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doi:10.1093/cdj/bsr044
Advance Access publication 28 June 2011
Sophia Rainbird *
Abstract
This paper explores the way in which service providers in East Anglia,
a region of the United Kingdom, in 2002 2003 represent asylum
seekers as problematic, isolated, and largely vulnerable dependents. In
doing so, support organizations assume an exclusive position of
expertise and knowledge of asylum seekers predicaments. This
exclusivity can be understood as the official explanation [Spivak,
G. C. (1987) In Other Worlds: Essays in Cultural Politics, Methuen,
New York/London, p. 114] put forth by organizations in order to
ensure that they maintain a degree of influence in government policy,
as well as to ensure a competitive edge in the arena of service
provision, and to lobby and advocate the needs of asylum seekers.
This paper explores the paradox of an organized system of support
that works to assist asylum seekers to be independent and yet in
doing so represents asylum seekers as dependent and excludes them
from decision-making processes. However, by considering asylum
seekers speech-acts, we can recognize that what they talk about is in
itself a strategy employed to push the boundaries of their
predicament and to negotiate a possible future. In doing so, the
development of an active dialogue between asylum seekers and the
services that assist them can be considered.
*Address for correspondence: Sophia Rainbird, School of Psychology, Social Work and Social Policy,
University of South Australia, GPO Box 2471, Adelaide, 5001 South Australia, Australia;
email: sophia.rainbird@unisa.edu.au
Community Development Journal Vol 47 No 3 July 2012 pp. 405422
405
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Sophia Rainbird
Introduction
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Co-dependency
Dependency theory originates from the field of economics and is now
largely applied within the field of development studies in order to refer
to, for instance, the treatment of refugees in the refugee camp setting. The
term dependency syndrome refers to social behaviour in the refugee
camp context. Horst describes dependency syndrome as:
[. . .] the provision of assistance [. . .] on external aid [. . .] when refugees
accept handouts without taking any initiatives to attain self-sufficiency.
The syndrome is characterized by symptoms of excessive and
unreasonable demands, frequent complaints, passivity and lethargy.
(Horst, 2001, p. 9)
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Sophia Rainbird
Selective consultation
It could be argued that one exception to the representation of asylum seeker
vulnerability is the consultation that is often sought with asylum seekers.
However, I argue that more often than not, asylum seekers are only consulted when their input will reinforce the official explanation. In this
case, the notion of the official explanation is reinforced and therefore inadvertently further represents asylum seekers as dependent. The decision of
whether or not to consult is often made on behalf of asylum seekers. This
selective consultative approach is bound by the official explanation.
At the time of my fieldwork, few asylum seekers and refugees played an
active role within the support industry in East Anglia. However, there were
some organizations who may rely on asylum seekers in consultative roles.
It is through selective consultation that some asylum seekers are included.
Mr X is one of these people who became a member of the board of directors
at an asylum seeker support organization after playing a consultative role.
I noted in my field diary his explanation of why he was consulted:
Mr X was telling me that he is going to the community cohesion
conference in June and that he had been to the one last year and that it was
really good. He says that he goes to the police constabulary meeting every
so often and they ask his opinion about different issues. He also said that
he had been to a meeting with Mr D and a government minister. He told
413
me that he has also been invited to give a talk at a housing conference held
in Norwich by the council. Mr X says that he has got a lot out of it. He has
gained much more confidence and the ability to speak in front of people.
He said that once he asked Mr D why he takes him and not Mr A. Mr D
said that it was because Mr A was too political and wanted to relate his
experiences to the asylum system, Blair and the government, whereas
people just want to know about the life of an asylum seeker, and this is
what he saw himself as offering.
I am really concerned about consulting. You know that this was one of the
findings of the Fleming report! You cant expect to ask asylum seekers
their opinions about things that would probably not even make any sense
to them and they wouldnt necessarily understand. You have to remember
that asylum seekers have been interrogated by immigration, they are
frightened and vulnerable, and consultation would be just as bad.
This quote clearly shows the difficulty that support workers have in combining the representation of the vulnerable asylum seeker with the
empowered asylum seeker. Ultimately, the worker makes the decision
on behalf of those asylum seekers who they consider to not have the adequate knowledge and confidence.
It could be argued that this discussion about consulting asylum seekers is
reminiscent of an Occidentalist perspective of the other (Said, 1978), in
that the support organizations determine what can be said or done about
asylum seekers. Support organizations make statements about asylum
seekers, authorizing views about asylum seekers, describing asylum
seekers, teaching asylum seekers, and settling asylum seekers (Said,
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Sophia Rainbird
It seems that the Guild report finds that social exclusion is recognized as a
major issue. In order to address a problem such as isolation, organizations
often approach consultation as a way of reinforcing what they already perceive to be a foregone conclusion. In fact, this comment was made to me by
one worker during the gathering of data for the needs analysis that was
commissioned by the multi-agency: I already know what the findings
will be. As Arce and Fisher (2003) point out, much of the information gathered from participants is often done with the outcome already in mind.
The only way for asylum seekers to take part in such discussions is to
bring them into this sphere under their own terms, conditions, and
perspective. Consequently, it seems that consultation is the key factor in
recognizing and therefore addressing issues such as isolation and
support. And yet, if consultation is not incorporated as a knowledge
component for the official explanation, then isolation is not addressed.
1978). The rhetoric that I witnessed stemming from many of the support
workers was authoritative and represented asylum seekers as a singular
homogenized ethnic grouping, whereby we had to decide how they
would be kept, approached, included/excluded. Even talk about how to
include asylum seekers via a reference group was determined during
such meetings according to whether it was feasible, necessary, possible,
or allowable.
However, my point here is that the issue for asylum seekers is not primarily the sphere of rhetoric, language, or action about asylum seekers, but the
relative powerlessness of the recipient vis-a`-vis the helper (Harrell-Bond,
1999, p. 3). Or, to be precise, it is about the positioning of the asylum seeker
vis-a`-vis the official explanation, which has repercussions for asylum
seekers access to networks of support.
While the discussion with the steering group was taking place, isolation
was increasing and was fast becoming the major problem amongst asylum
seekers entering East Anglia. Asylum seekers were to a great extent dependent on a network of support in order to navigate their way into an asylum
seeker community. Through consultation with asylum seekers, support
organizations identified social inclusion and integration as the solution to
isolation. However, social inclusion and isolation were not necessarily
addressed. This was the finding of the Fleming report:
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Asylum seekers are not merely an oppressed minority, rather, they do not
have a fit within the hegemonic discourse the official explanation of
asylum seekers as espoused by support organizations. Asylum seekers
cannot speak within the dominant discourse because their response to
the official explanation does not hold the social or cultural capital for it to
be valued or comprehended independently by the dominant discourse of
the support organizations. Support organizations continue to treat asylum
seekers as lacking knowledge about the asylum system and their opinions
were not including in policies and procedures that affected their welfare.
Consequently, asylum seekers cannot take part in the decision-making
process. Like the subaltern referred to by Spivak, they have to remain in
their role as the subject onto which assistance and benevolent support
could be handed down (Spivak, 1987). As Tomlinson and Egan (2002)
point out, the identity of asylum seekers is largely reliant upon the discussions in which asylum seekers are able to participate, with whom they can
engage, and the nature of the discourses drawn upon in these conversations (2002, p. 1025). In the case of asylum seekers in East Anglia, service
providers did not engage them in such discussions, which ultimately
impacted on their self-perception and identity construction. Cambridge
and Williams point out the distrust towards authorities is intensified
when asylum seekers enter official systems that use alienating language,
concepts and rules (2004, p. 99). Asylum seekers may also attribute that
same distrust to service providers when asking for assistance and often
there is a mutual sense of distrust arising from support workers
(Cambridge and Williams, 2004, p. 99).
So, do asylum seekers remain entirely voiceless? I argue that they do not.
Asylum seekers draw on their own knowledge and experience to devise
new spaces of resistance and to build possible futures. Asylum seekers
have a considerable amount to say (see, for example, Blommaert, 2001;
Maryns and Blommaert, 2001; Maryns 2005a, b; Blommaert, 2009) about
their predicament of seeking asylum and of receiving support from the
British government and associated support services. Take, for example,
the list of issues that Mr Z, an asylum seeker from Iran, came up with.
This list encapsulates the way in which an asylum seekers discussion of
their predicament and relationship to service providers can be a means to
considering their perception of self.
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Sophia Rainbird
Homesickness;
Long wait;
Contact difficulty;
Lack of communications;
Racism;
Labour exploitation by unscrupulous employers;
Home office;
Educational problems;
Language barriers;
Shortage of proper leisure and recreation;
Poor and substandard accommodation;
Poor living area;
Fear and intimidation;
Lack of understanding of the asylum system on the part of the
police;
(18) Opportunistic accommodation managers. (List of issues, Mr Z,
Iranian asylum seeker, 2003)
Mr Z produced this list for his own benefit, in an effort to make sense of his
predicament. However, when discussing the above list of issues with me,
Mr Xs speech-act was emotive in that he conveyed the links between the
practical and the emotional affects of seeking asylum with a voice that
was not silent. Asylum seekers emotive speech-acts are a strategy that
they employ to push the boundaries of their predicament and to negotiate
a possible future. What asylum seekers do have to say is largely in relation
to an asylum seeker identity and the extent to which asylum seekers wish to
relate to this identity or emphasize other aspects of their identity, or, more
likely, a combination of both according to their needs at a particular time
and context. Asylum seekers emotive speech-acts centre on perceptions
of self, often by exploring themes relating to their objectification, community perceptions, their understanding of the system, and in critique of the
system.
Community perceptions
For some asylum seekers, avoiding interaction with locals is one way of
avoiding stigmatization. The external categorization makes many asylum
seekers sensitive to interaction, therefore causing them to limit and
control such contact. As Fuglerud points out, It is when someone has to
speak . . . that conflicts flare up [his emphasis] (1999, p. 105). For example,
when I asked Mrs Q if she thought that people in Great Yarmouth were
friendly, she seemed to think that this was a silly question. She said it
(4)
(5)
(6)
(7)
(8)
(9)
(10)
(11)
(12)
(13)
(14)
(15)
(16)
(17)
417
was the same anywhere. But when she elaborated, I realized that she was
able to remain on good terms with locals by keeping a low profile:
I think that some friendly and some are not. But mostly friendly. Always
I am quiet and smile and say thank you, then there is no problem. Some
refugees only want to make trouble. I no make trouble if I am quiet and
smile and say only please and thank you. I do not want trouble so I say,
no, sorry my English is not good, or I no speak English because I only
want to say hello, you alright? And goodbye! (Mrs Q, Kosovan asylum
seeker, 2003)
Miss P was outraged that her success was attributed to her asylum seeker
identity, rather than other aspects of her identity which she felt were
more congruent to her sense of self.
A Kurdish Iraqi asylum seeker, Mr J, and a Congolese asylum seeker,
Mr E, discussed the use of such labels:
One day, I observed Mrs Qs behaviour to be distinctly altered when speaking to a Zimbabwean student from when she had been speaking with a local
service provider. I observed the service provider speaking in English, very
slowly and carefully to Mrs Q in a manner that emphasized her English as a
marked point of difference. In response, Mrs Q indicated that she could not
understand what the service provider was saying and avoided interacting.
Later, I observed Mrs Q chatting away very easily in English with the
student, who even commented on her excellent use of English. Mrs Q
had no difficulty in understanding the student who spoke to her in a
relaxed and casual manner, and yet she chose not to understand the
service provider at all.
Consequently, Mrs Q employs a low profile for the majority of the time
when interacting with people who reinforce her asylum seeker identity
through their communications with her. Her identity moves within a hierarchy of need, depending on the particular way that she is communicatively
approached.
Thus, the asylum seekers constantly attempt to negotiate and contest
their asylum seeker label despite the lived-reality that binds them during
this liminal period. In some cases, interaction with service providers is
one of suspicion and difference. For example, Miss P was starkly aware
of this despite her efforts to move beyond the constraints of an asylum
seeker identity:
418
Mr J:
Mr E:
Mr J:
Mr E:
. . . if you say that you are a refugee or an asylum seeker, they will
treat you differently.
Differently.
Yeah, we either say we are you know like immigrating to here, or we
are students. Thats all. So we dont say oh we have student visas,
thats all.
But people can be good. But, theyll be treating you like you were
poor, and theyll always want to help you and stuff.
. . . which is quite annoying.
It is annoying! Because I want to live normal, you know.
Yeah. (Mr J Iraqi asylum seeker and Mr E Congolese asylum seeker,
Peterborough, 2003).
Mr J:
Mr E:
Mr J:
Sophia Rainbird
419
You do not get rightful treatment unless you know your rights and you fight for
them. Now, when I walk into Newham, I will not speak to or even see a clerk. I will
go straight to the manager! The big wigs! And if that does not work, the press!
Conclusion
In this paper, I have shown that the relationship between support organizations and asylum seekers seems to be very much dominated by the
support organization vis-a`-vis the representation of asylum seekers as contradictorily vulnerable and yet capable individuals. The support industry
and asylum seekers are embroiled in a relationship of mutual dependency
in order to sustain their respective existences. Support organizations must
build knowledge about asylum seekers predicament in order to form the
official explanation, the official ideology, the structure of possibility of
knowledge whose effect is that very structure (Spivak, 1987, p. 108).
I have drawn attention to the complexity of the asylum seeker/support
organization relationship. As part of the representation of asylum seekers,
support organizations put forward a conflicting notion of asylum seeker
identity as being simultaneously dependent and independent. Acting as
gatekeepers in the representation of asylum seekers, support organizations
can inadvertently perpetuate their social exclusion. It is vital to recognize
that asylum seekers are not solely the vulnerable recipients of aid in
Britain. Rather, asylum seekers actively respond to a stereotype of the
poor, vulnerable asylum seeker through their emotive speech-acts by
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Sophia Rainbird
Acknowledgements
The author would like to thank the people seeking asylum and the service
providers of East Anglia for their invaluable contributions to this research.
The author is also grateful for the advice and comments provided by
Professor John Gray and Dr Andrew Skuse, University of Adelaide.
Funding
This research was funded by the Australian Postgraduate Award (APA) and
the Department of Anthropology Research Grant, University of Adelaide.
421
She currently holds the position of postdoctoral research fellow at the School of Psychology,
Social Work and Social Policy, University of South Australia.
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