Harkhuf's Travels Author(s): Hans Goedicke Source: Journal of Near Eastern Studies, Vol. 40, No. 1 (Jan.

, 1981), pp. 1-20 Published by: The University of Chicago Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/544419 Accessed: 27/04/2009 07:43
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HARKHUF'S TRAVELS

HANS GOEDICKE,

The Johns Hopkins University

AMONG

the

entrepreneurs

of

the

Sixth

Dynasty

who

left accounts

of

their

achievements in their tombs, Harkhuf occupies a distinguished role. The letter written to him by young Pepi II reflects the king's appreciation of this follower as does the inclusion of this letter in the tomb's decorations. Aside from this letter, Harkhuf does not provide any details about the journey which earned him such unusual honors, and no later activities are mentioned either. Could this mean that Pepi II carried out his promise saying "my majesty will do great things for you, more than was done for the god's seal-bearer Bawerded in the time of King Izezi," so that Harkhuf retired from the dangerous life of an explorer? It is widely assumed that Harkhuf undertook four expeditions.2 His inscriptions, however, detail only three journeys; they are all attributed to the reign of Merenre' I. The fourth has to be assumed on the basis of Pepi II's letter dated to the king's "year of the second count," i.e., the third or fourth regnal year. For the geographical and political situation in the region explored by Harkhuf, a study of the three journeys under Merenre' I is essential. They must have occurred in fairly close succession, as Merenre' I's sole reign could not have lasted more than six years;3 or Harkhuf slightly "beautified" the account by reflecting Merenre' I's early years as coregent as years of full rule.4 This possibility has considerable appeal because otherwise the expeditions would have to have occurred at two-year intervals. As the first one was apparently under the direction of Harkhuf's father 'Iri, it would seem somewhat surprising that he should have ventured out alone only two years later. A somewhat longer interval would seem more likely, although it brings the second and third journey into close succession, in order that the third one could be completed prior to the end of Merenre' I's reign. About his first journey Harkhuf reports (Urk. I 124, 9-15):5 "The majesty of Merenre', (my) lord, sent me together with (my) father, the 'sole companion' and lector-priest 'Iri, to(wards) Yam in order to explore the way to this country. I accomplished it
Urk. I 131, 1-3. See, E. Edel, "Inschriften des Alten Reiches: V Die Reiseberichte des Hrw-hwjf," ed. O. Firchow Agyptologische Studien (Festschrift Grapow) (Berlin, 1955) (hereafter Edel, FS Grapow), p. 67; M. LichtLiterature: A Book of heim, Ancient Egyptian Readings, vol. 1 (Berkeley, 1973), p. 23; T. SiveSoderbergh, Agypten und Nubien: ein Beitrag zur Geschichte altdgyptischer Aussenpolitik (Lund, 1941), p. 26 ff.; A. H. Gardiner, Egypt of the Pharaohs: An
2

[JNES 40 no. 1 (1981)] ( 1981 by The University of Chicago. All rights reserved. $01.00. 0022-2968/81/4001-0001

Introduction (Oxford, 1961), pp. 99 ff.; G. Kadish, "Old Kingdom Egyptian Activity in Nubia," JEA 52 (1966): 23 ff. 3 H. W. Helck, Untersuchungen zu Manetho und den dgyptischer Konigslisten (Berlin, 1956), p. 57; see also my article "The Abydene Marriage of Pepi I," JAOS 75 (1955): 180 ff. 4 In co-regencies any dates concern the senior ruler. Only after his death do references to years of the junior _(o-regent occur and should probably be seen as a courtesy of the ruling king; see W. K. Simpson, "The Single-dated Monuments of Sesostris I," JNES 15 (1956): 214 ff. 6 Edel, FS Grapow, p. 71; for k'h, see my The Protocol of Neferyt (The Prophecy of Neferiti) (Baltimore, 1977), p. 89.

JOURNAL OF NEAR EASTERN STUDIES

within seven months, and I brought all kinds of products therefrom, beautiful and exotic. I was praised much about it." Although the text emphasizes Harkhuf's role, it is more likely that the venture was actually conducted by his father 'Irl. A man with this name is actually attested at Tomas during the (early) reign of Pepi I.6 It is frequently claimed that Harkhuf conducted a commercial expedition.7 However, the text indicates only that King Merenre' had sent 'Irt and Harkhuf to Yam "to explore the way there."8 This charge implies that Yam had not been visited by Egyptians before-at least not in an official capacity. Such a situation would not exclude all contacts or knowledge about Yam on the part of the Egyptians. In other words, the predominant feature of Harkhuf's first journey was the exploration of the way to Yam. There is no indication how this task was accomplished; only the time needed for it is specified, namely seven months. Edel uses this indication of travel time as the pivot of his discussions about the location of Yam.9 There is nothing in the text, as Dixon has pointed out,'? to support his thesis that the travel time was counted from a departure from Memphis. The court, which at least to some degree perambulated in the country,11 could have been at another place when Harkhuf received his charge; it is also impossible to envisage with what speed Harkhuf traveled or how long or briefly he stayed once he reached his goal. Harkhuf's second expedition report makes no direct mention of Yam, but states (Urk. I 124, 17-125, 11):12 When his majesty sent me the second time, I was alone: I went forth on the "Ivory Road" and I descended at 'Irrtt, from (my) excursion to the desert region of Tr-rs and 'Irtt, in a period of eight months. And I went down (i.e., north), and I brought (back) of the product from this country very much, the like of which had never been brought to this land (i.e., Egypt) before. When I descended into the vicinity of the house of the ruler of Z3w and 'Irrtt I had explored those foreign lands. Never did I find that any "friend"-overseer of mercenaries, who had gone forth to Yam, had acted as (my) predecessor. This account can be divided into three sections with an introductory and concluding statement. These two statements concern the role of Harkhuf, namely that this venture was conducted by him alone, different from the previous one at which time he accompanied his father, and that his was an exploration of a previously unvisited region. The first section concerning the expedition details its beginning and concluding points as well as its duration. The second describes its material success; the third specifies the point of re-entry into the Nile Valley and the exploration accomplished. The departure from the Nile Valley is given as hr wit 'bw "on the Ivory Road."
6 See Edel, FS Grapow, n. 5; A. E. P. B. Weigell, A Report on the Antiquities of Lower Nubia (the First Cataract to the Sudan Frontier and Their Condition in 1906-7) (Oxford, 1907), pl. 58, nos. 7 and 12; SaveSoderbergh, Agypten und Nubien, p. 13, n. 7; Kadish, "Old Kingdom Activity in Nubia," p. 23. 7 For example, E. Otto, Agypten: der Weg des Pharaonenreiches (Stuttgart, 1953), p. 90; H. A. J. Kees, Das alte Agypten: eine kleine Landeskunde (Berlin, 1955), p. 179.
8 Kadish, "Old Kingdom Activity in Nubia," pp. 24 if., considers wbl to mean here "to inspect." 9 Edel, FS Grapow, pp. 63 f. 10 D. M. Dixon, "The Land of Yam," JEA 44 (1958): 40 ff. 11 Urk. I 241, 2; 243, 3; 245, 3 point to periodic perambulations of the royal court, as does Urk. I 306, 4; for the latter, see my Konigliche Dokumente aus dem Alten Reich (Wiesbaden, 1960), p. 222. 12 See also Edel, FS Grapow, pp. 71 ff.

HARKHUF'STRAVELS

Edel,'3 like Yoyotte'4 and Save-Soderbergh'5 before him, rendered it "Elephantine road," although 'bw lacks a determinative indicating it as a place-name. Dixon originally accepted the traditional rendering,16but in a postscript to his discussion related Faulkner's suggestion that w't-'bw should be rendered "Ivory Road," denoting the road on which ivory was shipped from the south to Egypt. Although he considers this explanation as possible in principle, he nevertheless voices some misgivings. They evolve primarily from the fact that until recently the main shipping route for ivory was the Darb elArba'yin and that this desert track ends at Asyut. This argument incorporates some features not applicable to the situation in Harkhuf's days. As the final destination of any imported ivory would naturally be the commercial and political center of the country, the problems of desert travel also have to be taken into consideration. The northernmost stretch of the Darb el-Arba'yin, from Khargah to Asyut, is the worst portion of the track even for camels.17 For any desert travel without camels, even if the conditions might have been somewhat better than in modern times, this track would have been unpassable. The kind of transportation available in Old Kingdom days would have made it desirable to shorten desert travel as much as possible. This would entail a routing of the "Ivory Road" in such a way as to reach Egypt after a minimum of desert travel. While the Darb el-Arba'yin, with its southern end at El-Fasher in Darfur, appears to have been, as it also has been until recent times, the main trade route by which ivory reached Egypt from the southwest, its northern terminal was at Elephantine, which gave the place its name. This route would not only have been considerably shorter than the modern link to Asyut, it would also have avoided some of its most difficult portions. In geographical terms it would have meant that from Selima the route did not turn north to El-Sheb, Beris, and Khargah, and from there to Asyut but, rather, went in a northeasterly direction via Bir Abu Tingil, Dunkul, Kurkur to Aswan. This particular route for Harkhuf's travel was envisaged by Yoyotte as the "route d'Elephantine" leading from Elephantine to Dunkul.18Edel strenuously objected to this identification and saw in the "Elephantineweg" the route to "Yam" via Elephantine along the Nile. He found support for his thesis in the absence of naming a departure point, i.e., a place where the route left the Nile Valley. As he sees the starting point of the expedition in Memphis, he assumes that all specifications in the text must be related to Memphis. He further assumes that Harkhuf would have described a use of the route via Kurkur: "Ich zog aus (abzweigend) von Elephantine auf dem Oasenweg." His thesis is open to serious criticism in three respects. First, there is nothing in the text indicating Memphis as the starting point of Harkhuf's expeditions. Even if he had made his original departure from Memphis, there is still no reason to assume that any details about the journey would concern the travel prior to the departure from Egyptian territory. Second, "the oasis-route" commenced, as Edel 19established, at Abydos and led to the oasis Khargah, as had been assumed since Griffith.20As the main feature of the "oasisIbid., p. 63. J. Yoyotte, "Pour une localisation du pays de IAM," BIFAO 52 (1953): 174. 15 Save-Soderbergh, Agyyten und Nubien, p. 27. 6 Dixon, "Land of Yam," p. 54. 17 Ibid.; see also H. J. L. Beadnell, An Egyptian Oasis: An Account of the Oasis of Kharga in the Libyan Desert, with Special Reference to Its History, Physical
13 14

Geography and Water Supply (London, 1909), pp. 33 f.; Sudan Notes and Records 12, pp. 63 if. 18 Yoyotte, "Pays de IAM," p. 174. 1s Edel, FS Grapow, pp. 62 f. 20 F. L. Griffith, "A Detail of Geography in the Inscription of Herkhuf," Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archaeology 16 (1893-94): 50 ff.; Yoyotte, "Pays de JAM," p. 174.

JOURNALOF NEAR EASTERNSTUDIES

route" is to lead to the great oasis of Khargah, there is no reason to believe that the w't-wh:t, "oasis (singular!) road," led to all oases. By its size and economic importance Khargah exceeds all other oases so much that the use of whit, "oasis," in reference to it is not surprising. The track between Elephantine and the Darb el-Arba'yin at Selima has nothing to do with the "oasis-road" leading from Abydos to Khargah. Third, w,t-,bw is clearly recognizable as a land-route. Why should anybody travel through Lower Nubia on land instead of using the Nile, the natural highway through this region? Even within Upper Egypt the main mode of travel for ancient Egyptians was by boat and not by road.21 In large stretches of Lower Nubia the valley is so narrow that there would not have been space continuously on one side, which would have required repeated crossings over the river. An "Elephantineweg" "langs des Niltals" is a geographical absurdity. Any overland route following the Nile would have to have been on top of the gebel, where there was, of course, no water. The only overland route south outside the Nile Valley is the tract leading from Elephantine via Kurkur to Dunkul and from there to Selima, where it links up with the Darb el-Arba'yin. Yoyotte had already reached this conclusion22 which Edel rejected out of hand without any argument, except that nobody had previously proposed this identification.23 If one accepts that Harkhuf traveled south on a land route, no other explanation is possible than his use of the desert track from Elephantine via Kurkur to Dunkul, unless one assumes the occurrence of major geographical changes in the area.24 The route called w,t 'bw by Harkhuf is determined by the geographical features of the desert southwest of Elephantine. The oases Kurkur and Dunkul constitute the mainstays for this desert route. Harkhuf did not travel the entire length of the Darb el-Arba'yin, but, according to his account, he returned to the Nile Valley to a region called 'Irrtt. This thesis about the departure and return to the Nile is based on the idiomatic use of pri, "to go forth," (Wb. I 519, 20) and h3i, "to descend," (Wb. II 472, 6). That 'Irrtt was located in the Nile Valley seems certain and has never been questioned. The desert trail from Elephantine to the Darb el-Arba'yin is linked with the Nile Valley only at two places: there is a track from Dunkul in the southeasterly direction reaching the Nile Valley at Tomas near Ed-Derr. It has an extension from Dunkul to the northwest, leading via 'Ain NakheilaBeris to Khargah. The second cross-connection is from Selima to Sakiet el-'Abd, midway between the Second and Third Cataract. This location is much too far sourth for 'Irrtt, whose location in Lower Nubia, i.e., between the First and Second Cataract, is generally agreed upon.25 It results from this that Harkhuf's second expedition followed the "Ivory Road" from Elephantine until the first opportunity to return to the Nile Valley. This journey would have led him to Kurkur and Dunkul, and it is at the latter place that he left the "Ivory Road." There is general agreement that 'Irrtt denotes the place of Harkhuf's arrival in the
21 It is only in the last twenty-five years or so that a continuous highway exists through Upper Egypt to Aswan. Lower Nubia never had a road, and the only means of travel was by boat. 22 Yoyotte, "Pays de IAM," p. 174. 23 Edel, FS Grapow, p. 65, n. 1. 24 The translation of w3t 3bw as "ivory/elephant

route" or as "Elephantine route" does not affect this identification because no other overland route commences at Elephantine. 25 Edel, FS Grapow, p. 69; Yoyotte, "Pays de IAM," p. 177; Save-Soderbergh, Agypten und Nubien, pp. 28 f.; Gardiner, Ancient Egyptian Onomastica, vol. 1 (London, 1947), p. 75*.

HARKHUF'STRAVELS

Nile Valley.26 This geographical indication does not seem to stand alone, as the text27 has h'i,n(.i) m qL m hnt 'bd 8. This passage was 7 S ' {?( f A rendered by Edel28 "und (ich) stieg herab (scil. aus J}m) fiber Mhr, Trrz und 'Irtt (, die in) Jrtt (gelegen sind,) innerhalb von 8 Monaten," thus expanding a suggestion first made by Yoyotte.29 In later comments Edel specified his interpretation that h:i is used in this passage for the descending from the "hoher gelegenen J'm zur memphitischen Residenz." 30 In view of its altitude any move towards Memphis from any point south of it would be a descent. However, there is, as already pointed out before, no indication in the text that the royal residence at Memphis is the point to which all time and place specifications relate, just as it is an unfounded thesis that Harkhuf's activity should be seen as that of a traveling salesman. His exploratory missions have a distinctly political overtone, which should have affected their schedule. There is no reason to doubt the use of h'i in reference to a "descending movement," which, of course, includes the return home from abroad. If, however, the travel was exclusively in the Nile Valley as Edel assumes, why would Harkhuf have walked when sailing was the only customary and practical form of travel.31 Thus, despite Edel's strenuous argumentation, h:i has to be taken here as a reference to overland travel, which in Egypt is synonymous with travel in the desert. H,i m occurs twice in the account of Harkhuf's second expedition. In addition to the passage quoted above, there is also hli.n(.i) m h'w pr hk Z'tw-'Irrtt, which Edel translated "Ich stieg (aber) herab in die . und 'Irtt, nachdem ich diese Fremdlander Gegend des Hauses des Herrschers von ZDtw erkundet hatte."32 This rendering entails contradictions and is also grammatically questionable. As for the latter, the preposition m has no directional connotation, but in its basic meaning "in, at" designates a fixed place introduced by m. H'i.n(.i) m h,w pr . . . can thus only be rendered "I descended in the vicinity of the house of the ruler. . ." or "I descended from . .." ("Ich stieg herab in der Gegend" or "Ich stieg herab von der Gegend"). If we follow Edel's thesis that Harkhuf, after starting at Memphis, had taken the "Elephantineweg" leading sourth along the Nile via Elephantine, he would have passed through 'Irrtt twice with the "house of the chief of Zitw and 'Irrtt"as the turning point. The "exploration" (wb;) of "those foreign countries" can only refer to the territories named earlier, which are thus assumed to have been subdivisions of 'Irrtt. According to Edel's thesis it would be necessary to assume that Harkhuf explored the Nile Valley of Lower Nubia as far as "the house of the chief," which has been convincingly located in the Tomas-ed-Derr region. Otherwise, what would be the purpose of describing only details of the early part of the journey, when it was really intended to Yam,
28 Urk. I 125, 2; see Edel, FS Grapow, p. 69. 27 'Irrtt is located in the Nile Valley by Save-Soderund Nubien, pp. 26 ff.; see also bergh, Agypten Yoyotte, "Pays de IAM," p. 176; Edel, FS Grapow, p. 70; Dixon, "Land of Yam," pp. 43 f.; K. Zibelius, Afrikanische Orts- und Volkernamen in hieroglyphischen und hieratischen Texten (Wiesbaden, 1972), pp. 88 f.; Gardiner, Onomastica, vol. 1, p. 75*; Edel, "Die Landernamen Unternubiens und die Ausbreitung der C-Grbppe nach den Reiseberichten des Hrw-hwjf," Orientalia 36 (1967): 133 ff. 28 Edel, FS Grapow, pp. 69 f 29 Yoyotte, "Pays de IAM," p. 176, suggesting that

m should be rendered as "en passant par," with three toponyms depending on it, possibly denoting placenames within 'Irrtt. 30 Edel, "Inschriften des Alten Reiches: XI. Nachtrage zu den Reiseberichten des Hrw-hwjf," ZAS 85-86 (196u-61): 22. 31 In areas of Lower Nubia, travel on foot would be virtually impossible. 32 Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Literature, vol. 1, p. 25, "I came down through the region of the house of the chief of Setju and Irtjet; I explored those foreign lands."

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STUDIES

which Edel located in the region of Kerma? These contradictions result from the way the text was handled. To begin with, there is the translation "ich stieg herab fiber . ." for h'i m. First, there is no attested use of the preposition m which could be used to support such a rendering. Second, as already pointed out, h'i m lacks a directional connotation. Third, if the placenames were appositional to 'Irrtt, as first proposed by Yoyotte, accepted by Edel and emphasized by Dixon by referring to Gardiner, Egyptian Grammar3,? 90.3, the places would have to be envisaged as standing in a line of descending significance, the last one being the smallest subdivision, each one located in the one mentioned previously, and so on. Nobody is likely to argue that 'Irtt was located in Tr-rz and that the-latter was a subdivision of 'Irrtt. If the Egyptians had intended the statement which Edel's translation reflects, it would have required a relative construction, such as * h'i.n(.i) ht ... Tr-rz Irtt ntt m'Irrtt. That Tr-rz and 'Irtt cannot be envisaged as subdivisions of 'Irrtt is evident also from Edel's later discussions33when he found himself forced to accommodate these presumed subdivisions on a rather limited stretch of the Nile Valley.34 The envisaged subdivisions of 'Irrtt are read Mhr, Tr-rz and 'Irtt. Posener considered the possibility that the first contains a formative element *mh,35while Weigall proposed an equation with Ramesside Mh,36 a suggestion which Save-Soderbergh correctly rejected.37 With the exception of the latter, who transcribed M'hr, there is general agreement in reading Mhr. \ is the common syllabic orthography of m with a preceding
3n

vowel,38 but it is exceedingly rare in the Old Kingdom, especially for foreign words.39 The erasure --- indicated by Sethe in Urk. I 125, 2 was not given by Schiaparellior by de and is epigraphically improbablebecause of the prevailing arrangement,which Morgan,40 does not provide any space for an extension of the arm-sign. This detail is important, because the occurrences of em in Old Egyptian are written without exception as A,. O f. occurs in this form only here, which is surprising if it denotes a subdivision of 'Irrtt, i.e., the region between Tomas and Mediq, as Edel,41 and before him Yoyotte,42 assumed, It would be tempting to identify Tr-rz with later Trs, whose location is, however, undetermined.43 'Irtt is also unattested elsewhere and the remarks made above concerning Tr-rz apply
33 Edel, "Die Landernamen Unternubiens," pp. 141, 146. 34 He points out the improbability of having to assume three individually named regions on the 30 km. stretch between Tomas and Mediq and tries to overcome the problem by alluding to the possibility of a somewhat more southern limit of ?Irrtt. Even when it is placed at Aniba, this would only mean that the area extended 50 rather than 30 km., which would not make it any more convincing. 35 G. Posener, Princes et pays d'Asie et de Nubie (Brussels, 1940), p. 58; Zibelius, Afrikanische Ortsund Volkernamen, p. 128. 36 A. E. P. Weigall, A Report on the Antiquities of Lower Nubia: the First Cataract to the Sudan Frontier and Their Condition in 1906-7 (Oxford, 1907), pp. 6 ff. 37 Save-Soderbergh, Agypten und Nubien, p. 8. 38 See Wb. II 45, 8; also Edel, Altagyptische Grammatik (Rome, 1955-70), ?38. 39 One possible occurrence among the names of execration texts from Giza appears in J. Osing, "Achtungstexte aus dem Alten Reich," MDAIK 29 (1973): 105, no. 62; 107, no. 88. The spelling ._,_ in no. 66 (p. 105) would seem to represent the prototype of the syllabic group writing. 40 Schiaparelli, "Una tomba egiziano inedita della VI dinastia," Mem. R. Accad. dei Lincei 289 (1892): 31 ff.; de Morgan, Catalogue de monuments, vol. 1, 1, p. 167. 41 See in particular, Edel, "Die Landernamen Unternubiens," pp. 140 f.; also idem, FS Grapow, p. 70. 42 Yoyotte, "Pays de IAM," p. 176; Save-Soderbergh, Agypten und Nubien, pp. 18, 27, did not identify the place. 43 See Zibelius, Afrikanische Orts- und Volkernamen, p. 177; whether a connection exists with i3trs (see Osing, "Achtungstexte," p. 112) remains uncertain but is feasible. It would imply that *tr corresponds to iLt, the latter being the Egyptian equivalent of a foreign (Nubian?) word.

HARKHUF'S TRAVELS

to it as well. Beyond this observation any further moves would have to be conjectural in the absence of any basis for discussion. When we sum up the discussion up to this point, we ought to distinguish the following elements in the narrative: first, the heading, stating the royal charge and its execution without superior, namely, "his majesty sent me a second time alone." This part does not include any reference to the destination of the mission. According to later indications Harkhuf was sent to Yam. Second is the specification of the route of departure, i.e., from the Nile Valley, and the point of return to it. The latter is given as "I descended (i.e., returned to the Nile Valley) in 'Irrtt." This section is balanced by juxtaposing pri.n(.i) hr w't-'bw with hli.n(.i) m 'Irrtt, each part consisting of an identical number of elements. However, the intention to convey travel information requires that the point of return (h3i m) be specific. This excludes the possibility of a string of appositions after the point of return was stated. Furthermore, up to this point, Harkhuf had not mentioned the goal of his travels, although its mention has to be presumed in this part of the text because of the subsequent (Urk. I 125, 6) use of h'st tn, whose demonstrative requires an antecedent. This cannot be 'Irrtt, and its presumed three subdivisions, because the latter is the point of return to the Nile Valley and not the origin of the "goods" (inw) Harkhuf claims (Urk. I 125, 6) to have brought "from this foreign region" (h'st tn). These observations necessitate an entirely new approach to the text after the mention of 'Irrtt. The latter completes the specification of the route taken. ~ is not a place-name

but should rather be read m h(.i) r h'st, "when I took off to the desert." The construction m sdm.f with a verb of motion following a sdm.n.f is well paralleled (see Edel, Altdgyptische Grammatik, ? 485). 'h, written here without determinative, I equate with ch, "to fly off," Wb. I. 225. 10.44 Harkhuf seems to have tried a very stylish formulation with limited familiarity with the orthography; (for the interchange between h and h, see Edel, Altdgyptische Grammatik, ? 121.). E1 is either a writing for h'st as in the next line (Urk. I 125, 6) or it could also be taken as substitute for 'Ilm as reflected in its later mention (Urk. I 125, 11). Tr-rz and 'Irtt are the names of two specific areas in the "desert" (h'st) or in Yam, which Harkhuf visited (for the grammatical construction, see Gardinar, Egyptian Grammar3, ? 90.3 and my K6nigliche Dokumente aus dem Alten Reich, p. 14). Earlier discussions of the "Ivory Road" (w,t-'bw) led to the conclusion that it was an earlier routing of the Darb el-Arba'yin, commencing or terminating at Elephantine. Such a route would touch on the oases of Kurkur and Dunkul. From the latter, as pointed out above, a track leads south to the Nile Valley, which it reaches at Tomas, which is, as is generally held to be the region denoted in the Old Kingdom as 'Irrtt.45 The identification of Harkhuf's second journey is now consistent in all details. The two place-names, Tr-rz
44 See also CT II 223 b, e; 224 d; IV 310 b. The word is identical to ch, Wb. I 224, 5. The most famous early occurrence is in Sinuhe R 21 bik ch.f (var. 'h.f) hn Amsw.f, "the falcon, he took off with his followers," where it expresses the abruptness of the departure in time and space rather than the speed of the ensuing travel; see H. Grapow, Der stilistische Bau der Geschichte des Sinuhe (Berlin, 1952), ? 4. 45 See Edel, "Die Landernamen Unternubians," pp. 140 f.; Zibelius, Afrikanische Orts- und Volkernamen, p. 188; Dixon, "Land of Yam," p. 47; Yoyotte, "Pays de IAM," p. 176; Save-Soderbergh, Agypten und Nubien, pp. 15 f.

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and 'Irtt, require an identification with Kurkur and Dunkul, presumably in this order, if their listing reflects the progress of the journey. It was accomplished "within a period of eight months," which covers only the time of the departure from Elephantine on the "Ivory Road" to the return to the valley at Tomas. The formulation with m hnt is unusual, and the reason for choosing it is not apparent.46 The remainder of the description of Harkhuf's second journey consists of two sections. Both are introduced by hli.n(.i), serving as circumstantial. The first concerns Harkhuf's success in bringing goods from his journey into the western desert: "When I descended I brought goods from this desert region very much, the like of which has never been brought to this land before." Hist tn refers back to the previously mentioned E1 (hist or 'Ilm) with its subdivisions Tr-rz and 'Irtt, while t' pn in contrast denotes here Egypt. The last section concerns additional exploits of Harkhuf after his return to the Nile Valley in the Tomas region: "When I descended in the vicinity of the house of the ruler of Z,tw and 'Irrtt, I explored those foreign regions: never did I find that any associateoverseer of mercenaries, who had gone forth to Yam previously, had done (them)." In view of the apparent parallelism, hli.n(.i) here also has to be circumstantial, as in the preceding section (Urk. I 125, 5).47 The difficulty for the understanding lies in the preposition m, which can introduce the starting and the terminating point of the descent. The first makes better sense here, and the meaning appears to be that Harkhuf explored the desert stretch between Dunkul and Tomas until his final descent into the Nile Valley. The point of arrival in the Nile Valley is specified as "in the neighborhood of the house of the ruler of Z'tw and 'Irrtt, " which should be envisaged in the vicinity of Tomas, where the desert trail from Dunkul reaches the Nile. A location between Ed-Derr and Aniba appears to be the most likely range for it. An alternative interpretation of the passage which deserves serious consideration might be "when I desended in the region of the domain of the ruler of Z,tw and 'Irrtt, I explored those foreign regions." Pr used in the extended sense of "domain" covering an entire region is found repeatedly.48 This rendering would seem to make better sense than a reference to the "house of the ruler," especially as there is hardly any reason for emphasizing it. M h'w, literally, "in the region of," here has the connotation of "within" a defined area and as such is the special equivalent to its temporal application "during the time of." 49 It would seem likely that Harkhuf on his return journey merely followed the Nile from Tomas north instead of using the shorter desert track between Tomas and Mediq, which he is shown on his third journey. This overland route might have been the
46 The intervening two appositional geographical terms separated the time specification from the rest of the sentence. For such a construction a more extensive formulation than *n 'bd 8 (as in Urk. I 124, 13) might have been in order. 47 This way of rendering reflects the modern hypotactical thinking structure, while the Egyptian is paratactical. To reflect the latter the rendering "I descended . . . and I explored . . ." would be necessary which remains unsatisfactory for stylistic reasons. Edel FS Grapow, p. 72, translates as follows: "Ich stieg (aber) herab in die Gegend des Hauses des Herrschers von Z1tw und 'Irtt, nachdem ich diese Fremdlander erkundet hatte." This statement would seem tautological because the exploration of Tr-rz and 'Irlt has been stated earlier, just as Harkhuf's descent into the Nile Valley has already been discussed in the text. 48 For example, Pr-Hww in Mocalla I 2-3; Pr-Hty in J. J. Clere and J. Vandier, Textes de la premiere periode intermediare de la Xleme Dynastie, Bibliotheca Aegyptiaca, vol. 10 (Brussels, 1948), vol. 1, p. 14; see also H. G. Fischer, Dendera in the Third Millennium B.C., down to the Theban Domination (Locust Valley, New York, 1968), p. 149. 49 Fischer, Dendera, p. 48.

HARKHUF'STRAVELS

common route to Tomas. It is striking that there are no Old Kingdom graffiti between Derr and Sebua', as the stretch is difficult to travel on land. Harkhuf's claim to have been without predecessor is carefully formulated. It applies only to any "associate-overseer of mercenaries who had gone out to Yam." This would allow explorers or travelers of the Nubian Nile Valley to have been in the area before Harkhuf. It results from his claim that Harkhuf had been in Yam prior to his explorations in the realm of the ruler of Z,tw and 'Irrtt. Such a journey to Yam can only be identified with the early section of Harkhuf's account, i.e., from his departure from Egypt on the "Ivory Road" until his descent into the Nile Valley in 'Irrtt. This journey, as pointed out in detail, has to be envisaged on the southern branch of the Darb elArba'yin leading through Kurkur and Dankul. There is no indication whatsoever that Harkhuf traveled any further west than Dunkul nor any further south than Tomas. Harkhuf describes his third journey in more detail than the two earlier ones (Urk. I 125, 13-127, 17): And when his majesty sent me the third time to Yam, I departed from the Thinite district on the Oasis Road. I discovered that the chief of Yam had gone by himself to the land of Tmh in order to beat the Tmh to the western corner of heaven. When I had gone out in his support to the land of Tmh, I appeased him, so that he was praising all gods for the sovereign. And I sent a [report] through a Yamian of the Following-of-Horus to let the majesty of Merenrec, (my) lord, know that I had gone out to the land of Tmh in support of the ruler of Yam, and that I had appeased that ruler of Yam. I descended successfully at a place which is south of JIrrtt and north of Zgtw. I met the chief of DIrrtt-Z3tw-W3w3t, which were joined in unity, when I descended with 300 donkeys loaded with myrrh, ebony, hknw sit, (a) leopard-skin, ivory tusks, lni3-sticks (and) all beautiful saw that the troops of the Yamians, who products. And when the chief of 'lrrtt-Z3tw-W3w3t had descended with me for the Residence, and the soldiers, who had been sent with me, were strong and numerous, then this chief supported me and gave me cattle and goats and showed me the ways of the ridges of 'Irrtt, as the vigilance which I carried out was more excellent than that of any associate-overseer mercenariessent to Yam before. of And when the humble servant sailed north by himself towards the Residence, one caused the "unique friend"-overseer of the two slaughter-houses, Hwni to come to meet (me) with boats loaded with date-wine, sweetmeats, bread, and beer. Like his two previous journeys, the third one was to Yam. The geographical specifications supplied for it differ from those of the other journeys. They concern the point of departure and the route taken. While the second journey started from Elephantine on the "Ivory Road," the third one, as Edel has conclusively demonstrated, commenced in the Thinite district, utilizing a desert trail called "Oasis Road." 50 The latter still exists and, like the track via Dunkul and Kurkur to Elephantine, is a branch of the Darb el-Arba'yin. There is general agreement that Harkhuf's route led him to the oasis Khargah.51 The text does not mention that Harkhuf ever reached it, although this is implied. The remainder of the account up to the description of the return journey
Edel, FS Grapow, pp. 62 f., 73 f. First proposed by Griffith, "Inscription of Herkhuf," pp. 10 ff.; it was followed by A. Fakhry, Bahria Oasis (Cairo, 1942-52), vol. 1, p. 10; Yoyotte, "Pays de IAM," p. 174; Edel, FS Grapow, pp. 62 f.; Dixon, "Land of Yam," pp. 51, 54. Dixon has pointed
50

51

out the difficulty of the desert route between Asyut to Khargah even for camels and the impossibility of donkey caravans traveling it. Harkhuf might very well have started from Memphis, but this fact is in no way reflected in his account.

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(Urk. I 126, 12) concerns two noteworthy events and the sending of a report to the king about what had happened. The first is the meeting with a/the "chief of Yam," the second, Harkhuf's journey to T'-Tmh, which followed the meeting with the dignitary. For the clarification of the geography, defining of the meeting place between Harkhuf and the chief of Yam is essential. The route Harkhuf took brought him first to Khargah, which is by far the most densely inhabited region of the entire Darb el-Arba'yin and, as is generally accepted, determined the name of the trail leading to it. As w't-'bw, because of its inclusion of the word 'bw, indicates Elephantine as its end, w't-wh'tin parallelism shows that it denotes the "way" to "the oasis," i.e., Khargah. It would seem truly disproportionate if the stretch from Abydos to Khargah had been used as a designation for the entire Darb el-Arba'yin, which touches on a number of oases. This requires the conclusion that Harkhuf's first and prime goal was the oasis Khargah. The person he apparently intended to meet there was, however, absent. Edel was certainly correct in taking gmi with a pseudoverbal clause depending on it.52 If, however, it has to be concluded that Harkhuf's prime aim had been to meet "the chief of Yam" and that he found him absent at the end of the w't-wh't, the "Oasis Road," it is necessary to equate Yam with Khargah. If Yam is to be identified with Khargah, where did the chief of Yam go 53in "the land of the Libyan" "to beat the Libyan"? The intention attributed to the chief of Yam "to beat the Libyan to the western corner of heaven" makes is clear that the chief of Yam had gone in a westerly direction. Only one region west of Khargah could qualify, namely the oasis of Dakhlah, as Yoyotte has already understood it.54 Edel, caught in his preconception that Yam had to be a very distant region requiring extensive travel to get there, assumed that t'-Tmh denotes the steppe west of Kerma.55Kerma was not of any significance in the Old Kingdom,56nor is there any reason to conjecture an economically important region west of Dongola just to suit the thesis of a location of Yam.57 The stated intention of the chief of Yam to drive the Tmh to "the western corner of heaven" has no specific geographical connotation but should rather be taken as a general remark. It does not support an identification of t'-Tmh, "the land of the Libyan," with Dakhlah, nor does it disprove it. The expression reflects a concept of a world with defined boundaries and a heaven above it. This world has Egypt as its center, so that the western corner of heaven should be envisaged west of Egypt proper and not beyond the limits of Egyptian conceptionalization. Upon finding that the chief of Yam had gone to the "Land of the Libyan," Harkhuf follows him: iw(.i) pri.kwi m-s'.f r t,-Tmh which Edel rendered "Ich zog hinter ihm her
52 Edel, FS Grapow, pp. 67 f.; idem, Altdgyptische Grammatik (Rome, 1955-70), ? 585. Pyr. 1180c provides a convincing parallel as gmi P ... z3t DInpw hsf.ti im.f, "may P find out that the daughter of Anubis has approached him." Different with Edel, I believe a prospective rendering of gmi makes better sense. Edel (Altdg. Gramm., ? 585) assumes that gmi here has a direct object, but his rendering, "Ich fand den Fursten von JIm, indem er ins Land des Libyers gegangen war" makes no sense because Karkhuf did not find, i.e., meet, the chief of Yam; for gmi, see Wb. V 168, 9 and Edel, Altag. Gramm., ? 1139. 63 For the Old Perfective followed by r.f., see Edel, Altig. Gramm., ? 821.

64 Yoyotte, "Pays de IAM," p. 176. The objections he met in this identification came from his equating Yam with Dunkul, which led to an improbable routing, as Dixon strongly emphasized in "Land of Yam," pp. 50 f. 55 Edel, FS Grapow, pp. 68 ff.; see also idem, "Die Landernamen Unternubiens," pp. 154 ff. 56 Dixon, "Land of Yam," p. 42; Edel, "Inschriften," (ZAS 85 [1960]), pp. 20 f. 57 Edel, "Die Landernamen Unternubiens," pp. 154 iff., expanded his geographical identification into a historical thesis which for lack of a basis remains hypothetical.

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11

ins Libyerland." 58 Two questions have to be asked concerning this passage. First, what is its position in the syntactical context, and why does it use the Old Perfective? Second, what was the purpose of Harkhuf's move? Edel took the passage as a self-contained unit. The use of the introductory iw, however, indicates that this sentence should be taken with the connotation of an accomplished circumstance for the verbal clause following it.59 Consequently, it requires the rendering "when I had gone out m-s'.f to the land of the Libyans." The compound m-s', literally, "in the back of," 60 is used idiomatically with verbs of motion in the sense of following someone or accompanying someone; Sinuhe B 245, hr Styw iww m-s'.i hr sbt.i r W'wt-Hr; "then, the Asiatics, who had come behind me, while following me to the Horus-ways," is a clear demonstration of m-s' used for military escort; see also Urk. IV 651, 17. In Siut I 278 and 317, m-s' has the meaning of being "serviceable to." Applying the later usage of m-s' to the occurrence in Harkhuf's inscription, m-s: has to have there a more specific meaning than claiming to have pursued the absent chief of Yam. This leads us to the second question, i.e., what Harkhuf's intentions could have been. He could not possibly have expected to trade with the chief of Yam during the military operation. The Chief of Yam would have been without access to any stores of trade goods, assuming that Harkhuf brought his along into the desert. Equally improbable is Dixon's view that Harkhuf tried to prevent the hostilities of the chief of Yam as "he would be working against his own interest in stirring up war, since this would result in the interruption of commerce."61 There is neither any indication that the commercial contacts between Egypt and the oases were so intensive that they required constant attention, nor is there reason to assume that Harkhuf had any leverage to influence the ruler of Yam, either politically or militarily. It would thus seem that Harkhuf's primary concern during his third journey was to meet the chief of Yam. The latter was at that time conducting a campaign against the land of the Libyan but had not yet completed it. Harkhuf realized the opportunity to gain influence with the chief of Yam and to explore previously unknown territory by accompanying the chief of Yam to the Land of the Libyan. Like the Asiatics in Sinuhe's journey home, Harkhuf accompanied the chief of Yam as a military escort. The main activity followed then in the Land of the Libyan. What Harkhuf actually did in t?-Tmh, "the Land of the Libyan," is not detailed. For the reasons already pointed out, it could not have been commercial bartering.62 Shtp is the term used for Harkhuf's action after he had gone out to the Land of the Libyan to aid the chief of Yam. The term has had two explanations. Edel, different from almost all prior commentators, took shtp to have only commercial connotation as "(jemanden)
568 Edel, FS Grapow, p. 72; Dixon, "Land of Yam," p. 45 interprets this statement freely into "leaving his asses and most of his goods at the chief's residence, Harkhuf, probably with a few companions and a Yamite guide, set out after him" for the sole objective "to announce his arrival." According to Dixon, Harkhuf would have to have had extremely pressing commercial interests if he ran after the chief of Yam for no other purpose. As Dixon admits, no commercial exchanges could have taken place during the campaign to the land of the Libyan. 69 A good parallel is Urk. I 140, 16-141, 3; Hatnub Gr. 6, 4; 7, 5; 9, 7.
60 See Edel, Altig. Gramm., ? 802; Gardiner, Egyptian Grammar3, ? 178. 61 Dixon, "Land of Yam," p. 52, rightly rejected by Edel; see "Inschriften," p. 21. 62 It is generally assumed that the journeys refleeted in the tomb inscriptions of Aswan had strictly commercial aims; see, for example, H. Kees, Das alte Agypten: eine kleine Landeskunde (Berlin, 1957), p. 179; H. W. Helck, Geschichte des alten Agypten, Handbuch der Orientalistik 1/3 (Leiden and Cologne, 1968), pp. 75 f.; E. Otto, Agypten: der Weg des Pharaonenreiches (Stuttgart, 1953), p. 90; Gardiner, Egypt of the Pharaohs: An Introduction (Oxford, 1961), pp. 99 ff.

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zufriedenstellen (durch gute Tauschewaren)" or more freely "gut bezahlen."63 He assumed that Harkhuf had no commission to conduct an active appeasement or expansion policy, but had only trade interests. According to him, Harkhuf, when learning about the campaign of the chief of Yam, left "die Esel der Agypter mit ihren Tauschlasten und ihrer Bewachung in der Residenz des Fiirsten" and with a few Egyptian members of his staff under the guidance of natives followed the Nubian ruler to announce his arrival. Upon it, the chief of Yam probably terminated his campaign. The transactions were then carried out after his return to Yam to the satisfaction of the Nubain ruler. Edel drew support from the adjoined statement about the ensuing gratefulness of the chief of Yam to the king of Egypt. This phrase is common in connection with the proper payment of artisans, so that Edel concluded that shtp means here "zufriedenstellen (durch gute Bezahlung)."64 While this usage seems beyond doubt, it is nevertheless a specific idiomatic application, which in no way exhausts the meaning of the word. In Urk. I 136, 13 the broken context hampers a full understanding, but it is certain that no commercial activities are involved; Sabni went out to bring his dead father home. That this involved some negotiations about passage is understandable, because the success of his journey depended on the good will of the people through whose country he was proceeding. No trade is involved in the claim of KDr (Urk. I 255, 4-5):65 iw shtp.n(.i) h'st(yw) nb n Hnw r-mnh rs.i hr.s hz.kwi hr.s in nb(.i), "When I had appeased all foreigners for the Residence properly, I watched over it and was praised about it by (my) lord." The only other connection with foreign matters Ki'r states otherwise is ink hry-ss't n mdt nb(t) innt m r.'C-h]swt m h'swt rs(yw]t, "I was secretary of/for all matters which were brought from the garrison of the foreigners and from the southern foreign lands"(Urk. I 254, 12.) Commercial activity does not seem to be implied, but it rather seems that K'r was concerned with matters dealing with foreigners and their relation to the Egyptian political establishment. It would seem that Shtp here has the meaning "to appease," with the result of loyalty by the foreigners concerned towards the Egyptian administration.66 This applies also to the inscription of (another) man named S'bni67 who claims: iw
pri.kwi r W'w,t hn' tzt nt m,s 5 iw '(3w) shtp.n(.i) hr imntt i3btt nt W'w't r tnt tzt ntms' m

htp, "I went forth to Wawat with five troops of soldiers and mercenaries with whom I had made peace on the west and east side of Wawat in order to bring a troop of soldiers back successfully." It is quite clear that Sabni was concerned with recruiting mercenaries by making them "peaceful" (shtp). The writing of shtp with the sign == as determinative is the only parallel to the orthography occurring in Harkhuf's text. This usage occurs also in the Middle Kingdom, in particular in Cairo 20539 I b, 10-11, sgrh n.f hryw-sc shtp sbit hr irt.sn, "who makes quiet the bedouin, who appeases the sbit about their duties."68
63 Edel, FS Grapow, pp. 52 ff.; idem, "Inschriften," (ZAS 85 [1960]), pp. 21 f., with some modifications see also Dixon, "Land of Yam," pp. 45 f. Edel's view had already been voiced by Save-Soderbergh, Agypten und Nubien, p. 21. 84 Edel, FS Grapow, p. 53. 85 See idem, Untersuchungen zur Phraseologie der igyptischen Inschriften des Alten Reiches (Berlin, h'swt or h3st(yw), 1944), ? 50 a. It could also be read the latter being preferable because shtp requires a human object.
66

See also Kadish,

Old Kingdom Egyptians,

pp.

29 iff.
67 A copy of the text is available in L. Habachi, The Obelisks of Egypt: Skyscrapers of the Past (New York, 1977), p. 40, fig. 16. 68 See J. Janssen, De traditioneele egyptische autobiographie v66r het Nieuwe Rijk, 2 vols. (Leiden, 1946), vol. 1, p. 146.

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Although there is a wide range of application, all occurrences of shtp have the basic causative meaning "to satisfy" in common. The assumed meaning "to pay well" or "to satisfy by good barter" cannot be substantiated. The term is used for the payment of workers, but not to describe the exchange of commodities.Inregard to foreigners, shtp appears to have the specific connotation of "making someone peaceful," "to establish peaceful relations with someone," in the sense of integration into the existing social order. In Harkhuf's inscription shtp has the basic meaning "to satisfy," "to appease" with the connotation of establishing peaceful relations. Considering his whereabouts and position, Harkhuf could not exert any force against the chief of Yam. Any attempt in this vein could only have led to disastrous consequences. Although Harkhuf had some military escort (see Urk. I 127, 6), it could never have matched the forces the chief of Yam could muster. The same considerations apply to the repeatedly stated view that Harkhuf intervened in the fighting.69 As the chief of Yam was on the offensive, he would hardly have tolerated any interference with his plans. Harkhuf's actions earned him the gratitude of the chief of Yam and must have been acceptable to him. As already proposed in discussing the meaning of m-s', Harkhuf went to the Land of the Libyan in support of the chief of Yam. His presence must have improved the power of the chief of Yam and seems to have tilted matters in his favor. If this is correct, it is no wonder that he was satisfied. That this move entailed political consequences, in particular that the chief of Yam established ties with the Egyptian king, is probable, but does not emerge instantly from the text. It is certain that either at this time, or shortly thereafter, i.e., in the reign of Pepi II, ties to Dakhlah were established, as was recently demonstrated by the spectacular discoveries of the late Ahmed Fakhry.70 Harkhuf's journey is likely to have opened the way for this subsequent political development. His visit to Dakhlah was not covered by his original commission, which is the reason that he reports his move to the king. His decision to go further west than he was charged to do was a reaction to the opportunity to accompany and assist the chief of Yam. It gives an idea of the caution with which foreign territories were explored and which is quite different from the prevailing thesis that the Egyptians of the late Old Kingdom conducted far-reaching expeditions deep into Africa. Two aspects concerning the reaction of the chief of Yam to Harkhuf's services require comment. His thanks are directed to the "sovereign" (itw).71 This designation reflects the legal relationship between the chief of Yam and the king of Egypt, as the former is not a subject under the nswt-bit and thus acknowledges the ruler of Egypt as itw, "sovereign." It probably reflects an act of recognition on the part of the chief of Yam, as is strongly suggested by the later use of the term.72 The second concerns the reason for this professed gratitude.73 Edel's thesis is that the chief of Yam was overwhelmed by his success in bartering with Harkhuf.74 Why should
69 See, for example, Dixon, "Land of Yam," p. 46. 70 The late Dr. Ahmed Fakhry most kindly gave me the opportunity to study the important texts which he had discovered. 71 See my Die Stellung des Konigs im Alten Reich (Weisbaden, 1960), pp. 49 ff. 72 See D. Lorton, The Juridical Terminology of International Relations in Egyptian Texts through Dynasty XVIII (Baltimore, 1974), pp. 7 f. 73 Observe the pseudo-verbal construction with hr and its implicit continuity; see Edel, Altag. Gramm., ? 932; Gardiner, Egyptian Grammar3, ? 319 f. 74 Edel, FS Grapow, pp. 53 f.

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Harkhuf be interested in especially pleasing a trading partner instead of pursuing his own interests or those of the king, whom he represented? (Thus these actions should be seen in a political light.) For the support received, the chief of Yam not only expresses his gratitude by "praising all the gods for the sovereign," 75 but also gives his feelings a material expression. The goods which Harkhuf lists are not to be considered the result of trading with the chief of Yam but rather as gifts of the latter in appreciation of the support received from Harkhuf and as expressions of the recognition of the Egyptian king as "sovereign." Summing up the right section of Harkhuf's inscription, the investigation has so far established that Harkhuf left from the Thinite district on one of the branches of the Darb el-Arba'yin on which he traveled to Khargah, referred to as "the Oasis."76 The ruler there is described by Harkhuf as hFk' I,m, "chief of Yam," from which it can be deduced that Khargah was an integral part of Yam. That Yam is not only Khargah results from the information to be gleaned about Harkhuf's second journey. Although Harkhuf went to Yam, he did not touch on Khargah, because he traveled on the more southern track from Elephantine via Kurkur to Dunkul and from there south to the Lower Nubian Nile. The left part of Harkhuf's inscription (Urk. I 126, 7-127, 15) continues the account and consists of four sections. The first gives Harkhuf's report to the king about his unplanned journey to the land of the Libyan in support of the chief of Yam. The second specifies his return to the Nile Valley, the third his journey through Lower Nubia and the somewhat unwilling support he received from the chief of Lower Nubia, and the fourth the last link of his journey and the reception he received. For the understanding of the partly destroyed text, Edel's study is fundamental.77 Only in a number of details will differing interpretations be proposed. As discussed earlier, the journey to t?-Tmh and the support of the chief of Yam was beyond Harkhuf's instructions. Although apparently able to decide independently, Harkhuf nevertheless sent a report to the king about the developments. Differing slightly from Edel,78 I propose restoring the partly broken beginning as [iw h,b.n(.i) smi (?) m-]C' ILm(y) n(y) sms-Hr r rdit rh hm n MrnrCnb(.i) [wnt w(i) pri.kwi r t3-Tmh]m-sl hk-DI'm '[I sent a report (?) with] a Yamian of the Horus-following in order to let the majesty of Merenrec, (my) lord, know [that I had gone to the Land of the Libyan] in support of the chief of Yam."
75 The reference to "all gods" is chosen here to include not only the Egyptian, but also the local gods. It cannot be compared with Reisner, Giza 2375 (Edel, "Inschriften des Alten Reichs: III. Die Stele des Mhw-'htj [Reisner G 2375]," MIO 1 [1953]: 331). 76 The fact that some inscriptions from Dakhlah name a hk wwMht "chief of the Oasis" fits into the picture very well. If we are correct that Harkhuf gave support in, the conquest of Dakhlah (t3 Tmh) by the chief of Yam whose center of power was in Khargah, it can be assumed that from then on Dakhlah was controlled

by the ruler of Khargah. Thus the mention of the hk3 wh3t should be taken in the specific meaning "chief of the Oasis," i.e., Khargah, reflecting the subjugation of Dakhlah under Khargah. 77 Edel, FS Grapow, pp. 54 ff. 78 Idem, p. 72; he renders as follows: "[Ich sandto den TITEL N.N. zusam]men mit einem Mann aus ]Pm zum Gefolge des [Hor]us, um die Majestat des Merjen-re, meines Herrn, wissen zu lassen, [dass ich] hinter dem Herrscher von J3m her [ins Libyerland gezogen war]."

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Edel assumed that Harkhuf sent off a member of his expedition together with a local man. The use of the compound preposition m-' rules out such a thesis because m-' does not mean "together with" but "in the hand of."79 Thus m-' has to be preceded by the mention of an object which was "sent" in the hand of a Yamian; Urk. I 136, 1 provides a supporting parallel, especially also for the employment of local people as messengers. In view of the length of the lacuna, which Edel gives with three squares, md]t80 would be too short as a restoration. Urk. I 136, 1 has msitt, "distinguishing sign," which would not be suitable here. A word for "report," with smi, Wb. IV 128, or znn, Wb. III 460, is to be expected. 31'm(y), "Yamian," was first recognized by Edel as denoting a native messenger. He also improved the reading to 'I'm(y) , I '\. He took the latter as a dative and thus assumed that Harkhuf dispatched his message to the sms-Hr, which he interpreted as a term denoting "das menschliche Gefolge des Konigs."8' His view is untenable for two reasons: first, any message could only be sent "towards" an institution and would thus require the use of the proposition r; see Urk. I 128, 6; 61, 17. The construction here can only be genitival. Second, any official report would have to be addressed to the palace or to the king but certainly not to "the human following of the king." None of the occurrences of Sms-Hr cited by Edel is pertinent because they reflect the religious application of the term. Sms-Hr is attested once in the Sixth Dynasty (Pepi I) where it denotes beyond question the "royal followers" in a military sense.82 In the present occurrence it is used to indicate that the Yamian dispatched with Harkhuf's message was not a mere native, but was actually a mecenary in the Egyptian military force.83 The second section of the left part of Harkhuf's inscription (Urk. I 126, 11-127, 3) describes his return to the Nile Valley after "satisfying" or "making peaceful" the chief of Yam. In the overall composition, Urk. I 126, 12 corresponds to Urk. I 125, 2 in the description of the second journey, just as Urk. I 125, 14 corresponds to Urk. I 125, 1. In the account of the third journey, the return is separated from the departure by the lengthy description of the events with the chief of Yam. The name of the place where Harkhuf returned to the Nile Valley is missing. It must have been a rather short name, which Edel estimated as two squares ending with the determinative pi .84 An alternative, which would better suit the context is [ Fr E A ' 7] hnt 'Irrtt m p4wy Z,tw, "I descended successfully at a place which ~J t:D~ _ is south of 'Irrtt and north of Z'tw." (For the use of m-htp preceding the geographical specification, see Urk. I 128, 8.) As Edel,85 following Save-Soderbergh86 convincingly demonstrated, the place mentioned here by Harkhuf is to be located in the vicinity of Tomas. Thus Harkhuf on his third journey to Yam descended into the Nile Valley at the
79 See idem, Altag. Gramm., ? 773; in as fas as m-' lends itself to the translation "under the supervision of," it is still used only in reference to physical objects and not to persons. 80 Urk. I 60, 16; 128, 5, where it is used for a letter. Edel's restoration of two personal names is untenable. 81 Edel, FS Grapow, pp. 55 f. He mentions the inscription of a certain Sabni (see n. 67 above) who has the epithet h'ty-c smr-w'ty whm mdw-Hr n Ams.f, "count 'unique friend' who repeats the word of Horus to his following," which does not mention the Sms-Hr. 82 Urk. I 214, 15; see also my Konigliche Dokumente

aus dem Alten Reich (Wiesbaden, 1967), pp. 42 ff.; a more recent translation is offered by Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Literature, vol. 1, p. 28. 83 For wnt introducing a quote from a letter, see my article "Quotations in Old Kingdom Inscriptions," in FS Grapow, pp. 101 ff. 84 Edel, FS Grapow, p. 72, n. 13. 85 Ibid., pp. 59 ff.; idem, "Die Landernamen Unternubiens," pp. 140 ff. 86 Save-Soderbergh, Agypten und Nubien, pp. 16 f. against Gardiner, Ancient Egyptian Onomastica, 2 vols. (London, 1947), vol. 2, p. *270.

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same place he had on his second journey, where it is described as m hiw pr-hklc Z'tw'Irrtt, "in the vicinity of the house of the ruler of Ztw and 'Irrtt" or "within the realm of the ruler of Z'tw and 'Irrtt." That the next point in Harkhuf's account is his meeting "the chief of 'Irrtt-Z,tw- W,wt (Urk. I 126, 15) corroborates the thesis about his point of descent. Since Harkhuf after his third journey to Yam descended into the Nile Valley in the vicinity of Tomas, Yam cannot be located in Dongola as Edel insists.87 There is only one direction from which one can descend into the Nile Valley at Tomas and this is from the north, coming on the desert track from Dakhlah via Beris at Khargah to Dunkul and from there on the same route used during the second journey into the Nile Valley. The goods Harkhuf transported on 300 donkeys cannot be used for a geographical identification. Khargah was on the trade route to Darfur and thus the commodities mentioned do not necessarily reflect indigenous products of Yam. This concerns in particular the ivory tusks but also the leopard skin and ebony. They are obviously all considered precious and serve as an expression of gratitude and recognition by the chief of Yam to the king of Egypt. The unidentified word s't might be identical with that occurring in Pyr. 518 a; 1369 a; 2017 a. As has often been remarked,88 in the few years between Harkhuf's second and third journey the political situation in Lower Nubia had changed by its political consolidation under one rule.89 There is no indication that the ruler was truly hostile towards Harkhuf. If he mentions in this context the number and strength of his escort, which in part consisted of Yamians recruited for the Egyptian military service, this is not necessarily a reflection of impending or barely avoided fighting. It can equally well be taken as a reason for the local chief's unusual courtesy, due to the impression Harkhuf's caravan made on him. His reactions are stated as wn in hk' pn hr zbit(.i) hr rdit(.i) k'w 'nhw hr ssmt n(.i) w't nt tzwt nt 'Irrtt, "then that chief accompanied (me), gave cattle and goats to (me), and guided (me) to the roads of the mountains of 'Irrtt." For zbi, "to accompany," see Wb. III, 431, 5, though this rendering has problems. A possibly more suitable meaning is attained by assuming a haplography of hr and emending to * hr zbit <hr(.i)> hr rdit n(.i) .... In addition to the resulting better meaning, this emendation is also supported by the fact that the two parallel clauses have the same construction, namely an infinitive followed by a preposition.90 That Harkhuf was pleased to receive supplies of fresh meat is not surprising because they were unavailable to him during the desert travel. Beyond this, the furnishing of animals for slaughter appears to have constituted a special favor.91 The last service extended to Harkhuf by the chief of Lower Nubia is described as hr sgmt n(.i) w,wt nt tzwt nt 'Irrtt. These "ways of the mountain-ranges of 'Irrtt" are to be identified with the

87 If Yam had been in Dongola, Harkhuf would have followed the Nile, most likely by boat, and there would have been no reason to single out one point in the long river journey. 88 SSve-SUderbergh, Agypten und Nubien, p. 16. 89 Following Edel's explanation of Urk. I 126, 16 I read dmd.ti m ht wct because the Old Perfective has to be feminine. 90 See also Siut IV 78; CT I 176 o where zbi hr stands parallel to mdw hr, "to speak to someone." If taken

this way, Harkhuf apparently refers to the positive reception he received, advocated by the chief of Lower Nubia. It throws a curious light on the prevailing customs that the chief "spoke for" Harkhuf and his party, which seems to imply the limited authority of the chief over his own people. For zbi hr, "to advocate somebody," i.e., "to support," see Edel, Untersuchungen zur Phraseologie, ? 18. 9I Meat for meals was a special treat; see Urk. I 139, 16; Urk. VII 5, 18-21.

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overland tracks from Tomas (or Derr) to Mediq as Save-Soderbergh first suggested,92 later accepted by Edel.93 By taking these tracks, Harkhuf saved himself the long bend of the Nile Valley of Sebuac, which is almost impassable on the western bank.94 Edel read hr ssmt n(.i) w]wt, "machte mir gangbar die Wege," but Wb. IV 286, 12, "to show someone a road" makes better sense. It does not mean that the chief of Lower Nubia accompanied Harkhuf but only that he advised him. It is not specified where Harkhuf finally embarked for his journey to the Residence (Urk. I 127, 12), There is no indication that he immediately proceeded there with his entire expedition. Weni's construction of passages through the First Cataract95 and his passing them with seven vessels would indicate that the First Cataract was to some degree navigable for riverine traffic. However, Harkhuf is more likely to have marched to Elephantine and to have sailed north from there.96 He had obviously sent an advance report to the Residence, which instigated the dispatch of a reception party.97 It was under the smr-w'ty imy-r skbbwy98 Hwni, who appears to be unattested elsewhere.99 As a gesture of welcome, he brought not only bread and beer, but also date wine (bnrit) and some baked goods called mskw;'00 in view of its conjunction with bnrit, "date wine," mskw, is likely to refer to some "sweetmeat." All of the three journeys which Harkhuf describes in his autobiographical inscriptions took him to Yam. This applied also to another journey a few years later, which is reflected in the letter written by the young Pepi II-Neferkarec about a dwarf Harkhuf was bringing from "the land of the horizon-dwellers."'01 After an extensive investigation Kuentz concluded that t,-.htyw denotes "pays des habitants de l'horizon" or "terre des soidisant Horizontaux," which he assumes to be distantly to the south or southeast of Egypt.102 While its location is basically uncertain, it is directly connected with the identification of Yam. Beyond this, the implicit meaning of ]htyw, "horizon-dwellers," deserves consideraton. Unquestionably a derivative of 'ht "horizon," this basis limits the term to an easterly or westerly direction but certainly not to the south, where there is no horizon. As far as Yam is concerned, this observation limits its placing to the east or to the west of Egypt.
Save-Soderbergh, Agypten und Nubien, p. 29. See FS Grapow, p. 73. 94 That he used this overland desert track instead of traveling on the western bank of the Nile-for the somewhat more passable eastern bank he would have had to cross the Nile with his big caravan-stands of Herkhuf's route against Edel's identification during his second journey; see above, p. 14. 95Urk. I 108, 13-14. 96 One of the reasons for such an interpretation of his travel are the 300 donkeys which made up his caravan (Urk. I 126, 17). Once on boats he would no longer need them because within Egypt he could reach his destination by river. One must assume that he got rid of the donkeys somewhere. As it is unlikely that he sent them back to the chief of Yam or that he sold them at Mediq, one might conclude that he continued the last sixty-five miles to Elephantine on land. 97 See Sinuhe B 243-45. 98 Edel, as did Helck before him (Untersuchungen zu den Beamtentiteln des agyptischen Alten Reiches, Agyptologische Forschungen 18 [Gluckstadt, 1954], p. 25, n. 82), is certainly correct in rejecting Sethe's
92

93

restoration h,ty-c for lack of space and for incongruity. No other title could have preceded smr-wcty and in the small gap should be restored to the participle is; for its use, see Edel, Altdg. Gramm., ? 825. 99 The name is curious because of its lack of any obvious meaning. Only Whhw (see H. Junker, Gila, 12 vols. [Vienna, 1929-55], vol. 2, p, 166) could be compared, bou it is orthographic&ily impossible. I wonder if the name should not be read *R'-wn-n.i (similar to Rc-wn-n.f) (for the latter see Ranke, Die dgyptische Personennamen, vol. 1 [Glickstadt, 1935], p. 217, 10). 100 Edel (FS Grapow, p. 73) read it as mswk, which would seem a rather improbable sequence of radicals; a graphic transposition seems more likely here. 101Urk. I 128, 8, "that you have returned successfully from Yam." The report which led to the king's letter was apparently written after Harkhuf had returned to Egyptian territory, i.e., presumably to his home-base at Elephantine. 102 See M. C. Kuentz, "Autour d'une conception 6gyptienne m6connue: l'Akhit ou soi-disant horizon," BIFAO 17 (1920): 128 ff.

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No details about the location of Yam can be established in connection with the first and fourth journey of Harkhuf. The specifications given concerning the second and third journey are in some way coherent, at the same time contradicting the proposed identifications. Neither Yoyotte's placing of Yam at Dunkul nor Edel's extremely southern location of it in the Kerma region is convincing,'03 as Dixon has demonstated.104 Although he refrains from a positive identification of Yam, Dixon makes it clear that Yam could have lain south of the twenty-second north parallel, a view close to that of Gardiner, who insisted that Yam had to be not too distant from Egypt because people from Yam were employed as workmen and as mercenaries in Egypt.l05 Harkhuf went to Yam on two different routes, one leaving from the Thinite district, the other from Elephantine. Both led onto the gebel, which makes it clear that his direction was basically westward. On the second journey he reached two specific localities before descending into the Nile Valley at Tomas. These details, as discussed above,'06 allow only an identification with Kurkur and Dunkul reached by Harkhuf on the southern-most side-branch of the Darb el-Arba'yin; from Dunkul there is a desert track south to the Nile Valley, reaching it at Tomas. The same point is also mentioned in connection with Harkhuf's third journey to Yam. After leaving on a northern branch of the Darb el-Arba'yin starting in the Thinite district, Harkhuf proceeded to the Oasis of Khargah, which is denoted politically as wh't, "the Oasis." From there he continued to the t'-Tmh, "the land of the Libyan," which was obviously located at a feasible distance from Khargah and which has to be identified with the oasis Dakhlah, which entered the perimeter of Egypt's political concerns at this time. After completing his sojourn at Dakhlah in support of the chief of Yam, who obviously was the ruler of Khargah, Harkhuf descended to the Nile Valley at a point north of Z,tw and south of 'Irrtt, which is virtually identical with his point of descent during the second journey.107 A number of conclusions can be drawn about Yam: first, it was not in the Nile Valley; second, it was west of Abydos and Elephantine; third, it was comprised of Khargah, and also Kurkur and Dunkul. This evidence strongly suggests that Yam did not denote a specific locality, but rather an extensive region which comprised the southern oases. In its application 'IPm is thus similar to Md', which, as Posener has demonstrated, applies to the desert region east of the Nile, the "tribal territory of the Madjoi."'08 Yam apparently is the equivalent of Mdl' and is used as a term for the western desert and the oases located there.109 When it is taken in this way, the contradictions in Harkhuf's
part due to Harkhuf's activities. Its people appear to have had a different ethnic affiliation from those of Yam. The intention to drive them "to the western corner of heaven" suggests that the people of Dakhlah were ethnically connected with people further west or northwest. It seems at this point tenable to assume that Dakhlah was the southeasternmost area populated by Libyans and that it was connected with the mass of this people via Farafra and Siwah. There is nothing to support W. Holscher's thesis (Libyer und Agypter: Beitrdge zur Ethologie und Geschichte libyscher Volkerschaften nach den altdgyptischen quellen Wilhelm Holscher [Gluckstadt, 1937], p. 55) of the origin of the Tmhw-Libyans in the deep south, i.e., in the Wadi Hawa.

103 A. J. Arkell, A History of the Sudan: from Earliest Times to 1821, 2d ed., rev. (London, 1961), opted for identifying Yam with Darfur. 104 Dixon, "Land of Yam," pp. 40 ff. 105 Gardiner, Ancient Egyptian Onomastica, vol. 1, pp. 74*-76*, favors a location between the First and Second Cataracts. 106See above, p. 14. 107 For the identification of Z,tw and ?Irrtt, see again Edel, "Die Landernamen Unternubiens," pp. 134 ff. 105 G. Posener, "t11 S etSAi )* et 8319583 8, ff. ' , ZAS 83 (1958): 38 if.

,"

109

Dakhlah was apparently an addition to Yam, in

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accounts vanish. As a general term 'I'm corresponds to later sh`t-imw,ll0 which denoted the southern oases in the Western Desert. Another result from the renewed investigation of Harkhuf's journeys and recognition that they affected a limited region to the southwest of Egypt is a different evaluation of the aims pursued. They cannot be seen as commercial enterprises to bring materials to Egypt but rather represent true explorations with a distinctly political aim. That it was only curiosity that triggered them is questionable. Major changes affected Lower Nubia at the end of the Old Kingdom, leading to the appearance of the C-group there. Harkhuf's journey might be connected with apparent ethnic movements or at least provide a ray of light in a largely dark region. Two major changes occurred during the short time covered by his travels. One concerns the Lower Nubian Nile Valley, the other the southern cases region. The political situation seems to have entered a state of flux in both cases. The chief of the area of the southern oases had embarked on an expansionist policy and brought Dakhlah under his control. For doing so he received direct support from the Egyptians through Harkhuf. What could Egypt's interest have been in supporting this move? A tenable hypothesis would be that Egypt was interested in directing any expansionist pressures by the Yamians westward in order to protect the Nile Valley from them. The consolidation of Lower Nubia into one political unit might have been directly connected with this threat emanating from the Western Desert. There is no indication that the chief of Lower Nubia was in any way hostile to Harkhuf during any of his journeys. On the contrary, he awarded him assistance and support. The consolidation in Lower Nubia should thus not be seen as a menace to Egypt but, if it had any political motivations at all, as a defense against pressures affecting this region. That neither Harkhuf's attempts to direct the expansionist pressures of the southern oases region towards the west nor the political consolidation of Lower Nubia were in the long run successful in protecting the Nile Valley from the Yamians is reflected in the infiltration and takeover of the lower Nile Valley by the C-group people who had their origins in the Western Desert.'11 While these events begin to form a coherent picture, the cause of the pressure still remains to be considered. Disregarding the possibility of a chief's personal drive for grandeur by conquest, which would fall outside the range of rational historical investigation, there is one possible cause which might explain the unrest of the Yamians. There are indications of climatic changes beginning with the late Sixth Dynasty and continuing into the Ninth Dynasty, primarily in the form of increasing dessication.112 This would, of course, have affected the desert dwellers more than those in the Nile Valley where some water supply would always be available. On this living basis the hypothesis can be promulgated that Yamians in the face of adverse climatic conditions tried to improve their situation by political expansion. The incorporation of Dakhlah in their relative vicinity must have seemed a logical move.113 Only after this failed and when Egypt because of her internal weakness was unable to check the pressure,
110Gauthier, Dictionnaire ggographique, vol. 5, pp. 49 f. 111 See in particular, M. Bietak, Studien zur Chronologic der nubischenC-Gruppe (Vienna, 1963), pp. 144 if.; W. Y. Adams, Nubia: A Corridor to Africa (Princeton, 1977), pp. 142 if.; see also Edel, "Die Landernamen Unternubiens," pp. 154 ff.
112 See B. Bell, "The Dark Ages in Ancient Egypt I," AJA 75 (1971): 26 if.; K. Butzer, Early Hydraulic Civilization in Egypt: A Study in Cultural Ecology (Chicago, 1976), p. 27. 113 There is nothing to support the claim by D. B. Redford, "The Oases in Egyptian History to Classical JSSEA 7 (1976): 7 ff., that the oases had been Times,

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did the Yamians succeed in penetrating Nubia and establishing themselves there. Putting the few bits of available information together, a dim picture emerges showing major ethnic movements in the region of Lower Nubia and the adjoining deserts caused by climatic changes.
under direct Egyptian control since the beginning of the Fourth Dynasty. For the assumed "overseer of Farafra," see my comments in MIDK 36 (1980).