. Some of the women were aware of the cultural differences between America and their native cultures before immigration, whereas others were not. Describing her initial hesitancy to immigrate from Saudi Arabia, Eman explained: If my husband told me to go to Jordan. I know Jordan. It would be easier for me. Or any other close country even to Saudi Arabia, an Arab country. Ok. I would imagine the kind of life is there. But here, it is a completely different environment. So, I did not want to leave my family and at the same time it was risky for me. It was like planting a sced in a different plant, a different environment. So you're risking whether itis going to grow or not. That's, that’s why. ‘Some other women were quite surprised to discover so many cultural and social differences. Rasheeda described how things were very “different” than she expected: It was exciting to come here. And I mean, I thought like the movies. And when you sce the movies [subtle laugh] ... but it was completely different ... a different feeling ... people here are different, and not like back home they're friendly and ... just completely different, And at the beginning there weren't too many Muslims133 around, or Arabs or someone who speaks your own language. It was hard. Language clearly emerged as the most frequently cited difference and challenge facing these women. All of the 9 participants identified some language difficulties. Seven of them identified language as a key challenge. All but two described studying English in school or before immigration, yet they still struggled in several ways. Most participants had experiences similar to Eman, who stated: “I knew, I learned English before I came here, but I was never ever used to speak the, a whole conversation only in English. So that was something by itself like challenging to me, the language.” All of the women singled out expressive and conversational skills as the hardest skills to master, while all of them identified that English proficiency positively related to confidence and comfort in ‘America. The women described language as more of an initial challenge that for the most part they were able to overcome with “practice,” education, and the support of others. Bight participants identified “transportation” as another initial difference between their native countries and America. For example, Salmah shared: OK, as I mentioned before, the language was the biggest issue and then the transportation, because in Lebanon you could go anywhere, you could walk everywhere or you could take a taxi, You know, it’s a small country. But over here if you don’t drive, that means that you’re stuck at home if you don’t have a car. Five women had to learn to drive for the first time, whereas three others just identified the need to adapt to the different transportation system (e.g,, the “crowded freeways”). Khadija and Izdihaar focused upon their difficulty affording a reliable vehicle. Seven women identified getting a license and a car as an important turning point, fostering social contacts with the broader society and/or an enhanced sense of freedom and independence. Five women also mentioned safety concems in this new land, especially initially. ‘They mentioned exaggerated expectations of there being “too much violence in America,”134 secondary to media images. Most realized over time that “the TV and the films do not, really reflect the reality here in the USA” (Eman). The women were grateful for the greater political security in America; however, minor safety concems remained. Lateefa shared: “You feel like, even as a women, you can go down the street at night when itis dark there. But here, I can’t. I'm scared. Even when I park my car, Ijust want to run to my house.” The participants all noted some positive and negative social custom and value differences between the cultures. Khadija’s response captures most of these concems. American society is different actually. Of course, there is like a totally different social build-up here, What I noticed here of course is the window of freedom that you are given here, the privacy, yeah. You can’t find it back home that much. . . ‘And, of course, like the unity build-up, family-build-up here. . . . I mean, the family relations here with the people that you know I met around, the Americans. I felt that the relations are not that much so tight. And also that kind of [to much] freedom that is given to the kids from their parents, And what shocked me like the ‘most was that it is ok to have like relationships with you know boyfriends and girlfriends! And what [ noticed here is that it seems like it is a very hard-working culture, society ... it’s not like mellow. I mean, back home there is so much free time like you don’t know how to fill it up. To a certain point and that's why that ‘maybe there is so much visitations and you know gatherings. But here, it's not. The people are like all the time like busy ... a very fast-paced community, society. Expectations meet reality. Before immigration, the participants held differing expectations about what their life would be like in America, Most envisioned both positive and negative aspects of their new life. However, overall, all participants still tended to have either overly positive (5 participants) or negative (4 participants) expectations that they soon needed to reconcile with reality. Regardless of their expectations, upon arrival, all of the women quickly noted that life here turned out very “different” than they expected. For example, several participants discovered that people were more friendly and helpful than they expected. Lateefa remarked, “You know, I had a different idea about people here. Like when T came here, like people are friendly. And I never had that idea.” Eman also came to realize that even though Americans are135 “different,” things were “not as bad” as she expected. Separation from family. Separation from family emerged as a key category touched on by all of the women. They described mourning the loss of loved ones as a central initial challenge. Sabreen and Kareema immigrated to join several immediate family members already in America, but most of the other women’s family members lived back home. Five women had no one from their family of origin living in America. Rasheeda explained: “Just being away from your family for the first time was the hardest experience. It was very expensive to call . .. and you don’t see anybody and you just ‘was stressful.” When discussing their separation from family, the participants” affect frequently shifted to a somber tone. When asked what it was like being away from her family, Eman, almost on the verge of tears, emotionally responded: Hard. It was hard. Until now it’s hard. I don’t think it, but I'm used to, but you know sometimes you just get used to the pain. That’s it, it doesn’t go away. I wish that they can come here, but I don’t think. They came here for a visit by the way, ‘but my mom went back home of course. It’s ok now. I’m used to that. But itis hard, Lateefa and Eman directly suggested how being away from family might be different and/or harder for Middle Easterners and Muslims. For example, Lateefa stated: It was hard, Because you know as a Middle Eastern, we are not used to that. Even when you finish college, you stay with your family until you get married. So, it was hard at the beginning. But then I got used to it. And I think it has still it has. advantages because you do everything on your own and um if you stay there it will, even when you get married, the family is very close to you. So, it has its advantage to be a little bit far from them, But the only thing, I like to be close to them, especially when they are getting older. Six participants faced the added challenge of adjusting to a new society simultaneously with coping with a significant developmental life cycle transition. Four women immigrated immediately after their marriage, one immediately before, and one after her divorce, For these women, immigration led to multiple losses and changes in their lives.136 ‘Separation from broader community. Along with mourning the loss of connection with immediate family members, all of the participants identified the separation from extended family and the broader community as challenging. For example, Lateefa remarked about the disadvantages of being away from her “friends.” Similarly, Khadija described really missing her “big family” and her “social life” back home. Rasheeda's words best summarize the women’s experiences as her response also illustrates how societal differences between the two cultures initially complicated adjustment efforts. Back home people are friendly, even neighbors. If you went shopping and you missed to get eggs. You just knocked next-door, ‘Oh I didn’t get this.’ That's why when I first moved here, I felt like everything is cold. I felt the phone is a piece of furniture that’s standing still. It does not ring. It does not do anything, It was, it ‘was hard at the beginning, Because, subhanallah (Gloried be Allah), over there I ‘was active and people are visiting, to the point that if you are making a special dish you share it with your neighbors and your friends. It was completely different! It ‘was difficult, very difficult to adjust to here. The mourning process. The women all described their transition over time through different stages of a mourning process. They labeled the initial transition period as “hard.” Thoughts of returning home filled their minds. Six women identified that external supports ‘were especially important during this phase. Slowly, societal engagement and “building friendships” in the Muslim community helped fill a void in these women’s lives. Over time, all of the women grew to “accept” their losses, yet they did not “forget” their beloved ones abroad. Salmah’s response illustrates some common stages of the mourning process: Being away from my family. It was really, really hard. The first year, all I had on my mind is that ‘I want to go back. I want to go back. (subtle laugh] I want to go back.’ And then, as I--I think learning the language and starting to drive and going places and wanting to be involved in many things kind of took my mind off this, thought. I didn’t forget my family but I was occupied more and I didn’t feel the need to go back all the time. Even when I went back, it wasn’t as I expected it to be. It had changed. You know, everybody looked different. Additionally, six women emphasized how they “leamed” and “grew” secondary to their137 separation from family. Rasheeda’s comments illustrate this personal growth process: But I Jeamed, | leamed a lot. Because once you stay with your family, with your parents, you find somebody who is taking care of you and now that you're taking care of a family, it was kind of different in a way. It was challenging. . . . learned more when I came here because it was a completely different culture. It was a completely different language. So, I kind of--, you have to be on your own without someone taking care of you. So, I leaned a lot living here on my own. ‘Theme #2—"“They Don't See Us for Who We Really Are Behind the Scarf” AIL 9 participants spontaneously made statements about their sense of being, misunderstood and misjudged by others, who frequently lack the knowledge to realize that common stereotypes often reflect a very blurred image of these women’s true identities. This theme included the participants’ statements that conveyed their fears, experiences, and pro-active responses to stereotypes, bias, and discrimination. I included participants’ spontaneous remarks about the impact of September 11" in this theme as well. Stereotypes/bias about Muslims and related media messages. Even though I did not initiate a discussion about stereotypes, bias, or the scarf, all 9 of the participants spontaneously shared their awareness of the presence of stereotypes about Islam and Muslims. Six of the women emphasized this concern as a central challenge. Eight women shared a sense of feeling “misunderstood” by Americans, especially during the initial post-immigration adjustment period and then again even more so post-September 11". Five participants made statements concerning messages about Muslims in various different media outlets. They emphasized the media’s role in promulgating inaccurate stereotypes and perpetuating biases. Sabreen explained: “The media poisons their minds.” Eight women explained that the main problem was that people just lacked accurate knowledge about Muslim beliefs and practices. Key areas of “misunderstanding” concerned: (a) the perceived connection between Islam and terrorism (6 participants); and138 (b) misunderstandings concerning Muslim women, especially ideas about the scarf (8 participants), Six participants discussed the stereotype that “Muslims are a group of like, terrorist people who came to this country” (Eman). Khadija’s comments illustrate the psychological impact of this view as well as some of her coping thoughts. You can feel like the overall general like attitude. It's kind of like a little bit different since September 11°, And at least now you hear it that all the time when sometimes there is like an open and general conversation, there is always like a connection between Islam and terrorism, Islam and terrorism. And we have started to hear this more just recently, which hurts you the most, which hurts you the most. ‘And you know the media is like doing a very good job of misleading the people and giving them the totally opposite idea and the opposite concept of what Islam is all about and what does it means. But that hurts you a lot that now you hear it so frequently that you are related to something bad, but alhamdulillah (Thanks and Praise be to God), inshallah (God willing) Allah is going to give us the determination, the patience, and the faith and one day the truth is going to be revealed. Even more participants (8 participants) identified the presence of stereotypes about ‘Muslim women. Near the conclusion of the formal interview, Eman remarked: I think what you are doing is good because really as Muslim women, a lot of us, we are until now misunderstood, the way that we are dressed up. They think that we are oppressed, but we're not, .. . So, I think it’s a good way to really dig into the Muslim women’s world, and express our lives in a better way, to others, non-Muslims. ‘These stereotypes led the women to feel somewhat self-conscious about their appearance. The “scarf” as an external and internal symbol of faith and identity. At the time of the interview, all of the participants regularly wore a scarf covering their hair. None of them covered their face with a veil. The image of the scarf as an often-misunderstood external symbol was a key point of discussion. The women felt a sense of hyper-visibility with the scarf, believing this outward symbol of their identity led to the negative, but sometimes also positive, comments they received. For example, Kareema described how some people in America fearfully looked at her as if she was a “mummy,” perceiving her as “a stranger” with a strange dress. However, she noticed a positive change overtime in139 people’s reactions to her scarf, as they got used to seeing more women with scarves. All of the participants described getting some occasional “positive comments” from genuinely curious or concemed Americans. Sabreen explained: “Some of them asked me, ‘Why do you put the hijab (the term is commonly loosely used to denote the scarf or other type of head-covering worn by Muslim women)?” She went on to share her response to them: put hijab because it a part of my religion. And Allah ordered all the women to cover, especially in Islam, and also in Christianity, and also in Judaism. ... And they said, ‘Oh, that’s interesting!” .. . And they ask me, ‘What do you believe?” I told them, ‘Ibelieve in Allah.’ And they ask me, ‘What is Allah? What does that mean?” I said, ‘God. You believe in God and also I believe in God. . .. But about us, we only believe in One God’ .. . They're surprised sometimes. But they respect it. They respect the idea. In addition, all the women described their hijab as a valued personal choice, one that symbolized their proud identity as faithful Muslims. Six women clearly disputed the stereotype that wearing the hijab was “forced” by others. Kareema explained: You feel bad here, so many people they don’t know. They were thinking that the women they are pushed to put hijab .. . But, “No, it’s us, we are happy to put them. This is our feeling that it is~and we respect ourselves more.” Even though the hijab is believed to be Islamically required immediately after puberty, all six of the women who shared when they began wearing the scarf described consciously choosing to put it on in late adolescence or adulthood. Three women began wearing the scarf in America. After putting on the scarf in America, Izdihaar shared: “Then I felt more like a Muslim identity [had outside and I felt very confident about it.” After seeing the way that women in America were often viewed and treated as “sex objects” by “some men” and exploited on the “TV commercials,” Eman similarly described feeling a greater appreciation of her faith and a greater pride in her identity as a Muslim woman with hijab. Experiences of discrimination. Eight women reported at least one “uncomfortable” experience of negative comments or subtle discrimination in public; however, none of140 them reported personally experiencing any blatant acts or hate crimes. Bight of women reported frequent “stares” from others and occasional negative comments or questions regarding their appearance, such as “Do you have hair or not?” (Sabreen). A few of the women had negative slurs shouting at them. Izdihaar shared the following story: “I remember I was in the parking lot. I was going towards Mervyn's and somebody said, “Jockey, go home Jockey,” or something like that.” Likewise, Lateefa recalled having “a few experiences” that she doesn’t like lately. She elaborated: ‘A couple of times, when I parked my car, and when they see me, they just park again and they don’t want to leave the space, you know, I mean, back out so that I ‘can park. It’s been like~I was shocked! You know one time, I was waiting for a ‘ar to pull out so I can park, and then he saw me and so he started laughing. And he was drinking his coffee and he stepped out of the car and he was waiting and he did not want to pull out. And it happened to me actually twice. Impact of September 11". Seven participants spontaneously shared their experiences and thoughts about the impact of September 11". Six women described that “people are looking differently at Muslims now” (Rasheeda). Six women noted a sharply increased number of discrimination incidents as well as more negative societal attitudes, towards Muslims (¢.g,, the image of Muslims as “bad people”). Lateefa explained: ‘At the beginning, it was like good. . .. Nobody said anything really bad or anything. But lately, it has been different ...I think you know like after September 11®, people have changed. You know, I think the idea they have about Muslims, that it’s um they have I think a bad idea about Muslims lately. So, still, but even with that, I think, still you know a lot of people are still very helpful and friendly. ‘The fallout from September 11" led a couple of women to question and re- ‘evaluate their identities as Muslim-Americans. Izdihaar initially summarized her adjustment to living in America (pre-September 11") using the following words: Tjust felt that even though T came as an immigrant, I didn’t fee! like an immigrant. 1 felt like I belonged here kind of thing. I adjusted very easily and I was able to take in, take in everything quite easily. And Inever felt discriminated against at all.141 However, she explained that for a time things really changed after September 11" Like in the beginning, I didn’t go to the grocery store for a while and I felt... Our mindset changed and we didn’t feel so comfortable anymore since now they are looking at Muslims as bad. And many people and other families felt it too. Felt this, ‘What are we doing here? Why are we here?” ... you know that kind of thing. Although temporarily shaken in her identity, she tried to focus upon the positives and she was able to find a mental place for herself again both as a Muslim and as an American. But now again it is coming around. Now we have more chances to talk about Islam. And people are more open to hearing about Islam. I think many people's opinions have changed about Muslims and they know that we are all not like that, ‘who do a bad thing like that, So now again, again I am confident again about Islam and Muslims. But initially, I felt that. I felt that ‘Is God telling us something? Maybe we should be moving from here or what.” Then I figured, ‘Look, Muslims are everywhere. There is no particular country that is Muslim. You know Muslims can practice their religion anywhere they are.” And my husband used to say that “The earth is like a masjid (mosque) for you.’ You know, that’s part of a hadith (Prophet Muhammad’s (pbuh) reported sayings) or something, . . So, this is our country you know. So now I am beginning to feel that more, that this is our country. Seven participants also reported some positive interactions with others post- ‘September 11". Kareema described people’s different responses to her: ‘Some people actually, they after September 11", they looked at me as an enemy. And some people they looked at me with the feeling of pity. They feel pity towards us, like, ‘These people didn’t do something wrong. Why do we have to hate them?’ And but now people even in America now, they after September 11" is over now. They start to feel with us more. Some people they asked me at Costco, ‘Ihope that you will not suffer. Is anybody doing something wrong to you.’ ...So people, you will find different kinds of people. Kareema’s response to my very next follow-up question, illustrates all of the 9 participants’ non-blaming attributions towards those Americans with biases. Interviewer: And what is your perspective on that? Kareema: Actually, I feel that I don’t blame both. Because the people who are feeling with me, they know. They know. They are more educated. They know a lot. And they study @ lot, And they look and they heard the news from outside and inside. But people who hate us, only they have short ... vision. I don’t know how to say it. Short vision. Only they look ... they have short vision because only they know what they like to know. What they like to know only. Or it could be just142 people just they hate you because they think that you're really their enemy. They don’t know that you are not and that you have nothing to do with what's happened. ‘What's happened is not what we wanted to happen! It happened against us, against everybody. Against all the humanity! Reaction and pro-active coping with stereotypes. Al of the participants portrayed positive, non-angry, non-blaming attitudes towards those with biases. They frequently seemed instead to place responsibility externally upon broader societal factors, which lead to people’s unfortunate lack of accurate knowledge. They described generally ignoring the negatives and the negative comments and instead focusing upon the positives, maintaining faith and a hope for a better and more peaceful future. Furthermore, 7 participants directly expressed a strong pro-active desire to reach out and “educate” others. Rasheeda’s comments below illustrate the impact of stereotypes and bias upon Muslim children as well as the women’s strong desire to reach out to fellow Americans: We need to really let them the Americans see us for who we really are, not just have this idea that Muslims are terrorists because it really affects us and affects our kids. They go to school and they have Muslim names and they deal with it every day. Even in history, sometimes the kids hear things from the teachers talking about Muslims in a bad way. So we need to educate our kids and educate the ‘Americans because we love them. We live in the United States. And we live as Americans. So, we are American ourselves. We have to find a way to really educate people about who are Muslims and what we stand for, things like that, Six women described positive experiences of reaching out and sharing their faith. Furthermore, 7 participants directly shared their desire to be a “good messenger” of their faith or a “good example” of a Muslim women. Eman explained in the following statement how the opportunity to reach out to others and explain her faith helped serve a protective function. Her response summarizes well the other women’s attitudes. T feel like, um, I have a message here. Yes. As I misunderstood a lot of the ‘Americans before I came here, they also misunderstand us. So, I have a message like to explain to them, like, ‘Hey, we are not your enemies. We're just people, ‘who believe, yany (I mean), have our own faith. And it's not far away from yours.” . . So I just, like I feel, ‘Ok, this is my message to explain to the people, as much143 as I can of course, like who my identity, who am I here, who I am, and all this.” ‘And add to that, I know since I’m wearing the scarf a lot of the people out there on the street are looking at me, they know I’m a Muslim, so I do my best to behave good, even if I am driving. I want to follow the rules. I want them to see ‘me [and think] ‘Well, Muslims are good, they’re not a group of like, um, terrorist people who came to this country.’ We're not! So, it’s like by actions, you have to show them like simply we are living like you and follow rules. .. . Of course, I don’t think everybody will be convinced, but at least, you did something, to explain your faith to the people. So, that’s a good support. Theme #3—Managing Multiple Roles All of the participants made statements, describing their multiple roles and responsibilities. They faced struggles to manage their limited time to meet various occupational, educational, spiritual, familial, and personal goals. They focused upon the challenge of raising Muslim children in America, a non-Muslim and Westem country. America: A Land of Opportunity? Nine women reported having positive and hopeful expectations of greater financial, occupational, and educational opportunities in America, Out of all of the women, Khadija was the most excited to come to America, holding “very high expectations” about the prospect for numerous opportunities. When asked about her pre-immigration expectations, she replied: “Oh! I expected that I am going to be in heaven!” Unfortunately, out of all the women, she soon confronted the biggest obstacles. She described her realization that things were much harder than she expected, by saying, ‘This country, yes it is beautiful. It is the land of choice. It's the land of opportunity. It is the land of good chances of money, but it is not that easy to get it the way it is like perceived back home. Like as if they think there that anybody that comes to America it is so easy to collect so much money. . . . Like it rains gold and there are fountains of gold and just you have to collect them. No, it’s not. No, it’s not, Actually, it takes more than that. ‘The other women had similar expectations and faced similar challenges like Khadija, but usually to a lesser degree. Seven women described facing occupational144 challenges in America, Five noted problems transferring degrees internationally in order to obtain an equivalent-level position in their field or in order to complete additional schooling, Four participants also reported some moderate to serious financial struggles at times. Actively confronting these occupational and financial challenges, the women seemed open to accepting all available occupational opportunities and frequently sought out additional skills whenever needed. In addition, a few of the women described utilizing various resourceful and frugal strategies. They strove to rely on themselves, but they ‘would accept outside help and support when they really needed it. Balancing time—Work, personal goals, and family responsibilities. All of the participants described their lives as very “busy.” They all described facing multiple responsibilities before or after their immigrations. In total, six women shared at least some minor challenges balancing time between work and familial responsibilities. Izdihaar explained: “So, I was constantly busy, you know. . . . so, Ithink that was a challenge I mean working, and managing, juggling housework and family.” Six participants were or had been working mothers with small children. Additionally, seven women described how educational aspirations at times conflicted with familial responsibilities, leading to some disruption in their studies. Most of the women were able to retum to school. ‘The women reported several other miscellaneous conflicting demands. A few women emphasized the importance of finding time for their personal or spiritual development. Most also noted loyalty struggles over their desire to visit family back home with their need to manage responsibilities in America. One woman poignantly described being “tor” between her children in America and her dying father abroad. Lastly, three women identified the minor challenge of balancing time between their nuclear, extended, and in-law families.145 Raising Muslim children. Seven of the participants were mothers. These mothers all made statements about the challenge of raising Muslim children in America, voicing a strong desire to pass on their faith traditions and Islamic family values to their children They also shared concerns about their children learning Arabic well. Rasheeda explained: It's kind of difficult to raise them here. . . . They think it’s easier to talk in English. Like when I go back home and I see my friends’ kids, they talk fluently in Arabic, it’s just kind to hard to deal with because they're not doing what you thought your kids would be doing. And, memorizing Qur’an, I would think it would have been much better in Egypt, to do it back home. ‘Seven participants expressed concerns about their perception that Americans tend to have poor family and social values. These women’s worries covered the following areas, in order of emphasis: (a) “weak family relationships”; “poor attachment” across the lifespan; high divorce rates (6 participants); (b) overly permissive parenting; children less respectful (6 participants), (c) peer pressure and/or related concems about drugs, alcohol, smoking and cussing (3 participants), and (4) freedom of showing affection; dating; sexual objectification of women (3 participants). For example, Lateefa explained: “It's you know Tam worried because the kids here, they don’t respect their parents. They don’t have like they are not attached to their families. This is the disadvantage in this country.” All four of the women with teenage or adult children identified some minor increased challenges and/or increased worries about peer pressure as the children aged or became teenagers. Izdihaar emphasized how her children in America went through much more of an “argumentative phase” as teenagers than is common in Pakistan. Despite these prevalent concems, worries, and challenges, none of the participants reported that any serious conflicts actually arose while raising their children. Only minor and normal generational struggles were described without mention of moderate or serious behavior or discipline problems. These mothers described being proud that their children146 were developing or had developed into faithful, bright, and generous individuals. Successfully managing multiple roles: Mobilizing personal, familial, and community supports. Despite facing multiple responsibilities and demands, all of the women emphasized their ability to manage through these challenges by: (a) utilizing organizational skills; (b) modifying their parenting strategies; or (c) by taking advantage of extemal supports, Four women identified that good organizational and planning skills helped them manage their busy lives. Emphasizing the importance of being “organized,” Eman described how she leamed over time through “experience” how to manage many responsibilities. Izdihaar, on the other hand, emphasized the importance of relational organizational strengths, such as family communication, planning, and goal-setting. Furthermore, all of the women who raised children in America seemed aware of the need to flexibly modify their behavior and parenting strategies in order to meet new parenting challenges, A few of the participants described how they tried to be “a moderate parent,” balancing between permissiveness and protectiveness. Salmah explained: think over here you have to treat children differently. Because they see a lot, so you kind of want to do a balance between not giving, not stopping them from doing everything and at the same time not giving them so much to go in the wrong way. ‘Tedihaar similarly described how she “tried to find a balance” in what public high-school activities she permitted her children to attend. She also shared how she became more open with her children in order to manage new challenges in America: ‘That's another thing, we were open with our children, where our finances are. Most parents back home, we didn’t know what kind of crisis your parents are inat all. And um they would say, ‘We can’t afford it. We don’t want it.’ You don’t buy it, we accept it you know. Here, children argue, ‘Why we can not get it?” So you tell them the bottom line. Then, ok, this is how the situation is. So, alhamdulillah, we always kept that openness with our children to our financial considerations. ‘Always. They always knew how much we were making, what our expenses are. . ‘We were open with our children. Yeah, always, yeah, they always knew about the situation. So that helped because that, that takes care of a lot of problems. Many147 times parents don’t feel, ‘Oh, it’s not your [business] or you don’t have to know it.’ Or they keep secrets, We never did that! .... We had open communications. ‘The women described actively seeking out information and external support to help them handle their parenting responsibilities and multiple roles. They identified various familial and external community resources as valuable supports. For example, within the family system, several women described their husband's support and assistance as key in helping them balance work with family demands. They also identified that friends and neighbors offered various kinds of helpful supports (e.g., childcare assistance; financial support). Furthermore, six participants identified the local Islamic center (the ‘mosque and the Islamic school) as a central support that helped them raise their children. The drive to be productive: “Work” and “keeping busy" as a support. Even though all of the participants described the challenges inherent in living busy lives, 8 of them simultaneously identified “work” and “keeping busy” as important supports. Some cited, like Haleema, the benefit of keeping busy, whereas some others identified the social benefits of working, such as getting out of the house, meeting others, helping others, and learning about the American culture. Seven of them made statements, illustrating their very strong drive to be productive, They valued hard work, always seeming to try their best to live up to their full potential. Eight of the women described how they consciously chose and wanted to work, despite the challenges. For example, Izdihaar described her strong desire to return to work after she tried staying home and felt “not challenged”: And that’s why when my second child was born, I stayed home. I didn’t have to work then. But, I myself, felt restless and I felt not challenged. . . So then I started [my business] and then I started the [other business]. So, I was constantly busy. Theme #4—Spiritual Supports and Spiritual Growth All of the participants made numerous statements within this broad central theme,148, describing the importance of spiritual supports and their process of spiritual growth and development in America, This theme contained the largest number of units of meaning. ‘The participants spontaneously identified spiritual supports as their most important resource. They emphasized the importance of their faith in God and a meaningful life, along with the importance of supports within the Islamic spiritual and social community. Faith and relationship with God. The participants identified “faith” as their most central support. All of them made statements, describing the central importance of: (a) their faith and trust in Allah; (b) their close relationship with Allah; and/or (c) their deep faith in a meaningful life and afterlife. When I first asked them, “What has helped you deal with and overcome the challenges or difficulties that you have faced?”, the women ‘most frequently responded that their “faith” helped them in several different ways. For example, when asked the above question, Eman emphasized with deep emotion and conviction the importance of her “faith in Allah”: ‘My God! It’s my faith! My God! Oh my God. You know when you're too sad, you just talk to your God, your Creator. Just ask help from him. And I read the Book of {God}, the Qur’an, It’s the only thing, it’s the, I think if was not a Muslim, i even if. It’s not if I’m not a Muslim, if I didn’t have faith in Allah, than I think that I would be a different person completely--not smiling, sad, desperate. It’s just my faith in Allah, That's it. Furthermore, “faith” emerged as a key support helping the women cope with past challenges and loss across the lifespan, Describing how she has coped with past traumas and losses in childhood and adulthood, Sabreen shared the following reply: “But alhamdulillah, we have good faith and we have strong faith, and we believe in Allah. And Allah subhannahu wata’ala will change everything to the best. Inshallah (God willing).” In the following quote, Haleema similarly stressed the power of “believing.” ‘A lady who doesn’t practice, who doesn’t believe the religion, the Muslim religion, they are searching for something else to feel better. With maybe alcohol,149 drugs to be happy, or to be away from the difficulties. But, personally, I don’t need something like that because praying and believing helps a lot. When deseribing how their faith helped them deal with challenges, they especially underscored the central importance of their positive, close, direct, and collaborative relationship with God. Izdihaar explained: “So, I think that’s what helped mainly, just your relationship with God.” The participants described having a positive relationship with God. They shared some of the following images of God: “Always Listening,” “All- Knowing” “Close at Hand” “Trust-Worthy” “The Sustainer” “The Supporter” “The Wise” “The Creator” “Gracious,” “Powerful” “Forgiving” “Just” “The Protector” and “The Helper.” The women believed in the availability His love and support for all those who believe and seek His guidance. They attributed no negative representational images to God and expressed no anger toward Him, even in the face of significant challenges. ight participants shared about their “close” relationship with God, as well as their confidence in His ever-available presence, help, and support. Izdihaar; [think it’s the confidence that you have that Allah is with you, you know, all the time. That’s helps you, you know with all this, you know whatever experiences we've had .. . I felt that, T was very close, that God is always helping, you know, and close at hand type of thing. It’s true, that when you ask Allah, ‘Allah is very close to you, ‘as close as your jugular vein’ [as stated in The Qur’an, 50:16]. So, it really, it really, it applies you know here [in America]. Eman: He knows, He knows what’s going on. And I know He hears and I know He’s close to us, I’m not, I’m never, ever, will be alone! Allah is there always for me, and for everybody! So, that’s it, without Allah, I don’t know, we can’t live. ‘Adaitionally, 8 participants described their direct, collaborative relationships with God. In Islam, there are no priests, hierarchical authorities, or intermediaries; rather, each worshipper has a direct relationship with their Creator. For example, Izdihaar explained: It’s not like we met any religious person or we met them here in America. I don’t think there is anyone outstanding that we felt that has helped us through. I think that it was just our direct communication with God that did it.150 The participants believed that God was actively involved in the coping process. However, they did not passively defer responsibility to God alone to rescue them from life challenges. Instead, they actively sought to solve problems, while simultaneously seeking Allah’s wise guidance and trusting that He would provide them the best answers. The following quote by Izdihaar helps to explain the importance of this concept called tawakkul ‘ala Allah, or “trust in Allah.” This term can be defined as the process: “within one’s heart to depend upon, rely upon, and fully place one’s faith and trust in Allah alone.” Tawakkul is to do the work sincerely to the best of your ability and then leave the result to Allah. T think just, maybe just reaching out to God only... just living a Muslim life here in America. That helped. Because you know that you do your best and you know God is going to come through. And you know, if something doesn't come through what you want, than obviously it wasn’t meant for us. You know, it could have been worse it had come through. So, you have to take it that way. So, tawakkul ‘ala Allah, you know, that’s the main thing. Tawakkul ‘ala Allah, to rely on Allah, That is the main practice really, that helped with day-to-day living and prayer. . ‘And another thing he [my husband] would say is ‘Do your best, and leave the rest to God.’ So if you do your best, then you leave the rest to God. It's true. ‘And now again, you do the best you can, and then you have to leave the rest to God. You know, you can't make things happen. You just have to do the best you can, If we haven't done our best then we feel, ‘Ok, we didn’t deserve this or that.’ Right? Or if we do our best, [Interviewer: Yeah,] Allah, you know, covers you. T also placed two frequently mentioned supports (The Qur'an and Prayer) under this category, because the women primarily focused upon the benefit of these activities as enhancing their relationship with God, Eight women described that they valued the Qur'an, and six identified “reading the Qur’an” as a comforting support. For Rasheeda, “reading the Qur’an” was the very first support that she identified as important. The Qur’an was seen as a vehicle of communication with God. For example, Eman explained that when she reads or listens to the Qur’an, she feels that “Allah is telling me a message here... the verse is talking to me.” Reading the Qur’an led participants to “feel” God's151 comforting presence (e.g,, the sensation of “goose-bumps” [Kareemal]). In addition, six women identified prayer, both the formal, daily ritual prayers and the more personal dias as comforting supports. Du‘a is the term designating the personal prayer, supplication, and communication with God, as distinct from salah (formal worship). Prayers are seen by Muslims a direct link between the worshipper and God. Khadija: Because when you pray, it’s not just you make wudu (“ablution” The act of ritual purification performed with clean water in preparation for the formal worship prayers) and just you make these movements. When you pray, there is a connection between this heart [points to her heart] and God! When asked, “What aspects of faith, Islam do you think have been beneficial?” Izdihaar responded by explaining about the benefits of the daily prayers: T think just, maybe just reaching out to God only you know having sabr (patience), and prayer and sabr the combination that’s definitely there. You pray and you have to have patience, you know. So, the surahs (chapters in the Qur'an) that say that it really makes sense, we have experienced it. So, that is the main thing. I think that our prayers, constantly being careful about the five times daily prayers, I think that keeps you going, definitely, yeah! ‘The main thing was that. . . . Because we did our fasting and zakat (Zakat literally means “purification,” and refers to an almsgiving tax, roughly 2.5% of one’s accumulated wealth, that eligible Muslims pay annually.) and all the other things. You do it when the time comes, but prayer is what you do every single day no matter what happens. So, I think prayer is the single thing that keeps us going. . . . It protects you. ... I think people who don’t, even who are Muslims who might not be praying regularly, I think they don’t realize the value of it, of this prayer. It’s not just following what God has told you to do, but when you do follow it then you know the spiritual benefits behind it. Finding spiritual meaning in challenge and hardship. Nine participants described finding comforting spiritual meaning in challenges. Khadija’s long emotional explanation summarizes extremely well many dimensions of a Muslim’s spiritual coping response. Her response captures and conveys the other participants’ words as well: Khadija: Yeah, yeah, you know, you can say so many things like helped me out to go through this thing. You know, first of all my faith. Interviewer: In what way do you think? Khat In the way that I told you. I felt that you know I have alhamdulillah,152 alhamdulillah {have a very strong faith in God and you know a realization that, God is there and He is there like to help out too. You know sometimes, you know God forgive me, God forgive me, like sometimes, which is you know haraam (that which is deemed unlawful or forbidden in Islam) as we say it. I say, ‘Why me? Why this is happening to me?” But you know then I'd say, ‘Astughfirullah (I seek forgiveness from Allah).’ And then I'd say, ‘No it’s fine!” If that is Allah ‘Subhannahu wata’ala’s (Glorified be Allah, The most High Power's) will for me, so just I should accept it or otherwise I’m not going to be a good believer. ... And Tknew that Allah Subhannahu wata ala when He likes some people, He tested them first. He tested them first! Allah Subhannahu wata‘ala said {in the Qur'an], “Be sure We shall test you with something of fear and hunger, some loss in goods or lives or the fruits (of your toil), but give giad tidings to those who patiently persevere.” (She emotionally recited this Qur’anie verse in Arabic, not English. This above English-translated verse is from Surah al-Bagarah [The Cow], 2: 155). And s0 like I mean He is testing me. I am here alone with nobody, with no money, with whatever, so it must be like those of big tests that Allah Subhannahu ‘wata ‘ala wants to test me with and inshallah (God willing), inshallah, I am going to pass it. I should be patient and I’m going to pass it! And if | am not going to be rewarded in this life. If my testis like destined to be like for so many years. If I'm not getting the reward in this life, for sure I’m going to get it in like the hereafter. Maybe this is going to be maghfirah (forgiveness) for me when I'm going to die, maybe this is going to be maghfirah for me in the Judgment Day. You know, nobody knows. So that really helped me to so much to accept what I am going through. Otherwise if I am going to like measure things from a material point of view, I'm going to get crazy, ‘Why am I losing this? Why am I losing that? Why this? Why that?” Yes, from a material point of view, I am losing this, but I have like kind of spiritual meaning for it. Which is, if I believe in Allah Subhannahu wata ‘ala I should accept everything good and everything bad from him, you know. That is the way that helped me to go through it. ‘As Khadija described, a key ingredient of the Islamic belief in a meaningful life concerns the notion of challenges as a test from a loving God. Muslims believe that the purpose of life is to test humankind’s faith in God and thus challenges are normal, expectable, and unavoidable throughout our short lives on Earth. All of the women described the comfort offered to them from their firm belief in a meaningful life and afterlife. They explained that this sense of existential security was centrally important in helping them navigate through life’s trials. “For Muslims, belief in accountability to God and responsibility for one’s own deeds gives one a sense of purpose, and every moment153 and event in life has a religious purport” (Council on Islamic Education, 1995, p. 18). The belief in an afterlife comforted the women because they believed that “this life is “temporary” (Eman), Problems were “temporary” and “not going to ever-last” (Khadija). Eman explained how she was comforted by knowing that she was not meant “to be really happy on this earth,” but how she surely knows that “fairness” and “pure happiness” will come later in heaven for faithful, righteous believers. Ina related manner, Khadija emphasized how her belief in divine justice helps her deal with injustice during her earthly life. She described her firm belief that Allah is the best of Judges and that the scales of justice will be balanced in fairness in the afterlife. Similarly, Eman’s response to the question, “How have your experiences immigrating to and living in America changed your sense of yourself as a Muslim?” illustrates many of the points discussed within this category and theme. Her comments demonstrate how her faith and belief in divine justice or “fairness” offers her a firm vision of a meaning life. ‘Umum, that’s a nice deep question. Oh, ok. Too many things--One of them, I really appreciated this and thank my God that I am a Muslim. Um, watching others, like uum, public schools, problems within the community, um, oh, others searching for the truth, believing in more than one religion, looking for the truth, um, not being happy for what’s happening to them, not understanding why they're, if something ‘um painful is going on in their lives, um ... So, when I look at them, I say, ‘Oh, Alhamdulillah.’ Lreally appreciate that | am a Muslim and I know. . . yany (I mean) I understand better that life is not easy. I'll be rewarded for this if | am patient. I Jarow why were we created. I know a lot of people are asking, ‘Why were ‘we created? What is going to happen to us when we die? Life is not fair? Also, are ‘we going to die without us having our rights or something?” For me, I “Fine!” [said slowly in a content tone.] Faimess is going to come later i come now. Lastly, a central and very inter-related dimension of the Islamic view of challenges concems a Muslim’s firm belief in God’s wise divine decree, al-gadar. The sixth pillar of believes in Allah’s Islam is al-qadar (see Ismael, 2000 for further information). A Mu: predestination of all things and events, His decree, His wisdom in is actions, and His will.154 Nothing in the universe can occur except with His knowledge and after His decree of that event. The Qur’an describes: “No kind of calamity can occur, except by Allah’s leave: And if any one believes in God, (God) guides his heart (aright): For God knows all things” (The Qur'an, Surah Tagabun [Mutual Loss and Gain], 64:11). Trusting that “God has wisdom for everything” (Rasheeda), Muslims believe that they should accept hardships along with blessings as gifts from God. “What we consider calamities may be blessings in disguise” (Ali, 1988, p. 433). The following quotes help illustrate this pillar of faith: Sabreen: “Alhamdulillah because we are in strong faith, we don’t get so mad. This is from Allah! This is our destiny. Whatever Allah gives us, it's good. That's the main thing.” Khadija: For this to happen to us [becoming tearful], nobody knows why. It’s just ... it's just Allah’s wisdom, Allah Subhannahu wata’ala! Just maybe He wishes. Maybe it’s better for us here [in America] and the only way maybe to be here is through this hard thing. So, we don’t know why, you know. So, whatever [takes a deep relaxing breath] ... to get back to that story ... In response to challenge, numerous Qur’anic verses and hadiths encourage Muslims to be patient. “Especially in our religion. They teach us how to be patient” (Sabreen). Seven participants highlighted the importance of “patience” when faced with hardship. Muslims are encouraged to praise Allah and to be grateful, remembering Him in good times as well as bad. Gratitude is a prized Islamic virtue. All of the women displayed frequent thankfulness. Demonstrating their gratitude, the Islamic phrase, Alhamdulillah (Thanks and Praise be to God), was repeated 475 times. Additionally, several women highlighted that their faith fosters positive social values, such as patience, forgiveness, and tolerance. Lateefa’s statement helps summarize these beliefs. Interviewer: What may be some specific aspects of Islam that you found most helpful to you? Lateefa: [short pause] I think, I think you know, dealing with people. Because Islam makes you so patient. Subhanailah (Glorified be Allah), you know,155 everybody has mistakes and when you take it from the Islamic way, I think you forgive more. So, I think this is a good thing you know something that makes you like be ... when you are more patient then you treat people better. And, I think this is like it. Because itis easy to be good in your house in your home, but when you are outside, and when you are with people, I mean Islam changed me a lot. ... Because you know, sometimes, it is not easy dealing with different kinds of people, and I think Islam makes you like do that in a better way. Benefit-finding and contentment also emerged from every interview, where the women clearly described how their faith fostered “hope” in the face of various life challenges. They frequently comforted themselves by saying things such as, “But, alhamdulillah, Everything has its advantages and disadvantages.” They tried to find the good in things by counting their blessings, remembering that things could be worse. Rasheeda: I thought to myself, ‘Um maybe something good will come out of it.” And to the point, it did. .. . So always the good stays and the bad will vanish. In a way, inshallah (God willing). . .. Thope inshallah soon people will know more about it [Islam]. They don’t know what’s going on. And I hope something good will come out of it hopefully. But we need to work on it more. The Islamic spiritual community. All of the participants identified the importance of various supports within the Islamic spiritual and social community as helping them build satisfying new lives in America, The Islamic center, the mosque, emerged as a key support identified by all of the women. This dissertation described in Theme #3 how the Islamic center helped them raise their children, but every participant also highlighted their observation that the mosque was the community’s social center. Similar to Eman, they described that coming to the mosque “started opening other gates for me, other doors.” Eman went on to describe how meeting other Muslim “sisters” at the mosque helped “me find a reason for myself to be here.” Illustrating a common practice among, Muslims, many of the women referred to Muslim friends and acquaintances as “sisters” or “brothers”. Kareema response summarizes the women’s experiences of how the mosque filled a void, recreating the women’s collective social lives back home:156 Yes, it helped me. It helped me to find, that there are some people ... here you will find ... what is the difference? In our country, your neighbor, you will find your neighbor is like, like somebody that you have known from a long time. You will bbe more friend with them. Here, just “Hi” and “Hi.” It’s not necessary they visit each other. Because they like don’t have time I believe. They work all the time, They, they ... but in the community and the masjid, you can see them, talk to them, and you feel that you are in your country a little bit. This small community, it reminds you to the social life in your country. This is what I mean. Here [the Americans], they miss a little bit the social life. In addition to the support that the Islamic center offered with child-rearing and social connections, the participants identified the following additional types of support: (a) a source of Tslamic knowledge (5 participants); (b) a source to leam to value diversity (5 participants); and (c) a source of financial support or employment (4 participants). Seven participants went on to describe how their faith values connection and unity within the collective “group.” Describing how her faith has helped her deal with challenges, Eman remarked: “I find that in Islam also, like Islam is encouraging us to be in a group so we can support each other.” Later in her interview, she went on to explain: Yeah, the Group. Cause, you know, it’s, [like to see um, the group. I like strong groups. I like activities in between us. Because, I like to support each other if somebody needs help. .. . So it’s, the group, the group strengthens your faith and beliefs, and helps in relieving your, um, your pain. The group is important. Furthermore, even though Izdihaar highlighted the importance of self-reliance throughout her interview, she simultaneous emphasized the importance of maintaining one’s “link to the Muslim community.” She explained: But being in the community in the sense that being part of the community means going to you know group prayers, going to lectures, not being outside the community doing your own thing, you know. One has to be involved! And my spiritual guide in Pakistan had told us that, when you go to America you must stay with the community, you know. And that that’s important and you know my husband will always give me this example. Oh, this is in the hadith, I think that “When there is a stray sheep, the wolf gets it,” you know, rather than when you're with the group, So we used to always remember, remember these things like that, that we have to stay with the group, you know, and we have to you know do joint projects with them.157 ‘A few of the participants identified the presence of some community problems and/or they revealed that occasional disagreements or political disputes developed among, community members in the mosque over the years, Nevertheless, they strongly continued to value the importance of community involvement. Building new friendships and “substitute family”. All of the women described that b ing new friendships and a “substitute family” in America was a big support. The following statement by Izdihaar summarizes the women’s statements within this category: So, alhamdulillah, I think definitely our faith, you know, just practicing and doing what's right and you know, and being associated with the Islamic community all the time and the masjid with the you know organization. So I think that, that, that gets us bounded together and then you start making friends who become like part of your family, you know. They replace your family back home then. So, that’s what we felt, making good friendships here and I think that kept us to keep going Four women described their close relationships with specific friends, whereas others focused more generally upon their relationships with “sisters” in the broader community. Khadija, described the crucial importance of the support that she received from several close friends: My friends, thank God, what helped me here were my friends. . .. You know, it ‘was the immediate friends that who like made me make it at the beginning of my life here after the separation. . .. So I can’t like deny or like decrease the size of the help that was offered to me from my friends. Eight participants also described the women in the Muslim community as very supportive and helpful. Kareema emphasized this support throughout her interview: Yeah, the community and the community in the mosque also. When they know you, they help you. Whatever you ask them, they will not say, ‘No.’ . .. Here we have anice community. They look after us. It's very good. You will see if one person is sick in the hospital, you will see all the Muslim women going to visit her. ‘And just taking for her something, even if they didn’t know each other before or something. Just only as a community, they help each other. Yeah. This is good. If you have problems or someone died from your family, they'll give you a call and they'll come to visit you. This is a good community about Muslim women here.158 Spiritual growth, Bight participants directly made statements, describing their process of spiritual growth and development in America. Two open-ended questions frequently preceded these remarks. I asked the participants how their experiences immigrating to and living in this country changed or affected their sense of themselves as Muslims and as Muslim women. They almost universally responded by first resisting the ‘word “change,” which seemed in their minds to negatively connote the sense of “losing” or “giving up” one’s faith. Then, they replied that their sense of themselves as Muslims and as Muslim women actually became “better” or “enhanced.” Eight women cited that they had: (a) learned more about their faith; (b) become better believers; (c) obtained a greater understanding and appreciation of their faith; (d) developed more confidence in their identities as Muslims and Muslim women; and/or (e) become closer to God or more God-conscious. The following responses illustrate this oft-repeated theme. Izdihaar: It didn’t change. I think it enhanced. It became better. It became better. It didn’t... It changed in the sense that it became better . . . So, I really became a better Muslim I think and became more God-conscious than I was before. Eman: And, so, I got really closer even to Islam . .. . I feel closer to my God. I feel closer to my religion, Khadija: I don’t think that it changed it {my sense of myself as a Muslim woman]. I think it strengthened it. Because like I feel now like I am more proud of my religion, All of the participants described learning more about several different aspects of their faith. They described learning more about religious practices and the “spiritual meaning behind” the rituals. They reported learning more about their social obligations “to help” and guide others, and about the importance of tolerance and respecting diversity. This additional knowledge fostered greater “confidence” and an enhanced sense of “God- consciousness.” They identified this life-changing spiritual learning process as a very159 positive support. Eight women described how “Islam is taken for granted back home,” noting the unfortunate lack of a clear distinction between cultural and religious practices in their native countries. Rasheeda especially emphasized this throughout her interview: Back home, [in Egypt] we take things for granted. We know that we dress decently, we don’t do any haraam (that which is unlawful, forbidden, or not allowed), we don’t drink, and we don’t smoke. We think about it this way. But ‘once you get to know more, you leam more about Islam, or being good, obeying God in all commands. That’s what helped me here! Alhamdulillah for that . Really, I regret all the years we went by without learning more and mote about it. . . When you leam it [Islam] the right way, you lear that being a Muslim you have to obey everything that God commanded us to do. Ina similar fashion, Khadija explained how a person could take their faith for granted back home, since one’s faith is “not challenged.” Khadija went on to describe how life in America offers a good test of one’s faith because America offers the “freedom” for a person to make the conscious choice to submit to Islam. Five other women made similar observations. But when you come here, I mean, it gives you like~-you sense your Islam and the values thai you were brought up more, And it is here the real test that really you're a good Muslim or not. Are you like going to commit sins? Or are you going to do bad things? I mean nobody here is around you, . .. Actually when you come in here, here it’s like you can say that it is a very, very, very good test for you to test you know how much of a good Muslim you are. . .. It gives you like the opportunity, the chance to find really what you want to do and what you want to be, without any pressures, without any stressors, or without any fears from anybody, in anything—in practicing your religion, in practicing your social life, in what you want to do, you know. It is. When they say like this is the land of chance and the land of freedom, it is. For these participants, this greater freedom led to a strengthened faith in God and increased commitment toward living a “Muslim life,” a life in submission to God. The ‘women tended to make a clear distinction between practicing and non-practicing Muslims. Khadija described this distinction when she said, “Well, when you want to talk about some160 Muslim people, you should like just talk about those who practice. I mean those who are by choice, not by chance Muslim.” Coming to America offered the women the opportunity to reevaluate their religious and cultural identities. This introspective process led them to make a conscious “choice” to reassert stronger, more integrated “religious” identities. Describing her spiritual growth as Muslim woman, Salmah, along with six others, criticized how people back home often emphasize cultural customs over religious principles: So my being here, I think it made me a better Muslim. I can practice my Istam freely and I can, I can still-because Islam does not change over time or over place, so if you study Islam you practice it here as you study it but in some countries, you're not allowed to do so. You're supposed to follow the cultural beliefs or the customs of that country. That’s the biggest thing that has changed in my life. Furthermore, the participants often expressed a more negative, critical tone when describing “cultural” traditions. They identified “cultural mistakes” (Eman), describing instances of women’s rights restrictions, nationalistic discrimination among Muslims, emphasis on external image, and bribery in the broader society back home. ‘Since coming to America, seven women expressed an increased commitment to practice their faith more comprehensively. Lateefa went on to describe how “Islam is not just like a religion, it’s a way of living.” Now I think Islam now is very, everything for me, like my values. Now everything Twant to do, I want to try to do it in the Islamic way. Because subhanallah (Gloried be Allah) I found like Islam is if we follow it, itis the best thing for us. ‘You know every time you follow Islam when you're at home, outside, every time you follow Islam, you feel like you know this is the best thing, subhanallah. So 1 think God is with us, everyday I feel it like more and more. The more you get close to Allah, the more you feel it. .. . Yeah, I think because Islam is not just like areligion, it’s the way of living. I mean everything should be, like subhanallah the way you eat, the way you dress, everything. Islam talks about everything! So, you know it changes all your life, the whole thing. Eight women identified that multiple interrelated factors precipitated this161 introspective spiritual and identity development process. They focused most upon how their experiences immigrating to a predominantly non-Muslim country led to an enhanced awareness of their identities. They described the desire to learn more about their faith in order to better explain their beliefs and identities to others, and/or to raise their children in this different environment. A few of them also explained that being away from their families led to a greater reliance upon Allah. Some described that immigration and other personal challenges prompted them to tum to Allah for support. Three women secondarily noted that a simultaneous process of aging and maturity across time led to greater God- consciousness. Izdihaar’s quote illustrates the influence of some of the above factors: We found God. I think He is always there. I felt that a lot. I felt closer to God coming to America because we faced all these things. Back home somebody else would have solved it for us maybe, you know. Given us the money, done this or done that. But here, we have to just rely on ourselves and Allah. It changed in the sense that it became better because I realized that now I'm a Muslim and whatever I practice, Ihave to know why am I practicing it. While there, we just learned it through faith, being a Muslim, what not, And here, we realize it. Everybody's going to ask you, ‘Why are you dressed like this? Or why ate you praying? Or why are you fasting?’ So, alhamdulillah, it got me to read more and to study more and to be able to communicate more about Islam. And of course one matures too, so one becomes more God-conscious. . . ‘And then to teach your own children--Once your own children are being brought up, you need to know more about it. Because they used to ask, ‘Why do we have to do this?” You know, constantly they would say that. Lastly, six women made statements, describing how interactions with diverse others fostered their greater awareness of and respect for diversity. They closely tied this perspective change to their spiritual growth, emphasizing how they leamed more about and/or applied more fully their faith’s value of tolerance. For example, Eman described: There is something else. I felt like ... cause back home in Saudi Arabia, like you will find mostly Arabs, the ones that will be living there. And Islam says that you, like, ‘Islam is for everybody.” And so it’s different when you hear something like compared to you living the thing, like the idea that you have been raised to learn it. e, know that there is no difference in between the American and the Black162 and the White and the Arab and the non-Arab, but, ‘Ok, we know it, but when you come here and you have to adjust to all these different habits with all Muslims, Black, and White, Americans, Europeans. It’s, you have to respect their traditions, you have to learn how to yany (I mean) to even tolerate their, yany, their traditions. I know it’s all supposed to be Islamic, their traditions ... but, the food and some habits and you know, it’s not the same always. So, here I learned, really that, I applied something in my life as T always knew as a Muslim that there is really no difference in between people, it’s only the faith. Back there it’s, it’s not that easy because mostly they're Arabs, you won’t deal with the non-Arabs there. Salmah similarly emphasized how exposure to other faiths, led to an enhanced valuing of tolerance and a more open, non-judgmental attitude towards all. So my perception of myself as a Muslim now, is that I want to be a Muslim who has a moderate way of thinking, who is open to other ideas, open to other religions, tolerant of other people no matter what their religion is. I can still tell people about my religion but it doesn’t mean that that I’m gonna, I’m gonna even insinuate that I’m better than them because of my religion. I think also I became, mmm, how do I put this ... well, I became more confident of being a Muslim because of looking at other religions, now I believe that that I have a good understanding of what faith is, of why I’m here on this earth, of what's my purpose on, of you know life on Earth. But overall, I think what really changed is the ‘mentality of how I thought I perceived other people and when I started not judging people for what they look like. Theme #5--Familial Supports in America The participants identified familial supports in America as centrally important processes, second in importance only to “faith.” All nine women made statements within this theme. They described receiving different types of support from their husbands, children, grandchildren, in-laws, and other extended family members. The importance of “a supportive husband” very clearly emerged as the most important familial support. Presence of some family in America. At the time of their immigration, all of the participants had at least one family member from their family of origin or in-law family living somewhere in America. Six of the participants had someone from their husband’s family living in the same city as them, whereas 3 participants had a child or someone from their family of origin in America. They had someone more experienced and acculturated163 to help support and guide them through their adjustment process. During the course of the interviews, all of the women identified the presence of family in America as a support. They described different types of familial supports. Eight women highlighted the primary importance of the “emotional support” and encouragement that they received from their families. Kareema, for example, emphasized the emotional support she gets from her children: “The presence near my children. This supports me a lot. It gives me a ‘good feeling, As I told you, I don’t need financial help or something, but you need to see them or talk to them.” Salmah explained that the presence of family led to a sense of emotional familiarity in the beginning, as she struggled to adjust the new environment. Furthermore, six women identified that family members helped them “learn the ropes” in. America, helping them acculturate and learn new functional life skills (e.g., English, driving, and shopping). Additionally, six women identified financial or housing support as valuable, Four women lived with their in-laws or children for the first several months, Supportive husband, Out of all the supports mentioned throughout this study, the ‘women identified a “supportive husband” as the second most important. The importance of having a “supportive” and “encouraging” husband was emphasized just slightly less than spiritual supports. All 9 participants remarked about the importance of having a supportive husband and 8 of them personally identified their husbands as an important support. The participants described several ways that their husbands helped them adjust: Salmah: I think having a supportive husband that was the most important one, . . . ‘My husband not only was very supportive, but he knew exactly what I wanted to do and he was even pushing me to do them. I would sometimes say, ‘No, no, you 1g0 do this because I don’t think good about my English.’ He said, ‘No, no, you have to do it yourself.” And in the beginning I was scared and I didn’t, wasn’t comfortable but he kind of helped me through it. Even with my education, he was very, very supportive. He wanted me even to go on and finish my master's and164 everything, But I think that if I didn’t have the support, I would not have even. stayed here. Because it’s a different environment, different-everything is different. Furthermore, Izdihaar focused upon how her relationship with her “best friend,” was a key support. She emphasized how their good communication and marriage provided support. Even Khadija, whose ex-husband was emotionally abusive, clearly discussed the central importance for an immigrant woman to have a supportive husband, She described how much easier she imagined things would be for a woman with a supportive husband. Additionally, 8 participants identified positive “resilient” traits in their spouses. For example, they described their husbands as very friendly/social, religious/faithful, patient, and as having creative problem-solving skills. Izdihaar, for example, remarked: My husband has very good problem-solving techniques. He’s good at that, He can see a lot of ideas. A lot of thinking ‘outside the box.’ As they say it, when you think outside the box. He has that, mashallah (This Arabic phrase literally means, ‘Whatever Allah wants or destines to be.’ This Islamic phrase is frequently said when talking about another person [i.e their positive qualities, successes, or accomplishments.) He really has that. If people have a problem, he will look at it and he finds a solution, That’s why he is very good at trouble-shooting, . .. So I think that way I felt really confident in him you know that he’d be able to solve problems like that. So, I felt safe with that, you know, being there. He wasn’t weak in his thinking like some people might be, afraid to try it. So, mashallah, that also gave me the security, you know, of being here. Relationship with children/grandchildren. Six of the participants identified their relationship with their children and/or their grandchildren as a support. For example, when asked what was her most important support in America, Rasheeda said, My husband mainly because he was there and my daughter, having a girl first. Because she was a girl, she was very helpful for me. She helped me when I had my boys and she was always there. Supportive in-laws. Five participants described their in-laws as helpful supports. Three women emphasized that this support was very important. Salmah explained: Ah ... [would think, I think having some kind of another family here, it helped me a lot. I think that if I just came here as a student and was by myself, it would have165 been really, really hard, But my husband’s family is like a second family to me. They are really, really supportive. I consider my mother-in-law like my mother and you know I have many sisters-in-law and they all have kids. We have a big extended family. That kind of substitutes, yeah. But still, you still miss your family. Alhamdulillah, Better than nothing. The large majority of the comments positively described their supportive in-laws, however, three women simultaneously and hesitantly revealed some minor challenges secondary to being “so busy” with their husbands” families. Theme #6—Growing Up: A Strong Caring Foundation Every participant made statements, describing their families of origin and childhood years. About half of these statements occurred in response to the following interview question: “What was it like growing up in your family?” The participants’ joyful childhood memories and close, warm family relationships quickly emerged from the data. All of the women described their large, extended families of origin and their supportive communities in their native countries as providing them a strong, caring, and secure foundation of strength. A warm, caring family environment. All of the participants recalled their childhood homes as positive, warm, and caring environments. They described “close” attachments and “good” relationships among family members. When describing their families, all of the women displayed very noticeable animated affects with frequent smiles. When asked to describe what it was like growi up in their families, the women gave responses very similar to Khadija, who shared how lucky she felt to be brought up in her caring family: Growing up in my family. Oh God! It was a really nice experience then. . .. Now when I am here and I am alone and I you know record [recall] the things back in my home, the way that I was brought up, the way that I was taken care of, the way that you know the security that was provided for me, the needs that were all the times fulfilled, the caring that I was receiving. I feel myself that I was really, really, really lucky to be brought up in that family.166 Interestingly, none of the women mentioned the presence of any marital problems among their parents. Four of them directly described their parents as having a good and ‘mutually supporting relationship. Haleema recalled: “Never. I didn’t hear my father and my mother have arguments. Or not understanding each other.” Salmah similarly explained: My father was kind of stricta litle bit and my mother was more lenient with us. But the good thing is that they both agreed on one thing, all the time. So, we knew we could not, you know go ... play games with one over the other. .. . Overall, I think it was a good home, a warm, warm house. A few of the other women’s statements also seemed to suggest the presence of balanced, authoritative discipline in their childhood homes. Furthermore, none of the participants described any form of abuse in their homes or extended families. Sabreen explained: Alhamdulillah (Thanks and Praise be to God), we grew up in a nice way. We never had troubles, or problems or abused someone, or someone abused us. Never, never, never. Alhamdulillah. Always we liked people and people like us. And we care about people, and people care about us. And we take care of each other. Even though the large majority of the participants’ statements about their families were positive, all of the women still seemed able to recognize and express both positive as well as negative aspects of their childhood years. They seemed to present a positive, yet balanced and realistic picture of their families and childhoods. For example, Eman shared: Lam so attached to my family to tell you the truth. I like them. I love them, my brothers, my sisters. It's so good. Alhamdulillah. Of course we used to fight. [laughs] Yeah, we used to argue. We used to, but it’s fun. Cause it’s a big family, ‘um, three girls and three boys. Lateefa described being raised in “a good environment,” but she still expressed some regret at not having as much “quality time” with her parents as she would have liked, secondary to their frequent visitors and busy “social life.” She also remarked, as did three other women, about the relative lack of “privacy” one is afforded back home. Most of the women also recalled negative experiences of war, oppression, or discrimination in their167 countries of birth (see Theme #7 fora more complete description). Close sibling bonds/birth order. Eight women described their close sibling bonds. All of the women had many siblings, and more importantly, older siblings. Six of them were either the youngest or second youngest born in their large families. They emphasized how their older siblings, especially their older sisters, often served parental roles and/or were important role models. Salmah and Izdihaar described this phenomenon very well: Salmah: I was their youngest child [the 6" child]. So Ikind of had like many parents [laughs], because I had older ... my oldest brother was 12 years older than me and my sister was 10 years older than me so they both kind of had like older sibling roles, or younger parents also with me. Both my parents worked all their lives, so we depended on each other as siblings more. Izdihaar: I wasn’t too close to my mother though, because being the youngest of my family, usually the older children, the older ones help, right, with the younger ones. So, somehow I remember I was closer to one of my older sisters. Um, whose the maybe 4" in line from the top. . . . Iwas very attached to her, clinging on to her. ... She was a very gentle person . . . and a very, very pampering type. ‘The women described fond memories of fun and activity-filled times playing with their siblings, as well as sometimes cousins or close age aunts/uncles who took on sibling roles. Positive role models. Bight participants directly described their parents, and often times other family members as well, as positive role models whom they were proud of in many different ways. Eight women described that their parents modeled the values of hard-work, education, determination, and optimism in the face of challenges. Six women identified their parents or grandparents as positive, spiritual role models. Furthermore, six of them shared at great lengths how their families modeled a positive pro-social orientation (¢.g., kindness). Eman explained about how different family members modeled different moral values. My mom is also a great lady. I leamed patience from my mom. ... She is a very patient lady. I mean, an extremely patient lady. She’s religious. ..168 ‘Um, Iwas always taught like to be committed to your work also. Um, to strive in this life because my father, he worked hard. Um, the way that he yany (I mean) told stories. I like to tell stories like him too. . ‘Um, my oldest sister, she’s, oh my God, she’s sooo smart. This is how I grew up loving reading. It’s like, my father always liked reading and working and my mom would be typing his work and my sister wanted to copy my father, so she would read stories, she would read books and all that. So I wanted to copy my sister .. . So then, I love reading until now and I think it’s this that helped me to because you know ail children like mimic and copy others. Um, because she’s older than me, this is what like really influenced me. The rest of my family is um, yany, how to love each other, to support each other, to be there for each other. And I like that and I like that feeling that you have when you help others and you’ve been yourself helped. So, I think this is, until now how I get this habit. My brother, he loves, he loves, until now, he loves to help others, especially like the poor, needy, somebody. Religion modeled, not forced. The participants recalled varying levels of religious education and practice in the home, However, all of them suggested that the religious atmosphere in their childhood homes was at least somewhat “religious” or “conservative” to very faith-filled. Some of the women described that their families or broader social networks as not fully implementing Islam into their lives. However, the women still described environments where the basics of religion were modeled, but none of the participants described a rigid or overly strict environment where religion was forced. For example, Izdihaar recalled how her parents positively modeled, but never forced religion. He would read a lot, reading Qur’an translations every day. We would see that. He would sit in the evening in the miranda (patio) and open his Qur’an. So that was always the feedback, we could see that. You know, the practice of what we should, what we should know about our religion. [Interviewer: How do you think that influenced you?] Well, it does, definitely. Oh yeah, I figured our practice, seeing our parents practice religion so well and not forcing it on us. That’s interesting! I never found-even though he was strict, he never forced us in religion. That’s really amazing, So, there was always this positive, we could see his reading, knowledge, and talking about religion and talking about the sahaba (the companions of the prophets) and that. So we did a lot of listening. Khadija similar described how she and her siblings were given the chance to intemalize for themselves their family’s religious practices and love of God.169 I want to tell you something. I am from a religious family, but not that “too much” strict. Like we are practicing like the five duties, like all of them. . .. And we dress up decent, conservative. We cover our heads. We have like good relations. I mean we are like nice to people. We don’t hurt people. People even they don’t hurt us. We are like that kind of family. But, you know, like fasting and praying, it is something mandatory there, like to be done. And of course, we were like given the chance from our parents to decide when to do this. Imagine, even though these things are so important, my parents even they didn’t force us to do it... . Imean we are brought up like in a very decent, warm, caring atmosphere. A collective “sense of family.” Every participant described growing up in a “big” extended family context, They recalled almost constant activity among their siblings, cousins, aunts, uncles, nieces, nephews, parents, grandparents, neighbors, and friends. Furthermore, 5 participants actually lived with or in the same building with grandparents, elderly “aunties”, older married siblings, and/or other family members. Izdihaar recalled: “We had a joint family living type of thing.” Three of the participants described their positive, close, loving relationships with their live-in supportive grandparents. The women recalled learning valuable lessons (¢.g., “patience”) from living with their grandparents, who often took an active role teaching and guiding them. They depicted these practices as generally more common and normal in their native collective cultures, A related and key concept repeatedly mentioned throughout all of the interviews was the description that “neighbors are like family” back home and that “back home people are friendly.” The women shared their thoughts and memories about “the totally different social build-up” back home. Salmah’s memories are similar to the other participants. She described how this collective supportive environment really “gave her a sense of family” growing up: We had uncles and aunts and people you know come to visit us all the time. It made-it gave us the sense of family. It’s a really nice thing. And also the people there are very supportive of each other. Neighbors are like sisters and brothers. ‘You know, so you would rely on your neighbor for support for anything you want if you have to do something. That made a difference.170 ‘Sabreen described how she perceived the social relations to be different: ‘That means like there is no social in families here. It’s opposite from our way. In our country, people are sociable. Very sociable persons. We visit each other. We know each other. We can help each other in goodwill in a bad situation or in good situation. . .. The people over there are nice. You feel like we are like the same family. All of the participants identified collective and community supports as important, developmental protective processes. For example, Salmah recalled how relationships with extended family and friends helped replace memories from the war in Lebanon, It [the war] was such a horrible experience. But, at the same time, I had lots of friends. I had a large family. The biggest memories that I can remember are like holidays, the holiday memories, where everybody would gather and would play in the streets, and that kind of made up for the bad times that we went through. Theme #7--Experiences of War, Oppression, and Discrimination “Back Home” Eight participants made statements, describing experiences of war, oppression, or discrimination “back home.” Experiences of war, political trauma, and oppression. Alon; le happy family memories, five women shared “bitter memories” about experiences of war and political trauma in their native countries. Four of these participants described that these experiences ‘occurred during their childhood. The following statements illustrate their experiences. Khadija: But at the same time, since when I was young, I was like having first- hand experiences that my country was occupied [in Palestine], like the demonstrations, the soldiers, the marching of the soldiers. Or sometimes when there was like big demonstrations, and you know the teenagers and the school students and I see them running and like the soldiers following them and you know the gas bombs and stuff like that. . .. So, you can say that I was practicing with this kind of thing all my life there, which gives you a kind of preparedness. And still of course this also affects like the way that we live. Since when it was night, it is well known that it is unsafe to go outside, even for old kids to go outside alone by themselves. Because it’s known that it is unsafe, it’s insecure because of the ‘occupation, stuff like that, Yeah, we suffered like a lot. .. . The education got like so much disrupted and interfered and the schools were like closed [frequently] because of attacks of the settlers and the soldiers were coming to the schools andim you hear the shooting with live bullets, you know ammunitions Salmah: I have lots of good memories and at the same time I have horrible memories from the war. . .. And the war of course going through the bombing... twas, it was such a horrible experience. A few participants described intergenerational war experience as well. Sabreen shared at length the stories her parents and grandparents told her growing up. Sabreen: And we were so worried, so sad, and so afraid from everything at that time [time of the first Israeli-Palestinian war around 1948 when her family was forced from their home]. I don’t know, but my mom told me that. And my grand- mom and my grandpa, they told me that. [Interviewer: Their story?] Yeah, their history in Palestine. It was so difficult and so miserable, so everything. ‘They destroyed everything [somber tone}. They destroyed houses, they destroyed trees. They killed women. They killed children. They killed pregnant women, They, as what she told me, my mom, they put the gun in pregnant women's stomach and they kill ... [{ Ya Allah (Oh Allah!)] Killed everything. But athamdulillah (Thanks and Praise be to God), we have good faith and we have strong faith, and we believe in Allah. And Allah subhannahu wata ‘ala (Glorified be Allah, The most High power) will change everything to the best. Inshallah. Six women described experiencing political oppression in their native countries. Haleema: From, I told you, from [an Eastem-European country with a large Muslim population] we moved because of the non-Muslim people. They tried to change our name and we couldn’t listen to ... we couldn't practice ... the Muslim celebrates [celebrations] ... And anything. We, we couldn’t talk Turkish. They said, ‘Everywhere, everybody has to talk [the other language of that country. ]” And that’s why we moved from there to Turkey. But from Turkey, we were fine. But we decided to see how is America. Secondary to the oppressive circumstances, two participants, Haleema and Sabreen, migrated from their homelands to neighboring “Muslim” countries earlier in their lives. They recalled this previous migration experience as very challenging; however, they also highlighted their resilient ability to stand for themselves again after losing almost everything. Sabreen: And also in Jordan, in the beginning, we a litle bit missed our comfortable life, after the second war. But alhamdulillah, it took us maybe around two or three years and then we grow up, again. And we make other kinds of jobs. And, alhamdulillah, we stand up again after the war. Because it's so difficult to get172 everything, and to build your home, and to buy cars, and to make good money, and to raise your children in good way, and after that, oh, wars come and destroyed everything, and you run away, and you leave your country, and you leave your friends, your relatives. And you go to other country, just like that. [With] nothing, even you don’t have one dollar or one dinar (the currency used in Jordan) in your pocket, Just like that, And to start to build your life from the beginning, it's hard. ‘And that's happened twice. But alhamdulillah, because our parents and our grandparents they were good. And here we are. Alhamdulillah. Trauma protective processes. Interestingly, all of these participants denied experiencing active post-traumatic symptoms. Five women described multiple supports that helped them deal with their trauma experiences. These participants all emphasized spiritual, familial and community supports as the most important. Khadija’s response illustrates the interactive nature of these three supports. Interviewer: What do you think helped you deal with growing up under such conditions? Khadija: Well, you know my family and the whole extended family and the whole neighborhood. That, we know, that this is a life we have to like to live with it and to take it and accommodate with it. And with the hope that one day this occupation is going to be over. Yep. Patience and hoping for a better future. Yeah, Patience and faith. And support, support like from the people. And you know what provides you with faith and that you take that, the faith and the patience, is that all the people around you have the same attitude. Experiences of discrimination. Five of the women described experiencing discrimination “back home.” They described an environment in which unfair preference or bribery existed in some circles. They described that some people in their native countries treated those from other nationalities differently, at times looking down upon them, Valuing tolerance, the participants condemned these “culturally-based” and “unfair” attitudes. Salmah explained the impact of this perceived discrimination the most clearly: Growing up in Lebanon, the biggest thing that was really bad was that because we came-we were Palestinian-ch, a lot of even the Lebanese people discriminated against us and they didn’t want to consider us as one of them although we were ‘bom there and were raised there and we worked there and everything, So that was like, eh, that made us uncomfortable many times.173 Eman, on the other hand, described that more subtle employment preferences and discrimination led to their family decision to migrate in hopes of finding better occupational opportunities. Also, like Izdihaar who talked about “bribery”, Eman explained about the importance of “having connections” in her country of birth. Enhanced development of empathy and tolerance. Five women seemed to have developed an enhanced sense of empathy and tolerance secondary to their experiences of ‘war, oppression, and discrimination. Salmah’s comments help illustrate this phenomenon: When I go back and I still see that some people are still discriminating between a Muslim and a Christian and a Palestinian and a Lebanese. It makes me very uncomfortable, because I, I, I don’t think we should do this to each other! I mean we're all from, we're all humans, yeah! Salmah emphasized multiple times throughout her interview how she values diversity. Continually hoping and praying for peace, the women surprisingly demonstrated very non-blaming personal attributions toward their oppressors. They shared almost no anger and no desire for vengeance. As described by Sue and Sue (1990), they often displayed an external locus of responsibility. For example, rather than personally blame a specific group of others, Kareema highlighted instead that just “War is the problem!” Theme #8-Gender Messages Eight participants directly described the gender messages that they received from their families, husbands, culture, and faith. They described personally receiving very positive messages. However, several women also acknowledged and recognized that some other women in their broader societies faced more limited opportunities. Positive messages from family of origin. Eight participants described receiving positive gender messages from their family of origins, especially from their fathers. The women described having a secure relationship with their mothers and their fathers. Seven174 participants described their close relationships with their fathers and grandfathers. They felt “loved” and described being treated well by these father figures. Haleema: My father was very good with us, with [his] daughters. Yeah. I can say . Ican say .., my relationship? [Interviewer: Uh huh.] My relationship with my parents was very good. My father, I didn’t hear from him any bad words. Never! Sabreen: And he [my grandpa] cared about us. Always. Loved us. And he helped my mom to teach us. ... We grew up in a nice way. Furthermore, the women described their families as encouraging the development of positive, confident, educated, and independent gender identities. Eight women identified that their families of origin strongly valued and encouraged education. Eight specifically mentioned that their fathers and six mentioned that their mothers valued education. Khadija: And athamdulillah (Thanks and Praise be to God), alhamdulillah, 1 was brought up in a family that feels that education is a necessity as like water and food! . . . That’s why when I told you that it was like me and my sister we were like the first two girls in the whole extended family to seek a college education. ‘And that was because of the mentality of my mother and my father, and specifically my father. And also my mom she was like brought up in like a very high like standard family because like also they are pro-education. ‘Six women remarked that their brothers and sisters were very highly educated. Icdihaar: “All my family was educated. . .. Education was the key thing for us.” Kareema: “I have four brothers, and four sisters. .. . All my other brothers and sisters, they finished university and they studied. . . Three of them are doctors. My sister is a pediatric doctor. Moreover, the women highlighted the central importance of education for women: Khadija: My family, my father because he was like adoring education and he was like pro-education .. . Both of them they thought that, ‘Education is like a weapon in the woman’s hand. You don’t know if she needs it or not. But if any day comes and she needs it, it’s there’ Five of the women recalled that their fathers “insisted” that they, as women, finish their college degrees before marriage. For example, Eman shared the following: [Interviewer: What was it like growing up in your, your family?] Oh, what was it175 like? [Smiled] Oh. [subtle laugh] Um, well, back there in Saudi Arabia and even, originally, as I told you, originally, we are from Palestine. We have some cultural mistakes. Like, there is a difference between man and woman. Um, mostly this is what I was, mostly stressing on. Luckily, alhamdulillah, I think that this is from Allah, my father, was the opposite of a lot of people, even some of our relatives. He would ... um, some of them they would say, ‘Ok, you don’t need to teach your daughter, you don’t need to educate them, just teach them how to read and write cause that's enough for them because they will go and marry and that’s it.” My father, he was would be, ‘No!’ and he always, even for us, if somebody, if he heard somebody was even mentioning the idea of getting married before finishing our yany (Imean) Bachelor degree, he would be upset and mad. ‘No, that will ruin, will ruin your thoughts, focus on your studies first and then you will marry! Then, this.’ So, it was, it was good. That is something, that lam, alhamdulillah yany I feel proud about. I was not mistreated as a woman. This is something, seeing also others. Similarly, Izdihaar explained how “reading” was valued over domestic chores in her family: And so had not done very much work. I had taken a cooking class and I left after the first class. I didn't want to learn cooking. I didn’t learn sewing. I didn’t learn cooking, sewing, nothing. I just read. I read a lot. I used to do a lot of reading. And my parents, my mother always felt that you know this work one does all your life, housework. Let them enjoy while they are here. In the sense that she would allow us to do our own thing. You know not necessarily learn to cook or sew and all that. ‘My mother didn’t know how to cook either. So, no pressure at all [Smiles]. Furthermore, several participants described how their families fostered their “independence.” Khadija explained: “And our family like they taught us [my sister and I] to be independent.” She identified this aspect of her upbringing as a central support fostering her resilience. A few other women described valuing independence, usually from a young age. Izdihaar described how this upbringing helped her adjust to life away from her family: So, I like that independence feeling. Yeah, somehow I never learned to depend upon anyone, just do it myself or my husband, or my immediate family core. So, I think that’s how. I matured very quickly. I think I was only six years old when I became an aunt back home, So that way, I grew up very fast, yeah. So, I think that, helped. I was not um, protected, overly, um what’s that called, that you know the very protected person who can’t do anything without some approval from some family member. I wasn’t like that. You know, I was pretty much on my own. ... So, I don’t feel the emotional [loss], you know that much with my family as [thought I would. I mean I did not miss them as much. ... I didn’t mind the seclusion of being in America. So, I’m not emotionally dependent on my family,176 somehow I feel, I’m pretty, I feel pretty independent. Izdihaar also described how her mother modeled an autonomous and independent female gender identity. In summary, the women described confidently learning to value themselves as bright and worthy individuals. Eman comments illustrate these messages: My father always taught me like about the importance of knowledge . . .he would, ‘cause, he would, yany (I mean), again it goes back to the nature of like you being a woman or something and whose important. It’s like, um, being smart, being educated, it’s this is more useful to be ... it’s not your name, it’s not your gender, nothing! It’s like how much you know, what do you do [with your knowledge] in your life. This is how important you are. And I got it from him, from him. Encouraging husband and flexible gender roles. In contrast to notions that immigration may lead to pressures to maintain rigid, traditional gender roles, 8 participants described their how their husbands encouraged their education, careers, acculturation, and personal role fulfillment. In contrast to stereotypes about Muslim women’s dependent roles in their marriages, these women generally depicted their spouses as encouraging their educated, independent identities. Six participants also described how their spouses encouraged them to acculturate and learn needed life skills. Haleema: Encourage, he {my husband] encouraged me. [At first], I wouldn’t take the driver’s license because I was scared a little bit, And at that time I was thinking, ‘No, why I'm going to need a car to drive somewhere. I'm going with you always.’ But, really one needs a driver's license here. Salmah: In the beginning, my husband kind of felt how I was apprehensive about it, and he said ‘Let’s try to speak to each other in English at home.’ Additionally, five women directly described the flexible gender roles in their homes. Izdihaar: I mean we were never in a competitive situation, you know, how a husband and wife gets into a competition, that’s what causes problems in the mariage, really. Because the wife is trying to outstand the husband and the husband is trying to outstand the wife. It was not like that. Because we were all, we ‘were very complementary to each other, you know. I mean, there was a time when he was studying and not earning, and I was eaming, you know. And so that was fine with him because he realized that’s the only way. And I said, ‘Look, the main reason of our marriage and me coming here was that I was going to be getting a17 job.” But from there, from very beginning, from Pakistan, I knew that I was going to work. I said look, “Your goal was study.’ . . . So, like we complement each other. You know, he did not take it, he did not look at it badly that, ‘Oh, no. My wife is supporting me.” He didn’t look at it that way. Maybe other people from other cultures, even though they might be Muslims might feel kind of odd that, ‘Oh, my wife is supporting me.’ He didn’t look at it that way. Because it was like my investment in his future. Eman: He [my husband] would support me, athamdulillah, with the kids, with the house and then with the activities. . .. He helped me. So, even if I spent a lot of time outside of the house, of course the house would be messy, so he will be, ‘Ok.’ He will help maybe cleaning the dishes or something like this. .. . Yeah, he always, he would always do whatever I'd ask him to do. Cultural vs. religious gender messages. Seven participants made statements, describing various distinctions between cultural and religious teachings. When describing the clash between culture and religion, the women often focused upon contrasting gender messages. They all clearly denied that the reason for Muslim women’s mistreatment was religiously-based. “You can say that itis something cultural. It is not something related to religion.” Three of the 9 participants directly described how women in their native cultures were not always treated according to true religious teachings. Two more women discussed these concerns less directly. As illustrated within this theme, the participants highlighted how their families rebelled against these cultural practices. When describing more-negative “cultural” gender messages, the women primarily ‘emphasized their observ ion that higher education was not encouraged for women. Positively, several participants described the recent increased educational opportunities afforded women in their native countries. Additionally, when talking about cultural gender messages, two women acknowledged that domestic abuse occurs in some “Muslim” homes and two remarked about women’s greater freedom to drive in America. Three women also noted greater opportunities to participate in mosque activities in America. Out of all the participants, Salmah painted the saddest picture of women’s178 treatment in the Arab world. She identified “cultural ignorance” as the root of the problem: | think I am practicing Islam as a woman, as Islam wants me to practice it, better than I did back home. Because Islam is about equality. Islam is about having duties and having rights at the same time. Where a lot of the times in the Arab countries those rights are just deleted you know for some cultural purposes. So you would see that you know they would not give the women the right to do this, to do that, or to get educated. Alhamdulillah in Lebanon it’s not very bad, you know, especially if you live in a large city. The education is available to everyone. But I know that in a lot of the Arabic countries, women are not given the opportunity to finish their education as Muslim women. That's, I think it’s really the biggest problem, you know ch, ignorance, You know, ignorance, if you’re ignorant, what can you do in your life? So my--being here, I think it made me a better Muslim. I can practice my Islam freely and I can chm, I can still-because Islam does not change over time or over place, so if you study Islam you practice it here as you study it, but in some countries you're not allowed to do so. You’re supposed to follow the cultural beliefs or the customs of that country, In the following statement, Khadija described three reasons why some Muslim women are mistreated, abused, or do not receive all of their rights. Back there, it’s just maybe because of ... not educated people. They don’t have like, you know, their spectrum or perception to the world and how to live in this ‘world is so limited that it should be this way. I mean you could say to ignorance. And some other people like they think [strong emphasis on “think”], they think that this is religion though itis not. I mean they interpret it this way though it’s not. They think that this is from a religious point of view. ‘And some people that they are educated and they know that this is not religion, but they like the control. They like the things to be their way no matter what, whether itis like [they say], you know, ‘In anyway [no matter what}, like this won’t happen unless I allow it or I approve it!” In contrast, Khadija went onto to describe the situation in practicing and educated homes: The people that they are practicing Islam and they are like they are good Muslims, like you know understanding the Islam the way that it should be, you can find it is like one of those successful and happy families there. And like everyone has like the same share of education and opportunities. And they take care of their like daughters like a lot. ... But [can tell you like for those people who are educated and have a wide-spectrum and you know broadly thinking and they think logically and I mean educated too, Because some people they might not have that degrees, high degrees, but they are still educated you know and they have like a very good way how they approach life and think about life and how to deal with things in life. And they are religious at the same time practicing Islam as the way it should be. You will find them from the most successful and happy families over there.179 Khadija cited the fact that her ex-husband was not a practicing Muslim as a possible reason for his abusive actions. Demonstrating her resilience, she maintained high self-esteem and developed a growing confidence in herself and faith, despite his very frequent derogatory attacks. Interestingly, she described her ex-husband as assuming an assimilation acculturative preference, idealizing Westen values. Complicating the picture, even though he privately denigrated Islamic values, he tried to maintain a positive public image in the Muslim community. She painfully recalled his hatred of her scarf and her refusal to discard it. She maintained a firm personal belief in her convictions, demonstrating a high level of differentiation of self (Bowen, 1978): [When we would go out] he would walk far ahead of me. Sometimes I just scream like, ‘Wait for me. Imean, I'm what, what am I to you?’ One of the times, he said, “Just I feel ashamed when I walk with you! I feel like you are my mother,’ because Thave this scarf on my head. I told him, ‘How come you approved this when I was there?” I told you, ‘I put this there because nobody forced me to do it and I’m not putting that there because of people or because of society. I put this. I wear ... the way that I am wearing ... Yeah I might like put some nicer clothes but still like conservative you know. But I do this because I’m not doing it for people or society, or anybody. I do this for God! And you accepted that. You said, ‘Yeah, why not.’ So how come the things here are vice versa, it’s just you are using this against me that I am not changing. Well, God is there and God is here. In contrast to some cultural messages, 6 participants described receiving positive gender messages from their faith, For example, six women emphasized how Islam valued earning throughout the lifespan. Khadija clarified how cultural attitudes, rather than religious teaching, have at times discouraged women from completing higher education. Because in religion they say that you know both men and women they are allowed to learn and it is from their birth day to their death. But you can say that it is like a social thing. . . . So you can say that it’s like something social or like a cultural thing other than like being something religious. ‘The women expressed pride in their identities as Muslim women. Eman explained: It’s like the way that I can show others my identity, strongly. I’m not shy of being a Muslim or wearing a scarf or something. Actually, I'm happy about that.180 Because a lot of people they think as I told you that that lady came to me ... or the way that they approach me and say ‘Oh, I feel sorry for you, you're are wearing the scarfl’ [said dramatically in order to emphasize their misplaced pity] ... and I say, ‘No, no, no, don’t feel sorry! I am not feeling sorry for myself. I am happy!” A few women went on to describe feeling that Muslim women are treated better than their female counterparts in America. For example, when I asked Eman “How has coming to this country changed your sense of yourself as a Muslim woman?” she replied: I can’t say it changed. But, I knew before I came, like as a woman, I am like a man, as yany (I mean), human rights. Um, when I came here, I felt it more. Why? Because, I told you, when I was like, the way that I see others here treating women mostly, I didn’t appreciate it. I didn’t appreciate that. So, I felt like, ‘Ok! Islam really protected me, protected my rights, my rights.’ So, I like kind of felt how important I am, as a woman, when I just came here and saw the opposite. Do you understand me? Kareema similarly described: ‘You feel bad here, so many they don’t know. .. . The Muslim woman she has more respect because she is not to be asked or pushed to work, only if she wants to. And her husband has to pay for her everything, On a related point, when describing ideal Islamic gender and marital roles, Izdihaar stressed the importance on “consultation” within Islam. Mostly whatever he [my husband] did he always talked with me through it. And the one time that he didn’t, that’s when We got into trouble. . . . But, he realized it, you know. I said, ‘Now, nothing you're going to do without me there.’ You know, or, or the final. I said that you can talk it out with somebody but you have to say that you are going to consult my wife. I said, “This is required from Islam.” And then I showed him. I said, “The prophet also, every time he consulted his wives, he didn’t make, you know, a lot of ... and sometimes he definitely he took the wife’s advice, fully.’ .. . So it’s, consultation is there in Islam, all the time ... so husband and wife have to consult with each other, you know. Theme #9—Personal Resilient Strengths This broad theme includes statements made by all the participants, illustrating their personal resilient strengths and coping strategies. The women demonstrated numerous personal resilient strengths that have been previously identified across the literature (e.g.,181 friendly, pro-social personalities; positive affectivity; balanced, positive, and optimistic thinking; determination/perseverance; cognitive-flexibility; and educated/intelligent). Friendly, pro-social personalities. All of the participants described themselves as friendly, sociable persons. They quickly began to participate in their broader social worlds in America, successfully making new friends. Seven of them clearly displayed extraverted personality traits, Since childhood, they remembered having many friends and enjoying the company of others. Khadija’s statement exemplifies these women’s childhood personalities. Asa child, [lived my childhood, by all means. I had like so many friends. [like ‘was all the time outside, We didn’t have like parks or playgrounds. It was just like around the house when they have those you know yards or small lands or you know ... like playing in the neighborhood, stuff like that. So you could say that I lived my life there like very well. All the time, like I didn’t go inside the house, until they call me or they sent one of my brothers or my sister to like pull me from ‘out to go inside. . .. I was opposite to my sister. She was not like that much into playing and going outside and stuff, and always like getting people to come, you know my friends to come and play with me. Sabreen’s remarks illustrate these women’s friendly personalities in America: And we have here good friends, alhamdulillah (Thanks and Praise be to God). We spend good time with each other. .. . Especially here, in our mosque. Many people, we can see a lot, many friends. (Interviewer: Did you meet people at the mosque right away?] Yeah. Yeah. I'm easy to make friends. [laughs] Because I like people and I like to make friends. I can't live by myself like that. [laughs] Additionally, illustrating their pro-social personalities, all of the participants emphasized the importance of “understanding” others, valuing characteristics of tolerance, forgiveness, humility, and patience. Moreover, they displayed a significant amount of empathy towards other Muslims as well as their fellow Americans. Several of the women reflected upon the suffering facing the worlds’ Muslim population and a few voiced their concerns about the then upcoming war build-up in Iraq. Voicing her concern for “innocent civilians” in America and in Iraq, Kareema described her hope for a peaceful solution,182 Yes. Yeah, if actually, even September 11", it was very, very, very bad, We hate it! We don’t want these civilians to be killed. We don’t want these innocent people to be killed. It’s the same thing about the war in Iraq. We don’t want to these innocent people to be killed, Even if we agree that Saddam is a bad person. But, he is really bad, but that doesn’t mean that we have to make war on an innocent people, to let them get killed. And they're still suffering from hunger. They're still suffering from the old war and from the sanctions that they have. So, I hope that the war will be not going on. It can be stopped, inshallah (God willing.) Furthermore, all of the participants stressed the importance of compassion, altruism, and/or generosity, seeming to feel a strong obligation to reach out to lend a helping hand to others. The following response by Eman illustrates this value: “I like to help others. I feel like happy doing this. So I enjoy it.” Surprisingly, 4 participants adamantly refused to accept the gift certificates, sharing their generous desire to donate them instead to needy families. Throughout the interview, the women also displayed a very strong desire to “help” me in different ways (e.g., helping with recruitment). In addition, valuing pro-social activism, six women spontaneously shared a desire to make positive contributions to improve social problems in their communities. Eman comments illustrate this phenomenon very well. Near the conclusion of the interview, she very spontaneously offered the following suggestion: “Maybe you can add a question like, “As women what can you change in the community?’” She went on to describe in the following statements her desire to enhance women’s awareness of their rights in society: Interviewer: Like, what they can change about the societies that they are living in here? [seeking to clarify her spontaneous suggestion] Eman: Yes, and if I have the chance what can I change back home [in Saudi Arabia]. If | want to, have a choice, like for example, I would allow women to drive, It’s true they’re studying, they have their chance to work and they have, they can run their business, their work and all that, But the driving, the driving is so annoying, Why not? [short pause] Here ... we can change as women here, we can help the women here that who are in shelters, like the abused women, from their husbands or something. We can help, and I don’t know. As Muslims, they, they have alot of rights. They don’t know as women we do have these rights. Maybe ‘we can explain to them and tell them, “Yeah, you have this right. Nobody has the183 right ever to treat you this way or something.” Positive Affectivity. All of 9 participants displayed positive affectivity and positive emotions during the interviews. However, some women demonstrated this tendency more than others. In the Handbook of Positive Psychology, Watson (2002) in his chapter entitled “Positive Affectivity” described this as a trait that reflects stable individual differences in positive emotional experience. He wrote: “Individuals high on this dimension experience frequent and intense episodes of pleasant, pleasurable mood; generally speaking, they are cheerful, enthusiastic, energetic, confident, and alert” (p. 106). Furthermore, descriptions of positive emotions often include the following terms: joy, interest, contentment, gratitude, and love (Fredrickson, 2002). For example, 6 participants displayed much joviality throughout their interviews. They strongly focused upon the positives of their new lives in America, often emphasizing, their happiness and joy. Haleema and Kareema’s responses illustrate this phenomenon in clearest ways. Even though Haleema was initially very reluctant to immigrate, she stressed how “happy” she was in America in the following sampling of quotes: ‘Yeah, I was scared. Because the language here is different ... Yeah, but I'm happy here right now. Yeah, I like this city [smiling]. ... Yeah, we're happy here. .. . too many masjids (mosques) are here. That's why, I'm happy here. .. . I’m happy. American people are very good. . .. And I like kids. I was happy, too happy [to be working] with that baby [smiling]. ... And I'm very happy to be a Muslim. .. . I ‘was so happy to grow up with that kind of Muslim parents. Similarly, Kareema repeatedly emphasized how much she “enjoys” life. Even in the face of challenges, all of the participants sought to find the “silver lining within the clouds,” expressing contentment and gratitude. Furthermore, many of the women illustrated the self-assurance dimension of positive affectivity (i.e., confident, strong, daring personalities). Faced with multiple new184 challenges, they did not withdraw away from others or shy away from risks; rather they actively, bravely, confidently, and constructively sought to “tackle” and solve new problems. In fact, the women described themselves as embracing risks and challenges (c.g., “like to challenge myself, to see my ability’-Eman). Furthermore, illustrating their self-efficacy, they proclaimed confident intemal locus of control beliefs such as: “If you work hard, you will get it... When you work hard, you will get good results” (Kareema). The participants demonstrated that cognitions influenced affect and vice versa (c.g, “Lwasn’t too sad because I was thinking like that always”—Haleema; “I was very, very happy to start working here. I was thinking that I have the best job over here.”--Kareema). Recent data have clarified that affect and cognition should no longer be viewed as separate or opposing processes (Isen, 2003). In fact, a growing body of research indicates that positive affect can facilitate effective cognitive processing and improved human interaction in several important ways (Fredrickson, 2001; 2002; Isen). The next four categories in this theme describe the participants’ flexible, constructive cognitions in greater depth. Balanced, positive and optimistic thinking. In addition to displaying positive emotions and affectivity, all of the participants exhibited positive thinking and information processing styles. Interestingly, most of them even personally highlighted the power of “thinking” in influencing one’s behavior and mood. They emphasized the importance of “positive thoughts.” They often made remarks similar to Kareema who gave the following reply when asked what helped her cope with occupational challenges: But it depends about your ... Imean, your thinking about things [emphasis on the word “thinking”]. If you think, ‘I don’t want this work. I want something better. I don’t want. I’m not used to do this, I don’t want it.’ So, you will not find something. Likewise, Eman explained in the following quote how positive thinking helped her adjust: