‫ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ‬

‫)ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳﻲ(‬

‫ﭘﺮﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻫﺮﺍ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ‪ 7‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻫﻮﺍﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬
‫ﺳﻮءﻇﻦ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪،‬‬
‫ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻩ ‪ 14‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‪،‬‬

‫ﺧﺪﻳﺠﻪ ﺯﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﺠﺎﺗﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﺩﻟﺒﺮ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﻱ ﻭ ﺷﻴﺪﺍ ﺯﻥ ‪ 16‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺮﻳﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‬
‫ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮ ﻣﺮﺍﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﻴﺎﻡ ﺯﺧﻢﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ‪.‬‬
 ‫ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ‬

‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ‪5 .... ................................ ................................ ................................‬‬

‫ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻔﺘﺎﺭ ‪9 ................................ ................................ ................................‬‬
‫ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺱ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺕ؛ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪﮔﺮ ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳﻲ ‪13 ............ ................................‬‬
‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ‪15 ................................‬‬
‫ﻛﺎﻭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻞ ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ‪17 ............... ................................‬‬
‫ﻗﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ‪17 ................... ................................ ................................‬‬
‫ﺳﻮءﻇﻦ ‪20 ................................ ................................ ................................‬‬
‫ﺗﻌﺼﺐ ‪21 . ................................ ................................ ................................‬‬
‫ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻱ ‪24 ..................... ................................ ................................‬‬
‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ‪26 ................... ................................ ................................‬‬
‫ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ‪27 ............................... ................................ ................................‬‬
‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ‪30 ......................... ................................ ................................‬‬
‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ‪31 ................................ ................................‬‬
‫ﻓﺸﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻗﺘـﻞﻫـﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳـﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧـﻲ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ‪37 ..................... ................................ ................................‬‬
‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ‪37 .......... ................................ ................................‬‬
‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ‪38 ..................... ................................ ................................‬‬
‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﺸﺎﻩ ‪39 ..................... ................................ ................................‬‬
 ‫‪4‬‬

‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻟﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ‪40 ........................ ................................ ................................‬‬

‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻥ‪40 ......................... ................................ ................................‬‬
‫ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ‪43 ..... ................................ ................................‬‬
‫ﻧﻘﺪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﻘﻬﻲ ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳﻲ ‪51 .............. ................................‬‬
‫ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺵ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪55 .......... ................................ ................................‬‬
‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ )ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ( ‪55 ........ ................................‬‬
‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻗﺮﺁﻧﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ‪57 .................. ................................ ................................‬‬
‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻠﻲﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﻏﺮﻭﻱ )ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥﭘﮋﻭﻩ( ‪57 ...........‬‬
‫ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻱﮔﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ‪61 ............. ................................‬‬
‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻪ ﻭﺳﻤﻘﻲ )ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻓﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ( ‪61‬‬
‫ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳﻲ ‪73 .................... ................................ ................................‬‬
‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺭﺳﻮﻟﻴﺎﻥ )ﺭﻭﺍﻧﭙﺰﺷﻚ(‪73 ........ ................................‬‬
‫ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳﻲ ‪82 .................... ................................ ................................‬‬
‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ )ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺱ( ‪82 ..............................‬‬
‫ﺟﻤﻊﺑﻨﺪﻱ‪91 ............................. ................................ ................................‬‬
‫‪5‬‬

‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ‬
‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕـﺎﺭ ــ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸـﮕﺮ ﺑـﻪ ﺭﺥﻛﺸـﻴﺪﻥ ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻞ ﺗﻠـﺦ ﻭ‬
‫ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑـﺎ ﻃـﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴـﻞ ﻣﺸـﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠـﻒ ﺟﺎﻣﻌـﻪ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﻤﮕـﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺑــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻉ ﻓﻜــﺮ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩﺵ ﺍﻇﻬــﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳــﺪﮔﺎﻩ‬
‫ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﻴـﺰ ﻣﺘﻮﺟـﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴـﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺷـﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫـﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨـﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩﻱ‪،‬‬
‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺣﻞ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻨﻈﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻜـﻪ ﻣﻮﺿـﻮﻋﻲ ﺑـﻪ ﻳـﻚ‬
‫»ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ« ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨـﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺁﻧﻜـﻪ ﺯﻣـﺎﻧﻲ ﻣـﻲﺗـﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ »ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ« ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴـﺰﻱ ﺍﺷـﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻭ‬
‫ﻧﺎﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑـﻪ ﻭﺟـﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻡ ﺁﻧﻜـﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴـﺌﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴـﺌﻠﻪﺍﻱ‬
‫ﺷﺎﻳﻊ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻳﺎ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺁﺳـﻴﺐ ﺑﺰﻧـﺪ ﻭ ﺻـﺮﻓ ًﺎ‬
‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﻡ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤـﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧـﻮﻉ ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﺍﺳـﺖ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬
‫ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﻴﻮﻉ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﮔﻲ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ ﻗﺘﻞﻫـﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳـﻲ ﻧـﻪ ﺗﻨﻬـﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳـﻖ‬
‫ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕﺑﺸﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣـﻪﻧﮕـﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺑـﻪ ﻛـﺮﺍﺕ ﺗـﺬﻛﺮ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ‬
‫ﻭ ﻳــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣــﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﺳﺮﺍﺳــﺮﻱ ﻳــﺎ ﻣﺤﻠــﻲ ﺑﺤــﺚ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ‬
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‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺴــﺌﻠﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤــﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧــﻮﻉ ﺁﺳــﻴﺐﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤــﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺑــﺎ‬
‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺗـﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴـﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ‬
‫ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﻋﺮﻳـﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺿﺪﺍﻧﺴـﺎﻧﻲ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺘﻞ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳـﺎﺱ ﺣـﺪﺱ ﻭ ﮔﻤـﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳـﻮءﻇﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻫـﻴﭻ ﺟﺎﻣﻌـﻪ ﻭ‬
‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﻧﺎﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻌﻲ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﭼـﺎﺭ‬
‫ﻭﺍﭘﺴﻤﺎﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﻨـﺎﻃﻖ ﻗـﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻃـﺎﻳﻔﮕﻲ ﺑﺤـﺚ‬
‫ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺧﺮﺩﻩﻓﺮﻫﻨـﮓﻫـﺎﻱ‬
‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ‪ ،‬ﻗﺘﻞ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺷـﻴﻮﻉ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻣﺴـﺌﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻃﺎﻳﻔﮕﻲ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳـﻲ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻡ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓـﺮﺍﺩ ﺻـﺎﺣﺒﻨﻈﺮ‬
‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫـﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌـﻪ ﻧﻈـﺮﻱ ﻭ ﮔﻔـﺖﻭﮔـﻮ ﺑـﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳـﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌـﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳـﺎﻥ‪،‬‬
‫ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺁﻥﭘﮋﻭﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻓﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻴـﺰ ﻧﮕـﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺟﻤـﺎﻟﻲ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺘﻞﻫـﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳـﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻣـﻊ ﻧﻴـﺰ ﺑـﻪ ﻋﻨـﻮﺍﻥ ﻳـﻚ ﻣﺴـﺌﻠﻪ‬
‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﺳﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﺷـﺎﻫﺪ‬
‫ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿـﻮﻉ‬
‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﻣـﻦ ﺑـﺎ ﻳـﻚ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﭙﺰﺷـﻚ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑـﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺷـﺖ ﻛـﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌـﻪﺍﻱ‬
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‫ﺟﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕـﺮ ﻫﻤﻜـﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺣﺴـﺎﺱ ﺷـﺪﻩﺍﻧـ ﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘـﻲ‬
‫ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻩﺳﺎﻟﻪﺍﻡ! ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛـﻪ ﻣـﻦ ﻣـﻲﺧـﻮﺍﻫﻢ؛ ﻳﻌﻨـﻲ ﺍﻳﺠـﺎﺩ‬
‫ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗـﺎ ﺑـﺎ ﻳـﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻳﮕـﺮ ﻓﻌـﺎﻻﻥ‬
‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‬
‫ﻭ ﻋﺪﻩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺣـﻞ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻـﻪ ﻓﻜـﺮ ﻭ ﺫﻫـﻦ ﻭ ﭼـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻـﻪ‬
‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﻧﺞﺁﻭﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌـﻪ ﻣـﺎ‬
‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﻣﺒﺮﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺯﻳـﺎﺩﻱ ﭘـﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻧـﺪﻥ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻛﺘـﺎﺏ ﺑـﻪ ﺍﻳـﻦ‬
‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻳﻚﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌـﺪ‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎپ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻭﺍﻳﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﺷﻮﻡ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧـﺪ‬
‫ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺣﻞ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﻬﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺑﻬﻨﺎﺯ ﻛﻴﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺩﻣﻨﺪﻡ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺍ ﻳﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳـﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻢ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬‬

‫ﭘﺮﻭﻳ ﻦ ﺑﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻱ ﻧﮋﺍ ﺩ‬

‫‪ 16‬ﺩ ﻱ ‪1388‬‬
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‫ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻔﺘﺎﺭ‬
‫ﺷﻴﺪﺍ ﺯﻥ ‪ 16‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺮﻳﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ‪2‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺷـﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪88/7/11‬‬
‫ﺑﺎ ﺿﺮﺑﺎﺕ ﭼﺎﻗﻮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺳﭙﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛـﻪ ﻫﻤﺴـﺮﻱ ﻣﻌﺘـﺎﺩ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺳﻮءﻇﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﭘـﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪29‬ﺳـﺎﻝ ﺯﻧـﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺸـﺘﺮﻙ ﺩﺭ‬
‫‪1‬‬
‫‪F0‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﭘــﺎﻳﻴﺰ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ ، 81‬ﺧــﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺯﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻴــﻒ ﺩﺧﺘــﺮ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻛــﺎﺭﺕ‬
‫ﺗﺒﺮﻳﻜﻲ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻣﻀﺎء ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻋﻤﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘـﻞ ﺭﺳـﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺧـﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺁﻥ‬
‫ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻗﺎﺗﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ‪ 14‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺷﻚ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﭘﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﻭ‬
‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ ﺳﻨﮕﺴﺎﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﺷﻴﺦﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛـﺮﺩ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻤـﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ، 1387‬ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻩ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﻟﺒﺮ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ‪ 17‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻲ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ ﻣﺮﻳﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻗﺼـﺪ‬
‫ﻃﻼﻕ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ‪ 46‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺻﻴﻐﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ‪ 15‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺷـﺖ ﺑـﻪ‬
‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳﻮءﻇﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺿﺮﺑﺎﺕ ﭼﺎﻗﻮ ﻣﺠﺮﻭﺡ ﻛـﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣـﺮﺩﻱ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑـﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣـﺎﻝ‬
‫ﺣﺮﻑﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺿﺮﺑﺎﺕ ﭼﺎﻗﻮ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷـﻌﺒﻪ ‪ 71‬ﺩﺍﺩﮔـﺎﻩ ﻛﻴﻔـﺮﻱ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻛـﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑـﺎ ﺗﺼـﻮﺭ ﻣﻬـﺪﻭﺭﺍﻟـﺪﻡ ﺑـﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﻘﺘـﻮﻝ ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ‬

‫‪ .1‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‪. 85/7/17 ،‬‬

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‫‪1‬‬
‫ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﺃﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺩﻳﻪ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫‪F1‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻟﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺑـﺎ ﭘﺴـﺮ ﻋﻤـﻮﻳﺶ ﻣﺠﺒـﻮﺭ‬
‫ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺴﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﺵ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ‬
‫‪2‬‬
‫ﭘﺴﺮ ﻋﻤﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﺘﻲ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺗﺶ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬
‫‪F2‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺯﻓﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﺳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺳﻪ ﺯﻥ ﺑـﻮﺩﻩ ﺩﺧﺘـﺮ ‪ 15‬ﺳـﺎﻟﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑـﻪ ﺩﻟﻴـﻞ‬
‫‪3‬‬
‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻋﻤﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮ ﺑﺮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬
‫‪F3‬‬

‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺯﻓﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮءﻇﻦ ﺑـﻪ ﻫﻤﺴـﺮ ﺩﻭﻣـﺶ ﻭ ﺑـﺎ ﺍﺩﻋـﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜـﻪ ﭘﺴـﺮﺵ‬
‫‪4‬‬
‫ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮ ﻭﻱ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ‪ 7‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬
‫‪F4‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺑﺖﺟﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺪﺳﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﻭ ﭘﺴـﺮﻋﻤﻮﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﺧـﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﺟـﻮﺍﻥ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﻛﺸـﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼــﺎﻩ ﻣﺨﺮﻭﺑــﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﻓــﻦ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻳــﻚ ﻣــﺎﻩ ﺑــﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌــﻪ ﺑــﻪ‬
‫ﻛﻼﻧﺘﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓـﻲ ﻛـﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻴـﻞ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻗﺘـﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑـﻲﺣﻴﺜﻴـﺖ ﺷـﺪﻥ‬
‫‪5‬‬
‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﺵ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫‪F5‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻘﺰ »ﺷﻨﻮ ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩﻱ« ﺑـﻪ ﺩﻟﻴـﻞ ﺍﻣﺘﻨـﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺍﺟﺒـﺎﺭﻱ ﺑـﻪ ﺩﺳـﺖ ﺑـﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ‬
‫ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬
‫»ﻓﺮﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﺠﺎﺗﻲ« ﻛﻪ ‪ 18‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﻫﺮﺵ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻃﻼﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬
‫ﭘﺪﺭﻱﺍﺵ ﺑﺎﺯ ﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﺩﻳﮕـﺮ ﻭ ﺑـﺮ ﺍﺳـﺎﺱ ﻳـﻚ ﺍﺗﻬـﺎﻡ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪ .1‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‪.1388/8/8 ،‬‬

‫‪ .2‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ‪ ، 82‬ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .3‬ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ ‪.1380‬‬
‫‪ .4‬ﺩﻱ ‪.1385‬‬
‫‪ .5‬ﺗﻴﺮﻣﺎﻩ ‪.1386‬‬
‫‪11‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1387‬ﺗﻌـﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﻤـﻦﻫـﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫـﺎﻱ ﻣـﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣـﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﺣﻘـﻮﻕ ﺑﺸـﺮ‬

‫ﻣﺘﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻗﺘـﻞ ﺷـﻬﻴﻦ ﻧﺼـﺮﺍﻟﻠﻬﻲ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺩﺯﻟﻲ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺯﻫﺮﺍ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ‪ 7‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻫﻮﺍﺯﻱ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺵ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﻲ ﺑـﺎ ﺷـﻮﻫﺮﺵ )ﭘـﺪﺭ‬
‫ﺯﻫﺮﺍ(‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﭘﺪﺭﻱﺍﺵ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﻮءﻇﻦ‬
‫ﭘﺪﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻫﺮﺍﻱ ‪ 7‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺷﻚ ﻣﻲﻛﻨـﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﺷـﺎﻳﺪ ﺯﻣـﺎﻧﻲ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﭘﺪﺭﺑﺰﺭﮔﺶ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺩﺍﻳﻲﺍﺵ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘـﻪ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ‬
‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮءﻇﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫‪ 20‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ، 87‬ﺧﺪﻳﺠﻪ ﺯﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻗﺼـﺪ ﺩﺍﺷـﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺷـﻮﻫﺮ ﻣﻌﺘـﺎﺩ‬
‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻃﻼﻕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻮﻫﺮﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺾ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻋﻤﻮﻱ ﺧﺪﻳﺠـﻪ‬
‫ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬـﺎ ﻣـﻲﮔﻮﻳـﺪ ﺧﺪﻳﺠـﻪ ﺑـﺎ ﻣـﺮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕـﺮﻱ ﺭﺍﺑﻄـﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ‬
‫ﻋﻤﻮﻱ ﺧﺪﻳﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤـﺮﺍﻩ ﺧـﻮﺍﻫﺮﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑـﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣـﺎﻝ ﺗـﺮﺩﺩ‬
‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬـﺎ ﺧﺪﻳﺠـﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑـﻪ ﺯﻭﺭ ﺳـﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﺎﺷـﻴﻦ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﻛـﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑـﻪ‬
‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻮﻫـﺎ ﺩﺳـﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣـﻲﮔﻴـﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻤـﻮﻱ‬
‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺩ ﻣﻴﻮﻩﺧﻮﺭﻱ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻳﺪﻥ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺧﺪﻳﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﺪﺭ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﻫـﺮ ﻗـﺪﺭ ﺑـﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻫـﺎﻳﻢ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻤﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻮﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺯﺩ ﺑﮕﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻣـﺮﺩ ﺭﺍﺑﻄـﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﺷﻮﻫﺮﺕ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑـﻪ ﺁﻧﻬـﺎ ﻣـﻲﮔﻔـﺘﻢ‪ :‬ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺣـﺮﻑ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻭ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻣﻄﻴﻊ ﺷﻮﻫﺮﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻋﻤﻮﻳﻢ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻗﻮﻱ ﻣﻴﻮﻩﺧﻮﺭﻱ ﺫﺭﻩﺫﺭﻩ ﮔﻠﻮﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻳﺪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻧﻢ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘـﻲ ﺣﻨﺠـﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻫـﺎﻱ ﺻـﻮﺗﻲﺍﻡ‬
‫ﺑﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺪﻧﻢ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺣﺲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﻉ ﻳﻚﻣﺘﺮﻱﺍﻡ ﺧـﻮﻥ ﺭﻳﺨﺘـﻪ ﺷـﺪﻩ‬
‫‪12‬‬

‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻣﻘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺑـﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧـﺪﻩ ﺑـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺑﺎﻳـﻞ ﺧـﻮﺍﻫﺮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳـﺮ‬
‫ﺁﺳﺘﻴﻦ ﻟﺒﺎﺳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻜﻤﻲ ﻧﮕﻪﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻋﻤﻮﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻡ‬
‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺪﺭﻡ ﺗﻤﺎﺱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫـﻴﭻ‬
‫‪1‬‬
‫ﻧﻔﻬﻤﻴﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺘﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺣﻖ ﺿﺎﻳﻊﺷﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺲ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻡ‪.‬‬
‫‪F6‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﺷﺒﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺳﻦ ‪17‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛـﻪ ﺑـﻪ ﭘﺴـﺮ ﺩﻳﮕـﺮﻱ ﻋﻼﻗـﻪ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧـﺎﻣﺰﺩﻱ ﺑـﺎ ﭘﺴـﺮﻋﻤﻮﻳﺶ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺑـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﺳـﻦ ﺑـﺎ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻧـﺎﻣﺰﺩﻱ‬
‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤـﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴـﻞ ﭘـﺪﺭ ﻭ ﭘﺴـﺮﻋﻤﻮﻳﺶ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑـﺎ ﭼـﺎﺩﺭﺵ ﺧﻔـﻪ‬
‫‪2‬‬
‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫‪F7‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﻣـﺮﺩﻱ ﺑـﻪ ﺩﻟﻴـﻞ ﺳـﻮءﻇﻦ ﺑـﻪ ﻫﻤﺴـﺮ ‪ 28‬ﺳـﺎﻟﻪﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻠـﻮ ﭼﺸـﻤﺎﻥ‬
‫‪3‬‬
‫‪F8‬‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺶ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﺷﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﻮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧـﺎﺍﻣﻦ ﻣـﺎ‬
‫ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻗـﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﭘﻨـﺎﻩ ﺑـﺮﺩ؟ ﺍﺯ ﻛـﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻬـﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﻳـﺪ‬
‫ﻛﻤﻚ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻭ ﺑـﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺑـﺎ ﻣﺸـﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺒـﻮﻩ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻴـﺎﻥ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻛـﻮﺩﻙ‪ ،‬ﺑـﺎ‬
‫ﻭﺟﺪﺍﻥ ﺯﺧﻢﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ؟‬
‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ »ﻏﻴﺮﺕ« ﻭ »ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺱﭘﺮﺳـﺘﻲ« ﻣـﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﺷـﺪﻩﺍﻧـﺪ ﻭ ﻳـﺎ‬
‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺪﺭﺳـﺎﻻﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﭘﺮﺭﻳﺸـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌـﻪ ﻣـﺎ‬
‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؟‬

‫‪ .1‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‪.1388/3/10 ،‬‬

‫‪ .2‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‪.1387/11/12 ،‬‬
‫‪ .3‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ‪.1388/3/27 ،‬‬
 ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺱ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺕ؛ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪﮔﺮ ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳﻲ‬

‫ﻭﺍژﻩ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻟﻐﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎ ﻣﺘﺮﺍﺩﻑ ﻭ ﺑـﻪ ﻣﻌﻨـﺎﻱ ﻏﻴـﺮﺕ‪،‬‬
‫ﺷﺮﻑ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﮕﻲ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﺕ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻑ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﮕـﻲ‬
‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒـﺎﻁ ﻣﺴـﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑـﺎ ﺯﻧـﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍژﻩ ﻏﻴـﺮﺕ ﻧﻴـﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴـﺎﺕ ﻣـﺎ‬
‫ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺱﭘﺮﺳﺘﻲ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻧـﺎﻣﻮﺱ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧـﺎﻥ ﺧـﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﻫﺴـﺘﻨﺪ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺍﻗـﺐ ﻧـﻮﺍﻣﻴﺲ ﺧـﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑـﺮ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﻏﻴﺮﺕ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻓﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻏﻴﺮﺕ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻑ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑـﻪ‬
‫ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﻏﻴﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻴﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺭﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ‬
‫ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺯﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻃﺎﻋﺖ ﻣﺤﺾ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕـﺮ‪ .‬ﭼـﺮﺍ ﻛـﻪ‬
‫ﺗﻔﺎﺳﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺟﺰﺋﻲﺗـﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ‬
‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺛﺎﺑـﺖ ﻛﻨـﺪ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﻏﻴﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺱﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﻴﺮﺕ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻓﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒـﺎﺭ‬
‫ﻭ ﻏﺮﻭﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺑﻠﻨﺪﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﻗﺪﺭ ﺯﻥ ﻣﻄﻴﻊﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘـﻮﻕ ﻓـﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤـﺎﻋﻲ‬
‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﺗﺮ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣـﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧـﺪ ﻣـﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺧـﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻓـﺎﻣﻴﻠﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﺘﺒـﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮﻱ‬
‫ﺑﺨﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺳـﻨﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨـﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧـﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠـﻪ‬
‫ﺁﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣـﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻫـﺎﻱ ﺩﻧﻴـﺎﻱ ﻗـﺪﻳﻢ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳـﻒ‬
‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺰء ﻣﺎﻳﻤﻠـﻚ ﻣـﺮﺩ ﻣـﻲﺩﺍﻧـﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳـﺪ‬
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‫ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﭘﺴﻨﺪﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﻮﭼﻚﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻠﻨﮕﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻳﻒ ﻛﻬﻨﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑـﻪ‬
‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻛﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺮﺍﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻧﺶ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ‬
‫ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﻭﺛﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﮔﻴـﺮﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺑـﻪ ﺩﻧﺒـﺎﻝ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺍﻣـﻮﺵﺷـﺪﻩﺍﺵ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫـﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫـﺎ‬
‫ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺠـﺎ ﺍﻳﺴـﺘﺎﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺩﻳـﺮﻭﺯﺵ ﭘـﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻳـﻎ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﺵ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺑﺎﻳـﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻧـﻞ ﺗـﺎﺭﻳﻜﻲ‬
‫ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻌﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺩﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑـﻪ ﺳـﻤﺖ‬
‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺴﻮﺱ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻳـﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳـﺨﺖ ﻭ ﻃﺎﻗـﺖﻓﺮﺳـﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫـﻲ ﺟـﺰ‬
‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺟﺎﻥﻫـﺎﻱ ﺑـﻲﺷـﻤﺎﺭﻱ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺱ« ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻧﺪﻛﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑـﻪ ﮔـﻮﺵ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﮔﻤﻨـﺎﻣﻲ ﺟـﺎﻥ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳـﺖ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑـﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎ‪» ،‬ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳﻲ« ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻏﻴﺮﺕ ﻭ ﺷـﺮﺍﻓﺖ ﻣـﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺗـﺎ ﭼـﻪ‬
‫ﺣـﺪ ﺑـﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﺍﻫـﻪ ﺭﻓﺘـﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜـﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳـﺖ ﻃـﻼﻕ‪ ،‬ﭘـﺪﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑـﻲﻧــﺎﻣﻮﺱ‬
‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺴﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻋﺎﻳـﺖ ﺁﺩﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺭﺳـﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴـﺮﺕ‬
‫ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺮﻳﺤﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻮءﻇﻦ ﺑـﻪ ﻛـﻮﺩﻙ ‪ 7‬ﺳـﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘـﺪﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸـﺘﻦ‬
‫ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺘﻨـﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺍﺟﺒـﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣـﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬
‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻲﻧﺎﻣﻮﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
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‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪ ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ‪3‬ـ‪2‬‬
‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﻭﻓــﻮﺭ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣــﺎ ﻫﺮﻗــﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﻨﻜــﺎﺵ ﺟﻠــﻮ ﺭﻓــﺘﻢ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﻡ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫـﺎﻱ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠـﺎﻥ ﺷـﺮﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠـﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺑـﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺩﺑﻴـﻞ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﺩﺳـﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳـﻼﻡ‪،‬‬
‫ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﺸﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺎﻥﻭﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻟﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺍﺳـﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣـﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺮﺗﺒـ ًﺎ‬
‫ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑـﻪ‬
‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎً ﻣﺤﺎﻝ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻗـﺖ ﻭ ﺻـﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻛﺎﻣـﻞ ﻭ ﺯﺑـﺎﻥ ﺁﻣـﺎﺭ ﻧﻤـﻲﺗـﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔـﺖ ﻛـﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧـﻲ‬
‫ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﻄﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻗﺘﻞﻫـﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼـﻮﺹ‬
‫ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﻄﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﺳـﺘﺎﻥ ﻛـﻪ‬
‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﺼﻮﺻ ًﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﻦ ﺫﺑﻴﺤﻲ ﻭ ﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﺷـﻴﺦﺍﻻﺳـﻼﻣﻲ‬
‫ﻣﺮﺗﺒﺎً ﺑﺎ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻣﺼـﺎﺩﻳﻖ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻗﺘـﻞﻫـﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑـﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌـﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺴـﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻫﺸـﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺳﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺼـﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺑـﺎ‬
‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﻧﺎ ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻤﺪﺗﺎً ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺯﺳـﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻌـﺪ ﺍﺯ‬
‫‪16‬‬

‫‪1‬‬
‫‪F9‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﭘﻴﺸـﻴﻦ ﺍﺳـﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺯﺳـﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴـﺰ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪» :‬ﻭﻗـﻮﻉ ﻗﺘـﻞﻫـﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳـﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳـﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺯﺳـﺘﺎﻥ ﺑـﻪ ﻳـﻚ‬
‫‪2‬‬
‫‪F10‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪.‬‬
‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﺗﻴﭗ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻓﺮ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻧﺎﺟـﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺑـﺎﻻ‬
‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ‪7‬ﻣـﺎﻩ ﮔﺬﺷـﺘﻪ‬
‫‪ 50‬ﻗﺘﻞ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠـﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓـﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﻩﻛﺎﺭﻫـﺎﻳﻲ‬
‫‪3‬‬
‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ«‪.‬‬
‫‪F1‬‬

‫ﺳﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭﻱﭘﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻋـﻼﻡ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪ ﻛـﻪ ﺑـﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 40‬ﺩﺭﺻـﺪ‬
‫ﻗﺘــﻞﻫــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺯﺳــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﺘــﻞﻫــﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳــﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ 75 .‬ﺩﺭﺻــﺪ ﮔﻤﺸــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ‬
‫‪4‬‬
‫‪F12‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻧﺎﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺭﺋـﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴـﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺳـﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺯﺳـﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴـﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـﻦﺑـﺎﺭﻩ ﮔﻔﺘـﻪ‪ ،... :‬ﻋـﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻓﻜــﺮ‬
‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﺸﻨﺪ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻀﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤـﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨـﺪ‬
‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺷﺪ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛـﻪ ﻫـﻴﭻ ﺷـﻜﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧـﺎﻥ ﻭﺟـﻮﺩ‬
‫‪5‬‬
‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬
‫‪F13‬‬

‫‪ .1‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻦ‪.87/1/19 ،‬‬

‫‪ .2‬ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺴﻨﺎ‪. 87/9/10 ،‬‬
‫‪ .3‬ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺴﻨﺎ‪. 87/9/10،‬‬
‫‪ .4‬ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺴﻨﺎ‪. 87/2/7 ،‬‬
‫‪ .5‬ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺴﻨﺎ‪. 87/7/17 ،‬‬
 ‫ﻛﺎﻭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻞ ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬

‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‬
‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺄﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦﻛـﻪ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻣﻨـﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﺳـﺘﺎﻥﻫـﺎﻱ ﻣـﺮﺯﻱ‬
‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﺠﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺯﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﺳـﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬
‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤـــﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻳـــﻦ ﻣﻨـــﺎﻃﻖ‪ ،‬ﺳـــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻗـــﻮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻃﺎﻳﻔـــﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﻤـــﺮﺍﻩ ﺑـــﺎ ﻭﻳﮋﮔـــﻲ‬
‫ﺧﺮﺩﻩﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘـﻪ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺑـﻪ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻣﻌﻨـﺎ ﻧﻴﺴـﺖ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﻼ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﻬﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳـﻦ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺍﺻ ً‬
‫ﻗﺘـﻞﻫـﺎ ﺍﻧﺠـﺎﻡ ﻣــﻲﺷـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜـﻪ ﺑﺮﺧـﻲ ﻣــﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴـﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺻـﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﺣــﻮﺍﺩﺙ‬
‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﺝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻛﻢﺷﻤﺎﺭ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـﻦ‬
‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻌﻲ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺧـﻲ ﻋﻮﺍﻣـﻞ ﻣـﺆﺛﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤـﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕـﻲ ﺍﻳـﻦ‬
‫ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻗﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻔﺮ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻨــﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﺨﺘﻠــﻒ ﻭ ﺩﻳــﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﮔﻔــﺖﻭﮔــﻮ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨــﻴﻦ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﻀـﻞ ﻗﺘـﻞﻫـﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳـﻲ ﺩﺳـﺖ ﺑـﻪ ﮔﺮﻳﺒـﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟـﻴﻦ ﻧﻜﺘـﻪﺍﻱ ﻛـﻪ ﺑـﻪ ﺭﺥ ﻛﺸـﻴﺪﻩ ﻣـﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏـﺎﺯ‬
‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻ ًﺎ ﮔﻔـﺖﻭﮔـﻮ ﺑـﺎ ﻣـﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬـﺎ ﺳـﻌﻲ‬
‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻣﺮﺍ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﻋﺪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧـﻲ ﻛـﻪ ﻣـﻦ ﻓﻜـﺮ‬
‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘـﻲ ﻣـﻦ ﺩﻻﻳـﻞ ﻣﺤﻜـﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋـﺎﺕ ﺩﻗﻴﻘـﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣـﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺣـﺮﻑ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼـﻮﺹ ﺁﻥ‬
‫ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
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‫ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥﻛﺮﺩﻥ »ﻗﺘـﻞﻫـﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳـﻲ« ﻳـﺎ »ﺧﻮﺩﺳـﻮﺯﻱ ﺯﻧـﺎﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨـﺎﻃﻖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟـﻴﻦ‬

‫ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﺠـﺎﺩ ﻣـﻲﻛـﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟـﻲ ﺑﻌـﺪ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻱ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠـﻒ‪ ،‬ﭘـﻲ ﺑـﺮﺩﻡ ﻛـﻪ ﺁﻧﻬـﺎ ﺑـﻪ ﻧـﻮﻋﻲ ﻣـﺮﺍ‬
‫ﻏﻴﺮﺧﻮﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺼـﺪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴـﺮ ﻭ ﺑـﻪ ﺳـﺨﺮﻩﮔـﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬
‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻬـﺮﻩ ﺁﻧﻬـﺎ‬
‫ﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺳـﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤـﻮﻛـﺮﺩﻥ ﻳـﺎ ﻛﻤﺮﻧـﮓ ﻛـﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻨﺪ؛‬
‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬـﺎ ﮔﻔـﺘﻢ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻣﺸـﻜﻞ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬـﺎ ﻣﺮﺑـﻮﻁ ﺑـﻪ ﺍﺳـﺘﺎﻥ ﻳـﺎ ﻗﻮﻣﻴـﺖ ﺷـﻤﺎ‬
‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺗﺎ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻴـﺰ ﺍﺳـﺘﺎﻥﻫـﺎﻱ ﺟﻨـﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭﮔﻴـﺮ ﺍﻳـﻦ‬
‫ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌـﺪﺩﻱ ﺑـﺎ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﭘﺪﻳـﺪﻩ ﺩﺭﮔﻴـﺮ‬
‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳـﻖ ﮔﻔـﺖﻭﮔـﻮ ﻭ ﻧـﻪ ﭘﻨﻬـﺎﻥﻛـﺮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘـﻲ ﻳـﺎﻓﺘﻦ‬
‫ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺑﺎﺏ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻠﺐ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻤﻲﺍﻓﺘـﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼـﺮﺍ ﻛـﻪ ﺍﻗﻠﻴـﺖﻫـﺎﻱ ﻗـﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ‬
‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻤـﻮﻻً ﺧﻮﺩﺷـﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻛُﻠﻴ‪‬ـﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌـﻪ ﺟـﺪﺍ‬
‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮﺑﺎﺭ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﺟـﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑـﻪ ﺑـﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷـﻜﻞ‬
‫ﭘﺲ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑـﻪ‬
‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺮﺯﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣـﺎ ﻧﻴـﺰ ﻫﺴـﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼـﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨـﺪ ﻭ ﭼـﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨـﺪ‬
‫ﻭﻇﻴﻔــﻪ ﺩﻓــﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑــﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑــﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺻــﺮﻓ ًﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨــﻴﻦ‬
‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﻪﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑـﻪ ﻣﻌﻨـﺎﻱ‬
‫ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﻀﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬
‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍﻱ ﺧـﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺸـﺖ ﺑـﻪ‬
‫ﭘﺸﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺳﻮﻡ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻓـﺎﻉ ﻛﻨﻨـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑـﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺄﻛﻴـﺪ‬
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‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻌﺼﺐ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺗﺎ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲﺷﺎﻥ ﺑـﻪ ﺧﻄـﺮ‬
‫ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺪﺍﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺠﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﻳـﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﻫـﺮ ﻃﺎﻳﻔـﻪﺍﻱ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ‬
‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺣﻖ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻃﺎﻳﻔـﻪ )ﻛـﻪ ﺑـﻪ‬
‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻖ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ( ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑـﻪ‬
‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻧﺰﺍﻉ ﻭ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﻘﺘﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﻣـﻲﭘـﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘـﻪ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻤﻚﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﺎﻳﻔﻪ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻗﻴـﻖ ﻭ‬
‫‪1‬‬
‫ﻣﻮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫‪F14‬‬

‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﺪﺍﺳﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨـﺶ ﻗﺎﺑـﻞ ﺗـﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﭘﻨﺠﺮﻩ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻟﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺴﻴﻢ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺑـﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑـﻮﺯﺩ‬
‫ﻭ ﻏﺒﺎﺭ ﻛﻬﻨﮕﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺑﺨـﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣـﺮﺩﻡ ﻫـﺮ ﻧﺴـﻴﻢ‬
‫ﺗــﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻮﻓــﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻧﮕــﺮ ﺗﻠﻘــﻲ ﻣــﻲﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﺩﻭﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻃﺎﻳﻔﮕﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻈـﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺳـﺨﺖ‬
‫ﻭ ﻃﺎﻗﺖﻓﺮﺳﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴـﻞ ﻧﺒـﻮﺩﻥ ﭘﻴﻮﻧـﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻗـﻮﻱ ﺑـﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌـﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨـﮓ‬
‫ﻛﻼﻥ ﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻥ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺎﻳﻔﻪ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻡ ﻣـﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧـﺪ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﻫـﺮ ﻋﻀـﻮ ﺑـﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑـﻪ‬
‫ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫‪ .1‬ﺁﻧﺘﻮﻧﻲ ﮔﻴﺪﻧﺰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺟﺎﻣﻌـﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳـﻲ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺹ‪ 261‬ﻣـﻲﮔﻮﻳـﺪ‪ :‬ﮔـﺮﻭﻩﻫـﺎﻱ‬

‫ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺣﺲ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧـﺪ ﻭ‬
‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺃﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺼﺐ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻً ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻳﻖ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬
‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
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‫ﺳﻮءﻇﻦ‬
‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﻣﺪﺕ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﻭ ﺟﺪﺍﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺗﻮﺃﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮءﻇﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻫـﺮ ﻓﻜـﺮ‬
‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺑﺨـﺶ ﺟﺎﻣﻌـﻪ ﺑـﻪ‬
‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻗﻮﻣﻴﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺩ ﻧﺎﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻫـﺎ‬
‫ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻ ًﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣـﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻠـﻮﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤـﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺳـﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ‬
‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨـﺪ ﻭ ﺑـﻪ ﻫـﺮ ﺍﻣـﺮ ﻧـﻮﻳﻲ ﺑـﻪ ﻋﻨـﻮﺍﻥ ﻣـﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﻣﺸـﻜﻮﻙ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑـﻞ ﺳـﻮءﻇﻦ‬
‫ﻣﻲﻧﮕﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻤﻪ ﻭﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺧـﺮﺩﻩﻓﺮﻫﻨـﮓﻫـﺎﻱ‬
‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛـﻪ ﺁﺣـﺎﺩ ﻳـﻚ‬
‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﺑـﺎ ﻫـﻢ ﮔﻔـﺖﻭﮔـﻮ ﻛﻨﻨـ ﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌـﻪ ﺑـﻪ‬
‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻭ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﻘـﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻣﻮﺿـﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻳـﺪ ﻛـﻪ‬
‫ﻣﺒﺘﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴـﻞ ﺩﻗﻴـﻖ‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺭﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﻓﺠﺎﻳﻌﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﻓـﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺧﺘـﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬
‫ﺧﻮﺩﺳﻮﺯﻱ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛـﻪ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻧﮕـﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻗﻀـﺎﻭﺕﻫـﺎﻱ ﺗـﻮﺃﻡ ﺑـﺎ ﺷـﻚ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺩﻳـﺪ ﻭ‬
‫ﺳﻮءﻇﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻴﺮﺕﺁﻭﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﭼـﺮﺍ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧـﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮءﻇﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻛﻢ ﺳﻦ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺴﺮﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺸـﻲ ﺍﺳـﺖ‬
‫ﺟــﺪﻱ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨــﺶ ﺁﺧــﺮ ﻛﺘــﺎﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼــﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸــﻨﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪﺷــﻨﺎﺱ‬
‫ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ؟‬
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‫ﺗﻌﺼﺐ‬
‫ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭼﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺼﺐ ﺑـﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺯﻧـﺎﻥ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻـﻠﻪ‪،‬‬
‫ﻃــﺮﻑ ﮔﻔــﺖﻭﮔــﻮﻱ ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍ ﻣــﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ ﺗــﻮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻴﻬﻤــﺎﻥ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﻗـﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﻛـﻪ ﺑـﺮ ﻃﺒـﻞ ﻏﻴـﺮﺕ ﻭ ﺷـﺮﺍﻓﺖ ﻣـﻲﻛﻮﺑـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻜﻨﻨـﺪ ﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫـﻴﭻ ﻧﻨﮕـﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨـﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘـﺲ ﻫﻤـﻪ ﺁﻥ‬
‫ﺍﺷﻌﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ ﭘـﻴﺶ ﺳـﺎﺧﺘﻪﺷـﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴـﺪ‬
‫ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗ ًﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻫـﺎ ﺍﻓﻜـﺎﺭ ﻭ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﻞ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺭﺋــﻴﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺣــﻞ ﺍﺧــﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﻤﺸــﻚ ﭘﻴﺮﻣــﺮﺩﻱ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺣــﺲ‬
‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺍﻉﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﻭ ﺁﺷﺘﻲ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺘـﻲ ﺑﺮﺧـﻲ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ ﺣﺘﻤﻲ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﭙﺮﺳـﻢ؛ ﺣـﺎﺝﺁﻗـﺎ‬
‫ﻟﻄﻔ ًﺎ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺯﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ ﻭ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﻧﺠﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ؟‬
‫ﻗﺪﺭﻱ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺭﺩ ﺩﻝ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧـﺎﻥ ﮔﻼﻳـﻪ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺁﺑﺮﻭﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻟﺒـﺎﺱ ﻣـﻲﭘﻮﺷـﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻳـﺶ‬
‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺗﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣـﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭼـﻮﻥ ﻏﻴـﺮﺕ‬
‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺏ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻃﺎﻳﻔﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺩﻭ‬
‫ﺑﻴــﺖ ﺷــﻌﺮ ﺣﻤﺎﺳــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻱ ﻏﻴــﺮﺕ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻓﺖ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺷــﺎﻩﻋﺒــﺎﺱ‬
‫ﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬
‫ﺑــﺎﺩ ﺑــﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻫﻨﮕــﺎﻡ ﺟﻨــﮓ‬
‫ﻣــﺮﺩ ﻣﻬﻤــﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻧــﺎﻣﺮﺩ ﻧﻨــﮓ‬
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‫ﭘــﺲ ﺑﻤﻴﺮﻳــﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﻴــﺪ ﺑــﻪ ﻧﻨــﮓ‬

‫ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻩﻋﺒﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺳﻪ ﺗـﻦ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻏــﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺑــﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧــﻲ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺭﺍﺑﻄــﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻉ ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺷــﺎﻩﻋﺒــﺎﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬــﺎ‬
‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈـﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧـﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻـﻮﺭﺕ ﺻـﺤﺖ ﻣـﺎﺟﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬـﺎ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻏﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧـﺪ ﻭ ﻣـﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨـﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺧﺒـﺎﺭ‬
‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻏـﻪﻫـﺎ‪ ،‬ﭘـﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨـﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻡ ﺯﻧـﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻣـﻲﻛﺸـﺪ‪،‬‬
‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺯﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻼﻕ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻣﻲ ﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻃﻼﻕ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻩﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨـﺪ ﻛـﻪ‬
‫ﭼﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻩﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺑـﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻏـﻪﺍﻱ ﻛـﻪ ﺯﻧـﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸـﺘﻪ ﺑـﻮﺩ ﻣـﻲﮔﻮﻳـﺪ‪ :‬ﺗـﻮ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻏﻴﺮﺕ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺑﺎﻏﻴﺮﺗﻲ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻏﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻼﻕ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﺗـﻮ‬
‫ﻣﻮﻣﻦ ﺍﺑﻦ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﻲ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻏﻪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺯﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻃـﻼﻕ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑـﻮﺩ‬
‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﺗﻮ ﺑﻲﻏﻴﺮﺕ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺑﻲﻏﻴﺮﺗﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺣﻞ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﻤﺸﻚ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮ ﮔﻔـﺖﻭﮔـﻮ ﺑـﺮ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻋﻘﻴـﺪﻩ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺘﻞﻫـﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻓـﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣـﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧـﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔـﺮ ﻗـﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳـﺖ‬
‫ﻛﺴﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﺵ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺳﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻥ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕـﺮﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺒـﺎﻁ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺍﻭ ﻣـﻲﮔـﻮﻳﻢ‪ :‬ﺁﻳـﺎ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳـﺖ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝﻫـﺎﻱ ﺷـﻬﺮ ﻭ‬
‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﺍﺑﻄـﻪ ﺑـﺎ‬
‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺑـﻪ ﺷـﺪﺕ‬
‫ﻣﺘﺄﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺗﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﺯﻧـﺎﻥ ﺳـﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘـﻪ ﻣـﻲﺷـﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴـﺌﻮﻻﻥ‬
‫ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬
‫ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻮءﻇﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
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‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻗﺪﺭﻱ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﮔﻴﺮ ﻫﻢ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻲﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻳـﻚ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﺘﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻧﻮﺷـﻴﻦ ﻣﺤﻤـﺪﻱ ﺳـﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻧﺸـﺮﻳﻪ »ﻧـﺪﺍﻱ‬
‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ« ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﺸﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﺸـﺎﻫﻲ ﻫﻤﮕـﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺯﻧـﺎﻧﻲ ﻛـﻪ ﺑـﻪ‬
‫ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺼـﺐ ﺩﺍﺭﻧـﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘـﻲ ﺑﻌﻀـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣـﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﺼـﻴﻠﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬
‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺑﻄﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺗﻌﺼـﺐ ﻭ‬
‫ﺷﺮﺍﻓﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻧﻮﺍﻣﻴﺲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻌﺼﺐ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺱﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻱ ﻟﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲﺍﺭﺷـﺪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺳﻢ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺗﻮ‪ ،‬ﭘﺪﺭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺍﻣﻴﺲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺘﻌﺼـﺐﺗـﺮ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻳـﺎ‬
‫ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﺕ؟ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻫـﺎ ﻭ‬
‫ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺪﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻌﺼﺐﺗﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺘﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺗﺒﺎً ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻲ ﻣـﻲﻛﻨﻨـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﺠﺎﺑﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﻐﻠﻢ ﻭ ‪. ...‬‬
‫ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻡ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺷﻐﻞ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﻣـﺪﺭﻙ ﻟﻴﺴـﺎﻧﺲ ﻣـﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷـﺘﻪ‬
‫ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻡ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮ ﺑـﺎ ﻣـﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﻤـﺎﺱ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻢ‪،‬‬
‫ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻡ ﻛﺎﺭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﺎً ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺪﺭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣـﺎﻝ ﺣـﺮﻑ‬
‫ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺷﺎﻩﻭﻟﻲ ﻭﻛﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﺬﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺳﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣـﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﻌﺼـﺐ ﻣـﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳـﺬﻩ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﺸﻤﺎﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺗﻌﺼﺐ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺼـﻮﺭ‬
‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬
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‫ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﻃﺎﻳﻔﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧـﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺗـﺮﻱ‬

‫ﻳــﻚ ﻃﺎﻳﻔــﻪ ﺑــﺮ ﻃﺎﻳﻔــﻪ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧــﻮﺍﻣﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳــﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻃــﺎﻳﻔﮕﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠــﻪ‬
‫ﺭﺳﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻧـﻮﻉ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺯﻧـﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺘـﺎﺭ‬
‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺁﻧﻬـﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠـﻪ ﻣـﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛـﻪ ﻣـﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻌﺼـﺐ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﺳﺨﺘﻲ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺗﻌﺼﺒﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻱ‬
‫ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻼً ﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑـﻪ ﺩﻟﻴـﻞ ﺳـﺮﭘﻴﭽﻲ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺸﻤﻮﻝ ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺗﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺑﺎﺩﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻟﺮﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺳﻢ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺼـﺐ ﺑـﺮ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ‬
‫ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻃﺎﻳﻔﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝﻫﺎ ﺗـﺎ ﻛﺠﺎﺳـﺖ ﻛـﻪ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳﺮﭘﻴﭽﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﺘﻦ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ؟‬
‫ﻭﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻗﻠﻴـﺖ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝﻫـﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻗـﻮﻣﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳـﻖ ﻣـﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧـﺪ ﺯﻧـﺪﻩ ﻧﮕـﺎﻩ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ »ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﻧﻲ« ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻬـﻢ ﻗـﻮﻣﻴﺘﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳـﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻃﺎﻳﻔﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﺧﻮﻧﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨــﻴﻦ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝﻫــﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻭﻥﻃــﺎﻳﻔﮕﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻌﻤــﻮ ًﻻﺑــﻪ ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﭘﺴــﺮﻋﻤﻮ ﻭ‬
‫ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻋﻤﻮﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻲ ﺁﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺳﻢ »ﻧﺎﻑ ﺑﺮﻳﺪﻥ« ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨـﻲ ﻛـﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑـﺪﻭ‬
‫ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﻱ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﻧﺎﻑ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺴـﺎﻟﻲ‬
‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
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‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻢ ﺳﻦ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﻦ ﻫـﻢ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮ ﻭﺟـﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳـﺘﺎﻥﻫـﺎ ﻭﻗﺘـﻲ ﻧﻤـﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨـﺪ ﺑـﺎ ﺯﻭﺭ ﻭ ﻓﺸـﺎﺭ‬
‫ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭﻭﻥﻃﺎﻳﻔﮕﻲ ﻳـﺎ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺧـﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲ ﺍﻧﺠـﺎﻡ ﺷـﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺵ‬
‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺧﺘـﺮ‬
‫ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺁﻥﻗﺪﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻳﺎ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘ ًﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺒـﻮﺭ ﺑـﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺩﺭﺑﺎﻳﺴـﺘﻲ ﺷـﺪﻳﺪ‬
‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﻮﺩﻛـﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﻠـﻮﻝ ﭼـﻪ ﺟﺴـﻤﻲ ﻭ ﭼـﻪ ﺫﻫﻨـﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـﻦ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﻟﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻗﻮﻣﻴـﺖ‬
‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻙ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛـﻪ ﻛـﺮﺩ ﺑـﺎ ﻛـﺮﺩ‬
‫ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻙ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻙ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻗـﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃـﺮﻑ ﺟﻮﺍﻧـﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺮﭘـﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷـﺘﻪ‬
‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣــﻪ ﺣﻴــﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌــﺎﻻﻥ ﺯﻥ ﺳﻴﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻠﻮﭼﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼــﻮﺹ‬
‫ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣـﻲﮔﻮﻳـﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﻨﻴﻦ ﭘـﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻳﻜـﻲ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺧﺘـﺮﺍﻥ ﻫـﻢ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨـﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺳـﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻛﻨﻨـﺪ‪،‬‬
‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺯﻧـﺪﮔﻲ ﺯﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑـﻪ ﺍﻭ‬
‫ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﻧـﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺍﺳـﺘﺎﻥ ﺑـﻪ ﻳـﻚ‬
‫ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﺯﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻢ‬
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‫ﺳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫‪F15‬‬

‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬
‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻣـﺮﺩﻱ ﻛـﻪ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﻃﺎﻳﻔﮕﻲ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻊﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧـﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﺴـﺘﻨﺪ ﻛـﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺁﻛﻮﺍﺭﻳﻮﻡ ﺷﻴﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻓـﺮﺍﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺧـﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺯﻳـﺮ‬
‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻏﺮﻳﺒﻪﻫﺎ ﻫﺴـﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡﻗﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺷﺨﺼـﻲ ﺍﻓـﺮﺍﺩ‬
‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻃﺮﻳﻘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻳـﺎ‬
‫ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻧـﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻳـﺎ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﻗـﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻓـﺮﺍﺩ ﻫﻮﻳـﺖ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ »ﻣـﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻌـﻲ« ﻗـﻮﻡ ﻭ‬
‫ﻃﺎﻳﻔﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻳﻚ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﻤﺸﻜﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻠﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﺩﺧﺘـﺮﻱ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻃﺎﻳﻔﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻻً ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺤـﺪﻭﺩ ﻳـﺎ ﺑﻬﺘـﺮ ﺑﮕـﻮﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧـﻪ‬
‫ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣـﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧـﻪ ﺑﻴـﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻳـﺪ ﻭﮔﺮﻧـﻪ ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻـﻠﻪ‬
‫ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﺵ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﺟـﺎﻧﺶ ﺗﻤـﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺯﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻻ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺎﺗﻲ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛـﻪ‬
‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺯﻧـﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﻦ ﺑـﺎﻻﻱ ‪ 50‬ﺳـﺎﻝ ﺑـﻪ‬
‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﺎﻁ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑـﺎ ﻣـﺎﺩﺭﺕ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﺴﺮﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘـﻞ ﺭﺳـﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣـﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴـﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﻣـﺮگ ﻫـﺮ‬

‫‪ .1‬ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‪.86/12/20 ،‬‬

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‫ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫‪F16‬‬

‫ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ‬
‫ﻋﻤﺮ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺧـﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘـﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳـﻌﻪﻳﺎﻓﺘـﻪ ﻭ‬
‫ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪﺩﻫﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬
‫ﻭ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛـﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗـﺎً‬
‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻣـﺎﻛﻦ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﺯﻧـﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺩﻛـﺎﻥ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺟﻬـﺎﻧﻲ ﺯﻧـﺎﻥ ﺧﺸـﻮﻧﺖﺩﻳـﺪﻩ ﺍﺛﺒـﺎﺕ ﻛـﺮﺩ ﻛـﻪ ﺗﻌـﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻧـﺎﻥ ﻣـﻮﺭﺩ‬
‫ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛـﻪ ﺑـﻪ ﺩﻟﻴـﻞ ﺑﻴﻤـﺎﺭﻱ ﺳـﺮﻃﺎﻥ‬
‫‪2‬‬
‫‪F17‬‬ ‫ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏــﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﭘﺪﻳــﺪﻩ ﺯﻧــﺎﻥ ﺧﺸــﻮﻧﺖﺩﻳــﺪﻩ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟــﻪ ﭘﺰﺷــﻜﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺳــﺘﺎﺭﺍﻥ‪،‬‬
‫ﻣﺪﺩﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺁﺳـﻴﺐ ﺟـﺪﻱ‬
‫ﻣـﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌـﻪ ﻣﺤﻘﻘـﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌـﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳـﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺳـﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻗـﻊ ﺷـﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻭﺍﻳـﺎﻱ‬
‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳـﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ‬
‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤـﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺳﻠﺴـﻠﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗـﺐ ﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺍﻣـﺮ ﺑﺎﻋـﺚ‬

‫‪ .1‬ﺑﺮﻭﺱ ﻛﻮﺋﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ)ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺛﻼﺛـﻲ( ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤـﺚ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤـﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻃـﺮﺩ‬
‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺴﺨﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻀﺤﻜﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪) .‬ﺹ‪.(150‬‬
‫‪ .2‬ﺁﻧﺘﻮﻧﻲ ﮔﻴﺪﻧﺰ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﮔﻴﺪﻧﺰ‪ ،‬ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺹ‪.201‬‬
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‫‪1‬‬
‫ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺧﺸﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫‪F18‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﻫـﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌـﺪﺩ ﻧﺸـﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷـﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛـﻪ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻓـﺮﺍﺩ ﺧﺸـﻦ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺑـﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧـﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬـﺎ‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺭﺳـﻲ ﻧﺘﻴﺠـﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘـﻪﺍﻧـﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﺧﺸـﻮﻧﺖ ﺧـﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲ ﺑـﻪ ﻳـﻚ ﻓـﺮﺩ ﺧـﺘﻢ‬
‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺴﺎﻟﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨـﻮﺍﻥ‬
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‫ﮔﺮﺩﺵ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫‪F19‬‬

‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﺑـﻪ ﻗﺘـﻞﻫـﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳـﻲ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻃـﺎﻳﻔﮕﻲ‬
‫ﺗﻮﺃﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺗﻮﺃﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣـﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻬـﻲ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﺻﻼً ﻣﺮﺩ ﻃﺎﻳﻔﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣـﺮﺩ ﻧﻴﺴـﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻫﻠﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻡ‬
‫ﻭ ﻃﻮﺍﻳﻒ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻛﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﻧـﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺴـﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﺴـﻤﻲ ﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻛﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺑـﺪﺍﻧﺠﺎ ﭘـﻴﺶ ﻣـﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺿﺮﺏﺍﻟﻤﺜﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣـﻮﺭﺩ ﺯﻧـﺎﻥ ﻭﺟـﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛـﻪ ﻣـﻲﮔﻮﻳـﺪ‪» :‬ﺯﻥ‬
‫ﻧﮕﻮ‪ ،‬ﻟﻨﮕﻪ ﻛﻔﺶ ﺑﮕﻮ«‪ 3 .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺠﺎ ﭘـﻴﺶ ﺭﻓﺘـﻪ‬
‫‪F20‬‬

‫‪ .1‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺷﻬﻼ ﺍﻋـﺰﺍﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳـﻲ ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤـﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻟـﻪ ﺧﺸـﻮﻧﺖ ﺧـﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲ ﻭ‬
‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺹ‪.195‬‬
‫‪ .2‬ﺷﻬﻼ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺹ‪.198‬‬
‫‪ .3‬ﺷﻬﻼ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ )ﺹ‪ :(197‬ﻣـﺎﺭﺗﻴﻦ ﻣﺤﻘـﻖ ﺩﻳﮕـﺮ ﺧﺸـﻮﻧﺖ ﺧـﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﻝ‬
‫‪ 1985‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺁﻧـﺎﻥ ﺑـﺮ‬
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‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﻛﻼﺱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨـﺪ‪ :‬ﺧـﺎﻧﻢ ﺯﻥ ﻳﻌﻨـﻲ‬

‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﭽﺎﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﺑﺨﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﺍﺭﺯﺵ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻧﻤـﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴـﺪ ﻭﻗﺘـﻲ ﭼﻨـﻴﻦ‬
‫ﻛﻠﻤـﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑـﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧــﺶﺁﻣـﻮﺯﻡ ﺧــﺎﺭﺝ ﻣـﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬـﺎ ﺩﭼــﺎﺭ ﭼـﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﺼــﺎﻝ ﻭ‬
‫ﺳﺮﺩﺭﮔﻤﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺯﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺑﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑـﻂ‬
‫ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲﺗـﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﺑـﻂ ﺑـﻴﻦ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﺷـﻮﻫﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘـﻪ ﺗـﺎ ﺑﺮﺧـﻮﺭﺩ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺃﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻜـﻢ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑـﻂ ﻳـﻚﺳـﻮﻳﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠـﺎ‬
‫ﺯﻧــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺘــﺮﺍﻥ ﺟــﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳــﻖ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳــﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓــﻴﻠﻢﻫــﺎﻱ ﺳــﻴﻨﻤﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧــﺎﻝﻫــﺎﻱ‬
‫ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﺷـﻮﻫﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺗـﻮﺃﻡ ﺑـﺎ‬
‫ﻋﺸﻖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺖﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻟﺬﺕ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛـﻪ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺯﻧـﺎﻥ ﺑـﻪ ﺯﻧـﺪﮔﻲ‬
‫ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒـﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻫـﺎ ﻧﻴﺴـﺖ‪ .‬ﻣـﻦ ﺯﻧـﺎﻥ ﺯﻳـﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺧﺸﻦ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﻛـﻪ ﺯﻧـﺎﻥ ﺍﻧـﺪﻙ ﺗـﻮﺍﻓﻘﻲ ﺑـﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧـﺪ‪،‬‬
‫ﮔﻼﻳﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳـﺎ ﻣـﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺣﺘـﻲ ﻓـﻴﺶ ﺣﻘـﻮﻕ ﺍﻧـﺪﻙ ﻣﻌﻠﻤـﻲ ﺯﻧـﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬـﺎ‬
‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﺮﺝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻧـﺎﻥ ﺟـﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣـﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳـﻢ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛـﻮﭼﻜﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺎﻧـﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺗﺒـﺎً ﺍﺯ ﺷـﻮﻫﺮﺍﻥ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﻛﺘـﻚ ﻣـﻲﺧﻮﺭﻧـﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘـﻲ‬
‫ﺗﻚﺗﻚ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﻫﺮ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‬
‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﻬﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎ‬
‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻦ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻕ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘـﻪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺸـﻮﻧﺖ ﻣـﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻧﺴـﺒﺖ ﺑـﻪ ﺯﻧـﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺭﺳﻢ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
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‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ‬
‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺸﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ‬
‫ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﮔﺮﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﺮﻭﺱ ﻛﻮﺋﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﺮﺩ‬
‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ‬
‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬
‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻧﺶ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﺩﺍﺷﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﺵ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﻴـﺮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﺮﺩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤـﺎﻋﻲﺷـﺪﻥ ﺍﻧﺴـﺎﻥﻫـﺎ ﻋـﺮﻑ‪ ،‬ﻗـﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻫـﺎﻱ ﻳـﻚ‬
‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻠﻜﻪ ﺫﻫﻨﺶ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘـﻲ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻫـﺎ ﻣﻠﻜـﻪ ﺫﻫـﻦ ﻓـﺮﺩ ﻣـﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﺍﻭ‬
‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺴـﺘﮕﻲ ﻳـﺎ ﻧﺎﺷﺎﻳﺴـﺘﮕﻲ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻫـﺎ ﺗﺮﺩﻳـﺪ‬
‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻓـﺮﺩ ﺑـﻪ ﺧـﻮﺩﻱ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻫـﺎ ﺑـﻪ ﻋﻨـﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻓﺘـﺎﺭ‬
‫‪1‬‬
‫‪F21‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻋﻮﺍﻣــﻞ ﻋﻤــﺪﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤــﺎﻋﻲ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻋﺒــﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺧــﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪ‪ ،‬ﮔــﺮﻭﻩﻫــﺎﻱ‬
‫ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻻﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﺃﺕ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛـﻪ ﻫﺴـﺘﻪ‬
‫ﺳﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲﺷﺪﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺒـﻮﻝ ﺑـﻲﭼـﻮﻥ ﻭ ﭼـﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻫـﺎﻱ ﻳـﻚ‬
‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﭼﺎﺭﻟﺰ ﻫﻮﺭﺗﻮﻥ ﻛﻮﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ »ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﻥ« ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘـﻪ‬
‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺁﻳﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧـﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺸـﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﻨـﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺑـﺮ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻋﻘﻴـﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛـﻪ‬
‫ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣـﻲﺷـﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫‪ .1‬ﺑﺮﻭﺱ ﻛﻮﺋﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺛﻼﺛﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺹ‪.79‬‬

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‫‪1‬‬
‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﺵ ﺳﺮﭼﺸﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫‪F2‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﻲ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧـﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺑـﺎ ﺳـﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻗـﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻃﺎﻳﻔـﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺘﻮﻟـﺪ‬
‫ﻣـﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻛــﻮﺩﻛﻲ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣـﻮﺭﻭﺛﻲ ﻣﺤــﻴﻂ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣــﻲﮔﻴــﺮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﺩﺳﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﻣﺠـﺎﺯ ﺑـﻪ ﺍﻋﻤـﺎﻝ ﺧﺸـﻮﻧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌـﻪﭘـﺬﻳﺮ‬
‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﺳﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺳـﺘﻘﻼﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺑﺴـﺘﮕﻲ ﺑـﻪ ﻣـﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻤـﻞ‬
‫ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭﺳﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ ﻣـﻲﻛﻨﻨـﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻫـﺎﻱ ﻣﺤـﻴﻂ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣـﻮﻥ‬
‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻠﻜﻪ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧـﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛـﻪ ﺍﻋﻤـﺎﻝ ﺧﺸـﻮﻧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣـﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ‬
‫ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳـﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌـﻪ‬
‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻬﻨﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣـﺖ ﻣـﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻣـﺮﻱ ﺍﺳـﺖ‬
‫ﺭﺍﻳﺞ! ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﺮﻑ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ‬
‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻲ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻧﻴـﺎﻱ ﻗـﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻧﻴـﺎﻱ ﻣـﺪﺭﻥ‬
‫ﺩﺭﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻗـﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻃﺎﻳﻔـﻪﺍﻱ ﺳـﺨﺖﺗـﺮ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻟﻨـﺎﻙﺗـﺮ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ‬

‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﭼﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺣـﻖ‬
‫ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺴﺮ ﻋﻤﻮ ﻳﺎ ﭘﺴﺮ ﭘﺴﺮﻋﻤﻮ ﻳﺎ ﻫﺮﻛﺲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺩﺍﻳـﺮﻩ‬

‫‪ .1‬ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﺛﻼﺛﻲ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎﺭﻟﺰ ﻫﻮﺭﺗـﻮﻥ ﻛـﻮﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧـﻮﺩ‬
‫ﺁﻳﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺹ‪.410‬‬
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‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻱ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺣﻖ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺧﺘـﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﭘﺴﺮﻋﻤﻮ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﺎً ﺑـﻪ ﻗﺘـﻞ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﻳـﺖ ﻣﻨﺠـﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫـﺪ‬
‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺭﻳﺶﺳﻔﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﭘﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﻬﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻨﺎً ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﻜﻮﻛﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨـﺪ‬
‫ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺸﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﺮﺍﺏﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﻳـﻮﺍﺭ ﺑـﺮ ﺳـﺮ ﺩﺧﺘـﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸـﻒ ﺟﺴـﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺩﺧﺎﻧـﻪ ﻭ‬
‫ﻣﺮگ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺳﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎ ﻧﻴـﺰ ﻣﺸـﻜﻮﻙ ﺑـﻪ ﻗﺘـﻞﻫـﺎﻱ‬
‫ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻛـﻨﺶ ﺯﻧـﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣـﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬
‫ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﻮﻡ ﻛـﻪ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻣﻮﺝ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧـﺪ ﻭ‬
‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺧﺒـﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﭼـﺎﺭ ﺑﻬـﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻴـﺮﺕ‬
‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻴﺮﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣـﻲﻛـﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣـﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬
‫ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺟـﺮﺃﺕ ﺍﻋﺘـﺮﺍﺽ ﺑـﻪ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻗﺘـﻞﻫـﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧـﺪ؟ ﺩﺭ ﺟـﻮﺍﺏ‬
‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨـﺪ‪ :‬ﻫﻨـﻮﺯ ﻧـ ﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑـﺰﺭگﺳـﺎﻻﺭﻱ ﻭ ﭘﺪﺭﺳـﺎﻻﺭﻱ ﻫﻨـﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺍﺳـﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺯﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻲﻛـﻨﻢ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣـﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺧـﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﻮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻫﻤﻜـﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑـﺎ‬
‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ )ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﻫﺮ‪ ،‬ﭘﺴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﻭ‪ (...‬ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨـﺪ! ﺯﻳـﺮﺍ ﻋـﺪﻡ ﻫﻤﻜـﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﻧﻬـﺎ ﺑـﻪ‬
‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﻳﻚ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎ ﺻﺮﻓﺎً ﺩﺭ ﻣـﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺧﺘـﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺯﻧـﺎﻥ ﺟـﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺴـﺖ‪،‬‬
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‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺴﺮﻱ ﺑﻪﺩﻟﻴـﻞ ﺷـﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﺷـﺎﻳﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣـﻮﺭﺩ‬
‫ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺍﻭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺛﺎﺑـﺖ ﺷـﻮﺩ ﻛـﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺷـﺎﻳﻌﻪ ﺻـﺤﺖ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ؟)ﺟﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳ ًﺎ ﺣﻖ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ!(‬
‫ﻣﺘﺄﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺑـﻪ ﮔﻮﻧـﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛـﻪ ﺍﻓـﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨـﻴﻦ‬
‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺳﺮﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺁﺑﺮﻭﻳـﻲ ﻣـﻲﻛﻨﻨـﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﭘـﺲ‬
‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺁﺑﺮﻭ ﻭ ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨـﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳـﻲ‬
‫ﺫﻛﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺧﺎﻧﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﺵ ﺩﺍﻧﻴـﺎﻝ ﻣـﻲﮔﻔـﺖ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺴـﺎﻳﮕﻲ ﻣـﺎ ﺧـﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺯﻧـﺪﮔﻲ‬
‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺵ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺴﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺷﻢ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬
‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮ ﺑﺮﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﺴﺮﻋﻤﻮﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛـﻦ‬
‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳـﺪ‪ :‬ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭ ﺧـﻮﺏ ﺗـﻮ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻐﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺕ ﺑﺮﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺑـﺰﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﭘـﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣـﺪﺗﻲ ﺑـﻪ‬
‫ﺟﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﭘﺴﺮﻋﻤﻮ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣـﻲﺷـﻮﻧ ﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺧﺘـﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑـﻪ ﺣﻤـﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧـﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺠـﺎ ﺳـﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣـﻲﺑﺮﻧـﺪ ﻭ ﺑـﻪ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴـﺐ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑـﻪ ﻗﺘـﻞ‬
‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛـﻪ ﺍﮔـﺮ‬
‫ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺯﻥ ﺧﺎﻃﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻃﺎﻳﻔﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﺸـﻪ‬
‫ﻃﺮﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺎﻳﻔﻪ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺴـﺮﻱ ﻗﺒـﻮﻝ ﻣـﻲﻛﻨـﺪ ﻭ ﻧـﻪ‬
‫ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺎﻳﻔﻪ ﺩﺭﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﺩﺑﻴﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺣﺮﻑ‬
‫ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺻـﺤﺒﺖ ﻛـﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳـﺘﻢ ﺑـﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﻜـﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ‬
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‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺵ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣـﻮﺭﺩ ﺑـﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺻـﺤﺒﺖ‬
‫ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﮔﻔﺖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻢ‪ :‬ﭼﺮﺍ؟ ﮔﻔـﺖ‪ :‬ﺧـﺎﻧﻢ‬
‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺮﺹﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺷﻲﺁﻭﺭ ]ﻗـﺮﺹﻫـﺎﻱ ﺍﻋﺼـﺎﺏ ﻭ‬
‫ﺭﻭﺍﻥ[ ﻣـﻲﺧــﻮﺭﺩ ﺗــﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺗﻔــﺎﻕ ﻭ ﺧـﻮﺍﻫﺮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣــﻮﺵ ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﺮﮔــﺰ ﺣﺎﺿــﺮ‬
‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﻤﺸﻚ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺭﺷـﺪ ﺭﺷـﺘﻪ ﺍﺩﺑﻴـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑـﺎﺯ ﻛـﺮﺩﻡ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛـﺮﺩ ﻛـﻪ ﻫﺮﺳـﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﻤﺸـﻚ ﭼﻨـﺪﻳﻦ ﻗﺘـﻞ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳـﻲ ﺍﺗﻔـﺎﻕ‬
‫ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺳـﻢ‪ ،‬ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣـﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺘـﻞ ﺯﻧـﺎﻧﻲ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺑـﺮ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﺗﻔـﺎﻕ‬
‫ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺑﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﺯﻧﻲ ﻛـﻪ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺳﻢ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻧـﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻣـﻮﺭﺩ‬
‫ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣـﻲﻛﻨﻴـﺪ؟ ﻣـﻲﮔﻮﻳـﺪ‪ :‬ﺑﻠـﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘـﻲ ﺧـﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﻧﻈـﺮﺍﺗﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣـﻲﺷـﻨﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ‬
‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨـﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﻣـﻦ ﻧﺴـﺒﺖ ﺑـﻪ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺯﻧـﺎﻥ ﺣـﺲ ﺩﻟﺴـﻮﺯﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑـﻪ ﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﻼ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺑﻲﻏﻴﺮﺗﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ! ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻀـﺎﻳﻲ ﺯﻧـﺪﮔﻲ‬
‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﺗﻮ ﺍﺻ ً‬
‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧـﺪ‪ .‬ﻣـﻦ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣـﺮﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣـﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳـﻢ ﻛـﻪ‬
‫ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻼﻕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘـﻞ ﻭﻱ‬
‫ﻧﻜــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻣــﺮ ﺑﺎﻋــﺚ ﺷــﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﻣــﻮﺟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺸــﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮﻫــﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﻃــﺮﻑ ﺍﻭ ﻭ‬
‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﺵ ﺳﺮﺍﺯﻳﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎً ﺍﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﺸـﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺷـﻬﺮ ﺭﻓـﺖ ﻭ‬
‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻣﺶ ﻗﻄـﻊ ﻛـﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘـﻲ ﺧـﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﺵ ﺑـﻪ ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﻐـﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺕ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻛﺸﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﭘـﺲ ﺍﺟـﺎﺯﻩ ﺑـﺪﻩ ﻣـﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﺑﻜﺸﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩ ﻃﺎﻳﻔﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻥ ﻃﺎﻳﻔﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴـﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨـﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﺯﻧـﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺩﺭﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
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‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛـﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺳـﻴﺪﻡ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻌـﺪﺍﺩ‬
‫ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻧﻜـﺮﺩﻩ؟‬
‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﺳﺦﻫﺎ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳـﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴـﺰ ﮔﻔـﺖﻭﮔـﻮ‬
‫ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺷـﻨﻴﺪﻩﻫـﺎﻱ ﻣـﻦ ﺁﻣـﺎﺭ ﺯﻧـﺎﻥ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ‬
‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﮔﻔﺘـﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺄﻳﻴـﺪ‬
‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺯﻧـﺎﻥ ﺑـﻪ ﻗﺘـﻞ ﺭﺳـﻴﺪﻩ ﺑـﺮ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺳﻮءﻇﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼـﻪ ﺑﺨﺸـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬـﺎ ﺑـﺮ ﺍﺳـﺎﺱ ﻣـﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺛﺒـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺷﺪﻩ؟ ﺟﻤﻠﮕﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻـﺪ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻗﺘـﻞﻫـﺎ ﺑـﺮ ﺍﺳـﺎﺱ ﺳـﻮءﻇﻦ‬
‫ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨ ﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑـﻪ ﺩﻟﻴـﻞ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺣـﺎﺩ‬
‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳـﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﻛـﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺍﺳـﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﺟـﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛـﻪ ﺍﮔـﺮ ﺯﻧـﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﺴـﺎﺱ ﺧﻄـﺮ‬
‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣـﺮگ ﻧﺠـﺎﺕ ﻳﺎﺑﻨـﺪ؟ ﺁﻳـﺎ ﺑﻬﺰﻳﺴـﺘﻲ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺍﺳـﺘﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺍﻣﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﺩﻳـﺪﻩ؟ ﺁﻧﻬـﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳـﺦ ﻣـﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨـﺪ‪ :‬ﺧﻴـﺮ!‬
‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﺒـﻮﺭ ﺷـﺪﻳﻢ ﺑﺮﺧـﻲ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺄﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑـﻪ ﻣﺤـﺾ ﺧـﺮﻭﺝ‬
‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ!‬
‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺳﻢ ﺁﻳـﺎ ﻧﻤـﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬـﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺍﺳـﺘﺎﻥ ﺧـﺎﺭﺝ ﻛـﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻳـﻞ‬
‫ﺑﻬﺰﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ؟ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻲ ﻛـﻪ‬
‫ﭘﺪﺭ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺵ ﻛﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺨﻔﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫـﺎﻳﻲ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻘﻄـﻊ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤـﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻋـﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧـﺪ ﻭ‬
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‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻘﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻛﻢﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟـﻲ ﻣـﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻧـﻪ ﭼﻨـﺪﺍﻥ‬
‫ﻛﻤﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
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‫ﻓﺸﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳﻲ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻋﻤﻘﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣـﺎ ﻣﺼـﺎﺣﺒﻪ‬
‫ﺷﻮﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫـﺎﻱ‬
‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳـﺘﺎﻥﻫـﺎ ﻣـﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺧـﺎﺹ ﻧﻴـﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻱ‬
‫ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺸـﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺟﻤـﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﺒﺎﺣـﺚ ﻣﻄـﺮﺡ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬

‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ‬

‫ﻣﻮﻟﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳـﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺜـﺮ‬
‫ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣــﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘـﻪ ﺳـﻜﻮﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﻧـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮ ﺍﺗﻔـﺎﻕ‬
‫ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑـﻴﻦ ﺷـﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳـﺘﺎ‬
‫ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﻫﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺗﻔـﺎﻕ ﻣـﻲﺍﻓﺘـﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻴـﻞ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟـﻮﺩ‬
‫ﺳﻮءﻇﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺛﺒـﺎﺕ ﻧﻤـﻲﺷـﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
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‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺸﻤﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﺑـﻂ‬
‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻩ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻭ ﻗـﻮﻣﻲ‬
‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗـﺮﻙ ﺑـﺎ ﺗـﺮﻙ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻛﻨﻨـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣـﺎ‬
‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻘﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻓـﺮﺍﺭ‬
‫ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﺮﺯ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ـ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻋﺸﺎﻳﺮﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ـ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﺼـﻴﻼﺕ ﭘـﺎﻳﻴﻨﻲ ﻫﺴـﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮ ﺩﻳـﺪﻩ‬
‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ـ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻘﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﻓـﻪ ﺩﻳـﺪﻩ‬
‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﻦ ﺫﺑﻴﺤﻲ ﻭ ﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﺷﻴﺦﺍﻻﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨـﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ‬
‫ﺷﻴﻮﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺘـﻞﻫـﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺴـﻤﺖﻫـﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠـﻒ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺍﺳـﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﺟـﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨـﻴﻦ‬
‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻗﺘـﻞﻫـﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳـﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﻳـﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺠـﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺫﻳﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬
‫ـ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻘﺘﻮﻟﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ـ ﺳﻦ ﻣﻘﺘﻮﻟﻴﻦ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻲﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﻻ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ـ ﻣﻘﺘﻮﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﻌﻤﻮ ً‬
‫ـ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺳﻨﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻼﺣﻈـﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻴـﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻣﻘﺘﻮﻟﻴﻦ ﺯﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻮﻫﺮﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬
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‫ﻗﺘﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳـﻮءﻇﻦ ﺑـﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣـﺎﻟﻲ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﻻﻳـﻞ ﻭ ﺷـﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬
‫ﻣﺤﻜﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻮءﻇﻦﻫﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﺸﺎﻩ‬
‫ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻧﻮﺷﻴﻦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ ﺳﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻧﺸﺮﻳﻪ »ﻧﺪﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ«‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻴﻼﻥ ﻏـﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺟـﻮﺍﻥﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳـﻼﻡﺁﺑـﺎﺩ ﻏـﺮﺏ ﻭ‬
‫ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗـﻮﻉ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻗﺘـﻞﻫـﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷـﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳـﺘﺎﻫﺎﻱ‬
‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨـﺎﻃﻖ ﻳــﺎﺩ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝﻫــﺎ ﺍﻛﺜـﺮ ًﺍ ﺍﺟﺒــﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃـﺮﻑ ﺧــﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺗﻌﻴــﻴﻦ‬
‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧـﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛـﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨـﮓ ﻋﻤـﻮﻣﻲ ﺑـﺎ ﺍﻳـﻦ‬
‫ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺪﻟﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺳﻄﺢ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﭘﺎﺋﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣـﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻣﻨـﺎﻃﻖ ﭼﻨـﺪﺍﻥ‬
‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒــﺎﻃﻲ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﻛــﺰﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫــﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻫــﺮ ﻧــﻮﻉ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺘﻲ‬
‫ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺳــﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻧﺸــﺮﻳﻪ »ﻧــﺪﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ«‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔــﺖ ﺑــﺎ ﻗﺘــﻞﻫــﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧــﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﺸﺎﻫﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻣـﻲﻛﻨـﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﺧﺒـﺮ‬
‫ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺘـﺄﺛﺮ ﻣـﻲﻛﻨـﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘـﻪ ﺩﻳﮕـﺮﻱ ﻛـﻪ ﻧﻮﺷـﻴﻦ‬
‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺗﺄﺳﻒ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻣـﻲﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛـﻪ ‪NGO‬ﻫـﺎﻱ‬
‫ﺯﻧــﺎﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﺸــﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴــﺖ ﻣﻨــﻊ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘــﻲ ﻛــﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻖ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧـﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻄـﻮﺭ‬
‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪ‪.‬‬
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‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻟﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬
‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺮﺳـﺘﺎﻧﻲﻫـﺎ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨـﺪﮔﻲ ﻗﺘـﻞﻫـﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳـﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺜـﺮ‬
‫ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﻟـﻲ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻗﺘـﻞﻫـﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷـﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬
‫ﺧﺮﻡﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺭﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺫﻛﺮﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺳﻮءﻇﻦﻫﺎﻱ‬
‫ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺘﻞﻫـﺎ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺧﺘـﺮﺍﻥ‬
‫ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺳﻄﺢ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻢ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﻓﻘﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺮﻓﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻓﻮﺭ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻨـﻮﺯ ﺭﺳـﻢ ﻧـﺎﻑﺑﺮﻳـﺪﻥ )ﻣﻨﻈـﻮﺭ‬
‫ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺴـﺮ( ﻭﺟـﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨـﺎﻃﻖ‬
‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﻢ ﻣﻨﺴﻮﺥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺒـﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳـﻖ ﺍﺻـﺮﺍﺭ ﺑـﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺣﺪ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻗـﺮﺍﺭ ﻣـﻲﺩﻫﻨـﺪ ﻛـﻪ‬
‫ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺟﺰ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻏﺮﻳﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻗـﻮﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣـﻮﺭﺩ‬
‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻥ‬
‫ﺭﺍﺿﻴﻪ ﻣﺤﺴـﻨﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺷـﻨﺎﺱ ﺍﺭﺷـﺪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌـﺎﺕ ﺯﻧـﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫـﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺣﺘﻈـﺎﻇﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺴـﻴﻦ‬
‫ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳـﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻤـﺪﺍﻥ ﺑـﻪ ﻣـﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺫﻳـﻞ ﺍﺷـﺎﺭﻩ‬
‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪:‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺣﺼﺎﺭ ﻋﻠﻲﺁﺑﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻗﺼﺎﺏﻫـﺎ‬
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‫ﻭ ﺩﻳﺰﺝ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻘﻲ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺒـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﻣﻴـﺖ ﻛـﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻟـﺮ ﻭ ﺗـﺮﻙ‬

‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺘـﻞﻫـﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳـﻲ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮ ﻣﺸـﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣـﻲﺷـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘـﻪ‬
‫ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝﻫــﺎ ﺩﺭﻭﻥﻃـــﺎﻳﻔﮕﻲ ﺍﺳـــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥﺟـــﺎ ﻣـــﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺣﻴـــﻪ ﺷـــﺪﻳﺪ‬
‫ﻣﺮﺩﺳﺎﻻﺭﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣـﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﻭ‬
‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﻧﺞ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧـﺪ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨـﺶ ﻟﺮﻧﺸـﻴﻦ ﺍﺳـﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻤـﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳـﺘﺎﻱ ﺁﺑﺸـﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜـﻲ ﺷـﻬﺮ‬
‫ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻲ ﺳﺎﻛﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﭘـﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈـﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩﻱ ﻫـﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻘـﺮ‬
‫ﺷﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺭﻧﺞ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻓـﻪ‬
‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘــﻪ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝﻫــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻨﻴﻦ ﭘــﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻔــﺎﻕ ﻣــﻲﺍﻓﺘــﺪ ﻭ ﺳــﭙﺲ ﺑــﻪ‬
‫ﺳﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻ ًﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﭼﻨﺪﻫﻤﺴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺪﻳـﺪﻩ ﭼﻨﺪﻫﻤﺴـﺮﻱ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻛﻨﻴﻦ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘـﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑـﻴﻦ ﺍﻓـﺮﺍﺩ ﺗﺤﺼـﻴﻠﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻧﻴـﺰ‬
‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺮﺳـﻮﻡ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺑـﻪ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ‬
‫ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻢﺳﻦ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﻣـﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻣﺴـﻦ ﺑـﻪ ﺩﻟﻴـﻞ ﻓﻘـﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋـﺚ ﺗﺸـﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝﻫﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛـﻪ ﺯﻧـﺎﻥ ﺑـﻪ ﺿـﻌﻒ ﺍﺧﻼﻗـﻲ‬
‫ﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬـﺎ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣـﺎﺕ ﺍﺧﻼﻗـﻲ ﻣـﻲﺯﻧﻨـﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳـﺎﺱ‬
‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑ ً‬
‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻌـﺪﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺴـﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﻬـﺎ ﺑـﻪ‬
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‫ﺗﻼﻓﻲ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣـﻲﻛﻨﻨـﺪ ﻛـﻪ‬
‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬
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‫ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‬

‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑـﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﻨـﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼـﻮﺹ ﻗﺘـﻞﻫـﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳـﻲ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛـﻪ ﻣـﺎ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻏﺮﺑـﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻨـﻮﺑﻲ ﺁﻥ‬
‫ﻗﺘﻞ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺸﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴــﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋــﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩ‬
‫ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﺟﻤﻠﮕﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﻗﺎﺑـﻞ ﺗـﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻧﺎﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠـﻞ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳـﺮ ﺟﻬـﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳـﺎﻻﻧﻪ‬
‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 5‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻣﺸﻤﻮﻝ ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳـﻲ ﻣـﻲﺷـﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭﻱ‬
‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﺮﺳـﺎﻟﻪ ﺑـﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 1000‬ﺯﻥ ﺑـﻪ ﺩﻟﻴـﻞ ﻣﻮﺿـﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺘـﻲ ﻛﺸـﺘﻪ‬
‫ﻣــﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﻗﺘــﻞﻫــﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳــﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺴــﺎﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﻬــﻲ‬
‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠـﻞ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧـﻲ ﻗﺘـﻞﻫـﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳـﻲ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺷـﺮﻕ ﻭ ﺟﻨـﻮﺏ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻴـﺰ ﺷــﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘـﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜـﺎﻱ ﻻﺗــﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺣﺘـﻲ ﺑﺮﺧــﻲ‬
‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﻭﺟـﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨـﺪ ﭘﺎﻛﺴـﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑـﻨﮕﻼﺩﺵ‪،‬‬
‫ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼـﺮ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺑﺴـﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳـﻮﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳـﺮﺍﻳﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣـﺮﺍﻛﺶ‪ ،‬ﺁﻟﻤـﺎﻥ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭژﺍﻧﺘﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﺍﺗﻤﺎﻻ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺯﻳﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﻮﺍﺩﻭﺭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘـ ًﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻨـﺪ ﺯﻧـﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧـﻲ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺍﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬
‫ﺳﻮءﻇﻦ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺳـﻮءﻇﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻫـﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﻨﻴﻦ‬
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‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻧـﺎﻥ »ژﻧـﺎ« ﺯﻥ ﺟـﻮﺍﻥ‬
‫ﺑﻨﮕﻼﺩﺷﻲ ﺍﻻﺻﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺴﺮ‬
‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺍﻳﺴﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳـﺎﻥ ﺧـﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺑـﻪ ﺩﻟﻴـﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮﭘﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺟﻠﺴـﻪﺍﻱ ﺧـﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲ‬
‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺩﺭ »ژﻧﺎ« ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑـﻪ ﺧـﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜـﻪ ﺑـﺎ ﺁﺑـﺮﻭﻱ ﺧـﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﺵ‬
‫ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺵ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻮﺷﻴﺪﻥ ﺟﺎﻡ ﺯﻫﺮ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺯﻧـﺪﺍﻧﻲ‬
‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ‪ 46‬ﭘﻮﻧﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴـﺖ ﻓـﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨـﺪ ﻭ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑـﻪ‬
‫ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫»ﻫﺸﻮ ﻳﻮﻧﺲ« ‪ 16‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺸﻮ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲﺍﻻﺻﻞ‬
‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛـﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘـﺪﺭ ﻫﺸـﻮ ﺑـﻪ ﺩﻟﻴـﻞ ﺻـﺤﺒﺖﻫـﺎﻱ ﻳﻜـﻲ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻧﺶ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺵ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑـﺎ‬
‫‪ 11‬ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻗﻮ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺯﺧﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺳﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﺶ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻫﺸـﻮ‬
‫)ﻋﺒﺪﺍﷲ ﻳﻮﻧﺲ( ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺑـﻪ ﺣـﺒﺲ ﺍﺑـﺪ ﻣﺤﻜـﻮﻡ‬
‫‪1‬‬
‫‪F23‬‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺳﻪ ﺯﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧـﻲ ﻛـﻪ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳـﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧـﺪ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺳﻮﻡ ﻃﻮﺍﻳﻔﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬
‫ﻃﻮﺍﻳﻒ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻟﻜﻪ ﻧﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺖ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻧـﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺳـﻪ‬
‫ﺯﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺎﻳﻔﻪ ﻋﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺯﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺘﻚ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳـﭙﺲ ﺑـﺎ‬
‫ﮔﻠﻮﻟﻪ ﺯﺧﻤﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﻩﺑﻪﮔﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭ ﺯﻥ ﻣﺴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳـﻦ‬

‫‪ .1‬ﮔﺎﺭﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ‪.88/8/8‬‬

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‫‪1‬‬
‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺯﻧﺪﻩﺑﻪﮔﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫‪F24‬‬

‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻧﻴـﺰ ﺍﺗﻔـﺎﻕ ﻣـﻲﺍﻓﺘـﺪ‪،‬‬

‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ »ﻫﻴﺮﻳﺎﺑﺎ« ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳـﻲ ﺑـﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﺳـﺘﺎﻥﻫـﺎ ﻣﺸـﺎﻫﺪﻩ‬
‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﭘـﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣـﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ‬
‫ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻛــﻮﺩﻛﻲ ﻓﺮﺯﻧــﺪﺍﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ‬
‫ﺗﺨﻄﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﻢ ﻛﻬﻨﻪ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺍﺣﻜـﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﺳـﻂ‬
‫ﺭﻳﺶﺳﻔﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻛﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻣﻨـﺎﻃﻖ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﻮﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻠﻴﺲ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬
‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﻫﻤﻴﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ ﺍﺯﺟﻤﻠـﻪ ‪ Tims of India‬ﻣﺮﺗﺒـ ًﺎ ﺍﺧﺒـﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺷﻚ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺷﻮﻫﺮﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨـﺪ‬
‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺘﻞﻫـﺎ ﺭﻗـﻢ ﻗﺎﺑـﻞ ﺗـﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨـﺪ ﺑـﻪ‬
‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺍﻟﻲﺁ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺍﺭﺩﻧﻲ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺴـﺮ ﻣﺴـﻴﺤﻲ‬
‫ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜـﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻮﺳـﻂ ﭘـﺪﺭﺵ ﻛﺸـﺘﻪ ﻣـﻲﺷـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘـﺪﺭ ﺑـﻪ‬
‫ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻥ ﻭﺛﻴﻘـﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺍﻧـﻪ ﺑـﻪ ﺯﻧـﺪﮔﻲ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣـﻪ‬
‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﻭﺳﺖ »ﺩﺍﻟﻲﺁ«‪» ،‬ﻧﻮﺭﻣﺎ« ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳـﻮءﻇﻦ ﻗـﺮﺍﺭ ﻣـﻲﮔﻴـﺮﺩ ﻛـﻪ‬
‫ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﻟﻲﺁ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷـﻮﺩ‬

‫‪ .1‬ﮔﺎﺭﺩﻳﻦ‪.2008/9/4 ،‬‬
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‫ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﮔـﺮ ﺑـﻪ ﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﮔـﺮﺩﻡ‬
‫ﭘﺪﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺷﺮﺍﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺱ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺸﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﻲ ‪ 1994‬ﻛﻴﻔﺎﻳﺎ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ‪ 16‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺭﺩﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺑـﺮﺍﺩﺭ ‪ 32‬ﺳـﺎﻟﻪﺍﺵ ﺑـﻪ‬
‫ﺻﻨﺪﻟﻲ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺁﺏ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺳﺮﺵ ﺑﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴـﻞ‬
‫‪1‬‬
‫‪F25‬‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﻦ ﻛﻴﻔﺎﻳﺎ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺩﻥ ‪ 61/9‬ﺩﺭﺻـﺪ‬
‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳـﺖ ﺑـﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﺧـﻮﺩ‪ 14/3 ،‬ﺩﺭﺻـﺪ ﺑـﻪ ﺩﺳـﺖ‬
‫ﭘﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ‪ 10‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﻳﺎ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﻳﺎ ﻣـﺮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕـﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺎﻣﻴـﻞ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﻮﻣﺎً ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺘـﻞﻫـﺎ ﺑـﻪ ﺩﺳـﺖ ﺑـﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﻛـﻢﺳـﻦ ﻭ ﺳـﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺠـﺎﻡ‬
‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﭘﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻢﺳﻦ ﻣﺸﻤﻮﻝ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ‪90‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﺧﺘـﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻣﻨـﻪ ﺳـﻨﻲ ﺑـﻴﻦ‬
‫‪2‬‬
‫‪ 15‬ﺗﺎ ‪27‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫‪F26‬‬

‫ﺳﻴﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼـﻮﺹ ﻗﺘـﻞﻫـﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳـﻲ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﻃﻲ ‪17‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‬
‫ﻭﻛﻼ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﻦ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺭﺍﺯ ﺳـﻴﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑـﺮﻣﻼ ﻛﻨـﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﻋﻠﻴـﻪ ﺯﻧـﺎﻥ ﻣﻤﻨـﻮﻉ ﺍﻋـﻼﻡ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﻭﻟـﻲ ﺭﻳﺸـﻪﻛـﻦ ﻧﺸـﺪﻩ‬
‫‪3‬‬
‫‪F27‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﻳﻮﺳﻒ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﺰﻳﺰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﺎﻝ ‪ 2007‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﺳـﺘﺎﻥ ﻋـﺮﺍﻕ‬
‫‪ 27‬ﺯﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ؛‬

‫‪ .1‬ﻫﻤﺎ ﻏﻔﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ‪ 8‬ﻣﺎﺭﺱ‪.‬‬

‫‪ .2‬ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻼﻳﻦ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .3‬ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻲ‬
‫‪47‬‬

‫‪ 10‬ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺑﻴﻞ‪ 11 ،‬ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻫﻮﻙ ﻭ ‪ 6‬ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻧﻴﻪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭﻳــﺎ ﺩﺧﺘــﺮ ‪17‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻪ ﺗــﺮﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﺪﺭﺳــﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﻳــﻚ ﭘﺴــﺮ ﺁﺷــﻨﺎ ﻣــﻲﺷــﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﻋﻤﻮﻫــﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺷــﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺑــﺎﺧﺒﺮ ﻣــﻲﺷــﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳــﻖ ﻳــﻚ ‪ SMS‬ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻭ‬
‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻳﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﺶ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﻜﻪ ﻧﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻙ ﻛﻦ ﻳـﺎ ﺁﻧﻜـﻪ ﻣـﺎ ﺗـﻮ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﻼ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﺪﺭﺑﺰﺭﮔﺶ‬
‫ﻣﻲﻛﺸﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﻋﻤﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺒ ً‬
‫ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻳﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺑـﺎﺭ ﺍﻗـﺪﺍﻡ ﺑـﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺸـﻲ ﻛـﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳـﻚ ﺑـﺎﺭ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺭﻭﺩﺧﺎﻧﻪ »ﺗﺒﮕﺮﻳﺰ« ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛـﺮﺩ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﻗﻮ ﺭﮔﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺯﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺯﻥ ﺗﺮﻙ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘـﻪ ﺑـﺘﻤﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨـﻮﺏ ﺷـﺮﻗﻲ‬
‫ﺁﻧﺎﺗﻮﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻳـﻚ ﺯﻥ ﺑـﻪ ﺩﻻﻳـﻞ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳـﻲ ﺑـﻪ ﻗﺘـﻞ ﻣـﻲﺭﺳـﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧـﻲ‬
‫ﺳﻨﮕﺴﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺧﻔﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﻩﺑـﻪﮔـﻮﺭ ﻣـﻲﺷـﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴـﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺯﺩﻛﻲ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻥ ﺩﺍﻣـﻦ‬
‫ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻏﺮﻳﺒﻪ ﻭ ﻳـﺎ ﺣﺘـﻲ ﻳـﻚ ﺧﻮﻳﺸـﺎﻭﻧﺪ ﺑـﻪ ﻳـﻚ‬
‫‪1‬‬
‫ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬
‫‪F28‬‬

‫ﻃﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺻـﻮﺭﺕﮔﺮﻓﺘـﻪ ﺗﻮﺳـﻂ ﺻـﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺟﻤﻌﻴـﺖ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠـﻞ ﻭ‬

‫ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻣﻠﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻗﺘـﻞﻫـﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳـﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴـﻪ‬
‫ﻣﺼــﺎﺣﺒﻪﺷــﻮﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺮﻑ ﻭ ﻧــﺎﻣﻮﺱ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻣــﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧــﺪﮔﻲ ﻫــﺮ ﻓــﺮﺩ‬
‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ‬
‫ﺍﻭ ﻗﻮﻱﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻲﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺱ؛ ﻋﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻛﺪﺍﻣﻨﻲ ﻭ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸـﺨﻴﺺ ﺣـﺪ‬

‫‪ .1‬ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ‪ 16 ،‬ﺟﻮﻻﻱ ‪.2009‬‬

‫‪48‬‬

‫ﻭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺯﻧﺎﻧﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺁﺩﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻮﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺷﻮﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ‪ 70‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﻧـﺎﻣﻮﺱ ﺍﻋـﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧـﺪ ﻛـﻪ‬
‫ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺱ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻥ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺷﻮﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧــﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻫﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﺷــﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﻣﻬــﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑــﺮ ﻛﻨﺘــﺮﻝ ﺯﻧــﺎﻥ‬
‫ﭘﺎﻓﺸﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻥ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﺷﺮﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺯﻧـﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﭼﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﻛﻨـﺪ ﺑـﺎ ﻃـﻼﻕ ﺍﻭ‬
‫ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ؟ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﻳﺐﺑﻪﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻃـﻼﻕ‬
‫ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺯﻧـﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﻨـﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄـﻪ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴـﻖ‪ ،‬ﺑـﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﻫـﺎ ﺗﺄﻛﻴـﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ :‬ﺳـﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤـﻞ ﺍﻗﺎﻣـﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴـﺰﺍﻥ‬
‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻮﺍﻣـﻞ ﻣـﺆﺛﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺘـﻞﻫـﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳـﻲ‬
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‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫‪F29‬‬

‫ﭘﻠــﻴﺲ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣــﻲﮔﻮﻳــﺪ‪ :‬ﺳــﺎﻻﻧﻪ ‪ 12‬ﻧﻔــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺗﺤــﺖ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ‬

‫ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺘﻲ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺘﻞﻫـﺎ ﺣﺘـﻲ‬
‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻫـﻢ ﺑـﻪ ﺻـﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺸـﻲ ﺑـﻪ ﭘﻠـﻴﺲ ﮔـﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬
‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻦ‬
‫‪ 16‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 24‬ﺳـﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻠﻴـﺖﻫـﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻛﺴـﺘﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﮕﻼﺩﺷـﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻨـﺪﻱ ﺳـﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑـﺮ ﺳـﺎﻳﺮ‬
‫ﻫﻤﺘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺸﻲ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﺣـﺎﻛﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴـﺰﺍﻥ ﻓﺸـﺎﺭ‬

‫‪ .1‬ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻲ‪.‬‬
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‫‪1‬‬
‫ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫‪F30‬‬

‫ﺯﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺳﻮﺋﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺮﻭژ ﺑﺴﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﻧﻴـﺰ ﻋﻤـﺪﺗﺎً‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﮕﻼﺩﺵ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﺩﻫـﺎ ﻭ ﺗـﺮﻙﻫـﺎ ﻫﺴـﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺧـﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺸـﻲ ﺗﺤـﺖ ﻓﺸـﺎﺭ‬
‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺧﺘـﺮﺍﻥ ﺟـﻮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳـﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧـﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﻳـﺎ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﻜﻦ ﭘﺮﺕ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺳﻮﺯﻱ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻼﻕ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻣـﺮﺩ‬
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‫‪F31‬‬‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺷﻮﻫﺮ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳـﻚ ﻓﺎﺟﻌـﻪ‬
‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬
‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛـﻪ ﻫﻤﮕـﻲ ﺩﻟﻴـﻞ ﻋﻤـﺪﻩ ﻭ‬
‫ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻌﺼﺐ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ )ﺑـﻪ ﻭﻳـﮋﻩ ﻣﺴـﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑـﻮﺩﻥ( ﺁﻧﻬـﺎ‬
‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺘـﻞﻫـﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣـﻊ ﻣﺴـﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﻨـﺎﻃﻖ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﺮﺁﻥﭘﮋﻭﻫﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﻓﻘـﻪ‬
‫ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪ .1‬ﮔﺎﺭﺩﻳﻦ ـ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬
‫‪ .2‬ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺘﻲ‬
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‫ﻧﻘﺪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﻘﻬﻲ ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳﻲ‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺍﺧﺘﻴـﺎﺭ ﺑـﻪ ﻗـﻮﺍﻧﻴﻨﻲ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺮﻡ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻧﻤـﻲﻛﻨـﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕـﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻛـﻪ ﺑـﺎ ﺑـﺮﻫﻢ‬
‫ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺣﺎﺩ‬
‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻣﺠﺮﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ!‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﺠﺮﻣﻴﻦ ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨـﺎﻩ ﺩﻭ ﻣـﺎﺩﻩ ﻗـﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ‪ 220‬ﻭ‬
‫‪ 630‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲ ﺑـﺪﻭﻥ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠـﺎﺯﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗـﺪﺍﻡ ﺑـﻪ ﻗﺘـﻞ ﺯﻧـﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 220‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﭘﺪﺭ ﻳـﺎ ﺟـﺪ ﭘـﺪﺭﻱ ﻛـﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧـﺪ‬
‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺼﺎﺹ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺩﻳﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﺛﻪ ﻣﻘﺘـﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺰﻳـﺮ‬
‫ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻗﺎﺗﻞ ﻳﺎ ﻗﺎﺗﻠﻴﻦ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻳﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘـﻞ ﺭﺳـﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑـﺎ ﺍﻃـﻼﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻣـﺎﺩﻩ ﻗـﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺒـﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠـﺎﺯﺍﺕ‬
‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻱ ﺁﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣـﻲﻛﻨﻨـﺪ‪ .‬ﺑـﻪ ﻋﻨـﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜـﺎﻝ ﺯﻫـﺮﺍ‬
‫ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ‪ 7‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻫﻮﺍﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺷﻚ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻭ ﺳﺮﺑﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛـﻪ‬
‫ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﭘﻠـﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﺑـﻪ ﺩﺳـﺘﺎﻧﺶ ﺩﺳـﺘﺒﻨﺪ ﺯﺩﻧـﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻱ ﺑـﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﺒﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﻡ ﻫﺴﺘﻢ!!!‬
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‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴـﺎﻧﻲ‬

‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﻋﻤـﻞ ﻣﺠﺮﻣﺎﻧـﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺠـﺎﻡ‬
‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ!‬
‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣـﺎﺕ ﻗﻀـﺎﻳﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺩﺧﺘـﺮ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﻛﻨﻨـﺪ‪،‬‬
‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺤﻀﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻗﺘـﻞ ﺩﺧﺘـﺮ‬
‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺧﺘـﺮ ﺑـﻪ ﻗﺘـﻞ ﻣـﻲﺭﺳـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳـﺮ ﺩﺧﺘـﺮ؛ ﺑـﺎ‬
‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻴﺰ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ!‬
‫ﻭ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴـﺖ ﺯﻧـﺪﺍﻥ ﺻـﺎﺩﺭ‬
‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻟﻜﻪ ﻧﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﻏﻮﺵ ﮔﺮﻡ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻓﺘﺮﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻣـﺎﺩﻩ‬
‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﺍﻭﻟـﻴﻦ‬
‫ﮔﺎﻡ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 630‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺯﻧﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺍﺟﻨﺒﻲ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﻜﻴﻦ ﺯﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛـﻪ ﻣـﺮﺩﻱ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳـﻦ‬
‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻗﺮﻳﺐﺑﻪﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺳـﻮءﻇـﻦ ﺍﺛﺒـﺎﺕﻧﺸـﺪﻩ ﺭﺥ‬
‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻗـﺮﺍﺭ‬
‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬
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‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻣﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﺗﻠﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‪،‬‬
‫ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻣﺮﺗﺒ ًﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴـﺰ ﺣﻘـﻮﻕﺩﺍﻧـﺎﻥ ﻭ‬
‫‪ ...‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻗـﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺑـﻮﺩﻩ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﻘﺎﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺴـﺘﺮﻱ‬
‫ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺩﻳـﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫـﺎﻱ‬
‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺁﺑـﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺠﻤـﻴﻦ ﻫﻤـﺎﻳﺶ ﺗـﺪﺍﺑﻴﺮ ﺣﻘـﻮﻗﻲ ﻛـﺎﻫﺶ‬
‫ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳـﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣـﺎً ﻗﻀـﺎﻳﻲ‬
‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺳـﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀـﺎﻳﻲ ﻣـﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧـﺪ‬
‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤـﻲﺗـﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻣﻮﺿـﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺻـﻴﻪ‬
‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑـﻴﻦ ﺑـﺮﺩﻥ‬
‫ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻋﺎﻣﻼﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻇﻬـﺎﺭ‬
‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﺎﻱ ﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﺧﻴﻠـﻲ ﺷـﺠﺎﻉ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣـﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ‬
‫‪ 10‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺣﺒﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﺗﻞ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬
‫ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟـﺖﺁﺑـﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣـﻪ ﮔﻔـﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﻣـﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠـﻪ ﻣـﺎﺩﻩ ‪630‬‬
‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺁﻣـﺪﻩ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘـﻪ ﺻـﺮﻑﻧﻈـﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺼـﺎﺹ ﺑـﻪ‬
‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﺻـﻞ ﺟـﺮﻡ ﻗﺘـﻞ ﻋﻤـﺪ‪ ،‬ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻣـﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﻛـﻪ ﺑـﻪ ﻫـﺮ ﺩﻟﻴـﻞ‬
‫ﻗﺼﺎﺹ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﺠـﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺗﻌﺰﻳـﺮﻱ ﺗﺸـﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺠـﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻗﺘـﻞﻫـﺎﻱ‬
‫ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺖ ﻣﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺘﻞﻫـﺎ ﺍﻓـﺰﻭﺩ‪:‬‬
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‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮءﻇﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻣﻨـﺎﻃﻖ ﻫﻤـﻴﻦ ﻛـﻪ‬
‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺳﻮءﻇﻦ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜـﺎﻥ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﻨـﺪ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ‬
‫ﺍﺭﺗﻜﺎﺏ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺷﻬﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪«.‬‬
‫ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﻗﺎﺗﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑـﻪ ﺣـﻖ ﻣـﻲﺩﺍﻧـﺪ‪،‬‬
‫ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺘﺄﺳـﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺖ ﻗﻀـﺎﻳﻲ ﻣـﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣـﻮﺯﻩ ﻗﺘـﻞﻫـﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳـﻲ ﺑـﻪ ﺷـﺪﺕ‬
‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻗﺎﺿـﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛـﻪ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﺎﻛﺶ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﮔﻲ؛ ﻗﺎﺗﻞ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴـﻴﻮﻥﻫـﺎﻱ‬
‫‪1‬‬
‫ﻋﻔﻮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻔﻮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬
‫‪F32‬‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺳﻬﻞﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﮔﺬﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑـﻪ‬
‫ﺭﻗﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺎﺗﻲ ﻓﺠﻴﻊ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕـﺬﺍﺭ‬
‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻱ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓـﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ‬
‫ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻨﻈﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ‬
‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧـﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﺍﻳـﻦ‬
‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻮﻥ ﻣـﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺑـﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤـﻴﻦ ﺍﻇﻬـﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧـﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑـﺮﺁﻥ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔـﻮ ﺑـﺎ ﭼﻨـﺪﺗﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗـﺮﺁﻥﭘﮋﻭﻫـﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻘﻘـﻴﻦ ﻋﻠـﻮﻡ‬
‫ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬‬

‫‪ .1‬ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﻧﺎ ‪.1388/7/6،‬‬

 ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺵ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‬

‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ )ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ(‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻋﻠـﻮﻡ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲ ﻣـﻲﭘﺮﺳـﻢ ﺗـﺎ ﺟـﺎﻳﻲ ﻛـﻪ ﻣـﻦ ﺍﻃـﻼﻉ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‬
‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻗـﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺠـﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﺳـﻼﻣﻲ ﺟﻤـﻊ ﺷـﺪﻩ‬
‫ﻣﺒﻨﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻗﺮﺁﻧﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻗـﻮﺍﻧﻴﻨﻲ‬
‫ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻮﻥ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨـﺪ ﻗـﺎﻧﻮﻥ ‪ 220‬ﻭ ﻳـﺎ ﻗـﺎﻧﻮﻥ ‪ 630‬ﻗـﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬
‫ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻘﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻫـﻞ ﺳـﻨﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨـﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﺣﻜـﺎﻡ ﺷـﺮﻳﻌﺖ‬
‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻧﻘﻠﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺭﺳﻮﻝﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳـﺎﺕ ﺍﻫـﻞ‬
‫ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺗﺴﻨﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺋﻤﻪ ﻣـﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﻧﻴـﺰ ﺑـﻪ ﻋﻨـﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻔﺴـﺮ‬
‫ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‬
‫ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺟﺎﻳﺰ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧـﺪ‬
‫ﺣﻼﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﻻﻳﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﻓﻘﻬﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‬
‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻈﺮ‬
‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﻳﻨﻄﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﻜﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣـﺎ ﻧﻤـﻲﺗـﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻗـﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨـﻲ ﻗـﺎﻧﻮﻥ ‪ 220‬ﻭ‬
‫‪ 630‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻛﻮﺩﻙ‬
‫‪56‬‬

‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﺘﻦ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺶ‪ ،‬ﻗﺼﺎﺹ ﻧﻤﻲﺷـﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟـﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﻳـﺎﺕ‬

‫ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺒﺲ ﺍﺑﺪ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻛـﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳـﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑـﻪ ‪15‬‬
‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 630‬ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺯﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻛـﻪ ﻣﺮﺗﻜـﺐ‬
‫ﺯﻧﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺯﻧﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﻣﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﺮﻣـﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺛﺒـﺎﺕ ﻛﻨـﺪ ﻭ‬
‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺛﺒـﺎﺕ ﻛﻨـﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑـﻪ ﻗﺘـﻞ ﺑﺮﺳـﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣـﺮﺩ ﻫـﻢ ﺑـﻪ ﻣﺠـﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻣـﺮگ‬
‫ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺄﺳـﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺨـﺶ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺭﻭﺍﻳـﺎﺕ ﻛـﻪ ﺍﺛﺒـﺎﺕ ﺍﺩﻋـﺎﻱ ﻣـﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻧﺸـﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑـﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺟـﻪ ﻧﺸـﺪﻩ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻤـﻲ ﻧﻴـﺰ ﺍﺷـﺎﺭﻩ ﻛـﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜـﻪ ﺑـﺮ ﺍﺳـﺎﺱ‬
‫»ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻋﻘﻠﻲ« ﻫﻴﭻ ﺣﻜﻤﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧـﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣـﺎﻥ ﺣﻀـﺮﺕ ﺭﺳـﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺍﺋﻤـﻪ ﺑـﻪ‬
‫ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻢ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑـﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑـﻞ‬
‫ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
 ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻗﺮﺁﻧﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬

‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻠﻲﺍﺻﻐﺮ ﻏﺮﻭﻱ )ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥﭘﮋﻭﻩ(‬

‫ﺑــﺎ ﺩﻛﺘــﺮ ﻏــﺮﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼــﻮﺹ ﺯﻣﻴﻨــﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﻗﺮﺁﻧــﻲ ﺩﻭ ﻣــﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 220‬ﻭ ‪ 630‬ﻗــﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬

‫ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻭﻱ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺳـﻢ ﺑـﺮ ﺍﺳـﺎﺱ ﻛـﺪﺍﻡ ﺁﻳـﻪ ﻭ ﻣـﺘﻦ‬
‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺪﺭ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑـﻪ ﻗﺘـﻞ ﺑﺮﺳـﺎﻧﺪ ﻭﻟـﻲ ﻣﺠـﺎﺯﺍﺕ‬
‫ﻧﺸﻮﺩ؟ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻗﺮﺁﻧﻲ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳﻮءﻇﻦ ﺑـﻪ ﻫﻤﺴـﺮﺵ‬
‫ﻭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬
‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻏﺮﻭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﭘﺮﺳﺸﻲ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﻣـﻲﮔﻮﻳـﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻭﻻً‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬
‫ﭘﺪﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﻜﻤـﻲ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﭘﺴﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜـﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻭ ﻫـﻢ ﺧـﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑـﻲﺣﻴﺜﻴـﺖ ﻛﻨـﺪ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍء ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟! ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻗﺮﺁﻧﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻳـﻚ‬
‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻓﻘﺎﻫﺘﻲ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨـﻚ ﻧﻴـﺰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻗـﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺠـﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻣـﺎ‬
‫ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬
‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 630‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣـﻲﮔﻮﻳـﺪ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﻗـﺮﺁﻥ ﺣﻜـﻢ‬
‫ﺯﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪) .‬ﻣﻨﻈـﻮﺭ ﺭﺑﻄـﻪ ﺟﻨﺴـﻲ ﻛـﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳـﻖ ‪4‬ﺷـﺎﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺷﻮﺩ( ‪100‬ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺷﻼﻕ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤـﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺠـﺎﺯﺍﺕ‬
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‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﻮﻫﺮ‪ .‬ﺣﺘـﻲ ﻗﺎﺿـﻲ‬
‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﻜﻤﻲ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺻﺮﻓ ًﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳـﺎﺱ‬
‫ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻩ ﻧﺴﺎء ﺁﻳـﻪ ‪ 15‬ﺩﺭ ﻣـﻮﺭﺩ ﺯﻧـﺎﻧﻲ ﻛـﻪ‬
‫ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ ﻓﺤﺸﺎء ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺁﻧﻬـﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺮگ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺭﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺭﺍﻫـﻲ ﭘﻴـﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻴـﺪ)ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠـﺎ‬
‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ(‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺳﻮﺍﻟﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺍﺣﻜـﺎﻡ ﺑـﻪ ﻋﻨـﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﻜـﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻏﺮﻭﻱ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ »ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻇـﻦ‬
‫ﻓﻘﻴــﻪ ﻭ ﻛــﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻘــﻪ« ﺩﻋــﻮﺕ ﻣــﻲﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛﺘــﺎﺏ ﺑــﻪ ﻗﻠــﻢ ﺁﻳــﺖﺍﷲ‬
‫ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺤﻤﺪﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻱ ﻏﺮﻭﻱ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻛﺘـﺮ ﻋﻠـﻲ ﺍﺻـﻐﺮ ﻏـﺮﻭﻱ‬
‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺮﻉ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﺨﺶﻫـﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻛﺘـﺎﺏ ﻛـﻪ ﺑـﻪ ﻣﻮﺿـﻮﻉ ﻣـﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺤﻘـﻴﻘﻢ‬
‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻏﺮﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨـﺶ »ﻋﻘـ ﻞ‪ ،‬ﺣﺠـﺖ ﺧـﺪﺍ ﺑـﺮ‬
‫ﺧﻠﻖ« ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻉ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤـﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻜـﻢ ﻣـﻲﻛﻨـﺪ ﻭ‬
‫ﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻘﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤـﺎﻥﮔﻮﻧـﻪ‬
‫ﻋﻘﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻇ ّ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻭﻥ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔـﺮ ﻋﻘـﻞ‬
‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫـﻴﭻ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻔـﻲ ﻣﻜﻠـﻒ ﻧﻤـﻲﮔﺮﺩﻳـﺪ‪ .‬ﺑـﻪ ﻋﻘـﻞ‪ ،‬ﻫـﻢ ﺧـﺪﺍ ﺷـﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ‬
‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ‪ .‬ﻋﻘﻞ؛ ﺷﺮﻋﻲ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺟـﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﺴـﺎﻥ‪،‬‬
‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﻋﻘﻠﻲ ﻣﻨﻔﺼﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺳـﻠﻴﻢ ﺗﺼـﺪﻳﻖ‬
‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺬﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬
‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﻼﻡ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺠﻴﺖ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳـﺪ‪ :‬ﻫﺮﮔـﺎﻩ‬
‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﻘﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻘﻠﻲ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﻘﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻘـﺪﻡ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑـﺮ ﺁﻥ‬
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‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳﻤﻌﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺗﺄﻭﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﻘﻠﻲ ﻣﻨﻄﺒـﻖ‬
‫ﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﻧﻨﻤـﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑـﻪ ﻃـﻮﺭ ﻛﻠـﻲ ﻛﻨـﺎﺭ ﮔـﺬﺍﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧـﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘـﺎﺏﻫـﺎﻱ‬
‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺪﻻﻟﻲ ﺧــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻓــﺮﻭﻉ ﻓﻘﻬــﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﭼﻴــﺰﻱ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺷــﺮﻭﻉ‬
‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﻘﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳـﻤﻌﻲ ﺑـﺎ ﭘﺸـﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﻟﻴـﻞ ﻋﻘﻠـﻲ‬
‫ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﺣﺎﺩﻳﺚ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ »ﻋﺮﺽ ﺣـﺪﻳﺚ ﺑـﺮ ﻗـﺮﺁﻥ«‬
‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﻫﺮﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﻭ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮ ﺭﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑـﺎ ﻛﺘـﺎﺏ ﺧـﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺎﺩﻳـﺚ ﻣـﺎ‬
‫ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﻛﻦ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺴﻨﺞ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺣﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﻨـﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺒـﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻃـﻞ‬
‫‪1‬‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫‪F3‬‬

‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺣﺎﺩﻳﺚ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔـﻲ ﺑـﻪ ﻣـﺎ ﻣـﻲﺭﺳـﺪ‪:‬‬
‫ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮ ﺭﺳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺧﺪﺍﻱ ﻋﺰﻭﺟﻞ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺎﺩﻳﺚ ﻣﺎ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﻛﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔـﺮ ﺑـﺎ‬
‫‪2‬‬
‫‪F34‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪«.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﺣﺎﺩﻳﺚ ﺩﻳﮕـﺮﻱ ﻧﻴـﺰ ﺑـﺎ ﻫﻤـﻴﻦ ﻣﻀـﻤﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺻـﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﮕـﺮ ﺍﻳـﻦ‬
‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻇﻦ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﻨـﺪ‪ :‬ﻫﺮﮔـﺎﻩ ﺣـﺪﻳﺜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣـﻦ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﺷـﻤﺎ‬
‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﻮﺍﺗﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺁﺳﺎﻥﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣـﻦ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑـﻪ ﺷـﺮﻁ‬
‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ؛ ﭘﺲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣـﻦ ﮔﻔﺘـﻪﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺍﮔـﺮ ﺑـﺎ‬
‫‪3‬‬
‫ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻪﺍﻡ‪.‬‬
‫‪F35‬‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻇﻦ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺘـﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴـﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑـﻪ ﻣﻴـﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴـﺮ ﺩﻛﺘـﺮ ﻋﻠـﻲ ﺍﺻـﻐﺮ ﻏـﺮﻭﻱ ﺑﺎﻳـﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ‬

‫‪ .1‬ﻛﺎﻓﻲ؛ ‪ .....‬ﺑﺎﺏﺍﻟﻜﺘﻤﺎﻥ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .2‬ﻣﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﺻﺪﻭﻕ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .3‬ﺻﺎﻓﻲ؛ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ ‪ ، 12‬ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎء ﺑﺎﺏ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﺍﻟﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻻﺣﺎﺩﻳﺚ ﺍﻟﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﻪ‪.‬‬
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‫ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻗﺮﺁﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎء ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻓﻘﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺎﺩﻳﺜﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ‬
‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶ »ﻋﻠﻞ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻇـﻦ ﻓﻘﻬـﺎء« ﺑـﻪ ﺗﻔﺼـﻴﻞ ﺗﻮﺿـﻴﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬
‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻛﺘ ـﺮ ﻋﻠــﻲ ﺍﺻــﻐﺮ ﻏــﺮﻭﻱ ﻣــﻲﭘﺮﺳــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻳــﻚ‬
‫ﻗﺮﺁﻥﭘﮋﻭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ »ﺭﺟﻢ«‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺸﺘﻦ ﺯﻧـﺎﻥ‪،‬‬
‫ﺑﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻗﺮﺁﻧﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ؟ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﻃﻌﻴـﺖ ﮔﻔـﺖ‪ :‬ﺧﻴـﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫـﻴﭻ‬
‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻗﺮﺁﻧﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻗﺮﺁﻧﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷـﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‪.‬‬
 ‫ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻱﮔﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‬

‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻪ ﻭﺳﻤﻘﻲ )ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻓﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ(‬

‫‪ ‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ‬

‫ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻢﺳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳﻮءﻇﻦ ﭘﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﺑﺎ‬
‫ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺱ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺒﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ‬
‫ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ 220‬ﻭ ‪ 630‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ‬
‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻓﻘﻬﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ‬
‫ﺧﻄﺎﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻓﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬
‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺖ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ؛ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺩﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬
‫‪ ‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺯ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻓﻘـﻪ ﭼـﻪ‬
‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻱ ﻃﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘـﻪ؛ ﺳـﻨﺖ ﭼﮕﻮﻧـﻪ ﺷـﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘـﻪ؛ ﭼـﻪ‬
‫ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺛﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺎﺩﻳﺚ ﻣﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ؛ ﺻﺤﺖ ﻭ ﺳـﻘﻢ ﺁﻧﻬـﺎ ﭼﮕﻮﻧـﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ؛‬
‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻔﺼﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌـﻪ ﺗـﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺳـﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺗـﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬
‫ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺎﺩﻳﺚ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨـﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳـﻖ ﻗﺎﺑـﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺮﺳـﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗـﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺳـﻼﻡ ﺧﺼﻮﺻـ ًﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣـﺎﻥ ﭘﻴـﺎﻣﺒﺮ‬
‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧـﻲ ﺍﺣﺎﺩﻳـﺚ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳـﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣـﺎﻥ ﺣﻴـﺎﺕ ﭘﻴـﺎﻣﺒﺮ‬
‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺗﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼً ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻣﺴـﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬
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‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﺵ ﺍﺣﺎﺩﻳﺚ ﻭ ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﺟﺰ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻧﻬﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑـﻪ ﻋﻘﻴـﺪﻩ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺣﺎﺩﻳـﺚ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳـﺎﺗﻲ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑـﻪ ﺩﺳـﺖ ﻣـﺎ‬
‫ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺷﻔﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻝ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬
‫ﺷﻔﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴـﻞﻫـﺎﻱ ﺑﻌـﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘـﺎﻝ ﭘﻴـﺪﺍ ﻛـﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻗـﺮﻥ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺳـﻮﻡ ﺷـﺮﻭﻉ ﺑـﻪ‬
‫ﺟﻤﻊﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺁﻧﻬـﺎ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨـﻲ ﺯﻣـﺎﻧﻲ ﻛـﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳـﺎﺕ ﻣﺨـﺪﻭﺵ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻳـﺎ‬
‫ﺍﺣﺎﺩﻳﺚ ﻣﺠﻌﻮﻝ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺻﺤﺎﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﺑﭙـﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ ﻭ ﭼـﻪ‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺍﻫﻞﺑﻴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫـﺮ ﺩﻭﻃﺮﻳـﻖ ﺑـﺎ‬
‫ﺍﺣﺎﺩﻳﺚ ﺟﻌﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺪﻭﺵ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺣﺎﺩﻳﺜﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷـﻴﻌﻪ ﺑـﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳـﺘﻨﺎﺩ‬
‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺣﺎﺩﻳﺜﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻫـﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻳـﻖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣـﻦ ﻭ‬
‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣـﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿـﺮ ﺍﺣـﺎﺩﻳﺜﻲ ﻛـﻪ ﺑـﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳـﺘﻨﺎﺩ‬
‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺁﺣﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻗﺎﺑـﻞ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟـﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣـﺎﻝ ﻣـﺮﺩﻡ‬
‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎً ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺎﺩﻳﺚ ﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻬﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻲ ﻫـﻢ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺁﺣﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺠﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜـﻞ‬
‫ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻦﺍﺩﺭﻳﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻦ ﺯﻫﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺟـﻊ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻬـﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﺻـﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﻨـﺪ ﺁﻳـﺖﺁﷲ‬
‫ﺧﻮﺋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑـﻪ ﺍﺧﺒـﺎﺭ‬
‫ﺁﺣﺎﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﺜـﻞ ﻋﺒـﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻗﺎﺑـﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺎً ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻫـﻢ ﺣﻜـﻢ ﻣـﻲﻛﻨـﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﻣـﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣـﻮﺭ ﻣﻬـﻢ‬
‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﻙ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﻣﺨـﺪﻭﺵ‬
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‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺒﻬﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗـﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭ ﺯﻣـﺎﻥ ﺷـﻜﻞﮔﻴـﺮﻱ ﻓﻘـﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺟـﻮﺩ‬
‫ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻃﺎﻳﻔﻪ ﻓﻘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﻨـﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴـﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻛـﻪ‬
‫ﻓﻘﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺴﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺑـﻴﻦ ﻣـﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘـﻲ‬
‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑـﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳـﺎﺕ ﻗـﺮﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤـﻲﺗـﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﻬﻤﻴـﺪ ﻭ ﻗـﺮﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﻧﻤــﻲﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﻔﺴــﻴﺮ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺴــﺌﻠﻪ ﺑــﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﺒــﺎﺭﻱﮔــﺮﻱ ﺑﻴــﺪﺍﺩ‬
‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﮔﻮﻳﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼـﻪ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻘﻬـﺎﻱ ﺷـﻴﻌﻪ‬
‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﻋـﺎ ﻛـﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧـﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﺍﺻـﻮﻟﻲ ﻫﺴـﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻋـﺎ‬
‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻚ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻱﮔﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴـﺖ‬
‫ﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﻘﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻚ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻠﻚ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻱﮔـﺮﻱ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﻗـﺮﺁﻥ ﺑـﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﻳـﺎﺕ ﻋﺮﺿـﻪ ﻣـﻲﺷـﻮ ﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣـﺎﻟﻲ ﻛـﻪ ﺑﺎﻳـﺪ‬
‫ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺐ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺑـﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜـﻪ ﺑﺎﻳـﺪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳـﺎﺕ ﺑـﻪ ﺁﻳـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳـﺎﺗﻲ ﻛـﻪ ﻣﺨـﺎﻟﻒ‬
‫ﻣﺘﻦ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳـﺪ ﻛﻨـﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷـﺘﻪ ﺷـﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣـﺎ ﺑـﻪ ﻋﻜـﺲ ﺭﻭﻳـﻪ ﻓﻘﻬـﺎ ﻧﺸـﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧـﻪﺍﻱ‬
‫ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﻓـﻖ‬
‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫـﺮ‬
‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔـﺎﻫﻲ‬
‫ﻣﻌﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻀﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻳﻜـﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻗـﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧـﺪ؛ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺳـﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﻳـﺎﺕ ﻭ‬
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‫ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻓﻘﻬﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑـﻪ ﺳـﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺳـﻮﻱ ﺧﺎﺻـﻲ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫‪ ‬ﺑﻪ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻮ؟‬
‫‪ ‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖﻭ ﺳﻮﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﺮﺍﺏ ﺟﺎﻫﻠﻲ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﮔـﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣـﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣـﻮﺍﺭﺩ‬
‫ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ »ﺭﺟﻢ«‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ »ﻋﺪﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﺑـﺮﻱ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻣـﺮﺩ«‪،‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ »ﻗﺼﺎﺹ«‪» ،‬ﺩﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ«‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ »ﻋﺪﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ‬
‫ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ« ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣـﺎﻟﻲ ﻛـﻪ ﻣـﺎ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺗﻲ ﻫﺴـﺘﻴﻢ ﻛـﻪ ﺣـﺎﻛﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﺑـﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﺴـﺎﻥﻫـﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣـﺎﻛﻲ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺩ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺘ ًﺎ ﺩﻻﻟـﺖ ﺑـﺮ ﺍﻳـﻦ‬
‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻣـﻲﻛﻨﻨـﺪ‬
‫ﻭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﺘﻤﺴﻚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺆﻳﺪ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫‪ ‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ؟‬
‫‪ ‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﭼـﻪ ﺍﺗﻔـﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﻓﺘـﺎﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣـﻲﺗـﻮﺍﻥ ﺑـﺎ ﺑﺮﺭﺳـﻲ‬
‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺮﻩ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺯﻧـﺪﮔﻲ ﺁﻧﻬـﺎ‪ ،‬ﭘـﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳـﻼﻡ ﻭ ﭘـﺲ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺩﺳـﺖ ﭘﻴـﺪﺍ‬
‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫‪ ‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬
‫‪ ‬ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻗــﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺗــﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﻓﻘﻬــﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﻜــﺎﻡ ﺷــﺮﻋﻲ ﻳــﺎﺩ‬
‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕﻫـﺎ ﻳﻜـﻲ‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺒﻌﻴﻀﺎﺕ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﭘـﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳـﻼﻡ ﻭﺟـﻮﺩ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧـﻪ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴـﺮ ﻭ‬
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‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺴـﺎﻥﻫـﺎ ﻋـﻮﺽ ﻣـﻲﺷـﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﻜـﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺴـﺎﻥﻫـﺎ ﻋـﻮﺽ‬
‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒـﻊ ﺁﻥ‬
‫ﻋﻘﻞ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺎ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻌﺼﺒﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻫﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑـﻴﻦ‬
‫ﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘـﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺴـﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺤـﻮﻻﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴـﺮﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳـﺪ‪ .‬ﻣـﻦ ﻣـﻲﺧـﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳـﻦ‬
‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﻜـﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﺎﻳـﺪ ﻭ‬
‫ﺗﻌﺼﺒﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘـﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳـﻼﻡ ﻫـﻢ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧـﻪ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻣﻮﺿـﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﻘـﻪ ﺷـﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨـﺪ ﻣﺴـﺌﻠﻪ‬
‫ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻘﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺑﻂ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻘﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪﺍﺕ ﻓﻘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺳﻨﺖ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻣﻴـﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻨﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣـﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺷـﻜﺎﻝ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﻣـﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳـﻒ‬
‫ﺳﻨﺖ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻓﻘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻓﻘﻬـﺎﻱ ﺷـﻴﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸـﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ‬
‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻨﺸـﺄ ﻭ ﺳﺮﭼﺸـﻤﻪ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻘﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫‪ ‬ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻨﺖ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬
‫‪ ‬ﻓﻘﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨـﺪ ﺳـﻨﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗـﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌـﻞ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺮﻳـﺮ‬
‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺁﺩﺍﺏ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﻦ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﺩﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻘـﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺟـﺎﺭﻱ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭﺟـﻮﺩ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻣﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ )ﻛﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻌﺮﺽ ﻗﺎﺑـﻞ‬
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‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺳﺖ(‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺣﺎﺩﻳﺚ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﻜـﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺷﺮﻉ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﻘﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻣـﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﻣﺘﺄﺳـﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﻬـﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗـﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‬
‫ﺟﺰﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛـﻪ ﻫﻤـﻴﻦ ﻣﺴـﺌﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺑـﻞ ﺑﺤـﺚ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﻬﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺷﺮﻋﻲ‬
‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﺷﺮﻋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﺭﻉ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬
‫ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻗــﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻘــﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺟــﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺑــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻤ ـﻞ‬
‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺍﺳـﻼﻡ ﻧﻴـﺰ ﺑـﻪ ﻋﻨـﻮﺍﻥ ﻳـﻚ ﻓـﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌـﻪ ﺑـﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻤـﻞ‬
‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﺷـﺮﻋﻲ ﻛـﻪ ﺷـﺎﺭﻉ ﺑﻴـﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭﻋﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺰء ﻋﺮﻑ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺩﺍﺏ ﻭ‬
‫ﺭﺳﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺳﻨﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻮﺳﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺣﻜﻢ ﺷﺮﻋﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﺸﺄ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻣﺆﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎﺳـﺖ‪،‬‬
‫ﻧﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻﺟﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠـﻮﺯﻱ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺘـﻞ‬
‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻌﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪ‬
‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛـﻪ ﻣﺴـﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺘـﻞ ﻫﻤﺴـﺮ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻳـﺎ ﻣـﺮﺩ‬
‫ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳﻮﻇﻦ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺑﻴﻨﻪ ﻭ ﺷـﺎﻫﺪ ﻧﻬـﻲ ﻣـﻲﺷـﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳـﻦ‬
‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ »ﺳﻌﺪﺑﻦ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﻩ«‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻧـﻪ‬
‫ﺑﺮﻭﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻲ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﺑﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪﻛـﺎﺭ ﻣـﻲﻛﻨـﻲ؟ ﻣـﻲﮔﻮﻳـﺪ‪:‬‬
‫»ﻭﺍﷲ ﻣﻦ ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺸـﻢ ﻭ ﮔـﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻣـﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣـﻲﺯﻧـﻢ«‪ .‬ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺧﺒـﺮ ﺑـﻪ ﭘﻴـﺎﻣﺒﺮ‬
‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺗﻮ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺷـﺎﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷـﻲ ﻛـﻪ‬
‫ﺧﺪﺍ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛـﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣـﻲﻛﻨـﻲ؟« ﻛـﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣـﻲﮔﻮﻳـﺪ‪» :‬ﻳـﺎ‬
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‫ﺭﺳﻮﻝﺍﷲ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺧﻮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻫـﻢ ﺑـﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻠـﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬
‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ؟«‬
‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﻠﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺗﻮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻻﺯﻡ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ؟ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻋﻤﻞ‬
‫ﻭ ﻓﻌﻞ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﺭ ﻭ ﭘﻮﺷﻴﺪﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬
‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﺣﻖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻫـﺮ‬
‫ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺯﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺯﻧـﺎ ﺑﺒﻴﻨـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﺸـﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼـﻪ ﺑﺮﺳـﺪ ﺑـﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺯﻧﺎ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺘﺒﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ »ﻟﻤﻌﻪ« ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﻓﻘﻬـﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷـﺘﻪ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻫـﻢ ﻣـﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴـﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﺍﮔـﺮ ﻛﺴـﻲ ﻛـﻪ ﺑـﺎ‬
‫ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺠـﺎﻡ ﻛـﺎﺭﻱ ﻏﻴـﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧـﺎ ﺑﺒﻴﻨـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟـﺎﺯﻩ ﻧـﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﺑﻜﺸﺪ‪.‬‬
‫‪ ‬ﭘﺲ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻘﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ؟‬
‫‪ ‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻧﺺ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻘﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛـﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﻜـﺮﺩ ﻭ‬
‫ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺤﺖﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺴـﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴـﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺼـﺒﺎﺕ ﺟـﺎﻫﻠﻲ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬـﺎ‬
‫ﺑﺪﻋﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺳـﻼﻡ ﺛﺒـﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧـﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬـﺎ ﺑﺎﻳـﺪ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺍﺩﻋـﺎ ﻧﻤﻮﻧـﻪﻫـﺎﻱ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳـﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺟـﻮﺩ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻼً ﻣﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻳـﻢ ﻛـﻪ ﻣـﻲﮔﻮﻳـﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﮔـﺮ ﻛﺴـﻲ ﺑـﺮﺩﻩﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﺑﻜﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺸﺖ‪ «.‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﺍﺑﻦﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﻨـﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴـﺰ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺪﻳﺜﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨـﺪ‬
‫ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﺒﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻟـﺖ ﺭﺳـﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧـﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﺑـﻪ ﭘﻴـﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻧﺴـﺒﺖ‬
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‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﺍﻭ ﮔﻔـﺖ‪ :‬ﻛـﻪ ﺍﮔـﺮ ﻛﺴـﻲ ﺑـﺮﺩﻩﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﺸـﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣـﻦ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺧـﻮﺍﻫﻢ‬
‫ﻛﺸﺖ‪ «.‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴـﻲ ﺑـﺮﺩﻩﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﺸـﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳـﺪ ﻗﺼـﺎﺹ ﻭ‬
‫ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺼـﺎﺹ‬
‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺭﻭﺍﻳـﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒـﻮﻝ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؛ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺴـﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛـﻪ ﺳـﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻜـﺎﺭ ﭘـﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳـﻼﻡ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺯﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻳﻤﻠﻚ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺧـﺎﻃﺮ ﻫﻤـﻴﻦ‬
‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔـﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣـﺮﺩﻱ ﻓﺮﺯﻧـﺪ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣـﻲﻛﺸـﺖ‪،‬‬
‫ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺯﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﻧﻤـﻲﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻼً ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛـﻪ ﺍﮔـﺮ ﻛﺴـﻲ ﺑـﺮﺩﻩﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸـﺖ‪،‬‬
‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺼﺎﺹ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﻫـﻢ ﺧـﻮﺩ‬
‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﻫﻨـﮓ ﻗـﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻬﻨـﻪﺍﻱ ﺑـﻮﺩ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩﺍﻟﻌﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺟـﺎﻳﻲ ﻛـﻪ ﺑـﺮﺩﻩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭﺟـﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷـﺖ‪،‬‬
‫ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻗﺮﻥﻫﺎ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤـﻴﻦ‬
‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻳـﺎﺕ ﺻـﺮﻳﺢ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌـﺪﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﻜـﺎﺭ ﻭ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻫﻠﻲﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﻭﻳﻞ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻪ ‪ 15‬ﺳﻮﺭﻩ ﻧﺴﺎء ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﺒﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺯﻧﻲ ﻛـﻪ‬
‫ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ ﻓﺤﺸﺎء ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤـﻲﺗـﻮﺍﻥ ﺑـﻪ‬
‫ﺻﺮﻑ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺷﺒﻬﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻮءﻇﻦ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻻ ﻫﺮﻛﺲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﺴـﺒﺖ‬
‫ﻧﺎﺭﻭﺍ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻜﺸﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﻨـﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﺑـﺎ ﺯﻥ‬
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‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩ‪» :‬ﻫﺮﻛﺴﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭﺑـﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺷـﻤﻦ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﭼﻨـﻴﻦ‬
‫ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ «.‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻼً ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻩ‬
‫ﻧﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ‪ 6‬ﺗﺎ ‪ 10‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻮﺭﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ »ﻟﻌﺎﻥ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳﻮ‬
‫ﻇﻦ ﺷﻮﻫﺮ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪) .‬ﻟﻌﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨـﺪ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﺯﻧﺶ ﺯﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ(؛ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻭ ﺑﻜﺶ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻜـﻪ‬
‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧـﻮﺩ‬
‫ﺭﺍ ﻟﻌــﻦ ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺻــﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﺑﮕﻮﻳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻥﮔــﺎﻩ ﺯﻥ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺍﺩﻋــﺎﻱ ﻣــﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻟﻌﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺸـﺮﻳﻔﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﭽﻪﺍﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻔﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬
‫ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﺴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﻗﺘﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ‬
‫ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺭﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧـﺪ‪ .‬ﻣـﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻋـﺮﺏ ﻛـﻪ‬
‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻌـﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳـﻼﻡ ﺑـﻪ ﭼﻬـﺎﺭ ﺯﻥ ﻣﺤـﺪﻭﺩ‬
‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻧﺎﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﻪ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑـﺎﺯ‬
‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ ﺯﻧﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳـﺨﺖﮔﻴـﺮ‬
‫ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﺼﺐ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺘﻌﺎﺕ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ‬
‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ؛ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﻀـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺗﺤﺖﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﻭ‬
‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣـﺖ ﺑﻨـﻲﺍﻣﻴـﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻨـﻲﻋﺒـﺎﺱ ﻭ ﻋﻤـﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻬـﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻴـﺰ ﺗﺤـﺖ ﺗـﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬
‫ﺗﻌﺼﺒﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻫﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺳـﻨﺖ ﺑـﺎﻗﻲ‬
‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻬﺎ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﮔـﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺗﺒﻌـﺎﺕ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣـﺪ ﺍﻳـﻦ‬
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‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺴﺎﺏ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻗـﻮﺍﻧﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛـﻪ ﻣﻐـﺎﻳﺮ ﺑـﺎ ﻗـﺮﺁﻥ ﺑـﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑـﻪ ﺍﺳـﻼﻡ‬
‫ﻣﻨﺘﺴﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬـﺎ ﻗـﺮﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺳـﻨﺖ ﭘﻴـﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻧﻴﺴـﺖ‪،‬‬
‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺑﻬﻨﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺴﺎﺏ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺟﺤﺎﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻖ ﺍﺳـﻼﻡ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺑـﻪ ﻋﻨـﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜـﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻫﻠﻲ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﺮﻗﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻓـﺮﻭﺵ ﻓﺮﺯﻧـﺪ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﭘﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﻗﺒﻴﺤﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻗـﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨـﮓ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬
‫ﺟﺎﻫﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳـﺎ ﺑﺎﻳـﺪ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺷـﺮﻋﻲ ﺍﺳـﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻛـﺮﺩ ﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ؟‬
‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻗـﺎﻧﻮﻥﮔـﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﻣـﺪﻩ ﺑﻠﻜـﻪ ﺁﻣـﺪﻩ ﺗـﺎ ﭘﺎﻳـﻪﻫـﺎﻱ‬
‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫـﺎ ﺑـﻪ ﻣـﺮﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺑـﺎ ﺗﺼـﺤﻴﺢ ﭘﺎﻳـﻪﻫـﺎﻱ‬
‫ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑـﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﻘـﺎﻱ ﻋﻠـﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻴـﻨﺶ ﺧـﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗـﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺁﺩﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺭﺳـﻮﻡ‬
‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻛـﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤـﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧـﺪ‬
‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻨﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺟﺎﻫﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﺄﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻬﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻣﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻨﻦ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬـﺎ‪،‬‬
‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺷﺮﻋﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺟﺰﺍﻳـﻲ ﻭ ﻣـﺪﻧﻲ ﻣـﺎ‬
‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻘﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻋﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺳﻨﻦ ﺟـﺎﺭﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌـﻪ‬
‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺷﺮﻋﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣـﺎ‬
‫ﻓﻘﻬــﺎ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﻴــﻚ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﻫــﺮ ﺁﻧﭽــﻪ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴــﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻤــﻞ‬
‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺸـﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﻋﻘﻠـﻲ ﺻـﺤﻴﺤﻲ ﻧﻴـﺰ ﻧـﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑـﻪ ﻋﻨـﻮﺍﻥ‬
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‫ﺳﻨﺖ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﻘﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻋﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺳﻨﻦ ﻋﺮﻓـﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌـﻪ ﻭ‬
‫ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﺟﺐ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﻧـﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛـﻪ‬
‫ﺣﻜﻢ ﺷﺮﻋﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻜﻢ ﺷﺮﻋﻲ ﺁﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﺭﻉ ﺑﺮ ﻣـﺎ ﺗﻜﻠﻴـﻒ ﻛـﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣـﺎ‬
‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬
‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﻴﻮﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺎﺋﻠﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛـﻪ ﺍﺣﻜـﺎﻡ‬
‫ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻓـﻊ ﻣﻔﺴـﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻇﻠـﻢ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻣﻴـﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻇﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻋﻘـﻞ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻋﻘـﻞ‬
‫ﻣﺎ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺘﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﺘﺮﺗﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳـﺎ ﻧـﻪ ﻭ ﭼـﺮﺍ؟‬
‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻳﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ؟ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠـﻪ ﺭﺳـﻴﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ‬
‫ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻜﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻔﺴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬
‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻭﻟﻴـﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙـﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﮕـﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻛـﻪ ﺍﻳـﻦ‬
‫ﺣﻜﻢ ﺷﺮﻋﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﺍﺯﻋﻘﻞ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻓﻘﻬـﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺤـﻮﻻﺕ ﻓـﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺟـﻮﺩ ﺗﻔـﺎﻭﺕ‬
‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬
‫ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣـﻮﺯﺵ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘـﻞ‪،‬‬
‫ﻋﻠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧـﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲ ﻭ ‪ ...‬؛ ﻓـﻼﻥ ﺣﻜـﻢ ﻛـﻪ ﺷـﺮﻋﻲ ﺗﻠﻘـﻲ‬
‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻔﺴﺪﻩﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻋﻘﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷـﺪﻩ‬
‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﻓﻘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻚ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻱﮔﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫‪ ‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻓﻘﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴﻠﻚ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻱﮔﺮﻱ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟‬
‫‪ ‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﻌﻘﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻣـﺎﻧﻲ ﻋﻘـﻞ ﺑـﻪ ﻋﻨـﻮﺍﻥ‬
‫ﻼ‬
‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﻟﻪ ﺍﺭﺑﻌﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻓﻘﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑـﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻌﻄﻴـﻞ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻـ ً‬
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‫ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻬﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃـﻮﻝ ﺗـﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺮﺧـﻲ‬
‫ﻼ »ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﻗﻤﻲ«‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻜـﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﭘـﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴـﺎﻣﺒﺮ‬
‫ﻓﻘﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜ ً‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺣــﻖ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﺍﻥﮔﻮﻧــﻪ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻓﻘﻬــﺎ ﺣﺠــﺖ ﻣــﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨــﺪ ﺣﺠــﺖ ﻧﻤــﻲﺩﺍﻧــﺪ‪.‬‬
‫»ﺳﻴﺪﻣﺮﺗﻀﻲ« ﻫﻢ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻً ﺧﺒﺮ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺑـﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﻨـﺎ ﻧﻤـﻲﺩﺍﻧـﺪ‪،‬‬
‫ﭘﺲ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻚ ﻓﻜـﺮﻱ ﻛـﻪ ﺑـﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴـﺎﺕ ﻧﺰﺩﻳـﻚ ﻭ ﭘﺸـﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻌﻘـﻞ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻤـﺎﻝ ﺷـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑـﻪ ﺧـﺎﻃﺮ‬
‫ﻫﻤـﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺧـﻲ ﻓﻘﻬــﺎ ﺍﺟـﺮﺍﻱ ﺣــﺪﻭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﻗـﻒ ﻣــﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴـﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺋــﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻧـﺪ ﻛــﻪ‬
‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛـﻪ‬
‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﻪ ﻭ ﺧﺪﺷﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩﻱ ﻛـﻪ ﻣﺨـﺪﻭﺵ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻧـﺎﻣﻮﺱ ﻣـﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺪﻳـﺪ‬
‫ﻭﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻴﻢ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭﻱﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑـﻪ‬
‫ﺗﻌﻘﻞ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻲ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﻗﺘـﻞﻫـﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳـﻲ ﺑﺎﻳـﺪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨـﻴﻢ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﭼﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫـﺎﻱ ﻓـﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻌـﻲ؛ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸـﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌـﻪﺷـﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﭙﺰﺷـﻚ ﻭ ﻳـﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌـﻪﺷـﻨﺎﺱ ﭘـﻲ‬
‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬

‫ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳﻲ‬

‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺮﻳﻢ ﺭﺳﻮﻟﻴﺎﻥ )ﺭﻭﺍﻧﭙﺰﺷﻚ(‬

‫‪ ‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ؟‬

‫‪ ‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻳﻒ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺭﻓﺘـﺎﺭﻱ ﻛـﻪ ﺑـﻪ ﻗﺼـﺪ ﺻـﺪﻣﻪ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑـﻪ‬
‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﭘﻴﺎﻣـﺪ ﻛﻮﺗـﺎﻩ‬
‫ﻣﺪﺕ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺻﺪﻣﻪ ﺯﺩﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟـﻪ ﻗـﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘـﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣـﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳـﻒ‬
‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻋﻤﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‪،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺑـﺮﻭﺯ‬
‫ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺟﺴﻤﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮگ‪ ،‬ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ‪،‬ﺿﻌﻒ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖ ﺷـﻮﺩ‬
‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘـﻪ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺘﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺗﺠﻠﻲ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﺧﺸـﻮﻧﺖ ﺁﻣﻴـﺰ ﻭ ﺻـﺪﻣﻪ‬
‫ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺧﺸﻢ ﻭ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺑـﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﺧﺸـﻮﻧﺖﺁﻣﻴـﺰ ﺗﻔـﺎﻭﺕ‬
‫ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺸﻢ ﻭ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛـﻪ ﻫﻤـﻪ ﺍﻓـﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺸـﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑـﻪ‬
‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺧﺸﻦ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺧﺎﺷـﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓـﺮﺍﺩ‬
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‫ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺧﺸﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺧﺸﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓـﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭ‬
‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﺭﻣﻮﻥ‬
‫ﺗﺴﺘﻮﺳﺘﺮﻭﻥ)ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺧﺸﻦﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ(‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺟﺎﻣﻌـﻪ‬
‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘــﺎﺭﻱ ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣــﻞ ﻣــﺆﺛﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑــﺮﻭﺯ‬
‫ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺸﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛـﻮﺩﻛﻲ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳـﺘﻪ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﻤـﺎﻝ ﺧﺸـﻮﻧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠـﺎﺯ‬
‫ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﺷـﺪ ﻭ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕـﻲ ﻧﺤـﻮﻩ ﺑـﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ﻇﻬـﻮﺭ‬
‫ﺧﺸﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫‪ ‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺩﻩﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳـﻚ‬
‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺿﺪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ؟‬
‫ﻻ‬
‫‪ ‬ﺩﺭﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺿـﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛـﻪ ﺍﺻـﻮ ً‬
‫ﺧﺸــﻮﻧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺧﺸــﻮﻧﺖ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻉ )ﺍﺭﺯﺷــﻲ( ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻉ )ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺭﺯﺷــﻲ( ﺗﻘﺴــﻴﻢ‬
‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕﻫـﺎﻱ ﻗـﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋـﺪﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺟﻨـﮓ ﺧﺸـﻮﻧﺖﻫـﺎﻱ‬
‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻨﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻭ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﻣـﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀـﻲ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻤﻨـﻮﻉ )ﻧﺎﻣﺸـﺮﻭﻉ( ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻭ ﻳـﺎ ﺗﻨﺒﻴـﻪ ﺑـﺪﻧﻲ ﻛـﻮﺩﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀـﻲ‬
‫ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻌﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ )ﻣﻔﻴﺪ( ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺑـﺪﻳﻦ‬
‫ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕـﻲ ﻭ‬
‫ﺳﻄﺢ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀـﻲ ﻓﺮﻫﻨـﮓﻫـﺎ ﻣﺠـﺎﺯﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳـﻲ )ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ(‬
‫ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧﺎﺕ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﻭ ﺑـﻪ ﺩﻻﻳـﻞ ﻣﺘﻔـﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠـﻪ‪،‬‬
‫ﺑﻘﺎﻱ ﻧﺴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺷﺮﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻔـﻆ ﺣـﺮﻳﻢ ﻳـﺎ ﻣﻜـﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‪ ،‬ﻏﺬﺍ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﻗـﺖ ﻛﻨـﻴﻢ‬
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‫ﻭﺟﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻘﺎء ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺟـﺰء ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫـﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ‪‬ﺑﺪ‪‬ﻭﻱ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻭ‬
‫ﻣﺘﻤﺪﻥ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺧﺸﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ‬
‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺑﺪﻭﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑـﺮ ﺳـﺮ ﻗـﺪﺭﺕ ﻳـﺎ ﻫـﺮ‬
‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺟﻨﮕﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨـﮓ ﻓﻜـﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧـﺎﻳﻲﻫـﺎ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻪ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣـﻊ ﻳـﺎ ﺍﻧﺴـﺎﻥﻫـﺎﻱ ﺭﺷـﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘـﻪ‬
‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻً ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻣـﻲﻛﻨﻨـﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻄﺢ ﺗﺤﺼـﻴﻼﺕ ﻭ ﻭﺿـﻌﻴﺖ‬
‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ـ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦﻃـﻮﺭ ﮔﻔـﺖ ﻛـﻪ‬
‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺷﺪ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﮕﻲﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺘﻞﻫـﺎﻱ‬
‫ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑـﺎﻻ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻤـﺎﻝ ﺧﺸـﻮﻧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑـﻪ ﺩﻭ‬
‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﺧﺸـﻮﻧﺘﻲ ﻛـﻪ ﺑـﻪ ﺩﻧﺒـﺎﻝ ﺍﺣﺴـﺎﺱ ﺧﺸـﻢ‬
‫ﻻ ﺑﻌـﺪ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺁﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻤـﻮ ً‬
‫ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻧﺪﺍﻣﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑـﺎ‬
‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺧـﻮﺩ‪،‬‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻘـﺎﻡ ﮔـﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻧﺠـﺎﻡ ﻣـﻲﺩﻫـﺪ ﺧﺸـﻮﻧﺖ‬
‫ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻً ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑـﺎ ﻓﻜـﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣـﻪﺭﻳـﺰﻱ‬
‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﺘﻞﻫـﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳـﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣـﻊ ﻋﻘـﺐﻣﺎﻧـﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻧـﻮﻉ ﻣﺸـﺮﻭﻉ ﻭ‬
‫ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻗﺎﺗﻞ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺍﺣﺴـﺎﺱ ﺳـﺮﺑﻠﻨﺪﻱ ﻣـﻲﻛﻨـﺪ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲﻛﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺳﺮﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻫﻢﮔـﺮﻭﻩﻫـﺎﻱ‬
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‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪،‬ﭘﺲ ﺗﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻜﻨـﺪ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗـﺎﺕ ﺗﺄﺳـﻒﺑـﺎﺭ ﺗﻜـﺮﺍﺭ‬
‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺜـﺮ ﻣـﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺣﺴـﺎﺩﺕ‬
‫ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺴـﺎﺩﺕ ﻫﻴﺠـﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﭽﻴـﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛـﻪ ﺷـﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺭﺯﻳـﺎﺑﻲ‬
‫ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﺳـﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺣﺴﺎﺩﺕ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻳـﻚ ﺭﺍﺑﻄـﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻙ‬
‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﻛـﻪ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺍﺣﺴـﺎﺱ‬
‫ﺧﻴﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﮔﻮﻧﻪ )ﻫﺬﻳﺎﻧﻲ( ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤـﺎﻝ‬
‫ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺧﺸﻦ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻋـﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻣـﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺳـﻄﺢ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕـﻲ ‪-‬‬
‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺯﻧـﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛـﻪ ﺑـﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺗﻌﻠـﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬
‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻜﺮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻥ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻫﺮﮔـﺰ ﺍﻗـﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﻧﻜﻨـﺪ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪:‬‬
‫”ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻤﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺲ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ“ ﻭ ﻳـﺎ‬
‫”ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻤﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺻـﻼً ﺯﻧـﺪﮔﻲ ﻧﻜﻨـﺪ“ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺫﻫﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳـﻲ ﺯﻧـﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺍﺗﻔـﺎﻕ‬
‫ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣـﺮﺩ ﺯﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳـﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣـﺎ ﺯﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻃـﺮﺩ ﻣـﻲﻛﻨـﺪ ﺑﺨﺼـﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖﻫـﺎﻱ ﻫﻴﺠـﺎﻧﻲ ﻫـﺪﻓﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒـﺎﻝ ﻧﻤـﻲﻛﻨـ ﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻜـﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤـﻞ ﺑـﻪ ﻳـﻚ‬
‫ﻣﺤﺮﻙ ﺁﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺨﻠﻴﻪ ﺧﺸﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺧﺸﻦ ﺑـﺪﻭﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣـﻪ ﻛـﻪ ﺑﻌـﺪ ﻫـﻢ‬
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‫ﭘﺸﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﻲ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬
‫ﻳﻚ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﭽـﻪﻫـﺎ ﻧﻴـﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬـﺎ ﻳـﺎﺩ‬
‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺑـﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﻫﻨـﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺜـﺮ ﻣـﻮﺍﺭﺩ‬
‫ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻣﻲﻭﺭﺯﻧﺪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻋﻤـﺎﻝ‬
‫ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺧﺸـﻮﻧﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧـﺪ ﻭﻳـﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑـﻪ ﺧـﻮﺑﻲ ﻛﻨﺘـﺮﻝ‬
‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﻏﻢ ﺗﻤـﺎﻡ ﺯﻣﻴﻨـﻪﻫـﺎﻳﻲ ﻛـﻪ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺸـﻮﻧﺖ‬
‫ﻭﺟـﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﺸـﻮﻧﺖ ﻳــﻚ ﭘﺪﻳـﺪﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤـﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﭼﻨــﺪﻭﺟﻬﻲ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺴـﺘﻪ ﺑــﻪ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻭ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛـﻪ ﻧﺴـﺒﺖ ﺑـﻪ ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠـﻒ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬
‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﻣﺜﻼ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭘﺮﺧﺎﺷـﮕﺮﻱ ﻳـﻚ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺧﺎﺷﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳـﻚ ﮔـﺮﻭﻩ‬
‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻭﻳـﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺳـﺎﻥ ﺑـﺮ ﺍﻳـﻦ‬
‫ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺮﻙ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺧﺸـﻮﻧﺖ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴـﺖ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴـﺖ ﻭ‬
‫ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺧﺸﻢ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑـﻪ ﺩﻧﺒـﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻓﺘـﺎﺭ ﺧﺸـﻮﻧﺖﺁﻣﻴـﺰ‬
‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳـﺎﺩ ﺗﺠﺮﺑـﻪ ﻛـﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺘﻘـﺪ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛـﻪ‬
‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺟﻨﮕﻞ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺣﻢ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻫـﻢ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺭﺣﻢ ﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻓﻘﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫـﺎﻱ‬
‫ﺧﺸﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻇﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻲﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻋﺼﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻣـﻲﺷـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑـﻪ‬
‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻋﺠﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻳـﻚﺩﻓﻌـﻪ ﻳـﻚ ﻣﺎﺷـﻴﻦ ﺑـﻪ‬
‫ﻃﻮﺭ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﻣﺎﺷـﻴﻦ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻣـﻲﭘﻴﭽـﺪ ﻭ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻛـﺖ ﺑـﺎﺯ ﻣـﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬
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‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺗﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛـﻪ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺧﺸﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑـﺎ ﻣـﺎﻧﻌﻲ ﺭﻭﺑـﺮﻭ ﻣـﻲﺷـﻮﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﺠـﺎﺩ‬
‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺍﺣﺴـﺎﺱ ﺧﺸـﻢ ﺭﺍ ﭼﮕﻮﻧـﻪ ﺑـﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﻫـﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺒـﺪﻳﻞ ﺑـﻪ ﭼـﻪ‬
‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫‪ ‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮءﻇﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺜﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺳﻮءﻇﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؟‬
‫‪ ‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﮕـﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺻـﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻣـﻲﻛﻨـﻴﻢ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻣـﻊ ﻣﻴـﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻤـﺎﺩ ﻛـﻢ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻓـﺮﺍﺩ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺑـﻪ ﻫـﻢ ﺷـﻚ‬
‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺻـﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻤـﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤـﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﭘـﺲ ﺑـﻪ ﻫﻨﮕـﺎﻡ‬
‫ﻼ ﻣـﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﻛﺎﻟﺒﺪﺷﻜﺎﻓﻲ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺳﻮءﻇﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺜ ً‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﺍﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‬
‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﺷﺎﺩ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻗﺪﺭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻣـﻲﻛﻨﻨـﺪ‪،‬‬
‫ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓـﺮﺩﻱ ﻭﺟـﻮﺩ ﺧـﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻧـﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨـﻴﻦ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻣـﻲﺗـﻮﺍﻥ‬
‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻫﻤـﺎﺕ ﻭﻱ ﺁﻥﻗـﺪﺭ ﻗـﻮﻱ ﻣـﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﻛـﻪ ﺍﻳـﻦ‬
‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺭﻓﺘـﺎﺭﻱ ﻭﺟـﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻃﺒـﻖ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫـﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌـﻪ‬
‫ﺧﻼﻑ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﻖ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕـﺮ ﺧﻼﻓـﻲ ﺭﺥ‬
‫ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ‪.‬‬
‫‪ ‬ﺟــﻮﺍﻣﻌﻲ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻄﺢ ﺍﻋﺘﻤــﺎﺩ ﭘــﺎﻳﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﭼــﻪ‬
‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺪ ﺗﻨﺰﻝ ﻣـﻲﻛﻨـﺪ ﻛـﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ؟‬
‫‪ ‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳـﺪ ﺑﮕـﻮﻳﻢ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻮﻫﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬
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‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﻣﻘﺘﻮﻝ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺴﺎﺩﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺷـﺪﻩ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻣﺬﻛﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺮﻡ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ‬
‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺧﻮﻧﻲ )ﭘﺴﺮﻋﻤﻮ( ﺑﺎ ﺩﺧﺘﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﻳـﺎ ﺣﺴـﺎﺩﺕ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﻄﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳﻲ‪،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻤﻜـﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺷـﻮﻫﺮ ﻣﺠـﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺯﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑـﻪ‬
‫ﻣﺤﺎﺭﻡ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﻨﺠﻪ ﻭ ﻳـﺎ ﺣﺘـﻲ ﻗﺘـﻞ‬
‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛـﻪ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎﻟـﻚ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻥ ﻣـﻲﺩﺍﻧـﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘـﻪ ﺩﻳﮕـﺮﻱ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣـﻮﺭﺩ‬
‫ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻫـﺎ ﻧﻤـﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨـﺪ‬
‫ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﻨـﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬـﺎ ﺍﺣﺴـﺎﺱ‬
‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻄﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺧـﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻳـﺎ ﺣﺘـﻲ ﻓﺎﻣﻴـﻞ ﺑـﻪ ﺣﺴـﺎﺏ ﺁﻧﻬـﺎ ﻫـﻢ ﻧﻮﺷـﺘﻪ‬
‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻄﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻲ ﻋﺮﺿـﮕﻲ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﻣـﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨـﺪ ﻭ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ‬
‫ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺿﻌﻒ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﺧﺎﺷﮕﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﭘﻲ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‬
‫ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻚ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒـﺎﻝ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺑـﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳـﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻓـﺮﺩﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑـﻪ ﺭﺳـﻤﻴﺖ‬
‫ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬
‫‪ ‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ؟‬
‫ﻻ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑـﻪ ﺩﻭﻧـﻮﻉ ﺟﻨﺴـﻲ ﻭ ﻋـﺎﻃﻔﻲ ﺗﻘﺴـﻴﻢ ﻣـﻲﻛﻨﻨـﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﺎﻧـﺖ‬
‫‪ ‬ﺍﺻﻮ ً‬
‫ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﺑـﺎ ﻓـﺮﺩﻱ ﻏﻴـﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺴـﺮ؛ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﻧـﺖ ﻋـﺎﻃﻔﻲ‬
‫ﻣﺘﺮﺍﺩﻑ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻋﺎﻃﻔﻲ ﻭ ﺻﻤﻴﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺴـﺮﺵ ﻛـﻪ ﺗﻌﻠـﻖ ﻭ‬
‫ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺖ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄـﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺣﺴﺎﺳـﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮﻱ ﺑـﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﻧـﺖ ﻋـﺎﻃﻔﻲ ﻭ ﻣـﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺣﺴﺎﺳـﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮﻱ ﺑـﻪ‬
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‫ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺷﻮﻫﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣـﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺮﺑـﻮﻁ ﺑـﻪ‬
‫ﺑﺪﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻲﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻲ ﺷﻮﻫﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﺎﻧـﺖ ﺟﻨﺴـﻲ ﺑـﻪ‬
‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺷﻮﻫﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺳـﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄـﻪ‬
‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﺯﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﻫﺮ ﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺷﻮﻫﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳـﻚ ﻣـﺎﻧﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻣـﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ‬
‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﻫﺮ ﻛﺸﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫‪ ‬ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋـﺪﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﻤـﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣـﻊ ﺭﺷـﺪ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘـﻪ ﺍﺗﻔـﺎﻕ‬
‫ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ؟‬
‫‪ ‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺟﻮﺍﻣـﻊ ﺍﻓـﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺘﻔـﺎﻭﺕ ﻭ ﺑـﺎ ﺳـﻄﻮﺡ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕـﻲ ﻣﺨﺘﻠـﻒ ﺯﻧـﺪﮔﻲ‬
‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻓـﺮﺍﺩ ﻭﺟـﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻴـﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ‬
‫ﺳﻄﺢ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺷـﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌـﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷـﺎﺧﺺﻫـﺎﻳﻲ‬
‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺳﻮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﺑـﻪ ﺧـﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷـﺘﻲ ﻧﺸـﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨـﺪﻩ‬
‫ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓـﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻣﻨﻴـﺖ ﺷـﻐﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤـﺎﻋﻲ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧـﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴـﺎﺱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴـﺖ ﻣﻮﺟـﺐ ﺍﻳﺠـﺎﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﻤـﺎﺩ‬
‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺷـﺪ ﻧﺎﻳﺎﻓﺘـﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻣﻨﺠـﺮ ﺑـﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺧﺎﺷﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺪﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺟـﻪ ﺯﻳـﺎﺩ‬
‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﻼﻳﺎﻱ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣـﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧـﺪ ﻭ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺧﺸـﻮﻧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺻـﻞ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺯﻧـﺪﮔﻲ ﺁﻧﻬـﺎ ﺑـﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﺣـﻞ ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻞ‬
‫ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻏﺬﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﺸﻦ‬
‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧﺎﺕ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻪ ﮔﻔـﺖﻭﮔـﻮ‪ .‬ﻭﻟـﻲ‬
‫ﻫﺮﻗﺪﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺧﺸـﻮﻧﺖﺁﻣﻴـﺰ ﻧـﻪ ﺗﻨﻬـﺎ ﻣﺸـﻜﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺣـﻞ‬
‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣـﻊ ﭘﻴﺸـﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺣﻘـﻮﻕ ﻓـﺮﺩﻱ ﺍﻓـﺮﺍﺩ‬
‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻓـﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗـﺄﻣﻴﻦ‬
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‫ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻲ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺟـﻮﺩ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮءﻇﻦ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺳـﻮءﻇﻦ ﻳﻌﻨـﻲ ﭼـﻪ؟ ﻳﻌﻨـﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳـﻚ ﺍﺣﺴـﺎﺱ‬
‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‬
‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻛـﻢ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻤـﺎﺩ ﻛـﻢ ﻣـﻲﺷـﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻛﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﻗـﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫـﺎﻱ‬
‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺲ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺑﻪﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻧـﺎﺍﻣﻨﻲ‬
‫ﻭ ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻨﻲ )ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ( ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻨﻲ؛ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﺧﺎﺷـﮕﺮﺍﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴـﺎﺩﺕ ﻭ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺒـﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ‬
‫ﻣﻴﻞ ﺻﺪﻣﻪﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬
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‫ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳﻲ‬

‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻱ )ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺱ(‬

‫‪ ‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﭼـﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧـﻲ ﻣﻨـﺎﻃﻖ ﻭ‬

‫ﺧﺮﺩﻩﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬
‫‪ ‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﺩﺭﺱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻳـﺎ ﺗﻮﺳـﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑـﻪ‬
‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻣـﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴـﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﭘﻴـﺪﺍ ﻣـﻲﻛـﺮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎﻟﺰﻱ ﺑـﻪ ﺩﻟﻴـﻞ ﺁﻧﻜـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘـﻪ ﺁﺳـﻴﺎﻱ ﺷـﺮﻗﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻨـﻮﺏ‬
‫ﺷﺮﻗﻲ)‪ (ACAN‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﻣﺘﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﭘﻴـﺪﺍ‬
‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺪﺭﻥﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛـﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻨﻄﻘـﻪ ﺯﻧـﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﻨﻴـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷـﺖ‪،‬‬
‫ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺑﺮﺧـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻨﺖﻫـﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻠﻘـﻲﻫـﺎ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧـﻲ ﻣـﺎ ﺑﺎﻳـﺪ ﺁﮔـﺎﻫﻲﻫـﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘـﻪﺍﻱ ﻳـﺎ ﺷﺨﺼـﻴﺖ ﻭ‬
‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺘﻤ ًﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻋﺼﺒﻴﺖ ﺍﺑﻦﺧﻠﺪﻭﻥ ﻛـﻪ‬
‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻏﻴﺮﺕ ﻭ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛـﻪ ﺑـﻪ ﻣـﺮﺩ ﻣـﻲﺩﻫـﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘـﺶ ﺣﻤـﺎﻳﺘﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﺣﻔـﺎﻇﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﻃﺮﻳــﻖ ﺍﻭﻟــﻲ ﻧﻘــﺶ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳــﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﻗــﺪﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻧﻘــﺶ ﺑﻨــﺎﺑﺮ‬
‫ﺍﻗﺘﻀــﺎﻱ ژﺋﻮﭘﻠﻴﺘﻴــﻚ ﻭ ﻭﺿــﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕــﻲ ـ ﺍﺟﺘﻤــﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬
‫ﺑﻮﺭﻭﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺘﻲ ﻣﻄﻠﻖﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﻭ‬
‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺑﺎﺭﺯﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬
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‫ﻫﺮﻗﺪﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘـﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗـﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮ ﺭﺥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫـﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘـﺲ‬
‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺑﻌﻀـﻲ ﻣﺴـﺎﺋﻞ‪،‬‬
‫ﻣﺴــﺌﻠﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘــﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻠــﻲ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤــﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛــﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺗــﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺻــﻴﻒ ﻣــﻲﻛﻨﻴــﺪ‪،‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺮﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘـﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤـﺎﻡ ﻧـﻮﺍﺭ ﻣـﺮﺯﻱ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻗﺘـﻞﻫـﺎ‬
‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻜﻮﻧﺘﻲ ﻛـﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗـﺄﺛﻴﺮ‬
‫ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻨﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺷـﻴﻪ‬
‫ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻘﻲ ﻛـﻪ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧـﺎﻡ‬
‫ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻣﻼً ﺍﻗﻠﻴـﺖﻧﺸـﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻫـﻢ ﻗـﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻫـﻢ ﺩﻳﻨـﻲ ﻭ ﻳـﺎ ﺑـﻪ ﻗـﻮﻝ ﺷـﻤﺎ‬
‫ﺧﺮﺩﻩﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺭﺍﺑـﺮﺕ ﺭﻓﺮﻳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋـﺎﺕ ﻗـﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌـﻪ‬
‫ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﮋﺍﺩﻱ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﻊ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑـﻪ‬
‫ﺳﻨﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻋﻘـﺐﺍﻓﺘـﺎﺩﻩ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑـﻪ ﺳـﺎﺯﻭﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﺑـﺎﺯ‬
‫ﻣﻲ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ؟ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻛـﻼﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺸـﺪﻩ‪،‬‬
‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻘﺮ ﻭ ﻓﺎﻗﻪ‬
‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻫـﻢ ﻳـﻚ‬
‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﺮﻗﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ‬
‫ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﺎً ﺑـﻪ ﺭﻳﺸـﻪﻫـﺎﻱ ﺑﻨﻴـﺎﺩﻱ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮ ﺑﺮﻣـﻲﮔـﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴـﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﺗﺮ‬
‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﭘﺲﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣـﻲﻛﻨـﺪ ﺗـﺎ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﻛﻬﺎﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡﻫﺎ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﻜﻲ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬـﺎ ﺑـﻪ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛـﻼﻥ‬
‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺸـﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﻤـﻲﺷـﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘـﻲ ﺍﻧﺴـﺠﺎﻡ‬
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‫ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﻜﻲ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪ ‬ﺑﻪﺟﺰ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ‪ ،‬ﺷﻬﺮﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﺑـﻪ ﻭﺳـﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﺭﺗﺒـﺎﻁ ﺟﻤﻌـﻲ‪ ،‬ﭼـﻪ‬
‫ﻓﺎﻛﺘﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻬﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ؟‬
‫‪ ‬ﻛﻨﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﻣﺎﺭ ﻫﻨﺪﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺧﻴﻠـﻲ‬
‫ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﻭ ﺷﺘﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳـﺐ ﺑـﺎ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕـﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬
‫ﺗﻨﺪ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻧﮕـﺎﻩ ﻣﻨﻄﻘـﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷـﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣـﻲﺑﻴﻨـﻴﻢ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴـﻪ‪،‬‬
‫ﺁﺗﺎﺗﻮﺭﻙ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﺘﺎﺑﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣـﺎﻥﺍﷲ ﺧـﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴـﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ‬
‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻲ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺷﺘﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺫﻫﻦ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺑـﺪﺍﻉ ﻣـﻲﺷـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑـﻪ‬
‫ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺑﺪﺍﻉ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺫﻫﻨﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘـﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴـﺎﺯﺵ‬
‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﺍﺵ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺮﻡﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻭ‬
‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨــﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺑــﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺑــﺪﺍﻉ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﺑــﺎ ﻧــﺮﻡﺍﻓــﺰﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺫﻫــﻦ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺣﻴــﻪ ﻭ‬
‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘــﻪﺍﻱ ﻛــﻪ ﻣــﺎ ﺯﻧــﺪﮔﻲ ﻣــﻲﻛﻨــﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺑــﺰﺍﺭ ﻣــﻲﺁﻳــﺪ ﻭ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬
‫ﻧﺮﻡﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﺮﻡﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨـﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼـﻮﻥ ﻓﻜـﺮ‬
‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺮﻡﺍﻓﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻭﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻣـﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧـﺪ‬
‫ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺎﻓﺮﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷـﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﻣـﺎ ﺍﻳـﻦ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ﺗﻤﺪﻧﻲ ﻳﻚ ﮔﻮﻱ ﮔﺬﺍﺷـﺘﻴﻢ ﻛـﻪ ﻫﺮﭼـﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻥ‬
‫ﮔﻮﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﻟﻐﺰﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻣـﻲﺍﻓﺘـﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨـﺪ ﻣﻮﺑﺎﻳـﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣـﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺘـﻲ‬
‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜــﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻲ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﻭﻗﺘــﻲ ﺷــﻤﺎ‬
‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺷﻬﺮﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺳـﻄﺢ ﺗﺤﺼـﻴﻼﺕ ﺑـﺎﻻ ﺭﻓﺘـﻪ‬
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‫ﻭ‪ ، ...‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻛﻮﻣﺎﺭ ﻳﺎ ﺭﺍﺑﺮﺕ ﺭﻓﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴـﺮﺍﺕ ﺑـﻪ ﻣﻮﻗـﻊ ﻧﺒـﻮﺩﻩ ﻳـﺎ‬
‫ﺯﻭﺩﺗــﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﻋــﺪ ﺍﺗﻔــﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘــﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺷــﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓــﻼﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻳــﺎ ﻣﻨﻄﻘــﻪ ﻇــﻮﺍﻫﺮ‬
‫ﺷﻬﺮﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻴـ ﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣـﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴـﺪ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﻟـﻮﺩﮔﻲ ﻫـﻮﺍ‬
‫ﺭﻧﺞ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﻬﺮﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺷـﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳـﺎﺗﻲ ﻭﺟـﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻇﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻟﺰﻣ ًﺎ ﺑﺎﻳـﺪ ﺳـﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ‬
‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺁﻥ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻃﺎﻟﺒـﺎﻥ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻻﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻓﺎﻗـﺪ‬
‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨـﻴﻢ ﻛـﻪ‬
‫ﻫﺮﺟﺎ ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﺠـﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳـﺐ ﺑـﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸـﻪ‬
‫ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺴـﺒﺖ ﺑـﻪ ﺗﻮﺳـﻌﻪ ﻧـﺎﻣﺘﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺎﭘﺎﻳـﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ ﻛـﻪ‬
‫ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣـﻪ ﭘﻴـﺪﺍ ﻛـﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔـﺮ ﺑﺨـﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‬
‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﻪ ﺷـﺘﺎﺑﺎﻥ‪،‬‬
‫ﻧﻮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻻ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻧﻮﺳـﺎﺯﻱ ﺑـﻪ ﻋﻨـﻮﺍﻥ ﻳـﻚ ﺿـﺮﻭﺭﺕ‬
‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻔﺘـﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺑـﻪ ﻣﻌﻨـﻲ ﺁﻥ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻼﻡ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﻋﻘـﺐ ﻛـﻪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨـﺪ ﺑـﺎ ﻫـﻢ‬
‫ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺴـﺎﻧﻲ ﻛـﻪ ﺳـﺮﺵ ﺑـﺰﺭگ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺳـﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻫـﺎﻳﺶ‬
‫ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻻﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﺮﻗﺪﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺣﻤﻠـﻪ ﻛﻨﻴـﺪ ﺁﻥ‬
‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺮﻣـﻲﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧـﺪ ﻭ ﺳـﻌﻲ ﻣـﻲﻛﻨـﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﺟـﺎ ﻛـﻪ ﻫﻮﻳـﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺗـﺄﻣﻴﻦ‬
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‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻮﻳـﺖ ﻣﻠـﻲ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻳـﺖ ﻧﻤـﻲﻛﻨﻴـﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻳـﺎ‬
‫ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺨﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﻙ ﻣـﻲﺳـﺎﺯﻳﺪ ﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﺪ‪.‬‬
‫‪ ‬ﭘﺲ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬
‫‪ ‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ـ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺷﻤﺎ ـ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺰﻡ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﻋﺰﻣﻲ ﺑـﺎ ﺍﻳـﻦ‬
‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺧﻴﻠـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺳـﻴﺐﻫـﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤـﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺟـﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛـﻪ‬
‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺷﺘﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﺘﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺎﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻄﺎﻱ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﻫـﺎ ﺑﺎﻳـﺪ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻛـﻼﻥ ﻣﻠـﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨـﻲ ﺑﺎﻳـﺪ‬
‫ﻧﻮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﻧـﻪ ﺍﮔـﺮ ﻓـﺮﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳـﻮﻱ ﺍﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬
‫ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫـﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕـﻲ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳـﺐ ﺑـﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻫـﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴـﺎﺭﺵ‬
‫ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺭﺍﺩﻭﻛﺲ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺳـﺖ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪﺟﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣـﺮﺩ ﺑـﻪ ﺩﻟﻴـﻞ ﻋﺼـﺒﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺗـﻲ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺍﺷـﺖ ﻭ ﺑـﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻌﺮﻳـﻒ‬
‫ﺍﺑﻦﺧﻠﺪﻭﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﻫـﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺣﻔـﻆ ﺣـﺮﻳﻢ ﺧـﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷـﺖ؛‬
‫ﻼ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲﻫـﺎ ﻣﻨﻄﺒـﻖ ﺑـﺮ‬
‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣ ً‬
‫ﻫﻢﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺪﺭﺳﺎﻻﺭ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣـﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻘﻴـﻪ ﻫـﻢ‬
‫ﻫﻤــﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻈــﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺴــﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤــﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺎﺕ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺧــﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﺗﺮ ﺑـﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣـﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴـﺖ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮ ﺣﻤﺎﻳـﺖ ﻛﻨـﺪ‪،‬‬
‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺧﺸـﻮﻧﺖ ﻣـﻲﻃﻠﺒﻴـﺪ‪.‬ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﮔﺮﺍﻫـﺎ ﻭﭘﺎﺭﺳـﻮﻧﺰ ﻫـﻢ‬
‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺧﻄﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻛـﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌـﻪ ﺭﺍ‬
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‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺭﻳـﺶﺳـﻔﻴﺪ ﻣـﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧـﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﺒﻴـﻪ ﻛﻨـﺪ؛ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺗﻨﺒﻴـﻪ‬
‫ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻣـﻲﻛـﺮﺩ‪» .‬ﻭﺑـﺮ« ﻫـﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺟـﺎﻳﻲ ﺑـﻪ ﺧﺸـﻮﻧﺖ ﻣﺸـﺮﻭﻉ ﺟـﻮﺍﺯ‬
‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﺯﻭﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻴﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺪﺭﺳـﺎﻻﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣـﻲﺷـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨـﺪ‪ .‬ﭘـﺲ ﺧﺸـﻮﻧﺖ ﻫﻤﻴﺸـﻪ ﻣـﺬﻣﻮﻡ ﻧﺒـﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣـﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛـﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﺯﻭﺭ ﺑـﻪ ﺩﻭﻟـﺖ ﻭ ﺑـﻪ ﻗـﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬
‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻧﺎﻥﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳـﺖ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﺶ ﻛﻢ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨـﻲ ﻳﻜـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻬـﺎﺕ ﺯﻭﺭ ﻭ ﺧﺸـﻮﻧﺖ‪،‬‬
‫ﻧﺎﻥﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻥﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺯﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻝ ﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻄﻠـﻖﺍﻧـﺪﻳﺶ ﻫﺴـﺘﻨﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺘــﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺍﺭﺗﺒــﺎﻁ ﺑــﺎ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺪﻳــﺪﻩﻫــﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﻧــﺪ‪،‬‬
‫ﻧﺴﺒﻴﺖﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻜـﺮ ﻣـﻲﻛﻨـﺪ‬
‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪..‬‬
‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﺩﻭﻛﺴﻴﻜﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫـﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻀـﺎﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﻋﻤـﻞ ﻛﻨﻨـﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻛـﻼﻥﺗـﺮ ﻭ ﺑـﺎ‬
‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﺴﺒﻲ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨـﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺴـﺒﻴﺖﮔـﺮﺍ‬
‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪،‬ﭘﺲ ﺯﻥ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺣﻖ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻮﻫﺮﺵ ﻣـﻲﮔﻮﻳـﺪ‬
‫ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻳﺎ ﺟﺪ ﭘـﺪﺭﻱﺍﺵ ﻣـﻲﮔﻔـﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻫـﻢ‬
‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻗﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻃﺎﻳﻔﻪ ﻛﺸﺎﻛﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﭘﺎﺭﺳﻮﻧﺰ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻـﻮﻝ ﺍﺻـﻞ ﺗﻘـﺪﺱ‪ ،‬ﺣﻔـﻆ ﻧﻈـﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﻳﺸـﺎﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﻭ‬
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‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺎﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼـﺮﺍ ﻛـﻪ ﺍﮔـﺮ‬
‫ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺎﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣـﻦ ﺑـﻪ ﻋﻨـﻮﺍﻥ‬
‫ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣـﻲﻛـﻨﻢ ﺟﻠـﻮﻱ ﺭﺷـﺪ ﺷـﺘﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺳـﺎﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻡ‪.‬‬
‫‪ ‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﻮﻩ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻪ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺻﻔﺮ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻴﺪ؟ ﻣﺜﻼً ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﻠﻮﻱ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻧﺸـﻴﻨﻲ‬
‫ﺭﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ؟‬
‫‪ ‬ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣـﺬﻑ ﻭ ﺻـﺮﻑ‬
‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﭘﺪﺭﺳﺎﻻﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻼﻡ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑـﺖ‬
‫ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﺳﺎﺯﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑـﻪ ﻋﻨـﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜـﺎﻝ ﻫﻨـﺪ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ‬
‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1945‬ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪) 1991‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 50‬ﺳﺎﻝ( ﺧﻮﺩﺭﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳـﺎﺧﺖ‬
‫ﻫﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ 50 .‬ﺳـﺎﻝ ﺑـﻪ ﺳـﻤﺖ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟـﻮژﻱ ﭘﻴﺸـﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﺮﻓـﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻨـﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺟﺎﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﺛﻘﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﮔـﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﺛﻘﻴـﻞ ﺍﺳـﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬
‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ‪ 50‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﻴﮋﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟـﻮژﻱ ﺑـﺎ ﭘـﻮﻝ ﻧﻔـﺖ ﻣـﺎ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﮔﺮﺍﻥﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦﻫـﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻳـﻚ ﻣـﺮﺩ ﻋـﺮﺏ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺮﻳـﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭼﻬـﺎﺭ ﺯﻥ ﻋﻘـﺪﻱ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺫﻫﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴـﺎﻱ‬
‫ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﺪﺵ ﻧﺴـﺒﺖ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬـﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺯﻧـﺪﮔﻲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴـﺮ ﻛﻨـﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻧـﺶ ﻫـﻢ ﻳﻜـﻲ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ ﻧـﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺗـﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻟـﻲ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺠﺎ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻑ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻓـﺮﺩ ﺑـﻪ ﻫﻮﻳـﺖ‬
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‫ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻗﻮﻣﻴـﺖﻫـﺎ ﭼﻘـﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺭﻭﻛﺮﺍﺳـﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛـﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛـﻪ ﺁﻧﻬـﺎ ﺑـﺎ‬
‫ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﻼﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺷﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ؟‬
‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ؟ﺑﺎ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻣﺸـﺎﺭﻛﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻋﺎﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻧﻤـﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ‬
‫ﺳﻤﺒﻮﻟﻴﻚ‪.‬‬
‫ﻛﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺎﺭﺱﻫﺎ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨ ﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨـﻲ ﻳـﻚ ﻋـﺮ ﺏ‪ ،‬ﻳـﻚ ﻛـﺮ ﺩ‪،‬‬
‫ﻳﻚ ﺑﻠﻮچ ﻭ‪ ،...‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻨـﺪ‬
‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻋﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻮچ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺧـﻮﺩ‬
‫ﺗﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻨﺪ؟‬
‫‪ ‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺃﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮءﻇﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺍﻓـﺮﺍﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻥﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 50‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺳﻮءﻇﻦ‬
‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻮءﻇﻦ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺎﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟‬
‫‪ ‬ﻣﻨﺸﺎء ﺳﻮءﻇﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺱ ﻭ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺸﺄء ﺗـﺮﺱ ﻫـﻢ ﻋـﺪﻡ ﺁﮔـﺎﻫﻲ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺸﺄ ﺗﺮﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛـﻪ ﺍﻭﻻً‬
‫ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻣﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣـﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻃﻨﺰ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﻙ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟـﺐ ﺗﺤﻘﻴـﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬـﺎﺟﻢ ﻛـﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳـﻦ‬
‫ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺷﻐﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻲ‬
‫ﻭ ﺷﺌﻮﻧﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﺮﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻗﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬
‫ﻣﻲ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻟﻬﺠﻪﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﺵ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻣﻴﺘﺶ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﻛﻼﺱ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺑـﺎ‬
‫ﻟﻬﺠﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻧﻲ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻨﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﻭﻗﺖﻫﺎ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻧﻤـﻲﺯﻧـﺪ‬
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‫ﻭ ﺧﻼﻗﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﻏﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻳﻞ ﻭ ﻃﺎﻳﻔﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠـﺎ ﺩﺍﺋﻤـ ًﺎ‬
‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻧـﺎﺍﻣﻨﻲ ﻭ‬
‫ﺗﺮﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺎﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﺑـﺎﺯ ﻣـﻲﮔـﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠـﺎ ﺍﺣﺴـﺎﺱ‬
‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨــﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﺑــﻪ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺳــﻨﺖﻫــﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘ ﻪ‪،‬‬
‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺁﺩﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻮﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴـﺖ‬
‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
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‫ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳﻲ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻧﺎﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺼﺐ ﺍﺳـﺖ؛ ﺧﺸـﻮﻧﺘﻲ ﻛـﻪ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺟﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ‬
‫ﻭ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﻋﻤـﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌـﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻤـﺎﻝ ﺧﺸـﻮﻧﺖ‬
‫ﻛﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﺸـﻮﻧﺖ ﻧﻤـﻲﭘﻨﺪﺍﺷـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨـﻚ ﻧﻴـﺰ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻴﻢﻣﺂﺑﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧـﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧـﻪ‬
‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬
‫ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﭼﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴـﺮ ﺧﺸـﻮﻧﺖ ﺟﻨﺴـﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺩﺑﻴـﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻣﻌـﻪ ﻣـﺎ ﺷـﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺗﺤﻤـﻞ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺑﻌـﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺸـﻮﻧﺖ‪،‬‬
‫ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻓـﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﻭﺷـﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﭼـﻪ ﻋﺎﻣـﻪ ﻣـﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻇـﺎﻳﻒ ﺟـﺪﻱ ﺯﻧـﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﻜﻴﻦ ﺑﻲﭼﻮﻥ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﺍﻛﺘﺴﺎﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬
‫ﻛﻮﺩﻛﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﻧـﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﻳﻨـﻲ ﭼـﻮﻥ ﺁﺩﺭﻧـﻮ ﺑـﺮ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻋﻘﻴـﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧـﺪ ﻛـﻪ‬
‫ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺘﻲ ﻛـﻪ ﻛـﻮﺩﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺮﺩﺳـﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﻧـﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻱ ﻭﺍﻟـﺪﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﺑﺠﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺴﺎﻟﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛـﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑـﻪ‬
‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﭘﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺧﺸﻚ ﻭ ﺧﺸﻦ ﻣـﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧـﺪ ﺑـﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴـﺪ ﺍﻧﺴـﺎﻥﻫـﺎﻱ‬
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‫ﺳﻠﻄﻪﮔﺮ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻄﻪﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺑﻴﻨﺠﺎﻣﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻠﻘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺰﻣﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ )ﻭ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ( ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺼﺐ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻗﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺴﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﻠﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑـﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴـﺰ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣـﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻛــﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﻫﻴﺠﺎﻧــﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻋﻮﺍﻃــﻒ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫــﺎﻳﻲ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﻠــﻖ ﻋﺠــﻴﻦ‬
‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﻣﺨﺘﻠـﻒ ﺁﺳـﻴﺐﻫـﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤـﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠـﻪ ﻗﺘـﻞﻫـﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳـﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﻛﻮﺩﻙﺁﺯﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺤﺚ ﺗﻌﺼﺐ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻣﺘﻌﺼـﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻨﻄـﻖ ﻭ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﻞ ﻭ ﺑـﻪ ﺍﺷـﻜﺎﻝ‬
‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺣﺘﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺗـﻚﺗـﻚ‬
‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺴﺎﻻﻥ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻀﻞ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﺻـﻠﻲ ﺭﺍﻩﺣـﻞﻫـﺎ ﻛـﺪﺍﻡ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬
‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻬﻠﻚ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻧﻘﺪ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺼﺐ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺮﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴـﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫـﺎﻱ‬
‫ﺍﺯﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺪﻱ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻃﻴﻒﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﻤـﺎﺭﻱﻫـﺎ ﺑﻴﺸـﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﺎﻳﺮ‬
‫ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑـﺎ‬
‫ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺖﻫـﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫـﺎﻱ ﻛﻬﻨـﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀـﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﺳﺸـﮕﺮﻱ‬
‫ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻤﺎﻡﻋﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺴﺖﻭﺟﻮﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﺑﻪﺷﻬﺮ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺑﻪﺧﺎﻧـﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺰﻣـﻲ ﺟـﺪﻱ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ‬
‫ﻧﻘــﺪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﭘﺪﻳــﺪﻩ ﺷــﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺿــﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺴــﺘﺮﻫــﺎﻱ ﺯﻣﻴﻨــﻪﺳــﺎﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠــﻪ‬
‫ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳـﻤﻴﺖ ﻧﺸـﻨﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻫﻮﻳـﺖ ﻓـﺮﺩﻱ ﺯﻧـﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻜـﺎﺭ ﭘـﺮ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺍﻭﻫﺎﻡ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺰﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻣـﻲﺗـﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳـﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟـﻲ‬
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‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺰﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻋﺰﻣﻲ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺷـﻨﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺍﻧـﺪﻳﺶ ﺍﻳـﻦ‬
‫ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴـﺘﻢ ﺑـﺪﺍﻧﺠﺎ ﺳـﻔﺮ ﻛـﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺷـﺎﻫﺪ ﭼﻨـﻴﻦ‬
‫ﻋﺰﻣﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬
‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻔﻬﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﻳـﺎ ﺟـﺮﺃﺕ ﻧﻘـﺪ‬
‫ﺳﻨﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻣـﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧـﺪ ﺍﻳـﻦ‬
‫ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻲﺩﺭﭘﻲ ﻭ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬـﺎ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻧﻘـﺪ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺳـﻨﺖﻫـﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑـﻪ ﺯﻋـﻢ ﺁﻧﻬـﺎ؛ ﻣﻨﺠﺮﺑـﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓـﺎﺕ ﻭ‬
‫ﻛﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻃﻮﺍﻳﻒ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑـﺎﻳﻜﻮﺕ ﻓـﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻱ‬
‫ﻗﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻃﺎﻳﻔﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻼﺕ ﻣﺮﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﺼﻠﺐ ﺳﻨﺖﻫـﺎ ﻭ ﻋـﺮﻑ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ‬
‫ﻗﻮﻣﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪﺷﻮﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨـﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻓـﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﻭﺷـﻨﻔﻜﺮ‬
‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻤـﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺑـﺎ ﺻـﺪﺍﻱ ﺑﻠﻨـﺪ‬
‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﺪ؟ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻜﻮﺗﻲ ﺗﻠﺦ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﻛﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﻳـﺪﻩﺑﺮﻳـﺪﻩ ﺧﻄـﺮﺍﺕ ﺟـﺪﻱ ﻧﻘـﺪ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻨﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻮﺷﺰﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ؛‬
‫ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﺎﻡ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺟﻞﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻣﻦ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﺯﻧـﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺁﮔـﺎﻫﻲﺑﺨـﺶ ﺁﻧـﺎﻥ ﻭ ‪NGO‬ﻫﺎﻳﺸـﺎﻥ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﺗـﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـﻦ‬
‫ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﺸﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻤـﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺠـﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳـﻦ‬
‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺯﻧـﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳـﻨﺖ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳـﺖ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻧﺴـﺎﻧﻲ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣـﺮﻑ ﺑﺰﻧﻨـﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧـﺎﻥ ﺍﻋـﺎﺩﻩ ﺣﻴﺜﻴـﺖ ﻛﻨﻨـﺪ ﻭ‬
‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻓـﺮﺩﻱ ﺯﻧـﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳـﻄﺢ ﺍﻓﻜـﺎﺭ ﻋﻤـﻮﻣﻲ ﺑـﻪ ﺑﺤـﺚ ﻭ‬
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‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﻬﻤﺘـﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﺒـﺮﺩ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻬـﺎﺭ ﺧﺸـﻮﻧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣـﻮﺯﺵ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳـﻖ‬
‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺑﺴـﺘﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺗﺎ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻭﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻘﺒﻴﺢ ﺧﺸـﻮﻧﺖ ﻭ‬
‫ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖﺁﻣﻴـﺰ ﻋﻠﻴـﺮﻏﻢ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓـﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻮﻋﺎﺗﺸـﺎﻥ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪،‬‬
‫ﺗﻨﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﻣﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧـﮋﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﺑـﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣـﺬﻫﺐ ﻭ ‪ ...‬؛ ﺑـﺎ ﺗﺄﻛﻴـﺪ ﺑﺮﮔـﻮﻫﺮ‬
‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑـﻪ ﺟـﺎﻱ‪ ،‬ﭘـﺎﻱ ﻓﺸـﺮﺩﻥ ﺑـﺮ ﺗﻔـﺎﻭﺕﻫـﺎ ﻭ‬
‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ‪.‬‬
‫ﮔﺎﻡ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻫﻨـﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺑـﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﺑـﻪ‬
‫ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻛﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺃﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﺳﺘﻲ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣـﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗـﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﺑـﺮﻱﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧـﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑـﺎ ﺭﻭﺵﻫـﺎﻱ‬
‫ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﻭﺛﻲ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺣﻚ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ »ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ«ﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺳﺨﻨﻲ ﺑﺎﻳـﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‪،‬ﺁﻣـﻮﺯﺵ‬
‫ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻣﺒﺮﻡ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛـﻪ ﺯﻧـﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻭ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﺴـﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﺁﻣـﻮﺯﺵ ﺑـﺎ ﺍﺳـﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤـﺎﻣﻲ‬
‫ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫـﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ‬
‫ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻛﻨـﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺴـﻞ ﺟـﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋـﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻣـﺮﺩ ﺑـﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠـﻪ ﺑـﺎ ﺁﻥ‬
‫ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﻨﻴـﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻـﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤـﺎﻉ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳـﺖ‬
‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻃﻠﺒﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻋﺰﻣﻲ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﻣﺒـﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑـﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺳﺨﺖﮔﻴﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ‬
‫ﺳﭙﺲ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻋﺎﻣﻼﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣـﺎ ﭘﻴﺸـﮕﻴﺮﻱ‬
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‫ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣـﻮﺯﺵ ﻧﻴـﺰ ﺑـﺮ ﻣﺠـﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴـﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺑـﺮ‬
‫ﻣﻤﺎﻧﻌﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﭘﻮﺷﺸﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘـﻲ ﺑـﻪ‬
‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺍﺣﺘﻤـﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺧﺸـﻮﻧﺖﻫـﺎ ﻫﺴـﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨـﺪ‬
‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣـﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋـﻼﻡ ﺷـﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻠﻔﻨـﻲ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳـﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺳـﺮﻳﻊ ﺑـﻪ ﻓـﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻳﺮ ﺁﻥ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑــﻪ ﻃــﻮﺭ ﺧﻼﺻــﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﺣــﻞﻫــﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﺋــﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴــﺐ ﺍﻫﻤﻴــﺖ ﻋﻤﻠــﻲ ﻭ‬
‫ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﺷﺎﻥ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺯ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -1‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻓﻀـﺎﻱ ﺍﻣـﻦ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴـﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳـﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻼﻗـﻪﻣﻨـﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ‬
‫ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺷـﻜﻞ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫـﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳﺴـﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -2‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ‬
‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺩﮔﻤﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -3‬ﺍﺻــﻼﺡ ﻗــﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠــﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺸــﻮﻧﺖ ﻋﻠﻴــﻪ ﺯﻧــﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺍﺣــﻲ‬
‫ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -4‬ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫـﺎﻱ ﺣﻤـﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻤﻨـﻲ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﺯﻧـﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌـﺮﺽ ﻗﺘـﻞﻫـﺎﻱ‬
‫ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳــﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﺼــﺎﺹ ﺑﻮﺩﺟــﻪ ﻛــﺎﻓﻲ ﺑــﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﻣــﺮ ﻭ ﭘﻮﺷــﺶ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳــﺖ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻋﻼﻗﻪﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ‪.‬‬
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‫ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ‬

‫ﻗﺘﻞ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺳﻲ‬

‫ﭘﺮﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺘﻴﺎﺭﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬