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Edited by Maximilian Hartmuth
The CHwB projects are
mainly financed by:
Faculty of Philosophy in Sarajevo
University of Sarajevo
Franje Rakog 1, Sarajevo
Bosnia and Herzegovina
+ 387 33 253 200
www.ff.unsa.ba
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Report series No. 9/2010
Centres and peripheries in
Ottoman architecture:
Rediscovering a Balkan Heritage
Centri i periferije u
osmanskoj arhitekturi:
Ponovo otkrivanje
balkanskog naslijea
Proceedings of the international conference "Centres and peripheries in Ottoman architecture: rediscovering a Balkan heritage"
Zbornik radova meunarodne konferencije: Centri i periferije u osmanskoj arhitekturi: ponovo otkrivanje balkanskog naslijea"
22-24 April, Sarajevo, Bosnia and Herzegovina
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Cultural Heritage without Borders is an independent
organization based in Sweden dedicated to rescuing and
preserving tangible and intangible cultural heritage touched
by conict, neglect or human and natural disasters. We see
our work as a vital contribution to building democracy and
supporting human rights. CHwB is neutral when it comes to
conicting parties, but not to the rights of all people to their
cultural heritage.
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11.............................................................................................................................................. Preface
15..........................................................................................................................................Predgovor
18.......................................................................................................................... Maximilian Hartmuth
The history of centre-periphery relations as a history of style in Ottoman provincial architecture
Historija odnosa centar-periferija kao historija stila u arhitekturi osmanskih provincija
30..................................................................................................................................Johan Mrtelius
Ottoman European architecture
Osmanska europska arhitektura
36....................................................................................................................................Grigor Boykov
Reshaping urban space in the Ottoman Balkans: a study on the architectural development of Edirne,
Plovdiv, and Skopje (14th-15th centuries)
Transformacija urbanog prostora na osmanskom Balkanu: studija o arhitektonskom razvoju Jedrena,
Plovdiva i Skoplja (od 14. do 15.vijeka)
50.................................................................................................................................. Ibolya Gerelyes
Ottoman architecture in Hungary: new discoveries and perspectives for research
Osmanska arhitektura u Maarskoj: nova otkia i perspektive za istraivanja
60....................................................................................................................................... Machiel Kiel
The campanile-minarets of the southern Herzegovina: a blend of Islamic and Christian elements
in the architecture of an outlying border area of the Balkans, its spread in the past and survival until our time
Zvonici-minareti u jugoistone Hercegovine: spoj elemenata islama i krianstva u
arhitekturi pograninog pojasa Balkanskog poluostrva, njihovo irenje u prolosti i opstanak do sadanjeg vremena
80............................................................................................................................... Marianne Boqvist
Centre and periphery in the Syrian countryside:
the architecture of mosques in governmental foundations on the Ottoman imperial roads
Centri i periferije u Sirijskoj pokrajini:
arhitektura damija u zadubinama upravitelja na sultanskim cestama
Content / Sadraj
90................................................................................................................................... Federica Broilo
The forgotten Ottoman heritage of Florina on the River Sakoulevas,
and a little known Ottoman building on the shore of Lake Volvis in Greek Macedonia
Zaboravljeno osmansko naslijee Florina na rijeci Sakoulevas i manje poznata
osmanska graevina na obali jezera Volvis u Egejskoj Makedoniji
98.................................................................................................................Vjekoslava Sankovi Simi
The restoration of the mosque of Hadi Alija in Poitelj
Restauracija Hadi Alijine damije u Poitelju
108..............................................................................................................................Zeynep Ahunbay
Ottoman architecture in Kosova and the restoration of Hadum Mosque in Gjakovo (akovica)
Osmanska arhitektura na Kosovu i restauracija Hadum damije u akovici
118............................................................................................................................ Nenad Makuljevi
Drava, drutvo i vizuelna kultura: poznoosmanska arhitektura u Srbiji, Makedoniji i Bosni i Hercegovini
State, society, and visual culture: late Ottoman architecture in Serbia, Macedonia, and Bosnia-Herzegovina
122.................................................................................................................................... Lejla Buatli
Transformacije gradske kue orijentalnog tipa u postosmankom periodu na podruju Bosne i Hercegovine
The transformation of the oriental-type urban house in post-Ottoman Bosnia and Herzegovina
136........................................................................................................................ Mirza Hasan eman
Urgentne urbane intervencije osmanske vlasti na podruju Bosne i Hercegovine nakon 1860. godine
Urban interventions by the Ottoman state in Bosnia-Herzegovina after 1860
152........................................................................................................................... azim Hadimejli
Mihrabi u Bosni i Hercegovini
Mihrabs in Bosnia and Herzegovina
162....................................................................................................................... Mehmet Z. Ibrahimgil
Jedan osvrt na objekte kompleksa Murad Reis-a na Rodosu
A survey of objects within the Murad Reis compound in Rhodes
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Preface
!"#$%"#&'"$(") to herewith present the proceedings o the symposium Cevtre. ava eriberie. iv Otto
vav arcbitectvre: reai.corerivg a at/av beritage, organized by Cultural leritage without Borders ,ClwB,
in Sarajeo, Bosnia-lerzegoina, on April 22-25, 2010. lor ClwB, a Swedish oundation, the choice
o location was most Ftting. lor it was in Bosnia-lerzegoina, in 1996, that ClwB began its actiities
in response to the destruction o cultural heritage in the wake o \ugoslaia`s disintegration: ClwB
was ounded ollowing the initiatie o a number o Swedish architects, journalists, and other culture
proessionals. 1he ormal ounding o ClwB as an organization was supported by a number o
institutions and prominent indiiduals, among which are the Swedish National leritage Board, the
Swedish Association o Architects, arious museum associations, and two Swedish MPs. 1he aim was
not only to sae and restore historical buildings, but also to promote reconciliation. A Frst Feld oFce
was opened in Sarajeo to superise the projects initiated, in 2001 another Feld oFce in Pristina,
Kosoo ollowed, and in 2009 a third was opened in 1irana, Albania. Also, three networks ostering
exchange concerning heritage-related issues were established in six o the region`s countries in 2006.
lrom the onset, howeer, ClwB`s ocus has been on the physical restoration o damaged historical
monuments, in line with the highest international standards and irrespectie o monument, period,
location, or ethnic or conessional group identiFed with it. ClwB recognizes that capacity-building on
a multitude o leels is imperatie or its mission in Southeast Lurope i the outcome is to be sustain-
able. ClwB projects are not conceied as cosmetic interentions, but as inestments in deelopment.
By helping to restore dignity to the communities aected, and building conFdence, raising awareness,
and ostering social and economic deelopment through the utilization o local resources, ClwB aims
to promote a culture o peace and reconciliation.
Rather than a mere academic pursuit, the conerence Cevtre. ava eriberie. iv Ottovav arcbitectvre: reai.
corerivg a at/av beritage was similarly an exercise in capacity-building. It reisited in greater detail some
problems addressed Frst in a workshop titled Ottovav arcbitectvre ava vroeav beritage, organized in No-
ember 2006 at the Swedish Research Institute in Istanbul ,SRII,. 1he Sarajeo conerence`s concept
was ormulated between 200 and 2009 by Johan Martelius o ClwB and Maximilian lartmuth. 1he
designated aim was to design an eent the theme o which is meaningul both to current international
debates in the Feld o Ottoman and Luropean architectural history, and to the concerns surrounding
ClwB actiities in the Balkans, where it had built a network o scholars and experts oer the years. It
was also clear that the conerence must bring together scholars rom the region and rom elsewhere
,the Fnal programme eatured six speakers rom Bosnia-lerzegoina, three rom 1urkey, two rom
Bulgaria, and one each rom the UK, Italy, lungary, and Sweden,. Similarly, that the conerence itsel
was not to be held abroad but in the ery region that was its subject was intended as a signal. Gien
the nature o ClwB`s past actiities in the region, it was also clear that the eent should be organized
in cooperation with local institutions. It ound Ftting partners in the Art listory Program established
in 2002 at Sarajeo Uniersity`s laculty o Philosophy, and in laris Deriseic, an assistant in that
program. In the preparations or the symposium, which took place in the laculty o Philosophy`s audi-
torium, Deriseic worked closely with Adisa Dzino o the ClwB Regional OFce in Sarajeo, whose
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organizational dexterity was compromised not een by an Icelandic olcano, the eruption o which
coincided with the week o the eent. 1he symposium`s opening eent was organized in cooperation
with, and on the premises o, the Zemaljski Muzej in Sarajeo, with which ClwB had partnered on
preious occasions,
Lastly, it was determined that the papers gien at the symposium must be published, and this brings
us back to the question o capacity-building. 1he proceedings are not only meant as a record o the
symposium, but also as a springboard or uture studies o, and ultimately a renewed interest in, this
heritage. As lartmuth stresses at the beginning o his paper, it has been a problem that this heritage
was, at least in recent years, more oten addressed as an identity marker than as an object o art-histor-
ical interest. In the past, arious kinds o borders - linguistic, physical, methodological, or ideological
- had obstructed the ull appreciation o these monuments in their artistic and historical contexts. Now
it is time to put the study o this heritage back on the map and realign it with contemporary debates
in history and art history. lartmuth proposes an axis o inestigation along centres and peripheries as
one possible strategy or rescuing this heritage rom inisibility, hence the symposium`s theme. 1his,
lartmuth argues, has the potential o inesting the Balkan monuments with a noel signiFcance in nar-
raties o Ottoman architectural history, in which they hae been neglected. Similar issues are raised by
Martelius, who ocuses on the Balkan architectural heritage`s place in Luropean discourses on history
and culture. A key or these monuments` better integration into the historical narraties o \estern,
Luropean, Ottoman, or Islamic art is increased production o knowledge, and it is hoped that this
olume will be an instrument in this process.
1he contributors coer a wide array o subjects. lartmuth and Martelius start rom identiying
the Balkan monuments` current place in histories o art as a problem that deseres attention. 1hey
point to the necessity o rethinking the scope and methods o preious inquiry. 1he remainder o the
papers contribute by proiding case studies which shed light on processes and phenomena releant
to understanding the Ottoman architectural heritage outside Istanbul. Machiel Kiel presents the Frst
in-depth study o the little-known lerzegoinian phenomenon o minarets in the shape o campanili.
Grigor Boyko discusses the role o architectural oundations in three Balkan cities` deelopment in
the early Ottoman period. Ibolya Gerelyes proides a surey o past and present eorts in the study
o lungary`s Ottoman architectural heritage, including the promising Feld o archaeology. lederica
Broilo similarly takes a Feldwork approach to the study o Ottoman Balkan monuments, discussing
unknown or little known monuments in Greek Macedonia. Mehmet Z. Ibrahimgil turns our attention
to a rather curious compound that eoled around a mosque built in a seaman`s honour in the city o
Rhodes. In a paper technically unrelated to the Balkans, but discussing a number o themes touched
upon in this olume`s other papers, Marianne Boqist looks at the architecture o Ottoman waystations
in historical Syria, and the question o proincial s. metropolitan style. Cazim ladzimejlic discusses
one speciFc architectural element, the vibrab or prayer niche, and its theological and artistic signiFcance
in Bosnia and elsewhere. Mirza lasan Ceman addresses the question o northern Bosnian urban
settlements planned by the late Ottoman state. 1hese towns, designed on a regular grid, were to house
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Muslims eacuated rom neighbouring Serbia in 1862-3. Nenad Makuljeic writes o the architecture
in the post-1839 period o Ottoman reorms. Lejla Busatlic discusses the negotiation o old` and
new,` o traditions, surials, and reials, in the architecture o Bosnian city residences around 1900.
Zeynep Ahunbay and Vjekoslaa Sankoic Simcic, Fnally, report o recent restorations o two 16
th
-
century mosques - one in Kosoo, the other in lerzegoina - and the challenges met in this process.
lor reasons outlined aboe, it was imperatie or the organizers to publish the proceedings as switly
as possible, within the same year as the symposium. As a less time-intensie alternatie to the proper
translation o all texts and their simultaneous publication in the conerence`s languages - Lnglish and
Bosnian,Croatian,Serbian - we hae opted or bilingual abstracts composed by the editor, in which
the papers` main arguments are identiFed in both languages at each text`s beginning. In editing the
papers, we hae interened to the least possible extent, allowing or personal opinions and interpreta-
tions that may not renect the editor`s or ClwB`s iews. At long last, we would like to thank the project
participants and the contributors to this olume, and express our hope that the present publication
might trigger related initiaties in the uture. \hat the texts show us is how much can still be learned
about this heritage.
Margareta v.ev ,Secretary General o ClwB,
]obav Martetiv. ,ClwB board member,
Maivitiav artvvtb ,editor,
v revevbravce of .varea. .aabt ;1200), .cbotar ava aitovat. v tbe covr.e of bi. aitovatic career,
.aabt beta o.t. iv, ivter atia, rav ava ^ortb .frica. e baa a tifetovg ivtere.t iv tbe cvttvrat ava otiticat
ivteractiov. betreev vroe ava tbe Mv.tiv rorta, ivctvaivg tbe Ottovav ava .tavic covtribvtiov. to tbe cvttvrat
beritage of vroe. v bi. rote a. cbairvav of tbe Cr boara betreev 200 ava 200, .aabt covtribvtea greatt,
to tbe aeretovevt of Cr actiritie. iv tbe !e.terv at/av.. 1be covferevce iv ara;ero, fvvaea b, tbe reai.b
vtervatiovat Deretovevt Cooeratiov .gevc, ;iaa) ava covtribvtiov. frov tbe .aabt favit,, ra. orgaviea b,
Cr iv bi. bovovr.
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*$)+,+'-(.,+#/$0#-" citaocu predstaiti publikaciju simpozijuma Centri i perierije osmanske arhi-
tekture: ponono otkrianje balkanskog naslijea` koja je organizoana od strane Kulturnog nasljea
bez granica u Sarajeu, Bosna i lercegoina, u periodu od 22. do 25. aprila. Za sedsku ondaciju
ClwB, sam izbor lokacije za konerenciju se cini najprikladnijim. Bosna i lercegoina je zemlja u kojoj
je ClwB 1996. godine, u toku raspada Jugoslaije, poceo soje aktinosti kao odgoor na unistaanje
kulturnog naslijea: grupa sedskih arhitekata, proesionalaca u kulturi i noinara se angazoala sto je
rezultiralo kreiranjem ClwB-a od strane Sedskog Nacionalnog odbora za nasljee, clanoa Sedskog
parlamenta, muzejskih asocijacija i Sedske asocijacije arhitekata. Cilj nije bio samo da se sacuaju i
restauriraju historijski objekti, nego da se podupre proces pomirenja. Pra kancelarija izan Sedske je
bila otorena u Sarajeu, gdje su aktinosti kancelarije bile ezane za nadzor nad zapocetim projektima.
Kancelarija u Pristini na Kosou je bila otorena 2001, a treca kancelarija je otorena 2009. godine u
1irani, Albanija. 1akoer, kreirane su i tri mreze koje cine organizacije,institucije, predstanici sest
zemalja u regiji a koje rade na razmjeni iskustaa i staoa na polju kulturnog naslijea. Od samog
pocetka, okus ClwB-a je bio na Fzickoj restauraciji ostecenih historijskih spomenika, u skladu sa
najisim meunarodnim standardima, bez obzira na period, lokaciju, etnicku ili religijsku zajednicu
kojoj pripadaju ti spomenici. Izgradnja kapaciteta na razlicitim nioima je prepoznata kao imperati za
misiju ClwB-a u jugoistocnoj Lropi, koja za cilj ima odrziost. ClwB projekti nisu kozmeticke inter-
encije, ec inesticije u razoj. Pomazuci da se rati dostojansto razorenim zajednicama, izgraujuci
pojerenje, radeci na podizanju sijesti, i pomazuci ekonomski razoj kroz koristenje lokalnih kapac-
iteta, ClwB promoira kulturu mira i pojerenja.
Prije nego li samo akademska teznja, konerencija Centri i perierije osmanske arhitekture: ponono
otkrianje balkanskog naslijea` je bila i okusirana na samu izgradnju kapaciteta. Na konerenciji su
u najecoj mjeri diskutoani neki od problema koji su ec bili spominjani na radionici koja je organi-
zoana 2006. godine u noembru od strane Sedskog istraziackog instituta u Istanbulu, a koja se ticala
osmanske arhitekture i eropskog nasljea.
Koncept konerencije u Sarajeu je bio ormuliran izmeu 200. i 2009. godine od strane Johana
Marteliusa, ClwB i Maximiliana lartmutha. Cilj je bio da se dizajnira dogaaj cija tema ce obostrano
biti znacajna i sa aspekta meunarodnih diskusija na polju osmanske eropske arhitektonske histo-
rije i sa aspekta ciljea ClwB-oih aktinosti na Balkanu koje su nakon niza godina, izmeu ostalog
rezultirale i uspostaljenom mrezom kontakata, ucenjaka i eksperata. Isto tako je postalo jasno da
konerencija treba da spoji ucenjake iz regiona i sire. linalni program je bio sacinjen od predaanja sest
goornika iz Bosne i lercegoine, tri iz 1urske, doje iz Bugarske, i od po jednog goornika iz Velike
Britanije, Italije, Maarske i Sedske. Samim tim, konerencija nije trebala biti odrzana u inostranstu
ec u regionu koji je i sam tema razmatranja. U skladu sa ClwB-oim aktinostima u regiji, sam
dogaaj je bio organizoan u saradnji sa lokalnim institucijama. Partner za konerenciju je bio Odjel
za historiju umjetnosti osnoan 2002. godine pri lilozoskom akultetu, Unierziteta u Sarajeu, koji
je bio predstaljen larisom Deriseicem, asistentom na odjelu. U samim pripremama konerencije,
koja se odrzala u amFteatru lilozoskog akulteta, laris je usko saraiao sa Adisom Dzino iz ClwB
Predgovor
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Regionalne kancelarije u Sarajeu, ciju eFkasnost nije narusio ni islandski ulkanski pepeo, koji je erup-
tirao sedmicu prije same konerencije. Samo otaranje konerencije je bilo organizoano prostorijama
Zemaljskog muzeja u Sarajeu, dugogodisnjeg partnera ClwB-a.
Na kraju, prije samog pocetka konerencije odluceno je da se predaanja sa same konerencije tre-
baju i objaiti, i oo nas ponono doodi na temu izgradnje kapaciteta. Namjera iza same publikacije ne
lezi u tome da se konerencija samo zabiljeziti, ec je publikacija zamisljena kao zacetak buducih studija,
koje ce nadamo se obnoiti interes za oaj tip naslijea.
Kao sto lartmuth naodi na samom pocetku sog predaanja, najeci problem predstalja to sto
je oo naslijee, barem u proslim godinama, bilo ise obiljezeno kao simbol za prepoznaanje iden-
titeta, nego li spomenik od arhitektonsko - historijskog znacaja. U proslosti, razne granice - jezicke,
metodologijske ili ideoloske - su narusile puno uazaanje oog naslijea u som umjetnickom i histori-
jskom kontekstu. Sada je rijeme da se same studije obnoe i da se usklade sa saremenim diskusijama u
historiji i historiji umjetnosti. U skladu sa samom temom simpozijuma on preporucuje mogucu strate-
giju spasaanja oog naslijea od nepostojanja, kroz izradu niza istrazianja u centrima i perierijama.
Oaj pristup, naodi lartmuth, ima potencijal implementiranja aznih balkanskih spomenika u zapise
osmanske arhitektonske historije, a u kojima je do sada bila zapostaljena. Slicno naodi i Martelius,
koji se okusirao na poziciju balkanskog arhitektonskog nasljea u eropskom diskursu o historiji i
nasljeu. Kljuc bolje integracije oih spomenika u historijske zapise o zapadnoj, eropskoj, osmanskoj
ili islamskoj umjetnosti znaci poecanje znanja, i nadamo se da ce oa publikacija biti azno orue u
samom procesu.
Sami predaaci su pokrili sirok dijapazon tema. lartmuth i Martelius zapocinju identiFkaciju tre-
nutne pozicije balkanskih spomenika u historiji umjetnosti, prepoznajuci je kao problem koji zasluzuje
paznju. Oni ukazuju na neophodnost pononog promisljanja o nacinima i metodama prije raenih
istrazianja. Ostala predaanja su doprinijela dajuci konkretne primjere koji bacaju sjetlost na sam
proces koji je neophodno shatiti, kako bi se pojmio enomen releantan za razumijeanje osmanskog
arhitektonskog nasljea izan Istanbula. Machiel Kiel predstalja citateljima pru detaljnu studiju o
relatino nepoznatim hercegoackim munarama koje primaju oblik zonika. Grigor Boyko razma-
tra ulogu arhitektonskih uticaja u razoju tri balkanska grada u ranom osmanskom periodu. Ibolya
Gerelyes daje istrazianje proslih i trenutnih napora u studiranju osmanskog nasljea u Maarskoj,
ukljucujuci i obecaajuce polje arheologije. Slicno, lederica Broilo preuzima terenski pristup studi-
ranju osmanskih balkanskih spomenika, razmatrajuci nepoznate ili malo znane spomenike u Grckoj
Makedoniji. Mehmet Z. Ibrahimgil nas uodi u relatino interesantan kompleks koji je nastao u okolini
dzamije koja je sagraena u cast moreploaca grada na Rodosu. U predaanju tehnicki nepoezanim sa
Balkanom, ali raspraljajuci teme koje su dotakla i druga predaanja, Marianne Boqist razmatra arhi-
tekturu osmanskih sratista u historijskoj Siriji i samo pitanje proincijskog naspram stila metropole.
Cazim ladzimejlic diskutuje o konkretnom arhitektonskom elementu, mihrabu ili molitenoj nisi,
te teoloskom i umjetnickom znacenju koje ima u Bosni i drugdje.
17
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Mirza lasan Ceman, naodi pitanje urbanih naselja planiranih u kasnoj osmanskoj drzai, na sjeeru
Bosne. Oi gradoi, dizajnirani u krutoj semi, bili su raeni da bi prihatili muslimane eakuirane iz
susjedne Srbije 1862-3. Nenad Makuljeic pise o arhitekturi osmanskih reormi iza 1839. Lejla Busatlic
raspralja o sporazumu izmeu starog` i noog`, tradicije, preziljaanja i preobrazaja u arhitekturi
rezidentnih gradoa u Bosni oko 1900. godine. Zeynep Ahunbay i Vjekoslaa Sankoic Simcic, na
kraju, izjestaaju o posljednjim restauracijama dzamija iz 16. ijeka - jedne na Kosou, i druge u
lercegoini - i o zahtjeima sa kojima su se suocile tokom oog procesa.
Iz gore naedenih razloga, organizatori su nastojali objaiti publikaciju u sto kracem remenskom
roku i u istoj godini u kojoj odrzana sama konerencija. Kao manje remenski zahtjena alternatia
potpunom preodu sih tekstoa na jezike konerencije - engleski i bosanski,hratski,srpski - mi smo
se odlucili za dojezicni sazetak koji je sacinjen od strane urednika, gdje su glani argumenti sakog
predaanja identiFcirani na oba jezika na pocetku sakog pojedinacnog teksta. U pregledu tekstoa,
probali smo interenisati sto je manje moguce, dopustajuci licna zapazanja i interpretacije, koje ne
predstaljaju neophodno misljenje urednika ili ClwB-a. I na samom kraju, zeljeli bismo se zahaliti
ucesnicima u projektima i onima koji su doprinijeli ooj publikaciji, i izrazaamo nadu da ce oa pub-
likacija zapoceti releantne inicijatie u buducnosti. Neki od tekstoa nas napominju koliko toga jos
uijek trebamo nauciti o oom nasljeu.
Margareta v.ev ,Generalni sekretar ClwB-a,
]obav Martetiv. ,clan odbora ClwB-a,
Maivitiav artvvtb ,urednik,
| .;ecav;e va .varea.a .aabta ;1200), vcev;a/a i aitovate.| to/v .ro;e aitovat./e /ari;ere, .aabt
;e bio v .tvbi, ivev o.tatib, i v vi.i;ava v ravv i .;erervo; .frici. ^;egor irotvi ivtere. ;e bio reav a
vv;etvic/v i otitic/v rav;evv ivev rroe i .tav./og .ri;eta, v/t;vcv;vci o.vav./i i i.tav./i aorivo.
/vttvrvov va.ti;ev rroe. | vtoi rea.;eaara;vceg vrarvog oabora Cra v erioav ivev 200 i 200,
.aabt ;e aao vev;ert;ir aorivo. raro;v a/tirvo.ti Cra va aaavov at/avv. Kovferevci;a v ara;erv ;e
bita orgaviorava oa .trave Cra v v;egorv ca.t, a fvav.irava ;e oa .trave rea./e vevvaroave agevci;e a
raro; i .araav;v ;iaa), i .a aorivo.iva oroaice .aabt.
18
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1be avtbor ai.cv..e. ra,. iv rbicb tbe at/av Ottovav arcbitectvrat beritage cav be vaae vore reteravt to
Ottovav arcbitectvrat varratire. iv geverat. Ove o..ibt, frvitfvt ai. of ivre.tigatiov, be ctaiv., ei.t. atovg
cevtre.eriberie., av aroacb aeri.ea to ae.cribe ava etaiv tbe .trvctvrat retatiov.bi betreev av aaravcea
vetrooti., or cevtre, ava a te.. aeretoea eriber,. v tbi. avat,ticat voaet, tac/ of .,vcbrov, ritb tbe
vetrooti. ;ivctvaivg rorivciati.v) i. vot a..vvea a. a girev bvt a. roavct of tbi. vverev retatiov.bi. Ratber
tbav to veret, te.t tbi. tbeor, for it. aticabitit, to tbe Ottovavat/av covtet, be etore. tbe qve.tiov of to
rbat etevt ver /vorteage cav be geveratea b, tbi. avat,ticat voaet`. ai. of ivre.tigatiov, ava to rbat etevt it
cav bet trac/ ava etaiv cbavge. 1be avtbor vttivatet, .vgge.t. tbat tbi. beritage i., to a gooa etevt, tbe rer,
re.vtt of cbavgivg cevtreeriber, retatiov. ritbiv tbe Ottovav reatv; be .ta/e. ovt fovr broaa erioa. iv rbicb
cevtreeriber, retatiov. bare ivforvea covcetvat ae.igv iv tbe Ottovav at/av. iv aifferevt ra,..
.vtor ravatra o vaciviva va /o;iva bi .e o.vav./o /vttvrvo va.ti;ea va at/avv rea.tart;ato reteravt
vi;iv v geveratviv varatiriva o o.vav./o; arbite/tvri. Ov trrai aa ;eava vogvce toava o. i.trairav;a ;e.te
av cevtaraeriferi;a, ;eaav ri.tv o.vi.t;ev aa oi.e i ob;a.vi .trv/tvrve oavo.e ivev rari;eve vetro
ote,ri;e.totvice iti cevtra i vav;e rari;eve eriferi;e. | orov avatitic/ov voaetv veao.tata/ .ivbrovi;e .a
ri;e.totvicov ;v/t;vcv;vci rorivci;atiav) vi;e ve.to .to ;e reto.tart;evo aa ;e retboavo taviravo, rec revttat
verarvov;ervib oavo.a. Raai;e vego aa ro.to te.tira orv teori;v i v;evv riv;ev;iro.t va o.vav./obat/av./i
/ovte/.t, ov i.trav;e itav;e ro.irev;a vorib vav;a .troreva ,iarava .ti;eaeci o.e i.trairav;a /o;e rovori.e
ora; avatitic/i voaet, i ao/te to voe ratiti i ob;a.viti rov;evv. .vtor va /ra;v .vgerira aa ;e oro va.ti;ee /ao
ta/ro, aobriv ai;etov revttat rov;eve oavo.a cevtareriferi;a v O.vav./ov car.trv; ov ob;a.v;ara cetiri erioaa
v /o;iva oavo.i cevtareriferi;a ob;a.v;ara;v /ovcetvatvi aia;v o.vav./og at/ava va raticite vacive.
Maximilian Hartmuth
The hi st or y of cent r e- per i pher y r el a-
t i ons as a hi st or y of st yl e i n Ot t oman
pr ovi nci al ar chi t ect ur e
Hi st or i j a odnosa cent ar - per i f er i j a kao
hi st or i j a st i l a u ar hi t ekt ur i osmanski h
pr ovi nci j a
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!"#$%&'%#(!$)&*$the conerence titled Cevtre.
ava eriberie. iv Ottovav arcbitectvre: reai.corerivg a
at/av beritage, which took place in Sarajeo on
April 22-25, 2010, and on which this paper was
Frst read, had been deised in consideration
o some undamental problems aced by those
interested in the Balkan Ottoman architectural
heritage. One o those problems is this heri-
tage`s instrumentalization in identity politics,
which has made cultural monuments a target in
armed connicts and deliberate goernmental or
municipal demolition campaigns, or - less dras-
tic but similarly consequential - simply resulted
in disinterest and neglect. On the one hand,
this has resulted in an incomplete architectural
record, a problem not aced to a comparable
degree by, say, students o Baroque architecture
in the \est. On the other hand, its study a. art
was oten relegated to a position inerior to its
appraisal as an identity marker. 1his conerence
thereore intended to contribute to a redisco-
ery` o this heritage, as stated in the subtitle, by
at.o promoting the study o that architecture in
its historical and artistic dimensions. A second
key problem, and one that is this paper`s ocus,
concerns the place o the Balkans and other
proinces in Ottoman architectural narraties.
1

Much o this topic`s standard literature claims
1 On this heritage`s historiography, see also lartmuth, Maximilian.
Balkanlar`daki Osmanli mimari mirasi arastirmalari e lilibe`deki
Muradiye Camii zerine,` in: itibe ;Ptorair) Cvva Cavii /ovferav.i
bitairiteri. Lds. N. Mine \ar and Celaleddin Kk. Istanbul: IBB,
2009, pp. 9-13, and iaev, Introduction: the man and his method,`
in: Movvvevt., atrov., covtet.: aer. ov Ottovav vroe re.evtea to
Macbiet Kiet. Lds. Maximilian lartmuth and Ayse Dilsiz. Leiden:
Netherlands Institute or the Near Last, 2010, pp. 5-14.
or implies that this body o monuments does
not really merit inclusion in the canon. lrom
a mainstream perspectie, this is not entirely
without reason: Ottoman Balkan monuments
rom at least ater the 15
th
century cannot com-
pete in size or sophistication with their Istanbul
counterparts. \ith the pre-eminent narratie
model being the eolutionist, arguing that in-
diidual proincial monuments did contribute
considerably to the stylistic deelopment o Ot-
toman architecture as a whole, and would thus
merit inclusion in the canon, is diFcult. 1hese
mosques and market halls, bavvvs and bavs,
are represented as proincial imitations o the
capital`s larger and more elaborate prototypes.
2
One renex may be, and has been, to simply dis-
miss this heritage as airly inconsequential or Ot-
toman architectural history, and to ocus instead
on the well-studied and well-presered monu-
ments o Istanbul, Ldirne, and Bursa. Another
response could be to ask or the reasons or this
discrepancy. 1his paper seeks to take this question
one step urther and ask bor monuments outside
the capital ,or capitals, cav be made releant to the
historical narratie o an Ottoman architecture o
which they undoubtedly orm part - a question
presumably dear to all students o this proin-
cial` heritage. I will here suggest one possible axis
2 Austrian and lungarian commentators, ollowing the labsburg
annexation o some o the peninsula`s northern territories in the
18
th
and 19
th
centuries, in point o act seemed rather disappointed
that the Ottomans had not let them something comparable to the
Alhambra, let by the Moors to their Christian successors in Spain.
See lartmuth, Maximilian. InsuFciently oriental An early episode
in the study and preseration o the Ottoman architectural heritage
in the Balkans,` in: Movvvevt., atrov., covtet., pp. 11-84.
20
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o inestigation, namely that along centres and
peripheries,` an analytical model originating in
the theoretics o economics and imperialism thus
ar only marginally Fguring in art histories.
3
\et, I
must stress that my aim is not to merely test` this
approach or its applicability to our context or its
own sake. Rather, I seek to explore to what extent
ver knowledge can be generated by pursuing the
axis o inestigation promoted by this analytical
model, and to what extent it helps us track and
explain change. In doing so, I will suggest that
this heritage as such is to a considerable extent the
ery result o changing centre-periphery relations
within the Ottoman realm. Ultimately, I shall argue
that looking at this heritage rom the perspectie
o centre-periphery dynamics has the potential to
inest the Balkan heritage with a noel signiFcance
in the history o Ottoman art and architecture.
1he spatial metaphor o centres-peripher-
ies` has been used to describe and explain the
structural relationship between an adanced
metropolis, or centre,` and a less deeloped
periphery.` 1hese can be located within a single
country, een a single region within a country,
or can be applied more broadly, as has been the
norm in economics, to the relationship between
deeloped and deeloping societies, in which
case it ocuses on the domination o one by the
other. \hether economics, sociology, or art his-
tory, a basic tenet o the centres-peripheries`
paradigm is to regard backwardness, underdeel-
opment, retardation, or other orms o lack o
synchrony with the metropolis not as a gien but,
quite to the contrary, as a product o this uneen
relationship.
4
\et, centres-peripheries` must not
always be understood in purely spatial terms, that
3 lor a widely noted recent appraisal, see DaCosta Kaumann,
1homas. 1orara a geograb, of art. Chicago: Uniersity o Chicago
Press, 2004, esp. ch, 5.
4 C. e.g. Scott, John and Gordon Marshall. Ofora aictiovar, of
.ociotog,. Oxord: Uniersity Press, 2005, pp. 60-1, Galtung, Johan.
A structural theory o imperialism,` in: ]ovrvat of Peace Re.earcb,
Vol. VIII, No. 2 ,191,, pp. 81-11. lor a now classic study which
applies these principles to the study o 15
th
-century art in Italy, see
Ginzburg, Carlo and Lnrico Castelnuoo. Domination symbolique
et gographie artistique dans l`histoire de l`art italien,` in: .cte. ae
ta recbercbe ev .cievce. .ociate., Vol. XL ,1981,, pp. 51-2 ,based on
Centro e perieria,` in: toria aett`.rte tatiava, Vol. I. Ld. Giulio
Carlo Argan. 1orino: Linaudi, 199, pp. 283-352,, now also aailable
in an Lnglish translation by Maylis Curie as Symbolic domination
and artistic geography in Italian Art listory,` in: .rt iv 1rav.tatiov,
Vol. I, No. 1 ,2009,, pp. 5-48.
is, in the sense o relationships between two ter-
ritorial units. It can also apply to discourse, as the
Greek art historian Nikos ladjinicolaou sought
to argue: \e say art history,` he wrote in 1982,
but what we really mean. is Luropean art
rom the Carolingians until today plus the art o
the USA in the 20
th
century.`
5
1he relegation in
mainstream art history o art produced by non-
\estern cultures to olk art` ,as opposed to the
high art` or Fne art` produced in,by the \est,
is claimed by ladjinicolaou to be a result o the
uneen relationship addressed by the centres-
peripheries model, with one being dominated by
the other.
Discussing centres and peripheries in dis-
course seems especially pertinent to the study
5 ladjinicolaou, Nikos. Kunstzentren und periphere Kunst,` in:
Kriti.cbe ericbte, Vol. XI ,1983,, pp. 36-56, cit. p. 51.
|||. 1. S|cpjc, ncsquc cf |sa 8cg, 1475/8, cnc cf |nc |as|
cxanp|cs cf T-snapcd nu||ifunc|icna| oui|dings in |nc O||cnan
dcnain. ||s inscrip|icn idcn|ifcs i| nc| as |ridaq ncsquc ou| as
inarc| (cnari|ao|c/puo|ic oui|ding). |n |nc cndcuncn| dccd i|
is a|sc rcfcrrcd |c as a nan|an (dcrtisn |cdgc).
21
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o Ottoman architecture.
6
1raditionally, this ar-
chitectural heritage has been a periphery both in
the Feld o Islamic art history, which priileges
the Central Islamic lands` and the classical Is-
lamic` ,i.e. medieal, period, and een more so in
that dealing with Lurope. In iew o the Balkan
monuments` peripheral position in historical nar-
raties o Ottoman architecture, we may argue
that they are so little known exactly because o
this double-peripherality. I we consider, how-
eer, how close Ottoman sites in Budapest, Banja
Luka, or Lino are ,or were, to regions compara-
tiely priileged in Luropean art histories, then a
purely geographical argument cannot proide a
conclusie explanation. Conersely, consider the
architecture o the Regional Museum o Bosnia-
lerzegoina, in which the opening eent o this
symposium took place: its grand design rom just
beore \\I stands in stark contrast to Bosnia`s
peripheral economic and cultural position in the
late labsburg monarchy. In terms o style and
scale, this is clearly not a proincial` building,
instead, it is a statement by the centre in the pro-
ince. Similarly we may ask why the Selimiye, the
building generally identiFed as the zenith o ar-
chitect Sinn`s oeure, is not located in Istanbul,
the indisputable centre and showcase o Otto-
man cultural production, but in Ldirne.

1his was
a building neither expressie o, nor necessitated
by, the conditions in 1hrace`s ormer Ottoman
capital. It was built according to a decision and
a design made at the centre ,Istanbul,, using the
resources o the centre, and in a sophistication
worthy o the centre. 1hese are only two exam-
ples o why a purely spatial understanding o the
centres-peripheries model does not always bring
us urther towards a suFcient explanation.
In what ollows, I aim to explore to what
extent the changing dynamics o centres-periph-
eries relations hae innuenced the material out-
come o an Ottoman architecture in the empire`s
Luropean proinces. 1his I intend to do by stak-
6 As ar as it pertains to orientalism` as one example, see also
Bozdogan, Sibel and Glru Necipoglu. Lntangled discourses:
scrutinizing orientalist and nationalist legacies in the architectural
historiography o the Lands o Rum,`` in: Mvqarva., Vol. XXIV
,200,, pp. 1-6.
lor one interpretation, see Necipoglu, Glru. 1be age of ivav:
arcbitectvrat cvttvre iv tbe Ottovav vire. London: Reaktion, 2005, p.
238.
ing out our broad periods o centre-periphery
relations that determined the conditions o ar-
chitectural production in the Ottoman Balkans,
and in terms o style, scale, unction, patronage,
and execution. 1his quadripartite scheme, how-
eer, does not propose periods as temporal units
deFned by a legelian eitgei.t, in which a general
culture` inorms all o its products, nor are they
solely based on perceptions o structural change
in style. Rather, monuments ,and styles, are here
classed into periods according to challenges
aced by the indiiduals and communities which
sponsored or used these buildings. Some o
these challenges, I argue, are spatially or tempo-
rally speciFc, whereby such a periodization may
promise a greater explanatory potential than nar-
raties organized solely along concepts such as
style,orm or authorship.
8
I make no claim as to
this periodization`s alidity beyond the medium
o architecture or the Balkan region.
1he Frst o these periods, which one may
reer to ariously as the early, late medieal, or
perhaps een the rontier period, begins with the
Ottomans` establishment on Luropean soil in
the mid-14
th
century, and gradually starts to wane
ater the 1453 conquest o Constantinople. Prior
to this eent, which resulted in the institution o
one undisputed capital, the early Ottoman polity
was polycentric. Bursa, and eentually Ldirne,
were preerred seats o residence ,capitals`, o
the Ottoman emirs and sultans, but next to them
also existed a number o urban centres in Asia
Minor and the Balkans, the standing o which
was also renected in the prominence o their
monuments within the Ottoman realm`s broader
8 Art history as an artist history` has proen largely impossible in
the Ottoman case. \ith the exception o Sinn and some o his
successors, we know almost nothing about the lies and works
o Ottoman architects up to the 19
th
century. Len where basic
inormation is aailable, these architects` contribution to the design
and architectural process remains unsettled. lor a recent critique
o ormalist scholarship, on the other hand, see Pancaroglu, Oya.
lormalism and the academic oundation o 1urkish art in the
early 20
th
century,` in: Mvqarva., Vol. XXIV ,200,, pp. 6-9.
Scholarship since the 1980s has increasingly ocused on the question
o patronage, greatly augmenting our knowledge o conceptual
design processes as a result. In her recent monograph .ge of ivav,
Necipoglu has systematized the architectural production in the
lietime o Sinn not in a chronological or geographical manner
but according to patronage leels, thereby proing that conceptual
design was consistently inormed by Ottoman notions o decorum.
22
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ood.
12
Otentimes, the 1-shaped ivrets,ri,es
sered as nuclei or deeloping Islamic towns in
many a Balkan locale, among which was also Sa-
rajeo.
13
1hey were built by indiiduals engaged
in expanding the Ottoman sphere o domina-
tion on the Balkan rontier. 1hese were not yet
mere serants o the sultans dispatched to the
proinces, howeer, as would be most architec-
tural patrons in the 16
th
century and beyond, but
rontier agents enjoying a great deal o autonomy
in their respectie marches. 1he sultan receied
a Fxed share o the booty rom raids conducted
into neighbouring territories still under non-Ot-
toman rule, as a result o which he may hae not
elt the need to interene as long as this system
was working and took place in a relatiely com-
pact area.
14
1his relatie autonomy must also be
a reason or why the dierence between monu-
ments in arious Ottoman towns in this era is not
as great as in later periods. Additionally, in terms
o style and orm, these patrons relied on models
imported rom Anatolia: the planners and build-
ers were apparently brought rom the Asian hal
12 An early, now classic study is Lyice, Semai. Ilk Osmanli derinin
dini-itimai bir messesesi: zaiyeler e zaiyeli camiler,` in: .|.
/ti.at a/vtte.i Mecvva.i, Vol. XXIII, No. 1-2 ,1963,, pp. 3-80, who,
howeer, mistakenly suggests that these structures initially sered
as lriday mosques by reerring to them as ari,eti caviter. On the
problematic, see also Anhegger, Robert. Beitrge zur osmanischen
Baugeschichte III,` in: .tavbvter Mitteitvvgev, Vol. XXVII ,196,, pp.
312-30, esp. part II ,Zur lrage der 1-Planmoscheen`,, pp. 324-
30, and or a recent reappraisal: Boyko, this olume. An excellent
study o these institutions` workings in a 15
th
and 16
th
-century
Balkan context is Norman, \ork. Imarets, Islamization, and
urban deelopment in Sarajeo, 1461-1604,` in: eeaivg eote, feeaivg
orer: ivaret. iv tbe Ottovav vire. Lds. Nina Lrgin, Christoph K.
Neumann, and Amy Singer. Istanbul: LRLN, 200, pp. 81-94.
13 lere reerence is made to the early 1460s ri,e sponsored by
Is Beg. On this building, including a note on its three-spaced`
,1-shaped, layout as related in the ra/fi,e, see most recently Asceric,
Ines. Neke napomene o problemima iz historije Isabegoe tekije,`
in: Pritoi a ori;evtatvv ftotogi;v, Vol. LII,LIII ,2003,, pp. 339-50. On
the deelopment o Sarajeo and the agency o Is Beg, see also
Norman, Sarajeo.`
14 Recent studies on the rontier dynasties` include Lowry, leath.
1be .baivg of tbe Ottovav at/av. ;1:01::0): tbe covqve.t, .etttevevt
c ivfra.trvctvrat aeretovevt of ^ortberv Creece. Istanbul: Bahesehir
Uniersity Publications, 2008, esp. ch. 1&2, and Kiproska, Mariya.
1he Mihaloglu amily: gai warriors and patrons o derish
hospices,` in: O.vavti .ra,tirvatari, Vol. XXIII ,2008,, pp. 193-222.
architectural production.
9
Among these towns
we may count Iznik and Amasya, but also Skopje,
which emerged in the 15
th
century as an Ottoman
and Islamic town largely thanks to the inrastruc-
tural inestments o one rontier gentry amily,
which had descended rom the town`s conqueror.
1his Skopje was not a mere outpost o sultanic
power, its rulers were perceied by some o their
non-Ottoman neighbours as leaders in their own
right. Skopje, thus, was their capital as much as
it was an Ottoman town.
10
1heir architectural
agency bolstered their legitimacy locally. 1he
ra/fs they established, and rom which grew this
architecture, created local dependencies through
the inrastructure they proided.

A building type aoured by this class o
patrons was not the lriday mosque but multi-
unctional buildings, reerred to in the sources as
ivrets or ri,es ,ill. 1,.
11
In the older ,but not
yet entirely superseded, literature, these usually
domed and oten 1-shaped buildings hae been
called mosques in the Bursa style,` rom the
Bursa period,` or, still misleadingly, mosques
with ri,es` ,ari,eti caviter,. Lentually it was
shown that they had not been built or conceied
as mosques at all, but initially sered a great
ariety o unctions, among which: space or
prayer and ritual, accommodation o derishes
and traellers, and the proisioning o clients, the
poor, and other dependents ,such as slaes, with
9 On this point, see the pioneering study by Anhegger, Robert. Zur
Stellung einer Stdte innerhalb der osmanischen Baugeschichte or
Sinan,` in: vaa Krvtv arvagavi. Istanbul: |Ankara Uniersitesi| Dil
e 1arih-Cograya lakltesi, 1953, pp. 5-16.
10 On the case o 15
th
-century Skopje, as well as on many aspects o
this section`s problematic in general, see also Boyko, this olume.
11 lor the backgrounds o this phenomenon in medieal Anatolia, see
also \olper, Lthel Sara. Politics o patronage: political change and
the construction o derish lodges in Sias,` in: Mvqarva., Vol. XII
,1995,, pp. 39-4.
23
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o the Ottoman emirate,sultanate,
15
while most
o the workorce was certainly recruited locally
or practical reasons.
1he processes triggered by the Ottomans`
conquest o the long desired Byzantine capital in
1453 eentually gae rise to a dierent situation,
in terms o architecture, we enter what is gener-
ally called the classical` period and style. \ith
this important conquest the Ottomans enter the
imperial phase o their dynastic history, urther
accelerated by the important conquests o key
Islamic sites such as Damascus, Cairo, Jerusalem,
and Mecca,Medina in the early 1500s. 1here de-
eloped a centralized, absolutist state personiFed
by the sultan and in which there was little toler-
ance or possible proincial contestants or power.
Oer the course o decades, military leaders with
a power-base in the Balkan proinces were re-
placed with an Istanbul-trained class o military
goernors.
16
At a time o heightened connict with
neighbouring Shiite Iran, the sultans turned to an
orthodox Sunni interpretation o the Islamic aith
and persecuted as heretics many o the heterodox
groups which had preiously greatly aided them in
spreading their hegemony oer the Balkans.
All this also had an eect on the architecture
built thereater. Apparently as a result o a greater
need or new construction planning, especially in
their new capital - then still a ghost town Flled
with churches - the sultans gathered under them
a group o architects to undertake work or them
and their clients. \ithin this group, or seeral
generations, skill seems to hae been transerred
rom ather to son.
1
loweer, with Sinn in the
15 1his is suggested not least by artist inscriptions,` as or instance
in the case o the early 15
th
-century vivr 1ogan, son o Abdullh
,a conert,, whose name is ound on the (elebi Mehmed mosque
in Didymoteichon ,Greek 1hrace, and the Byezid Pasa mosque in
Amasya. I do not consider laci Iaz Pasa, similarly mentioned in
the Didymoteichon inscription ,as well as in buildings o the \esil
complex in Bursa, to hae been an architect` in the proper sense.
C. Sonmez, Zeki. a,tavgitav 1. ,v,ita /aaar .vaaotv 1vr/.tv
vivari.ivae .avatitar. Ankara: 1rk 1arih Kurumu Basimei, 1995, p.
403. ,Amasya,, 423. Didymoteichon and Bursa,.
16 lor the basic tenets o the 16
th
-century system and its consequent
transormation, see Kunt, Metin. 1be .vttav`. .erravt.: tbe trav.forvatiov
of Ottovav rorivciat gorervvevt, 1::01:0. New \ork: Columbia
Uniersity Press, 1983. lor the centralization under Mehmed II
and its impact on architecture, see Necipoglu, Glru. .rcbitectvre,
cerevoviat, ava orer: tbe 1o/ai atace iv tbe ffteevtb ava .iteevtb
cevtvrie.. Cambridge: MI1 Pres, 1991, ch. 1.
1 C. Necipoglu, .ge of ivav, p. 153 and ch. 5 in general.
|||. 2. S|cpjc, Mus|afa Paa ncsquc (1492), cnc cf sctcra| cx-
anp|cs cf a sing|c-dcncd |ridaq ncsquc oui|| in |nc 8a||ans oq
O||cnan digni|arics in |nc pcricd cf 8aqczid ||. (r. 1481-1512).
O|ncr cxanp|cs frcn |nc sanc pcricd arc fcund in Scrrcs,
Kcrc, 8i|c|a, Vcrrcia, and Onrid.
24
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middle decades o the 16
th
century emerged a
new type o royal architect. Like most o his era`s
administrators, he was a conert to Islam, ol-
untary or not. In the course o his career he not
only worked in proessions related to architecture
and other arts, but had to proe himsel in a great
ariety o jobs conerred on him by the sultan.
18

\hen appointed head o the royal architects, he
accepted a job or lie. lis duty was not only the
18 lor Sinan`s ita, c. the ersiFed introduction to his ,auto,biographical
1e/iretv`tebvi,e, in: ivav`. avtobiograbie.: fre .iteevtbcevtvr, tet.. 1r.
and ed. loward Crane and Lsra Akin. Leiden: Brill, 2006, pp. 88-90
,transl., and 102-3 ,transcr.,. lor similarly non-artistic appointments
in the career o one o Sinn`s successors, the Albanian-born,
Mehmed Aga, c. Ri.tei vivri,,e: av eart,.erevteevtbcevtvr, Ottovav
treati.e ov arcbitectvre: fac.ivite ritb trav.tatiov ava vote.. 1r. and ed.
loward Crane. Leiden: L.J. Brill, 198, pp. 6-15.
design and planning o the sultan`s architectural
projects, theoretically, all construction actiity in
the capital and the proinces became his respon-
sibility.
19
le relegated jobs to architects working
under him and dispatched them to the proinces
where needed. le also saw to it that the plans
or his institution`s architectural projects or the
sultan`s serants in the capital and the proinces
were commensurate with their patrons` rank.
1he architectural outcome thus depended not on
a patron or architect`s olly, the number and di-
19 At least concerning his role in Istanbul, this job proFle seems to
hae remained unchanged until the late 18
th
century. C. the remarks
on the Mimar-Agha` in D`Ohsson, Ignatius Mouradgea. 1abteav
geverat ae t`evire otbovav: airi.e ev aev artie. etc.. Istanbul: ISIS,
|18-1824| 2001, Vol. II, p. 199.
25
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mensions o eatures such as minarets or domes
were regulated by this institution in the capital.
20

Concerning the Balkans, the preerred types
o architecture sponsored by arious patrons
change in accordance with these deelopments.
1he multi-unctional 1-shaped buildings disap-
pear, they are replaced by clusters o buildings
centred on a lriday mosque, that is, not merely
a prayer room or oratory ,ve.cia, but a mosque
in which the lriday sermon ,bvtbe, is read by a
preacher ,batib, haing undergone a proper ve
are.e education. 1he batib was expected not only
to inoke the soereign`s name, but also to spread
and consolidate with their preaching Orthodox
Islam in areas still under the innuence o hetero-
dox leanings.
All this helps explain the spread o a speciFc
type o mosque in the 16
th
-century Balkans: the
single-spaced mosque with a hemispherical dome,
a steep minaret, and a portico with three or Fe
bays ,ills. 2-3,. 1he sultan expected his serants
to share in his project o spreading his policy on
aith and o centralized soereignty. 1he inest-
ment had to be theirs - and it certainly was an
inestment, as we well know that the establish-
ment o ra/fs were not always based in entirely
philanthropic moties - but the sultan would
make aailable to his administrators the resources
o the capital`s architectural institution. It would
send a plan commensurate with the project and
the patron`s status to the proinces or it to be
executed by local workmen under the superi-
sion o skilled sta similarly dispatched rom the
capital.
21
In this case, an older model had eoled
into a generic plan type or high-ranking oFcials
willing to build in the proinces. It is this model
that dominates mosque architecture in Bosnia,
with examples o mosques in Sarajeo, loca,
Mostar, Cajnice, Pocitelj, Maglaj, Kladanj, Lino,
and 1ranik, all built between the 1540s and
1620s, and showing ery little ariation rom this
prototype. Looking at the material rom this per-
spectie, at a dozen almost identical mosques, the
20 Necipoglu, .ge of ivav, esp. ch. 3 on culture o architecture and
decorum` and ch. 5 on institutional rameworks o architectural
practice.`
21 lor such an example, c. Necipoglu, .ge of ivav, p. 184. In this
case, the vivr lerhd was dispatched rom Istanbul to oersee the
construction o Ali Pasa`s mosque in Sarajeo ,1559-61,.
|||s. 3a-c. Sarajctc, A|i Paa (1560/1), |crnad 8cg (1561/2),
and 8asarsijs|a ncsqucs. Tnc p|ans, dincnsicns, and
cxccu|icn cf |ncsc |nrcc ncsqucs arc a|ncs| idcn|ica|. Tnc
8asarsijs|a ncsquc appcars |c natc nad a prcnis|crq as a
ncscid fcundcd oq a ccr|ain Hcca Dura| in |nc 1520s, uncrcoq
i| is naoi|ua||q da|cd |c |na| dccadc. On |nc oasis cf s|ri|ing
sini|ari|ics ui|n |nc ncsqucs cf A|i Paa and |crnad 8cg,
ncuctcr, i|s prcscn| fcrn nus| oc da|cd |c ca. 1560-5. A|| |nrcc
s|ruc|urcs arc rcprcscn|a|itc cf |nc gcncric (Nccipcg|u) cr
s|andard (Andrcjctic) ncsquc p|an |qpcs cf |nc 16|n ccn|urq
rcfcrrcd |c in |nc |cx|. Tnc Hn|ar/Carcta ncsquc, (rc)oui||
oq su||an S|cqnan arcund 1565, nas a signifcan||q nigncr
ninarc| and a|sc a |argcr dcnc |nan |ncsc |nrcc ncsqucs.
26
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|||. 4. Suncn, ncsquc cf crif Ha|i| Paa (1744/5).
27
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oundations o Gzi lsre Beg in Sarajeo and
o Sokollu lerhd Pasa in Banja Luka emerge
as remarkable exceptions, ery probably due to
their patrons` relatie prominence.
22
Between the mid-1
th
and mid-18
th
century,
generally ery little new construction actiity on a
monumental scale can be tracked.
23
1he Lmpire
and its agents are busy Fghting wars, but the peri-
od o serial triumphs is long oer. 1he labsburg
army presses as ar as Macedonia, the Venetians
into peninsular Greece, both eentually depart
again, but leae behind a trail o destruction.
Much o the Frst hal o the 18
th
century`s ar-
chitectural actiity reoles around restoration,
repair, and rebuilding. 1here are two outstanding
monuments rom the second quarter o the 18
th

century in the central proinces - the mosque
complexes o Seri lalil Pasa in Sumen ,Bulgar-
ia, ill. 4, and o Dmd Ibrhim Pasa in Nesehir
,Cappadocia, - but both must be considered ex-
ceptions. Still, the pattern is still much like that o
the 16
th
century: these buildings are sponsored by
Ottoman oFcials with careers reoling around
Istanbul, their buildings ollowing the centre`s
style closely, and ery probably making use o its
inrastructure o planning and design. In both
cases the monuments` patrons seemed to hae
desired to equip their ,relatiely insigniFcant,
natie towns with some magniFcence rom the
capital, and to promote them as urban centres by
contributing to their prominence through their
inrastructure.
24

22 lor these buildings, their types and plans, see Ayerdi, Lkrem
lakki. .rrva`aa O.vavti vivri e.erteri, Vol. II. Istanbul: Istanbul
letih Cemiyeti, 2000
2
, Andrejeic, Andrej. .tav./a vovvvevtatva
vvetvo.t `1 re/a v ]vgo.tari;i: /votve aavi;e. Belgrade: SANU, 1984,
Mujezinoic, Mehmed. .tav./a eigraf/a o.ve i lercegoine, 3 ols.
Sarajeo: Veselin Maslesa, 194-1982.
23 lor some examples, mostly dating to the 18
th
century`s middle
decades, see my Lighteenth-century Ottoman architecture and the
problem o scope: a critical iew rom the Balkan periphery`,` in:
1birteevtb vtervatiovat Covgre.. of 1vr/i.b .rt. Lds. Gza leher and
Ibolya Gerelyes. Budapest: lungarian National Museum, 2009, pp.
295-308. 1here was considerable building actiity in areas newly
conquered by the Ottomans in what is now lungary and Romania
ater the mid-1
th
century, but little o that remained ater these areas
were lost to the labsburgs. Beore the mid-18
th
century, there was
also some reconstruction actiity in those areas o southern Greece
temporarily lost to the Venetians.
24 lor the building in Nesehir, see Goodwin, Godrey. . bi.tor, of
Ottovav arcbitectvre. London: 1hames & ludson, 191, p. 30, or
Sumen, c. lartmuth, Lighteenth-century Ottoman architecture,`
p. 299 and reerences.
1he third period proposed here eentually
proes to be ery dierent. Lasting rom roughly
the mid-18
th
century to the mid-19
th
century, we
see monuments that are characterized not by
their standardized design but, to the contrary, by
their dissimilarity. 1his was the result o chang-
ing centre-periphery relations, and with that
a change in patronage patterns. But een this
group o patrons is quite aried, the only thing
they seem to hae in common is their claim to
control oer a relatiely compact area, howeer
attained. 1hey are dierent rom the early Ot-
toman rontier lords, whose transgenerational
impact oten had them likened to a sort o nobil-
ity. 1he power o the proincial strongmen o
|||. 5. Tc|ctc, ncsquc cf Aodurrannan Paa (1833/4). |ac|ing
a dcnc, |nis rccfcd ncsquc oui|| oq a ncnocr cf |nc dcninan|
fani|q in prc-Tanzina| pcricd Ncr|n Maccdcnia nctcr|nc|css
acnictcs a dcgrcc cf iccnici|q |nan|s |c i|s cs|cn|a|icus dcccra-
|icn, cspccia||q in |nc in|cricr.
28
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the later Ottoman period, by contrast, is more
local in character, their reputation not based on
conquests or spreading the true aith, and they
or the extent o their power may not always hae
been known to the centre, or perhaps een in
the next proince. 1hey staed local militias an-
swering to them and, at times, administered the
territories under them as i they were the actual
soereigns. 1heir relationship with the centre was
not always connicting but not rarely ambiguous,
either. Some owed to it their ascent and legitima-
tion, others yet were keen ,and able, to minimize
interention in local aairs. 1heir sway oer
these territories was oten a result o the rights to
tax collection granted to them rather than a po-
litical` appointment. Sometimes, it appears, they
also simply emerged as the only guarantors o
security in their oten mountainous or otherwise
remote natie regions, where they came to up-
hold a quasi monopoly on iolence. Lstablishing
their own miniscule capitals,` they also engaged
in architectural patronage, sometimes on a ery
considerable scale.
\et, looking at the mosques, ountains, and
palaces built by this highly aried group o pa-
trons distinguished by a local power-base - be it
in Gradacac, 1etoo ,ills. 5-6,, Iannina, Shkodr,
or by their peers in Aydin, Dogubeyazit, or een
in Cairo - there is almost nothing that these
structures hae in common.
25
As an architecture
largely disconnected rom trends in the centre, it
is hard to speak o style or styles. Choice o type
and ornament dier greatly rom one corner o
the empire to the other. Depending on the case,
they are sometimes the product o a dialogue
with the local ,incl. the pre-Ottoman, architectur-
al heritage, a limited adoption o Istanbul trends,
a mere repetition o established orms associated
with authority, and certainly also to a great degree
simply renecting the indiidual patron`s ancy
and the possibilities oered to him by the local
human resources. 1he architecture rom this pe-
riod o decentralized orms o rule may be said
to be distinguished by a localization,` perhaps
one could een say priatization,` o style. It
contrasts most clearly with the standardized kind
o architecture rom especially the second hal
o the 16
th
century preiously discussed.
1he 1anzimt period in the 19
th
century
eentually re-establishes the centre`s sway oer
the proinces, and this is the last segment in the
periodization proposed here. 1he inrastructure
o control and reorm arries in the orm o
state-sponsored schools, railways and railway sta-
tions, banks, army barracks and new ortresses,
courthouses, prisons and other municipal insti-
tutions, but only rarely mosques.
26
In this sense
the new bureaucrats posted to the proinces
behae in a radically dierent way rom their
16
th
-century peers, the .avca/begis and begterbegis
who, oten o Balkan background themseles,
sponsored much o the region`s urban inra-
structure pertaining to ritual, hygiene, education,
and hospitality. 1he new bureaucrats, by contrast,
generally do not engage in architecture patronage
in the proinces, which are now only way stations
25 lor some o these buildings, see \enisehirlioglu, liliz. Architectural
patronage o a,av amilies in Anatolia,` in: Prorivciat etite. iv tbe
Ottovav vire. Ld. Antonis Anastasopoulos. Rethymnon: Crete
Uniersity Press, 2006, pp. 321-39. Behrens-Abousei, Doris. 1he
Abd al-Rahmn Katkhud style in 18
th
century Cairo,` in: .vvate.
.tavotogiqve., Vol. XXVI ,1992,, pp. 11-26, Ibrahimgil, Mehmet.
Kalkandelen ,1etoo, Alaca Camii,` in: 1a/ifar Dergi.i, Vol. XXVI
,199,, pp. 249-66, Lyice, Semai. Iskodra`da Kursunlu Camii,` in:
etgeterte 1vr/ 1aribi Dergi.i, Vol. XVII ,1969,, pp. 3-6.
26 Lxceptions are the reugee mosques` built by Ottoman sultans in
Dobrogea ,the Romanian Black Sea hinterland, and the Bosnian
Posaina, whereto Muslims rom Serbia and the Crimea were
resettled in the 1850s and 1860s.
|||. 6. Tc|ctc, ncsquc cf Aodurrannan Paa (1833/4), nura|
dcpic|ing Mccca.
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in their careers determined yet again in the capi-
tal. Next to this new, public inrastructure, now
Fnanced not by indiidual ra/fs but by central
state institutions, the other major innoation to
the Balkan cityscapes is the return ,or perhaps
rather the adent, o monumental church ar-
chitecture. Starting rom the 1820s, we see oten
large but externally ery humble buildings. lrom
the 1850s onwards we already see ery daring
designs, undermining Islamic buildings` tradi-
tional prominence in most Ottoman cities. Just
as the state`s new inrastructural buildings, they
are increasingly distinguished by the borrowing
o orms rom western Luropean architecture,
sometimes entire types ,ill. ,.
1hereore, our periods emerge distinguished
by the relationship between the centre and the
periphery and eidenced in its impact on archi-
tectural production. 1o emphasize this point I
shall name them as ollows: 1, polycentrism ,ca.
1350 to until ater 1453,, 2, centralism ,late 15
th

to mid-18
th
ct.,, diided almost equally into a pe-
riod o a, expansion and b, one o relatie stag-
nation, 3, aecentralization ,mid-18
th
-mid-19
th
ct.,,
and 4, recentralization ,mid-19
th
to \\I,. I leae
it up to the reader to judge i the systematization
o the material I propose here lies up to the ex-
pectations I may hae raised at the beginning. But
what I beliee is true, and perhaps signiFcant, is
that the Balkan monuments orm part o tbi. his-
torical narratie o Ottoman architecture.

|||. 7. Tncssa|cni|i, O||cnan Prcp Scncc| (|dadiqc), oui|| in


1887 oq |nc Sici|ian-ocrn arcni|cc| Vi|a|ianc Pcsc||i (1838-
1918). Pcsc||i and Picrrc Arrigcni, a fc||cu ||a|ian arcni|cc|
ucr|ing in |a|c O||cnan Tncssa|cni|i, prctcd rcspcnsio|c fcr
a |argc nunocr cf arcni|cc|ura| prcjcc|s ccnnissicncd oq |nc
s|a|c, taricus rc|igicus ccnnuni|ics, ccnncrcia| cn|crpriscs,
as uc|| as uca||nq inditidua|s. (Pnc|cgrapn oq Scoan c ]ca||icr
fcr |nc a|ouns cf su||an Aod|nanid ||, ca. 1890.)
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1be avtbor ai.cv..e. tbe tace of at/av Ottovav vovvvevt. iv varratire. of !e.terv ava .tavic arcbi
tectvre. Poivtivg to .ove Ottovaverioa .ite. or to vovvvevt. recevtt, iv.cribea a. |^CO !orta eritage
ite., be fva. tbat tbe focv. .eev. to be ov .ite. ratber tbav ivairiavat vovvvevt.. 1bereb, i. ac/vorteagea tbe
Ottovav erioa`. ivact; for ovt.tavaivg vovvvevt., borerer, ove rovta bare to go to .tavbvt or airve. vai
riavat vovvvevt. iv tbe at/av., be regret., are vot fovva iv .vrre,. of vroeav or .tavic arcbitectvre, or erev
iv .tavaara .vrre,. of Ottovav arcbitectvre, rbicb are traaitiovatt, target, re.trictea to vovvvevt. iv re.evtaa,
1vr/e,. rev tbovgb recevt .tvaie. ov tbe ecbavge betreev vroe ava Miaate a.terv ava,or ..iav cvttvre.
abovva, tbe.e .tvaie. are t,icatt, tivitea to tbe ecbavge betreev covrt. ava caitat citie.. 1be avtbor a./. if
tbe Patao Dvcate iv |rbivo, for iv.tavce, rbicb ra. bvitt b, av arcbitect frov Zaaar ;a 1evetiav cit, cto.e
to tbe tbev Ottovav boraer), ra. eqviea ritb tro vivaretti/e torer. a. a re.vtt of .vcb ivteractiov.. e at.o
arar. arattet. betreev tbe at/av .ivgteaovea vo.qve. of tbe 1:
tb
1
tb
cevtvr, ava tbe iaeat cbvrcb t,otog, iv
covtevorar, tat,. .rovva 110, for iv.tavce, Rivivi`. av ravce.co cbvrcb ra. to be covrertea, accoraivg to a
ae.igv b, .tberti, b, corerivg it ritb a bevi.bericat aove ava eqviivg tbe evtravce .iae ritb cotvvv., .o a. to
.vgge.t a cta..icat tevte. 1bovgb tbe ro;ect ra. verer covtetea, it i. a .tavaara referevce iv .vrre,. of !e.terv
arcbitectvre. 1be covtevorar, vo.qve bvitt b, Mebvea iv Pri.btiva, acro.. tbe .ariatic, fottor. .ivitar
rivcite. bvt revaiv. covtetet, vv/vorv.
.vtor ra.rart;a o v;e.tv /o;e o.vav./i .ovevici .a at/ava rea.tart;a;v v aaavo; i i.tav./o; arbite/tvri.
|/av;vci va ve/e o.vav./e graaitet;./e c;etive iti .ovevi/e /o;i .v veaarvo rogta.evi r;et./iv /vttvrviv ao
briva oa a.titov |^COa, ov .vatra aa ;e ;a/o ivtere.avtvo aa ;e fo/v. .tart;ev va graaitet;./e c;etive, a ve
va ivairiavatve .ovevi/e. 1ive ;e rivat vtica; o.vav./og erioaa, vevtiv a iravreave .ovevi/e .e vora
otici v .tavbvt iti airve. vairiavatvi .ovevici va at/avv, ov .e ati, .e ve vogv rovaci vi regteaarav;iva
evro./e viti i.tav./e arbite/tvre, ca/ vi v .tavaaraviv regteaarav;iva O.vav./e arbite/tvre, /o;a .v retevo
ograviceva va ro.tor aava.v;e 1vr./e. Ca/ vi v ./ori;iv .tvai;ava rav;eve ivev erro./e i .reav;oi.tocve
i,iti bogatib ai;./ib /vttvra, ore .tvai;e .v retevo ograviceve va rav;eve ivev arora i gtarvib graaora.
.vtor .e ita aa ti ;e va riv;er Patao Dvcate v |rbivv, igraev oa .trave arbite/te i Zaara ;1eveci;av./i
graa btiv gravice . O.vav./iv car.trov) vogao ivati ara vivareta - torv;ere /ao revttat ta/rib roce.a. Ov
ta/oe oartaci aratetv ivev bat/av./ib ;eavo/votvib aavi;a i erioaa 1:.1. ri;e/a i iaeatve cr/reve
tiotogi;e voaerve tati;e. O/o 110. g. cr/ra av ravce.co v Rivivi;v ;e trebata biti reobti/orava reva
aia;vv .tberti;a, o/rira;vci ;e otv/rvvov /votov i .tart;a;vci .tvbore .a vtave .trave aa bi oa.;ecata va
/ta.icvi brav. Maaa ro;e/at vi;e vi/aaa arr.ev, to ;e .tavaarava referevca v regteaiva aaave arbite/tvre.
Moaerva aavi;a igraeva oa .trave Mebveaa v Pri.tivi, . arvge .trave ]aarava, .ti;eai i.te rivcie, ati o.ta;e
otvvo veovata .iro; ;arvo.ti.
Johan Mrtelius
Ot t oman Eur opean ar chi t ect ur e
Osmanska eur opska ar hi t ekt ur a
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!"#$ '+,#$ &)$ our Swedish oundation, the
host o this conerence, has some implications.
\hat Cvttvrat eritage ritbovt oraer. appears
to tell us is that, normally, cultural heritage is
thought o as barivg borders. 1ypically, these
borders are identiFed with those o nations.
1his is best exempliFed by the lrench term or
what in Lnglish is rendered as heritage`: atri
voive. Inoking ta atrie, that is, the atherland,
we are reminded o the act that the concept
o an architectural heritage is to a good extent
rooted in the 19
th
century process o national
identity ormation. 1he airly recent concept o
a world heritage,` as propagated by UNLSCO,
implies that monuments and sites selected and
highlighted on a global map are indeed excep-
tions to the standard understanding o heritage
as being primarily national.
lrom this point o iew, the title o an im-
portant 1999 Istanbul conerence on the Otto-
man Lmpire`s built heritage is signiFcant, or it
identiFed this architecture in the conerence`s
ery title, and the subsequent publication, as a
supra-national heritage.`
1
\hile such a label is
certainly appropriate or a contextualization o
the Ottoman heritage, it is hardly restricted to it.
Much the same could be said o the heritage o
Antiquity, the Gothic style, or the Mamluk and
1imurid polities. Like that o the Ottomans,
some o these were moreoer not only supra-
national` but also supra-continental.` Len
today, the modern nation o 1urkey, the succes-
sor state to the Ottoman Lmpire, straddles two
1 Cevtvrie. of Ottovav arcbitectvre: a .vravatiovat beritage |Istanbul,
25-2 Noember 1999|. Lds. Nur Akin, AFe Batur and Seluk
Batur, Istanbul: \LM, 2000.
|||. 1. Uroinc, Pa|azzc Duca|c, scccnd na|f cf |nc 15
|n
ccn|urq.
continents. Its priileged national` identiFca-
tion with the Ottoman heritage is acilitated by
the act that all three Ottoman capitals - Bursa,
Ldirne, and Istanbul - are located within the
borders o the Republic, in a relatiely compact
region where the two continents meet. 1hrough
these capitals, 1urkey has also inherited most
o this architectural tradition`s prime expres-
sions, but monuments and sites outside 1urkey
32
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must not be neglected. On the UNLSCO list
o world heritage sites,` we now also Fnd the
Albanian historical towns o Gjirokastra and Be-
rat ,inscribed in 2005, expanded in 2008, as well
as the 16
th
-century Ottoman bridges in Mostar
,2005, and Visegrad ,200,, both in Bosnia and
lerzegoina. In 1urkey, o nine inscribed sites,
we Fnd only two whose architectural heritage is
owed, and in one case only partially, to the Ot-
toman period: the historic areas o Istanbul`
,1985, and the Old 1own o Saranbolu ,1994,.
1hat the ocus seems to be on sites rather than
indiidual monuments is quite interesting. 1he
impact the Ottomans had on the shaping o
built enironments is acknowledged in our o
these cases, in the two remaining ones, bridges,
the acknowledged achieement is similarly o an
inrastructural nature. One may argue that, in the
Balkans, there cannot be ound an architectural
achieement at the leel o the principal monu-
ments o Istanbul, at the same time, howeer,
the prominence o the Ottoman period`s impact
on this region`s built enironment and inrastruc-
ture is eident.
1his dierence may, at least in part, account
or the dominance o the buildings in modern
1urkey in the standard representations o Ot-
toman architecture. Not only did that country
inherit the Ottomans` three historical capitals, it
thereby also inherited the most iconic works at-
tributed to the distinguished Ottoman architect
Sinan. lis distinguished place in the architectural
narratie aside, it is signiFcant that only in the case
o Sinan do we hae an author` comparable to
his counterparts in Luropean architecture rom
the Renaissance onwards. \ith so many monu-
mental buildings attributed to him presered,
scholarship on Ottoman architecture has been
decidedly Sinanocentric.` A recent example o
how this translates to
a more popular leel is the new city museum o
Kayseri in central Anatolia, the region in which
Sinan spent his childhood beore resettling in
Istanbul. \hile Kayseri boasts a number o pre-
Ottoman masterpieces, we Fnd there only one,
relatiely minor, mosque attributed to Sinan. \et
the new museum, unded by the priate Kadir
las oundation, has chosen to ocus on Sinan
and his works. Next to the well-known sites in
Istanbul and Ldirne, highlighted are also the
UNLSCO-listed bridges in Visegrad and Mostar.
1he ormer is indeed a work o Sinan, the lat-
ter is presented as designed by one o his pupils.
lere, central Anatolia is represented as the hub
o Sinan`s work in a geography which extends to
his works in Balkan Lurope een in cases where,
as with Mostar, the connection is rather indirect.
As hinted at aboe, increased recognition o
Ottoman Lurope`s architectural heritage by insti-
tutions like UNLSCO`s world heritage commit-
|||. 2. Rinini, Tcnpic
Ma|a|cs|ianc, A|ocr|is
uninp|cncn|cd dcsign
frcn ccnncncra|cd cn
ccin, ca. 1450.
|||. 3. Rinini, Tcnpic Ma|a|cs|ianc, |cf| inccnp|c|c in 1461.
33
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tee is now eident. At the same time, this heritage
continues to largely remain outside the discourse
o Luropean architecture. lere the limiting
ramework shown, or example, in Nikolaus
Pesner`s standard Ovttive of vroeav arcbitectvre
,1943, is still more or less the rule.
2
A more re-
cent British surey, !e.terv arcbitectvre ,1999, by
Ian Sutton, tries to go beyond traditional borders
by including some Nordic examples, and not
only in the section on modernism.
3
Sutton also
makes reerence to ancient temples o Baalbek
in present-day Lebanon and includes a section
on the lagia Sophia and later Byzantine achiee-
ments, concluded with notes on Russian eccle-
siastical architecture o the 16
th
-18
th
centuries.
loweer, Sutton`s surey o architecture in the
\est` includes not one example o Ottoman
architecture or, or that matter, the Muslim ar-
chitecture o Spain ,Cordoa is mentioned only
in relation to a 1
th
-century church,. O course
one may say that the term \estern,` as opposed
to Luropean,` implies something more cultural
rather than geographic, as does the signiFer Lu-
rope,` By excluding Spanish Islamic architecture,
howeer, which in a literal geographical sense is
more western than most o the rest o Lurope,
as well as Ottoman contributions, it places these
architectural cultures in exile positions.
1his exclusion is sourced in the existence o
another category in which these traditions are
usually culled together: Islamic architecture. One
can debate the problems caused by the binary
and, by implication, oppositional classiFcations
o Lurope`s heritage into one that is \estern`
and the other being Islamic,` but it must be
noted that Ottoman Lurope is typically margin-
alized i not excluded altogether rom both o
these disciplinary traditions. \hen een God-
rey Goodwin`s standard surey o Ottoman
architecture largely excluded monuments outside
modern 1urkey,

4
it must not be expected to Fnd
2 Pesner, Nikolaus. .v ovttive of vroeav arcbitectvre. London:
Penguin Books, 1943. Many later editions and translations hae
appeared. A reised edition was printed in 2009. 1he ery western
Luropean and not least British ocus o the surey may be explained
in part by Pesner`s position in British exile rom Nazi Germany.
3 Sutton, Ian. !e.terv arcbitectvre: a .vrre, frov .vcievt Creece to tbe re.evt.
London: 1hames & ludson, 1999.
4 Goodwin, Godrey. . bi.tor, of Ottovav arcbitectvre, ovaov: 1hames
& ludson, 191.
them in sureys themed on Islamic architec-
ture.` In these, the Ottoman chapter normally
coers around one tenth o the book, or less,
neer enturing beyond Ldirne.
At the same time, studies on the exchange be-
tween Lurope and Middle Lastern and,or Asian
cultures hae abounded in recent years. Lspecially
Venice`s position as a hub or exchange between
Italian Renaissance culture and the Ottoman
Lmpire has become a popular research subject.
Unortunately, these studies are typically lim-
ited largely to the exchange between courts and
capital cities, thus excluding the Balkans.
5
1he
5 1evice ava tbe .tavic rorta. Ld. Steano Carboni. New laen: \ale
Uniersity Press, 200.
|||. 4. Prisn|ina, ncsquc cf Mcnncd || |a|in (1460/1).
34
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Adriatic region as a Feld o exchange in Renais-
sance culture remains to be explored. 1he role o
Luciano Laurana ,d. 149,, the Dalmatian-born
architect who designed the Palazzo Ducale in
Urbino with its minaret-like towers ,ill. 1,, may
be a case in point.
Other potentially interesting parallels between
the Balkan single-domed mosques o the 15
th
-
1
th
centuries and the ideal church typology in
contemporary Italy exist. lere, one may reer,
or example, to the so-called 1empio Malates-
tiano in Rimini, on Italy`s Adriatic coast. Around
1450, the amous Leon Battista Alberti designed
a project or conerting the church o San lran-
cesco by coering it with a hemispheric dome and
acing the entrance side with columns so as to
suggest a classical temple ,ill. 2,. 1he project was
abandoned hal-way when, in 1461, the project`s
patron Sigismondo Malatesta was oerthrown,
and the dome was neer implemented ,ill. 3,.
1hat same year, across the Adriatic, the mosque
o latih Sultan Mehmed in Prishtina was con-
structed, with its domed cubic structure ronted
by a columnar portico ,ill. 4,. Its typology o
course, while basically coinciding with the 1em-
pio Malatestiano project, ollowed the Ottoman
single dome mosque tradition established in the
14
th

century. \hereas the uncompleted structure
in Rimini is a standard reerence in all sureys o
Renaissance architecture, and een o Luropean
or \estern architecture in general, the building
still standing in the centre o the Kosoar capital
city remains unnoticed by historiographers o
Luropean and Ottoman architecture alike.
A third topic suggesting an echo o Ottoman
Luropean architecture in countries urther west
or north might be the emphasis on the sacred
book and somewhat iconoclastic iew o sacred
space in reorm moements such as 16
th
century
Lutheran Christianity. Could there, Fnally, hae
been a connection between architectural repre-
sentations in painted church interiors and the
immense popularity o murals showing monu-
ments and landscapes in late Ottoman mosques,
such as the ones at 1etoo or Gjakoa
More generally, it seems that Islamic culture`s
impact on Lurope was more readily granted the
more distant in time or space the case, as with
Moorish Andalusia or with the results o trade
along the Silk Road. I religion is what suppos-
edly justiFes the clear distinction into these two
categories - Islamic and Luropean,\estern -
one should point out that the three monotheistic
religions all originated in the Middle Last. lrom
there they spread, inter alia, to the Mediterranean,
in which their hegemony ,and thus their art, not
rarely oerlapped. \et, one came to be identiFed
as \estern` and another as Lastern,` with a
supposedly unbridgeable gap between them.
1he discourse on Luropean architecture`s his-
tory has its roots in the 18
th
century and remains
closely attached to the concept o modernity.
1his does not mean that the trajectory through
the centuries rom ancient to contemporary is
considered a uniorm line o progress. \hile in
dierent periods commentators hae aoured
the releance o arious styles and,or periods
- sometimes the Gothic, sometimes the Renais-
|||. 6. Drauing cf
O||cnan ncsquc in
Pcs| oq |iscncr tcn
|r|acn, 1721.
|||. 5. Drauing cf O|-
|cnan nanan nc| far
frcn 8uda oq |iscncr
tcn |r|acn, 1721.
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a
sance, and sometimes the Baroque - a common
Luropean tradition is normally constructed
as a sequence o these periods and,or styles.
Cultures not haing participated in this eolu-
tionary process, een when their architectural
output was admired, were understood as being
timeless or taking circular paths. In Sir Banister
lletcher`s classic surey o architectural history,
Frst published in 1896 ,and still in print a century
later,, a designation used or architecture outside
o Lurope was that o non-historical styles.`
6

\hile this phrase is certainly outdated, by im-
plication the non-historical` label still seems to
justiy the treatment o non-Luropean historical
architecture as outside a paradigm o progress.
Needless to say, what we may call Ottoman
Luropean architecture` was outside the scope
o this concept. I any comparisons do appear,
Ottoman architecture, seen as opposed to Lu-
ropean progress,` represented the process not o
history` but o decline.
Another early account o architectural history
should be remembered in this context. Johann
Bernhard lischer on Lrlach took a global ap-
proach to architecture and its history in his
vtrvrff eiver bi.tori.cbev .rcbitectvr, a commented
collection o prints issued in 121. Lxamples or
what he called an historical architecture` in-
cluded buildings rom many periods and regions,
but the Ottoman examples are ery prominent.
Besides the sultanic mosques o Istanbul, seen to
culminate in that o Sultan Ahmed I, we also Fnd
representations o an Ottoman monument in
Bursa and two in lungary: a bavav near the cen-
tre o Buda ,ill. 5, and a single-domed mosque
in Pest ,ill. 6,. A globalizing perspectie on ar-
chitecture and the connections between dierent
parts o the world can be said to orm a theme
in late Baroque culture more generally, howeer
short-lied. Much later, Baroque architecture`s
dynamism ound its place in deFning the trajec-
tory o Luropean modernity, but based only on
strictly ormal analyses. SigniFcantly, lischer on
Lrlach, who is generally recognized as a highly
6 lletcher, Banister. . bi.tor, of arcbitectvre ov tbe covaratire vetboa.
London: Athlone Press, 1896
prominent Central Luropean architect o his
time, is not een mentioned in Pesner`s surey.

linally, that the scope o architectural history


seems to be in the process o change must be
recognized. Signs o growing interest in expand-
ing the perspectie o Luropean cultural history,
both geographically and typologically, are appar-
ent. In architectural history, traditionally domi-
nated by the study o iconic single monuments,
the place o housing and inrastructure is taking
on importance. lere, as noted, the Ottoman
period`s contribution to the built enironment
in the Balkans is critical, as was recognized also
by some modern architects, most amously Le
Corbusier about one century ago. Much-needed
research on Ottoman Luropean architecture,
undertaken in recent decades by authorities like
Machiel Kiel and others, keeps adding to our
knowledge and understanding o this heritage.
By design, this conerence contributes to this
ongoing project.

Pesner`s PhD thesis, written in the 1920s, had been on German


Baroque architecture.
36
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1be avtbor ai.cv..e. eart, Ottovav vrbav aeretovevt .trategie. tbrovgb arcbitectvrat fovvaatiov., ritb .eciat
regara to rbat aear. to be a voaet covvov to tate veaierat .vatotia ava tbe at/av., ava a vvvber of Ot
tovaviea citie.. 1bi. i. aevov.tratea b, a covaratire .tva, of vrbav trav.forvatiov iv tbree eart, Ottovav
torv. - airve, Ptorair, ava /o;e - ritb attevtiov aia to tbe tocatiov ava fvvctiov. of covvvvat vo.qve.
rer.v. tbe 1.baea bo.ice., a t,e .ecifc to tbe 11
tb
ava 1:
tb
cevtvrie. ava fovva iv att tbree citie.. or /o;e`.
ca.e be argve. tbat re bare before v. av eavte of a a,va.t, of frovtier gevtr, at,ivg tbe .ave rivcite. a.
.vttavic atrov. iv tbeir re.ectire .bere of ivfvevce.
.vtor ai./vtv;e o ravi;iv o.vav./iv .trategi;ava vrbavog raro;a /ro arbite/tov./e aavbive, .a o.eb
viv o.rrtov va ovo .to /a.vi;e o.ta;e a;eavic/i voaet /a.vo; .reav;or;e/orvo; .vaaoti;i i at/avv i vvogiv
o.vaviiraviv graaoriva. Oro ;e rea.tart;evo /ovaratirvov .tvai;ov vrbavib trav.forvaci;a va riv;erv tri
rava o.vav./a graaa - airve, Ptorair i /ot;e - .a av;ov va to/aci;e fvv/ci;a v;e.vib aavi;a va.vrot
/ovaci.tiva 1obti/a, ti .ecifcav a 11. i 1:. ri;e/ i rovaev v .ra tri graaa. | .tvca;v /ot;a, ov trrai aa
ivavo rea .obov riv;er aiva.ti;e ogravicvib tev.tara /o;i riv;ev;v;v i.ti rivci /ao i v;ibori .vttav./i
o/roritet;i v v;iboro; vtica;vo; .feri.
Grigor Boykov
Reshapi ng ur ban space i n t he Ot t oman
Bal kans: a st udy on t he ar chi t ect ur al
devel opment of Edi r ne, Pl ovdi v, and
Skopj e ( 14t h- 15t h cent ur i es)
Tr ansf or maci j a ur banog pr ost or a
na osmanskom Bal kanu: st udi j a o
ar hi t ekt onskom r azvoj u J edr ena, Pl ovdi va
i Skopl j a ( od 14. do 15. vi j eka)
37
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!"#$,&'-&.$/'0+1/&'$o Anatolia in the mid-
13
th
century undermined the centralized author-
ity o the Seljuk sultans, replacing it with that
o the emerging local aristocratic elites, who ac-
cumulated in their hands large landed properties
and acted to a great extent as independent rul-
ers. Scholars like loward Crane or Lthel Sara
\olper hae argued that the dramatic changes
in political power o the mid-13
th
and early 14
th
-
century Anatolia resulted in a signiFcant shit
in patronage patterns, in which powerul local
evirs replaced the sultans as principal sponsors
o architecture.
1
lurthermore, the types o
institutions supported changed: the local lords,
rather than building ortiFcations, mosques,
or caraanserais, ocused their patronage on
veare.es, tombs, and - most notably - derish
lodges.
2
1hey sought to transorm the hierarchy
o city space and to modiy the existing spatial
order through a conscious attempt to shit the
urban core away rom the Seljuk centre.
3
1he
instrument o this urban transormation was
the patronage o derish lodges built near city
gates or market areas. 1hey maniested the al-
liance between the local rulers and the itiner-
ant Anatolian derishes, who had enormous
1 1he research or this paper has been made possible
thanks to generous grants by the Andrew \. Mellon
loundation and the 1urkish Cultural loundation.
Crane, loward. Notes on Saldjq architectural patronage in
thirteenth century Anatolia,` in: ]ovrvat of tbe covovic ava ociat
i.tor, of tbe Orievt, Vol. XXXVI, No. 1 ,1993,, pp. 1-5, \olper,
Lthel Sara. Citie. ava .aivt.: vf.v ava tbe trav.forvatiov of vrbav .ace
iv Meaierat .vatotia. Uniersity Park: Pennsylania State Uniersity
Press, 2003.
2 \olper, Lthel Sara. Politics o patronage: political change and
the construction o derish lodges in Sias,` in: Mvqarva., Vol. XII
,1995,, pp. 39-4.
3 Ibid., pp. 41-3.
innuence oer the local 1urcoman population
alienated rom the Sunni practices promoted by
Seljuk central power.
4
1he Ottoman state, which appeared at the
edge between Christian and Muslim worlds,
emerged as a symbiosis between rontier elite
warriors, who embraced gaa as their leading ide-
ology, the abi brotherhoods, and the wandering
derishes, who dominated the spiritual lie o
the 1urcoman subjects under the leadership o
the house o Osman. 1he Ottoman rulers, like
the ormer Seljuk evirs or be,s o the surround-
ing principalities, had to Fnd a voav. rirevai with
dierent layers o the border society ,including
the local non-Muslim population,, while try-
ing to strengthen and legitimize their claim or
lordship.
5
Once the Frst sizable Byzantine cities
ell into the hands o Osman Gazi`s young son
Orhan,
6
he began commissioning two distinctie
types o buildings that were meant to embody
the symbols o ideology, power, and legitimacy
o the new ruling dynasty. 1he newly conquered
4 Ibid., pp. 40-1.
5 Inalcik, lalil. Periods in Ottoman history: state, society, economy,`
in: Ottovav ciritiatiov. Lds. lalil Inalcik and Gnsel Renda. Ankara:
Ministry o Culture, 2004, pp. 41-59, Kaadar, Cemal, etreev tro
rorta.: tbe cov.trvctiov of tbe Ottovav .tate. Berkeley: Uniersity o
Caliornia Press, 1995.
6 Inalcik has produced a number o studies on the long lasting
blockade and subsequent conquest o the principal Bithynian cities,
Nicaea and Prousa. lis latest ideas are presented in Inalcik, lalil.
1he struggle between Osman Gazi and the Byzantines or Nicaea,`
in: vi/ tbrovgbovt bi.tor,. Lds. Isil Akbaygil et al. Istanbul: 1rkiye
Is Bankasi, 2003, pp. 59-83, idem. Osmanli sultani Orhan ,1324-
1362,: Arupa`da yerlesme,` in: ettetev, Vol. LXXIII, No. 266 ,2009,,
pp. -10. See also the works o Lowry, leath \. Ottoman
Iznik ,Nicaea,: through the eyes o traelers and as recorded in
administratie documents, 1331-1923,` in: vi/ tbrovgbovt bi.tor,,
pp. 135-4, and Ottovav vr.a iv traret accovvt.. Bloomington,
Indiana: Uniersity o Indiana: Ottoman & Modern 1urkish Studies
Publications, 2003.
38
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urban space was to be Ottomanized` by, on
the one hand, the appearance o a communal
mosque, either a conerted church or a new
building, situated at a ocal point o the city, and
on the other by a complex centered around a 1-
shaped multiunctional ivaret,ari,e outside the
walled part o the city.


1he 1-shaped buildings, the orm o which
is claimed by some scholars to architecturally
derie rom Central Anatolian derish lodges
8
,
combined in a single structure an eleated prayer
hall in an either aulted or domed e,rav, a central
space, and two to our side-rooms ,tabbaves, pro-
ided with Fre places.
9
In contemporary sources
they are simultaneously reerred to as ivaret and
ari,e. As a rule these buildings neer stood
alone, but were part o complexes usually includ-
ing a veare.e, bavav, soup kitchen, and in many
cases the tomb o the person who commis-
sioned its construction. 1he exact unctions o
these buildings are still debated in the scholarly
literature, but one could saely assert that these
buildings were meant to proide shelter or im-
portant derish leaders ,such as Pustinpus Baba
or Geyikli Baba,, and to accommodate arious
wandering derishes, important traellers, and
warriors o the aith. Moreoer, these complexes
always proided other important social serices
such as proiding ood ree o charge to the poor
1he standard reerence works on Iznik and Bursa`s architectural
deelopment are Gabriel, Albert. |ve caitate tvrqve rov..erv.a.
Paris: L. de Boccard, 1958 and Ayerdi, Lkrem lakki. O.vavti
vivri.iviv it/ aerri, 00: ,1201102,. Istanbul: Baha Matbaasi,
1966, pp. 48-119 and pp. 158-83 on Iznik. See also Otto-Dorn,
Katharina. Da. i.tavi.cbe vi/. Berlin: Dt. Archolog. Inst., 1941,
Aslanapa, Oktay. 1urkish Architecture at Iznik,` in: vi/ tbrovgbovt
bi.tor,, pp. 223-234, Alioglu, lsun. Lrken Osmanli doneminde
Iznik kentinin Fziksel gelisimi,` in: ..a,. iv bovovr of .tvttab Kvrav,
Lds. (igdem Kaesioglu and Lucienne 1hys-Senocak. Istanbul:
\api Kredi \ayinlari, 1999, pp. 83-101.
8 Lmir, Sedat. r/ev O.vavti vivartigivaa o/i,terti ,aitar: /evt.et
/otovia.,ov ,aitari otara/ ri,eter, 2 ols. Izmir: Akademi Kitabei,
1994, Kuban, Dogan. O.vavti vivari.i. Istanbul: \em \ayin, 200,
pp. 5-122.
9 In the classical` work o Kuran, these buildings are reerred to as
e,rav mosques`. C. Kuran, Aptullah. 1be vo.qve iv eart, Ottovav
arcbitectvre. Chicago and London: 1he Uniersity o Chicago Press,
1968, pp. 1-135. Semai Lyice introduced the term ari,eti cavi`
in his Ilk Osmanli derinin dini-itimai messesesi ziyeler e
ziyeli-camiler,` in: .tavbvt |virer.ite.i /ti.at a/vtte.i Mecvva.i, Vol.
XXIII, No. 1-2 ,1962-3,, pp. 3-80. lor an up-to-date surey and
detailed discussion o historiography, see Oguz, Zeynep. Multi-
unctional buildings o 1-type in Ottoman context: a network o
identity and territorialization.` Unpublished MA thesis, Middle Last
1echnical Uniersity, Ankara, 2006.
subjects or traellers, and supported religious
schools which had proided the links to the vteva.
1he 1-shaped ivaret,ari,es were, as a rule, built
on empty land outside the conFnes o the medi-
eal city, without any other system or regularity
in planning Making use o the topography, the
buildings were organically integrated in the city`s
landscape. In this respect the old capital Bursa,
where Fe consecutie sultans built such com-
plexes, not only could be seen as emblematic, but
also the great number o 1-shaped buildings and
their magniFcence induced some art historians to
reer to them as Bursa type mosques`.
10
Being a major ocus o royal patronage the
1-shaped ivaret,ari,es became a key mechanism
used by the Ottomans to encourage and acili-
tate the growth o urban settlement. By extend-
ing the architectural eidence o the Ottoman
dynasty to outlying areas, the rulers marked the
conFnes o the new Ottoman city. Located on
important strategic points, the 1-shaped ivaret,
ari,es and their complexes were most probably
meant to sere as a digniFed preiew o the city
or those coming in. 1hereore they were in most
cases laishly decorated and imposing structures.
Lxpending ast resources, the Ottoman rulers
constructed a clear message demonstrating the
change and highlighting the leadership o their
dynasty.
11
By examining the urban transormation o
important Byzantine cities such as Bursa and
Iznik, one could clearly distinguish a strategy o
redesigning urban space repeatedly ollowed by
the sultans and their dignitaries. A new Muslim
core emerged at a ocal point where a big sultanic
mosque was instituted. Simultaneously, or soon
10 A comprehensie oeriew o sultanic complexes in Bursa is ound
in Gabriel, |ve caitate tvrqve, pp. 43-129, Goodwin, Godrey. .
bi.tor, of tbe Ottovav arcbitectvre. London: 1hames & ludson, 2003
2
,
pp. 34-92
11 Crane, loward. 1he Ottoman Sultan`s mosques: icons o imperial
legitimacy,` in: 1be Ottovav cit, ava it. art.: vrbav .trvctvre ava .ociat
oraer. Lds. Irene Bierman et al. New Rochelle: Aristide D. Caratzas,
1991, pp. 13-243, Pancaroglu, Oya. Architecture, landscape,
and patronage in Bursa: the making o an Ottoman capital city,`
in: 1vr/i.b tvaie. ...ociatiov vttetiv, Vol. XX, No. 1, pp. 40-55,
Kuran, Aptullah. A spatial study o three Ottoman capitals: Bursa,
Ldirne, and Istanbul` in: Mvqarva., Vol. XIII ,1996,, pp. 114-131,
Kaesioglu, (igdem. Cov.tavtivooti.,.tavbvt: cvttvrat evcovvter.,
iveriat ri.iov, ava tbe cov.trvctiov of tbe Ottovav caitat. Uniersity Park:
Pennsylania State Uniersity Press, 2009, pp. 129-31.
39
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ater, commercial buildings such as beae.tevs, ara.
tas, or bavs surrounded the mosque, and in the
so-ormed commercial area seeral smaller single
domed communal mosques appeared too. As al-
ready pointed out, depending on the importance
and magnitude o the city, one or more 1-shaped
ivaret,ari,e complexes were placed in suburbs at
these cities` entrances. A ery similar pattern o
urban transormation, the product o the ron-
tier vitiev o Orhan`s state, was transerred to
the Balkans ollowing the Ottoman adance into
the region. lurthermore, the semi-independent
dynasties o Balkan raider commanders ,a/ivci
vcbe,is,, who made their liing on the Ottoman
marches, employed the same pattern when they
needed to transorm the conquered cities o
their own domains or established new towns.
12

In this short conerence paper I will brieny
examine the urban transormation o three
major Byzantine centres in the Balkans, looking
or similarities in their deelopment: 1, Ldirne,
the second Ottoman capital, 2, Plodi, the me-
tropolis o Upper 1hrace - like Ldirne situated
on the medieal Balkan highway known as the
1ia Mititari., and 3, Skopje, the principal city o
western Macedonia, dominated by the mighty
dynasty o the Ishakogullari.
12 1he dynasty o Gazi Lrenos Bey and its decisie role in the
deelopment o seeral important cities on the 1ia gvatia was
recently studied in a series o publications by Lowry, leath \.
1be .baivg of tbe Ottovav at/av., 1:01::0: tbe covqve.t, .etttevevt
c ivfra.trvctvrat aeretovevt of ^ortberv Creece. Istanbul: Bahesehir
Uniersity Press, 2008, Lowry, leath \. and Ismail Lrnsal.
1be rrevo. a,va.t, of Yevice 1araar: vote. c aocvvevt.. Istanbul:
Bahesehir Uniersity Press, 2010.
1. Majcr 15
|n
-ccn|urq O||cnan ncnuncn|s idcn|ifcd cn a 19
|n
-
ccn|urq p|an cf |dirnc.
40
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Edi rne ( Adri anopl e)
\e know ery little about the changes that
took place in Adrianople ,Ldirne, immediately
ater Murad I took possession o it in 1361.
13

Moreoer, all the buildings he commissioned had
an unortunate ate and did not make it to the
present day. \e could assert howeer, that like
his ather, Murad conerted a church located in
the walled part o the city into the mosque o
Aya Soya, thus displaying the ictory o Islam
and proiding the Muslim community with a
lriday mosque. Promulgating Ldirne as capital,
Murad ordered the construction o a royal palace
13 Inalcik, lalil. 1he conquest o Ldirne ,1361,,` in: .rcbirvv
Ottovavicvv, Vol. III ,191,, pp. 185-210. lor other opinions,
arguing or later date o Adrianople`s all into Ottoman hands, c.
Beldiceanu-Steinherr, Irene. La conqute d`Andrianople par les
1urcs: la pntration turque en 1hrace et la aleur des chroniques
ottomanes,` in: 1rarav et Mevoire., Vol. I ,1965,, pp. 439-61,
Zachariadou, Llizabeth. 1he conquest o Adrianople by the
1urks,` in: tvai 1eveiavi, Vol. XXII ,190,, pp. 211-.
and a number o serice buildings, which in act
must hae been the Frst Ottoman buildings out-
side the walls o the old Byzantine Adrianople.
Unortunately neither the conerted Aya Soya,
photographed in the 19
th
century,
14
nor Murad`s
palace, pulled down in the 16
th
century in order
to open room or the magniFcent Selimiye, are
extant today.
15
1he expansion o the city con-
tinued under Murad`s successor Bayezid I who,
in a Bursa manner,` placed a 1-shaped ivaret,
ari,e a considerable distance rom the city`s
walls, stretching the Ottoman presence beyond
14 1he conerted Byzantine church o lagia Sophia stood in the walled
part o Ldirne until the early 20
th
c. Recent study on this building
and a reprint o the 1888 photograph taken by Gh. Lchine, Russian
consul in the city, in Ousterhout, Robert and Charalambos Bakirtzis.
1be ,avtive vovvvevt. of tbe rro.,Meri Rirer 1atte,. 1hessaloniki:
Luropean Center or Byzantine and Post-Byzantine Monuments,
200, pp. 16-1. Kuran, Spatial study o three Ottoman capitals,`
p. 120.
15 libri, Abdurrahman. vi.v`tvv.viriv: airve taribi, 101:0. Ld.
Ratip Kazancigil. Ldirne: 1rk Ktphaneciler Dernegi \ayinlari,
1996, p. 14, Ayerdi. O.vavti vivri.iviv it/ aerri, p. 295.
2. Yt|dtrtn (8aqczid |) inarc|/zatiqc (1390s), pnc|c oq |nc
au|ncr.
41
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city`s natural border - the 1unca Rier.
16
Sultan
Bayezid`s Ldirne ediFce ,ill. 2, certainly lacked
the grandeur o his Bursa complex, built a ew
years earlier, but he set an important trend. In
the ollowing 30 to 40 years our more 1-shaped
ivaret,ari,e centred complexes commissioned
by Gazi Mihal,
1
the be,terbe,i \usu Pasa,
18

Mezid Bey,
19
and Sultan Murad II
20
appeared at
the outskirts o Ldirne ,ills. 3-5,. 1he growing
16 Kuran, Aptullah. Ldirne`de \ildirim camii,` in: ettetev, Vol.
XXVIII, No. 111 ,1964,, pp. 419-38, Kuran, 1be vo.qve, pp. 105-9.
Ayerdi. O.vavti vivri.iviv it/ aerri, pp. 484-94, Aslanapa, Oktay.
airveae o.vavti aerri biaeteri. Istanbul: Uler Basimei, 1949, pp. 2-6.
1 Ayerdi, Lkrem lakki. O.vavti vivri.ivae etebi re . .vttav Mvraa
aerri, 0:: ;11011:1). Istanbul: Istanbul letih Cemiyeti, 1989
2
,
pp. 386-93, Kuran, 1be vo.qve, pp. 86-.
18 Ayerdi. etebi re . .vttav Mvraa aerri, pp. 3-81, Kuran, 1be vo.qve,
pp. 89-90.
19 Kazancigil, Ratip. airve ivaretteri. Istanbul: 1rk Ktphaneciler
Dernegi \ayinlari, 1991, pp. 45-9, Ayerdi. etebi re . .vttav Mvraa
aerri, pp. 39-400, Kuran, 1be vo.qve, pp. 126-.
20 Uner, Suheyl. Ldirne Meleihanesi tarihine giris` in: airve:
.erbatta/i a,itabt. Lds. Lmin Nedret Isli and M. Sabri Koz. Istanbul:
\api Kredi \ayinlari, 1998, pp. 623-, Ayerdi. etebi re . .vttav
Mvraa aerri, pp. 405-415, Kuran, 1be vo.qve, pp. 124-5.
3. Gazi Mina| inarc|/zatiqc (1422), pnc|c oq |nc au|ncr.
importance o the city appealed or the construc-
tion o an imperial great mosque, which was built
by Bayezid`s sons in the Frst decade o the 15
th

century and thus imitating Bursa`s deelopment
the commercial core o Ldirne shited to a new
location outside the walled city.
21
1he multi-
domed Lski Cami soon became too small or the
rapidly expanding population o the central area.
1wo decades later Murad II commissioned a new
imperial mosque in the central part o town, the
U Sereeli mosque, which not only eleated
Ldirne`s magnitude, but also reolutionized the
design and construction techniques o the great
,vtv, mosques o the Ottomans.
22
Ldirne`s Ottomanization` greatly reminds
one o the transormation o Bursa. A new ur-
ban core emerged around an imperial mosque
while a number o 1-shaped ivaret,ari,es
21 Ayerdi. etebi re . .vttav Mvraa aerri, pp. 150-162, Kuran, 1be
vo.qve, pp. 154-158.
22 Ayerdi. etebi re . .vttav Mvraa aerri, pp. 422-62, Goodwin, Ottovav
arcbitectvre, pp. 9-102
42
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patronized by the rulers or their dignitaries sur-
rounded the city. 1he transer o the symbols o
Ottoman legitimacy onto Balkan soil, along with
the components o the border society,` remod-
elled Ldirne in such a way that it truly desered
the label serhattaki payitaht` or capital at the
rontier,` used as a title o a olume dedicated to
city`s history.
23
1he Balkan lords o the marches,
who in most cases were the driing orce behind
the Ottoman adance in Lurope, attracted the
centriugal orces in the Ottoman state, which
took a slow, but persistent direction towards
centralization and gradual sunniFcation. Margin-
alized groups such as the itinerant heterodox`
derishes sought alliance with, and protection o,
the powerul raider commanders, who in many
instances commissioned or them 1-shaped iva
23 Isli and Koz. airve: .erbatta/i a,itabt.
ret,ari,es. Looking or examples one could point
to the buildings o the Mihalogullari in Ldirne
and Ihtiman, Lrenos Bey`s ivarets along the 1ia
gvatia, Ishak Bey`s and his son Isa`s ediFces in
Skopje, or a number o anished buildings com-
missioned by other amous amilies. Sultans, on
the other hand, oered their patronized com-
plexes to derish orders o their choice. 1he
Muradiye in Ldirne, which sered or many years
as a verteribave, proides an excellent example in
this respect.
4. 8cq|crocqi (Sinancddin Yusuf Paa) inarc|/zatiqc (1428-9),
pnc|c oq |nc au|ncr.
43
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Pl ovdi v ( Fi l i be)
1he post-conquest years o our second case,
the city o Philipopolis ,lilibe,, are een more
obscure than Ldirne`s Frst decades in Ottoman
hands.
24
1he earliest standing Ottoman monu-
ment there is the multi-domed great mosque built
by Murad II in the mid-1430s ,ill. ,,
25
which was
almost 60 years ater the city surrendered to Lala
Sahin Pasa.
26
It is hard to beliee that or more
than hal a century the Ottomans did not leae
their imprint on an important Byzantine city like
Plodi, which was the Rumelian be,terbe,i`s place
o residence too. I would like to put orward a
hypothesis as speculatie as plausible. Certainly,
the Muradiye was not the earliest Ottoman build-
ing in the city. Constantine the Philosopher, also
known as Kostenecki, while describing the strug-
gle between Bayezid`s two sons, the princes Sl-
eyman and Musa in the early 1400s, mentions a
bavav in lilibe used by Sleyman or his easts.
2

Undoubtedly the bath did not stand alone, but
must hae been a part o a complex. Keeping in
mind the tradition according to which the con-
querors ,Orhan and Murad, conerted a church
within the stronghold into a mosque while si-
multaneously starting construction outside the
walls, one could assume that the case o Plodi
was not much dierent. 1here is a good chance
24 Notes on Plodi`s post-conquest period in Kiel, Machiel. Urban
deelopment in Bulgaria in the 1urkish period: the place o 1urkish
architecture in the process,` in: vtervatiovat ]ovrvat of 1vr/i.b tvaie.,
Vol. IV, No. 2 ,1990,, pp. 9-129 ,plus plates,, see pp. 8-91, Boyko,
Grigor. Ltno-religiozniat oblik na osmanskia grad lilibe - kraya na
XV - nachaloto na XVI ek` in: at/av./i iaevticbvo.ti, Vol. III. Lds.
Lgeni Radushe and Steka letadjiea. SoFa: londatsia Otoreno
obshtesto, 2003, pp. 130-51.
25 I will deal with the dating o the mosque in a uture study.
26 1he proceedings o the conerence deoted to Muradiye mosque
in Plodi, held in 2008 ater the restoration o the mosque was
completed, were recently published in a limited number by the
Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality. 1he olume itibe ;Ptorair)
Cvva Cavii Kovferav.i iairiteri,itibe ;Ptorair) Cvva Mo.qve Covferevce
Paer., Lds. Celaleddin Kk and N. Mine \ar. Istanbul: Istanbul
Byksehir Belediyesi, n.d. neer appeared on the market. Ayerdi.
O.vavti vivri.iviv it/ aerri, pp. 295-303, Rudlo-lile, Gertruda and
Otto Rudlo. Grad Plodi i negoite sgradi` in: re.tia va batgar./ia
arbeotogicbe./i iv.titvt,vttetiv of vtgariav .rcbeotogicat v.titvte, Vol.
VIII ,1934,, pp. 388-90.
2 1he destructie actions o the Ottoman princes Musa and Sleyman.
who sacked lilibe seeral times, are best described by Konstantin
Kostenecki. ebev.be.cbreibvvg ae. De.otev tefav aareric. 1r. and ed.
Maximilian Braun. \iesbaden: Otto larrassowitz, 1956, pp. 39-40,
Kastritsis, Dimitris, 1be .ov. of a,eia: evire bvitaivg ava rere.evtatiov
iv tbe Ottovav cirit rar of 11021. Leiden: Brill, 200, pp. 152-3.
6. Majcr 15
|n
-ccn|urq O||cnan ncnuncn|s idcn|ifcd cn a p|an
cf P|ctdit, rcdraun oq |nc au|ncr af|cr Margari|a Harocta.
5. Muradiqc (Murad ||) inarc|/zatiqc (1435-6), pcs|card frcn
|nc car|q 1900s.
44
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7. Muradiqc (Cunaqa) Mcsquc (nid-1430s), pnc|c frcn |nc
car|q 1900s, ccur|csq cf V|adinir 8a||cnct, P|ctdit.
that the town`s conqueror, Lala Sahin, built a
1-shaped ivaret,ari,e complex, part o which
was the bath mentioned by Constantine the
Philosopher. It is diFcult to pinpoint the exact
location o the complex, but the logical guess, as
also implied by the text o Constantine, would be
below the walls o the ortiFed citadel. lurther-
more, because o the destructie warare o the
Ottoman princes, the buildings might hae been
damaged and later disappeared, which is another
hint pointing to their extramural location.
1he large building actiity undertaken by Mu-
rad II and the be,terbe,i Sihabeddin Pasa, twenty
years later, must be seen as an attempt to rebuild
the ruined city. A great multi-domed mosque
commissioned by Murad marked the ocal point
o the new commercial area, while a 1-shaped
building patronized by Sihabeddin ,ill. 8, stretched
city`s boundaries to the bridge oer the Maritsa
,Meri, Rier.
28
Placed purposeully on the spot
28 1he bridge oer Meri,Maritsa is belieed to hae been built by Lala
Sahin Pasa shortly ater the conquest. A short note in Nesri howeer
makes this assumption questionable. According to the narratie, in
1389 while on his way to Kosoo with the anguard o the Ottoman
army, (andarli Ali Pasa was orced to spend two months in lilibe
because the Meri had risen and could not be crossed. C. Mehmed
Nesri. Kitbi Cibavvvva. Vol. I. Lds. laik Resit Unat and Mehmed
Koymen. Ankara: 1rk 1arih Kurumu, 1949, p. 259.
where a traeller who ollows the 1ia Mititari.
would enter the city, and thus being the Frst thing
a person encountered when he or she walked into
Plodi, the complex o Sihabeddin included also
a bath, veare.e, soup kitchen, and the mausoleum
o its patron.
29
le also built a massie bath in the
central part, the so-called 1ahtakale lamami ,ill.
9,, which apparently was meant to sere the con-
gregation o the Muradiye.
30
A large caraanserai,
beae.tev, and a number o single-domed mosques
which soon appeared in the central commercial
area, gae Plodi a more complete look, greatly
resembling, but at a smaller scale, the central areas
o Ldirne and Bursa.
29 Ayerdi. etebi re . .vttav Mvraa aerri, pp. 49-485, Rudlo. Grad
Plodi,` pp. 390-393.
30 1he bath locally known as 1abta/ate ;tabtv`t/a`t) bavavi was
destroyed in the early 20
th
century, which depries us o the
possibility to Fnd out its sponsor and date o construction. An
accounting book ,vvba.ebe aefteri, o Sihabeddin Pasa`s lilibe raqf,
dating rom A. l. 1042-3,1632-3 ,BOA 11 6513, . 20, reeals
that the bavav was supported by the raqf and in the course o the
year some repair work was done. 1his act conincingly points to
Sihabeddin Pasa as the person who built the bavav. Since it was
apparently meant to sere the congregation o the nearby Muradiye,
it is highly likely that the bath was built simultaneously with the
mosque, or shortly aterwards, thus in the 1430s.
45
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Skopj e ( skb)
1he modiFcation o our last example, o Byz-
antino-Slaic Skopje becoming Ottoman Uskb,
resembles een more greatly the transormation
o Bursa. Just as in Bursa under Orhan, soon
ater the city ell into the hands o Pasa \igit
Bey in the early 1390s,
31
the conqueror commis-
sioned a complex around which the new urban
core deeloped later on. Unortunately none o
the buildings that Pasa \igit erected below the
ortress stands today, but their exact location
and certain details are well known. 1he com-
plex consisted o seeral buildings which stood
until 1943 when the Allied bombing o Skopje
leelled most o them. 1he lonely minaret and
the mausoleum o the patron suried or an-
other twenty years until the earthquake o 1963
31 Gjorgie, Dragi. /o;e oa tvr./oto o.ro;vrav;e ao /ra;ot va `1 re/.
Skopje: Institut za nacionalna istorija, 199, pp. 18-9, Bojanic-Lukac,
Dusanka. Kako turcite so prezele Skopje ,1393,` in: Zborvi/ va
Mve; va graa /o;e, Vol. II-III ,1965-6,, pp. 5-18. On Pasa \igit Bey
and his descendents see Llezoic, Glisa. Skopski Ishakoici i Pasa
Jigit Beg` in: Cta.vi/ /o./og ^avcvog Drv.tra, Vol. IX ,1932,, pp.
159-68.
8. inaocddin Paas ccnp|cx (1444), pnc|c cf 1878-9, ccur|csq
cf V|adinir 8a||cnct, P|ctdit.
9. Tan|a|a|c 8a|n (1430s), pnc|c cf 1892, ccur|csq cf V|adinir
8a||cnct, P|ctdit.
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10. Majcr 15
|n
-ccn|urq O||cnan ncnuncn|s idcn|ifcd cn an
1898 p|an cf S|cpjc, ui|n idcn|ifca|icns cf quar|cr nancs oq
Mcnnc| |noat.
47
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11. Paa Yigi| 8cq/Mcddan 8aoa Mcsquc (1390s?), pcs|card cf
un|ncun da|c.
12. |sna| 8cq (A|aca) inarc|/zatiqc (1438-9), pnc|cgrapn frcn
|nc 1910s, cc||cc|icn cf Dini|ris |cupis, A|ncns.
destroyed them completely.
32
Old photographs,
howeer, can oer an idea concerning what has
remained rom these buildings. 1he so-called
mosque o Pasa \igit Bey, which on an early
twentieth-century postcard ,ill. 11, appears as a
square building with a tile roo, was also locally
known as Meddah Baba Camii. Meddah Baba,
whose tombstone is still extant, seems to hae
been a real historical Fgure. Most likely he was a
derish rom the close entourage o Pasa \igit
and who participated in the conquest o the city,
which makes the patron`s dedication o his buil-
dings to the derish plausible.
33
1he act that L-
liya (elebi reers to it as a ari,e, in addition to the
presence o a holy spring in its courtyard, leaes
little doubt that the so called mosque o Pasa
32 Kumbaraci-Bogoyei, Lidiya. |./v`te O.vavti vivari e.erteri.
Istanbul: LNKA, 2008, pp. 168-1.
33 Llezoic, Glisa. 1vr./i .ovevici v /ot;v. Beograd: Rodoljub, 192,
pp. 4-9, Ozer, Mustaa. |./v`te 1vr/ vivari.i ;`1.``. ,v,it).
Ankara: 1rk 1arih Kurumu, 2006, pp. 18-8.
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the patron, and most likely also a soup kitchen
and a bath in its close icinity.
35
1he exploding population growth o Skopje,
just as in Bursa, ery soon turned Pasa \igit`s
1-shaped complex into a ocal point o a new
commercial neighbourhood which grew around
it.
36
lis descendents Ishak Bey and Isa Bey added
their own 1-shaped ivaret,ari,e. that pushed the
city`s dimensions urther to the northeast ,ills.
35 Bogojeic, Lidija. Les turbs de Skopje,` in: .tti aet .ecovao covgre..o
ivtevaiovate ai arte tvrca. Napoli: Istituto Uniersitario Orientale
Seminario di 1urcologia, 1965, pp. 31-9, cit. p 36-, Kumbaraci-
Bogoyei, |./v`te O.vavti vivari, p. 12, Ozer. |./v`te 1vr/
vivari.i, pp. 220-221, Llezoic, 1vr./i .ovevici v /ot;v, pp. 6-.
36 Gjorgie, /o;e, pp. 3-59.
\igit was actually built as a derish conent.
34

Analogies deried rom other Ottoman cities
that saw similar transormation strongly sug-
gest that Pasa \igit`s complex was built around
a multiunctional 1-shaped structure which saw
signiFcant remodelling in later times, maybe as
a result o the labsburg assault on the city. 1he
complex also had a veare.e, the mausoleum o
34 rti,a etebi .e,abatvve.i. 1. /ita: 1o/ai ara, Kvtvbave.i agaat
0 vvvarati ,avaviv trav./ri.i,ovvaiivi. Lds. Kahraman, Seyit
Ali, \cel Dagli, and Ibrahim Sezgin. Istanbul: \api Kredi \ayinlari,
2001, p. 301.
13. |sa 8cq inarc|/zatiqc (1475-6), pnc|c oq |nc au|ncr.
49
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12-13,.
3
1he large imperial communal mosque,
which Skopje needed, was built by Murad II only
a ew years ater he completed a similar structure
in lilibe.
38
1he city o Skopje, during the period in ques-
tion, was entirely dominated by the members o
one dynasty o raider commanders, the mighty
Ishakogullari amily, but the city`s remodelling
and urther deelopment imitated at a smaller
scale processes in Bursa or Ldirne, which were
patronized by the ruling Ottoman dynasty. Just as
the Frst Ottoman rulers used the 1-shaped iva
ret,ari,es as key mechanisms to encourage the
growth o urban settlement, the vcbe,is who at-
3 Kumbaraci-Bogoyei, |./v`te O.vavti, pp. 61-5, 90-101, Ozer.
|./v`te 1vr/, pp. 51-, 62-9.
38 Ayerdi, etebi re . .vttav Mvraa aerri, pp. 564-569, Kumbaraci-
Bogoyei, |./v`te O.vavti, pp. 44-52, Ozer. |./v`te 1vr/, pp.
44-50.
tracted the periphery orces o the time adopted
the style o the Frst sultans and employed it in
the cities under their control. Moreoer, the per-
ception o a city as an entity in which, on the one
hand, there was a central area with a communal
mosque and surrounding commercial buildings,
and on the other a complex o a multiunctional
1-shaped building in the suburbs, comprised
the ery oundation o a marcher lord`s concept
or establishing new towns. In this respect the
modern city o Sarajeo, created rom scratch
by Ishakoglu Isa Bey, might be another excellent
example.

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1be avtbor roriae. a .vrre, of .cbotar.bi covcervivg Ottovav vovvvevt. iv re.evtaa, vvgar,, ava
ivforvatiov abovt recevt ai.corerie. covcervivg tbi. beritage. rev tbovgb iv tbe batfcevtvr, after tbe ab.bvrg
covqve.t of Ottovav vvgar, after 1 arovva 0 of tbe bvitaivg. rere /voc/ea aorv, aata covcervivg
tbe.e vovvvevt. i. re.errea to v. iv tetvat .ovrce. ava va. roavcea iv tbi. erioa ava before. Of tbe forver
2:000 vo.qve. ava mescid. for eavte, toaa, ovt, eigbt vo.qve. .vrrire iv rbote or iv art. orerer, .ivce
at tbe tive tbe raraera.tatea regiov veeaea av, .erriceabte bvitaivg rbat.oerer, vav, Ottovav bvitaivg. rere
vt to v.e. avte. of Mv.tiv bov.e. of ror.bi tbat rere tater covrertea ivto cbvrcbe. ivctvae tbe 1o,gvv
Pa,a Cavii iv vaa, tbe .ti Pa,a Cavii iv igetrar, tbe Cai Ka.iv Pa,a Cavii iv Pec., ava tbe .ocattea
.go.tov ter mescid, .ivitart, iv Pec.. !itb regara to tbe .tva, of Ottovav bvitaivg. or art. tbereof vtitiea
.vb.eqvevtt,, ver /vorteage ba. beev gaivea tbrovgb a vvvber of recevt ecaratiov.. or eavte, tbe 2001-:
arcbaeotogicat ava art bi.toricat re.earcb at vaa`. Rvaa. atb covta ctarif, .ove i..ve. regaraivg tbe .trvctvre`.
arcbitectvrat bi.tor,. 1be batb`. bric/bvitt aove ra. .borv to be Ottovav ror/, covtrar, to tbe e.tabti.bea rier.
v 200-, ivre.tigatiov. rere carriea ovt at tbe C.a.ar atb ;ti/eri.e iv vaa), avrivg rbicb it. .ecifcatt,
Ottovav art. rere iaevtifea ava .tvaiea. 1be ,ear 200 .ar tbe re.vvtiov of ecaratiov. iv .tergov at av
Ottovav batb ovce covtetet, bvriea vvaer eartb; it ra. fovva to be .vrri.ivgt, ivtact v to tbe ravttivg`. .vort..
.vtorica rva regtea a/aaev./ib .tvai;a o o.vav./iv .oveviciva aava.v;ice v Maar./o; i ivforvaci;e o
veaarviv ot/riciva v rei orog va.ti;ea. Do/ ota .tot;eca va/ov ab.bvr./og o.ra;av;a o.vav./e Maar./e
o.ti;e 1.goaive o/o 0 graeriva ;e bito orv.evo, ao/ .v oaaci v rei orib .ovevi/a .acvravi v i.aviv
iroriva i vaava i orog iti ravi;eg erioaa. Oa ravi;e 2:000 aavi;a i ve.aiaa, aava. va riv;er .avo
o.av aavi;a ;e .acvravo v otvvo.ti iti ai;etov. Ka/o ;e bita reti/a otrav;a a v.tvviv ob;e/tiva v regi;i
vvi.teviv v ratviv raarav;iva, .aaa ;e eriaevtvo aa .v .e vvogi ob;e/ti o.vav./e arbite/tvre ovoro oceti
/ori.titi. Priv;eri cr/ri /o;e .v ravi;e fvv/ciovi.ate /ao vv.tivav./e r;er./e bogovot;e .v: aavi;a 1o;gvva.e
v vaivv, vva cr/ra vvvtra.v;eg graaa v Pe.ti, .tia.iva aavi;a v igetrarv, aavi;a Cai Ka.iva.e
v Pecvbv, i ta/oravi ve.aia va.go.tov trgv, ta/oer v Pecvbv. Porea .tvai;e o ovorvo; votrebi o.vav./ib
graeriva iti v;iborib ai;etora vora .avav;a o orov va.ti;ev vogv biti ao.tvva /ro veaarva arbeoto./a
i.trairav;a. ^a riv;er, i.trairav;a v ot;v arbeotogi;e i i.tori;e vv;etvo.ti obart;eva 2001. i 200: goaive va
;arvov /vatitv,bavavv Rvaa. v vaivv, bi vogta o;av.iti ve/a .orva itav;a o v;egoro; /ov.trv/ci;i.
vrotvo ravi;e v.ro;evov vi.t;ev;v, ao/aavo ;e aa ;e /vota oa oe/e va bavavv bita igraeva oa .trave
O.vavti;a. | 200. i 200.goaivi .v ta/oer /revvta i.trairav;a va Carerov bavavv, .ticvo /ao i v v
aivv, va vaciv va /o;i .e origivatvi ai;etori i o.vav./og erioaa vogv iaevtif/orati i i.traiti. | 200.goaivi
ovorva i.trairav;a va /vatitv,bavavv v O.trogovv, ve/aaa otvvo .at;eviv oa evt;ov, ;e ivevav;vce
rovaevo aa ;e graeriva otvvo veta/vvta .re ao vo.aca .roaa.
Ibolya Gerelyes
Ot t oman ar chi t ect ur e i n Hungar y: new
di scover i es and per spect i ves f or r esear ch
Osmanska ar hi t ekt ur a u Maar skoj : nova
ot ki a i per spekt i ve za i st r ai vanj a
51
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*#1#+*%"$/'!&$"2'-+*341$Ottoman architec-
ture dates back more than a century. loweer,
despite the continual enrichment o our knowl-
edge o its structures by successie generations
o scholars, until the 190s it seemed as though
the number o suriing or known examples o
Ottoman architecture in lungary was neer go-
ing to increase.
1
A highly signiFcant problem or research into
Ottoman-origin buildings in lungary is the tiny
number o such buildings that hae suried, in
whole or in part. 1here is a clear disparity be-
tween the data in the contemporary sources and
the number o buildings that hae come down to
us. One reason or the mismatch is that examples
o Ottoman architecture in lungary hae disap-
peared almost completely oer the last 300 years.
More speciFcally, in the Frst Fe decades ollow-
ing the expulsion o the Ottomans - namely, in
the period rom the mid-1680s to the mid-130s
- more than 90 percent o the buildings erected
by the Ottomans in lungary during the 150
years o their rule were knocked down or other-
wise destroyed.
1he data emerging rom the Ottoman sources
indicate considerable architectural actiity, and
this is also proed by labsburg military sureys
made o towns at the time they were recaptured.
1 lor the history o the research and or the known buildings that
still stand, see Gyz Ger`s monograph published in 1980, it is still
a key work: Ger, Gyz. . o.vavtr/ ete.et Mag,aror.agov.
;D.avi/, tvrbe/, fvra/.) Mszettortneti lzetek 12. Budapest:
Akadmiai, 1980. 1hanks are due to him or supplementing the
history o the research with new data: Ger, Gyz. 1he history
o Ottoman-1urkish archaeological research in lungary,` in:
.rcbaeotog, of tbe Ottovav erioa iv vvgar,. Lds. Ibolya Gerelyes and
Gyongyi Koacs. Budapest: lungarian National Museum, 2003, pp.
1-22.
Based on source material rom both sides, the to-
tal number o mosques ,cavis, and ve.cias ,prayer
houses, operating on lungarian territory under
Ottoman rule has been put at between 250 and
300.
2
In contrast to this Fgure, on the territory
o today`s lungary we know o just eight cavis
suriing in whole or in part. 1he memory o
another two ,in Lger and in Lrd, is presered by
a minaret in each case.
3
1he picture is similar when we examine the
data relating to baths ,bavavs and iticas,. Accord-
ing to research work conducted in recent years
on the basis o the arious historical sources,
5 Ottoman baths existed in 4 dierent settle-
ments.
4
By contrast, in Buda there are now just
our standing Ottoman baths, we know o an-
other two baths, one in Buda and one in Pest, that
were demolished but the oundations o which
surie. Major parts o two baths hae suried
in Lger, once a rita,et centre. Remains o a bath
hae also suried in Gyula and in Pcs respec-
tiely, each is a ormer .avca/ centre. In addition,
researchers know o another such building that
was demolished.
5
lence, o these 5 baths we
know about 11 only.
\ith the exception o two examples that are
still standing, lungary`s tvrbes hae anished
without trace, as hae its veare.es, ve/tebs, bavs,
and caraanserais.
2 Sudar, Balazs. Osmanli Macaristan`inda camiler e mescitler,` in:
1birteevtb vtervatiovat Covgre.. of 1vr/i.b .rt. Proceeaivg.. Lds. Gza
Daid and Ibolya Gerelyes. Budapest: lungarian National Museum,
2009, pp. 63-50, cit. p. 639.
3 Ger. . o.vavtr/ ete.et, pp. 38-5.
4 Sudar, Balazs. Baths in Ottoman lungary,` in: .cta Orievtatia
.caaeviae cievtiarivv vvgaricae, Vol. LVII ,2004,, pp. 391-43.
5 Ger. . o.vavtr/ ete.et, pp. 81-116.
52
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The afterl i fe of the
bui l di ngs and thei r use for
di fferent purposes
In the years ater the reconquest and in the
early 18
th
century, the aterlie o these buildings
was largely determined by the uses to which they
were put. In a region impoerished and deas-
tated by war, there was clearly a need or eery
building that was in sericeable condition. In the
case o churches conerted to mosques, the Ro-
man Catholic Church still knew which building
had belonged to which religious order prior to
their conersion. Local tradition, too, was impor-
tant in establishing whether a cavi or ve.cia had
been a Christian church preiously, as indeed was
the building itsel. I its condition permitted it,
these buildings were, in most cases, again used
as Christian churches. In the period immediately
ollowing the reconquest, een cavis and ve.cias
that were Ottoman rom their oundations up-
wards were used or Christian worship. 1he same
continuity applied in the case o bath buildings,
90 percent o which continued to be used as
baths. 1here were, howeer, a ew exceptions,
some o which we shall now mention.
One o the Fnest Ottoman buildings on the
Danube embankment in Buda was the mosque
o Sokollu Mustaa Pasa, it is ound on a list o
buildings designed by Mimar Sinan.
6
lor many
reasons, the present author is inclined to identiy
this building with a structure recorded in 1686
as the Osman Bey Camii, which was standing
until the 180s. 1he ate o this building is in-
dicatie o how works o Ottoman architecture
were treated in the 18
th
century. In 1698, the
town council o Buda requested that the imperial
treasury gie the cavi to it or conersion into a
parish church. 1he request was also made to the
lokammer in Vienna, where it was eentually
rejected, probably because oFcials there could
not decide whether the building should be a
parish church or whether it should be gien to
the Pauline order, which had likewise requested
6 C. Necipoglu, Glru. 1be age of ivav: arcbitectvrat cvttvre iv tbe
Ottovav evire. London: Reaktion, 2005, p. 560, see also goston,
Gabor. Muslim cultural enclaes in lungary under Ottoman rule,`
in: .cta Orievtatia .caaeviae cievtiarivv vvgaricae, Vol. XLV, Nos.
2-3 ,1991,, pp. 181-204, cit. p. 184.
a site. In the end, the building was obtained by
Janos Lnczinger, a Buda townsman and gunpow-
der manuacturer, who simply moed in and used
it or storing saltpetre. As a result, it was known
or many decades as the Saltpetre Mosque.` It
was still being used or storing saltpetre as late as
160. Lentually, the building was demolished, in
the late 18
th
century.


Another emblematic building put up in Ot-
toman times was the Sultan Sleyman Camii in
Szigetar. Its construction began immediately
ater the capture o Szigetar Castle by the Ot-
tomans. According to tradition, it was completed
in just a ew weeks, an almost unbelieably short
period. Szigetar Castle was surrendered to
labsburg imperial troops by its Ottoman gar-
rison in 1689. Initially, the Sleyman Camii was
used by the castle commander as his residence.
Later, in the next decades, the building unc-
tioned as a military storage acility and as a hos-
pital. Between 160 and 10, it sered as the
chapel or the garrison. In the early 19
th
century,
it was used as a granary and accommodation or
a baili was built onto its south-western side.
8
It
was at this time that Joseph lammer Purgstall
studied the original Ottoman inscriptions on the
inside o the building.
9
Our list o cavi buildings used or secular,
oten practical, purposes can be continued. A
urther example could be the Malko Bey Camii
at Sikls. In the mid-19
th
century, this building
opened on to the courtyard o what was then
the Pelican Inn and was presumably a part o the
inn itsel, sering as a residential building. Later,
it was used as Sikls`s poor house.
10
Gyula`s Sleyman Camii, to be discussed be-
low, later sered as the house o an estate stew-
ard, according to a description rom 184.
11
Nmethy, Lajos. 1r/ vec.ete/ vaav. Budapest: Athenaeum, 188.
8 Molnar, Jzse. Szlejman szultan dzsamija Szigetarott,` in:
Mre.ettrteveti rte.t, No. 2 ,196,, pp. 91-2.
9 B. lammer Purgstall, Jzse. Nmely Pcs kornykn talalhat
torok, arab s perzsa eliratrl,` in: Mag,ar .caaeviai rte.it, Vol.
VII, No. 11 ,184,, pp. 365-9.
10 Ger, Gyz. A siklsi Malkocs bej dzsami,` in: te.
te.ettvaovav,, Vol. XV, Nos. 1-4 ,1983,, pp. 11-18.
11 Petik, Ambrus. e/e. veg,e tera.a. Gyula: Lrkel lerenc Mzeum,
1961, p. 18.
53
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Clearly, it was real and practical need that
prompted the town athers to establish a school
in the Ottoman bath building in Gyula in the ear-
ly 18
th
century. 1he most authoritatie descrip-
tion so ar o the building has come down to us
rom a local historian who lied in the early 19
th

century and who spent his school years there. It
is worth mentioning that this ediFce, which has
been altered many times since then, still rests on
Ottoman oundations. It is in use as a school
een today.
12
\e should note that in the aboe cases it was
precisely their use or practical purposes that
saed the buildings rom total destruction.
The begi nni ngs of schol arl y
research
Scholarly interest in lungary`s standing Ot-
toman buildings started around 1850. Lasting
until the Frst hal o the 20
th
century, this pe-
riod was characterised by a distinct duality. On
the one hand, the Archaeological Committee o
the lungarian Academy o Sciences proided,
rom as early as 1868, considerable support or
the excaation and study o Ottoman-era build-
ings. On the other hand, the process o demol-
ishing such buildings continued. Oten out o
necessity, Ottoman buildings
in a good state o repair were
demolished during urban re-
deelopment work, which was
then intensiying. Also knocked
down were other Ottoman
structures, Frst and oremost
castle walls, bastions, and towers
belonging to one-time ortiFca-
tions. Characteristically, in the
decades preceding the interest
o the Archaeological Commit-
tee, two cavis were demolished:
one at Lger and one at Lrd. As
a memento, the minaret was
let in each case. 1hese surie
to this day. \ith the beginning
o the 20
th
century, signiFcant
12 Ibid., p. 1.
summary works were published: in 1906 a list o
historical monuments and in 1918 an architec-
tural surey o the Ottoman buildings that were
still standing.
13
loweer, the real breakthrough
came only in the 1930s and 1940s. It is rom this
time onwards that we can speak o methodical
research actiity aimed at soling particular prob-
lems, and o the links between archaeological
work and wall inestigations. It was at this time
that scientiFc excaation o Pcs`s Gazi Kasim
Pasa Camii, one o lungary`s most prominent
Ottoman monuments, was conducted.
14
1he re-
search work perormed in lungary during the
second hal o the 20
th
century is largely associ-
ated with the architect Jzse Molnar
15
and the
archaeologist Gyz Ger. \ith all due respect
to them, in what ollows I should like to speak
not about their work, but rather about the Fnd-
ings o the last decade.
13 Gerecze, Pter. Mag,aror.ag vevte/ei, Vol. 2. Budapest:
lornyanszky, 1906, loerk, Lrn. 1r/ evte/e/ Mag,aror.agbav: .
vaae.ti Mag,ar .ttavi et. t ari./ota 11. eri .vviaei fetretetei.
Budapest: Korin 1estrek, 1918.
14 Gosztonyi, Gyula. . raro.tevtov ete.trtevete. Pcs, n. d.
15 Molnar, Jzse. Macari.tav`aa/i 1vr/ .vittari Movvvevt. tvrc. ev
ovgrie. Ankara: 1rk 1arih Kurumu Basimei, 193.
|||. 1. |n|cricr cf |nc R4c 8a|n in 8uda, during cxcata|icn ucr|.
Pnc|cgrapn oq ]udi| |4szaq
54
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Recent di scoveri es
Gathering pace in the past 25 years ,and espe-
cially the last ten,, archaeological research work
has helped increase, to an unexpected degree, the
number o Ottoman buildings known to us, Frst
and oremost on the territories o Buda and Pest.
In each case, these newly ound buildings surie
only in part, although sometimes their remains
are substantial. Leaing aside a gate tower ,dis-
cussed below,, remains o buildings o two types
,cavis and baths, hae been unearthed.
Some o our new Fndings stem rom the
excaation o buildings already known, but con-
ducted on a larger scale, in a more detailed way,
and using methods appropriate or the 21
st
cen-
tury. Lxamples are the Fndings rom the recent
excaation o a series o Ottoman baths along
Buda`s Danube embankment. 1he our baths in
question are well known and were identiFed ery
early on. Gyz Ger was able to conduct minor
research work on three o these our baths in the
late 1950s, in the Frst hal o the 1960s, and in
the mid-190s.
16
loweer, within the ramework
o major reconstruction work at the baths, two
young researchers eentually had the opportunity
to conduct more serious research there.
Similar to the research into Buda`s baths, the
ull excaation o two cavis has begun in the
last ew years, on the basis o historical data
already known and smaller-scale research work
perormed some decades earlier. Contrary to
expectations at the outset, both excaations hae
16 It was likewise Gyz Ger who conducted ,small-scale, research
on the site o the steam-bath belonging to the 1oygun Pasa Camii
in Buda`s \ater 1own in 193. lis Fndings there were conFrmed
by an excaation perormed by Andras Vgh in 1998. Ger, Gyz.
A Buda - ziarosi 1ojgun pasa dzsami s a 1ojgun pasa mahalle,`
in: vaae.t Regi.egei, Vol. XXXVII ,2003,, pp. 19-208, cit. p. 19,
201. Also, Gyz Ger took part in the excaation in the 1960s o
the pasa o Buda`s priate bath. See Ger, Gyz. 1he residence
o the pasas in lungary and the recently discoered pasasaray rom
Buda,` in: .rt tvrc , 1vr/i.b art. 10tb vtervatiovat Covgre.. of 1vr/i.b
.rt , 10
e
Covgre. ivtervatiovat a`art tvrc. .cte. Proceeaivg.. Lds. lranois
Droche, Charles Genequand, Gnsel Renda, and Michael Rogers.
Genee: londation Max Van Berchem, 1999, pp. 353-.
|||. 2. |n|cricr cf |nc Cs4sz4r 8a|n in 8uda, during cxcata|icn
ucr|. Pnc|cgrapn oq 8cncc Tinanqi.
55
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produced positie Fndings. 1he ediFces - the
Ozieli laci Ibrahim Camii in Lsztergom and
the lerhad Pasa Camii in Pcs - hae, despite
earlier reconstruction work, presered their origi-
nal shapes, as well as signiFcant details rom the
original Ottoman buildings.
1
Likewise, careul
archaeological research work conducted oer a
wider area in the early 21
st
century has pointed
out the Ottoman origins o a steam-bath on the
Danube embankment in Pest. Preiously, this
had been considered a bath rom the Roman
era.
18
I shall now discuss some o the buildings
in greater detail.
emberci Aga Camii (Buda)
1he oundations o a minaret o a building
known rom the historical sources came to light
on the territory o Buda`s \ater 1own district in
1998. Its identiFcation as an Ottoman structure
was made possible by the uncoering o a rame-
work o beams in combination with limestone.
19

Rudas Bath (Buda)
Known in 1urkish as \esil Direkli Ilicasi, it
was built in 151,2 by the goernor o Buda, So-
kollu Mustaa Pasa. According to archaeological
Fndings, it stood on the site o a medieal bath.
Ater the recapture o Buda, it passed into the
possession o the town. In the centuries since, it
has been in continual use as a bath. Although the
Rudas Bath eatures eerywhere in the specialist
literature, it was only in 2004-5 that substantial
archaeological and art historical research work
could take place at the building. In the course o
this, numerous issues were clariFed. 1he domed
pool space and the three rooms to the north o it
are all structures rom the Ottoman period. 1he
dome itsel was destroyed in 1686 ,during the
1 Ger, Gyz. 1he place o Lsztergom`s Ozieli laci Ibrahim
Cami in the Ottoman architecture o lungary,` in: 1birteevtb
vtervatiovat Covgre.. of 1vr/i.b .rt. Proceeaivg.. Lds. Gza Daid and
Ibolya Gerelyes. Budapest: lungarian National Museum, pp. 253-
64. lor the researching o the lerhad Pasa Camii in Pcs, see below.
18 Beszdes, Jzse and Judit Zador. Budapest, V. ker. Pesti Barnabas
utca 1., lrsz: 24312,` in: .qvivcvvi vete/ 13 ,200,, p. 266.
19 lekete, Lajos. vaae.t a tr//orbav vaae.t trtevete . Budapest:
Kiralyi Magyar Lgyetemi Nyomda, 1944, p. 93, Bencze, Zoltan.
Recent research into Ottoman-period remains in Buda,` in:
.rcbaeotog, of tbe Ottovav erioa iv vvgar,, pp. 55-9.
capture o Buda,, but the walls o the estibule
were knocked down only in the mid-20
th
century.
In contrast to earlier assumptions, the brick-built
dome o the bath turned out to be rom the Ot-
toman era. 1his last discoery is completely new,
haing been made last year.
20
Rc Bath (Buda)
Kk Ilica in Ottoman, it was built beore
152. In 1958, Gyz Ger perormed small-
scale research work on the dome and next to the
southern wall o the building. During research
work conducted in 2005-, two young colleagues
clariFed the ground plan o the bath. 1hey es-
tablished that the estibule o the building, the
warm room connected to it ,ill. 1,, the octagonal
hot room, and a small priate bath to the north
o it hae all remained intact. An interesting
eature o the bath is that its three Ottoman-era
pools and most o the 16
th
-century nooring in
the central space hae suried intact.
21
Csszr Bath (Buda)
1his monument is known rom late 1
th
-cen-
tury sources as the Veli Bey Bath, but a suriing
inscription proes that originally it was another
oundation by Sokollu Mustaa Pasa and was built
in 154,5. Since the end o the Ottoman period,
too, it has been in continual use as a bath. 1he
building underwent major alterations in the mid-
19
th
century and in the 190s. On account o its
obsolete technical equipment, it was closed in the
late 20
th
century. 1his allowed research work to
take place in 200-8. According to the Fndings,
the hot room in the building has suried intact
,ill. 2,, along with the oundations o the pool
and the lowermost steps o it. In each o the
our corners o the building there used to be a
20 G. Laszay, Judit and Papp, Adrienn. A budai torokrdk kutatasa
az ezred elejn,` in: Mevte/reaetev, Vol. LII, No. 5 ,2009,,
pp. 194-201. Data on the medieal baths on Buda`s Danube
embankment beore the 1urkish period are to be ound in early 16
th
-
century tithe records and in Georg \ernher`s treatise ,De aaviravai.
vvgariae aqvi.., written in 1556 on the waters o lungary. lor a
acsimile edition o this, see \ernher, Juraj. O oairvboavcb roaacb
|bor./a. Martin: Oseta, 194. See also Vgh, Andras. Buda aros
kozpkori helyrajza I.,` in: Movvvevta i.torica vaae.tivev.ia, Vol.
15. Budapest: Budapesti 1ortneti Mzeum, 2006, pp. 10-8.
21 Laszay and Papp, A budai torokrdk,` pp. 202-8.
56
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small priate pool. 1he original nooring has to all
intents and purposes perished. 1he estibule and
most o the warm room hae been destroyed.
22
Lukcs Bath (Buda)
An Ottoman gunpowder mill with our
corner-towers stood on part o this bath`s site in
the 16
th
century. O the towers, the south-eastern
one was incorporated into the bath, which was
built in the mid-1860s. lollowing the leelling o
the north-eastern tower, the space it had occu-
pied was likewise incorporated into the bath. 1he
other two towers, likewise leelled, are ound un-
der the road in ront o the bath. During research
work perormed in 200, it turned out that the
incorporated tower and a wall connected to it are
indeed Ottoman and eature three original Fring
positions ,embrasures,. 1he inner space o the
tower was transormed into a smaller bath in the
19
th
century ,ill. 3,.
23
22 Ibid., pp. 206-13.
23 Laszay, Judit and Papp, Adrienn. Kutatasok a budaelhzi
rdkben,` in: Rege.eti /vtata.o/ Mag,aror.agov. Budapest: Magyar
Nemzeti Mzeum, 200, pp. 63-0.
Small Bath (Lsztergom)
In the \ater 1own district o Lsztergom, we
can report an astonishing excaation. 1his in-
estigated a bath which was likewise known but
which had sunk into obliion - literally, since it
had been buried under earth. \e do not know
the precise time o the bath`s construction, on
the basis o related data, it may hae been built
between 1605 and 1663. Lliya (elebi identiFed
its precise location within the settlement. 1his
small building, measuring 8 x 8 metres and sur-
mounted by a dome, was completely buried in
the mid-19
th
century when the area around it was
Flled with earth. 1he ediFce, howeer, continued
to be used, access was by way o a specially-built
stairway. Light or the inner space was ensured
by a lantern structure built on the top o the
dome which rose aboe the leel o the earth.
Ater 1891, the dome ell in under the weight o
the earth on top o it, and the inner space o
the building was then Flled with earth. 1he bath
remained in this condition or a century. In 1969,
the archaeologist Istan lorath conducted an
exploratory excaation and established the build-
ing`s precise location. 1he last two years hae
witnessed the digging out and archaeological
excaation o the ediFce, which is almost com-
|||. 4. |n|cricr cf |nc Sna|| 8a|n in |sz|crgcn, during cxcata-
|icn ucr|. Pnc|cgrapn oq |s|t4n Hcrt4|n.
|||. 3. Tnc cnc-|inc O||cnan gunpcudcr |cucr discctcrcd a|
|nc |u|4cs 8a|n in 8uda. Pnc|cgrapn oq ]udi| |4szaq
57
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pletely intact up to the supports or the aulting
,ills. 4-5,.
24
Sultan Sleyman Camii (Gyula)
1his building is reerred to as early as the .av
ca/ register o 159, it is, o course, mentioned
by Lliya (elebi in his 1663 traelogue. 1he
building`s precise location, and its condition in
the early 18
th
century, can be clearly seen on a
122 surey made by the army engineer Leopold
lranz Roseneld. Later on, it eatured on many
prints, right up to its demolition at the end o
the 18
th
century. An archaeological excaation in
the mid-1980s uncoered a building oriented in a
southeast-northwest direction which was 21.5 m
long and 12.5 m wide. It had been leelled to its
oundations. In these we ound a ramework o
beams, this is characteristic o Ottoman build-
ings and has been obsered elsewhere as well.
25
24 lorath, Istan, l. Kelemen, Marta, and 1orma, Istan. Kovarov
veg,e rege.eti toografa;a. Budapest: Akadmiai, 199, pp. 124-5.
25 Gerelyes, Ibolya. Ottoman architecture in the town o Gyula,` in:
.rcbaeotog, of tbe Ottovav erioa iv vvgar,, pp. 13-80, cit. p. 16-.
Gate tower (Gyula)
1he baroque mansion erected on the site
o Gyula`s outer castle in the early 18
th
century
incorporated an Ottoman gate tower that was
unknown to researchers or a long period. Only
in 2000 did archaeological and wall-research in-
estigations clariy the origins o this building. In
the Frst hal o the 18
th
century, a baroque tower
was built on top o the gate entrance, which was
originally on one leel. 1his tower is still stand-
ing. Sureys made o Gyula Castle beore and
ater it was occupied by the Ottomans proe that
between 1562 and 122 the entrance to the outer
castle was located to the north o the south side.
Neertheless, only archaeological excaation was
able to proe that this relocation occurred during
the period in which the castle was occupied by the
Ottomans. lramed by the rampart o the outer
castle, the single-leel gate structure eatured a
rectangular ground plan. 1his structure was built
partly rom dressed stone and partly rom brick,
to its east wall was joined a small stone building
that is now demolished ,ills. 6-,.
26
Ierhad Paa Camii (Pecs)
lerhad Pasa was be,terbe,i o Buda between
1588 and 1590. Clearly, it was during these two
years that the Pcs oundation bearing his name
was established to which belonged, apart rom
the cavi, a bath and a derish lodge, too. 1he
bath was demolished in the 19
th
century, the lo-
cation o the derish lodge is unknown. 1he cavi
was acquired by the Dominican order ater 168
and was transormed into a church. 1he ediFce
later passed out o ecclesiastical possession. In the
second hal o the 20
th
century, it operated as the
premises o Pcs`s Ciic Club. 1he lot space o
this building preseres aulting on its northwest
wall up to the beginning o the one-time dome ,ill.
8,. Gyz Ger perormed small-scale research
there in the 1980s. Later on, an excaation o the
entire building took place. 1his work was, howe-
er, perormed by another colleague: Laszl Gere.
2
26 Ibid., pp. 18-9.
2 Ger, Gyz. A pcsi lerhad pasa dzsami pletegyttese s a
lerhad pasa mahalle,` in: Mevte/reaetev, Vol. XLIX, No. 6 ,2005,,
pp. 350-6.
|||. 5. |n|cricr cf |nc Sna|| 8a|n in |sz|crgcn, during cxcata-
|icn ucr|. Pnc|cgrapn oq |s|t4n Hcrt4|n.
58
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Concl usi on
I am coninced that there are more undis-
coered Ottoman buildings on lungarian soil,
those that are known rom the written sources
plus those that research has not discoered and
that are not mentioned in the sources. 1heir loca-
tion and unearthing would clearly be sensational.
\e cannot rule out entirely the possibility that
buildings ully unknown earlier on may yet come
to light. 1he best example o such a building is
the aboe-mentioned gate tower, which I mysel
unearthed.
At the same time, because o the large-scale
demolitions, what in other countries belongs to
the remit o monument protection, in lungary
lies beneath the ground as archaeological mate-
rial. \e can be sure that in the coming decades
archaeologists will uncoer remains o more
and more Ottoman buildings. \e hae only to
bear in mind that since the appearance o books
by Proessor Ayerdi
28
and Gyz Ger thirty
years ago, the archaeological remains o three
additional cavis and three baths hae been un-
coered. \ith due respect to the generation o
researchers preceding us, it seems that the history
o Ottoman architecture in lungary must, in the
light o recent research, slowly be rewritten.
\ith regard to hidden Ottoman ediFces, those
Christian churches that were rebuilt in the early
18
th
century appear to be the most promising
area. Most standing cavi structures that surie
are Christian churches still in use today. Lxamples
are the 1oygun Pasa Camii in Buda, the Parish
28 Ayerdi, Lkrem, lakki. .rrva`aa O.vavti vivari e.erteri, Vol. 1
,Romanya, Macaristan,. Istanbul: Istanbul letih Cemiyeti, n.d.
|||. 7. Ncr|ncrn ua|| cf |nc in|cricr cf |nc O||cnan ga|c |cucr
in Gqu|a. Pnc|cgrapn oq |s|t4n |c|d.
|||. 6. Scu|ncrn ua|| cf |nc in|cricr cf |nc O||cnan ga|c |cucr
in Gqu|a. Pnc|cgrapn oq |s|t4n |c|d.
59
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Church o the Inner 1own in Pest, the Ali Pasa
Camii in Szigetar, the Gazi Kasim Pasa Camii in
Pcs, and the so-called goston tr ve.cia, also in
Pcs. 1he number o Ottoman buildings suri-
ing in part will surely be higher. \ith regard to
numerous Christian churches either conerted
rom Ottoman cavis or reconerted to Christian
use ater sering as cavis earlier on, we know or
certain, on the basis o the archial sources, that
during reconstruction work in the 18
th
century
certain elements o the earlier buildings were
incorporated into new ones that are still standing.
In this way, the number o suriing Ottoman
monuments may increase in the uture. Below I
shall mention only a ew outstanding examples.
lor instance, the Church o St. Catherine - at
one time the Mustaa Pasa Camii - in the 1aban
district o Buda preseres certain parts o the
earlier cavi.
29
1he Church o the lranciscans
in Pest contains parts o the ormer Sinan Bey
Camii, and the Uniersity Church, likewise in
Pest and one o the Fnest baroque churches in
the lungarian capital, preseres parts o a cavi
which as yet is unidentiFed.
30
In Szkesehrar,
signiFcant parts may surie o the one-time
Veli Bey Camii, which was rebuilt by the Jesuits
in 144, although the extent o the cavi`s demo-
lition is unclear.
31
Since 1813, the reconstructed
building has been used by the Cistercian order.
Likewise desering o the attention o the next
generation o researchers is Lsztergom`s Parish
Church o the \ater 1own, the one-time Mah-
keme Camii, which was undoubtedly still standing
in 1594.
32
1he building was slightly altered in the
early 18
th
century beore being modiFed signiF-
cantly in 18. Its ground plan today is, howeer,
practically the same as that o the earlier building.
\idely known is Pcs`s ormer Memi Pasa Bath,
which was excaated by Gyz Ger. \orth re-
searching is the Church o the lranciscans next
29 Schoen, Arnold. A bvaatabavi evtKatativ tebaviatevtov. Budapest:
Katolikus 1ortnetrk Munkakozossge, 1936.
30 Nagy, Lajos. Budapest tortnete 1686-190,` in: vaae.t trtevete
a tr/ /ie.ett a varciv.i forraaatovig. Ld. Domokos Kosary.
Budapest: Akadmiai, 195, pp. 2-254, cit. p. 221.
31 Ger, Gyz. Istolni Beograd ptszeti emlkei,` in: e/e.feberrar
er.aaaai . 1r/ /or. Szkesehrar: Istan Kiraly Mzeum
Kozlemnyei. A. sorozat. No. 15 ,19,, pp. 105-25, cit. p. 110.
32 lorath, l. Kelemen, and 1orma. Kovarov veg,e, pp. 122-3.
to it, the one-time Memi Pasa Camii.
33
linally, we
should mention the Church o the lranciscans
in Lger. According to 18
th
-century sources, this
conceals a 1
th
-century cavi, the name o which
is or the moment unidentiFable.
34
I should like to end with a thought, that those
o lungary`s unctioning baroque churches
which in their oundations and standing walls
conceal one-time Ottoman cavis represent part
o a common cultural heritage.

33 Sudar, Balazs. Megjegyzsek a pcsi dzsamik tortnethez,` in:


1avvtvav,o/ Pec. trtevetebt 19. Lds. Zoltan Kaposi and Mnika
Pilkhoer. Pcs: Pcs 1ortnete Alaptany, 200, pp. 62-3.
34 Molnar, Jzse. ger tr/ vevte/ei. Budapest: Kpzmszeti,
1961, p. 11.
|||. 8. |as| and ncr|n ua||s cf |nc |crnad Paa Canii in Pccs.
Pnc|cgrapn oq |4sz|c Gcrc.
60
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1be avtbor ai.cv..e. tbe .qvare.baea vivaret bevovevov of eregoriva. . featvre atiev to tbe Ottovav
traaitiov, tbe cavavite vivaret. are ivaeea re.trictea to tbi. vortbre.terv at/av regiov. 1be, bare beev
revar/ea vov b, .ererat avtbor., bvt vo .earate .tva, ba. erer beev rrittev. 1beir forv ba. beev traaitiovatt,
tiv/ea to tbe cavavite. of tbe vearb, .ariatic coa.t, rberefrov tbe.e vo.qve.` bvitaer. vv.t bare cove. De.ite
tbe aiffcvttie. cav.ea b, tbe ae.trvctiov of .o vav, cavavite vivaret vo.qve eavte., e.eciatt, iv tbe 20
tb

cevtvr,, tbe avtbor ra. abte to iaevtif, fovrteev vovvvevt. rbicb baa tbi. featvre. .vovg tbe.e i. tbe efer .ga
vo.qve iv Dabrica vear totac, rbicb aate. to 1:1,: or 110,1, ava tbe .ocattea .raic vo.qve iv Ptava
vear iteca ;11,). 1be, .bare a. featvre. vot ovt, a .qvare vivaret bvt at.o a ,raviaat .tatecorerea roof,
rbicb i. a t,icat eregoriviav featvre. 1be vo.qve iv Ptava ra. covtetet, ae.tro,ea iv tbe recevt rar; of tbat
iv Dabrica ovt, tbe ratt. revaiv. 1be vo.qve of a.av Pa.ba ;Preao;eric) at Pot;e vear iteca, bvitt ca. 1:0,
vv.t bare too/ea rer, .ivitar before it ra. aavagea iv !!. or botb vo.qve. vear iteca, it i. tocatt, .aia tbat
tbeir Mv.tiv fovvaer. baa at.o erectea cbvrcbe. for tbeir votber. rbo revaivea Cbri.tiav.
.vtor ai./vtv;e o fevovevv vivareta .a rarovgaovov o.vorov va teritori;i ercegorive. Potvvo veovato
v o.vav./o; traaici;i, vivaretirovici .v o;arov .vevi va orv regi;v .;ereroi.tocvog at/ava. oviv;avi .v
oa .trave ar avtora, ati vi;eava o.ebva .tvai;a vi;e i/aa vai.ava. ^;ibora forva ;e traaiciovatvo oreava .a
cr/reviv torv;eriva obtiv;e ]aarav./e obate, oaa/te .v aotaiti graaitet;i /o;i .v graaiti ore aavi;e. |.r/o.
ote./ocava /o;a .v vro/orava vvi.tev;ev bebro;vib riv;era vivaretarovi/a o.ebvo v 20.ri;e/v, avtor
;e v.io aa iaevtif/v;e 11 .ovevi/a /o;i iva;v orv o.obito.t. Mev v;iva .v: eferagiva aavi;a v Dabrici
btiv toca, /o;a aatira i 1:1,: iti 110,1, i ta/orava .raicera aavi;a v Ptavo; orea itece ;11,).
^;ibora a;eavic/a o.obevo.t ;e orea rarovgaovog vivareta i iraviaatvi /ror o/rirevev /avevov ./rit;cev,
tiicviv a ercegorivv. Davi;a v Ptavi ;e bita otvvo vvi.teva v ./ori;ev ratv; a oa aavi;e v Dabrici .v
o.tati ;eaivo iaori. a.ava.iva ;Preao;eric) aavi;a v Pot;v btiv itece, ;e bita igraeva oa riti/e o/o
1:0.g. i r;eroratvo ;e igteaata .ticvo ri;e vego .to ;e vvi.teva rec v Drvgov .r;et./ov ratv. Kara/teri.ticvo i
tvvo a ob;e aavi;e v o/otici itece, ;e.te to aa .v v;ibori vv.tivav./i o.viraci ta/oer igraaiti i cr/re a .ro;e
va;/e /o;e .v o.tate /atot/iv;e.
Machiel Kiel
The campani l e- mi nar et s of t he sout her n
Her zegovi na: a bl end of I sl ami c and
Chr i st i an el ement s i n t he ar chi t ect ur e of
an out l yi ng bor der ar ea of t he Bal kans,
i t s spr ead i n t he past and sur vi val unt i l
our t i me
Zvoni ci - mi nar et i u j ugoi st one
Her cegovi ne: spoj el emenat a i sl ama i
kr i anst va u ar hi t ekt ur i pogr ani nog
poj asa Bal kanskog pol uost r va, nj i hovo
i r enj e u pr ol ost i i opst anak do
sadanj eg vr emena
61
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)&*$!"#$&!!&,+'$Lmpire and its art, almost
the entire \est Balkans - Bosnia-lerzegoina,
Albania, Greek Lpirus, and inland Dalmatia
- was a rontier area into which the classical
Ottoman architecture did not penetrate deeply.
Dzemal Celic, the long-time director o the
Bosnian Serice or Monuments o Culture,
once remarked that, o the roughly 1000 histor-
ical mosques in Bosnia-lerzegoina, only 30 or
so were true representaties o classical Otto-
man architecture,` while the remainder showed
prooundly local trends.
1
# In Albania, classical
Ottoman architecture is under-represented as
well. 1his not because o a lack o buildings,
to be clear, but because o the act that there
Islam only started to spread igorously rom
the 1
th
century onward. Unlike Macedonia or
1hrace, Albania ater the Ottoman conquest
saw no signiFcant innux o 1urkish-speaking
Muslim colonists. Numerous and large mosques
were needed only rom the 1
th
century onward,
when classical Ottoman architecture was already
past its summit. In Albania, the largest and most
remarkable works o this architecture were cre-
ated in the 18
th
century.
2
#In neighbouring Greek
Lpirus, Islam was mainly concentrated in two
1 1he author would like to thank Dr. Amra ladzimuhamedoic o
the Commission to Presere National Monuments ,Sarajeo, or
helping us with inormation not to be ound elsewhere. \e also
liked to thank the young Ottomanist Grigor Bojko ,SoFa, or
accompanying him during the oten diFcult Feldwork o 2010.
Celic, Dzemal. Domace i orijentalno u materijalnom kulturnom
nasledju bosansko-hercegoackih muslimana,` in: Pritoi a
Ori;evtatvv itotogi;v, Vol. 41 ,1991,, pp. 34-5, cit. p. 356.
2 lor Albania, see Kiel, Machiel. Ottovav arcbitectvre iv .tbavia.
Istanbul: IRCICA, 1990.
important towns: Arta and Ioannina.
3
Bosnia
and lerzegoina were among the ew areas in
the Balkans where Islam started to spread widely
and relatiely quickly not through colonization
but through conersion o the local popula-
tion. Although in Bosnia the process o Islam`s
acceptance was also gradual, it started much
earlier than in Albania. In regard to the causes
or this phenomenon, ery dierent iews hae
been proposed. 1he idea that this was due to an
instant and orced conersion engineered by the
Ottoman authorities, or a collectie conersion
by members o the heretical so-called Bosnian
Church o the Middle Ages, is reuted by the
Ottoman census and taxation registers rom the
15
th
-1
th
centuries.
4
1hey show not a sudden but
a ery gradual process o Islamization.
5
1he
connection between the spread o Islam and the
3 In Arta only one mosque escaped the ury o the re-lellenization`
o the area. More monuments are presered in the capital o
Ottoman Lpirus, Ioannina, but they all belong to the 1
th
and 18
th

centuries, when the classical` period o Ottoman architecture was
oer. lor the Ottoman buildings o Ioannina see the excellent study
o Smyris, Giorgos. 1a Mousoulmaniki temeni ton Ioanninon kai
i poleodomia tis Othomanikis polis,` in: eiroti/a Cbrovi/a, Vol. 34
,2000,, pp. 9-90.
4 lor the .avca/ o lerzegoina ,lersek,, which is the ocus o this
study, they are presered or the years 1468,69, 14, 1499, 1519,
1530, and 1585. 1here must at least hae been one more rom the
early 1540s, but it appears to be lost. 1hese registers treat illage
by illage, household by household. 1hey also contain a learned
estimate o the local agricultural production.
5 1ake or example the well-documented case o Central Bosnia. 1he
sample o three towns ,lojnica, Kreseo, and Visoko, in the /aa
o Visoko show the ollowing deelopment as documented in the
Ottoman registers: 1468 ,0 Muslim,, 1489 ,11,, 1516 ,31,,
1528 ,46,, 1540 ,68,, 150 ,83,, 1604 ,86,. lor this and other
examples, see Kiel, Machiel. Ottoman sources or the demographic
history and the process o Islamization o Bosnia-lercegoina in
the 15
th
-1
th
centuries: old sources - new methodology,` in: Ottovav
o.via: a bi.tor, iv erit. Lds. Markus Koller and Kemal Karpat.
Madison: Uniersity o \isconsin Press, 2004, pp. 93-119. lor ery
similar processes in lerzegoina, see below.
62
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disappearance o the Bosnian Church
remains an unresoled issue. As it
has been connected to the Bosnian
Muslims` ethnogenesis, it is also a
problematic one. Concerning the
phenomenon o the Bogomils` and
the tens o thousands o unerary
monuments ,.tecci, they are belieed
to hae let all oer the Bosnian me-
dieal kingdom, oreign scholars hae
not rarely come to completely di-
erent conclusions than local ones.
6

\ithout being able to go into detail,
the geographic oerlap between the
mysteriously Islamicized region in
the Northwest Balkans, the main
area where .tecci are ound, and one
isolated phenomenon in Ottoman ar-
chitectural history which I am about
to discuss is certainly interesting.
1his issue is that o the mosques
with square-shaped minarets on the
territory o lerzegoina. Alien to the
Ottoman tradition, their odd orm has
been remarked upon by seeral local
historians. Dzemal Celic has seen in the
minarets` style retarded` Romanesque
and Gothic orms.

Amir Pasic, in his


work on the architecture o Bosnia-lerzegoina,
aptly likened these minarets to the campaniles o
the Adriatic region, and had no diFculty discuss-
ing them as Christian architectural elements in
mosques.`
8
#Lkrem lakki Ayerdi, on the other
hand, ehemently opposed this idea. le based
6 A key to the ast literature on the subject is Dzaja, Srecko M.
Kovfe..iovatitat vva ^atiovatitat o.viev. vva aer eregoriva. Munich:
Oldenbourg, 1984. lor older literature in Lnglish, see the classic by
Obolensky, Dimitri. 1be ogovit.: a .tva, iv at/av veovavicbaei.v.
Cambridge: Uniersity Press, 1948. lor a dierent oeriew o
the problem and its sources, see Malcolm, Noel. o.via: a .bort
bi.tor,. New \ork: Uniersity Press, 1996. A classic reutation o
the Bogomil thesis` is line, John V. A. 1be o.viav Cbvrcb: a ver
ivterretatiov; a .tva, of tbe o.viav Cbvrcb ava it. tace iv .tate ava .ociet,
frov tbe 1
tb
to tbe 1:
tb
cevtvrie.. Boulder: Last Luropean Quarterly,
195. lor the Bogomil tombs` and the ast literature about them,
see \enzel, Marian. Bosnian and lercegoinian tombstones: who
made them and why,` in: vao.tor.cbvvgev, Vol. 21 ,1962,, pp. 102-
43. A large number o Bogomil cemeteries` hae been published
by SeFk Beslagic in the rich periodical ^a.e tarive ,Sarajeo 1953-
1990,.
Celic, Dzemal. Domace i orijentalno,` p. 354.
8 Pasic, Amir. .tavic arcbitectvre iv o.via ava ercegoriva. Istanbul:
IRCICA 1994, p. 191-2.
his opinion on one example only, namely the
mosque at Dabrica ,ills. 2-3,.
9
#It could not hae
been a minaret, he held, rather, it must hae been
the belry let oer rom an old church. Ayerdi
was neither acquainted with the rich architectural
tradition o the Dalmatian coast, nor did he use
the equally rich 16
th
-century Ottoman documen-
tation. lrom such sources we hae learned that
Ottoman goernors and oFcials requently sum-
moned master builders rom the coastal regions,
and especially rom their assal state, Dubronik.
1he ashlar blocks used to build the amous
Aladza mosque in loca, or example, were mea-
sured not with the Ottoman ar,ivi vivri,e ,5.8
cm,, but with the Dubronik cubit, which is 55
9 Ayerdi, Lkrem lakki. .rrva`aa O.vavti vivri e.erteri, Vol. 3.
Istanbul: letih Cemiyeti, 1981, p. 483.
|||. 1. Tnc gccgrapnic dis|riou|icn cf canpani|c ninarc|s in
Scu|ncas| Hcrzcgctina.
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cm. Another example is ound in a register o
important correspondence rom 15 Sa`ban 93
, March 1566,, which documents an order to
the lords o Dubronik to send skilled masons,
together with their tools and utensils, to Mostar
to work on the construction o the well-known
Mostar Bridge. Another order rom the same
day, sent to the /aai o lerceg-Noi, commands
him to send a suFcient number o masons rom
the vabi,e o Popoo ,Popoo polje, to work on
the same project.
10
1he money or the salaries
o the Popoo and Dubronik masters was kept
ready by the proincial Fnances inspector resid-
ing in Mostar, the well know Karagoz ,Karaoz,
Mehmed Bey, who was also the ounder o ler-
zegoina`s most important group o Ottoman
buildings.
11

\hile a comprehensie study o the square-
shaped minaret mosques is seriously impeded
by the act that many o them were damaged or
destroyed by Serb extremists in \\II and in the
recent war ,1992-5,, and that more examples may
hae anished as a result o Venetian inasions
o the area and local upheaals in the 1
th
-19
th

centuries, I was able to tentatiely identiy no less
than ourteen campanile-minarets in the Dabar-
sko polje, the Neesinjsko polje, and adjacent
areas rom a ariety o sources ,see table 1,.
10 1he Plain o Popoo is, as the crow nies, only eight kilometres
inland rom Dubronik. Oer the diFcult mountain road, howeer,
it is 32 km, or a ull day`s journey. 1o the place where the work was
done, Mostar, it was a three days journey or the Popoo masters and
our days or those rom Dubronik.
11 lor these two documents, c. Ahkam Deter 25 in the Basbakanlik
Osmanli Arsii, Istanbul, p. 1061. lor the masters o Dubronik and
the Dalmatian coast working or the Ottomans, see liskoic, Cito.
Dubroacki primorski graditelji XIII-XVI stoljeca u Srbiji, Bosni i
lercegoini,` in: Peri.tit, Vol. 5 ,1962,, pp. 36-44, or Zlatar, Behija.
Utjecaj primorskih majstora na izgradnju nekih objekata i Bil u
osmansko doba,` in: Zva/ori rreveva, No. 20 ,2003,, http:,,www.
ibn-sina.net,znakoiVremena,ID~1&tekstID~234.
|||. 2. Daorica (ncar S|c|ac), |nc ncsquc cf Scfcr Aga (8cgctic),
1574/5 cr 1610/1, cn 1970s pnc|cgrapn (ccur|csq cf Anir
Pasic).
|||. 3. Daorica, ncsquc cf Scfcr Aga, ocfcrc dcs|ruc|icn in 1992.
(ccur|csq cf Anra Hadzinunancdctic).
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Table 1: List of mosques with square-minarets
in Herzegovina
Place Location Name, date, state of preservation.
1
Donja
Bijenja
Nevesinjsko
polje
elebi/Surkovi damija (ill. 12); undated; destroyed in 1992 but perfectly
reconstructed in 2006-7.
2 Bilea Predojevia damija (ill. 13), ca. 1575; still standing as a rooess ruin.
3 Bijeljani Dabarsko polje
Village mosque (ill. 8), rst half of the 17
th
century; set on re in WW II; still
standing today as a rooess ruin, unprotected.
4 Dabrica Near Stolac
Mosque of Sefer Aa (ills. 2-3), 1610/1; half destroyed in 1992-5,
reconstructed in 2004-5 and reopened in October 2005.
5 Glavatievo Konjic district
Identied by Amra Hadimuhamedovi; no further details. The present
mosque of Glavatievo has a minaret of a circular form.
6 Hatelj Dabarsko polje Ca. 1600-30; demolished in 1960.
7 Kljuni
Nevesinje
district
Undated; destroyed in 1992-5; rebuilt after 2000 in a dierent style.
8 Kruanj
Podvele,
Mostar district
Undated mosque; in 1975 the square minaret (ca. 10 m high) was
demolished and in the following year replaced by a concrete one in the
usual form; destroyed in 1992.
9 Korita Bilea district 17
th
century (?); destroyed.
10 Kruevljani
Pridvorci,
Nevesinje
district
Village mosque (ill. 10), mid-16
th
century; destroyed in 1992 and
completely reconstructed in 2007.
11 Mostar
Mosque of Fatima Kadun ari; built shortly before 1620, demolished in
1947.
12 Nevesinje
Perkuia Damija; built sometime between 1664 and 1769, demolished
around 1960.
13 Plana Bilea district
Avdia damija, built in 1617 (ill. 9), destroyed during the 1992-5 war, the
site having been made unrecognizable.
14 Svinjarina
Podvele,
Mostar district
Village mosque built before 1766, when an imam from Svinjarina
is mentioned in the Mostar court records. The square minaret was
demolished in 1975 and in the following year replaced by a new one, built
of concrete and with an octagonal shaft; destroyed in 1992.
|||s. 4-7. Ccn|ras|ing cccncnics. |nc ncnc|arq ta|uc cf |nc agricu||ura|
prcduc|icn in Daorica and Prcdc|jc in 1477 and 1585.
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A ew more examples are mentioned in the lit-
erature but they appear to be based on mistakes.
12

I the ourteen examples o clock tower-minarets
are plotted on a map ,ill. 1,, we see that they are
ound oer a relatiely large area in the southern
hal o the lerzegoina, with Glaaticeo near
Konjic as the northernmost point and Bileca at
the Montenegrin border as the southernmost.
\e can be sure that many more once existed,
especially in the plain o Neesinje where, by
1585, almost all illages were Muslim ,c. ill. 16,
and must hae had houses o worship. Due to
reasons described aboe, and an extent o de-
struction that is hard to estimate, exactly how
widespread the square minarets phenomenon
actually was must remain unclear.
1he classical Ottoman minaret has a slender
round or polygonal shat, neer a square one. Only
in south-eastern Anatolia, in important cities like
Diyarbakir, are such cases known rom Umayyad
times onward.
13
In the Balkans, outside Bosnia-
lerzegoina, there is only one square minaret
known: that o the Old Mosque o \ambol on
the rier 1undza in Bulgarian 1hrace. 1he orm
12 Celic ,Domace i orijentalno` p. 354, wrote that Mostar once
had three mosques with church tower minarets: the Sinan Pasina
Dzamija in Mostar, probably the oldest mosque in the lercegoina,`
the mosque o Cejan Cehaja ,Keyan Kethda,, 1552, and the
Mosque o latima Kadun Saric rom the Frst decades o the 1
th

century. Pasic, in his useul surey, mentions one more example
in the illage o Oplicici near Capljina on the lower course o the
Nereta, and also has Cejan-cehajina and Sinan Pasha mosques in
Mostar. 1he latter, howeer, must be a slip o the pen. Sinan Pasha`s
mosque, the Old Mosque` o Mostar, was demolished in 1949,
howeer, good photographs o it show a standard Ottoman minaret
as integral part o this building. Cejan`s mosque still stands and also
has the normal Ottoman minaret, a polygonal shat on the square
basis ,/aiae,. 1he mosque o latima Kadun Saric in Mostar, also
mentioned by both Celic and Pasic ,Islamic architecture,` p. 191,,
did indeed hae a square clock tower minaret until it was demolished
in 194. Some good photographs o it remain presered. lor
Oplicici we hae to take in account that a church tower minaret
could hae existed there, which was replaced by a normal` one
somewhere in the early 20
th
century. 1his is what actually happened
with the two examples on the Podelez plateau oerlooking Mostar.
Besides the inormation gien by Celic and Pasic, numerous
details could be ound in the works o the local historian lizija
lasandedic: see his Mv.tivav./a ba.tiva v i.tocvo; ercegorivi. Sarajeo:
Ll-Kalem, 1990, and Mv.tivav./a ba.tiva o.v;a/a v ;vvo; ;.reav;o;)
ercegorivi. Mostar: Islamski Centar, 199.
13 1he type was still used by the 1urcoman dynasty o the Ak Koyunlu
that preceded the Ottomans in what is now Southeast 1urkey. In
art-historical terms, this area was outside the core area o Ottoman
art, it had an Islamic building tradition o its own, dating back to
the Umayyad period. C. Sozen, Metin. Di,arba/ir`aa 1vr/ vivari.i.
Istanbul: Simurg, 191.
o this structure`s minaret, dating to early Otto-
man times ,130,80,, was neer repeated again.
14
#
\hat southern lerzegoina`s clock-tower mina-
rets iidly illustrate is that the source o inspira-
tion was not the art o the ully Ottomanized cities
o the land`s interior, like Mostar or Sarajeo, but
the much nearer Gothic and Renaissance build-
ing traditions o the Christian Dalmatian coast,
whose ery same masters constructed them. In
the Predojeic Mosque in Bileca-Polje, een the
vibrab has a Gothic-looking proFle.
In the ollowing sections more will be said
about the buildings and the people who built
them, as well as some aspects o their history
and the economy that supported them, begin-
ning with the illage o Dabrica.
Dabr i ca
1oday, as in the past, Dabrica ,pop. 1981: 0,
is one o the largest illages o the area between
the towns o Stolac and Bileca. It still is a predomi-
nantly Muslim settlement. As the crow nies, the
illage is ten km north-north-east o Stolac in a
hilly and wooded area, but more than twenty km
oer the ery bad road. Although Dabrica, .tricto
.ev.v, is not situated in the Dabarsko polje, it is
directly linked with this district through its name,
which translates as Little Dabar.` Dabrica is be-
lieed to be the successor o the medieal ortiFed
settlement o Kostun.
15
1he ruins o this sizeable
castle# can still be seen at about one hour`s walk-
14 Kiel, Machiel. Some early Ottoman monuments in Bulgarian
1hrace: Stara Zagora, Jambol and Noa Zagora,` in: ettetev, Vol.
38, No. 152 ,194,, pp. 635-56 ,easier accessible in: idem, tvaie.
ov tbe Ottovav arcbitectvre of tbe at/av.. Aldershot: Variorum, 1990,.
Ayerdi, in his great work on early Ottoman architecture, missed this
important building.
15 1he name Kostun is thought to be a corruption o the Greek
/a.trov. In 960, Constantine Porphyrogenitus, in his De .avivi.travao
verio, mentions a castle named Dobriskik.` Marko Vego ,in
^a.et;a o.av./e reav;ere/orve Drare, Sarajeo: Sjetlost, 195, p.
29, suggested that this place was identical with Kostun.!In the!12
th

century,!Pop Dukljanin mentions the va ,district ruled by a vav,
o Dabar. In the time o Lmperor Manuel I Komnenos ,r. 1143-80,,
the castle was one o the Byzantine strongholds in the wider area.
Dabrica,Dabar is mentioned a ew times in the sources ,in 1285,
1384, 1404, and 1421, but it is not entirely clear i the notes reer
to the Zupa o Dabar or to its largest settlement, Dabrica. In 1404,
an important local nobleman, Radic Sankoic, born in Dabrica, died
in misery in the prison o the amous ro;roaa Sandalj lranic ,1392-
1435,, predecessor o lerceg Stjepan, the man who gae his name
to the entire land.
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ing distance to Dabrica`s east.
16
1he medieal
Christian population`s memory is still kept alie
by the necropolis called Crkiste` ,Church Place,
outside the illage, containing 145 .tecci. A small
church`s oundations still stand in the necropolis`
centre. Dabrica and its territory became an Otto-
man possession in 1466. 1he illage is mentioned
in the oldest presered Ottoman census,taxation
register o 1468,9 as haing 23 Christian house-
holds.
1
1he register o 14 shows 3 households,
still all Christians.
18
In 1508 an Ottoman ro,roaa is
mentioned as haing his seat in Dabrica.
19
By 1530
Islam had made much progress: the illage had 33
Muslim and 23 Christian households. 1his was ap-
parently due to priileges granted to it by the state.
1he register mentions explicitly that the tithes
and taxes and the customary tax on sheep as well
as the tax on the land o the Muslim inhabitants
and the arari tax are leied according to an Impe-
rial Order |bv/vi bvva,vv|.`
20
1his was clearly a
measure to encourage the illage`s growth. In act,
it did not, it declined, like many other illages o
the plain below. In 1585 there were 23# Muslim
16 1he castle o Kostun is 210 m. long and 50 m. wide. 1he walls
and six towers are still standing to the height o six meters. See
Kreseljakoic, lamdija and lamdija Kapidzic, Stari hercegoacki
gradoi,` in: ^a.e tarive Vol. 2 ,1954,, pp. 9-22, cit. p. 14.
1 1he 1468 register is presered in the Atatrk Kitapligi ,Belediye
Ktphanesi,, Muallim Cedet \azmalari, O.6. It was integrally
published in a Serbo-Croat translation by Ahmed S. Alicic as vvarvi
oi. .avaa/a o.va i 11,. goaive. Mostar: Islamski Kulturni
Centar, 2008.
18 1apu Deter No 5 in the Basbakanlik Osmanli Arsii ,BOA,.
Istanbul, p. 413 or Dabrica, p. 414 or Predolje.
19 Jirecek, Konstantin. Die avaet..tra..ev vva ergrer/e rov erbiev vva
o.viev rabreva ae. Mittetatter.. Prague: Bohmische Gesellschat der
\issenschaten, 189, p. 2.
20 1.D. 16, p. 495.
households in Dabrica, the Christians` increasing
to seenteen.
21
#
In 154,5 or 1610,1, Seer Aga ,Begoic,
built in Dabrica a - or local standards - sizeable
mosque ,ills. 2-3, nanked with a typical clock
tower` or campanile minaret.` 1he conusion
oer its date is due to the ollowing situation:
aboe the entrance o the mosque was an in-
scription in Arabic, cared onto a stone slab ,60
x 35 cm,, which in our lines praised the builder.
It gae the date o construction in the orm o
a chronogram - va`beav`tabrr ra arv`t.tibiv -
which yields the date o l. 982 ,154,5 AD,.
1he text is o high calligraphic quality, local lore
holds that it actually was written in Istanbul and
sent rom there to Dabrica, where it must hae
been used as a catqve by the local stone-cutter.
1his implies that there was no skilled calligrapher
in Dabrica or its district. Below the text another
date is gien, not in a chronogram but in num-
bers: l. 1019 ,that is, between March 1610 and
March 1611 AD,. In my opinion the slab is the
work o a hal-ignorant stone cutter who added
the date in numbers as a kind o aterthought,
while using a stencil or the rest o the text. 1he
text is too good to beliee otherwise. 1he act
that by the mid-16
th
century more than hal
o the illage population was Muslim ,c. ill.
20, would also support an earlier date or the
mosque`s construction.
Seer Aga must hae had some pretensions.
lis title suggests that he was a military man, a
21 1he content o the 1585 register o the lersek .avca/, presered
in the diFcult archie o the 1apu e Kadastro Genel Mdrlg
in Ankara, was published in a summarical orm by Ahmed
Alicic in his Priredna i konesionalna struktura stanonista
u lercegoini krajem XVI stoljeca,` in: Pritoi a ori;evtatvv
ftotogi;v, Vol. 40 ,1990,, pp. 125-92, p. 166 or Dabrica. 1he
original is 1.K.G.M. Kuyudu Kadime No ,Lski No 484,.
Ater \.\.II, which saw many ictims among the Muslim
population o Dabrica, the illage was still large, haing in 1948
853 inhabitants and, in 191, 842. 1he census o 1991 shows that
the total number had decreased considerably due to emigration, to
48 people. 1he composition now was 269 Muslims, 12 Serbs,
Croats, and some o undeclared nationality ,c. tavorvi.tro o.ve i
ercegorive. Zagreb: Drzani Zaod za Statistiku, 1995, pp. 232-3,. In
1991 Dabrica, thus was mostly Muslim, as it had been in the 1
th
and
18
th
century. During the Bosnian war, in 1994, the Dabrica mosque
was set on Fre by the Croat nationalist orces ,lVO, but the walls
remained standing. 1he Muslims and the Serb inhabitants o the
illage were drien away. 0 o the Muslims returned some years
ago, and in 2005 the mosque was ully reconstructed, exactly as it
had been beore.
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captain, with a good education. According to local
lore, he came rom Anatolia and settled in Dab-
rica. lis descendants still lie in Dabrica today,
and a number o them are buried in the mosque`s
graeyard.
22
Next to the mosque, Seer Aga had
constructed a small bavav, a bav or traellers,
and a ve/teb or the education o the children.
1ogether they constitute one o the /vtti,e. built
by Ottomans in this area. 1he other buildings do
not exist anymore, they were demolished during
\\I. 1he name lanine` still marks the place
where the bav once stood, and the bavav`s site
is also remembered locally. loweer unusual,
the mosque more closely ollows the orthodox
Ottoman style than other examples in the area.
1he our-centred arches aboe the windows, or
instance, are purely Ottoman. Local elements in-
clude the pyramid-shaped wooden roo, coered
with heay stone slabs, rhombic slates in the spe-
ciFc lerzegoinan manner, ollowing the more
stately buildings o Mostar.
1he detailed vvfa..at registers o 14 and
1585 proide us with some inormation on the
economies o Dabrica and the illages o the
Dabarsko polje. 1hey list the tithe on the main
agricultural products illage by illage and the
aerage Fxed prices ,varb, per product. 1he mea-
sures used were the local ones, the relation o
which to the Imperial Bushel o Istanbul ,26.5
kg., is not known, but can be hypothetically re-
22 1he text o the inscription o the mosque and some o the old
graestones were published by Mehmed Mujezinoic in his .tav./e
eigraf/a v o.vi i ercegorivi Vol. 3. Sarajeo: Veselin Maslesa,`
1982, pp. 390-2.
constructed by way o comparison.
23
In 14 the
total tax alue o the main products o Dabrica
,wheat, barley, millet, and oats, was 2.09 a/e.
1hese products` economic importance or the
illage economy can easily be seen in the total
tax alue`s percentage. It should be remembered
that in many hundreds o illages in the ertile
plains o Macedonia, 1hessaly, 1hrace, and
Danubian Bulgaria, wheat and barley together
oten accounted or 50 or 60 o the total, with
sheep and wine making up the bulk o the rest
o the economy. lere, in dry and stony southern
lerzegoina, wheat was only thirteen percent
o the total, while barley was ourteen percent.
Inerior cereals like millet and oats made up ten
percent together. 1he products that sustained the
economy were grape must, comprising 43, ol-
lowed by sheep at ourteen percent, and honey,
with six percent, Flling the gap. 1hus, wine and
sheep were the pillars o the Dabrica economy.
A tax o 405 a/e was taken as customary sheep
tax.` 1his means a total o 1.215 heads o sheep,
23 Very oten, the great Ottoman population and land registrations are
preceded by sureys o the local laws and rules, usually including
the relation o the local measure to Istanbul`s bushel. lor the
lerzegoina this inormation was not aailable to us. A detailed
/avvvvve rom 1585 exists but it does not mention the size o the
local measures. I hae compared Dabar`s agricultural yield with that
o two other districts with a similar climate and the same mediocre
soil: the ormer /aa o Athens-Attica and the island o Lgriboz,
Luboia. 1he /aa o Athens contained the City o the Sages`
and 55 illages o arious sizes. 1he island o Luboia contained
the town o Chalkis and ,in 1506, 16 illages. 1he load ,bivt, o
Attica and Lgriboz was the equialent o 205 kilograms. In 1490 the
price o a load o wheat in Lgriboz was 30 a/e, in Dabar 24 a/e.
1he load used in Dabar was thus around one Fth lighter than the
load on Luboia, calculating to about 165 kg. 1he price o a load o
Attican barley or millet was 20 a/e, in Dabar Fteen, and that o the
inerior grain ,vtaf ,oats, was nine a/e. \ine was taxed as must o
crushed grapes ,,ire, and the price per veare was Fne a/e. In 1506,
the price o a veare in Athens and Lgriboz was ten a/e, in Dabar
Fne a/e. 1he weight o an Lgriboz veare was 0 kg. 1hus, the Dabra
veare must hae been about 35 kg. In the 15
th
century one Ake per
three sheep was taken as tax. One a/e was taken or one pig attened
at home, and hal an a/eor an animal roaming around ree. 1wo
a/e were taken or a shea o nax and one or each beehie. 1he
/avvvvve o the proince o lersek rom 1585 ,published by
Akgndz, states that the tithe on grape must was one seenth or
Christian producers and one eighth or Muslims. \e hae to assume
that in 14 this rule was also in orce. \ith this knowledge we can
now enture to reconstruct the illage economy o the Dabarsko
Polje, remembering, howeer, that this is but a rough estimate.
68
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or 33 sheep per household.
24
1he economy o
Dabrica in 1585 shows remarkable changes.
\ine production had increased rom 43 to 66,
but at the expense o cereals, sheep, and honey.
1he three cereals had declined rom 3 to 28,
sheep rom ourteen to Fe percent, and honey
had almost disappeared. A comparison with the
numbers o the other Dabar illages shows that
this was indeed the general tendency. \ine be-
came the pillar o the local economy, and sheep
breeding came second.
1he economy o one settlement we can study
in more detail is Predolje, on the western edge
o the Plain o Dabar. Now a hamlet o Fteen
houses, in the 1
th
century it was a small /a.aba
with a beautiul mosque, two ve.cias, one te//e,
a small bavav, a bav, and 15 shops,` as is related
in 1664 by Lliya (elebi.
25
In 1519 Predolje had
grown to 118 houses, o which 40 were inhabited
by Muslims, in 1585 the Muslims already made
up the ast majority o the population ,see also
ills. 18-21,. In 14 and 1585 Predolje had an
economy that, at 9 ,in both years,, was een
more based on wine production than Dabrica
,see ills. 4-,. Predolje, suriing on wine that was
sold elsewhere to buy bread grains had almost
no wheat and barley and ew sheep. 1hat the
/a.aba`s economy did not change between 14
and 1585, and that the change o religion had no
innuence on the pattern o production is nota-
ble.
26
\ith minor ariations, the same pattern can
be seen in most o the Dabra illages such as
latnica or Dazilj.
2
24 In this context it is good to remember that during the 1960s the
aerage amily o mountain nomads in eastern 1urkey could lie
rom 50-60 sheep. C. ltteroth, \ol-Dieter. ergvovaaev vva
Ya,tabaverv iv vittterev /vrai.cbev 1avrv.. Marburg: Geogr. Inst. d.
Uni., 1959. During an interiew with Ulla Johansen, the other great
expert on \ayla economy, Pro. Johansen suggested 60 sheep as
minimum. Peasants haing no more than 50 animals were really ery
poor. 1he same was told us in 2009 by nomads on the 1ien Shan
mountains in central Kyrgyzstan.
25 rti,a etebi e,abatvve.i, Vol. 6. Lds. \cel Dagli and Seyit Ali
Kahraman. Istanbul: \api Kredi \ayinlari, 2001, p. 261.
26 It appears somewhat ironical that the economic basis o the Islamic
cultural institutions in this part o the empire was ormed by wine,
called grape juice` ,,ire, in the records, but in act this is green wine.
Grape juice cannot be kept longer than a ew weeks. 1his is just
another example o the old Ottoman state`s pragmatism.
2 It could be added that an experienced man and great traeller as
Lliya (elebi extolled the superb quality o Predolje`s musk-smelling
juicy grapes and the delicious wine that could be made rom them.
During the long war with the loly League
,1683-99,, Predolje was thoroughly plundered
and destroyed by a gang o highwaymen in Ve-
netian serice and under command o the ter-
rible harambasi` Bajo Piljanin.
28
Predolje neer
recoered. Its role as a sizeable district`s small ur-
ban centre was taken oer by Stolac, which would
be heaily ortiFed as a precaution and still is the
district`s main centre.
The vi l l ages of the
Pl ai n of Dabar
Bi j el j ani
1he illage o Bijeljani on the edge o the
Dabarsko polje lies on the road rom Diin and
Berkoica to Stolac. Until \\II it was the centre
o a municipality which included the nearby il-
lages and hamlets o Kljenci, Kuti, Milaici, Pris-
oje, Vrijeka, and Zasada. Until 185, a number
o amilies that originally had come rom lerceg
Noi, 1rebinje, and Bileca lied in Bijeljina. Only
the amily o 1elareic, one o the oldest Muslim
amilies o the entire Dabarsko polje, belonged
to the original` inhabitants o Bijeljani, it was
the only Muslim amily that was still liing in the
illage in 1991. As Bijeljani is not mentioned in
the Ottoman tabrirs o 14, 1520, and 1585,
it must hae been ounded at a later point - or
it had been disguised behind a dierent name.
1he presence o a cemetery comprised o some
dozens o .tecci outside the illage, on the road
to Stolac, testiFes to the presence o a medieal
settlement on the site.
In the early-1
th
century, a mosque was built in
Bijeljani. It was a well-constructed ediFce mea-
suring 10 x 8 metres. It had a square, clock-tower-
like minaret twele metres high. A ve/teb must
hae been built with it. 1hese buildings` ounder
is not known, it may well hae been a member o
the 1elareic amily, as is held by local tradition.
In 1885, during the Austro-lungarian period, the
28 1he eent made a deep impression on the people. Popular songs
recording the eent were still sung at the beginning o the 20
th

century. See also Stoceic, St. Bajo Piljanin i Limo larambasa
pala dzamiju u Predolju,` in: o.av./a rita, No. ,1892,, pp. 222-223.
69
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mosque was demolished. It was rebuilt in exactly
the same size and orm in the 1890s by Ahmed
Zeco. As a result o the \\II iolence in the
Dabarsko polje, the mosque was badly damaged.
1he roo collapsed and only the our walls and
the curious minaret remained. As the Muslim
inhabitants were almost gone, there was no need
to rebuild the old mosque. In 1991 Bijeljani had
only two Muslim inhabitants and 136 Serbs.
In 1994 Amir Pasic published a photograph
o Bijeljani`s mosque ,ill. 8, taken about 30 years
earlier. On a isit in July 2006, I rediscoered
the building, with the help o Bijeljani`s inhab-
itants, at the illage`s southern extremity, below
the main road and beyond the illage`s last un-
inhabited houses and barns. 1he site was totally
oergrown with iy and prickly shrubs. Only the
atev on top o the minaret still appeared aboe
the leaes. Sections o the walls up to our me-
tres high also looked through the greenery. 1his
mosque`s remains hae suried the systematic
destruction o all traces o the area`s Islamic past
by nationalist bands. 1he Bijeljani mosque was
simply orgotten by them, but it was not orgot-
ten by the illage`s Serb inhabitants, who were
ery riendly and helpul in guiding me to this
rare specimen o Islamic` architecture.
Hat el j
\ith about 500 inhabitants in the late 20
th

century, the illage o latelj, situated on the
asphalt road rom Stolac to Bileca, midway be-
tween Berkoici and Bijeljani, was the second
largest in the Dabarsko polje. 1he Ottoman
aefters rom 1468 to 1520 do not mention lat-
elj. 1he illage Frst appears in the 1585 register
with three Muslim households. latelj, howeer,
is eidently o medieal origin. About 300 me-
tres outside the illage o Milaici, down in the
Dabarsko polje, is one o the largest ,but terribly
oergrown, medieal necropolises o the lerze-
goina, counting 352 .tecci. One o them has a
Bosancica inscription mentioning a Bogdan o
latelj. 1his Bogdan ,d. ca. 1400, was a serant
o the Dabrica-born nobleman Radic Sankoic.
29
#
1his shows with certainty that latelj existed in
the 14
th
century. It must hae been reied during
the 1560s or 0s, but was still quite unimport-
ant in that time. latelj came to nourish only in
the 1
th
and 18
th
centuries, by which time it was
partly or largely Muslim and had one important
mosque. Light great Muslim cemeteries around
the illage still testiy to its ormer importance as
a Muslim settlement. In 1981 and 1991 the popu-
lation o latelj was entirely Serbian Orthodox,
showing that dramatic changes must hae taken
place here.
lasandedic collected some inormation about
latelj`s mosque, which he describes as a 500-year
old building constructed by a member o the
Gl Baba amily which, according to local tradi-
tion, lied here rom the time o the Ottoman
conquest ,1466, onward.
30
Gl Baba must hae
been the sheikh o a derish order whose de-
scendants settled here. 1he whole story sounds
apocryphal, howeer. 1he 1585 register# reeals
no identiFable members o the Gl Baba am-
ily liing in latelj.
31
I the local legend has an
element o truth, then it must hae its origins
29 More details in Vego, Marko. Nadgrobni spomenici porodice
Sankoica u selo Biskupu kod Konjica` in: Cta.vi/ evat;./og vve;a
1955, pp. 15-215. lor an edition o the Milaici text, see Stojanoic,
Ljubomir. tari .r./i ai.i i vati.i. Belgrade: Srpska kraljeska
akademija, 1908, no. 4835. lor Radic Sankoic, see also ootnote 15.
30 lasandedic, Mv.tivav./a ba.tiva v i.tocvo; ercegorivi, pp. 6-.
31 Ankara,1.K.G.M. No , ol. 85b, where we Fnd that latelj
numbered only three small inheritable and inhabited estates ,ba,tiva,.
|||. 8. 8ijc|jani, ncsquc (car|q 17
|n
ccn|urq) cn 1960s pnc|c-
grapn (ccur|csq cf Anir Pasic).
70
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much later. 1he mosque o latelj, as described
by lasandedic, was a rectangular structure mea-
suring 8 x metres. It was coered with the usual
lerzegoinian pyramid roo o great rhombic
slates, and had a square stone-built minaret about
ten metres high. It must hae looked similar
to the mosque o lasan Pasha in Bileca ,see
below,,
32
but is likely to hae been built at a later
point in time, probably the early 1
th
century, and
thus around the time the mosque in Plana ,161,
was built. 1he latelj mosque`s ate was dier-
ent rom other mosques in the area, howeer.
During the 19
th
century`s wars and reolts, the
mosque was damaged but not destroyed. Ater
188, the Austro-lungarians used it as a station
or the gendarmerie. lollowing \\I, the lat-
elj mosque was wholly rebuilt, but it was again
damaged in \\II. Post-\\II, the mosque was
used as primary school or the illage. It was
Fnally demolished in 1961. 1his suggests that
the Muslim community o latelj had anished
by then, presumably a result o the interethnic
iolence during \\II.
Pl ana
1he small illage o Plana ,1991: 120 inhabit-
ants, three quarters Muslim, is situated on the pla-
teau just Fe km south o latnica plain`s southern
end, on the main road going south rom the plain
to Bileca. Until 1992 Plana had a small mosque ,ill.
9, with a slate-coered pyramid roo in the area`s
usual style as well as a conspicuous church-tower-
like minaret. Between 1948 and 1991, Plana, situ-
ated on dry and unertile land, declined rapidly.
lrom the illage`s 319 inhabitants in 1948, two-
thirds hae since departed or a better lie in the
surrounding towns.
33
Plana`s mosque was one o
the smallest in the entire district, measuring only
5.0 x 5.35 inside. Unlike most other mosques
with campanile-like minarets, it is well dated. An
inscription in Ottoman 1urkish prose presered
aboe the entrance mentions that the original
mosque was built in l. 102 ,161 AD, and that
32 In the summer o 2006, this mosque was still standing as a ruin. It
was indeed built by lasan Pasha Predojeic, perhaps shortly ater
155 when he had become a pasha, but in any case prior to his death
in the Battle o Sisak on June 22, 1593. lor more on lasan Pasha
and Bileca, see below.
33 tavorvi.tro o.ve i ercegorive, pp. 56-.
it was renewed in the year l. 1210 ,195, at the
expense o Plana`s inhabitants.
34
1he mosque`s
ounder was a man called Ado, the ospring o
an originally Orthodox amily o the district who,
ater conerting to Islam, built the structure. 1he
building was thereore known as Adica dzamija.
Ado was the ounder o the Adic amily that,
until 1992, still lied in Plana. Seeral members
o this old amily are buried in the Muslim
graeyard just south o the illage. Ado is said
to hae also built a small church or his mother
500 meters rom the mosque. During the Cretan
war, Plana, like many other illages o Dabar,
suered rom the deastating raids o irregulars
in Venetian serice.
35
#1he mosque`s 195 inscrip-
tion is similarly related to another raid by ba;av/s
and Montenegrins rom the south. In 1992, the
Muslim inhabitants o Plana were expelled and
their mosque, a registered monument o cul-
ture,` was blown up. In spring 200, the illage
looked depressing, most o its 25 houses still in
34 lor the inscription see: Mujezinoic, .tav./a eigraf/a, Vol. 3, p.
356.
35 An account rom 1661 mentions three people rom Plana, a mother
o 35 years with two children o ten and eight years old, sold at
the slae market o Venice. C. Soloje, Aleksandar. 1rgoanje
bosanskim robljem do godine 1661,` in: Cta.vi/ evat;./og vve;a
|New series|, Vol. 1 ,1946,, pp. 139-62 ,Plana on p. 161,.
|||. 9. P|ana, Atdica ncsquc (1617) cn 1960s pnc|cgrapn
(ccur|csq cf Anir Pasic).
71
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ruins. 1he Muslim cemetery, howeer, was let
undisturbed and a graestone o a Deris Adic
rom 2004 shows that the tie with history is still
not entirely broken.
36
Nevesi nj e and the vi l l ages
of Kruevl j ane and Donj a
Bi j enj a i n the Pl ai n of
Nevesi nj e
So ar we hae discussed places with mosques
with church-tower minarets situated in the
Dabarsko polje, that is, the Plain o Dabar. In
the ollowing we shall cross oer the diFcult
mountain pass east o the ot;e and descend into
the Plain o Neesinje, east o Dabar. 1his plain
is situated much higher than Dabar and is much
colder, the higher peaks are oten snow-capped
until early May. 1he centre o the Neesinsko
polje is the little town o Neesinje ,1991: 4.068
inhabitants,. It is the only urban centre in both
plains and, in spite o its ery small size, has
produced a long line o politicians, scholars, and
men o letters. As it also had some stately Otto-
man buildings, we shall include some words on
this remarkable place.
Neesinje is situated on Neesinjsko polje`s
western edge, at an altitude o 890 metres aboe
sea leel, below high and heaily wooded moun-
tains. A place by that name is Frst mentioned
in the mid-12
th
century in the chronicle o Pop
Dukljanin, but as the name o a district ,va,, not
a settlement. In the 130s it is mentioned as an
open suburb below the castle o Vinocac, ruled
by Gradoje Sankoic, a well-known and powerul
supporter o the Bogomil` moement.
3
1he
Ottomans took the settlement in June 1465. 1he
small hilltop castle ell into disuse, and the sub-
urb grew into a small town where Sultan Bayezid
II ounded a small domed mosque, a school, a
bathhouse, and a hospice. Shortly beore 1635,
Ali KaF Lendi ,Neesinjac,, brother o the in-
nuential Ruznmeci Ibrahim Lendi - a patron
36 lor more on Plana, see Adic, Camil. Plana kod Bileca,` in: ^ori
ebar, Vol. 6, No. -8 ,1932,, p. 100, also: Interesantna dzamija kod
Plane,` in: toboaa |Mostar|, No. 31 ,1955,, p. 358.
3 Vego, ^a.et;a, pp. 11-2 with urther reerences.
o architecture in Mostar - ounded a Dar l-
ladis ,hadith school, and a Dar l-Kurra ,school
or Koran readers, next to the sultan`s mosque.
Ali died in 1653 in Mostar, where he had sered
many years as /aai. 1he ra/f,e o these schools is
presered in the archies o the lranciscan Mon-
astery in Mostar, a copy is ound in the .icitt o
Blagaj.
38
According to this ra/f,e, seen well-paid
men worked as teachers in these two schools,
while the students also receied two a/e pocket
money per day.
In the course o the 16
th
century, when the
town`s population was predominantly Muslim,
laci Veliddin ,Bakrac, had the town`s second
mosque built on the site where, hal a century
later, Neesinje`s clock tower would also rise. Ve-
liddin is also credited with the construction o a
veare.e, but the oundation charter ,ra/f,e, is not
presered. Lliya (elebi handed down the text
o the inscription o the mosque o Veli Aga`
as haing been built in l. 921 ,1515,6 AD,. 1his
date, contained in a chronogram, must be wrong,
howeer, or there exists other inormation ac-
cording to which laci Veliddin had a Neesin-
je-born son called Saban Lendi who, ater a
steep career in Istanbul and elsewhere, died in
the late 1650s. Another son o Veliddin added a
bavav, a bav, and a number o shops. 1he third
historical mosque o Neesinje was that o the
/aai Sinan Lendi. Situated hal-way between the
mosque o Sultan Bayezid and that o Velid-
din, it cannot be securely dated, but Lliya called
it an old mosque.` lasandedic suspected that
one o the town`s ve/tebs was built next to it.
In the past this mosque was coered with lead.
1he ourth historical mosque o Neesinje was
the so-called Perkusica Mosque, situated in the
Vaku Mahala. It is not mentioned by Lliya.
1he oldest mention o this vabatte is rom 169,
but the mosque must be older. It existed as a ruin
until about 1960, with our decaying walls and
a square church-tower minaret, still Fe meters
high.
39

38 SBK No. 1025, p. 6 . C. lasandedic, Mv.tivav./a ba.tiva v i.tocvo;
ercegorivi, pp. 12-59, and Basagic, Saet-beg. Zvaveviti rrati,
o.v;aci i ercegorci v 1vr./o; carerivi. Zagreb: Birotiskak, |1931| 1994,
p. 9 or Ali KaF.
39 rti,a etebi e,abatvve.i, Vol. 6, p. 260, lasandedic, Mv.tivav./a
ba.tiva v i.tocvo; ercegorivi, pp. 135-.
72
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In 185 Neesinje was occupied by rebellious
Montenegrins and largely burnt down. 1hree o
the mosques were also burnt. Veliddin`s mosque
was repaired in 1880, but the top o the minaret
was changed. It got no ,erefe but a conical cap and
openings in the shat reminiscent o the cam-
panile minarets o the earlier age. 1he mosque
sered until the years between the two \orld
\ars and was then used a depot. 1he mosque o
Sinan Dede was also burnt down in 185. It was
restored in 1880 and deFnitiely closed in 1930.
In 1990 lasandedic only saw the our walls still
standing. During the 1992-5 war, the mosque
o Sultan Bayezid, the only one still actie, was
dynamited. In 2008 I ound its debris at a dump
o building material, eight km north o the town,
on the road to Pridorci and Preseka. Veliddin`s
mosque suered the same ate as the sultanic
building. Its site is now occupied by a parking lot.
Only the ruin o Sinan Dede`s mosque has sur-
ied. In 2008 it was in course o rebuilding, and
had again a door, windows, and a new wooden
ceiling. 1he our walls and their speciFcally Ot-
toman windows show that it is a 16
th
century
building.
Kr uevl j ane
1he small and scattered illage o Kruseljane
,in 1991: 33 Muslim and three Roman Catholic
households,, is situated on sloping ground at
Neesinjsko polje`s northern end, twenty km
rom the town and at a site as beautiul as the
world on the day o creation. 1he occasional isi-
tor gets the eeling that the world also ends here.
1here is no road whatsoeer oer the mountains
to the districts north and east. A bit aboe the
last houses o Kruseljane, surrounded by cen-
turies old trees, is the mosque ,ill. 10,. 1his is a
rectangle o 15.30 x .96 metres with walls built
o neatly cut, good quality ashlar, 0 cm thick.
1he minaret measures two metres in square and
reaches a height o ten metres. 1here are no dec-
oratie elements at all, but the building`s setting
makes up or the missing architectural qualities.
It is isible rom miles away.
A table giing the number o illage house-
holds proides an indication concerning when
the original mosque must hae been built. In the
Frst 35 years o the Ottoman period not a single
Muslim lied in the illage. In 1519 one quarter
o the population was Muslim, and in 1585 all
o the illage`s residents were Muslim, no Chris-
tian remaining. Arguing in light o this data, the
mosque must hae been ounded around the
1540s. 1o this date also points the mosque`s ori-
entation towards Mecca at 140`` o the compass,
or South-South-Last, which is not correct. At the
end o the 16
th
century a deice was deeloped
giing the correct orientation. 1he building must
thus be rom beore 1590. At the same time, these
numbers illustrate the ery limited possibility or
agriculture in this region, which could not sup-
port more than more than 200-250 people. Ater
the peak o 1519 the illage graitated around
|||. 11. Krusct|janc, inscrip|icn cn ncsquc af|cr 2007 rcccn-
s|ruc|icn, c|aining a da|c cf ccns|ruc|icn arcund 1300.
|||. 10. Krusct|janc, ncsquc (nid-16
|n
ccn|urq?), af|cr ccnp|c|c
ccns|ruc|icn in 2007.
73
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30 households until more adanced agricultural
methods made a slight increase possible.

Table 2: population of the village of
Kruevljane (in households)
1477 1499 1519 1585 1910 1991
Musl. Chr. Musl. Chr. Musl. Chr. Musl. Chr. Musl. Chr. Musl. Chr.
0 25 0 25 13 36 31 0 28 2 33 3
Total: 25 Total: 25 Total: 49 Total: 31 Total: 30 Total: 46
Muslim: 0% Muslim: 0% Muslim: 26% Muslim: 100% Muslim: 93% Muslim: 91%
1he mosque was destroyed in 1992 and the
illagers were drien out.
40
It was rebuilt in 200
exactly as it had been beore, in authentic orm, and
on the same oundations. 1he local Muslims had no
idea how old the building was and placed the time
o construction in the end o 13
th
- beginning o
14
th
century,` which was written on the marble slab
Fxed in the wall near the entrance ,ill. 11,.
The el ebi or Surkovi
dami j a of Donj a Bi j enj a.
A second example o a campanile minaret`
mosque`s total reconstruction is the Celebic or
Surkoic dzamija o Donja Bijenja ,ill. 12,, to
Kruseljane`s south. 1his mosque stands on
a steep slope aboe the plain`s edge and, like
Kruselane, is isible rom miles away. 1he
building is small, a square o 8.90 x 8.90 metres,
with the minaret on the entrance`s right side. 1he
mosque has windows only in the vibrab wall and
in the right lateral wall. 1he let side wall is blind
because o the steep slope on which the mosque
stands. It is build o the same quality white,
Fne grained ashlar as Kruseljane. 1he minaret
is slightly smaller than that at Kruseljane, but
thanks to the large open porch, the mosque
neertheless makes a monumental impression.
1he inner space o 55 square metres can house
60-0 worshippers. As the illage o Gornja Bi-
jenja ,Upper Bijenja`, had its own mosque, and
40 Most Muslim inhabitants returned to their natie homes in 2006 and
200. 1he three Catholic households o Kruseljane did not return.
1heir little church, a bit outside the illage, remained untouched.
taking into account that our population numbers
take both sister illages together, this means that
our mosque could accommodate all, or almost
all, worshippers during lriday prayers and those
accompanying the great easts.
|||. 12. Dcnja 8ijcnja, ncsquc (car|q 17
|n
ccn|urq?), dcs|rcqcd
in 1992, rcccns|ruc|cd in 2007.
According to local tradition, the mosque was
built by the Celebic or Surkoic amilies. 1he
architects who reconstructed the mosque ater
the Bosnian \ar suggested that the mosque was
built in the 1
th
century`s Frst decades. 1he popu-
lation numbers ,households, as contained in the
Ottoman registers gie the ollowing picture and
suggest an earlier date:
74
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Table 3: Population of the village of Donja and
Gornja Bijenja (in households)
1477 1499 1519 1585 1910 1991
Musl. Chr. Musl. Chr. Musl. Chr. Musl. Chr. Musl. Chr. Musl. Chr.
0 41 53 60 61 53 72 6 100 0 69 33
Total: 41 Total: 113 Total: 114 Total: 78 Total: 100 Total: 102
Muslim: 0% Muslim: 47% Muslim: 53% Muslim: 92% Muslim: 100% Muslim: 68%
1hese numbers and dates suggest a construc-
tion time in the last decade o the 15
th
or the Frst
decade o the 16
th
century. It would indeed hae
been unbearable or a Muslim majority to be
without a mosque. In a good number o cases
- or example Stolac ,the Bayezid II mosque, or
Knezina ,the Selim I mosque, - we see that the
state interened and built a mosque when the per-
centage o Muslims in a small settlement reached
25-35 o the whole population. In other cases
local Ottoman oFcials acted in the same way.
1he numbers gien aboe also make clear that
both Upper and Lower Bijenja had much more
arable land at their disposal than Kruseljane and
could thereore sustain a much larger population.
Between 14 and 1499 Bijenja reached a peak
beyond which no urther expansion was possible,
and een in the 1990s did not surpass 1519`s leel.
In 1992 the mosque was blown up and its
debris cleared out. It was wholly reconstructed
in 200-8, and in the same careul manner as
Kruseljane. 1he latter was rebuilt at the initia-
tie and support o the local illage population
and Fnancial help rom outside. 1he Bijenja
mosque, howeer, was reconstructed under the
Bosnian National leritage oundation`s guidance
and with support rom Brussels.` 1he Luro-
pean Community also cared or the enormous
old cemetery containing hundreds o beautiully
cared graestones crowned with turbans and
adorned with calligraphed inscriptions, rom the
1
th
-19
th
centuries. 1he whole yard was surround-
ed with an 800 metres-long wall, also Fnanced
by the Luropean Community. 1he graeyard is a
poignant reminder o Islam`s ormer importance
in this araway corner o the old Islamic world.
Bi l ea and the Mosque of
Hasan Pasha Predoj evi
Bileca is situated at the edge o a plain at an al-
titude o 40 metres, and is southern lerzegoi-
na`s largest urban centre. It is one o the ew local
places that grew to importance in the 20
th
century.
1he Baedeker trael guide Osterreich-Ungarn`
o 1913 lists the place as haing only 1.500 in-
habitants. In 1991 it had 13.284 ,!, inhabitants,
o which almost 2000 were Muslims.
41
Nonethe-
less, Bileca is an old settlement, Frst mentioned
in 138 in the Dubronik archies and again in
1403, 1430, and 1438 as the name o a va.
42
#
1he town lies on the old caraan road rom Du-
bronik ia 1rebinje to Gacko, and rom there
ia 1jentiste to the trading centre loca on the
Drina, and urther into the Balkan interior and
eentually Istanbul. A cemetery Flled with .tecci at
the town`s western edge testiFes to its medieal
existence. In August 1388 an Ottoman inading
party, joined by a orce o George Stracimiroic
Balsic, a lord rom nearby Northern Albania,
was wiped out in the plain below Bileca by one
o the leading nobleman in lum ,southern
lerzegoina,, Vladko Vukoic Kosaca. 1he ol-
lowing year`s piotal battle on the Kosoo polje
ound its direct cause in the Ottoman deeat at
41 tavorvi.tro, pp. 54-5.
42 Vego, ^a.et;a, pp. 11-2, with urther reerences.
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Bileca.
43
Bileca eentually became part o the
Ottoman territories in 1466, together with the
rest o southern lerzegoina. 1he settlement is
not mentioned in the tabrirs rom 1468 to 1585,
probably because they are not presered in their
entirety. It must hae been described in detail in
the 1585 tabrir but Vol. III o it, mentioned in
an old manuscript catalogue, is missing. Lliya
(elebi passed the place along the caraan road
but also does not mention it by name.
Around 155 Gazi,Deli lasan Pasha
,Predojeic,, a colourul character born in the
direct neighbourhood o Bileca, constructed a
small but well-built mosque in the local lerze-
goinan style, with a slate-coered pyramid roo
and campanile-minaret.` 1he mosque suried
the 20
th
century wars as a ruin ,ill. 13,, and with
its characteristic minaret ully erect. 1he build-
ing is situated in a large enced plot o land in
the Polje` o Bileca, at the town`s northern
outskirts, and is a listorical Monument pro-
tected by the State.` lasan Pasha is the builder
o a mosque with a church-tower minaret about
whose lie and works we know more than all
the others combined. le came to Istanbul as a
aer,irve recruit, his Christian name was locally
remembered as Nenad. le conerted to Islam,
later became a/irciba,i ,lead o the lalcon-
ers,, and in 1562, be, o llek .avca/ in Upper
lungary. lrom 153 onward, Austrian sources
knew o him as .avca/be,i o lerzegoina and
Montenegro. le had also been .avca/be,i o
lerceg-Noi on the Adriatic coast. Seeral tra-
ellers during the second hal o the 16
th
century
mention that he had a caraanserai built in Bileca,
as well as a big cistern or water storage and a
tvrbe or his amily. In 153 the caraanserai was
mentioned by Philippe Duresne-Canaye as
newly built by lasan Bey, lord o lerceg Noi.
It is mentioned again in 1580 by Paolo Contarini,
43 line, John V. A. 1be tate veaierat at/av.: a criticat .vrre,
frov tbe tate tretftb cevtvr, to tbe Ottovav covqve.t. Ann Arbor:
Uni. o Michigan Press , 198, p. 408, Imber, Colin. 1be
Ottovav vire, 100111. Istanbul: Isis Press, 1990. p. 35.
lor the complicated political history beore and ater the Battle
o Kosoo see especially: Lmmert, 1.A. 1be attte of Ko.oro: a
recov.iaeratiov of it. .igvifcavce iv tbe aective of Meaierat erbia. Ann
Arbor: Uni. o Michigan Press, 193. A solid oeriew o the
medieal rulers o lum ,lerzegoina, is gien by Dinic, Mihajlo.
vv./otrebiv;./a rta.teta. Beograd: SANU, 1932.
and in 158 by lans Ludwig on Lichtenstein.
44
#
Later, lasan Pasha became .avca/be,i o Szeged
in lungary, and in 1591 rose to the loty rank
o be,terbe,i ,Goernor-General, o Bosnia. It
was in this capacity, in 1592, that he conquered
the important ortress o Bihac in what was then
Croatia, only 60 km south o Zagreb, together
with the strongholds surrounding it. 1he Bihac
district was to become the northernmost reach
o Bosnia and has remained part o it until today.
In June 1593, during the ateul Battle o Sisak,
lasan Pasha, along with other pashas and a large
part o the Ottoman army, drowned in the Kupa
rier`s swollen water. lis lie and deeds let a
deep imprint in the people`s memory, howeer.
Many legends are told about him and olk ballads
about him were still sung in the early 20
th
century.
Nine letters o lasan Pasha to Pale Pridoic, an
44 1he career o lasan Pasha can be pieced together rom the notes by
Mehmed Sreyya, icitti O.vavi, 6 ols. Ld. Nuri Akbayar. 1r. Seyit
Ali Kahraman. Istanbul: Kltr Bakanligi,1rkiye Lkonomik e
1oplumsal 1arih Vaki, 1996, p. 631. Kohbach, Markus. Die robervvg
rov vte/ avrcb aie O.vavev, 1::1. Vienna: Bohlau, 1994, p. 295,
Kreseljakoic, lamdija. avori i /ararav.ara;i v o.vi i ercegorivi.
Sarajeo: NRBil, 195, p. 55, Dinic, Mihajlo. 1ri lrancuska
putopisca 16. ijeka o nasim zemljama,` in: Coai.v;ica ^i/ote Cvica,
Vol. 49 ,1940,, pp. 45-116, cit. p. 9. lor the traellers see also the
originals: Le oyage du Leant de Philippe du lresne-Canaye. Ld. M.
l. lauser. Paris: Lrnest Leroux, 189, p. 24, Contarini, Paolo. Diario
aet 1iaggio aa 1eveia a Cov.tavtivooti, Venezia: 1eresia Gattei, 1856,
p. 14, Lichtenstein, lans Ludwig on. Cro..e Rei.ev vva egebevbeitev
aer erv !otf Cbri.tob rov Rotevbav etc.. ea. lermann lreiherr on
Rotenhan. Munich, 1902.
|||. 13. 8i|cca, ncsquc cf Dc|i Hasan Pasna (Prcdcjctic), ca.
1575, as pnc|cgrapncd oq |nc au|ncr in 2007.
76
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Ottoman spy in Dubronik, are presered.
45
#An
anonymous poet wrote a panegyric in Ottoman
1urkish about him.
46
#
Locally it is told that lasan Pasha also con-
structed a church or his mother in the illage o
Prijeor, our km rom Bileca near the road to
Plana and Gacko. 1he local population called the
place Predojeica crka,` ater lasan`s purport-
ed amily name. At the end o the 19
th
century,
people still sang about the construction o the
mosque and the church by Nenad Pasha.`
4
1he
ruins o this church can still be seen, its land reg-
istered as Orthodox Church property. Ottoman
dignitaries who were said to hae built mosques
as well as churches are aoured characters in
local olklore ,compare Plana,. lere, howeer,
we seem to hae an actual case.
48
lolk traditions
written down at the 20
th
century`s beginning
attribute een more churches to Deli lasan
Pasha, including the great monastery churches
o Mostanica and Rmanj in northern Bosnia,
directly acing Croatian territory. According to
a note in the Old Church Slaonic Patervi/ 12
in the Serbian monastery o lilendar on Mount
Athos, the great church o Mostanica was com-
pleted in 159. Gazi lasan Pasha is said to hae
conquered the Croatian ortress o Petrinje ,50
km south o Zagreb, in 155. It is suggested
that he constructed the churches o Mostanica
and Rmanj as symbols o his ictory oer the
Catholics at Petrinje. Most strikingly, Mostanica`s
great church shows strong innuence rom Otto-
man construction techniques and decoratie el-
45 See Iic, Aleksa. Pisma lasan-pase lercegoackog iz 153,` in:
ovevi/ r./e Krat;er./e ./aaevi;e, Vol. 44 ,1910,, pp. 20-6.
46 A copy o it is presered in the ast collection Zbornik Lneri
Kadic in the Gazi lusre-beg library in Sarajeo. C. Sabanoic,
lazim. Kv;iervo.t vv.tivava o.ve i ercegorive va ori;evtatviv ;eiciva.
Sarajeo: Sjetlost, 193, p. 86. 1he original work o the panegyric
was in the priate library o the well-known Bosnian scholar Osman
Sokoloic, now in the Gazi lusre-beg library, Sarajeo.
4 C. Knez Bajagic i Nenad Pasa ,narodna pjesma,,` in: o.av./a rita,
Vol. 9 ,1894,, pp. 199-201 ,sung with support o a gv.ta by Janko
Cerinic,.
48 More about this building by Kojcic, Desimir. Crka ezira,` in:
toboaa, Vol. 16, No. 352 ,1954,.
ements.
49
During \\II Croat nationalist orces
blew up the Orthodox monastery o Rmanj and
heaily damaged the Orthodox Mostanica as
reenge` or the 16
th
century deeats, and as an
endeaour to correct a mistake o history.`
50

Kazanci
During the endless Cretan \ar ,1645-69, the
Ottoman part o Inner Dalmatia ,the Klis .avca/,,
and much o lerzegoina`s southern and west-
ern parts, suered terribly rom plunder, destruc-
tion, and depopulation. \hen ater the war Os-
man pasha promoted his birth place, the hamlet
o Kazanci ,whence his epithet Kazanac`,, into
a small Ottoman /a.aba by ounding a mosque, a
veare.e, a ve/teb, stables, a ,aairrav, and a row o
shops, he also brought resh water to the settle-
ment through a special underground building,
locally know as stubanj.` lor himsel he had a
/ova/ erected. 1his all took place in the 160s, in
the decade immediately ater the terrible war had
ended and Osman had been eleated to the post
o Damascus goernor. In 1684, during the new
long war with the Christian coalition ,1683-99,,
a orce o 800-900 ba;av/s and Montenegrins
under the much-eared Bajo Piljanin destroyed
Osman`s entire new /a.aba and killed or carried
o as slaes its population. Osman himsel ell
in 1685 as Vizier o Bosnia, deending the Otto-
man rontier at Lgri,Lger in northern lungary.
Kazanci`s local population long remembered its
destruction. lolk songs about it were collected
49 lor the mentioned monasteries see the prooking study o
Andrejeic, Andrej. Prilog proucaanju islamske uticaja na
umetnost XVI i XVII eka kod Srba u Sarajeu i Bosni,` in: Pritoi
a rovcarav;e i.tori;e ara;era, Vol. 1 ,1963,, pp. 51-1, iaev, Manastir
Mostanica,` in: tarivar, Vol. 13,14 ,1965,, pp. 163-5. lor the
Orthodox monasteries in eastern Bosnia in general there are two
excellent works: Seo, Ljiljana. Mova.terie. ava rooaev cbvrcbe. of tbe
av;a v/a arcb,. Banja Luka: Glas Srpski, 1998 ,121 pages, richly
illustrated,, and Suput, Marica. ovevici .r./og cr/revog graaitet;.tra
`1`1 re/, Belgrade: Institut za istoriju umetnosti, 1991.
50 Mostanica has been restored in the 1960s. 1he totally destroyed
Rmanj ,on the rier Una, twele km south o Kulen Vaku, in
northern Bosnia was careully reconstructed in the 1980s. At that
occasion some ragments o resco painting were discoered that
stylistically point to the end o the 15
th
or the early decades o the
16
th
century. 1here are also some historical notes rom the late-15
th

and early 16
th
century but it is not certain i they pertain to Rmanj
or to another monastery. lor details ,and the appalling state o
the building ater 1945,, see Suput, ovevici, pp. 235., who deals
with the problem o the date ery careully and proides urther
reerences.
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|||. 14. Sc|||cncn| pa||crn and pcpu|a|icn in |nc |aza cf
Nctcsinjc in 1475, acccrding |c T.D. 5 in |nc 8aoa|an|t|
Osnan|t Ariti (8OA)
|||. 16. Sc|||cncn| pa||crn and pcpu|a|icn in |nc |aza cf
Nctcsinjc in 1585, acccrding |c T.K.G.M. Nc. 7c8 in |nc
8OA.
|||. 15. Sc|||cncn| pa||crn and pcpu|a|icn in |nc |aza cf
Nctcsinjc in 1519, acccrding |c T.D. 96 in |nc 8OA.
|||. 17. Sc|||cncn| pa||crn and pcpu|a|icn in |nc fcrncr |aza cf
Nctcsinjc in 1991, acccrding |c S|anctnis|tc 8csnc i Hcrcc-
gctinc (ci|cd in fcc|nc|c 21).
78
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as late as 1906.
51
In the 190s lasandedic still
saw the oundation o the stables and the /ova/
o Osman Pasha. In 2008, other than the mina-
ret and the stubanj,` I ound nothing more at
this deserted place. 1he minaret o the Kazanci
mosque ,ill. 23,!stands lonely outside the hamlet,
almost immediately at the border between ler-
zegoina and the Republic o Montenegro. It
shows no longer the church-tower orm but the
real Ottoman round shat and balcony, with the
top end ,ete/, crowned by a lead-coered conical
cap ,now missing,. \e may take this symbolically
as a sign that, ater the terrible Cretan \ar, the
Muslims o lerzegoina, een those outside
the great centres, more strongly realized their
religion`s alues and chose to build the most con-
spicuous symbol o Islam in the orthodox` way,
51 Details on the career o Osman Pasha o Kizansa` can be ound in
icitti O.vavi, p. 1304. 1he olk songs on the destruction o Kazanci
were published in the journal o.av./a rita, Nos. 2 and 3 ,1906,. lor
the destructie actiities o Bajo Piljanin, see 1omic, Joan. Po.teav;e
are goaive irota i raaa baravba.e a;a ^i/otica Pirt;aviva ;111:
goa.), o arbir./iv oaaciva. Belgrade: Stamparija Kraljeine Srbije,
1901 ,a booklet o 34 pages,.
as a true minaret had to be. 1he Kazanci minaret
thus presumably marks the end o the curious
campanile-minaret` construction.
Concl udi ng remarks
\ith help o solid data, I hae shown that
the spread o Islam in the vabi,e. o Dabra and
Neesinje was a process which stretched or
more than a century ,see ills. 14-21,. lrom zero
in 1468, it rose to almost 80 percent in the late
16
th
century. 1he emergence o the little town o
Predolje at the edge o the Dabarsko polje, the
oundation o the /a.aba o Kazanci in the or-
mer vabi,e o Gacko, and the town o Neesinje`s
deelopment, were expressions o a clear urban-
ization policy, which was only to be undone by
external actors in late Ottoman times. loweer,
there is a considerable dierence between the
deelopment o Islamic culture in the plains o
Dabar and Neesinje, and that culture`s ate in
the 20
th
century. Disregarding Bijeljani, Bileca,
and Dabrica, the monuments o Dabar`s Islamic
culture can only be retraced in written sources
and inestigation on the spot. Many more such
monuments must hae existed in the past, but
the eidence is lost. In the plain o Neesinje,
many more buildings still stood in 1992, but this
was also only a part o a much greater produc-
tion. 1he spread o Islam in the district was, as
elsewhere in Bosnia-lerzegoina, spontaneous,
oluntary, and, most importantly, quite gradual.
1he campanile-minarets` phenomenon, o
which only two original examples surie and
three can be reconstructed, iidly illustrates the
act that the southern lerzegoina was really at
the ery edge o the Islamic world, not only in
the geographical, but also in the cultural sense.
Inormation on the district`s cultural institutions
has been assembled piecemeal. In a poor and
stony district such as the Dabarsko polje they
could only be small and unimpressie. In the like-
wise poor, but high and cold plain o Neesinje
the situation was much the same. More remains
to be learned about this subject. 1he question o
why some people opted to hae a church-tower
minaret and others - basically in the towns,
like Mostar, Konjic, or Pocitelj on the Nereta
- wanted to hae a true` Ottoman minaret at
|||. 23. Kazanci, ninarc| cf 1670s ncsquc cf Osnan Pasna
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their mosques, is such a problem. Most o the
patrons had a illage background, but at least two
o them, Seer Aga o Dabrica and Deli lasan
Pasha o Bileca, knew the outside world. Deli
lasan spent his ormatie years in the capital, Is-
tanbul, and thus was acquainted with the style o
its monuments, or did he gie the order to build
a mosque and proide the money to do it with-
out haing the opportunity to oersee the work
himsel Moreoer, what about the mosque o
Lady latima Saric in Mostar, a city ull o highly
sophisticated and purely Ottoman` mosques
\e hae to leae these questions open and hope
only to hae succeeded, on paper at least, to hae
retrieed some aspects o the little known and
almost orgotten Islamic history o the \estern
Balkans.

|||. 22. Pcpu|a|icn and rc|igicn in |nc Daoars|c pc|jc, 1961-


1991, acccrding |c Yugcs|at ccnsus rcccrds (as rc|a|cd in
S|anctnis|tc 8csnc i Hcrccgctinc).
|||s. 18-20. Tnc naniqc cf Daora in 1477, 1499, and 1585.
|||. 21. Pcpu|a|icn and rc|igicn in |nc Daoars|c pc|jc, 1468-
1585, acccrding |c O||cnan arcnita| rcccrds.
80
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1be avtbor ai.cv..e. tbe graavat ivtegratiov of Dava.cv. rorivce ivto tbe Ottovav .,.tev iv tbe 1
tb
cevtvr,,
ava arcbitectvre`. rote iv tbi. roce... be focv.e. ov vovvvevt. ov tbe ,riav .ectiov of tbe iveriat roaa., rbicb
tiv/ea tbe caitat to tbe Rea ea a. rett a. to tbe tbree bot, citie.. .. a re.vtt of ivcrea.ea traffc ov tbe.e roaa.,
tbe .vttav. ava tbeir bigb offciat. bvitt a vvvber of ra,.tatiov. to roriae rotectiov ava facititie. for att /iva.
of traretter.. vtere.tivgt,, iv terv. of .t,te tbe.e covtee. rere cto.er to tbe Ottovav iveriat .t,te of .tavbvt
tbav to tbat of Ottovav Dava.cv., tbovgb it at.o ivctvaea featvre. of tbe tatter. eciat attevtiov i. aerotea to
o.viavborv ata Mv.tafa Pa.ba`. fovvaatiov iv Qvva,tra, begvv iv 1:, rbicb ivctvaea a riaa, vo.qve, ava
tbe evaorvevt aeea of rbicb roriae. a great aeat of ivforvatiov abovt tbe covte`. fvvctiov..
.vtorica ai./vtv;e o.teevv ivtegraci;v rorivci;e Dava./ v o.vavti;./i .i.tev v 1. .tot;ecv i vtogv arbi
te/tvre v orov roce.v. Ova .e v.reaocara va .ovevi/e va .iri;./ov ai;etv .vttav./ib ce.ta, /o;e orev;v
ri;e.totvicv i Crrevo vore, /ao i tri .reta graaa. Kao revttat o;acavog roveta va oriv vteriva, .vttav i v;egori
ri.o/i .tvbevici graae bro;va .rrati.ta aa bi vtviciva .rib rr.ta obeb;eaiti a.titv i arvge v.tvge. vtere.avtvo,
v ogteav .tita ori /ovte/.i .v btii o.vav./ov car./ov .titv .tavbvta vego .titv v o.vav./ov Dava./v,
vaaa .v /a.vi;e v/t;vcevi v i.ti. Po.ebva av;a ;e o.receva aavbivava ata Mv.tafa Pa.e, /o;i ;e bio roev
v o.vi, a v/t;vcirate .v aavi;a v Kvveitri i 1:.goaive, ativ a;eto aavbive /o;e rva bro;ve ivforvaci;e
o fvv/ci;ava /ovte/.a.
Marianne Boqvist
Cent r e and per i pher y i n t he
Syr i an count r ysi de: t he ar chi t ect ur e of
mosques i n gover nment al f oundat i ons
on t he Ot t oman i mper i al r oads
Cent r i i per i f er i j e u Si r i j skoj
pokr aj i ni : ar hi t ekt ur a dami j a u
zadubi nama upr avi t el j a na sul t anski m
cest ama
81
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I ntroducti on
&!!&,+'$ ,&152#1$ /'$ newly conquered cities
were, when sponsored by patrons who were
part o the central power structures in Istanbul,
typically built according to a rv or Ottoman`
canon, sometimes reerred to as the Ottoman
imperial style.`
1
One o the most characteris-
tic examples o this style was the single domed
mosque, eaturing a centralized prayer hall
surmounted by a hemispherical, lead-coered
dome, preceded by a domed portico, and
nanked by a slender minaret ,or two in the case
o royal patrons, crowned by a pointed cap. In
Damascus, the most signiFcant mosques o this
type were part o great Ottoman raqfs ,endow-
ments, ounded by Ottoman goernors in the
second hal o the 16
th
century. 1heir impact on
the architecture and urban organization o the
1 1his paper is part o an ongoing research project, unded by the
Swedish International Deelopment Cooperation Agency ,Sida,.
My gratitude goes to the Syrian ministry o 1ourism and Culture,
the Syrian Department o Antiquities and Museums as well as
the 1urkish ministry o Culture, whose authorisations hae been
crucial or this work, as well as to the organizers o the conerence
and ClwB who gae me the opportunity to present this paper.
See or instance Kaesioglu, (igdem. In the image o Rm:
Ottoman architectural patronage in 16
th
century Aleppo and
Damascus,` in: Mvqarva., Vol. XVI ,1999,, pp. 0-96, \atenpaugh
Zeitlian, legnar. 1be ivage of av Ottovav cit,: iveriat arcbitectvre ava
vrbav eerievce iv .teo iv tbe 1
tb
ava 1
tb
cevtvrie.. Leiden: Brill, 2004.
city is airly well known and acknowledged as
part o a local Ottoman architectural heritage.
2

1he aim o this paper is to discuss buildings
that were part o these waqs but which were
located in strategic places along the Syrian sec-
tion o the imperial roads towards Palestine,
Cairo, and the Red Sea ,the Via Maris, and the
two holy cities ,darb al-ajj al-shm,, namely

that
o Ll Mua Pasha in Qunayra ,now in the
Syrian part o the Golan leights,, ounded in
91 h.,1563, and those in Quaya ,40 km east o
Damascus, and Sa`sa` ,near Qunayra, ounded
by Sinn Pasha around 996 h.,158-88.
3
Len
though these complexes were commissioned
by the sultan to secure the sae passage o mail,
pilgrims, and commercial caraans, and thus held
the particular status o imperial imarets` ,imra
2 See, or instance, Pascual, Jean-Paul. Dava. a ta fv av `1e .iecte
a`are. troi. raqf. ottovav.. Damascus: IlD, 1983, \eber, Stean.
1he creation o Ottoman Damascus: architecture and urban
deelopment o Damascus in the 16
th
and 1
th
centuries,` in:
.R.M, Vol. IX,X ,199-8,, pp. 431-40, Meinecke, Michael, Die
osmanische Architektur des 16. Jahrhunderts in Damaskus,` in: iftb
vtervatiovat Covgre.. of 1vr/i.b .rt. ;vaae.t, 1:). Ld. Gza lehr.
Budapest: Akadmiai Kiad 198, pp. 55-95, Kaesioglu, In the
Image o Rm`, Boqist, Marianne. Architecture et deloppement
urbain a Damas de la conqute ottomane ,922 l.,1516-1,
a la ondation du waq de Murad Pasha ,101 l.,160-08,,`
Unpublished dissertation, Uniersit de Sorbonne, Paris IV, 2006.
3 Ll Mua Pasha, the conqueror o Cyprus, held the goernorship
o Damascus or Fe years ,91-6 h.,1563-68, where he ounded a
great raqf together with his wie, lima Khn, the granddaughter
o the last Mamluk sultan. Sinn Pasha, the conqueror o \emen,
was appointed goernor o Damascus twice between 988 h.,1580
and his death in 1004 h.,1596, when he had held the position o
grand izier Fe times.
82
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e al-`amra,, they hae not attracted much scholarly
,or other, attention to date.
4
1hese stops are today in urgent need o
some kind o preseration action. 1he mosque
in Qunayra is an empty shell in the middle o
a deserted town,
5
that in Sa`sa` has recently been
restored, but is located in the centre o a ruined
ortiFcation. Only that in Quaya, which was
4 Mardam Bek, Khalil. irvv tir aia ra bv bi Kbv.. raqf
t Mv.taf a.b ra ar;atvbv iva Kbtv bivt .vtv atr.
Damascus: al-matbaqa al-`ummya, 1385 h., 1956, p. 22, 1his
term, also used or the sultanic oundations in Damascus indicates
the imperial inolement in the oundation. It can that can be put in
contrast with the term ta/,a that was used or the other complexes
in the proince, some o which included public kitchens. See, Meier,
Astrid. lor the sake o God alone lood distribution policies,
takiyyas and imarets in early Ottoman Damascus,` in: eeaivg eote,
feeaivg orer: ivaret. iv tbe Ottovav vire. Lds. Nina Lrgin, Christoph
Neumann, and Amy Singer. Istanbul: Lren, 200, pp. 121-149, cit. p.
141-142.
5 According to Schumacher, Gottlieb. 1be ]avtv: .vrre,ea for tbe Cervav
ociet, for tbe toratiov of tbe ot, ava. London: R. Bentley & son,
1888, it was entirely rebuilt in the 1920s. lor urther inormation, see
Zakarya, Ahmad. .tRf atr, Vol. II, Damascus: al-Bayn, 1955,
p. 540.
|||. 1a. Qunaqra, ncsquc sccn frcn |nc ninarc|. (A|| pnc|c-
grapns arc oq |nc au|ncr.)
|||. 1o. Qunaqra, ncsquc sccn frcn |nc cas|.
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already quite well presered, is presently being
restored through priate initiatie. One o the
aims o this paper is to gie an example o how
urther inormation about these structures can
be obtained through the comparatie study o
written source material such as trael accounts,
historical photos, and my own obserations o
the material remains.
6

lor instance, in Qunayra, where ery little o
the original eatures remain, the interpretation
o its composite parts is mainly based on the in-
ormation proided by the waqya ,endowment
charter,.

Len though it does not indicate any


measures or olumes, it speciFes the intended use
o space as well as some o the building material.
lor the buildings in Sa`sa` and Quaya, the situ-
ation is quite the opposite, the ounder`s, Sinn
Pasha`s, waqyas that I hae come across so ar
only proide summary building descriptions, but
the complexes are still in place. 1his is problem-
atic, especially in the case o Sa`sa`, where the
mosque was recently thoroughly restored.
8
But
een in Quaya, where the structures are bet-
ter presered and a ground plan was published
by Sauaget in 193, it would still be helpul to
know more about the use o space and the origi-
nal building material.
1his paper will consider the innuence o the
Ottoman centre on the local architectural tradi-
tion as apparent in the case o these mosques,
how these buildings distinguished themseles
rom the local architectural tradition in the pro-
ince o Syria, and how they relate to the architec-
6 1here are howeer some exceptions such as Sauaget, Jean. Les
Caraansrails Syriens du ladjdj de Constantinople, in: .r. .tavica,
Vol. IV ,193,, pp. 98-121, Kiel, Machiel, 1he caraansaray and
ciic center o Deterdar Murad Celebi in Ma`arrat an-Nu`man and
the klliye o \emen latihi Sinan Pasha in Sa`sa`,` in: cevtvrie. of
Ottovav arcbitectvre: a .vravatiovat eritage. Lds. Nur Akin et al.
Istanbul: \LM, 1999, pp. 103-110. 1he oundation has preiously
been studied and published by Arna`out, Muhammad. Mv`,at av
Diva.bq ra ita atbv at]avb,a f via,at atqarv atai.a a.bara,
Damascus: Dr al-ad1993. Pascual, Dava.. lor more speciFc
inormation on the sultan`s inolement in the oundation, see
leyd, Uriel. Ottovav aocvvevt. ov Pate.tive 1::211:: a .tva, of tbe
frvav accoraivg to tbe Mvbivve Defteri. Oxord: Uniersity Press, 1960,
pp. 18-188. lor trael accounts, see or instance Lliya (elebi,
e,batvave.i, Vol. IX. Lds. \cel Dagli et al. Istanbul: \api Kredi
\ayinlari, 2005, pp. 264-65.
Mardam Bek, irvv; Vakinar Genel Mdrlg ,hererater VGM,
4-216 ,Ll Mua Pasha,, VGM 4-134, ,lima n,.
8 VGM 599-63,VGM 583-188 Sinn Pasha, !aqf,a ivv Pa.ba,
Damascus, IlLAD,Mudrya al-awq 1948,
ture o the subsequent centres o the proince
and the empire. 1his is a step towards a recon-
sideration o these buildings as a signiFcant local
Ottoman-period heritage.
Vi sual i zati on of Ottoman
presence
1he exposed situation o these three sites, on
the border between sedentary and Bedouin terri-
tory, was closely connected to their oundation,
9

an urgent response to a need elt by the sultan
to protect traellers and pilgrims against Bedouin
attacks and to demonstrate Ottoman presence.
10

As a result, the deteriorated stops ,vevit) on the
9 Qunayra and Sa`sa` were only a ew kilometres to the south west o
Damascus, on the road towards Palestine and Cairo, and Quaya
was on the road towards loms and Aleppo.
10 Bahit, Adnan. 1be Ottovav rorivce of Dava.cv. iv tbe 1
tb
cevtvr,.
Beirut: Librairie du Liban, 1982, p. 20 , leyd, Ottovav aoc...,p. 101,
126-2.
|||. 2. Quaqfa, grcund p|an cf ccnp|cx, frcn Sautagc|, |cs
caratanscrai|s, p. 119.
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sites were enlarged into complexes along with a
ortress and a permanent garrison, horses and
their caretakers or the postal system,
11
and in the
case o Sa`sa`, which was particularly exposed, an
additional population o peasants was ordered to
settle in the neighbouring area.
12

Despite the actie inolement o the sultan
in the construction o these complexes and their
designation as imperial imarets, they were built
on a smaller scale than monumental complexes
11 According to a frvav rom 985 h.,15 these 45 amilies o
caretakers in each stop were exempted rom paying taxes. See leyd,
Ottovav aocvvevt., pp. 126-2, Bahit, 1be Ottovav rorivce, p. 9.
12 1he order to relocate these amilies was placed in 989 h.,1581,
and they were exempted rom taxes. See ibid.., p. 101, Bakhit, 1be
Ottovav Prorivce, p.221.
such as those in Payas or Damascus,
commissioned rom Mi`mar Sinn`s
oFce.
13
Despite the dierence in scale,
one can sense this institution`s inole-
ment in the layout o the complexes
- and the act that they were just as
much miniature Ottoman towns in the
middle o the countryside, including
kitchens sering Ottoman ood, mar-
kets, baths, cas, storage space, rooms
or traellers, stables and, last but not
least, single domed lriday mosques,
another noelty to Syrian roadside ar-
chitecture.
The l ayout of
bui l di ngs
1he ground plan o the mosques,
also perhaps determined by the royal
architects` oFce in these cases, was di-
erent in Qunayra and the two other
locations. \hile that in Qunayra had
a rectangular base, proiding a square
or the central dome through arches
on pillars nanked by lateral galleries ,ill.
1,,
14
the domes in Sa`sa` and Quaya
were supported on pendenties on a cubic base
,ill. 2,.
15
1he Frst plan ,ill. 3, is similar to the
Darwshya and Sinnya mosques in Damascus,
oten compared with the mosque o Mihrimah
Sultan in Istanbul.
16
1he closest examples o
square ground plans can be obsered in the
1akya Sulaymnya ,ill. 4,, or the mosques o
Murd Pasha and that o Siyush Pasha in Da-
mascus.
Concerning the domes, only that in Quaya
is still in place. It has the local, bulbous` shape
and was plastered. 1hese were eatures as-
sociated with the local architectural tradition
13 Necipoglu, Glru. 1be age of ivav: arcbitectvrat cvttvre iv tbe Ottovav
vire. London: Reaktion Books, 2005, 1akya Sulaymnya on p.
222, Payas on p. 355.
14 Mardam Bek, irvv, p. 23.
15 1his can be inerred rom photographs dating to beore the
restoration o the mosque in Sa`sa`.
16 See Meinecke, Die osmanische Architektur,` p. 584., and \eber,
1he creation o Ottoman Damascus,` p. 436.
|||. 3. Danascus, Sinnqa ncsquc, grcund p|an, frcn la|z-
ingcr c lu|zingcr, Danas|us, p. 79, fg. 14.
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|||. 4. Danascus, ncsquc cf |nc Ta|qa Su|aqnnqa.
|||. 5. Qunaqra, ncsquc.
that continued to be used in most Damascene
Ottoman-period mosques, and contrasted with
the hemispherical lead-coered domes associated
with the central Ottoman power ,ill. 5,.
1
All three mosques originally had a loggia
,rirq), surmounted by Fe cupolas, preceding
the prayer hall.
18
In Qunayra it also proided
access to the minaret, while in the other two
mosques the minarets were accessible rom the
prayer hall ,ills. 6-,. Apart rom the dierences
in position, the minarets had the shape o the
contemporary Damascene minarets, that is, they
1 In Damascus, the only mosques coered with these traditionally
Ottoman lead sheets are the 1akya Sulaymnya and the Sinnya.
18 1races o the rirq in Sa`sa` can be seen on photos rom the archies
o historical monuments.
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were polygonal with a pointed cap, but ar rom
as slender as those o the 1akya Sulaymnya.
19

In conclusion, the layouts o the three mosques
represent two ariations o the Ottoman export
model`: one is rectangular with lateral galleries,
the other square with the minaret accessible rom
the riwq or rom the prayer hall. Both models
can be traced to Ottoman Damascus and een
loosely to Istanbul. loweer, although they
dier radically rom the traditional Damascene
mosques, both in terms o the organisation o
space and the shape o domes and minarets, they
are mainly built o local materials and according
to local building techniques, and thus probably
under the superision o local ,possibly Dama-
scene, master builders.
Bui l di ng materi al
and decorati on
1he main building material in the three sites
was adapted to the geological situation o the
region: we Fnd basalt in Qunayra, limestone and
basalt in Sa`sa`, and limestone in Quaya. lor
the deFnition o material used or particular ele-
ments, the raqf,a or Qunayra has proen to be
the most inormatie source. It indicates the use
19 1oday only the minaret in Quaya has the characteristic pointed cap,
although they possibly all did originally.
|||. 7. Sasa, ncsquc.
|||. 6. Quaqfa, ncsquc.
o costly building material rarely seen beyond the
city limits, a testimony to the particular status o
this complex. 1he most outstanding elements are
predominantly in the interior decoration.
1he minbar in Qunayra was made o wood
and was crowned by a small cupola, painted with
a copper hal moon in imitation o gold.
20
\hile
minbars in marble seem to hae been preerred
in Ottoman mosques in the capital and its Ru-
melian and Anatolian hinterlands, elaborate
wooden minbars were common in pre-Ottoman
Syria and Lgypt. Nothing urther is known, how-
eer, o the shape or elaboration o the minbar
at Qunayra. 1he limestone minbar in Quaya
is clearly an imitation o the marble minbar in
the Sinnya mosque in Damascus, while that in
Sa`sa` ,ill. 8, was completely dierent: cut in lime-
stone and shaped like a staircase attached to the
20 Mardam Bek, irvav, p.23
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qibla wall oer an Ottoman arch, was this a local
interpretation o Ottoman elements
1he mosque in Qunayra had a wooden mah-
Fl with painted decoration and was supported
by stone columns.
21
Nothing similar has been
ound in the mosques o Sa`sa` or Quaya, but
in Damascus both the Sinnya and the 1akya
Sulaymnya were urnished with mahFls entirely
sculpted o marble and supported by granite
and porphyry columns. A wooden mahFl with
painted decoration can be seen, howeer, in the
mosque o Sinn Aa.
22
1he waqya o Qunayra urther mentions
the use o marble panels in the secluded space
or women. Such panels remind us o those in
the prayer halls o the Sinnya or Darwshya
in Damascus that almost certainly were reused
building material.
1he mihrab in Qunayra was composed o
dierent types o stone and painted,coloured
,manqsh,.
23
1his establishes an aFliation with
the Damascene architecture o the same pe-
riod, where the majority o mihrabs included
two or three types o coloured stone and were
21 Ibid., p 23.
22 An Ottoman oFcial on post in Damascus at the same time as
Ll Muaa Pasha, responsible or the construction o the 1akya
Sulaymnya.
23 Mardam Bek, irvav, p. 23.
decorated with sculpted medallions and rames
enhanced with colour paste. Although there is
currently no trace o the original mihrab, reused
building material located in the northern acade
inside the riwq contains seeral reused stones
with sculpted motis that can be connected with
contemporary Damascene architectural decora-
tion ,ill. 9,.
24
Similar motis hae been obsered
in Sa`sa`, where the red paste, applied during a re-
cent restoration, creates a bi-colour eect around
the mihrab, and red and black paste has been
24 In this context, it is particularly interesting to contrast the colour
paste decoration in Qunayra, executed in basalt, with the expensie
building materials to be used in this mosque as described in its
raqf,a.
|||. 8. Sasa, ninoar cf ncsquc.
|||. 9a. Qunaq|ra, rcuscd cc|cur pas|c ncda||icns.
|||. 9o. Qunaq|ra, rcuscd cc|cur pas|c ncda||icns.
88
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Flled into the polygonal raming o the decora-
tie panel ,ill. 10,. 1hese medallions and rames
were part o the original construction and show
the connection not only between Qunayra and
Sa`sa`, but also to Ottoman Damascene architec-
tural decoration ,ill. 11,.
Another Ottoman noelty obsered in these
buildings is the arched lunette crowning the rect-
angular windows, commonly used in Ottoman ar-
chitecture. In Damascus lunettes were requently
decorated with tiles, but could elsewhere be Flled
in with moulded gypsum or just let blank, as on
the exterior o the three mosques studied in this
paper. In the interior o the mosque in Quaya,
the lunettes contain the most interesting decora-
tie element obsered in that mosque. 1hey are
Flled with a gypsum coer and painted with noral
or epigraphic designs that could be a local ,and,
or later, interpretation o the Damascene tiles o
the 16
th
century, maybe a proincial interpreta-
tion o the Damascene tile production ,ill. 12,.
1hat the collaboration between workmen
rom the royal architects` oFce and Damascene
workmen on the building site o the 1akya
Sulaymnya in the 1550s produced an Ottoman
Damascene architecture incorporating oreign`
and local building material and the releant tech-
niques is recognized. According to chronicles
and Ottoman archial sources, workmen were
sent rom Damascus to work on imperial build-
ing sites such as the Dome o the Rock and the
al-Aqsa mosque in Jerusalem as well as on com-
plexes and ortresses on the imperial routes in
the region.
25
1hese sources inorm us that there
was a stock o imperial building material in Jeru-
salem and that the person in charge o it was the
goernor o Damascus. As the representatie o
the sultan, he was also responsible or the em-
ployment o skilled workmen and the execution
o imperial building projects. It is thus possible
that building material rom these stocks could
hae been used in Qunayra and Sa`sa`, and that
25 lor urther details on these works, see Bakhit, 1be Ottovav rorivce,
p. 213, who mentions repairs at al-Zizya, on the road between
Damascus and Mecca, as ordered by the sultan and executed by
workmen and material rom Damascus under the responsibility
o Damascene notables. Laoust, lenri. e. govrervevr. ae Dava..
Damascus: IlD, 1952, p. 181, mentions repairs o the orts at al-
Aar ,in 938 h.,1531,.
|||. 10. Sasa, ninrao cf ncsquc.
specialised workmen could hae been employed
there while they were traelling, or instance, be-
tween Damascus and Jerusalem.
26
1his could also be an explanation or the costly
material used in Qunayra. Another reason could
be that this was the only lriday mosque ounded
by Ll Mua Pasha, since his complex in Da-
mascus only contained a small va.;ia located in
the centre o the courtyard o his khan.
2
1his
also makes sense in comparison with the ounda-
tion o Sinn Pasha, whose mosque in Damascus
was similar in shape and material to that used in
26 Lliya Celebi, e,abatvave.i, Vol. IX, p. 235.
2 \atzinger, Carl and Karl \ulzinger. Dava./v., aie .tavi.cbe taat,
Berlin: \alter de Gruyter & co,, 1924, pp. 53-55.
89
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Qunayra, while the ones in his rural complexes
were relatiely simple.
28

1hus, despite the dierences between these
three mosques, they are all clearly aFliated with
architectural trends rom both the Ottoman cen-
tre and Ottoman Damascus as much through ar-
chitectural elements ,such as the shape i domes,
minarets, windows, and vivbars, as through the
use o decoratie elements, such as colour paste
medallions and polygonal or moulded rames.
Moreoer, although tiles do not seem to hae
been produced outside Damascus, there is an
awareness o their existence, and motis deried
rom them are seen in the lunettes o painted
gypsum in Quaya. Something similar can be
said about the vivbar in Sa`sa`: a local interpre-
tation o Ottoman elements introduced to this
rural context through collaboration between
Damascene and local workmen.
28 leyd, Ottovav aocvvevt., p. 156, discusses in 984 h.,156 the
material held in the goernmental stocks and which is not used due
to the lack o competent workmen. Ibid. p. 15, is mentioned the
transport rom Istanbul o lead or the roos o al-Aqsa, the Dome
o the Rock, and the Umayyad mosque in 98 h.,159.
|||. 12. Danascus, |unc||c cf Sinnqa ncsquc.
Concl usi on
1he building complexes studied in this paper
were part o oundations sponsored by high-
ranking Ottoman oFcials closely related to the
central authorities in Istanbul, and which were
promoted and,or commissioned by the sultan as
a response to the insecure situation on these roads
at the end o the 16
th
century. 1hese complexes
simultaneously proided acilities and protection
or pilgrims and traellers, promoted settlement
in the surrounding area, and isualized Ottoman
presence on the imperial roads. In a conceptual
way, these roadside complexes were closer to the
Ottoman architectural canon o the centre than
to its echoes in Damascus. Notwithstanding the
obious architectural innuence o the Otto-
man centre, building materials and construction
techniques continue the local tradition. Despite
their designation as imperial imarets, no building
material was sent rom the capital to build these
complexes. In act, it seems that the ounders
completely relied on local workmen`s skills and
the quality o the aailable building material in a
context where Damascus was the releant cen-
tre. 1hese buildings can proide us with more
inormation on the processes through which
Ottoman imperial architecture was adapted to a
local,peripheral context een urther away rom
the actual centre o the empire than the Syrian
metropolis.

|||. 11. Drauings frcn la|zingcr c lu||zingcr, Danas|us, p.


107, fg. 28.
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1be avtbor ai.cv..e. fovr Ottovav bvitaivg. atovg tbe avcievt 1ia gvatia ;re)ai.corerea avrivg ber fetaror/
iv tbe regiov iv 200. v toriva, a torv iv Cree/ Maceaovia of rbicb tbe Ottovav beritage ba. vot beev .vf
fcievtt, .tvaiea, .be ba. iaevtifea tbree bvitaivg. frov tbe Ottovav erioa: tbe revaiv. of a vo.qve ;of Ya/vb
eg.) of rbicb ovt, tbe ba.evevt of a vivaret revaiv.; a forver bavav vear cotta.e; ava a bvitaivg of ,et
vviaevtifea fvvctiov, rbicb re.earcber. aear to bare orertoo/ea .o far. v .ottovia ovtra ov a/e 1otri. .be
ba. iaevtifea av Ottovav tbervat batb of octagovat .bae.
.vtorica ai./vtv;e o cetiri o.vav./e graerive /o;e .e vatae av .tarog riv./og vta 1ia gvatia i /o;e
.v ovoro ot/rireve to/ov v;evog terev./og raaa v regi;i v 200.g. | torivv, graav v ge;./o; Ma/eaovi;i,
ci;e o.vav./o va.ti;ee vi;e aorot;vo i.trairavo, avtorica ;e iaevtif/orata tri graerive /o;e oticv i o.vav./og
erioaa: o.taci aavi;e ;]a/vbbega.), oa /o;e ;e reo.tao ;eaivo oarvv vivareta; ve/aaa.v;i bavav /o;i ;e btiv
/ota.a; ativ graeriva /o;o; .e ;o. vi;e iaevtif/orata fvv/ci;a, /o;a ;e r;eroratvo bita io.tart;eva oa .trave
i.trairaca ao .aaa. | .otovia ovtra va ;eerv 1otri. avtorica ;e iaevtif/orata o.vav./o tervatvo /vatito
va o.vovgaovo; o.vori.
Federica Broilo
The f or got t en Ot t oman her i t age of
Fl or i na on t he Ri ver Sakoul evas, and
a l i t t l e known Ot t oman bui l di ng on
t he shor e of L ake Vol vi s i n Gr eek
Macedoni a
Zabor avl j eno osmansko nasl i j ee
Fl or i na na r i j eci Sakoul evas i manj e
poznat a osmanska gr aevi na na obal i
j ezer a Vol vi s u Egej skoj Makedoni j i
91
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/'$ +2-21!$ 67789$ as part o my doctoral re-
search, I had the opportunity to trael along
the Via Lgnatia.
1
1he main purpose o the
trip was to understand the current situation o
the Ottoman-Islamic architectural heritage in
countries located along this ancient highway,
which orms part o the inrastructure created
by the Romans in and ater the second century
B.C.
2
1he Via Lgnatia structured the millenary
route that ran rom the south-eastern shores
o the Adriatic, oer the Balkan Peninsula, to
the northern Aegean hinterlands, thus ensur-
ing communication rom Last to \est. As a
sort o extension o the Via Appia, starting
rom Rome, it proided Southern Italy and the
\estern Mediterranean with a short land route
to the Aegean, the Lastern Mediterranean, the
Black Sea, and Asia.
3
lollowing 1raian Stoia-
noich, I employ the name Via Lgnatia in the
Ottoman context not in relation to the paed
Roman road`s exact track, but in a looser sense,
including stretches o roads that deiated rom
the Roman road but still ran through central Al-
1 1his Feldwork was made possible thanks to support by the Barakat
1rust ,Oxord,.
2 1he scholarly literature on the Roman-period Via Lgnatia is rather
extensie. lor a recent bibliography, see Aramea, Anna. 1rac et
onction de la 1ia gvatia du IIe siecle aant J.-C. au VIe Apres
J.-C.,` in: 1be 1ia gvatia vvaer Ottovav Rvte ;101): atc,ov
Da,. iv Crete 11. Ld. Llizabeth Zachariadou. Rethymnon:
Crete Uniersity Press, 1996, pp. 3-, lasolo, Michele. a 1ia
gvatia : aa .ottovia e D,rracbivv aa era/te,a ,v/e.tiao., |Viae
Publicae Romanae 1|. Rome: Istituto GraFco Lditoriale Romano,
2005, Guttormsen, 1orgrim S. 1ransregional historical roads in
local landscapes: Via Lgnatia in Macedonian Greece,` in: Die rae
|Special issue: Meaiterraveav ava.cae|, Vol. 138, No. 1 ,200,, pp.
9-116.
3 O`Sullian, lirmin. 1be gvatiav !a,. Newton Abbott: Daid &
Charles 192, pp. 11-13.
bania, and in particular the stretch rom Durrs
to 1hessaloniki and thence to Constantinople.
4
Fl ori na
llorina is the capital o a homonymous
northern Greek preecture that borders the re-
gion around Kor in Albania, the l\R Mace-
donia at Lake Prespa ,south o Bitola,, and that
lies between the Greek cities o 1hessaloniki and
Kastoria. llorina is also the nearest Greek town
to the l\R Macedonian border ,only thirteen
kilometres away, and stands on slightly rising
ground about 680 m. aboe sea leel. 1he his-
toric gvatia is situated to the town`s east. llorina
was built on the site o the ancient Melitonus,
5

while archaeological Fnds hae proen the area`s
continuous habitation since prehistoric times. Its
present name, howeer, is perhaps related to a
Byzantine settlement named Chloron, which
came under Ottoman rule in 1385 and remained
so until 1912.
4 Stoianoich, 1rajan. A route type: the Via Lgnatia under Ottoman
Rule,` in: 1be 1ia gvatia vvaer Ottovav Rvte, pp. 203-16, cit. p. 203.
5 1his is without doubt een in the complete absence o archaeological
eidence rom this period, since the number o Roman miles rom
leraclia Lyncestis ,modern Bitola, to Melitonus ,llorina, and the
number o statute miles ,1, almost coincide.
92
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In a Venetian gentleman`s account o 1591,
6

llorina was described as a town where the trael-
ler could not Fnd a place to eat, drink, or sleep.
Visiting llorina 60 years later, the Ottoman tra-
eller Lliya (elebi reported six neighbourhoods,
6 In 1591 the Venetian representatie ,baito, at Constantinople,
Girolamo Lippomano, was accused o high treason and sentenced
in absentia to death by the Council o the 1en. Senator Lorenzo
Bernardo, himsel a ormer Venetian ambassador to Constantinople
,1584-,, was charged with traelling to the Ottoman capital to carry
out the sentence. Bernardo set out rom Venice by boat. On his
arrial in Albania, he chose the rarely used route oerland through
the country so as to maintain the secrecy o his mission. 1he
accused Lippomano was eentually arrested and sent back to Venice.
1his account, written by his secretary Gabriele Caazza, oers many
interesting details o lie along that road at the time, as experienced
on his secret journey. See Broilo, lederica A. Pane, ino e caarzera:
la Via Lgnatia nel XVI secolo secondo l`Itinerario di Gabriele
Caazza,` in: .a Orievte.: riaggiatori reveti tvvgo te rie a`Orievte. Lds.
Gianni Pedrini and Montecchio Vicentino ,orthcoming in 2010,.
1500 houses, seenteen mosques and ve.cias,
three veare.es, seen ve/tebs, one te//e, two bavs,
and two bavavs.

O all these buildings, only ew


traces hae suried to today.
8
In what is the ma-
jor study o the Ottoman town, Kiel`s short en-
try on llorina` in the 1D1 .tav .v.i/toeai.i,
two mosques were reported as still standing in
1959, while in 196 that author saw only a small
rti, etebi .e,abatvve.i, Vol. 5. Lds. \cel DaJli et al. Istanbul:
\api Kredi \ayinlari, 2006, p. 310.
8 1here is no mention o Ottoman buildings on oFcial websites such
as http:,,www.norina.gr or http:,,www.culture.gr.
|||. 1. ||crina, pic|urc pcs|card cf nain s|rcc| a| |nc |urn cf |nc
ccn|urq.
|||. 2. ||crina, |nc ruins cf |nc ninarc|, pcssio|q cf Ya|uo 8cgs
!"#$%&'
93
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bavav.
9
Biaki, in his book on 1urkish` archi-
tecture in Greece, reers to a minaret`s remains
as the city`s only Ottoman relic.
10
In addition to
these two structures I identiFed a third building
during my Feldwork.
One o the most interesting isual sources or
llorina`s history is a picture postcard dating to
the end o the 19
th
century or the early 20
th
cen-
tury ,ill. 1,. 1his photograph presents a iew o
the ormer Ottoman main street in llorina, lined
on each side with both single-storey and two-sto-
rey buildings. It illustrates the market area with
the clock tower ,.aat /vte.i, in the background,
9 Kiel, Machiel. llorina,` in: 1vr/i,e Di,avet 1a/fi .tv .v.i/toeai.i,
Vol. 13. Istanbul: 1rkiye Diyanet Vaki, 1995, p. 164.
10 Biaki, Ismail. Yvvavi.tav`aa 1vr/ vivari e.erteri. Istanbul: ISAR,
2003, p. 89.
and behind it an unidentiFed minaret`s silhouette.
Both buildings - mosque and clock tower - no
longer exist. 1he photograph hardly allows us to
Fnd similarities between the clock tower in llo-
rina and still standing ones, such as that in nearby
Bitola, which dates to the 18
th
century, but at
least we can conclude that llorina was once also
equipped with such a building. As or the extant
structures, in 200, the city`s only three Ottoman
buildings were the ollowing:
1he Frst is the basement o a ormer minaret
,ill. 2, located at Papakon Nou Neretis No. 6.
Built according to the so-called oera vi.ta tech-
nique, in this particular case the masonry eatures
three rows o bricks alternating with a layer o
stone, eery stone separated rom the other by
seeral ertical bricks. 1he photograph suggests
that the remains o the minaret`s shat were simi-
|||. 3. ||crina, |nc rcnains cf |nc sc-ca||cd 8qzan|inc |as|c||cs.
94
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larly made o brick. 1he minaret`s basement has
six equal sides, while the seenth side ,originally
attached to the mosque, is larger and hosts the
access door. Part o the winding staircase is still
isible een i the access is inested by huge
growing thistles.
1he second building ,ills. 3-4, is situated not
ar rom the minaret and is located at the inter-
section o louledaki and Lletherias street, basi-
cally at the bank o the Sakouleas Rier. Locals
call it the Byzantine Castle,` probably or its
masonry. 1his is a particularly interesting build-
ing, the simple exterior o which is ormed out
o two irregular stonework walls. 1he side o the
building located on Lletherias is adorned with
a small window, surmounted by an arch made
o 33 bricks. 1he original wooden lintel is still
isible. 1he abundant egetation growing on the
ediFce renders iewing the side towards louleda-
ki Street diFcult. Access to the building`s interior
is, moreoer, restricted by barbed wire. Nonethe-
less, a aulted or domed space could be identiFed
in its interior, as well as two-and-a-hal pointed
arches decorating the wall. 1he Frst pointed arch
is really a niche in the wall. 1he ceiling and walls
are made o Fne brickwork. Scholarly literature
contains no reerence to this building. Consider-
ing its icinity to the ruined minaret, one may
surmise that they were both part o the same pi-
ous oundation, and possibly that they were part
o the \akub Beg complex. In a source reerred
to by Ayerdi as the Mava.tir taribe.i ri.ate.i,
there are reerences to three ediFces related to
\akub Beg: a mosque, an ivaret, and a ve/teb.
11

11 Ayerdi, Lkrem lakki. .rrvaaa O.vavti vivri e.erteri, Vol. 4.
Istanbul: Istanbul letih Cemiyeti, |1982| 2000, p. 224.
|||. 4. ||crina, |nc in|cricr cf |nc |as|c||cs.
95
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Unortunately, in the absence o any archaeologi-
cal surey on the surrounding area, and only in
anticipation o a more substantial study o the
sources aailable, we cannot go beyond mere as-
sumptions and an eocatie hypothesis.
1he third building is situated arther rom the
other two but is also located near the bank o
the rier Sakouleas, along which the Ottoman
city had deeloped ,ill. 5,. Coered by egetation,
once used as a shelter or poor people and now
employed as a public dumping ground, the build-
ing is a small bavav near collapse. 1he exterior
is made out o stonework. Vertical bricks rame
the entrance door. In the right wall, next to the
entrance, is a small rectangular niche. 1wo rooms
compose the interior o the bavav, which is
plastered. Lighting is proided by square-shaped
openings in the dome. 1hese openings orm an
interesting decoratie moti: designed according
to a geometrical pattern, these light channels pro-
|||. 5. ||crina, |nc s|i||-s|anding nanan.
|||. 6. Apc||cnia |cu|ra, |nc cc|agcna| oui|ding, cx|cricr.
96
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ided a diuse light which constantly changed its
orientation. Such square shaped openings hae
also been ound in the bath at Zambeliou and
Douka streets in Chania ,Crete,, and in a bath
at Methoni ,Modon, castle in the Peloponnesus.
Apol l oni a Loutr
1he Mav.io .ottovia `, as it is reerred to in
the early 16
th
-century Pevtivger 1abte, corresponds
to the site o the modern illage Nea Apollonia.
Apparently, it had been ounded in the ourth
century by the Macedonian king Perdiccas as an
outpost against the 1hracians and Athenians on
the rier Strymon. 1he modern illage is near
Lake Volis ,known as Besik Gol in Ottoman
times, on the sedimentary land ormed by the
Kholomendas stream, upon the upper course o
which stands the illage o Melissurgos. 52 kilo-
metres rom 1hessaloniki is Loutra, where there
are hot and sulphurous medicinal waters isited
by the well-known Ottoman traellers Mehmed
Asik ,1586, and Lliya (elebi ,166,.
12
1he Ottoman building in question ,ills. 6-, is
located in an abandoned area between the cur-
rent thermal baths and the illage o Nea Apol-
lonia, on the shore o Lake Volis. Its location
almost on the shore o the lake is quite unusual:
12 1ranslations and transcriptions o their short accounts are now
ound in Lowry, leath. 1be .baivg of tbe Ottovav at/av. ;1:0
1::0): tbe covqve.t, .etttevevt c ivfra.trvctvrat aeretovevt of ^ortberv
Creece. Istanbul: Bahepehir Uniersity Publications, 2008, pp. 248-
9. Lliya records the ollowing obserations about its architecture:
\hile in truth there is a dome oer this bath, unlike the hot springs
o Bursa, it does not hae an elaborate series o domed buildings
surrounding it.`
|||. 7. Apc||cnia |cu|ra, nicncs and |nc cc|agcna| oasin.
97
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the distance between the lake and the building
is approximately 30 meters. Also unusual is its
isolated location: the illage, with the remains o
the Ottoman \eni Bazar, is not in close proxim-
ity. Ater the Ottomans let, the local Greeks
continued to lie where they had lied beore,
letting the Ottoman settlement disappear, as was
the case with Pazargah ,Pazaroudha,, outside
the present illage o Apollonia.
13
1he date o
its construction is not certain, dierent opinions
date the building to the mid-15
th
century or to
the beginning o the 16
th
century. 1he building
has an octagonal shape, probably originally co-
ered by a brick dome supported by an octagonal
drum. 1he exterior`s masonry, mixing bricks and
irregular stonework, is ery diFcult to read. 1o-
day, no proper entrance is isible, so the building
is accessed through a large hole in the wall. In
the structure`s centre is an octagonal water basin,
the walls are decorated with eight pointed arches
within which there are eight small pointed niches.
Both arches and niches are made o brickwork.
Len this area requires at least an archaeologi-
13 See Kiel, Machiel. Ottoman building actiity along the Via Lgnatia:
the case o Pazargah, Kaala and lerecik,` in 1be 1ia gvatia vvaer
Ottovav rvte, pp.143-58. And or the only surey existent on the ruins
o \eni Bazar, see ladjitryonos, Langelia., Othomaniko Loutro
stin Apollonia tis Volis,` in: Ma/eaovi/a, Vol. 26 ,1988,, pp. 141-
68, and more recently: Kanetaki, Lleni, 1he still existing Ottoman
hamams in the Greek territory,` in: M1| ]ovrvat of .rcbitectvre,
Vol. 21, No. 1-2 ,2004,, pp. 81-110 ,also aailable online at http:,,
ja.arch.metu.edu.tr,archie,0258-5316,2004,cilt21,sayi_1-2,81-
110.pd,.
cal surey beore any work o consolidation or
restoration.
1his intriguing building, which I discoered
during the summer 200 surey, was then pub-
lished by leath Lowry in one o his recent books,
in a chapter on the Ottoman hot spring culture
in Macedonia.
14
Beore Lowry`s texts, the only
reerence to that building I am aware o was a
proposal or restoration by a young Greek archi-
tect.
15
1his project, presented in 200, proposed
the building`s total reconstruction rather than its
restoration. 1his would certainly compromise
the peculiar charm o this little building set in the
beautiul landscape surrounding the lake.

14 Lowry, leath. 1be .baivg of tbe Ottovav at/av., pp. 24-50.


15 Dikas, Nikos. Architectural dialogues: reuse o Ottoman bath in
N. Apollonia, Greece,` in: .rcbitectvre traaitiovvette veaiterraveevve:
re.evt et fvtvr ;arcetove, av 12 av 1: ;vittet 200). Barcelona: Collegi
d`Aparelladors i Arquitectes 1ecnics, 200, pp. 606-. 1he paper is
also aailable online at http:,,www.rehabimed.net,Documents,
docs,actes,9_experi_rehab_integr_medi.pd.
98
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1be avtbor ai.cv..e. tbe recevt re.toratiov of Pocitet;`. ;eregoriva) 1
tb
cevtvr, aai .ti;a vo.qve. ..
ra. tbe ca.e ritb otber bvitaivg. ai.cv..ea iv tbi. rotvve, tbi. vo.qve ra. .ereret, aavagea avrivg tbe rar iv
1, iv riotatiov of tbe agve Covrevtiov for tbe Protectiov of Cvttvrat Proert, iv tbe revt of .rvea
Covfict ;1:1), rbicb baa beev .igvea b, tbe Yvgo.tar .tate. 1be avtbor reort. ov tbe aavage cav.ea to tbe
bvitaivg, ava ov tbe robtev. ava .vcce..e. of tbe rebabititatiov roce.., rbicb begav iv 2001.
.vtorica ai./vtv;e o veaarvo; re.tavraci;i aai .ti;ive aavi;e i 1..tot;eca v Pocitet;v ;ercegoriva). Kao
.to ;e bio .tvca; i .a o.tativ graerivava ovevvtiv v orov iaav;v, i ora aavi;e ;e bita te./o o.teceva to/ov
rata 1.g., /r.ev;ev ag./e /ovrevci;v o a.titi /vttvrvog va.ti;ea v ratviv /ovfi/tiva ;1:1), /o;a ;e
bita oti.ava oa .trave ]vgo.tari;e, /ao arare. .vtorica v/av;e va o.tecev;a /o;a ;e graeriva retr;eta, ativ
robteve i v.;ebe ro;e/ta obvore /o;i ;e otoceo 2001.goaive.
Vjekoslava Sankovi Simi
The r est or at i on of t he mosque of Hadi
Al i j a i n Poi t el j
Rest aur aci j a Hadi Al i j i ne dami j e u
Poi t el j u
99
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Pocitelj is a small historic ortiFed town lo-
cated to the south o Mostar on the let bank
o the Nereta Rier ,ill. 1,. As a spatially and
topographically deFned urban enironment, it is
mentioned or the Frst time in written documents
o the mid-15
th
century. Although Pocitelj`s
signiFcance has changed throughout history, its
role has continued to be mainly strategic, due to
its location on a dominant cli that grants is-
ibility oer the Nereta Rier towards the south
and the north.
1
Like many other historical towns
in Bosnia and lerzegoina, this settlement has
lost inhabitants due to economically-motiated
out-migration. A persistent neglect o the upper
sections o this old historic centre by the state,
a constant deterioration o buildings, and a lack
o inrastructure in the old parts hae caused
the remaining inhabitants to relocate outside the
1 lor the history o Pocitelj, see Celic, Dzemal. Pocitelj na Nereti`,
in: ^a.e .tarive, Vol. ,1960,, pp. 5-49.
city walls in the Nereta alley. 1he recent war in
Bosnia and lerzegoina ,1992-5, also contrib-
uted to the deterioration o Pocitelj.
Although the lague Conention or the
Protection o Cultural Property in the Lent
o Armed Connict ,1954, was ratiFed by the
lederal People`s Republic o \ugoslaia on 29
December 1955, the recent war witnessed a
brutal destruction, degradation, and demolition
o cultural heritage. Pocitelj`s aluable historic
buildings were also aected by this atrocious
deastation. 1his is painully illustrated by the
seerely damaged mosque o ladzi Alija which,
completed in 1562,3, is artistically the most alu-
able building in Pocitelj. 1his domed 16
th
-century
building, targeted in 1993, was one o the most
beautiul in Bosnia and lerzegoina. 1his be-
comes quite apparent when one considers the
proportions o its ormal building elements, the
delicacy o their appearance, and the Fne orna-
ments cared in stone and the precision o their
execution. 1he dynamite explosion that occurred
())*+
100
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during the recent war caused immense damage to
the mosque ,ills. 2-6,. A study carried out in July
2001 reported the ollowing damage:
^ the main cupola dome collapsed into the
praying area and only parts o the tambur,
which supported it, remained partially un-
damaged,
^ the porch partially collapsed ,1 ' small
cupolas, broken arches, two columns with
bases and capitals,. Consequently, the
seere deormations o its iron joists and
shited weight caused serious damage at
the base and on the middle column`s capital
,let o the entrance to the mosque,,
^ the minaret almost completely collapsed
except or one o the turret`s polygon-
shaped oundation stones and a ew stone
steps,
^ extensie and dangerous cracks were ound
in the walls, tromps, embrasures, and win-
dows adjacent to the minaret,
^ the stone window rames were broken and
displaced,
^ the vabrit ,1urkish vabft, collapsed, the
vivber ,vivber, was partly demolished and
the travevas were broken,
^ the wall decorations rom 1988 were dam-
aged,
^ the crown o the centuries-old cypress in
ront o the mosque was signiFcantly dam-
aged,
^ as the result o long exposure to rain, sun,
wind, requent earth tremors, growing
weeds, and stone thets ,rom the building
and surrounding area, the leel o damage
has increased since 1995 when this area was
Flmed.
Considering the signiFcance o Pocitelj as a
aluable cultural and historic enironment, and
ollowing the initiatie o the lederal Ministry o
Physical Planning, the Goernment o the Bil
())'*,
())'*-
101
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lederation has adopted a programme or the
continuous protection o Pocitelj.`
2
1his pro-
gramme immediately led to the production o a
detailed plan or this signiFcant historic centre`s
protection and restoration, in accord with seen
established priorities.
3
A team o experts was also
2 Vlada lederacije Bosne i lercegoine, V.broj: 34,2000, 24.11.2000.
Sarajeo.
3 On the reitalization o historic Pocitelj more generally, see Barakat,
Sultan and Craig \ilson. 1be Reritatiatiov of tbe bi.toric .etttevevt
Pocitet;1#\ork: Uniersity o \ork, 199, Begic, Azra and Vjekoslaa
Sankoic Simcic. vtervatiovat art cotov, Pocitet;. Sarajeo: Udruzenje
likonih umjetnika Bil, 2000, Sankoic, Vjekoslaa. Reitalizacija
starog grada Pocitelja`, in: ^a.e .tarive, Vol. 14,15 ,1981,, pp. 203-
32, eadem, La Riitalizazzione della citta di Pocitelj`, in: Dieci te.i
ai re.tavro# ;1011). Rome: Uniersita degli studi di# Roma La
Sapienza , 1986.
instituted to coordinate construction and imple-
mentation o this plan, its main responsibility
being proessional, objectie, and non-partisan
deliberation on all releant issues.
The gui di ng pri nci pl es
of conservati on and
restorati on
In July 2001 a programme or the rehabili-
tation o the ladzi Alijina mosque` was drawn
up with the possibility o the ediFce`s being
put to use again. 1he principles and guidelines
or its renoation were precisely deFned. 1hey
were based on widely recognized international
|||. 4
|||. 5
102
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recommendations,
4
these stated, inter alia, that
applied to the case o the mosque at Pocitelj:
^ all conseration, restoration, recomposi-
tion, partial reconstruction, and structural
improement procedures were to be sup-
ported by structural eidence and proper
documentation,
^ extensie research, analysis, and documen-
tation o the building and its original rag-
ments were to be carried out,
4 \ashington Charter - Charter or the Conseration o listoric
1owns and Urban Areas, 198, Burra Charter - 1he Australia
ICOMOS Charter or Places o Cultural SigniFcance, 199
,reised in 1981, 1988, 1999,, Amsterdam Declaration, 195, Nara
Document on Authenticity, 1994, Principles or the Recording o
Monuments, Groups o Buildings and Sites, 1996, Conention or
the Protection o the Architectural leritage o Lurope, Granada,
1985.
^ all tests regarding construction and struc-
ture, as well as necessary laboratory analysis
o the original ragments, were to be car-
ried out,
^ a detailed technical study o the building`s
existing condition was to be carried out,
showing all releant damage,
^ during the restoration process, the original
deastated stones and other materials were
to be utilized as much as possible,
^ during the restoration process, only au-
thentic materials and techniques were to be
used,
^ horticultural improements were to be car-
ried out as well as physical protection o
the centuries-old cypress.
|||. 6
|||. 7
103
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The documentati on and
i mpl ementati on of the
proj ect, and the processes
of restorati on and parti al
reconstructi on ( i l l s. 7- 14)
In order to select a team or the production o
all necessary technical documentation and super-
ision o the ladzi Alijina mosque reitalization
process, an open international tender was an-
nounced, with the selection process`s releant cri-
teria precisely deFned. 1he competition was won
by the least expensie project, proposed by the
City o Mostar`s Institute or Protection o Cul-
tural and listoric leritage. Because it was less
comprehensie than the other projects, occasion-
al interention by the team o experts was nec-
essary to ensure implementation in accordance
with international standards in heritage protec-
tion and restoration. \hile not all eorts were
crowned with complete success, the catalogue o
retrieed ragments rom the mosque deseres a
commendation. 1his detailed documentation o
all scattered parts speciFes their dimensions and
|||. 9
|||. 8
104
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all other releant details. Unortunately, the po-
tential o this comprehensie catalogue was not
exhausted by the architects during the process
o restoration. In the project`s documentation
they chose not to indicate the exact placement
o eery identiFed ragment. 1his omission po-
tentially endangered proper restoration and ana-
stylosis. In order to aoid detrimental results it
was necessary or the team o experts to become
actie at stages o the work process they were
not initially assigned to, or it was imperatie to
aoid the serious conseration and restoration
mistakes made in the past. 1hese had included
an inadequate treatment o important historic
monuments by rather ree-style improisations.
5
5 International Charter or the Conseration and Restoration o
Monuments and Sites ;1be 1evice Cbarter) - 1964, article 9.
|||. 10
())'*++
105
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())'*+,
106
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**********())'*+-
|||. 14
Restoration processes hae the potential o
prooking debate, especially when the society in
question is not entirely acquainted with modern
techniques and approaches in cultural heritage
management.
6
In regard to the principles o pro-
tection and reconstruction, ensuring the unity o
6 lor such, see e.g. Ceschi, Carlo. 1eoria e .toria aet re.tavro, Rome:
Mario Bulzoni Lditore, 190, De Andelis D`Ossat, Guglielmo.
Cviae to tbe vetboaicat .tva, of vovvvevt. ava!cav.e. of tbeir aeterioratiov"!
Rome: ICCROM, 1982, leilden, M. Bernard. |roa v /overrirav;e
/vttvrvog va.t;ea. 1r. Io Maroeic. Zagreb: Drusto konzeratora
lratske, 1981, t vavvate aet re.tavro arcbitettovico. Ld. Luca Zei.
Rome:,Mancosu Lditore, 2000
2
, Maroeic, Io. Koverrator./o voro
irer;e. Petrinja: Matica hratska Petrinja, 2000, Bruno, Andrea. Ottre
it re.tavro ~ Re.toratiov ava be,ova. Milan: Ldizioni Lybra Immagine,
1996, Sankoic Simcic, Vjekoslaa. Reritatiaci;a graaitet;./e ba.tive:
ivtegraci;a .tarovoro.!Sarajeo: NNP Nasa rijec d.o.o., 2000, Schuller,!
Manred.!vitaivg arcbaeotog,. Munich: ICOMOS, 2002.
107
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a building when combining retrieed and new
parts is essential. Moreoer, it is desirable to re-
eal, in a realistic way, all phases o a building`s
construction and later interentions in order to
presere its integrity. 1he damage caused to the
ladzi Alijina mosque required extremely com-
plicated and delicate work, and the renoation
process` implementation demanded considerable
expertise. It was anticipated that the restoration
process would be carried out in seeral phases.
1he quality o each implementation phase de-
pended greatly on the aailable Fnancial means
and the legal tender process. In order to presere
the unity o the centuries-old mosque`s numer-
ous deelopment phases, it was decided that both
the cupola and walls would not be plastered, only
painted. 1he same principle was applied while
reconstructing the cupola aboe the porch. Re-
painting the interior`s murals would hae been
a pseudo-historical interpretation o its original
decoration ,which has not suried,, as was the
case during one interention in the 1980s, which
had considerably compromised the authenticity
o the ladzi Alijina mosque.
Despite all these problems, the ladzi Alija
mosque deseres the attention o both the
general public and conseration and restoration
experts. Consequently we should be ery satis-
Fed with the results achieed. 1he reconstructed
mosque will, in its beauty, bequeath a particular
spirituality and comort to its many isitors and
to those who worship there. 1he desired unity
was achieed in accordance with contemporary
approaches and techniques in cultural heritage
management. Considering the many instances
in which historic buildings destroyed in the war
hae been renoated and transormed in an ama-
teurish way, we hope that this example will hae
a positie impact and raise awareness o the cur-
rent standards in conseration, restoration and,
in particular, reconstruction work.

108
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1be avtbor ai.cv..e. tbe recevt re.toratiov of tbe aaiv vte,vav .ga vo.qve iv C;a/ora, tocatt, /vorv
a. tbe aavv Mo.qve, rbicb ra. avovg tbe bvitaivg. aavagea iv tbe 1, arvea covfict iv Ko.oro. .v
ivitiatire to re.tore tbe aovea tate1
tb
cevtvr, vo.qve ra. tavvcbea b, tbe |ba.ea Ko.oro Cvttvrat eritage
Pro;ect, .vortea b, tbe Pac/ara ovvaatiov; tbe, cbo.e Cvttvrat eritage ritbovt oraer. ;Cr) a. tbeir
ivtevevtivg artver ;tbi. ro;ect .ver.eaea av eartier ove b, avai iv.titvtiov. rbicb aivea at bvitaivg ver
vo.qve. ratber tbav re.torivg bi.toricat ove.). 1be ror/ ov tbe .ite, .verri.ea b, tbe Ko.oro Cr offce, .tartea
ritb tbe vrgevt reair. ava tbe .earcb for re.toratiov vateriat.. ererat eert. rere ivrotrea iv tbe cov.erratiov of
rooa ava .tove, aivtea aecoratiov., ava g,.vv rivaor.. ortvvatet,, tbe vo.qve aia vot bare .eriov. .trvctvrat
robtev.. !or/.bo., .vcb a. for .tove cov.erratiov or teaata,ivg, rere orgaviea ov.ite to traiv tbe ro;ect
ror/er.. Recov.titvtiov of vi..ivg etevevt. roriaea a aifferevt cbattevge, a. tbe vo.qve baa vot beev tborovgbt,
recoraea before tbe rar. ivitart, cbattevgivg ra. tbe cov.erratiov of aivtea ratt .vrface., rbicb accovvt to a
great etevt for tbe vo.qve`. artbi.toricat .igvifcavce. Dativg to tbe 1
tb
cevtvr,, rbev tbe, rere aivtea orer a
1
tb
cevtvr, ta,er ai.corerea iv tbe covr.e of tbe re.toratiov roce.., tbe.e vvrat. aeict tava.cae. ava at.o tocat
etevevt., .vcb a. tbe fortifea re.iaevce. /vorv a. /vtta, aivtea b, rbat vv.t bare beev a tocat arti.t. 1be
ro;ect ra. .vcce..fvtt, covtetea iv 200.
.vtorica ai./vtv;e o veaarvo; re.tavraci;i aavi;e aavv vte;vavage v a/orici, to/atvo ovato;
/ao aavv aavi;a, /o;a ;e /ao i bro;ve arvge bita ;a/o vvi.teva v orvavov .v/obv 1, va Ko.orv.
vici;atira a re.tavraci;v ot/votve aavi;e i 1. ri;e/a ;e ao.ta oa .trave averic/e vertaaive orgaviaci;e
KC,oaravov oa .trave Pa/ara fovaaci;e; /o;i .v iabrati fovaaci;v Kvttvrvo va.ti;ee be gravica a .rog
artvera v ivtevevtaci;i. ;Ora; ro;e/at ;e avi;evio ravi;i ri;eatoev oa .trave .avai;./e iv.titvci;e /o;a ;e
bt;eta raai;e aa igraai vorv aavi;v vego aa obvori bi.tori;./i .ovevi/). Raaori va graerivi .v biti vaagte
aavi oa .trave Cr /avcetari;e va Ko.orv, a aoceti .v bitviv orar/ava i otragov a re.tavrator./iv
vateri;ativa. ^e/oti/o .trvcv;a/a ;e bito v/t;vcevo v roce.. re.tavraci;e arreta i /aveva, .ti/avib ae/oraci;a,
i gi.avib roora. ^a .recv, aavi;a vi;e ivata recib /ov.trv/tirvib robteva. Raaiovice . cit;ev obvcarav;a
va;.tora va teve, /ao .to .v /overraci;a /aveva iti .tart;av;e o/riraca oa otora va /votv .v bite orgaviorave
va .avov graaiti.tv. Re/ov.trv/ci;a veao.ta;vcib ai;etora ;e rea.tart;ata raticite iaore, ;er aavi;a vi;e bita
.vivt;eva ri;e rata. ]eava/o iaorvo ;e bita i re.tavraci;a .ti/avib iavib toba, /o;e .v rea.tart;ata reova
raav .egvevt v vv;etvic/obi.tori;./ov vaca;v aavi;e. Datira;v i 1.ri;e/a /aaa .v bite re.ti/ave re/o
.to;a i 1.ri;e/a, /o;i ;e ot/rirev a;etivicvo to/ov roce.a re.tavraci;e, ae/oraci;v cive .titioravi e;ai i
to/avi etevevti, /ao .to .v traaiciovatve /vce /vte, ta/o aa .v r;eroratvo va.tate oa .trave to/atvib vv;etvi/a.
Pro;e/at ;e v.;e.vo fvatiirav v 200.g.
Zeynep Ahunbay
Ot t oman ar chi t ect ur e i n Kosova and
t he r est or at i on of Hadum Mosque i n
Gj akovo ( akovi ca)
Osmanska ar hi t ekt ur a na Kosovu i
r est aur aci j a Hadum dami j e u akovi ci
109
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!"#$+*#+$%&,(*/1/'-$modern Kosoa became
part o the Ottoman state between the late 14
th

and the mid-15
th
century. Seeral urban centres
were deeloped with the oundation o reli-
gious and educational acilities, baths, bridges,
and caraansaries. Prishtina, Peja ,Pec,, Prizren,
and Gjakoo are towns with signiFcant Otto-
man monuments stemming rom the 15
th
to the
19
th
centuries. Ater the retreat o the Ottomans
rom the Balkans, Kosoa underwent a period
o turmoil and Fnally became part o \ugosla-
ia. Under \ugosla rule, some o the Ottoman
monuments were registered as national monu-
ments and protected by the state. Some, which
were not regarded as worthy o classiFcation,
were maintained by the local people and raqf..
Monuments in Kosoa were not aected
by the war in Bosnia. Ater the Dayton Peace
Agreement, Kosoa remained within a truncated
\ugoslaia, renamed Serbia and Montenegro in
2003. Kosoa ormed part o the Serbian hal
o this state that would be dissoled in 2006.
Between 1999 and 2008, when Kosoa declared
independence rom Serbia, the proince was un-
der UN administration. lollowing the break-up
o \ugoslaia, the registered historic buildings
sustained their status and were protected by the
local Institutes or the Protection o Monuments
administered rom Belgrade. 1owards the end o
the 20
th
century, as tension escalated between the
Serbian goernment and the Albanian majority
in Kosoa, the Ottoman monuments became
targets.
Many historic buildings were attacked and
razed to ground during the 1998,9 armed con-
nict in Kosoa. 1his called or international
solidarity. Lorts were concentrated to restore
|||. 1. Hadun Mcsquc, ocfcrc dcs|ruc|icn (ccur|csq cf |PM
Gja|cta).
110
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the partially or completely destroyed monu-
ments. 1he mosque o ladim Sleyman Aga,
locally known as the ladum Mosque, was only
one o these, its artistic importance called or
careul documentation, analysis, and restoration
design. \ith Fnancial and expert support rom
international sources, salaging the mosque and
its aluable decorations became possible. 1he
Kosoo Cultural leritage Project,` a US-based
NGO ounded by the larard librarian,bibliog-
rapher Andras Riedlmayer and the architect An-
drew lerscher, stroe to improe the conditions
or the cultural heritage o Kosoa. 1hey were
supported by the Packard loundation rom the
USA. Among other actiities, the Kosoo Cul-
tural leritage Project` initiated the restoration o
ladum Mosque. 1hey chose Cultural leritage
without Borders ,ClwB, as their implementing
partner, working in cooperation with the heritage
diision o the Ministry o Culture, the Institute
or Protection o Monuments, and the Islamic
Society in Gjakoa.
Hadum Mosque i n Gj akova
Gjakoo is a historic town with a rich urban
heritage consisting o religious, commercial, and
industrial buildings. ladum Mosque, located
in the heart o the historic core o the town, is
accepted as the ounding structure o the settle-
ment. 1he mosque was built by Bizeban ,mute,
Sleyman Lendi, who originated rom Goska,
a illage located in this region o the Ottoman
Lmpire. Sleyman Lendi sered as the aga o
|||. 2. Pcrcn af|cr rcs|cra|icn.
111
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eunuchs at the 1opkapi Palace in Istanbul.
1
Con-
structed around 1595, the mosque, a modest-
sized monument in the context o Ottoman
architecture, consisted o a domed structure
with a three-bay portico and a minaret. A com-
plex comprising a library, a primary school, and
a graeyard deeloped around the mosque. An
outer porch was added to the mosque at a later
point, probably in 1844,5, as noted by the 1260
hegira date recorded aboe the entrance to the
mosque.
1he mosque`s signiFcance deries rom its
decorations, which date rom the 19
th
century.
Decoration o houses and mosques with noral
arrangements and landscapes became a trend in
Ottoman architecture during the 18
th
century.
2

1he impact o Luropean Baroque was renected
in the period`s architectural details and decora-
tions. lirst, Luropean artists working or the
Ottoman court painted landscapes in the priate
apartments o the sultan and his amily,
3
later,
local artists were employed or similar projects.
1 1 ;icri 111) Ko.ora 1ita,eti atvave.i ;|./v, Pri,tive, Prirev,
e/, Yeviaar, 1a,tica). Ld. l. \ildirim Aganoglu. Istanbul: Rumeli
1rkleri Kltr e Dayanisma, 2000, p. 298, Ayerdi, Lkrem lakki.
.rrva`aa O.vavti Mivari .erteri: Yvgo.tar,a, Vol. III, Book 3.
Istanbul: Istanbul letih Cemiyeti, 1981, pp. 313-4.
2 Arik, Rhan. atitita,va Dvevi 1vr/ Mivari.i Orve/terivaev
.vaaotv`aa | .b,a Cavi. Ankara: Ankara Uniersitesi Basimei,
193, pp. -8.
3 Renda, Gnsel. atitita,va Dvevivae 1vr/ Re.iv avati 1001:0.
Ankara: lacettepe Uniersitesi \ayinlari, 19, pp. 9-108.
Usually, the landscapes painted on the walls and
ceilings o mansions and mosques included pan-
oramas o Istanbul embellished with images o
lagia Sophia, and imperial mosques and palaces.
In Kosoa and Albania, some new mosques
were built, and others renoated, in the 19
th

century.
4
1he painted decoration o these monu-
ments renects the style o the era. 1he quality
o the work and the subject o the landscape
depended on the artist. 1he artist who decorated
ladum Mosque was Ahmed Receb lari, he may
hae been rom the region or one o seeral tra-
elling artists engaged in decorating buildings. As
4 Kiel, Machiel. Ottovav .rcbitectvre iv .tbavia, 1:112. Istanbul:
IRCICA, 1990, p. 0, 251-2.
|||. 3. |n|rancc |c ncsquc ui|n tcs|igcs cf frc danagc frcn |nc
uar
|||. 4. Dc|ai| cf dcccra|icn ctcr pcr|a| af|cr rcs|cra|icn
112
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the decoration in the upper parts o the ladum
Mosque inoled many local architectural ele-
ments like /vttas ,tower houses,, the artist could
well hae been rom the region.
War damage to
Hadum Mosque
At the end o March 1999, a Fre was set in the
timber outer porch ,ba,at, o the mosque. lortu-
nately, it was stopped beore it could cause dam-
age to the interior. In May 1999, the top o the
minaret was destroyed by Serbian armed orces.
1he collapse o the minaret oer the library dam-
aged the northern part o the 18
th
century struc-
ture. 1he primary school, a two-storey traditional
building with a timber roo, was also damaged
during the attacks.
Ater the war in Kosoo, relie aid was pro-
ided rom Saudi Arabia to repair the damages.
Unortunately, some o the work carried out
with Saudi unds did not meet the international
standards o preseration. 1he Saudis intended
to establish modern mosques instead
o restoring the historic ones. 1hey had
a kind o iconoclast approach to deco-
rated mosques and historic cemeteries. In
Gjakoo they remoed the hal-damaged
library next to the ladum Mosque and
broke down the old graestones in the
cemetery adjoining the mosque. 1hese
kinds o oensie undertakings resulted
in opposition rom local leaders and the
Saudi project or the ladum Mosque
was halted.
During the years beore the war, the
educational and proessional capacities
o the Albanian population in Kosoa
were restricted. 1he period ater the war
was a diFcult time, there were short-
comings in bringing together the work-
orce. 1he number o teams capable o
preparing proper documentation and
deeloping restoration proposals or monuments
was ery limited. \ith the break rom Belgrade, a
new administratie system had to be established.
In the post-war period, international assistance
was proided rom dierent sources. Among
them, the Kosoo Cultural leritage Project`
was interested in proiding technical assistance
|||. 5. O||cnan c|assica| pcricd dcccra|icn cn |nc dcnc ctcr |nc
cn|rancc oaq (ccur|csq cf pain|ing rcs|crcr Ninad Ccngic).
|||. 6. |nscrip|icn da|cd 1260 H. (1844/5).
113
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or urgent repairs and the establishment o a
cultural heritage inentory. In the all o 2000,
a workshop titled Rebuilding Kosoo`s Archi-
tectural leritage`#was organized at the Prishtina
School o Architecture. Lxperts rom seeral
countries came to discuss the situation and de-
elop proposals. As the president o ICOMOS
1urkey and an expert in Ottoman architecture, I
was asked by the 1urkish Chamber o Architects
to take part in the international workshop. At the
end o this important gathering, the participants
were taken on an excursion to isit seeral war-
damaged heritage sites, among them Gjakoa
and the ladum Mosque.
At the site, the ruins o the 18
th
century li-
brary had been remoed, the reconstruction o
the primary school was under way. 1he outer
porch ,ba,at, o the mosque had disappeared
and the top o the minaret was damaged, but
the mosque continued to unction. Ater the de-
struction o the timber ba,at, the porch did not
hae a proper cornice and was exposed to the
elements. \ithout any preparation or putting up
a new coering, the local Institute or Protection
o Monuments was trying to remoe the remain-
ing parts o the lead roo o the porch. lrom
the way they had treated some mosques ater the
war, it was clear that the technical sta o the In-
stitute lacked the expertise to lead and superise
the serious work essential or the restoration o
a signiFcant monument like the ladum Mosque.
At this point, Riedlmayer and lerrscher o-
ered unding rom the Packard loundation or
the deelopment o a proper restoration project.
1hey asked me to contribute to the recoery
o this important monument. My suggestion
was to engage the oFce o Istanbul architect
Mustaa Pehlianoglu or the deelopment o a
restoration proposal, Pehlianoglu subsequently
accepted the oer to work on the restoration
project. 1he Frst step was the documentation
phase o the mosque and its courtyard. \ith a
team consisting o architects and a sureyor, the
monument and the graeyard were sureyed in
the summer o 2001. A photographic documen-
tation and material analysis o the monument
was carried out. 1he restoration proposal was
Fnalized and submitted in due time, but the proj-
ect could not be put into action immediately.
In the autumn o 2003, the Kosoo Cultural
leritage Project` made an agreement with ChwB
to carry out the restoration project. 1he architect
Dick Sandberg, ClwB`s Kosoa Branch coordi-
nator, inited me to reiew the project prepared
by Pehlianoglu and to help with its implementa-
tion. I accepted the initation and isited the site
at the end o January 2004. Only small reisions
needed to be made in the project, so it was pos-
sible to start its implementation. Sezair Gaurri,
|||. 7. |n|cricr ocfcrc rcs|cra|icn.
114
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a ciil engineer, was engaged as the site manager.
1he Kosoa branch o ClwB, in consultation
with the author, superised the restoration work.
1he work on the site started with the urgent
repairs and the search or restoration materials.
Seeral experts were inoled in the consera-
tion o wood and stone, painted decorations, and
gypsum windows. lortunately, the mosque did
not hae serious structural problems. loundation
repair and the installation o a drainage system
around the base o the mosque was important in
stopping the rising damp. 1he acquisition o new
materials or the restoration o broken elements
and the conseration o deteriorated stone was
another important task. In order to restore the
structure`s missing parts and to replace some
deteriorated or broken blocks, it was necessary
to Fnd the suitable materials and cratsmen. Site
manager Gaurri was able to gain access to quar-
ries rom which natural stones similar to the ones
used in the minaret were acquired. le also ound
a kiln which could produce hexagonal bricks.
1hus it was possible to carry out the repairs to
the minaret and the portico noor.
lor training stone conserators, a course was
organized at the site. Stone conserator Simon
\arrack was inited to educate the trainees,
showing them the proper way to repair and con-
solidate damaged columns and aade elements.
5

Seeral kinds o stone had been used in the
construction o the mosque. 1he columns o
the portico were made o a special alabastrine
limestone. lor the aades, a Fne grained sand-
stone, a breccia, a conglomerate, and a calcareous
limestone were used.
Reconstitution o missing elements proided
a dierent challenge. 1he mosque had not been
thoroughly recorded beore the war. Missing
elements such as the cornices o the porch and
the top o the minaret were important details to
restore.
1he minaret o ladum Mosque was quite
high and its balcony had a orm which probably
dated rom a reconstruction ater a late 18
th
-
century earthquake. During the war in Kosoa,
5 \arrack, Simon. ...e..vevt ava recovvevaatiov for tbe cov.erratiov ava
re.toratiov of tbe .tove at tbe aavv Mo.qve, C;a/ora ,report, 2004,.
the part aboe the balcony ,,erefe, was destroyed,
so the missing part o the minaret shat and the
arched door leading to the balcony had to be re-
constructed.
lor the reconstitution o the missing details,
the suriing pieces o the minaret were sur-
eyed. 1hese lay in a heap in the southwest part
o the courtyard. 1he pieces o the parapet slabs
were sorted out and brought together like pieces
o a jigsaw puzzle to Fnd out the actual size and
details o the shattered slabs. 1here were some
old photos o the minaret, showing its ,erefe and
cap, but these did not help much when it came to
details like the mouldings and the cared decora-
tion. 1he scattered blocks and ragments were
sorted out, in an attempt to bring together the
suriing ragments o the parapets. Luckily, it
was possible to assemble the broken pieces o
the parapets. \ith complete data about the size,
|||. 8. Minarc| af|cr rcs|cra|icn (ccur|csq cf Ninad Ccngic).
115
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thickness, and the decoratie patterns o the
parapet, it was possible to care the new parapet
slabs rom a natural stone similar to that used in
the destroyed minaret.
In old photos, the minaret shat terminated
with a cornice. At the ery top o the minaret,
just below the cornice, there were small open-
ings placed on eery other side o the 16-sided
shat. Unortunately, no original ragments rom
this part o the minaret could be ound on site.
\hether these small openings went through the
whole depth o the shat, or were only deep re-
cesses, was an open question. 1his kind o open-
ing is not common in the minarets in and around
the Ottoman capital. In order to learn more
about the detailing and unction o the open-
ings, we did research on other mosques in the
region. In Prishtina and Peja, it was possible to
Fnd minarets with similar detailing. In Peja, the
Bayrakli Mosque was chosen or close study. 1he
openings at the top o the minaret shat were in-
spected rom inside and out. 1he openings were
deep, they went through the whole thickness o
the shat. 1his inormation was aluable or de-
eloping the restoration proposal. 1hus, with the
help o old photos and the inormation acquired
rom Bayrakli Mosque, it was possible to Fnalize
the detailing o the minaret`s top.
Restorati on of the l ead
roof
1he lead on the main dome had been dam-
aged by shooting and long years o neglect.
1he replacement o the lead coering seemed
to be a diFcult enture. 1he material was not
easily aailable in the local market. 1he crat o
lead-laying was almost orgotten in Kosoa. Ini-
tially, lead sheets rom a actory in Serbia were
|||. 9, Signa|urc cf pain|cr ctcr a uindcu frcn |nc in|cricr.
116
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obtained, but the quality o the metal was not
ery good, the material was hard and diFcult to
work. A cratsman rom Bosnia was engaged to
work with lead and succeeded in coering the
minaret cap, but it was understood that he did
not hae enough experience to carry out the
work on the main dome. Subsequently, bringing
in Semih Uar, an experienced lead-layer rom
Istanbul, made it possible to train local cratsmen
and renew the roo coering on the high dome
with good quality workmanship. le built a ladder
or climbing to the ery top o the dome, and
demonstrated how to remoe the old lead sheets
and prepare the mud plaster layer which acts as
a cushion under the lead coer. 1o speed up the
work, some good quality lead was imported rom
1urkey.
The conservati on of the
pai nted surfaces
In addition to the rich painted decorations on
the walls and the domes, ladum Mosque had
aluable painted decoration on its timber vab
ft. 1he columns, cupboards, and ceiling o the
vabft were decorated with bright colours. 1he
decoration o the timber elements, especially the
ceiling o the vabft and the cabinets are note-
worthy. 1he background is gilded and the red
nower buds with leaes hae a iid appearance.
1he type o decoration and colour scheme reers
to the Ldirne tradition o wood painting. 1he
columns and the balustrades o the vabft, on the
other hand, were painted in a more popular style
connected with olk art tradition, which one can
see in horse carts, cradles, and toys.
At the beginning o the project, conserator
1ody Cezar was engaged, and she restored the
entrance door which had suered rom the 1999
Fre. She also prepared reports about the condi-
tion o the painted decoration and her recom-
mendations or improement.
6
6 Cezar, 1ody. ...e..vevt of vvrat aivtivg. iv Ko.oro ,report, 2002,,
idem, vteriv a..e..vevt ava recovvevaatiov. for tbe cov.erratiov ava
re.toratiov of tbe aivtea .vrface. at `bavia e aavv, C;a/ora, Ko.ora
,report, 2004,.
1he conseration o the painted wall suraces
and aults was a challenging operation. 1he local
Institute or the Protection o Monuments had
conducted a restoration operation in ladum
Mosque beore the war. Ater the loss o the
ba,at, the portico`s decorations were exposed
to rain, and some o the top paint layers were
washed away. 1his brought to light some o the
original 16
th
century Ottoman Classical style
decoratie eatures. It was possible to see the
suriing pieces o the original painted decora-
tion on the portico`s central bay pendentie. In
contrast to the elaborate 19
th
century decoration
on the dome o the same bay, the 16
th
century
decoration on the pendenties consisted o wide
bands o red, with white lilies in relie, placed at
the corners.
|||. 10. Uppcr uindcu frcn 19
|n
ccn|urq.
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1he painted decoration at the upper leels o
the interior required long and careul work con-
ducted on scaolding. As the unding rom the
Packard loundation could not coer the restora-
tion o all the painted suraces the completion o
the porch and interior`s restoration was possible
by Fnancial support rom UNLSCO. A team
led by painter-conserator Nihad Cengic, and
assisted by young trainees rom Kosoa, carried
out this restoration. 1he suraces were examined
with care, and the quality and authenticity o the
paint layers were ealuated critically. Repairs and
Fllings with cement mortar and unseemly paint
layers were remoed. 1he close range examina-
tion o the paintings on the dome reealed new
inormation about the details and layers. 1he
landscapes in the upper zones o the mosque
included, at the base o the dome, cypress trees,
nowers, /vttas, and a big structure with aults and
minarets, implying a monumental mosque, prob-
ably an imperial structure with double minarets
and ,erefes. It was interesting to see that the mina-
ret shats had small openings at their tops, like
the ladum Mosque`s minaret. 1he caps o the
minarets were depicted with gold crowns, instead
o traditional atevs.
The upper wi ndows
1he upper leel windows on the aades had
been totally lost een beore the war. Probably
or security reasons, some were barred with iron
rods. 1o protect the mosque`s interior and its
decorated upper windows rom rain and sleet,
it was decided to produce new outer windows
with gypsum rames in the 16
th
-century style and
Fx them in position. 1hus the exterior o the
mosque would be restored to its ormer appear-
ance as well.
1he upper windows o the interior date rom
the 19
th
century and are genuine pieces showing
the art o gypsum window making in late Otto-
man period. 1he window aboe the vibrab had a
special design with a six-cornered star. 1he oth-
ers had a grid o lozenges. 1he upper windows
had also suered rom the war, some were totally
destroyed. During the conseration work, the
damaged windows were repaired and the miss-
ing ones were replaced by new ones made o
gypsum.
The graveyard
Ater completion o the drainage system and
the conseration o the deteriorated stones on
the aades, the graes in the backyard o the
mosque were treated with care. 1he graeyard`s
landscaping was carried out in cooperation with
the Islamic Society o Gjakoa and the Institute.
A paed pathway was laid to enable isitors to
go into the peaceul atmosphere o the graeyard
and isit the tombs.
Concl usi on
ladum Mosque is an outstanding monu-
ment with a richly decorated interior. Riedlmayer
and lerscher laboured strenuously to start and
complete the ladum Project. 1heir insight in
establishing links with ClwB was ollowed
by a successul cooperation. 1he contribution
rom UNLSCO was aluable in consering
and improing the presentation o the painted
suraces. Careul interentions in line with inter-
national principles saeguarded the historical and
artistic qualities o the 16
th
-century monument.
1he leadership o ClwB in bringing together
experts rom dierent Felds to work on a sig-
niFcant project is praiseworthy. I would like to
congratulate all the sponsors, the experts, and the
trainees who hae contributed to the success o
the project.

118
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.vtor ra.rart;a o graaitet;./iv a/tirvo.tiva v bat/av./iv rorivci;ava O.vav./og car.tra v erioav
ivev 1avivat./ib reforvi i 1. i 1.goaive, o.ebvo v rei .a ararviv oreiva i vevv.tivav./iv
.tavorvi.trov. | orov erioav ov. .vare;a Dav;avora, va/eaov./og graaitet;a ;e ;eaav oa rereevtatirvib
riv;era ovoo.vav./e arbite/tvre ;11). vev 10tib i 0tib Dav;avor ;e bio roeci vtv;vci graaitet;
/o;i ;e igraaio vvoge cr/re va ro.tora at/ava ;/ot;e, 1ete., veaerero, Mo.tar, ara;ero, ita). | ara;erv,
Dav;avor ;e igraaio vorv o.vav./v /a.arvv a o.vav./v rorivci;./v aavivi.traci;v i arr.io ;e graev;e
.roaa va /atotic/o; cr/ri. | 10tiv, i v ara;erv i v eograav igraevi .v vori /ovaci a otrebe rorivci;./ib
rati;a i a.a. Kova/ v ara;erv, igraev oa .trave ara graaitet;a i Datvaci;e, ;e .acvrav, ao/ ;e /ova/ v eo
graav vvi.tev v r;et./ov ratv. O.tate .v ri;et/e fotograf;e i /rat/i oi.i varart;evi oa .trave eti/.a Kavica,
/o;i ;e v /ova/v riaio erro./i vreev .atov.
1be avtbor ai.cv..e. cov.trvctiov actirit, iv tbe Ottovav at/av rorivce. betreev tbe 1avivat aict`. roc
tavatiov iv 1 ava ca. 1 ritb regara to covvi..iov. b, tbe .tate or it. vovMv.tiv .vb;ect.. 1bi. erioa at.o
coivciae. ritb tbe career of revorvea Maceaoviavborv arcbitect,bvitaer .vare;a Dav;avor ;11). etreev
tbe 10. ava 10., be ra. tbe teaaer of av itiveravt bvitaer.` ror/.bo tbat bvitt ivcrea.ivgt, vovvvevtat
cbvrcbe. iv vav, at/av tocate. ;/o;e, 1ete., veaerero, Mo.tar, ara;ero, etc.) v ara;ero, Dav;avor at.o
bvitt ver barrac/. for tbe Ottovav rorivciat aavivi.tratiov ava covtetea a Catbotic cbvrcb`. ravttivg. v tbe
10., botb iv ara;ero ava etgraae, ver /ova/. rere bvitt for tbe rorivciat gorervor.. 1be konak iv ara;ero,
bvitt b, tro Datvatiav., .vrrire., bvt etgraae`. ra. ae.tro,ea iv !!. t .vrrire. iv rare botograb. ava a
ae.critiov b, eti Kavit, rbo .ar iv it a .atov fvrvi.bea iv tbe vroeav vavver.
Nenad Makuljevi
Dr ava, dr ut vo i vi zuel na kul t ur a:
poznoosmanska ar hi t ekt ur a u Sr bi j i ,
Makedoni j i i Bosni i Her cegovi ni
St at e, soci et y, and vi sual cul t ur e:
l at e Ot t oman ar chi t ect ur e i n Ser bi a,
Macedoni a, and Bosni a- Her zegovi na
119
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(&1.#:';/$ 0#<$ &1,+'1<#$ imperije obelezen
je reormama koje su imale elikog uticaja na
kreiranje izuelne kulture. 1anzimatske reorme
uedene 1839. omogucile su intenzinu gra-
diteljsku aktinost i usloile bogatu arhitekton-
sku produkciju za potrebe razlicitih erskih i
etnickih zajednica. Sirom Osmanske imperije, pa
i na podrucju Srbije, Makedonije i Bosne i lerce-
goine u oblikoanju i kreiranju izuelne kulture
aktino ucestuju drzaa i drusto. Predstanici
drzanih institucija i predodnici razlicitih
drustenih zajednica postaju nosioci i odeci pa-
troni poznoosmanske arhitektonske produkcije.
Noa arhitektonska praksa probitno se
razijala u prestonici Osmanske imperije da bi,
posle uoenja tanzimatskih reormi, ona imala
znacajnu ulogu u oblikoanju identiteta Balkana.
1o je znacilo prihatanje i primenu razlicitih
stilskih izraza, kao i mogucnost angazoanja
stranih arhitekata. U skladu sa saremenim
eropskim tokoima primenjuje se arhitektura
istorizma i akademizma, a u janim objektima
se postepeno napustaju stariji osmanski oblici.
Izmenjene drustene okolnosti uticali su da se
elika graditeljska produkcija odija za potrebe
hriscanskih zajednica. Istoremeno zapocinje i
S|. 1. Pasin |cna| na Ka|cncgdanu u 8ccgradu na s|arcj
fc|cgrafji.
120
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proces arhitektonske transormacije osmanskih
janih objekata.
Jedan od reprezentatinih pokazatelja poz-
noosmanske arhitekture nastale za potrebe
hriscanskih zajednica u Srbiji, Makedoniji i Bosni
i lercegoini pruza opus Andreje Damjanoa, iz
Velesa u Makedoniji. Andreja Damjano ,1813-
188, je starao uprao u reme sprooenja
tanzimatskih reormi na Balkanu. n je obra-
zoan u porodicnoj graditeljskoj tajF i zajedno
sa clanoima soje porodice podigao je crke
Sete Bogorodice u Skoplju 1835, Setog Joana
u Kratou 1836, Setog Pantelejmona u Velesu
1840, Sete 1rojice u Vranju 1858-1859, Setog
Nikole u Noom selu kod Stipa 1850, Setog
Nikole u Kumanou 1851, Setog Georgija u
Smedereu 1851-1854, Sete 1rojice u Mostaru
183 ,ill. 4,, Sete 1rojice u Sarajeu 1863-1868,
kao i hramoe u manastiru Setog Joakima Os-
ogoskog 184-1851, Gornom Ciceu 1861,
Pecenjecima 1844. i 1urekocu 1845.
Uz rad za praoslane opstine sirom Balkana,
Andreja Damjano je gradio i za druge hriscanske
zajednice, kao i za potrebe osmanskih lasti. Jedna
od njegoih poznatih proanih graeina je noa
osmanska kasarna u Sarajeu ,ill. 2,. Damjano je
u reme lasti lursid pase 1854-1856, izgradio
noi ojni objekat. Izgradnja kasarne je priukla
eliku paznju. 1o je prema recima ruskog konzula
Aleksandra Giljerdinga bila najistaknutija naj-
solidnija graeina u Sarajeu. Majstor Andreja
je postao poznata licnost, pa je ostala sacuana
prica da je on uradio maketu sarajeske kasarne,
zbog koje je bio nagraen od sultana pocasnim
nosenjem sablje. 1okom izgradnje kasarne, Dam-
jano je zarsio graenje soda na katolickoj crki
Setog Ante Padoanskog u Sarajeu.
Uz rad graditelja iz unutrasnjosti Osmanske
imperije stizu i arhitekti iz susednih zemalja. Za
potrebe bosanskog alije 1opal Seri Osman age
izgrauje se, tokom sedme decenije XIX eka,
noi konak u Sarajeu. Konak je zarsen 1869. , a
graditelji konaka bili su Splicani lranjo Linardoic
i lranjo Moise. U Bosni su bili prisutni i drugi gra-
ditelji sa Jadrana. 1ako je katolicku crku u Gucoj
gori izgradio majstor iz 1rogira Ante Sicilian. On
je tu napraio crku bazilikalne osnoe, po ugledu
na trogirsku stolnu crku. Opis oe crke, u reme
njene izgradnje, donosi Ian Kukuljeic Sakcinski,
koji istice da ce ona biti jedna od najlepsih u Bosni.
On naglasaa da je unutrasnjost crke trebala da
bude reprezentatina i da graditelj zeli da izgradi
eliki oltar i propoedaonicu.
Poznoosmanska arhitektura na Balkanu i si
njeni akteri nisu dooljno istrazeni. Brojni ojni
i administratini objekti su skoro sasim nestali.
Jedan od malo poznatih objekata je pasin konak
na Kalemegdanu u Beogradu ,sl. 1,. Sredinom
XIX eka, dreni konak izgradjen krajem XVIII
eka je bio u losem stanju, pa je doslo do izgrad-
nje noog administratinog objekta oko 1860.
Oaj konak je srusen tokom bombardoanja
Beograda od strane Austro-Ugarske, pocetkom
Prog setskog rata. Zato o njegooj arhitekturi
sedoce prensteno ocuani otograski snimci.
Noi pasin konak na Kalemgedanu je bio
izgraen od crstog materijala i kon-
cipoan prema akademskim arhitek-
tonskim koncepcijama. Konak je bio
podignut kao spratno zdanje, a jedan
od njegoih kratkih opisa donosi le-
liks Kanic. On istice da se u njemu
nalazio eropski ureen salon.
Primeri Andreje Damjanoa i
primorskih graditelja u Bosni i ler-
cegoini pokazuju karakteristike poz-
noosmanske arhitekture na Balkanu.
Rad Andreje Damjanoa nastajao
je sirom balkanskog prostora, od
Makedonije do Bosne i lercegoine.
Velika mobilnost Damjanoa bila
je usloljena njegoom recepcijom
S|. 2. Ncta csnans|a |asarna u Sarajctu na s|arcj fc|cgrafji.
121
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S|. 4. Saocrna cr|ta u Mcs|aru na s|arcj razg|cdnici.
ture, sto sakako ne odgoara njegoom znacaju.
Poznoosmanska arhitektura Makedonije, Srbije i
Bosne i lercegoine predstalja aznu celinu u
graditeljskom nasleu Osmanske imperije. Ona
pokazuje dinamicnu transormaciju arhitek-
tonske kulture i usajanje saremene eropske
graditeljske prakse, sto je bila jasna posledica
promena u drzai i drustu.

S|. 3. Saocrna cr|ta u Nisu na s|arcj razg|cdnici.


u balkanskom drustu. On je ocigledno bio pre-
poznat kao najsposobniji arhitekta na podrucju
Makedonije, Srbije i Bosne i lercegoine. Njego-
a sakralna i proana zdanja pokazuju da je on pri-
menjiao istoristicku i akademsku arhitektonsku
poetiku koja je odgoarala zahteima narucilaca.
Velikom graditeljskom produkcijom Damjano je
izmenio izuelni identitet Balkana. Istoremeno,
on je ostario jedinsteni opus u poznoosmans-
koj arhitekturi i doprineo da balkansko podrucje
postane azan kulturni prostor, uprkos burnim
politickim dogadjanjima.
U poznoosmanskoj arhitekturi Balkana is-
taknuto mesto imaju i graditelji koji su stizali iz
susednih - stranih drzaa. Oni su, poput lranje
Linardoica, lranje Moisa i Ante Siciliana, dono-
sili i primenjiali arhitektonsku poetiku nastalu
izan Osmanske imperije. Na taj nacin je dolazilo
do kulturnog transera i usklaianja saremene
osmanske i eropske graditeljske prakse.
Posttanzimatsko graditeljsko naslee na
Balkanu bilo je potpuno marginalizoano u
dosadasnjim proucaanjima osmanske arhitek-
122
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.vtorica ra.rart;a o trav.forvaci;ava graa./e /vce i o.vav./og erioaa v o.vi i ercegorivi, va/ov aot
a./a ab.bvrgoraca, /ro tri eriaevtva riv;era: rriva /vca i De.ica /vca v ara;erv, ativ /vca faviti;e
v.eaivoric v av;a vci. Kvca De.ica faviti;e v ara;erv ;e va riv;er ro.ta /ro bro;ve trav.forvaci;e
v erioav ivev /a.vog 1. i /a.vog 1. .tot;eca. | cetrrto; fai v raro;v ob;e/ta, .re reci vtica; eca o.ta;e
ocigteaav. ]eaav aio /vce ;e aoaav i /ori.tev a otrebe teatra; va iaoriva .v .e r;e.ati faviti;arvi otreti vraevi
oa .trave ivo.travib .ti/ara. ^a.vrot ovevvtib, /vca faviti;e v.eaivoric v av;a vci ;e .agraeva 11.
goaive reva ro;e/tv a/aaev./i obraoravog av.trovgar./og arbite/te ]o.ia 1avca.a, v veotraaiciovatvov
.titv /a.vi;e varavov bo.av./i .tog. Ob;e/at ;e va.tao iv.iraci;ov traaiciovatve bo.av./e arbite/tvre .
;eave .trave, ao/ .v ri.iva .toora i arvgi a.e/ti /vce biti ritagoevi voaervo; arbite/tvri tog rreveva. Poa;eta
/vce va ev./i i vv./i aio ;e bita ;o. vr;e/ aarava. rriva /vca ;e riv;er avtevtic/e /vce ori;evtatvog
tia, .a traaiciovatvov oa;etov .tavbevog /ovte/.a, /o;a ;e /a.vi;e te/ orevt;eva .a ove/iv voaerviv
aaav;ac/iv ai;etov vobiti;ara, /o;i vi.v varv.arati irorvv traaiciovatvv /ovfgvraci;v /vce.
1be avtbor ai.cv..e. trav.forvatiov. tbe Ottovaverioa vrbav bov.e vvaerrevt fottorivg tbe aarevt of
ab.bvrg rvte, a. eriaevcea b, tbree eavte.: tbe rriva ava De.ic bov.e. iv ara;ero, ava tbe v.eaivoric
favit, bov.e iv av;a v/a. 1be De.ic favit, bov.e iv ara;ero, for iv.tavce, .ar a vvvber of trav.forva
tiov. betreev tbe tate 1
tb
cevtvr, ava tbe tate 1
tb
cevtvr,. v tbe fovrtb cov.trvctiov ba.e, 1ievva`. ivcrea.ivg
ivfvevce becove. eriaevt. Ove .ace ra. aaaea ava v.ea for tbeatre erforvavce.; ov tbe ratt. rere bvvg favit,
ortrait. aivtea b, a foreigv arti.t. 1be v.eaivoric bov.e iv av;a v/a, b, covtra.t, ra. bvitt ovt, iv 11
ava accoraivg to a ro;ect b, av .v.trovvgariav arcbitect iv a veotraaitiovat voae tbev cattea tbe o.viav
.t,te. !bite iv.irea b, traaitiovat o.viav arcbitectvre, beigbt. ava otber a.ect. rere aaatea to tbe voaerv
arcbitectvre of tbe aa,. titt, vate,fevate .earatiov ra. retaivea. rro`. ov.e, fvatt,, ra. a traaitiovat
bove ov a cov.erratire tav, iv rbicb a fer !e.terv etevevt. rere veret, aaaea to a ba.ic covfgvratiov tbat
revaivea traaitiovat.
Lejla Buatli
Tr ansf or maci j e gr adske kue
or i j ent al nog t i pa u post osmankom
per i odu na podr uj u Bosne i
Her cegovi ne
The t r ansf or mat i on of t he or i ent al - t ype
ur ban house i n post - Ot t oman Bosni a
and Her zegovi na
123
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Uvod
*5$'6.$ .8$ 25,-(17$/12* tipa u Bosni i
lercegoini sa sim sojim umjetnickim, am-
bijentalnim, arhitektonskim rijednostima je
izuzetno zanimlji, speciFcan dio graditeljskog
naslijea. Njenu tipologiju, nastanak i razoj u
sklopu karakteristicne strukture orijentalnog
grada sakako treba sagledati i u kontekstu raz-
oja oakog tipa stambene arhitekture na Bal-
kanu kao speciFcnom podrucju gdje se susrecu
razliciti kulturoloski uticaji na razmeu Istoka i
Zapada. Porijeklo oakog tipa gradnje se eze
za osmanski period, meutim korijeni i paralele
se mogu pronaci i u arhitekturi mesopotamske,
grcke
1
i bizantske kuce.
2
Osnoni elementi
prostorne organizacije, kao sto su grupisanje
prostorija oko centralne sobe poput atrijuma,
sistem dianhana koje podsjecaju na bizantske
i anticke trijemoe, te bondrucna graditeljska
tehnika ukazuju na orijentalne izore oakog
tipa gradnje. Osmanska kuca se oslanja na
oe tradicije ali je njena arhitektura originalno
rjesenje koje se treba sagledati u kontekstu
speciFcnih kulturoloskih odrednica. Dolaskom
osmanske lasti tipicna gradska kuca na Balkanu
doziljaa dalji razoj i usarsaanje orijentalne
1 U podjeli na prostorije za prijem orijentisane prema ulici i intimni
dio kuce u kojem se odija porodicni ziot orijentisan prema
doristu u grckoj stambenoj arhitekturi moze se prepoznati koncept
osmanske kuce. Po Vitruiju obje grupe prostorija u grckoj kuci
sadrze ista odjeljenja, ali je polozaj grupa razlicit, prema ulici je
orijentisana grupa prostorija andronitis, dok je grupa odjeljenja
za zene ,ginekonitis, pozadi u doristu. Bogdan N. Nestoroic,
Arhitektura starog eka, Naucna knjiga,Beograd, 1952., str. 390.
2 Cijic klasiFcira na podrucju Balkana cetiri tipa gradskih kuca:
dalmatinsko-mletacki, grcko-mediteranski, bizantsko-turski i
arbanaski tip. I drugi autori ,Soldo i Deroko, smatraju da je stara
gradska kuca na podrucju kontinentalnog dijela Balkana nastala
direktno pod uticajem Orijenta, a preko Bizantije.
koncepcije, sa naglaskom na osobenosti ezane
u pojedinim krajeima za prostorne, klimatske,
drustene ujete. Proces orijentalizacije zah-
ata gotoo se sere ziota. Osmanski period
na oo podrucje doodi nou orijentalnu kul-
turu koja prozimanjem sa lokalnim tradicijama
raa noa originalana rjesenja u graditeljstu
pa tako i stambenoj arhitekturi Narano treba
imati u idu i odreene poeznice sa seoskom
kucom. Probitna gradska kuca je imala pro-
stornu strukturu seoske kuce, jer je izgraena
oko jezgre, sredisnje prostorije sa ognjistem u
kojoj se borailo u toku dana i spaalo. Kas-
nijom dierencijacijom osnono jezgro ce se
podijeliti na dije prostorije, hajat-predsoblje
i halat-sobu oko kojih se remenom grupisu
ostali prostori. Imajuci u idu se speciFcnosti
stambene arhitekture osmanskog perioda u
Bosni i lercegoini, uticajima naslijeenog
lokalnog graditeljsta moze se gooriti o
enomenu bosanske kuce Ona nosi obiljezja
osmanske kuce ali i elemente lokalne naslijeene
tradicije stambene arhitekture. Njena posebnost
ezana je za speciFcnost podneblja na kojem
se razija. Analizirajuci se elemente koji su
deFnisali i uticali na razoj oakog tipa gradnje
moze se zakljucii da se radi o posebnoj pojai u
okiru osmanske arhitekture na podrucju Bal-
kana. Dolaskom austrougarske lasti dolazi do
znacajnih transormacija u arhitektonskim i
urbanistickim rjesenjma na oom podrucju. 1aj
proces prilagoaanja tradicionalnih arhitek-
tonskih ormi noim europskim standardima
se odijao postupno unosenjem pojedinih
dijeloa mobilijara ,ogledala, satoa, stolica,, da
bi na kraju kompletan enterijer dobio izgled u
skladu s noim europskim standardima kulture
stanoanja. Oakim transormacijama gubi se
124
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jedno od najznacajnijih obiljezja unutrasnjeg
prostora tradicionalne kuce njegoa adaptibil-
nost i neksibilna unkcionalnost. I spoljasnja
arhitektonska maniestacija se mijenja zataran-
jem kamerija i dianhana te oblikoanjem noog
asadnog platna u skladu s noim stilskim ten-
dencijama. Oaj slozeni proces europeizacije se
odija u da smjera, kroz transormaciju objekta
iz osmanskog perioda koji razlicitim interenci-
jama kako u arhitektonskim rjesenjima tako i u
unutrasnjem ureenju mijenjaju soj karakter i
pojau noosagraenih objekata u bosanskom
slogu, djela skoloanih arhitekata koji kreatinim
pristupom elemente tradicionalnog graditeljsta
poezuju s suremenim tendencijama.
Se speciFcnosti oakih enomena mogu se
ilustrirati kroz komparatinu i ormalnu analizu
sacuanih objekata i enterijera koji sjedoce o
meusobnom prozimaju i susretanju razlicitih
stilskih i kulturoloskih orijentacija. 1ri ob-
jekta, Srzina kuca i Despica kuca u Sarajeu te
porodicna kuca lusedzinoica u Banjoj Luci na
zoran nacin goore o razlicitim azama transor-
macije tradicionalnog graditeljsta kroz proces
europeizacije.
S|. 1a. |n|crijcr tc|i|cg na|ta|a u zcns|cn dijc|u Strzinc |ucc
u Sarajctu, prinjcr uncscnja c|cncna|a curcpcizacijc u |radi-
cicna|nc co|i|ctani prcs|cr ocsans|c |ucc.
S|. 1o. |n|crijcr tc|i|cg na|ta|a u zcns|cn dijc|u Strzinc |ucc
u Sarajctu, prinjcr uncscnja c|cncna|a curcpcizacijc u |radi-
cicna|nc co|i|ctani prcs|cr ocsans|c |ucc.
125
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Karakteri sti ke, nastanak
i razvoj gradske kue
ori j ental nog ti pa u Bosni i
Hercegovi ni
Kao simbol isoko razijene kulture
stanoanja, bosanska kuca je oblikoana na
principima postianja priatnog prostora, praa
na idik, poezianja prirode i arhitekture, kulta
ode i kulta komsiluka. Radi se najcesce o jedno-
spratnoj graeini oblikoanoj od tradicionalnih
materijala, dreta, kamena i cerpica. Koristi se
kontrastni bondruk sistem, cerpic ,cigla susena
na suncu,, ispuna u kombinaciji sa drenim gre-
dama hatulama koje cine konstrukciju crscom.
Kro je pokrien sindrom ili ceramidom. U
lercegoini se kao materijal koristi kamen.
3

Cistocom geometrijskih ormi kubusa i asa-
3 U tipologiji stambene arhitekture orijentalnog tipa u Bosni i
lercegoini izdajaju se tri skupine: nerazijeni oblik kuce sjeerne
i zapadne Bosne, centralno-bosanski i hercegoacki oblik
Nerazijeni oblik ne poznaje dierenciranje jane i intimne zone
kuce. Kuca je jednostanog korpusa jednospratnog rjesenja sa
kroom prekrienim sindrom. Ima skromni doksat, poluzatorenu
dianhanu i manje prozore.Graena je od dreta i cerpica.
Centralno-bosanski oblik karakterise naglaseno isticanje doksata,
ograianje od ulice isokim zidom, bogati prostorni odnosi
,narocito po horizontali, te odajanje janog i intimnog dijela kuce.
Kro je najcesce nizak pokrien ceremidom ili sindrom. Primjere
kuca oakog tipa nalazimo u loci, Sarajeu, 1raniku. Materijali
koji se koriste pri izgradnji su dro, cerpic i ceremida.
lercegoacki oblik kuce orijentalnog tipa je slican centralno-
bosanskom. Razlike su uglanom posljedice razlicitih klima i
raspoloziih osnonih materijala. U hercegoackoj gradskoj kuci
poluotoreni prostori ,trijemoi, dianhane, kamerije, su eci,
kro je nizak, pokrien kamenim plocama. Zbog tijesnje eze sa
jadranskim zaleem na hercegoackoj kuci se osjeca naglaseniji
eropski uticaj koji je u osnoi sekundaran. Ahmet ladroic,
Gradska kuca orijentalnog tipa u Bosni i lercegoini, Sarajeo 1993,
str.40.
S|. 2. Pczcrisna scoa u Dcspica |uci u Sarajctu.
126
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dom bez naglasnih dekoratinih elementana,
oaka tip gradnje je sojim konceptom blizak
rjesenjima moderne arhitekture. Radi se o sjajnoj
sintezi prirode, arhitekture i cojeka. Visoki zid
odaja stambeni kompleks sa bastama, alijama,
magazama, dianhanama, kamerijama, muta-
kom, halatima i hajatima, od janog ziota ulice.
Podjela na haremluk ,zenski intimni porodicni
dio kuce, i selamluk ,gospodarski muski dio
kuce, je dio kulture stanoanja obiljezenog is-
lamskim sjetonazorom. Unutrasnje ureenje je
obiljezeno neksibilnom unkcionalnoscu pros-
torija i malobrojnim uniFciranim namjestajem.
Ugraene musandere, neka rsta drene okolice
plakara za drzanje posteljine s zidanom peci , kaz-
anom za grijanje ode ,pesnjak, i hamamdzikom,
banjicom, su Fksirane uz zidoe. Nasuprot
musandere su secije, najcesce smjestene ispod
prozora. Sredisnji prostor je prazan i zastrt
cilimom. Unosenjem mangale, sore ili prostiran-
jem duseka mijenja se i unkcija sobe. U skladu
s karakterom islamske kulture u muslimanskim
kucama, bogata dekoracija drorezbarije, eza,
kaligraFje i obrade metala sedena je na biljni i
geometrijski ornament bez Fguratinih sadrzaja.
Oaka tip kulture stanoanja je prihacen i
kod nemuslimanskog stanonista. Razlike su
bile minimalne. U enterijeru krscanskih kuca ja-
ljaju se slike religioznog sadrzaja, ikone, kandila,
te se koriste prostirke na secijama razlicite boje.
Nema tradicionalne podijele na muski i zenski
dio, secije su ise i uze u odnosu na musliman-
ske kuce gdje su one prilagoene uobicajenom
nacinu sjedenja alla turca. U skladu s tradicijom
njegoanja kulta ode i cistoce unutrasnjeg pro-
stora, proizaslom iz islamskog sjetonazora i re-
ligijskog obrednog pranja pred molitu ,uzimanje
abdesta, neizbijezan dio enterijera muslimanskih
kuca je abdestluk. 1o je jos jedna od razlika u
unutrasnjem ureenju i kulturi stanoanja mus-
S|. 3. Spataca scoa iz Dcspica |ucc u Sarajctu.
127
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limanskog i krscanskog stanonista. Srzina
kuca u Sarajeu
4
, biser bosanskohercegoackog
graditeljskog naslijea reprezentatian je primjer
4 U neposrednoj blizini Jahija-pasine dzamije smjestena je Srzina
kuca. Radi se o izuzetnom spomeniku orijentalne stambene
arhitekture u Bosni i lercegoini. Izgradila ju je porodica Gloo
ali je kasnije zenidbenim ezama dospijela u posjed porodice Srzo.
Posljednji lasnik iz porodice Gloo bio je Ahmet Munib-eendijja
koji je zbog neposlusnosti bosanskom eziru 1848. godine , sa jos
nekim Sarajlijama, prognan na Kretu, gdje je umro dije godine
kasnije. Nije imao muskih potomaka pa je kuca zenidbenim ezama
presla u lasnisto porodice Srzo, koja je sezdesetih godina XX
stoljeca kucu prodala Muzeju grada Sarajea.
gradske kulture stanoanja u osmanskom perio-
du. Zadrzala je gotoo u potpunosti autenticnost
gradske kuce orijentalnog tipa u sim njenim
aspektima i karakteristikama. 1radicionalni ma-
terijali, uobicajena podjela stambenog kompleksa
na salemluk i haremluk ,jani i priatni prostor,,
hajat, halati, kaheodzak, dianhana, kamerija,
doksat, mutak s odnicom, neksibilnost i
isestruka unkcionalnost unutrasnjeg prostora,
arhitektura kao dio prirode i priroda kao dio
arhitekture se su to prepoznatljie karakteristike
tradicionalnog graditeljsta. Unutrasnji prostor
je organiziran i opremljen na uobicajen nacin.
Radi se o Fksnom namjestaju secijama i musan-
derama s hamamdzikom i duseklukom posta-
ljenim uz zidoe prostorija. Bogata drorezbarija
s geometrijskom i noralnom ornamentikom,
ljepota eza, bakarno posue, sahani, dzugumi,
ukraseni tehnikom saata, lehe upotpunjuju
cjelokupni dojam speciFcnog enterijera oe kuce.
Dominatni su orijentalno-islamski uticaji s rlo
rijetkim primjerima, prije sega u unutrasnjem
ureenju, pojaljianja mobilijara koji ukazuje
na proces europeizacije. U enterijeru elikog
halata noijeg dijela zenske kuce, namijenjenom
za okupljanje porodice za rijeme bajrama, i-
tara i meluda iznenauje pojaa enecijanskog
ogledala kao primjer postepenog prodiranja eu-
ropskih standarda i poezianja s tradicionalnim
graditeljstom. Oaki predmeti sjedoce o bo-
gatim trgoackim ezama ne samo s Carigradom
ec i s znacajnim europskim centrima kao sto su
Venecija i Bec .
Sojim stilskim karakteristikama i dimenzi-
jama, oaki dijeloi namjestaja ne uklapaju se
u ambijent tradicionalnog graditeljsta i njego
koncept antropometricnosti.
Prostor oblikoan po mjeri cojeka nije
kompatibilan s mobilijarom koji ga sojom
masinoscu zagusuje i opterecuje sto nije slucaj
sa Srzinom kucom koja uspijea sacuati izorni
izgled tradicionalne stambene arhitekture iz os-
manskog perioda.
S|. 4. Kuoc|ija, prcs|crija na||ritcna |upc|cn u Dcspica |uci
u Sarajctu, stcjin unu|rasnjin urccnjcn u|azujc na prcp|i-
|anjc |radicicna|nin i srcdnjccurcps|in s|andarda u |u||uri
s|anctanja.
128
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Proces transformaci j e kroz
usvaj anj e novi h europski h
standarda u kul turi
stanovanj a
Sakako ou problematiku razoja i modi-
Fkacija stambene arhitekture treba analizirati u
jednom sirem kontekstu ormiranja orijentalnog
grada sa podjelom na podrucje stanoanja ,ma-
hale, i poslonu zonu ,carsije,, te promjena koje
se desaaju na oom podrucju u urbanistickim
i arhitektonskim rjesenjima pod uticajem sure-
menih desaanja u europskoj arhitekturi s na-
glaskom na uticaj Beca.
Interkulturalni dijalog i meusobna prepli-
tanja razlicitih tradicija mozda se na najbolji nacin
mogu pratiti i idjeti u bogatstu graditeljskog
naslijea. Dolaskom austrougarske uprae
europski graditeljski standardi transormisu
urbanisticka rjesenja orijentalnog grada. Dok se
orijentalni grad bazira na amFteatralnom koncep-
tu s odojenim stambenim cetrtima ,mahalama,
na padinskim dijeloima i trgoackim poslonim
sredistem ,carsijom, u centru, te jednom rstom
organskog urbanistickog rjesenja s kriudaim
sokacima koji se radijalno sire iz carsije prema
mahalama prelazeci u sokacice i cikme, osnono
obiljezje urbanizma modernog europskog grada,
bio je ortogonalni sistem saobracajnica, gradnja
u blokoima s iseetaznim objektima. U osman-
skom periodu urbana jedinica je mahala, a u aus-
trougarskom to postaje ulica. Jani objekti i stam-
bena arhitektura iz oog perioda nose obiljezja
akademizma neostiloa i secesije. Uticaji islamske
arhitekture mogu se prepoznati na graeinama
projektoanim u neomaurskom stilu, arhi-
tekturom koja nikada nije bila karakteristicna
za oaj prostor. U skladu s poecanjem broja
stanonista jalja se i potreba za ecim brojem
stambenih objekata. Oni se grade u sistemu
blokoa ili u nizu uz nastojanje maksimalnog
koristenja zemljista i spratnosti. Najcesce su to
najamne, poslono-stambene zgrade, stambene
palate i ile
5
. Ako se radilo o tipu poslono-stam-
bene zgrade, u prizemnoj etazi se obicno nalaze
posloni prostori dok se na spratoima stanoa-
lo. Dispozicija je organizirana tako da se saloni
i reprezentatine prostorije za prijem orijentiraju
ka ulici, dok se spaaca soba, trpezarija s kuhin-
jom i kupatilo orijentisu ka doristu. U sredistu
je hodnik koridorskog tipa. Vile su graene kao
slobodnostojeci objekti okruzeni zelenilom.
Raskosna rjesenja asade i enterijera goore o
drustenom statusu lasnika. Se to ukazuje na
promjene drusteno-ekonomskih i politickih
prilika u Bosni i lercegoini i u skadu s tim
pojau noog nacina ziota, kulture stanoanja
i ukusa graana. Najbogatiji drusteni stalez,
mlada burzoazija, nastoji da se uklopi u sure-
mena stremljenja i standarde srednjeeuropskih
kulturnih krugoa. Narano da se sa oa burna
desaanja, promjene, arhitektonsko-urbanisticki
sok koji se desaa dolaskom austrougarske lasti
renektira i kroz proces transormacije i euro-
peizacije gradske kuce orijentalnog tipa. Ona se
desaa postupno, unosenjem pojedinih dijeloa
mobilijara: stolica, ogledala, da bi na kraju po-
jedine prostorije dobijale izgled koji potpuno
odgoara nooj zapadnoj kulturi stanoanja u
skladu s suremenim importoanim stilskom
orijentacijama.
Prihacanjem noih europskih obrazaca u
kulturi stanoanja desaaju se znacajne promjene
u karakteru tradicionalne stambene arhitekture.
lleksibilnost unkcionalnosti unutrasnjeg prosto-
ra se gubi unosenjem mobilijara karakteristicnog
za srednjeeuropske obrasce unutrasnjeg ureenja.
Na taj nacin njegoa unkcija se Fksira i on gubi
soju adaptibilnost i isestruku unkcionalnost.
5 Borisla Spasojeic, Arhitektura stambenih palata austrougarskog
perioda u Sarajeu, Sarajeo 1988.,str.25.
S|. 5. Trpczarija u Dcspica |uci u Sarajctu.
129
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Dobija europsku organizaciju i deFniran je
odgoarajucim namjestajem.
6
Uoenjem moderne inrastrukture, kupa-
tila, odoodnih instalacija, narusaa se integ-
ritet objekata sto doodi do njegoih ostecenja
propadanja drene konstrukcije i ugrozaanja
stabilnosti kuce. Gradska kuca orijentalnog tipa
sa prostornim odnosima neprilagoenim no-
om nacinu ziota, prihata nou organizaciju
stanoanja. Saka etaza postaje cjelina za sebe
tj. noi stan, elike otorene porsine postaju
6 Ahmet ladroic, Gradska kuca orijentalnog tipa u Bosni i
lercegoini, Sarajeo 1993, str.42.
luksuz pa se zataraju i pretaraju u sobe.

Stoga
se postalja pitanje da li europeizacija predstalja
degradaciju, destrukciju ili noi kalitet u kulturi
stanoanja i arhitektonskim rjesenjima
Namjestaj koji odgoara srednjeeuropskim standardima unutrasnjeg
ureenja se moze posmatrati kao zasebna cjelina u odnosu na
prostor koji deFnise. Veza izmeu tradicionalnog Fksnog namjestaja
u bosanskoj kuci i prostora koji on deFnise je crsca. Secije se mogu
okarakterisati i kao izdignuti dio poda, a musandere kao ugraeni dio
zida.
S|. 6. |n|crijcr araps|c scoc, pcrcdina |uca Huscdzinctica u
8anjcj |uci.
130
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Despica kuca
8
je mozda i najstariji primjer
znacajnijeg prodora noih standarda u kulturi
stanoanja pod uticajem srednjeeuropskog kul-
turnog kruga. Objekat je nastao poezianjem
dije kuce nastale u osmanskom periodu i nak-
nadnom dogradnjom. Njen arhitektonski razoj
8 Kuca se nalazi u nekadasnjoj mahali Latinluk u kojoj je bila
dubroacka kolonija. Pretpostalja se da su graditelji danasnjeg
objekta Despica kuce isti oni koji su bili autori janih objekata sa tz.
europskom orijentacijom, nastalih u Sarajeu od 1865. do 1866.g.
,zgrada Vakuske bolnice, nekadasnje Vojne bolnice i Vezirskog
konaka,. 1o su bila da graditelja iz Splita lranjo Lindaric, koji je
izodio sanacione radoe na temeljima Visegradskog mosta 185.g.
i lranjo Moise. Despica kuca je sezdestih godina XX stoljeca
pretorena u muzej na temelju ugoora izmeu opcine i porodice
Despic. U toku ratnih desaanja 1992-95. g. objekat je u nekoliko
narata bio ostecen ,od posljedica granatiranja 1993. g. nastala su
ostecenja na kronoj konstrukciji, pokrou od bakarnog lima,
okapnici asadi i u enterijeru uslijed uticaja ode,. Objekat je u cjelini
saniran 2001.g uz pomoc sedske ondacije Kulturno naslijee bez
granica, Vlade Kantona Sarajeo i Zaoda za zastitu spomenika u
sastau lederalnog ministarsta kulture i sporta. Danas se objekat
nalazi u lasnistu Muzeja grada Sarajea.
odijao se od 180. g. do kraja XIX stoljeca kroz
cetiri aze. U proj azi se dograuje sprat na
mutaku, u drugoj dolazi do spajanja kamene
kuce i mutaka jedinstenim kroom i dianha-
nom. 1reca aza je ezana za izgradnju noe kuce
pocetkom XIX st., elike sobe s pozorisnom
namijenom i salona, te njihoo spajanje jedinst-
enim kroom i asadom s arkadom u prizem-
lju i na spratu.U cetrtoj azi krajem XIX st. se
zataraju lukoi na spratu i zastakljuju arkade u
prizemlju cime cijelo asadno platno dobija jedin-
sten arhitektonski izraz u duhu neorenesanse i
akademizma
9
.
9 U elikom pozaru 189. stradao je kro kuce, dio asade i rastinje
u doristu. 1adasnji lasnik , Makso Despic, doeo je majstore iz
Broda i obnoio kucu. S obzirom na porijeklo majstora i na elemente
koji su primjenjeni na asadi ,duboka rustika ugloa, proFlacija
doprozornika, pilastri i njihoi postamenti, nacin obrade prozora
itd., moglo bi se reci da je to pra primjena akademske eklektike u
Sarajeu. Despica kuca, Muzej Sarajea, Sarajeo, 2009., str. 42.
S|. 7. Ditannana u zcns|cn dijc|u pcrcdinc |ucc
Huscdzinctica u 8anjcj |uci.
131
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Ocito je da objekat mijenja soj izgled
kroz historiju kao odraz razlicitih drusteno-
ekonomskih, politickih i kulturoloskih prilika.
Jezgra stambenog objekta orijentalnog karaktera
iz osmanskog perioda dobija ogrtac asade u duhu
europskih tendencija akademizma i eklektike u
XIX st. Sam proces europeizacije se primjecuje i
u unutrasnjem ureenju, sa sobama namjestenim
potpuno u duhu tradicionalnog graditeljsta
,mamina
10
i babina soba
11
,, preko prostora gdje
se susrecu orijentalno-islamske tradicije s europs-
kim standardima ,kubelija
12
, i enterijera ureenih
potpuno u skladu s suremeneim tendencijama
pod uticajem srednjeeuropskim kulturnih centara
s posebnim naglaskom na Bec. Posebnost oe
kuce ezana je za pocetke pozorisnog ziota u
10 Mamina soba kao dio najstarijeg dijela kuce gdje je najcesce boraila
supruga Makse Despica je manja prostorija s omalterisanom
taanicom na cijoj sredini je drena greda oslikana noralnim
ormanentom. Moze se pretpostaiti da je probitno bila natkriena
drenom taanicom. Interijer s dolaom, secijom, musandrom,
cilimom ima sa obiljezja orijentalno-islamskih uticaja. Neki od
detalja kao sto je uza i isa secija prekriena bordo somotom ,u
krscanskim kucama koristila se kao prostirka za seciju bordo coha,
dok je u muslimanskim kucama bila razlicitih boja,, ikona s kandilom
i zajesom ukazuje da se radi o kuci praoslane porodice. Brusali
sileni jastuci kao statusni simbol goore da se radi o bogatoj
porodici. Despica kuca, Muzej Sarajea, Sarajeo, 2009., str 92.
11 Babina soba u kojoj je boraio ladzi Makso Despic ,Babo, se
nalazi u prizemnom dijelu kuce preko puta mamine sobe s zeljeznim
ratima na ulazu. U lijeom uglu sobe je pec s loncicima, rezbarena
musandera s otorom iza kojeg su uske drene stepenice kao eza
s kubelijom prostorijom koja se nalazi iznad babine sobe.
Na suprotnoj strani ispod prozora i uz susjedni zid je secija u
obliku sloa L s kaluni jastucima. Iznad secije na zidu nalazi se
skupocijena srebrena ikona. U sredisnjem prostoru je postaljena
sora - demirlija. Uz zid do rata je sanduk za ruho. Despica kuca,
Muzej Sarajea, Sarajeo, 2009.,str. 94.
12 Kubelija je jedna od najneobicnijihi i najinteresantnijih prostorija
u kuci. Dobila je nazi po oslikanoj kupoli kojom je natkriena.
Radi se o nekoj rsti gostinske sobe. U stambenoj arhitekturi
oaka tip natkrianja kupolom nije uobicajen. Cesce se koristi u
monumentalnoj arhitekturi janih i jerskih objekata - dzamije,
hamami, hanoi-1aslihan je imao magaze natkriene kupolama.
U unutrasnjem ureenju se ec jasno moze primijetiti mijesanje
orijentalnih i zapadnoeropskih uticaja. U istoj prostoriji pored
starinske peci sa loncicima, secije, rezbarenog sanduka,
stambolske mangale mozemo idjeti eliki luster ukrasen sedeom,
enecijansko ogledalo, malu salonsku garnituru ukrasenu rezbarijom
i sedeom, ormaric izraen u tehnici intarzije s mermernom plocom
kupljen od rancuskog konula i sat engleske proizodnje. Poseban
ukras enterijera su mala skrinja za cuanje dragocijenosti i rahle od
sedea koje je ladzi Makso donio sa hadziluka iz Jerusalema. Dije
ikone i kandilo upotpunjuju kompleksnost prozimanja razlicitih
kulturoloskih i stilskih odrednica oog izuzetno zanimljiog interijera.
Despica kuca, Muzej Sarajea, Sarajeo, 2009., str.96.
Sarajeu. Velika soba
13
koja je sluzila za stanoan-
je i odrzaanje pozorisnih predstaa goori o
postupnom procesu europeizacije tradicionalnog
enterijera, narano i samom namjenom ali i poja-
om graanskog slikarsta ,porodicnih portreta,
rad slikara r.ebta) koji nisu karakteristicni za
osmanski period. Prostorije na spartu, spaaca
soba
14
,zlatni salon
15
i trpezarija
16
, demonstriraju
apsolutnu dominaciju europskih standarada u
unutrasnjem ureenju s prepoznatljiim stilskim
karakteristikama bidermajera. Analizirajuci se
oe elemente stice se dojam da da koncepta
kulture stanoanja, arhitektonskog oblikoanja
i deFniranja unkcije unutrasnjeg prostora se
meusobno prozimaju ali nisu kompatibilni.
U antropometricni prostor bosanske kuce
tesko se moze uklopiti masini namjestaj sred-
njeeuropske orijentacije u stilu bidermajera. Re-
zultat takih pokusaja je opterecianje i zagusenje
unutrasnjeg prostora i narusaanje autenticnosti
tradicionalne stambene arhitekture
13 Velika soba,pozorisna soba, je eca prostorija sa oslikanom
ranom drenom taanicom koja je djelimicno rekonstruisana zbog
ostecenja. Iza rezbarenih rata se nalazila mala prostorija koja je
jeroatno sluzila kao garderoba. Unutrasnje ureenje sa secijama,
cilimima s ponekim dijeloima namjestaja zapadnoeropskog stila
ponoo goore o dijalogu razlicitih obrazaca u kulturi stanoanja.
Despica kuca, Muzej Sarajea, Sarajeo, 2009., str. 96.
14 Spaaca soba s kreetima, nocnim ormaricima, psihom, slikom
religioznog sadrzaja na zidu , stolice i mali stolic, dokrilni ormar
i siaca masina ukazuje na apsolutnu dominaciju srednjeeuropskog
standarda u unutrasnjem ureenju prostorije cija je unkcija Fksirana
njenim mobilijarom. Despica kuca, Muzej Sarajea, Sarajeo, 2009.,
str. 98.
15 Salon sa lusterom, salonskom garniturom presucenom zlatnim
brokatnim meblom u stilu bidermajera, zlatnom itrinom s Fnim
porculanskim posuem je jasno deFniran europskim modelima
ureenja unutrasnjeg prostora Despica kuca, Muzej Sarajea,
Sarajeo, 2009., str.98.
16 1rpezarija sa klairom proizodom Frme Neubauer iz Beca, manjim
rezbarenim ormaricem, satom, ogledalom, trpezarijskim stolom sa
sest stolica se bitno razlikuje od tradicionalnog koncepta ureenja
babine sobe, prostorije sa postaljenom sorom u sredistu i secijama
i musanderama u rubnim dijeloima uz zidoe kao Fksnim dijelom
namjestaja. Objedoanje za sorom iz sahana sjedeci na podu
zamijenjeno je zapadnjackim nacinom. Jasno se razdaja i Fksira
unkcija pojedinih prostorija oakim tipom mobilijara koji potpuno
transormise i karakter i ambijentalnu rijednost trradicionalnog
graditeljsta. Despica kuca, Muzej Sarajea, Sarajeo, 2009., str. 98.
132
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Nova rj eenj a
u pri bl i avanj u
tradi ci onal nog
gradi tel j stva i suvremeni h
tendenci j a kroz arhi tekturu
bosanskog sl oga
Na tragu istrazianja \agneroe skole teme
geniusa loci
1
strani arhitekti, prije sega Josip
Vancas i Josip Pospisl, prepoznaju rijednost i iz-
ornost tradicionalnog graditeljsta. Kao rezultat
proucaanja graditeljskog naslijea i prepozna-
anja njegoog znacaja pocetkom XX st. jalja
se arhitektura bosanskog sloga koja na kreatian
nacin poezuje suremene tendencije s tradicio-
nalnim ormama stambene arhitekture osman-
skog perioda. Ona nije nacionalni arhitektonski
izraz ec stil regionalnog karaktera. Regionalna
posebnost ujetoala je izraz bosanski slog.
Graditeljsko-umjetnicki izraz,nastao pocetkom
oog stoljeca, sasim tacno nazan bosanskom
stilom, nije znacio nikaku stilsku retardaciju, ec
1 Bosna je postala zanimljia tek prosirenjem onog agnerijanskog
genius loci, jedne od aznih tema oe skole koja se razija u ideji o
oplemenianju samonikle arhitekture. Kurto Nedzad, Sarajeo 1462
-1992, Printing and Publishing louse, Sarajeo, 199., str.86.
nastojanje da se kroz daljni razoj graditeljske
tehnike razijaju orme koje nisu citati, ec
kreatino izrazene asocijacije na isestoljetno
naslijee Bosne. Bosanski stil , nastao u rijeme
ubrzanog sazimanja razlicitih kultura i ciilizacija,
nije rezultat prisilno ujedinjenih razlicitosti. On
je prije sega rezultanta kultura koje su se do-
punjaale kroz historiju.
18
S druge strane arhi-
tektura bosanskog sloga sojim cistim geometri-
jskim ormama jednostanim rjesenjima asada
prociscaanjem secesijskih rjesenja od pretjerane
dekoratinosti se moze oznaciti kao pocetak voa
erve u bosanskohecegoackoj arhitekturi.
Zanimlji primjer oakih traganja arhi-
tekata austrougarskog perioda je porodicna kuca
lusedzinoica u Banjoj Luci. Radi se o pro-
jektu akademski obrazoanog arhitekta Josipa
pl. Vancasa iz 1913.g. u bosanskom slogu, a ne o
narodnom graditeljstu.
Kao izanredan spoj tradicionalnih elemenata
i suremene gradnje austrougarskog perioda sa
nagojestajima modernizma kuca predstalja
jedno od najuspjesnijih Vancaseih ostarenja
18 Kurto Nedzad, Sarajeo 1462 -1992, Printing and Publishing louse,
Sarajeo, 199.,str.93.
S|. 8a. Nanjcs|aj u s|i|u |cuisa XV iz ,rcza sa|cna u
zcns|cn dijc|u pcrcdinc |ucc Huscdzinctica U 8anjcj |uci.
S|. 8o. Nanjcs|aj u s|i|u |cuisa XV iz ,rcza sa|cna u
zcns|cn dijc|u pcrcdinc |ucc Huscdzinctica U 8anjcj |uci.
133
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u oblasti stambene arhitekture projektoane u
bosanskom slogu. Ne radi se o aksimilskoj in-
terpretaciji bosanskohercegoackog graditeljskog
naslijea ec pokusaju postaljanja tradicio-
nalne arhitekture u noi suremeni kontekst.
Oslanjanje na tradicionalna rjesenja stambene
arhitekture prepoznatljio je u podjeli na muski
i zenski dio kuce s odojenim ulaznim kapijama,
prihatanju jednospratnog rjesenja i upotrebi is-
taknute strehe, doksata, badze i drene erande
kao reminiscencije na kameriju.
Pri izgradnji su primijenjeni si graeinski
standardi austrougarskog perioda.
Kao graeinski materijal koristeni su kamen,
opeka, dro i eternit
19
. U podrumskom prostoru
koristena je za austrougarski period karakteristicna
spregnuta konstrukcija sa zeljeznim proFlima
i sodom od opeke, jedna rsta plitkog tz.
pruskog soda` . Visina stropoa i gabariti
kuce takoer su tipicni za graditeljsko naslijee
austrougarskog perioda, odstupaju od koncepta
bosanske kuce koja je je oblikoana po mjeri
cojeka sa znatno nizim stropoima i prostori-
jama manjih dimenzija. Ne radi se o ugraenom
objektu ec o kuci sa cetiri asade od kojih je ona
sa orijentacijom na ulicu najreprezentatinija.
Objekat je koncipiran u duhu bosanske gradske
kuce sa alijom u pozadini i dije kapije ,muska
i zenska, koje nankiraju ulicnu asadu. Kamena
oplata isokog sokla i donjih zona prizemlja prati
ormu praougaonih i lucno zasedenih prozora
i kapija.
20
Ceteroodni kro pokrien eternitom
sa istaknuti strehama i badzama te plasticno
modeloani trobridni erker
21
u ormi doksata
rasclanjenog prozorskim otorima jaljaju se kao
19 Zidoi debljine 50 cm graeni su od opeke, sokl, oplata donjih
zona asade i stepeniste je kameno, dok su podoi, probitna
eranda i krona konstrukcija od dreta s pokriacem od eternita.
Drena eranda sa pogledom na doriste i rijeku srusila se usljed
nepostojanosti materijala, te je zamijenjena betonskom.
Iza kuce nalazila se prostrana terasa sa sedranom ispod koje su se
nalazile es kuhinja i kino sala do kojih se silazilo stepenistem. 1erasa
se srusila 1935. godine zbog slijeganja terena. Nakon katastroalnog
zemljotresa 1969.g. kuca je pretrpila znatna ostecenja. Obnoljena je
i od tada je pod zastitom drzae.
20 1robridni kubicni erker nije puka dekoracija ec je logican
produkt unkcije i dispozicije unutrasnjeg prostora Kurto Nedzad,
Arhitektura Bosne i lercegoine, razoj bosanskog stila, Sarajeo
Publishing, Meunarodni centar za mir, Sarajeo, 1998. str. 258.
21 Krzoic Ibrahim, Arhitektura secesije u Bosni i lercegioini,
Kulturno naslijee, Sarajeo Publishing, Sarajeo, 2004., str 194.
interpretacije tradicionalnog. Istaknute strehe se
jaljaju i iznad ulaznih kapija. Centralno razijena
dispozicija objekta prati unkcionalnu podjelu
prostorija i podjelu na jani muski dio kuce i
priatni zenski, cime se postuje tradicionalna
kultura stanoanja. Unutrasnja dispozicija kuce
se odrazaa na asadi.
Stilske karakteristike rane voaerve mogu
se prepoznati u rjesenju asade prociscene i
osloboene od dekoratinih elemenata i cistim
kubicnim geometrijskim ormama.
Ritmizaciju i skladne proporcije glane asade
naglasaaju simetricno rasporeeni prozorski ot-
ori ,u zoni prizemlja cetiri i u zoni sprata pet na
doksatu i da sa bocnih strana,. Na juznoj asadi
pored prozora sobe za kuharicu i stepenista jalja
se i slijepi prozor, jedan od arhitektonskih el-
emenata koji Vancas cesto koristi u obradi asade
da bi naglasio ritmizaciju, harmonicnost i simetr-
iju kompozicije.
22
I pored ociglednih reeriranja
na tradicionalno graditeljsto mogu se primijetiti
i odreena odstupanja od uobicajenih rjesenja.
Visina i sirina prizemng dijela kuce odgoara
isini prog sprata sto se bitno razlikuje od kon-
cepta tradicionalne bosanske kuce koja obicno
ima gornji sprat siri i nizi od prizemlja. Odje se
ne radi o sistemu dojne kuce ,muske i zenske,
poezanom mabejnom u jedinsten arhitektonski
ansambl kao sto je to slucaj sa Srzinom kucom
u Sarajeu sa muskim i zenskim doristem i za-
sebnim stambenim objektima, ec o podjeli na
muski i zenski dio po etazama. Kuca je imala sest
salona orijentisanih na ulicu ,tri u muskom i tri
u zenskom dijelu kuce , i nusprostorije, kuhinju,
kupatilo, te spaace sobe za djecu i roditelje
orijentisane na doriste. U muskom reprezenta-
tinom dijelu kuce su tri salona sa orijentacijom
22 Na Vancaseoj kuci u Sarajeu na glanom procelju u zoni spratoa
jalja se oaka id dekoracije i rasclanjianja, kuca 1eoddora
1hodeshinija u Sarajeu na bocnoj asadi ima takoer slijepi prozor.
134
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na ulicu ,arapska soba
23
, momacka soba i radni
kabinet,. Oni su prostranim hajatom odojeni od
23 U muskom dijelu kuce najinteresantnija je bila arapska soba
dopremljena iz Kaira preko Beca sa rucno raenim namjestajem
u drorezbariji i sedenom intarzijom u maurskom stilu.
Dekoracija namjestaja raena je u stilizoanim orijentalnim
biljnim i geometrijskim motiima Vitrine i paraan sastojali su se
od musepkasto proFliranih rezbarenih i sedeom inkrustriranih
porsina. Zarsni ijenci itrina, paraana za keramicku pec i raa za
posue bili su bogato proFlirani motiom maurskog riza u obliku
barbakana. U istoj maniri bili su dekorisani i peskuni i skrabije na
zarsecima secija Podoi i zidoi su bili prekrieni perzijskim tepisima
iz Siraza, a dije secije u obliku sloa L bosanskim cilimima. Pored
biljnog i geometrijskog ornamenta kao dekoracija drorezbarenog
namjestaja jalja se i kaligraFja. Jedan od natpisa u eli sulsu glasio
je: t i.ti/avetv a;vvr /etavet ,Gostoprimsto je izor plemenitosti,.
U sobi se nalazio i eliki broj posua, ibrika sa iskucanim biljnim
i Fguralnim motiima koji odrazaaju perzijski uticaj, nargila
demirlija i mesingana mangala sa postoljem i poklopcem ukrasenim
peroriranim ornamentom. Plaon sobe je bio dekorisan oslikanom
geometrijskoom arabeskom. Kompletan mobilijar arapske sobe
od 1958. godine je postao dio undusa Muzeja Bosanske krajine u
Banjoj Luci.
kuhinje, spajza, sobe za kuharicu i toaleta, koji su
orijentisani na doriste. Zidoi kupatila i kuhinje
su oblozeni keramickim plocicama u a ta fravca
stilu sto se bitno razlikuje od tradicionalog kon-
cepta hamamdzika u sklopu musandere i muta-
ka s odnicom. Na spratu u zenskom dijelu kuce
nalazimo na isti raspored prostorija. 1ri salona
,zenska dianhana
24
, roza salon
25
i djeojacka
soba, orijentisanih su na ulicu. lajat odaja oe
prostorije od spaace sobe roditelja, djecije sobe,
24 Oo je jedina prostorija u kuci koja je sacuala autentican
mobilijar. Namjestaj zenske dianhane predstalja izanredan spoj
srednjeeuropskih stilskih orijentacija kasnog ampira, bidermajera,
secesije i bosanskog tradicionalnog enterijera. Mobilijar salona sastoji
se od da trpezarijska ormara, cetrtastog stola sa sest stolica, elike
keramicke peci, zidnog sata, stilskog lustera, secije u doksatnom
erkeru koja se zarsaa sa skrabijama, mangale, koncertnog klaira,
srebrenog secesijskog cajnika, dizajniranog u maniri art noueaua
i !iever !er/.tatte), lopatice i cetke za ciscenje stola i srebrenog
escajga sa inicijalima lasnika kuce, dio mobilijara cinio je i klair
Karl Kutchera, becke proizodnje,. Veci dio namjestaja zenske
dianhane dopremljen je iz Beca. Veliki stilski luster sastoji se od
ise dijeloa raenih od razlicitih materijala: metala, sile i dreta.
Stilizirana orma lustera sugerira moti sunca. 1ri abazura raena
su od bijele sile, a konstrukcija lustera kombinacijom metala sa
pozlatom i dreta. Veliki zidni sat becke proizodnje s okirom
od tamnog rezbarenog dreta nad satnim mehanizmom ima
ugrairani tekst na njemackom jeziku Die Zeit i.t Ceta ,Vrijeme
je noac,. 1o je ujedno i najstariji dio enterijera, pripadao je ocu
lasnika kuce ladzi lamidu lusedzinoicu. U uglu pored rata
sobe nalazi se isoka keramicka pec cilindricnog oblika bijele boje
za zlatnom dekoracijom. Biljni ornament i moti girlandi raeni u
pozlati nose prepoznatljia secesijska stilska obiljezja. Male drene
skrabije postaljene na krajeima secije kao njeni zarseci, raene
su u drorezbariji sa crnom i bijelom sedenom toledo intarezijom
od drene cipke i prostorima uokirenim bogato proFlisanim
islamskim lukoima u kojima su se cuali ukrasni predmenti i
posue. Oaj dio enterijera nosi stilske karakteristike islamske
umjetnosti Magreba i Spanije kao i namjestaj iz arapske sobe. Gornje
zone zidoa i plaon oslikani su at .ecco dekoracijom koja predstalja
rijedak primjer sacuane unutrasnje dekoracije u stilu secesije. U
gornjim zonama zidoa tece riz sa motiom imitacije mozaika i
case sa inom okruzene inoom lozom koji se ritmicno ponalja.
Saka kompozicijska cjelina je odojena motiom girlande slikane
u grizaj tehnici. Na slican nacin je oslikan i plaon. Iicama plaona
tece dekoratini riz girlandi oslikan u grizaj tehnici. U kadratnim
poljima smjestenim u ugloima jalja se moti lisca inoe loze i
grozdoa.
25 Namjestaj oog salona nabaljen iz Pariza preko Beca, sastoji se
od: soe, dije otelje,otelje ljubanika,tete-a-tete-ranc.oci u
oci, u obliku sloa S koje asocira na rokail ornament iz perioda
Louisa XV i stolica. Unutrasnje ureenje - se karakteritike noih
standarda u kulturi stanoanja s naglaskom na uticaj rancuskog
rokokoa, stila Louisa XV. Si dijeloi namjestaja bili su presuceni
ruzicastim brokatom. Cetrtasta keramicka pec smjestena u uglu
pored rata dekorisana je gleosanom keramikom bijele podloge
sa izanrednom secesijskom noralnom dekoracijom u obliku
cijeta ljubicice prepoznatljiim motiom umjetnosti secesije
raenih pastelno ljubicastim tonalitetima sa akcentima zlatne
boje. Kompletan inentar sobe prodajom nakon smrti probitnog
lasnika dospio je u Dubronik. Jedino je keramicka pec jos uijek iv
.itv.
S|. 9. Kcrani|a pcc iz ,rcza sa|cna co|i|ctana u prc-
pczna||jitin fcrnana unjc|ncs|i scccsijc
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kupatila i toaleta koji gledaju na doriste. Posebnu
rijednost kuce predstaljali su izuzetno rijedni,
bogato opremljeni enterijeri razlicitih stilskih
karakteristika. Dok sam objekat ima karakteris-
tike tradicionalne arhitekture sa modernistickim
tendencijama redukcije stilistickih interpretacija i
dekoratinosti, enterijeri imaju naglasen dekora-
tini ambijentalni karakter. Radi se o gotoo
postmodernistickom poezianju razlicitih stil-
skih odrednica bidermajera, secesije, stila Louisa
XV, s maurskim stilom i elementima tradicio-
nalnog enterijera bosanske kuce. Buduci da se
radi o noosagraenom objektu s namjenski
osmisljenim enterijerima ostaren je skladniji od-
nos i eza izmeu tradicionalnog i suremenog.
Dok je arapska soba ureena potpuno u maur-
skom stilu, elika soba - zenska dianhana pred-
stalja zanimlji spoj elemenata tradicionalnog
enterijera s mobilijarom u stilu bidermajera, te
keramickom peci i slikanom zidnom dekoracijom
u stilu secesije. Roza salon sa salonskom garni-
turom u stilu Louisa XV i keramickom peci u
stilu secesije obiljezen je potpunom dominacijom
prihatanja noih standarada i stilskih odrednica
bez elemenata tradicionalnog enterijera. Visina
stropoa i elicina prostorija u skladu s stan-
dardima austrougarkog perioda odgoara ma-
sinosti mobilijara koji se ne bi mogao uklopiti u
antropometricni prostor tradicionalne stambene
arhitekture.
Umj esto zakl j uka
Proces transormacije tradicionalne stambene
arhitekture pod uticajem europeizacije dolaskom
austrougarske uprae obuhata period kraja XIX
i pocetka XX st.
Znacaj oakih objekata i enterijera ogleda se
u speciFcnom spajanju razlicitih kulturoloskih,
stilskih i estetskih standarda na jedan gotoo
postmodernisticki nacin.
Oni sjedoce o sposobnosti prilagoaanja i
transormacije tradicionalnog nacina gradnje u
kontekstu unkcionalnih zahtijea suremenog
nacina ziota. Prelazeci put od tradicionalizma
obiljezenog orijentalnim nacinom gradnje, njego-
im poezianjem s noim srednjeeuropskim
graditeljskim standardima, preko regionalizma in-
terpretiranog na speciFcan nacin kroz arhitekturu
bosanskog sloga ulazimo u nou azu u razoju
arhitekture na oom podrucju obiljezenom inter-
nacionalnim stilom voaerve.
Imajuci u idu su problematiku ezanu za
proces europeizacije gradske kuce orijentalnog
tipa moze se zakljuciti da kao poseban graditeljski
i kulturoloski enomen bosanska kuca sojom
italnoscu sjedoci o kontinitetu tradicionalnog
graditeljsta, prolazi kroz proces transormacije
ali opstaje kao izuzetno rijedan dio bogatog
bosanskohercegoackog graditeljskog naslijea.

136
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Ora; ctava/ ai./vtv;e o tavirav;iva vorib vrbavib va.et;a v o.vi i ercegorivi /ao o.t;eaica rogova o/o
200 bit;aaa Mv.tivava i rbi;e v erioav 12. i 1. g. v o.vv i o.tate teritori;e oa o.vav./ov rta.cv.
tart;ev ;e a/cevat o.ebvo va graaore .;ererve o.ve: avac, Ora.;e, reoro Pot;e i Orabora - /o;i .e vatae
va gravici .a .v.tri;./ov carerivov i /o;i .v ro.torvo ro;e/toravi .a ortogovatvov vreov vtica. | avcv
;Corv;a .ii;a, varava o taaa.v;ev .vttavv .bavtaiv) ;e va riv;er, igraevo 20 arrevib /vca a
110 .tavorvi/a; va taviravo; ortogovatvo; vrei vtica, aia;viravo; varoavo oa .trave fravcv./og iviv;era
v .tvbi O.vav./og car.tra. | Ora.;v ;Dov;a .ii;a) i.ti bro; /vca ;e vaovio ra.et;eve o.obe i rbi;e.
^airi graaora i /o;ib .v aotaiti - v orov .tvca;v abac i |ice - refe/torati .v .e v vairiva /rartora
/o;a .v va.et;arati. | .riv oriv voriv va.et;iva, igraeve .v aavi;e, varave .ii;ava. .rbite/tov./i
va;vaca;vi;a oa orib vorib aavi;a ;e.te aavi;a igraeva v reorov Pot;v o/o 1. g. | ogteav .tita,
varava ;e riv;erov tvr./og baro/a. Ora av;e rri;eava aavi;a ;e v otvvo.ti vvi.teva v ratv 1. g. i
otov obvort;eva v ./ori;ev erioav.
1bi. articte ai.cv..e. tbe tavvivg of ver vrbav .etttevevt. iv o.via ava eregoriva a. a re.ov.e to tbe
eracvatiov of 200,000 Mv.tiv. frov erbia to o.via ava otber Ottovav territorie. iv 12. ecifcatt,
aaare..ea are tbe vortberv o.viav torv. of avac, Ora.;e, reoro Pot;e, ava Orabora - att .itvatea atovg tbe
boraer ritb tbe .v.triav vire ava tavvea ov a regvtar gria. v avac ;|er .ii,e, .ovavea after
tbe tbev cvrrevt vttav .bavtai), for iv.tavce, 20 tivber bov.e. rere bvitt for 110 ivbabitavt.; tbe, rere
atigvea ov a gria tav vrorteat, ae.igvea b, a revcb evgiveer iv tbe .errice of tbe Ottovav .tate. v Ora.;e
;orer .ii,e), tbe .ave vvvber of bov.e. ra. to accovvoaate ai.tacea er.ov. frov erbia. 1beir
torv. of origiv - bere abac ava |ice - rere refectea iv tbe vave. of tbe ver qvarter. tbe, cave to ivbabit.
riaa, vo.qve., v.vatt, vavea .ii,e, rere erectea iv att of tbe ver .etttevevt.. 1be vo.t arcbitectvratt,
revar/abte of tbe.e ver vo.qve. ra. bvitt iv reoro Pot;e arovva 1 ava, iv terv. of .t,te, ba. beev cattea
a rere.evtatire of tbe Ottovav aroqve. 1bi. voterortb, vo.qve ra. covtetet, ae.tro,ea iv 1 ava i.
re.evtt, beivg recov.trvctea.
Mirza Hasan eman
Ur gent ne ur bane i nt er venci j e osmanske
vl ast i na podr uj u Bosne i Her cegovi ne
nakon 1860. godi ne
Ur ban i nt er vent i ons by t he Ot t oman
st at e i n Bosni a- Her zegovi na af t er 1860
137
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2$!&<2$2*=+'/>+%/;#$Bosanskog e;ateta tokom
osmanske lasti znacajno razdoblje i oblik ur-
banizacije predstalja hitno podizanje noih
naselja urbanog tipa zbog pojae prognanicko
- izbjeglickih kriza u ise narata mjesne histo-
rije.
1
1aka naselja po odluci osmanske lasti
najcesce su, odmah po osnianju ili nesto kas-
nije, stjecala status /a.abe. Problem prognanicko
- izbjeglickih kriza rjesaan je i na nacin naselja-
anja dijela prognanika i izbjeglica ,vvbaaira, u
ec postojeca urbana naselja - /a.abe. U oom
clanku dat je naglasak na zbianja u sjeernoj
Bosni. Analiza zbianja u zapadnoj Bosni i
istocnoj lercegoini
2
nakon pada lerceg No-
og pod mletacku last 1686,168. g. zahtijea
nesto drugaciji pristup koji izlazi izan prostor-
nog okira koji se nalazi na raspolaganju za oaj
tekst.
Osim historije nooosnoanih naselja i mjera
koje su preduzimane za razrjesenje prognanicko
- izbjeglickih kriza za istrazianja su znacajni i
sadrzaji, strukture, unkcije i topograFja takih
nooosnoanih naselja ,/a.aba,. U slucajeima
naseljaanja dijela prognanika i izbjeglica
,vvbaaira, u ec postojeca urbana naselja ,/a.
abe, eoma zanimljiim cine se drusteni odnosi
unutar takih naselja, koji su se pojaili i uoblicili
1 Razoj osmanskodobnog grada na podrucju Bosne i lercegoine
od 15. do 19. st. moze se promatrati kroz njego va.eobiv./i
vrbavi /ovte/.t` koji se sastoji od njegoe 33 sastane odrednice
,sastanice,. Detaljnije o razoju osmanskodobnih gradoa na
podrucju Bosanskog e;ateta idjeti kod Mirza lasan Ceman, Pori;e.t,
tiotogi;a, .aara;i, fvv/ci;e, .trv/tvra i toograf;a graaa v o.av./ov e;atetv
oa 1:. .t. ao 1. .t. Disertacija. v.titvtvv tvaiorvv vvavitati. -
,Graduate School o lumanities,, Ljubljana, Vol. 1-4, Ljubljana,
2005. ,u daljnjem tekstu citira se kao Pori;e.t, tiotogi;a, .aara;i...,.
2 Posebno razoj naselja 1rebinje ,Lat. 42 42` 38.95`` N, Long. 18
20` 50.13`` L, i Stolac ,Lat. 43 4` 58.96`` N, Long. 1 5` 32.42 ` L,
ali i nekih drugih manjih mjesta.
izmeu starosjedilaca i prognanika i izbjeglica
,vvbaaira,. 1aki odnosi trebali bi biti predmet
istrazianja#socijalne historije i historijske urbane
antropologije.
3
Slozene politicke, ojne i drustene prilike
nakon 1862. g. polucile su eoma dinamicne
migracije stanonista. Nakon teritorijalnih i
naseobinskih gubitaka Osmanskog carsta u
zapadnoj Srbiji glanina prognanog i izbjeglog
stanonista utociste je potrazila na podrucju Bo-
sanskog e;ateta. Rjesenje prognanicko - izbjeglicke
krize, odnosno, simbolicki receno pitanja .vtta
vorib vv.afra o kojima je racuna trebala oditi
sredisnja osmanska last, predstalja eoma
zanimljio podrucjo za daljnja istrazianja. 1a
istrazianja predstaljaju zahalnu opcu temu za
historicare. Meutim, istima se moze pristupiti i s
aspekta proucaanja socijalne historije osnianja
noih naselja, s aspekta urbane antropologije,
prostorne regulacije, arhitektonske izgradnje,
drustenih odnosa i razijanja urgentnih oblika
gospodarsta.
Urgentno i pl ansko
osni vanj e urbani h nasel j a
tokom 1862. i 1863. g.
Zanimlji primjer nastanka i razoja ,kasnih,
osmanskodobnih naselja predstaljaju naselja
,/a.abe, koja su nastala nakon progona musli-
manskog stanonista iz Srbije 1862. i 1863. g. U
slozenim odnosima koji su nastupili nakon I i II
Srpskog ustanka, te posebno nakon sto su preko-
drinski /aaitvci ,na podrucju danasnje Republike
3 Vidj. Mirza lasan Ceman, Pori;e.t, tiotogi;a, .aara;i..., passim.!
138
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Srbije, koji su do 1830. g. pripadali Zornickom
.avaa/v, odlukom sredisnje osmanske lasti
ustupljeni Knezeini Srbiji uslijedilo je pro-
tjerianja muslimanskog stanonista iz istih
/aaitv/a. Politicki problem koji se pojaio, a koji
se ticao polozaja muslimanskog stanonista u
Knezeini Srbiji, nastojalo se rijesiti pregoorima
izmeu Osmanskog carsta i Knezeine Srbije.
Pregoori su zarseni sporazumom o iseljaanju
sog muslimanskog stanonista
4
iz Knezeine
Srbije na podrucje Bosanskog e;ateta.
5
Dije lade
u sporu oko naedenog stanonista dogoor-
ile su se da se muslimansko stanonisto Srbije
iseli na podrucje Bosanskog e;ateta, te da se nji-
hoa nepokretna imoina nadoknadi odreenom
rijednoscu koju je trebala osigurati lada Srbije.
6

Bosanski e;atet ponoo je zapljusnuo al prog-
nanika i izbjeglica. 1o nesretno stanonisto u
narodu je naziravo vvbaairiva, a u sluzbenoj
osmanskoj korespondenciji nazia se .vttavoriv
vv.afriva.

U rijeme naedenih zbianja na


mjestu Bosanskog rati;e nalazio se Seri Osman
,1opal, - Pasa ,1860,1861-1869.,.
8
4 Oa odluka odnosila se i na Cigane ,Rome, islamske jeroispoijesti.
Vidjeti posebne popise koje donosi Saban lodzic za odreena
mjesta u Srbiji i Bosni. Vidj. Saban lodzic, Migracija muslimanskog
stanonista iz Srbije u sjeeroistocnu Bosnu izmeu 188. i 1862.
godine. Ctavci i graa a /vttvrvv i.tori;v i.tocve o.ve II ,1958,, 65 i d.,
posebno za Cigane ,Rome, na str. 9-80, 8-88, 118-119, 129-131,
135-13, te posebno za Brezoo Polje na str. 92-106, Gornju .ii;v
,Bosanski Samac, na str. 106 - 120 i Donju .ii;v ,Orasje, na str.
120-131, te a..iv za pojedina mjesta u Srbiji.
5 Sejh Sejudin Kemura, Prri .r./i v.tava/ oa Karaorev oa goaive
121 o iari iti 101. o . ao aobit/a avtovovi;e 1212.
Sarajeo, 1332,1914, str. 38 i d., l. Sabanoic, o.av./i a.atv/.
Sarajeo, 1959, 95. Posebno idjeti A. Alicic, |reev;e o.av./og
e;ateta oa 1. ao 1. goaive. Orijentalni institut, Sarajeo. Posebna
izdanja, knj. 9. Sarajeo, 1983, a..iv, Galib Sljio, o.va i ercegoriva
1112. Banja Luka, 1992, a..iv; Galib Sljio, o.va i ercegoriva
11212. Banja Luka, 1985, 1988, a..iv.
6 lerdo Sisic, o.va i ercegoriva a reirorav;a Over a.e ata.a.
Subotica, 1938, A. Muradbegoic, Over a.a ata. v o.vi 1:0
1:2. Zagreb, 1940, Galib Sljio, Overa.a ata. v o.vi i ercegorivi
1:01:2. Sarajeo, 19, lazim Sabanoic, o.av./i a.atv/, 95-
96, A. Alicic, |reev;e o.av./og e;ateta..., passim, Galib Sljio, o.va i
ercegoriva 1211. Banja Luka, 1988, passim, Galib Sljio, o.va
i ercegoriva 111:. Banja Luka, 1990, passim, Galib Sljio, o.va
i ercegoriva 1:110. Landshut, 1998, passim, Galib Sljio, Ora.;e
11:. Orasje 2001, i d.
Galib Sljio, Ora.;e, 18-19.
8 O Osman - Pasi idjeti Jose Koetschet, O.vav Pa.cba, aer tette
Cro..e !e.ier o.viev., vva eive ^acbfotger. Ldicija: Zur Kunde der
Balkanhalbinsel. Reisen und Beobachtungen. let 9. Sarajeo, 1909,
S. A. Delic, 1opal Seri Osman pasa. 1ecerv;a o.ta 1923, br. 24-
25. Up. i l. Sabanoic, o.av./i a.atv/, 96-98.
Izgon muslimanskog stanonista zapoceo je
u ecem obimu i u organiziranom obliku 1861.
i poloinom 1862. g. Mvbaairi su neorganizira-
no dolazili na podrucje Zornickog .avaa/a
gdje su nastojali pronaci spas, skloniste i rijesiti
soj nesigurni polozaj. 1u su vvbaairi bili
prihaceni od strane lokalne osmanske lasti i
domaceg bosanskog stanonista. U pro ri-
jeme vvbaairi su bili smjesteni po priatnim
kucama, a izdrzaani su na teret carske ,drzane,
blagajne i dobrooljnim prilozima, te u nekim
slucajeima obaeznim nocanim prilozima.
9

Sredisnja osmanska last, tacnije sam .vttav Abd
- ul Aziz, preuzela je obaezu da vvbaaire naseli
na podrucju Bosanskog e;ateta i da rijesi pitanje
njihoog smjestaja i buduceg ziota u e;atetv. O
nacinu rjesenja naedenog problema misljenja su
bila podijeljena. 1ako je Bosanski rati;a Seri Os-
man - Pasa predlagao da se nekadasnji stanonici
prekodrinskih gradoa Zornickog .avaa/a So-
kola i Uzica trajno nasele ,razmjeste, u Bijeljini,
Maglaju, Sarajeu, 1uzli i Zorniku. Na oako
misljenje rati;e utjecala je njegoa spoznaja da
su vvbaairi iz naedenih prekodrinskih gra-
doa Zornickog .avaa/a predstaljali gradsko
stanonisto, da su do tada zijeli u gradoima
u kojima su se baili gradskim oblicima gospo-
darsta ,trgoina i obrt,, te da bi bilo dobro kako
za njih same, tako i za osmansku last da isti
budu nastanjeni u bosanskim gradoima. 1ako
rjesenje odgoaralo je i vvbaairiva iz naedenih
gradoa, koji su ocekiali obestecenje za izgu-
bljena imanja i imetak u Srbiji i mogucnost da
se potom nasele u gradoima Bosanskog e;ateta
i tu razijaju lastitu poslonu djelatnost. SeFk
- Bej, predstanik sredisnje osmanske lasti u
oom pitanju, predlagao je, ocito po nareenjima
.vttava, da se vvbaairi nasele na jedno mjesto i
da se za iste izgradi noo naselje na drzanom
zemljistu koje je nekoc ,do konFskacije iza 1832.
g., pripadalo lusein-Kapetanu Gradasceicu.
10

Konacnu odluku doneo je Bosanski rati;a Seri
Osman - Pasa koji je, ocito pod pritiskom
sredisnje osmanske lasti, odlucio da se najeci
broj .vttavorib vv.afra koji su bili prognani iz
Srbije naseli unutar naselja koja ce se podici za
9 Galib Sljio, Ora.;e, 18 i d.
10 Galib Sljio, Ora.;e, 21-22, Ibrahim 1epic, o.va i ercegoriva v rv./iv
iroriva 1:1. Sarajeo, 1988, 90-91.
139
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njih u blizini rijeke Sae na podrucju Bosanskog
e;ateta, tacnije Zornickog .avaa/a.
11
Manji broj
.vttavorib vv.afra bio je ec razmjesten u nekim
ec od ranije postojecim bosankim gradoima.
12

O oim zbianjima Paao Zikoic donosi za-
nimlji naod: 1eir ;e re/ao .receviciva /atotic/iv
i raro.tarviv te /veoriva orog /ra;a aa ;e aobio vatog
Derteta
13
aa va viriv./ov evt;i.tv va.eti vv.afre i.
et;eve i rbi;e ;rot;erave oa .r./e rta.ti). | .eto Ora.;e
iva vav;erv va.etiti 2:0 vv.afr./ib faviti;a i igraaiti
i.to toti/o /vca. Zbog tib vav;era i Ora.;a ;e trebato
i.etiti .r./o .tavorvi.tro.
14
Pitanje osnianja noih naselja za vvbaaire
preraslo je i u meunarodni problem. Plan
sredisnje osmanske lasti da se rijesi problem
vvbaaira pro je uznemirio lasti Austrijske
careine koja se u prom trenutku priboja-
ala da bi se oo pitanje moglo rijesiti na ustrb
krscanskog katolickog stanonista Bosanskog
e;ateta, a kasnije i zbog plana sredisnje osmanske
lasti da noa naselja budu podignuta uz rijeku
Sau, dakle uz samu granicu prema Austrijskom
carstu.
15
1ako je ec od proljeca 1862., odnosno
1863. g. zapoceo niz priprema za osnianje noih
naselja. Njihoo podizanje nadgledao je sam Bo-
sanski rati;a Seri Osman 1opal - Pasa.
16
Izmeu
vvbaaira i lokalne osmanske lasti na razini e;ate
ta i .avaa/a ladala je dosta elika napetost po
pitanju konacnog ishoda i rjesenja vvbaair./og
pitanja. Prema nekim saznanjima temeljenim
na podacima iz poijesnih izora nesreene i
netrpeljie odnose podgrijaala je na razlicite
nacine i austrijska last preko sojih agenata u
nastojanju da onemoguci naseljaanje vvbaaira
u pogranicnom pojasu. Stoga je austrijska last
preko sojih agenata raspiriala nezadooljsto
vvbaaira i plasirala ideju o naseljaanju unutar
bosanskih gradoa u unutrasnjosti e;ateta kao na-
11 Galib Sljio, Ora.;e , 22.
12 Detaljnije idjeti kod Saban lodzic, Migraci;a vv.tivav./og
.tavorvi.tra..., 131-142.
13 Dertet, tur., iz. iz ar. aarta, s osnonim znacenjem drzaa, carsto,
odnosno careina, a u kontekstu teksta koji se citira: sredisnja
osmanska last ~ Visoka Porta.
14 Autor teksta misli na rati;v Seri Osman 1opal - Pasu. Vidj. Paao
Zikoic, Politicke, gospodarske, etnicke, kulturne i jerske prilike
u Zupi 1olisa u srednjem ijeku,osmanskom i austrougarskom
periodu ,VI. Do XX. St.,. U: Zva 1oti.a 102 - 2002., 1olisa, 2002,
55.
15 Galib Sljio, Ora.;e, 19, 22-23.
16 Galib Sljio, Na. dj., 19, 23-25.
jprihatljiije rjesenje, odnosno u nemogucnosti
ostarenja istog diskretno je sugerirala ideju o
poratku vvbaaira u Srbiju.
1

Na kraju prihacen je plan o podizanju noih
naselja. Paao Zikoic naodi kako slijedi: ^a
/ov vria;a irr.evog te goaive .ovevvti a.a ;O.vav
erif Pa.a) ;1.g.) vatoi aa .e v arv oaigve et
vorib va.et;a a ib;egtice i rbi;e. Poceto ;e va.et;arav;e
reora Pot;a i Drevorca v bi;et;iv./o; vabi;i, Ora.;a i
o.. avca v graaacac/o; i Orabora v bav;atvc/o; vabi
;i. aavo ;e vareev;e aa .e ra.eti raro.tarvo i /atotic/o
.tavorvi.tro i .ovevvtib v;e.ta i ta/o ovogvci va.et
;arav;e Mv.tivava..... | Ora.;e .v ao.ti Mv.tivavi i
|ica, 1at;era, aca i eograaa.....
18

Iz naoda P. Zikoica
19
moze se id-
jeti da je za oslobaanje prostora za naselja-
anje prognanickog i izbjeglickog muslimanskog
stanonista iz Srbije bilo potrebno na podrucju
Bosne i lercegoine rijesiti pitanje lokacija na
koja ce isto stanonisto biti naseljeno, odnosno
pitanje oslobaanja odreenih lokacija od ne-
muslimanskog stanonista koje je na istima bilo
naseljeno i ezano za zemlju. U oom slucaju
su to katolicko i praoslano stanonisto.
Zanimljio je da P. Zikoic u daljnjem dijelu
teksta ne raspralja o nacinu na koji je rijeseno
pitanje naseljaanja muslimanskog prognanickog
i izbjeglickog stanonista na zemljisne parcele
koje je ec od ranije uzialo nemuslimansko
stanonisto. P. Zikoic kratko i jasno naodi:
,Zbog tib vav;era i Ora.;a ;e trebato i.etiti .r./o
.tavorvi.tro,
20
odnosno, aavo ;e vareev;e aa .e
ra.eti raro.tarvo i /atotic/o .tavorvi.tro i .ovevvtib
v;e.ta i ta/o ovogvci va.et;arav;e Mv.tivava....
21
Za
ocekiati je da ukoliko autor raspralja o pitanju
naseljaanja prognanickog i izbjeglickog musli-
manskog stanonista iz Srbije na podrucje Bosne
i lercegoine i istice pojau problema naselja-
anja istog stanonista na zemljisne parcele na
1 Vidjeti popis izora kod Galib Sljio, Na. dj., 26-29.
18 Paao Zikoic, Potitic/e, go.oaar./e, etvic/e, /vttvrve i r;er./e riti/e
..., 55, Vidjeti i P. Zikoic, Pregled historije Brckog sa okolinom
od najranijih remena do austrougarske okupacije 188. godine.
U: rc/o i o/otiva v raavic/ov o/retv i ^Ov.1uzla, 1985, 49-56.
Zanimljio je da se Drenoac gubi iz preciznije eidencije toka i
procesa naseljaanja naseljaanja na podrucju Bijeljinske vabi;e.
19 Paao Zikoic, Potitic/e, go.oaar./e, etvic/e, /vttvrve i r;er./e riti/e....,
55.
20 Paao Zikoic, Na. dj., 55.
21 Paao Zikoic, Na. dj., 49-56.
140
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kojima je ec postojalo drugo ,u oom slucaju ne-
muslimansko, stanonisto, da tada treba zarsiti
ciklus istrazianja i popratnih pojaa i zarsiti
problematicnu misao oko nacina rjesaanja pi-
tanja i.et;arav;a srpskog, odnosno ra.et;arav;a
praoslanog i katolickog stanonista. Iz nacina
tretiranja naedenog problema kod P. Zikoica
moglo bi se zakljuciti da su sredisnja i pokrajinska
osmanska last oaj problem rijesili doslonim
i.et;arav;ev i ra.et;arav;ev nemuslimanskog
stanonista ,!,. Drugim rijecima moglo bi se
zakljuciti da je isto stanonisto bilo protjerano s
zemljisnih parcela i ostalo nezbrinuto ,!,. No, to
se nije tako desilo. Za naseljaanje muslimanskog
prognanickog i izbjeglickog stanonista iz Sr-
bije kroz sami cin podizanja noih naselja bilo je
potrebno osloboditi odreene lokacije ,parcele,
na kojima je od ranije bilo naseljeno nemusli-
mansko stanonisto koje je sistemom zemljisnih
lasnickih i uziateljskih odnosa bilo ezano
za tu istu zemlju. 1ime se, ujedno, zadiralo i u
strukturu zemljisnih posjeda i eudalnih odnosa.
Izgleda da su sredisnja i pokrajinska osmanska
last isle linijom cistog pragmatizma u ocuanju
eudalnih odnosa. Naime, izdajanje odreenih
parcela koje su se nalazile u posjedu jasno
odreenih zemljoposjednika usloznjaalo bi eu-
dalne odnose, pa se stoga ta ista last odlucila da
se noa naselja, gdje god je to moguce, podignu
na drzanom zemljistu ,viri;a, mirijsko zemljiste,.
U oom konkretnom slucaju u sjeeroistocnoj
Bosni bilo je to zemljiste koje je nekoc ,do
konFskacije iza 1832. g., pripadalo lusein-Ka-
petanu Gradasceicu.
22
Meutim, u oba moguca
rjesenja, odnosno slucaja, izdajanjem zemljista
koje se nalazilo u izranom lasnistu drzae
,drzano zemljiste, ili zemljista u posjedu .a
bi;e kao uziatelja tivara, bilo je potrebno rijesiti
pitanje polozaja i sudbine nemuslimanskog
stanonista na parcelama koje je isto uzialo u
eudalnom kmetoskom odnosu. U oba slucaja
postojece parcele koje je uzialo nemuslimansko
stanonisto i eudalne kmetoske obaeze i
odnosi bili su prestrukturirani na temelju praa
lasnika i uziatelja zemljisnih posjeda da mogu
pomjeriti kmetosko stanonisto s jednog pos-
22 Galib Sljio, Ora.;e, 21-22, Ibrahim 1epic, o.va i ercegoriva..., 90-
91.
jeda na drugi. 1aka pomjeranja su u ranijim raz-
dobljima bila relatino cesta pojaa. Prema tome,
nemuslimansko stanonisto koje je pomjereno
sa zemljisnih parcela koje su bile izdojene za po-
dizanje noih naselja za naseljaanje prognanih i
izbjeglih muslimana iz Srbije, bilo je naseljeno na
druge parcele, a niho status je ostao neizmijen-
jen. Dakle, nemuslimansko stanonisto nije bilo
protjerano s zemljisnih parcela na kojima je bilo
nastanjeno!
Rezultat naedenog plana bio je da su na
podrucju Zornickog .avaa/a#bila podignuta tri
noa naselja. 1o su bila naselja ,Noo, Brezoo
Polje ,~ ,Noo, Brezoo Selo,, Donja .ii;a
,~ Orasje, i Gornja .ii;a ,~,Bosanski,
Samac, dok je cetrto naselje - Orahoa - bilo
podignuto na podrucju Banjaluckog .avaa/a
kraj Gradiske.
23
Uporedo s podizanjem noih
,spomenutih, naselja naedeni plan podrazumi-
jeao je da se na podrucju Bihackog .avaa/a u
mjestu ,Bosanska, Kostajnica ,koje je ec od
ranije postojalo, na obali rijeke Une i Zornickog
.avaa/a u mjestu Kozluk ,koje je takoer ec
od ranije postojalo, na lijeoj obali rijeke Drine
na putnom pracu iz Zornika u pracu Janje
i Bijeljine, podignu neki stambeni objekti za
smjestaj .vttavorib vvbaaira.
24
#,sl. 1,
Prema naodima lehima ladzimuhamedoica
nakon izbijanja krize u odnosu sa Srbijom o.vav
./a rtaaa v./oro oaie a v;ib |t.j. za prognanike i
izbjeglice iz Srbije| ara vora va.et;a va ari, Corv;v
i Dov;v .ii;v ;varavib o .vtatavv .ba - vt
.iv), aava. o.av./i avac i Ora.;e.
25
#Meutim,
kao sto je ec receno#sredisnja osmanska last na
podrucju sjeerne Bosne osnoala je cetiri noa
naselja: Gornja .ii;a ,Bosanski Samac,, Donja
.ii;a ,Orasje,, Brezoo Polje ili Brezoo selo i
Orahou.
23 Iscrpan brojcani popis doseljenih obitelji koji sadrzi i niz podataka
releantnih za porijeklo prognanika i izbjeglica idjeti kod Saban
lodzic, Migraci;a vv.tivav./og .tavorvi.tra ..., 92 i d a..iv za pojedina
mjesta.
24 Galib Sljio, Ora.;e, 19, Saban lodzic, Migraci;a vv.tivav./og
.tavorvi.tra..., 80-88.
25 Vidj. lehim ladzimuhamedoic, 1urski neoklasicizam Azizije
dzamije u Brezoom Polju - 1he 1urkish Neo-Classicism o the
Azizija Mosque in Brezoo Polje. a.tiva #!Godisnjak Komisije za
ocuanje nacionalnih spomenika Bosne i lercegoine. Sarajeo,
V,2009,, 250.
141
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S|. 1. Urgcn|nc i p|ans|i raztijcna i pcs|cjcca nasc|ja u |cja su
nasc|jcni prcgnanici i izocg|icc iza 1862. g.
142
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Na temelju podataka koje daju poijesni iz-
ori, te posebno rane austrijske katastarske mape,
moze se zakljuciti da su noa naselja Orasje i
Samac graena prema istoj zamisli, odnosno
prema slicnom planu.
26
Kako se u oom slucaju
radi o ranicarskim naseljima, te o planskom
cinu osnianja naselja tako su ona imala dosta
prailnu tlocrtnu osnoicu. Mabate i ulice bile su
rasporeene tako da su se presijecale skoro pod
praim ugloima. Mabate su bile organizirane pop-
ut iv.vta. lehim ladzimuhamedoic naodi kako
slijedi: Pri.v.tro tav./og graev;a riat;iro ;e i aava. v
rarovgaovov tavv vtica v reorov Pot;v; voct;iro ;e i
v Ora.;v.
2
Meutim, ri.v.tro tav./og graev;a
idljio je ne samo u Brezoom Polju i Orasju ec
je isto posebno naglaseno i idljio u Bosanskom
Samcu, te nesto manje u mjestu Orahoa.
Pitanje prostorne organizacije noih naselja
dotaknuto je i u monograFji katolicke zupe 1ol-
isa ,istoimeno mjesto u blizini Orasja, u kojoj se
naodi kako slijedi: 1vr./e rta.ti .v vororiao.tov
.tavorvi.trv o .rov tro./v oaiate /vce a .tavorav;e i
v to aarate iv o /ovaa evt;e a obraav, i to /ao vaa
o/vaav a igvbt;evo v ravi;o; o.to;bivi. Priti/ov oaia
v;a Dov;e .ii;e reir ;e oirao ro;e/tavte i 1vr./e,
/o;i .v aobriv ai;etov /oirati ro;e/te tvr./ib graa./ib
va.et;a raaeci ib v obti/v .abor./e toce . vticava /o;e .e
va.tav;a;v oa rariv /vtov, /a/ar ;e .tvca; v va;recev
bro;v va.et;a v o/rirv 1vr./e Carerive.
28
Isti tekst
prenosi i lehim ladzimuhamedoic.
29
Potrebno
je naglasiti da se u slucaju naselja u sjeernoj Bosni
podignutih ,osnoanih, 1862 - 1863. g. ne moze
gooriti o /oirav;v ro;e/ata tvr./ib graa./ib va.
et;a. 1urska, t.j. osmanskodobna gradska naselja,
bila ona preuzeta iz ranijeg poijesnog razdoblja ili
bila nooosnoana djeloanjem odreenih ra/ifa,
u prailu nisu imala geometrijski prailan raster
ec su iskljucio razijana organski i u prailu
imaju neprailnu tlocrtnu strukturu ,plan,.
Smatram da se misljenje po kojem su naselja
Donja Azizija, kako stoji u monograFji zupe 1oli-
26 Galib Sljio, Ora.;e, 28-29. Odje mislim na austrijske katastarske
mape iz razdoblja premjeraanja zemljista i snimanja katastra na
podrucju Bosne i lercegoine koje je izedeno izmeu 1881,1882.
i 1885. g.
2 lehim ladzimuhamedoic, 1vr./i veo/ta.iciav..., 251.
28 Paao Zikoic, Potitic/e, go.oaar./e, etvic/e, /vttvrve i r;er./e riti/e ...,
56.
29 lehim ladzimuhamedoic, 1vr./i veo/ta.iciav..., 251, bilj. 6.
sa, a i druga naselja koja sam naeo projektoana
v obti/v .abor./e toce . vticava /o;e .e va.tav;a;v oa
rariv /vtov treba tumaciti na drugaciji nacin.
Na geometrijsku prailnost rastera naedenih
naselja mogao je, prije sega, utjecati pragmatizam
izrsnih komisija sredisnje osmanske lasti jer je
dinamika osnianja naedenih naselja bila izrazito
urgentna. Zelja da se naedena naselja utemelje
,osnuju, i izgrade sto prije ,bar u minimalnom
obimu,, da se u ista nasele prognanici i izbjeglice
,.vttavori vv.afri,, te da se za iste proede atri-
bucija odreenih zemljisnih parcela zahtijeala
je sojersnu geometrizaciju kako samih naselja
tako i jasno izdajanje odreenih zemljisnih par-
cela u neposrednoj blizini samih naselja. Naime,
prediena distribucija i atribucija odreenih
parcela za gradnju stambenih objekata u poje-
dinim naseljima, te odreenih zemljisnih parcela u
neposrednoj blizini samih naselja zamisljena je kao
cin sojersnog osiguranja sredstaa za normalni
nastaak ziota prognanika i izbjeglica u nooj
prostornoj ,zemljopisnoj, i drustenoj sredini.
Sami cin distribucije i atribucije odreenih parcela
noim lasnicima ,prognanicima i izbjeglicama,,
posebno onih unutar zamisljenog noog naselja,
poduprt hitnoscu za prooenjem istih polucio
je logicki cin geometrizacije rastera noih naselja.
Meutim, u slucaju pojae geometrijski prailnog
rastera naedenih naselja, sto je posebno idljio u
slucaju Bosanskog Samca, Orasja i Brezoa Polja,
mozda bi se moglo naslutiti i neizrani utjecaj
odraza europskog urbanizma s kojima su osman-
ski planeri i arhitekte sakako bili upoznati, ako ne
cak i ranije, tada sakako od sredine 19. st.
30
Sa noosnoana naselja u som sredistu imala
su po jednu aavi;v koja je bila podignuta sredst-
ima drzae ,iz drzane blagajne,,#kao take bile su
posecene .vttavv Abd-ul Azizu ,1861-186.,, pa
se stoga i naziaju .ii;e.
31
Se naseljene obitelji
dobile su na raspolaganje ,u lasnisto, obradio
zemljiste u porsinskom iznosu od oko 24-40
30 Izjesni moguci utjecaji predarabljanske i predosmanske, a time
i predislamske urbane prakse obiljezene geometrijski prailnom
organizacijom prostora u urbanim naseljima naslijeenim iz antike
na podrucju, prije sega, Sirije i 1urske, ali i Sjeerne Arike ne mogu
se razmatrati u okiru oog clanka zbog ogranicenog prostora. O
oome pitanju imam namjeru gooriti drugom prilikom.
31 Izuzetak predstalja aavi;a u Gornjoj .ii;i ,Bosanskom Samcu,.
Vidjeti o tome ise u poglalju posecenom oom mjestu.
143
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avvvva
32
sto je oisilo o broju clanoa obitelji.
Sa naselja su bila zbrinuta i na nacin osiguraanja
dooljnih kolicina pitke ode. Izgleda da sa na-
edena naselja nisu odmah dobila status /a.abe.
1rebalo je proteci odreeno rijeme da bi noa
naselja stekla naedeni status. Prije sega, njihoi
stanonici trebali su steci lastitu imoinsku i Fnan-
cijsku sigurnost koja bi im osiguraala samodrzii
oblik nastaka ziota u nooj sredini. U ezi osni-
anja urbanog naselja na podrucju nekadasnjeg sela
Orasja Paao Zikoic kaze: ^a.et;arav;ev Ora.;a
vv.tivav./iv irt;ev i .trarav;ev rre raro.i v orov ai;e
tv Po.arive ovogvcev ;e raro; obrta i trgorive. Ora.;e o.t
a;e cevtar rav;eve obrtvic/ib, ot;orirreavib i .tocar./ib
roiroaa. Otrara;v .e rri avcavi, v /o;iva .e /vv;e
i tv/.vva roba, vabart;eva re/o are. 1aro. o.ta;e
.abirvi raro./i cevtar, v /o;ev .e .ra/og cetrrt/a oarara
t;eavi ra.ar. Craav;a vore raro.i ovogvcita ;e ao.t;arav;e
.eo./og .tavorvi.tra, varocito graav;ov cigtave, otrarav;ev
ot/vve .tavice avbava i arvgib rirreavib ob;e/ata, i.
tiva ./rovvib rav;era. Poaiav;ev raro.i v Ora.;v .e
otrara /a;ve/atv/, v aavivi.tratirvov ogteav i.tor;etvo
/otarv iti /otar./o; vrari........ Zbog te./og riri/arav;a
va vorv .reaivv i vr;ete irota vororiao.tov vv.tivav.
/ov .tavorvi.trv tvr./e rta.ti .v aate oareeve riritegi;e,
oa /o;ib .v .ra/a/o va;rreaevi;e bite o.tobaav;e oa orea
i ro;ve obaree.
33
Odreeni podaci i misljenja izne-
seni u citiranom odlomku mogli bi se, doduse
ujetno, odnositi i na druga nooosnoana naselja.
Naselja su bila razijana na nacin da status /a.abe
steknu sto je moguce prije, a njihoo stanonisto
se, u pojedinim slucajeima, i ponasalo tako kao da
su stanonici naselja u statusu /a.aba.
34
Meutim,
daljnji razoj oih naselja nije tekao bez poteskoca.
Sa izgradnja noih naselja bila je zarsena do je-
seni 1863. g. U ta naselja bila je smjestena ecina
.vttavorib vv.afra. Poijesni izori razlikuju se u
podacima koje donose o tacnom broju naseljenih
stanonika u pojedinim naseljima.
35
Pitanje .vttavorib vv.afra, tacnije vvbaaira,
rjesaano je i na nacin njihoog naseljaanja u
drugim ec postojecim gradoima. Oko 3000
vvbaaira iz Sokola bilo je smjesteno u Zorniku,
32 Dvvvv, avtvv, iz. iz tur. avvv, jedinica mjere za porsinu, 1 avvvv
~ 1000 m.
33 Paao Zikoic, Potitic/e, go.oaar./e, etvic/e, /vttvrve i r;er./e riti/e...,
56. Up. i Saban lodzic, Migraci;a vv.tivav./og .tavorvi.tra..., 106 i d.
34 Galib Sljio, Ora.;e, 29.
35 Razlicite izore idjeti kod Galib Sljio, Ora.;e, 30-32.
Bijeljini, Modrici, Gradaccu, Zenici, Rogatici
i Visegradu, te sest obitelji u Sarajeu. 1ako je
u Zenici za vvbaaire iz Srbije bilo ocisceno i
ureeno 150 kuca, jeroatno za trajni smjestaj
,,.
36
U Sarajeu je veaiti. prihatio prijedlog
Bosanskog rati;e i rijesio da se u gradu i njegooj
okolini naseli stotinu obitelji prognanih iz Uzica.
3
Prema analizi poijesnih izora moze se
zakljuciti da je iz Srbije 1862-1863. g. iseljeno oko
20000 - 30000 stanonika koji su bili smjesteni
na razlicite nacine na podrucju Bosanskog e;ateta.
Na nacin izgradnje kuca u noim naseljima bilo je
zbrinuto i smjesteno oko 1200 obitelji s oko 000
- 8000 njihoih clanoa.
38
Za ostale se moze pret-
postaiti da su smjesteni po drugim gradoima
u Bosanskom e;atetv, a nemoze se iskljuciti da je
mozda doslo i do emigriranja odreenog broja
vvbaaira u ostale zemlje Osmanskog carsta,
posebno na podrucje danasnje 1urske.
Na kraju oog razmatranja o urgentnim ur-
banim naseljima nastalim tokom prognanicko -
izbjeglicke krize 1862 - 1863. g. potrebno je izni-
jeti jednu pretpostaku temeljenu na odreenim
podacima sa terena i postaiti jedno znacajno
pitanje. Slucaj Noog Brezoog Polja koje se na-
lazi istocno od ,danas, manjeg Starog Brezoog
Polja, te moguce postojanje i istocnog i zapadnog
dijela naselja Orahoa daje naslutiti mogucnost
da su sredisnja i pokrajinska osmanska last nas-
tojale da noa naselja ustroje i podignu u blizini
ec postojecih sela kako bi doseljenim progna-
nicima i izbjeglicama omogucili kaku taku
drustenu podrsku i socijalizaciju u nooj sre-
dini. 1u pretpostaku najbolje potruje slucaj
Orasja koje je prije podizanja urbanog naselja
bilo selo.
39
Uporedo s tim moglo bi se postaiti
pitanje zasto nije osnoan eci broj noih naselja
za vvbaaire iz Srbije ec je jedan njiho znatan
dio bio naseljen u ec postojeca urbana naselja
meu kojima se posebno isticu Bosanska Kosta-
36 Galib Sljio, Ora.;e, 30 i bilj. 48. Vidj. i Saban lodzic, Migraci;a
vv.tivav./og .tavorvi.tra, 92-106, Samac str. 106-120 i Orasje str. 120-
131. Napomene za pojedina druga mjesta idjeti a..iv u strukturi
cjelokupnog teksta.
3 Ibrahim 1epic, o.va i ercegoriva ...., 90-91. Up. i Galib Sljio, Ora.;e,
22.
38 Galib Sljio, Ora.;e, 31-32.
39 Vidjeti dio ec naedenog citata: 1eir..... | .eto Ora.;e iva vav;erv
va.etiti 2:0 vv.afr./ib faviti;a i igraaiti i.to toti/o /vca..... Vidj. Paao
Zikoic, Potitic/e, go.oaar./e, etvic/e, /vttvrve i r;er./e riti/e..., 55.
144
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jnica i Kozluk. Moglo bi se zakljuciti da su uzrok
tome bila tri znacajna razloga. Jedan jer predsta-
ljao diplomatski pritisak Austrije koja je nastojala
da sprijeci, odnosno, smanji obim naseljaanja
prognanika i izbjeglica u pogranicnom pojasu
Bosanskog e;ateta uz rijeku Sau. Drugi razlog
predstaljalo je ,ocito je, pitanje odrzanja ,nemi-
jenjanja, lasnickih odnosa u tom dijelu Bosan-
skog e;ateta sto je polucilo nastojanja i konacni
ishod da se problem osnianja noih naselja
rijesi ,iskljucio !, na drzanoj, a ne na .abi;.
/o; zemlji.#I, na kraju, treci razlog mogao bi biti
nastojanje sredisnje i pokrajinske osmanske lasti
da cinom izbjegaanja obimnijeg naseljaanja
prognanika i izbjeglica u ec postojece gradoe u
sredistu Bosanskog e;ateta ne remeti drustene
i ekonomske odnose u tim gradoima u rijeme
koje je, u politickom smislu rijeci, u odreenom
stepenu ec bilo dosta nestabilno. Na kraju
moglo bi se, nesto slobodnije, zakljuciti da su
sredisnja i pokrajinska osmanska last vv.afr
./o pitanje rijesili na temelju principa uazaanja
politike najboljeg moguceg poteza, a taj je bio
osnianje manjeg broja u potpunosti noih nas-
elja ,buducih /a.aba,, naseljaanje nesto eceg
broja prognanika i izbjeglica u da ec od ranije
postojeca naselja ,Bosanska Kostajnica i Kozluk
- oba na granicama Bosanskog e;ateta: jedno na
granici s Austrijom, a drugo sa Srbijom,, te nasel-
jaanje nesto manjeg broja prognanika i izbjeglica
u manjem broju ec od ranije postojecih naselja
,/a.aba, unutar Bosanskog e;ateta.
Na drugoj strani sredisnja i pokrajinska os-
manska last suocile su se i s odreenim proti-
ljenjem zitelja drugih bosanskih gradoa da se
u njih nasele prognanici i izbjeglice. Nasasi se
izmeu da oprecna zahtjea i pritiska ,unutarn-
jeg - domaceg i anjskog - stranog i uz to jos
diplomatskog, obje lasti, sredisnja i pokrajinska
osmanska last, nisu bile dorasle problemu s ko-
jim su se suocile. Buducim istraziacima ostaje da
prouce koliko je nesnalazenje sredisnje i pokra-
jinske lasti u ooj krizi polucilo migracija bosan-
sko - hercegoackog muslimanskog stanonista
u danasnju 1ursku.
Gornj a Azi zi j a = Azi zi ye- i
Bl = ( Bosanski ) amac
! L at . 45 3 37. 55 N, L ong. 18
28 9. 60 E" ( sl . 2)
Gornja .ii;a predstalja jedno od znacajnih
noopodignutih naselja. Smjeseteno je u blizini
usca rijeke Bosne u rijeku Sau. Od remena os-
nianja poznato je pod imenom Gornja .ii;a.
Kasnije je bilo poznato pod imenom ,Bosanski,
Samac. Prema nekim izorima u naselju bilo je
podignuto 200, a prema drugim 315 kuca. 1acniji
podatak daje stanje od izgraenih 260 kuca s 1180
stanonika.
40
1o su bile manje kuce podignute iz
40 Galib Sljio, Ora.;e, 30-31. Materijali Austrijskog generalnog konzulata
u Sarajeu, Vicekonzulata u Brckom ,nasloljeni Brod, 2. septembra
1863. g., i 1uzla 28. septembra 1963. g., iz Arhia Bosne i lercegoine,
u kojima tadasnji konzularni agent u 1uzli major Omcikus daje opis
noopodignutog naselja u Gornjoj Aziziji ,Samcu,, nazalost, nisu bili
dostupni. Up. i Saban lodzic, Migraci;a vv.tivav./og .tavorvi.tra...,
106-120. Potrdu imena mjesta ,.ii,ei t, donosi Zaer Golen,
`1anzimat Doneminde Bosna lersek`te Lgitim - Lducation in
Bosnia - lerzegoina during the 1anzimat Period.` Pritoi a
ori;evtatvv ftotogi;v 52-53 ,2002-03,, 224-23.
S|. 2. 8csans|i Sanac, |cpcgrafs|a napa. |zdanjc. ]P Gccdc|s|i
zatcd, |cdcracija 8csnc i Hcrccgctinc, Sarajctc, 1992-2003.
Oojat|jcnc s dcztc|cn.
145
drene grae i s drenim kroom ,.ivara,. Nas-
elje je bilo okruzeno isokim zemljenim nasipom
zadaca kojega je bila da sprijeci plaljenje naselja
tokom isokog odostaja rijeke Sae.
41
Uprao
tih dana ,godina, naselje Samac, bolje receno
podrucje oko naedenog naselja, poezialo se sa
Sarajeom noim putem koji je bio u izgradnji i
predstaljao jednu od aznih zadaca namjesnika
Seri Osman - Pase.
U analizi porijekla stanonista sjeeroistocne
Bosne Milenko S. lilipoic donosi ise za-
nimljiih podataka koji se odnose na Bosanski
Samac. On naodi: vace, Mv.tivava iva .avo
;o. o raro.iva: Moarici, o.. avcv i rc/ov..... ti
raro./i Mv.tivavi .v aobriv aetov ore/tov i graaora
v rbi;i; ovi .v o.vorati o.. avac. .... Do aota./a tib
Mv.tivava va ve.tv aava.v;eg o.. avca vi;e vi bito
va.et;a: te/ .v o;eaivci biti oceti aa .e va.et;ara;v. .ti,
tv ;e bita rava ./eta a reta re/o are, a v Ma;erici
i aava. ;1.) gorore ,/eta ve.to |umjesto| o..
avac.
42
Nadalje isti autor kaze: Za vv.tivav./e
ib;egtice i graaora v rbi;i rta.t ;e a v;ib .agraaita /vce
va av;eriva. ..... 1e /vce .v bite oa .eera i o/rireve
aa./ov. ..... Po.t;eav;a /vca orog tia ;e .rv.eva o/o
100.
43

Prema M. Mujezinoicu aavi;v u Bosans-
kom Samcu dao je podici Mir Ahmed, sin Ab-
dulkerim - Age, 1869. g., nakon sto je doselio iz
Beograda. Osnoni nacrt za prostorno planiranje
i urbanu regulaciju naselja dao je Salih e. Mue-
kit. Meutim, taj nacrt razradio je ve/i fravcv./i
ivev;er.
44
U slucaju oog mjesta atribucija mjesne
aavi;e .vttavv Abdul Azizu moze se iskljuciti jer
je jasno idljio da je ou aavi;v podigao Mir
Ahmed, pa se, stoga, ista i nazia nazia Mir
Ahmedoa aavi;a.#
41 Vidjeti popis izora kod Galib Sljio, Ora.;e, 29.
42 lilipoic, Milenko S., Prilozi etnoloskom poznaanju seeroistocne
Bosne. ANUBIl, Craa knj. 16. Odjeljenje drustenih nauka, knj.
12, Sarajeo, 1969, 111, posebno 119, posebno 112, 144, bilj. 1.
43 lilipoic, Milenko S., Pritoi etvoto./ov ovarav;v..., 111, posebno
119, posebno 124.
44 Mehmed Mujezinoic, .tav./a eigraf/a o.ve i ercegorive ,dalje se
citira kao ILBl,, ol. II, Sarajeo, 1998, 165. Oa aavi;a cesto se
pogresno ubraja u Azizije aavi;e podignute nakon 1862,63. g.
Donj a Azi zi j a = Azi zi ye- i Zi r
= Oraj e
! L at . 45 2 8. 87 N, L ong. 18 41
34. 47 E" ( sl . 3- 4)
Predstalja jedno od naselja osnoanih tokom
1863. g. kao rezultat djeloanja Bosanskog rati;e.
Naselje je izgraeno neposredno uz rijeku Sau,
a nalazi se naspram Zupanje na austrijskoj ,danas
na hratskoj, strani rijeke Sae.# Naselje je po-
dignuto na drzanom zemljistu ,viri;a, mirijsko
zemljiste, koje je 1832. g. bilo oduzeto lusein
S|. 3. Orasjc, |cpcgrafs|a napa (]P Gccdc|s|i zatcd).
S|. 4. Pcscona aus|rc-ugars|a napa (|ar|a) za njcs|c Orasjc u
izdanju Vcjncg gccgrafs|cg ins|i|u|a u 8cu (1882-5).
146
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Kapetanu Gradasceicu. 1o oduzeto zemljiste
na podrucju buduceg naselja Donja Azizija po-
dijeljeno je meu vvbaaire koji su bili nastanjeni
na oom podrucju.
45
U Donjoj .ii;i naselili su
se vvbaairi iz Beograda, Sokola, Sabca i Uzica.
46

Bilo je podignuto, prema nekim izorima, 220,
a prema drugim 241, odnosno tacnije 260 kuca
s 963 stanonika.
4
Prema Palu Zikoicu
|/vvo ;e v oro; .eobi v Dov;v .i;v ao.to 11
o.oba v/t;vcevib v 22 obitet;i.
48
Vise detalja o
doseljenicima i ziotu u noom naselju moze se
idjeti u posebnom radu Galiba Sljie.
49
U mjestu
je podignuta aavi;a od cigle i kamena. Davi;a
je podignuta u sredini naselja i nazia se Azizija
aavi;a. Bila je podignuta u ime tadasnjeg .vttava
Abdul Aziza.
50
Prema Milenku S. lilipoicu pori-
jeklo muslimanskog stanonista u Orasju odra-
zilo se, u odreenom smislu rijeci, i na urbanu
strukturu noosonoanog naselja. 1ako grad ima
dije znacajne vabate: Uzicku i Sabacku vabatv
koje nose imena prema prema gradoima u Srbiji
iz kojih su stanonici noog naselja odili pori-
jeklo.
51
M. S. lilipoic takoer donosi podatak da
lrati iz okoline Orasja kada goore o odlasku u
Orasje kazu aev va |ice.
52
Novo Brezovo Pol j e
( i l i Novo Brezovo Sel o)
! L at . 44 50 43. 82 N, L ong. 18
57 25. 76 E" ( sl . 5)
Noo Brezoo Polje nalazi se istocno od ,da-
nas, manjeg Starog Brezoog Polja. Smjesteno
je naspram Racinoaca na austrijskoj ,danas
na hratskoj, strani rijeke Sae.# Cinjenica da je
45 Galib Sljio, o.va i ercegoriva 1211, a..iv, Galib Sljio, Ora.;e,
25-29, Ahmed Alicic, Cinuci lusein kapetana Gradasceica.
Pritoi a ori;evtatvv ftotogi;v 14-15,1964-1965,, 311-328, Sarajeo,
1969. Up. i Berisla Garanoic, o.va i ercegoriva oa 1: ao10.
goaive. Sarajeo, 1956, passim, posebno 310, 313.! Potrdu imena
mjesta ,.ii,e i Zir, donosi Zaer Golen, Na. dj., , 224-23.
46 Galib Sljio, Ora.;e, 21.
4 Galib Sljio, Ora.;e, 30-31. Up. i Saban lodzic, Migraci;a vv.tivav./og
.tavorvi.tra..., 120-131.
48 Paao Zikoic, Potitic/e, go.oaar./e, etvic/e, /vttvrve i r;er./e riti/e...,
55, Vidjeti P. Zikoic, Pregtea bi.tori;e rc/og,....49-56.
49 Galib Sljio, Ora.;e, 33 i d.
50 Mehmed Mujezinoic, , ol. II, 16.
51 lilipoic, Milenko S., Pritoi etvoto./ov ovarav;v..., 111 i d., posebno
112.
52 lilipoic, Milenko S., Na. dj., 112.
nooosnoano naselje Brezoo Polje nazano
^oriv pretpostalja postojanje naselja, u oom
slucaju, ocito, sela, koje je naziano Starim
Brezoim Poljem ,odnosno Starim Brezoim
Selom,. Zanimljio je da se u odreenoj karto-
graskoj dokumentaciji oo naselje nazia i Noo
Brezoo Selo sto bi moglo znaciti da je uz njega
postojalo i Staro Brezoo Selo. 1o nas doodi do
pitanja razoja nooosnoanog naselja, njegoog
odnosa prema starijem naselju, te karaktera stari-
jeg naselja. Na danasnjem stepenu istrazianja
moglo bi se zakljuciti da je naselje Staro Brezoo
Selo postojalo 1862. g. u statusu sela. Prema
naseobinskoj praksi u okiru Osmanskog carsta
podrazumijealo se da selo u sojoj sadrzajnoj i
topograFjskoj strukturi sadrzi i mjesnu ,seosku,
aavi;v ukoliko je to dozoljaalo imoinsko
stanje aevatti;a ili ukoliko je postojao neki ra
/if koji je u selu mogao podici aavi;v kao dio
sog ra/vfa. . Stoga se moze postaiti pitanje
postojanja aavi;e u oom selu i njenog moguceg
atribuiranja nekom od ra/ifa ukoliko nije bila po-
dignuta sredstima aevata.
Noo naselje podignuto je tokom 1862-1863.
g. i ima dosta prailnu organizaciju objekata u pro-
storu, koja poprima odreene odlike geometrijski
prailnog ,mada malo deormiranog, nasebin-
skog rastera. U naselju je bilo podignuto 250,
S|. 5. 8rczctc Pc|jc, |cpcgrafs|a napa (]P Gccdc|s|i zatcd).
147
odnosno tacnije 300 kuca s 1555 stanonika.
53

Oba naselja, Noo Brezoo Polje kao /a.aba i
Staro Brezoo Polje kao selo danas imaju las-
titu aavi;v. Moze se pretpostaiti da je aavi;a u
Starom Brezoom Polju, bila ili nesto starija ,kao
sto je ec receno, ili da je nastala tokom kasnijih
,!, desetljeca pod utjecajem postojanja ,podiza-
nja, aavi;e .ii;a u Noom Brezoom Polju.
Naselje je, ocito, bilo zamisljeno kao /a.aba, ali
nije sigurno da je oaj status i doseglo odmah po
njegoom osnianju. Broj naseljenih stanonika
,1555, dozoljaa da naselje stekne status /a.abe
ukoliko su ispunjeni i drugi ujeti. Podizanjem
aavi;e bio je ispunjen i drugi ujet. Cinjenica da
je naseljeno stanonisto sojim porijeklom bilo
gradsko ,t.j. trgoacko i obrtnicko po zanimanju,
ispunjaala je i treci ujet da oo naselje stekne
status /a.abe. O oom problemu na neki nacin
goori i sami oblik nazia naselja koje, prema
nekim kartograskim izorima, u sojoj imenskoj
ormi ima opci nazi ,selo, za naselja ruralnog
tipa. Dakle, iza 188. g. u upotrebi su potrena
da nazia oog naselja: Brezoo Selo i Brezoo
Polje. Pitanje izornog oblika nazia starog nas-
elja ostaje i dalje otorenim. Meutim, to ne znaci
da oo naselje nije moglo doseci status /a.abe, a
da u upotrebi imenske ormule i dalje ostane na-
zi selo kao njen sastani dio.
U Noom Brezoom Polju podignuta je jedna
,ec spomenuta, potkupolna aavi;a izedena
u t.z. turskom baroknom stilu.
54
Davi;a je
podignuta 1862., odnosno, prema drugom
misljenju, njena gradnja zapoceta je 1863. g.
55
#
Prema naodima lehima ladzimuhamedoica
Coaive 1, v t;eto, ob;e/at .ii;e aavi;e |u
Brezoom Polju| ;e vivirav i v otvvo.ti .rv.ev.
/oro .ri vtovci .v v/tov;evi .a to/aci;e i oareevi v
veovatov rarcv. | ratvov raaobt;v 12 - 1:.
goaive i vear;e v aavi;v ;e o.tecevo.
56
Prema
53 Galib Sljio, Ora.;e, 30-31. Up. i Saban lodzic, Migraci;a vv.tivav./og
.tavorvi.tra..., 92-106.
54 Smatram da koristenje termina tvr./i baro/vi .tit nije primjereno
izan europskog katolickog i protestantskog konteksta, a unutar
opceg islamskog i posebnog osmanskog konteksta. Bilo bi
pozeljno usojiti drugi termin za odreianje oog arhitektonskog
i umjetnickog stila koji se pojaio u osmanskodobnoj arhitekturi i
umjetnosti, posebno u dekoraciji.
55 Mehmed Mujezinoic, , ol. II, 164,! Vidj. lehim
ladzimuhamedoic, 1vr./i veo/ta.iciav..., 250.
56 lehim ladzimuhamedoic, 1vr./i veo/ta.iciav..., 253.
lehimu i Amri ladzimuhamedoic aavi;a je u
toku obnoe.
5

Orahova
! L at . 45 11 50. 71 N, L ong. 17
1 55. 43 E" ( sl . 6)
Orahoa je takoer noopodignuto naselja.
Nalazi se izmeu Bosanske Dubice i Bosanske
Gradiske naspram Jablanca na austrijskoj ,danas
hratskoj, strani rijeke Sae. Uprano je pripada-
la Banjaluckom .avaa/v. Za potrebe prognanika
i izbjeglica u naselju je bilo podignuto 200 kuca,
odnosno tacnije 225 kuca s 1090 stanonika.
58

Danas je naselje razijeno u dije izrazito pros-
torno dierencirane naseobinske cjeline - istocnu
5 lehim ladzimuhamedoic, 1vr./i veo/ta.iciav..., 249 i d., Amra
ladzimuhamedoic, Pojedinacna i ukupna ealuacija obnoe
Azizije dzamije sa stanoista metoda obnoe - Separate and
oerall Laluation o the Restoration o the Azizija Mosque rom
the Perspectie o the Restoration Method. a.tiva - Godisnjak
Komisije za ocuanje nacionalnih spomenika Bosne i lercegoine.
Sarajeo, V,2009,, 306 i d.
58 Galib Sljio, Ora.;e, 30.
S|. 6. Orancta, |cpcgrafs|a napa (]P Gccdc|s|i zatcd).
148
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i zapadnu - od kojih saka ima lastitu aavi;v.
Zbog nedostatka raspoloziih podataka danas
nije jasan historijski i razojni prostorni odnos
izmeu istocnog i zapadnog dijela naselja. 1ek
na temelju analize porijekla pojedinih porodica
moglo bi se zakljuciti dali je zapadni dio naselja
stariji, a istocni dio noiji, odnosno da je istocni
dio naselja podignut 1862 - 1863. g. i da su u
njega naseljeni prognanici i izbjeglice. Danas se
ne moze iskljuciti niti mogucnost da je zapadni
dio naselja nastao sirenjem istocnog dijela naselja
u pracu zapada. Meutim, sojersna prostorna
razdojenost oba dijela naselja daje naslutiti
mogucnost postojanja njihoog nezaisnog re-
menskog i razojnog odnosa. Odgoore na oa
pitanja i razrjesenja nedoumica mogu dati samo
detaljna istrazianja katastarske i gruntonicke
dokumentacije, osobnih lasnista nad nekret-
ninama, te porodicnih ,rodbinskih, odnosa nji-
hoih stanonika.
U naselju je izmeu 1862 - 1863. g. podig-
nuta .ii;a aavi;a koja se danas nazia i Ma-
holska |Mahalska| aavi;a. Oa aavi;a nalazi se
u istocnom dijelu danasnjeg naselja Orahoa.
Meutim, i u zapadnom dijelu naselja takoer
postoji jedna aavi;a. S remenom broj aavi;a je
poecan. U oom trenutku nije mi jasno da li se
prostorni smjestaj danasnje laluske aavi;e moze
odnositi na aavi;v u zapadnom dijelu naselja,
odnosno da li obje aavi;e ,aavi;a u zapad-
nom dijelu naselja i t.z. laluska aavi;a, pred-
staljau jednu te istu aavi;v. Oo pitanje moze
naizgled biti neazno. Meutim, nije sejedno da
li je zapadni dio naselja stariji od nooosnoanog
istocnog dijela. Ukoliko je zapadni dio naselja
stariji moze se, er avatogiav, pretpostaiti da je
u zapadnom ,starijem , dijelu izornog naselja
mogla postojati i starija aavi;a ,, No, sadasnja
aavi;a u zapadnom dijelu naselja mogla je biti
podignuta ,i, tokom kasnijih godina pod utjeca-
jem postojanja ,podizanja, noe .ii;a aavi;e
u istocnom ,noom, dijelu naselja. Pri tome
je potrebno napomenuti da je laluska aavi;a
izgraena 1892. g. sto bi zapadni dio naselja Ora-
hoa odreialo kao mlai, odnosno zapadni dio
naselja predstaljao bi kasnije ,mlae, prostorno
i populacijsko prosirenje noog naselja Orahoa
podignutog 1862 - 1863. g.
59
Meutim, moze
se hipoteticki pretpostaiti da je laliska aavi;a
godine 1892. mogla biti podignuta na mjestu
rusenog objekta neke starije aavi;e.
Naselje nema izrazito prailnu organizaciju
objekata u prostoru. Izjesna prailnost koja
postoji u protezanju nekih ulica unutar istocnog
dijela naselja ne daje osnoicu za zakljucianje
da se radi o prailnom naseobinskom rasteru. U
oom slucaju prije se moze gooriti o slucajnom
rasporedu ulica ,putoa, kojeg je mogla odrediti
konFguracija terena.
Bosanska Kostaj ni ca
! L at . 45 13 5. 81 N, L ong. 16
32 44. 94 E" ( sl . 7)
U Bihackom .avaa/v u ec od ranije
postojecem mjestu Bosanska Kostajnica na rijeci
Uni ,nalazi se naspram lratske Kostajnice, bio
59 O oom pitanju nisam mogao dobiti potpune i pouzdane podatke u
Medzilisu Islamske zajednice Bosanska Gradiska.
S|. 7. Kcs|ajnica, |cpcgrafs|a napa (]P Gccdc|s|i zatcd).
149
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a
je izgraen odreen broj kuca u koje su nas-
eljeni .vttavori vvbaairi. U oom gradu bilo su
podignute 182 kuce i u njima je smjesteno 28
stanonika. Doseljeno muslimansko stanonisto
bilo je porijeklom iz Beograda, Valjea, Sokola,
Sabca i, posebno, iz Uzica. U mjestu je iza 1862.
g. podignuta i noa aavi;a zana .ii;a.

Zanim-
ljio je da i danas u Bosanskoj Kostajnici postoji
dio naselja ,vabata, koji se po uspomeni na stari
zaicaj nazia Uzica.
60
Kozl uk
! L at . 44 29 49. 52 N, L ong. 19
6 40. 89 E" ( sl . 8)
Naselje Kozluk je dosta staro. Smjesteno je
na lijeoj obali rijeke Drine na putnom pracu
Zornik - Janja - Bijeljina. Spominje ga jos
Llija Celebija kao /a.abv.
61
1okom zbianja
1862-1863. g. oo naselje bilo je odreeno od
strane sredisnje i pokrajinske osmanske lasti za
smjestaj odreenog broja prognanika i izbjeglica.
Za tu namjenu u oom mjestu bilo je podignuto
110, odnosno tacnije 118 kuca za smjestaj 51
stanonika. U oo mjesto doseljeni su najecim
dijelom vvbaairi iz Sokola.
62
U mjestu je ec
postojala aavi;a koju spominje Llija Celebija.
Naselje nema geometrijski prailnu organizaciju
arhitektonskih objekata i prostornih cjelina un-
utar naseobinskog areala jer je naselje, kao ec
od ranije postojece, razijano organski, t.j. bez
geometrijski prailnog rastera. Ocito je da su
noopodignuti stambeni objekti uklapani kako
60 Galib Sljio, Ora.;e, 30-32, Mehmed Kazazoic, Uzicani u B.
Kostajnici.` O.toboev;e 22. aprila 1992, Mehmed Mujezinoic,
, ol. III, Sarajeo, 1982. 46-4. Kako je Kostajnica 1562. g.
bila srediste vabi;e Kostajnica i kako je ista predstalja znacajno naselje
u Nooselskom kadiluku, te u 1. st. posebnom noosnoanom
/aaitv/v logicno je ocekiati ,prema metodi er avatogiav, da je u
Kostajnici kao urbanom naselju zasigurno postojala i stara aavi;a.
Ista je, ocito, srusena nakon sto je Osmansko carsto! 118. g.
izgubilo Kostajnicu koja je dosla pod last Austrijskog carsta. Oo
naselje kasnije je 139. g. ponoo doslo pod osmansku last.
61 Vidj. Llija Celebija, Pvtoi., oatovci o ;vgo.torev./iv evt;ava. Preeo,
uod i komentar napisao lazim Sabanoic. Sarajeo, 1954, 196,
199, Sarajeo Publishing. Sarajeo, 1996, 485.
62 Galib Sljio, Ora.;e, 30-31. Vidjeti detaljnije kod Saban lodzic,
Migraci;a vv.tivav./og .tavorvi.tra...., 80-88.
unutar ec postojeceg naselja, tako i na njegoim
rubnim dijeloima.
63
Podi zanj e dami j a u
urgentno osnovani m
nasel j i ma urbanog ti pa
U skladu s opcim principima razoja islam-
skog poijesnog grada, koja su postiana i tokom
osnianja osmanskodobnih naselja urbanog tipa,
u sredistu naselja bila je podizana i aavi;a kao
obaezujuci naseobinski sadrzaj i arhitektonski
objekt, te eoma znacajna topograFjska prostorna
odrednica. Oaj princip postian je u potpunosti
kako u cijeloj poijesti osmanskodobnih urbanih
naselja, tako i u oom slucaju osnoanja noih
naselja u rijeme prognanicke i izbjeglicke krize
1862 - 1863. g. na podrucju Bosanskog e;ateta.
Obicno je noo naselje soje postojanje i daljnji
razoj zapocinjalo osnianjem mjesne aavi;e.
63 Mehmed Mujezinoic, , ol. II, 133-134. Up. i Llija Celebija,
Pvtoi., 485.
S|. 8. Kcz|u|, |cpcgrafs|a napa (]P Gccdc|s|i zatcd).
150
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Meutim, zbog hitnosti ustrojaanja i podizanja
noog naselja moglo se desiti da se podizanje
aavi;e odija uporedo s podizanjem naselja ili da
se njeno podizanje odija nesto sporije nego sto
se razija samo naselje. Kao primjer za ilustraciju
moze se naesti slucaj .ii;a aavi;e u Noom
Brezoom Polju za koju se smatra da je zapoceta
1862. ili 1863., a zarsena u potpunosti tek 183.
g.
64
Osim potreba mjesnog stanonista za
jerskim objektom ,aavi;ov, podizanje aavi;a
predstaljalo je i jedan od ujeta na temelju kojih
je nooosnoano naselje stjecalo prani status
/a.abe.
Azi zi j e dami j e
Najeci broj aavi;a koje su podignute u ur-
gentno osnoanim naseljima urbanog tipa nastao
je nakon 1862. g. do 183. g. Davi;e nastale
nakon 1862. g. podizane su u nooosnoanim
mjestima kao aavi;e za vvbaaire nakon teritori-
jalnih i naseobinskih gubitaka Osmanskog carst-
a u Srbiji i stjecanja#nezaisnosti Srbije u rangu
knezeine. Naedene aavi;e cinile su sredisnju
prostornu tacku u urgentno ,noo,osnoanim
naseljima, a njihoo postojanje predstaljalo je i
jedan od ujeta za stjecanje pranog stausa /a.abe
nooosnoanih naselja.
Skoro se aavi;e osnoane nakon 1862. g.
nose nazi Azizija aavi;e jer su nastale djeloan-
jem sredisnje osmanske lasti, pa su naedeno
ime dobile u cast .vttava Abd-ul - Aziza ,1861-
186.,. Meu aavi;ava koje su podignute to-
kom vvbaair./e krize 1862-1863. g. i, mozda,
nesto kasnije ,do 183. g.,, u rijeme ladaine
.vttava Abd - ul - Aziza isticu se posebno one
na podrucju Zornickog .avaa/a u noim nas-
eljima Dov;o; .ii;i ,Orasju,
65
i Noom Brezo-
om Polju
66
,ili Noom Brezoom Selu, na Sai,
u Bihackom .avaa/v u Bosanskoj Kostajnici,
6
te
na podrucju Banjalucke /a;va/avi;e ,.avaa/a,
64 Mehmed Mujezinoic, Na. dj., II, 164,! Vidj. lehim
ladzimuhamedoic, 1vr./i veo/ta.iciav..., 250.
65 Galib Sljio, o.va i ercegoriva 1211, a..iv, Galib Sljio,
Ora.;e, 25-33, Ahmed Alicic, Cifvci v.eiv /aetava ...., 311-328. Up. i
Berisla Garanoic, o.va i ercegoriva..., passim, posebno 310, 313.
66 Galib Sljio, Ora.;e, 30-31.
6 Galib Sljio, , 19, 30-32, Mehmed Kazazoic, |icavi v . Ko.ta;vici,`
O.toboev;e 22. aprila 1992.
u naselju Orahoa
68
kraj Gradiske. Za naselje Ko-
zluk na Drini u Zornickom .avaa/v zna se da
je postojalo sredinom 1. st. i da je ec od ranije
imalo mjesnu aavi;v.
69
U njemu nije podignuta
noa aavi;a sto iskljucuje pojau .ii;a aavi;e
u oom naselju.
Sa naedena naselja imala su po jednu aavi;v
u sredistu naselja. Davi;e su ecinom bile podig-
nuta drzanim sredstima, te su, kao sto je ec
receno, bile posecene .vttavv Abd-ul Azizu.
Stoga se i naziaju .ii;e.
0
Izuzetak predsta-
lja Mir Ahmedoa aavi;a u Gornjoj .ii;i
,.ii,ei t ~ ,Bosanski, Samac,
1
koju neki
autori, ipak, naziaju Azizija aavi;ov.
2
lehim
landzimuhamedoic naodi podatak da su se
Azizije aavi;e, izuze one u Orasju, porusene u
ratu 1992 - 1995., te donosi uporedbe spomenu-
tih aavi;a s aavi;ava u 1urskoj ,Azizija aavi;a
u Konji, i Rumuniji ,aavi;e u mjestima 1ulce i
Constanta,.
3
Istrazianja arhitektonskih konstrukcijskih
i stilskih odlika Azizija aavi;a, kao i one Mir
Ahmedoe aavi;e u Corv;o; .ii;i ,Bosanskom
Samcu,, do danas nisu proedena. Razlog tome
mogao bi biti nezainteresiranost istraziaca za
68 Galib Sljio, Ora.;e, 30.
69 Galib Sljio, Ora.;e, 30-31. Vidj. Llija Celebija, Pvtoi., 485.
0 Vidjeti detaljnije kod Mirza lasan Ceman, Pori;e.t, tiotogi;a, .aara;i...,
u IV. Dijelu, u poglalju XI. Proce.i i to/ vtevet;ev;a i igraav;e va.et;a
vrbavog tia, Vol. I, str. 396 i d.
1 Oa dzavi;a cesto se pogresno ubraja u Azizija aavi;e podignute
nakon 1862,63. g. Vidj. Mehmed Mujezinoic, , ol. II, 165.
Vidj. i Galib Sljio, Ora.;e, 30-31. Materijali Austrijskog generalnog
konzulata u Sarajeu, Vicekonzulata u Brckom ,nasloljeni Brod,
2. septembra 1863. g., i 1uzla 28. septembra 1863. g., iz Arhia
Bosne i lercegoine, u kojima tadasnji konzularni agent u 1uzli
major Omcikus daje opis noopodignutog naselja u Gornjoj Aziziji
,Samcu,, nazalost, nisu bili dostupni. Up. i Mehmed Mujezinoic,
, ol. II, Sarajeo, 164, 16.
2 Vidj. Mehmed Mujezinoic, , ol. II, 16.! Up. i! Mehmed
Mujezinoic, , ol. II, 165. lehim ladzimuhamedoic
naodi da je .vttav Abd-ul-Aziz | o.vi, ota/vvt ratoiva
re.et;ev;a .tavorvi.tra |iz Srbije| |sa|graai|o| cetiri aavi;e: v reorov
Pot;v, Ora.;v , o.av./ov avcv, o.av./o; Ko.ta;vici. Vidj.! lehim
ladzimuhamedoic, 1vr./i veo/ta.iciav..., 251, 263. Prema
spomenutom naodu aavi;a u Gornjoj .ii;i ,.ii,ei t
~ ,Bosanski, Samac, predstaljala bi Azizija aavi;v, t.j. aavi;v
podignutu od strane sredisnje osmanske lasti koju personiFcira sam
.vttav Abd - ul - Aziz. Meutim, natpis na spomenutoj aavi;i jasno
naodi i datira ou aavi;v kako slijedi: Mir .bvea, .iv .bavte/riv
age, ao.etir.i oravo i eograaa, a o;e aaorot;.tro vi;e atio .rea.tra a ;e
ar;e.tao trecivv .rog ivet/a i orv ca.vv aavi;v v .ii;i o.aigao ;oirio).
. Rebivt - .bir. ,13. VII 1669. g., Vidj. M. Mujezinoic, , ol.
II, 165. Stoga se Mir Ahmedoa aavi;a u Gornjoj .ii;i ne moze
odreiati niti naziati kao Azizija aavi;a.
3 lehim ladzimuhamedoic, 1vr./i veo/ta.iciav..., 263.
151
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graditeljsko naslijee iz druge poloine 19. st.,
koje se, izuze aavi;e u Brezoom Polju, ne odli-
kuju izrazitim posebnostima.
4
Vaznosti daljnjih istrazianja urgentno os-
noanih urbanih naselja na podrucju Bosanskog
e;ateta
U slucaju naselja osnoanih nakon 1862. g.
posebno se cine zanimljiim cetiri aspekta daljn-
jih istrazianja. 1i aspekti su: u odreenoj mjeri
dosta tezak gospodarski polozaj prognanika i iz-
bjeglica u nooosnoanim naseljima, sojersna
drustena izoliranost nooosnoanih naselja i
njihoih stanonika u odnosu na ostala urbana
naselja na podrucju Bosanskog e;ateta, sojersna
oklijeanja razijanja posloanja s nooos-
noanim naseljima od strane poslonih ljudi iz
drugih naselja u Bosanskom e;atetv,
5
te polozaj
4 Znanstena obrada naedenih dzamija izlazi izan okira oog clanka.
Kao sto je ec receno istrazianja arhitektonskih konstrukcijskih i
stilskih odlika Azizija dzamija do danas nisu proedena. Izuzetak
cini recentni iscrpni clanak lehima ladzimuhamedoica posecen
.ii;a aavi;i u ,Noom, Brezoom Polju, koji predstalja
strucni, znansteni i metodologijski primjer kojeg treba slijediti u
obradi graditeljskog naslijea. Odreena skromnost arhitektonskih
objekata i relatino siromasto dekoracije kod drugih .ii;a
aavi;a ne bi smjeli djeloati obeshrabrujuce na buduce istraziace.
Uporedo sa spomenutim clankom moze se i treba staiti i clanak
Amre ladzimuhamedoic posecen ealuaciji obnoe iste
aavi;e. Oba rada nastala su kao rezultat djelatnosti usmjerenih
na obnou oog objekta koji je do temelja srusen 1993. g. Vidj.
lerhim ladzimuhamedoic, 1vr./i veo/ta.iciav..., passim i Amra
ladzimuhamedoic, Po;eaivacva i v/vva eratvaci;a obvore .ii;e
aavi;e..., 306-316.
5 Zanimlji podatak sacuan je u mjesnoj tradiciji uglednih trgoackih
obitelji grada 1esnja kao jakog trgoackog sredista. Naime, clanoi
istih obitelji u razdoblju po osnianju noih naselja nakon 1862. g.
i nakon austro - maarske okupacije Bosne i lercegoine 188. g.
soje posloanje ise su usmjeraali na susjedni grad Doboj, nesto
dalji Gradacac i 1uzlu, te na prekosaska naselja na austrijskoj
,danas hratskoj, strani. Noa naselja osnoana iza 1862. g. ostala
su izan izrazitijeg poslonog interesa trgoaca 1esnja. Mozda su
razlog tome bili i nacin posloanja tesanjskih trgoaca koji se, u
odreenoj mjeri, temeljio na kreditnom posloanju, te speciFcni
proizodi namijenjeni za izoz, odnosno uoz. Se je to moglo na
odreeni nacin iskljuciti nooosnoana naselja u sjeernoj Bosni
iz posloanja bosanskih gradoa poput 1esnja. Stoga, misljenje P.
Zikoica da je ^a.et;arav;ev Ora.;a vv.tivav./iv irt;ev i .trarav;ev
rre raro.i v orov ai;etv Po.arive ovogvcev |;e| raro; obrta i trgorive....
i moju pretpostaku da bi se odreeni podaci i misljenja izneseni
u citiranom odlomku P. Zikoica mogli odnositi i na druga
nooosnoana naselja, treba uzeti u razmatranje ujetno. Naime, ako
mjesno stanonisto nooosnoanih naselja u sjeernoj Bosni nije
imalo sto ponuditi od proizoda kako bi se ukljucilo u posloanja
s razijenim trgoackim gradoima u Bosni ,poput 1esnja,, ali
i s austrijskim urbanim naseljima preko Sae, tada bi se moglo
zakljuciti da je ^a.et;arav;ev Ora.;a |i drugih noosnoanih naselja|
vv.tivav./iv irt;ev i .trarav;ev rre |ali i drugih| raro.i v orov ai;etv
Po.arive ovogvcev |;e| raro; obrta i trgorive.... samo na lokalnoj razini!
istih naselja nakon 188. g. u okiru austro -
maarskog gospodarsta, drustenih odnosa,
klasnog drustenog pragmatizma, te noe pros-
torne regulacije i arhitektonske izgradnje ,poseb-
no u slucaju naselja koja imaju prailnu prostornu
regulaciju ,prailan urbani raster,,.
6

6 Odje spomenuta urgentno osnoana naselja urbanog tipa


sagledaana su s razlicitih aspekata na ise mjesta u radu Mirza
lasan Ceman, Pori;e.t, tiotogi;a, .aara;i..., idjeti u geograskom
indexu naedenog djela u ol. IV, str. 1569 i d., s.s. . za pojedina
naselja.
152
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.vtor ai./vtv;e o vibrabiva, ori;e/tv v;iborog vacev;a i v;iboro vroev;e v i.tav./i .ri;et, .a a/cevtov
va o.vv i ercegorivv. Mibrabi .v otv/rvve vi.e v iav graeriva, .a fvv/ci;ava oreaviv .a ritvatov.
Ori;evti.avi .v reva ;vgoi.to/v, v rarcv Me/e, oarev;vci rarac /o;iv .e vv.tivavi o/recv to/ov votitre.
Ovi .aaa;v vgtarvov v v/ra.eve etevevte graerive v /o;o; .e vatae. ^;ibor obti/ .e retevo voe vaci va
citiviva, tive v/av;vci va ravo.t .ivboti/e vibraba /ao veai;a a /ovvvi/aci;v .a oav./iv. | o.vi,
ga;e vataivo vibrabe vaciv;eve oa raticitib vateri;ata, va;rereevtatirvi;i etevevt ;e.te .tata/titvi v/ra. vi
braba i arvgi v/ra.i i./te.avi v vravorv reva oareeviv geovetri;./iv iti bit;viv ae/oratirviv .bevava. a/o
e.tet./i .ticvi, ovi .v ;eavo.tarvi;e forve vego vibrabi /o;e voevo vaci v reti/iv aavi;ava iti cevtriva /ao .to
;e .tavbvt. Katigra./i vati.i va tv/v vibraba ce.to .tve /ao oa.;etvi/ va Kvr`av./e rice o bareti Mer;evi
;reta D;erica), o.ebvo v o.vav./iv graerivava. | vori;iv riv;eriva vibraba, vati.i .v ce.to io.tart;evi.
1be avtbor ai.cv..e. vibrab., tbe featvre`. origiv., ava tbeir eecvtiov iv tbe rorta of .tav ava, .ecifcatt,,
o.via. Mibrab. are tbe .evicircvtar vicbe. iv tbe ratt. of bvitaivg. ritb ritvat fvvctiov.. Orievtea torara tbe
.ovtbea.t, tbe, ivaicate tbe airectiov of tbe .avctvar, of Mecca, ava tbv. tbe re.cribea airectiov tbat Mv.tiv. vv.t
face rbite ra,ivg. 1be, are t,icatt, avovg tbe vo.t orvavevtea art. of tbe bvitaivg. iv rbicb tbe, are fovva.
1beir .bae i. oftev at.o fovva ov ra,er rvg., tbereb, .tre..ivg tbe vibrab`. .,vbotic ivortavce a. a veaivv for
covvvvicatiov ritb tbe airive. v o.via, rbere re fva vibrab. vaae frov rariov. vateriat., tbe vo.t revar/
abte eavte. featvre .tatactite orvavevt. ava otber orvavevt. carrea iv varbte accoraivg to certaiv geovetric or
regetat aecoratire .cbeve.. 1bovgb ae.tbeticatt, .ivitar, tbe, are geveratt, .ivter tbav tbe vibrab. fovva iv tbe
great vo.qve. of cevtre. ti/e .tavbvt. Cattigrabic iv.critiov. at tbe vibrab`. arcb oftev .erre a. a revivaer of
tbe Koravic varratire of Mar,, e.eciatt, iv Ottovav bvitaivg.. Ov vore recevt vibrab eavte., tet. are oftev
ovittea attogetber.
azim Hadimejli
Mi hr abi u Bosni i Her cegovi ni
Mi hr abs i n Bosni a and Her zegovi na
153
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,&./!0#'+$ '/?+$ ;#$ neizostani dio gotoo
sakog sakralnog prostora. U islamskim sakral-
nim objektima to je mihrab, njegoa srha prije
sega je naznaciti smijer molite, a ujedno to je
sredisnja jezgra molitenog prostora. Najcesce
je to polukruzna nisa, koja je postaljena prema
jugoistocnom smjeru ka Meki. 1o je mjesto
rezerisano za predodnika molite, imama.
Mihrab u odnosu na cijelokupnan objekat u
kojem se nalazi nije monumentalnih dimenzija,
one ariraju od objekta do objekta, ali uijek
je skladno ukomponiran u cijelu arhitektonsku
orkestraciju interijera. 1ako je mihrab projek-
tiran u odnosu na da elementa: ,1, u odnosu
na cjelokupnu graeinu i njen unutrasnji
prostor, i ,2, u odnosuu na mjeru cojeka. U
islamskoj umjetnosti, mihrabu kao arhitektons-
kom, ali umjetnickom elementu poseciana je
izuzetna paznja, pa tako najcesce to moze biti i
najukraseniji dio objekta. Kod monumentalnih
sakralnih objekata mihrab ima kompleksniju
proFlaciju. Mihrab se goto nikada ne izdaja
od porsine zida ise od 30 centimetara. Cijela
njegoa struktura odi ka unutrasnjosti i produ-
bljenosti porsine zida. Oako naglasaanje
mihraba ima soje simbolicko znacenje, tu ideju
prati i plasticna dekoracija mihraba, kolorit i
ostalo. 1ako mihrab sam za sebe predstalja
izanrednu umjetnicku kreaciju.
listoricari umjetnosti jeruju da je oaj ele-
ment ueden u arhitekturu dzamija u periodu
umajidskog halie \alida, jos tacnije kada je oaj
halia obnoio Poslanikou dzamiju u Medini.
Meutim, oo je rlo jeroatno predstaljalo
zamjenu nise koja je bila jednostanije orme,
takozanih slijepih rata koja su pokaziala
smjer Meke u probitnim dzamijama. Prema iz-
jesnim procjenama probitan mihrab dzamije u
S|. 1. U|az u 8cgctu dzaniju, Sarajctc.
154
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Medini je mogla predstaljati monolitna kamena
ploca koja je oznacaala smjer Meke ispred koje
je stajao Poslanik, s..s.a. i odio molitu. Pored
toga sto mihrab ima srhu da oznacaa smjer
molite prem Meki, on isto tako predstalja oda-
anje pocasti prema Poslaniku, s..s.a. i mjestu
gdje je stajao i predodio molitu.
lorma nise kao molitenog praca nalaze se i
po drugim sakralnim neislamskim objektima, kao
sto su crkene apside, sporadicni slucajei nise u
odreenim sinagogama, sto samo po sebi inicira
pitanje da li mozemo simbol nise kao molitenog
praca tumaciti globalnim simbolom.
Interesantna je pojaa kod pojedinih dzamija,
narocito u djelu elikog arhitekte Mimar Sinana,
da u osnoi dzamijskog prostora pronalazimo,
slicno kao kod arhitekture crkaa, apsidalni dio
graeine zasoen polukupolom, na kojem se
nalazi mihrab.
Prema tumacenju teoreticara umjetnosti
orma mihraba sa sojim sodom korespondira
nebesima a njegoo postolje zemlji, sto cini nisu
dosljednom slikom spilje ili pecine sijeta.
Pecina sijeta je mjesto pojanosti Bozanskog,
bilo da je to slucaj idljiog sijeta kao cjeline ili
unutrasnjeg sijeta, sete spilje srca.
Se orijentalne tradicije prepoznale su aznost
oe molitene nise, mihraba. Uspostaljanje
simbolizma mihraba u sojoj islamskoj perspe-
ktii, mora biti prije sega doedeno u ezu sa
Kur`anskim kontekstom. Sijet doslono znaci
skloniste, Kur`an posebno koristi oaj sijet da
opise seto mjesto u lramu u Jerusalemu gdje
hazreti Merjem usla u spiritualno polacenje
i bila zbrinuta od meleka. U judaistickim zako-
nima oa cinjenica se ne uzima u obzir, naspram
patristickoj tradiciji i liturgiji ortodoksne crke.
Kaligraski ispisi okolo luka mihraba najcesce
su kao jedna rsta podsjecanja ili opozianja
Kur`anskih prica potrde i posete haz-
reti Merjemi ili Setoj Djeici, sto je posebno
karakteristicno za turske dzamije, poce sa mi-
hrabom Aja SoFje. Cak pojedini arapski izori
trde da je u Poslanikooj dzamiji u Medini na
mihrabu bilo inskripcije odreenih ajeta, zlatnom
bojom.
Kao najcesca Kur`anska sentenca nalazimo
ajet KULLAMA DAKlALA ALLJlA ZA-
KARI\\A AL-MIlRAB - Kaa goa bi v;o; Ze
/eri;a v.ao v vibrab... ,Kur`an ,3:3, - a odnosi se
na hazreti Merjem i mihrab kao mjesto osame
i prizianja Boga, gdje je lazreti Merjem bila
cudesno zbrinjena i hranjena, sto je Bozija Mi-
S|. 2-4. Scrdzadc |ac cdraz fcrni ninraoa.
155
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lost. Mihrab je mjesto gdje je hazreti Merjem
dosla ijest od meleka Dzibrila. Veza mihraba i
lazreti Merjeme, ukazuje na simbolizam molit-
ene nise kao nise srca. 1ako su islamski graditelji
idjeli mihrab, kao simbol transcendentne eze
s isim, Bozanskim serama. Ili drugi Kur`anski
ajet koji se ispisuje na mihrabima, a koji goori
o posecenosti molitene nise Uduhu luha bi
salamin emin - |i v ora; ro.tor .a.a i .igvrvo.ti.
Nasuprot mihraba gotoo uijek se nalazi
eliki ili glani portal, koji sojim konceptom
dosta nalikuje mihrabu ili barem je jedan odblje-
sak, reneksija koncepta mihraba sa proFlacijama,
stalaktitnim krunisanjem i sl. portal sakralnog
prostora uodi jernika u moliteni prostor, sto
korespondira mihrabu koji predstalja otaranje
rata duhonog, neidljiog sijeta kao duhoni
portal, rata koja cojek sojom duhonom
S|. 5. ]cdncs|atna fcrna ninraoa u co|i|u zastccnc nisc,
|narc| (rcs|cran Acrcp|an) Sarajctc.
S|. 6. ]cdncs|atan ninrao u |c|iji Nadn|ini sa |ara||cris|inin
zatrsc||cn u co|i|u |adza - |apc.
156
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koncentracijom otara i ulazi u neidljii sijet
bozanskog, odnosno u prostor sog lastitog
srca ,sl. 1,.
Mihrab je isto tako odraz .eraaae, mjesta mo-
lite, mjesta gdje jernik nicice pada na zemlju,
spusta glau licem na tlo, gdje se poistojecuje
sa zemljom od koje je napraljen, ali i mjesta
koje je cisto i seto. Sto nas opet raca na mjesto
Poslanikoog s.a..s. mjesta i predoenja molite
,sl. 2-4,.
Mi hrabi u
Bosni i Hercegovi ni
Od pre dzamije pa do danas mihrabu se
poseciala posebna paznja, to mjesto, gdje
imam predodi jernike u moliti, reprezenta-
tino je ukrasaano kroz razne epohe. Izraian
je od razlicitih materijala, najcesce od kamena,
staklenih mozaika, rezbarenog dreta, cigle,
ukrasaan ajansnom plastikom, a u osmanskom
periodu znacaj mu je daan ne samo dekorisan-
jem i izborom motia ec je istican i elicinom.
Za bosanskohercegoacke dzamije osmanskog
perioda karakteristicna je obaezna nisa, bo-
gato proFlisani mermerni okiroi i stalaktitna
S|. 7. Minrao dzanijc Minar Sinana iz 16 s|c|jcca ocz s|i|anc
dc|cracijc.
S|. 8. |crna ninraoa u Sara |snai|ctcj dzaniji (1515).
157
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dekoracija. Dekoratini motii koji su izedeni
bilo u plitkom reljeu ili oslikaani na kamenu
ariraju od najrazlicitijih biljnih arabesknih do
geometrijskih shema sa beskonacnim zijezdama.
Dekoratini motii stalaktita koje najcesce
nalazimo na mihrabima su karakteristicni up-
rao za osmanske mihrabe. 1o su kompleksni
matematicki obrasci, koji su u ezi sa kozmologi-
jom, simbolicno predstaljajuci sjedinjaanje
cojeka sa Izorom, putoanje do potpunog
nestanka, odnosno stapanja sa Bozanskim.
Obzirom da Bosna i lercegoina ne obiluje
monumentalnim dzamija kake se mogu naci u
Istanbulu i drugim ecim gradoima nekadasnje
osmanske drzae, mihrab bosanskih dzamija kao
arhitektonski element sa umjetnicke strane obiluje
dosta razlicitim i ne manje znacajnim maniestaci-
jama. Sukladno dimenzijama dzamijskih prostora
mihrabi su se razili u nesto jednostanijoj ormi
S|. 10. Minrao u nc|adasnjcj dzaniji A|ijc Tc|nica danas
na|siocndijs|a |c|ija Pirusa.
u odnosu na pomenute monumentalne mihrabe
elikih gradskih centara osmanske drzae. Di-
menzije mihraba ariraju u odnosu na proporcije
same dzamije u kojoj se nalazi. Najjednostaniji
primjerci mihraba su oni bez ukrasa ili sa mini-
malnim, sto bi se ocitoalo u zasoenom djelu u
idu luka kao polukruzni, iticasti ili prelomljeni
luk. Lentualno pojedini jednostaniji mihrabi
mogu imati isestrane nise ,sl. 5-,.
Nacin ukrasaanja mihraba postalja nekoliko
osnonih grupa: mihrabi bez ukrasa, mihrabi sa
prizmaticnim ukrasima, mihrabi sa trouglastim
ukrasima, mihrabi sa ukrasima u idu nisa, mi-
hrabi sa speciFcnim ukrasima, mihrabi sa stal-
aktitnim ukrasima i danasnji mihrabi koji su bez
S|. 9. Magrioija dzanija (1538-65).
158
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S|. 11. Minrao Carsijs|c dzanijc, Sarajctc (1528) -
s|i|ana dc|cracija nctijcg da|una.
S|. 12. Kancni ninrao u 8cgctcj dzaniji ocz s|i|ancg
sadrzaja (1530).
S|. 13. Minrao |crnadija dzanijc (1561), Sarajctc.
S|. 14. Minrao |crnadija dzanijc (1561), Sarajctc, dc|a|j sa
ninraoa.
159
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ikakih dekoracija sa tezinom materijala od kojih
su postaljeni ,sl. 8-10,.
Najcesca dekoracija bosanskih mihraba
u dzamijama iz osmanskog perioda, obiluje
razlicitim ormama stalaktita, sto je na neki nacin
kruna tog polja koje oznacaa smijer molite. Na-
glasak plasticnosti je cesto bio pojacaan bojenim
koloristickim plohama. Bogatije ukraseni mihrabi
kombiniraju se sa doljnim djelom mihraba koji
je podjeljen u ertikalne pojasee i gornjim dje-
lom koji se kompleksno zarsaa sa stalaktitima
ormirajuci razlicite zarsetke ,sl. 11-14,.
Stalaktit kao dekoratinu ormu mozemo
pratiti jos iz ranoislamske umjetnosti iz 9 i 10.
stoljeca, kroz perzijsku umjetnost, a u turskoj
arhitekturi su dozijeli potpuni procat, poce
od seldzuckih 1uraka pa preko Osmanlija, koji
su dali najimpresinija, najkompleksnija najpunija
i plasticnija rjesenja. Stalaktit kao dekoratini
element nije bio samo rezerisan za mihrabe,
na gotoo sakom mjestu koje bi omogucaalo
razoj oih ormi, postaljali bi se, poce od
portala, mihraba, sernih trougloa, kapitela na
stuboima i drugog ,sl. 20,.
Mihrab u sojoj dekoraciji generalno sadrzi
sedam polja, koja predstaljaju duhona uzdiza-
nja cojeka kroz sedam sera, sto je predstaljeno
sa sedam nioa, stepenika kao polja uzdizanja
duse od najnizeg do najsarsenijeg. U duhonom
uzdizanju i usarsenju ti nioi se naziaju vef.i
evvare, vef.i terrave, vef.i vvtbive, vef.i vvtveivve,
vef.i raai;;e, vef.i verai;;e i vef.i /avite ;.af;;e). Oi
nioi se odrazaaju kroz dekoraciju stalaktita na
mihrabu, sako polje je jednako jednom stepenu,
od doljnjeg djela mihraba, stepenasto rastuci do
same krune mihraba, sto predstalja potpuno
predanje Allahu dz.s. sazrijeanje duse, koje
moze samo cista dusa, upotpunjena dusa da
postigne ,sl. 15,.
Mihrab koji stoji na zemlji, na tlu sto predsta-
lja simbol da je cojek ezan za zemlju i da na njoj
postize to duhono uzdignuce kroz te stepenice
ili polja. Mihrab je u sojoj historiji prolazio kroz
aze umjetnickog razoja, na sto je uticao kulturni
napredak tog naroda, prostora i mjesta.
Bosna speciFcna po sojoj geograFji i
drustenom polozaju i ezanosti za osmansku
drzau ima eoma mnogo slicnosti u mihrabu
kako likono-estetski tako sakralno. Nijanse ili
S|. 15. Dzanija Hanza 8a|i (|s|anou|).
160
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S|. 16. Sncna ninraoa |ac sinoc|a dunctncg uzdizanja)
161
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razlicitosti postoje za one koji mogu da to pre-
poznaju.
Danasnje stanje saremene gradnje ili
saremene arhitekture pokazuju nepoznaanje
najosnonijih principa, mihraba, sakralnosti i
duhonosti mihraba, sto izlazi iz orme, arhitek-
tonskih, estetskih i duhonih simbola, a simbo-
like uopste nema. Pa tako i tekstualna - kaligra-
ska dekoracija cesto je izostaljena ili je potpuno
pogresno odabrana i postaljena ,sl. 1,.

Literatura: Andrej Andrejeic, .tav./a vovv


vevtatva vvetvo.t `1 re/a v ]vgo.tari;i, Beograd
1984, Dzemal Bejtic, Neka nacelna razmatranja
o arapsko-islamskoj umjetnosti, PO 26 ,196,,
131-51, Madzida Becirbegoic, Davi;e .a arre
vov vvvarov v o.vi i ercegorivi, Sarajeo, 1999,
Metin Sozen, 1arib.et geti,ivi iivae 1vr/ avati,
Istanbul, s.a., Reha Gnay, 1be .rcbitect ava bi.
!or/.: ivav, Istanbul, 2009
6
, Rusmir Mahmutce-
hajic, Djea merjema u bosanskim mihrabima,
a.tiva 5 ,2009,, 363-401, 1itus Burckhardt, .rt
of .tav: tavgvage ava veavivg, London, 196.
S|. 17. Prinjcr satrcncnc gradnjc - ninrao ocz sinoc|i|c i
s pcgrcsnin cdaoircn |a|igrafs|cg ispisa - nczdzid u 88|
ccn|ru.
162
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.vtor ra.rart;a o .oveviciva i ob;e/tiva /o;i .e vatae va graaitet;./o; c;etivi a oreavi .v .a tvrbetov i
aavi;ov oaigvvto; v ca.t Mvraa Rei.a v graav va o.trrv Roao.. ^a;.tari;a graeriva va to/aci;i ;e.te te/i;a
;ovata /ao vvfti;iva /vca), va/.ibevai;./og reaa, reto.tart;a .e aa ;e igraeva veavgo va/ov o.ra;av;a
o.trra 1:21. goaive. Po.ti;e vvogib ivterrevci;a, aava. .e /ori.ti /ao /ovcertva arorava. 1vrbe Mvraa Rei.a,
ovatog o.vavti;./og ovorca, ori;e/tov i .tira, /o;i ;e iraio et;v aa bvae .abrav;ev va o.trrv Roao.,
;e o.vovgaova graeriva o/rireva /votov, /o;a va;r;eroratvi;e otice i erioaa v;egore ogibi;e 10.goaive.
Obvora tvrbeta ;e vraeva1:.goaive. | v;egoro; o/otici, rovaevi .v i vvoga arvga tvrbeta /o;a oticv i
erioaa 1.1. .tot;eca, v/t;vcv;vci i tvrbeta ctavora /riv./e aiva.ti;e Cira; i irav./e aiva.ti;e aferi;a, /o;i
.v ogivvti va Roao.v v igvav.trv, /ao i o/o 2: vv.tivav./ib veara. ^a;vovvvevtatvi;a graeriva v
/ovte/.v ;e.te ta/orava aavi;a Mvraa Rei.a. | .trari ;e bita igraeva oa .trave bv e/ir a.e 122.g.,
aa/te ./oro ci;etv ;eavv ae/aav va/ov .vrti i v ca.t ovorca Mvraa Rei.a. Re.tavrirava ;e 1,, 11.,
ativ 1.goaive. Craeriva ;e atroreva a obreae 2000.goaive. Mivaret ;e aobio .ro; aava.v;i ri;eaa/ igtea
to/ov erioaa tati;av./e rtaaarive va Roao.v ivev ara r;et./a rata.
1be avtbor ai.cv..e. vovvvevt. ava ob;ect. ov tbe .ite covvectea to tbe tovb ava vo.qve erectea iv Mvraa
Rei.`. bovovr iv tbe cit, of Rboae.. 1be otae.t bvitaivg ov .ite i. a ^a/,ibevai aerri.b covrevt ;ovtart, /vorv
a. tbe vvfti`. bov.e), rbicb i. re.vvea to bare beev bvitt vot tovg after tbe i.tava`. covqve.t iv 1:21. .fter
.igvifcavt ivterrevtiov., it i. v.ea a. a covcert batt toaa,. 1be vav.otevv of Mvraa Rei., a favov. .tgeriavborv
Ottovav .eavav rbo ri.bea to be bvriea ov Rboae., i. av octagovat aovea bvitaivg tbat vv.t aate to tbe tive of
bi. aeatb iv 10; it ra. re.torea iv 1:. v it. ricivit, are fovva otber vav.otevv. frov tbe 1
tb
1
tb
cevtvrie.,
ivctvaivg tovb. of vevber. of tbe Cira, ava afaria a,va.tie. of tbe Crivea ava rav, rbo aiea ov Rboae. iv
eite, a. rett a. 2: Mv.tiv grare.tove.. 1be vo.t vovvvevtat bvitaivg ov .ite i. tbe .ocattea vo.qve of Mvraa
Rei.. t ra. iv reatit, bvitt iv Mvraa Rei.` bovovr b, bv e/ir Pa,a iv 122, vore tbav a aecaae after tbe
.eavav`. aeatb. t ra. re.torea iv 1,, 11, ava 1. 1be bvitaivg revaiv. cto.ea for ra,er .ivce 2000.
1be vivaret got it. cvriov. re.evt .bae avrivg tatiav rvte orer Rboae. iv tbe ivterrar erioa.
Mehmet Z. Ibrahimgil
J edan osvr t na obj ekt e kompl eksa Mur ad
Rei s- a na Rodosu
A sur vey of obj ect s wi t hi n t he Mur ad
Rei s compound i n Rhodes
163
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'+<&'$ &10&;#';+$ =#&-*+:+$ 4. septembra
1521. godine, u periodu ladaine sultana Sulej-
mana Zakonodaca, osojeno je i ostro Rodos.
Uporedo sa zauzimanjem otoka dolazi i do nas-
eljaanja znatnog broja turskog stanonista.
Promjenom demograske strukture na otoku se
mijenja politicki, drusteni i kulturni ziot. 1ako
unutar srednjejekonih zidina grada Rodosa
nastaju objekti osmanlijske arhitekture. 1ursko
stanonisto koje je naselilo stari grad Rodos,
napustene crke je pretaralo u dzamije gradeci
im mihrab i minber, a na neiskoristenom pro-
storu su gradili kupatila ,hamame,, medrese,
t. 1. Pro.torvi tav ob;e/ata /ovte/.a Mvraa Rei.a: 1. 1e/i;a Mvraa
Rei.a ;1. .tot;ece); 2. 1vrbe Mvraa Rei.oro ;10.); . 1vrbe Mevi
Pa.e ;121.); 1. Davi;a Mvraa Rei.a ;bv e/ir) ;122.); :. 1vrbe
Davber/ Cira; avoro ;1.); . 1vrbeta abiv Cira; ava ;110.)
i etbi Cira; ava ;11.); . 1vrbe ab af Mirivo ;1::.); .
Ce.va Mvraa Rei.a ;11.); . 1vrbe arra. avaaroro ;1.);
10. 1vrbe era./er Mebvea Reaif Pa.e ;10:.); 11. 1vrbe Mebvea e/i
Pa.e ;10.); 12. Ce.va; 1. Mear;e.
NOTES: THE AREADRAWING WAS COPIED FROM !"#$%&'()&(*%+,(-&*. and MURAT REIS
MOSQUE AND SERVICE PLACES WERE COPIED FROM /0,102% 3()+455& BY
AMMAR IBRAHIMGIL
164
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mektebe, biblioteke, sahat kule, cesme i druge
drustene objekte. Istoremeno, za krscane
koji su premjesteni izan zidina staroga grada
ormirajuci Neokori ,Nou carsiju, sagraene
su crke u tom noom dijelu grada. Objekat koji
su itezoi prije Osmanlija koristili kao dorac
pretoren je u tamnicu za poznate licnosti Os-
manskog carsta. Danasnja zgrada arheoloskog
muzeja na Rodosu koristena je kao bolnica i u
rijeme itezoa i Osmanlija. Na citaom otoku
danas zaticemo 11 objekata sagraenih u doba
Osmanlija od 1522 do 1918. godine. U gradu,
prigradskim naseljima i selima pronaeno je i
dokazano postojanje 11 objekata osmanske
arhitekture. 1akoer, u kompleksu Murad Reis-
a u gradu Rodosu pronaeno je otograFsano
ise od 260 nadgrobnih spomenika - nisana.
Kompleks Murad Reis-a, cija gradnja pocinje
neposredno po osojenju otoka 1522. godine
jedan je od najznacajnijih kompleksa osmanli-
jske arhitekture na otocima Lgejskog mora. Od
ziotne je aznosti ocuanje oih objekata ciji se
broj, kako rijeme prolazi, smanjuje. Kompleks
Murad Reis star pet stotina godina se nalazi
u takom stanju da je potrebna hitna akcija na
njegoom spasaanju i ocuanju. 1o nije samo
kompleks osmanlijske kulture, to je i identitet,
kultura, poijest Rodosa. 1o zajednicko kulturno
blago moze biti azno za razoj turizma na otoku.
Vratiti oaj zaboraljeni i ostaljeni kompleks un-
utar sjetske bastine nije obaeza samo institucija
Grcke, nego i 1urske ali i meunarodnih insti-
tucija specijaliziranih za ou oblast.
Tabela -1
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Vjersk objekt
Kompleks 3
Damja mesdd 30
Tekja 5
Turbe 6
Mezarje 2
Obrazovne
nsttucje
Medrese 5
Mekteb 4
Bbloteka 1
Rudja 1
Trgovak objekt
Bezstan 1
Arasta/Loca 1
Vojn objekt
Kule 4
Dvorac 1
Oruarnca/tersane 4
Kasarna 4
Barutana 2
Skladte muncje 2
Zatvor 1
tab 1
Tabja 1
Socjaln objekt
Kupatlo 5
esma 25
Seblj 1
Sarn 4
Imaret 2
Cvln objekt Konak 3
Javn objekt
Zgrada (Konak) vlade 3
Zgrada (Konak) za valju 2
Ukupno 124
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Graeinski plan Rodosa na parcelama od
jedan do deet obuhata kompleks Murad Reis-
a u kojem nalazimo dzamiju, 8 turbeta, tekiju,
2 cesme, jednu kucu i jednu haziru. Si nabro-
jani objekti izgraeni su na porsini od 9.000
m
2
. Kao sto se moze i primijetiti oi objekti
izgraeni u periodu 1522-1905.g ise su skupina
objekata nego li klasicni kompleks. S obzirom da
je Murad Reis bio elika licnost na Rodosu si
objekti izgraeni nakon njegoe smrti ,1609., su
izgraeni pod njegoim imenom.
1. Teki j a Murad Rei s- a
Iako je u originalu izgraena kao tekija u
narodu je poznata kao mutijina kuca, jer je u po-
sljednje rijeme mutija stanoao u njoj.# Smatra
se da je tekija najstarija graeina kompleksa Mu-
rad Reis i njegoa centralna tacka. Pretpostalja
se da je izgraena u proj poloini 16. stoljeca.
Kao dio kompleksa Murad Reis tekija je pri-
padala naksibendijskom tarikatu a imala je sobu
za stanoanje, za objedoanje, sobu za zikr, sobu
za derise, sobu za osamljianje derisa, kupatilo
i druge prostorije neophodne za tekiju. Moze
se primijetiti da su neki dijeloi tekije kasnije
graeni i preureiani. Kazuje se da je pripadala
naksibendijskom redu. Danas, pod izgoorom
restauracije, Direkcija za Kulturu Rodosa oaj
objekat koristi kao koncertni centar a nakon ra-
doa koji su promijenili koncept cijeloga objekta.
U unutrasnjosti su uraene elike promjene a uz
sami objekat dograene su noe prostorije, te je
time tekija dobila znatno drugaciji izgled.
t. 2. 1vrbe Mvraa Rei.a ;10. g.)
166
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2. Turbe Murad Rei s- a
( sl . 2- 3)
Murad Reis, po kome je kompleks dobio ime,
je poznati pomorac iz remena sultana Sulejmana
Zakonodaca.# Porijeklom je# iz Alzira, potomak
tamosnjih gusara, ali je u ranoj mladosti izabran
u odred stranaca a kasnije je, u sastau mor-
narice, bio pod direktnom komandom Barbaros
lajrudin-pase. Ucestoao je s njim u brojnim
pohodima. Zbog soje izrazite hrabrosti, dopri-
nosa, pozrtoanja i sposobnosti imenoan je
za kapetana Luro-Indijske note 1552. godine, a
prilikom osojenja Kipra bio je kapetan sektora
Otkrianje i sigurnost, te napokon 150. godine
bia imenoan komandantom Pomorske karaule
na liniji Krit-Rodos-Kipar. Godine 1609. kada se
otara Lgejsko more i kada Maltezani pokusaaju
presjeci trgoacki pomorski put izmeu Anado-
lije i Lgipta, uspio je zaustaiti i zarobiti maltesku
notu na otorenom moru blizu Kipra. U ooj o-
jni uspio je zarobiti cueni malteski brod Creni
Dzehennem`. Vec u poodmaklim godinama Mu-
rad Reis je tokom borbi sa Maltezanima ranjen.
Katavi Der,a lalil-pasa ga je poslao brodom
prema Kipru na lijecenje. 1esko ranjeni Murad
Reis je preselio na ahiret 1018. godine po hidzri,
odnosno 1609. godine. Prema oporuci koju je
ostaio njegoo tijelo ce biti preneseno na Rodos
i sahranjeno u turbetu koje je dao sagraditi.
1urbe je osmougaono i pokrieno kupolom.
Na ulazu sa lijee strane u da reda sa cetiri stroe
stoji natpis u taliku. Na sakoj od stranica tur-
beta, izuze one gdje su rata, se nalazi cetrtasti
prozor. Na prednjoj strani u sljunkoitom ka-
menu nalazi se moti sidra i cempresoog dreta.
Unutrasnjost turbeta je ukrasena natpisima. U
unutrasnjosti kupole nalazimo motie zijezda.
Iz natpisa na ratima da se razumjeti da je obnoa
turbeta uraena 126.godine po hidzri, odnosno
1859. godine.
3. Turbe Memi - pae
Memi-pasa je 1610. godine, za rijeme sultana
Ahmeda I, imenoan za bega Rodoskog. Bio je
rlo zapazen u osmanlijskoj mornarici na Sre-
dozemlju, a preselio je na ahiret 1621. godine.
S obzirom da je bio pomorac njego mezar je
ograen zeljeznim lancima pa su ga u narodu
zali Zindzirli-dede. Njegoo turbe se nalazi
u Kompleksu Murad Reis-a. londacija Rodos
je dala obnoiti oo turbe 1958. Izgraeno
je osmougaono turbe sa kupolom. Graeno
je od klesanog kamena, a kupola stoji na da
stupa s prednje strane i zidoima. I stuboi su
izgraeni od klesanog kamena. Na sakoj strani
objekta ima po jedan prozor. U unutrasnjosti se
nalazi grobnica sagraena u mermeru. Sjeerni
dio grobnice je propao u zemlju. Na uzglalju i
podnozju se nalaze osmougaoni stuboi. Cijela
porsina grobnice je ukrasena motiima biljaka
u rozetama. Danas je turbe prilicno zapusteno.
Kao i ecina drugih objekata odje i njemu je
potrebna hitna restauracija.
4. Dami j a Murad Rei s- a
( Ebu Beki r- pae) ( sl . 4- 6)
Iako se spominje kao dzamija Murad Reis-a,
njeno prao ime je Lbu Bekir-pasina dzamija.
t. . 1vrbe Mvraa Rei.a ;10. g.)
167
Oaj objekat koji se nalazi preko puta male
luke u Rodosu, na uglu ulica Giorgio Papa-
nikolau i Nikolau, na Mandraki mejdanu je
sagraen u proj poloini 1. stoljeca, preciznije
1032.h,1622. godine. Iz natpisa na ulaznim
ratima idi se da je lasan-beg 1212. h,18-
8. godine dao uraditi restauraciju oe dzamije.
Dzamija koju je dao sagraditi Lbu Bekir-pasa
2000. godine je zatorena za obrede. Prema jos
jednom natpisu se idi da je druga obnoa raena
194. godine. Minaret dzamije je dobio danasnji
izgled u doba italijskog perioda. Njeni originalni
izgled je bio klasicni konusni. Posljednja obnoa
je uraena 196. godine. Prema jednome zapisu
egipatskog adokata Dzaera lahrija u dnenom
listu Al-Ahram 18.06.192., a na osnou aku-
skih arhia saznajemo da je dzamiju na obali
zajedno sa cesmom dao sagraditi Lbu Bekir-pasa
1032.h,1622-23. godine.
Kadratna osnoa dzamije je .80 x .80, a nat-
kriena je sa jednom kupolom. Dzamija je imala
i 3 metra sirine za posljednje saoe ispred nje, ali
od toga se sada samo naziru tragoi. Kupola koja
t. :. Davi;a Mvraa Rei.a ;122. g.)
t. 1. Davi;a Mvraa Rei.a ;122. g.)
168
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pokria dzamiju naslonjena je na osmougaoni
obruc koji drzi potporni luk u obliku skoljke. Oa
dzamija je izgraena od klesanog kamena i na
sim stranama ima cetrtaste prozore. 1akoer,
na sakom obrucu ima po jedan manji prozor
siljastog zarsetka. Kupola koja pokria dzamiju
danas je presucena cementnom asadom.
5. Turbe Danberk Gi raj
Hana
Dzanberk Giraj lan je bio 1610. han na
Krimu. Nakon toga od 1623. godine je bio u stal-
nom sukobu oko lasti sa Mehmedom Girajem
i njegoim bratom Sahinom Girajem. Poznato
je da su prijestolonasljednici na Krimu iz obitelji
Giraj katkad bili na strani Osmanlija, a katkad u
paktu sa Rusima. Vladari Krima su katkad, kao
u pohodu na Iran, bili zajedno sa Osmanlijama,
a katkad su bili u saezima proti Osmanlija.
Zato je Dzanberk Giraj lan zbog nelojalnosti
Osmanlijskoj drzai poslan u izgnansto na os-
tro Rodos. Umro je u zatocenistu na Rodosu
1046. h. ,1636-. godine. Njegoo turbe se nalazi
u kompleksu Murad Reis-a zajedno sa turbetom
Sahin Giraj lana. I oo turbe ima osmougaonu
osnou i pokrieno je kupolom. Izgraeno je od
klesanog kamena, a danas se nalazi u rusenom
stanju. U unutrasnjosti turbeta se nalazi mermer-
na grobnica a na juznom zidu je izgraen mi-
hrab. Grobnica je ukrasena motiima biljaka i
predmeta koji oslikaaju umjetnost tog remena.
Na juznoj strani u sredistu jedne rozete se nalazi
crtez s motiom handzara.
6. Turbe ahi n i Fethi Gi raj
Hanovo ( sl . 7)
lethi Giraj lan je sin ladara Krima De-
let Giraj lana. Zajedno sa krimskim ratnic-
ima ucestoao je u pohodu na Maarsku pod
ostom sultana Mehmeda III. Kada ga je sultan
t. . Davi;a Mvraa Rei.a ;122. g.)
169
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pohalio, a zaolio ga je i eliki ezir Sinan-pasa,
po zarsetku ojne, dao mu je na upraljanje
Krim. Kada je Ibrahim-pasa zamijenio na mjestu
elikog ezira Sinan-pasu on je aorizirao soga
poznanika Gazi Giraja, brata lethi Giraj lana
kojeg je pozao u Istanbul u Dar-u saade, a po-
tom ga otpremio u progonsto na Rodos. Umro
je u progonstu na Rodosu u 39. godini ziota
104. h.,1663-4. godine. Mezar mu se nalazi u
istom turbetu kao i Sahin Giraj hano.
Grobnica od mermera je sa se cetiri strane
ukrasena motiima biljnoga sijeta u rozetama.
Nisan na uzglalju je opasan turbanom po-
dijeljenim kadratnom osnoom na ise dijeloa.
Na prednjoj strani se nalazi natpis u deet redoa.
Oo turbe je najise stradalo tokom remena i na-
lazi se u najlosijem stanju od sih objekata kom-
pleksa. Ispred ulaznih rata je, prema ostacima
koji ukazuju na to, postojao trijem koji je nestao
u potpunosti i cije su speciFcnosti unistene kasni-
jim interencijama. Ali, ako bi se donijela odluka
i ako bi se izrsila temeljita restauracija, na pot-
puno strucan nacin bi trebalo izrsiti i arheoloska
iskopaanja i ukloniti naknadne interencije.
1akoer, tokom naseg istrazianja uocili smo da
su prozori uklonjeni i da je na kupoli presucena
asada. Prema tim pokazateljima trebalo bi na
osnou ugraenog materijala u dijeloima gdje
su bili prozori, te materijala koristenog za asadu
kupole ustanoiti kada su te interencije uraene,
a tek nakon toga ih ukloniti.
7. Turbe ah Safi Mi rzi no
( sl . 8)
Sah SaF Mirza je sin Sah lusejina Saeija, de-
etog i posljednjeg ladara Irana iz dinastije Sae-
ija.#Kada je Nadir Sah silom preuzeo prijestolje#
Sah SaF Mirza se sklonio u Osmanlijsku drzau.
Poslan je na Rodos gdje je umro 1169. h.,155-
6. godine. 1urbe izgraeno u njegoo ime se
nalazi u sklopu kompleksa Murad Reis-a. Oo
turbe sa osmougaonom osnoom, prekrieno
t. . 1vrbe abiv i etbi Cira; avoro ;11.)
170
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kupolom se nalazi u mezarluku Murad Reis-a.
Nakon polacenja Osmanlija sa Rodosa turbe je
koristeno kao depo za odu se do 1926. godine
kada je ta ijest dosla do Marija Lage, upraitelja
otoka, koji je naredio da se turbe rati u ranije
stanje. Unutar turbeta postoji mermerna grob-
nica. Nisan na uzglalju ima obaijen zarsetak
u obliku baklae. S prednje strane stoji natpis u
talik pismu. Osmougaoni nisan u podnozju ima
na sebi motie cempresa. Sa se cetiri strane
grobnica je ukrasena geometrijskim Fgurama i
motiima biljnog sijeta.
8. esma/adrvan Murad
Rei s- a
Odmah pored turbeta# Murad Reis-a stoji
cesma koju je, kako se idi iz natpisa, dao sa-
graditi, uz dopustenje sultana Abdulmedzida,
Basmabejindzi lamdi-beg 1262. h.,1845-6.
godine. Sagraena je od klesanog kamena,
cetrtastog oblika sa kupolom koja ju pokria.
Voda je dolazila iz siljatih lukoa smjesteni na
jednoj strani depoa za odu unutar kojeg su
naslikane rozete sa motiima biljnoga sijeta, te iz
kamenog korita smjestenog u sredistu rozeta. 1a
ogledalca i natpis na rhu su izgraeni djelimicno
od mermernih lehi. Korita su danas u potpuno
raspadnutom stanju. Voda tece kroz cesmu
prikopcanu na crijeo koje je pruzeno uokolo.
t. . 1vrbe ab af Mirivo ;1::.)
171
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9. Turbe Havva
Sandarovo ( sl . 9)
Nakon jedne pobune koja je izbila u Anado-
liji#laas-beg je protjeran na Rodos. Na njego-
om mezaru stoji zapisano da je umro 1314.
h.,1896-. godine. 1urbe ima osmougaonu os-
nou a sagraeno je od klesanog kamena. 1urbe
pokrieno kupolom je izgubilo soju autenticnost
i estetsku rijednost nakon interencija na njemu
prilikom kojih je koristen betonski materijal. Nad
ulaznim ratima, te na se cetiri strane grobnice
nalazi se natpis pisan talik pismom.
10. Turbe seraskera
Mehmet Redi f- pae
Roen u Bursi 1834. godine Redi-pasa je
odigrao eliku ulogu u srgaanju sultana Ab-
dulaziza ,1861.-186., sa prijestolja. Ulozio je
eliki napor i da se sultan Murad, koji je dosao na
prijesto poslije Abdulaziza, udalji sa te pozicije.
Za rijeme sultana Abdulhamida postaljen je
za Nadzornika rata ,larbiye Naziri, kada je pri-
premao planoe za tkz. 93 rat, rat izmeu Os-
manlijske drzae i Carske Rusije. Nakon poraza
u tome ratu smijenjen je sa duznosti i protjeran
na Rodos. Jedno rijeme je ziio u selu Psintos
na otoku, a kasnije je preselio u grad. U selu gdje
je ziio sagradio je cesmu i grcku skolu. Umro je
1323.h.,1905. godine, a njegoo turbe se nalazi
u sklopu kompleksa Murad Reis-a na sjeero-
zapadnoj strani blizu mora.
t. . 1vrbe arra. avaaroro ;1.)
172
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1urbe ima kadratnu osnou i pokrieno je
kupolom. U unutrasnjosti ima jednu grobnicu.
Grobnica izgraena od mermera je u rusenom
stanju. Na turbetu izgraenom od klesanog ka-
mena mozemo primijetiti uticaje zapadnjacke
arhitekture. Na sakoj strani turbeta se nalazi po
jedan eliki prozor sa okruglim ruboima.
11. Turbe Mehmed eki b-
pae
Mehmed Sekib-pasa, roen 1824. godine na
Kakazu pripadao je drzanim uglednicima u
Lgiptu. Pro obrazoanje je stekao u Istanbulu, a
rlo mlad je otisao ka Lgiptu. Guerner Abbas-
pasa ga je smjestio u ojnu akademiju u Lgiptu.
Nakon smrti Abbas-pase Sait i Illhami-pasu su
zapodjenuli bitku za guernera a Mehmed Sekib-
pasa je podrzao Ilhami-pasu i isposloao njego
dolazak za guernera. Kasnijim sporazumom za
guernera dolazi Sait-pasa. Mehmed Sekib-pasa
nije kaznjen zbog podrske Ilhami-pasi, steise
postaljen je za Nadzornika rata ,arbi,e vairi,.
Nakon kratkog perioda napustio je tu duznost i
preselio se na Rodos gdje je umro 1909. godine.
Njegoo turbe se nalazi u kompleksu Murad
Reis i ima sestougaonu osnou u obliku balda-
hina. 1urbe je pokrieno kupolom koju nosi sest
stuboa na cijim zarsecima je siljati sod. Danas
se nalazi u rusenom stanju i prijeti mu potpuni
nestanak. U unutrasnjosti turbeta se nalazi grob-
nica. Mermerna grobnica danas ima samo temelj
bez nisana na uzglalju i podnozju.
14. esma
Cesma se nalazi do anjskoga zida tekije
koji gleda prema luci u sklopu kompleksa Mu-
rad Reis-a. Mermerni sod zarsaa sa zidom
tekije, a sagradio ju je 1262.h., 1845-6. godine
Basmabejindzii lamdi-beg. Cesma koja se nalazi
uz anjski zid tekije obaijena je mermerom na
cetiri strane. Na rhu se nalazi natpis, a u donji
dio je siljati mermerni luk u kome se nalazi ara.
Vrhoi cesme smjesteni su u sredistu rozete
mermernog ara.
15. Mezarj e
Istrazianja koja su obaili strucnjaci Gazi
Unierziteta u okiru Znansteno-istraziackog
projekta ,BAP, 2008. i 2009. godine utrdila su
postojanje 256 mezara unutar mezarja ,baire,
Murad Reis-a. Saki nisan je dobio inentarski
broj i prema njemu su raena istrazianja istore-
meno ga smjestajuci u prostornu shemu mezarja.
Si natpisi na nisanima su desirirani pri cemu
je ustanoljeno pismo u kojem je pisan natpis a
potom preeden na moderni turski jezik. Prema
natpisima na nisanima uraena je tipologija
na osnou koje je ustanoljeno da li pripada
muskarcu ili zeni te ima li ili nema sarkoag.
1akoer, osobe koje su pokopane u mezarju
su srstaane u grupe prema unkciji koju su
obnasali i poslu kojim su se baili. Meu oim
grupama postoje eliki eziri, eziri, pomorski
nadzornici, pase, alije, kajmakami, /atavi aer,a,
kethda, pjesnici, knjizenici, ucenjaci, mutije
i druge pozicije i duznosti. 1okom desiriranja
natpisa, te koristeci razlicite izore mogli smo
ustanoiti razloge smrti pojedinih stanonika`
oog mezarja. 1i podaci dati u tabeli oslikaaju
socio-ekonomske prilike razlicitih perioda re-
mena na oom podrucju. Ukraseni nisani su na
licu mjesta preslikaani i alorizirani sa aspekta
plasticne umjetnosti. Vecina nadgrobnih spo-
menika od 16. do 19. stoljeca je izgraena od
bijelog mermera i rlo su dragocjeni spomenici
kulture i umjetnosti sa aspekta njihoe estetske
rijednosti. Oo zapostaljeno i poharano` kul-
turno naslijee zahtjea hitnu akciju na njegoom
spasaanju i restauraciji.
173
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Zakl j uak i pogovor
Kompleks Murad Reis-a sa turbetom,
dzamijom, cesmom, sadranom i drugim objek-
tima, te nadgrobnim spomenicima u mezarju ima
speciFcnu rijednost sa aspekta sjetske arhitek-
tonske bastine. 1o je jedna rijedna i dragocjena
skupina objekata iz razlicitih perioda Osmanli-
jske drzae. Kompleks Murad Reis-a cija gradnja
pocinje u proj poloini 16. stoljeca je znacajna
i elika arhitektonska bastina na otocima u Lge-
jskom moru. lronoloska obrada Kompleksa
data je kako bi se podastrla znanja o poijesti i
arhitektonskim karakteristikama sakog od njih.
Od ziotne je aznosti ocuanje oih objekata
koji iz dana u dan se ise propadaju. Kompleks
koji je nastajao pet stotina godina danas se nalazi
u stanju u kojem mu je hitno potrebna restau-
racija i obnoa. Oa skupina objekata nije samo
osmanlijska poijest, to je, istoremeno, skup ob-
jekata koji nam osjetljaa ostro Rodos, njegou
poijest, identitet, kulturu i lokalni karakter. 1o je
zajednicko blago koje bi moglo znacajno doprini-
jeti razoju turistickih potencijala otoka Rodos.