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The Decline of Medieval Hellenism in Asia Minor and the Process of Islamization from the Eleventh through the Fifteenth Century

Speros Vryonis, Jr.
e n

(,I1 ' 1



Berkclcy Los Rngeles London



To my mother and to the memoy of m father y

University of California Press Berkeley and Los Angeles, California University of California Press, Ltd. London, England Copyright 0 1971 The Regents of the University of California by ISBN: 0-520-01597-5 Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 75-94.984 Printed in the United States of America


The writing of this book arose from the convergence of two interests that have long intrigued me: the Hellenization of the Levant in antiquity and the centuries-long confrontation of Byzantine and Islamic societies, the joint heirs of this semi-Hellenized Levant. The decline of Byzantine Hellenism and the phenomenon of Islamization in Anatolia from the eleventh through the fifteenth century focus on that area and time within which these two interests converge for the last time. Perhaps this undertaking is inordinately ambitious, encompassing as it does a vast geographical and chronological span and cutting across three disciplines (those of the Byzantinist, Islamist, and Turkologist). Now that this work is finished thc words that Helmut Ritter spoke to me in a n Istanbul restaurant in 1959, and which then seemed to be a challenge, take on a different meaning. This renowned orientalist told me, simply and calmly, that it would be impossible to write a history of this great cultural transformation. My own efforts have, of necessity, been rcstricted to certain aspects of this huge problem. Scholarship badly nceds new, detailed histories of the Seljuk, Nicaean, Trebizondine states, and of many of the Turkish emirates. There has been no comprehensive history of the Rum Seljuks since that of Gordlevski (1941) of Nicaea since those of Meliarakes and Gardner in 1898 and 1912, of Trebizond since that of Miller in 1926. The archaeology of Byzantine and Seljuk Anatolia is still in its infancy, and the mere establishment of the principal events and their dates in these four centuries remains unachieved. Unwritten ’also is the history of Arabo-Byzantine relations and confrontations in Anatolia, though the monumental work of Marius Canard on the Hamdanids represents a substantial beginning. The story ofthe decline that Islamization occasioned in the Armenian, Georgian, and Syrian communities of eastern Anatolia, though absolutely essential, is yet to be written. Finally a comparative study of the folklore and folk cultures of the Anatolian Muslims and Christians would do much to fill the wide gaps in historical sources. The number and extent of these scholarly desiderata surely indicate how imperfect and insuficient the present work must be. I have concentrated
The book of Claude Cahen, Pre-Ottoman Turkey (London, 1968) appeared after the completion of my own work.







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on the fate and Islamization of the Greek population in Anatolia to the exclusion of the other Christian groups. There has been no attempt to present a conventional chronological history of events, but rather the approach has been topical. It is with pleasure that 1acknowledge the support of several institutions which greatly facilitated my research. The Middle East Center of Harvard University enabled me to begin the investigation as a Research Fellow of t h e Center in 1959-60. A grant from the Harvard Center and Dumbarton O a k s subsequently allowed me to spend a summer at Dumbarton Oaks in this early stage. The interest and sympathy of former Chancellor Franklin Murphy and the director of the UCLA library, Dr. Robert Vosper, resulted in the constitution of a respectable Byzantine collection of books and periodicals absolutely essential for research in Byzantine history, and which had previously been lacking on the UCLA campus. The UCLA Research Committee and the Center for Near Eastern Studies, by their unstinting generosity, made it possible for m e to work at those institutions in t h e United States and abroad which would provide me with the necessary materials. Thanks to a grant of the Social Science Research Council in 1962-63,I spent one semester at Dumbarton Oaks and one semester in Greece and Turkey where I enjoyed t h e facilities of the Gennadius Library, the Center for Asia Minor Studies, and the kindness of the members of the history faculty of the University of Ankara. As the work neared a n end, William Polk, Director of the Middle East Center, and William McNeill, chairman of the history department, invited me to spend I 966-67 a t the University of Chicago where they provided me with the badly needed leisure to finish the basic writing. I a m particularly indebted to my colIeagues a t UCLA who in meetings of t h e Near Eastern Center, the Medieval and Renaissance Center, the faculty seminar of the history department, and in individual encounters contributed to the sharpening of the work’s focus as well as to the improvem e n t of its contents. Milton Anastos, Amin Banani, Andreas Tietze, Gustave von Grunebaum, and Lynn White came to my assistance in certain specialized areas, and more important listened to what must have seemed an endless outpouring of Anatolica with a patience that would easily rank them among the Byzantine saints and Muslim dervishes of Anatolia. I a m also grateful to Andreas Tietze who took time from his busy schedule as chairman of the Department of Near Eastern Languages to read through the manuscript. His great knowledge and kindness saved the book from many errors. I wish to express my gratitude to Peter Charanis with whom I frequently discussed many of the problems entailed in the writing of this book, and to whose research on Byzantine ethnography I am much indebted. Thanks are also due to Osman Turan and Halil Inalcik who, with their unsurpassed expertise in things Seljuk and Ottoman, have been so kind as to discuss with me many particulars






related to Byzantino-Turcica, who supplied me with copies of their writings, and who gave me encouragcment. The studies of Paul Wittek and Claude Cahen have been of particular value and aid, and those ofRichard Ettinghausen have been helpful in the area of art history. 1 wish to thank my editor, Shirley Warren, who performed admirably with a difficult manuscript and also the editors of the new EncycloJedia o Islam for f permission to reproduce the statistical chart from the article “Anadolu,” by Franz Taeschner. I have dedicated the book to my father and mother, who first imbued me with a love for the historical past, who educated me with great patience and expense, and who gave me every encouragement. T h e problems of transliteration and of geographical names have been such that there is no conceivable system that would satisfy everyone. Basically I have followed the new edition of the Eiicyclopedia o Islam in the f transliteration of Islamic names. The Turkish equivalents for the names of Byzantine towns and villages will frequently be found in the key to the map. Though to some my treatment of transliteration and of geographic names will seem cavalier, I shall be satisfied if I have conveyed the meaning rather than a particular philological form.




List of Illustrations

Eve of the Turkish Conquest

I. Byzantine Asia Minor on t.: Administrative Institutions Towns and Commerce Great Landed Families Demography Road System The Church Ethnography Religion

11. Political and Military Collapse of Byzantium in Asia Minor Events Leading to Maiazikert Manzikert (1071) Initial Turkish Conquest and Occupation of Anatolia (1071-81) Byzantine Counterattack ( X O ~ I - X I ~ J ) . Byzantine Retreaf (1143-1204) Political Stability and Polarization : Nicaea and Konya f Withdrawal of the Byzantines to Constaiatino,ble and the Decline o Konya: Establishment o the Emirates and Emergence of the f Ottomans Conclusions


111. The Beginnings of Transformation I43 Nature o the Turkish Conquest in the Eleventh and Twelfih f Centuries Recolonization and Reconstruction f Integration o the Christians into Muslim Sociey (107’-1276) Equilibrium o Konya and Nicaea Destroyed f The Nomads Conclusions


4 6 2 : T h e rupestrian churches of Cappadocia 403 44 44 Interior view of Sultan Khan caravansaray Exterior view of Sa’d al-Din Khan caravansaray View of Seyid Ghazi Tekke Tahtadji women from Chibuk Khan A Bektashi sheikh with disciple Mawlawi dervishes participating in a sciiia’ Danishmendid coinage T h e former church of St. The Loss of Byzantine Asia Minor and the Byzantine World Causes and Egkcts o the Loss f Byzantine ReJectiolzs on and Reactions to the Loss o Anntolia f Religious Polemic Folklore Governmental Measures VII.CONTENTS IV. Decline of the Church in the Fourteenth Century The Acta The Notitiae Efiiscopatum Acta : Ujheaval Acta: Im&overization Acta :Ecclesiastical Discipline Matthew o Efhesus-a Case Study f Conclusions V... . Amphilochius at Konya as a inosquc Equestrian statue of Justinian 1 l’he threshing sledge 498 503 xi i xl11 . T h e Byzantine Residue in Turkish Anatolia The Physical Residue Formal lnstitutions Economic Lge Folk Culture Conclusions Recapitulation Index 288 iI I List o Ill ustra ti0 ns f 351 following p . Conversion to Islam Muslim Institutions: Tasawwuf Muslim Institutions :Fu tuw w a Conclusions VI.

Anne Cotnndne. f) Dictionnaire d’liistoire et de giographie kcclesiastigues (Paris.A.B. Byzantiniscli-neugriec~iische Jahrbiiclter.J. vols. second edition. AEA-rlov ~ i j io-ropmfjs 5 A. 1891-1898).I. M.. Aksamyli Kerimeddin Mahmrid’un miisatneret-el-ahyer adlz’ Farsga tarihinin terciimesi (Ankara. A.). A. B. first edition. Encyclopedia of Islam. N. Bedi Karthlisa.E.H. B. Byzantinoslavica. I-VIII. B. 1885-1927). B. Uzluk. Huart.l-l. J. Bulletin o the John Rylands Library.L. vols. Analecta Bollandiana. D.Abbreviations Greek historians in the Corpus Scriptorum Efistoriae Byzantinae are simply listed by name and with no further identification. 1-11 (Paris. C.E.. ’AV&AEKTUI E ~ O C J O ~ V ~ I T I U I-rqvohoyiaS.J. Dolger. 1918-1912). ‘ ~~~ vols.S. Reiches (Munich-Berlin. Cambridge Economic H s o y ed. f xv ‘I .E. l?c/ios d’0rient. 1924f) Dumbarton Oaks Papers.K. f Byzantinische Forschungen. D .S. Genqosman and F. (Paris.G.E. 1943). A.S. B.H.O. Encyclopedia o Islam. I-V (Petersburg. itr.F.O. f Bulletin o the Scltool of Oriental and African Studies. Dictionnaire de tlihologie catholique (Paris.P. I go3 f. texts dtabli et traduit. . Clapham and E.E. B.I. de Goeje. Alexiade. (Leiden.G. 1941ff. ’ApXEiov ~ ~ V T O W . B. Dolger. ed. D.O. H. 1937-1945). E.N. C. Regesten der Kaiserurkunden des ostromischen f. J-M. N. B. Anna Comnena A.S.R. B. vols.O. Annuaire de l’institiit ~hilologique et historique orientales et slaves. AS Aksaray-Genqosman A. 1912f) f. T. Bibliotlieca geographorum arabicorum. Power (Cambridge. 1-111. Les saints des derviches tourneurs. Eflaki-Huar t F.Z. Acta Sanctorum.I. Byzantinisclie Zeitsclirift. Leib.C.P. Z.H. Regesten K a l hohOylKij$ hrctlpias Tqs ‘EAA&bS.

Z. G. series graeca (Paris. P.G. T.P.H. llahaiohhysia K a l l l ~ h o ~ o v v r p ~ c vols. v. J .X. 1890). Acta et diplomata graeca medii aevi sacra et profana (Vienna.Z.I. Wiener Zeitsch@ft fur die Kunde des Morgenlandes.G. Z.E. Les regestes des actes du patriarcat de Constantinoble (Chalcedon.A.O. s. J..C. P.D. Ramsay. Nlos ‘EAAqvo~vfi~wv.w. Z.M. S. W. Orientalia Christiana Periodica. 1918f.P. N.S. 1841ff.F. Journal of the Economic and Social History o the Orient. llov-ricnch Oiihha. f f Journal o the American Oriental Society.D .R. I 872-1877). ~ O V T I C ~ C ~ ~ ‘Emla. Vaktjlar Dergisi. M . P. O.1 (Athens. 1852-1859). Regel R. vols. J .).). K. Ramsay.I.H. Die Seltschukengeschichte des Ibn Bibi (Copenhagen. 1892-1917).A. Jahrbuch der osterreichischen byzantinischen Gesellschaft.A. Islam Ansiklopedisi. xg 12-1924) Palestine Pilgrims’ Text Society (London. T. Regel. Potles.G. Z.O. Wiet. J.n. Sudost-Forschungen. I. 1904I. J. GFeek Roman and Byzantine Studies. G.S. Miklosich et Miiller M.v. 1932 ff. J. MEoaiaviKfi BiPhioefiKq (Venice. The Historical Geograi)lg o Asiu Minor f (London.K. K. English Historical Review. I.O. Monurnenta Asiae Minoris Antiqua (London. 1931ff. Rivista degli studi orientali.@.P. S . Palestinskii Sbornik.M. Studia Islamica. xvi xvii .B. 0.B. f Korosi Csoma-archivium. W.B.B. N. M.).S. R. Pravoslavni Palestinskii Sbornik.N. Tiirkiyut Mecmuasi. MiKpUOlaTIK& XpOVIKh.S. Revue historique. TI.E. Combe.ABBREVIATIONS ABBREVIATIONS 1 E.O. n. Zeitschrijit der deutschen morgenlandische Gesellschaft. I-VI (Athens.A. J . Fontes rerum byeantinarum.. Rhalles and Potles R. Grumel. Migne. Zbornik Radoua Vizantoloshkog Inst ituta. Patrologia Orientalis (Paris. M. Lampros. P.B. 11 txh~ . V.P. f) Monuinenta Germaniae Historica.E. Zepos.S. Zeitschrijitfur Balkanologie. l7.H. W.A. Revue des btudes islamiques. Zhurnal Ministerstua Narodnago Prosviescheniia.V.M. Vieantiiskii Vremennik.C. K.S.S. Zepos.C.E. Geography R. Regestes I b n Bibi-Duda LA. Duda. Zepos and P.A. Jus Graecoromanum.S. Grumel.C. Muller. R. M.G. G. sumptibus academiae scientiarum rossicae (Petrograd. €3. I V. F.S. f Journal o the Royal Asiatic Society. 1893ff. Recueil des historiens des Croisades (Paris. ed. vols. P.H.O. Miklosich and J. A.M.C. Istanbuler Mitteilungen.R.H. 1857KJ. ‘959). Revue de I’Orient chrbtien.I.M. 1860-1890). Zllrv-raypa T ~ Belov K a 1 ~ E ~ Q v V K W ~ V W V . I-VIII (Athens. Sathas.H. 1931). (Cairo. Sauvaget. Journal o Hellenic Studies. Journal Asiatique. R. P. J.).R. Rhalles and M. P. E. T) Real-Enzyklopadie der klassischen Altertumswissenschaft (Stuttgart. Patrologiae cursus comjletus. E. Rkjertoire chronologique d’bpigraphie arabe.R. 1885-1897). J.

Byzantine Asia Minor on the Eve o the Turkish Conquest f Since the fall of North Africa. Ostrogorsky. the isles. Byzantium remained a strong and comparatively prosperous state. 1 For a picture of the Byzantinc world at this time. the Islamization of Asia Minor has a twofold interest. Anatolia. I . With the decline of medieval Hellenism i n Anatolia. the Islamization and Turkification of the Anatolians in the later Middle Ages.1 Of these areas. Egypt. Unfortunately.” D. Broadly considered. Byzantium had been restricted to the southern confines of the Balkan peninsula.1. most populous. Arabization. This new society differed from those of the Asiatic steppe and from that of the Islamic Middle East because it arose in a Byzantine milieu. 1 The evidence is discussed below. and southern Italy. Empire in the World of the Seventh Century. I -2 I . almost nothing in the way of population statistics for Anatolia has survived. Anatolia was by far the largest. Christianization. Consequently. For the student of cultural change. the related Anatolian phenomena of Byzantine decline and Islamization are essential to a basic understanding of both Turkish and Byzantine societies. T o these were now added Turkification. “The Byzantine XI11 (IS$). and Islamization. the empire became little more than a weak Balkan principality. Romanization. constitute one of the last chapters in the history of cultural change in the Mediterrancan basin.O. Specifically it represents the last in a long series of religio-linguistic changes to which Anatolia had been subjccted over the centuries. competing with Serbs and Bulgars on an almost equal footing.. and the Levant to the Arabs and the occupation of Italy by the Germanic peoples a n d of much of the Balkans by the Slavs. G . and economically the most important.P. Once Anatolia slipped from Byzantine control. there arose a Turkish-Muslim society that is at the base of the Seljuk state and Ottoman Empire. there are other indications that Asia Minor was the most populous region of the empiree2So long as Anatolia continued to be an integral part of the empire. Since antiquity the inhabitants of the Mediterranean world had been subject to a remarkable variety of transforming cultural forces : Hellenization. but aside from the factor of its great size. along with the Christianization and Hispanization of Iberia.

. ed. which were eiTected by agents directly under Constantinople. La Mediterrnnie et le Moyen-Orient. save for the assessment and collection of taxes.000 430 . XVIII. this conclusion seems inescapable. vol. Hence. (St. Glycatzi-Ahnveiler. Chrono&hie. and fiscal strength. there will be no attempt to include these two categories in this chapter. and ecclesiastical institutions. as supreme authority in the theme. VI. I n addition the thematic soldiery of the Cibyrrheote under Leo VI was larger than 6. demography. was a veritable viceroy. But because of the differences in size of the various themes. amounted to only 5. His most important function was to command the army of the theme.0 4Jooo 6. but fought the Arabs and was a major contributor to the imperial tax collectors.G. Nr. I. Ges. 36 (hereafter cited as PsellusRenauld). Ibn IChuradadhbih. A thematic army usually had. drungus. and religion. for any given theme. rural society. 193-209.000 6. Perhaps the remarks of Leo VI. P. The system of the themes. I I I . between two and four turms. which in turn not only served as a balance to the landed aristocracy. Drcsch. Kaegi. there were other sources ofmilitary personnel in the provinces. and and bandon. sacits. W. indicates that the size of the thematic armies had increased by the early tenth century. d. 1926-1928). drungoi. 125-191.760. pp. When one compares the size of the Cibyrrheotc force under Leo VI with the size of the forces of the thcmes as reported by the Arabs in the ninth century. 1’Asie Mineure. without his consent. and religious institutions characterized Anatolian society prior to the drastic upheavals of the eleventh century which caused serious dislocation of this society. Renauld (Paris. Petersburg. Pertusi. Skabalanovi& Vizantiiskoe gosudarstuo i tserkou u XI. Phil-hist. Geschichte des byrantinischen Staates. were among the less important and numerous of the hnatolian provinces in the eyes of the central administration.pp. d. as this does not include the two ships that the strategus of the theme sent to watch the shores of Syria. This comparatively largc number for such a theme as the Cibyrrheote.000.000 The thematic army was organized in units of decreasing size.000 9. 80-83. 5 (18gg).7 Beside the men the government recruited from the local soldiery.tome 2 : Les Balknns.000. by which the civil administration became subordinate to the thematic strategus. and education and intellectual life cannot be satisfactorily reconstructed because of the nature of the sources. those of Samos 5. De Cuerinmiis. Kl. but there is little information as to their numbers. largely under the direct control and administration of the ~tra t e goi. I-I.C. Wiss. is a reflection of this expansion.O. that the armies ought not be too large. and Ruccelarion. the turm. The themes of Cibyrrheote. Kgl. and banda in a particular theme varied. ~ Though the administrative apparatus placed the provincial bureaucracy under the tutelage of the military. In the order of honorary precedence and size of payment the generals of the more important and powerful themes generally preceded the generals of these thrcc themes (see below). for the Cibyrrheote levy of Leo VI is greater than that of any of the ninth-century Anatolian themes save those of the great Anatolicon. pp.B.EVE OF THE TURKISH CONQUEST EVE O F THE TURKISH CONQUEST As the subject of this book is the cultural transformation of Greek Anatolia between the eleventh and fifteenth centuries. G51-655. CVII. u. Les instituliotis de l’emjire byzantin (Paris. Michael Psellus. Ostregersky. These institutions produced an element o f homogeneity in the life of the inhabitants of this immense area and at the same time integrated them effectively into a Constantinopolitan-centered organism. hnatolicon Armeniacon Cappadocia Charsianon Thracesion Opsicion Optimaton Bucellarion Paphlagonia Chaldia Seleuceia 15.000 5.000 400 . 1884). towns. N. L.A. and 200 in a bandum. Seleuceia. E. Die Genesis der bymntinischen Themcnverfssung. Constantine Porphyrogenitus. pp. At the time of the death of Basil I1 (1025)~ there existed in Anatolia approximately twenty-five provinces. The Arab a The art of eleventh-century Byzantine Anatolia is still insufficiently investigated. 369.” J.G. I . and probably other ships and personnel that had to remain to guard the shores of the theme and to cut timber for shipbuilding. For the breakdown of these forces which follows. social. regrettable though this fact may be.6 T h e strategus. 3d ed. For a cautious reevaluation and refinement of the role of the themes. roads. 1952)~ I I 5-148. (Munich. the drungus not more than 3. p. ethnography. it also acted as a partial check on the absorption of the free peasantry by the landed magnates and thereby assured the empire of military. B. The thematic system served as a vital impetus to and support of the existence of the free peasant society. Constantino Perpp. however. 39-53. A useful and brief sketch of Anatolian geography and its significance for the history of the area is to be found in P..000. but it would seem that the size of the turm was not regularly established and observed. the number of turms. I. author Abu’l-Faradj Kudama ibn Djafar noted that the levy of the Anatolian themes in the first half of the ninth century was approximately 70.0 5. 1956). military. le MayenOrient (Park.000. The levies of the Cibyrrheote force amounted to 6. A. mostly themes but including also duchies and catepanates. and passim for the literature. Much has been said about the efficacy a n d importance of these local armies drawn from the inhabitants of the provinces.. These included a H. Samos. 2 3 . 1963). Birot and J. This will entail a discussion and partial description of administrative. The bandum should not have more than 400 men. Gelzer.3 Administrative Institutions Certain political. 696497. 1948). of Aegean 3. and Aegean. Recherches sur l’administratzon de l’empire byznntin QW IXE-A’IBsitcles (Paris.000 in a turm. gives the following figures: 5. phirogenito De Thematibus (Vatican. The conquest of new lands in the east witnessed the creation of new provinces and army corps. Armeniacon. The catalog of the expedition to Crete in the reign of Leo VI tends to confirm the growth in the size of the thematic forces. in contrast to the smaller figures for theninth century. E. “Some Reconsiderations on the Themes (Seventh-Ninth Centuries).690. XVI (19679.~ the tenth century. 7 Leonis in$eratoris tactica.000 70. One century earlier Kudama noted that the forces of the theme of Seleuceia. 97-98 (hereafter cited as Gelzer Die Genesis). dominated the administrative and military activity of the Anatolians.100.00 8. the turm not more than 6. there is every indication that the By size of Byzantine military forces must have increased markedly.. 1960).000 400 . economic.760. whereas the intensification of the Byzantine offensive efforts similarly demanded an increase i n the size o f the armies..000in a drungus. 709. Abh. BrChier. one must begin with a descriptive analysis of Byzantine society in the peninsula on the eve of the Turkish invasions. Nothing could be done in his province.

Mardaites were settled around Attaleia. rope. “MapGahai. The Mardaites of the west in the Cretan expedition of Leo VI numbered over 5. 24. VI. 655. de Boor (Leipzig.260.. Les institutions. settled 2. and yet the overall expenditure on military salaries was very substantial.600 and 79. De Caerimoniis. EVE OF THE TURKISH CONQUEST EVE OB THE TURKISH CONQUEST variety of ethnic groups that the emperors settled as distinct military bodies throughout Anatolia. Geschiclite. oars. I t contributed to the local economy by paying out salaries in gold to the officers and soldiers who lived in Asia Minor.Ostrogorsky.000 and I..200 gold solidi each. I I I. received pay of between eighteen and twclvc solidi.13 The soldier was also entitled to part of the spoils of war. VIII (rg63). 109-110.OOO solidi annually to the soldiery of Asis Minor. with the consequence that the military manpower stationed in Anatolia during the tenth and early eleventh centuries must have far surpassed the 70. gr-g3. ibid..C. C. 484. 652. Thus the Byzantine and Arab sources tend to corroborate one another.OOO. and provisions on their frequent expeditions.G. O O O .000. and stimulating local industry. Constantine Porphyrogenitus. armament. Though the government undoubtedly acquired many of the necessary items by taxes in kind on the populace.Grdgoire et M.000and 840. 669.12 O n the basis of these figures it seems likely that the government paid out between 500. a nd the importance of these Anatolian forces emerges from the obvious correlation between thematic decline and the Turkish invasions in the eleventh century. 1g35). Constantine Porphyrogenitus.” pp.Amantos.On the basis of these and other figures in Constantine Porphyrogenitus an estimate of 690. gives the following salary range: 40.000 thematic levies mentioned by the Arab sources for t he early ninth century.era~/iiu. C/trono. or 93. ~ ~ Other large themes very probably had as large a military force. During the reign of Leo VI the generals of the more important themes received the following cash payment:11 Anatolicon Armeniacon Bucellarion Cappadocia Charsianon Paphlagonia Thrace Macedonia Chaldia Coloneia Mesopotamia Sebasteia Lycandus Seleuceia Leontocome Cihyrrheote Samos Aegean 30 20 20 20 20 30 10 plus 10 from 20 commercium from commercium 5 5 5 5 I0 I0 I0 Thracesion Opsicion 40 pounds of gold 40 40 30 The pay of the thematic soldiers in comparison with that of the officiers was quite small. 130-136. 489 (here.000 Persians in each theme (though these seem to have been incorporated into the thematic levies) . the military strength of the district may have been as large as I O . I.R.” Z. I. The professional mercenaries who took the place of the indigenous thematic soldiers in this period of crisis were ineffective replacements and were unable to halt the Turks. or between 1. commerce. 696-697. as emerges from the incidental accoLmts of the period. the military pay chests of the themes of Armeniacon in Anatolia and of Strymon in Europe amounted to 1. and agriculture by its expenditures. I.100 pounds of gold respectively.Edition fratyaise prepardepar H. t o caulk the boats. T h e government was able to feed into the business life of the Anatolians a comparatively steady a nd significant sum of coined money in the form of the military roga. 1883-1885). T h e success of Byzantine arms against the Arabs during this period is i n part to be explained by the effectiveness of this Anatolian manpower. On the pay for the lesser officers and for the soldiers. 140. wax.I. merchants sold the government the cloth for the sails. “An Attic Hoard of Byzantine Gold Coins (668-741)from the Thomas Whittemore Collection and the Numismatic Evidence for the Urban History ofByzantium. De Cnerimoniis. pp. Ibn Khuradadhbih B. the authorities also paid out cash to artisans and merchants to provide a wide assortment of items and services.300 and 1. The military apparatus in Anatolia had an important role in the provincial economic life. after cited as Theophanis): 13 Speros Vryonis. Soldiers received between eighteen and twelve solidi per year. I. Craftsmen were hired to make weapons of every type for the armed forces.V (Ig23). 30. One can gain some idea as to the sums of money involved i n military pay from the sources of the ninth and tenth centuries. to sew the sails for the ships. Constantine Porphyrogenitus. there were also bodies of Slavs and Armeniansa8 I n addition the government stationed tagmata of imperial troops i n certain of the Anatolian districts. 382.V. Vasiliev.I. bronze. and i n many instanccs pensions were given to disabled soldiers and to the widows of the ~ l a i n . Byzance et b s Arabes I : La dynnstie d’dmorium (820-876). and other necessary 12 Theophanes. A. tin. the Anatolian levy of yo. De Caerimoniis. 12. Canard (Brussels. if not larger. 4 \ 5 .300 solidi was made for government militarv expenditures in Anatolia during the early ninth century. The Arab sources record ‘tha. ed. ‘EAAT~IKCI. lead. Five pounds of gold were given to the widows in the reign of Michael I./. I n the early ninth century. With the addition of the Mardaites to the forces of the Cibyrrheote theme. 651-656. Theophilus.lbs. of gold. This superimposition of foreign bodies of soldiers in the provinces increased the military manpower of a given province considerably. l4 BrChier. 1 ~ The army and navy required supplies.000 solidi. by way of example.A. possibly b y Justinian 11. l1 Ibid.298-299. p.

163-195. vols. “The War of Moslem and Christian for Possession o f Asia Minor. P. Roman Asia Minor. Wellhausen. 87 ff. I V (Baltimore. that this was signifi--r. Vryonis. V I (1953). ’OT.000lances.23 What were the characteristics of these Byzantine cities in the eleventh century? When one speaks of cities he thinks primarily in terms of autonomous municipal institutions. and the passage of armies through the provinces.000 of wheat. “Vizantiislcie goroda. For the later period. P. Frank. pp. W. though the Slavic invasions in the Balkans did cause a marked decline of many of the towns of the western half of the empire. “Vizantiiskie goroda.” Naclirichten uon d. 30.19 The question has often arisen as to the continuity of this urban character of much of Anatolia into the middle Byzantine period. 28. ru Gdttittgen. ‘*Byzantine armies on the move spent considerable sums of money. Lip.H. X V (]goo).” p. 3. This situation existed as late as the reign of John Vatatzes in the thirteenth century. To what extent. pp.B.--cantly accelerated by the invasions of foreign peoples. S. 40.” Byzantion. This is certainIy the case of the town in antiquity.He relies very heavily upon the numismatic evidence which.There is even archaeological evidence for the temporary disappearance of a few towns. X V I I I (194. “Die byzantinischc Stadt. hardtack. however. Leonis imperaloris tactica. The history of Arabo-Byzantine warfare and relations in Asia Minor is yet to be written.H. “Byzantinische Stadt. ~ n i Alexander to Justininn (Oxford. is unsatisfactory and unreliable. 506-507 (hereafter cited as Theodore ScutariotesSathas). The strategus of Thessalonike was ordered to manufacture 20.V.” J.000 lances. or to the Turkish invasions) . pp.l6 and their production was quantitatively significant. 1g58). “K voprosu o gorode v Vizantii VIII-IX vv. however. transitory affairs (when one compares them to the Slavic invasions of the Balkans which not only effaced cities but also Christianity.. x3 ff. The A O ~ W J T I K ~ accounting officeof the army was in charge of or moneys so spent.G. first in that it bears on the relative importance of the area for Byzantine civilization and strength. Obviously what had happened to the Byzantine urban settlements in the Balkans did not occur in Anatolia. j . did Anatolia continue to be the possessor of extensive urban settlements down to the period when the Turks first appeared ? This question is doubly important. fodder.Dereonia i gorod u Viraniii IX-X vu. 1960). Manandean. 84-92. “Les invasions arabes cn Armhie. The generals of Nicopolis and Peloponnesus were to perform in a similar manner. A. “L’Asie Mineure et les invasions arabes (VIIb-IXd sikles). J.VII and Romanus 11. I. J. 657-660.. 1940).G. Some students of the question have maintained that between the seventh and ninth centuries the polis of antiquity. “Rol gorodov-emporiev v istorii Vizanlii. der Wiss. Ostrogorsky. the treasury paid out approximately twenty-two pounds of gold to . z6 ffa 21 E. ~ ~ I 6 7 . H. is ambivalent o n this point. 14.000 of wine.000 nails for the ships. R..O. the archon ofEuboea 20. ICirsten.craftsmen and merchants for services and materials. Canard. Anecdota. R. ( ICJOI). and finally a walled enclosurc.. and so forth. passim. 673-676. On urban continuity see also. H e attributes the decline and to a certain extent the disappearance of the Byzantine towns to the disanmearance of the slave method of production. De Caerimoniis. The archon of Hellas was to produce 1. CVII.2a or been ‘‘ruralized. T h e principal exponent of this theory is A. “Die I<iimpfe der Araber mit den Romaern i n der J. E. O&ki I no such abrupt decline or hiatus during the seventh century in Anatolia. He adds.” Bsrichte zum XI..But actually there seems to have bSen I n the outfitting of eleven ships that participated in the Cretan expedition of Constantine . and so cities generally.A. I Siuziumov..” Studies in t h e History and Art of ilia Eastern Provinces o the Roman Enqire (Aberdeen f 1906). ‘The existence of istorii uizantiiskogo obizestua i kitltttry ~III-pervain polovilla I X ueka (Moscow-Leningrad. Broughton. “The Arabs in Asia Minor from Arabic Sources..H.. XI. XVI (igoi). Pfiil-hist. Obviously the Byzantine towns of Anatolia in thc eleventh century would hardly fit such a description.” D. arrows and 3. CVII. “Byzantines and Arabs in the Time of the Early Abbassids. 1950).17 The military organization ofByzantium.” p. The Greek C i p . p. if at all.21 or possibly have shifted their locations slightly to more strategic positions on higher ground.S.47-66. 4. 1092. Byzance et les Arabes. Theodore Scutariotes.000 measures of barley. 128-747. z3 Kaidan. GrCgoire. Procopius. 164-188. Vryonis.” p.P. Leonis imperatoris tacfica. X V I I I (1898). 182-208.14-447. “Les expeditions des Arabes centre Constnntinople. Jones. For the earlier period one may consult the following works.. CCXXVII. 300.:. Ges. Ramsay.lGThe administration saw to it that salaried craftsmen specializing in the production of military weapons were maintained in the principal towns.” V. 1-11 (Brussels. I t is quite possible that a number of the towns may have decreased in size by the late seventh or the eighth century..20. l T I n Leo’s Cretan expedition there are extensive details. 85-94.” He was to prepare 10. (1962)~ 1-32.EVE O F THE TURKISH CONQUEST EVE OF THE TURKISH CONQUEST materials.000measures of linen cloth for Greek fire and ship caulking. An Economic Suruey o Ancient f @ ) 903-916. Constantine Porphyrogenitus. E. underwent a disastrous decline.. T h e protonotarius of the Thracesian theme was to collect 20.000 arrows. “An Attic Hoard.” E. M.on craftsmen in the army. crisis of the third century. thereby played a stimulating and significant role in the economic prosperity of Anatolia. 5-7. Glycatzi-Rhnveiler.8)..” b u t this does not mean that they did so to the point of becoming insignificant as an urban phenomenon. This condition in the Balkans served to put in even bolder relief the economic and political importance of the continuity of towns and cities in Anatolia. 1088-1093. XXX.V. CVIII (1926).18 1 Towns and Commerce By late Roman and early Byzantine times there had developed in Anatolia a large number of thriving cities and lesser towns with a considerable commercial life and money economy.” 186. “Vizantiiskie goroda v VIIX I vv. The raids of the Arabs were. Zeit der Umaijaden.-Constantine Porphyrogenitus. XI11 (1959). “Byzantine Cities in the Early Middle Ages. z2 Kirsten. 10. Vasiliev.Kagdan. and provisions for the grooms.” p. 260-270. 750-813. in T. and second because it is closely related to the problem of Muslim urban developments in Anatolia during the later period. P.000 lances. and 6. It is not clear whether this system continued after Justinian I. at least insofar as the meager sources permit conjecture.. where there were also divisions of the citizenry according to tribes. and flour.” Souetskaia Arkheologia. 281-301. Canard. Brooks. (Moscow. H. pp. Kakdan.” M. D e Cuerimoniis. koti. VII.000“sphacta. I. I 935.V I I I (1956). I t is doubtful that Byzantium could have survived as a centralized state without a money economy and towns. For a critique of his theory. and it is even more doubtful that the Greek language and Byzantine Christianity could have spread and penetrated to the extent they did in Anatolia. I. Internoliorialem ByzurititiislenKungress (Munich. E. h c Anatolian cities were able to recover from the T Rome. in spite of their frequency. X X I (1954). M. rg61).” V. “An Attic Hoard.R. 300. and as many shields as possible. as for instance Corasium in southern Asia Minor during the seventh century. 61-121. pp. records that the state post system had also provided business and cash to the inhabitants of the provinces by purchasing from them horses. 187. M.

Gelzer. Vryonis. and later through the guilds.30 But such arguments are based largely upon the silence of the sources. 8 9 . The later militarization of the provincial administration through the implementation of.. . because of the authority of the centralized state.. and the exact reverse was also true. Consequently. a s Cod. These officials presided over routine matters of administration and juridical business as well as over military and police affairs. civil administration of the fourth and fifth centuries. By the sixth century the bishops were participating i n the elections of local urban officials. 2 7 Cod. O n this Byzantine “demokratia” during the earlier period. Bv(awivh pEhETfipcna.” Byzantion.. the populace of Byzantine towns does not seem to have been quiescent in political matters and it frequently expressed its will in riots and political outbursts. though not exclusively. fityln. rg65).P. and XXXVI (~gso). first through the demes. So in the fifth century the city. Cognasso.26 The “aspect” of the eleventh-century Byzantine town was characterized by institutions of a different sort. Zw@ohT) €15 TT)V la-ropfav TO6 pv[crvTlVOa haoU (Athens. Akad. -rrbh~i~ O imcrKo.” D. For a general survey. and wcre often the recipients of imperial gifts bestowed upon the city.4. T h e Byzantine town of Asia Minor in the eleventh century was. Those towns that decline in population lose their status as bishoprics.46-59.3. as is witnessed by the attempts of Diocletian to stabilize them. “Stadt.” Bulletin de la classe des lettres et des sciences 63 396-421. According to some scholars this basic element for the existence of towns was seriously lacking in the eighth and ninth centuries. though the lesser oficials were local inhabitants.. Vryonis. This particular aspect of the town as a center of craftsmen and merchants and of industry and commerce is not well documented. Abh.27 I I 6 The episcopal powers and rule in provincial administrative organization were to remain important until the end of the Byzantine Empire and beyond.. The integration of the ecclesiastical administrative set up into that of the~provincial government is not as well known as the parallelism existing between the structure of the earlier provincial administration and the structure of the hierarchical administration.For the later morales el politiques. then. The council of Chalcedon i n 451 decreed that cities or poleis would be the seats of bishops. Partiti politici e lotte dinasticlie in Bizanzio 0110 morte di Manuele Corntieno. as it had evolved. ~ ~ T ~ I X O . lust. 22-23. As late as the twelfth century. Zepos. the aged. LVIII (1965).. “Smyrne”). These institutions were largely thematic and ecclesiastical. &$~pimov K a t h o v .” passim. I n addition there were other characteristics of the towns-the presence of trade or commercial activity whether with foreign states or with neighboring towns and villages. e n Dolger. 0mnI~oyEv. 16. 213. but they seem to have had charge of performing many services that today one generally.”A later list of episcopal sees uses the terms bishoprics and cities interchangeably. Stein. never attained the power of the western Latin bishops. I1 (Paris-Brussels-Amsterdam. lust.K ~ I ~ ) particulibrernent au XIIIEsibcle. wherever there was a bishop there had to bc a city. ahdiieh). for the affairs of the town were subjected to the strategus who was appointed from Constantinople. der bay. 24-25. Justinian I restated this one century later: I We decree t h a t every city. The church had modeled its administration along the lines of the 24 F. I949). Reale Accademia delle scienze di Torino. 546 (hereafter cited as Gelzer.The crisis of the third century further undermined these institutions. 289-314.Z. . . shall h a v e . . I n this manner those cities that were the centers of the provincial administration became the centers of the ecclcsiastical organization. XVII (1963).R. Notitiae Episcopatunz). both ultimately centering in Constantinople. . D. at least in Asia Minor. Marciq. bishop. care for the sick. “La duret du rtgime des partis populaires B Constantinople. 116. Dolger. connccts with t h e state: education.” pp.ZD Not only did the bishops take some part in these strictIy governmental matters.o). 1. “Byzantine AqpoKpcnia and the Guilds in the Eleventh Century. did not preserve the city type of the Hellenistic and Roman periods.26Alongside the officials of the military administration were those of the ecclesiastical hierarchymetropolitans and the bishops. Histoire du Bas-Empire.G.” Trauaux el Mdmoires (Paris.61 7-71 6. and others i n need. ~ O V only inhabited ccnters which are -rohv&vOpwroI can have bishops. Igrr-rz (Turin.. the city i n the early eleventh century was the seat of a strategus with his immediate retinue (or of one of his subordinates) appointed by Constantinople. G. 1.F. I n short they cared not only €or the souls of the provincials but for their bodies as well.18-26. “Le peuple de Constantinople.” and “Factions de cirque et partis populaires. period. 1958). Manoljovi:.. der PViss.O. L I (’go’). 1912). T h e Byzantine polis had resident a number of local craftsmen as well as merchants both indigenous and foreign. “Byzantine Circus Factions and Islamic Futuwwa Organizations (neaniai. . Untedruckte tind ungeniigend veroffentlichte ~ T I Texte der NotiliaeEpiscopntum.” Atti de 3” Congress0 internazionale di studi sull’ alto medioevo (Spoleto. 3 0 Kagdan. independent institutions in the municipalities of antiquity had been threatened from the moment the Hellenistic monarchs had placed their epistates Or I’eprCSentatiVe in the pOliS to oversee its foreign affairs. . 103-104.its own and inseparable . I. Balsamon remarks that . . “Vizantiiskie goroda.pp.a8 One can say that episcopal authority became a refuge of the last vestiges of urban autonomy. The novel of Leo VI abolishing the remnants of u r b a n autonomy simply put into legal language a state that had come into being previously and that had been in the process of formation for centuries.55. V I (1936). 1g4. 11.. “Die frtihbyzantinische und byzantinisch beeinflusste Stadt. I. “L’histoire et la gbographie de la rtgion de Smyrne entre les deux occupations turques ( I o ~ I .the thematic system consummated the end of urban autonomy.24Nevertheless. Xanalatos..rr&s. a n d consequently the concept of a polis or city became inseparably associated with the presence of a bishop. though the eastern bishops. .EVE OF THE TURKISH CONQUEST EVE OF THE TURKISH CONQUEST aUtonOmOus.” B. the orphaned. J.A. eeAhrweiler. were important in city finances.rr&av ~ M I V &EIV . XXXV (1949)~ ff. characterized by the presence of the members of the ecclesiastical hierarchy (bishops or metropolitans). and by the presence of the strategus or his representatives. 155 (hereafter cited as Ahrweiler. E.

The Regions o the World: a Persian Geography. There may have been a small colony of Muslim merchants in Ephesus. Willibaldi. Vetters. I 960). a nauclerus. This would seem to imply the continued existence of state regulated corporations in the provinces during the eleventh century. J. pt. 81. after the decline of the “old cities.S. 18g5). Ahrweiler. X V (1966). 579. 73-75. 33 AS Nov. (1953-54). trade.. 41 Constantine Porphyrogenitus. I (1962). Gelzer. P. I b n Baituta. I. Miletus and Clazomenae were undoubtedly oE similar i ~ n p o r t a n c e The hinterland of these towns in the Thracesian theme . 111. 1917). pp.H. Benndorf. I. 1926) p.dan. if impressionistic. If one looks at the scattered references of the tenth and eleventh centuries. p.532. C. 541. Theophanes.T. 556. Molinier (Geneva. Rather there is a n attempt to give a general.40 Phygela served as a debarkation point to and from Crete41 as well as a commercial center and depot for naval stores. W. and there is also mention of a state bakery.” p. Ein Fuhrer durcli die Ruinenstndt utid itire Gescliichte. It is 31 The famous passage of Hudud al-‘Alam. 6 (hereafter cited as Daniel. (London. P. 3d series. 111. 52 (hereafter cited as Tafel and Thomas. Ephesus was one of the cities that Venetian merchants could visit. For a general treatment see the following: 0. I. VI. I. mentions the presence of a mosque in the city. The Jews in the Byzantine Empwe (Athens. 5th ecl. 157 (hereafter cited as Hudud al-‘Alam-Minorsky). on Clazomenae as a port of call and seat of a bishopric in the eleventh century. 1880). 50-51.D. A StrobiIite merchant pledges to his patron saint one-half of all his gains from maritime cornmercc if he comes back safely. 111. “Ephesus” pp. 1g37)..S. Urkunden a i r alteren Handels-wid Stantsgesdichte der Repulrlik Venedig (Vienna. Die Genesis. 372 A. 52. bought many of its necessities in the shops of Ephesus. “Vizantiiskie goroda.G.G. 537. and shipping constantly plied the lanes between Smyrna and Constantinople and the isles in the eleventh century. Gibb. Studien z z i ~Geschichte der Stadt Ephesits vom 4.” Byzantine-Bulgarica. M. “Zum byzantinischen Ephesos. IV.” pp. P.42 Phocaea and Strobilus were among the important ports of Anatolia in which Venetian merchants were to be allowed to trade late in the eleventh century. T. 532-533. 1959) 11. I ( I ’’ I0 I1 .. Sanguinetti. Nicomedia. Because the source material is so scarce. p.44 The towns farther north were also centers of lively trading activity. 223. XXV (1906). 182-186. picture of the towns over a period of time.i. 1905). I 854).” But Phygela is described as a large town in 723-726 and. 1 9 3 9 ) ~ 228. remarks that the relevant passage is confused as a result of incorrect copying from other sources. (London. random factual information spanning a long period of time has been gathered. This condition also prevailed in the thirteenth century between the Seljuk and Nicaean domains. see chapter I11 below.35 though this is felt to be something of a formidable temptation for the brethren. 1-14. Hodoeporicon S. 3a P. 40. 106. p. and Ge~rgians. I. the surplus of which was exported to regions in Phrygia.. Jalirlticnderts (Jena.~’ These incidental bits of information indicate that eleventh-century Ephesus was no sleepy hollow but was rather a center of both local and international trade. well watered. colony. W. Archaeology has not yet progressed to the point where it can be of service in regard to the extent of urban life in Byzantine Anatolia during the period under consideration. lists Phygela as one of the “new cities” which he claims were founded in the late ninth and tenth centuries.” Oriens Christianus.A. Meh-rafiuma P X E T ~ K ~ b ~ ~ V wp T yeoaioviKfiv “ETEDOVK a i T ~ V KahobyEvov @aoA6yov.554. though possibly not on the same scale as Ephesus. Hudud al-‘Alam. For further reference. 36 Ibid.~~ produced much grain. Attaliates.33 Books are purchased there. a plasterer. who has just converted to Christianity in Ephesus. “Sur les citCs byzantines aux XP-XII8 sikcles. “Smyrne. receives an interpreter from the metropolitan of Ephesus so that when he goes to see St. 83.. Benndorf. 536. had existed in classical times. 43 Tafel and Thomas.” For some reason Icazdan. fiassim.34 and the monks are permitted to attend the fair. Jews. 198-1gg. AS Nov. The monks of Mt. A useful collection on the towns.32 Incidental information concerning the economic activity of the city emerges from an eleventh-century hagiographical composition in which we get a glimpse of what must have been a very busy town. 11. J. I. 145-182. The Travels o Ibn Battuta (Cambridge. H.586. mentions both Strobilus and Phocaea. Rudikov. Vie de Grigoire Ddcapolite el les Slaves Macddoniens au IX“ sihle (Paris. Ozerki uizantiiskoi kultury Po dannym grezeskoi agiografii (Moscow. O n the agriculture.” A D . “Vizantiiskie goroda. Thomas.30 T h e western Anatolian coast was dotted with natural harbors that seem to have been active maritime centers in the tenth and eleventh centuries. for in an earlier period I b n Khuradadhbih. 309 (hereafter cited as Ibn Battuta-DefrCmery). T h e translator and commentator on the text. Russians. 53. N. ed. 469. in Itinera HierosoCyrnitana e t Descr$tiones Terrae Sanctae. were absent from Asia Minor during this period. TivEev. rcmarks that cities were f few in Rum. The monks of the monastery on Mt. dl AS Nov. 4 0 “Vie de Saint Athanase l’hthonite. of course.. Toller and A. Starr. R. 1964). Craftsmen and merchants of various sorts appear : a painter. 273-288. III.P. 540. Zur Ortskunde und Stad&escliiclite von Ephesus (Vienna. Ibid. IV). Broekhoff.31 Ephesus was a lively harbor town with a panegyris or trade fair that yielded 100pounds of gold in annual taxes during the reign of Constantine VI (780-797) . Darrouxts. Urktinden. neither craftsmen nor merchants.P. A. 263-283. and commerce is to be found in A. as there is mention of Saracens. Galesium near Ephesus are constantly going to the ~dto-rpov (Ephesus) for the various needs of the monastery. which received money from pious donors.3s Its plain was fertile. I 94. and the nearby sea was a rich fishing ground. it makes the contradictory remark that R u m has many towns and villages. But in the preceding passage. 3 0 T h e Pilgrimage o the Rzcssian Abbot Daniel in the flooly Land 1106-1107 AD. The monastery. Voyages d’lbn Bntoirtah (Paris.36 This commercial activity was of more than a local nature. 34 Ibid. P. Wilson. ghistoliers Dyzaiitins du Xe si2cZe (Paris. Tafel and G.T.O. V I (1931). Urkunden). T h e eighth-century pilgrim Willibaldus. L. it becomcs obvious that neither trade nor commerce. (Vienna. Keil. B. De Caeriinoniis. 256.” pp. Athos sailed to Smyrna to purchase necessities. f C. 578. a central emporium with 3 8 G. A number of the texts that follow are also cited in Ka. however. Dvornik. noted it to be still well watered and that the vine was cultivated. AS Nov. 444 (hereafter‘cited as Ibn f Battuta-Gibb).-982 A. 156. 1-1. *4 J. XIV. There is no intention of trying to adduce urban conditions in the eleventh century by facts pertaining to earlier centuries.. DefrCmery and B. “What is most interesting is that the Saracen. nachchristlichen Jahriiuridert bis zum ilrrem Untergang an der ersten Halfte des 15. “Ephesus.B. Bees. Lazarus he will be able to converse with him..EVE OF THE TURKISH CONQUEST EVE OF T€IE TURKISH CONQUEST SOUrCeS that are not only rare but are also Constantinople-centered. and mining of the Smyrna region. . commerce. 1856).ao. 1go5). Strobilus also had a Jewish p.” ’ApXaiohoyiK? ’Eqqy~pl~ 2.. p. J. Minorsky. Ahrweiler. so often quoted. 658. V. describes Phygela as “villam magnam. pp. “Smyrne. which produced only barley. i interesting to note that when Alexius I accorded the Venetians commercial privileges. Strabo. R.

A. ed. “vrroh(~viov Abh. Drexl and F. 1. . IOXWpbV 6k Th TOhhb. These dr/poyai-rov~gcame to town to sell their own produce. I. O 0 I n the early eighth century. embellished since the time of Justinian I with public baths and buildings. Stddte Painjlpliens und Pisidiens. 44. 590. Constantine Porphyrogenitus. of which the “virgin” I grapes were a speciality. 365-366 (hereafter cited as al-Umari-Quatremtre).5DGreat numbers of merchant vessels touched at such ports of call as Cyzicus.6a The whole region of northwest Anatolia was unusually favored. 322-324. Pierre d’dtroa 837 (Brussels. Attaleia remained throughout the whole period the principal naval base and commercial station that the Byzantines possessed i n southern Anatolia. ~6Aiv &pxai6. 1g41). Chalcedon. J. I t also had a Jewish colony. XI1 (1938).S. ‘‘ 4s &cpoppbv ElhOqcrav 01 TihEicrroi TGV EIS Kb~rpovT O P E U O ~ ~ U V . Buildings. Al-UmariQuatrPmere. “The City Walls of Nicaea.~8 The city contained granaries for the agricultural produce o f the rural environs49 and an active colony of Jewish merchants.40 and also to visit the church of the Archangel Michael. I. indicates that later Attaleia was built on a different site but this is perhaps a confusion with Side.P. I.Schneider and K.Leib. Prusa. Schneider. -riohwavOpw~oT$rq.” B.” Procopius. I t is quite possible that some of them were prisoners taken in war. 333 (hereafter cited as Drexl and Pertz). 1890). horses. Mcrcati. IV. P. &istoliers byzantine. 326. 132. 1g37). trans. 64 AS Nov. Karnopp. ( 1 9 2 0 ) ~ 263-337. AS Nov. 209. ed. 263 (hereafter cited as “Un itintraire”). mpicpavfis Kal 671 &yxlahos K a i rr)\+jeos &I TOV vavTq68Ev E ~ Sahfiv Kmaipo6vTwv . 11. and Pylae enjoyed a certain prosperity because of Zepos. 438. Darrouzts.. a n d E. XIII. (Paris. . 17-20. 720. 1g3g). pottery. M. Abydus. 1 7 . 5 I I . AS Nov. Nicmann. X.C.O4 66 Tafel and Thomas. 52-53. some probably there for purposes of trade. 43. Kolias. XXII. der Wiss.. AS NOV.EVE O F THE TURKISH CONQUEST EVE OF T H E TURKISH CONQUEST state khans for the residence of the merchant^. 11.G. 1956). IV. p. Pertz (Milan. 63 Kaidan. Petersen. ” 4 7 Papadopoulos-Kerameus. 1929)~ 43 (hereafter cited as al-Umari-Taeschner) .~ (1913). I b n Battuta-Gibb. Ibn 1 Battuta-Gibb. . Schneider. “Un itintraire arabe A travers le Pont.65 Pylae possessed <woSoxEiaor Khans for the rnerchants. A. 111. A Conze. p. A. Lampsacus. M. p. which belonged to Psellus. {KKahEiTal TOGS 8TlT7l8EbOVTaST b Xpqpa TpbS k l W T q V . visited by great numbers of ships. 645. Wheat was grown in the area and fish were supplied from the lake. p. Taeschner.lEhE“Xs 6K&&EUeal K a l 8la”rEpb Kal Ta PacrihiSi T a p a d p m i v T& epippma. 241.47 Its neighbor. The fish and crustaceans were believed to cure fever and paralysis. p. Most of the silk to be found in the shops of Constantinople came from thcse rcgions. 5. Honigmann. (Vienna.S. 659. 397. 1938). S.N. ‘‘ Nkaia 1~6Ais Tohhois pkv ppt8E1 Tois Zlhois Kahois.J. 1 . 6a Constantine Porphyrogenitus. Al-Umari’s Bericht iiber Anatolien in seinem Werke masiilik al-absiir f i maniiilik al-amsiir (Leipzig. dew K a t TIVES ‘Eppalwv ‘pwhfis ah6ae K C X T O I K O ~ J T EBpnopdag TE x & p v Kal T ~ S ~ &hhqs &q+3ovlas. Al-Idrisi-Jaubert. P6as TE K a l ~ITITOWSK a l ~pdpccrct TOGS &va h @ KOTOlKOhJTaS pee’ 6Oqs O h &V E k O I Tls hl!. p. 418. 11. 11. commercially.. “Notices p. to buy what they needed. X (1gr3-25). notes that the environs abounded in fruits. Laudanum was produced and the thermal baths of the city were still visited at this late date. Alexiade (Paris.. Helenopolis. 143 (hereafter cited as Anna Comnena). G. Ibn Battuta-Gibb. al-Idrisi-Jaubert. 1. I2 I3 .-pliilolog-Kl. 259-260. I.^^ exported livestock to the capital and served as the market for villagers in the vast rural area around the city. A.rrhowTovVal ~ohliavSpov. 428. Laurent. 111. 323-324. Nicomedia. an important market for grain and livestock. “ crvhhapP&vov-rai ITAEio-ra H I K ~ &TE Kal pEybha TTPCCY~UTEUT~KCC u~b~pv . 11. Lanckorodski. Solch. 6Abydus. . F. 629. ahla &mopla Kal TpaypmIKh a w v a h h a y ~ m a . Quatremtre. a n d by the existence of fairly rich and large villages. AS Nov. De Caerirnoniis. Nicholas Mesarites. Heisenbefg Sitz. was an equally active commercial center and mart for local farming pr0ducts. I b n BattutaDefrkmery. 643. 387. 11. T$ 6k Tpbs &plTOpelaVZXEIV EfiCpVGj. became a famous resort town that Constantinopolitans visited for the cures of the warm baths.01 It was the most convenient harbor between the region of the Aegean and Cyprus and points eastward. 11. Procopius. and travelers and merchants voyaging between the two areas usually stopped at Attaleiaao2 was not only an important center for the deposit It of naval stores and grain but an international trading centerogwhere in addition to the local merchants one could expect to see Arrnenians. De Caerimoniis.b6 and the town specialized in the export of swine.” I t was still an important commercial center in thirteenth century commerce between Bithynia and Constantinople. ” K. ‘ I .H. La vie nierveillsuse de S. De Caerimoniis.. 54. Jaubert (Paris. Anne Comnhe.” p. “Vizantiiskie goroda.” R. 4 8 Much of this produce was evidently shipped to Constantinople. 1838). For a survey of the history ofNicaea. and silk. by its proximity to a large market in Constantinople. 64B. Nicaea. EhEpiypaTTOV pkV. 1g43).60 The tenthcentury Theophanes Continuatus refers to Nicaea as rich and heavily populatcd.. Northwestern Asia Minor had remained an important area of silk production down to the early fourteenth century. Lion Choirosphactes (Athens. Abydus was an important station for the levying of maritime tolls. Ibn Battuta-Defrtmery. V.O.61 It is pertinent that the Arab geographer al-Mukaddasi mentioned the presence o f Muslims in the cities of Bithynia.” Thus Synnada also had a small group of Jews in the ninth century. Michaelis Pselli Scripta Minora. 39. P~~ilosopti. 453. for the restoration of the baths by Leo VI. IV. iii.I. ‘ I . 4 0 Cedrpnus.” Antiquity. p. 2v &o-rEiov 6 x 6 ~ ~ 1 ~~rlrvrosa l K mpicmo66amov ~b xolpows K a l Bvovs. 11.” A. 720. See for example in Drexl and Pertz.62 Though the literary references to the town are scanty. was in addition famed for its thermal baths.~7 Pythia (the Turkish Yalova). 302 (hereafter cited as al-Idrisi-Jaubert). Lampsacus. Iv. 111. cattle. Anecdota. ~ Cyzicus.” 45 46 ‘I their favorable location along the land and maritime routes leading to Constantinople. 61 Theophanes Continautus. G. Stadt und Landschaft Pergainon (1913). de I’ouvrage qui a pour titre: Mesalek etc. de la bibliothdgue du Roi. 450. A. Ibn Battuta-Defrtmery. mentions springs of cold water and apricots that were exported to Egypt. As late as the early fourteenth century Nicaea was an important silk manufacturing center. Mesarites. the archaeological finds indicate that in the eleventh century Pergamum was the site of some local industry. a n d asses to Con~tantinople. 464. ‘I. 6 7 DarrouzPs. 642.R. by numerous harbors. IV.E. I. “Historisch-geographische Studien ilber bithynischen Siedlungen.. 183. Giogruphie d’Edrisi. 6 o AS Nov. Akad. 386. Theophanes. I V (1936).O. I. “Intorno all’ autore del carme €15 ~h 6v nUOlolS 8EpM&. 109. the description of the village of Oreine in Bithynia.. 111. E. Die Stadtniauer von Iznik (Berlin. 1840). the forces rebelling against Anastasius I1 were able to capitalize on this factor to raise a large fleet of merchant vessels in this area with which to oppose the emperor.” in Notices et extraits des mss. 366. Cius. by the presence of large towns and centers of population. V. der bay. 304. I. Leo Choerospliactes composed a poem on the baths. I. 11. Urkunden. Ramischen und byzantinischen Denkmdler aus Nicaea-Iznik (Berlin.sS and its neighbor Adramyttium was a town of more than respectable s i ~ e .” This rich area exported such items as grain. Netie Quellen. &istoliers byrantins. 11. 384. noted that the springs Were still visited by the sick in his day. 318. Netre Quellen zur Geschicltte des lateinischeti Kaistertirms und der Kirchenunion. G.” 6 2 E. J. . ” O3 Constantine Porphyrogenitus. Al-Umari-Taeschner. 385.E.

Van de Vorst. “Amastris. 590. 7l Nicetas of Paphlagonia. 111. .” D. Vasilievsky. EIs fiv oi TE 1. .” Eyice. S. 6 ~ f i s Ila$. they exported wheat to the Phrygian district. Petersburg).08 The northern Anatolian coast was the scene of similarly energetic commerce and industry. O g Nicephorus Bryennius. k p a K q V O ? S .CV.ll. A History o Deeds Done beyond the Sea.rr?tcri 6QTOTS EriTq6Etois 6alyihQS E 6 j e w o u p 6 v q . K a l ot rpbs V ~ T O V68 KEI~EVOI. 418. 7 O Constantine Porphyrogenitus. and Muslims in the city. A. Its agricultural produce found ready markets in the less fertile regions of the Anatolian plateau. 2 8 7 . Jews. pi3hAov 6 i ~ i j O ~ K O V ~ 6hlyou 6EiV. ‘‘ 0 6 6 ~ v l piv T ~ V b y f s 9 Buhauuqs h $‘wyl~~v uravI&Tai*. which needed its grain. D e Caerinzoniis. the site of the church of St. who always dedicated a share of the wheat (in which they traded) to his church. 1. 75 I d I I I 26 A 27 0 28 C 29 D 30 E 3 1 this 42 I 1 ties. f Babcock and A. and the produce of the soil made Amastris one of the more prosperous towns on the Black Sea. K a 1 T&V r a p ’ ahfis &.07The Arab accounts of the ninth and tenth centuries describe the district of Attaleia as densely populated and rich in cereals. Eyice. ETUXOV p. Thd Jews . 1g5g). ling Sea. Phocas was patron saint of the merchants and seamen. Die Ruinen uon Sida (Berlin. O n Side.W. Tafel and Thomas. 73 Nicetas of Paphlagonia. b d.instead of wood. also comments on the fertility of the soil. It was at too high an elevation for the cultivation of olive oil or the vine. Supplementband X (1965). Mansel.78 4 1 s of C I . became wealthy and great from this maritime commerce. P. see f the :&as a1 of adis- SEA I 30 . Starr.. Urkunden. though of humble origin. and for fuel the inhabitants had to utilize animal dung. by way of example. 184-219..72The combination of local industry. Of rohhol r E p 1 T ~ V’A-rr&heiav T & T Q V I K ~ ~ E BVTES. D la plaine pamphylienne aux lacs phidiens. 198-199. Nomadisme et uiepaysanne (Paris. Nicetas the Paphlagonian. hroptas X+IV KO~~~~CCVTES.” P. C. ‘30-133. ““Ayios CJ @COKES ZIVOTE~S.” Anatolia. 879-918. 93-94. trade. 0 8 Ibn Hawkal.74 and also as the sponsor of the great 055/1id. records the case history of a certain Maurix who. ” 74 c. XVII (IgsZ). relates that the “Scyths” who lived on the north coast of the Black Sea were in frequent and intense commercial relation with the inhabitants ofthe city. VII (1954)~ 97-10?.6 Pdpeiov TOG EO$E~VOU s ~ ~ S . 26. Krey. y:: inires 29 3 1 mkish ‘4 ‘5 . xxvi. 1. XVI. Keraites in Bymiltiurn (New York.” A.Mansel.qov[as.70 TO the northeast was Amastris. A... but possibly earlier as well. produced only barley. ~ ~ 35 i 1 Y . and probably earlier. Greeks.G. 421. 1 1 101-102. ‘‘ ’Ap&mpa. I.G. 43-47. M.. The region of Synnada.” Actes de X Congrds International d‘ztudes Byzantines 1955 (Istanbul. 7 z When George the bishop of Amastris had to journey to Trebizond to free merchants of Amastris from jail. 5 2 . X. B. 27 28 ikia ’.rthapp&oucri.71 Its merchants were quite active as early as the ninth century. Phocas. o i K o 6 o C l r j a o l T h U N V P O i S K a t TEfXEUl KaPTEPOiS. and annotated by F. 1963). In the period of Ibn Battuta-Gibb. N.. 421. St. EVE OF THE TURKISH CONQUEST saracens. trans. “Side. 35-42. ‘I * 2s.” Cahiers Archkolagique..957) PP. .G. dpBahp6s. pCpos TIEP~OIKOGVTESZ K N a i . “Deux anciennes Cglises byzantines de la citadelle d’Amasra (Paphlagonie). “L’Cglise cruciforme byzantine de Side en Pamphylie. . XXX ( I ~ I I ) . “Saint Phocas.’’ 0 8 ~ Ankori. was important as a grain port and naval base. 46-47. @pga~ov.G. 03-85. I.A. T& r a p ’ Q m & v TE uuvEimpCpoual.H.E. e pp.CV.B. there were Latins. b A W P E K a l~ 6ia60uis ahjs. Oikonomides. Epistoliers Dyzantins.” A. a more important commercial center. Heracleia engaged i n a brisk trade with Constantinople” and with Cherson. V a l 6fi K a 1 hlC16Ul K a h O i S K a l O f K j T O P Q I b d E V E 7 T E p I ~ C N E Q T & T O I $ K E X P ~ ~ ~ V ~ Vailht.. 8 7 Italians were calling at Attaleia at the end of the eleventh century. pp. P. de Planhol. “La ville byzantine de Side en Pamphylie. 73 Sinope. 11.05 Jews. describing Amastris as the “eye” of Paphlagonia. I11 (1958). William of Tyre. 1958).. pp. Trudy (St. 189. east of Attaleia: A.” and Italians. Darrouzb. Cjcrmp €75 TI K O I V ~ V O W V T ~ ~ X O V T E S 1pdpiov.

1 2 - 26 A 27 8 28 C 29 D 30 E 3 1 F 32 G 33 H 34 I 35 J 36 K 37 L 38 M 39 N 40 0 4 1 P 42 0 43 R 44 s 45 I I I I I I I I I B L A C K I S E A I I I I I I 1 2 b c b +I +I C C 1 0 10 d d 39 1 9 e e 38 38 f f 3i 37 4 9 36 36 h h 35 3F I ! 1 I 27 I50 200 MILES I I 28 29 I 30 3 1 32 33 34 35 I I I I 4 1 42 43 44 .

is‘ucli. Amisus. de Courteille ~) (l’aris. XI1 (1906)~ 1q. 4th scr. in ternis of population.R. ‘‘A Molybdobull of the Imperial Protospatharius Constantine. I 959). pp.) “ j w e e i pkv yap 76 . I~nnipros. 381. “ fiSq y&p uoi K’awTaGOu . wealth.” le “konmierkioti” et les commercinires (Paris. 1st. p. Sbornik v istohiikov po istorii trajezundskai iinpcrii (St. There were several market fairs held each year. ITapOEviSvey 6 i a p E p o q p t v a i K a T h t J K V O l ral xAq8os AaoG O ~ K O WfipSfw5 dp~8poTOV. Jenkins (Washington. traj. Kirche wid thcologische Literntur i m /p:anfinisc//en Ileicli (Munich.” p. and Anatolia.” V. K a t Tap& ~rrtruqs. It‘ecliercfies mr les douanes ( Byzance.Z. In$. Al-Idrisi-Jaubcrt.rqviKaka K U I ~ O G Tpa-rregoGs f j 6 ~ fi Kal mplomos qv K a l ITEplKhU705. for bibliography. “NicCtas LVZI (1964). which participated in this maritime intcrcourse with the “Scyths” and the other Pontine cities.G. t r p . de Maynard and P.cramcus.75 Slightly to the southeast was another grain port. Schlumberger..EVE O F THE TURKISH OONQUEST Saraci tenth rich ii3 fertile The 41 P I \ ‘ 42 P 43 R 44 s 45 r I I 7-- panegyris. IX (rgng). Petersburg.. Dc Adm. Lampsides. ‘H kKhqtJk T Q a I T E < O k J T O ~ . 81.U.Is(. I 68-1 70. M 7 9 I’apntlopoulos-Keramcus. .).rravjyvpls TGV ~ E Y ~ ~ w v t. De Adniitiistrnndo Imkerio. imp. Chrysanthos. Central Asia. was Trebizond. Phocas.IT. and industry. Beck. D. rcfers to Trebizond as ~!wl-markets. held on the feast day of St. “Saint Phocas. p o v a l 6 i K a l oi. 64. 289. The silk-garment merchants used this linen to line the socaIlccl bombyccne tunics. Trebizond was more important as a commercial center in which converged trade routes coming by sea from Cherson and by land from the Caucasus. Ist. It was officially observed by the go\-urrirncntoficials. I 967) pp. Moravcsik and R.9. was also the site of an imperial treasury in the eleventh century. ed.” U. 11. I C I I ~ 11. Constantinople. which traded extensively with the Chersonese. pp. ‘‘ T&VU ~ 6 f i p 0 ~ 6 ~ a 1 paeaia $mi K KUI ~Cqopos. 111. instituted in the region of Basil I: Merchants and travelers from all parts of the Middle lo Van de Vorst.. Eugenius by Joseph the metropolitan of Trebizond. an ecclesiastical seal of for ~vi. Comncna. ?’ Zepos. 11. p. until the end of the elevcnth century when the ‘Turkish invasions irltcrrup tcci the celebration. Syria. 56. Xu$oAat E ~ S T) TV l a r o p h v Tpam[oiivro5. Krites of the Thcnlt! of Chnldia.. see A.. B. C. supplying Constantiriople with linen cloth. tmnj~in$. fst. 3 (hcreafter cited as Mas‘udi).rluc incoiinu dc ‘I‘rkbizonde. 57-59.. Antoniadis2 nibicou.An. pp. “Sceaux byzantins inbdits. H Z I’a~~~~clopoulou-Il. 8” I’npii~lo~~oulos-E.)* (This is from the miracula of St. G. H-G.C. H. trap. imp. 393.78 It was situated in the vicinity of the fertile grain-producing regions of Paipert and Chaldia70and served as a storage center and market for the region’s grain. I 897). rgG3). XXVII (1966). Uryer. or commercial fair. for the seal of a tenth-eleventh century of con~mcrciarius Amisus. 7 a Constantinc I’orphyrogenitus. Les jmiria d’or. commerce. See also 0. 49-50. 9. X E ~ ~ yijs &O@(ETO* I T ~ O ~ I X O VTE ~h i j p x o v 6v a h f j o k U V. Papadopoulos-Kerameus. 77 Certainly the most important of the Anatolian cities on the Black Sea. 348-34.el the most important of which was the panegyris of St. L’ “octaun. On the later pcriod.” A. Bqooaplwvog ~ y ~ t b p l o€15 T p a m c o i h a v G v T b IT~GTOV~ K & I & ~ ~ E V O V v K W & ~ b v a p K i a v b v K&61Ka (Athens. 286-287 (hereafter cited as Constantine Porphyrogcnitus.cro~ncus. TOIS Iv T&I. the patron saint of Trebizond.” Revue Nutnistncitiqtte. im). ” For the seal of the crites of the theme in the ninth-tenth century. fexfc et traduction.80But significant as it was in the grain trade.rai i i d h ~ ~ ~ &mop01 TE nheimoi K a l BAPioi. was one of the major textile centers of northern Anatolia. ‘4 15 . I’apnclopoulos-~ermaneus. 58 (hereafter cited as Papadopoulos-Kerameus. pnssirn.” Tlic city also had mining works in the vicinity. T ~ bhlyoi K a I oTpmili... 380-381. Eugenius.0.. ‘O Cerasus..244-246. Anna I ”. tbc clcvcmth and twelfth centuries (or possibly of the tenth century). I 916 ) . IV-V (1936). G.. J. 81 M.

rraibla phr a4 O6 Mas‘udi. was later repeopled primarily with Jacobite Constantine Porphyrogenitus.rrohu(p6pou~ K a l TE mo-rdrras odoas Kal oias ~ o h h h s . Eona and Oenoe were smaller towns of some commercial note. Ist. ‘‘ K W ~ ~ I T O ~6’qv ~ o h c p IS Irhqebs ~’BVSKEI ah?. vey&hqv . pp. a large commercial towng0that had been incorporated into the empire during the reign of Romanus I. The latter. they cannot live. enormous customs revenue.rrap&Eiv . k TE yhp ’Iv8Gv K a l KM’ TGV I T h q u t o x h p w v ’Ipfipwv T&VTWV TE cbs d m i v TGV l v nbpoais @vQv K a l ‘ P w p a l o v TIVGV~h qopda EO-KO~I@~EVOI BvTaCOa &hhfihois~ ~ ~ ~ & h i h h Ctironique dc Matthieu Many of its inhabitants moved to the town of Artze where commercial conditions were more favorable. been a n important caravan town that traded with the Georgians in the early tenth Also. 86 Ankori. “ K a l ITCntTOfWV ChVfOV. he transported craftsmen and builders from western Asia Minor and Pontus.. E. Greeks. and ihe rest of Asia. 577. In the mid-eleventh century Toghrul attempted to take the city but after a furious siege that was unsuccessful. iv’ O ~ T W Ei. 148. .000builders and 200 plasterers. 1g23). Eugenius for cures: Arabs.” m K O 8 I t is one of the few Byzantine towns whose personality momentarily shines through the darkness of the sourceless period. ‘‘ Kal .OO This whole tier of Pontic towns participated in a vital commercial and industrial life. pp. Vasilievsky. came to the city to purchase Greek brocades and other textiles.. 393. refers to it variously as “. 11.86 Georgians. as ‘ * K W ~ ~ T T O ~ ~ S pupfav6pos Kal rrohbv Tihokrov &ouua. The inhabitants of Manzikert then placcd a pig on a hallista and hurled it into the sultan’s camp with the cry. . p. T h e Kachaks. very important were the perfumes and other exotic items that entered the empire via the emporium of Trebizond. a fact reflected by such authors as Theophanes and Constantine Porphyrogenitus. r k &l . he decided to abandon the effort.$\> $ &b JI Histoire du conzmerce du Levant au moyen age (Leipzig. d d. the Chersonites cannot live. The trade of the region furnished a further source of revenue to the state by virtue of the customs duties that the commerciarioi levied. If grain does not pass across from Aminsos and from Paphlagonia and the Bukellarioi and the flanks of the Armeniakoi. Armenians. 1 . . but after the Turkish sack of Artze much of the populace returned to Theodosiopolis. . 6Ua mEpUIKI] T E K a l ’IV61Kfi K U l fl hOl7Tfi ’ A d a ( p i p .Al-Idrisi-Jaubert. B.83 Russians. I.” Zonaras. 79. SPI 6k ITOhhal lTOhUWepoTl’6TaTOl 6KqVTal dr/XWT&T”W drhh4hais K a l .rropo~G’fiaav 01 &Opw.” Melitene itself brought in a EVTacea IITTfihaT& t b ‘ l . 440..” The situation was much the same in the days of Justinian I. 188 gb>. p. the Byzantines possessed in eastern Anaiolia a number of comparatively prosperous commercial towns. . 101-102.Q4 The town possessed and traded in all types of goods and wares that were produced in Persia.80 and C i r c a s ~ i a n s . 11. calls it in the tenth century.rrpoa66ou~. 11. Im). For if the Chersonites do not journey to Roumania and sell the hides and wax that they get by trade from the Pechenegs. 11. 415.G. describes a commerce of salted fish taken from Lake Van and of clay for crockery. imperial agents should be sent to the coasts of the provinces of Armeniacon. Theophanes Continuatus.. 11. O 0 Matthew of Edessa. The earliest mentlon of Jews in Byzantine Trebizond is I 188. pp. pp. 208. prosperous. India. O’ Matthew ofEdessa. 123. rj) 8 “ ’?&+t d ~ 3 .43-47. I. 3.g7 the easiernmost extremity was At the town of Manzikert. Imp. De Adm. 393 1 Theophanes. Keraites. .3. Mas‘udi. S K a l drpiepbv irmpf3alvouoa. “Sultan! take this sow to wife and we shall give you Manzikert as dowry.rroIp1. arrest the crews. 122-125. I. wine. the latter as a ship building center and naval base. and extensive emporium with commerce coming to it from Trebizond. 8 0 Istahri. sent to Pontus such items as hides and wax which they acquired from the Patzinaks. Papadopoulos-Kerameus. remarks that its population was as numerous as the sands of the sea. Ibid. De Adm. relates that commerce flowed from Trebizond to the Georgian town of Adranoutzi.A. also recently acquired. a fairly large townD3inhabited by numerous merchants. m.A. pp. 328.. o o Al-Idrisi-Jaubert. Constantine Porphyrogenitus tells his son that in case the Chersonites should revolt.nj 83 2 . 286-287. 416.88 The tenth-century Arab Istakhri relates that most of the Greek textiles and brocades in his day were imported into the Islamic world via Trebizond. “ T b h f O q p O V K a l k&KOUoTOV K a l T & V U 6XUpbV Kal SUVWbV KdtUTpOV ” Melitene and the surrounding towns were quite prosperous.EVE OF THE TURKISH CONQUEST EVE OF THE TURKISH CONQUEST i East were to be seen buying and selling goods in Trebizond and visiting the shrine of St. Abasgia. ” Cedrenus. 4. 40.rrohu&vOpw. imp.Q6 Theodosiopolis in the vicinity seems to have.rrot K a l I T ~ O ~ T O S Jlv a h o i s O2 O3 . 416-417. was a n important and very populous emporium. III. 148. x w p 6 1 ~ o h i v . 1858). History qf the Wars. Paphlagonia. but it is quite possible that they were to be found there earlier. He brought 1. Attaliates. and Bucellarion to take possession of the Chersonite ships. xxv. including not only local Syrians and Armenians but also many othcrs. Armenia. D e Adtn. Heyd. one of the most recently acquired cities of the empire in eastern Asia Minor.” Cedrenus. Ani. 638. 107 ff. Ep... and other commodities were not only necessary for Constantinople but were absolutely essential to the existence of the Chersonites. This latter is depicted as a very busy. pp. Trudy.92 Prior to the Seljuk invasions. in return for the goods that the Greek merchants brought them.rrohiTefav. One of the most important of these and located to the southeast of Trebizond was Artze. ‘‘ v6his E 1p~yirhq a i . T h e former relates that when Constantine V wished to rebuild the acqueduct of Valens i n Constantinople during a severe drought. and Syria. O8 Constantine Porphyrogenitus. 11. ~ ~ The Trebizondines were engaged in a vast international commerce between east and west. It collected KOpp6pKiOV h E p V . 577. Attaliates.rrhiieoy o\jK EirapfOvq-rov +pouua. a Caucasian people. pp. ITE~ITT~S.08 Melitene. The merchant ships of these provinces were to b e prevented from going to Cherson with their much needed cargoes. and confiscate the cargoes. KGval . W. . elaborates on the wealth and numerous population. . trans.. trap. Al-Idrisi-Jaubert. ae Constantine Porphyrogenitus. * ~ Jews. the exports of grain.rrohhol Zp~~opoi l p y a o f a v Iv -rahais oiKoijoiv.. 44. Procopius. 16 =7 . ..~’ d’zdesse (gGz-1136)auec In continuation de Grkgoire leprttrejusqu’en 1162.Attaliates. Aside from the grain that Trebizond sent to the imperial capital on the Bosphorus. Imp.” Matthew of Edessa. I. 2 I 6-2 I 7. Georgia. 83-84 (hereafter cited as Matthew of Edessa). with great numbers of churches and grain silos. 45-47.. 214.rros. C o l ~ h i a n s . Dulaurier (Paris. .

but all their children were baptized. loo Cedrenus. FIaindanides. is said to have ransomed 15. in addition. 11. reveals incidental facts about the cities in this area. Edessa was an important textile center and prior to its destruction by the Turks in the twelfth century was inhabited by silk merchants. and was exceedingly prosperous. Both the Armenians and Syrians had their own church and corporation of merchants in Constantinople.4. Guide des lieux de &Yerittage. in the elcventh century a wealthy inhabitant of Melitene. 1932) Syrians. see Honigmann. 6. cobblers. pp. 11. with thickly inhabited and productive clusters of villages in their environs. V 33. He is either referring to conditions of the eleventh century or else to the period of the reconquest and reconstruction of the towns of the area under hlcxius Comnenus. ” Nicetas Choniates. For further discussion of the population of towns see below. Erlusse des Putriarcherz van Konstantittopel Alexios Studites (Kiel. ‘9 . For an account of the shrine of St. I 17. . lo7 Cedrenus. after being rebuilt. ed. relates that the yearly tax. 541. soie non travaillte. 52. 178 (hereafter cited asBar itr Hebraeus). Abd al-Masih. lcs Ctoffes d e lin. 502. 20. The C~ironographyo Gregory Abu’l Faraj the Son o f f Aaron. Svriac. 1gz4). I.lo2 Nisibis and Edessa were coniparatively populous and wealthy. 703. (Cairo. says that the Greeks refused to settle there and so Nicephorus Phocas asked the Syrians and their church to move to Melitene as they were accustomed t o living between two peoples. p.lQ7 Adana.” Rardas Sclerus during 1. p. though actually not in Asia Minor. G . bijoux. Keraites. l o D When al-Harawi. Zonaras. and people. Al-Idrisi-Jaubert. J. though certainly not as cot6 dcs douaniers de Qargawaih et Dakjur. Liudprand. Attiya and Y . the seat of one of the most important Greek metropolitanates and an important point of religious pilgrimage. 149.hpq K E I ( ~ TrohU&U8pwTros K i . they are repoIted to have loaned Basil I1 100 centenaria of gold. Matthew of Edessa.lO8 Caesareia.P. “En ce qui concerne la dime prClevCe sur (se q u i vient du) pays des Rum.” D. dv drrroKpfipVcp-rr.~ ~ ~ K C C ~rohudrvOpw. relates the story of the three sons of a certain Abu Imrun who were so rich that they struck the imperial gold coinage at their own expense. 1g51). ce seront les douaniers du chambellan et de Bakjur aprts lui qui prClCveront. Urkunden. Le Strange. J. Ev K U ~ +cicipos K & J ~ Kal xdpa id a h I j v 6kpfa K a l &yaefi. dated P I July I 137.. 8. and Heracleia.O. Anazarba and Podandus in the tenth and eleventh centuries were populous and prosperous. Goitein. p. 94. M. trans. says of Anazarba. in the twelfth century still regards Anazarba as ‘‘ T T ~ ~ Iwpiqavij. This trade had no doubt always existed and the wars and ratzius only temporarily interrupted it. Becker in Die Werke Lindpmnds van Cremona.rrirhts piv fi M E ~ I T T . Mopsuestia.” D. Aprts eux tous ces drolts seront p e r p par les douaniers impCriaux. 130-131 (hereafter cited as Michacl the Syrian). Michael the Syrian.rrohUnhq8q -rr6hlv.000 Greeks. says it was full of gold. Article twenty-one speaks of caravans coming from Byzantium to the domain of Islam. a considerable portion of it must have entered into and passed through southern and central Anatolia. 11. I n the eleventh century these Syrian Christian merchants of Melitene were very active commercially. brocart grec.P. los Cedrenus. In the reign of Constantine X Ducas the walls of the city (destroyed in the tenth century by the Byzantines) were rebuilt at the expense of the wealthy Syrian inhabitants. vii-viii.502. But for south and central Anatolia we have only thc 13yzantine chronicles.lo4Aniioch. the city had. lo( Matthew of Edessa.” But i~ I V perhaps this culogy was lifted from the legislation of Justinian. Legatio. who are provincial in nature. les animaux el autres merchandises. see Attaliates. refers to A d a m and Tarsus as large towns with an active commerce and fine stone bazaars. 48-55. 11. l o g Thus. I .106 Though much of this rich revenue to the crown. ~ g r q ) I. “A Letter of Historical Importance from Seleuceia (Selefke). pp. “Arab-Byzantine Relations under the Umayyad Caliphate. I‘ . I 98. E. 11. silver.000Christians from the Turks a t five dinars a head. Tarsus. refers to Adana as a ~ 6 h 1 vSee Tafel and Thomas. It was one of the important points at which commerce flowed between the domains of Byzantiurn a n d Islam. les douaniers imphriaux prtlCveront la dime. ~ ~ O S 133. 107-108.” E I I .000 Armenians. the Hebrew Pfpsiciaii commonly known as B a r Hebraeus beitig tfle First Part o fiis Political f Hsoy ofthe World.” Zonaras. d h l s &pxaia K l p~yckhq a d-irloqpos.O. Bagfzdad duritig the Abbasid Caliphate f r o m Contemporary Arabic and Persian Sources (Oxford. passim. S.” Anatolian Studies. 100. Seleuceia. I1 ( r g y ) .G . 1go5). Basil. .” For a complete analysis of this treaty preserved in I h m a l al-Din. for a total of 35. translated from the Arabic text by Canard. have preserved significant information. Budge (London. I. 06 ToiS druayKaiots p6vov EIS PIOv &ih)\h K a i Tais ~ r ~ p l r r o E s ST ~ P ~ E\jeuvoupivrp.rroS. iii. Michael the Syrian. 1 1 54. Wiet (Cario. commercial ports of southern Anatolia. trading in Constantinople and in the lands under the sway of the Turks. trans. 136. and trans. weavers. Chabot (Paris. 835. ‘‘ K O V ~ O T ~ ~o6aa K a i rohuCtv0po. and ed. lo8 Nicephorus Phocas recolonized Tarsus after its conquest. les Ctoffes de soie L fleurs de diverses couleures (huzyun). Chabot. 130. According to Sawiras ibn al-Mukaffa’. W. precious stones. others remained in their Faith. Unfortunately source niatcrial is lacking here. XXVII (1958). 85-150. 1959).. and Armenian authors. S. 1.loOThe highland town of Tzamandus was also wealthy and of good size. A. 173-174. his revolt was able to raise considerable sums of money from its inhabitants. argent. There is a particularly significant mention of it in the treaty concluded between the Byzantines and Hamdanids in 969-970. and tailors.” Me7anges ogerts d M. Anazarba produccd fruit in great abundance. Gough. ~ v ~ ~ a ‘rrhohq~ mpIppl8fiS. favored by its location on the commercial route connecting Mesopotamia-Syria with Anatolia. Cinnamus. which went to the treasury at Constantinople was fifty pounds of gold. ITisto7y o the Patriarclls o f the Egybtian Church. . 11. 111.EVE OF THE TURKISH CONQUEST EVE OF THE TURKISH CONQUEST ChristianslOO and to a lesser degree with Armenians and Greeks. Ctoffes de soic fines (sundus). et sur loutcs les merchandises comme or. trade with the Muslim east was transacted in northern and eastern Asia Minor. was very important in the economic life of the empire and especially in the commercial activities of the Anatolian towns. 133.” 19111. 305 (hereafter cited as Sawirus ibn al-Mukaffa’). Ficker. 3d ed. Gustave Schhmberger (Paris. brocades.aratiin editi (Hannover-Leipzig. Les pays. Z ~ O . And many of her citizens returned to TarsBs.lo1The few remarks tha t emerge from the sources reveal that this town was inhabited by wealthy merchants. 1g37). Sourdel-Thomine (Damascus 1957). in 1071-1072. Canard. and they are concerned only with the capital. Archelais. Its in. 111. and Seleuceia wcre significant towns characterized by commercial enterprise. I. Aside from the commercial and industiial importance of Byzantine Mesopotamia. pierres prCcieuses. attracted Jewish merchants fi-om Egypt as settlers.000 Latins. 1 1 146. and some of them were baptized and became Christians. ‘‘ T a h q v oih E ~ S Koupa-rcop[av hoKcc-racT-rfioaS b pauihE1SS rohhas Xihl&Gas xpuuiou Kai &pywplou ~ K E K ~ V Saopotpopeio8al I-rqolws I T E T T O ~ ~ ~ K E VG. it wa5 also an important producer of wheat. habitants resisted the Turks valiantly. ‘‘ . See also Yakubi. des douaniers de I’empereur sikgcront tr I a ..” Scylitzes.lo’ Nigde. sur les ktoffes (ordinaires). la dime.” English summary of the article in Tarbiz.Z ~ I . “Un Cpisode de l’histoire des Croisades. 111. 11. J-B. 1 1 i x ( I 958). Edessa is one of the few cities for which there are f population figures. 4.” Al-Idrisi-Jaubert. Scriptores reruni geriimicnrum inti st4tii scholaiuin ex Monumentis Genmmzae Historicissel. 111. Ankori. I 9 I 5). “Les relations politiques ct sociales entre Byzancc et les Arabes. and the supply of food therein was so abundant that 1 2 litres of bread were sold for one zGz. For northern and western Anatolia the saints’ lives. Zonaras. Rdasse. indicates the presence of Greeks in Baghdad. journeyed through Anatolia in the latter half of the twelfth century the Byzantine hippodrome and baths were still to be seen. 171. In eastern Asia Minor information ureservcd bv the Islamic.. pcrles. “Anazarbus. I. pp. trans.000. l o o Cltronique de Michel le Syrien Patriarche Jucobite d’dntioch. for mention of the . and. see Canard. “And Tars& was (re)built. . “Malatya.rros. 414-415. p. 48. l o fGibb. PZ. was the principal town of Cappadocia. 28. . 833-837. Bar Hebraeus. ed. 4 . Hisstoire de la dynastie des Flamdanides de Jezira et de Syrie (Algiers. p. p.lo3 obviously dependent far much of their prosperity o n trade with Syria. Ficker. Michael the Syrian.Matthew of Edessa. a Syrian Christian. which arc also local in character. ‘‘ 1 ~ 6 h i ~ . X V I I I (1964). trans. and 1. 111. 165. 133. A. Cilicia. p.

.rov I T O ~ I T I K ~ V . see below.” Ramsay. along the road to Dorylaeum. “ lrohhol yhp T ~ ah6pwv Xpvuiov m-rrbpqauiv &@. “Ammuriya.. 1 . but it is difficult to ascertain the period to which he refers.lls Between Dorylaeum and Nicaea were the lesser towns of Malagina. 11. . religious. Bryennius. n7r-r7na The tradition of 1 textile manufacture in the region of Laodiceia was already famous in the time of the geographer Strabo. Geography). Attaleiates.rrohiTda in the eleventh century. Santabaris. Ibn Battuta-DefrCmery. Broughton.lZ0Slightly to the east was Saniana (a military base) . Ibn Battuta-Defrtmery. and villages. 207. ll1 Ansbert. Ionia. Caria. S. Nicetas Choniates. Being an Essaj ofthe Local Histov ofphrygiafronr the Earliest Times to the *urkish Conquest (Oxford. 111. Zonaras. For references to the church as a site of pilgrimage. 75 (hereafter cited as Ansbert). “Michel I11 et Basile le Mactdonien dans les inscriptions d’Ancyre. K a l Bua &VOpbrroIs ipovfiv &EI. was a center of commercial 116Vasilievsky and Nekitene. 2. communications. Polybotus. towns. When Ibn Battuta-Gibb. he observed that the Greek textile workers were still making excellent clothes and materials. Theodore Scutariotes-Sathas.692. but it soon declined. 281. Al-Umari-Quatremhre. midway between the Halys and Iris rivers. Merchants traveled long distances to do business at this event. Karalevsky. doov E ~ S 6alyiAeiav I-rois T Q ~ E& ? . “Zur Geschichte Angoras im Mittelalter.rrhfiOsi TEKal pay6OEi &v6p6v TE Kal olKi6v K a l T ~ 8AAwv xpqa-rav xal (IlAWT6V 61apipovua. VIII. 1932). 1 ~ ~ The northern rim of the plateau contained a number of towns. and Iconium see chapter iii.11l Chonae. 16. I I . Phfygia). “Inscriptions historiques d’Ancyre.l13 Northwest of Iconium. Grbgoire. before its 110 Attaliatcs. who is very careful in the nomenclature that he applies to cities. aepa TE yhp T ~ Vx6pov t a a f m r hi ThEiOTOV 4 K O V T a KU\ K C l T a T V E i . and commercial focal point of south-central AnatoIia. . Ramsay.G. speaks of it as a beautiful town with forty towers.G. 12 I . 8. The lakes were well stocked with fish. 42. 1 *For a discussion of these smaller towns.”With the stabilization 1 ~ of relations between Konya and the Byzantines in the late twelfth century. V (Berlin. 1957). These included Laodiceia Cecaumene. Joseph. 430. they were possessed of well-watered and productive countrysides. W. was larger than the church of St. XII. says that in one of his numerous campaigns against the Turks the brother of Alexius Comnenus was captured. C. TE ~ 6 a GalyiAq p&Aima ht6166vai Kal cippbv nap+uOaI v &u-raXw. 20 21 . Tyriaeum. still refers to Amorium as a . the city enjoyed the advantages that strategic location and generous nature bestowed.r&a 67) b x6pos &$ova TUpEiXEV. Ein Beitrag zur Siedlungs-und Wirtschaftsgeogra&hie van hineranalolien (Greisen. 111. Located near the sources of the river. and military centers. fountains. . Pithecas. The fields produced rich harvests of grain and the rivers abounded in fish. The church. 11. and his The Cities and io Bishoprics ofphrvgia. and other fruits. I 895-97) (hereafter cited as Ramsay. 230. Philomelium. Die Pasdanhchaft von Nigde. 11. “Skazaniia 42 amoriiskikh muzenikakh i tserkovnaia sluzba. existed a series of smaller towns that served as administrative. the most important of which was Ankara.ll6 and the presence of Jews in the city during the early ninth century is possibly an indication that Amorium was the site of considerable commercial life. 1 . n A f i O q ixelswv ~ . enjoyed a certain commercial prosperity as a result of the great trade fairs held at the panegyris of the Archangel Michael. for when Ibn Battuta saw the city in the early fourteenth century. ser.d~ ~ f i v ~. IV (1927-28). pomegranites. “ qv y&p T&E .. Wittek. its plain watered by the streams of the Bathys and Tembris. P. The gold embroidery which I b n Battuta mentions was a speciality of the craftsmen of Lydia and Phrygia in antiquity.l12Laodiceia. When the members of the Third Crusade passed 1 by the city they noted it to be larger than the city of Cologne. Asia Minor. 6445. 202. no-ra& ti& 6th TOO T $ ~ E i vCpa T ~ ~ I T E I K a l i66uOai Kahbs K a l yE\icauOaI fi6rjs. 523-524. a town of respectable size. Kal l&ov n a v ~ o 6 m 6 v yIvq rpipowua”. Paphlagonia.” EI. I E V ~ ~ E V O VEAAITTQ~ 0 6 6 a ~ i jylvauOai. west of Iconium. This h e was able to d o from the rich of Ankara and the neighboring towns by promising to V repay the loan with interest. vol. 425.G. Mocius in Constantinople. Located at the point of egress from and entrance to the plateau. 437-468. de Jerphanion. and L e ~ c a e . 818. no. grapes. “Ancyre. TE Canard. The markets abounded in fruits.H.110 It has been assumed that the city had all but disappeared as a result of the Arab destruction.. 118 Cinnamus. V (Igag).EVE OF THE TURKISH CONQUEST EVE OF THE TURKISH CONQUEST large as Caesareia. lg0 Its medieval walls alone would indicate its importance. West of Caesareia was the city of Iconium. 11.and farther north were Gangra and Castamon. . 144-293. ed. with its mosaics. Nova Series. XI11 (I928). 310. the valleys supported livestock and a host of agricultural products which included liquorice.rrosK a l ’IrhijOos &pGOq. visited it in the first half of the fourteenth century it was still an impressive town. 693.” Byrantion.” On Byzantine Ankara. Trocnada. 329 ff. Al-Idrisi-Jaubert. 301. was one o f the larger Anatolian towns. p. brvepch-rrwv TE nohrrrrhf@Elav &ov Kal T i k I Tois 60Ko~ul ir/aeoiS ~ ~ q v o \ i p w o v . Amorium. and houses of illustrious citizens.H. the villages were densely populated and the city was embellished with stoas. “ n6hs pEyfUTq $V Tois &VOTOhlKOiS7 f l S POpa?Kqs hIKpOT€kYS p6pEUIV %dUqp& T€ K a l paaihEOovuav K a l T ~ V a u 6 v T T ~ ~ E W V h TQV PET& T ~ V mpiqmvfis K a l ~ p b q Tp0KU8fipEVnl ~h p&Aio-ra -rrohu&vBpw. “ n 6 h EfiGalyova Kal p~y&Aqv.l17 The largest and most important of the plateau towns in northwestern Anatolia was Dorylaeum. Euchaita. compared the gardens of the city to those of Damascus. lloTheophanes Continuatus. p. 113lbn Buttuta-Gibb. 1 ’ Attaliates. Acroenus. were urban agglomerates that lived from the traffic passing along the road leading from Iconium to the Maeander River valley. 135. figs. rg28).” Festxchrvt Gearg Jacob (Leipzig. Synnada.” D. the Turks killed large numbers of the inhabitants 1 when they devastated Amorium in the reign of Romanus IV. -rouoiirov 6B tvvfix~~at -roh(tl. famed for its textiles in late antiquity. W. 355. describes it as a beautiful city where routes converged. Nacoleia. The Historical Geograp/y o Asia 1 f M n r (London. 307. M. also drew their livelihood from their position on the road system of southern Anatolia. lvTcrirOa MEhiuuqv6v ITOTE Kaiuapi olKfai TE $@pK066p‘()VTUI hapnpal K a l KQpar rohv&vOpwnoi quav OEpp& TE aGr6pocra Kal a-roal Kal ~ ~ h u v o l .” Milunges de I’Universilk S t . and wine. and the faithful came on pilgrimage to see the great church of the Archangel with its mosaics. the panegyris recovered and was attended by the inhabitants of Lydia. Al-Idrisi-Jaubert. V I l .E. . however.llO Chonae and Laodiceia.R.” V capital it continued to be a large town. 327-346. Chroust. zgpzg5. pp. Geograplly. Caborcion. p. Cotyaeum.” Zapiski inzperatorskoi akademii nauk. 1890) (hereafter cited as Ramsay. and as a commercial center where communication routes meet. 388. the administrative. doubtlessly continued to produce these materials during the Byzantine period. and Pessinus. Zonaras. ecclesiastical. G. myrtle.Pfeifer. ‘‘ T b 6 Aopbhaiov TOGTO q v plv BTE n 6 h 1 ~ B qv paydthq TE E ~ E P TIS rQv $v ’Aulq K a l A6you &cfanohhoir. p. 1 8Nicetas Choniates. K a l 7TE6fa ?Tap’ U h f i V TkT-raTal hElbTl)76$ TE &pfiXav6v TI IrpopaivovTa K ~ A A o00ro phrroi hirap& K a l o h w s E ~ Y E W .l14 Amorium.” Byzantion. In order to ransom him he was obliged to raise several thousand gold pieces. “Mtlanges d’archtologie anatolienne. cardamum. ” As the Seljuk celebrated sack by the Arabs in the ninth century.

however. mentions cloth merchants in eleventh-century Doceia. 166-167. arrows. silk. Records of the Cairo Geniza.M.” J. 2 1 . and they built ships. 1 ~b 6$ mkrqs yhd-rrqs j3ocb~avov mbhicrya. The maritime commerce of the coastal towns was tied up with Constantinople. and semiprecious stones. But at the same time a good portion of this commerce found its way into the cities of the plateau via the Cilician Gates and other routes. -rroAv&vepwrov n6h1v la* Psellus-Renauld. 155. “Armenia.” pp. 1896) p.O.EVE OF THE TURKISH CONQUEST EVE OF THE TURKISH CONQUEST note and evidently of some size. See also Goitein. When the Turks first invaded the area the inhabitants sought refuge in the mines. copper. incited the poor of the city to riot in opposition to the suggested loan. Certainly they must have produced many of the everyday items that they needed in their own urban and rural life.Argryopolis. Alexius Comnenus found himself forced to rely upon the wealthy inhabitants of Amaseia in order to raise the ransom money with which to purchase Roussel cp8pov. Muslim..” Speculum. Maritime commerce came to the Anatolian coastal cities along the entire Black Sea. “The Main Industries of the Mediterranean Area as Reflected in the 175.” The rich Amaseians. VI.H. “Marvazi and the Byzantines. “the city rnentioned by every tongue”.a ohopo\sv. and the works were still being exploited in the thirteenth-fourteenth centuries at which time merchants from the Muslim world came to purchase the metal. I n the north the trade followed the coastal towns ultimateIy reaching Constantinople in the west or Trebizond in the east. 1g54). describes Rum (Anatolia) as a very rich province producing great quantities of brocades. I t is of interest that I-Iudud al-Alam mentions Anatolia as an important center of the rug industry. For a detailed listing of the refercnces to thc various cloths and textiles produced in late ancient Anatolia. and other naval supplies. The major land route from the east entered the various border cities from Antioch in the lal P.~’ textile industry of The Anatolia was of great renown in late antiquity. Circassian.” Z. was a mining town. they struck their first coins from the metal mined there. 1882) pp. the churches with their high domes were so numerous that the Turks a t first hesitated to enter. Again. lZ4 When the Turks attacked Sebasteia in the eleventh century. cspecially brocades. much as Ankara and Euchaita.I. Georgian. Sebasteia. Bollig. The Christian inscriptions from Anatolia. deLagarde and J. and merchants are mentioned on rare occasion in the texts and inscriptions. . Ka-rkmo 6’ tmppMAovcTav ~ p ~ c ipd t i p y v p 6 ~ 0 6 0 ~ ~ V ~ S b~ KA \j-rr~o-rpwy&q I a p S i a v ~ yiAo-rdt-rriGi T L ~ VT&WW TTOAWEAGV. Ibn Fadlan’s Reisebericlrl. though. 27. pp. 207 (hereafter cited as John MauropusAS Nov. 4. wool. The sea trade of Attaleia was supplied by Egypt. I I south to Trebizond in the north. . Coloneia.” passim. 143.D. Canard. rope. 64 (hereafter cited as Ibn Fadlan-Togan). was nevertheless well watered and productive. and of a butcher from seventh and eighth century Caria. 225 ff. Neocaesareia. bows. XXXVII (1962). alum. XXIV. carpets. . Asin Minor. “ . Jewish. the Syrian.” were associated by the Greeks with excessive luxury . 223. prccious stones.” A. they wove carpcts. Much of this commerce must have deployed itself along the river valleys and mountain passes leading from the littoral to the towns of the plateau. On the import of Byzantine luxury items into late tenth-ccntury Egypt. Broughton.E.lZ0The peninsula was a major region of the Byzantine mining industry.12% Doceia. 570 in chapter iii.la4 Anatolian towns were subject to ever-present and powerful currents of trade and commerce. Anna Comnena. LXXXIX ( 1 9 3 5 ) ~ 363-371. describes the Byzantines as “gifted in crafts and skillful in the fabrication of (various) articles. icp’ b v OGGEIS txhhos E-rrdpcc~v~w @aoihah~. ecclesiastical. though chopped up by precipitous mountains.ras K a i x p q y b o v from the Turks. The fact that Bokht-Isho Bar Gabriel. . Like so many other towns in northeastern Anatolia. “Smyrne. Amaseia was located in a metalliferous region and the mines seem to have been worked in Byzantine and Seljuk times. I 922).S. Y . I. Armenian. Caravans travel from Syria to Constantinople where they have their depots. The Anatolians manufactured brocades and various textiles of linen. “Das M i d im Bericht Uher die Schatze der Fatimiden.. Togan in AOlrntzdlungert Jiir die Kunde dcs Morgenlandes. and Mediterranean littorals.. pp.. Roder. See also n. Ahrweiler. it seems quite clear that Greek.S. De@zosoplristae. and material for upholstering. XII. Antioch. Recueil des inscriJ%ions grecques clrre’tiennes d’Asie Mineure (Paris.O. The Byzantine products of the silk industry. possibly some gold. I n spite of the aridity of the historical sources. silver. and commercial centers of the conventional Anatolian type. Vailhd. 72 (hereafter cited as Cecaurnenus). .and fi and efleminacy.I 9.lZ7 Food production played a very lab Minorsky. Johannis Euchaitarum mtropolitae quae supersunt in cod. nails. marble. textiles. 91. p. physician of rhe caliph Murawakkil. and brocades. vaticano graeco 676 (Berlin.lZ1Amaseia. They were highly prized by the a Achemenid royal court. It was at that time a city with numerous inhabitants and wealthy in gold.I’ 22 . IV. “Byzantinc Mines. and Argyropolis were important administrative. stockings. producing silver. Nicopolis. The mining traditions of the Greeks of this town were still alive in the nineteenth century. I.” 18. according to Turkish tradition. the Turkish Giimushhane. textiles. swords. Aegean. 131-134.ras. . Various types of craftsmen. Bar I-Iebraeus. and trans. laa Minorsky. 166. “Amaseia. X ( I 950). trouser cords. the Mapyapwfi. 1 1 185.H. and the Aegean. las Vryonis. .lZ6 There is evidence for the existence of well-developed local industry in the Anatolian towns. The anonymous author of the Hudud al-Alam-Minorsky.64.” They are second only to the Chinese in thcse skills (a theme that reappears in the Mathnawi ofDjalal al-Din Rumi in the thirteenth century). 2. produced glassware and pottery..E. 5’4. lZ7 Vryonis. Also Nichacl 1. see chapter vii.G. iron.62-464. Lagarde). B. specialized labor. Chersonite. was a town of importance as a result of its strategic location in the mountain passes (Psellus speaks of it as a famous city. lead. mentions the existence of an important state prison. Bar Hebraeus. eighth to tenth-century Tralles. ed. 1 . The rugs of Sardes were considered to be among the finest in the ancient world. were widely demanded in the Mediterranean.” EI. VI. silk. incense. incomplete (Grbgoire. 462-4.A.” Cecatrrneni strategicon et incarti scriptoris de oJiciis regiis libellus (Petropolis. and cotton. For the export of Anatolian capets and textiles to thc Turks of Central Asia. Russian. “Marvazi. On carpet production in eastern Asia Minor. and the Caucasus while the commerce of the Aegean coastal centers was connected with the Greek peninsula and the islands as well as with Constantinople.H. Manandian. shields. The routes are given in Ibn Khuradadhbih. 7-8. 817-823.) contain the epitaphs of marble workers from the regions of tenth-century Smyrna.G. and when the Danishmendids took it. wore gowns of Byzantine silk would indicate that Byzantine textiles were fashionablc in ninth-century Baghdad.1zz) Its rural neighborhood. “-robs T& ~ p G 1 . mandils. V. 156. I. or from Antioch to Attaleia and other ports. Its fair attracted merchants from afar with the result that the city prospered. pt. I O I ff.P. pp. some of this commerce was sea borne from Trebizond to Constantinople and to other harbors. 3 (Leipzig) p. .” D. I I 1-1 I z. carpets . 54. ‘‘ Kl 6 1 f p 6id T ~ S T O ~ ~ W V a2lhiis mci)~ hro-rieEyhv yAo-rarrLGwv XapGiavwv.. Thc hagiographical and other texts note various craftsmen. Matthew of Edessa. vol. 0 torgovle i gorodakh Arinenii v sviaei s mirovoi torgovle i drevnikfi vrernen (Erevan. Athcnaeus. ‘‘The Question of the Byzantine Mines. and Italian merchants traversed the maritime and hinterland trade routes. I. K. Cherson. Cyprus. 13.G. IV ( I ~ G I ) .

000 for Anatolia in the fifth century of the Christian era. Caesareia had its K W ~ O T ~ ~ E I ~ . I.132 Dernoprafi 1 9 Unfortunately almost nothing is known about the numbers of the population in Byzantine Anatolia and its towns. erroneously. 279. based on the acquisition of great land holdings. 146. Drexl. I The following representative list of the estates and domiciles of the Anatolian magnates is drawn from a study in progress on the internal history of Byzantium in the eleventh century. Attaliates. 84-101 Late . legumes.5 24 . Possessed of vast cstates and high official position in the provincial administration and military. 132.000 around the year IOO A. wine. and Pondandus had xapih mhu&vBpw. nuts. lZ8 Zepos. I n this manner the farmers and herdsmen received cash for their goods. 1941). pp.R.Chliat had 7h Imb T O ~ O Vrohlxvia. X L (1965)~ Ancient and Medieval Population. Iconium had its K W ~ O T T ~ ~ E O U .. I have not gone into the problem of the relation of this landlord class to the Anatolian towns. So long as the government was able to check their more extreme political and economic abuses. Die Beuolkerung der griechiscli-rornisc~ie~IWell (Leipzig.800. they were largely responsible for the social and historical development in Asia Minor prior to the Seljuk invasions. The most recent survey of Byzantine demography is P. Aside from control of these thermatic armies. no. which are really little more than educated guesses.bolatnia Charsianon Palaeologus Bitilynia Argyrus Maurix Maleinus Iberia Ducas Boilas Lycandirs Maleinus Pacurianus Melias Apocapes Cibprheote Screnarius Artiieniacon Ducas Dalassenus Maurus J. These magnates. 11. I.000. fish. 21-33. I d ed. 2.Demography. 277. 421. I Great Landed Families One of the critical phenomena in the history of Anatolia was the evolution of the great landed families. by virtue of their control of the provincial armies. all based upon an assumption of commercial prosperity and urban vitality in the period of the Roman and early Byzantine Empires.G. Estimates. For more recent remarks on the methods of arriving at population figures in the ancient and medieval world. Anazarba and Pertz.13”Many of these villages were quite large and thriving. Bryennius. Griechische Geschichte von der Anfdngen bis in die romische Kaiserreit. p. that Byzantine Asia Minor was sparsely inhabited. describes this for Nicomedeia. Russell.D. 1952).~~~ Russell has suggested that the population remained J. Runciman. 1958). parallel to the larger movements of trade. provincial aristocracy contributed to the defense and expansion of Byzantium in the east. the Byzantine villages being more closely connected to the towns than was the case with many areas in western Europe.“ Thirteenth International Congress o Byzantine Studies. and I 1. though not exclusively. C. Anna Comnena. there was generated also this smaller local trade between the villages and the towns. 54. 81. Ostrogorsky. see H. XLIII. p. “Byzantine Trade and Industry. 1886). rg66. this les S. Cappadocia Anntolicon Paph1agonia Alyattes Mesanactes Doceianus Ampelas Radenus Souanites Goudeles Argyrus Theodora (wife of Theophilus) Scepides Botaniates Ducas Lecapenus Maniaces Curcuas Diogenes Musele Comnenus Ducas Sclerus Calocyres Maleinus Synnndenus Phocas Bourtzes Chaldia Boilas Straboromanus Xiphilenus Leichudes Gabras Coloneia Melissenus Cecaumenus Ducas Meso. “Observations on the Demography f of the Byzantine Empire. for little has survived in the way of comprehensive tax registers or population figures.’’ Cambridge Economic History (Cambridge. and Pertz. 86-87. 1960). 11. XIV. fruit. 1959). this powerful class played a crucial role in the decline of the state. vol. wielded great power. Oxford. 111.000. Attaliates.rr&TE K a \ rawcpopa. have been made for the size of Anatolian population in antiquity. I I I . Often the chroniclers describe the main Anatolian cities in conjunction with the clusters of villages around them: Attaliates.129 Here the villagers sold their produce and bought the products of local or foreign industry. zoo.” Speculum.lasThe towns served as markets for the produce of the peasants most important items of which were grain. . regulates affairs having to d o with these fairs. Very often the exercise of the strategeia in a particular province tended to become semihereditary in a particular family. vol. Most of the families rose to power and eminence via the armies and then consolidated their position by an economic expansion that was largely. and lumber. Charanis. which was just as important in some respects as the larger scale trade. 13‘ such for example were Cryapege near Caesareia. C.” Cambridge Economic History (Cambridge. 131.I. C. Each town had its group of villages. J. 81. the inhabitants of which brought these products to town. Bengtson. very often during the big fairs held on the feast day of the saints. 3 (Philadelphia. Asia Minor. 58. Ionian Trade and Colonization (New York.EVE OF THE TURKISH CONQUEST I EVE OF THE TURKISH CONQUEST important role in the commerce of the towns. 13n Drexl and Pertz. Attaliates. Roebuck. pp. vary from 8. as in the case of the Phocas’ and the theme of Cappadocia. & [ Y ~ o I K ~ K & . livestock.800. These estimates. 95. 11. The silence of the sources and the thoroughness of the cultural transformation effected by the fifteenth century have led many scholars to conclude. Transactions of the American Philosophical Socieb. 502.000 to 13. Antioch had its KOkai. “Agrarian Conditions in the Byzantine Empire in the Middle Ages. 133. The towns in turn were able to dispose of the villagers’ produce both by sale among the townsmen and by selling it to merchants of Constantinople and other cities.proposes a population of 8. (Munich. the large estates of the aristocracy enabled them to maintain large bodies of private troops.Ani had rohlxvia and halepa.. Euchaita had its x w p t d . pp. however.ff.600.131 Thus. 271-272. whose deeds permeate the chronicles and legal literature of the tenth and eleventh centuries. Broughton. J. “Recent Advances in Medieval . Drexl Zonaras. Oreine. I n the eleventh century. Beloch. I. 812-816.

Imp.Barkan. W.. Manzikcrt. I (1958)~ 24.”1s0 Ki During the course of the tenth and eleventh centuries new bishoprics appear and former bishoprics are promoted to archbishoprics or metropolitanates. Tarsus.000 during the middle Byzantine period but that it declined to 6. estimates the population of Anatolia 20. and the presence of dense village clusters in the environs of the cities are also factors that would tend to support the assumption of a certain demographic vitality. Nicomedia. h k a r a . p. a conclusion supported by the growing land hunger of the landed magnates in the tenth century. Adramyttium. Amastris. 1 I i I included on the list of episcopal seats. Edessa. Cedrenus. Charsianon.000 by the beginning of the thirteenth century and the Turkish period.” I 1 I I 1 130 K.. Synnada. and q~polipiov generally employed lo designate settlements interare mediate between towns and villages. .calls Tzamandus both d h i s and -rr6Aiupa. The decline of the population is. X i~ Beitage zur byzantinischsn Fitiantuerwaltung. If it were too small it could not be 134 Russell. “Lycaonia.. 1852-59). Rttaliates. 46. Kwpd~rohisand &yp6-rrohig1 seem to be applied to a settlement larger than a village but scattered and not formed according to a synoicismus.” Honigmann. Samosata.135 These towns were comparatively safe and shielded from the massive upheaval that enveloped urban society in much of the Balkans. Acroenus. 138 Ostrogorsky.Rudikov. Sebasteia. was relaxed.w p i o v . Important commercial emporia could have the form of a K W ~ ~ I T O ~ Thus Artze. . KWU 6Q KcbpaS E K K E X U ~ ~ V ~ Vm p l ~ h s O-rrwpEiaS T ~ V E ~ U E ~ ( ~ o w v ~ v . 20.E.” J. KC~OTPOU to differentiate the town from the village.000. 6’ t however.O. 104 (hereafter cited as Miklosich et Miiller). Myra. The Byzantine requirement that each town should constitute a bishopric was observed as late as the twelfth >century. Zonaras. “Charsianon Kastron.XI. Xwp6. Smyrna is called both K & U T ~ O V and IT MI^. Antioch of Pisidia. Une nouuelle Irouince de l’art byrantin: Les iglises rzlpestres de Capbadace (Paris. 1 9 8 ~ ~ 0 0 . 111. 397-400 (hereafter cited as de Jerphanion.” p. according to Barkan.” Jahreshefte des dsterreichischett Beiblatt. Dolger.137and there are other testimonials to an incrcase in population in the two centuries prior to the Seljuk invasions. The older tax system. “Essai sur les donntes statistiques des registres de recensement dans l’empire ottoman aux XVe et x V I c sikles. De. Germaniceia. Sinope. 134-135.. “Recent Advances in Medieval Demography. Perge.0oo. 163.rrohis was thus possibly the equivalent of IT~O&UTEIOV pai-r&riv. 6’ ~ V Q Kalxdj. has attempted to equate K & U T ~ O V only with -rrohJxvq instead of 1~6his. 423. “Die Steuersystem in byzantinischen Altertum und Mittelalter. IS. though a K W ~ ~ T T O ~was heavily populated and a rich center of IS. gg. 678. Jahrhundert (LeipzigBerlin. Sardes. Mopsuestia.S. Nicetas Choniates. Chalcedon. iv’ oCrrws E ~ I T O I ~ KU\ &pi0pbv hEppUhOWUU. Theodosiana. Syllaion. Theodosiopolis.1~0 The chronicles and histories of the period refer to a large number of the towns by a nomenclature that differentiates them sharpy from villages. S T&S -rrohuavOp6nous . Anna Comnena.138 A further indication of demographic stability and growth is the evolution of the ecclesiastical administrative structure in Asia Minor. -rrhr@t. The term xwpb~ohiscould refer to a settlement next to a town. 89. But this differentiation is not as rigidly observed as that between n6Ais and K h p q . I). Nicaea.. the population increased considerably. The sources use the terms &mu. 11. by which the c a p was tied to the iugum because of the insufficient labor on the basis of the tax figures. Amaseia.la4 There are indications that by the tenth and eleventh centuries the population of Anatolia was growing. li-lxii. Be or Adm. due to the unsettled conditions in the provinces. 28. Sebasteia.” Byrantion. 74. and in the middle Byzantine period the system underwent a transformation by which the head tax and land tax were separated. -irohfXviov. VI (193 23 1-234. Amorium.The basic stipulation for the existence of a bishopric was that an inhabited area should be sufficiently populous to be considered a town. Tyana. in the early sixteenth century at about 5. l 3 ~ trade routes (actively plied by Muslim and The Christian merchants) going through the towns.201. pp. VTI (1904). Zliv-ruypa T ~ V 0dwv K a l IEPGV Kavdvwv (Athens. commercial exchange of goods from Persia and India. und II. 222-113. I .000. 13‘ For the details see below. Rhalles and M. Constantine Porphyrogenitus. For a more detailed treatment of this Archbologinhen hstiluts.I” had no walls. 245-248 (hercafter cited as Rhalles and Potles). Adin. 249. go. ~ c j p ~ ~. 6Aiyqu I T ~ A I U a u6pqu. Acta et dipolmatn g r a m medii aeui sncra etprgana (Vienna. Attaliates. c.. Pergamum. Imp. E ~ CKduas T&S I T ~ ~ E . Amaseia. 245. which often have fortifications. .reproduces a list of the more important towns that Theophanes mentions after the beginning of the seventh century for Asia Minor. Ephesus. The replacement of the reciprocal unit of the two taxes with a separate collection presupposes that the earlier scarcity of agricultural labor had disappeared. 638. Martyropolis. Iconium. such important cities as Melitene. I 15. “ K C O ~ ~ ~ O ~ 6’fiv TOGTO. p. Bishops are to be ordained ‘‘ . llbhiapa. X (1935). Miklosich et J. I t was not a centralized town with extensive walls. Pylae.Adranoutzi is a K&IYT~OV. besonders des 10. T ~ ~ I STohiTda. Prusa. 66. With the comparative pacification and normalization that ensued in the sixteenth century. Attaleia. The canon law and the commentatorsmakeitplain that the approintment of a bishop to a place depends unequivocally and exclusively upon the ‘* . I n southern Anatolia Cybistra was raised in rank to an archbishopric in the eleventh century. . pp. Melitene.and Zonaras. Phrygian Laodiceia was formed of several scttlements or villages scattered about the lower slopes of the mountain. Sebastopolis. KUI nhoirros fiv a h o i s i ~ ~ p i r r d s . 126. Smyma. 61-62.638. Potles. Rhacdestus as K&o-rpa a n d -rdAhaig. 0. Orerki. 036’ E & ~ K & VpuyvvpBvqv rEIXEcri. . 2 16. Artze is referred to as a K&UTPOV where and -rrohirdav. AS Nov.. Cyzicus. pp. 1. As late as the eleventh century. Dorylaeum. i point see chapter iv.EVE OF THE TURKISH CONQUEST EVE OF THE TURKISH CONQUEST I I at the comparatively high figure of 8. I927). The increase is due in part to the rise in population and prosperity of the Anatolian provinces as well as to new conquests in the ea~t. 140 F. 1 ~ 1 l A . pqTpd-mohiS. L. Caesareia. Ostrogorsky. Trebizond. 1860-go). I3O Matthew of Edessa. 83-84. 111. I I 1-112. and Artze were unwalled despite the fact that they were close to the Muslim l a n d ~ . Mtiller. gp-rropo~ fiouv ot &0pw-rroi. That there was a certain stability in Anatolian demography emerges from the survival. “Byzantine Cities. Ramsay. These terms are used in the same manner by Constantine Porphyrogenitus. iXE1 6QK a l paTf&rIV &a &s ~opdnohiv. ”w p d ~ o h was used to refer to a n ordinary village community.H. De Jerphanion makes this observation in regard to Cappadocia. Abydus. indicate that TIOAITEIa and xwp6lroAis were interchangeable terms. but “&TI Tb K&UTpOV Tb ’ApGaVoirrSqv 6UTlV 6xWpbV T&VW. also has a considerable suburban area. . TI. Chrysopolis. 1 1 554. Cappadoca). 1925-42). 166. 148-149. Byrantion.174. S I A bishop may never be appointed to “ . 117. These could be rather large affairs and were not restricted to essentially agrarian establishments. Amida. 199. . The active policy of transplanting peoples to Anatolia certainly contributed to the growth of the population. lI.” pp. Nacoleia. . 141 As early as the reign of Justinian I ~ 6 h i and ~ h o ~ p o v used interchangeably. 111. s were Nauella CXXVIII. -rrhijOoscivflph-rrwu. . which was separated from the town by walls. of the ancient towns.“ o h h i ofiaav w v o ~ ~ o w p ~ q v c5s VGV kcbpa-rai. refers to Adana. 148. I S 26 . en is Ephesus.206.. EI I. 11. 118.

Perkri. 469. 273.000.l~~number The of captives taken from Anatolian . 137-138. 315. gevcenko. ~ ~ ~ perhaps about 5.000 in Albistan.000 were killed. I 124-25 during the course of a six-month siege of the city the inhabitants are said to have perished by the “thousands. Amaseia. Zangi is said to have delivered the 10. IT~AIS mpiqavfis. Adana. I n the midtwelfth century. Acroenus.000) 15. 1~hij0os Aaoij) which indicate that the contemporary observers considered these towns to be large by the standards o f the day. & i d e s sur la polhique entre Thdodore Metochife el Nicdphore Choumnos (Brussels. Germaniceia. Sebasteia. Chrysopolis.EVE OF THE TURKISH CONQUEST EVE OF THE TURKISH CONQUEST number of the towns are described by epithets (Toicxhq ~ ~ b h~r ~& A T . 1962).000 were ransomed by the merchants of that city. Thud Melitene was probably a town comparable i n size to Edessa. Melitene. When the Muslim Nur al-Din captured the city three-quarters of a century later. exaggeratedly reports that 150. 161 habitations.500 inhabitants for each of the two comopoleis. Attaliates. I n 1145. it was inhabited by only 2. Ankara. Synnada. Chelidonium. 111(1955). Constantine Porphyrogenitus reveals approximately seventy inhabited areas referred to as towns by these various terms: Manzikert. C. 27. Tzamandus. 655-657. Adranoutzi. lOf~ the captives that the Turks took from ~ Melitene in the eleventh century.941 Konya 6. beween 5. 295.000 to 37. This would indicate roughly 2. pp.rro~applied by Byzantine as sources to the cities has some numerical substance. Anazarbus. “Episode de I’histoire des Crusades.av6poS.000 Mallorca 25. Syllaion. L. The sources are not to be taken literally. The word KWM6lTOhls here may mean a large village. and only 1. Tzamandus. Ottoman Empire See also Russell. 111. “Extension y demografia de las ciudades hispanomusulmans. p.000 were killed and io. in 1144. 11. 289. Pachymeres. p.rroh~hfieElav Zxov.872 Sivas 5. Buchon in Chroniques dtrangEres relatiues atix expdditions franjaises pendant le XIIP sidcle (Paris. One may assume that towns had populations varying between 10.”’47 A perusal of the texts of Bryennius.000 at Marash in the eleventh century.” p. Zapetra. 426. Amaseia. Journal o the American Research f Center in Eglpt. Gangra. Cecaumcnus. 69-82.Dorylaeum had been one of the prosperous towns of the eleventh century. Basilaion. lfio Dolger. Philomelium.000 and ZO. ed. Strobilus. Abara. p. the peninsula of Artake (Cyzicus) had zo. 327 (hereafter.560 Though the similar magnitudes of the Spanish figures (arrived at by area measurement) and the Ottoman figures (results of reliable tax registers from a later period) when combined with the Byzantine estimates do not necessarily prove anything. Psellus. T h k of course does not exhaust the possibilities.rrohvdrv0p~~os city of Edessa in the year I 07 I was said ? The to have 35. furnishes reliable figures for some of the Anatolian towns in the years c. .rros. 176-177. Kars. Larissa. The city of Tralles. 30. Thus its popuation was larger than 2 .000enslaved. Podandus. youths and maidens were taken captive. Amorium.000 Spain 5. Byzantium 5-10. For the date. Bar Hebraeus.was said to be ~roh~&tv0pw. Dorylaeum. Ramon Muntaner. (hereafter cited as Ramon Muntaner-Buchon) relates that in the early fourteenth century (before the Turkish conquest). in Sinica Fransiscana. Euchaita and Sebasteia. Iconium.rrov T E . he took away captive 5.000 inhabitants by the Byzantines in the thirteenth century (1280). Matiana. I. Samosata. houses. though it also has the meaning of a town scattered over a large area. Parnassus. Nicaea.143 The total population prior to the fall of the city.127 Ankara 14. I. though slightly lower estimate of between 5.000 to 36. I. Hierapolis. Yakub Arslan carried away 70. 344. A. When the Turks sacked the city of Artze in the eleventh century. As a result of its destruction during the Turkish invasions. Pisidian Antioch. Lycian Adrianople. Praenetus. etc. Bar Hebraeus. Abydus.OOO. Antioch. Side. a figure that the historian Cinnamus considers to be insignificant when compared with the former size of the city. pupiav6pos nohbv T~OGTOV Exouc~a. Seleuceia. 419. 5 0 0 . 15.000 Granada ~6.142But just how large was . A. Cinnamus. Amastris. Smyrna. vohi.000 Malago 15-20.000 (perhaps 47. Coloneia. Attaleia. Zonaras. Ani. 305. trans. Chonae. l“Michae1 the Syrian. Theodosiopolis.000 inhabitants.354 Amid 18.000 Zaragoza I 7. Argaous. Chabot.indicates that the population had increased. relates that in 1256-57 the Mongol Baidju slew 7.” pp. Melitene. Castamon. iii.000 inhabitants.000 captives were taken from Tell Arsanias. 14’ Matthew of Edessa. Edessa. for the notitiae episcopatum have not been utilized. p. Iconium.towns in the twelfth century will perhaps assist in giving some idea as to the size of towns. Ani. farms. ( I gzg). Sozopolis. I 841 ). Chalcedon. Cius. Euchaita. Chronique d’dragon. Podandus. Lycandus. There is some indication as to the size of a comopolis in the twelfth century.lS1Though th‘e evidence is very scant. van den Wyngaert. “The Population of Medieval Egypt. Matthew of Edessa. probably had a population of about 5. 14’ Matthew of Edessa. Torres Balbas. ~EYLOTT). 578. Cedrenus. Ztinerarium Willelmi de Rubruc.000. on the basis of area measurements. 14a For the references to these towns and territories see the material above on Adana. de S i d e at de Grhe. when Zangi first captured the city two years earlier. though it is likely that most of the towns were smaller.1~0 The indirect evidence for an increase in the Anatolian population of the tenth and eleventh centuries and the few figures for town population would indicate that the epithet 1~0hu6~8pw. dtvepcj. Artze. one Nicetas Choniates. Anna Comnena. 148 - . 47. Tarsus. refers to an earthquake that killed 40. A large city could have as many as 35. gives the following population estimates for eleventh-twelfth century Spain: Toledo 37.rroTdrrq.” S. Edessa. 1520-1530 (based on tax registers): Bursa 34. 16.000 of the inhabitants were slain. cited as William of Rubruq-Wyngaert).OOO people in Erzindjan in the mid-thirteenth century.lcBand c. Adramyttium. . Cyzicus. 15. Pylae.000 Almeria 27.000 of the inhabitants.000 and 6.rro~u&uep~~o~.000from captivity. Antioch.930 Tokat 8. Attaleia. But Caria had been sacked on a previous occasion and was to suffer devastation and enslavement a third time. Cedrenus. p.000. “Les donnkes statistiques. Doryhum. 12.000 Christians from Gaihan and A l b i ~ t a n . reports that an earthquake killed more than IO. Amara.000 Valencia I 5. Trebizond. a phenomenon to be explained by the flight of the agrarian population to the safety of the walls over a long period of time. V ( 1g66). TI. -duavepw.000 Barkan.000 Turkmens in the twelfth century. which was rebuilt and recolonized with 36. Ephesus. Sinope. Pounoura. 146. Sozopolis. Nicomedeia. EY . Artze. “Die byzantinische Stadt.” p. it is interesting that the size of the towns tend to range between similar extremes. Chliat.000. Pracana. Anazarba.Z. When the Seljuk sultan attacked the two comopoleis of Tantalus and Caria in western Asia Minor. Nicaea.. Mopsuestia. Tephrice. has given a similar. 28 29 . J. Trebizond.~~0 Caria. Ticium. Caesareia. 143 Sawiras ibn al-Mukaffa’.560 to 34993(3. I. 55-57. Neocaesareia. Chonae. Basilaion. which was not a fullfledged town in the twelfth century.000escaped.000 and 35.

Les origines de l’etnpire ottomatl (Paris. Road System The large land mass of Byzantine Anatolia was closely knit by the system of roads which the empire had largely inherited from the days of the Roman Empire. 15’ Constantine Porphyrogenitus. B. Sebasteia. K. caravans. p.’’ &lThrjKTa of Asia Minor. 1. Then it proceeded through Trocnada and Pessinus. in the Turkish period see Hans Dernschwarn’s Tagebuch einer Reise nacfi Konstantinopel tirid Kleinasien (1553/55).000 inhabitants. Ibn Khuradadhbih. across the Sangarius River over the Zompus Bridge. and Coloneia. Papers ofthe American School of Classical Studies at Athens. Sterett. and storehouses with provisions for the arrnya16’ This was probably the mustering center for the troops of the theme of Optimaton. 11 (191 I ) . “TlEpl ~ A ~ ~ K T O W E.” pp. but aside from that the road system persisted in its principal form down to Turkish times.rrpoo-ra$u KW& e(E)i(ov) d m o v ( )I’ &yyap((w) 6 30 3’ . For the Seljuk and Ottoman routes. The inscription on the tablet was the identification of an animal from such a stable. and others. I-II. ZGou Giaq(6pov) lS5 158 TQ edy &cppa$v(~~) . Thus one route skirted the northern rim of the plateau going through Amaseia and Coloneia. P.EVE OF THE TURKISH CONQUEST EVE OF THE TURKISH CONQUEST must conclude on the basis of this material that not only did the population of Asia Minor increase by the tenth and eleventh centuries. the southeast artery pushing to Melitene where it joined the road from Caesareia. Jahrliunderts (Berlin. I-II. merchants. I t facilitated the movement of Byzantine armies and ensured areas threatened by the enemy with a more rapid defense. and currents of trade as a result of this arterial network.. separating the coastal region from the central plateau. though there were smaller routes running in a north and south direction. The major routes ran in a northwest to southeast direction. The tenth-century emperor Constantine VII mentions six aplecta. across the Halys River to the town of Saniana. but the population of the towns and province as a whole was significant in absolute terms. at Malagina east of Nicaea on the banks of the Sangarius. the gateway to the central plateau. I 99-22 I .459. For a reference to the survival of the Romano-Byzantine roads in western Anatolia. I 9351. 74. pp. A critical juncture of this highway was Saniana. VI. another route cut through the central plateau region via Saniana and Sebasteia. cut through the mountains 152 This estimate of Anatolia’s demographic condition generally coincides with the results that Russell (“Population of Medieval Egypt. ed. the central branch going to Tephrice and Theodosiopolis. The most important of these was the great military highway used by the emperors when marching out to meet the Arabs on the eastern borders.163 The organization and maintenance of the road network was essential for the Byzantines in Asia Minor inasmuch as it was the means by which this province could be more tightly integrated into the empire. I 12-1 13. O&zlar (Turkmenler). vol. G. Babinger (Munich and Leipzig. p. The other road leading from Saniana went almost directly east to the city of Sebasteia. at which standing camps the armies of the various themes gathered and joined the emperor as he marched eastward to the borders. I 924-26) I vol. is copiously noted not only by the Byzantine historians and hagiographers but also in the accounts of the Arab geographers and travelers. Melitene. The first. 60.G. Once more the highway branched into three routes : the northernmost leading to Nicopolis and Coloneia. for certain emendations of the text. DeCaerinioniis. Leucae. on the basis of the area contained by the medieval fortress. 153 Ramsay.000 and 30.lj4 The ffequent use of these highways by the armies. Thus the population density of Asia Minor in the eleventh century contrasts with the assertions of certain scholars that the peninsula was semidesolate on the eve of the Turkish invasions.lj5 There was a number of large military stations or camps along this highway. Of equal importance was the accessibility of the major Anatolian towns and cities to merchants. and especially Ramsay. pilgrims.. Kolias. la’ On the merchant khans throughout the empire. was the Ramsay. Here the road forked. Bury.” Bu(Qv-rfs. and Malagina to Dorylaeum where the road climbed through the mountains onto the plateau. Das anntolische Wegenetr naclr osmanischen Quelleii (Leipzig.444-445.. that eighth-century Ankara may have had between 25. Geography. at the same time. Koprulu. 1923). officials. 144-184.lj0 These military bases. 238. 81.A. 128-140. the two branches going to the great Cappadocian center of Caesareia and to Tyana and Tarsus respectively. Geography. 5. p. T h e W o & Expedition t o Asin Minor. There was some readjustment of the system which occurred with the transferral of the capital to Constantinople. and then traversed the plateau itself. J. Geography. 202 ff. at any rate.E. The roads also made easier the relative efficiencyof the bureaucrats who administered the provinces and who. an arms depot. We must. J. R .E. and a third skirted the southernmost reaches of the plateau going through Iconium to the Taurus. 214-224. F. I11 (1884-85). for it was from this town that the three main branches went to the regions of the Taurus. B. Dorylaeurn. XVII (194I). P. Cappadocia. I t led from Nicaea via Pithecas. p. II. 1941). 1967)~ XII. gr-gg). Tarilileri-boy tefkildti-destnnlari (Ankara. “The . has attained by entirely different methods. were often important towns located on the main highway or within easy reach and were supplied with all the necessities for provisioning troops. possessed the cxtensive stables of the emperor. Erdmann.. remained under closer supervision of the central government as a result of these roads. Das atiatoWie Karauansamq des 13. pp. or aplecta as they were called. Bu$av-rlvGu pi05 K d ~ O h ’ l o Y 6 s(Athens. think oftown populations in terms of their size in late antiquity rather than in modern times. the branch leading to the southeast going through Mocissus and then branching again. M. Taeschner.152 Thus it would be incorrect to speak of Anatolia as semidesolate or depopulated on the eve of the Seljuk invasions. Koukaules.B. Siimer. The northwestsoutheast routes generally ascended rrom the coastal region of northwest Anatolia at some point along the Sangarius. through the town of Gorbaeus to the south of A n h r a . He suggests. published a bronze tablet found at o r e n Koy in southeast Asia Minor. 1961).

while the troops of Cappadocia. and accompanying map.270). also la* Zbid. on the other to Caesareia and the Taurus mountains. Tyana. Neocaesareia. no doubt intended for use by the armies. “Charsianon Kastron. 208-109. “Un itinCraire. The presence of a hospice for Muslims in the Bucellarion theme is important evidence for inferring the presence of Muslim merchants in Anatolia. which went generally in a west to east. lbS 4! Amaseia and down to Caesareia. 263). and when the emperor was marching to Sebasteia and points east. 213-214. “Un itinbraire. again a well-watered spot and thus capable of accomodating large numbers of men and horses.lo2 Of particular importance was the busy road from Attaleia via Cotyaeum and Malagina to Constantinople. required fifteen days. Ibn Khuradadhbih reveals that the emperor had constructed seven large bathing arcades over the hot springs of the city. That the armies frequently used these roads goes without saying. Trebizond. though it was also animportant military and commercial artery. One route led from Nicomedia through Gangra (or an alternate route slightly to the north of Gangra).. pp. Lazarus (d. Nicomedeia to Constantinople (Honigmann. Ia3 Marquart. Neocaesareia.000men. 720). But undoubtedly they existed throughout the peninsula. Amastris. 197 ff. and Charsianon met him at Saniana. or passage by ship to those going by sea. Euchaita (on the more southerly route). the bishopric of Kaborkeion. hostels. which existed far travelers. Ibid. Polybotus.. was on the eastern bank of the Halys. assembled at Kaborkeion. By way of example.lo3Side and other towns of Cilicia were similarly connected by traversible roads to the main highway system going through Iconium. “Un itintraire. 219-221. entering from the coastal areas of the northwest and west. It too commenced at Malagina and progressed through Dorylaeum. who resided in Attaleia. Ibn Hawkal states that while the journey took only eight days on the highway. Coloneia. There was a third road that avoided Iconium altogether by going from DorylaeumPessinus to Archelais and then south through Tyana to the Taurus.” pp. at Nicomedeia. I t is of some interest thqt his itinerary followed the northwest route described abovc and that when he arrived in the region of the Bucellarion theme he remarks that there was an inn for Muslims. across the Ponlic region to the Sangarius River (Honigmann.” p.looThere were at least two variations of this route to Iconium: one athat went via Malagina-cotyaeumAcroenus-Polybotus-Philomelium-Iconiumand the other that traversed Malagina-Dorylaeum-Amorium-Laodiceia-Iconium. Undoubtedly. 1go3). 263-267. going on the one hand to Sebasteia. was slightly to the south of the highway. or west t o southeast direction. Sangarius. south to Archelais. and that each could accommodate 1.l6 A second trans-Anatolian highway skirted the southern confines of the Anatolian plateau. while Arabissus was similarly joined to Melitene in the east and to Germaniceia in the south via the passes of the Anti-Taurus while Germaniceia was in turn connected with Samosata. and a t Pylae (De Caerimoniis. and Satala. An official of the post system. The troops of the Anatolic and Seleuceian themes. Tzamandus. the sea voyage. It is significant‘that this information comes from a Muslim rather than a Byzantine source and so one is able to deduce the commercial importance of these Anatolian networks. r5G. The sixth aplecton was that of Dazimon.pp. and also by a smaller number of north-south routes cutting over the plateau. only the troops of Bucellarion. a route often referred to as the pilgrim’s route. then the troops of all the eastern themes joined him at Saniana. En route he fell in with a group of Cappadocian pilgrims. Amaseia. Philomelium. Saniana. Amaseia. they joined him at the station of Bathys Rhyax . There were also some important roads running north and south. supplied horses and transportation for travelers going overland. pp. 197-198. there were similar roads leading inland from such Black Sea ports as Heracleia. 268). The third aplecton. and so on. Honigmann. perhaps the most prominent being the route from the coastal city of Amisus to 168 Ramsay.1~~ roads were extensively traveled by The pilgrims-pilgrims who visited not only the Holy Land but also the numerous shrines of the greater and lesser Anatolian saints.. Armeniacon. the road from Sebasteia went through Tephrice and Theodosiopolis to Manzikert. Sinope. Zbid. 1054) who performed the pilgrimage both to the Holy Land and to various sanctuaries of Asia Minor. together with those troops under the Domestic o f the Scholes. Anatolia was effectively served by this system of major roads. and then marched to Trocnada on the military highway where they fell in with the advancing army. If the emperor were marching to Cilicia. I t was here that the road forked. Geograpfty. seem to have followed the great networks for commercial reasons with the result that knowledge of all the major land routes appears in the texts of the Arab ge0graphers. Caesareia. Another road ran from Ankara to Gangra. But if he were marching directly east toward Melitene. Al-Mukaddasi describes a second journey that led from Amid via Melitene. The same author mentions that there were Muslims in the cities of Bithynia.ls8 The fourth aplecton. and the Taurus. and Na’din an-Nuhas (Honigmann. Osteuropaische und ostasiatische Streifiiige (Leipzig. a site amply fed by the sources of the Sangarius River. I. lo6 Quite illustrative of this type of itinerant was St. Ankara. provided the winds were favorable. Paphlagonia.” p. al-Mukaddasi describes the journcy of a Muslim who traveled from Mayaferrikin via Coloneia. This network was intersected by numerous smaller roads. including Jews and Arabs. and Trebizond.” p. Here the troops of the Armeniacon were mustered.EVE OF THE TURKISH CONQUEST EVE OF THE TURKISH CONQUEST gathering place for the troops of the Thracesian and Opsicion themes. This was one of the Byzantine @vo6oxEia.lsl Nicomedia and Ankara both served as important points of departure for the roads going across the northern regions of the Anatolian plateau. and Iconium to the Cilician Gates. I n western Asia Minor the roads for the most part seem to have followed the coastline and the river valleys.1o6 242-279. and Sebasteia met him at Caesareia. pp. Constantine Porphyrogenitus mentions such institutions in the region of the Sangarius. the fifth aplecton. 32 33 . pp. pp. Merchants. In his first journey Lazarus set out from the coastal town of Strobilus for the shrine of the Archangel Michael in Chonae. lbl Ibid.. Another highway left from Nicomedia and went through Ankara. I n the east.

~~~ archbishoprics. XXXVI-XXXVII (1917-~g). Asia Minor was not only the most itriportalzt 13yzantiilc province militarily and economically. Argaeus to Caesareia where he prayed at the church of St. 4skald. 1956). John himrelf from the place where Christ’s head lay. journeyed from Antioch to Caesareia. I r o m Cilicia he took the road going north by Mt. In 1%) the famous Georgian monk.John the Theologian (AS Nov.. “Histoires monastiWes gkorgicnnes. I. the remains of the 300 holy fathers.P.B. StauroPoli%Lnotiiceia. K k h e und tlteologische Literattrr. Their importance relative t o that of tlic European mr. a book of the Apocalypse written in gold letters by St.~7‘J ‘I’his c n ~ r g r s W ~ C I clearly when 0 1 1 compares thc number or bishops to l x J b ~ u ~ iii lhc ~ t v o ~ cl regions of the cnipire. Nicomedeia. Of the first twcnty-seven mctropolitaiiatcs listed in a notitia of thc elevc~ith century. These included: a piece of the true cross taken b y St..” A.l ~ i s l i ( ~ ~ ~ r i ~ s indeed or tlic whole ecclesiastical institution-was supported by cxtensivc properties and certain cash incomcs. the tomb of Mary Magdalene. pp. only two werc located ill E u ~ o ~ c . 1gz8). accompanied by his hiographer. and departing from Euchaita m a d e his w a y through the .“ in Anatolian Studies Presented to Sr William Mitchell Ramsay . Claudiopolis.pp. a i d most importallt. ~ . For other referenccs to these Anatolian pilgrimages. Theodore Teron. pp. \\itnrsscd miracles at the tomb in 1304. Side. for Lazarus was himselfvisited by many pilgrims on Mt. 133-134 (hereafter cited as Delehaye. PP. The elaborate structure 01’ I n c ~ r o p o l i t a n a t ~ s . “Euchaita et S. over which towns were the bishops. and when thrown on the stormy sea would calm it.ltcs are liqtctl in order of thcir rank. Z I . In tlic first half of thc tenth century.and remarked that the exudations of the tomb were beneficial for childbirth. 111. or polis. L‘e’glise et Z’Oridnt ou tnqeri-cige (Paris. &bast&. Antiocheia.4. 343.tropc)litanates is clcarly reflected in the onicial lists. John on a golden chain. so t h a t tllc priesthood and liicrarchy represented Xiotli the capital and tlic proviuc:cxs. I n I 106-07 the Russian abbot Daniel (P. Thtodore”). John. Mocissus. 1 . Ephesus remained a favorite pilgrim site through its Byzantine life. suffragant bishoprics. the coffin of the Apostle Timothy. Scleuceia. -“hkara. Halkin. Notice that on his way to the shrine of the Archangel.l‘~ was with thcsc inc:om~s It that tllc: metropolitans and bishops provided for guestliouses. T h e last Irg of his long pilgrimage was from Chonae to Ephesus where Lazarus went to the church of St. 465-+66). in thc Argeaii islvs. EPhesus. pourliousL. Nicaea.tnovi& Gosudarslco. a cloth t h a t hfary had made and given to St.Laurent. Perge. iiicluding nut only Cheek Christians from the vicinity. orphanages. another pilgrim (a PaPhlagonian monk) joinctl the party.. LXII (1944). By the eleventh century. itlexander. 87. Asin Miimr ’‘* ’@’ 34 . thl: remailling twcnty-five were situated in Rn:t~olitt. most ~ O ~ U ~ O mctropolilan~~t~’sh U S ol’ : cmpirc. 18?-22ja 218. arclil~islioprics. l i n ~ composed for purposes of‘ protocol. Pisidia. 425. the ~ ~ ~ l i ~]hco@rm~. “Euchaita et la ICgende de S Theodore. c+iCUS. Caesareia. .6 )visited the tomb of St. George the Hagiorite. 43-47. After a number of distractions. a baptized hfuslint. Sardis. I (1894). He visited the cave of the Seven Sleepers. hospitals and to a certain extent. Basil. I 90-1 96.S. BrChier.I Z ~ . P. patriarch.109 and by the eleventli century tlicrc was a significant increase in their number170 due largely to the cxpai1sion of the rroiitiers in tlic east. Amns% bfelitelle. ‘rYana.172 It was the metropolitans and archbishops who linked the provincial administrative structure of the church to Constantinopl(~. They then journeyed to t h e port of Amisus on the Black Sea and set sail for the Caucasus.” B. of St. once more to the church of the Archangel. and which was enclosed in gold a n d precioub stones and which had hung from the neck of St.fGB and a great number of ten on their way to the shrine. and before arriving at the town. La Uie mrueilleusc de Saint Pierre d’&oa ’ 837 (Brussels.Z. Theodore where they were graciously received by the archbishop. became the seat of the bishopric. John. He then returned to Y Antioch.le* I n the earlier centuries this provincial organization of the church had followed the pattern of the imperial administrative orgaiiziation. F.tlic tenth century there had been approxilnatcly 37 I bishoprics subordinate to tliein.9c)-lOr.. 404-418. I Delehaye.EVE OF THE TURKISH CONQUEST EVE OF THE TURKISH CONQUEST T h Church Anstolia had an elaborate ecclesiastical organization of metropolitanates. drath n holy dust arose from the tomb.s.175Also. T. Thus the town. Ramon Muntaner-Buchon (pp. 253-254. He saw t h e imagc of the Holy Virgin used to refute Ncstorius. where the melropo1itan. thcrc \VC‘L‘V about 371 bislio~~rics Asia Minor. Gelzer. They had the right to participate in t h c iiiectiugs of the synod i n Constai~hople and also to participate in thc election ol‘ the patriarch. After the Turks took Ephesus they traded three of the relics of his cult t o Ticino Zacaria of Phocaea for grain. and by Jews. though most of them probably went by the sea route that skiited the westf‘rn anti southern coasts of the peninsula. Iconium. T h e rtnatolian road system saw a certain number of Latin pilgrims o n their way to the Holy Land. AS Nov. These pilgrimages were not limited to the ancient and rqtablishcd centen.SYnndi.inatolic theme to Chonae.and bishoprics subordinated to the patriarch of Constnntinople. but also it was so in the rcligialls domain. the center of the cult of St.” 8. Galesium. 1923)1PP. Lazarus met other pilgrims from as far away 21 Cappdocia arid Paphlagonia. I”. Asia Minor possessed approximately forty-five nietrop~litanates. ’llw ecclesiastical as wcll as thc bureaucratic. “Ungedruckte und wenig bekannte Ilisturr~ervcrzcichriissr dcr orientalischen Kirche. Anatolia possessed tlic riclicst. Sonic churches in sauthmtern Anatolia were subordinate to the patriarchate of Antkxh. i (Lolld’Jn. in 18 and 16 in Chlabria and Sicily. and thence to the shrine of St. In. Chalcedon. H. Pessinus. Pilgrimages to the great shrines of Anatolia must have been commonplace. Lazarus finally made his W ~ to I’alestine whcre he visited the various shrines and churches.171 The rnctropoIitans were the ccclesiastical lords or largc areas and usually of a number of towiis as well as villagcs. 517-518). fever. Neocaesareia. Gangra. which believers gathered as a cure for diseases. 99 in Ih~ropo. not only in the spiritual dornain but also in the sphere of administration and in the courts. The powcrs and influcnc:c of tliesc hierarchs in thcir respective provinccs were considerable. John and relates that on the anniversary of the latter’s . There he followed the northern route to Euchaita. adini~~istrativc pcrso111i~t WCTC recruited from the local population aid Constantinoplc. and emperor. Myra. local education. but also by a Georgian. Ikck. “Saint lintoinc Ie Jeune et Petronas la vainqueur des Arabes en 863. Peeters.

Ira). Mercurius and Mamas at Caesareia. Theodore is said to have routed the Arabs. John MauropusLagarde. Cumont. 955) in western Anatolia.'-'? The great Athonite father and organizer St. “L’archevkht de Ptdachtot et le sacrifice du foan. and many others were evidence of the intensity. T h e principal city or town of the saint was usually identified with that in which his bones rested. who were besieging Euchaita i n 934. It was an Anatolian monk. activity. and Amphilochius of Iconium. p. Gregory of Nazianzus. who in the tenth century left Asia Minor to convert the Muslims of newly reconquered Crete and the Slavs in the Mores. pp. and on the link between the pagan cult of the heroes and the Christian cult of the saints. These men of Anatolia. O n the Black Sea coast were the shrines of Eugenius at Trebizond. intimately associated with the personality. Theodore at Euchaita. perhaps.rrohi. 961) in Bithynia. 151-152. Usually the saint was the possessor of a special town. IV. See also M. 802-807) of Amastris. 792) of Paphlagonia. tenth century) of Latmus in the district of Miletus. Ioannicius (d. Eugenius as q$. Blasius (d. an institution that played such a critical role in unifying the empire.. and the inhabitants of that town thought ofthe saint almost as their co-citizen.~~ was to protect his city from devastating invasions of various foreign peoples. ) This same phenomenon is to be observed in the v. In such a spirit an eleventh-century citizen of Trebizond addresses St.” TOG N. are among those that have been studied in some detail. 1933)~ 145-180. Phocas at Sinope. educated in Trebizond. St. Philaretus the Merciful (d. Nicholas at Myra. A. 51. Of equal importance were the churches of the fourth and fifth-century saints Basil of Caesareia. many local strains were so firmly entrenched that they were simply accepted. all of whom had played such an important role in determining the evolution of the Eastern church. if not the variety. by appearing before the gates of the city on horseback.18o St. very important in the everyday life of the Byzantine inhabitants of Asia Minor. animal sacrifice and absorption of pagan deities into the Christian cult of saints. Georgians. The most famous of the martyrs’ sanctuaries in the hinterland included those of St. are not unique. others on the personages of later saints. Athanasius was born and educated in Trebizond. Gregory of Nyssa. on the continuity of pagan practices. 132..” Byzantion. Lazarus (d. and the various shrines of St. who are so illustrative of the influence and importance of Anatolia as a spiritual reservoir of Byzantine society. of course. 111 (1906). The list of the sanctuaries located in Anatolia is a long one. T w o examples of this phenomenon. Delehaye. 846) of Mt. From these holy men came a considerable portion of the monastic. 979) in Chalcedon. though of course there would be numerous churches and shrines (to say nothing of bones) associated with that particular saint elsewhere.” P. of religious life in Anatolia during chis period.6. while the illustrious twelfth-century archbishop of Athens Michael Acominatus and his brother the historian Nicetas Choniates were from Chonae. I 16. The eleventh-century metropolitan of Euchaita. Paul (d. The cults and churches of the various Anatolian saints were famous not only among the Greek Christians but also among Latins. C. John the Theologian a t Ephesus. 1st.E. hierarchical. Though the church tended greatly t o regularize the practices attendant upon these cults in consonance with the Orthodoxy of Constantinople. a fact that intensified the sanctity of Anatolia as a repository of T& &yia for the Byzantines. c. The eleventh-century professor of law a nd patriarch Xiphilenus was also born and partially 170 For a n extensive catalog of the cults of the Anatolian martyrs. and they naturally conceived of him as being partial to this city. Polycarp at Smyrna. F. Luke the Stylite (d. The miracula of the various saints credit them with considerable success in this respect. and Hyacinthus at Amastris. Les origines du c d l e des marlyres (Brussels. 36 37 . Asia Minor had been one of the earliest provinces of Christian missionary activity. Eugenius performed the same task for the Trebizondines by interceding from abovc and turning away and smashing the bows and swords l V 8 This is a phenomenon that needs further study. 521-533. Galesium near Ephesus. r r a ~ p t One~ of the most important functions of the saint . Nicon tou Metanoeite. 13-18. attempted to care for both the spiritual and physical needs of their flocks. Saint-Mamas (Athens. I t was this close attachment of the provincial peoples to the saints which forced the church to accept many of the anomalous practices attendant upon their cults. New sanctuaries continued to arise about the personalities of newer holy men.170 I n the westernmost regions the important cults included those of Tryphon at Nicaea. Nicephorus (fl. in the eyes of the provincials. St. These cults were absorbed by the Byzantine church. Some of the cults centered on the martyrs. Olympus in Bithynia. ig47). which came to be such a salient feature of Byzantine life. 911-912) of Amorium. and these cults were. p. 177 Lampros. and others who visited them on the pilgrimage.EVE O F THE TURKISH CONQUEST EVE OF THE TURKISH CONQUEST was strewn with sanctuaries and cults of numerous saints. 53. I 953). and missionary leaders. the Forty Martyrs at Sebasteia. 838) of Amorium.” miracula of the Muslim holy men of Seljuk Anatolia. and some of these were especially popular. describes Theodore as “ ~ b v i v h e p o v &pXov-ra K a l T ~ vS~ p ~ x d p o u -rahqs K ~ ~ ~ O G X O i V-rrpom&rqv K a i Iqopov. in$. he is ‘‘ b TOG X ~ I ~ W V ~ C ~ O Ka haoir ~ci-rk PappCrpwv v p o ~ o h ~ ~ C . as in the case of Djalal al-Din Rurni who saved Konya from the Mongols. “ ‘ 0 pros N~KCOVOS ME-ravoEi-re. AS Nov. HadjinicolaouMorava. Nilsson. George (d. 17B Papadopoulos-Kerameus. and still others on the personalities of “mythical” saints. Slavs. and the local saints . Michael Maleinus (d. did much the same thing. and the clergy in general. George i n the regions of Paphlagonia. pp. but of equal importance was the significance of these cults for the integration of the majority of the Anatolians into a generally homogeneous society and culture. U 200--902.l78 It has been repeatedly stated that the bishops and metropolitans. and the Archangel Michael at Chonae. the Forty-two Martyrs (d. and writings of the Apostlc Paul. VI (IgsI). c p t A 6 . Less spectacular. Creek Popular Religion (New York. 1053) on Mt.

Nicholas would save him. or sometimes they would travel long distances from their own villages and towns to the shrines of particular saints whose medical reputations were widespread. Saints Theodore. at least in their miracula.189-195. 125. epileptics. J. rebuilt the saint’s church in Euchaita. 1V. 150-151. Trudy. For a good description of a pagan. Sigalas. pp. trafi. 1860). Theodore. Payne Smith (Oxford. The Archangel Michael js credited with helping Heraclius defeat the Persians. Nicholas whcn he was lost on ajourney to India. George of Amastris was responsible C for the conversion to Christianity of the pagan Russ who. The references to conversion are scattered and few in number. itr f pnssini (hereafter cited as John of Ephesus-Payne Smith). In one of the miracula of St. p.” pp. ‘‘ ‘H 6iau~~ufi h b TOG xpucri-rr~owrrapaSE6op6vwv 8awclrjrrwv TOG 1-06 ‘AYlQu @ E o ~ ~ p o u . I 71i 1733 175-r81. Theodore. Nicholas. Trudy. 76. however. Theodore t o protect him.pp. Der h& Nikolaos in der grzecliischetz Kirche (Leipzig-Berlin. and Mercurius. attributed to the saints are those that have to do with healing. and especially with the tax collectors. “Bio5 NIKWVOS. Georgii (Lcipzig. LO4 Ibid. Greek Pojmlar Religion. 38 39 . intervened and calmed the seas so that the ships were able to bring grain to the starving city (Papadopoulos-Keramcu~.I o I . i n the vicinity of Philetis in Caria. 1. Such were the panegyreis of St.286.rlOi i u i v Iviptqqpa. “AIaQKEufi” p. Accordingly. 65-69. S.69. 580. pp.lg4 and the same hagiographer describes the conversion of a Saracen in Ephesus.3. 111. 54. If disease came upon their livestock. IV. however. After the campaign the soldier and as an offering of thanks presented his sword to the saint. The saints and their churches were the sponsors of the local fairs (some of which were of an international character) or panegyreis held on the feast days of the saints. (rg24). particularly in the more remote provinces that might be even less well equipped medically. drought or floods destroyed the crops. St. 185 Zonaras. 3d ed. Hagias Nikolaos. His hagiographer reports the story of one Syrian mule merchant who wore a golden likeness of the saint on his chest as a result OF having been saved by St. lSRTheophanes. R. and cripples marches. Amphilochius is credited with turning away the Ismaelite army from the walls of Iconium. 111. and then secure the return of these relatives from Crete and Syria. conversion o Muslims in Syria. Binon. Les &vdes grecques des snints inilitaires (Paris. r3-18.rraioirxos is credited with the St. through the countless pages of the miracula on their way to the shrines in hope of cure. 314-315. I. gathered as many of the Christians in the neighborhood as he could.lss The most numerous miracles and services. 1g13).l87 The saints are frequently alleged to have intervened with Byzantine administrative authorities. paralytics. Theodore Of Euchait% a soldier of the region previous to a military expedition Went into the sanctuary and prayed to St.. which he attributed to the intervention of St. 1u8 Vasihvsky. through the shrines and sanctuaries. the fisherman and his small boat entered the harbor of Attaleia safely.B. 1937). This role of the saints and their shrines as vital integrating forces in society is more forcefully illustrated by the activities of St..E. 43-47.lfl6 1 8 0 An especially spectacular performance in this respect was that attributed to St. not always content to remain on the defensive.lDB St. 37. Strabo. p. Delehaye.lsl George of Arnastris.ls6 Some of the cults were particularly close to soldiers. 132-133). ” I H‘ &S Ni. pp. A. John of Ephesus. I p imp.Ts6The saints also figure quite prominently. I. while raiding Amastris.MiraculaS. The Third Part g t h e Ecclesiastical Hsoy o Johrt cf Ephesus. 1 1 38-40.Aufhauser. l o o Anrich. A steady column of lepers. 1913). Anrich. As the winter storms made the seas too dangerous for the grain ships. and he became a Christian. threatened by storms while at sea. lo2 Vasilievsky. probably Paulicians. Eugenius of Trebizond. pp. the Trebizondines were threatened with starvation. iii. In a period of history when knowledge of medicine had not progressed sufficiently. jS4 Drexl and Pertz.le4 and John Tzimisces as a result of the victory over the Russians in the Balkans.I. In another case a Muslim fisherman from Egypt. 1909). AS Nov. Constantine was himself a converted Jew.1eg The subject of religious conversion does appear in the hagiographical texts. exerted a considerable proselytizing and missioning force upon the non-Christians and heretics of Anatolia. On the ancient Greek panegyreis and their survivd as a religioeconomic institution in modern times see Nilsson.~83 But these saints.I. Nicholas. even leading the imperial armies to victory in foreign lands. i p .Ist. went out of the walls of that city. T r u 4 .105 The shrines of the saints. promised to become Christian if St. at least accordillg to his miracula. 2 2 . but there is no reason to doubt that the Church. trans.lD1St. while still living. if la’ Papadopoulos-Kerameus. Eugenius. The provincials also appealed to the saints to still the dreadful forces of nature. Bibliogrflpl&z Hflgbgra$hicn Groeca.. Nicholas intervened to procure m . 1 0 5 Lampros.blflos. though the accounts are not often as precise as onc would desire. and then brought them to safety within while the Arabs were raiding the area. Ibid. (Brussels. in the repatriation of Christians taken prisoner by invaders. 78. grain for the starving inhabitants of Myra (Anrich. Doclcments grecs inidi:dilselntifS ri S.1st. 408-409. 629-630.lg2 Indeed.. Eugenius is “ T ~ KolvfiS j u 6 v V6hEwg m. Mercure de (Louvain. I. 4. Lazarus converted a village of heretics. often took the offensive. St. and Euchaita who have lost relatives to the Arabs. one of the tenthcentury Anatolian saints St. broke into his sanctuary in order to steal the rich treasures they believed to be buried under his casket. XII. it was to the local saint that the ill came. ~ ? . On one occasion when Trebizond had had a particularly severe winter with violent storms on the sea accompanied by heavy snows. was known as far afield as Muslim Egypt and Syria. as indeed the whole of the ecclesiastical institution. 1 1 534.” K d nmpi60S 6ITdlTTa K a \ lTP6PaXE KUi ‘ppOUpi KCri Vasilievsky. S TpOUT&TU KUi T&@l KOlVbV 1 ( Tm. As a result of the saint’s intervention. Hngios Nikolaos. 328. those of the so-called military saints. 100-202. St.E. on behalf of their co-citizens. were intimately involved in the economic life of the Anatolians.415. 1957). 512. AS NOV. 1. Nicon in Crete and Sparta and by the mass program of conversion which John of Ephesus implemented in the sixth century. John at Ephesus. religious-commcrcial panegyris in Comana durlng the ancient period. 49-50). III. and George answer the prayers of the local inhabitants of Caria. Sigalas. Paphlagonia.ls2St. George. one invoked the saints with special prayers and invocations.EVE OF THE TURKISH CONQUEST EVE OF THE TURKISH CONQUEST I of the godless barbarians. B.lD0 George -ipo. the city was without sufficient grain supplies. G. 36. 415.

to the church of the Archangel Michael in Chonae. imp. both from the neighborhood and from far away.201 These fairs were important for the church of the particular saint. in this particular incident. p. 1879). They thus became somewhat morc generous and each gave one miliaresium to the saint. which comes away from the shrub like wheat bran. 167-170. Georgii. Anrich. Eugenius at Trebizond.T. p.the recipients of considerable wealth i n cash and kind. “Saint Phocas. finally. John Mauropus-Lagarde.210Gifts of such a nature were brought to the saint not only by the inhabitants of his town but very often by Christians living in another part of the empire. 317. to bring gifts to the saint. An industry that catered to pilgrlms as well as to the religious heads of the local population was the manufacture of black incense and gomphytis in the coastal towns of Macri and Myra. Georgii. falls to the ground. Nicholas. Sailors and maritime merchants pIedged wheat and other items from their cargoes to saints Lazarus. The I~ EV. 132. ‘‘ a03 Ibid. Bpqpfas aPdrrou vohu&vOpwnov -rr6A1w. pp. I n the eleventh century John Orphanotrophus was cured of a serious illness by St. 322-333. Nicholas. Papadopoulos-Kerameus. and the worm-dust. pp. . “Makri and all the country as far as Myra produce black incense and gomphytis.” pp. 210 Sigalas. Van d e Vorst. 218-240. V . ” A.Idrpcrra. Theodore and the panegyris that had made it into a great. 312.. p. Delehaye. Daniel.20o Merchants and craftsmen are constantly streaming through the shrines of these Anatolian saints. “AIaomufi. Hagios Nikoloas.” Strabo. 108-113. “Aiamwfi. A group of young boys was playing next to the church and during the course of the games one boy contiilually lost.no8 The merchants and wealthy classes donated generously to the saints (one well-to-do family in Myra gave I O O gold pieces annually to St. 537. 289.rrav-rbs EOvou5. imp. 130.P. he intercedes to save both the gold and its purveyor from robbers so that they may reach Chonae safely! 21z For the church as a legal custodian of the property of others.le* St. the monastic foundations and traditions of Anatolia going back to St. a nd for the town and rural environs as well. of the bishop and his staff. i s called raka-storax. Theodore of Euchaita which served as a guardian of the dowry of il recently deceased woman. “pEpi6a UOI ptau ol ~cnrrihhdpavoi -riOkaui. and a poor woman is saving a chicken for the saint. George could not eat it.. and indeed the church as an institution. a farmer gives an ox. I. “Euchaita et S. The treeiscalled zyghia and resembles thealder. obtained the cake.20s the common folk gave more modestly. says that this same product was used by Anatolians in the worship of pagan Gods! It was still an important product o f the district of Attaleia in the eighteenth century.202 e states H that it was the great fame of the shrine of St. Basil of Caesaieia and his zoo AS Nov. 7. Mirncula S. pp. 6-7.212T h e presence in a town of a saint’s shrine. which is sold to the merchants in leather bottles. Nicholas) . Aufhauser. Miruculu S. as a gum similar to that from the cherry-tree. Thus it is that they produce the gomphytis incense. St.”184-219.. P. 40 4. they remarked that inasmuch as St. XII. pp. but to no avail. bores through the wood beneath the bark. ‘‘TQ & ~ I ErahpyIE K V I T ~ nmheiS T& crpoy~drr& f i p ~ I?K uoi? &hho o k & ( Y O ~ & ~ O ~Aufhauser. Another shrub.D. burn incense. 206 Cedrenus. T h e Trebizondine fairs were international and attracted traders and goods from the whole of the Islamic and Indic worlds. of course. 289.” p. 1 1 1. 18. or as. resembling the aspen. 286. It exudes from the tree in a viscous state. George in Paphlagonia known as Phatrynon. by virtue of the economic activity and economic prosperity that they brought. I 3. pp. 415. A huge worm. Theodore.1 . and is collected with a sharp-edged piece of iron. and. 57-58.” anccdote is of interest in showing the presence of itinerant merchants. Asia Minor was also the basic monastic province of the empire.S.” p. so he lavished gifts on the church and built a wall around the city.20E The middle classes were equally attached to the cults of the saints. la Macidoine el 1’ Afigue (Amsterdam. and populous full of stoas and marketplaces..” p. Athos. Sigalas. of the large caterpillar species. iK . X.. George. at the shrine of St.200and Michael at Chonae. 58. and placed it in the church as his offering to St. Thkodore. 121iracttlfl S. trap. “Saint Phocas. . One must also keep in mind that from the seventh century until the foundation of the coenobitic institutions of Mt. whether as the possessors of large landed estates and serfs..’’ 2 0 ’ Sigalas. they would eat it and give the saint 0ulJ. Finally he appealed to St. 319. Hagios Nikolaos.” p. there is the case of the church of St.” 328.3. Lazarus. “Kavhv ’Iwu$-pTOG ‘Ypvoyp&~ouE ~ S“Ayiov @. Georgii. ‘‘ “Aytos 00~6s 6 XIVOT~E~S. of the offerings made even by children and. Lucas. Van de Vorst. In fact.. These panegyreis attracted great numbers of people. George is not a t all jealous. and Phocas if they would guard them during their dangerous sea voyages and enable them to reap financial Papadopoulos-Kerameus. Phocas at Sinope.” John Mauropus-Lagarde. 532-533. Theodore a soldier presents his sword. Zst. Voyage du Sieur Paul Lrtcas failpar ordre du roi dam la Grdce. 56 (hereafter cited as Michael Acominatus-Lampros). Ka\ O n departing they remarked. p. George throughout the lands of Paphlagonia.BO4 The pious from all classes of society made lavish gifts to the various saints in return for the services that the saints performed. Mtxaj’h ’AKopivbl7ou TOG Xovidrrou T& uo3(6pma(Athens. 130-131. that the saints were shrewd businessmen. government officials and. and the whole is then boiled in a copper vessel. Theodore at Euchaita.” pp. prosperous. Eugenius. . XVIII (1g53). They raised the offering to one nomisma and finally to four nomismata beforc the church doors opened. 289. N. 1st. 531-533. 1714). at such a town as Euchaita. a merchant promises one-half of his cargo to St. 103-107. AS Nov. George promising to give him a cake (acpoyy*ov) if the saint should help him to win. very important.. 512.207 as are also soldiers. 211 T h e inhabitants of Gangra In Paphlagonia sent one pound of gold as an offering. pp. E’Asie Mineure. Aufhauser. The offering of the emperor John Tzimisces has already been mentioned. trap. 207-208. Spotting the fragrant cake.lo7 St.1. .” zo4 He describes the brilliance of the celebration when the local people and officials have come together to chant. pp. the boy did not forget his vow. Soon afterward four merchants passing through the city came to the church to pray. p. Even farther inland. IV. Van der Vorst. P. the poor farmers and herdsmen. that his followers are making the gift to the patron saint of a different area. or as the sponsors of the large panegyreis.I3+ 207. “AI~~oxEu~~. at the shrine of St. Z i v o d a . . Oikonomides. Kapnopopia. zol Lampros.. 111.l** St. John Mauropus remarks that a great host of people came to the celebration. UOU. There was a famous church of St. Anrich. John Mauropus-Lagarde. This is gathered and mixed with produce of the first tree. were of great significance for any settled area.w~dvT ~ pp.211 The saints’ shrines. . 1 244. I 34. I I’8 profits from their commerce. In the nziracula of St. he promptly marched off to his mother. 333. One rather humorous anecdote from the miracula of St.So they consumed the cake but then found themselves unable to get out of the church.. George is quite illustrative of the incidental and anecdotal nature of these sources. were cIosely connected with the economic life of the provinces. After his luck changed.EVE OF THE TURKISH CONQUEST EVE OF THE TURKISH CONQUEST St. pray. “Saint Phocas. .

geschic/ite dds allen orients. though Present.C. The actual process by which Greek language and Greek Christianity had come to predominate was a long one. 1948). a18 A. and eastern Anatolia to the confines of Cappadocia was Greek. H. One philologist claimed to have found Hetite spoken in an Anatolian village in the twentieth century. 202-209.” Atintalian Slirdies Presented to Sir William Milcllell Ramsay (London. thc Aeolisns. Mt. “A Select Bibliography of the f Anatolian Languages. Friederich. G. B 1 O Goetze. p. Kultrrrgesc/ric/ite des alkw Orients. the monasteries were thriving. 396. and Persians. church.” Nelletiictr. J. ser. and government of Constantinople. Many of these monasteries had existed for centuries when the Seljuks first arrived in Anatolia. Cappadocians. Some rather humorous incidents have occurred in the search for the remnants of these languages in modern times. 2d ed. Kleiriaszattsclit S’rachdedtnalcr (Berlin. Lydians. or rather of Anatolia in the first millenium of the pre-Christian era. seemingly for commercial purposes. and the entire Propontid coast were literally strewn with these establishments. there is little that would lend weight to these suppositions. 1961). I n the district of Iconium. Isaurians. religions. (Munich. Lycians. XXIII (1954)~ 439-442.EVE OF THE TURICISH CONQUEST EVE OF THE TURKISH CONQUEST institution of a monastery a t Annesoi. But PriederiLh. Howink ten Cate.214 Ethizograjlly Perhaps the most interesting.210But from the point of view of language and religion. La 7nzgrntton M. however. He announced this sensational discovery and promised a forthconling grammar of modern Hetite. debate. In thc south. Carians. pp. Armenians. Greeks. ao[-204. Goetze. central. and the dominant religion was that of the Greek or Byzantine church. which in some cases are suficient to permit classification of the languages.More recently Ph. 213 T h e bishopric of Hagios Procopius (Urgiip) was the centcr of the famous troglodyte monasteries. nov. and Latmus. This second wave of settlement was fateful not only for the coastal regions but in the long run for the hinterland of Asia Minor as well. Swanson.216 Others have asserted that the population of the peninsula in the eleventh century was the same which had inhabited Anatolia since the days of the Hetites. and these in turn colonized the shores of thc Black Sea. to name only the bettcr known ethnic groups. pp. as well as the whole of the Opsicion theme. pp. T h e process of Hellenization in terms oflanguage and culture had begun centuries before thc pre-Christian era and continued long afterward. Mt. D.G. C. 414-437. Uiiteisuchiirzgeti zum Weiterleben Iielhitischetr zrnd lrlwisclreri Spracligtltes it1 liellcnistischer wid roniischer Zed (Wiesbaden. rg3z)). Anatolia. These peoples brought their own languages. whereas those in eastern Anatolia apparently came from both Europe and Asia. for it was the basis of a vast process of Hellenization which was to continue as late as Byzantine times.. while at Trebizond and the environs were located the famous monasteries of St. There has been considerable discussion. was very weak in comparison with the non-Greek elements. “Inscriptions inCdites en langue carienne. and one that has not been documented in siificient detail. Saycc. 42 43 . Auxentius.218The majority of the people in western Anatolia seen1 to havc come from Europe and thc Aegean isles.” Z. grecgrie eii Ionic (Athens. Greek colonies came to be established on the coasts of western and southern Asia Minor as early as the Mycenaean period. the principal discernible elements i n the culture of eleventh-century Anatolia. near Ephesus. The linguistic situation or pre-Greek Anatolia.” 3l7 1t had hosted Urartians. LXXXVIII (1934)~ pointed out that the language in question was Circassian and spoken by Circassians who had Bed the Russian conquest of the Caucasus. Jews. Eugenius. and certainly the most perplexing problems facing the historian of Byzantine Anatolia are those that have to do with the languages.” Bulletir~o the New York Public L i b r a y (May-June. on the present day Kara Da& monastic communities thrived down to the Seljuk invasions. Masson. has been compared to that of the Caucasus i n later times as “the meeting place of a host of unrelated languages. were important monastic centers. Nicaea. for the a17 A. The Liiwian Population Groups ofLycin and Cilicia Aspera d u h g the Helltitistic Period (Leidcn. Vazelon. 1958). Kleitiasietl.L. D. i n the vicinity of Miletus. while many were founded from the ninth through the eleventh century.J. had not always possessed this predominantlv Greek character. and Dorians had founded colonies along the western coast in considerable number. Hetites. 1961). indifferent to the language. Of all thc languages and cultures of pre-Christian Anatolia. for most of which there are extant remains. V I I I (1950).21D By 800 B.” Orientalin. Their influence i n classical times was centered on the coastal arca. and ethnic groups of the peninsula at various times. I g23). Kultu. 182-183. Olympus. Sakellariou. The regions of Chalcedon. “8pigFphie Asianique. Robert. Prusa. and disagreement on all three of these items in regard to the inhabitants of Byzantine Asia Minor in the eleventh century. were the scenes ofvigorous monastic life. “Angebliche-moderne Reste alte Kleinasiatischer Sprachen. Ionians. Galesium. 1957).M. 180-183. It is interesting that the progress of Hellenization at this early stage in a sense depended less on the numbers of settlers than upon the consequences of the economic and cultural superiority that these emigrants developed in Anatolia. B. Some scholars have maintained that the Byzantine population of Anatolia was only lightly and superficially Hellenized and was. Neumann. 1-38. in fact. Mt. “Languages of Asia Minor. 193-194. At the moment of the Turkish invasions. and Sumela. The dominant language of western. Cimmerians.3-26. Phrygians. In the regions of Anatolia east of Cappadocia this Greek element. Kurds.D. it was * Greek that showed itself to be the most dynamic.

The Greek Cip. I n contrast.dl. 44 45 . 1966)~ 358-365. Greek poets.pp.22@ degree to which Hellenism had penetrated The in the towns and cities of large portions of Anatolia is reflected in the 2ao Ibid. Strabo also remarks. Soli in Side with the phlosophcr Chrysippus and the poet Aratus. while the more ambitious of the local population found their desires for advancement a stimulus to learn Greek. Jones. who played such an important part in the fifth-century history of Byzantium. 1961). Nyssa. Theodoretus. Pergamum. so that i n a sense Rome maintained the traditions of Hellenization in the peninsula. LXXXII. art. and if its presence does show the degree to which many of the cities and towns had been Hellenized. Gothic 221 In Hellenistic times Perge in Pamphylia was associated with the mathematician Apollonius.221 After the conquests of Alexander the Great and the establishment of the Epigonoi. XIII. “Isaurian Builders. For modern examples one may cite certain Greek villages that speak both Greek and Arvanitika. -rij n1001kfl. . Mylasa. iy Ibid. pp. Noms indigt‘nes duns 1’Asie Mineure grecoromaine (Paris. Feb. was subject to two rival processes. Even though Greek was the official as well as the literary language. The Lydians had been particularly receptive to this culture. “Das Fortleben dcr Volkssprachen. grammarians. and Byzantine Hellenic culture was largely an urban phenomenon. although even here Greek cultural influence of a type is to be seen in the rural areas and in their languages. AnatoEische Personennamen (Prague.222 I t was in the towns that Hellenization made its great progress. uses the verb ~api&iv in a fashion parallel to O O ~ O I K ~ [ E I V .%‘dPWV. 163-182.225 language having acquired large numthe bers of Greek words. Robert. C. 209. But it is not only through the linguistic medium that a group or society is influenced. Kurdish) demonstrates the losing nature of the battle they fought against the progress of Greek. 2% Greek City. Iloll. XIII. Amaseia. the meeting ground of East and West. 4. The Greek C t . X L I I I (1908).224The geographer Strabo. and whose language seems still to have been spoken as late as the sixth century. “-rh-rapoi 6$ yhhrrais ~ ~ G V 01 O T K$vp&at. One of the better known cases of linguistic continuity is that of the language spoken by the Isaurians. historians. the rural areas were far less affected and retained more of the pre-Greek culture. Holl.” Thus Greek had also penetrated (yhb-5) AvSGv S i ob6’ lxvos these more isolated areas. Laumonier. nevertheless. Caesareia. The Greek City. The nature of the sources and the archaistic use of ethnic epithets often make it dificult to ascertain whether a linguistic or ethnic term is being used purely geographically rather than culturally.” Ilcrmes. Eddy. The Attalids were active in promoting Greek cities in western Asia Minor. 1ar.pp. pp. rhetoricians. ” On the Hellenization of Lydian names and religion consult. . Robert.27-29. as reflected in languages and religious practices. Ta ‘EAAqvh. Zgusta. On Carian.C. “ 6 S& ~g ‘EAA&& X P T ~ ~ ~ cpwvfi. the local kings of Hellenistic Anatolia adopted Greek as their official language and sought to imitate other cultural forms. By the late sixth century o f the pre-Christian era. religion. but in which the cultural consciousness is exclusively Greek. SKih15 E V ~ yhp ~b ykos hT3yXavEv bv.22s Urbanization continued under the Romans. Prusa. Samosata. comments on Hellenization by remarking that Lydian was no longer spoken in Lydia (though i t survived for a while among the isolated Cibyratae). it had not yet conquered the countryside. 210-21 I . Hellenica. I t is also highly probable that in many areas where native tongues survived. Ncllenization and. 9 . but the other facets of human society (law. I 963) . 1488D. the interpretation of what are apparently geographical terms as denoting ethnic groups has been more harmful than helpful. p. A. they spoke it extensively. pp. 1963).pp. on their own initiative. Iranization. to form cities in the Greek manner. 17). 2 2 2 S. Nicomdeia. 28. pp.. Georgian. Anazarba.z26 A study of thefortleben of these Anatolian tongues (one is not concerned here with Armenian. 280-283. it does not reflect at all on the rural areas.) can be receptive to outside influence independently of linguistic considerations. z comparatively large numbers of men of letters who appeared there i n But the literary aspect of Hellenistic. Laodiceia. T h e King is Bead (Lincoln. 288. 236 Strabo.” pp. Mango. Tralles. Consequently. 1-38. Tarsus contributed the poets Dioscurides and Dionysidcs and the town became one of the chief centers of philosophy. Nicaea. The Hellenistic monarchs pushed the process through the foundation of Greek cities. Tyana. Jones.” a20 On what follows. Anatolia.. C. the inhabitants were bilingual (Strabo. For other examples of Anatolian bilingualism in late ancient and early Byzantine times. the tempo of Hellenization greatly accelerated and henceforth Hellenism acquired the prestige of political domination and empire. For the economic specialization of the Isaurians. P. 17. Jones. the process often being synonymous with urbanization. For this summary.EVE OF THE TURKISH CONQUEST EVE O F THE TURKISH CONQUEST geographical nature of Anatolia combined with the Persian domination of the plateau to limit Hellenization to the maritime regions. 248-254. Roman. 221 Ibid. 4. Certainly linguistic change is the most striking evidence of cultural change.2a0 The penetration of Greek cultural influence inland continued at a slow rate. in the period from the sixth to the fourth century of the pre-Christian era. Les cultes indiglnes en Carie (Paris. 1-2.. K. 2 2 8 It has been customary to speak of these rural areas as completcly unaffected by the penetration of Hellenism. 210 Strabo. XIV. 40-50. pp.” PO&C/t70Rioll. CeOurtstag (Hcidelberg. The indigenous urban settlements and villages of Anatolia in many places coalesced. himself an inhabitant of one of these Hellenized Anatolian towns (Amaseia) . Aphrodisias. L. For an example of thc spread of Greek.. and he implies that Carian was in the process of dying. p. etc. Mollus produced the grammarians Crates and Zenodotus. Fedsch$t Franz Dolger zit 75. showing t h a t though the Carians spoke a n impure Greck.229There is evidence that Cappadocian was still known and spoken in the fourth century. biographers. Cotyaeum. “Das Fortleben der Volkssprachen in Kleinasien im nachchristlicher Zeit. “ T ~ S BOT~V PV A u S ~ ~ . -rq AuSGV. the inhabitants of the Cilician plain and of the regions of Paphlagonia. as were the fourth-century dynasts of Caria and Lycia. The slower rate of Hellenization of rural Asia Minor is reflected i n the survival of a number of the “Anatolian” languages as late as the sixth century of the Christian era. Laranda. as for instance Jones. Alabanda. 243-244. doctors of note in thc Hellenistic and Roman periods arose in such Hellenized cities as Sardes. rivaled only by Alexandria. Tq . Also there is the example of certain Anatolian towns and villages in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries which spoke Greek and Turkish. 51-67..

.M.” term that refers to nothing more than a geographical district. Upon being cured h e spoke in hisown tongue.B. does not prove the vigorous survival of Phrygian into the fifth century. which have survived. Das Tatigskcit cines nicht identifizierten Strategcn irn friihen 9. pp. Mitteis. idprlc-rov iixwv 76 yivos. indicates that already by Roman times people were not sure as to what Mysian was. 2 ~ ~ is the significance of this What material ? Would i t justify the proposition that Neo-Phrygian underwent a renaissance and that it was the living language of the people in a limitcd area of Anatolia? The majority of these inscriptions contain the epitaphs and names in Greek. As of 1956 the known and published number of such inscriptions was an even I O O . kKhquiav Bui8aoxe. “Die ICelten in Ankara. 60@hoyGv T ~ V &bay” But in effect this does not prove the vitality of “Lycaonian” 8Ebv (whatever tongue this may have been).but also in that of the Greeks. AL an earlier period the Celts had been similarly I-Iellenized and were called rahhoypaiKo1. and so Selinas their bishop often addressed them in Gothic.. But as he spoke no Greek.232Let us look then at these two texts on which so many scholars have relied. See also J. “Das Fortleben der Volltssprachen. “Acta Graeca SS. one is actually dated to the year 259 A. and that the passage has nothing to do with the Phrygian language. XIX (1899). XXII. 385.“TPAl KIA und ’APMENIA. “Ethnic Composition. and Phrygian at least into the third ~entury. with a curse on the would-be violators of the tomb written in Phrygian. he could also speak Greek.” p.A. p.Z ~ .. 648. (Leipzig. Rather it shows the process of Hellenization at work among the Goths through intermarriage and religion. because of this he t a u g h t in both languages. 243-244. mean that he really spoke both Gothic and Phrygian? Or. 868-869.B.” pp.” he obtained the services of a T+ bilingual interpreter who knew Grcekinaddition to “Lycaonian. ‘%TE T?J Big 8iaAiK. I 14. The translator. Socrates mentions that the bishop of the Goths in Asia Minor. M.A. V. I-Iarnack.” npbacpopa E ~ SZdh’iTwVU 17. in the c h u r ~ h . 1 9 5 3 )141 (hereafter cited as Charanis. “ofi yap ~~TT~UTCXTO ‘EAhjvwv yh&mav. Mithradates. “Das Fortlebcn der Volkssprachen. C. a certain Selinus. XII. “ K d h &KKhTlUhs I K W @ 6I8&UKEIv.O. Holl (and those who have followed him) has concluded as a result of two passages in these texts t ha t Phrygian was a spoken and understood language as late as the fifth century. 32. is the word Phrygian in the text simply a reference to the fact that his mother was from the district of Phrygia ? Here again one is faced with an archaistic use of a 230 Holl. emerges from the parallel text in Sozomenus which is much more explicit as to what this second language of Selinus was. then. I . On the absorption and Hellenization of the Celtic nobility in the early Christian era Bosch. Syniconis et Georgii. G. mentions Mysian and Lycaonian as possible languages in this period.2~0 But these languages were for the most part dead or moribund in the sixth century of the Christian era. Charanis. a33 Socrates. Priederich. 5 . Strabo. 418-419. XVI (196?). n. 256.M.” Does this IS. a 3 8 Priederich. . Theophancs. Jahrhunder. z Z .” P. 1 G. Igq. 241. 313-316. AS Mai V. M.rc. 366. 764. xv.” Jnhr6tlclr Jir kkinnsinlischer2 Forschurig. T h e Greek CiQ. KuprmIGqv (ThessaloIlike. Martha..D. rejects Mysian as a language. Calder attributes R few of the inscriptions to the end of the second century.” 234 Both texts indicate the following. “pap-rupEiv 6k K a l T ~ V SI~AEKTOV ~ I ~ O A ~ ~yap V r r q Ebai K a i pi@qdrylov.G.”). 247-248. G. The curses themselves seem to be rigidly formulated with little variation. At.” p. On the use of rpaida to designate the Byzantine Empire see the interesting studyof P. .” This indicates. 2 3 ~ And This passage has been interpreted as meaning that Selinus addressed his congregation in both Gothic and Phrygian. &T6POu UUVbVTO5 a h + y l V d U K O V T O S T f i V ‘EAA~vIK~~v j V K a i 6p~r(VEiiOVTOS p V ?a m p l ahoc. 11. in contrast to IO 1 0 1 that Mysian was no longer a spokcn language. Neo-Phrygian has received the greatest amount of scholarly attention because of the survival of the Neo-Phrygian inscriptions.” I n his desire to communicate. The healed man felt compelled to relate the wonder to others. &?Ahyhp K a i T ~ V ‘Ehh~vwv. See also the remarks of L.. the contents of which refer to eveiits in the fifth century. 870.235 There is also the question of the body of Neo-Phrygian inscriptions. “Phrygia. I.” “8lqyEiTo T T E i~~~d t v 7 0 v TOrh-WV. But. he used both languages. “ . and in both cases the Greek alphabet of the period is employed. a bilingual. as his mother was a non-Goth.EVE OF THE TURKISH CONQUEST EVE OF THE TURKISH CONQUEST i n the fourth century.” J.. 5. But thcse two terms seem to be geographical rather than linguistic.S. 4 th ed. The principal literary texts that have been brought to bear on the question are the ecclesiastical histories of Socratcs and Sozomenus. Sozomenus narrates that Selinus was able to deliver sermons “not only in their national language [Gothic] . 231 11011. 1963). 4. p. LXVII. P.W. 232 Holl. K a i 61& TOGTO 6pToTiPaIS Tais 8lah6KTOlS h o l ~ w cKa-rh ~ f i v . Anderson. and the geographical term is mentioned in the late eighth century. 283-291. Caldcr.. 3. rheas u h fiv b ~ m p 6 s . maintains that Lycaonian was actually Phrygian. 46 47 . Galatia was also called rahhoypaiala Strabo. drawing upon an incident in the Iife of St. W. the inhabitants of Phrygia having been Hellenized i n their speech. This passage. ation in Galatia Cis Halym. I1 (1g52). they are usually in Greek. Thus. 71-90.” ‘Ehhqvi~tr. 9. XII. i Ka-r&+p TUTPIOV a h i j v rpwvfiv. He was a Goth f r o m his father a n d a Phrygian through his mother. 5.238 Thus Neo-Phrygian survives in these third-century 234 Sozomenus. 43. xxxii. D i e Mission iind Azis6reitutzg des Cht istenturns. 8. Greek and Gothic. a n inhabitant of the district of Phrygia. Ammianus Marcellinus. Those who have proposed a more lively continuity of these hnatolian languages i n western Asia Minor during the Byzantine period have concentrated on the case of Neo-Phrygian. The second language to which he refers is probably Greek. the healed Lycaonian was drawn into a society where the customary linguistic medium was Greek. “ro-r0oypaiKol~ ro-reoypmla.281Of these languages spoken in Anatolia.Opric 6 i K U T ~ Hqidpa.Speck. pp. was the son of a mixed marriage. n. symbolizes the process by which Greek was spreading. ix. These are the latest texts o f the Anatolian languages (third century of Christian era). But the real question is the meaning of dr~cpo-rkpa~s Tais ~ I C L ~ ~ K T O “in both languages. 1468. still preserved their national tongue i n the fifth. “On the Ethnic Composition of Byzantine Asia Minor in the Thirteenth Ccntury.” 236 Their descendants were still known as ror0oypaiKor (and not as Gotho-phrygians) in the eighth century. That this is so. 256. Diodorus Siculus. LXVII. XVIII (18gg). “Das Fortleben dcr Volkssprachen. Davidis. V (1g32). a a 7 Ibid.. Reichsrccht ~ i Volksrecht in den d ostliclien Prouitzzen des rornischen Kniscrreichs (Hildesheim. The Goths. readily. p. 2 3 a Calder. attempts to show that “Lycaonian” was a vital language in the sixth century.” A. “Phrygia. Aniantos. ~ ~ ~ practically all these and have been dated to the third ~ e n t u r y .). xxix. “Explor31. Jones.. This incident has to do with the cure o f a man who was speechless. The remainder of the story indicates just the opposite.. &hr(vEs 6 TGV r o r 0 i j v ~ T ~ U K O V O &t)p ~. Though a very few of the epitaphs are in Phrygian. Appian.H.” J. VII.” pp. w h o settled in Phrygia i n the fourth century.A. Oir p6vov ’ .A.

Vasiliev. Kurdish. where by the latter part of the seventh century they must have existed in considerable numbers. Aside from the alphabet.S. Rambaud.” B. Laz and Tzan. in his day already bore witness to the process in which the Phrygians were disappearing as an ethnic group. there is the fact that most of the epitaphs are in Greek. Hence they were removed from their familiar social and ethnic environment. 13-136. SO that Anatolia had something of a buffer against the peoples of central Asia. I. p 4 0 Calder. “Corpus inscriptionuin neo-phrygiarum.A. I. populations into their Anatolian provinces on numerous 0ccasions. 12. Armenian. odd groups of Armenian soldiers were settled in various parts of Asia Minor.000in Greek. xiv.J. B . which mentions the word Phrygia.S. Theophanes. On the Laz.247 seventh-century Pergamum possibly had a n Armenian but the cmperor Philippicus (71 1-713) expelled a considerable number of Armenians from Byzantine Anatolia. He also supposes that the Phrygians ofGalatia had been completely Hellenized by the third century.196-240. who have studied this problem from the Hellenic and Turkish sides. 144. n. z I . 5” strie. 241 Calder suggests that . 41 ff. One is not convinced. V (1g32).H. Charanis. the Byzantine emperors over the centuries introduced non-Greek. “Ethnic Changes. IV.pp.240 Certainly some knowledge of Neo-Phrygian existed in the mid-third century. Strabo. The Greek Cib. 657. 668.H.R.B43 Perhaps this was partially Calder. L’empire grec. 2 4 0 Theophanes. 247 Charanis. Z6O O n the Armenians of Byzantium. Pergamon unter Byznntinern zmd Ostnnnen Abhand.K. 111. decisively victorious in Phrygia.J. In M. 365.. “The Transfer of Population as a Policy in the Byzantine Empire.”). “Corpus inscriptionurn neo-phrygiarum. 364.. 140-147.EVE O F THE TURKISH CONQUEST EVE OF THE TURKISH CONQUEST monuments for the most part in fixed ritualistic. “Ethnic Changes. 29. History o the Wars. as are most of the names. Constantine Porphyrogenitus’ use of these terms led Rambaud. pp. XI11 ( ~ g s g ) . Arabic. I n this way the Goths were settled in Phrygia in the fourth century. and Taeschner. as in the regions of Coloneia and Neocaesareia. 140-154 (hereafter cited as ‘Transfer. Gelzer.” p. to conclude that all these linguistic groups existed to the end of the empire. and possibly Lazic not only survived but were spoken by the overwhelming majority. A.” pa 143. prauss. Georgian. VII. p. Constantine V settled one group on the eastern borders.L. “Anadolu. z48 ff.076 inscriptions found. On other occasions the transferred populations were brought for military purposes.L. “Transfer.A. XLVI (1gz6). VII ( x g q ) . Though the number of these Neo-Phrygian inscriptions is in itself considerable (xoo). 2 4 8 Charanis. but these were later removed by the Arabs.” The powerful influence of Greek is evident i n these inscriptions. I. formulaic curses.249 The settlements of Armenians were most numerous in the easternmost regions of Byzantine Anatolia. I11 (1961). Calder.” Acadhnie rojale de Belgiqrte. 1870).” pp. pp.. “Some Notes on the 174-195. XII. thc Greek Cypriots were moved to Cyzicus by Justinian 11.. Grtgoire.260 Probably there also was settled a 244 For the general practice of transplanting populations. Histoire universelle ed. Amantos. I 63. Agapius V d e Menbidj.~44The reasons for this transplanting of peoples were closely linked to state policy.O. for no Phrygian inscriptions have been found in Galatia. 17-18). for he mentions the disappearance of a number of Phrygian tribal divisions.. A. “Ethnic Changes in t h e Byzantine Empire in the Seventh Century. and 1.” ‘EAAUVIK&. 48 49 . “Transfer.. This archaistic geographical nomenclature was used throughout Byzantine history.” p. I t is not recorded w h e t h e r the five detachments of cavalry which Justinian sent to fight on the Persian front (Prof copius. already in the third century. settled in Asia Minor or not. pp. xiv. “The Armenians in the Byzantine Ernpirc. X V I I I (1948). 297-298 (hereafter cited as “Prtcisions. In some cases the foreigners brought to Anatolia had been causing trouble for the empire in other provinces.” Byzantiunz. 531. 382. lacking in thc sources. and subjected to Hellenization (often indirectly) and to Christianization (or i n the case of heretics. to Orthodoxy). “MapSaf-ral. M... X X I I (1g61). which from the sixth century and even earlier.he Phrygians were bilingual in the third century. m46 Theophancs. so far as it has been possible to ascertain. has a t one point stated that these inscriptions “represent an artificial revival of the epigraphical use of the Phrygian language by the Tekmoreian Society. 244-245. But the usage is more likely geographical. until the migrations of the Turks in the eleventh century. a’*o Constantine Porphyrogenitus. and trans. 352. 152-253. XXXI (191I). with perhaps no linguistic connotation. L’empire grec au dL4me sidcle (Paris.” Comparative Studies in Sociely and Histop.” D. he speaks of a fourth-century inscription from Phrygia. xxx.25-36 (hereafter cited as “Ethnic Changes. 4. 8. der Iyiss. a 4 3 Rambaud. Bryer.P. received large numbers of migrations and settlements. one should keep in mind the fact that in eastern Phrygia alone there were some 1. Charanis. placed in a strange one. “Slavic Element in Asia Minor in the Thirteenth Century. first the Sassanid monarchy and later the caliphate. Kitab al’ Unvnn.Z40 Similarly. “PrCcisions gkographiques et chronologiques sur les Paulicicns. 69-83. Charanis. De Cnerimoniis.”) . Bulletin de la classe des lettres et dcs sciences niorales et kolitiques. R e postulates that this usage is indicative of the fact that the inhabitants of the area still felt themselves to be Phrygian. 243 Jones. P. zg. p.”). W.” J.S. share the view that Anatolia was effectively Hellenized.241 One may assume that by the sixth century the Greek language had triumphed over the various indigenous tongues of western and central Anatolia (to the regions of Cappadocia) . I. 18 are i n Latin. that in the easternmost parts of Anatolia. 294. In contrast to the Balkan peninsula. as well as Greek. causing them to settle i n Melitene and Fourth Armenia. Political factors in the Byzantine period contributed to the victory of the empire’s language. VII.R. Though there were no large migrations of new peoples into Anatolia from the East. however.245 and t h e Mardaites were sent to Attaleia. . See also his “Philadelpheia and Montanism.242 At least references to these early languages are. XXI-XXII ( 1 9 6 6 ) ~ a30 I I due to the fact that there was in existence a relatively strong and organized state to the east.” J. X X X I I I (1947).” B. der kotz.M.. as a result. 1go3). and in Anatolian Studies Presented to Sir William Mitchell Ramsay. 76.” B. or were Christians fleeing the conquests of the Arabs. the foremost student of these inscriptions.” p.O. that Phrygian existed as a vital living language among the people. Asia Minor was shielded from such large ethnic movements of peoples who might have changed the linguistic pattern. in Greek.” EIz. Akad. But there is some evidence for the assertion that it was artifically revived and that Greek probably was. (Berlin. I I I ( I 912) ..538. I. L’etnpire grec. Syriac. 38 in Neo-Phrygian (or Greek and Phrygian). Of these. It is true. On the general ethnographic picture the samc author’s “Ethnic Composition. much in the same manner in which Socrates used the term Opbk.

~04 i n his reign they hrnished 220 men for the expedition for to Crete.. Miles. B. 348. ~ r. I I Q. Therefore the testimony of Theophanes as to the complete disappearance of this Slavic settlement must be discounted as the exaggeration of a medieval chronicler. Charanis. 666-667. XXV (1956). . 108-109. 0 0 0 . ~ ~ ~ Though this figure is doubtlessly exaggerated in the manner of medieval chroniclers. 2432 4 4 ) . 652. “Ethnic Changes. I 10.2. 666.” Travaux et Mimoires. 35. are to scattered contingents of soldiers posted on the shores of the western Anatolian coast or on the eastern borders to fight the Muslims. 655-657. 263-270). 737-739). I 956). ninth.” ~ ~ ~ K T IT?5 & ~ K centuries. a Christian Arab monk is mentioned in an inscription of onc of the Cappadocian troglodyte monasteries (de Jerphanion. 42.” pp. 257-297. 366. Constantine Porphyrogenitus.G. II. AS Nov. an . medeia (Honigmann.” p.” pp. It is possibly to the Slavs that the author of the life of St.” pp. Peter of Atroa refers by the phrase. Justinian I1 sent the Slavs. but it is not clear whether they were settled there. I. Muslims are mentioned in the cities of Bithynia.” Hesperia. OI ZBAapquiavoi 01 KaOiu6dvTq ds -rb ’ O ~ ~ K I OIV would seem a little strange that a tenth-century author would t . T h e exact interpretation and translation of this rather important text has excited some disagreement.. D e Caerimoniis. such as the several thousand Persian soldiers who deserted to Byzantium in 834 and were then settled throughout Asia Minor. 142-143. Charanis. 252 military force of 30. Muslim merchants in Attaleia. VI. *a1 Charanis. This snurce . OstrogorskY. Eyzmceet les Arabes. Hamdanides.000 of these Slavs deserted to the enemy. 50 51 . but at the same time it must have been greatly depleted if not exterminated. 76-78. In the reign of Constantine V many Slavs fled the Balkans and were allowed to settle in the region of the Atarnas River not far from the Bosphorus. Laurent. and inhabitants. 250 Theophanes Continuatus.000 Slavs who deserted to the Arab invaders of Anatolia in 665.E. 11. However he does accept the numbers of Theophanes. 1 1 590. though his origin is elsewhere said to have been Armenian. 54z).” pp. 1958). Charanis. E. Charanis.” rcfer to them as KaeloOivTES if in fact they had been there since the seventh and eighth ZKAU~OI.” p. Vasiliev. I. “Ethnic Changes. and Nico1. Charanis. See also P. But when lie marched against the Arabs with his armies.3-144. . I. 261 Theophanes. L a vita retracta et les miracles posthumes de S i t Pierre d’dtroa (Brussels. at least up to the tenth century.000 Armenian troops. Constantine Porphyrogenitus does mention the presence of Sthlavesianoi i n the Opsicion theme in the tenth ~entury. 337-340. XVIII (1948). n.E. “Thomas le Slave. in 688. The text reads “ . Gescliiclite. Trebizond. 98-1 19. 69-83. pp.205Their numbers are comparatively small as revealed in this Theophanes. Amantos. Geschichte. X I X (1949).in tenth-eleventh century Athens (G.. Coloneia. as well as in Constantinople.” p. this must have been the largest Slavic settlement in Asia Minor. however. I t i s difficult to answer this question from the text of Constantine Porphyrogenitus. the Slavic settlement under Justinian I1 was a considerable one. pp. “Ethnic Changes. 41-41. K A a j h p a v o \ K a l p&ppapoi. I (Rome. These monasteries feature considerable pseudo-kufic decoration in their frescoes. 141-142. “Ethnic Changes.” pp. ’AKaSqpIuS ’AOqvGv. 20. a65 Ibid.647. 348-349. or simply assembled and paid with the -viy[ycIcna Tfjs ’Avcrrohij~. *” Charanis. Some have interpreted this passage to mean that Justinian destroyed the remnants of the Slavic colony and that the colony therefore disappeared. 3. 625-627. 1 3 1 . and he converted a Saracen in Ephesus. p. Nicephorus mentions that their number was 2 0 8 . seems to have been made to the European Other groups were sent to Anatolia.252Under Constantine VII the tagmata of the east were bolstered for another Cretan expedition by the addition of 1.25*All these references. In an expedition against the Arabs of Crete during the reign of Leo VI. I. 432. I n regard to the continuity of the Slavic settlements of the seventh and eighth centuries the question has been raised whether these Sthlavesianoi were their descendants or not. but on p.” Studi orientalistici in anore de Gioriio Leui Della Yida. Ankara. 14. Theophanes.200 T h e largest Slavic or Bulgaro-Slavic colonization in Asia Minor seems to have occurred during the eighth century. I. 92-93.. . I. commented that in fact Justinian did not exterminate the whole colony. “Ethnic Changes. “Ethnic Changes.” Byzantion. There existed a mosque in ninthcentury Ephesus (Ibn Khuradadhbih. Neocaesareia. for such reasoning neglects the exaggeration with which it is always necessary to reckon in narratives of this type. p. ivQiJAia EOvq. “The Slavic Element in Byzantine Asia Minor. Soulis. I. Caesareia. 50. I.” p. “Ethnic Composition. Canard. 3zg-344). 669. Cajpadoce. -_ . Ostrogorsky. “The Arab Mosque in Athens. Whether one interprets Theophanes literally or makes allowance for exaggeration. Most of the large scale transplanting of Armenians from their homeland b y the Byzantine emperors. Theophanes. of a slightly later Slavic settlement as being exact and accurate figures. It is conceivable that these tenth-century Sthlavesianoi might have been moved from Europe and posted in the Opsicion theme. nevertheless after one has allowed for the exaggeration. and the settlement of the tribe of Banu Habih (Canard. 42. Symeon Magister. “Notes SUP les Slaves dans le PtloponnCse ct en Bithynie. 431. merchants. 257 There is an extensive literature on this subject.202 That the Slavs were still to be seen as a n ethnic group in this northwestern corner of Anatolia i n the ninth century is recorded in Theophanes Continuatus. the emperors transplanted considerable numbers of Slavs to the northwesternmost corner of the peninsula. he mentions that there were only 127 in the Opsicion theme. to the theme of Opsicion.” Byzantiotz. 42-43. whom he had taken prisoner in Europe. 106). remarks on the continued existence of a Slavic element in Asia Mlnor. D e C a e r b m i i s . Charanis. Cedrenus.000 from among them. a55 Charanis. and the COmnentS of G. 666. I (Paris.. eighth. Theophanes Continuatus. a6316id. has rejected Theophanes’ testimony on the extermination of this group as being an exaggeration. refers to Thomas as of Slavic origin. Tzarnandus. I 24-125. 2s8 Charanis.A. Melitene.EVE OF THE TURKISH CONQUEST EVE OF THE TURKISH CONQUEST number of Armenian soldiers in the Armeniac theme. “Quelques’ ‘A-catt’ de l’histoire des rclations entre Byzance et les Arabes. The first such mention would seem to be the 5..250In the course of the seventh and eighth centuries.267There are references to the presence of Slavs in the seventh. V I I ( 1 9 3 2 ) 333-335.. 124-126.” p. pp. and tenth centuries.2ts whereas Goo Armenians (possibly those of Priene) were to guard the shores of the Thracesian theme.%68 These are the last references to major Slavic settlements in Anatolia prior to the Turkish invasions. Constantine Porphyrogenitus. 1965). These were probably for Muslim captives. 254 Ibid. 622. “Transfer. most recent of which are tlle following items.268Almost a quarter of a century later. Aside from the settlcment of Persians in ninth century Anatolia. . “Ethnic Composition. X X I I (1952). A.260and i n 692 he was able to raise a “Ethnic Changes. O n the exaggerated nature of the number. Lemerle.251 and it was customary to post Armenian contingenis in various parts of western Anatolia.” pp. 79. 30. Maricq.. 364. there were mustered 500 Armenians from Platanion in the theme of Anatolicon and 500 more from Priene. Justinian was so infuriated that on his return he slew the remainder of the Slavs with their women and children a t Leucate on the Gulf of Nicomedia. In the eleventh century the metropolitan of Ephesus h a d an interpreter for the Saracens (AS Nov. . “Un itinhire.

if these tenth. especially when one recalls the Constantinopolitan nature of the Byzantine sources.” Bymittion. Andreades. I1 (1gr6). but which was no doubt of commercial importance i n Anatolia. Collomp. Mardin. 305-318.and eleventh-century groups were permanently settled in a n area.VII (1927).. 27-30. 167. Anazarba. “Ethnic Cbanges. Beneievid. Albanians. Syrians.S. There is. The early tax registers for Ottoman Anatolian show almost no Jewish population at all in the sixteenth century. ‘ O ‘EPpcilolhT@ PV[WTIU@ K P ~ E I .3-23. Georgians. 83. 274 Georgians and Lazes were to be found in the southeastern districts of the Black Sea coast. and it is clear that they were actively engaged in commerce and the crafts. P. I t is highly probable that there were many more such towns but they simply have not been mentioned. and whether they were permanent or temporary settlers. Manzikert. 624-625. Mayaferrikin. I937). trap. 78-82. esoF. 40 ff. 1st.B. I t is not always clear. and i n the border town of Zapetra (ninth century). Tarsus. Slavs. By the eleventh century they seem to have come in considerable numbers and possessed bishoprics in a large number of the eastern and southeastern towns: Zapetra.passim. Kulpings.. Laqabin. Keraites. Les Juys dans l’embire romain (Paris. “St. and it is probable that Jews had lived in some of these towns even earlier. Bulgars. Amedroz. Claudia. i n an effort to revive the city of Melitene which had been incorporated as a result of‘ the Byzantine reconquest years earlier. XXXI (1961). Samosata. ”E. however. Juster. Theseinclude Chonae (c. Tell Arsanias. “K istorii Evreev v Vizantii VI-X v. Callisura. 1gz6).000 Latins.271 and in the mideleventh century one tagma of RLUS their winter quarters in northeast had Anatolia. 271 z7a ”’ 59 53 . Cappadocia (seventh century). for they furnished much smaller numbers of troops than the Armenians in western Anatolia. Strobilus (eleventh century). Figures are given for the Jewish communities of the Balkan lands of the empire in the twelfth century by Benjamin of Tudela. Caesareia (at least by the twelfth century if not earlier). Eleventh-century Edessa had 1. e 7 4 Minorsky. I. Active i n Anatolian commerce. however. Keraites. Mayefarrilcin. Scandinavians. Saroug. Kaisum. Actes de Laura (Paris. Five more Anatolian towns are mentioned as having settlements of Jews during the twelfth and early thirteenth centuries. and Gargar. Ioannicius the Great (754-846) and the ‘Slavs’ of Rithynia. and in the regions to the northeast of Lake Van. zo7 J. I 150). Armenians. and other^. Chliat. and it is quite probable that they were Christianized and Hellenized. Chronique de Denys de Tell-Mahe.2Bg These Jews were settled primarily in the towns along the great roads of Anatolia along which flowed the commerce of the empire. 245-248. but the military troops settled increased in ethnic variety. The Kurds were numerous in such regions as Amid. 103. Georgians. They spread as far north as the Armenian town of Erzindjan where they possessed a monastery. “The Marwinid Dynasty a t MaylfLriqin in the Tenth and Eleventh Centuries. asked the Syrian Jacobite patriarch to repeople the areas of Melitene and Hanazit with Syrians and to establish his patriarchal seat in that area. Gaihan-Barid. p. Charanis. Contingents of Russ were sent to the regions of Trebizond i n the region of Romanus 1. was not available to mp .EVE OF THE TURKISH CONQUEST EVE OF THE TURKlSH CONQUEST text. 1895). or were simply temporarily quartered in Anatolia during the period of their military service. Nisibis. (~gos). Melitene. Mastaura in the regions of the Maeander (eleventh ‘century). their location. Abydus (10961.pnssim. Goubbos. I n this manner an extensive emigration of Jacobite Syrians to these regions took place. Of these eastern peoples i n eleventh-century Anatolia. Pylae (eleventh century).. to the Jews in these Anatolian towns is quite important. and Armenians. In most cases they must have been in direct line of descent from the communities founded during the Diaspora. Armenians. “Les Juifs et le fisc dans l’empire byzantin.” J. In the tenth century the emperor Nicephorus Phocas. Seleuceia ( I I37). Ephesus (eleventh century). A. Amorium (ninth century). as did two tagmata of The eleventh-century documents list a bewildering variety of ethnic military groups in thc various provinces ofthe empire-Russians. 123-245. J. Cedrenus. The Normans Roussel and Herve had their estates in Asia Minor. pp. Arabissus. following the Byzantine expansion to the east and the religious persecutions of the eleventh-century caliph al-Hakim.” ‘i p. Edessa. Trebizond ( I I ~ o ) and Gangra (1207).200 A group about which comparatively little is known. The Jews.A. Neocaesareia (eighth century). was that of the Jews.R. the radius of their caravans comprehended the lands of the Turks in the east and i n the west Papadopoulos-Kerameus. from which they acquired considerable wealth. Ankori. and the Armenian adventurer Philaretus based his political activity in Cilicia on a force of 8.E. Vryonis.^'^ I t is very dificult to ascertain the numbers of these groups. Normans. and Persians from the seventh through the ninth century) in Anatoh not only continued in the tenth and eleventh centuries. Tell Patriq. Hisn Ziad. pp. I. 11. 1 9 1 4 ) ~ 188-194.” EI1. “Kurds. Hisn Mansur. Lazes. Les Slaves. 13. The eastern expansion of the tenth and eleventh centuries incorporated areas into the empire which were nonGreek in speech and non-Chalcedonian. Chabot (Paris. p.” Mdlarges Charles Diehl (Paris.2’0 The Practice of settling foreign military contingents (Mardaites. though a number of arrivals probably entered the empire during the late tenth century. the most important were the Syrians and the Armenians. Germans. 24. It was. See the basic work of Starr. Amid. no indication as to their numbers. Gcrmaniceia (Marash).Dvornik. Ardjish.E. the eastern regions of Byzantine Anatolia which contained the majority of the non-Greek populations-Kurds. however. H. I. For the Merwanids of Dlyarbeklr in the tenth and eleventh centuries. Simnadu.000 Latin mercenaries in the eleventh century: 273 G.” Eureiskii Miysl. in!. BY the time of the Roman Empire. Starr. 20. I I I.267 From the seventh to the eleventh centuries there are references to Jews i n Nicaea (tenth century). Ahrweiler.” pp. 197-224. After this their presence is no longer noted. trans. English. 1930)~ 7-29. Rouillard and P. aoo Ankori. p.208 The reference . pp. Saracens. the Diaspora of the Jews had resulted in Jewish establishments in over sixty Anatolian cities and towns. “Smyrne. Bjzunce et Rome (Paris. see chapter vii. The Jews..

So extensive was the number of Armenians in this diaspora that by the middle of the eleventh century there wcre three Armenian military corps stationed i n the cities of Sebasteia. 11. Grousset. The Greek church of history is in a sense the church of Asia Minor.~~’ nobility of Taiq. This transplanting of large numbers of Armenians is closely connected wilh the Byzantine eastern expansion and the somewhat later western movement of the Seljuks. Melitene. Larissa. and Gabadonia in the theme of Cappadocia.”28o Religion As important as the ethnic configuration of eleventh-century Anatolia and. 133. and. Caesareia. acquired lands at the Labaca. and the Armeno-Byzantine general Melias had organized the newly formed theme of Lycandus in the early tenth century and colonized it with Armenians. 111. the Christian land KaT’ C ~ O X ~ V Hellenism had spread on a significant scale in Asia h/finor. Histoire d’drmenie. Prud’homme (Paris. up to the period of the first ecumenical council. Hislorie de l’drtnenie des origines ci 1071 (Paris.~~~ of Baaean to Chaldia. 11.R. 557-559. As a result of the Byzantine conqucst of Cilicia and northern Syria. I. and Martisapao in the theme of Armeniacon (also at Ani. Grousset. Ani (I045-46). J. and C ~ r n a n a Though large-scale emigrations are . pp. 605IV G3G. 495-511. Larissa. In the tenth century the Taronites family received cstates in Celt~ene. 111. (1899).” R. trans. syrischen und armenischen Quellen (Brussels. They were also important as physicians and in the translation of the Greek texts. p. Byzantium annexed Taron (968). A. 204. and the neighboring places. Cilicia. and also the nest of a number of smaller and larger heresies. 33. 1 4 2 . arabischen. the Armenians “spread throughout Cappadocia. 97.pp. and Charsianon. Grousset. 11. 11. Matthew of Edessa. 71.p. spread to hnatolia very early. 175. Honigmann. Cedrenus. 489. brought by such distinguished preachers as Paul and John of the Apocalypse. 548. 32-38 (hereafter cited as Aristakes). 130-146. I 935). la* Grousset. and Syria. *lB I-Ionigmann. I I EVE OF THE TURKISH CONQUEST I Finally in 1064 Gagik-Abas of Kars received lands in Tzamandus. I-Ionigmann. 11. 443-451. 32-38. I 88. and memories of ancient independence were so weak that they offered little resistance to Christianization. p. Maeler (Paris. p. Laurent. Grousset. Attaliates. 1 ”’ 54 55 .. they were accompanied by 14. “Malatiya. that which brought in the Armenians during the tenth and eleventh centuries. 626.284 One of the principal Byzantine sources of the eleventh century Michael Attaliates remarks. There had previously existed settlements of Armenians in these provinces between Tephrice and Melitene.000 men (and presumably by their families). Though there were significant religious cults in Anatolia. 186g). Armenie. Mesopotamia. . Armenie. Grousset. O n the general absorption of the Armenian east. I. Paradoxically. no. p. the spread of Greek as a universal medium of communication were all factors that prepared the region for a new religious syncretism. Asohk. Jnhrhrmdert.. Vaspuracan ( I O Z I ) . p. 126. ~grg). nobles. and in many provinces local culture. The expansion of Byzantium into the east was accompanied by a large-scale emigration of Armenian princes.” EII. p. Cedrenus. pp. 78. more dificult to reconstruct. zg. . 173. D i e Mission. Honigmann. and Tephrice. 11. 873. 616. Regestert. Oslgrenze. Oslgret~re. Armenie. Byzance at 1es Tiircs seldjoucides dans C’Asie occidentalejusqu’en 1081 (NancyParis-Strasbourg. Honigmann. Michael the Syrian. EinuerleiDur~gannenisclren Territorien durch Byznnt iin XI. 2 7 7 Cedrenus. The presence of the large number of Jewish communities.II.279and with the annexation of Vaspuracan. however. 222-226. and their retinues to the lands of the empire. after its absorption.EVE O F THE TURKISH CONQUEST Constantinople itself. Amaseia. Bar Hebraeus. Cedrenus. p. 734. the ethnic languages. it must be assumed that all these princes and nobles were accompanied by considerable numbers of followers. Kars (1064). ein Beitrag zur vorseldsclutken Periode der armenische Geschichle (1912)~284 Laurent.529. the government brought large numbers of Armenian colonists to both regi0ns. PP. Dolger.z82 a’a Michael the Syrian. is the religious and sectarian picture of the peninsula. it was. Melitcne.C. the mixing of Judaism and paganism in thought. 19471.~7~ The newer emigrants were often posited upon the older stratum of Armenian population. hkulian. 1864) pp.~~~ specifically mentioned in only two instances. 553. 580. “Les bvbques jacobites du VIIIe au XIIIe sitcle d’aprts la chronique de Michel le Syrien. A m e n i r . Armenie. Taiq ( IOOO). pp. As a result of these two converging forces. 288 Ibid. 581. Armenie. 447-448. Tzamandus. 160.. Aristaltes of Lazdivert.288 The Christianity that emerged in Anatolia. 4 6 4 Aristakes. 492. in a sense.280 In 1045-46 Gregory Bahlavouni exchanged his lands for estates in the province of Byzantine MesopotamiazB1 in the same year and Kakig of Ani gave up his kingdom and settled within the empire. Oslgrenze. Die Oslgrenze des byzantitizschen Reiches uon 363 bis 1071 nach griechischen. ISG Michael the Syrian. F..276 The most significant movement of peoples into the Anatolian provinces ofthe empire was. p. 168. The history of the Byzantine church in Anatolia as well as a comprehensive history of Anatolian heresies and their significance remain to be written. 375. Abara. ‘(the Armenian heretics have thronged into Iberia. Lycandus. Arnasaciou. trans. 133. Byzance et les TWCS. there took place a significant emigration of Armenians. pp. 169-178. V (‘goo).. they were not serious obstacles to the penetration of Christianity. VI ( I ~ o I )189-219. Matthew of Edessa. Tais.287 Christianity. When SenecherimHohvannes and his son David received landed possessions in Sebasteia. Anatolia was at the same time the strength of the Orthodox church during the period between the seventh and the eleventh centuries. Grousset. 732-733. 111. 287 Harnack. acquiring estates in the themes o f Cappadocia. Chabot. Hutoire ztniuerseEle. Lycandus. Cedrenus.O. T z o ~ r r n e r e )In IOZI Basil I1 transplanted the population . p.”285 Michael the Syrian confirms this in remarking that once SenecherimHovhannes had been installed in Sebasteia. p. next to Egypt.

” B. the Montanists of Phrygia locked themselves in their churches and set them afire. 735-736.61). and possibly Ankara.~~5 A sect that bore the name Montanist existed in the early eighth ccntury. and so once more they locked themselves in their religious buildings and consigned The sect had by then probably become themselves to the insignificant . 737-738. as is evidenced i n the philosophy and theology of the Cappadocian fathers. 2so 56 57 . So the heresy at the beginning of the third century turned north toward the more rural regions of the Tembris valley.”). O n the one hand. where it would seem to apply to actual conditions. 37-46. Phrygian Hierapolis. These inscriptions included a number that are addressed as follows. For further confusion of Jews and Montanists in the eighth century. with the exception of Rome. Laodiceia. I (Paris. 1965). it quite possibly entrenched itself in some one of the heretical or schismatic sects that arose over much of the early Christian world. 309-310. XI. Asia Minor also witnessed a strong development in the cult of the relics. Derbe. Sardes. J. 1-316. A. Calder. Eumenea. the heresy seems to have incorporated certain religious characteristics generally (though not exclusively) associated with the regions of Phrygia. Though Calder has not proved his point conclusively. “Paulinus. Pisidian Antioch. L I X (1966). Cappadocia. Magnesia ad Maeandrum.Z. “L’htrtsie. On the other hand. Xpeioriavoi XpElomavois.” Acndimie royale de Belgique. Gouillard. in disappearing it reappeared within the Many of the significant developments and struggles of the early church had appeared in Anatolia: the contest between the itinerant and local organization of the church. G. 183-227. p. as well as the general emotional or “enthusiastic” approach to religion. Starr. Paganism did not completely disappear. the struggle with gnosticism.L. the rise of monasticism. 329-336. f m‘1 Two sixth-century inscriptions were found which shed some light on the hierarchical structure of the sect. Christian communities arose in such towns as Pcrge. and their chronological coincidence with the appearance of the Montanists. {bid. Hieropolis. Lycaonia.291 A and by the third and fourth centuries Christianity had not only won over the Hellenes and Hellenized of the towns but had begun to absorb the cults of the rural areas. 2En heresy). a n area teeming with Hellenized towns. Iconium.. 177-178. 27. had more recently. V I I (1923). Pepuza.”B. They are mentioned in canon 95 of the Council in Trullo (692) as Phrygians. Ibid. though paganism seems to have been effaced without too great a struggle. thc Montanists. Calder repeats his ideas in “Philadelphia and Montanism. because Hellenism was the dynamic culture of the peninsula Hellenism and Christianity fused.. that these inscriptions also bear witness to a sectarian struggle in central Phrygia in this period.” in Anatolian Studies Presented to Sir William Ramsay (London.” Travaux et Mkmoires. These included a particular emphasis on the role of ecstatic prophecy.” p.” as opposed to Crypto-Christians. one is nevertheless imprcssed by the striking coincidence of the dating of the inscriptions. According to Calder this is almost unique. I t is repeated in the Ecloga of Leo I11 and Constantine V where Manichees and Montanists are condemned to perish by the sword. 206 Cod. however. Some scholars feel that by the ninth century what remained of the sect may well have merged with the Paulicians. Procopius. 5c ser. for Christian tombstones revealing so openly the rcligious afiliation of the deceased belong to the postpersecution era. Pergamum. Grtgoire. and the development of the metropolitan-episcopal structure. a n area he assumes to have been only slightly affected by I-Iellenism. Parium.” Trauaw et Mkmoires. Some of the sects were indigenous to Anatolia. Comana. indicates that these eighth-century “Montanists” were actually a Jewish messianic sect. I. By that time the Phrygian heretical movement had been defeated by the church in central Phrygia.200 continuing expansion is observable in the second century. “Montanisme.293 This Phrygian heresy continued to exist for a number of centuries. I t would be difficult to prove that its recurrence in later years was anything more than a n archaism. Starr.” Travnux et Mimoires I. 401. 18. The Jews. GrCgoire. Smyrna. Scharf. and Procopius records that during the general persecution or heretics by that emperor. Les Pkrsecutions (1951). Apamaea. J. and even when it did vanish as the accepted or dominant religion of a particular locality. “The Epigraphy of the Anatolian Ilercsies. Nacoleia. For an introduction to Anatolian heresies. 734. In the first century of the Christian era.2s7 Bardy.” I). bore the marks of t h e absorptive process. in the regions of Galatia.. and others. in a most suggestive article. Philomelium. Caldcr and Grtgoire. pp. Tymium. pp. H e declared them to have been the work of “phancrochrttiens. “L’htrtsie dans l’empire byzantin des origines au XUe sitcle. 52 (Zepos. 64). The Jews.R. K O I V W V ~ de Stbaste de ~ Phrygia. Amastris (and other churches of Pontus). II. pp.C. The heresy apparently spread most effectively in Phrygia (it was known as the Phrygian or Cataphrygian Ibid. Charanis. Prcvious to the period of toleration. All this is reflected in the complex network of bishoprics and chorespiscopates established on Anatolian soil by the church. I. 59-91 (hereafter cited as “Epigraphy. pp. Troas. and Bithynia. 20. “Paganism and Christiantity in the Upper Tembris Valley. their uniqueness in the Christian world. and the Emperor Leo 111.” Byzantion. 23. Tralles. I1 (19671. Otrus. X X X V I I I (1952)~ 162-183.. Colossae. others were imports from different areas of the em~ire. “Du nouveau sur la hierarchic de la secte montaniste. XVIII.T. who formerly accepted this view. a t which time its members refused to be converted and baptized in consonance with the decree of Leo I11 (72 1-722). in Ephesus. In the eleventh century it is used by a scholiast to denote someone who has left Judaism. Philadelpheia. pp.. 25-38. 92. pp. destroying both themselves and the edifice~. “The Jews.. Therefore the unique appearance of these second and third century inscriptions is due to the activity of the Montanists in Phrygia. “Ethnic Changes. a g o Theophanes. 2358-2370. 14. Biilletiii de la clnsse des lettres et des sciences morales e t politiques. Christians to Christians. in thc archaism so prevalent in Byzantine literary and intellectual monuments.R. has described a n interesting group of Greek Christian inscriptions from Phrygia which date from the late second and the third century.. J. Atiacdota. Founded in the second half of the second century by Montanus (according to tradition a converted pagan priest.” p. denied that thcse Christian epitaphs are to be attached to the Montanists.” Studies in the History atid Art o f the Ensterit Prouinces o the Emlire (Aberdeen. H e goes on to generalize (“Epigraphy. Gouillard. 299-324. I1 (1925). p. Christians did not dare to reveal so openly their religious identity.G. I 923). though its vigor seems to have been spent early. Thyateira. Lystra..294The sect is mentioned in the laws of Justinian I . and the environs.. v.2~2 The most important of these early indigenous Anatolian heresies was that of Montanism. “Le synodikon de I’Orthodoxie: Cdition et commentaire. Imt. Anderson. 1906). 281 Sinope. 20’ The use of the term Montanist survived.EVE OF THE TURKISH CONQUEST EVE OF THE TURKISH CONQUEST however.J. C. and possibly even a former priest: of Cybele).

These included Catharioi.I. Egypt. And yet.C. 395-400) ‘Regarding Falsc Asceticism’ ” The Greek Orthodox TheoloEical Review. have none of the carly heretical Christian inscriptions. heresies that had entered Anatolia from points farther east and west respectively. On the other hand some of these heresies (Montanism. possibly due to the fact that they built on top of the remnants of much of the Montanist heresy. and Messalianism) seem to have persevered longer and to have left a more marked coloring on subsequent Anatolian heresies. 816-849. It would be a mistake to think of Byzantine Anatolia as the spawning ground of the majority of those heresies that eventually made their appearance there. E. I SOB). Holl. and Lycaonia. pp. I 904). ‘O0 Bareille. Tatianoi. Why then. he stated.EVE OF THE TURKISH CONQUEST 1 1 EVE O F THE TURKISH CONQUEST The ecclesiastical authors a n d inscriptions of the fourth and fifth centuries mention numerous less well-known and smaller heresies that had appeared in Anatolia.As late as the ninth century there is mention of Nestorians (whether they refer to the f fifth-century Christological heretics i s not clear) in the villages at the foot of Mt. Hypsistarioi. The Novatian schism. A d m Imp. La uie merueilleuse de Saint Pierre d’dtroa 037 (Brussels. IX ( I 963). for mention of a wandering Manichee in the region of Prusa in the first half of the ninth century.” 304 I I ! 58 59 . in fact. and Lydia. Nicomedia.2.300 The great heresy of Mani also made its appearance in fourth-century Cappadocia. The principle h a d been enunciated by Holl (and subsequently followed by others) that the heresies in Anatolia were toughest to cradicate in those areas where the Anatolian languages survived longest. in particular that of the PauIicians. and nonindigcnous sects such as the Manichaeans and Messalians. “Manichbisme. I i i i I I I 1 i 1 Thus Byzantine Anatolia had. a n d they were baptized and became Christians in the reign of the glorious Basil.” passim. R. enjoyed a respectable history of heresy. Paphlagonia. Saccophoroi. so-called because of the preponderant emphasis that they placed upon prayer at the expense of certain sacraments. During the course of the fourth and fifth centuries. and Pontus.2~8 these the more important. De.C. in the regions of Cilicia. I t is virtually impossible to substantiate Holl’s thesis that the heretical and linguistic lines i n central and western Asia Minor coincided to any significant extent. that an indigenous sect such as the Montanists. One is struck by the number of sects and also by the continuity of heresy in certain parts of Anatolia. One must view the presence of heresies in Asia Minor at this time partially against this background. or due to the fact that the later sects were in some way similar to the Messalians. however. were Of examples of nonindigenous heresies. or due to the actual continuity of the original sect.303 This is so general a statement that i t glosses over many important points. The Cappadocian speakers in the flock of St. but opinion has varied as to the degree the Anatolian population was heretical or orthodox. been inscribed in one of the indigenous Anatolian tongues ? If. Lycia. pp. 237. Metropolitan of Iconium (c. H. Certainly in the third. Holl’s dictum were strictly valid one would have expected to find epigraphical testimonial to this conjectured relation between the survival of heresy and that of indigenous languages. 66. “Euchaites. but also North Africa. 1 9 5 6 ) p. the heretical sects found support in the local languages. G.. He mentions the heresies of t h e Priscillians and Eustathians in Asia Minor. T. “The inhabitants of the city of M a h a are not of the race of the aforesaid Slavs. 79-96. the heresy appeared in Lycaonia. T o what degree the presence of heresy can be related to the survival of non-Greek languages is yet one more of those “dificult” problems. pp. Basil were Christianized long bcfore the Greek-speaking population of the southern Peloponrlese who were converted only in the ninth century. made its way to Anatolia where its rigorist doctrines may have h a d some appeal to a portion of the inhabitants.z9g They seem to disappear by the eighth century. Bardy. 253. Pamphylia. pp. J. by the time of the losses to the Arabs of Syria. and 0thers. But its later history is veiled in obscurity. I! t I ii 1 I I 1. A.” p.T. Amphiloclrius van Ikonium in &em Vedallnis zzi den grossen Kafpadoriem (Tiibingen-Leipzig.So4I t is quite possible or even probable. p. pp. and North Africa. 23 f . Cappadocia. Obviously many of the pagan Anatolians were Greek-speaking (prior to their conversions to Christianity). had a marked effect on the subsequent religious Holl. a n d even to this day they are called ‘Hellenes’ by the local inhabitants. Paphlagonia. and fifth centuries heresies were numerous and common throughout many of the lands where Christianity was establishing itself. 341-345-c. 63-69. Apostatitai. Ankara. “Das Fortleben der Volkssprachen. fourth. including Syria.so1 Later Anastasius I and Justinian I took severe measures against the heresy.” D. The process of Hellenization had been operative for a long time previous to the birth of the Christian religion. ~ A. apparently originated in the Mesopotamian region of Osrhoene. The Euchitai (Messalians).. Phrygia.. I t is a question that cannot be answered definitively. the Euchitai and Novatians. “Novatiens. and whether the use of the term in the elcventh century is archaistic. Egypt. but of the ancient Romans. Thus. C. Amann. 1455-1465. “What are the Heresies Combatted in the Work of Amphilochius. and so wcrc great numbers of Christian heretics.302 2 0 8 For a detailed description of the inscriptions and the literary sources see Calder. Cotyaeum. all surviving tombstones of Anatolian heretics are i n thc Greek language. Constantine Porphyrogenitus. Euchitai. IV. Novatians. Laurent. 382. First.T. Bones.” D. Novatians are mentioned i n Paphlagonia. is not clear. and by the second half of the fourth century entered Anatolia. including those of the Montanists. ‘Oa Papadopoulos-Kerameus. t i i I I 1 .. “Epigraphy. 1841-1895. Nicaea. and other parts of the Western world as well. and by the eighth century the term is used to describe other similar dualistic movements. Novatianism. Pisidia. Italy. trans. Jenkins.” D. and Asia Minor. a t least in the sources. bccausc in the very ancient times they were idolaters and were worshippers of images after the fashion of the ancicnt Hellenes. E d sir le dtJiusion du ManichPisme dans l’enzpire romain (Gand. in the towns of Cyzicus. Olympus of Bithynia. Encratitai.C. earlier pagan tombstones have survived which have been inscribed in Phrygian. and they came to be particularly strong in Plirygia and Paphlagonia. dc Stoop. begun in third-century Rome.

1961). XI (1936). As late as the tenth century the Paulicians were numerous in the regions of Euchaita wherc they seem to have caused the metropolitan considerable The history of the Paulicians of Byzantine Anatolia becomes complicated and obscure in the eleventh and twelfth centuries with the appearance of the term “Bogomil” in the lexicography of the Greek theologians and historians. and Panlinislai. I. and though the heretics are not mentioned by name. “Autour des Pauliciens. TGV vijv llavhlKlavGv KaAowpBvwv.rravAlKlavol. Grkgoire. J. 357-371 . if anything. In the upheavals among the members of the Paulician community. would seem to fit much more closely the paw$ that Holl has suggested in the relationship of national language and heresy.” Also.. Manichee. Lazarus of Galesium converted a village of heretics in the bishopric of Philetis (under Myra). ~ ~ ~ 3D5 Starr. Cedrenus. 135-141. a monk from a Constantinopolitan monastery.. Lipsie.rrcrvhlvlmai (a fourth century sect) is an archaizing reference to . pp. XXIV (1963). “An Eastern Sect. a certain Joseph. 2 . Grumel. Bartikian. X C (1967). ed.V.V. X V I I [1961]. 311 AS Nov.” Haruard Theological Review. “Pavlikianskoe dvLenie v ” I The Paulician heresy had also appeared in parts of Anatolia farther to the west. XI11 (1947).” Billleiin dc l’ficodhie de Be&/fle.” Byzanlinische Beitrage. Loos. and other studies (“Petr Citseliiskii i ego istoriia Pavlikian.” B. At this later date many of them were transplanted to T h r a ~ e . Macedonians. the Athinganoi.. “Oh en est la question du mouvement paukien?” Izuulia tia inslitula za isloriia. In this. “K voprosu o pavlikianskom dviienii v pervoi polovine VIII v. Paulicians. though even here it would be wrong to describe it as a “national” heresy. and they appear in the hagiographical literature of the tenth and eleventh centuries. Sirmondi.V.31a A century later St. Paul the Younger (d. Further literature includes. p. “TO.Z. St. . metropolitan of Nicaea. Ozerki islorii uizaniiiskogo ”Y obsceslua z’ krtliury (VIIIperuia polouina IX v . 11. 543. 308Runcin1an. 310 I. 93-106. 35. The sender of the letter. “ ’ A T T ~ ~ E ITGV ~IS dpqpkvov al ~ C TGV pavlxalwv a h o G a~row6al. A propos des sources grecques rkflktant des Pauliciens. XVII (1956). Regislres. X L I I I ( I gso). Eunomians. 111. Euthymius. The Paulician heresy. “Vita S.EVE OF THE TURKISH CONQUEST EVE OF THE TURKISH CONQUEST development in Anatolia and that they left a rich legacy which was partially incorporated by later sectaries. Zonaras. moved to Chortocopaeum in the vicinity of Pisidian Antioch in the first half of the eighth century.S. 313-333. Vizanliia i Iratz (Moscow. 66 MaviXaLwv. D e Paulikianer i m byzanlirziscltetl i Kaiwreich u t d uerwtndte Erscheinungen in &&en (Leipzig. mctropolitan of that city (Darrouzb. Sabellians. 1961). 95-1 14. “Deux contributions A l’histoire des Pauliciens.. I . Grkgoire.” Byzanlion. The latter’s condition. 955) removed the most important and dangerous of these “Manichaeans” from the districts of the Cibyrrheote theme and Miletus. No doubt .. pp.S. Theophanes. “Zur Frage des Paulikianismus und Bogomilismus.C. and it is they who have caused him concern.300 The Paulicians of western Anatolia survived as a sect for a considerable period. 488. one of their leaders.” A.” in Ellinisiiieskii Bli&ii Vosiok. 509-514. By the mid-ninth century the sect was strongly established as a border principality in the regions of Melitene.S.i d v UOI 6 -rrA~iwv 61) &p h6yos. Montanists. P a d Iunioris.“Paulikianer-probleme. 116-1 27.. “.” 61 . XVIII (1957). ‘%I 66 uoi rhqebs alpmG6v-rwv -rrapowai&aav-rl 71-poumAdtoaoa Theodore then lists the necessary procedures for recciving into the Orthodox Church. 35-39. V I I I [1956]. See also his “Eretiki Arevordi (Syna Solntsa) v Armenii i Mesopotamii i poslanie armianskogo katolikosa Nersesa Blagodanogo.B. . increased.” pp. 382. 323-358. Once the heresy entered Byzantine territory i t also attracted segments of the Greek population. E. 52-68. The Medieual Mcniclzee (Cambridge.pp. opens by remarking that he sympathizes with the condition of Philotheus. 258-286.S. 44. XIV-XV (1964). I 893). 291-297. Vizantii v VIII i pervoi polovine I X v. pp.” indicates that Philotheus had written at length to Theodore about the Paulinistai.d -robs BntaqpodpovS K a l T+ m r v PAC~~TEIV -rriBavwTBpous. Scheidweiler. Zstznik dlia izGeer2iia islorii pavlikianskogo dviienia (Erevan.r r a u h ~ v ~ m m ~ . 189-324. 223. Heresy in Asia Minor during the middle Byzantine period is closely linked first with the Pauliciaiis (and to a lesser extent with the Athinganoi and Iconocla~ts)~~5 then in the eleventh century above all with the and Monophysites. TQV dplwv K i ~ w ~ ~ a i b T o u q p i -r6 ~ Kal M I ~ ~ ~ T O L Jp & pa ~KTET~TIKE. M. They are described as a numerous group with their center in one of the mountain villages. XXIV (1963). Sabbatians. 19-37. Apollinarians. Monicltee. “Origine d u nom des Pauliciens. Irmscher (Berlin. Without going into all of these. p. 1964). 274-176). 488. having entered Anatolia from Armenia. Maniche% pp. Theodore.2 17. “PrCcisions. Ter-Mkrttschian. but in the Cibyrrheote they went by the name of 309 Runciman. 1967). I 0-39. V ( 1 9 5 s ) ~ 49-72. 102-1 12. XXV (1964). 156. the Paulicians abandoned many of these regions and sought refuge farther to the east.” B. Jacobitcs. Aristeroi. 111. “Le mouvement paulicien ?t Byzance. XXII ( 1 936). . J. “PrCcisions.” Listy Filulugicke. 1955)~ places the Paulicians in the broader movement of dualistic heresies throughout the late ancient and medieval periods.H e relates that these sectaries were known by two names: i n the theme of the Opsicion they were called Phundagiagitai. I t was not untiI the region of John Tzimisces that the Byzantine eastward drive incorporated sufficient numbers of them to cause further concern.. is the presence of heretics. 5 1 z. ~ ~ ’ the destruction of their state by After Basil I. Novatians.. 60 .” use of the word Manichee is archaistic and by this time it came to sigThe nify Paulician. I.” V. K. “Les sources de l’histoire dcs PauliCiens. *” Rullciman.” O. Arians.. XI ( I @ ) . it would seem that Theodore is simply repeating an age old procedure without specific reference to conditions at Euchaita. Theophanes.”E. R . possibly indicates that they were to be found in Phrygia and Lycaonia in the carly ninth century where along with the Athinganoi they appear as the befriended of Nicephorus I. 52 1-522. Pontic Phanaroia. The saint’s life gives a vivid picture of the heretics’ hatred for the Orthodox. 610-614. Lazarus converted a Paulician in his own monastery311 would seem to indicate that these heretics were also Paulicians.” V. reviewed by Loos in B. records that he had bcen present a t a trial of certain heretics in Acmonia of Phrygia sometime between 976 and 1025. ) ) (Moscow-Leningrad. F. X X I X ( I 936).” E. Ia.” V. Pierre d e S i d e est authentiquc et Photius un faux. The appealance of a considerable literature on the Paulicians in the postwar era indidates that the interest in this heretical sect has. 166 ff. or rather that of his ecclesiastical district. their geographical location (identical with that of the Manichaeans of St. 312 This emerges from a letter of the mid-tenth century addressed to Philothcus. Tessareskaidekatitai. Runciman. 2 0 2 . 127-131) he discusses among other things the Armenian sources and the reasons behind the westward movement of the Paulicians in the eighth century.. The best guide to this literature is to be found in the studies of M. &pistoliers. K a l T O ~ O W S -rob< . . S.P. Tephrice. Paul the Younger) and the fact that St. “Gnosis und mittelalterlicher Daulismus.” PP.. and C ~ l o n e i a . However the phrase. for the Armenian church fought this sect (as well as that of the Thondralti) with as much energy and violence as did the Byzantine Further.. “Pour I’histoire des kglises pauliciennes.

” &es du XII“ congris internntional d’lttudes byzarilines (Belgrade. and bccausc or the possible Bulgarian origin of one of its propogandists (John Tzurillas) the heresy was brought to Anatolia by the Bulgars in the latter half of the tenth century. 317 Vryonis. H e feels that this was all the more likely because of the “close” connection between Bithynia and Opsicion with the Balkan Slavs.” Also. Finally.). 62-63. had comc The to be used as exact and interchangeable equivalents in the twelfth century so that the question is once more obscured. Though the word “Bogomil” is of Slavic origin.” I B. A k a d . SSR. Obolensky continues. become quite loose. Metropolitan of Ephesos (XIIth Century). on the Holy Cross and the Bogomils does not specifically refer toBogomiIsin theNicaean Empire.S. This view. also shows reason to doubt the Bogornil affiliations of these personages. Keraites. VII (196z). There is every reason to believe that i n the late tenth and the early eleventh century. R h a h and Potles. 39-53.531-532. The ~ Prdlre Sermon of the thirteenth-century patriarch. many of the smaller details of this cultural picture have disappeared. The Bogomils. Germanus 11. speaks of the OQahEvTivcawol as “01 EfipEe6VTE5 KW& d v Kaipbv TOG Ofi&Aevroy TOG pacrchBo5 Boydythoc. The most important influx of heretical Christian populations occurred i n the latter part of the tenth and in the eleventh century.R. Cappadocia. it was only in Thrace (inhabitcd by Paulicans and Messalians) that such a fusion could have takcn place.310Attaliates remarked upon the influx of Monophysites. I1 (1895)~ 720-723. Die Phundogiagilen (Leipzig.S. The narrative at this point has focused on the two cardinal points of the languages and religions of Byzantine Anatolia. and Melitene were full of them... I. rgo8). Regisires. The term Phundagiagitai (carriers of a sack or pursc) is not of Slavic origin (though the Slavic torbeski appears later in the Balkans). Le trait4 contre les Bogomiles de C O ~ ~ le Q S (Paris.S. 174 ff. 318 Bartikian. they were present in western Anatolia much earlier. The comparatively late date (976-1025) of Euthymius’ reference to the Bogomils and Phundagiagitai in western Anatolia does not necessarily prove that because of the time sequence the doctrines entered the peninsula from Bulgaria.V. 11. CXL. As these were the salient aspects of cultural differentiation. it is possible that the term came to be applied to these Anatolian sects because of certain doctrinal similarities with the Bogomils of the Balkans. N. “Tondralcitskoe dviienie v Armcnii i Pavlikiane.. Leontius of Balbissa.. here linguistic differences coincidcd with heresy or religious diKerences. 80-9 I . prior to the transplanting of the bulk of the Armenians and Syrians. 263-264).3~~ terms Bogomil and Messalian. ~ ~ T OMaaahhlavoi. however. Thus the fusion of Paulician and Messalian could have taken place in Anatolia as well as in the Balkans (Grumel. Trebizond. had by the time OF Constantine I existed in Anatolia in one form or another for over a millenium. 1964)~ 424. K a l Ehi-ral. httaliates. Unfortunately. it is by their definition that the cultural character of Anatolia can best be described. For if the BogomilsPhundagiagiati are in reality the Paulicians. 31-44. 80. Even the argument based on the supposition that a fusion of‘ Paulician and Messalian doctrincs. or else they represent a mutation resulting from the grafting of Balkan Bogomilism onto the Paulician sect in a manner paralleling the relation of paulicianism and Bogomilism in the Balkans. pp. no. “The Speeches and Letters of Georgios Tornikes. and so Tzurillas must have brought these from Bulgarian lands. 169-173. did such a cultural transformation come about ? The processes operative had. Not only were the Paulicians present in western Asia Minor (from the eighth through the eleventh century) but also the Messalians in Paphlagonia and Lycaonia in the first half of the eleventh century. and. 62 1-644. however. On this onomastic confusion in the tenth and eleventh centuries. Asia Minor to the eastern portions of Cappadocia.314 In 1143 the Constantinopolitan synod condemned Clement of Sasima. pp.% (1956). aao Such at least is thc assertion of hnkori. 293.” VI. p. A-G. A Study i n Balkan Neofi[anichneistn (Cambridge. come into being before the foundation of the Byzantine Empire. On this see the articles of Loos and Gouillard. Hellenism. During the Hellenistic and Roman periods the Hellenic tradition had struck profound roots i n Asia Minor and the local languages and cults were byzantin des I I C et I Z C sikcles.. T h e writings of Euthyrnius. relating that the Byzantine districts of Iberia. XXII (1961).” B.” P.P. Loos.408. Obolensky. describe a fusion of Paulician and Messalian teachings. I 00-108. and the monk Niphon for spreading Bogomil practices in Ca~padocia. 231-234. 62 63 . 97.EVE OF THE TURKISH CONQUEST EVE O F THE TURKISH CONQUEST ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ iItl is possible that these Phundagiagitai and Bogomils of ~ . to a certain degree. 88-93. to speak of “close” connections between Bulgaria and Bithynia-Opsicion in the eleventh century is to attribute to the eleventh century circumstances that may. 130-145. 10 (1954). How. Nauk. Yuzbashian. 31° \ ”’ v.G. pp. which so characterized Bogornilism in the Balkans and the Bogomils and Phundagiagitai in Anatolia. and to the northern confines of Cilicia was predominantly Greek-speaking and of the Chalcedonian rite. rg45).Ficker. and Armeniacon. v. have existed in the eighth century. Rather it is a homily on the holiness of the cross and at the same time excoriating the Bogomils because of their doctrine on the cross. Vaillant. kosu. X X V I I I (1967).S. Mesopotamia. R h a h and Potles. R. and there is a good Anatolian precedent for this term in the so-called saccophoroi of the fifth century. “Certains aspects du Bogomilisme probable that the Paulician tradition in Asian Minor played some role in the movements variously referred to as Messalian and Bogomil at this later date. I xai ’Ev6outrracrral. no. “The Armenians in the Byzantine Empire.” voprosy Zslurii. by this time. rlnD. he says. But Anatolia had not been so in late Roman and early Byzantine times. 3 1 9 Anatolia were either the older Paulicians under a new name. could have taken place only in the Balkans is not at all certain. pp. in his very useful book. Thus the Bulgarian origin of the doctrines he attributes to John Tzurillas is confirmed by this double influence. 1948). a fusion that characterized Bogolimism. who came in to the eastern Anatolian provinces as a result of the Byzantine policies of transferring populati0ns. of course. passim. Charanis. “Byzantium: T h e Social Basis of Decline in the Eleventh Century. “Otvetnoe poslanie Grigoriia Magistra Pakhlavuni Siriiskomu KatoliI<. concludes that as the heresy appears under a Bulgarian name (Bogomil) and at a comparatively late date (976-1025). Thcse were largely composed of Armenians and Syrian Monophysites. “ l l ~ p l MccooaA~~Gv TGV v$ poyovlhov. then. or may not. Papadopoulos-Kerameus. T h e twelfth-century metropolitan George Tornices reports the presence of heretics in Ephesus. Ioanisian. whereas the Armenians had come as far west as Cilicia. Puech and A.318 and that heretical Jewish Keraites entered Anatolia in the tcnth century. Arm.. Registres. For. The Monophysites constituted by far the majority of the heretical population of Byzantine Anatolia in the eleventh century.320The important city of Melitene a n d its surrounding terrirories became the center of the Syrian Jacobites.310I n any case it is 318 G.” V. 112.B.” G. Paulician and Messalian.” Izu. Byzantine usage OfhereticaI nomenclature had. of the origins of the Bogomils and Phundagiagitai in weslern Anatolia encounters certain obstacles.~1’ I t is possible that the Thondraki may have come i n at this time. ‘‘Dvigenie f’ondrakitov v Armenii (IX-XI vv. Browning. X (1g59). either as a linguistic or institutional phcnomenon. “BOyOIJlhlKd. Grumel. 11. H-C.

the greatest of the early local Anatolian heresies. there is evidence that even in the case of a supposedly local variety of “native” religious phenomenon such as Montanism. by the sixth century. I t was here. who had remained within the empire and accepted the Chalcedonian creed early. M. Justinian had generously supplied f h d s for the whole project and then provided that the new churches and monasteries be obedient to missionaries operating from Derira. most of the local heresies were not so vital. but a significant one. Perhaps the most impressive recorded example of the church’s success is what John the sixth-century bishop of Ephesus has described in his Ecclesiastical History. 65 . By the time of Constantine I. Though this Christianizing process did absorb local cultural variety. as well as - sal Jones. The Greek language enjoyed the prestige attendant upon any language used almost exclusively by governmental. Undoubtedly. which though cosmopolitan and polyglot. which had evidently been the stronghold of the pagans. Amphilochius of Iconium.p. it is in a sense different from the Phenomenon just described.321 The process of absorption and assimilation was constantly operative under these circumstances. After the removal of the imperial capital to Constantinople. One may generalize that subsequent Anatolian history is to a certain degree characterized by these two traditions right up to the eleventh century-the Hellenic tradition as typified by the Cappadocians. Anatolia came increasingly within the focus of forces working for the transformation of the non-Greek speaking and non-Chalcedonian elements of the population. though Christianity triumphed in the rural areas. The native languages had either died. o r went to the local courts for his business. In the case of the former. was predominantly Greek. T h e language of the church in Anatolia was largely Greek. John of Ephesus-Payne Smith. and Lydia.322 T h e activity of the church in this respect is evidenced throughout Asia Minor. or in the local administration. rural population. By the tenth and eleventh centuries there existed even among the Armenians a minority. Again it was in the towns. Whether the Anatolian provincial served in the local military levies. gradually. it encountered the Hellenic or Hellenized urban population. 74. The Christianization of this portion of rural Anatolia seems to have proceeded rapidly. When Christianity expanded it came into contact with two general cultural milieus. a group that included the Armenians. Montanism is the only really striking heresy to result from it. Caria. Third. I t was also the usual language of commercial intercourse. They formed the apex of Byzantine society. producing the Cappadocian fathers. quite often. There are innumerable specific instances of its success which help to give a general picture of its effect on the non-Greek non-Chalcedonians. Though Hellenism had partially penetrated the rural areas. The emperors and patriarchs were most often Greekspeaking. Greek and Orthodoxy. H. toward which the consciousness o f all was forused. t h e Greek-speaking church of Anatolia spread its organization and doctrine into the rural areas. which belonged to thc Chalcedonian rather than to the Armenian church. and consequently the peasants coming into the urban areas to b u y and sell were also exposed to Greek. heresy often came into Byzantine Anatoh from the outside. apparently. that the new religion first spread and conquered. and resident in a city. though its success varied. Plirygia. Second. First.EVE OF THE TURKISH CONQUEST EVE OF THE TURKISH CONQUEST strongly affected. These were the SOcalled Tzats. In the case of the latter. though here it is difficult to speak with certainty. these latter remained far less affected than the towns. was largely Greek. Bar Hebraeus. Jones has gone so far as to make the seducing proposition that whereas it was the spread of the Hellenized type of urban center which Hellenized the cities and towns of Anatolia. or pursued learning and literature i n educational institutions-Greek was the usual language for the relevant transactions. azg-233. it was the church that completed the process in the rural areas and finally presided over the extinction of some of the Anatolian tongues. The Greek Cip. Anatolian city life. however. and though one could argue that it Prospered there because of local receptivity. pp. the heretics had been Hellenized Iinguisticallv. and then. I t had come to be one of the most extensively Christianized of all the Roman provinces. Hellenism and Christianity fused. 64 I n Anatolia the representatives of the government were largely Chalcedonian and most frequently Greek in tongue. 298. the urban and the rural. The development of Christianity in Anatolia from the second to the sixth century reflects the product that resulted when Christianity confronted these two cultural types. I. and the local heretical tradition exemplified by Montanism. the local cultural traits on some occasions reappeared within triumphant Christianity. I n the long run. ecclesiastical. that the local cultural forms struggled the longest against both Hellenization and Christianization. Orthodox. the prevalence of these general conditions favorcd the victorious progress of the dominant tongue and religion. the church must have contributed to the Hellenization of the rural areas. and pedagogical institutions. Christianity had also made considerable progress in Anatolia by the time that Constantinople was founded. T h e most spectacular example of this phenomenon may perhaps be seen in the emergence o f Montanism. within the above-described geographical boundaries. or would soon expire. John had been appointed to missionize among the pagans residing in the provinces of Asia (Ephesus). From the bishoprics in the urban ccnters. A. During the reign of Justinian I. and others. H e began his Christianizing task by building four monasteries in the mountain villagc of Derira. But the point has already been made that this is a great oversimplication of the problem and stands in need of rigorous qualification. it spread to the less Hellenized.

A. 8-15. chaptcr iii. The Jews. and Monophysites. 30-32. Of a similar nature wcre the policies of Nicephorus Phocas during his reconquest of Cilicia. Patriarch o Constnnlinople (Cambridge. Philaretus of 337 Constantine I’orphyrogcnitus.’ P O h ( ‘ A ~ V E V ~ ~ A ~ U C T O Ir p ~ y ) . Anastasiades.. pp. whose grandfather apparently was an Armenian. I.” A. I 19-122. p. Those who wished to rcmain Muslim had to depart from C i l i ~ i a . ~ ~ ~ Thus the assimilative process on the religious plane was constantly in motion. Paschalides. Tornices. where all the Muslim population who wished to remain in the land might do so and retain their property by conversion to Christianity. El. LX (1942). XI1 (1906).. See DarrouzPs. 111.EVE OF THE TURKISH CONQUEST BVE O F THE TURKISH CONQUEST many of the inhabitants of the districts of Tao-Khlarjeti and Mesopotamia. and conversions of hnatolian Jews to Christianity are evidenced as late as the twelfth century. Grtgoire. Tlie Jews. 1’Illuminateur dans le Calendricr lapidaire de Naples.32s The state and church continually subjected Christian heretics to pressure. Marr. 131. ” M. Mango. “La conversion dcs Juifs byzantins au IX‘ sihele. 373-390.G. I n easternmost Anatolia it was a complete failure in the eleventh century. Here he gives a highly probable derivation of the djnhid.x O ’ . There are numerous examples of the preponderance of Greek among the population of western and central Anatolia. 37-48. Catacolon Cecaumenus.~ k . at other times as political refugees. for policy toward heretics i n the metropolitanate of Euchaita. Settlements of these Chalcedonian Armenians.R. time favored it. Though it never achieved a complete and unqualified success.000 cavalry into the field. 737-739. Bar I-Iebraeus. and were baptized. 162-163.” ‘EPEOVh VIH no.” V. The Noitdies o Photitls. spaCanard. for here the Monophysite population was a majority and Monophysitism was too strongly associated with ethnic consciousncss and linguistic dilferences. a Jew of ninth-century S ~ n n a d a . Babinger (Hanover. remarks that Saracen captives settled in the various themes who should accept Christian baptism were to receive three nomismata on their baptism. they and their families fled the Hamdanids. Each Christian household that would take such a baptized Muslim into the family through marriage received a three-year exemption from the taxes of kaknikon and synone. Mordtmann.327A spectacular case of conversion was that of the Taghlabite tribe of the Banu Habib. 254-256. Tzimisces. and the Greek Christian milieu of Anatolia) also worked for I-Icllenization on the linguistic plane.” A. Such measures were applied. “Un thoinage autographe sur le si+ge d’Antioche par les Croises en 1098. Ecclesiastical vestments and objects from these villages are to be seen at the Benaki Museum in Athens. pp.X.000 to 12. “Nicon de la Montagne Noire..330 there were the more systematic attempts to enforce Chalcedonian Christianity on the various nonconformists of Anatolia. L e Trkfonds orieatal de I‘liagiagrapliie byyrnnline (Brussels. AS Nov. given Greek wives. Bar Hebraeus. 11..istolieTs. f f pp. the grandson of St. “Sainte Sorisanik martyre en Armbnie-GCorgie (14 Decembre 482-84). converted to Christianity. 173-180.. 793. p. GG . pp. six nomismata ii-rrhp {EV~C~P{OU a yoke of oxen). ~ 7 3 . I 34. 121-122. Skirren uttd Reisebride ~ I I S Kleinasieii (1850-1859)~ed. state. I. 1 ~ .329 or of Photius in bringing the Tessarcskaidekatitai into the church. Ortakon. Taronites. and the land the convert received would be tax-free for three years. v sviazi s’ voprosorn’ ob Armianakhl-Khalkrdonitak’. 625-627. pp. Lazarus in converting Paulicians. F. The conversionary activities of the church bore fruit among the Jews ofthe empire as well. 1.325 During the long course of the struggle between Greeks and Arabs. See also Peeters. Also. Pceters. Cedrcnus. De Cue? bioniis. The same forces that worked for Christianization (church. D. X X X I I (April. 3 a 5 Starr. attempted.32G A well-known passage in the De Caerimoniis of Constantine Porphyrogenitus gives details as to the manner i n which the central government implemented this policy of absorption through religious conversion. Montanists. For the conversionary process as it affected Jews of Attaka in the twelfth century see the document in Zepos. Hamdnnides.r 4 5 152.” @mn% XXIV (1954). I 946). IV (1948). As a resul t of the westward migrations of Armenians in Turkish times Chalcedonian Armenians were also to be found in western hnatolia.P. G.. 629-631. to prove that Tzats were not Armenians but Gypsies. 2-3. The meager sources reveal converted Jews from Iate seventh-century Cappadocia. “ ’ A ~ ~ E V ~ ~ ”EAAquag Iu XouSiv T$ UUOI MWaoiaS. Adontz. considerablc numbers of Muslims found their way into the Anatolian regions. I. 5 1 2 . sometime as prisoners of war. Martinaces. J. term ‘hat from thc Arabic . pp. I. they were almost certainly from Asia Minor. a renegade.N. see below. But the imperial effort to assimilate these Muslims went further. and settled in the provinces. One need mention only the families of Lecapenus. LIII (1935). XLVI (1903). Starr.” Reurte de l’ijistrnction Nblique en Belgique. Aside from the individual efforts of such monks as St. The subsequent studies of Peeters confirm Marr’s identification of the Tzats with the Armerlian Chalcedonians. I. were to be found in the Bithynian villages of Choudion (Saradj Ustu). ~ ~ 4 Formulas by which Jews abjured Judaism and accepted Christianity have survived in a manuscript of the early eleventh century. and Punduklu in the nineteenth century. wrote his Stiategicotz in Greek. I 958). I. A similar practice of tax exemption was adopted by the Seljuk sultan of Konya for his newly transplanted Greek peasants. to Jews. . Paulicians.-2f5. at various times. According to their own traditions these Haikhrum had migrated from the Armenian district of Egin some two and one-half‘ centuries previously. “0 proiskhosdenie Armia-Tsatov. Anatolietl. “EM A s Nova IV.B. N. I 950). Cumont. A. The drr{ov-rrCrS~~ seem to have been converts from Islam. 219-222.” kM. new series. 694-695. 279-292. Toward the middle of the tenth century. Musele. O n the Haikllruin of nineteenth-century Icayseri. 243-245.5 (1891). but the most famous example of a convert from Judaism was St. Doens. 543. rgi I ) . “ x ~ i . G. 135. Syrneoiihagister. Nicetas of Amnia. 492. a74. attempts that the government backed with persecution.3 7 ~ .B.323 The number of Armenian aristocrats who came to Byzantium and who appear as Chalcedonians is particularly impressive. pp. Mongol’skoe nazvanie Khristian’. The large group or Persians who fled to Anatolia in the reign of Theophilus were settled there. unsuccessfully. I. “S. Constantine. a tribe that could put 10. V. 5 3 0 C. and fifty-four (for media of grain for seed and annona-a considerable incentive for a war prisoner to convert.” Miscellnnen hislorica in honoretn Alberli D e Mfyer (Louvain. The text aa3 The fact that the Tzats were Armenian Chalcedonians seems to have been established by N. or Haikhrum as they are called in modern times. George Monachus. 1g25). “Arkaun’.

Written testimony to this Hellenizing process among the Armenians appears in bilingual chrestomathies in the Egyptian papyri of the seventh century. Egypt. pp. and M.382 I n Some extreme cases Armenian aristocrats came under the literary and intellectual sway of the Greek classics. Political and Military Collapse o Byzantium in Asia Minor f b If.EVE OF THE TURKISH CONQUEST Armeniacon. 1. reflected the disparate elements that had been submerged under the appearances of Hellenism and Orthodoxy. a province continuously subject to the integrating power of church. was due to Turkish influence. recorded the life of his grandfather in Greek. Constantinople. and that the process by which the Turks conquered and settled Anatolia was a long and repetitive one for large portions of the peninsu1a.P. Tllirleenth International Congress 0s Byzantine Sludies [Oxford. heresy remained a very vital fact i n the life of the Byzantine Anatolians. Asia Minor was the principal physical and spiritual reservoir upon which Constantinople drew. 334 Vryonis. and vital provincc of medieval Hellenism. so it is not strictly accurate to speak in terms of a sudden catastrophe. for the Turkish conquest of Anatolia was a long process. T h e famous Gregory Magistrus. lasting four centuries. and if it had been Hellenized and Christianized to such a significant degree. This is an inaccurate view. 333 v. settlement. “The Turks in Eastern Asia Minor in the Eleventh Century. I 10-132. Vasilievsky. who played a leading role in Armenian affairs during the eleventh century. there developed in the spoken Greek local variations and eventually d i a l e c t ~ . Trudy. p. translated Plato into A~rnenian.3~3 influence of these Greek authors is The evident in the continuation of the translating activities of the Syrian Monophysites of eastern Asia Minor. “Grtgoire Magistros et les traductions armtnienncs d’auteurs grew’’ A. igq).Gustave Sclilumberger (Paris. By the time that Dawkins studied Anatolian Greek it had become quite different from the Greek spoken in other regions. On the partial Hellenization of the Jews of Mastaura T. Genesius the historian. Sumer. Reinach. In some cases the older cultural localisms simply disappeared. first generation Byzantines.S. also recorded the affairs of the empire in the Greek language. Most of this difference. exists also for the process of Hellenization of the Slavs of the peninsula and of the Jews.O. I n contrast to the Arab subjugation of the Middle East. Actually. were acclimatized to the Byzantine way of life and alienated from their Armenian patrimonial environment. 263-294. central and western Anatolia resisted the Arabs for 400 years. 259.I. though of Armenian ancestry. Matthew of Edessa. “Un contrat de m a r k du temps de B a d e le Bulgaroctone. an implication historians often adumbrate i n attempting to explain the decline of a state under attack by an outside foe. though sparse. 1 1 65-68. see above. and the crucial question is rather the degree. 245-248. a number of far-reaching and complex events stretching over more than half a ccntury had preparcd the way for the Anatolian cataclysm of 1071. Further.” pp. Leroy. the Byzantine collapse in Anatolia in 1071 was not complete. and even destructive. Ioannicius the Great. how does one explain the apparent completeness and rapidity of the Byzantine political and military collapse in Asia Minor after the battle of Manzikert in 1071 ? Political and military decline before a foreign enemy do not necessarily stem from. Romanus Lecapenus and john Tzimisces. however. but frequently they forced themselves into the cultural forms of Byzantine Anatolia. as we have seen in the preceding chapter. however. ~ 3 ~ In religion. It has often been asserted that this cultural variety deprived Anatolia of the social and cultural bonds of cohesion and predisposed the province to a n easy conquest at the hands of the Turks. as indeed of the Seljuk and Ottoman inhabitants.. important. O n e should note that though Syria. for all historical societies have been characterized by varying degrees of cultural variation. I I. and the northern Balkans before the Slavs. the political and military failure of Byzantium stemmed ultimately from political and military weakness. which was comparatively rapid and brought far less upheaval.“ Mdlanges offerts d M. a lack of significant ethnic and religious homogeneity.” Supplenzetztary Papem. T h e continued existence of Anatolia as a province of !he dar al-harb is a fact that has been incisively illuminated by Paul Wittek. 1x1 (1935). Though the peninsula was largely Hellenized in speech. Langlois. Though clearly facilitated by ethnic and rcligious pluralism. The purpose of this chapter is to demonstrate that Byzantine defeat i n eleventh-century Anatolia came as the culmination of a long series of complex developments. the four centuries spanning Since a great deal bas been written about the supposedly peaceful conquest of Anatolia (most recently see the paper ofF. Evidence. disruptive. state. so that Anatolia exhibited a split religious personality-Orthodox and heterodox.334 Anatolia on the eve of the Seljuk incursions constituted the most heavily populated. T h e culture of Anatolia. Strabo speaks of Kap(Gav and OO~OIK~<EIV. and culture emanating from the heart of the empire. see chapter vii. and imply as their principal cause. 68 69 . “St.l Consequently.H. the Turkish conquest of Anatolia was much more piecemeal in nature. so that it was not an accomplishment of the moment but one of gigantic proportions. The Turkish conquest. but the significance of this fact for the decline of Byzantine civilization and the process of Islamization in Anatolia remains to be appreciated and comprehended. and absorption of the peninsula required another four centuries. and North Africa fell quickly before the Arabs.

debasement of the coinage.” promises much but unfortunately is nothing more than a-xery general survey of Transcaucasim relations with Byzantium ovcr several centuries. that Byzantium declined partly a a result of its victories over the Bulgars at thc end of the tenth and in the early eleventh century is yet one more of his literary mysticisms.IV. “Solutions contemporaines de la crise: U n quart d e siCcle de rCformes ct contre-rtformes f imptriales. made their way to Byzantium by separate routes. The Patzinaks. Neumann. sale of offices. There is no attempt. I 953). study o Hislogv (Oxford. but rather that it did not disappear completely from the pages of history. 2 The best statement and analysis of thcse events is the chapter of P. The economic difficulties of the eleventh century.S. Stanescu. “Socittt el organisation inttrieure dans l’empire byzantin au X I e sikcle: les principaux probltmes” . Thus ethnic and religious difficulties. Relevant to Byzantine decline are. Silpglenzeiitary Papers. appearance of the Venetians as the merchants of the empire. and their gaze and desires came to be fixed upon Constantinople itself.But little that is new emerged from the Papers dealing with the subject of Byzantine decline during this century. and the granting of excuseia and jronoia. All were of a n internal nature. naval. “Socidtt et organisation intdrieure au XIe sikcle. 1966). M. plagued Byzantium throughout this period.2 When one looks at the whirlwind that struck the empire in the eleventh century.57-171. 72-73. The Byzantine Enpire on the Eve I.” pp. Charanis. I n the west. All these factors led to the breakdown of the Byzantine military. that they were to play a role of the first order in the decline of Byzantium during the twelfth century. prosperous era (thirteenth century) and two transitional periods in which stability began to crystallize (mid-twelfth century and the consolidation of the beyliks in the mid-fourteenth century). having arisen within the borders of the is necessary to describc a t some length the actual conquest and to pp. Both polities were in a sense Constantinople-oriented. Classicisme et dLclin culture1 dons I’histoire de l’lslam (Paris. and the mercantile endeavors of Venice began to attain a commercial and political crescendo. s however. establish its prolonged character before proceeding to an analysis of this fact in chapter iii. Uzes. widely separated frontiers. occurred at this time. Instead. trans. Svoronos. polyglot and multisectarian in nature. Enents Leading t o Manzikert BYZANTINE INTERNAL DEVELOPMENTS ( I 025-7 I ) rf one glances. are nevertheless manifest in the rise of tax farming. “The f Byzantine Empire in the Eleventh Century. These tribes. at thc intricate events in the internal and external history of Byzantium in the half century prior to Manzikert. in K. “Le notion de dtcadence L propos de l‘empire byzantin.” Arnold J. The paper of C. Toynbee. also insists that the decline f of Byzantium resulted from events thaL occurred long before Manzikert. though not known i n sufficient detail.J. X (1go5). I 25-1 29. the empire made a partial recovery from these catastrophes a n d survived for three and one-half centuries. but external events. The subject of the eleventh century was the central theme of the Thirteenth International Congress of Byzantine Studies a t Oxford in 1966. Lemerle. he is not surprised that i t collapsed before the Seljuks. E. he will realize that the Byzantine prostration in 1071 was the result of prolonged developments and not of a single isolated event. now became so preoccupied with their comlnercial interests in Constantinople and in the other emporia of the empire. and administrative systems in varying degrees. 395-400. subjugating Baghdad and a large part of the lands of the caliphate. Setton. See the very interesting article of P. members of the same great linguistic famiry a n d the products of the same harsh steppe environment. 159-1 Still of interest 75. The most significant factor among all these developments was the convulsion of eleventh-century Byzantine society arising from the violent struggle between the representatives of the civil bureaucracy in the capital and the military magnates in the provinces. Onto the northern and eastern borders were to spill the tribal hordes of the Ural-Altai in one of those many migratory waves that since the beginning of the empire had threatened to inundate the civilization of New Rome. H. A History o the Crusades (Philadelphia. T h e empire. 1955)~ I 77-279. a struggle related to the process of expansion of the landed 19661. Jenkins. T h e Seljuks came down into the Islamic world via Khurasan. had the double liability of nonhomogeneous populations and extensive. and chaos. upheavals. even cursorily. and Cumans traveled across the Russian steppe and around the northern shores of the Black Sea to the Danube. 141-143). 1 21-124. raids. closely associated with the East in the past. Also R. The party of the bureaucrats in the eleventh century included certain aristocratic familics (such as those of Ducas and Monomachus) who came to be associated with the central administration i n Constantinople and a portion of the senatc. equally alarming. “La situation mondiaIe dans l’empire byzantin avant lcs Croisades. The mere establishment of all the dates of this long period would in itself call for a special monograph.” in R. some of which became critical in the eleventh century. Among the developments that led to Manzikert was the vicious struggle for supreme political power in the state between bureaucrats and the military. 1957).” Greek Ronian and Byzaiilihe Studies. T h e Venetians. to ascertain all the political and military specifics of this four-hundred-year period as the task would be enormous and unnecessary for the purposcs of this book. 1948). interrupted by one peaceful. o the Crirsades (London. pp. people such as Psellus and . during which process large numbers of Turkmen tribes made their way or were intentionally sent to the eastern Anatolian borders of Rum. that is. Renauld and Kozlowski in Revue rle I’Orierit latin. N. von Gruncbaum. It comprehended i n addition the professors and many of the graduates of the refounded University of Constantinople.Brunschvig and G. Vryonis. His assertion. H. T h e Normans had set their Italian state in Byzantine ground on a Byzantine foundation.” pp. “Byzantium : The Social Basis of Decline in the f 959). the Turkish victory at Manzikert. and stretching from the Danube to the Euphrates. EvertICappesowa. Toumanoff. Eleventh Century. Thirteenth International Congress o Byzantine & d i e s (Oxford. 263-177. “The Background to Manzikert.c POLITICAL AND MILITARY COLLAPSE POLITICAL AND MILITARY COLLAPSE the initial Turkish appearance and the final reunification of Anatolia under one political authority constitute an epoch in the history of Anatolia characterized by wars. It in no way explains the outcome at Manzikert and in general is the most disappointing of the papers on the eleventh century. 70 magnates by which the latter sought to absorb the free peasantry a n d the free landholdings. Norman adventurers laid the foundations oT a new kingdom in Italy and Sicily. I1 (I is C . however.

Rebellion became such a commonplace occurrence that the shrewd general Cecaurnenus included in his Strategicon a chapter on the conduct of a prudent man during the outbreak of rebellions. and others. could influence and control him. I n spite of this impressive show of force. and Nicephoritzes. to find a “bureaucrat” husband for the unfortunate empress Zoe. the representatives of the bureaucratic party. Sclerus. executed. Here they were close to the emperor. but fortunately Nicephorus Phocas and John Tzimisces. most important of whom were John Orphanotrophus and Constantine IX Monomachus. and concerned only with enjoying the pleasures of their oflice. they succeeded i n promoting to the position of power men who were in sympathy with the bureaucrats. it is highly doubtful that the generals would have succeeded had it not been for other factors. Finally. the center of the empire and its political life. who served as the leaders of the armies levied in Anatolia and the Balkans. were able as emperors to exercise a restraining hand on the political activities of the generals. and exhausting struggle . I t was this power of the provinces which eventually corroded and in effect destroyed centralized government i n Byzantium and in this sense constituted a “feudalizing’’ element. or dominated by women and the eunuchs. As the generals had been able to win only with the aid of other social groups. T h c only recourse that the generals had in this struggle €or political power was the provincial armies. They also presided over the vital domain of finances. Aided by other Anatolian magnates (most important of whom were Sclerus. the generals plunged the empire into a long civil war that almost succeeded in removing the Macedonian dynasty and in dividing the empire. 72 During the course of these thirty-two years. such Philocales. Botaniates. and could isolate him from the provincial militarists. and Cecaumenus). The bureaucrals attempted. and exile. the bureaucratic party embraced all those who had entered the administration and risen through the ranks. Mdeinus. and thus the contest between bureaucrats and generals centered on the question of succession. John Orphanotrophus. In Constantinople they were in virtual control of the imperial navy and troops stationed in that area and were in possession of an impregnable city. During this thirty-two year period of civilian preponderance in the capital. for the most part ill. or blinded is a long and monotonous one. the sources record thirty major rebellions. however. Psellus and a Cecaurnenus. Bourtzes. The Byzantine state had the evil fate of experiencing as its rulers (from 1028 to 1057) emperors of the lowest caliber. O n t h e other hand members of the military class also appeared as candidates . The political ambitions of the provincial generals had already threatened to exceed all bounds in the tenth century. In the early years of the reign of Basil 11. Melissenus. not the least of which was the fact that the bureaucrats were located in Constantinople. Upon the illness of Isaac in 1059. 73 . old. and the list of the generals who were exiled. dominate both the agrarian and military history of Byzantium. one who would be subordinate and obedient to those bureaucrats promoting him. The generals consisted of the landed magnates in the provinccs. which saw the Ducas family temporarily abandon the bureaucrats and join the generals. Because of all this the civil administrators were possessed of real power and they were able to control the flow of internal politics for a great part of the eleventh century. As a result of Basil’s successful opposition to the political designs of the generals. during the wars of Basil I1 or even later. Within the capital itself the patriarch and the guilds had sided with the generals. Argyrus. obedience alone came to be the criterion of selection with the consequence that there was a series of husband-emperors of little ability and with no worthy conception of the duties of such an august oflice. though of this social class. I n any case. their victory was not complete and so their enjoyment of t h e political fruits was correspondingly incomplete. but because of the tight hold that the bureaucrats had on the central apparatus of administration in Constantinople. 73-74.POLITICAL AND MFLITARY COLLAPSE POLITICAL AND MILITARY COLLAPSE XiPhilenus who had risen to prominence in the government because of their intellectual brilliance. The families of Phocas. violent. successfully. the bureaucrats were able to keep the generals from political power for thirty-two years after the death of Basil I1 (1025-57). confiscation of their great landed estates. The basis of bureaucrat power lay in a number of items. The fact that Constantine VIII had died i n 1028 leaving no heir save his three daughters added fuel to the struggle. or about one every year. the heads o€ the bureaucratic group. Often these aristocrats belonged to families with centuries-long military traditions while others had arisen more recently. the disrupting violence of the provincial aristocracy was temporarily bridled by policies of persecution which entailed discriminatory legislation. I n 1057 t h e generals were able to win their first victory in the struggle with the bureaucrats when the Anatolian general Isaac Comnenus revolted. By virtue of this combination-great landed wcalth and military prominence-the provincial aristocrats were an inordinately powerful and ambitious social group. he brought the military forces of Anatolia against Constantinople.s As the program of the bureaucrats called for the elevation to the throne of men who would be primarily obedient to the bureaucrats. these aristocrats were characterized by their possession of great landed estates and by a virtual monopoly of the generalships of the provincial armies. a n d of equal importance was the split i n the ranks of the bureaucrats. Comnenus. The magnate-generals from the provinces were able to remove this element from power only after a long. Thanks to the appearance of the grim Basil. waged a constant war against the ambitions of the generals.

Patzinaks. Byzantine society lay in the convulsive throes of civil strife between administrators and soldiers. This overall policy becomes clearly apparent with Constantine IX Monomachus during whose reign the prize moneys of the soldiers and revenues that were ostensibly marked for military expeditions were diverted to the use of others. Michael Stratiotikos. the emperors began to rely increasingly upon foreign mercenaries. 44-45. 625-627. For h e busied himself continuously with the useless and unending study of eloquence and with the composition of iambics and anapests. the university professors Psellus and Xiphilenus. 0 0 0 ( ? ) strong and crucial for the defense against the Seljuks. This antimilitary policy of the bureaucrats was continued in all its vigor even after the battle of Manzikert. 11. and only two tagmata of Chaldians and Coloneians. by the incomplete victory of the generals and b y the persistence of the leading bureaucrats (Psellus and John Ducas) in the government. defended themselves by embarking upon the dismantling of the military apparatus.POLITICAL AND MILITARY COLLAPSE POLITICAL AND MILITARY COLLAPSE Constantine Ducas. In this case the eastern borders were also stripped i n order to bring troops to defend Constantinople against the armies of Tornices. first on one side then on the other. In so doing. who were fast being replaced by foreign mercenaries. 29. was not insignificant. that Anatolia was denuded of its military defenses for reasons of political interest. The results of this military-civil hatred were disastrous for the state. Russians. 18. Uzes. But the reign of Romanus was hamstrung. 562. 725. 5 0 . when it was obvious to all that the army was the most important factor in the survival of the empire. i n the struggle with the bureaucrats. as were 7 Cecaurnenus. but thematic levies had been more important.6 The generals were determined to use this. Alans.& And in 1047-48 during the rebellion of Tornices. indigenous armies. H. if one can judge by the information that thc sources relate in connection with the revolt of Isaac Comnenus in 1057. Obviously the principal weapons in the hands of the generals were the armies stationed in the provinces and so when the generals rebelled in the east or the west. however. At thc end of his rcign. in a sense a t the mercy of the generals when it came to military affairs. English. Of the troops collected on thc northeastern frontier by Catacolon Cecaumenus in this year. Constantine ruled through the forcmost representatives of the bureaucratic element. By the reign of Constantine X Ducas the depletion of the local levies a n d the reliance upon foreign mercenaries was to become nearly cornplcte. seized power and the generals were once more By 1067 a military reaction and another split in the ranks of the bureaucrats once more brought a n Asia Minor general Romanus IV Diogenes to the throne. had gone so far that the provincial forces were no longer feared either by the civil elemcnt of the capital or. The bureaucrats. The numbers of mercenary troops. It was in this manner. moreover he was not proficicnl in this art. 121. It is true that mercenary troops had always been employed in the past by the emperors. all the armies of Anatolia or the Balkans would be mustered and then directed toward the capital city of the empire. The contest was characterized by a feature that usually marks all such political struggles : the determination to attain political power at all costs and in spite of all consequences. 8 Scylitzes. Now the mercenaries would replace the Byzantine soldiery in primary importance a n d the empire's armies came to be characterized more and more by the presence of these mercenary troops that included a bewildering ethnic array-Normans. and other foreign groups. and far greater financial expense. Cedrenus. they were simultaneously baring the frontiers in the face ofgrowing enemy pressures and destroying these forces by pitting the armies of Anatolia against those of the Balkans. I. Arabs. the western armies were commanded to march on Constantinople. a scion of the leading bureaucratic family a n d the pupil of Psellus. 74 75 . the destruction of the armies by the bureaucrats. Isaak Komnenos (Plauen. This included the dismissal of competent generals. Turks. which was already under way during the reign of Constantine IX. 11. military service. was most unfortunate in this respect. and Normans on the borders. 646. b u t above all the cutting o f f of financial support of the local. Other segments of society. into a taxpaying community. With the gradual dissolution of the provincial. Georgians. Armenians. The accession of Michael V I I Ducas to the throne ( I O ~ I ) . as had been that of Isaac. from a body that owed Cedrenus. when Isaac Comnenus rebelled in 1057.* With the crippling of the native military strength. their only weapon. Attaliates. had also been drawn into the power struggle. in some cases the dissolution of entire military corps. 1894). the former in charge of the administration and the latter in charge of the church. but being deceived and beguiled by the consul of the philosophers [Psellus]. one tagma of Russians. Cedrenus.0 H e converted the army of the province of Iberia. 608. by the Seljuks. there werc two tagrnata of Franks. In other words three-fifths of thcse wcre foreign mercenaries. 111. 11. the church and the guilds in the capital. without benefit to the state. more ominously. Attaliates. From the death of Basil I1 i n 1025 down to the fateful battle of Manzikcrt. indigenous troops forming the thematic levies. The transformation of the army into a taxpaying unit not only deprived the area of its defense b u t also caused many of the inhabitants to go over to the Seljuks. 11. he destroyed the whole world. Theodora. Patzinaks.' Thus at one blow a key province in the defense of Asia Minor was deprived ofits military strength during the period when the Seljuks appeared on the eastern borders. p. Psellus-Renauld. leaving much of the Balkans bare of troops. MYdler. Zonaras. so to speak. the increased rLliance upon the services of foreign troops brought a double liability: questionable loyalty.

000 Alans with which he was supposed to suppress the rebellion of Roussel. T h e free peasantry. 11. 03-84. BrYennius. having been the victims of coercion by the powerful. or even to desert to the Turks. T h e crucial phase of this decline was the appearance of’the powerful landowner (both ecclesiastical and lay) in the conimunities during the tenth and eleventh centuries. 625-626. he betrayed the Byzantine commander of Edessa to the enemy for which deed he was summoned to Constantinople and drowned in the Bosphorus. because of their lack of loyalty and because of tardiness i n their payment. they indicate that by the mid-eleventh century mercenaries had replaced or supplemented the indigenous troops of the Byzantine armies. I n the introductory paragraph of the novella attributed to Romanus(grn). 174. I 18-120. any financial difficulties of the state which might delay or lessen these financial rewards would of course break the slender bond that held them to the empire. 11.R. 140-143. I. provided for a healthy social structure and a balance against the provincial aristocrats. G. Matthew of Edessa. 130. the peasant abandoned his land or his title to it. consuming as it did the energies of the state B ’ Cedrenus. 2. though it continued to exist. the strife of bureaucrats and generals resulted in the summoning of Turkish invaders. The existence of the free peasant community had been o€crucial economic. it is stated that the law was promulgated bccause “we have great concern for the public taxes and for the performance of military and civil duties. l* Attaliates.000 Turks from Anato1ia. then. a n d even though some of the figures often reproduced may be exaggerated.14 I n 1063. did not hesitate to plunder and ravage the very lands that they had been hired to defend. did not come to prevail until after the battle of Manzikert. but with the death of Basil 1 and the appearance of lesser men 1 on the throne. he had in addition to his Norman troops. however. Melitene. and it was on the basis of a portion of this land of the free communities that the thematic armies were largely supported. military.16 Herve is only one example from many that would appear as events progressed. it would seem that i n terms of the eleventh century and the Turkish invasions. Though thc emperors realized that the diminution of the free peasant community would have disastrous results on financial and military affairs and SO legislated accordingly. It resulted in the studied and intentional neglect of the indigenous armies and i n the reliance upon expensive and less reliable mercenary bodies. the existence of these free rural communities. and ravaging of the very provinces that they had been hired to defend becomes a singularly constant theme in these bleak years of the empire’s history. and social importance to the state in the period oiits greatness. pp. the dynamics of the process carried all resistance before it. 0 0 0 Normans in his service. sometimes willingly in order to escape burdens imposed by taxation.. however. Finally. Though it has been customary to assign primary importance to this phenomenon in Byzantine decline. famine. XVI (1881). 77 . after having returned to the services of the emperor. 288 ff..13 Although it is impossible to obtain anything like exact figures of the mercenaries. inclcment weather. These latter. and Tephrice-O There were enough Normans in Anatolia by the reign of Michael VII so that the Armenian rebel Philaretus Brachamius was able to enlist the services of 8. dissatisfied at not having obtained a promotion. This social structure was threatened and altered b y the decline of the free peasantry which occurred when. 188.l1 Nicephorus Palaeologus was sent to the Caucasus where he raised 6. that this other process had been at work for a long time and entailed the weakening of peasant soldiery and of state finances. 201. laZepos. for one reason or another. each side bidding highly for the favor of Turkish chiefs and generals and for the services of their troops. 616-619. Finally. Of considerable importance in the decline of the indigenous armies as well as in the socioeconomic difficulties of the state. The single most fateful development leading to the defeat of Byzantium in Anatolia was. The pcasants sold or gave their land to the magnates. and henceforth the numbers of paroicoi (serfs) of the state. AS their only bond of loyalty to the empire was based on their salaries. l4 Cedrenus. p. the struggle between bureaucrats and generals was more important in the dissolution of the thematic levies. Attaliates. lo in a destructive manner a t a time when the external pressures were becoming dangerous.G.1° nevertheless they were in the end unable to halt the process. rebellion. victory usually depended on success in acquiring the services of the Turkish chieftains. It is true. had been significantly weakened. This pattern. On each occasion that the two factions prepared for military action. at other times unwillingly.H.POLITICAL AND MILITARY COLLAPSE POLITICAL AND MILITARY COLLAPSE also the Armenian levies of Sebasteia.000. This pattern of mercenary disloyalty. were the growth and expansion of the landed aristocracy and the corresponding decline of the free peasant and the free landholding soldier. The presence and activities of these mercenaries in eleventh-century Anatolia were to play a prominent role in the Byzantine collapse. In 1057 the Norman chief Herve Vrankopoulus. this vicious contest for political power between the bureaucrats and the generals. which paid the taxes and performed military service.lz and Roussel himself had perhaps something like 3 .” R. J.1° When Alexius Comnenus set out to halt thc advance of Nicephorus Bryennius. The strenuous efforts of the tenth-century rulers had a certain staying effect. This free village community had formed the basic financial unit for purposes of the Byzantine tax system. “Deux chefs normands des armCes byzantines au X I “ sihcle: sceaux de Hervt et de Roussel de Bailleul. I I l6 Matthew of Edessa. retired to the theme of Armeniacon and deserted to the Turk Sarnuh who was then raiding the eastern borders. Schlumbergcr.” pad. l a Bryennius.

. Most recently. 11.POLITICAL AND MILITARY COLLAPSE POLITICAL AND MILITARY COLLAPSE church. 412-424. for want of a better word.). what little source material is a t hand testifies that maritime and land commerce both on a local and international scale. “La pujwannerie byzantitle (Brussels. “Les I ‘ privileges de l’dglise ? 1’Cpoquedes Comnenes: un rescrit inCdit de Manuel 1’ ComnPne.” p.-Juin.” Trnunrtx el Mhoires (Paris. 43-94.w i dWiitdenkaiEfiittfruh. 91-97. 21 22 78 79 . A. 1965). Byzantium was in the process of an evolution that. military.Z. 25-30.. 484. I V (0ct. for they could pay more for the goods and then sell them cheaper than the Byzantine merchants.. nevertheless. and magnates increased greatly. Kacgi. 1958). 288-308.” pp. But if one examines the question he will see th?t perhaps this supposed shortcoming has been exaggerated and that it was not responsible for the collapse of the state first before the Turks and then before Venice. N. ~ h . whereas the Greeks were forced to continue paying it.und inittelOyratItinischetr Reich (Athens. I 94-213. There is no indication that this trade had halted in the elevcnth century except insofar as disorders i n the provinces might have interfered. “Some Reconsiderations. on behalf of the magnates. 1941). while the numbers of the free peasantry dec1ined. (Juillet-Set. Simultaneously. Lopez: “Un borgne au royaurne des aveugles: La position de Byzance dans I’kconomic europecne du haut m o y e ~ ~ age.” R. changed his views somewhat on the free peasantry in the monograph. I. Ostrogorsky has.” Aanales. But the reasons for this economic triumph are not that the inhabitants of the lagoons developed a commercial mentality whereas the coastal inhabitants ofthc empire did not. histoire agraire de Byzance: Les sources et les problkmes. 379-394. L’Evolution de la politique commerciale au moyen age. ao Charanis. t 1 There has been some discussion as to the failure of the Byzantines to develop a trading class and a commercial spirit such as developed in Italy. The effect on finance by the time of Isaac Comnenus had become vcry serious. “Esquisse pour une.l‘ The increase of the paroicoi was accompanied by the increase of state-granted exemptions. played a prominent role in Byzantine economic life.’’ Tlle Joumol o/Econoniic History. “Economic Factors in the Decline of the Byzantine Empire. Pour l’hisloire de la feodalitd byymntine (Brussels. EcotlonzicsSociPb-Ciuilisaliotis. 254-284. That this supposed lack ofa developed merchant class and spirit did not substantially contribute to the economic decline in the eleventh ccntury is apparent from the state of finances at the end of Basil’s reign in 1025. Also httaliates. such as excuseia and pronoia.. XI ( 1 9 5 1 ) ~ zog-z34. Once they acquired superiority in See chapter i for references to this trade.22 Any government that can afford to lcave taxes uncollected for a period of two years is in better than average condition. Pscllus-Rcnauld.Z. relates that he had to construct undcrground chambers to store the excess in thc treasury. rather it was political events that contributed so greatly to the economic fortunes of Venicc and destroyed thosc of Byzantium. Many of his conclusions and propositions suggest important alterations in the studies of G. and the latter received vast exemptions from taxes. 389-405. 39-53.. Beginning with the reign of Michael I V (1034-41) and continuing until the reign of Alexius I ( I 08 1-1 I 18) the solidus underwent a radical debasement. 1954). The appearance ofthe Normans in Italy. and the specter of political disaster hanging over the empire in 1081were the determining factors that induced Alexius I to accord the first of that fateful series of chrysobulls to the Italian cities. however.. That Venice did triumph over the Byzantines is clearly illustrated by thc series of treaties and events between the two states beginning with the reign of Alexius I and ending in the Fourth Crusade. I 956). who indicates that the effect on finances by the time of Isaac Cornnenus had become ruinous. roil. enjoyed the benefits of a “protective tariff. 10-13.” The Jotmid qf Ecotromic History. as well as a merchant-artisan class. “Du march6 tcmporaire I 1 colonie 3 perrnanente. Cedrcnus. “Notes on the Finencss of the Byzantine Solidus. Venetian merchants. which modifies his earlier study “Thc Debasement of the Bezant in the Eleventh Century.. pp. 1958).” B.H. Go-Gr. The fisc was i n such excellent shape that the emperor left the taxes of the poor uncollected for the last two years of his reign.18 Thus the free peasantry declined i n a process that did not provide the state with any sufkient recompensc for its loss of revenues and soldiery.. must be described as ‘Lfeudalization.Z. It was the stipulations of these treaties which made Venetian fortunes. CCXIX (Jan. XI11 (1953). I.-Mar. For a brief discussion and bibliography see Charanis. I 939). they were exempt from paying the I o percent ad valorem tax on the goods they carried. “Zur Frage der Pronoia in Byzanz. 357 ff. P. I n fact. As a result. For the sale of offices. All three studies.” that is. The proponents of this theory maintain that this oversight on the part of Byzantines (according to them it was really a congenital defect rather than an oversight) was a basic cause in its collapse and in the triumph of Venice. 31-74. a debasement that destroyed the purity of the “dollar ofthe middlc ages. attest to the financial. Kolias.” The economic decline and especially its causes are not sufficiently documented by the sources.” B. 19-20. “The Byzantine Empirc.” B. Ostrogorsky. Hohlweg.r . the decline of the Byzantine naval and land forces.21 and regardless of whether the commerce was carried by Greek or foreign merchants. Gricrson. the magnates became more powerful and thus a greater menace to central authority. yet the coinage of this period reflects with grim accuracy the hard times that had beset the Byzantines. Svoronos. 1958).-Dec. the Venetians could and did acquire almost a monopoly of the carrying trade. XLVII ( I 954. LIV (1961). 1949). The former was the basis of the tax system. I.20 1 7 The entire history of Byzantine social and agrarian evolution has bcen cxposed to a vigorous and searching reconsideration by P.” Bssocidon Mnrc Bloch dc Toitloitre (1953-19553. Lemerle in his study. G. especially “Agrarian Conditions in the Byzantine Empire in the Middle Ages.” Cambridge Economic History (Cambridge. T h e ecorlomic decline and especially its causes in the eleventh century are not sufficiently documented. “The Dollar of the Middle hges. because henceforth Byzantine merchants suffered a tax discrimination to the advantage of their Venetian competitors. thus this social phenomenon brought dire economic consequences to state finance. the state collected large sums in taxes from both. (Avr. LX (1967). One may consult with profit the following works of R. in fact.” Among those developments that had the most serious cconomic repercussions was the abovc-mentioned social evolution that weakened the free peasant community and strengthened the landowning class. and social significance of the free peasantry and to the importance of its dcclinc.

Both 465 and 467 occur in manuscripts of Matthew of Edessa. though Turks had raided Vaspuracan as early as 1016-17.. accompanied by a destroying fire. S u c h financial difficulty was of course disastrous for a state that functioned primarily on t h e basis of a m o n e y economy. . and so contributed neither to t h e socioT h e commercial victory economic nor to the political decline t h a t led to Manzikert. At the t i m e of this Turkish a p p e a r a n c e in V a s p u r a c a n the empire was e x t e n d i n g its power i n t h e East and its armies inspired fear in t h e hearts of its enemies from the Danube to the E u p h r a t e s . i n this language.” E12. “Ca@i-begi. The confusion in the Muslim. and the depredations of the mercenaries. though still imperfectly understood. The Norman bands alternativcly pillaged provinces and “collected” taxes for themselves.” a4 On the eve of a rebellion. . but on favors to civilians and on magnificent shows . being u n d e r pressure from his A g a r e n e neighbors. 40-41. In 1019 a group of Seljuks rebelled against Mahmud of Ghazna. while the military were of course being stinted and treated harshly.I ~struck terror in the A r m e n i a n s who dwelt there.” P. Though the affiliation of these Turks of 1016-17 is not mentioned in Matthew. Sultan Melik. The constant appearance of the Patzinaks and Uzes in the Balkans must have meant not only a cutting off of the taxes from Constantinople but also a serious disturbance of the tax-producing communities. I. Yuzbas‘ian. It is related that after one such raid the inhabitants thought of abandoning Europe. played a serious role in the events leading to M a n z i k e r t . 275-279. N. Cahen and Kafesoglu have resumed the discussion in J. But the Turkmens who made these raids wel-e probably not Seljuk Turks. the Byzantine insurgents collected the taxes for themselves. Kafesoglu. 237.S. pp. The extravagance of the rulers in t h e eleventh century came to b e commonplace. CCXLIV (1956). they not only emptied the palace treasury. the Armenians saw these strange men. 1g53).000 moved west. Even SO. “Biiyuk Selpiklu Imparatoru Melik$ah devrinde bir eser munasebetiylc. The Empress Zoe. 11. Setting out. 129-134. . and t h e Paphlagonians were remarkably prodigious in exhausting t h e imperial coffers that Basil I1 had b e e n so careful to fill. who were armed with bows and had flowing hair like . XVII ( I 953). date of appearance of the first Turks in Armenia and their tribal affiliations. Nevertheless. Facing the enemy. later abandoned V a s p u r a c a n to Basil I1 and settled in Cappadocia (1021) at which t i m e the T u r k i s h raiders a p p e a r e d in the Armenian district of Nig.. CCXLII (1954).83 Also t h e tax-yielding provinces in the Balkans and A n a t o l i a were disturbed by o t h e r events above and apart from the socioeconomic developments affecting t h e peasant communities.A. “As I have often remarked. as Agadzanov-Yuzbagian rightly point out. were defeated. and again in Cahcn. The public revenues were expended not on the organisationof the army. the 10 p e r c e n t ad valorem t a x o n all those cargoes escaped forever the coffers of t h e imperial treasury in Constantinople. pp. The first appearance of t h e Turkish raiders in the district of Vaspuracan ( I O I G . 149. T h e economic decline of t h e eleventh century. At this period there gathered the savage nation of infidels called Turks.. The English is my own rendition of Dulaurier’s French translation and conveys the same sense as the Russian translation of AgadzanovYuzbaiian. They may have participated in the attack of local Muslim forces on the regions of Lake Van in 1033-34..p. in half a century from the first appearance of these Turks in V a s p u r a c a n . eventually to Adharbaydjan. “I< istorii tiurskikh nabegov na ArmeniiuvXI v. But there were also serious external developments. the emperors before Isaac exhausted the imperial treasures on personal whims. for there arrived winged serpents come to vomit fire upon Christ’s faithful. Italian commercial supremacy and its consequences occurred after the battle of Manzikert.65 for the reasons given by S. is that of AgadzanovYuzbalian. THE FIRST APPEARANCE OF THE TURKS dragon appeared.A. The apostolic and prophetic books trembled. however. t h e T u r k s of 101G-17 ( w h e t h e r or not they were affiliated w i t h the Seljults) w e r e a s yet unknown t o them. Armenian. kept the provincial t a x system out of balance. economic conditions were further aggravated by the extravagance of the rulers.. 259-274. C e d r e n u s merely remarked t h a t t h e Armenian prince Senecherim. for this group may have split off early and made its way westward unnoticed. and Syriac sources has greatly obscured the questions of the dates of the early Turkish invasions and the affiliation of the earliest Turkish raiders with the main Seljulc group. and m e r c e n a r y r a p a c i t y in the provinces which choked off the state tax moneys. has suggested that the first Seljuk attacks were those between 1015and 102 I . He has repeated this in his. The Greek chroniclers t o o k almost no n o t i c e of this first a p p e a r a n c e of the T u r k s in A r m e n i a . their afiliation with the Seljuks is not necessarily excluded. pp. but the former is fixed by the text of Ceclrenus. the Seljuk nomadic raiders would have established an 2 5 Matthew of Edessa.” J.ah devrinde Bibiik Selguklu Impardorlugu (Istanbul. 24 The n u m e r o u s rebellions. they entered the province of Vaspuracan and put the Christians to the sword. Stemmingprimarily from t h e social evolution of agrarian society and the g r a n t s of excessive immunities t o t h e great landowners. t h e countless foreign raids (especially in t h e Balkans). ZG Cedrenus. but they definitely attacked Armenian lands in 1037-38.. and struck the believers in the Holy Trinity.2G Though the Byzantines and A r m e n i a n s had seen Turkish slave troops and generals in the Arab armies and had had c o n t a c t w i t h Patzinalts and Khazars. 464. and 2. of t h e Venetians was not due t o their superior commercial spirit and to t h e Byzantine congenital defect in t h e same. b u t even cut into the money contributed by the people to the public revenues. A. T h e death-breathing 2aPsellus-Sewter.POLITICAL AND MILITARY COLLAPSE POLITICAL AND MILITARY COLLAPSE the carrying trade. The superiority of the Venetians lay primarily in their privileged and tax-free position in contrast to the position of their Byzantine competitors. the first eruption of ferocious beasts covered with blood. 557-601. Thcy represented tribesmen (as well as Turkish gulams of local military potentates) who had moved into Adharbaydjan and been received in the military forces of the Rawwadids of Tabriz and the Shaddadids of Gandja. but rather to that confluence of political circumstances which forced t h e empire to purchase t h e aid of t h e Venetian fleet a t a d e a r price. and above all by t h e military rebellions. I wish to describe. “A propos de quelques articles de Koprulii Armagani. has been altered from 467 to 4. The most satisfactory examination of these two points. Cahen has put forth the thesis that the events Matthew ascribes to 1016-17 actually took place a decade later when a group of Oghuz left Caghri Beg. See the long review of M. ) In the beginning of the year 465 a calamity proclaiming the fulfillment of divine portents befell the Christian adorers of the Holy Cross. Agadzanov and K. Koymen.” Belletan. G. 1953). “DO@ Anadolu’ya ilk Selpklu akinci (IOI5-2 I ) ve tarihi ehemmiyeti. 80 81 . XI1 (1965).. According to them the first Turkish raids in Armenia were those of 1016-17 (in Vaspuracan) and 1021 (in Nig).” in Fund Kobrulii Armngani (Istanbul. Constantine IX Monomachus. Greek. 2-3. The date. Patzinak raids.

104. Spiiler.28 The Seljuks were of these Oghuz Turks.31 This first possession of the Seljuks. Four Studies 012 the History of Central Asia: vol. The first group played little role i n the events that rollowed. After the breakup of the great Turkic empire in Mongolia. But by 1025 the followers of Seljuk had split into two separate groups. Turan. I1 (194g). and by the 1040’s was raiding as far west as Mesopotamia. and abandoned were occupied by the larger group of Toghrul and Caghri. “Dendanekan.M. What the Seljuks themselves purported to believe about their origins was not committed to writing until the latter half of the twelfth century and this work.” EI.” Oriens. 42. that these Seljuks should be exterminated. X V I I I (1954).” Belleten. It was the third group. 581-587. In a sense. that of Toghrul-Caghri.” EI. who were preoccupied with pillage and with procurement 3o Barthold. this second group of Arslan constituted the advance guard of the Seljuks into the Islamic world.” W . 2 K. One officialhad suggested.S. V. LXIII (IQ43). It is obvious from the Christian sources that the Byzantines knew very little as to the origins and history ofthe Seljuks. N. Abivard. the main body (under Toghrul and Caghri) remaining in the service of the Karakhanids for a period. presenting the Seljuk princes with the temptation to enter Persia and the lands to the west. 17-68. This area had begun to be occupied by Turkic peoples as early as the sixth century of the Christian era and the Oghuz Turks. Frye and A. Cahen. In this region and toward the end of the tenth century.POLITICAL AND MILITARY COLLAPSE POLITICAL AND MILITARY COLLAPSE empire reaching from Afghanistan into Anatolia. 0 . By I034 they had moved into Khurasan and occupied the lands reccntly vacated by their tribal compatriots. Selguklular tarihi ve Turk-Islami nieden9eti (Ankara. the Malikname. but then moved on to Khwarazm near Shurkhan on the Oxus (Amu Darya) River. Their notoriety as foes of settled life had preceded them. Cahen. This date marks a decisive point not only for the Middle East but also for Byzantium as Iienccforth the Seljuks became the possessors of an cstablished territorial state won by trial of arms. Turkman People. Sayili. Khurasan.~~ Seljuk then broke away from the khan. and others. Seljuk and his followers were called in by the Samanids against the power of the Turkish Karakhanids.. the Turkmens were defeated and scattercd.” and the Seljuks proper (who had remained under Toghrul and Caghri). Barthold. . and Armenia. Henceforth these two groups had different historical experiences. I 965). A History of tire Twktnan People (Leiden. those of Arslan. 31-65 (hereafter cited as Cahen. “Les tribus t u r W s d’hie occidentale pendant la ptriode seljoukide. to the east of the Caspian. R. and Kizil Avrat (Farava). to whom the early Arab geographers refer. The Ghaznevids first settled Arslan and his Turks in the Khurasan steppe around Sarakhs. were probably their descendants. “Die Karahaniden. p. plundered. 194-207. Abivard. N. but the Muslim authors seem not to have known a great deal more. and as they advanced. a n d did not oppose the occupation of these more northerly regions by another Turkic people. those places that they had temporarily settled. Kizil Avrat. and henceforth fought his pagan “compatriots” as a ghazi defender of the Islamic border lands..O. the Kinik was the princely tribe. “Turks in the Middle East before the SeUuks. 1962). and would have begun the last major ethnographical alteration of the Near East. “v. prior to their installation in Khurasan. From this time the Seljuks no longer thought of the Jaxartes region. ~ 7 These Se$ tribes entered the Middle East via the steppe regions to the east and northeast of the Caspian Sea. was on the bordcrs of the Islamic world. the history of the Oghuz Turks concentrated increasingly.A. For a while they had remained with the Karakhanids at Bukhara. wc+d have destroyed Byzantine power in Anatolia. has not survi~ ed. As the Ghaznevids had d u s e d to grant these lands to the Seljuks (no doubt as a result of their experiences with the Seljuks of Arslan) Toghrul and CaghrI took them by force of arms. briefly. in the districts of Nesa. The issue was decided a t the fateful battle of Dandanaqan in 1040. which was to remake the history of the Middle East.. Ofthe twenty-four tribes which the eleventh century author Kashgari says made up the Oghuz. Pritsek. Turkman People).” Der Islam. Sarakhs. from the eighth and ninth centuries. 82 83 . whereas the Iraqi Turks served as the advance guard for the Seljuk cxpansion that was to follow and would in some instances join the main body of Seljuks at that time when they would appear in Iran and Mesopotamia. “Ghuzz. they were thereafter employed by the latter and so became a permanent part of the political scene in the Islamic world. M. “Le Malik-nameh. Therefore it is of some profit to trace. 111..” J. But no sooner were they installed than their disturbances caused the Ghaznevids to make war upon them.). The great problem now facing the Seljuk princes was that of transforming themselves from war chiefs of nomadic tribes. XXXI ( I 953-54.000 tents moved south to Kirman and Isfahan. Turkrnan People. Zakhoder. their point of departure. One group moved to the regions of Balkhan and Dihistan to the northwest of Kizil Avrat. but nevertheless.000 tents under Arslan which broke away and took service under the Ghaznevids in Khurasan. s1 R. the Kipchaks.30 and in the campaigns that followed. Barthold. 179. the original body of followers o f Seljuk had split into the three rollowing divisions: Balkhan. LI (1948-52). Kurdistan. on the northeastern borders of the Islamic world. pp. According to their traditions a certain Dudak and his son Seljuk. by the early years of the third decade of the century. of the IGnik tribe of the O g h u ~ were vassals of a “Khazar” khan in the Asiatic steppe. “Ghaznevids. their separate histories.” p. “Iraqi. As a result. and a second group of 4.pp. “Le Malik-nameh”). whereas a second group of perhaps 2. 88-90 (hereafter cited as Barthold. I n this manner began thc final struggle between Seljuks and Ghaznevids as to the fate of the key Muslim province of Khurasan. “Cahen has made a careful reconstruction of this work in “Le Malik-nameh et l’histoire des origines seljukides. established himself with a modest following in the regions of the Jaxartes Rivcr where he was converted to Islam. or that at least their thumbs should be hacked off so that they might not draw their terrible bows. I 10-1 I I . On the history and society of the Great Seljuks there has now appeared the comprehensive work of 0. complementary to each other.

for in all these areas there were numerous dynasties. H. Turkestnn down 10 the Mongol Invasion (London. Their movements are dificult to follow but certain patterns appear.32 By this time (1040) there had occurred a large accretion of Turkmens to the standards ofToghrul and Caghri. 311. Transcaucasia.219-233. Georgia.” Dcr Islam. Gordlevslti. “Le Malik-narneh. Finally. On the Kurds see also Minorsky.pp. in the reign of the bureaucrat emperor R. that isolated but raids occurred earlier. M n t e r i a b p o istorii Tzrrkmen i Tiirknienii (Moscow.K. 1960). has introduced a slight modification on one aspect of Sumer’s study. For Transcaucasia.C.” E12. deriving the Turkish n a d a s f i o m the Greek VEUT6S. Y. XIX-XX (1965)~ 99-109. PP. Kurdistan.K.”). “Turkeiturkisch nadas. The raids. There were actual military campaigns of the sultan or his representatives in these areas in an effort to stabilize the frontiers and to maintain some kind of authority over the tribesmen i n the border regions. 1960). Urnumi T u r k tarihirze girls (Istanbul.” B. I1 (1888). the audacity..” Journal llre Royal Asiatic Society (1903).A. Transcaucasia.~ r t h itr f Cenlziries (Cambridge. Toghrul’s primary concern was the conquest of Persia and Mesopotamia and so it was here that he concentrated his attention and military efforts. and Armenia.” in A History o f t h e Crusades. C. 62-64.” I.“The f Marwanid Dynasty a t Mayyafariqin in the Tenth and Eleventh Centuries. but soon they acquiesced in the political domination of the succeeding waves of Turkish invaders. there had taken place a rapid expansion northwestward into Adharbaydjan. Thus portions of Adharbaydjan. “La conquOte de 1’Azerbaijan par les Scldjoucides. K. in a state of constant war with one another.Z. “Azerbaycanin turklcsmesi tarihine bir baki. 1946).35 Quite often the Muslims hired the services of Turks in this advance guard of raiders. Volina. F. 93-113.. 70-95.. K. “Qutlumush et ses fils avant I.” Jotlrnal o the Roynl Asiatic Society (1902). V. starting out in a somewhat cautious manner. Izbranyie Sochirieniia (Moscow. )~ 34 Cahen. Minorsky..By 1055 he had secured this conquest and enjoyed a triumphal entry into Baghdad where took place his celebrated audience with the caliph. or they were brought to defend Constantinople against rebellious generals a t the head of the armies in the Balkans. 1953). “Adharbaydjan. Zakhoder. “Three Arabic MSS on the History of the City of Mayyafariqin. I (1921-25). s* For details. Togan. attracted by the great victories and the prospects of plundering new lands. D. A. Huseynnov. “Azerbaycan. Ptn. “Anadolu’ya yalniz gocebe tiirkler mi geldi ?” Belleten. states that the basic conquest of Adharbaydjan took place after Dandanaqan ( IO~O). Togan. or submitted to the commanders of the Seljuk sultan. the Turks were raiding deep into Anatolia with little danger from Byzantine forces. Brockelmann. Inv. pp... Yakubovski. 1 0 0 . INTERRELATION O F BYZANTINE DECLINE AND TURKISH PRESSURE ( I 042-7 I ) I n the three decades between the accession of Constantine IX (1042) a n d the battle of Manzikert ( I O ~ I ) one can discern a definite pattern . I n this period of roughly thirty years. in the reaction of the Turkmcn groups building up on the eastern borders to the deteriorating internal conditions of the empire in Anatolia and the Balkans. It was in this manner that the eastern frontiers of Byzantine Anatolia were eventually threatened by a deluge of Turkmens in the reign o€ Constantine and thereafter.M. There were also raids of the sultan’s representatives which often had as their primary end the satisfaction of the tribal instincts and appetites for plunder and djihad. 254-304. and the borders of Armenia were saturated by the newcomers.” W. and extent of the raids increased considerably. 11111- 84 85 . I 24-129.” pp. and as the number of Turks on the borders increased. Sirtiskie i s l o k k ob Azerbaidranc (Baku. L.” Zeitschrift Jiir Balkanologie.33But previous to this consolidation of power i n MesopotamiaIran. 182-192. IV (I 966). even before Manzikert took place. both Christian and Muslim. X X X I X (1964)’14-27. I. “SelFuklu devlctinin kurulusu sirasinda Horasan. ed. caused by the increasing number ofTurkmens either fleeing Seljuk authority or else shunted northwestward by the Seljuks in an effort to save Mesopotamia-Iran from their presence.” K. A. “Die Ghusenstamme. I ’ h i e Mineure. “Kurds.” EII. Studies in Caucasian History (London. 150.. civilized Middle Eastern society. But as the condition of the empire progressively weakened each year. who in the end replaced many of the local dynasties. I 9 5 ~ pp. I aqo). There was the alternative before Toghrul of giving free rein to the Turkmen instinct to plunder the sedentary society. XXIV (1960). pp. Jahrhundert.POLITICAL AND MILITARY COLLAPSE POLITICAL AND MILITARY COLLAPSE of pasturage for their flocks. At the same time the indigenous provincial armies were being dissolved. XXI (1957). V. 758-812. O n e gets the impression from the Greek chronicles that. 567-596.A Hsoy o Sharuiin arid Darband i n the r o h . “Mahmud a1 Kasghari ilbcr die Sprache und die Stamme der Turken im I I .pp.” Belleten. F. 491-527.1 0 1 . hmedroz. there were the activities of the Turkmens either in rebellion or simply not recognizing any Seljuk auth0rity. pp.”Byranlion. Transcaucasia.” Belleten. frequency. 311-312. 1958). Minorsky. X V I I I (1946-48). Ibn Fadlanl. I gr8). 19 f‘ Hudud al-Alam-Minorsky. a n d Armenia. and Byzantium. 26-40. I expansion greatly facilitated first the Turkish penetration and then the conquest of the Seljuks in Adharbaydjan. Sctton (Philadelphia. Romaskevi. 113-154.” EI. “La premiere pPnCtration turque en h i e Mineure seconde moitit du XIo si&cle. It is no mere chance that the Seljuk incursions became prominent for the first time.”) . and most important.~4 The political conditions prevailing in these areas of new Turkish Cahen. or to protect it from the pillaging of the nomads. Zettersteen. For the most detailed political and socioeconomic survey of the background to the Seljuk appearance in Khurasan see Barthold. and permanent. Toghrul achieved the latter by sending the Turkmen tribes westward to raid the frontiers of the Christian states of Armenia. or else to combat the Patzinaks who had crossed the Danube. Theodoridis. the struggle between the provincial magnate-generals and the bureaucracy did not abate but rather became more acute. “Dvin. “The Turkish Invasions: The Selchukids. “Marwanids. The Islamic materials on the Turkic tribes are conveniently collected and translated in S. 429-447. A. 12-13 (hereafter cited as “Prem. T h e armies of Anatolia were turned against Constantinople and the bureaucrats. Spuler.” E L . XIX (I 955). to monarchs of sedentary. . Iran itrfru/i-islamisclrpr Zeit (Wiesbaden. Sumcr.On the problem of the degree to which the Oghuz had accustomed themselves to urball life and on the character of their society one may consult.Sumer. pp. Canard. Houtsma. 146-148.A. were not frequent in the beginning. 1955)~ 144-147(hereafter cited as “Turk.

pp.44 but as the Patzinak ravages continued unabated. 1 . 11. The text clearly states that the troops of the Macedonian theme were brought over. the dissatisfied Frankish mercenaries of Armeniacon under Herve made common cause with him. Fog. 181. as well as the destruction of Artze. Monomachus summoned the magistrus Constantine from the eastern borders where he was waging war against Abu’l-Scwar the Shaddadid.O n the arrival of the Georgians. raised the majority of the thematic. M. western troops had been moved to Anatolia undcr Constantine IX. $Twos ~pbpous Tais Xchpais ivirCrcas 1qXMauE T&S ~poupdrs. p. 46-47. mercenary.~’ I n the years 1056-57 the Turkish chief Sainuh appeared with 3. Ostgrenze. the Byzantine defenses were under Basil Apocapes. Isaac Comnenus. p. gg.Cedrenus. he was forced to conclude peace with Abu’l-Sewarand to bring the eastern armies to Constantinople. Brthier. J. supported by the Anatolian generals.647. The incursions of Asan and Ibrahim. Matthew of Edessa. 257..36 Constantine’s inept military policies. 61 I. as it seemed virtually impossible to halt them. a1Tois PauihEOuiw 06 Gaupoirs U U V E ~ U ~ ~ ~MV ’brv-ri . pp. and Laurent has. but the outcome was indeci~ive. 616. 627. 11. that Monomachus subsequently transported the troops lrom the Macedonian theme to the east under Bryenni~s. appeared in the regions of Lake Van where his army spread out to raid. 37 . 111. g8-1on. As has already been indicated above.POLITICAL AND MILITARY COLLAPSE POLITICAL AND MILITARY COLLAPSE Constantine IX Monomachus ( 1 0 4 2 . made it probable that they were prcsent when Toghril appearcd in 1054. asserts that all the western arrnics were in Asia Minor a t the time of Toghril’s appearance in 1054. Anadolu’nunfetlri (Istanbul. were no doubt the consequences of the revolt of the western generals which had so weakened the defenses of the eastern borders. 31-31.rr&uqstjaupo~opias OA . 6uoXwpiaS I ~ p o ~ p o u u i Tois Pappdrpois T ~ EVs TUS Pwpaiois firomptvag Xcjpas ~ T T T E T E J x ~ ~ o v Ka t TapoFv.s’ These border areas. Zonaras. The cities of Paipert and Perkri were besieged and sacked. by erroneously placing the death of Constantine IX in 1054 (instead of ro55).575. “ &AX& K a l xwpGv oiraGv. But no date is given in the text. and the Turkish booty. among the most vital regions in the defense of the eastern provinces. p.4oIt was as a result of these events. Cedrenus. G I I . 11. ” 4 0 Ibid. gives the exaggerated figure of I OO. Cedrenus. the governor of that province.45 I t was soon after this. implies that the Byzantine armies were not strong enough to meet the Turks In battle. 49. which led to the dissolution of the indigenous soldiery of the Iberian theme and of the region of Byzantine Mesopotamia with their accompanying conversion into tax-paying units. Bar Hebraeus.48 In the face of the growing number of Turks massed on the eastern frontier in Armenia. Cecaurnenus. . Cedrenus. 561-566. 4 2 On its wealth. However.577-578. 606. 1054-55. marched on Constantin~ple. had already been transferred to Thrace before 1050. kEivoS TOJVUV 6 hvhp a h o s Tois h a E x Aoyo~op6vois KplefiuETaI TOG ~ f E+av~poipaw tjoupi i KUplEVOjvai PappapiKG. The destruction of this city marks the beginning of the sacking of many of the important urban centers in Byzantine A n a t ~ l i a . Population. 1 . 86 . 1g44). Laurent. 617. did not have suflicient forces to meet the invaders and so he summoned Cccaumenus the governor or Ani. Honigmann.OOO. 4 v&oa6+a “Pwpakfi x ~ l p vhfiv 6Afywv. The Patzinak raids in the Balkans during the reign of Monomachus were a more visible and far more immediate threat to the empire.~~ Byzantine forces had not been numerically sufficient The Bryennius. 593-594.~~ Because the capital itself was without defenders.608. K&vTEOeEv "pas Tas PwatGas xhpus @mq Tois pappixpols VETO mipotjos. 46-47. But his account errs in two points. 11. Thus Macedonian troops and soldiers were sent. In 1050 troops were brought from the east to augment the Byzantine armies in the Patzinak campaigns. Cedrenus. . viz. the ~~ Turkish and Byzantine forces came to blows a t Kapetru. As a result of the civil strife i n the empire. 4a Attaliates. the empire’s Anatolian frontiers became the object of serious Turkish raids when. 4 6 L. have already been discussed e1sewhere. p. 44-45. in 1054. p. “ Ibid. and upon the arrival of the latter thc combined forces defeated the Turks by resorting to a I n I049 a larger army of Turks appeared in Vaspuracan under the Seljuk prince lbrahim Inal.” 38 to meet the Turkish armies in the beginning. and Matthew of Edessa. Matthew of Edessa. it would seem.Zonaras. supported by many of the dissatisfied and idle western generals. 1 Cedrenus. It is true that according to the text of Cedrenus. and as a result Cecaumenus and Aaron had to await the arrival of Georgian reinforcements under Lipa ri te ~. Byzance et les Turcs seljoitcidcs dans 1‘Asie occidetrtalejusclu’en 1081 (Nancy. ~ ~ the Byzantines awaited reinforcements While this considerable Turkish force captured and plundered the important commercial center of Artze near Erzerum..000 Turks in greater Armenia. Monomachus employed eastern armies in the Balkans as late as 1053. According to popular belief the Turks would be destroyed by a forcc similar to that of Alexander the Great which had conquered the Persians. and it is quite probable that the Macedonians were brought over after Toghril’s appearance. . 18.enters this event just before the plague of the seventh and eighth years of the indiction. Yinanc. and the key city of Manzikert underwent a difficult siege. 11. 11. and probably their troops also. 641. the troops of the Anatolic and 4* Catacolon Cecaurnenus a n d Herve Frankopoulos. Cedrenus. Aaron.. 33 (hereafter cited as Laurent. thcy had not been able to destroy the Turkish forces. where he remained for a number of years.38 In I047 there had taken place the revolt of Leo Tornices. 89-84. and even after the arrival of the Georgians. O n at least two occasions the emperor removed troops from Anatolia to bolster the Balkan front. the crow of the cock.that the sultan Toghrul. Vie et mort (Paris. 11. . 11. indicates that the Byzantine right and left wings drove the Turks 1 from the field and chased them through the night until “. . 1913) p. 11. 4 7 Cedrenus. Monomachus died in 1055.” In the place of the local soldiery were to be found some Frankish and Varangian mercenaries. 111. 207. and not all of the troops of the west. 3 8 Attaliates. and marched them toward the B o s p h o r u ~Those of the Anatolian forces . 579. Ibid. 1947). had been disturbed previously by other events.~~ which had not adhered to the rebellion. the military aristocracy of Anatolia launched a revolt that marks a turning point i n the acceleration of the Turkish raids into the peninsula. for according to Attaliates. in ro48. a body of Turks under Asan descended from the regions ofTabriz and proceeded to lay waste Vaspuracan. I. It was for this reason that Cecaumenus devised the ruse and then upon the Turks in their disarray while they were plundering the Byzalltine camp.5 5 ) . Soon after the revolt of Tornices and the withdrawal of the magistrus Constantine. Cedrenui. 597. and Armenian troops of Anatolia..573-574. Byzance et les T i m s ) . . there being no mention of Bryennius Cedrenus.

BrChier. the historian Michael Attaliates who served as a n oficial in the armies during many of the Anatolian campaigns and who was present a t the battle of Manzikert. and military collapse of the Anatolian provinces characterized this period of slightly more than a decade. Macedonia. . 103-104. Constantine X was finally obliged to send an army to halt their ravagcs. Psellus-Renauld. Attaliates remarks. 158-1 59. The two armies. Matthew of Edessa. 85. was largely consummated by the end o f the reign of Constantine X (1067). For this twelve-year period. joined the western military contingents loyal to the government. p.58With the appearance of the Turkish chief Samuh and the Khurasan Salar and their raiding Turks in Anatolia.” . approached Camacha where it spread out. east and west. On Isaac’s death (1059) it was noticed that his corpse swelled with liquid. ylvso0ai 68 ’’Aristaces. passim. and it was like the mythological expedition of Dionysus. the bravest and most able troops being completely withdrawn from service because of expense and fear of the generals.rro~~ O K ahlas. When the pressure of “public opinion” becamc too great to withstand. finding the east undefcnded. just one month after the entry of Isaac into Constantinople. T h e temporary interregnum of the generals under Isaac I had not lasted long enough to effect any significant change in this demilitarization. Even Psellus. Constantine finally mustered a tiny force of 150 men to march out against a horde which the contemporary sources. Michael the Syrian. and Greeks and Syrians. Many saw in this a divine punishment for his responsibility in the great slaughter of 1057. 55. as great numbers of the inhabitants were either killed or enslaved. . 11. I. 76-77. Their antimilitary sentiment set the fashion for the society o f the day. 107-108. 111. and other loot-was greatVE5 In the twelve years between the death of Isaac Comnenus and the battle of Manzikert. 1057. the second column besieged Melitene. 111. 212-213. G52. .63 but the borders were left unguarded. p. a n d the booty the Turks took-gold. So to speak it was the worst section [of the army].60 One chronicler states that o n that day Isaac Comnenus plunged the whole Greek nation into mourning. in 1057. KUi Tb K a T U T p O V q T l K b V TqS UTpCTTIOTIKqS E h p c r y l U S K a l 0 T P C n ~ ) ’ l l c ~ S Kal &PITIK?S ~imaB~Ia5 vohh6v K a i U X E ~ ~ & V T W V V TGV SIT^ ‘Pwpalo~sTEAOQVTWV ba 67 I h U ~ U V T l K b V &~TI{OVTO. aa Zonaras. C ~ V Cedrenus. 146-147. estimate to have numbered 60. T h e bureaucratic fear of the armies and financial difficulties of the state caused the final disappearance of the locally levied troops as effective military units. Attaliates. Armenian. for not only did the slaughter further exhaust the already depleted armies. Honigmann.POLITICAL AND MILITARY COLLAPSE i POLITICAL AND MILITARY COLLAPSE I Charsianite themes. the archbureaucrat. pp. p. well on the way in the time of Constantine IX. felt constrained to protest at the extremity of the emperor’s cuts in the military budget.000! “Upon which everyone was amazed that the emperor should have left the capital with such a small army against such a powcrful force. this army was not satisfactory.50 The dismantling and demoralization of the military. for the better soldiers were removed from military service by reason of the greater rank and salary [involved]. a n d fiscal anarchy that the Turks began to raid 6o I Anatolia almost without hindrance. This left Ani without military defenders and caused it to Cedrenus’ account follows that of Attaliates faithfully. KCd ~b KUT’ i@volctv 6lKUCJ”rlKbV. He refused to send an army to halt the Uze depredations in the regions of Hcllas.rrpoacj. T6V KaTa6pOphS Attaliates. and Greek merchants suffered the fate of Artze. and started the systematic pillaging of the urban hearths of Anatolian Hellenism.6~ Melitene and its population of wealthy Syrian. The very soldiers thcmselves abandoned their weapons and military service and became advocates and devotees of legal problems and questi0ns. It was during this time of military. 78-79. 89 . a Turkish army under the emir Dinar. when he marched against the Indians. 5n Attaliates. we have a firsthand witness to the military deterioration i n the Byzantine armies. Vie el mort.” 61h T b Vfi hbyOV TbV CJTpUTlWTlKbV KUTdthOyOV . 677. and though the Anatolian generals won the victory. This battle. On October 3. That which occurred was blameworthy. and when Constantine X ascended the throne in 1059 the government was once more completely in the hands of the bureaucrats. with the maenads and silenoi. ~b 6E C ~ E I ~ Ka\~&yavI T O P I O T I K ~ V TGV 6qVodov x p q p & T ’ w v ~ T I V T ~ a l o k iv ~O. 184. markcd the departure of the traditional Byzantine armies from the Anatolian scene. exaggeratedly. 108. The ethnic groups of Byzantine Anatolia-Greeks. and open warfare broke out between Greeks and Armenians. and Thrace. Syrians. for the soldiery of east and west were locked in a mutually destructive struggle and the number of the dead was great. the empire actually suffered defeat. I n such a situation the mercenary units began to disregard the commands of the government and to act as free agents. silver. administrative. and Armenians-were at the throats of one another as separatist movements among the Armenians commenced. administrative.61 and another remarks that Isaac’s revolt brought misfortune to Armenia. the internal crisis of the empire became further aggravated and the Turkish tribesmen continued to saturate the border lands. 257. 6 ~ l C r r c t V h J W VP U P P a P I K & S “Attaliates. the home of Catacolon Cecaumenus who had just raised the armies o f that area for the civil war and had left his province undefended. one of the great commercial centers of the eastern Anatolian regi0ns. Bar Ilebraeus. 69. One column marched against Coloneia.E2 Both were correct. fiyEIpET0 yhp TOhbS KaTh YOWVGLlbS. Thus the financial.~7 The military catalogs were no longer fully maintained.G9 T h e same emperor virtually handed over Ani to thc Turks because the Armenian Pancratius promised to defend it without spending money on military forces. 11. 69. Armenians and Syrians. for nothing brave or in keeping with the former Rhomaic magnificence and strength was accomplished [by the army]. pp. 53 The armies had been preViQUSly subject to extensive decimation at the hands of the Patzinaks in the Balkans. But. Matthew of Edessa. met in a sanguinary battle just outside the city of Nicaea. Ostgrenze. 66Matthew of Edessa. because [it was] unarmed and uneager as a result of thedeprivationof ilsprovisions.

For the older a n d experienced were without horse and without armour. O 2 Cedrenus. The tax collectors and the land were plundered. the mercenaries showed themselves to be independent agents.. 94-95.. As only a portion of the salary was paid. T h e mercenaries.POLITICAL AND MILITARY COLLAPSE POLITICAL AND MILITARY COLLAPSE fall to the TUrks. M. the state of the armies had become chaotic. Canard. being in want of their salary a n d deprived of the provisions usually supplicd them. his armies were not equal to the enormous task before them and their nervousness and cowardice in the face of the Turkish enemy had by now become a n almost ingrained characteristic. But they were without military experience and without horses.G.02 Having temporarily overthrown the bureaucrats. leading an army such as did not befit the emperor of the Rhomaioi but one which the times furnished. Cedrcnus. the soldiers took it and then scattered to their homes leaving the enemy forces free to ravage the neighborhood of the city. All this having occurred as Romanus was setting out on his second Turkish campaign. I 13. who had served Byzantium. They were cowardly and unwarlike and appeared to be unserviceable for anything brave. The Muslim military leader.” Revue des Dudes armkienaes. naked and not even [provided] with daily bread. All were mustered b y impcrial command in Phrygia. Attaliates. 94-96. but again the miserliness of the administration paralyzed these efforts. Nicephorus Botaniates tried to muster an army. upon whom the Byzantines were forced to rely. O3 O4 >. When. witnessed an intensification of the unruly conduct of the foreign soldiery. and by what manner and from what moneys and how long it would take to bring them back to their former condition. they were filled with despondency as they reckoned how low the armies of the nhomaioi had fallen. On many occasions these tattered remnants of the military forces simply retired to the safety of walls and refused to march out and oppose the Turks. s o this time an attempt was made to levy a fcw raw youths. they were bearing hunting spears and scythes [and this1 not during a period of peace. 11. I I 1-1 17. that is in the theme of the Anatolicoi. and was proportionate to. and as the government no longer had sufficient funds to live up to its terms of hire. and morale to the Turkish troops clearly noted. Crispin defeated him and inflicted severe losses on these western forces.“ K a l d~ ~ a u q g Xwpas K C ~ I d h e o s U E ~ T ~ T U CWAAEE~VEVOS.R. I.aoShortly after Constantine Ducas’s death in 1067 and during the brief regency of Eudocia. to the southeast. with the consequence that the Turks sacked the city of Caesareia. Attaliates. Scylitzes. were in an abased and deprived state. set out hastily. These things being observed by those present. and suitable. This is the military instrument that Romanus inherited from a quarter century of bureaucrat policies. 79-82. describes the mustering of the armies by Romanus for his first great campaign against the Turks i n I 068. 247. i t seemed as if the whole military expedition against the Turks would have to be redirectcd to stay the rapacity of the Franks Cedrenus. they were for this reason unprofitable and useless. G G Zepos. These were bent Over by poverty and distress and were deprived of armour. he mixed them with what veterans were a t hand. 674. Cedrenus. These.G1 were without military experience and unaccustomed to the military struggles. When the central and provincial administration became weak in this period.661. 661-663.Gs Because of this condition they refused to go out against the invaders. The conditions of the armies were obvious to t h e Byzantine contemporary observers. in pages filled with Gibbonian melancholy. did the best he could with the poor material a t hand. and the fresh detachments O 0 Attaliatcs. 11. 93. He had previously attempted to assassinate the emperor _ _ . deserted t o the Turks because his pay had bcen witheld. Instead of swords and other military weapons. Inasmuch as no emperor had taken the field for many years. and more or less without armour. The emperor. a n d they had few and poor followers. The very standards spoke out taciturnly. however. of Macedonians and Bulgars and Cappadocians and Uzes and the other foreigners who happened to be about. the strength of the central and provincial governments and their pay. expecially from the Balkan tugmutu.] the famous champions of the Rhomaioi who had enslaved all the east and west [now] consisted of a few men. who were raiding the east again came against the Rhomaic armies encamped in Mesopotamia. H e collected youths from all the regions and but as they were completely inexperienced. Constantine X Ducas. The Turks. This twelve-year period. having a squalid appearance as if darkened by thick smoke. and they were without war horse a n d other equipment. Matthew of Edessa. “La campagne armdnienne du sultan salgukide Alp Arslan et la prise d ’ h i en 1064.” G s 16id. Having considered his reward from the emperor as unsatisfactory... and then played a major role in the raids in Anatolia and around Anti0ch. 11. XI. the Armenian infantry caused a major crisis by threatening to rebelsa8The rebellion of t h e Frankish leader Crispin in I 069 was of a major dimension. 90 9’ . 668-669. Though this energetic emperor was a capable soldier. 660. and their great inferiority in terms of equipment. 104. Amertices. he returncd to the Armeniac theme and there raised the Latins in revolt. Romanus. 11. and when Samuel Alusianus (the general of the five western tugmata encamped in that area) took the field. pp. but especially against those around Melitene. in addition also of Franks and Varangians. and when the Turks appeared before Sebasteia in 1059 the Armenian princes and their troops abandoned the city to its fateaa7A decade later (1068) while Romanus Diogenes’ army was before Syrian Hierapolis. experienced. J. Attaliates. where there was to be seen the incredible [viz. . the general Romanus Diogenes found the armies in an even more dreadful state. combined Turkish and Arab forces raided the regions about Antioch. and their salary and the customary provisions had been stripped away. Scylitzes. Whereas the enemy was very bold in warfare.6~ The Armenian troops had an old tradition of instability. I1 (1965)~ 239-259. Attaliates. then. experience. began to demonstrate clearly that their loyalty depended directly on.

I3 In addition to the tension between Greeks and Armenians and between Greeks and Syrians. who for this purpose had entrusted command of the Anatolian borders to Yakuti Beg. 1-212. reports. Matthew remarks. like the Syrians. that Kakig intended to desert to the Turks. They even considered taking the famous Syrian monastery of Bar Mar Sauma. I I ~ I ) bishop of Amid. 7When h e made his appearance at Sebasteia. as the Armenian catholicus and manv of his . there was strife between the Syrians and Armenians in the region about Melitene where the Armenians raided the Syrian monasteries and roamed the countryside attacking the Syrian population.Scylitzes. and ethnic warfare in the provinces. Orientalia Christiana Analecta (Rome. 161. but unlike the Syrians they obtained permission to return to their domains in Anatolia.” Texte und Untersuchungen. when the emperor was encamped at Cryapege. f tract of Dionysius bar Salibi (d. The Armenians similarly experienced considerable imperial pressure in this matter. pp.09 On the eve of the battle of Manzikert itself. refused to give in at the religious discussions that followed. -~ bishops were summoned t o Constantinople and held virtual Drisoners. the Turkish invaders make their appearance with greater frequency. Mingana (Cambridge.” in Woodbrooke Studies (Cambridge. Crispin finally made his submission. Fethi. the Germans attacked the emperor in force and the remainder of the army had to be mustered in order to put down t h e Gerrnans. Michael the Syrian. “Die armenische Kirche in ihren Beziehungen zu der syrischen Kirche. There had been tense moments in the relations of Greeks. V 3 At least this is what Matthew of Edessa.and the latter’s ill-conceived religious policies. 95-98. but at that timc Byzantine authority was effective in these eastern provinces and a semblance of order and regularity prevailed. 11. 111. 11. Tekeyan. in a policy recalling events of the sixth and seventh centuries. and then he swore that he would destroy the Armenian faith. O n religious polemic of the Syrians with Greeks and Armenians in the twelfth century. Charged with spreading their own religious doctrines a n d having refused to accept Chalcedon. the Latins then proceeded t o ravage the regions of Byzantine Mesopotamia at the same time that the emperor was forced to proceed to Caesareia to meet a serious Turkish raid. the Bagratid prince. Against this background of ghost armies. 2-95. there is the contemporary . and one year later the Syrian patriarch was arrested and the leading Syrian clergymen were brought to Constantinople. pp. the Armenians had been more violent and unpitying toward the Greeks than had the Turks themselves ! So it was that Romanus ordered his troops to attack Sebasteia. The disruption of provincial administration in the reign of Constantine X. the Greek ~ inhabitants complained to him that when Sebasteia had been sacked by the Turks (1059). were among the factors leading to the breakdown of Byzantine authority in these critical areas. . 111. 217. the Syrian ecclesiastical leader (the metropolitan of Melitene) was exiled to Macedonia. I. 162-164. 76 Yinanc. (1060-63). 678-680. Syrians. Social Basis. The border warfare of the Turks was loosely controlled by the sultan. p. 74 Michael the Syrian. Scylitzes. retaliation. Neue Folge.7O The shortsightedness of the bureaucrats in hiring such large numbers of mercenaries at the expense of the local soldiery was dramatically manifested during this period. “The Work of Dionysius Barsalibi against the Armenians. and effectiveness. ed. but i n the end had to be imprisoned. but he was eventually slain by the Greeks in the Taurus before he could do so. and their disloyalty severely hampered the defense of Anatolia against the Turks and contributed to the chaos and disruption of provincial administration. When Kakig. I. 71 Romanus had considerable trouble with the Armenians and considered the areas in which they were settled as a no-man’s land that was not safe for his armies. This is clear not only from the Armenian and Georgian chronicles but especially in the Turkish epic. ASRomanus attempted to halt their depredations. Bar Hebraeus.7n The existence of these diverse ethnoreligous groups in the eastern provinces of Anatolia. The state. the mercenaries were busy ravaging the environs. In 1063 all who did not accept the Chalcedonian creed in Melitene were to be expelled from the city.75 T h e Turkish bands were considerably increased in number when 7l Vryonis. Attaliates.POLITICAL AND MILITARY COLLAPSE . 146-147. I927). A. 92 converted to Islam.4 dii X U e sidcle ( r r65-rrgL?). 51.” in Woodbrooke Strtdies. Matthew of Edessa. P. XI. returned to his lands in the province of Cappadocia he instigated what amounted to open warfare against the Greeks in his ~~ vicinity. The outrage of the Armenians was such. the Danishmendname. The Armenians. That these regions of Anatolia were thrown into a state of ethnic war seems to be confirmed by a number of incidental facts. During his eastern campaign of I 069 Romanus was obliged to halt to receive the stragglers from his army lest they perish at the hands of the Armenians in the regions of C e l t ~ e n e . and trans. attempted to force ecclesiastical union and the Chalcedoniall creed on both Syrians and Armenians.” 169-172. I V (Cambridge. “Barsalibi’s Treatise against the Melchites. 122-1s5. 193 I). but this time the Bagratid and Ardzrouni princes were also summoned. E. 93 . Attaliates. The Work o Dionysius Barssnlibi against the Armenians. 166-167.x66-x68. 152-154. 135. POLITICAL AND MILITARY COLLAPSE who were ravishing the very provinces they had been hired to defend. Controuerses christologiques en Armtho-CiEicie duns la seconde moiti. Two years later (1065) they were once more ordered to appear in Constantinople. Ter-Minassiantz. 683. P. 1931) . and Constantine’s attempt to enforce the Chalcedonian creed upon them during this period. and Armenians in hc first ha1 of the eleventh century. I 939). the hostilities of the three principal ethnic groups i n eastern Byzantine Anatolia came into full play. With this paralysis of the provincial governmental structure. numbers.. unleashed the specter of ethnic and sectarian strife from Antioch to Sebasteia and Caesareia. a Byzantine city. There is further evidence for this phenomenon in which Georgian and Armenian princes and aristocrats joined the Turks and in some capes Attaliates. 4 Heft. Religious discussions between Byzantines and Armenians resumed in the twelfth century when religious passions had somewhat subsided. rampaging mercenaries.

The sanctuary was so strongly built Lhat the Turks contented themselves with stripping it of its gold. 11. The land was inundated with blood. 79-82.. With the dissolution of the larger part of the thematic armies. and for the second time i n the long history of the ChristianMuslim holy war. but also the essentially different type of military procedure followed by the Byzantines and their foes. 84 Matthew of Edessa. Fethi. and precious stones. 2 2 0 . 1 with its flamesthe faithful of Christ.. for though protected from the invaders by a greater distance. When Constantine X Ducas ascended the throne (1059)) the Turkish raids had previously devastated Armenia. Bar Hebraeus. In 1059the emir Samuh and other emirs suddenly appeared before the unwalled city. 111-113. Scylitzes. and SO massacred pitilessly large numbers o f the inhabitants. destroyed. says as far as Constantinople! Yinanc. 684-685: bqD . The church was desecrated and the inhabitants massacred. The first of the important cities to be plundered was the comparatively large and wealthy town of Sebasteia. After the defeat and death of Kutlumush. the sultan. 120-124. carrying away all the holy items of the church. The Turks remained in Sebasteia for eight days. The fire of death enveloped l b i d . 107. Attaliates.'^ The names of the raiding chiefs now begin to appear in greater numbers in the sources. 78. and lead-off captive. Amanaus in 1066-6780 and raided from Antioch81and MeliteneE2 as far west as ChonaeaE3 The emir Kulnush Tekin operated in the vicinity of Thelkum and Edessa. and burned the city. Proud of his success. and then again i n 1063 when Kutlumush with 50. p. pp. pearls. the Turks passed through Cappadocia pillaging it en route and continued westward in the Ibid. I.8D I n the following year the Turkmens became bolder. 653-654. 162.86In addition to the ever-present bands on the borders. the region. ’’ 94 Scylitzes.87 The most important Byzantine city in Armenia. his wrath spread over the oriental nation. around Coloneia. 77 Matthew of Edessa. 678. 217. the Turks had become even bolder and so began to push their incursions farther to the west. Thus once the Turks had overrun the border defenses they sacked the interior almost freely. Basil. 6G1. the mercenaries a n d other available troops were kept on the eastern borders where they often let the Turks pass through unhindered. was taken and many of the inhabitants put to the sword or carried OK into slavery. a6 Matthew of Edessa. Cahen. the famous city of Amorium was sacked by a Muslim army. but initially they hesitated to attack mistaking the domes of the many churches for the tents ofthe defending army. 93-94.. I I 1-1 13. they did not have even the protecting forces that the border cities possessed. p. In 1069 while Romanus was in the district of Celtzene. p. and the sword and sIavery spread their ravage here. pp. I.. Attaliates. 8oIbid. . singling out the famous shrine of St. 156. that year pounced upon Armenia. I 15-1 18. the location of the famous shrine of the Forty Martyrs. Attaliates.” Der Islnna. Nisibis. 95 .84 whereas Gedrigdj-Chrysoscule raided northern Anatolia before deserting to the emperor. ‘LI Attaliates. The urban centers in central and western Anatolia were in a peculiar situation. T h c Turks reached the important Cappadocian city of Caesareia after having been let through by the recalcitrant troops guarding Melitene. The ability of the enemy to sack such a n important Anatolian city indicates not only how completely the system of local defense had collapsed.90 I n the same year.78 Amertices about southern Anatolia and Coelo-Syria. They soon realized that the city was defenseless. Ani. PP. the sultans themselves made occasional appearances there. . Matthew of Edessa.sGT h e sultan himself took the field in 1064 with a large army and appeared i n Armenia. Instrument of divine vengeance. ~. the Byzantine provinces of Iberia and Mesopotamia. 57. hoping to attack them in the mountain passes when they were returning from Anatolia i n disarray and laden with booty. even though Romanus was encamped i n the eastern theme of Lycandus. p.91 Hereafter. They plundered.” t l O1 Ibid. where the larger towns which had been spared the rigors of siege for centuries now lay defenseless. 11. Bar Hebraeus. and Chaldia. Bar Hebraeus.. p. daring to raid. Matthew of Edessa. 218. 53. and Seveverek. 11.POLITICAL AND MILITARY COLLAPSE I POLITICAL AND MILITARY COLLAPSE the Turkmens of the rebel Ibrahim Inal were moved westward by t h e SeQuks. I. 122. the inhabitants of Neocaesareia. pp. pp. Scylitzes. reducing it to ashes and taking a great booty and many prisoners. and others were to experience difficult sieges in the next years. while Romanus besieged the Syrian city of Hierapolis. this dragon of Persia. Aaqupuywylav ~ ~cpbvov &vSpmv &vb8qToV. T h e numerous Turkish bands might strike at any time and in any place. and attempted to break into the structure housing the saint’s remains. the Turkish bands raided farther into Anatolia. “Qutlumush et ses fils avant 1’Asie Mineure. strengthening the Turkish forces. b u t the Byzantine army was usually in one or two places at any given time. which he forced to drink the vial ofhis malice. At least eight major urban centers were to suffer pillaging a t the hands of the Turks.B8 By reason of the weakened resistance at the end of Constantine’s reign. 157. sack. the raiders contemptuously disregarded the emperor and his armies in Anatolia.000 Turkmens revolted against Alp Arslan i n Rayy. his sons were pardoncd and sent to fight on the Anatolian border^. Melitene. Samuh in the regions of Sebasteia and elsethe Khurasan Salar in the districts of Thelkum. XXXIX (1964)~ 14-27. and were now to threaten the more centrally located regions of Anatolia. the more westerly provinces had little defense. Matthew of Edessa. 68. and its citizens massacred. 94-95. 7 9 But perhaps the most active of these was the emir Afsinios (Afshin) who established himself on Mt. Attaliates. This they looted.

as witness the events surrounding the fateful Sicilian expedition. Nicephorus I1 Phocas on his way to the conquest of Crete stopped with the fleet on the Anatolian coast at one of the many port towns. 140-141. 02 0a that inasmuch as the place was called Eleinopolis (miserable city) by the rustics. they decided that henceforth “not only correct belief but also living the faith”03 were necessary. were all drowned when the river suddenly flooded. this superstitious behavior was not peculiarly Byzantine but was also characteristic of the fifth century Athenians. The decision to dividc the armies on the eve of the fateful battle was due.. brought Romanus no respite. Contrary to Gibbon. T h e armies continued their march to the northwestern shores and the vicinity of Lake Van. the soldiers remarked Ibid. for the Greeks of the city complained against their Armenian neighbors. 144. a sight that was morbidly suggestive. but upon arriving at Heracleous Comopolis. 143. 145. Attaliates. where the river went underground in the vicinity of the sanctuary. 144. he broke off his march on Damascus and retired to the east with such haste that his army virutally disbanded and the animals were drowned in crossing the Euphrates. and just before reaching the borderlands they had seen the corpses of their former comrades.. But when the ravages spread to the regions inhabited by the Greeks. Scylitzes. So h e set out in an effort to catch up with the marauders. Brosset. this was very definitely unlucky. to the intelligence report of Leo Diabatenus who wrote that as soon as Alp Arslan had received news of the Byzantine advance. The an emperor himself seems not to have been perturbed by such superstitious signs and moved on to the important military station of Dorylaeumo7 and to the theme of Anatolicon to muster the Anatolian armies. a n d ugly spectacles studded the beginning of Romanus’ final campaign ( I 071) against thc Turks as his armies journeyed to the eastern front. i I Munzikert (1071) Accidents. the central pole supporting it gave way and the tent. Upon arrival in Erzerum. 05 O0 96 97 .” The inhabitants. Comnenus was forced to divide his army and to send a large portion ofit to relieve the besieged city. .. but felt by many others to be a forewarning of evils to come. caverns. he ordered the fleet to avoid it as the name was not propitious to the expedition (pp. after the imperial tent had been raised. 0’ Bryennius. A gray dove alighted on Romanus’ ship and came to the emperor’s hand as the imperial vessel was crossing the Bosphorus to Asia. But as these had scattered to the mountaintops. and especially the drowning of the fugitives in the underground caverns. T h e following station. and carriages were consumed by the flames. evil omens. and the raiders “filled the region with murder. the city sacred to the Archangel Michael. SO the armies were sent out under the command of Manuel Comnenus. The expedition crossed the Halys. the city of Chonae had been savagely pillaged by the Turks. The sultan had not been interested i n attacking the Byzantine Ibid. who severely criticized this supersititious behavior as Byzantine. and Melitene to be a sign of God’s anger with the Armenian and Syrian heretics who inhabited this area.POLITICAL AND MILITARY COLLAPSE POLITICAL AND MILITARY COLLAPSE direction of Iconium. h e was informed that the Turks had already sacked the cityaQ2 One year later it was the turn of Chonae. the emperor receiving news of this only after he had arrived i n Sebasteia. instead of at Neocome. T h e mercenaries had rebelled. and this in particular was interpreted as a bad omen. 346. He asked the name of the port.”OQThe march to the eastern front must have had quite a demoralizing effect on the soldiery for they had seen many frightening signs. 223-224). The sack of Chonae. 135-137. Romanus and his troops were treated to the sight of the corpses of Manuel Comnenus’ army that had been handled so roughly by the Turks i n 1070. 686-687. 35. I M . I. 689. collapsedY06 event too obvious in its implications to pass unnoticed.Q4 Upon the pitching of the imperial pavilion a t Helenopolis. Gkorgie. Cedrenus relates that formerly the Greeks had interpreted the devastations and incursions of the Turks in Iberia. eventually making its way to the military station of Cryapege. the Greeks had complained about Armenian cruelty. for the structure built to house Romanus and his retinue caught fire. Here again the emperor’s coming misfortune seemed to be announced. O 4 Attaliates. As Hierapolis in Syria was under a severe siege. 11. perhaps. armor. Sebasteia. Liparites had refused t o fight the Turks at the appropriate moment because it fell on a day not propitious to him. and his select horses. bridles. On the road from Sebasteia to Coloneia. were taken by Byzantine society to be a n indication of God’s wrath. and on being told that it was Phygela. and other places of refuge (because of the Turkish raids). 11. The famed shrine of the Archangel was profaned and turned into a stable for the Turkish horses. who were accustomed to flee to the caverns. Though some of the animals were saved. Romanus next crossed the Sangarius River at the Zompus Bridge in hopes of collecting the Anatolian levies. and it was here that the German mercenaries attacked Romanus. H e himself encamped with t h e remainder of the army a t Sebasteia where he was defeated and captured by the Turkish emir Chrysoscule. No sooner had the emperor received this news i n Constantinople than an even greater disaster was reported to him. 148. Indeed. others were to be seen running wildly through the camp. Romanus took few of them. rations for two months were passed out to the army as “they were about to march through uninhabited land which had been trampled underfoot by the foreigners. Zbid. intending to take Manzikert and Chliat. living torches. Mesopotamia up to Lycandus. I n 1070 Romanus had been forced to remain in Constantinople to keep a n eye on the bureaucrats and the Ducas family. a sign interpreted by some to bode well.Scylitzes. The prevalence of superstition at critical points in Byzantine history is striking. 327-328. 683-684. comments upon the desertion of these areas. 0 8 Attaliates. Attaliates.

first accused Bryennius of cowardice. Sometime previous to Romanus’ final campaign. Unknown to him. the Turks attacked them by riding around the camp and raining arrows upon them from horseback.1EVOV. Attaliates. deserted to the Turks. and then to rejoin his forces before Chliat. As Romanus was not disposed to accept the offer. 158. Reasoning that the sultan was afraid and his forces weak. so he decided to march out against the Turks on the next day. I. Even though he sent messengers to summon them. a n d returned to the Balkans. Romanus immediately marshaled his force and set out to seek the enemy. the sultan hurriedly. but quietly. was punished most severely by Romanus. lo4Bryennius. As yet the emperor had not realized that the sultan was present. without bothering to inform the emperor. Romanus retired to his camp outside the city and planned to march to Chliat on the following day to rejoin the major portion of the army. As the body of Turkish and Daylamite defenders in Manzikert was negligable. and the pursuers could not be distinguished from the pursucd. Basilacius and his troops charged the Turks. the sacred vanguard of t h e army. they simply deserted. they were nowhere in sight so the emperor returned to camp. making noise and shooting their arrows. as the majority of his forces were still supposedly encamped before Chliat. This increased the fear of the Byzantine generals and further undermined the morale of the troops. The sultan was merely stalling for time. Manzikert fell almost without resistance. Basilacius was captured near the encmy defenses. but. who appealed to him to come to their aid. had dispersed upon hearing of the sultan’s arrival. with the Frank. the counselors Attaliates.” B~zntziiot~. “Manzikert.. Romanus further weakened his army by sending the majority of it. forced them to retreat. but as he was soon being hard pressed by the Turkish force he sent an urgent message for reinforcements. but as they had retired before the charge of Basilacius. does not indicate that this occurred prior to Romanus’ expedition. loo Thcir 99 . H e implies also that Alp Arslan received news of lo2 Ibid. however.627-628 (hereafter cited as Cahen. lD6 this after Romanus was already i n Armenia. But Diabatenus failed to keep him informed of later developments. the emperor disregarded his state of asylum and had his nose slit. the Turkish emir Afsinios had raided central Anatolia with such ease that he reported to the sultan that Asia Minor was defenseless. 149. the emperor’s counselors strengthened the emperor in his resolve and advised him to reject the sultan’s pcace offer. 155-156. but evenlually sent another force under Basilacius to aid him. they had fled across the regions of Byzantine Mesopotamia to Anat01ia. under their leader Tamis. is not to be preferred lo that of Attaliates in the details that follow.100 In dividing his forces. Tarchaniotes and Roussel. After having captured Manzikert.remarks t h a t even in this moment of victory portents of impending disaster were present. the Byzantines began to fear. did not attempt to enter but remained before the camp during the whole night. though seriously wounded. 1 2 0 .POLITICAL AND MILITARY COLLAPSE POLITICAL AND MILITARY COLLAPSE borders but was occupied with his schemes against the Fatimids.lo8Whatever the reason.102 ~~~ The strategy of the emperor. he informed the envoys. which is not what Bar Hebraeus says. gathered his forces and marched on Manzikcrt. a nd he believed that this was just a raiding force of Turks under some emir.lO4 On the report ofBasilacius’ capture. The narrative of Bryennius. lo8 Bar Hebraeus. seemed justified on the basis of his intelligence reports. and the very best troops.” and fear of the unknown were spread throughout the camp by the sound and sight of the many returning troops who had been wounded by Turkish arrows. Romanus wished to reduce Manzikert (captured by the sultan in the previous year). because they now feared the remainder of the Uzes would desert. possibly for this very same reason. Romanus himself wished to come to close quarters with the Turkish forces immediately and thus to determine the issue without further delay. still unaware of the true nature of the situation. A soldier. the sultan would have to withdraw from his present camp and let Romanus occupy it. I t was a t this time that the advance body of the sultan’s army came upon Byzantine forces that were foraging in thevicinity ofManzikert. IX (1934). H e had hesitated. Uze. This brought t h e fear of divine rctribution upon many of the soldiers. w h o had taken a donkey from a Turk. to Chliat under the leadership of Joseph T a r c h a n i o t e ~ . Bryennius. remarks that the sultan had prepared an ambush. ‘‘ fiV 68 T b 6 y X E l p l U & kKE[Vy U T p U T l u T l K b V T b k p I T 6 V T E KCri 6 U a p ~ d T ~ ~ K&V Tar5 CJWpWAOKUTSK d TOIS &hhOlST O h 8 p O l g TTpOKIV6IVEfiOV K q i Tpouo V . Attaliates graphically depicts the sleepless night passed by the terrorized troops in the encampment. Attaliates.106 T h a t night while the Uze mercenaries were outside the encampment buying goods from the merchants. T e pUUlhEi. sent to Anatolia to fight the Seljuks. It was a moonless night. the emperor felt that they might not arrive in time. he placed s t i r conditions on the opening of such discussions. in thc pursuit that followed. Romanus. In spite of the man’s supplication before the icon of the Blachernitissa. 154. The mercenaries rushed backinto the enclosed camp in such disorder that those inside feared the Turks would enter the camp simultaneously and then all would be lost. KUl E f S Whf@OS TOhb T P O 6 X O V T G V hTOKpUTll88VTWV 152--153.l~~ Unexpectedly an embassy from the sultan arrived bringing proposals for peace. lo‘ Attaliates. Before he would consider the proposition. for on his way eastward Alp Arslan received the fugitives from Manzikert. however. which had called for the splitting of the armies and which had left him with the weaker portion. and Byzantine troops under them. and for this reason the advance of Romanus had caught him by surprise. recrossed the Dosphorus. Cahen. and.lOO The Byzantines achieved a temporary success when their archers marched out and drove the Turkish forces away from the encampment with heavy losses to the latter. and this suspence loo Cahen.” p. 628. Attaliates remarking that to the Byzantines the Turks and Uzes looked alike. “Manzikert”). The emperor sent out Nicephorus Byrennius to oppose them. 38-39. pq61. unreliability had been dramatically displayed in the time of Constantine IX when. “La campagne d e Mantzikert d’aprhs les sources musulmanes. The Turks. returned to the side of the emperor. O n the following day a portion of the Uze mercenaries.

remarks that Andronicus. But h e had to satisfy himself with an oath that the Caesar and his sons would never be disloyal to him (Psellus-Renauld. Cahen discredits the account of Attaliates. Michael Ducas. Zonaras. O n the day of battle Romanus drew up all his troops. Cahen has rejected Attaliates’ account of the battle on the following grounds.loORomanus halted the pursuit. Nicephorus Bryennius.” Thcrefore the man who. the only eyewitness whose record has survived. Nicephorus I11 Botaniates. though Matthew is confused and adds a few details not in Atlaliates. There were other factors that must have heIped persuade him. avec le scrviteur de Botaniate. the son of the Caesar John Ducas (the brolher of Constantine X Ducas. H e began writing his work probably in the latter years of the reign of Alexius Comnenus (ro81-r1IS). 308-309. then has interpreted this key passage as follows: Attaliates blamed Michael Ducas for the catastrophe a t Manzikert. betrayed Romanus was a cousin of Michael Ducas and not Michael Ducas himself. Nicephorus Bryennius. At one point in the battle Attaliates records that one of Romanus’ personal enemies intentionally spread the false rumor that Romanus had been defeated. commanded the ~ ~ X O V T ‘ E SSee also Sawirus ibn al-Mukaffa’. iii.” dcsertion is echoed cven in the clironiclc of Michael the Syrian. b u t by and large the narrative of Attaliates is longer and more detailed. “p6hhov 68 TIS TGV~ ~ ~ E ~ ~ E U ~ V T C ’AvGp6vt~osb TOG Kaluapos $v ulbs TGV W 6QPaoihBwv ~ < & ~ E ~-T o sP. that Romanus and his nobles were divided and that most of them abandoned him on the field of battle. leaving none to guard the camp. but otherwise it must yield to the version of Attaliates. Although it may be true that later authors relied upon valuable archival material that is now lost. But in so doing. 11. 1 . a n d in this the counselors succeeded in persuading Romanus. 111. Cahen’s article. The accounts of the defeat given by Attaliates and Bryennius are quite different. and that h e then took his men and left the emperor on the field of action. 41. H e arrested the Caesar on several occasions and even considered putting him to death. did not write his history of Damascus until sometime aftcr 1145. 160-161. la memoire de Michcl Dukas.” (Cahen. “ ~ 68 nhrimov cpuy4 71s KaTEIxEv b airro65. H e does give certain details that Attaliates omits. Cahen. as mentioned above. and so the emperor needed everyone he could muster on the fighting line. &EI y h p 6 TE Kaicrap K a l 01 T O ~ T O U VIEIS Iq~fiFp~uov PautAei K a l &cpavGS P T E ~ o ~ ~ ~ ~ L J O UThe tradition of Andronicus’ T@ . Therefore we must not reject Attaliates on Cahen’s grounds that ostensibly the historian has distorted the facts in order to blacken the memory of Michael Ducas. 635. repeats Attaliates’ charge that Andronicus Ducas bctrayed the emperor by a premeditated plot. a h b s T ~ V TOIOGTOV A6yov rois o-rpa-nh-raiS ~I~~ITEIPE.” Bryennius. the future Michael VII. Of those authors who have left us accounts of the events that took place at the fateful battle. 701. When Bryennius’ account coincides with that of Attaliates. deciding to Such is the account of Attaliates. Let us look a t the text once more: B<&G~Acpos$u TQ TOG P a o i h b ~ The correct translation is. so far as we know. Most of his army. but as Attaliates was an cycwitncss. He now h a d before him the sultan himself. Both are reliable.” I n other words. Bryennius commanded the left wing. T h e military activities h a d been extremely expensive. Thus the account of Attaliates has incontestable superiority on the basis of nearness to thc event itself. “En fait. So Romanus made what seemed to him the logical choice: force the issue with the enemy of the empire now. Sometime before departing for his final 1 Anatolian compaign in 1071. So Romanus ordered the army to retire from the pursuit and to march back to camp. cnrvTE-ray@aS t66vras -rds TGU‘Pwpalwv cpuhhayyas P T&<EI K a l K~CTD-I(?) l v Ka ITO~E~IKG~ -rrapatrrfiNa-ri. the passage in Attaliates refers not to the future emperor Michael Ducas. exccllent in other respects. I01 I00 . but to Andronicus his cousin. Who was this cousin of Michael Ducas? The other Greek texts tell us. lTpOpEpOUhEU~8VqVBXWV TGV K & T O b T O U C hripowh4v. remarks that the Caesar and his sons were constantly plotting against Romanus. 161-162). as they had done previously. he exiled the Caesar to Bithynia (Bryennius. prefcrring the narrative of other historians. K a l T O ~ S e p i a h b v crrpcrrth. Michael Ducas. “ c j s 6’ o ~ o h h o l-rhqpo~opoOo~v. he was really attempting to blacken the character of Michael VII whom Attaliates’ hero. and Andronicus Ducas was placed in the rear with a large body of hetairoi and archonles. and then following the mistranslation of the critical passage. participated.rlpos U AaoO) c u h E ~ T ~ -rrapE@ohGu P-ruv8SpapE.K a l T+QJ T O ~ S OIKEIOUS 2rvaAaphv (P~TEIT~OTWTO y d p -rap& ~ i j sTOG PaaihiwS KahoKayaBlas ofi ~ I K P ~TI ~. is confused and contains considerable error as a result of misuse of the Greek texts. the sultan’s forces gave way and retreated. There were other issues as well to be considered. and it was not Iikely tha t the emperor could muster another such force in the near future. Manzikert. The imperial standard was turned from the direction ofthe enemy toward the camp and lo8 Bryennius. split up into small but rapidly striking bodies. T h e behavior of Andronicus during thc battle is in consonance with the great tension between the Ducas family and Romanus before the battle. Psellus and the Ducas’ were constantly plotting against him in Constantinople and during the preceding year he had not been able to leave Constantinople because of this fact. Bryennius and Attaliates give two entirely different versions of the battle. B & ~ E ~ T o ~ &V T$ T O O paUthhs TpOyOVq MiXafiA. Romanus the center. and their promptness in removing him from the throne afterward. and even later.” Zonaras.POLITICAL AND MILITARY COLLAPSE POLITrOAL AND MILITARY COLLAPSE argued. “Being a cousin to Michael the emperor’s step-son. 43). according to Attaliates. Attaliates remains our most reliable source. for they were always on the move. -rrpoyovg Mixafih. and so did not see them. thus Andronicus was the cousin of Michael Ducas) had been put in charge of the rear guard with the archontes and the hetairoi: “ofipayeiv 6Q~ T ~ T U K T6 TOG Kalaapos ulos O b 1~pb~6pos V ~ ~ ~ V I KT&S TE TBV8-ralpwv T&&K Exwv K a l ~ h TBV+X~VTWV.” but strangely it has not been critically examined from the side of the Greek sources. was born in 1062 and therefore was only nine years of age when the battle occurred.” ’A OS s Bryennius adds. even Bryennius (Cahen’s primary authority) knew of the instability of Andronicus Ducas. a similar opportunity would never present itself again. Alyattes the right wing. il est inutile de salir. 1 1 169. therefore. the emperor pursuing them until evening.) And with this. 11. did not leave Constantinople at this time and so was not present a t the battle. had been sent to invest Chliat. 160-161). Scylitzes. and as soon as his forces should be augmented he would return a n d attack the empire. When properly translated. removed from the throne. and thc remaining Muslim and Eastern Christian sources spread themselves from this time until the late thirteenth century 100 ~ I I return to the camp (now divested of guards) lest the Turks return at night and attack it. 41. 41. also remarks that the Turks feared to opposc the Byzantines en masse. and it is his account that deserves the greatest degree of credence. This is obviously a reference to the withdrawal of Andronicus who .ras drvaAaPcjv Taxljs ~ f i r VapEDpohfj lTol-rquev. I b n al-Qalanisi. In 1070 it would seem that Romanus had remained in Constantinople because of the hcightened tensions between himself and the Ducas family. he rejects Attaliates as a primary authority on the basis of this mistranslation. who records 1. and is. ‘‘ 06 . whose account Cahen prefers. The oldest of the Muslim sources. His mistakes result from the mistranslation of Attaliates.rr&vu 6$ qihlos Exwu n p b s paothia. Scylitzes. nevertheless they were removed from the events in time and place. that pcrhaps as much as forty years had elapscd between the battIe and his writing. T h e battle of Manzikert has been thoroughly investigated from the point of view or the Muslim sources by Cahen.” Who was this E E & ~ E ~ Q o s pys S V &v TQ TOO PaathiwS -rpoyov@ M i x a j h ? Cahen has taken the phrase to refer to the son of Constantine X Ducas.lo8 When the emperor attacked. Then it had been difficult to catch the Turks during his four year reign. ~ TGV PTE~PEU~VTCOU l 6 i a h q TIS. O ~ E ~ O U ~Exwv~T+VV I-ripouhjv airrbs 61’ iavToG T ~ V ~ ~ E V ~ ~ V TOIOGTOV hbyov ~I~UTTEIPE. his account must be preferred. it can be acceptcd. and Matthew of Edessa repeat the version of Attaliates. Attaliates is the only one who was present. thus precipitating the rout (Attaliates.

1 ll& I n actual fact the treatment that Romanus Diogenes received at the hands of the magnanimous Alp Arslan is highly praised by all the sources. he also remarks (42). one is struck by a number of factors that. 41. lo reexamining the details of this most important battle. Cahen. by 1071. I02 103 . prirent la fuite des premikres et tournkrent le dos dans la bataille. Michael the Syrian relates that the Armenian troops. policy much employed by the bureaucrats as a n antidote to the power of the generals.ll6 Unfortunately for the empire. 163. “Byzance et les Turcs seldjoucides en Asie Mineure.” pp.” Bw<ccv~L~ (191I .l17 The Franks of Roussel and the Uzes who were sent to Chliat simply fled on news of the sultan’s approach.l15 I n Attaliates. “Les troupes des Armeniens.ll8 By this time the Turkish horsemen were attacking the fleeing troops. Romanus had arrested and exiled the Caesar John Ducas. It is true that the defeat of the Byzantine armies in 1071 h a d opened Anatolia to the Turks. The terrorization was finally completed by the gradual desertion of the Cappadocians and the appearance of the imperial horses in the camp.. that is. i t was instead the Turkmen tribes that consummated the military victory by swarming into Anatolia literally unopposed.” I n essence. by now becoming awarc of this amazing development. Rather they came to raid and plunder in the vast expanses of Anatolia and thus disrupted what little was left of the Byzantine administrative and military apparatus. father of Andronicus. Vismara. 158-159. had already enjoyed a considerable history in the empire’s evolution during the eleventh century. Andronicus Ducas intentionally spread the false rumor that the emperor had been dcfeated and withdrew his men from the field i n haste. bringing them to the camp. 161-162. slaying.l12 This is in complete accord with the accounts of Attaliates and Bryennius. Regeslen. but especially by the Greek historians. remarks of Andronicus. 992-994. 169. 1 4 Ibid. capturing. thought that the emperor had been defeated. “orlr T&VV 68 q~tAlwS BXEW vpb5 pacrthia. 111. informed the sultan and so they came out to attack the emperor who had been abandoned on the field by much of the army. G36-637. that the rear guard immediatcly withdrew after the Turks made their U a first contact with the Greeks.. 101-126. a minority of the whole. 1950). The whole episode is vaguely but definitely echoed in the later account of Michael the Syrian who remarks that Romanus and his nobles were at odds. 117 Attaliates. and Germans had attacked Romanus at Cryapege. biitial Turkish Conquest and Occutation of Anatolia (1071-81) Alp ArsIan was apparently not interested in exploiting directly his great victory at Manzikert. deserted. I 62. There is no indication that they attempted to found a state when they first came. for he and his family had been waiting for an opportunity to do away with their hated enemy.G. The Byzantine sources state categorically that Ducas was executing a premeditated plot. ‘‘ €ljb!q 6’ ~ V E X ~ ~ OK l V01 m p l TT)V oirpayfav. to these internal developments i n the Byzantine Empire which had fuscd to produce the situation prevailing in the Byzantine ranks in 1071. Ibid. Leurs traitis anterieurs B Alexius I1 Cornntne. no. so ominously forecast when Romanus had stopped a t Sebasteia on his way to Manzikert. presents a sketch of diplomatic relations between Byzantium and the SeljukOttoman Turks. Dolger. the anarchy in the armies thus begun by the activities of Andronicus Ducas spread rapidly and the emperor was unable to halt it. Only the followers of Tamis. the latter or whom tells us that the archantes or nobles were under the command of Ducas. the rumors began to spread among the demoralized men. Romanus fighting until he was wounded in the arm and his horse shot out from under him. The treachery of Andronicus Ducas was purely and simply one of the more dramatic a n d consequential acts i n the long and bitter strife between bureaucrats and militarists. were the first to flee and that all of them fled from the battlefield. who personally administered the oath to the remainder of the Uzes specifically states that they remained loyal throughout the battle.who asserts that all the Patzinaks andUzes deserted. 169. Bryennius does not contradict Attaliatcs’ charge of the treachery and withdrawal of Andronicus. 118 Michael the Syrian.llDbut their appearance. and then that most of the nobles abandoned him in the battle. then. and trampling them underfoot. were greatly faciliated and lla Michael VII rewarded his relative with gifts of land and immunities in the regions of Miletus in the year 1073. On this interesting episode and the famous dialogue between the two sovereigns see Attaliates. 161-162.” On this question and on thc treaties between Byzantium and the Seljuks. 169). then. Thus Matthew ofEdessa (p. 44745.1l0 But those who were far away. but as the men fled toward the encampment. All this was complicated by the enmity of Greeks and Armenians. Per la s h i n dei trattati tm la Cirristiarzitn orienlale e le patenze niusulinnne (Milan. The Turks on the heights. 111. it was not to be the final act of this drama. upon seeing the reversal of the imperial standard. Given the already nervous state of the soldiers. but according to the others he had been killed. the supreme disgrace had occurred: the august and living person of the Basileus Rhomaion had fallen into the hands of barlsarians. qu’ils voulaient contraindre B adopter leur htrtsie. Bisanzio e l’lslnm. J. has to be corrected. and the struggle between administrators and soldiers was to have dire consequences in the decade to follow. the demobilization of the local armies and use of hired foreigners. Laurent.11* T h e great victory of Alp Arslan in 1 0 7 1 was due to a large degree. as a result of religious persecution. More specifically. Romanus and those about him dcfended themselves bravely and for a long time.” Though his account of the battle differs from that of Attaliates.POLITICAL AND MILITARY COLLAPSE POLITICAL AND MILITARY COLLAPSE the soldiers in the vicinity of the emperor evidently performed the movement correctly. He confirms it. 113 Attaliates. and finally their settlement. Even Bryennius.111 One must recall in this conjunction that prior to his expedition in 1071. 11* Michael the Syrian.I ~ I Z ) . pp. 164-166. The desertion of the Uze mercenaries under Tamis to the Turks is again another act from the same drama.114 For the first time in the long history of the Byzantine empire. According to some the emperor had defeated the Turks. 69-78. “Manzikert.

were able to control the government for six years after the death of Romanus. knowingly o r unknowingly. speaks of the 1 many r a p q a f . attempted to found a new Normandy in northern Asia Minor during the chaos that enveloped Anatolia following Manzikert. the Turkish renegade Chrysoscule. enduring until the final Ottoman reunification and political conquest of the large peninsula. first at Doceia. relates that it was after the Sultan heard of Romanus’ death that the Turks raided and plundered the whole of the east. and finally at Adana to alter his evil fate. OT&UEIS in the east after Romanus’ death. But when the military reaction came. but the desire for the imperial crown was overpowering. Scylitzes.” Actes du XII‘ con& international d ‘ h d e s Oyrnniines (Belgrade. immediately following Manzikert. and in the vacuum Turks. By this time the true nature of the Turkish menace was apparent to all.V- POLITICAL AND MILITARY COLLAPSE POLITICAL AND MILITARY COLLAPSE accelerated by the continuation of those very factors that had brought Byzantium to the brink at Manzikert. 726. Synnadenus. Iza Bryennius. it was violent and once more mobilized what was left of the armies in the west and the east in a suicidal war. Simultaneously. a t the northwestern extremity of the peninsula. at last had a good opportunity to throw off the hated Byantine authority and to give expression to their own separatist desires. H. T h e strife between the generals and bureaucrats not only did not abate. in 1077. the Armenian princes and adventurers. I 20. they also rebelled. and Normans attempted to found states. dcrrooraulai. but the very appearance of the Turks in Anatolia seemed to add a certain zest to the struggle as each side strove to outdo the other in purchasing Turkish military aid in a quest for power. Still more fateful was thc precedent of Romanus in appealing to the Turks for aid i n the civil war. then in Cappadocia. Consequently. but without success. moment when the borders were completely open to the Turkish tribes. Goudeles. as a reward for his suppression of the Bulgarian rebellion at Skopia which had previously broken out. “Un aspect des relations byzantino-turques en I 073-1 074. Bryennius. first under the leadership of the Caesar John and then under the notorious eunuch Nicephoritzes. Even so. 735. and Melissenus. was to be assassinated by the agents of Nicephoritzes. Alp Arslan. The same author (gg). 15-15. 168-175. Romanus tried vainly. I I 8. 1073-1074. Upon receipt of the news of Romanus’ release. Farther to the south. out of all this chaos and upheaval. declared Nicephorus Bryennius emperor. In short. capitalized upon the provincial dissatisfaction with the government’s neglect and inability to halt the Turks. 11. 45-55.lZ0The description of his brutal blinding. The bureaucrats. The captivity of Romanus had enabled the Caesar John Ducas to seize control of the government in Constantinople and to promote his nephew Michael VII to the throne. Again one sees how complete was the breakdown that the provincial military system had suffered. Bryennius. 4 ‘05 . This graphically illustrates how narrow and selfish political considerations outweighed all other factors. Michael V I I immediately hired the services of Sulayman to halt the advance of the rebel. Simultaneously. 57. The mercenaries. creating ever greater difficulties.121 a pattern that was to become firmly established in the internal strife of the next critical decade. 11. I 17-1 18. Thus Sulayman changed sides. Manzikert resulted in the destruction of a comparatively stable political unity in Anatolia and substituted for it a relatively unstable system of smaller quarreling states which would keep Anatolia in a more or less constant state of war and unrest. the Patzinaks. is a fitting finale to this act in the political collapse of medieval Hellenism in its foyer. Nicephorus Botaniates.lZzIt is significant that up until the time he reached Nicaea. x964). the Turkish danger included. the Ducas family in the capital was faced with a serious problem and the result was a civil war in Anatolia which involved what was left of the Byzantine armies. thereby causing Botaniates to abandon the regular roads and to travel by night in order to avoid his Turkish pursuers. who was with him. I 0. Fortunately for Botaniates. contributed to the Turkish penetration of Rum when he released Romanus Diogenes after the latter’s defeat and capture. In the end he was defeated and captured by the very man who had betrayed him at Manzikert. finding no armies before them. and marched the western armies on Constantinople. and so raised the standard of rebellion in the east. Armenians. 1241bid.. supported by the Anatolian magnates Cabasilas. 707-709. raided t o the very walls of Adrianople unopposed. the Turks caught up with him before he was able to reach Nicaea. Scylitzes 1 . Botaniates had been able to gather no more than 300 men with which to take Constantinople. Because his brother and Basilacius were likewise slighted by the bureaucrats in the capital. Finally. secure in their mountain strongholds in the craggy Taurus area. the fragmentary Byzantine armies were used to fight one another at the very laa Attaliates. Nicephorus Bryennius. and accompanied the insurgent to the shores of the B o s p h o r u ~where he probably had his . At that time two generals.lZs When news of the outbreak reached the court. 1x9. intervened with Sulayman and was able to bribe him t o abandon the emperor and t o support Botaniates. T h e emperor Michael had negotiated not only with Sulayman but with Ivlalik Shah as well. Straboromanus. to both bureaucrats and generals. Nicephorus Bryennius and Nicephorus Botaniates rebelled in the Balkans and Anatolia respectively. the Seljuk princes founded a new state in Nicaea. Byzantine administrative authority collapsed in Asia Minor. Antoniades-Bibicou. During this rebellion in the west. on the very Anatolian soil that he had so valiantly but vainly fought to protect. Palaeologus. other Muslim dynasties were arising in the political debris at the end of the century in northeastern Anatolia.~~~ first sight of the city destined to become the center of Turkish might 1 8 1 Bryennius. 12a Scylitzes 11. Andronicus Ducas.

153-165. . The most spectacular of these attempts to found a state on Anatolian soil was that of the mercenary leader Roussel of Bailleul.H. Ian Nevertheless the court had moved hastily to ransom the Caesar for fear that the Turks would utilize him as Roussel had planned to do. and C y . lZo L. On his return to Pontus with a force lsa Bryennius. Brthier. These cities opened their gates to Melissenus when he appeared as emperor. Schlumberger. H e began to besiege. l ~ ~ The civil strife in the empire did not cease with Botaniates’ accession to the throne for he still had to deal with the rebellion of Bryennius in the west.~ i c u s . 73-74. Roussel and his Franks were victorious.” Reuue des c o i m et cotlfretices. Roussel used this incident as a pretext to rebel. 289-303. and then he turned them over to his Turkish allies. 158. G. la‘ Ibid.700 to 3. hoping thus to obtain the allegiance of the remaining Byzantine soldiery in Anatolia and also to collect the taxes from the cities. the descendants of thc Norsemen had the most highly developed political instinct. and thus enter the towns and collect m0neys. The Franks. Derfratikisclie Krieger Ursel de Bnilled (Athens. Actually the punishment of his soldier was only an excuse.. Bryennius. Ruphinianae. Here he hoped to found a more modest state. separatist political movements began to crystallize in Asia Minor.POLITICAL AND MILITARY COLLAPSE POLITICAL AND MILITARY COLLAPSE almost four centuries later. 81-83. Roussel was defeated and both he and the Caesar were captured and held for ransom.1~5Having renounced his more grandiose scheme. Ia4 Bryennius.but en route he had occasion to punish one of the Normans for Attaliates. The Caesar John and Nicephorus Botaniates were dispatched with military forces to put down Roussel before he could consolidate his position. “Les Francs au service des Byzantins.” E.000. and for yet one more time the provinces were lcft unprotected. As Botaniates had been short of troops. Chrysopolis. Attaliates. IS1 Ibid. the Byzantine army suffered a crushing defeat and the Caesar was taken captive. that of Basilacius. “Deux chefs normands des armtes byzantines au XIe siCcle: sceaux de Herv6 et de Roussel de Bailleul. 190. and marched through Bithynia to the Bosphorus where he burned Chrysopolis. and raiding Amaseia. and other towns. Mekios..Russia. for Roussel had no doubt been planning his rebellion for some time.00 Normans and marching northward toward his estates in the Armeniacon. succeeded in removing Botaniates from the throne. Neocaesareia. R. Michael VII was forccd to send Isaac Comnenus with an army in an effort to halt their ravages (1073)..” Bymnhn. Roussel withdrew to Armeniacon where he drove out the Turks. opening large numbcrs of towns of western Anatolia to them. but not before thc rebellion of Alexius’ brother-in-law Nicephorus Melissenus complicated the chaos. Attaliates. laa I 06 ‘07 . I<. Michael VII enlisted the services of the emir Artuk who had appeared in the regions of the Bithynian fortress of Metabole with a large contingent of Turks. 1939). Chalcedon. even af&r incorporating the troops of Nicaea into his armies. Subsequently many of the Turks were posted as guards to hold the various cities through which Botaniates passed-Nicaea. another broke Out. Attaliates. . profiting from his victory over the Caesar.” R. 189. forced the urban centers to pay their taxes to him. Pylae. Ibid. Marquis de la Force. Roussel de Bailleul. XI (1g36). 77-80. XVI (1881).. and so sent Nicephorus Palaeologus to the Caucasus to raise a new army of mercenaries. AS the Turks were the military masters. upon hearing oE his rebellion. were marched toward the Bosphorus.12’ When Alexius rebelled (1081) the tattered armies of the east and west were mustered.12*Once the rebellion ofBryennius was stifled. Nicomedia.128 In the rapid disintegration that followed thc battle of Manzikert and during the course of the subsequent civil war. he sought and obtained their alliance. 263-268. Janin. XXIx (1930). Of all the mercenaries in Byzantine service. “Les conseillers latins d’Alcxius Comnkne. had flocked to his standards to the number of 1. XX (191 1-1912). 149 ff. 77. but as he was drastically short of troops. Alexius Comnenus was sent to face Bryennius. at the head of the western armies. subjected all the towns in the region of the Sangarius River to his authority.131 There seemed to be no way to stop Roussel after this victory. in Anatolia. T h e rebellion took on even more serious overtones as Roussel proceeded to acclaim the Caesar John emperor.81-82.120 who found conditions i n the peninsula ripe for his attempt to establish a new Normandy in southern climes.000 Turkish horsemen furnished by Sulayman and Mansur who a t this time were still in Nicaea. 130. with traditions going back zoo years and extending to . he was i n the end forced to rely upon 2. but i n the battIe fought a t the Sangarius River. The government in Constantinople was no nearer to the solution of its Norman dilemma. Attaliates. Sicily. Bryennius. las Ibid. Alexius Comnenus. 190-192. forcing them to pay him tribute. But once more Roussel escaped the imperial authorities. las t mistreating a local inhabitant. having been ransomed from the Turks by his wife before the imperial envoys could reach the Turkish camp. now long rampant. 61-72.130 It soon became clear in Constantinople that this was not the customary mercenary rebellion.132 Roussel. 188.la3 Defenseless before the victorious progress of Roussel. h e had embodied the Turks of Sulayman i n his forces. and the emperor with his advisers feared that given the state of imperial impotence in the province Roussel would succeed in establishing a new state. 196. plunder.O.. and England. and subject the cities and towns of the regions of Galatia and Lycaonia. “Les aventures d’un chef normand en Orient au XIe sikcle . While the Turkish flood poured into the whole of Anatolia. taking his 4. Praenetus.

74. Cedrenus. Byzance et les Tiircs. 108 . l ~ ~ The rebellion of Roussel illustrates how unreliable a n army based so largely on mercenary loyalty could be. Adom and Abucahl of Vaspuracan. I 83. and elsewhere. that o€ Roussel was the cause of the greatest of all evils to the em~ire. B z n e el les Turcs. the government had to rely first on Alan soldiers. Bryennius states that of all the upheavals. pp. killing the Greek metropolitan of Caesareia..1~~ basis of The his army was a body 0f8.!?tides dnnhienrtes. for the ro‘ d s were A swarming with Turks. he was forced to take ship at Heracleia in order to reach the capital. and when Alexius returned from Amaseia with his captive Roussel. o 63 I -634. It resulted in the calling i n of large Turkish forces as far as Bithynia. Shortly after his capture ofAntioch. “Des Grecs aux CroisCs. B m i e l les T i m . l a 0 For general rcmarks seeJ. laci Cecamenus. Mudaresun. .141 Independent Armenian princes were to be found in Tarsus. The ethnic character of these regions had begun to change with the Byzantine reconquest o f the tenth century when Armenians colonized Cilicia.” 1 4 5 Matthcw of Edessa. 83-90. p.13* Less spectacular. but in the chaos following Manzikert h e set out to make himself independent in the Taurus mountains. and Cilicia. Kal €15 ~ ~ K t@X[pWV 7 f i V 18faV KaT67KTllOlV. p. Byznnce el les T w c s . I 99-206. 301. gg. Laurent. Botaniates concluded a treaty with Philaretus by which the latter acknowledged the suzerainty of Constantinople. thus encouraging thcm. he succeeded in purchasing his enemy from the Turks by bribing the latter to betray Roussel. Because of its own military weakness. Mopsuestia. Laurent. Laurent. and Melitene in Mesopotamia on the north. p. 301. Armenian by birth and Greek in religious afiliation. 18.” Revue des . Kharpert.lS0 The violent hatred of the Armenians for the Greeks.14~ I n spite of the fact that both the Armenians and Greeks hated Philaretus violently. 143 AttaIiates. 367-449. ordering his soldiers to violate the wives of the Greek aristocracy. T h e numerous Armenian chiefs and adventurers. however. This settlement was further reinforced by the transplanting of the Armenians i n the eleventh century. pp. The desperation of the government in this situation is reflected in the final victory that it achieved over Roussel (1074). 142 O n his career. and finally by the flight of Armenians to Cilicia for security from the Turkish raids.Bar Hebraeus. I 75-1 76. rebellions. and as a result eventually found his death at the hands of the Greek landed magnates. and finally upon the Turks. but with a more durable effect. found its satisfaction in the years immediately following Manzikert. were the separatist movements of the Armenian princes in the regions of Mesopotamia. the Taurus. i n this case a certain T u t u ~ h . 81-89. 11. and revolutions that took place in Anatolia after the reinoval of the emperor Romanus IV. pillaging his rich estates.147 he succeeded in establishing himself for a number of years in these strategic regions of Anatolia.000 Alans. and accelerating the Turkish penetration of Anatolia and the ravaging of the towns. Though Alexius once more brought the cities under imperial control.r a p q a l K a l h o m a u l a i K a l u-rdrueis 2N+@-p&v TE K a i C t m S i a p i a e q a a v . and Kalcig of Ani were now free of all Byzantine authority. i gGz). . Ibid. Laurent. 173. energy. Andrioun. I 96. I n a last attempt the government dispatched the future emperor Alexius Comnenus to Amaseia to cope with the rebel. 109 .. Der Nersessian. 23 I.142 Refusing to recognize the authority of Michael VII. 173-174. I1 (Philadelphia.144His primary motive was to establish a state at any cost a n d in this he did not hesitate to call in the aid of the Turkish emirs against recalcitrant Armenian princes145or even to apostatize to Islam. who gives good reasons for dating these events after 1071. Cilicia. “Byzance et Antioche yac sous le curopalate Philartte. 81-89. and Antioch in thc east. ‘ka1 r b h ~ i sf5acrihiKhs € 1 ~ davrbv O I K E I O ~ ~ E V O S . he began to take over many of the Byzantine cities and fortresses that had been isolated and cut off from the capital as a result of the Turkish invasi0ns. Anazarba. taking advantage of tlic collapse of Byzantine authority (in which collapse they had already played a n important role) . 93-95..” in A I~idoryf lhe Crusndes. His domains eventually came to include the regions between Romanopolis. and above all to Turkish aid. and Mesopotamia. Roussel easily defeated and dispersed those few who remained. Attaliates. and h e arrived there without soldiers or money! Thanks to his cunning. and Tarsus in Cilicia on the south. This was in fact to recognize his Matthew of Edessa. he had succeeded only because he had appealed to a Turkish emir in the area. 1 4 0 Ibid. Attaliates.POLITICAL AND MILITARY COLLAPSE POLITICAL AND MILITARY COLLAPSE of 6. Kal dual .” O S Ibid. In Cappadocia. revealing the weaknesses of Constantinoplc. 571.1~7 Bryennius has probably exaggerated very little if at all in his evaluation of the significance of this event. yice “The IGngdom of Cilician Armenia. pp. Nicephorus was unable to pay their salaries and con- sequently most of the Alans simply abandoned him and returned to their homes. p. But both government and rebel did not hesitate to court the Turkish emirs. I 52-1 54. 78.61-68. ““Ooa piv 05v @v@q ~ m T h~ E PET& T ~ V Vw TOG Aioyivou5 TOG P a o i h h s KaOaipEoiv.Ia0 began to assert themselves as independent political factors. 1 4 7 Matthew of Edessa. E ~ S l H y &pOEiuuK a l ~ E Y ~ ~ TKUK& ahla 7ij ‘Pwpalwv yavopivq 6a W V 13O southeastern Anatolia and also by the presence there of a large Armenian population. but in return he was officially given charge of the remnants of Byzantine forces in the southeast a n d received the title of couropalates. pp. pp. I. IX (rgzg). ’ato. who coalesced thesc centrifugal forces to found an extensive state in the Taurus. Laurent. Kakig carried on open warfare against the Greek inhabitants of Cappadocia. l a 7 Bryennius. Lampron. Philaretus Brachamius had held important ofice under Romanus IV. so vividly revealed in the vitriolic pagcs of Matthew of Edessa. They were aided by the mountainous topography of Bryennius. S. p. K a I (55 ti PEYbTIl raaijv -rupuvvist q q ~ Sil TOG 06pUEh[OU.” Bznin I (1g24).ooo Franks and various Armenians and Turks who served under him. It was a Byzantine oflicial.

152 Thus when Isaac and Alexius set out from Ankara for Constantinople via the highway leading through Nicomedia.’J Bryennius. 168 Attaliates. “Artuklularh s o p ve Artuk Bey’in siyasi faaliyetleri. I. for the Turks. were encamped nearby watching the city closely. 81. I 99.lneBut i t was to be the last time that Byzantine armies and officials would be able to cross the Taurus passes. A. Alp Arslan took the opportunity to send the tribes into Asia Minor on a major scale and eventually to occupy the towns and cities. See n. .”165 When Roussel returned to the Armeniac theme he found it full of Turks and proceeded to remove them. 189. But it would seem that many o f these Turks remained behind to raid and that others had occupied various regions which the sourccs do not mention. 123-126. Soon afterward this particular band left Asia Minor. Erzerum. -57. 190. 166-177. 198. Bryennius. 223. With the defection of Roussel and the Normans. when Isaac Comnenus was sent to Caesareia to halt the sacking of the towns and villages in Cappadocia. but by now other Turks had come in. 62-63. Anna p Comnena.POLITICAL AND MILITARY COLLAPSE POLITIOAL AND MILITARY COLLAPSE actual independence and to treat him much i n the same manner as Byzantium had treated the sovereigns of Armenia and Georgia. T h e cities of Pontus were brought under Byzantine authority again. Bar Hebraeus. securely ensconced in the rocky heights of the Taurus. T ~ V 6Oav r6uw ~ ~ ~ O G VKlO ~hhT)i(OVTO. Sevim.148The Normans o f Roussel had not succeeded in founding a state because they were small in number. Upon his return to Ankara in late evening he found the gates locked. deep in Anatolia. 92. stretching from the Black Sea to the Mediterranean. Mkhael secured the aid of a large Turkish army under Artuk who happened to be raiding the eastern regions a t the time. The victors followed up their success by scattering out to plunder. 1 21-146: ‘‘Artukogh Sokmen’in siyasi faaliyetleri. . Adana. 86. p . 167 Bryennius.” Bryennius. upon hearing of Romanus’ blinding.. I I0 . 206-207. Alexius barely escaped capture at their hands while fleeing via Mt.lG8 Though these towns were once more under Greek control. the Taurus. Thus the Armenians consummated the disruption of Byzantine authority in southeastern Asia Minor. See the remarks of Melikoff.. for the defeat of Isaac left the borders defenseless.” All the themes TI^ suffered.lb3 This occupation of the roads and passes by the Turks. and they ’ began to take control of many of the key arterial routes stretching across Anatolia. ” . 16s 16. 184. T a p.rews. . . The events of Roussel’s revolt brought the Turks into the northern regions of Armeniacon and Pontus as well as into Bithynia. Attaliates.” Bellelen. remarks. Following the defeat of Romanus and as a result of the voiding of the treaty between the emperor and the sultan. Because of RousseYs victory over the Caesar and his appearance at Chrysopolis. This armylG4 surprised Roussel a t Metabole. Cilicia. Attaliates relates that the “Turks had scattered out into all the Rliomaic themes. The Turks do not seem to have taken immediate advantage of Manzikert to occupy Asia Minor or to raid on any extensive scale. Darzidttiendtzatne.See below. TGV68 E1S ~b KaT6wtv hay$Gv-rwv 3 m ~ +~Crppou~ 0 6 1 5 ~ Q-rromaa0ELor)s. but Philaretus and the Armenian princes had a t the basis of their political separatism a whole nation. pp. Cities such as Ankara and Gabadonia had been bypassed. I 70. “ol 66 TOG~KOI V T ~ i6tav EKTOTE Ka-rdTpExov dt6EQS. the Turkmens were to carry their raids into almost every corner of the vast peninsula. .l60 The last attempt to halt their Anatolian inroads by meeting them in the east came early in the reign of the feeble Michael VII. VET& r h d u r q S %I &uvCrl. Doceia. XXVI ( I962). m Bryennius.161 Alexius. The degree to which the Turks had penetrated can be ascertained from the narrative of Alcxius’ experiences when he returncd from Amaseia to Constantinople with his prisoner RousseI. That this was so is clearly indicated by the course of events during the civil war between the Ducas’ and Romanus IV. wishing to ransom his brother. picked up the ransom money. Melissopetrium. they were surprised on the road by 200 Turks at Decte.” Ibid. and returned to Ankara. “ 6 ~ 1 V 6 5 KcrrEhvCla~vovTOK d KQT$KI<OV Taka Tais uuvexduiv &ri6popaig. Tyropaeum. collect soldiers i n Iberia and Cappadocia. defeated and captured him. made his way to Constantinople. This geographical range is considerable.” 160 Attaliates. Henceforth.pp. 649-691. 165 Attaliates. and after receiving ransom money returned to eastern Anatolia. directed his troops to take the ‘ I I I‘ land of the Greeks and to shed the blood of the Christians. ETBE~b miTos TGVToirp~twvdtTTEipoI6q3kS Kal 0ahCtuaqs drrrhhou ~ I ~ O ~ ~ EKirya-ra.” V O V Bryennius. 10. especially in that of Attaliates (who was in Anatolia at the time). . and Matthew of Edessa. ‘‘ . . Bryennius.” Matthew of Edessa. and fiom Armenia to Bithynia. Manzikert. 183. “Artukoglu Ilghazi. 301. En route he stopped at Castamon to see his ancestral estates. n. cutting them off from one another and from Constantinople and its representatives. In the accounts of contemporaries. but they suffered isolation as the Turks swarmed about them occupying the countryside. Iberia. . 170. Podantus. In this manner many of the towns in this early period remained in Byzantine hands. 501-520. Attaliates. protected as they were by walls. adds Melitene. 0~fiha~6s dpyfi ~ f i vk$av KcrrkhapEv. 164 AttaIiates. the countryside and the roads were no longer safe. .” Belleten. who had defeated and captured his l48 14g brother Isaac. and Cotyaeum. Coloneia.5 I‘ . adds Sebasteia. 46-50. and march all the way from Cilicia to Cotyaeum in the west unhindered and unaccompanied by Turkmens.’ ’Belleten. fiuav y&p h k p T&S BKOT~V XihiCr6as 01 p&ppapo~.lsO Michael VII called in another Turkish army under the chieftain Tutuchl57 and Roussel’s rebellion was ended. Isaac was defeated and captured by the Turks near Caesareia. Byzantine authority was still recognized in Trebizond. Alp Arslan. I. 66. was characteristic of the first phase of their occupation of the peninsula after Manzikert. Didymon toward the town of Gabadonia in Cappadocia. Amaseia. I. He was independent and did as he pleased. Attaliates. I 19 above.

and with their support acquired the submission of the cities.171 By 1079 the Turks had reached Melanoudium on the western coast. records that during the reign of Michael V I I the Greek cities and forts lived in fear and terror. V ’EITE~ KC^ T+J i+av 01 PKEiuE Ka-ravahlmov. VI. VI. L. 129. According to the anonymous Selcukname of the late thirteenth century. The rebel summoned the Turkish armies and their leadcrs. 97-98. I. IS). I. The troops who finally joined Botaniates in Nicaea were all mercenaries. by F.266. T h h y l O y p a ~ l K h KEINEVa TOG 6 d O W xplUTO6O~hOU. Grtgoire. Cosndnrsluo. many of the towns of Asia. On arriving at the Black Sea port of Heracleia the Turks attacked him once again. and it was only then that the passageway to Constantinople was opened. in fact. *’’ lal Miklosich et Miiller. Uzluk (Ankara. VI. and the nciglihoring fortress of Kavala from Romanus Maeri. 92-95. 45 1-452. as the Turks had flocked into thcse regions in considerable numbers. 111. ‘‘ b 6 K a l &wv TOTS Toirp~oig~JEXE~PI(EV. Turkish trans. Phsygia. T ~ Toirpltwv ~ j hv b 8ahkuuqS p i x p i NiKa[aS vapoV la7 Attaliates. to pass through all those looAttaliates. I Attaliates. by the end of his reign Asia Minor was with a few exceptions in foreign hands. Thus he took the regions from Iconium to Nicaea. K&K T O h O W TOG TpbITOW ITaUaV T 6 V TEPl T t V ’Auiav TE K a l Q)PUyhV K a i T~)V raAaTiav T ~ A E W V KccraKwpiaGuat T O ~ S o ~ ~ ~ K o w s . ISpvroG &vi 7 U ~ p ~ p paves. FI. s laa The last recorded levies of troops from the eastern themes were those in the ill-fated army of the Caesar John Ducas. 272. and the Turks were everywhere.1s2 Thus they spread out into the farthermost reaches of Asia Minor in the reign of Michael V II but without taking.. .” Attaliates. ” Comnena.” A. I 72. Anadolu Selcuklulari Deuleti Tnrihi. and Chrysop01is. 62.l~~ if the Turks were not definitively But introduced into all these towns at this time. . Chrysopolis. Consequently Alexius wished to stay in Heracleia and organize a defense against these raiders. Q)ihohoyi~fi . but fortunately he was able to outbid Michael VII for Turkish services.lo7 Thus the rebel was forccd to avoid the regular road and to travel by night in order to avoid contact with the lSu Bryennius. “ b r q v k a htopWqh8q ~b K a ~ b vK a I ‘rravraXoG &IT€T&Ueq~h 8fpmpa T ~ tx8pisv.I. B cbs uwppqvai 6th PpaXCOs KUlpOG. coming rrom Constantinople. h b~fis ’Auias x o p q y o u ~ i v w vTO75 Tapdois &nocpvyobuqS 6~ TOG T ~ ’Ada5 a-rrdctoqs Y KOTcnCWptE~U~t 70215 T O ~ ~ K O W S .. Of the towns that Botaniates so garrisoned were Pylae.POLITICAL AND MILITARY COLLAPSE POLITIaAL AND MILITARY COLLAPSE ~ only to find them deserted. p.lSD I n this disastrous reign of Michael VII. 1134 St. TO+KWETL 213-214. Historic des SeGoukides d ’ h i e Mineure par un anonytne.lo3The actual seizure of the towns of central and western Asia Minor became critical in the very last years of Michael VI I and during the short reign of Nicephorus I11 Botaniates. I 19. “ K a i ‘rr&uav T ~ V I+av lrohaplois &V&UT~TOV K a l ~ t j [EO~IUT)~ 6mcpopti(s. 111. VranOUSe.raS quav pdcppapoi K a l rop8ohTES K a l SB KCXTap&hhOVTEs.18vwv mpixwpov. 170 lo8Bryennius. Chalcedon. . The rule of Nicephorus Botaniates spelled the end of Byzantine Asia Minor as the future major recruiting ground for the armies and as the principal source of tax revenues. ” Miklosich et Muller.” Attaliates 21 I.. I 95G).O. many of the urban centers. 74 y a p ‘rrapEhjhw8Ev iKavbs &cp’ TOW ‘Pwpaiows oinc ~ X E V 6 ~ 6 1 ~~0 s ~ V O S KE hricpaviv-ras ~b uhohov.K a l ~ o h i y w v lrav-raXbOEv b a p p i l r i ( o p i v ~ v ucpoSpG5. pp. but an imperial ship arrived ordering him to proceed to Constantinople by sea as the Anatolian roads to the west were infested with Turks.H. 239-24. 1952).172 most of Ionia having been occupied. Miklosich et Muller.. XI (1951). 11. 23. “ 1. Asia Minor was going up in flames.ldrrWV 6lrElUpOfiS TGV ~ K d i T T O W U lTb Alyinrriov. 65-66. Sulayman’s Turks permitted Bithynia. lea Anna Comnena. 174 Bryennius.” E. Nicaea. SkahalanoviE. Sulayman took Iconium from the Byzantine commanders Marta and Kusta. in ordcr to join Botaniates.” in Miscellanea Giounnni Mcrcati (Vatican. 18-19. became a lair of Turkish raiders.lG0 Having occupied much of the rural area of northwestern Asia Minor. Sulayman’s Turks apparently had their first major introduction into the urban centers as garrisons of Botaniates. Ruphinianae. ‘‘ Ets y h p ~b pip05 T O ~ jpauihda‘ Pwpalwvdsrobqa-rov O 6hTlh38El. He left the Turks as his representatives to garrison these towns so that with the failure of his revolt. 18. 225. After the agreement with Botaniates. N. I‘ xp6vos Tusks of Sulayman and Mansur. Nicomedia.0. See Cahen. and he barely escaped capture at the hands of the Turks pillaging the and Trebizond was temporarily captured by the Turks sometime between I 07 I a nd 1075. V .” . 267. 327-328. 268. Cyzicus. ‘I. certainly the reign of the new emperor was the decisive step in their occupation. relates that the “evil” reached its height in 1076 and following years.S. The case with which Roussel defcated them shows that already these corps had all but disappeared. G I .106 Botaniates managed to reach the military station of Cotyaeum with no more than 300 troops.lsa but any further progress toward Nicaea and Constantinople seemed hopelcss. 103 Michael the Syrian. Bar Hebraeus. “De Marsile A Anderna. The Arabs succeeded in retaking Menbij from the Greeks only in 1075.. ” T 171 Anna I I2 1’3 . 269. 240. 6UCi ECcEivoU T6VTOW 6UTl paTacb Ka\ ‘ E A A ~ U T ~ V T O W a \ Aiyatow TE K a i Xwpimot lr~hdcyows K (Kal) Xhpou TE K a l TGV &Ahov K a i y&hicrra b1~6uoi llaycpwhtav TE K a l KihiKaS lrapapeipovTaS E ~ S -rrkAcryos ~b Tqs y h p T 6 V XpqpI. VI. who by now were well versed in the intricacies of Byzantine civil strife.l8* I n spite of these precautions the Turks caught Botaniates berore he could reach Nicaea. Byzantins et Francs d’apres le Seljukname anonyme. I 19-120. 158. “Seljukides de Rum. xg66). By 1076 they had spread their ravages to the Aegean around Latrus.rrap&Souis K a l ImopiKal p a p w p i a i (Athens. Ibid.P. records after the revolt of Nestor. and Galatia were in the hands of the Turks. across the straits from the imperial capital. T O ~ ~ ~ Ky hO V TGV j p i p w v TOG Mixajh C p Elrl 6Y[V&TOK a T c r f W y l O V . Praenetus.100 The Turkmens had reached the sea in the west and north as well in the reign of Michael VII. ou 1’Islam et Byzance dam l’epopde franpise. 111. apparently. o‘i T ~ 6 p8uw xispov ~ C Y E A ~T E~~V ~ ~ E X O V v G ~ . Christodoulos (Miklosich et Muller. Tdc TE y h p &?aT 6 V UTpaTEUp&TWV 6hhO C?hhqOG 61EoK&VJTO 6 V T o i r p ~ ~ T hpTlThW8bTWv K a l TTkVTa UXE6bV TTEptUXO~VTOV. L a o Attaliates. I t was in the reign of Michael V I I that the Immortals and Chomatenoi were formed in a desperate makeshift effort to compensate for the lost Anatolian levies.” Bryennius. and the fall of Strobilus was imminent.173 The revolt of Nicephorus Melissenus finally delivered more of the central and western Anatolian towns to Turkish hands.la4When Botaniates revolted with the magnates of the Anatolicon. Ia5Attaliates.

111. mendid dynasty and a complete bibliography are in Melikoff-Danishtrrendnu?~ze. no. 73. often posed as officials of the emperor. 1065. Ibid. I8O Ibid. Fethi. For a detailed account of his interesting career. 170 Anna Comnena. that t he boundaries of‘the empire in the east and west were Adrianople and the Bosphorus respectively. Anna Comnena. 79-81. his brother was in control of Cappadocia. I 31-134 is not to be accepted without reservations. 64-66. and whose ambitions included the conquest of C o n ~ t a n t i n o p l eThe ~ . Caka ortnzamanda Izmir ve yakinindaki adularin Turk hukimi (Istanbul. in contrast to many of the other emirs. Tokat. . A. but by 1085 these were restored to the Byzantine emperor. TT)V T & U V TT)V iJ9’ EW X d p a V K C i T a S p a p 6 V T E s KCd KCrrUTp6XOVTE5 K U l T 8 V CIEylOTWV 66 ’AVWOAIKQV T 6 h E W V K C I T E ~ O U U l & { O V T a s . Chankiri. pp. “ bn6ooi Tpoirpia TE K a i ~ 6 A ~ K U ~ X O V T E S Theodore Scutariotes-Sathas. where the ambitious Norman adventurer Robert Guiscard was planning the conquest of Constantinople. he was forced to conclude a treaty setting the boundary a t the Dracon River. an act that enabled the Turks to advance in these areas. the Turks violated it. The major problem on the emperor’s hands in the earlier years was in the west. There were still Byzantine oflicials in Heracleia on the Black Sea. 158-161. was the dynasty of the Danishmendids. 26. ~ ~ emirs Tangripermes and Merak ruled Ephesus and the neighboring towns. I 83. nevertheless the appearance of Alexius marks an important turning point in Byzantine Anatolian affairs. pushing their incursions to the Propontis and Bosphorus. Yeshil Irmak and Kelkit Su. passim. 256. 11. If to contemporaries the situation appeared completely hopeless in the beginning of Alexius’ reign. Phocaea. whom he had left in charge of his domains. But in that year two important events occurred which enabled Alexius “OTE pauiheiav T G ~ V‘Pwyalwv TapAapEv. in Choma. Ankara.rqvrKaij-ru TOT5 TOQPKOISI K a e b T a V T O &VT ~ i j s~ m ll6v-rou ‘ H p ~ h ~ K ~ I h i~s lla+ayovias X ~ ~ ~ W ~ ( O V KTa UT ~ i Bobp-rcqv ~ o ~ r h p 6 n a K a T r T a 8 o K i a S K a l XGya-ros K a l -robs homorjs AoyaGaS . M. the raids of the Patzinaks in the Balkans. 23. Anna Comnena. Karatekin was directly obedient to Malik Shah. I). Kurat. Chalandon.” Akten des X I Iniematiowlen Byzufr~inis~etiko~rgre~~cs 1958 (Munich. more accessible to the armies or Malik Shah. Things would improve. who established a maritime principality that at its height came to include Smyrna. ‘I to begin a limited offensive in northwest Asia Minor to push back the Turks from the Propontis and Bosphorus where they threatened the very life of the empire itself. in addition.. Comana. The same year marked the death of Sulayman in his eastern campaigns which permitted the emirs. in parts of Paphlagonia and Cappadocia.177But as Byzantium was in no position to enforce the treaty.Dblger. p. aside from the sultanate of Nicaea. Anna Comnena remarks with some exaggeration. were governed The list of principalities in the list of Yinanc. Niksar.17*I n northern Anatolia the emir Karatekin took the city of Sinope and the neighboring t0wns. But as to Malik’s ethnic origin the report by Matthew of Edessa. Scaliarius and others. Ibid. I O I ) . the most important of whom was Tzachas (assisted by his brother Galavatzes-Yalavach).” U 14 1 1’5 . Clazomenae. 181. 131. p. . For general considerations of his situation a t this time. The most recent discussion of the complex history of the founder of the DanishI. I 10-1 15. I. 136-138.” E12. 183 Zonaras.lsO I n I 085 Sulayman captured the important eastern city of Antioch. especially in the westernmost regions.ls4 while to the north along the Propontis coast were Elchanes (at Apollonias and Cyzicus) . 1936). 73. Melikoff. regions of the Kizil Irmak. 144. F. and from other regions i n the east still in the possession of the Greeks. relieving Alexius of any immediate pressure in the west.ls0Farther to the west. it is possible that the sultanate of Nicaea retained some sort of general control over the regions stretching from Nicaea to Konya and eastward to Cappadocia. “Danishmend. p. 11. 111. succeeded in carving out a domain that threatened to eclipse the house of Kutlumush.18G The other major Turkish political force in Anatolia. But on the western littoral a large number of emirs emerged. It came to include Sivas. p. 111. 64.rrdtpxoi of Anatolia. Samos. 736-737. There were also the Armenians in the region of the Taurus and Anti-Taurus who. x~p I’?Anna Comnena. 11. . and Malatya. Anna Comnena. 43-47. By the time of the Crusades. TbV Aiapa-rrpbv TOTTOTI-~T~T~~U .POLITICAL AND MILITARY COLLAPSE POLITICAL AND MILITARY COLLAPSE Byzantine Counte~attack(1081-1143) Mexius Comnenus ascended the throne at a time (1081) when it seemed that the whole ofByzantine Anatolia was lost forever. 125-127. . “Alexios Koinnenos zwischen Normanner und Tiirken. 47. Vismara. E6fX TOb5 TOQPKOUS Ob$ K a t n8pUal. 11. I.though plausible is improbable. Closer to the capital in the regions of Bithynia and Thynia. Cappadocia was under Hasan. It is quite possible that the Tzachas mentioned in the Danishmendname refers to this particular chieftain. yEVVakd$ . IE5 11.. and Chios. pp. 1 7 8 Anna Comnena.ls7 The regions of Armenia. as a number of these emirates had nothing more than an ephemeral existence. Regesten. 184 Anna Comnena. Malik Danishmend. Is* Anna Comnena. that he was an Armenian (an opinion shared by Yinanc. I gGo).. 147. . Danishmendname Melikoff. Indeed the death of Sulayman seems to mark a proliferation of these independent emirs in Anatolia. Fcthi. goo). but they would do so only after further vicissitudes. Essui sur le rkgne d’dlexis ICr Comnlne (ro81-rrr8)(Paris. Paphlagonia.” Matthew of Edessa. Bisanzio. KQAOGyEV.17~ A few years later. Amasya. where Alexius had been carrying on a limited war with Sulayman of Nicaea in a n effort to remove the Turks from the environs of Nicomedia. When Alexius mustercd the armies against Guiscard he i s summoned all the -ro. Cappadocia. to establish themselves as independent chieftains. Trebizond. Alexius was forced to summon the Byzantine military forces from thc regions of Heracleia.ls2 consequently. Karatekin conquered and held for a brief period Sinope and the neighboring towns. . 67. I. as the leader of the Holy War i n northern Anatolia. There were. 63. Beck. and in other ~nspecifiedl’~ regions. 195-196 (hereafter cited as Chalandon.181 Abu’l-Kasim declared himself sultan in Nicaea. Choma. Because of the Norman threat. though actually independent.17G though in actuality the Turkish conquest seems to have bypassed a number of points. In 1085 Guiscard died. Mitylene.

Anna A Comnena.” ilkten des X I Internationalen Byrantinisten-kongresses Miinchen 1958 (Munich. 134. 214-215. 285-293. Mahmud. ed. For the details.. Lampe. Kontogmen.He was an Ortokid. Smyrna surrendered without resistance. 182-185. Anonyrni gestu Francorurn at aliorum Hierosolymitanorum (Heidleberg. in Anatolia. Gangra.pp. Alexius sent joint naval and land forces to liberate the western coast. Soon after the death of Sulayman.188A certain Baldukh established himself as emir of Samosata. The Byzantine forces pushed into the adjacent hinterland and onto the western edge of the plateau. 354-355. . Taking advantage of the expulsion of the Turks from northwest Anatolia. Alexius received the theme of Podandus. pp.” EI. 111. being forced to retire from Nicaea. 111. Laodiceia. Adana.See also the commentary of H. pp. 5. “Balas. “Smyrne.lgo Sukman the son of Artuk also appeared in the regions of Edessa. the Turks had not succeeded in conquering the whole of the Anatolian peninsula. VI (1898). he was able to advance as far as Philomelium with relative ease.1o2Other emirs directly under the authority of‘the sultans i n Persia frequently made their appearance in Anatolia in an effort to bring the recalcitrant emirs under control of the great sultans.1g4 Nearer to home he destroyed (1092) the naval arsenal that the Turks were using at Cius. I 248. He builds the fortress called Iron. 1955). 198.1s6 built Cibotus to command the regions of the Gulf of Nicornedia. Tarsus. Antioch of Pisidia.8-19.” EI. Gate. Poimamenum. This half century had. 111.p. “The Crusade of I 101. Alexius had been able to make serious progress in his efforts to reassert Byzantine authority in Asia Minor. seen a warfare whose intensity had never been previously recorded in the annals of the peninsula.Runciman. Chalandon. 11. Ankara. .03 Anna Comnena.Matthew of Edessa.. 36. 158-161. the emir Ismail. These invasions resulted in the proliferation of independent political authorities on the Anatolian soil. 495-510. and “Artukids. and trans.. Hagenmeyer. I gGo). pp. pp. l o g Ibid. driving the Turks from Sardes. 1°7 Anna Comnena. J. 280-304. H.1D3 For the next decade. Chalandon. lgsIbid.” R.POLITICAL AND MILITARY COLLAPSE POLITICAL AND MILITARY COLLAPSE by one of his oflicials. but in these areas this worked less to the advantage of the Byzantines than to the benefit of the Armenians a n d Latins. It was the knights of the First Crusade who dealt the Seljuks of Anatolia their first major setback and enabled Alexius to reconquer western Anatolia and reintegrate it into the empire.Ahrweiler. G E ~Francorurn el aliorum Hierosolimitunorum. Plastentza (Comana). Iconium. p.. I 16 117 . TheByzantine reconquest had succeeded in removing the Turks from all coastal regions and from the critical western edge of the plateau itself. pp.. and Apollonias. Q possession once morc of the important city of Ankara and a portion of the Anatolian plateau in the north. In 1097 the Turks were defeated across the length of Anatolia. and therefore an end to relatively stable political conditions. 111.200The Crusade of I I O I brought the Byzantines into Matthew of Edessa. Alexius was able to make slow but definite progress in Anatolia. the appearance of the Crusaders resulted in a further weakening of Turkish power. H. 29-30. Anna Comnena. L. Matthew of Edessa. Io6 Ibid. Adana. lo* Anna Comnena. . 204. IV. l o o Ibid. I 271. Mopsuestia (Mamistra). The Anatolian provinces of the empire i n 11x8included the province of Trebizond.lo7 Farther to the south Byzantine naval forces began to reduce the powerful Tzachas. 180 Matthew of Edessa. and the whole of the southern coastline up to the duchy of Antiocha204 It is apparent that after a half century of uninterrupted warfare and disruption.18DAlp Ilck temporarily occupied Edessa. the timing of the Crusades fitted the Turkish plans of Alexius. the regions of Caesareia.L. 80. Anna Comnena. I 195-198. I n the treaty of 1108. 108 Such were Monoiycus. Marash. 23-29. and Mopsuestia (Mamistra).201 In the more easterly regions of the Taurus and Anti-Taurus.100 I n a sense.2o2 I n the years that followed. 37-65 (hereafter cited as Gesta Fruncontrn). all the land to the west of a line passing through Sinope. 205. Byzantine land and naval expeditions eventually reclaimed the southern Anatolian coastline from Turks and Crusaders. Chalandon. however.” in A History o the Crruades. 211. 69. a factor of prime I C J Z ~ ) . Hagenmeyer. Thus when Alexius set out in June of 1098 to join the Crusaders at Antioch. Philadelpheia.108 Now free of the Normans and setting one Turkish cmir against another. Alexius was preparing to deal with the Turkish problem in a more decisive manner when news arrived that Latin armies were setting out for t he East. Io1 and Balas ruled Suruj in the same general area. lol Ibid. the defeat of Bohemund in Europe constituting the critical event in this phase of the Byzantine reconquest.. Rather they had secured the major portion of the central plateau and the eastern provinces leading into the regions of Adliarbaydjan and the Euphrates. 111. the emperor recovered Sinope and the neighboring coastal regions by bribing an official of the sultan. . 6. The Turkish invasions had brought a n end to unified political control. and Polybotus. L. who was active in the regions of Paipert. He is probably not to be confused with Ismail. Anna Comnena.. Brdhier (Paris. 203. they could be harnessed to his plans to reconquer the eastern provinces. pa 210. proposes the date 1093-94for the Byzantine reconquest of Smyrna. 11. 11. 111. GlykatziAhrweiler. 179-238. Philomelium. 205. lo2 William of Tyre. ed. Anazarba. pp.. Tarsus.lgoand retook the important regions of Cyzicus. K. and Buzan. Cahen. “Chronologie de la premitre Croisade (1094I IOO). Anna Comnena. Heracleia.” p. and all cities between the Cydnus and the Hermon rivers. “The First Crusade: Conf stantinople to Antioch. Cabras had rccovered Trebizond earlier.65-66.O. 71.’’ History of the Crusades. IDoIbid. up until the appearance of the Crusaders. Anna Comnena. Amorium. “Les fortresses construites en h i e Mineure face A l’invasion seldjoukide. 1890). brother of Malik Shah. following which the Byzantines reoccupied Ephesus..166. for if the Latin troops could be controlled. 210. Setton (Philadelphia. Dorylaeum.205By the end of his reign. p.

This relieved the Nicetas Choniates. Menguchekids of Erzindjan-ColoneiaTephrice. 199. B. A. Cinnamus. In 1119. Michael the Syrian. A series of campaigns between I I 30 and I I 35 enabled John I1 to recover Gangra.” IT. 190-191.M. Kurtz. Nicetas Choniates. F.” Byzantion. (rgzg). In northern Asia Minor the Greeks.” Bessarione XIX (1915). and desolation. 13-15. ICallinoglu. In southern Anatolia. 245. a border that pivoted about the towns of Claudiopolis. Danishmendids..H. Amaseia. Theodore Prodromus. P. This failure was. I 9 I 0 ) ao7 Cinnamus. Cinnamus. * O D Michael the Syrian. VI.206 But his most important compaigns were those waged against the Danishmendids in the north at a time when relations between the Danishmendids and the sultan of Konya were inimical. Hieracoryphites. 52-56. Rlazan. Michael the Syrian. 195-197.. CXXXIII. the Greeks raided as far as Iconium. Armenians. 111. He was succcssful in driving the Turkmens from these towns and enrolled a number of them i n his own armies. and Turkmens waged a relentless and harsh struggle along a line stretching from the Sangarius and Dorylaeum to Cotyaeum.” W.. Ayyubids. Balzon.. Theodore Scutariotcs-Sathas. Caminn inedztu Tlteodori Prodrorni et Stephani Physopalarnitae (Leipzig. Dadybra. D i e Rede des Johntines Syropoidos an dent Kuiser Isauk 1 Angelus (rr85-95) 1 (Munich. Latins. Gangra. I 18 strife at first favored the Byzantine designs to push forward the reconquest of Anatolia. Choma. Greeks. Danishmendids. and a number of other towns and to subjugate various emirs.” R. “Danishmendids. “Un imperatore bizantino della decadenza: Isaaco I1 Angelo. Crusaders. P. Sozopolis. I 7-18. Bachmann. Chalandon. Saltukids of Erzerum. “The Turks in Iran and Anatolia before the Mongol Invasions. Dhu’l-Nun at Caesareia. the Byzantines. edited a poem on the second fall of Castamon. In eastern Anatolia (a region that though outside of the Greek portion of the peninsula. “Artukids. der Wiss. 688-703.I. and Laodiceia to Attaleia. Phil. “Selgukidcs Turcomans et Allemands au temps de la troitsime croisade. upheaval. and Oenoe. Chalandon. 250-253. 21-31. The major outlines. LVI (1960). 1373-1383.. 5-6. 111. 661-692 . I n this manner many perished in Melitene and in other lands. 1935). I 120-21. received the sword. Wittek. Tarsus. Turkmens.208By the time of his expedition against Neocaesareia i n I I 39-40 Greek arms were once more feared throughout Anatolia. however.. dnr buy. This proliferation of independent political authority and of dynastic The complicated history of Anatolia in this critical period has not as yet been written. Paura. 16-18. but at the same time it represents the high tide of the attempted Byzantine reconquest of Asia Minor. up until the emperor suddenly departed. See also his poem in the edition o f C.With his death the Danishmendid patrimony was divided into three mutually hostile and warring states.V.” J. Analecta Byzantzna. nevertheless would be the scene o€events affecting the Byzantine position). Bartikian. Adana. was free to concentrate his efTorts on the Danishmendids in the north and against the Cilician Armenians in the south. 82-91. the Turks and Turkmens as far as the Aegean coast. who. “K istorii vzaimootnoshenii mezhdu Vizantiei i kilikiiskim armianskim gosudarstvom v kontse X I 1 v. and Danishmendids fought along a similarly fluid border. Armenians. Der Nersessian. XVII (rgGo). Cahcn. Castamon. seems to imply this. Byzantine princes. 1962) 11. Aitougdin. and Anazarba again recognized Byzantine authority. and Turks alike. “Deux chapitres de I’histoire dcs Turcs de Rum. the emirs Toghrul of Amaseia. speaks of a victory a t Amorium. had occupied Laodiceia. Tzykes.A.G. enabling the emperors to exploit the rivalry of the sons of sultan Mas‘ud and the struggle between Danishmendids and Seljuks. Elbegkou. Prachinon.. Yaghibasan ruling at Sebasteia.POLITICAL AND MILITARY COLLAPSE POLITICAL AND MILITARY COLLAPSE importance in the Turkification and Islamization of Anatolia. because of the relative weakness of the sultan of Iconium. P. Georgians. 75-83. The events of the next century were instrumental in determining the collapse of Byzantium in the greater part of Asia Minor and in eroding the political basis of Hellenism in large parts of the peninsula. in violating the treaty betwecn Alexius I and the Turks. Armenians. Zangids.P.O. h a l e s .Z. even by accident. and Armenians became familiar sights at the various Anatolian courts where they passed their time in plotting the overthrow of their kinsmen with the aid of the forces of the enemy. 55-64. Kurds. Ausararis. X V I (1907). 285-319.” IA. “Mengucukler. Akad. p. Gregory the Priest. Theodore ScutariotesSathas. 15-29.” E12. I “9 .K. 1382.206 Such unsettled conditions encouraged intense dynastic and civil strife inasmuch as any potential rebel could usually rely upon support from one or more of the Anatolian states. 111. Turkmens. have been established. M. XI (1g36). 232-234. Shaddadids. K1. Artukids. Rebellion and dynastic strife plagued Greeks. Theodore Prodromus. Melikoff. Here he accomplished his goal with comparative ease as Mopsuestia. mentions among the towns and emirs that he subdued: Alamon.200 The expedition against Neocaesareia failed. Theodore Scutariotes-Sathas. Comana. VI.S. “Cilician Armenia. Jahrhunderts. 249. “Zu den arrnenisch-byzantinisch Bcziehungen am Anfang clcs 3.” EIa. Sozopolis. Alpsarous of Gangra.. for in the twelfth century parts of Anatolia continued to be the chaotic scene of unabating and often savage warfare. Welz. Philomelium. and other regions i n the vicinity of Attaleia. In a conflict that observed no hard and fixed boundaries. I n the west on the mountainous edge of the Anatolian plateau.-/&. “Le sultanat de Roum.” A. Sztz. CXXXIII. Castamon. Sumer. 197-200.207During the years I 137 and I 138 he was busy restoring order in Cilicia where the Armenian Leo had taken many of the cities from the hands of the Greeks. soon partially compensated by the death of the Danishmendid ruler Malik Muhammad in I 142. 323. John Comnenus ( I I I 8-43). Nicctas Choniates. Turkmens. M. however. as we shall see in the next chapter. 33-42. Les ComnBnes. “Le Diyar Bakar au temps des premiers Urtukids. 11. pp. The fear of the Muslim rulers was such that When the emperor began to attack Neocaesareia. Seljuk sultans. Cognasso. and his children and house were taken.G. Seljuks.. thc fury of the Turks against the Christians increased in all the lands which they held.” A Histoy aftlie Crusades (Philadelphia. and ‘Ayn al-Dawla at Albistan and Melitene. Elelden. Seljuks. Heisenberg. and Byzantines insured the same conditions-that the region would be one of considerable turmoil. and again i n 1124 he undertook operations in western Asia Minor against the Turkmens. Whosoever mentioned the name of the emperor. 11.Z. CCXXVII (1935)~ 219-272. and Arabs made ‘their military appearances with hypnotizing monotony.

21a I n another region the Armenian ‘I‘horos had begun to enter the cities held by the Byzantines i n Cilicia. 11.P- POLITICAL AND MILITARY COLLAPSE POLITICAL AND MILITARY COLLAPSE Byzantines from the pressure o f the most powerful Turkish state in Anatolia. there was dynastic strife complicated by the intervention of the Danishmendid Yaghibasan. inasmuch as he inherited the situation in Anatolia from his father John. 36. Nicetas Choniates. 205-207.215 T h e Crusaders found hnatolia difficult terrain in spite of Manuel’s recent conquest of Melangeia. “ICXc Arslan. from I I 59 to I I G I Manuel was on a campaign against the Turkmens in western Asia Minor. Nicetas Choniates. Istoriin Vzzuntiiskoi Zrnfieriz (Moscow-Leningracl.. Regesten. This ascendancy of the house of Kutlumush was accompanied by a corresponding decline in Byzantium’s Anatolian fortunes. Louis VII led the French by a more westerly route toward Attaleia and thus avoided these more dangerous areas. Manuel’s army had been attacked by the Turkmens in the neighborhood of Dorylaeum and it is no doubt as a result of this that he appeared in the valleys of the Tembris and Bathys near Cotyaeum in I 159. PG. 310. they were severely harassed by the Turks. Cinnamus. Dolger. Turan. I 76. a17 Chalandon.” IA. 44. for with the death of Mas‘ud and the accession of Kilrdj Arslan. 766. 109-113 (hereafter cited as Odo of Deuil). Even though Conrad and the Germans were able to advance as far as Melangeia without incident from the Turks. Mas‘ud’s successor. Calograias Bounos. retire to Choma via the road along Lake Pousgouse. 0. Then the impcrial armies marched to the Seljuk capital itself wherc they desecrated the Muslim cemeteries outside the walls. wcnt so far as to take the cities of Pannoura and Sibyla from the Byzantines in I 1 5 7 . Les Comntnes. settled the Greeks from Philomelium and built the fortress of Pylae.. It is of interest to note that the Greek inhabitants of the islands of Lake Pousgouse who recognized the sultan and who had established a satisfactory modus vivendi with the Turks refused to receive the emperor. Cinnamus.1 ff. Uspenskii. 134-1 35. they were defeated at Bathys by the Turkish chief Mamplanes and eventually forced to retire to Nicaea. 304. 71. 208. 300. He defeated the forces of the sultan successively at Acrounos.3-80) and Kilidj I1 Arslan ( I 155-9r). R. and Philomelium.210I n his last Anatolian campaign ( I 142-43). “Danishmendids. Dolgcr. pp. 24. Longinias. driving out large numbers of the nomads with 215 Cinnamus. 22. Chalandon. John paused en route to drive out the Turkmens besieging Sozopolis and to make his appearance among the other Phrygian cities in an effort to strengthen Byzantine authority in the area. Bksanzio. 214 Cinnamus. 281286. zla F. ed. Manuel burned the latter city and released the Greeks who had been held captive there for years. as a result of the Turkish capture of Pracana in Cilicia and Turkish raids into the Thracesian theme. a state of affairs reflected in the successful character of Manuel’s campaigns and policies up until his distraction with and absorption in European affairs. Nicetas Choniates. Cinnamus. 81-84. the object of which was Antioch. the sultanate of Iconium gradually emerged as the major power in Asia Minor. KYlidj Arslan. G. 11. 50.~l~ That this would be the final issue was not a t all evident in the early years of the reigns of the two men. pp. Tarsus. 249. 211 Nicetas Choniates.C. no. gives a graphic description of thc desolation that prevailed in much of western Asia Minor. Manuel was startled by the unannounced presence of the tents of the Turlcmens of a certain Rama. 11. 11. Theodore Scutariotcs-Sathas. 38-46. 752. XVI-22. as they entered the Macander valley and progressed toward Laodiceia. 50-51. Les Comndnes.213 Manuel. Berry (New York.8-158. 120 I21 . The arrival of Muslim reinforcements from the Danishmendids. and John was forced to take the islands by force. 89. Odo of Deuil. 51. On its return from the Cilician and Syrian campaign. and trans. Theodore Scutariotes-Sathas. ~ ~ ’ with the making but of peace between Manuel and Krlidj Arslan in I 158. William of Tyre. invaded Cilicia and attacked Thoros in I 153and again in I I 54 but he was defeated. 11. Les Comndnes. 1422. V. As Choma was considered to be well within the Byzantine boundaries. Chalandon. 111. I 79-180.Thoros was freed from this quarter. Chalandon. Les Cornnines. forced Manuel to lift the siege and to ala MelikofT. The final failure of the Byzantine attempts to reconquer Anatolia and the establishment of the Seljuks as the dominant Anatolian power coincided with the reigns of ManueI Comnenus ( I 14. however. 210 Nicetas Choniates. 11. Les Comnknes. 71-72. Michael the Syrian. Chalandon. I@). 247-248. 194U). 2 I .34. Cinnamus. and once in Cilicia he took the cities of Cistramon. Nevertheless.G. Bisunzio. p. Upon the approach of the Second Crusade. and with the death ofMas‘ud in I 155. at the prompting of Manuel. but the disintegration of Danishmendid rule was soon to upset the balance ofpower in favor of the Seljuks of Iconium. Manuel decided to attack Iconiurn itself. Vismara. the emperor turned to Cilicia to settle accounts with Thoros. N. Vismara. At the same time Yaghibasan took Oenoe and Baura on the Blacksea from the Greeks. 2 72 [r Chalandon. Les Cornndtzes. and Attaleia itself had hostile Turkmens in the environs. Regesten. 430-4. This is brought out clearly by his early success in chasing the Turkmens from the regions of Melangeia and in the rebuilding of the fortifications with a view to making the Bithynian bordcrs safe from their raids. 1352.H. p. and Tilin21s Despite the treaty of I I 58. was in a much stronger position. Deprofeclione Ltdouici VII in orientern. having succeeded at Tarsus and Mopsuestia by 1152. no. Mas‘ud. Nicetas Choniates.” EIa.al1 Byzantine Retreat ( I I&J-I204) With the division of the Danishmendid domains. They were chased out and Manuel made his way to Bithynia. 218 Cinnamus. En route he defeated the Turkmens i n Little Phrygia. Theodore Prodromus. 11. both Manuel and Mas‘ud concluded a treaty (1147) by which Pracana and other places were returned to the Byzantines.2ld Much more spectacular was the campaign of I 14G when. 45-49. Anazarba. The emperor’s eastern march i n this year was highly succcssful.

R. 303. 296. ’447. and Comana. 165-1 87 (hereafter Euthymius TornicesPapadopoulos-Kerameus). 253-254. 6bO iyKCdylaUTlKOi AbyOI. the Tohma River in I 165. 500-504. 332.2l0 I n I I 60-6 I setting out from Philadelpheia he plundered the regions of Sarapata Mylonos. (st. nos. 191. Farther to the south he rebuilt the fortress town of Choma-Soublaion. 11. The latter. 194-198. I. 11.22sBut Manuel. most of the remainder of the Danishmendid lands. 499. “ I W c Arslan. Les Comntnes. “Kaiser Manuel I Komnenos und dic Ostgrenze: Riickeroherung und Aufbau L der Festung Dorylaion.. Theodore Scutariotes-Sathas. 155-156. The sources do not say very much about the events on the TurcoByzantine border during this period between I 162 and I I 74.” 692. 11. Tzamandus. All this. for when he retired the Turks came in the van of the withdrawing army. however. When Manuel appeared in the area he drove out the nomads and rebuilt the fortifications and the town in I 175-76. Chalandon. captured the town of Philetas and killed and enslaved large numbers of the inhabitants of Laodiceia. ‘‘ EOBwplow TOG Mahkq pIlTpOTtOhlTOW Ndwv r[mpGv (‘YIT&. Nicetas Choniates. sensible shift in the Anatolian balance of power. Kilidj Arslan was left free to deal with his brother Shahinshah and with the Danishmendids. I. Regesten. rgz-293. 546-547. “ Efbplow T o ~ v I K wyypagrai.220I n late I 161. According to Michael the Syrian. Neocaesareia. 297-298. for Manuel. Papadopoulos-Kerameus. and as Kilidj Arslan had suffered defeat at the hands of Yaghibasan in 1160 and had bcen forced to relinquish Albistan. pp. Les COWVIdneS.Z.” OEohoyia. I9 IS).. V (1962). 526-529. formerly held by Shahinshah and evidently ready to recognize the authority of the emperor. 162-164. Bones. employed these troops for quite a different purpose. Chalandon. P. fell to Kilidj Arslan.” B. Les Comnlnes.H. the city of Amaseia.. 306. But his campaign must have been ineffectual. Dorylaeum had in the tenth and eleventh centuries been one of the important and most prosperous urban centers ofAnatolia. 512aa Turan. “K& Arslan. Yaghibasan. 1520. Les Comndnes. Dolger. VGV Tb I T p 6 T O V &K6166VEV01. upNicetas Choniates. but evidently the emperor drove them I n the same period the Turks sacked I Laodiceia and carried away many of the inhabitants and the livestock.TTls). has an interesting account of the Sultan’s stay in Constantinople. including an account of the games in the hippodrome which he witncssed and the ridicule to which the guildsmen subjected him. 194-195. I. 293. i ’ . Inasmuch as the Byzantines were actively supporting the intrigues of his enemies. Cinnamus.228 In I 176 Manuel made the decision to put an end to the power of the suItanate by taking Iconium and capturing the sultan. stalling for time. 11. 369. in I 164. and to this purpose he levied great numbers of troops. and afterward moved on to Lampe and Celenae-Apameia where the Maeander River rises. became increasingly involved in western afairs with a consequent neglect of the Turkish problem. meant a formidable growth in Seljuk strength and a. h e set out to attack the Turkmens. Regeslen.” in Noctes ~ Pelropolzhm. Geduk. There is mention of the appearance of the Turkish nomads in the cities of the Phrygian Pentapolis in search of pasture for their livestock. Michael the Syrian. Wirth. Thence he proceeded to the recently rebuilt fortress of Choma-Soublaion and finally to the abandoned fortress of Myriocephalum. Vismara. He advanced on Iconium via Phrygia and Laodiceia. stopping a t Chonae to visit the church of the Archangel Michael. Chalandon. 111. 2 a 8 Nicetas Choniates. but with the latter’s death in I I 74. P. a23 Turan. killing them by the thousands I n retaliation they entered Byzantine territory in the north and took away IOO. 355. given a false sense of security. alD aeo aal I22 ‘23 . 503-504. The death of the last capable Danishmendid. selling them on the slave markets. Icilidj Arslan once more concluded a peace treaty with Manuel. Michael the Syrian. 1446.222 Thanks to the intrigues of Nur al-Din. Bar Hebraeus. the Danishmendids were temporarily saved. was forced to receive the garrison of Kilidj Arslan. 21-29. Theodore Scutariotes-Sathas. Darende. of course. Theodore Scutariotes-Sathas. 111. but the Turkmens had razed it to the ground and caused it to be abandoned and deserted. Michael the Syrian. once disengaged from his grandiose western schemes. Kilidj Arslan was freed of his last powerful rival in the east. 1444. Doceia. soon realized that the political picture in Anatolia had changed considerably and so he decided to make a definite effort to curb Kilidj Arslan. X I X (1941-48). One year later. DGlger. 357. 283. aa4 Nicetas Choniates. Cinnamus. 111. and Gangra. especially Latins and Uzes from the Danubian regions. the sultan did not feel sufficiently secure with the new Byzantine treaty of I I 61 For this reason in I 162 he made his celebrated journey to Constantinople where he was lavishly received by Manuel and here he succeeded i n putting an end to the Byzantine diplomatic intrigues. 253-254. Petersburg.POLITICAL AND MILITARY COLLAPSE POLITICAL AND MILITARY COLLAPSE ! i I I ~ their animals. Thc emperor’s progress had been orberly aa6 Nicetas Choniates. further eased his task and emboldened the sultan to conquer the regions of Albistan.” 691. Adramyttium.C. using them to subject cities that had previously resisted him. j i : .227 Manuel had previously decided to drive the Turkmens from the regions of Dorylaeum because of their constant raids and devastation of Byzantine soil. after suffering defeat at the hands of another Byzantine army.OOO captives. Chalandon. 268. in I I 75. 458-459.22fThis date marks the turning point in the rise of the fortune of Rilidj Arslan and the reversal of Byzantine success on the Asia Minor front. Euthymius Malaces in K. EIS TbV ahOKph-ropa Mavow~A Kopvqhbv ( I 143/80).228 and he seized Melitene two years later. Ankara. Les Coinndnes. I 63.Cinnamus. Simultaneously. Bar Hebraeus. I%A. Cinnamus. A’ 538-539. The sultan. no. informed Manuel that he would hand over to him a number of cities if the emperor would send an army to occupy them. and Chliara in order to keep out the Turkish raiders and to protect the villages and rural populations. 2~7-zzg. Theodore Scutariotes-Sathas. including Sebasteia. I. Bar Hebraeus. 499. H c sent one force under his nephew Andronicus Vatatzes to take Neocaesareia and the emperor himself took the major portion of the army southward.226 The most important action of the emperor during this interval was the fortification of the regions of Pergamum. Chalandon. Bisnizzio. regions considered to be the domain of the emir Solymas. 11. four years later he took Caesareia.

A.000 of them pillaged the emperor’s camp.OOO gold and IOO. safely within Byzantine territory. 2 8 0 Nicetas Choniates.). 11. 111.”220 who realized that the emperor had come to chase them from their habitats. nos. ‘‘ ~ u p ~ a x i K d v kavbu h 6 TE ~ f i s b q s T&V . ’ E d €2 vbc &rr?@e K a l r b v ~ A E U O E~CWUEV. 237-240. in spite of the catastrophic nature of the Byzantine defeat. 231-232. 371. 1 1 371. the Turkmens began to harass his army and to raid the countryside in small bands. 104. and even though the Turks had won the victory it was obvious that the numbers of the fallen on both sidcs had been great. The nomads harassed the army in groups of 5. Regesten. 2eQ $80 I‘ i that under such circumstances Kilidj Arslan called a halt to the battle by sending one of his officials. K a l oh TOTS &ri U U V ~ ~ T T E lVm 6 v . it became obvious that the Turks had had the upper hand. Theodore Scutariotes-Sathas. 52-53. I t was perhaps a combination of these reasons. The emperor protested the violation o€ the treaty but Kilidj Arslan replied that the Turkmens were independent of him and he was in any case unable to control them. as well as others. Michael the Syrian. F. cjs 3Na cpwd dmohou$~~vov T&V I v T+ X&pmi. Michael the Syrian. 1853). on the disaster. 284. ~ ~ the the treaty when thc Greeks began to withdraw. cisterns.2~1 the Byzantine army had advanced.Z. as there was a large contingent of unarmed men busy with the immense baggage train. The Byzantine troops were further demoralized during the course of the night by the Turks who came into the vicinity of the camp and called out to the Christian Turks to abandon the emperor before it was too l~ite. 111. As the emperor’s troops withdrew they noticed that the skin had been removed from the heads of the slain and that many of the slain had had the genitalia severed. K a l T& ahuq rois 0vqutclaiois ~ E K & ~ U T T T O . Die nbendldndische Polilik Kaiser Mnnuels !nit besonderer Riicksicht 1. The defeated were not able to relax their vigilance until they arrived at Chonae.” B. Vasiliev. 1944. artf Deulscfiland (Strassburg. burning the villages and grassy plains and destroying anything that might be of use to the advancing Byzantine army.. and springs were contaminated with the bodies of dead asses and dogs. 1952). All the wells.OOO silver pieces. 1522. also mentions that the emperor paid IOO. The principal demands were that the newly constructed fortifications of Dorylaeum and Choma-Soublaion should be destroyed. 284. Nicetas Choniates. which the Greeks were about to enter as they left Myriocephalum. Iva pfi TOG kpophmou ~ S O 6 &pTTEP[TOpOS 8laUTdhhOlTO KCd fi VIKr] O h W s E?q &pTlTdfiS Kai &pcpfipIUTOSt k iKKa7iPWV T 6 V UTpOrrOd6WV KCiTapAQ06VTCW T O h h 6 V . The Annals o f Roger de Hoveden. ‘‘ a TE y a p cp&payyaS EIS Q & T E ~ O V t ~ &v@aivov. H . which is preserved in the chronicle of Roger of I-Ioveden. more important. “Manuel Comncnus and Henry XXIX (1929-30). The slowness had been enforced by the appearance of the Turkmens.237 This battle was the single most significant event to transpire on AnatoIian soil since Manzikert ( I O ~ I ) . The events of I I 76 must also have had a great demoralizing effect not only upon the empcror but.” Theodore Scutariotes-Sathas. which caused the sultan to offer peace. and cloth. asl Nicetas Choniates. Michael the Syrian. By evening. F. 291.232 In spite of the fact that the sultan appeared to be in a favorable position to deal with the invaders. 290. R. the Byzantine army was subjccted to a frightful slaughter. Histoire des Sebuitkides d’Aste Mineure par un anonytne. r a p a i v o k m s @hOEiv r p b r ahohg. but Nicetas Chroniates mentions two facts that may have had something to do with the decision to offer the emperor terms. 372.000. S K ~S h a s SB KEtpEvoS dnrOUUpE\s ~b 8ippa -rVs KEcpahijS. the sultan occupied the pass of Tzybritze. Manuel. 230-231.and i t meant the end of Byzantine plans to reconquer Asia Minor. upon the Greek asL T h e fourteenth-century anonymous history of the Seljuks. It is quite strange Nicetas Choniates. When Manuel retreated. 371.000 t o 10. horses. on the eve orthe battle and Some 50. B ~ ~ Y E T O61T O ~ llipoas T O ~ -rEXv&uauBai. 111. 419-423. 232. vapauupds y a p ofi-ros TaiS r & v pEyim&vWv afT0G 3roOr]poo\ivais. “numerous as the locusts. so that even before the battle took place dysentery had spread throughout the whole of the imperial army. The empire suffered a sharp defeat and severe losses in its fighting strength at the time when it was on the verge of collapse. p. K a l ol K O I A ~ ~ E€ 1 ~ O ~ W V O ~ &vqyatpovso. Theodore Scutariotes-Sathas. 243. H e relates that the advisers of the sultan had been in the pay of the emperor in peacetime and that they persuaded the sultan to propose peace t c r r n ~ After ~ conclusion of . 248-249.POLITICAL AND MILITARY COLLAPSE POLITICAL AND MILITARY COLLAPSE but very slow. Nicetas Choniates. trans. T. Michael the Syrian.” Theodorc Scutariotes-Sathas.~33 plight The of the army was such that Manuel seriously considered secret flight and the abandoning oEall his troops to the mercies of the enemy. Dirimtekin. 24-245. oi vhhat r p b s ‘Pwpatous 1 ~ p o o 8 ~ u y o v WV S Kal ~ f i vbp066ocov v i m i v EGlcav-ro. The Turks had done this so that it would not be possible to distinguish the Christian from the Muslim corpses and thus the heavy losses of the Turks would be obscured. to offer peace terms to the emperor. considerable portions of the army and their commanders had succeeded in regrouping about the emperor. translates the letter of Manuel to Henry Plantagenet. N. The battle that ensued in the difficult mountain pass was a disaster almost of the magnitude of Manzikert. A fierce sandstorm SO obscured events that Greeks and Turks were not able to distinguish friend from foe. Konya ve Duzbel 1rg6-rr~G(Istanbul. Upon the refusal of the emperor. taking booty and slaying the stragglers and the wounded. p. o h p ~ ~ ~ V T ~ &O c p o ~ i p ~hci ~ PauihiwS Ka-r& -rbv T ~ S ~ P ~ V ~ pU V i E Kaipbv xpfipa-ra.v. Caught and surrounded by the Turks in the narrow defiles. Bisnnzio.rrorap5v K a l p TQV 8v0 wpcp\ihwu papp&pwv. he sent an embassy to the emperor asking for peace. Kap-Herr. Dolger. the sultan had withdrawn As and scorched the earth. ignoring the difficulties of the army and the vigorous objections of his most experienced generals. with the subsiding of the storm. 23s Nicetas Choniates. pp. an action that he later regretted.280Finally. S I +I 124 125 . Vismara. 25. 247. with the result that they killed indiscriminately. Riley (London. 1524. ~ T TOV x k p m a T E ~ I T ~ ~ X O V T E S E 01 pappapoi cpovais & Y S K ~ ~ ~ O T O ~ bpoEfhiS. Uzluk (Ankara. Gabras. rejected the offers of peace. they saw the hosts of the slain.234 Certainly the sultan’s behavior is incongruous with the nature of his victory. ” Nicetas Choniates. vohhol 6QK a l T O ~ Sl0uqdhhous hE~auhtuOquav.230 The sultan had made considerable preparations for the conflict by recruiting large numbers of Turks from the regions of Mesopotamia and from the regions farther to the ea~t. I. V &6qpovGv fiv h a s . I 881). Turkish trans.

“Cilician Armenia. 395-396. Louma. nos. The rebels put up a very determined struggle. 327-329. Bar Hebraeus. 347. Until the latter’s defeat. Brand. 480-481. and sometime later he destroyed the walls of Kaisum. rebelled and established himself independently at T h e chaos in the Byzantine regions of Asia Minor increased markedly during the reign of Isaac I1 Angelus ( I 185-95). Der Nersessian. and Charax (between Lampe and Graos Gala). 240 Nicetas Choniates. Brehier. As the empire became inextricably drawn into the whirlpool of Balkan and Italian Nicetas Choniates. 205 O n the decline of Byzantine authority in Cilicia. Regesten. carrying off its inhabitants into captivity. the raiders turned to the coastal regions. entered the regions of Celbianum and carried off large numbers of the inhabitants and livestock. as well as other towns. Kilidj Arslan sent the emir Same to invade the empire’s territory. The imperial troops did arrive in time to attack the Turks as they were crossing the Maeandcr at Hyelion and Leimmocheir and destroyed most of them.240These isolated incidents indicate that the nomadic tribesmen on the borders had taken advantage of the battle of Myriocephalurn to push their movements and depredations deeper into Byzantine territory. Nicaea.T O h O CW@fflV6VTWV &IQV. 8 XElp O h h E ~ q h h J &Ahh6yOJmOS. ravaging and subduing the surrounding villages. pp. C. After the accession of Andronicus. p.244The disobedience of the provincial officials took an alarming turn in the same year when Isaac. B’rantCaz Confronls the West. 111. The remaining three years of Manuel’s reign ( I I 77-80) saw an intensification of the Turkish raids on Byzantine territory along the bordcrs from northern Bithynia to the Maeander districts.” Theodore Scutariotes-Sathas. from almost certain capture at the hands of the Turkmens. calling in the Turks to aid them. a41 Michael the Syrian. 376-379. Michael the Syrian. Finding little resistance. The focal center of resistance to Andronicus was the city of Philadelpheia under the command of John Comnenus Vatatzes. Theodore Mangaphas of Philadelpheia 242 Nicctas Choniates. t559. 111. I. Nicetas Choniates. 1r8o-1~04 (Cambrldge. frec from the Byzantine threat. the cities of Byzantine Asia were caught up in a civil war that proved as destructive as the ravages of the e n e m ~ . and as the soldiers of much of the Thracesian theme had crossed to Europe. Krlrdj Arslan’s armies captured Sozopolis. As Manuel refused to destroy the fortifications of Dorylaeum. and as a ~4~ result of his measures against the aristocracy. 337 ff.POLITICAL AND MILITARY COLLAPSE I POLITICAL AND MILITARY COLLAPSE 1 i: ! i inhabitants of the Anatolian regions still held by the empire.000 to raid the Christian lands. so that after their defeat Andronicus subjected the cities to savage reprisals.240 A few years later ( I 188-89). 257-259. and they were quite often supported by Turkmen troops who came in to plunder. 2 4 4 Nicetas Choniates. Nicaea. and at the other extreme Attaleia was subject to a long arduous ~iege. Michael the Syrian. “ 60av iugwhlwv crrdto~wv~ ~ -rrohdpwv a ’ A U I & T I ~ E ~ r l 1 Kal i‘iv T& ~ T E G ~ 6pcjpva -rrohh+ Swsa@bmEpa TQV & b1~6pwv EV KU\ O h W s E l T E i V . The sons of Vatatzes fled t o Iconium.238 On two other occasions the emperor himself appeared with the army in unsuccessful efforts to drive the Turkmens out of the regions of Panasium. 642-644. Phrygian Antioch.” pp. Theodore Scutariotes-Sathas. 1558. The last hope for the removal of the Turkish power had gone up in smoke. The sultan himself. 143 126 127 . the sultan sent the Atabeg with an army of 24. ?yXdplos 28ipl<E 8~51dt. 340.239 I n northcrn Bithynia the emperor saved the city of Claudiopolis. 51-55. to the north Cotyaeum was sacked. Lacerion. control of the Anatolian districts slipped from the hands of the emperors. the weak government in Constantinople was not able to protect its subjects in the area against these rebellious elements. It was after these events that KXclj Arslan revisited Mclitene and had his interesting mccting with Michael the Syrian. 327. turned to the east. 308. 390-391. the military forces of Paphlagonia. it seems safe to assume that the presence of large numbers of nomads in the border area served to absorb theshock oftheByzantine attackand to exhaust the Christian armies before their contact with the forces of the sultan. Theodore Scutariotes-Sathas. ~ Y E ~ O T~~EIS. b u t the names are not given. The more frequent changes on thc throne also enabled the sultans to exploit these critical moments to raid and to conquer bits of the borders.. Pentacheir. 1gG8). With the change in succession. the governor of Tarsus. and Prusa. besieged and suffering from famine. 373-376. 111. Because of the Turkish support that the insurgents received and because they could readily seek refuge in enemy territory. TV 230 Nicetas Choniates. z88 I affairs. Dolger.24~ When in 1182 Andronicus Comnenus set out from Oenoe on the Black Sea to claim the throne i n Constantinople.241 The quarter century elapsing between the death of Manuel in I 180and the fall of Constantinople to the Latins in 1204 witnessed a rapid disintegration of central authority i n the remaining Anatolian provinces and a correspondingly greater activity of the Turkish tribes. The Turks appeared suddenly in the Maeander valley and sacked Tralles. took the last important vestige of the Danishmendid heritage (Melitene) in I 177. 254-257. which they also plundered. Though it is difficult to estimate the contribution of the Turkmen tribes to this victory in 1176. Because of Manuel’s preoccupation in the west with its attendant neglect of Turkish affairs. Theodore Scutariotes-Sathas. Vie el Mort. The Turks. 340. Upon Manuel’s death ( I I 80). Nicetas Choniates. H e took other regions also. 388. and the Thracesian theme were withdrawn from the borders and employed in the civil war. Kilidj Arlsan had had the time and the opportunity to remove his rivals and to consolidate his kingdom. 25o-z5+ Ibid. unopposed. That this military action in I I 76 took place SO many hundreds of miles west of Manzikert was a clear demonstration of the great growth of Turkish strength in Asia Minor. rebellion broke out once more in Asia Minor ( I 184) centering on the cities of Lopadium. 359-375. 296. Rebellions mushroomed throughout the breadth and length of the area in question.

The most spectacular of these rebellions was that of the Pseudoalexius who received a letter from the sultan of Iconium enabling him.M. there was no pause in the rebellions of the ambitious. ed. distinguishes this Choma-Angelocastron from Choma-Soublaion. p. profiting from the confused state of affairs.O. 129 I 28 . 522. Having thus collected a sizable force. and as he was not able to apprehend the rebel. pp. 11. no doubt) who were interested in booty and raiding. ~Egr). M. 0. Ibn al-Athir. 323-329. Philadelpheia became the scene of conflict between Germans and Greeks.26o the victories of BarIf barossa and the squabbles of Kilidj Arslans’s successors provided the Greeks a temporary respite from Turkish raids. Latrus in the theme of Mylasa and Melanoudium after they had been destroyed again by the Turks. 1581. 280. The very year in which Kilidj Arslan died revolts broke out in the regions of the Maeander River.26s One year later relations betwcen Iconium and Constantinople became so bad that Kaykhusraw invaded the Maeander River valley. Vismara. “Choma Aggtlokastron. Bar Hebraeus. Ansbert. as he came upon it at night. Bisanzio. 624-626. By the terms of the surrender.~64 emir of Ankara. from which city the emperor was in the end forced to purchase the A new element of confusion appeared with the march of the German Crusaders under Frederick Barbarossa. 395-397..Holder-Egger. Nicetas Choniates. I. p. the Germans had to fight the Turkmens of the borderregions and finally the forces ofthe sultan. however. Miklosich et Muller. in company with a Latin from the Maeandrian town of Armala.249 The defeat of the Turks at the hands of the Crusaders and the division of the sultan’s domains among his eleven heirs a few years before his death in I I 92 permitted Isaac Angelus to undertake some modest actions against the enemy. and H e coined silver with his own image. These nomads. Fontes rerum byzanlinaruni (Petropolis. 21-31. Bachmann. p. The latter refused to furnish the rebel with an army but instead gave him permission to recruit followers from among those adventurous Turks (the Turkmens.” R. R. Theodore Scutariotes-Sathas. no. 1 8 9 5 ) ~ 258-278. hc burned and destroyed those fortresses that persisted i n aiding Pseudoalexiu~. The greater portion of the difficulties that Barbarossa encountered during his march from LaodiceiaKonya to Laranda and Cilicia was due largely to the Turkmen tribes. Mangaphas was able to make his escape to the court of Ghiyath &Din Kaykhusraw. 278-283. Turkmen raids.pp. Vie et Mort. 353-354..Z. Dolger.H. Laodiceia and the districts of Caria were similarly pillaged. and. Geschichle der deulschen Kaiserreit V I (Leipzig.698.2~~ The Turkish progress must have been quite vigorous if wc are to believe a letter that Kilidj Arslan sent to Michael the Syrian. accustomed to raiding the lands of the Christians. rgr y). to raise 8. 247 I Ida Bithynia. the Greek rebel returned to the environs of Philadelpheia. LVI (rgGo). 73. Regesten. In the south the monastic documents record that the emperor restored some order and prospcrity to the monastic establishments on Mt. Theodore Scutariotes-Sathas. Die Rede. proceeded to raid almost the whole length ofthe Maeander after having sacked the regions of Chonae a n d having completed the destruction of its great church by smashing thc mosaics and altar. A third Pseudoalexius appeared by the side of the emir of Ankara and then proceeded to subject the fortresses in the regions north of that city.. and that of Basil Chortatzes at Tarsia near Nicomedia once more immersed Bithynia in chaos. Paphlagonia. sacked many of the towns. A number of the towns of the Maeander valley surrendered to theinvaders but others resisted and so were destroyed. He was able to drive them out of parts of northwestern Anatolia and then built the fortress of Angelocastrum to prevent further tribal instrusions. 387-389. I 1-12 (hereafter cited as Salimbene). that a notable of the city was celebrating the marriage of his daughter and the noises of the cymbals. Regel. 1 1 394-395. Dolger. 258-262. dispense with them in very few w0rds.. H. 53.B. Nicetas Choniates. The besieged the city of Dadybra for four months and eventually forced it to surrender in I 196.000 Turkmens from the tribes under Arsanes. Ahrweiler. Salimbene. He would have taken Phrygian Antioch as well. rgog-13). Nicetas Choniates. XXXII (Hannover-Leipzig. It so happened. pp. “Kilic Arslan. 64. Michael the Syrian.000 i n all).247and though two expeditions finally succeeded in putting down the rebellion. ravaging the rural populations and their livestock. 521-524. 53. Regesten. ed. Imperatoris in expeditione sacra.K. 111. pp.” IA. Holder-Egger. 608-610. and invasions by the sultans prevailed for the next decade. M. Nicetas Choniates. Vismara.Bachmann. 553.POLITICAL AND MILITARY COLLAPSE POLITICAL AND MILITARY COLLAPSE revolted and raised the towns of Lydia with him. Theodore Scutariotes-Sathas.26s This pattern of rebellions. There were numerous other rebels who made their appearancc at this time but the chroniclers. 56-58. Cahen.C. XXIV (1966).. p. 539-541. once in Turkish territory. weary from the recitation of such events.~~l T h e rebellion of a second Pseudoalexius threw the regions of Paphlagonia into turmoil. and singing made such a din that the sultan mistook it for the martial music of the defending army and so he withdrew *5l a ~ Nicetas * Nicetas Choniates. According to its contents. The emperor Alexius 111 waged a twomonth campaign.H. von Giesebricht.E. Brthier. and a t Chonae the threshing A oors with the season’s harvest were consigned to the flames as was also the magnificent church of the Archangel Michael.G. M. Gesta Federici I. 1. Die Rede. “Selgukides et Allemands au temps de la trosikme croisade. The revolt was terminated by the death of the rebel at the hands of a priest in the town of Pis~a. 549-553.” W. a 4 9 Nicetas Choniates. Thence he retreated to Iconium. 333. 399-400Choniates. no. the sultan had taken seventy-two places from the Greeks since the beginning of Isaac’s reign ( I I 85) . the Greek inhabitants were forced to leave the city and were replaced by Muslim colonists. 0. W. and took away captive the entire population of Caria and Tantalus (5. 86-95 (hereafter cited as Gesta Pederici). and because of the destruction of the harvests and the threshing floors the Pseudoalexius was nicknamed Kauocihchvqs. 22-24. 1634. Scriptores Renctn Gerntanicanrm in usurn scholarurn (Hannover. Disanrio. IV. Turan. drums. H.

to Peter of Bracieus lands. 203 Vasiliev. Thus Lascaris was able to push back the advance of the Comnenoi in the north and to put an end to the independence of the Greek lords i n the river valleys. Urknnden I. Geschichte. of Nicaea. Three years later (I 2 14) Theodore concluded the treaty of Nymphaeum.” ~JkZntiO12. the rebels most often appealing to the sultans and Turkmen chiefs for aid. Profiting from the state of affairs. which established a trucc between Greeks and Latins. 84-85. I n 1 2I I he defeatcd and slew the sultan Ghiyath al-Din in the Maeander valley. Gardner. a tax official in the district of Mylasa. carved out a small principality in the regions of Sampsun-Miletus. 355. Dhlger.Der Nersessian. Rukn &Din. the Latins were forced to make good their claims on Anatolian soil by military force. Theodore Lascaris was hard pressed to maintain himself against all these foes simultaneously. Sabbas Asidenus. 420-4a I . L Political Stability and Polarization : N c e and Koilya iaa The year 1204 would seern to mark the next step in the dissolution of Byzantine authority in thc eastern provinces. “The Foundation of the Empire of Trebizond. The Turkish ruler gave him a Turkish army. “toward Iconium”. He chased ICaykhusraw from Konya and the latter fled to Constantinople. 264 Gardner. and he succeeded in falling upon the Turltmens of Arsanes and their herds. This included Neocastron (Chliara. or some rebel would succeed in establishing a splinter state. p. x = 30 I 131 . The latter retaliated by jailing the Greek and Turkish merchants of Konyn and confiscating their goods. three Greek aristocrats established themselves as independent lords in the river valleys of western Asia Minor.2GD Here he awarded fiefs to his brother Henry at Adramyttium. 421.000 Greek captives. n. son of Kilidj Arslan.202 Particularly significant in the fate of Byzantine civilization in Asia Minor was the capture of Trebizond by Alexius and David Comnenus i n 1204 and the establishment of the Trebizond state. effective central authority in Asia Minor had been seriously threatened. Tafel and Thomas. 1658. 427-428. whereas the father-in-law of the sultan. the story ofat1 f Embire in Exile (London. 1684. the latter were not able to concentrate all their forces in Asia Minor. and though defcated. Regerleti. Following the centrifugal pattern of the last few decades of the twelfth century. for in this year a number of new principalities wcre established in what remained of Byzantine Anatolian territory. 352. p. and in Cilicia Byzantine authority had disappeared with the emergence of the Armenian princes Rupen I11 (I I 75-87) and Leo I1 (d.201 In the south the Turks wcre infiltrating the districts of Lycia and Pamphylia. The difficulties began when the sultan detained two Arab stallions that the ruler of Egypt had sent to the emperor. Orgels. Theodore Scutariotes-Sathas. 191-191. a duchy of Philadelpheia. and to Stephen of Perche. dates it after 1212. Greek fortunes i n western Asia Minor were to improve considerably. among Latins. he followed the well-established pattern of seeking refuge with the sultan. p.250 The emperor sent a n army under Andronicus Ducas to attack the Turks. as Isaac Comnenus had done in Cyprus. “The Latin Empire of Constantinople. P. Either the Turkmens and the sultan would overrun all of Anatolia. Geschicltte. and this progress of the nomads on the borders was greatly aided by the Byzantine rebels who arose in western Anatolia. “Sabas Asidenos. sultans. the Latins were to keep northwest Mysia including the regions of Ciminas and Achyraous. under whom Cilician Armenia attained its independence. killing many of them.200 As Theodore Lascaris had succeeded in rallying Greek forces about him in Asia Minor. Byzantine political domination in these regions or Anatolia seemed doomed to extinction. 464-50r. XI (‘9361. Lnscarids. Manuel Maurozomes. I I ~ POLITICAL AND MILITARY COLLAPSE 1 . Byzantine Asia Minor. 67 ff. Simultaneously the emperor had gone to Nicaea and Prusa in order to protect them from the Turkmens of the Bathys area.” pp. Ostrogorsky. Following the conquest of Constantinople.” A I-lislory o the f Crusades. no. and Theodore received the lands south of the Caicus valley and east of Lopadium. and the third. which enabled the rebel to pillage the regions of the Maeander. the Latin emperor received. now a t war with the Greeks. What remained of Byzantine military forces was consumed in civil strile. 12 IS). Re@stetl. “Cilician Armenia. inherited Amisus and Amasra. 75. During the course of the next decade Greek Anatolia was caught up in warfare.268 The final collapse of Byzantine authority in western Anatolia seemed imminent. 1 e61 G. 1 . Ostrogorsky. Wolff. 3-37. Theodore Scutariotes-Sathas. and these latter very gladly assisted in a process that could only benefit them. but Calamus was to bc left uninhabited as a border region. L. 700-701. The Lascarids o Nicnea. rebelled. A. 2 5 8 Nicetas Choniates. the duchy Nicetas Choniates. to Louis of Blois. In the twenty-five years that had elapsed since the death of Manuel.263 contrary to the inauspicious developnients of But I 204. (1935). pp. According to the terms of this treaty. and by so doing halted the further disintegration of Byzantine political control i n Anatolia. by the terms of the Partitio Romaniae. 653-657.264 The Trebizondine Comnenoi lost their lands west of R. was able to establish himself in the Maeander valley with the aid of Turkish troops. The great internal weakening of the state and the successive blows it received from the Latins and Balkan peoples made it virtually impossible to halt the gradual Turkish westward infiltration.257 Commercial difliculties once more led to a breakdown of relations with the sultan (Rukn al-Din) in 1201. Theodore Mangaphas succeeded in taking control of the important urban center of Philadelplieia. but because of the Bulgarian attacks and defeat of the Latins i n Thrace.__ ______ ~ _ _ ~ r 7 POLITICAL AND MILITARY COLLAPSE to Philomelium where he resettled the 5. Adramyttium). and some half-dozen Greek aspirants.because of which the sultan unleashed new attacks on Byzantine territory. dynaste de Sampson. a certain Michael. r q I z ) . Dalger. 2 6 7 Nicetas Choniates. 657-658. (1202-1222)~ Spectrlzltn. .643-65 I . 1204-61. Pergamuin.

“Cilician Armenia. 1 0 1 . pp. Alaiya). and cities were rebuilt and fortified. T h e conditions responsible for the prosperity and comparative stability of Iife i n Anatolia were not sufficiently long-lived.25G The sultanate of Konya Mrittek. when not engaged in raids on Christians. Bces. . D e Stadtmnuer UON Iziiik (Berliii. Schneider and W. pp.” EI. 1827). Fallmereycr. “Arnienia. I. See especially the studies of 0. 51-66. and it is quite liltely that the Turltish conquest of the coastal regions might have taken place one century earlier than it actually did had it not been for the events attendant upon thc Fourth Crusade. The Seljuks were interested in events of the northern. Karnapp. Uinwni Tiirk Inriliitie girif (Istanbul. had not been overly amenable to the control of the sultans. TOG s 193-248. Also A. in the reconquest of Constantinople. Antalya. 197-210.’’ Le$ziger 14erte&dmsc/ir~t Siidosieuroja. Xanalatos. J. LascnridJ. Canard. Cahen. underwent a n even more lively development and expansion during this half century. M.” possiin. IgrG). or seminomads. T h c basic history of the Empire of Trcbizoiid has not yet been written. “The Turks in Iran and Rnatolia before the Mongol Invasions. Heft I I 29-139.265 The Latin conquest of Constantinople was undoubtedly responsible for the prolonged life of Byzantine authority i n Asia Minor inasmuch aq it forced the Greeks to focus their energies and numbers in Nicaea. Mcliarakes. I 943). southern. substantially increased in number with the arrival of new Turkish tribes fleeing the Mongol conquest in Transoxiana and Khurasan. it was the Udj Turkmens. The pressure from the new invaders out of tlic Altai was such that the Khwarazmshah himself. Les origities de l’enifiire oltoman (Paris. and the consolidation of the Taurus and eastern frontiers. concentrated along the Cilician. I . (Berlin. They had lived a quasi-independent existence and. (Istanbul. The Greek journal ’ApXEiou I?~UTOW is a vcritablc mine of primary and sccondary material. V. Glycatzi-Ahrweiler.” Byzaiilion.” A . Bryar. Sltrdie ziw Gescliiclile M’eestkleitinsietis im 13-15 Jnhr. must bc read with extreme caution and reservations. For conditions in Cilician Armenia. the subjugation of the Saltukids and Menguchekids in the northeast. I 961). and western borders. 309. W. The work of Z. “Mittelalterliche Bcfestigungen im siidlichen Jonien. The unification of these areas under Konya. “The Littoral of the Empire of Trebizond in Two Fourteenth Century Fortolano Maps.” D. the Byzantines halted the Turkish penctration after it had attained Attaleia (1207)in the south and Sinopc (I 14.. . who destroyed the centralization of power in Konya and who. on building activity in Lascarid Nicaea. and Laodiceia to the Seljuks. Jahrhundcrt (Nikgnisches Reich I~O~.1 2 5 . 97-127.98-109. Cotyaeum. ‘lmopfa 708 ~ ~ U I ) \ E [ O UT ~ Ni~a/cc$ a l 708 &EUTOT&TOW T ~ S S K ’Hmfpow I Z O ~ . and treaties between the Italian commercial cities and both Konya and Nicaea were concluded. Monastic Properties and the State in the Byzantine Empire. Djalal al-Din Mankobirti. 3. f “Le commerce anatolien a u debut du XIIIc sitcle. Ahrwciler. The Lascarids did much to revive the economic prosperity of the westernmost provinces.. XXVIII ( I 958).I P G I (Athens. A. l‘he disintegration of the maritime provinces was well undcrway by the end of the twelfth century. ‘‘ Anatolia before the Mongol”).POLITICAL AND MILITARY COLLAPSE P O L I T I C A L AND MILITARY COLLAPSE Sinope to the new state a t Nicaea. “ L a politique agraire des cmpcrcurs de NicCe.). 1934. ’ATTOYEIS TOG K P ~ O W S 61~1 TBVI. 53G-GoG. I V (194. By the marshaling of their forces in Anatolia.” I.” M&nges d’liistoire du moyen a l e dedib ci la tnimmoire de Louis Hnlfilien (Paris. I 82 ff. and comparative internal peace and stability enabled economic life in most of Anatolia to flourish for the first time since the eleventh century. A both Seljuks and Greeks were preoccupicd with other s foes. but b y 1 2 6 1both these circumstances had begun to change.~EY&)\CJV Ko~uquGv. X X I V (1961). “Wirtschaftliche Aufbauund Autarkiemassnahmen im 13. throughout the twelfth and early thirteenth centuries. D. pp. 2 The Nicaeaii state guarded its borders zealously. and his other studies.-IZGI). With the cessation of active warfare between Byzantines and Seijults for a half century. Izbmntp Socli. II. 1955)~ 14-20. 56-61. ‘‘ r [ O V T l a K U XEipbypaqa 2u 287 TQ ~. 1g35). and eastern Anatolian regions. Hisfozk du coianierce du Leuanl (Leipzig. On the fortif. Within the Seljuk domains. and more particularly his article. Zstoriia. pp. had on occasion become embroiled in the dynastic strife of the Seljulc ruling house. The boundary between Konya and Nicaea remained fairly constant between I 2 I I and the removal of the capital from Nicaea to Constantinople. Most important was the conquest of ports on the Black and Mediterranean seas (Sinope. X I ( I ~ J G I ) . Das F2rsteiitm Ade1iiescAe. ~ g q ) I. TreDirond (London.I<. Der Orientdische Knupfteppich (Tubingen. Ig51). Passini. A striking testimony to this development is the extensive number of caravansarays and khans that were built during the thirteenth century. Dns anntolisclie Karaunnsnriy des r3. Muslim and Christian merchants frequented Asia Minor in increasing numbers. A.) in the north. Togan.” A X . 1938). reorganizing its defense forces..” A I-lisfory o the Crusades. the borders remained comparatively stable and Anatolia once more began to experience the blessings of peace. i Die riilnischen iind byzantinischen Dettkrnaler uon Iznik-Nicaea (Berlin. Millcr. I. W. 1898). the history of relations between Konya and Nicaca is a relatively quiet one. Jahrlruriderls 2 an overall survey of Seljuk Anatolia at this time in chapter I I .p. “Smyrne”. The centralization of authority a t Konya and the continued residence of imperial authority at Nicaea were responsible for the seemingly calm state of affairs. XXIV. 20-27. once more much of Anatolia gradually lapsed into disorder and then anarchy.. 1946). “Alaeddin. These nomads. cations erected by the Lascarids to del’end the towns and the roads.P. 5-122.207 Withdrawal o the Byzantines to Constantiizojde and the Decline of Konya. Gordlcvski. “The fiir .lowcrdq KC~OTPOW~ i j ’Ayidpas. Charanis. 304-307. Schneider. 91-101.8).” A I I . Jah. Thc Trebizondine manuscripts now in Ankara are cataloged by N. attempted to flee to Asia Minor 14-34.. M. 11. Uspensikii. the acquisition of seaports for the first time. Miiller-Wiener. and continued to the Gulf of Macri (Fetiye) opposite Rhodes in southwest Asia Minor. 661-692 (hereafter cited as Cahen. and eleven years later John Vatatzes further reduced the Latin holdings in Bithynia and eventually the Latins were removed from Asia Minor. I 939. Der Nersessian. IX (igsg). The border ran from a point west of Sinope in an arc that left Castamon. the Nicaeans. monastic and other ecclesiastid institutions once more bloomed. pp. ( I ~ G I ) . 733 . IG ff.M.O. I 35-136. Koprulii.. Gardner. Heyd. Erdmann. W.” EI. Lampsides in this periodical. f f Establishineiit o the Emirates and Emergence of the Ottomans. Seljuk art likewise experienced its short but amazing esJor a t this time. Gescliiclite dts Kaiserllisnis uoii Tra)erutzt (Munich. Trebizondine.

Regesten. upon receipt of the news that Constantinople had been retaken.208 Given the great differences in social and economic habits as well as in religious outlook of the Anatolian Turkmens and the Muslim sedentary society ofAnatolia. “Anatolia before the Mongol. he was of zosH. The Mameluke sultan Baybars. 33-34.A.. Cahen. Gottschalk. J. 690-691. 692. Boyle. Cahen. Die Mongolen. the Mongols executed the pervane.27a I n western Asia Minor. “Djalal &Din Khwarazm-shah. and Hadji Bektash. henceforth. 337-338. 81-91. But if they continued to hold eastern Asia Minor firmly. 149. and henceforth the Anatolian sultanate became a vassal state of the Mongols. it was only with difficulty that the Turkmens of the Taurus and western Anatolia were subdued.” pp.. under. 321-312. 342-345 (hereafter cited as “Notes”).2. Die Mongolen. “Sur les traces dcs premiers Akhis. Dolger. A. The nomads had not been sufficiently assimilated into the Seljuk system and would in the latter half of the century partition and destroy the Seljuk Greatly weakened by tbis spectacular Turkmen rebellion. 1824-1825. (Bcrlin.. L (1959). Nazif a1 Ilamawi iiber die Schlacht von Ja:yydimen.)’ kY. LVI (1960). Die Mongolen in Iran. The utterance of the protoasecretis Sennacherim the Evil. The Turkmens of the western borders also seem to have been actively disobedient to Konya. Cahen.” p. T h e territorial disintegration of the state was further accelerated by the degeneration of Mongol rule in Rnatolia during the late thirteenth and the early fourteenth century. as was to be expcctcd. the paucity of the sources has obscured many of the important details. against the counterattack of the Latins. Girig.M. the hostility of the Turkmens was galvanized by the religious preaching of heterodox holy men flocking into Anatolia at this time. “Notes. Baba Ilyas. On the economic decline see chapter iii as also. Though the Turkmen rebellion failed and the Seljuk-Mongol forces eventually reasserted authority over the towns of the plateau.K. and when Baybars withdrew from Anatolia. Cahen. unleashed a revolt agaist Seljuk authority which attained considerable proportions before its suppression by armies with considerable numbers of Christian mercenaries.” pp. Spuler. 278 I34 ‘35 . The great movements of commerce across Anatolia were partially disrupted. of considerable importance in Anatolian history. p. diplomatically and militarily. The Karamanids. The Mongol intrusion aftcr I277 was marked by the further settlement ofMongol and castern Turkish tribes with their military chiefs in eastern Anatolia. Latin crusading fervor. For the details. Greek despots. 43. nos. Pachymeres. “Notes pour I’histoire dcs Turcomanes d ’ h i e Mineure a u X I I P sikcle. 2d ed. the caravans tended to touch on the easternmost fringes of Anatolia. 405406. Bar Hebraeus. pp. the Seljuks were crushed shortly thereafter by the Mongols i n the battle of Kose Dag (I243). Spuler.55-67. 302.” pp. his group and other Turkmens no doubt continued to flock into Anatolia. 222-237. and i n fact began to slip from the hands of the sultans at Konya. “Eine neuentdeckte Quelle zur Geschichte der Seltschuken in Anatolien. Turkmen independence was henceforth an accomplished fact. no...K. and Latin G. pp.POLITICAL AND MILITARY COLLAPSE POLITICAL AND MILITARY COLLAPSE with his followers. one is not overly surprised at the course of events in the mid-thirteenth century. v e 7 0 Cahen. Togan. 73 ff. 325-326. and. I. Regeslen. The combined impact of Turkmen rebellions and Mongol conquest had destroyed the political unity of the Seljuk state and removed the possibility of a more peaceful development of the land i n social and economic matters. through their preaching to the Turkmens of the regions between Amasya and the eastern Taurus. “Baybars I. 725 ff.0. The friction between scdentary and nomadic society came to a head for the first time in the explosive revolt of Baba Ishak c. The most rccent opinion of scholarship on s the movement i embodied in the article of Cahen. 1955). 1239-4. Dolger.” J. Even though he was defeated a t the battle of Yashichymen in 1230 by the Seljuks and Ayyubids. ig55). Spuler. invaded eastern Anatolia and defeated the Mongols at Kayseri (1277).Z. For the Byzantino-Turkish treaty of I 254-55. “Anatolia before the Mongol. Cahen.271 Seljuk-Mongol armies were forced to repress Turkmen disorders in the regions of Laranda and in the west about the plain of Dalaman Chay in 1261-62.270 Though there ensued a period of varying stability down to 1275 as a result ofthe appearance of capable Seljuk administrators. 83-88. 683-684. pp.” W.”274The conquest of Constantinople rekindled. I." EI. T h e next great outbreak of Turkmen rebellion took place against the background of Mameluke intervention. Out of close contact with Konya. were all connected with the leader of the movement. pp. H e and his followers. The shifting of the capital from Nicaea to the Bosphorus entailed neglect of what had remained of the empire’s possessions in Asia Minor. Die h!!ongolen. “The Mongols. “The Mongols. so that the emperors were caught up i n the politics and strife of Slav rulers. "Baha'i.” EI. encouraged by his victory over the Mongols at Ayn Djalut i n 1260 and prodded on by certain Turkish Anatolian begs. the western regions were far more difficult to control. was prophetic: “Let no one hope for good. W e t .” Fmd Kojrulii Arniaguni (Istanbul. 1776 on the treaty between Vatatzcs and Ghiyath &Din Kaykhursraw in 1243. Byzantine rule collapsed in the half century following the recapture of Constantinople from the Latins.” EI. The corollary to the reconquest of Constantinople was the repossession of the empire’s former lands in Europe. “Der Bericht des Ibu.” pp. The Mongols took over direct control of the Seljuk administration in Asia Minor imposing their own fiscal institutions on those of the Seljuks. I.2’2 Previously (1276) the Turkmens of the Taurus had revolted and under the leadership of the Karamanids attacked and captured Konya where they placed a certain Djimri on the throne. As the position of the pervane was not clear. since the Greeks again dwell in the City. and henceforth the Greek rulers werc forced to defend themselves. 346 ff. Even in central Anatolia the struggle of the Ilkhanids and Mamelultes made this a border region subject to considerable political fluctuation and military vicissitude.M. 727-732. Spuler. Though the grave significance of the Babai rising has long been recognized. CCXXXIX (1951). course compromised in the eyes of the Mongols.

“Aidinoglu. they deserted to the Turks. The Lascaris dynasty had. Andronicus I1 crossed to Asia Minor. though to contemporaries they were meaningless. Thyraia. but the progress of the latter was such that Antioch and Caria were irretrievably lost. Kissling and A. 502-505. by its piety and charity.-G. 37-48. “Smyrne. pp. reign (1282) only twenty years after his entry into Constantinople. Treu. 14-18. Nine years later (1278) Byzantine generals attempted to clear the invaders from the Maeander valley. 1 pp. pp. discusses the episode of Philanthropenus and shows that he was probably the model of Belisarius in this late Byzantine epic. one-half century after the removal of the emperor from Nicaea to Constantinople. Arnakes. 9-1 I. Byzantine Anatolia was militarily defenseless and economically a shamble~. Soon after Philanthropenus was defeated. Prusa ( I 326). I t also permitted the Turkmens to increase the extent of their raids. and this unpopularity was manifested in religious controversies as well as in rebellions. The manpower and finances of the state were not equal to the demands and tasks that the repossession of Constantinople had imposed. in 1282 Tralles r\ and Nysta fell. the poem of Belisarius.” EI. with the collapse of the Nicaean and Seljuk states. “Byzantium’s Anatolian Provinces in the Reign of Michael Palaeologus. Wittek. The government imposed heavy taxes on the inhabitants and installed rapacious rnercenaries who treated the inhabitants as enemies. I C J ~ Z ) . Lemerle. they may have begun to infiltrate the Byzantine regions to the west. but it was temporary and the land was already desolate and in ruins. Mentesche. I n the struggle between Josephites and Arsenites. Ephesus. Nicaea ( I 33 I ) . The result was his rebellion. z 199. I 964). 37-44. passim. says 1308. I n pursuing his dynastic and economic policies Michael abolished the tax immunities of the acrites and attacked the privileges of the large landowners. Menlesche. Arnakis. supported by Greeks and Turks.276 The dissolution of the local mililary defensc and the alienation of the populace with the attendant rebellions and acts of disobedience brought anarchy and banditry to many parts of the Anatolian provinces. 9. By the first decade of the fourteenth E century. During the first decade of the fourteenth century various u Turkish emirs reached the sea as Pergamum fell in 1 3 0 2 . The occupation of Constantinople also brought the empire into the focal point of the Venetian-Genoese commercial fire. Beck. J.~~~ Bithynia resisted for another two decades.” Serta Monacensia. but each military expedition failed for one reason or another to achieve its goal. H. I 5 I . The army. 44 if. such as Philanthropenus. 174-175. and were never content to leave him there for any long period. Caria and Antioch on the Maeander had fallen in 1278. On the influx of Turlmens along the river valley. ’OOwpwof. a7° a77 136 I37 . Byzatice et l’0ccidetrt (Paris. PP. 0 TPQTOI ’OOwpavol (Athens. The efrorts of Alexius Philanthropenus i n the Maeander valley in stemming the influx of the nomads were so successful that they aroused the envy and suspicion of the central authority.” pp. The measures of Michael V I I I made his dynasty unpopular in Byzantine Anatolia. These elements were either removed from the armies or else. which succeeded in an extensive reassertion of imperial authority in parts of Caria in 1269. no. By the end of G. 11.istuZne (Amsterdam. by its economic and political accomplishments. Trachia Stadia and Strobilus on the Carian coast were already Turkish in 1 2 6 9 . the Asia Minor populace by and large sided with the antigovernment party. Schrnaus (Leiden.“ Acles du XUdcongr2s internntiotrol des itudes byznntities (Belgrade. “Belisar-Philantliropelios. 42. and the donning of the purple. ’Oeopavoi. I..POLITICAL AND MILITARY COLLAPSE POLITICAL AND MILITARY COLLAPSE princes. the Turkmens had carried practically everything before them along a line stretching from the Black Sea to the Aegean. Michael’s expedition was successful in driving the Turks across the Sangarius.Ahrweiler. 1957). pp. was soon recalled for service in Europe. 13. The rebellion of Alexius Philanthropenus i n 1296 also received a certain support from the Anatolians. 1g47). and Pyrgi were taken i n I 304 despite the temporary relief brought by the appearance of the Catalans in A n a t ~ I i a The main cities of . L‘Enhol d’Ajdin. Michael’s. Nicomedia ( I 337). Arnakis. but a frightful earthquake terminated the expedition before it made contact with the Consequently. By default. Lemerle. there resulted an outright alienation from Constantinople of large segments of Greek society in Bithynia and elsewhere. 20. and in the strife over the ccclesiastical union of Lyon with the Latins. pp. the Turkmens had come in and within a half century Byzantine authority disappeared. 24-60. Because of the actions and measures of the new Palaeologan dynasty. p. In 1261 and 1262 the Turkmens had been temporarily defeated by Seljuk-Mongol armies and it is quite possible that rebuffed by Konya. M.~7~ The emperors made occasional efforts to halt or drive out the Turkish raiders who were beginning to settle down in Byzantine lands. 46-52. T h e emperors in Constantinople were always wary of the presence of a successful or popular general in Anatolia. culminating in a rebellion that had to be repressed with cruelty. pp. I g60). Arnakis. ed. become endeared to the Christians of the Nicaean state and the ruthless treatment of John I V produced a strong reaction. Thus the words of Sennacherim were ominously prophetic. Regestnr. and so the Turks reentered. Dolger. Wittek. The withdrawal of the government and of considerable military forces to Constantinople were no doubt sufficient i n themselves to consummate the necessary debilitation of Byzantine resistance in Asia Minor. there arose a considerable number of beyliks or emirates which competed with one another in conquering the lands o the sultan and the emperor. Mentesclie. but see 1’. 16-17. alienated. The removal from Nicaea coincided with the period of Seljuk decline and with the resurgence of Udj Turkmen aggressions. Mnxiini Monachi Plotzrtrh Ej. pp. Michael V I I I Palaeologus had usurped the imperial crown from the youth John IV Lascaris and had blinded him.270 Pachymeres. Aydin. a 7 0 Wittek. 26-34. Melikoff. Das Belisar-Lied der Palaiologenzeit. whereas others were reemployed in Europe.

280The remainder of the beyliks that had appeared prior t o the end of the thirteenth century enjoyed a longer life-span.m. X. “Les relations entre la Crete et les Rmirats turcs d’Asie Mineure au XIVe siecle (vers 1348-1360). the capitals of the many emirates served as administrative. EIe proceeded to establish a n independent state and dynasty that came to rule Magnesia on the Hermus along with Menemen. 9-1 I. pp. Ayditr. UzunGarqli. economic. J. I-I. and Anatalya.argili. but was himself dcfeated and executed by the Akkoyunlu in 1398. 19-22. ‘‘ ‘H I T P ~ ~ F~I T O ~ I-rrapoiKLa TGVB E V E T ~UT& llcchha (Mih~’t. thc intervening eighteen years having been filled with the anarchy and strife of rebels.” A E ~ T ~ O V i Xpio-riawiKijS ’Apxai~i s ohoyiKq~‘E-raipdaS.9-354.Taeschncr. “Anntalya. one containing the morc northerly region. the descendants of the Danishmendids founded the emirate of ICarasi at the end of tlic thirteenth and beginning of the fourteenth century.2*6 The 280 Cahen. 336-340. if indeed thcy were in existence prior to the end of the century. Ankara. . 3 I -32. “Notes. 283 Uzunc. “Results of Studies in the History of the Aydin Ogullari. 34.. Zachariadou. “Eretna. Mamelukes. That of the Karamanids in the Taurus region seems to have begun to take form by the mid-thirteenth century and after 1277 was in effect independent. and in the course of the two centuries between the collapse of the Seljuk-Nicaean equilibrium and the final Ottoman conquest of Asia Minor. 111 (1962). pnssini. and A k l t o y ~ n l u s Other powerful Turkmen . S ~ Z . who had their center at Kutahya. “Hamid. and Turgutlu. Beylikleri. 12G4. no. Cahen. 309-318.).. Nevertheless.” EL. Gordes. Develi Karahisar.POLITICAL AND MILITARY COLLAPSE POLITICAL AND MILITARY COLLAPSE Anatolia was once more parceled into numerous independent principalities. I-I. he eventually established himself as the independent ruler of much of central and eastern Anatolia. (AliBey.0-349. Profiting from the dynastic strife of the Ilkhanids.” A. 1964). Ottomans. putting upon the Anatolian population the heavy burden of supporting numerous governments and armies. Nigde. including Sivas. de Planhol.” Er. 42-57. 251-25G. whose principality about Sinope dated from its reconquest (from the Greeks of Trebizond) c. Beylikleri. and Sharki Karahisar. pp.. were located on thc borders of BithyniaaZs3 the fourteenth century a number of new emirates appeared..” pp.” XI1. Amasya. Saruhan Beg. pp. “Germiyan okullari. and religious centers that gradually restored varying degrces of stability and prosperity. 3 4 . 281 Cahen.288 I n destroying the Byzantine and Seljuk structure of Anatolia. 26 (1330). a process clearly discernible by the third and fourth decades of the fourteenth century. which was originally a Seljuk fief on the Byzantine frontier. The articles. pp. V (1947-48). ’ O O ~ ~ a v o i l 7 1 ff.” Acles dtc XU6 congrks iriternnlionnl des h d t byzantines (Belgrade. H.” pp. The Ottomans. and the Pervaneo&dlari about Sinope were comparatively short-lived. Flemmlng.” pp. he was replaced by Ghiyath al-Din Eretna (of Uighur origin) who succeeded in receiving official appointment from the Ilkhan Abu Sa’id. Uzunc. Ariadoln Beylikleri ue ilkkoyirnlu Deuletleri (Ankara. Uzunpyili.ZBo In eastern Anatolia there was a thread of continuity i n Ilkhanid rule. “Eshrefogullari halckinda bir kac. 213-221. The rise of the Akkoyunlu (fourteenth century to I 5 0 2 ) . founded an independent dynasty in the western riverine regions about Izmir and Ephesus (Ayasoluk) in the very early years of the fourteenth century. XXVI.” ‘lUTOpiK& o-roixeia crivcc O a f i M a TOG ‘Aylou @avowpiow. the degree of recovery Dergisi. In At the turn of the century the dynasty of the Hamidogullari established itself in the districts of Egridir.was eventually absorbcd by the Djandnrogullari in the first hall of the fourteenth century.” EI. were perhaps independent by 1277. Uluburlu. 103-108.11. Pisidien toid Lykien itn Sjiilniillelalter (M’iesbaden. Wittek.” “Dhu’l Kadr. and Ramazan was indicative of the density of the Turkmen penetration i n the eastern provinces during this period. Karamanids. Dhu ‘l-Kadr (1337-1522) . 1937). pp. Akin. Aksaray. Karakoyunlu. Darende. I 964. Beylikleri. Sometime later the family holdings were split into two independent beyliks.. See also E.pp. an oficial of the Germiyanids. 23-26. 3G-38. 48-52.0)T ~ S T K ~ ~ V M.281 The Germiyanids. “Aidinoglu. the Germiyanids.” EI. pp. ’Aolas(hm t A h q v i ~ b Eyypaqo TOG 1355). R. the Sahibo&dlari at Karahisar between I h t a h y a and Akshehir. Some ofthese. When the Mongol governor Timurtash fled to Egypt in 1327. pp.284Aydinoglu Muhammad Beg. “Ak-Koyunlu.That of the Sahibo~ullnri. As the period of these conquests receded into the historical$li. “Notes. pp.” EI.J. Cahen.. asu Uzunc. Demirdji. over twenty principalities came into existence. The$. Bgdiklrri. The DjandarogullarI. ~ M. approximately half of these taking form prior to the end of the thirteenth century.” “Karakoyunlular. Arnakis. F. the other containing Anatalya and its environs. The emirate of the Eshrefoogullari was suppressed by the Mongol governor Timurtash in 1325.. seems to have been absorbed by its larger neighbors. 133 I39 .” EI. Merzifon. 281 Melikoff. “Akkoyunlar. madc this the core of an extended state in 1 3 0 7 . however. such as the emirate of Denizli (c. Nif. I. Manusakas. Metilesche. In 1381-82 Burhan al-Din proclaimed himself sultan of the lands of Eretna. J. Samsun. having received Castamon as a fief from the Ilkhanids in 1292. “Burhan al-Din. 1261-1278)~ the Eshrefo&dlari at Begshehir (second half of thirteenth century. was like Aydinoglu originally an emir of the Germiyanids. “Notes. Lemerle. Yalvach. the Turkmens further intensified the politically disunified character of this region and brought the spectcr of tribal raids and the unceasing warfare of petty states.). The rule of his dynasty became so weak by the 1360’s that his governors had usurped control of the main towns and in 1365-66 the beys revolted. Tokat.Ktdahya FeSelrri (Istanbul. Bcylikleri.~~~ states appeared in the cast during the fourteenth century. 1932). Kramers. 24-56. 34. Mongol administration had given way to the rule of Turkmen tribal confederations.. Ibid.” Ankara Utiiversitesi D l ue Tnriii-CograSya Fnkultesi i founder of Saruhan (late thirteenth or early fourteenth century).” EI1.282 Farther to the West in the regions of Adramyttiuin and Balikesri.pp. This principality became so powerful that it intcrvened actively in the European affairs of the Byzantine Empire. ” Tarill i osninni eticiinieni mecmunsi. Kayseri.I 325). (1964. Uzunpr$li.231-240. but by the end of the fourteenth century. Thiriet. “Karasi. Lnndsc/rnfls~esc/ric/rleuon Pnntphylien. z8G Melikoff. Thc Turkinens about Denixli seein to have formed an independent principality but were crushed after the rebcllion of Djimri by the sultan. Rypka. 13-14.” IA.

had turned his eyes westward. sought to exploit Ottoman involvement in Europe ( I 389) by territorial aggression. ~ t i i ~ I ) n ~ l l a z a d c .28 It seemed that Anatolia. “Gcrmiynn-oghullari. 91-93 (hcrcafier cited as Ashikpashazade-Ali). whose followers threw the regions of Aydin into a state of political and religious ferment in 1 4 1 6 . and two years later at the battle of Chubuk-ovasi near Ankara he scattered the armies of Bayazid and so thoroughly crippled the Ottomans that to contemporaries it appeared the Ottoman Empire had bccn forever H. ICreutel (Graz. 2d ed.” EI.r (r432--1+81)(Paris. Hamid. Tevarik/i-i Ali 31. 2 ~ 2I-Iis successor Murad I1 extended Ottoman possessions in the south and east with the annexation of Tekeili in 14. Sinope from the house of the Is€endiyaro. Ashikpashazade. VII (rgso).E. Berger de Xivrey. The translations.A l i . 11. M. Ashikpashazade. The History o Titnnr-Bec. primarily Burhan al-Din and the princes of Gerrniyan and Karaman. Behisna.” R. Lniidsclraflsgescliichle. (Ankara. and the towns of Albistan. pp. Sharaf al-Din Ali-Yazdi. In his first Anatolian campaign ( I 389-go). 170-1 79. I 942). w i Ashilcpashazadc-I(rctltel.155-160. and Germiyan. Kahta. pp. I n the east the last great world conqueror. D e Gcbtcrt eiriet Grossinnclrt-die Osntnriett (rgoo-r&) (Berlin. Uzun Hasan. he annexed. pp. Bnndolri Selcnklnlnri ue Aiiadolri beylikleri h a k k k d a bir miiknddirne ile Osmanli deuleliain kurth1. “Germiyanogullari. Bayazid I rapidly marched to the east to confront his enemies. pp. mr)-z26. “Badr al-Din ibn Kadi Samawna.”All.” EI. Werner. Mclikoff. Timur added his personal touch to the catastrophe.POLITICAL AND MILITARY COLLAPSR POLITICAL AND MILITARY COLLAPSE does not Seem to have been uniform or to have attained the prosperity of the preceding era of stability in the thirteenth century. Flemming. Ktzowri b the f Name o Tnrnerluin the Great. ” R. “De la dtfaite d ’ h k a r a A la prise de Constantinople (un demi-si&cled’liistoirc ottomane). ruler of the Akkoyunlu tribal confederation. But this was not yet to be the case because Bayazid’s expansion had been too rapid and the foundations of the empire were not set firmly. 236 ff. Some of the emirates.20s Muhammad I1 conquered the Black Sea coastal region ofAnatolia in 1460G I . Saruhan.291 T h e reassertion of Ottoman authority in the peninsula following the Timurid holocaust was to stretch over the entire fifteenth century. l’etis d e la Croix (London. La cnmnpagne de Tz’tnrir en Atintolie (Bucharest. Lampsides. T5 ..-M. Sharaf al-Din Ali Yazdi. G. 1961). An alignment of Karamanids. pp. and annexed his lands with the city of IConya. the Ottomans had not only consolidated their position i n Bithynia but had. 275-278. J. When a number of the Anatolian emirs. 52-G0. Muhammad I laid the foundation for recovery from his base in Amasya as he removed his brother Isa from Bursa and united the European possessions with those in western Asia Minor. ACrLinoire sur le vie el les ouurngu de L’etiipereur Manuel Pulblogcie (l’acis.. His task in Anatolia was further complicated by the socioreligicus movement ofBadr al-Din of Samavna. Kreutel). and putting an end to the empire of Trebizond. His appearance in Anatolia shortly after the battle of KOSSOVO Polye marks the next important stage in the political development of Anatolia and indicatcs how far the Ottomans has outstripped the other Anatolian states.” EI. Malatya. CLXI ( I 94o). 1954). R. i\shikpsliazade-ICreutel. for the very existence of so many principalities in a constant state of war precluded such an attainment. would finally enjoy peace... 295-301. eventually $ 0 0 M. though i t was finally established in most of the regions by the end of tlie reign of Muhammad I1 (1481). Uzunpr$li Fetiline Kadnr. Alexandra-Dcrscn. though the dynasty continued to be a factor in Anatolian affairs until the end of Muhammad’s reign. “Die Schlacht hei Angora. they very naturally found it at Timur’s court. Being an Hislorical Jorirrial f OJ‘ h i s Conquests in Asia and Europe. One year later Bayazid’s victorious armies occupied the regions of Djanik. 258-293.. such as Saruhan. 260-268. 203 Melikoff. 1959)~ 109-115 (hereafter cited as Ashikpashazadepp.6. Ernperor OJ the Mongols arid Talars. “Hamid. pp. while others he subjected to vassal status.” EIS. 24.200The effect of Timur’s Anatolian campaign was to unsettle Anatolian political conditions for another half century as he restored many of the Turkish emirates to their former rulers and promoted division and strife within the domains of the sons of Bayazid. passin2 (hereafter cited as Sharaf al-Din Yazdi). destroyed. trans. 301-323. remaining in Anatolia for a considerable period of time and sending detachments of his army to reduce and plunder the regions of central and Western Asia Minor. X V I I ( i g ~ r ) 19-54. and when the Turkish emirs so recently dispossessed by Bayazid looked about for possible support. and the Djandarids temporarily halted Bayazid’s further expansion in central and eastern Anatolia. absorbed the neighboring emirate of Karasi on the southwest borders of the Ottoman lands.. pp. the sultans took an active interest in Anatolian politics in the reigns of both Orhan and Murad I. having allowed himself to be isolated politically by Muhammad 11. T G jAw0q fi Tpm~<oCi~.. “La date de la prise dc Trcbizonde pnr lcs Turc. significantly. Kissling. trans. Voni Hirtenzelt zr1r Aohen T#brte. 1332). dc I’lanhol. IZoloff. Wittck. After the battle of Ankara. cd. the domains of Burhan al-Din. “Bayazid I. Though the primary impetus of expansion for several decades thereafter carried the house of Osman into Europe. Inalcik. Bnbinger.. but by 1397after having dcfeated the western Crusaders at: Nicopolis. now largely (though not completely) in the possession of one ruler.” Hislorisclie Zeitschrifl. 246-249. and Divrigi.. i g q ) .B. translates writings of Manuel I1 which have to do with a part of Dayazid’s campaign. “:lntalya. Burhan al-Din.294 T h e turn of the Karamanids came next when from 1465 to 1468 Muhammad occupied Konya and their lands. Menteshe.” EI. 130-132. Tacschner. Otliiimn. 1851). Mnhoniet II le Corzquiratil el son tcin.pizdaa Ishibul’rin fcthirie kndnr. taking Amastris from the Genoese.r ( I ~ G I ) .4-262. Philadelpheia (Alashehir). “Bayazid I. 205-207. By the middle of the century. and annexed the principalities of Aydin.” EI. executed him.Z. Inalcik. pp.@dlari. ‘I 141 . The rclations of the two rulers progressively worsened as Timur captured and sacked Sivas in 1400. E. Ali Bey (Istanbul. H. i PP. Uzunqarsill. 1966). jassinz. Timur. he beat Karamanoglu a t Akchay. however. Bayazid reduced the last independent Greek city in western Asia Minor.E. 11.” EI. are not always accurate.24and more importantly with the land of Germiyan which Yakub Chelebi ceded in 1428-29. XI1 ( I 9 1 ) I 6-23.

and on rarer occasions it was even reversed. C. the issue having been dccided by a few key battles. In addition. Anatolia is not only a large territory. Kramers. The rise of the Safavis as well as other internal disturbances had repercussions for the stability and security of parts ofhnatolia. the degree to which the Anatolian Christians had been integrated into Muslim society by the mid-thirteenth century.” EI.”‘ The reign of Muhammad I1 was the decisive stage in the political reunification of Anatolia under the rule of a single state.POLITICAL AND MILITARY COLLAPSE suffered a decisive defeat at Otluq Beli in 1473. “ICaraman. In this. I. but it is possessed of extensive mountainous areas that served as natural defenses against the invaders. L. Celnli isyanluri (r550-1603). at other times it made little progress. played no comparable role in central and western ‘43 . J . settlement. “Cilicia. ethnographic. OsninnlZ b n ~ n r u ~ o r l i i ~ ~ iaSiretleri iskan tcgebbiisii (Istanbul nda 1963). J. At certain periods it proceeded at an accelerated pace. a significant number of towns and extensive regions were besieged. P M Canard. The Beginnings of Transformation Nature of the Turkish Conquest in the Eleuenth and Twelfth Centuries Having established a general chronological structure and periodization of the Turkish conquests in the preceding chapter. 373-374. I 23-147. pp.” Milunges Louis Mussignon (Damascus.” EI. Muhoniat. Thus the conquest operated in piecemeal fashion. The Turks were not able to subdue Asia Minor quickly but achieved its cornplete conquest in a continuous process that lasted four centuries. Babinger. 2 0 6 Minorsky. Because of this the government in Istanbul began to settle tribal groups in the deserted areas. the beginnings of thc transformation by which Anatolia became Muslim must next be examined.Dhu’l-Kadr (1522)). Palestine. Aubin.296 Conclusiotis The detailed analysis of Byzantine internal history prior to the battle of Manzikert (1071) and the narration of the critical political and military events in Anatolia over four centuries have. By h e sevcnteenth century. Anatolia was a long process. “Dhu’l ICadr. conquered. Mordtmann-V. 1956). “Notes sur quelques documents Aq Qoyunlu. though present among Armenians and Syrians in easternmost Anatolia. and political unification of . for this drawn-out period subjected Byzantine society to repeated shocks and dislocations. Consequently. I 9153). M. Menage. The Byzantine defeat at the hands of the Turks in 1071 and the subsequent penetration of the Turkmen tribes in the following decade were in large part the result of a half century of violent internal disorders. demonstrated two propositions : 1. This will entail discussion of three broad topics: the nature and effects of the Turkish conquests during the eleventh and twelfth centuries.” EI. the character and results of the breakdown in the Konya-Nicaea equilibrium from the late thirteenth to the late fifteenth century. and the Right ofsome of the rural population from the land had followed. the Turkish subjugation of Asia Minor differed from the Arab conquest of the eastern Byzantine provinces in the seventh century wherein the regions of Syria. (Ankara. disaffected because of religious persecutions on the part of the central government and weakened by the disbanding of the Arab client armies... The striking difference between the rapidity of the Arab conquest and the slower progress of the Turks was due to geographic. it would seem. rri. or raided on morc than one occasion. the final completion of which occurred four hundred years after the battle of Manzikert. “Akkoyunlu. Perhaps the single most fateful characteristic of the Turkish conquest in Anatolia was the longevity of the process.” ELB. The unification of Anatolia did not bring a permanent end to upheaval and disruption o f settled life. yet the Turkmen dynasties of the Akkoyunlu (1502). and Egypt. fell rapidly and definitively to the Arabs in less that a dccade. 2 The Turkish conquest. villages and agricultural activity had suffered from these rebellions. Orhonlu. and political factors. H.. Akdag. the factor of religious disaffection. Ramazan (1517) survived and into the early years of the sixteenth century.

and armies. though often in a less prosperous state. See thc comment of Eustathius oTThessalonikc in his address to Manuel I Comncnus. as Alexius I succeeded to the throne (IO~I). and the ocasional appearance of Crusading armies. the important cities of Artze. A brief glance a t the various regions of western Anatolia will clearly demonstrate the unrest that the Turkish invasions and settlement brought. and h i ) . Artukid. ” $v * Theodore Scutariotes-Sathas. the existing chroniclcs give a clear overall picture of the upheaval. 111. Related to the long-term. many parts of western Asia Minor were the scene of Turkish invasions. Neocaesareia. Prior to the battle of Manzikert. and places of habitation. With the collapse in the relative and ephemeral stability of the Setjuks and Nicaea i n the late thirteenth century. Danishmendid. But in the majority of cases the sacking of a city or town did not result in complete or immediate destruction. 944. ‘Popaiov yii Xpiu-riavQv alpauiv 6piaivvro. houses. In the period down to the mid-thirteenth century. and buildings were destroyed by the Turks. Finally. i n proportion to their sadly declining strength.BEGINNINGS OF TRANSFORMATION 1 I BEGINNINGS O F TRANSFORMATION Asia Minor. That there is a substantial and significant truth in this exaggeration becomes evident upon examination of the circumstanccs of the conquest in the various regions of the peninsula. Saltukid.2 Though the Greek historians have exaggerated in speaking of complete destruction. I I 1 P. “R I T O A E ~ ~ K QE ~ V C W ~K V miupcjv. Anna Comnena. an Armenian state in Cilicia. nevertheless this exaggeration was the result of the extensive destruction to urban and rural life resulting from this one and one-half century of warfare. made serious &or@. a number of these being pillaged on more than one 0ccasion.l I n some instances the sacking of a city or town entailed its complete destruction. 169. but also to a certain degree for the regions to the east as far as Antioch. Anatolia was much closer to the center of the Byzantine Empire than had been the provinces occupied by the Arabs and SO was capable of greater resistance. and churches. it could not and did not quietly acquiesce in the Turkish occupation. The Byzantines. Amorium.CXXXV. accompanied by considerable destruction in terms of public buildings. and a number ofTurkish principalities in the central and eastern regions-Seljuk. the sources reveal that the coastal towns of western Anatolia were in a dcstroyed statea4The western Anatolian districts continued to experience the rigors of an unusually savage border warfare throughout much of the twelfth century. the Anatolian peninsula had enjoyed a political unity under Constantinople which had ensured comparative stability (at least for the regions west ofa line running through Trebizond. t 1 I44 ‘45 . T h e loss of Asia Minor was tantamount to the destruction of the empire. administrations. and one army. oi ~ 0 6 s E ~ E N O ‘PwpaiKGv ~ TQV U S I‘ I i I n d h ~ w v BTE irrrovopE6uavTEs & v ~ ~ ~ ~ y v u o v . is replete with accounts of destruction of churches. Mcnguchekid. The disappearance of political unity attendant upon the Turkish invasions not only brought considerable upheaval but often placed the Anatolian populations under the onerous burden of supporting a large array of courts. there arose on Anatolian soil Greek states on the Aegean and Black Sea coasts. Ani. be qualified. Society was obliged to support only one ruler. first to reconquer and then to hold on to parts of Anatolia down to the period when Michael Palaeologus reconquered Constantinople in 1261.. Prior to the appearance of the Turks. piecemeal nature of the Turkish conquest was the disappearance of political unity and stability from Anatolia for significant periods of time. monasteries. 229. the Danishmendname. As the state depended primarily on AnatoIia for its resources and for much of its manpower. The Turkish epic. Perkri. for these urban centers continued to exist. Melitene. one administration. the appearance of the emirates throughout Anatolia brought a reversion to periods of anarchy and chaos until the emirates began to consolidate. The most striking feature of this first period of Turkish conqucst was the sacking of towns and villagcs in many 8 regions of Anatolia. I c o n i u q and Chonae had been sacked by the Turks. The Byzantine sources characterize this period as one in which towns. Melitene. But this was an isolated situation in the period between the eleventh century and the Ottoman unification of Anatolia in the fifteenth century. ‘‘ Kai V&VTWVTQV okqpi-rwv K a i TGV ~ w p i w v K a i a h G v TQV ~ K K A ~ U I QTGV hr Bhois Tois T?S ‘AvaTohijs PepEUIV irrr’ &Gv V bpq pW86VTWV K d TihEOV KUTCITpOITWfhTWV K d EiS Tb pq@V dor0KaTUirraVTWV. The cffects of the invasions down to the late twelfth century were most dramatically manifested in the pillaging and partial destruction of many urban and rural areas. ’HrpVl@v-ro pkv n d h ~ i sIhflCov-ro 61 Xtjpai K a i r8ua i . When the veil of historical silence covering the events ofthis first Turkish conquest is lifted two decades later. Tarsus.3 WESTERN ANATOLIA During the late eleventh and throughout the twelfth century. At the beginning of this period. therefore. Caesareia.G. which gives a picture of the psychology of the conquerors. Though no documentary materials survive which describe the process systematically. however. The Turkish conquest was. Byzantine counterattacks. Caesareia. These conditions were not as exacerbated in the first half of the thirteenth century when there was stability for much of Anatolia as the result of developments at Kenya and Nicaea. of course. churches. The invasions and prolonged period of active subjugation by the newcomers changed this situation abruptly and radically as the invasions resulted in a bewildering proliferation of political entities on Anatolian soil.” 3 For details see chapter ii. Sebasteia. This generalization should. western Asia Minor was largely in the grip of the invaders.

There is Some record of further Turkmen incursions into Bithynia in the last quarter of the twelfth century when the emperor Alexius 111 entered the regions of Nicaea and Prusa to protect the cities from the attacks of the Turkmens encamped about the Bathys near Dorylaeum. were in the habit of plundering the neighboring land of the Greeks. on occasion being brought in by Greek rebels.rrhqo& ~~vo~ V U I . 2Q I&’.. IT. I 10..” ~ I K a I Is Anna Cornnena. the Turks seem to have raided the valley with regularity. l1 Nicetas Choniates. 144-145. it is not unlikely that they had continued their raiding expeditions into Bithynia during the reigns of John I1 and Manuel I. 796..13 and though Alexius succeeded in removing both Gom this district.BEGINNINGS OF TRANSFORMATION BEGINNINGS OF T R A N S F O R W T I O N The Bithynian regions were mostly in Turkish hands until the First Crusade. Hermus. apparently. again i n the reign of Manuel I. 39-40. Ibid. Manuel made his way to the source of the Maeander thinking himself to be safely out of Turkish territory there. l4 h i f .^^ A rebellious tax collector. T$V 1 ~ p 0 q v O ~ K ~ T O V . 363-375. as the revels utilized Turkmens in their armies. After thc defeat of the Turks by the First Crusades at Dorylaeum. But here he came upon a large encampment of Turkmens and their tents. ” U & lGNicetasChoniates 195. . Nicetas Choniates. Though Alexius was able to restore some order to the Maeandrian regions. While the emperor was concerned with Robert Guiscard in the west. T ~ T O ~ P K W V dnr6 Oah&uaqS &pi V T+J NiKalas V E ~ O V ~ V W T E ~ ~ X W P O V . I.I But inasmuch ! as the Turkmens had been’settled near Dorylaeum for most of the period.20 By the reign of Manuel. 111.000 Turkmens from the emir Arsane (Arslan?) and pillaged the valley desiroying the harvests.23 Upon the death of Manuel the last semblance of vigorous defense disappeared and the Turks raided even more frequently.. Cyzicus.16 and in 1110-11 Hasan of Cappadocia pillaged the eastern reaches o f the valley.6The second Byzantine-Norman war gave the Turks another opportunity. reports the advance of another Turkish army on Nicaea. 187 ff. “ . 2 1 0 . in I I 13 and again in I I 15-1 6.ralou i S q Kal ucv Cinnarnus. Lopadium. Ibid. Caystcr. by the Turkish armies from Persia.7 In I I 13 an army of between 40.000. 1. . 7 I . 157. the Turks were ravaging all Bithynia and Thynia to the Bosphorus which was not as yet in their possession. 337-340. Gintiamus. Theodore Scutariotes-Sathas. ~b ‘Pwl. and by the emir Same when Isaac I1 Angelus summoned the Byzantine troops of that area to Europe. ‘47 .&pau.~7 Many of the districts and towns of Phrygia were in the center of the battleground between Muslim and Christian armies. ” S ~~KO s3 Nicetas Choniates. 159-169. falling unexpectedly upon the middle and upper regions of the Maeander. 60.000 from Persia devastated this and other neighboring regions (Prusa. l2 Nicetas Choniates. 1 8 Ibid.. 7 The followers of Peter the Hermit also contributed by ravaging the area up to Nicomedia. ‘I . 111. He came to be called KauaaAGuqs. 700-701. so that Abu’l-Kasim once more pillaged Bithynia all the way to the Bosphorus. Nicetas Choniates. T ~ Zpqflov . . no doubt greatly hastened the process. . 11. which ravaged many of the towns severely. Michael. 827. with an army of 24. ‘ I .Bithynia continued to suffer from heavy raiding throughout the reign of Alexius.21 for the Turkmens had settled at the source of the Maeander and were. These Turkmens. 111. p7 Ibid. zGg. with the aid of Turkish troops. . the latter years of his reign witnessed severe raids. 655.lD The towns and countryside of the fertile Maeander valley in particular suffered from Turkish raids in the late eleventh and the twelfth century. 2R Kaykhusraw. ravaged the valley towns but was driven out by Theodore Las~aris.12Mysia and the Propontis bore the brunt of the invasions and raids of the emirs Tzachas and Elchanes a t the end ofthe eleventh century. Attaliates. l o This is specifically stated for the regions of Pithecas and Melangeia during the reign of Manuel. 36.* and such attacks continued from the direction of Iconium in I I 15-16. soon after his death John 11 Comnenus was forced to move against the Turks who were once more pillaging the valley. 79. 144-145.16 The Hcrmus Anna Comnena. a1 Nicetas Choniates. 250-252. Anna Cornnena. Maeander were frequently invaded and wasted. Nicetas Choniates. Ibid. After his defeat in I 192. rgo. Cinnarnus. The reprisals of Andronicus against the cities were savage. . . 657-658.l0The breakdown of Byzantine administrative cpntrol.000 and 50. oi ATJUTEI~EIUTU ‘Pwpafwv Eh. Pseudoalexius acquired 8. 154.11 T h e appearance o’f the Latins in Bithynia immediately following the capture of Constantinople added to the confusion. Even bcfore the accession of Alexius. raiding almost unhindered.” 2B Ibid. 165-166. 159-169. ” IV O Anna Comnena. _Ibid.22 More imposing from the point of view of size was the raid of the Atabeg. 550-55 I . These Turkmens were habitually raiding Greek lands.18 The Cayster-Celbianum region was threatened by the armies of Hasan i n I I I 0-1 I . aa On returning from the battlc against the sultaI1. reports that I-Ienry &EIPE h sT ~ ~ E I S1 ~ I E T ( ~ EKWGS. Early in his reign Manuel I was forced to relieve the suffering towns.. 1 1 143. and large rural areas became depopulatcd. 71. .20I n the early thirteenth century Manuel Maurozomes. the Turks retreated Anna Comnena. 11. The Caicus as well as the regions north of Adramyttiurn were sorely vexed by incursions throughout thc twelfth century. captured a number of towns and took away the inhabitant^. 1 . remarks that Bithynia had been very accessible to the Turks. down the Maeander to the sea.O Despite the reconquest of Nicaea following the First Crusade. Kai cbs K ~ T ’ E0o~ a h G v T O ~ Sk ~ T ~ U W V A I ~ T E ~ O U U T Ehacpirpov . 63.. especially as a result of the rebellion against Andronicus I Comnenus in I 183-84. so Thcodore Scutariotes-Sathas.. who were under a certain Rarna. 136. and.-155. 5 ‘I valley was i n part conquered by Tzachas. ‘0 I .l7 and shortly thereafter the Seljuk prince Malik Shah threatened Philadelpheia and the coastal regions. 187-188. 111. 193. 481. Apollonias.14 The western river valleys of the Caicus. obtained troops from the sultan Rukn al-Din and the towns of the Maeandcr were once more raided. Lake Ascania) .

*i It suffered severe chastisemcnt after its unsuccessful rebellion against Andronicus I Comiienus in I I 84. Later in his reign. I 90. 111. 50. 111. and in a n effort to scorch the earth in the path of the Crusaders. 111. 551. I .^^ Though the contemporary narratives give only a partial account of the events and situation in western Anatolia. Ibid. and perhaps by implication that of Cyzicus. was taken a second time by the emir Elchanes i n the reign of Alexius I. gold. pillaged the houses and churches. O. 111.33 The disruption and destruction often brought by the Turkish raids to Byzantine urban and rural society in western Asia Minor were extensive.87 The question arises. xii. A. Ibid. The sultan also scorched the earth about Iconium.BEGINNINGS OF TRANSFORMATION BEGINNINGS OF TRANSFORMATION toward Iconium.” ‘I 148 I49 . and then burned and destroyed everything that they could not carry away and that might have been of some use to the Latins. Tudebodus. Mysia. Alexius burned Turkish settlements wherever he found them in order to protect his lands from the Turkmen raids. and that shortly afterward the Turks who had taken and pillaged Cyzicus in I I 13 sacked Lopadium during the same campaign. 14. hanc ex n~ngna parte Turci possident. and other booty. Ibid.4oThe extent of the destruction of Lopadium. Lycia.165. 165-166. 31 William of Tyre. 79-80. Elchanes ~ ~ took Apollonias. i~ Cinnamus. 59-60. Ionia.” ahair S T Odo of Deuil. 190-191. 374-375. who at the end of the eleventh century were “plundering all.” 43 Nicetas Choniates.”34 and of the “plundering and complete ruin of the cities and lands situated on the sea coast. Lydia. 84. Pamphylia. and the Byzantine historians were too concerned with the capital to note the recurring raids.” That this destruction includes the cities is specifically stated. as to whether such general statements that Anna Comnena and Odo of Deuil have made are historically reliable. 38.”SS After the second Norman crisis ( I 107-08). Alexius had the villages of Bourtzes burned because of the Turks. I. 11. and areas. aliam destruxerunt.. AS the Crusaders advanced south of Adramyttium they found many cities along the coastal regions in ruins and they observed that the Greeks still inhabited only those towns that had been rebuilt and girded with walls and towers. William of Tyre. 111. 165.” Pp.”Anna Comnena relates that the environs or Lopadiuni suffered ravaging in the reign of Alexius I. 87.2. Pamphylia and Pisidia had a fate similar to t hat of Phrygia. and then removed all the Greeks. it suffered considerably from Turkish raidingJRO with the but battle of Myriocephalum it was largely lost to the Turks.. for the Seljuks at this time had nothing in the way of chronicles (at least chronicles that have survived) .C. 106-107. 113. carried off the livestock. . 7 1-72. silver. 23. X V I . The accounts of the Third Crusade also bear testimony to destroyed towns.4z Poimainenurn must have experienced the same Anna Comnena. 86 ‘I .” and had devastated much of it. where it is implied that the destruction ofLatrus a t the end of the eleventh was repeated again in the twelfth century.81 There are indications that Lycia and Caria also saw repeated waves of incursion^. 54-55. and Pisidia. and a number of authors refer to this phenomenon in very general terms. 689. 3 a Cinnamus. and in fact the language of the Byzantine Chronicles states this explicitly. these are sufficient to indicate that the invasions and warfare brought considerable upheaval to the western Anatolian districts of Bithynia. pp.C. “reasoning that the barbarians had completely destroyed the coast from Smyrna to Attaleia itself. VI. ”SG When the Second Crusaders came to Anatolia almost half a century later the situation had changed very little. the Turks raided and expanded into the region. The majority of the raids have remained unchronicled. IV. Cinnamus.. 17.rr6he15a6815 I s T ) iTpOT6paV hTsraVUy&)’Ol KaTdtUTaUlV Kal TbV lr&?lV drrrO6Ofq K6UpOV K d ~ o b 5 TV drrrav-raxfl m6au8hvTas IITO~KOU~ h. As the region had become the border between Greek and Turkish possessions. t%8a PauihEi ’lo&vvg qpoirpi6v TI k~ ~ a i u f&V(?KO8Opf$q. and Cius. until by 1204little outside Attaleia remained Byzantine. AOyl(6VEVOs deI5 6lTWS T& KaTdc T q V TUpaAlffV Tfis &bpVqs KC~I pixpis f f h f j s ’Anahatas ol P&ppapol TE’hetwSipllrouav. “ Iv 6~ivQ hoiEiTo. 200-203.rravaudmolTo. aD Theodore Scutariotes-Sathas.30 In the midtwelfth century the fertile agricultural area of Attaleia was so unsafe because of the Turks that the inhabitants had to import their grain by sea. It is to be assumed that the border raids of the Turkmens were constantly operative. VI. . Caria. 29. Anna Comnena..28 As Phrygia remained a critical frontier area in the reigns of John and Manuel. Miklosich et Mdler. villages. Nicetas Choniates. “Ibi multas urbcs destructas invcnimus . I 79. Phrygia. the Turks ravaged its environs in I I 13. Cyzicus fell to the Turks in the reign of Nicephorus I11 Botaniates.Nicetas Choniates. “Quam cum tota esset iuris Graecorum. 323-319. xxvi. 19. aaAnna Comnena. €1 pq K a i T&S . The account of Anna Comnena in regard to the destruction of the coastal towns and to the destruction in western Asia Minor seems to be corroborated by an examination of the fate ofa number of towns. Apollonias. they gained entrance into the Greek towns. as well as by certain archaeological evidence. it was slowly being turned to wasteland a a result of the frequent military campaigns and by express desire of s both sides so that invaders might not find sustenance in these regions. 111. the emperor Alexius I passed through the same areas and sought to destroy the Turkish encampments and to waste the area so that the Turks would not be able to use it to attack the empire. 86-89. however. is indirectly revealed by the historian Cinnamus who remarks that the emperor John I1 had to rebuild the fort of Lopadium anew. After the initial recovery ofthe area by Alexius and John. illis expulsis. Ibid. and though recaptured by the Byzantines. Alexius devoted his attention to the cities of western Asia Minor. 208. 79-80. 69. Anna Comnena speaks of the Turkish “satraps” Gasta Fratzcorum. . Odo of Deuil remarks that the Turks had expelled the Greeks from a great part of “Romania. Theodore Scutariotes-Sathas. pp. and then pillaged by a Turkish army from Persia in I I 1 3 . 11.H. Nicetas Choniates..

80-81.d rhc fate of StrobiIus a11c1the other coastal cities. 110. but when a 1. Phocaea. Thc town of Myra suiIi. Theodore Scutariotes.. Nyrnphaeurn.. I n I I 10-1 I Hasan besieged the city with 24. p. M. Antioch. 268. 46 47 ‘I c . but because of its more easterly location it was under constant pressure from the neighboring Turkmens.lltll crntury.He adds that the Greeks inhabited only the fortified towns.5O and Meleum (located between Calamus and Philadelpheia) was i n a destroyed state by the latter part of the twelfth century. the sailors are reported to have slain 10. al m p i a h i s xiSpat &OiKllTOi T E fi(TcN T6 ITPfV.rc. no doubt a reference to the towns that Manuel and his predecessors had fortified.R. 1 1 145. and Pcntacheir.45 Shortly afterward in I I 13 the Turks raided in the vicinity of Adramyttium.000 inhabitants. 1 1 25. 1 1 144-145. ed. allcl conscqt1cnlly Anna Comnena. Chliara). would likewise 1. Indeed Adramyttium and its nearby villages suffered severely throughout the twelfth century from Turkish raids until Manuel walled the city and built fortresses in the depopulated countryside t o protect the peasants.. Mclanoudium and the mountain regiolzs of Latmus were sacked prior to the acccxiion of Alexiiis 1 . 62Anna Comnena.‘* Farther to the south thc coastal towns also received rough handling. destroying. Smyrna.47 Chliara and Pergamum probably experienced much the same fate as Adramyttium.~~ but was reconquered in the reign of Alexius I.G1 The Turks sacked Attalcia i n tlic eIc\rc.” W. arlcl driving out the monks. Sardes.. 165. 111. Pergamum. sending them out to plunder the villages about Celbianum. 268. A. 11. The expeditions of Hasan. 27. Tzachas surrendered it peacefully. John at Ephesus was surrounded by walls to keep the “pagans” out. having fallen to Elchanes and its environs having been wasted in I 113. Before the latter fortified the cities and the countryside. I I I I .61Tzachas took Smyma. G O StrobiIus was destroyed by the Turks. 68 Ibid. one of the villages of the theme of Neocastron (Adramyttium. have been exposed. Odo of Deuil. destroying and desecrating them. and that there were “ruins” in E p h e s u ~ Phihdelpheia was retaken frorll tlie Turks .44but there is no indication that the town itself fell. Malik Shah. which had previously been in Turkish hands. I 109-1 I . itrcl 51 Historia Peregrinorum.64 Odo of Deuil notes that in the mid-twelfth century the toInb of St. I I 13. Chroust.000 men. Anna Comnena. ‘ago). The nature of the destruction the emir Tzachas wrought is most clearly depicted in the case of Adramyttium.49 Calamus. Ramsay. 155. p. and Celb’ ~anum. Chliara.Kz and somewhat later Hasan raided Nyrnphaeurn and the district of S m ~ r n aEphesus had fallen to the emir Tangripermes . was no longer inhabited by the time of the third &usade. The sight of t h e obliteration of such a city [was such] that i t seemed that man never dwelled in it. Theodore Scutariotes-Sathas. 166.G. and in I I I I the armies of the prince Malik Shah raided the territory around Philadelpheia as well as about Pergamum. thesc regions having been devastated by at least three Turkish raids i n the reign of Alexius I. At that time when Tzachas was plundering the regions of Smyrna. S.~G It was the scene of two rebellions and of opposition to tI1e Third Crusade in the latter part of the twelfth ccnturySG7 I I 76 the Atabeg and Iiis In troops took and sacked many of the Maeandrian towns including Tralles. as Saewulf reported when he visited the site in I 103.G.~~ after the recapture of Ephesus. 194-195. Chliara. O The Turks sacked the nunmolls monastic establish~~len~s G of tllcsc regions.H. the Turks from Persia. &id. 11. 130. The Hsoia Geograply of Asia Minor (London. Syrian killed the Byzantine admiral. and reached the Propontid regions wasting their environs.48 Odo of Deuil remarks that the Crusaders immediately upon proceeding south of Adramyttium encountered ruined towns. and during the rule of Isaac 11.BEGINNINGS OF TRANSFORWTION BEGINNINGS OF TRANSFORMATION fate as Apollonias. Clazomenae. he also obliterated i t [Adramyttium]. 4 0 Nicetas Choniates. It was formerly a most populous city. Louma. the rural area had been abandoned by the inhabitants.4~ The environs of Abydus were devastated by Tzachas and by the Turkish invasion of I I I 3. 107. The monasteries of Latrus WCK once more pillaged toward t]l(! end of tile twelfth century. ‘54. I 94-195. 1.*8 and they continued to be subject to pillaging i n the reigns of John I1 and Manuel I. Located on the convenient river route of the Cayster. again in the reign of Manuel Comnenus. 1928). P. nova series V (Berlin. it was no doubt accessible to raiding parties 43 such as those that had sought to enter the valley in I I 10-1 I . Nicetas Choniates.

6-9. while yet in the hands of the Turks. was besieged by the emir Burzuk for three months. 267-268. recaptured by the Byzantines in the late eleventh century. refers to it as the “Burnt. 208. XVI. Kal 7 0 Anna Comnena. Nicetas Odo of Deuil. the city was largely isolated in terms of land communication. pp. Theodore Scutariotes-Sathas.plementband. See A. however. but this probably refers to Side. Nicomedia. In the north the depredations begun by the Norman mercenary Roussel terminated in the destruction of both towns by the Turks who left them desolate ruins. and Crusaders repeatedly devastated. p. Choniates. 164. Die Ruinen uoii Side (Berlin. Anna Comnena. Mansel. . 340. xxvi.65 The mountainous regions to the east of the river valleys. Attaleia was so hard pressed b y the Turks that the inhabitants could not cultivate their fields and as has already been mentioned they had to bring grain by sea. . 50.6~ the time of the Second By Crusade ( I I ~ ? ) . O U Anna Comnena. 2 2 . which separate the Anatolian plateau from the coastal districts. 88-89.Al-Idrisi. . In the days of Michael VII this region had become . 111.BEGINNINGS O F TRANSFORMATION BEGINNINGS OF TRANSFORMATION it was one of the cities Alexius rebuikG2 Because of its geographical location and Turkish pressure from the north. iqo-iqi.. 203. 11. Suf.” P. 7. 74. stretching from Dorylaeum in the northwest to Iconium in the southeast came to be a no-man’s land which Greeks. with the solitary exception of Claudiopolis which almost fell to the Turks but was 82 Anna Comnena. 111. 1 Ibid.” and remarks that it is built away from the old site. 11. is not at all clear. 1963). 363-371. “Side. Matthew of Edessa. 11. The fate of eastern Bithynia. X (1965)~ 879-910.G7 and shortly thereafter by Buzan. . Cinnamus.O8 Nicetas Choniates.Gg The Turks once more laid siege to Nicaea in I I 13. was still a “lofty ruins” set among thorns and bushes in the mid-twelfth century. Turks. 71 Prusa experienced practically the same history as Nicaea down to the end of the twelftll century.G4 During the revolt of Andronicus Comnenus ( I 182)the sultan of Ronya subjected the city to a severe siege. but evidently he achieved only partial ~uccess. Epq~os &okq-ros Kai 6Pa-ros . 72. 210. pp. 1 . constituted areas of almost continuous strife. -04 E6 OG Wiliiam of Tyre. M. Attaliates.. Mansel. On the northern edge of this region the Bithynian towns and countryside experienced numerous raids immediately following the battle of Manzikert. I 7-19. when they ravaged Bithynia and the Propontis.60 Nicaea.” 152 . ’I1 Nicetas Choniates. for the unruly troops of Peter the Hermit pillaged the houses and churches en route to Nicomedia.W. 142. John Comnenus made two expeditions in the regions to the north of Attaleia in order to settle conditions there. brought some hardship to Nicaea. 134. Gesia Frascorunz. 658. as well as an abortive rebellion against Andronicus Comnenus. This geographical district. ‘I.70 I n the latter half of the twelfth century the pressure of the Turks about the Bithynian region.08 The reconquest of the city by the Crusaders entailed some difficulties..

I I. 11. 135-1 37. 163. 6-7.“ Michael the Syrian. 321-322. . however. the famous Byzantine troglodyte monastic communities of Cappadocia declined in the late eleventh and twelfth centuriesloD and were to revive only with the stability of the thirteenth century. 253.Theodore Scutariotcs-Sathas. . O0 Anna Comnena.. p.los Caesareia still lay in ruins when the First Crusaders came through the arealoBand until 1134 when the Danishmendid Muhammad rebuilt the city. which kept eastern Anatolia in a state o f war. 11. MiXafih ’ A K o ~ w ~ ~ ~ o u XWVI&TOW uu{bpEva. 655. 27. that it eventually had to be restored. 523. Historin Percgritiorunz.523. Theodore Scutariotes-Sathas. ” Manuel had previously driven the Turkmens out of the area but they must have returned soon after. 11. T ~ V ~ a Qpuyiau kvopfki Aao6iKElcnr. 552-553.~~ and the middle Maeander were especially exposed to raids by both the neighboring Turkrnens and the forces of the sultan in Konya. ~ latter city was pillaged by the Turks in 1070.93 The Turks retook Laodiceia.10~ Shortly after the battle of Manzikert the Turks again appeared before the remains of Caesareia and.’> Nicetas Choniates. 298. Laodiceia and possibly Chonae as well were reoccupied by the Byzantines a t the end of the eleventh century. Menguchekids. they found both Hierapolis and Tripolis destroyed ( I I go). 1879). T h e towns of the Pentapolis were in ruins by the end ofthe twelfth century. 22. 105 Michael the Syrian. in the hands of the Turks for about half a century. Notiuclles kglrses qheslres dc Cappodoce (Paris. I. Michael Acominatus-Lampros.. and Armenians. Thierry. Theodore Prodromus.” O e Attaliatcs. Nicetas Choniates. and M. 220-222. . I 56-57. en Cappadoce. I 73. Danishmendids. During the reign of Manuel the armies of Kilidj Arslan sacked the city so thoroughly.s8 Manuel found Choma-Soublaion a sharnbles. 27. 159. Scylitzcs.000 Turkish troops who destroyed the church of the Archangel Michael. was retaken by John Comnenus. Cedrenus.~ g ~ . 140-141. Alcxius Comnenus h a d to keep to the mountains to avoid them. Cinnamus. I ~ ~ Z O 203. IV.. 111. I g o .losAccording to the archaeological and epigraphical evidence. spreading out. 237: “I1 se mit A restaut’cr la ville dc Ccsarbe.. ij TG TMIS u h o i s p6vq u@dv TI ~ E ~ B U ~ K E Tois ll6puaig &V&?WTOS. Theodore Scutariotcs-Sathas. 540. 661. 1 y habitait constammcnt.” 1 0 7 Bar Hebraeus. Nicetas Choniales.Salimbene. Theodore Scutariotes-Sathas. Artukids. the eastern regions of the Halys.C. a Michael ihc Syrian.” c s VGV Ibid. 154. 1gG3). *~ the latter half of the twelfth By century. Cinnamus. 231. 39. 111. 111. Nicetas Choniates. 52-53 (hcreafter cited as Michael Acorninatus-lampros). Seljuks. as.90 Though Laodiceia and Chonae fared better than most of the cities between Limnai and the M ~ a n d e r the ~ . 111. its famous mosaics and the altar. 08 Kaykhusraw. O1 Michael Acorninatus. in raiding the towns of the Maeander. 93-94. Attaliates. 108 Michael the Syrian. Cinnamus. I . 184. I. 258: “Then this Malik Mahammad restored Caesarea of Cappadocia.25 I. carried away the populations of Tantalus and Caria. P. these raids were quite serious.lo7An eight-year period of ravages by Turkmens in Cappadocia and adjacent regions began in I 185 (or I 186-87). HI. I n 1067 the Turks plundered and burned the city of Caesareia and sacked the celebrated shrine of St. Cappadocia was raided repeatedly in the eleventh century. l o a Baldricus. 41-42. Cinnamus. Attaliates. I 0.O. 111. 229.*g and Lampe probably suffered extensively from the raiding of both sides. Bar Hebraeus. I . qui etait ruintc dcpuis longtemps. I en retrancha une partie. O 7 Ibid.*? T h e towns of the upper Maeander seem to have fared less well and when the Third Crusaders passed through *Q the region. d 4 .85 but the Turks besicged it soon afterward. et il y batit des Cdifices avcc les 1 pierrcs dc marbre qu’on arrachait des temples superbes. “venerunt quoque ad Caesaream Cappadociae quae a d solum diruta eral: ruinae tamen utcumque subsistentes quanta fuerit illa Caesarea testaban tur. K ~T ~ S I dp1$ K W ~ O T 6 h E I $hT)YO‘&pEUOs fiqa ! b T b V ~ T O lf iU a ? . 1382.. la1N lo2 108 l o o Ibid. *I) Nicctas Choniates. 5-6. Myriocephalum was ~ n i n h a b i t e dThe towns between Limnai . Chonac seems to have remained a vital economic and religious center as a result of its famed chureh and commercial fairs. a Turcis dirutarn . sacked the Cappadocian viIlages. Cqbpadocc.‘ I . 23 I. 683-G84. 111.pp. Chonae. Saltukids. ‘‘ . The invasions were followed by struggles of 83 Anna Comnena. 8o Nicetas Chonlates. *O Relatively isolated. 27.D6 T h e environs or both Laodiceia and Chonae were ravaged by the Greek rebel Thcodore Mangaphas and his Turkish troops. 154 I55 .lO* Though Cappadocia passed in part under the control of the Danishmendids in the late eleventh century. Nicetm Choniates. Basil. 17-18. 686-687. Sozopolis and the neighboring villages were taken and sacked by the sultan (during the revolution of Andronicus Comnenus when the cities of Byzantine Asia Minor were engulfed in civil strife) * 7 and henceforth remained Turkish.. and Cappadocia were partially convulsed by invasions and raids in this same period. T ~ V & ) @ ~ o h ~~ ~ o h k y o u TE v uhpcp KM@E. the lower Pyramus district. . The chronicler remarks that he is not able to record :ill the niassacres that took place in these eight years.G. R.BEGINNINGS OF TRANSFORMATION BEUINNINGS OF TRANSFORMATION Barbarossa burned Phil omeli~ m.Bryennius. O .lo2and in 1069 they once more ravaged Cappad0cia. 104 Attaliatcs.” 1 The city w s finally incorporated into the Seljuk domains by KXdj I1 Arslan in I 169. which had becn destropcd for a long time. pp.D0and somewhat later the rebel Pseudoalexius ravaged the outskirts of Chonae with 8. and there he dwealt. 190-191. TOG ~h S. 400-402. speaks proudIy of hi5 patris.. H.loOand Antioch a d Maeandrum was among the riverine towns that the Atabeg sacked in I I 76. I. 10% De Jerphaniorl. 71-72.101 EASTERN ANATOLIA Greater Armenia. O g Caria had previously been sacked and part of the population enslaved by the Turkish troops under Theodore Mangaphas. O n Cinnamus. 332. Lampros (Athens. 0 6 ~ h ~ h oGua~u u v o ~ ~ o v ~ j ~ v ~ vBGpa-rai. Sozopolis. 296..CXXXIII. 111. ‘‘ . Cedrenus. Nicctas Choniates. 58-Go. 395-400.9% and both cities were certainly in Turkish hands by 1081.~. OE 60 Ansbeut. OG Nicetas Choniates. and so once more the Byzantine emperor John Comnenus had to remove them.H. 74-75. Ds Anna Comnena. Nicetas Choniates.. N. ed. 340.

p. 185. he exterminated the population of a great number of villages. p. priests and monks perished by iron and fire. 11.ll9 In I 140-41 the inhabitants temporarily abandoned the town and so the Turks sacked and burned i t . 173. Matthew of Edessa. at which time the church treasures were taken. 208. XI. 1 112 Michael the Syrian.lZ2 the Turkish pressure on the regions of But 110 AI-Harawi. He returned a second time and reduced to ashes the nearby villages. lal Michael the Syrian. Matthew of Edessa. Al-Harawi. p. 40-41. I 957). River likewise suffered. speaks of disorders.113 Muhammad the Danishmendid burned the environs of Marash and its villages in I I 36-3f114 and Kilidj Arslan took it in I 1 4 8 . Guide des lieirx dep8leriznp (Damascus. 116 Michael thc Syrian. p. Matthew of Edessa. Sourdel-Thomine.111 Marash was able to resist the Turks in the early period but changed hands between Christians112 and was damaged severely by an earthquake either in I I 14 or I I 15. 111. P* '35. 217. 111. It was attacked by Gumushtekin in 1066. l The regions of the Euphrates in ~~ southeastern Anatolia were similarly exposed to the vicissitudes entailed in the competition o f various Turkish dynasties and in the raid of Turkish tribes. Bar Hebraeus. 344. 1 1Matthew of Edessa. "From Tell Bashir to Kaisum he enslaved men and women. pp. 245-246. J. iii. Matthew of Edcssa. l l ESnwirm ibri nl-Muknffa'.ll* In I 136-37 Muhammad the Danishmendid burned the villages and monasteries of the land about the town. a long siege attended by famine in 1087-88. xxiii. 1 2 0 Finally in I I 79 Kilidj Arslan destroyed its walls and carried the inhabitants off into captivity. Gregory the Priest. though it had been besieged and its environs ravaged on numerous occasions by the end of the eleventh century. p. 320. After crossing the Euphrates with considerable forces. 114 Matthew ofEdessa. 198. 113 WiIliam of Tyre. pp. the Arab traveler of the late twelfth century. ll0 Matthew of Edessa. and burned and roasted infants in great number with unparalleled barbarity.l17 Shortly after I I 34 Afshin pillaged the regions of Kaisum only to be followed by Mas'ud who in his first raid pillaged and took captives in the neighborhood. 111. I. massacred without pity. 111. Shortly thereafter it was taken by Tutuch who restored it to Thoros. enslaving and massacring the populations. The emir Khusraw raided tlie area between 1081 and 1083. In I 120-2 I the Artukid Ilghazi burned the villages. 247. including the monastery of Garmir Vank. 111." Michael the Syrian. I. pp. trans.lzl Edessa resisted the Turks for a comparatively long time.llo Here the situation i s somewhat clearer as the tcxts of Matthew of Edessa and Michael the Syrian take as their focal points Edessa and Melitene respectively. Anna Comnena. the upheaval extending as far south as Antioch. '57 . 302. and assassinations in 1077following the occupation of the land by the Turks. found the town of Arabissus in ruinsllO whereas Albistan and the regions of the upper Pyramus were very seriously depopulated by the expedition of Yakub Arslan in 1155-56. 388. 320-321. Uuzan took the city aft. captivity. or Gaihan. 324-325. 320-321. from Tell Bashir northward to Kaisum.BEGINNINGS OF TRANSFORMATION BEGINNINGS OF TRANSFORMATION The regions of the upper Pyramus. Bar Hebraeus.

l ~ ~ Kflidj k s l a n returned and laid siege to the city unsuccessfully in I I 71. 1 1 165. and then Seljuks and Danishmendids. Sawirus ibn al-Mukaffa’. 523.~~~ ularly savagely devastated in the latter half of the eleventh ccntury. 161-164. 267.l47 When Sulayman conquered Antioch i n 1085 he too was comparatively lenient with the city.148 The city of Sebasteia was first sacked and reduced to ashes in 1059 when the Turks pillaged it for eight days. H. i 4 0 Michael the Syrian. 166-167.” 14. 1*7 Michael the Syrian. 236. and I 143 41 Mas‘ud of Konya besieged the Raiding Turks pillaged and burned the monastic complex of Bar Mar Sauma a few years later. 183 Cedrenus. 5. Nicetas Choniates. ”? Arslan destroyed the environs of the city in I 1 5 2 . 83-84. With the success of Itrlidj Arslan the lot of the Christians improved considerably. The Danishmendnamc. I. 111. 134 Cedrenus. 205. I. Attaliates. 107. 248.. says that in I 172-73 Nur al-Din forced Kilidj Arslan to return Scbastcia to Dhu’l-Nun. This is illustrated by the testiniony of Michael the Syrian. 205-206. that afterward some I 5.. 204.. 182-183. hopes seem to have run high among the Christians of Melitene that he might succeed. but those who remained suffered many ainictions from the ruler himself. Bar Hebraeus. who tortured the inhabitants in order to get their gold. 135 Bar Hebraeus. 660. 111. destructive raids with their enemies the Muslim Armenians of Se~everek.. pp. 111. was caught up in the strikc bctwcen Greeks and Armenians at this time. 148. 111.C.The~ ~ ~ Seljuk chieftain Ibrahim Inal destroyed the important international cominercial emporium of Artze to the east in 1049-50. I.O. 320. p. 219. II. Bar Hebraeus. 315.140 Shortly afterward. 267. Bar Hebraeus. Manzikert) J60 Because of these disturbances Matthew of Edessa Michael the Syrian. 111. 208. lao Bar Hebraeus. 373.346.lgQand it capitulated to the Danishmendids in the latter part of the century ( 1 0 8 5 7 ) ~ ~ ~ Mas‘ud. It too. l4I Michael the Syrian. During the siege many of the Christians had fled the city because of the severity of the famine. pp. Attaliatcs. 111. 296. I. I 15-1 18. I. The attempt of Constantine X Ducas to cnforce ecclesiastical union on the Monphysites of Melitene in 1063. I. he did this to chastise the Armenians who were raiding his lands. 31g-31. 11. I 73. (2) famine. The inhabitants suffered from three things: ( I ) the sword outside the wall which massacred those who Red. but that on the death of the latter Kilidj Arslan retook Scbasteia. and the inhabitants abandoned the site for E r ~ e r u r nThe regions of Byzantine Armenia were partic. (3) The princc. R. One source indicates 1. destroyed it a second time in I I43. Abu’l-Feda. 254. pp.. Michael the Syrian.000 of the rural population. 166-168. lfio hfatthcw of Edesua. Danishmend wasted the 1. relates that Danish144 144 la8 Ibid. the treasures of the church o€ St. 7 3 . says I 175. and the church converted into a mosque. 247. Bar Hebraeus. Bar Hebraeus.14s Kflidj I1 181 Ibid. I t was one of the first large Byzantine towns that the Seljuks sacked when they appeared in eastern Anatolia. I 92. I I 77. The Armenian rulers of Seveverek had converted to Islam to keep their domains. and the fact that the Armenians raided the Syrian monasteries and attacked the Syrian populations of the countryside. 121-124. III. and Melitene once more became a Seljuk possession. ‘244. 357. 212-213. 212-215. Ibn al-Athir. I. 229. 33G-337. 308.. Michael the Syrian. I.L’I. 304-305. countryside.lG1and it was once more sacked when ICilidj I1 Arslan took i t in c.H. I. mend Michaelrebuild the 111. 266. 1 1 1. even unwittingly. Matthew of Edessa. pp. 577-578. I 98-200.. destroying the crops.while~simultaneously ~ ~ on the inside of the city the inhabitants were being oppressed financially. Michael the Syrian. 1 3 3 Matthew of Edessa. pp. 150 had to the Syrian.H. 111. 43.13D I 140-41 the In Turks of Melittne pillaged the neighboring monastic establishment of Zabar. and though he was kind to the inhabitants. iii. ‘59.000 prisoners were ransomed and returned to the city. for Abu’l-Fcda. 653-654. I I 1-1 13. zgo-zgr. 207-108. 217. with the result that the Turks put many inhabitants of Melitene to the sword. IC4 Matthew of Edcssa. 93. a circumstance that was repeated in I I 7 0 .C.C. 79-82. 152-154. p.lS3 By 1071 the Turkish raids in the environs were endemic134but the city held out until I 102 at which time the Danishmendids conquered ita196Kilrdj I Arslan took it in I 106. 111. Large numbers of its inhabitants were killed or enslaved.136 on his death the citizens were subjected to financial oppression by his successors. 146.1~8 First Muslims and Christians.1. Cedrenus. in 1099.1S8I n I 124 the Danishmendid Ilghazi finally retook Melitene after a difficult six-month siege as a result of which the inhabitants perished in great numbers. but perhaps this refers to a possible second capture by Kilidj I1 Arslan. 239. R. I. the Turks slew. 249. 118 Matthew of Edessa. 111. 266. I. I. ~~~ Chliat. I. Matthew of Edcssa. 111.14*T h e struggle between Danishmendid and Seljuk over Melitene was continuous and between I 1 . pp. 111. 140 Ihid. Matthew of Edessa. added to the upheaval. And because of this many of the people of Melitene perished. who remarks that when Kilidj I1 Arslan came to Melitene Ire wns kind to Michael. Matthew of Edessa. 111. when John Comnenus appcared before Neocaesareia. 111. p. 230.146 Six years later.”lS4 The Turks captured and sacked Ani in 1 0 6 4 and repeatedly raided the vicinity of Lake Van (Zorinak. Michael the . which would have constituted a further serious depopulation for the area had he not been forced to return them. 173. I. 1 8 7 Michael the Syrian.” 14% Michael the Syrian. 303. 194. 279. Michael the Syrian. the sultan of Konya. Cassianus were stolen. 111. He carried off 12. pp. he was success€ul. It was rctnkeii horn the Muslims by thr Georgians in I 124-25 and in I 161. Matthew of Edessa speaks of this period as “the beginning of the ruin and destruction of the Eastern Nation. Matthew of Edessa. Matthew of Edessa.O. nevertheless there was a massacre. 13O Bar Hebraeus. Michael the Syrian. 151 ‘59 . Bar I-Iebraeus. I. Bar Hebraeus. 165 Attaliatcs.Bar Hebraeus.8 Michacl the Syrian.. Bar Hebraeus. 313. 265. p. contested the city of Melitene and its neighboring villages so that for over a century this land knew no peacc. lLH. 131 Michael the Syrian.BEGINNINGS OF TRANSFORMATION BEGINNINGS OF TRANSFORMATION popuIation. Bar Hebraeus. H. H. like Mclitrne. I. a fact that caused great astonishment “to the whole wdrld. Michael the Syrian. 11.187 h e environs ofthe city continued T to be raided by Turks as well as by Franks. Bar Hebraeus. Syrian. pp.. pp. Matthew of Edcssa. “At that time every Christian who mentioned the name of the King of the Greeks or of the Franks. 95-96. Matthew of Edessa. I n 1062-63 the regions of Nisibis and Seveverek had bccn raided by the Khurasan Salar.131 Sometime later Christian Armenians retook it and engaged in reciprocal. I. Michael the Syrian. 1 1 187. citv. I n 1096-97 Kilidj I Arslan was besieging it when arrival of the Crusaders in Anatolia caused him to lift the siege. I 1 . ld3 Michael the Syrian. I. Matthew of Edessa.

167 The formerly active maritime center of Amastris becalne an unimportant town in the twelfth century. came to a halt and his church was destroyed as a result of the Turkish invasions. . The Greek forts and cities were in a state ofterror. trap.. and again this annual celebration forgot the city. Saltukids. taking of booty. as the necessities were 1 a ~ k i n g . in$. Joseph. Michael the Syrian. Heracleia. Bar IIcbracus. 29-30. 1 1 twelfth century the Turks frequenlly raided the coast (at one point R certain Cassianus delivercd many of the forts of I’ontus to thc Danishmendids [Michnd the Syrian. 1 .. 289.BEGINNINGS OF TRANSFORMATION BPC4INNINCI. 148. In I 139 Mnlik Muhammad pillagcd regions of Cassianus on the Pontus and took off the population selling it into slavery. K a i 6 V E ~ 6Q o k o s fipai-rrw-rat ~ p l v py . lo’ Anna Conmena. I. 18. I 60 161 . were exceptions. 393. This difficult terrain is primarily accessible or traversable through the river valleys of the I-Ialys. 170 Nicctas Choniates. 111. which reflect the general conditions of the conquest. the repeated siege and capture of towns. la* Anna Comnena. writing at a later date on the reinstatement of the great religious and commercial celebration of Trebizond. security. the panegyris of St. 689. 427. presaging the fall of Sinope in the early thirteenth century. and seems to have enjoyed some prosperity in the twelftll century. from the upheaval. remarlcs that John Comnenus massacred most of the Turks in the coastal region (it is not cxactly clear as to which coastal region is meant). p. 64. I 76. 1 0 8 Al-Idrisi.lsgBy the end of the twelfth century the Turkish pressure and raids had brought the Turks into possession of the coastal town of Amisus just to thc east of Paurae. Imp..170 In many respects the hinterland of the Black Sea coastal regions resembled the regions of western Asia Minor between Dorylaeum-Cotyaeum and Loadiceia-Chonae. proselytization. 232. Theodore Scutariotrs-Sathas. 64. 1 . l a g Ibid.B. 393. and the struggle must have been a constant one as the few tantalizing sources imply.15D During this reign the Turks had come into northern Asia Minor in comparatively large numbers and the roads were no longer safe. 109 Cinnamus. two months’ rations were distributed to the army as “they were about to march through uninhabited land which had been trampled underfoot by the foreigners.1~7 When Romanus IV Diogenes arrived at Erzerum in 1071.I. include destruction of churches and monasteries. J I .lo1 Though the Byzantines were able to recover the coastal regions by 1 0 8 5 and even some of the hinterland. and Michael VII gathered people from Pontus and moved them across the sea. Id. Danishmendname-Melikoff. 16* Attaliates. 266. and were in many cases partially abandoned by the Christian population. remarks : The Forgetting of the Celebration of the Birth of the Saint At that time [eleventh century] there [were] massacres and captures of cities and collections of prisoners and there attended all those things which are grievous to life.lO6The city of Sinope underwent a similar experience for there too the great panegyris of the local saint. and so forth. Anna Comnena. 175. Iris. which penctrate the mountains from north to south and from west to east. St. Michael the Syrian. Danishmendids.” jl. This region remained a border area as late as the fifteenth century. loo Bryennius. che metropolitan of Trebizond. 1 . deep oblivion. I 12. 64.le3 ~~~ at least temporarily. Phocas. 151.. there is no systematic account of the experiences of these cities during the twelfth century. ” Alexius Megas Comnenus restorccl thc churcli and the panegyris. though the latter two were occupied by the Turks for a short period. The critical period was the reign of Michael V I I Ducas (107178). 111.lo8and though the hinterland of other coastal cities-Heracleia.. There is very little specific ipformation as to the fate of individual coastal areas. imj. Al-Idrisi. 11. in varying degrees. Adding to the unsettled conditions was the fact that the Danishmendids. Both Sinope and Trebizond were taken by the Turks and retaken by the Byzantines i n the late eleventh century. Features of this poem. 101 Van dcn Vorst.15o so thatby thereign ofNicephorus 111Botaniates (1078-81) most of the coastal regions were in Turkish hands. 1st. and possibly Sinope and Trebizond. The hinterland of the northern coast consisted of rugged mountain country separating the Anatolian plateau from the seacoast. tvlio ruled in 1 0 8 There was a partial recovery in thc twelfth century. XXX (191I ) . Oenoe. From that time the memory of the celebration became the victim of I This is strong testimony as to how the Turkish invasions affected the peace. S Tais ~ V ~ E I T ~ V W V papP&pov & O h v h T l e b E U l V 6. a27]).l04 and many of the towns must have suffered. 392. ‘‘ fisq y h p UOI K&VTffijea i~avljyvpis T~JV c r h ~ v .”168 NORTHERN ANATOLIA The regions of northern Asia Minor lay similarly exposed to the upsetting effects of the Turkish invasion during the latter half of the eleventh century. 111. 1 l o 5 I ~Papadopoulos-Kerameus. I. 11. northern Asia Minor remained a scene of continuous raiding and warfare throughout the twelfth century among Byzantines. and Lycus. 111. prior to the battle of Manzikert. I. 86-95. 59. Attaliates. but the city did not regein its 1 old prosperity until the late thirteenth century. and Michael the Syrian. 72. Papadopoulos-Kerameus. The whole of the coastal region from Heracleia to Trebizond as well as the hinterland about the Iris (Yeshil Irmak) and the lower Kalys (Kizil Irmak) were turned into areas of frequent raiding and plundering. I. 6s. who also remarks that its inhabitants led a nomadic life. 11.S OF TRANSFORMATION described the early twelfth century as a period of tribulations and rnas~acres. 1°“Ibid. Georgians. and the Danishmendname gives aii interesting insight into the mentality of the ghazi tribesmen who actively carried 011 the struggle against the Christians of northern Anatolia. 239. “Saint Phocas. Seljuks. It was in these riverine corridors that the military forces of Islam and Christianity contested the possession of northern Asia Minor in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. Eugenius. Paurae. . 199. and economic prosperity of this flourishing commercial emporium. 111. 111. 248. Ilona was an cmbarkatian point for war with the Muslims. l ~ ~ 16? Matthew of Edessa. Michael the Syrian. 1 1 the )\I-Idrisi. and Sinope-was raided by the Danishmendids.q yev6Ueal K O I V ~ V . and Menguchekids. 151. 66.

CXXXIII. Halys had been penetrated on numerous occasions and in considerable force by the Turks prior even to the appearance of Danishmend. and he himself only narrowly escaped capture. 46-47. III. “segetes et omnia sata rcgionis depopulantcs.H.170 In the latter half of the century the Seljuks of Konya began. however. Castamon. pp.180 Turkish raiders carried off the population of Adana to Melitene in I I 37. Les CornnJties. I. Seleuceia and Corycus. The Turks pillaged the regions of Ankara soon after Manzikert. Ostgretize. 171 17e (1907L75-83. P. so that conditions werc regularized much sooner here than in other areas. witnessed frequent political change and military occupation. 13. I. Cedrenus. were by then mere ruins and had to be rebuilt. Though it was farthcr removed kon1 the borders. 105. and numerous other fortresses for restricted periods. 173 Bryennius.18“ CENTRAL ANATOLIA .Z. Malik Ghazi massacred the Greeks of Castamon. 1 1 249. A1 Idrisi. . the towns of the region changed hands frequently. 77-91. 11. 11. Neocaesareia. 1373-1383. Doceia.2g-30. 25-26. and the earth scorched. and Archelais. 606. 277-280..C.l86 and sometime later the city fell to them. 93. the Honigmann. 29.181 and they sacked Pracana early in the reign of Manuel Comnelius. and Byzantine garrisons reoccupied the arca. 76. though the Turkish conquest of this region was definitive earlier. must likewise have been enveloped in disorder. 1 .”18G I t contiilucd to change hands in the twelfth century eve11 after the Seljuks took it from the Uanishmendids. Argyropolis. Michael the Syrian. Nicetas Choniates. bombarding the houses. The valleys of the Lycus. 174 Danishmendname-Melikoff. Cedrenus.BEGINNINGS O F TRANSFORMATION I BEGINNINGS OF TRANSFORMATION this area until the latter half of the twelfth century. 15.37. 2 1 .. Pimolissa. Ibid. especially. the Greeks succeeded in retaking Gangra.176In the warfare of the twelfth century. and so the area found itself in much the same state of continuous warfare and change of political domination as did western Anatolia. as Paipert and Coloneia were raided in 1054 and 1057 respectively. IConya (Iconium) and its environs were sacked early in I 069. says of the regions IV. The Greek inhabitants were expelled and the city recolonized by Muslims. Theodore Prodromus. Euchaita. 08.C.. H. for the Turkmelis Were often supported by Muslim rulers such as Salah al-Din who in I 182invaded and plundered Cilicia in support of Turkmens who had been defeated by the Armenians. rgr-r58. He paused near Castamon to see the family estates but found them abandoned.l‘l and Neocaesareia was sacked in 1068. 71-72. 684-685. remarks that it had been destroyed during the “time of trOUb1CS. gradually.ls3 The regions of Laranda. the Danishmendids had conquered Paipert. Turkmen groups began to follow the Pyramus valley i n search or plunder and pastures.182 Toward the end of the twelfth century. though Gabras of Trebizond had reconquered Paipert and Coloneia at one pointJ114and the Byzantine general Taronites continued to contest Danishmcndid control in the area. 234..196 the emir of Ankara besieged Dadybra for four months. The three principal urban centers of the central plateau. the Turks pillaging. 315.170 Because of the conflict of interest among Byzantines. Coloneia.. 96. of Gangra. I 81.173 By the time of the Crusade of I I o I .O. Kurtz. R.178 SOUTHERN ANA1‘OLIA Turks relinquished most of Cilicia. 108-112. 553 162 E L .” Danishmendnamc-Mclikoff. E. Armenians. 626. Anna Comncna. polluting the water and eventually reducing it by famine. Comana. I 84. 1 45-48. This brought a double danger to the Christians in the area. Latins. Albert of Achcn. 1“ 178 Nicetas Choniates. Amaseia. Gangra. Ankara.” XVI B. Iris.1‘7 Previously. In 1. to absorb the holdings of the Danishmendids as well as those of the Greeks. 111. writing one-halr century later. and Mopsuestia-Mamistra was half destroyed. 564. Heracleia.Attaliates. especially in the reign of John Comnenus. IConya. and Muslims. had to contest possession not only with the Greeks but with the Seljuks of the plateau. 178 See Chalandon. “Unedierte Tcxte aus der Zeit des Kaisers Johanncs Komnenos. 1. As a result of the First Crusade.1~7 sultall The Cilicia and the Taurus regions. the city and its suburbs and villages were attacked by both Greeks arid Crusaders in the e h r n t h and twelfth cent~ries. Cinnamus. The Crusaders of 1101 found the regions about Gangra-Castamon east to Amaseia partly deserted.172 Amaseia and Castamon were surrounded by raiding Turkish bands when Alexius Comnenus left Amaseia with Roussel.Anna Comnena. and Anazarba were infested by Turkmens and so must have been in dificult straits. rebellions of Byzantines had brought considerable destruction to Byzantine Paphlagonia in a nianner strikingly reminiscent of the rebellions in western Asia Minor a t this time.

lQ2This formidable increase is to be explained primarily in terms of the population of the environs which had settled down within the safety of the walls in fleeing the unsafe country~ide. vii. iii.rrhowroGoi xpqcrrois. destruction.” The period of the T (:ornncnoi arid the Lascarids sccnis to haw witnesscd an extcnsion of thc fortifcation works not only in lhc urlxin ccntcrs but in the rural arcas as well. Swords a n d spears were whetted against t h e Christians.C. invenimus nimis a Turcis vastatam el depopulatam. The cities in many areas suffered from the continuous state of warfare. A detailed study of late Byzantine and early Turkish toponylny remains one of the most important tasks for the siudcnts of Anatolian history. E i S O~KfiUlUOv T j V ITp&qV ciO(KqT0v. Cities were obliterated.G . the emir Kl~usraw in l083. forests. Dabock and ICrey. KC~TWX~PWUE TEIXEcn. This caused the population of some of the towns to experience a temporary rise. and captured farmers and others engaged in cultivating the ficlds. . R. 11. b’’zantioti. Xhlapa. lamenting. “They [Turks] took certain fortresses by storm.’’Fulcher of Chartres. mountains. another his cousin who had died previously. 96. they survived in a sadly declined state. 169. Some fell piteously [the victims] of arrows and spears. Terror reigned over all and they hastened to hide in the ykp rep1 ah&s A h XGjpai & o k q T o I TE quav ~b npiv. that it too had suffered devastation. The city was repeatedly besieged. the land was abandoned and no longer cultivated. the toponymical evidence would seem to lend weight to this supposition. Briwne (Leiden-Landon. and hills. The Ta’rikh-i-guzida or “Select Histop” of Hamdu‘llah Mustawfi-i-Qazwini. and the whole land of the Rhomaioi was stained by blood of Christians.” Matthew of Edessa. ho~ever. ‘ E d T O ~ O UTOO pauikbws b u(IpTas UXEGAV K ~ O ~ O S Y Ey i v Kai Ba?iauuavmTGV lr0Bov papP&pwv KmauKW& h b XEeE15 h a s ficpavkflq.. and food began to fail entirely. Theodore Scutariotes-Sathas.000. trans. H. and like women shed hot tears. quae terra est optima et valde fertilis bonorum omnium. K a l hc TOO K O X ~ ~ c j p ~ p OIKEiuOal.. Wittck. One bewailed his brother. G . pp. I n 1071 the city of Edessa had a population of approximately 35. Buzan bcsiegcd the city in 1087-88. Kilidj I Arslan in I 106-07. survey of Anatolia during the latter part of the eleventh and the twelfth century indicates that violence. The towns and I‘ his army slew 7. cried. No place was safe outside the circuit of tlie walled cities. KU\ Bpqpos O ~ K T ~ T ~ ~W ~ O T ~ . less severe. 273.the greatest part of the datable Turkisll toponyrnical evidence occurs later.a l a h b s TO~VUV. 24-25. The Geographical Part o the Nuzhnt-al-Qnlub f compased by Ifatnd-allah MuslawJi o Qazzuin in 740 (1340). 111. 1g13). al €15 T T ~ V ’Aolcrv I T ~ ~ E I S . 25. I. Kicctns C:honiatcs.“Nam Romaniam. In I IOU the Turks burned the villages. When the emperor did build the fortifications. but 75 years later just prior to its destruction by Nur al-Din the city had 47. E.O. p.000 inhabitants. I t was rural society that often was more disrupted and displaced in many parts of Anatolia. Chliara. and also battles.I Theodore Scutariotcs-Sathas. This was due to the fact that the rural population had previously lived scattered in small unprotected villages and so was an easy prey of the invaders. and often destruction. Hidoire des Sebotlkides. Though a great many of the cities continued to exist. burned villages. 305. and Adramyttium suffered destruction and almost complete depopulation throughout a large portion of the late eleventh and the twelfth century. and others who yet survived (if some did remain within the Rhomaic boundaries). loo Anna Comnena. Obviously in some areas the destruction was greater. a lessening of commercial activity. 86-88. and upheaval accompanied the Turkish invasions and occupation of the peninsula. Kai T&VTWV -i&v OiK?lp&TWV Kai rBv xwpiwv K a l &Qv TBVkKAqalGv T b F 6ko1sTO’($ Tq$ ’Ava-roAQ pkpEUIv % U h G v kpqpo8h’WV K a i TkkEOV KCrrUTpOvweiv-rwv K a i E ~ S ~b p q 6 b &-KOKWUOT&VTWV. wars. 108. as is indicated by tlie survival ofthe Byzantine urban toponymy. By far. its rural areas alld ppulation subjected almost unintcrruptedly to the sword.1~3 the At western extreme of Anatolia ihe same phenomenon could be observed.000 Muslims. the other for his daughter. and captivity.BEC+INNlNUS OF TRANSFORNATION BEGINNINGS OF TRANSFORMATION Rukn al-Din burned the town of Laodiceia Combusta forty kilometers north of Ronya at the end of the twelfth century for having mistreated a member of the dynasty.H. relates that Kilidj I1 Arslan rebuilt it in I 1 7 1 (hereafter cited as QazwiniLe Strange). The rural areas of Pergamum. and massacres. conscqueIltly thc tilling of the fields ceased. p. Among them some cried aloud in horror at those things which they suffered. 689. 268. IThj~OUcTlVOlKqT‘dpWV KUi Tois KWh TbV pfov cq . in other areas. Here too. pp.104 Many of the 101 Already in the twelfth century the Greek sources seem to refer to a very few rural areas by their Turkish names. lea Sawirus Ibnal-MukaTTa’. for a discussion or these names.” 193See the remarks above for tlic state ofperpctual siege which was the fate of Edessa during this seventy-fiveyear pcriod. K U ~T&S VAquiov Sf: K ~ ~ 6 1 a 6 TpOVplOlS Uy.18D This detailed. 22-23. 45. Consequently. it would be just as erroneous to assert that the destruction was complete. zzg. T o n der byzantinischen zur turkischen Topanymie.p. TZ) T& llGpyaD6v TE. capture. others being driven away from their homes were carried off captives to the cities of Persia. It cannot be maintained that the Turkish conquest operated with ease and without serious disturbance of Anatolian society. a rural society was re-formed and the land returned to cultivation. Bar Hebraeus.VGKIOEV’C J h W 8. IS8 Ibn Bibi-Duda. 111.lgl Very often the village populations sought refuge from the invaders by going to the walled and fortified towns. 53. Cinnamus. On the other hand. trans. Frederick Barbarossa also burned the city during the Third Crusade. pp. XI. records the following for the ycar I 108. Turkish armies raidcd the area until the city was finally sacked and destroyed. the lament of Anna Comnena on the fate of Byzantine Anatolia constitutes something more than an empty rhetorical exercise : And since the succession of Diogenes the barbarians tread upon the boundaries the barbarian hand was not restricted until the of the empire of the Rhomaioi reign of my father.lfl0 . tlie one for his son. . I 95. . as a result of the Turkish raids.336. 18~-183. Flistoire des Seljoukides d’Asic Minsure par un ananyme. being led off to Persia. 542. ‘‘ . yet incomplete. lands were plundered. much in the same manner as Caesareia and Sebasteia. 1g5z). isolation from the countryside. 1v. Manuel transformed the uninhabited to an inliabilcd :lrc:i. Odo of Deuil. Uzluk (Ankara. F. Nicetas Choniates. trans. X (1935). 164 ‘65 . lB0 Uzluk. Sukman the Ariukid in 1095-96. William of Tpc. The destructive nature of the conquest is repeated in most of the sources. tire. for they underwent siege. ~ a ‘i r p a p h i o v KUKG~Sa q o v h b TGV l“kp~Qv. f ig~g). And there was at that time not one relationship which was without tears and without sadness. EIS ~ p o v o p j v TOTS nohEploIS ~ T ~ O ~ K E I V T O .lB8The fact that IGlidj I1 Arslan rebuilt Coloneia Archelais (Aksaray) would seem to imply. pp. Le Strange (London. Until Manuel built forts throughout the rural area in which the agrarian inhabitants might seek refuge. Nicetas Choniates. K W V IT&VTWV Xpio-riavBv & ’ ahBv I T lrvarpafJiv-rwv.

B. X Apollonias-C. B Claudiopolis-B Pithecas-X Malagina-X Dorylaeum-X. M Ankara-X. Artze-X. P Pergamum-F. X. F = flight. p Caicus. Villages. E Gargar-P Melitene-X. P. x Tell Bashir-S. E. X Hierapolis-X Ti*ipolis-X Tantalus-X. B Melitene-P. P. F Pyramus R. X Lopadiuin-X Cius-C Poimamenum-X Adramyttium-X Calamus-X Meleum-X Smyrna-C. F Chliara-F. X Amorium-X Cedrea-C Polybotus-C Philomelium-C. E. P. B Prusa-C. € 3 Thynia-Bithy nia-P . E Pracana-X Iconium-X. X. B. P Iconiuni-P. B = besieged. Hermus. C. E. E. X Doceia-C Comana-C Euchai ta-C Pi m olissa-C Gangra-C. or Besieged WESTERN ASIA MINOR TOWNS AND VILLAGES ENVIRONS OP TOWNS PROVINCES Cyzicus-C. x. F Amaseia-X. F Selcuceia-X Mopsuestia-X Corycus-x Adana-X. F Castamon-X. x = enslaved. X Dadybra-C. P. C. Edessa-B. X. C Coloneia-B. Massacred. E. C Zorinak-X. P Adramyttium-P. J’ Propontis and Mysia-P. X. P. E M = massacred. x. P Philadelpheia-P Attaleia-l? Dory laeum-P Co tyaeum-X Sozopolis-P Lampe-P Laodiceia-P Chonae-P West Anatolia-X Dorylaeum-Iconium-P. P. P. E Antioch ad Maeandrum -X C homa-Soublaion-X AND VILLAGES Apollonias-P Lopadium-P Poimamenum-P Abydus-P. C . X Phocaea-C. B. C Amaseia-B. Cappadocia-P. E Gargar-X. B. X Clazomenae-C.BEGINNINGS OF TRANSFORMATION BEGINNINGS OF TRANSFORMATION EASTERN ASIA MINOR Caesareia-X Arabissus-X Marash-P. KaisUm-s. E. M Sinope-X. = sacked or destroyed. X. P. B Nicomedia-C. p. N. Towm. Cayster. Provinces Destroyed Pillaged. C Laodiceia-C. C Castamon-X. X Cbonae-X. C M. X Philadelpheia-C Tralles-X Louma-X Pen tacheir-X Melanoudium-X Latrus-X Strobilus-X Attaleia-X. p. E Caria-X. Chliat-p BJ Perkri-P Sebasteia-X. p Nisibis-X Hisn Mansur-M. F Ani-X. C Amisus-C Paipert-B. -E. P Smyma-P Clazomenae-P Phocaea--P Ephesus-P. E Bar Mar Sauma-B. X.c SOUTHERN ASIA MINOli Pyrainus Valley-p Key: = p i l l a s d . C. P Lake Va1+-PJ p x. E. M. E. P Armenia-M. X. P. C Trebizond-X. F x. C Cotyaeum-X. P.X Myriocephalum-X Sozopolis-C. X Sardes-C Nymphaeum-C Ephesus-C. F. C Colorieia Archelais-X Laodiceia Cornbusta-X CEIVIXAL ASIA MINOR Ankara-P. M. P Phrygia-P Paphlagonia-P Pisidia-P Lycia--P xJ AIbistan-E. X Nicaea-C. E. C. X. X. P. X. X. c= r 66 . X >’ MJ Edessa-P. Seveverek-p c. and Maeander. P. X Kakum-F. P NORTHERN ASIA MINOR Gangra-X. C Neocaesareia-X. Enslaved.

On this see the Dioneerina study of W. . or into other lands held by Christians. remarks T & that Isparta (naris) was one of the strongest fortified towns of the area.M: XI (igGi). Trebizond. namely. ’ TarchnichviIi.. Kmh 66 K !l S kKEXUuhJQV TTEPiT&s hTCdpEiUs TCh &KEioE d. “Das Leben des Koenigs der Koenige Dawith (Dawith 11. 564. 111. considerable numbers must have been involved.C.O. Cinnamus.K. R. nnlardalii yalriina Y C kimisi dahi kal’elerc kaqdilardi. serious illness. Mclitene. and in the border regions about the Taurus and the river valleys in the south and east. describes such flights of population? from villages and undefended are= to the mountains and walled towns. but rather moved to thc protection of the mountains. Cedrea.” Ibn Bibi-Duds. 96. 1011 Anna Comnena. 564.206 In the north there is evidence of a similar type. 757. 111. see R. “La conquete de I’Azerbaidjan par les Selcljoucides. Gbrgie. 93.aal Svv+xrai O ~ T E 6’ 71 TQV E ~ S-raxowy.z02 When after the reconquest Alexius sought t o rebuild the coastal cities of the SmyrnaAttaleia region. IV.” Albert of Achen. (1957). Bryennius. and Tarsus.C.rq68Eu & P M O S yivmai. lg7 Attaliates. Tseretheli.._ William ofTyre. (19651. 6. the Turks destroyed it and the inhabitants Red to the protection of the walled city of E r z e r ~ m . The refugees were put in the center of the bodies of troops where they would be protected from Turkish attacks. and Baris must have seen the flocking of rural elements to the safety of the city walls throughout the twelfth century. 88.203. Michael the Syrian.O. But in western Anatolia.H. 37. Castamon. 0 3 K h okav U V V O I K O U M ~ J&$ VGV k b p m a i .4. 99. 86-88. .l06 But as a result of the invasions. soon evacuated the regions of Chalcedon and C h r y s o p ~ l i s When Alexius evacuated the Greeks from . 8 0 4 Attaliatcs.Huseynov. 36. Bryennius. z I I. H. B.BEGINNINGS OF TRANSFORMATION BEGINNINGS OF TRANSFORMATION DISPLACEMENT OF POPULATION population centers were not compactly settled and centered in one urban area and so had no walls to protect the inhabitants. ?’enilmet Kiifirler perikcnde olrnislardi. what happened to the inhabitants of the towns and the countryside? Their experiences in this period varied. Obviously the majority of those who fled could not possibly have fled from the peninsula itself.267. I 78. lS8 The ability of all three towns to survive the Turkish conquest so long was due above all to their strong defenses and strategic locations..84. he had to seek out the former inhabitants as they had fled from their original homes. like many other cities. p. (1g57). we see the progressive WithdrawaI of the monks and inhabitants of Latrus to Strobilus and then to the islands in the face of the Turkish advance. John Comnenus erected a wall about the city after retaking it from the Turks. 011the other hand. Sozopolis. some ofthem no doubt seeking refuge in the larger towns. “La decouverte d’une inscription gtorgienne de l’an I O ~ G . VI. 11. 111.” B. Consequently. The advance was halted each time that a birth. . ~ ~ ’ In the Georgian regions of Transcaucasia there was a similar devastation and consequent flight of local populations. along the boundary between Danishrnendids and Greeks in the north.a PovvGv. 5-122. 72. and Amaseia.loO In the south the farmers deserted the Pamphylian plain and sought refuge in Attaleia (and elsewhere as well).201. Michacl VII Ducas reportedly transferred people from P o ~ ~ t u s “across the sea. Zonaras. Val beph-rrols y&p BTI pfi KUT’ d h l y o ~ s nopEVopkvoi5 p6Aig id~ f i v -rr6hw E ~ U ~ Y ~yiVETal. they could not and did not destroy the indigenous population. KBfirler anda kac. 62. 17.K. pfav 66 TIVU K O ~ I ~ ? i o-revw-rdrrqv mp6Xma\ E ~ O O ~ O V . I. Zonaras.201 In the documents of the monastery of St. It is quite clear that a portion of the population in some areas of Anatolia simply fled in order to escape the raids. Anna giva a detailed description of this mass transplanting of unprotected Greeks. Just to the east Chonae.” Ibid. 111.l06 In the east the commercial center of Artze was.K. Christodoulus. Cedrenus. 141. or a death occurrcd. Also M.H. pp. 99-108. 330. without walls and the town was scattered about over a considerable area. and the countryside became the camping ground of the Turkmens who came to raid and to bcsiege Attaleiaqzo0 Thus the invasions and repeated raiding very markedly disrupted the rural society in many parts of Anatolia. Laodiceia in Phrygia was made up of scattered settlements at the foot of the mountains and was not defended by walls. 87. 1.~~~ the villages around Philornelium. 108B~os~et. as in the regions of the Taurus. The rural populations of the area then must have retreated to the safety of the new walls. On the disarray and destructionattendant uponthe Seljuk occupationof Adharbaydian. XVI. 577. IV. 806 Anna Comnena. ZII. Andnn kirn koylerdc tururdi.rrav. H. 111. the region between Dorylaeum and Attaleia in the west. “Andan Rum iqine Lv5z dusmigdikim Melik Dinismend Ncs!Gilc Satt3ri g k I u sikrnig dkyu bu i1abcr kim Rum i$nc dugdi kanda kin1 !arb ykrler varise. “Mittelalterliche Befestigungen im siidlichen Jon{en. and Konya.9 flu ozjn pqxavfiv &v TIS ih6. .” so* I 68 . R.. indicative of a partial withdrawal by the inhabitants from the districts of Castamon. VI. 1089-11 2 5 ) ~ ’ B. large numbers of the population fled to the islands and to Constantinople itself. countryside were thus defended by a coordinated group of forts and city walls.lQs I n the north the rural populations largely abandoned the regions about Gangra. 34G. M.PP. the settlement was concentrated into a centralized synoecism and fortified with walls. . and from the area to the east of ISrzerum. 1. l o D Anna Comnena.203The Greek inhabitants. Danishmendname-Melikoff. Muller-Wiener. 331. I - With this violent displacement of Anatolian urban and rural society. 267-268. or else to the protection of strongly fortified towns such as Edessa. Miklosich et Muller. 148. Albert of Achen. The most abrupt and serious displacement must have taken place in those areas that Muslims and Christians contested for the longest periods.” 1. EfiEPKh q)pc[yUUp6VllV TEIXEUI. Gangra.pp. 348.. . B?’ inyqhoG 66 TWOS K a l & I T O K P + ~ V O Vi6pvpkvq V xwplou T@ $v M A c p t a i q s p i p ~ . who had only to cross the Bosphorus to reach safety.Melikoff.dilar. the violence and length of the conquest and occupation did bring a partial desolation and displacement of the inhabitants. William ofTyre.Luv Eirrpadoacr8ai. 11. All these refer to partial and not to total withdrawals.5-73. The Danishmcndnamc. xxvi. ‘‘ Xco{hohrs a h q ~ t r h l S ptv bo-n T ~ dv ’A+ rrdthar krriu1I\uwv. but again one must assume that they were a minority of the population.aoa ‘01Attaliates. 066’ l06 Nicetas Choniates. parts of Pontus. V. xii. The chroniclers observed that this phenomenon occurred across the breadth and width of the peninsula. 16s: . 1 1 638-639. As harsh as the Turkish invasions had been. P.. 92-93.

which effected a great portion of the conquests and occupation. as well as ii1 the sliriiiu of the hIualirn raiders who fcll at Amoritti11 in the ninth century. 198. and south. But at the same time it must be kept in mind that the great Seljuk sultans of Persia made strenuous efforts to shunt the Turlcmen tribes into Anatolia in order to spare their own domains from their ravages. I. were of considerable extent. tratls.. and Clionae prior to M a n ~ i k e r t . Lampe. Gestn flrntlcorltftz. so that there was a recolonization of the partially destroyed areas. The gllazis iianicd il rivcr aftci their hero nl-B. than the people whom Moses led across the Red Sea. 182. p. indicates that Greek populations still inhabited these towns.210 Extensive massacre accompanied tlie sacking or the cities of Sebasteia." . Plastentza (Albistan). xi. 111. 214 The mortality rate among the indigenous populations must have reached new heights during this period. Dntttns de 10G5.Ikossct. 4. I 69. for The t-2rab traveler al-I-Iarawi. R. they found Christians inhabiting the whole area. 284. Also Bar Hcbracus. The sum total. IconiuIn. Anatolia was now the society within the domains of scene of the djihad. it i s to be doubted that these Christians who fled were anything more than a minority of the indigenous Christian population. Edessa. for the most part. 54-57. Matthew of Edessa describes the situation as it existed in the first year of the reign of Alexius Comnenus. Le Tourneau (Damascus.20' The Turkish movements precipitated a veritable migration of Christians from the regions of Cappadocia. west. @%'UnlbZ. The land was inundated by these multitudes of people. Matthcw of Edcssa. tlic Dcsturnarne of Umur Pasha. chiefs. an element devoted to raiding and plundering. pp. The towns between Dorylaeum and Konya. as is witnessed by the example of Tyriaeum. Others were probably on a smaller scale. . and to the east the Crusaders encountered Christians along their road (some of whom they massacred). 209.200T h e inhabitants of Laodiceia and Philadelpheia were still there when Alexius drove the Turks out. 225--126.p.n 1154. It has been customary to pass over this aspect of the Turkish invasions in the period under discussion as being nothing more than an exaggeration on the part of contemporary and more recent Christian historians. Antioch.211 Tarsus had a largely Greek and Armenian population. ~ ~ ' this became widespread in the reign of Michael VII and Ducas when h e Turks were free to go about Anatolia almost at will. the native population had. 21° Ibid. Neocaesareia. Konya. Melitene. I (rg24). V. 1952). I.212 Marash. such as Adrarnyttium. 213 William of Tyre. "Des Grecs aux Croisds. has Icft US an account that c h t r l y illu5tratrs the importance of tllis ghazi mrntality. Giorgie. Illustrious personages. Caesareia. Philadelpheia. as well as the Kitab-i Dede Korkut.218 It is significant that tlie very chroniclers who praise individual Turkish and Arab rulers for their clemency to the Cliristiaris (such princes Were Malik Danishmend. who describes thc capture of Damascus by htsiz in 107G. as well as those of the Greeks from the coastal regions. 111. Ki1rd. There is no doubt that in allsuch similar historical phenomena there exists the tendency to exaggerate and discolor. Marash. The latter was inhabited by Greeks and because of its walls was able to resist the Turks. The Turkish invasions thus induced migrations among the indigenous Christian inhabitants in varying degrees. *I* ~a~iishmeiidiinine-MelikoR. coming by the thousands and crowding into them. 1 3I . others remained. with only a small Turkish garrison. I. 211 21% William Laurent. * I * l'hcodorc Scutariotcs-Sathas. 1O3. a15 Sce for instance the account o f Ibn al-Qalanisi. 29. 1 1 xix. The Turks formed only the garrisons. mentions the important shrinc and tomb of al-lhttal on the UyzanLino-Turkipil bordc~rs northwest Anatolia. 27. Anna Comnena. It would seem quite likely that after this first half century of invasions. wandered in begging their bread.BEGINNINGS OF TRANSFORMATION BEGINNINGS OF TRANSFORMATION A similarly great displacement of the indigenous population took place in southeast Anatolia. however.208 The Greek populace of the northern coast was relatively unaffected by virtue of the failure of the Turks to conquer this region permanently. was to produce a movement of Christians away from the central plateau regions toward the coastal regions on the north. remained in Anatolia. But again. p. women of position. 1 1 2 I r-a I 2. and the B a t t a l ~ ~ a m e illustrations of this psychology. 27. and Deluh and the environs. Go-Gg. Sourdel-Thominc. and many or the Turks were imbued with the gI1azi mentality which called for the dcstruction of the enelnies of the faith. The migrations Matthew described.iittaliatcb. trans. 1. 200 and Heracleia. reigned agitation and trouble. and others. Farther inland the establishment of officials in such cities as Sardes. and elsewhere to the safety of the Taurus a nd Cilicia at this time. covering the surface of the land. Amorium. Our eyes witnessed this sad spectacle. a work that his successors John and Manuel continued. 814 h i i n Comnena. i t was the Turkinen element. AI-I Itirawi. Choma. aiid jnssini.210 and at the time that the Crusaders advanced from Nicaea to HeracIeia. p. I might add seven times more numerous. Also.r t t d i n westcrn i1n:itoIia. They were more numerous. of Tyre. On this see the judicious remarks of J. who visited Anatolia in thc latter Ilalf of the twelfth century. IV. In western Asia Minor. having no Turkish garrison within the walls. 330-331. pp. up to Taurus. 1. Everywhere throughout Cilicia. nobles. For populations were precipitated into these regions en masse. The Muslim sources themselves testify to this characteristic or Turkish llomadic In addition. more numerous than the pebbles in the desert of Sinai.j I1 Arslan) make them the GesfoFrocicorrcni. were all inhabited by Christians. Ankara appears to have had a very m a l l Turkish garrison in I 10I and was remitted to the Byzantines by the Crusaders. the cities of Philomelium. Lycandus. were all inhabited primarily by Christians. Malik Shah. They were like locusts. P I I .21s Though Alexius I had removed considerable numbers of the inhabitants of the region between Philomelium and Iconium. i. m 7 Matthew of Edessa. Alexius resettled and rebuilt many of the coastal towns. 442-445. Ani. 1'' SCC above. Coxon.

the Oriental nation [Armenians] no longer existed. 265. The best documented area is that of Edessa. 2aL Ibid. 239. By this time no place outside the walls of the city was safe. I. 169. IIghazi the Artukid raided Edessa and destroyed what there was in the way of harvests. 249. I n 1092-93 there was such a devastating plague that there were not enough priests to bury the dead. the inhabitants of Edessa now being forced to make bread from acorns and barley. p. . As much of the population fled to thc towns. vii.210 Matthew remarks that the eleventh century was a period of great massacres and blood-shedding in Armenia. 202. I. U“ extended its rigours to all places. as did Matthew. 2~ Attaliates.22* The most spectacular event to be recorded i n this respect is the capture of Edessa in I 146. I 137) as follows. Brosset. Ibn Bibi-Duda. p. The sultan ‘Ala’ &Din desired to take the strongly fortified town of Amid.228This general pattern of a partial disruption of agricultural production in the rural areas clearly appears here and there i n the few unsatisfactory sources. The invasions caused a displacement of rural society in many areas and consequently food production was seriously. became particularly manifest after the arrival of the Crusaders. describes the process in considerable detail. pp. Cinnamus. it gives some idea as to the partial disruption of rural society and agricultural production. interrupting thus the cultivation of the fields. speaks of Edessa in 1449 ( c . p. When he arrived he found the region strewn with bodies. p. Michael the Syrian. p. the arrival of news of the raid of the Turks in the regions of Mt. 189. 208.. continued to be marked by mortality anlong the Christians. Michael the Syrian. quand adesse Ctait comme dam une prison.” Also Anna Comnena. was frequently exposed to sieges and raids. Before IGlklj I1 Arslan took the city. 214 Ibid. and also the severe sieges of the towns and their reduction by famine is repeated throughout the twelfth century. 111.. already ravaged by the ferocious and sanguinary Turkish hordes. Not one province remained protected from their devastations. 302. I 98. 181. Alexius Comnenus removed Greeks from the regions of Philomelium.232 Incomplete as the information is about rural conditions around Edessa. as we shall see. Theodore Scutariotes-Sathas.000 out of a population of 47.220 The prologue to part three of his history. which down to its destruction in I 146. Everywhere the Christians had been delivered to the sword or into bondage.227 This testimony to the partial uprooting of farming populations. They fail to differentiate between the leaders and the Turkish tribes. the tilling of the fields stopped and food supplies began to dwindle. 188-189. Matthew of Edessa. GJorgie. when the Turks put to the sword 30. See also Matthew of Edessa. Many provinces were depopulated. Ibid. Gbrgie. and the farmers and landowners were to be taken captive.”2s1 Muhammad aa7Matthew of Edessa. consequently. 2 3 2 Matthew of Edessa. and famine 210 Some scholars who have based this claim of a peaceful Turkish conquest on Matthew of Edessa have noted only the passages where he praises these humane leaders. Armenians. .” 838 Matthew of Edessa. et ne Iaissaicnt pas facilement ses habitants entrer ou sortir. and as these towns were often besieged. I. 191-1gz. and the land of the Greeks was in ruins. In the regions immediately to the north the Turks raided the rural areas of Hisn Mansur in I 108-09 killing and enslaving the farmers. 111. A cause des Turcs qui l’entouraient en giande nombrc. 32 I . 2 3 0 Matthew of Edessa. which deals with the events of the early twelfth century. XI. often disastrously.226 . 111. 348.401 -402. Ibid. so that bread was lacking. The Turkish emir Buzan attacked the city in 1087-88 and subjected i t to famine. Ibn Bibi. 274. Anna Comnena. which. 246. but came too late. 265. 3 I 5.. In sacred the farmers around I-Iisn Mansur. 2ar . affected. pp. 2 3 0 William of Tyre. Nowhere was one able to procure bread.231 About I 120-2 I . zqq. Georgians. and Syrians against the Turks. During the second year the city was to be prevented from getting any supplies and provisions from the outside. The growing incidence of famine and plague no doubt increased the mortality rate. 181-182. 2 I 9-220. I 108-09 Turkish invaders enslaved and mas. which Ixoduced a famine that brought death to the inhabitants “by the thousands. 359-36?. By the beginning of the reign of Alexius I all these factors had begun to take a Toward the beginning of the year 528 [1079-80]famine desolated . some of which were still breathing.r BEGINNINGS OF TRANSFORMATION P- BEGINNINUS OF TRANSFORMATION exceptions t o the more general rule.. The farmers and workers had been massacred or lead off into slavery. 198. Michael the Syrian. it.221 In western Anatolia. reads: We begin here the narration of the massacres and the tribulations which have marked this unfortunate time. Bar Hebraeus. pp.~oa-18a. Ibid.In western Anatolia the armies of Alexius massacred the Turkish raiders and their families whenever the opportunity presented itself.. and. 265. 204. conditions favorable to both famine and plague appeared.222The Turkish raids into western Asia Minor. Alexius sped to the relief of the area. nag. Melitene was in the grip ofsuch a faminc that most of the Christian population abandoned ‘I. but because of its defensive strength it would have to be reduced over a period of three years. 2ao Matthew of Edessa.p. I Annabo&ena.233 Emir Ghazi the Danishmendid captured Melitene in I 124-25 i n a severe siege. 111. and in the third year the town would be forced to surrender. 29.230 Five years later Edessa experienced a severe famine as the Turks in the rural areas continued to disrupt agricultural activity. On Lentiana and of the plain of Cotoraicia.u.220 In I 108 Turks burned thc villages about Edessa and enslaved the farming population. and Konya precisely because he feared that they might perish at the hands of the Turks. its grain was to be burned. a34 Ibid. Cedrea. the lands of the worshippers of the Cross. 204.223This character of the Turkish conquest aroused equal ferocity on the part of Greeks. Brosset.000. “TOIOGTOVyhp ~b pdppapov hrav h o ~ p o vr p b r aTayhS K a i ~ohiyov5. pp. 2 1 I-212. 2 6 4 4 5 . 111. In the first year. writing in the thirteenth century. 302. xxii. after the Byzantine reconquest. its livestock driven off. according to his plans.. 172 I73 . * * 5 The sources give sufficient indicatlon that the continuous process of conquest in large parts of Anatolia resulted in widespread death. 111... eas I6id. p. 165-166.

William of‘Tyre. 371. Such were the regions ofPergamum. But as time passed mosl of these slaves were no doubt retained in Asia Minor. and William of Tyre remarks in regard to Attaleia: It possesses very rich fields.. 229. trans. p. I. XLI (1965)~ randon d e la BrocquiCre. Chliara (until Manuel recolonized them). took off IG. I. R. XI. In fact Asia Minor continued to be a major source of slaves Ibr the Islamic world through the fourteenth century. 111. 200. Anna Comnena.238The disruption of agricultural productivity was. the grain supply is brought from overseas. a very general statement. Adramyttium. etc. But one must assume that during the troubled periods. brought into Cilicia by Mleh the Armenian. 73. IV. and he adds that they were sold in thc slave markets as far away as Persia. The Second Crusaders found a scarcity of food here. 369). Michael the Syrian. yg. and children from all major urban centers240 and from the countryside where the populations were defenseless. 331. 165-166. Babock and Krey. D e Planhol. But the truth is that when agricultural productivity was so affected that on occasion there was not enough food for the inhabitants. H.H. G I . often leading off as many as 500 slaves in chains. Hierapolis. In I I 76 a large Turkmen raid in the Greek provinces of western Asia Minor enslaved Greeks b y the thousands. H. “The Lamentable Affliction. 111. and of course many of the youths were set aside for special training for the ghulam bodies. This is. Throughout antiquity and the Middle Ages. and these were frequent during the eleventh and twelfth centuries. Nornadisirie et uiepaysanne (Paris. Attaliates. in the essay. Its extent and continuity in the Ottoman period emerge from the eyewitness account of Bartholomaeus f f Georgieuiz. I t was for this purpose that the Turks..C. *ao See the Qabus Nama. I. 266. Albert of Achen. aa6 when the Turks took over the direction of the djihad in Anatolia. This was particularly true of Islamic society. 166. 99-108. Michael the Syrian. Bar Hebraeus.236 T h e Crusaders were continuously perplexed by the dificulties of raising provisions in Anatolia. 111. describes the Ottoman slave mart in Bursa. 320. 111. Armenia. pp. 2Js Gesta Francorurn. 224-252. Michael the Syrian. 198. 181-182.C. pp. R. as well of the captive Christians. Attaliates. and Mesopotamia were taken off to the slave markets.BEGINNINGS OF TRANSFORMATION BEGINNINGS OF TRANSFORMATION the Danishmendid burned the villages about Kaisum in I I 36-37 during the period of the vintage.O. There is ample testimony in the contemporary accounts that this situation did not change Matthew of Edessa. 302. 2’“Matthew of Bdcssa. They enslaved men. and Tripolis. the captives were sent to Persia and elsewhere. 111. (hereafter Brocquibre-Schefer). These few sources seem to indicate that the slave trade was a flourishing one.000were enslaved.” Der Islam.. Ansbert.242 but after the establishment of the Anatolian Turkish principalities. VI. i t is hardly likely that these regions could easily support large foreign armies. ng. so that again the total effect was to decrease slightly the number of Anatolian Chri~tians. Ch.C. 564. ~ ~ ~ As has already been mentioned. took with them the male Greek children from the towns between Dorylaeum and K ~ n y aThe emir Balak acted similarly in the regions of Samosata. R. Choma. In the Turkmen raids of I 185 and the following years. of course. Miklosich e l Muller. admittedly. 198. IV. which are. trans. KO. Ds Inplninepampt~lienneaux lacspistdiens. and certainly most of their Planhol. pp.229.OOO. Michael the Syrian. . Schefer (Paris. Le uoyage d’oulretner.2~6 This condition prevailed in other parts of Anatolia as well. 268-273. the disruption was so extensive that famine became a familiar condition.H. 87. must have become Muslim.237Other rural areas abandoned by the population in the face of incessant raids likewise ceased to be productive. Bar Hebraeus. and this number deported from Anatolia would decrease the Christian population in Anatolia. o n the character of slaves of different ethnic origins. Dorylaeum. women.321. 111. for they a r e surrounded by enemies on all sides who hinder their cultivation. Anna Comnena. 111.265. R.401-402.” The slave merchant followed the armies.000 inhabitants of the rcgions of Cappadocia. The O$pring o lhe House o Olfonzotmo and OJces Pertaining lo the Greate Tidies. The Turks of Nur &Din. p. . as inmates of the harems. the fertile soil lies fallow. however. 265. Therefore. He also comments on the activities of the ~4 $46 17. trans. X. 135. Nomadisme. I 570 ?) (hereafter Bartholomaeus Georgeuiz-Goughe). retiring from Dorylaeum in 1097. Bert“Seljuk Gulams and Ottoman Devshirmes. but there is perhaps some truth in it for parts of Asia Minor in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. 204. never complete in the whole province. They were employed in the duties traditionally assigned to slaves in Islamic society: as domestic servants. X V I . 204. 111. A Mirrorfor Princes (Kew York. Tudebodus. aa8Anna Comnena. 274.. and at the same time the sultans entrusted them with many of the highest government and military positions. 87. 1958). p. xxvi. 16. human booty had come to constitute a very important portion of the spoils. a37Fulcherof Chartres. 1892). pp. iv. I.H. Anna Comnena.~45 See above.O.. When agriculture declined there i s no doubt it affected the density of population by the simple fact that there was not as much foodstuff to support the former numbers. Bar Hebraeus. Matthew of Edcssa. a portion of the enslaved were retained i n Anatolia for the service of the conquerors. 26. 306. a portion of these Anatolian Christian slaves were sent ofl to Persia. Gesta Francorurn. and cut off the water supply. 181. p.241 In the earlier years before the Turkish settlements were permanently effected in Anatolia. Levy. Bar Hebraeus. M‘illiam of Tyre. pp. destroyed the gardens. 336. *do William of Tyre. 54-55. ed. Michael the Syrian (111. as of them which live under the most grevous youke of tribute. since there is no one to work i t . exaggeratedly places the number of the enslaved a t IOO. 111.244 . and they constantly reproached the Greeks with treachery in this respect. When Edessa fell. 37.. of no advantage to the townpeople. 111. 260 if. slaves constituted one of the most important items of wealth in the East. 195r). 111. vii. Gouglie (London. 55.230 Since the beginning of the Arab razzias into the land of Rum. These latter came to form one of the most important of the military groups of the Seljuk princes.OOO Christians a n d sold them a t Aleppo.. Both sultans and emperors often resorted to the scorched earth policy in the border regions so that invading armies might find no sustenance. A goodly portion of these. p. A further contributing factor to the decline in the numbers of the Christian inhabitants was enslavement. nevertheless. See Vryonis. H. 24% Anna Comnena.4 I75 . T h e taking of Christians for the slave markets seems to have been quite extensive in the eleventh and twelfth centuries.

Rhalles and Potles.. and all those who refused to go to the mosque were brought there by threat of physical violence. and soon after they plotted against Malik Danishmend.248 They are also mentioned i n the army of the sultan of K o n ~ aCertainly the most . or because of material advantage to be 0btained. a T ~ r k . 396. though not as extensive as they later were to become. conversion also had the effect of decreasing the number of Christians while increasing the Muslim population. 32-33. His mother was a Georgian Christian and his father.. L Anna Comnena. It is interesting. They were to live outside the wa’lls and to pay the haradj. 65-66. 250 The mixovarvaroi from Anatolia are mentioned in a very interesting document in which Balsamon comments on canon eighty-four of the Council in T r ~ l l o . referred to in the Greek sources as mixouaruaroi. at the point of the sword. to speculate about what would have happened to the Anatolian mixovarvaroi under different political circumstances. 2 ~ ~ Evidently they were as lax in their political as they were in their religious duties. Kopstein. 11. are put to the sword. To the extent that it took place in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. and other violations of Islamic law similarly t r e ~ t t e d .. 1 . Malik Danishmend offered its citizens the choice of death or conversion. they betrayed the Turkish Muslims of the city and killed them along with the governor. I 28-13 1. Some became Muslims. 367. r966). 370-371. These mixovarvaroi suffered occasionally from a dichotomy of political sympathy and allegiance. I.. Those who convert voluntarily do so as a result ofa religious vision.000 vlgOn€s. 11. inasmuch as it is a poetic compilation of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. bodies of soldiers. and accordingly they chose to become Muslims. Ibid. and so the governor of Comana enforced Islamic practices on many who were recalcitrant in performing the ritual.000 accept Islam. 214 Ibid... T h e city of Gangra-Mankuriya underwent a slightly different fate according to the poet. 316. o 248 Danishmnendname-Melikoff. and conversion constitutes an ever-present and constantly repeated motif. Ibid. 2 ~ 0 The twelfth-century canonist Balsamon remarks. 204-205. ~ ~ * Though this phenomenon of intermarriage and the appearance of a new generation of mixovarvaroi is only briefly mentioned by the sources.2S6Among the most celebrated and detailed acts of conversion in the Danishmendname is that of the city of Sisiya-Comana. ibid. with disapproval. were also the troops of Tzachas who beseeched the Lord (in Greek) L save them from their Greek besiegers in Chios in 1090. 1g5z). 205. for other examples. 475.254Conversion by the sword also occupies a prominent place in the Danishmendname. I. They had to be brought back to the faith by show of arms as well as by miracles. There are conversions of individuals. When Alexius was campaigning against the Turks in the district of Polybotus. and the conversions that occur in the poem break and whole down into two categories: voluntary and forced. But it is *6z Danishmendnarne-Melikoff. for upon the appearance of Christian armies. 91-94. 271-272. 207.~5~ some instances the In poem implies that the newly converted have apostitized to avoid paying the haradj. For their adoption of Christian baptism see chapter vii. 5. I. 223. 318. 11. 380. Those who continued to drink wine were flogged. and their presence is attested to in various Turkish armies. 384. 278. 381.. 280. to become But the new Muslims were not firm in their adopted faith. 1 z61 Ibid. Ibid.‘See also. 414-4. It attributes a strong proselytizing zeal to ~local Christians who assist the slaves in escaping. a55 Ibid. 273-274. 396.. 284.” 247 Ibid.BEGINNINGS OF TRANSFORMATION BEGINNINGS O F TRANSFORMATION The same outcome resulted from intermarriage between the Turks and the local population. but in the long run their appearance in Anatolia resulted in a process that favored the growth of the Muslim population a t the expense of the Christian population. ~ ~ a upon and capturing Sisiya-Cornana.. I. Ibid. 270. I.. while those who Dreferred to remain Christian were permitted to do so. 428. whereas i n other cases they receive grants of land. 361. ‘77 . There is little in the way of source material on the subject of conversions. 5. 111. but unprofitable.. 421.~ *46Anna Cornnena. 380. ZZU Sklaverei irn ausgehenln Byzme (Berlin. Rossi. In numerous instances individuals and bodies of captured troops are given as alternatives conversion or death by the sword. 498. 181ff.pp. I. a number of the army of the emir Monolycus were mixovarvaroi who spoke Greek. This union between Turks and Christians had already produced a new generation of Anatolians by the early twelfth century. quau y&p ~ a TIVET 6v akoi5 vicof3&pf3apoiWql the Muslims. 165. or for romantic reasons. because Muslim society dominated politically and militarily. 428-429. he forced the populace. Ibid. that though the Georgians were Orthodox. as they had been forcibly converted. 257. one must assume that it was no rare or isolated occurrence. E.4zG-427. probably. 1x1. Such.201 It would be extremely difficult and hazardous to insist upon the exact historicity of such details in the Danishmendname. 2a1 Ibid.250The fate of Yankoniya-Euchaita (Chorum) was similar. but there seems to be some indication that in this period conversions to Islam were numerically significant. destroying the mosques and replacing them with monasteries. I Kitub-i-Dede Qorqut (Vatican.. In the course of his campaigns Malik Danishmend vowed to convert the inhabitants of this ~ i t y . 380.~48A further example is the case of Tsiaous (chavush ?) the Turkish oficial who betrayed Sinope to Alexius. 367-368. they were giving their daughters in marriage to Agarenes.. pp. Ibid. T h e conquered werc given a choice. Danishmendname-Melikoff. H. The Danishmendname reflects one aspect of the spirit in which the conquest of much of Anatolia was made. n. 129.15. 275. ~ ~ ~ celebrated instance of this intermarriage has to do with Danishmend and his marriage to a Christian w0man. Ile compelled the inhabitants to perform the five daily prayers. ibid. I n one incident.2°0But these new Muslims too were disloyal.

I n spite of migrations. was quite prominent i n twelfthcentury Anatolia. displacement. 1 . plagucs. ix. Tfiv m o v ~ rfi . in fact probable. in tanta oppressione servitutis isti Suriani fuerunt per quadrigentos et eo amplius annos. 18z-iUG. Balsamon again mentions extensive Islamization.2a7I t is only i n the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries that the conversionary activities of these orders become manifest in the sources. allowing an avcragc family of four for each of these riders. however. many are captured by the hands of the Agarenes. Yinanc estimates that I ~ O . Scnliarius. 128. as was also nt nn carlicr period the emir Chrysoscule. . The picture that emerges from the Danishmendname is thus confirmed by the few scattered references to apostasy in contemporary sources. been stoned by the engines of martyrdom. And many others who were forcibly circumcised by t h e Agarenes.K. 286-287. remarks that the Turks intended to uproot Anatolian Christianity. O O O .2~~ these isolated references to conAll version might very well have constituted the exception to the rule. 288. I M &Ah01SB KCti EKOVT~ Bavro3S EITI~P~TTOVUIVS Et OpqmElav TOG M w & ~~ E ~~ V U V T ~ I : ~k~ i j hio-r-rlas p&pov* ol Sfi T&VTESK W ~T ~ V-rrapdvra Kavciva 0Epamw8fiaov-mi s PET& B ~ o p o h 6 y q a i v Kal TpoafiKouuav Crmdrvoiav. Basil. Unfortunately. Others cvillinglYthrow themselves into the pit of unbelief. it is highly probable that the majority of the Aiiatolian Christian population remained in Asia Minor fifty years after Manzikert. According to the present canon these shall be healed after confession and fitting repentance. 111. which reFers to those forced by foreigners t o renounce Christianity. Cnhcn. ut multi corum compcllerentur patriam et Chrktianam desererc lcgem. especially their chieftains. one must look at the contemporary sources. nevertheless one must admit that conversion to Islam was an important and not infrequent event in twelfth-century Anatolia. Thk is certainly an exaggeration. This is particularly true of the otherwise useful monograph of Yinenc. but it is one of those exaggerations foundcd on a kernel of truth. I 78. According to Yinnnc these earlier “Turkish” inhabitants were: I .O. On the whole qucstion. What. the sources continue to be unsatisfactory on these basic questions of demography and elhnography. al-Bondari. however. 380. 81 remarks that Alexius wished to convert 1 .280 21z Raymund of Aguilers. 250-251.OOO as the number of Turkish and Muslim settlers who canie during this first stage. 55.208 There has bcen a tendency to exaggerate the number of the original Turkish settlers. of this army was in Anatolia.z62 Philaretus is reported to have become Muslim in order to save his domains. all the Muslims in Anatolin.H. 111. arriving at the sum total of I. massacres. Conversion was no doubt motivated by a wide variety of factors which included material benefit and conversion by thc sword.” See also the taking of children from the districts between Dorylacum and Konya. and members of the Comnenus and Gabras families apostatized and joined the court at K ~ n y a The ~ ~ . 161-185. 11. LI (1948-52). We do not even know with certainty which of the Turkish tribes participated in this early conquest and settlement of Anatolia. Euphrates.. cd. and farther to the east by the emir Balak. 367. Admittedly. “Les Cribus turques d’Asic occidcntale pcndanL la ptriode seljukide.OOO.I_- BEGINNINGS OF TRANSFORMATION BEGINNINGS OF TRANSFORMATION quite possible. far from being an isolated phenomenon.C.Tfiv +e66o+v a ~ [ m l v S ~ M V U ~ T U ~68. As to religious conversions.. William of Tyrc. and enslavement. Tfi p ~ v . ’‘’ I79 . Rccrieil dc textcs rt!ld@ d l’hisloire des Sclrljorrcidcs. pp. the evidence is far from complete. which mentions that a n army of 400. there is no way of ascertaining whether the dervish orders had begun to operate effectively and on a large scale in Asia Minor at this time. T he Turko-Georgian Tsiaous was convcrted. Elchancs. a n d b e i n g t o r t u r e d some abjure the Orthodox faith and accept the godless faith of M u h a m m a d . Then. He proceeds to paint a picture of an earlier stratum of Turkish population in Anntolia which had existed as a linguistic and cultural unit for ccnturics prior to 1071. But today. (Lcdien.000 riders drew pay under Malik Shah. many years ago. Some say that the contents of the present canon a r e a t rest [not in use] because by the grace of God the faith has been firmly set in Orthodoxy. The Byzantines also took up the rcligious contest.. I. Kl p a u w l p p E v o I . Balsamon refers to extensive forced conversion during the century in his commeqtary on canon three of the synod of Ankara. Anna Cornnenn. A group of Bulgars brought in to tlic districts of Tsorokh. Sarracenis atque Turcis. H. Raymond of Aguliers testifies to the enforced Islamization of Greeks and Armenians living in Antioch between the Turkish conquest in I 085 and the appearance of the Crusaders in 1098. once more. and Trebizotid in 530 by Justin I. were received b y t h e church after sincere confession and suitable penitcnce. and had done other things or suffered impieties.” T h e sultans in I’ersia took an intercst in the establishmcnt of Islam in these rcgions as is evidenced by the fact that the sultan sent filly mimbnrs to Arintolin artcr its conqucst. 2 Rvars settled in castern Anatolia by Justin I1 in 577. a n d t h e tyrants have. T. Danishmendname-Mciikoff. Michael the Syrian. “Sed insurgentibus. but once more the comments on the c h o n law indicate that for thosc who came to practice agriculture and animal husbandry. 188g). famine. Then hc adds another 500. ~ Armenian rulers of Seveverek as well as some of the Georgian chieftains turned Muslim to save their lands.” W. Felhi. per Dci judicium. lie arrives at the figure of 550-GooJooo. that the poet is here dealing with Some actual historical events in the struggle between the Turks and Byzantines in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. I. was the numcrical relation between Christians and Turks at the end of this period ? What was the density of the ncw Turkish population ? Unfortunately.Z.2a*but the sources &A& Kal U ~ ~ ~ J E~~oO V o l h h rais TGV h e h v ’AyapqvGv x ~ p o l v&hb&poi YIV6PEVO1. Utilizing the Siyasatname of Nizam al-Mulk. to Chrivtianity and thus bring them under Dyaan tine control and influencc. It is true that the area was contested by both sides and towns frequently changed hands. Converts seem to havc played an important rolc in the conquests of‘Malik Danishmmd. R.2GS In commenting upon canon eighty-one of St. and other emirs of northwest Asin Minor went to Constantinople whcrc they rcceivcd baptism and bccamc Christians. seeking to coiivert the Turks. 173.M. I-Ioutsma.

Though the forces of Hasan of Cappadocia in the battle a t Heracleia against the Crusaders are said to have numbered 80. When Smyrna fell to Constantine Ducas there were only 2. then. 264. Heracleia. 576).000 troops. pp. these were either Slavonized or fast on their way to becoming Slavs. Gesta Francorunl.000.OOO. which came to raid or to bring recalcitrant emirs under control. but these were usually armies sent from Persia. Bulgarian troops under Bardas in 947. “St. pp. The army of 50. they would have made no noticeable alteration in the ethnography ofhnatolia. 2 (hereafter cited as Yazidjioglu). One thing is clear. 7. Thus in contrast to Yinanc.000 men. There were many towns in Anatolia which. they were certainly not settled in Cappadocia as Yinanc asserts. I 74-1 75. a small but powerful minority. But this section in Muralt merely refers to an expedition of the emperor with troops from the Balkans. I. Go-61. Such was the army of Artuk called in by Michael VII against Roussel which is 3. mentions no settlement of Avars on the eastern borders. there being no mention of their settlement in Anatolia (Theophanes. Plastentza. Undoubtedly these armies constituted a substantial portion of the Turks in Anatolia at this very early date. this supposed Turkish penetration of Anatolia is t h e figment of the imagination of a school of historiography which sprang u p in Kcmalist Turkey and had to struggle with a powerful iiationalist sentiment. When Sulayman entered Antioch in 1085 he did so with 3. de Leide el de Paris. 111. xix.269.” pp. The Bulgars scttled by Justin in the Euphrates region were not of any considerable size and were no doubt soon assimilated. As a matter offact. That this is probably the case becomes evident from the fact that when Hasan invaded the regions of Philadelpheia. I 80 reported to have numbered. 58-59. are not at all reliable as the author was writing four centuries after the events. 173.Michael the Syrian. 159.(Even if they had stayed in Anatolia they would not have madc any impression on Anatolian ethnography as they were only 15. Ioannicius. these armies usually left the peninsula and returned to Persia. Tzachas’ forces do not seem to have surpassed 8. 64-65. IOO. Histoire des Seldjottcides d’dsie Mineicre d’ufir2s Ibn Bibi. and when Smyrna fell to the Byzantines there were only 2. inexact figures. 146-247).BEGINNINGS OF TRANSFORMATION BEGINNINGS O F T R A N S F O R U T I O N seem to suggest that quite to the contrary the Turks who came a t this time very definitely constituted a minority. M . Anna 181 . Buzan was sent to Nicaea for similar reasons. in Recueil de textes relutifs Ci l’liislobe des Seldjoucides (Leiden. ‘ 18. Muralt (I. it is much more probable that this figure represents the total ofthe armies of Hasan and his allies Malik Danishmend and Kllidj I Arslan. for the mere appearance of a small army under Alexius caused Burzuk to discontinue the siege of Nicaea. They were in control of most of the crucial routes and roads so that they were in a position to block progress into and conquest of Asia Minor. As for the Bulgars settled in Anatolia by Constantine V in the eighth ccntury. and he does this on the authority of Muralt (I.000. Patzinak troops brought to Anatolia in 1048 to fight the Seljuks. Matthew of Edessa. 14. 1.271 110 For thcse figures on the armies: Attaliates. they stayed only for a few days and then returned to the Balkans (Cedrenus. 245-248). 111. his army consisted of 24. The figures given for Turkish armies tend to confirm the fact that the Turks were still a small minority.But Anna Comnena.500 (or 15. 68. Edessa. De Caerimottiis. but his army soon abandoned Asia Minor. 1902)111. and as such were Slavic-speaking a n d not Turkophone. I. the figures on the armies do not presuppose a large settlement a7l William of Tyre. ASfor the Patzinaks who were sent to Anatolia by Constantine IX Monomachus. As for the Khazars and Ferghanids who appeared in Tarsus with the Byzantine commander in 946 to preside over the exchange of prisoners. There is no evidence for it in historical sources. 4. IV. Tarsus. Patzinaks in the army of Romanus IV at Manzikert. and they were few in number. 235). and elsewhere. and then once in Anatolia all evidence points to their rapid Hellenization (Vryonis. the historians of the Crusades note that though Turkish military forces were to be found along the routes from Nicaea to Dorylaeum. Yinanc’s book is also marred by certain other fallacious racial theories concerning the existence of Iletite and Thracian tribes in eleventh-century Anatolia. The exaggerated figures of Yazidjioglu. Konya. 190. and even if thc cases of supposedly “Turkish” settIement were accurate.6. the inhabitants most often were largely Christians.000in number). 111.587). 74. Coxon. Texte tcirc publie’ d’aprh les nus. Noutsma. exaggeratedly. Such was the case in Tarsus. the regions between Dorylaeum-Konya-Heracleia. there appeared three armies of I 2. Once they finished their business in Anatolia.000. These were part of the imperial troops stationed in Constantinople and recruited abroad (Constantine Porphyrogennitus.000 Turks there. xi. the numbers in the armies of the Turkish princes settled in Anatolia were far smaller than those of the armies coming from Persia. 11. Thus the proposition that the existence of a substantial Turkish cthnic bloc in Anatolia prior to 1071 helped to pave the way for a smooth Turlcish occupation is false. Konya. There is mention of large armies in Anatolia. had no Turkish garrisons because there simply were not enough Turks to go around. Philomeliurn. and who were supposedly settled in Cappadocia.000 under Burzuk which Barkyaruk sent against the sultan of Nicaea also left Anatolia. and Antioch. i. Marash.all ofwhich the more and numerous local inhabitants either destroyed or defeated. Avars sent by Heraclius to the borders in 620.000. I n the Turkish raids in the regions of Taurus between I I 07 and I I I 0. 6. who reports this figure.4. Iraq. 54-55. Marash. Nicaea.275). But again the numbers are probably exaggerated. Contrary again to Yinanc’s assertion. Khazars and Ferghanid Turks in the retinue ofthe Greek commander who presided over the excliange of prisoners at Tarsus in 946. Another such invasion of Turks from Khurasan which occurred in the later years of Alexius’ reign is reported to have numbered 50. 11. 5. pp. V.Anna Comnena. Thus the figures of the Turkish armies of Anatolia do not indicate that the Turks were particularly The Turks were. 8. As was previously mentioned. The Bulgarian troops of Bardas in 947 were recruited from the Balkans. Ankara. Antioch. Yinanc refers to a settlement of Avars in eastern Anatolia by Justin 11 in 577. Laodiceia (in western Anatolia). During this first half century of occupation of Anatolia they formed a small governing and military caste and appear from time to time in the sources as the administrators and military garrisons of areas otherwise inhabited by Christians. Smyrna. though technically under Turkish control.000. and so i t is obvious that we are dealing with vague..000 Turks in the city. Fethi. however.000. or Syria.000). Bulgars settled in Tohum and Gaihan to fight the Arabs in 755. states in another passage that the army numbered 40. / Unfortunately Yinanc has lumped together a few events spanning six centuries.

sather are they all Armenians and Greeks. where the sultan makes a gift of 100. A.aB1 The assumption of comparatively smaller numbers of Turks in twelfthcentury Anatolia scems to underlie and to explain the Turkish policies of colonization. 11. R. 4 15.000 dinars from the haradJ that the Christians and Arnicnians pay. who live mixt with the former i n t h e towns a n d villages. pp.a78 Marc0 Polo implies that the urban classes contained a large Christian element.H. IV. They dwell among mountains and downs where they find good pasture for their occupation is cattlekeeping. William of Tyre. Later on it wns conquered by the Muslims. Yule. Ibn Bnttuta-Gibb. There were Armenian contingents in the army of the Turkish emir Buzan. from the capitation of Aksaray. a70 In C. T e A f o t ~ g o l l l i a h i (Ncw York. the ‘lhrks were hard put to defend the conquest that as yet they had been ~ ~ ~to b l e For this digest. Ilir IIrsoi/Jfioit o f / h e IlJorld (London. As a result of the demographic decline.000 dirhems sultnni. Eflaki. trans. This phenomenon makes it evident that as of the twelfth century the invading Turks were not. these a r e worshippers of Mahommet.O.BEGINNINGS OF TRANSFORMATION BEGINNINGS OF TRANSFORMATION Because the conquerors were a minority. H. 143. A. 0. I can inform you that not one m a n in ten there is a Saracen. 256. Danishmcnd himself was possibly a n Armenian. f f tr. 66. 11. I@). “In 1’Asia Minor. rgog) I. I-Iuart (Paris. T h e y weave the finest and Comnena. suflicient numerically to take up the demographic slack that they had caused. a n d plenty of other stuffs. 55. as It for Turkey. 3rd cd.Gesfa Francoruni. to the Muslim leaders. p. Marash. in Selpki deulelleri larilii (Ankara. In I 121 the emir Balak carried off the inhabitants of Gargar and 9 7 8 The Book o Ser Morco Polo thr Venclioti cottcerrtitig t/tc IGtigdonts and Afaruels o the Eahsl.O.”).. Les soitits des dcruiclies foitrtieim. la qua1 per la rnnggioc pnrtc e sottoposta a dirhcms and 5. g~ (hereafter cited as Marco Polo. and also very valuable mules. though in a region of warfare and within Turkish domains. known as Turquans. Anna Cornnena. I n Turcomania there are three classes of people. and in western Asia Min0r. Karim al-nin was an oflicial in the Scljuk financial adniinistrntion and so his statcment merits attention. Passing refercnce to thc tax of thc dhirnmis is made in Ibn Uibi-Duda. p. The invasions had C E E L I S Ca certain disruption and decline ~ in the Christian population of the Anatolian plateau. 2 8 0 Marino Snnuto.209-210.” S. 425. 29. 1918-1922). 235 (hereaftcr cited as Ellaki-Hunrt).280The Christians were suficiently numerous so that the single largest source of revenue in Muslim Anatolia during the latter half of the thirteenth century was the tax that they paid.” Ibn Battutn-Gibb. a rude people with an uncouth language of their own. T h e other two classes are the Armenians and Greeks. . and Antioch. 43 (hereafter cited as Marc0 Polo- Yule). N. (New York. Wyngaert. had no Turkish garrison or commander. Cinnamus. xi.H. the latler being Turkmens. the emir Tadj al-Din Motazz sent 7. I-Iod in Cltrottinites Gmeco-Rortioties i&idils oti beit cotitirtb (Berlin. remarks rather exaggeratedly. C. occupying themselves with trade and handicrafts. around Samosata. when it was reconquered b y John I1 in the beginning of his reign had only 800 Turks.. M.. are reared in their country. 76 (hereafter cited as Turan. Matthew oflldessa. c ch’e maggior pacsr. and from i t came the ancient Rum and the Yunanis. i.C. “Sujets non-musulmans. and this was considered to be a large number of Turks. In some regions they simply disarmed the Christians and kept them from positions of power in the government. s of 111. 111. Marco Polo noted that Anatolia possessed a considerable Christian population. Maulc-I’clliot).. “Why i t is callcd after the Rum is bccausc it used to be their land in oldcn times. a7sRaymund Aguilers. rgg.” a81 ICarim &Din Mahmud of Aksaray. p.279 The Turkish garrison of Edessa at one point was largely Armenian. R. 250-251. 205-206. 276 A reflected in the Danishmendname.H. Dawson.l. 6. reason they were forced to resort to a number Of measures in an effort to safeguard their political supremacy in a land where their subjects far outnumbered them. Excellent horses. and there is the testimony of the thirteenth. I t is inteucsting that Marco 1’010 . 111. but in it there arc still large numbers o f Christians under thc protection o f the Muslims. C:. 11. A contemporary of Marco Polo. I ( r 953).cnqosrnan.2’0 Both Sanuto and I b n Battuta noted the presence of considerable numbers of Christians in western Asia Minor as late as the early fourteenth century. Laodiceia.. che non e In Spagnn delh qua1 abbiamo detto esser quatro Rcgni.272 In other regions the Turks were often forced to make use of Christian troops and militia.I. and the Armenian troops of Tutuch of Damascus played a particularly important r0le.C. 1955)~ 2 1 9 . p. the Christians o f LaodiceiaDenizli pay the head tax. 230 (hereafter cited as Abarny-(:enqosmnn). I. Moule and P. Turan. 205.2~0 There are other indications that the Christian population of Asia Minor was still quite extensive in the twelfth century and even in the thirteenth ~entury.Issociates not only thr tcxtilc industry with the towns but the rug industry as wcll with thc C:reek iincl Rrinrnian Chrjstians. and with the appearance of the Crusaders and the Byzantine reconquest.2?4 and so did the converts. acts specifically mentioned in Antioch. Pelliot. Tyriaeum. 1 7 2 William of Tyre. the various Turkish princes began to raid the land of one another and of the Christians and to carry away entire Christian towns and villages in order 10 repopulate their own domains. I 943). I 82 handsomest carpets in the world. “Les souverains seldjoukides et lcurs sujets non-musulmans. C.lrco Polo. cd. iv. The mixovarvaroi came to play a significant role as a further source of military manpower for the ruling minority. where the population was for the most part Christian. 330. by H. 11. William of liubruque. In addition the mass of the Turkinens was not yet sedentarized and therefore not productive of sufficient revenucs for the state. Tudebodus. First there are t h e Turcomans. William of Rubriqh i p.Anatolia was a vast territorial expanse. per il piu li Popoli seguono il Iiitto Greco c sono per il piu Grcci. C. xix.and fourteenthcentury travelers. 11. r873). and also great quantities o f fine a n d rich silks of cramoisy a n d other colours. and ed. the latter were strictly forbidden to carry arms or to participate in government and were restricted to the exercise of agriculture and trade. trans. 111. IV. V. their position Was Often difficult. III.26.~’’ The Histoiy o the Patriarchs o Alexandria asserts f f that the majority of the subjects of the sultan Mas‘ud I ( I I 16-56) were Greeks.276 The Turks resorted to taking Christian children and converting them. Matthew of Edessa. 104. In Tarsus. and also a traveler in Anatolia.

Anna Comnena. 264.000 in number. Ibn Bibi-Duda. 296. Thus the urban centers continued. north.. But the sultan was attacked at Caesareia and his enemies demanded that he return not only the 12. Qazwini-Le Strange. The influx of tribal groups is one of the most important phenomena in the transformation of Anatolia. 70-95. and settled them on his lands.28Q NOMADIZATION It is virtually impossible to estimate the extent of Muslim colonization in Anatolian towns during the period to the end of the twelfth and the early thirteenth century. Michael the Syrian.000 but retained all the others. '85 . There were also towns. /- ago Nicetas Choniates. . p. and on arrival at Philomelium he gave them land and seed to plant. The Turkmens are very much in evidence along the entire edge of the Anatolian plateau in the west. 655-657.Bar Hebraeus. 163. 24. Santabaris. 200-203. but all those he had transported fi-om the lands of his brother Shahinshah and those hc had taken from the lands of Dhu'l-Nun (emir of Caesareia and Sebasteia). The great care the sultan lavished upon these Christian colonists is illustrative of the importance the Muslim rulers attached to repopulating their domains with Christian farmers. 624. they were now pushed back into a more restricted area. took people from the Lycandus district in I 155-56. 757. Caesareia. Aksaray-Coloneia. 198. the chronicles note their presence. 111. the Crusades.000inhabitants from the environs of Melitene. Sinope.20i The region in which the activities of the Turkmens appear most clearly is the Byzantine-Seljuk frontier along the western rim of the plateau. He had them carefully guarded so none would escape en route. There is no . Michael the Syrian.5. 346. religious elements and. 111. Though the Crusaders were able to capture Iconium and Ankara.282The entire population of Adana was transferred to Melitene in 1 1 3 7 . Simultaneous with the partial Muslim settlement in the towns. p. Zonaras. Gordlevsky. 2 0 2 . This meant that whereas the Turks had been sparsely scattered throughout western Asia Minor. Shortly thereafter the ruler of Melitene ~~~ took captive the inhabitants of the villages about Kaisum and Marash. Bar Hebraeus. gives a sketch of the life and organization of the Turkmen tribes. and a large numbcr of Greeks had abandoned the area for safety on Byzantine territory. the Byzantines were able to go no farther i n the reconquest. 486 Matthew of Edessa. there was an even more significant colonization of the rural areas by the Turkmen tribes.285 I W d j I 1 Arslan and his SUCC~SSOPS were also quite active in recolonizing the Seljuk kingdom. and the Armenians came into contact with them. by and large.288 The sultan Kaykhusraw took 5.287 The Seljuks also found a ready source of colonists in western Anatolia. and Caria. Danishmendname-Melikoff. 344. . 111. the ruler of Cappadocia. The city was burned by both Manuel Comnenus and Frederick Barbarossa. The greatest Byzantine advancc to the east which occurred in the reign of Alexius I reached the towns of Dorylaeum. 246. 111. 29. Michael the Syrian. I. 111. and S e b a ~ t e i aone~ ~reduced to hypothesis and conjecture. and the vineyards. Celbianum. 41-41. Bar Hebraeus. and Philomelium. where the Christian element was entirely expelled and the city colonized exclusively by Muslims. Such policies of forces expulsion and colonization doubtlessly explain the rapid disappearance of Christianity from twelfth-century Ankara and perhaps from other cities as well. la* Michael the Syrian. For a detailed description and analysis of Turkmen nomadism in Asia Minor see below. The great Byzantine counterattack of I 097-98. Kilidj Arslan returned the 12. which city had successfully resisted him. and south during the eleventh and twelfth centuries. Cedrea. I. and also in the following centuries. pp. Izbrnnnye Sod. the Turks shortly retook them. 213-214. 95-97. the olive trees. Nicetas Choniates. their activities. but unfortunately the court historiography of both Muslims and Greeks (hostile to the nomads) has largely neglected this phenomenon. But because of the greater number of Turks now concentrated in Phrygia. 258. following the defeat of the Turks by the First Crusaders. and then uprooted the whole Christian population of Albistan and Gaihan.481. Cinnamus. Most all these chronicles comment on their nomadic way of life and on the disruptive effect they had on the live of the sedentary populations in the rural areas. Cinnamus. I. Michael the Syrian. All those who returned to Gargar he enslaved. and he returned to burn the villages. east. Polybotus. and indeed many who heard of the tax exemption migrated to the sultan's domains because of the great disorder that had now enveloped the Byzantine Maeandrian regions. 206.28e Six years later he took away the inhabitants of Kaisum.000 Christians from Caria and Tantalus in I 197 and resettled them about Philomelium. ~ is doubt that alongside the ruling classes in the towns and villages there must have settled Islamic merchants.000 from the environs of Melitene. I n I I 71 Kllldj Arslan took off 12. As a result not one of them considered escaping. 70. 111. ZOO. Therefore their concentration in Phrygia was greatly intensified and they became a more formidable barrier to Byzantine armies." Large numbers of prisoners were taken from Laodiceia. though there is no specific reference to their resettlement on Turkish lands. I. gradually. 523. Philomelium and the environs had been severely depopulated as a result of a century of warfare. such as Dadybra. Inasmuch as the armies of Byzantium. Aside from scattered references to the colonization of such towns as Dadybra. 197-199. to exist as centers of both Muslim and Christian society at the end of the twelfth century.284 Yakub Arslan. . 111. H e bestowed upon them a five-year tax immunity with the provision that afterward they should pay the customary taxes they had paid in Byzantine territory. 62. I. 108. Nicetas Choniates. 237. nomads.BEGINNINGS OF TRANSFORMATION BEGINNINGS OF TUNSFORWTXON settled them at Hanazit. Amorium. 63. 111. and on occasion give figures as to their numbers and the names of their chieftains. had the effect of pushing back the Turks from the Aegean coast and the river valleys into Phrygia and onto the Anatolian plateau. pa6 Michael the Syrian. craftsmen.

Anothcr indication that the Turkish settlement was quite strong in Phrygia was that the emperor began to remove some of the Greek population and to resettle it on safer territory in western Asia Minor. 401. He recruited many of the Turkmens for his own armies. he decided to take back with him many of the inhabitants of the regions of Philomelium lest they perish at the hands of the Turks. and Hieracoryphites from the Turks in Pisidia and Phrygia. The first expedition of Alexius into Phrygia (1098)brought him as far as Philomelium. John had to retake Laodiceia.. He then drew .” will think he is hearilig about the things which every historian and poet mentions in his writings. 1928) (hereafter cited as Anna Comnena-Dawes). 203-204. trans. 111. O $ O h &V6pES fi6Vov. and enclosed all the captives and the women too and the children and the booty in the centre it marched slowly on its return and moved forward leisurcly. 111. contained. And when it was the Emperor’s time for lunch he invited the men and women who were labouring under illness or old age and placed the greater part of the victuals before them and invited those who lunched with him to do the same. and the Emperor would be at the side of the dying man. And had you seen it. 199-220. Farther to the north h e had to drive the nomads out of the regions of the Sangarius River. Dawes (London. and children enclosed in the center.2BZ e carried H out even more extensive transferrals of Greek population from these and more easterly regions in the campaigns o f I I 16. the army marched in regular order and moved forward in time to the music of a flute.208 T h e Turkmen pressure in this area was constant throughout the twelfth century. rg. After defeating the Turks. S . ‘‘ Th-oqeds 62 pfi imKmahaypav6vTmwv a h 6 v fiSq TOU~KIKQV &fiwei.BGGINNINGS OP TRANSPORlKATION BEGINNINGS OF TRANSFORMTION and in spite of the fact that Alexius successfully raided the villages of Konya. Bourtzes evacuated the Greeks and then rejoined the emperor. . the Turkmen elements in western Asia Minor seem to have been largely. for the whole phalanx walked and turned as if directed by one mind. and returned by the same road as he had come. he passed through with perfect safety.The emperor sent Bardas Bourtzes to sack the ‘Tillages of Bourtzes” because of the great number of Turks in the area. Anna Comnena.2~7In spite of John’s preoccupation with the regions of Castamon-Gangra-Neocaesareia in the north. And the meal was like a complete banquct of the gods for there were no instruments. A. No doubt this was in part due to Manuel’s preoccupation with affairs in Europe and Antioch. Pamphylia. p. and whatever places he approached. 188-189. Comnena. became almost irresistible during the reign of Manuel (I 143-80). 111. u K a \ v a p a v r k a ~ I E K ~ ~ W K E ~ KTl O 6 ~ kia m o g fl Ea ~~Cro-rq TpOUfEEh8hCd 7 . 169. 2 o a Anna Comnena. women.up his lines in the new formation with all the captives. the same procedure took place. the upper Maeander. And when he knew the child was born. f E. For thanks to the close formation of the shields and the men standing in serried lincs it looked like the immoveable mountains. The inhabitants of Kataphygia returned with Alexius. and Cilicia-Antioch in the south. And if anyone died. and the priests were summoned to sing the hymns for the dying and administer the sacraments to the dying. These were recovered and all the inhabitants o f the villages voluntarily left their habitats en masse. before somewhere. the cities of Phrygia. as it were. there were women with babies. And if you had seen the whole phalanx you would have said it was remaining motionless when in motion and when halting that It was moving. The sources refer specifically to the fact that the Turkmens were present in large n u m b e r ~ . so7 Nicetas Choniatcs.f ~ O ~ T W V E ~ E I ~ O E W S od~ccrct h & K a t TU ~ p f i p r n a 6 u a T T& a h ~+EIV SirvavTai Slag6(ovTEs. a different call. 111. 9. But fearing the approach of a large Turkish army. But this battle formation was new and seemed very strange to everybody and was such as had never been seen before or handed down to posterity by any historian.. and children. however. Alexius sent out many detachments to the villages of Konya to free the Greeks who were being held prisoners by the Turks. 408.” I 86 . Cinnarnus. “ohmw y h p Y E ~ V O V I K O ~ S Bvqmqphroi Ipyois y a h m r b s TE & T E ~ ~ ~ ~ IK a VKV E ~ V Ol P PUITOGVTO. 2 13-214. 44. For while advancing along the road to Iconium.Anna Comnena-Dawes. not the usual one. The Alexiad o the Princess Anna Comnena. . preferring to move to Byzantine territory with the army of Alexius. whenever a woman’s time for bringing forth came. On taking the city of Philomelium. and the Sangarius were being sorely pressed. though not completely. And after the rites for the dead had been duly pcrforrned and not until the dead had been put in the earth and buried. when the army was marching in the new formation w e have described. 6‘Aa K a i a h a ) yuvafKfS . describes their nomadic way of life thus. but also it would seem that there were other factors independent of western involvement. he made n o further attempt to capture either of these two important cities. 17-18. K O T ~ TOGS ZK‘K30a5. but provocative of motion. and a t a n ant’s pace. Yisidia.2B4 T h e inability of the Byzantines to retake Iconya and to retain Ankara. ~ ~ 5 in spite of the successes and Alexius had obtained in pushing the Turks back onto the plateau. Zonaras.50. When John Comneiius succeeded his father in I I 18. Cr~l LTITOD&~ESTE Qu T\mSiov B v q u ~ q ! ~ S rroa h g T O ~ SPowhopivo~sah015 ~YXEIPE~V ~ m4 Anna . was the army allowed to move even a step. But after it had reached Philomelium a n d rescued men on all sides from the hand of the barbarians. Moreover since many of the women were with child and many of the men aaicted with disease. you would have said a living walled city was walking.rwv A a 6 v 01 ~~TTOIKOI TGV fiepijv Oihoyqhiou n a p a v M w p a PapPapiKfjs Y~VWTCXI q a i p a s . and the partial removal of thc Greek population from southern Phrygia are not the only indications of the comparative density of the Turkmens in these regions. the Turks were still able to raid Lentiana farther to the west. not even flutes or drums or any disturbing music at all. The force of the Turkmen pressure westward. 757. a trumpet was soundcd at a nod from the emperor and made all the men stop and the whole army halted on the instant. E ~ ~ O V T pdv o h debs & ~ V T E S owviyaoeal T PaoihEi.203 Anyone hearing the word “line of battle” and “phalanx” or “captives” and < < booty” or again c‘general” and “captains. And the inhabitants of these regions who were Rhomaioi followed them of their own accord fleeing from servitude to the barbarians. p. and was obliged to march into Pisidia and Paphlagonia to restore 0rder. as we have related 2oa Anna Comnena. was sounded and stirred them all up to continue the journey. and to bring the Greek inhabitants with him. and when it changed its route it moved like a very great beast. Sozopolis. ma Ibid. a11 rushing to the Emperor as if to a place of refuge. 111.

he labored under this impression and so retired to the region where the Maeander rises. the numbers of Turkmens in Phrygia had increased. the Turkmens and their flocks reentered. . 283. 7 I . “ ’EVE\ 68 vEpl Tiva x i j p o v GYBVETO 08 84 MulavGpos T ~ V kpohfiv . 298.812The concentration of Turkmens on the upper Maeander was such that they seem t o have pushed farther down the Maeander. remarks that the Maeander rises at Choma-Sbublaion. 254.299 The heaviest concentration of Turkmens in northwest Anatolia was in the region of the Bathys and Tembris rivers around the sites of Dorylaeum and Cotyaeum. When Manuel returned from his expedition against Konya.313 The 3~ Cinnamus. ~ 0 4 Since Alexius’ reconquest. I 88 . 162. Cinnamus. regions that. soa16id.80G Turkmens being under a the certain chieftain Rama who was continually raiding Greek lands. 196-198. Odo of Deuil.310 and there evidently followed a large migratory movement of Turkmens. I t was from this base that the Turkmens would march to the north and west to raid the Sangarius valley. “as many as are rich in flocks. Rather i t was in times of peace or in periods of administrative disarray that the Turkmens were able to penetrate more easily into Byzantine territory. Cinnamus. *On 2Q0 T h e densest concentration and greatest expansion of the nomads apparently took place in the southwestern regions of Phrygia. so1 Cinnamus. BaIabanes. in order to rest the a r m ~ . The solution Manuel had already utilized a t Pithecas. 546. 194-195. “qpo3ptbv TI m p i vph-ras ITOW TOO Mai&vGpou llipuy4vov ~ K ~ o A & s (ZoirPAaiov 6voua a h @ ) .’’ 308 Euthymius Malaces-Bones. Mysia.”~11 Thus Manuel was forced to send another expedition against the nomads.000 Turkmens who lived in the plain with their tents and flocks attempted to prevent the work ofrebuilding as it meant that they would lose their pasturage. or Kaplanes?) defeated the army of the Second Crusade. and Adramyttium. pp.” Nicetas Choniates. I 09-1 I 1. I t was also here that the Turkish chief Mamplanes (Pamplanes.. but again the results were ephemeral. he sent his armies to attack the Turkmens encamped in the plains of Panasium and Lacerion and at Charax between Lampe and Graos Gala. for the latter were generally unable to face organized military expeditions and hence retreated before them. Theodore Scutariotes-Sathas. 526 ff. however. removed from the Seljuk domains. the 2. Nicetas Choniates. “ ~ f i v ITEpIOIKi&T TE TZUUVKcrraGpapcbv pupfav BKEi0Ev &v6p&v K a i { G o v &Ahwv ijhaw rrhqeirv. was to build strongly fortified garrison towns. After Manuel withdrew from Dorylaeum.s05But the emperor was startled to come upon a numerous encampment of Turlcmens in their tents. but on his withdrawal they returned to sack Laodiceia and Philetas. the Turkmens of Cotyaeum killed the stragglers. in the reigns of Alexius and John. In I 175. western Phrygia. Theodore Scutariotes-Sathas. around Choma-Soublaion. temporarily driving them and their animals from the region. . After the battle of Myriocephalum. William of Tyre. when Manuel returned to Anatolia soon afterward to deal with the sultan. Lydia. Adramyttium. Manuel rebuilt Choma-Soublaion at the head of the Maeander in order to have here. Chliara. 268. Malagina. 36. seem to have been in Byzantine hands. When the Second Crusaders went up the Maeander toward Laodiceia they found Turks on both banks of the river.” TAllhtlcrUpEVOl fiKOUOI. 254-255. Cinnamus. XVI.” Ibid. 298.” ~IV alo Ibid. and Pamphylia. this had been Byzantine territory.while he rebuilt and recolonized the city (it had lain a n uninhabited ruin for one century).30~The incident of the rebuilding of Dorylaeum is one of the clearest chapters in the long struggle between nomadism and sedentary society in Anatolia. Theodorc Scutariotes-Sathas. 81-84. 296. xxii. 3 0 0 Cinnamus.301 Consequently. During Manuel’s reign the Turkmens reappeared in Bithynia. 6vfo-re 6k -rob$ &$ vhEU sihmda 6ICKKEXU~~VOW~i s ‘‘ TO ‘Pcopa’kois q o i v i o p a o l Tobpltous &vaa-rMwv TOISm p l TT)V T T E V T ~ ~ ~ OkmriOETai. the nomads sorely vexed Bithynia and parts of Mysia. 162-1G3. Euthymius Malaces-Bones.300When Manuel returned with his army from Cilicia in I 159. Cinnamus.s07 After rebuilding Dorylaeum. so that Manuel decided to remove them permanently from this strategic area by rebuilding Dorylaeum. and Pergamum.”308 T h e nomads had also occupied the Phrygian Pentapolis to the north of Choma-Soublaionwith their where they were under the authority of a certain Solymas who seems to have had his center a t Sacapata Mylonos. 227-228.. Manuel drove the nomads out temporarily. 59.. also. But the army of the emperor was too large. At the very onset of his reign. soon reassembled with their flocks in the same area. so in the end the nomads burned their tents and fled from the plain of D0rylaeum. zg5-2gG. Theodore Scutariotes-Sathas. Similarly he refortified the area of Adramyttium-Pergamum-Chliara. He had to drive them out of Malagina and Pithecas at the westernmost bend of the Sangarius. Nicetas Choniates. and because of grassy meadows the whole race invades the borders of the Rh0maioi. B o o Nicetas Choniates. the Cayster valley.rroiEi-rat . This is quite characteristic of the struggle that the cmperors had to wage against the Turkmens i n western Asia Minor.z and he rebuilt both towns as defense outposts.BEGINNINGS OF TRANSFORMATION BEGINNINGS OF TRANSFORMATION Apparently. Poimamenum. n2Nicetas Choniates. 191.802 The undeterred nomads. a strong outpost against nomad infiltration. he passed before Dorylaeum to attack the Turkmens encamped there. 39-40. pp. 190-191. But by this time the upper Maeander region had been so thoroughly penetrated by the tribesmen that Choma-Soublaion is described by a contemporary Greek author as being “in the midst of the Persian [Turkish] land. and there was a tremendous push for pasturage as well as for booty.

000 to IO. alp William . pp. possessed livestock. For all these reasons. 827. 317 SX8 Ibid. Eustathius of Thessalonike. 842-843.” Salimbene. “Horum innumera multitudine . Bithvnian rebels called in Turkish troops against Andronicus Comnenus. The Greek historians speak only of nomads and describe the salient features of nomadic society and life repeatedly. P. “infiniturn et innumerabilem exercitum. 254-255. and when the army halted some 50..314 The reign of Manuel Comnenus bore witness to a marked progress of the nomadic westward advance. Laodiceia. J. They lived under one chieftain. exercitum Christianum die noctuque per 1 1 or ebdomadas impugnarunt. John had managed. to Lacerion-Peniapolis-Panasium in the north. 11. Nicetas Choniates. Sozopolis was taken . ~ ~ ~ and the rebel Pseudoalexius obtained 8. harassed the Byzantines.” . 59-60. Alexius had managed to push them back to a line running roughIy about Dorylaeum-Santabaris-AmoriumCedrea-Polybotus-Philomelium. Though the nomads were temporarily halted in northwest Anatolia as a result of Manuel’s fortifications on the Sangarius. I I ! expansion was due primarily to Byzantine internal decline and provincial chaos. 1 1 371. Tantalus. Nicetas Choniates. sao Ibn el-Athiri chronicon quodfierfctissitnum inscribitur. the Byzantines were less successful and the nomads pushed westward inio the regions from Tripolis-HierapolisLaodiceia in the south. carerc domibus et omni tempore degendo in . 938.000 Turks 11 were awaiting the Crusaders a t Myriocephalum.Ibn al-Athir notes that the Udj Turkmen in the west were present in great numbers.BEGINNINUS OF TRANSFORMATION BEGINNINGS O F TRANSFORMATION I Turkmen pressure continued farther to the south in the Pamphylian district where Attaleia was closely blockaded. XII. and the towns of Bithynia in the north.. and Caria sacked .0. 94. 523. J1@ 295. xxvi. 190 ‘9‘ . The Byzantine historians often refer to the nomads as being present in great numbers.3a0 Michael the Syrian reveals that during Manuel’s march on Myriocephalum. Pseudoalexius obtained 8. in Bathys-Tembris. 549-553. but possibly also to a n intensification in the numbers of Turkmens coming into western Anatolia.~lh As the political situation and the administration within the Byzantine provinces deteriorated. Theodore Mangaphas too recruited an army from the Turkmens with which he ravaged the districts o f Chonac.s21 The Latin authors who describe Barbarossa’s march through the district betwcen Laodiceia-SozopolisPhilomelium also indicate that the Turkmens were present in great numbers.000 Turkmens pillaged the camp. Chonae. they moved about from one place to another in search of pasturage and Cinnamus. 466. and in the theme of Neocastron. rgG. but as they had not cities or lands. This of Tyre. 283. C.G. Tornberg (Upsala I 853). The Turkmens took these opportunities to pillage towns and villages and to take booty and captives. Regel. to keep the Turkmens in the central and more easterly regions of Phrygia. ~ ~ ~ The contemporary records say very little about Muslim urban centers in this border area during the twelfth century. congregantes. The Maeandrian towns were similarly wasted by Michael the tax collector and Maurozomes with the aid of Turkish armies. plusquam centum milia. Attaleia were besieged. Two factors seem to indicate that the numbers of Turltmens increased. to a large degree. “Est autern consuetudo incolarum illius terse qui silvestres Turci sive Bedewini dlcuntur. 155. . 195. Nicctas Choniates. ed.. Then there is also the fact that the Sources speak of the nomads as being present in large numbers. But during the reign of Manuel. 551. Laodiceia. Gesta Federici. During the twenty-five years following the death of Manuel. p. Odo of Deuil. 657-658. took a more active part in these Turkish raids. a15 Nicetas Choniates. p. 155. 0 0 0 . The sultans. 191.295. 480-481.316By this time the Turkmen pressure was once more threatening Bithynia and the middle regions of the Maeander.324The historians of Barbarossa remarked that they were “bedouins” and ‘(bandits” who lived in their tents. Attaleia.OOO. 227-228.000Turkmens (-rroiyui-ratS K a i ~ O W K O ~ ~ O I S ) from the cmir Arsanes. and where also the remnants of the Second Crusade were attacked when they attempted to cross the Eurymedon River. “Qui maximum et infinitum exercitum congregaverant.” 30. Historia Peregrinorum. salMichael the Syrian. By looking at the map it is possible to see that the western push of the Turkmens really got under way only in the second half of the twelfth century.CXXXV. Ibid.. nevertheless many of the important features have survived in the sources. The growing anarchy in the Byzantine empire and withdrawal of troops from Anatolia for service in Europe greatly facilitated the Turkmen raid~. in groups of 5.. First there is the successful expansion of the nomads in search of booty and pasture in the latter half of the century.317 In two instances the Greek sources do inention numbers: there were 2. I I 3 (hereafter cited as Ibn al-Athir. azz Historia Peregrinorum. Anshert. Cinnamus. the Turkmens. 1. p. 07. XVI.. Though most of the details in the history of the nomads in western Anatolia at this time are lost. and Caria.000 Turkmens from Arsanes when he raided the Maeandrian But other sources indicate larger numbers. the penetration of the Turkmen groups was considerably eased. . Ibid. the Turks pushed farther down the Maeander and once more threatened the cities of Bithynia from their bases on the Bathys and Tembris.000 Turks with their tents and animals encamped around D o r y l a e ~ m . “Et in maxirno exercitu veniunt . speaks of a large “army” of Turks after the Crusaders left Philadelphein. they succeeded in occupying the remnants of Byzantine territory in western Phrygia and began to follow the course of the Maeander and Cayster into Lydia and Caria. Cotyaeum. and the Turks in these areas seem to be almost exclusively nomads. 261. p. henceforth comparatively free of involvement in eastern Anatolia. Theodore Scutariotes-Sathas. 700-701. I I. By the end of the century they were threatening the lower regions of the Maeander. 77.” Gesta Pedcrici. 86. Tornberg). 59-60. p. Ibid. 109-1 13.3@one source putting their figure a t 1 0 0 . rebels appeared in Asia Minor who generally called in bands of Turkmens to support them. as for example in the case of the chieftain Rama who is said to have been encamped a t the head of the Maeander with many tents. 153-254.

I . attendant upon the strife in the domains of the Great Seljuks. 32a Nicetas Choniates. Gioorgie. 156. I. a31 Al-Harawi. Bar Hebraeus. As Byzantine power declined and the Turkmens pushed into new border regions. new Turkish names replaced older Byzantine place names. p.333 I t was also convenieh for the sultans to send these tribes to the frontiers.” And. “Sunt enim agrestes Turchi. Cahen. Isparta and Uluburlu in the southeast. “Selgukides Turcomans ct Allernands au temps de la troisiCme croisade. . 358-359. 68.Z. “gens ista. passim. 0.326 Choma and the towns of the Pentapolis suffered the same fate. Chonae. ’IUG. of sultanate and tribes is illustrated by the fact that Pseudoalexius had to obtain a rnenshur korn the sultan in order to recruit troops from among the tribes. or to other more secure regions in the highlands. Invariably the Turkmens sided with the sultans against the Christians. the population must often have fled the countryside to towns such as Sozopolis. in spite of his fi-iendly relations with thc sultan. lignis et lapidibus.78-79 (hereafter cited as Panarctus-Lampsides). 330 Bar Hebraeus.” j clearly illustrated in the Danishmendname and other Turkish epics dealing with the conquest. p. where the Agacheri are mentioned.” El. This process was and repeated in parts of the northwest corner of the plateau about CotyaeumDorylaeum..33G They are also in evidence. There are strong indications that their numbers and destructive behavior increased markedly a t this time in southeastern Anatolia as the result of the arrival of newcomers from the Middle East. Sumer.A. Bombaci.320 The appearance of the nomads on the borders is also collnected with the fact that the sultans sent them there to carry on the djihad with the Christians. 340. The conquest involved a gradual settling down of the Turkmen bands and the withdrawal of the Byzantine populations. p. martyrs. and no urban center existed on the spot of Dorylaeum for about one hundred years. l l . “06 PdlJOV 6’OrfiTO KaKQ$ 6I&VTO wcri ~p(~~r.327 conquest ofthis area by the The Turks was a long and destructive process that lasted for a century. 259.” And. sed morantur in agris. 301. 1956). 87. and Chonae in the southwest. 309-31 1 . p.K. on their habits. sed morantur in agris. a great country of the Turkomans which was on the border of the Greeks. 3a7 Ramsay. and the Turkmens moved in. Ramsay. Ibn Bibi-Duda. I. habent etiam caput unum. but they were isolated by the heavy nomadic settlements around them.380 The pattern of their 331 On this see A. 33.BEGINNINGS OF TRANSFORMATION BEGINNINGS OF TRANSFORMATION 1’ These nomads took up their abode in deserted or semideserted rural areas. Their presence and activities are even better documented for the regions of the Taurus in the twelfth century. 11. Noinadisnze. T h e close relationship. p. qui nullo detinentur imperio et nulla loca possident. “Cepni. 209-225. and in the Pamphylian plain. 13I . and then again after departing from Konya en route to C i l i ~ i a . 321. fructus et pugnant cum arcubus. This phenomenon is t o be observed all along the edge of the Anatolian plateau. They settled along the Byzantine borders in the north where in the thirteenth century the tribe of the Chepni played an important role in the djihad with the Trebizondine Greeks. Lampsides. pp. T h e two most important religious shrines he mentions in the Turkmen region of western Anatolia are the tomb of Abu Muhammad al-Battal located on a hill at the Byzantine-Turkish borders. Mlxajh TOG navaphow vapl T ~ p~y&hwv W KopvqvGv. 102-103. for they were thus removed from the central regions of the Seljuk domains. Hierapolis and Tripolis were both destroyed and deserted. Barbarossa. and the nomads came into these regions also. Only Laodiceia and Chonae survived as Byzantine urban outposts. The latter opposed Kilidj Arslan’s peace treaty with Manuel and continued to raid Byzantine territory. 3 ~ Ibid. 95.331 The report of the twelfth-century Arab traveler al-Harawi also bears out the ghazi character of these nomadic groups. The role of these Udj Turkmens (Turkmens of the border as the contemporary Arab sources term them)330in the holy war is quite tabernaculis de pascuis a d pascua se transferre cum gregibus et armentis. “Non habent civitates. 95. as to why the process was not as disruptive to the Byzantine populations of Pisidia. 551. With the destruction of Dorylaeum. It is as a result of this process of nomadization that Byzantine place names have virtually disappeared in the region between Ushak on the north.oOcrv 6~duCCfObT015 &opa K a l &y)(ibpa. 330. 1897)~ f 11. Thus many of the border towns were isolated by Turks who had occupied the plains and rural areas. p. ~ ~ “ The establishment of the nomads was of course not restricted to western Anatolia.332 and the tombs of t h e Muslims who fell. especially pp. The prominence of the cult of Battal and the special sanctity of the tombs a t Amorium demonstrate quite clearly the ghazi mentality and spirit that prevailed among the Turkmen tribes.” See Brosset. notes. s 351 Gcsta Federici. T h e prolonged hostile relations of Byzantines and Turks in this part of Anatolia resulted in the destruction of Byzantine so~iety3~8 in the nomadization of large areas. Pllrygin. 86. p. Michael Panaretus. they occupied the plains of Bathys with their tents and livestock. habent animalia. in eastern Anatolia during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. was harassed and attacked by Turkmens between Laodiceia and Konya. Cotyaeum must have undergone a similar experience when the sultan sacked it after Manuel‘s death. hii sunt predones qui soliti devastare lerras finitimas ipsum eciam soldanurn inquietare non verentur bellis frequentibus et rapinis. qui illos precedit. gens odiosa silvestris indomita et effrena nullius est sltbdita ditioni. I 33. however. 3 2 0 On this latter see d e Planhol. 373. also mentions a mosque of al-Battal in Kayseri. I. 330 C. “qui sunt honiines agrcstes ct sine lege et ratione. 21-31. Regel. pp. ed. The Cities andBidioprics o Phpgia (Oxford.” Also. LVI (1960). during the famous Arab raid on Amorium in 838.XXII (1958). I. and Laodiceia.. Storin della Zetterntnra tttrca (Milan.” ’ A .” Gesta Federici.” Hislorin Pere&mtrill. Nicetas Choniates.. but there were often occasions when the sultans were not able to control the Turkmens. With the retreat of the latter and the settlement of the conquerors. The events surrounding the battle of Myriocephalum and the march of Frederick Barbarossa illustrate effectively the absence of any complete control over the tribes on the borders. ‘I. p.” W. on their involvement in Seljuk I .I. 360. The exact relations between these frontier tribes and the sultanate in Konya are somewhat hazy. . I 56.

so that the monastic foundations in this area svcrc coiiiplctely abandoned until the Byzantive reconqucst and tlic extensive support of successive Byzantine eniperors once morc reconstituted tliem. Siimer. The first of these is the fact that large parts of Anatolia underwent a comparatively long period of upheaval. Turan. 510-51 I. Latrus. . The impact of this nomadicpastoral-warrior society.. settlements.343 The disruplion of active religious life in the Cappadocian 338 The church of Chonac was ravaged on two Inole occasions in the latter half of the trvelrth century when the Turkish troops of the rcbels Theodore Mnngaphas and I’seudoalexius destroyed the mosaics. j u s t as there was religious tension and antagonism between the two religions in Syria and Mesopotamia as a result of the Crusades.. Anatolia. Nicholas at Myra. I.C. the altar. It was. XXVI. E t isti fortiter nos impugnant et cum lignis et lapidibus et nocte et die. ‘94 ‘95 . R.H. 11. et viri et mulieres. Muslims and as such their political and cultural outlook included the formal toleration of Christian society.. 1965). This meager factual information must be understood and interpreted within the framework of general conditions.BEGINNINGS OF TRANSFORMATION BEGINNINGS OF TRANSFORMATION establishnient and raids was no doubt similar to what has been sketched for western A r ~ a t o l i a . ss’ The attempts of the Armenian princes in the late twelfth century to halt the Turkmcn infiltration are parallel to the efforts of the Comnenoi in the west.H. 5235 2 4 552-553. 111. . 270. Bar Hebraeus. 628-629. Second. seems to refer to the Agacheri. and Melanoudium on the western coast were sacked and the monks driven out during the early invasions. 335.” Bellelen. destroyed caravans. and then the church. I. the destroyer of churches and tower^. Also extremely important was the fact that religious affiliation was most often equivalent to a n d interchangeable with political afiliation or loyalty. D. and raids of the Turkmens played a crucial role in the fate of the Anatolian peninsula. EFFECTS OF THE TURKISH CONQUEST ON ECCLESIASTICAL ADMINISTRATION IN THE ELEVENTH AND TWELFTH CENTURIES One of the most difficult problems is to ascertain what happened to the church in this period. Ecclesiastical documents on the problems of the church in Asia Minor are sadly lacking until the period of the fourteenth century when they become comparatively plentiful. Bahram of Edessa.. T h e churches of St. On the Agacheri. both important ccnters ofpilgrimage. speaking of their invasions in 1254 says that the Agacheri originated in the steppe and forest about Marash. ~ ~ ~ ‘I’he invasions. H. ‘‘ K a l m. in a sense. R H..A. Syria. Nicetar Choniates. 321. the dar al-harb between Islam and Christianity. 169.C. K a i a h 6 v TGVh K h T y J l f i V TQV kv &oi$ ~ o i y ’ A v m o h i j ~ ~ ~ E UCTT’ a h & C p q w d X v r w v K a l T~AEOV m m p o x w 0 B v . and isolated comments of Greek canon lawyers. “AgapEriler. 644-645. H. Here they roamed the highways. pp.r w v K U ~ -rq5 ~ I V K €1: ri. (1962).A.r w v . usque durn venimus in Armeniam. . p.. Et persequuntur nos. 33D Though there is no systematic account of this phenorncnon. 328. p. I. The history of the church a t this time cannot be fully comprehended if this fact is not taken into account. the chance references su&ce to indicate that the churches were often pillaged and destroyed.O. One might reasonably assume that this allusion to destruction of churches in the epic poem is due to the inflated imagination of the poet who is describing the holy war.C. Byzantine society had managed to survive the initial shocks of these migration-invasions and conquests. . Thus thc Byzantine church was suspect because i t was tightly centralized in Constantinople alld under the direct control of the emperor. the Turkish raids resulted in the pillaging of the famous churches of St. “qui sunt homines agrestes et sine lege et ratione. rerers to the extensive debtruction of churches in tlie latter half orthe twellih century. The armies of Barbarossa were harassed by the Turkrncns when the former approached the Taurus regions after having left Konya. The nomads appear in southeast Anatolia seeking pastures and booty. et multos de illis occidinius. S c l p k h l a r tarihi ue tiirk-islam medeniyeti (Ankara.3’~ Greeks were forced to surround the church of St."^*^ and tlie destruction and pillaging of churches and monasteries figure prominently in the pocm.. and consequently the mechanics of this nomadic-sedentary encounter will be discussed at the end of the present chapter. Basil at Caesareia a n d of the Archangel Michael a t C h 0 n a e . Regel. 188-190. formally. There is some evidence in the sporadic chronicles that the disorders entailed considerable damage to ecclesiastical foundations throughout Anatolia. if in a definitely abased state.. As of the late twelfth century. The Danishmendnaxne puts the rollowing declaration in thc niouth of the Muslim hero Danishmend: “I am Malik Danishmend Ghazi . Asia Minor became. But the incidental references to tlicse phenomena in the chronicles indicate that there is some truth a t the basis of the statement by tlic Turkish poet. Phocas in Sinopc and S t . and histories give a few definite hints as to the problems that the church experienced elsewhere in Anatolia. The Armenian and Syriac chronicles enable us to get a glimpse of restricted areas i n eastern Anatolia. I. 259. however. 23-24. See also.Nevertheless. R. S3DTlicodare Scutariotes-Sathas.” Ibn al-Athir. Strobilus. Ibn Bibi-Duda. which was at the height of its heroic age. Ibn al-Athir. D. upon the stability of the highly developed sedentary society of the Byzantine Christians was one of the principal factors in the cultural transformation of Asia Minor. John a t Bphesus with walls to protect it from the Turks. . on movements in the second half of the twelfth century. the invaders were. and plundered the regions of Rum. 95. and Armenia. y q 6 h h o K m a m a v .H. Aksaray-Genqosman. synodal decrees.Wk I E P O ~ S h m v G O a v T E s I‘ .O. 310. R. 521-528. a department of state. 0. p. Gesta Federici. by virtue of the Turkish invasions and settlements. Even before the battle of Manzikert.C. were The monasteries of Mt. so frequently there was religious zeal and animosity in the relations between Christians and Muslims i n dynastic strife in the regions of Sebasteia. 3 ~I~ the decade following 1071 the n destruction of churches and the flight of the clergy became widespread. Constable Sempad.

the Turks removed or covered the pictures oE the saints on the walls.” EI. Such towns as Adramyttiurn. two churches of the Forty Martyrs. I 153 the emir of Caesareia issued another decree calling €or destruction of churches.350Though the Armenians. On religious persecution of Syrian Christians and forced conversion see above n . Theodore. xxiii. et sagittabant. three churches dedicated to the Mother of God. 34B Gesta Francarum.348 the end of the eleventh century.. St. when Muhammad had seized power he wished to reward the monastery for its support by completely remitting the tribute.350 when the Greeks of Trebizond but retook i t they reconverted them.. St. about conversion of churches into r n o s q u ~ s . and Edessa were the objects of extensive destruction.. Attaleia.”1 In I 140-41and again c. Rohricht in Archives del’orient Latin.. and i t is to be assumed that the religious foundations underwent the same fate (at least until they were. was short-lived.~68 When the Seljuk sultan took Sinope in 1214he converted its churches into mosques . ~and almost twenty years later ~’ c.. They were the following: St. p. gouging out the eyes and mutilating the noses. 111. ctc. St. Habib). V I (rgGo).5.. thirteenth century: “Nonne in tota Turchia et Fercide et usque ad Baldactum invenimus omnes ecclesias christianorum diruptas aut stabulatas aut mescitas factas Sarracenorum ? Et ubi non potueruent ecclesiam destruere vel stabulare. 363-364). oculos eorum eruebant. 397-398. Chalcocondyles.H. removed the Muslims from the structure. ~ 5 ~ Sulayman upon the conquest of‘Antioch transformed the church o€ Cassianus into a mosque. Tudebodus. Cnpl~doce. 548 Ibid.341 Upon the taking of Antioch by Sulayman in 1085. in 364 196 I97 .. 111.364but its condition improved considerably in the latter half of the twelfth century thanks to the generosity of Kilidj I1 Arslan who completely freed it from paying t r i b ~ t e . one must assume that in villages and towns destroyed or pillaged by the Turks the religious establishments were likewise despoilcd. Ibid. Z ~ O . Ricoldo speaks of the large scale conversion of churches into mosques.S46 and similar instances appear throughout southeastern Anatolia. The Greek interregnum in Sinope. 339-340). But the monks so reared the hatred of the Muslims that they insisted on paying 300 dinars per year.p.” sl& T O k O !J4 h T l T p h P l V &6pCZTTOS[[EUeUl Michael the Syrian. Previously.. He pilIagcd the treasury of the Nestorian church of M a r Jacob and destroyed its library of Some 1.. ut super caput christianorum clament legem. J23--124. 196. Some of the churches werc totally destroyed and others werc used as storehouses for the prince’s cottoti (ibid. in the vicinity of Melitene. “Lettres de Monte-Croce sur la prise d’Acre (1291).C.the Turkish emir to return the livest0ck). Raymund of Aguilers. 266. Scmouna. seem to have been treated with more consideration than were the Greek Christians. Dorylaeum. He is said to have done the same thing elsewhere (ibid. who forty years after its savage destruction lists seventeen churches in the city which were still in a ruined state. the priests were driven out. “ ’ A p ~ ~ v h 82s cldvous TGV &hwv 6BvGv Giappopbvwv oqiuiv Is T ~ ~ epq‘SKEfaV OfiK & L ’ ~ p C W O 6 ~ ~ E U 6 U6 ’ A P ~ E V ~ W V TpOElptlKdTI T b (yhp) K e S l .I.V. &v&nko. 354-355). St. ~ ~ 5 Though the sources do not specifically indicate it. William of Tyre gives one of the earliest descriptions of the destruction and defacing of religious pictures. Sourdel. he remarks.BEGINNINGS OF TRANSFORMATION BEGINNINGS OF TRANSFORMATION cave-monastic communities is also indicated for the twelfth century. p. I1 (1884).O. 288: “Quippe in tantum malitiam exarserant illa hominum 111. S t .’’ Z. I n I 120-2 I the priests and monks of the regions between Tell-Bashir and Kaisum were put to the sword. 3 4 7 Matthew of Edessa.H. statim iuxta ecclesiam edificaverunt mcschitam et inenaram cum turri alta.36n Something is said. Cotyaeum. qlo.” For further reference to the Turkish dcstruction of Greek icons and religious images see the following: I. In ecclesiis autem magnis. N.. VI. 261. 8 4 0 Michael t h e Syrian.Z Q I . The same occurred with the monastery of Mar Domitius (ibid. 3”I&f. ’A~~v~ous. Michael. T h e monasteries of the eastern Christians in 1. Farther to the east of Melitene. and when once inore the Turkish forces 853 4 Michael the Syrian.R. I I 75. see above n. Saviour. 321. D.” The remarks of Ricoldo de Monte Crucis.. Holy Apostles. however. 856 Ibid.O. Great Church.C. and once more turned it into a Christian ~anctuary. recolonized).347and sixteen years later the monastery of Garmir Vank around Kaisum was burned. 237. theTurks pillaged thechurches At that they found on their path between Dorylaeum and Konya.. mahumarias facicbant. 357 Ibid. I 1 3 4 . 348 William of Tyr. Stephan. 248. O n the preferred status of Armenians over the other non-Muslims. I 73. et quas non poterant delere per moram. When Nur al-Din of Aleppo took Nisibis in 1172 h e ordered all new constructions in churches and monasteries to bc destroyed.. H. general suffered decline as a result of the eleventh century invasions of the Seljuks. 29. I n the middle of the twelfth century the buildings of the monastery were burned by Turks who carried off the livestock (they were 34‘1 De Jerphanion. 858 Matthew of Edessa. 111. 390 ff. in some cases.” ed. Bar Hebraeus. I. ut ecclesias Dei everterent et sanctorum ejus. indicate that the situation was the same in the late 273. and the churches a n d patriarchal residence of the Jacobites at Amid were closed. Thc emir then issued an edict that forbade the building of new churchcs or the repair of old ones in the whole region of Mesopotamia (ibid. 34.000volumes. 286. “Dayr. p. 54-55. Nur al-Din of Mardin used the stone5 and columns of the churches to embellish his own residence (ibid. I n I 174the church of the Forty Martyrs in Mardin was plundered (ibid. though very little. altaria vero omnia suffodiebant. 286. 3 1 3 . many of the churches were desecrated. This is confirmed for the Syrian churches. 68. the Confessors (Gouria. 1 400. found itself in difficulties on more than one occasion. Cosmas (church of the mendil of Edessa).. afterward forced by . Thomas. and especially the Syrians.~63 The Muslim rulers of Melitene in the first half of the twelfth century subjected it to oppressive tribute. Ibid. we see that both Armenian and Syrian religious foundations were subject to considerable strain and difficulty..352 Bar Mar Sauma.s TlVl hO s60 I 861 V UhOG T4V 0 f K O U Y ~ V l ) V iO6!JEVOV. 111. pp. too. 307-308). A. genera. Caesareia. 302. 111. ymmo perfidiam Machometi. ~ 3 Muhammad of Caesareia is reported 4 ~ to have destroyed the churches c. vel imagines delerent.. In I 152 a n Armenian built an claborate church a1 Ilisn Ziad and so irritated the emir Kara h s l a n that the latter had the church destroyed and the priest crucified. John Baptist. I n Antioch. R... “Alexius Macrembolites and his ‘Dialogue between the Rich and the Poor’. 396). George. 1149 Turks pillaged the monasteries of Beth Zabar. That this is so is indicated by the description of Edessa in 1 1 8 6 by Michael the Syrian. 3bQ I b n Bibi-Duda. St. the Christians suffered from the Muslim reaction to the Crusades..352). some of the churches were used as stablcs and €or other unfitting purposes. The Armenian cathedral of Ani remained a mosque until the Georgians reconquered the city in I 124-25.

Aside from the Greek church. I. Upon arriving in Persia at the court of the pious monarch. the Armenian church was undergoing such dificulties that the Armenian patriarch Basil appealed personally to the great sultan Malik Shah to ease the church’s plight. pp. and many of the churches were either shut down or T h e Armenian church did not enjoy Turkish favor to the extent that the Syrian church did. gag). Ashikpashazade-Kreutei. the Christians continued in the possession On of many of their churches throughout Asia Minor.??plzesos.56. Basil had conceived of the idea of going to find the good and clement ruler of the Persians and of all Christ’s faithful. For in the latter haIf of the twelfth century. It is for this reason that Matthew. PP. Matthew of Edessa also praised the emir Ismail who. the Syrian patriarchal residence in Amid was closed. Ibid. 69. the monasteries and priests of all payments. and one must assume that here too the churches passed into the hands of Muslims. the Greek church was tightly centralized in Constantinople and under the control of the emperors. the lord Basil. thc Syrians possessed no political state and so the Syrian Christians did not constitute any potential threat to the Muslim invaders.18.In the early conquest the Ottomans converted the churches of Nicaea. When the Turks took the towns. the sultan Malik Shah. 85. The process continued in the fourteenth c e m v . and having rendered as a result an edict. Nicomedia. 56. 310 Matthew of Edessa. Nicetas Choniates. and it is often stated that the ecclesiastical institution continued to function as i t had in the past. Die altosmanischen anonymen Cfuoniken (Leipxig.301 Very frequently the Christians were forced to evacuate a town newly captured. there were also the Armenian and Syrian ecclesiastical establishments in the more easterly regions. He obtained all which he desired.cited as Deslan d’Unur). the churches again became mosques. one now read the Koran.BEGINNINGS OP TRANSFORMATION BEGINNINGS OF TRANSFORMATION recovered the city. C. 168-169. 207. By the end of the eleventh century. ed.F. as governor or Armenia. bishops. Ueber undseine Schrtfiflen(Potsdam. The Armenians had. and the Armenian population dispersed from Armenia to Cappadocia and Cilicia. there was the religious antagonism between Muslim and Christian which was fed by the flames of war. 2 0 1 . The monks of Bar Mar Sauma seem to have been subject to oppressive taxation throughout the twelfth century down to the conquest of Melitene by KXdj I1 Arslan. Inasmuch as the principal foe in Anatolia during the eleventh and twelfth centuries was the Byzantine Empire. At some undetermined time in the twelfth century . 341 above. 566 4 ’‘’Aksaray-GenGosman. 354-355. As a result of this. silver. Matlhaios Metropolit von . and immunities. priests. Deslan d’Umirr Pncha. Having brought great sums of gold. It is quite possible that the Turkish attitude toward the ecclesiastical institutions of the latter two ethnic groups might have differed from their attitude toward the Greek church. but it seems likely that the Muslims appropriated the larger and better churches. $13’ See the letters of Matthew of Ephesus. undisturbed in the possession of its bishoprics. ecclesiastical property.rgoI) (hereafter cited as Matthew of Ephesus. In the year 539 [Iogo-g I ] the patriarch of the Armenians. I n spite of the “favored status” that the Syrians and the Armenians enjoyed under the Turks. But above and beyond the association of religious and political institutions. and i n this the Greek church differed from the Syrian church. inasmuch as the political institutions and attitudes of the Armenians and Syrians on occasion differed from those of the Greeks. Because of these circumstances. Of these three groups.38.. and doctors. and brocade cloth as presents. in order to convey his grievances at the persecutions of the faithful of Christ excited in many places.J13G6 both Malik But Shah and Ismail passed from the scene and the former vexing conditions once more prevailed over the Armenian church. reports his death. I I 74. it would be reasonable to assume that the Turks would have viewed the church of Constantinople in a somewhat different light. and the Muslim call to prayer replaced the church bells. Treu). who supported it and often worked through it. Basil presented himself before him and was received with the highest distinction.3G2 t h e other hand. 204. This difficult question is further complicated by the fact that there were three major churches in Anatolia. Treu.365 T h e church had Sufi-ered for over twenty years before Malik Shah granted the charter of immunity. p. 63-64. went to the master of the world. p. Biga. the Syrian patriarchate had abandoned Melitene in Byzantine territory and sought refuge in Muslim lands at the city of Amid. “had protected the monsteries against the vexations which the ‘Persians’ [Turks] imposed. Byzantium was complete. 2 15-2 I 7. passirti. Melikoff-Sayar (Paris. Giese. probably because the Armenians continued to be factors in the political and military life of southeast Anatolia. a h . the catholicus of Armenia had to seek refuge in 304 Michael the Syrian. they usually took over many of the churches for their own cult or for other purposes. p. 39. By reason of historical circumstances the identification of the ecclesiastical and political institutions in remarks that in these places where formerly were read the Gospels. as in the case of Dadybra.3~3 I t has been customary to assume that the invasions did not affect the administration of the church in Anatolia. P. 111. ?2. . lost their independence in the cleventh century. Amasra. and trans. Ibid. On the other hand. Ashikpashazade-Ali. and at the exactions which weighed upon monasteries and bishops. Malik Shah exempted the churches. Both the Armenian and Syrian churches had undergone persecution at the hands of the Byzantines in the eleventh century. 154. there are indications that the Turks did not favor or tolerate the ecclesiastical administration of the largely “nonpolitical” churches consistently and uninterruptedly.. for the most part. he set out accompanied by the nobles of his house. a t which time the emperors had sought to impose ecclcsiastical union upon them.300 T h e example of Sinope was no doubt a familiar pattern throughout Anatolia. p. 2 1 (hereafter cited as Anoqmous-Giese). at the tribute imposed upon churches and clergy. 1954)~ 47 (herep. its ecclesiastical establishment in Anatolia was ips0 facto highly suspect. As a witness of the evils atnicting the Church.See n. he bade farewell to the patriarch who was given official diplomas and covered with honors. 626.

raordtuEi Ev16pu0fjvai. in iDid. their church seats because of barbarian invasions and occupation. . even if they were not at all able to go to their appointed churches and to be enthroned. I T ~ ~ T E I VTEKU\ pmaXEipI@s & eal. The irregularity i n ecclesiastical administration of Anatolia is already evident during the reign of Alexius I Comnenus. 11. K a l v a v o ~ i o p ~ v q v SIO~KflUIV. to the writings of Balsamon that the historian can reconstruct the effects of the Turkish invasions on the ecclesiastical administration in Anatolia during this period. I gG6).1. but h e preserves important imperial documents (from the time of Alexius I Comnenus to Isaac T Angelus) on ecclesiastical matters which I otherwise would have been completely lost.and twelfth-century Anatolia are lacking. Similarly the hierarch or Leontopolcos in Asia Minor had to take over the church of Arcadiopolis in Europe. Balsamon then explains this canon in terms of the history of the eleventh and twelfth centuries. U .3G7 The effect of the Turkish invasions and conquest on the administrative structure of the Greek church was often seriously detrimental and i n some cases an unqualified disaster. comments on the body of canon law in terms of the actual historical experiences of the period under discussion. “Les couvents armtniens. iK U ~61’ h i p a s al-rtas pE-TavamEirovTEg. word for word is as follows. and which declares that those elected to Anatolian churches are hereafter to have again the egoumeneia and adelphata and officia belonging to them. that [as] the appointments in the churches of God progress some chosen in the appointments 368 Khalles and Potles. K a l pspaiav. 11.rrEuav CT‘ a h G v rpoi’oiiuav Spov KEXpquBai. were no doubt long familiar to Byzantine ecclesiastics before the eleventh century.~ p a u p i o vT? l e p w u h q C ~ U ~ ~ O V T EKS l. A the clergy s cannot get to their seats they have gone to Constantinople.” This is quitc possibly an exigesis of canon 28 of Trullo. Doctcvtatls int‘didils d’ecclisiologic byzandilirie (Paris. The present canon decrees that the bishops who have not been able to go to their appointed thrones because of barbarian attack are equally to be other Anatolian metropolitans who have no churches as they are held b y the barbarians. pqSapc. K a l . pp. I 196-1197.js npbs i Kal a a h6pqv T&V IKK~CXU~CXUTIK~V 6iKaiwv TI)V B0vixjv EnfpEiav EvzpyEidai pouhdp~uor. 20I 200 . & TQ hnm61~cpv f p i . ‘‘ TIV& K~VPIKO~. Nevertheless. Tois OBTU xEipoTovq0Eioi. and so one must not be surprised that such commentators as Zonaras and Aristenus did not’ attempt to explain them in terms of contemporary events. remarks that clerics are abandoning the churches because of barbarian invasions. in the reign of Alexius I Comnerius Nicephorus the metropolitan of Gangra was unable to go to his church (GXO~U{WV) because of the Turks and so he was given the metropolitanate of Amastris. These were ever-recurrent situations in the history of the church since the thirdcentury persecutions and the Persian-Arab invasions on Byzantine territory. ” P. and these churches became economically impoverished. Thus he differs from those commentators who consider the canons theoretically.” Revtre de I’hisloire des religions. Balsamon. F. the general situation prevailing in the realm of ecclesiastical administration of the Greek church in Anatolia is clearly discernible. and often without reference to contemporary historical circumstances. ~ V K a l ~tT ~ ~ p o e 6 p l a s S a60Evdq K U T ~T ~ lSiov V Eivai .303. a canon concerned with bishops and metropolitans who are not able to take over 9 a 7 Michael the Syrian. 390. and other such matters. and are plainly to be reckoned as if they had gone to their church and been enthroned. 116 (clergy of Pisidian Antioch and Ankara are mentioned). The Armenian monasteries of eastern Anatolia began to revive only in the late twelfth century. The disruption in the administration of the church in Asia Minor which the Turkish invasions caused is manifested primarily in that metropolitans and bishops often were not able to go to their churches in Anatolia. the canon describes in detail this situation. Sih Pappapwv t(p66ows. PET& T i V h’a h @ XEipOTOViaV. my most holy lord and ecumenical patriarch. Just so the metropolitan of Iconium. thanks to the commentaries on canon law by Balsamon.rolalhqs ITdhEwS lTP6E6POV. Zonaras. His prostaxis (decree) has survived in Balsamon’s comments on canon thirty-seven of the Council in Trullo. j p ~ ~b~TI~IOV. and famine. Rather it is exceptional that Balsamon illuminated them within the framework of the eleventh and twelfth centuries. flight of bishops from their seats. 9 hipbv Taws -rij ~ w p q l a h & htou@wra. 388.jv K a l Sih T T ~ VTGV ~ o h ~ p l w& a v Ev Y @ v EqoSov K a l gTEpa rohha 61h-rb ~pdrros TE KaraheiqBCv-rES EK T ~ aS x p a h o d a s K a i of dt610~0li01 l 3 WEVOl. K a l o b w ~a-ra ~ p c c r i j a a v ~b zeos ~ h XEipoTodaS. 46-47.BEGINNINGS OF TRANSFORMATION BEQINNINGS OF TRANSFORMATION Cilicia with the Armenian princes. almost exclusively. dealing with such circumstances. 344-345. TbV OiKEiOV 0p6VOV KaTahapEiv. But the inability of the metropolitans and bishops to go to their Anatolian seats because of the Turkish occupation was nothing new in Balsamon’s time. as the Turks were oppressing him in Greater Armenia. 188.rrauGv ~ A E K ~ i xwpQv K a l tBvc.. validly ordain bishops. My majesty learned.re51 8p6VOls.rriaS. And they carry out all the metropolitan duties. Tb hOKplpbrrOrlOV 7Tf~EkI8al UUVEwpdotapEV. Kal1ThEioTai ndhEiS ~ h CvTEfiBav ~ T T O X E ~ ~ I O I TOTS b6pots Ka-rko-rqcrav cjs C V T E ~ ~ ~ E Vp i Suvq0ijvai -rbv T ~ S . harsh taxes. who legislated in an effort to deal with the crisis.36” . It is of no little interest that many of the canons Balsamon explains in his commentaries are cases that deal with barbarian invasions.rrCrv-ra.’’ The fight and expulsion of tlie Anatolian clergy is confirmcd by the recently published documents in J. ? cpopohdywv hav8pw. H e not only interprets the canons in terms of historical events of his day. These canons. rather than a comment on the twelfth century.. CXLVP. The contemporary literature on this subject is sparse a n d consequently most of the details in the ecclesiastical administrative picture of eleventh.s08 According to the canon all such bishops and metropolitans are none the less validly ordained bishops and metropolitans and can ordain clerics and perform as they normally would. ’EITEI~~) a r 61aq6pous KaiporSS p a p p a p i t a i ysydvaoi icpo601. Macler. for he refers the reader to a n imperial prostaxis of 1094: Read the prostaxis of the glorious emperor lord Alexius Comnenus delivered in the month of November of the second indiction. conversion to Islam and heresy. K a l 61h T(V T T ~ O K E I ~ ~ V ~rV a v Ev Tois E U U T ~ V p i By~crrctual l . 404.G. which [prostaxis]. . K a l Bv a h + fEpaTlKf Ka. writing in the latter half of the twelfth century. I t is due. and are to carry out all the episcopal dutics . &UTE K a l XElpOTOVlU5 K ~ ~ P I K6iaqJ6pwv KavoviKGs VOIETV. 111. 38ORhalles and Potles. Darrouzis. “ Kl T ~ S a Bv Elq vijv &hhq X i b v TGV ndhewv ~ a p Tairrqv C h v UUVT~~XOUOIV . EIS XBpas &Ahas drrriaui. LXXIII (rg~G).

137. Following the reason of teaching and submitting to perfect order they shall exercise authority aver their incomes from these until they obtain relief and are transformed from their present ill fate to good fortune. See Rhalles andPotles. and they embrace their grooms. having shed thc darkness of their widow’s garments. For they are unable to enter the churches voted them. refers here to the positions of bishop. the bishops and metropolitans would take their places again and the church would be reconstituted. m~ Euthyrnius Toriiices-Papadopoulos-I(erameus. the metropolitans a n d bishops a r e not able to enter them. them extensive land to express freely their piety. to give. confirms the fact that the twelfthcenturv sultans on occasion permitted some of the metropolitans and bishops to come t o ST’ ?KKAIplaVTlK& 202 203 . When this occurred. This is of course what happened after h e reconquered the northern. sing the nuptial song. 111. Beck. But as Alexius Comnenus had anticipated . YOU persuade the barbarians to free the Christians from acts of violence. All agreed that the uxoA&(wv is he who is unable to go to the church over which he was appointed because the godless foreigners or heretics have taken it. 11. until conditions improved and they should be enabled to proceed to their churches in Asia Minor.. saccelion. T h i s policy is clearly manifested not only by Alexius but especially by Manuel Comnenus. great church of G o ~ . ’A~E~@~Tov denotes a sum o f money that an outsider is entitled to receive from a monastery. But the emperors frequently prolonged the existence of bishoprics and metropolitanates beyond what was canonically or actually justifiable in order to minister to t h e remaining Christians and also as a possible basis of Byzantine administration a n d reconquest in certain areas. refers to the removal of the hierarchs from the churches in Anatolia. 182-183. and other leitourgeai which belong to them.G. oiconomiai. and because they undertake the administration of these [churches] they would themselves be deprived of the egoumenia. etc. saccelou. Now the churches of the east are once more clad in white. However the things which my majesty has decreed are not to aanlv to the archonticium and to the priests and deacons and remaining clergy of the -. a n d in addition the churches are impoverished. because they (churches) are held by the most hateful enemy. and do not permit the bishop to put foot in it.R. They fear that as such churches are located in the Anatolian regions they [the appointees] shall never have the necessities.. B7aBalsamon. a n d also without income. ~ ” J viable. it is fairly clear that because of conditions in Anatolia and the enmity between Byzantium and the Turks. 156. and to receive the spiritual guardians [poliouchous] of each city. 315-326. and Tornices refers to such a n occasion when the Turks have yielded to the demands of Manuel C o r n n e n ~ s . ~ ~ ~ Though one is not to assume that these hierarchs were permanently and uninterruptedly barred from their churches in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. ’ApXoVT~Kla refer to the pentades of officials which assisted in the administration of the patriarchate. as will appear later. Those clerics who are appointed to such churches a r e of course condemned to remain without churches in Constantinople. for the clergy were very often willing to give up a bishopric or metropolitanate as no longer economically Jh’. but those who are long widowed and consumed by love for their grooms. for the churches to which they have been appointed are altogether poor [without resources] and entirely inaccessible to them. for upon appointment to such Anatolian churches they are required to relinquish their previous ecclesiastical incomes a n d offices. declares that no one of them shall be fastidious because of these things in undertaking the office [zugon] of archierosyne. 98-120. T h e emperor Alexius. and of the simply called adelphata.BEGINNINGS OF TRANSFORMATION BEGINNINGS OF TRANSFORMATION who are abbots in monasteries and who administer. and the children are By the reign of Alexius I Comnenus the upsetting effects of the Turkish invasions on t h e churchls administration are clearly visible. You do not wed new widows. Euthymius Tornices. western. T h u s the tertniizus techthus q o A & @ v begins to appear frequently in t h e ecclesiastical literature. Alexius decreed that in most instances clerics ordained to Anatolian seats were to retain their incomes from previous offices SO that thdy might have the necessities. Kirche ttnd theulogische Literaiut. ’OTTkta generally refer to the various clerical Offices under the bishop. as the command of the apostles desires. And it seemed [that] you escort the churches of God again and carerully select the grooms that they might not outrage the wedding ceremonies. J. I n order that the metropolitan and episcopal structures of Asia Minor might b e maintained. as has been said. 322-323 on the 6pXOVdKla. the clerics were hindered more often than not. sceuophylax. pp. in Rhalles and Potlcs. or officia and certain other hyperesia. archierosyne. As the churches in Anatolia a r e held by the Turks. Therefore my majesty arranging their affairs with a certain order.. H-G.e. realized that i t was important to preserve the hierarchical structure of the church in Asia Minor for a future time. in a florid eulogy addressed to Manuel Comnenus. chartophylax.. or those who carry out some other services and those who are simply monks. The reluctance to abandon the metropolitanates and bishoprics in Asia Minor was much stronger a m o n g t h e emperors than among the clergy. a n d the commentators are called upon to define the term. and of other hyperesia and Ieitourgeia and officia and the adelphata belonging to them. when he hoped to reconquer much of Anatolia. it also describes a gift made to a monastery to support a monk. I. archbishop. perhaps destroyed it. however. there were times when bishops and metropolitans could takc up residence in their churches. and southern coastal regions. others in the great church of God and in other [churches] obtaining the necessities of life from officia and some other functions [leitourgeia] find it difficult to undertake the rank [zygon] of priesthood [ierosyne. metropolitan] and to watch over the churches to which they have been appointed. 390-391. oiconomus. For all these shall again enjoy the benefit of the egoumeneia and oiconomia belonging to them. 970 Thus the testimony of Tornices confirms what Balsamon says about the difllculties of the Anatolian churches. zepos. i.

without his church because of the Turkish occupation. but before his actual ordination he was transferred to T h e s s a l ~ n i k e . So also Oenoe was in Byzantine hands. There were occasions when it was possible for a metropolitan who was not able to enter his church in Turkish territory to be permitted to take up residence in one of his bishoprics that was in Byzantine territory. and with the V. . iy'. 394.r i p ahjv aidav. also oXOA&@W. that is.''384 The presence of so many vacant ecclesiastical seats ( q o A ~ ~ o u c ~ a ~ . If a bishop was elected to a bishopric but was not able to go there because the occupation of the forcigncrs prevented him from so doing. KET.s7d There were two alternatives open to hierarchs who found themselves unable to take over their churches in Anatolia." m4 Ibid. the hierarch of Leontopolis. b TIT.~7* bishop or metropolitan who was A qohix[wv. is equated with the bishop who cannot enter his diocese because the enemy either possesses his church or has destroyed it. of Sardica. the qoA&[wv. +IS lvraG0a O ~ i ~ i 0 qr a p ' K KEi-rai €15 PiPAlov T ~ V j @ ~ u S i a -rb p ~ y a A ~ 5 dthhoiweiivai TI)V TGVC Tairrrrg 6qhovpBvwv xopGv m-r&urav uiv S r b TGV &06wv papp&wv. 8 8 2 Zbid. "Balsamon's scholion is most significant: '' 'H Kq'. metropolitan of Gangra. . for many of the Anatolian metropolitanates were coinpletely within the Turkish dominion. s K a l fi dlpwyia Ka-rrumavfi. Kai ( ~ 0 ' . was not ordained metropolitan of Myra. It seems to me that if such a metropolitan wishes to migrate to one of his bishoprics because the foreigners occupy his original church. Thus both Alexius I and Manuel I decreed that all such bishops and metropolitans werc to stay in their dioceses and to leave Con~tantinople. Paphlagonia."~ all the Anatolian churchmen But were exempt from this prohibition. 6ia-r. K a i fi lla$ayovIa Eiaqbpous. E V O S 5 6 t h .r. b fi K q ' .r r i ~ ~ K b . Balsamon is commenting on chapter ao of I'hotius' Nomocanon concerning these regions. K a i fi P'. . Evidcntly the throne of Thessalonilte fell vacant and so he was transferred there. h0'.6. One such rearrangement involved the joining of a vacant seat to one occupied by another hierarch. but Sozopolis was in Byzantine hands (though near the Turkish borders). "Bccause of the foreign invasions inany cities remain bishoples~. "..~ ~ O S8<6pqTai b T o p i w ~ a b b s y a p K a i TGV AOIITGV K K A ~ U IZKuOlas . Evidently hierarchs from all the Byzantine provinces were wont to come to Constantinople and often without permission from the patriarch. 57. 0 6 ~i ~ 1 ~ 6 h ~ w v 6 630 Sirvct-rai TIS d v a i ~ T I U K O . having instead of his seat his bishopric of Oenoe. a'. notes Balsamon in commenting on the reIevant canon. 8 7 8 Rhalles and Potles. s veapa iypaTq EiS PiPhIov TGV PauihiKGv 5'. 428-4. 111. Balsamon confirms that the bishops and metropolitans had largely abandoned the towns. received Arcadiopolis. In his remarks on the thirty-fourth of the Apostolic canons. b a'. Balqamon relates that many other clerics had to flee the churches in towns held by thc Turks and took up residence acros? the borders in bishoprics on Byzantine territory. G I U T ~ V TGV10vGv 6 1 ~ i S p o ~&v ~ . They either came to Constantinople or else they were transferred to seats that were vacant and were either in Byzantine territory or a t least accessible. j~ 3R1 aao Bid. This happened with the metropolitan of Neocaesareia. and possibly also in Phrygia Capatiane and Second Cz~ppadocia. 13-25. . his ordination was to be delayed. ip'. cities. while across the border Ncocaesareia was in the hands of the enemy. vEapa. as a OXOA&@U received the metropolitanate of Amastris . KET. vEapa pauthiKQv 5'. Chapter 20 of the Nomocanon reads: " '0 'EhEu6-rrov~og EXEI 660 p?lTpOTrOhiTas." 595 .380 The cleric Eustathius was elected by the Constantinopolitan synod as metropolitan of Myra. 11. -rrohhal xbhatc. Kamra6oKfa.r q ~ o t . but it also caused administrative difficulties for the church in Constantinople inasmuch as the bishoprics and metropolitanates were not abolished. 3 u 3 A d .BEGINNINGS O F TRANSFORMATION BEGINNINGS OF TRANSFORMATION y \( I t is significant that the bishop who is without his church.. .. I..veapa. Nicephorus. The exclusion of such large numbers of bishops and metropolitans not only brought dificulties for the Christians in Anatolia.4.379 But transferral ( V E T T ~ ~ ~ O I S ) clerics most often was not restricted to of churches within the same metropolitan jurisdiction. TIT. . Thus let it be noted. Pisidian Antioch was well within the limits or Turkish control. h ~ ' o h 68 ~ ~ Y O ~ ~ ~ YiVETaI Giro povaoTqplov. elected to the church of Myra but unable to go there because of the Turkish occupation. T h e metropolitan of Ankara was transfcrred to Cerasus. K a i 614 TOGTO drrrpcot-rijuat T& ~ i j uEap&S. TOG airroc T ~ T ~ O W . seventeen. ~ GV npovoEi. Kal fi A E O V T ~ T T O'IuawpiaS ir-rrb T ~ V ~IS i-rrloxon6v lmi 'lompo-rr6h~o5. that the Anatolian bishops who do not have seats because their churches are held by foreigners are not to be ejected from the queen of metropolitan of Pisidian Antioch who received Sozopolis as a seat. ~Myra was in regions held by the T u r k ~ . This text illustrates very clearly the proposition that in the twelfth ccntury the clergy were most frequently unable to take up their positions in churches within the domains of the Muslims. he must be appointed there by imperial prostaxis and synodal decision. a'.~77 The presence of a disproportionately large number ofAnatolian metropolitans at the meetings of the patriarchal synod in Constantinople is due to the fact that so many of them were unable to get to their ~hurches. X~pE6OUmX) in Anatolia required adjustments in the operation of the liierarchy. II. And [it happened] with many others. 486. Ibid. BvTaGOa 68 o h h i 0 q 6th . Thus Eustathius.~B3 Doubtless the transferral of bishops and metropolitans was a widespread phenomenon in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. s PIP. did not necessarily remain in Constantinople. ~ B ~ for ~ ~ Balsamon implies that this condition applied throughout the districts of Helenopontus.376 I n Constantinoplc they received support until they or their successors were able to go on to Anat0lia.29. r j s fi ~ 0 ' . TIT. TOG KOGIKOS y ' .

the pattern of Turkish confiscation of church property is very clearly discernible.380 But there must have been many instances when even the modest demands of this canon could not be met. 1 1 22?. Ibid. V (19301. First is the fact that when ecclesiastical documents begin to appear in significant numbers in the fourteenth century.G. /-’ dit-on. Second. I . “Les privileges de l’figlise i I’tpoque des Comnknes: un rescrit inPdit de Manuel I C p Comntne. was equally important in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. 3 O O Rhalles and Potles. What was the reaction in Constantinople to the upsetting o i the ecclesiastical structure in Asia Minor arising from the new realities imposed by the Turkish conquest? Mention has already been made of the appearance of epidosis as well as the €orma1 transferral (metathesis) of bishops to other churches. for the churches to which they have been appointed are altogether poor and entirely inaccessible to themv3S7 I n I 173 Michael the metropolitan of Ankara petitioned the synod in Constantinople to transfer him to the metropolitanate of Cerasus in Byzantine territory.. They fear that as such churches are located in the Anatolian regions they [the appointees] shall never havc the necessities. On the text edited by Msgr. with the assent of their ecclesiastical superior. The church i n Asia Minor must have suffered the loss of much of its properties and revenues as a result of the Turkish occupation. Ibid. 543-545. Aegesstas. In his prostuxis of 1094. but it does strengthen the probability of such an assumption. and to various other metropolitans other such churches.. 301 In contrast to the churches within Turkish domains. meant that the Christian communities wcre often deprived of their Christian leadership. does not prove that the phenomenon occurred earlier. the churches in Byzantine territory were rebuilt and the monastic communities flourished throughout the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. This grant is an epidosis. oinc Eu-rai r p b 5 -riy?v 708 ~ E O G -rb paEi@v e p p p i a Eih r e v i a v K a i mEpEio0al T ~ V evayKaiwv. Svoronos. “Car le dit prelat ni n’a 6t6 intronisk dans la metropole d’Ancyre. In other words when there are two poor bishoprics within a metropolitan jurisdiction. then. . for the church provided most of the charitable and educational services for the Christians. The continual appearance in the eleventh and Michael ever went to Ankara. either because of poverty or bccause of Turkish interference. that the loss of church property to the conquerors. 168. But the reliability of these few references is in a sense strengthened by two considerations.” 8tudes Byzantines.. This assumption is based on a very limited number of contemporary references to the loss of ecclesiastical possessions.A. 390-391. du fait 1 que les Perses (Turcs) occupent depuis longtemps cette metropole. Alexius Comnenus had remarked that hierarchs appointed to Anatolian churches had been reluctant to accept such appointments. A bishop in economic difficulties may receive from his metropolitan certain rights over a second bishopric. The reasons that he gave to the synod are interesting indeed. It was bccause oTthis that Manuel I I. This by itself. 168. Miklosich et Miiller. Presently the synod in Constantinople gave to the metropolitan of Nazianzus the church of Ankara.” Trnuat~e Addtttoires. ’OpOo6ocicc. puisque aucun chrktien. I.. Bishops who are in possession of impoverished churches may.388 386 A further reflection of the church‘s poverty is the decision of the synod (between I 170 and I 1 7 8 )justifying the transferral of bishops and the ~ ~ ~ grants of epidosis on the basis of penury. Though one cannot assume that this amounted to a general and complete confiscation. There is some difficulty as to whether 206 207 . 326. all episcopal rights over the second bishopric save that of sitting in the synthronon of the sanctuary. 156: “Lton metropolite d’Amaste (XI1 sitcle). J. I ait heritd du sitge d’Ancyre. ni n’y a eu dans les offices proclamation de son nom. I. . Do One must conclude.” 38D The chronological attribution is that of Grumel.G. J. the metropolitan may unite these temporarily under one bishop (provided that one of the seats is vacant). Rhalles and Potles. In addition. 325-392. el I (Paris. comments that bishops are not to be appointed where 1. be transferred to another bishopric. as they had conquered much of Anatolia. This too appears in the documentation of the fourteenth ccntury.BEGINNINGS OF TRANSFORMATION BEGINNINGS O F TRANSFORMATION It has been permitted. 1gG5).. ~ ~ 1 pauperization of the This church was a great blow to the social fabric of Byzantine life in Anatolia. Regcstes. 3GG. because ‘‘ . nevertheless it was SO serious that many churches could no longer support their h i e r a r c h ~ . dispensed land and privileges to the church. ne s’y trouve. by the present canon [second canon of the second ecumenical council of Constantinople] that there be joined to some churches other churches held by the foreigners. 3 8 7 Zepos. Zepos. 11. I t is probable that the metropolitans were not able to call their synods of bishops frequently.427. For tax immunities given by the Byzantine government to clergy and monasteries. \ Again the language ofBalsamon implies that this was a common phenomenon. see the remarks of Grumel.R. 642-650 1 on impoverization of the church. by the sword. 172. I and 1 . which was so clearly discernible a phenomenon throughout the fourteenth century. of course. it would seem. circumstances do not warrant it. I. I11 (1g45). and which decreed that in case of barbarian invasions the metropolitan need call only one synod per year. iii. 11. the inability of the metropolitans and bishops to sit in their churches rcgularly. fiassbt. which empowers the bishop to enjoy. Pachymeres. thus attempting to make one stable economic unit out of two destitute bishoprics. il est destitu6 de tout moyen de vivre. one must assume that the Turks on frequent occasions appropriated church property.” And he comments specifically that this applies to the churches of Asia Minor. especially when there is insufficient income. iii.386 . a situation the eighth canon of the council in Trullo foresaw. 324. Athenagoras. and it is entirely consistent with the few scattered references to this phenomenon in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. s 8 8 Grumel.

&Ah& TE~IOEEVTC~S. Christianity is endangered as the ecclesiastical situation declines daily. the whole body is disposed to complete destruction. 111. H-G. 208 209 . pp.BEGINNINGS O F TRANSFORMATION BEGINNINGS O F TRANSFORMATION twelfth centuries of clergymen as official holders of Anatolian metropolitanates and bishoprics regardless of whether or not they could effectively administer these churches indicates that there was no general I abandoning of these churches in the official administrative literature of the church. 246: ‘‘ EIT~VbCpdhE1V T O k O s80 3 0 G Euthymius Tornices Papadopoulos-Kerameus. This is evident in the religious lcgislation of both Alexius I Comnenus and Manuel Comnenus.398 Thus Balsamon relates that this canon was being applied in Anatolia during his own day. especially of the more simple minded..306 Thus the emperors made strenuous efforts to maintain the episcopal structure. The clergy were to preside over the “recovery of thc Christians. Some scholars have characterized this as merely a manifestation of the church’s fossilized archaism and its conservative attachment to forms of the past. accordingly.”a94 It is interesting that during his reign Manuel finally obtained consent from the Turks that many of these clerics should be permitted to return to their churches. 06x1 ~b Trahatbv . was a primary concern of the emperors.. was due to something more than archaistic ecclesiastical practice and sentiment. 246. seems to have preferred to reform the ecclesiastical institution in conformity with a more conservative reality. and they did so for very good reasons. is not sound. ‘‘ “OTI 06 E E i 6v Tais ~ b y a i s Ka1 I v TaiS xbpals K a ~ i r r a u ~& IiT I O X ~ T O U ~ . These go about and watch over the mistakes of the soul and put the faithful in order. priests make on the day of judgment to God the demiourge and creator. 111. Rhalles and Potles.” ~ f ~ ii 5rahas ~ &TroKa. or at least the metropolitans. T h e head of the Orthodox is the holy clergy. and for maintaining it.R.393 Manuel decreed this %O that the recovery of the Christians i n these churches might not be forbidden..pp. as a result of which it [episcopate] becomes c0ntcmptible. The church. 8 Q 4 Ibid.” S 400 Rhalles and Potles. I n addition. who conWhat excuse shall we emperors and archtinually envies the good. This is perhaps to be dated between I 162 (date of Kilidj Arslan’s stay in Constantinople) and I 176 (battle of Myrioccnhalum). and even the canon lawyers. The same sentiment is expressed in the more copious literature of the fourtcenth century. I t was they who maintained Christian discipline and the faith among the communities. So long as the priesthood is in a sound state. the bishops and metropolitans were indispensable to the organized life of the Christian communities. Rhalles and Potles. The commentator reiterates that the basis for assigning a bishop or creating a bishopric is ~b . regardless of the impossibility of the physical appearance of the clerics in A n a t ~ l i a Manuel also ruled that the appointment of the Anatolian . 3 0 8 Canon 57 of the synod of Laodiceia.G.I. ‘‘ h Nq81 drrrayopEriwv s aaa *O8 4 air8evda. The maintenance of the metropolitan skeletal structure as nearly intact as possible.~g0 i t to the honor of God for a hierarch to walk on foot because of penury and deprivation of the necessities. Behold. 111. fi T I V I K a \ €IS YbVOS TPEUPbTEPOS hTapKEi’ 6TbKOTrOV I V KhMg TIV\ O ~ &vayKaiov y&p h r i o x 6 ~ 0 u ~u E K &i KaOlo-rauBai.” r . I t dishonors both God and the episcopate to appoint a bishop ovcr a few Much less is people.I Zepos. 325. not to mention their importance in education and charity. its whole body and members are worthily directed. It is exactly for this reason that Alexius’ grandson Manuel ordered that the clergy were to take their places in Asia Minor whenever circumstances permitted. 243: ‘‘ p i ItEivai 61 &TABSKaetuT3V PPqElq TbhEI. and not old tradition that formerly entitled it to possess a bishop.400 Balsamon acknowledges that the official episcopal structure has been affected and where the numbers of Christians are few. 223.r&crraulv T ~ V Density of population is the principal and only criterion for establishing a bishopric TIVES. Given the central importance of religion in the society of that time. iva wfi Ka-rEwEhlcq-ra1 ~b TOG ~ITIOX~ITOU bvoya K a i . 222. even if the holder of the church had to sit idle most of the time in Constantinople.”*V7 The emperors insisted upon the maintenance of the elaborate administrative structure of the church in Anatolia in spite of the fact that it was anachronistic for certain areas or Anatolia (9s for instance in Ankara where few Christians remained by the late twelfth century). Beck. 103ff. This was the customary practice of the church which. rejoices.. Kirclre itnd tlieologische Literatur. it is therefore evident. The continuity of metropolitanates and bishoprics in the official literature.l & -rb q o y q q l @ e a l €15 -rab-ras E &pXiEpEiS h a v fpav S T T ha05 EOBvvovyivar. Behold! the souls of the Orthodox are in danger. the bishops have been replaced by the keriodeutai (itinerants). evil daemon. 111. Rhalles and Potles. Alexius ruled that all these Anatolian positions should continue to be filled. 111.. God is angry and the depraved. &Aha T ~ V ~ aldav T ~ 7 ~ p o P h f i u ~ w ~ S TOG &pxi~pPewsEIVCXI ~b Trohu&vepwTov T ~ XGpaS. As a result the appointment of bishops to Anatolian churches in which are found altogether moderate numbers of Christians.” a Canon 6 of the synod of Sardice. Thus their presence in Anatolia was of extreme importance to the emperors. Today those officials appointed by the bishops are periodeutni. Canon law specifically prescribed that bishops were to be ordained only in towns. But if on the other hand this [clergy] falls ill. The principle was further elaborated and refined by Balsamon in his comments on the sixth canon of Sardica which states that bishops are not to be appointed to villages or in vcry small towns. xmmiav&v. J. yEvb8ai €15 E i r r E h e i S I‘r&VTq KcjyaS 4 ~r6h~15. the hierarchical structure served as a n important element of Byzantine administration and of Byzantine influence.rrpov6w1ov. ibid. if in receiving Christian people we hand them over to satan?306 Accordingly it is the duty of the Christian emperor and priests to care for the souls of the Christians.rrohu&v0pw. 246. did attempt to adjust to the Anatolian realities.rrov1the density of population. and that no village was entitled to a bisliop.~~~ clerics should continue in spite of the fact that the Muslims did not permit them to enter their churches. bishops. 182-183. On the periodeutai or itinerants. however. 326.

~gGo). but rather he was angered with those so ordainedq401 Balsamon seems to indicate that the ecclesiastical structurc was in a state of flux and that though the emperor insisted upon the appointment of bishops to Anatolian towns. 207. Darke (London. Tzachas could never have built his fleet and sailed the Aegean without the aid of the anonymous Smyrniote who undertook thc construction ofthe ships. going so far as to apostatize in order to preserve his possessions. or for some other turn of events. both Danishmend and Kilidj Arslan were mourned a t their dcaths by the Christians who felt that they had lost their protectors. especially Armenian. that the entire Anatolian population. The adhcrents of this particular school maintain that thc Turks were welcomed first of all because Byzantine taxation i n Anatolia was oppress i v ~ . Of importance in any attempt to describe such a change as liad occurred in Anatolia during the eleventh and twelfth centuries is the treatment of the conqucred by thc conquerors. even if formerly they had not bishops. T h e episcopal structure was to continue in those towns where Christians still remained. 204.4oG Thus the participation of a portion of the Anatolian Christians in the Turkish conquests is evidcnt. who possibly constituted a majority of the population in the Turkish-held lands. 190. Thracians. Equally evident is the fact that a number of Muslirn sultans and governors were considcrate to the Christians and as a result Christian opinion was favorablc to these individuals. mighty and holy emperor was frequently asked if it was neccssary to appoint [bishops] to those churches in Anatolia which were held by the Agarenes. our god-crowned.69. made efforts to hcal the ravages perpetrated upon Arnicnia. 188. Wdcolne the Turks. “Although there has arisen a p.4~7 h e Syrian Christians about Melitene were not as ill T Matthew of Edessa.Matthew ofEdessa. and SO the Anatolian soil was the habitat of tribes “belonging” to the Hetites. 196. This reflects on both t h e decline of urban centers and the slow retrenchment of the structure of bishoprics. as soinc have. Moreover. In the towns that had declined because of the Turkish invasions. had remained largely unhellcnThe ized.406 This theory.BEGINNINGS QF TRANSFORMATION BEGINNINGS QP TRANSFORMATION And they added the remark that a bishop was not to be appointed to a city which had declined from populous to a state of depopulation because of foreign invasions. T h e generosity of Alp Arslan toward Romanus Iv is unanimously attested not only by the Muslim historians but b y the Christian historians as well. pp. and also they arc attached by tics of kinship. I I 0. Thracians. But ifthe town has been reduced to negligible size. Armenian. Sulayman treated Antioch kindly. but (bishops are to be appointed) only in the populous cities. T h e Greek. I 95. and Nizam al-Mulk devoted a short chapter to this subject in his book on government. welcomed the Turks and aided in the conquest. It is a pronounced theme in the Danishmelldname. T h e naval arsenal temporarily erected a t Cius under the orders of Abu’l-Kasirn must also have been the work of local Christians. 11. or even the majority of it. Malik Danishmend seems to have displayed considerable concern for the Christians of Melitene and of other regions in his principality. such towns were to receive bishops. Then they will settle clown with other people and with growing devotion 405 400 210 . and Christian T ~ r k s . GeslnFrarlcorrctn. So it is fitting that about a thousand of their sons sliould be enrolled and maintained in the same way as pages of the palace. I n addition to these there were present bodies of Paulician soldiery in the armies opposing the Crusaders. There must have been nunierous othcr incidents of such Christian participation in the Turkish conquest which have gone unrecorded. then. was the solution of the emperors. until they should depart for their churcbes. 1-1. and other ancient ethnic entities long cxtinct) seciii to have disliked and feared their Turkmen ~onquerors. a n d also the attitudes of the Christian subjects toward their Muslim rulers. Michael the Syrian and Matthew of Edessa both praise Muslim rulers who intervened on behalr of the Christians. they were not to be appointed to villages or to towns that had declined as a result of the invasions. maintaining that the Christian attitude Was favorable to the Turks. This. because at its inception they served well and suffered much. and they are very numerous. Reference has already been made to the presence of Christian. then bishops were no longer to be appointed as it amounted to dishonoring God. 201. upon those who would be appointed. pp. acquiesced. Anna Comnena. the Arab Sharii“ al-Dawla did everything he could to protect the Christians in his kingdom. The Book dGouernntant o r Rules for Kings. they continue. the emir Ismail. the itinerants or ITEpIO8EUfai were to replace the bishops. 4 ~ ~these peoples. 105. Philaretus courted Turkish aid and approval. ’ ~ ~ population. governor of Armenia. contingents in the Turkish armies. Even if they were small in number. because All they had preserved their linguistic and cultural identity and because of Byzantine taxation. Malik Shah granted certain exemptions to the Armenian church. Did the Christians. seems to receive further confirmation from the fact that Christians often participated in and cooperated with the Turltish conquest. 156. But he did not in any manner consent that bishops be appointed to small villages. its adherents had been able to bring to bear Some sources that undeniably attest to the magnanimity of individual T‘LIrkish Princes and sultans toward the Christians. rejoiced. solenirzin [gifts] for the necessities oflife. 4 O 7 Islamic sDciety itself had considerable dislike for the Turkmens. When they arc in continuous employment they will learn the use of arms and become trained i n service.R04 In support of this theory. and was their status more or less favorable than it had been under Byzantium ? One theory holds that the Christians largely welcomed the Turks. certain amount of aversion to the Turkmcns. He declared that they should be appointed to them and he bestowed by public ordinance. But it is a gross exaggeration to maintain. and joined in the Turkish conquest. 102-103. still they have a longstanding claim upon the dynasty. p. trans. and Georgian populations (alld it is fantastic to speak of Hetites.

I. excluded from government and the armies.” Also Hudud al-Alam-Minorsky. “Without any doubt. The great hardship brought upon the Christian churches of Anatolia has already been described above. 296. the Arab Sharif al-Dawla Was praised for protecting the Christians of his domains. When Malik Shah granted the Armenian patriarch Basil diplomas of immunity for the Armenian church from Turkish exactions in 1090-91. 54-55. Regeslen. Also the Qabris Nama. Landlord and Peasant in Persia. and in other pursuits unbefitting the The pictures of the revered saints had been erased from the very wallssanctuary. free from pretence.and massacre that the Turkmen raids brought would have been unwelcome to sedentary society anywhere. 41D William of Tyre. I. V.the latter oppressed the inhabitants of the city with financial exactions and thus reversed the policy of his predecessor. IV. They had thrown down the altars and defiled the sanctuary of God with their impious acts. symbols which supplied the place of books and reading to the humble worshippers of God and aroused devotion in the minds of the simple people. 56. 2q0. 330. Some of the sacred edifices had been used as stables for horses and other beasts of burden. Trrrkestatz down to the Mongol Invasion (London. for though the sultans seem to have been. Aksaray-Gencosman. See V. too. It is also evident that. ignorant. Levy. A. ‘ the former vexations once more reappeared and eventually the Armenian catholicus was constrained to flee to the Armenian princes of Cili~ia. 190. Michael the Syrian. roo. Indeed one must be careful to distinguish between the acts of benevolent rulers and the deeds of their Muslim subjects. 212 .“’ Certainly inany of the Orthodox (Chalcedonian) churches no longer enjoyed the comparative prosperity and peace they had known under Byzantine Given the nature of the Turkish conquest and rule during this period (eleventh and twelfth centuries) one would not expect the Christians to be well disposed to the Turks as a whole. 309-310. “The sacriligious race of Turks had desecrated the venerable places. 103. frequently found Turkish rule not to their liking. Gborgie.415After the deaths of Malik Shah and Ismail. 11. 4 0 @ William of Tyre. VI. 418 Ibid. IV. indicate that they. so praiseworthy for their devout piety. in both ofwhich the Anatolians had been complete masters under the Byzantine admini~tration. Their merit is that they are brave. and the dislike which is generally felt for them on account of their nature will f disappear.for a commentary on t h e above and also on the difficultiesthat the Turkmens caused in sedentary Islamic society. . 135. Cesta Francorum. Krlidj Arslan. 411 Danishmendname-Melikoff. 1928). but that they immediately flee upon the appearance o f a strong foe.. and at night they are poor-hearted. E. 111. Their faults in general are that they are blunt-witted. 87.412Similarly Kilidj I Arslan. The Muslim urban society of the Anatolia frequently expressed a dislike for a n d aversion to the Turkmen nomads. p. though not completely. 145 ff. on use of the word “Turk” for the barbarous and unbcarabte Turkmen frontier Population. Lambton. i. hungry for booty. Miklosich et Muller. Babcock and A. “Des Grecs aux Croisks. 111. Syrian monastic lifc flourished in Byzantine Anatolia. As was previously mentioned. p. however. 342. 338-361. ‘m Matthew of Edessa. p. iv. but so also is what is ugly in them. 308. turbulent. 68. I t was just bccause of all this that Christian authors saw fit to praise those individual Turkish suItans and officialswho made efforts to protect the inhabitants ofAnatolia scrve as pages.” On the destruction of churches see also.414 Even the matter of religious toleration has been somewhat exaggerated. who is lauded Tor his kindness to Chri~tians. as well as the history of Melitene up to its conqucst by the benevolent KYlYdj I1 Arslan. Q. 169.Togan.4og Churches were plundered. the Christians continued to suffer at the hands of the conquerors in spite of the isolated measures of Malik Shah. 418 T h e religious difficulties between Byzantines and Armenians had resulted in situations that were a t times unfelicitous for these churches in eastern Anatolia. Ibn Bibi-Duda. remarks on the state of the churches in Antioch when the Crusaders entered. says of them that they are “bloodthirsty.~o* Their children were taken away and converted on occasion. Thus by contrast. 1 Eyzantion. J. T h e same happened in Georgia. VI. For the [domestic] estabIishment there is n o better race. in this period at least. 124 ff.411 The pillaging.” 1. I 953). Laurent. discontented and without a sense of justice. and hdalik Danishmend. There is mention of general oppression of the Christian Anatolians in various parts throughout the peninsula.*lOand frequently used as mosques. 4 0 8 William of Tyre.” Dolger. Thcodore ScutariotesSathas. A Stay o Land Tenure and Lnnd Revenues Administration (London-New York. they had driven out the ministers of divine worship and put the churches to profane uses.~l3 succeeded in was Melitene by the Turk I1Arslan (early twelfth century) . mutilated noses.. on the whole. from the violence of the Turkmens. On these the Turks had spent their rage as if on living persons. p. boastful. trans. Michael the Syrian. But the pages of Michael the Syrian and Bar Hebraeus. (Istanbul.” Ihn Bibi-Duda. often this tolerance was not shared by all the Muslim subjects of the sultans and forced conversions and martyrdoins were not unknown.+43. pp. 206. but he accomplished this by punishing his own Muslim subjects. passini. dogs. what is fine in the Turks is present in a superlative degree. devastated. no.BEGINNINGS OF TRANSFORMATION BEGINNINGS OF TRANSFORMATION I disposed to the Turks for the reason that they had received ill-treatment at the hands of both Armenians and Greeks. p. though one should be careful to nla Matthew of Edessa. 1946).~lO It is clear that the very authors who praise Malik Shah and others as the clement protectors of the Christians make it quite obvious that the element against which the sultans had to protect the Christians was the Muslims themselves. Krey. Cahen in von Gruenbaum. open in enmity and zealous in any task allotted them. Unity and VariEty in &firslim Civilization (ChicagoLondon.. 1 1 xix. it was because Basil had protested against the violence and heavy exactions of the Turks in these areas during the preceding twenty years. xxiii. during the Turkish invasions and occupations. p. C. pp. Barthold. An examination of the contemporary accounts of the conditions of the Christians in Anatolia will reveal that more frequently than not the disadvantages of Turkish rule far outweighed the advantages. Without any excuse they will create trouble and utter foul language. religiously tolerant. .” A. See above nn. p. They were largely. enslavement. p. they had gouged Out eyes. Brosset. C. and daubed the pictures with mud and filth. a. I 172. xi. 414 . But conditions were not as oppressive as they became during the late eleventh and the twelfth centuries. Uniutni Tzirk tarihinegiri. trans. 201. I (rgnq). xopkvkv %B’pQv. 194. p. I955).

the Greek inhabitants of the villages about Cedrea and of the regions about Konya voluntarily abandoned their homes and preferred to follow Alexius to safer habitations within the Byzantine stat^. of Anatolia. ila4 William of Tyre. So when Christian armies appeared once more in Anatolia. 86-87. 111. There were exceptions. therefore. When the Crusaders passed through Anatolia they were aided and received by Christians at almost every step. 58-59. pp. 19-22."29 It is suficiently clear that a large portion of the Christians in Anatolia during the century after the battle or Manzikert saw a definite worsening of their conditions.pp. Both Latins and Byzantines were aided by a population that had suffered from the Turks. T h e march of the Crusaders across the whole length of Anatolia and the Byzantine reconquest of western Rnatolia and of the northern and southern littorals would have been impossible had the populations favored the Turks. When the emperor [John I1 Comncnus] began to attack Neocaesareia. They sprcad the false information that they had dcstroyed the Christian army and that therefore the Greeks could never hope to see Christian armies before their walls again. up until the emperor suddenly departed. Plastentza. The Turks planned. T h e Christians about Konya gave them intelligence on t h e areas t o the east. I t was for this reason that in 1277 Baybars massacred the Christians of Caesareia but not the Muslims. the citizens of Laodiceia opened the gates of the town and came out t o greet him. See also the taunt of the Turks to the Greek cities on the approach of the Crusaders.. Ibid. pp. IV. The Turks were military and political masters and one simply had to make the best of it. A Greek inhabitant of the regions of Nicaea camc to warn Taticius of the approach of the army of Burzuk. 204-224. Indeed thc hostility of Christians and Muslims in Anatolia is clear in the events of the thirteenth century when the Anatolina Christians sided with the Mongols (before their conversion to Islam). as it meant a respite from the Turks. Anna Comnena. 4 2 0 Anna Comnena.p. i.@Oas did the inhabitants of other towns.4z23 After the fall of the city. The same polarity of religious tension is observable during Timur's invasion of Asia Min0r. William of Tyre. one would not expect to see the Christians favorably disposed to the conquerors. a fact illuminated by the events of the late eleventh and the twelfth century. rg55). and often thc Muslims sympathized with the Egyptian Mamelukes. l a 6 Geda Fratzcorztnl. 1. V. Because of the large Christian population in the city and because of its animosity toward the Turks. The Greeks of Tantalus and Caria who had been resettled about Philomelium-Akshehir were very happy in the Seljuk domains. pp. Greek inhabitants of the region left their homes. were well disposed to Byzantium and so the Christians were suspect in the eyes of the Turks. V. -_ 4ao ~ 215 ."I Similarly t h e inhabitants of Coxon and Marash were relieved to see the Christian armies. xi.419the Greeks and Armenians o f Tarsus were glad to be rid of t h e Turks and welcomed the Westerners into the city. But by a n d large t h e Christians were not completely satisfied with their new rulers. and there were also the facts of reality. the fury of the Turks against the Christians was increased in all the lands which they held. t h e latter began t o fear that the inhabitants could not be trusted with the Crusading armies on the other side of the walls. encountered the sword. howevcr. Michael the Syrian. and his children and house where taken.4~0But as time passed and thc possibilities of Byzantine reconquest faded. even in eastern Anatolia. 156-159. The sentiments of a significant portion of the Christian population. zd ed. Gesta Fmt~corum. 249."^ The general migration and flight of portions of thc population before the progress of the invaders further emphasizes this point. voluntarily opened its gates to rcceive the Latins. RD: 60-61. and the Turkish emir Yaghi Siyan was recognized and slain b y the Armenians as he fled. many of t h e ill0 Gesta Fruncorum. the inhabitants often took the opportunity to express their dissatisfaction with Turkish rule. the 56-57. a Christian ofAntioch betrayed the city to the Crusaders. 55. Though they had been taken away from their original homes by force. As Alexius retreated from Philomelium in 1098. But as they did not do so quickly enough. lal Ibid. as witness the massacre of Greeks by the Crusaders of 1x01 in northern Anatolia. the local Christians helped the Crusaders to seek out and slay the Muslims within Antioch.427 During the course of his last campaign in the regions. See Spuler. the neighboring Armenians and Syrians set ambushes for relieving Turkish forces and did so again when the Turks fled Antioch. 11. xxii-xxiii. Die Morlgclcn in Iran. Anna Comnena. that the Christians of A n a t o h also suffered from thc Crusaders on occasion. which had just repulsed a Turkish siege. 62-65. 111. In this manner many perished in Melitene and in other lands. It is true."2 The situation at Antioch a t this time is of particular interest. and the Turkmens on the other. As the Turkish conquest caused this upheaval. 1 1 19-22.BEGINNINGS OF TRANSFORMATION BEGINNINGS OF TRANSFORMATION distinguish between the rulers and sedentary Muslim society on the one hand. (Berlin. of course. preferring to relocate within imperial territory. The infidelity of Christians and newly converted Muslims is a very rrequent theme in the Danishmendname. even by accident. some of the Christian populations began to find a place for themselves in the new arrangement.424 Previous to the fall of the city. H e too benefited from t h e intelligence activities of the population420 and when Ducas' army appeared. Whosoever mentioned the name of the emperor. on this Muslim-Christian hatred in Anatolia during the strife between Mamelukes and Mongols. pp. Alexius received the sympathy of much of the local population as he drove the Turks out.426 I n the west. to massacre the Christians in order to be safe from their treachery... 43O hii. 68. 4 p s William of Tyre. Thus the Greeks ofthe islands in thc lake of Pousgouse resisted the armies of Johll Comnenus.

994. 434 Attaliates. 4 3 3 Attaliatcs. Pithecas.-195. Ibid. 148.” 44a Nicetas Choniates. with the appearance of the new peril. . 440 Nicetas Choniates.205-206. 111. 165-166. 431 The first measures that Alexius undertook were for defense against further Turkish encroachment in Bithynia. he inaugurated a policy of recolonization i n Byzantine Anatolia which was to be continued by J o h 1 . 45-46. 153. ~ The tempo of rebuilding seems to have increased markedly 40 with the appearance of the energetic Manuel. When t he Turks first appeared in Asia Minor during the eleventh century. the fortifications of many towns had long been neglected because they were no longer necessary.A4. ~rh~Lou5 . 268. Cinnamus. Recoloizization and Reconstruction It is true that the war between Muslim and Christian did not cease in Anatolia during t h e thirteenth century. craftsmen. 142-143. Nicetas Choniates. 57-58. Cinnamus. Pithecas. 28. renewed the Colnnenian policy and once more the provinccs were relieved and experienced a revival ofprosperity that lasted past the middle of the thirteenth century. 227-2ng.. 7 I. so Alexius and his successors had to bring in populations.437 Alexius’ successor John girded Laodiceia with rebuilt Lopadium in the area of the R h y n d a c u ~ ~ ~Achyraous farther and ~ to the s o ~ t h ..-29j. “Les fortresses construites en Asic Mineure facc A l’invasion scldjucide. and Turkish raids. 430 I ‘ . 691. 11.Pylae was still a strong fortification in the thirteenth century.440 this was a n exception and thc disintegration of the Byzantine administration in the last quarter of the twelfth century entailed the neglect of the Comnenian policies in Asia Minor. 36. and Isaac 11.442and A r ~ l a . Scylitzes. 44.*33in the regions of the Halys River. 294. however. 4 3 Anna Comnena. Pylae. Because the empire was once more 1 consumed by internal strife and institutional decay toward the end of the twelfth century. Cinnarnus. Theodore Scutariotes-Sathas. ~ ~ ~ and he did the same at Erzerum. 182-189. He built the fortresses of Cibotus and Sidera in order to protect what pitifully little remained of Byzantine territory on thc Sea of Marmara. the populace suffering from tax oppression. Micllacl the Syrian.“I Romanus IV Diogenes rebuilt the fortifications of Sozopolis in 1069-70 when the Turks had begun to penetrate P h r ~ g i a . 297-298.G.‘‘ &?Ah VOV fipiv 6 ~ &ucpaho% 7Trlihal~t8pWVTU1. ‘144 5146 Ibid.BEGINNINGS OF TRANSFORhlATION BEGINNINGS OF TRANSFORMATION .” Eustathius of Thcssalonike. 71.~~~ and in Phrygia he reconstructed the towns of Dorylaeum and ChomaS o ~ b l a i o n Though Isaac Angelus did build the town of Angelo. Nicholas Mesarites-Heisenberg. 111.D a m a l i sFarther . Manuel I. the walls of Melitenc were rebuilt during the reign of Constalltine X Ducas (1059-67) . Alexius was able to recall many of the original inhabitants and to resettle them in this area. Nicetas Choniates.4. Towns such as Dorylaeum. ~PE\B5 6 Osluai K a i Ku-rao-6crai E ~ btucpahiy pupiai 6.A. inlenzotionnlerr Byeontitzisterzkorzgresses Mzitzclzerz 1958 (Munich. this reconstruction of Anatolia was neglected. I 127. K a \ i~ U I V ~. ~ 437 438 Ibid. P. generosity of the sultan in giving them lands and a five-year tax immunity contrasted SO sharply with the anarchy enveloping Byzantine Anatolia i n the late twelfth century that the Greeks were content to remain in their new homes.CXXXV. 11. Adramyttium. Attaleia. Accordingly. he rebuilt the towns and forts of Malagina (Melangeia) . Adramyttium.” Akten des XI..430 and the cities of Corycus and Seleuceia in Cilicia were also reconstructed. either completely or partly. 11. The activities of these princes were extensive in the thirteenth century. ”~ The anarchy and civil strife that followed Manzikert no doubt so absorbed the Byzantines that the strengthening of the fortificationsin Anatolia were probably neglected. IV. Malagina. Regel. 38. and Cilicia. and farmers found conditions favorable both in the Seljuk state of Konya and the Christian states of Nicaea. rebellions. and particularly after the reconquest of the Aegean and Mediterranean littoral regions. 261. but the process of recolonization and reconstruction of large areas of Anatolia had gone on throughout much of the twelfth century. T T O U S K ~ ~ Kalplov. In many cases the inhabitants had disappeared. Very often the Greek refugees from lands still in Turkish hands were utilized to repopulate these areas. but the situation had by that time become much more stabilized. The Lascarids. and intended to rebuild the walls of Man~ iker t.441In an effort to make Bithynia safe from the Turkish invaders. and in fact the towns of the whole littoral of the Aegean from Smyrna to Attaleia had been largely abandoned by the Greeks. Such were the large numbers of Greeks who fled 43G Anna Comnena. . as a result of the Turkish invasions. 4&3 Nicetas Choniaks. 36. Trebizond. The course of reconstruction is more visible for western Anatolia prior to the thirteenth century as a result of the testimony oithe Greek historians. and many of the coastal towns from Smyrna to Attaleia were rebuilt. In the case of the Aegean coast.43G After the removal of the Turks from the Anatolian coasts. 63.~~~ castrum. Alexius turned to the enormous task of once more raising the many towns that had been left in shambles.~~~ south he fortified the regions of Pergamum-Chliara-hdramytti~m. But this stability did not come about abruptly and solely from the efforts of the Christian and Seljuk monarchs of the thirteenth century. Choma-Soublaion. When Alexius I ascended the throne.. 39. 44l Rcgel. 194. I~Go). The rebuilding of destroyed and deserted towns meant of course that the emperors had to resettle them with inhabitants. Commerce and agriculture again attained a satisfactory level of prosperity as merchants. 38. Glycatzi-Ahrwciler. ’ a! 6uui p6v K a T k E O O V . pp. 11. I go. hvao-rku1 ~ i hplepbv+ 6oal 6 @gov E i p V TOG ITEUE~V. 2 16 .rrupyoeaioal.. and the Greek provinces lapsed into anarchy. &olKluapBvou ~6h~15. I 7.. Cinnamus. M.

and the colonization of the Serbs about Nicomedia was in part motivated by the desire to bring the land under cultivation again so that taxes would be produced for the treasury. Theodore Lascaris. 2 1 .454The care the Comnenoi lavished on the ecclesiastical establishment in Asia Minor has been described above. 795-796. and millet. 23. 310-31 I . When Michael the tax collector of Mylassa rebelled with IS T an army of Turkish troops. p. IV. with grain. 329. a n d with the other necessities from the earth. Theodore Scutariotes-Sathas. of course. Pachymeres. 4 6 0 Ansbert. extended i n t o the ecclesiastical realm. llahaio-rivq 6 X+05 6 ~ r ~ p l MaiavGpov fiv. In Lydian Magnesia. Iconium. renewed by the Lascarids.. Theodore Scutariotcs-Sathas. or store-houses. by the thousands and tens of thousands of medimmi not only of barley and wheat. When Tralles was rebuilt 1n 1280 by Andronicus Palaeologus. Theodore Lascaris mentions the presence of cylindrical towcrs on cach side OF the great theater. Theodmi D i m e Lnscnris epistulae (Florence. Zonaras. Who shall enumerate all those things which he has provided in eilch city throughout the East and the western land. Indeed the situation around the Maeander had become unsafe because of the Anna C o m m a . ~ By the thir. that this quarter century of decline could not undo it. ‘lB’ Theodore Scutariotes-Sathas. I. oil. And in the big cities there were also salaried men.XIV (1905). however. 135-136. X E ~ ~ W V ~ V dthhocp6hwv K i V ~ ~ E ~ U T 6V6pOCpdV05 6EIKVljyEVO5. Ostrogorsky. riapa T O U O ~ O Viv’M A 0 1 5 T& vpw-raia &wv r p b ~ a h a i d v q v riap’ 6uov Bvi ~ a y ~ y i m c pf i r r k o . but also of the other grains and necessitics. Festa. once more reached a n impressive climax in the reign of John Vatatzes as his eulogizers amply note. pp. ~ ~ 2 As important as the military settlers were the farmers. Glykatzi-Ahrweiler. Nicetas Choniates remarks that on occasion these rebels ravaged the countryside even worse than the Turkmen raiders. And there were to be seen entire buildings filled in this manner.~~8 there were Armenians in the T r ~ a d the~town of Pegae was inhabited by Latin~ . he built tower after tower. shields.. khhh Kai y o v q 6 v o l j p w o ~ o ~ITC~V &~TIYEIWV crumiioa~ vhqeljas &pio-ros. Nicetas Choniates. saving them for a time of barrenness and need. N. I 94-195. 757.4~~ The labor of the Comnenoi had been so effectively executed. armours. These were stored i n public buildings in great number in order that when there should be need of them the defenders would have them in plenty. what might not one have sought of those things which men desire and having found it enjoyed i t ? Not only of those things which are to be found in our lands. TUS VGV &VOIKO6O$IS. IT. 1898). possibly in the period of the Lascarids or of the Comnenoi. T h s M a I a v t j p l K & s T T ~ ~ E . Jean le MisCricordieux. engines for hurling stones and as nially other machines as there are for defence against attacking enemies. I. 11. ~ ~ ’ Foreign groups were also employed: John settled a number of Serbs around Nicomedia as farmers and s0ldiers. dm Pachymeres. I. slcillcd in the [making] of the various weapons. Nicephorus Gregoras. XXVIII (1958). arrows. On these pronoia. Nicetas Choniates. the Greeks forcibry transplanted from Tantalus and Caria to the regions of Philomelium by the sultan were given such security that they preferred the Turkish rule to that of their own emperors. 63. in Egypt. barley. “Note additionnelle sur la politique agraire des empereurs de Nicte.speaks of the rebuilding of the walls of Pergamum in his day. but also of as Inany things (as arc to b e found) anywhere in the oicumene. . 036’ drvSpijv ~ o p k v hJEYXEiV kya665.rrohurp6-rrws ECI~VETO.451Latins. Pachymeres. T h e anarchy and rebellions that manifested themselves in the Byzantine Anatolian provinces during the last quarter of the twelfth and the early thirteenth century threatened to undo much of the Coninenian achievement in Anatolia. “A propos d’une biograpbie de St. pp. “Kaiser Johannes Batatzes der Barmherzigc. “La politique agraire des empereurs de Nicte. Nicephorus Gregoras.468 This recolonization. In fact the Lascarid revival in western Anatolia was possible precisely because the emperors had reconstructed a healthy society in western Asia Minor during the twelfth century. Nicetas Choniates. This work. and erected wall after wall. ” T KC r A.. and India and elsewhere? And he brought together in the cities libraries of books of all the arts and sciences. & T O T a v b S 66 v b O V 6 I C p X E T a l hyiS~u1 T p O ~ ~ K E U T ~ p O lr~ ~ y E ~ U p O ~ ~ E W O S . It is impossible to say with certainty whether thcse two settlements were the result of the recolonization of the Comncnoi. and in addition the towers ofthe cities were heavy with wheat.” V.” D. 24. Pachymeres. bows. XI11 ( I 906). And he set aside lands from which the produce should be collected and stored in granaries. I say.” Also ibid. I 954. 701. and produced handsome revenues for the treasury. 433. 199-204. 106 ff. ‘m Ibid. & V E y E ~ p O V T a l 68 K a l TEixq X a h K 6 V 0 6 p U V ~ V ~ O I K l h ~ W O V T a . He acted in behalf of their care and safety. wine. as bishops and metropolitans once more returned to their churches in western Anatolia. Bourtzes.46GBy contrast.. Cinnamus.V.’’ 4 5 6 Nicetas Choniates. 657. 107-108 (hereafier cited as Theodore Lascaris-Festa).. 06 PouKqydrTwv K a i v 6 v o &Ahq yhp vair@at ciyihas K a l T r o i y v l a . arrows.” Dyzanlzon. ~ ~ so teenth century there were Greeks from Crete. See further 011 the rebuilding of Theodore I I. I. In addition he stored away all sorts of weapons. not only in those which are very great and famous but i n those as well which by virtue of their smallness and obscurity arc fittingly called fortresses a n d not cities. fortifying them with constructions. cultivated. . a E ~ O S 4‘17 ’1*18 ‘I 1 I I I I I empire’s inability to keep out the Turkish raids or to restrain the rebels and financial 0ppressors. but it would seem highly probable. who manufacture so many bows. an inscription was found during the actual work which indicatcd that it had bcen rebuilt on a previous occasion. Latmus and of the Maeander district revived and by t he twelfth and thirteenth centuries were once more flourishing centers of monastic life.” Byranlion. Pachymeres.BEGINNINGS OF TRANSFORMATION I BEGINNINGS O F TRANSFORMATION the regions of Philomelium. 431. 1. T@ -rUs Gia-rpi~a5 n l 6KETOE y E V b @ U l TOG XPIOTOG K q l eEO6. where most of the merchandizes were stored. Pour l’histoire de lafLodrtlitd byrantine (Brussels. 549-553. Eine mittelgriechische Legende. and Ne~ caesar eia.ascaris. and Cumans who were settled as soldiers and as holders o f p ~ n o i a s . 51-66. parapet after parapet. I 34. XXVIII (rg58). 37. 1-35. 484 Miklosich et Miiller. 160-233. 40-41. rihE“rraS 6’ & V d p 6 W U E ribh~lS a h h i U T a l S OtKOK Sopai5 K a l -rrohhoiS i t v a h & y a c r l v * ” Festa. 72. The monastic communities of Mt. Manuel undertook an even more extensive colonization of the rural districts in the theme of Neocastron (Adramyttium-Pergamum-Chliara). 323-325. pp. 1 1 29. ‘I ‘I 218 . I. The Byzantine rulers. 209. Euthymius Malaces-Papadopoulos-ICerameus. He Fortified Tripolis and stocked it with grain and arms.467 . 506-507. 193. Heisenberg. . once more dedicated their energies and attentions to improving the conditions of urban and rural society in thc western confines o r the peninsula during much of the thirteenth century. as a resuIt of which the deserted land was recolonized. forced by political circumstances to flee t o Anatolia. and other weapons each year. 827.Z.


I 1-12. a major geographical portion of Anatolia had been under the control or Konya for the better part of two centuries. some eighty were killed. 507. Kurucheshme Khan (between 1207-10) on the Konya-Begshehir road . these institutions began gradually to rcmodel Anatolian society on Islamic Ibbid. Thi\ was silver rather than gold. ~ h mprolKi8as I s hnauas P ~ ~ E I S &Ah’ hi YE 64 K a l ~ 0 6 s G T E ~ O ~ ~ AuFoirs TE K a i ”lovas Kai Kapas . 1200) west ofKonya. T ~ V it & U o 6~rrrfisouvhhayo~. khans were eventually built almost to Laodiceia. Of the Christians.481 Iritegration o the Christians into Muslim Society (1071-1276) f By the third quarter of the thirteenth century a large portion of Byzantine society in Anatolia had lived under Turkish rule for two centuries. . passim.000 Tyrian dinars. notes that Christians of northwest Asia Minor made and sold beautiful pottery in the early Fourteenth century. 11. I. p.“5 goods from India. These khans were built. .” I 475 There is also cvidence for the manufacture of and a lively trade in pottery. 653-654. the Islamic mosques. “Byzantine AquoKpaTfa and the Guilds in the Eleventh Century. then northwest in the general direction of Bithynia and Constantinople via Akshehir. the Crimea. Begshehir.. One must also keep in mind that the maritime regions of western and northern Anatolia wcre still largely in the hands of Christian political entities and this served to support and strengthen the Christian elcment in these regions. 8 ~ . ~ ’ ~ not insignificant that among the earliest of these khans It is were Argit Khan (before 1201-02) between Konya and Aksheliir. This considerable dislocation grcatly facilitated the process of cultural transformation. I 207-08) . 50. mlSq 6 m p k l v a otvqph K a i Ohqv $K TOPUTOG . It was the traditional Islamic administrative. 42-43. 4 7 4 Michael Acominatus-Lampros. 477 Papadopoulos-Kerameus. along the trade routes starting in the regions of Malatya and Albistan and stretching westward through Caesareia.. and south toward Attaleia. 454. and as the Seljuk administration. and elsewhere came to the depots in Magnesia. 45 (hereafter cited as Bessarionpp. as did Greeks from various provinces. and not as a result of financial 6’ oppression. the Middle East. Afyyon Karahisar. The extent of this commerce is indicated by an incident of the late thirteenth century when the Turkmen tribes and bandits were already beginning to displace the lines of communication.477 The transformation of the Seljuk domains by the development of commerce is strikingly manifested in the appearance of the series of caravansarays across Anatolia i n the thirteenth century. 300 ‘Turkmen horsemen attacked a caravan of Christian merchants from Cilicia at Heracleia. I.and Constantinople via Konya.d*O As the Seljuks conquered regions on the Black Sea and the Mediterranean. Trebizod. a a rpbS. Eugenius at Trebizond were renewed at the end of the thirteenth or in the early fourteenth century and brought great prosperity. and one of them was robbed of I 20. Egypt. ~This 7~ coincides chronologically with the notice in Nicetas Choniates that merchants of Konya were in Constantinople at the end of the twelfth century. Nicetas Choniates. I n the north the great commercial fairs of St. 470 I ic 222 223 . Nevertheless. this reliance upon Nicaean grain caused Turkish cash to flow into western Asia Minor.” Pachymercs. I n 1276. Neshri-Koymen. ‘‘ ‘ E ~ K E yhp. . existed between the Greeks and Turks of Konya-Chonae and Lake Pousgouse-Konya. 44. Nicholas Mesarites.Deve Khan at Seyid Ghazi (c. This further indicates that commerce began to revive in the late twelfth century.I ! ! I t I i I Egret Khan (first decade of thirteenth century). 06 piya EhEiv. Lampros. Vryonis. Italian traders and vessels visited Greek ports. -.” Commercial relations also existed between the Greeks of the islands i in Lake Pousgousae and Iconium. for the most part.zaI. Kutahya. Brpuapiwvos CYKJVIOW €15 Tpam(oGv-ra vov ~6 T ~ ~ T O ~ K ~ I S ~ ~ E V O V V KaT& TbV Maptaavbv K661Ka (Athens. “07 K a i 61h ABpPwv K a i k a ~ i w TOYS ’IKOVIE~JIO ~ ~ ~@~~K O~ IIS V ~06 E U O I ~ 3 rpbs~ &hhtjhous Tlhiav v T ~ I ~ ~ pdvov 1 Iv-rEiiOav ilcpdcruvav. 1916)~ 20.$.x BEGINNINGS O F TRANSFORMATION BEGINNINGS OF TRANSFORMATION troubled sort. Nicetas Choniates. 32.474 the thirteenth century Anatolia once In more attained the commercial prosperity that it had experienced in Byzantine times. I. and much of Christian society had been subjected to the vicissitudes of war and invasions and to political subjugation. or a t least under Turkish control. X V I I (1961). p.470 and agricultural produce found a ready market i n the less prosperous agricultural domains of the Seljuks. The Muslim religion had the undeniable prestige and advantage of being the religion of the conquerors.P. I. for these were built along the routes leading from Konya to the Byzantine f r o n t i e r ~ . religious. Vatatzes ordered that 36 pure gold nornismata be given to each of the poor. I-Ieisenberg. Nicephorus Gregoras. see below. Muslim merchants from IConya visited the commercial panegyris of the Archangel Michael in Chonae. **I Bar Hebraeus.O. Arter the fall of Chonae and Laodiceia.” D. Ashikpashazade-I(reute1. Pachymcres. when he fell ill. &Ah&Kal Tois Inirq6s3paolv a h 6 v I v T T ~ E ~ O U rpooEuXiKaoIv. 68. Aksaray. I. John Tzetzes remarks upon the prescnce of Turks in Constantinople. and the Latin and Byzantine West in much the same manner goods had entcred Anatolia in Byzantine times. with the consequence that the Greek Christian element had been integrated into a new Anatolian Islamic society.rrovia5 cruwijyov. pp. as of the thirteenth century. T h e Lascarid state stimulated the growth of a national textile industry by favoring Greek clothes over those being brought by Italian merchants. decisive. and Eski~ h e h i r . AltunAba Khan (c. Konya. The income of the treasury was abundant as a result of the state of agriculture and foreign commerce. but the process of this transformation was not. 65. zawiyas. 4 7 0 Theodore Scutariotes-Sathas. economic institutions and forms that received oficial sanction and financial support. “ r b v wlv yhp IK yew. the caravansaray system stretched north toward Samsun and Sinope. 70. a significant portion had been culturally transformed. whcreas Christianity became the religion of the defeated. Henceforth merchants and merchandise entered Turkish Anatolia from Egypt.66 KUI Papp&pous ’IKovIEiS ~ V E K & YE TOG ho6oCjva1 ~ a ?rpLaoBai. and caravansarays spread throughout the Seljuk lands. medresses. S. Lamm-osl. within this Greek Christian element. I.” Ashipashazade-Ali. WV Ki napp%ows Ki AUK~OUS. Further. .

The whole complex of these institutions was built.R85 When Ibn Battuta visited the city ofDenizli (Laodiceia ad Maeandrum) in the first half of the fourteenth century. 0 mp1qyq. This one-fifth would appear to be a heavy b ~ r d e n . But the turban was not peculiarly Turkish. 425. and the bells were to be struck very softly. there is still a third possibility. 710. at least in part. 657.”’ Thus it would seem plausible that many of the so-called Umaric restrictions were in force throughout the fourteenth century. Or. The text is in Ibn‘Arabi’s liulullat. de Jerphanion. turbans.. he wrote to the sultan advising him to apply them. The letter of Ibn‘Arabi might be interpreted in two ways. 1958). a Nalive of Bavaria. supported. Neumann. I<. d n 7 Turan. he continued. gives a Spanish translation. F. Ibid. and they also had to perform coruee. and that many years later Timurtash applied. h al8rwat ‘PwpalolS. See for this the representations in the murals of the Cappadocian cave-churches. I n funerals they were not to lament in loud voice or to parade the corpse of the dead before Muslims. “Subjets non-musulmans. 224 . That Timurtash enforced the law in the early years of the century would seem to imply that prior to his governorship the clothing provisions were not in force (or else had lapsed) for parts of Anatolia and for varying periods of time. Asin Palacios. “Sujets non-musulmans. ‘ I . it would exalt Islam and abase the infidel. Asia and Africa r39G-14~7.BEGINNINGS O F TRANSFORMATION BEGINNINGS OF TRANSFORMATION patterns. 1859). 92-95. Ibn‘Arabi has advised the sultan to remove the bells of the churches.‘‘Sujets non-musulmans. “Celaleddin Karatay.. Karim al-Din informs thc reader that it is absolutely essential to follow the advice al-‘Arabi has given.” Belleten. 1. Timurtash. as it was worn earlier in Byzantium. ”Avav-rov (Athens. to remove irreligiosity. i n f 7 4 Ertrofie.” Recueils de la Sociitk Jean Bodin. passim. and nourished by the wealth the conquerors had taken from the defeated Christians. By way of pious example he related in his letter what the caliph Umar was purported to have ordained. Le stalut legal des non-musulmans en pays d’lslam (Beirut. As dhimmis they had to pay a tax on the produce of their land or on the profit from their shops. Infidels were forbidden to resemble the Muslims in their I n general see Abel.4~~ Toward the end of the fourteenth century Schiltberger narrates that the Christians of Anatolia wore a blue kerchief and the Jews a yellow one on the head.” p. Nicetas Choniates. J. Schiltberger. 1 6 ‘EAhqviow3s T ~ Mi~pEis S ’Adas ~ a r -rbv 140vKal 1 5 0 dQva p. Wherever they might go they were always to wear their peculiar clothing. h ~ ’Agrdpwpa EIS K. They were not allowed to engrave seals in Arabic or to sell wine. 48a I 1 I costumes and clothing. Eslridio del “Sufism” a lraver de 10s obras de Abennrabi dc Mzircia (Madrid. The Hakluyt Society (London. their waists gird with a zunnar. Karim alDin noted that the Mongol governor was thus conforming to the advice the great sheikh I b n Arabi had given the sultan Kaykaus I (12I 1-20). relates that the Mongol governor of Anatolia. Every Muslim was to be entitled to three nights lodging and nourishment in the churches. it might be a letter in which the traditional duties of the Muslim ruler were outlined by a Muslim theoretician without any specific reference to actual conditions.Turan. I940). 1879)~ (hereafter cited as Schiltbergcr-Hakluyt). pp. IT. Cappadoce. Ibn Battuta-Gibb. vakiflari ve vafkiyeleri. pp. The harsh counsel that al‘Arabi gave amounted to heavy oppression. according to tradition.” .H e says that the Greek women wore capacious turbans. or to carry anything having to do with swords. but should show respect to Muslims a nd offer them a place to sit in their assemblies if they should so desire. IX (1958). 331-351. and coiffures. in their hats. It might be construed to mean that inasmuch as Christians were not subjected to the Umaric restrictions. The Greeks transplanted from Tantalus and Caria to Philomelium (Akshehir) were eventually to pay a tax to the treasury which should amount to no more than the tax which they had formerly paid to the treasury in Constantinople. They were not to teach the Koran to their children or to take Muslim names or patronymics. The latter were integrated into Islamic society according to the traditional patterns. 95. Reisen des Johannes Schiltberger ails Munchen in Eztrol. Papadake. of eithcr red or white cl0th. shoes. to gird themselves with swords. Asia und Afrika von 1394 bis 1427. ~ a ~ I t is very difficult to ascertain to what degree the restrictions that. gr6pov o h ir-rreppaivovTa T ~ V Bpov. he noted that the distinguishing mark in Greek dress was a tall pointcd hat.ral K a i A. Fattal. cd. 381-392. Schillberger. IV.” and A. a contemporary of the event he describes. 67 (hereaftcr cited as Turan.. 93-94. The imposition of the “Umaric” restrictions prior to that time seems to have been lax and irregular in many respects.has conveniently collected the references to this subject. I 3 I (hereafter cited as Schiltberger-Neumann). 1g31). found thc clothing and hats of the Jews and Christians to be indistinguishable from those of the Muslims. and also they had to pay the djizye or poll There is some evidence that Christians on wakflands were required to pay one-fifth of the produce of the land to the pious foundations. XI1 (1948). Reading in the church service was also to be performed in a low voice. I n cities of a foreign religion the infidels were to build neither churches nor monasteries nor dwellings for celibate priests. m l i Zusalzen van Fallmereyer und Hammer-PurrJstall (Munich.484There seems to be no doubt that from the beginning of the fourteenth century certain restrictions attributed to Umar were being applied to the Christians of Anatolia in regard to dress. They were forbidden to ride saddled horses.” s 483 Turan. the Umayyad caliph Umar had imposed on Christians and Jews. pp. p.a. T h e Bondage and Traoels o J . “L’ttranger dans 1’Islam classique. nor were they to rebuild ruined churches. Such was the nature of the advice al-‘Arabi gave to the sultan Kaykaus I. 354-355. El Islam cristianizado.” pp. He announced that the non-Muslims should wear conical hats with yellow turbans so that they could be distinguished from the faithful. It was in I Z I Z that the sultan of Rum had written to al-‘Arabi (who after passing through Konya had gone to Baghdad) to ask him as to how he should treat his many Christian subjects. Karim al-Din Mahmud. The infidels should not harbor spies or bear hatred for the Muslims. Or. and M. An element of continuity of the Byzantine tradition in certain matters is implied in the following facts. 225 I x. and to glorify Islam and humble the kafirs. were applied by the Turks in Anatolia in the earlier period. ”Karatay”). €or. As a result of the considerable Christian element and influence in the court at times in the “5Aksaray Genqosman.

Rukn &Din Kilidj Arslan IV. 284. 226 _ _ . in parts of Asia Minor had become somewhat more stabilized and began to profit from the prosperity and regularity now prevalent in Seljuk society. 136.408 The latter sultan himself married a Greek woman of thc aristocratic family of M a ~ r o z o m e s whereas ‘Ala’ . William of Rubricq-Wyngaert. 406NicetasChoniates. others used as storehouhes (ibid.BEGINNINGS OF TRANSFORMATION BEGINNINGS OF TRANSFORMATION twelfth and thirteenth centuries. seems to have been a had a Christian wife.492The emir Kara Arslan then issued an edict forbidding the building of new churches or the repair of old ones. 330.I. Pachymcres..504 This history of intermarriage of the Seljulc sultans with Christian women is incomplete. 278.” p.. Aksaray-GenFosman. I. On his Greek uncles ICir ICedid and Kir Hayi. 112.494 In other towns the Christians were sometimes completely expelled. “KTlic Arslan. unconverted Greeks a nd Armenians i n the Seljuk armies of the eleventh and thirteenth centuries indicates that this proscription against the carrying of arms was not uniformly applied. 111. 94. c.. Malik Shah. Turan. ‘Izz al-Din’s mother was a Greek5o1 the mother and of ‘Ala’ al-Din Kaykubad was Georgian. would seem pussibly to contradict this but the text is unclear. IV. also.he ordered all new constructions in churches and monasteries to be destroyed. I. A. the practice of isolating them in distinct quarters of the towns is noticeable in the fourteenth century.~~~~ al-Din I Kaylcubad took the daughter of the Christian governor of Kalonoros-Alaiya. 330. 9. Kir Farid. The sporadic refercnccs to the presence of the metropolitans of Konya in their church indicate the same thing.489I t is true that the sultan of the Great Seljuks. pp. But the Mongol envoy of Hulagu halted the intervention. 26. Turan. 347. . The same s0r. Bar Ilcbracsus. 93. 1 0 3 Michael the Syrian.t of arrangement existed in the town of Garadai Boh.6o0 The Christian clement in the family of the sultans was intensified in the middle of the thirteenth century when at least two of the sons of Ghiyath al-Din I1 Ibylthusraw had Christian mothers. 199. The Christians seem to have been largly excluded from the refounded town or hlaiya in the thirteenth century and possibly at Altsaray in I 155. as at Dadybra in the late twelfth century. p. 400. Kilidj I1 Arslan had a Christian wife. I 14-1 18. and as the Muslim sources of the thirteenth century are not concerned with the Christian population.3-344). 111. he wrote to the caliph proposing that all those who refused to convert should be destroyed. refers to her as a concubine and gives the name of her son as Pacaster (possibly ‘Izz al-Din). “Sujets non-rnusulmans. 1 1 342. Pachymeres. when he visited the city of Antalya. the Christians seem to have been disarmed in many areas. 464-466. Some of the churches pp. says she was co&erted to Islam. Reference also to the metropolitan of Melitene in 1226-1227.QJ* But on the other hand. * 0 7 De Jerphanion. 397-398). gives her name as Barduliya. I. Ibn Bidi-Duda. but outside the walls. quarters in the town-those of the Jews. Nur aI-Din Mahmud made the Christians wear a zunnar and they were not to let their hair grow long. 330. 310). 313. Ibn Buttuta. 204. thc Christians of Melitene were allowed to rebuild a church ( volumes. the Orthodox church. As far as the bearing of arms is concerned. CafJpadoce. were totally destroyed. issued a decree ordering the Christians to wcar clothing that would distinguish them from the faithful.. Ibn Bibi-Duda. ‘‘ . I. Papadopoulos-I(erameus. 330. and the execution of the priest who built it (he was crucified on the day of the Feast of the Cross). the restrictions might have been removed during periods when these elements were influential. “Sujets non-musulmans.Z. By the late twelfth and the thirteenth century. pp. pp. H e Pillaged the treasury ofthe Nestorian church of Mar Jacob destroying its library of r. The monastery of Bar M a r Sauma had fifty armed monks for protection against bandits in 1273. 404 Matthew of Edessa.. I n I 147 the churches of Amid and the patriarchal residence were closed. and this they did except where the Christians were able to save the churches by paying bribes. 418. Seventeen churches were still in a destroyed state as of I 186 in Edessa (ibid. 1. The hierarch of Pisidia helped ‘Izzal-Din eicape to Greek lands. 265. the mother of the sultan Ghiyath al-Din I Kaykhusraw. 348). the emir of Caesareia issued an cdict for the destruction of the churches (Michael the Syrian. but the caliph refused his consent (ibid. Ibn Bibi-Duda. I. A... . 11. pp. In keeping with the idea of separating the Muslims and infidels. it is very diacult to say what the situation was here. and indeed the practice was customary among the Byzantines as well as among the Muslims. This seems to explain the fact that the Cappadocian cave churches and monasteries experienced their final bloom i n the thirteenth century. p. 689-690. 4 0 0 The surviving population was removed and transplanted rlsewhere. 354-355). Nicetas Choniates.~~1 ‘l’here are also incidents of the destruction of a newly buiIt church a t Bargahish in I 152. 307-308. I. There is an incident wherein a Seljuk official attempted to halt an Armcnian religious festival in Erzindjan in the thirteenth century which involved the raising of crosses and the striking of church bells. p. H e sent his agents to destroy all the constructions made in the reigns of his father and brother. and is said to have carried out similar measures elsewhere. Some were allowed to settle in the environs of the city. When Nur al-Din took Nisibis (ibid. 460. pp. found five maior . I 3 I. 37-98. William of Rubricq-Wyngaert. the foreign Christian merchants.495and at Ephesus immediately after the conquest in the early fourteenth century. pp.490 There arc indications.497 The absorptive process was symbolized at the highest level by intermarriage between Greek Christian aristocracy and Seljuk Muslim royalty. Jews were to attach a red cloth to the shoulde1-. pp. and finally the I _ Muslims. the presence of local. 34. 204. 58. p. 339340).’’ 602 Ibn Bibi-Duda.406 t is quite probable I that the restriction of various religious groups to separate quarters was practiced throughout the whole period. Turan. Sujets non-musulmans. 131. XpiuTlavij €is Th p&hicna Ofiuq. passim. I. I 135. 205-206.” p. 204. 601 Ibid. “O Turan.. 626.5ozThough the mother of their he brother.A. 209-210.I. 4 0 0 Ibn Bibi-Duda. Though the church of Mar Thomas in Mardin was converted into a mosque. 450. 603 William of Rubriq-Wyngaert. 4 0 3 In this period.” I. yqpal@NqTpi. I n a n effort to please his Muslim subjects. 108. the Greeks. Nicephorus Gregoras. the emir and his officials and mamelukes. Papadopoulos-Kerameus. Ibn Bibi-Duda. This incident indicates the irregularity and lack of uniformity in the application of the regulations. that such laws were enforced in twelfth-century eastern Anatolia.493 But a s there are no contemporary local sources for central Anatolia during the twelfth century. describes his mother in the following words. pp.. but the process is discernible among Ibn Battuta-Gibb. Pachymercs. into his harem.Z. 403. p. p. : Michael the Syrian. Guzalia or Rozalia.” p. pp. Bar Hebraeus. Ibid. the principal institution of the Greek Christians.

41-42. and Thessalonike.” Intermarriage between Christians and Turks was a very widei i spread phenomenon in both Asia Minor and the Balkans. Bombaci.K. 32. I1 “Kitab-i Dede Qorqut” racconti efiico-cavallereschi dei Turclii O g w tradotti e annotali con ‘yacsimile” del nu. 74.S.p.C. 70. 229 . the nephew of the emperor John I1 Comnenus. pp. Anna Comnena speaks of the offspring of such unions as mixovarvaroi. 447. 6 o o Aksaray-GenFosman. Bryennius.611 The appearance. Taiq. “ boa Sfi T&VTES uwv+uau BiBuvol. and Tzourmere.” B. Menage. pp. Bar Hebraeus. .O. quorum terra est Minor Asya. J.O. was shocked to learn that Muslim women were marrying Christian men in the city of Melitene during the early fourtecnth century. 11. I. G . “Turcopoli enim dicuntur.A. “Some Notes on the Devshrime. mixovarvaroi (Graeco-Turks). “Typilton de Grtgoire Paeourianos pour lc monastkre cle Petritzos (Bazkovo) en Bulgarie.“OB Presumably this phenomenon of intermarriage among the upper classes was more widespread than the sources reveal.O. B‘ ’ A ~ X E ~ O V BEpolar-NaoGm-& 1598-1886 (Thessalonike.c BEGINNINGS OF TRANSFORMATION BEGINNINGS OF TRANSFORMATION the Ottoman sultans while they were still resident in Bithynia. even if she be of the most notable family in the town.” The pitoPhppapol who wcre raised in Christian lands were raised as good Byzantines.509. See chapter v. The secular leaders of Greek Christian society either fled Muslim Anatolia or they accommodated themselves to the conquerors. When Orhan took Nicaca he gave the Greek widows to thc Turkish soldiery who took them to wife. and Af~icn. has indicated that this class of half-breeds reccived the name of igdish in Asia Minor. quam olim Grecis proelio abstulerunt. he seems to have left the east and received extensive lands in the themes of Philippopolis. of a number of the representatives of these Anatolian aristocratic families in the services of the Turks during the centuries of Seljuk and Ottoman rule indicates that a significant portion of the Greek aristocracy came to a mutually profitable understanding with the Turks. Anna Comncna.” V. On marriage alliances betweeq the Comnenoi of Trebizond and the Turkish princes of northern Anatolia.bendant leXIIICsibcle(Paris. When Evliya Chelebi visited Tabriz in the seventccnth century.~O0 John Comnenus. 68. R. trans. T h e Catalan chronicler Ramon Muntaner. “Georgiens. what thcn becomes of the children. but you also give your own daughters to Moslims. There is every reason to suppose that intermarriage took place rather extensively from the very beginning of the Turkish occupation of Anatolia and for several centuries thereafter. Doczitnetrts. vol. 111. 72. because you say that the man plants the 228 of Muslims and Christians at every level of society played a very important role in the integration and absorption of the Greek Christian element into Muslim society. 140-141. 504. and Europe indicates that large numbers of the aristocracy fled.2s magniJiqne seigneur Ramon Muntaner. Kal vp6s YEBuous TQV bpocpbAihwv ~ V T Up~ v . C. Balim Sultan. pp. fed. When a male child is born of this union it must be raised as a Muslim and circumcised. zoo-201. XVII-XVIII (1964)~ 21-22. Serres. rgsz). in the thirteenth century the Pervane’s son wed an illegitimate daughter of Hetum the king of Armenia. The Comnenoi abandoned their ~ family estates at Castamon. pp. Et sunt christiani ad legem Magumeti se habentcs ex p a r k Isti bene dant filiam christiano et accipiunt mulieres de christianis. Rossi..”O Thus intermarriage By way of example Orhan contracted a marriage alliance for his son with the daughter of the Byzantine emperor. The family of Bourtzes left their land holdings at Laptocome near Cedrea.. and the twelfth-century Balsamon refers to their curious practices.506 There is occasional reference to intermarriage in the ranks of the Muslim and Christian aristocracy. 72. 45 . De ilinere terre saticte... Raymund of Aguilers. turco 102 (Vatican. Basdrabelles. in Chroniques Irang2res relatives aux exfikditionsSrari~aaises. see Panaretus-Lampsides. “You take Infidel girls as women. Archives de L’Orient Latin. pp. her relatives must give her to the Turk. 180. Turcl eciam sun1 homines fortes in armis et optimi sagittarii. and his son married an Armeno-Greek Christian woman.: See above. Clirot~ipedu 17. further remarks on this intermarriage in fourteenth-century Bithynia. 184r).S.. This is spelled out in detail in the case of the Georgio-Byzantine soldier magnate Gregory Pacurianus. married a Christian slave in Egypt. L. who were first infidels and afterwards converted. see I. G1o Nicephorus Gregoras. If it is a daughter then she may eventually choose between the two religions. Turcomans et Trtbizonde: Notes sur le ‘Livre de Dede Korkut’.GOOWhen the Greek historian Nicephorus Gregoras passed through Bithynia en route to Nicaea in the middle of the fourteenth century. “De ritu Turcorum. Vol.V. sequitur legem matris.T h e mixed ethnic origin of many fourteenth-century Turks was observed by the traveler Ludolph. H.. ~ aBUOI pi(op&ppapoi. a fact for which we have considerably testimony. Boleron. When the Seljuks occupied Anatolia they came into possession of a land that had been the habitat and principal base of the Byzantine (Greek and Armenian) landed aristocracy. Ashikpashazade-Ali. may become Apostatcs and fly into thc land of the Infidels?” Evliyn E e n i Narrative o Travels i n Europe. 246. 54-56. Asia. 111. sequitur legem patris et si filia nascitur. pp. western Anatolia. Originally his estates were in eastern Anatolia in thc regions of Ani. For a detailed case of a parallel situation in late-sixteenth century Macedonia. 375-376 (hereafter cited as Ludolph of Suchem-Ncumann). just one generation after the conquest of Nicaea. I 954). now if this new Moslim relapses into his former error. Among the most spectacular examples of these “half-breeds” on the Muslim side were Uadr &Din of Simavna and Balim Sultan. 167-168. If a Turk wishes to take for a wife a Christian woman. thus setting an example for all classes of Byzantine society. Petit. o w 0 1 T ETQV i Pappcipwv K a i bwocpbhwv airre. The presence of many of these aristocrats in Constantinople. and Turks. 6 0 7 Nicetas Choniates.H. p. 64-78. and chapter VII. as well as among the Karamanid and Dulgadirogullari dynasties and the Turkish princes who had close relation to the Greek state ofTrebizond. AshikpashazadeKreutel.” These mixed marriages produced offspring in both Greek and Turkish societies which sccm to have constituted special categories. i n the Seventeenth Cetitriry (London. A. married a daughter of IGrhane (Kiryani?) the Greek uncle of ‘Izz al-Din Kaykaus IT. They were variously designated in Byzantine society. A. V. I. its Muslim leaders flung an interesting reproach at the Turks. Buchon. p. took to wife a daughter of the sultan and turned Muslim. f 1850). g:1. But with the Seljuk invasions.C. Tadj &Din Husayn. I. who though their mother be a true descendant of the Prophet. Of critical importance for the fate of Byzantine society was the reaction of this landed aristocracy toward the new state of affairs. Melikoff. 48-49. 111. vat. son of Sahib Fahr al-Din Ali. Neumann. There would seem to be no doubt that many of the representatives of this class fled the Turkish conquests and were resettled in western Anatolia or in the European provinces of the Byzantine empire. p. T h e Muslim author Abu’l-Fida.H. 418 (hereafter cited as MuntanerRuchon) remarks on a phenomenon not unknown in later centuries. and that is very well. Ludolphus de Sudheim. ‘ImoptKa ’ A p p i a MmESovlas. R. XI ( 1 9 0 4 ) suppl. fI. Nicephorus Gregoras. Of the aristocrats who remained in Muslim Anatolia.. sed si filius nascitur. vel de matre christiana patrc Turco procreantur. he observed that the population consisted of Greeks. I1 (1884). 2 2 2 .’’ B. The former had a Greek mother. Reference has already been made to intermarriage among the lower classes of Anatolian society. many maintained their Christian faith for a considerable period of time. qui vel nutriti apud Turcos. ed. 2-3. however. X X I X (IgGG). the second founder of the Bektashi order also had a Greek mother. . Storia. I. 111. while seed.

cd. Wirlh (Heidelberg. Turks to Constantinople from the eleventh century.1-342. pp. Michael the Syrian. C . I. 111. Mil Exkursen zur Geschiclite der pp.174. a nd so sought refuge with the Turkish sultans and princes. 34. Cinnamus. Theodore Mangaphas. the Arrncnian ruler of Sevevereg. ‘I. pp. Die Itisclir~eriaufzeiclinuiigdes Kodex Sinuiticus Gruecus 508 (976) und die Mnria Spilaolissa Kloslerkirclie bei Sille (Ljkaonien).V. 43. There is mention of the Xerus family in thirteenth-century Konya.Z ~ I . imnj. Ihtiyar al-Din Hasan ibn G a b r a ~ . There is mention of a village of Kir Farid in the wakf of Karalay. Zonaras.” in Polychronioti. 623 Bar Hebraeus. 145-149. p. 265. 247. Andronicus Comnenus: Nicetas Choniates. 42-43. apostatized and thus his family retained control of Seveverek in the twelfth century. 617 The emperor had forced his nephew to give his horse to a Latin. Cahen. p.” p. Bees. 251. 294. I. 330. Theodore Cotys: Pachymeres. There is the sarcophagus (dated 1301) a certain Avraam son of Nicholas in the Konya of museum today. Acropolites. turned Muslim.237-238. 107-1 08. These Christians found their way into Seljuk service in a variety of ways.Theodore Scutariotes-Sathas. 46-49. XI1 (1906). I. uncle the emperor John I1 C ~ m n e n u s . I.. 614 Michael the Syrian.The Georgian prince Rghsarthan apostatized. the governor of Kalonoros-Alaiya delivered the town to the sultan ‘Ala’ al-Din Kaykubad I in return for which he was given the emirate of Akshehir and possession of several villages. 128. ‘‘ i v 68 715 I v T Tpapp&pwv m p a r i $ E ~ S ~ ‘PwpaLoug $v &va$pwv 7 6 ylvos. ~gzz). Michael the Syrian.. 485. Geburlstug.”” The family retained its prominence until the end of the reign of Kilidj I1 hrslan. Andronicus Nestongus in the thirteenth century: Acropolites. I. 1 .G23 Because of this combination of circumstances. (Berlin. 37-38. Cinnamus relates that during one of Manuel Comnenus’ early Turkish campaigns a certain Gabras. 11. I v 6. ‘‘ 6 61 YE W O U ~ T & J O S TT&TEI npb~ paaihia rappav -ra -rrpG-ra nap’ ab-r+ T E T I ~ ~ ~ ~ V O Vylyio-ra. 56. 331.Boghousag.618 The Gabras family had a more interesting history. A Gabras was even martyred for his faith in this connecti0n. 136-137. Z ~ O . 72.G13 Cassianus. Therefore it is not at all surprising to find that members of the family turn up in Seljuk service in the twelth century. I. 111. Zuppohal el5 T ~ imopiav Tpam~oGvoS. 134. “ICaratay. 77-78. It was a Gabras in the sultan’s court who arranged the terms of peace with Manuel Comnenus after the battle of Myriocephalum in I I 76. b u t the outraging of his corpse on a Christian feast day might be taken to indicate that his conversion was recent or else that the children of renegades carried some odium in the eyes of the Muslims. pp. 613 Ibn Bibi-Duda. whereby the Turks sought refuge with the emperors. FeJtsc/r@ Franz Dolgcr zunt 75. 5 t 0 Cinnamus. etc. Manuel and Alexius Vatakes: Nicetas Choniates.” 246. The governor of Sinope after its conquest by the Seljuks was tlie Armenian Heturn. Matthew of Edessa. pp. and so they killed both Gabras and his sons. T h e emperor Alexius I11 Angelus: Theodore Scutariotes-Sathas. 2 I 0. T h e full name of Gabras indicates that he was a Muslim. A. Philaretus became a Muslim in order to save his domains in the eleventh century. Maurzomes.” V V. N. some remained in Turkish service only temporarily. O n this point see also the reproach flung against Zahir al-Dawla. “Une famille byzantine au service des Seldjuqides d’Asie Mineure. who held a high position in the sultan’s armies. as mentioned above. The same occurred in Georgia. He greeted Manuel in the Turkish T& manner. the Georgian renegade. 143-144. Ibid. I. Some no doubt remained in Anatolia during the process of the conquest and came to terms with the conquerors. 245. the emperor held the clan in suspicion.relates that he was baptized and adopted by Alexius! ‘Izz al-Din fled to the Greeks twice. Michael Palaeologus: Acropolites. similarly delivered his forts to the Danishmendids in return for a position within the domains of the latter.516 Of these latter. joined the Turks and was given lands. 610 Such were-Isaac Comnenus brother of the emperor John I1 Comnenus: Nicetas Choniates. kinsmen. I.132-137. where a large number of aristocrats siding with the Turks bear Armenian names. pp. 330-331. Bar Hebraeus has preserved some interesting details of this incident. The sultan’s son sent the Turkmens to attack him.Gl* More frequently mentioned by the contemporary historians were the cases wherein Greeks fled the wrath of the emperors. lllepoaig K a l -rpaqdS K a i ab<qeEIS T ~ J X ~ ompcnreiav Ka-rbkeivo TIVI KaIpoO nap’ airrois 6 I E i T r E ’ rappds a h q ITrlKAquis i v .5~~ as the family became all powerful in Trebizond during the But reign of Alexius I. Acropoliics. and two hundred horsemen and retired to the plain of Kanyukh. . and in return received lands and posts under the Turks. Theodore Scutariotes-Sathas. This phenomenon is prominently illuminated in the Danishmendname. The latter collected his sons. Seldscliztiden-Tiirket.I. and carried him round about Sebasteia on the day of the Festival of the Cross. pp. 1st.BEGINNINGS OF TRANSFORMATION BEGINNINGS OF TRANSFORMATION others apostatized to Islam early. P. Papadopoulos-Kerameus. Nicephorus Botaniates. Matthew of Edessa. 527. 158-159. a number of Greek Christians as well as Greek renegades appearcd side by side with Turks. Congue*te de la Qrie el de la Palestine de Sulth ed-Dfn. p. Gorgie. trnb. ed. Ghiyath &Din I Khaykhusraw had fled to Constantinoplc for a period. Pachymeres. was slain. 454.For the history of the family’s Turkish service. servants. And they hacked him l i m b from limb. 14. 255. 37. deserted to the Turks as a result of a quarrel with his 512 References to such families are scattered in disparate sources. see Pachymeres. such as John Comnenus and members of the Gabras family. Papadopoulos-Rerameus. is also discernible. Nicetas Choniales. 111. for members of this family were intimately associated with the defense of Trebizond and its environs against the Turkish invasions of the eleventh century.162-164. 510 510 The emperor Manuel saw his widow when he beseiged Konya. I 230 23‘ . 142. I. See below chapter vi. KIK The same phenomenon. or simply rebelled. Nicephorus Melissenus. 1888). 185. 226-227. I 966). Bar Hebraeus. Mekliitar the Patrician was in the armies of the sultan in 1095-96. Aksaray-Genqosman. 739. 451. I. de Landberg (Leiden.On the fate of his There was a steady stream of family in Constantinople. He was a Greek but had been raised among the Turks and had been promoted to an emirate. by ibn Muzaffar al-Din on the eve of the battle of Kose Dagh. 131-132. I 95-196.. the sultan dismissed Gabras from his service. 227. settled permanently on Seljuk territory.612 Others surrendered the towns or fortifications that they had been entrusted to defend.145. 610-613. 454-457. On this see Papadopoulos-Iccrameus. a Greek governor in the Pontine regions. Brosset. Bar Hebraeus.610while others. I. Ibn Bibi-Duda. Acro4 polites. 48-49. I. ” 522 ’ImZd ed-din el-kiitib el-isfahani.“l This Gabras was probably the sultan’s amir-i-hadjib.Z. 464-466. the two Pseudoalexii. Theodore Scutariotes-Sathas. and married the ~~‘ daughter of the sultan. p. ICir Farid. Aksaray-Genqosman. I b n Bibi-Duda. a n d hung him on the points of spears. I 17-118.Rebels had recourse to Turkish aid in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. rappds paeeiav K a i PappapiKfiv dmovlp~i~ i ~ f Ki avi ~ ~ p o c r ~ ~ v q o r v . Turan. The former. ” 521 Nicetas Choniates. 72. Armenian aristocrats appear in Turkish service elsewhere as well. As a result of the civil war Gabras had stirrcd ~a~ u p between Kilidj Arslan and the sultan’s son who was governing Sebasteia. pp. 111. 470.

For the Greek scribes of Muhammad 11. pp. p. j ! 5-L J I Ibid. there is no indication as to his official position. a 232 233 . interestingly enough. (rg62). 5 8 0 Runciman. it is very difficult to arrive at any detailed answers not only because of the nature of the sources but also in the course of time the imprint of Islamic society which came to predominate in Anatolian society has served to camouflage whatever might have existed in this respe~t.” “Iaziti are divers scribes in the courtes of the turkishe princes howbeit they use sondrye languages and Ictters. 233. but from this position they rose to great prominence as advisors ‘I ‘I O3I Ibid. 6 ~ ’ presence The of an emir Constantine in Iskilib and of an Asad al-Dawla Constantine in Kayseri are recorded in wakfs of the thirteenth century. r. But in Pannonia and Moldavia are accustomed in writing the language and letters of the Rascians. I1 Greek was among the languages used in the Ottoman administration in the sixteenth century. prontonotarius.. Here thcy seem to have functioned as court musicians for a while.&.Gaa and the son of the patricius 10anes. The title protonotarius is yct another piece of evidence of the survival of Byzantine institutions within the Seljuk domains.” p. 625 Cinnamus.” N.”48.Z.” Belleten XI (1947). again. It is very difficult to evaluate their role and influence as the source material is far from adequate. Cacaoglu).cG1 d J j l 6g 3I 53a Ibn Bibi-Duda. . Beldiceanu.Z.~~~ 634 The same accommodation occurred during the Ottoman conquest. 1947)~ 89. 73-74. “Karatay. . 634 Bar Hebraues. at Melitene in I I go. 1959). Inalcik. In commercial relations with Cyprus. and the early Ottomans. under “Irziti. was maintained not only in the Seljuk administration but also among some of the emirates that succeeded to the Seljuk state.. saa A. Marshe. . he sent his Christian chancellor. There was apparently a Greek bureau in the sultan’s chancellery as one might very well expect. Kirfehir Eniiri Cacn O g b Nur el-Din’in 1272 tarihli Arapp-Mogolfa vakJiyesi (Ankara. Frances. . etc. There can be no doubt that this group of Greek Christians and renegades played an important role in bridging the gap between the conquerors and the conquered. 104. p . is signed by John Meleteniotes.”’ A few examples of the documents emanating from this Greek bureau of the Seljuks have survived and are concerned with the regulation of commercial relations between Cyprus and Anatoliaa6a8 Greeks also appear. 254-5465. 334.BEGINNINGS OF TRANSFORMATION BEGINNINGS O F TRANSFORMATION Arabs. A History o the Crusades (Cambridge. The oflicials in this secretariat were known by the Byzantine title of notaran.5~l emir An Tornik of Tokat. 1960).. on occasion. Greek (as well as Armenian and Jewish) tax farmers appear prominently in the Ottoman documents of the fifteenth century. Les actes des premiers sultans dans les maizuscrits turcs de la BibliotliCque Nationnle li Paris (Paris. &u + bi‘k opJ ~ J J I There is also mention of the property of another Greek. I. who may be of the Byzantine family Tornices. Arnakes. For in Turkeye thcy speake and writte withe their propre spech and letters. For a commentary on these see also Turan.5~4 A number of Greeks appear with the title emir: a Gabras held this title in the early twelfth century. BrocquikreSchefer. 68Q Lampros. gives their story. Markos. p. ~ ~ ~ and preparatory to Kilidj Arslan’s famous visit to Constantinople in the twelfth century. Inalcik.Z. of Caesareia.j! d*. M . 11. R. Zachariadou. Prominent Greeks of course joined the Ottoman court in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries.” ‘H ‘EhhqvKfi. w o . 61Q Turan. asirlarda Edinie ve Pasa Livasi.” S. or ~~~ at least Greek scribes. Vnkzlllnr-Miilkler-Mukataalar(Istanbul. They were originally musicians from Rhodes who went to the court of the sultan.G. p. carried Byzantine titles : the patricius Michael son or Maurus. T h e same author (p. “Semseddin. Temir.. Gokbilgin.~3~ There is reference in the same document to a Greek Christian emi1-. 123 (hereafter cited as Temir..&jJ &ill d J J L j $+ j!. p.” B. 0 X ~ B T O I 1 ’08wPavol (Athens.. Papa Michael. According to Duda this is the name of the Byzantine family of Tornikes. 642 Pachymeres. 501. “Ottoman Methods of Conquest. Farid suggests either the but Armenian Vartan or its Byzantine form Bardas.” Studia et acta orientalin.B. Mikail Kose. administration. T h e title ICir is the Greek K G ~ . p. ABombaci. 146. refers to aa-rpmels. XLVII (1954.”passim. . 1958)’PP.g d . 1. 227 (hereafter cited as Turan. But here. . p. 129-130. 67. to arrange the matter.jdl&~& JI . is mentioned in the thirteenth century. Two of these.Ljl &dl +j31 + i Iy ~ TJ’I .. (1954). Bartholomaeus Georgieuiz. ”636 Ibn Bibi-Duda. I 17-120.541 and of two Greek musicians at the sultan’s court. I I I . Christopher. pp. pp.” B. ‘H ‘EhhqviKi( cbs i d a q y o s yhGuua -rGv tovhr&ov. Greek tax farmers are mentioned in the Taurus Passes in the first half of the fifteenth century. In Grece and Italye with the tounge and letters of the Grecians. Altun-Aba. I. p. 107-108.528The document concerning the pious foundation of Shams al-Din Altun Aba records the names of Greek aristocrats whose lands were in the district of Konya. vakfiyesi ve hayati. A. 36. and they may have had some role in initiating the conquerors into the customs and usages of Anatolian society. Ibn Bibi-Duda. MS Gr. 1 Mehmed ve I1 Bayezid devirlerine nit ynsaknime ve 1 kZn5nnnmeler (Ankara. I V (1962). the Seljuk ambassador was a certain Kyr A l e x i ~ i s . 356-357. 63’ A Greek documcnt from the emirate of Aydin has recently been published by E. “~emseddin.mentions the presence of prominent Greek “lawyers” in Melitene during the thirteenth century. Lampros.). 2 2 7 J!&J~ ~~~131 G. 1956).532Kir Farid held the emirate of Akshehir.&J JI ! I ~ J G30 uncle played a prominent role. 6B7 Ibid. the word sultan which is inscribed in Arabic at the beginning of the documents. 4r7). ~ following century Kir Kedid the Greek uncle of ‘Izzal-Din I1 Kaykaus was ~ h a r a b s a l a rand though his other . 15. possibly an emirate.640 Tbere is mention of a Greek tax official and lawyer. and Persians in the Turkish court. Anhegger. f 641 Bar Hebraeus. and it was this group who drew up the terms of treaty between the sultan and the ruler of Trebizond when Sinope was conquered in 1 2 1 4 . 1 1 1 . given the importance of foreign and domestic relations with Greek-speaking elements. 284. Mia DAqv6yhwcraq crvv8filtq TOO XqSqp ’AiGfvoyhov. T h e Tetrevangelion in the Gennadius Library. 1g5z). I-I. 69-90. who was responsible for levying of taxes.. LV. Such were Maurozomes. 6381bid. 113. N. XV-XVI. ‘‘ ‘H ‘Ehhq~i~fi. 454. T h e documents are entirely in Greek savc for Lampros. v (1908). 56. p. “La feodalitd byzantine et la eonquCte turque.”).This Greek bureau. as ambassadors of the sultans. 109-1 ‘4. 38.5.542 636 Ibn Bibi-Duda. and army. passim.633In the court itself Ihtiyar al-din Hasan ibn Gabras was amir-i-hadjib under Kilidj I1 A r l ~ a nTn~the ~ . bu1 bb.298-319. 39-78. 1g5a). Turan.s20 the latter’s son held a n undetermined position at the Seljuk c o ~ r t . “Nuovi Firmani greci di Maometi 11. KiinZrinZme-i sultini ber miiceb-i ‘of-i ‘osmiini. p. pp. Tiirkiye Se1piklttlari hakkinda resnzi uesiknlnr (Ankara. Chalcocondyles. see S.52G did Maurozomes who was later elevated as to the highest position of the realm in the thirteenth century.

at the end of the eleventh century. 137. I. 6 4 7 Acropolites. I. G6* Nicephorus Gregoras. 661 Pachymeres. Armenians. 1915). Ashikpashazadc-Mi. On the it seems to have been customary to recruit military units for tlie Seljuk armies from among the Greek Christian subjects of the sultan. see above.650 Upon the worsening of conditions in Bitliynia in the latter half of the thirteenth century. pp. 1934. p. Qayseri yelzri (Istanbul. I. or more probably they were converted. 1 1 1 I Because Byzantine Anatolia had been a comparatively well-developed area wherc commerce. p.. I 1-16. p. Frankish. ~ they trade between Konya and Chonae during the great panegyris of the Archangel Michael. 199. pp. H. 402. and agriculture flourished. Matthew of Edessa. Edhcm. and in the Turkish garrison of Edessa. he turned Laodiceia over to the ernperor. 654 Nicetas Choniates. I. Syriac. 54g The Greek troops were drawn from two principal sources : from the Byzantine lands and from the sultan’s domains. I.”* Ibn Bibi reveals the presence of five brothers from the empire of Nicaea. Karnonnsary. 105.I. Ibn Bibi-Duda. t 6 a Michael Acominatus. I n return for this aid. Lampros..546 Michael Palaeologus served as kondistabl in charge of Christian troops of tlie sultan after he had Red the kingdom of thc Lascarids.s*5 the lcader oftlie “Frankish” mercenaries defending Erzerum against the Mongol Baidju was a certain Istankus . 333-334. rIq* 6 4 0 Ibid. G43 I b n Bibi-Duda. I t has inscriptions in Arabic. w. “Gelibolu. and shipbuilders included many Grecks in the fifteenth century. Syrian. 50. One became paracoimomenus and the othcr grand hetaireiarch. There is some architectural evidence for the f activity of the Syrian and Armenian merchants in the Hekim Khan built at tllc expense O onc of the Syrian inhabitants of Mclitene in 1 2 1 9 . thcre are scattered mentions that these elements were actively assimilated into the economic life of Seljuk Anatolia in the late twelfth. 145. P ~ ~ O V T E S TOG T E S 66 K C d XPUUQ ITOAhQ. pp. 43.” Ibid. T h e other two classes a r c the Arnieniaiis and Greeks. he sought refuge at Sardes i n Lascarid domains and not in Constantinople. 3 1-37. 223. 329. a n d to the Nicaean realm as the land of the Franks. commercial. 653-654. ~ ~ ~ There is evidence that side by side with Muslim architects there were active certain Christian architects and architects who though Muslims were converts. A the Scljuk s state developed and progressed in the later twelfth and the thirteenth century. Tutuch. Kamuansarny. Did. “01 BauihlKoi 6’ o h 0 1 fjuav. one is not surprised that the Greek. 6UOS f j V hl 6 K ’ K h ~ a O lK d 6005 K U T E l p y U U ~ h J O ~ XUhUcplKbV El5 uoplupa. 547 There are also indications that the Seljulr rulers frequently employed Christian troops.000 Franks and Greeks in the sultan’s army at Kose Dab in I 243.554the Greek traders of Lake Pousgouse had close economic ties with K ~ n y a and ~ ~ were also probably active in the . Franks. 123. who worked on the Ilgin Khan in 1267-68 and who three years later built the Gok Medresse of Sivas In 1 2 2 2 the Greek architect Thyrianus built the mosque 23-29. remarks that ‘Izz al-Din went to Constantinople and obtained 3. Ferit-Mesut. p. but by 1519 they were all Muslims. O ~ O U S poipav KCnUh6cUS UT~UTOG. Georgians. in a Syrian expedition of the sultan. 293-338. 46-53. who live mixt with the former (Turkmens) in towns and villages.65GChristian caravans traveled between Konya and Cilicia as late as 1 2 7 6 . occupying themselves with trades and handicrafts. la5 Ibid.” EIz). pp.. 5 5 7 Bar Hebraeus. Russians. But he is guilty of several crrors. 82 ff. and the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. 64* Bar Hebraeus. 66’JAcropolites. the acrites sought service with tlie T u r k ~ .BEGINNINGS OF TRANSFORMATION DEGINNINGS OF TRANSFORMATION Byzantines also make their appearance as military olTicers in the sultan’s The emir Maurozomes played a significant rolc in the expcditions against Cilician Armenia in the early thirteenth century. 63-67..” Belleten. mentions Armenians in the armies of Buzan. When ‘Izzal-Din I1 Kaylcaus first fled the Mongol invasions he sought refuge in the lands of the Lascarids. yuzyil baslarinda Trabzon livasi vc do@ Karadeniz bolgesi. those elements of Christian agrarian. Thus he refers to Maurozomes as a Prank. 5 4 d Ibid. I.. pp. zog. The classic example of Greek soldiers converted to Islam is that of Mikail Kose. Kaloyan al-Qunewi. ‘‘ yhp qauv GTT’ a h @ -rr&!hat6E6OUhCdp6VOl ‘POpdCdv ~ W X V O T. .562 to the sultan. speaks of Greek. 5 5 5 Ibid. ILO. 548 There was a body of 3. Yule. and artisanal population which had remained in Anatolia took an increasingly active part in the expanding economic life of the Muslim portion of the peninsula. Erdmann. 400. The Danishmendnamc is full of such examples. 128-129.G53 In spite of the fact that sources for the economic life of Christians in Muslim Anatolia are lacltiizg. 6 ~ 6 i~ 5 ~ ‘P660u ~ YkV dtV6KaOEU 6UTE5. pp. j6* Erdmann. p. the two musicians returned to Greek lands and served under the emperor. I. 5 5 3 Marco Polo. rgg. Ashikpashazade-Kreutel. and Arnicnian elements are occasionally and significantly mentioned in the econoiiiic life of Anatolia.. . industry. Mode-Pelliot. O(l pfiv 6 i &Ah&Kai &s €3IXOUTES cppovaiv T& -rrpGTa ~ ~ ~ ~ O V&v CKE~VCI). but after the Mongol withdrawal he rccruited an army of 400 Greeks from the Byzantine ruler and retook Konya. Either these Greeks were removed. “XVI. and it is quite possible these soldiers were eventually converted to Islam. Selguk ueziri Scihij Atn ile ogullnri (Istanbul. p. X X V I ( I gGr). I. 205-206. arbaletiers. I. those specifically mentioned being Greeks. p. With the Mongol difficulties of ‘Izz al-Din. 454. Uzuncar$li. G 4 n Ibn Bibi-Duda. I t was a nieinber of the Ferdahla family who finally put an end to the rebellion of the Babai. ~ 5 ~ other hand. Ibid.’’ Mention has already been I E[S made of the Graeco-Turks in the armies of the sultans. 56. and indeed were among the basic elements in it. p. 58. Aksaray-Genqosman. At Gallipoli (Inalcik. the Awlad-i-Ferdahli. states they had also learned to read Arab letters. 454. 234 935 . p. 143-145. T h e wealthiest inhabitant of Diviipi in the thirteenth century was a Christian. and Germans. On the Greek martolos in the Ottornarl armies after the conquest of Trebizond in the fifteenth century. Marco Polo. It is this state of affairs that the account of Marco Polo reflects in the thirtcenth century. 19-20. Aksaray seeins to apply the term Frank to Greeks as wcll as to Latins. 227. 102103. p. the classes of rowers. and Russian officers. Gesla Francortm.. pp. 95. Perhaps the best known of these Christian architects was the Greek from Konya. During the twelfth century the Greek merchants of Konya plied the roads from the Seljuk to the Byzantine capital. 318. pp. 6K eUPLEhlKf$ 6’ kTlTq6fhEWS T Q OOUhThV TTPOUWKEIh~EVOI. 129. First of all. Armenians were to be found i n the armies opposing the First Crusade. Aksaray-Genqosman. and Armenian. see Gokbilgin. I. Second. 97.000 “Firenk” troops.

164-165.. Eflaki-Huart. He is said to have built the turbe of Hadji Bektash. and mosques. I 16.. and he suggests that the horse brands are in some cases from central Asia. “Beitrage zur fruhosmanischen Epigraphik und I Archeologie..C. the Nalindji Turbe. Archilecls.A. ~ g z g ) . pl. the sultan’s wife.50G ‘Ayn al-Dawla (converted to Islam by Rumi) was described by Eflaki as a second Manes. 3. 64...D. 333-334. and 1 construction in Iznik and Bursa. Konyali.” D. “0nekotoroykh oformleniia vizantiislcikh rukopisei. Marc..pp. Ibid. implies that Thyrianus w. Erdmann.Moniinients turcs d’Anatolie. who supposedly was prominent in the court of the Ottoman sultan Orhan I. T h e name bb. XV (1965). etc. E. Nour. Erdmann. Babinger. Bar Hebraeus then hired the Greek painter to decorate Syriac churches. Monuments. p.gag). marque au fer chaud sur les chevauxASinope.” D. Ettinghausen. Ramsay. But even so. ~ ~ ~ dotes told of Djalal al-din Rumi by Eflaki. Gabriel. X X (rgGG). turbes.5G6 Greek painters were still active. 59-80.. pp. 126. of the late twelfth century. both o i whom were intimates of the circle of Djalal al-Din Rumi. So Mayer has adopted l+ or Siqetus of Caesareia. 148-151. Nikomedianous. p.O. the presence in the story of a prominent Greek architect in Turkish service is significant. khans. 76. masons. pls. 11. on the Byzantine round arch. See Mayer. “Thc Byzantine Contribution to Wcstcrn Art of the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries. architects’ names appear which indicate that they were converts to Islam. 117. “Tamga ou tag. Such was the famous Keluk ibn Abdullah (possibly of Armenian origin) who built the Indje Minare.” Det Islain. Though ofArmenian origin the name ibn Abdullah indicates that he was converted to Islam. D. to the fact that they settled in a non-Muslim area where they came into relations with Byzantium. p. but R. 288 (hereafter cited as d e Clavijo-Le Strange). 1945). Granstrem. Rogers. Le Strange. XX (1932). 49-83. passim. XV (1965)~ 2 . Timur. Arcldects. 73. Gross. I 17. I 960). But the text reads b . Gr. Taeschner. vol.C.P.” I N .5c4 and in another incident Rumi explains the desirability of using Greek rather than Turkish masons. 53-54. Christian architects from Edessa built certain gates in the Cairo walls in 1087-1091.O. H a d he been the engraver of the inscription one would have expected thc word This village still had Christian inhabitants in the fifteenth century.. I. “Bursa’da Murad I camii ve osmanli mimarisinin men+ meselesi. 77. I 931. 69. 1-11 (Paris. I.St. Ein turkisclres Derwischevangeliutn (Leipzig. identifies && with Kahoi’avqs. X X I X (1950). They created new types of medresses. he says. 1934. Turkish Adinhires (Ncw York. No one has as yet undertaken a f systcmatic study of the stone masons’ markings of the Seljuk buildings. I t is in a Greek manuscript of Ptolerny’s Geography probably sent by Malik Arslan Dhu’l-Icadroglu (1454-1465) to his brother-in-law Muhammad 11. I. reads f $ + Ismail Hakki Afron Karahisar kitabeleri (Istanbul. 549. passim. says that the original inscription reads “Syqstus. Pp. T h e inscription reads then hesitates as to the ethnic origin of this architect. 6 o G Ibid. “Icon Painting in the Crusader Icingdom. 6-7. “Annual Report. 69.” Trudy duedzati jhtogo meEdunarodtlogo kongresa voslokovedov (Moscow. On the Christian masons in nineteenth-century Anatolia. executed in Aksaray in 1271 and dedicated to the Seljuk sultan. of anachronism in this account.. 133. Such seem to be the following: MTTAEANKX IBYZAXO. on the Byzantine affiliations of the miniatures in MS Bibliothkque Nationale Persan 174. tr. I@). &fnsziltnnn Painting dYIIllr-XvIIth century (London.” y A Gabriel. There is a considerable element. Mayer.BEGINNINGS O F TRANSFORMATION BEGINNINGS O F T R A N S F O R U T I O N in the viIlage of Nidir Kay near A l t ~ h e h i ra ~ ~ ~ Sebastus took part . I .as the engraver of the inscription rather than the architect. vols. Gabriel. This was due. 4. I 19. Brtua eine Entickelutiptiidte turkisclter Arclritektur in Kleinasien unter den ersten Osmnnen (Berlin. The Cities and Bishoprics o Pltrygia (Oxford.E. Les enluminures des niniiuscrit. is Cod. Greek workers paved his Sivas (Istanbul. Inscltriftenaufreichnung des todex sinaiticus Graecus. F. J/ $c. X. 1965). XII. Muslim architectural forms.dgis the Greek name Kahoi‘Ctuq~“Good John. W. and h i from the MS ol Rashid al-Din’s history have angels done in the Byzantine manner. 151-152. 208. I 8. Sea chapter v for references to Christian architects in dervish literature. the reading Sebastus. 516. Utte copitale 1 trrrqueBrousse. They are strikingly similar to Byzantine shorthand notation in some cases. which originally contained a picture of Malik Arslan as well. and plate 7 reproduces a portrait of Sitt Khatun (wife of Mullammad 11)done by a Greek painter. V I I I (1958). “Various Aspects of Byzantine Influence on the Latin Countrics from the Sixth to the Twelfth Centuries. had him paint several portraits of Djalal al-Din Rumi so that she might have his likeness even when she was journeying far from Konya. The vitality and influence of Byzantine painting during the twelfth and thirtcenth centuries is perhaps best understood as a phenomenon that penetrated both Europe and parts of the Near East.. Icuban. R. imarets. for the Greek inscription commemorating the rebuilding of the walls of Sinope in 1215 by the Turks. came into contact with a different art. “Zur ttirkischen Baukunst seldschukischer und osmanischer Zeit. Mayer. p. pp.P. 526. 6 b 0 I. Heirat mil Silt-Chatun (1449). Blochet. 1895). 601 Eflaki-Huart. n. Monuments turcs d’Anatolie (Paris. I (Bursa. Frederick I1 in Palermo. 25-47. 1 . Anadokr. E. “Mehmed’s 11.” D. and other such buildings. PIS. 302. I 9. I 958).E. T h e point as to the possibilities of Byzantine influence on Ottoman and Seljuk architecture has been discussed by various authors. p. R. 55. Architects. Ettinghausen. transported numerous Greek. However. XX (1966). 56. The tradition of & IGhdr A ~ + J T @. Architects. I 909). Gurdji Khatun. Islanlic Architects and Their Works (Geneva I 956). “The Cifte Minare Medrese at Erzerum and the Gok Medrese at Sivas. XII. For other architects with the name ibn Abdullah. Arc16 Painting (London. Etnbass3r to Tamerlane 1go3-rgoG (London. Bar Hebraeus mentions a Greek painter who went to Tabriz to decorate the chapel of a Byzantine princess who had married thc local Muslim lord.C. aGIA story in the semilegendary composition known as the Vilayetname of Hadji Bektash centers on the figure of a Greek architect. . Wilde. I 926). T h e word & = i sthe usual one employed to indicate the architect who constructed a building. and gunsmiths from Anatolia to Samarqand.9-57). Lea R. 1928). 11.p. p. I t was in the area resettled with Greek colonists by the sultan at the end of the twelfth century. masonry. p. 236 237 . and the mosque near the gate of Laranda in K ~ n y a Greek masons make their appearance in the anec. I965). 8-9. Armenian. lived in a symbiotic relationship with their Christian subjects.” V. On specific examples of Byzantine architectural influences: J. 22-24. 5a0 Eflaki-Huart. Das Vilayet-name des Hagti Bektash. Weitzmann. CCXII (1928). Also E. 73-74. terrace.Turk niimarisinin kqlnak ve sorunlari (Istanbul. xxxiv..O. 2 1 .” d. A Contribution to the History of Style in the Seljuk Architecture of Thirteenth Century Turkey. G o o Mayer. H e points out that the court of ‘Ah’ al-Din I Kaykubad had many similarities with the court of 4 . and Turkish silvcrsmiths. notes that the Seljuks ofRum broke with many of the older traditional. 37-43 (a French translation is appended on pp. 21 I . I-I.7 orientatix de In Bibliotlrdqrte Nationale (Paris. 275-276. certain in the rebuilding of the walls of Sinope in I 2 I 5 after its conquest From the Djalal al-din Rumi employed a Greek architect to build a chimney i n his house. E.A.pp. l. notes thatsomeofthesemason markings bear a resemblance to the horse brands. T h e manuscript. caravansarays. Karavansary. pp. 230-231. M. as a result of his Anatolian campaigns. as is evident by the famous Icaloyani and ‘Ayn al-Dawla Rumi. Bees.A. 1g27).P. Mayer. Karavnnsaray. I. Erdmann. 132. Nasreddin Hocanin fekhri Akphir (Istanbul. and of the royal court. on another Armenian architect..“02In the building inscriptions ofmany of the mosques. Many of these marks are identical with Greek letters and might possibly suggest that Greek stone masons may have been employed in construction work along with the Muslim masons. R .E. O n this artistic penetration of Byzantium see: R.A. gives a full bibliography on this figure. 540 ff. 1934).” A&. in other cases from the Christian population of Asia Minor.” but Wittek suggested Sefastus-Sebastus. it would seem.” Der Islam. Gonzales de Clavijo. 1962).” J. 1-24. sarays. XX (1966). Kitzingcr. 1 (Ig42).

6 7 0 Burchard of Sion.” EI. T. Though Grcelrs do make their appearance as physicians to the sultans and aristocracy. see Ettinghausen. the sultan Sulayman is said to have learned the craft of the goldsmith in Trebizond from the Grcek goldsmith Constantine.” I t would seem that the Christians. Altorientalisch Tepjhhe (Vienna-Leipzig.517 A substantial element of the farming population. For this see the signed and dated pieces on display in the Benaki Museum in Athens. ”Byzantine Anatolia continued to be an important ~ silk and textile region throughout the thirtecnth and the early fourteenth century until the Turkish conquest. 228-229. It is everywhere discernible. and its craftsmen may have had some A number of Karainanli icons. I 7. p. a Greek goldsmith of Trebizond taught the craft of jewelry making to the sultan Selim I..” pp. Such was Taronites in the reign of Orhan I. 6 7 2 Bar Hebraeus. as well as the Karamanli MS T671-1919 in the Victoria and Albert Museum.5’8 In fact Cappadocian and Cilician wine enjoyed considerable renown in the latter half of the thirteenth century. f T. I. pp. p. Cafipadoce. 437. fig. a n d other t a ~ e s . Broughton.S. 425. and possibly Basil who lanced a dangerous boil on the neck of the sultan ‘Ah’ &Din I Kaykubad. an influence that was long-lived. 6 7 a Marco Polo. T h e program of recolonization of the Turkish lands with Christian farmers was especially important in the twelfth century. n. 16. a n d in them are manufactured cotton fabrics edged with gold embroidery. de Jcrphanion.P.S. I 922). Asia Minor.BEGINNINGS OF TRANSFORMATION BEGINNINGS OF TRANSFORMATION icon painting survived among the Greek Christians of Asia Minor until relatively recent times. rgn8). XI1 (London. 43. 87. For the Christian textile workers and silk merchants of twelfth-century Edessa. a handbook in ICaramanli for brocade workers. Modern Greek in Asia Mnr (Cambridge. 4. TGctoria and Albert Mnseum. from the first Turkish fleet that was built by Greek Smyrniotes in the eleventh century down to the establishment of the first Ottoman naval arsenal i n Europe i n the fourteenth century. 8. I. Also quoted in F. much as they had done in Byzantine times. a n d gushing springs. For the continuity of painting in the Cappadocian cave churches. Arnakes. Brief Guide to the Turkish Woven Fabrics (London.. 1 0 1 (hereafter cited as Burchard of Sion. 391-392. 1 . When another Syrian. 64. Kututgeschichle der . 10. the Armenians of Erzindjan were famous for the fabrics that they made. pp. Cacaoglu. Marco Polo remarks that the Greeks and Armenians : weave the finest and handsomest carpets in the world. I. 1916). a n d plenty of other When Ibn Battuta visited Laodiceia-Denizli he observed : A n d it has splendid gardcns. Gorodakh. 8 I 9-820. lassim.. io . Armenians. M.67s T h e traditions of mining and metalwork seem to have continued among both the Armenians and Greeks as Anatolia had been a significant source of metals during the ancient and Byzantine periods. 5 ~ ~ The Christian weavers of thirteenth-century Melitene figure in the pages of Bar H e b r a e ~ s . and continued to be so in Seljuk times. on the role OF Christian textile workcrs. XXXVII (rg61). and Syrians continued to figure prominently in the Anatolian textile industry. and it is interesting that these documents quite frequently refer to the vineyards of these Christians. “ Iqp’KoiS I-Eooap&ovI-a vjpaoiv.607 The presence of Greek court musicians in thirteenth-century Konya has already been mentioned. 6 7 7 Inalcik. 277). Vatatzes stimulated the local textile industry by prohibiting imports of Latin textiles.” Speculum. 11. Most of the artisans there are Greek women who are subject to the Muslims and who pay dues to the sultan. p. on the Greek sailors of Armenian Cilicia. 574 Ibn Battuta-Gibb. Ibn Battuta-Gibb. pp. I. e quivi si lavorano tapedi oltimi de li piu belli del mondo. Ashikpashazade-Ali.56. were brought to Greece d t e r the exchange of populations in 1923. -6 7 0 Mayer. 437. 450. On the ancient textile industry and guilds of Laodiceia. I. Trcnkwald.5G8 Syrians of Edessa and the Melitene seem to have been more important in that field. Dawkins. P.” Nicetas Choniates.!hidenloeberei (Berlin. Schneider. the lot of the Syrian Christians improved considerably. 11. The tradition remained a lively one among the Anatolian Christians in modern times. relates that the Christians of ICainuk produced saffron. along with the Turkmens. and longlived on account of the excellence of their cotton and strength of their spun thread. 408. His disciple Isa left Melitene for Cilicia. Bar Hebraeus.” EI. I. uiiequalled in their kind. Greek textiles and Armenian carpets were known and highly esteemed in Turkic central Asia during the tenth century. 608-Gog. A Descri/lion o tlie Holy Land. 18. “Un Cpisode. 109. “Hariri. 162. pp. 11. 409-410.). mentions the presence of a Jewish physician at the court of the sultan of Birgi. see Van Falke. Ig50).G7g did evidently the wine produced as by the Christian villagers of the Begshehir district in the fifteenth 6 T 3 Nicephorus Gregoras. 43. The gold and silk tissue of the sultan Raykubad I in Lyon is done in a modified Byzantine style. 443.P. ibid. including the jizya. In the thirteenth century the properties of large landowning as well as of peasant Christians are mentioned in the wakf documents where property boundaries are being defined. 671 Ibn Battuta-Gibb.. 56. 108. with Turkish inscriptions in the Greek alphabet. 11. “ICali.57* The Greek mining communities of Anatolia were quite active in Ottoman and according to one tradition. “l’altre genti (in Turchomania) sono Arrneni e Greci que stanno nelle citta e castelli e vivono dei mercantie e arte. The emirs of Kutlumush received Byzantine textiles from Nicephorus Botaniates. ’OOopavof. The Turks in Anatolia manifested a definite taste for Byzantine luxury textiles from the very beginning (httaliatcs. perennial streams. Rabbon Simeon. ibid. in the Seljuk domains of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries consisted of Christians. Manandian. 11. 67sTcmir. 238 239 . 1896). and also a great quantity of fine a n d rich silks of cramoisy and other colours. “The Question OF the Byzantine Mines. Sarre and H. See chapter vii for greater detail. pp. 48. Ibn Padlan-Togan. 173-174. Ishlamic Metalworkers and their‘ Works (Geneva. 17.. In the reign of Alexius I11 Angelus the emir of Ankara demanded as part of the terms of the treaty with Alexius 40 silk garments of those prepared in the Theban workshops for the emperor himself. indeed the majcrity. Bar Hebraeus. D i e r6ttzischen und bjznnlinisclien Denkntbler von Iznik-Nicaea (Berlin.67G was the Greeks who introduced the It Turks to maritime life. 1 676 Vryonis. The tradition of rug-making in Greek and Armenian Anatolia was well known to the pre-Turkish Muslim world. Evliya Chelebi-von Hammer.. 1959)~ p. became the physician of Rulagu. . Ibn Battuta-Gibb. 1943).89.“O The Greeks. h ~ t~pOqPGjv hrqnbhov Paaihfi KEXopfiyq. during the ceremonies celebrating the marriage alliance of the Ottomans and Germiyanids linens were sent from Denizli (Laodiceia) and clothes from Philadelpheia. Ashilcpashazadc-Kreutel. Chabot. R.rai. 6a7 part in the textile industry that arose there under the Ottomans. P. Its bazaars are very fine.” EII supplement. p.Inalcik. 6. 5. 5 a 0 Hasnon of Edessa treated various of the Seljuk emirs. “Gelibolu. The Armenians of Erzindjan mined copper and manufactured utensils from the meta1. M.. p. were active in the famous rug industry of thirteenth-century Anatolia. 125. Yule. 128. Those fabrics are known from the name of the city [as ladhiqi]. Ibn Bibi-Duda..

Ibid. on circumcision of children. gulams.”) . 67. p. B. 56. comments on the use of Greek slave girls in prostitution a t Laodicea. 147-150(hereafter cited as Turan. 425-426.59G petition of 1456 addressed by the A Greeks of western Anatolia to the Knights Hospitalers of Rhodes indicates that the Turks were still taking away the children of the Christians. Papoulia. cogebantur tradcre pulchros parvulos suos ad clrcumcidcndurn vel a d Turcandum. 111. 291. as offspring of mixed marriages were not unlike the Tattrkopouloi and rnixovaruaroi of the Byzantine sources.. 178.. 1 .. p. “L’Islamisation dans la Turquie du moyen age. CLVI. [Do this] lest we lose our children. Prisoners taken from the Grcek army of Trebizond in 1 2 1 4 were put to work in the Zaradhane. IZO.I.” For other evidences of the immorality of the Turkish cadis. “Quoniam Turci ante annos quatuotdecim Antiochiae obtinuerant. p. 145-153.After the fall of Antalya the sultan took off the families of the Christians as captives.O. Matthew of Ephesus-Treu. 5 8 0 Ibid. Tiirkbe Sd$ukli&m” h a k k h d a vesikalar (Ankara. p. sD1 Ibid. “Isidore Glabas and the Turkish devshirme.. 286. mentions “Angulani” in the armies of the Turks opposing the Crusaders in western Asia Minor. whether from their own domains or from the neighboring lands of the Greeks and There are indications that the Turks recruited male children and youths from the Anatolian Christians throughout the long period between the eleventh and seventeenth centuries.. This might imply that Turkmens were also taken into the ranks of the p. Z ~ O . and the sixteenth-century traveler Hans Dernschwam.65. per Boimundum principibus mandavit nostris etc. however.68G the thirteenth century. and let us come to your domains to live a n d die there as y o u r subjects. pp. If. igzg). contempsissent.BEGINNINGS OF TRANSFORMATION BEGINNINGS OF TRANSFORMATION century. Maltomel. had also taken children of the Christian inhabitants of the After the conquest ofAntioch (1085)~the Turks were short of manpower a nd so made use of Armenian and Greek youths whom they forcibly converted to Islam. 89 (hereafter cited as Uzunprsili Mediial) on p. 1g41). per gratiam Dei.K ~ n y a . GbgrapAie d’Abou&da.. I 39. Turan. S.. 441. who d o dwell in Turcia . pp. through voluntary apostasy of renegades. 240 241 . where he quotes again from Raymund. 6 0 4 Ibn Ribi-Duda.” source of youths scems to have been the “domain of war”687because the Seljuks were engaged in extensive war and raiding against the Greeks of Trebizond and Nicaea. 59. Christian elcments were absorbed directly. and the court oi the various Muslim states of Anatolia. ” Tudebodus.506 whereas in eastern Anatolia. though on a smaller numerical scale. Tudebodus. 121. “Adjuc quoque et Christianorum filios securn tolerabant . On the development of slave government and slave armies in the Islamic world. H. These igdish. which now appear more clearly in the contemporary accounts. Ibn Bibi-Duda. . We. V.691 The sultans exercised their right to claim one-fifth of the spoils according to the law of gliaizimat during these raids and expeditions. Anonymous-Giese. Ibn Bibi-Duda. further.. I was told that the qadi in the city himself owns slave-girls [employed] in this way. p. This is not to say that the Seljuk gulams were raised exclusively from these groups.6*0 Greeks were extensively employed in domestic slavery and there is some indication of the use of Greeks in commercial slavery.. and t h a t they take away our children and m a k e Muslims of them. pp. the By methods of recruitment for the system. I. After the suppression of the Babai revolt.” B. from the fact that Christian youths were plentifully available to them in Anatolia. p. “They buy beautiful Greek slave-girls and put them out to prostitution. and Uzunpr$li-Med/tal. 139. 111. 1958). . PP. says they were present 1 in great number among the Turks and Jcws of Ephesus. But if you leave us here we shall lose our children a n d you shall answer to God for it. Abhl Fida. Ibn Bibi-Duda.” Raymund.Uzunc. p. p. Miklosich et Muller. p. 35-36. For this reason we beseech your lordship to take council that t h e most holy pope might send his ships to take US a n d our wives a n d children a w a y from here. IV.O. 5 8 4 G e m Fmcorunz. for we are suffering greatly from the Turk. X X I X (1966). and through the taking of hostages from other states. and each girl has to pay a regular due to her master. “Si qui autem.ili. and possessions of the rebels were distributed to the troops after one-fifth was set aside for the state treasury.. The use of gulamsdevshirmes by the Seljuks and Ottomans resulted from the fact that they inherited the traditional Islamic forms of government68a and. Osnlanli deuleti teskilatina niedhal (Istanbul. 238.the sultan claimed one-fifth of the booty taken after the conquest of Antalya in 1207..C. 681 Enaki Huart. qui erat in civitate.have suggested that there was even a form of child tribute in Seljuk Anatolia which was parallel to the Ottoman devshirme and that these igdish formed special corps. 6 o a Ibid.S. I heard it said there that the girls go into the bath-houses along with the men.6. pp. John Cananus. I 15-1 16. gives evidence for considering the igdish as sons of gulams. See also the remarks of de Planhol.6B8 against the Armenians of C i l i ~ i aagainst the . the Zaradhane.Z ~ I . The begs of the borders sent slaves as gifts to the sultan. 1840).597 .S.600 and against the inhabitants of the Crimea. though in Ottoman times the devshirmes were taken originally only from Christians..and my review in Balkan Studies. The latter was the case during the reign of ‘Ala’ al-Din I Kaykubad when... Also ibid. The principal Babinger. trans.6g3 possibly through purchase.. by the institution first of the Seljuk gulams and later of the Ottoman devshirmes. and anyone who wishes to indulge in depravity does so in the bath-house and nobody tries to stop him. 288.681 In the sphere of government and the military. lSG Raymund of AguiIers. P. the emir of Samosata. Nonmdisrne. p. Ibn Battuta-Gibb. H. 6 0 0 Ibid. “Islamisation. Ibid.” See also Turcare in Ducange.. . 73.” S. p.~~~ Georgians in the Caucasus. Ursprung rind Wesen der “Knabe~~lese“ osnmnischen in1 Reiclr (Munich. 63. Guyard (Paris. R.G.H.C. X (1959). Ibid. pp. I 76-1 78. . Vryonis. . 26.604 In the fourteenth century the Turkmen raiders on Byzantine territory in western Anatolia were taking away the children of the Greek Christians. p. 65.A. the wives. 6 8 6 William of Tyre. 111. et uxores eis dederant. Menage. Taeschner. This involved the employment of converted slaves in the armies. 60. . . iv. Al-Utnari’s Bericlit iiber Anatolien in seirient Werke nlasiilik al-absiir fi tnamalik al-ams& (Leipzig. 58’ 588 - 114. “Some Notes on the Devshirme. p. bureaucracy. p. inform your lordship t h a t we are heavily vexed b y the Turk..” Speculum. 220. p. the sons of the notables were taken as hostages.H.O. “Quidam de Turcatis. your poor slaves. U z u n p r ? X iMedhal. 44 (hereafter cited as al-Umari Taeschner). V (1964). 320. 379-381 S u G Uzunprsili Medlial p. 399. X X X I I . 1963). 4. and~ in the same period ~~ Baldukh. were the traditional ones. atque Armenios juvenes et Graecos quasi pro penuria domesticorum turcaverant. I n the late eleventh century the Turks took the male children from the Greek towns between D o r y l a e u m . after the capture of Sugdaia in the Crimea. 54-55. zg. . R. children.6@ But gulams were also acquired through gift. Sivas served as an important slave market where youths could be purchased.

He was of Greek origin. Djizre. 164. 320. Begshehir. 274-293. I.GO7 Another important official of gulam origin was Amin al-Din Mikail. E.438. Chorum. 276.. Papoulia. Karahisar. Samsun. 341. at various times throughout the reigns of ‘Ala’ al-Din I Kaykubad and his successors. and was famed generally for his great knowledge. 126. and then enrolled i n special military bodies or else employed in the court and bureaucracy. but the system must have had some affect on the conversion of Christians over thc period of several centuries. “ “AAwois. 334. 107. as well as that on the careers of his two brothers Kamal al-Din Rumtash ibn Abdullah and Sayf al-Din Karasunqur. 94-95.E.GO5 (1g56). Kastamonu. p.204.” Sa’d al-Din. Arapkir. a 0 4 U z u n p r g l i Medhal. 259-280.” EI.2og. -O o 8 Ibn.F. the important posts of na‘ib. Karim al-Din Mahmud. and a liberal patronof Muslim institutions and architecture.. pp. and he was an intimate of the circle of Djalal al-Din Rumi). whose number nobody knows. indicates that he was a tutor to princes. For an interesting text demonstrating the fear of the devshirme. as is witnessed by their tremendous contribution to the military. saries. Nigde.”pnssint. it is suficient to indicate that he played a very important role i n Seljuk financial administration.” 274 . “Devshirrne. Karaman. 106. Z Z ~ .” p. amir-i davet. ao) Babinger. 104. Muhornel.Z ~ Z Menage.601 It is dificult to give the number of Christians who were taken into the system and thus Islamized. O 0 6 Zoras.. Diyarbakir. and over the period The literature on his career.000 royal gulams was left to settle the affairs of the city. 128. “Gulam~. “Sidelights on the Devshirmc from Idris and Sa’ddudin.422. Malatya. amir-i tasthane.” EI. 271-278. “Vita.BEGINNINGS OF TRANSFORMATION BEGINNINGS OF TRANSFORMATION With the conquest of Trebizond by Muhammad I1 in 1461 considerable numbers of Greek youths were taken for the Janissary corps and palace service. Lefke. and his closeness to and familiarity with the sultans comes out in certain incidental details. Bibi-Duda. 192.O. administrative..604When Trebizond fell 800 Greek youths were takeqGo5and roo were levied from New Phocaea. Ducas. Mihalich. Wittek.S. I.608 Another product of the gulam system in the thirteenth century was Shams al-Din Hass Oguz. I b n Bibi-Duda. “Seljuk Gulams and Ottoman Devshirmes. Bayburt. religious. As one of the four pillars of the state. zag. 31 X-313. Sis.” S. sue Babinger.rg43). 336-338. His title.. XLI (rg65). Amin al-Din Mikail. converted to Islam.602 We are told that after the capture of the city of Chliat in about 1231 a troop of 1. and Manyas.” Der Islam. p. 269.’’ B. Osinnnli deuleti tefkilatindan kupukrlZ~r ocaklarz”(Ankara.” ‘ E A A ~ v I K XI11 (1954)~ ~. I b n Bibi says of him that be was a slave of Greek descent. Though tantalizingly little has survived in contemporary accounts of his activities. I‘ Among the more famous of the thirteenth-century gulams of Greek origin were Djalai al-Din Karatay ibn Abdullah. Vakalapoulos. ‘H &AWUIS ~ i j Kwvmav. writing in the late sixteenth century. Djemiskezek. Erdmann. 181-183. O o 0 Ibid. he played an important role in deciding upon the succession to the sultanate and appointment of viziers and other officials. Ducas. Bolu. Mahotnet. Kutahya. Marash. Erzerum.A.” Bulletiti o lhe John Rylands Library.” men to Islam. Boo See the Ottoman documents in Uzunpr$i. Kemah.GO0 These gulams and devshirmes were fully integrated into the‘ life of Muslim Anatolia.1-442. and Shams al-Din Hass Oguz. 197. “Sidelights on the devshirme. that he had a brilliant literary style. H e held. Sivas. 1gg. is extensive.ro8.S. Though often of non-Muslim origin. I. and cultural life of Anatolia. “Ghulam. 41. Batum.XXXV (1953). He was devoutly pious (the famed sheikh Suhrawardi initiated him as a murid. 180. atabeg.O. 127. Tokat.A.Z. Amin &Din was responsible for reforming the financial apparatus of the Seljuk state in Anatolia by introducing the siyaqat system. “ Oiyor! T T ~ O OEK TOO ~ ~ E T ~ P O U o ~ Y ~ O V T O I y~v u~ -rkvaToG &vmxpbrou. remarks that the devshirme had brought 200. XXII (1952). and Eflaki. Zulkadriye. Bursa. the Ottoman devshirme seems to have been levied rather extensively in Anatolia and the list of regions in which children were taken is impressive: Trebizond. . “not to speak of the salves brought from the dar-al-harb.S.6osand in the same period a number of male children were taken from the town of New Phocaea in western A n a t ~ l i aBy the sixteenth . J. The name of Karatay occupies a prominent place in the pages of Ibn Bibi. 164. XXII (1963). 20. and that he was possessed of a calligraphic hand the product of which sparkled like a jeweled necklace. XVIII (1g56). Vryonis. pp. I. 801 Vryonis. Kayseri. p. 1x7-125. p. 337.~~~ and seventeenth centuries. H e composed a literary piece which had as subject the harp and wine. B. Iznik.” pp. “The Origin of the Janisand Shari’a.95-96. qg-2&.rr6AeoS Kai fi PaaihEia Mo&@ B‘ ~ o i j s KaTaKTqTO6. 448-481. Sinope. Papoulia. This system of slave administration and slave soldiery apparently experienced an unbroken continuity in Anatolia from the first appearance of the Turks well into the Ottoman period itself.” p. 17-172.GoS and in another instance there i s mention of 500 serhenk. “Devshirme XVlI (1955). 183. 93. Gemlik. Egirdir. Eflaki-Huart.rlvov. Biledjik. a Muslim. 102..203. Amasya. Kodjaili. an ascetic (he is said to have abstained from the eating of meat and from marital joys). having commissioned the building of the famed medresse in Konya and the caravansaray 50 kilometers east of ICayseri.B. who functioned as na‘ib al-hadra under the sultan Rukn al-Din in the latter half of the thirteenth century. 243 242 . and a slave of Sa’d al-Din Abu Bakr al-Mustawfi al-Ardabili. 00% Papoulia. Aksaray-Gengosman. 413. 239. 115. Bar Nebraeus. As na‘ib he perished defending Konya against Djimri and the Karamanid Turkmens i n 1278. Palmer. who relate that though he was a Greek page by origin he was gifted with extraordinary talcnts. 11. they were fully absorbed. Ibn Bibi-Duda. A. Karauansaray. Inalcik.” B.S.rrut6opa5cbwnoS. 334. p. “Die Vita des Heiligen Philotheos vom Athos.GO0 These youths were taken out of their familiar cultural and family environment. G. “Icaratay. Obviously the number was comparatively small at any given time. 103. Turan. ‘‘ YpoPAfiflrna ~ i j s losap[as TOG . Kna6enZese f passim. Zoras. p. p. 345. and hizanedar-i hass. often educated in special institutions.. 133. 276.38.

Iraq. 264-268. the Anatolian Turkmens exercised constant pressure on Seljuk control from all the border areas-from the Taurus in the south. the newcomers including Turkmens. Mongols. Michael VIII Palaeologus first neglected and then penalized the Nicaean domains. 690-691. 37-44. 223-224.017 The collapse of the fiscal apparatus of the Seljuks in the peninsula. Mongol. By then.. These emirates. Beginning with the rebellion of the Babais.. and the regions of Laodiceia-Denizli in the west.al4 The appearance of Khwarazmian. 172. and the period ofjustice and security in the kindgom came to an end. pp. p. “A&-eriler.” remarked both Karirn al-Din Mahmud and Ibn Bibi. Aksaray-GenFosman. Amasya. 308. Ibn Bibi-Duda. ala This was especially striking in the period of the two brothers. 197. Cahen.” for a clear dilineation of the process. I I BEGINNINGS OF TRANSFORMATION Equilibrium o Konya and Nicaea Destroyed f With the breakdown of stability in Konya and Nicaea during $thesecond half of the thirteenth century. pp. 201-202. the rapacity of such mercenary bodies as the Catalans and AIans. The Turkmen element was strongly reinforced throughout the thirteenth century by other groups entering Anatolia. “the satans were unleashed. describes the settlement of Mongol groups in districts of Konya. Amasya in the north. Tokat. pp. Elan. Karaman. Kerch. 300.pp. 248-250) . the rebellions of Saraf al-Din Erzindjani about Niksar (Ibn Bibi-Duda. the army. Kayseri. pp. gradually turned on the central Anatolian regions and on those of western. 619 Ibid. and many of the inhabitants were in turn abandoned and alienated. they contributed to the quantitative and qualitative strengthening of the Muslim element at the expense of the Christian element. 135. XXVI (1962). Melitene and Marash in the east. ‘lo L ~ ! I I I rebellions of governmebt oflicials. I964). Aksaray-Genqosman. 300-301). who was a financial official and therefore well acquainted with the situation. This general background is again significant for the understanding of the fate of the Greek Christian and in fact for all the Christian elements in Asia Minor. pp.O1° He gives the case history of a certain Sahib Fahr al-Din of Kazwin who brought a whole host of adventurers hoping to make their fortunes to AnatoliasZ0and gave them positions and tax ‘14 These included. the people fell from one thief to another. “Byzantium’s Anatolian Provinces during the Reign of Michael J?aIeologus..” Crusudes. 3 ~ 9 328. Hamadan.” Belleten. 257. 333.” p. 729. For other rebellions. pp. established on the lands of the Seljuk kingdom and on the Byzantine borders. the financial oppression of the inhabitants. Ankara.012The disintegration was manifested not only in dynastic strife and division of the kingdom into two realms.” Actes du XII congrds international d’diudes byrantines (Belgrade. weakened by the Babai revolt and the defeat it suffered at the hands of the Mongols in 1243. on Mongols. in the reign of ‘Izz al-Din I1 Kaykaus. Karim &Din. 181-184. Isfahan. ull Amakes. Tiflis. C c x x X I x (1951)j 335-354. both of Turks and Mongols. underwent a decline that was gradual at first but accelerated toward the end of the thirteenth century. Haskan. als Togan. pp. on the Khwarazmians. and the rebellions and desertions of the troops laid bare to the Turkmen emirs the regions of western Asia Minor which the Lascarids had done so much to resuscitate. Ibn Bibi-Duda.613but also in the widespread See chanter --ii. 52 1-528. . In this period. I 59-1 60). 194. 11. “Cepni. O n some of the Turkmen tribes in thirteenth-century Anatolia. He narrates that the tax system was disrupted and in such a state or confusion by 1285 that the treasury was exhausted of the revenues that had accumulated in the preceding fifty years.alGHenceforth. the aristocracy. ‘l’Ibn Bibi-Duda. pp. pp. 244 245 . 620 He brought them from Tebriz.” J. maritime Asia Minor. conditions in Anatolia ‘ once more deteriorated and Anatolia became a congeries of small syccessor states until the final reunification of Anatolia by the Ottomans in the fifteenth century. Cahen. 11. ’Oewuavot. 298. he says. “Mongols. Choruh. He states that the Turkmen periphery turned upon central Anatolia and destroyed it. 276-278. 291-2993. 246-248. “Turks in Iran and Asia Minor before Mongol. 175-176. 225-226. 145. Cahcn. Siirner. remarks Karim al-Din Mahmud. 21 1-212. Following this latter rising there were disturbances in northern Anatolia from Chankiri and Castamon to Amasya (Aksaray-Gen~osman. passim.p. Girls.BEGINNINGS O F TRANSFORMATION of many centuries. Nahchhivan. After transferral of the Byzantine capital to Constantinople. Khurasan. pp. Niksar.611 The sultanate of Konya. and Mamcluke armies increased the disarray in the Seljuk realm. ‘rMongols. See Cahen.” El.A. ‘la A~aray-GenGosman. pp. The church. Aksaray-Genqosman. ‘l8 Aksaray-Gensosman. gives ample detail of this aspect.*18 There was an increase in the number of needless officials and. presenting the occasion for intrigues and further disorders. thorns replaced the rose in the gardens of excellence and prosperity. Diyarbekir. the success in 1276 of the Karamanids and Djimri in taking Konya demonstrated how far the power and authority of the Seljuks had declined. 280-281. Aksaray-Genqosman. 162). for the remarks of a contemporary that Anatolia was full of rebels. and a partial but serious disruption of commercial activity characterized the last half of the century. “Notes pour l’histoire des Turcomans d’hsie Mineure au XIIIe sikcle. The disintegration of the indigenous military forces. of the begs Zayn al-Hadj and Bunsuz in southern Anatolia (Aksaray-Gensosman. pp. with a consequent corrosion of the militarily and socially cohesive factors of the Greek state in Asia Minor.The rebellion of the sons of I-Iatir in 1276 at Nigde caused considerable anarchy (Ibn Bibi-Duda.e10Conditions were similar to and in some areas perhaps as bad as those of the late eleventh and the early twelfth century. ineffectual Mongol governors and a large number of Turkish emirs had destroyed the authority of this kingdom. Merand. ‘Izzal-Din I1 Kaykaus and Rukn al-Din KXdj Arslan IV. and KhwarazmiansaG16 Though the combined forces of the sultans and Mongols were temporarily successful in suppressing the rebellions of the tribesmen in Denizli and Karaman in the mid-thirteenth century.

pp.p. The Crusaders who encountered them between Laodieeia and Itonya referred to them as “predones. 252-257. Tokat. p. Mustawfi Sharaf al-Din Osman. Divrigi. Some were so ignorant. on archaeological evidence suggesting destruction in the f area of Samosata about the middle of the thirteenth century. see chapter iv.see below. vol. I. Sivas.2g3-rg7. Devele Karahisar. I. 332. Kayseri. Thus about I 304 a Turkmen used thc Alaiya Khan for such a purp0se.” V. p.. was beaten with a polo stick and was threatened with burning in an effort to obtain his wealth. “Archaeology in Asia Minor: Addenda. remarks Aksaray. that even though the largest revenue was the djizye. p. 318-319. and Fahr al-Din greatly proliferated the number of tax farms with disastrous results. in the presence of Djalal al-Din Rumi. As the populations were crushed under the burden. 706. “ ~ Further to the south. nao Ibid. 276. Because the countryside had become desolate. OP0 Ibid.Mellink. 033 Bar Hebraeus. Karim &Din states that such burdensome taxation occurred at Aksaray.” 0 3 7 Aksaray-Genqosman. 308-310. I b n Bibi-Duda. consequently.G86 and though the rebellion was defeated. 830 I b n Bibi-Duda.. Nigde.G~~ Kamal al-Din then went to Aksaray and burdened thc citizens with such onerous taxes that the inhabitants took their possessions and fled the Another tax farmer.. and. A Chrlstlan caravan departing from Cilicia was attacked and destroyed by three hundred mounted Turkmens near Heracleia. 6 3 ~ similarly the Karamanids began to interfere and with the caravans in southern Anatolia. Bar Hebraeus. 454. Sa naturejuridique et son tvolution historique. By way of illustrating this rapacity. who. as Karim al-Din apostrophized. See also the robbing of Michael Palaeologus. 45. 308. 30. p. F. L X X (I 966).. 267. 1 ! BEGINNINGS OF TRANSFORMATION Anatolia. The richest man in Divrigi. 2 he was so furious that he contemplated plundering the crops. 271-~77.p. n z P Aksaray-GenGosman. the property of both Muslims and Christians was confiscated. 1 Bar Hebraeus. they simply fled their lands. they did not know what the word meant.BEGINNINGS OF TRANSFORMATION farms.63~in the same khan the rebel Memres had defended himself against the Karamanids who destroyed two of the structure’s towers. the former attacked and killed all the merchants he found in the ‘Ala’ al-Din caravansaray outside of Aksaray. 34. 720-731. Chankiri. 291. “how could the haradj be collected from a destroyed village?”G27 The sultan ‘Ah’ &Din I11 Kaykubad enacted such fiscal oppression that finances were thrown into confusion and many villagers fled their There are indications that not only agricultural and some urban activity were afFected but also the international commerce coming into the peninsula. their leader. I1 (1942). it would seem that displacement of the Mongol empire and the deteriorating conditions within Anatolia produced a significant decrease in the extent of this commercial activity. 335-336.. it was impossible to Iill the grain si10es. Consequently.632 The Turkmens had become so bold around Mclitene in 1256-57 that the city could not import anything.634 The Turkmen brigands from Aintab harassed and robbed the caravans from Claudia in southeast Anatolia as far north as Amaseia and Castam0n. 2 I I .0. 328. went to Nigde to collect the taxes and set out to plunder the crops of the inhabitants with the result that the people “lost their peace and security. the road between Konya and Aksaray was completely closed for two years until the towers were r e b ~ i l t . Konya..7 . for. Though commerce and caravans no doubt continued to enter n z l Aksaray-Gencosman. M . pp.nerican Journal o Archaeology. 2 I I Ibid. The financial decline is reflected in the geographical work of Hamd-Allah Mustawfi of Kazwin (1340). Kirshehir. Ibid.D. and the soil was no Ionger sown with seed.. aao w0 I b n Ibid. p. asses. Turkmens had taken over the fort of Saraf Hisar and the road between Nigde and Eyuphisar was unsafe for a twoyear i n t e r ~ a l . Ibid. relates that from one village near Ilisn Mansur the Turkmens took o f f 7. Eyuphisar. 318-319. they once rnore cut the roads and preyed on commerce. 527. ibid.pp. the crops were not planted. When the Karamanids revolted in I 276. COWS. pp. Armenia. 11.*21 the extent of tax farming and the rate of taxation increased.” A.03~ The period from 1276 to 1278 must also have been a particularly severe one for the merchants. In some cases the tax of a province was increased tenfold.. p.OZ0 The Khwarazmian tribes halted the Syrian caravans in 1 2 3 g .-Dud. Theodore Scutariotes-Sathas.p. Also the destruction of villages in some areas further crippled the finances. Eflaki-Huart. 0 3 0 Ibid. 270. and there are indications that in many areas a n unsettling effect on both rural and urban society resulted. p. 1 : 380. ”* Ibid. I. I t tcnds to corroborate the Greek sources. partie francaisc. and S ~ r i a . Ibid~.O~~the strife between Rukn In al-Din IV Kilidj Arslan and his brother. 246 24. a Christian. in 1300.4 0 . p. pp. in process of fleeing to the sultan from Nicaea. 034 I b n Bibi-Duda. p. famine forced the inhabitants to sell their children to the ~4gacheri.000 sheep a n d goats. on decline o f Seljuk wakf foundations during the Mongol invasions. 280. remarks that in order to improve his own clothinghe denudedthousands. “Mongols.p.03’ The rebels frequently utilized the merchant khans as fortresses because of their defcnsive strength. 417. Kopriilii. ~In ~1256 the Agacheri of Marash ~ roamed the highways plundering and destroying the caravans in Anatolia. in the regions between Amasya-Samsun. and Niksar. 213. The wealth of certain regions had been destroyed... Eflaki-Huart. the tax system broke down and it was impossible to raise the revenues that were necessary for support of the armies by the end of the century. 298. “L‘Institution du vakouf. Ibid.” pp. Castamon. 450. Bib. 276. 0 ~ ~ bandit Ibn Budin in a similar manner rendered The Cahen. 227-230. fell into the hands of the Turkmens. 10. reports an incident where a merchant recently robbed by the Turkmens of the borders confronts Muhammad.OZ2In the districts between Amasya and Samsun the farmers were so ground down by the taxes and corvees that Kamal al-Din of Tiflis imposed. 336. astical property of the Christians.. p.”GZG From there he moved on to Kirshehir which he “pillaged” so extensively that the religious sheikhs had to pawn the tekkes in order to raise money to pay the taxesaGZG a consequence of the heavy exactions and the disAs ruption attendant upon the rebellions of both the tribes and officials. the implications of this passage arc important for the fate o f the ecclesi02* 75. 27. 426.. the tribes continued to cut communication routes and did not cease to commit acts of brigandage on the highways.000 bulls.

When the vizier Saraf al-Din attempted to put into circulation a type of paper money or exchange that would replace metallic coin. translations of. They were to be found in large numbers in Paphlagonia. Greater Armenia.” a sure indication of the vitality of tax oppression.202. sahnegi. When a caravan was finally organized. Ibn Battuta ha d to stay there for some time because of the unsafe roads. is seemingly confirmed by another fiscal authority. declare that the inhabitants are to be freed from a variety of arbitrary and illegal taxes that had hitherto oppressed the people. The violence that had accompanied the enforcement of these illegal taxes. D. “Osmanli imparatorlugunun kurulus ve inkisafi devrinde Tiirkiye’nin iktisadi dinars.000.308-340. . I 00. and in many cases compares the sums with thosc the provinces paid in earlier times.000dinars. i 043 Ibn Battuta-Gibb. Also Hinz. XI11 (1949). 131-134. sheep. R. interprets the low prices as an indication of the scarcity of money and an economic crisis. W.OOO dinars of the present currency. This is strongly reminiscent of the process Karim al-Din of Aksaray described for the late thirteenth century and indicates that the attrition of fiscal mismanagement was a long-term phenomenon.” Belleten. Kazwini. has reported the annual revenues of the various provinces of the empire toward the end ofAbu Sa’id’s reign (c. “Das Rechnungswesen orientalischer Reichsfinanzamter im Mittelalter.000 dinars of the present currency. and with the neglect of the Byzantine provinces after I 2G I . 301-302. 644 This state in the late thirteenth and the early fourteenth century of Anatolia is also reflected in the synodal acta of the Greek church. cook shops.000 dinars of the present currency. see chapter iv. An inscription from Nigde (1469-70) in the lands of the Karamanids repeats the familiar prohibition of “illegal taxes. !7 4 The revenues in the times of their native kings [of Georgia] amounted to near 5.” Belleten. obviously conditions were far less felicitous than they had been i n the first half of the thirteenth century.G. See also. XXIX (I950).” pp. they were in constant fear of being robbed. Ibid. 040 For the texts. Here they were not permitted to enter until morning and only after the commander of the castle had gone out with his troops to examine the countryside to see if it was safe. I1 . buying and selling came to a halt in Anatolia and all the commercial caravans from Syria turned back.300. On this point and their declining value. XI11 (I 949). there are indications that in the first half of the century travel was not always free of such dangers in Turkmen country. esp.042 Though the situation i n Anatolia must have improved in the fourteenth century as the emirates crystallized..000 dinars. ad. he went with it to Tavas. . p. background to Mongol fiscal practices. but in our times the government only obtains I .” pp. He adds that thc local inhabitants brought their livestock into the fortress every night for fear that the Turkmens might steal their animals. Official inscriptions from Ani. should be qualified by the conclusions of Hinz.1-42. 755-756. M. “Steuerinschriften. but now the total sum paid is only 390. His figures for Rum (eastern and central Anatolia with the western Udj districts).” Turk hukuk ue iktisat larihi mecmuasi. “Die persische Inschrift an der Mauer der ManuEehrMoschee zu h i . 251-253. 302 on the”debasement of-the silvercoinage in Anatolia. “Inschrift. Ibid. 745-769 (hereafter cited as Hinz-Steuerinschriften.” A r c f h Orientalni. Ankara. all of which seemingly date from the reign of the Ilkhanid Abu Sa’id (1316-35) . building stone. X (1938). “Reqideddin’in mektuplarinda Anadolu’nun iktisadi ve medeni hayatlna ait kayitlar. Spuler. Hinz.644 This dccline in the economic fortunes of Muslim Anatolia during the late thirteenth and early fourteenth century. For.” Der Islam. I (1g31). p. de Jerphanion. and Ibn Buttuta’s journey is partly illustrative of this point. Capjadoce..400. 427-428. Barthold and W.BEGI’NNINCS OF TRANSFORMATION BEGINNINGS OF TRANSFORMATION unsafe to travelers the district between Nigde and S i v a ~The ~ ~ of . Hinz.83-184.bear further and undeniable testimony to Anatolian economic decline and to fiscal oppression that it brought the peasantry and the city dwellers. 841 843 Its [Rum’s] revenues a t the present day amount to 3. sumare-i kobcur. ‘Was iranische Papiergeld.. mohair. GI (IgsI). 570. With this period the brief revival of the Greek Cappadocian cave churches comes to a n end. a48 Ibid. taxes on flax seed. 11. 448. inasmuch as they were in Turkmen country again. pp. p. “Mogollar devrinde Anadolu’nun iktisadi vaziyeti. ~ effects rebellions and Turkmen banditry on commerce seem to have been abetted on occasion by government measures. the Turkmen push became inexorable. Once in Denizli. an oficial i n the government of the Ilkhanid Mongols. Togan..04Q These inscriptions. XV (I 953). The emir of Gul Hisar furnished Ibn Battuta with an armed body to escort him to Denizli inasmuch as the region was infested with brigands. Akdag.OOO.000. I a 4 6 These were silver. Die Mongolen. namari. pp.. . Ibn Battuta remarks that once he and his party made their way north of Magnesia a d Sipylum. saltpeter. 1335-36). reads one inscription. ” Z.”). I n each of the three districts the revenues in Kazwini’s day were less than 25 percent of what they once had been.G4s .The study of Togan. qalan. embodying the contents of imperialyarliqs. and Kirshehir. ~ 948 249 . Spuler. 95. p. hazr-i galle. and commentaries on these important inscriptions. and not gold.M. Barthold and Hinz.. I6& pp.G60 In western Anatolia the events of the thirteenth century had resulted in an increase in the number of Turkmens on the borders. but during the times of the Seljuks they were in !48 excess of 15. Hamd-Allah Mustawfi al-Kazwini..” Iktisat fakultesi memuas!. . . De Mongolen.G46 has as been set down in the registers. 297-326.Jaha. and Georgia are immediateIy reIevant. trnagir.. set forth in such detail by a financial official of the Seljuk state (Karim al-Din Mahmud of Aksaray). tarh. tabkur. On the introduction of paper money. “Steuerinschriften aus dem mittelalterlichen vorderen Orient. Its [Greater Armenia’s] revenues in former days amounted to near Q. dinars.. 298.848 Though commerce and travel were not completely disrupted. 241-269. The inscriptions mention fifteen taxes illegally levied. Hinz. 33-50.the . had caused farmers to flee their villages and townsmen to abandon the cities. matrah-i sabun. n4a Kazwini-Le Strange.

and the surrounding forts had been similarly reduced by blockade a n d starvation. and also as a result of the growing despair among the inhabitants who found that resistance was useless.OOO.74. enslavement.065 and when in 1304 Ephesus fell. 210-212. 142. T h e Turkish occupation took the form ofrepeated pillaging expeditions.“~More dramatic perhaps was the rctreat of the Turks before the Catalan forces or the successes of Philanthropenus near the mouth of the Nicephorus Gregoras. OG4 For thedctailssee Wittck. Thosewho I. 589. 120.passim. 2 1 0 . and destruction. Abu’l-Fida quotes the thirteenth-century Arab author Ibn Said to the effect that in the thirtcenlh century there were 200. and the regions of as were the towns Magedon were repeatedly and savagely o r Turkmens with their tents in the regions of Laodiceia. That is to say. Melanoudium. pp. But as the Byzantine armies were disbanded or transferred io Europe. I.GG4T h e Turkish advance and the siege of the fortified regions were so successful that by the end of the thirteenth and beginning of the fourteenth centuries.rro~o8v~a~. O n occasion the Turks remained in an area until they were forced to withdraw by expeditiolls such as that of the despot John in the Maeander-Caysier regions in 1269. the raiders settled on the land until they finally reached the Aegean coastline. GGa Ibid. and Magedon. A few years later the emperor sent his son Andronicus to clear the Turks from Tralles.468-469. the tribes under various chieftains overran most of Byzantine Anatolia in a quarter of a century. Oo3 Pacyhmeres. farther to the ~ east. and in 1296 Alexius Philanthropenus achieved a few temporary successes in the regions around Miletus.1.11.G6D Tralles had also been destroyed.654 What was the nature of this final Turkish conquest and settlement and what effect did it have on the Christian population? An examination of the actual facts reveals that this second conquest of western Asia Minor was in many ways similar to the earlier conquest a t the end of the eleventh century. Turan.” passim. in 1282. 473-4. 174.GO2 Nysa. and here the Christians were in a better position to resist the invaders than they were in the open countryside. however.. I 15. Ool Ofla Ibid.” 251 . I.rrohuqplpct. K a i ~ ~ h i j e o si v o ~ 6 v k 00 PqGlws &pteoq-rbv Epyov ~~alpaS. G 5 5 Pachymeres.-178. Allgelov. Andronicus brought together 36. T h e valleys of the Maeander. thc Cayster. M.S.. I 965)) p. of the Cayster. surrendered were not less than PO. Byzantine attempts to defend western Anatolia in the three-quarters o f a century following their reoccupation of Constantinople were few and halfhearted. 433-436. 470. ed. 163.. The strongly fortified towns constituted a somewhat more serious challenge to the invaders. and Mysia experienced a similar history. Caria. KO[\ T j V TPIV 6V XpqDpOis KEl!hqV T E P I ~ U V ~ U Ia i K y’ 6hdoiv h q w p q y l v q v xpqmays xoGv Ka. ’00wpavol.. B. 169. But these fortified centers of resistance also fell as a result of the Turkish bloclrades that cut OK the towns from the agricultural countryside. Nicephorus Gregoras. ”‘Ibid.~5l P h r ~ g i aWhen ~ defense of the Greeks had degenand .. D. the slaughter of the inhabitants and the destructionof the city were extensive.OGOWhen the city was finally finished. 219-220. and when the latter finally entered. 219-220. I n fact to one Greek historian it seemed as ifall the emirs had formed an alliance and then divided the spoils among themselves accordingly.220-275. and most of the rcgions between the Maeander and Cayster were also in the hands of the Turkmens. Oo6 250 Ibid.2 ~ ~ . ‘‘ Elyap-ro y h p KchE8&v K a l pupioo-rriag &has 6Akda1 TGV &KEY KClTOlK~CJ&VTOV. Arnakis. I. 138. pafsinz. This exaggerated figure is very difficult to evaluate. Treu (Amsterdam. Turkish infiltration and settlement of Bithynia took a little longer inasmuch as the region was closer to Constantinople and was possessed oflarge fortified towns. Selcuklnlar tarihi ue turk-islam medetiiyeti (Ankara. Menteshe besieged the town and as a result of the severe blockade the citizens were reduced to such famine that they began to drink horse blood. passinz (hcreafter cited as PlanudesTreu) . Ahxinii Planudis epistulae. “Certains aspects de la conqu&tedes peuples balkaniques par les G52 Maeander. see the letters of Maximus Planudes. ”Tripolis.” Ibid. but that the tribsemcn had settled there in great numbers is further confirmcd in the letters of Planudcs.” XVII (1956). just to the east of T r a l l e ~ . 166.05’ But as such defensive armies wcre operative over short periods of time. many of the inhabitants were 067 Ibid.000 colonists in order to repeople the city.. Lemcrle. Miletus. Tu~cs. “Smyrne. Ahrweiler. The raiders came. O n this brief but brilliant episode. 74-75.rob$ &Ei -rrapamqcrapkvou. 11. 96-99. . “ hiyq . Ibid. 1960). Planudes-Treu. 125-129. I. 11. 135-14. Caicus. 150-155. as the recurrent Turkish raids had by 1304 reached Ephesus and Caria.”NicephorusGregoras.144.raP&hhoucrl. Extensive destruction in some areas once more characterized the conquest. All these efforts were ephemeral at best. 4. ~ ~ the erated sufficiently. 470. In 1269 the despot John was forced to clear the regions ofthe Maeander.G56The areas of the Cayster. T h e besieged repeatcdly oKered to surrender the city but the Turks refused. the Maeandrian and Caystrian regiolls were entirely in Turkish hands. They were taken away and so harsh was their lot that they rejoiced Tor those who had been slain as they thereby escaped the hardships of enslavement.74. On the destructive aspects of thc Ottoman COIIquests.passim.. 589. for booty. Antiocheia. 214. Tralles. in the beginning. T h e emir Sassan reduced Thyraia by starvation. Ayditl.GG1 But soon after. the Turlrmens pushed back in very quickly and resumed their conquests and settlement. Mentesche. so the emperor sent his son who decided to rebuild and recolonize the uninhabited town. it was often accompanied by violent displacement of rural and urban populations.BEGINNINGS OP TRANSFORMATION BEGINNINGS OF TRANSFORMATION Pam~hylia. I.

133 ff. . Zuppohfi u ~ f i viuTopla To6 V O T l O a V C t T O h l K O ~ Alyalou (pi hTOpVfi Th ITaTIAlaKh cplppavia TGV h G v 1454-1522. 0 7 8 Ibid. a80 Pachymeres. Lydia. indicating that it was important in some areas. Pegae and were des0lated.‘‘ doa TE I v Mapuav6qvoiS TE Kal M~UUUI . Very often rural populations abandoned their unprotected villages for the temporary security of the walled towns and fortresses. J Whence the Maeander was emptied not only of people in most of the extensive lands.677 I n 1301 O m a n devastated the Bithynian regions of Nicomedia. came to an . Anagourda.0GQ Mysia the Maryandian and Mossynian regions were so obliterIn ated as to necessitate a “Maryandian lamentor’. separated by walls. pt. Ida. Platanea. but also of the very monks. some of whom went over to the side of the The latter finally wasted and overran the countryside.” ZbppElKTU. I t was very good not only for the increase of flocks and herds of animals. T&V pkv is vbh~is a i Tpoljpia TGV 6’ ~ 1 vfioous. I 31 I .889). Zachariadou. 11.. eventually cutting off the cities and blockading them.~~~Theregions of Scamander. nevertheless. 419. ~‘Pachymercs. Sakelllon. When the Turks and entered the latter town they killed the majority of‘the inhabitants.” For removal of military bodies to Europe.E.akes:c’OOwpccvol. Melangeia. in the fifteenth century. and Nicomedia were accessible only by sea. laying waste all the lands. I. speaks of the slaughter of inhabitants. 413-424. With the second capture and destruction in 1282. 071i KaTh c77 . PP.Gs0 Though this partial and forced withdrawal of an important segment of the Greek population from Anatolia is not documented i n great detail. 070 . V Ka\ ALav BVGEGS ~X~VTWV TGV dtvayKalwv 61h ~ f i vTGV B~WTEPIKGVt<aThhelav.E... pillaged the town. Mysia.OGB The city of Magnesia on the Maeander was still.I.. but excellent for assembling earthdwelling. 637. a complete r ~ i n . 311. 421. Pachymercs. Prusa. and Caria were also affected by this depopulation. except only for the fortified towns. and by the end of the thirteenth century the regions of Neocastron and Abala lay desolate. ahhwv 68 K a l EISKaT’ hv-ri-rrapaiav K 5 T& &upahij. It is impossible to say what portion of the indigenous population it affected. . and then intentionally destroyed it by fire. -1. in the-early fourteenth century.a7G h e T Sangarius valley was left desolate. with the aid of which they ejected the Turks.E.ee8 The districts between Magnesia on the Hermus and Philadelpheia were subjected to repeated raids and sieges. &s pfi pdVOV TQV 1 MalavGpov K d Th T@ cUyQ CKELVCp TpOGfiKOVTa &Ah’ fl6q K a l TOV d u b s igaTaviCopivwv is isri6popfiv cruxvGv TGV 17~puEjv. Arn. there is. a n d for nourishing men. The implication is that the areas of Neocastron. . Tium.. 1 . Amastris. T h e inland regions of Bithynia. Eventually the Greeks summoned Byzantine troops. Halkin. Heracleia.” coo Ibid. 430-405. on sacking of the libraries vol. Nicaea. the Christian m population had often sought refuge in the face of the Turkish invasions. 221-227. T .~7~ Cenchrae was reduced by blockade. ibid.6’o By the early fourteenth century only the towns and forts had survived the Turkish plundering forays in Mysia as well as in Bithynia. Phrygia. the inhabitants of Sardes wcrc forced to dividc the city with the Turks. Thus such towns as Cromna. 597. 11. The cnemies attacked without restraint. li70 Ibid. ZuvoGIKa\ 6lCQ‘VhDEls TqS la‘ &KaTOVTaETqPLSOs.. And thus after a little the Maeander regions becamedesolate as the inhabitants withdrew deeper because of the attacks of the foreigners. ASSUS. “Manuscrits galtsiotes. The invaders destroyed Croulla and Catoicia and the inhabitants were put to thesword~renslaved.081 . Angelocome. 2 1 0 . and enchanted Asia. heavenly citizen-monks . ‘I 253 . Ibid. the remainder were transported to Thyraia out of fear that they might betray the city. and these cities were soon isolated from the countryside so that for the next two or three decades they lived in a state of siege. Pachvmeres. IIr (. 314-319. Cayster... They revelled daily in murdering and in dreadful enslavements such as had never been heard of. ~ ~ E I T ~ V T a iV p ~ h ~ ~Tw ~v 6’ I V T ~ S u K~ b . sufficient testimony as to this displacement of population. Abala.402 : K a l 61h O ~ ~ TTGV p L pov~uopivwv T O TGV6’ dmavlrrapCvwv. BautAlKbv “16pUW ’E~EuvGv. 407-408 On the flight of population to the isles. ‘‘ T 6 V YO& &pGV KaKOVpiVWV. 192-193. the most beautiful churches and monasteries. hrl T O O O ~ O V tThVlUT0 & U T E K d MapvavGqvoir 8pqVqT‘fjpOS Xp$ {EIV & s h S T h E i 8pllVjUOVTOS. 442.G78 Belocome. and they burned the most beautifti1 of these. I (1966). 11.. 311-312. and some of the fortresses. 31 I . pp.. Apameia. There was between us and the enemies only this narrow sea.. Zbid.” Ibid. XV. The two groups lived in separate sections of the town.. to bewail the destruction in a fitting manner. 958.074 The collapse of Byzantine rule in Bithynia and Paphlagonia was accelerated and facilitated by the religious and factional strife among the Byzantines there. ~ 6 7 The lands north of the Cayster as far as Caicus experienced a comparable fate. E. so in the late thirteenth and the fourteenth century there is ample evidence that important segments of the populace fled before the Turks. Ibid. The Maeandrian districts were severely depopulated by the invasions. Scri. 11.btori~rn~. 335-337. d ~ o hv K a i uw8eiev.BEGINNINGS OF TRANSFORMATION BEGINNINGS O F TRANSFORMATION slaughtered. For the land about the Maeander was another Palestine. ‘lis Evidently the city of Tralles had been completely deserted before Andronicus rebuilt it. the Greeks frequently abandoned the towns for the islands off the western coast or for Constantinople and other European regions of the empire.” A. The situation in the east constantly declined a n d worsened so that daily reports upon worse reports came to the emperor . I. 310-31 I. 2 (1961). and their environs were left desolated.. But as safety was not assured even there.. 11. Magedon.t as in the late eleventh and the twelfth century.

sed omni habitatore carentia. The Arab traveler Ibn Battuta relates that Greeks were still to be found in large numbers in western Anatolia. Those who survived the rigors of the flight made their way to Pergamum.ri&laav. a l ~h a i r r i j v l. 407-408. I. TQ ~ i j KUCLKOW E T E I i s ~ xiop@ &PTI TOTE UU~TUVTI a p & TOG C a h q ~ p 0 6 p o v l ~ w v o s . 8991. many ofthe inhabitants decided to flee. You saw at t h a t time a pitifkl sight. anothcr her son o r daughter. . and another some n a m e of a relation. the patriarch pcrsonally doled out wheat and wine to the destitute refugees. “nErAi)8EI 66 T ~ V&ypo~8vwvfi nbh~s. similarly swollen by the refugees and suffering from blockade by the enemy. “Css 6k rZiioav T ~ &i V Xijpav rpoKaTahap6vTwv T T ~ V ”16qv I l ~ p a Z v CpqDoGoeal TGV O I K ~cuvipaivE.000. &Ah’ c j s Khwnas (5v air-rol 61holraeijs hfiaavTo.BEGINNINGS OF TRANSFORMATION BEGINNINGS OF TRANSFORMATION its inhabitants who had survived. 1905). those who survived fleeing to the isles and to the European sh0res.” p. 0 IThElOWS 6k UOT&TEp6V TI 1 VOIO~~VTES of ~ k v €15 vfiuov5 01 6’ E ~ S &uTIrEpafav b p ~ w v . namely those who were carrying away their possessions and crossiIlg over to the city [Constantinople].0s2 The regions of Magedon were left desolate as ~ e l l . s TE K a A d yhp Bu-rEG&v K a l YE Aoipbs 8hiovs GIE~EPI&~V. 412.raKp68Ev K Ebpwv. “Smyrne. 91% “. . -rhs TGV x w p i j v d p a v TOO ZayyapEws B ~ Q ~ ~ ~ U E I S . p. rg45). 01 66 T O ~ ~ G T61hT S~ & v & y ~ q v 06 T oCS’ VE V T ~ drrropIas aGTb8Ev I T ~ ~ U X O V T ET & ~ E I V KaTEp&ueavov. In a passage that strikingly recalls the words that Anna Comnena used to describe the destruction of coastal Anatolia in the late elevcnth century.” The inhabitants of Ida and Scamander fled to Assos. and most crossed the Hellespont. 11.roAiq€kv &~roi~ta8Cv-r~s hioyirow 6tb T~JVKma6popjv T ~ iV .” 0 8 0 Ibid.K a \ O h 0 1 dK TOG TapEfKOVTOS. 31 I.005 The conditions of this troubled period.GE8 Many who fled the Scamandrian region had sought safety at Cenchrae. 390. 4x5. attacking the land of the Rhomaioi.0°4 Just what the proportion was between Greeks and Turks in early fourteenth-century Anatolia is difIicult to say. OBn Pachyrneres. 415. 1301. to the isles. “abv 015 K a l TIT^ Bv6ov ZayyhpEws. 6uo1 6i YE Ka\ l q v u a v k p v y a i v . Svu.. 401. 57-58. one recalling her husband. 443-445. . 31 I. Pegae. 33-34.000with the result that this group followed the Almugavares throughout the city.. T h e partial diminution of the indigenous population plus the settlement of the Turks resulted in a drastic demographic change.F. 468. 142. pp.. mpa-rich-rag paaihiKGv dihhaylwv.. T O u o h X J fi$vldO O o 0 Ibid. 11.” On the desertion of the land: Pachymeres. 11.“ Kai o Aabs piv K O T E U ~ ~ T T E T O 6 6’ ciravlma-ro cp8avwvJ K a l ol piv npbs vfiuous T& Byyrco6aas 01 66 r p b s TT~V 6iraiv 6iampaioirp~vot~IEU&{OVTO. 11. . I.rrEabv-ras ~ T I ~ ~ ~ O C ~KVaT O l &vqha&s &Ta.600 as did Bithynia in the quarter-century following the battle of Baphaeum. 232. 314..OsG Cyzicus.” W V T~P O n * Ibid. Petersburg. .. Dolger. 11. rue$ Cijv K a l pbvg r ~ m e v o p l v o ~ ~ . “Die Vita des Heiligen Philotheos von Athos.f ~ p a ~ ~ aDTaiS yvvaici K a i T ~ V O I S (hvov ~crrh Sbatv. ” Ooi OQZ Cc . pp.H. 093 Pachymeres.~8’ When the pressure of the conquerors became too great on ASSUS. &vh XEipas . XXII (1963) 274. Altatlasiiit I i Isidora I (St. Pachymeres. K a l ywvaiKas K a l T d K V a K a l @a K a l drapclv dyKa. IT~OUITE~&<EIV O ~ M ~ T E S 6s PpaxiJ. AUSden Scltatzkam~nertzdes Heiligetz Berges (Munich.” j Oo4 fbid. “ K a i +rb ~ ~ E ~ L T I K ~ V Bpyov ~ a 8 1 m E cp q a i p a s . I. Ibid.085 few A years later the rural areas of Magnesia and the Hermus seem to have become largely deserted. oi STj K a i &va. I. was also struck by famine and a devastating plague. “or56ds o h ev xcbpais & E ~ E ~ T E T O .. ‘*. In many areas. R. cum fossatis magnis et turribus. Acles de Kutlunlits (Paris. to Constantinople. Ibid. or were taken captive by the Turks.~*4When the emperor decided to leave Magnesia. Philotheus fled Elaieia opposite Lesbos and settledin Europe. Also Pachymeres.. 3 14. and Lemerle.. Papadopoulos-Kerameus.. 438.r-rov. Of these Greeks. Ibid. I. D. 61h T ~ V@pov TGV ’Ayapqviiv . 1948). 438. . Cenchrae had also become points of refuge and for the uprooted populations in My~ia. %a1 K E V ~ V ivTs68ev TB ~po6p1ov KmaAkAhStrTo. A n d the straits received a throng orpeople and animals daily who h a d n o t been freed without the grcatest of tragedies.” For other references to the flight of population from Asia Minor to the islands and Europe.” Muntaner-Buchon.. “Why it is called after the Rum is because it used t o be their land in older times? and from it came the ancient Rum and the Yunanis (Greeks). Consequently the Turkish conquest and occupation produccd considerable upheaval in the late thirteenth and early fourteenth century. destitute and starving. as well as to the relocation of Anatolian military bodies in Macedonia see the following. 11. Ahiweiler.William of Adam. $TI 66 K a I ~ i vbocp $5 LKa-rosT6us Brir-rov. ASSUS. K a t TpOpT$E& TOO cfjv S S ~ h. A slnall portion ofthe population had sought refuge in the towns but the majority had crossed to the islands and Europe.C. the Turks came in and began to put the inhabitants i n the environs to the swords. 318-319. Ibid. who had despaired of their salvation. 441-442.“Sunt eciarn castra circumquaque pulcerrima et fortia. relates that the refugees in Constantinople were roaming the streets. the Almugavares gave food to 0.rra_towv ? ~ S T ahhovs a h o i IT~ITTOVTES’ or5 y h p cbs noh~yiovs a@s 01 lltpual. T.” S. 11.601 .G03 Famine and plague must have been common occurrences in most of western Anatolia at this time.” rohhaX68Ev hEiaPah6vTES -robs pkv Pachymercs.. 28.11.a02The town of Pegae. 6 When the 8~ expedition of 1302 against the Turks failed and the emperor withdrew to the walls of Magnesia on the Ilermus. another a brother a n d sister. but here the Christians were less fortunate than at Assus for the Turks reduced the town and put most of the inhabitants to death. transformed it i n t o another desert encompassing the length and width of the l a n d from the Black Sea t o t h e sea b y Rhodes.. K a l ~ t n) c y p a ro-rapijv EFoe~v p PEGpa. “ivdKTE1 vbaov hoiMh6q TB uwvEn-r0X8a1 hip@ K a l KaKora8alalS. 420. brought upheaval to a large portion of the towns and countryside. 6001 K a i r b ~ L T O S Ep-yov. Kal nqyal rapaBaAaaola nbhis TGV6 u o x ~ p G v i-rraipdteq. &Ah’ bhlyoi M ~ V TUTS TTbhEUl -rmp@~OVTO. Ibn Battuta Gibb. Therewas noone who d i d not l a m e n t the privation of t h e members of his family. ” ‘I . some 20.G80 The Nicephorus Grcgoras. PapouIia. inhabitants and refugees comthe pletely abandoned it a n d crossed over to the island of Mitylene. however. George Pachyrneres wrote of the late thirteenth century : And thus in a short time the [Turks].” The parents of St.” 415. OoG 254 155 . and often the inhabitants fled to the large towns... on the lands of the soldiers from Clazomenae who were resettled around Serres. 11.K a I ~ U T E V O X O ~ E ~ T O Tois rav-raxoG KEI~~VOIS E I K ~ l hrai8ptoi5. TGV yhp 2ew TUVTOVUUYhKEIUekVTWV h ’ b s . 335.A.. Adramyttium and Lampsacus.537. Ibid.” Constantinople received such great numbers of these refugees that the city was soon oppressed by famine and attacked by the plague.~POVTESdamor5S n v N . ‘I I Sangarius valley experienced a considerable depopulation.” Ibid. were taken off into slavery. “Zltitiin duukh’ uselensikikh’ palriarkhov’ X I V v. towns and villages were destroyed or abandoned (or partially so).



I n eastern Anatolia as early as 1235 Edessa had been sacked first by the sultan ‘Ah’ al-Din and then by Kamil of Egypt, the latter having taken off the artisan population to Egypt.Oo0 few years later, about 1 2 4 1 - 4 2 , A the Mongols razed Erzerum, killed most of the population, and enslaved the youths.e97Both Kayseri and Erzindjan suffered the same fate in 1243destruction, massacre, enslavement.BosThe Mongol invasions and Turkmen raids of the next decades obliterated the villages and environs of Melitene and reduced the area to a desert, so that the inhabitants of the city perished like animals in the bazaars.6Dun 1256-57 Baidju proceeded I from Erzerum to Aksaray burning towns and devastating the provinces,700 killing 7,000 of the inhabitants of Albistan and carrying off the young men and women. 701 The Mameluke armies, often followed by pillaging Turkmen bands, wrought such destruction in Cilicia during the late thirteenth century that the Christians fortified the coastal islands and began to take refuge there. In 1266 they burned and despoiled Sis, Mopsuestia, Ayas, and AdanaU7O2 decade later Ayas, Mopsuestia, Tarsus, and Sis were A once more burned, and the Greek and Armenian monasteries as far west as Corycus were reduced by fire.703 The Mongols plundered Aksaray c. 1277, killing and enslaving 6,000 oftheinhabitantsJ704 the rebelDjimri and ruthlessly plundered Konya and its environs in 1 2 7 6 . 7 0 6 The sparse documentation from Trebizond indicates that plague and invasions also
Later on it was conquered by the Muslims, but in it there are still large numbers of Christians under the protection of the Muslims, these latter being Turkmens.” Marino Sanudo Torsello, Istoria del regno di Romania, ed. in C. Hopf, Chronigues Greco-Roltzanes in6dites ou peu connnes (Berlin, 1873), p. 142; “In 1’Asia Minor, e ch’Z maggior Paese, che non A la Spagna, della qual abbiamo detto esser quarto Regni, la qual per la maggior parte sottoposta a Turchi, per il piu li Popoli seguono il Ritto Greco e sono per il piu Greci. Anco I’Armenia, che si chiamava anticamente Cilicia, b abitata da Greci. I n la Mesopotamia b gran quantita di Greci e solevano esser molto piu a1 tempo del passaggio di Piero Eremita e Goffredo di Buglione, il cui fratello Balduino fu Conte in Mesopotamia, e si chiamva Conte cle Ronn ” . .-----. noBBar Hebraeus, I, 401. OD‘ Ibid., 406. Ibn Bibi-Duda, pp. 223-214. Bar Hebraeus, I, 406-409. Ibn Bibi-Duda, pp. 230-231. O o 0 Bar Hebraeus, I, 409, also 419-420, 426. Not only dld the Turkmens carry away all the livestock from the rural area of Hisn Mansur, but they also sacked the Christian monasteries of Madik, Masye, and M a r Dimat. 7 0 0 Aksaray-Genqosman, p. 136. ‘01 Bar Hebraeus, I, 416. 7 o a Canard, “Cilicia,’; EI,, lists devastating Mameluke raids in Cilicia for the years 1266, 1275, 1283, 1297, 1303, 1315, 1320, 1322, 1335, 1337, etc. Brocquibre (BrocquiZreSchefer, passim), who traveled in Cilicia in the first half of the fifteenth century describes a region which has still not recovered from Mameluke and Turkmen depredations. T h e Turkmen nomads have settled on the land and the Christians have retreated to the fortresses, mountains, and to the islands. The decline of Genoese commerce in Cilicia dates from the later thirteenth century, C. Desimoni, “Actes passts en 1271, 1274 et 1279 A 1’Asias (Petite Armenie),” Archives de l’orient Latin, I (1881),435. 70s Bar Hebracus, I, 456, 451-453. 60,000 were killed and many enslaved. The raids of Turkmens and Mamelukes continued throughout the century, ibid., 460, 465. ‘04 Aksaray-Genpman, p. 200. Mongol armies plundered the districts of Konya, Ermenak, and L u a n d a . Aksaray-GenGosman, p. 209. ‘06 Ibn Bibi-Duda, pp. 312-316.

caused a certain depopulation and movement of the inhabitants to more secure areas.70G This upheaval, however, was never complete, and many areas recuperated in the course or the fourteenth ccntury, though one must assume that Anatolian conditions did not again attain the stability and prosperity or the early thirteenth century. Traces of this less fortunate period were still visible in the fourteenth century. Ibn Battuta remarked that in 1333 Erzerum was still mostly in ruins as a result of the feud between two groups of Turkrnen~;7~’ Izmir too was largely a ruined t0wn;7~8 site of Ephesus was abandoned ror the neighboring heights, the and the Christian population was removed. Pergamum was a shambles, as was Iznik which was uninhabited.700 The emperor Manuel Palaeologus, who had occasion to visit Anatolia while performing military service in the army of the sultan Bayazid, observed that many of the older Byzantine towns of northern Anatolia were uninhabited and destroyed. 71° In the south Ludolph of Suchem observed about 1 3 5 0 that both Patara and Myra were ruined as a result of the Turkish invasions and a century later Arnold von Harff found the same conditions at L ~ a n d a . ~One ll must conclude, then, that though the events of the late thirteenth and the early fourteenth century were not complete and unqualified disasters in the long run for many of the Anatolian towns, they were serious enough
‘ 0 8 Panaretus-Lampsides, pp. 63, 64, 66, 68, 74, 77. The plague, which seems to have visited the inhabitants regularly, is recorded in 1341, 1348, 1362, ~ 3 8 2 . The monastic documents, though very fragmentary, illuminate the process by which the Turkmen raids and invasions, by enslavement, led to gradual depopulation in certain areas, T. Uspensky and V. Bene‘sevi;, Vazelonskie A k p (Leningrad, 1927), pp. 7, 17, 39, 40, 5758, 76, 78. For further indications of the desolation that the Turks wrought, BessarionLampros, pp. 35, 40. 7 0 f I b nUattuta-Gibb, 11, 437. 7 O 8 Ibn Battuta-Gibb, 1 , 445. Ludolpb bf Suchem-Neumann, 332. I?. Deycks, Lttdolphi 1 rectoris ecclesiae parochialis in Suchem de itinere terrae snnctae li6er (Stuttgart, 185 I ) , pp. 24-25 (hereafter cited as Ludolph of Suchem-Deycks). \--‘OD Ibn Battuta-Gibb, X, 448, 453. I ‘lo Manuel Palaeologus, Leltres de l’empereur Manuel Palkologue ed. 15. Legralld (Amstcrdam, 1g6z), p. 22 (hereafter cited as Manuel Palaeologus-Lcgrand), “Tb 6k I T E ~ ~ 6V 81 viiv C U ~ E V EIXE i v a npouqyopiav ~T&VTCS, ~ T E ~ ~ X E I ‘Pwpaiwv Ta-rorlrp8v T E irnb ~ E V TEV a i ~ E O - I T O @ ~ E V O Vviiv 68 (qToirrv1 Tairrqv ba8aiv, ?&OW ITTEP&, 6 Tautv, ~ K .

kv-raii8a nolihtis, otkouv s’, 01s pcrhwra KoupoGv-ral dhe1s K a i d v xwpls oirK 6tv K U p h ~ sKUhOiVTO T6hElS, TEplEXobUas &V8pbTOUS. At 68 7ThE[OUS K d KEiVTUl 8hJCC T o h o i s i?wv6v.” Ibid., p. 23, ‘‘ ’AKO~~EIS TV ~ I r[op~~q?ow, ~ VKahfiv Kl 8CnrpUaTjV K a i TT a peya?qv, p8hhov 6i TI'-^ TOTE -roiairrqv 030av ( v h yap p6yls ITOW hEi\yava Tair-rqs


6Pllpfq. n6hEls 68 I EV pkV 6i

h 1 V

Ludolph of Suchem-Deycks, pp. 26-27. Ludolph of Suchem-Stcwart, p. 33. Arnold von Harff, D i e Pilgerfnhrt des Ritters Arnold von Harff Coln clurch Italien, Syrierz, Arabien, von Aethiopien, Nubien, Paldrtina, die Tiirkei, Frankreich und Spanietl, wie er sie in den Jahren 1496 bis 1499 vollendet, beschrieben iktid durch reichlzungen erlauterl hat, ed. E. von Groote (Cologne, 1860), p. 202 (hereafter cited as Arnold von Harff-Groote), “Item van ICukro zo Larantaiij daichreyss, eyn zo brochen stat.” T h e Pilgrimage o Arnold von H a r f Knight from Cologtle, f through Italy, Syria, ED@, Arabia, Ethiopia, Nubia, Palestine, Turkg, France and S.baiti, which he accomplished in theyears 1496 to 1499,trans. M. Letts (London, 1946), p. 237 (hereafter cited as von Harff-Letts), See also Kazwini-Le Strange, pp. 96-98, on decline of Ermenak, Bayburt, Avnik, Abashkir, Kir, and Baqih.






to lessen the former prosperity and stability of‘ Anatolia, to cause a marked displacement of the native Christian element in many areas, and to bring about the final decline or destruction of some towns and villages. This displacement o r Christian population which arose from plague, famine, massacre, enslavement, and migration, along with the arrival of new Turltic and Mongol groups in Analolia, resulted in an important demographic and ethnic alteration of the Anatolian population. But as has already been mentioned, it is very dificult to say anything about numbers or proportions. I t is surely true that this late thirteenth- and fourteenth-century period is the period of final, critical change in the ethnic and religious configuration of Anatolia. T h e continuing process of conquest and reconquest had considerable effect on the indigenous population. 712

Partial Ls o Towns and Villages it f Destroyed, Pillaged, Enslaved, or Massacred



Tralles Priene Miletus Caria Antioch Melanoudium Nysa Tripolis

Edessa Rayseri Erzindjan Albistan Aksaray Erzerum Sebasteia Alaskert Ani

Tarsus Ayas

Pompeiopolis Tokat Kemah

Corycus Patara Myra Laranda Eregli Selefkc

Ephesus Magnesia ad €Iermum


The Nomads
Though the final conquest and reunification of Anatolia were the accomplishment of a complex and highly organized state, the principal cause of the upheavals from the late thirteenth through the fifteenth century (as of the eleventh and twelfth centuries) was the reactivation of the independence of t h e tribal groups. The very nature of their economy, society, and culture was such that tribal interests and conduct were frequently inimical to those of sedentary society. To be sure the periodic invasions of Mongols, Mamelukes, and others contributed to the unsettling of Anatolia, b u t the nomads often utilized t h e w invasions to throw off the restraints to which one or another state had subjected them. Since the role of the Turkmens was important in the Anatolian cultural mutation, it is of the greatest interest to examine their polity in some detail and to understand how this peculiar polity might have h a d a disrupting erect on Byzantine society. It is true that eventually many of the nomads settled on the land, a n d that even those who did n o t settle on the land eventually came to a modus vivendi with the sedentary population. Rut until all this was regularized and Anatolia attained stability, the nomadic element contributed greatly to the attrition that Byzantine society underwent. I n addition, as conditions in some Anatolian villages became
?12 We have an eyewitness as to the eflect of these conditions on the Christian churches in Anatolia by thc end of the thirteenth century, Ricoldus d c Monte Crucis, “Lettres d e Monte-Croce sur la prise d’Acre rag^)," ed. R. Rohricht in Archives de L’Orient Latin, I1 (1884)~ (hereafter cited as Ricoldus de Monte Crucis, Rahricht), “Certe, 273 credo, quod nosti, quod presens eram in Sebaste, civitate Turchic, quando postquam receperunt nova de dolorosa captione Tripolitana, ligaverunt crucem cum ymagine crucifixi ad caudam equi el traxerunt per totam civitaiem per ccnum, incipientes a loco fratrum et christianorum et hoc in die dominica ad maiorem contumcliam christianorum et Christi . Nonne in tota Turchia et Percide ct usque ad Baldactum invenimus omnes ecclesias christianorum diruptas aut stahulatas aut mescitas factas Sarracenorum? Et ubi non potueruent ecclesiam dcstruere vel stabulare, statim iuxta ecclcsiam cdificaverunt meschitam et menaram cum turri a h , ut super caput christianorum clament legem, ymmo perfdiam Machometi.”

Catoicia Cenchrae Belocome Angelocoine Anagourda Platanea Melangeia Assus Bursa Nicaea

Smyrna Uluburlu Egridir

Konya Koladna ICarahisar
Ayiicgol Kopruhisar Akhisar


. ..





marginal to their continued existence because of the economic crises and rebellions in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, a number of villages werc abandoned. Consequently, the Ottoman government forced more tribal groups to settle and to abandon nomadism with the result that the older village population of the countryside underwellt almost constant corrosion followed by the imposition of Turkmen groups on the soil. 713 This continued the process of Turkification and Islamization by elements that were closer to the original Turkish culture than even the older Muslim villagers. There is sufficient source material to attempt here a composite sketch of the nomadic society that entered Anatolia in a n almost continuous process during the four or five centuries following the battle of Manzikert, and to illustrate those features that contributed to this upheaval. It is not at all surprising that the details of Anatolian tribal life which emerge here and there i n the contemporary sources agree with the general descriptions of Turco-Mongol society in Central Asia, which such authorities as Ibn Fadlan, al-Marwazi, and William of Rubruque have preserved. Obviously, there were differences among the various Turkic groups in central Asia, but one should recall that the settlement of Anatolia was not exclusively the work ofany one tribal group or subgroup. Beside the Oghuz or Turkmen followers of the Seljuks, there were also Kipchaks, Patzinaks, Mongols, Chagatays from Timur’s horde, Khwarazmians, and others.714 If any single feature can be said to characterize Turkmen institutions,
713 M. Akdag, Celali iSyaizlari (1550-1603) (Ankara, 1962). C. Orhonlu, Osmanli imparatorlupunda asiretleri iskan te;ebbiisu (IG~I-16996)(Istanbul, 1963). 714A. Gabain, “Steppe und Stadt im Leben der tiliesten Turken,” Der Islam, von X X I X (1950): 30-62, points out the hostility of settled and nomad Turks in Central Asia. W. KBnlg, Die Acilal- Teke. Zur Wirlschaft und Gesellschajl einer Turkmenen-Gruppe im XIX Jahrhundert (Berlin, 1961),studies the Teke, who belonged to the Salor, one of the twentyfour tribes mentioned by Kashgari. A branch of the Teke came to Asia Minor in the period of the conquests. The Teke that Konig has studied occupied the AchalTekin oasis of central Asia in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. For general considerations of nomads in the Islamic world, H. von Wissmann, “Bauer, Nomade und Stadt im islamischen Orient,” in Die Welt des Islam und die Gegenwart, ed. R. Paret (Stuttgart, 196 I ), PP. 22-63. Barkan, “Les dbportations comme mCthode de peuplcment et de colonisation dam I’ernpire ottoman,” Reuue de la facultk des sciences Lcononziques de 1’Universitk d‘lstanbul, I1 (I949-50), 81,gives a list of Anatolian place names derived from Turkmen “boys” and which indicate that all twentyfour “boys” of the Oghuz Turks participated in the settlement of Anatolia.

one would have to say that i t was mobility.716 Their military, social, and cultural institutions were formed on the common axis of mobility, €or mobility was the key to survival. It was by virtue of this quality that the nomad fled or struck the enemy and obtained the economic wherewithal for existence, whether in the practice of transhumant pastoralism and marginal agriculture or in raids for booty. Movement, either between summer and winter quarters or to wage war, entailed a mass movement not only of the men but of their womenfolk, children, livestock, carts, and tents. One fourteenth-century observer remarked : I t is the habit of t h e Turks and T a r t a r s to take their wives, their little ones, and all their property with them i n their army whithersoever they march.710 Nomad armies on the move constituted a nation on the move with the consequence that thcir families, economy, and houses were all “portable,” that is to say that they had “movable” institutions. At first glance one might surmise that this mobile aspect of nomad institutional life implies a smallness of numbers in terms of the size of the nomad groups. Actually the numbers of various tribal groups both inside and outside Anatolia indicate that the amount of people involved in tribal movements could attain tens of thousands and on rare occasion even hundreds of thousands, though of course smaller numbers were more usual. Nevertheless, it is remarkable that such large movements could be carried out successfully. The most spectacular, in terms of numbers, of such tribal agglomerations (where figures have survived) are those of the Tatars about Tana in southern Russia said to have numbered 300,000 in the first half of the fifteenth century, and the Chagatay horde of Timur of 20,000 tents.717 The numbers of the Anatolian groups seem to have been much smaller, though it is impossible to say anything about the size of the original invading groups.718 This is no doubt a reflection of the fact that when the tribes came in they broke up into smaller groups as they found pasturages or settled permanently on the land. But occasionally there is mention of large tribal groups, usually in Cilicia, eartern Anatolia, and the Udj land
Theodore Metochites, Miscellanea philosophica et fiistorica ed. C. G. Miiller and T. ICiessling (Leipaig, ~ E a i ) ,pp. 725 if (hereafter cited as Metochites-Miscellntlea). I t is to be seen in their nomenclature. I n Danishmendname-Melikoff, 11, 12, they are gokgiingi, and in later Turkish yuriik, g8gebe. I n Greek they are VO!-&~ES, and in Latin bedemini. Barkan,, “Dtportations,” passim., discusses their mobility as a factor in Ottoman policies of coIonization in the Balkans. 7lO Ludolph of Suchem-Deycks, p. 29. Ludolph of Suchcm-Steward, p. 37. 717 Travels o Joseph Barbaro, in works issued by the I-Iakluyt Society (London, 1873). f p. 16 (hereafter cited as Barbaro-FIakluyt). De Clavijo-Le Strange, pp. 233-234. 718 The following figures are reported in contemporary sources: 5,000 raiders in the Taurus, I 187 (Bar Habraeus, I, 328); IZ,OOO raiders, I 107-1 108 (Matthew of Edessa, p. 264); 6,000 raiders, I 108-1 109 (Matthew of Edessa, p. 265); 2,000 raiders in Dorylaeum, I 175 (Cinnamus, 295); 8,000 raiders of Pseudoalexius in western Anatolia (Nicetas Choniates, 551); 3,000 cavalry and 2,000 infantry killed by Catalans at Artake, 1303 (Muntaner-Buchon, 419); 8,000 cavalry of Chindi in lesser Armenia. (Narraliue o f t h a Most Noble Vincento d’rlllessnndri, Ambassador 10 the King o Persia f o r the Most Illnstrious f Rebublic o f Venice, Hakluyt Society (London, 1873)~ 228 (hereaficr cited as Alessandrip.

Kay: 36 Bayat 40 Yazir 44 15 Yaber Dodurga 13 Avshar 54

Charikli 20 Begdili 10 Karkin 34 Bayindir 29 Chavuldur 51 Sakir

Eymur Alayundlu Igdish Bugduz Yiva

106 25 17 6 35

Yiiregir Bechenek Diiger Alkaevli Karaevli Chepni

See aIso d e Planhol, “Geography, Politics .and Nomadism in Anatolia,” International Social Journal, XI (1959), 525-53 I.




on the western rim of the Anatolian plateau between Dorylaeum and the hinterland ofAntalya. In this latter district the tribal groups seem to have been quite densely settled and they retained their tribal structure in a vigorous state. I n 1176, 50,000 of these tribesmen attacked Manuel I on his way to M y r i ~ c e p h a l u r nand ~a few years later (1189) the ~~ Crusaders of Frederick Barbarossa were savagely attacked by what must have been a great tribal mustering, for according to one source the assembled tribesmen (with their families probably) nulnbered 1 o o ~ o 0 0 . 7 ~ ~ An Arab source of the thirteenth century lists the tribal population of this Udj at 200,000. 721 Large tribal confederations also appeared in east and southeast Anatolia from the thirteenth through the fifteenth century. The Dhu’l-Kadroghlu could put 30,000 men and 30,000 women in the field in the first half of the fifteenth century. 722 Brocquiere saw one chieftain in Cilicia who could furnish 2,000 horsemen for military service, and Kara Yusufin eastern Anatolia could muster 1 0 , 0 0 0 . 7 ~ ~ size of these latter The tribal confederations of easter Anatolia (Akkoyunlu, Karakoyunlu, Dhu’lRadroghlu) is perhaps indicated by the following incident. On one of his Anatolian campaigns, Timur came upon a large Akkoyunlu group (men, women, and children) which he took “captive” and forcibly transplanted to the regions of Samarqand. This group numbered between 50,000 and 60,000 souls. 724 Though onc cannot insist upon the reliability of such figures, ncvertheless they are a consistent indication of the fact that tribal groups and confederations were occasionally quite large.725
the Syrian, 1 1 371. 1, Salimbene, I I . They were all under one chief: Turan, Selptkhlnr tnrilii ve Turk-Islam niedettiyeti (Ankara, 1965)~ 215. I t was this p. bulldup of Turkmens on the plateau rim which resulted in the filial Turkish conquest of western Asia Minor when the Byzantine defenses disintegrated from within. The figures reproduced by al-Umari are indicative of these large numbers, but the armies of the emirates by the second quarter of the fourtecnth century were already the armies of sedentary princes and so their forces were n o longer exclusively composed of tribesmen. Brocquibre-Schefer, pp. 8 2 , I 18. In one place BrocquiPre contradicts himself by saying that the number of women was IOO,OOO! 728 Brocquiire-Srhefer, p. 93. De Clavijo Le Strange, p. 320. T h e Karamanids mustered a force of zo,ooo in the thirtecnth century. Aksaray-Gensosman, pp. 159-160. 7 a 4 D eClavijo-Le Strange, pp. 134, 173-174,. When dc Clavijo journeyed in the dbtFict of Samarqand he saw pyramids of their skulls. Inasmuch as the Akkoyunlu had decided to relurn to Anatolia, Timur had them massacred and then used their skulls interspersed with layers of brick to erect these pyramids. 7 2 6 F O I . the num? of nomads in the early Ottoman tax registers in the provincc of Anadolu, Barkan, Essai sur les donntes statistiques des registres de recensement dans I’emPire ottoman aux XVe et XVIe sitcles,” J.E.S.H.O., I (1957), table no. 5 on p. 30. The province of Anadolu included Anatolia west of a line running from Sinope to Alaiya and had the following taxable hearths. (Column A represents 1520-35; column B represents I 570-80)
‘lo Michael



This great large numbers was a crucial factor in the dislocation of Byzantine rural society, for large foreign bodies were suddenly interposed in Anatolia. The mechanics of their mobility, autarky, and autonomy are not so clearly delineated, but certain details of this large ethnic invasion-migration nevertheless emerge. It was precisely this magnitude that differentiated the Turkmens from the Arab invaders of Anatolia. The former constituted migratory conquests, the latter small-scale razzias for booty or else occasional military expeditions in the trains of which no settlers were brought. There are numerous references to the presence of women, children, and livestock in the Turkmen armies at war in Anatolia,726 but the most informative description of such a tribal-nation on the march is that of Uzun Hasan’s followers in the latter half of the fifteenth century. A Western ambassador, the Italian Barbaro, was present at the mustering of the Akkoyunlu leader’s host as it set out from Tabriz, and he has given a detailed account of it. A great area was covered by the assembled horses that, touching each other’s head, comprehended thirty “miles” in circuit. Order was insured not only by the discipline of each individual but also by agents of the ruler who made a reckoning of the captains and the host and made sure that all was arranged properly. T h e assembly plain contained the following bodies727 shown on p. 264. as Uzun Hasan obviously had troops (slaves) who were traditiollal in Islamic statecraft and therefore not reflective of tribal practices. But the essentially tribal character of this mustering is evident in the presence of the livestock, women, and children. The women played an important role in the march, their faces covered with mufllers of horsehair to shield
of the total in 1570-80. On the proportion in the Balkans during the early sixteenth century, Barkan, “DCportations,” pp. 119-131. Christians Jews Total Sedentary Muslims Nomads






Taxable nomad hearths were about 19.3 percent of the Muslim population and about 3.6 percent of the total Balkan population. Planudes-Trcu, p. I 75. Muntaner-Buchon, p. 4.1 9. Hislorin Peregrittorrmt, p. 155. Gestn Federici, pp. 87, 95. Brosset, Gbrgie, I, 358-359, for Georgia. Panaretus-Lampsides, there were numerous occasions when pp. 78-79, I b n Bibi-Duda, pp. 2 19-120. Obv~ously the Turkmens raided unaccompanied by their families and flocks. Planudes-Treu, pp. 166-167, states that they left them in a rccently captured Byzantine fort; Turks and Tourkopouloi left their families in care of the Catalans. Muntaner-Buchon, p. 454. Muntaner-Buchon, p. 449, remarks that the Alans move and war like the Tatars, i.e., wlth all their bclongings and ramilies, and do not live in cities. The early Arabs warred and moved about similarly, I b n Khaldun, The Muqnddinlah. An Introducliotz lo HistoV, trans. F. Rosenthal (London, 1958) 11, 67 (hereafter cited as Ibn Khaldull), “When they [Arab bcdouins in Umayyad period] went on raids or went to war, they travclIed wilh all their camels, their nomad households [ h i l d ] , and their dcpendent women and children, as is still the case with the Arabs [bcdouins] at this time. Their armics, therefore, consisLed of many nomad households, and the distance between the encampments was great. . . This was whv Abd al-Malik used to need drivers to keep the people together and make them follow him.” 727 Barbaro-Hakluyt, pp. 66-67.







pavillions camels cargo mules mules cattle (small) cattle (great) soldiers of the sword slaves, etc., with swords archers

5,000 2,000
20,000 I00

carriage horses asses service horses hunting leopards falcons greyhounds goshawks





aIong in little craddles which, as the woman rides on horseback, she lays on the saddle bow in front. Such cradles are conveniently supported by broad straps which pass round the body, and thus the children are carried along. Indeed the women appear to ride as comfortably and lightly thus burdened with their offspring as though they were free of them. The poorer folk have to load their families, with their tents, o n their camels, but the children then are worse off than those who travel with their mothers on horseback, for the camel goes with a much
rougher step than t h e horse.720






footmen of villeins and bows

One must assume t h a t the hosts of Timur and Uzun H a s a n differed in
s o m e ways and in size from the tribes of Anatolia, b u t basically the type of organization w a s t h e same.

good horsemen in all women of the best and middle sort women servants boys and girls under 12yrs. children


their faces from t h e sun. The infants were carried at t h e p o m m e l of t h e saddle on the horses the women rode. In w h a t m u s t have been an extraordinary feat of dexterity, the female r i d e r with her left hand held t h e cradle o f t h e baby in place and also t h e horse reins, while with t h e right hand s h e u r g e d t h e h o r s e on, with a whip a t t a c h e d t o t h e little finger. She also had to give suckle to her infant d u r i n g the course of her trips. Older children rode i n covered litters carried atop t h e horses. I n this long train of h u m a n i t y were present tailors, shoemakers, smiths, saddlers, fletchers, victuallers, and apothecaries. 728 Parallel, and equally spectacular, are t h e descriptions t h a t de Clavijo, the Spanish ambassador, g a v e of t h e m a r s h a l i n g of the Turkic Chagatays in t h e early fifteenth
century. When Tiinur calls his people to war all assemble and march with him, surrounded

The weapons and m i l i t a r y tactics of t h e Turkmens were well suited to t h e mobile c h a r a c t e r of their society. Though they utilized infantry, t h e s w o r d , and t h e spear, the Turkmens preferred the m o u n t e d archer and the m a j o r i t y of their m i l i t a r y forces usually must have consisted of archers o n horseback. T h i s made of t h e tribesmen difficult and dangerous foes who were nearby and y e t far-off, enabling them to slay their foes from a distance, often w i t h o u t coming i n t o close contact w i t h them. T h o u g h the Greeks began to adjust to this t y p e of hit and run warfare, which relied very heavily u p o n ruses and ambushes, the Franks, because of their heavy
De Clavijo-Le Strange, pp. 191, 196. The same orderly arrangement attended the assembly of the tribes on more peaceful occasions, as in preparation for a feast of celebration which de Clavijo witnessed. “In the plain here Timur recently had ordered tents to be pitched for hisaccommodation, and where his wives might come, for he had commanded the assembling of the great Horde, which hitherto and until now had been out in camp in the pastures beyond the orchard lands round and about the city. The whole of the Horde was now to come in, each clan taking up its appointed place: and we now saw them here, pitching the tents, their women folk accompanying them, This was done in order that all [these Chagatays] might have their share in the festivities which were going forward for the celebration of certain royal marriages now about to bc declared. From their custom as soon as the camp of his Highness thus had been pitchecl all these folk of the Horde exactly knew where each clan had its placc. From the greatest to the humblest each man knew his allotted position, and took it up, without confusion in most orderly fashion. Thus in the course of the next three or four days we saw near twenty-thousand tents pitched in regular streets to encircle the royal camp, and daily more clans came in from the outlying districts. Throughout the Horde thus encamped we saw the butchers and cooks who passed to and fro selling their roast and boiled meats, while others purveyed barley and fruit, while bakers with their ovens aljght were kneading the dough and making bread Tor sale. Thus every craft and art needful for supply was to be found dispersed throughout the camp and each trade was in its appointed street of the great Horde. And more than this was to be found fully prepared; for there were baths and bathers established in the camp, who pitching their tents had built wooden cabins adjacent each with its iron bath that is supplied with hot water, heated in the caldrons which, with all the furniture . necessarv to their craft, they have there, Thus all was duly ordered and each man knew , . his place to go to beforehand.” Ibid., pp. 233-134. Ibid., p. 290, also relates that when he departed for the campaign against Bayazicl he planned to be away from Samarqand for seven years with the result that it was announced that all those who so desired might take their families with them to the war. For a def scription of the Mongol army, The History o Ihe World-Conqueror by ‘Ala-ad-Din’Ala-Malik Jnvaitzi, batislaled from the Text qJ‘ hfirza Mzhnnnad Qarvini by J. A. Boyle (Manchester, I 958), I, 29-32 (hercarter cited as Juvaini-Boyle). See also Gordlevski, Irbraiitye Soch., I, 79, for further description of Timur’s army, and p. 88, for the tribal institutions such as ;he kurultai.

by their flocks and herds, thus carrying along their possessions with them, in
company with their wives and children. These last follow the host, and in the lands which they invade their flocks, namely and particularly the shcep camels and horses, serve to ration the horde. Thus marching at the head of his people Timur has accomplished great deeds and gained many victories, for the [Tartars] are a very valiant folk, fine horsemen, very skillful a t shooting with the bow, and exceedingly hardy. In camp should they have victuals in plenty they eat their fill : if they have lack, milk and meat without baked bread suffices them, and for a long season they can thus march with or without halting to prepare bread stuffs, living on [the meat and milk of] their flocks and herds. They suffer cold and heat a n d hunger and thirst more patiently than any other nation in the whole world . You a r e to understand farther that none of these Chagatays, when on the march with the host, ever separate from their women and children or from their herds a n d flocks. These all march with them as they go to war, migrating from one place to the next. When thus on the way the women who have small children carry them

.. .

Ibid., pp. 64-68. A Sh0l.t Narrative of the L$ and Acts o t/le King Ussutz Cassano by f Gi~vfln Marin Angiolello, Hakluyt Society (London, 1873)) 94 (hereafter cited as AngiolelloIlakluyt), is a reworked and later version of this author,




throwing their hats before them. military duties. 1873). T h e y are large. Nicetas Choniates. I know n o t if they have the same cry. or menshur. sheep. on occasion rebelling. 82. The political thought and action of the tribesmen were characterized by a certain independence and insubordination. T h c y live in the open plain. they serve h i m in his turn against t h e o t h e r . a n d they are wanderers. goats. and he who with his arrow pierced his hat. The “means of production” in both cases. their animals and bows. where games were performed in ancient times [the hippodrome]. the same splitting between the sultans and the tribesmen appears. during much of the Seljuk and early Ottoman periods. and Manuel I obtained the services of the Turkmens against the sultans-and in the late thirteenth century Turlcmens joined the Greek general Philanthropenus. . was esteemed the most expert. 1g4. 37. 738 The establishment of the emirates transformed the tribal begs into scdentary monarchs and so the process ofsedentarization of a portion of the tribes was consummated. ~ e ) 24 (hereafter cited as Chronique cl’Achaie-Buchon) Varying opinions on Turkmen horses and archery may be seen in the following: Marco Polo-Yule. the women of Anatolia. clescribes a Turkish military exercise that the Greeks of Constantinople adopted. Minorsky.. and head. and pass over to those of his enemy.Brocquitre-Schefer. p. p. at least in Anatolia. rather than to the sultan. p.BEGINNINGS OF TRANSFORMATION BEGINNINGS OF TRANSFORMATION armor and reliance upon shock combat. who relates that thc Pontus Greeks used thc Turkish short stirrups and also Turkish arms. pp. Gokbilgin. and they galloped along the inclosure. b u t they frequently change their situation. w h e n they carry their houses with them. was a “portable” one. But more frequently they carried out military raids and banditry. as it is their custom.” EI. mules. 1847). Selcukldar larihi. ‘33 Rrocquitre-Schefer. 43. and goats. and it was one ofwhich they were endcavouring to make themselves masters. “Tamga. T$ayypcrrbpas had developed throughout Byzantine Anatolia from the twelfth century. for bootyat the expense of their settled neighbors. for a n example of these devastations. and even momentarily joining the Byzantines. A Nnrratiue of Trauels i n Persia by Caterino Zetio.000 such women-soldiers at their command. 87. The Dulgadirogullari in east Anatolia are said to have had 30. see below chapter vii. the despot of the Morea. from the sultan to do SO. a n d even to assist him with their arms. and have a chief whom they obey. Though originally “loyalJ’ t o the princes of the ruling Seljuk tribe (Kinik). were efficiently suited to their mobile existence. and Rumeli’de Yurirkler. ’a3 Zeno-Hakluyt. Dc C!avijo-Le Strange. John 11. p. 297.731 The total involvement of all adult tribal members in their migratory and military movements is also reflected in the military role of the Turkmen women. The fickle character of their political loyalty was evident as late as the fifteenth century.” O n the Turkish practice of branding horses. I n this case. Each had a bow. 1957). reports the active participation of the soldiers’ wives in one of Timur’s campaigns. Bodies of yoemen archers. p. trans. chapter ii. consisting of pastoralism and raiding.-Ludblph of Suchem-Stewart. p. and they are n o t thought t h e worse of for this. ed. “In the front of St. 122 (hereafter cited as al-Marwazipp. when they The were accompanied by the armies of the sultans. Buchon (Paris. The twelfth-century geographer al-Marwazi relates the Amazons to Turkmen women-soldiers. passiin. as one of the four groups of travelers (along with Abdals. of some length a n d curling. This possibly refers to the Turkmen women. these m u c h resemble stags in their hair. white. 734 F. I. hanging cars. 339 (hereafter cited as Brocquikre-’Wright). This exercise they had adopted from the Turks. a n d have.Both Manuel I Comnenus and Frederick Barbarossa complained to ICjlidj I1 Arslan that the Turkmens were not observing the treaties that the respective states had concluded with Konya. 31. Rim Nur. J. 115. 731 See above. or was nearest to it. or when the military defenses of the enemy were in a decayed state. 735 Once their leadcrs i n Asia Minor settled down in the cities and became monarchs of sedentary society. 188. The goats are. they are accustomed t o submit themselves to t h e lord on whose lands they fix. For the influence of Turkish cavalry and archery on the Trebizondine Greeks. b u t I have never seen them Turan. 7 3 7 Their insubordination reached spectacular proportions in the rebellions of the Babai and of the Karamanids in the thirteenth century and culminated in the disappearance of the Seljuk state and the appearancc of the ernirates. p. cloven feet. 551. 1 8 4 ~ p. who assumed along with their maternal tasks. T h e y also fecd wild asses. such as camels. Their begs. Almost all the inhabitants [of Turcomania-Armenia] a r e Turcomans or Arabs.v38Throughout the period one sees Turkmen groups joinillg the Byzantines-Alexius I. Sharnf nl. on the arms of the Yiiriilts in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. which. p.73G . nomads were most effective. and throughout the twelfth century in Iran. as at Manzikert and Myriocephalum.Znnian T n h i r Marwari on China. Akhis. exercisinghimself there. 316.Gesta Federici. they shot at. with a score of other horsemen. Hakluyt Society (London. though theoretically loyal. for thc most part._ Brocquitre-Wright. T h c i r sheep h a v e thick a n d broad tails. 735 73G 2 66 267 . C. p. The fifteenth-century Ottoman historian Ashikpashazade speaks of the bahdjyan-i Rum. like those of Syria. like them. T h e Seljuk sultan replicd that he was powerless 10 control the nomads. handsome. Brocquikre-Schefer. “Dede Korkut. ears. never did adapt to the nomadic military tactic~7~0. their rebellious 730 Chronique a‘ la princ@nutkfran~aised’Acliaie. and go w i t h other beasts. 732 and the subject is so frequently mentioned by observers733 and poets734 that one assumes it to have been a regular aspect ofTurkmen organization and Iife. surrounded with walls like a palace. &. should he be at war. disregarding general policies of the sultans. asses. when they had passed. On the probable Frankish origin of the -r$&yypa its passage to the Turks via the Greeks. a n d sheep.2)~ 38. on their own. frequently acted independently of the sultans. On the other hand when the Greek rebel Pscudoalexius wanted to collect Turkmcn troops he had to get a pouoofip1ov. a n d their profession is breedillg cattle. which they tame. I 18. p. But should they q u i t his domains. 83. I saw the brother of the emperor. and their hair is soft. Brocquitre. of course. Wright in Earb Travels in Palestine (London. COWS. the T u r k s and Arabs (London. The primary Turkmen source of economic sustenance lay in their great herds of camels. p. and the handsomcst I have ever seen.” It is also quite probable that independent military developments among the Greeks influenced the arms and tactics of the Turks. T h e Turkmen tribal economy. 7 3 7 On this primary loyalty to their begs. Minorksy). de Clavijo-Le Strange. and Ghazis) sojourning in Anatolia. ZP (hereafter cited as Zeno-Hakluyt). Iz. Tntarlar ue Eulad-i Fatihan (Istanbul. T. actions against the tribal chieftains who became monarchs are in evidence as early as the reigns of Toghrul Beg and Alp Arslan. A. Sophia is a large and handsome square. not having. as othcr phases of tribal life. for I never heard them. 92. p. horses.

210-21 I. second only to their flocks. I. The farming of the Chagatays is very interesting indeed. . 743 After the fall of Tralles in 1282. 744 Western Anatolia in the late thirteenth and the early fourteenth century was the center of a flourishing trade in Christian slaves. was also a source of fuel and income.000horses to Persians. de Clavijo-Le Strange. horse. 747 See chapters ii and iii above. . 23-24. the 20. “Nomads and Farmers in southeastern Turkey. 346. I. from among a great host. cheese (and therefore a high protein diet necessary for their strenuous life). refers to exchange of prisoners and slaves by Turks and Greeks. Barbaro-Hakluyt.j frontiers. For other references to their livestock. Anna Comnena. . and the making o r charcoal. 44. and seed and journeyed two days distance from the main camp of the horde. and banditry were far more important in Anatolian nomadic economy than this marginal agriculture and. 282. Giogrpllie d’rlboulfedn (Paris.. butter.742 These military actions were a principal source of slaves (taken from the Christian inhabitants of Anatolia) for the merchants who. Ibn Battuta-Gibb. will suffice to demonstrate the extent of this slave trade and its importance in nomad economy. In summer they pass to the plains beside the river. pp. As brave and agile horsemen they “gave” their services to the sultans in return for rights to pasture land. all those of the Tana horde who wished to sow made their prcparations in February and in the following month they took thcir carts. p. milk. yogurt. p. They shoot at geese flocks with an unfeathered arrow that turns about and breaks all in its 748 744 268 . pp. 11. 56. Ibn Fadlan-Togan. “one saw. Ludolph of Suchem-Stewart. 1 142. Tana Tatars hunt with a falcon that they hold on thc gloved hand. on the rolc of banditry in pastoral nomadism and on its existence in the later Ottoman period. See Brocqui6re-Schefer. pp. 93. where they sow their crops of corn and cotton. 358-359. and tend the melon beds: and their melons I opine are the very best and biggest that may be found in the whole world.760 woodcutting. I t was a long staff with a collar on it which the Tatar slipped over the horse’s head. p.” Oricns. as we d o the Their livestock. and further that the numbers of slaves available were so great that. wool. _ 308-909. Brosset. I n the late thirteenth and the early fourteenth century. 19. g. and which they eat boilcd in sour milk. According to Barbaro-Hakluyt. They sold such services to the Greeks and Catalans as well. 321 Nicenhorus Grerroras. p . remarks that hlexius I freed all the Greek Drisoners held by the Turks in the vicinity of Iconium. p.73D For the carriage of merchandize they use the buffalo and ox. gives a very interesting description of Oghuz pastoral economy and its integratlon into the commercial life of central Asia in the tenth century. I WO).. 740 De Clavijo-Le Strange. p. Barbaro-Hakluyt. 95. and leather. 751 Bar Hebraeus. describes the commerce of the Tatar herders in South Russia. 741 Cinnamus. 137. or independent. I n I I 86 Turkmen raiders in Cilicia took away 2G. Inasmuch as the earth was very rich i n these regions the Tatars had good crops. some of whom are miserably enslaved to the Ismaelites and others to the Jews . 445. and their campaigns. using a wooden crutch to support this hand.” 74e One need only glance at the behavior ofthe Turkmen mercenaries utilized by Greek rebels in late twelfth-century Anatolia or by Cantacuzenus in thc Balkans during the fourteenth century. They sold their livestock and its produce to townsmen in those areas where the two groups had attained a symbiotic relationship. After they sowed they returned to the horde and did not return to their fields until harvest time. pp. Matthew. I. 19-20.000 men!) hired horses and even borrowed money from the Oghuz nomads. One transaction involved the sale of 4. ” 7Banditry remained a ~~ profitable source of revenue for the nomads throughout the Seljuk and well into the Ottoman period. 444. 741 Warfare. pp. 348. The individual who dealt with the herder picked out what he wanted from the herd and the owner brought each horse with an instrument still in use in Central Asia today. They also raise crops of millet. 449.000 Armenians whom they sold on the slave market. was depressed by the size of this commerce: Also distressing is the multitude of prisoners. 747 Banditry was one of the principal bases in the rise of more than one nomadic chieftain (such was the case in the rise of the Karamanid dynasty748 and of the Timurids) . refers to nomads in western Asia Minor who in the twelfth century practiced no agriculture whatever. 11. Schiltberger-Hakluyt. arriving daily those merchants who indulged in this t r a ~ l e . And the prisoners broilght back to this new enslavement are numbered by the thousands. 446. . were the opportunities for economic enrichment. . pillage. 740 Like many pastoral nomads. pp. Eberhard. The Oghuz were in turn housed by the recipients of these horses and money when the former went to the city of the latter [Gurgan] for business. official positions. Also Marco Polo-Moule and Pelliot. The large caravans going through the region toward China (Ibn Fadlan’s caravan consisted 0f3. 40-41. in Brocquidre-Wright. cattle. for indeed they possess no other more permanent habitations.. those [prisoners] arising from the enslavement of Rhomaioi through the capture of their lands and cities from all times by comparison would be found to b e smaller or [at most] I equa1. 2 I -22. VI (1g53). W. Sharaf &Din Yazdi. a primary food source that furnished the nomads with a constant year-round source of meat. pp. For other references to this “slave” economy in different periods and places. metropolitan of Ephesus in this period. Schiltberger-Neumann. 381. acquired a number of young Greek slaves when he traveled through western Anatolia.746 T h e Arab historians and geographers relate that the Turkmens especially singled out the Greek children for enslavement. f48 Ibn Bibi-Duda.740 Other economic activities that the tribesmen practised in their rural environment were hunting (usually with falcons or in large parties that encircled the wild beasts). Brosset. the tribesmen were so bold as to seize even the caravansarays and thus the caravans suffered incessantly from their harassment. both summer and winter living in the open. Giorgie. . 33. whether in the armies of sultans or emperors. Planudes-Treu. 1. p. Giorgie. T s o Brocquitre-Schefer. ‘30 purveying this commodity to much of the Middle East. 135 bn the slave market of Bursa. and then on their trip back they returned the animals and money. 70. p. 748 A1-Umari-Taeschner. 137. as a source of income. 19. 379. 30._ . p. Problems of Settlement..000 horses and 5. the Turks of Anatolia must occasionally have practiced some type of marginal agriculture though there is no detail forthcoming on this aspect of their economic activities. and subsidies.I 746 Matthew of EphesuslTreu. a grain which forms their chief food. 111. .000 who survived the massacre were taken off into slavery. “These Chagatays with whom we were thus guests are a nomad folk living in tents and booths. 123. 190. p. Agricultural economy seems to have played a greater role in the economic organization of both the Tatars in the Tana basin and Chagatays in Iran. Abul-Fida. A few incidents.I BEGINNINGS OF TRANSFORMATION BEGINNINGS OF TRANSFORMATION mounted. 203. were ever present on the Ud. 313.

757 The military sector of nomad economy was. 649-650.’’ William of Rubricq-Wyngacrt. milk products. M. et quando videbatur sederr. Hii communiter sciunt artes magicas. It continued as an important I I I I hindrance to local sedentary economy even after tribal and peasant societies had settled down according to the new rules imposed by the interposition of the nomads on the land. and more important in the foundation of both the Seljuk and Ottoman kingdoms. pp. retained their idols after convcrsion to Islam. I n the Chukurova plain by late Ottoman times. Narratives arid Letters o the Franciscan f Mhsioriaries i n Mongolia and Chilta in the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Century (New York. 82-83. the nomadism of the Turkmens was disruptive. at least the productive part of it which was not related to banditry a n d warfare. and ~ l a v e s . et ostendunt multa prestigia. Here. as well as phallus worship. Nam et unus maior inter eos dicebatur volare.. nulla re solida sustenabatur. 7 1-73.000 camels annually. 181. Izbrmnye Soch. the manufacturing of the rugs was centered in t he towns rather than in the But untiI this symbiotic equilibrium came into being. sheep. were practised not by the nomads themselves b u t by sedentary clemcnts that lived in separate villages. the tribesmen retained the basic subslructure of much of their shamanistic inheritance at the level of volltsreligion. On this type ofhunt as a “war exercise” among the Se!juk and Ottoman sultans. the Turkmens o f Adana (not Attaleia) paid IO. Reisen in Lykien Milyas tmd Kibytadis (Vienna. 1 9 ff. sed secundam veritatem repertum est. I. Aliqui 211 path of flight.7o1When Even here. 280. in the early fourleenth century. as were also their rugs. pp. et innituntur consilio et auxilio demonum. such as that of the armorers from Besh KOy. 7671hnBattuta-Gibb. pp. pp. settled around Erzindjan. even more severe on the economic patterns of rural and urban society. 359. Vilayetnamc-Gross. of course. . 1951). civilized. 66-67. . and wool of their flocks were marketable in the towns. J. For specific examples of this. thc settled population were willing to allow the Turkmens to pasture their herds on the fields. p. Laurent (Leipzig.7S8 Inasmuch as the peasant economy was more productive. von Luschan. P. Petersm. valde sapientes et bene ordinati et valde graues in moribus. 1873).” 7Go See above the section on recolonization.760Though the Seljulc and Ottoman sultans were formally Sunni. cows. 11. Schiltberger-Neumann. glves a description of the religion of the Mongols who settled in eastern Anatolia during the late thirteenth century. Esin. horses. pp. pp. inasmuch as the crops had been harvested and the trees werc losing their leaves. Schiltberger-Hakluyt. Ricoldus de Monte Crucis in Peregrinatores med? nevi qunluor. . 97-98. the Armenians and other settled peoples were in a nomad-sedentary relationship with the Turkmens of the Aydinli group. and of al-Marwazi-Minorsky. quod non volauit. 763 I b n Bibi-Duda. 7 5 5 Brosset. richer. and for pictures of their tools. 19.- .. Gordlevski. they no doubt paid the kobcur or animal taxO75* The economy of the nomad.7GzThe character of nomad economy is further reflected in the fact that they frequently paid “taxes” to the Seljuks and early Ottomans in cameIs. 1889). But the highly specialized crafts. 70. for example. 100-101. 37-38.75O The nomad economy was sufficient to sustain the sparse life of the errant Turkmens. a change in agricultural patterns which called for winter cultivation of peasant land in the plains meant that the Turkmens were not free to quarter their flocks there in the winter. 13arbaro-Hakluyt. though one must remember that nomads very often gathered thc manure to be used as winter fucl and so very often even here the nomad economy was a1 odds with that of the farmers. p. 5. 751 Ibn Bihi-Duda. R. I 17 (hereafter Ricoldus-Laurent). rg60).” pp. could and did lend itself to symbiosis with the towns and ~ i l l a g e s 7in ~ ~ times of peace after Anatolia was stabilized. The Tatar and Chagatay hosts apparcntly possessed greater development and specialization in this respect for craftsmen and merchants in numbers were present in these hordes. 1888). 2 70 . Turkish &fininlure Painting (Tokyo. gi-101. 64. pp. that of the smith. and descended the Taurus mountain passes in October 10 the Chukurova plain around Kozan (Sis) to winter there. 123. This secrns to have been no less true of the Mongols and Tatars who settled in Asia Minor than of the Seljuk Turks. crane). 18. p. Eberhard.” Papers qfttlre Americnll School 0s Classical Sludies at Athens. The Mongol Mission. “Nomads and Farmers. I 955). . 7 5 4 On the kobcur see the literature in nn. and those of the local populace who themselves had large flocks were forced to abandon the pasturages that were too far from the security of town walls. T h e religious life and practices of the tribes were as complex and varied as the origins of the different tribes themselves. the Alavi Kurd nomads (400 tents) paid Timur 3. though by the thirteenth century (and possibly even earlier). world state. The latter went with thcir flocks to the summer pastures on the Kayseri plateau. scilicet quosdam pontifices ydolorum. “When they want to hunt wild animals they gather together in a great crowd and surround the district in which they know the animals to be. “The Wolfe Expcdition to Asia Minor.OOO camels to Bayazid I. 36. Sterrett. Et sunt indiani homincs. But. “Le commerce anatolien au debut du X I I P sikcle. The royal pavilion of the king of the Volga Bulgars was strewn not with Turkmen rugs but with Armenian carpcts and with Byzantine cloths in the tenth century. ‘OlThe Tatars of Keul Khan. Cahen. describes an incident that he witnessed in southern Anatolia during the late nineteenth century and illustrates the fact that even in modern Anatolia the economic interests of pastoral nomads and sedentary agriculturalists often clashed. are particularly important for a picture of this variety among the Turco-Mongol peoples in Central Asia. C. 218-220. For interesting comments on the economic habits of nomad Turks in nineteenth-century Lycia. BEGINNINGS OF TRANSFORMATION . a Buddha image was excavated at Afyon ICarahisar but she gives no further details. the inhabitants of Tavas had been forced to keep their livestock within the town walls at night as a result of the occupation of the countryside by the Turkmens and because of their banditry. For instance the introduction of extensive rice farming and of cotton meant that winter wheat would have to be planted and thus the farmer’s land would no longer be available to the flocks of the nomads. Theoretically they would thus fertilize the fields. 11.J. Eberhard suggests. this pattern was no longcr viable when winter crops were introduced. p. 7 5 a See above. pp. p. p. but it was completely unsuitable for the sustenance of a complicated. the one craft they seem to have developed highly was rug-weaving. 41. the sultans tried to redress the economic balance between nomadism and farming in favor of the latter.” M i l a t i p d’hisloire du tnojleti age dedids d In inbaire de Louis Halphen (Paris. and their flocks were overrunning all the fields to the intense disgust of the hardworking stationary villagers. hides. iuxta terram et eam lion tangebat. et predicunt quedam futura. ‘ O 0 The accounts of Ibn Fadlan-Togan.aL7 I i BEGINNINGS OF TRANSFORMATION Though certain of the crafts were exercised by the nomads.. Dawson. I. quod Tartari quosdam homines super omnes de mundo honorant: boxitas. p. 181. see E. 7 ~ ~ with the and imposition of the Mongol tax system in thirteenth-century Anatolia. The vitality of this Christian rug industry seem5 to be implied in Ibn Fadlan-Togan. sed ambulabat. “The plain of Ilan Ovasu was thickly studded with the tents of Yuruk nomads from the Pamphylian plain. and gradually they close in until between them they shut in the animals in a circle and then they shoot a t them with their arrows. C. They mention cults of tribal totems (serpent. According to 15. GO. fish. 308. 428. I11 (Boston. “Et scicndum. as the rural populations found themselves forced to abandon many of their fields in the plains to the nomads. The flesh. Dc Clavijo-Le Strange.

the military instincts of the Turkmens. this is in honour of fire. Brocquitre-Schefer. These Dervishes have a chief to whom all pay much respect for they hold him to be a saint. 65-66.. The mistress of the house places on her right side. and forsooth those who are sick regain their health. of course. many the lord of that village. Aliqui dicunt esse centum comanos deorum. When in 1471 the Venetian ambassador to the court of Uzun Hasan traveled through southeast Anatolia (Cilicia) to Mardin there was r2 company of such dervishes who performed their religious dances and ceremonies at every station and lodge on the itinerary. p. then all the other idols in turn. 11. ‘74-175Barbaro-Hakluyt. the folk character of tribal religion in Anatolia and its superstitious religiosity. These dervishes shave their beards and their heads and go almost naked. and the Battalnarne. Ibn Bibi-Duda.” William of Rubriq-Wyngaert. T he genre of epic poetry flourished during this heroic era of the tribes in Anatolia. visited such a village of dervishes in eastern Anatolia. Omnes tamen concordant. They pass through the street. On the baba-shaman.. before he does so he first pours some out on the earth as its share. Kitab-i Dede Korkut. the guardian of the whole house. Christian slaves are purchased and sacrificed at the grave in the belief that they will be the servants of the dead warrior in the next world. 702 William of Rubriq-Wyngaert. “Over the head of the master there is always an idol like a doll or little image of felt which they call the master’s brother. 73. Upon reaching Mardin. 47-54. The survival of human sacrifice in the cult of the dead is attested among Ottoman Turks from the fourteenth to the sixteenth centuries. and after that to the west in honour of water. Danishmendname-Melikoff. next towards the east in honour of the air. pp. their rural-transhumant orientation resulted i n a religious transmutation that.BEGINNINGS OF TRANSFORMATION BEGINNINGS OF TRANSFORMATION the Turkmens adopted Islam. before he drinks he pours some over the neck or mane of the horse. and this to the mutual benefit and satisfaction of tribal begs and ~ u l t a n s . notes that they decked the dead man with his bow. refers to the love that the Turks had for the recitations of this poetry by the ozan. p. a goat-skin stuffed with wool or othcr material. 705 Barbaro-Hakluyt. Kalandar-type Muslim dervish who wandered throughout Anatolia preaching unorthodox tenets to the If the folk character of eorum dicunt esse trecentos sexaginta quinque deos. ~ G ~ Thus the religious customs that they preserved from their pre-Islamic past. and so forth. 27. and advised the Mongol leaders when to declare war. and next to it a tiny image turned towards her attendants and the women. pp. Oriental Institute Comnlunicaliotls. On the other side of the door towards the men is another image with a mare’s uddcr for the men who milk the mares. gives a description of the role of these “cham” at the Mongol court. pp. in a prominent position. The dervish order of the Kazaruni apparently played a n important rolc in exciting the tribes to the djihad in Anatolia. and that a horse was buried with him so that in the next world he would have a mount to ride and a mare to furnish milk. Turkmen martial ardor was well suited to the Ghazi life and the tradition of the holy war against the Christians. changed only the external appearances of their religious life. and. pp.CLIV. 31 ff. Ibn Fadlan-Togan. 182186.” for those who inhabit this place are all hermits of the Moslcm creed (being Dcrvishes) who here have the name of Kashish (or priests). pp. also refers to the idols of the Mongols (of rag or wood. See Danishmendname-Melikoff. I. and all the clothing they wear is bits of rag of the torn stuffs that they can pick up. he sprinkles thrice towards the south. they are fastened on to thc wall. I 14. Discoue7ies in Anntolin 1930-31. 25-27. fight battles. . Very often these wandering dervishes founded villages near the Turkmens whence their religious preaching and influence spread quickly among the tribesmen. 186-187.” See von der Osten. contributed to the disruptive effect that the Turkrnens had on Anatolian sedentary society. 97. for this is the women’s job. the full brunt of their military s activity was borne by the Greek and Armenian populations in the villages and to a lesser degree by those in the towns. as well as the particular Islamic forms they adopted. 343>344 on the 10. William of Rubriq-Dawson. When the master is holding his cup in his hand and is about to drink. By association with the religious war on the boundaries against the Greeks and Armenians. pp. If he drinks while seated on a horse. as for instance in thc Danishmendname whcre Malik Danishmend is made out to be a dcscendant of the Arab hero Seyid Battal. which they carried about on their carts with them) prior to their conversion to Islam. x40. pp. Rossi. Over the gate of their hermitage is seen a banner of black woollen tassels with a moon-shaped ornament above: below this are arranged in a row the horns of deer and goats and rams. dressed in a goat skin. See also 273 . Dede Qorqut. p. ‘05 As heterodox Muslims. f f XIV ( I933). 74-75. The Moslem peasants from all the country round come in pilgrimage hither to visit these holy men. sacrificed horses at the grave and ate them. and a similar one ovcr the head of the mistress. a Kalandar (Carandola) came and preached to Barbaro.G. 205-208.John Cantacuzene. and further it is their custom to carry about with them these horns as trophies when they walk through the streets. I1 libro della Peregrinazione nelle parti d’0riente d i Frate Ricoldo da Montecroce (Rome. being too the master of those who embrace the religious life. 95-96. He was clean shaven. T h e dede or baba of the Tahtadji which Lsuchan. and this they call the mistress’ brother. 8-9. By the entrance on the women’s side is still another idol with a COW’S udder for the women who milk cows.” See the remarks of Ugo Monnerct de Villard. as it were. 41 ff. whether in the cold or the heat. they cast it to the north for the dead.000marabouts. and all the houses of the dervishcs have these horns set over them for a sign. A tribal warriors dedicated to the djihad. All the Moslem people of the country round give alms abundantly to these pious mcn and this their chief is 272 Turkmen religion found its Muslim equivalent in the heterodox wandering Sufis. 1948). This interpenetration and transformation of the warlike mentality of the tribes by Islamic mysticism is manifested literarily in the Turkish epics of the Danishmendname. after this a n attendant goes out of the house with a cup and some drinks. quod deus principalis est unus. William of Rubriq-Wyngaert.pp. at the foot of the couch. I. . pp. Gordlev