Introduction: What Is Prophecy?

As I waited in the checkout line at the grocery store, a headline on one of the tabloids caught my eye. New Writings of Nostradamus Discovered! Read the Predictions of Our Greatest Prophet! Our greatest prophet? I thought. I suspect Isaiah or Moses might have something to say about that claim. What qualifies Nostradamus as our greatest prophet? True, the medieval fortuneteller has become something of a darling of the tabloids and pseudohistorical cable TV shows. He probably sells more magazines than Moses ever would. But what makes this figure superior, in the editors mind, to the great biblical figures of old? I suspect it has much to do with the inflated claims that have been made about Nostradamus uncanny accuracy in forecasting future events. The fact is, when most people think of prophecy, the first thing that comes to their mind is predicting the future. In popular parlance, a prophet is someone who can tell us whats going to happen in the days to come. That might mean the near future or it could mean the end of the world; but if the prophet is real, their words are guaranteed to come true. Or at the very least, theyll be right most of the time. Leading the Children of Israel out of bondage was a neat trick, but Moses has little to say about the assassination of John F. Kennedyso how can he be a prophet? On the other hand, there are many people who have great respect for the abilities of the biblical prophetsperhaps too much respect. There are thoseand they occasionally show up in tabloids, toowho would read the prophecies of the Bible as a roadmap to the future. Most of the sacred oracles, they believe, refer either to the first coming of Christ, or they await fulfillment at his Second Coming. The images of the Apocalypse of John were revealed centuries, or even millennia, in advance, so that the people of God could live in anticipation of

A. Tomasino: Prophecy the End Times. Biblical scenarios of cataclysmic judgment and glorious prosperity are not considered mutually exclusive: they merely refer to different times (the Tribulation or the Millennium) or to different groups (the lost or the saved). These interpreters often try to harmonize biblical scenarios and develop elaborate hypotheses concerning the connection

between current affairs and ancient predictions. If they are aware of the fact that many, many such interpretations have been rendered by Bible scholars of generations passed, they are confident that no other interpretation has ever fit all the facts as well as their own. In the very near future, all the early interpretations will be revealed for the frauds that they are. Such is the understanding that many have of prophecy. But in fact, prophecy is both more and less than this description implies. It is more, because biblical prophecy is not just about telling the future, but rather about revealing the mind of God. God may communicate about the past, the present, or the future through his servants the prophets. On the other hand, prophecy is less than merely predicting the future, because the prophetic word was often delivered for the purpose of altering peoples behavior by warning them of the outcomes that their actions. In other words, prophecy generally seeks to change the future, rather than merely predict it. A word of judgment or detailed descriptions of impending disaster are not necessarily death warrants to the intended audience. Like the people of Nineveh (Jon 3:5-10), the hearers could turn from their sin, and find mercy instead of condemnation. The word prophecy itself bears witness to the ambiguity of the institution. It consists of the Greek preposition pro, meaning either preceding or in front, forwards, plus the word phemi, meaning to speak. A prophetes could be one who speaks forward (i.e., proclaims) or one who speaks in advance (i.e., predicts). Generally, prophets in the ancient Greek world were spokespeople for the gods, but the term itself could simply mean a public speaker.

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Likewise, biblical prophets sometimes foretold events that were considered certain to occur (see, e.g., 1 Ki 13:1-3); but they more often simply proclaimed the will of God and his moral instructions. As we study biblical prophecy, we would do well to abandon the definition of a prophet as a fortune teller and think more in terms of a person who receives a word from God and proclaims it. In the pages to follow, we will look at the phenomenon of prophecy in the ancient Near East and in Israel. We will use the comparative method to help us understand the nature of biblical prophecy: we will use the texts and artifacts of ancient Near Eastern civilizations to cast some light on the terminology and practices in Israel. In the process, we will see how prophecy in Israel possessed points of contact with that of other lands, and yet remained distinct from its environment.

A. Tomasino: Prophecy I. The Ancient Context

In modern times, fortunetelling is often thought of as entertainment. Most people who read their horoscopes or consult a magic eight ball are looking for amusement, not an authoritative guide for their lives. But the situation was very different in the ancient Near East. Like traditional societies of today, ancient Near Eastern peoples were convinced that the future is not inaccessible, hidden away behind an impenetrable veil. Rather, for those possessed of the proper skills, or graced with the proper gifts, the future could be almost literally an open book. People who could discern the signs or receive the revelations were in high demand. The people of the ancient world were not unaware of the normal or scientific means of gaining some access to future possibilities. A farmer could judge the probability of a good harvest based on the amount of rainfall he had received, and a king could predict the possibility of success in battle by considering the number of troops at his disposal. But more detailed and certain knowledge of the future required an appeal to the supernatural and the superstitious. And so when reason had reached its limits, the ancient people would result to two principal methods to acquire such esoteric knowledge. The first, for want of a better term, we shall call divination. Although the term divination can be broadly defined to mean any method of supernaturally discerning the future (including prophecy, so-called mediated divination), we shall confine the term to those methods that use material or mechanical means. The other method, prophecy, involved a direct revelation of spirits to a seer. We shall treat these two methods separately.

Divination

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Divination was widespread throughout the ancient world, and remains widespread until this day. Tarot cards, crystal balls, and Ouija boards are all tools of divination. But divination also involves such practices as astrology and cloud-gazing. The techniques are manifold. There is an inveterate tendency in the human mind to seek patterns in random shapes or occurrences (e.g., when we discern faces or objects in a Rorschach ink blot), and a difficulty at times in recognizing the fact that those patterns are almost wholly a creation of our perception, rather than a reflection of the external world. There are some assumptions that underlie the practice of divination that we need to articulate. First of all, there is the assumption of contingency. Contingency means the dependence or the connection of one event and another. We recognize contingency all the time: when we flip on a switch and a light comes on, and we know that there is a link between the action of the switch and the new illumination. When we look out the window and see a tree bent and leaves flying, we conclude that the wind is blowing. The condition of the tree is contingent upon the blowing of the wind. Some philosophers and scientists take this line of reasoning much further. There are some (chaos theorists, for instance) who would argue that in this universal system in which we live and move and have our being, everything that happens is contingent in some ways on everything else. They might tell us that the wind that is bending the tree is partially contingent on the beating of the wings of a butterfly in South America six months agoalthough they would probably be at a loss to tell us exactly what the connection might be. People of the ancient world were also aware of the notion of contingency. They saw it all around them. For instance, let us suppose that a fox was seen standing on the steps of the temple of Ishtar at sunrise one morning. The next day, the temple was struck by lightning. The

A. Tomasino: Prophecy ancient Mesopotamians might naturally conclude that there was a link between the foxs

appearance and the lightning strike. Not necessarily that the fox caused the lightningbut the actions were definitely connected. The next time a fox appeared on the temple steps, the priests would keep their eyes on the skies. Another assumption behind the ANE practices of divination was the immanence of the spirit world. The people of Mesopotamia, Egypt, and Israel believed in deities and spirits that were intimately involved in the affairs of humanity. There was no notion of an impersonal nature or a disinterested fate. The rains were sent by the gods; the thunder was the voice of a spirit; the stars and sun and moon (to most ancient peoples) were cosmic persons, not mere lights in the sky. The universe was a crowded place. It was alive and watching, and the actions of humanity could have a profound effect on the temperaments of the ruling spirits. These observations about the ancient mindset give us some basis for classifying different methods of divination. Some divination was pseudo-scientific, based on the notion of contingencies in the universe. If an ancient man saw you turn on a light switch, he wouldnt understand the nature of the connection between the flicking of the switch and the illumination of the room, but it would be reasonable for him to accept that the connection exists. Likewise, if he saw the fox on the temple stairs, he might not understand what the connection was to the lightning that followed, but in his mind, he would be justified in making the connection. There is a science to such divination: it is based on observations and perhaps even experimentation. If the outcomes were not always as predicted, it could be because other forces were at work that the diviner hadnt taken into account.

Omens

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This foundation leads to our consideration of what must have been one of the earliest forms of divination: the interpretation of omens. As ancient people began to notice more and more such contingencies, there developed a corpus of coincidenceslists of odd events and their possible significance. At first, such lists were passed on orally, perhaps in the form of proverbs or poems (Red sky at night, sailors delight; red sky at morning, sailors take warning.). But by the second millennium B.C., the people of ancient Babylon had begun to record their observations in writing. These omens were collected into a corpus of literature that learned individuals could consult in their efforts to discern the future. The interpreter of such signsthe bar (from the Akkadian word meaning to show, reveal)had at his command an extensive repertoire of texts and techniques for peering into the future. The contents of these omen collections ranged widely. They could involve a persons physical characteristics: If a mole is very whitethat man will become poor. . . If a mole is very redhe will be ri[ch.]1 They could find significance in apparently chance meetings: If a black cat is seen in a mans housethat land will experience good fortune.2 If a snake crosses from the right of a man to the left of a manhe will have a good name.3 Even unusual infestations could be ominous signs: If mountain grass is seen [in a fie]ld inside the city the field will become fallow, that man will die.4 But there were some events that were considered especially significant for predicting the future. Monstrous birthsso-called anomaliescould be signs of good fortune or disaster, sometimes on a grand scale. An Akkadian (Babylonian) text warns, If an anomaly (i.e., unusual birth) has no right earthe reign of the king will come to an end; his palace will be scattered; overthrow of the elders of the city; the king will have no advisors; the mood of the land will change; the herds of the
1 2

COS 1.120.58, 60. COS 1.120.39. 3 COS 1.120.38 4 COS 1.120.40.

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lands will decrease; you will make a promise to the enemy. A later Syrian text from the city of Ugarit sees a similar significance in the omen: If it (the kid) has no right ear, [the enemy will] devastate the land . . . and will consume it.5 The other major source of insight was the heavens. In the ancient Near East, many of the heavenly bodies were believed to be manifestations of gods and spirits: the sun was a manifestation of Shamash, the god of justice; the moon was the goddess Sin; the planet Venus was associated with Ishtar; the stars were often considered to be spirits of various sorts. Given this understanding of the cosmos, celestial phenomena could be considered most auspicious, indeed: If there is an eclipse of the moon in Nisannu (the first month of the year) and it is red prosperity for the people.6 Divination based on heavenly or meteorological phenomena (an early form of astrology) became especially important to the Assyrians, and later the NeoBabylonians. A collection of celestial omens, called the Enma Anu Enlil, was preserved by the Assyrian king Asshurbanipal (669-633 B.C.) in his library in Nineveh. These sixty-eight tablets represent a compendium of astrological lore collected from old Babylonian times through the days of the Neo-Assyrian Empire. Presented as a series of if-then statements, the predictions could be, at times, quite specific:7 If on either the 13th or 14th Ullu the moon is dark; the watch passes and it is dark; his features are dark like lapis lazuli; he is obscured until his midpoint; the west quadrant - as it covered, the west wind blew; the sky is dark; his light is covered. [The significance is:] The son of the king will become purified for the throne but will not take the throne. An intruder will come with the princes of the west; for eight years he will
5

COS 1.90.35-36. Ugarit was a wealthy city located in Syria on the Mediterranean coast. It was destroyed in about 1200 B.C. by an invading horde known as the Sea Peoples. The ruins (found under a mound now known as Ras Shamra) were discovered in 1928. Many ancient clay tablets were discovered there, and these have become an important source of information on ancient Semitic language and culture. See further Peter C. Craigie, Ugarit and the Old Testament (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1983). 6 COS 1.120.16.
7

29th ah tablet of Enuma Anu Enlil; obv. 59-61.

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exercise kingship; he will conquer the enemy army; there will be abundance and riches on his path; he will continually pursue his enemies; and his luck will not run out. A final source of omens that we will consider is the interpretation of dreams. Dreams were universally regarded as a potential source of insight into future events, and so ancient scholars assembled extensive catalogues of dream images and their significance. The oldest surviving collection of dream oracles comes from Egypt, probably as early as the 12th Dynasty (1900-1800 B.C.).8 Similar collections were discovered among the Ugaritic texts and in Mesopotamia.9 An individual did not have to be considered a prophet to have significant dreams, nor to interpret them. Indeed, even in the Old Testament stories of Joseph and Daniel, the dreams that the heroes interpreted were not imparted to seers or saints, but rather to common people or kings. Nor were the interpreters necessarily considered prophets: Joseph was never called a prophet, and there was debate among the rabbis about whether or not Daniel was to be classed among the prophets. Nonetheless, there can be no denying that dream interpretation sometimes bled over into the realm of prophetic activity, especially when the dreams had been solicited by prophetic figures in answer to some question. For the most part, Babylonian and Assyrian diviners placed more stock in unsolicited omens than those that had been solicited from the gods. But when immediate information was required, the diviners developed a number of methods whereby they could make direct inquiries of heaven. Such methodssometimes called impetrated divinationwere more popular in the second millennium B.C. than the first millennium, but in various forms, the practice survived throughout antiquity, continuing on even into modern times.

8 9

COS 1.33. COS 1.93, 1.121.

A. Tomasino: Prophecy Impetrated Divination This form of divination depends upon the minds tendency to see familiar shapes in

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random patterns or occurrences. In modern times, a fortune teller will often read the patterns found in tea leaves in the bottom of a cup to predict a clients future. In ancient Mesopotamia, the favorite media for such divination were clouds of smoke, oil films on water, or flour sprinkled on water. The patterns were compared to standard images that were associated with various future scenarios. As these methods fell out of favor in the first millennium B.C., other more specialized techniques gained in popularity. In Babylon, the preferred method of inquiry was extispicy the examination of organs from sacrificed animals. As the practice developed, the liver became the focus of attention. This specialization is known as hepatoscopy. Elaborate rituals were developed for use with special sacrifices. The liver would be removed from the victim, and the bar would compare it to a model that he carried on his person. The models were divided into sections, so that the features of the organ could be easily identified. The diviner would then consult tablets that would guide him in identifying the significance of the various spots and bumps that would inevitably appear on the sacrifices innards. Another method of impetrated divination that always remained popular was the casting of lots. There were a variety of methods by which lots could be used to reveal the future. A simple yes-or-no answer could be divined by the use of a single die with dark and light faces. In Assyria, the diviners used two stones, a black stone (hematite) and a white stone (alabaster).

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The stones were carried in a special pouch in the diviners robes. If, after the proper prayers and rituals, the white stone jumped from the pouch, the answer was apparently yes; the black stone meant no. If the question were more complicated, it might require the use of a die, or combination of dice, with patterns of dots. The patterns which appeared on the face of the cast dice would be compared to those recorded on tablets. For specific questions, special surfaces could be prepared, divided into different sections representing various possible answers. The die or dice could be thrown repeatedly until an appropriate answer appeared. If there was a need to make a choice among several optionsfor instance, determining which day of the month would be best for an attack against an enemypotsherds could be marked with numbers or words for the different possibilities. The pieces of pottery would be placed in a special jar and shaken until one popped out. The procedure would usually be repeated three times to ascertain the reliability of the answer. In ancient Babylon, Assyria, and Egypt, divination appears to have been the preferred method for discerning the future. It was considered a science of a sort, proven by time and experience. There were clear manifestations of its efficacy: anyone could see for themselves the mysterious patterns in a plume of smoke; the strange, colorful swirls created by oil drops on water. The whole community could witness together how the lots had fallen. Even an untrained eye could discern the spots on the livers of the sacrificial animals. The bar, with his prayers and tablets and discerning eye, must have seemed like a most impressive figure, indeed. Often, when kings would march forth to do battle, they would be accompanied by a

A. Tomasino: Prophecy bar who would divine when it was time to attack, and when it was time to negotiate surrender.

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Prophecy Prophecy does not seem to have enjoyed the same popularity in Sumer or Babylon that divination experienced. Indeed, the practice is hardly attested in these ancient civilizations at all, until the Neo-Babylonian period (the time of Nebuchadnezzar the Great; 605-562 B.C.). But that does not mean that there were no prophets to be found in Mesopotamia. Indeed, the variety of prophetic practice and terminology found in the region is somewhat daunting.

Necromancy Before we consider Mesopotamian prophecy, however, we should take note of a closely related phenomenon: necromancy, or talking to the dead. If we define prophecy as a direct revelation of the god(s) through a human being, then necromancy falls on just the outer edge of this phenomenon. In the ancient Near East, the distinction between gods and spirits of the dead was often blurred. In Sumer and Babylon (indeed, throughout the ancient world) prayers and offerings were given to the spirits of the dead to keep them from harming the living. The Akkadian word il (cognate with the Hebrew word elohm, meaning god or God) was used to designate virtually all spiritual beings, including gods, demons, and the spirits of the dead.10 In Syria and Canaan, the spirits of the deadthe rephaimwere apparently regarded at the very least as demigods. They could communicate with the living, bring blessings upon them, or (perish the thought!) curses. In several texts, they seem to be identified with lm, gods. Indeed, when the witch of Endor calls up the spirit of Samuel from the realm of the dead, she
10

See Lambert, RLA 3:543.

A. Tomasino: Prophecy exclaims, I see a god (Heb. elohm) rising from the earth! (1 Sam 28:13). Given this background, it is certain that necromancy is closely related to the practice of prophecy.

13

There is actually little evidence of necromancy in the great kingdoms of the ancient Near East. The practice seems to have been unknown in Egypt, and little evidence exists for it in the Hittite realm.11 The dead were generally feared, rather than consulted. It has been argued that the practice of necromancy began in Mesopotamia, and spread from there to the rest of the world.12 But even in Mesopotamia, the evidence is not extensive, and the practice seems to have been considered suspect. Our most extensive early witness to the practice of necromancy in the ancient Near East is the Bible. Here, we find clear prohibitions against consulting the dead (Lev 19:26; 20:6, 27; Deut 18:11), and condemnation of those who practice the art (2 Ki 21:6; 23:24; Isa 8:19). In Lev 20:6, practitioners of necromancy are said to prostitute themselves, a typical metaphor for the worship of pagan gods (Lev 20:5; Deut 31:16; Hos 1:2). Channeling spirits of the dead was paramount to prophesying through a pagan deity. The terminology of necromancy provides some interesting insight into the relationship between such seers and their familiar spirits. There are two Hebrew words for practitioners of necromancy: b and yiddeon. But these terms are somewhat ambiguous in their employment. Both terms are used to refer to one who consults spirits, but also to the spirits themselves. In 1 Sam 28:8-9, the term b is used with both meanings. First, Saul expels the mediums (bt, plural of b) from the land; then, he asks the witch to call up a spirit (b) for him. This conflation of terms demonstrates that there was a close identification in the ancient

11

But see Billie Jean Collins, Necromancy, Fertility and the Dark Earth: The Use of Ritual Pits in Hittite Cult, in Paul Mirecki, Marvin Meyer, Magic and Ritual in the Ancient World (Leiden: Brill, 2002). 12 See Irving L. Finkel, Necromancy in Ancient Mesopotamia, Archiv fur Orientforschung 29 - 30 (1983 1984), 1-17.

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world between the channels and the spirits that possessed them. The two could be virtually identified with one another.

Prophets at Mari Evidence for necromancy may be slight, but its more respectable cousinprophecyis well attested in several biblical lands. The Bible tells of the battle between the Lords prophets against the prophets of Baal, who appear to have come from Canaanite states and from Phoenicia (1 Ki 18:16-45). Prophets were not unknown to the ancient Egyptians, either. In the Report of Wenamun, an Egyptian official who is shipwrecked in Phoenicia is rescued when the Egyptian god Amon takes possession of a Phoenician youth and orders his release. Assyria, too, gives us many examples of prophecy, as we will consider below. But by far, the greatest repository of Near Eastern prophetic texts outside of the Old Testament was found at Tell Hariri. This ancient ruin, located in northern Mesopotamia, was once the site of a great city-state known in ancient times as Mari. Mari was destroyed in 1750 B.C. by the Babylonian king Hammurabi, but its archives have been recovered, and were published in 1890. These texts have yielded some remarkable snapshots of life in this ancient metropolis. Unlike the Babylonians, the people and officials of Mari seem to have been very receptive to prophecy. A variety of prophetic functionaries appear among these ancient documents. Some seem to be official seers, in the employ of the temples or the government. Others appear to be freelancers, summoned by various deities to deliver unsolicited messages

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to officials or private individuals. Their distinctions are revealed in part by the various terms used in Maris rich vocabulary of prophecy. There are four or five different terms used for individuals speaking in the names of the gods. The most common term, muhhm, comes from a verb meaning to go into a trance, or perhaps a frenzy. These ecstatic prophets are noted elsewhere for their sometimes bizarre behaviors. A text from Ugarit observes that the muhhs bathe in their own blood; an Assyrian text reveals that they would fall into a state of paralysis. But there are no records of such extreme behaviors in the Mari archives. Rather, the oracles delivered by these prophets appear to be very rational: Thus says Annunitum, Zimri-Lim, you will be tested in a revolt! Let your most favored servants whom you love surround you, and make them stay there to protect you! Do not go around on your own!13 A prophet rose up before Dagan and said, How much longer will I be without pure water? Write to your lord, so that he may provide me with pure water.14 A servant girl of Dagan-Malik went into a trance and spoke: Zimri-Lim, even though you are neglectful of me, I will massacre on your behalf.15 In the first text, the goddess Annunitum (Ishtar) spoke through the prophet to provide an oracle to the king, warning him of impending danger. (It seems that the typical practice at Mari was to entrust such oracles to one of the women of the royal household, who would bring them to the king. The prophets themselves did not seem to have direct access to the royal court.) In the second oracle, the god Dagan speaks through a prophet to decry the neglect of his temple. In the third, the god gently rebukes the king, while assuring him of divine protection. (The gods of Mari were not above a little self-interest, if the occasion demanded.) Both men and women serve as prophets; the gods of Mari were not respecters of persons.

13 14

ARM 26 213 ARM 26 215 15 ARM 26 214

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Another common prophetic functionary at Mari was the apilm, or answerer. The title would suggest someone whose job was to reply to inquiries, and that might well have been the origin of the office. But in the Mari archives, that rarely seems to be the function of these prophets. Rather, the contents of their oracles seem indistinguishable from those of the muhhum. E.g., Am I not Adad, the Lord, who raised the king in my lap and restored him to his ancestral throne? I do not demand anything from you. When a wronged man or woman cries out to you, be there to judge their case. This only I have demanded from you.16 Speak to Zimri-Lim: Thus the prophet of Shamash: Thus says Shamash: I am the lord of the land! Send quickly to Sippar, the city of life, a great throne for my enjoyable dwelling!17 Like those of the ecstatic prophets, the oracles come unbidden to their recipients. A variety of gods speak through these prophets, alternatively comforting or chastising the recipients of their oracles, as the situation demanded. In addition to these common designations, several other prophetic functionaries appear in the Mari texts. The most bizarre of these is certainly the assinnm, the man-woman. These prophets appear to have been associated exclusively with the temple of the goddess Ishtar. There oracles are not particularly remarkable: Concerning Babylon . . . This man unsuccessfully tries to undermine many things against that country. My lord will see what the god will do to this man: You will capture him and stand over him.18 What is most remarkable about these prophets is that, although they were all male, they somehow assumed the persona and sex of the goddess when they brought forth their oracles. It

16 17

A. 1121 + A. 2731 ARM 26 194 18 ARM 26 212

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is unclear how this was accomplished. Were they eunuchs? Or did they merely present their oracles in drag? The terminology of prophecy at Mari has not yet been exhausted. In addition to these designations, the word qammatum (of uncertain derivation) seems to denote some kind of prophet. In one text, a group of nabs is assembled to bring forth an oracle of blessing for a dignitary. Even though the term appears only once, it is especially significant because of its similarity to the most common Hebrew term for a prophet, nab. Prophets seem to have enjoyed a fairly high status at Mari. Their words were recorded and presented before the appropriate authorities, and seem to have been taken quite seriously. Nonetheless, even here, prophecy seems to have been somewhat suspect. There do not appear to have been any prophets who were regularly in the company of the king. The oracles were viewed with some suspicion, and often had to be verified by means of divination. The prophet of Mari, while not without honor, was still only a second-class soothsayer.

Neo-Assyrian Prophets After the Mari texts, the next greatest source of textual information on ancient prophecy comes from the fierce kingdom of Assyria. The capital city of Nineveh was destroyed by the Medes and Babylonians in 609 B.C., but about 30,000 clay tablets from the city archives have been recovered. Of these, eleven are records of prophetic oracles, and several others shed indirect light on the institution of prophecy in Assyria in the waning days of the kingdom of Judah. Most of the prophetic terminology found in the Mari texts does not appear in the Assyrian texts. But of course, more than a thousand years had elapsed between the two

A. Tomasino: Prophecy kingdoms, so we should not be surprised that there were changes in vocabulary. In the

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Assyrian texts, the most common term for a prophet is ragimmu, one who shouts. While such a designation may imply a certain exuberance on the part of these speakers, they are nonetheless distinct from the ecstatic prophets of old. Apparently, there are still muhhs around: the Neo-Assyrian kings Esarhaddon (713ca. 669 B.C.) and Assurbanipal (669ca. 631 B.C.) both boast that their enemies became like muhhs (i.e., became paralyzed with fear) at the sight of the royal armies. But in the Assyrian archives, there are no oracles attributed to these figuresthey seem to be regarded as more of a joke than a real source of enlightenment. It is worth noting that both of these kings, while disdainful of the muhhs, seem to have held the oracles of the ragimmus in esteem. There are several reports in the archives of consultations with prophets, and the fact that the kings took care to record their oracles and preserve them demonstrates the significance they attached to themeven when they were not especially encouraging. SAA 9 1.4: Fear not, Esarhaddon! I am Bel, I speak to you! . . . Sixty great gods are standing around you; they have girded your loins. Do not trust in mortals! Lift up your eyes and focus on me! SAA 9 3.5: The words of Ishtar of Arbela to Esarhaddon, king of Assyria. As if I have done nothing for you! . . . Did I not vanquish your enemy? What have you, in turn, done for me? . . . My food and drink are withheld from me . . . The high status of these prophets and prophetesses may derive in part from the fact that they were official functionaries in the temple of Ishtar at Arbela, one of the most important shrines of Assyria. Even if the relationship between the temple and the royal court was at times strained (as the second oracle above seems to indicate), there was clearly a great deal of respect for the venerable house of worship and its fearsome goddess.

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In addition to the raggimus, there was another prophetic functionary mentioned in the Assyrian texts: the abr. The word abr comes from the same root as the word for a diviner (bar), but this particular form is often used to describe dreams or visions. Indeed, in the one surviving account of a abr receiving a revelation, it comes in the form of a dream delivered by the goddess Ishtar.19 The evidence suggests that abrs specialized in receiving oracles while they slept.

Conclusions In most of the ancient world, the preferred method of pulling aside the veil for previews of the future was divination, a mechanical and scientific method of prognostication. Diviners were highly trained, and collections of omens were highly prized. Prophecy, on the other hand, was rarely the realm of professionals. People did not train to become prophets. Rather, the gods would seize whomever they willed, and endow them with a message that the prophets would deliver to its intended recipients. While some people apparently made their living by bringing forth prophetic oracles, it was not necessary that one be a professional prophet in order to prophesy: even servant girls could be used as mouthpieces for the gods. While divination remained important throughout ancient times, prophecy grew and waned in its significance. In some times and places, prophets were distrusted and virtually ignored; in others, they were honored. But nowhere in the ancient world can the significance of prophecy be compared to the role it played in ancient Israel.

19

ANET 606.