BBC

February 1999 Volume 9 Number 2

"What is it that will enable us to hold this union of nationalities together and maintain our independence? It is genuine love towards one another, strenuously and courageously striving not only to benefit one's self or one's organization, resisting abuse of authority or power, trusting one another, joining hands and communicating with each other, and coming together to discuss all issues that concern the country. In a nutshell, it means that a democratic process must be adopted." Address given by the Chairman of the NLD on the 51 anniversary of Independence Day, 9 January 1999
st

Painting by Saw Thaw Tu Say, age 13, ofHuay Kaloke Refugee Camp
Burma Issues, newsletter of Burma Issues, highlights current information related to t h e struggle for peace and justice in Burma. It is distributed internationally on a freesubscription basis to individuals and groups concerned about the state of affairs in Burma. P . O . Box 1 0 7 6 Silom Post Office Bangkok 1 0 5 0 4 , T h a i l a n d durham@mozart.inet.co.th

the monthly

INSIDE
PEACE AND JUSTICE: A SOCIETY:

Movement Strategy: Four Themes of Peace

In Rangoon: Civil Servants and Cemeteries Burma & Drug Trafficking : A Thai Perspective Manufacturing the Masses What Others Have to Say About Burma

ILLEGAL DRUGS: PROPAGANDA: NEWSBRIEFS:

February News

THE LAST WORD:

INFORMATION

FOR

ACTION

CAMPAIGNS

FOR

PEACE

GRASSROOTS

EDUCATION

AND

ORGANIZING

PEACE & JUSTICE

These four elements of peace may or may not find consensus among the movement. Upon scrutiny they may be restated, modified, combined or further parsed into their constituent parts. A never-ending task, the definition of peace itself becomes an important activity in movement-building, particu- Participatory and responsive larly in expanding the dialogue on social governance. analysis to diverse groups: grassroots Regardless of ideological foundation, the The first step is to sketc^ out the framework Burma, opposition politicians, international government must assume the burden of establishing and safe-guarding justice within for such an ambitious strategic task. It re- supporters, academics and the media. and beyond its borders. This can only be quires consideration of some fundamental issues: the nature of a social movement; the Drawing the contours of peace is not merely achieved through significant participation of goal of Burma's struggle; and a critical defi- an intellectual exerciseit is a crucial step a populace which claims ownership of its nition of peace. These basics have received in strategic planning and movement-build- government, the bureaucracy and its own less attention than they rightfully deserve. ing, for it begins to sketch out a much-needed political destiny. Exploring them will help the movement de- map for social change. Like all good maps, it fine itself, evaluate its own progress and plan should indicate where people are in the Where to go next? The elements of peace for a long-term struggle for social change. present and should provide an overview of can be seen as objectives in the strategic their options for reaching a goal. The map plan, and the next step is to research and A movement is a strategy for social change. also suggests a crucial division of labor, one analyze the state of each one. To what exA movement is an organized, cooperative hallmark of a rational movement based on tent does Burma enjoy tolerance of divereffort by diverse groups towards a common both inclusivity and the need to replace com- sity today? On what cultural conditions is goal, based on a common analysis of social motion with strategic action. this tolerance based? Where are its strengths institutions. This analysis is both descripand what are its weaknesses? What ecotive, a thorough and unbiased investigation Tolerance of diversity. nomic structures serve their purpose well in of Burma's social realities, and criticala Burma's ethnic and religious diversity con- the present? What dangers or opportunities search for the structural causes and effects tinues to be a major factor in social conflict. do they face? The next analytical question of suffering and injustice in all their forms. A Strong suspicions and biases among social seeks to identify the main challenges facing movement's strength is its capacity to in- groups have both been inherited from the the movement: What are the major obstacles corporate many interests, sectors or classes past and recreated in the present, prolong- to the full realization of the objective? While of society into an overall plan for structural ing contemporary conflicts, including civil it may be tempting to provide a glib answer change. Above all, a successful movement war. The fear of diversity has been an impor- in each casethe present military governis constructive, expanding not by conquest tant force in the militarization of Burmese mentthe process is better served by seekor indoctrination, but by cooperation and a culture. The remedy to this pervasive mis- ing specific structural answers. The more commitment to truth. Critical to movement- trust of the "other" is an ethic of tolerance emphasis the movement places on the milibuilding is a shared goal. Too often, it is as- and the perception of diversity as an asset tary junta as a lynch-pin for all injustice in sumed that all motion is working towards rather than a threat. Militarization can be re- Burma, the weaker its analysis will be. For the same end, a goal never fully articulated versed only by undoing the culture of fear example, while one major obstacle to confibut left in the realm of abstraction. Terms and mistrust among diverse groups. By the dence in a just legal system may be the posuch as peace, human rights and democ- same token, democratization of society re- litical control of the courts (a lack of inderacy defy simple definition and are often left quires a tolerance of diverse opinions and pendence in the judiciary), others would be vague in order to avoid the entanglements beliefs. widespread corruption of judges and a lack of theoretical debate. Rather than shy away of public awareness of the law. from the discourse, however, a movement Confidence in a just legal system. must blaze practical paths between the ab- The legal system is crucial in providing instract and the concrete. Continued on page 3 stitutional recourse in instances of injustice,
February 1999 2

rights will stretch well into the next century. If this is a sobering prognosis, then the movement for change in Burma may take solace in certain opportunities presented by the longterm view. Perhaps most encouraging is the chance to think of our work as a struggle for the 21st century, imbued with the optimism of a new age and the insight gained from the close of an era. Making the transition, however. is not quite so simple or automatic as turning the calendar; it requires analysis and strategic planning in ways more comprehensive than have yet been tried. Whether or to what extent a Burma movement exists is an unanswered question at the end of the 20th century. Undeniably, there's a lot of activity globally, much motion and commotion, but how well is it all coordinated, based on common social analysis and striving towards a common goal? This is a key question for strategic planning.

t the the millenium one thing Aabout close of justice andis basic human Burma's future certain: the struggle for peace,

A MOVEMENT STRATEGY: FOUR THEMES OF PEACE

Peace is a comprehensive idea which encompasses a whole range of positive social conditions. Of what does peace consist? This simple and profound question may be as appealing as it is daunting, for it transcends social barriers of class, ethnicity, religion and nationality; it speaks directly to the individual without distinction or bias. Its asking may in fact be the first step in movementbuilding. A provisional model, one to be scrutinized, tested and revised, pieces together four major elements of peace: tolerance of diversity, confidence in a fair legal system, equitable economic structures, and a participatory and responsive government.

and in continually testing and defining the nature of individual and collective rights. This recourse addresses social conflict by confirming and acting on society's values about justice and morality. A fair legal system treats all people equally and applies the law without political interference. It is flexible and dynamic, based on laws established by a participatory government.

Equitable economic structures.

Peace depends largely on people's assurance in their material security, including access to food, shelter, land, and good health. This nattirally entails participation in decisions about the use of common resources. Many of Burma's people depend on subsistence economies built on local control over natural resources. Economic development can threaten the security of micro-economies and thus threaten peace.

SOCIETY

following information 7 hewho was recentlya Burma was received in February from Issues associate in Rangoon. This associate previously reported on general conditions there, ["The Inside Perspective", BI, January 1997]. By this most recent account all sectors of Burma s ailing social infrastructure have continued to deteriorate since then.

IN RANGOON: CIVIL SERVANTS AND CEMETERIES

side, such as acting as real estate agents and brokers for deals involving some kind of government bureaucracy and documentation. The division heads are happy not to have their employees turning up, as their own corrupt activities are not scrutinized. Under the tender system the government operates, if a division head opens a tender for materials purchases to traders, he'll receive a lot of bribes from those trying to get the tender. Also, when absent employees return from whatever other activities they've been doing, they'll have presents for him. Anyway, the heads understand that their subordinates aren't able to survive on the civil service wages and have to look for other income like this. So at the moment, it's not uncommon to see only the heads of divisions in otherwise empty offices.

A relative of mine is working as a government cjerk. He earns 1000 Kyats per month [about U.S.$3], but currently only works a couple of days per week, as his division was closed and consolidated into another, so at present there are no specific tasks for him. Although he works less, he gets the same wage. It costs him 30 Kyats to travel to and from work per day (by bus) so his net salary is 760 Kyats. At his old work site he used to have to take three different buses, which cost 90 Kyats per day. He is staying on at work as he has only a few more years until he receives his pension. The pension is set at half the regular wage, o will probably be 500 Kyats. On his spare days he does subsistence labor work if available, such as sanding and polishing new furniture, for which he can earn up to 300 Kyats per day. Since he moved location about 6 months ago, he hasn't received his rice subsidy. He was told that as his new site was going to be "temporary" he wouldn't receive it until new specific duties are assigned him. Now, however, his new site has been made "permanent", so he has been told that he should receive it in a month or so. He receives about 14 pyi [approximately 8 1/2 gallons] at a discounted rate [usually about half the market price]. Although he is one who has been exempted from going to work 3 days a week , most civil service employees don't turn up for work regularly anyway. Many do things on the Each obstacle should highlight some core themes for social change in Burmese society. Barriers to equitable economic structures are weak land rights, rural-urban migration, extractive industry and poor national health and education systems. These suggest the need to strengthen the rural economy, to promote subsistence farming, to build local control over key resources and revolutionize social services. At this point the plan makes an important transition from abstract analysis to looking at the work going on today. How does the Burma-related activism of today support these peace-building issues? Who is doing what, what is left out? Most critically, is work

Civil Service

cated, and so there is a standard practice in Burma when moving a graveyard to bring along the spirits too. A passenger car is driven to the site and all the spirits are called to climb aboard and be taken to the new gravesites. People who have seen this procedure say that although the car is apparently empty it gets heavier and heavier until, when full with spirits, it is driven to the new location. Sometimes two or three trips are required. If the spirits seem reluctant to come, the car driver encourages them about the new site, such as saying that they've got video there. But at Sawbwakyigone the car didn't get heavier, it seems that the spirits were very obstinate about staying put. For that reason, Khun Sa, among others, didn't buy the land.

Land Values

The price of land in and around Rangoon is rising continually. My relatives were forced from a residence they had lived in since after nationalization [post-1962] and in spite of attempts through the courts to receive compensation, got only a few thousand Kyats. They bought a place near a road in a new satellite town north of Rangoon for 130,000 Kyats a little over a year ago. This year, someone offered 700,000 for it. The person who bought the land [when the town was opened up] in 1994 paid 10,000 Kyats.

However, in 1998 the land was bought by a Korean company. People were again sent orders to relocate their dead. But it appears the Koreans didn't know about the land they had bought [or their agents didn't inform them], because when they came to inspect the site, they were shocked to discover it to be a cemetery, and they cancelled their development plans. They said that the community could continue to use the land as a cemetery. I don't know whether or not they transferred the title deeds though. In my opinion, civil servants are being denied their right to an adequate wage. The salary they receive is not sufficient to meet their expenses, therefore they usually have to find other sources of income. Those who are clever can make quite a lot of money in other ways, but those who are not have a lot of problems. Although they can do the work required of them competently, their lives do not have stability. They lack financial security and must live from day to day.

Conclusion

There is a big Christian cemetery at Sawbwakyigone, a little north of Rangoon, that has been under threat from developers. In early 1997, the area was going to be bought, so people said, by Khun Sa. Orders were given for people to get permits to go and dig up their relatives and relocate them before the bulldozers were to move in. Some began doing this. But Buddhists believe that the spirits also need to be physically reloon specific issuesprotecting the environment, for exampleconsciously working towards the objective of building an equitable economic system? The dream of a movement becomes a reality when such activities, no matter how large or small, or where they take place, or who is involved, identify their role in the movement and focus on its common goal.

Continuedfrom page 2

Growing consolidation of land among the wealthy means that the "have-nots" have less and less. The "haves" are increasingly greedy and as the "have-nots" suffer so much oppression they just feel satisfied with whatever little they are able to accumulate. For the landowners, land is just investment, but for all the people who have lost their land and have no money this attitude is creating great problems. Agents in land transactions also take their share of the proceeds Chris Cusano without any regard for whatever problems people might be having. That is the condition of our society these days

February 1999 3

ILLEGAL D R U G S

his article, translated from was 7 written by researcher memeber Thai, assisa Bl staff with tance from a at Chulalongkorn University's Institute of Asian Studies. The Institute recently prepared a report on the drug situation in Indochina and Burma for the Thai government.

BURMA & DRUG TRAFFICKING: A THAI PERSPECTIVE

On 25 January 1999, Thai and English news papers in Thailand ran a story that General Than Shwe, leader of the Burmese military junta is to visit Thailand on March 8, to discuss solutions for the growing drug trade along the Thai/Burma border with Thai authorities. This raises questions about the specific goals and expectations of the Burmese military What is behind their sudden interest in seeking solutions to this old problem? Exactly how serious are they about cooperating with Thai authorities in dealing with this situation? In the past, both Burma and Thailand have carried out drug eradication programs and yet the industry persists. Thailand still brings in large amounts of drugs from its neighbors. This is evident in the statistics on drug usage in the province of Chiang Mai. During the first seven months of 1998 more than 680 juvenile court cases were brought against youths involved in drug usage. More than 50% of these cases were related to amphetamines and the remainder concerned other types of drugs and crimes related to drug abuse. During the first six months of the same year in Chiang Mai province, 964 drug cases related to amphetamines were conducted involving 5,828 people and a total of 5.4 million amphetamine pills. Of these individuals, only two were arrested on charges of production. These statistics point out how difficult the issue is to solve They show that Thailand has delt more with drug abuse and sales, the symptoms of the problem, rather than the source of the issue. If, as in the past, discussions between Thailand and Burma do not bring any positive results, Thai society will continue to carry the very heavy burden of drug related problems resulting from the influx of drugs from Burma. Both youth and adults will continue to be the victims of drug abuse well into the future. We must, thereFebruary 1999

fore, go back to study the roots of drug pro- and other past statements about the thoughts of the ruling government on the duction in Burma. drug problem: Drug production began in the country more 1) the planting and abuse of drugs is the than 400 years ago and was influenced by result of colonial rule. conflicts between the central government and the ethnic groups within the country It 2) The drug problem in Burma does not have was through the gap created by these con- its roots within Burmese society. It is a probflicts that drug production was able to grow lem brought into the country through forso quickly and develop a market network eign coercion. which generated huge profits for those in charge of the production. Modern weapons 3) Following World Word II, drug abuse beand increasingly efficient armed forces have came a serious political issue for Burma, caused by past foreign intervention in the country. The important players were the Kuomintang, the CIA, and the Communist Party of Burma ,which had only a few Burmese members, but was actually a foreign movement within Burma. These people were not Burman nationals, but foreigners seeking personal profits within the borders of Burma. Drug Eradication efforts in Northern Shan State (SHRF1990) 4) The drug trade is also a problem diallowed drug producers to more effectively rectly related to some of the ethnic minoriprotect their operations. Drug production has ties in Burma such as the Wa who do not become more intertwined with all sectors of have the cultural traits to prevent themselves Burmese society and so the problem also from being used as the tools of foreigners. They plant and use opium themselves and has become more complex. also set up the factories necessary to proThe following statement comes from a Bur- duce heroin on Burmese soil. Their export mese Central Committee for Drug Abuse of heroin to other countries is not a Burmese Control (CCDAC) report. This quote from problem, but a problem created by foreigna February 1998 meeting reflects the atti- ers. The biggest heroin market is in other tude of the Burmese government towards countries, not in Burma. Within Burma the majority of drug users are in the ethnic areas the growth in the drug business. of Shan, Kachin and Chin States which bor"The planting of opium, setting up [of] der on neighboring countries, areas which opium factories as well as the marketing are not substantively under the control of networks first became legal activities dur- the central government. In areas under goving the colonial period and later became ernment control there is limited drug usage, an important business for the Kuomintang but in border areas where the central govafter they fled China and took up residence ernment does not have as much influence, within our country. [W]ith secret support drug abuse grows. from the world's 'champion of democracy,' doing their own thing, set up camps within As drug abuse has not yet been recognized Burma for the Kuomintang [which] quickly as a serious issue by the military governbegan building up the drug business ment, it has not been made a high priority. through planting, harvesting and export. More attention has been placed on other isThis was a simple support for the drug busi- sues such as state security and national idenness. " tity. The manufacturing and distribution iof drugs, which has such a major impact on the Some conclusions can be drawn from this ethnic minority groups of Burma, is given
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ILLEGAL D R U G S

little if any importance by the military government. Even though the military has established a CCDAC to deal with drug related issues, the actual areas under opium production have been growing rather than shrinking. If there has been a reduction in opium production sources indicate it is due to climatic changes rather than eradication activities of the military. As drug production has historically been an activity of ethnic minorities, it became a neogtiation tool in the ongoing civil war with these minority groups. Those groups which willing to cease their hostilities against the government were no longer discouraged from growing opium and allowed to fight each other over control of planting, heroin production and markets. The result was a much smaller number of armed insurgent groups who remained united in the fight against the military rule within the country. In cooperating with the Burmese military to solve the drug problem, we need to understand their foreign policy and how they work and know what to expect from them. Their foreign policy in the past reflected a nonaligned position and a stress on self-sufficiency rather than accepting support from other countries, fearing that support would be given with too many conditions. .Following the 1988 uprising, internal and external pressures forced a few changes in this policy. One notable shift was away from the non-aligned position towards an increasing reliance on China. They also expanded relations with other countries, especially those in Southeast Asia. Regional ties were increased both with the objective towartds financial gain and to serve as a buffer against criticism from the West about human rights abuses. They began the process of joining the ASEAN, which they had always refused to consider in the past. These actions were designed to avoid dealing directly with internal problems. It is apparent that the drug issue can only be solved when all sides involved are genuinely seeking and working on a comprehensive solution and there are serious doubts as to whether Burma's government is prepared to do so. Meanwhile, the people in Burma, Thailand and the world are left to deal with the results of Burmese drug production. R. Sarntisuk

final press conference, Col. Kyaw Min of the CCDAC announced the meeting a success and reiterated Burma's willingness to cooperate with the international community on the issue of anti-narctotics activities. The following morning the conference, participants and the news media were invited to eastern Shan state to witness poppy eradiIn spite of a boycott by Denmark, Britain, cation projects in the area. the Netherlands, Belgium, Ireland, Luxemburg and the U.S., 74 delegates from 28 dif- Both the UN International Drug Control Proferent countries were in attendance. Pro- gram (UNDCP) and Interpol officials praised testing nations cited Burma's harboring of Burma's drug suppression efforts and called drug-lords Khun Sa and Lo Hsing-han, evi- on the international community for support. dence of government encouragement in laun- Interpol's criminal intelligence unit director, dering money through the Burmese Paul Higdon, said that he was "very confieconomy and human rights abuses as rea- dent that there is the political will on the part sons for withdrawing, from the conference. of the Myanmar authorities" to focus on drug Opposition groups also lodged protests, call- suppression. On the recently unveiled ing on Interpol to move the meeting else- policy to eradicate opium production in the next 15 years, Mr. Higdon was optimistic: where. "It is not a program that has been put toFor it's part Burma's government strongly gether with chewing gum and bailing wire...I criticized it's western detractors as being the am confident that it will succeed." principal markets for the illegal drug trade. In a lengthy article, the state-run New Light Since the conference, a report released by Of Myanmar newspaper, placed responsi- the U.S. State Department's Bureau for Inbility for current drug production on the west. ternational Narcotics and Law'Enforcement Citing 1995 statistics, the writer stated 97% said 130,300 hectares of opium were cultiof current illegal opium production takes vated in Burma in 1998, a sufficient quantity place in those former British colonies which to produce 1,750 tons of opium gum. The remain under the influence of Britain - un- report also criticised the regime for making like Burma. Britian was accused of continu- "little if any effort against money laundering to use opium "as a weapon against cer- ing." tain countries they would like to destroy" Additionally, the article claimed that 40% of the heroin addicts of the world are from the U.S. and Europe. The government called on the international community to "put the long term interests of it's people ahead of Bangkok Post, 22 Jan. 1999 short-term political consideration...For, in the The Nation, 23 Feb. 1999 final analysis, it is not the fate of one regime New Light ofMyanmar, 25 Feb. or one nation that is at stake; it is the future Bangkok Post 26 Feb. 1999 1999 of Humanity." Myanmar Information Comittee, Interpol's fourth International Heroin Conference was held in Rangoon, February 2325, ignoring the protests of western nations and opposition groups. It allowed Burma's government to showcase it's 15 year drug eradication plan, unveiled last November, and highlight recent eradication efforts. According to recent figures released by the government, 17,800 hectares of opium fields were destroyed and more than 5,390 kilograms of opium were seized in 1998. It has also claimed that military units seized "chemicals and paraphernalia" from five ether factories and 16 opium refineries during the year. These figures contrast sharply with a report to the U.S. congress which said that during 1998 Burma produced 90% of the opium in Asia, or about half of the world's supply. On the final day of the conference, the Burmese government torched a large amount of drugs and drug processing chemicals including 4,023 kgs of Opium, 431 kgs of heroin and 1.54 million ampetimine tablets. At the
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INTERPOL'S HEROIN CONFERENCE

Information Sheet, 26 Feb. 1999 Bangkok Post, 28 Feb. 1999

February 1999

PROPAGANDA

Removing and getting rid of authority defying acts of [the] NLD led by Suu Kyi, holding negative views, at a time when peace and tranquility prevail all over the country and all citizens are having good opportunities for progress in life; declaring [the] NLD [an] unlawful association, as it is breaking the law again and again, perpetrating acts in collusion with neocolonialist group[s] to cause utter misery [to] the people...

PROPAGANDA: MANUFACTURING THE MASSES

Fifth and sixth resolutions from the 'Meeting expressing the people's sentiments, wishes of the masses, Pa 'an, Kayin State, 22 October 1998, " as aired on TV Myanmar, 11 February 1999. ne means by which Burma's military party took a head-on collision course by However, the latest rallies are not mere regovernment exerts control over the na- violating the laws... With the sole objective runs. Previously, great effort was made to tion is a virtual monopoly on media. Airing of gaining power and negating the desire refer to the opposition party and it's leader propaganda is a daily ritual. While to out- for peace and stability of the people, the obliquely, as if catastrophe might befall the siders it often appears little more than awk- NLD committed acts to confront the gov- state were it to identify Suu Kyi or the NLD ward rhetoric, its proliferation suggests it ernment, to create [a] chaotic situation like by name. By contrast, rallies are now domiholds a particular place in the mechanics of that of "the four-eights " and to cause blood- nated by explicit personal attacks on indipower in Burma. What purpose does propa- shed. He said, the people... had elected U vidual members of the NLD. Secondly, as a ganda serve and how can it be countered? Lun Tin not to engage in confrontation with corollary, the military is emphasizing its own To answer, this article will relative legitimacy. Thus, first examine some recent resolutions from the 1998 state propaganda, then rallies inform viewers that consider its implications state stability, peace and for Burma's peace moveeconomic progress are ment. "already achieved" and now must be "safeguarded". While the pro11 February 1999 was the cess of legitimization is day before Union Day not new, it appears to be TV Myanmar celebrated playing a more signifiwith typical martial pagcant role in state propaeantry in the lead-up to ganda than in the past. news time. After airing the political, economic and social objectives of Presentation of letter of non-confidence in U Lun Tin at the 7 Feb. rally Debunk the enemy and the state and People's sing (NLM 12 Feb. 1999) This your own praises. Desires', a new apparently simple anti-National League for Democracy (NLD) the government, and not to violate the laws. strategy is in fact complex. As the governsegment reiterated the "unanimous" resolu- The people had not selected a vandal... ment has effectively managed to quash any tions from one of last year's contrived mass form of functioning opposition through state rallies. (Above.) The news broadcast itself "[I]n September 1998 [the NLD] formed a security mechanisms, what is the point in began with footage of the latest official ap- committee, or the Gang of Ten, to represent stage-managing public diatribes? Do NLD pointments, and the arrival of the Union Flag the Hluttaw representatives-elect. The members really need to be prised from their in Rangoon, met with rousing festivities and Gang of Ten comprises members of parties seats through pseudo-democratic pantomuch saluting. The Union Flag, after all, had that have been legally dissolved, Suu Kyi, mimes, or is some other psycho-cultural need just taken a month to be shuffled around who had not been eligible for election, and being satisfied in their performance? These every state and division in the country by a U Lun Tin himself... [T]he Gang of Ten went questions demand consideration to understand in part why, at a time that western nasteady relay of underpaid civil servants. too far in their unlawful actions... tions might expect an iota of conciliation from Next, a new tone emerged: "In [the] 1990 Hluttaw election, U Lun Tin the regime, it demonstrates increasing recal[Images of a public rally] received 39,624 votes, or 49.20%. But now, citrance. ' Members of the electorate of Moulmein the number of voters who signed the letter Township Constituency 1 have publicly of distrust and disapproval of U Lun Tin is Is the process of denouncement an end unto itself? Assuming that the latest attacks are announced that they do not trust anymore 66,012, representing 81.97%." not designed to achieve explicit political and do not recognize U Lun Tin of NLD, the Hluttaw [parliamentary] representative There is no shortage of contemporary pre- ends more easily reached through other elect from the constituency They put their cedents to these latest gatherings. In 1996, means, their primary function could be to signatures on [a] letter mentioning their the military organized "spontaneous" tap the collective national subconscious. distrust and disapproval of the people's rallies to counter the popular Anthropologist Melford Spiro, conducting representative-elect and presented the let- house-front assemblies then held by Aung research in Burma prior to military take-over ter at rallies... held on the seventh of this San Suu Kyi. In 1998-99, it was the NLD's in 1962, identified an apparently important month. The [first] rally... was attended by stated intent to reconvene parliament, the political phenomenon that would support Hluttaw, that led to the public denounce- this assertion: plans, accusations and threats 30,324 national people... ments of the NLD. In both cases, "voluntary are verbalized without corresponding action. "[The rally chairman] said that... without resignations" of NLD members followed en "On the one hand, it seems as if words are not meant to be taken seriously, that they any consideration for the people, the NLD masse, and continue to the present.

February 1999

NEWSBRIEFS

elements. To simply "apply pressure" on an inflexible authoritarian regime may be morally satisfying, but there is a greater imperative: the need to find lasting solutions to the complex nationwide problems that Burma faces. To reach this point demands that real But if sound and fury signify something, issues be addressed. then what? The current strategy may be to symbolically diminish the public presence Effective pressure involves critical use of of the opposition before that of the military. resources and alternative tactics. Ways to The government would thereby satisfy' both lend support for genuine people-centered its need for a sense of dominance while ap- change must be identified and prioritized. pealing to the tastes of its audience. Al- Just as the government is capable of emthough sources claim that the recent rallies ploying socio-cultural tools to maintain the are met with general disbelief by people in status-quo, with appropriate support, the Burma , the psychological impact of mass people themselves can also identify cultural propaganda on the broad population should mechanisms to work towards true peace. Just not be taken lightly. Burmese social traits as psycho-cultural weaknesses are exploited identified by Spiro included a tendency to by the state propaganda machinery, so can submit to authority, and the common use of equally powerful societal strengths be idenmildly hostile humor. In this light, state- tified to use in the fight for real change. Ultisponsored slander becomes a psychologi- mately, effective nonviolent pressure on an cal trigger for culturally defined satire, con- autocracy comes only from those who sufverting everyday interaction from streets and fer its burden. That point is often reiterated villages to the national stage. An incompe- in this publication, but it cannot be undertent worker ridiculed in a paddy field is recontextualized as a villainous NLD Member, absurdly inferior to the prestigious Armed Forces, cemented into popular consciousness through a cultural ploy.
2 1 4

are meant to be tokens in a game, rather than preparations for action. At the same time, one also had the impression that words are serious, because for the actor words (in some sense) are action..."

stated. One need look no further than TV Myanmar for evidence of the importance of getting on with building the movement - a movement of alternatives. Nyah Phay Thwet

Endnotes
1 See "The People's Desire", Bl, ]une 1996. 2 Melford Spiro, "Factionalism and Politics in Village Burma", Anthropological Other or Burmese Brother?, Transaction Publishers, New Bainswick, 1992, p. 165. 3 See for example,"The Current Situation in Irrawaddy Division," Bl, January 1999. 4 Spiro, " A Study in Burmese Psychocultural History," Ibid., pp,. 187-221 5 See also "Propaganda and the Human Rights Agenda", Bl, July 1996, for more on the role of propaganda in the activist community.

From playful social device to tool for political dominance? Acontentious argument perhaps, yet one borne out every time Burmese expatriate opposition groups rally with cries that are simply predictable inversions of military sloganeering. The demonization of the foe is a commonality. Whether Khin Nyunt is labeled a "bloodthirsty dog" or Suu Kyi a "camel woman", the generals denigrated as "puppet-masters" or the NLD again deemed "axe-handles", the parallel lines of jargon stem from the same sociological source. What does this imply about the state of the opposition movement? By nature, sloganeering is the non-pursuit of issues, ultimately a dead-end. The victors are those who remain in power. The people in the middle are stymied, critical thinking stifled and potentially powerful voices muted by the constant barrage overhead. The propaganda process ultimately dominates not a single party or personality but society as a whole, powerful by its prevalence. The state ends are achieved.
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And what does it imply for the movement towards genuine change in Burma? As noted above, there is a tendency by opposition forces to respond to propaganda merely in kind. Much of the time, when there is talk of putting "pressure" on the government, there is little or no examination of its qualitative

Britain has said it will not sit down with Burmese Foreign Minister Win Aung, joining Denmark, Norway and Sweden in refusing to allow Burma to attend the upcoming ASEAN-EU ministerial meeting, initially set for the end of March. Unanimity is required for Burma to attend, opposition by even one country could force the meeting to be cancelled. This action reinforces the EU's visa ban on top Burmese officials. Germany, which currently holds the EU's rotating presidency, was mandated to pursue negotiations with Thailand, the ASEAN coordinator for the meeting. The EU and ASEAN have been at loggerheads over relations with Burma's military dictatorship since the country was admitted to the grouping in the face of opposition from the United States and Europe. Since then, there has been no formal contact between the two blocs. An attempt to mend fences at a meeting of senior officials in Bangkok during the first week in February broke down over the terms of Burma's "presence" at the talks. The European countries refuse to budge on Burma, and the Asean countries are equally adamant in their position that Burma, as all of its members should be able to take participate. "EU stands firm on Burmese attendance at Berlin meeting" The Nation, 2 Feb. 1999 'EU appears to soften stance on Burma, " The Bangkok Post, 3 Feb. 1999 "Asean, EU meeting in jeopardy over Burma, "
7

EU-ASEAN Relations

NEWSBRIEFS
The Nation, 10 Feb 1999 UK refuses to attend Asean-EU meet," The Nation, 9 Feb 1999 Ethnic Karen civilians who recently fled military repression in Burma are living in fear and hunger at a jungle camp at Maela Putha after Rangoon persuaded Thailand to block their food and medical supplies. Camp leaders say 4,387 civilians, mostly women and children from 636 families, fled their villages late last year to this makeshift riverside camp opposite Tha Song Yang District, Tak Province, Thailand. The group was stopped from entering Thailand for refusing to go to a refugee camp, as they want to return to their home villages to tend rice and other crops if their district becomes safe. Additionally they had brought all their livestock with them. Meanwhile, the Thai army is poised to deport more than 800 other Karens who had entered Huay Kaloke camp, Tak Province, last month. They are being termed "economic refugees," seeking work rather than sanctuary from fighting. The Karen Refugee Committee and other non-governmental organizations have sought grace time to verify if the newcomers are genuine refugees. "Karen refugees say trapped in Myanmar jungle camp", Reuters, 2Feb. 1999 "Thai Army poised to deport Karen asylum seekers" Reuters, 1 Feb. 1999
February 1999 7

Thai policy towards asylum seekers

The Last Word

What Others Have to Say About Burma

"Never when there is a water shortage does the government try to investigate its true cause or look for other possible options to resolve the problem. Instead it always opts for big water-diversion projects." Statement by a coalition of Thai and Burmese environmental and human rights groups opposed to the Thai government approving a Bt 186.5million fund to study the possibility of diverting water from the Moei and Salween Rivers to deal with long-term water shortages in Thailand.

"The United States believes that the Burmese regime could use the conference to create the false impression that it demonstrates international approval by Interpol and participating countries of its narcotics performance." A stated factor leading to the United States decision not to attend Interpol's 4' Heroin Conference in Rangoon, 23-26 February
h

"Thailand has been exploiting Burma's natural resources, including fisheries, forests and natural gas....This exploitation has made it turn a blind eye to human-rights abuses "The push for international rules of trade has to leave or whatever happens in Burma," Withaya Suchairthangrugse some room for local initiative, local choice, local democ- of Chulalongkorn University, at a Seminar arranged by Asian racy. This will always call for balance and political judge- Forum for Human Rights and Development. ment - the good sense not to push uniformity too far will have to come into play." Fred Hiart, Washington Post edito- "The NLD will remain a symbolic expression of popular rial board member, commenting on the current debate over lo- disatisfaction...of the popular desire for change. In that cal sanctions aimed at raising pressure on Burma's government. respect even if the NLD is destroyed organizationally, as long as you have Suu Kyi in place, she will play that role," A western diplomat on the recent government crackdown of the National League for Democracy "Gen. Khin Nyunt promised me that he will be more lenient and gentler with the opposition parties and their supporters. Though, he did not say what he is going to do." "Not only have we enough food to feed our people but we U.S. Congressman Tony Hall after vis ting Sec-1 Lt-Gen. Khin are exporting rice. This is a very fertile country." Burma Nyunt in Rangoon, to evaluate current human rights conditions Government spolesman Lt-Col.Hla Min on reports ofhis country's failing economy. in the country.

BURMA ISSUES PO BOX 1076 SILOM POST OFFICE BANGKOK 10504 THAILAND

ADDRESS CORRECTION REQUESTED

AIR MAIL