Durkheim and Social Movements: Secular Religions in the abnormal development of the division of labor

Enku MC Ide Dr. Patrick Mooney SOC 651 10/8/2011

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Ide, SOC 651 Durkheim In this essay, I will attempt a Durkheimian analysis of the social movement in contemporary society. Many of the concepts applied here to the social movement are not uniquely applicable to social movements as currently understood by social movement theory. However, social movements may be one of the clearest examples of a social phenomenon to which we may apply Durkheims insights into religion within the more secular and splintered society in which we find ourselves today. Durkheim imagined society as an organic whole, with stability seen as an unquestionable moral good evolving to a future state of normality (Lukes 1985: 178). As such, his writings have been used to extol current social structures and minimize the role of dissent. For example, Durkheim presented collective conscience as a moral force for social cohesion without recognizing the role of powerful elites in shaping this ideology, at times against the interests of the marginalized, and dismissed conflict as abnormal (Lukes 1985: 132-133, 174). We can fruitfully apply Durkheims ideas to contemporary society when they are taken out of their evolutionary and organic framework and applied in a much more complex and less unitary fashion than Durkheim did (Lukes 1985: 483). Durkheims central preoccupation, regardless of the specific phenomenon he considered, was What are the bonds which unite men [sic] one with another? (Lukes 1985: 194). The causal forces he used to address this question can, especially as he applied them to religion, be applied to investigate both the causes and functions of social movements. A broad definition of social movement most easily lends itself to an application of Durkheims ideas. A social movement will be thought of as a coherent sentiment pool engaged in collective challenges, based on common purposes and social solidarities, in sustained interaction with elites, 1

Ide, SOC 651 Durkheim opponents, and authorities (Staggenborg 2011: 5). This definition delineates the social movement as a particular kind of social current which, if sustained, develops into a social fact. According to Durkheim, a social current, or great movements of enthusiasm, indignation or pity, grow outs of an assembly of people (Lukes 1985: 10). These currents rouse collective sentiments political faith[and] produce, at least for a time, a stronger integration of society (Lukes 1985: 209). If continued, these great movements will assume a definite form and become organized into more formalized social movement organizations, networks, or identities, or social facts that exist outside of the individual and help to shape the individuals thoughts and actions (Durkheim 1984: 25; Calhoun et al. 2007: 147). Causes of social movements We can draw several parallels between social movements and Durkheims understanding of religion. For Durkheim, religion sprung from the collective effervescence inherent in directed group assemblies that leads the individual to feel transformed, and consequently he transforms the environment which surrounds him (Lukes 1985: 463; Calhoun et al. 2007: 189). This social process leads participants to uphold collective ideals as moral imperatives. However, as morality became increasingly secular, Lukes points out that Durkheim was thus destroying religion by postulating as its essential function one what was adequately fulfilled by other institutions (1985: 484). In fact, Durkheim did not see the realization of a more moral society as occurring through religion, but rather through restoring the vitality of intermediary groups in society so that such groups have a firmer hold on the individual (Lukes 1985: 199). Although different from the corporate organization Durkheim conceived of as an intermediary group, social movements provide one area of social phenomena through which we 2

Ide, SOC 651 Durkheim can understand how Durkheims concept of religion plays out in contemporary society. Early social movement theories saw movements springing directly from a shared interest or objective social location. However, Durkheim points to some mechanisms by which these objective factors are translated to the individual. Through bodily co-presence, humans still experience transcendent moments of collective effervescence. However, the increase in rationality has moved our gaze from the heavens to the earth, from the religiously-based ideal society to attempts to influence society directly. Function of social movements For Durkheim, the function of religion is to reinforce the individuals bond to the group through ritual and symbolic action. This re-dedication to society or the group is essential for social functioning by also dedicating oneself to a social ideal, which is sacred in that it is collectively conceived and of general interest and addedabove the real world (Calhoun et al. 2007: 188-189; Lukes 1985: 242). Durkheim points out that it is toward the realization of this ideal of a perfect society, where justice and truth would be sovereignthat all religions strive (Calhoun et al. 2007: 187). Durkheim noted that new ideas of justice and solidarity are now developing [which] will prompt the establishment of appropriate institutions (Lukes 1985: 114) based on a collective idealof humanity as a whole (Lukes 1985: 157). Durkheim believed that these future institutions would be based in organic solidarity through which individuals would feel an affinity with others through economic interdependence. However, Durkheim placed specific qualifications around this idea. The division of labor must be normal, displaying absolute equality in the external conditions of economic life and the evening out of inequality, for organic solidarity to be sustained and the promises of moral 3

Ide, SOC 651 Durkheim individualism to be actualized (Durkheim 1984: 314). As these qualifications do not describe contemporary capitalism, it is reasonable to look to mechanic solidarity as still composing a large portion of contemporary society. Social movements build and reinforce collective identities through rituals and symbols, a characteristic of mechanical solidarity, while collectively imagining and working for a better society. For example, the LGBT movement has formed Lesbian and Gay identities for those who seek sexual and affectional companionship among people of the same gender. Based in and reinforcing this identity, spaces (marches, bars or community centers) and individuals (through the use of jewelry and tattoos) within the movement are marked by the rainbow flag. Marches, pride festivals and community-building activities have served as ritual spaces for building unity and dedicating oneself to the movement, and an ideal society of full LGBT acceptance. In this formulation, the integration into society is based upon mechanical solidarity where all members feel themselves drawn to others for their similarity. Integration into a social movement community could be understood as both a localized integration into a group and one avenue to connecting to society at large, through collective interaction with the political system and the collective conscience. This type of solidarity is organized around common identities, participation in rituals, and the use of symbols, such as emblems or flags, to mutually show one another that they are all members of the same moral community and that they become conscious of the kinship uniting them (Lukes 1985: 469). These symbols and identities are one form of collective representations which convey the way in which the group conceives of itself (Lukes 1985: 5). With developments in the division of labor, however, this mechanical solidarity was bound to change its content focusing on the cult of personal dignity through 4

Ide, SOC 651 Durkheim which morality becomes increasingly secular, human-oriented and rational (Lukes 1985: 156). As such, social movement identities are not based upon common beliefs of our relations to the supernatural, but rather common characteristics that shape our social interactions. New social movement theory is marked by a concern for internal movement democracy and increasing democracy at large. According to Durkheim, democracy consists in a high degree of communication between society and the state which rendered the latter more deliberate, reflective and critical (Lukes 1985: 5). Durkheims uncritical view of government

as the reaction of the whole upon the parts (Lukes 1985: 142) can thus be reformulated, with social movements consisting of the parts attempting to influence the whole, and thereby increasing democratic functioning. Further, secular reflection suggests better conditions, seemingly desirable ends craving fulfillment (Calhoun et al. 2007: 194). To satisfy such cravings, social movements engage in making demands of elites and also in struggles over the collective conscience of society, often through collective representations. Durkheim recognized that collective representations vary according to theirchannels of communication (Lukes 1985: 7). The rise of digital communications has dramatically altered, and increased, the formation and dispersion of collective representations. To take the above example, a young person cut off from the LGBT movement or community, who feels a sexual or affectional attraction to members of the same gender, will likely still be exposed to collective representations of lesbian and gay people through gay and lesbian characters in television, movies and the internet. While lacking bodily co-presence with others in the movement, this person can still be exposed to the symbols and the movement itself, although

Ide, SOC 651 Durkheim mediated through media corporations. The struggle, then, becomes one over who controls these collective representations and how different groups are portrayed. To address this, social movements use framing tactics which help to orient movement adherents (and hopefully bystanders as well) to agree with the worldview, tactics, and ideal that the movement forwards. Although Durkheim often refers to the collective conscience as being dispersed across the society, the collective conscience can express in usthe group or different groups of which we are part (Lukes 1985: 111). Thus, the more integrated into a social movement organization or community that an individual is, the more salient the collective conscience of the group will be for that participant. A movement that can rely on certain aspects of the collective conscience to forward its goals will thus have more resonance among the population. With increased success, the movement itself will impact the collective conscience and the collective representations that spring from it. The normal developments of the division of labor, and the subsequent rise in organic solidarity, have remained elusive. As such, social conflict must be taken as a serious component of a Durkheimian analysis of contemporary society. Durkheim points out that revolts do occur due to an abnormality in the division of labor as people do not really desire the status assigned to them and too often accept it only under constraint and force, not having any means of gaining any other status (1984: 293). The social movement is one way that people have collectively struggled to revolt against the force of the system and imagine and build the ideal society. This is an integral component of sustaining social bonds (Calhoun et al. 2007: 194). As mechanical solidarity, albeit perhaps fractured, is still a major component of contemporary society, social

Ide, SOC 651 Durkheim movements have struggled over collective representations and provided additional organizations through which individuals may be integrated into society and movement subcultures.

References: Calhoun, Craig et al. 2007. Classical Sociological Theory: Second Edition. Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing Durkheim, Emile. 1984. The Division of Labor in Society. New York, NY: Macmillan Publishers, Ltd. Lukes, Steven. 1985. Emile Durkheim: His Life and Work: A Historical and Critical Study. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press Staggenborg, Suzanne. 2011. Social Movements. New York, NY: Oxford University Press