Introduction Within any society lies a degree of social tension and conflict.

Tensions among people have existed since the beginning of man. The discrimination against Islamic communities in the Occidental world therefore, does not come as a surprise. With a visible rise in the fight against terrorism, intolerance and discrimination against Muslim communities has produced a fear of religious extremism. This fear continues to be monopolized in public discourse and results in reinforcing prejudices and discrimination, stigmatizing Muslims because of their beliefs. Public opinion has been cultivated to view Islam as problematic, violent and connected with terrorism. Additionally, Islam is regarded as a totalitarian religion incompatible with the Western values of freedom of religion, equality, human rights, and democracy. (Enaji 2010, p17).

Catalonia, a northeast region in Spain, prides itself on its cultural, religious and linguistic diversity. The area boasts about how it differs from the rest of Spain, in that it embraces and is tolerant of ethnic minorities. In the last decade however, a large number of Moroccan immigrants immigrated to Catalonia brining their families as well as their faith, making Muslims the second largest religious group within Catalonia. As a result, there has been a demand for Islam to be socially recognized within Catalan society. Although Catalans accept the and include diverse religious expression in the public space, the potential of having new forms of social participation within the existing Catholic tradition pose new challenges for the development of public policies. Although many public policies and social discourses have been established to prevent racism and xenophobic behaviors in Catalonia, the Islamic faith wields cultural practices that clash with contemporary Catalonian society, and result in a

social reactions seen in the not in my backyard (NIMBY) attitudes among Catalonian citizens who oppose the presence of the Islamic faith. This Anti-Islamic attitude is present in the opposition of mosques, the controversies among Imams and Muslim religious leaders, the banning of Islamic Dress and the difficulties Muslims have in establishing other areas to accommodate their religious needs.

Catalonia Development To illustrate and present a clear idea of why this type of social behavior developed it is important to look at some of the developing features of the neighborhoods within Catalonia. The timing of industrialization, past waves of internal migration, and the presence of a strong national identity in Catalonia have generated significant social and spatial divisions between Catalan and Spanish speaking populations and neighborhoods and have caused infra-municipal rivalries, inequalities, and deficits and have also complicated the reception of mosques and the populations they serve. (Astor 2009, p.10).

Migration to Catalonia has largely been driven by its strong industry sector. Whereas the majority of regions in Spain did not industrialize until the Twentieth century, Catalonia underwent significant industrialization during the early to mid-nineteenth century. The demand for labor attracted migrants first from the rural areas of Spain for over 100 years. During the late 1980s a large group of Moroccans began settling into Catalonian districts. In search of better opportunities, the growth of a Moroccan community became larger as the Spanish economy grew and transitioned into democracy. According to their geographical

distribution, they are the widest spread group of immigrants in all of Catalonia. (Moreras 2004c: 310-311). By the end of 2009, Catalonia reportedly had an immigration population of 189.279,00, constituting 15.8% of its population, 16,536 of the population originating from Moroccan decent. (http://www.ine.es/jaxi/tabla.do).

Local communities complain they are affected by the recent influx of immigrants and worry about their neighborhoods turning into ghettos. Since poorer neighborhoods are heavily populated and lack municipal services and facilities, working-class residents hold the immigrant population accountable for the growing urban deficits and problems of overcrowding.

The Arrival of Islam in Catalonia The Moroccans settling into the districts of Catalonia have not only brought their families and loved ones, they have also brought their customs and religious beliefs. As a result, the presence of the Muslim religion has become reestablished in Spanish Society. Although not all Moroccans practice Islam, the religious and cultural symbols associated with the practice of Islam are in contrast to traditional Catholic beliefs, causing Moroccans to be perceived as a "visible" minority. Accompanying the practice of their religion, Muslims are eager to construct community structures such mosques, designated burial grounds, halal markets, as well as providing education, acknowledgement of Islamic religious holidays, dress, etc to accommodate their religious and social needs. Resident Spaniards regard this as a threat to their community and have protested in opposition of the construction of religious centers and mosques. Within

the last thirty years, protests have occurred in fifty-one different Spanish municipalities, thirty incidents occurring in Catalonia. (Astor 2009, p. 4).

The consequence of Islamaphobia that has occurred with in Catalonia is largely due to the vast Moroccan immigrant population. According to Javier Ramrez Berasategui from SOS Racismo in Madrid, the Spanish, as well as the mass public in general, are uneducated about Morocco. Spain has helped to create a prejudice that stereotypes Moroccans as fundamentalists, who have extreme religious convictions that are in conflict with traditional Catholic views. This belief is further perpetuated by national and international media coverage, which focuses solely on religion, as if all Moroccans are extremely religious people. As a result, this has led to large opposition where a Muslim community can go to pray, disputes against imams, etc., in Catalonia as well as other parts of Spain.

The opposition to the building of mosques and opening of oratories from regional communities show a major lack of social integration and a source of conflict. In Spain, authorities have opposed the construction of mosques, oratories and religious centers by evading the granting of licenses for construction, extending planning permits, or claiming lack of safety.

The Presence of Mosques in Catalonia Mosques are an apparent sign of an Islamic community within a suburban area that carry a visual impact and symbolize a religious presence. They are also are the living proof of the presence of Islam in a neighborhood or in a city. What used to be an invisible Islam has now often become

an unwanted problem when applications for mosques are made. Mosques in particular, are perceived as symbols and magnets of immigrant presence and typically heighten fears of ghettoization and neighborhood degradation and increase territorial stigmatization. Catalonians believe that the presence of a mosque will have a negative impact on the image of their neighborhoods and devalue their homes. The native inhabitants fear that the problems suffered in poorer areas, such as crime and drugs, might enter their neighborhoods along with the immigrant populations.

It has been 35 years since the first Mosque opened in Catalonia in the municipal region of Barcelona. Originally, mosques which opened during the late seventies and early eighties in Catalonia, were small and did not always provide the best conditions for worship, but offered a service to the small community. As the community grew, so did the need for larger venues and better conditions. Since 1992, there has been a noticeable increase in the demands for accommodating local religious communities, which has not only brought conict, but has also required the response of local public authorities to assume responsibility over the matter. In general, municipalities would rather leave the legal framework in the hands of the central government, as it is difcult to secure an adequate budget for developing a response, especially during the current economic crisis. These conicts tend to be a consequence of how society envisions the Muslim presence. Moreover, the issue of visibility is of central relevance. Emerging places of worship and the perception of religious symbols in the community, create new complexities. There is often a contradiction between the principles and values that guide integration and planning, and the principles and values that are exhibited by the different groups who are already a part of the city.

Likewise, religious symbols are seen to be as a part of cultural heritage; and interpreted in terms of identity. This leads to social and political debate which deem particular cultural elements incompatible and cause a breach in the existing order of things, as well as a loss of identity.

It is currently estimated that there are around 350 to 500 oratories in Spain, and about 180-190 Muslim prayer halls are located in Catalonia. (J Morenas). None of these are new, most originated in basements or small industrial areas, and were never intended to be public spaces, much less places of worship. Although mosques are not the only place where Islamic religion is expressed, they represent religious organization. The increase in the number of mosques has become the indicator as to the progression of Islamic worship in the region and has led a perception of anxiety and fear which has characterized the presence of Islam in Catalonia.

Immigrants and migrants to Catalonia, have typically settled in the center of municipalities within neighborhoods that contain others from their cultural background. The majority of Muslim prayer centers are typically located in ethnic enclaves, neighborhoods where there are large resident Muslim populations along with other types of associations and commercial spaces that address their community needs. This aids in forming an interrelation between members of the community and provides a place that can be accessed throughout the day to fulll the mandatory calls to prayer. This is a key feature that organizers seek when choosing a location. These religious spaces however, are often seen as converging with religious symbols of the Catholic tradition, and draw attention to their presence in the neighborhood.

The loss of social invisibility has led to a social consciousness to their presence, and has prompted numerous neighborhood campaigns. As a result, Muslim communities have either been forced to remain in their original locations or seek alternatives, such as moving the prayer center to an outer area to prevent these types of reactions.

Cases of Mosque Opposition in Catalonia In February 2002, the Muslim community was granted the use of a public school for a place of worship until June. During that time, the Muslim community bought a plot of land in the centre of the town, intended for the construction of a mosque. The moment residents in Premi del Mar received news of a possible construction of a mosque, the local population began to mobilize out of fear for the devaluation of property and radical Islam. Negotiations began to build the mosque in a less centrally located site, an industrial park in the outskirts of the town, however the Muslim community was not satised with the solution. The local government of Premi del Mar decided then to break the negotiations and ordered the Muslim community to leave the school they had temporarily been issued.

Without having a place to worship, the Muslim community used the plot of land in the centre of the city to orate, which resulted in a large neighbor protest that began on the 19th of April 2002, and continued for days. These protests included the resident community, the Plataforma per Premi, as well as extreme right wing groups, anti-fascist groups and political parties. Eventually, an agreement was reached on April 26th in which the town council approved the authorization to build the mosque. Again, on the very same day, more protests against the major and local authorities erupted.

Manifestations continued and on May 18 there is a massive demonstration in which the former president of the Catalan government, Jordi Pujol, argued that while Catalonia is open to newcomers it also wants to conserve its identity and culture.

After several meetings the Islamic Community of Premi agreed to restart negotiations, and on September 5, 2002 the Islamic community was granted the right to use the school for 15 years, while their license for constructing the mosque was suspended until a nal solution could be established.

Opposition from the neighborhood associations is constructed from the fear of Islamization of their neighborhood or municipality. Local residents worry that local residents would have impetus to move from their neighborhoods, causing their property prices to become devalued. The recurrent belief is that the construction of a proposed Mosque would lead to visibility among the Islamic community and culture, thereby attracting many Muslims and converting the zone into a Muslim ghetto.

This perceived threat of the Islamization of the public space and the invasion of Muslims is believed to result in an increase of civic insecurity and of conicts between neighbors and Muslims, as it is often believed that, Muslims do not want to be integrated.

In Badalona the neighbors use a similar discourse to justify their opposition. In Febuary 2005, the local government closed an oratory in the neighborhood of La Pau, formally citing a lack of

security, however, the heat of the battle was ignited by local residents and supported by the Partido Popular. The imam in charge of the closed oratory accused the local government of treating him like a second class citizen as if he was a leprosy patient that need to be hid away. One of the campaigns launched in opposition to the construction of mosques, No to the Mosque in Public Lands, was assembled by the local Partido Popular and collected 20,800 signatures against the supposed construction of a mosque on these public lands. The belief was that construction of a mosque in Badalona would attract Muslims from the nearby communities, worsening the relationship between Spaniards and Muslims. Additionally, this has a twofold effect as residents in Badalona considered the Moroccan community to be difcult to integrate and seen as particularly unruly.

Fear of being invaded by a cultural other, unable integrate within their society (dened in the rst case as the Muslim immigrant and in the second as the Moroccan immigrant), was the dominate theme both in Premi del Mar as well as Badalona. Opposition to the temporal use of the public school in Premi highlighted the unwillingness of the neighbors to give Islam a place within the public space of society. Additionally, in both cities local authorities initially reserved plots of land for the possible construction of a mosque, but hesitated to allow the Muslim community to construct their mosque albeit, due to community protests.

The collection of signatures collected against the mosque in Baladona involved the help of the Partido Popular who had their own electoral reasons for the campaign. According to the president, the collection of signatures represented the union of citizens, independent of their ideology (M. de Barros, 2007), emphasizing the view that Muslims are not considered citizens

in Baladona. Additionally, the Catalan leader of the Republican Left, Josep-Lus Rovira, who is the current the vice- president of the Catalan government, criticized the former Imam of Premi del Mar as being anti-democratic, because he denied talking with the female major, and argued for the expulsion of those imams (like in Premi) that try to defend and spread anti-democratic values (ABC, 22-05-2002).

This anti-democracy discourse constructs the Muslims as anti-citizens, because of the incompatibility of Islamic values with liberal democratic values of Spanish citizenship. It also makes plain the racist ideology based on Islamophobia and Maurophobia (2) a discourse of laicism, limiting religion to the private sphere and (3) a discourse that constructs Muslims as anti-citizens, based on the incompatibility of liberal democratic with Islamic values. From a legal perspective, Spanish authorities respect individual freedom of religion and the right to practice religion in the public space. At the same time however, local authorities are reluctant to guarantee these rights to Muslim communities, due to a strong social discourse of Islamophobia. To deal with the claims from the Muslim community on the one hand, and opposition of citizens on the other, they accommodate Islam in private spaces (oratories) or in the periphery of the public space, using a secular ideology to oppose the public recognition and visibility of Islam.

These frictions can be understood in the context of the national identity construction, that is based on a negative perception of the Moroccan, considered in pejorative terms as the Moor (el moro), and has come to represent the Islamic Other. Furthermore, as radical Islam has spread over the past decade in conjunction with the growth of the Moroccan Muslim community in

Spain, the threat of the possibilities of radical Islamic terrorism have increased. This threat was made a reality on the 11 March, 2004 when the Metro bombings took place in Madrid. The growing perception among the non-Muslim public is that Muslims may endorse or tolerate radical Islamic within their local communities. These ideals have led to tensions between the Muslim communities and their Spanish neighbors.
The political and religious discourse has generated divergence and instability in Catalonian society, that has led to a widespread belief that to integrate the Moroccan immigrants in to society, their culture has to change. Moroccans therefore experience multiple discriminations

which include abusive language, violent attacks, vandalism of mosques and a denial of services, employment and education, in accordance to both their historical roots as well as their religion.