Академический Документы
Профессиональный Документы
Культура Документы
How far do the works of Jean of Joinville and James I of Aragon represent
crusading as an integral part of chivalry in the thirteenth century?
Abstract
During the course of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, noble and lesser
European military elites came to identify themselves as a common social
order with similar rights and functions, and a shared code of chevalerie
(knighthood or chivalry). Through analysis of two autobiographical texts, this
article will argue that by the thirteenth century, participation in a crusade was
deeply embedded in the normative behaviour of elite Christian martial groups.
Keywords
Medieval warfare, chivalry, crusading, reconquista
See J. France, Western Warfare in the Age of the Crusades, 1000-1300 (New York, 1999),
p.53; H. Nicholson, Medieval Warfare (Basingstoke, 2004), pp. 5-6, 32; M. Keen, Chivalry
(New Haven and London, 1984), pp.20-1.
2
That is to say participation in a military expedition sanctioned by the papacy, in which
participants took the cross, were granted an indulgence and gained certain rights privileges
for the duration of the campaign. J.S.C. Riley-Smith, What Were The Crusades, 4th edition
(Basingstoke, 2009), pp.2-3.
3
James I of Aragon, The Book of Deeds of James I of Aragon: A Translation from the
Medieval Catalan Llibre dels Fets, trans. J. Smith & H. Buffery (Farham, 2003); Jean of
Joinville, The Life of Saint Louis, Chronicles of the Crusades, trans. C. Smith (London,
2008).
core of chivalry even if, as Helen Nicholson argues, a knight could serve God
without fighting in defence of Christendom.11
was an injunctive and explicit norm. Moreover, crusading was both a suitable
backdrop for deeds and a deed in itself.
It is probable that Joinville wrote the Vie de Saint Louis in two parts.
The crusading chronicle that formed the core of the work may have been
dictated in the early 1270s with the framing sections produced around 1309,
some twelve years after Louis canonisation. 15 Unlike fellow biographer,
William of Chartres, Joinville did not join Louis on the crusade of 1270, so the
crusading section, the focus of this study, was concerned with Louis as a
military leader in the crusade against Ayyubid Egypt in 1248. 16 In comparison
to the limited time Louis spent crusading, James I the Conqueror of Aragon
spent much of his life at war with his Muslim neighbours, and was arguably
one of the most charismatic yet controversial crusaders. Whilst contributing to
the reconquest of Iberia through the liberation of the Balearic Islands,
Valencia and Murcia, and a patron of the arts, he was also a renowned
womaniser and had to accommodate the aspirations of a number of
illegitimate children.17 Unlike Louis IX, James was certainly not a realistic
candidate for canonisation, but, as Robert Burns demonstrates, that is not to
say that he did not have a spiritual life and he clearly perceived knightly
virtues as spiritual ones.18 Ferran Soldevilla argues convincing that the Llibre
15
Joinville, Louis, pp.xxxv-xxxvi. See also C. Smith, Crusading in the Age of Joinville
(Aldershot, 2006), pp.48-58; M.C. Gaposchkin, The Making of Saint Louis: Kingship, Sanctity,
and Crusade in the Later Middle Ages (Ithaca, 2008), pp.182-85.
16
A number of other contemporary biographies exist on Louis, such as those written by his
chaplain, William of Chartres, his confessor, Geoffrey of Beaulieu, William of Nangis, an
anonymous monk of Saint-Denis and William of Saint-Pathus, confessor to Louis wife,
Margaret. See Smith, Crusading, p.41.
17
For a comprehensive bibliography see F. Soldevila, Vida de Jaume I el conqueror, 2nd
Edition (Barcelona, 1969); for older, standard biographies see E.D. Swift, The Life and Times
of James the First, the Conqueror, King of Aragon, Valencia and Majorca, Count of Barcelona
and Urgel, Lord of Montpellier (Oxford, 1894); and, C.R. Beazley, James the First of Aragon
(Oxford, 1890).
18
R.I. Burns, The Spiritual Life of James the Conqueror: King of Arago-Catalonia, 1208-1276:
Portrait and Self-Portrait, The Catholic Historical Review, vol.62 (1976), pp.5-6, 17.
dels Fets was dictated by James I at various stages in his own life, which
makes it one of the very few autobiographical accounts of a medieval
monarch.19 Louis and James stood astride thirteenth century Europe as
influential
and,
sometimes,
competing
figures;
applauded
for
their
F. Soldevila, Les quatre grans crniques (Barcelona, 1971), pp.36-7; see also Burns,
Spiritual Life, pp.5-6; Batlle Gallart, C., and Busqueta Riu, J., La Renovacin de la Historia
Poltica de la Corona Aragn, Medievalismo: Boletn de la Sociedad Espaola de Estudios
Medievales, n.4 (1994), p.164.
20
Richard, J., Saint Louis: Crusader King of France, ed. S. Lloyd (Cambridge, 1992); Burns,
James the Conqueror, pp.1-2.
21
R.I. Burns, How to End a Crusade: Techniques for Making Peace in the Thirteenth-Century
Kingdom of Valencia, Military Affairs, vol.35, n.4 (1971), p.142.
22
Joinville, Louis, p.142 [6]; James, Llibre, pp.223 [270], 270 [358], 281 [376], 296-8 [398,
400], 317 [440].
23
Joinville, Louis, pp.188 [174-5], 184 [155], 200 [220]. For an example of James
recklessness see his Llibre, p.85 [61].
24
P. Archambault, Seven French Chroniclers: Witnesses to History (New York, 1974), pp. 4851; J. Le Goff, Saint Louis, trans. G.E. Gollrad (Paris, 1996), pp.501-3. For examples of
preudommes see Joinville, Louis, pp.185 [162], 186 [168], 188 [173], 202 [229-32], 220
[302], 229 [339]. The term is used by Geoffrey of Villehardouins account of the Conquest of
Constantinople, Chronicles of the Crusades, trans. C. Smith (London, 2008), pp. 25, 55.
25
M., Strickland, War and Chivalry: The Conduct and Perception of War in England and
Normandy, 1066-1217 (Cambridge, 1996), pp.61-2.
26
James, Llibre, pp.81 [57], 87 [63], 104 [81], 106 [84]; Joinville, Louis, pp.220 [300].
Fear of God appears as a strong theme in both texts and sin seemingly
played on James mind, he attributed his Fathers defeat at the battle of Muret
to sin and claimed that it caused a Christian champion to be defeated outside
the walls of Valencia. So James kept his confessor close to hand least, there
was any sin that we had forgotten. At the council of Tarragona, James
recounts the count of Empries words, And recover it [our reputation] we will,
by doing this, if you, with our help, take a kingdom of the Saracens that is in
the sea. Indeed, we will lose all the evil reputation that we have had to bear,
and it will be the best deed that Christians have carried out in a hundred
years. That he believed that crusading would wash away his sins is also
clearly represented, we would free ourselves from mortal sin one way or the
other, and that we would serve God so well that day and in that conquest that
He would pardon us.27 In Joinvilles account, Gods judgment fell swiftly upon
his six knights who were discussing the fate of their companions wife the
night after his death. All six were either killed dead or mortally wounded
themselves the following day.28
Joinville and James represented themselves as pious men, but in
Joinville it is a piety that was more in accord with chansons than religious
tracts. His priest enjoyed some renown following a skirmish against the
Muslims and Joinville admired James of Castel, bishop of Soissons, for he
was not only a martyr, but who also spurred on his horse to attack the Turks
all alone.29 Here we see deeds completed by people who were the hybrid of
cleric and warrior like Turpin in the Song of Roland. In comparison, for
27
James, Llibre, pp.24 [9], 72 [49], 198 [224], 225 [273], 311 [426].
Joinville, Louis, p.219 [297].
29
Joinville, Louis, pp.210 [258], 242 [393].
28
James deeds were not purely acts of chivalry, they were the military
equivalent of the works demanded by Scripture, My lord Saint James relates
that faith without good works is dead. Our Lord wished this saying to be
confirmed in our deeds. James leads his men to Majorca, in the faith of God
and for those that do not believe in Him, going against them for two reasons:
to convert them or to destroy them, and to return that kingdom to the Faith of
Our Lord. As we go in the name of God, we are confident that he will guide
us.30 Yet neither James nor Joinville represented the miraculous to any great
degree within their works. 31 These are accounts with their feet firmly on the
(battle)ground where deeds were the currency of knighthood.
Both sources also turned to their faith in time of trial, James praying as
his fleet is hit by a squall that God should, save me, and those who go with
me, from this danger and difficulty in which I find myself and Joinville
exhorting his men during an artillery bombardment to, get down on your
knees and elbows, and pray to Our Lord that he might protect us from this
danger.32 However, James considered that his military success was Godgiven, Our Lord had favoured us so greatly, that though there had been other
kings in our position who were as good or better than us, He had never
wished to concede that grace nor give to any of the others the victory that we
had gained [in Valencia].33 Given the tone of the text, one finds it hard to
disagree with Robert Burns who argues that, whilst some of James
30
10
expressions match conventional pieties, many put James will on a level with
Gods. As James replied to rebel nobles when they said it would be as God
willed, God wills what we tell you. 34 Even with this last statement in mind, one
can see a perspective of God as testing the faith of his servants and their
proving their worth through deeds.
34
11
38
J.S.C. Riley-Smith, The First Crusaders, 1095-1131 (Cambridge, 1997), pp.6, 63-4.
Smith, Crusading, p.83; James, Llibre, p.74 [51].
40
Chanson dAspremont cited in Keen, Chivalry, p.51.
41
Joinville, Louis, pp.205 [239], 221 [306], 228 [334]. Louis confirmed the existence of
apostate knights in his letter of 1250, see Jackson, The Seventh Crusade, p.112.
42
Burns, James the Conqueror, p.10; James, Llibre, pp.49-50 [31].
39
12
mans day of death is preordained. 43 Whilst God might judge, knights had the
power to influence that decision through their deeds.
Unlike prevailing dogma, Joinville or James did not represent their
suffering as a means to relive Christs self-sacrifice on the Cross. 44 Not-withstanding his own trials, Joinville only explicitly linked Louis suffering with the
crucifixion, such as when his ship ran aground, during the period of captivity
and on the journey home. 45 It is not a theme one finds represented in the
Llibre. James understood that, He who does not give what grieves him, does
not get what he wants, but he wanted the suffering to fall elsewhere. 46
Moreover, in contrast to the view promoted by the Church, Joinville and
James both confer the status of martyr on those who fell in battle during a
crusade. In the prologue, Joinville regrets that Louis was not a martyred saint.
Similarly, Joinville represents the lord of Brancion praying to God to die in
your service, so that I may enter your kingdom in Paradise. 47 James reflects
this perspective, of the invasion of Majorca he had the bishop of Barcelona
say, those who die in this deed will do so in the name of Our Lord and they
will receive paradise, where they will have everlasting glory for all time.
During the conquest of Valencia, James persuaded his uncle to go to his
death, if you die in Gods service and in ours, you shall certainly obtain
paradise.48 It is a sentiment also found in other texts, such as the reaction of
Robert of Crsques when confronted by overwhelming odds described in
The Templar of Tyre, he had come across the sea in order to die for God in
43
Joinville, Louis, pp.209 [253], 210 [255], James, Llibre, p. 221 [266].
Smith, Crusading, p.106.
45
Joinville, Louis, pp.152 [39], 236 [367], 301 [622].
46
James, Llibre, p.211 [244].
47
Joinville, Louis, pp.142 [5], 215 [278].
48
James, Llibre, pp. 86 [62], 209 [241].
44
13
the Holy Land, and that he was going into battle no matter what. 49 In
presenting military service to God as the ultimate knightly duty and the value
of crusading martyrs, the texts reinforce the importance of crusading within
the chivalric code.
49
Anon., The Templar of Tyre: part III of the Deeds of the Cypriots, trans P. Crawford
(Aldershot, 2003), pp.54-5.
50
James, Llebre, pp. 83 [60], 89 [64],116 [97], 129 [117].
51
Joinville, Louis, pp.199-200 [218-9], 206 [244-5], 209 [254], 257 [454].
14
52
James, Llibre, pp.83 [66], 115 [95], 129 [117], 137 [127].
Keen, Chivalry, pp.5, 49.
54
Joinville, Louis, pp.207 [247], 213 [271]; Verbruggen, Art of Warfare, pp.65, 71.
53
15
16
with epic heroes, and the pride taken in having a crusading heritage
demonstrates that participation in a crusade was at the core of chivalry. Yet, it
was a code that placed value in merit so that even a pagan enemy who
performed a deed deserved recognition.
CONCLUSIONS
It is quite probable that there were well-understood conventions about the
representation of chivalric deeds and events may not have unfolded as
portrayed in the texts. Whether or not sources ever provide accurate
information about the events as they were actually experienced, they encode
well-understood conventions about displaying chivalric deeds in certain
settings. Battle was presented as a judicial ordeal in which deeds allowed the
valiant knight to influence the arbitrator of victory - God. Representations of
chivalric deeds were the product of systems of representation in which
crusading became the significant manifestation of divine will. As a crusader, a
knight performed service to God as he might serve his earthly liege lord, but
with the reassurance of martyrdom should he fall in battle or die as a result of
his wounds.
By the thirteenth century, crusading touched upon the extensive kinship
networks of the martial classes and the concepts of feud and family came into
play further drawing crusading into the centre of chivalric practice. Yet the
same forefathers also represented powerful role models who, along with
members of the military orders, came to challenge the influence of traditional
epic exemplars. In sponsoring military expeditions and dispensing spiritual
17
rewards to participants, through the Crusades, the Church facilitated the mix
of a warrior ethos that glorified individual violence with the ideal of selfsacrifice in defence of Christendom. By the thirteenth century, however,
knights had developed their own understanding of crusading and had
integrated it into their (chivalric) code of conduct.
18
Bibliography
Primary Sources
Anon., Chronicle of the Third Crusade: a translation of the Itinerarium
peregrinorum et gesta Regis Ricardi, trans. H.J. Nicholson (Aldershot,
1997).
Anon., The Song of Roland, ed. & trans. G.S. Burgess (London, 1990).
Anon., The Song of William, Epics of the Middle Ages, trans. M. Newth, ed.
R. Barber (London, 2004), pp. 103-94.
Anon., The Templar of Tyre: part III of the Deeds of the Cypriots, trans. P.
Crawford (Aldershot, 2003).
Geoffrey of Villehardouin, The Conquest of Constantinople, Chronicles of the
Crusades, trans. C. Smith (London, 2008).
Geoffroi de Charny, A Knights Book of Chivalry, trans. E. Kennedy
(Philadelphia, 2005).
James I of Aragon, The Book of Deeds of James I of Aragon: A Translation
from the Medieval Catalan Llibre dels Fets, trans. J. Smith & H. Buffery
(Farnham, 2003).
James I of Aragon, Llibre dels Fets, Les quatre grans crniques, ed. F.
Soldevila (Barcelona, 1971).
Jean of Joinville, The Life of Saint Louis, Chronicles of the Crusades, trans.
C. Smith (London, 2008).
Jean of Joinville, The Life of Saint Louis, Chronicles of the Crusades, trans.
M.R.B. Shaw (London, 1963).
Johans, History of William Marshal, trans. S. Gregory, ed. A.J. Holden &
historical notes by D. Crouch, 3 Vols. (London, 2002-7).
19
Ramon Lull, Book of Knighthood and Chivalry & the Anonymous Ordene de
Chevalerie, trans. W. Caxton & B.R. Price (2001).
Secondary Sources
Adams, J.duQ., Modern Views of Medieval Chivalry, 1884-1984, The Study
of Chivalry: Resources and Approaches, ed. T.H. Seiler and H.D.
Chickering (Michigan, 1988), pp.41-89.
Alvira Cabrer, M., Guerra e ideologa en la Espaa del siglo XIII: la conquista
de Mallorca segn la crnica de Bernat Descot, Espaa Medieval, vol. 19
(1996), pp. 37-50.
Archambault, P., Seven French Chroniclers: Witnesses to History (New York,
1974).
Barber, M., The Two Cities: Medieval Europe, 1050-1320, 2nd Edition (London,
2004).
Barber, R., The Knight and Chivalry, 2nd Edition (Woodbridge, 1995).
Batlle Gallart, C., and Busqueta Riu, J., La Renovacin de la Historia Poltica
de la Corona Aragn, Medievalismo: Boletn de la Sociedad Espaola de
Estudios Medievales, vol. 4 (1994), pp. 159-88.
Belenguer, E., Jaume I a travs de la histria, 2 vols. (Valencia, 1984).
Bennett, M., The Medieval World at War (London, 2009).
Bennett, M., Virile Latins, Effeminate Greeks and Strong Women: Gender
Definitions on Crusade, Gendering the Crusades, ed. S.B. Edgington & S.
Lambert (Cardiff, 2001), pp. 16-30.
20
21
Burn, R.I., How to End a Crusade: Techniques for Making Peace in the
Thirteenth-Century Kingdom of Valencia, Military Affairs, vol. 35, n. 4
(1971), pp. 142-8.
Burns, R.I., A Medieval Income Tax: The Tithe in the Thirteenth-Century
Kingdom of Valencia, Speculum, vol. 41, n. 3 (1966), pp. 438-52.
Carey, B.T., Warfare in the Medieval World (Barnsley, 2006).
Claster, J.N., Sacred Violence, The European Crusades to the Middle East
1095-1396 (Toronto, 2009).
Constable, G., Crusaders and Crusading in the Twelfth Century (Farnham,
2008).
Contamine, P., War in the Middle Ages, trans. M. Jones (Oxford, 1984).
Cowell, A., The Medieval Warrior Aristocracy, Gifts, Violence, Performance
and the Sacred (Cambridge, 2007).
Crouch, D., The Birth of Nobility: Constructing Aristocracy in England and
France, 900-1300 (London, 2005).
Crouch, D., William Marshall: Knighthood, War and Chivalry, 1147-1219, 2nd
Edition (London, 2002).
Deutch, M., and Gerard, H.B., A Study of Normative and Informational Social
Influence upon Judgment, Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, vol.
51 (1955), pp. 629-636.
Durlauf, S.N. and Blume, L.E., New Palgrave Dictionary of Economics, 2nd
Edition (London, 2008).
Flori, J., Knightly Society, The New Cambridge Medieval History, vol. IV, part
1, c.1024-c.1189, ed. D.E. Luscombe & J.S.C. Riley-Smith (Cambridge,
2004), pp. 148-84.
22
Fiske, A.P. and S.T., Social Relationships in Our Species and Cultures,
Handbook of Cultural Psychology, ed. S. Kitayama & D. Cohen (New York,
2007), pp. 283-306.
France, J., Western Warfare in the Age of the Crusades 1000-1300 (New
York, 1999).
Gillingham, J., War and Chivalry in the History of William the Marshall,
Anglo-Norman Warfare, ed. M. Strickland (Woodbridge, 1992), pp. 251-63.
Hall, S. Representation: Cultural Representations and Signifying Practices
(Newbury Park, CA, 1997).
Hall, S. (ed.), Cultural Representations and Signifying Practice (London,
1997).
Housley, N., Fighting for the Cross, Crusading to the Holy Land (London,
2008).
Howard, M., War in European History (Oxford, 1976).
Jordan, W.C., Louis IX and the Challenge of the Crusade, A Study in
Rulership (Princeton, 1979).
Kaeuper, R.W., Holy Warriors, The Religious Ideology of Chivalry
(Pennsylvania, 2009).
Kaeuper, R.W., Chivalry and Violence in Medieval Europe (Oxford, 1999).
Keegan, J., The Face of Battle (London, 1976).
Keen, M., Chivalry (New Haven and London, 1984).
Kelley, H.H., The Two Functions of Reference Groups, Readings in Social
Psychology, 2nd edition, ed. G.E. Swanson, T.M. Newcomb and E.L. Hartley
(New York, 1955), pp. 410-14.
Kelman, H. Compliance, Identification, and Internalization: Three Processes
23
24
Stacy, R., Nobles and Knights, The New Cambridge Medieval History, vol. V,
c.1198-c.1300, ed. D. Abulafia (Cambridge, 1999), pp. 23-5.
Strickland, M., ed., Armies, Chivalry and Warfare in Medieval Britain and
France. Proceedings of the 1995 Harlaxton Symposium (Stamford, 1998).
Strickland, M., War and Chivalry, The Conduct and Perception of War in
England and Normandy, 1066-1217 (Cambridge, 1996).
Torres, J., La reconquista de Murcia en 1266 por Jaime I de Aragn (Murcia,
1987).
Vale, M., War and Chivalry (Oxford, 1981).
Verbruggen, J.F., The Art of Warfare in Western Europe During the Middle
Ages: From the Eighth Century to 1340, trans. S. Willard & S.C.M.
Southern (Amsterdam, 1977).
Weiss, D.H., Art and Crusade in the Age of Saint Louis (New York, 1998).
25