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Erik Swyngedouw
July 2010
“Western democracies are only the political facades of economic power. A façade with
colours, banners, endless debates about the sacrosanct democracy. We live in an era
where we can discuss everything. With one exception: Democracy. She is there, an
acquired dogma. Don’t touch, like a museum display. Elections have become the
representation of an absurd comedy, shameful, where the participation of the citizen is
very weak, and in which the governments represent the political commissionaires of
economic power” (José Saramago, 2006).
“There is a shift from the model of the polis founded on a centre, that is, a public centre
or agora, to a new metropolitan spatialisation that is certainly invested in a process of de-
politicisation” (Agamben, 2006)
1. Happy Crisis and Merry Fear (Slogan on Athenian Wall, December 2008)
On 6 December 2008, 15 year old Alexis was shot by the police on an Athenian square,
an event that triggered weeks of violent urban protests and cascaded throughout Greece.
Less than two years later, on 5 May 2010, three people were killed during riotous protests
in Athens in the aftermath of the draconian policy measures the Greek socialist
government had to take under the policing eye of the European Union and the
International Monetary Fund to restore budgetary rigour and to safe French and German
banks overexposed to Greek sovereign debt paper. On 17 July 2010, Grenoble was set on
fire in a clash between rioters and the police. These are some of the recent installments of
a sequence of events that saw insurgent architects trying to re-assemble the urban through
anarchic outburst of irrational violence in the face of turbulent urban and social
transformations for which they felt neither responsible nor had much power over their
design. Emblematically starting with the French urban revolts of the fall of 2004, the
retaking of the streets by protesters jumped around from Copenhagen to Rome and from
London to Riga. Urban revolts and passionate outbursts of discontent have indeed
marked the urban scene over the past decade or so. Rarely in history have so many people
voiced their discontent with the political designs of the elites and signaled a desire for an
alternative design of the city and the world, of the polis. Yet, rarely have mass protest
symptoms of the contemporary urban order, an order that began to implode, both
physically and socially, with the onslaught, in the fall of 2007, of the deepest crisis of
capitalism in the last 70 years, a crisis that finally exposed the flimsy basis on which the
fantasy of a neo-liberal design for the city and the world of the 21st century was based.
Several trillion Euro worth of bailout funding was put up by governments in the US and
Europe to safe the financial system while the subsequent budgetary difficulties, manifest
from 2010 onwards, prompted radical and devastating austerity measures of which the
There is apparently no alternative. The state as the embodiment of the commons has to be
marshaled to serve the interests of the elite few. On 7 February 2009, Newsweek
headlined its cover with the slogan ‘we are all socialists now’. Indeed, Newsweek is
correct; they (the elites of the world) are all socialist now, corralling the state to serve
their interest and to make sure that nothing really has to change – that capitalism can go
on as before. And indeed, political dissent is virtually absent; few dissenting voices
among ‘official’ political leaders, whether left or right , are heard. The only way – or so it
seems in which real dissent can be articulated –is by making the public spaces of cities as
architects.
Cover of Newsweek, 17 February 2009,
this state of the situation. The city offers a privileged scale for dissecting the social body,
for rummaging through the innards of our most intimate fantasies, desires, and fears. We
shall argue that, while the city is alive and thriving at least in some of its spaces, the polis
as the site for public political encounter and democratic negotiation, the spacing of (often
radical) dissent, and disagreement, and the place where political subjectivation emerges,
is performed and thus literally takes place, seems moribund. In other words, the polis as a
dimension from the urban -- what will described below as the post-political condition --
Democratic city.
I shall argue that the urban process at the beginning of the 21st century has shifted
profoundly, giving rise to a new form of governmentality in the Foucaultian sense of the
word, one that is predicated upon new formal and informal institutional configurations –
properly political. Urban governing today is carried by a wide variety of institutions and
corporations, and the more traditional forms of local, regional, or national government. It
This new ‘polic(y)ing’ order reflects what Slavoj Žižek and Jacques Rancière define as a
condition evacuates the political proper – i.e. the nurturing of disagreement through
properly constructed material and symbolic spaces for dissensual public encounter and
exchange – and ultimately perverts and undermines the very foundation of a democratic
polis. This regime exposes what Rancière calls the scandal of democracy: while
political power seamlessly fuses with economic might (Rancière 2005b) and a
governance arrangement that consensually shapes the city according to the dreams,
fantasies, tastes and desires of the transnational economic, political, and cultural elites.
Proper urban politics fosters dissent, creates disagreement and triggers the debating of
and experimentation with more egalitarian and inclusive urban futures, a process that is
wrought with all kinds of tensions and contradictions but also opens up spaces of
possibilities. Exploring the design of dissensual spaces will constitute the final part of this
Over the past 25 years or so, urban polic(y)ing in the European city, in the context of the
shifts in domains and levels of intervention and in the composition and characteristics of
actors and agents, institutional structures, and policy instruments. A new urban design,
both materially and managerially, emerged. For cities, changing fortunes means coming
companies and individuals, the flows of global hot money, and the fast restructuring of
labour markets. To meet the challenges posed by these new socio-economic realities, the
polic(y)ing agenda of cities has been drastically redefined. The new urban agenda reflects
a shifting policy focus away from regulatory and distributive considerations towards the
sensitive creativity. This strategic turn on the urban agenda is part and parcel of a critical
reappraisal of the form, functions and scope of the city and of inaugurates the rise of a
styles of governance still provide for a great deal of differentiation, urban design is
From the late 1980s onwards, after the initial successes of large scale urban re-
strongly relied on the planning and implementation of emblematic projects. They are now
present all over the urban and regional landscape and are the material expression of a
developmental logic that views them as major leverages for generating future growth and
South Axis, Rotterdam’s Kop van Zuid, Bilbao’s Guggenheim Museum, Abu Dhabi’s
Masdar eco-city, or Beijing’s or London’s bid to stage the Olympic Games are just a few
examples of the sprawling number of cities that have pursued such tactics. Enhancing
urban competitive advantage is seen as largely dependent on improving and adapting the
built environment to the accumulation strategies of a city’s key elites and plugging the
city into cutting edge transnational economic and cultural elite networks.
The precarious character of this form of urban re-design burst asunder with the onslaught
ballooning of fictitious capital in the built environment (the infamous ‘toxic’ mortgages),
derivatives markets, the excavation of the origins of the crisis as well as the consensual
subsequent state-management of the crisis exposed the fantasmagoric matrix upon which
the neoliberal claims rested. The neo-liberal revolution that Thatcher and Reagan
prescriptions to most parts of the world, turned out, in the end, to be a radical re-directing
of the state as a collective agent from supporting an imaginary public to servicing the
interests of local and transnational elites of a particular kind, in particular the financial
and landed capital interests. The mobilisation of the ‘commons of the urban’ in search of
profit and fictitious capital formation was facilitated through the consensual fusion of
Indeed, the neo-liberal fantasy whereby the hidden hand of the market would guarantee
and sustain unlimited growth and a reasonable distribution of goods was exposed as
nothing but a phantasmagoria. Whereby the earlier urban designs more or less
successfully claimed the victory of market forces by disavowing the central role of state-
backed funding and investment under the mask of public-private partnerships, it is now
clear that the prescriptions of urban redesign during the nineties and first decade of the
20th century were only the pioneering forms of a socialism for the transnational capitalist
class, one that is now consolidated into a full-fledged socialist-elite state. A consensual
state-police form has now become more deeply entrenched, whereby the state functions
to organize the survival of capitalism by guaranteeing continuing capital flows on the one
hand and repressing the various forms of radical discontent that ripple throughout the
urban field.
For Žižek, Mouffe, and Rancière, among others, such consensual arrangements signal the
political as a political formation that actually forecloses the political, that prevents the
politicization of particulars (Žižek 1999a: 35);(Žižek 2006);(Mouffe 2005): “post-politics
mobilizes the vast apparatus of experts, social workers, and so on, to reduce the overall
demand (complaint) of a particular group to just this demand, with its particular content –
no wonder that this suffocating closure gives birth to ‘irrational’ outbursts of violence as
the only way to give expression to the dimension beyond particularity” (Žižek 1999b:
204). The post-political condition is one in which a consensus has been built around the
foundation. Imagining alternatives to this capitalo-parliamentary ideal (as Badiou calls it)
economic or other issues, and they remain of course fully within the realm of the
possible, of existing social relations” (Žižek 1999b: 198). “The ultimate sign of post-
politics in all Western countries”, Žižek (Žižek 2002: 303) continues, “is the growth of a
function, deprived of its proper political dimension”. Politics becomes something one can
do without making decisions that divide and separate (Thomson 2003). A consensual
antithetical ultra-politics. The consensual times we are currently living in have thus
eliminated a genuine political space of disagreement. However, consensus does not equal
Difficulties and problems, such as re-ordering the urban, that are generally staged and
technical arrangement, and the production of consensus. “Consensus means that whatever
your personal commitments, interests and values may be, you perceive the same things,
you give them the same name. But there is no contest on what appears, on what is given
in a situation and as a situation” (Rancière 2003b: §4). The key feature of consensus is
“the annulment of dissensus ….. the ‘end of politics’” (Rancière 2001: §32). The post-
political relies on either including all in a consensual pluralist order and on excluding
radically those who posit themselves outside the consensus. For them, as (Agamben
2005) argues, the law is suspended – the ‘police’ order annuls their rights; they are
literally put outside the law and treated as extremists and terrorists. That is why for
Agamben, the ‘Camp’ is the seminal space of late modernity. This form of ultra-politics
pits those who ‘participate’ in the consensual order radically against those who are placed
outside. The riots in Paris in the fall of 2005 and the ‘police’ responses (both those by the
forces of repression as by the political elites) were classic violent expressions of such
Late capitalist urban governance and debates over the arrangement of the city are not
only perfect expressions of such a post-political order, but in fact, the making of new
creative and entrepreneurial cities is one of the key arenas through which this post-
therefore, is one that is radically reactionary, one that forestalls the articulation of
assemblages. The design of consensus uproots the foundation political impulses that
center on disagreement, agonistic conflict and the struggle over the Real of different
urban possibilities. This retreat of the political into the cocoon of consensual policy-
making within a singular distribution of the givens of the situation constitutes, I maintain,
Suspending Dissensus
A true politics for Jacques Rancière (but also for others like Badiou, Žižek, or Mouffe) is
egalitarian logic comes and divides the police community from itself. It is a
polemic (Valentine, 2005). Therefore, “democracy always works against the pacification
of social disruption, against the management of consensus and ‘stability’ …. The concern
of democracy is not with the formulation of agreement or the preservation of order but
disagreement and disorder” (Hallward, 2005: 34-35). The politics of consensual urban
design, therefore, in their post-political guise colonise the political, and contribute to a
further hollowing out of what for Rancière and others constitute the very horizon of the
In contrast, proper “[p]olitics exists wherever the count of parts and parties of society is
disturbed by the inscription of a part of those who have no part” (Rancière, 1998: 123),
surplus of subjects that introduce, within the saturated order of the police, a
surplus of objects. These subjects do not have the consistency of coherent social
groups united by a common property or a common birth, etc. They exist entirely
within the act, and their actions are manifestations of a dissensus; that is, the
make visible that which is not perceivable, that which, under the optics of a given
perceptive field, did not possess a raison d’être, that which did not have a name
…. This … constitutes the ground for political action: certain subjects that do not
count create a common polemical scene where they put into contention the
those things that were not ‘visible’, that were not accounted for previously”
And this of course stands in contrast to the consensual elite-socialist policies that define,
organize and suture the present debate and practice: “[c]onsensus is thus not another
manner of exercising democracy … [It] is the negation of the democratic basis for
differences and identities. It nourishes itself with the complexification of the elements
autorepresentation, with all the elements and all their differences: the larger the number
of groups and identities that need to be taken into account in society, the greater the need
for arbitration. The ‘one’ of consensus nourishes itself with the multiple” (Rancière,
2000c: 125).
resistances and alternative practices that suture the field of urban social movements
today. These are the spheres where an urban activism dwells as some form for ‘placebo’-
politicalness (Marchart, 2007: 47). This anti-political impulse works through colonization
contestations, and fractures that inevitably erupt out of the incomplete saturation of the
social world by the police order. For example, the variegated, dispersed and often highly
effective (on their own terms) forms of urban activism that emerge within concrete socio-
spatial interventions, such as, among others, land use protests, local pollution problems,
road proposals, urban development schemes, airport noise or expansions, the felling of
communities, particular groups and/or organizations (like NGOs), etc.... to the level of
the political. They become imbued with political significance. The space of the political
is thereby “reduced to the seeming politicization of these groups or entities … Here the
political is not truly political because of the restricted nature of the constituency.
(Marchart, 2007: 47). In sum, particular urban conflict is elevated to the status of the
political. Rather than politicizing, such social colonization of the political, in fact, erodes
and outflanks the proper political dimension of egalibertarian universalization. The latter
fragmented communities. Moreover, such expressions of protest, that are framed fully
within the existing practices and police order (in fact, these protests -- as well as their
mode of expression -- are exactly called into being through the practices of the existing
and accounted for. They become either instituted through public-private stakeholder
democratic arrangement. The more radical forms of urban activism become “an unending
process which can destabilize, displace, and so on, the power structure, without ever
being able to undermine it effectively” (Žižek, 2002: 101) and are as such doomed to
failure. The problem with such tactics is not only that they leave the symbolic order intact
and, at best, ‘tickle’ the police order (see (Critchley, 2007)), but also, as Žižek puts it,
they intend to subvert, since the very fields of such ‘transgressions’ are already taken into
part of the negotiation of interests but aims at something more, and starts to function as
the metaphoric condensation of the global restructuring of the entire social space” (Žižek,
1999b: 208). It is about the recognition of conflict as constitutive of the social condition,
and the naming of the spatialities that can become without being grounded in
universalizing notions of the social (in the sense of community, unity, or cohesion) and of
a singular notion of ‘the people. The political becomes for Žižek and Rancière the space
of litigation (Žižek, 1998), the space for those who are not-All, who are uncounted and
unnamed, not part of the ‘police’ (symbolic or state) order. A true political space is
always a space of contestation for those who have no name or no place. As Diken and
Laustsen ((Diken and Laustsen, 2004: 9) put it: “Politics in this sense is the ability to
debate, question and renew the fundament on which political struggle unfolds, the ability
to radically criticize a given order and to fight for a new and better one. In a nutshell,
The beginning of politics proper, emerged with the demos as an active agent in the Greek
polis, with, as Žižek puts it “the emergence of a group which, although it without a fixed
place in the social edifice (or, at best, occupying a subordinate place), demanded to be
included in the public sphere, to be heard on an equal footing with ruling oligarchy or
aristrocracy, i.e. recognized as a partner in political dialogue and the exercise of power
…. Political struggle proper is therefore not a rational debate between multiple interests,
but, simultaneously, the struggle for one’s voice to be recognized as the voice of a
legitimate partner …. Furthermore, in protesting the wrong (le tort) they suffered, they
also presented themselves as the immediate embodiment of society as such, as the stand-
in for the Whole of Society in its universality …. Politics proper thus always involves a
kind of short-circuit between the Universal and the Particular: the paradox of a singular
which appears as a stand-in for the Universal, destabilizing the ‘natural’ functional order
of relations in the social body” (Žižek, 2006b: 69-70). The elementary gesture of proper
politicization is “[t]his identification of the non-part with the Whole, of the part of society
with no properly defined place within it (or resisting the allocated place within it) with
the Universal, … discernible in all great democratic events” (Žižek, 2006b: 70). Such
new symbolizations through which what is considered to be noise by the police is turned
into speech is where a proper politicization of the urban should start from, where the re-
politicisation of public civic space in the polis resides. Reclaiming proper democracy and
the insurgent design of proper democatric public spaces (as spaces for the enunciation of
agonistic dispute) become a foundation for and condition of possibility for a reclaimed
symbolizations should start from the premise that equality is being ‘wronged’ by the
given urban police order, and are about claiming/producing/carving out a metaphorical
and material space by those who are unaccounted for, unnamed, whose fictions are only
registered as noise.
The political act (intervention) proper is “not simply something that works well within
the framework of existing relations, but something that changes the very framework that
determines how things work …. [A]uthentic politics … is the art of the impossible – it
changes the very parameters of what is considered ‘possible’ in the existing constellation
(emphasis in original)” (Žižek, 1999b: 199). Designing dissensus is, therefore, an integral
part of the aesthetic register through which the re-framing of what is sensible is
decolonization of the political or, rather for a re-conquest of the political, from the social
or, in other words, to re-invent the proper political gesture from the plainly de-
Urban activism that is aimed at the state and demands inclusion in the institutional
registers of urban governance ripples throughout the urban and rituals of resistance are
staged as performative gestures that do nothing but keep the state of the situation intact
and thus contribute to solidifying the post-political consensus. Resistance as the ultimate
horizon of urban movements has become a hysterical act; a subterfuge that masks what is
truly at stake – how to make sure that nothing really changes. The choreographing of
urban conflict today is not any longer concerned with transgressing the boundaries of the
possible, acceptable, and representable, but rather a symptom of the deepening closure of
Yet, the Real of the political cannot be fully suppressed and returns in the form of the
violent urban outbursts with which I opened this contribution, outbursts without vision,
project, dream or desire, without proper symbolization. This violence is nothing but the
sort of re-doubling of violence. That is, the return of the repressed or of the Real of the
political in the form of urban violence, of insurgent architects, redoubles in the violent
encounter that ensues from the police order whereby the rallying protesters are placed,
both literally and symbolically, outside the consensual order; they are nothing but, in
Sarkozy’s words and later repeated by the Greek prime minister, ‘scum’ (racaille),
If the political is foreclosed and the polis as political community moribund in the face of
the suspension of the properly democratic, what is to be done? What design for the
reclamation of the polis as political space can be thought? How and in what ways can the
courage of the urban collective intellect(ual) be mobilised to think trough a design of and
for dissensual or polemical spaces. I would situate the tentative answers to these
The first one revolves around transgressing the fantasy that sustains the post-political
order. This would include not surrendering to the temptation to act. The hysterical act of
resistance (‘I have to do something or the city, the world, will go to the dogs) just
answers the call of power to do what you want, do live your dream, to be a ‘responsible’
‘What have you done today?’ The proper response to the injunction to undertake action,
to design the new, to be different (but which is already fully accounted for within the
state of the situation), is to follow Bartleby’s modest, yet radically transgressive, reply to
his Master, ‘I’d prefer not to …’. The refusal to act, to stop asking what they want they
want from me, to stop wanting to be liked. The refusal to act as is also an invitation to
think or, rather, to think again. The courage of the urban intellect(ual) is a courage to be
intellectual, to be an organic intellectual of the city qua polis. This is an urgent task and
requires the formation of new imaginaries and the resurrection of thought that has been
censored, scripted out, suspended, and rendered obscene. In other words, is it still
possible to think, for the 21st century, the design of a democratic, polemical, equitable,
free common urbanity. Can we still think through the censored metaphors of equality,
condemned to rely on our humanitarian sentiments to manage socially to the best of our
politics and process of being-in-common be thought and designed. I like to be on the side
This second moment of reclaiming the polis revolves around re-centring/re-designing the
dissent and rupture, literally opening up spaces that permit speech acts that claim a place
in the order of things. This centres on re-thinking equality politically, i.e. thinking
some time in a utopian future (i.e. the standard recipe of left-liberal urban policy
condition of democracy. Political space emerges thereby as the space for the
extraordinary designs (both theoretically and materially), ones that cut through the master
signifiers of consensual urban governance (creativity, sustainability, growth,
Gunder and Hillier, 2010). Elements of such transgressive metonymic re-designs include
• Re-thinking and re-practicing the ‘Right to the City’ as the ‘Right to the
to the City’ is indeed really one that urges us to think the city as a process
Thirdly, and most importantly, however, is to traverse the fantasy of the elites, a fantasy
that is sustained and nurtured by the imaginary of an autopoietic world, the hidden-hand
interests of the Ones and the All, the private and the common. The socialism for the elites
that structures the contemporary city is Really one that mobilises the commons in the
interests in the elite Ones through the mobilising and disciplinary registers of post-
on the one hand the promise of eventual enjoyment – “believe us and our designs will
elite’s fantasy is not realised, one that is predicated upon the relentless cultivation of fear
and elite governance arrangements. This fantasy of catastrophe has a castrating effect – it
sustains that impotence for naming and designing truly alternative cities, truly different
Traversing elite fantasies requires the intellectual and political courage to imagine
egalitarian democracies, the production of common values and the collective production
of the greatest collective oeuvre, the city, the inauguration of new political trajectories of
living life in common, and, most importantly, the courage to choose, to take sides. Most
importantly, traversing the fantasy of the elites means recognizing that the social and
not something to come, but IS already the Real of the present. As the Invisible
“It’s useless to wait – for a breakthrough, for the revolution, the nuclear