Maritime Archaeology

Newsletter
No. 25 Summer 2010 from Denmark

The Vaaler Moor boat, a central find of early northern Europe in on display again at
Schloß Gottorp in Schleswig. A good occasion to reflect on its importance.
Photo: Nicholas Ranchin Dundas.
N0. 25 SUMMER 2010
Vaaler Moor and
CONTENTS:
more
Vaaler Moor and more . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2

Hull form of the Oseberg ship . . . . . . . . . 4

More and more students in maritime
Medical practice on HMS St George . . . 10 archaeology, that means more and more
opportunity for maritime archaeological
Setting up the mast
projects, now and in the future. Such
in early medieval Scandinavia . . . . . . . . 14
projects can take very different forms
as the Newsletter, including this 25th
Læsø 2009:
edition, shows. Submerged landscapes
A maritime archaeological survey . . . . . 19
and fascinating flint are more than ever at
the centre of attention, as Anders Fischer
A capsized wreck
reports. Others, such as the grand old man of
and a surprise at 4am . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23
Danish maritime archaeology, Ole Crumlin
SPLASHCOS, a European Network Pedersen do not think flints are fascinating at
on Submerged Prehistory . . . . . . . . . . . . 24 all. At least, that was one of the things he said
while presenting his new book Archaeology
and the Sea, in Roskilde – where else?
– in the beginning of May this year. It is a
fascinating book, consolidating more than
Published 2010: fifty years of research in many fascinating
aspects of maritime archaeology in northern
Europe, centering on Denmark and the place
of its people in space and time. Flint is not
included, or hardly. But there is much to read
on ships and ships graves, naval prowess
and defence, trade and exploration as well
as detailed work on finding sources and
starting (re-)constructing protohistoric ships,
published in many books and articles. It is all
conveniently brought together as number 3
in the Viking Ship Museum‘s series Maritime
Culture of the North. It is, as usual, given
pride of place.
The book is also a personal account. On
the very first page, it relates how Crumlin-
Pedersen consulted prehistory professor C.J.
Becker in Copenhagen on the prospects of
studying archaeology and do ‘something‘
with boats. Not an option, according to
the then authority, no way to earn a living.
ISBN 978-87-85180-05-6 So Crumlin-Pedersen decided to study
Published by naval architecture and tackle history and
the Viking Ship Museum in Ros­kilde. archaeology from that angle, indirectly
DKK 349 / EUR 47 + postage or directly providing a living for a whole

2
generation of maritime archaeologists.
More than a decade later, I experienced a
different attitude in Becker‘s contemporary,
friend and counterpart in Leiden, P.J.R.
Modderman. His early career had made him
excavate ‘M 107‘, a high medieval ship site
in recently reclaimed land. That was in many
ways by chance. He saw its importance,
however, and felt that specialised technical
understanding needed to be developed, just
as this is the case with flint or pottery. It was
an understanding he did not see himself
developing. But he certainly encouraged the
idea to try and combine archaeology and
maritime technology. Boats are, after all,
at least as fascinating as flints or pottery in
bogs.
Every second year Modderman organised
an excursion to different parts of Europe.
1978 brought us to Denmark and back in
two minibuses, and archaeological shipfinds
were high on the agenda. Ladby, Lejre,
Roskilde, and Åmose were some of the stops
with boat connotations. Moesgård, Vorbasse,
and Vedbæk were not forgotten, and neither
was Vandkunsten in Copenhagen, to pay
respects to C.J. Becker. But first we visited
Schleswig and the Landesmuseum in Gottorp
Slot. It was the last time in many years that
I saw the Vaaler Moor ‘boat’ that adorns the
cover of this issue.
After many years of storage, it was recently
put back on display; a good occasion to
visit it with students, in two minibuses
actually (yes, the Maritime Archaeology
Programme acquired a second second-hand
car!). Moreover, it could be taken as starting
point for the students to dive into a wealth
of archaeological questions: how does the
boat compare to logboats in their respective
countries, from Portugal to Sweden? What are
the different research traditions? How is the
boat supposed to fit into the ‘development
of ships’? But equally: how can this boat or
group of boats be interpreted in the wider
archaeological context? What are the
different archaeological contexts along the
North Sea in the relevant time period? How,
do these relate to geology and waterlevel
change? A maritime archaeologist, like every
archaeological specialist, should after all be
able to work with a wider archaeological
understanding.
The museum’s director, Claus von Carnap-
Bornheim, vice-director Ralf Bleile and their
staff are thanked for the warm welcome that
we received, coming back for the students
to experiment with different techniques in
documenting the construction. The work
will be consolidated in a booklet, as we did
earlier with the Gredstedbro ship as starting
point.
But there is more than Vaaler Moor. Work
on the find material of the St George, the
British maritime pearl on the Danish west
coast has seriously started. Paul Montgomery
reports in this issue. Two other theses follow,
and a detailed study of the rudder is nearly
ready for publication. Two reports were
published as a result of last year’s fieldwork,
on which a short note by Jens Auer. Just like a
report on the excavation of the logboat-find
‘Kadoelerveld’ the full reports are available
on the internet (www.maritimearchaeology.
dk). Vibeke Bischoff has a fine contribution
on the Oseberg ship. It is yet one further step
in a tradition of detailed technical analysis
that Crumlin-Pedersen started. Jan Hammer
Larsen reports on an area survey in the
Kattegat. And then, in April, the pipelaying
barge Castoro Sei started its work on the
Nordstream pipeline, the first transnational
maritime construction project that included
archaeological consideration over its full
trajectory through the maritime zones of five
individual countries. Will construction work
be as consciously considerate with cultural
heritage as promised? It would be a novum,
but why not.
Thijs J. Maarleveld
3
Hull form of the Oseberg ship
The Oseberg ship, built in AD 820 and
buried in a grave mound 13 years later, was
excavated in 1904. Shortly after, the ship
was re-assembled for exhibit at the Viking
Ship Museum, in Bygdøy, Oslo (Brøgger
1917). For almost 100 years, the ship, of
which almost 95% of the original wood is
present in an amazing state of preservation,
was regarded as a truthful reconstruction.
It is 21.5 m long with a breadth of 5.0 m.
However, when the ship was assembled in
1906-07, a series of decisions were made,
that deserve careful scrutiny.
In 1987, a full-scale reconstruction,
baptised Dronningen, was built in Norway.
It was based on drawings of the exhibited
ship. Dronningen capsized during its very
first sea trial, sailing on a close reach in a
4
Beaufort 5 wind. Her speed was about 8-10
knots. Analyses of the sailing trial, as well as
a subsequent test of a 1:10 scale model in a
hydrodynamics laboratory, showed that the
bow water shipped over the sheer, when the
vessel reached a speed of approximately 9
knots and a heel angle of approximately 10
degrees (Godal 1988).
There have been many hypotheses about
what went wrong. Was it the keel rocker, the
shape of the bow, too small a crew, too little
ballast, or too large a sail (Bischoff 2007)?
Would the original ship have done better?
The only way to find out was a thorough
The well preserved Oseberg Ship in the
Viking Ship Museum in Oslo, Norway. Photo:
The Viking Ship Museum, Oslo.
examination of the exhibited remains. With
the firm belief that new methods and new
expertise would bring new answers, the
Oseberg Project 2006 aimed to evaluate and
reconstruct the hull form of the Oseberg ship
anew, through new documentation methods
and a reconsidered interpretation of the
preserved parts (Bischoff et al. 2007).
Recording and modelling
In 2006, the interior was systematically
photographed, and two different scanning
methods were used to document both
the interior and exterior of the vessel. The
outside was documented with a photo
scanner, 10 points/mm2 and with minimum
0.5 mm accuracy. The inside was scanned by
laser, 0.3 points/mm2 with 6.0 mm accuracy.
Photo scanning is a very time-consuming
process and creates large digital files, but
it is much more detailed and accurate than
laser scanning, which is rougher and more
blurred. Both scanning processes were
complimentary to each other and a great
help in the reconstruction process. On the
basis of the scans, 2D drawings of all parts
The elements were cut in cardboard and
assembled in a 3-D reconstruction model at
1:10 scale in which all preserved parts were
taken into account. Photo: W. Karrasch, The
Viking Ship Museum, Roskilde.
were made. Cracks and deformations in
the individual elements were scrutinised in
order to reconstruct the hull form reliably.
The drawings and photographs that had
been made during excavation and assembly
formed additional information.
Each part was then cut out of cardboard
and assembled in a 1:10 scale model. For
this purpose, the 1:10 scale drawings were
printed on paper and then glued onto
cardboard with the same scaled thickness
as the ship parts, ensuring that the planks
can be assembled correctly, and that all
preserved parts are taken into account. By
creating a physical 3-D model in this way, a
reliable hull form can be established. As the
hull form is a coherent structure, one cannot
make alterations in one dimension without
influencing changes in other dimensions. If
a large percentage of the ship is preserved,
5
the model thereby will present a reasonably
precise image of the original ship (Ravn et
al. forthcoming).
Adjustments to hull form
The outside of the ship as exhibited appears
smooth and coherent and shows no visible
signs of irregularities. The inside of the ship,
however, is more irregular, with several
cracks and fragmentary pieces. The internal
structure and planking show the results of
manipulation. When found, the ship was
deformed and broken in 2000 fragments.
In the grave mound, the sides had been
pressed down, so that the bottom of the hull
was at the same height as the sheer. During
the excavation in 1904, all ship parts were
measured and documented in situ, before
they were removed and stored for about 2
years. During assembly, the reconstructors
During the assembly of the ship the
reconstructors did not have sufficient control
of the angle of the stem. Photo: The Viking
Ship Museum, Oslo.
6
understandably faced problems on which
they took radical decisions.
Photographs from the storage show
very fragmentary, deformed and dried-
out hull parts, and it is obvious that the
reconstructors had a tremendous task. In
the 1917 publication, it is noted that some
parts had to be steamed up to three times
in order to press them into their original
shape (Brøgger 1917: 86-87). A photo taken
during the assembly of the ship shows, that
the reconstructors did not have sufficient
control of the angle of the stem. The top
strakes were not attached to the stem, and
there were major problems in connecting
the planking in that area. These problems
most likely resulted from the very start of the
reconstruction process. The keel had been
laid slightly too straight. It was broken in
many fragments when found, so its rocker
is unknown. Equally, the stem was made to
heel a bit too much forward. Difficulties then
occurred when the upper strakes – where the
ship is broadest – did not reach the rabbet.
In consequence, the reconstructors had to
press the ship's sides inward. For this to be
possible, the beams were shortened.
Also, the floor timbers are very
fragmentary. The lower edges of the floor
timbers and the protruding cleats upon which
they sit had collapsed. This problem caused
the planks to appear up to 7 cm closer to the
floor timbers than they originally were. The
lines drawing used for building the full-scale
reconstruction Dronningen did not take this
collapse into consideration. Furthermore,
the top ends of several floor timbers in the
forward part of the ship were broken at the
eighth strake. While putting the ship together
for display in Bygdøy, the reconstructors
pressed the top ends of the floor timbers
further into the ship than they would have
been initially, causing the bow to be more
narrow and more flat in cross-section than it
would have been originally.
By superimposing a simplified sketch of
an excavated floor timber on a cross-section
of the recent laser scan of the timber as
displayed, it was clear that during discovery,
the floor timbers in the bow were wider than
they appear today. This is supported by the
fact, that the beams in the bow seem to have
been shortened, although it wasn’t possible to
determine by how much. During reassembly,
some were cut or were put together from
parts that did not fit. The fact that several of
Below left: The lower edge of the floortimbers
and the protruding cleats were collapsed.
Below right: The top parts of the floortimbers
in the bow area were pressed in during the
installation. Photos: V. Bischoff, The Viking
Ship Museum, Roskilde.
the supports between the floor timbers and
the beams in the bow were skewed, instead
of vertical, as are other supports in the aft of
the ship, supports this observation.
On the basis of these observations, it was
possible to stipulate some changes in the
hull form that might be crucial to the sailing
performance of the ship. Adjusting the shape
of the floor timbers and reconstructing the
collapsed cleats and frame edges gives
the hull more fullness and lifts the stem.
Correcting the shape of the floor timbers
by making them wider gives the bow area
a concave cross-section and more hollow
waterlines below the bilge.
Sailing performance
After completion of the cardboard model,
its dimensions were recorded. This was
done with a digitising tool (Faro Arm), and
the measurements were directly entered
into the drafting programme Rhinoceros
(Hocker 2000, 2002). On the basis of this,
a 3-D lines drawing and a 3-D solid model
were produced. Physical waterproof models
were then made of the lines that had been
used in 1987 and of the new lines in order to
see, if the sailing performance had changed
after readjustment of the hull form. The
models were tested in the laboratory of the
Norwegian Marine Technology Research
7
Several bities in the bow area were
shortened or assembled incorrectly during
reconstruction for exhibition in 1906-07.
Photo: V. Bischoff, The Viking Ship Museum,
Roskilde.
Institute (MARTINEK) in Trondheim, with
different displacements, different heel angles,
and different leeway angles. The engineers
then measured the sailing performance of
the ship under conditions up to 20 knots
and up to 15 degrees of heel angle and 10
degrees of drift angle.
The flow of water around the hull was
remarkably different in the two scale models.
The old model pressed the water to the sides
rather than guiding the flow under the hull.
This meant that the bow dived instead of
gaining lift, when speed increased. The new
model created bow water that guided the
flow under the hull, which made the bow
lift remarkably when gaining speed. The tank
tests showed two completely different ships
with very different performance levels.
8
Conclusions
This research has led to a better insight
into the original hull form of the Oseberg
ship and has provided more knowledge of
the sailing capabilities of a Nordic ship of
around AD 800. The project showed that
the ship originally had more fullness in the
submerged part of the hull, and that it has
been broader above the waterline in its
forward part than it appears on display today.
The new reconstruction of the Oseberg ship
has a more concave cross-section in the bow
area with its stem lifted a little more out of
the water. The reconstruction reveals that this
lift gives the vessel a more rockered keel than
was assumed and realized in the exhibited
ship. All these factors are of vital importance
for the water flow around the hull, affecting
the ship's overall sailing performance.
The corrected reconstruction of the bow
shape allows the conclusion that the Oseberg
reconstruction Dronningen actually had less
buoyancy below the bilge and a different run
of the strakes in the bow than the original
ship, which may have been the cause for
the bow water to ship over the sheer so
unfortunately resulting in the sinking of the
vessel in 1987. Although the new hull form
was tried in a tank test, it remains to be
seen if a new full-scale reconstruction will
allow for a more seaworthy, more stable, and
better-sailing vessel.
Vibeke Bischoff
References
Bischoff, V., 2007, Gåden Osebergskibet.
Kysten 2007, Nr. 3, 36-40.
Bischoff, V. Paasche, K. & Røvik, G., 2007,
Rekonstruksjon av Osebergskipets form.
Unpublished report.
Bonde, N. & Christensen, A.E., 1993,
Dendrochronological dating of the Viking
Age ship burials at Oseberg, Gokstad and
Tune, Norway. Antiquity 67: 575-583.
Brøgger, A.W., Falk, Hj. and Shetelig, H.,
1917, Osebergfundet. Bind I. Kristiania.
Godal, J., 1988, Rapport om Prøvesegling.
Unpublished report.
Hocker, F., 2000, New tools – for maritime
archaeology. Maritime Archaeology
Newsletter from Roskilde, Denmark,
No.14, 27-30. Roskilde.
Hocker, F., 2002, New tools – for maritime
archaeology. Maritime Archaeology
Newsletter from Roskilde, Denmark, No.
18, 50. Roskilde.
Ravn, M., Bischoff, V., Englert, A. & Nielsen,
S., forthcoming, Recent Advances in
Post-Excavation Documentation, Recon-
struction and Experimental Maritime
Archaeology. In: Catsambis, A., Ford,
B. and Hamilton, D. (eds.), Oxford
Handbook of Maritime Archaeology.
New York.
Bonde, N. & Stylegar, F.A. Fra Avaldsnes til
Oseberg. Dendrokronologiske under-
søkelser av skipsgravene fra Storhaug
og Grønhaug på Karmøy. Viking, Norsk
arkeologisk årbok Bind LXXII – 2009,
Oslo 2009.
Rhinoceros, a 3-D design software package,
is suitable for making a surface modeling of
the hull, which is required to produce a solid
test model for a hydrodynamics laboratory.
Drawing: Vibeke Bischoff.
9
Medical Practice on HMS St George

Introduction the ships surgeons’ tools, and secondly,

The history of HMS St George and its the hygiene related items of the crew from
subsequent loss in 1811 is one that provides the St George. Traditionally, the study of
many opportunities for the archaeologist to this age has been heavily influenced by the
investigate. After a long range of excavation ideas and romanticism of the period, not to
campaigns that started with the initiatives of mention historic novels. In light of this, the
Gert Normann, the find material has been artifacts in this research were addressed
conserved in the regional conservation from the perspective of Michael B. Schiffers
facilities at Ølgod and is curated and behavioural archaeology. This approach
exhibited in the Strandingsmuseum St focuses on observing and understanding
George in Thorsminde, close to the wreck what people actually did, rather than on
location. The St George represents a unique what is thought and said they were doing.
example of a cultural assemblage from the
age of sail that has remained in a good state Samples of fine toothed combs and different
of preservation. The significance of this kinds of toothbrushes from HMS St George.
wreck is related to both her association with Photos: Paul Montgomery.
one of the worst naval disasters in the history
of the English Royal Navy and to the fact
that she is one of the few examples of a well
preserved shipwreck from the Napoleonic
wars. The value of the St George in this
context is that it represents an opportunity
to investigate a relatively undistorted view
of mariners’ life aboard a Royal Navy ship.
Finally, the majority of previous research
concerning this period has relied heavily on
historical narrative and documents, rather
than on archaeological evidence.
The primary goal of the research presented
here is to provide a fresh archaeological
perspective on the remains of the St George
shipwreck. A huge amount of artefacts
have been collected. Master students of
the Maritime Archaeology Programme have
been invited to study the material. The study
presented here is based on the first master
thesis that resulted from this research. A
more comprehensive monograph is foreseen
as the start of a series of reports on different
aspects of the assemblage.
In the present research, two distinct
areas were chosen to be addressed: firstly,

10
Personal health care practices Material culture
The subject of personal health care practices of maritime medical practices
is a primary one in this research project. The other focus of the thesis relates to tools
The majority of the artefacts analysed and appliances that are attributed to the
are toothbrushes, manicure sets, shaving more formal tool-kit of the barber surgeon as
brushes and fine toothed combs (used to a functionary on board ship. The two sets of
comb one’s hair and combat lice). They have medical tools and related items, nearly sixty
been described with their social setting in in total, were analysed from the perspective
view. Each of the items was analysed, drawn, of their production, composition, role and
photographed and set in their archaeological utility.
and social context in the ship. When we look at the assemblage, the
Within the analyses of this part of majority of items are related to the removal
the assemblage, there were a number of of damaged tissue, which was a surgeon's
discoveries concerning the behaviour related option if he thought that a wound would
to personal hygiene. The most striking was become infected and thereby cause death.
the number of different kinds of toothbrushes However, this was not his only option. Items
and their variation in use and manufacture. such as the bullet probe would indicate that
Typically the brush-handles are made of bone the surgeon also had the option to remove
and horn. That may suggest uniformity, but it projectiles and clean wounds. Additionally,
stands in stark contrast to the wide range of
shapes that were available to the consumer. Trepanation tool. Photo and drawing: Paul
This aspect of hygiene was without question Montgomery.
within the individuals own control and this
control gave the options and freedom to try
different styles. The assortment of shapes
would point to objects that were made for a
wide social market who wanted toothbrushes
for many reasons; both practical for cleaning
your teeth and as a refinement of one’s image.
These aspects of material culture have
been ignored in the past as it was deemed not
significant for archaeology. When one looks
at the wider collection of the context of the
St George, it can be easy to only focus on the
guns or swords that are so iconic for this age
and which are the bread and butter of naval
specialists. But with this assemblage there is
so much more one can do. With the material
culture in hand one can seek to recreate and
develop a deeper understanding of the past
experiences of the human beings using it.
Daily life for the men on the St George was
influenced by items such as toothbrushes and
combs. As simple as they are, they provide
us with an insight into the daily life of the
common man aboard the ship, and give us a
sense of the way that individuals approached
personal health care.

11
the recovery of a series of splints would point par with the guns or cannons, as the health of
to the non-amputation of broken limbs. Such an army often is its most important resource.
a discovery points to an established system With this in mind, the present research has
of treatment without the use of surgery. sought to explore the human factors on
We can only assume that for the common board ship, thus the human experience.
sailor viewing the surgeon at work, his The medical assemblage of the St George
viewpoint was dominated by the bloody wreck is one that is well rounded with tools
work of the surgeon rather than the less for a number of different minor and major
visible treatments. The surgical tools on the operations being included in the set. In
St George provided for both. The recovery of the case of the St George the research has
pre-manufactured wooden leg stumps also shown that the tools used by the surgeon
indicates that there were provisions made for correlated quite well with the recommended
the loss of limbs while on the ship. lists of the Admiralty. The variation in quality
There is no question that the experience in this context is the most relevant point
of treatment was not a pleasant one for the that has come to light in this research. The
person being treated, but the system which quality of the tools is linked with the human
shows from the remains that have been found experience and therefore with behaviour. In
has a logic behind it. The logic was a very the case of an amputation the quality of the
simple one that was dictated by the needs
of every ship, namely man power. The tools Splints and wooden legs. Photos: Paul
of the surgeon were very much like the tools Montgomery.
of other tradesmen, in that they existed for
the purpose of maintenance and repair of the
crew. His goal was to keep as many people
alive and fit for work as he could, which was
the only way to keep the ship working and
effective. This system was one which was
not based on the notion that injured crew
members were useless crew members, as
even crew with limbs removed would still
have to contribute to the ship. In this context
every person on the ship had a role; the loss
of a leg would change these roles but they
still could be an effective member of the
wider crew.

Conclusions
Personal hygiene items and surgeons‘ tools
have been relatively under researched
in Napoleonic studies, and indeed their
relevance and importance may seem
minor when compared against the military
aspects of battles at either the Nile or
Trafalgar. However, understanding the health
behaviour of the crew and the health care
system onboard is a crucial part of under-
standing the social fabric that allowed such
ships to go to war. Their significance is on a

12
tools had a significant impact on the medical
outcome and patient experience. In this age
before effective pain killers, the sharpness
of the blade was the only way to minimize
pain and loss of blood. When studying
the assemblage of the surgical toolkit that
remains, it is easy to understand why sailors
viewed the work of a ships surgeon on a par
with that of a butcher.
One of the more reveiling discoveries
from the assemblage was that of personal
hygiene, in the context of the ship, which
had the potential to impact far beyond
The loss of HMS St George on the Danish
west coast in 1811 was a dramatic event,
visualised in a diorama in the Strandings-
museum in Thorsminde, where the impressive
collection is kept. Photo: Thijs Maarleveld.
an individual. In the crowded decks of
the St George the hygiene of one person
could affect a much wider pool of people.
The remaining materials point to a level
of personal hygiene that was practiced by
more than just the higher level of the ship’s
society. The use of behavioural archaeology
in the context of the St George is based on
the view that the world which was in action
on the ship was one created by human
behaviour expressed in the materials. The
range of styles and functions of items point
to wider perspectives of the society, and the
research indicates that assumptions relating
to the idea that the lower classes were not as
concerned with hygiene as the upper classes
have to be reconsidered.
Paul Montgomery
13
Setting up the mast
in early medieval Scandinavia
The origin of the sail in Scandinavia and
on the southern Baltic coast persists being
a mystery even today, despite the fact that
this topic was one of the first to be addressed
in Scandinavian maritime archaeology
more than 100 years ago (Åkerlund 1963:
9; Christensen 1982: 19-20). The earliest
evidence for the use of sail in Scandinavia is
found on the Gotlandic picture stones usually
dated to c. 7th/8th century AD, even though
the earliest known archaeological proof for
the use of sail in that area seems to date no
further back than the 11th century AD. The
earliest certain archaeological evidence for
the use of sail in Scandinavia is found on the
Oseberg ship and dates to c. 820 AD.
The lower mast fastening system is the
best-known technical feature related to the
use of sail in prehistoric northern Europe.
The Charbrowo 1 (left) and Czarnowsko
I (right) ships under excavation near the
Baltic coast of Poland in 1900 and 1957
respectively. The mast step timber in the
Czarnowsko I ship is made of birch, lashed
to the frame with willow twigs. Photos:
Muzeum Narodowe, Szczecin.
14
The lower mast fastening systems from early
medieval Scandinavia can roughly be divided
into two groups: 1) keelsons, a center-line
timber located in the bottom of the vessel
and placed on top of several frames, and
2) mast fastening systems associated to a
single (mast) frame in the vessel. From the
distribution of the archaeological record of
mast fastening systems known to this point,
keelsons seem to have been unknown in the
eastern part of Scandinavia before c. 1250
AD. Hence, lower mast fastening systems
related to (mast) frames will be of crucial
interest here. Objectives of primary interest
are the search for information on the origin
and diffusion of the sail in Scandinavia as well
as an attempt to increase understanding and
knowledge of technology-transfer between
the different regions of Scandinavia. Tracing
possible internal as well as intercultural
contacts in terms of distinct, datable and
recognizable technologies in remotely
located regions of ethnic and linguistic
similarity may yield interesting knowledge
regarding material and conceptual exchange
(or lack of exchange) within ethnically and
linguistically homogeneous groups settled in
geographically large areas located far away
from each other.
The absence of keelsons in eastern
Scandinavia prior to c. 1250 AD seems
somewhat enigmatic and calls for further
investigation and comparison of the mast
fastening systems that actually did exist in
Scandinavia and the southern Baltic in the
preceding period. Comparisons of the lower
mast fastening systems from all over the area
make things even more puzzling. It appears
that preferences and technical choices in the
basic construction of essentially similar mast
fastening systems diverge between western
and eastern Scandinavia.
At least 9 examples of mast fastening
systems of a type technically related to
only one (mast) frame, predating 1250 AD,
have been found within the Scandinavian
area (Haithabu included). They are known
from all over the region from Bergen in the
northwest and Stockholm in the northeast to
Haithabu in the south. At least six additional
Types and geographic dispersion of mast fastening systems (not keelsons) from Scandinavia
and the southern Baltic, before 1250 AD.
mast fastening systems of similar (technical)
types are known from the southern shores of
the Baltic. A map showing the location of all
included finds can be seen below.
The specific kind of mast fastening systems
under consideration differs somewhat in
size, morphology, and technique. However,
it is possible to distinguish them into
two main types on the basis of technical
characteristics: type 1, having a cavity (mast
step) for the mast heel carved directly into a
(heavy) mast frame, and type 2, a composite
system composed of two elements, a mast
frame and a block or chock, fixing the mast
heel in combination. Mast fastening systems
of type 1 can be further subdivided into
two groups – group a and b, see image on
page 16. Subgroup a applies to mast frames
with traces of “mast boards” (behind or in
front of the mast) or to frames without any
identifiable traces of connection between
mast frame and overlaying structures.
Subtype b only includes mast frames with
15
stanchions placed on either side of the mast
cavity. Mast fastening systems of type 2 can
be subdivided into three groups on basis of
the fastening method of the mast fastening
device (block/chock): a) vertical nailing, b)
horizontal nailing, and c) lashing, see the
image on page 17.
Regional distribution of the five different
subgroups is shown in the map. From this, it
appears that each of the subgroup is located
either west or east of a line running from the
island of Rügen, just off the southern Baltic
coast, to the southern part of Sweden. The
line divides the Baltic Sea and the southern
shores of the Baltic in two parts as well as
literally split Scandinavia in two.
In the western part of Scandinavia, all
mast fastening systems have been fixed by
means of vertical nailing (type 2a). The
pattern using vertical nailing when fixing
mast fastening systems seems very consistent
in this area and throughout the whole
Examples of mast frame types.
a) type 1a from Bergen (c.900-1100 AD).
b) type 1b from Bulverket (11th/12th
Century).
After Crumlin-Pedersen 1997: fig. 5.2;
Westerdahl 1985: fig. 16).
16
period in question. Further examples of this
fastening method can be observed on two
small mast step timbers from Skuldelev 6 (c.
1035 AD) and Bergen (no.: 81442) (c. 1248
AD) (Christensen 1985: 27, 264; Crumlin-
Pedersen et al. 2002: 300).
In the eastern part of the area, mast
fastening devices have been fixed by
means of horizontal nailing into the mast
frame, or they have been lashed to the mast
frame (type 2b and 2c). Examples of both
subgroups are known from eastern Sweden
and the southern Baltic coast.
Furthermore, it is also evident that mast
frames with incorporated mast step and with
stanchions placed on both sides (type 1b) are
exclusively to be found on the eastern side of
the dividing line. Conversely, mast fastening
systems of type 1a are found only on the
western side of the dividing line.
Discussion and conclusion
What can actually be deduced from this
analysis? First, it should be kept in mind that
so far, only a few seagoing vessels, dating
to the period before c. 1250, have been
found in eastern Scandinavia. Furthermore,
Viking and early Medieval ship building in
the southern and eastern Baltic area has (for
several reasons) not been subject to as much
study as is the case in Norway and Denmark.
Consequently, the dating of and provenience
of ancient vessels discovered in the eastern
and southern Baltic is usually imprecise. A
lot of work can still be done in that respect.
The clear division of the mast fastening
types puts the concept of the seagoing
boat, traditionally thought as a means
of unbounded transport and contact in
question. The eastern part of Sweden shows
strong relations to the southern Baltic coast,
while the western part, all the way from
Bergen in the north to Haithabu in the south,
shows similarity in the basic technological
choices of mast step solutions. The mast
steps reveal obvious differences between
the eastern and western part of Scandinavia
before c. 1250 AD.
A possible explanation for the well-
defined demarcation in mast step techniques
Examples of types of “block‘s/chock‘s” used
in relation to mast frames:
a) type 2a from Haithabu (900.1100 AD).
b) type 2b from Viks I (1134).
c) type 2c from Charbrowo 1 (10th Century).
After: Crumlin-Pedersen 1997: fig. 5.2;
Larsson 2000: fig. 7a; Ellmers 1972: abb. 72).
could be vessel-size. Mast fastening systems
in relation to frames are, unlike keelsons,
usually considered light constructions less
suitable for traversing the sea (Crumlin-
Pedersen 1997: 119-120). However, this does
not explain the technological differences.
Regarding this, it should be mentioned that
finds of two keelsons off the coast of Poland
and Finland, both probably predating 1250
AD, show a possible connection to Southwest
Scandinavia (Hunniche 2009: 48-49).
The small boats from Viks I (c. 1135 AD )
and Bulverket ( 11th/12th century AD) could
very well be of local (East Scandinavian)
origin even though they show some of
the characteristics of West Scandinavian
vessels: clinker planking with hair caulking
and clenched nail fastening. However,
these constructional traits are also the
characteristics of eastern Baltic/Prussian
shipbuilding in this period (Indruszewski
1996: 184, 189; Larsson 2000: 136). If
these vessels prove to be of local Swedish
origin, the most interesting thing (in respect
to the current subject) is the type 2b and 1b
mast fastening systems. Locally build East
Scandinavian vessels equipped with these
kinds of mast fastening systems would be
interesting as this might point to a common
17
origin of the Scandinavian clinker built for et fartøjs regionale og kronologiske
vessel, but definitely not to a common origin tilhørsforhold, analyseret på baggrund
of the sail. af et teknisk og morfologisk studie
In conclusion, this suggests that no af vikingetidens og middelalderens
technological transfer between East and mastefæstningssystemer. Unpublished
West Scandinavia (at least regarding mast- thesis, University of Southern Denmark.
fastening technology) took place and that, Esbjerg.
in this respect, technological exchange Indruszewski, G 1996: A Comparative
between the regions stopped before c. 800 Analysis of Early Medieval Shipwrecks
AD. Furthermore, it seems that similarity from the Southern Shores of the Baltic
in technological choices does not depend Sea. Unpublished thesis, Texas A&M
solely on (presumed) ethnic or linguistic University. Texas.
affinity, but on cultural proximity. Larsson, G. 2000: The Reconstruction of the
Viks Boat. I: Litwin (red.): Down the River
Thomas Albæk Hunniche to the Sea. Eighth International Symposium
on Boat and Ship Archaeology, Gdansk
1997. Gdansk, s. 131-138.
References Nicolaysen, N. 1882: Langskibet fra Gokstad
Bill, J., Gøtche, M., Myrhøj, H. M. 2000: ved Sandefjord. Kristiania.
Roskildeskibene. I: Christensen, T. & Westerdahl 1985: Holznägel und
Andersen, M. (red.): Civitas Roscald – fra Geschichte. Eine schiffs archäologische
byens begyndelse. Roskilde, s. 211-259. Hypotese. Deutches Schiffahrtsarchiv:
Christenssen, A. E. 1982: Viking Age Wissenschaftliche Zeitschrift des
Ships and Shipbuilding. Norwegian Deutschen Schiffarthsmuseum 1985/8, s.
Archaeological Review Vol. 15, Nos. 1-2. 7-42.
Christenssen, A. E. 1985: Boat finds from Åkerlund, H. 1963: Nydamskeppen. En studie
Bryggen. I: Herteig, A. E. (red.): The i tidlig skandinavisk skeppsbyggnads-
Bryggen Papers, main series, vol. 1. konst. Göteborg
Bergen.
Crumlin-Pedersen, O. 1997: Viking-Age
Ships and Shipbuilding in Hedeby/
Haitabu and Schleswig. Roskilde.
Crumlin-Pedersen, O. & O. Olsen (red.)
2002: The Skuldelev Ships I. Topography,
Archaeology, History Conservation and
Display, Roskilde.
Ellmers, D. 1972: Frühmittelalterliche
Handelsschiffahrt in Mittel- und Nord-
europa. Neumünster.
Herfert, P. 1968: Frühmittelalterliche
Bootsfunde in Ralswiek. Ausgrabungen
und Funde: Archaeologische Berichte
und Informationen 1968, 13. Berlin, s.
211-222.
Hunniche, T.A. 2009: Mastefæstet
i Nordeuropa 800-1600 e.Kr. En
undersøgelse af mastefæstet som udtryk
for kulturelle kontakter og indicium

18
Læsø 2009:
A maritime archaeological survey
In 2008, the Northern Jutland Coastal
Museum applied for funds to carry through
an archaeological survey of the area around
the island of Læsø. In June 2009, the Cultural
Heritage Agency granted a subsidy out of
the so-called §28 funds that would suffice
for about a quarter of Læsø’s coastline. The
western end from Alsdyb to Vesterø Havn
was chosen as the target area. It includes the
dangerous northwest reef and the area where
most finds have been reported. The purpose
of the survey was twofold: on the one hand
to produce a consistent database to assess
the area’s archaeological wealth, but also to
check on the systematic errors introduced
into DKC, the Danish central register of
cultural heritage sites, when information on
The research area around Læsø's northwest
reef and Als Dyb. The inspected wreck-sites
are indicated.
maritime finds and maritime losses had been
blended into one system.
As funds had only been allocated
relatively late in the year, it was decided to
use a calm period in late summer to do the
fieldwork. In July, preparatory meetings were
organised with local people who are familiar
with the area, and in August, archival data
was collected, and archaeological sites
were pinpointed. The end of August and
the beginning of September were chosen
for the actual fieldwork, as experience had
shown that the waters around Læsø can be
quite clear in that period, provided that the
weather is calm.
Team and logistics
Flexibility as to the weather conditions was
optimised by deploying a small team of three
commercially qualified divers, including
an electro-technician from the underwater
group, a maritime conservator, and an
19
archaeologist curator. Fortunately, there was
also a flexible array of supporting vessels
at the team’s disposal, including a 31 feet
Viksund Goldfish, on which the team stayed
overnight in Vesterø harbour, and a 12 feet
fibreglass boat with a Humminbird 997
side scanner and plotter. A Viknes 31 motor
cruiser was used for proton magnetometer
survey.
Mode of operation
The purpose of the project was to produce
an overview, partly by means of sonar and
proton magnetometer scanning. When
solid features were encountered, a quick
inspection including rough measurements
and 10-15 minutes underwater video
recording was undertaken of the encountered
cultural remains. In order to check whether
the identification of the find should be
supported or rejected, the observations were
then compared with the information kept in
the central register of antiquities and finds.
Secure GPS-positions were taken in order
that the sites can be relocated.
Eight wreck-sites, numbered Vrag 1 to
Vrag 8 were inspected. A range of other
The plotted lines of the magnetometer survey.
Some 400 nautical miles were covered.
20
positions were registered but could not be
inspected in the available time frame.
Magnetometer and side scanning sonar
In the course of 2008 and 2009, the area
around Stokken, the west and northwest
parts of Læsø, had been surveyed, which led
to the identification of a range of potential
sites – mostly wreck-sites – most of which
could be identified with a magnetometer
because of the presence of small amounts
of iron. All wrecks, even old ones, contain
some iron, ranging from nails with which
wooden constructions have been assembled
to anchors, iron fittings, ballast iron, canons,
weapons, and other gear. Both recent and
older wrecks can therefore be located by
means of a magnetometer. Even loose finds
of the size of an anchor or canon will give
a good reading. But the values registered
will not be as high as with a complete
wreck, so it is quite recognisable whether
one has to do with a loose find or a large
piece of wreckage. The bottom of a wooden
vessel of considerable age can generally be
recognised from about 100 meter on both
sides of the transponder or ‘fish’.
After an anomaly has been recognised
through the reading of the magnetometer,
the side scanner can be used. It gives a very
detailed picture of the sea bottom, showing
both natural and anomalous features. Scans
made of wrecks or surfaces with outstanding
sedimentary features or discrimate layers that
have been exposed by erosion are very clear.
Remains of a submerged landscape?
In the context of the inspection of Vrag 1, a
denuded layer with stubs or tree stumps was
observed at a depth of approximately 2 m, a
little south of the location. The tree stumps
Scan of Vrag 1. Both the broken stempost and
the mast step can clearly be distinguished.
The scan of Vrag 8 is so clear that one can
almost count the frames. A plan drawing of
the site can be produced on the basis of it.
that were encapsulated in the sediment
showed evidence of burning. A preliminary
evaluation of this find is that it is the remains
of a submerged landscape. The area was
drowned around 10,000 years ago. Samples
have been taken, and these will allow for a
more precise evaluation.
There are clear signs of erosion south of
Vrag 1 with sediment transport going north
as a result of the current. This process is
an important factor in the development of
Læsø’s northwest reef. The erosion has also
denuded the natural and cultural layers in
which the tree stumps and burned wood
are embedded. Most probably these layers
are related to the submergence of the area
some 10,000 years ago. Scientific analysis of
the samples and more extensive underwater
research will clarify this matter.
Other results
Besides the observation of prehistoric
layers west of Læsø´s west coast, eight
wreck-sites were described. A preliminary
assessment indicates that three of these are
archaeological in the sense that they were
lost more than 100 years ago, which is
the cut-off date for blanket archaeological
protection in Danish waters. One of these
is the historical wreck of the Gaston Albert
that was lost on the northwest reef in 1895.
Four wrecks can be identified on the basis
of maritime archaeological observations
in combination with archival checks, in
particular through the Danish wreck register,
Dansk Søulykkesstatistik. Below, two of
these will be presented, Vrag 1 and Vrag 8.
For information on the others, the reader is
referred to the formal report.
Vrag 1
The wreck lies in 2.30 m water, with its
sternpost oriented north to north-west (340˚).
The ship is flush built in oak, 16 m long and
5.10 m wide. The stempost is broken. Typical
scantlings are 15 x 15 cm. Room and space
is 20 cm. Ceiling planks are 28 x 5 cm. The
keel is 39 cm wide. At 9.30 m from the
21
sternpost a mast step is observed measuring
25 x 24 cm and cut 14 cm into the keelson.
Remains of a cargo may be planks packed
in woven material. Provisional date is 16th
century.
Excavation and documentation as well
as dendro-chronological sampling are
recommended. The wreck is exposed at
the bottom surface and is threatened by
mechanical erosion and ship-worm.

Vrag 8
This wreck lies north-south at a depth of 5 m.
It is treenail-fastened, flush built in oak. There
are large square nail holes, 1 cm x 1 cm. The
preserved length is 17 m. The greatest width
is 5.2 m. Floors measure from 25 cm x 24
cm up to 30 cm x 27 cm. The width of the
planking varies from 26 to 37 cm, whereas
these planks are 7 to 8 cm thick. The ceiling
planks are 5 or 6 cm thick and vary in width:
21, 25, 34, or 36 cm.
Apparently, we are dealing with a
strongly built vessel of the 17th or early
18th century. It is very professionally built.
It could be a navy or a company vessel. It
is remarkable, that it did not show at all on
the magnetometer. Evidently, little iron was
used in its construction, and all that was has
rusted away. It is recommended to excavate
the ship, to document it, and to analyse
its construction and date through dendro-
chronological analysis.
Conclusion
The maritime archaeological survey in the
shallow waters along Læsø’s west coast and
its northwest reef has produced a range of
results. Its aim was to get an overview of
archaeological sites in the area, and it has
produced 9 sites of which 8 are wreck-sites
and the ninth is a site on which prehistoric
layers dating from before the submergence
of the area are exposed.
The prehistoric layer with tree stumps and
embedded wooden objects displaying signs
of fire should be more closely investigated
with a view to prehistoric human activity.
The mast step of Vrag 1 measures 25 x 24
cm. It is cut 14 cm deep in the broad keelson.
Photo: Mads Gulløv.
A range of scientific analyses would be
appropriate. Most probably the layers extend
all along the island Stokken in a north-
westerly direction.
Through their inscription in the
register Vrag 1, 5, and 8 are recognised
as archaeological and protected. Three
other wreck-sites could be identified
through archival research. Vrag 3 is called
Havlitten, vrag 4 Inge Lene, and Vrag 7 is the
Tordenskjold. Vrag 6 could not be identified.
The combined use of sidecansonar,
proton magnetometer, and diving inspection
with photo and video documentation of
anomalies proved very effective. Natural and
cultural phenomena could be distinguished,
and it was possible to establish which sites
need further investigation and which are of
lesser research interest.
Jan Hammer Larsen

22
A capsized wreck
and a surprise at 4am
Between July and August 2009, 12 Maritime
Archaeology Programme students and
staff spent three weeks carrying out an
underwater survey in Prerow on the German
Baltic coast. The annual MAP field school
was organised in co-operation with the
Landesamt für Kultur und Denkmalpflege,
Abteilung Archäologie und Denkmalpflege,
Mecklenburg-Vorpommern, the authority
responsible for cultural heritage in the
German state of Mecklenburg-Vorpommern.
The field school concentrated on the
survey of site Ostsee Bereich V, Fundplatz
17, the well preserved wreck of a capsized
local trading vessel dating to the first half of
the 19th century. However, on the second
day the field school team was asked to
help with the recovery of a wreck section
that had been discovered by tourists on a
nearby beach. Wreck section, Fundplatz
77 (also codenamed 4am wreck after the
time students had to get up to reach the
site) was subsequently lifted, disassembled
and fully recorded by the field school team.
The wreck, part of a 16th century converted
clinker vessel, is now subject of an MA thesis
at the Maritime Archaeology Programme.
More information on the field school, as
well as digital copies of the published field
school reports can be found on the new
blog webpage of the Maritime Archaeology
Programme: www.maritimearchaeology.dk.
Jens Auer
23
SPLASHCOS, a European network
on Submerged Prehistory
Increasing interest in underwater Stone Age
The prehistory of the European continental
shelf appears to be a matter of increasing
interest and cooperation among European
scholars. Two years ago, the pan-European
Deukalion group was established under the
direction of Nic Flemming from the UK and
Dimitris Sakellariou from Greece. The aim of
this group is the lobbying for major research
funding for the study of submerged sites and
landscapes on the European continental
shelf. The cross-European interest in sub-
merged Prehistory became even more visible
at the meeting of the European Association
of Archaeologists in September 2009, where
a one-day session dedicated to inundated
Prehistory was one of the best attended
sessions of the whole meeting.
24
In November 2009, scholars of Stone Age
heritage on the continental shelf established
a formal network, funded by the EU. It is
set up for the development of international
collaboration among prehistorians, under-
water archaeologists, marine geophysicists,
environmental scientists, heritage agencies,
and commercial and industrial organisations
operating on the European seafloor. This has
become possible thanks to a grant, given via
the COST Organization, which promotes
70 scholars from all parts of Europe assembled
in York 2010 for the purpose of presenting for
the first time ever a comprehensive status on
submerged settlement and landscapes all the
way around the coastline of the continent.
Photo: Dimitris Sakellariou.
cooperation in science and technology
(http://www.cost.esf.org/domains_actions/
isch/Actions/TD0902-Submerged-Pre-hi-
storic-Archaeology-and-Landscapes-of-the-
Continental-Shelf-End-date-May-2013). The
COST Action runs to 30 September 2013.
Funds are dedicated to meetings, workshops,
conferences, visits to laboratories, training
programmes, technical and scientific publi-
cations, and dissemination to a wider
public. At present, the number of nations
participating in the action has reached 19.
These are: Belgium, Croatia, Denmark,
Estonia, France, Germany, Greece, Ireland,
Israel, Italy, Latvia, Lithuania, Netherlands,
Nor-way, Poland, Portugal, Romania, Spain,
and United Kingdom.
Focus on Early Prehistory
The network is concerned with more than
one-third of the European continent that was
flooded, when the glaciers of the last Ice Age
melted. In principle, the whole 1-million
year history of human occupation of Europe
is within the scope of the COST action. In
practice, we expect to focus primarily on the
time range 110,000 to 6000 years ago – i.e.
the period of low sea-level in connection
with the last Ice Age, spanning parts of the
Middle Palaeolithic, the whole of the Upper
Palaeolithic and the Mesolithic, and parts of
the Neolithic.
It is assumed that the drowned lowlands
and shorelines of the present-day European
seafloor hosted some of the highest human
population concentrations of the continent.
These landscapes were bordered by the
continent’s most productive environments
for fishing and shellfish collection, and
their generally very fertile soils presented
particularly attractive territories to Stone
Age hunters, gatherers, and farmers. Since
The network has a strong focus on involving
young researchers. Here chair Geoff Bailey
in dialogue with a group of Early Stage
Researchers. York, March 2010. Photo:
Dimitris Sakellariou.
25
transportation by boat was essential at least
as far back as the final part of the Upper
Palaeolithic (Fischer 1996), these landscapes
must also have served as effective corridors
for dispersal of populations, information, and
trade items (Bailey 2004). Moreover, these
regions were probably even more important
for human settlement during the Ice Ages
than today because the European hinterlands
would have been colder, more arid and less
attractive to human settlement than is the
case under modern climatic conditions.
The archaeological sources on Europe’s
early Prehistory must, therefore, be consi-
dered highly biased and fragmentary as long
as large and unique parts of it are still lying
unexplored on the continental shelf. The
COST action is a first pan-European attempt
at changing this situation.
The steadily growing evidence on sub-
merged Mesolithic settlement produced
through diving investigations in the western
Baltic (e.g. Pedersen et al. 1997; Skaarup
& Grøn 2004; Lübke 2004; Andersen
2009) has been a fundamental inspiration
for the establishment of the network. It is
assumed by the organisers of the COST
action that similar richness in early pre-hi-
storic material is available in many other
places on the European continental shelf.
Scattered observations in support of this
hypothesis do in fact already exist from
coastal waters around Europe (Benjamin et
al. in preparation). One of the aims of the
action is to take initiatives in fund-raising
for archaeological surveying and testing of
hitherto unexplored areas of the continental
shelf suspected to have special potential for
finding remains of early prehistoric activity.
The SPLASHCOS organisation
At the kick-off meeting in Brussels in
November 2009, Geoff Bailey from UK
and Dimitris Sakellariou from Greece were
elected as chair and vice-chair respectively
of the action. In addition, the following four
working groups were established (Chair in
brackets):
26
WG1. Archaeological Data and Inter-
pretations (Anders Fischer, Denmark)
WG2. Environmental Data and Recon-
structions (Jan Harff, Germany)
WG3. Technology, Technical Resources
and Training (Ole Grøn, Denmark)
WG4. Commercial Collaboration and
Outreach (Julie Satchell, UK).
Activities and application
Some of the activities of the Work Groups
are especially relating to Denmark, the focus
area of the present Newsletter. This, for
instance, applies to the pan-European digital
archive on early prehistoric finds and sites
from the seabed for which WG1 is to establish
the basis. More than half of the presently
known prehistoric sites from the European
continental shelf are apparently recorded
in the digital archive of the Heritage Agency
of Denmark (www.kulturarv.dk/databaser/
fund-og-fortidsminder; Fischer 2004). For the
purpose of establishing such a pan-European
archive, the group will most probably need
additional members from countries not yet
represented in the network.
WG3 is engaged in organising research
and training missions for Early Stage
Researchers of the network. Visits to sub-
merged Stone Age habitation sites and
relevant archaeological institutions are
expected to take place in Denmark, the UK,
and possibly Israel in 2010. In addition, the
possibility of running an international field
school on the practice of underwater Stone
Age investigation in Denmark in 2011 is
looked into.
Further information can be found at the
SPLASHCOS website: http://php.york.ac.uk/
projects/splashcos. Individuals interested
in applying for membership of the working
groups can make contact via the website.
Anders Fischer

References
Andersen, S.H. 2009: Ronæs Skov.
Marinarkæologiske undersøgelser af
kystboplads fra Ertebølletid. (Summary
in English). Højbjerg, Jysk Arkæologisk
Selskab.
Benjamin, J. Bonsall, C., Pickard, C. &
Fischer, A. (eds) in preparation: Sub-
merged Prehistory. Oxford, Oxbow.
Bailey, G. 2004: The wider significance
of submerged archaeological sites and
their relevance to world prehistory. In
Flemming, N. (ed.) Submarine prehistoric
archaeology of the North Sea, 3-10. York,
Council of British Archaeology.
Fischer, A. 1996: At the border of human
habitat. The Late Palaeolithic and
Early Mesolithic in Scandinavia. In
Larsson, L. (ed.) The Earliest Settlement
of Scandinavia, 157-176. Stockholm,
Almquist & Wiksell.
Fischer, A. 2004: Submerged Stone
Age – Danish examples and North
Sea potential. In Flemming, N. (ed.)
Submarine prehistoric archaeology of the
North Sea, 23-36. York, Council of British
Archaeology.
Lübke, H. 2004: Spät- und endmesolitische
Küstensiedlungsplätze in der Wismar-
bucht – Neue Grabungsergebnisse
zur Chronologie und Siedlungsweise.
Bodendenkmalpflege in Mecklenburg-
Vorpommern 52, 83-110.
Pedersen, L., Fischer, A., & Aaby, B. (eds)
1997: The Danish Storebælt since the Ice
Age – man, sea and forest. Copenhagen,
A/S Storebæltsforbindelsen.
Skaarup, J. & Grøn, O. 2004: Møllegabet
II. A submerged Mesolithic settlement
in southern Denmark. BAR International
Series 1328. Oxford, British Archaeo-
logical Reports.
Maritime Archaeology
Newsletter
No. 25 Summer 2010 from Denmark
ISSN 1902-0708
EDITORS:
Thijs J. Maarleveld & Helle Kildebæk Raun
Lay-out: Jens Lorentzen & Ewa Britt Nielsen
DTP: Helle Kildebæk Raun
PRINT:
PE offset A/S, Varde
© Centre for Maritime and Regional Studies
and authors 2010
Maritime Archaeology Newsletter from
Denmark is a continuation of Maritime
Archaeology Newsletter from Roskilde,
Denmark and is published once a year by:
The Maritime Archaeology Programme,
University of Southern Denmark
at the Centre for Maritime and Regional Studies
Niels Bohrs Vej 9 DK-6700 Esbjerg
Tel. +45 6550 4177 Fax +45 6550 1091
e-mail: hkraun@hist.sdu.dk
The Newsletter is supported by:
University of Southern Denmark
Centre for Maritime and Regional Studies
Fiskeri- og Søfartsmuseet
The National Museum of Denmark
The Danish Institute in Athens
Langelands Museum
The Viking Ship Museum
Holstebro Museum
Strandingsmuseum St. George
Bangsbo Museum
Moesgård Museum
Haderslev Museum
A cold winter in northern Europe meant that training in spring needed to extend into the night.
Photo: Jens Auer.