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VIEWPOINT
Editor
B .S. Biko
CONTENTS
Introduction
Black Development
Njabulo Ndebele
13
33
Kwa-Zulu Development
Chief M.G . Buthelezi
49
61
Rcyuests for permission to reproduce articles from this publication either in whole or
in part should he addressed to the editor .
NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS
Njabulo Ndebele
is a final year
University of
and
President ot U
C .M .C . Ndamse
Chief M .G . Buthellezi
Bennie A. Khoapa
INTRODUCTION
Editor
IT IS SIGNIFICANT that in a country peopled to the extent of
75% by blacks and whose entire economic structure is supported
and maintained, willingly or unwillingly, mainly by blacks, we find
very few publications that are directed at, manned by and produced
by black people.
Black Viewpoint is a happy addition by the Black Community
Programmes to all those publications that are of great relevance to
the black people. Our relevance is meant to be in the sense that we
communicate to blacks things said by blacks in the various
situations in which they find themselves in this country of ours . We
have felt and observed in the past, the existence of a great vacuum
in our literary and newspaper world . So manyy things are said so
often to us, about us and for us but vervseldom by us.
This has created a dependency mood amongst us which has given
rise to the present tendency to look at ourselves in terms of how we
are interpreted by the white press . In the process, a lot of us have
forgotten that the values and attitudes of newspapers are governed
largely by the values and attitudes of both their readership and of
their financial supporters - who in the case of the white press in
South Africa, are whites . Therefore, when we read of a report of
any speech or incident which focuses on blacks, we usually find it
accompanied by interpretative connotations in terms of stress, headlines, quotations and other journalistic nuances, that are calculated
to put the report in a particular setting for either consumption or rejection by the reader.
One must quickly add that the moral of the story is not that we
must therefore castigate white society and its newspapers. Any
Introduction
BLACK
DEVELOPMENT
Ndebele: Black Development
13
BLACK DEVELOPMENT
Njabulo Ndebele
1.
THE PROBLEM
14
15
the white race in our country seeks to perpetuate and unnatural condition . It is important, therefore, to realise that nature is on the side
of the blacks . It is important, furthermore, that the blacks cultivate
and develo a philosophy of nature and of life that will centre
around the concept of human worth and human.dignitytot'only
whence yaltti our own selves do we find it necessary to struggle for
the preservation and theassertion of that which is valuable in us .
II.
Politics is the quest for and the use of power ; and society is the
interaction of various power-groups . This view of politics and
society is what I may descrihe as a functional view in terms of our
human circumstances in this country . It is functional in the sense
that it is a necessary view to hold in the creation of a practical
attitude towards the assessment of our condition . We blacks must
sit down to examine the various power-groups in our midst, with a
view to finding out which of these groups can be most effective and
relevant towards our necessary, and hence natural, struggle for a
more meaningful participation in the shaping of our country's
dcstinv.
It goes without saying, therefore, that there is a hierarchy of
power-groups in a political structure . But all these groups have one
thing in common - the desire to propagate a point of view which
must be acceptable to a great number of individuals . The highest
power-group is that which has been granted the right and, at the
same time, the privilege to rule a people . In seeking the greatest
power that man can ever wield, this group is conventionally referred
to as the political group or party . There are other power-groups
which are normally rcitrrcd to as social groups, that is to say,
smaller groups which by virtue of' their existence, natural necessity
and interaction determine the nature of a community of people i .e .
ctdtural groups, educational groups, religious groups, industrial
groups, sports groups and others . An important characteristic of
these social groups is that they may not necessarily be in conflict
with one another, for cacti seeks to assert itself in its own field of
interest
16
There are social divisions among the blacks, which are of a universal nature . Such are those which exist between rural and urban
blacks . The former, who in the history of many social and political
revolutions have often been regarded as having the greatest
potential as an agent or as an instrument for the mobilisation of
human forces towards social, political and economic reforms, are
virtually a dormant group in South Africa . This group, whose members are known as peasants, is mostly to be found in small rural
ethnic concentrations either in reserves or in the small towns
bordering the reserves . Where the towns are far from the reserves
but not very far from the big towns, the peasants of a particular
rural area may be made up of several ethnic groups living together
and working for the same white farmer . The existence of these
people has more often than not been an embarrassment to the
urban blacks whose relative social advancement has tended to make
them wish to forget their wretched past, constantly being brought to
I~ bythepeasant and his companion, the migrant labourer.
The peasants_ on the white farms have almost no political consciousness . Their day is rigidly scheduled according to some form of
' compulsory routine. They have accepted, either consciously or subconsciously, the fact that they are not working for their own betterment ; rather, they are working for a white master who seems to
have a right to benefit from their labours . They have no social
security . They do not own land . They can be driven away from the
farms almost at the whim of their white master. Even their very survival is not as important as the survival of their master . Theirs is the
life of insignificance, of diseases, of ignorance . -Their whole personal
orientation is geared towards serving their master. They are grateful
that their master allows them to build =rusted zinc lean-to's half
a mile away from the master's mansion . They are human
possessions which the white master does not value .
Indeed, he does not even value their labour, as such, for he
accepts their labour as much as he accepts the fact of breathing .
You only value the process of breathing when your lungs are in
trouble . Before then, your lungs are some aspect of yourself that
you seldom think of in your life. That is the extent to which human
in have been reduced - mere insignificance .
et, in spite of all his apparent degradation, we would be wrong
17
18
Ndebele: Black Development
19
20
Ndebele: Black Development
21
22
25
26
27
Mbaganga cannot make one think seriously about life : the same
applies to soul music as it is played by South African blacks. Black
musicians must study the kind of music we have and improve on it .
Drama, that great art form of human expression, is still very poor.
It portrays the trivial aspirations of frustrated people without
making the people want to outlive such trivialities . The blacks must
ignore the white critic who says that drama is not a black art form .
Drama is a universal art form, and the black playwright must
develop on the dramatic events peculiar to his environment . The
blacks must ignore the frustrated black journalist who says that
South African blacks must win the political kingdom first before
they begin to create artistic works of any meaning and merit. Indeed, it is the great art works that inspire a bondaged people
towards seeking freedom . An imaginative exploration of the
miserable human conditions in which people live, touches the fibre
of revolt in them ; the fibre that seeks to reassert human dignity . Indeed, an inielicctual awakening is a vital pre-requisite to any
signiticant social change.
28
THE NEW
DAY
C. M . C. Ndamse is a distinguished
educationist and former lecturer at the
University of Fort Hare.
C .M .C. Ndamse
PRINCE BISMARCK once said that one-third of German
university students broke down from overwork, another third
broke down from dissipation, while the other third ruled Germany .
I do not know which third of the student body is here tonight, but
I am confident that I am talking to the future rulers of this country,
and also of the free countries who may have come to this centre of
freedom.
It is my belief that this institution is not only interested in turning
out mere corporation lawyers, skilled accountants or entomologists. What it is interested in, and this I hope is true of every
university, is in turning out citizens of the world, men who comprehend the difficult, sensitive tasks that lie before them as free men
and women, men who are willing to commit their energies to the
advancement of a free society . That is why you are here.
Dr Bracken is still alive . My remarks on and references to him
must naturally be limited . Here we have a statesman who eloquently proved the difference between a statesman and a politician .
A statesman thinks and prepares for the next generation . The
politician thinks and prepares for the next general election . Here we
have a politician who has eschewed mud-slinging, and always
fought with clean hands. Here we have an educationist whose name
has been a password from generation to geheration . He is one of the
Delivered at Edgar Brookes Academic and Human Freedom
Lecture for 1972 at University of Natal, Pietermaritzhurg, on
Friday May Sth, 1972 .
Executive Head
of Organisation:
Purpose of
Organisation:
President
To concern itself with social Welfare
development in the Black community .
To unite all Black and
social workers .
To encourage
promote the active
participation of trained social workers in welfare agencies, and Black self-help organisations whose goal is to alleviate distress
and poverty in the Black community .
To advise and co-ordinate to
the work and
activities oft branches to
and
guide these
branches with respect
their programmes
including branch meetings, conferences,
institutes and seminars .
To collect and administer funds for the
furtherance of the objects of the association.
To seek representation on Social Welfare
bodies, government institutions, commissions and councils dealing with particular social problems.
To en
and foster co-operation and
where desirable
rable to affiliate with other organisations with similar interests, aims and
objects .
29
35
end. I may say that I fully agree with Paul Sauer, when after Sharpeville he said : 'The old book has closed and a new one has begun' . So
profound are the changes and upheavals. But I fully realise that
there is nothing more difficult to share and perhaps easier to refute,
than a particular angle of vision on human affairs . Historical
change and changes in the circumstances in and of man have a way
of deluding the observers .
It may be that the complexity of our times comes from the fact
that many processes are going on simultaneously. There is a definite
setback in the political control exercised by the peoples of Western
Europe for centuries. The people of Western Europe committed the
fatal mistake of associating political control with the 'white colour' .
The black world has been asserting its rights with ever-increasing
determination .The Declaration of Human Rights means more to
the blacks than many people realise or care to know . The blacks are
now aware of their numerical superiority . They have watched with
glee the struggle between the United States and Russia - the
Colossus of Europe, in Smuts's words . They have evolved the
doctrine of non-alliance . They have used the United Nations
Organisation to good advantage . There is above all the dramatic
phenomenon, the new discovery by the black peoples : Black
Consciousness. May I in passing sound this warning that wise men
ignore this new development at their own peril . Another process
was a world-wide expansion of the technological and egalitarian
revolution which Western Europe set in motion - the West Europeans have changed everything because as their dominion grew,
they invented and carried through the decisive modern revolutions
based on the drives of equality, science, technology and fair play .
The white man's transformation affected everybody else . They
began, perhaps not without cause, to think well of themselves . They
forgot the cardinal lesson . They are no exception . They foamed
dry about their civilising mission. Had they not rescued peoples
from barbarism, converted the heathen, whatever that meant, and
made three blades of grass grow where none grew before? They even
claimed some special endowment and privilege for the colour of
their skin. Western civilisation and Christianity were synonymous .
The converted were, however, not allowed to discuss the ills of this
world. Golden seats awaited them in the world to come.
This did not go on without being noticed . Cetwayo, the Zulu
King, expressed himself succinctly . Referring to the activities of the
white people, he said, 'First come missionary, then come rum, then
come traders, then come army'. But Cecil Rhodes expressed himself
more clearly, 'I would rather havee more land than niggers' . Con-
36
quest and power do not confer intrinsic value . That lies in Man's
being alone, the humanity he shares with all God's creatures. The
fact that the two world wars were conducted by men of white skin
tells only that during that period, they had the edge in strength,
weaponry and new techniques. Indeed, if at time, to be in terms of
superiority, we would all be living in a well-ordered Utopia . Our
world is still largely what they made it to be . The confusion and
violence in which our planet is now immersed suggests that the
Europeans are not supermen . They are men, and so are all the inhabitants of this globe . Mankind, I believe, will have a special
chapter for the period in history when a leading nation in the west
dropped the hydrogen bomb on Hiroshima .
The new day we crave for replaces the old day . We choose to forgive and forget the past . Let us close the old books Let us search
ourselves . Let us find out who the real lovers of our
fand are . Let us
be clear as to who the enemies of our land are. Where do you place
those who even in spite of themselves, are prepared to spend and to
be spent to improve race relations? Where do you place those who
boast? May I crave for indulgence in my plea for the consideration
of the black worker!!
The black people are forced to labour under circumstances which
are calculated riot to inspire them with love and respect for labour.
This constitutes a part of the reason why it is necessary to emphasise the matter of industrial education as a means of giving the
black man the foundation of a civilisation upon which he will grow
and prosper . Mere training of the hand without the culture of brain
and heart would mean little . The effort must he to make the
millions of blacks self-supporting, intelligent, economical and
valuable citizens as well as to bring about the proper relations between them and the white citizens among whom they will continue
to live . With proper preparation and with sufficient foundation, the
black man possesses the elements out of which men of the highest
character and usefulness can be developed .
Lessons shall be applied honestly, bravely, in laying the
foundation upon which the black man can stand in the future and
make himself a useful, honourable and desirable citizen, whether he
has his residence in the urban areas or in the homelands . I am black .
I know the black man pretty well - him and his needs, his failures
and his success, his desires and the likelihood of their fulfilment - I
have studied the relations with our white neighbours, and striven to
find how these relations may be more conducive to the general
peace and welfare of both the black man and of the country at 1<rrgc .
I am not minimising the attempts that are being made . But the
37
38
39
40
night, the British Broadcasting Corporation, echoing the declaration of the Atlantic Charter, beamed in constant refrains 'we
fight for freedom'.
On the front line the black man did all to save a white brother . At
home the wheels of progress rolled on and there is not a single
attempt to sabotage the war effort reported on the part of a black
man .
1 submit it to the candid and sober judgment of all men, are not a
people capable of such a taste, such transformation, such
endurance, such long-suffering not worth recognising? We crave for
recognition and not tolerance . We call upon South Africa to help us
to help them. One of the clarion calls we are called upon to make is
that our nation with might and main should open the floodgates of
educational opportunities.
For this we need honest men who will face the stark realities of
the situation . There are those among both black and white who
assert with a good deal of earnestness, that there is no difference between the white man and the black man . This sounds very pleasant
and tickles the fancy . But when the test of hard, cold logic is applied
to it, it must be acknowledged that there is a difference - not an inherent one, not a racial one, but a difference growing out of unequal
opportunities in the past and a=nt .
Of course these days it is common knowledge that there is no inherent inferiority on the part of the black man . Some years ago the
black man foamed dry trying to prove that he had as much brain
and intelligence as the white man . If I were provoked, I would be inclined to say that under given circumstances, the black child has
better brains than the white child.
Consider the prenatal care that is given to an average white child,
how the mother is fed, cared for, and nursed . Consider the care
taken in a nursing home or hospital . Consider the nursing the baby
is given . A balanced diet awaits the baby. Hygienic conditions
surround both mother and baby .
On the other hand the black child is born of an ill-fed mother.
Often the black child is born in a thatched rondavel kitchen filled
with smoke . At times the rondavel is infested with vermin . Almost
all the facilities and amenities taken for granted for the white child
are conspicuous by their absence . As he grows he hardly has toys .
There is no children's literature .
There is no radio. The black child and the white child go to
school. It has happened that these have found themselves on the
campus of Natal University . At some stage the two write the same
examination and obtain the same grade . The question may be
41
asked, if the conditions were the same from the beginning, what
would be the position? The highest test of civilisation of any nation
is its willingness to extend a helping hand to the less fortunate . A
nation, like an individual, lifts itself up by lifting others up . Surely
no people ever had a greater chance to exhibit the fortitude and
magnanimity than is now presented to the people of South Africa .
It requires little wisdom or statesmanship to repress, to crush out,
to retard the hopes and aspirations of a people.
But the highest and most profound statesmanship is shown in
guiding and stimulating a people so that every fibre "the body and
soul shall be made to contribute in the highest degree to the usefulness and ability of the nation . It is along this line that 1 pray God
the thoughts and activities of this audience may be guided . We must
all recognise the world-wide fact that the black man must be led to
see and feel that he must make every effort possible in every way
possible, to secure the friendship, the confidence, the co-operation
of his white neighbour in South Africa . However, 1 am =from
the white man has no respect for a black man who does not act from
principle . In some way the white man must be led to see that it is to
his interest to turn his attention more and= to the making of
laws that will, in the truest sense, elevate the black man . One of the
greatest questions which our youth must face in South Africa is the
proper adjustment of the new relations of the races . It is a question
which must be faced calmly, quietly, dispassionately and the new
day has dawned to rise above party, above race, above colour,
above sectionalism, into the region of duty of man to man, of South
African to South African, of Christian to Christian .
The black people will fight for the maintenance of their identity .
Yet we should surely admit that we are one in this country . The
question of the highest citizenship and the complete education of
all, concerns all people in South Africa . When one race is strong the
other is strong. When one is weak, the other is weak .
There is no power that can separate our destiny . Indignities and
petty practices which exist in many places injure the white man and
inconvenience the black man . No race can wrong another race,
simply because it has the power to do so, without being permanently injured in its own morals . The black man can, as he has
often done, endure the temporary inconvenience, but the injury to
the white man is permanent . It is for the white man to save himself
from this degradation that I plead . If a white man insults a black
man, ill-trcats him, despises him, it is the white man who is permanently injured . Vexation of spirit comes to the black man
discriminated against or hurt, but death of morals - death of the
42
43
Mr President, let me say that millions of black hands will aid you
in pulling the load upward, or they will pull against you the load
downwards. The blacks will constitute a fraction and more of the
ignorance and crime in South Africa or a fraction of its intelligence
and progress . They shall contribute to the business and industrial
prosperity of South Africa, or they shall prove a veritable body of
45
KWA-ZULU
DEVELOPMENT
49
KWA-ZULU DEVELOPMENT
Chief M .G . Buthelezi
IN SOUTH AFRICA, this is one of those rare occasions where
people meet across the colour line not as masters and servants but
as fellow compatriots to commw~icate . This is not to deny the fact
that I came here as a representative of the underdogs of this land
who are the servant-class of South Africa, and whether we like this
or not you represent the master-crass of this land on whom my
people depend for a living .
It was suggested that I should in my short talk deal with '1 -hit
Current Fconomic Situation and how it Affects the Zulu Homeland' . I must say that with all due respect for this suggestion, I am
no eamomist . I will, however, do my best to present in as few words
as possible the picture as I sec it from the point of view of a black
man in the street .
As a historian I will be excused for reading a bit of well-known
history of our land, because I believe that one can never sec things
in their proper perspective, save against the wider canvas of the
history of the land . This is regardless of whatever one wants to look
at, be it political issues, cutturtl or social prohlems . This applies
equally to our economic ills. As a layman I cannot make pretensions that I can offer a diagnosis or even hazard a guess at any
cures for our economic ills in KwaZulu.
However, biting a representative of the patient, I can at least describe the pains, particularly the very sharp ones around the twnmy
which arc so excruciatingly painful! Fven the doctor needs this to
arrive al an accurate diagnosis .
As early as 1880 The Nnral Witness disputed the suggestion that
't,lrhe.cs
1,1 .1(1/tnanesIn",
50
Africans had any right to consider Natal as their country: 'They are
here as immigrants on sufferance, and not as citizens'. This was
after the Zulu War, when even Zulu territory north of the Thukela
was fragmented deliberately in order 'to break the Zulu power once
and for all', in the words of Sir Bartle Frere and Zulu Territory was
opened up by the conquerors for white occupation . This was not
peculiar to Natal, but happened throughout this southern-most
point of Africa.
My people were at first self-sufficient because there was enough
to eat and no problems of population explosion . This too was soon
brought to an end by the new conquerors who called-upon Chiefs to
supply young men to work on what was then known as Isibhalo .
They were in other words forced to sign contracts to come to places
like Johannesburg and Kimberley and other industrial areas to
build the white industrial empires that we see in full bloom in all the
metropolitan areas of South Africa . Taxation was one of the
methods used to force Africans to move into urban areas to work .
The tragedy deepened when even in the urban areas my people
found themselves regarded as temporary sojourners who were there
on sufferance, only to minister to the reasonable wants of whites .
According to the 1852-1853 Commission Report it was recommended that 'All kaffirs should be ordered to go decently
clothed. This measure would at once tend to increase the number of
labourers because, as they would be obliged to work to procure the
means of buying clothing, it would also add to the general revenue
of the Colony through Customs Duties' .
Coming to the question of the so-called Homelands, as early as
1849 Earl Grey agreed that it would be 'difficult or impossible' to
assign to Africans reserves of such a size that they could continue to
be economically self-sufficient . He added that it was desirable that
Africans should 'be placed in circumstances in which they should
find regular industry necessary for their subsistence' (1).
Not all Africans could be accommodated on the reserves, and the
remainder continued to occupy crown lands and colonist owned
farms. Africans ultimately spilled over into the white farms as
squatters . The reserves were made up of the worst farming lands in
the Colony. According to G.R . Peppercorn, most of the land in the
Impofana reserve is 'as worthless as the sands of Arabia' (2). Only
thirty percent of KwaZulu is arable land.
According to Brookes and Hurwitz there was no increase in land
provision for Africans between 1864 and 1913 (3) . The promises
made by the Hertzog Government Under the Native Trust and Land
set of 1936 for an additional quota of land to my people and other
Buthelezi : KvvaZulu Development
51
52
53
54
"uihele.-^,waZu^De~lop~~
for four and a quarter million Zulus . Even for our Civil Service it is
.
going to be difficult to get the best men in view of this
differentiation in salaries on the basis of race .
a ppar nt reluctance on the part of white South Africa
to There
consoislidate
an
th Homelands realistically, to make them independent countries in a meaningful -~. There
is alsoareas
a n equal
luctance to accept our people who are in the urban
as permanent resid nts in these areas . It might also be pointed out that all
of
us i ncluding myself, may be indulging in self-hypnosis by even
trying to believe
o
we South
can successfully create several ethnically
o rientedec.n mies in
Africa instead of one .
Severa I questions at once arise such as, does ~hite South Africa
hop to have her cake and eat it?
O'sAt some So
poi t we have got to dec id,
live,e waym,or the 'ieve
othen world
Or d
white
uth
n Africa hope we can
all
in . a ake-be
ad infinitum throug sheer force of
arms? ' h , " seems to be the
0 time for decision vyhether we are going
to be set up as viable H me ands or not. This is the dilemma of
white South Africa, in which
ilemma
South Africa alone has placed herself .
It i~ black South Africa's d"Ot Wieldtoo, wit the difference that
t a,,d
since
th,
black South Africa does
the pow r of the bulle
b;, llot, it is a dilemma in which b ' lack outh Africa na
ho is been placcud
le
as
the apportioning of bla~e win athis dile.maly! am
pa b 1, far
talking about is concerned . But
r we all have equal reason to 'Cry the
Beloved Country', since ou destinies are so inextricably interHow long are urban Africans going to remain temporary so-,
Journers in the metropolitan areas of South Africa'? If we blacks
a,~ human as whites can anyone tell me what are these virile ableodied men in hostels and compounds supposed to do in order to
Ih, . into tnctropofitan~a oreas, the question can be askt~d: Can otir
of
a~ale white compatriots countenance the idea
I 10
vi vne; in separation
~ _ia 't thoro from their wives, and only make i
to their wives
at
during the Easter week-cnd and during a few days
Christmas
volved m the
of illHomel'
z1ll_i nd policy? I believe that it is a nioral duty to
be involved
h
ating human suffering, even it' that i 11, nos,
ie can do. For thi~here
reason It believe that despite t le nian .
s otne scope to help my people to
pointed out t
is
developeven within the limitations ofthe policy . That is mhy I ha,
Buthelezi : KwaZulu Development
55
56
FOO'I'No ,rEs
2.
5.
".
7.
David Welsh: The Roots q/'Set rcx:atiun (Oxford lheivcrsity Pr,- 1971) p. 117 .
Uavid Welsh: Ibid
.
Edgar It . Br-kes and N . flurwitt : The Native Re,ervex of Nati'l (Natal
Regional Survey Vol. 7 (Cap, town) p. 17'.
Statement summarising Major Points emerging during the proceedings u; the
Co Ference: 'Fowards a Coinpreh-sivc Development in Zululand' prepared by
the
)r. Organising Secretary, L. Schicint-, Dr . Francis Wilson and S. Kahn, p, 1 .
M- Olivier : Interview,with - 1 ini Muil The -al Afere,r dated 8th .lone,
1971,
--.1
_idp- I - 1--, 1112 .
Welsh: The Roots of Seg-alion (Oxford University Press, 1971), p .
3 12. (Quotation from evidence 1906-1907 Commission Re,,, p. 9).
THE NEW
BLACK
Bennie A . Khoapa
WHEN YOUR SRC President invited me to come here and talk to
you, I replied that I did not feel it a great priority of mine to do so,
for 1 belong to a group of people who are seeing increasingly the
futility of devoting a major portion of their time to talking and intellectualising about things that prove unhelpful to both sides because we see things differently .
Your President did not agree with me and he argued that= is
some value in getting white students at least to be aware of some of
the things that make people (black and white) in this country see
things differently and he assured me that white students at this University would benefit something from what I have to say .
1 finally agreed to come here today and talk to you with the full
understanding that I do not believe that what I say here is
necessarily going to he useful for the group I am most concerned
about, that is, black people . But if you benefit anything from what I
am about to say to you well and good, if you don't I will not hold it
against you because it will prove what I said earlier, that it is not
possible for me and you to see things the same way until we have redefined a few things . Feel free therefore to walk out just as soon as
you think you can't take it any longer.
I feel that it is important however to state very clearly where some
of us stand at this time in our history . Very often the viewpoint of
the so called 'militant black' has been so badly misunderstood that
it becomes necessary to explain it for the benefit of those who are interested in understanding it sincerely . I will attempt to do this now,
and in doing so I will start first of all by looking at two concepts
which have bedevilled this country for many years . These concepts I
refer to are integration and separation.
An address
1972 .
62
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Khoapa: The New Black
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