L I B R A.

R Y
-

UK

THE HISTORICAL EVIDENCES

OF THE

TRUTH OF THE SCRIPTURE RECORDS,

STATED ANEW,
WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO THE DOUBTS AND
DISCOVERIES OF MODERN TIMES
T IJs
;

EIGHT LECTURES,
DELIVERED IN

THE OXFORD UNIVERSITY PULPIT,

AT THE
.

BAMPTON LECTURE FOR

1859.

BY

GEORGE RAWLINSON,

M.

A.,

LATE FELLOW AND TUTOR OF EXETER COLLEGE.

'O xpoVos ewper^j.

LONDON:
JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET.
OXFORD
:

J.

H.

& JAMES PARKER.

1859.

Tro

/nev

yap

u\>]6ei

-rravra crvvadei

ra virapyovTa' tw

Se \p-ewW

Tayy

SuKpcovei TaXyOes.

ARISTOTLE.

OX PO
nUNTEI) BY
J.

I)

WEIGHT, PRINTED TO THE I'M vi-

i.si

-\
i

XT

RAG T

FROM

THE LAST WILL AND TESTAMENT

REV.

JOHN BAMPTON,

CANON OF SALISBURY.

" I give and bequeath my Lands and Estates to " the Chancellor, Masters, and Scholars of the University " of Oxford for ever, to have and to hold all and sin" gular the said Lands or Estates upon trust, and to the " intents and purposes hereinafter mentioned that is to " say, I will and appoint that the Vice-Chancellor of the " University of Oxford for the time being shall take and " receive all the rents, issues, and profits thereof, and " (after all taxes, reparations, and necessary deductions
;

" made) that he pay all the remainder to the endowment " of eight Divinity Lecture Sermons, to be established for " ever in the said University, and to be performed in the

" manner following

" I direct and appoint, that, upon the first Tuesday in " Easter Term, a Lecturer be yearly chosen by the Heads " of Colleges only, and by no others, in the room ad" joining to the Printing-House, between the hours of ten " in the morning and two in the afternoon, to preach " eight Divinity Lecture Sermons, the year following, at " St. Mary's in Oxford, between the commencement of the

a2

IV

EXTRACT FROM CANON BAMPTON

last

WILL.
third

in

month in Lent Term, and the end of the Act Term.

I

week

" Also

direct

and appoint, that the eight Divinity

shall

Lecture Sermons
following- Subjects

be preached upon either of the

confirm and establish the Christall

to

ian

Faith, and to confute

heretics

and schismatics

upon

the divine authority of the

holy Scriptures

upon the authority of the writings of the primitive Faand practice of the primitive Church upon the Divinity of our Lord and Saviour Jesus upon the Divinity of the Holy Ghost upon the Christ Articles of the Christian Faith, as comprehended in the Apostles' and Nicene Creeds. " Also I direct, that thirty copies of the eight Divinity
thers, as to the faith

Lecture Sermons

shall

be always printed, within two

months
to the

after they are preached,

and one copy

shall

be

given to the Chancellor of the University, and one copy

Head

of every College, and one copy to the

Mayor

of the city of Oxford, and one copy to be put into the

Bodleian Library; and the expense of printing them shall

be paid out of the revenue of the Land or Estates given

for establishing the Divinity

Lecture Sermons; and the

Preacher

shall not

be paid, nor be entitled to the revenue,

before they are printed.

" Also
qualified
less

direct
to

and appoint, that no person

shall

be

preach the Divinity Lecture Sermons, unleast,

he hath taken the degree of Master of Arts at

in one of the two Universities of Oxford or

Cambridge

and that the same person Lecture Sermons twice."

shall

never preaeh the Divinity

PREFAC E.
I

HESE

Lectures are an

attempt to meet that

latest

phase of modern unbelief, which, professing

a reverence for the

name and person of

Christ,

and

a real

regard for the Scriptures as embodiis

ments of what

purest and holiest in religious

feeling, lower Christ to a

mere name, and empty

and practical
effi-

the Scriptures of
cacy,

all

their force

by denying the
narrative.

historical character of the

(as
it
is

Biblical

German Neology
it

called) has of late years taken chiefly this line of

attack,

and has pursued

with so

much

vigour

and apparent success,

plaints of

that,

according to the comwriters, "

German orthodox
is

no objective
any

ground or stand-point"
lieving Theological feeling of security
a
.

left,

on which the be-

science can build with

confined to

Nor is the evil in question Germany. The works regarded as

most

effective in destroying the historical faith of

Christians abroad, have received an English dress,

and

are, it is to
ill

be feared, read by numbers of per-

sons very
a

prepared by historical studies to with-

See Keil's Preface to his Comment on Joshua, quoted in

to Lecture
I.

Note 24

vi

PREFACE.
own
of*

stand their specious reasonings, alike in our

country and

in

America.

The

tone, moreover,
is

German

historical writings generally

tinged with

the prevailing unbelief; and the faith of the historical student

is

liable to

be undermined, almost

without his having his suspicions aroused, by covert assumptions of the mythical character of the

sacred narrative, in works professing to deal chiefly,

or entirely, with profane subjects.

The
a

author had
evil.

long

felt this to

be

a serious

and

growing

Meanwhile
the
last

his

own

studies,

which have

lain for

eight or nine years almost exclusively in

the field of Ancient History, had convinced him

more and more of the thorough

faithful

truthfulness

and
Cir-

accuracy of the historical Scriptures.

cumstances had given him an intimate knowledge

of the whole course of recent cuneiform, and (to

some extent) of hieroglyphical discovery

difficulties,

and he

had been continually struck with the removal of

the accession of light, and the multiplication of minute points of agreement between the

sacred and the profane, which resulted from the

advances made in decyphering the Assyrian, Babylonian, Persian,

and Egyptian records.

He

there-

fore ventured, at the earliest

moment which

en-

gagements of long standing would

to the

allow, to submit

Heads of Colleges, electors to the office of Bampton Lecturer under the will of the Founder,
scheme of the following Discourses.
at

the

His

scheme having
it

once met with their approval,

his

only remained for him to use

best

efforts

PREFACE.
in the elaboration

vii

of the subject which he had

chosen.

Two modes
make
strate
it

of meeting

the

attacks

of the

Mythical School presented themselves.

He

might

his main object to examine the arguments

of their principal writers seriatim, and to demon-

from authentic records their weakness, per-

verseness,

and

falsity.

Or touching only
ground,

slightly

on

this

purely

controversial

he might
ar-

endeavour to exhibit clearly and forcibly the

gument from the

Scripture

positive

agreement

between
ig-

and profane

history,
latter

which they

nored altogether.
appeared to him
at

The

mode of treatment

once the more convincing to

suitable for a set of
it.

young minds, and the more

Lectures.

For these reasons he adopted

the

At

the same time he has occasionally, both in the

Text and
the

in

Notes,

addressed

himself to

the more important of the reasonings by which

school

of Strauss

and

De Wette

seek

to

overthrow the historical authority of the Sacred

documents.

length.
hibit

The Notes have run to a somewhat unusual The author thought it important to ex(where possible) the authorities for
in full
;

his state-

ments

and

to collect into a single

volume
in
re-

the chief testimonies to the historical truth and

accuracy of the
ferring
to

Scripture

records.

If

the

Cuneiform

writings

he

has

on

many

occasions stated their substance, rather than

it
is

cited their exact words,

because so few of

viii

PREFACE.
as yet

them have
scholars,

been translated by competent

in

and because

most cases

his

own know-

ledge

is

limited to an acquaintance with the sub-

stance, derived
his

from frequent conversations with

It
is

gifted

brother.

to

be hoped that no

long time
mvans,

will elapse before

some one of the four

who have proved

b
,

their capacity to render

the ancient Assyrian

a

will

present the world with

complete translation of

all

the historical inscrip-

tions hitherto recovered.

The
his

author cannot conclude without expressing

to Dr. Bandinel,

acknowledgments

Chief Libra-

rian of the Bodleian, for kind exertions in procuring

at his instance various foreign

works

and

to Dr.

Pusey, Professor Stanley, and Mr. Mansel for some

valuable information on several points connected

with the Lectures.

He

is

bound

also to record

his obligations to various living or recent writers,

whose works have made

fessors

his

task easier, as Proin

Keil,

Havernick, and Olshausen

in

Ger-

many, and
to

England Dr. Lardner, Dr. Burton, and Dean Alford. Finally, he is glad once more

avow

his

deep obligations to the learning and

of full information upon

genius of his brother, and to the kind and liberal

communication on
tact

his part

every point where there seemed to be any con-

between the sacred history and the cuneiform

See the Inscription of Tiglath-Pilescr /., king of Assyria, 1 150, as translated by Sir Henry Rawlinson, Fox Talbot.
;

B.C.

Esq., Dr. Hincks, and Dr. Oppert

Society, London, Parker, 1857.

published by the Royal Asiatic

PREFACE.
records.

ix
will,

The

novelty of the Lectures

he

feels,

consist chiefly, if not solely, in the exhibition of

these points of contact and agreement

and the

circumstance of his having this novelty to offer

was

his chief

inducement
It
is

to attempt a

the subject.
blessing of

his earnest prayer that,

work on by the

God,

his labours

spread of unbelief, and to

ture students a

may tend to check the produce among Scripof the

are put before us in

more

lively appreciation

reality of those facts

which

the Bible.

Oxford, November
2,

1859.

CORRIGENDA.
Page 177,
-

1.

27, 21,

for "traditions" read "tradition."

...

178,

1.

"(Eders
"eight"

... ...

CEder."
"five."
...

221, 254,

1.

25,

...
... ... ... ... ...

1.

22,
io,
16,

" exarchy"

" ethnarchy."

27

1,

1.

"Judah"
"Israels"
ditto

... ...

"Jacob."
"Israel."
ditto.
...

310,

1.

327,1.22,
494,1S,

" sepulturuni "

"sepultiiram.'

CONTENT

S.

LECTURE
other religions
rical science

I.

Historical character of Christianity as contrasted with

its

contact, thence arising, with histo-

its liability to

be tried afresh by new tests

advances.

and

criteria, as historic science

Recent advance
of His-

of historical science
torical

Criticism

tendencies.

Application of Historical Criticism

rise

of the

new department

its

birth

and growth

its

results

and

to Christi-

anity to be expected and even desired

made
self

Strauss
true
principles

first,

by the mythical school of De Wette and Niebuhr himsecondly, by the historical school
of the Lectures, to examine the
the positive side,

Bunsen. Intention

the application as
by the
light of the

Sacred Narrative on

Statement of the under the form of four Canons. Corollaries of of cumuthe Canons comparative value of sources evidence. Further Canon which some seek to add of miraon the subject of miracles, examined of the mo contrary notion, Atheistic dern Atheism. Occurrence of miracles proved creation a miracle counterfeit miracles prove the existence of geprinciples of historical
science.

force

lative

possibility

cles

peculiarities

nuine ones.

Rejection of

the additional

Canon

leaves the
eviit-

ground clear
self,

for the proposed enquiry.

dence to be examined

Two kinds of

i.

That of the Sacred Volume

considered as a mass of documents, and judged by the

laws of Historical Criticism

2.

The

external evidence, or

that contained in monuments, in the

works of profane


xii

CONTENTS.

authors, in established customs and observances, and in

the contemporary writings of believers.

Main

purpose of

the Lectures, to exhibit the external evidence

Page

1.

LECTURE
Two
trospective

II.

modes of conducting an historical enquiry the Reand the Progressive advantages of each

preference assigned to the latter.

division of the Biblical history into five

Plan of the Lectures periods History

of the

first

period, contained in the Pentateuch

of the genuineness of the Pentateuch

question argument from the

unanimous testimony of the Jews objections answered. Writing practised at the time. Heathen testimony to the
genuineness.
site theory.
its

testimony of the oppo Authenticity of the Pentateuch, a consequent genuineness Moses an unexceptionable witness of the history of the four books. Authenticity of Genesisthe events, purely would have passed through but few hands Moses. Probability that Ge-

Internal

difficulties

for

last

if

traditional,

to

nesis

is

founded on documents, some

of'

which may have

been antediluvian.

External evidence

of the authenticity

agreement of the narrative with the best profane authorities. Review of the authorities pre-eminence of
Berosus and Manetho as historians of ancient times

Egyptian and Babylonian monuments mode in which the monuments and histories have to be combined. Compa-

rison of the chronological schemes of

Manetho and Berosus

of

Account the Crea Account given by Berosus of the Deluge account of Abybetween the Scriptural and the prodenus the fane account exaggerated by Niebuhr. Post-diluvian
with the chronology of Scripture.
tion in Berosus

its

harmony with

Scripture.

similar

difference

his-

tory of Berosus

Ethnological value of the tenth Heathen accounts of Abraham, and Jacob, derived from Jewish sources estimate of their
the confusion of tongues.

his

account of the tower of Babel, and

Isaac,

chapter of Genesis.

value.

Three

points only of great public importance in


CONTENTS.
the history from
xiii

Abraham

to the death of

of these confirmed from profane sources.

Moses two Expedition of

distinctly con-

Chedor-laomer agrees with Berosus, and

firmed

is

by the Babylonian monuments.

arguments of importance, which have been omitted for want of space i. The argument furnished by the conclusions of the historical sciences, such as Geology, Physiology,

Jews related by Manetho.

Historical

Exodus of the

ally

The argument from the correctness of the geographic, and ethologic the Pentateuch modern discovery continukind of evidence geographical adding Conclusion Page
Philology, Ethnology, &c.
2.

Comparative

linguistic,

notices in

is

to this

illustra-

tion.

36.

LECTURE

III.

The period of Jewish history from the Exodus to Solomon, comprises the extremes of national depression and prosperity. Books of Scripture, containing this portion of

the history, are for the most part by

unknown

authors.

Their value not diminished by

Papers.

this,

being that of State

considered

Historical

character of the books,

severally.

The Book of Joshua written

by an eye-witness,

who

possesses records.

similar documents.

The Book of Judges based upon The Books of Samuel composed pro-

bably by writers contemporary with the events related;

viz.

Samuel, Gad, and Nathan.

The Books of Kings

and

Chronicles derived from contemporary works written by

Prophets.

Commentary

on the history furnished by the

Davidical Psalms.

Confirmation of this period of Jewish

history from profane sources, during the earlier portion of

Weakness of Egypt and Assyria at the period, appears both from the Positive Scripture narrative, and from the monuments. testimony of profane writers to the conquest of Canaan by Joshua Moses of Chorene, Procopius, Suidas. Supposed
the period, rather negative than positive.

testimony of Herodotus to the miracle of the sun standing

still
.

Positive testimony to the

later portiqji of the period

xiv

CONTENTS.

from the records of his native city.

Justin.

Syrian war of David described by Nicolas of Damascus David's other wars mentioned by Eupolemus. Connexion of Juda?a with Phoeni Early greatness of Sidon strongly marked Scripture and confirmed by profane writers Homer, Strabo, Hiram a true Phoenician royal name. A prince
cia.

in

name reigned at Tyre contemporaneously with Daand Solomon, according to the Phoenician historians, Dius and Menander their accounts of the friendly intercourse between Hiram and these Jewish monarchs. Solomon's connection with Egypt absence of Egyptian records Solomon contemporary with Sheshonk or at this time Shishak. Wealth of Solomon confirmed by Eupolemus and Theophilus. Indirect testimony to the truth oi' this portion of the history the character of Solomon's emof this
vid

pire, the

plan of his buildings, and the style of their orna-

mentation, receive abundant illustration from recent discoveries in Assyria

the

habits of the Phoenicians agree

with the descriptions of Homer, Menander, and others.

Incompleteness of this sketch.

Summary
IV.

Page

79.

LECTURE
centuries,

Period to be embraced in the Lecture, one of about four

from the death of Solomon to the destruction of

Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar

Documents

importance of this
is

period.

in

which the history

delivered.

Kings

and Chronicles, compilations from the State Archives of Objection anthe two Kingdoms of Israel and Judah. swered. Kings and Chronicles independent, and there-

fore confirmatory, of each other.

in

The

history contained
in

them confirmed by

direct

and incidental notices

the

works of contemporary Prophets, Isaiah, Jeremiah, Amos,

&c.

Confirmation

of the history from profane sources.-

The separate

existence of the two kingdoms noticed in the

Assyrian Inscriptions.

The

conquest of Judaea by Shetemple at Carnac.

the

shonk (Shishak) recorded

in the great

Zerah the Ethiopian probably identical with Osorkon

CONTENTS.

xv

Second. Eth-baal, the father of Jezebel, identical with the mention of a great drought in Ithobalus of Menander Power of Benhadad, and nature of the force his reign.

under his command, confirmed by the inscription on the Accession of Hazael noticed on the Nimrud Obelisk.

same monument.

Mention of Jehu. Interruption

who

in the

series of notices, coinciding with

Pul, or

Phul

(4>aA&>x),

an absence of documents. mentioned by Berosus, and protakes tribute

from Samaria. War of Tiglath-Pileser with Samaria and Altar of an Assyrian Damascus recorded Shalmanezers Syrian Ahaz probably a Hoshea on an war mentioned by Menander. Name him. Capture probably assigned Assyrian
in

bably identified with a monumental king,

inscription.

sign of subjection.

of

inscription

to

of Samaria ascribed to Sargon on the

Har Sargon's capture of Ashdod, and successful attack on Egypt. Settlement of " of the Medes." Expedition the the
monuments

mony

of the narrative with Scripture.

Israelites

in

cities

of Sennacherib

against

Hezekiah

exact

agreement of

Scripture with Sennacherib's inscription.

Murder of Sen-

nacherib related by profane writers Polyhistor, Abydenus.

Escape

of the murderers " into

Armenia " noticed by

Moses of Chorene.

by the monuments.

Indirect

Succession of Esar-haddon confirmed

confirmation of the curious

statement that Manasseh was brought to him at Babylon.

So (Sevek), king of Egypt, with Shebek, of Tirhakah with Tehrak, or Taracus Necho with Neku or Nechao and of Hophra with HaiBattle of Megiddo and calamitous end of fra, or Apries.
of

Identification or Sabaco of

Apries confirmed by

Herodotus.

Reign

of

Merodach-

Baladan at Babylon confirmed by the Inscriptions, Berosus, and Ptolemy. Berosus relates the recovery of Syria and Palestine by Nebuchadnezzar, and also his deporta-

tion

of the Jews and destruction of Jerusalem.

mary

SumPage 113.


xvi

CONTENTS.

LECTURE

V.

Fourth period of the Jewish History, the Captivity and Return Daniel the historian of the Captivity. Genuine-

ness of Daniel doubted without sufficient reason.

ticity of

Authenothers.

the narrative, denied by

De Wette and
in

Examination of the narrative

with Oriental habits

confirmed

the Captivity

accordance
cha-

by Berosus.

The

racter of Nebuchadnezzar as portrayed in Scripture accords

with Berosus and Abydenus

notice

of his prophetic gift

by the latter. The length of his reign may be gathered from Scripture, and accords exactly with Berosus and the monuments. Condition of Babylonia not misrepresented account of the "wise men" illustrated by in Daniel " satrapial organization " of the empire recent discoveries

possible, but not asserted in Scripture.

of Daniel's

account.

Mysterious

Internal harmony
character.

malady of Nebuchad-

nezzar perhaps noticed in an obscure passage of the Stand-

ard Inscription.

by Berosus
Neriglissar

Succession

of Evil-merodach confirmed
to
his

difficulty

with regard

identified with

" Nergal-Sharezer,

the

Rab-

between Scrip Supposed the narrative concerning Belture and .profane history part shazzar Discovery that Nabonadius, during the

Mag."

irreconcilable difference
in

latter

of his reign, associated in the government his son, Bil-shar-

uzur, and allowed

him the royal

title.

Bil-tltar-uztir pro-

bably the

grandson of Nebuchadnezzar.

" Darius

the

Mede"

not yet identified.

Capture
feast,

Medo-Persians, during a
confirmed

of Babylon by the and transfer of Empire

by many writers. Solution of difficulties. Chronology of the Captivity confirmed from Babylonian
sources.

lated in the books of Ezra

ticity

ness.

Reestablishment of the Jews Palestine and Nehemiah their authengenerally allowed no reason to doubt their genuine Book of Ezra part based on documents. Atin

re-

in

tacks upon the authenticity of Esther

Author of Esther uncertain.

The

reply

to them.

narrative

drawn from

the chronicles kept by the kings of Persia.

Confirmation


CONTENTS.
of this portion of the history from profane sources.
ligious spirit of the Persian kings in
xvii

Re-

keeping with their

inscriptions.

Succession

of the kings correctly given.

Stoppage of the building of the temple by the PseudoReSmerdis, accords with his other religious changes.

versal

by Darius of

his religious policy agrees with the

in

Be-

histun Inscription.

The name AhaTruthfulness of Harmony of the Xerxes intended. the portraiture, history with the recorded by the Greeks. Intimate knowledge of Persian manners and customs. The masthe enemies by the Jews has a sacre of Magaphonia. Character of Artaxerxes Longimanus
Ezra

book of Esther
if

Break
fills

the history as recorded by

up the gap.

suerus, the proper equivalent of Xerxes.

is

facts

their

parallel in

length of his reign accords with the statement of Nehe-

miah.

Summary of the whole

result, as regards the

His1

tory of the Old Testament

Page
VI.

56.

LECTURE
gard the period covered by the
the internal Evidence;
3.

Plan of the three remaining Lectures

proposal

to re-

New

Testament History as

a whole, and to consider the evidence under three heads

i.

2.

the Evidence of Adversaries

and

the Evidence of the early Christian converts.

Internal Evidence.

The

the documents.

Doubts

Number

and separateness of

raised as to the authorship of

the Historical Books.

The doubts considered severally.

Weight

of the external testimony to the genuineness of

the Gospels and the Acts.

position of the Acts,
pels,

Internal evidence
St.

to the

com-

and of

by contemporaries.

Luke's and St. John's Gos-

St.

Matthew's and

St.

Mark's

Gospels must have been written about the same time as

St. Luke's.

tion

No reason to doubt in any case the composiby the reputed authors. Our four Gospels a 'providential mercy. The first three wholly independent of one

another.

Their substantial
life

our Lord's

Failure of the
rawlinsox.

agreement as to the facts of and ministry, an evidence of great weight.

attempt of Strauss to establish any real


xviii

CONTENTS.

disagreement.

The

establishment

of real

discrepancies

would
first

still

leave the writers historical authorities of the

order.

Acts of the Apostles.

Confirmation of the Gospel History from the Confirmation of the History of the
St.

Acts from the Epistles of

Paul

exhibition of

this ar-

ject.

Confirmation of the Gospel narrative from the of the Apostles. Firm of the Apostles the Gospel evidenced the Acts *and from the Impossibility of the sudden growth of myths such an age and under such circumstances. The mythic theory devised order to make Christianity untrue, without ascribing to imposture respect of obNo alternative but to accept the statements of the
the Gospels.
letters

gument in the Horce Paulina of Paley the grounds of the argument not exhausted. Paley 's argument applicable to
belief
in

facts

the first,

in

Epistles.

in

in

it

its failure in

this

Evangelists and Apostles, or to regard

deceivers.

Unmistakable

air of veracity

the

New

Testament writings.

them as conscious and honesty in Conclusion Page 19'3.

LECTURE
Old and

VII.

Contrast between the The Evidence of Adversaries. New Testament the former historical the latter

biographical.

Consequent scantiness of points of contact

seen through Their harmony of the New Testament the evidence. Evidence of Heathens
chiefly

between the main facts of the

New

Testament narrative
writers. to

and profane records.

the incidental allusions

Importance of this main facts of Christianity,

it is

really very considerable.

That

not more must be regarded as the result of a forced and studied reticence. Reticence of Josephus. Loss o 1 heathen writings of this period, which may have contained

important direct evidence.

Incidental allusions considered

of the coun-

under three heads

tries

Political condiwhich were the scene of the history. numerous complications and anomalies tion of Palestine Tone and faithfulness of the New Testament notices.

(i.)

The general condition

temper of the Jews at the time.

of the

Condition
Palestine,

and customs
Asia Minor,

Greeks and Romans

in


CONTENTS.
Greece, and Italy.
xix

Condition and number of the foreign oratories synagogues, &c. Representations Jews
(ii.)

with respect to the

civil

government of the countries.

Names and order of the Roman Emperors Jewish native Roman Procurators of Palestine Roman Proprinces
consuls

supposed

" error" of St.

Luke with regard

to the

Greek Tetrarch, Lysanias. (iii.) Historical facts, of which, if true, profane authors might have been expected to make mention Decree of Augustus taxing of Cyrenius rebelfamine in the " uproar" of the Egyptian lion of Theudas Page 226. days of Claudius, &c. Summary and conclusion

. . .

LECTURE
The Evidence
real weight.

VIII.

of the early converts.

position,

tius

Early Christians not education, or Historical witness of the Christian writers of Barnabas of Clemens Romanus of of Polycarp of Hennas of Quadratus of Justin Martyr of subsequent Witness of primitive
deficient in
intellect.

Its abundance, and

St.

Iffna-

writers.

monuments, especially of those in the Roman Catacombs their genuine character their antiquity. Proof which they afford of the enormous numbers of the Christians in the first ages. Proof which they afford of the sufferings and frequent martyrdoms of the period. Evidence which they furnish of the historical belief of the time. Weight of this whole testimony the Greeks and
Christian

Romans not
little

at this time credulous

not

likely to think

of the obligations incurred by professing Christianity

sole stay the

the convert's

hope of the resurrection.

their continuance.

Evidence to the truth of Christianity from the continuance

of miracles in the

Church

proof of

Testimony of the early Christians enhanced by their readiness to suffer for their faith.

Conclusion

Page

26*6.

Notes
Additional Note

Page 303. Page 536'.

Page 539.

Specification of Editions quoted, or referred to, in the

Notes

Ik

THEOLOGIG&Iy

LECTURE
ISAIAH XLIII.
9.

I.

Let

all the nations be

gathered together, and

let

the

%) eo

ple ue assembled
this,

them can declare

things ?
nesses, that

who among and shew us former

:

Let them bring forth

they

their wit:

may

be justified
is truth.

or

let

them hear, and say, It

Christianity
was
its first

(including therein

the

dispensation of the Old Testament, which

stage)
is

in

nothing more distin-

guished from the other religions of the world than in its objective or historical character.

The

Greece and Rome, of Egypt, India, Persia, and the East generally, were spereligions of

culative systems,

which did not even seriously

If they

postulate an historical basis.

to

seemed

do so

to

some

extent, if for instance the

mythological ideas of the Greeks be represented under the form of a mythological period,

which moreover blends gradually and

still

almost imperceptibly with the historical,

in the

minds of the Greeks themselves the periods were separate and distinct, not merely in time but in character and the objective RAWLINSON. B
;

LECTURE

I.

and events described as belonging to each was not conceived of as parallel, or even similar, in the two cases (1). The modern distinction between the legend and the myth, properly so called (2), was felt, if not formally recognised, by the Greek mind and the basis of fact, which is of the essence of the former, was regarded as absent from the latter, which thus ceased altogether to be history. Mahometanism again, and the other religious systems which have started with an individual, and which so far bear a nearer resemblance to the religions of Moses and of Christ, than those that have grown up and been developed gradually out of the feeling and imagination of a people, are very slightly, if at all, connected with any body of important facts, the due attestation of which
reality of the scenes
;

and their accordance with other known facts might be made the subject of critical examination.

We

may concede

the truth of the

whole story of Mahomet, as it was related by his early followers, and this concession in no
sort carries with
it

even the probable truth

of the religion

(3).

But

it is

otherwise with

the religion of the Bible.

There, whether

we look

to the

Old or the

New

Testament, to

the Jewish dispensation or to the Christian,

we

find a

scheme of doctrine which

is

bound


LECTURE
;

I.

up with facts; which depends absolutely upon them which is null and void without them and which may be regarded as for all practical purposes established if they are shewn
;

to deserve acceptance.
It is this peculiar feature of Christianity

a feature often noticed by

its

apologists (4)

which brings
historical

it

into such a close relation to

and investigations. As a religion of fact, and not merely of opinion, as one whose chief scene is this world, and whose main doctrines are events exhibited openly before the eyes of men as one morestudies

over which, instead of affecting a dogmatic

form, adopts from
first to last,

with very rare

it

exceptions, the historical shape,

comes ne-

cessarily within the sphere of the historical

enquirer,
it

and challenges him to investigate according to what he regards as the princiMoreover, as Christianity
as those records

ples of his science.

is

in point of fact connected intimately with

certain records,

and

extend

over a period of several thousands of years,

and "profess
"

to contain a

kind of abridgment
(5),
its

of the history of the world"

points

of contact with profane history are (practically speaking) infinite;

and

it

becomes imis

possible for the historical enquirer to avoid

the question, in what light he

b 2

to

view the

LECTURE

I.

documents which, if authentic, must exercise so important an influence over his studies and conclusions.
Christianity then cannot complain
if,

from

time to time, as historical science advances,

the question
is

raised afresh concerning the

real character of those events

basis,

which form

its

and the real value of those documents on which it relies. As an historical religion, it invites this species of enquiry, and is glad that it should be made and repeated. It only complains in one of two cases when either principles unsound and wrong in themselves, having been assumed as proper criteria of

historic truth, are applied to

it

for the pur-

pose of disparagement
ciples being

or when, right prin-

assumed, the application of them,

the object,
is

of which
timate.

it is

unfair

and

illegi-

It is the latter of these

two errors which

seems
ago

to

me

to be the chief

sent day.

Time was when all the

danger of the preand that not very long

relations of ancient au-

thors concerning the old world were received

with a ready belief; and an unreasoning and

uncritical faith accepted with equal satisfac-

tion the narrative of the campaigns of Csesar

and of the doings of Romulus, the account of Alexander's marches and of the conquests

LECTURE
of Semiramis.

I.

We

can most of us remember

when in this country the whole story of Regal Rome, and even the legend of the Trojan
settlement in Latium, were seriously placed
before boys as history, and discoursed of as
unhesitatingly,

and

in as

dogmatic a tone, as

the tale of the Catiline conspiracy, or the

conquest of Britain.
"

" All ancient authors

were" at

this time, as has

been justly obwhile " all parts

served, "

put upon the same footing, and re;"

garded as equally credible

of an author's

work were supposed to rest on the same basis" (6). A blind and indiscriminate
faith of a

low kind

acquiescence rather than

equally and imparstory, set-

actual belief
tially the

embraced

whole range of ancient

ting aside perhaps those prodigies

sily

which ea-

detached themselves from the narrative,

and were understood to be embellishments on a par with mere graces of composition. But all this is now changed. The last century has seen the birth and growth of
a

new

science

the

science of Historical Crila-

ticism.

Beginning in France with the

(7),
it

bours of Pouilly and Beaufort

the guidance of Niebuhr
(9),

ad-

vanced with rapid strides in Germany under

(8),

Otfried Miiller

and Bockh (10), and finally, has been introduced and naturalised among ourselves

LECTURE
Its results in its

I.

by means of the writings of our best living

historians (11).

own proper and primary

field are

of the most extensive and remark-

able character.
history has

The whole world of profane been revolutionised. By a search-

ing and critical investigation of the mass of

materials on which that history rested, and

by the application to

embodying the judgments of a sound discretion upon

it

of Canons

the value of different sorts of evidence, the

views of the ancient world formerly entertained have been in ten thousand points
ther modified or reversed
ei-

new

antiquity

has been raised up out of the old

while
Limbo

much

that was unreal in the picture of past

times which

men had formed

to themselves
"

has disappeared, consigned to that

large
itory

and broad" into which and vain" are finally

" all things trans-

received, a fresh

revelation has in

many

cases taken the place

of the old view, which has dissolved before

the

wand

of the critic; and a firm and strong

fabric has arisen out of the shattered debris

of the fallen systems.

Thus

the results ob-

tained have been both positive and negative

but,
it

must be

confessed, with a preponder-

ance of the latter over the former.

ticism in which

The

scep-

the science originated has


LECTURE
clung to
times
it
I.

7
in recent

from

first

to last,

and

we have seen not only

a greater lean-

ing to the destructive than to the constructive side,

but a tendency to push doubt and

incredulity beyond
tion

due limits, to call in queswithout cause, and to distrust what is

This tendency has

sufficiently established.

not, however,

been allowed to pass unre-

buked(12); and viewing the science as developed, not in the writings of this or that
individual, but
in

the

general conclusions

in

which

it

has issued,
still

we may regard

it

as

having done, and as

It

prepared to do, good

service in the cause of truth.

was not to be expected

think, to be wished

that the records of past

New
Testa-

nor was

it,

times contained in the Old and

ment should escape the searching ordeal to which all other historical documents had
been subjected, or remain long, on account
of their sacred character, un scrutinised by

the enquirer.

but Faith,

Reverence may possibly gain, real and true Faith believe,

greatly loses by the establishment of a wall

of partition between the sacred and the profane,

and the subtraction of the former from As truth the domain of scientific enquiry.
of one kind cannot possibly be contradictory
to truth of another, Christianity has nothing

8
to fear

LECTURE
from
scientific

I.

investigations
its

and

and preserve them from the scrutiny which proany attempt

fane
to
isolate

facts

history

receives

must,

if

successful,

the

diminish the fulness of our assent to them

depth and reality of our belief in

It
is

their actual occurrence.

by the con-

nection of sacred with profane history that

the facts
of the

former are

most vividly
felt to

apprehended, and most distinctly

real
;

be

to sever

between the two

is

to

make

the sacred narrative grow dim and shadowy,

and

to encourage the notion that its details

are not facts in the

common and

every-day

sense of the word.

When
to

therefore,

upon the general accept-

ance of the principles laid

down with

respect

profane history by Otfried Miiller and

critics in

Niebuhr, theological

ceeded, as they said, to

Germany proapply the new canons

to

of historical criticism
to

the Gospels

and

the historical books

of the Old Testa-

ment, there was no cause for surprise, nor

any ground
is

for

extreme apprehension. There

always danger

of course

when

science

alone, disjoined from

religious

feeling,

un-

dertakes, with

its

purblind sight and limited

to examine, weigh,

means of knowing,

decide matters of the highest import.

and But

LECTURE
any reason
owed,
its
it

I.

there did not appear to be in this instance

for

special

alarm.

Master-spirit, he to
if

whom

the

The great new science

any rate advancement and the estimation in which had distinctly acwas generally held
not
its

existence, yet at

cepted the mass of the Scripture history as

and was a sincere and earnest believer (13). It was hoped that the enquiry would be made in his spirit, and by means of But a cautious application of his principles.
authentic,

the fact has unfortunately been otherwise.

The

application of the science of historical

to the

criticism

narrative of Scripture has

been made in Germany by two schools

one certainly
other

far less

extravagant than the

critical

but

both wanting in sound

judgment, as well as in a due reverence for

the Written Word.
order to
clearly
It will

be necessary, in

make

the scope of these Lectures

to

intelligible,

give

an account at

some length of the conclusions and reasonings of both classes of critics.

The
was

portion of the Scripture history which

first

subjected to the application of the

new

principles was the historical part of the

It

Old Testament.

was soon declared that a striking parallelism existed between this history and the early records of most heathen


10
nations (14).

LECTURE
The

I.

miracles in the narrative

were compared with the prodigies and divine appearances related by Herodotus and Livy
(15).

The chronology was

said to bear marks,

artificial

like that of

Rome and
;

Babylon, of

arrangement
bers,

the recurrence of similar

numparti-

and

especially of
its

round numbers,
it

cularly indicating
(16).

unhistorical character

The names

of kings,

was observed,

were frequently so apposite, that the monarchs supposed to have borne them must be
regarded as
fictitious

personages (17), like

Portions of the sacred

Theseus and Numa.

narrative were early declared to present every

appearance of being simply myths (18); and by degrees it was sought to attach to the

whole

history,

from

first

to last, a legendary

and unreal character. All objections taken by rationalists or infidels to particular relations in the sacred books being allowed as
valid, it

was considered a

sufficient

account

of such relations to say, that the main source

of the entire narrative was oral tradition

that
it first

took a written shape

many hun-

dreds of years after the supposed date of the

circumstances
narrated,

the authors being

poets rather than historians, and bent rather

on glorifying their native country than on giving a true relation of facts and that in

LECTURE
places they

I.

11

had not even confined themselves to the exaggeration and embellishment of actual occurrences, but had allowed imagination to step in

and

fill

up blanks

in their

annals (19).

By

some, attempts were

made

to

disentangle the small element of fact which

lay involved in so

much romance and

it

poetry

from the mass

in

which

was embedded (20);

but the more logical minds rejected this as a

vain and useless labour, maintaining that no
separation which was other than
arbitrary

and that the events themselves, together with the dress in which they appeared, "constituted a whole belonging to the province of poetry and my thus" (21). It was argued that by this treatment the sacredness and divinity and even the substantial truth of the Scriptures was left unassailed the literal meaning only being dis(22) carded, and an allegorical one substituted in its place. Lastly, the name of Origen was produced from the primitive and best ages of
could be effected
;

Christianity to sanction this system of inter-

and save it from the fatal stigma of entire and absolute novelty (23). When the historical character of the Old Testament, assailed on all sides by clever and
pretation,

eloquent pens, and weakly defended by here

and there a single hesitating

apologist,

seemed


12
to those

LECTURE
who had conducted

I.

the warfare irre(24), the

trievably demolished

and destroyed

New Testament
was
felt,

became, after a pause, the ob-

ject of attack to the

same school of writers.

It

no doubt,

to be a bold thing to cha-

racterise as a collection of

myths the writings

of an age of general enlightenment (25)

and scepticism and perhaps a lingering regard for what so many souls held precious (26), stayed the hands of those who nevertheless saw plainly, that the New Testament was open to the same method of attack as the Old, and that an innay, even of incredulity
;

exorable logic required that both should be

received or neither.

A pause
of the

therefore enFirst,

sued, but a pause of no long duration.

particular portions

New

Testament

narrative, as the account of our Lord's in-

fancy (27), and of the Temptation (28), were

declared to possess equal tokens of a mythic
origin with those

which had been previously

regarded as

fatal to the historical character

of Old Testament stories, and were conse-

quently singled out for rejection.

little

Then,

tion

by little, the same system of explanawas adopted with respect to more and
(29)
;

more of the narrative

solved into pure

till

at last, in the to be re-

hands of Strauss, the whole came

myth and

legend, and the

LECTURE
was told to console
idea (30)
to be
;"

I.

13

historical Christ being annihilated, the

itself

world

with a

"

God-man,

eternally incarnate, not an individual, but an

which on examination turns out

at
all,

no God

but mere

man

man

perfected by nineteenth -century enlighten-

ment

dominant over nature by the

railroad

and the telegraph, and over himself by the negation of the merely natural and sensual
life,

and the substitution

for it of the intel-

lectual, or (in the

nomenclature of the school)

"

the spiritual.
"

In an individual," says Strauss,

the pro-

perties

which the Church ascribes to Christ

contradict themselves, in the idea of the race

they perfectly agree.

of the two natures

Humanity

is

the union

become man, the infinite manifesting itself in the finite, and the finite spirit remembering its infinitude it is the child of the visible Mother and the it is the invisible Father, Nature and Spirit
:

God

worker of miracles, in so
of

far as in the course

human

history the spirit

more and more

completely subjugates nature, both within

and around man, until it lies before him as the inert matter on which he exercises his
active

power

it

is

the sinless existence, for

is

the course of

its

development

a blameless

one

pollution cleaves to the individual only,

14

LECTURE
Humanity
for
life life
;

I.

and does not touch the race

It is

or

its

history.

that dies,

rises,

and ascends
its

to

Heaven,

from the negation of

phe-

nomenal
spiritual

there ever proceeds a higher

from the suppression of

union with the

its

mortality as a personal, national, and terrestrial spirit, arises its

infinite

spirit of the heavens.

By faith
;

in this Christ,

especially in his death

is

and resurrection, man

that
is,

by the kindling within him of the idea of Humanity,

justified before

God

the individual

man

partakes of the divinely

human

of the species (31)." Such are the lengths to which speculation,

life

professedly

grounding
in

itself

on

the

esta-

blished principles of historical criticism, has

proceeded
sions

our day

recommended

to

and such the concluour acceptance by a

itself

philosophy which
spiritual.

calls

preeminently

How

such a philosophy differs

in the use of a religious

from Atheism, except

terminology, which
it

empties of

all religious

meaning,

confess myself unable to perceive.

issue of the

The

final

whole seems

to

be

simply that position which Aristotle scouted

as the merest folly

that "man

is

the highest

and most divine thing in the universe" (32), and that God consequently is but a name for humanity when perfected.

LECTURE
More dangerous
lent in
its

I.

15

to faith, because less violess

methods, and
it

sweeping
is

in the

conclusions to which

comes,

the mode-

rate rationalism of another school, a school

which can with some show of reason claim to shelter itself under the great name and authority of Niebuhr.

Notwithstanding the

personal faith of Niebuhr, which cannot be

doubted, and the strong expressions of which

he made use against the advocates of the

mythical theory (S3), he was himself upon oc-

which involved to a great extent their principles, and opened a door to the thorough-going scepticism from
casions betrayed into remarks

which he individually shrank with horror. For instance, in one place Niebuhr says, with
respect to the book of Esther, " I

am

con -

vinced that this book

as historical,

is

not to be regarded
least hesi-

and

have not the

it

tation in here

stating

publicly.

Many
early
it

entertain the same opinion.

Even the

fathers have tormented themselves with

and
his

St.

Jerome, as he himself clearly indi-

cates,

was in the greatest perplexity through desire to regard it as an historical docu-

ment.

At present no one looks upon the Book of Judith as historical, and neither Origen nor St. Jerome did so the same is the case with Esther ; it is nothing more than
;

]C
a

LECTURE

I.

poem on the occurrences"

(34).

The

great

historical critic here (so far as appears,

on mere

subjective grounds

because

the details of

the narrative did not appear to him probable)

surrendered to the mythical interpreters a

book of Scripture
of
it

admitted

that to be " a

poem and nothing more" which on

of-fact history

the face

bore the appearance of a plain matter-

put a work which the Church

has always regarded as canonical and authoritative

on a par with one which was

early pronounced apocryphal

not, certainly,

moved

do so by any defect in the external evidence (35), though a vague reference is made
to to "early fathers;" but
difficulties, either in

on account of internal
itself,

the story
I

or in

the
that

manner of
it is

its

narration.

cannot see

possible to distinguish the principle

of this surrender from that asserted by the

mythical school

or that the principle once

admitted, any ground can be shewn for limiting

its

application to a single book of Scrip-

ture, or

indeed to any definite number of

such books.

Let

it

be once allowed that

of Scripture

we

may

declare any

part

which

seems to us improbable, or which does not

approve
itself to

our notions of what revela-

tion should be,

" a

poem and nothing more,"

is

and what security

there against the ex-


LECTURE
tremest
conclusions
of
I.

17
?

the

mythologists

One book
another

will naturally be

surrendered after

and the final result will not be distinguishable from that at which the school of De Wette and Strauss professedly aims
(36),

the destruction of

all

trust in the historical

veracity of the Scripture narrative.

The

partial scepticism of
in

Niebuhr has

al-

ways had followers

are believers, but

Germany

men

who

who admit
rationalise,

the principles

of unbelief

who

but who think

to say to the tide of rationalism, "

Thus

far

shalt thou go,

and no further."
it

I shall

not

detain

my

hearers with a long array of into

stances in this place. Suffice

adduce the

teaching of a single living writer, whose influence

is

very considerable both in

Germany

and
that

in our

own

country.

On

the ground

Egypt has a continuous history, commencing more than 6000 years before the Christian era, we are required to reject the literal interpretation of the 6th, 7th, and 8th chapters of Genesis, and to believe that the Flood was no more than a great catastrophe in Western Asia, which swept away the inhabitants of that region, but left Egypt and
the greater
part of the world
is

untouched.

Ham, we

are told,

not a person, but the

is

symbolical representative of Egypt; and he

RAWLINSON.

18

LECTURE
is

I.

the elder brother, because Egyptian

Ham itThe

ism
"

older

than Asiatic Semitism.

is

expression that Canaan

the son of

Ham
;"

it must be interpreted geographically means, that the Canaanitic tribes which inhabited historical Canaan came from Egypt, where they had previously had their abode. Nimrod is said to have been begotten by Cush but he was no more a Cushite by blood than Canaan was an Egyptian he is
; ;

called a Cushite, because the people repre-

sented by
called

him came from the part of Africa Cush or Ethiopia (which they had
an empire
(37).
is

held as conquerors) back into Asia, and there

established

Again, " the

family tree of

Abraham

an historical re-

presentation of the great and lengthened migrations of the primitive Asiatic race of man,

from the mountains of Armenia and Chaldsea, through Mesopotamia, to the north-east
frontier

of Egypt,
It

as

far

as

Amalek and
personal

Edom.

represents

the

connection be-

tween nations and their

connection between father

tribes, not

and

son,

and records
pedi-

consequently epochs, not real

grees (38)."

human

The

early Scriptures are devoid

altogether of an historical chronology.

When

the sojourn of the children of Israel in Egypt

is

said to have been

430

years, of

which one-

LECTURE
half, or

I.

19

215 years, was from Abraham's going

down

into

Egypt

to Jacob's, the other to the

from

Jacob's going

down
;"

Exodus, the num-

ber must be regarded as " conventional and

unhistorical (39)
as " connected with the

legendary
lies (40)
;"

genealogies
as

of

particular

fami-

formed, in
first

fact, artificially

by

a doubling of the

period; which itself

only "represents the traditionary accounts of

the primitive times of Canaan as embodied
in a genealogy of the three patriarchs (41),"

and

"

cannot possibly be worthy of more con-

fidence than the traditions with regard to

the second period," which are valueless (42).

names and culations of years are looked upon with

Of

course the earlier

"

lists

of

calstill

less favour.

The Jewish
is

tradition, in pro-

portion as

its

antiquity

thrown back, bears

from
it"

on

its

face less of a chronological character,"

is

so that " no light

to be gleaned

for general purposes (43).

paratively

Even in the comrecent times of David and Solo-

mon, there is no coherent or reliable chronology, the round number 40 being still met with, which is taken to be an indubitable sign of arbitrary and artificial arrangement
(44).

in

Such are some of the results which have, fact, followed from the examination by
c 2

20

LECTURE
hands
to

I.

historical critics, possessed of

tical

more

or less cri-

acumen, of those sacred records, which

all

are allowed on

be entitled to

deep respect, and which we

lieve to be, not

in this place be-

indeed free from such small

carelessness

errors

as

the

or

ignorance of

transcribers
tially

may have

produced, but substanI

"the

Word

of God."

propose at the

present time, in opposition to the views which

I

have sketched, to examine the Sacred Naron the positive

side.

rative

Leaving unto

touched the question of the inspiration of

Scripture,

and
briefly

its

consequent
review

title

out-

weigh

all

conflicting testimony whatever, I

to

propose

the

historical

evidence for the orthodox belief.

will

My
I

object

be to meet the reasoning of the histo-

do not indeed undertake to consider and answer their minute and multitudinous cavils, which would
rical sceptics

on their own ground.

be an endless task, and which

is

moreover
but I hope

unnecessary, as to a great extent the cavillers

meet and answer one another

to shew,

(45);

without assuming the inspiration of

miraculous history of the Jews,
life,

the Bible, that for the great facts of revealed

religion, the

and the
cles

birth,

death, resurrection

and

ascension of Christ, as well as for his mira-

and those of

his apostles, the historical


LECTURE
evidence which
I.

21

we

possess

is

of an authentic
I

and

satisfactory

character.

shall

review

this evidence in the light

and by the laws of

the modern historical criticism, so far as they

seem
to

to be established.
to
;

me

Those laws appear be sound and their natural and real

to increase instead of

bearing

is

diminishing
It
is

the weight of the Christian evidences.

not from a legitimate and proper application

of

them that

faith has suffered,

but partly

from their neglect or misapplication, partly

from the intrusion among them of a single unproved and irrational opinion.
I

am

not aware that the laws in question

have ever been distinctly laid down in a

compendious, or even in an abstract form.

They

assumed throughout the writings of our best historians, but they are involved
are
in their criticisms rather than directly posited
as

their

ever, that I
I

say,

that,

howshall not misrepresent them if viewed on their positive side,

principles.
I

believe,

they consist

chiefly of the

four

following

Canons
1.

When
is

the record which

we

possess of

an event

the writing of a contemporary,

is

supposing that he
the fact

a credible witness,
fact to

had means of observing the

testifies,
is

and which he

to be accepted, as pos-


22

LECTURE

I.

sessing the first or highest degree of historical credibility.

Such evidence

is

on a par

with that of witnesses in a court of justice,

with the drawback, on the one hand, that
the

man who

gives

it

is

not sworn to speak

the truth, and with the advantage on the

he is less likely than the legal witness to have a personal interest in the matter concerning which he testifies (46).
other, that
2.

When

the event recorded

is

one which

the writer

may be

reasonably supposed to

have obtained directly from those who witnessed

it,

we should
it

accept
itself

it

as probably

true, unless

be in

very improbable.

Such evidence possesses the second degree of

historical credibility (47).
3.

When

the event recorded

is

removed

considerably from the age of the recorder of

it,

and there is no reason to believe that he obtained it from a contemporary writing, but the probable source of his information was
oral tradition
;

still,

if

the event be one of

if

great importance and of public notoriety,

it

affected the national

it

life,

or prosperity,

especially if at once

be of a nature to have been

commemorated by the establishment

of any rite or practice,

then

it

has a claim

to belief as probably true, at least in its ge-

neral outline (48).

This however

is

the third,


LECTURE
credibility.
4.
I.

23
historical

and a comparatively low, degree of

When

the traditions of one race, which,

if

unsupported, would have had but small

claim to attention, and none to belief, are

corroborated by the traditions of another,

especially if a distant

or hostile

race,

the

event which has this double testimony obtains thereby a high

amount of
itself,

probability,

and,

if

not very unlikely in

acceptance (49).

thoroughly
of

deserves

The degree

historical credibility in this case is not ex-

commensurable with that in the others, since a new and distinct ground of likelihood comes into play. It may be as strong as the highest, and it may be almost as weak as the lowest, though this is not often the
actly

case in fact.

In a general way we

may

say

that the weight of this kind of evidence ex-

ceeds that which has been called the third

degree of historical probability, and nearly

approaches to the second.

To

these Canons
or

may

be added certain
truths,

corollaries,

dependent

with

re-

spect to the relative value of the materials

from which history is ordinarily composed, important to be borne in mind in all enquiries like that on

which we are entering.

Historical materials

may be

divided into di-

24
rect

LECTURE
and indirect

I.

direct, or

such as proceed
;

from the agents

in the occurrences

indirect,

embodiment of enquiries and researches made by persons not themor such as are the
selves

engaged

in

the

transactions.
all

The
a

former are allowed on

hands to be of
is

primary

importance.

There

indeed

drawback upon
the tendency of
at

their value, arising out of

human

vanity to exalt self

;

the

expense of truth
wilful

but where the

is

moral character of the writer

against

a security
or

misrepresentation,

where

the publicity of the events themselves would

make

misrepresentation
is

folly,

the very high-

est degree of credit

to be given to direct

These may be either public inscribed monuments, such as have frequently been set up by governments and kings
records.
;

state papers, such as

we hear
;

of in the books

of Ezra and Esther (50)

letters, or books.

Again, books of this class will be either com-

mentaries (or particular histories of events

in

which the authors have taken part)

auto-

biographies, or accounts which persons have

given of their

up to a certain point; or memoirs, i. e. accounts which persons have given of those with whom they have had some acquaintance. These are the best and most and we must authentic sources of history
lives
;

own

LECTURE
ledge by a veil which
direct records
is

I.

25

either be content with them, or regard the

past as absolutely shrouded from our

knowIn-

impenetrable.

the

compilations of diligent

enquirers

concerning

times

or

scenes

in

which they have themselves had no part

to be placed

are
they

on a much lower footing

otherwise

must be judged by

their internal character,

is

by their accord with what

known

of the times or scenes in question, and by

the apparent veracity and

their

competency of

composers.
;

They

often have a high

value

but this value cannot be assumed

it

previously to investigation, depending as

does almost entirely on the critical judgment

of their authors, on the materials to which

they had access, and on the use that they

actually

made

of them.

The

force of cumulative evidence has often

been noticed.
historic belief outline,

No

account of the grounds of

in

would be complete, even

failed to

which

notice

its

applica-

bility to this

field of investigation,

and

its

great weight

and importance in all cases where it has any place. " Probable proofs," says Bishop Butler, "by being added, not only
increase the evidence, but multiply
it

(51)."

When

two independent writers witness to the same event, the probability of that event


26
is

LECTURE
(52).

I.

increased, not in an arithmetical but in a

geometrical ratio, not by mere addition, but

by multiplication
such witness
so to speak
is

"

By

the

mouth
to

of

two or three witnesses," the word

borne
is

which

is

"established*."
if it
;

And
be

the agreement

the more valuable

and casual if the two writers are contemporary, and their writings not known to one another if one only alludes to what the other narrates if one appears to have been an actor, and the other
; ;

incidental

merely a looker-on

if

one gives events,

and the other the arise out of them

:

feelings

which naturally
candid and
the element

in these cases the convicin every

;

tion

which springs up
is

unprejudiced mind

absolute

of doubt which hangs about

all

matters of

mere belief being reduced to such infinitesimal proportions as to be inappreciable, and

so,

practically speaking,

to

disappear alto-

gether.

To
truth,

the four Canons which have been al-

ready enumerated as the criteria of historic

modern Rationalism would add a fifth, an a priori opinion of its own the admission of which would put a stop at once to any such enquiry as that upon which we are now

Deuteronomy

xix. 15.

LECTURE
entering.
"

I.

27

No

just perception of the true

is

nature of history
"

possible,"

we

are told,

without a perception of the inviolability of

of miracles (53) ."

the chain of finite causes, and of the impossibility

And

the mythical

interpreters insist, that one of the essential

marks of a mythical narrative, whereby it may be clearly distinguished from one which
is

historical,

is,

its "

presenting an account of

events which are either absolutely or relatively

beyond the reach of (ordinary) experi-

ence, such as occurrences connected with the

spiritual world, or its dealing in the super-

natural (54)."
place,

Now,

if

miracles cannot take

an enquiry into the historical evidences

is

of Revealed Religion
is

vain

for Revelation

itself

miraculous, and therefore, by the

hypothesis, impossible.

But what

are

the

grounds upon which so stupendous an

tion
is

asser-

made, as that

God
acts

cannot,

if

He

so

please,

suspend the working of those laws by

which

He commonly He

upon matter, and

?

act on special occasions differently

Shall

we

say that

cannot, because of His

is

own

immutability

because He
But,
'

a being " with

whom

is
b

no
?"

variableness, neither
if

shadow of

turning

we apply
i.

the notion of a

James

17,

28

LECTURE
to

I.

Law

God

at

all, it is

plain that miraculous

interpositions on fitting occasions

may

be as

much

a regular, fixed,

His government, as

and established rule of the working ordinarily

shall

by what are called natural laws. Or

say that all experience

we

and analogy

is

against

miracles

But

this

is

either to judge,

from

our own narrow and limited experience, of

the whole course of nature, and so to generalise

upon most weak and

;

insufficient
all

grounds
rience"
it is

or else,

if in

the phrase "

expe-

we include the experience

draw a conclusion
:

of others,

to

directly in

the

teeth of our data

for

many

persons well

worthy of belief have declared that they have witnessed and wrought miracles. Moreover, were it true that all known experience was against miracles, this would not even prove that they had not happened much

less that

they are impossible.

it

If they are

impossible,

must be

either from something

in the nature of things, or

from something

in

the nature of God.

of

That the immutability

and
I

God

does not stand in the way of miracles

;

has been already shewn

know

of no

other attribute of the Divine Nature which

can be even supposed to create a

difficulty.

To most minds

it

will,

if I

do not greatly

mistake, rather appear, that the Divine

Om-

LECTURE
nipotence includes in
ing miracles.
it

I.

29

the power of workcreated the world,

And

if

God

He

certainly once

worked a miracle of the

most surpassing greatness. Is there then anything in the nature of things to make
miracles impossible?

Not

unless things have

an independent existence, and work by their

own power.
if

If they are in themselves nought,

God

for

them out of nothing, and but His sustaining power they would mocalled
fall

mentarily

back into nothing

if it is

not

they that work, but

;

He who

works in them

and through them if growth, and change, and motion, and assimilation, and decay, are
His dealings with matter, as sanctification

and enlightenment, and inward comfort, and the gift of the clear vision of Him, are His
dealings with ourselves
First
;

if

the Great and

Cause never deserts even for a moment the second Causes, but He who "upholdeth

word of His power c," and is "above all and through all d ," is also (as Hooker says) " the Worker of all in all (55)" then
all

things by the

certainly things in themselves cannot oppose

any impediment
may.
c

to miracles, or

do aught but
be
it

obsequiously follow the Divine

it

flat,

what

The whole
Hebrews
i.

difficulty
d

Math regard
iv. 6.

3.

Ephesians


30
to miracles

LECTURE
has
its

I.

roots in a materialistic

Atheism, which
force in

believes

things
;

to

have a

and of themselves

which regards
even as
self-

them

as self-sustaining, if not
;

caused

which deems them to possess mysterious powers of their own uncontrollable by the Divine Will; which sees in the connexion
of physical cause and
effect,
;

not a sequence,

not a law, but a necessity

siting a

which, either po-

Divine First Cause to bring things

into existence, then (like Anaxagoras)

makes
is

no further use of
posit

Him (56)

or does not care to

at
all,

any such First Cause

it

but

con-

tent to refer all things to a "course of nature,"

which

considers eternal
it

and unalterable,

and on which

lavishes all the epithets that

believers regard as appropriate to God,

God

only.

It is

and the peculiarity of Atheism

it

at the present

day that
is

uses a religious no-

menclature

it

and

cold,

all

no longer dry, and hard, matter of fact and commonin the last century

sense, as

was the case

it

on the contrary,
imaginative
it

has become

warm

in ex-

pression, poetic, eloquent, glowing, sensuous,

the

'

Course of Nature,' which

is

has set up in the place of God,

in a cer-

tain sense deified

to be applied to to

no language
it,

is

too exalted

no admiration too great be excited by it it is " glorious," and

LECTURE
" marvellous,"

I.

31
"

and
'

"

superhuman," and

hea-

venly,"
it

and

" spiritual,"

and
so

" divine"

is

'

It,'

not

He,'
:

and not a Person forth no love, no

a and
it

only
call

fact or set of facts,

it

can really

no reverence, no personal feeling of any kind it can claim no

gratitude,

willing obedience

can inspire no wholeall,

some awe
worship

it is

a dead idol after

and

its

is

but the old nature worship

follies

man
which

returning in his dotage to the

beguiled his childhood
in the creature, the

losing

the Creator
in the

Workman

work

of his hands.
It cannot therefore be held on

any grounds

but such as involve a

real,

though covert

Atheism, that miracles are impossible, or that

a narrative of which supernatural occurrences

form an essential part

an historic character.

is

therefore devoid of

Miracles are to be

viewed as in fact a part of the Divine Eco-

nomy

part

as

essential

as

any other,
It

though coming into play

less frequently.

has already been observed, that the creation

of the world was a miracle, or rather a whole

array of miracles

and any true

historical ac-

count of

it

must "deal

in the supernatural."

first

man was

as great a miracle

may we
man
?

not say a greater miracle, than a raised

Greater, in as

much

as to create

and unite a


32

LECTURE
is

I.

do more than merely to unite them when they have been created.

body and soul

to

And

the occurrence of miracles at the begin-

ning of the world established a precedent for

their subsequent

occurrence from
less

time to

time with greater or

frequency, as

God

should see to be

fitting.

Again,

all

history

abounds
fact

in statements that miracles

;

have in

from time to time occurred

to

we should surrender
which I
yet
for

and though the sceptic the whole

mass of Heathen and Ecclesiastical miracles,

one do not hold to be necessary (57),
still

fictitious miracles

imply the

exist-

ence of true ones, just as hypocrisy implies

that there
is

virtue.

To
it

reject a narrative

therefore, simply because

contains miracu-

lous circumstances,

is

to indulge

an irrational

prejudice

a prejudice

which has no founda-

tion either in a priori truths or in the philo-

sophy of experience, and which can only be

consistently held by one

who

disbelieves in

God.

The

rejection

of this negative Canon,

which a pseudo-critical School has boldly but

vainly put forward for the furtherance of
its

own

views

with

respect

to

the

Christian

scheme, but which no historian of repute has

adopted since the days of Gibbon,

will

en-

able us to proceed without further delay to

LECTURE
that which
is

I.

33

the special business of these

Lectures

the

examination, by the light of

those Canons whose truth has been admitted,

of the historic evidences of Revealed Religion.

The

actual examination

must however

be reserved for future Lectures.

not permit of
the
brief

Time

will

my

attempting to do more in
present Dis-

remainder of the

course than simply to point out the chief

kinds or branches into which the evidence

divides
itself,

and

to

indicate,

somewhat

more clearly than has as yet been done, the method which will be pursued in the examination of
it.

The

sacred

records

themselves are

the

main proof of the events related in them. Waiving the question of their inspiration, I propose to view them simply as a mass of documents, subject to the laws, and to be
judged by the principles of
cism
ness,
;

historical criti-

shall briefly discuss their genuineit

where

has been called in question,

and vindicate their authenticity. Where two or more documents belong to the same time, I shall endeavour to exhibit some of their most remarkable points of agreement: I shall
not, however, dwell at

much

length on this

portion of the enquiry.

It is of

pre-eminent

KAWLINSON.

34

LECTURE
its

importance, but
it

pre-eminence has secured

amount of attention on the part of Christian writers; and I cannot hope to add
a large
to the labours of those

much
ceded

who have
is,

pre-

me

in this field.

There

however, a

second and distinct kind of evidence, which

has not
(I

think) received of late as

it

much
ex-

consideration as

deserves

mean the

ternal evidence to the truth of the Bible records,

whether contained

in

the works of profane writers,

monuments, in in customs and

observances

now

existing or

known

to

have

existed, or finally in

the works of believers

nearly contemporary with any of the events

narrated.

The

evidence under some of these

heads has recently received important accessions,

and

fresh light has been

thrown

in cer-

on the character and comparative It seems to be time value of the writers. to bid the nations of the earth once more
tain cases
" bring forth their witnesses,"

and

"

shew us" what

it

is

and " declare" which they record

they

of the " former things"

that

may

at

once justify and "be justified"

in

part di-

rectly confirming the Scripture narrative, in

part silent but not adverse, content to " hear,

and

say,

'

It

is

truth.'

"Ye

are
"

my

wit-

nesses,

saith

the Lord"

even

the

blind

LECTURE
people, that have

I.

35

have ears"
servant

"Ye
I

eyes; and the deaf, that

are

my

witnesses and
6

my
not

whom

have chosen

."

The

testiis

mony

of the sacred and the profane

conflicting,

but consentient

and

the com-

parison of the two will shew, not discord,

but harmony,

Isaiah

xliii.

8,

10.

L D Z

LECTURE
JOB
Enquire, I pray

II.

VIII. verses 8 to 10.

thee,

of the former age, and

prepare thyself to the search of their fathers ;

(for we are but of yesterday and know nothing, because our days upon earth are a
,

shadow;*) shall not they teach

thee,

thee,

and

tell

and

utter

words out of their heart 9

it is

AN

every historical enquiry

possible to
:

pursue our researches in two ways

pursue history to

we may
and
;

either trace the stream of time upwards,

its

earliest source

or

we
at

may

reverse the process,

and beginning

the fountain-head follow

down

the course of

events in chronological order to our

own

day.

The former
procedure
point of
is
:

is

the more philosophical, be-

cause the more real and genuine method of

it is

the

course

which

in

the

original investigation of the subject must, in

fact,

have been pursued

the present

our standing point, and we necessarily

it
;

and only know so much of the past as we connect, more or less But the opposite process distinctly, with it.
view the past from
has certain advantages which cause
it

com-

LECTURE
monly
to be preferred.
It

II.
is

37
the order of

the actual occurrence, and therefore has an

which the other lacks. It is the simpler and clearer of the two, being synthetic and not analytic commencing with little, it proceeds by continual accreobjective truth
;

tion,

thus adapting itself to our capacities,

in

which cannot take

further
it

much

at once

and

has the advantage of conducting

us out of comparative darkness into a light,

which brightens and broadens as we keep advancing, "shining more and more unto the
perfect day
a ."

Its difficulties

and inconve-

niences

are
it

at

the

first

plunge as
for

were into a
solid

when we world unknown, and

outset,

seek in the dim twilight of the remote past

ground upon which to plant our foot. On the whole there is perhaps sufficient reason for conforming to the ordinary practice, and adopting the actual

some sure and

order of the occurrences as that of the exa-

mination upon which

It will

we

are entering.

be necessary, however, in order to

reasonable

bring within

compass

the

vast

field that offers itself to

us for investigation,
is

to divide the history

which

to be reviewed

into periods,

sidered in

which may be successively contheir entirety. The division which

a

Proverbs

iv.

18.

38

LECTURE
The first

II.

the sacred writings seem to suggest

is

into five

such periods.

of these extends from

the Creation to the death of Moses, being

the period of which the history
is

delivered to

us in the Pentateuch.

The second extends

from the death of Moses to the accession of

Rehoboam, and

is

treated in Joshua, Judges,

Ruth, the two Books of Samuel, and some

portions of the Books of Kings and Chronicles.

The

third

is

the period from the acto the Captivity of

cession of

Rehoboam
is

Ju-

dah, which

treated of in the remainder of

Kings and Chronicles, together with portions

of
Isaiah,

Jeremiah,

Ezekiel,

Hosea, Joel,

Amos, Jonah, Micah, Nahum, and ZephaThe fourth extends from the Captiniah. vity to the reform of Nehemiah and its his;

tory

is

contained

in

Daniel, Ezra, Esther,

and Nehemiah, and illustrated by Haggai and Zechariah. The fifth is the period of the life of Christ and the preaching and establishment of Christianity, of which the
history
first
is

given in the

New

Testament.

The

four periods will form the subject of the

present and three following Lectures.

fifth

The

period,

from

its

superior

importance,

will require to be treated at greater length.

Its

examination

is

intended to occupy the

remainder of the present Course.

LECTURE
the
first

II.

39

The sacred records of the first period have come down to us in the shape of five Books,
of which
is

introductory, while the

remaining four present us with the history of an individual, Moses, and of the Jewish
people under his guidance.
ing,
it

Critically speak-

is

of the last importance to

know by
positive,

whom

the books which contain this history

were written.

Now

the

ancient,

and uniform tradition of the Jews assigned

the authorship of the five books (or Pentateuch), with the exception of the last chapter

of Deuteronomy, to Moses (1); and this tradition

is

prima

facie evidence of the fact,

such as at least throws the burden of proof

upon those who

call it in question.
all

It is

an

admitted rule of

sound

criticism,

that

books are to be regarded as proceeding from

the writers whose names they bear, unless

very strong reasons indeed can be adduced

to the contrary (2).

In the present instance,

they rest in

the reasons which have been urged are weak

and puerile
passages

in

the extreme

part on misconceptions of the

(3), in part,

meaning of

upon interpolations into the original text, which are sometimes veryplain and palpable (4). Mainly however they have their source in arbitrary and unproved
hypotheses, as
that
a contemporary writer

40

LECTURE
;

II.

would not have introduced an account of that the culture indicated by miracles (5)
beyond that of the age of Mothat if Moses had written the book, ses (6) he would not have spoken of himself in the third person (7) that he would have given
the book
;

is

a fuller and more complete account of his

and that he would not have applied to himself terms of praise and exIt is enough to obpressions of honour (9).

own

history (8)

serve of these objections, that they are such

as

might equally be urged against the genuineness of St. Paul's epistles, which is al-

lowed even by Strauss (10) against that of the works of Homer, Chaucer, and indeed of
all

writers in advance of their age

against
St.

Caesar's

Commentaries, and Xenophon's Ex-

pedition of Cyrus

against

the Acts of the

Apostles (11), and against the Gospel of

John.
cles
;

St.

Paul relates contemporary miraexhibit a culture

for

Homer and Chaucer

and a tone which, but

have supposed
Caesar

them, we should
their

unattainable in

age
in

and Xenophon write throughout

;

the third person

of his

St.

Luke omits
;

all

account

own doings

at Philippi

St.

John apall
b ."

plies to himself the

titles

"the

most honourable of

disciple
b

whom
23
;

Jesus loved

John

xiii.

xix. 26, &c.

LECTURE
A
priori conceptions of
certain

II.

41
of a

how an author
say, or

time and country would write, of

what he would say or not

how he

would express himself, are among the weakest of all presumptions, and must be regarded
as

outweighed by a very small amount of

Moreover,

positive testimony to authorship.

for

an argument of this sort to have any

all,
it is

force at
possess,

necessary that

we should

from other sources besides the auis

thor
plete

who

being judged, a tolerably comto

knowledge of the age

which he

is

assigned,

and a

fair

acquaintance with the

literature of his period (12).

In the case of
is

Moses our knowledge of the age

scarcely

exceed-

ingly limited, while of the literature

any knowledge
is

at all (13),

we have beyond

that which

furnished by the sacred records

next in succession

the Books of Joshua and

Book of Job

Judges, and (perhaps) the

and

these are so far from supporting the notion

that such a

work

as the

Pentateuch could

not be produced in the age of Moses, that

they furnish a very strong argument to the

contrary.

The

diction of the Pentateuch

is

older than that of Joshua

and Judges
said
to

(14),

while

its

ideas are presupposed in those writ-

ings (15), which

may be
it

be based

upon

it,

and

to require

as their antecedent.

If then they could be written at the time to

42

LECTURE

II.

which they are commonly and (as will be hereafter shewn) rightly assigned (16), the Pentateuch not only may, but must, be as
early as Moses.

Vague doubts have sometimes been thrown

out as to the existence of writings at this
period (17).

The evidence
if

of the

Mosaic

records themselves,

the true date of their

composition were allowed, would be conclusive

upon the point

as

for they speak of writ-

ing

evidence,

common practice. Waiving this we may remark that hieroglyphiupon stone were known
in

cal inscriptions

Egypt

at least as early as the fourth dynasty,

or B. C.

2450
in

(18), that inscribed bricks

were

common
later (19),

Babylonia about two centuries

and that writing upon papyruses, both in the hieroglyphic and the hieratic characters, was familiar to the Egyptians
under the eighteenth and nineteenth dynasties (20), which is exactly the time to which
the Mosaic records would,
It
if

genuine, belong.
if

seems certain that Moses,

"

educated by

a daughter of one of the Ramesside kings,

and therefore
was) "in
all

learned" (as we are told he

,"

the wisdom of Egypt

would
while

be well acquainted with the Egyptian method

of writing with ink upon the papyrus
it is
;

also probable that

c

Abraham, who emi22.

Acts

vii.

LECTURE
capita], Ur,

II.

43

grated not earlier than the nineteenth century before our era from the great Chaldsean

would have brought with him

to his descendants the al-

and transmitted

phabetic system with which the Chaldaeans

of his day were acquainted (21).

thus every reason to

familiar to the

There is suppose that writing was

Jews when they quitted Egypt;

and the mention of it as a common practice in the books of Moses is in perfect accordance with what we know of the condition of the world at the time from other sources. To the unanimous witness of the Jews
with respect to the authorship of the Pentateuch

may be added the testimony of a number of heathen writers. Hecataeus of

Abdera
(22),

Manetho

Alexandria (24),

Lysimachus of Eupolemus(25), Tacitus(26),

(23),
all

Juvenal (27), Longinus (28),

ascribe

to

Moses the institution of that code of laws by which the Jews were distinguished from other nations and the majority distinctly (29) note that he committed his laws to writing. These
;

authors cover a space extending from the

time of Alexander, when the Greeks

first

became curious on the subject of Jewish history, to that of the emperor Aurelian, when the literature of the Jews had been thoroughly sifted by the acute and learned


44

LECTURE
They

II.

Alexandrians.

constitute, not the full

voice of heathenism on the subject, but only

an indication of what that voice was.

cannot be doubted that
plete works of those
if

It

we had

the com-

many

other writers to

whom
fer as

Josephus, Clement, and Eusebius re-

mentioning Moses
of

(30),

we should

find
this

the

amount

heathen

evidence on

point greatly increased.

Moreover, we must

bear in
or
all

mind that the witness is unanimous, but unanimous (31). Nor is it, as an
mere echo
it

objector might be apt to urge, the

of Jewish tradition

faintly

repeating itself
rests

from

far off lands

in part at least

upon

a distinct

and even

hostile authority

that of the Egyptians.

Manetho

certainly,

and Lysimachus probably, represent Egyptand thus the ian, and not Jewish, views Jewish tradition is confirmed by that of the only nation which was sufficiently near and sufficiently advanced in the Mosaic age to
;

make

its

testimony on the point of real imhas been

internal

portance.

To the external testimony which now adduced must be added the

testimony of the work
edly speaks of Moses
itself,

which repeatthe
law,

as

writing

and recording the various events and occurrences in a book, and as reading from this

LECTURE
book to the people
tionalist regards
it

II.

45
ra-

(32).

The modern

position,"

"most unnatural supthat the Pentateuch was written

as a

during the passage of the Israelites through

the wilderness (33)
;

but

this is

what every

unprejudiced reader gathers from the Pentateuch

itself,

which

tells

us that

God com-

manded Moses to " write" the discomfiture d of Amalek "in a book ;" that Moses "wrote
all
e the words of the law ," and "took the

book of the covenant, and read

audience of the people
to their journeys,
f

it

in the

,"

and

"

wrote the

goings out of the people of Israel according

by the commandment of

the

Lord

g ;"

and, finally, "

made an end

of

writing the words of the law in a book, until

they were finished

11

;"

and bade the

"
it

Levites,

who

bare the ark of the covenant,

in

take that

book of the law, and put

the side of
it

the ark of the covenant of the Lord, that

might be there
people'."

for a

witness against

the

book therefore a "book of the covenant" a book out of which he could read the whole law (34) was certainly writ-

ten by Moses

and

this

book was deposited

in the ark of the covenant,

and given into

the special custody of the Levites,

it, d

who

bare

with the stern injunction

Exod.
xvii. 14.
xxxiii. 2.
e

still
f
'

ringing in
Ibid. ver. 7. Ibid. ver. 26.

Ibid. xxiv. 4-

Numb,

h Deut. xxxi. 24.


46
their ears, "

LECTURE
Ye
shall not

II.

add unto the word, neither diminish ought from it ;" and they were charged "at the end of every seven years,
j

in the year of release, in the feast of taber-

nacles, to read

it

before
further,

all

Israel in their

hearing

11

;"

and,

command was
him
a copy

given, that,

when

the Israelites should have

kings, each king should " write

of the law in a book, out of that which was before the priests the Levites, that he might

read therein

all

the days of his

life ."

Unbook

less therefore

we admit

the Pentateuch to be
that

genuine,

we must suppose

the

which (according
of God,

to the belief of the

Jews)

Moses wrote, which was placed

over

in

the ark

which

the

Levites

were to
to be

watch with such jealous

care,

which was

read to the people once in each seven years,

and which was guarded by awful sanctions from either addition to it or diminution from it we must suppose, I say, that this book perished and that another book was substi-

tuted in
for

its

place

unknown

by an unknown objects professing

(for that
is

author
to be

the

work of Moses,
so

allowed) (35), and

believed to be his

much

as

work thenceforth, without a doubt being breathed on the

its

subject either by the nation,

Deut.
iv. 2.

teachers, or

k Ibid.

xxxi. 10,11.

'

Ibid. xvii. 18, 19.

LECTURE
even
(36).
its

II.

47
of years

enemies, for

many hundreds
assail

It has often

been remarked, that the

theories

of

those

who

Christianity,

make
as

demands upon the faith of such embrace them than the Christian scheme
larger

itself,

marvellous as

it

is

in

many

points.

Certainly, few suppositions can be

more im-

probable than that to which (as we have seen)

who deny the Pentateuch to be genuine must have recourse, when pressed to account
those
for the

phenomena.

It is not surprising that

having to assign a time for the introduction

of the forged volume, they have varied as to

the date which they suggest by above a thou-

sand years, while they also

another
in

differ

from one

every

detail

with

which they

venture to clothe the transaction (37).

I

have dwelt the longer upon the genuinebecause

it
is

ness of the Pentateuch,

ad-

mitted, even by the extremest sceptics, that

the genuineness of the work carries with

it

the authenticity of the narrative, at least in

all its

main

particulars.

" It

questionably," says Strauss, "

would most unbe an argument

it

of decisive weight in favour of the credibility

of the Biblical history, could

indeed be

shewn that

was written by eyewitnesses." "Moses, being the leader of the Israelites on their departure from Egypt, would undoubtit

48
edly give

LECTURE
is

II.

a faithful history of the

occur"

rences, unless" (which

not pretended)

he

designed to deceive."
if

And

further, "Moses,

his

intimate

connexion with Deity de(i. e.

scribed in these books"

"

the last four)

be historically true, was likewise eminently

qualified,

by virtue of such connexion,

If

to

produce a credible history of the earlier pe-

Moses indeed wrote the account which we possess of the Exodus and of the wanderings in the wilderness and if, having written it, he delivered it to those
riods (37)-"
;

who knew
ditions,

the events as well as he, the con-

which secure the highest degree of

historical credibility, so far at least as regards

the events of the last four books, are obtained.

We

have for them the direct witness

of a contemporary writer

not an actor only,

which he

but the leader

relates

in the transactions

honest
and

evidently, for he records his

and the transgressions and sufferings of his people and honest necessarily, for he writes of events which were
sins defects,
;

own

public and

known

to all

we

have a work,
is

which, by the laws of historical criticism,

thus for historical purposes just as reliable as

Caesar's

Commentaries or Xenophon's Retreat of the Ten Thousand we have that rare li-

terary treasure, the autobiography of a great

LECTURE

IT.

49

man, engaged in great events, the head of his nation at a most critical period in their annals who commits to writing as they occur
;

the various events and transactions in which

he

is

engaged, wherever they have a national

or public character (38).

We

must therefore

consider, even setting aside the whole idea of

inspiration, that

we

possess in the last four

books of the Pentateuch as reliable an ac-

count of the Exodus of the Jews, and their

subsequent wanderings, as

we

do,

in

the

works of Caesar and Xenophon, of the conquest of Britain, or of the events which pre-

ceded and followed the battle of Cunaxa.

The
in it

narrative of Genesis stands undoubt-

edly on a different footing.

Our confidence
Still,

must ever

rest

mainly on our conviction

setting

of the inspiration of the writer.

that aside, and continuing to judge the docu-

ments
that,

as if they

were ordinary

historical
first

ma-

terials, it is

to be

noted, in the

place,

Moses was on the mother's side grandson to Levi, he would naturally possess that fair knowledge of the time of the first going down into Egypt, and of the history of Joseph, which the most sceptical of the hisas
torical critics allow that

men have

of their

own family and

RAWLINSON.

nation to the days of their

grandfathers (39).

He would

thus be as good
E

50

LECTURE

II.

an historical authority for the details of Jo-

and for the latter part of the life of Jacob, as Herodotus for the reign of Cambyses, or Fabius Pictor for the third Samnite War. Again, with respect to the earlier hisseph's story
tory,
it is

to be

borne in mind through

text, this passed to

how
(40).

very few hands, according to the numbers

in the

Hebrew

Moses

Adam, according
was
for
selah,

to

the

Hebrew

original,

243 years contemporary with Methuwho conversed for 100 years with

Shem was for 50 years contemporary with Jacob, who probably saw Jochebed, Moses' mother. Thus Moses might, by mere
Shem.
oral tradition, have obtained the history of

Abraham, and even of the Deluge, at third hand and that of the Temptation and the
;

Fall, at fifth

hand.

The

patriarchal longevity

had the effect of reducing centuries to little more than lustres, so far as the safe transmission of historical events was concerned for this does not depend either upon years or upon generations, but upon the number of links in the chain through which the transmittal
;

takes place.

If

it

be granted, as

it

seems to

be (41), that the great and stirring events in

a nation's
stances, be
life will,

under ordinary circum(apart from all writ-

remembered

ten memorials) for the space of 150 years,

LECTURE
being handed
tions
;

II.

51
five

down through

genera-

must be allowed (even on mere human grounds) that the account which Moses gives of the Temptation and the Fall is to be depended on, if it passed through no more than four hands between him and Adam. And the argument is of course stronger for the more recent events, since they would have passed through fewer hands than the earlier (42). And this, be it remembered, is on the supposition that the sole human source from which Moses composed the Book of Genesis was oral tradition. But it is highly probable
it

that he also

made use

of documents.

So

much fanciful speculation has been advanced, so many vain and baseless theories have been
built up, in connexion with

what is called the " document-hypothesis" concerning Genesis (43), that I touch the point with some hesi-

tation,

and beg

at once to be understood as

not venturing to dogmatise in a matter of

such

difficulty.

But both a priori

probability,

and the internal evidence, seem

(45),

to

me

to fa-

vour the opinion of Vitringa (44) and Calmet

Moses consulted monuments or records of former ages, which had descended from the families of the patriarchs, and by collecting, arranging, adorning, and, where they were deficient, completing them, comthat

e 2


52

LECTURE
it

II.

posed his history.

lonia (46), renders
art

What we know

of the an-

tiquity of writing, both in

Egypt and Baby-

not improbable that the

was known and practised soon after the

if it

Flood,

was not even

(as

some have sup-

posed) a legacy from the antediluvian world

Abraham can bring with him into

(47).

scarcely have failed to

Palestine a knowledge

which had certainly been possessed by the citizens of Ur for several hundred years before

he

set out

on his wanderings.
art,

And

if it

be said that the

the family of
yet at

though known, might

not have been applied to historical records in

Abraham at this early date, any rate, when the Israelites descended
and found writing in such comand historical records so abundant,
have been
in that
it is

into Egypt,

mon

use,

as they can be proved to

country at that period,

scarcely conceiv-

able that they should not have reduced to a

written form the traditions of their race, the

memory

of which their residence in a foreign

land would be apt to endanger.

appears in the Book of Genesis

And

these

probabilities are quite in accordance with

itself.

what
is

The great

fulness with which the history of Joseph

given,

and the minutice into which it enters, mark it as based upon a contemporary, or and the nearly contemporary biography
;

LECTURE
same may be

II.

53

said with almost equal force of

the histories of Jacob, Isaac, and even Abra-

ham.

Further, there are several indications

of separate documents in the earlier part of

Genesis, as the superscriptions or headings of
particular portions, the change of appellation

by which the Almighty

the like
;

is

distinguished,

and

which,

if

they do not certainly

these grounds
elevate
consi-

mark

different documents, at least naturally

suggest them. If
accept Vitringa's

we then upon theory, we

call

derably what I

may

the

human

authority

of Genesis. Instead of being the embodiment of oral traditions which have passed through
two, three, four, or perhaps

more hands,

pre-

viously to their receiving a written form, the

Book

of Genesis becomes a work based in

the main upon contemporary, or nearly con-

temporary, documents

documents
all

of which

the venerable antiquity casts

other an-

cient writings into the shade, several of

dating probably from times not far

them removed
race.

from the Flood, while some may possibly

descend to us from the antediluvian

Book of Genesis thus obtains is additional, it must be remembered, to what it derives from Moses who is still the responsible author of the work who selected the documents, and gave them all the
sanction which the
;
;

The

confirmation which they could derive from

54

LECTURE
whether
1

II.

his authority,

it

be regarded as di-

vine or

human,

as that of

one

"

learned" in
inspired
n

man's

teacher "a prophet, raised up by God."

"

wisdom,""

or

that

of an

Thus

far

we have been engaged

itself,

in consi-

dering the weight which properly attaches to

the Pentateuch

viewed as an historical

work produced by a certain individual, under certain circumstances, and at a certain period. It remains to examine the external evidence to the character of the Mosaic narrative which is furnished by the other ancient records in our possession, so far at least
as those records

have a

fair

claim to be re-

garded as of any real historic value.

Records possessing even moderate pretensions to the character of historic are, for this

early period, as

we should expect beforehand,

I

extremely scanty.

cannot reckon

in

the

number

either the primitive traditions of the

Greeks, the curious compilations of the

Arme-

nians (48), the historical poems of the Hindoos

(49), or the (50).

extravagant fables of the Chinese

knowledge of certain great events may in primeval history as of the Deluge indeed be traced in all these quarters (51); but

A dim

the historical element to be detected

is

in

every case so small,

it is

so overlaid by fable,
is

and intermixed with what

111

palpably imagi15.

Acts

vii.

22.

Dcut. wiii.

LECTURE
native, that

II.

55

no manner of reliance can be placed upon statements merely because they

occur in these pretended histories, nor have

they the slightest

title

to be used as tests

whereby

to try the authenticity of

any other

narrative.

The only

reliable materials that

we

possess, besides the Pentateuch, for the history

of the period which

it

embraces, consist of some

fragments of Berosus and Manetho, an epi-

tome of the early Egyptian history of the latter, a certain number of Egyptian and Babylonian inscriptions, and two or three valuable papyri.
If
it

be asked on what grounds so strong a

is

preference

assigned to these materials, the

answer

is

easy.

The

records selected are

those of Egypt and Babylon.

Now

these two

countries were, according to the most trust-

worthy accounts, both sacred and profane

(52), the first seats of civilisation
:

in

them
first

writing seems to have been practised earlier

than elsewhere
great
attention

they paid from

to

the

history,

and

possessed,

when the Greeks became acquainted with

them, historical records of an antiquity confessedly greater than

that which could be

claimed for any documents elsewhere.

ther, in each of these countries, at the

Fur-

mo-

ment when,

in

consequence of Grecian con-


56

LECTURE

II.

quest and the infusion of

new

ideas, there

was the greatest danger of the records perishing or being vitiated, there arose a
a native

man
the

thoroughly

acquainted with their

skilled in

antiquities,

and competently

Greek
tongue,

who transferred to that and thus made the common property

language,

of mankind, what had previously been a hid-

den treasure
priests

the

possession of their
only.

own

and philosophers

The

value of

the histories written by

nyte,

Manetho the Sebenand Berosus the Chaldaean, had long;

been suspected by the learned (53) but it remained for the present age to obtain distinct

evidence

of their

fidelity

evidence

which places them, among the historians of early times, in a class by themselves, greatly above even the most acute and painstaking of the Greek and Roman compilers. Herodotus, Ctesias, Alexander Polyhistor, Dio-

dorus Siculus, Trogus Pompeius, could at

best receive at second-hand such representa-

Babylonian and Egyptian history as the natives chose to impart to them, and moreover received these representations (for
tions of

the most part) diluted and distorted by pass-

ing through the

medium

of comparatively

ignorant interpreters.

Manetho and Berosus

and

had

free access to the national records,

LECTURE
so

II.

57

could draw their histories directly from

the fountain-head.

This advantage might, of

course, have been forfeited by a deficiency

their part of either honesty or diligence
;

on

but

the recent discoveries in the two countries

have had the

effect of

removing

all

doubt upon

either of these two heads from the character

of both writers.

The monuments which have

been recovered furnish the strongest proof

alike of the honest intention

and of the diligence and carefulness of the two historians

;

who have
history, a

thus, as profane writers of primeval

preeminence over

all

others (54).

This

is

perhaps the chief value of the docuin themselves

ments obtained, which do not

furnish a historv, or even
;

its

framework, a

chronology (55) but require an historical scheme to be given from without, into which
they

may

fit,

and wherein each may find

to

its

true and proper position.

If

we now proceed
first

compare the Mosaic

account of the

period of the world's his-

tory with that outline which

may

be obtained

from Egyptian and Babylonian sources, we are struck at first sight with what seems an

enormous difference

in the chronology.

The
it

sum

of the years in Manetho's scheme, as

has come
short

down

to us in Eusebius,
;

is

little

of

30,000 (56)

while

that

in

the

58

LECTURE

II.

scheme of Berosus,
little

as reported
!

by the same

author (57), exceeds 460,000

difficulty vanishes.

But upon a
the two

consideration, the greater part of this

If

we examine

chronologies, we shall find that both evidently

divide at a certain point, above which

certainly
least

all

is

mythic, while below

be, historical.

all

is,

or at

may

Out

of the 30,000

years contained (apparently) in Manetho's

scheme, nearly 25,000 belong to the time

when Gods, Demigods, and

on earth
;

had rule and the history of Egypt confesSpirits

till

sedly does not begin

this period

is

con-

cluded, and

Menes, the first Egyptian king,

(58).

mounts the throne

transition

Similarly, in
is

the

chronology of Berosus, there

sudden
are

from

kings

whose

reigns

counted by sossi and

tively of

neri, or periods respec-

GO and COO years, to monarchs the

little

average length of whose reigns very

exceeds that found to prevail in ordinary

monarchies.

Omitting in each case what

is

plainly a mythic computation,

we have

in

the Babylonian scheme a chronology which

mounts up no higher than 2,458 years before Christ, or 800 years after the Deluge, (according to the numbers of the Septuagint
while in the Egyptian
;)

we have

at

any

rate

only an excess of about 2000 years to ex-

LECTURE
plain

II.

59

and account

for,

instead of an excess

of 27,000.

And

this latter discrepancy

becomes

insigni-

ficant, if it

does not actually disappear, upon a

closer scrutiny.

The 5000

years of Manetho's
(as

dynastic
learn

lists

were reduced by himself

we

from Syncellus) to 3555 years

(59),
lists

doubtless because he was aware that his

contained in some cases contemporary dynasties

;

in others,

contemporary kings in the

to the

same dynasty, owing

mention

in

them

of various royal personages associated on the

throne by the principal monarch.

Thus near

1500 years are struck

total at a

off

from Manetho's

and the chronological difference between his scheme and that of Scripture is reduced to a few hundred years discrepancy of no great moment, and one
blow
;

which might

easily arise, either

from slight

from an insufficient allowance being made in Manetho's scheme,

errors of the copyists, or
in

respect of either or both of the causes

is

from which Egyptian chronology

liable

always

to be

exaggerated.

Without taxing

Manetho with conscious

dishonesty,

we may

suspect that he was not unwilling to exalt

the antiquity of his country,

he could do and so without falsifying his authorities from the confusion of the middle or Hyksos
if
;

60

ECTURE
when

II.

period of Egyptian history, and the obscurity

of the earlier times,
there were as yet

no monuments, he would have had abundant

opportunity for chronological exaggeration

by merely regarding as consecutive dynasties

which were not certainly known to have been contemporary. The real duration of
all those,

the Egyptian monarchy depends entirely upon the proper arrangement of the dynasties into

synchronous and consecutive a point upon

which the best Egyptologers are

agreed.

still far

from

Some

of the greatest names in this

branch of antiquarian learning are in favour

of a chronology almost as moderate as the
historic

Babylonian

the accession of Menes,

according to them, falling about 2660 B. C,

more than 600 years after the Septuagint date for the Deluge (60).
or

The removal
way
tive

of this difficulty opens the

to a consideration of the positive points

of agreement between the Scriptural narra-

and that of the profane

authorities.
it
is

And

here, for the earliest times,

especially

Babylon which furnishes an account capable

of being compared with that of Moses.

Acfirst

cording to

Berosus,

the

world when
monsters
of

created was in darkness, and consisted of a

fluid

mass

inhabited by

the

strangest forms.

Over the whole dominated

LECTURE
cleft

II.

61

a female power called Thalatth, or Sea.

Then

Belus, wishing to carry on the creative work,

Thalatth in twain

her he

made

the earth,

and of the half of and of the other half

;

Hereupon the monsters, who could not endure the air and the light, perished. Belus upon this, seeing that the
the heaven.
earth was desolate yet teeming with productive power, cut off his

own

head, and min-

gling the blood which flowed forth with the

dust of the ground, formed men,

vine wisdom.
fit

who were

thus intelligent, as being partakers of the di-

He

then

made
:

other animals

to live

on the earth

he made also the

five

stars,

and the sun and moon, and the

The first man was Alorus, a Chaldaean, who reigned over mankind for 36,000 years, and begat a son, Alaparus, who reigned Then followed in succession 10,800 years.
planets.

eight others, whose reigns were of equal or

greater length, ending with Xisuthrus, under

whom

the great Deluge took place (61).

The

leading facts of this cosmogony and antediluvian history are manifestly, and indeed

confessedly (62), in close agreement with the

Hebrew
first "

records.

We

have in

it

the earth at

without form and void," and "darkness

face of the
"

upon the

deep
i.

."

We

have the

Gen.

2.

62

LECTURE
first

II.

Creator dividing the watery mass and making

the two firmaments, that of the heaven and
that of the earth,

spoken of before
their creation,

we have Light the sun and moon we have

of
all
; ;

and that of the

stars,

some;

what
his
"

late in the series of events given

we

have a divine element infused into man at

and again we have his creation from the dust of the ground p ." Further, between the first man and the Deluge are in the scheme of Berosus ten generations, which is the exact number between Adam and Noah and though the duration of human
birth,
;

life is in his

account enormously exaggerated,

we may
Patriarchs

see

even in this exaggeration a

far

glimpse of the truth, that the lives of the

were extended

beyond the

term which has been the limit in later ages. This truth seems to have been known to

many

of the ancients (63), and traces of

it

have even been found among the modern

Burmans and Chinese (64). The account which Berosus gives of the Deluge is still more strikingly in accordance
with the narrative of Scripture.
"

Xisuthrus,"

he

says,
all

that

"was warned by Saturn in a dream mankind would be destroyed shortly

rain.
P

by a deluge of

He
Gen.
ii.

was bidden
7.

to

bury

LECTURE
in the city of Sippara (or

II.

63

Sepharvaim) such
;

written documents as existed

and then

to

build a huge vessel or ark, in length five furlongs,

and two furlongs in width, wherein was to be placed good store of provisions, together with winged fowl and four-footed and in which he was beasts of the earth himself to embark with his wife and chilXisuthrus did dren, and his close friends. accordingly, and the flood came at the time appointed. The ark drifted towards Armenia and Xisuthrus, on the third day after the rain abated, sent out from the ark a bird,
;

which, after flying for a while over the

illi-

mitable sea of waters, and finding neither

food nor a spot on which
it

could
later,

settle, re-

turned to him.

Some days

Xisuthrus
Sent out
;

sent out other birds, which likewise returned,

but with feet covered with mud.

a third time, the birds returned no more

and Xisuthrus knew that the earth had reappeared. So he removed some of the covering of the ark, and looked, and behold the vessel had grounded upon a high mountain, and remained fixed. Then he went forth
from the ark, with his
wife, his

daughter,
offered

and

his pilot,
;

and

built an altar,

and

sacrifice

after

which he suddenly disap-

peared from sight, together with those

who

64

LECTURE
him

II.

had accompanied him.

They who had

re-

mained

in the ark, surprised that

;

he did not
his

return, sought

when they heard

them to continue religious, and bidding them go back to Babylonia from the land of Armenia, where
voice in the sky, exhorting

and recover the buried documents, and make them once more known among men. So they obeyed, and went back to the land of Babylon, and built many cities and temples, and raised up Babylon from its
they were,
ruins" (65).

and a description substantially the same is given by Abydenus (66), an ancient writer of whom less is known, but whose fragments are geIt nerally of great value and importance.
Such
is

the account of Berosus

we have here a tradition not drawn from the Hebrew record, much less
is

plain that

the foundation of that record (67)

inciding with
it

yet cor

in the

most remarkable w ay.

is

The Babylonian

version

tricked out with a

few extravagances, as the monstrous size of

the vessel, and the translation of Xisuthrus
;

but otherwise
to its

it

is

the

Hebrew

history

down

minuticE.

The

previous warning, the

its

divine direction as to the ark and

sions,

dimenbird,

the introduction into

it

of birds and

beasts, the threefold

sending out of the

LECTURE
built,

II.

65

the place of the ark's resting, the egress by

removal of the covering, the altar straightway

and the

sacrifice offered, constitute

an

array of exact coincidences which cannot possibly be the result of chance,

and of which
truth.

see

no plausible account that can be given

it is

except that
are

the

harmony of
coincidences

Nor

these

minute

counterba-

lanced by the important differences which

some have seen

in the

two accounts.
is

It

is

not

true to say (asNiebuhr

reported to have said)

that " the Babylonian tradition differs from

the Mosaic account by stating that not only

Xisuthrus and his family, but

all

pious men,

were saved

by making the Flood not universal, but only partial, and confined
;

and

also

to

Babylonia (66)."

Berosus does indeed

give Xisuthrus, as companions in the ark,

not only his wife and children, but a certain

number of
differs

" close friends ;"

;

and thus

far

he

from Scripture

but these friends are

not represented as numerous,

" all

much
is

less as

pious men."

And

so far

he from

making the Flood

plies the contrary.

partial, or confining it to

Babylonia, that his narrative distinctly im-

The warning
mankind"
it is

given to

Xisuthrus
is

is

that "

(tov? avOponrovs)

about to be destroyed.

The

ark drifts to
F

Armenia, and when

there, the birds are

RAW LIN SON.

66
sent out,

LECTURE
and
find"*

II.

an illimitable sea of waters,"

and no

rest for the sole of their feet.

When

at length they

no longer return, Xisuthrus

knows

" that

land has reappeared," and leav-

ing the ark, finds himself "on a mountain in

Armenia."

It

is

plain that the waters are

represented as prevailing above the tops of

the loftiest mountains in Armenia,

a height

which must have been seen to involve the submersion of all the countries with which the Babylonians were acquainted.

The account which

the Chaldrean writer

is

gave of the events following the Deluge

ferent authors through

reported with some disagreement by the dif-

whom

it

has come

down
was

to us.

Josephus believed that Berosus

in

accord with Scripture in regard to

the generations between the Flood and Abra-

ham, which (according

rian)

to the

Jewish histo(67).

he correctly estimated at ten

But

other writers introduce in this place, as coming from Berosus, a series of 86 kings, the
first

and second of

whom

reign

for

above

2000

years, while the

remainder reign upon

an average 345 years each.

of

We

have here

perhaps a trace of that gradual shortening

human life, which the genealogy of Abraham exhibits to us so clearly in Scripture

but the numbers appear to be
artificial (68),

LECTURE

II.

67

and they are unaccompanied by any history. There is reason however to believe that Berosus noticed one of the most important
events of this period, in terms which very
strikingly
recall

the

Scripture

narrative.

Writers,

whose

Babylonian

history

seems

drawn

directly from him, or from the sources

which he used, give the following account of the tower of Babel, and the confusion of
tongues

"

At

this

time the ancient race of

men were
and
spise

so puffed

up with

their strength

tallness of stature, that they

began to de-

and contemn the gods

to erect that very lofty

and laboured tower, which is now

;

called

Babylon, intending thereby to scale

heaven.

But when the building approached

the sky, behold, the gods called in the aid of the winds, and by their help overturned

the tower, and cast

it
is

to the ground.
still

The
used

name
the

of

the

ruins

called

Babel

because until this time

all

men had

same speech, but now there was sent upon them a confusion of many and diverse

tongues (69)."

At the point which we have now reached, the sacred narrative ceases to be general, and
becomes special or particular.
history of the world,
It leaves

the

and concentrates
f 2

itself

on an individual and his descendants.

At

68
the

LECTURE
moment

II.
it

of transition, however,

throws
still

out, in a chapter of

wonderful grasp and

more wonderful accuracy, a sketch of the

nations of the earth, their ethnic affinities,

and

some extent their geographical position and boundaries. The Toldoth Beni Noah has extorted the admiration of modern ethto
nologists,

who

continually find in
greatest

it

antici-

pations

of their

discoveries.

For

instance, in the very second verse the great

discovery of Schlegel (70), which the word

Indo-European embodies the affinity of the principal nations of Europe with the Arian
or

Indo-Persic

stock

is

sufficiently

indi-

cated by the conjunction of the Madai or

Medes (whose

native

name was Mada) with

Gomer

Cymry, and Javan or the IoAgain, one of the most recent and nians. unexpected results of modern linguistic inquiry is the proof which it has furnished of an ethnic connexion between the Ethiopians or Cushites, who adjoined on Egypt, and the
or the

primitive inhabitants of Babylonia

a con-

nexion which
ture)

(as

we saw

in

the last Lec-

was positively denied by an eminent ethnologist only a few years ago, but which
has

now been
we

sufficiently

established
(7
1

from

the cuneiform
of Genesis

monuments
find
this

).

In the tenth
thus briefly

truth

LECTURE
but clearly stated
"

II.

69

Cush begat Nimrod," the beginning of whose kingdom was q ." Babel So we have had it recently made evident from the same monuments, that "out of that land went forth Asshur, and builded Nineveh'" or that the Semitic Assyrians proceeded from Babylonia and founded Ni-

"And

neveh long after the Cushite foundation of

Babylon

(72).

Again, the Hamitic descent

of the early inhabitants of Canaan, which

had often been called in question, has recently come to be looked upon as almost certain, apart from the evidence of Scripture (73) and the double mention of Sheba, both among the sons of Ham, and also
;

among

those of

Shem

9
,

has been illustrated

by the discovery that there are two races

of Arabs

one

(the Joktanian) Semitic, the

(74).

other (the Himyaric) Cushite or Ethiopic

On
is

the whole, the scheme of ethnic

affilia-

tion given in the tenth chapter of Genesis

pronounced
itself to

" safer"

to

follow than any

other;

and the Toldoth Beni Noah comthe ethnic enquirer as

"

mends

the
for

most authentic record that we possess

" of the very highest antiquity (75)."
(
l

the affiliation of nations," and as a document

Gen.

x. 8

and
s

10.

Ibid, verse

n,

Ibid, verses 7

and 28.

70

LECTURE
The
confirmation which

II.

profane

history

lends to the

Book of Genesis from the point

where the narrative passes from the general to the special character, is (as might be expected) only occasional, and for the most
part
incidental.

Abraham was

scarcely

personage of sufficient importance to attract

much
lonian

of the attention of either the Babyor

the

Egyptian
Patriarch
;

chroniclers.

We

possess indeed several

tices

very interesting no-

of

this

and

his

successors

from heathen pens (76)

inferior

but they are of far

moment

to the authorities hitherto

cited, since

they do not indicate a separate

and
all

distinct line of information, but are in

probability derived from the

I

Hebrew

re-

cords.

refer

particularly to the passages

which Eusebius produces in his Gospel Preparation from Eupolemus, Artapanus, Molo,

and Cleodemus or Malchas, with regard to Abraham, and from Demetrius, Theodotus, Artapanus, and Philo, with respect to Isaac and Jacob. These testimonies are proPhilo,

bably well

known

to

many
They

of

my

hearers,

since they have been

adduced very generally

bear unmistak;

by our writers

(77).

ably the stamp of a Jewish origin

and shew

the view which the more enlightened hea-

then took of the historical character of the

LECTURE
Hebrew
records
r

II.
first

71

when they
;

became

ac-

quainted w ith them

like notices in

but they cannot boast,

Berosus and Manetho, a distherefore content

tinct origin,

and thus a separate and indeI shall

pendent authority.
myself with

this brief

mention of them here,

;

which

is

all

that time will allow

and pro-

ceed to adduce a few direct testimonies to

the later narrative, furnished either by the
native writers, or by the results of
researches.

modern

There are three points only

in this portion

of the narrative which, being of the nature of

public and important events, might be ex-

pected to obtain notice in the Babylonian

or Egyptian records

the expedition of Che-

dor-laomer with his confederate kings, the

great famine in the days of Joseph, and the

Exodus of the Jews. Did we possess the complete monumental annals of the two
countries, or the

works themselves of Beroit

sus

and Manetho,
of us that

might

fairly

be de-

we should adduce evidence from them of all the three. With the

manded

scanty and fragmentary remains which are

what we actually
surprising
trace
if

possess,

it

would not be

we found
In

ourselves without a

of any.
to

fact,

however,

we

are

able

produce from our scanty stock a

72

LECTURE
The monumental

II.

decisive confirmation

of two events out of

the three.
records
of

Babylonia

bear marks of an interruption in the line of

native
kings,

about

the

date
to

which from
Chedor-lao-

Scripture

we should

assign

mer, and " point to Elymais (or Elam) as

the country

from which

the

interruption

came (78)." whose name

with

We
is

have mention of a king,

as

on good grounds identified

(79),

Chedor-laomer

paramount

in

Babylonia at this time

of Elamitic origin

monarch bears in the inscriptions the unusual and significant title of Apda Martu, or " Ravager of
this

and

king apparently

the West."

Our fragments
;

of Berosus give

us no names at this period

ties

but his dynas-

exhibit a transition at about the date

is

required (80), which

in

accordance with

the break indicated by the monuments.

We

thus obtain a double witness to the remarkable fact of an interruption of pure Baby-

lonian supremacy at this time

and from the monuments we are able to pronounce that the supremacy was transferred to Elam, and that under a king, the Semitic form of whose
;

name would be Chedor-laomer,

distant

a great expe-

dition was organised, which proceeded to the

and then almost unknown

west,

and

LECTURE
those regions.

II.

73

returned after "ravaging" but not conquering

The Exodus

of the Jews was an event

which could scarcely be omitted by Manetho. It was one however of such a nature so

entirely repugnant to all the feelings of an

Egyptian

that

we could not expect

it

a fair

representation of

in

their annals.

And
pre-

accordingly, our fragments of

Manetho

sent us with a distinct but very distorted

notice of the occurrence.

The Hebrews

are

represented as leprous and impious Egyptians,

who under the conduct of a priest of Heliopolis, named Moses, rebelled on acand having
called in the

count of oppression, occupied a town called

Avaris, or Abaris,

aid of the people of Jerusalem,

selves masters of Egypt,
;

made them-

which they held for thirteen years but who were at last defeated by the Egyptian king, and driven
from Egypt into Syria
the oppression, the
(81).

We

have here

name Moses,

the national

name, Hebrew, under the disguise of Abaris,

and the true direction of the

retreat

but

we have

all

the special circumstances of the

occasion concealed under a general confes-

and we have a claim to final triumph which consoled the wounded vanity of the nation, but which we know to
sion of disaster
;


74

LECTURE
On
as

II.

have been unfounded.

the

whole we
us

have perhaps as much

of transactions so

we could reasonably
tell
;

expect the annals of the Egyptians to

little to their credit

and
the
in

we have

narrative fairly confirming

as

principal facts,

well

as

very curious

many
I

of

its

particulars (82).
briefly considered

have thus

principal of those direct

some of the testimonies which

can be adduced from ancient profane sources,

in

confirmation of the historic truth of the

There are various other arguments some purely, some partly historic into which want of space forbids my enterPentateuch.

is

ing

in

the present Course.

For instance,

there

what may be

called the historico-

scientific

argument, derivable from the agreenarrative with the con-

ment of the sacred

clusions

reached

by those sciences which

have a partially historical character.

logy

Geotrue

whatever

may be thought

of

its

bearing upon other points

to the recent creation of
is

at

least witnesses

man, of

whom

there

no trace in any but the

latest strata (83).

Physiology decides in favour of the unity of

the species, and the probable derivation of the whole

human

race from a single pair (84).

after divers fluctua-

Comparative Philology,
tions,

settles into the belief that

languages

LECTURE
will

II.
all

75
de-

ultimately prove to have been

rived from a

common

basis (85).

Ethnology

pronounces that, independently of the Scriptural record,

we should be

led to fix on the

centre, or focus,

plains of Shinar as a

common

from which the various lines of migration and

the several types of races originally radiated
(86).

Again, there

is

an argument perhaps

more convincing than any other, but of immense compass, deducible from the indirect and incidental points of agreement between the Mosaic records and the best profane
authorities.

The

limits within

which

am

confined

compel me

to decline this portion

it

of the enquiry.

Otherwise

might be shewn

that the linguistic, geographic,

notices contained in

and ethologic the books of Moses are

of the most veracious character (87), stamp-

ing the whole narration with an unmistakable air of authenticity.

And

this,

it

may
fresh

be remarked,

is

an argument to which mois

dern research
weight.

perpetually
if

adding

For instance,

we look
till

to the geo-

graphy,

we

shall find that

within these

few
in

years, "

Erech, and Accad, and Calneh,

in the land of

Calah and Resen, the country peopled by Asshur"

Shinar*"
Ellasar,

and"Ur
1

of theChaldees
u lb. verses
1

,"

were mere names;

v

Gen.

x. io.

and 12.

lb. xi. 31; xiv. 1.

76

LECTURE

II.

and beyond the mention of them in Genesis, scarcely a trace was discoverable of their existence (88).

Recently, however, the

mounds

of Mesopotamia have been searched,and bricks

and stones buried for near three thousand years have found a tongue, and tell us exactly where each of these cities stood (89), and sufficiently indicate their importance. Again, the power of Og, and his " threescore cities, all fenced with high walls, gates, and w bars, besides un walled towns a great many ,"
in such a country as that to the east of the

Sea of Galilee, whose old name of Trachonitis indicates its barrenness,

seemed

to

many

improbable

but modern research has found

number
of walled
standing, which shew the habits

in this very country a vast

cities
still

of the ancient people, and prove that the

population must at one time have been considerable (90).

So the careful examination

that has been

made

of the valley of the Jorit

dan, which has resulted in a proof that

is

a unique phenomenon, utterly unlike any

thing elsewhere on the whole face of the

earth (91), tends greatly to confirm the
saic account, that it

became what it by a great convulsion and by pious persons

;

Monow is

will, I think,

be

felt as

confirming the miraiii.

w Dcut.

5.

LECTURE
all,

II.

77

culous character of that convulsion.

Above
our

perhaps, the absence of any counter -evi-

dence

the

fact that each accession to

knowledge of the ancient times, whether

historic, or geographic,

or
to

ethnic, helps

to

remove
petual

difficulties,

and

produce a perof the

supply of fresh
;

illustrations

Mosaic narrative

while fresh difficulties are

not at the same time brought to light

is

to

be remarked, as to candid minds an argu-

ment

for the historic truth of the narrative,

the force of which can scarcely be over-esti-

mated.
in

All tends to shew that

we

possess

the Pentateuch, not only the most authat

thentic account of ancient times

has

come down to us, but a and in every respect true.

have no old wives'
vised fable
x

history absolutely

All tends to as-

sure us that in this marvellous volume

tales,

we

no

"

cunningly de-

;"

but a " treasure of wisdom and

as

knowledge 7 "

important to the historical

enquirer as to the theologian.

There may-

be obscurities
of the text
tions

there

may

be occasionally, in
a few interpola-

names and numbers, accidental corruptions

there

may be

which have crept in from the margin but upon the whole it must be pronounced that we have in the Pentateuch a
glosses
;

2 Pet.

i.

6.

Col.

ii.

3.

78

LECTURE
were
it

II.

genuine and authentic work, and one which

even

not inspired

would
is still

be, for

the times and countries whereof

us be assured) " Moses,"

it treats,

the
(let

leading and paramount authority.

It

is

who

" read in
z

the synagogues

every

sabbath day

;"

and
his
old,

they

who

"resist" him,
like

by impugning

veracity,

Jannes and Jambres of

"resist the truth

z

V
a
2

Acts xv. 21.

Tim.

iii.

8.

LECTURE
ACTS

III.

XIII. 19-21.

When

he had destroyed seven nations in the

land of Chanaan, he divided their land to them by lot. And after that he gave them

judges about

the space

of four hundred and

the prophet.

fifty years, until

Samuel

And

afterward they desired a king.

1.HE

period of Jewish history, which has to

be considered in the present Lecture, contains within

it

the extremes of obscurity and

splendour, of the depression and the exaltation of the race.

The

fugitives

from Egypt,
great leader,

who by

divine aid effected a lodgment in the

land of Canaan, under their

Joshua, were engaged for some hundreds of

years in a perpetual struggle for existence

with the petty tribes

among whom

they had

intruded themselves, and seemed finally on

the point of succumbing and ceasing alto-

gether to be a people,

denly lifted

when they were sudup by the hand of God, and

carried rapidly to the highest pitch of great-

ness whereto they ever attained.

From

the

80
time
holes

LECTURE
when the Hebrews
a

III.

" hid

themselves in

,"

for fear of the Philistines,

and were

without spears, or swords, or armourers, because the Philistines had said, " Lest the Heb brews make themselves swords or spears ," to the full completion of the kingdom of

David by

his victories over the Philistines,

the Moabities, the Syrians, the Ammonites,

and the Amalekites, together with the submission of the Idumseans was a space little,
,

if at

all,

exceeding half a century.

Thus

were brought within the lifetime of a man the highest glory and the deepest shame, oppression and dominion, terror and triumph,
the peril of extinction and the establishment of a mighty empire.

The very men who

" hid themselves in caves

and in thickets, in d rocks, and in high places, and in pits ," or who fled across the Jordan to the land of Gad and Gilead e when the Philistines "pitched in Michmash," may have seen garrisons put
,

Damascus and " throughout all EdomV' and the dominion of David extended to the
in

Euphrates 8

The

history of this remarkable period

is

delivered to us in four or five Books, the

a
*l

i
t

Sam.

xiv.

u.

b
e

Ibid. xiii.

19-22.
f

Sam.
viii.

viii.

Sam.

xiii. 6.

Ibid, verse 7.

Sam.

14.

Ibid, verse 3.

LECTURE
uncertain.
It is

III.

81

authors of which are unknown, or at best

thought by some that Jo-

shua wrote the book which bears his name,

except the closing verses of the last chapter (1);

and by others

(2),

that Samuel comfirst

posed twenty-four chapters of the

those two books which in our

of

Canon bear
but there
is

the

title

of Books of Samuel

no such uniform tradition

as
exists

(3) in either case

respecting the authorship of the

is

Pentateuch, nor

there the same weight of

internal testimony.
ternal

On

the whole, the in-

testimony seems to be against the

of the

Book of Joshua to the Jewish leader (4); and both it, Judges, and Ruth, as well as Kings and Chronicles, are best referred to the class of (SlfiAia a&Wora, or books the authors of which are unknown to us. The importance of a history, however,
ascription

though

it

may

be enhanced by our knowledge

of the author, does not necessarily depend

on such knowledge. The Turin Papyrus, the

Parian Marble, the Saxon Chronicle, are do-

cuments of the very highest

historic value,

though we know nothing of the persons who

composed them
sources.

because there

is

reason to

believe that they were

composed from good

is

And

so

it is

with these portions of

the Sacred Volume.

There

abundant
G

evi-

RAWLINSON.

82

LECTURE
and
historic

III.

deuce, both internal and external, of their

authenticity
value,

notwith-

standing that their actual composers are un-

known
force

or uncertain.

They have

really the

of State

Papers,

being authoritative

public documents, preserved

tional archives of the

among

the na-

Jews

so long as they

were a nation

and ever since cherished by

the scattered fragments of the race as the most precious of their early

among records. As
without any

we do not commonly ask who was the author

of a State Paper, but accept
it

such formality, so we are bound to act to-

wards these writings.

times by those

They

are written near

the time, sometimes by eyewitnesses, some-

who have
;

before

them the

reports of eyewitnesses

and

their reception

among the sacred records of the Jews stamps them with an authentic character. As similar attempts have been made to invalidate the authority of these books with

those to which I alluded in the last Lecture,

as directed against the Pentateuch, it will be

necessary to state briefly the special grounds,

which
it

exist in the case of each, for accepting

as containing a true history.

Having thus
of the

vindicated

the

historical

character

Books from the evidence which they themselves offer, I shall then proceed to adduce

LECTURE
fane, sources.

III.

83

such confirmation of their truth as can be

obtained from other, and especially from pro-

The Book

of Joshua

is

clearly the produc-

The writer includes himself among those who passed over Jordan dryshod h He speaks of Rahab the harlot as still "dwelling in Israel" when he writes and of Hebron as still in the possession of Caleb the son of Jephunneh He belongs
tion of an eyewitness.
.

clearly to the " elders that outlived Joshua,

which had known

all

the works of the Lord

k

that he had done for Israel

;"

and
as

is

there-

fore as credible a witness for the events of

the

settlement

in

Palestine,

Moses

for

those of the

Exodus and the passage through

the wilderness. Further, he undoubtedly possesses

documents of authority, from one of and which (the Book of Jasher) he quotes it is a reasonable supposition that his work is
1

to a great extent

composed from such docu111

ments, to which there are several references

besides the actual quotation
(5).

The Book
There
is

of Judges, according to the tra-

dition of the Jews, was written

by Samuel

(6).

nothing

in the

work
25.

itself that very

h Josh. v. i. k Ibid. xxiv. 31.

Ibid.

vi.

Ibid. xiv. 14.

Ibid. x.
13.

Ibid, xviii.

9;

xxiv. 26.

G 2

84
distinctly

LECTURE
marks the date of
contents
its

III.
its

composition.
say that
it

From
;

we can only

must have been composed about Samuel's time that is, after the death of Samson, and before the capture of Jerusalem by David (7). As the events related in it certainly cover a space of some hundreds of years, the writer, whoever he be, cannot be regarded as a contemporary witness for more than a small
portion of them.
position of

He

stands rather in the

to the greater

Moses with respect

part of Genesis, being the

recorder of his

country's traditions during a space generally

estimated as about equal to that which in-

tervened between the

the birth of Moses
(8).

call

of

Abraham and

Had

these traditions

been handed down entirely by oral communication,

still,

being chiefly marked and striking

life,

events in the national

possessed a fair

they would have

title to

acceptance.
is

As the
every

case actually stands, however, there

reason to believe that national records, which

(as

we have

seen) existed in the days of

Moses

and Joshua, were continued by

sors,

their succes-

and that these formed the materials from which the Book of Judges was composed by Of such records we have a speciits author. men in the Song of Deborah and Barak, an historical poem embodying the chief facts of

LECTURE
Deborah's
judgeship.
there
It

III.
is

85
to

reasonable

suppose that

may have been many

such compositions, belonging to the actual

time of the events, of which the historian
could

make

use

and

it

is

also

most pro-

bable that chronicles were kept even at this

early date, like those to which the writers

of the later historical books refer so constantly

n
.

The two Books

some

of Samuel are thought by

to form, together with the

two Books

of Kings, a single work, and are referred to

the time of the Babylonish captivity (9) but this view is contrary both to the internal and
;

to the external evidence.

The

tradition of

the Jews

is,

that the

work was commenced

by Samuel, continued by Gad, David's seer, and concluded by Nathan the prophet (10); and this is to say the least a very pro-

bable supposition.

We

know from
first

a state-

ment

in the First

Book of

Chronicles, that

" the acts of

David the king,

and

last,

were written in the book of Samuel the

seer,

book of Nathan the prophet, and in the book of Gad the seer ;" and these

and

in the

writings,

it is

plain,

were

still

extant in the
xvi. 5,

Kings
1

xi.

41

xiv.
;

19 and 29; xv. 7;

2

14, 20, 27,

&c.

Chron. xxvii. 24 Chron. xxix. 29.

Chron.

xii.

15

xiii.

22

xx. 34, &c.


86
Chronicler's

LECTURE
time.

III.

If then

the

Books of

Samuel had been a compilation made during the Captivity, or earlier, it would have been founded on these books, which could not but have been of primary authority in which
;

case the compiler could scarcely have failed

to quote them, either

by name,
place

as the

Chro-

nicler

does in

the

which has been

p.

cited, or

under the

title

of " the Chronicles

of David," as he seems to do in another

But there

is

no quotation, direct or

indirect,

no trace of compilation, no indication of a writer drawing from other authors, in the

two Books of Samuel, from beginning

to end.

In this respect they contrast most strongly

with both Chronicles and Kings, where the
authors at every turn
sources from

make

reference to the
in-

which they derive their

formation.

These books therefore are most

reasonably to be regarded as a primary and

work used and quoted by the Chronicler for the reign of David and a specimen of those other works from which the authors of Kings and Chronicles
original

work

the

confessedly

compiled

their

histories.

We

have thus

in all probability, for the times of

Samuel, Saul and David, the direct witness

of Samuel himself, and of the two prophets
P
i

Chron.

xxvii. 24.


LECTURE
who were
David.
in
III.

87

most repute during the reign of

first

Book of Kings derives his account of Solomon from a document which he calls "the Book of the Acts of Solomon q ;" while the author of the second Book of Chronicles cites three works as furnishing him with
writer of the

The

materials for this part of his history

"the
Ne-

book of Nathan the prophet, the prophecy of

Abijah the Shilonite, and the visions of Iddo
the seer against Jeroboam the son of bat
r

."

These

last

were certainly the works

;

and the same may presumed of the other since the later be
of contemporaries (11)
;

compiler

is

not

likely

to

have
in

possessed

better materials than the earlier.

We

may

therefore conclude that

we have

Kings and

Chronicles the history of Solomon's reign

not perhaps exactly in the words of contem-

porary writers
livered
it.

but substantially

as they de-

And

the writers were persons

who

held the same high position under Solomon,

which the composers of the Books of Samuel had held under Saul and David.
It
is

also

worthy of remark, that we have

distinct authorities.

the histories of David and Solomon from two

separate

and

The
29.

writer

of Chronicles does not draw even his account

(

Kings

xi.

4r.

2 C'hron. ix.

88

LECTURE
particulars,

III.

of David wholly from Samuel, but adds various

which shew that he had

further sources of information (12).

And

his

account of Solomon appears not to have been

drawn from Kings

documents.
Further,
it is

at

all,

but to have been

taken quite independently from the original

to be

noted that we have in

the Book of Psalms, at once a running com-

ment, illustrative of David's personal history,

the close agreement of which with the historical

books

is

striking,

and

also a

work

affording abundant evidence that the history

of the nation, as

it

is

delivered to us in the

Pentateuch, in Joshua, and in Judges, was at

least believed

by the Jews to be their true

time of David.

and

real history in the

The

seventy-eighth

Psalm, which certainly beis

longs to David's time,

this
:

sufficient proof of

it

contains a sketch of Jewish history,

from

the
to

wonders wrought

by Moses
refers
to

in

Egypt

the establishment of the ark in

mount Zion by David, and

fewer than
fifty or sixty

not

of the occurrences
in the histo-

which are described

rical writings (13).

at length
It
is

certain, at the least,

that the Jews of David's age had no other

account to give of their past fortunes than that miraculous story which has come down

LECTURE
to us in the

III.

89

Books of Exodus, Numbers, Deuteronomy, Joshua, Judges, and Samuel. We have now further to consider what

amount of confirmation profane

to the truth

history lends

of the sacred

narrative dur-

ing the period extending from the death of

Moses
period,

to the accession of
it

Rehoboam.

This

has been observed above, comprises the two most opposite conditions
:

within

it

of the Jewish race

during

its earlier

portion

the Israelites were a small and insignificant

people,

with

difficulty

maintaining

them-

selves in the hill-country of Palestine against

the attacks of various tribes, none of

whom
while

have made any great figure in history

towards
its

close a

Jewish Empire was formed

an Empire
up
as

perhaps as great as any which

time

to that

had been known

if

in

the

Eastern world, and which,

not so extensive

some that shortly afterwards grew up in Western Asia, at any rate marks very distinctly the period when the power and prosperity of the Jews reached its acme. It was not to be expected that profane writers would notice equally both of these periods. During the obscure time of the Judges, the Jews could be little known beyond their borders and even had Assyria and Egypt been at this time flourishing and
;

90

LECTURE
in

III.

aggressive states, had the armies of either or

both been then

the habit of traversing

Palestine in the course of their expeditions,

the Israelites might easily have escaped

tion, since

men-

they occupied only a small part

of the country, and that part the least accessible of the

ever, that in

whole
fact

howboth Assyria and Egypt

(14).
It appears,

were weak during

ditions

this period.

The expeconfined
it

of

the

former were
or, if

still

within the Euphrates,

they crossed

on rare occasions, at any rate went no

ther than Cappadocia and

fur-

Upper Syria, or the country about Aleppo and Antioch (15). And Egypt from the time of Ramesses the third, which was not long after the Exodus, to that of Shishak, the contemporary of

Solomon, seems to have sent no expeditions

at
all

beyond

its

own

frontier (16).

Thus

the annals of the two countries are necessarily silent

concerning the Jews during the

;

period in question

and no agreement beis

tween them and the Jewish records

sible,

pos-

except that
to
exist.

tacit

one which

is

found

in

fact

The Jewish
;

records are

silent

concerning Egypt, from the Exodus to

the reign of Solomon

which
Jews.

is

exactly the

time during which the Egyptian records are

silent

concerning

the

And

Assyria

LECTURE
power
in

III.

91

does not appear in Scripture as an influential

Lower

Syria and Palestine

till

time considerably later than the separation

of the kingdoms; while similarly the Assyrian

monuments

are without any mention of ex-

peditions into these parts during the earlier

period of the empire.

Further,

it

may be

remarked that from the mention of ChushanRishathaim, king of Aram-Naharaim, (or the
country about Harran,) as a powerful prince
soon after the death of Joshua,
it

would

fol-

low that Assyria had not at that time extended her dominion even to the Euphrates;
a conclusion which the cuneiform records of

perhaps two centuries

later

entirely

con-

firm (17), since they shew that even then the

Assyrians had not conquered the whole country east of the river.

Besides the points of agreement here noticed,

which, though negative, are

(I

think)

of no slight weight,

we
is

possess one testimony

belonging to this period of a direct and positive character,

which

among

the most curi-

ous of the illustrations, that profane sources

furnish, of the veracity of Scripture.

Moses of
and Sui-

Chorene, the Armenian historian (18), Procopius, the secretary of Belisarius (19),

das the Lexicographer (20), relate, that there

existed in their day at Tingis, (or Tangiers,)
in Africa,

an ancient inscription to the

effect

92

LECTURE
who were
It has

III.

that the inhabitants were the descendants of those fugitives

driven from the

land of Canaan by Joshua the son of Nun,

the plunderer.

been said that this

story " can scarcely be anything but a

binical legend,

Rabin-

which Procopius may have

heard from African Jews (21)."

But the

dependent testimony of the three writers, who do not seem to have copied from one another, and the exis an argument of great weight
;

pressions used, by Procopius especially, have

a precision and a circumstantiality, which

seem rather
observation.
pillars

to imply the basis of personal

"

There stand," he says, " two of white marble near the great founan inscripin

tain in the city of Tigisis, bearing

tion

in

Phoenician

characters

and

the

Phoenician language, which runs as follows."

I

cannot see that there would be any

suffi-

cient reason for doubting the truth of this

very clear and exact statement, even

if it

stood alone, and were unconfirmed by any

other writer.
it

Two

writers, however, confirm

one of an
;

earlier

and the other of a

later

date

and the three testimonies are proved,

slight variations, to be
is

by their

independent

of one another. There

then sufficient reason

the time of
for

to believe that a Phoenician inscription to the

effect stated existed at

Tangiers

in

the

Lower Empire; and the true question

LECTURE
is,

III.

93

historical criticism to consider

and determine

what

is

the weight and value of such an

was not a Jewish or a Christian monument is certain from the

inscription (22).
it

That

epithet of " plunderer" or " robber" applied

in
it

to Joshua.

That

it

was more ancient

than Christianity seems probable from the

language and character in which

ten (23).
It

would appear to genuine Phoenician monument, of an antiquity which cannot now be decided, but which was probably remote and it must be regarded as embodying an ancient tradition,
;

was writhave been a

it

current in this part of Africa in times anterior to Christianity,

which very remarkably

narrative.

confirms the

Hebrew

There

is

another event of a public nature,

to find a confirma"

belonging to this portion of the history, of

which some have thought

tion in the pages of a profane writer.

The

Egyptians," says Herodotus (24), " declare that

Egypt was a kingdom, the sun has on four several occasions moved from his wonted course, twice rising where he now sets, and twice setting where he now rises." It has been supposed (25) that we have here a nosince
tice of that

remarkable time when

a whole day s

" the

sun

stood

still

in the midst of heaven,

and hasted
;"

not to go

down about
s

as well

Josh, x, 13.

94

LECTURE
somewhat
"

III.

as of that other

similar occasion,

when

the sun returned ten degrees" on the

dial of Ahaz*.

But the statement made to Herodotus by the Egyptian priests would very ill describe the phenomena of these two occasions, however we understand the narratives in Joshua and Kings and the fact which they intended to convey to him w as
;
7

probably one connected rather with with any sudden and violent changes
celestial order.
is

their

peculiar system of astronomical cycles than

in the

If the narrative in Joshua

to be understood astronomically, of an ac-

tual cessation or retardation of the earth's

motion
tory

(26),

fails

to

we must admit that profane hispresent us with any mention of

it

an occurrence, which
the same time

might have been ex-

pected to notice with distinctness.

But

at

we must remember how scanty are the remains which we possess of this early time, and how strictly they are limited to the
recording of political events and
changes.
dynastic

The

astronomical
;

records of the

Babylonians have perished

and the

lists

of

Manetho contain but few

tural

references to na-

phenomena, which are never introduced except when they have a political bearing. No valid objection therefore can be brought
against the literal truth of the narrative in
*

Is. xxxvrii, 8.


LECTURE
confirmation of
past are so few
it.

III.

95

Joshua from the present want of any profane

Where

the records of the

and

so slight, the

argument

from mere silence has neither force nor place.

The

flourishing period of Jewish history,

which commences with the reign of David, brought the chosen people of God once more
into contact with those principal nations of

the earth, whose history has to some extent

come down to us. One of the first exploits of David was that great defeat which he inflicted

on the Syrians of Damascus,

in the vi-

when they came to the assistance of Hadadezer king of Zobah a defeat which cost them more than 20,000
cinity of the Euphrates,

men, and which was followed by the temporary subjection of

since "

Damascus

to the Israelites;

David put garrisons in Syria of Damascus, and the Syrians became servants to
David, and brought
tioned not only by
gifts"."

This w ar
r

is

men-

Eupolemus

(27),

who ap-

pears to have been well acquainted with the

Jewish Scriptures, but also by Nicolas of Damascus, the friend of Augustus Csesar,
clearly
"

who

draws his history from the records of

After this," says Nicolas,

his native place.

" there

was a certain Hadad, a native Syrian,

great power
2
:

who had
u

he ruled over Damasi

Sam.

viii.

6.

Comp.

Chr.

xviii. 6.


96
cus,

LECTURE
and
all Syria,

III.

except Phoenicia.

He

like-

wise undertook a war with David, the king of Judaea, and contended against him in a

number of

battles

in the last of

which was by the

river

them all Euphrates, and in

which he suffered defeat

This

shewing himself a

prince of the greatest courage and prowess"

same nature with those already adduced from Berosus and Manetho it is a separate and independent
(28).
is

a testimony of the

notice of an event in Jewish history, which

has come

down

to us

from the other party

not con-

in the transaction, with particulars

tained in the Jewish account, yet compatible

with

all

that

is

so contained,

and

strictly cor-

roborative of the

main circumstances of the

of the son of Jesse were

Hebrew narrative. The other wars

with enemies of inferior power and importance, as the Philistines, the Moabites, the

Ammonites, the Idumasans, and the Amalekites. Eupolemus mentions most of these successes (29) but otherwise we have no recognition of them by profane writers, which
;

cannot be considered surprising, since there

are no ancient histories extant wherein these

nations are mentioned otherwise than incidentally.

We have, however, one further point

of contact between sacred and profane his-

LECTURE
tory at this period which
interest
is

III.

97

of considerable

and importance, and which requires

I

separate consideration.

speak of the con-

nexion, seen

now

for the first time,

between

Judaea and Phoenicia, which, separated by

natural obstacles (30), and hitherto perhaps
to

some extent by intervening

to

tribes,

only
other

began

hold

relations

with

each

when the conquests of David brought Judaea into a new position among the powers of
these regions.
It

was necessary

for the

com-

merce of Phoenicia that she should enjoy the friendship of whatever power commanded
the great lines of inland
traffic,

which ran

through Ccele-Syria and Damascus, by Ha-

math and Tadmor, to the Euphrates (31). Accordingly we find that upon the " establishment" and " exaltation" of David's kingdom^ overtures were at once made to him by the chief Phoenician power of the day and his goodwill was secured by benefits of
;

the most acceptable kind

artificers

the loan of skilled

and the gift of cedar-beams " in abundance w " after which a firm friendship was established between the two powers", which continued beyond the reign of David

into that of
v

Solomon
w
i

his son y
Chr.

Now
x
1

here
Kings
v.

it

Sam.

v.
1

ii,i2.
2.

xxii. 4.

1.

Ibid, verse

RAWLINSON.

98
is

LECTURE

III.

most interesting to see whether the Hebrew writer has correctly represented the
condition of Phoenicia at the time
;

whether

the

name which he
is
;

has assigned to his Phoe-

nician prince

one that Phoenicians bore or

finally,

the contrary

and

whether there
this

is

any trace of the reign of

prince at this time.

particular

With regard

to the first point, it

is

to be

observed, that the condition of Phoenicia varied at different periods.

While we seem

to

trace throughout the whole history a con-

stant recognition of

some one

city as predo-

minant among the various towns, if not as sovereign over them, we do not always find In the same city occupying this position.
the most ancient times
it is

Sidon which

claims and exercises this precedency and pre-

eminence (32)
recognised as

in the later times the dignity

is

has passed to Tyre, which

the

thenceforward

leading power.

Homer

implies (33), Strabo (34) and Justin (35) distinctly assert the ancient superiority of Sidon,

which was said to have been the primitive settlement, whence the remainder were derived.

On

the other hand, Dius (36)

and

Menander
histories

(37),

who drew
the
native

their

Phoenician
clearly

from

records,

show that

at a time anterior to David,

Tyre

LECTURE
had become the leading
tinued to

III.

99

which she conbe until the time of Alexander (38).

state,

The

notices of Phoenicia

in

Scripture

are

completely in accordance with what we have

thus gathered from profane sources.

While

Sidon alone appears to have been known to

Moses z and Tyre occurs in Joshua as a mere stronghold in marked contrast with imperial Sidon, ("great Zidon," as she is called more than once a ) whose dominion seems to extend along the coast to Carmel (39), and certainly reaches inland as far as Laish b in Samuel and Kings the case is changed Sidon has no longer a distinctive epithet and it is the " king of Tyre" who on behalf of his countrymen makes advances to David, and who
,

is

evidently the chief Phoenician potentate

of the period.

name borne by this prince the first Phoenician mentioned by name in Scripture we are at once
Further,

when we look

to the

struck with

That Hiram was really a Phoenician name, and one which kings were in the habit of bearing, is certain from the Assyrian Inscriptions (40) and from Herodotus (41), as well as from the Phoenician historians, Dius and
its

authentic character.

z
k

Gen.

x.

15

xlix. 13.

a Josh. xi. 8
c

xix. 28.

Judges,

xviii. 7.

and 28.

Sam. xxiv.

6.

H 2

100

LECTURE
And
these

III.

Menander.

last-named
as

writers

not only confirm the

name

one which a

king of Tyre might have borne, but shew

moreover that
David, of

it

was actually borne by the

they relate circumstances
identify

Tyrian king contemporary with Solomon and

whom
is

which
been

completely

him with
with
to

the

monarch who
on
princes.

stated in Scripture to have

friendly

such

terms

those

They do not indeed appear

of David
close
;

have

made any mention

distinctly

but they spoke

which,

of the

connexion between

Hiram and Solomon

markably
rative.

adding
in

facts,

though not contained

in accordance

Scripture, are re-

with the sacred nar-

For instance, both Menander and Dius related that " hard questions" were sent by Solomon to Hiram to be resolved by him
(42); while

Dius added, that Hiram proposed

similar puzzles to

Solomon in return, which that monarch with all his wisdom was unable
to

answer
"

(43).

We

may

see in this narrative,

visit

not only a resemblance to the famous

the

of

Queen of the South

heard of

when she the fame of Solomon, came to prove

"
6

V who,
;"

him with hard questions

but also an
" all

illus-

tration of the statement that

the earth

sought to Solomon to hear his wisdom, which

d

Matt.

xii.

42.

Kings

x. i.

LECTURE
God had put
in his heart
f

III.

101

."

Again,
his

Menanin
is

der stated that

Hiram gave
;

daughter

marriage to Solomon (44).

recorded in Scripture
tive of the

This fact
"

not

but

still it is illustra-

statement that

King Solomon
of the

loved

many

strange women, together with

the daughter of Pharaoh,

abites,

women

Mo-

Ammonites, Edomites, Zidonians, and

And he had seven hundred wives, pinncesses* ." One of these we may well
Hittites

conceive to have been the daughter of the

Tyrian king.

The

relations of
at

Solomon with Egypt have

but
little

received

present

illustration

from native Egyptian sources.

of

Our epitome

Manetho gives us nothing but a bare list of names at the period to which Solomon must belong and the Egyptian monuments
;

for the time are particularly scanty

and

in-

significant (45).

Moreover the omission of

of

the Jewish writers to place on record the

distinctive

name

the

Pharaoh
any
special

whose
satis-

daughter Solomon married, forbids his

factory identification with
tian
to

Egyp-

monarch.

Eupolemus indeed professed

his

supply this omission of the older histo-

rians (46),

and enlivened
Kings
S

history with

copies of the letters which (according to him)

f
i

x.

24.

Ibid. xi. 1-3.

102
passed

LECTURE
between
;

III.

Solomon and Vaphres or but this name is Apries, king of Egypt clearly taken from a later portion of Egyptian history, and none at all similar to it is found either on the monuments or in the dynastic lists for the period. The Egyptian

and his friendly connexion with a Pharaoh of the

marriage
of

Solomon,

therefore,

21st dynasty, has at present no confirmation

from profane sources, beyond that which

derives from

it

Eupolemus

but the change in

the relations between the two courts towards

which is indicated by the protection extended to his enemy Jeroboam by a new king, Shishak, receives some illustration and confirmation both from the monuments, and from the native historian. Shishak makes his appearance
the close of Solomon's
reign,

at a suitable point, so far as chronology

is

concerned (47), in the

lists

of Manetho, where

he is called Sesonchis or Sesonchosis (48) and his name occurs likewise in the sculptures of the period under its Egyptian form of Sheshonk (49). The confirmation which
the

monuments lend
At

to the capture of Jeruin the

salem by this king will be considered next Lecture.

present,

we have only to note, besides the occurrence of the name at the place where we should naturally look for


LECTURE
it

III.

103

in the lists, the fact that it occurs at the

commencement of a new dynasty a dynasty furnished by a new city, and quite of a different character from that preceding it which would therefore be in no way connected with Solomon, and would not be
unlikely to reverse the policy of the house

which

had supplanted. The wealth and magnificence of Solomon were celebrated by Eupolemus and Theophiit

lus,

the former of

whom

gave an elaborate
its

account of the temple and

ornaments.

As, however, these writers were merely well-

informed Greeks who reported to their coun-

trymen the ideas entertained of their history by the Jews of the 3rd and 4th century B. C, I I forbear to dwell upon their testimonies.
shall therefore close here the direct confir-

mations from profane sources of this portion

of the Scripture narrative, and proceed to

consider briefly some of the indirect points

of agreement, with which this part of the

history, like every other, abounds.

First then,

it

may be

observed, that the

is

empire ascribed to David and Solomon,

an empire of exactly that kind which alone

Western Asia was capable of producing, and

did produce, about the period in question.

The modern system

of centralised organisa-

104
tion by

LECTURE

III.

which the various provinces of a vast empire are cemented into a compact mass,
was unknown to the ancient world, and has
never been practised by Asiatics.
pial

The

satra-

system of government, or that in which

the provinces retain their individuality but

are administered on a
cers appointed

common

plan by

offi-

by the crown
introduction

which has pre-

vailed generally through the East since the

time of

its first

was the invenBefore his time

in all cases

tion of Darius Hystaspis.

the greatest monarchies had a slighter and

weaker organisation.

They were
;

composed of a number of separate kingdoms, each under its own native king and the sole link uniting them together and constituting them an empire, was the subjection of these petty monarchs to a single suzerain (52). The Babylonian, Assyrian, Median, and Lydian, were all empires of this type
archies,

mon-

wherein a sovereign prince at the

head of a powerful kingdom was acknowledged

as suzerain

by a number of inferior princes,

each in his
country.

own

right sole ruler of his

own

And

the subjection of the inferior

princes consisted chiefly, if not solely, in two

points
;

they were bound to render

homage

to their suzerain,

and

to

pay him annually a

certain stated tribute.

Thus, when we hear

LECTURE
the
Philistines
11

III.

105

that " Solomon reigned over all the kingdoms

from the river (Euphrates) unto the land of

and

unto

the

border

of

Egypt
over

"

or

again, that "

he had dominion

all

the region on this side the river,

(or

from Tiphsah
tes) to

Thapsacus on the Euphra-

Azzah

(or Gaza, the

most southern of
"

the Philistine towns), over all the kings on

this side the river "
1

presents*"
" served

and that

they brought
k

" a

rate year by year

all

"

and
1

Solomon

the days of his

life ,"

we

recognise at once a condition of things with

which we are perfectly familiar from profane and we feel that at any rate this sources
;

account
tical

is

in entire

harmony with the

poli-

notions and practices of the day.

Similarly, with respect to the buildings of

Solomon,
pear,

it

may be remarked,

that they apin

from the description given of them

Kings and Chronicles, to have belonged exactly to that style of architecture which we
find in fact to have prevailed over

Asia in the earliest

Western times, and of which we

sites

have

still

remains on the ancient

of Ni-

neveh, Susa, and Persepolis.

The

strong re-

semblance in general structure and arrange-

ment of the
h
k
i

palace of Esar-haddon to that

Kings

iv.

21.
l

Ibid, verse 24.

Ibid, verse 21.

Ibid. x. 2?.

Ibid. iv. 21.

106

LECTURE
and few can

III.

which Solomon constructed

excavator (58)
"

for his

own

use,

has been noticed by our great Mesopotamia!!

;

fail to

see in the
its

house of the forest of Lebanon m ," with

five-and-forty cedar pillars forming the "forest"

from which the palace derived

its

name,

a resemblance to the remarkable structures

at Susa
pillars

a sort
72.

and Persepolis, in each of which the on which the entire edifice rested form of forest, amounting in number to
is

It

true that in the Persian buildings

;

the columns are of stone

to the advance of art.
in the Assyrian palaces

but this

is

owing

The

great chambers

had no stone columns,

had

but are regarded by those who have paid

most attention

to the subject, as having

their roofs supported by pillars of cedar (54).

Nor does the resemblance of which

columns.
equals the

am

speaking consist only in the multiplicity of

The height
is

of the Persepolitan
(54),

columns, which

44 feet

almost exactly

"30
is

cubits" of Solomon's house;

and there

even an agreement in the ge-

neral character of the capitals, which has attracted notice from

some who have written

art (56).

upon the history of

mentation
m
i

Again, the copious use of gold in orna11

which seems to moderns so im2.

"

Kings

vii.

Ibid. vi. 20, 21, 28, 30, 32,

&c.

LECTURE
lonians (58).

III.

107

probable (57), was a practice known to the Phoenicians, the Assyrians, and the Baby-

The brazen

pillars,

Jachin and
,

Boaz, set up in the court of the temple

call

re-

the pillar of gold which Hiram, accord-

ing to
ple of

Menander (59), dedicated in the temBaal, and the two pillars which appear
Cyprus before the temple of

in the coins of

the Phoenician
ivory p " has
its

Venus

(60).

The

"

throne of

parallel in the

numerous ivory

carvings lately brought from Mesopotamia,

which

in

many

cases have plainly

covering of furniture (61).

,

formed the The lions, which

stood beside the throne q bring to our

at once the lions' feet with

mind

which Assyrian

thrones were ornamented (62), and the gigantic

sculptured figures which

commonly
halls.

formed the portals of the great

these and

In

many
art,

other points the state and

character of

which the Hebrew writers

from profane sources, and

describe as existing in Solomon's time, receives confirmation

especially from those remains of a time not

long subsequent, which have been recently

brought to light by the researches made in

Mesopotamia.

Once more
i

the
vii.
'I

agreement between the

P Ibid.
x.

Kings

15-22.

19.

Ibid, verses 19

and 20.

108
character

LECTURE

III.

drawn in Kings and Chronicles, and that which we

of the Phoenicians as

know from
to them,
is

other sources to have attached

worthy of remark.

The
skill,

wealth,

the enterprise, the maritime

and the

eminence

in the arts,

which were the leading

characteristics of the Phoenicians in

Homer's
writers

time, are abundantly noted by the

of Kings and Chronicles

who

contrast the

comparative ignorance and rudeness of their

own

nation with the science and "cunning"

"

of their neighbours.

Thou

knowest," writes
is

king Solomon to Hiram, "that there

not

among
like

us any that can skill to

hew timber

SidoniansV " Send me a man," again he writes, " cunning to work in gold, and in silver, and in brass, and in iron, and in purple, and crimson, and blue, and that can skill to grave with the cunning men which are with me in Judah and in Jerusalem, whom David my father did provide 3 ." And the man sent, " a man of Tyre, a worker in brass, filled with wisdom, and understanding, and cunning to work all works in brass, came to king Solomon, and wrought all his ivo?'k So too when Solomon " made a navy of ships in Ezion-geber, on the shore
the
t ,i
.

of the
''

Red
v. 6.

Sea,"
s

Hiram
Chron.
ii.

" sent in
-.
l
i

the navy
vii.

Kings

Kings

14.

LECTURE
his servants,
the sea,

III.

109

shipmen that had knowledge of

with the servants of Solomon

It

has been well remarked (62), that " we discover the greatness of Tyre in this age, not
so

much from

its

own

annals as from those

of the Israelites,

its

neighbours."

The

scanty

fragments of the Phoenician history which

alone remain to us are filled out and illus-

more copious records of the Jews which, with a simplicity and truthfulness that we rarely meet with in profane
trated by the
;

writers, set forth in the strongest

terms their

obligations to their friendly neighbours.

These are a few of the indirect points of agreement between profane history and this portion of the sacred narrative. It would be
easy to adduce others (63)
;

but

since, within

the space which an occasion like the present

allows,
it
is

impossible

to

do more than

broadly to indicate the sort of evidence which

is

producible in favour of the authenticity of

Scripture,

perhaps the foregoing specimens

may suffice. It only remains therefore to sum up briefly the results to which we seem
to

have attained.

We

have been engaged with a dark period a period when the nations of the world
little

had

converse with one another,

u
i

when

Kings

ix.

26, 27.

110
civilisation

LECTURE
was
but

III.

beginning,

when the

knowledge of letters was confined within narrow bounds, when no country but Egypt

and when Egypt herself was in a state of unusual depression, and had little communication with nations beyond
had a
literature,

her borders.
for

We

could not expect to obtain

such a period any great amount of pro-

fane illustration.

Yet the Jewish

history of

even this obscure time has been found to

present points of direct agreement with the

Egyptian records, scanty as they are

for

it,

with the Phoenician annals, with the traditions

of the Syrians of Damascus, and with those of the early inhabitants of Northern Africa.
It

has also appeared that the

count of the
with
all

that

Hebrew actime is in complete harmony we otherwise know of Western

its

Asia at the period in question, of

tical condition,
its

poli-

civilisation,

its

arts
its

and
inha-

sciences, its

manners and customs,

bitants.

Illustrations of these points have

been furnished by the Assyrian inscriptions,

the Assyrian and Persian palaces, the Phoenician coins

and

histories,

and the

earliest

Greek poetry. Nor is it possible to produce from authentic history any contradiction of this or any other portion of the Hebrew records. When such a contradiction has seemed

LECTURE
to
in

III.

in

be found,

it

has invariably happened that

the progress of historical enquiry, the au-

thor from

whom
come

it

proceeds has lost credit,

and

finally

to

be regarded as an utterInternally

ly untrustworthy authority (64).

consistent, externally resting

upon contemporary or nearly contemporary documents, and both directly and indirectly confirmed by the records of neighbouring nations, the

Hebrew account

of this time

is

entitled to

be received as a true and authentic history

on almost every ground upon which such a claim can be rested. It was then justly and
with sufficient reason that the Proto-martyr
in his last speech
v
,

and the great Apostle of

first

the Gentiles, in his

public preaching as

an Apostle
literal,

w
,

assumed

as certain the simple,

and

historic truth of this portion of

the sacred narrative.

providence, there
chain,
is

Through God's good

in that historic

no break

which binds the present with the past, the new covenant with the old, Christ with
Moses,
the
true Israel

with Abraham.

"dark age"

a time of trouble and confusion,

Israelites in

undoubtedly supervened upon the establish-

ment of the

Canaan

but amid
passed
at inter-

the gloom the torch of truth

still

from hand to hand

v

prophets arose
w
Ibid.
xiii.

Acts

vii.

45-4".

19-2 2.

112
vals

LECTURE
carefully

III
in

life

and the main events the national Afterput on were wards from the time of Samuel a more
record.

regular system was introduced

events were

chronicled as they occurred

sceptic allows that "

and even the with the Books of Sa;

muel, the history assumes an appearance far

more authentic than that of the contemporary history of any other ancient nation (65)."
This admission

may

well be taken to render

any further argument unnecessary, and with

it

we may properly conclude

this portion of

our enquiry.

LECTURE
i

IV.

KINGS XL
to

31,32.

And

Ahijah said
:

Jeroboam, Take thee ten

pieces

for thus saith the Lord, the God of Israel, Behold, I will rend the kingdom out

of the hand of Solomon, and will give ten tribes to thee: but he shall have one tribe

for
J.

my

servant David's sake.

HE

subject of the present Lecture will

be the history of the chosen people from the

separation of the two kingdoms by the successful revolt of

Jeroboam, to the completion

of the Captivity of Judah,

upon the destrucBabylon.

tion of Jerusalem, in the nineteenth year of

Nebuchadnezzar,

king

of
is

The

space of time embraced

thus a period of

about four centuries.

data are insufficient,

Without pretending
which our
it

to a chronological exactitude, for

we may

lay

down

as

tolerably certain, that the establishment of

the two kingdoms of Israel and Judah on

the ruins of Solomon's empire
is

an event

belonging to the earlier half of the tenth

century before our era
;

while the destrucI

RAWLINSON.


114

LECTURE
may be

IV.

tion of Jerusalem

assigned with

much
se-

confidence to the year B. C. 586.

These centuries constitute a period

cond
in

importance to none of equal length.

the great development, the

They comprise
decadence,

and the fall of Assyria the sudden growth of Media and Babylon the Egyptian revival under the Psammethe most glorious time of the Phoetichi nician cities the rise of Sparta and Athens the foundation to preeminence in Greece and the spread of Carthage and of Rome of civilisation by means of the Greek and Phoenician colonies, from the Palus Mseotis

to the pillars of Hercules.

Moreover, they

contain within

them the

transition time of

most profane history the space within which it passes from the dreamy cloud-land of myth

and and

fable into the sober region

fact,

of reality
for prosaic

exchanging poetic fancy

truth,
ticity

and assuming that character of authenand trustworthiness, which is required

it
is

to
to

fit

thoroughly for the purpose whereapplied in these Lectures.

it

Hence,

illustrations of the sacred narrative, hitherto

somewhat rare and infrequent, will now crowd upon us, and make the principal difficulty at the present stage that of selection.

Egypt, Assyria, Babylon, Phoenicia, Greece,

LECTURE
will vie

IV.

115

with each other in offering to us

proofs that the

Hebrew
;

records for this time

contain a true and authentic account of the

and instead of finding merely a few points here and there to illustrate from profane sources, we shall now be
fortunes of the race
able to produce confirmatory proof of almost

every important event in the history.

Before entering, however, on this branch

of the enquiry, some consideration must be

given to the character of the documents in

which

this portion of the history has

come

down

and to the confirmation which those documents obtain from other Books in the Sacred Canon. It was observed in the last Lecture, that the Books of Kings and Chronicles are comto us,

pilations from State Papers preserved in the

public archives of the Jewish nation

(1),

the

authors of those papers being probably, in

most

cases,

the Prophets in best repute at

the time of their composition.

ticularly apparent

This

is

par-

from the Second Book of

Chronicles, where the author, besides citing

in several places 3
cles of the

"the Book of the Chroni-

ticularises
a 2

Kings of Israel and Judah," parno fewer than thirteen works of

1

Chron.

xvi.

xxv. 26; xxvii. 7; xxviii. 26; xxxii. 32;

xxxiii. 18;

and xxxv. 27.

i

116
prophets,

LECTURE

IV.

some of which he expressly states to have formed a portion of the general " Book of the Chronicles while most of

the

others

may

be probably concluded to

have done the same.

The Books

of Samuel,

of Nathan, and of Gad, the Prophecy of Ahi-

jah the Shilonite, and the Visions of Iddo

the seer, which are

among

the works quoted

by the Chronicler, have been already noticed (2). To these must " the Book of Shemaiah the

now be added,
Prophet
," "

the

Book of Iddo the

gies

seer,

concerning genealo-

the Story or
" the
f

Prophet Iddo e ,"

of Hanani
" the
,"

Commentary of the Book of Jehu the son

and the book of all works which the Chronicler, and to
,"
1

"the Acts of Uzziah by Isaiah g ,"

h

Vision of Isaiah

"the Sayings

of the Seers "

served as materials to

which he

refers his readers.

We
is

found

rea-

son to believe, in the last Lecture, that our

Book

(or

Books) of Samuel

the very work

which the Chronicler quotes under the three

names of the Book of Samuel, the Book of Nathan, and the Book of Gad. Similarly the Book of the Acts of Solomon would seem to have been composed of a Book of Nathan,
j

b 2 Chron.
e

xx.34; and xxxii. 32.

f
>

c Ibid. xii.

15.

d Ibid.

Ibid. xiii. 22.

Ibid. xx. 34.

J
1

e Ibid. xxvi. 22.

h Ibid, xxxii. 32.

Ibid, x.wiii. 19.

Kings

xi.

41.

LECTURE
a

IV.

117

Book

of Ahijah the Shilonite,

and a pork
.

tion of a

Book of Iddo the

seer

And
(3),

the

Book, or rather the two Books

of the

Chronicles of the Kings of Israel and Judah,

would appear to have been carried on in the same way first, by Iddo, in his " Story," or
;

"Commentary;" then by Jehu, the son of Hanani, in the Book which we are told was made to form a part of the Book of the
Kings of
tainly
Israel (4)
;

and afterwards by other

prophets and
Isaiah

seers,

among whom were

That

cer-

and Jeremiah.
1

Isaiah
is

wrote the history of the reign of Uzziah

expressly stated
;

and

it is

also said that his

account of the acts of Hezekiah formed a

portion
;

of the

Book of the kings of Ju-

dah (5) besides which, the close verbal agreement between certain historical chapters in Isaiah

and

in

Kings

(6),

would

suffice

to prove that this part of the state history

was composed

by him.

similar

agree-

ment between

portions of Kings

and of Je-

remiah, leads to a similar conclusion with

respect to that prophet
(7).

Thus Samuel,

Gad, Nathan, Ahijah, Shemaiah, Iddo, Jehu,

Isaiah,

Jeremiah, and other prophets conre-

temporary with the events, are to be

garded as the
k
2

real authorities for the

ix. 29.
'

Jewish

Chron.

Ibid. xxvi. 22.

118
history as
it

LECTURE
is

IV.

delivered to us in Kings and

Chronicles.

"

The

prophets,

who

in

their

prophecies and addresses held forth to the

people, not only the law as a rule
tion,

and

direc-

but also the history of the past as the

life,

mirror and example of their

must have

reckoned the composition of the theocratic

history
to

among

the duties of the call given

them by the Lord, and composed accordby noting

public annals, in which, without relife

ingly the history of their time

down

spect of persons, the

and conduct of the

revealed law (8)."
a
living

kings were judged and exhibited according

to

the

standard
this

of the

With

judgment of
is

German
concur

writer there

sufficient reason to

and we may therefore conclude that the history in Kings and Chronicles rests upon the testimony of contemporary and competent
witnesses.

The

only objection of any importance that

Rationalism makes to the conclusion which

we have here
were composed
strongly
;

reached,

is

drawn from the

circumstances of the time

when

the books

which
their

is

thought to militate

against

having been drawn

directly from the sources

indicated.

which have been

these

The Books, we

authority of the writers of

are told (9), "cannot have

LECTURE
been the
for these
official

IV.

119

annals" of the kingdoms

must have perished at their destruction, and therefore could not have been consulted by authors who lived later than
the Captivity.
It

may be granted

that the

mass of the State Archives are

likely to

have
if

perished with Samaria and Jerusalem,

we

understand by that term the bulky docu-

ments which contained the details of official transactions but there is no more difficulty
:

in

supposing that the digested annals which

prophets had composed
is

the

escaped, than

there

in

understanding how the Prophecy

of Isaiah and the rest of the Sacred

Volume
be a

were preserved.
difficulty,
it

At any

rate, if there

is

unimportant
fact,

in

the face of

the plain and palpable

that the authors

of the two Books speak of the annals as existing,

and continually

refer their readers to

them for additional information. However we may account for it, the " Books of the Chronicles of the Kings of Israel and Judah," the different portions of which had been written by the prophets above mentioned, were still extant when the authors of Kings and Chronicles wrote their histories,

having escaped the dangers of war,

It

and survived the obscure time of the Captivity.

is

not merely that the writers in

120

LECTURE

IV.
;

question profess to quote from them

but

they constantly appeal to them as books the

contents of which are well

known
the

to their

own readers. The confirmation which

Kings and Chronicles lend
deserves some notice while

Books of
other,

to each

we

are engaged

with this portion of the enquiry.

later composition
it

Had

the

uniformly followed, and, as

were, echoed the earlier, there would have

little

been but
cord.

advantage in the double

re-

We

should then only have

known

that the author of the

Book of Chronicles
use the term in no
not

regarded the Book of Kings as authentic.

But the Chronicler

offensive

sense

does
to

seem
the

really

in

any

case

merely

follow

writer

of

Kings(lO).

On

the contrary, he goes straight

to the fountain-head,
rials

and draws
it

his

mate-

partly from

the sources used

by the

earlier writer, partly (as

seems) from conthat

writer

temporary sources which

neglected.

had

He

is

thus, throughout, a distinct

for the history of

and independent authority

his nation, standing to the writer of

Kings

as Africanus stands to Eusebius, in respect

of the history of Egypt (11).

As the double
our hold

channel by which Manetho's Egyptian history

is

conveyed

to

us,

renders

LECTURE

IV.

121

upon that history far more firm and secure than would have been the case, had we derived our knowledge of it through one channel only so the two parallel accounts, which we possess in Kings and Chronicles of the history of Solomon and his successors, give us a hold upon the original annals of this period which we could not have had other;

wise.

The

Chronicler, while he declines to

be beholden to the author of Kings for any

portion of his narrative, and does not concern

himself about apparent discrepancies

his

between
earlier

own work and

confirms
the

that

of

the

writer,

whole general
it,

course of that writer's history, repeating

illustrating
it,

and adding
from
it,

to

it,

but never

really differing

except in such mi-

nute points as are readily explainable by

slight corruptions of the text in the

one case

or the other (12).

Further, the narrative contained in Kings

and Chronicles receives a large amount of illustration, and so of confirmation, from the
writings of the contemporary Prophets,

who

exhibit the feelings natural under the cir-

cumstances described by the historians, and

incidentally allude to the facts recorded by

them.

This point has been

largely

illus-

trated by recent writers on the prophetical

122
Scriptures,

LECTURE
who
find
"

IV.
interpretation

the

of

almost every chapter

bound up with
in

refer-

ences to contemporary events political and

social,"

and discover
"

this constant

condiffi-

nexion at once a
culty,"

source of occasional

and a frequent means of throwing great additional light on the true meaning
of the prophetical writers (13).
tration thus afforded to prophecy
is

The

illus-

by history

reflected back to history

is

from prophecy

and there

scarcely an event in the Jewish

annals after the reign of Uzziah

which

is

the time of the earliest of the extant prophetical writings (14)

that

is

not illuminated

by some touch from one prophet or another.

To

take the case of a single writer

Isaiah

mentions the succession of Jewish kings from

Uzziah to Hezekiah m the alliance of Rezin,

,

king of Syria, and Pekah, the son of Remaliah,

king of

Israel, against

Ahaz

11

the deso-

which shortly followed the plunder of Damascus, and the spoiling of Samaria at this time p the name of
lation of their country
,
,

the then high-priest q the Assyrian conquests

,

of Hamath, Aradus, and Samaria', the close

m
Isaiah
i.

i.
viii.

Ibid. vii.
4.

i,

2.

Ibid, verse 16.

P Ibid.
<l

Compare Compare
2

Kings

xvi. 9.

Ibid, verse 2.
r

Kings

xvi.

10-16.

Ibid. x.

9-11.

LECTURE
connexion about
Ethiopia
5
,

IV.

123

this

time of Egypt and

the inclination of the Jewish mo-

narchs to lean on Egypt for support against

Assyria*, the conquest

by Sennacherib of the "fenced cities" of Judah u the embassy of Rabshakeh v the sieges of Libnah and La~
, ,

chish

w
,

the preparations of Tirhakah against

,

Sennacherib*, the prayer of Hezekiah y

the

prophecy of Isaiah in reply

of Sennacherib's host
a
,

2
,

the destruction

the return of Senna,

b cherib himself to Nineveh

his
,

murder and
ill-

the escape of his murderers

ness
1 ,

Hezekiah's

and recovery* and the embassy sent to him by Merodach-Baladan, king of Babylon 6
;

he glances also at the invasion of Tiglathf

and the destruction then brought upon a portion of the kingdom of Israel at the oppression of Egypt under the Ethiopian yoke g at the subjection of Judaea to Assyria during the reign of Ahaz h and at many About other events of less consequence.
Pileser,
,
, ,

half the events here mentioned are contained

in

the three

historical

chapters of Isaiah
&c;

9 Isaiah xx. 3-5. u Ibid, xxxvi. 1.

Ibid, xxx, 2, 3,

xxxi. 1-3

v Ibid, verses

2-22.

w
z Ibid, c

Ibid, xxxvii. 8

x Ibid, verse 9.
a Ibid, verse 36.
d

y Ibid,

verses 15-20.

verses 22-35
Ibid, verse
f

b Ibid, verse 37.

e

38
1

Ibid, xxxviii.

Ibid, xxxix.

1,

2.

Ibid. ix.

S Ibid. xix. 4, &c.

1

h Ibid. xiv. 24-28.

Chaps, xxxvi. xxxvii. and xxxviii.

124

LECTURE

IV.

which are almost identical with three chapbut the ters of the second Book of Kings
j
:

remainder occur merely incidentally among

the prophecies
;

and these afford the same

to the plain

sort of confirmation

narrative

of Kings and Chronicles, as the Epistles of

St.

Paul have been shewn to furnish to the

(15).

Acts

Jeremiah, Amos, Hosea, Micah,

and Zephaniah, contain numerous allusions

of a similar character, illustrative of the history at this time and subsequently.
Jere-

miah, in particular,

is

as copious in notices

bearing upon Jewish

history

for

the time

extending from Josiah to the Captivity, as

Isaiah
kiah.
is

for the reigns of

Ahaz and Heze-

Having thus briefly noticed the character of the documents in which this portion of the history has come down to us, and drawn
attention to the weight of the scriptural evi-

dence

in favour of its authenticity, I

proceed

to the consideration of that point

which

is

the special subject of these Lectures

the

confirmation which this part of the narrative

receives from profane sources.

The separate existence of the two kingdoms of Israel and Judah is abundantly confirmed by the Assyrian inscriptions.
j

Kings

Chaps,

xviii. xix.

and

xx.

LECTURE
their conquests

IV.

125

of each country occur in the accounts which

the great Assyrian monarchs have left us of

the names being

is

always ca-

pable of easy identification with those re-

corded in Scripture, and occurring

chronological order which

in

the

there given (16).

title

The Jewish monarch

bears the

of "

King
is

of Judah," while his Israeli tish brother

de-

signated after his capital city

which though

in the earlier times not called Samaria, is yet

unmistakably indicated under the term Beth-

"the house or city of Omri," that monarch having been the original founder
(17),

Khumri

of Samaria, according to Scripture

k
.

The
Judah

first

great event in the

kingdom of
Israel,

after the separation

from

was
Shi-

the invasion of Judaea by Shishak, king of

Egypt, in the

fifth

year of Rehoboam.

shak came up against Jerusalem with "twelve

hundred chariots and threescore thousand horsemen," besides a host of footmen who He "took the were "without number ." fenced cities which pertained to Judah," and was proceeding to invest the capital, when Rehoboam made his submission, delivered up the treasures of the temple, and of his own palace, and became one of the "servants'*
1

or tributaries of the Egyptian king

k
i

m
.

This

Kings

xvi. 24.

Chron.

xii.

3.

Ibid. ver. 8.


126
success
is

LECTURE

IV.

found to have been commemorated

by Shishak on the outside of the great tem-

Karnac and here in a long list of captured towns and districts, which Shishak boasts of having added to his dominions, occurs the "Melchi Yuda" or kingdom of Judah (18), the conquest of which by this king is thus
ple at
;

distinctly noticed in the

Egyptian records.

About
invaded

thirty years later Judaea

was again

from

this

quarter.
"

"

Zerah the

Ethiopian," at the head of an

army of

" a

thousand thousand

11

or a million of men
,

who were chiefly Ethiopians and Libyans made war upon Asa, and entering his kingdom at its south-western angle, was there
met by the Jewish monarch and signally In this case we cannot feated by him p
.

deex-

pect such a confirmation as in the last instance

;

for

nations do not usually put on

It appears,

record their great disasters.

how-

ever, that at the time indicated, the king of

Egypt was an Osorkon

(19)

name

identi-

cal in its root consonants with Zerach;

and

it

appears also that Egypt continued to decline

from

this period

till

the time of Psammeti-

chus, a natural result of such a disaster as

that which befell the invading host.

difficulty
n 2

The only
1.3.

which meets us
xiv. 9.

is

the representation
P Ibid. xiv. 12,

Chron.

Ibid. xvi. 8.

LECTURE
of Zerah as an Ethiopian
sent confirmed by the

IV.

127

fact not at pre-

monuments.

Perhaps,

though an Egyptian, he was regarded as an Ethiopian, because he ruled over Ethiopia,

and because

army was mainly composed of men belonging to that country. Or perhaps, though we have no positive evidence of this,
his

he may have been really of Ethiopian extraction. Osorkon the Second, who is the
natural contemporary of Asa, was not de-

scended from the earlier kings of the dynasty.

cessor,
is

He

was the son-in-law of his predein right of his wife.

It
all

and reigned

therefore not at

impossible that he

may

have been an Ethiopian by birth, and have

ruled over both countries.

In the succeeding generation, the records

of the other

kingdom present us with some points of contact between the Jewish and the Phoenician annals, in which again we have
all

the agreement that

is

is

possible.

Ahab, king

of Israel,

represented as having sought to

strengthen himself in the position which his

father

had usurped, by a marriage with a foreign princess, and as having made choice
for the purpose of "Jezebel,
baal,

daughter of Eth-

king of the ZidoniansV

Here again

not only have we a genuine Phoenician name,

Q
i

Kings

xvi. 3

1.


128

LECTURE

IV.
is

but we have the name of a king, who

proved by the Tyrian history of Menander

to

have been seated upon the throne exactly

Eithobalus, the priest of Ash-

at this time.

teroth (or Venus),

predecessor,

who by

the murder of his

Pheles,

became king of Tyre,

just fifty years after the

mounted the throne

death of Hiram, the contemporary of Solo-

mon
rael

(20).

Ahab mounted

the throne of Is-

15 or 20 years later, and was thus the

younger contemporary of Eithobalus, or Ethbaal, who continued to reign at Tyre during

a considerable
Israel.

portion

of Ahab's

reign in

The only
identity

objection that can be taken

is

to this

which

generally allow-

ed (21)

turns
is

upon the circumstance that

Sidon,

Eth-baal

called in Scripture, not king of

Tyre, but " king of the Zidonians."

it
is

probable,

although a dependency of

Tyre at this time, had her own line of kings; and if Eth-baal was one of these, the coincidence between his name and that of the reigning Tyrian monarch would be merely accidental, and the confirmation here sought to be established would fall to the ground. But the fact seems to be that the Jewish
writers
senses,

use

the

term

"

Zidonians" in

two

one

specific,

and the other generic,

it

sometimes intending by

the inhabitants of

LECTURE
rally (22).

IV.

129

Sidon alone, sometimes the Phoenicians gene-

And

it

is

probably in this latter

sense that the title "

is

king of the Zidonians"

that

applied to the father of Jezebel.

Menander

also

related

during the

reign of Eth-baal, which (as

we have seen)
a

coincided in a great measure with that of

Ahab
the
is

in

Israel,

there

was

remarkable

drought, which continued in Phoenicia for

full

space of a year (23).

This drought
still

fairly

connected with the

Israel,
r

longer one

in the

land of
,

which Elijah announced

led to the destruction of

to

Ahab and which

the priests of Baal upon

mount Carmel

s
.

The most remarkable

Ahab,
close
is

feature in the ex-

ternal history of Israel during the reign of

the war which raged towards

Israelites

its

between the

of Damascus.

and the Syrians The power and greatness of

the Damascene king,

who

bears the

name

of

Ben-hadad, are very strikingly depicted.

He

comes against Samaria

at

the head of no

fewer than thirty-two subject or confederate

"kings 4 ," with "horses" and with "chariots

11

,"

and a
is
r

" great

multitude^"

Though
first

defeated

with great slaughter on his

attempt, he

able to bring into the field another

i

army
I.

Kings

xvii. i.

Ibid. chap, xviii.

Ibid. xx.

Ibid.

Ibid, verse 13.

RAWLINSON.

130

LECTURE
number
of his troops
is

IV.
w
.

of equal strength in the ensuing year

The

exact

not mentioned,

but

it

may

be conjectured from the losses in

his second campaign,

which are said to have

amounted to 127,000 men*. Even this enormous slaughter does not paralyse him he
:

continues the war for three years longer

and in the third year which Ahab is slain y

.

fights the battle

in

Now, of

this parti-

cular struggle

we have no

positive
total

confirloss

mation, owing to
the

the almost

of

ancient

Syrian records (24).

But we

have, in the cuneiform annals of an Assyrian

and valuable confirmation of the power of Damascus at this time of its being under the rule of a monarch named Ben-hadad, who was at the head of a great confederacy of princes, and who was
king, a very curious

able to bring into the field year after year

vast armies, with

which he repeatedly en-

gaged the whole force of Assyria.

accounts of three campaigns

We

have

between the

Assyrians on the one side, and the Syrians,

Hittites,

Hamathites, and Phoenicians, united

under the command of Ben-hadad, upon the other (25), in which the contest is maintained
with
spirit,

the armies being of a large

xx. 25.
y

size,

Kings

Ibid, verses

28 and 29.

Ibid. xxii.

1-36.

LECTURE
and
their composition

IV.

131
as

and character such

we

find described in Scripture (26).

The same

record further verifies the his-

Books of Kings, by a mention of Hazael as king of Damascus immediately after Ben-hadad (27), and also by the synchronism which it establishes between this prince and Jehu, who is the first Israelite king mentioned by name on any Inscription
torical accuracy of the

hitherto

discovered.
in

Jehu appears by the

to

monument

question

have submitted

himself to the great Assyrian conqueror (28) and it may be suspected that from this date

both the Jewish and the Israelitish kings

held their crowns as
will

dependent on the of the Assyrian monarch, with whom it

fiefs

formally lay to "confirm" each

" in his

new

prince

kingdom

2 ."

break

now

occurs in the series of pro-

fane notices, which have extended, without

the omission of a generation, from the time

of David to that of Jehu.

During the cen-

tury

which follows on the death of that monarch we are able to adduce from proillustrations

fane sources no more than one or two doubtful

of

the
to be

Sacred

Narrative.

Here, however,

it is

remarked, that the

is

absence of profane confirmation

z

coincident

Kings

xiv. 5

xv. 19.

K 2

132
with,

LECTURE
and must
a
is

IV.

fairly

be regarded as resultsufficient

ing from,

want

of

materials.

There

a great dearth of copious Assyrian

inscriptions from

the time of the monarch

tributary
to

who made Jehu

that

of the
this

Tiglath-Pileser of Scripture (29).

For

time too the Tyrian records are an absolute

blank
better

(30),
;

while the Egyptian are but

little

and moreover there seems to have been no political contact between these countries and Palestine during the period in ques-

tion.

We

cannot therefore be surprised at

;

the deficiency here noted

right to view
it

nor would

it

be

as having the slightest tend-

ency to weaken the force of our previous reasoning.

The Hebrew annals touch no foreign country, of which we have any records at all, from In the time of Jehu to that of Menahem.
the reign of this latter prince occurs the
first

direct mention of Assyria as a power actively

interfering

in

Palestine,

and claiming and

exercising political influence.

that in the reign of

We

are told

of Assyria,

Menahem, king came up against the land and

" Pul, the
;

Menahem

gave Pul a thousand talents of

hand might be with him, to confirm the kingdom in his handV There
silver, that his
a

Kings

xv.

19.

LECTURE
is

IV.

133

some difficulty in identifying the Assyrian monarch here mentioned, who not only took
this large tribute,

but

(as

appears from Chro-

nicles
tivity.

13

led a portion of the nation into cap-

In the Hebrew Scriptures he ap;

pears as Pul, or rather Phul

and
the

this

is

also

the form of the

name which

Armenian
but in

Eusebius declares to have been used by *Polyhistor (31),

who

followed Berosus
is

the Septuagint he
16s (32), a

called Phaloch, or Pha-

form of which the Hebrew word

seems

to

be an abbreviation.

The
is

Assyrian

records of the time present us with no

name

very close to this

but there

one which
not impro-

has been read variously as Phal-lukha, Vullukha,

and

Iva-lush, wherein

it

is

bable that

we may have

the actual appella-

tion of the Biblical Phul, or Phaloch.

The
but in

annals of this monarch are scanty

the most important record which
of his reign, there
is

we

possess

a notice of his having

taken tribute from Beth-Khuniri, or Samaria,

as well as

from Tyre, Sidon, Damascus, IduNeither the name

mrea, and Philistia (33).

of the Israelitish king, nor the

tribute,
is

amount

of his

mentioned

in the Assyrian record

latter,

but the amount of the

which may to

many appear

excessive, receives illustration,

t>

Chron.

v.

26.


134

LECTURE

IV.

and
fact

a certain degree of confirmation, from a

which happens to be recorded on the

monument
arch

namely, that

the Assyrian

mon-

took at this time from the king of

a tribute considerably greater than

Damascus

that which, according to the author of Kings,

he now exacted from Menahem.

From Me-

n ahem he received 1000 talents of silver; but

from the Damascene king the tribute taken

was 2300 of such

talents, together

with 3000

talents of copper, forty of gold,

and 5000 of

some other metal

(34).

The
is

expedition of Pul against

Menahem

followed by a series of attacks on the inthe

dependence of

two

kingdoms, which

cause the sacred history to be very closely

connected, for the space of about a century,

with the annals of Assyria.

The

successors

of Pul are presented to us by the Biblical

and unTiglath-Pileser, Shalmaneinterrupted line ser, Sargon, Sennacherib, and Esar-haddon all of them carrying their arms into Paleswriters, apparently in a continuous

tine,

and playing an important part in the It happens history of the favoured race.
say, providentially ?) that

most fortunately (may we not

records of
all

these monarchs

the greatest which Assyria produced

have

been recovered

and these

in

some

cases are


LECTURE
IV. 135
sufficiently full to exhibit a close

agreement

with the sacred narrative, while throughout

they harmonise with the tenor of that narrative,

only in one or two cases so differing from

text as to cause any difficulty.
I

the

Hebrew

shall proceed to exhibit this

agreement with

the brevity which

my limits

necessitate, before

noticing the confirmation which this portion

of the history derives also from the Egyptian

and Babylonian records.

The

chief events related of Tiglath-Pileser

in Scripture are his

two invasions of

Israel

once when he

"

took Ijon, and Abel-beth-

maachah, and Janoah, and Kedesh, and Hazor, and Gilead, and Galilee, and all the land
of Naphtali, and carried
syria
;"

and

again,

them captive to Aswhen he came at the in-

and not only chastised Pekah, but "took Damascus, and slew Rezin d ." Of the first of these two campaigns we have no profane confirmation but some account
vitation of Ahaz,
;

of the second

is

given in an Assyrian fragcapturing Damascus,

ment, where Tiglath-Pileser speaks of his

defeating

Rezin, and

and

also of his taking tribute

from the king

of Samaria.

he takes
stead of
c

The monarch indeed from whom the tribute is called Menahem, in;

Pekah

and

this constitutes a disfl

King's xv. 29.

Ibid. xvi.

7-9.

136
crepancy

LECTURE

IV.

we have found between the Assyrian and the Hebrew records but the probability is that Pekah is
first

the

that

intended, and that the

or the

official

who composed,

workman who engraved, the Assyrian document made a mistake in the name {35).
Tiglath-Pileser
to
is

also stated in Scripture

have been visited at Damascus by the Jewish king, Ahaz and the result of this visit was that Ahaz set up a new altar in the
;

temple at Jerusalem, according to the pattern of an altar which he had seen at Da-

mascus d

It

has

been generally supposed

;

that this altar was Syrian (36)

and

its esta-

blishment has been connected with the pasChronicles, where Ahaz is said to have "sacrificed to the gods of Damascus, which smote him e ;" but few things can be

sage in

more improbable than the adoption of the gods of a foreign nation at the moment when they had been proved powerless. The strange altar of Ahaz was in all probability not Syrian, but Assyrian and its erection was in accord;

ance with an Assyrian custom, of which the

Inscriptions afford abundant evidence

the

custom of requiring from the subject nations some formal acknowledgment of the gods and worship of the sovereign country (37).
(l

Kings

xvi.

10-16.

Chron.

xxviii.

23.

LECTURE
The
have been Shalmaneser

IV.

137

successor of Tiglath-Pileser seems to

a king, whose
history of

mili-

tary exploits in these regions were celebrated

by Menander

in

his

Tyre

(38).

He

appears, from the narrative in Kings, to

have come up twice against Hoshea, the last on the first occasion merely king of Israel f
,

enforcing the tribute which was regarded as

due, but on the second
tremities, in order to

proceeding to ex-

punish Hoshea for conto prosecute the

tracting an alliance with Egypt, laying siege

to Samaria,

and continuing

siege for the space of three years.

The

re-

cords of Shalmaneser have been so mutilated

by his successors, that they furnish only a

very slight confirmation of this history.

The

name
is

of Hoshea, however, king of Samaria,

in

found

an inscription, which has been

;

with reason assigned to Shalmaneser (39) and though the capture of Samaria is claimed

by

his successor, Sargon, as an exploit of his

in his first year (40), yet this very claim

own

confirms the Scriptural account of Shalma-

which began three years before the captures; and it is

neser's
siege,

commencing the

easily

brought into harmony with the Scrip-

tural account of the actual capture, either

by

supposing that Sargon claimed the success as

f

Kings

xvii. 3

and

5.

K Ibid,

and

xviii. 9,

10.

138

LECTURE
own

IV.

had then begun at Nineveh), though Shalmaneser was the real captor or by regarding (as we are
falling into his

reign, (which

entitled to do) the king of Assyria,

said to have taken Samaria in the

who

is

Kings, as a distinct

Book of person from the king who

Sargon, Scrip-

commenced the siege (41). Of Shalmaneser's successor,

ture contains but one clear historic notice.

In the 20th chapter of Isaiah,

that " in

the year that

we are told Tartan came unto

Ashdod, (when Sargon, the king of Assyria, sent him,) and fought against Ashdod, and
took
it
h

,"

certain directions were given by

It

the Lord to the prophet.

was formerly

supposed that Sargon was another name for one of the Assyrian monarchs mentioned in
the Book of Kings (42) but since the discovery that the king of Assyria, who built
;

the great palace at Khorsabad, actually bore

this appellation,

which continued

to attach
it

to

its

ruins until the Arab conquest (43),

has been generally admitted that

tinct

we have

in

Isaiah a reference to an Assyrian ruler dis-

from

all

those mentioned in Kings, and

identical with the

Khorsabad monarch, who was the father of Sennacherib. Now of this

find
h

monarch we

it

related
i.

in

his

annals

Isaiah xx.

LECTURE
that
took

IV.

139

he made war in Southern Syria, and

Ashdod
is

(44).

Thus the

sole fact

which

Scripture distinctly assigns to the reign of

Sargon

confirmed by the native records

illustrate

which likewise
to

the two or three

other facts probably intended to be assigned

him by the sacred writers. Isaiah apparently means Sargon in the 4th verse of his 20th chapter, when he prophesies that " the king of Assyria shall lead away the Egyptand the Ethiopians captives, young and old, naked and barefoot, even
ians prisoners,

with their buttocks uncovered, to the shame

of Egypt."
If this be allowed,

we obtain

a second illustration of Sargon's reign from

which represent him as warring with Egypt, and forcing the Phathe
;

monuments

raoh of the time to become his tributary,

and which

also

show that Egypt was

at this

time in just that close connexion with Ethiopia (45) which the prophet's expressions indicate
1
.

Again,
is

if

we may presume

that

Sargon

intended by the king of Assyria

j ,

who took Samaria

away captive
the
k
;

and carried the

is

Israelites

then there

derivable from

monuments

a very curious illustration of

the statement of Scripture, that the monarch,

'

Isaiah xx. 3 and 4.

k

Kings

xvii. 6.

Ibid. wiii.

1.

140

LECTURE
of them, " in
1

IV.

who

did this, placed his captives, or at least

a portion

the

cities

of the

Medes
the

."

For Sargon seems to have been

Assyrian monarch

first
;

who conquered
relates
that,

Media

and he expressly
its

in

order to complete
there a

subjection, he

founded

number of
(46).

cities,

which he planted

with colonists from other portions of his do-

minions

The Assyrian monarch who appears

Sargon
is

in

Scripture as most probably the successor of

Sennacherib,

show

to

have been his

whom the monuments son. Two expeditions

of this prince against Hezekiah are related;

and each of them

cred writers
tell

receives a very striking

confirmation from a profane source.

us that on the
first

The

sa-

occasion,
1

Hezekiah having thrown off the allegiance" which the kings of Judah appear to have paid
to Assyria at least

from the time of Ahaz'

message to Tiglath-Pileser", "Sennacherib, king of Assyria, came up against all the fenced
cities

of Judah, and took them

and Heze-

kiah, king of Judah, sent to the king of Assyria to Lachish, saying,

'

have offended

return from

me

that which thou puttest

:'

upon me,
Kings

I will

bear

syria appointed
1

and the king of Asunto Hezekiah, king of Jum

Ibid. xvii.
-.

xviii.

i.

"

Ibid. xvi. y.

LECTURE
dah,
three hundred
thirty talents of gold
."

IV.
of
silver

141

talents

and

The annals

of Sen-

nacherib contain a full account of this campaign.

"

And

because Hezekiah, king of

"

Judah," says Sennacherib,

would not submit to my yoke, I came up against him, and by force of arms and by the might of my power
I

took forty -six of his strong fenced cities;

and of the smaller towns which were scattered about, I took and plundered a countAnd from these places I capless number. tured and carried off as spoil 200,150 people, old and young, male and female, together with horses and mares, asses and camels, oxen and sheep, a countless multitude. And Hezekiah himself I shut up in Jerusalem,
his capital city, like a bird in a cage, build-

ing towers round the city to

hem him

in,

and

raising banks of earth against the gates,

. . .

so as to prevent escape

Then upon

this

Hezekiah there fell the fear of the power of my arms, and he sent out to me the chiefs and the elders of Jerusalem with thirty talents of gold, and eight hundred talents of
silver,

and divers
at

treasures, a rich

and imgovern2

mense
to

booty... All these things were brought

me
2

Nineveh, the seat of

Compare

my
1,

Kings

xviii. 13, 14.

Isaiah xxxvi.

and

Chron.

xxxii. 1-8.

142
merit,

LECTURE

IV.

Hezekiah having sent them by way of

and as a token of his submission to my power (47)." It is needless to particularise the points of agreement between these
tribute,

narratives.

The

only discrepancy

is

in the

amount of the silver which Sennacherib reand here we may easily conceive, ceived
;

either that the Assyrian king has exaggerated, or that

he has counted

in a portion of

the spoil, while the sacred writer has merely

mentioned the sum agreed

bute (48).

to be paid as tri-

The second
Syria

expedition of Sennacherib into

seems to have followed very shortly

first.

upon the
the

In neither case was Judsea

sole, or

even the main object of attack.

The

real

purpose of both expeditions was to

;

and it was by his Egyptian leanings that Hezekiah had provoked the
anger of his suzerain p
.

weaken Egypt

No

collision appears to

have taken place on this second occasion be-

tween the Assyrians and the Jews.

kiah was threatened
;

Heze-

but before the threats

could be put in execution, that miraculous

destruction of the Assyrian host was effected

which forms so striking a feature of

tion of the sacred narrative.
"

this por-

The

angel of

the Lord went out, and smote in the

P
2

camp

Kings

xviii. 2

and 24.

LECTURE
score

IV.

143

of the Assyrians" (which was at Libnah, on

the borders of Egypt) " an hundred four-

and

five

thousand
It has

and when they

arose early in the morning, they were all

dead corpses

been generally seen

and confessed, that the marvellous account which Herodotus gives of the discomfiture of Sennacherib by Sethos (49) is the Egyptian version of this event, which was (naturally
enough) ascribed by that people to the interposition of
its

own

divinities.

The murder
sons
1
",

of Sennacherib by two of his

though not mentioned in the Assyrian Inscriptions, (which have never been found
to record the death of a king,)

appears to

have been noticed by Berosus

from

whom

were derived

in all probability the brief allu-

sions to the event

which are met with in the fragments of Alexander Polyhistor and Abydenus (49). The escape of the murderers
into

Armenia
for

is

in

harmony with what

is

known

of the condition of that country at

;

the time

it

appears as an independent

state generally hostile to the Assyrian

monthis

archs,

in

the
;

cuneiform
it is

records

of

period (50)
of

and

further perhaps worthy

remark, that

the

Armenian
Ibid, verse 37.

traditions

spoke distinctly of the reception of the two

<J

Kings

xix. 35.

Ibid.

144
refugees,

LECTURE
and of the
tracts

IV.
respectively as-

signed to them (51).

Esarhaddon is distinctly stated in Scripture to have been the son and successor of As usual, the monuments are Sennacherib Esarhaddon in complete accordance (52).
*.

every where calls himself the son of Sen-

and there is no appearance in the native records of any king having intervened between the two (53). The events belonging to the reign of Esarhaddon, which are introduced by the sacred writers into their narrative, are but few. As his father was contemnacherib
;

porary with Hezekiah, we naturally regard

him
it

as falling into the time of

Manasseh
felt

and

has therefore been generally

that he

should be the king of Assyria, whose cap-

Manasseh among the thorns, and bound him with fetters, and carried him to
tains " took

Babylon*"
tinctly

The monuments confirm

"

the
dis-

synchronism which Scripture implies, by

mentioning

Manasseh, king of Juof

dah,"

among
;

the

tributaries

Esarhad-

don (54)
has as

and though no direct confirmation yet been found of the captivity and
contains
xix. 37.
11

restoration of the Jewish monarch, yet the

narrative
t

an

incidental

allusion

Kings

Compare

Isaiah xxxvii. 38.

1

Chron.

xxxiii.

1.

LECTURE
which
is

IV.

145

in

very remarkable

harmony with
an Asalmost
has a

the native records.

One

is

greatly surprised

at first hearing that the generals of

syrian king, on capturing a rebel, carried him

to

Babylon instead of Nineveh

one
'

is

inclined to suspect a mistake.

What
'

king of Assyria to do with Babylon ?

turally asks.

one na-

The

reply

is,

that Esarhaddon,

and was and and

he only of all the Assyrian kings, actually

king of Babylon

that he

built a palace,

occasionally held his court there (55)

that consequently a captive was as likely

to be

brought to him at that

fallen

city as at the

metropolis of Assyria Proper.

rative

Had

the nar-

under the reign of any other Assyrian monarch, this explanation could not
have been given
does,
;

and the

have been considerable.

it
is

would Occurring where

difficulty
all,

it

furnishes no difficulty at

but

one of those small points of incidental

agreement which are more satisfactory to a

candid mind than even a very large amount

harmony in the main narrative. With Esarhaddon the notices of Assyria in Assyria the sacred history come to an end.
of
herself shortly

afterwards
is

disappears (56)

and her place

taken by Babylon, which

now

for the first

time becomes a great con-

quering power.

This transfer of empire

L

is

HAWL1NSON.

146

LECTURE
;

IV.

abundantly confirmed by profane authorities (57)

but, as the historical character of

the Biblical narrative in this respect has al-

ways been allowed, place to dwell upon

rative

it
it.

is

unnecessary in this
I

proceed to consi-

der the agreement between the sacred nar-

and the native Egyptian and Baby-

lonian records during the later times of the

Hebrew monarchy.
Egyptian and Jewish history touch at four
points during this period.

Hoshea, the con-

temporary of Shalmaneser, makes a treaty

with So, king of Egypt", shortly before the
capture of Samaria, or about the year B. C.
725.

Sennacherib,

not
the

very

long

after-

wards,

on

attacking

dependencies

of

Egypt, learns that Tirhakah, king of the

Ethiopians,
is

gathering together an army to

oppose him

w
.

Nearly a century

later,

Phakills

raoh-Necho invades Judaea, defeats and

the Jewish king Josiah, presses forward to the Euphrates, takes Carchemish and Jerusalem, leads Jehoahaz the son of Josiah into
captivity,

and establishes
;

his

dominion over

the whole of Syria

but

is

shortly afterwards

defeated by Nebuchadnezzar, king of Babylon,

and dispossessed of
v

all

his conquests
*
Ibid. xix. 9.
2

Kings

xvii. 4.

Ibid, xxiii.

29-35;

xxiv.

7.

Compare

Chron. xxxv. 20.

LECTURE
raoh-Hophra
is

IV.

147

Finally, about twenty years after this, Pha-

spoken of as encouraging the

Jews to resist Nebuchadnezzar, and threatened with the wrath of that monarch, into whose hands it is said he will be delivered Here then, within about 140 years, we have
5".

the names of four kings of Egypt, one of

whom
opia.

is

also the sovereign of

Cush

or Ethi-

Let us see whether the Egyptian annals recognise the monarchs thus brought

under our

notice.

Neither Manetho nor the monuments present us with any

name which

at all closely

resembles the word "So." If however we look

to the

Hebrew

literation of that

name, we
are) all
;

shall find that the

letters,

word

is

written with three

which may be (and probably

They may be read as S, V, H and the name of the monarch thus designated may most properly be regarded as Seveh (58). Now a king of the name of
consonants.
Sevech, or Sevechus, appears in the proper

and the monuments show that two monarchs, (who seem to have been a father and a son), Shebek I. and Shebek II., ruled Egypt about this
place
in

Manetho's

lists;

period (59).
miliar to us
y

The former of the two is faunder the name (which HeroJerem.

xliv.

30;

xlvi.

13-26.

L 2

148

LECTURE
The

IV.
;

dotus assigns to him) of Sabaco (60)

is

and

it

probably this prince of

whom

writer speaks.

fact that
is

Hebrew he came into

the
disit

contact with Assyria

confirmed by the

covery of his seal at Koyunjik;

had pro-

bably been affixed to a treaty which, in con-

sequence of his machinations, he had been

forced to

make with
(61).

the triumphant Assyrian

monarch

Tirhakah,

who appears

as

king of the

Ethiopians, yet at the same time as protector

of Egypt, in the second

Book

of Kings,

is

manifestly the Tarcus or Taracus of

Mane-

tho (62), the Tearchon of Strabo (63 ), and

Tehrak of the monuments (64). He succeeded the second Shebek, and is proved by his remains to have been king of both
the
countries,

but

to

have held

his

court

in

Ethiopia.

In the Pharaoh-Necho of Kings and Jere-

miah 2 it is impossible not to recognise the famous Egyptian monarch whom Manetho calls Nechao (65), Herodotus Neco (66), and
,

the

monuments Neku

(67), the son

and suc-

cessor of the first Psammetichus.

The

in-

vasion of Syria by this prince, and his defeat

of the Syrians in a great battle, are attested

by Herodotus

who
z

only commits a slight

xlvi.

Jerem.

2-12.

LECTURE
encounter (68).
It

IV.

149

and very venial error, when he makes Magdolum instead of Megiddo the scene of the
has been usual to regard

Herodotus

as

also

confirming the capture

(69)
;

of Jerusalem by

Necho

but too

much

uncertainty attaches to the presumed identity of

Cadytis with the Jewish capital, to

wise that

make
on

it

much

stress

should be laid
(70).

this

imagined agreement

We may

with more confidence appeal for a confirmation of this fact,

and of the

captivity of Je-

hoahaz, to the fragments of Manetho,

who

is

reported both by Africanus and by Eusebius

to

have mentioned these Egyptian successes

(71).

and unmistakable is the identity of the Scriptural Pharaoh- Hophra

less certain

Not

with Manetho's Uaphris, Herodotus's Apries,

and the monumental Haifra-het or Haifra (72). Egyptian chronology makes this prince contemporary with Nebuchadnezzar (73); and if we may trust the abstracts which Eusebius and Africanus profess to give of Manetho, that writer mentioned the flight of the Jews

Egypt upon the destruction of their city, and their reception by Uaphris or Hophra (74). The miserable end of Hophra,
into

predicted

by

Jeremiah,

is

related
;

from

Egyptian

traditions

by

Herodotus

and

150

LECTURE
it is

IV.
his ac-

though

may be doubted whether

in
its

count of the occurrence

minuter

circumstances altogether correct (75), yet at

any rate the

and execution of the Egyptian king must be accepted on his testimony; and these are the facts which especially illustrate the statefacts of the deposition

ments of Scripture. Babylonian and Jewish history come into

contact

only at two

points

in

the

period

We are told that in under consideration. the reign of Hezekiah Merodach-baladan,

king of Babylon, sent letters and a present
to that prince, partly because

he had heard

that he was sick

a
,

partly because he wished

to enquire concerning the

been done in the land

b
,

wonder that had when the shadow

went back ten degrees on the dial of Ahaz. The name of Merodach-Baladan does not at
first

sight appear to be contained in the aulist

thentic

of Babylonian kings

preserved

to us in Ptolemy.

But

it

is

probable that

the king in question does really occur in that

list

under the appellation of Mardoc-empad, or Mardoc-empal (76); and there is abundant

evidence from the inscriptions, not only of the
existence of such a monarch, but of his having

been contemporary with the Jewish king

a
2

in

Kings xx.

12.

Chron. xxxii. 31.

LECTURE

IV.

151

whose reign his embassy is placed (77). The which seems improbable fact of the embassy if we only know the general condition of Ba-

bylon at the period to have been one of subbecomes highly probable jection to Assyria

when we learn both from Berosus (78) and that there was a fierce the monuments (79)

and

between Merodach-Balaclan and the Assyrian monarchs, from whose oppressive yoke he more than once freed his
bitter hostility

country.
bassy

The
to
is

ostensible motive of the

em-

enquire

about

an

astronomical

marvel

also highly probable in the case

of a country where astronomy held so high

where the temples were observatories, and the religion was to a great extent astral
a rank,
(80).

About a century
in

later,

Babylon

is

found

the Scripture history to have succeeded to

the position and influence of Assyria over Pa-

and we have a brief relation, in Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and Kings, of several campaigns conducted by Nebuchadnezzar in these relestine,

gions.

Profane accounts are in accordance.

of Syria and Palestine from
is

The reconquest

Necho by Nebuchadnezzar, which

tioned by Jeremiah
,

men41

and glanced
rt

at in

Kings

was related at length by Berosus (81); his

c

Jcrem.

xlvi.

1-12.

Kings

xxiv. 7.

152

LECTURE
[Tyre,
e
,

IV.
is

prolonged siege of

which

spoken of
his-

by Ezekiel
torians,

was attested by the Tyrian

said that
it

who

lasted thirteen years

(82)

while his destruction of the temple at

Jerusalem, and his deportation of vast bodies

of Jewish captives, were noticed by the native

historian,
in

who

said

that

the captives

were settled
lonia (83).

convenient places in Babyrest of the acts of

As the
fall

Nebu-

chadnezzar

into

our next period, the

present review here comes to an end, and

we

may now
duced

close this portion of the enquiry

with a brief

summary

of the evidence adit.

in the course of

The
ing
it is is

period with which

we have been
light.

deal-

one of comparative

We
it

possess,

true,

no continuous history of

besides

that

which the Sacred Volume furnishes

but we have abstracts of the writings of Be-

and Manetho, which contained the annals of Egypt and of Babylon during the
rosus

space

we have
portion of

considerable

fragments of
;

the Tyrian histories of the time

latter
it

and

in the

we begin

to enjoy the

advantage of those investigations which the

inquisitive
ties

Greeks pushed into the antiquithe nations wherewith they be-

of

all

came acquainted.
e

Above
Ezek.
xxix.

all,
18.

we

possess the

LECTURE
contemporary records
pious form

IV.
in

153
a very co-

often
fell

of

all

the great Assyrian mo-

narchs whose reigns

in question, while tain

within the period

we

derive likewise a cer-

amount of information from the monu-

ments of Egypt. All these sources have been examined, and all have combined to confirm

and illustrate the Scriptural narrative at almost every point where it was possible or that they at any rate where it was probable would have a bearing upon it. The result is a general confirmation of the entire body minute confirmation occaof leading facts sionally and a complete absence of any

thing that can be reasonably viewed as seri-

ous discrepancy.
chronological (84)

few

difficulties

meet

chiefly

us

but they are

fewer in proportion than are found in the

profane history of almost any remote period

and the
they
"

faith

must be weak indeed

stumblingblock.

to

which
that

prove a

Generally,
is

throughout
serves

this

whole period, there

admirable agreement," which Niebuhr ob-

upon towards its close (85), between the profane records and the accounts of Scripture. We have not for the most part by any
laboured efforts to harmonise the two
accord
ciently
is

their

patent and striking

and

is

suffi-

exhibited by a

mere juxtaposition

154
of passages.

LECTURE
The monarchs

IV.
themselves, the

order of their names, their relationship where

it is

indicated, their actions so far as they

come under notice, are the same in both the Jewish and the native histories which present likewise, here as elsewhere, numerous
;

points of agreement, connected with the geo-

graphy, religion, and customs of the various

nations (86).

As discovery proceeds, these

;

points of agreement are multiplied

ties clear

obscuri;

up

difficulties are solved

doubts

vanish.

It is only

where profane records are

rests solely

wanting or scanty, that the Sacred Narrative

is

unconfirmed and

basis.

Perhaps a

upon its own time may come when through

for the

the recovery of the complete annals of Egypt,

Assyria,

and Babylon, we may obtain

which
is

whole of the Sacred History that sort of

illustration,

now confined to certain portions of it. God, who disposes all things " after the counsel of his own will*," and who
of long buried

has given to the present age such treasures

knowledge,

may have

yet

greater things in store for us, to be brought

to light at

His own good time.

faint

When
feeble,

the

voice of

men grows

and

then
out
g ."

the very " stones" are

"

made
of
c

to " cry

Blessed be the
f

name

God
Luke

for ever
xix. 40.

and

Eph.

i.

ii.

LECTURE
ever
;

IV.
. . .

155

wisdom and might are his He revealeth the deep and secret things He knoweth what is in the darkness, and the
for
:

light dwelleth with

h

HimV
ii.

Dan.

20, 22.

LECTURE
By

V.

PSALM CXXXVII. 14.

the rivet's of Babylon, there

yea,

We

we wept, when ice hanged oar ha?ps upon

we sat down, remembered Zion.

the willows in

the midst thereof.

For

they that carried us

:

away

captive required of us a song

and

they that wasted us required of us mirth,

saying,

How

Sing us one of the songs of YAon? shall ice sing the Lord's song in a
i

strange land?

WE

are brought

now by

the course of our

enquiry to the fourth and closing period of

the Old Testament History

period which

subdivides itself into two portions offering a

marked contrast

to each other, the time of

the Captivity, or servitude in Babylon, and

the time of the Return, or gradual re-esta-

blishment of the Jews in their own country.

From

the direct historical writings of the

is

chosen people the former time

omitted.

The harp

of the Historic

Muse
;

refuses to
it

sound during
form a blank

this sad season

in the

and

Hebrew

annals,

would did we

LECTURE
tent
fills

V.

157

not possess in the writings of one of the Prophets a personal narrative, which to some ex-

Ezra.

we

find

up the gap left between Kings and Conformably with a custom which also in Isaiah and Jeremiah, Daniel
wherewith he was
fa-

combines history with prophecy, uniting in a

single book the visions

voured and an account of various remarkable

events which he witnessed.

He

does not,

however, confine himself strictly to the precedent which those writers had set him
as if
;

but,

aware that on him had devolved the

office

double

of Prophet and Historian, and

that future

ages would

learn

the circum-

stances of this period from his pen only, he

gives to the historical element in his

work

marked and very unusual prominence. Hence we are still able to continue through

the period in question the comparison (in

which we have been so long engaged) between the History of the Jews as delivered

by their own writers and the records of those nations with which they came in contact.
If the book of Daniel be a genuine work,

the narrative which

it

contains must possess

the highest degree of historical credibility.

The

writer claims to be a most competent

witness.
lived at

He

represents himself as

having

Babylon during the whole duration

158

LECTURE
and

V.

of the Captivity,

as having filled situa-

and importance under the Babylonian and Medo-Persic monThose who have sought to discredit archs.
tions of the highest trust

the Book, uniformly maintain that

rious,

it is

spu-

having been composed

by an uninaccording to

spired writer,

who

falsely

assumed the name

of an ancient prophet

(1),

or,

some, of a mythic personage

lived really

who under Antiochus Epiphanes. The

(2),

but

supposed proof of

this last assertion

is

the

minuteness and accuracy of the predictions,

which

tally so exactly
it

with the
said

known

course

of history, that

is

they must have

been written after the events had happened.

This objection, which was
first

made

in the

3rd century of our era by the heathen writer

Porphyry (3), has been revived in modern times, and is become the favourite argument of the Rationalists (4), with whom Prophecy

means nothing but that natural foresight whereby the consequences of present facts
and circumstances are anticipated by the
prudent and sagacious.
this
I

shall not stop at

time to examine an argument which can

only persuade those

who

disbelieve in
(5).

the
it

prophetic gift altogether

observe, that the

Suffice

to

Book of Daniel,
is

like

the

books of Ezra and Jeremiah,

written partly

LECTURE
in

V.

159

Hebrew and

partly in Chaldee, which pe-

culiarity

may

fairly

be said to
:

fix its

date to

and that it was translated into Greek in the reign of Ptolemy Philadelphus, more than 70 years before the accession of Epiphanes (7). There is therethe time of the Captivity (6)
fore every reason to believe that
to the age in
;

it

belongs

which

it

professes to have been

composed while no sufficient ground has been shewn for doubting that its writer was the Daniel whose history it records (8) the

prince

(9),

whose
a

extraordinary piety and

his

wisdom were commended by

rary, Ezekiel
(10).

contempo-

The

authenticity of the narrative has been

it is

denied on the ground that

with what we

irreconcilable

know

of profane history.

Acis

cording to
full

De

Wette, the book of Daniel

of " historical inaccuracies, such as are

contained in no other prophetical book of

the Old Testament" (11).

These pretended

inaccuracies will best be considered in con-

nexion with that general comparison of the

sacred narrative with the profane records of

the period in question, on which

(in

pursu-

ance of the plan uniformly adopted throughout these Lectures) we have

now

to enter.

The fundamental
a

fact

of the time
;

the

Ezek.

xiv.

14 and 20

xxviii. 3.

160

Captivity itself

LECTURE allowed
is

V.

on

all

hands to

admit of no reasonable doubt.

Not only do

we

find,

from the monuments of the Assyrian

kings (12)
Persia (13),

and the subsequent history of that such transfers of whole po-

pulations were

common

in the

East in ancient

times

but we have the direct evidence of

to the fact, that

Josephus

Berosus mentioned

the carrying off of the Jews by Nebuchad-

nezzar and their settlement in parts of Babylonia.

Profane evidence, however, on

is

this

point

unnecessary

since

it

cannot

be

thought that any people would have invented

a tale with regard to themselves which re-

dounded
which
it

so little to their credit,

and from

was impossible that they could gain

any advantage.

The character of Nebuchadnezzar, the length

of his reign,

and the

fact of his

having uttered
is

prophecies, are points in which there

a re-

markable agreement between the sacred record

and profane

authorities.

The splendour and

magnificence which this prince displayed, his

military successes, his devotion to his gods, and

the pride which he took in adorning Babylon

with great buildings, are noted by Berosus

and Abydenus (15); the latter of whom has a most curious passage, for the preservation of which we are indebted to Eusebius, on the

LECTURE
phetic powers.
"

V.

161

subject of his having been gifted with pro-

The Chaldaeans
this,

relate," says

Abydenus, "that, after

went up

to his palace,

Nebuchadnezzar and being seized w ith

T

a divine afflatus, prophesied to the Babylonians

the destruction of their city by the

Persians, after which

Medes and

he suddenly disappeared

from among them (16)."

correct
;

The

details are in-

but

it

is

at least

remarkable that
alone, of
all

the particular prince,

who
is

the

heathen monarchs with

brought into contact,

whom

the Jews were

said in Scripture to

have had the future made known to him by

God b is also the only one of who is declared to have had

,

those persons

the prophetic

gift

by a profane writer.
length of Nebuchadnezzar's reign
is

The
histor,

stated without any variety by Berosus, Poly-

and Ptolemy
for the

(17), at

43 years.

The

Babylonian monuments go near to prove the

same

has been found on a clay tablet (18).

Scripture
first
is

42nd year of Nebuehadnezzar Here

accordance
;

in exact

for as the

year of Evil-Merodach, the son and sucis

cessor of Nebuchadnezzar,

the 37th of the

to
1

captivity of Jehoiachin

c
,

who was taken

Babylon
b

in

Nebuchadnezzar's eighth year'

c

Dan.

ii.

28-9.
2

Kings xxv. 27

Jer.
1.

lii.

31.

Kings

xxiv. 12.

Compare

Jer. xxv.

RAWLINSON.

162
it is

LECTURE
(19).
;

V.

evident that just 43 years are required

of the great Chaldaean

for the reign

monis

arch

This
for

agreement, moreover,
is

incidental

Evil-Merodach

not said in

Scripture to have been the successor of Ne-

buchadnezzar
It has

we only know

this fact

from

profane sources.

been maintained that the book of

Daniel misrepresents the condition of Baby-

under Nebuchadnezzar (20) the points to which objection is especially taken being the account given of the Babylonian wise
lonia
;

men, the admission of Daniel among them,

and the apparent reference

to

something like

a satrapial organisation of the empire (21).

With

respect to the

first point, it

would

really

be far more reasonable to adduce the descriptions in question

as

proof of the intimate

knowledge which the writer possessed of the

condition of learning

among
wise

the Babylonians,

than to bring them forward as indications of

his ignorance.

The

men

are designated

primarily by a word which exactly suits the

condition of literature in the time and coun-

word derived from the root cheret, which means " a graving tool," exactly the
try

instrument wherewith a Babylonian ordinarily

wrote

(22).

They

are also termed Chasis

dim

or Chaldreans,

whereby a knowledge

LECTURE

V.

163

shewn beyond that of the earlier prophets a knowledge of the fact that the term " Chaldaean" was not properly applied to the whole
nation, but only to a learned caste or class,

the possessors of the old wisdom, which was

written in the Chalclaean tongue (23).

The
Daniel

objection raised to the admission of

among

the

"

wise men,"

is

based on

the mistaken notion that they were especially

a priestly caste, presiding over the national
religion
;

whereas the truth seems to be that

learned
class,

they were a
priests,

including

the

but not identical with them, and corto the clergy of an

responding rather to the graduates of a university than

establish-

ment

(24).

Into such a class foreigners, and

those of a different religion, might readily be

admitted.

With

respect to

what has been

called the

" satrapial organisation" of

the empire under

Nebuchadnezzar
the

6
,

(and again under Darius

to be observed in the first

Mede

,) it

is

place, that

nothing like a general organisation

is

of the kind

asserted.

We

are told of cer-

tain " rulers

of provinces,"

who w ere sumr

moned
in

to worship the golden

image

set

up

the plain of
e

Dura*; and we
'

find
&c.

that

Dan.

iii.

2,

&e.
S

Ibid.

vi. i,

Ibid.

iii.

1,

2.


164 Judaea

LECTURE
itself,

V.

after

the revolt of Zedekiah,

"

was placed under a

latter case

governor

11

."

But the

was exceptional, being consequent upon the frequent rebellions of the Jewish people and in the former we are probably
:

to

understand the chiefs of

districts in

the

immediate vicinity of Babylonia, who alone would be summoned on such an occasion

not the rulers of
all

the conquered nations

throughout the empire.

ministration

Further,

we must
to us

remark, that the system of Babylonian adis

but very
to

little

known

and that

some extent have been satrapial. Berosus, at any rate, speaks expressly of " the Satrap appointed by Nabopolassar to govern Phoenicia, Ccele-Syria, and Egypt" (25)
it

may

and

it is
is

not impossible that Darius Hystaspis,

who

usually regarded as the inventor of the

system,

may have merely enlarged

a practice

begun by the Babylonians (26). There is thus no ground for the assertion that the general condition of Babylonia under

Nebuchadnezzar is incorrectly represented in Daniel's representation the book of Daniel.

agrees
sufficiently

with the

little

that

we

know

of Babylon at this time from any au-

thentic source (27), and has an internal har-

mony and
h
2

consistency which
22.

is

very striking.
xl.

Kings xxv.

Compare Jerem.

and

xli.

LECTURE
We
may

V.

165

therefore resume our comparison

it is

of the particulars of the civil history, as

delivered hy the sacred writers, and as
it

has

come down
selves.

to us

from the Babylonians them-

Berosus appears to have kept silence on

the subject of Nebuchadnezzar's mysterious

malady.

cannot

think, with

Hengstenfact in

berg(28), that either he or

Abydenus intended
the
his decease.

any allusion to this remarkable accounts which they furnished of

It

was not to be expected that the native writer would tarnish the glory of his coun-

monarch by any mention of an affliction which was of so strange and deNor is it at all certain basing a character. As Nebuchadthat he would be aware of it. nezzar outlived his affliction, and was again "established in his kingdom ," all monuments belonging to the time of his malady would have been subject to his own revision and if any record of it was allowed to descend to posterity, care would have been taken that
try's greatest
1

the truth was not

ing

made
in

too plain, by couch-

the

record

sufficiently

ambiguous
read, with-

phraseology.

Berosus

may have
it,

out fully understanding

document which

has descended to modern times in a tolerably

complete condition, and which seems to con1

Dan.

iv.

36.

166
tain

LECTURE
an allusion to the
fact

V.
that the great

king was for a time incapacitated for the discharge of the royal functions.
tion

In the inscrip-

known

as the "

Standard Inscription" of

great works were years apparently he did not build high placeshe a stand up treasures he did not sing did not of Lord, Merodach he did the
all his

Nebuchadnezzar, the monarch himself relates, four that during some considerable time
"

at

lay

praises

his

not offer him sacrifice

he

did not keep up

the works of irrigation " (29).

this suspension, at

The

cause of

once of religious worship

the docu-

and of works of

utility, is stated in

ment
nation

in phrases of
;

such obscurity as to be

unintelligible
is

until therefore a better explait

offered,

cannot but be regarded

as at least highly probable, that the passage in question contains the royal version of that

remarkable
cludes
his

story with

which Daniel
the great

con-

notice

of

Chaldaean

sovereign.

For the space of time intervening between the recovery of Nebuchadnezzar from his
affliction

and the conquest of Babylon by the Medo- Persians, which was a period of
about a quarter of a century, the Biblical
narrative supplies us with but a single fact

the

release from prison of Jehoiachin

in the year that

by

Evil-Merodach

he ascended

LECTURE
the throne of his father.
It

V.

167

has been already

remarked that the native historian agreed exactly in the name of this prince and the
year of his accession

he added, (what Scripture does not expressly state,) that Evil-Merodach was Nebuchadnezzar's son (30). With
;

regard to the character of this monarch, there

seems at
tions

first

sight to be a contrast between

the account of Berosus and the slight indica-

which the Scripture narrative furnishes. Berosus taxes Evil-Merodach with intemper;

Scripture relates ance and lawlessness (31) that he had compassion on Jehoiachin, re-

him from prison, and " spake kindly unto him " allowed him the rank of king once more, and made him a constant guest at his table, thus treating him with honour
leased
j

and tenderness during the short remainder Perhaps to the Babylonians such of his life. a reversal of the policy pursued by their great monarch appeared to be mere reckless " lawlessness ;" and Evil-Merodach may have been
deposed, in part at
parture from the
least,

because of his depractice of

received

the

Babylonians with respect to rebel princes. The successor of this unfortunate king was
his brother-in-law, Neriglissar;

who, although

not mentioned in Scripture as a monarch, has

J

Kings xxv. 28.


168

LECTURE
k

V.
"

been recognised among the

king of Babylon
lem.
"

princes of the

by

whom Nebuchadnezzar

was accompanied

in his last siege of Jerusa-

A name

there given, Nergal-shar-ezar,

corresponds letter for letter with that of a

king whose remains are found on the

site

of

Babylon
fied

(32),

and who

is

reasonably identi-

with the Neriglissar of Berosus and the

Nerigassolassar of Ptolemy's Canon.

over, the title of "

More-

Rao-Mag," which this personage bears in Jeremiah, is found attached to the name of the Babylonian monarch in
his brick legends (33)

a coincidence of that
is

minute and exact kind which

one of the
a

surest indications of authentic history

Of
child,

the son of Neriglissar,

who was

mere

and reigned but a few months, ScripWhether ture certainly contains no trace.
his successor, the last native king of the

Ca-

non, whose
dius,

name is there given as Nabonaand who appears elsewhere as Nabanthis

nidochus, Nabonnedus, or Labynetus (34)

whether

monarch has a place

in

the

Scriptural narrative or no, has long been a

That there is no name in the least resembling Nabonadius in the Bible, is granted. But it lias been by many supposed that that prince must
matter of dispute
the learned.
k

among

Jerem. xxxix,

and

3.

LECTURE
The
great
diversity,

V.

1G9

be identical with Daniel's Belshazzar (35)

the last native ruler mentioned in Scripture.

however, of the

two

names, coupled with the fact that in every

other case of a Semitic monarch

whether
repre-

Assyrian or Babylonian
sentative
lar term,
is

the

Hebrew

a near expression of the vernacu-

has always

made

this theory unsa-

tisfactory;

and

Rationalists, finding

no better

explanation than this of the acknowledged

difficulty (36),

have been emboldened to deis

clare that Daniel's account of Belshazzar

pure invention of his own, that

Berosus, and
is

it

contradicts

an unmistakable indication of

the unhistorical character which attaches to

the entire narrative (37).

It

was

difficult to

meet the arguments of these objectors

in for-

mer times. Not only could they point to the want of confirmation by any profane writer of the name Belshazzar, but they could urge
further " contradictions." Berosus, they could
say,

made

the last Babylonian monarch abits

sent from the city at the time of

capture

by the Persians.
not
slain,

He

spoke of him as taken

prisoner afterwards at Borsippa,

and

as then

but treated with

much kindness by

Cyrus.

Thus the two

narratives of the fall

of Babylon
cilable,

appeared to be wholly irreconto

and some were driven

suppose

170

LECTURE
falls

V.

two

of Babylon, to escape the seem-

ing contrariety (38).

But out of
a
a

all

this

confusion

and

uncertainty

very

small
years

and
since,

simple

discovery,

made

few

has educed order and harmony in a

It is

very remarkable way.

found that Nabo-

nadius, the last king of the Canon, associated

with him on the throne during the later

years of his reign his son, Bil-shar-uzur, and

allowed him the royal

be
little

title (39).

There can

doubt that

it

was

this prince

who

conducted the defence of Babylon, and was

slain

in

the massacre which followed upon

;

the capture

while his father,

who was

at the

time in Borsippa, surrendered, and experi-

enced

the

clemency which was generally

objected that Belshazzar
in

shewn
If
it

to fallen kings by the Persians.

be

still

is,

Scripture, not the son of Nabonadius, but of

Nebuchadnezzar and of the Nebuchadnezzar who carried off the sacred vessels from Babylon, it is enough to reply, first that the word
1

"

son"

is

used in Scripture not only in

its

pro-

per sense, but also as equivalent to "grandson," or indeed

any descendant (40)

and

se-

condly, that Bil-shar-iizur (or Belshazzar)

easily

may
have

have been Nebuchadnezzar's grandson,

since his father

1

may upon

his accession
,n

Dan.

v.

ii, 18, &c.

Ibid, verse 2.

LECTURE
Belshazzar

V.

171

married a daughter of Nebuchadnezzar, and

may have been

the issue of this

marriage

(41).

usurper in those days com-

monly sought to strengthen himself in the government by an alliance with some princess of the house, or branch,

which he

dis-

possessed.

There still remains one historical difficulty in the book of Daniel, which modern research has not yet solved, but of which Time, the great discoverer, will perhaps one day bring
the solution.
in conjectures

We
He

can only at present indulge

concerning "Darius the Mede,"

has been identified with As-

who
was

"

took the kingdom" after Belshazzar

slain".

tyages (42), with Cyaxares, a supposed son of

Astyages
tions has

(43),

with Neriglissar
;

(44),

and with

Nabonadius

(45)

but each of these supposi-

and perhaps it is the most probable view that he was a viceroy set up by Cyrus, of whom there is at present no
its difficulties,

trace in profane history (46).

sudden and unexpected capture of Babylon by a Medo-Persic army during the celebration of a festival, and of the
fact of the

The

consequent absorption of the Babylonian into

the Medo-Persic Empire,
nifest points of
is

one of those ma-

agreement between Scripture

n

Dan.

v.

si.

172

LECTURE
The

V.

and profane authors (47) which speak for themselves, and on which all comment would be
superfluous.

administration of the realm

after the conquest

by

"

the law of the

Medes

and Persians which altereth not ," is at once illustrative of that unity of the two great Arian
races

which

all

ancient history attests

(48),

and

in

harmony with

that superiority of law

which seems to have distinguished the Persian from most Oriental

to the king's caprice,

despotisms

(49).

With

respect to the " satrais

pial organisation

of the Empire," which

again detected in Daniel's account of the

reign of Darius the

Mede

(50),

and which

is

supposed to have been transferred to an anachronism,

"

this

time from the reign of Darius Hystaspis by

it

may
"
p ,"

be observed, that the

it

120 princes" which

pleased Darius to

set over the

kingdom

are not satraps, perall,

haps not even provincial governors at

but

rather a body of councillors resident in or

near the capital, and accustomed to meet

gether'
1

to-

to advise the

monarch.

It is a

mis-

take to suppose that Darius the Mede, like

the Ahasuerus of Esther, with

whom

he has

been compared
nerally.

(51), rules

over the East gethe realm

He

"

was made king over

r"

of the Chaldceans

that
i
.

is,

he received from
4
to 6.
r

Dan.

vi. 8.

p Ibid. ver.

n Ibid. ver.

Ibid. ix.

LECTURE
as

V.

173

Cyrus, the true conqueror of Babylon, the

kingdom of Babylonia Proper, which he held

a
fief

under the Medo-Persic Empire.

The 120

princes are either his council, or at

the most provincial governors in the comparatively small

kingdom of Babylon
such
it

and the

coincidence

(if

is

to

be considered)

between their number and that of the 127

provinces of Ahasuerus, extending from Ethiopia to India
is
5

is

purely accidental.

There

no question here of the administration of an Empire, but only of the internal regulations of a single province.

We
the

have now reached the time when the

its close.

Captivity of Judah approached

first

"

In

year of Darius, the son of Ahasuerus,

of the seed of the

MedesV

Daniel,

who

na-

turally counted the Captivity from the time

when he was himself

Jeremiah
their

carried off from Jeru-

salem", perceiving that the period fixed by

for the restoration of the

Jews to

own land approached,

" set his face to

seek by prayer and supplications, with fast-

and sackcloth, and ashes'," that God would " turn away his fury and anger from Jerusalem w ," and " cause his face to shine
ings,

upon
s

his
i.

sanctuary
i.
t

51

,"

and

" do,
i.

and defer
v Ibid. ix. 3.

Esther

Dan.

ix.

i.

" Ibid. x Ibid,

i.

Ibid, verse 16.

verse 17.

174
not
5

LECTURE
."

V.

It

is

evident therefore that, according

to the calculations of Daniel, a space little

short of 70 years had elapsed from the capture of Jerusalem in the reign of Jehoiakim
to the first year of Darius the

agreement of
lonian
is

this

Mede. The close chronology with the BabyIt

very remarkable.

can be clearly

shewn from a comparison of Berosus with

Ptolemy's Canon, that, according to the reck-

oning of the Babylonians, the time between

Nebuchadnezzar's
the

first

conquest of Judaea

in

the reign of Jehoiakim and the year following

fall

of Babylon,

when Daniel made

his

prayer, was 68 years (52), or two years only

short of the seventy which

had been fixed by

Jeremiah as the duration of the Captivity.

Attempts have been made to prove a still more exact agreement (53) but they are un;

necessary.

Approximate coincidence

is

the

utmost that we have any right to expect be-

tween the early chronologies of different nations,

whose methods of reckoning are

;

in

most cases somewhat different

and

in the

present instance the term of seventy years,

being primarily a prophetic and not an historic

number,

is

perhaps not intended to be

exact and definite (54).

The

restoration of the
J

Jews

to their

own

Dan.

iz.

19.

LECTURE
land,

V.

175

and their fortunes till the reform of Nehemiah, are related to us in the three historical books of Ezra, Nehemiah, and Esther and receive illustration from the prophecies of Zechariah, Haggai, and Malachi. The
generally authentic character of the books

Nehemiah has never been questioned. They disarm the Rationalist by the absence from them of any miraculous, or even any very marvellous features; and the humble
of Ezra and

and subdued tone

fess,

in

which they are written,

the weakness and subjection which they con-

mark

in the strongest possible

way the

honesty and good faith of their composers.

Under

these circumstances the question of

their genuineness

becomes one of minor imconsequence who was their

portance.
true,
it is

If the relations are allowed to be

of

little

author.

I see,

however, no reason to doubt

that in the main the two books are the works

names they bear in the Septuagint and in our own Version. That some portions of the book of Ezra were written by Ezra, and that Nehemiah wrote the greater part of the book of Nehemiah, is allowed even by De Wette who has not (I think) shewn sufficient ground for questionof the individuals whose
;

ing the integrity of either composition (55),

unless in respect of a single passage.

The

176

LECTURE
2

V.
in the twelfth

genealogy of the high priests

chapter of Nehemiah
is

a later addition to

the book, which cannot have been inserted

into
it

before the time of Alexander (56).

It

stands to the rest of

logy of the
sis,

Nehemiah
a

as the genea-

Dukes of Edom stands

to

Geneb

or that of the descendants of Jechoniah

to

the rest of Chronicles (57).

this
7

from

passage there

is

But apart nothing in Ne-

hemiah w hich may not have been written by the cupbearer of Artaxerxes Longimanus while in Ezra there is absolutely nothing at
;

all

which may not

favour

easily
"

have proceeded

from the pen of the

in

ready scribe"

who was
It
is

with the same monarch.

the third, sometimes

objected that the book sometimes speaks of

Ezra
person

in
;

in

the

first

and concluded from

is

this fact that

he did not write the parts in which the third

person

used (58).

But the examples of

Daniel (59) and Thucydides (60) are sufficient

shew that an author may change from the one person to the other even more than once
to
in

the course of a work

is

and the case of

indicating
irreguin

Daniel

especially in

point, as

the practice of the period.

larity
z

The same

(it

may
!'

be

remarked) occurs
a

the

Verses 10 to 22.
1

Gen. xxxvi 31-43.

Chron.

iii.

7-24.

LECTURE
Persian inscriptions (61).
simplicity of rude times,
in the similar practice
letters of
It

V.

177

belongs to the
its

and has

parallel
in the

found even now

uneducated persons. If then the books of Ezra and Nehemiah are rightly regarded as the works of those personages, they will possess the

same high degree

of historical credibility as the later portions

of

the

Pentateuch.
in

Ezra
their

and Nehemiah
nation

were chief men

the

one
civil

being the ecclesiastical, the other the

and they wrote the national history of their own time, for which they are the most competent witnesses that could possibly have come forward. Ezra, moreover, resembles Moses in another respect he not only gives an account of his own dealings with the Jewhead
; :

ish people,

but prefaces that account by a

sketch of their history during a period with

which he was personally unacquainted.

this period does not

As

extend further back than

about 80 years from the time when he took

the direction of affairs at Jerusalem (62), and
as the facts recorded are of high national im-

portance, they would deserve to be accepted

on his testimony, even supposing that he

them from mere according to the Canons of

obtained
bility

oral

traditions,

historical credi-

which have been

laid

down
n

in

the

HAW LI N son.

178
first

LECTURE
Lecture
(63).

V.

Ezra's sketch, however,

seen,)

(as

many commentators have

;

bears

traces of having been

temporary

drawn up from conand we may documents (64)

safely conclude, that the practice of " noting

down
office

public annals," which

we have seen

reason to regard as a part of the prophetic

under the Kings (65), was revived on the return from the Captivity, when Haggai and Zechariah may probably have discharged
the duty which at an earlier period had been

undertaken by Jeremiah and Isaiah.

While the historical authority of the books of Ezra and Nehemiah is recognised almost universally, that of Esther is impugned by a
great variety of writers.

Niebuhr's rejection

of this book has been already noticed (66).

De Wette
and

regards

it

as "consisting of a string

of historical difficulties and improbabilities,

as containing a

number of
and

errors in re-

gard to Persian customs (67)."

chaelis, Corrodi, Bertholdt,

QEders,
others,

Mithrow

more

or less doubt

upon

its

authenticity (68).

The
it,

Jews, however, have always looked upon

not only as a true and authentic history,

but as a book deserving of special honour (69) and it seems impossible to account for its introduction
into their

Canon on any other

historic truth.

ground than that of

its

The

LECTURE
feast of

V.
still

179
celebrate,

Purim, which the Jews

and at which the book of Esther is always read, must be regarded as sufficiently evidencing the truth of the main facts of the narrative (70) and the Jews would certainly never have attached to the religious celebration of that
tival the
fes-

reading of a document from which the

is

religious element
(71),

absent, or almost absent

it

had they not believed

to contain a

correct account of the details of the transaction.

Their belief constitutes an argument

;

of very great weight

there
is

to destroy

its

force

needed something more than the ex-

hibition of a certain

number of
such
as

"difficulties

and
in

improbabilities,"

continually

present themselves to the historic student

connexion even with his very best mate-

rials (72).

The date and author

Jews
in general ascribe
it
;

of the book of Esther

are points of very great uncertainty.

it

The
;

to

Mordecai
assign

but
the
(73).

some say that

Priest,

was written by the High

while
others

Joiakim
to

composition
It

the

Great Synagogue

appears from an expression at the close

of the ninth chapter

"

And

the decree of

Esther confirmed these matters of Purim, and c that the whole it was written in the book"

Esther

ix. 32.

N 2

180
affair

LECTURE
is

V.
;

was put on record at once

but " the

book" here spoken of

Persia
d

probably that " book

of the Chronicles of the kings of

,"

Media and which had been mentioned more

this

than once in the earlier part of the narra-

work the actual writer of our book of Esther whoever he may have been evidently had access and it is a reasonable supposition that in the main he follows
tive
.

To

his Persian authority.

Hence probably

that

omission of the
tinctive

name

of God, and of the dis-

tenets of the Israelites, which

has

been made an objection by some to the canonicity of this book (74).

We

have now to examine the narrative

Ezra, Nehemiah, and
Esther,

contained in

by the light which profane history throws

on

more particularly in respect of those points which have been illustrated by recent
it,

discoveries.

There are probably few things more

sur-

prising to the intelligent student of Scripture

than the religious tone of the proclamations

which are assigned

"

in

Ezra

to Cyrus, Darius,

and Artaxerxes. The Lord God of heaven" says Cyrus, "hath given me all the kingdoms of the earth, and he hath charged me to build him an house at Jerusalem, which is in Jull

Esther

x.

2.

<-'

Ibid.

ii.

23

and

vi.

1.

LECTURE
dah.

V. of
all

181
his

Who
?

is

there

among you
is

people

His

God

be with him, and let him

in

go up to Jerusalem, which
(he is the

Judah, and
of Israel
f

build the house of the Lord

God

God) which

is

in

Jerusalem

."

" I

make

a decree," says Darius, " that these

men

be not hindered... that which they have need

of... for

the

burnt-offerings
it
;

of the

God of

heaven... let

be given
that they

them day by day

without

fail

of sweet savours

may offer sacrifices unto the God of heaven,

king and of his
priest,

and pray for

sons
that
g ."

the life of the

" ArtaxerxeS;
"

king of kings," writes

the

monarch,

unto Ezra the

scribe of the law of the

God of heaven,

perfect
is

peace,

and

at such

a time... Whatsoever

commanded by
diligently

the

God

of heaven, let

it

be

done

for the

house of the
11

God

of

heaven
the

why should there be wrath against realm of the king and his sons ?" Two
;

for

things
passages

are

especially

remarkable

in

these

first,

the strongly
in

marked

religious

character, very unusual

heathen docu-

ments; and secondly, the distinctness with which they assert the unity of God, and
thence identify the
the

God

of the Persians with

re-

God
f

of the Jews.
i.

Both these points

2

Ezra
vi.

2, 3.

Compare

Chron. xxxvi. 23.

h Ibid.
vii.

? Ibid.

8-10.

12, 23.

182
ceive

LECTURE
abundant
illustration
in

V.

from the Persian

cuneiform inscriptions,

which the recognition of a single supreme God, Ormazd, and

of
all

the clear and constant ascription to him of

the direction

mundane
all

affairs,

are

leading features.

In

the Persian

monu-

ments of any length, the monarch makes the acknowledgment that " Ormazd has bestowed
on him his empire"
is

gained

is

Every success that "by the grace of Ormazd." The

(75).

name

of Ormazd occurs in almost every other

paragraph of the Behistun inscription.

public

No

monuments with such

spirit

a pervading

religious

have ever been discovered

nation

among
all

the

records of any heathen

;

as those of the Persian kings

and through

down to the time of Artaxerxes Ochus, the name of Ormazd stands alone and unapproachable, as that of the Supreme Lord of earth and heaven. The title " Lord of
of them,

Heaven," which runs as a sort of catchword

through these Chaldee translations of the
Persian records,
is

not indeed in the cunei-

form monuments distinctly attached to him

as

an

epithet

but the

common formula

wherewith inscriptions open sets him forth as " the great God Ormazd, who gave both earth

and heaven
It is

to

mankind"

(76).

generally admitted that the succession

LECTURE
Hystaspis
is

V.

183

of the Persian kings from Cyrus to Darius

correctly given in

Ezra

(77).

The names of the two intermediate monarchs and it is diffiare indeed replaced by others

came to be known to the Jews as Ahasuerus and Artaxerxes, instead of Cambyses and Smerdis (78) but the exact agreement in the number of the reigns, and the harmony in the chronocult to explain

how

these kings

logy(79)have caused
tended.

it

to be almost universally
in-

allowed that Cambyses and Smerdis are

Assuming

this,

we may note that

is

the only Persian king

who

said to have
is

interrupted the building of the temple

that

Magian monarch, the Pseudo- Smerdis,

who was opposed to the pure Persian religion, and who would therefore have been
likely to reverse the religious policy of his

weakened the hands of the people of Judah and troubled them in building'" during the reigns of Cyrus
predecessors.
"

The Samaritans

and Cambyses but it was not till the letter of the Pseudo -Smerdis was received, that " the work of the house of God ceased ." The same prince, that is, who is stated in the inscriptions to have changed the religion of Persia (80), appears in Ezra as the oppo;

Ezra

iv. 4.

Ibid, verse 24.

184

LECTURE

V.

nent of a religious work, which Cyrus had

encouraged, and Cambyses had allowed to
be carried on.

The

reversal

by Darius of the religious

his recur-

policy of the

Magian monarch, and

in

rence to the line of conduct which had been

pursued by Cyrus, as related

Ezra, har-

monises completely with the account which

Darius himself gives of his proceedings soon

after his accession. "I restored to the people,"

he
so

says,

"the religious worship, of which the

it

Magian had deprived them. As

1

was before,
religion,

arranged

it" (81).

Of

course, this passage

refers primarily to the Persian

Court

and

its

re-establishment in the place of

;

Ma-

gism as the religion of the state

but such a

return to comparatively pure principles would

involve a renewal of the old sympathy with

the Jews and with the worship of Jehovah. Accordingly, while the letter of the
is

Magus k

devoid of the slightest reference to religion,

that of Darius exhibits

shewn
rit,

the

as

has been already

spi-

same pious and reverential

the same respect for the

and the same identification Supreme Being recognised by the Persians, which are so prominent in the decree of (v
^

God of the Jews, of Him with the

Ezra

iv.

17 to 22.

LECTURE
rus.

V.

185

Darius

is

careful to follow in the foot-

steps of the great founder of the monarchy,

and under him " the house of God lem," which Cyrus was " charged"
is

at Jerusato build !,

finally " builded

and finished"

."

break occurs in the Biblical narrative

between the sixth and seventh chapters of Ezra, the length of which is not estimated
by the sacred historian, but which we know

from profane sources

to

have extended to

above half a century (82). Into this interval falls the whole of the reign of Xerxes. The

Jews
this

in Palestine

appear to have led during

life

time a quiet and peaceable

of their neighbours

under

Persian governors, and to have disarmed the

hostility

by unworthy

compliances, such as intermarriages"; which

would have tended,

time
is

if

unchecked, to destroy

their distinct nationality.

No

history of the

given,
it

because no event occurred

thought, howit
is

during

of any importance to the Jewish

in Palestine. It
is

community
ever,

by many

and

on the whole

not

improbable

that

the history related in the

Book of Esther belongs to the interval in question, and thus fills up the gap in the narrative of Ezra. The name Ahasuerus is
1

Ezra

i.

2.

'"

Ibid. vi. 14.

Ibid. ix. 2, &c.


186

LECTURE

V.

undoubtedly the proper Hebrew equivalent

for the Persian

word which the Greeks reAnd if it was presented by Xerxes (83).

Kish, the ancestor of Mordecai in the fourth

degree,

who was

carried

away from Jerusalem

by Nebuchadnezzar, together with Jeconiah", the time of Xerxes would be exactly that in which Mordecai ought to have flourished (84).

Assuming on these grounds the king intended by Ahasuerus to be the Xerxes of Greek history, we are at once struck with
the strong resemblance which his character
bears to that assigned by the classical writers
to the celebrated son of Darius.

Proud,

self-

willed,

amorous,
;

careless

of contravening

Persian customs

reckless of
;

human

life,

yet

not actually bloodthirsty

impetuous,

facile,

changeable

the
all

Ahasuerus of Esther correspects to the

responds in
the

Greek porit

traiture of Xerxes,

which

is

not (be
of an

ob-

served)

mere picture
it

Oriental

despot, but has various peculiarities which

distinguish
kings,

even

from the other Persian

think
is
it

and which
it.

may

be said

individualise
easily

Nor

there

have

l?een the case,

might so were the book of

be-

as

Esther a romance
o

any
ii.
<;,

contradiction
6.

Esther

LECTURE
tween
its

V.

187

facts,

and those which the Greeks

have recorded of Xerxes.

his reign,
feast at

The

third year of
his great
,

when Ahasuerus makes

Shushan (or Susa) to his nobles p was a year which Xerxes certainly passed at Susa (85), and one wherein it is likely that he kept open house for " the princes of the provinces," who would from time to time visit
the court, in order to report on the state of

Greek war. The seventh year, wherein Esther is made queen q is that which follows the return of Xerxes from Greece, where again we know from the best Greek authority (86) that he resumed
their preparations for the
,

his residence at Susa.

this

It is true that " after

time history speaks of other favourites

and another wife of Xerxes, namely Amestris" (87),

who can

scarcely have been Esther

(88), since the

Greeks declare that she was

;

the daughter of a Persian noble

quite possible that Amestris
in

but

it

is

disgrace for a time,

may have been and that Esther may

to the dig-

have been temporarily advanced

nity of Sultana.

We

know
the

far too little of

the domestic history of Xerxes from profane

sources
to

pronounce

position

which

Esther occupies in his harem impossible or

P

Esther

i.

a, 3.

q Ibid.

ii.

16.

188
improbable.
tells

LECTURE

V.

True again that profane history us nothing of Hainan or Mordecai but

we have

absolutely no profane information on

the subject of who were the great officers of the

Persian court, or

who had

influence with Xer-

xes after the death of Mardonius.

The intimate acquaintance which the Book of Esther shews in many passages with Permanners and customs has been acknowledged even by De Wette (89), who regards
sian
it

as

composed
it

in Persia

on that account.

think

may

be said that

we have nowhere
in the earlier part

else so graphic or so just a portraiture of the

Persian court, such as

it

was

of the period of decline, which followed upon

the death of Darius,

is

The

story of the

Book

no doubt

in its leading features

of

the con-

templated massacre
slaughter
of
their

the Jews, and the actual

adversaries
;

wonderful
commemoralessen the

and antecedently improbable

tive festival of

but these are

exactly the points of which the

Purim

is

the strongest posit

sible corroboration.

And

may

seeming improbability to bear in mind that open massacres of obnoxious persons were
not

unknown

to the Persians of Xerxes' time.

There had once been a general massacre of all the Magi who could be found (90); and


LECTURE
the annual

V.

189

observance of this day, which

as
"

was
serve

known
to

the

Magophonia," would

keep up the recollection of the

circumstance.

Of Artaxerxes Longimanus, the son and successor of Xerxes, who appears both from his name and from his time to be the monarch under whom Ezra and Nehemiah flourished (91), we have little information from
profane sources.
Ctesias,
is

His character, as drawn by

(92),

mild but weak

and

suffici-

ently harmonises with the

first

portrait

in

the

chapter of Nehemiah.

He

reigned 40

years

a longer time than

;

any Persian king

but one
that
this,

and
is

it is

perhaps worthy of remark

his

Nehemiah mentions
which
it

allowable in his

32nd year *; for case, would have

1

involved a contradiction of profane history,

had

occurred in connexion with any other

Persian king mentioned in Scripture, excepting only Darius Hystaspis.

The Old Testament

nates.

history here termi-

For the space of nearly 500 years from the time of Nehemiah and Malachi to that of St. Paul the Jews possessed no inspired writer; and their history, when recorded at all, was related in works which were not re-

Nehem.

v.

14;

xiii.

6.


190

LECTURE

V.

garded by themselves as authoritative or canonI am not concerned to defend the hisical. torical accuracy of the Books of Maccabees;

much

and the second Esdras, which seem to be mere romances (93). My task, so far as the Old Testament is conless

that of Judith

cerned,

is

accomplished.
first place,

It has, I believe,

been

shewn, in the
or of those
witnesses,

that the sacred narra-

tive itself is the production of eyewitnesses,

who

followed the accounts of eyeit

and therefore that

all

entitled to the

acceptance of

those

who
it

regard contemall

porary testimony as the main ground of

authentic history.

And

has, secondly,

been

made apparent, that all we possess from profane

the evidence which

sources of a really

important and trustworthy character, tends

to confirm the truth of the history delivered to us in the sacred volume.

The monumental

records of past ages

Egyptian, Persian,
of historians

Assyrian, Babylonian, Phoenician the writings

their histories

who have based

on contemporary annals, as Manetho, Berosus,

Dius, Menander, Nicolas of

Damascus

the descriptions given by eyewitnesses of the the proofs Oriental manners and customs

obtained by modern research of the condition

of art in the time and country

all

combine

LECTURE
to confirm, illustrate,
city of the writers,

V.

191

and establish the verawho have delivered to us,

Samuel,

in the Pentateuch, in Joshua, Judges,

Kings and Chronicles, Ezra, Esther, and Nehemiah, the history of the chosen people.

That history stands firm against all the assaults made upon it; and the more light that is thrown by research and discovery upon the times and countries with which it deals, the more apparent becomes its authentic and
matter-of-fact character.

Instead of ranging

parallel with the mythical traditions of Greece

and Rome, (with which some delight

pare
it,) it

to

com-

stands, at the least, on a par with the

ancient histories of Egypt, Babylon, Phoenicia,

and Assyria

which, like

it,

were recorded

from a remote antiquity by national historiographers.

Sound criticism finds in the sacred writings of the Jews documents belonging to the times of which they profess to treat, and
on a calm investigation
classes

them, not with

fables,

romantic poems or mythological

cient writers,

but

with the sober narratives of those other an-

who have sought

to

hand down
which

to posterity a true account of the facts

their eyes

have witnessed.
in

As
is

in the

New
main

Testament, so

the Old, that which the

in the

writers " declare" to the world

192
" that

LECTURE

V.

which they have heard, which they have seen with their eyes, which they have
8

looked upon, and which their hands have

handled

."

It

is

not their object to amuse

men, much less to impose on them by any "cunningly devised fables ;" but simply to record facts and " bear their witness to the
1

truth."
*
i

John

i.

i.

Pet.

i.

16.

John

xviii. 37.

LECTURE
i

VI.

JOHN

1.

1-3.

That which was from the beginning, which we have heard, which we have seen with our
eyes,

which we have looked upon, and our

the

hands have handled, of

Word of

Life

(for the Life was manifested, and we have seen it, and bear ivitness, and shew unto you that Eternal Life, which was with the Father, and was manifested unto usf) that which we have seen and heard declare we unto you.

A HE

period of time embraced by the events

of which we have any mention in the

New

Testament but little exceeds the lifetime of The a man, falling short of a full century.
regular and continuous history
is

comprised
it

within a yet narrower space, since

mences in the year of

fifth

Rome

com748 or 749, and

later, in

terminates about sixty-three years

of Nero,

the

Anno Domini
would be

58(1).

If uni-

formity of plan were a thing of paramount

importance,

duty to subdivide this space of time into three portions, which RAWLINSON. O
it

my

194

LECTURE
of

VJ.
in the three re-

might be treated separately

maining Lectures
the

present

Course.

Such a subdivision could be made without

any great
Lord's
difficulty.

The century

naturally

breaks into three periods

life,

the

time of our
;

or that treated of in the Gospels

the time of the rapid and triumphant spread

of Christianity, or that of which

history in the Acts
sion
;

we have

the

and the time of oppres-

and persecution without, of defection and heresy within, or that to which we have incidental allusions in the later Epistles and
the Apocalypse.
Or,
if

we confined our view

is

to the space of time

historical

which

covered by the

and omitted the last of these three periods from our consideration, we might obtain a convenient division of the second period from the actual arrangement
Books,
of the Acts, where the author, after occupying

himself during twelve chapters with the general condition of the Christian community,

becomes from the thirteenth the biographer

of a single Apostle, whose career he thenceforth follows without interruption.

But on

the whole
at

think

it

will be

more convenient,
regard the

some

sacrifice of uniformity, to

entire space occupied by the

New Testament

narrative as a single period,

at the present point, for

and to substitute, the arrangement of

LECTURE
upon a
naturally
separates
into

VI.

195

time hitherto followed, an arrangement based

division of the evidence, which here

three
is

heads

or

branches.

The
I

first

of these

the internal

evidence, or that of the

selves,

documents them-

which

propose to
;

make

the subject
is

of the present Lecture

the second

the

testimony of adversaries, or that borne by

Heathen and Jewish

of the narrative
;

writers to the veracitv

is

the third

the testimony

of believers, or that producible from the uninspired Christian remains of the times con-

temporary with or immediately following the

age of the Apostles.

The two last-named

branches will be treated respectively in the

seventh and eighth Lectures.

The New Testament is commonly regarded too much as a single book, and its testimony
is

scarcely viewed as

more than that of a

its

single writer.

No

doubt, contemplated on
a

divine side, the work has a real unity,

is

He who

with His church

" always"

having designed
bears
it

the whole in His Eternal Counsels, and having

caused
the
is

it

to take the shape that

it

but
is,

regarded as the work of man, which

also

New Testament (it should be remembered)

and

a collection of twenty- seven separate,

independent documents, composed by eight

a

Matt,

xxviii. 20.

o 2

196

LECTURE

VI.

or nine different persons, at separate times,

and under varied circumstances. Of these twenty-seven documents twenty-one consist of letters written by those who w ere engaged
T

in

the propagation of the

new Religion

to

their converts, four are biographies of Christ,

Church History, containing a general account of the Christian community

one
is

a short

for 12 or 13 years after our Lord's ascension,

together with

particular

account of

St.
;

Paul's doings for about 14 years afterwards

and one
nerally
state

is

prophetical, containing (as

a

is

ge-

supposed)

sketch

of

the

future

and condition of the Christian Church

first

from the close of the

century,

when

it

was written,

to the

with the historical

end of the world. Books that we are

It is in the
I

present review primarily concerned.

to

wish

shew that
life,

for the Scriptural narrative of

the birth,

death, resurrection, and ascen-

sion of Christ, as well as for the circumstances

of the

first

preaching of the Gospel, the his-

torical evidence that

we

possess

is

of an au-

thentic and satisfactory character.

As with that document which is the basis of Judaism (2), so with those which are the
basis of Christianity,
it
is

of very great in-

terest

and importance

to

know by whom they

was recorded by

were written.

If the history

LECTURE
allowed on
ing
it

VI.

197

eye-witnesses, or even by persons contempo-

raneous with the events narrated, then

all

it

is

hands that the record contain-

must have a very strong claim indeed

to our acceptance.

"But
told,

the alleged ocular

" or

testimony,"

we

are

proximity in
is

point of time to the events recorded,

mere

assumption
the
titles

an assumption originating from

"

which the Biblical books bear in our Canon" (3). "Little reliance however can be placed on these titles, or on the headings
of ancient manuscripts generally"
early Jewish
(4).

The

and Christian writers even the most reputable published their works with

the substitution of venerated names, without

an idea that they were guilty of falsehood or

deception

doing" (5). records" and "biblical books"

by so

In

" sacred

this species of
;

forgery obtained

"more

especially" (6)
is

and
Fur-

the

title

of works of this kind

all

scarcely any

evidence at

of the real authorship.

ther, the actual titles of

our Gospels are not

to be regarded as intended to assert the

com;

position of the Gospel by the person

all

named

that they

mean

to assert

is,

the composithe oral

in

tion of the

connected history

" after

discourses, or notes," of the person

named

the

title.

This

is

the true original meaning

"

of the

word translated by

according to

;"

198

LECTURE
is

VJ.

which

improperly understood as implying

(7).

actual authorship

Such are the assertions with which we are

met,

when we urge that for the events of our Lord's life we have the testimony of eyewitnesses, whose means of knowing the truth

were of the highest order, and whose honesty is unimpeachable. These assertions (which I
have given as nearly as possible
in

the words

of Strauss,) consist of a series of positions

either plainly false, or at best without either

proof or likelihood

yet upon these the

mo-

dern Rationalism
avows, and
good, the
established.

is

content to base

its
it

claim

to supersede Christianity.
it

This end

openly
claim

admits that, to make

its

positions above given should

be

Let us then consider

briefly the

several assertions
to

upon which we are invited

for that

exchange the Religion of Christ

It

of Strauss and Schleiermacher.

is

said, that " the alleged ocular testi-

mony
titles

is

an assumption originating from the

which the Biblical books bear in our Canon." 1 do not know if any stress is intended to be laid on the last clause of this
objection
learned,
titles
;

but as

it

might mislead the unin

may

observe in passing, that the

the

which the Books bear

versions

modern
are

authorized

of

the

Scriptures

LECTURE
literal

VI.

199

some of the most ancient Greek manuscripts, and descend to us at least from the times of the first Councils while titles still more emphatic and explicit are found in several of the versions which were made at an early period (8). Our belief in the authorship of the writings, no
translations from
;

doubt, rests partly on the

belief in
treatise
;

titles,

as does our

the authorship

of every

ancient

but
first

it

is

untrue to say that these

headings

originated the belief; for be-

fore the titles

were attached, the belief must

In
truth, there
is

have existed.

not the

slightest pretence for insinuating that there

was ever any doubt

as to the authorship of

any one of the historical books of the New Testament which are as uniformly ascribed
;

to the writers

whose names they bear

to

as the

Return of the Ten Thousand

or

Xenophon,

the Lives
is

of the Caesars

to Suetonius.

There

indeed far better evidence of authorexists with

ship in the case of the four Gospels and of

the Acts of the Apostles, than

respect to the works of almost any classical

writer.
classical

It

is

very rare

occurrence for

works to be distinctly quoted, or

be mentioned by name,

for their authors to

within a century of the time of their publication (9).

The

Gospels, as

we

shall find

in

200
the
sequel,

LECTURE
are

VJ.

frequently

quoted

within

this period,

and the

writers of three at least

out of the four are mentioned within the

time as authors of works corresponding perfectly to those

which have come down to us

as their compositions.

Our

conviction then

of the genuineness of the Gospels does not

rest exclusively, or

even mainly, on the

titles,

but on the unanimous consent of ancient

writers

and of the whole Christian church

" little

in the first ages.

In the next place we are told that

reliance can be

placed on the headings of

Undoubtedly, such headings, when unconfirmed by further testimony, are devoid of any great weight, and may be set aside, if the internal
ancient manuscripts generally."

evidence of the writings themselves disproves

the superscription.
Still

they constitute im;

portant priind facie evidence of authorship

and

it is

to be

rect, until solid

presumed that they are correasons be shewn to the conof ancient manuscripts

trary.

The headings
;

are, in point of fact, generally

accepted as cor-

rect by critics

and the proportion, among the

is

works of antiquity, of those reckoned spurious

to those regarded as genuine,

small indeed.

But

it

is

said that in the case of " sacred

records" and "biblical books" the headings

LECTURE
are
are told, "is evident,

VI.
This,

201

"especially" untrustworthy.

we

and has long since been proved" (10). Where the proof is to be found we are not informed, nor whence the peculiar untrustworthiness of what is " sacred"

and "biblical" proceeds. We are referred however to the cases of the Pentateuch, the book of Daniel, and a certain number of the and we Psalms, as well known instances shall probably not be wrong in assuming that these are selected as the most palpable cases of incorrect ascription of books which
;

the

Sacred Volume

furnishes.

We

have

already found reason to believe that in re-

gard to the Pentateuch

and the book of Daniel no mistake has been committed (11); they are the works of the authors whose names they bear. But in the case of the Psalms, it must be allowed that the headings seem frequently to be incorrect. Headings, it must be remembered, are in no case any
part of the inspired

Word

they indicate

merely the opinion of those who had the

custody of the

Word

at the time
in

when they

were prefixed.
position

most cases the headings would be attached soon after the comof the work,
;

Now

when

its

authorship

was certainly known

but the Psalms do not

appear to have been collected into a book

202

LECTURE
Ezra
(12),

VI.

until the time of

and the headings

affixed,

of

many may have been then first those who attached them following
tradition or venturing
;

a vague

upon conjecture. Thus but on this ground error has here crept in to assume that "sacred records" have a peculiar untrustworthiness in this respect,
is

to

betray an irreligious

spirit,

and

to generalise

upon very
But,

insufficient data.
said, "

it is

the most reputable authors

amongst the Jews and early Christians published their works with the substitution of
venerated names, without an idea that they

were guilty of falsehood or deception by so

What is the proof of this astoundingassertion ? What early Christian authors, redoing."

putable or no, can be shewn to have thus

acted
?

If the allusion

is it

to the epistles of

Hermas and Barnabas,

dispute

must be observed
is still

that the genuineness of these

matter of

among
like,

the learned

if to

such works

as the Clementines, the interpolated Ignatius,

and the

that they are not " early" in the

sense implied; for they belong

probably to

the third century (13).

The

practice noted
sects

was common among heretical

first,

from the

but

it

was made a reproach to them by

;

the orthodox (14)

who

did not themselves

adopt

it till

the teaching of the Alexandrian

LECTURE

VI.

203

School had confused the boundaries of right

and wrong, and made " pious frauds" appear defensible. There is no reason to suppose that any orthodox Christian of the first century

when
a

it

is

granted that our Gospels

were written

would
his

have considered himcomposition.

self entitled to

bring out under a " venerated

name"

work of
it is

own

Lastly,

urged, " the titles of our Gos-

pels are not intended to assert the composition of the

works by the persons named, but

only their being based upon a groundwork

furnished by such persons, either orally, or
in the

shape of w ritten notes" (15).

r

"This

seems to be the original meaning attached to No example the word /caret," we are told.

however

is

adduced of

this use,

which

is

cer-

tainly not that of the Septuagint,

where the

book of Nehemiah is referred to under the name of " The Commentaries according to

Nehemiah" (/caret tov Nee^t/a^) b and it cannot be shewn to have obtained at any period of
;

the Greek language.

It

cannot therefore be asserted with any

truth that the titles of the Gospels do not

represent

them

as

the compositions of the

persons

named

therein.

Nothing

is

more

certain than that the object of affixing titles

b
2

Mac.

ii.

13.

204

LECTURE
was
to

VI.

to the Gospels at all

mark the opinion

This opinion

entertained of their authorship.

appears to have been universal.

We

find

no

evidence of any doubt having ever existed

on the subject

in the early ages (16).

Ire-

naeus, Tertullian, Clement of Alexandria, and

Origen, writers in the latter half of the second

or the beginning of the third century, not

only declare

the

authorship

unreservedly,

but indicate or express the universal agree-

ment of the Church from the

subject (17)-

first

upon the

Justin in the middle of the

"

second century speaks of the

Gospels" which

the Christians read in their Churches, as hav-

ing been composed " by the Apostles of Christ

and their companions ;" and he further shews by his quotations, which are abundant, that he means the Gospels now in our possession
(18).

Papias, a quarter of a century earlier,

St.

mentions the Gospels of

St.

Matthew and

Mark
St.

as authoritative,
to

and declares the

latter writer

have derived his materials

from

Peter.

Thus we

are brought to the

very age

of the Apostles
St.

themselves

for

Papias was a disciple of

gelist (19).

John the Evan-

Further, in the case of three out of the

five Historical

Books of the

New

Testament,

there

is

an internal testimony to their com-

LECTURE
position by contemporaries,
last
St.

VI.

205
is

which
his

of the

importance.

"

And

he that saw it" says

John,

"

bare
c

record,

and

record

is

true,

and he knoweth that he

believe
."

saith true, that

still

more explicitly, after speaking of himself and of the circumstances which caused it to be thought that he would not die " This is the disciple which testifieth of these things and wrote these things : and we know that his testimony is true d ." Either therefore St. John must be allowed to have been the writer of the fourth Gospel, or the writer must be
ye
again,

may

And

taxed with that " conscious intention of

tion,"

fic-

which Strauss with impious boldness

has ventured to allege against him (20).

That the Acts of the Apostles and the third

Gospel have " a testimony of a particular
kind," which seems to give

them a

special

claim to be accepted as the works of a con-

temporary,
of Sceptics.
lows, "
fies

is

admitted even by this Prince

The

writer of the Acts, he al-

by the use of the first person identihimself with the companion of St. Paul,"

and the prefaces of the two books make it plain that they " proceeded from the same
author" (21).

This evidence

is felt

to be so

strong, that even Strauss does not venture to

c

John

xix. 35.

ll

Ibid. xxi. 24.

206

LECTURE

VI.

deny that a companion of St. Paul may have written the two works. He finds it " difficult" to believe that this was actually the
case,

and " suspects" that the passages of the Acts where the first person is used " belong to a distinct memorial by another hand, which
the author of the Acts has incorporated into
his history."

But
is

still

he allows the

alter-

native

companion of Paul may have composed the two works" only it must have been " at a time when he was no longer protected by apostolic influence from the tide of tradition," and so was induced to receive into his narrative, and
possible the

that " it

join with

what he had heard from the

solid

apostle,

certain marvellous (and therefore incredible)

stories

which had no

or

substantial

basis (22).

To

the objection that the Acts

appear, from

the fact of their terminating

where they
close

do, to

have been composed at the

first

of

St.

Paul's

imprisonment

at
to as

Rome, A. D. 58 (or A. D. 63, according some (23) writers), and that the Gospel,
being
"

the

former treatise

,"

was written
the breaking

earlier, Strauss

replies, " that

off of the Acts at that particular point might

have been the result of many other causes

and

that, at all events,

e

such testimony standi.

Acts

i.

LECTURE
ing alone
historical
is

VI.

207

wholly insufficient to decide the

(24).
"

worth of the Gospel"

that

He

thus

assumes

the

testimony

stands

alone," forgetting

or

ignoring

the general

voice of antiquity on the subject of the date

and value of the Gospel

(25),

while he also

omits to notice the other important evidence

of an early date which the Gospel itself furnishes

the

declaration, namely, in the preSt.

face that
to

what

Luke wrote was

and ministers

delivered

him by those

"

which from the beginning

of

were

eye-witnesses

the

Word/"
If the third Gospel be allowed to have

been composed by one who lived in the apostolic

age and companied with the apostles,

then an argument for the early date of the

first

and second

will arise

from their accordit

ance with the third

in style

their resemblance to

versity

and general character, and their difrom the productions of any other

period.

The

first

three Gospels belong so

entirely to the

same school of thought, and the same type and stage of language, that on critical grounds they must be regarded as
the works of contemporaries with one another, and so
f
;

while in their

contents they are at once so closely accordant

full of little differ2.

Luke

i.

208

LECTURE
(26).

VJ.

most reasonable view to take of their composition is that it was almost

ences, that the

simultaneous

Thus

the determination

of any one out of the three to the apostolic

age involves a similar conclusion w ith respect

r

to the other

two

and

if

the Gospel ascribed

his,

to St.

Luke

be allowed to be probably

there can be no reason to question the tradition which assigns the others to St.

Matthew

and

St.

Mark.

On

the whole, therefore,

we have abundant
lived at the time

reason to believe that the four Gospels are

the works of persons

who

when
and

Christianity was

first

preached

and

established.
St.

Two

of the writers

John

St.

Luke

fix their

own

date,

which must
others

be accepted on their authority, unless we will

pronounce them impostors.

ner to be as early as
St.

The two

appear alike by their matter and their man-

Luke, and are cer-

tainly earlier than St. John,

supplemental to
their

whose Gospel is the other three, and implies

pre-existence.

Nor

is

there any rea-

sonable ground for doubting the authorship

which Christian antiquity with one voice declares to us, and in which the titles of the
earliest

manuscripts and of the most ancient

agree.
to

versions

The
four

four Gospels
persons,

are

as-

signed

those

whom

the

LECTURE
which the bulk of
of Irenceus
is

VI.

209

Church has always honoured

classical

as Evangelists,

on grounds very much superior to those on

works are ascribed

single testimony

to particular authors.

The

more weight than the whole array of witnesses commonly marshalled

really of

in proof of the genuineness of

classic
fairly
;

an ancient

and, even

if

it

stood alone, might

be regarded as placing the question of

all

the authorship beyond

or suspicion.

reasonable doubt

If then the Gospels are genuine,

what a

wonderful historical treasure do we possess

them Four biographies of the great Founder of our religion by contemporary pens, two of them the productions of close friends the other two written by those who, if they had no personal acquaintance with the Saviour, at least were the constant companions of such as had had intimate knowledge of Him. How rarely do we obtain even two distinct original biographies of a
in
!

distinguished person

In the peculiar and

it is

unexampled circumstances of the time

not surprising that

many undertook

to " set

forth in order a declaration of the things^"

which constituted the essence of the new

religion,

namely, the

life
i.
i

and teaching of
F

Luke

RAWI.INSON.


210
Christ
;

LECTURE
but
it

VJ.
I

is

remarkable, and

think

it

may

fairly

be said to be providential, that

four accounts should have been written possessing claims to attention so nearly equal,

Church felt bound to adopt all into her Canon, whence it has happened that We should they have all come down to us. have expected, alike on the analogy of the Old Testament (27), and on grounds of a priori
that the
probability, a single record.

If an authentic

account had been published early

that

is,

before the separation of the Apostles, and the

formation of distinct Christian communities

it is

probable that no second account would

have been written, or at any rate no second

account confirmatory to any great extent of
the preceding one.

supplementary Gospel,

like that of St. John,

might of course have

been added in any case; but had the Gospel

Matthew, for instance, been really composed, as some have imagined (28), within a
of
St.

few years of our Lord's ascension,

into all parts of the world

it

would
is

have been carried together with Christianity

;

and

it

very of

unlikely that
St.

in
St.

that

case the Gospels

Mark and

Luke, which cover chiefly

the same ground, would have been written.

The need
first

of written Gospels was not felt at

while the Apostles and companions of

LECTURE
tinually

VI.

211

Christ were in full vigour, and were con-

moving from place to place, relating with all the fulness and variety of oral discourse the marvels which they had seen wrought, and the gracious words which they had heard uttered by their Master. But as they grew old, and as the sphere of their labours enlarged, and personal superintendence of the whole Church by the Apostolic body
became
difficult,

the desire to possess a writ;

ten Gospel arose

and simultaneously,

in dif-

ferent parts of the Church, for different portions of the Christian body, the three Gospels

of

St.

Matthew,

St.

Mark, and

St.

Luke, were

published.

This at least seems to be the

theory which alone suits the phenomena of

the case (29)
;

and

as

it

agrees nearly with

the testimony of Irenaeus (30),

earliest authority

who

is

the

with regard to the time at

it is

which the Gospels were composed,

deserving of acceptance.
If this view of the independent

well

and nearly
first

simultaneous composition of the

three
al-

Gospels be admitted, then we must be

lowed to possess
miracles,
ings,

in their substantial agreelife,

ment respecting the

death,

character, teaching,

prophetic announcements, sufferresurrection,

our Lord (31),

and ascension of evidence of the most imporp 2

212

LECTURE
is

VI.

tant kind, and such as

scarcely ever attain-

able with respect to the actions of an individual.

to time,

Attempts have been made from time and recently on a large scale, to intestimony by establishing the

validate this

existence of minute points of disagreement

between the accounts of the three Evangel-

adduced consist almost entirely of omissions by one Evangelist of what is mentioned by another, such omisists (32).

But the

differences

sions being regarded

by Strauss

as equivalent

to direct negatives (33).

of the

by

all

The weak character argument a silentio is now admitted tolerable critics, who have ceased to

lean

upon it with any feeling of security except under very peculiar circumstances. In ordinary cases, and more particularly in cases where brevity has been studied, mere silence proves absolutely nothing and to make it
;

equivalent to counter-assertion

is

to confuse

two things wholly

different,

and

to exhibit a

want of

critical
all

discernment, such as must in

the eyes of

reasonable persons completely

discredit the writer

who

is

so unfair or so
is

ill-

judging. Yet

this, I

confidently affirm,

the

ordinary manner of Strauss,

his

who throughout

volumes conceives himself at liberty to discard facts recorded by one Evangelist

only, on the

mere ground of

silence on the

LECTURE
part of the others.

VI.

213

Whatever an Evangelist
is

does not record, he

argued not to have

is

known
pened.

and
It

his

want of knowledge

taken

as a proof that the event could not

have hap-

seems to be forgotten,

that, in the

first place,

eye-witnesses of one and the same

event notice a different portion of the atten-

dant circumstances; and that, secondly, those

who

record an event which they have wit-

nessed omit ordinarily, for brevity's sake, by

far the greater portion of the

attendant

cir-

cumstances which they noticed at the time

and

still

remember.

Strauss's

cavils

could

only have been precluded by the mere repetition on

the part of each Evangelist of

the exact circumstances mentioned by every

other

repetition

which would have been

collusion or

considered to

unacknowledged borrowing, and which would have thus destroyed their value as distinct and
It

mark

independent witnesses.
has been well observed (34), that, even
the difficulties and discrepancies, which

if all

this writer has

thought to discover

in

the

Gospels, were real and not merely apparent

if

we were

obliged to leave

them

as diffi-

and could offer no explanation of them (35) still the general credibility of the Gospel History would remain untouched, and
culties,

214

LECTURE

VI.

no more would be proved than the absence of

Church has always believed to attach to the Evangelical writings. The writers would be lowered from their preeminent rank as perfect and infallible historians, whose every word may be depended on but they would remain histothat complete inspiration which the
;

rical authorities

of the

first

order

witnesses
for those

as fully to be trusted for the circumstances of

our Lord's

life,

as

Xenophon
.

for the sayings

and doings of Socrates, or Cavendish of Cardinal Wolsey The facts of the

ascension,

miracles,

preaching, sufferings, death, resurrection, and

would therefore stand

firm, toge-

ther with those of the choice of the Apostles,

the commission given them, and the

nication to

commu;

them of miraculous powers

its

and
basis

these are the facts which establish Christianity,

and form

historical basis

which can be overthrown by nothing short of a proof that the New Testament is a forgery from beginning to end, or that the first
preachers of Christianity were a set of impostors.

For the truth of the Gospel facts does not rest solely upon the Gospels they are stated

with almost equal distinctness in the Acts,

and are implied in the Epistles. It is not denied that a companion of St. Paul may

LECTURE
of the Gospel which
of the Apostles.
is

VI.

215

have written the account of the early spread

contained in the Acts
as

But the Acts assume

indisputable the whole series of facts which

form the basis on which Christianity sustains

itself.

They

set forth " Jesus of Nazareth, a

man approved
ders

and

signs,

God by miracles and wonwhich God did by Him in the

of
"

midst of you, as you yourselves also know h

a man who went about doing good, healing that were oppressed of the who beginning from
"
all

and

devil'"

"

Galilee,

after the

baptism which John preached, published the

word throughout
"

all

Judaea

;"

whom
not,

yet

they that dwelt at Jerusalem, and their

rulers,

because they

knew him

nor yet

the voices of the Prophets which are read

every sabbath day, condemned, finding no

cause of death in him, yet desiring of Pilate
that he should be slain k "

and crucified by upon a tree and slain

" raised

who was "taken wicked hands hanged m then "taken down

1

"

"

"

from the tree and laid in a sepulchre"," but

up the third day, and shewed openinfallible proofs

p ,"

ly ," "

by many

during the

space of forty days

h

" not to all the people,

Ibid, verse 3;.

Acts

ii.

22.

'

Ibid. x. 38.

k Ibid.
n

xiii.

27-8.

Ibid.

ii.

23.

'

Ibid. x. 39.
Ibid.
i.

Ibid. xiii. 29.

Ibid. x. 40.

3.

5216

LECTURE
11

VI.
before of God,

but unto witnesses chosen

did eat and drink with him after he rose from the dead " and who, finally,

who

"

while his disciples beheld, was taken up

into heaven, a cloud receiving

their

sightV

him out of The Acts further shew that

to the chosen " witnesses"

the

Apostles to
8

whom
given,

"the promise of the Father

"

had been

and

to
in

those
the

whom
direction

they associated
of the infant

with them

Church, miraculous
a

gifts
1

were communicated,
,

so that they prophesied

cured lameness by

word or a touch", spake languages of which they had no natural knowledge v restored the
,

bedridden to health", handled serpents x cast

,

out devils y inflicted blindness 2 raised the dead

,
,

some cases cured men by the touch of their shadows or by handkerchiefs and aprons from their persons
to life
,

and

finally

even

in

13

The

substantial truth of the history con-

tained in the Acts

cerns St. Paul

has

so far at least as

it

con-

been excellently vindi-

cated by a writer of our

nation and communion, from the undesigned conformity between the narrative and the Epistles
(

own

Acts

x. 41.

Ibid.

i.

9,

10. "

Ibid, verse 4.

'

Ibid. v.
Ibid.
ii.

9;

vi.

2-j\

kc.
"
z
1

Ibid. xiv. 10,

*
;i

and

iii.

7.

4-13.
h

Ibid. ix. 34.

Ibid. xiii. 11.
-,.

Ibid, xxviii. 5.

Ibid. xvi. 18, &c.

Ibid, v

Ibid. ix.

37-41

x\. 9-12.

Ibid,

xix.12.

LECTURE

VI.

217

ascribed to the great Apostle.

Without

as-

suming the genuineness of those Epistles, Paley has most unanswerably shewn, that the peculiar nature of the agreement between them and the history of the Acts affords good reason to believe that " the persons and
transactions

described

are

real,

the letters
the

authentic,

and the narration

in

main

true" (36).

The Hora

Paulince establish

these positions in the most satisfactory

ner.
1

man-

do not think that

read them

one to
to the

any attentively without coming

it is

possible for

conclusion that the Epistles of St.

Paul and the Acts of the Apostles bring us

into contact with real
real transactions ally written

persons, real scenes,

letters

that the

were actu-

by

St.

Paul himself at the time

and under the circumstances related in the history and that the history was composed by one who had that complete knowledge

of the

circumstances which could only be

gained by personal observation, or by inti-

mate acquaintance with the Apostle who

the chief subject of the narrative,
fect of a perusal of this masterly

is

The

ef-

scarcely

work will be neutralised by the bare and un" the de-

supported assertion of Strauss, that

tails

concerning Paul in the Book of the Acts

are so completely at variance with Paul's ge-

218
nuine

LECTURE
epistles, that it is

VI.
difficult

extremely

to reconcile

them with the notion that they were written by a companion of the Apostle" The HorcB Paulina should have been (37).
answered
in detail, before

such an assertion

was adventured on. Boldly and barely made, without a tittle of proof, it can only be regarded as an indication of the utter reckless-

and of its striking deficiency in the qualities which are requisite for a sound and healthy criticism.
ness of the

new

School,

It

is

further to be remarked, that Paley's

it

work, excellent and conclusive as

must be

allowed to be,

is

far

from being exhaustive.

He

has noticed, and illustrated in a very ad-

mirable way, the most remarkable of the un-

designed coincidences between the Acts and

the Pauline Epistles
;

but

it

would not be

difficult to increase his list

by the addition of

an equal number of similar points of agreement, which he has omitted (38). Again, it is to be remarked, that the argu-

ment of Paley
parts of the

is

applicable

also

to

other

New

Testament.

Undesigned

coincidences of the class which Paley notes

are frequent in the Gospels, and have often

been pointed out in passing by commentators,

though

am

not aware that they have ever

a sepa-

been collected or made the subject of

LECTURE
rate volume.

VL
,

219

When
e
,

St.

Matthew d however,
Apowithout assigning a
list
is

and

St.

Luke

in giving the list of the in pairs

stles,

place

them

reason, while St.

pairs
f
,

Mark, whose

not in

happens to mention that they were sent out " two and two g," we have the same

and (humanly speaking) accidental harmony on which Paley has insisted

sort of recondite

with such force as an evidence of authenticity

and truth
the Acts.
stances
;

in
It

connexion with the history of

would be easy

to multiply in-

but

my

limits will not allow

me

to

do more than

briefly to allude to this

head

of evidence, to which full justice could not

be done unless by an elaborate work on the

subject (39).
Finally, let
it

be considered whether the

Epistles alone, apart from the Gospels

and
life

the Acts, do not sufficiently establish the

historic truth of that narrative

of the

of Christ and foundation of the Christian

Church, which
genuineness of

it

has been recently attempted

fable.

to resolve into

mere myth and

St.

The

Paul's Epistles, with one or

two exceptions, is admitted even by Strauss and there are no valid reasons for en(40)
;

tertaining any doubt concerning the author'

Matt.

x.

2-4.

Luke

vi.

14-16.

Mark

iii.

16-19.

Ibid. vi. 7.


220

LECTURE

VI.

ship of the other Epistles, except perhaps in

the case of that to the Hebrews, and of the

two shorter Epistles commonly assigned to St. John (41). Excluding these, we have
eighteen letters written by five of the principal Apostles of Christ,

one by

St.

John, two

by
St.

St. Peter,

thirteen by
St.

St. Paul,

one by

James, and one by

Jude, his brother

partly consisting of public addresses to bodies

of Christians, partly of instructions to individuals

all

composed

for practical

purposes

with special reference to the peculiar exigencies of the time, but

ally
all

exhibiting casustate

and incidentally the

belief

of opinion

and

among

Christians during the half

century

immediately following our Lord's

It is indisputable that the writers,

ascension.

and those
to,

to

whom

they wrote, believed in

the recent occurrence of a set of facts similar

or identical with, those recorded in the

and the Acts more particularly those which are most controverted, such as
Gospels
the transfiguration, the resurrection, and the
ascension.
"

Great

is

the mystery of godli"

ness," says St. Paul.

God was

manifest in

the

flesh, justified in

the Spirit, seen of angels,

in

preached unto the Gentiles, believed on

the world, received up into glory
h
I

h ."

"Christ,"

Tim.

iii.

16.

"

LECTURE
for the unjust, that

VI.

221

says St. Peter, "suffered once for sins, the just

he might bring us to God,

flesh,

being put to death in the

in the spirit ."
1

but quickened

"He

received from

God

the

Father honour and glory, when there came

such a voice to him from the excellent glory,
'

This

is
;'

my

beloved Son in
this

whom

am

well

pleased

came from heaven we heard, when we were with him in " God raised up Christ the holy mountV from the dead, and gave him glory k " " He is gone into heaven, and is on the right hand of God, angels and authorities and powers being made subject to him ." " Remember,"
and
voice which

again

St.

Paul

says, " that

Jesus Christ of the

m

seed of David was raised from the dead

" if Christ

be not risen, then

is

is

our preaching

and your faith also livered unto you first of

vain,

vain n "

" I deI

all

that which

also

received,

how

that Christ died for our sins

;

according to the Scriptures

and that he was buried, and that he rose again the third day according to the Scriptures and that he was
;

seen of Cephas, then of the twelve

after that

he was seen of above eight hundred brethren

at once
. . .

after that,

he was seen of James,

17, 18.
ii.

'

Pet.

iii. 1

8.

2 Pet. 2

i.

k
a

Pet.

i.

21.

Ibid.

iii.

22.

Tim.

8.

Cor

xv. 14.

222
then of
all

LECTURE
the apostles
."

VI.

These are half-adozen texts out of hundreds, which might be adduced to shew that the writers of the Epistles, some writing before, some after the
Evangelists, are entirely agreed with
to the facts

them
is

as

on which Christianity

based,

and

as strongly assert their reality.

We

are

told, that " the

Gospel myths grew up in the

thirty
years,

space

of about

between the

death of Jesus and the destruction of Jeru-

salem" (42).
Acts there
is

But

in

the Epistles and the

evidence that throughout the

whole of

this

time the belief of the Church

was the same

first

the

Apostles themselves, the

companions of Christ, maintained from the

the reality of those marvellous events

which the Evangelists have recorded

resurrection "

they

proclaimed themselves the " witnesses of the

appealed

to

the

" miracles

and

signs "
q

which Jesus had wrought

Gospel narrative.

and
is

based their preaching altogether upon the

facts of the

There

no

historical

rative

ground for asserting that that narwas formed by degrees nor is there
;

any known instance of a mythic history having grown up in such an age, under such circumstances, or with such rapidity as
o
i

is

posii.

Cor. xv. 3-7.

Acts

i.

22

iv. 3,3,

&c.

U Ibid.

22.


LECTURE
VI.

223

tulated in this case by our adversaries.

The

age was a historical age, being that of Dionysius, Diodorus, Livy, Velleius Paterculus,

Plutarch, Valerius Maximus, and Tacitus

the country was one where written records

were kept, and historical literature had long

flourished
;

it

produced at the very time when

Testament documents were being written, a historian of good repute, Josephus, whose narrative of the events of his own
the

New

and trustworthy. To suppose that a mythology could be formed in such an age and country,
time
is

universally accepted as authentic

is

to confuse the characteristics of the

most

opposite

periods

to

ascribe

to

time of

luxury, over-civilisation, and decay, a phase

of thought which only belongs to the rude

vigour and early infancy of nations.

There
if

is

in very

deed no other alternative,

we

reject the historic truth of the

New

Testament, than that embraced by the old

assailants of Christianity

the

ascription of

the entire religion to imposture.

thical explanation

The myin-

seems to have been

vented in order to avoid this harsh conclusion,

which the moral tone of the religion

its first

and the sufferings of

defence of
nation
it

propagators in

alike contradict.

The

expla;

fails,

however, even in this respect

224

LECTURE

VI.
it

for its great advocate finds

insufficient to

explain the phenomena, and finally delivers

it

as his opinion, that in

many

places the au-

thors of the Gospels consciously and design-

edly introduced fictions into their narratives

(43).

If then

we

feel

sure that in the hooks

of the

New Testament we

have not the works

to

of impostors, testifying

have seen that

which they had not seen, and knew that they

had not seen

if

we

are conscious in reading

and truth beyond that of even the most veracious and simpleminded of profane writers if we recognise throughout an atmosphere of fact and reality,

them of a tone of

sincerity

harmony of statement,

a frequency of un-

designed coincidence, an agreement like that

of honest witnesses not studious of seeming
to agree;

we must pronounce

utterly un-

tenable this last device of the sceptic, which

more difficulties than the old unbelief. We must accept the documents as at once genuine and authentic. The writers declare to us that which they have heard and seen They were believed by thousands of
presents even
r
.

their contemporaries,

on the spot where they

stated the most remarkable of the events to

have taken place, and within a few weeks of

the time.

They could not be mistaken

'' i

as to

John

i.

}.


LECTURE
those events.

VI.

225

And

if it

be granted that these

happened
narrative

if

the resurrection and ascension

are allowed to be facts, then the rest of the

may

well be received, for

it is less

marvellous. Vain are the " profane babblings,"

which ever "increase unto more ungodliness," of those whose " word doth eat like a canker ... who concerning the truth have erred"
denying the resurrection of Christ, and
ing that the resurrection" of
already," thus " overthrowing
" say-

man

" is past

the faith of

some

."

" "

The foundation

of

God

standeth

sure*."

Jesus Christ of the seed of David

was raised from the dead u "

the

Jesus Christ,

God-Man,

is

"

ascended into the hea-

These are the cardinal points of the Christian's faith. On these credentials, which
vens'."

nothing can shake, he accepts as certain the

divine mission of his Saviour.
s

2 Tim.
ii.

ii.

i6-i8.

Ibid, verse 19.

u Ibid, verse

8.

Acts

34.

KAWLINSON.

LECTU11E
2

VII.

CORINTHIANS

XIII.

1.

hi

the

mouth of two or every word be

three witnesses shall

established.

JlHE

historical inquirer,

on passing from
fail

the history of the Old Testament to that

contained

in

the

New, cannot

to

be

struck with the remarkable contrast which

exists

between the two narratives in respect In the Old Tesof their aim and character.

tament the writers seek to set before us primarily and mainly the history of their nation, and only secondarily and in strict
subordination
to this object
(1).

introduce acfall

counts of individuals

Their works

under the head of History Proper

no doubt, of a peculiar cast, not secular, yet still that is, but sacred or theocratic,

History,

History in the strictest sense of the term,

accounts of kings and rulers, and of the
cissitudes through
vi-

which the Jewish nation

triumphs, checks, re-

passed,

its

sufferings,

verses, its struggles, ruin,

and recovery.

In

the Historical Books of the

New

Testament,

LECTURE

VII.

227

on the contrary, these points cease altogether to engage the writers' attention, which be-

comes fixed on an individual, whose words and actions, and the effect of whose teaching it is
their great object to put on record.

The

au-

thors of the Gospels are biographers of Christ,

not historians of their nation

they intend

no account of the

political condition of Pales-

tine in their time, but only a narrative of the

chief facts concerning our

those

of his

public

life

Lord especially and ministry (3).

Even the
carries

Evangelist,

who

in a second treatise

on the narrative from the Ascension

first

during the space of some 30 years to the

imprisonment of
himself (as the

St.

Paul at Rome, leaves

history,

untouched the national

title

of his

and confines work implies) to

the doctrine

the "acts" of those

of Christ

who made

known

to the world.

Hence the

agreement

to be traced

between the sacred

narrative and profane history in this part of

the Biblical records, consists only to a very

small extent of an accord with respect to the

main

facts

related,

which
to be

it

scarcely

came

within the sphere of the

civil

historian to
chiefly, if

commemorate
not
solely,

it

is

found

in

harmonious

representations

with respect to facts which in the Scriptural

narrative are incidental

and secondary,

as the

q 2


228
names,

LECTURE
offices,

VII.
political

and characters of the

personages
allusion
;

to

whom

there

happens to be

the general condition of the Jews

;

and heathen at the time the prevalent manners and customs and the like. The
;

value of such confirmation

less,

is

not, however,

but rather greater than that of the more

direct confirmation

which would result from

is

an accordance with respect to main facts

in the first place, because it

a task of the

extremest difficulty for any one but an honest

contemporary writer

to

maintain accuracy in
;

the wide field of incidental allusion (3) and secondly, because exactness in such matters
is

utterly at variance with the mythical spirit,

of which, according to the latest phase of unbelief,

is

the narrative of the

New

Testament

and appearance of exactness, which characterises the Evangelical writings, is of itself a strong argument
the product.
detail

The

against the mythical theory

if

it

can be

shewn that the

detail

is

correct

and the ex-

actness that of persons intimately acquainted

with the whole history of the time and bent

on faithfully recording
disproved.
It will

it,

that theory

may

be considered as completely subverted and

be the chief object of the
present Lecture to
this
is

make

it

apparent that

the case with respect to the Evan-

LECTURE
helical

VII.

229

writings
to

that
and
part,

the incidental refer-

ences

the

civil

history of the
to

time

of

which they
out, for the

treat,

the

condition of

the nations with which they deal, are borne

most

by Pagan or Jewish

and are either proved thus to be correct, or are at any rate such as there is no valid reason, on account of any disagreeauthors,

ment with profane

question.

authorities, seriously to

Before entering, however, on this examination of the incidental allusions or secondary

facts in the

New Testament
facts
;

narrative,

it

is

important to notice two things with regard

to the

main

in

the

first

place, that

some of them (as the miracles, the resurrection, and the ascension) are of such a nature that no testimony to them from profane
sources was to be expected, since those
believed
sarily

who

them naturally and almost necesbecame Christians and secondly, that

;

with regard to such as are not of this character, there does exist profane

testimony of

the

first

order.

The
by
his

existence at this time

followers Christ, the

of one called

place of his teaching, his execution by Pontius Pilate, Procurator of

rius,

Judea under Tibethe rapid spread of his doctrine through

world, the vast

the

Roman

number

of con-

230
verts

LECTURE
made
their worship

VII.

in a short time, the persecutions

which they underwent, the innocency of their

lives,

of Christ

as

God

are

witnessed to by Heathen writers of eminence,

and would be certain and indisputable facts, had the New Testament never been written.
Tacitus, Suetonius, Juvenal,
Pliny,

Trajan,

Adrian

(4),

writing in the century immedi-

ately following

upon the death of Christ, declare these things to us, and establish, so firmly that no sceptic can even profess to doubt it,
the historical character of (at least) that pri-

mary groundwork whereon the Christian story,

as related

by the Evangelists,
basis.

rests as

on an

immovable

These
set

classic notices

comhis-

pel even those

torical Christ, to

who

no value on the
;

admit his existence (5)

they

give a definite standing-point to the religion,

which might otherwise have been declared to have no historical foundation at all, but
to

be purely and absolutely mythic

they

furnish, taken

by themselves, no unimport-

ant argument for the truth of the religion,

which they prove to have been propagated by persons of pure and holy lives, in spite of punishments and persecuand they tions of the most fearful kind form, in combination with the argument
with such
zeal,
;

from the historic accuracy of the incidental

LECTURE
allusions,

VII.

231

an evidence in favour of the sub-

Testament narrative which is amply sufficient to satisfy any As they have been set forth fully fair mind. and with admirable argumentative skill by
stantial truth of the

New

so popular a writer as Paley, I

to

am

content

make

this passing allusion to

them, and

to refer such of

my

hearers as desire a fuller

treatment of the point to the excellent chapter

on the subject
(6).

in the first part of Paley's

Evidences

If an objection be raised against the assign-

ment of very much weight

nies of adversaries

to these testimo-

on account of their scant

;

and if it be urged, that supposing the New Testament narrative to be true, we should have expected far more frequent and fuller notices of the religion and its Founder than the remains of anbrevity
tiquity in
fact

number and

furnish,

if

it

be said

(for

instance) that Josephus ought to have related

the miracles of Christ, and Seneca, the brother of Gallio, his doctrines
;

that the ob-

servant Pausanias, the voluminous Plutarch,

the

copious Dio, the exact Arrian, should

their writings, instead of almost wholly
it

have made frequent mention of Christianity

in

ignoring

(7)

let

it

be considered, in the

first place,

whether the very silence of these

232
writers
is

LECTURE
in their hearts

VII.

not a proof of the

importance

which
ianity,

they assigned to Christ-

and the
it

difficulty

which they
in fact it is

felt

in

dealing with

whether

not a

forced and studied reticence

far
it

reticence so

from being indicative of ignorance that implies only too much knowledge, having
origin in a feeling that
it
it

its

was best to

ig-

nore what

was unpleasant to confess and

Pausanias

impossible to meet satisfactorily.

must

certainly

have been aware that the

shrines

of his beloved gods were in

many

places deserted, and that their temples were

falling into

decay owing to the conversion

new religion we may be sure he inwardly mourned this madover this sad spirit of disaffection ness (as he must have thought it) of a deof the mass of the people to the
;

generate age

but no w ord
r

is

suffered to

escape him on the painful subject

jealous of his
gods' honour to

he

is

too

allow that

there are any

who

dare to insult them.

Like

the faithful retainer of a falling house he

covers
his

up the shame of

his masters,

and bears
it

head so much the more proudly because

condition.

of their depressed

Again,

is

impossible that Epictetus could have been

ignorant of the wonderful patience and constancy

of

the

Christian

martyrs,

of their

LECTURE
would think,
with
a
as

VII.

233
in-

marked contempt of death and general

difference to worldly things

he
of

must, one

a Stoic, have been

moved

secret

admiration
if

those great

models of fortitude, and

he had allowed

himself to speak freely, could not but have

made frequent
contemptuous
reports
(8),

reference to them.
notice,

The one
his

which

is all

that Arrian

sufficiently

indicates

knowthis

ledge

the
(9),

entire

silence,
it

except in
so

passage

upon what

nearly

con-

cerned a Stoical
ward, can

philosopher to

bring for-

only be viewed as the studied

to himself

avoidance of a topic which would have been

unpalatable to his hearers, and

perhaps not wholly agreeable.

sopher

The
as

philo-

who regarded himself

reflection
to an

raised by

study and

exalted

height

above the level of ordinary humanity, would

not be altogether pleased to find that his
elevation was attained by hundreds of

common men, artisans and labourers, through the power of a religion which he looked on
as

mere

fanaticism.
pride,

Thus from

different

motives,

from
it

from policy, from fear

of offending the Chief of the state, from real

attachment to the old Heathenism and tenderness for

the

heathen writers who wit-

nessed the birth and growth of Christianity,

234
united
in

LECTURE
a
reticence,

VII.

which causes their

notices of the religion to be a very insuffi-

cient measure of the place

which

it

really

held in their thoughts and apprehensions. A large allowance is to be made for this
studied silence in estimating the value of

the actual testimonies to the truth of the

New

Testament

narrative
first

adducible

from

heathen writers of the

turies (10).

and second cenis,

And the
still,

silence of Joseph us

more

plainly

wilful

and

affected.

It is

quite impos-

sible that the

Jewish historian should have

been ignorant of the events which had drawn the eyes of so many to Judaea but a few years
before his

own

birth,

and which a large and

increasing sect believed to possess a super-

natural character.

Jesus of Nazareth was,

humanly speaking, at least as considerable a personage as John the Baptist, and the circumstances of his life and death must have There attracted at least as much attention. was no good reason why Joseph us, if he had been an honest historian, should have mentioned the latter and omitted the former.

He had grown

to

manhood during

the time

that Christianity was being spread over the

world (11); he had probably witnessed the tumults excited against St. Paul by his ene-

LECTURE
mies at Jerusalem B
ther" (12)
b
;

VII.

235

he knew of the irregular

"

proceedings against
;

James the Lord's bro-

he must have been well acquaint-

ed with the various persecutions which the

had undergone at the hands of both Jews and heathen (13); at any rate he
Christians

could not
as Tacitus

fail to

be at least as well-informed

on the subject of transactions, of

fallen partly within his

which his own country had been the scene,

and which had

lifetime.

own
is

When

therefore

we

find that he

absolutely silent concerning the Christian religion, and, if

he mentions Christ at

all,

men-

tions

him only

incidentally in a single pas-

sage, as, "Jesus,

who was

called Christ" (14),

without appending further comment or explanation

;

when we

find this,

we cannot but

conclude that for some reason or other the

Jewish historian practises an intentional reserve,

and

will

not enter upon

fears (15),

subject

which excites
prejudices.

his

or offends his

No

conclusions inimical to the

historic accuracy of the

New Testament

can

reasonably be drawn from the silence of a

writer

who determinately

avoids the subject.

Further, in estimating the value of that

direct evidence of adversaries
a
>'

to the
;

main

Acts xxi. 27.

Gal.
i.

et seqq.

xxviii. 22, 23

xxiii. 10.

19.

236

LECTURE
of this

VII.
to us,

facts of Christianity

which remains

we

must not overlook the probability

evidence

that

kind

has perished.

much The

books of the early opponents of Christianity,

which might have been of the greatest use to us for the confirmation of the Gospel History (16), were with an unwise zeal destroyed

by the

first

Christian

Emperors

(17).

Other

testimony of the greatest importance has perished by the ravages of time.

It

seems cer-

tain that Pilate remitted to Tiberius an ac-

count of the execution of our Lord, and the

and that this document, to which Justin Martyr more than once alludes (18), was deposited in the archives of the
grounds of
it
;

empire.
called,

The "Acts
seem
to

of Pilate," as they were

have contained an account,

not only of the circumstances of the crucifixion,

and the grounds upon which the Roregarded himself as justified in

man governor

passing sentence of death upon the accused,

but also of the Miracles of Christ

blind, his cleansing of lepers,

his cures

performed upon the lame, the dumb, and the

and

his raising

of the dead (19).

If this valuable direct tesus,

it

timony had been preserved to

would

scarcely have been necessary to enter on the

consideration of those indirect proofs of the

historical truth of the

New Testament

nar-

LECTURE
rative

VII.

237

arising from the incidental allusions

to the civil history of the times

which must

now occupy our attention. The incidental allusions

to the civil history

of the times which J:he writings of the Evangelists furnish, will, I think,

be most conve-

niently

reviewed by being grouped under

I

three heads.

shall

consider, first of

all,

such as bear upon the general condition of

the countries which were the scene of the
history
;

secondly, such as have reference to

rulers
as

the

civil

and administrators who are

exercising authority in the
;

represented

countries at the time of the narrative

thirdly, such as touch
facts

and,

on separate and isolated

to obtain

which might be expected

tion in profane writers.

will

embrace

all

menThese three heads the most important of the

allusions in question,

and the arrangement of the scattered notices under them will, I

hope, prove conducive to perspicuity.

I.

The

political condition of Palestine at

the time to which the

Testament narrative properly belongs, was one curiously complicated and anomalous it underwent frequent changes, but retained through all of them certain peculiarities, which made the
;

New

position of the country

unique among the

dependencies of Rome.

Not having been

238
conquered

LECTURE

VII.

in the ordinary way,

but having
with the
large

passed under the

Roman dominion
the assistance
it

consent and by
party

of a

among

the inhabitants,

was allowed

to maintain for a while a species of semi-in-

dependence, not unlike that of various native

states in India

which are

really British de-

pendencies.

mixture, and to some extent

an alternation, of Roman with native power resulted from this arrangement, and a conse-

quent complication

in

the
it

political

status,

which must have made

very difficult to be

thoroughly understood by any one who was

not a native and a contemporary.
representative of the

The

chief

Roman power Roman

in the

East
nor,
tor,

the President of
A

Syria, the local gover-

whether a Herod or a

Procura-

and the High Priest, had each and all certain rights and a certain authority in the
country.

double system

of taxation,

and even in some degree a double military command,

double administration of
justice,

were the natural consequence

words, were simultaneously

while Jewish

and Roman customs, Jewish

in

and Roman use, and a

condition of things existed full of harsh contrasts,

strange mixtures, and abrupt transi-

tions.

tine

Within the space of 50 years Paleswas a single united kingdom under a

LECTURE
tive

VII.

239

native ruler, a set of principalities under na-

ethnarchs and tetrarchs, a country in

to the condition of a

part containing such principalities, in part

reduced
vince, a

Roman

pro-

kingdom reunited once more under a native sovereign, and a country reduced wholly under Rome and governed by procurators

dependent on the president of Syria,

subject in certain respects to the
terri-

but

still

Jewish monarch of a neighbouring CD O tory. These facts we know from

Jose-

phus (20) and other writers, who, though less accurate, on the whole confirm his state-

ments (21); they render the civil history of Judea during the period one very difficult to master and remember the frequent changes, supervening upon the original complication,
;

are a fertile source of confusion, and seem to

have bewildered even the sagacious and painstaking Tacitus (22). The New Testament
narrative,

however,

falls
;

into

no error

in

treating of the period

it

marks, incidentally

and without

effort or pretension, the various

civil

changes in the
of his dominions

government
c
,

kingdom of Herod the Great

among
to
Luke

his

the partition sons' the re1

the
,

sole

duction

of Judaea
c

the
i.

condition

of

Matt. Matt.

ii. ii.

5.
1
;

22 and xiv.

Luke

iii.

1.

240

LECTURE

VII.

Roman

province, while Galilee, Iturgea,

and
,

Trachonitis continued under native princes 6

the restoration of the old kingdom

lestine in the person of

of Pa,

Agrippa the First f

and the

final reduction of the rule,

whole under

Roman
rators
s

and re-establishment of Procusuperintendence was exercised

as the civil heads, while a species of

ecclesiastical

h by Agrippa the Second (23). Again, the New Testament narrative exhibits in the most remarkable way the mixture in the govern-

ment

the

occasional

power of the president

1

of Syria, as shewn in Cyrenius's "taxing ;"

the ordinary division of authority between the

High

Priest

and the Procurator"

the
civil

existence of two separate taxations

the
k

and the and the ecclesiastical, the ;" of two tribunals m two modes " didrachm of capital punishment (24), two military at forces", two methods of marking time every turn it shews, even in such little mat'

census "
,

ters as verbal expressions, the co-existence of

Jewish with
Luke

Roman

ideas

and practices
f

in

iii.

i,

and passim.
xxiv. 27;

Acts

xii.

et seqq.

8
1

Ibid, xxiii. 24;

&c.
v. 3 7.

"

Ibid. xxv. 14, et seqq.

Luke
Matt.

ii.

2.

Compare Acts

Matt, xxvii. 1,2; Acts

xxii. 17.
xviii, 28,
iii.

xxii.

30
n

xxiii.

1-10.
xvii.

k
n

Matt.
32, &c.

24.

John

Matt, xxvii. 64, 65.

Luke

I.

LECTURE
the country

VII.

241
(it

co-existence,

which

must
con-

be remembered) came to an end within forty

years of our Lord's crucifixion.

The

junction in the same writings of such Latinisms as

8ia,
KVTvp[coi>,

Aeyecov,

7rpaiTcopLoi>,

kovcttco-

kyjvctos,

KodpavTi]?,

SrjvapLOV,

aacrapiov,

cnre-

KovXdrcop, (ppayeAXwora?,

and the

like (25), with

8vo,

such Hebraisms as

Kopfiav, pafifiowi, Svo

epr/fxcoo-ecos
1

irpadlai 7rpacriai, to ftdeAvyfia rr)?

(26),

was only natural

period between
destruction
writers for

in

Palestine

during the

Herod the Great and the of Jerusalem, and marks the

Jews of that time and country. The memory of my hearers will add a mul-

titude of instances from the Gospels

and the

Acts similar in

their general character to

those which have been here adduced

cative, that
is,

indiat

of the semi- Jewish, semi-Roof the Holy

man

condition

Land

the

period of the

at

Testament narrative. The general tone and temper of the Jews the time, their feelings towards the Ro-

New

mans, and towards their neighbours, their

internal divisions

and

sects, their

confident

expectation of a deliverer, are represented by

Josephus

and other writers

in

manner
ac-

which very strikingly accords with the

count incidentally given by the Evangelists. The extreme corruption and wickedness, not

RAWLIKSON.

242

LECTURE
and chief men,
is

VII.

only of the mass of the people, but even of the

rulers
in

asserted by Josephus
;

the strongest

terms (27)

while at the

same time he testifies to the existence among them of a species of zeal for religion a rea-

diness to attend the feasts (28), a regularity

in

the

offering

of sacrifice (29), an almost

superstitious regard for the temple (30),

and
to

a fanatic abhorrence of all

"

who sought
against

change the customs which Moses had dep ."

livered

the Great,

The when

conspiracy
ten

Herod

men bound

themselves

by an oath

and having armed themselves with short daggers, which they hid under their clothes, entered into the theatre where they expected Herod to arrive, intending if he came to fall upon him and dispatch him with their weapons (31),
to kill him,

breathes the identical spirit of that against

St. Paul,

which the promptness of the chief

.

captain Lysias alone frustrated q

close

Many

such

resemblances have been

pointed out

(32).

We

find

from Josephus that there

"

was a warm controversy among the Jews

themselves as to the lawfulness of
tribute to Caesar " (33)
r
;

giving

that the Samaritans

were so hostile to such of the Galilpeans as

p
'

Acts
Matt.

vi.

14.

(
i

Ibid, xxiii.

12-31.

xxii. 17.

LECTURE
had their "faces
that,

VII.
to

243

set to

go

Jerusalem 5 ,"
fell

on one occasion at
feast,

least,

they

upon
their

those

who were journeying through

(34)
;

land to attend a

number

and murdered a large that the Pharisees and Saclduby the

in

cees were noted sects, distinguished

tenets which

Scripture

are

assigned to

them

more and persuaded the common people as they pleased, while the Sadducees were important chiefly as men of high rank and station (36) and that a general expectation, founded upon the prophecies of the Old Tes(35)
;

that the Pharisees were the

popular,

tament, existed

among

the Jews during the

Roman
rise

war, that a great king was about to

in the East, of their

and country (37). This last fact is confirmed by both Suetonius (38) and Tacitus (39), and is
race

up

own

one which even Strauss does not venture to dispute (40). Important in many ways, it
adds a
final

touch to that truthful portrait-

ure of the Jewish people at this period of

their
history,

which the Gospels and the

portraiture alike free from
less

Acts furnish
flattery

and

unfairness,

harsh on the
favourable

whole than that of Josephus, than that of Philo (41).

It

if less

would be easy
s

to point out a further

ix.

Luke

1.

R 2

244

LECTURE
the

VII.

agreement between
rians

Evangelical histo-

and profane writers with respect to the manners and customs of the Jews at this period. There is scarcely a matter of this kind noted in the New Testament which may not be confirmed from Jewish sources, such as Joseph us, Philo, and the Mishna.

The

field

however

is

too extensive for our

present consideration.

To

labour in

it is

the

province rather of the Commentator than of

the Lecturer,

who cannot

effectively exhibit

arguments which depend for their force upon the accumulation of minute details. The points of agreement hitherto adduced
have had reference to the Holy Land and its It is not, however, in this coninhabitants.
nexion only that the accuracy of the Evangelical writers in their accounts of the general

condition of those countries which are

of
their
history,
is

the scene

observable.

Their descriptions of the Greek and

world, so far as
it

Roman

comes under

their cogni-

zance, are most accurate.

Nowhere have the

character of the Athenians and the general

appearance of Athens been more truthfully

and
St.

skilfully portrayed

than in the few verses

of the Acts which contain the account of

Paul's visit

1
.

The
Acts
xvii

city

"full

of idols"

15 et seqq.


LECTURE
(KaTeiSa)\o?
u
)

VII.
silver,

245

in "gold,

and

and mar-

ble,

graven by art and man's device'" recalls

7roAis oXrj jQco/xoy,

the
of

okn Ovfxa
"

6eois kou avaOrjixa

Xenophon (42), the Athenas simulachra deorum hominumque habentes, omni genere
et materiae et

The

people

artium insignia" of Livy

"

(43).

Athenians
time
in

and

strangers,

spending

their

nothing else but

hearing or telling of some

new thing w "

philosophising and disputing on Mars' Hill

and in the market-place x glad to discuss though disinclined to believe y and yet reli, ,

gious withal, standing in honourable contrast

with the other Greeks in respect of their reverence for things divine z , are put before us with
all

the vividness of

life,

just as they present

themselves to our view in the pages of their

own

historians

and orators

(44).

Again,

how

and how thoroughly classical is the account of the tumult at Ephesus a where almost every word receives illustration from
striking
,

ancient coins and inscriptions (45), as has been

excellently

shewn
the

in a recent
St.

merit on the Life of

to

Paul

work of great Or if we turn

Rome and

Roman

system,

how

truly

do we find depicted the great and

u Acts xvii. 16.
x
v y

terrible

Ibid, verse 29.

w
7 -

Ibid, verse 21.

Ibid, verse 22.

Ibid, verse 17.

Ibid, verses

32,33.

a Ibid. xix. 23 et seqq.


246

LECTURE
all

VII.

Emperor whom
and
others

feared to provoke (46)

the provincial administration by proconsuls

chiefly

anxious

that

tumults

the contemptuous religious tolerance (48) the noble principles

should be prevented (47)
of
on,

Roman

law, professed, if not always acted

whereby accusers and accused were brought "face to face," and the latter had free " licence to answer for themselves concerning the crimes laid against them b " (49)
the privileges of

Roman

citizenship,

some-

times acquired by birth, sometimes by pur-

the right of appeal possessed and exercised by the provincials (51) the treatment of prisoners (52) the peculiar manner of chaining them (53) the employment of soldiers as their guards (54) the examination by torture (55) the punishment of conchase (50)

demned

persons, not being

Roman

citizens,

by scourging and crucifixion (56) the manner of this punishment (57) the practice of

bearing the cross (58), of affixing a

title

or

superscription (59), of placing soldiers under

a centurion to watch the carrying into effect

of the sentence (60), of giving the garments of the sufferer to these persons (61), of allow-

ing the bodies after death to be buried by

the friends
(652)

and
b

the like
1

The

sacred

Acts xxv.

6.

LECTURE

VII.

247

historians are as familiar, not only with the

general character, but even with some of the

obscurer customs of Greece and

Rome,

as

with those of their

servant,

own

country.

Fairly ob-

and always

faithful in their accounts,

little

they continually bring before us

points

which accord minutely with notices

in pro-

fane writers nearly contemporary with them,

while occasionally they increase our knowledge of classic antiquity by touches har-

monious with its spirit, but additional to the information which we derive from the native
authorities (63).

Again,

it

has been with reason remarked

Jews beyond the limits of Palestine is represented by the Evangelical writers very agreeably to what may be gathered of it from Jewish and Heathen sources. The wide dispersion of the chosen race is one of the facts most evident
(64), that the condition of the

upon the surface of the New Testament his" Parthians, and Medes, and Elamites, tory. and dwellers in Mesopotamia and Judaea and Cappadocia, Pontus and Asia, Phrygia and Pamphylia, Egypt, and the parts of Libya about Cyrene, strangers of Rome, Cretes, and
Arabians
at
,"

are said to have been witnesses

first
ii.

Jerusalem of the
c

outpouring of the

Acts

9 ii.

248

LECTURE

VII.

Holy Ghost.

In the travels of St. Paul

is

through Asia Minor and Greece there

scarcely a city to which he

comes but has a

large body of Jewish residents (65).

Com-

pare with these representations the state-

ments of Agrippa the First

Philo.
tivity,"

in his letter to

Caligula, as reported by the Jewish writer,

"

The

holy

city,

the place of

my

na-

he

says, " is the metropolis,

not of Ju-

most other countries, by means of the colonies which have been sent out of it from time to time some to the
daea only, but of

neighbouring countries of Egypt, Phoenicia,

Syria,

and Ccelesyria

some

to

more

distant

regions, as Pamphylia, Cilicia, Asia as far as

Bithynia and the recesses of Pontus

Attica,

and

in

Europe, Thessaly, Bceotia, Macedonia, ^Etolia,

Argos,
Corinth,

together

with

the

most famous of the islands, Eubcea, Cyprus, and Crete to say nothing of those who dwell beyond the Euphrates. For, excepting a
;

small part of the Babylonian and other satrapies, all the countries

which have a
;

fertile

territory possess Jewish inhabitants

if

so that

thou shalt shew

in

this

kindness to

my
city

native
only,

place,

thou wilt benefit not one

but thousands
in

every region of the world,

Europe, in Asia, in Africa

nents,

and

in the islands

on

on

the conti-

the shores of

LECTURE

VII.
In a

249
si-

the sea, and in the interior" (66).

milar strain Philo himself boasts, that " one

region does not contain the Jewish people,
since
it

is

exceedingly numerous
in

but there

are of

them

almost

all

the flourishing

countries of

Europe and

Asia, both conti-

nental and insular" (67).

And

the customs

of these dispersed Jews are accurately repre-

sented in the

New

Testament.

That they

consisted in part of native Jews, in part of

converts or proselytes,
;

is

evident from Jose-

phus (68) that they had places of worship, called synagogues or oratories, in the towns where they lived, appears from Philo that
;

these were

commonly by the

sea-side, or
d
,

by
is

a river-side, as represented in the Acts

plain from
also

many

authors (69)

that they

had

at least

sometimes

a synagogue be-

longing to them at Jerusalem, whither they

resorted at the time of the feasts,
is
;

certain

from the Talmudical writers (70)

that

at

Rome they consisted in great part of men or " Libertines" whence " the

freed-

syna-

gogue of the Libertines may be gathered from Philo (71) and Tacitus (72). Their feel6

"

ings towards the apostolic preachers are such

as

we should expect from persons whose

those
xvi.
i

close

contact with
rt

of a

different
e

religion

Acts

3.

Ibid. vi. o.

250

LECTURE
;

VII.

made them all the more zealous for their own and their tumultuous proceedings are
we learn from profane authors of the tone and temper of the Jews generally at this period (73).
in

accordance with

all

that

II.

proceed

now

to consider the second

of the three heads under which I proposed

to collect the

chief incidental allusions to

the the

civil

history of the times contained in

New

Testament.
governors and administrators dis-

The
tinctly

civil

mentioned hy the
are

New

historians

the following

the

Testament

Roman

Emperors, Augustus, Tiberius, and Claudius

the

Jewish kings and princes, Herod the

Great, Archelaus,

Herod the tetrarch, (or, as he is commonly called, Herod Antipas,) Philip the tetrarch, Herod Agrippa the first, and Herod Agrippa the second the Roman go-

vernors, Cyrenius (or Quirinus), Pontius Pilate,

Sergius Paulus, Gallio, Festus, and Felix

tetrarch, Lysanias.
It

and the Greek

may

be shewn from profane sources, in almost

every case, that these persons existed

that
office

they lived at the time and bore the

assigned to

them

that

they were related to

is

each other, where any relationship

as Scripture declares

stated,

and

that the actions

ascribed to

them

are either actually such as

LECTURE
mony
their characters.

VII.

251

they performed, or at least in perfect harwith what profane history

to the
tells

us of

With regard
is

Roman

Emperors,

it

enough to remark, that Augustus, Tiberius, and Claudius occur in their right order, that
St.

Luke
f

in placing the

commencement

of

our Lord's ministry in the 15th year of Tiberius

and assigning

to its duration a short

is

probably three years Tacitus, who makes Christ berius (74) and that the birth
term

in accord with

suffer

under Ti-

of our Lord

and the accession before the second journey of St. Paul of Claudius are in harmony with the date obtainable from
,
11

under Augustus g

St.

Luke

for the crucifixion,

and

sufficiently

suit the general

scheme of profane chronology, which places the accession of Augustus 44 years before that of Tiberius, and makes Claudius reign from A.D. 41 to A.D. 54. No very close agreement can be here exhibited on
account of the deficiency of an exact chronology,

which the Gospels share with many of

;

the most important historical writings

at

but

any rate the notices are accordant with one another, and present, when compared
with the dates furnished by profane writers,
difficulty of
Luke
iii.

no
f

any
S

real
ii.

importance
1-7.

(75).

i.

Ibid.

h Acts xviii. 2

252

LECTURE
New

VII.

The Jewish
occur in the

kings and princes whose names

Testament narrative, occupy a far more prominent place in it than The Gospel narrathe Roman Emperors.
tive

opens "in the days of Herod the king

j ,

,''

who, as the father of Archelaus

identified

may

be

monarch of the name, the son of Antipater, the Idumsean This monarch is known to have (76).
with the
first

reigned in Palestine contemporaneously with

Augustus,

who confirmed him

and of

in his king-

dom
cion,

(77),

whom

he held the soveCunning, sustraits

reignty

till

his decease (78).

and cruelty are the chief

his

of his

character as depicted in Scripture, and these

are
in

most marked characteristics Josephus (79). It has been objected to

among

the Scriptural narrative, that

not have been likely to

at

Herod would enquire of the Magi

what time they first saw the star, since he expected them to return and give him a full
;

description of the child (80)

but this keen

his

and suspicious
terests

foresight,

where

own

in-

were

quite in

he thought) concerned, is keeping with the representations of

(as

Josephus,

who makes him

continually dis-

trust those with

whom
i.

he has any dealings.

The
i

consistency of the massacre at BethleMatt.

ii.
i
;

Luke

5.

Matt.

ii.

22.

LECTURE
hem
acknowledged (81)
urge against
ish writers,
it
;

VII.
is

253

with his temper and disposition

now

scepticism has nothing to

except the silence of the Jewis

weak argument, and one outweighed, in my judgment, by the testimony, albeit somewhat late and perhaps inwhich
a
accurate, of Macrobius (82).

At the death of Herod the Great,

his king-

dom

(according

to

Josephus) was divided,

with the consent of Augustus,

of his sons.
maria, and Idumsea, with the

among

three

Archelaus received Judea, Satitle

of ethnarch

Philip and Antipas were

made

tetrarchs,

and

received, the latter Galilee

and

Peraea, the

former Trachonitis and the adjoining regions (83).

The

notices of the Evangelists are

confessedly in complete accordance with these

statements (84).

St.

Matthew mentions the

and imk
;

succession of Archelaus in Judfea,

plies that

he did not reign

in Galilee
i

St.

Luke

records Philip's tetrarchy

while the

tetrarchy of Antipas,
his family

who

is

designated by
distinctly as-

name

of Herod,

is

serted by both Evangelists'".

Moreover,

St.

Matthew

implies that Archelaus bore a bad

character at the time of his accession or soon

afterwards, which
is

consistent with the actells

'"

count of Josephus,
k

who
iii. i.

us that he was
ibid.
;

Matt.

ii.

22.

Luke

Luke,

Matt, xiv.i.

254

LECTURE

VII.

hated by the other members of his family (85), and that shortly after his father's death he
slew 3000 Jews on occasion of a tumult at

Jerusalem

(86).

The

first

three Evangelists

agree as to the character of Herod Antipas,

which
thirsty

is
;

weak rather than cruel or bloodand their portraiture is granted to

from
other

be

"

not inconsistent with his character, as

gathered

sources" (87).

The

facts of his adultery

with Herodias, the wife

of one of his brothers (88), and of his execution of

John the Baptist

for

no crime that
(89),

could be alleged against him

are

re-

corded by Josephus
latter case there
is

and though in the some apparent diversity

;

in the details, yet

it

is

allowed that the

(90).

dif-

ferent accounts

may

be reconciled

The continuance

of the tetrarchy of Philip

beyond the fifteenth, and that of Antipas beyond the eighteenth of Tiberius, is confirmed by Josephus (91), who also shows that the exarchy of Archelaus came speedily to an end, and that Judaea was then reduced to the condition of a Roman province, and
governed for a considerable space by Procurators (92).

However,

after

while,

the

various dominions of

Herod the Great were

reunited in the person of his grandson, Agrippa, the son of Aristobulus and brother


LECTURE
of Herodias
king,
;

VII.

255
title

who was
(93).
is

allowed the

of

and was

in favour with both Caligula

It

and Claudius
the Acts
n

cannot be doubted
"

that this person

,

the

Herod the king" of

whose persecution of the Church, whose impious pride, and whose miserable death are related at length by the sacred
historian.

My

hearers are probably familiar

with that remarkable passage of Joseph us in

which he records with

than
this
St.

less

accuracy of detail
" set

Luke

the striking circumstances of

monarch's decease

public assemblage

impious flattery

the
its

the

" royal

the dress" the

day"

complacent reception

the sudden judgment

ease

the

the
(94).

excruciating dis-

speedy death

profane history furnish a

Nowhere does more striking tes-

timony to the substantial truth of the sacred

narrative

nowhere

is

the superior exactness

of

the latter over the former more con-

spicuous.

On
(as

Herod Agrippa, Judasa Josephus informs us) became once more a

the death of

Roman
later,

province under Procurators (95)

but

the small

kingdom of Chalcis was, a few years conferred by Claudius on this Herod's

This prince
is

son,

Agrippa the Second, who afterwards ren

ceived other territories (96).

Acts
xii. i.

256

LECTURE
Paul pleaded
his

VII.

evidently the " king Agrippa" before

St.

whom

The Bernice who is mentioned as accompanying him on his visit to Festus p was his sister, who lived with him and commonly accompanied him
cause
.

upon

his journeys (97).

Besides his separate

had received from the Emperor a species of ecclesiastical supremacy in Judrea, where he had the superintendence of
sovereignty, he

the temple, the direction of the sacred trea-

and the right of nominating the High These circumstances account Priests (98). sufficiently for his visit to Judrea, and explain the anxiety of Festus that he should
sury,

hear

St.

Paul,

and

St. Paul's willingness to

plead before him.

The Roman
Felix,
in in

Procurators, Pontius Pilate,

and Festus, are prominent personages the history of Josephus, where they occur the proper chronological position (99), and
assigned

bear characters very agreeable to those which

are

them by the sacred

writers.

The

vacillation

of Pilate, his timidity, and

his occasional violence (100),

at the

same time

the cruelty, injustice, and rapacity of Felix

(101),

and the comparatively equitable and

mild character of Festus (102), are apparent and have some in the Jewish historian
;

Acts xxv. 13,

et seqq.

Ibid.

LECTURE
racter of Gallio, proconsul

VII.

257

sanction from other writers (103).

The

cha-

of Achaia(104)

and brother of the philosopher Seneca, is also in close accordance with that which may
be gathered from the expressions of Seneca

and

Statius,

who speak
is

of

him

as " delight(or

ful" or "charming" (105).

Of Quirinus

Cyrenius)

it

enough

to say that

he was

President of Syria shortly after the deposition of Archelaus,

and that he was certainly

all

sent to effect a "

taxing" or enrolment of

persons within his province, Palestine

in-

cluded (106).
us except from

Sergius Paulus
St.

is

unknown

to
q
;

Luke's account of him

name is one which was certainly borne by Romans of this period (107), and
but his
his office
is

designated correctly (108).

tetrarch, Lysanias,
is

The Greek
civil

the only
Testa-

governor mentioned in the

is

New

ment about whom there

any

real difficulty.

Lysanias held certainly a government in

person was put to

these parts in the time of

this

years before the birth

Antony (109) but death more than 30 of Christ (110), and

;

therefore cannot be the prince mentioned as

ruling over Abilene 30 years after Christ's

birth.
It
is

argued that

St.

Luke "erred,"

being misled by the circumstance that the

1

Acts

xiii.

71

2.

RAWLINSON.


258

LECTURE
down

VII.
as " the

region continued to be

known

Abilene

of Lysanias"

to the time of the second

it is

Agrippa (111).

But, on the other hand,

allowed that a second Lysanias might have

existed without obtaining mention from pro-

fane writers (112); and the facts, that Abilene

was

in

Agrippa's time connected with the

is

name

Lysanias, and that there

it

no reason

to believe that

formed any part of the doLysanias, favour the view,

minions of the

first

that a second Lysanias, a descendant of the

first,

obtained from Augustus or Tiberius an

investiture of the tract in question (113).

III.

It

now only remains

to touch briefly

on a few of the remarkable facts in the New Testament narrative which might have been
expected to attract the attention of profane
historians,

and of which we should naturally look to have some record. Such facts are the " decree from Caesar Augustus that all r the " taxing'' the world should be taxed "

Cy renins the preaching and death of John the Baptist our Lord's execution as the adultery of Herod Antipas a criminal
of
5

the disturbances created by the

impostors

Theudas and Judas of Galilee* the death of Herod Agrippa the famine in the days of Claudius" and the "uproar" of the Egyp-

Lukeii.i.

Ibid, verse 2.

Acts

v.

36,37.

u Ibid, xi.28.

LECTURE
tian

VII.

259

who

" led

out into the wilderness 4000

men

that were murderers'."

Of

these events

almost one-half have been already shewn to

have been recorded by profane writers whose

works are
will

still

extant (114).

The remainder
the
brevity

now

be considered

with

which
It

my

limits necessitate.
all

has been asserted that no " taxing of

the world"

Empire

took

that

is,

of the whole

Roman
is

place in the time of Augus-

tus (115); but as the opposite view

main-

tained by Savigny (116)

thority

the best modern au-

upon Roman law this assertion cannot be considered to need examination here. A far more important objection to St. Luke's statement is derived from the time at which
this " taxing"
is

placed

by him.

Josephus
census

mentions the extension of the

to Judaea
later

Roman

under Cyrenius, at least 10 years after the removal of Archelaus (117),

and seems to speak of this as the first occasion on which his countrymen were compelled to submit to this badge of subjection.

must have been the first occasion and the words of St. Luke (it is said) " this taxing was first made when Cyrenius was governor of Syria" shew that
It
is

argued that

this

Acts
S

xxi. 38.

260

LECTURE

VII.

he intended the taxing mentioned by Josephus, which he consequently misdated by a

decade of years (118).
the passage in St.

But the meaning of

is

Luke

doubtful in the

extreme

and Prideaux (121) that the design of Augustus was first fully executed (eyeWo) when Cyrenius was governor, though the decree went forth and the

and it admits tions which reconcile it phus says (1 19). Perhaps is that of Winston (120)
;

of several explana-

with

all

that Jose-

the best explanation

enrolment commenced ten years

earlier.
St.

The

taxing of Cyrenius of which

Luke
seen)

speaks in this passage, and to which he also

alludes in the Acts w
,

is

(as

we have
It

very fully narrated by Josephus.

caused

the rebellion mentioned in Gamaliel's speech,

which was headed by Judas of Galilee, who " drew away much people after him," but
" perished,"

all,

as

many

as

obeyed him, beregards the

ing

"

dispersed*"

This account harmonises

well with that of Josephus,

followers of Judas as

who

numerous enough to constitute a sect (122), and notes their reappearance in the course of the last war with Rome, by which it is shewn that though scattered they had not ceased to exist (123).
w Acts
v.

37.

Ibid, verse 36.


LECTURE
The disturbance
das,

VII.

261

created by a certain Theurebellion of

some time before the

Judas
a

of Galilee, seems not to be mentioned by any

ancient author.

The

identity of

name

is

very insufficient ground for assuming

this

impostor to be the same as the Theudas of

Josephus (124), who raised troubles in the procuratorship of Cuspius Fadus, about ten
years
after

Gamaliel
as

made

his

speech.

There were,
time

Josephus says (125), "innumerable disturbances" in Judsea about this

;

and

it

is

not at

all

improbable that

within the space of forty years, during which

number of impostors gathered followers and led them to destruction, two should have borne the same name. Nor can it be cona

sidered surprising that Josephus has passed

over the earlier Theudas, since his followers

were only 400, and since the historian evidently omits

all

but the most important of

the troubles which had afflicted his country.

The

"

uproar" of the Egyptian

who

" led

out into the wilderness 4000

men

that were

murderers

y ,"

is

described at length by the

difSt.

Jewish writer (126), the only noticeable

ference between his account

and that of

Luke being

that Josephus in his present text

>'

Acts xxi. 38.

262
calls the

LECTURE

VII.

30,000.

number of this impostor's followers From internal evidence there is reaTpio-fivpioi is

son to think that

a corrupt readit

ing (127); but even as the text stands,

does

not contradict St.

Luke

are the

Luke for the 4000 of St. number whom the impostor " led
;

out into the wilderness," while the 30,000 of

Josephus are the number

whom

he

"

brought

from the wilderness" to attack Jerusalem. The "famine in the days of Claudius 2 "

is

mentioned by several writers. Josephus tells us that it was severe in Palestine in the fourth year of this emperor Dio, Tacitus, and Suetonius, speak of it as raging somewhat later
;

in

Rome

itself (128).

Helena, queen of Adiportion of the

abene

the
even

richest

ancient

Assyria

brought
.

relief to the

Jews on the
Paul did to
is

occasion, as St. Barnabas

and

"St.

the Christians 1
plete,
if

The agreement

here com-

the words of Agabus's prophecy

for the scarcity

are pressed

seems to have
necessarily

been general throughout the Empire.

This review

imperfect
We
in
its

as

it

is

will

probably be

felt to suffice for

our pre-

sent purpose.

have found that the

New
it

Testament, while

main

narrative

treats of events with

z

which heathen writers

Ibid, verses 29, 30.

Acts m. z8

LECTURE

VII.

263

were not likely to concern themselves, and

which they could not represent truly, coninextricably interwoven with that main tains
narrative

a vast body of incidental allusions

We
have submitted
a great part

to the civil history of the times, capable of

being tested by comparison with the works

of profane historians.

the greater part

of these
striking

or at any rate
;

incidental allusions to the test of

such comparison

and we have found,

cases,

in all

but some three or four

an entire and

harmony.

In no case have we met

;

with clear and certain disagreement

some-

times, but very rarely, the accounts are difficult to reconcile, arid
real

we may suspect them of

result

disagreement

which ought not

any astonishment. Profane wriand Joseph us, our ters are not infallible chief profane authority for the time, has been
to cause us
;

shewn, in matters where he does not come

into any collision with the Christian Scriptures, to "

teem with inaccuracies" (129). If in any case it should be thought that we must choose between Josephus and an Evan-

gelist,

sound

criticism requires that

we should
is

prefer the latter to the former.

Josephus

not entirely honest

ters to please,

he has his
is

Roman

mas-

and he

prejudiced in favour

of his

own

sect,

the Pharisees,

He

lias also

264

LECTURE
is,

VII.

been convicted of error (130), which is not the case with any Evangelist. His authority
therefore
in the eyes of

an historical

critic,

inferior to that of the Gospel writers,

and

in

any instance of contradiction,

cessary to disregard
it.

it

would be nehowever, we

In

fact,

are not reduced to this necessity.

ish writer

The Jew-

nowhere actually contradicts our Scriptures, and in hundreds of instances he

It is

confirms them.
historical

evident that the entire

framework, in which the Gospel

set, is

picture
civil

is

real; that the facts of the

history, small

and
this

great, are true,

and
sup-

the personages correctly depicted.

To

pose that there

is

minute
mythic,

historical ac-

curacy in

all

the accessories of the story, and

is is

that the story itself

less

absurd

un-

we

will declare the Apostles

to

and

their

companions

mankind a tale and to have aimed

their fiction

have sought to palm upon which they knew to be false,

at obtaining credit for

minutiae.

by elaborate attention to these From such an avowal even Ra-

tionalism itself
alternative
is

would shrink

but the only

to accept the entire history as

authentic
believed

it

as,

what the Church has always to be, the Truth. "Veritas

omnis in Evangelio continetur" (131).

"Ab

hoc, qui Evangelista esse meruit, vel negli-

LECTURE
propulsari" (132).

VII.

265

gentiae vel mendacii suspicionem

" Evangelistag
. .

perfectam agnitionem
assentit, spernit

aequum est habuerunt quibus si quis non

quidem

participes Domini,

spernit et ipsum

Christum, spernit et Pa-

Such has been the uniform teaching of the Church of Christ from the and modern Rationalism has failed to first
trem" (133).

shew any reason why we should

reject

it.

LECTURE
JOHN

VIII.

VIII. 13, 14.

The Pharisees therefore said unto him, Thou

bcarest record of thyself; thy record
true.
is

not

Jesus answered and said unto them,

Though I bear record of myself yet

record
is

my

true.

IF

the evidence from profane sources to the

facts of the

primary
be, as

New
in

Testament narrative
is

was admitted
to

the last Lecture, dis-

appointingly scanty, the defect

made up
have
left

more than us by the copious abundance of

those notices which early Christian writers

us of the whole series of occurrences

It

forming the basis of our Religion.

dwell more especially on the profane

has

been customary with Christian apologists to

testi-

mony, despite
cause
it

its

scantiness

doubtless

be-

has been
is

felt that a certain

amount

of suspicion

regarded as attaching to those

who
truth

"

bear record of themselves," and that

the evidence of Christian witnesses to the

of Christianity
is

in

some degree

LECTURE
record of this nature.

VIII.

267

But our Lord's words teach us that self-witness, however unconvincing to the adversary, may be valid and true and certainly it is difficult to conceive
;

how the

full

acceptance of the Christian

facts,

and conformity of the profession and life thereto, renders a witness unworthy of bewhose testimony would have been regarded as of the highest value if he had stopped short of such acceptance, and while admitting the facts to a certain extent had
lief,

remained a Heathen or a Jew.

Martyr, for instance,
Christianity,
as

Had
for

Justin
into

when he enquired
it

found the evidence

resist,

such

he could

and lived and died a Plaall

tonic philosopher, instead of renouncing

for Christ

and

finally sealing his

testimony

with his blood, what a value would have been

set

upon any recognition in his writings of the life and miracles of Christ or the sufferings of the early Christians
to see
!

It

is

difficult

why he

deserves less credit, because he

found the evidences for the Christian doctrine so strong that

he

felt

compelled to be-

come a

believer (1).

troversial

At any rate, if for conpurposes the argument derivable must

possess a weight for those

from the testimony of Christians be viewed

as weak,
it

who

believe far exceeding that of the witness

268

LECTURE

VIII.

of Jews and Heathens, and must therefore deserve a place in any

summary

that

is

made

of the Historical Evidences to the truth of

the Christian Religion.

It has

been sometimes urged that the early

Christians were persons of such low rank and

station, so

wanting

in refinement, education,
is

and that
site

critical

discernment which

requi-

to

enable

claims of a

men fairly to judge of the new religion, that their decision

is

in favour of Christianity

entitled to little

respect

since

they must have been

quite
its

unable to appreciate the true value of

evidences
itself
(2).

This objection claims to base

earliest

on certain admissions of the

Christian preachers themselves,

that " not

who remark

many

wise

many
too

mighty, not

men after the flesh, not many noble, were called a ."
to be pressed

But such expressions are not

far.

In their very letter they do but de-

clare the general condition of the converts

while they imply that there were, even in the

first

times,

some exceptions

persons to whom
;

the terms, " wise

men

after the flesh, mighty,

and noble," might have been properly applied and the examples of St. Paul himself, of Dio-

nysius the Areopagite, of the Ethiopian eu-

nuch, of " Erastus the chamberlain of the

a
i

Cor.

i.

26.

LECTURE
b city, "

VIII.

269

and of the converts from " Csesar's household, " are sufficient to shew that the Gospel found its own in every rank and
if it

grade of society, and

readily by the poor

was embraced most

still

and despised,
vessels' "
1

ga-

thered to

it

"chosen
great.

from among

the educated, and occasionally from

among

the rich

and

The

early Christians

furnished, for

their
;

number, a considerable

body of writers and these writers will bear comparison in respect of every intellectual qualification with the best Heathen authors
of the period.
Justin Martyr, Athenagoras,

would have been reckoned authors of eminence, had they not been " Fathers," and are at least as good
Tertullian, Origen, Clement,

evidence for the historical facts of the age

immediately preceding their own, as Tacitus,

Suetonius,

and Dio.

It

will

be

my

object in the present Lecture to

these writers,

show that and others of the same age or

even

earlier,

bear copious witness to the facts

recorded in the historical books of the

New

Testament, and are plainly as convinced of

their reality as of that of

any

facts

whatever

which they have occasion to mention. The Epistle ascribed to St. Barnabas by
b

Rom.

xvi. 23.
(1

Philipp.

iv.

22.

Acts

ix. 15.


270

LECTURE

VIII.

Clement of Alexandria (3) and Oiigen (4), whether really the work of that person or no, is at any rate one of the most ancient of the
uninspired Christian writings, belonging as
it

does to the

first,

or to the early part of

(5).

the second century

is

The
in

writer's object

to explain

the spiritual meaning of the

;

Old Testament

and

the course of his

exposition he mentions as undoubted facts

the miracles of Christ

his

apostles

his

appointment of
twelve

their

number,

his

scourging

his

being smitten on the face

his being set at

nought and jested upon

his being arrayed in a scarlet robe

cifixion

drink
his

his

his cru-

receiving gall and vinegar to

his death

the

casting of lots

upon
first

garment

his

resurrection on

the

day of the week

into heaven (6).

and

his

final

ascension

All these notices moreover

tract, chiefly

occur in a small

concerned with
to

the Old Testament,

and extending
Clement,
is

no
of
all

more than ten

or twelve ordinary pages.

An
Rome,
hands
fore
its

Epistle

of

St.

Bishop

to the Corinthians, to

allowed on

be genuine

(7).

This work was

certainly

composed in the first century, besome of the writings of St. John and
;
1

author, the "fellow-labourer" of St. Paul

e

Philippians

iv.

].

LECTURE

VIII.

271

must have had frequent communication with those who had witnessed the great events in Judeea which formed the foundation of the

new
to

religion.

The

object of the Epistle

is

compose existing dissensions in the Corinthian Church, and its tone is from first Historical to last hortatory and didactic. allusions only find a place in it casually and
incidentally.
Christ's

Yet

it

contains a mention of

from Judah, of his great power and regal dignity, his voluntary humidescent
liation,

his

sufferings,

the character of his

teaching, his death for man, his resurrection,

the mission of the apostles, their inspiration

by the Holy Ghost,

lands,
city,

their preaching in

many
every

their

ordination

of elders

in

the special eminence in the church of

Saints
St.

and Paul, the sufferings of Peter, the hardships endured by St. Paul,
Peter

his distant travels, his

many imprisonments,
The
fact of St. Paul's

his flights, his stoning, his bonds, his testi-

mony

before rulers (8).

having written an Epistle to the Corinthians and an allusion is made, is also asserted (9)
;

in

connexion with that Epistle, to the early

troubles
stle

and

divisions

which the great Apo-

had composed, when the several sections of the newly-planted Church strove together
in a jealous spirit, affirming themselves to be


272

LECTURE
" of Christ."

VIII.

"of Paul,"
or even

or "of Apollos," or

"of Cephas;'

Ignatius, second Bishop of Antioch,

who

succeeded to that see

in

about the year of

A. D. 107

the destruction of Jerusalem (10), and was

martyred nearly forty years

(11), left

later,

behind him certain writings, which

are quoted with great respect by subsequent

Fathers, but the existence of which at the

present day
the
in

is

questioned.

Writings under

name

of Ignatius have

come down
(IS), exist

to us

various shapes.

Three

Epistles, univer-

sally

regarded as spurious

only in

Twelve others are found in Greek, and also in two ancient Latin versions and of these, seven exist in two different forms Most modern a longer, and a shorter one.
Latin.
;

critics

accept these seven, in their shorter form,

(IS).

as

genuine

They

are identical with the

seven mentioned by Eusebius and Jerome (14),

and they are thought to be free from the ternal difficulties, which cause suspicion to

inat-

tach to the longer recension, as well as to the

Epistles which those writers do not name.

Doubts have however been recently started

even with respect to these seven.
covery in a very ancient

The

dis-

MS. of

a Syriac ver-

sion of three Epistles only out of the seven,

and these three

in a still briefer

form than


LECTURE
that of the shorter

VIII.

273

Greek recension, together

possess to the writings of

with the remarkable fact that the few early

references which

we

Ignatius are to passages in exactly these three

compositions
of our

has induced some learned men

to adopt the view, that even
is

own day

the shorter Greek recension

lated,

largely interpo-

and that nothing beyond the three Epistles of the Syriac Version can be depended upon as certainly written by the Antiochian
Bishop
of the
(15).

If

we adopt

this opinion, the

testimony of Ignatius to the historical truth

New Testament narrative will

be some-

what scanty
vered,and

if

we abide by the views generally

prevalent before the Syriac version was discostill

maintained since that discovery

(16), it will

by some divines of great learning and excellent

judgment

be as

full

and
In

satisfactory as that borne

by

St.

Clement.

the seven Epistles

we

find notices of the de-

scent of Christ from

David

his

conception

by the Holy Ghost

her name,

his

birth of a virgin

Mary his
all

manifestation by a star
its

his
might

baptism by John
fulfil

motive, " that he

f

righteousness "

his appeals

to the Prophets

the anointing of his head with ointment his sufferings and crucifixion
under Pontius Pilate and Herod the Tef

Matt.

iii.

15.

274
trarch

LECTURE
his
"

VIII.

resurrection, not on the sabbath,

but on the
phets

Lord's day"

the

resurrection

through his power of some of the old pro-

his

appearance to his disciples and

to

"handle him and see^ that he was not a spirit his eating and drinking with them after he had risen the

command

them

to

mission of the Apostles

Christ

their

obedience to

their authority over the Church the

and Paul
in their
(17).
If,

inclusion of Saints Peter

number

on the contrary, we confine

ourselves

to

the Syriac version

by

which

the entire writings of St. Ignatius are comprised in about live pages (18)

we

lose the

greater portion of these testimonies, but

still

we

retain those to the birth of Christ from

the Virgin

his

Mary his manifestation by a star many sufferings his crucifixion and

the apostolic mission of Saints Peter and Paul.

Polycarp, Bishop of Smyrna, a disciple of
St.

John, and a younger contemporary of Ig-

natius, left

behind him a single Epistle, ad-

dressed to the Philippians, which

in the original

we

possess

Greek, with the exception of

three or four sections, where the Greek text

is

wanting, and

we have only

a Latin version
is

(19)-

In this Epistle, which

a short com-

position, and, like the other

s

remains of early

Luke

xxiv. 39.

LECTURE
we
find allusions to the
his ministering to those

VIII.

275

Christian antiquity, of a hortatory character,

humble

life

of Christ,

about him, the cha-

racter of his preaching, his sufferings, death

upon the
heaven
;

cross, resurrection,

his promise to "

1

and ascension to raise up his discisufferings of St.

ples at the last day' "

the

Paul and the other Apostles, the preaching

of
St.

Paul at Philippi, and the fact of his

having written an Epistle to the Philippians

(20).

We

also learn

from Irenpeus that

this

Father used to relate his conversations with

John and others, who had seen the Lord, and to repeat what they had told him both
St.

of the teaching and miracles of Jesus (21).

A
the

work of the

first

or earlier half of the

second century has come

name
is

of "

under The Shepherd of Hermas."

to us
it

down

Eusebius and Jerome ascribe

to the

mas who

saluted by
to

St.

Paul at
(22)
;

Herthe end of
but there

his Epistle

the

Romans
it

are reasons for assigning

to a later

Hermas
an
alle-

the

brother of Pius,

who was

the ninth
is

bishop of

Rome

(23).
scale,

This work

gory on a large

and consequently can-

not contain any direct historical testimony.

Its

tone
it

is

consonant with the Christian story,

and

contains some allusions to the mission

h

John

vi.

40.


276

LECTURE

VIII.

of the Apostles, their travels for the purpose

of spreading the truth over the world, and

the sufferings to which they were exposed in

consequence (24) but on the whole it is of little service towards establishing the truth
;

of any facts.
It

was not until the Christian writers ad-

dressed themselves to the world without

and either undertook the task of refuting the adversaries of the truth, or sought by Apologies to

recommend the new

religion to their

acceptance
story

that

the facts of the Christian

to

came naturally

occupy a prominent

place in their compositions.

Quadra tus, Bise-

shop of Athens in the early part of the

cond century, was, so

first

far as

we know, the

to write a defence of Christianity ad-

dressed to the Heathen, which he seems to

have presented to the Emperor Adrian (25) about the year A. D. 122. This work is unfortunately
lost,

but a passage preserved by

Eusebius gives us an indication of the sort of

evidence which nished in

would probably have furabundance. " The works of our

it

Saviour," says Quadratus, " were always conspicuous, for they were real
;

both they which

were healed and they which were raised from the dead who were seen not only when they
;

were healed or

raised,

but for a long time


LECTURE
afterwards
;

VIII.

277

not only while he dwelt on this

earth, but also after his departure,

and

for a

good while

after it;

insomuch that some of

them have reached to our times" (26). About twenty-five years after Quadratus
had presented his " Apology" to Adrian, his younger contemporary, Justin, produced a similar composition, which he presented to
the
"
first

Antonine, probably about A. D. 148

afterwards

(27).

Soon

he

published

his

Dialogue

with

Tryphon"

an

elaborate

controversial work, defensive of Christianity

from the attacks of Judaism.

A. D. 165, or a
little earlier,

Finally, about

he wrote a
to

se-

cond "Apology," which he presented

cus

Mar-

Aurelius and

the

Roman

Senate (28).
of

It has

been truly observed, that from the

of this

writings

Father

"

the earliest,

whose works we possess any considerable remains" (29) there " might be collected a

tolerably complete
in
all

account of Christ's

life, is

points
in

agreeing with that which

delivered

our Scriptures"

(30).

Justin

declares the marriage of

their descent

Mary and Joseph

from David

conception of Christ

the

the

miraculous

intention of Jo-

seph to put away his wife privily

the

ap-

pearance to him of an angel which forbade

him

the angelic determination of the name


278

LECTURE
to

VIII.
it

Jesus, with the reason assigned for

the
the
in

journey from Nazareth

birth

Bethlehem
his

of our Lord

there

lying

manger

his circumcision the extraordinary

the coming of the Wise
Herod
application to

appearance of a star

Men their
ration

their ado-

the warning to them not to return to Herod the descent into Egypt the massacre of the Innocents the death of
and
gifts

Herod and
Christ,

accession of Archelaus

turn from Egypt

the

the

re-

obscure early

life

of

and

his occupation

as a carpenter

his baptism

John the Baptist in Jordan the descent of the Spirit upon him in the
by
St.

form of a dove
devil

the

testimony borne to his

his

greatness by John

the
his
to

temptation by the
teaching

character

of his

his
his

confutation of his opponents

his miracles
which should
it

his prophecies of the sufferings

befall

disciples

his

changing Simon's

name

Peter,

and the occasion of

naming the sons of Zebedee, Boanerges

an ass

his his
visit

triumphal entry into Jerusalem riding upon

his

institution of the Eucharist

singing a
to the

hymn Mount of

with his disciples

his

Olives on the eve of his cru-

cifixion,

accompanied by the three favoured

apostles,

and the prayer there offered

silence before Pilate

to the

Father

his

his

being

LECTURE VIII. 279 sent by Pilate to Herod his sufferings and crucifixion the mockery of those who stood by the casting of lots for the garment the flight of the apostles the words on giving up the ghost the burial at eventide the resurrection on the third day the appearances to the apostles the explanation to them of the prophecies the ascension into heaven as they were looking on the preaching of the apostles afterwards the descent of the Holy Ghost the conversion of the Gentiles the
rapid spread of the Gospel through
(31).
all

lands

No one can

pretend to doubt but that in

Justin's time the facts of the

New

Testament

History were received as simple truth

not

only by himself, but by Christians generally,

in

whose name

his Apologies

were written
demonstration
lists

and presented
further,

to the

Roman Emperors.
similar

It is needless to carry this

or

to

produce
Tertullian,

from

Athenagoras,

Irenaeus,

Origen,

and others. From the time of Justin the Church of Christ can shew a series of writers,

who not

only exhibit incidentally their belief

of the facts which

form

the

basis

of the

Christian Religion, but

plicitly

who

also testify ex-

to

the

universal

reception

among
facts

Christians

of that

narrative

of

the

which we possess

in the

New Testament

280

LECTURE
(32),

VIII.
in

narrative which, as was

shewn

the last

Lecture

they maintain to be absolutely

Those who assert the mythic character of the New Testament history, must admit as certain that its mythic
and
in all respects true.

character was unsuspected by the Christians of the second century,

who

received with the

most entire and simple faith the whole mass of facts put forth in the Gospels and the
Acts, regarding

them

as real

and actual ocmost impor-

currences,

and appealing

to profane history

for their confirmation in various

tant particulars.

To

fair

and candid minds

the evidence adduced from uninspired writers of the first century,

though comparatively

scanty,
belief

is (I

think) sufficient to shew that their

was the same as that of Christians in

it

the second, and that

was just

as firm

and

undoubting.

The arguments
of the
first

hitherto

adduced have

been drawn from the literary compositions

ages of Christianity. Till recently
these have been generally regarded as pre-

senting the whole existing proof of the faith

and practice of the early Church

tics

and scepmaintain

have therefore been eager to throw every

possible

doubt upon them, and

to

that forgery and interpolation have so vitiated

this source of

knowledge

as to lender

it

alto-

LECTURE
gether untrustworthy (33).

VIII.

281

The

efforts

made,

weak and contemptible as they are felt to be by scholars and critics, have nevertheless had
a certain influence over the general tone of

thought on the subject, and have caused

many

to regard the early infancy of Christ-

ianity as a

dim and shadowy cloud-land,

is

in

which nothing
certainly

to be

seen, except a

few

figures of bishops

and martyrs moving un-

amid the general darkness.

it
is

Under

these

circumstances

well that attenit

tion should be called

as

has been called

recently by several publications of greater or

less

research (34)

to

the monumental re-

mains of early Christian times which are still extant, and which take us back in the most
lively

way

to the first ages of the

Church,
primitive

exhibiting before our eyes those

communities, which Apostles founded, over

which Apostolic men presided, and in which Confessors and Martyrs were almost as numerous as ordinary Christians. As when we
tread the streets of Pompeii,

we have the
all

life

of the old Pagan world brought before us

with a vividness which makes

other re-

presentations appear dull and tame, so

we descend
seem

into

when the Catacombs of Rome we

com" in

to see the struggling persecuted

munity, which there,

dens and caves of

282
the earth
1

LECTURE
,''

VIII.

wrought

itself a

hidden home,

whence
to

it

went forth

at last conquering

and

conquer, triumphantly establishing itself

religion,

on the ruins of the old

its

and bending
of our

heathen persecutors to the yoke of Christ.

spirits

Time was when the guiding

Church not only neglected the study of these precious remnants of an antiquity which
ought to be
far

dearer to us than that of

Greece or Pagan Rome, of Egypt, Assyria, but even ventured to speak of or Babylon

them with contempt,

of Papal forgers,

as the recent creations

who had
of

placed

among

the

arenarim or sandpits of heathen times the

pretended
fered (35).

memorials

saints

who were
suf-

never born, and of martyrs

who never

But with increased learning and improved candour modern Anglicanism

has renounced this

shallow and untenable

theory

and

it is

at length

admitted univer-

sally, alike

by the Protestant and the Ro-

manist, that the Catacombs themselves, their

present contents, and the series of inscriptions

which have been taken from them and

re-

placed in the Papal galleries, are genuine

mains of primitive Christian antiquity, and imperfectly, no doubt, but so exhibit to us

far as their

evidence extends, truly

i I

the con-

M). m. 38.

LECTURE
dition

VIII.

283
in

and
it

belief of the

Church of Christ
to

the

first

ages.
is

For

impossible

doubt that the

Catacombs belong to the earliest times of It was only during the ages Christianity.
of persecution that the Christians were con-

away the memorials of their dead in gloomy galleries deep below the earth's surface, where few eyes could ever With liberty and security rest on them. came the practice of burying within, and around, the churches, which grew up on all and though undoubtedly the ancient sides burial places would not have been deserted all at once, since habit and affection would
tent to hide
;

combine

to

prevent such

disuse,

yet

still

from the time of Constantine burying

in the

Catacombs must have been on the decline, and the bulk of the tombs in them must be
regarded as belonging to the
turies.
first

three cen-

certain

The fixed number of

and the
letters

dates obtainable from a

the tombs confirm

this

view

style of

ornamentation and
in the inscriptions,
its

form of the
correctness.

used

are thought to be additional evidence of

What
combs
?

then

is

the evidence of the Catafirst

In the

place,

it

is

conclusive

as to the vast

number

of the Christians in

284

LECTURE
when

VIII.

these early ages,

there was nothing to

tempt
them,
faith.

men, and everything to disincline towards embracing the persecuted

The Catacombs

are calculated to exstreets,

tend over nine hundred miles of

to contain

and

almost seven millions of graves

Christians,
it

(36)

The Roman

will

be revast

membered, are called by Tacitus

multitude"
of

" a

(ingens multitudo)
;
;

in the

time

Nero

(37)

by the age of Valerian they but the historical records of

at all near to

are reckoned at one-half the population of

the city (3S)

the past have never been thought to indicate

that their

number approached
calculation

what

this

which

seems

fairly

made

(39)

would

indicate.

Seven millions

of deaths in (say) four hundred years would,

under ordinary circumstances, imply an average population of from 500,000 to 700,000

an

amount immensely beyond any estimate that has hitherto been made of the number of Roman Christians at any portion
of the period.

Perhaps the calculation of the

number

of graves

may

be exaggerated, and

probably the proportion of deaths to population was,

under the peculiar circumstances,

;

unusually large
vast

but

still

the evidence of

numbers which the Catacombs furnish cannot wholly mislead; and we may regard

LECTURE
it

VIII.

285

as established

beyond

all

reasonable doubt,

that in spite of the general contempt

and

hatred, in spite of the constant ill-usage to

" fiery trials"

which they were exposed, and the occasional which proved them, the Christthe second century, formed
in the population

ians, as early as

one of the chief elements

of

Rome.
In the next place, the Catacombs afford

proof of the dangers and sufferings to which

the early Christians were exposed.

Without

assuming that the phials which have contained a red liquid, found in so many of the
tombs, must have held blood, and that therefore

they are certain signs of martyrdom,

and without regarding the palm-branch as unmistakable evidence of the same (40) we may find in the Catacombs a good deal of

testimony confirmatory of those writers

estimate
Christians
at

the

highest

the

who number of
the great

who suffered death The number of persecutions.

it

in

graves, if

we

place

at the

lowest,

compared with the

highest estimate of the Christian population

would give a proportion of deaths to population enormously above the average a result which at any
that
is

at

all

probable,

rate lends support to those

who

assert that

in the persecutions of Aurelius, Decius, Dio-

286
cletian,

LECTURE
and
were massacred.

VIII.

others, vast multitudes of Christ-

word and Martyr is frequent upon the tombs often where it is absent, the inscription
ians

Further,

the

otherwise shews that the deceased lost his

life

on account of his religion

us,

(41).

Somesee, be-

times the view opens on

and we

sides the individual buried, a long vista of

similar sufferers

victims

as when one of Aurelius's exclaims "O unhappy times,

in
rites

which amid our sacred

and prayers
are not safe

nay, in our very caverns,

we

more wretched than our life ? What more wretched than a death, when it is im-

What

is

possible

to

obtain

burial
?

at

the hands

of

friends or relatives

Still at

the end they

shine like stars in Heaven.

his,

poor

life
!"

is

who

has lived in Christian times

!

"

tempora infausta
miserius vita

quibus inter sacra et vota

ne in cavernis quidem salvari possimus. Quid

?

Sed quid miserius

in

in morte,

cum ab ainicis ant ? Tandem

et parentibus sepeliri

neque-

ceelo coruscant

Parum
(42).

vixit qui vixit in Christianis

temporibus"
a

Again, the Catacombs furnish

certain

amount

of evidence with respect to the belief

of the early Christians.

resurrection
is

The

doctrine of the

implied or expressed on almost

every tombstone which has been discovered.

LECTURE
The
Christian
is

VIII.

287
" rests"

not dead

"sleeps"

he

he

or

is

not huried, but "deposited" in

his grave (43)

and
The

he

is

always "at peace,"

(in pace).

survivors

do not

mourn

his loss despairingly,

but express

trust, resig-

nation, or

moderate grief (44).

The Anchor,

indicative of the Christian's "sure

;

and certain hope," is a common emblem and the Phoenix and Peacock are used as more speaking
signs
pears,

of the Resurrection.

The
;

Cross ap-

though not the Crucifix

as

emblems are employed,

rative as

and other the Dove and the

Cock, which indicate belief in the sacred nar-

tain

we possess it. There are also a cernumber of pictures in the Catacombs

;

and

these

represent

ordinarily

historical

scenes

from

the

Old or

New

Testament,

treated in a uniform and conventional way,

but clearly expressive of belief in the facts

The Temptation of Eve Moses striking the rock Noah welcoming the return of the Dove Elijah ascending to heaven Daniel among the lions Shathus represented.

drach, Meshech, and Abednego the furnace Jonah under the gourd Jonah swallowed by the whale and Jonah vomited
in

fiery

out on the dry land, are the favourite subjects

from the Old Testament

while from

the

New

Testament we find the Adoration of


288
the

LECTURE
Wise Men

VII J.

the Baptism of Christ by John the Baptist the healing of the Paralyticthe turning
of the water into wine
five

their interview with

Herod

the

feeding of the

the raising of Lazarus the Last Supper Peter walking on the sea and
thousand
Pilate washing his hands before the people

(45).

St.

Peter and St. Paul are also freSt.

quently represented, and

bears

Peter sometimes
allusion
to

the

Keys, in

plain

the

gracious promise of his Master K

bolic teaching of our

The

para-

Lord

is

sometimes em-

bodied by the

artists,

peating the type of

who never tire of rethe "Good Shepherd"

and who occasionally represent the Sower going out to sow, and the parable of the Wise and Foolish Virgins. In this way indirect evidence
is

borne to the historic belief

of the early Church, which does not appear

to

have differed at
If

all

from that of orthodox

to believe

Christendom at the present day.

it

be
?

still

said

Why are we
we
in

as they

why

are

this

enlightened
facts,

nineteenth century to receive as

Greeks and Romans in

least

what an uncritical and

?

credulous age accepted without enquiry, or at

without any searching investigation

is

the answer

two-fold.
J

Allowing that the

Matt. xiv. [Q.

LKCTURE
bulk of

VIM.

289

men

in the first

and second centuries

were uncritical and credulous with respect to remote times, and to such tales as did not
concern action or involve any alteration of
conduct,
represent

we may remark
them
as

that

it is

untrue to
their

credulous

where

worldly interests were at stake, or where any

practical result
lief

was to follow upon their be-

of what they heard.

They

are not found

to

to

have offered themselves a ready prey

impostors, or to

have allowed themselves to

be carried away by the arts of pretenders,

where such weakness would have brought them into trouble. We do not find that Simon Magus or Apollonius of Tyana had many followers. When the slave Clemens gave himself out to be Posthumus Agrippa, though
the wishes of most

men must have been

them
(46).

in

favour of his claims, very few appear to have

really believed in

The Romans,

and

more the Greeks, had plenty of shrewdness and there was no people less
still
;

likely than they to accept

on slight grounds

a religion involving such obligations as the

Christian.
It
is

important to bear in mind

what conversion really meant in the early times. It meant the severing of family and
social ties

the

renunciation of worldly pro-

spects

abstinence

from

all

gaieties

and

RAWLITSSON,

LECTURE VIII. amusements perpetual exposure to insults cold looks, contemptuous gestures, abusive
290
words, injurious suspicions, a perpetual sense
of danger, a
daily k ."
well said,
"
life

to lead

which was to
it

" die

The
tk

early Christians,"

has been

were separate from other men.

ties

Their religion snapt asunder the

of a
to

common
new

intercourse.

It

called

them

life, it

gave them new sentiments, hopes,

;

it demanded and desires, a new character of them such a conscientious and steady performance of duty as had hardly before been

conceived of;

subjected them to privations

and

insults, to

uncertainty and danger

to

it

required
death.

them

prepare for torments and

lives

Every day of their

it

they were

strongly reminded of

by the duties which and the sacrifices which it cost it enforced them" (47). Before accepting such a position,

we may be
scanned

well assured that each con-

vert

narrowly the evidence upon

to

which he was invited

make

a change in

every way so momentous.

When
after to

they

first

heard the doctrine of the resurrection, the

Athenians
believed
111

"

mocked

."

Yet
" clave

while

Dionysius and others

"

Paul and
the

surely
!

because they found

evidence of the resurrection of Christ such

k
t

Cor. xv. 31.

Acts

xvii. 32.

Ibid, verse 34.

LECTURE
as could not be resisted.
It

VIII.

291

must be remem-

bered that the prospect of his

tion

own

resurrec-

was

all

that the

new

convert had to sus-

tain him.

" If in this life

only we have hope,

miserable/' says St.

we

are of all

men most

Paul".

And

the prospect of his

own

resur-

rection was

bound up inseparably with the

having
risen.

fact of Christ's

If Christ were

not risen, preaching was vain, and faith was

vain

then
.

all

who

fell

asleep

in

Christ
to

perished p

The

Christian

was

taught

base his hope of a happy future for himself

and entirely upon the resurrection and ascent to heaven of Jesus. Surely the evidence for these facts must have been thousolely

sands of times closely sifted by converts

who

could fairly
Further,

demand

to

have the assurances

forget that the early

on the point of eyewitnesses.

we must not

converts had a second ground of belief, be-

and beyond their conviction of the honesty and trustworthiness of those who came
sides

forward to preach the Gospel, declaring themselves witnesses of the "

mighty works' " which

1

and pre-eminently of his resurrection. These preachers persuaded, not merely by their evident truthfulness and
Christ had wrought,
n
i

Cor. xv. 19.

Ibid,

verse 14.
vi.

[bid. verse 18.

Mark

2.

u 2

292
sincerity,

LECTURE

VII

but by the miraculous powers which

they wielded.
the ability to

There is good evidence that work miracles was not confined

to the apostolic age.

The

bishops and others

who

way to martyrdom, expected that he would communicate to them some spiritual gift" (48).
pressed to see Ignatius on his
"

Papias

related
in his

various

miracles

as

having
others
to life

happened
that a
(49).

own life-time among dead man had been restored

Justin

that in his

Martyr declares very simply day both men and women were
(50).
is

found who possessed miraculous powers

Quadratus, the Apologist,

mentioned by a

writer of the second century as exercising

them
still

(51).

Irenaeus speaks of miracles as

in

common

Gaul when he wrote

(52),

which was nearly

century.

at the close of the second

Tertullian, Theophilus of Antioch,

and Minucius Felix, authors of about the same period, are witnesses to the continuance to their day of at least one class of miracles
(53).

Thus the
Gospel

existence of these powers

was contemporaneous with the great spread

of the
;

and

it

accounts for

that

speedy conversion of thousands upon thousands

all

that

rapid growth of the

Church

in

quarters

which
The

would be otherwise

so

astonishing.

vast

number

of the early

LECTURE
converts and

VI11.

293

the

possession

of miraculous

powers

which

are both asserted by the pri-

mitive writers (54)

effect to cause,

have

the

relation
to

of

and lend countenance

one

another.

The evidence

of the Catacombs,

and the testimony of Pagans, confirm the

truth of the representations
case.
sible,

made

in the

one
in

Unless we hold miracles to be impos-

we cannot reasonably doubt them

the other.

But the
the

possession of miraculous powers

in

by those who spread the Gospel abroad

first ages,

would alone and by

itself

prove

the divinity of the Christian Religion.

God

would not have given supernatural aid to persons engaged in propagating a lie, nor have assisted them to palm a deceit upon the world in His name. If then there be good evidence of this fact if it be plain from the ecclesiastical writers that miracles were com-

mon

in the Christian

Church
which
is

for

above two

centuries

we have herein an argument of an

character,

historical

of

no small
that

weight and

importance, additional to

arising from the

mere confirmation by early

uninspired writers of the Sacred Narrative.

We

find in their statements with respect to

these contemporary facts, to which they arc

unexceptionable

witnesses,

further

evi-

294

LECTURE
man

VIII.

dence of the truth of the Religion whereof

they were the ministers
Christianity was not of

a further proof that

but of God.

And

here

let

me
is

notice that in judging of

to be attached to the tes-

the value which

timony of the early Christians, we should constantly bear in mind that all in will, and

most

in fact, sealed that testimony

with their
a

blood.

If civil

justice
it

acts

upon

sound

principle,

when

assigns special weight to

the depositions of those

who have

the pro-

spect of immediate death before their eyes,

Christians

must be right
first ages.

to value highly the

witness of the

The
for

early converts

knew
upon

that they might at any time be called

to

undergo death
beasts,

their religion.

They preached and taught with

the cross, the
before their eyes.
positions

the sword,

and the stake ever Most of those in eminent

martyred.
Ignatius,
Justin,
Ire-

and

to this class belong almost all

our witnesses
Polycarp,
nreus,

were
;

Papias,

Quadratus,
death

certainly suffered

on

account

of their religion

and every early writer adand rendered

vocating Christianity, by the fact of his advocacy, braved the civil power,

himself liable to a similar

is

fate.

When

faith

a matter of life

lightly

and death, men do not take up with the first creed which

LECTURE
happens
place
to
hit

VIII.
;

295

their fancy

nor do they

themselves openly in the ranks of a

sect,

persecuted

unless they have well weighed

it

the claims of the religion which

professes,

and convinced themselves of

truth.
It
is

its

being the

clear that the early converts

had

means of ascertaining the

the Christian
ourselves
;

historic accuracy of

narrative very

much beyond

they could examine and cross ques-

tion the witnesses

compare their several actheir statements were

counts

enquire
their

how

Heathen documents of the time thoroughly and comTo assume that pletely sift the evidence.

met by

adversaries

consult

they did not do

so,

when

the issue was of

such vast importance

when, in accepting the

upon the
cast,

religion they set their all

emlife

bracing as their certain portion in this

shame, contempt, and ignominy, the severance of family

gatherings, loss
ties,

exclusion from

all festal

of friends, loss

of worldly

position, loss of character,

and

looking for-

ward

to probable participation in the cruellest

sufferings

the rack, the scourge, the pincingthe ravening beasts

this, is to

irons, the cross, the stake,

of the amphitheatre

to assume

deny

them that average common sense and instinctive regard for their own interests which the mass of mankind possess in all times and

296
countries

LECTURE

VIII.
as

to

look upon

them

under the

influence of an infatuation, such as cannot

be shewn to have at any time affected large

we grant to the early converts an average amount of sense and intellect, we must accord to their witness all the weight that is due to those, who having ample means of investigating a matter
bodies of civilised men.
If
in

which they are deeply concerned, have done so, and determined it in a particular
way.

The enquiry

in

which we have been en-

gaged here terminates.

We

have found that

the historical Books of the

New Testament
who
inti-

are the productions of contemporaries and

eyewitnesses

that two

at least of those

wrote

lives of Christ

were his close and

mate

friends, while the account of the early

Church delivered in the Acts was written by a companion of the Apostles that the truth

of the narrative contained in these writings

is

evidenced by their sober, simple, and un-

exaggerated tone, and by their agreement,

often undesigned, with each other

that

it is

further confirmed by the incidental allusions

to
it

which are found

Apostles

in

the

speeches

of

the

and

in

their

epistolary

corits

respondence with

their

converts
it

that

main

facts are noticed, so far as

was

to be ex-

LECTURE
writers, while a

VIII.

297

pected that they would be noticed, by profane

comparison of

its

secondary

or incidental facts with the civil history of

the times, as otherwise

known
at

to us, reveals

an agreement which
the
eyes

is

once so multicapable
of

tudinous and so minute as to constitute, in

of
all

those

who

are

weighing historical evidence, an overwhelming argument in proof of the authenticity of

the whole story

that

the narrative was acafter

it

cepted as simple truth, soon

published,
in

was

most

parts

of

the

civilised

world, and not by the vulgar only, but by

men

and refinement, and of good worldly position that it was received and believed, at the time when the truth of
of education

every part of

it

could be readily tested, by

of thousands, notwithstand-

many hundreds
crifices

ing the prejudices of education, and the sa-

which

its

acceptance involved

and

finally, that

the sincerity of these persons'

belief

was in many cases tested in the most

all

searching of

possible ways,

by persecu-

tions of the cruellest kind,

stood the test

so

and triumphantly that the Church counted

her Martyrs by thousands.

seen, that there
is

We

have further

reason to believe, that not

only our Lord Himself and His Apostles,

but

many

(if

not

most) of the

first

pro-

298

LECTURE
;

VIII.

pagators of Christianity had the power of

working miracles

and that

this,

and

this

only, will account for the remarkable facts,

which none can deny, of the rapid spread of the Gospel and the vast numbers of the
early converts.

All

this

together

and

it

must be remembered that the evidence is cumulative constitutes a body of proof such as is seldom producible with respect to any events belonging to remote times and establishes beyond all reasonable doubt the truth In no single reof the Christian Story. spect if we except the fact that it is mira-

culous has
It
is

that story a mythic character.

variation

a single story, told without

(55^),

whereas
;

myths are fluctuating and

is

multiform
the
civil

it

blended inextricably with

it

history of the times, which

every
ac-

where
civil

represents

with

extraordinary

curacy, whereas myths distort or supersede

history
;

it

is

full

of prosaic
;

detail,

which myths studiously eschew

it

abounds

with practical instruction of the plainest and

simplest kind, whereas myths teach by allegory.

Even

in

its

miraculous element,

it

stands to some extent in contrast with

all

known mythologies
tesqueness, which
is

where

the marvellous
of gro-

has ever a predominant character

entirely absent from the

LECTURE
New
Testament miracles

VIII.
(56).

299
Simple ear-

nestness, fidelity, painstaking accuracy, pure

love of truth, are the most patent characteristics

of the

New Testament

writers,

who
not

evidently deal with facts, not with fancies,

and are employed

in

in relating a history,

developing an idea.

They

write " that

we
1

may know
day.

the certainty of those things

8

'"

which were "most surely believed

" in their

They bear record

1
,

of

what they have

seen
true

u ."

and assure us that their " testimony is "That which they have heard,
eyes,

which they have seen with their

have handled of the

which

they have looked upon, which their hands

Word

of Life, that was

manifested unto them

that which they have

.

seen and heard" declare they unto us v

And
know

such as were not eyewitnesses, deliver only

"that which they also received

not

how

stronger

words could have been

Strauss

used to preclude the notion of that plastic

growing

myth

which

conceives

Christianity to have been in Apostolic times,

and

to convince us of its Historic character.

And
of
r

the declarations of the Sacred writers

are confirmed by
all

modern

research.

In spite

the efforts of an "audacious criticism"

i.

Luke

4.

Ibid, verse
(

i.

John
r

xix. 35. 3.

"

Ibid. xxi. 24.

John

i.

1-3.

Cor. xv.

300

LECTURE
ignorant as

VIII.
truth
of the

as
for

bold

the
has

Sacred Narrative stands firm, the stronger

the

shocks

that

it

resisted
life

"

the
for

boundless store of truth and

which

eighteen centuries has been the aliment of

humanity"
his

is

not (as

Rationalism
is

boasts)

" dissipated" (57).

God

not "divested of

grace, or

man

of his dignity"

nor

is

the " tie between heaven and earth broken."

The

"

foundation of
5

God"
"

the

" Everlast-

ing Gospel

"'

still
is

standeth sure y "

and

every effort that

made

to overthrow, does
it.

but more firmly establish

x

Rev. xiv.

6.

Tim.

ii.

19.

NOTES.

()

T E
I.

S.

LECTURE

Note

I.

p. 2.

HERODOTUS, whose easy faith would naturally lead him to accept the Greek myths without difficulty, still makes a marked distinction between Mythology and History Proper.
iii. ch. 122, where the OaXacrcroKpaTia spoken of as something different in kind from that of the mythical Minos and compare a somewhat similar distinction between the mythic and the his-

See bk.

of Polycrates

is

and again in bk. ii. ch. 44, ad fin. A difference of the same kind seems to have been made by the Egyptian and Babylonian writers. See Lecture II. page 58. Note 2. p. 2.
torical in bk.
i.

ch. 5,

This distinction was, I believe,

his

first

taken by George in

work Myilms und Sage; Versuch

einer wissenschaftlichcn

Entwicklung dieser Begriffe und Hires Verhaltnisses zum christlichen Glauben. It is adopted by Strauss (Leben Jesu,
Einleitung, 10; vol.
i.

pp. 41-3,

Chapman's Translation),
" Mytlius
is

who thus
fact,

distinguishes the
;

two

the creation

of a fact out of an idea

legend the seeing of an idea in a

or arising out of
;

it."

The myth

is

therefore pure

and

absolute imagination

the legend has a basis of fact, but

amplifies, abridges, or modifies that basis at its pleasure.

De Wette

thus expresses the difference

" Der Mythus

die

ist

eine in Thatsachen eingekleidete Idee

Sage enthalt

Thatsachen, von Ideen durchdrungen

(Einleitung in das
alt. Test.

136, d.)

und umgebildet." Compare Professor

:J(H

NOTES.
iii,

Powell's Third Series of Essays, Essay

p.

340.
;

"

myth

is

a doctrine expressed

in

a narrative form

an ab-

stract moral or spiritual truth dramatised in action

personification,

and

where the object

is

to enforce faith, not in

the parable, but in the moral."

Note

3.

p. 2.

" The mission of the ancient prophets," says Gibbon,

" of

Moses and of Jesus, had been confirmed by many splendid prodigies and Mahomet was repeatedly urged by the inhabitants of Mecca and Medina to produce a similar evidence of his divine legation to call down from heaven the angel or the volume of his revelation, to create a gar;
;

den

in the desert, or to kindle

a conflagration in the unis

believing city.

As

often as he

pressed by the demands

of the Koreish, he involves himself in the obscure boast of

and prophecy, appeals to the internal proofs of his doctrine, and shields himself behind the Providence of God, who refuses those signs and wonders that would
vision

depreciate the merit of faith, and aggravate the guilt of

infidelity.

But

the

betrays his weakness

modest or angry tone of his apologies and vexation ; and these passages of
suspicion the integrity of the

scandal establish beyond

Koran.

The

votaries of

Mahomet
gifts,

are more assured than

their confidence

himself of his miraculous

and

credulity increase as they are further removed

and place of his

ch.
1.

spiritual exploits."

p.

part of
its

Compare with this an enemy of Christianity, the

210.
ix.

and from the time Decline and Fall, vol. v. acknowledgment on the
similar statements of
vii.
;

defenders.

(Butler, Analogy, Part II. ch.

Paley,

Evidences, Part II. ch.

Sermon
p.

32

vi. p. 254 and Dr. Macbride. Mohammedan Beligion Explained,

;

3; White, Bampton Lectures, Forster, Mahometanism Unveiled, vol. i.

pp. 289.)

Ockley, a very unprejudiced writer, observes,

that " when the impostor was called upon, as he often was,
to

work miracles

in

proof of his divine mission, he excused

himself by various pretences, and appealed to the

as a standing miracle."
(/>{'/<'

Koran

of Mohammed, pp. 656,

LECTURE
Bonn's Ed.)
assertions

I.

305
was no proof

He
and

also remarks, that there

of his visions or intercourse with angels beyond his

;

own

on the occasion of the pretended night-journey to heaven, Ayesha testified that he did not
that,

leave his bed.

(Ibid. p. 20, note.)

Note

4.
ii.

p. 3.

See Butler's Analogy, Part

ch.

vii.

Paley's Evidences,

and Rev. R. Michell's Bampton Lectures, Dr. Stanley tersely expresses Lecture iv. pp. 124 129. the contrast between the Christian and other religions in
Part
iii.

ch.

viii.

this respect,

when he

says of Christianity, that

it

" alone,
feelii.

of

all

religions, claims to

be founded not on fancy or

{Sinai

ing,
P-

but on Fact and Truth."

and

Palestine, ch.

*55) Note
Butler's Analogy, Part
ii.

5.

p. 3.
vii.

ch.

p.

311.

Note

6. p. 5.

See Sir G. C. Lewis's Inquiry

into the Credibility

2.

of the

Early Roman History,

vol.

i.

Introduction, p.

Note

7. p. 5.
I'

M. de

Pouilly's Dissertation sur

incertitude et Vliistoire

des quatre premiers siecles de Borne, which

was published

in

the ninth volume of the

scriptions, constitutes

Me moires

de V Academie des In-

an era

in the study of ancient histhis or that narrative

tory.

Earlier scholars

had doubted

of an ancient author; but

M. de

Pouilly seems to have

been the

first to

" lay down with clearness and accuracy

the principles" by which the historic value of an author's accounts of early times is to be tested. His " Disserta-

was read in December, 1722; and a second Memoir on the same subject was furnished by him to the Memoires
tion
''

soon afterwards, and forms a part of the same volume.

(See Sir G. C. Lewis's Inquiry,
x
vol.
i.

ch.

i.

p. 5.

note

1.)

306

NOTES.
generally been regarded as the

M. de Beaufort, who has

his " Dissertation sur
Vhistoire

founder of the modern Historical Criticism, did not publish

V incertitude des cinq premiers

till

sihcles

de

Romaine"

sixteen years after Pouilly, as this

in
1

work
i.

first

appeared at Utrecht

recognised to some extent by Niebuhr, (Hist, of

pref. of 1826, p. vii.
i.

His merits are Rome, vol. E. T.; and Lectures on Roman His738.

tory, vol.

p. 148, E. T.)

Note
Niebuhr's views are most
History^
(first

8.

p. 5.

fully

developed in his "

Roman

published in 1811-1812, and afterwards re-

printed with large additions and alterations in 1827-1832),

and in his Lectures on the History of Rome, delivered at Bonn, and published in 846. They also appear in many of his Kleine Schriften, and in his Lectures on Ancient History, delivered at Bonn in 1826, and again in 829-1830, which were published after his decease by his son. Most of these works have received an English dress, and are well known
1
1

to students.

Note So early as 18
called JEyinetica,
17,

9.

p. 5.

in a little tract, gave promise of excellence as an histo-

Karl Otfried Midler,

rical critic. His Orchomenus und die Minyer soon followed, and established his reputation. He is perhaps best known in England by his Dorians, (published in 1824, and translated into English by Mr. H. Tufnell and Sir G. C. Lewis in 830), a work of great value, but not free from minor blemishes. (See Mr. Grote's History of Greece, vol. ii. p.
1

Note 10.

p. 5.

Bockh

is

best

known

in

England by

his

book on the

Public Economy of Athens, (Staatshaushaltioiq der Athener), published in Berlin in the year 181 7, and translated into

English
is

in 1828,

(London, Murray.)

But

his great

work

the Corpus Tnscriptionum Grcecarum, in four large folio

LECTURE
this he shews himself an historical

I.

30?
In

volumes, published at Berlin between 1825 and 1832.

critic of

the

first

order.

Note 11.
I refer especially to

p. 6.

Bishop Thirhvall, Mr. Grote, Colonel

Mure, Mr. Merivale, and Sir G. 0. Lewis. The name of Dr. Arnold should also be mentioned as that of one to whom historical criticism in England owes much.

Note

12. p. 7.
to

See Colonel Mure's Remarks on Two Appendices

Grote
s

Mr.

History of Greece, (London, Longman, 1851 ;) and an excellent article in the Edinburgh Review for July 1856

(No.

an,

Art.

I.),

in

Sir G. C. Lewis on the subject of early

which the extreme conclusions of Roman History are

ably combated.

Note

13. p. 9.

The subjoined

extract from the correspondence of Niein the

buhr has been already given

predecessor in the
office

work of

my

immediate

of

Bampton

Lecturer, (see the

notes to Mr. ManseFs Lectures, pp. 321-2;) but its importance is so great, that I cannot forbear to cite it here. " In my opinion," wrote Niebuhr in the year 1818, " he is

not a Protestant Christian

with

who does not

life,

receive the his-

torical facts of Christ's early

tion,
all

in their literal accepta-

their miracles, as equally authentic with

is

any
not

event recorded in history, and whose belief in them

as firm and tranquil as his belief in the latter
;

who has

not the most absolute faith in the articles of the Apostles''

Creed, taken in their grammatical sense
;

who does not

consider every doctrine and every precept of the

New

Tesof a

tament as undoubted divine revelation,

Christians of the
first

in the sense of the

century,

who knew nothing

Moreover, a Christianity after the fashion of the modern philosophers and pantheists, without a perTheopneustia.
sonal God, without immortality, without
ality,

human

individuall

without historical faith,

is

no Christianity at

to

x 2

308

NOTES.
though
it

me

may be

a very intellectual, very ingenious

I

philosophy.

have often said that

do with a metaphysical God, and that

the

do not know what to I will have none but

God

of the Bible,

who
plain

is

heart to heart with us a ."

his Lectures on Ancient
;

The general orthodoxy

Testament History
History, (vol.
i.

of Niebuhr with respect to the Old

is

from

p. 20, 37, 128,

is

132, &c.)

though, as

will

be noticed hereafter, he
the point.

not always quite consistent on

See below, notes 34, and 36.

Note 14.
Eichhorn,
in his

p. jo.

examination of the Wolfenbiittel Frag-

ments, {Recension der ubrigen, noch ungedruckten Werke des

Wolfenbuttlischen Fragmentisten, in

Bibliothek for 1787, vol.

i.

parts

i.

EichhonVs Allgemeiner and ii.), was, I believe,

'

draw this comparison. Divine interpositions/ must be alike admitted, or alike denied, in the primitive histories of all people. It was the practice of all
the
first to

he argued,

'

nations, of the Grecians as well as the Orientals, to refer

every unexpected or inexplicable occurrence immediately

The sages of antiquity lived in continual communion with superior intelligences. Whilst these representations were commonly understood, in reference to the Hebrew legends, verbally and literally, it had been customary to explain similar representations in the Pagan histories by presupposing either deception and gross falseto the Deity.

hood, or the misinterpretation and corruption of tradition.

But

justice evidently required that

tory should be treated in the same way.' See the

Hebrew and Pagan hissummary

of Eichhorn's views and reasonings in Strauss's Leben Jesu,

The views thus broached 18, E. T.) 6, (vol. i. pp. 15 were further carried out by Gabler, Schelling, and Bauer. The last-named author remarked, that the earliest records why should the writings of of all nations were mythical the Hebrews form a solitary exception ? whereas in point
' :

Life and Letters of B. G. Niebuhr, vol.

ii.

ii.

p. 123.
ii.

Compare
p.

Letter

cexxxi. vol.

pp. 103-5, and Letter cccxxix, vol.

315.

LECTURE

I.

;30<)

of fact a cursory glance at their sacred books proved that

they also contain mythical elements/

Mythologie des alien
1820.

See his Hebraische

und neuen

Testaments, published in

Note

15. p. 10.
in

See the works above cited, and compare an article

Bertholdt's Kritische Journal, vol.
v.

235.

See also Theo-

dore Parker's

De Wette,

vol.

ii.

p.

198.

Note

16. p. 10.

So Vatke {Religion des Alien Testamentes, 23, p. 289 et and De Wette, Archaologie, 30-34. Baron Bunsen See below, notes 39 and 44. takes the same view.
seqq.)

Note

17. p. 10.

Vatke

(1.

s. c.)

regards the " significant names" of Saul,

David, and Solomon, as proof of the legendary character

which attaches to the Books of Samuel.

(Alte Indien, p. 155.)

Von Bohlen

ar-

gues similarly with respect to the ancestors of Abraham.

Note

18. p. 10.

Semler, towards the close of the last century, pronounced

the histories of

Samson and Esther

to be myths; Eichhorn,

early in the present, assigned the

same character to the

Fall.

Mosaic accounts of the Creation and the

Strauss's Introduction;

(See
24,

Leben Jesu,

vol.

i.

pp. 21

and

E. T.)

Note
" Tradition," says
its

19. p. 11.

De Wette,

"

is

uncritical

and

partial

tendency

is

not historical, but rather patriotic and pois

etical.

And

since the patriotic sentiment

gratified

by

all

that flatters national pride, the

more

splendid, the

honourable, the more wonderful the narrative,

more the more

.'510

NOTES.
it is
;

acceptable

and where tradition has

left

any blanks,

imagination at once steps in

and

fills

them up.

And

-1

since,

he continues, " a great part of the historical books of the Old Testament bears this stamp, it has hitherto been believed possible, &c."

(Kritik der Israelitischen Geschichte,

iiber

Einleitung, 10.)
ses

Compare Vater's Abhandlung

den Pentateuch, 660.

Mo-

und

die Verfasser des Pentateuchs in the third

iiber

volume

of his Comment,

Note 20.

p. 11.

tionalists,

This was the aim of the School, called technically Rain Germany, of which Eichhorn and Paulus

were the chief leaders.

tament,

See Eichhorn's Einleitung in das

iiber

Alte Testament, and Paulus's Commentar

das neue Tes-

and

more

fully

Leben Jesu, in which his views are More recently Ewald, in his Gedeveloped.
also his

schichte Volkes Israels,

has composed on the same principle

a complete history of the Jewish people.

Note 21.
See Strauss, Leben Jesu,

p.

1.

8,

vol.

i.

p. 29,

E. T.

This

same view was taken by l)e Wette, Krug, Gabler, Horst, and others. Note 22. p. 11.

An anonymous
it

writer in Bertholdt's Journal

(vol. v.

2 35) objects to the rationalistic

method

of Paulus, that

" evaporates

all

sacredness and divinity from the Scripis

tures ;" while the mythical view, of which he

an advo-

cate, " leaves the substance of the narrative unassailed,"

and " accepts the whole, not indeed as true history, but as a sacred legend." Strauss evidently approves of this reasoning.

(Leben Jesu,

8, vol.

i.

p. 32,

E. T.)

Note 23.
Strauss, Leben
this

p. 11.

Jem, Einleitung, 4.
is

The weakness

of

argument from authority

indeed allowed by Strauss

LECTURE
himself,

I.

311

who admits

that Origen " does not speak out

his rule

freely" (p. 9),

and that "

was to retain the

literal

together with the allegorical sense" (p. 6) he only broke in " a few instances" (p. 1 2.)

a
He

rule which

also allows
left

that " after Origen, that kind of allegory only which

the historical sense unimpaired was retained in the Church and where, subsequently, a giving up of the verbal meaning
is

spoken

of,

this refers
is

merely to a trope or simile"

(p. 9,

note 14.) It

doubtful whether Origen himself ever really

gave up the

literal

and

historical sense.

That the heretics

(Origenists) did

who
so
is

sheltered themselves under his

name

certain

but they are accused of interpolating his

i.

writings.
ch. 3,

(See Mosheim's Ecclesiastical History, book

fin. vol.
i.

note* ad

p.

288, E. T.)
I

Since the above was in type,

fessor Powell, relying (as
it

have observed that Pro-

tions of the infidel

would seem) on the bold asserWoolston b taxes not Origen only, but
,
-1

the Fathers generally, with an abandonment of the histo" The idea/ he says, " of the rical sense of Scripture.

mythic origin of the Gospel narrative had confessedly been applied by some writers, as Rosenmuller and Anton, to
certain portions of the Gospels
;

and

so limited,

was ac-

knowledged
ries

to possess the

sanction 0/ the Fathers." (Third Se-

of Essays, Essay iii. p. 338.) But the opposite view of Strauss is far more consonant with the facts. The whole
subject
in

was elaborately, and,

I believe,

honestly discussed

one of the celebrated Tracts for the Times, (Tract 89, vol. vi. pp. 38-70) and the Fathers generally were 3 completely exonerated from the false charge so commonly preferred against them.
;
;

Note

24. p. 12.

The more recent

writers of the mythical School, as

De

Wette, Strauss, and Theodore Parker, assume that the mythological character of great part of the Old Testament
b Six

Discourses on the Miracles of our Saviour, published in 1727,

1728, and 1729.

312
history
is fully

NOTES.
established.

(See

De Wette's Einhituna

in

das Alt. Test.

et seqq.
vol.
ii.
;

136; Strauss, Leben Jem, Einleitung. 9, Th. Parker's Enlarged Translation of De Wette,

pp. 23

7,

et passim.)

German orthodox

writers

bear striking witness to the effect which the repeated attacks on the historical character of the Old Testament
narrative have had upon the popular belief in their coun" If," says Keil, " the scientific theology of the Evan-

try.

gelical

again,

Church is anxious to strengthen its foundations must force rationalism away from the Old Testanient, where till the present time it has planted its foot so firmly, that many an acute theologian has doubted wheit

ther

it is

possible to rescue again the fides

humana

et

di-

vina of the historical writings of the ancient covenant/'

(Commentar iiber das Buck Josua, Vorwort, p. ii. " Will daher die wissenschaftliche Theologie der evangelischen Kirche sich wieder fest grunden, so muss sie den Rationalismus aus dem Alten Testamente verdrangen, in welchem derselbe bis jetzt so festen Fuss gefasst hat, dass nicht wenige tuchtige Theologen daran verzweifeln, die fides hu-

mana

et

divina der historischen Schriften des altes Bundes

noch retten zu konnen.")

tionalistic

And

he complains that the Ra-

"

mode

of treating the Old Testament Ilistoiy

has been very disadvantageous to the believing theological

science,

inasmuch as

it

can now find no objective ground or

Ibid.

stand-point free from uncertainty ;" (dass sie keinen objectiv

sichern

Grand und Standpunkt gewinnen kann.

Note 25.
p. 12.

1.

c.)

Strauss
tung,

evidently feels this difficulty {Leben Jesu, Einleivol.

i.

13;

p. 64,
'

E. T.)

He

endeavours to meet
all

it

by suggesting that
the earth at once.

the sun does not shine on There was enlightenment in Italy and

parts of

Greece about the time of the establishment of Christianity, but none in the remote Judaea, where the real nature of In history had never even been rightly apprehended/
this there is
that,

no doubt some truth but Strauss forgets though Judaea was the scour of the Gospel story, the
;

LECTURE
Italy
;

I.

313

Evangelical writings were composed chiefly in Greece and

and he omits

to notice, that being written in

Greek

the literary language of the time

they addressed themEpheto the rude provincials

selves to the enlightened circles of Athens, Corinth,

sus,

and

Rome

itself,

far

more than
too,

of Palestine.

The miracles

by which Christianity was

spread, were not alone those which occurred in Judaea

many had been wrought

of Greece
civilised
;

in Rome and in the various cities where they challenged the attention of the most and enlightened classes. In Judaea itself, if the

Jews generally were not " enlightened," in the modern sense of the word, the Roman Governors, and their courts, were. And among the Jews, it must be remembered, the sect which had most power was that of the Sadducees sceptics and materialists.

Note
something of

26. p. 12.

The subjoined passage from Strauss seems to shew " The results of the enquiry this feeling which we have now brought to a close, have apparently
:

annihilated the greatest and most valuable part of that

his

which the Christian has been wont to believe concerning Saviour Jesus, have uprooted all the animating motives
which he has gathered from his
faith,

consolations.

The boundless

store of truth

and withered all his and life which

for eighteen centuries has

been the aliment of humanity,

;

seems irretrievably dissipated

with the dust,
nity,

the most sublime levelled

God
tie

divested of his grace,

man

of his dig-

and the

between Heaven and Earth broken.

horror from so fearful an act of desein the
let

Piety turns
cration,
faith,

away

ivith

and strong

pronounces that,

impregnable self-evidence of its an audacious criticism attempt

what it will, all which the Scriptures declare and the Church believes of Christ, will still subsist as eternal
truth, nor needs one iota of
Jesu, 144, vol.
iii.

it

to be renounced." (Leben

p.

396. E. T.).

314

NOTES.
Note
27. p. i2.

See Bauer's Hebraische Mythologie des alien und neuen

Testaments, Erste Theil, Einleitung, 3, with Gabler's criticism of it in his Journal fur auserlesene tkeolog. Literatur,
ii.

1,

58.

Compare

Strauss, Leben Jesu, 33-43.

Note 28.
Eichhorn, Einleitung in das

p. 12.

neite

Testament,

422;

Theile,

Zur Biograplde

Jesu, 23.

Note 29.

p. 12.

See the account which Strauss gives of the " Development of the Mythical point of view," in his Leben Jesu, 911. "The mythus," he observes, "when once admitted into the New Testament, was long detained at the
threshold, namely, the history of the

infancy of Jesus,

eveiw farther advance being contested.

Amnion, the ano-

nymous E. F. in Henke's Magazine, and others, maintained a marked distinction between the historical worth of the
narratives of the public
life

and those of the infancy of

Jesus

Soon, however, some of the theologians

who

had conceded the commencement

of the history to the

province of mythus, perceived that the conclusion, the history of the ascension, must likewise be regarded as mythical.

Thus the two extremities were cut

off

by the

pruning-knife of criticism.*" (11. pp. 44-5.) Finally the essential body of the history was assailed, and the Gospels especially the first three were " found to contain a con-

tinually increasing

number

of mythi and mythical embel-

lishments." (

9.

p. 36.)

Note
Leben Jesu, 151
;

30. p. 13.
p.

vol.

iii.

437, E. T.

Note 81.
Ibid. pp.

p. 14.

43 7- N-

LECTURE
Note 32.
Eth. Nic.
vi. 7,

J.

.-315

p. 14.

"Atottov yap

ris
p.r\

tijv ttoKitlk^v

rj

Ti]v (pp6vr](TLv cnrovbaioTaTriv

o'Utcu etvai, el

to apiarov r&v

(V

TU> KoV/U.0) av6p(OTTOS i(TTLV.

Note 33.
See above, note 13.

p. 15.

Note 34.

p. 16.

Vortrdge iiber alte Geschichte, vol. i. pp. t 58-9. " Dass das Buch Esther nicht als ein historisches zu betrachten
sei,

davon bin ich iiberzeugt, und ich stehe nicht im Min;

desten an dies hiermit offentlich auszusprechen

derselben

Viele sind

Schon die Kirchenvater haben sie daran geplagt, und der heilige Hieronymus, vvie er klar
Meinung.
andeutet, in der grossten Verlegenheit befunden,
es
als

wenn

er

Gegenwartig wird Niemand die Geschichte in Buche Judith fur historisch ansehen, und weder Origenes noch Hieronymus haben dies
historisch

betrachten

vvollte.

gethan

eben so verhcilt es sich mit

dem Buche Esther ;

es ist

ein Gedicht iiber diese verhaltnisse."

Note 35.

p. 16.

On

the weight of the external testimonies to the authenthe

ticity of

Book

of Esther, see Lecture V. note 69.

Note
There
is

36. p. 17.

reason to suspect that Niebuhr would have

surrendered the Book of Daniel, as well as the

refers to

Book

of

Esther, to the assailants of Scripture, since he nowhere

it as an historical document in his Lectures. Such reference would have been natural in several places.

Note 37.

p. 18.
vol.
i.

pp.

See M. Bunsens Philosophy of Universal History, 1 90-1. E. T.

316

NOTES.
Note 38.
p.
1

8.
i.

See the same author's Egypt,

vol.

p. 182,

E.T.

Note 39.
Ibid. p. 173.

p. 19-

Note
Ibid. p. 174.

40. p. 19.

Note
Ibid. p.
1

41. p. 19.

73.

Note 42.
Ibid. p. i8r.

p. 19.

Note
Ibid. p. 180.

43. p. 19.

Note
Ibid. p.

44. p.

9.

179; and compare

p. 170.

Note

45. p. 20.

German
racles into

Naturalists,

commenced with the school called the who undertook to resolve all the Scripture minatural occurrences. The mythical School, which
scepticism
its

soon followed, very effectually demolished the natural theory,

and clearly demonstrated

"unnaturalness." (See Strauss,

Leben Jesu, Einleitung, 9 and 12.) Themj'thical writers themselves oppose one another. Strauss frequently condemns

and Theodore Parker often argues against De Wette. That the Scripture History is a collection of myths, all of them are agreed ; when and how the myths grew up, at what time they took
;

the explanations of Gabler and VVeisse

a written form,

when they came

fact they
it is difficult

into their present shape,

basis,

what amount of
all

have as their

on these and

similar points,

to find two of
II,

them who
Note
37.)

hold the same opinion.

(See below, Lecture

46. p. 22.

Note

cial

" Historical evidence," says Sir G. C. Lewis, " like judievidence, is founded on the testimony of credible witnesses. Unless these witnesses had personal and iinme-

LECTURE

I.

317

diate perception of the facts which they report, unless they

saw and heard what they undertake to

happened, their evidence
original witnesses
is

relate as having

not entitled to credit.

As

all

must be contemporary with the events

it is

which they attest,

bility of a

a necessary condition for the credi;

witness that he be a contemporary

is

contemporary

not necessarily a credible witness.

though a Unless

therefore a historical account can be traced by probable

proof, to the testimony of contemporaries, the first condition of historical credibility fails."
{Credibility of Early
p. 16.)

Roesti-

man
little

History, Introduction, vol.

i.

Allowing for a
is

rhetorical over-stating of the case, this

a just

mate

primary value of the testimony borne by contemporaries and eyewitnesses.

of the

Note
It
is

47. p. 22.

evident that an historian can rarely have witnessed

one half the events which he puts on record.

of commentaries, like Csesar and
facts

Even

writers

X enophon,

record

many

which they had not seen, and which they knew only by information from others. Ordinary historians, who have
not had the advantage of playing the chief part in the
events which they relate, are
still

more indebted
its

to enquiry.
(toropia).

Hence History seems

to have received

name

When

the enquiry appears to have been carefully conducted,

of the writer seems sound, we give very credence to his statements founded upon en-

and the judgment

nearly as
full

quiry as to those of an eyewitness.

We

trust Thucydides

almost as implicitly as Xenophon, and Tacitus almost as

entirely as Caesar. Sir G. C.

Lewis allows that accounts

derived, directly or indirectly, from the reports of original

witnesses

may be

considered as presumptively entitled

to credit." {Credibility,

&c,
;

ch.

ii.

vol.

i.

p. 19.

Comvol.
i.

pare

p. 25,

servation

and pp. 81-2 and Reasoning

and see also

his

Methods of Ob
2
;

in Politics, ch. vii.

pp. 181-5.)

318

NOTES.
Note
48. p. 22.

The tendency

of the

modern

Historical Criticism has

been to diminish greatly the value formerly attached to

this sort of evidence.

Mr. Grote

in

some places seems

i.

to

deny

it all

weight. {History of Greece, vol.

pp. 572577).

Practically, however, as Col.

Two

Appendices,

establishing

Mure has shewn. {Remarks on &c, pp. 3-6), he admits it as sufficiently a number of very important facts. Sir G. C.

Lewis regards oral tradition as a tolerably safe guide for the general outline of a nation's history " for a period reaching back nearly 150 years." {Credibility, &c, ch. iv.
2
;

vol.

i.

p. 100).

Special circumstances might, he thinks,

give to an event a

Among

longer hold on the popular memory. such special circumstances he notices " commemostill

rative festivals,

and other periodical observances," as

in

certain cases serving to perpetuate a true tradition of a

national event (ibid. p. ioi).

Note

49. p. 23.

The modern
on
this

historical critics
in

have not

laid

much

stress

head of evidence
its

their discussions of the ab;

stract principles of their science

but practically they often

shew their sense of

importance.

Thus Niebuhr urges

rest

against the theory of the Etruscans being colonists from

Lydia, the fact that

it

had no Lydian tradition to

upon. {History of Borne, vol. i. p. 109, E. T.) Mr. Kenrick and others regard it as decisive of the question, whether
the Phoenicians migrated from the Persian Gulf, that there

was a double tradition

ch.iii. p.

in its

favour (Kenrick's Phoenicia,

46

et seqq),both the Phoenicians themselves

and the

inhabitants of the islands lying in the Gulf agreeing as to

the fact of the emigration.

of such evidence
lies

The ground

of the high value

in

the extreme improbability of an

accidental harmony, and in the impossibility of collusion.

Note
Ezra,
i.

50. p. 24.

v.

vi.

1-12.

Esther,

ii.

23;

iii.

14;

vi.

1.

LECTURE
Note 51.
Analogy, Part
ii.

I.

819

p. 25.

ch.

vii. p.

329.

Note
Let
it

52. p. 26.
is

be ten to one that a certain fact

true upon the

testimony of one witness, and likewise ten to one that the

same
but

fact

is

true upon the evidence of another, then

is

it is

not

twenty to one that the fact

1

true on the evidence of both,

30 to one.

And

the evidence to the same point of a

third independent witness of equal credibility with the others

would raise the probability to 1330 to one.

Note
:

53. p. 27.

See Strauss Leben Jesu, 13 (vol. i. p. 64, E. T.). For a complete refutation of this view "the shallowest and crudest of all the assumptions of unbelief e " see the Bamp-

ton Lectures of

my

predecessor, Lecture

II.

pp. 184197.

Note

54. p. 27.

See Bauer's Hebraische Mythologie des Alien und Neuen

Testaments, quoted by Strauss, Leben Jesu, 8 (vol.
i.

p. 25,

E. T.).

Note 55.
Ecclesiastical Polity,

p. 29.

book

i.

ch. 3.

4.

"Those

things

which Nature

is

said to do, are

;

by Divine art performed,

nor
is

using nature as an instrument

the Guide of Nature's work

there any such art

or knowledge divine in nature herself working, but only in

.
. .

Unto

us there

is

one only

guide of

all

agents natural, and

in all, alone to for ever."

He

both the Creator and

Worker of all
noured by
all

be blessed, adored, and hoCompare Dean Trench, Notes on

ii.

the Miracles

of our Lord, ch.

pp. 910.

Note
'

56. p. 30.
1

Plato's Phsedo, 46--7. 'AAA d/cowa? fiev ttot Zk /3i/3Atov twos, cos e'(/)r/, Ava^ayopov avayLyvioanovTOS, Kal Ae'yoi'ros cos
c

Mansel's Bnmpfon Lectures, Lecture VI.

p. 193.

320
apa vovs

NOTES.
<tt\v 6 bt,aKO(TfjiS>v re
/cat ("boge

kcu thxvtuiv atrtos", tclvtij

bi]

tj)

atria ycrOrjv re,

tcls eA.7rta?,
1

uot

ktA..

Kai

ol>k

ay

aiieb6p.r)v

noXXov

d\Aa

7rai'y airovbf] Aa/3wi>

oj?

rd? fiifikovs w? ra^tora

elbei-qv

olds r

v/y

aveyiyvuxTKOV, tv
'A7To
8r;

rci)(icrra
u>

to fiekTicrTOV

kcu to

x.etpoi'.

davp.ao-Ti]s,

Iratpe,

ekiribos il>y6p.i]V

(pepop.evos,

eireibi]

irpo'iiov

kcu avayiyvu><JKUiV
oi>oe

opwTavb pa

tu>

p.ev

v<2

ovbev ^pcap.evov

ri^as atria? eTtaiTiu>p,evov

els to bia.Koa-p.elv tcl irpa.yp.aTa,

aepas be KaV.aWepas Kat i'8ara

aiTuapevov Kat dAAa Trokka

ko! aToita.

The

'

Vestiges

of

Creation" and other works of the same stamp, are the

modern counterparts

of these

Anaxagorean

treatises.

Note

57. p. 32.

On

the latter subject see Mr. J.

prefixed to a portion of Fleury's Ecclesiastical History,

also published in a separate

H. Newman's Essay and

1

form (Oxford, Parker,

843)

and compare the views of Dodwell (Dissertat. in Trenceum, ii. 28 et seqq.), Burton (Ecclesiastical History of the First Three Centuries, vol. ii. pp. 5, 2303, &c.), and Kaye (Tertullian, p.

element
3, pp.

in

104 Justin Martyr, p. 121). On the supernatural Heathenism, see Mr. Newman's Arians (ch. i.
;

racles, ch.

87-91); and compare Trench, Notes on\the Miiii. pp. 21-3; Alford's Greek Testament, vol. ii.

p. 164; Hue's Voyage clans la Tartarie, vol. i. pp. 295-6; and Havernick, Handbuch der historisch-kritischen Einleitung

in das Alte Testament, 23, p. 244, E. T.

NOTES.
LECTURE
II.

Note

1.

p.

39.
Critical Study
1

oEE

Home's
;

Introduction

to the
ii.

and KnowI.

ledge of

Holy Scriptures,

ch.

vol.

i.

pp. 51-6, sixth

edition

Graves, Lectures on the Pentateuch, Lecture

Havernick, Handbuch der Historisch-hritischen Einleitung

in das Alte Testament, vol.

of

Stuart's Defence i. ch. ii. 108 ; Old Testament Canon, 3, p. 42, &c. This fact is not denied by those who oppose the Mosaic authorship.
the

(See

De Wette's

Einleitung in das Alte Testament, 163,

and

164, pp. 203-5.)

Note

2.

p. 39.

The

history of the controversy concerning the authorship

of the Iliad will illustrate

what

is

stated in the text.

It

cannot but be allowed that arguments of very considerable

weight have been adduced by
of the
tains its

latest Critic as fully

is regarded by the and finally established. (See Gladstone's Homer and the Homeric Age, vol. i. pp. 3, 4.) The
is, that the opposing arguments, though strong, are pronounced on the whole not strong enough to overcome the force of a unanimous tradition.

Homeric authorship. ground in spite of them, and

Wolf and others in disproof Yet the opposite belief main-

reason

Note

3.

p. 39.

For

instance,

De Wette

repeats the

old objection of

Spinoza, that the author of the

Pentateuch cannot be
Y

RAWLINSON.

323

NOTES.

Moses, since he uses the expression " beyond Jordan" as

a dweller in Palestine would, whereas Moses never entered
Palestine.
{Einleiluivi,

&c,

147, a, 4.)

But
is

all

tolerable

Hebraists are aware that the term "12V2.

ambiguous,

and may mean on either

lates
it,

side of a river.

Buxtorf transet

"
p.

cis,

ultra, trans."

{Lexicon Hebraicum

Chal-

daicum,

527, ad voe. "Q}.\)

80 Gesenius and others.

Even De Wette admits in a note that the expression has the two senses but the objection maintains its place in
;

his text notwithstanding.

De Wette's
marks, that
in

translator

and commentator, Mr. Theodore

it.

Parker, repeats the objection, and amplifies

He

re-

Jordan" means " this side Jordan" means " to the west of that river." (vol. ii. p. 41.) Apparently he is not aware that in the original it is one and the same expression ("OJ?3) which
has been rendered in the two different ways.

the Pentateuch the expression " beyond " on the east side of that river/' while

Note

4.

p. 39.

Examples of

interpolations, or insertions into the text

:

by another hand, are, I think, the following 319; Exod. xvi. 35-6, and perhaps Deut.
Graves, Lectures on the Pentateuch, vol.
i.

Gen. xxxvi.
iii.

14.

(See

and

The first p. 349.) the others probably were not, written by Moses.

342, pp. 345-6, of these cannot have been, and

p.

They are

supplementary notes of a similar character to the supplementary chapter of Deuteronomy (ch. xxxiv.), in which
every commentator recognises an addition to the original

document. (Graves,

vol.

i.

pp. 349,

350; Havernick, Iland;

Home's buch, &c, 134, sub fin. vol. i. p. 549 &c.) tion, &c, vol. p. 62 The other passages, which have been regarded
i.
;

Introduc-

as interii.

polations, such as Gen.

xiii. 8,

xxii.

14;

Deut.
all

10-12,

2023, iii. by Moses.

9,

11,

&c, may
(1.

(I
s.

think) have
c.)

been written

Havernick

maintains, that even the

passages mentioned in the last paragraph are from the

LECTURE

II.

m6
i

pen of the Lawgiver, and holds that the Pentateuch

is

altogether " free from interpolation" the last chapter of

Deuteronomy alone being from another hand, and

duction to Joshua.

consti-

tuting an Appendix to the Pentateuch, or even an Intro-

He
all

be once admitted,

is

seems to think that if interpolation " From inrendered uncertain.

is

terpolation to revision/' he says, "

cially if

so short a step, espe-

we conceive

of the latter according to the sense

and

spirit of the East, that

we should

find

it

impossible to
if

oppose any barrier to the latter supposition,

could be proved."

the former

But

it is

our business to be guided not

by the exigencies of controversy, but by the demands of

Reason and Truth. It would be strange if in a book as old as the Pentateuch there were not some interpolations.

And

all

lations,

men will readily see whether made by authority, or

reasonable

that a few interpoglosses which have

crept in from the margin, do not in the slightest degree affect the genuineness of the

work as a whole.

(See

Home's

Introduction, vol.

i.

ch. 2, p. 62; Graves's Lectures,

Appendix,
t

346, and pp. 355-361 ; Rosenmiiller's Prolegomena 36; Eichhorn's Einleitung in das Alte Testament, 434, &c. ; Jahn's Einleitung und Beiirixge zur Vertheid. der

1, p.

p.

Aechtheit des Pentateuehs, p. 60

and Fritzsche's Prufung

der Griinde, &c, p. 135-)

Note

5.

p. 40.
;

De Wette,

Einleitung, 145

pp. 168, 16-9.

Note
Ibid. 163, p. 204.

6.

p. 40.

"

Gegen

die

Abfassung durch Mose

ist es

zeugt

die gange Analogie der Sprach und Literatur-

Geschichto der Hebraer.

... So

Unsinn anzunehso wie auch diese

men, dass

Em Mann

die episch-historische, rhetorische unci

poetische Schreibart im ganzen

drei Gebiete

Umfange

und Geiste nach im voraus geschaffen, und

Schriftstellern
soil."

der Hebraischen Litteratur ihrem Inhalte alien folgenden

nichts
als

den Nachtritt gelassen haben

Y 2

324

NOTES.
Note
7.
p.

40.

Hartmann,
diing,
<Sj-c.

Historisch-kritische Forschungen iiber d. Bil-

des Pentateuchs. p. 545, et alibi.

the Gospels, vol.
is
ii.

Norton, Genu-

ineness

of

p. 444,

second edition.

The

objection

as old as Spinoza.
viii. p.
1

(See his Tractatus Theolo-

gico-Politicus, ch.

54.)
8.
p.

Note

40.

De Wette,

Einleitung, 144, p. 167.

Note

9.

p. 40.

Hartmann,
Politicus, ch.

1.

s. c.

So Spinoza, Tractatus

Theologico-

viii.

pp. 1545.

Note

10. p. 40.

Leben Jesu, Einleitung 13. vol. i. p. 60. E. T. The genuineness of the First Epistle to the Corinthians, which
contains
so

many

references
vol.
iii.

to
p.

rniracles d ,

is

specially

acknowledged, 140;

367, E. T.

Note

11. p. 40.

Strauss allows, though with evident reluctance, that the

Acts

are, or at least
i.

may

be, the

work

of St.
it

Luke (Leben
little

Jesu, 13, vol.

p. 60,

E. T.)

He

regards

as " not a

remarkable, that the author makes no distinct allusion to

his connexion with the
It is certainly very

most distinguished of the Apostles."

St.

remarkable how completely

Luke

keeps himself, and his own actions, in the background,

while engaged in recording the history of events in which

he himself took part. But this reticence

is

a feature of that

humility which characterises the Sacred Writers generally.

Note
It

12. p. 41.

was the existence of considerable remains of Greek

than the latter half of the sixth

literature, earlier in date

rt

See especially ch.

3.

xii.

verses 9, 10. and 28-30, ch. xiv. 2, 5, 6, 13,

&c, and ch. xv.

LECTURE
century B.

II.

325
with
it,

C, and an exact acquaintance

which

enabled Bentley so thoroughly to establish the spuriousness of the alleged Epistles of Phalaris. In the

Homeric

controversy, on the other hand, the want of any contem-

porary literature has rendered the argument, that a single

man

in such early times could not possibly

have composed
ground, and on

both the Iliad and the Odyssey, so weak and inconclusive

that the opposite opinion
still

maintains

its

the whole seems tending to become the established one.

(See above, note

2.)

Note 13.

p. 40.

The only remains

of ancient literature which are even

supposed to reach as high as the age of Moses, are certain

Hieratic Papyri found in Egypt, belonging to the nine-

teenth or even to earlier dynasties. others by the Rev. J. D. Heath f

Two
it is

of these have
,

been translated by the Vicomte de Rouge e

.

and several

But

very doubtful

whether these translations give much

originals.

real insight into the

As Mr. Goodwin
little

observes, {Cambridge Essays,

is

1858, p. 229) "Egyptian philology

yet in

its

infancy.

Champollion got
language
;

further than the accidence of the

and

since his time not

the investigation of the

syntax

much has been done in With an incomplete

. .

knowledge of the syntax, and a slender vocabulary, translation becomes guesswork, and the misconception of a single word or phrase may completely confound the sense." Hence Mr. Goodwin and Mr. Heath often differ as to the entire subject and bearing of a document. (See Mr. Goodwin's

Essay, pp. 249, 259, 261, &c.)

Note 14.

p. 41.

The

antiquity of the diction of the Pentateuch has been

S,

denied by some critics

e

among

others by Gesenius. (See

1852, and the Revue Con-

See the Revue Archeologique for

May

temporaine for 1856.

f

The Exodus Papyri, London 1855.

Vater, Abhundlung uber Moses, &c. 393; Norton, Authenticity of the Gospels, vol. ii. pp. 441, 442.

326

NOTES.
and
Schrift,
8.)

his Geschickte der HebraiscJien Sprache

But Jahn seems

real

to have established the point

beyond any
BengePs

controversy.
vol.
ii.

(See Jahn's contributions to

;

578 et seqq. vol. iii. p. 168 et seqq. Compare Fritzsche, Prufwig der Grande &c. p. 104 et seqq. and see also Marsh's Authenticity of the Five Books of
Archiv.
p.

and Stuart's History and Defence of the 2-1 3.) At least DeWette, writing after both Jahn and Gesenius, is constrained to admit that archaisms exist in considerable number, and has to account for them by supposing that they were adopted from the
Moses, p. 6 et seqq.
;

Old Testament

'anon, pp.

ancient documents of which the Compiler,

who

lived later

than Solomon, made use.

163,

(Einleitung,

157. See

also

where he allows that the

linguistic, as distinct

from
is

the literary argument, against the Mosaic authorship,

weak.)

Note
This
is

15. p. 41.

abundantly shewn by Havornieh {Handbuch &c,

*3 6

PP-

554"5 6 4-)
Note
16.
p. 42.

Seo Lecture

III.

pages 83 and 84.

Note 17.

p. 42. in recent times

Mr. Norton

is

the writer

who

has urged

this point with the greatest distinctness, and has given it the most prominent position. In his section, headed " Some general considerations respecting the Authorship of the Pentateuch." he begins his argument against the genuineness

with this objection.

" There

Moses, ho says, lived probably

;

in the
later.

fifteenth century before Christ

is

certainly not

much

no satisfactory evidence that alphabetical writing

this time.

was known at
that
ii

If

known

to others,

it is

improbable

their
the

They could not during was known to the Hebrews. residence in Egypt have learnt alphabitical writing from
;

Egyptians

for the

mode

of representing ideas to the

eve,

which the Egyptians employed till a period long subsequent, was widely(?) different from the alphabetical writing of the Hebrews.
If

they were acquainted with the art,

LECTURE

II.

327

they must have brought it with them into the country. But we can hardly suppose that it was invented, or acquired except by tradition, in the family of Isaac, or in that of Jacob before his residence in Egypt, engaged as We they both were in agriculture and the care of cattle. must then go back to Abraham nt least for what traditionary knowledge of it his descendants in Egypt may be supposed to have possessed. But it would be idle to argue against the supposition that alphabetical writing was known
in the time

of Abraham "." That writing was unknown to the Hebrews

1

till

the time

of the Judges, was, at one period of their lives,

maintained

by Gesenius and

De

Wette.

(See Gesenius, Geschichte der

140 et seqq.

Hebr'dischen Sprache

und

Schrift,

and De

Wette's Archdologie, 277.) Both however saw reason to change their opinion, and admitted subsequently that it

must have dated at least from Moses. See Gesenius' Hebrew Grammar, Excursus I. p. 290 (English Translation, 13th edition), and De Wette's Einleitung, 12, p. 13. The bulk of modern German critics, whether rationalist or orthodox, acquiesce in this latter opinion.
schichte Volkes Israels, pp.
p.

See Ewald, Ge-

64-69,

Von Lengerke, Kanaan,

xxxv., Havernick, Einleitung in das Alte Testament.

;

44,

&c.

and compare the American

3, pp. 40, 41.

writer, Stuart, Old Testa-

ment Canon,

Note
thor's Herodotus, vol.

18.

p. 42.

See the statements of Sir Gardner Wilkinson

ii.

in the au-

and pp. 343-4. The date assigned to the fourth dynasty rests upon the same aup. 31
i,

thority.

Note
Sir

19. p. 42.

Henry Rawlinson regards the

(See

earliest

inscribed

bricks in the Babylonian series as dating from about B. C.

2200.
440.)
h

the author's Herodotus, vol.

i.

pp. 435

and

Genuineness of the Gospels, vol.

ii.

Appendix, Note D. 3; pp.

439-441-

J328

NOTES.
Note
20. p. 42.
in the au-

See Wilkinson's statements on this subject

thor's Herodotus, vol.
i.

regards the hieratic character as having come into use " at least as
pp. 306, 321, &c.
early as the 9th dynasty" (p. 306), which he places about

He

B. C. 2240.

considerable

number

of hieratic papyri bestill

longing to the 19th dynasty, and one or two of a

earlier date, are

now

in the British

Museum.

(See Cam-

bridge Essays for 1858, pp. 229, 230.)

Some

writers urge, that the

Jews could not have

learnt

alphabetic writing from the Egyptians, since " the

mode

of

representing ideas to the eye, which the Egyptians emtill a period long subsequent, was widely different from the alphabetical writing of the Hebrews." (Norton, Compare Havernick, Einleitung, 4243.) But the I. s. c. It is a mistake to difference was really not very great.

ployed

suppose that the Egyptian writing was, except to a small

extent, symbolical.
ratic, as

Both
rule, the

in the hieroglyphic

and the

hie-

words are spelt phonetically first, and are then followed by a symbol or symbols. (See Mr. Goodwin's Essay, p. 227, and compare Wilkinson, Herodoa general
tus, vol.
ii.

p.

317.)

Note

21. p. 43.

Ur, or Hur (*^]N), the modern Mugheir, has furnished some of the most ancient of the Babylonian inscriptions. (See the author's Herodotus, vol. i. p. 435; and compare Loftus's Chaldcea and Susiana, ch. xii. p. 130.) It seems to
have been the primeval capital of Chaldsea. The inscriptions, which are either on bricks or on clay cylinders, and

which are somewhat rudely executed, have been assigned to about the 22nd century before Christ, (See the Herodotus, vol.
i.

p.

440), which

is

at least three centuries before

Abraham. Attempts have sometimes been made to determine the questions, whence exactly and when exactly the Hebrews
obtained their alphabetic system.
leitung,

(See Havernick's Ein-

44.)

It

is

considerably different both from that

LECTURE
of

II.

tm
is

Egypt and that

it

of Babylon, while
;

it

almost identical

with that of Phoenicia

whence

it is

inferred, that the

He-

brews learnt
there
is

from the Phoenicians.

Of

this,

however,

no evidence, since the Phoenicians may equally as well have learnt of them. (See the statement of Eupolemus,
family of

note 25.) The probability seems to be, that the Abraham brought an alphabetic system from Ur, which may have been modified in Canaan and again in Egypt and which may not have assumed a settled shape until the writings of Moses fixed it for after ages. The system which they brought may have been either originally common to them with the Aramaic, Phoenician, and other cognate races or it may have gradually spread from them

quoted

in

11

to those people.

Note 22.

p. 43.

Hecataeus of Abdera lived in the fourth century before

Christ.

He

was a friend of Alexander the Great, and

following
is

wrote a work upon the history and religious antiquities of

the Jews.

The

his

testimony to Moses

Kara

Ti]v

Alyvnrov to itaXaiov

XotpuKijs irepLo-Tatretos yevo-

ixivrjs, aveirep.i:ov ol

ttoKXoI ri]v alriav tcov kclk&v els to SatpoiravTobaircov ko.toikovvto)v evcov /cat 81irtpl

viov TToWutv yap

/cat

qkXayjxevois eOeac xpcofxevcov

to

Upbv

/cat

ras dvcrias
'

kcito,-

kekvaOat uvveftaive

Trap"

avTols tcov Oecov rtpas.

p,r)

Oirep ol

ti]s

X<*>pas eyyevels vnekafiov, eav

rat, Kpicnv

tovs dkkocpvkovs peraa^/craw-

ovk eaeaOai tcov

ol

/ca/ccof.

EvOvs ovv ^evqkaTovpevcov

koX bpacniKcoTaToi
crv-

tcov

dkkoeOvcov,

p.ev

eTTicpaveoTaTOL
cos

aTpacpevres e^eppicp^aav,

Tives cpaatv, els tt]v

'Ekkaba ...

8e tioXvs kecos e^eireaev els tt]v vvv Kakeojxevqv "'lovbatav, ov

770'ppa)

[iev

Keifxevrji' ttjs
''-'

AlyvrtTov, TtavTekcos be eprjpiov ovaav

/car'

eneivovs tovs XP

01^.

Hyetro be
re
/cat

7?]? curoi/ctas

6 "npoaayobiacpepcov.
/cat

pevop.evos

Mtoaijs, (ppovi]crei

avbpeLti

irokv

Ovtos be KaTakafiopievos
Ti]v

Ti]v \copav,

dkkas re
<

irokeis e/crtae

vvv ovaav eTtLcpavecTTaTr]v,6vop.a^opi(vr]v \epocT6kvp.a. '\bpv-

h It seems scarcely possible that the resemblance between the Hebrew shin and the Egyptian sh can be accidental. A fainter similarity may be traced in some other letters.


330
<tclto

NOTES.
be kcu to /xdAiara nap' civtols Tip.(6p.evov iepov, Kal ras

W-

fxas

Kal

ay tare (as rod 6e(ov KaTebeie,

Kal

to,

Kara

tt]v ttoAi-

rtiav evopoBeTi)o-e kcu bee-rage. After giving

an account of the

chief points of the law, Hecatseus adds, YlpoayeypaiiTai

be Kal rots vop.ois
ZttI

TeKevrf/s,

on

Moxtt/s aKovaas tov

Qeov

rdbe keyei tois 'lovbatots.

in

(See the fragments of Hecatseus

Mons.
ii.

0. Midler's

Fragmenta Historicorum Grcecorum,

vol.

p.

392, Fr. 13.)

Note 23.

p. 43.

Manetho, the Egyptian, was also contemporary with Alexander, and wrote his Egyptian History under the first
Ptolemy.
rcu
8'

His words, as reported by Josephus, are

lepevs, to

Aeye-

otl ri]v

-nokiTeiav Kal tovs vouovs avTots Karayevos 'HkiovTiokiTrjs, 6vop.a ''Oaapalcp,

u>s p.eTej3r]

fSakop-evos
curb

tov ev 'HAto7ToAet Qeov 'Oaipecos,

p.eTere.6-1]

eh tovto to
[Frag-

yevos,

Tovvopa koX
vol.
ii.

TTpocrrjyopevOri

Mwm)]j,

menta Hist. Grwc.

p.

5H0

Fr. 54.)

Note

24. p. 43.

Lysimachus of Alexandria, a writer (probably) of the Augustan age, abused Moses and his laws. See Josephus
(contr. Apion.
vir
ii.

14)

Avcriixayos Ka( Tives akkot,

to.

piev

ay rotas, to

-nkelcrTov be

Kara bvapeveiav,

rrepi

re tov vop.o-

OeTtjaavTos ijpuv MootJcrecos Kal irepl tqov v6p.(ov i\e-no(r\vTai ko-

yovs ovTe biKa(ovs ovre

dkr]0e'is,

tov p.ev

cos

yoi]ra Kal airaTeawa

Kal ovbep.(as dperrjs

biafiakkovres, tov* vopovs be

i)>a<TK0VTe<i etvai

eca/a'as

fijj.iv

bibaaKakovs.

Note 25.
Kupolemus him
is

p. 43.

by some thought to have been a Jew; but

the liberties which he takes with Scripture seem to

for a heathen.

mark

Josephus evidently considers him such, since he couples him with Demetrius Phalereus, and speaks
of

him

as unable to follow exactly the sense of the Jewish

Scriptures.

(Contr. Apion.

i.

23.)

He

lived in the latter


LECTURE
in
II.

331

half of the second century before Christ,

and wrote a work Greek on the history of the Jews, which was largely quoted by Alexander Polyhistor, the contemporary of
Sylla.

(See Eusebius, Prceparatio Evancjelica,

vol.

ii.

pp.

370-3, 394, 423433, &c.) Polyhistor thus reported his testimony concerning Moses
:

Evtt6K[xo9 be

(I>i]itl

tov

M(t)<r//i>

TTp&Tov aocpbv yeveaOcu, KCU

it

ypapfxara irapabovvai reus '\ovhaiois

vup,ovs
re
TTpuiTov ypdxlrat
ii.

p&rov,

irapa 8e

lovbatoor <-Po(vLKas t:apa\a,3eLi',"E\\r]vas 8e -napci

row ^ou'Ikoov,

McooT/z'

'lovbaiois.

(Frag-

menta Hist. Grcec.

vol.

p. 220,

Fr. 13.)

Note
Histor.
v.

26. p. 43.

" Moyses, quo sibi in posterum

gentem

fir-

maret, novas ritus contrariosque ca3teris mortalibus indidit."

Note 27.
"

p. 43.

Quidam
Nee

sortiti

metuentem Sabbata patrem.

Nil prseter nubes et coeli

distare putant

numen adorant humana carne suillam,

;

Qua pater abstinuit mox et prreputia ponunt Romanas autem soliti contemncrc leges,
Judaicum
ediscunt, et servant, et

metuunt

jus,

Tradidit arcano quodcunque volumine Moses."

Satir. xiv.

96102.

Note 28.

p. 43.

Longinus does not mention Moses by name, but it cannot be doubted that he intends him in the famous passage, where he speaks of " the Jewish legislator" as a person
1'

historically

kcu 6 tS>v 'Iov8cuW' Oeo-pLoQtrrjs,

tG>v

known, and as the writer of Genesis. TavTij ov^ b tv^wv av7]p, 7rei8r; ttjv
ypatyas
tu>v vopaav,

Oeu>v

bvvap.iv Kara ttjv a^iav eyrw/jure, Kq^(f]rev, evOvs

h'

rfj

dcrj3o\f]

"

Eltrev b Oeos,"
yij,

(pr}cn'

u
De

" TtviaOoi

cp&s,

kcu iyiviro'

yevta6(a

kcu

iyzi'tro.

Sublimitate, 9.


332

NOTES.
Note 29.
p.

43.

Hecatseus,

Eupolemus, Juvenal, and

Longinus.

See

above, notes 22, 25, 27, and 28.

Nicolas of

Damascus
as saved in
yevoiro

may
the
8'

be added as a witness to the composition of the Pen-

tateuch by Moses.

Speaking of a certain

man

Ark

at the time of the Great Deluge, he says

av

ovto<s,

ovriva kcu Muxrrjs aveypaxfrev, 6 'IovScuW ro/xoi.

6(rr)s.

(See Josephus, Antiq. Jud.

3, 6.)

Note

30. p. 44.

According to some writers, Hellanicus, the contemporary of Herodotus, mentioned Moses.

Cohortatio

(Justin Martyr,
'Adrjvatcav ioto-

ad

Gentes, 8, p. 13, D.
,

Oi ra

povvres, 'EWclvikos re Kal

re Kal

<$>i\6)(opos, ol tcls "'ArOihas, Karrrcop

OaXkbs, Kal AAe'ar8pos

6 YloKviaroip,

w? acpobpa
ixep.vr]V-

apyaiov Kal iraXaiov tCov ^ovbaioov ap^ovros

rai.

Mwwecos
i.

Cyrillus Alexandrinus, Contra Julianum,

p. 15,
rjv 6

D.
yap

"On
ai]s,

8e reus 'EWrjvcov Icrropioypacpois ywopipcoraro?

e

Mco-

avr&v &v yeypcupacnv eeoriv

irpatTr]

ibeiv.

noAe'p.G)i>

re

kv

rfj

rdv 'EAAtjiukmz;

IcrTopi&iv
p.i]v

biepLV7]p.6vevcrev

avrov,

Kal riroAepatos 6 Mei'8?/crtos, Kal

Kal 'EAAai'iKO? Kal <t>i\6-

Xopos, Kdcrrcop re Kal 'irzpoi irpos tovtols-)

As he wrote a
is

work

entitled Ilept HOvm', or BapftapLKa vopijia, there

It is less easy to see

improbability in this statement.

no what

could have led Philochorus (B. C. 300) to speak of him, but we are scarcely entitled on this ground to pronounce
(as

Mons.

C. Miiller does, Fr. Hist. Gr. vol.

i.

p.

385) that

Justin misunderstood his author.

B. C. 200) seems to
Israelites out of Egypt.
x.

Polemon of Ilium (ab. have spoken of Moses leading the

(Africanus ap. Euseb. Prcep. En.

10;

vol.

ii.

p.

512

Kal 'EWijvuv bi rtyes laropovcn Kara

rioAe'pwf
l-Ltv

tovs avrovs
TTpcarr] re'cos

xpovovs yeveaOai Maxrea*

*v

rfj

tS>v

EWriviK&v

icrropicof Ae'ycdi', kirl "Artibos

tov

<\>opo)rfj

/xotpa tov

AlyvnTmv orparov

(^eireaev AlyvTrrov, ot ev
a>/ojrraj>,
I.

YlaXataTLVt] KaXovfA^Vfl Styu'a ov iroppco 'Apa/3ias

hrjkoi/on ol fxera Mgxt&bs.

avrol
-Ins-

Oomp.

Cyril. .\\<-\.

s.

<.

LECTURE
tin

II.

333
i.

Martyr, Cohort, ad Gentes,

p.

1 ;

Syncellus, vol.

p.

16.)

Apollonius Molo, Cicero's instructor in rhetoric, (about

B. C. 80) called

Moses a juggler and an impostor, and gave

a very incorrect account of his legislation. (Josephus, Contra

Vide supra, note 24.) Trogus Pompeius (ab. B. C. 20) spoke of him at some length, but did not
Apionem,
ii.

14.

give his readers very correct information,

if

we may judge
(sc.

by the epitome of Justin.

Joseph) Moses
ditatem
^Egyptii,
moniti,
fuit,

Justin says

" Filius ejus

quern prseter paternse scientise hsere-

etiam forma? pulchritudo

commendabat.

Sed

cum scabiem et vitiliginem eura cum segris, ne pestis ad

paterentur, responso
plures serperet, ter-

minis iEgypti pellunt.

Dux

igitur

exulum

factus, sacra

yEgyptiorum

fur to abstulit: qua? repetentes armis iEgyptii

domum
ses,

redire tempestatibus compulsi sunt.

Itaque

Mocum
diem

Damascena antiqua

patria repetita,

montem

Synse oc-

cupat; quo septem dierum jejunio per deserta Arabia?

populo suo fatigatus,

cum tandem

venisset, septiinum

more

sabbata' appellatum in omne sevum jejunio quoniam ilia dies famem illis erroremque finierat. .... Post Mosen etiam filius ejus Aruas, Sacerdos sacris .^Egyptiis, mox rex creatur." (Hist, xxxvi. 2.) The Egyptian historians Apion (B. C. 30), Chseremon (A. D. 50), and Ptolemy of Mendes the last an author of uncertain
gentis
'

sacravit,

date, probably of the 1st century after Christ

fact of his leading the

noticed the
aKpifiels XP'~

Jews out of Egypt. (See Tatian, Oratio

5' elcriv

adversus Grcecos,
vcov avaypa<pai.

37, p. 273; Aiyvuricov

t>v kcit

Kal

clvtovs ypap.p.aro>v epp,i]vevs YIto-

Aejixatos, ov)( 6 (3acn\evs, iepeiis be

Mevbr)To$, ovtos ras t6>v /3a*

aikewv

Trpageis KTLdep,i'os,

Kara
e

ApLOxnv AlyvTtTOV /3acriAea

yeyovevai
ijOeXov

lovbatois

(pijal

ti]v

AlyvTrrov

nopelav eh airep

x^pia,
i.

Mcaaecos i)yovp.evov.

Compare Clem. Alex.

s. c.
;

Stromata,
x.
1 1
;

p.

379
1

Cyril. Alex.

1.

Euseb. Prcep. Ev.

vol.

ii.

p. 5

g,

&c.

And

for the testimonies of Chse1

remon and Apion, which will be adduced in note 8 see Joseph, c. Apion. i. 32, and ii. 2.) It is also probable that Moses was mentioned by Castor the chronologer (about B. C. 160), and by Thallus, the freedman of Tiberius. (See
,

334-

NOTES.
Nuraenius, the Pythagorean phi-

the passages from Justin Martyr and Cyril quoted at the

beginning of this noto.)

losopher,

who

lived in the

age of the Antonines, called

Moses " a man very powerful with God through prayer," and mentioned his contest with the Egyptian magicians, Jannes and Jambres. (See Euseb. Prcep. Ev. ix. 8 vol. ii.
;

p.

358

ra

b"

ei]s 'lavvTjs

kcu 'la/xjSp^s Aiyvirnoi Upoypap.p.a-

reis, avbpe.*;

ovbtvb'i iJttovs p,ayevaat

KptOevTes etvai,
t<2

Zirl

\ov-

bai<ai> ee\avi'op.tV(i)V e
e^rjy?/fra/Mez'o),

AiyvirTov.

Movcrauj) yovv
va<r9ai

lovbatcoi'
ol

avbpl ycvop.ei>oy 0e<3

bvvaTOiTaT<a,

Trapanr^vaL dico#eWes xmb tov ir\ri6ovs tov t>v klyvarixau

OVTOL
i](TCLV, TCO>

T 0~V p.(f)0 pG)V h$ 6 MoVCTCUOS 7T?/y

<d(f>0r](Tav

77/

AtyJJ7T70),

ras veavLKioTaras avT&v iiukveadai

bwaroC.

pare Pliny, Hist. Nat. xxx.

also

i,

2.)

Nicolas of
" the

ComDamascus

mentioned Moses, and called him

Jewish law-

giver."

(See the passage quoted in note 29.)

Note

31. p. 44.
I

The

only classical writer, so far as

am

aware, who ex-

presses any doubt with respect to the Mosaic origin of the

Jewish law
the
field

is

Strabo, a very untrustworthy authority in

of ancient history.

Strabo ascribes the establishto Moses, but

his suc-

ment of Monotheism and of the moral law

believes the ceremonial law to have been
cessor.

added by

(Geogra/pMca, xvi.
.
.
.

2.

AlyviTTiM Upz<ov

aTrfjpev

35-37. Mw<t?js yap ns tG>v eKeiae kvOivbe, bva^epdvas ra

ec/jr;

KaOea-T&Ta, Kal awe^r/pav amio iroWol Tip.iovTes to Otiov

yap

eKeii'os

Kal ibibao-Kev,

ws ovk opO&s tppovolzv

01

Aiyvirnoi

6t)ptois

di<a(ovTes Kal

/3ofrKr//xcuri

to Oelov, ovb' ol At/3ves" ovk

eli]

e3 be ovb' ol "EAArires,

av6pwnop.6p(povs TvxovvTts'
y/xas a-navTas
/cat

yap iv
OaXaT-

tovto
Tav,

p.6i'ov

Oebs to

vepUyov

yi)v Kal

Ka\ovp.ev ovpavbv Kal

Kal TtpocrboKav belv

Koap.ov Kal tijv twv ovtojv (pvacv

aet

....

ayaObv irapa tov Oeov Kal bS>pov

tl Kal o-i]p.tlov

tow

au)(j>povws (wvTas Kal juera biKaioo-vvrjs, tgvs

aWovs

p,ii

TTpocrboKav

.... Ovros

p.\v

ovv

eJjSoKi/x?/<ras

tov-

tois o-vveo-Ti'jo-aTo dp)(i]V ov tijv Tv\ovaai>, airavTu>v irpoa\o)prio-Avtcov pqbitos

tow kvkXco

bid Tip' opuXCav Kal

piiv Tivas

to.

irpOTeivopicva.

Oi b( biabt apLti'oi xpurovs

lv reus avrois 6te-

LECTURE
fxti'ov

II.

335
Zttzlt
,

biKaiOTTpayovvres, kcu OeoaeBeis ws aA?/0tos Si'rts'

eiTt

upio-Tap-ivoiV

rqv UpoavvrjV to

p.ev

irp&rov 8eKn8aijuo'i a>i>,

eireiTa TvpavvinGiv avOpcaKOdv, in fxev rf/s ba.<Jio'aip.ovas ai tG>v

/3 p

p. ar oj v an o a yj. a t

i<s ,

utvirep

/ecu

vvv avTols earty 0os

ct

airiyeaOai, nal ai irepnop.a\

Kal ai CKrojuai nal

riva

roiavra kvop\L<rQr], e be rS>v Tvpavvt,KU>v tcl A?/aT?//tna.) It is to be remarked that Strabo quotes no authority, whence it may be suspected that his account is based rather on his own views of probability, and of the natural sequence of events in such cases, than on the statements of any earlier
writers. (See his

words at the opening of the next

section.)

Note 32.
See Exod.
xvii. 18
xvii.
;

p. 45.

et seqq.

14; xxiv. 4, 7; Numb, xxxiii. 2; Deut. xxix. 20, 27; and xxviii. 58 et seqq
;

xxxi. 9, 24 et seqq.

Note
Strauss, Leben Jesu,

33. p. 45.
i.

6; vol.

p. 20, E. T.

Note 34.

p. 45.

See particularly Deuteronomy

27.

xxviii. 58,

and

xxix. 20,

Havernick's

comment on

these and other kindred pasof the

student.

sages deserves the attention

(See his

Handbuch

des

historisch-critischen

Einleitung in das Alte

Testament, 108; 4, pp. 14-19, Clark's Translation'.)

Note 35.
"

p. 46.

scheint,

Der T)euteronomist," says De Wette, sein ganzes Buch als von Mose

" will,

wie es

abgefasst and,

gesehen wissen." (Einleitung in das Alte Testament, 162,

p. 203.) Hartmann makes a similar assertion with respect to " the author of the last four books." (Forschungen iiber
d. Pentateuch, p. 538.)

Note

36. p. 47.

The
1

earliest writers

whom De Wette
to

can

quote as
Edinburgh,

Historico-Critical

Introduction

the

Pentateuch,

Clark, 1850.

336

NOTES.

doubting the genuineness of the Pentateuch, are Celsus

the Neo-Platonist (A. D. 130), and Ptolemy, the Valentinian

Gnostic, a

writer of the third century.

(See his

Eirdeitung,

and for the passages to 205 which he refers see Origen, Contra Celsum, iv. 42, and Epi164,

a;

p.

Apion, and phanius, Adversus Hcereses, xxxiii. 4, p. 207.) the other adversaries whom Josephus answers, all admitted
the Pentateuch to be the work of Moses.

Note

37. p. 47.

The differences in the rationalistic views of the time when the Pentateuch was composed are thus summed up " Almost every marked period from by Professor Stuart Joshua down to the return from the Babylonish exile, has
J

been fixed upon by different writers, as a period appropriate to the production of the work.

assigned the task of producing

it;

in

To Ezra some have which, if we may To

hearken to them, he engaged

Ililkiah the
priest,

in

order that he might conintroduced by him.

firm and perpetuate the ritual

with the
felt

connivance of Josiah, Mr.

it,

Norton and others have

period

inclined to attribute
is

at the

when a copy

of the

Law

said to have been dis-

covered in the Temple.

Somewhere near this period, Geand De Wette once placed it but both of them. senius in later times, have been rather inclined to recede from this, and to look to an earlier period. The subject has been through almost boundless discussion, and a great va;

riety of opinions
until

have been broached respecting the matter,

has taken a turn somewhat new.

liaut ton of criticism in

The Germany now compounds between the old opinions and the new theories. Ewald and Lengerke both admit a groundwork of the Pentateuch. But as to
recently
it

the extent of this they

differ,

each one deciding according

leading laws and ordinances

to his subjective feelings.

The

of the Pentateuch are admitted to belong to the time of

J

Critical History

and Defence of

the

Old Testament Canon,

3,

PP- 43 44-

LECTURE
Moses.
that period.

II.

337

Ewald supposes that- they were written down at Then we have, secondly, historical portions of the Pentateuch, written, as Ewald judges, not by prophets, but before this order of men appeared among the Hebrews Then came next, according to him, a prophetic order of Next comes historical writers, about the time of Solomon who is to be placed somewhere near the pea narrator riod of Elijah. Then comes a fourth narrator, whom we
.
.
.

cannot place earlier than about the middle of the 8th cen-

He was followed by the Deuteronomist sometime during the latter half of Manasseh's reign
tury B. 0.

Then just before the Babylonish exile, the great CoUectaneum or Corpus Auctorum omnium, was brought to a close.
Lengerke
Solomon.
. .

admits a groundwork; but, with the ex-

ception of some laws,

it was not composed till the time of Next comes a supplementarist, who must have Then comes the lived some time in the eighth century. Deuteronomist, as in Ewald; but he is assigned by Len-

gerke to the time of Josiah, about B. C. 624.

Each
all

of these writers
. .

is

confident in his critical power

is

of discrimination

Each

sure that he can appreciate

the niceties and slight diversities of style and diction,

and therefore cannot be mistaken. Each knows, in his own view with certainty, how many authors of the Pentateuch there are; while one still reckons six and the other three I will not now ask, who shall decide when Doctors
.
.

disagree?"

Compare

also Hiivernich,

Handbuch

Szc.

145; 4', pp.

442-444, E. T.

Note 37,
Leben Jesu, 13
;

b.

p. 48.

pp. 5556, E. T.

Note 38.

p. 49.

The purpose
even the

of

Moses

is

to write not his

own
is

history, nor
his-

civil history of his nation,

but the theocratic

This

tory of the world up to his

all

own

time.

the clue to

those curious insertions and omissions which have asto-

HAWUNSON.

338
nished and

NOTES.
perplexed mere historians.
106;
p. 226.)

(See Havernick,
;

Handbuch &c.
Lecture VII.
extent,

2.

pp. 1-7, E. T.

and compare
his time,

Still, his

own

history to a certain

do

in

and the public history of his nation, up to fact form the staple of his narrative.

Note 39Sir G. C. Lewis says:

p. 49.

"The

infidelity of oral tradition,

with respect to past occurrences, has been so generally recognised, that

it

would be a superfluous labour to dwell

For our present purpose, it is more material to it. fix the time during which an accurate memory of historical Newevents may be perpetuated by oral tradition alone. ton, in his work on Chronology k fixes it at eighty or a hundred years for a time anterior to the use of writing and Volney says that, among the Red Indians of North America, there was no accurate tradition of facts which were a century old. Mallet, in his work on Northern Anremarks that, among the common class of mantiquities
upon
,
1

kind, a son remembers his father, knows something about his

grandfather, but never bestows a thought on his

more

re-

mote progenitors.
ledge of his
is

This would carry back a man's know;

own

family for about a hundred years

affairs,

and

it

not likely that his knowledge of public

founded

on a similar oral tradition, could reach to an earlier date." {Credibility of Early Roman History, vol. i. pp. 98, 99.)

Note
See Home's Introduction
ledge of the

40. p. 50.
to the Critical
ii.

Study and Knowi.

Holy Scriptures, ch.

1,
life

vol.

p. 54.

"In

the antidiluvian world,

tracted, there

when the

of

man was

so pro-

was comparatively

little

need for writing.

Tradition answered every purpose to which writing, in any

sity of erecting

kind of characters, could be subservient; and the necesmonuments to perpetuate public events
k Chronology of Ancient
p. 7.
1

Kingdoms amended (1728,

4to), Introduction,

Ch.

ii.

LECTURE
there could be
fact

II.

339

could scarcely have suggested itself; as, during those times,

little danger apprehended of any important becoming obsolete, its history having to pass through very few hands, and all these friends and relatives in the most proper sense of the terms for they lived in an insu:

lated state, under a patriarchal government.

Thus
all

it

was

easy for Moses to be satisfied of the truth of

in the

he relates

Book of Genesis, as the accounts came to him through the medium of very few persons. From Adam to Noah there was but one man necessary to the transmission
of the history of this period of 1656 years.

Adam

died in

the year of the world 930, and

Lamech

the father of

Noah
were

was born

in the

year 874

so that
years.

Adam and Lamech

contemporaries for

fifty- six

Methusaleh, the grand-

father of Noah, was born in the year of the world 687,

and

died in the year 1656, so that he lived to see both

Adam

and Lamech from whom (Adam ?) doubtless he acquired the knowledge of this history, and was likewise contemporary with Noah for 600 years. In like manner Shem connected Noah and Abraham, having lived to converse with both as Isaac did with Abraham and Joseph, from whom these things might be easily conveyed to Moses by Amram, who was contemporary with Joseph. Supposing
;

then

all

the curious facts recorded in the

Book

of Genesis

had no other authority than the tradition already referred to, they would stand upon a foundation of credibility superior to any that the most reputable of the ancient Greek and Latin historians can boast."
to have

Note

41. p. 50.
vol. J. p.

See Sir G. C. Lewis's Credibility &c,

101. " In

a nation which has no consecutive written history, leading

events would be perhaps preserved, in their general outlines, for

about a hundred years. Special circumstances might however give to an event a larger hold on the popular memory." He instances, 1. the attempt of Cylon at
Athens, the circumstances of which were remembered in B. 0. 432, one hundred and eighty years after (Thucydid.
/.

840
i.

NOTES.
2.

26); and

the battle of the Allia, the

which continued (he thinks) among the

memory common people

of
at

Rome

to the time of the earliest annalists, or 150 years.

Note

42. p. 51.

argument is, no doubt, weakened, but it is not destroyed, by a preference of the Septuagint or of the Samaritan numbers to those of the Hebrew text. The Septuagint numbers, which are the most unfavourable to the argument, would make the chain between Adam and Moses consist of eight links viz. Mahalaleel, Noah, Salah, Reu, Nahor, Abraham, Jacob, and Jochebed.
force of this

The

Note
See above, note 37
;

43. p. 5 1

&e. in ( 7. pp. tion &c. ch. ii. 1, vol.

and compare Hiivernick, Hamlbuch 45-48, E. T.), and Home, Introduci.

pp. 54-56.

Note 44. p. 51. Having argued that the Patriarchs were almost sure to have committed to writing the chief facts of the early history, especially those of the Creation, the Fall of Man, the promise of Redemption, and the various revelations which they received from God, Yitringa says " Has vero schedas et scrinia Patrum, apud Tsraelitas conservata, Mosen opi-

namur

collegisse,

digessisse,
iis

ornasse,

et

ubi

deficiebant
confe-

complesse, atque ex

primum librorum suorum

i.

cisse." (Observationes Sacr<r,

4, 2
p. 51.

p. 36.)

Note 45.
.

Commentaire
les

Litterale, Preface, vol.

i.

p. xiii.

" Quoiqu 1 a

prendre
sible

choses dans la rigueur,

n'ait

il

ne

soit pas

impos-

que Mo'ise

pu apprendre par

la tradition orale

tout ce qu'il nous dit de la creation du Monde, du Deluge,

et de Tage des Patriarches,
. .

il

est pourtant assez croy-

able que ce Legislateur avoit des memoires et des recueils

qui se conservoient dans les families des Jnifs.

Le

detail

des Genealogies, les dates des

faits, les

circonstances des

evenements,

le

nombre des annees dela

vie des Patriarches,

LECTURE
cise

II.

341
si

tout cela ne peut guere s^pprendre d'une maniere

et
si

pre-

exacte, que par des ecrits et des memoires."

Compare

H'avernick (Handbuch &c. 115

11, pp. 81-2,

E. T.), who while he maintains that the narrative of Genesis " has its origin primarily in oral tradition " still allows it
to be probable

" that

in the

time of the writer a part of

the oral tradition had been already committed to writing," and that " the author makes use of certain older monu-

ments."

Note
See above, notes
earliest extant
19, 20,

46. p. 52.

and

21.

In estimating the an-

tiquity of alphabetic writing,

we must remember, that the

specimens of the Babylonian (which have

been assigned to about the 22nd century B. C.) present indications of previous stages having been passed through,

which must have each occupied some considerable period.

It is

certain that the Babylonians, like the Egyptians, be1

.

But in the most ancient regan with picture-writing" mains this stage has been long past: a few letters only still
bear a resemblance to the objects
all
:

while the bulk have lost

writing too has ceased

trace of their original form.

The

altogether to be symbolical, and (with the exception of certain determinatives) is purely phonetic, having thus past

the second stage of the art.

of

In Egypt, the hieroglyphics

the

Pyramid
in

period

(B. C. 24502300),

sometimes

" written

the cursive character, prove that writing had

been long in use."

(See Wilkinson's Appendix to

viii.

Book

ii.

of the authors Herodotus, ch.

vol.

ii.

p. 344.)

Note

47. p. 52.

Sec Bishop Gleig's Introduction, in his edition of Stackhouse's History of the Bible, vol.
ticle
i.

p. xx.

Compare the
vol.
ii.

ar-

on writing in Kitto's Biblical Cyclopaedia,

pp.

971,972.

lonia,''''

See Sir H. Rawlinson's Essay " On the Early History of Babyin the first volume of the author's Herodotus, Essay vi. pp.

443' 444-

.'542

NOTES.
Note
48. p. 54.

The Armenian History of Moses of Chorene commences from Adam. Taking the Hebrew Scriptures for his basis, he endeavours to blend and harmonise with them the traditions
of-

primeval times recorded by Berosus, Abydenus,

and

by a certain Mar Ibas, or Mar Abas, a lie learned Syrian, said to have lived about B.C. 150. identifies Adam with the Babylonian Alorus (i. 3.), Noah
especially

with Xisuthrus
is

(ibid.),

Shem
(i.

with Zervan,

who

(he says)

the same as Zoroaster

5.)

the Titans are the descendants

Ham of Ham
;

with Titan, whence

(ibid.),

and Nimrod
descendant

with Belus

(i.

6.)

Armenian history

is

regarded as comfifth

mencing from
lus,

this time. Ha'icus or

Haig, the

of Japhet, son of Thaclath or Togarmah, revolts from Beor Nimrod,

and withdraws from Babylon

to

Armenia,
is

where he establishes himself.

Belus
falls in

War

follows

Haicus

at-

tacked by Belus, but makes a successful resistance, and

the battle,
(i.

9, 10.)

From

this point

Moses

seems

in the

main

to follow native traditions,

which do not

appear to have possessed much historical value. It has been conjectured with good reason that l< the eai'liest literature of Armenia was a series of national poems," and
that these compositions furnished

Moses of Chorene with

a great part of his materials.

History of Mankind, vol.
iv.

(See Prichard's Physical

p.

mann's

Yersucli finer Gescliichte der

255; and compare NeuArmenischen Literatur,

Michael Chamich

published at

Leipsic in

1856.)

and

other Armenian writers have chiefly copied from Moses.

Note 49. p. 54. The two Epic poems, the Ramayana and the Mahabharata, profess to

be

historical,

but are not thought by the

best

modern

authorities to contain

more than some " shato about the third cen-

dow

of truth."

They are assigned

II.

tury B. C.

(See Professor H.

Wilson's Introduction to

his translation of the Rio-Veda-Sanhita, pp. xlvi, xlvii.)

The

attempt to construct from them, and from other Sanscritic sources of even worse character, by the aid of Megasthenes and of a large amount of conjecture, a chronological scheme

LECTURE
reaching to B.C. 3120, which

II.

343
in the

M. Bunsen has made

third volume of his Egypt (pp. 518-564), appears to

me

singular instance of misplaced ingenuity.

Note

50. p. 54.

The

Chinese, like the Hindus, carry back the history of

the world for several hundred thousand years.

Their

own
com-

history, however, as a nation, does not profess to

mence

till about B. C. 2600 and authentic accounts, according to the views of those who regard their early lite;

rature with most favour, go back only to the 22nd century (See Remusat, Nouveaux Melanges Asiatiques, vol. i. " L'histoire de la Chine remonte avec certitude jusp. 65. qu'au vingt-deuxieme siecle avant notre ere ; et des tradi-

B. C.

tions qui n'ont rien de meprisable permettent d'en reporter

le

avant Jesus Christ."

de la Chine, vol.
i.
;

point de depart quatre siecles plus haut, a Tan 2637 Compare Mailla, Histoire Generale
Grosier's Discours Preliminaire pre-

fixed to his Description de la Chine, published at Paris in

1818-1820; and M. Bunsen's Egypt, vol. iii. pp. 379-407.) entire isolation of China, and the absence of any points of contact between it and the nations of Western Asia, would render this early history, even if authentic,

The

useless for the purposes of the present Lectures.

I confess,

however, that
suspicion on

put

little

faith in the conclusions of

;

mo-

dern French antiquarians

all

and that

I incline to

look with

Chinese history earlier than the time of

when it is admitted that contemporary records commence. (See Prichard's Physical History of Mankind, vol. iv. pp. 475-9 and compare Asiatic
Confucius, B.C. 550-480,
;

Researches, vol.

ii.

p.

370.)

Note 51.

p. 54.

The

evidences on this head were carefully collected by

in his

Mr. Stanley Faber

Bampton Lectures
is

for the year

iv. pp. that of the

1801, afterwards published as Horce Mosaicw, ch.

130-184. The most remarkable tradition Hindus. In the Bhagavat it is related that

in the reign of

Satiavrata, the seventh king of the Hindus,

mankind

bo-

344

NOTES.
universally wicked, only Satiavrata

came almost

and

-<

veil

saints continuing pious.

fore, loving the pious

The

lord of the universe, thereto preserve

man, and intending

to act.

him

from the sea of destruction caused by the depravity of the

age, thus told

him how he was

"In
;

seven days

from the present time,

worlds
will

thou tamer of enemies, the three

but
in

be plunged in an ocean of death

the

midst of the destroying waves, a larae

for thy use. shall stand before thee.
all

vessel,

sent by

me

Then

shalt thou take

;

medicinal herbs,

all

the variety of seeds

and accompa-

nied by seven saints, encircled by pairs of all brute animals, thou shalfc enter the spacious ark and continue in it, secure

from the flood on one immense ocean without

the radiance of thy holy companions.
. .

light,

except

know my
head; by

true greatness, rightly

Then shalt thou named the supreme God.

my

favour

all

thy questions shall be answered,

instructed. "

and thy mind abundantly

the sea overwhelming
while the flood was
;

After seven days,

;

its

shores, deluged the whole earth

augmented by showers from immense clouds when Satiavrata saw the vessel advancing, and entered it with his companions, having executed the comAfter a while the deluge abated, and mands of God. Satiavrata, having been instructed in all divine and human knowledge, was appointed the seventh Menu, and named Vaivaswata by the Supreme Being. From this Manu the earth was re-peopled, and from him mankind received their name Manudsha. (See an Article by Sir \V. Jones in the ist volume of the Asiatic Researches, pp. 230-4. Compare
Faber's

Hora

Mosaicce, ch.

iv.

pp. 139, 140; Carwithen's

;

Bampton Lectures, III. pp. 87, 88 and Kalisch's Historical and Critical Commentary on the Old Testament, vol. i.
p. .38,

E.T.)
1'
1

The Chinese traditions aro said to be less clear and deThey speak of a " first heaven an age of innocence, when "the whole creation enjoyed a state of happiness; when every thing was beautiful, every thing was
cisive.

good

whereto succeeded a " second heaven," introduced by a great con;

all

beings were perfect in their kind

;"

LECTURE
vulsion.

II.

345

" The
its

pillars of

Heaven were broken

stars
the

shook to
the north

foundations
sun,

motions
within

the the moon, and the the earth to pieces and

fell
;

the

the earth

heavens sunk lower towards

changed their

waters enclosed
it.

its

bosom burst forth with violence, and overflowed

Man

having rebelled against heaven, the system of the

Universe was totally disordered.

of nature was disturbed."
pp. 147, 148.)

The sun was

eclipsed,

the planets altered their course, and the grand

harmony
iv.

(Faber, Horce Mosaics, ch.

The

Ai'inenians accept the Scriptural account, which

they identify with the Chakkean.

said to possess
ject,

They can

scarcely be

any special national tradition on the subexcept that which continues to the present day the

belief that the timbers of the

ark are

still

to be seen

on

the top of Ararat.

The Greek

tradition concerning the

flood of Deucalion needs only to be mentioned.

Curiously

enough

it

takes the form most closely resembling the Mosaic

scoffer.

account in the pages of Lucian", the professed

ditions of a great deluge

Tra(Fa-

were also found

Kalisch, vol.

in all parts of the

new

world,

and

in

some of the
iv.
;

islands of the Pacific.

i.

ber, HorcB

Mosaics, ch.

p.

140, E. T.)

Note 52.
See Gen.
rod,
i.
;

p. 55.

x.
2,

10

xi.

25
;

xxxix. et seqq.

Compare He;

Diod. Sic. 109, 142 7 books i. and ii. Justin, i. 1 &c. Josephus well expresses the grounds on which the Egyptian and Babylonian annals
ii.
;

Plat. Tim. p. 22, B.

;

are to be preferred to those of

He

all other heathen nations. ranks the Phoenician histories decidedly below them.
i.

(See his work Contra, Apionem,

yvnrLOLs re kcu Ba[3v\a>vioi$,
v<av,
e/<

"On

fxkv

ovv

Trap'

At-

p.aKpoTciT(av

awOzv

\po-

Ti]v 7Tpl

ras avaypa<pas

irip.e\ei,av, oitov p.\v ol

leptis rjaav yKeytipL(Tp,voi kcu -nepl

Tavras kepikocrofpovv, XaA-

bcuoi 5e Trapa rots Ba/.-h>A&)inoiS', nal

criv TTipu-yvvpLV(a>v

on

/mdAicrra Se

twv "EAAjjeweiS?;

e^pijcrcwTo <t>OLi>LKts ypapLp.acnv

eacrtiv p.01 Sok<3.)

....

rrvy^iopovatv airavres,
11

De

Deri Syria, 12.

iU6

NOTES.
Note
53. p.
56".

draw the attention of scholars and Manetho. In his work De Emendatione Tempomm he collected their fragments and supported their authority. The value of Manetho was
Scaliger was the
first

to

to the writings of Berosus

acknowledged by Ileeren (Handbuch der Geschichte der Staaten des Alterthums, i. 2, p. 54, E. T.), Marsham {Canon
Chronicus, Pref. p. 2,

had been made

not find

in

&c), and others, before much progress decyphering the inscriptions of Egypt.
with

Berosus, always quoted with respect by our Divines, did

much favour
i.

German

historical critics

till

his

claims were advocated by Niebuhr.

Alte Geschichte, vol.
pp. 1619.)

(See the Vortr'dge

iiber

Note

54. p. 57.

One
in

other ancient writer, had his work come

down

to us

a complete form, or had we even possessed a fragment

its

or two of

earlier portion,

might have deserved to be

placed nearly on a level with Berosus and

Manetho

viz.

Menander

of Ephesus;

who

living probably

about the same

time with them, and having access to the archives of the

only nation which could dispute with Egypt and Babylon

the palm of antiquity and the claim of inventing letters,

composed in Greek a Phoenician history which seems, from the few fragments of it that remain, to have been a work of the very highest character. These fragments, how;

ever,

none touch the period between the Creation and the

;

death of Moses
did,

and

it

may even be
far.

suspected that

Me-

nander's history did not go back so

At any

rate, if it

gave of the early times.

in

we are completely ignorant what representation he (See the Fragments of Menander

C. Muller's

Mons.

Fragmenta Historicorum Grcecorum,

vol.
p.

vol. iv. pp.

445-8, and the testimony to his value borne by

i.

Niebuhr, Vortrage uber Alte Geschichte,

p. 93,

17,

and

note

'.)

Nothing has been

first

said here of Sanchoniathon, in the

place because

it

seems more than probable that the

LECTURE
blius
;

II.

347

work ascribed to him was the mere forgery of Philo Byand secondly, because, though called a " Phcenician History," the fragments of the work which remain shew it
if

to have been mainly,

not entirely, mythological.

(See

Movers, Jahrbiicher fur Theologisch. und Christlich. PhiloLobeck, Aglaoph. p. 1264, sophies 1836, vol. i. pp 51-91
;

et seqq.
n. 93,

Niebuhr,
'

Vortrdge
0. Miiller,

iiber

Alte

Geschichte, vol.
Hist. Gr. vol.

i.

note

and

Fragmenta

iii.

pp. 560-1.)

Note 00.

p. 57.
:

M. Bunsen, speaking of the Egyptian monuments, says " Such documents cannot indeed compensate for the want
of written History.

Even Chronology,
i.

its

external frame-

work, cannot be elicited from them."

Universal History, vol.
p. 32,

{Egypt's Place in

E. T.)

This

may

be said

with at least as
rian records.

much

truth of the Babylonian and Assy-

Note

56. p. 57.

The
Mai.)

following

is

Manetho's chronological scheme, ac(Chronica,

i.

cording to

Eusebius,

20,

pp. 93107,
Years.

ed.

:
Reign of Gods
1

3,900
l
>

Reign of Heroes Reign of Kings

2 55

1,817
J

Reign of 30 Memphite Kings Reign of 10 Thinite Kings

Reign of Manes and Heroes

'79

350
5=813
24,925 5,000

Thirty dynasties of Kings (about)

...

29.925

Baron Bunsen gives the sum of the years of the 30 dynasties

as

4922, 4954, or 5329, according to variations of reading or statement. (Egypt, vol. i. p. 82. E.T.)

NOTES.
Note
57. p. 58.

348

The
p.

following was the scheme of Berosus,

if
;

we may
p. 5,

trust Eusebius.

(See his Chronica,

i.

J.

and 4

and

.8.):Years.
i
.

Ten kings from A lorus

Median conquest Eight Median kings
Eleven kings

2.

Xisuthrus reigned 43 2,000 Eighty-six kings from Xisuthrus to the") D

to
J

,>

3. 4. 5.
6.
7.

224
[4^] n

Forty-nine Chaldsean kings

458
245

Nine Arabian kings

Forty-five kings

down

to Pul

526
466,581

Note 58.
Vide supra, note 56.
vol.
i.

p. 58.

M. Bunsen

(Epi/pfs Place, &c.

p. 70,

E. T.) accuses Eusebius of having changed the

order of Manetho's numbers, and by a dexterous transposition

he seeks to transfer to the human period a space of

nearly
sist of

4000

years.
:

He would make

the divine period conFears.

the following

2.

Reign of Gods Reign of Heroes Reign of Heroes and Manes together

3,900
l
^

2 55

3.

5,813

20,968

The human period he represents thus

1.

Kings (no capital mentioned)

Thirty Memphite kings

1,817
T

2.

>79

3. 4.

Ten Thinite kings

Thirty Dynasties (say)

350
5^000
8,957

In the

Armenian
is

the

number here

is

33.091, but this

vol.
ii.

may be

cor-

rected from JSyncellus.

1

(Fragm. Hist. Gr.

p.
is

503.)

This number

only given in the margin, and

very doubtful.

LECTURE
But there
is

II.

349

absolutely no ground, beyond gratuitous con-

jecture, for

making

this

change

which involves Manetho

(See the Fragvol.
ii.

in the contradiction, that

Manes, the Ghosts of Mortals,

exist before there

have been any mortals.

is

menta Historicorum Grcecorum of Mons. C. Miiller,

p.

528, where

M. Bunsen's theory
Note 59.
p.

rejected.)

59.
first to call
i.

Chronographia, p. 52, D.
If sound,

M. Bunsen was the

attention to this passage. {Egypt's Place, &c. vol.

it is

p. 86.)

of very great importance, as indicating that

his kings

Manetho knew and allowed that

were not always consecutive.
that
It

and dynasties

has been recently denied

the

Manetho

did this, and

it

has been proposed to amend

it

the passage of Syncellus by introducing into

of another writer, Anianus,

who

(it is

supposed)

name made the

But
this

reduction in question.
Reviciv for April, 1859;

(See an Article in the Quarterly

Art. IV. pp. 395-6.)
;

emendation

is

quite inadmissible
is

for the clear object of

Syncellus in the passage

to

shew that Manetlio's own

numbers were at variance with Scripture.

cellus rightly reports

Whether Synfar, falls to

Manetho or
in

no,

is

another question.

If he does not, the

argument

the text, so

the ground; and we must admit that Egyptian Chronology

as
in

represented by

Manetho

was

about 2000 years in

Still

excess of the Chronology of Scripture.

we must bear
it

mind, that, whether Manetho allowed

were in fact

or not, his
is

dynasties

sometimes contemporary, as

proved by the Egyptian monuments.

(Wilkinson in the

author's Herodotus, vol. ii. pp. 343, 349, &c. Stuart Poole, If therefore he Horce JEgyftiacai, pp. 110, 112, 123, &c.) did not in his chronology make any allowance on this

account, he could not

the truth.

fail

to be in considerable excess of

Note 60.

p. 60.

See the latest conclusions of Sir Gardner Wilkinson in

the author's Herodotus, vol.
ii.

pp.

3423

and compare

350

NOTES.
p. 97.

Mr. Stuart Poole's Horce JEgypiiacce,

tained in

See also the

extracts from Professor Kask's Egyptian Chronology, con-

Dr. PricharcTs

Historical Records

of Ancient

Egypt, 6, pp. 91-1 11. slight error has crept into the calculation on which

the date given in the text (B. C. 2660)

is

founded.

Sir G.

Wilkinson places the accession of the 4th dynasty about B. C. 2450, and allows to the 1st, on which he considers
the 4th to have followed, 241 years.

The date

of Menes,

according to his views, should therefore have been given as B. C. 2690 instead of B. C. 2660.

Note

61. p. 61.

See the fragments of Berosus in Mons. C. Midlers Fragmenta Historicorum Grcecorum, vol. ii. p. 496, Frs. I, and 5- YevecrOai. (pr/al \p6vov, ev to ttclv (tkotos Kal vbwp
<j>

eTvat, Kal ev towtoi? (u>a reparcoSrj zeal elbt.(pvels (lege IbLocpvels),

ras Ibeas eyovTa faoyovzioQai.

epireTa. Kal

Ylpbs be tovtois i^Ovas Kal

"
.

o^eis Kal aXXa (&a TiXeiova 6avp.adTa

rj

Apyeiv be

tovtcov TiavTuiv yvvaiKa

ba'CaTl p.ev

6vop.a 'O/xopco/ca' elvai be tovto

XaX-

QaXarO, 'EAA^iuari

be p.eQep\xr}vevecr9ai ddXao-aa.

Ovtu>s be tG>v
rr\v

oXw

avveaTrjKOTcov eiraveXdovra BijXov oy^iaaL

yvvaiKa

p.ear]V, Kal

to p.ev

rjp.i.o-v

avrris Troifjaai yyv, to 8'

6.XX0 ijp.iav ovpavbv,

ko.1 to.

ev amrj a)a acpaviaai.

''AXXriyopi-

kws be

<prjcn

tovto Tie^vuLoXoyeta-QaL.

'Typov yap ovtos tov

iraPTos Kal ((ixav ev avT<o yeyevr]p.ev(siv, tovtov tov debv a(peXelv

Ti]v

eavTov Ke(paXrjv, Kal to pvev alp.a tovs aXXovs Oeovs (pvpat?i

aat

yy, Kal bianXaaai rows avOpbiirowi' bC

voepovs t elvai

Kal (ppovrjo~eb><i decas p.eTeyeiv.

Tov

be Bi]Xov p.eaov Tep.6vTa

to o~k6tos ywpicrai yijv Kal ovpavbv

an

aXXr/Xotv, Kal btaTa^at

t6v Koo-fAOV
(pOapijvai.

to.

be (G>a ovk tveyKovTa tt]v tov (o>tos bvvap.iv

'\bovTa be tov BijXov yj&pav epr]p.ov Kal Kapirocpopov

tjjv Ke(paXi]v
Tip> yijv

KeXevaai evl tS>v 6eG>v

pvevTi aipari cpvpaaai
Orjpia tol

arpeXovTt eavTov

t(5

enrop-

Kal btairXaaai [avQpu-novs xai]

bvvap.eva tov aepa (pepeiV anoTeXeo-ai be tov BtjXov

ijXiov koI aeXijvrjV Kal tovs irevTe irXaviJTas.

Kal

aenpa Kal

(Ap.

Syncell. Chronograph, pp. 29, 30.)

"His

dictis, pergit

porro, regesque Assyriorum singilla-


LECTURE
II.

351

tim atque ex ordine enumerat, decern videlicet ab Aloro primo rege usque ad Xisuthrum, sub quo magnum illud primumque diluvium contigisse ait quod Moses quoque commemorat." (Ap. Euseb. Chronica, i. i, p. 5, ed. Mai.)

Note 62.
See Niebuhr's Vortr'dge
note),
iiber

p. 61.

Alte Gesckichte (vol.

i.

p. 20,

where he notices the abuse of the parallel made by some, who maintained that the Mosaical account of the
Creation was derived from the Babylonian.

Note 63.

p. 62.

See the well-known passage of Josephus, where, after

remarking on the longevity of the Patriarchs, he says MapTvpovat. 8e fxov r<5 Ao'yco iravrei ol irap' "EAA^cu Kat fiapfiapois <Tvyypaty6.p.ei>OL ras apxatoAoytas.
6 ttjv

Kal yap

/ecu

MaveOots

T&v AlyvTtTiaK&v

7roi77<Ta/xei'os

avaypa<pi]v, Kal B^paxraos

ra XaXba'LKa

avvayaycov,

Kal

MoAos

[lege

Mo'Aaw],

/cat

'Eartatos, Kal rrpos

4>oti'i/ct/ca

avrols 6 Alyvirrios 'Itpcotfjuos, ol re ra

avvTa^ap.evoL, av[X(p(avovcn rols vii ep,ov AeyojueVots"

'HcrCobos tc, Kal 'E/caraios, Kat 'EAAai>i/cos, Kat 'A/coi)crtAao?,

Kat ixpbs tovtois 'Ecpopos Kat NtKo'Aaos toropovcTi tovs ap-^alovs

(r/aavTas

irrj ^t'Ata.

(Antiq. Jud.

i.

3.)

Note 64.

p. 62.
iii.

See Faber's Horce Mosa'icce, ch.

pp. 119, 120;

and

Home's

Introduction, vol.

i.

p. 158.

Note 60.

p. 64.
vol.
ii.

Fragmanta Historicorum Grcecorvm,

p.

501, Fr.

7.

'Em

"EiaovOpov tov jueyay KaTaKXva-pbv yzvia-Oac avaycypacpdai

8e tov

Xoyov

oirrcos'

TtiaTavTa cpdvai
avdptoTiovs
VT70

fxrjvbs

tov Kpovov avT<2 Kara tov vttvov Aaiatov TT^pniTrj Kal bKaTr] tovs

KaTaKKvapLOv biacpdaprjcreoOaL.

KeAewat ovv

bia ypap.p.a.T<ov tt&vt&v ap^as koX p.icra Kal TeXevTas opv^avTa

delvai kv TroAet r/Atov 2i7T7rapcus, Kat vaviTTjyrjcrapLevov o-Ka.(pos
ip.^i]vai p.Ta t>v

avyyevcov Kal

avayKamv

(pikoov tvQlvQai b\

Pp<apLara Kal

7ro'juara, ep.j3a\elv oe Kat

(Qa

TTTrjva Kal

Terpa-

852 nob a,
cravra

NOTES.
Kal TTai'Ta evTpeiricrdp.evov TrXelv
. .

tov b'ov

Tia.pa.K0v-

vavTrr/yyaai crKd(j)OS

to p.ev p.i]Kos rrTabiwv nei'Te,

to.

to be ttK&tos aTahion' bvo'

Oeadai, nal
epfiifidcrai.

be crvvTaydevTa irdvTa o~vvkoX tovs dvayKaCovs (J)tXovs

yvvalKa

koI be

TeKva
tov tov

Tevop.evov

KaTaKXvcrpov Kal evOecas

"EicrovQpov
dfpievai.

A?/-

qaisTos

t&v opvecov
evpoina
to
els

tlvo.

Ta

be

ov Tpo<pi]v

ovTe tottov ottov KaOicrai, TidXiv eX-

deiv
yixepas

Tikolov.
til

Tov

be

"Eicrovdpov

irdXtv p.eTa Tivas

a(f)Lei>ai

opvea' Tavra be TidXiv els Ti]V vavv eXdeiv

tovs Trobas

neTTr/Xoipevovs
els

eyovTa'

to be

Tp'tTov

dcpeOevra

ovk eri eXdeiv

yi\v
p.

to ttXoZov.

Tbv

be "Eicrovdpov evvoi]9i]vat

dvairecprjvevai,

bieXdovTa re

rah'

tov ttXolov

pa.(f>oJv

epos tl

Kal IbovTa TipocroKelXav to TtXolov d'pei tlvI eKfiijvai.

/cat tt/s

p.eTa ttjs yvvaiKos

OvyaTpbs Kal tov KvfiepvqTov npoo-KV-

v\')oavTa rr\v yfjv Kal /3<s)p,bv

lbpvcrdp.evov Kal dvcridcravTa

to?s deols yevecrdai //era tS>v eK(3dvTO)V tov ttXoiov acpavi].

5'

Tovs

vTTopeu>avTas ev tw

tiXoio),

/x?)

elcntopevopevoiv tG>v Ttepl tov

ElcrovOpov, eKfiavTas CrjTelv avTov

be "Eicrovdpov

em

6v6p.aTos /3ocoi>ras* tov

epu>vi\v

ambv

p.ev

avTols ovk ert 6<p6r\vai,

be Ik

tov depos yevecrOai KeXevovcrav ws beov avrovs elvai deocrefiels'

Kal yup avrbv bid Ti]v evaefieiav iropevecrOai p.erd tCov Oeu>v olKi]crovTa
/ecu
1
. .

elire 8

avTols otl eXevcrovTai TtaXiv els Ba/3uA<Sm,

e/c

els

eifiaprat avTois

2i777mpcoj> dveXop.evois

Ta ypdppaTa
'Ap/xe-

biabovvat toIs dvQpcLirois, Kal

on

elcrlv

ottov
els

?/

x^P a

vCas etrTiv

'EXOovTas ovv tovtovs

Ba/3vXu>va Ta re eK

Snnrdptov ypdppaTa dvopv^ai Kal TroXeis iroXXds KTi^ovTas Kal

lepd dvibpvcrapevovs irdXiv eiriKTicrai tt]v BafivX&va.
cell.

(A p. Syn-

Chron. pp. 30, 3J.

Compare Euseb.

Chronica, 1.3,

pp. 14-16.)

Note GG.
Fragment. Hist. Gr.

p. 64.

vol. iv. p.

280, Fr.

1.

Merci Evebu>Ttpocri]p.aivei

pecryov dXXoi rives ?ipav Kal Siaidpos,

p.ev ecrecrOai TiXijdos op:f3p(i)v

bl)
ie''

Kpdvos

Aaiaiov

KeXevet be ~nav o tl
ev ^iTnrdpoiaiV diroevOecas eTf ''App.e-

ypapp.aT(j)v i]v eyop.evov ev 'HAtOD7ro'Aei

Kpv\\)ai.

rf/

HicriOpos be ravTa eiriTeXea

TrotTjcra?

vir\s dveirXcoe'

Kal TtapavTUa p.ev KaT aXdp.fi ave Ta eK tov deov'

eTiel

TpiTi]

be

i]p.epti]

vwv

eTfonacre, f/ertet

twv dpviOav,

TreCprjv

LECTURE
irotevp.evo$ et kov yrjv Iboiev tov

II.

353
At
be, exokt]
eir
bi]

vbaros lubvaav.

beKOfxivov crcpeas nekayeos ap(pi\aveos, airopeovrrai

KadopfxiaovTai. irapa.

tov ^laiOpov dmo-co

Kop.i(ovraf
(cnri/caro

kcu

avTrjmv erepai.

'12s 8e ttjctl rpirr\(nv

emvyeev
\xiv

yap

irqKov KaraTrAeoi tov? rapcrovs), deoC

Covert,

e avOpiairaiV acpavi'

to be tt\oXov ev

''App.evLj]

irepiaiTTa

v\&v a\ei<f>appaKa

Tolo-ivemyupiois napeiyj.TO. (Ap. &y\\c,Q\\.Chronocirapli.r).']o, A.

compare Euseb. Chronica, i. 7; p. 22, But little is known of Abydenus,

Eusebius
count
till

ed. Mai.)

He

is first
;

quoted by

in the fourth

century after Christ

on which ac-

it

has been generally supposed that he did not write (See Niebuhrs note 4; and C. Midler's Fragm.

the second or third century of our era.

p. 187,

Kleine Schriften,
Hist. Gr. vol.

iv. p. 279.) Some however regard him as a contemporary and pupil of Berosus, and therefore as not much later than the time of Alexander, (Bauer in Ersch

and Gruber's Encyclopedia,

s. v.

Abydenus

C. O. Miiller,

History of Greek Literature, vol. ii. p. 490, E. T.) of the Ionic dialect favours the earlier date.

His use

Note 67.

p. 64.

Buttmann (Mythologus,

i.

pp. 190, 200, &c),

{Alte Indien, p. 78 et seqq.),

Von Bohlen and Hartmann (Forschungen

iiber d. Pentateuch, p. 795 et seqq.) maintain that the story of the flood " sprang up in the soil of India, whence it was

brought to the Hebrews through Babylon, after having

received a
tung,
1

first

new colouring

there."

(See Havernick's Einlei-

20, pp. 266, 267 ; 16, p. 1 12, E. T.) But the absence of exaggeration and of grotesqueness from the He-

brew account

sufficiently disprove this theory. It might be argued with much more plausibility that the Babylonians obtained their knowledge from the Jews.

Note 66

b.

p. 65.

See Niebuhr's Vortrdge iiber Alte Geschichte, vol. i. p. 23. " Diese Erzahlung insofern von der Noahischen abweicht,
als sie nicht

nur Xisuthrus Familie sondern

a a

atte

Frommen


iJ54

NOTES.
und kerne
allgemeine sondern nur eine

gerettet werden lasst,

Babylonische Siindfluth annimmt."

Note 67
Antiq. Jud.
i.

b.

p. 66.

7.

'Nvqp.ovevzi 8e tov iraTpbs fjpt&v 'A-

fipap.ov Br]p(t>(T(rbs ovk 6vop.a<av, \ya>v be ovtu>s'

" Mera tov

8uaios
avrfp

KaTa.Kkvcr\xbv bexary

yevea irapa XaXbatois

tis r\v

kcu p.(yas kcu

to.

ovpdvta ep.Tteipos"

Note
It

68. p. 66.

has been acutely suggested that the actual scheme of

Berosus was probably the following:


LECTURE
II.

355

years, in conjunction with the years of the real historical

dynasties. The first number, 432,000, such cycles (36,000 x 12 = 432,000.)

is

made up

of 12

Note 69.
Hist. Gr. vol.
p. 282, Fr. 6

p. 67.

See the Fragments of Abydenus

iv.
;

in

Miiller's

Fragm.

"Ea

tempestate prisci ho-

mines adeo viribus et proceritate sua tumuisse dicuntur, ufc etiam Deos aspernerentur, celsissimumque eum obeliscum
niterentur exstruere qui nunc Babylon appellatur.

Quumimpelle-

que jam ilium proxime ad Deos

ccelo sequassent, Dii ven-

torum adjutorio
contraxerunt.

usi

machinosum opus imbecillium

:

bant, humique prosternabant

eaque rudera Babelis nomen

freti

Quippe eatenus unius sermonis usura

homines erant ; tunc autem a Diis confusio varia et dissona linguarum in eos, qui una lingua utebantur, immissa est."
(Ap. Euseb. Chronica,
i.

8, p. 24.)

Compare

also the sub:

joined passage, which Syncellus quotes from Polyhistor

2t/3uAAa be
(p-qcrtv,

6p.o(pu>v(av

ovtcov iravrav avOpcoTTcnv, Ttvas

TovTcav iivpyov virepjxeyedrj olKobopS](rai, 07ra>j

avafiGxri.

eh tov ovpavbv
Ba/SuAah'a

Tov
lb lav

be

Qeov

avep.ov$ epLifivaijiravTos avaTpe\j/ai av<p(avi]v

tovs,

kclI

eKcicrra)

bovvaf

bib

bi]

Ti]v

ttoKlv KXrjOijvai.

(Chronograph, p. 81, C.)

Note

70. p. 68.

The
Latin,

affinity of the

Sanskrit with the Persian, Greek,

countryman, Sir
in
scientific

and German languages was first remarked by our own W. Jones but it remained for F. Schlegel Germany and for Ur. Prichard in England to make a
;

use of the

material thus provided

for them.

Schlegel's " Essay on the

Language and Philosophy of the

Hindoos" and Dr, Prichard's inaugural "Dissertation on Human Race" were published almost simultaneously but Schlegel's work is regarded as the more advanced production. (See Bunsen's Philosophy of
the varieties of the
;

Universal History, vol.

ii.

p. 50.)

Note 71.
In 1854

M. Bunsen

wrote "Geographically
a a 2

p. 68.

then,

and

356
historically,
it is

NOTES.
true that
:

Canaan was the son of Egypt which inhabited historical Canaan came from Egypt. In the same sense, Nimrod is called a Kushite, which means a man of the land of Kush. The Bible mentions but one Kush, .^Ethiopia an Asiatic Kush exists only in the imagination of the interpreters, and is the child of their despair. Now.. Nimrod was no more a Kushite by blood than Canaan was an Egyptian but the Turanian (Transoxanian) tribe, represented by him, came as a defor the Canaanitic tribes
:

vastating people, which had previously conquered that part

of Africa, back into Asia, and there established the first

great empire."

(Philosojihy of Univ. History, vol. i. p. 191.) 1858 Sir Henry Rawlinson, having obtained a number of Babylonian documents more ancient than any pre-

But

in

viously discovered, was able to declare authoritatively, that the early inhabitants of Southern Babylonia " were of a

cognate race with the primitive colonists both of Arabia and of the African Ethiopia." (See the author's Herodotus,
vol.
i.

p.

442.)

He
in

found their vocabulary to be " undoubtbelonging to that stock of

edly Cushite or Ethiopian,"

tongues which

the sequel were everywhere more or less

mixed up with the Semitic languages, but of which we have the purest modern specimens in the Mahra of Southern Arabia, and the Galla of Abyssinia." (Ibid, note 9.) He found also that " the traditions both of Babylonia and Assyria pointed to a connexion in very early times between Ethiopia, Southern Arabia, and the cities on the Lower Euphrates. (Ibid.) He therefore adopted the term Cushite as the most proper title by which to distinguish the earlier from the later Babylonians and re-established beyond all doubt or question the fact of " an Asiatic Ethiopia," which probably no one now would be hardy enough (See, besides the Essay referred to above, Essay to deny. xi. of the same volume, p. 655, and an elaborate Ar11 ;

ticle in

the Journal of the Asiatic Society, vol. xv. part

2,

pp. 215-259.)

Note 72.

p. 69.

The monuments

give distinct evidence of the early pre-

LECTURE
pulation

II.

357

dominance of Babylonia over Assyria, of the spread of poand civilisation northwards, and of the comparafounding of Nineveh.
(See the author's Herodoi.

tively late
tus, vol.

They do not exactly pp. 448, 455, 456, &c.) prove the colonization of Assyria by Semites from Babylonia,

but they favour

it.

(Ibid. pp.

447 and 647.)

Note

73. p. 69.
is

The Hamitic descent

of the Canaanites

energetically

denied by M. Bunsen {Philosophy of Univ. Hist. vol. i. pp. 190, and 244), who identifies them with the Phoenicians,

and regards

their Semitic character as established.

But

the researches of Sir H. Rawlinson have convinced him, that the Canaanites proper were not Semites. He holds that they had a " common origin" with the Egyptians,

Ethiopians, and Libyans,

says, " were, I

an

origin,

which he

calls indif-

ferently Scythic or Hamite."

" All the Canaanites/' he

;

am

satisfied,

Scyths

and the inhabitants

of Syria retained their distinctive ethnic character until

quite a late period of history.

tions the Khatta, or Hittites, were the

According to the inscripdominant Scythic

race from the earliest times, and they gave

way

very slowly

before the Aramaeans, Jews, and Phoenicians,

who were

the only extensive Semitic immigrants."

atic Society, vol. xv. part 2, p. 230, note.)

(Journal of Asi-

Note

74. p. 69.

See M. Bunsen's Philosophy of Univ. History, vol. i. pp. 221230, where, though classing the Himyaric with the Semitic languages, he admits its close resemblance, both

and in grammatical forms, to the Ethiopic and compare the author's Herodotus, vol. i. p. 447, note 4, and pp. 659, 660.
in vocabulary

Note 75.

p. 69.

See Sir H. Rawlinson in the Asiatic Society's Journal,

I.

s. c.

"

The Toldoth Beni Noah

is

undoubtedly

the most


U58
authentic

NOTES.
record we j^ossess
for

the

affiliation

of

those

branches of the human race which sprung from the triple And again, p. 215, note 3 stock of the NoachicUe." " The fragment which forms the i oth chapter of Genesis
;

bears the

Hebrew

title

of Toldoth Beni Noah, or the Geis

nealogies of the

Noachidse, and

probably of

the

very

greatest antiquity.'"
(vol.
i.

p.

Compare also the authors Herodotus where the same ethnologist remarks " We 445),

must be cautious in drawing direct ethnological inferences from the linguistic indications of a very early age. It will be far safer, at any rate, in these early times to follow the general scheme of ethnic affiliation which is given in the
tenth chapter of Genesis."

Note 76.

p. 70.
is

The passages

to which reference

here

made

will all

be

found in the second volume of Dr. Gaisford's edition of the

work of Eusebius, pp. 370-392. They were derived by Eusebius from the " Jewish History'" of Alexander Polyhistor,

a heathen writer.
authorities,

It

is

thought that some of Po-

lyhistor's
trius,

Cleodemus, Demeand Eupolemus, were Jews. (See the remarks of 0. Midler in his preface to the fragments of Polyhistor, Fragment. Hist. Gr. vol. iii. p. 207.) If this be allowed, the weight of heathen testimony is of course pro tanto diminished. But reasons have been already given for regarding Eupoas Artapanus,

lemus as a heathen.

(See above, note 25.)

is

And
may

the

reli-

gious character of the other three

at least doubtful.

To

the writers mentioned

in

the text
of

be added,

Nicolas of Damascus,

who spoke
in

from Chaldaea and settlement

Hist. Gr. vol.
iii.

Canaan.

Abraham's emigration (See the Fragm.

p, 373.)

Note
See especially Faber's

77. p. 70.
;

ch. v. pp. 225-228 and compare Patrick's Commentary on the Historical Books Home's Introduction to of the Old Testament, vol. i. p. 58 the Critical Study and Knowledge of Holy Scripture, vol. i.
;

Horm Mosaics,

p. 174,

&c.

LECTURE
*

II.

359

Note

78. p. 72.
i.

Sir
vi.

H. Rawlinson,
446.

in the author's Herodotus, vol.

Essay

p.

Note

79. p. 72. Sir

The name

of the king
is,

whom

H. Rawlinson
is

identifies

with Chedor-laomer

in the native

(Hamitic) Babylonian,

Kudur-Mahuk. Mabuk in Hamitic equivalent of Laomer in Semitic.

discovery.

found to be the exact

This
is

a very recent

Note 80.

p. 72.

By means

of eertain

monumental
is

notices

it

has been

proved, with a near approach to certainty, that a Babylo-

nian monarch, whose

name

read as Ismi-dagon, reigned

about B.C. i860.

Kudur-MabuJc is evidently, by the type of writing which he uses, and the position in which his
bricks are found, considerably earlier.

B. C. 1976

Now

in the

year

century before Ismi-dagon

list
;

occurs

one of

the breaks in Berosus'

and

this

break moreover oc-

curs within 60 years of the date (B.C. 191 7)

commonly

These chronological coincidences strongly confirm the argument from the identity of name.
assigned to the expedition of Chedor-laomer.

Note
This passage
it is

81. p. 73.

is

probably known to most students, but as

subjoin

too important to be omitted from the present review

I
it

of the historical evidences,

'

entire.
epL(36\tp.ov /3a-

'O MaveOaiv
a-iAea,
(pt]o~l

tov Ap.eva}(piv el(nTon]o~as

tovtov em9vp,ri<Tai 6eS>v yeveaOai OeaTrjv, tocnrep

^Lpos els tQ>v irpo avrov fiefiaaLkevKOT&v aveveyKtlv be rr}v ein9vp.iav ofxoivvjjM {iev ovt<$ 'AjAevtocpei; irarpos be

Ylaamos
feat

ovti,
irpo-

Betas be bonovvri

p.eTe<ryj)K.evai.

(pvaeus Kara re o-ocptav

ai)T<Z

yvbXTLV T&v eaop.eva>v.

oTi bvvijaeTcu Oeovs

Elirelv ovv

tovtov tov 6p.(avvfxov

\eirp5>v nal

Ibelv, el
tt)v

KaOapav and re

t&v

a\Xu)v }.uap)v avdpotTrwv

xtopav anaaav

-noirjareiev.

H<r$evTa

360
re tov (3ao~t,kea irAvras

NOTES.
robs ra acoixara AeAw/3?7peroi;s e
r?]s

AlyviiTov crwayayelv (yeveadat be tov ttKijOovs pvpuibas 6ktu>),

Kal tovtovs ets
pe'pei

rds At0oroptas rds ev tu

-npbs ava.Toki]v

tov NetAou ep/3aAeu/ ambv, 0770)9

ol eyKe\oipiap.evot.

pya{otvTO,
tlvols

Kal tcov

a\\o)V AlyvTTTtcov
Kal
tu>v Koy[(ov

EtVat 8e

ev ovtoIs

tepeW

cprjal

AeVpa crvyKe\vp.evovi.

Tov

be

'ApeVw^uz-* eKelvov, tov cro(pbv Kal p.avTiKov avbpa, virobelirai

npbs

amov

re Kal tov /3acrtAe'a x.okov tS>v 6eG>v, el (3iaadevT$

Kal 7ipocr6ep.evov

6(j)6r]o-ovTaf

elnelv otl

o~vp.p.a)(i]o-ovo-L

Tives

rots ptapots Kal r?]s

Aiyv-Tov KpaTrjo-ovaiv en

eTi] rptcr/cat'8eKa.

M?/ roAp?)a"ai pey

ambv

eliieiv

Tama rw
oi/'ra>

fiaaiXei, ypacpi]v be
""Ef aOvp.'ut

KaraAt7roVra wept Travruiv eavTov avekelv.

be etz>ai

Toy fiacnkea.
rats Aaroptats

KaTretra Kara

Ae'ti>

yeypaipev " Tu>v be

Takamopovvriav,
o~kt:i\v

ws

xpo'i>os i/ca^os birjkOev

dt<o-

0ets 6 j3aaikevs iva wpos KardAucriy aurots Kat

pto-i], tt]v tot*.

avop.ecruve-

tu>v Tsoip.eva)v epiip.(oOelcrav -nokiv

8'

Avapiv

\u>pr)o~ev.

"Ectti

7ro'Ats

Kara

r?jy

deokoyiav avtaOev Tvcpu>-

vlos.

Ol

he

els

TavTrjv elo~ek66vTes Kal tov tottov tovtov eis

a7roVracrty e^oiTes i)yep.6va aiiT&v

keyopevov rwa tQv 'HAt7rei-

oi7roAtrSy tepe'oov 'OcrdpcrLcpov ecrTijaavTO' Kal rowro)

dapxijo-ovTes ev Traatv cbpKopLOTrjo-av.

'O

be irpStTOV

pev avrdis

vop.ov e6eTO, pv>]Te TtpoaKvvelv Oeovs p-i]Te tG>v

yvTiTio
6ep.LcrTevop.ev(i)V

pdAiara ev AtTtai'Ta

lep&v

(ocxov

aireyecrdai p.r]bevb$,
p.rjbevl

re Oveiv Kal avakovv, arvvaTTTecrQai be

p.oap.evu)V.

irki]V tG>v avvca-

Toiama

8e vop.odeTi]cras Kal -nkelcrTa dAAa,

paAtoTu
to.

rots Atyvnrtois efltcrpots evavTi.ovp.eva, eKekevcre -nokvyjetpiq

ttjs 7ToAea)s eTTto-Kevd^eti' Teiyj],

Kal npbs TioKep-ov erot'pous yeve7rpoo-Aa/3o'pei'os

crOai
p.e6'

tov TTpbs Ap.evu)(piv tov fiacnkea. Avtos be

'

eavTOV

ko.1

tS>v a\koov lepeuiv Kal avpp.ep.iaapevu)v e7Tep.\j/e

7rpeV/3eis 7rpos rows vtio

Te^pcoaews airekadevTas

TToip.eva<i

ets

ttoXlv tt)V

KaKovpevqv

'lepocroXvp-a.

Kal

to.

Ka6' kavTov Kal tovs

aAAous rous 0-vvaTip.ao-devTas brikcoaas

Avapty

?}ftov

avvemo-Tpareveiv

6p.odvp.abbv eii AlyvirTov. 'EirageLV piv ovv avTovs e-arjyyeikaTO

np&Tov

p.ev ets

r>/y

irpoyoviKi^v

avT&v

Trarpiba,

to.

e-ni-

n]beia rots o^Aots irapeeiv cupOovus, vTTepp.axi]crecrOai

beot.,

be,

ore

Kal pa8tcos viro\eipiov avrots ti]v yj&pav -noujo-eiv.

ets eiKoai

01 oe
'Ape-

vwepxapets yev6p.evoc iravres irpoOvp.m

pvpiabas av-

bpu)V (Tvve^(appri<Tai\ Kal p.eT ov ttoXv i)kov ets Avaptr.

LECTURE
ycoc/ns

II.

361
ItiudtTo
to.

8e 6 rcoy Alyv7rr(oiV fiacnXevs, cos

Kara

ttjv

eKet'ycoy (pobov,

ov peTplois avvex^Vi T*?S 77a p' 'Apeycocpecos tov

TrpoS^AcoVecos.

TlaaTTios

p.vi]adels

Kat irporepov crvvayayoov

tepots ri/xcutepeuo-ty

nkijOos AlyvTTTia>v, kcu /3ovAevcrdpeyos juera rcoy ey tovtois ?/yep.6va)V, to. re tepd (coa

ra

7rpcora

pdAiara ey rots

/xeya cos

y eavrdy

pereTrepx/z-aro, Kat rots

Kara pe'pos

7rap?7yyetAey cos acrcpaKiuTara rcoy 0ecoy avyKpv\(/ai to. 6ava.

Toy

8e vlbv 2e'0coy tov koI

'Pape'crcrjp' airb

'Pdp^ecos tov
Trpos

Tta-

rpos covop.aap.4vov, TrevTatTT] ovto.,

tpt'Aoy.

ZedtTO

rdy kavTov

Avtos be

8ta/3ds rots dAAots Atyn7rrtots, ovaiv ets rptd-

kovtol pvptd8as dySpcoy pa^tp-corarcoy, kcu rots 7roAeptois a7rayrr/crao-ty

od <rvye/3aAey, dAAd pe'AAety Oeopay^elv yoptcras, 7raAtyi)K.v

8pop?/<ras

ets

Me'pcpty.

'AyaAa/3coy re

ro'y

re

"'A'TCiy

Kat ra

dAAa ra
yap

e/cetrre

pera7rep(pc9c-yra

tepa ^a3a, edtfws ets

AlOwniav
yapiTi

avv airavTL
r)V

rco

ardAco Kat 7rA?/0et rcoy Atyv77ricoy avriyOi].

adrco viro^eipios 6 rcoy AIOiottuv /^atrtAevV

/cat

odev vtto57

defdpeyos

rows d)(Aovs 7rdyras V7roAa/3coy ots ecr^ey

XV a
Kcopas

twi' irpos avdpci)7TLvrii> Tpocpipj e7Ttrrj8et&)y, Kat 7ro'Aets Kat

7rpos rr)y rcoy 7re7rpwpe'ywy rpttrKatSeKa ercoy
roi; tKiTTCocriv avTo.pKeis,
d-rro

rrjs

dpx?]s ad-

od^ T]ttov ye Kat

trrparo'7re8oy

AlOiomnbv
e7rt

irpbs (pvAaK?)y e7re'rae rots ^ap' 'Apeycocpecos row

/3acrtAe'cos

rcoy optcoy rfjs AtyvTrrov.

Kat ra pey Kara

r?/y Att9to7nay rot-

adra.

Ot

8e SoAyptrat KareAt^o'yres cn)y rots ptapots Atywnrtcoy

dt'ocrtcos rots

avdpdmois TTpoariveydiqaav, wore

rr)y rcoy TTpoeiprj-

pe'ycoy Kparr\cnv yipiaTi]V (paivzadai rots ro're

rd rovrcoy

dcre/3?j-

para
od8e

0ecope'yots.

Kat yap ov p.6vov

TioAets Kat Kcopas evzirprjaav,

tepocrvAovyres

od8e Xvp.aivop.evoL

6ava

deuiv

ypKovvTO,
c^cocoy

dAAd

Kat rots avrots 07rraytois rcoy o-e[3ao-TVop.{vo)i> tepcoy

Xpcopeyot 8tere'Aoyy, Kat c9yras Kat acpayels royrcoy

Ttpocpr\Ta.$

tepee's

Kat

r\vayKa(ov yeviadat, Kat

7roAtreta2'

yvpi.i>ovs

e^e'/3aAoy.

Ae'yerat

8e

on

r^y

Kat roi/s

vop.ovs

avrots Ka.Tafiah6p.zvos
'Oo-apo-l<p,

tepevs,

rd ye'yos 'HAtoy7roAtrr]s,
cos

ovopa

airb tov kv

HAtoy7ro'Aet t^eoy Ocrtpecos,

re't9j

p.e.Tfir\ ets

roCro rd ye'yos, pere-

Tovvopa ko\

TTpoo-rjyopevOrj Mcoiitrrjs."

*A pey oyy

Atytnrriot

(pepoyat 7rept rcoy ^oydatcoy,

Trapir/pi

rayr'

ecrrt

Kat

erepa Txheiova, a

ayyroptas zveKa.

Ae'yet 8e 6 Mayec9coy TraAty ort pera

raCra

iirijXdev 6 'Ape'yco(pts

d^

Att9t07rtas

pera peydA?js Syyde^cov bvvap.iv'

koL

pecos, Kat d

ytds airou 'Pdpv/^^s

Kat avTos


362
<jvp.fSak6vres ol bvo rots

NOTES.
-noip-ea-i
(cat

rots piapols epUrjaav av-

TOVS,

KCU

TTOWOVS

CLTTOKTeLVaVTeS

ibl<J)aV

aVTOVS
i.

O-XP 1

TU>V

6p((ov rrjs SvpCas.

(Joseph. Contra Apionem,

26, 27.)
'

Compare with this the briefer account of Chseremon, v Ap.ei'(o(pet, lais e<pdvr) r<5 who said Kara tovs vttvovs p.ep.(pop.ei>r] avTov on to lepbv avrrjs ev t<2 iroXepy (caTecr(ca7jrai.
r]

<$>piTi(f)avTriv

be lepoypapparea, eav rah' tovs po\vo-p.ovs eyov-

T(av dvbpoav KaOdprj ti]v AlyvTrrov, TravcracrOai rrjs -nroias avrov.

'E-niX.{avTa be rQtv ttlctivu>v p.vpidbas

c

eI(cocri

Trevre e(c/3aAetz\

Hyeur0at be avrwv

ypapLp.are.as M(avcnjv Kal 'I wen/Troy, nal rov-

rov lepoypapp.area.

Alyvnria

b"

avrols 6vop.ara elvai,

1

r<2

p.ev

Matvtrei Ttcndev, raJ be 'Ioainpna rierecnjc/).

Aouo-ioj> e\6e1v
/cat

Tov7oi<s 8
oktco
ri]v

et?

n??-

emrvyelv p.vpidm rpiaKovra

0:9

/caraAe-

Xeip.p.evais
hiaKop.iCjeiv .

two row 'Apevuxpios,

ov Oekeiv els
eirl

Alyvnrov
crrpa-

Ots <pi\iav avv6ep.evovs

8e 'Ap-evcocpiv

ttjv

Alyvnrov

revaai.
els

Toy

ov\ vnop.eivavra
rr)v

ri]v e<pobov

avrcov

AWioiriav (pvyelv KaraXiirovra

yvvaiKa eynvov

r]v

kpv-

TTTopLevrjV ev rial cnrrjAatots

renew

iralba, 6vop,a

Meaa^vqv, bv
ovras
irepl

avbpoiOevTa eKtcoai rovs ''lovbaiovs

elKoai {xvptdbas,
Karaba<r9ai.

els tijv 'Svptav,

nai rbv rrarepa 'Afievacpiv

1.

en

rrjs

AWtoitCas

(Joseph.

s.

c.

eh. 32.)

Note 82.

p. 74.

The name Osarsiph, which, according

tion of Joseph,

to

Manetho, was
1

the Egyptian appellation of Moses, seems to be a corrup-

whom Chaeremon made Moses companion

The statement
that

and

fellow-helper.

priest of Heliopolis"

sephus, Contra Apionem,

either a perversion of the Scriptural fact of Joseph's marriage with " the daughii.

which was
2.)

also
is

Moses was " a made by Apion (Jo-

ter of Potipherah, priest of

On

,"

or possibly an indication

of a fact not recorded in Scripture, that Moses gained his

knowledge of the Egyptian wisdom at that seat of learning.

The

fear of

Amenophis
last of the

for his son's safety recalls to

our thoughts the

plagues
is

the forced labour of

the Jews in the stone-quarries

1

not very different from

Gen.

xli.

45.

"

LECTURE
the compulsory brick-making
;

J I.

363
is

the cry of pollution

proit

bably connected
l'

with the earlier plagues, or

perhaps

is

only an exaggeration of the feeling which viewed " every The an abomination." (Gen. xlvi. 34.) shepherd" as

mention of Jerusalem, or rather Salem (01 SoAu/xirai), at this time, confirms Gen. xiv. 18; and the occurrence of

Rameses
its

as a family

name

in the dynasty
xlvii.
1

harmonises with
1
;

use as a local designation. (Gen.

xii.

Exod.

i.

1 1

and

37.)

Note 83.

p. 74.

240.

See Sir Charles Lyell's Principles of Geology, vol. i. p. " I need not dwell," he says, " on the proofs of the
it is

low antiquity of our species, for

experienced geologist
;

not controverted by

any

indeed the real difficulty consists in

tracing back the signs of man's existence on the earth to

that comparatively

modern period when

species,
If there

now
be a

his
dif-

contemporaries, began to predominate.

posits of the remains of

ference of opinion respecting the occurrence in certain de-

man and

his works,

it

is

always in
;

reference to strata confessedly of the most

it is

modern order
all

and

never pretended that our race co-existed with assemor even a great

blages of animals and plants, of which

part of the species are extinct.

This remark

will,

I conceive, hold good, whatever judg-

ment

is

ultimately formed by science of the results which

in

have been recently obtained by Mr. Horner

,

Egypt u by
,

M. Boucher de Perthes in France v and by Mr. Prestwich and others in our own country. The strata examined and said to contain the most ancient human remains hitherto
found, are the alluvium of Egypt, and the diluvium or
" drift" of

Europe

which are both, geologically, strata of

a comparatively modern origin.

The rashness of the con(first

u Account of some recent Researches near Cairo,

published in
i.

the Philosophical Transactions,)

by Leonard Homer,

esq. Parts

and

ii.

London, 1855 and 1858.

v Antiquite's Celtiques
thes, Paris. 1847.
et

Ante-diluviennes, par

M. Boucher

de Per-

3(J4

NOTES.
minimum
antiquity of our race in Egypt,

elusions as to the

which Mr. Horner drew from his researches, has been ably exposed by a writer in the Quarterly Review (April, 1859,

No. 210, pp. 419-421.)

Note
Cuvier, and, above

84. p. 74.

The researches and arguments

all,

of

Blumenbach, Haller,

of Dr. Prichard {Physical History

of'Mankind, vol. i. pp.i 14-376), have established this point Even the author of the beyond all reasonable doubt.

of Creation admits " the result, on the whole, of 11 inquiries into what are called the physical history of man,
Vestiges

to be, " that conditions such as climate

cation,

and food, domestiand perhaps an inward tendency to progress under tolerably favourable circumstances, are sufficient to account for all the outward peculiarities of form and colour observable among mankind. ( Vestiges, p. 262, tenth edition.)
11

Note

85. p. 75.

" Physiological Ethnology," says Professor

;
'

Max

Miiller,

has accounted for the varieties of the

human

race,

and

removed
viewing

the barriers which formerly prevented us from

all

mankind as the members of one family, the The problem of the variety of offspring of one parent. language is more difficult, and has still to be solved, as we must include in our survey the nations of America and But over the languages of the primitive Asiatic Africa. Continent of Asia and Europe a new light begins to dawn, which, in spite of perplexing appearances, reveals more and more clearly the possibility of their common origin!''' (See

M. Bunsen's

Philosophy of Universal History,

vol.

i.

p.

474;

and compare pp. 478, 479.) Note

" It
is

86. p. 75.
11

pleasing

to

remark,

says

Sir H. Rawlinson,

Western Asia, " that speaking if we were to be guided by the mere intersection of linguistic paths, and independently of all reference to the
of the different races in


LECTURE
Scriptural record, we should
still

II.

365
fix on the plains

be led to

of Shinar, as the focus from which the various lines had radiated" {Journal of Royal Asiatic Society, vol. xv. part 2,
p. 232.

Compare the statements

i.

of the

same writer

in

the

author's Herodotus, vol

p.

5S6.)
p. 75.

Note 87.

which we can form a judgment of the linguistic accuracy of the Pentateuch is that of the Egyptian terms, since here only have we any sufficient know-

The only case

in

ledge of the language spoken in the country at the time.

this head come the following Pharaoh (H^HS), as the title of Egyptian kings (Gen. xii. 15, xl. 2; Ex. i. 11), which has been explained as Ph-ouro, " the king" but which is more probably Ph-rah, " the Sun", a title borne by the Egyptian monarchs from
:

Under
1.

very early times.

vol.
2.
is
ii.

(Wilkinson, in the author's Herodotus,

p.

82, note 1.)

Potiphar p^ttiS), or Potipherah (jnEptp'iS), which

1 "'

Sun a name common upon the monuments (Rosellini, Monumenti Storici, i. 117; Champollion, Precis, Table Generale, p. 23), and specially Compare the appropriate to a Priest of On, or Heliopolis. name Peteseph, "belonging to Seb (Chronos)", which, according to Chseremon, was the Egyptian name of Joseph.
Pete-ph-re, " belonging to the

(Supra, note 81.)

3.

Asenath (rODN); which

ii.

is,

according to Jablonsky

(Opuscula,

208), Asshe-neith, "worshipper of Neith", or

11

more probably, as Gesenius observes {Thesaurus, ad voc),

As-neith,

" quae Neithse

(est)"

" belonging to Neith."

It

has been doubted whether Neith was worshipped at this early date but she seems to have been really one of the
;

primitive deities of
vol.

i. p. 389). Nitocris {Neith-alcri), a queen of the sixth dynasty. (Wil-

Lower Egypt. (Bunsen, Egypt's Place, Her name forms an element in that of
ii.

kinson, Herodotus, vol.

4.

p. 165,

note

2.)

Zaphnath-Paaneah (TOS-rODS), the

to Joseph,
is

name which

Pharaoh gave

best explained through the


366

NOTES.

Septuagint ^ovOop.^avrw, which closely corresponds to the Coptic Psont-mfaneh, " sustainer of the age", or as Jerome says, a little freely, " salvator mundi." (See Gesenius, Thesaurus, p.
1

18

1.)

The

first

two

letters

have been trans-

posed

in

the Hebrew, either by accident, or to suit Jewish

articulation,

and at the same time

ears.

to

produce a name

sig-

nificant to
5.

Jewish

Moses
it

(nttjft)

was undoubtedly an Egyptian name,

was selected by Pharaoh's daughter (Ex. ii. 10). We are told that it was significant, being chosen " because she The real etymology was long drew him out of the water. since given fully by Josephus {Ant. Jud. ii. 9. 6), partially by Philo (De vita Mosis, i. Op. vol. ii. p. 83) and Clemens Alexandrinus (Strom, i. p. 412). Josephus to vbap \x5> o\ Atsince
1,1

yvTirioi KaXovcri,

iJcrrjs

be tovs e vbaros crwOevTas.

Philo
vb<t>p
/jiwv

to vbup

/u.5?

6vofjid(ovaiv AlyvTSTioi.

Clemens

to
is

di'0[j.aov(nv AlyviTTiot..

The

last of these

forms

the best.

given by Bunsen as muau was

the ancient Egyptian.
6.

and the old Egyptian word similar. According to Jablonsky (Opuscula, i. 152) ouske in Coptic is "to save." I am not aware whether this root has been found yet in
Moil
is still

" water"

in Coptic,

Besides these names, a certain number of Egyptian

words have been detected in the language of the Pentateuch. Such are ^JlN (or "'JlN, axet) which Jablonsky

LXX
45)
;

found to signify

in

Coptic "
i.

omne quod

in

palude virens

nascitur" (Opuscula, vol.

6lj3tj),

p.

perhaps

POD (LXX

the word used both for Noah's Ark, and for the

small ark in which Moses was placed, (La Croze, Lexicon Egyptiacum sub voc); and TpiN, which is explained from

the Coptic as an-rel\

the head."

"bow
p. 10,

every one", or ape-rek,

"bow

(See Gesenius, Hebraisches unci Chalddisches

Handivbrterbitch,

ad voc.

E.

T.,

and compare De Rossi,

Etym. Egypt,

p. 1.)

lustrated by a

The geographic accuracy of the Pentateuch has been ilnumber of writers. Dr. Stanley, one of the
w Bunscn's Eyypt,
vol.
i.

p,

47

r.

No. 313.

LECTURE

II.

367

most recent and most calm-judging of modern Oriental travellers, observes with respect to the Mosaic accounts of the
Sinaitic desert

" Even

if

the precise route of the Israelites

were unknown, yet the peculiar features of the country have so much in common that the history would still receive

many remarkable

illustrations...

The

occasional springs,

and

and brooks, are in accordance with the notices of the "waters" of Marah, the "springs" of Elim, the " brook" of Horeb the " well" of Jethro's daughters, with its " troughs" or tanks. The vegetation is still that which we should infer from the Mosaic history. &c." (Sinai and Palestine, pp. 20, 21; compare pp. 22, 24, 129, &c.) In the account of Egypt the accuracy is seen not only in the geits rich meadows and neral description of the territory corn-lands its abounding river, edged with flags and bulwells,
;

its wealth of waters derived therefrom, rushes (Ex. ii. 3) " streams and rivers, and ponds, and pools of water" (Ex.
vii.

19)

its

wheat, and rye, and barley, and

flax, (ib. ix.

31,32) and green

15)

trees (palm-trees?) yielding fruit (ib. x.

but

towns.

names and sometimes in the sites of Pithom (Oh5), Harnesses (DDE3TI), On ()),
also in the

Zoan (]&?) and Migdol (T"DT0), which are among the few
places.

Egyptian towns mentioned by Moses, are all well-known Of On, the Greek Heliopolis, it is unnecessary to

Pithom is the Patumus of Herodotus (ii. 158), the Thmei (Justice), called " Thmuin" in the Itinerary of Antonine (p. 9). Ramesses is Beth-Barneses, a city of which
speak.
city of

we have a
1

description in a hieratic papyrus of the 18 th or

9th dynasty. (See Cambridge Essays, 1858, Art. VI.

Zoan, the Tanis of the

of Herodotus
(ii.

LXX whence the " Tanitic nome"

(Wilkinson, Ancient

p. 254.)

thors

is

and the " Tanitic mouth" of later authe modern San or Zan, evidently a great town in
166),
p. 449.)
its

the time of the Ramesside monarchs.

Egypt,

i.

Migdol, the Magdolus of Hecatseus (Fr.

282), retains

and appears

Binerary of Antonine (p. 10), by Moses, on the northeast frontier, near Pelusium. Again, the name by which
in the
in the position assigned

name

368

NOTES.
itself is

Egypt
liar

designated, Mizraim (D v^!^2), has a pecu-

geographical significancy.

two Egypts

The dual form marks the

''

the upper and the lower country ""

x.

as

they
is

are termed in the inscriptions

Equally significant

Padan-ax&m (Dlb^ps), "the plain Syria" the country stretching away from the foot of the hills (Stanley's Palestine, p. 128, note i), where Harran stood, which was so
different

Euphrates.

a tract from the mountainous Syria west of the Again, the expression, " the entrance of Haxiii.

math" (Numb.

21),

shews a conversance with the geo-

graphy of Upper Palestine, whereof this " entrance" is so striking a feature (Stanley, p. 399), and with the existence of Hamath at the time, which may be proved from the
hieratic papyri of the period.
p. 268.)

(See Cambridge Essays, 1858,

Some

further geographical points will be touched

in note 89.

The

ethological

accuracy of the Pentateuch as respects

Oriental manners and customs generally, has never been

questioned.

habits of those
11

The life of the Patriarchs in Canaan, the who dwell in the desert, the chiefs and fol-

lowers, the tents, the wealth in cattle, the " sitting in the

door,

the salutations and obeisances, the constant migra-

tions, the quarrels for pasture

and water, the marriages

with near relatives, the drawing of water from the wells by

the young maidens, the troughs for the camels, the stone

on the

well's

mouth, the camels kneeling with their burtill

thens and waiting patiently

the troughs are

full,

the
by-

purchase by weight of

silver,

the oaths accompanied

peculiar ceremonies, the ox unmuzzled as he treads out the

corn, these and ten thousand similar traits are so true to nature and to fact, even at the present day (for the East
changes but little), that travellers universally come back from Syria deeply and abidingly impressed with the reality

and truthfulness of the Pentateuch

in

all

that respects

x The common hieroglyphic signs for the whole of Egypt are two crowns, two waterplants, or two layers of earth. (Lepsius, Sur V Alphabet Hieroglyphique, Planche I. (Jroupe vii. col. C.)

LECTURE
Eastern manners.
self to

II.

369

Rationalism, in order to meet in any

is

degree the weight of this argument,

forced to betake
in

it-

Egypt, where an

artificial

system existed

the time

Moses which has now completely passed away. Von in many respects the Author of the Pentateuch shews a want of acquaintance with the customs of Egypt, e. g. in his mention of eunuchs at the
of

Uohlen maintains that

Egyptian court (Commentar,

p. 360),

in

his

representa-

tion of Pharaoh's daughter as bathing in the Nile (ibid.),

and

in his

making wine a product of Egypt

(p.

objections taken are not particularly happy.

The 374). (See Rosellini

;

and p. 23 389; Herodotus, Were they more important, they would be vol. ii. p. 26.) greatly outweighed by the multitude of passages where an intimate acquaintance with Ancient Egypt may be disas quoted by Heng.stenberg, JEgyjytm

und Mose,
p.

Wilkinson, Ancient Egyptians,

1

vol.

iii.

cerned.
foreigners

The

position of the Egyptians with respect to

their separation from them, yet their allowance

of them in their country, their special hatred of shepherds,

the suspicion of strangers from Palestine as spies

internal government, its settled character, the

their

power of the

King, the influence of the Priests, the great works, the

employment of foreigners
bricks,
(cf.

in their construction, the use of

136, with Wilkinson's note ad loc.) and of bricks with straw in them (Wilkinson, 1. s. c. and Camb. Essays, 858, p. 259), the taskmasters, the embalming of dead bodies, the consequent importation of spices (Gen. xxxvii. 25), the violent mournings (Herod, ii. 85), the dissoluteness of the women (ibid. ii. 1 1 1 Camb. Essays, 1858, p. 234), the fighting with horses and chariots (Wilkinson on Herod, ii. 108; Camb. Essays, 1858, pp. 240, 241), these are a few out of the many points which might be noted marking an intimate knowledge of Egyptian man-

Herod,

ii.

ners and customs on the part of the author of the Pentateuch.

(For a

full

treatment of the question see the work

of Hengstenberg quoted above, which exhibits a very good

acquaintance with the works of modern Egyptologers.)

RAWMNSON.

NOTES.
Note 88.
p. 76.

370

The uncertainty
cities,

of geographers as to the sites of these

and the weak grounds upon which identifications of them were attempted, will be seen by reference even to works so recent as Winer's Realwbrterlmch (1848) and Ur was thought by Kitto's Biblical Cyclopcedia (1856). Edessa (so even Bunsen, some (Ritter, Kitto) to be Orfa or
Egypt,
vol.
iii.

p.

366)

which according to others (Winer)

Calneh was supposed to be Ctesiphon, Calah Ellasar, which should have been in Lower to be Holwan Babylonia, was thought to be the Larissa of Xenophon, on the middle Tigris while Accad was either Sacada or Nisibis.
: ;

was Erech

Any
fix

slight resemblance of

name

any

late authority of
at, in

Talmudical or Arabic writer

completely unsettled.

was

caught

order to
left

what the scanty remains of primeval geography

Note 89.

p. 76.

The
yond
1

following sites

seem to have been determined be-

all

reasonable doubt by the Babylonian and Assyrian

:

Inscriptions

Ur

of the Chaldees, at Mugheir, on the right

its

bank of

the Euphrates, not very far above

Shat-el-Hie.

junction with the

This

is

the true Chaldaea of Scripture and of

History, an Armenian Chaldsea being a fiction of the Greeks.

2.

Calah at Nimrud, on the

left

bank of the

Tigris, a

little

above

its

junction with the Greater Zab. (The Halah

of 2 Kings

xvii. 6, is

a different
vi. 1).

place.)

The province

in

which

it

stands long continued to be called Calachene

1,

(Strab. xvi.
3.

1; Ptol.

Erech at Warka (the Greek Op\6ri), on the left bank of the Euphrates, and at some distance from the river, about $5 miles N. W. of Ur.
l

"

The

following identifications,
:

if

highly probable

Resen with Kileh-Sherghat, on the right bank of the Tigris, not very far from its junction with 2. Accad with a town in Lower Babylothe Lesser Zab. nia, called Kinzi Accad in the Inscriptions, the site of
1
.

not certain, are at least

LECTURE
which
is

II.

371

not yet determined.

3.

Ellasar with SenJcereh, 15

same side of the Euphrates. Calneh with Niffer, in the same tract with SenJcereh and 4. Warka, but much nearer Babylon, and about midway between the two streams. (See the author's Herodotus, vol. i. PP-3 T 3>447>59 2 &c -) For a description of the ruins of Ur and Erech, see Mr. Loftus's GJialdcea and Susiana, pp. 128-134, and 162 et seqq. for those of Calah, see Mr. Layard's Nineveh and some account is given of Resen its Remains, ch. ii. et seqq. and of Cal(Kileh-Sherghdt) in the same work, ch. xii. neh {Niffer) in the same writer's Nineveh and Babylon,
miles S. E. of WarJca, on the
>
;

ch. xxiv.

Note

90. p. 76.

his travels in this region in the

See the account which Mr. Cyril Graham has given of Cambridge Essays for 1858,

pp. 157-162.
p. 118.

Compare Dr.

Stanley's Sinai

and

Palestine,

Note 93.

p. 76.

See Commander Lynch's Narrative of the United States Expedition to the River Jordan, and also his Official Report.

Compare the Journal of the Geographical Society, vol. xviii. For a summary Artt. 8, 9, and jo, and vol. xx. Art. 15. of the facts, see Stanley's Sinai and Palestine, pp. 276-279, and the Essays appended to the first volume of the author's Herodotus, Essay ix. pp. 548, 549. Commander Lynch gives the following account of the impression made upon himself
and his friends by their careful examination of the River and of the Lake in which it ends: " It is for the learned to comment on the facts which we have laboriously col-

lected.

Upon

ourselves, the result

is

a decided one.
I think,

We
of

entered upon this sea, with conflicting opinions.

the party was sceptical, and another,
unbeliever of the Mosaic account.
close investigation, if I

One

a professed

After twenty-two days'

the Scriptural account

am

not mistaken, we were unani-

mous

in the conviction of the truth

of

of the destruction of the cities of the plain."

ch. xvii. p. 253.)
r

(Narrative,

NOTE
LECTURE
Note
1.

S.

III.

p.

81.
p. 63, et seqq.
;

OEE
P-35-

Konig, Alttestament. Studien,

ii.

Jahn,

Einleitwng,

1,

p.

160; and Home's

Introduction, vol. v.

Note
tamenti, part
p. 213,

2. p. 81.

See Carpzov, Introductio ad

i.

libros Canonicos Veteris Teslist

who

gives the following

:

of writers

by whom this view has been taken " Theodoret, Procopius, Gregory the Great, Isidore, Eucherius, among the ancients among the moderns, Walther, Calovius, Hugo, De Lyra, Cajetan, Vatable, Sixtus Sinensis, Sanctius, Serrarius, and
;

Cornelius a Lapide."

Note
There
of Joshua
is

3.

p. 81.
the

no reference to the Book of Joshua as

It is first assigned to

work
authe

in Scripture.

him

in the
its

Talmud.
thorship.

The Fathers

are divided in opinion as to

it

Athanasius, for instance, includes

among

books " not written by the persons

whose names they bear

ii.

and of whom they

p.i 39 ,B.)

treat.''

(Synops. S. S. 10; Opera, vol.

p. 81.

Note

4.

See the summary of the arguments in Keil's Commentar

iiber d.

Buch Josua,

Einleitung, 3, p.

xlvii.

Keil's conclu-

sion

is,

" that the historical references and the peculiarity

of style completely disprove the supposition that the

Book

LECTURE

III.

373
;

of Joshua was written during the captivity

that they do

not point to the times of Samuel, or Saul, or David, as the

date of

its

composition, but rather to those after Joshua,

and within a generation of his death. Who then," he asks, " was the author ? Most probably one of the elders, who lived for some time after Joshua, and who had seen all the works of Jehovah which he did for Israel, occupied himself at the close of his life with writing down, partly from recollection, partly from contemporary documents and other written notices, the things which he had himself witnessed, and thus composed the work which we possess under the

name

of Joshua 7."

should be disposed to acquiesce in

this view.

Note

5. p. 83.

" The book,' he says, " nowhere contains any separate contemporary documents"

De Wette

boldly denies this.

(nicht einmal einzelne gleichzeitige Bestandtheile enthalt

es.

Einleitung, 169, p. 213.)

and others, seem to

(xv.

But Rosenmliller, Jahn, have reason on their side when they

xix. 1-48),
all
is

urge, that the accounts of the boundaries of the tribes

2162;

xviii.

21-28;

and of the

cities of

the Levites (xxi. 1340), have

the appearance of such

also, as it
xii.

documents.
the
It
list

Such a document
xviii.

seems to me,
(verses 924.)

of slaughtered kings in chapter

appears by ch.

i-io, and xxiv. 26, that such re;

cords were in use at the time

and

it is

a reasonable sup-

position that they formed the basis

who quotes them, composed his long ago " The account of the division of the land bears in many places the marks of a protocol, which from its very

upon which the author, Eichhorn observed work.

nature never gives at once a brief sketch of the whole ar-

rangement, but describes

its

gradual progress, and relates,

one after another,

y In the quotations
I

all

the alterations, improvements, and

follow the Translation of

from Professor Keil's learned and sensible work, Mr. J. Martin, which forms the fourteenth

volume of Clark's Foreign Theological Library,

burgh, 1857.)

New

Series, (Edin-

374
additions, that were
vol.
iii.

NOTES.
made from time
to time." {Einleitung,

" When we come to p. 365.) the second part of the book, and observe the things of which

Keil remarks recently

it

particularly treats

how

the history which

is

it

contains of

the division of Canaan amongst the tribes

accompanied

with each

full

descriptions of the boundaries of the territory of

tribe,

with catalogues of

cities,

and so

on,

we are

ne-

cessarily led to the conclusion, that the writer availed himself of written records, if

not of
p. 47,

official

documents."

mentar, Einleitung,
Introduction, vol.
v.

4;

E. T.)

Com( Compare Home,

pp. 36, 37.

Note

6.

p. 83.

See Carpzov, Introductio ad

tamenti, p. 172, et seqq.
;

libros

Canonicos Vcteris Tes-

and compare the quotation from

Wette,
vol. v. p. 42.

Baba-Bathra
vol.
i.

in

Theodore Parker's Translation of De

p. 31.

See also Home's Introduction,

Note

7.

p. 84.

Compare Judges
it
is

This passage, i. 21 with 2 Sam. v. 6-9. " seems to belong to the time of David." admitted,

(Parker's

De

Wette, vol.

i.

p.

206)
p. 84.

Note

8.

The chronology
great uncertainty.

of the

Book

of

Judges

is

involved in

Several periods are unestimated, as the

first

time between the death of Joshua and the

of Abimelech.

servitude,

the judgeship of Shamgar, and some portion of the reign

years,

The servitudes added together occupy 1 1 and the periods during which the land was at rest or under Judges occupy apparently 299 years, or if Samson's
279 years.
2

judgeship be included in the last servitude (Jud. xv. 20)

The

total

is

thus 410, or 39o z

But

in

With

this nearly agrees St. Paul's estimate of

division of the land

by

lot to

450 years from the Samuel the prophet (Acts xiii. 20) for
;

LECTURE
2

III.

375

Kings

vi. i,

the entire period between the Exodus and

Temple is declared to have been no more than 480 years. Now if we take the lower of the two numbers derivable from Judges, and add the sojourn
the Dedication of the
in the wilderness (40 years), the

time of Joshua's judge-

ship (say 20 years), the interval between Joshua's death

and the

st servitude (say 5 years), the judgeships of Eli (40 years) and of Samuel (more than 20 years, 1 Sam. vii. 2),
i

the reigns of Saul (40 years), of David (40 years), and the three years of Solomon's reign before the Dedication, we

obtain the result of (3904-40 + 20 + 5 +40-1- 20 + 40 + 3 ) 598 years, or more than a century beyond the

+ 40
esti-

mate

in Kings.

It is therefore

thought that the period

;

of the Judges

must be reduced

assigned to them, exclusive of Eli and Samuel,

to

and the term ordinarily is from 300

Bible,

(See the marginal dates in the English 350 years. and compare Clinton, Fasti Hettenici, vol. i. p. 313,

note n .)

M. Bunsen, with
further,

his usual boldness, reduces the

time

still

Joshua to that of
his Egypt, vol.
niel
iii.

making the period from the death of Samson no more than 173 years. (See
p. 288.)

This

is

effected

by giving Oth-

and Deborah 8 years each instead of 40, by reducing the time between the 2nd and 3rd servitudes from 80 years to 7, by shortening Gideon's presidency from 40 years to 10, and by regarding the line of Judges from Tola to Abdon as double, whereby 94 years are compressed into
48
!

If

chronology be treated in this

it

spirit,

it

is

to be

feared that nearly in the

will

shortly

come

to be regarded

pretty
cenrien,

tury, in which, it

same light as the etymology of the last was said, "les voyelles ne valoient
peu de chose."

et les consonants

Note

9.

p. 85.

Herbst, Jahn, Einleitung, 46, vol. ii. p. 232 et seqq. Graf, Dissertatio de hEinleihmg, vol. ii. p. 139 et seqq.
;

brorum Samuelis

et

Begum

compositione

&c.

good

refu-

390 + 40 (the time of Eli's judgeship) + 20 (a not improbable estimate for the time between the death of Moses and the 1st Servitude) = 450
years.

37G

NOTES.

tation of

JaWs

theory

will

be found in Kitto's Cyclopedia,

(vol.
ii.

in the article

on the "Books of Samuel"

p. 685).

Note

10.

p. 85.

See Carpzov, Introduction &c. p. 213. Modern critics mostly take the view that the Books of Samuel were merely founded on these documents. (See Havernick, Einleitung, 161

6, p. 134;
p.
;

Stuart, History of the Old Testament Canon, Rev. J. Eadie in Kitto's Cyclopcedia, vol. ii.
;

684 &c.) Home, however, with Carpzov (p. 215) and Spanheim {Opera, vol. i. p. 367), holds to the ancient view. (See his Introduction, vol. v. p. 48.) The difference between the two views is not great.

Note
Ahijah the Shilonite
is

11. p. 87.

mentioned as a contemporary of

Solomon

in

Kings,

xi. 29.

As

the visions of Iddo the

seer were " against

ii;i\c~been,

Jeroboam the son of Nebat," he must

with Solomon's

at

the latest, contemporary

successor.

Note

12. p. 88.

De Wette
tained in
1

says correctly

" The
is
;

history of David, con-

Chron. x. xxix.,

in parts entirely consistent

with that in the books of Samuel but it is distinguished from that by having several accounts peculiar to itself and especially by its Levitical accounts." (Einleitung, 88,
1

p.

241

vol.

ii.

p.

261, of Parker's Translation.)

Such acof those

counts are particularly the following 1. The

lists

who

David at Ziklag and at Hebron (ch. xii.) 2. David's instructions to Solomon and the princes with regard to the temple (ch. xxii. and ch. xxviii.) 3. His offerings and those of the people (ch. xxix. 1-9.) 4. His
joined thanksgiving, and prayer (ibid, ic-19.)
fice

and

installing of

(ibid.

20-25.)

5. His great sacriSolomon as king for the second time And 6. The lists of the Levites, Priests,

singers,

porters, captains, &c. as

made

out or appointed

LECTURE

III.

377

xxvii.) The remainder of the first by David (chs. xxii. book of Chronicles follows Samuel closely, in most passages

almost to the letter

i

e. g.

Chron.

x.

I-IO.

Sam. xxxi. i-io.

the Philistines fought
:

Now

the Philistines fought

;

Now

against Israel
Israel fled
listines,

and the men of

against Israel
Israel fled
listines,

and the men of

from before the Phifell

from before the Phifell

and

down

slain in

and

down

slain in

mount

Gilboa.

And
sons
;

the Phi-

mount

Gilboa.

And
sons
;

the Phi-

listines followed

hard after Saul,

listines followed

hard upon Saul

and after

his

and the and

and upon
Abinadab,
Saul's

his

and the
and

Philistines slew Jonathan,

Philistines slew Jonathan,

Abinadab, and Malchi-shua, the

sons of Saul.

and

Melchi-shua,
the
battle

And

the battle

sons.

And
;

went sore against

archers
hit him,

Saul,

and the

went sore against Saul, and the

archers hit
sore

and he was
archers,

wounded
&c.

of the

&c.

him and he was wounded of the archers,

&c. &c.

Note

13. p. 88.

That the seventy-eighth Psalm is a work of David's time apparent from its bringing the history down to him, and then closing abruptly. The title, " Ma-chil of Asaph," is an external confirmation of this view. Even De Wette ap[Einleitung, pears to allow that Asaph was the author. In this Psalm are mentioned the following 271, p. 366.) historical facts: (1.) The giving of the law by Jehovah
is

(verse 5)

(2.)

The command

that

it

should be
5, 6
;

made known

by fathers to their children (verses

9,

&c.)

(3.)

the miracles wrought in

(5.)

compare Dent. iv. Egypt (verse 12);

other waters, into
45) of hail
;

(4.)

the turning of the rivers, and

(6.)

blood (verse 44);

frogs
(10.)
(v.
(ib.)
;

the plague of
(v.

flies (v.

(7.)

of
;

(8.)

of locusts

46)

(9.)

(v.

47)

the destruction by the hail of cattle as well as trees

(1 ].)

48);

the death of the first-born

(v.
(v.

51);
49)
;

(12.) (13.)

the employment of angels in this destruction

the divine leading of the Israelites out of Egypt

(v.

52)

378

NOTES.
by day
;

(14.) the pillar of cloud (15.)

pillar of fire (17.)

(v.

14);

(16.)

the

by night
)

(ibid.)

(18.) the division of

the

heap

Red Sea (v. 13); (19 the standing of the water in a (ibid. Compare Ex. xv. 8) (20.) the divine guidance
;

of the Israelites through the sea

(v.

53)

(21.) the over-

whelming of the Egyptians (ib.); (22.) the frequent murmuring in the wilderness (verses 17-20); (23.) the bringing forth of water from the rock
(v. 15),

(24.) in vast
(v.

abundance

(v.

16)

(25.) the asking for meat

fire

18)
;

(26.)

the kindling of a
;

against the people

(v.

21

Numb. xi. 1) (27.) the manna (v. 24); (28.) down from heaven (v. 23 compare Ex. xvi. 4)
;

compare its coming

(29.) the

ampleness of the supply

(v.

(v.

25)

(]o.) the giving of quails

(v. 26 comp. round about their habi;

27),

(31.)
xi.

which were brought by a wind

(32.)

Numb.

30),
;

and
(v. (v.

let fall "

xi.

tation" (v. 28

comp. Numb.
ri

plague which followed

yet in their mouths

31),

30

31) (33) the destructive (34) " while the meat was comp. Numb. xi. ^) (35.)
;

the various further provocations

(vv. 32, 37, $zc.)

(36.)

the

punishment by
(v.

^3)

(37.)
(v.

consuming their days" the mercy of God in " not

' f

in

the wilderness

stirring

up

all

his

wrath"

38); ishment, and frequent relapses

(38.) the frequent

(vv.

repentances after pun-

34-42)

(39.) the di;

vine conduct to the border of the Holy

the casting out of the Heathen before

the division of the inheritances
of
(ib.)
;

Land (v. 54) them (v. 55)

(42.) the

(40.)
(41.)

cowardice

Ephraim

(43.)

9; compare Josh. xvi. 10; Judges i. 29); the backsliding and idolatry in Canaan (vv. 56 58)
(v.
;

(44.) the placing of the tabernacle at Shiloh (v. 60)

its

(45.)

capture
(v.
;

(v.
;

61);

(46.) the great slaughter at the

same

time
(v.
(v.

62)

(47.) the slaughter of priests in

the battle

64)

(48.) the

punishment of the captors by emerods

66);

(49.) the choice of the territory of

(v.

Judah
;

for the

final

resting-place of the tabernacle

68)
it

(50.) the

choice of

Mount Zion
(5
1

as the place where

should be set
(v.
;

up

(ib.)

.)

the selection of David to be king

70)

(52.) his being taken " (53.) the integrity

from the sheep-folds'"

(ibid.)

and

and excellence of

his rule (v. 72.)

LECTURE
Note 14.
Stanley's Sinai

III.

379

p. 90.

and

Palestine, pp. 132, 133.

Note 15.

p. 90.

M. Bunsen supposes that Assyria, from the commencement of its independence in B. C. 1273, was not only a
powerful kingdom, but a great empire, holding Syria, Palestine,
vol.
iii.

and even occasionally Egypt in subjection, [Egypt, But this view rests entirely pp. 269, 289, &c.) upon Ctesias, a writer (as M. Bunsen confesses 3 ) of very low authority; or rather it rests upon an odd jumble between the facts (?) of Ctesias and the dates of Herodotus and Berosus. Nothing is more plain from the Assyrian inscriptions, the authority of which M. Bunsen admits b than the gradual rise of Assyria to power during the ,520 (526) years assigned by Herodotus to the Empire. TiglathPileser I., whose date is fixed, with a near approach to
,

certainty, in the latter part of the eleventh century B.

C,

gives a

list

of his four ancestors

and predecessors which

must reach back at least to B. C. 1 200, wherein he calls the first of them " the king who first organized the country of Assyria ;" the second and third, kings who were " established in the government of Assyria ;" and the fourth, his father, "the subduer of foreign countries;" while he calls
himself " the illustrious prince

who has pursued

all the

after the

enemies of Asshur and has subjugated

his

earth?

Yet

Kurdish mountains, in Armenia, Cappadocia, and upper Syria about Carchemish.

campaigns are only
in the

He

does not penetrate to Hamath, to Phoenicia, or to Da-

mascus,

much

less to Palestine;
is

while he constantly de-

engaged with tribes and countries which none of the Assyrian kings had ever before reached. (See the Great Inscription, published by the Royal Asiatic Soclares that he

cietyS pp. 22, 24, 34, 42, &o.)

a Egypt, vol.
c
iii.

p. 433.

b Ibid. p. 436.

Printed by J.

W.

Parker,

West

Strand, London, 1857.


380

NOTES.
Note
16. p. 90.
ii.

See Wilkinson
376.
221, &c.

in the author's Herodotus, vol.

vol.
iii.

pp. 374-

Compare Bunsen, Egypt,

Note

pp. 210, 211, 219-

17. p. 91.

See above, note

15.

most
1350.
p.

biblical Chronologists

Chushan-Rishathaim is placed by between B. 0. 400 and B. 0.

1

M. Bunsen puts him a century later. (Egypt, vol. iii. Even according to this latter view, he preceded 272.)
I.

Tiglath-Pileser
It is quite

by above a century.

a gratuitous supposition of

M.

Bunsen's, that

Chushan-Rishathaim was " a Mesopotamian satrap" (1. s. c.) "the Assyrian satrap of Mesopotamia" (p. 289). Scripture calls him " king ;" and besides, the cuneiform monuments make it perfectly clear that Assyria did not extend her dominion to Aram-Naharaim, (the Aramaic portion of Mesopotamia, or the country between the Khabour and the Euphrates,) till the middle of the 1 2th century. M. Bunsen says, " there can never have been an empire in Eastern

and Babylonia" (p. 293). Why can there not I If the Assyrian and Babylonian kingdoms of the early period be rightly apprehended, there is no more difficulty in supposing a powerful Aramaean state
Syria coexistent with Assyria
in

divided up, as

Western Mesopotamia, than in imagining the country we must otherwise regard it, among a numChushan-Rishathaim, however,
to

ber of petty principalities.

it is

be observed, reigned probably before the Assyrian

independence was established.

Note

18. p. 9f.

Moses
nonnulli
id

says "

Is

(i.

e.

Joshua) cum Chananscos deleret,

A gram

profugerunt, et navigiis Tharsin petiere;

quod ex

inscriptione patet, quae in Africa columnis in-

sculpta extat
'

ad hanc usque memoriam, quae vere talis est Joshua latrone profugi nos prrefecti Chanana?orum, 18. venimus hie habitatum.' " Hist. Armen.

i.

381

LECTURE
Note
19.
p.

III.

91.

Procopius expresses himself as follows.

ev6a orf/Aat bvo k \L6<av \vkG>v

Having meno-yx 1 K PV~

tioned Tigisis (Tangiers), a city of Numidia, he proceeds

TTcnotrjiJiivai,

vtjs el<rl rrjs jxeyakrjs, ypap.p.ara <$>0LViKii<a iyKenokapipLzva

fyovarai,
Ti]

<t>ot.viii)V

ykiacrai]

ktyovra

aiSe'

H/uets <Tp.cv oi

(f)vy6vT9 airb Trpoartoiiov ^h^crov rod \ijcttov Nain).

(De Hello

Vandalico,
witness.

ii.

10.)

This
it

is

clearly the language of an eye-

Procopius,

must be remembered, had accom-

panied Belisarius to Africa.

Note
Suidas ad voc. Xava&v.
7r\6,Kts kv rr\ NovfJLibla,

20. p. 9

Kcu

et<rt

jwe'xpt

vvv at Toiavrat.
err/xef

-nepUyovGcu ovtods' 'Hjueis

Xava-

valoi, oi)s tbia>ev 'Ir/crous 6 Ar/cm/s.

Note
Keil,
p.li.;

21. p. 92.

Commentar p.5i,E.T.

iiber

d.

Buck Josua, Einleitung,

4,

Note

22. p. 93.

Mr. Kenrick, who admits the existence of an inscription it by the writers above quoted, decides that the inscription must have been He remarks that the exmistranslated. (Phoenicia, p. 68.) planations of the hieroglyphical and cuneiform inscriptions which were furnished by those who professed to understand
supposed to have the meaning given to

them to the inquisitive Greeks, read us a lesson of distrust; and suggests that a monument of the time of Joshua would
have been unintelligible even to learned archieologists in the

But the monument may have been naand genuine without its dating from within a thousand years of the time of Joshua and if the cuneiform and
days of Justinian.
tional
;

hieroglyphical inscriptions were not accurately rendered to

was less through ignorance than through malice that they were perverted. In this case the translation given by the natives is clearly an honest one ; and its peculiarities seem to me in its favour. The Arama'ism," e* Ttpovhniovr
the Greeks,
it

382
is

NOTES.
1.

admitted to be " a plausible argument for the correctness

s.

of the interpretation" (Kenrick,

inscription, in

a).

The form

of the

which certain persons, not named or described, speak in the first person plural, which is said to be " wholly unlike that of genuine lapidary documents" (Kenrick, p. 67), is no doubt unusual but as certainly it is not
;

impossible.

The

early cuneiform

documents are commonly

sufficiently evident

in the first person.

And

if it

the inscription were set up in

a public place in Tingis,

that by

would be

was meant the people of the city. Besides, we are not sure that this was the whole of the inscription.

"we

11

The authors who report

ticular passage.

it

are only concerned with a par-

There may have been a context, which would have taken away all appearance of harshness and abruptness from the record.

Note
Very few Phoenician
senius's

23. p. 93.

inscriptions have

been found in
(See Ge-

Africa of a later date than the age of Augustus.

Monumenta Scriptures Lingucrque Phcenicice, pp. 13, 313-328.) The Latin language appears to have by that
time almost entirely superseded the Carthaginian for
public purposes.
all

Note
Herod,
ii.
1

24. p. 93.

42. 'Kv toCvvv tovtco tu Xpov<? TerpeiKis eKeyov

e i)9eu)V toi> ij\iov

avarelXar evda re vvv Karahverat, evdevrev

vvv drareAAei, evOavra

8is avarelKai, kcu evOev

bh

Karabvvai.

Note 25.
"
us,

p. 93.
tells

When

Herodotus, the father of profane history,

from the priests of Egypt, that their traditions had informed them, that in very remote ages the sun had four times departed from his regular course, having twice set

where he ought to have risen, and twice risen where he ought to have set, it is impossible to read this most sin-

gular tradition without recollecting the narrative in the

book of Joshua which

relates,

'

that the sun stood

still

in

the midst of heaven, and hasted not to go

down about a

LECTURE
whole day
kiah,
'

III.

383
Heze-

;"

and the

fact related in the history of

that the sun went back ten degrees on the dial of

Ahaz.''"
ledge

(Home, Introduction
vol.

to the
i.

Critical Study

of Holy Scripture,

p. 176.
iii.

and KnowCompare Goguet,

Origines

Legum

et

Artium,

vol.

p. 300.)

Note

26. p. 94.

Three other explanations of the narrative in Joshua have been suggested. Grotius, Isaac Peyrerius, Spinoza, and others, conjecture that a miracle was wrought, but not an
astronomical one.

Divine power caused, they think, an

it

extraordinary refraction of the sun's rays, by which

tinued to light up the
field of battle

con-

long after

its disc

sunk below the horizon.

Michaelis, Schultz, Hess,

had and

Dathe
in

believe that nothing strange took place with reit

gard to the sun, but that

tinue the pursuit.

continued to lighten

all

night,

consequence of which the Israelites were able to conFinally, Keil

has suggested that nocourse

is

thing marvellous or out of the

in

common

intended

the narrative.
still"

The words

of Joshua, " Sun, stand

it),

thou

&c. (or " Sun, wait thou," as he translates

;

and the prayer was simply that the sun might not set till the people had avenged themselves upon their enemies. The whole paswere, he thinks, spoken in the morning
sage, from verse 12 to verse 15 inclusive, he considers to 11 be quoted from the poem known as " the book of Jasher ;

and therefore he
poetically.

feels justified in

explaining

its

language

" If

we had had

before us simple prose or the

it

words of the historian himself,"

would have been neces-

sary to admit that the day was miraculously lengthened.

But the words of a poet must be understood poetically. He remarks, that there is no reference to the miracle in the rest of Scripture (for he fairly enough questions whether Hab. iii. 1 is such a reference) a strange silence, if so great a miracle as that commonly understood at the These present day, was really wrought on the occasion. views on the part of a learned Hebraist, and of one who has no prejudice against miracles, seem to deserve atten1

384
tion.

NOTES.
(See Keil's Commentar
iiber d.

Bach Josua.

ch. x.

pp. 177-193; pp. 25 1-269, E.T.)

Note 27.

p. 95.

A p.

Euseb. Preep. Ev.

"2apoin']\.
/3a<nA.e'a

ix.
rrj

30.

Mera
be

be ravra -npo^i'iT^v

yeveadcu

Eira

rod Qeov
apai'Ta

0ovKi'](reL virb
eri]

^apovi}\

SaovAov
IZvpovs
Ka\
ti]u

alpeOrjvcu,
vlbi>

xa

reXevTijo-at.

Etra Aaftlb rbv tovtov

bwaarevaaL, bv

KaTao-Tpexj/acrdaL

tovs irapa rbv F,v<pp&Ti]v oIkovvtcis irorapov,

Kop.payqvi]v,
kcu

tovs

ev Takahpn) ''AaavpCovs

kcu

<I>ou'i/ca9.

Note 28.
Fragmenta Hist.
be
Grcec. vol.

p. 96.

iii.

pp. 373, 374, Fr. 3

tG>v

Mera

ravTa

7to\X<jo

XP'W

vo~Tepoi'

ey\(api(ov

ns, "Ababos

ovopia, itkelov lo~xy(ras, Aajuarr/cou re kcu ttJs a\\r)s Svpias, ea>

tyoivUr]?,

efiaaikevae.
r?js

YloAep-ov

be

eeveyixs

irpbs

Aavibijv

(3a<nkea

''lovbaias kcu
f]

ttoWcus /xax ats KpiOeh,

va-Ta-r) tt/

Trapa rbv Evcpparqv, ev

pu>p.rj

i]TTq.TO, apicrros

eboev elvcu f3acn\ea>v

kcu avbpeia.

It

may

be said that Nicolas, being the

friend of

Herod the Great, would have ready access to the sacred books of the Jews, and may have drawn his narraBut the fragments of Nicolas do not indicate tive thence.
this.

In the very few places where he touches ancient it is always in connexion with his own It is also country, and from a Damascene point of view. to be remarked, that while he omits main features of the
Jewish history,

Jewish narrative, as the fact that the Syrians took part in the war against David as allies of the king of Zobah, he

adds features not contained

in that narrative

as the

name

and the occurrence of several battles before the last disaster. These points are quite compatible with the Jewish narrative, but they could not be drawn from it.
of the Syrian king, the extent of his dominions,

Note

29. p. 96.

Eupolemus
quoted

said, in

continuation of the passage above

avrbv kcu

STparewai be

em 'Jbovpatovs,

kcu

Ap.-

LECTURE
lAavtras,
kcu

III.

385
kcu

MatafiiTas, koI

"'Irovpaiovs,
1.

Na(3a.Ta(ovs,

nal Nafihalovs. (Euseb. Prrnp. Ev.

s. c.)

Note 30.

p. 97.

See Dr. Stanley's Sinai and Palestine, pp. 262-264.

Note 31.

p. 97. vol.
ii.

See Heeren's Asiatic Nations,

Kenrick's Phoenicia, pp. 201-205.

pp. 11 9-1 26; and

Note

32. p. 98.

The

superior antiquity and preeminence in early times

of Sidon over Tyre has been disputed. Niebuhr in his Lectures (Vortrdge
iiber

Alto Geschichte, vol.

speaks of

it

as doubtful.

And

i. p. 94; p.78, E.T.) the writer of the article on

Phoenicia, in Dr. Smith's Dictionary of Greek

and Roman
(vol.
ii.

Geography,
p. 609).

endeavours to
his

prove

the

contrary

But
It
is

cogent.

easy to understand

arguments do not appear to me how Tyre, which in

very
later

times completely eclipsed her neighbour, should have assertors of her superior antiquity in the days of her glory,

without supposing that her claim was founded

in justice

but

it is

inexplicable that Sidon should in her lowest de-

pression have succeeded in maintaining her claim against

Tyre, unless there had been truth on her side.

rick appears to

Mr. Ken-

me

to decide the controversy aright,

first

when

he concludes, that " Tyre was probably at

only a de-

pendency of Sidon." (See his Phoenicia, pp. 340 342.) There is one important argument in favour of the early
preeminence of Sidon, which
is

not noticed either by Mr.

Kenrick, or the writer in Smith's Dictionary.

precedence of Tyre in the early Egyptian
sen's Egypt, vol.
iii.

Sidon takes
(See

lists.

M. Bunfor 1858,

p.

214; and Cambridge Essays

Art.

vi.

p. 257.)

Note 33.

p. 98.
all

Homer makes
RAWMNSON.

no mention at

of Tyre or the Tyrians,

while he speaks of Sidon and the

C C

Sidonians repeatedly


386
(See Horn.
xv. 117,
II. vii.

NOTES.
289, 290; xxiii. 741

744;

Od.

iv.

618;

and 425.)

He

also in one passage uses " Sidonia''

d.

as the

gested

It has been sugand " Sidonian" to that he " Tyre" and " Tynan," because the words are more " so-

name

of Phoenicia in general

preferred " Sidon"

norous.

11

(See Diet, of Greek and

Roman

Geography,

1.

s. c.)

Hut he would

scarcely on that account have so determin-

edly excluded Tyre, the

more important
all

city

of*

the two at

the time when he wrote, from

mention

in either of his

poems.

Note 34.
Strabo
in

p. 98.

one place
;

(xvi. 2, 22.)

speaks somewhat ob(i.

scurely on the subject

tinctly calls

but

in

another

2.

33) he dis-

Sidon the mother-city

(r?)r p.r]Tp6iro\iv)

of

all

Phoenicia.

Note 35.
Justin
says, "

p. 98.

Tyriorum gens condita a Phoenicibus fuit, qui terrse motu vexati, relicto patriae solo, Assyrium stagnum primo, mox mari proximum littus incoluerunt,
condita
ibi

urbe,

quam

a piscium ubertate Sidona appella-

verunt

nam

piscem Phoenices Sidon vocant.

Post multos

deinde annos a rege Ascaloniorum expugnati, navibus ap-

Tyron urbem ante annum TrojanaB cladis condide(Historice, xviii. 3.) Tyre is here made an actual colony from Sidon. Compare Isaiah, xxiii. 12, where Tyre
pulsi

runt."

is

11 addressed as " daughter of Sidon.

Note 36.
Josephus
aKpifiij

p. 98.
ircpl

calls

Dins

avbpa

rip

<X>oivikiki]v
i.

laropiav

yeyovivai

TTTncrTvp,ivov.

(Contra Apion.

17.)

Ho

probably lived soon after the time of Alexander.

Note 37.

p. 98.

Josephus distinctly states that Menander drew

d

his

Phoe-

Of

8'

is Sibovirjv e\)vaio^iivt)v ava(iavT(s

*Ii\ovt at/rap iyu) Xinofirjv aKa\r}fiuos fjrop.

Od.

xiii.

285, 286.

LECTURE
nician history from native sources.
tra Apion.
Ae'&jy
i.

III.

387

See his treatise, Coni(f)

18

Ttypacpt be ovtos ras

/cat

tKaarov rG>v

/3acr<,-

irpd^eLS irapa toIs "EWrjcri

fiap/BapoLs

yevo[x4vas

e/c

t>v

nap zkzivois

iTTL\d)pC<t)V

ypa\xp.aTU>v (ntovbaaas
ix. 14.

ttjv ItJTopCav

[xadelv.

Compare Ant. Jud.

Dius and Menander appear to have been

Sidon, and to have

silent

about
little

made

their Phoenician histories

more than histories of Tyre. Midler's Fragm. Hist. Gr. vol.

See their fragments in C.

iv.

pp.

398 and 445

447.

Note

38. p. 99.

The preeminence
cities

of Tyre

over the other Phoenician

from the time of David to the close of Phoenician It is indicated history, has never, I believe, been denied.
in Scripture
xxiii.

by the uniform tenor of the prophecies

Jer. xxv. 22, xlvii.

(Is.

4; Ez. xxvi.-xxviii. &c); on the monuments by the precedency assigned to Tyre in

118;

and BabyH. Rawlinson's Commentary on the In356; scriptions of Babylonia and Assyria, p. 30 compare the author's Herodotus, vol. i. p. 470) and in profane history by the constant mention which is made of Tyre, and the few and scattered notices of Sidon which occur during this
the
lists

of Phoenician towns (Layard, Nineveh

Sir

lon,

p.

period.
is

The

only remarkable exception to this consensus

Herodotus, who seems impressed with the superiority

vii.

of Sidon. (See book

ch. 98,

where the Sidonian king

is

given the post of honour; and chaps. 44, 96, 99, 100, &c, where the Sidonian ships are represented as excelling all

the rest.)

Perhaps he is unconsciously biassed by his Homeric learning; or perhaps Sidon did temporarily recover the preeminence from about 13. C. 580 to B.C. 480, in consequence of Nebuchadnezzar's siege and destruction of Tyre. Tyre however was manifestly once more the
leading city at the time of the invasion of Alexander. (Arrian,

Exped. Alex.

ii.

15 et seqq.)

Note 39.
See Kenrick's Phoenicia,

p. 99.

p. 58.

c c 2


388

NOTES.
Note
40. p. 99.
is

" Hiram, king of Tyre,"

mentioned

in

an inscription
vol.
i.

of Tiglath-Pileser II.
p. 470.)

(See the author's Herodotus,

Note

41. p. 99.

" Mapen, the son of Sirom" (or Hirom), was king of Tyre at the time of Xerxes"' expedition against Greece,

(Herodot.

vii.

98.)

The name
(ib. v.

also occurs

among

the Phoe-

nicians of Cyprus,

104.)

Note
The following
is

42. p. 100.

the passage of

Menander concerning
:

Hh*am which Josephus has

tos 8e 'A/3t/3dAov 8te5e'aro

preserved to us

TeXevTijaav-

r-qv (3acrike[av 6 utos

avrov Etpcorpi&KOvra
kIovol

/uos, os /3to)0"as errj irevrriKOVTa rpla (3aar\evcrV err)

riaaapa.
tov kv rots
eKO\}rev

Ovtos
to{3

e'xcre

tov evpvyjupov, tov re ^vcrovv

Atos avlBrjKtv, en re vXr)v

Aeyop,e'z>ov

^vXav aireXduv

ano tov
uiKobopLricre,

opovs Aifiavov, Kthpiva

rrjs

vXa
kcuvovs

eis

ras rG>v Upa>v ore'yas, KadeXu>v re ra apyaia tepd

to re tov 'Hpa/cAeovs kcu
'Aordprijs

re'p.ez;os

aviipzvcrev, koX to fxev tov 'Hpa/cAe'ovs Trp&rov enoir}-

craTo ev

rw

I7eptrt<o
p,r)

ixijvl,

etra to

r?)s

Aardprrjs oirore Ttruots

ovs
rts

e7reorparei;cre

anobibovm robs

(popovs,
8e'

kcu v7rordas
rjv

kavrcp
ttcus

ttolKlv

aviarp^j/ev.

'Ewt rovrov

'Afibiju.ovos

rewrepos, os
6

evUa

to.

7rpo/3A?//xara, a e7rerao-o-e

2oi.

Kop.o)v
18.)

'Ie po(to\v[jlu>v

fiaaiXevs.

(Contra Apion.

Note 43.

p. 100.

The
fl&Xov

words of Dius, as reported by Josephus, are

TeXevTijaavTos
irpbs

'A/3t-

vlbs
p-eprj

avrov

Etpco/xos

kfiaalXtvaev.

OSros ra
ov to

avaroXas

ti)s 7ro'Aea>s

TTpocre^iao-e, /cat pet-

clcttv

7tTtoCr]Ke,
vr)cr<j>,

/cat

tov ""OXvpiTrCov Atos to Upbv nad'

o~vvrj\j/
rfj

kavTo ov iv

x^cras tov juerat roitov,

7roAet,

koX xpvo-ols avadrnxaacv eKoVpTjaey

dya/3ds 8e ets tov AtKa.Ta(TKVl]V.

fiaVOV vX0T0p.T](T
6e

TTpOS

T1]V

T&V VO&V
2oAop.<Si>a

Tov
(paai

rvpavvovvra

'Tepoo-oAvpcoz;

7re/n\^at

LECTURE
7ip6s
a^iovv,

III.

389
-nap

tov

Etpafxov
y}\

aivCyixara,

kclI

avrov

\af3elv

tov Se

bvvi]6ivTa

biaKplvai

r<j)

kvaavTi xPVIxaTa
jut/

clitot(viv.

'OpLoXoyqaavra be tov Etpcopiov <al

alvlyixara

bvvrjdevTa
eir(.(flfMOV
to.

kv<rai

to.

TroWa t&v
'

yj>r)\xaT(av

eh to

d.va\b)o~aL.

Etra

8t)

AflbijiJLOVov

Tiva Tvpiov avbpa

jut)

irpoTe-

divra \vo~ai, Kal

avrov 6.KXa TrpofiaheiV a

rco

Xvaavra
\pr\p.aTa.

top 2oAo/xSya 7ro\Aa

(Contra Apion.
i.

Eipw/xw

7rpo<ra7rou<rai

17.)

Note 44.
See Clem. Alex, fttromata,
Ovyaxepa
vos.
"2.akop.5>vL
i.

p. 101.

p.

386

Elpap.os tt]v eavrov

btbtocn ... cos

<pr)o~i

Me"vavbpos 6 YlepyayLt]-

Compare Tatian, Adversus Grcecos, 37. p. 273. Mr. Kenrick thinks this was a mere " popular tradition," to which the intimate friendship between the two kings gave
rise.

He argues that Hiram would not have married his daughter to Solomon, " since she could only have been a
secondary wife," and he further urges the silence of Scrip-

ture. (See his Phoenicia, p. 356).

The

latter is always a

weak ground, and

tained, since

in the present instance is not fully sus-

among Solomon's secondary

(i.

wives are men-

tioned

'

Sidonian

e.

Phoenician) princesses."

The

force

of the former argument will depend on the relative greatness which

we

assign to the

clined to regard the

of

Hiram

as

less,

two princes. I should be inpower of Solomon as greater, and that than Mr. Kenrick imagines.

Note
Bunsen, Egypt,
vol.

45. p. joi.
vol.
ii.

Wilkinson, in the author's Herodotus,

iii.

p.

375;

pp. 206, 207.

Note 46.
See Euseb. Prcep. Ev.
given
ix.

p.

10 1.

31-34.
vol.

The passage

is

also

among

the fragments of Polyhistor, in Miiller's Fragiii.

menta Historicorum Gracorum,

pp. 225, 226. Fr. 18.

Note 47.

p. 102.

Egyptian chronology has been made out with tolerable

{390

NOTES.
M. Mariette,

certainty from the Apis stelae discovered by

as far as the accession of Tirhakah, which appears to have

been
vol.

in B. C. 690.

(Wilkinson, in the author's Herodotus,

Manetho's dynasties place between Tirhakah and the commencement of the 22nd dynasty a This would give B. C. 965 as space of about 275 years.
ii.

pp. 380, 381.)

the date

of

Shishak's

(or

Sesonchis')

accession.
1

As-

suming from the Canon of Ptolemy B. C. 65 as the date of Evil-merodach's accession, we obtain, by following the line of the kings of Judah, B. C. 976 for the accession of

Rehoboam, and

B. C. 1016 for that of Solomon.

This

is

as near an agreement, as

we could reasonably expect, between two chronologies both of which are somewhat uncertain
e.

Note 48.
Sesonchis
is

p. 102.

the form used by Africanus, Sesonchosis

that adopted by Eusebius.

tho, collected by

(See the Fragments of

in his

ManeHist.

Gr.

vol.

ii.

p.

Mons. C. Midler, 590, Frs. 60 and 61.)

Fragmenta

Note 49.

p- 102.

See Wilkinson, in the author's Herodotus, and Bunsen, Egypt, vol. iii. p. 241.

vol.

ii.

p.

377,

The
racter.

21st, or first Tanite dynasty, belonged to the sacer-

dotal caste, and in various respects bore a peculiar cha-

With Sheshonk,

the

first

king of the 22nd, or

first

Bubastite, dynasty, we have a return to the old character

of Egyptian monarchs.
dotus, vol.
ii.

(Wilkinson, in the author's Hero:

pp. 375, 376

Bunsen, Egypt,

vol.

iii.

pp. 220,

221, and 241.)

as

The dates furnished by the Apis stelce prove that Manetho's lists, we have them, are not wholly to be depended on. In the Scripture

Chronology of the time, one element of doubt is furnished by the difference which sometimes exists between the LXX and the Hebrew Another arises from the want of exact agreement between the text. chronology of the Israelite and of the Jewish kings.

LECTURE
Note 50.
See Euseb. Prcep. Ev.
ix.

III.

391

p.

103/

34.

Note
Ibid.
1.

51. p. 103.
(pii<n

s. c.

QeocpiXos 8e

top TtepiacrevcravTa -^pvaop

top 5e eluova njs

top ~2,oXo\xS)va ru Tvpiwp fiaoikel itiy^ai'

dvyarpos fwoy 6\oa(ap.aTov Karao-Ktvao-ai, Kal ekvrpov tw avbptdvTi top xpvaovv Kiova -nepidtivai.

Note 52.
See the author's Herodotus,

p. 104.
vol.
i.

Essay

vii.

pp. 490, 491.

Compare Layard's Nineveh and Babylon,

Note
53. p. io6.

pp. 634, 635.

Nineveh and Babylon, ch. xxvi. pp. 650 and 655.

Loftus's Chaldcea

For an

account of the structures at Susa and Persepolis, see Mr.

and Susiana, ch. xxviii. pp. 364-380, and Mr. Fergusson's elaborate work, The Palaces of Nineveh restored, pp. 95-190.
Note 54.
p.

106.

Fergusson's Palaces of Nineveh restored, pp. 272-276;

compare Layard's Nineveh and Babylon,

650.

ch. xxvi. pp. 649,

Note 55.

p.

106.

Ker Porter
60
feet
;

says

" The

total height of each

is

column
;

is

the circumference of the shaft

sixteen

the

length from the capital to the tor, forty -four feet." {Travels, vol.
i.

p. 6^^.)

In another part of the

ruins,

he mea-

sured two
tal

pillars,

the total height of which, including capiforty-five feet. (Ibid. p. 590.)

and

tor,

was

The mea-

surements adopted by Mr. Fergusson are, for the palace of

Darius, 20 feet
feet
;

for the hall of the

Hundred Columns, 25
feet,

for the

Propylseum of Xerxes 46

9 inches

and

f The references to this note and the next have accidentally slipped out from the text of page 103, where they should have appeared in lines 10 and 11, after the words "TheophUus", and " Eupolemus".


>W
for the Hall of

NOTES.
Xerxes, 64
feet.

(The Palaces of Nineveh

restored, pp. ic8, 125, 158,

and 177)
56. p. 106.
p. 81.

Note

See Kugler's Handbuch der Kunstgeschichte,

Note
Assyrian sphinxes
the cherubim
in

57. p. 107.
"

Even Mr. Layard, while admitting that

some of the
"
I

may have been

overlaid with gold, like

in a note,

Solomon's temple," adds

cannot, however, but express

my

conviction that

much

of

the metal called gold both in the sacred writings and in

profane authors of antiquity, was really copper, the ori-

chalchum of the Greeks, such as was used in the bowls and plates discovered at Nimroud.'' (Nineveh and Babylon, But metal of this slight value would hardly have p. 652.)
1

been torn with violence from a sacred building, as the plating appears to have been from the fourth stage of the Birs

Nimrud.
been far

It is further to

be remarked, that in the

silver ones.

classical

accounts the golden beams &c. are distinctly said to have

less

numerous than the

ovo-qs

Polybius says of

the palace at Ecbatana

V7]s

yap

ttjs

v\ias airaaqs Kebpt-

Kal KvnapiTTivrjs, oibep,iav

to.

avTwv yeyvixvGxrOai avvefiawei',

aXXu. Kai tovs boKovs Kal

(paTV(6p.aTa, Kal tovs Ktovas tovs

ev tois otooXs

/cat

TrepiaTvkois,
-nepizi\i\(p6ai,

tovs
tcls

/xez>

apyvpals tovs oe
Kepapilbas

Xpvcrals

kenicri

5
.

apyvpas

elvai itaaas.

And

again, 'O vabs

tovs Kiovas eix* T0 ^ s

7rept K<zxpvo-b>p.tvovs (gilt), Kal Kepafxtbes

apyvpal Kal ttXclovs

(V

avT<2

awtTtOeivTO, irhLvQoi

8e

xpvaai tivcs oAiyoi

virtfxevov.

pkv

rjrrav,

apyvpal

be

Kal

-nktiovs

(Bk. x. ch.

27, 10

and

2.)

Note 58.

p. 107.

For the use of gold in ornamentation by the Phoenicians, and 5 and compare Kenrick's Phoenicia, p. 252, and O. Midler's Handbuch der Archilologie der Kunst, p. 273, 2nd edition. For its use by the Assyrians, oc Mr Layard 's Nineveh and Babylon, pp. 651,652. For
see above, notes 43
1

L EOT
its

[I

RE
p.

III.

:ii)3

use by the Babylonians, see the last note, and compare

i.

the author's Herodotus, vol.

243, note \

Note
Menander, Fr.
pov, tov re
1 :

59. p. 107.
(sc. Eipeo/Aos)

Ovtus

t^uae tov evpvxco-

xP va v v "(ova tov ev rot? tov Aios av(6r]Kv.

r

Com-

pare Theophilus, as quoted in note 5

Note

CO. p. 107.
p.

See Mr. Kenrick's Phoenicia,

252.

Note

61. p. 107.

Layard's Nineveh and Babylon, pp. 195, 196.

Note
Ibid. p. 150.

62. p. 107.

Note 62

b.

p. 109.
p.

See Mr. Kenrick's Phoenicia,

354.

Note

63. p. 109.

The geographic accuracy

ley says

of this portion of Scripture

is

even more striking than that of the Pentateuch.

"

Dr. Stan-

It is impossible not to

be struck by the con-

stant agreement between the recorded history and the

natural geography both of the Old and

New

Testament.

marked correspondence between the scenes of the Sinaitic mountains and the events of the Israelite wanfind a

To

derings

is

not

much perhaps, but

it is

certainly something
.

towards a proof of the truth of the whole narrative

The
that
flesh

detailed

harmony between the

is

life

of Joshua

and the

various scenes of his battles,

a slight but true indication

we

are dealing not with shadows, but with realities of

and blood.

Such coincidences are not usually found

Eastern origin."
(Sinai

in fables, least of all in fables of

and

Palestine, Preface, p. xviii.)

And

this detailed har-

mony he
fhapters.

exhibits

in

his

fourth,

seventh,

and eleventh
light

Among

minute points of agreement brought to

by

394
recent researches

NOTES.
may be mentioned
(i

(i.)the position of the

Hagarites or Hagarenes to the east of the land of Gilead,

towards or upon the Euphrates

is

Chron.

v.

9, 10);

which

the exact locality where they are found three or four

centuries later, in an inscription of Sennacherib.

(See the

author's Herodotus, vol.

i.

p.

476.)

(2.)

The

existence of

female sovereigns
is

among the Arabs about this period, which shewn by the mention of certain " Queens of the Arabs" in the inscriptions of Tiglath-pileser and others. (Ibid. pp.

470 and 473.) (3.) The continued importance of the Moabites and Ammonites which appears by the occurrence of their names s in the inscriptions among the enemies of Assyria.
Note
64. p. 111.

The great Assyrian Empire

of Ctesias, which was said to

have extended from Egypt to India, and to have lasted above 1300 years, from about 13. 0. 2182 to B.C. 876, is one of the most palpable contradictions of Scripture which
profane history furnishes. Hence it was generally accepted and maintained by the French historians of the last century. Equally opposed to Scripture is the Median Empire
of Ctesias,

commencing

in B. C. 876 with the destruction

to the time of Cyrus.
It

of Nineveh, and continuing

was

for a long time considered doubtful

among

historical critics

whether the authority of Ctesias or that of Herodotus was but as time went on, as the importance of Beto prevail
;

rosus's history

came to be recognised, and more especially when the cuneiform monuments began to be decyphered, the star of Ctesias began to pale and his credit to sink.
Niebuhr long ago remarked, that
his Assyrian history

was

"wholly to be rejected." (Vortrage ilber Alt. Geschicht. \o\.i. M. Bunsen, even while making use of p. 16; p. 12. E.T.) him, allows that he was " a confused and uncritical writer."
{Egypt, vol.
iii.

p.

432.)

Col.

Mure {Language and

3>}io),

Litera-

Moab
is

appears as

Muhub (Heb.
city,

which

probably the chief

the

Rabbab

Amnion as Beth-Ammon, or Rabbath-Ammon of

Scripture.

LECTURE

III.

395

ture of Ancient Greece, vol. v. p. 484,) calls him " an author of proverbially doubtful veracity." Even his apologists can now say little more in his defence, than that " there
is

no

positive evidence for charging

history.'"

him with

wilfully falsifying

(See the article on Ctesias in Dr. Smith's Dic-

tionary of Greek

and Roman Biography,

Note
65. p. ii2.

vol.

i.

p. 899.)

See Norton's Disquisition on the Old Testament in his Genuineness of the Gospels, vol. ii. p. 498. De Wette, after
objecting to the miracles and prophecies recorded in Sasays " Elsewhere the narrative bears the marks of a genuine history, and where it is not partly derived from contemporary documents as it is in some places it is yet

muel,

drawn from an oral tradition, very lively and true, and is only disturbed and confused here and there." {Einleihmg, 178, p. 322; Parker's Translation, vol. ii. p. 210.)

He

also finds " authentic historical accounts" in the books of Kings. (Ibid. 183, p. 232 ; vol. ii. p. 230, E. T.)

NOTES.
LECTURE
IV.

Note

1.

p.

15.

See Lecture III. page 82.

Note
Ibid. p. 87.

%
3.

p. i] 6.

Note

p. 117.

The author of Chronicles

refers us either to " the

book of

the Kings" (2 Chr. xxiv. 27), or more explicitly to " the book of the Kings of Israel and Judah" (2 Chr. xxvii. 7 ; xxviii. 26;
xxxii.

32

xxxv. 27.)

distinguishes between " the

Kings of Judah" 2 Kings viii. 23

;

(1
xii.

But the author of Kings throughout book of the Chronicles of the Kings xiv. 19; xv. j, 23 xxii. 46; xiv. 18 &c), and " the book of 19
; ;

the Chronicles of the Kings of Israel" (1 Kings xiv. 19;

xv. 31
xiii. 8,
;

xvi. 5, 14, 20, 27

xii.

39

Kings

i.

18

x.

34;

12; &c.)
is,

The most probable explanation

of this

difference

that the two documents were originally sepa-

rate, having

been drawn up in and for the two different

but that by the time of the writer of our books of Chronicles they had been united in one, and were known
;

kingdoms
to the

Jews under the

Versuck

title

which he

uses.

(See Keil, Apo-

logetischer

iiber die

Biicher der Chronik, p. 252, et

iiber die

seqq.

And compare

his

Commentar
p.

Biicher der

Ki'mifje, Einleitung,

3;

18,

E. T. h )

11

Commentary on

translated by

the Books of Kings, by Karl Friedrich Keil, D.D., James Murphy, LL.D. Edinburgh, lark, 1857.
*


LECTURE
Note
4.
p.

IV.

397

117.
difficult pas-

This seems to be the real meaning of the

sage in Chronicles (2 Chr. xx. 34), which our translators have rendered incorrectly in the text, but correctly, so far
as the letter goes, in the margin
;

" Now the

rest of the

acts of Jehoshaphat,

first

and

last,

behold, they are writ-

ten in the words of Jehu, the son of Hanani,

who was
(the au-

made

to

ascend into the book of the kings of Israel"

1

hvCp) ^pbo IBD" ?^ nhyjl

moved
to the

"KZ?N

i.e.

who

thor being identified with his work) was transferred or re-

book of the Kings of

Israel.

terpreters paraphrase rather than translate

The LXX inwhen they say,

(6s KaTtypa^j/e
s. c.

pLfiXiov fiaoikttiiv 'I<rpa?/A.)

" who wrote a book of the Kings of Israel" Compare Keih 1.

Note
See 2 Chron. xxxii. 32.

5. p. 117.

Our

translators have destroyed

and interthe force of the passage by following the " The rest of the acts of Hepolating the word " and."
zekiah," they say, " and
his

LXX

goodness, behold they are

the

written in the vision of Isaiah

prophet, the son of

Amos, and in the book of the kings of Judah and Israel." But in the original there is no " and :" the passage runs,
" the rest of the acts of Hezekiah, and his goodness,
behold, they are written in the vision of Isaiah the prophet, the son of

Amos,

in the book of the kings of

Judah

and

Israel."

Note

6.

p.

1
1

The

36th, 37th, and 38th chapters of Isaiah, are almost

identical; with

a part of the 18th, the 19th, and the 20th

chapters of the second

Book
:

of Kings.

The

slightness of

their differences will best be seen by placing an extract or two in parallel columns


.'598

NOTES.
2

Kings.
17-20.

Isaiah.

Chap,

xviii.

And

the

Chap, xxxvi. 2-5.

And

the

king of Assyria sent Tartan

king of Assyria sent Rabshakeh

and Kabsaris and Rab-ehakeh

from Lachish
Jerusalem.
to

from Lachish
army.

to

Jerusalem unto
a
great

king Heze-

king Hezekiah with

kiah, with a great host against

And

he stood by the

And they went up and came to Jerusalem. And when they were come up, they came and stood by the conduit
of the upper pool, which
is

conduit of the upper pool in

the highway of the fuller's
field.

Then came

forth unto

him

Eli-

akim, Hilkiah's son, which was

over the house, and Shebna the
scribe,

in

the highway of the fuller's

field.

and Joah, Asaph's son,

And when
the

they

king,

there

had called came out

to

the recorder.

And Rabshakeh
Say ye now to

to

said unto them,

them Eliakim, the son of Hilkiak, which hold,

Hezekiah, Thus saith the great

king, the king of Assyria, What

was over the house-

and Shebna the scribe, and Joah the son of Asaph the
recorder.

confidence
trustest
1

is

this

wherein thou

say, [sayest thou],

And

Rab-shakeh

but they are but vain words, I

said unto them,

Speak ye now

have counsel and strength

for

to

Hezekiah, Thus saith the

war

now on whom

dost thou

great king, the king of Assyria,

trust, that

thou rebellest against

What

confidence
1

is

this

wherein
sayest,

me

thou trustest

Thou

but they are but vain words

I

have counsel and strength

the

for

war.

Now
me
1

on

whom

dost thou trust, that thou rebellest against

Ch. xix. 15-19.

And HezeIs-

Chap, xxxvii. 15-20.

And
the

kiah prayed before the Lord,

Hezekiah

prayed

unto

and
rael,

said,

Lord God of
dwellest

Lord, saying,

Lord of hosts,
that

which

between

God

of Israel,

dwellest

the

cherubims, thou art the

all
:

between the cherubims, thou

art the

God, even thou alone, of

the

God, even thou alone,

the kingdoms
of

kingdoms of the earth

hast

of

all
;

the

thou
earth.

made heaven and Lord, bow down thine

hear
;

earth

thou hast made heaven

Incline thine ear,
;

and earth.

ear

and

open,

Lord,

Lord, and hear

open thine

LECTURE
thine eyes, and see
;

IV

399
Lord, and see
;

and hear

eyes,

O
all

and
re-

the

word

of Sennacherib, which

hear

the words of Senna-

hath sent him to reproach the

living God.

cherib,

which hath sent to

Of

a truth, Lord,

proach the living God.

Of a
lands

the kings of Assyria have de-

truth, Lord, the kings of Assyria

stroyed the nations and their

lands,

have laid waste

all the

and have
fire,

cast their

gods

and their countries, and have

cast their
for they

into the

for they

were no
there-

gods into the

fire,

gods, hut the

work of men's
stone
:

were no gods, but the

hands,

wood and
therefore,

work of men's hands, wood and

stone
;

fore they have destroyed them.

therefore they have de-

Now

O
thee,

Lord our
save thou
all

stroyed them.

Now,

therefore,

God, / beseech

us out of his hand, that

the

Lord our God, save us from his hand, that all the kingdoms
of the earth

kingdoms

of the

earth

may
Lord

may know

that

know

that thou art the

thou art the Lord, even thou

only.

God, even thou only.

Note

7. p.

7.

This agreement is chiefly between the last chapter of Jeremiah and the 24th and 25th chapters of the second Book of Kings. It is fully equal to that above exhibited

between Kings and Isaiah.

NoteS.
Keil,

p. 118.

Commentar
19,

iiber die

Bucher der Konige, Einleitung,

3; P

E.T.
Note
9.
1

p. 118.

De Wette,
seqq.

Einleitung,
;

84, p.

234 ;

vol.

ii.

p.
iii.

24

1 ,

Par-

ker's Translation

Bertholdt, Einleitung, vol.

p. 154, et

Note 10.

p. 120.
1

vol.ii. p.

This has been well shewn by Havernick, {Einleitung, 76, 201, et seqq.,) and Keil ( Versuch iiber die Bucher der

Chronik, p. 199 et seqq.) Keil, however, appears to

me

to

go

400
too far

NOTES.
when he denies that the author
all

of Chronicles
niter

made

any use at

of Kings,

(Commentar
p. 17,

die Biicher der

Konige, Einleitung, 3;

note

1,

E. T.)

Such pas-

sages as the subjoined shew something more than the mere

use of a

common

authority

Chron.

i.

14-17.

Kings

x.

26-29.
gathered io:

And Solomon
riots

gathered cha:

And Solomon

and horsemen

and he

gcthcr chariots and horsemen

had a thousand and four hundred chariots, and twelve thousand horsemen, which he placed
in the chariot cities,

and he had a thousand and

four

hundred

chariots,

and

twelve

thousand

horsemen,
cities

and with

whom

he bestoioed in the

the king at Jerusalem.

the king

And

for chariots,

and with the king

made

silver

and gold
made

at Jerusalem.

And

the king-

at Jerusalem as
stones,

plenteous as
trees

made
dars

silver to

be in Jerusalem

and cedar

as plenteous as stones,

and

ce-

he as the sycomore trees that

are in the vale for ahundance.

made he

to

be as the
in the

sycomore trees that are

vale, for

And

Solomon
out
:

had
king's

horses

abundance.

And
:

So-

brought

of

Egypt,

and
mer-

linen yarn

the

lomon had horses brought out of Egypt, and linen yarn the
king's merchants received the
linen yarn at a price.

chants received the linen yarn

at a price.

And

they fetched of

And

up,

and brought forth out

for six
silver,

chariot
of

Egypt a chariot
dred shekels of

hun-

came up and went out Egypt for six hundred sheand an horse
fifty
:

and an
fif-

kels of silver,

for

horse for an hundred and

an hundred and
for all the
tites,
ria,

and so

ty

and so brought they out

for all

kings of the Hit-

[horses]

the kings of

and

for the kings of Sy-

the Hittites, and for the kings

of Syria,

did they bring tliem out by

by

their means.

their

means

'.

In the original the resemblance

It is

is
is

even closer than in our translatranslated as " placed," and as

tion.

the same word which

" bestowed," and the same roots are used where we have to say in the one case " fetched up and brought forth," in the other "came up, and went out."

LECTURE
Compare
2

IV.

401

1 Kings xv. 1 1, 12; 11-14 with 1 Kings xv. 23, 24; 2 Chron. xxii. 10-12 with 2 Kings xi. 1-3 2 Chron. xxiii. 1-21 with 2 Kings xi. 4-20; and 2 Chron. xxxiv. 8-33 with 2 Kings xxiii. 5-20. In almost all these passages, how-

also 2 Chron. xiv. 1-4 with

Chron.

xvi.

ever, the Chronicler introduces points not mentioned by the author of Kings, so that he evidently does not trust to him as his sole authority ; e. g.

Chron.

xvi.

11-14.

Kings

xv. 23, 24.

And, behold, the acts of Asa, first and last, lo, they are written in the book of the kings of Judah and Israel. And Asa

The rest of the acts of Asa, and all his might, and all that he did, and the cities which he
built,

are they not written in

in the thirty
his reign
feet,

and ninth year of

in his

the book of the Chronicles of the kings of Judah

theless, in the
1

was diseased

Never-

until his disease

was

ex-

time of his old

feet.

ceeding great; yet in his disease he sought not to the

age he was diseased in his

Lord

And Asa

slept with his fathers,

his
fa-

but

to

the

physicians.

And
and
fortieth

and was buried with

father

Asa
died

slept with his fathers

thers in the city of David his

;

in the one

and
;

and Jehoshaphat

his

year of his reign

buried him in his
chres which he

and they

son reigned in his stead.

own sepulhad made for

the

himself in the city of David,

and
was

laid

him in

bed which

filled
clivers

with sweet odours

kinds of spices pre-

and and

pared by
iliey

the apothecaries' art

made a very

great

burning for him.

shaphat, &c.

And

Jeho-

Note

11. p. 120.
col-

See the remarks of Mons. C. Muller, prefixed to his

lection of the

fragments of Manetho in the Fragmcnta Hisii.

toricorum Grcecorum, vol.

pp. 514, 5 15.

RAWLINSON.

D d

402

NOTES.
Note
12. p. 121.

The
other,

discrepancies between the books of Chronicles, on

the one hand, and the books of Samuel and Kings, on the

not forcibly, stated by De 244 et seqq ), and his comA mentator, Mr. Theodore Parker (vol. ii. pp. 266-305).

have been

largely,

if

Wette

{Einleitung, 190, p.

satisfactory

explanation of the greater

number

will

be
stu-

found
dent

in
is

Keil's Apologetischcr Versueh, to

which the

referred, as well as to Bertheau's

Gommentar, of

which a translation has recently appeared i. Some, however, as the difference of numbers and names, cannot but

remain discrepancies
transcription, or

in these

we may be allowed

to sus-

pect corruptions of the original text, by carelessness in

by the insertion of marginal addenda.

6,

(See the excellent remarks of Professor Stuart, Defence

of the Old Testament Canon, pare the article on Chronicles,

pp.

143-145; and com-

in Kitto's Cydopcedia.)

Note

13. p. 122.
to

See Mr. Vance Smith's Prophecies relating

Nineveh

and
is

the Assyrians, p. 76.

The

special object of this

work

to elucidate a certain portion of the prophecies by the

light

the Assyrians and the Hebrews.

thrown upon them from the connected histories of Similar efforts have been
in

made

Germany by

Hitzig k Otto Strauss

,

and

others.

Note
Jonah work (if
is
it

14. p. 122.
earlier; but his

commonly placed somewhat

be
his,

which

is

doubtful) belongs rather to the

historical than the prophetical Scriptures.

This translation forms the

Kleinen Propheten

latter portion of the

16th volume of

Clark's Foreign Theological Library,

k Zvvolf
1

New

Series,

Edinhurgh, 1857.

erkliirt, Lcipsic,

1838.

Nahumi

de Nino Vaticininm, Berlin. [853.

LECTURE
Note
15.

IV.

403

p. 124.

By

Paley, in his Horce Paulince, a work which for close-

ness, clearness,

and cogency of reasoning has never been

surpassed, and rarely equalled.

Note

16. p.

25.
in

The kings
Manasseh.
the British

of Israel

and Judah mentioned

the As-

syrian Inscriptions

are,

Jehu, Menahem, Hezekiah, and

Jehu's name appears on the Black Obelisk in Museum, a monument of the Old Empire, dat-

ing probably from about B.C. 870;

Menahem

tioned

by Tiglath-Pileser

II.,

the

first

is menmonarch of the

New

occurs

Empire, who began to reign in B. C. 747 ; Hezekiah among the enemies of Sennacherib, who did not
till

ascend the throne

about B. C. 700

and Manasseh

is

found

among the tributaries of Sennacherib's son, Esarhaddon. No doubt the Scriptural names have helped to determine the date of the monuments but putting these
;

and looking merely to forms of language, style of writing, character of sculpture, and position of the monuments when in situ, I believe no cuneiform scholar would hesitate as to the relative antiquity to be assigned
aside,

names

to them.

Note

17. p. 125.

The
earliest

practice of calling cities after the

names of

their

founders has always prevailed in the East.

Perhaps the

known instance is that of Ramesses the BethRameses of the Hieratic Papyri. (See note 87 on Lecture II. p. 367.) That the Assyrians were acquainted with the practice we know from the case of Sargon, who called the
city

fiargina, or

which he built a little to the north of Nineveh, BethDur-Sargina, " the abode of Sargon." Esartoo, in

haddon
built.

one of his Inscriptions, says,

its

''

city

City of Esarhaddon I called

name

111

."

In more
p. 11.

See Mr. Fox Talbot's Assyrian Texts translated,

d d

404

NOTES.

recent times the names Ahmed-abad, Shereef-abad, Hyder-

abad, &c. have had a similar origin.

Samaria
scriptions.

is

only called Beth-Khumri in the earlier in-

From

the time of Tiglath-Pileser

II.

the term

used

is

Tsamirin.

Note 18.

p. 126.
ii.

So Wilkinson, in the author's Herodotus, vol. M. Bunsen reads the legend Jutah Malk, and
(not very intelligibly) "Judah, King."
vol.
iii.

p. 376.

translates

(See his Egypt,

its intention,

p.

242.)
it

He

agrees however as to

and views

as a proof of Sheshonk's having

made an

ex-

pedition to Jerusalem.

Note

19. p. 126.
in the 21st dynasty, accord-

There were three Osorkons

one.

ing to the monuments, though

Manetho mentioned but

Osorkon

I.

was the son and successor of Shishak.

he may have been the assailant of Asa n Sir G. Wilkinson, however, regards Osorkon II., who married the great-granddaughter of Shishak, as more
It is just possible that
.

naturally the contemporary of Asa, the great-grandson of

Solomon, since Solomon and Shishak were contemporaries.

(See the author's Herodotus, vol.
ii.

p. 378.)

Note

20. p. 128.
r?/j>

Menander

said

TeAevrr/o-curos Eipcopou 8te8e'aro

/3a-

ai\(Cav BaAeafapos

(1.

BaA0aapos)
Trj

6 vlbs, 6s /3icocras Itjj rea-

(rap&KOVTa rpia e/3ao-t\evcrey

(TTpcvros
(1.

kiTTa.

Mera tovtov

''Afiba-

'A/38aorapTos) 6 avrov vlbs

/3icd<ras trr) eiKocn

kvvia
reo--

f{3acri\V(TV errj kvvia.

Tovtov

ol ttjs Tpotyov

avrov viol

aapes kiufiov\tvo-avT<i ainoKeaav,

5>v 6 7rpe<x/3i;repos efiacrLAev-

aev

err]

bcabena.

Me0

ovs "Aarapros

Aekaiao-Taprov, 6s
er?j

fiuocras er?7

mvrr\KOVTa rkao-apo. kfiaaikevcrtv

bcobtKa.

Mera

n This

is

M. Bunsen's

view, Egypt, vol.

iii.

p. ;>oS.

; ; ;

LECTURE
'

IV.
errj

405
reaa-apa
kcu

tovtov 6 abekcpbs avrov

irevTijKOVTa efiaaikevaev

Aaepvfxos fiiuxras
er?j

kvvia.

Ovtos

aircakero virb tov

abektyov
fiuao-as
'

<t>\r]Tos,
err/

o? Aa/3&>i> rr\v fiaaiktiav rjpe pifjvas okto),

irevTijuovTa.

Tovtov avtfkev Eidcofiakos,

erij

6 rrjs

Ao~TdpTr]s

Upevs, os ySacriAevtras
6ktu>.

rptaaovra bvo

e/3ta)crev
i.

frr)

k^Kovra

(Ap. Joseph. Contra Apionem,

18.)

have thus from the death of Hiram, which cannot have taken place till the 26th year of Solomon's reign
(1

We

Kings
;

ix.

1014), the following

series

Balthazar,
years
;

Abdastartus, 9 years ; his successor, 1 2 years 7 years Astartus, 12 years; Aserymus, 9 years; Pheles, eight In Ahab's months total 49 years and eight months.
;

case

we have Jeroboam, 22 years

;

Nadab,
1

Baasha, 24 years Elah, 2 years ; Omri, 2 years total 62 years; to which must be added some 10 or 12 years
for the excess of

Solomon's reign over Hiram's.

It thus

appears that

Ahab ascended

the throne about 20 or 25

years after Eth-baal.

Note 21.
See Kenrick's Phoenicia,
p.
p.

p. 128.

362; Bunsen's Egypt,

vol.

iii.

428

Keil's Commentar, (p. 259, E. T.), &c.

Note 22.

p.

29.

The term " Zidonians" seems

1

to bear the generic sense in

;

Kings

xi. 1

in

Judges

x.

and 5 and 2 Kings xxiii. 13 but the specific The early preeminence of 12; and xviii. 7.
;

for the generic use,

Sidon (see note 32 to Lecture III.) sufficiently accounts which was well known to the Greek
xiii.
i.

and Latin poets, (Horn. Od.

Eurip. Hel. 1429; Virg. JEn.

285

Soph. Fr.

lxxxii.

446, &c.)

Note
See Josephus, Ant. Jud.
fiplas ravTrjs kcu

23. p. 129.
viii.

13:

MeV^Tcu

5e

ttjs

avop.-

<nA0s Trpaeo-i kiyav ovtods'

curb

Mivavbpos Iv rats ''\0(o(3akov tov TvpCotv /3a" 'A/3poxta re iv avrov iyevero.

pijjvbs

tov 'YirepfitptTaLov

leas

tov

exo/xeVou

Zrovs tov


406
'TittpfieptTaLov.

NOTES.
'l/ceretat>
8'

avrov

-rr

ou]crapivov.

Ktpavvovs

lkclvovs /SejSAjpcePai."

May we

connect the " supplication"

in the last clause

(i

with that of Elijah on mount Carmel

Kings
?

xviii.

42, 43).

which overhung the Tyrian

ter-

ritory

Note

24. p. 130.

No

continuous history of Syria has come down to us.

of Damascus, whose influence with Herod the Great and with Augustus must have given him access to any archives that Damascus or the other Syrian towns

Nicolas

may have
his great

possessed, appears to have introduced a short

sketch of ancient Syrian history into the fourth book of

work, which treated mainly of the early Lydian

kings. (See
his

tiller s

preface to the fragments of Nicolas, in

Fragm. Hist. Gr. vol. iii. p. 345) Of this sketch, however, we unfortunately possess but three short fragments,
preserved to us by Josephus
the sojourn of
.

The

first

of these relates
his

Abraham

at

Damascus, on

way from

Canaan a sojourn deriving some support the fact that Abraham's steward was a Damascene from but absurdly makes Abraham "king of Da(Gen. xv. 2) during his stay (Fr. 30.) The second has been mascus" given at length in the notes on Lecture III. (Note 28.) The third is interpreted by Josephus as bearing upon
Chaldsea to

the Syrian war of

that of Baasha.
(sc.

Ahab

but

its

true reference
8'

is

to

It

runs thus
tiri

TekevTijaavTos

Zkclvov
e/ca-

Hadad

I.)

ol

airoyovoi
ttj

8e/ca

yeveas ifSacrCKevop,

(ttov irapa rov Tiarpos ap.a

pLtvov, oo(TTTp ot

apxfl fat rovvop.a tovto e/c5exo-

YlTokep.a.101

kv Atyv7TTO).

Me'yiorov be iravri]v

twv bvvr)6eh
nponaTopos

rpiros,

avap^ayjaaadai fiov\6p.evos

tov

i]TTav, (TTparevrras

em

'Iow8atous iiropOrjie ttjv vvv

It is

1ap\apdTiv Ka\ovp.ivr\v. (Fr. 31.)

III.,

evident that

Hadad

the grandson of David's antagonist, cannot have contended against Ahab, 140 years afterwards. Nicolas undoubtedly intends the antagonist of Baasha, half

who was

\,ii

.hnl. vii. g,

LECTURE
a century

TV.

407

earlier, whose inroad was completely successful, Kings and who reduced Samaria to a sort of subjection
(
1

xv. 20; xx. 34.)

name and
Scripture.
in

family

With respect to the continuance of of Hadad on the Damascene throne

the
for

ten generations, Nicolas appears to be at variance with

the line caused

Seemingly he takes no account of the break by the usurpation of Hazael. Perhaps

in Syrian history this was glossed over, and Hazael regarded as having had a claim of blood. At any rate it is remarkable that he adopted the family name of the pre-

ceding dynasty for his son,

2

who

is

called

Ben-hadad

in

Kings

xiii. 3.

Note

25. p. 130.

See the Black Obelisk Inscription, which has been very

accurately translated by Dr. Hincks, in the Dublin University

Magazine
i.

for October, 1S53.

Compare the

author's

Herodotus, vol.

pp. 464, 465.

Note

26. p. 131.
all

" Benhadad, the king of Syria, gathered

gether
;

his host to-

and there were thirty and two kings with him, and " Number thee an horses, and chariots." (1 Kings xx. 1.) like the army which thou hast lost, horse for horse, army and chariot for chariot." (Ibid, verse 25.) The Syrian armies appear in the Black Obelisk inscription to be composed to a very large extent of chariots. As many as 100
1

are taken on one occasion.

The

multitude of petty princes

mentioned
nerally,

is

also in accordance with the inscriptions ge-

which represent the whole country between the Euphrates and Egypt as divided up among a number of tribes and nations, each under its own king or chief.

Note 27.

p.

131.
1

The Black Obelisk

king, in his 6th,

1

ith,

and 14th years,

is

contends with Benhadad, but in his

8th his adversary

408
Hazael.
{Dublin. Univ.

NOTES.
Mag. October. 1853, pp.422, 423,
28. p. 131.

and 424.)

Note

The Obelisk contains no account of any war with Jehu but mentions him among those who paid tribute to the
Assyrian monarch.

He

is

styled

" Yahua, the son of

diffi-

Khumri"
culty.

Jehu, the son of Omri,

is

which causes some

Jehu

said in Scripture to have been the son of

(2

Jehosaphat, and grandson of Nimshi

It is possible,
ther's side

Kings

ix. 2, 14.)

however, that he

may have been

Or the

on the mo-

descended from Omri.

story of his being

so descended

may have been

invented by the Samaritans,

may

and believed by foreign nations. Or, finally, the Assyrians merely have assumed that he was a descendant of Omri, since he sat on his throne, and ruled in the city
to

known

them by

his

name.

(See above, note 17.)

His

tribute consisted of silver, gold, and

articles of various

kinds manufactured from gold.

Note

29. p. 132.

The only remains of this period are an inscription set up by the son of the Black Obelisk king, relating his military
exploits during the first four years of his reign,

and two or

three brief inscriptions of the time of his successor, the

most important of which is that noticed below, (Note 33.) The campaigns of the earlier king are in Babylonia, Media, Armenia, and along the flanks of Taurus, but do not touch
Syria or Palestine.

Note 30.
See Kenrick's Phoenicia,
ninth century, B.
state
till

p. 132.
:

p.

367

" Our knowledge of the

of
its

history of Tyre ceases with Dido's flight, at the end of the

O, and we hear nothing

internal

the reign of Elulauis, the contemporary of Shalr

'

maneser.

In fact

we have nothing authentic

for the early

fail

period but the fragments of Menander, and these

entirely from the reign of

us

Pygmalion to that of Elutaus.

LECTURE
Note 81.
See Euseb. Chronica,
extitisse
;

IV.

409

p. 133.
1

i. 4 p. 8, ed. Mai. " Post hos Chaldseorum regem, cui nomen Phidus erat."

ait

Note
In 2 Kings, xv. 19, the

32. p. 133.

LXX

interpreters render Pul

is

by Phua
1 is

(ipova),

where the terminal a

probably a false

reading arising out of the resemblance of

to A.

In

Chron.
4>aAo>x,

v. 26,

the reading of the Vatican and most

4>a\ajs.

MSS.

but some copies have

Note 33.

p. 133.
first

A
Sir

full

account of this inscription,

will

decyphered by

H. Rawlinson,

p. 1 74.

be found in the Athenceum, No. 1476, general summary of its contents is given in the
i.

author's Herodotus, vol.

p.

467.

Note

34. p. 134.
in the Athenceum,
1.

See Sir H. Rawlinson" s letter

s. c.

Note 35.

p. 136.

The conjunction of Rezin with Pekah, and the capture and destruction of Damascus, which are noted in the inscription,

seem to prove that

it

is

the second expedition

first,

that

is

intended.

Whether
of

it

be the
It

however, or the

second, the

name

Menahem must
9.)

equally be rejected.
is

(See 2 Kings, xv. 29, and xvi.

that,
if

easily conceivable,

the sculptor had been accustomed to engrave the

royal annals,

and had often before entered the name of

Menahem
it

as that of the Samaritan king, he might engrave

here in his haste, without consulting his copy.

sibly,

Pekah may have taken the name

of

Or posMenahem, to

connect himself with the dynasty which he had displaced.

410

NOTES.
Note 36.
p. 136.

The

older interpreters, as Keil remarks P, proceeding on

the supposition that the altar was Syrian, and dedicated

to the Syrian gods, endeavoured to

answer the question

it

why Ahaz chose

the gods, not of the victorious Assyrians,

but of the vanquished Syrians

writers,

a question to which
Among
cl.

was

very difficult to give a satisfactory reply.

recent

Bertheau (Commentar

iiber d. Bitch,

C/ironik, p.
vol.
iii.

421, E. T.), Ewald (Geschichte des Voiles Israel,

p. 27), follow

pp.

325, 326), and Vance Smith (Prophecies concerning Assyria,

the old view.
Keil himself regards the ques-

he supposes that no idolatrous Ahaz, acrites or ideas were connected with the altar. pattern which he fancied cording to his view, having seen a better than that of Solomon's altar, adopted it and his
tion as unimportant, since
;

sin
vol.

was " inepta

ii.

e9t\o9pi](TKcCa."

(So Buddscus, Hist. Eccles.

p.

428.)

Note

37. p. 136.
I.

See the great inscription of Tiglath-Pileser

40, 44, 48,
P-

pp. 30, 38,

vol.
i.

&c

and compai'e the author's Herodotus,

495-

Note

38. p. 137.

Josephus says of Shalmaneser

/^arrtAews

To

h\ 6vop.a tovtov tov

etTTparevo-e

ev rols Tvpitav dpx etot s

avayeypaiTTai'

yap eui Tvpov fiacriXevovTos avrois ^EXovkaiov.

tovtois
kclI

MaprvpeT
rip'

be

Ntvavbpos 6

t5>v

XpovLK&v

TToii]rrapt,ei'os

ava-

ypacpi]v kcu
Ki]v

ra tG>v Tvpiuv cip^ela pLCTacppdcras

(Antiq. Jud.
ix. 14.)

eis Ttfv 'E\\i]vi-

y\G>TTav.

Note

39. p. 137.
vol.
i.

See the author's Herodotus,

P

p.

47
;

1,

note
ii.

7
.

Commentar

iiber

(/.

Biich. d. Kimige,

vol.

p. 45, E.

T.

LECTURE
Note 40.
Ibid. p. 472.

IV.

411

p. 137.

Note
1

41. p. 138.

came up against and besieged Samaria (2 Kings, xviii. 9) but Scripture nowhere expressly states that Shalmaneser took
Hosliea'
;

Scripture states that Shalmaneser "

the

city.

"The

king of Assyria/'
;

it

is

said in one place,

(i. e.

" took
captor

it" (ib. xvii. 6)

in

another " they

the Assy-

rians) took it" (ib. xviii. 10.)

is

only an inference

That Shalmaneser was the from Scripture a natural in-

ference undoubtedly, but not a necessary one.

Note

42. p. 138.

Sargon has been identified with Shalmaneser by Vitringa,

Offenhaus, Prideaux, Eichhorn, Hupfeld,

Gumpach, and

M. Niebuhr

and Schroer; and Michaelis. (See Winer's Realworterbuch ad voc. SarHis separate personality is now generally admitted. gon.) (See Brandis, Rerum Assyriarum Tempora Emenclata, p. 64, and Tab. Chron. ad fin, Oppert, Rapport d'une Mission
Scientifiqae en Angleterre, p.

with Sennacherib by Grotius, Lowth, Keil, with Esarhaddon by Perizonius, Kalinsky,

38

Vance Smith,

Prophecies,
iii.

&c,
&c.)

pp. 31, 32; Ewald, Geschichte des Volkes Israel, vol.

pp. 333,

334

Layard, Nineveh and Babylon, pp. 618-620,

Note
See Sir H. llawlinson
proving this
geographer.
1

43. p. 138.

of Babylonia and Assyria,

is

Commentary on the Inscriptions p. 19, note'2 where a passage quoted from Yacut, the famous Arabian
s
,

Note

44. p. 139.
4
;

See the authors Herodotus, vol. i. p. 473, note compare Vance Smith's Prophecies, &c, p. 2>51

and

Geschichte Assurs mid Babels seit Phul, p. 160.


412

NOTES.
Note 45.
p. 139.

When

Muzr (Mizraim
p.

Sargon took Ashdod, its king (he tells us) fled to or Egypt), which was subject to Mirukha
See the author's Herodotus,
vol.
i.

(Meroe, or Ethiopia.)
474.

Note 46.
Ibid.
p.

p. 140.

473.

Note

47. p. 142.

The

translation in the text has been read by Sir H.

Rawbut
it

linson before various Societies

and Public Meetings

has remained,

believe, hitherto unpublished.

all

It will be

found to agree in
version, as given
1

important points with Dr. Hincks's

by Mr. Layard {Nineveh and Babylon, pp.

43, I44-)

Note 48.

p. 142.

Mr. Layard gives a slightly different explanation, (Nin. and Bab. p. 145); There is a difference of 500 talents, as it will be observed, in the amount of silver. It is profi

bable that Hezekiah was much pressed by Sennacherib, and compelled to give him all the wealth that he could collect, as we find him actually taking the silver from the house of the Lord, as well as from his own treasury, and cutting off the gold from the doors and pillars of the temple, to satisfy the demands of the Assyrian king. The
Bible

may

therefore only include the actual

amount

of

money

in the

300

talents of silver, whilst the Assyrian re-

cords comprise all the precious metal taken away."

Note
Herodot.
ii.

49. p. 143.

141. first adduced by Josephus (Ant. Jud. x. 1), from whom it passed on to the Christian commentators generally. The " chief difficulty" in reconciling Herodotus with Scripture has been generally said to be, the scene of the destruction.

This testimony was

(See Joseph.

1.

s.

c, Prideaux's Connection of Sa-

LECTURE
erect

IV.
i.

413
18
;

and Profane

History,

vol.

p.

M. Niebuhr's

Geschichte Assurs

und

Babels, p. 179;

Vance Smith's Pro-

phecies relating

to Assyria, Introduction, p. 43.) It has been commonly assumed that the scene was the immediate
;

neighbourhood of Jerusalem
only, as

but this assumption

is

not

Mr. Vance Smith has shewn {Prophecies, &c, p213), without warrant from Scripture, but it is actually contradictory to Scripture. God's promise to Hezekiah through Isaiah was " He (Sennacherib) shall not come
:

into this city, nor shoot

an arrow

there, nor come before

it.

it

with shield, nor cast a bank against

came,
brj

By

the

way
;

that he

the

same

shall

he return, and shall not come into

(2 Kings, xix. 32,

this city, saith the Lord."

Is. xxxvii.

compare

33, 34.)

Note 49

b. p. 143.

Eusebius says of Polyhistor

"

Jam

et reliquis Seneche-

rimi gestis perscriptis, subdit

eum
i.

annis vixisse [regnan-

tem] octodecim,

donee eidem
{Chronica,

structis afilio

Ardumazane

insidiis extinctus est."

p. 19, ed. Mai.)

correctly, but represents the

more murder as committed, not on Proximus huic" (sc. Sennacherib, but on his successor. " regnavit Nergilus, quern AdraSennacheribo), he said, meles filius occidit rursus hunc frater suus Axerdis (EsarAbydenus
gives the

name

of one of the murderers

'

haddon?)

interfecit.

'

(Ap. Euseb. Chronica,

i.

9;

p. 25.)

Note 50.

p.

143.
led hostile expedi-

Both Sennacherib and Esarhaddon

tions into Armenia, which appears to have been at no time

thoroughly subjected by the Assyrian monarchs.

author's Herodotus, vol.
i.

(See the

pp. 478, 481.)

Note 51.
Mos. Choren.
i.

p. 144.
(sc.

22

"

Eum

Senacharimum)

filii

ejus

Adrammelus et Sanasarus ubi interfecerunt, ad nos confugere quorum unum, Sanasarum, in ea regionis nostrae
;

414
parte,

NOTES.
qme
inter occidentem solem et

meridiem spectat,
eura

prsestantissimus noster progenitor, Scaeordius, prope fines

Assyria? collocavit, ejusque posteri
plevere.
. .

montem
;

commeri-

diem

in

Argamozanus r autem inter ortum eadem regione sedem nactus est

ac Genunios historicus

solis et

a quo ortos

esse Arzerunios

ille

(Mar- Abas)

trad it."

Note
Esarhaddon
in

52. p. 144.
of

his

inscriptions frequently speaks

Sennacherib as his father.

Texts translated, p.
1

3,

Fox Talbot, Assyrian and elsewhere.) The relationship is

(See
(Ap.
p. 20,

also witnessed to by Polyhistor, following Berosus.

Euseb.
says, "

Cliron.

i.

v.

p.

19; compare

where Eusebius

His omnibus absolutis, pergit denuo Polyhistor res aliquot etiam a Senecheribo gestas exponere ; deque hujus filio eadem plane ratione scribit qua libri Hebra^orum")

Note 53.

p. 144.

Abydenus

interpolates a reign between Sennacherib and

Esarhaddon, which he assigns to a certain Nerpilus, of whom no other trace is to be found. Nergal was one of

30; and see the author's Herodotus, vol. i. pp. 63 1633 compare also Dublin Univ. Mag. Oct. 1853, p. 420), and cannot therefore have been a king's name. The Assyrian royal names contain
the Assyrian deities (2 Kings
xvii.
;

most commonly a god's name as an clement, but are never It was otherwise in identical with the names of deities. Phoenicia, where Baal and Astartus were monarchs. The account of Abydenus seems therefore unworthy of credit.

Note

54. p. 144.
is mentioned among the Esarhaddon workmen for the

" Manasseh, king of Judah,"

subject princes,
r

who

lent

Compare the " Ardumazanes" Adrammelech is evidently intended.

of Polyhistor (supra, note 40 b ).

LECTURE
thor's Herodotus, vol.
i.

IV.

415
(See the au-

building and ornamentation of his palaces.

p.

483.)

It is

not surprising that

we have no account of the expedition against Manasseh, since we do not possess the annals of Esarhaddon, but only some occasional inscriptions.
Note 55.
p. 145.

The Assyrians
tive viceroys.

ordinarily governed
1

(See Berosus, Fr.

Babylon through naand the inscriptions,

passim.)
in his

But Esarhaddon appears

person.

to have reigned there

own

Bricks found on the site of Babylon

built himself a palace
in the authentic list of

shew that he repaired temples and

there.

Consequently

Babylonian

kings preserved by Ptolemy

{Magn. Syntax, v. 1.4), his name occurs, under the Grecised form of Asaridinus. A Babylonian tablet has been found, dated by the year of
of the country.

his

reign a sure indication that he was the actual ruler No similar facts can be proved of any
s
.

other Assyrian monarch

vol.
i.

(See the author's Herodotus,

p. 482.)

Note 56.
There
is

p. 145.

one only mention of Assyria

in the historical

Scriptures later than the reign of Manasseh, namely, the

statement in 2 Kings
"

xxiii. 29,

that in the days of Josiah

Pharaoh-Necho, king of Egypt, went up against the

king of Assyria to the river Euphrates." If this expression is to be taken strictly, we must consider that Assyria

maintained her existence so late as B.C. 610.

however, that the word " Assyria'"
negligently, for
is

I believe,

here used, somewhat

loc. p.

"Babylonia"
fiber

(Cf.

Keil ad

i54,E.T.),

and that the Assyrian empire was destroyed in B.C. 625.

(See Niebuhr, Vortrage
Alie Geschichte, vol.
i.

p. 47.)

s It has been suggested by Dr. Hincks and others that the "Arceanus" of Ptolemy's list is Sargon. But this is a mere conjecture grounded upon a certain degree of resemblance in the names. No traces of Sargon

have been found

in

Babylonia.

4H)

NOTES.
first clear
is

The

indication which Scripture gives of the dein

struction

found

Ezekiel xxxi. 3-17

a passage written
is

B. C. 585.

A more

obscure notification of the event

perhaps contained in Jeremiah xxv. 1526, where the

omission of Assyria from the general
list

of the idolatrous

nations would seem to imply that she had ceased to exist.

This passage was written about B. C. 605.

Note 57.

p. 146.

ii.

Compare Herod, i. 106 and 178; Ctesias ap. Diod. Sic. 26-28 Abydenus ap. Euseb. Chronica, i. 9, p. 25
;

Joseph. Ant. Jud.

x. 5.

See also Tobit,

xiv. 15.

Note 58.

p. 147.

The slight authority of the present " pointing" of the Hebrew text is generally admitted. The pointing from
which our translators took their rendering of " So"
is

NTD
xvi.

if

the word were pointed

thus fc^D

it

would

11 have to be rendered by " Seveh.

(See Keil on 2 Kings

rodotus, vol.

4-6, pp. 52, 53, E. T. i. p. 472, note

and compare the author's He-

-.)

Note
See Mr. Birch's note
ch.
vi.

59. p. 147.

pp. 56]

Herodotus,

vol.

in Layard's Nineveh and Babylon, Compare Wilkinson, in the author's 59. ii. pp. 217, 218, and 379; and Bunsen,
ii.

Egypt

Place, &c. vol.

p.

597.

Note
Herod,
ii.

60. p. 148.
incline to the view that

137.

Most moderns
is

the second Shebek

the So of Scripture. (See Winer's

Realicorterbueh, ad voc.
cher der Konige,
p.
1.

So
;

Keil,

Commentar

liber

die Bii-

s.

c.

Layard, Nineveh and Babylon

Jes. vol.
i.

157

CJesenius,

Comment, in

p.

696, &c.)

The

LECTURE
question
is

IV.

417
Tirhakah,
it is

one of exact chronology.

ar-

gued, came against Sennacherib in the 14th year of Hezekiah, and So made a league with Hoshea in Hezekiah's
third or fourth year.

This then must have been in the

reio-u

of the second Shebek, to

whom Manetho
s. c.)

gave not

less

than
year.

2 years.

(See Keil.

1.

But, in the

first place,

So's league cannot be fixed to Hezekiah's third or fourth

space of several years

2

may
xvii.

intervene between the

4th and 5th verses of

netho's

Kings

And, secondly, Mato

numbers

(as they

have come down to us) cannot

be trusted

absolutely.

According
(Frs.

reigned 18 or 20 years.

64 and

65.)

them Tirhakah But the mo-

numents
pear to

distinctly assign

him 26
ii.

years. (See Wilkinson,

in the author's Herodotus, vol.

fix his

p. 381.)

accession to the year B. 0. 690.

of Hoshea was from B. 0. 729 to B. C. with the Egyptians cannot have been later than B. 0. 724. This is 34 years before the accession of Tirhakah, which is
certainly too long a time to assign to the second Shebek.
I

They also apThe reign 721, and his league

therefore regard the So of Kings as Shebek

I.

The

difficulty

with respect to Tirhakah's chronology

will

be considered in note 64.

Note 61.

p. 148.

See Mr. Layard's Nineveh and Babylon, pp. 156159.

Note 62.
Tarcus
is

p. 148.

the form given as Manetho's by Africanus,

Taracus that given by Eusebius.

(See the fragments of

vol.
ii.

Manetho,
and
65.)

in Muller\s

Fr. Hist. Gr.

is

p.

593

Frs. 64

The Hebrew word

PTpmn;

the

LXX give

Qa.pa.Ka.

Note
Strabo, Geograpk.
i.

63. p. 148.

3,

21

xv.

i,

6.

RAWLfNSOX.

E G

418

NOTES
Note 64.
p.

148.

This

is

the reading of Sir Gardner Wilkinson. (See the

vol.
ii. ii.

author's Herodotus,

p.

380.)

Bunsen reads Ta-

haruka {Egypt,
consonants,
doubtful.
If

598); Roseliini, Tahraka. The T, H, R, K, are certain, but the vowels

vol.
p.

Tirhakah did not ascend the Egyptian throne

till

B. C. 690, how (it may be asked) could he be contemporary with Hezekiah, whose last year was about B. C. 697, or B. C. 696 ? And how, especially, could he oppose Sennacherib, about the middle of Hezekiah's reign, or B. C.
I

703

venture to suggest

that Tirhakah,

when he

marched against Sennacherib, may

of Egypt.

not yet have been king

He

is

called " king of Ethiopia j"

and he may

have ruled

in Ethiopia, while the

Shebeks, under his pro-

tection, held

Egypt.

venture further to doubt whether

invasion of Judaea
said

we can fix the year kah from Scripture.

but
it

of Sennacherib's contact with Tirha-

His

first

is

to have been in Hezekiah's 14th year (2 Kings xix. 13);

seems to be a second invasion, which

is

falling

some years
In the mar-

later,

described in verses 17 to 36.

ginal notes to our Bible, the two invasions are

made

to be

three years apart.

jectural;

But the number three

is
1, 2,

is

purely con-

and perhaps 13 or 14

as likely. (See the au-

thor's Herodotus, p. 479, notes

and

9.)

Note

65. p. 148.

67.

Fragmenta Hist. Gr. vol. ii. pp. 593, 594. The form used is Ne\actf.

Frs. ^6 and

Note
Herodotus
(ii.

66. p. 148.
s is

158) uses the form Ne/cws, where the the Greek nominative, and may therefore be cancelled.

Note 67.
Roseliini expressed the

p. 148.

monumental name by

NeJco,

but

LECTURE
M. Bunsen reads
60s.)
it

IV.
vol.
ii.

419
pp.604,

Nehiu

or Neku. (Egypt,

Note

68. p. 149.

On
yebbco,

the frequent confusion between the

names Migdol

phSl2, MaybaXd, MdyboXov) and Megiddo (^30, MaMayebuiv), see Dr. Stanley's Sinai
l
.

and

Palestine,

Herodotus was not acquainted with the p. interior of Palestine, or he would have seen how much
375, note

more

suited for the site of a great battle

was Megiddo

in

the plain of Esdraelon, than

Magdolum on

the shores of

the Sea of Galilee.

Note 69.

p. 149.
vol.
i.

See Prideaux's Connection, &c.

nell's

pp. 56, 57
;

Ren-

Geography of Herodotus, pp. 245 and 683 Heeren's Asiatic Nations, vol. ii. ch. 4, p. 109, note 2. E. T. Dahl;

mann's Life of Herodotus, ch. iv. p. 55, E. T. Bahr's Excursus on Herod, ii. 159, vol. i. pp. 922, 923; Smith's Diet, of Greek and Roman Geography, vol. ii. p. 7 Keil's
;

Commentar

iiber d. Bilch. d.
i.

Konige, ch.
p.

xxiii. p. 159,

E. T.

Home's
Egypt,

Introduction, vol.
ii.

208

and Kenrick's Ancient

vol.

p.

406.

Note 70.

p. 149.

a town upon the Syrian

That the Cadytis of Herodotus was not Jerusalem, but coast, is now generally admitted by scholars, and seems to follow necessarily from Herod, iii. 5. The best authorities incline to identify it with Gaza, or
Ghuzzeh, called in the Assyrian Inscriptions Khazita. (See
Hitzig, Disputatio de Cadyte urbe Herodotea
;

and compare
p. 246,

Wilkinson, in the author's Herodotus,

vol.
iii.

ii.

note

2
;

Ewald, Geschichte des

Sir

Vollces Israel, vol.

p.

418, note
;

! ;

H. Rawlinson,
p.

Outlines of Assyrian History, &c.

iiber

and
ad

Bertheau, Commentar
fin.;

d. Bilch.

d. Chronik,

17,

457, E.T.)
k e 2


420

NOTES.
Note 71.
p. 149.

Africanus and Eusebius both report Manetho to have

said of

Necho

Ovtos etAe

ti]V 'IzpovcraXiin, kcu 'fo>ax a f

fiacnkta alyjiakatTov eis AtyvTrrov a7i?/yaye.

(See the fragvol.

ii.

594

ments of Manetho in the Fragm. Hist. Gr. Frs. 66 and 6j.)

;

pp. 593,

Note

72. p. 149.

So Sir Gardner Wilkinson reads the name on the monuments (Herodotus, vol.ii. p. 248, note 8 ). Rosellini read it as Hqphre. M. Bunsen gives the strange form, Ba-uahhat, (Egypt, vol.
ii.

pp. 604, 605.)

Note 73.

p. 149.

Egyptian chronology placed the accession of Amasis 48 for Amasis, according to the consentient testimony of Herodotus (iii. 10),
years before that of Darius Hystaspis
;

Manetho

(ap.
in

Syncell.

p. 141,

C), and the monuments

ii. p. 387), reigned 44 years, Psammetichus his son, half a year Cambyses (in Egypt) 3 years*, and the Pseudo-Smerdis a

(Wilkinson,

the author's Herodotus, vol.

more than half a year. The last year of Apries would thus be the 49th before Darius. Babylonian chrolittle

nology

that king. (See the Canon.)

made Nebuchadnezzar's last year the 41st before As Nebuchadnezzar reigned

43 years, and Apries only 19 (or at the utmost 25), the reign of the latter must have been entirely included within
that of the former.

Nebuchadnezzar reigned from

13.

C.

604 to B. C. 561
B. C. 569.

Apries, probably, from B. C. 588 to

Note

74. p. 149.

Manetho

is

reported to have said of Ilophra (Uaphris),

(2

that he was the king,

irpocrtcpvyov, a\ovar)$ vtto ''Acrcrvpdov

Or

six years.

(See Bunsen's Egypt, vol.

ii.

pp. 610,611.)

LECTURE
'lepovvaXijfx, vol.
ii.

IV.

421

ol

ru>u

'lovbaujii'

vttoKolttol.

(Fragm.

lit si.

Gr.

pp. 593,

594; Frs. 66 and 6y.)

Note

75. p. 150.

Herodotus was altogether misinformed about the rank and position of Amasis, who (according to him) deposed Apries and put him to death. (See Wilkinson, in the author's Herodotus, vol.
ii.

pp. 386, 387.)

It is therefore less

surprising that he should have been kept in ignorance of

the part which, the transaction.

conceal from

it is

probable, Nebuchadnezzar played in

naturally seek to

The Egyptians would

fact,

him the

that the change of sovereigns

was brought about by foreign influence. But nothing is more unlikely than that they should have invented the deposition and execution of one of their monarchs. Thus the passage, " I will deliver Pharaoh- Hophra into the hands of his enemies, and into the hands of those who seek his life" (Jer. xliv. 30), is confirmed by an unimpeachable testimony.

Note 76.

p. 150.
first to

M. Bunsen was, I believe, the in this name had taken the

suggest that the

I,

place of

through the
i.

resemblance of

to A.
I

(See his Egypt,

vol.

p.

726.)

The

restoration of the

brings the two names into close

accordance, the only difference then being that in the Greek

form one of the original elements of the name, adan or Such suppression is not uncommon. iddan, is suppressed.
It

may be

traced in Pul for Phaloch, in Bupalussor for

in

Nabopolassar (Abyden.),
uzur, or

Asaridanus for Assur-aM-iddan

or Esar-Aaddon, and probably in Saraeus for Assur-akh-

some

similar word.

The
the

identity of the

Mardocempadus

of the
is

Canon with

Mar'duk-bal- Iddan

of the Inscriptions

certain; and

no reasonable doubt can be entertained of the identity of the latter with the Merodach-Baladan of Scripture. These

422
views are

NOTES.
now generally accepted. (SeeBrandis, RerumAssyr.
p.

Temp, emend,

45

Hincks
p. 118,

in

Buhl.

Univ.

Oppert, Rapport, &c. pp. 48, 49 Layard, Mag. No. 250, p. 421
;
;

Nineveh and Babylon,

p.

140; Keil on 2 Kings xx. 12-19;

E.T.; &c.)

Note 77.

p. 151.

Merodach-Baladan had two reigns, both noted in the One of them is marked in Ptolemy's Canon, where it occupies the years B. C. 721-709. His other reign does not appear, since it lasted but six months, and
Inscriptions.

the Canon marks no period short of a year.

Polyhistor

says (ap. 5) that it immediately proof Elibus or Belibus, and the Inscriptions ceeded the reign

Euseb. Chronica,

i.

shew that it was in the earlier part of the same year. This was the year B. C. 702, according to the Canon. As Hezekiah appears to have reigned from about B. C. 726 to B.C. 697, both reigns of Merodach-Baladan would have (See the author's Hefallen within the time of his rule.
rodotus, vol.
i.

pp. 502-504.)

Note 78.
Fragm. Hist. Gr.
vol.
ii.

p. 151.

p.

504

Fr. 12.

Note

79. p. 15

1.

Sargon relates, that in his 12th year he made war upon Merodach-Baladan, who had been for 2 years king of Babylon, defeated him and drove him out of the country.
1

The expelled monarch took refuge in Susiana, with a number of his partisans and Sargon continued to contend against him and his allies for three years more at the least.
;

(See the author's

Herodotus, vol.

i.

pp. 474,

and 503.)

Sennacherib says, that immediately after his accession he

invaded Babylonia, defeated and expelled Merodach-Baladan,
1>

and

placed

Belib

over

the

land

as

ruler.

(Ibid.

\~h\ Vox Talbot's Assyrian Texts, pp. 1-2.)

LECTURE
Note
with the heavenly bodies.
;

IV.

423

80. p. 151.

The Babylonian Gods may be

to a great extent identified

;

San or Sansi is the Sun Hurki, the Moon Nebo is Mercury Ishiar, Venus Nerqal, Mars Merodach, Jupiter and probably Nin (or Bar) Saturn. (See the Essay of Sir H. Rawlin^pn on the Assyrian and Babylonian religious systems, in the first volume of
;
; ;

the author's Herodotus, Essay x. pp. 584-642.) The dedication of the great temple at Borsippa to the Seven Spheres

shews a similar

spirit. Mr. Loftus has found that the temple platforms are so placed that their angles exactly

face the four cardinal points, which seems to be a sufficient

proof that they were used for astronomical purposes.

his Chaldcea

(See

and Susiana,

ch.

xii.

pp.

28.)

On
ii.

the astro-

nomical
plicius
vii.

skill

of the Babylonians, see Herod,

Coelo,
ii.

109

Sim-

ad Aristot. De
;

p.

23

Pliny, Hist. Nat.

56

Vitruvius,

ix.

&c.

Note 81.
Berosus said
aopov)
1

p. 151.

''Akuvtus

b"

6 7rcm/p avrov (sc. ^ia(3ov\obovo6

NafioTTaKaaaapos
Kal
rois
rrepl

on

rerayp.evos
Ti]V

aarpdiri]s

ev

re

AlyvTTTti)

^vpiav

KOikr\v

Kal

ri)v

<$>oivUr)V

T07rois cnro(TTaTr)9

avrov yeyovev, ov bwap-evos avrbs en KaKorravl<2

#eu>, avo-Tijaas

ra>

Nafiov^obovoaopo) ovri ev
err

ip\iKia p.epi]

riva

rrjs

bvvapeoos, e^enep^ev
T(5

avrov.

2u//jiua9 8e Na/3oy-

\obov6cropos
koX ttjv

drroarari] Kal rrapara^apevos avrov re eKpari^cre

yupav
. . .

Ik ravrt]S
Alcr66p.evo<i

rr/s

o.pXV^

v
Kal

T *) y

avrov j3amke(av

ziTonjaaro

be p,er
,

ov iro\vv

\povov

ri]v
ra.

rod

irarpbs re\evri]V Naflovxobovocropos

Kar a a rrj a as

Kar
Kar'

Atyvrrrov rrpdypara

koX ri]v \onri]V \d>pav, Kal

rovs al\pLar&v

kdrovs 'IovSaiwy
rip>

re Kal 'Powikoov Kal Svpojv Kal

.
. .

Atyvrrrov e6vG>v avvraas rial rG>v (pikcav

avaKop.Leiv els
rrapa-

BafivkcovCav, avrbs bpp.r\(ras oAiyocrro? bia

rrjs epi]p.ov

yiverai els Ba(3v\&va.

(Ap. Joseph. Ant. Jud.

x. 11.)

Note 82.
See Josephus, Contra Apion.

p. 1,52.
i.

21

npoaLhjab) be ko\ ras

424
tu>v <Poivlk(>)V avaypa<p6s'
ti)p nepiovo-iav.

NOTES.
ov yap Trapakeiirreov t&v cnrobeigeup
''Eoti be TOLavTr]

r&v \povdiV

1)

KarapiOp.^cns'

" 'E"7u EldcofiaXov tov

77]i>

,3ao-tAe'cos eTio\iopKi]cre

~NaPov\oboi>6aopos

Tvpov

erf err] Tpto-KaiheKa."

Note
said

83. p. 152.

In continuation of the passage cited in note 81, Berosus

:

TlapaXafiiav be ra Trpa.yp.aTa bioiK.ovp.eva vtto tG>v

koI
biaTr]povpLei'i]v
rrjv

XaA-

ba(o)v

(3ao~i.\eav

vtto

tov

j3(\.tlo-tov

avr&v, Kvpievvas okoK\i]pov

Tr\s 7rarpt/c7js apx?js,

rots piev alyjia-

Awrois TrapayevoptevoLS awe-rage v airoiKias ev rois e7Hr?/8eiorarois

rrjs

BafivAiovias tottols airobelai.

Note

84. p. 153.
is

The

chief chronological difficulty which meets us

con-

nected with the reign of Hezekiah.

Scripture places no
of Samaria and the
xviii. 9,

more than eight years between the

first

fall

invasion of Judsea by Sennacherib (2 Kings

13).

and

The monuments
;

place at least 18 years between

for Sargon says he took Samaria in his and then gives his annals for 15 years, while Sennacherib says that he attacked Hezekiah and took his fenced cities in his third year. Ptolemy's Canon taken in conjunction with the monuments, raises the interval to According to this, if the capture of Samaria 22 years. was in Hezekiah's sixth year, the accession of Sennacherib must have fallen in his 25th, and the first attack of Senfirst year,

the two events

nacherib in his 27th year.

(2

Kings
I

year.

But our present text of Kings and of Isaiah (xxxvi. 1) calls it his 14th 9) have suggested elsewhere that the original number
xviii.

may have been

altered under the idea that the invasion of

illness of Hezekiah were synchronous, whereas the expression "in those days" was used by the sacred writers with a good deal of latitude. (See the

Sennacherib and the

author's Herodotus, vol.

Minor

difficulties

i. p. 479, note -.) are the synchronism of Tirhakah with

Hezekiah, and of So with Hoshea, of which spoken. See notes 59 and 64.

have already

LECTURE
Note

IV.

425

85. p. 153.
p.
1

Vortrdge uber Alte Geschichte, vol.i.

26

p.

106, E. T.

Note 86.

p.

154.

A
1.

few instances
Geographic,
it is

may be noted under

(a)

each head,

as

specimens of the sort of agreement.

In 2 Kings

xvii.

6 (compare

xviii.

11)

said that the captive Israelites

were placed by the

conqueror " at Halah and Habor, the river of Gozan, and

in the cities of the

Medes."

Misled by the last clause,

various commentators have struggled vainly to find

Habor
Gozan

Halah, and Gozan in or near Media.

graphy Sac.
iii.

(See Bochart, Geo;

14

Kitto, Blhl. Cyclopaedia, ad voc.

;

Keil on 2 Kings xvii. 6

attempt

is

But this pp. 54-5H, E. T. ; &c.) quite unnecessary. The true position of Gozan
2

may be gathered from

locality all the

Kings

xix.

2,

where

it is

coupled
In this

with Haran, the well-known city of Mesopotamia.

names may be found, not only

in old geo-

graphers, but even at the present day.

The whole

tract

east of Ilarran about Nisibis was anciently called Gauzanitis

Gozan (Ptolemy, v. 18), of which the better known name Mygdonia is a corruption the great river of this tract was the Aborrhas or Chaboras (Habor); and adjoining it (Ptol. s. c.) was a district called Chalcitis (Halah). Of this district a probable trace remains in the modern Gla, a large mound in these parts marking a ruined city (Layard, Nin. and Bab. p. 312, note) while the river is still known as the Khabour, and the country as Kaushan x The author of Chronicles (1 Chron. v. 26) adds Hara to the
or
11

1.

places mentioned in Kings,

which

is

clearly

Ilarran,

known

to the

Romans

as Carrhce,

Haran, or Undoubtedly

the bulk of the Israelites were settled in this country, while

Sargon selected a certain number to colonize

u

his

new

cities

Mygdonia represents Gozan, with the adjectival or participial o The Greek writers always substituted their 8 for the Semitic z. Hence Gaza became Cadytis, Achzib became E/ippa, the river Zab became the Diaba ; and so M'gozan became Mygc/on. v So at least Winer says, but I do not know on what authority.
prefixed.

(Realicortcrbuch ad voc. Gosan.)

426"
in

NOTES.
(b)

Media,

In 2 Kings xvii. 24. Cuthah, Ava, Hainath,

and Sepharvaim are mentioned together as cities under the Assyrian dominion, and as furnishing the colonists who Of these Hamath replaced the transplanted Israelites.
familiar to us, but of the other cities little has been known till recently. " Die Lage von Cutha," says Winer w ,
is

"

ist

aber

vbttig ungewiss."

And

so Keil x

"

The

situation

of

Cuthah cannot be determined with certainty."

The

discovery, however, of an ancient Babylonian city of the

name, at the distance of about 15 miles from Babylon itself, where, moreover Nergal was especially worshipped (2 Kings Cuxvii. 30), seems to remove all doubt on the subject. thah was most certainly the city, whose ruins are now
called Ibrahim.

(See the author's Herodotus,

vol.

i.

p.

632

and vol. ii. p. 587.) With almost equal confidence may we pronounce on the position of Ava, of which Winer says, that it is most probably a Mesopotamian town, " von welcher /wine Spur in den alten Schriftstellern oder in der ." heutigen orientalischen Topographie iibrig geblieben ist.v

Ava (NW),

or Ivah (fc"^),

is

city dedicated to the

god

Hea (Neptune), which was on the Euphrates at the exIt is called by the treme northern limit of Babylonia. Talmud ical writers Ihi (Tr), or with an epithet Ihi-dakira (NTp-rrT'), by Herodotus Is ("Is), by the Egyptians Ist, by the Turks and Arabs of the present day Hit. The first
corruption of the
of Ezra

name may be traced

;

in the

Ahava (NTJ^)

compare (viii. 15,21 where the Jews encamped on their way from Babylon to (See the remarks of Sir II. Rawlinson in the Jerusalem.
author's Herodotus,
vol.
i.

the river Is of Herodotus),

p.

602.)

Sepharvaim has

less
it

completely baffled the geographers,

who have

seen that

must be identical with the Sippara or Sipphara of Ptolemy (Fr. 9). See (v. 18) and the tto'Ais StinraprjvSv of Abydenus Winer and Kitto ad voc. They have not, however, been which tho Inscriptions show to have able to fix the site
;

w Realwotterbuch,
*

vol.

i.

p.

237.

See Keil on

Kings
vol.

xvii.
i.

24;
1

vol.ii. p. 67,

E. T.

Realwbrterbuch,

p.

18.


LECTURE
Bab v Ion.
IV.
4-27

been at Mosaib, a town on the Euphrates between Hit and

Nor have they given any account

;

of the dual

form, Sepharvaww (D^VlDD)

fact,

which

is

explained by the

noted in the Inscriptions, that the city was partly on

right,

the
(c)

partly

on

the

left

the

With Sepharvaim are connected, two cities of Hena and Ivah. It

in

bank of the Euphrates. in 2 Kings xix. 13,

is

implied that they

had recently been united under one king: we must seek

them therefore
like

the

same neighbourhood.

As

Ivah,
;

Sepharvaim, was upon the Euphrates above Babylon

and as the towns in this tract have always been clustered along the banks of the streams, we must look for Hena
(Heb.

S^n

LXX

'Avd) in a similar position.

is

Now

on

the Euphrates in this region

found in the Inscriptions

;

an important town, Anah or Anat

nearly the

which has always borne

is

same name, and which

is

even now known as

Anah.
2.

Hena

thus identified almost to a certainty.

(a)

Religious,

The worship

of Baal

and Astarte by
is

the Phoenicians, almost to the exclusion of other gods,

strongly suggested by the whole history from Judges to

Ahaz.
worship

(See Jud.

x.

Kings

xi.

xvi. 31,

&c.)

marked confirmation
is

of this exclusive, or nearly exclusive,

found

in

the

names

of the

Tynan

kings and

judges, which, like those of the Assyrian and Babylonian

monarch*, comprehend almost always a divine element.

Their names, so far as they are known, run as follows
Abibaal, Hiram, /fafeazar, Abdastartus, Astatius, Aserymus, Pheles, Kthbaal, Balezar, Matgen, Pygmalion, Elulseus, Yith-baal II.,

Baal, Ecmbaal, Chelbes, Abbarus, Myt-

gon, -Ba/-ator, Gerastartus, Merbal, and

confirmation
is

Hiram

II.

Farther

derivable from the few authentic notices of

the religion which remain, as from the fragments of Dius

and Menander, where these two are the only

tioned 2
z
,

deities

men-

(b) It

has been already noticed that Nergal, who

Mr. Kenrick gives the Phoenicians three " national deities," Astarte, (Phoenicia, p. 345). But Movers has shewn satisfactorily that Melcarth (the Tyrian Hercules) was only anotlier name
Belus, Hercules.
for Baal.

428
is

NOTES.
been worshipped by the Cuthites
is

said to have

in

Samaria

(2 Kings xvii. 30),

found in the inscriptions to have been

(c)

the special god of Cutha.

So too

it

appears from them

that the city of Sepharvaim was under the special protection of

two

deities, conjointly

worshipped, Shamas or San,

Here we have eviAdrammelech and Anammelech of 2 Kings xvii. Adrammelech, " the Fire-king," and Anammelech, 31 " Queen Anunit" the latter name being assimilated to
the Sun, and his wife Gula or Anunit.
dently the
; 1

the former with insolent carelessness.

(See Sir

II.

Rawlin(d)

son in the author's Herodotus,

vol.

i.

pp. 611, 612.)

If

a satisfactory explanation cannot be given from Babylonian

mythology of Succoth-Benoth, Nibhaz, and Tartak

xvii.

(2

Kings

30, 31),

it is

probably because they are not really the

first

names of Babylonian gods. The

of daughters,
11

seems to mean " tents

third are

or small tabernacles in which were contained

deities.

images of female

The second and

most

likely scornful modifications of certain

Babylonian names,

which

should suspect to have been

latter a title

by which Nebo was sometimes

(a)

Nebo and Tir the called. Or they

of

may
3.

possibly be gods which have yet to be discovered.

Manners, customs, &c.

The whole character

the Assyrian wars, as represented in Kings and Chronicles,

is

in close

accordance with what we gather from the In-

scriptions.

The numerical

force of their armies, the direc-

them by the monarch in person, the multitude of their chariots (2 Kings xix. 23), their abundant cavalry (2 Kings xviii. 23), their preference of the bow as a weapon 3 (ib. xix. 32), the manner of their sieges by " casting banks" against the walls of cities b (ibid.), and again the
tion of

religious enthusiasm with

a This appears sufficiently

which the wars were carried on,

;

on the sculptures
is

but

strikingly evinced in the language of the Inscriptions,

it is even more where the phrase

which has
arrows.'"

to be translated

"

killed in battle"

constantly " killed with

(See Dubl. Univ. Mat/. No. 250, p. 423.) b See Layard's Nineveh and Babylon, p. 149. Describing a bas-relief of Sennacherib's, he says, " Against the fortifications had been thrown

up as many as
earth,

ten

banks or mounds, compactly built of stones, bricks.

and brandies of trees."

LECTURE

IV.

429

the antagonism maintained between the Assyrian gods and those of the invaded countries (2 Kings xviii. 33, 34, &c.), and the practice of carrying off as plunder, and therefore probably of melting down, the idols of the various nations (2 Kings xix. 18), are all distinctly marked in the sacred history, and might be abundantly illustrated from the monuments (h) No less harmonious with Scripture is the representation which the monuments give of the Assyrian political system. Something has been already said on this point. (Lecture III. pp. 103-105.) The empire is one made up of a number of petty kingdoms. (" Are not
,

my

princes altogether kings?"

is

Is. x. 8.)
at,

Absorption of

the conquered districts

not aimed

but only the extri-

tension of suzerainty, and government through native

butary monarchs.
increased tribute
14.)

Rebellion

is

promptly punished, and

xviii.

is its

natural consequence. (2 Kings

Finally, transplantation is
fail

made
(c)

use of

when other

means

sometimes on a

larger,
,

sometimes on a smaller

scale, as

the occasion requires 11

The continued power

of the Hittites, the

number

of their princes, and their

strength in chariots, which appears from

1 Kings x. 29, and again remarkably from 2 Kings vii. 6, is strikingly confirmed by the Black Obelisk inscription, where we find

twelve kings of the Khatti, allied with Syria and

Hamath,

and fighting against the Assyrians with a force whose chief strength seems to be chariots. Many similar points of
minute agreement might be adduced, but this note has,
fear,

already extended itself beyond the patience of most

readers.
c See the Great Inscription of Tiglath Pileser I, pp. 28, 30, 38, &c; Dubl. Univ. Mag. No. 250, pp. 423, 424 ; Fox Talbot's Assyrian Texts,

pp.

1, 3, 4, 11, 22, &c. Compare the author's Herodotus, vol.i. p. 495. d See the author's Herodotus, vol. i. p. 493.

NOTE
LECTURE
V.

8.

Note
!^>0

I.

p. 158.
p.

Ewald, Die Propheten des Alien Bundes,

560.

Note
This
vol.
ii.

2.

p. 158.

is

the theory of
485, E. T.),

Ue Wette
is

p.

who

(Einleitung, % 253, p. 342 bases the view on the passages

of Ezekiel, where Daniel

so highly

commended.

See

below, note 10.

Note

3.

p. 158.
in

See the statements of Jerome concerning Porphyry

the preface to his Comment, in Daniel. (Op.
1074.)
vol.iii.

pp.107},

Note

4.

p.

158.

It is urged by Ewald (PropJieten des Alt. Bundes, p. 565) by Knobel, Prophetismus der Hebrder, ii. p. 401 by Strauss (Leben Jesu, 13 vol. i. p. 56, E. T.) by De Wette (Einleitung, 255 b, p. 346) and by Mr. Theodore Parker (Translation of De Wette, vol. ii. pp.491 and 501.) Hence
;
;

Auberlen observes with

others,

justice,

"The
lies in

true argument of all

even in modern criticism,

the dogmatic doubt

(Prophecies of

of the reality of miracles and predictions."

Daniel, Introduction, p. 10, E. T. e )

e

And
l'h.

Stuart, " Nearly

The Prophecies

of Daniel and the Revelation of St.

John viewed

in their

mutual relation hy C. A. Auberlen,

D.

Translated by the

Rev. A. Saphir; Edinburgh, Clark, 1856.

LECTURE
all

V.

431

the arguments employed to disprove the genuineness of

Daniel, have their basis,

more

or less directly, in the as-

sumption, that miraculous events are impossibilities.

course,
all

Of

the extraordinary occurrences

related in the

book of Daniel, and all the graphic predictions of events, under the guidance of this assumption, stricken from the list of probabilities, and even of possibilities.'' (Ilistoiy and Defence of the Canon, 4, pp. 10, in.)
are,
1

Note

5.

p. 158.

Undoubtedly a peculiar character attaches to the proif they are compared with those of the As Auberlen observes, " his prophecies other prophets.
phecies of Daniel,

abound, above
tail."

all

the rest, in historical and political de3,

{Prophecies of Daniel, Introduction, p.

this

E. T.)

But

an objection to the authenticity of the Book is to assume, either that we have an a priori knowledge of the nature and limits of prophetical inspiration, or else
to

make

that the law of such inspiration

tively

may be gathered

induc-

from the other Scriptures, and then applied to ex-

clude the claims of a

sanction as any other.

and to drawn from the rest of Scripture, is first to assume that it is not Scripture, and then to prove that it is not by means
the instances
;

Book which has as much external But induction should be from all exclude the Book of Daniel by a law

of that assumption.

We

are quite ignorant beforehand to

what extent it might please the Omniscient to communicate to any of his creatures the knowledge of the future, which He possesses in perfection; and we have no means
of determining the question but by a careful study of
all

the facts which the Bible sets before us.

to

We

have no right
less

assume that there

shall

will

be a uniform law,
it.

much

that

we

be able to discover
that " there

It is a principle of the

Divine

Economy

is

a time for every thing

;"

and the minute exactness which characterises some of the Prophecies of Daniel may have been adapted to peculiar


432

NOTES.
have otherwise had some special object

circumstances in the history of God's people at some particular time f , or

which we cannot fathom.

Note

6.

p.

59.
p.

See Hengstenberg, Authentic des Daniel,

303, et seqq.
is

The
main

alternate use of

Hebrew and

Chaldee, which

the

linguistic peculiarity of Daniel, is only natural at

time when both languages were currently spoken by the

Jews

and

is

only found in writings of about this period,

as in Ezra and Jeremiah.

De Wette's answer

to this ar-

gument, that both languages were known to the learned

Jews

at a later date {Einlcitmig, 255 c. p. 349), is a specimen of the weak grounds on which men are content to The Hebrew Scriptures were rest a foregone conclusion.

not written for the learned

and no

instances at all can be

found of the alternate use (as distinct from the occurrence

of Chaldaisms in Hebrew, or Hebraisms in Chaldee), ex-

cepting at the time of the Captivity.

Note
I

7. p.

159.

have here followed the ordinary tradition, which rests

on the authority of Aristeas, Philo, Justin Martyr, JoseIt is questioned, however, if the phus, Epiphanius, &c.

Greek version of Daniel was made so

lated

early.
it,

Esther, according to the subscription to

The book of was not trans-

till the fourth year of Ptolemy Philometor, 13. C. 178 or 177, a year or two before the accession of Epiphanes. And it is possible that Daniel may have been translated

still later.

(See

Home's

Introduction,

&c,

vol.

iii.

p. 44.)

If the

argument

in the text is

weakened by

this

admis:

sion, it

may

receive the following important accessions

is

Auberlen thinks that the minuteness, which

xi.,

chiefly in chs.

viii.

and

was "necessary
it

to prepare the people for the attacks

and

artful

machinations of Antiochus," and that " the glorious struggle of the

Maccabees, so far as

was

a pure

and righteous one, was a

fruit

of this

book." (pp. 54, 55.)

LECTURE
1.

V.

433

Siraeh,

Passages of Daniel are referred to by Jesus the son of who must have written as early as B. C. 1 80, or
(See Ecclus.
1 ;

before the time of EpiphanesS.

xvii. 17,

pared with Dan.

x. 20, 21
viii.

xii.

and Ecclus.
2.

x. 8,

comcom-

pared with Dan.

23, &c.)

And

Daniel's prophecies

were shewn to Alexander the Great in the year B. 0. 332, and inclined him to treat the Jews with special favour. (Joseph. Ant. Jud.

main
lars."

fact

is

xi. 8.) The authority of Josephus as to the not discredited by the circumstance, that " the
is

narrative of Josephus

not credible in

all

of

its

particu-

(De Wette,

Einleitung, 255 c, p.

349)

Note

8.

p. 159.

The fundamental arguments

to the end
;

in favour of this are,

the
vii.

constant representation of Daniel as the author from ch.

and

2.

our Lord's words, " the abomination of

to the contrary, besides those noted

desolation, spoken of by Daniel the Prophet" (Matt. xxiv. 15.)

De Wette' s arguments
in

the text, seem to be the following

2.

is

1.

The

miracles are

grotesque.

The apocalyptic tone

3.

unlike that of the

prophets belonging to this period.

is is

Honourable mention

4. The language and Greek words. 5. The book is placed by the Jews among the Hagiographa, and is therefore later than Malachi. 6. The angelology, christology, and asceticism, mark a late date Of these the first and last may be simply denied the second is reduced to a shadow by De Wette himself when he admits that the style of Ezekiel's and Zechariah\s prophesying is not very

made

of Daniel himself in the book.

corrupt, containing Persian

11

unlike

('

nicht ganz fremcl") Daniel's

the third

is

an ob-

jection equally to the Pentateuch, the Gospel of St. John,

and some of

St. Paul's Epistles,

and

rests merely

upon an
" So

Even De Wette admits

this.

(Einleituny, 316, p. 419.

erhalten wir als Abfassungzeit d. J. 180. v. Chr.")

11

Ibid. 255, pp. 346, 347.

RAWLINSON.

F f

434

NOTES.

borne out by experience

confidence, since
it

a priori conception of how prophets should write, not the fourth is not urged with any ;
is

allowed to be " certainly possible

Greek words may have been known to the 11 Babylonians at the time (p. 347) and if so, a fortiori, the Persian words and the fifth argument, if it has any weight at all, would make the Book of Job, and the Proverbs of Solomon, later than Malachi No wonder Professor Stuart should say Beyond the objections founded on the assumption, that miracles and predictions are impossibilities, there is little to convince an enlightened and well-balanced critical reader, that the book is supposititious." (History and Defence of the Canon, p. 1 1.)
that the
; ;
!

'w

Note
See Dan.
i.

9. p. 159.

3.

Josephus says that Daniel was of the

(Ant. Jud. x. 10.)

seed of Zedekiah.

Note 10.

p.

159.

Ewald contends, that the Daniel commended by Ezekiel must have been an ancient hero, like Job and Noah (Proplieten des Alt. Bitndes, p. 560), of whose wisdom and righteousness he knew from some sacred book, with which both himself and the Jews of his time were well acquainted. We are not told what has become of this book, or what proof there is of its existence. Nor is it explained how this " ancient hero comes not to be mentioned in the historical
11

Scriptures at

all,

or by any writer earlier than Ezekiel.

to the contrary,

Doubtless

if

we had no means of knowing

was an ancient

we should

naturally have supposed from Ezek. xiv. 14 and

historical personage in

20, that Daniel

Ezekiel's time, having lived between

Noah and Job

but

as this
rical

is

impossible from the absolute silence of the histo-

all can only be was the great Jew of the accounted for by the fact that he day, and that his wisdom and virtue were known to those

books, Ezekiel's mention of him at

LECTURE
for

V.
it

435

whom

Ezekiel wrote
i.

bered, (Ezek.

2, 3),

the Chaldcean Jews', be remem not or from any book,

historically,
is

and common rumour. a question. Perhaps, because Daniel and Noah are actual men, while Job is not I Or because the two former are viewed as Jews, Job
but from personal acquaintance

Why

Daniel precedes Job,

still

as a Gentile

Note
Einleitung, 255 a, p.

11. p. 159.
;

344

(vol!

Unwahrscheinlichkeiten,
dergleichen
sonst

und

selbst historischer

Unrichtigkeiten,

kein prophetisches
P-

Buch des
Note

Alt. Test, enthalt.)

Compare

34912. p. 160.

See above, note 86 on Lecture IV.

Sargon seems to

have been the

large scale.

first

king who introduced this practice on a

He

Assyrian Texts, pp. 3,

pp. 11 and 17.)

was followed by Sennacherib (Fox Talbot's and Esarhaddon (ibid. 4, 7, &c.)

;

Note 13.
See Herod,
;

p. 160.
vi.
;

iv.

181

v.

15

20 and 119

Ctes. Pers.

Arrian. Exp. Alex. iii. 48 and compare tho author's 9 Herodotus, vol. ii. pp. 563, 564. The practice continues to modern times. (See Chardin's Voyage en Perse, vol. iii.
p.

292; and Ferrier's Caravan Journeys,

p.

395

Note

14. p. 160J.

See Lecture IV, note 83.

It has been usual to regard Ezekiel as writing in Mesopotamia, the Chebar being supposed to be the Khabour. But we have no right to The Chebar is proassume the identity of the words *os and "nan.
>

bably the Nahr Malcha, or Royal Canal, the great

("<??)

cutting of

Nebuchadnezzar.

See the

article

on

Chebar

in

Smith's (forthcoming)

Biblical Dictionary.
i

The

reference to this note has slipped out of page 160, where

1

it

should have occurred in line

1,

after the

word " Babylonia."

rfa

4-36

NOTES.
Note

15. p.

60.
in the

See the fragments of these writers

Hist. Or. vol.
ii.

Fragmenta

pp. 506, 507

and

vol. iv. p.

284.

Com-

pare with the expression in Daniel, " Is not this great

Babylon which
of Berosus.

have built?" (Dan.

...

iv.

30), the statement

]Siaf3ov\obov6rropos

ri)v re

vTrdp^ovaav e
Ka.Ta\apio-ap.e-

apx^s

ttoKiv

avanaivCaas

kcli

erepav

vo$, irpbs to

ixr]KTi

bvvaadai tovs TioXiopKovvras tov TioTapbv

avaarpecpovTa';
p.ev
rrjs

em

Ti]V ttoKlv KaTacrKevd(eiv, virepefidkeTO Tpeis

rrjs
eft>.

evbov TroAews 77epi(36kovs, Tpels be

Both

statements are confirmed by the fact that nine-tenths of

the inscribed bricks from the site of Babylon are stamped

with Nebuchadnezzar's name.

Note
Ap. Euseb. Prcep. Ev.
Aeyerat irpbs XaA8atcor,
Oeirj 6e<

16. p. 161.
ix.

41, pp. 441, 442.

eiil

Mera

be,

aj?

avafias

to.

(3acn\7]Ca naTao-^eeybi

orew
(3

?),

fydey^djxevos be elirev,

Qvtos

NafiovKo-

bpo<ropos,
(popi]v
pt.evos
. .

Baj3v\(oviot, tt]v [xeAhovcrav vp.lv -npoayyeKXco avp-

/'Het lleparjs i]p.tovos, toIctlv vp.eTepoio~L ba.ip.oai XP e(*>~

eira^ei

crvppdyounv'
'

be

bovXocrvvrjv'

ov

bi)

crvvaiTios

earai

lVfojS^s,

to

Aaavpiov

avyrip.a ...'O

pev Oeairiaa^ irapa-

yj)r\p.a i](pavi(TTo.

Note

17. p. j6i.
i.

Beros. ap. Joseph, contr. Apionem,

20; Polyhist. ap.

Euseb. Chronica,
v.

i.

5,

3,

p.

21

Ptol.

Mag. Syntax.

14.

Note

18. p. 161.

These tablets are commonly orders on the imperial treasury, dated in the current year of the reigning monarch,
like

modern Acts of Parliament. They give a minimum

for

the length of each monarch's reign, but of course by the

nature of the case they cannot furnish a maximum.

Still,

LECTURE
where they are abundant, as
found was not
in

V.

437

Nebuchadnezzar's case,

they raise a strong probability that the highest number

much exceeded.
Note
19. p. 162.
first

The eighth year

of Nebuchadnezzar being the

of

Jehoiachin's captivity (2 Kings xxiv. 12),

we must
-of

place the

beginning of Nebuchadnezzar's reign seven years earlier

and the 37 th of the

dach
(ibid.

captivity being the first

F^vil-Mero-

xxv. 27), the 36th would be Nebuchadnezzar's

last complete year.

Now

36

-f 7

= 43.

Note

20. p. 162.
;

So De Wette (Einleitung, 255 a p. 345 c), who quotes von Lengerke, Hitzig, and others, as agreeing with
him.
of
its

Ewald

also

compares Daniel to Judith, on account

confusing together various times and countries. (Pro-

pheten des Alt. Bundes, p. 562.)

Note

21. p. 162.

De Wette

gives the first place

among

his " historical in-

accuracies" to the "unrichtige Vorstellungen von den Weisen Babylons," and the " undenkbare Aufnahme Daniels

unter dieselben ;"

the

second to the " Erwahnung der

persischen Satrapen-Einrichtung unter Nebuchadnezer und

Darius Medus." (Einleitung,

1.

s.

c.)

Note 22.

p.

162.
i.

The word which we

ii.

translate " magicians" in Dan.

20,

2, 10, is

&c,

is

chartummim, or khartummim
Tcheret

(D^P^n);
"a
gravingChaldaicutn,

which
tool."

derived from cheret, or

{VT\T\),
et

(See Buxtorf's Lexicon Hebraicum

ad

voc.)

clay,

Babylonian documents are sometimes written on where the character has been impressed, before the
tool with a triangular point
;

clay

was baked, by a

but

438

NOTES.

they are also frequently on stone

large

pebbles from the

Euphrates's bed

in which
Note

case they have been engraved

with a fine chisel.

23. p. 163.

The Chaldaeans

in Kings, Chronicles, Isaiah,

Jeremiah,

and even Ezekiel, are simply the inhabitants of Chaldsea, which is the name applied to the whole country whereof Babylon is the capital. But in Daniel the Chaldaeans are
a special set of persons at Babylon, having a " learning"

and classed with the magicians, astrologers, &c. Strabo notes both senses of the term (xvi. i. 6) and Berosus seems to use the narrower and less common one, when he speaks of Nebuchadnezzar as finding on his arrival at Babylon after his father's death, that affairs were being conducted by the Chaldreans, and that their chief was keeping the throne
their
i.

and a " tongue" of

own (Dan.
;

4),

vacant for him, (YlapaXafioiV be ra

T(av

irpa.yp.aTa faoiKovp.ifa vtto

Xakbatw
avT&v,
t,

nal biarripovp.(vr)v rqv (3avi\eL<xv utto tov /3e\-

tlcttov

Kvpievaas

1
;

k.

r.

A.

(as in Frs.

5, 6, 11, &c.)

Fr. 14), while elsewhere he employs the generic

and more usual

The

Compare Herod, i. 181, and vii. 63. show that the Chahkeans (Kaldi) belonged to the primitive Scythic inhabitants, and that the old astronomical and other learning of the Babylonians consense.

inscriptions

tinued to bo in this language during the later Semitic

times.

(See Sir H. Rawlinsons note in the author's Hei.

rodotus, vol.

p.

319. note

s
.)

Note 24.

p. 163.

Compare an

article

on the Chaldscans

in

Smith's (forth-

coming) Biblical Dictionary.

Note

25. p. 164.

See above, Lecture IV. note 81.

LECTURE
Note 26.
I

V.

439

p. 164.

do not intend to assert that

this

was the

case.

We

have no satisfactory proof that the Babylonians ever approached more nearly to the Satrapial system than by the

appointment
in lieu of

in exceptional cases of a native "

governor"

an hereditary king, as in the case of Gedaliah. The maintenance of Jehoiakim, Jehoiachin, and Zedekiah,

racter of their government.

on the throne of Judsea seems to indicate the general chaIt may even be suspected that Berosus's " Satrap of Egypt and Syria" was really Pharaoh- Necho, whose position Babylonian vanity represented
in

that light.
!,

The

LXX
much

translate Daniel's " princes"

(N

DD"V n2?nN) by
r

o-aTpdirai.,

but this cannot be regarded

as an argument of

weight.

Babylonian
derive

historical

inscriptions are so scanty that

we can

little assist-

ance from them towards determining the question.

Note 27.

p. 164.
iv.
iii.

The extent

of the kingdom (Dan.

(ib.
ii.

22), the absolute

power of the king

5, 13,
ii.

48
2
;

29,

fluence of the Chaldajans (ib.

iii.

8,

&c), the in&c), the idola-

trous character of the religion, the use of images of gold

compare Herod, i. 183), are borne out by profane writers, and (so far as their testimony can be brought to bear) by the monuments. The building (rebuilding) of Babylon (Dan. iv. 30) by Nebuchadnezzar, is confirmed in
(ib.
iii.
1
;

every way. (See above, note 15.)

Again, there

is

a curi-

ous notice in Daniel of a certain peculiarity which

may

be remarked in Nebuchadnezzar's
devotion to a particular god.

religion, viz. his special

Nebuchadnezzar throughis

out his inscriptions presents himself to us as a devotee of

Merodach.

'

Merodach,

his lord'

sole object of his

worship and praise

the chief almost the invocations, prayers,

and thanksgivings are addressed to him and him only. (See Sir H. Rawlinson's remarks in the author's Herodotus, vol. i. pp. 628, 629, and compare the Inscription of Nebu-

440

NOTES.
is

chadnezzar in the same work,

peculiarity

vol. ii. pp. 585-587.) This casually and incidentally noticed by Daniel,

when he says that Nebuchadnezzar

vessels

carried the sacred of the temple " into the land of Shinar, to the
his

house of

god; and brought the vessels into the trea(i.

sure-house of his god'."

2.)

Note

28. p. 165.

See his Beitrage zur EinUitimg in das Alt. Test. p. 105. Ilengstenberg has on his side the authority of Eusebius,

who

so understood the passage

(Chronica,

i.

10,

p.

21);

but Eusebius's arguments appear to

me

very weak.

Note 29.

p. 166.

See Sir H. Rawlinson's translation of the Standard Inscription in the author's Herodotus, vol.
ii.

pp. 585-587.

The passage
as follows

to which reference

is

made

in the text

runs
in

"

Four years
...

(?) ...

the seat of

my kingdom
In
all

the city... which

did not rejoice

my

heart.

my

dominions I did not build a high place of power; the precious treasures of

my kingdom
and

did not lay up.

In Ba-

bylon, buildings for myself

for the

honour of

my

king-

dom

did not lay out.

In the worship of
(?),

Merodach my
city of his

lord, the joy of

my

heart

in

Babylon the

sovereignty and the seat of

praises
(?),

my

empire, I did not sing his

11

and

did not furnish his altars (with victims),

nor did
follow.

clear out the canals."

this literal

Other negative clauses

all

From

rendering of the passage, only

doubtful, the reader
in his life it is likely

one or two words of which are at

may judge

for himself to

what event

that the monarch alludes.

He

should perhaps bear in

mind that the whole range of cuneiform literature presents no similar instance of a king putting on record his own
inaction.


LECTURE
Note
30. p.
j

V.

441

67.
i.

Berosus ap. Joseph. Contr. Ap.

jjikv

20

Nafiovxobovoaopos
ip.T!(Th)v
err]

ovv ixera rod apacr6ai rov T>poetprip.evov rei^ovs

appaxTTiav juerTjAAa^aro
rpia.

eis

top

j3iov,

fizfiaaiXev K(os

retr-

aapaKOVTa

Tr/s be /3a<nAeias Kvptos eytvero 6 vlbs avrov

Ev<-i\p.apabovxos.
10, p.

Compare Abyden.
i.

ap.

Euseb. Chron.
;

i.

28

and Polyhist. ap. eund.

5, 3

p. 21.

Note 31.

p. 167.

Berosus continues after the passage above quoted

tos, Trpoaras

Ov-

ray

irpayp-driav

avopaos nal aaeXy&s,

kiiifiov-

\ev9els

...

avrjped)].

Note 31.

p. 168.
;

The Babylonian name

is

read as Nergal-skar-uzur
is

the

Hebrew form (""VSfcOCr^HD)

authorized
version,

exactly expressed by our

which gives Nergal-shar-ezer.

The

Greek renderings are far inferior to the Hebrew. Berosus, as reported by Josephus (1. s. c), called the king Neriglissoor Polyhistor called him Neglissar (Euseb. Chron. i. Abydenus, Niglissar (Armen. Euseb.) or Nerip. 21) 5 glissar (Euseb. Prcep. Ev. ix. 41), Ptolemy {Mag. Syni.
;

1.

s. c.)

Nerigassolassar.

Note 33.

p. 168.

The Babylonian
word,*which
is

vocalisation

somewhat modifies the

read as in the Inscriptions as Bubu-emga.

note
3
.)

(See Sir H. Rawlinsons note in the author's Herodotus,

vol.
i.

p. 518,

With

this the

Hebrew Bab-mag
;

(3ft~l"l) is identical in all its consonants

and there can

Gesenius

be no reasonable doubt that

has translated the
p.
title

it is

the same term.

as " Chief of the Magi" (Lexicon,

but the Babylonian word which represents the Persian Magi in the Behistun Inscription bears no resemblance at all to the emaa of this title. Sir H. Rawlinson
388, E. T.)
;

442

NOTES.
is

believes the signification to be " Chief Priest," but holds

that there

no reference

in it to

Magism.

Note 34.

p.

68.

Chron.

Abydenus has the form Nabannidochus (ap. Euseb. i. io, p. 28), with which may be compared the

Naboandelus (probably to be read Naboandechus) of Josephus (Ant. Jud. x. u.) Berosus wrote Nabonnedus (Joseph. Contr. Ap. i. 20) Herodotus, Labynetus (i. 77, 188.) The actual name seems to have been Nabu-nahit in Semitic,
;

Nabu-induJc in the Cushite Babylonian.

Note
So Josephus {Ant. Jud.
bylon, p.

35. p. 169.
1.

s.

c.)

Perizonius (Orig.

Ba-

359); Heeren, Manual of Ancient History,

p. 28,

E. T.

Clinton,

Des Vignoles, (Euvres, vol. ii. p. 510, et F. H. vol. ii. pp. 369-371 the author of
;

seqq.

de Verifier
eand.

les

Bates, vol.
;

ii.

p.

69

Art Winer, Realicorterbuch

ad voc.

ad voc. Belshazzar
;

Kitto, Biblical Cyclopaedia

&c.

Note 36.

p. 169.

It has been almost universally concluded, by those who have regarded the book of Daniel as authentic, that the

Belshazzar of that book must be identical with one or

known from Berosus and Abydenus to have occupied the throne between Nebuchadnezzar and Cyrus. Each monarch has been preferred in his turn.
other of the native monarchs

Marsham, Hupfeld, Haverand others, have identified Belshazzar with EvilMerodach Eusebius, Syncellus, and Hales, with Neriglissar Jackson and Catterer, with Laborosoarchod but the bulk of commentators and historians with Nabonadius.
Conringius, Bouhier, Larcher,
nick,
;
;

(See the last note.)

In every case there

difficulty in explaining the diversity of

was the same name, as well as in

reconciling the historical facts recorded of the

monarch

preferred with what Scripture tells us of Belshazzar.

On

LECTURE
least'objectionable.

V.

443

the whole, perhaps the hypothesis of Conringius was the

Note 37.

p. 169.

So De Wette,

Einleitung, 255 a, p. 345.

Note 38.

p. 170.

This view was maintained by Sir Isaac Newton.

his Chronology, pp.

(See

323-330.)

Note 39.

p. 170.

Sir H. Rawlinson made this important discovery in the year 1854, from documents obtained at Mugheir, the ancient Ur. (See Mr. Loftus's Clialdcea and JSusiana, ch. xii. pp. 132, 133
P- 5*5-)
;

and compare the author's Herodotus,

vol.

i.

Note

40. p. 170.

Jehu, though ordinarily called " the son of Nimshi,

really his

grandson (2 Kings ix. 2.) " the son of Baladan," according to Isaiah (xxxix.

was Merodach-Baladan,
1), is in

1 "'

Baladan was probably one of his more remote ancestors. In Matt. i. 1, our Blessed Lord is called " the Son of David, (who was) the
the Inscriptions the son of Yagina.

son of Abraham."

Note

41. p. 171.

Such marriages formed a part of the state policy of the and were sought with the utmost avidity. When Zedekiah's daughters were committed to Gedaliah (Jerem. xli. 10), it was undoubtedly that he might marry them, in order (as Mr. F. Newman justly observes ) "to establish for his descendants a hereditary claim on Jewish allegiance." So Amasis married a daughter of Psammetik III and Atossa was taken to wife both by the Pseudo-Smerdis
time,
14
1

k
1

Hebrew Monarchy,
Wilkinson

p.

361.
ii.

in the author's Herodotus, vol.

p.

387.

. .

444

NOTES.

and by Darius, the son of Hystaspes, (Herod, iii. 68 and On the same grounds Herod the Great married 88.)

Mariamne.

(See Joseph.

De

Bell. Jud.

i.

12,

3.)

An

additional reason for suspecting that such a marriage as

that suggested

in

the text was

actually contracted by

Nabonadius,
nezzar

is

to be found in the fact, which

may be

re-

garded as certain, that he adopted the name of Nebuchad-

among

his

own

family names. That he had a son so

rise of

called, is

proved by the

two pretenders

in

the reign

of Darius,

who each proclaimed

Col.
iii.

himself to be " Nebuchad{Behistun Inscr. Col.

i.

nezzar, the son of Nabonadius."

Par. 16

and

Par. 13.)

Note

42. p. 171.

Syncellus, Chronograph, p. 438,

fin.;

Apoc. Dan.
i.

xiii.

ad

Jackson, Chronolog. Antiq.

p.

vol.

p.

416;

Marsham,

Can. Chron.
voc.

604, et seqq.

Winer, Realwbrterbuch ad

Darius; &c.

Note

43. p.

This was the view of Josephus {Ant. Jud. x. 11, 4) and from him it has been adopted very generally. See Prideaux's Connection, &c, vol. i. p. 95 Hales's Analysis
;
;

Offerhaus, of Chronology, vol. ii. p. 508 Chron. p. 265 Bertholdt, Exc. zum Daniel,
;
;

Spicileg.
p.

flitt.

stenberg, Authentic des Daniel, 48; Von Buch Daniel, 92; Hooper's Palmoni, pp. 278283; and
Kitto's Biblical Cyclopcedia, ad voc. Darius.
is

843 ; HengLengerke, Das

But Xenophon
;

the sole authority for the existence of this personage

and Herodotus may be quoted against his existence, since he positively declares that Astyages " had no male offspring/' (Herod, i. 109.)

Note

44. p. 171
vii.

By Larcher
dote, ch.
iii.

(Hh-odote, vol.

p. 175),

Conringius (Ad.-"/

versar. Chron. c. 13),

p. 29.)

and Bouhier (Dissertations

Hero-

LECTURE
Note 45.

V.

445

p. 171.

Syncellus regarded Darius the

Mede

as at once identical

with Astyages and Nabonadius.

438-)

{Chronograph, pp. 437,

Note 46.

p. 171.

That Cyrus placed Medes

evident from Herodotus
fore very possibly
(i.

in situations of

high trust,

is

156,

and

162.)

He may

there-

have established Astyages, his grand-

father

(?),

as vice-king of Babylon, where the latter

may
The

have been known to the Jews as Darius the Mede.

diversity of

name

is

no

real objection here

is

for

Astyages

(Asdahages = Aj-dahak)
a
title.

not a name, but

(like

Pharaoh)
the

And

if it

be said that Darius the

ix. 1),

Mede was

son of an Ahasuerus or Xerxes (Dan.

while Astyages

was the son of Cyaxares, it may be answered that, according to one explanation, Cyaxares is equivalent to Kei-Axares. or King Xerxes. There is still an objection in the age of Darius Medus, who was only 62 in B. C. 538 (Dan. v. 31), whereas Astyages (it would seem) must have been 75 at
that time. (See the author's Herodotus, vol.
i.

pp. 41 J, 41 8.)

But

numbers depend here on the single authority of Herodotus, whose knowledge of Median history was not
as the

very great, perhaps they are not greatly entitled to consideration.

If

however

it

be thought that, for this or any other rea-

Medus cannot be Astyages, we may regard him as a Median noble, entrusted by Cyrus with the government of Babylon. Scripture makes it plain that his
son, Darius

true position was that of a subordinate king, holding his

crown of a superior.
v.

Darius the Mede, we are told (Dan.

30),

" took the

kingdom"

^n^Q
that he

^j? that

is,

" accepit

regnum"

(Buxtorf. ad voc. blip),

" received

the kingdom at the hand of another."

in

And

again we read
king over
is

another place (Dan.

ix. 1),

"was made

the realm of the Chaldseans

where the word used

446
"?T7Qn, the Hophil of

NOTES.
*?\

70, the Hiphal of which is used when David appoints Solomon king, and which thus means
distinctly, "

was appointed king by another."

Note
Herod,
i.

47. p. 172.

191

Xen.

Insiit.

Cyr.

vii.

5, 15.

Note 48.
See the author's Herodotus,

p. 172.
vol.
i.

pp. 401-403.

Note

49. p. 172. to

Even the tyrant Cambyses, when he wished

sister,

marry

his

otl ovk ktoOoia iirevoee Tioirjcreiv,

etpero KaAeVas tovs

j3ov-

(3acri\ifiovs

Stxaaras, el t is eort

Ke\evu>v vop,os tov

Xo^vov abeXcpefj ovvoucieiv. (Herod, iii. 31.) And Xerxes, when he had been entrapped, like Herod Antipas, into making a rash promise, feels compelled to keep it, vtto tov
vo\j.ov eepyo;uej>os, otl 6.Tv\r\(Tai tov \pr\(ovTa

ov

crcpi

bvva.)

tov Icttl

fiaaiXijiov btiirvov -npoKtiixtvov.

(Ibid. ix.

1 1 1

Note 50.

p. 172.

See De Wette, Einleitung, 255 a, p. 345. Compare Mr. Parkers Translation, (vol. ii. p. 490), where it is suggested that the author has copied and exaggerated what Herodotus ascribes to Darius Hystaspis.

Note

51. p. 172.
:

" The one See Clinton's Fasti Hellenici, vol. ii. p. 372 hundred and twenty princes appointed by Darius (Dan. vi. 1) correspond to the one hundred and twenty-seven provinces of Ahasuerus (Esth. i. 1), and to the enlarged extent

of the empire.

11

Note
Nebuchadnezzar's
of Jehoiakim
first

52. p. 174.

conquest of Judaea

in

the reign

which

was the occasion on which Daniel

LECTURE

V.

447

became a captive (Dan. i. 1) fell, as appears from the fragment of Berosus quoted in note 81 to Lecture IV, in
Canon, Nebuchadnezzar then reigned himself 43 years, Evil-Merodach his son reigned 2 years, Neriglissar three years and some months, Laborosoarchod three quarters of a year, Nabonadius 17 years, and Darius the Mede one year. Consequently Daniel's prayer " in the first year
his father's last year, which, according to Ptolemy's

was B.

C. 605.

of Darius the

Mede" (Dan.
in B. C. 605.

ix.

1-3)

fell

into the year B. C.

538, or 68 years after the

first

conquest of Judsea by Ne-

buchadnezzar

Note
Mr. Hooper's Palmoni,

53. p. 174.
vol.
ii.

See Clinton's Fasti Hellenici,

p.

pp.

366368

and

390.

Note 54.

p. 174.

In Daniel's prophecy of the weeks, we have (I think)

the term of seventy years used first (Dan. ix. 24) as a round number, and afterwards explained accuracy being of especial importance in this prophecy as 68^ weeks (ibid.

2527.)

In Ezekiel, the forty years' desolation of Egypt

(Ez. xxix. 11-13) can scarcely be understood to extend

really to the full term.
;"

kind of historiography

Prophecy is, as Bacon says, " a but it does not ordinarily affect

the minuteness and strict accuracy of

human

history.

Note

55. p. 175.
It
is

Einleitung, 196, 197, pp. 260265.

obvious that
with Ze-

the insertion of documents, such as the proclamation of

Cyrus (Ez.
rubbabel

i.

24), the list of those

ii.
;

who came up
;

3-67 7-69) Samaritans, the Jews, the Persian kings

(ib.
viii.

Neh.

the letters of the

(ib. iv. 1

122, &c.)

and the like, does not in the slightest degree affect the unity and integrity of the works. But De Wette does not
appear to see this
(

196

a, p.

260.)

448

NOTES.
Note
56. p. 176.

The number of generations from Joshua

which
is

six

(Neh.

about 200 years.

lived

to Jaddua, jo 12), should cover a space of This would bring Jaddua to the latter
xii.

half of the 4th century B. C.

Exactly at this time there

the

well-known high-priest Jaddua, who received

at Jerusalem,

Alexander
of Daniel.

and shewed him the prophecies

xi. 8.)

(Joseph. Ant. Jiul.

At

this time too

there was a Darius (Darius

throne, as noted in

Codomannus) upon the Persian verse 22. The Jaddua of Nehemiah

must therefore be regarded as the contemporary of Alexander.

Havernick allows

this,

but

still

thinks that Nehemiah

may have

written the whole book, since he

may have
old

lived

to the time of

Jaddua

But

as

Nehemiah was

enough

to be sent on an important mission in B. C. 445 (Neh. ii. 1-8), he would have been considerably above a hundred

before

Jaddua can have been

priest,

and 130 or 140 before

the accession of Codomannus.

Note

57. p. 176.
in

Eight Dukes or Kings are mentioned

Genesis xxxvi.

3139, as having reigned over

Edom,

" before there reigned

any king in

Israel." This last clause

after the time of Saul, the first Israelite king

must have been written and it has

;

commonly been regarded

tion, vol.
i.

as an interpolation.
i.

(Graves's
Introduc-

Lectures on the Pentateuch, vol.

p.

p.

346

Home,

64; &c.)

But the

real interpolation

seems to

be from verse 31 to verse 39 inclusive. These kings, whose reigns are likely to have covered a space of 200 years, must

come down

later than Moses,

and probably reach nearly to

to have been

the time of Saul.

transferred from
In
1 1

The whole passage seems

Chr.
iii.
i.

43-50.
carried on for nine generations

Chronicles

724, the genealogy of the deis

scendants of Jechoniah

Mechoniah, Pedaiah, Zerubbabel, Ilananiah, Shekaniah,

LECTURE
occupied a period not

V.

449

Shemaiah, Neariah, Elioenai, and Hodaiah), who must have

much

short of three centuries.

As

Jechoniah came to the throne See

in B. C. 597, this portion of

Chronicles can scarcely have been written before B. C. 300.

De Wette,

Einleitung,

89, p. 242,

whose argument

here appears to be sound.

He

remarks, that the occur-

rence of a Shemaiah, the son of Shekaniah,

among
is

the

contemporaries of Nehemiah (Neh.

calculation,
tive.

iii.

29), confirms the

and indicates that the genealogy

consecu-

Note 58.

p. 176.

may have which the third person is used, but pronounces against his having written the openin

De Wette

one place admits that Ezra

x.)

written a chapter (ch.

in

ing passage of ch.

{Einleitung,
farther,

vii.

(verses 1-10), chiefly on this ground.

Bertholdt and Zunz go p. 261.) and deny that Ezra can have written ch. x. Pro 196
a,

fessor Stuart concludes, chiefly on account of the alternation of persons, that "

some one of Ezra's

friends, pro-

bably of the prophetic order, compiled

various documents,"

the book from

written by
6,

among which were some

Ezra

himself.

{Defence of the Old Testament Canon,

p. 148.)

Note 59.

p. 176. first six

The

third person

is

used through the

chapters

of Daniel, and at the opening of the seventh.

The
is

first

then takes
in

its

place to the end of ch.

ix.

The

third recurs

the

first

verse of ch. x.; after which the first

used

uninterruptedly.

Note

60. p. 176.
in the third person
(i.
(i.

Thucydides begins his history

but changes to the
first after
iv.,

1.);

a few chapters

2022).

Further on,
106.)

in

book
v.

he resumes the third

he begins
in

(chs.

104

In book

ch. 26,

in the third,

but runs
ch. 97.

on into the

first,

which he again uses

book
G

viii.

RAWLINSON.

450

NOTES.
Note 61.
p.

177.

See Sir
&c.

11.

Rawlinson's Memoir on the Persian Cuneiform

i.

Inscriptions, vol.

pp. 279, 286, 287, 292, 293, 324, 327,

Note

62. p. 177.
i.

The

"

first

year of Cyrus" (Ez.

first

1),

by which we must

year in Babylon, was B. C. 538. The seventh year of Artaxerxes, when Ezra took the direction

understand his

of affairs at Jerusalem

(ib. vii. 8),

ii.

was B.

C.

459 or 458.

(See Clinton's Fasti Hellenici, vol.

p. 378.)

Note
See above, Lecture
note 48.
I.

63.

p. 178.
p.

page 22, and compare

318,

Note

64. p. 178.
ii.

De Wette,
p.

Einleitung, 196 a, p. 260; vol.

:

p.

324,

Pai'kers Translation

Stuart, Defence of the Canon, 6,

v.

148

Home,

Introduction, vol.

pp. 64. 65.

Note 65.
Sec Lecture IV.
p.
1

p.

78.

18.

Note
See Lecture
I.

66. p. 178.

pp. 15, 16; and p. 315, note 34.

Note 67.

p.

178.

" Die Erzahlung,"' says De Wette, " besteht aus einer Reihe geschichtlicher Schweirigkeiten und Unwahrscheinlichkeiten, und entha.lt mehrere Yerstosse gegen die Persischen Sitten.
v
'

(Einleitung, 198 a, p. 266.)

Note 68.
CEder, Freien
Test. p. 12,

p. 178.
tiber
</.

Untermckimgen
;

Kaimn

des

At/.
ii

et seqq.

Michaelis, Orient. Bibliothek, vol.

LECTURE
p. 35, et seqq.
tions,
;

V.

451

Corrodi, Bdeucht. d. Geschicht. d. Jikl.

et seqq.
;

Ra-

vol.

i.

p. 66,

Kritische Einleitung in
d. Alt.

and Bertholdt, Ilistorischsiimmt. lanon. und apokr. Schriften

und Nenen

Testaments, p. 2425.

Note 69.

p. 178.

See Oarpzov's Introduction xx. 6, pp. 365, 366, where he shews that the Jews place the Book of Esther on a par
with the Pentateuch, and above
all

the rest of Scripture.

Note

70.

p.

79.

streitig)

Even De Wette allows it to be " incontestable (unthat the feast of Purim originated in Persia, and was occasioned by an event similar to that related in
Esther." (Einleitung, 198 b,
ker's Translation.)
p.

267;

vol.

ii.

Stuart says very forcibly

"The

p.

339, Parfact

that the feast of

Purim has come down

to us from time

almost immemorial,

proves as certainly that the main

events related in the

Book

of Esther happened, as the

declaration of independence and the celebration of the

fourth of July prove that

we (Americans) separated from

(HisT. Canon, 21, p. 308.)

Great Britain, and became an independent nation."

tory

and Defence of the 0.

Note

71. p. 179.

It is remarkable that the name of God is not once mentioned in Esther. The only religious ideas introduced

with any distinctness are the efficacy of a national humiliation (Esth. iv. 1-3), the certainty that

punishment

will

overtake the wicked

(ib.

verse 14), and a feeling of con-

fidence that Israel will not be forsaken (ibid.).

Various

reasons have been given for this reticence (Carpzov, Tntroduct. p.

369

Baumgarten, De Fide Lib. Estheris;

v.

p. ,58;

Home,
if

Introduction, vol.

p. 69,

&c.)

but they are con-

jectural,

and so uncertain. One thing only is clear, that a Jew in later times had wished to palm upon his coun-

og

452

NOTES.

trymen, as an ancient and authentic narrative, a work

which he had composed himself, he would have taken care

not to raise suspicion against his work by such an omission.
(See the remarks of Professor Stuart, Defence of the Canon,

P-3 11 -)
Note 72.
p. 179.

The grounds upon which the historical character of the Book of Esther is questioned, are principally the following. (1.) The Persian king intended by Ahasuerus seems to be Xerxes. As Esther cannot be identified with Amestris, the daughter of Otanes, who really ruled Xerxes, the whole story of her being made queen, and of her great power
and
influence, becomes impossible. (2.) Mordecai, having been carried into captivity with Jechoniah (in B. C. 588),
1

must have been 120 years old in Xerxes' twelfth year (B. 0. 474), and Esther must have been " a superannuated
beauty.
his
1 "'

(3.)

Persian king would never have invited

(4.)

queen to a carousal.
(5.)

decai are excessive.

The honours paid to MorThe marriage with a Jewess is

(6.)

impossible, since the queens were taken exclusively from

the families of the seven conspirators.

of her relationship to
(7.)

Esther's con-

cealment of her Jewish descent, and Haman's ignorance

Mordecai, are highly improbable.
decrees, the long notice given,

The two murderous

and the tameness ascribed to both Jews and Persians,

are incredible.
(8.) The massacre of more than 75,000 Persians by the Jews in a day, without the loss (so

a man, transcends belief, and is an event of such a nature that " no amount of historical evifar as appears) of

dence would render

tions to

it

credible."
ii.

(See Mr. Parker's addiIt is plain that

De Wette,

vol.

pp. 340-345.)

none of these objections are of very great weight. The first, second, and last ai*e met and refuted in the text. To the third it is enough to answer, in De Wette's own words
198 a, p. 267), that such an invitation is " possible on account of the advancing corruption in Xerxes' time, and through the folly of Xorxos himself."
{EinJeitunfj,

LECTURE
To
the fourth we

V.

45JJ

logous (as

may reply, that the honours De Wette observes) to those paid

being anato Joseph,

cir-

are thereby shewn to be not greater than under some

cumstances were assigned to benefactors by eastern monarchs. Nor would any one acquainted with the East make
the objection.

The

fifth

objection

is

met by observing,

that when Cambyses wished to marry his sister, which was

as

much

against the law as marrying a Jewess, and con-

sulted the royal judges on the point, they told him, that

there was no law, so far as they knew, which allowed a

man

to

marry

his sister, but that there

was a law to

this

effect,

that the Persian king might do what he pleased.

The

sixth objection scarcely needs a reply, for

tained in the preceding objection. If

sian law that the king should

it

its answer is conwas contrary to Per-

marry a Jewess, the

fact of

Esther's nationality would be sure to be studiously concealed.

Finally, to the seventh objection

we may answer,

that the murderous tenor of the decrees

De Wette
and
the
first

is credible (as confesses) on account of the " base character

disposition of

Xerxes"

that

the length of notice in

instance was the consequence of Hainan's super-

stition,

while the length of the notice in the second inthe first and that no proved by the mere silence of Scripture as
of

stance followed necessarily upon

" tameness" to the
is

number

Jews who

fell

in the struggle.

"

The
is

author of the book," as Professor Stuart observes, "

wholly intent upon the victory and the deliverance of the Jews. The result of the encounter he relates, viz. the
great loss and humiliation of Persian enemies.

But how
. . .

much

it

cost to achieve this victory he does not relate

We

can scarcely doubt that many Jews were killed or wounded." {History and Defence of the O. T. Canon, 21,
pp. 309, 310.)

Note 73.
(Jarpzov, lntroductio,
c.

p. 179.

xx. 4, pp. 360,361.

4-54

NOTES.
Note
74. p.
1

80.

Carpzov,

6, pp.

368, 369.

This was probably the ground

of Luther's objections to the Canonieity of Esther.

(He

Servo Arbiirio,

p.

18: et alibi.)

It

may
lists

also have caused

the omission of Esther from some

of the canonical
vol.
i.

books in the fathers. (Athanas. Ep. Festal,

Synops. S. 8. vol.
iv.
ii.

p.

963

p.

128; Melito ap. Euseb. Hist. Eccl.

26, &c.)
pressed.

In recent times the objection has not been

much

Note

75.

p. 182.

See Sir H. Rawlinson's Memoir on

inscriptions, vol.
i.

the

Persian Cuneiform

pp. 197-200, 273, 274, 280, 286, 291,

299, 320, 324, 327, 330, 335, 338,.

and 342.

Note

76. p. 182.

Ibid. pp. 285, 291, 319, 3*23, &c.

Note
Ewald, Geschichte
chaschta

77. p. 183.
iii.

d. Volkes Israel, vol.

part.

ii.

p.

18;

Winer, Reahvbrterbuch, ad voce. Ahasuerus and Artachs;

Kitto, Biblical Cyclop&dia, vol.

i.

pp. 98

and

229

&c.

Note

78. p. 183.
.-(-

The Pseudo-Sinerdis seems

veral names.
par. 11), his true

to have been known by According to Darius (Behist. Inscr. col.

i.

name was Gomates (Gamnata), and he

According to

gave himself out for Smerdis (Bardiya).

Justin
(i.

he was called Oropastes. As Artaxerxes means " Great King, " Great Warrior" (see the author's
9, 9),

Herodotus,

common
is still

vol. iii. p. 552), it may perhaps have been in use as an epithet of any Persian monarch. The

application to

more

curious.

Cambyses of the name Ahasuerus ( = Xerxes) Cambyses was known as Kembath in

Kaju/itoV?js

Egypt, Kabujiya in Persia,

in

Greece.

It

is

certainly very remarkable thai the

Jews should only know


LECTURE
Bible,

V.

loo

him as Xerxes. Perhaps the theory of Mr. Howes (Pictorial ad loc.) with respect to the Ahasuerus of Ezra iv. 6, viz., that Xerxes is intended, might be adopted, without
the adoption of his view that the Artaxerxes of the next
verse
is

Artaxerxes Longimanus.

The author may go on

in

verse 6 to a fact subsequent to the time of Darius,

lie

whom

a time anterior to Darius.

has mentioned in verse 5, and then return in verse 7 to But Mr. Howes's view of the
7 is

Artaxerxes of verse
verses 23

incompatible with the nexus of

and

24.

Note

79. p. 183.

The reigns are in each case four Cyrus, Cambyses, Smerdis the Mage, Darius Hystaspis, in profane history Cyrus, Ahasuerus, Artaxerxes, Darius, in Ezra. The har-

mony

of the chronology

is

best seen from Zechariah.

That

prophet implies that 70 years were not completed from the destruction of Jerusalem in the second year of Darius
(Zech.
i.

and 12);
it

but that they were completed two

(ib. vii. 5).

years later, in the fourth year of that prince

He

therefore,

would seem, placed the completion in

1
1

Darius's 3rd or 4th year ; i. e. in 13. C. 5 9 or 5 8. Taking the latter date, and counting back by the years of the

Astronomical Canon, we find the

to fall into

first

of the seventy years

B.C. 587. Now this appears by the same Canon to have been the 18th of Nebuchadnezzar, which was the exact year of the destruction of Jerusalem (Jer. Hi.
29).

Thus the two chronologies harmonise

Note 80.
p.

exactly.

183.
i.

See the Behisiun Inscript.

col.

par. 14.
mentioned as that
to

In

Kings xxv.

8,

we

find the nineteenth year

I

of the destruction instead of the eighteenth.

difference to he, that

believe the cause of tins

some reckoned

the reign of
last year of

Nebuchadnezzar

have commenced in B. C. 605

defeated Necho, and

the

Nabopolassar

when

Nebuchadnezzar came into Palestine as his father's representative, made Jehoiakim tributary. (See Lecture IV.

note 81.)

45(J

NOTES.
Note 81.
p.

184.

Behist. Inscr.

1.

s.

c.

Note 82.

p. 185.

The length

of the Persian kings' reigns from the time of

is

Darius Hystaspis to that of Darius Nothus

the possibility of doubt.
notices,

fixed

beyond

Besides the Greek contemporary

fair basis for

which would form a very

an exact

chronology, we have the consentient testimony on the point

of Babylonian and Egyptian tradition, preserved to us in

the Astronomical Canon and in Manetho, as reported by

Eusebius.

From both

it

appears, that from the sixth year

of Darius to the seventh of Artaxerxes (Longimanus) was

a period of 58 years.

Note

83. p. 186.

The Persian word

(^VYHLTlN) only

is

read as Khshayarsha.

Ahasuerus

differs

from Khshayarsha by the adoption

of the prosthetic N, which the

Hebrews

invariably placed
1

before the Persian Khsh, and the substitution of

for

",

a
i.

common
p. 75),

dialectic variation.

Gesenius (Thesaurus,

vol.

and Winer (Realiobrterbuch, ad

of Esther
5, 6

voc. Ahasuerus) ad-

mit the identity of the words.

The construction
word "who"

ii.

is

ambiguous.

The

("It&N),

at the

commencement
mentioned

of verse 6,

may

refer either to Mordecai, the chief subject of the narin verse 5.

rative, or to Kish, the last individual

If Kish

by Nebuchadnezzar about B. 0. 597, we should expect to find his great-grandson living in B. 0.

off

was carried

485-465, four generations or 130 years afterwards.

Note
See Herod,
vii.

85. p. 187.

iy, 20.

Note
Ibid. ix. 108.

86. p. 187.
p. 187.
p.
2,6 7
;

Note 87.

De

Wette, Einleitunq,

198 a.

vol.

ii.

p.

^7,

Parker's Translation.

LECTURE
Note 88.
p.

V.

457

187.

rodotus

Amestris was the daughter of Otanes, according to Heaccording to Ctesias, of Onophas or (vii. 61);
Pers., 20.)
It

Anaphes (Exc.

has been maintained, that

she was Esther by Scaliger. and Jahn; but, besides other

objections, the character of Amestris

makes

this very

im-

probable.

(See Herod,

vii.

114;

ix.

112; Ctes. Exc. Pers.

40-43
Note 89.
Einleitung,

p. 188.

199

p. 268.

The

following points of exact

knowledge are noted by De Wette's Translator (vol. ii. p. 1. The 346), more distinctly than by De Wette himself:

unchangeableness of the royal edicts

all

2.

the prohibition of
3.

approach to the king without permission;

4.

the

man-

ner of publishing decrees;

use of lots in divination

the employment of eunuchs in

the seraglio; 5. the absence of

;

women
iii.

at banquets; 6. the

and

7.

the sealing of decrees with

128.)

the royal signet (compare Herod,

To

these

may

be added,
(i.

the general character of the Persian palaces

5,

6; compare Loftus's Ckaldwa and Susiana,

pp.373

375); 2. the system of posts (viii. 10; Herod, viii. 98); 3. the law that each wife should go in to the king in her turn (ii. 1 2 ; Herod, iii. 69) ; 4. the entry in " the book
of records" of the
(ii.

names and
vii.

acts of royal

benefactors
;

23;

vi. 1,

2;

Herod,
all

5.

the principle that

(vi.

194; viii. 85, 90; &c.) and such persons had a right to a reviii.

ward

3; Herod,

iii.

140;

85
]

ix.

107).

Note 90.
Herod,
iii.

p.

88.

79

Ctes. Exc. Pers. 15.

Note 91.

p. 189.

Some
Jud.
xi.

writers have supposed that the Artaxerxes

who
(Ant.

befriended Ezra was really Xerxes.

5);

So Josephus,

who

is

followed by J. D. Michaelis (ad loc).

458

NOTES.
(Einleitung, vol.
ii.

But there him to have been a different person from the Artaxerxes of Nehemiah, who is allowed on all hands to be Longimanus. (See the article on Artaxerxes in Kitto's Biblical Cyclopcedia, where the question is ably argued.) That the Artaxerxes of Nehemiah is Longimanus, appears from the length' of his reign (Neh. v. 14), combined with the fact that he was contemporary with the grandsons or great-grandsons of those who were contemporary with Cyrus n
p. 276),

Jahn

and

others.

seems to be no good reason

for supposing

Note 92.

p.

189.
l

Ctesias ap. Phot. Bibliothec. pp.

15 124.

Note 93.

p.

lyo.

On

the non-historical character of the

i.

Book of Judith,

see the author's Herodotus, vol.

11

p.

245, note \

The length

of his reign, 32 years at the least, shews

him

to

have

been either Longimanus or

of Jeshua,

Mnemon.

But

as Eliashib, the

grandson

who went from Babylon as high-priest in the first year of Cyrus (B. C. 538) is still alive in the 32nd year of Nehemiah's Artaxerxes (Neh. xiii. 6, 7), it seems quite impossible that he can be Mne(See the author's Herodotus,
vol. iv. pp. 260, 261, note 13 .)

mon, whose 32nd year was B. C. 374.

NOTE
LECTURE
Note
1.

S.

VI.

p. 193.

vJN
vol.

the different views entertained as to the exact year

of our Lord's birth, see Olshausen's Biblischer Commentar,

ii.

pp.

619-622;

vol. iv.

pp.

334-3379 E. T.

On

the

testimonies which determine the death of

to the year of
iii.

Herod the Great

Rome

750, see Clinton's Fasti ffellenici, vol.

pp. 254 and 256. The Nativity thus falls at least as early as A. U. C. 749, and the vision of Zachariah as early as A. U. 0. 748. Some important astronomical reasons are

assigned by

Dean Alford

(Greek Testament, vol.

i.

p. 7) for

believing that the actual year of the Nativity

was A. U. C.

747, or seven years before the Christian Era.

The termination
(See Olshausen,
1.

of the history of the Acts has also been

variously placed, in A. D. 58, 59, 61, 62, 6^, 64, and 65.
s. c.)

prefer the shorter reckoning on

(Ecclesiastical History

the grounds stated by Dr. Burton.

of the First Three Centuries,

vol.

i.

pp. 277, 278.)

Note
See Lecture
II.

2.

p. 196.

p. 39.

Note
Strauss, Leben Jesu, 13

3.

p. 197. p. $6,

E. T.
by Hermann Olshausen. M. Third edition.

Commentary on

the Gospels

and

the Acts,

D.D.

Translated by the Rev. H. B. Creak, A.

Edinburgh, Clarke, 1857.

460

NOTES.
Note
4.
c.

p.

197.

Strauss, Leben Jesu,

1.

s.

Note
Ibid. 14; p. 84,

5. p. 197.

E. T.

Note
Ibid.

6.

p.

197.

13

p. 56,

E.T.

Note
Ibid.
1.

7.

p. 19S.

s. c.

pp. 62, 63, E. T.

Note

8. p. 199.
is

In the Syriac Version of Matthew, which

thority with the

undoubtedly

very old, and which some regard as of nearly equal au-

Greek Gospel P, the title runs, " The Gospel, the Preaching of Matthew." The Persian has, " The ;" Gospel of Matthew and the Arabic, " The Gospel of Saint Matthew the Apostle, which he wrote in Hebrew by the inspiration of the Holy Spirit." (See Home's Introduction, vol.
i.

pp. 260, 261.)

Note
Herodotus, for example,
century (B. C. 350250) he

9- p.
is

99.

quoted but by one author

In the next
also quoted

(Ctesias) within this period (B. C. 450-350.)

is

by one author, Aristotle; in the century following (B. C. 250150), he is not quoted at all in the fourth century, he for the first time musters two witnesses, Scymnus Chius and Cicero
;
<1

it is

not

till

the

fifth

century from the time of his writing

his history, that he is largely

and commonly
to

cited by writers

of the day.

(See Mr. Isaac Taylor's recent

work on the

Transmission of Ancient
v

Booh

Modem

Times, pp.

295

See Dr. Cureton's recent work, Remains of a very Ancient Recen-

sion of the four Gospels in Syriac,

1 Posidonius should perhaps be to this period.
tise

London, 1858. added as a third witness belonging

He

quoted Herodotus, not very correctly, in his Trea(JFV.

concerning the Ocean.

Hist. Gr. vol.

iii.

p. 279.)

LECTURE
299.)

VI.
1'

461

The

first

distinct quotation

of Thucydides seems

to be that by

Hist. Or. vol. iii. p. 48, Fr. 54), who lived about B. C. 200, nearly two centuries after him. Posidonius, writing about B. C. 75, first quotes

Hermippus {Fragm.

Polybius,

who wrote about

him
;

B. C. 150.

Livy

is,

believe,

only quoted by Quinctilian

following

among

writers of the century

Tacitus, though mentioned as a writer

is first

by

the younger Pliny,

cited

death

by Tertullian. Tf the reader will cast his eye over the " Testimonies," as they are called, prefixed to most old
editions of the classics, he will easily convince himself of

nearly a century after his

the general truth of the assertion upon which

have ven-

tured in the text.

The argument

is

one advanced, but

i.

without proof, by Paley. (Evidences, Part

ch. io

p. 104.)

Note
Strauss, Leben Jesu,

10.

p. 201. p. 56,

13',

E. T.

Note
See Lecture
PP- 433^ 434II. pp.

11. p. 201.
;

39-47

and note 8 on Lecture V.

Note

12. p. 202.
vol. v. p.

See Home's Introduction,

Cyclopaedia, vol.
ii.

113; Kitto, Biblical

p.

582.

Note

13. p. 202.
vol.
;

See Grabe, Spicilegium Patrum,

ii.

p.

225; Pearson,

Vindie ice

Ignatianm, Pars
ii.

i.

c.

Burton, Ecclesiastical

History, vol

pp. 29. 30; and p. 152.

Note
20; &c.
r

14. p. 202.
vi.

Const it utiones Apostolicce,

i.

16

Irenseus, adv. Hares.

last

book, and that the work was

Cratippus alluded to the fact that there were no speeches in the left unfinished ; but he did not (so

far as

we know) make any

quotation.

(Fr. Hist. Gr. vol.

ii.

p. 76.)

462

NOTES.
Note
15. p. 203.
;

Strauss, Leben Jesu, 13 ; pp. 62, 63 E. T. Some writers have maintained that the expression Kara Mardaior
is

exactly equivalent to the genitive tov Mardaiov.

(See

Home's Introduction, vol. v. p. 260.) Olshausen observes more correctly, that the expression is ambiguous. It may mark actual and complete authorship, as in the passage quoted from 2 Maccab. in the text; or it may mean editorship, as in the phrase "Opripos Kara ^Apicnapyov, The
unanimous testimony of the early Christian writers proves it was used in the former sense. If it be asked, why the simple genitive was not used, Olshausen replies (rightly, as it seems to me), because the Gospel was known as " the Gospel of Jesus
that, as applied to the Gospels,

Christ."

Piety therefore

made the use

of such phrases

as evayye\iov MarOatov, evayyiktov Mapnov, " impossible."

{Biblischer Co\nmentar, Einleitung, 4; p. 11, note.)

Note

16. p. 204.

Faustus, the Manichaean, did indeed attempt to prove

that the
first

Gospel was not the work of

;

St.

Matthew
2. it

but

1.

he wrote late in the fourth century

and

seems
use

that he could find no flaw in the external evidence, since

he based his conclusion on an internal

of the third instead of the
writer (Matt.
assertion,
ix. 9).

difficulty

the

first

person by the supposed

Eichhorn, having ventured on the

ancient writers of the Church doubted the genuineness of many parts of our Gospels," is only able to adduce in proof of it this instance of Faus-

that

"

many

tus.

(See his Einleitung in das N. Test.

vol.

i.

p. 145.)

Irenams says 'O

8iaAe/<ra>

Note
p.\v hi]

17. p. 204.

Mar^atos kv Tols'E/3pauH$
evayyekiov, tov

t$j

IbCq

avT&v Kal

ypa(j;r]v (ijpeyKV

II

erpov

Kal tov Ylavkov ev 'Pw/i?/

ti)v iKuXr^cTLav.

ivayyi\i(op.vinv Kal 6ep.ekiovvTm>

fxaflj/Tj/s

Mera

Se ti)v tovtwv eobov, Mdp/co? 6

Kal e/tyo/revn/s Tlerpov, Kal avTos to. vtto Y\tTpov Krfpv<r<r6fAPa


LECTURE
eyypdiptos
ijp.lv

VI.

46^3

Trapabebo)Ke.

Kal Aovkcls

be 6 aKokovOo? YlavXov,
/3i/3Auo

to

v-n

eneirov KTipvcradpievov

evayyektov ev

KareOero.

"ErreiTa 'Atodvvrjs 6 p.aOi]Trjs tov Kvpiov, 6

Kal

eirl

to ottjOos

avTov avaTrecroiV, kcu clvtos e^ebooKe to evayyektov, ev 'Ecpeata

ttjs

'Atnas
to.

Siarpi'/San'.

(Advers. H<sres.

iii.

i.)

And

again
Xpi-

Kal

Evayyekia ovv tovtols

av[x(p(ova, ev ols eyKade^eTat

cttos.

To
k. t.

p.ev

yap

Kara, 'loadvvrjv

t^v cnrb tov riarpos

i)yep.o-

viktjv

avTov Kal evbogov yeveav

A.

8t?;yeiTat,

keyov ^Ev
dvpt,ia>VTOs

dp)(fi rjv

Aoyos
ijp^aTo
pxiTTit,

To
tov

be KaTa Aovkglv, are UpaTiKOv xapaKTTJpos

virdpyov,
...

airb

Xa\apiov tov
Ti]v

lepers

rw

0ew
K1]1

Mar^aio? 8e

Kar dvOpcoirov avTov yevvqmv

k. r. A.

keycav Bi/3Aos yeveaecos 'bjcroC XpiaTov

7i po(pt]TiKOV

MapKos

be airb tov

TrvevpLaros
"'Irjaov

...

ti\v apyi]v

eiroLijcraTO,

keiii.

yoav

'

Ap\i] tov evayyekiov

Xoiirrou

k. r. A.

(Ibid.

II, II.)

Clement
to be Kara
brjp.oata

according
Pwjur/

to the report of Eusebius

said

TTpoyeypdtpOac tcov evayyekicav ra irepUyovra ras yeveakoyCas'

Mapnov TavTiqv

ea^ijKevai tt\v olKovopiiav tov Tierpov

ev

Kt]pvavTos

tov

koyov,

Kal

Ttvevp.aTi

to

evayyekiov eenrovTOS, tovs irapovTas irokkovs ovTas irapaKa-

keaai tov MdpKov, w? av aKokovOrjo-avTa avT<2 7!oppu>dev, Kal

piep.vqp.evov tcov key6evTu>v, dvaypdxj/ai

Ta

eipi]p,eva'

iroitfaravTa

be to evayyekiov, p.eTabovvai rots beop.evois avrov.

"Oirep
p-i]Te

e~ni-

yvoi'Ta

tov YIeTpov,

irpoTpeTiTiK&s
,

p-i]Te

Kcokvo-ai

"npocrco-

Tpe\j/aa8af tov p.evroi

fxaTLKa

lcodvvr]v

eayaTov avvibovTa oti ra

ev rots

evayyekiois be&jka>Tai,

irpoTpairevTa vtto tcov

yvcopip.cov, irvevp-ari 6eoabopi]Qei'Ta, TrvevixaTtKov irotrjaai

evayye-

kiov.

(Ap. Euseb. Hist. Eccles.

Tertnllian writes
prius, id prius

" In gumma,
et

vi.

14.)
si

constat id verius quod

id

quod

ab

initio,

ab

initio

quod ab

apostolis

pariter utique constabit, id esse ab apostolis

traditum,

sanctum.
rint
;

quod apud ecclesias apostolorum f'uerit sacroVideamus quod lac a Paulo Corinthii hausesint recorrecti
;

ad quam regulam Galataj

quid

Ie-

gant Philippenses, Thessalonicenses, Ephesii

quid etiam

Romani de proximo
et Johannis

sonent, quibus evangelium et Petrus

et Paulus sanguine suo signatum reliquerunt.

Habemus
illas,

alumnas

ecclesias

...

Dico itaque apud

1(>4

NOTES.
illis

nee solas jam apostolicas, sed apud universas, quae

societate sacramenti confoederantur, id

de

ab

initio editionis suae stare,

Evangelium Lucse quod cura maxime tuemur ...

Eadem
illas

auctoritas ecclesiarum apostolicarum cceteris quoque

patrocinabitur evangeliis, quae proinde per

illas et secundum habemus; Johannis dico et Matthaei licet et Marcus quod edidit, Petri adfirmetur, cujus interpres Marcus nam et Lucae digestum Paulo adscribere solent. Capit ma;

gistrorum

videri, quae discipuli

promulgarint." {Adv.

Mar-

cion. iv. 5.)

Origen

Us

ev irapaboaei p.aQiov irepl t5>v Teo-adpoov evay-

yeklwv, a Kal

fxova avavTippj-jTa eoriv ev

r?)

virb

tov
Xpi-

ovpavbv kKK\7](Tiq tov Qeov'

o-tov
cracn,

oti TrpwTov p.ev yeypaiTTat

"'Irjaov

to Kara tov ttotc Tektovrjv, vcrrepov be diroo-Tokov

Nardaiov, enbebcaKOTa avrb tois

ypap.p.ao~iv
a)9

otto

\ovbalcrp.ov Tricrrei/-

E/3paiK0i?

avvTeTayp.evov

bevTepov

be

to

KaTa MapKOV,
TpiTov to

Ilerpos ixp^y/jcraro avTui. woa/crcuTa*

vtto

... /cat

KaTa AovkoIv, to

Ylavkov e-naivoi>{xevov evaye-nl

yektov, tois airb tS>v eOvcov ireiroiriKOTa'

'Iwavin^v.

Tracri

be to

Kara

(Ap. Euseb. Hist. Eccles.

vi.

25.)

Of course these passages do not form a hundredth part

of the testimony borne by these writers to the authority

They use them with the same freThey appeal to them alone in proof of doctrine, making the most marked difference between them and such apocryphal " Lives of Christ" as they mention. The student will find this portion of the Christian evidences drawn out most fully by Lardner, in his great work on the Credibility of the Gospel
of the four Gospels.

quency and deference as modern divines.

History, vol.

i.

pp. 283 et seqq.

good selection from the

evidence
pels, vol.

is
i.

made by Mr. Norton

pp. 83-105.)

{Genuineness of the GosPaley's Synopsis also deserves

{Evidences, part
i.

the attention of the student.

ch. 10,

')

Note
Justin's

18. p. 204.
is

ordinary expression
a.Trop.vr)p.ovevp.aTa

" the Memoirs of the

;

Apostles" (ra

t&v aitocr-okm-)

but

in

one

LECTURE
place he identifies

VI.

465'

these

Memoirs with the Gospels by

" which are called Gospels/'
in

adding, a
(Apol.
i.

KctAeircu ei/ayye'Aia,
p. 83,1$.)

He

appears to prefer the former term

addressing the heathen, as more classical.

In his Dialogue

with Trypho he sometimes uses the term evayy\iov simply.

These Memoirs, or Gospels, he says, were composed by the Apostles of Christ and their companions" (tOLS aTWp.V)]p.OVVp.a(TlV, CL Cpl]jXL VTTO TOW Atto(tt6\(i>v
(Opera,
p.

195, D.)
"

'

avrov Kal t>v eKeiVois TrapaKokov6r]<javT(i)V

(TWTtTayQai).

It

has been questioned by Bishop Marsh and others whether

the quotations are really from our Gospels
if it
;

but the doubt,

deserves the name, has (I think) been wholly set at

rest

Justin Martyr, ch.

dibility,

by Bishop Kaye {Account of the Life and Opinions of viii. pp. 132-J52), and Mr. Norton {Cre&c.
vol.
i.

note E, pp. 316-324).

The

careful

analysis of the latter writer exhausts the subject, and de-

serves attentive perusal.

Note
Papias said
avvtypaxj/aTO.

19. p. 204.
c

Mar0cuos pkv ouv

epnijvevae

E/3pcui (kaAeKtw- ra Aoyta

i]V

&

avra ws

bvvaros eKaoTos.

And,

Map/cos

piev

epp^evn/s Ylerpov yevop.evos, oaa

(Ap. Euseb. Hist. Eccles.

p.vt]ix6vev(rei\
7)

a/cpi/3(2s ypay\rtv,
7]

ov \iivroi raei ra imo tov Xpiarov

iii.

\e\0ivTa

TrpaydtvTa.
It has

39.)
dis-

been questioned whether Papias was really a

ciple of the apostle

only of a certain
disciple of

John (Strauss, Leben Jesu, 13), or John the Presbyter, whom he calls " a
It appears

our Lord."

from Eusebius

(1. s.

c.)

that he did not himself claim to have received his know-

ledge of Christianity from the apostles themselves.

the testimony of Irenseus
is

Still

express (n airias,

6 "'Iwavvov

pxv

aKovaT7]s,TloXvKdpiTov Se Ircupos yeyovojs. Euseb. l.s.c),

and

cannot without violence be understood of any one but St.

John the
s

Evangelist.

Compare Luke

i.

I; eoe

/ca/ioi

nap-qKo'KovdrjKOTi k.t.X.

RAWLINSON.

H h

46C

NOTES.
Note 20.
p.

205.

Leben Jesu,

14.

" It

is

however by no means necesall

sary to attribute this

same freedom from

conscious in-

tention of fiction to the authors of all those narratives in

the Old and

unhistorical
.

New
.
.

Testament, which must be considered as

of the

The authors

Homeric songs could

happened

not have believed that every particular which they related

of their gods
exactly as
little

and heroes had

really
all

and

may

this

be said of

the unhistorical nar-

ratives of the Gospels, as for example, of the first chapter

of the third, and

8 4 ;'E. T.

many

parts of the fourth Gospel." (pp. 83,

Note 21.
Ibid. 13; p. 60, E. T.

p. 205.

Note 22.
Ibid.
1.

p. 206.

s. c.

Note
See above, note
1.

23. p. 206.

Bertholdt, Feilmoser,

The date A. D. 63 is preferred by Dean Alford, Mr. Birks, and others.

p. 207.

Note 24.
Leben Jesu, 13
;

p. 61,

E. T.

Note
See above, note
17.

25. p. 207.

Note 26.
This
is

p.

208.
vol.
i.

Burton's conclusion (Eccles. Hist.

p. 255),

deduced from the discrepancies in the external evidence. Dean Alford's^ unanswerable argument in favour of the
independent origin of the
first

three Gospels, deduced from

their internal character, implies the same.

The

first

three

Gospels were probably

all

written within the space A. D.

58-65-

LECTURE
Note 27.

VI.

467

p. 210.

The Old Testament,

furnishes us with but one instance

of even a second record

viz.

that of Chronicles; which

deals with the period of history already treated in

and Kings.
narrative.

Samuel Elsewhere we have throughout but a single

Note

28. p. 2 to.

Theophylact and Euthymius placed the composition of Matthew's Gospel within eight years of the Ascension Nicephorus placed it 15 years after that event; Cosmas
St.

Indicopleustes assigned

it

to the time of the stoning of

Stephen.
vol.
i.

(See

Alford's

Greek

Testament,

Prolegomena,

modern times Bishop Tomline, Le Clerc, Dr. Owen, Dr. Townson, and others, incline to a date even
p. 26.)

In

earlier

than that fixed by Theophylact.

Note 29-

p. 2ii.

On

the various theories to which the combined resemfirst

blances and differences of the

given birth, see

three Gospels have

v.

Home's

Introduction, vol.

Appendix, pp.

509-529; Alford's Greek Testament, vol. i. Prolegomena, ch. i. $ 2, 3 and Norton's Genuineness of the Gospels, vol. i. Note D. pp. 239-296. The last-named writer, after having proved that no one of the first three Evangelists copied
;

from another, observes with much force

gelists did
first

" If

the Evan-

not copy one from another,

it

follows, that the

all have been written about the one had preceded another by any considerable length of time, it cannot be supposed that the

three Gospels must

;

same period

since

if

author of the later Gospel would have been unacquainted with the work of his predecessor, or would have neglected
to
its

make

use of

it

reputation

especially when we take into view, that must have been well established among
;

Christians."

And he

concludes, " that no one of the

first

three Gospels was written long before or long after the year 60." (Genuineness, &c, vol. i. pp. 297, lyH.)

h h

46*8

NOTES.
Note
30. p. 211.

See the passage quoted above, note 17, page 462. Irenseus, it will be observed, makes St. Matthew write his

Gospel while

St.
i.

Peter and
e.

St.

Paul

loere

founding
"

the

Church at Borne,
the Hebrews"

during the term of St. Paul's impri-

sonment (probably A. D. 56-58.)

He

writes

it

among

i.

e.

in Palestine.

After the two great

after,

Apostles

mean
of

Rome, and separated soon their respective companions, Mark

left

he seems to

and Luke, are

said to have written.

At

least this

is

declared positively

Mark; less definitely of Luke, whose. Gospel had perhaps been composed a year or two earlier, and sent privately to
Theophilus.

Note 31.
It is

p. 211.
is

unnecessary to prove this agreement; which

such,

that each of the three writers has been in turn accused of

copying from one or both of his fellow-Evangelists.

(See

Home's

Introduction, vol. v.

Appendix, pp. 509, 510.)

Note
This
is

32. p. 212.

one of the main objects at which Strauss aims in See Sections 21, 24, 39,

the greater portion of his work.

46, 53< 57> 59>

&c &c
-

Note 33.

p.

212.

If we take, for example, the second of the sections in which the " disagreements of the Canonical Gospels" are
expressly considered ( 24),

we

find the following

enumera-

tion of " discrepancies," in relation to the

form of the An-

nunciation.

" 1. The individual who appears is called in Matthew an angel of the Lord ; in Luke, the angel Gabriel. 2. The person to whom the angel appears is, according to Matthew, Joseph according to Luke, Mary. 3. In Matthew, the apparition is seen in a dream, in Luke while
;

awake.

4.

There

is

a disagreement with respect to the

5.

time at which the apparition took place.

Both the pur-

LECTURE
this

VI.

469

pose of the apparition, and the effect, are different." In way five " discrepancies" are created out of the single
that St.
to the Virgin, while St.

fact,

Matthew does not relate the Annunciation Luke gives no account of the anSimilarly in the section where
is

gelic

appearance to Joseph.
first

the calling of the

Apostles

examined

" dis( 70),

first
is

crepancies" are seen between the fourth and the Evangelists in the following respects " 1. James

two

absent

from

St.

John's account, and instead of his vocation, we

2.

have that of Philip and Nathaniel.

In

Mark, the scene

it is

is

the coast of the Galilsean sea

Matthew and in John

;

the vicinity of the

Jordan.

3.
;

In each representation
but
in

there are two pairs of brothers

the one they are

Andrew and

Peter,

and Peter, Philip

James and John; in the other, Andrew and Nathaniel. And 4. In Matthew and
;

Mark
we

all

are called by Jesus

in

John, Philip only, the

others being directed to him by the Baptist."

liave four discrepancies
first

Here again

made out

of the circumstance,

that the

two Evangelists relate only the actual call John informs us what previous acquaintance they had of Jesus. So from the mere silence of Matthew, Strauss concludes positively that he opposes St. Luke, and did not consider Nazareth, but Bethof certain disciples, while St.

lehem, to have been the original residence of our Lord's parents (39); from the omission by the three earlier writers
of the journeys into Judaea during our Lord's Ministry, he

pronounces that they " contradict" St. John, who speaks of such journeys ( 57) he finds a " discrepancy" between
;

between the Bapand our Lord, and the account of the others, since he gives, and they do not give, the testimony borne by the former to our Lord's character ( 46) he concludes from St. Luke's not saying that St. John was in prison when he sent his two disciples to our Lord, that he considered him as not yet cast into prison (ibid.) he finds St. Luke's and St. Matthew's accounts of the death of Judas " irreconcileable," because St. Luke says noticing of remorse, or of suicide, but relates what has the appearance of a death by
this Evangelist's account of the relations
tist
; ;


470

NOTES.

accident ( 130); he regards the presence of Nicodemus at our Lord's interment as a " fabrication of the fourth Evangelist," simply

because

it is

unnoticed by the others ( 80):

he concludes from their silence as to the raising of Lazarus

that "
it

cannot have been known to them," and therefore

;

that

cannot be true ( 100) and in other instances, too numerous to mention, he makes a similar use of the mere
it

fact of omission.

Note 34.
See Norton's Credibility of

p. 213.

the Gospels, vol.

i.

pp. 74, 75.

Note
In point of fact there
is

35. p. 213.

scarcely a difficulty brought for-

ticed

ward by Strauss which has not been again and again noand explained by biblical commentators. Mr. Norton

correctly says of his volumes

" They present a

collection

from

various authors of difficulties in the history contained

in the Gospels, to

which their expositor should particularly

direct his attention."

The

critical

portion of them pre-

sents

little

which

is

novel.

Note

36. p. 217.
i.

See Paley's llorce Paulines, ch.

p. I.

Note 37.
Leben Jesu,

p.

218.

^13;

vol.

i.

p. 60,

E. T.

Note 38.
If

p. 218.

we
the

take, for example, the earliest of St. Paul's Epifirst

little

stles,

to the Thessalonians,

we
it

shall find that the

following

coincidences between
:

and the Acts are

and
Silxvii.

unnoticed by Paley
1

The

identity in the order of names, " Paul,

(h

vanus, and Timotheus"

10, 15
;

Thess.

i.

compare Acts

xviii. 5.)

This was the order of dignity at the time,

and was therefore naturally used; but had the Epistle been forged a Iter St. Paul's death, Timothy would probably have

LECTURE
taken precedence of
Silas, since

VI.

471

owing to the circumstance

of St. Paul addressing two epistles to him, his

became the

name
2.

of far greater note in the Church.

The

peculiarly impressive mention of the Thessalo(i.

nians as objects of the divine election

riyaTrrjixevoL,

etSo'res, abekcpol

vito

Qeov

rrfv

K\oyrjv

vfxwv)

seems to be an

St. Paul Macedonia (Acts xvi. 9), whereby the Macedonians were " chosen out" from the rest of the Western world to be the first European recipients of the Gospel. The term

allusion to the fact of the vision

which summoned

into

fjcAoyr/ is

a rare one in Scripture, and

is

absent, except in
It

this instance,

from

all St.

Paul's earlier Epistles.

had

been used, however, of St. Paul himself in the vision seen by Ananias (Acts ix. 15), with special reference to his similar selection by miraculous

means as an object of the

Gospel at Thessalonica
r^iGtv
is

Divine favour.
3.

The great

success of the

strongly asserted in verse 5, (to evayytkiov

els vfJias

ovk iyev^Oi]

v Aoyco ^ovon,
xvii.
;

ak\a

kcli

kv hvv6,\xtL, k.t. A.)

Com-

pare Acts

Silas, and of the devout Greeks a great multitude, and of the chief women not a /eta."
4.

4 and consorted with Paul and

"And some

of

them

(the Jews) believed,

The

aorist tenses in ch.

i.

verses 5

and

6,

and

else-

where
visit

(tyeinjdr], yevijdr]ij.zv, iyev^Orjre,

Se<Vewt,

eK?7/wa/xej>,

k. t. A.),

point naturally, but very unobtrusively, to a sinqle

St. Paul,

on the part of
is

which by the history of the

Apostolic sufferings at
in

Acts
5.

exactly what had taken place.

peculiar- nature of the

The
is

Philippi

hinted

at,

without being fully expressed,

It

the

term
6.

t>/3pi(70eVres (ii. 2.)

was

vfipis to scourge a

Roman

citizen.

toiled

The statement that while at Thessalonica St. Paul and laboured, that he might not be chargeable or
(ii.

burthensome to the converts

6, 9),

though not directly

is

confirmed by the history of the Acts,

in

harmony with
xviii.

the fact that at Corinth, a few months afterwards, he

wrought at

his craft with

Aquila and Priscilla (Acts

472
3),
xi.

NOTES.
having the same object in view.
(1

Cor.

ix.

12

2 Cor.

xii. 13,

&c.)

7.

The

reference to the hindrance offered by the

Jews

to

St. Paul's

preaching the Gospel to the Gentiles

(ii.

16), ac-

cords both with the general conduct of the Jews elsewhere

(Acts xiii. 45, 50, &c), and especially with their conduct at Thessalonica, where " being moved with envy" ((i]\a>o-avres) at

the conversion of the Gentiles, they " set

all

the

city
8.

on an uproar."

(Acts

xvii. 5.)

even J,

The expression, " we would have come unto you Paul once and again, derives peculiar force from

11

the circumstance related in the Acts

after leaving Macedonia he was for

(xvii.

14-16), that
alone at

some time

Athens, while Silas and Timothy remained at Beroea. 9. The mention of " the brethren throughout all Macedonia"
in ch. iv. 10

harmonizes with the account

(Acts xvi. 12-40;
in

in

the Acts

that St. Paul had founded churches at Philippi and Beroea

as well as at Thessalonica.
10.
xviii.

1012.)

The
(iii.

" affliction

and distress"

which

St.

Paul says

he was

7) at the time of Timothy's return

from Mace-

donia, receive illustration from Acts xviii. 46, where

find that just at this period he
(eVei^e) to

we

was

striving but vainly

convert the Jews of Corinth, " pressed in spirit,"

testifying,

and earnestly
afterwards

but to no purpose, so that shortly

relinquish

he had

to

the

attempt.

What

"

affliction" this

would cause to

St.

Paul we may gather

from Romans

ix. i-5.

Note
I

39- p. 219.

was not aware, at the time of delivering my sixth Lecture, that any work professedly on this subject had been
published.
excellent,

My

attention has since been directed to a very

treatise,

though very unpretending,

T. R. Birks, entitled,
1

Hone

Apostolicce*,

by the Rev. and attached to

Horce Paulince, by William

I'aley,

D.D., with notes, and a Sup-

plementary Treatise, entitled, Hora> Apostolicce, by the Rev. T. R. Birks,

A.M.,

late

Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge:

London, Religious

Tract Society, 1^50.

LECTURE
first

VI.

473

an annotated edition of the Horce Paulince of Paley.

chapter of this
treatise contains

The

a supplement to
It will well

Paley's examination of the Pauline Epistles.

repay perusal; though

subject.

it

is

still

far

from exhausting the

Chapter

ii.

is

concerned with the internal coinci;

dences in the Acts of the Apostles

those
is,

and chapter

iii.

with

in

the Gospels.

unfortunately,

The treatment of this latter point but scanty. No more than twenty-five
it,

pages are devoted to

his present
is

the author remarking, that " in

this

supplementary work,

branch of the subject

limits
;

confined, of necessity, within

narrow

since its

complete investigation would demand a

distinct treatise,

and the prosecution of some deep and

{Horce Apostolical,
p. 188.)

difficult inquiries."

Note 40.
Leben Jesu, 13
;

p.

219. E. T.

vol.

i.

p. 60,

Note 41.

p. 220.

vol. v. pp. 422and pp. 487, 488 Kitto's Cyclopaedia, vol. i. pp. 163435 166, and 826-832; and Alford's Greek Testament, vol. iv.
;

See on these points Home's Introduction,

;

part

i.

Prolegomena, pp. 1-62.

Note

42. p. 222.
fin. vol.
i.

Strauss, Leben Jesu, 14, sub

p. 84,

E. T.

Note
Ibid.
1.

43. p. 224.

s. c.

See above, note 20; where a passage to

this effect is

quoted at length.

NOTES.
LECTURE
VII.

Note
JL

I.

p.

226. general
rule,

HE

only exception to this

among the
is

strictly historical

books,

is

the

Book

of Ruth, which

purely biographical.

It belongs to the Ohristology of the

it

Old Testament, but

the nation.

has no bearing on the history of

Note
" It is So Lardner Testament of the New
account of
first

f2.

p.

227.

plainly the design of the historians

to write of the actions of Jesus

Christ, chiefly those of his public Ministry,

his

and to give an

death and resurrection, and of some of the

steps by which the doctrine which he had taught,

its

made
main

design,

way in the world. 13ut though this was their and they have not undertaken to give us the
which these
persons
yet in the course of their narration

political state or history of the countries in

things were done

they have been led unavoidably to mention

;

many

and references to the cusof note and to make toms and tenets of the people, whom Jesus Christ and his
allusions

apostles were concerned with/ {Credibility, &"c. vol.

i.

p. 7.)

Note

3.

p.

228.
if

Hence the

certainty with which literary forgeries,

hisfair

torical, are detected, in all cases

where wo possess a

knowledge of the time and country to which they profess


LECTURE
to belong.

VII.

475

The

alleged " Epistles of Phalaris," the pre-

tended Manetho, the spurious Letters of Plato and of

Chion, were soon exposed by
indelibly with the
critics, who stamped them brand of forgery, chiefly by reason of

their failure in this particular.

It

is

important to bear
is

in

mind, in this connexion, the fact that there

in the

no period
first

whole range of ancient history, whereof we possess

full

a more

and exact knowledge than we do of the

century of our era.

Note

4.

p.

230.
all

These testimonies
do not
view.
feel justified in

have been adduced by almost

;

writers on the Evidences of the Christian Religion

but I

omitting them from the present re:

They are

as follows

Tacitus says, speaking of the

in

fire

which consumed

Rome

Nero's time, and of the general belief that he had " Ergo abolendo rumori Nero subdidit reos, et caused it

qusesitissimis pcenis adfecit,

quos per

flagitia invisos

vulgus

Christianos appellabat. Auctornominis ejus Christus, Tiberio

imperitante, per procuratorem

Pontium Pilatum,

supplicio

adfectus erat. Repressaque in praesens exitiabilis superstitio

rursus erumpebat, non

mali, sed per

modo per Judceam,

oripinem ejus

Urbem

etiam, quo cuncta undique atrocia,

Igitur primi coringens multitudo,

aut pudenda, confluunt celebranturque.

repti qui fatebantur, deinde indicio

eorum

haud perinde
convicti sunt.
tergis
affixi,

in

crimine incendii

quam

odio humani generis

ludibria, ut

Et pereuntibus addita
laniatu

ferarum

contecti,

canuin

interirent,

aut crucibus
dies, in

aut flammandi, atque ubi defecisset

ei

usum

nocturni luminis urerentur. Hortos suos

spectaculo Nero

obtulerat, et circense ludicrum edebat, habitu auriga? per-

mistus plebi, vel curriculo insistens.

Uncle quanquam ad-

versus sontes et novissima exempla meritos, miseratio oriebatur,

tanquam non

utilitate publica sed in ssevitiam unius

absumerentur."

(Annal. xv. 44.)

Suetonius says briefly in reference to the same occasion

" Afflicti

suppliciis ChHstiani,

genus hominum superstitionis


476
novee et maleficae."
sible,

NOTES.
(Vit. Neron. 16.)

And

with a pos-

" Juthough not a certain, reference to our Lord dseos, impuhore Chresto assidue tumultuantes, Roma [Claudius] expulit."
(

Vit.

Claud. 25.)
11

Juvenal, with a meaning which cannot be mistaken

when the passage

read, remarks

of Tacitus above quoted has once been

tseda lucebis in
ilia

Pone Tigellinum.

Qua stantes ardent, qui Et latum media sulcum

fixo gutture

fumant,

deducis arena.
{Sat.
i.

155-157.)

Pliny writes to Trajan

" Solenne est mihi, domine,

te referre.

omnia de quibus dubito, ad

melius vel cunctationem
struere?

Quis enim potest

meam

regere, vel ignorantiam in-

Cognitionibus de Christianis interfui

nunquam:

ideo nescio quid et quatenus aut puniri soleat, aut quaeri.

Nee

mediocriter haesitavi, sitne aliquod discrimen setatum,

nihil
ei

an quamlibet teneri
poenitentioa venia,

a robustioribus differant: deturne

an

qui

onmino Ohristianus
Interim in
iis

f'uit,

desisse

non

prosit:

nomen ipsum,

etiamsi flagitiis careat, an flagitia

qui ad

cohaerentia nomini puniantur.

me

tanquam Christian] deferebantur, hunc sum sequutus modum. Interrogavi ipsos, an essent Christian] confitentes
:

iterum ac tertio interrogavi, supplicium minatus

rantes duci jussi.
esset

perseve-

Neque enim dubitabam, qualecunque

quod faterentur, pervicaciam certe, et inflexibilem obstinationem debere puniri. Fuerunt alii similis amentia?: quos, quia cives Romani erant, adnotavi in urbem remittendos
;

mox

ipso tractu, ut

fieri

solet,

diffundente se cri-

mine, plures species inciderunt. Propositus est libellus sine

auctore,

Christianos, aut fuisse,

multorum nomina continens, qui negarent se esse quum, prseeunte me, deos appella-

u Compare the oliservations of the old Scholiast on the passage " In munere Neronis arserunt vivi, de quibus ille jus^erat cereos fieri, qui lucerent spectatoribus ;" and again, " Maleficos homines (compare

Suetonius's "
bat, 8icque ad

mal<ifie(T sujierstitionis")

teda, papyro, cera supervestieut arderent."

ignem admoveri jubebat,

LECTURE
rent, et imagini tuae,

VIT.

477

quam
:

propter hoc jusseram

cum

si-

mulacris

numinum

afferri,

thure ac vino supplicarent, prae-

terea maledicerent Christo

tur, qui sunt revera Christiani.

quorum nihil cogi posse dicunErgo dimittendos putavi.

Alii

mox

ab indice nominati, esse se Christianos dixerunt, et negaverunt fuisse quidem, sed desisse, quidam ante
:

triennium. quidam ante plures annos, non

viginti quoque.

nemo etiam ante

deorumque
si-

Omnes
;

et
ii

imaginem

tuain,

mulacra venerati sunt

et Christo maledixerunt.

Affir-

mabant autem, hanc

erroris,

fuisse

summani

vel culpae

suae, vel
:

quod essent

soliti

stato die ante Jucem convenire

carmenque Christo, quasi Deo, dicere secum invicem; seque sacramento non in scelus aliquod obstringere, sed ne furta,
ne latrocinia, ne adulteria connnitterent, ne fidem fallerent, ne depositum appellati abnegarent
sibi
:

quibus peractis

morem
ci-

discedendi fuisse, rursusque coeundi ad capiendum

et

bum, promiscuum tamen,

quod ipsum facere desisse post edictum meum, quo secundum mandata tua hetaerias esse vetueram. Quo magis necessarium credidi, ex duabus ancillis, quae ministrae dicebantur, quid esset veri et per tormenta quaerere. Sed nihil aliud inveni, quam superstitionem pravam et immodicam, ideoque, dilata cognitione, ad consulendum te decurri. Visa est enim mihi
innoxium
:

res digna consultatione,

maxime propter periclitantium numerum. Multi enim omnis aetatis, omnis ordinis, utriusque
sexus etiam, vocantur in periculum, et vocabuntur.

Neque

enim

civitates tan turn, sed vicos etiam

atque agros superquae videtur sisti et

stitionis istius

contagio pervagata est

corrigi posse.

Certe satis constat, prope jam desolata tem-

pla coepisse celebrari, et sacra solennia diu intermissa re-

passimque vsenire victimas, quarum adhuc rarissimus emptor inveniebatur. Ex quo facile est opinari, quae turba hominum emendari possit, si sit pcenitentiae locus." {Plin.
peti
:

Epist. x. 97.)

" Actum quern debuisti, mi Secunde, in eorum qui Christiani ad te delati fuerant, secutus es. Neque enim in universura aliquid, quod quasi certam formam habeat, constitui potest. Conquirendi non

Trajan replies

excutiendis causis

478
sunt:
si

NOTES.
deferantur et arguantur, puniendi sunt: ita tamen

ut qui negaverit se Christianum esse, idque re ipsa mani-

festum

fecerit, id est,

supplicando

diis nostris,

quanivis sus-

pectus in prseteritum fuerit, veniam ex poenitentia impetret.

Sine auctore vero propositi
libelli,

nullo crimine,

locum ha-

bere debent.
est."

Nam

et pessimi exempli, nee nostri seculi

(Tbid. x. 98.)

Adrian, in his rescript addressed to Minucius Fundanus,

the Proconsul of Asia, says v
Ki]V kbz.ap.r]V

MtvoWa)
Ov
ol
So/cet

<S>ovvbava>-

k-nio-To-

ypafaurav

jutot ctaro

Sepevvtov Tpaviavov, Aa/x-pop.ot

tcltov avbpos, ovTiva ctv Ste8ew.

a(t']TrjTov

ovv to Trpayfxa

KaTakiTTZ.lv,

tva

p.i]Te

av6po)~oi TapaTTavTai, Kal

tois avKcxpai'Tais \oprjyia naKovpy'ias Trapao-)(i8r\.

eis

Et ovv aacpeas

TavTK]V Ti]v a^'ntiaiv ol tnap^L&Tai bvvavTat hilcrxypi^eaQai

~npo /3?}paros

KaTa tG>v XpiaTiaiw, ws Kal

anoKpivacrQai,

kitl

tovto fxovov Tpair&cnv, Kal ovk a^coaeo'iv, oibe piovais fioals.

FToAAcp yap p.a\Xov TrpoarJKev, et tls KaTrjyopelv )3ov\olto, tovto

ae

hiayiv<j>(TKti.v.

Et

tls

ovv KaTrjyopet Kal bzLKVvcrL

tl -rrapa

tovs

voptovs TTp6.TT0VTas, ovtms opte

p.aTos' a)S p.a

Kara

Ti]v hvvap.iv

tov ajuapr?;-npob\v

tov HpciKAe'a

et tls o-VKO(j)avTtas

x^lP lv t vto

tclvoi, bcaXapifiave vrrep

ttjs

beivoTriTos, Kal (ppovTi^e

orcos

eKbiKrjaeCas.

(Ap. Euseb. Hist.

Eccles.

iv. 9.)

Note

5.

p.

230.
his school,

I refer especially to Strauss

and

who attach
still

no importance at
allow
it

all

to the existence of Christ, but

is

as a fact which

indisputable.

(See the Leben

Jesu, passim.)

Note
Ch.
ii.

6.

p.

23

pp. 24-30.

Note

7.

p. 231.

One
Seneca

slight reference
{Epist. xiv.),

is

found, or rather suspected, in

l)io

one in

Chrysostom (Orat. Corin-

thiac. xxxvii. p. 463),

none

in

Pausanias, one (see the next

note) in the Epictetus of Arrian.

v

The

Latin original

is lost,

and we possess only Kusebius's trans-

lation.


LECTURE
Note
Epictet. Dissertat.
KTijcnv &)(ravrco5 ^xj]
iv. 7,

VII.

479

8.

p.

233.

5i

"Aj>

"s ovv

*<" vpbs tijv

Kadairep ovtos irpos to

k. t.
;

crcojua, feat 7rpos

Ta

TtKva
po's
;

/cat T?jy

ywat/ca,

A.

Trotos

en

rowrco Tvpavvos
;

c/)0/3e-

?/

ttoioi

hopv<popoi

?)

7rotai {xayaipai <xvt&>v

Etra
/cat

i/ro //a-

zuas pez> hvvaTai tls ovroi biaTedijvai irpbs ravra, ol

virb tOovs

TaAtAatot.

Note

9.

p.

233.
(c. 9,

The passage
20),

in

the second book of the Discourses

ians,
viz.

which has been supposed by some to refer to Christseems really to intend only those whom it mentions
(See Lardner, Credibility, &c.
vol. iv. p.

the Jews.

49

Fabricius ad Dion, xxxvii. 17.)

Note 10.

p. 234.

This point has been slightly touched by Paley (Evidences,

Part

i.

ch. 5, pp. 70, 71),

and

insisted
iv.

on at some length by

Lardner.

(Credibility, &c. vol.

pp. 50, 78, 160, &c.)

Note 11.

p.

234.

Josephus was born in A. D. 37, the first year of the reign of Caligula, and the fourth after our Lord's Ascension.

He was

bred up at Jerusalem, where he seems to

till

have continued, with slight interruptions,

years of age.

he was 26

He would

thus have been, as boy and man, a

witness of the principal occurrences at Jerusalem mentioned in the Acts, subsequently to the accession of

Herod

Agrippa.

Note

12. p. 235.
9,
1
.

See Joseph. Ant. Jud. xx.

This passage has been

is

much

disputed,

and

its

genuineness
iii.

disallowed even by

Lardner.

(Credibility, &c. vol.

agree with Burton (Eccles. Hist.

(Evidences, Parti, ch. 5, p. 69),

But I and Paley i. p. 287) that there is no sufficient

pp. 352-354.)
vol.

reason for the suspicions which have attached to the pas-

480

NOTES.
Note
13. p. 235.

Josephus went to Rome in his 27th year, A. D. 63, and remained there some time. Probably he witnessed the com-

mencement

of the Neronic persecution in A. D. 64, after

the great fire which broke out in July of that year.

(See

above, note 4, page 475.)

Note

14.

p.

235.

"Aravos

KadL(ei ovvthpiov
1

Kpn&v
d>?

/ecu

napayayiov

els

avrb tov

abe\(f)6if

li]<rov

tov XptcrroS \eyop.evov,

krtpovs,

'IctKco-

/3os ovo\xa cuVto, Kai rivas

i:apavop,r]o dvTa>v Karrj-

yopiav
9,

Ttotriadixd'os, irapibcoKe XsvarOrjcroixevovs.

(A lit. Jud. xx.

ii.

i.)

According to Eusebius (Hist. Eccles.

in

23), Jose;

phus had the following also

avp.l3e[3r)Kev

another place

Tavra

5e 0?

lovhaiois

/car'

(KhiKiqau' 'laKcafiov tov hiKaiov,

rjv dfieAcpos 'lrjaov

tov htyojxtvov XpioroS'

drreKTavav.

7Ti8?/7rep 8t/cato'ra-

tov clvtov ovto.

I regard the

ol Aovbalot.

arguments which have been brought against

the famous passage in our copies of Josephus concerning

our Lord's

life

and teaching {Ant. Jud.

its
iii.

xviii. 3.

ing completely established

Credibility
,

spuriousness.
;

3) as hav(See Lardner,

vol.

pp.

537-542
i.

and, on the other side,

Home,

Introduction, vol.

Appendix, ch.vii.)

Note

15. p. 235.
i.

See Paley\s Evidences, Part

ch. 7, p. 71

and Dr.

Traill's

Essay on

the Personal Character

of Josephus, prefixed to his

Translation, pp. 19, 20.

Note

16. p. 236.

The probable value of these writings may be gathered from the fragments of Celsus, preserved by Origeu. Celsus quotes from all the Gospels, allows that they were written
by the
magic)
disciples of Jesus,
life,

and confirms

all

the main facts

of our Lord's
;

even his miracles (which he ascribes to

only denying his resurrection, his raising of others.

LECTURE
and
his being declared to

VII.

481

be the Son of

God by a
11

voice

from heaven.
&c.

collection of the
will

"

testimonies*

which his

fragments afford
vol. iv. pp.

be found

in

Lardner.

{Credibility,

115 et seqq.)

Note 17.
See Socrat. Hist. Eccles.
c.
1
;

p. 236.

i.

9, p.

32; Justinian, Nov. 42,

Constantin.

Mosheim, De Rebus

Christ, ante

Magn.

p.

56..

Note
Apolog.
i.

18. p. 236.

p. 65,

and

p. 70.

Note

19.

p.

236.
i.

So at

least Justin believed.

(Apol.

p. 70.)

Tertullian

adds, that they contained an account of our Saviour's resurrection,

of his

appearances to his disciples, and his

(Apolog.
c.

ascension into heaven before their eyes.

21.)

Eusebius

(Hist. Eccles.

ii.

nearly similar testimony.

Hist. vol.
i.

and Orosius (vii. 4), bear As Dr. Burton remarks (Eccles.

2),

p. 34),

"It

is

almost impossible to suppose that

the Fathers were mistaken in believing some such docu-

ment

to be preserved in the archives."

it

Their confident
substance not to

appeals to

shew that they believed

its

its

be unfavourable to our Lord's character.

exactly knew
contents, or no,

Whether they

must depend primarily on the question, whether the documents of this class, prethe public.

served in the State Archives, were generally accessible to

They were

certainly not published

and as

they were of the nature of secret communications to the

Emperor,

it

may be doubted whether

Still

it

was easy

to obtain

perhaps the Christians may have learnt the contents of Pilate's " Acts/' from some of those
a sight of them.

members

of the Imperial household (Phil.

i.

iv.

22) or family

(Burton, Eccl. Hist. vol.

p. 367),

who became
i

converts at

an early period.

RAWMNSON.

482

NOTES.
Note
520.

p.

239.

On

the extent of the dominions of

xiv.

Joseph. Ant. Jud.

14-18.

He

died, as

Herod the Great, see we have already-

seen (supra, Lecture VI. note

i), in

the year of

Rome

750.

On

his death, there

was a division of

his territories

among

his sons, Archelaus receiving Judaea, Samaria,

and Idu-

msea

Antipas, Galilee and Persea

Philip, Trachonitis

and the adjoining countries. (Joseph. De Bell. Jud. i. 33, 8, and ii. 6, 3.) Ten years later (A. D. 8) Archelaus was removed, and his dominions annexed to the Roman Empire, being placed under a Procurator (Coponius), who
Jud.

was subordinate to the President of Syria, (Joseph. Ant. xviii. 1, 1), while Philip and Antipas continued to

rule their principalities. Thirty-three years after (A. D. 41),

Herod Agrippa, by

the favour of Claudius, re-united the

several provinces of Palestine under his

own government,

and reigned over the whole territory which had formed the kingdom of Herod the Great. (Ibid. xix. 5, 1.) At his death, A. D. 44, the Roman authority was established over the whole country, which was administered by a ProcuraTo the younger tor holding under the President of Syria. Agrippa, however, king of Chalcis, a power was presently
entrusted (A. D. 48) of managing the sacred treasury at

Jerusalem, superintending the temple, and appointing the

Jewish High Priests.

(Ibid. xx.

1.)

Note 21.

p. 239.

Tacitus sacrifices accuracy to brevity in his sketch of

these changes:

"

Regnum ab Antonio Herodi datum,

Post mortem Ilerodis,
nihil

victor

Augustus

auxit.

expectato Csesare, Si-

mon quidam regium nomen

obtinente Syriam, punitus
rodis tripartito rexere.
;

invaserat. Is a Quintilio Varo,

et gentem coercitam liberi HeSub Tiberio quies dein, jussi a

:

Caio Caesare

(i.

e.

Caligula) efngiem ejus in templo locare,

anna

potius sumpsere; quern

motum

Crcsaris

mors

dire-

LECTURE
mit.

VII.

483

Claudius, defunctis regibus, ant in

11

modicum

redaotis,

Judaeam provinciam equitibus Romanis, aut

misit.

libertis per-

(Hist. v. 9.)
falls

Elsewhere, he sometimes
daea into the form of a

into actual error, as

where

he assigns the death of Agrippa, and the reduction of Ju-

Roman
xi.

province, to the 9th of

Claudius, A. D. 49.

(Annal.

23.)

Die's notices are very confused.

to distinguish one
p.

He seems
;

scarcely able

Herod from another.

526, D.
;

(Hist.

Bom.

xlix.

405, E.

liii.

p.

lv. p.

567, B.

and

lx. p.

670, B.)

Note 22.
See the
tion of a
last note.

p.

239.

Tacitus appears, in both the pas-

sages, to place the first reduction of Judaea into the posi-

Roman

province under Claudius, upon the death

notices the procuratorship

of Agrippa.

Yet he elsewhere

of Pontius Pilate, in the reign of Tiberius.

(Ann. xv. 44

quoted

in

note 4.)

Note
Joseph. Ant. Jud. xx.

23. p. 240.
3. It has not always been

1,

seen that Festus referred (avcOero) St. Paul's case to Agrippa

on account of
tion.

his

occupying this position.

Dean

Alford,

however, distinctly recognises this feature of the transac-

(Greek Testament,

vol.

ii.

p. 252.)

Note 24.
It

p.

240.

has been questioned whether the Jews themselves had

right of capital

any

punishment at this time.

i.

(Lardner,

Credibility,

&c.
vol.

vol.
ii.

pp. 21-48

Olshausen, Biblischcr
reserved to themselves

Commentar,

p. 501.)

Josephus certainly represents

the power as one which the

Romans

from the
Bell. Jud.

first
ii.

establishment of the procuratorship.

1 ;

(De

compare Ant. Jud. xx. 9, 1.) But, as 8, Alford remarks, the history of Stephen and of the Dean
" great persecution" (hucy^bs
1

juiyas)

soon

after,

seems to

484

NOTES.
of,

shew, " that the Jews did, by connivance

sence of the Procurator, administer
of this kind."

or in the ab-

summary punishments
ii.

{Greek Testament,
1.

vol.

p.

75

compare Jo-

seph. Ant. Jud.

s. c.)

Note
See Matt.
xxvii. 26, 27,
v.

25. p. 24
;

26

x.

29

xvii.
vi.

25

xviii.

28

xxvi.

53

and 6y. Mark

27; &c.

The terms,

it will

be observed, are such as either belong to the military

the revenue, or the office of governor.

force,

They are such

therefore as would naturally be introduced by a foreign

dominant power.

Note 26.
See

p. 241.
j 1
;

Mark

vi. 7,

and 40;

vii.

x.

;
1

xiii.

14; &c.

The
fxia

number

of instances might of course be greatly increased.

Among
nepaia)
;

the most noticeable are Matt.

v.

v. 18. (icora

ev

?)

22

(paKa.)
;

v.

29 (yeevva)
iii.

vi.

24

(p.apu>>va$,
;

conf.

Luke
Kovp,i)

xvi. 9, &c.)
;

Mark
;

17 (fioavepyes)
(cbvai'i'a);

v.
i.

41 (raAt0a

vii.

34

(e<p<pa6a)

xi.

John

43

(/c?/r/)as).

Compare also the thoroughly Hebrew character ticles in Luke i. and ii.

of the Can-

Note
Joseph.
kuvos

27. p. 242.

1 ;

De

Bell.

Jud.

vii. 8,

'EyeVero
1

yap 6 \povos
cos

T:avTohaTt?]<$

ev rots 'Iouoatots itovrjpias irokvcfwpos,

/caraAtTreu', /xtjo

p.7]ber kclkicis

epyov airpaKTov

eirts eirLvoui 81aoi/'rcos 18 1'a

TiXaTTeiv eOeKijaeiev e^eiv av rt

Kaworepov e^evpelv.

re

*cat

Koir?/

TCcWes evoarjaav, kcu irpbs VTieppaKelv dAA?/Aous

ev re rats 7rpos roy

Qebv

dtre/3etats

/cat

rats eis tovs irX^atov

to.

d8t/ci'ats, (j)L\ovLKr}<rav, ol /xev

bvvarol

tt^'jOtj
ijv

kclkovvtcs, ol

ttoKXoI be tovs bvvaTovs cnroWvvai o-nevbovres'

p.ev eiriOvpiia

yap ineCvois

tov rvpavvelv, rots be rod litaCeadat

ml

to.
;

tu>v

evTTopM biap-na(ea\

Compare Ant. Jud.

10, 5.

xx. 7, 8

Bell.

Jud.

v. 13,

and


LECTURE
Note
Joseph. Jut. Jud.

VII.

485

28. p. 242.

xvii. 9,
it

xx. 4, 3; Bell. Jud.

ii.

19,

&c.

On

one occasion
Jud.

appears that more than two

and a half
worship.

millions of persons
vi. 9,

had come up

to Jerusalem to

(Bell.

3.)

Note 29.
Ant. Jud. XV.
v pkv avTTjs
7, 8;

p.

242.
81/0 r\v cppovpia,
/cat

'Ev tols 'lepoo-okvp-ois

Upov'

ttjs

7roAe&)s, Tpov 8e tov

TOVTLOV oi

Kparovvres, VTwyjE.lpiov to nav edvos

ertax

icr)(7] Kacn.

rets p.z.v

yap Ov-

ovk avev TovTcav olov re yevecrdai. to 8e

pa]

ravra awTtXtiv

ovbevl 'IovScu'cov hwarbv, tov (r\v ^TOipLorepop TtapayuprjcravT cov

i]

Tijs

OprjaKeias,

fjv

eh tov &ebv

eiutOaai avvT^Xelp.

Note Not only was

up
in the

30. p. 242.

Caligula's attempt to have his statue set

temple resisted with determination (Joseph. Ant.

;

Jud.

xviii. 8)

but when the younger Agrippa, by raising

the height of his house, obtained a view into the temple

courts, the greatest indignation

was

felt (Seircos exaktTraivov.)

The Jews immediately raised a wall to shut out his prospect, and when Festus commanded them to remove it, they
positively refused, declaring that they

would rather

die than
vtto-

destroy any portion of the sacred fabric ((yv yap ov^

fxtzveiv,

KaOaipedlvTos twos p-ipovs tov Upov).

;

See Ant. Jud.

Philo,

xx. 8, 11

De

Legat.

and on the general subject, compare ad Caium, pp. 1022, 1023.

Note 81.
p.

242.

Ant. Jud. xv.

8,

1-4.

Note 32.

p.

242.
i.

See Lardner's Credibility, &c. book

110-121.

ch. 9

vol.

i.

pp.


ISf)

NOTES.
Note 33.
242.
to take the

p.

Josephus
versy arose

tells us,

that

when Cyrenius came

census of men's properties throughout Judaea, a contro-

among
it

the Jews on the legality of submission

to foreign taxation.

Judas of Galilee (see Acts

v.

37)

maintained that
;

was a surrender of the theocratic prinwhile the bulk of the chief men, including some conciple siderable number of the Pharisees, took the opposite view,

and persuaded the people to submit themselves. (Ant. J ad.

xviii. 1,
i

.)

Note 34.
Ant. Jud. xx.
6,

p.

243.
kcu 2ajuapetrats
rjv

Tiverai be

7rpos

'lovSaious eydpa bt alrtav touxvtqv edos

rots raAiAatots ev
rf/s

rats eoprcus ets ti]V lepav ttoKlv ixapayLVop.evais obevetv bia

2apapeW

^upas. Kal Tore

ko.9^

obbv avTols

Kcoprjs

Tivaias Ae-

youe't^s, rf/s ev p.edoptu> Keip.evi]s

irebiov, Tives o~vva\j/ai>Tes p-o-\rjV

2apapetas re Kal tov ixeyaXov

tioWovs avrm> avaipovaiv.

Note
Ibid, xviii.
1,

35. p. 243.

Of the Pharisees
Kttt

3 and 4. Note especially the following. AdcwaTov re la^vv rats ^v^cus ttCotis av-

'

rots zlvai, Kal vtto

yOovos

8iKCUcoa-ets re Kal

rtpas 01s aperi}* re

kclkios eirmjbevo-Ls ev

rw

/3/w yeyove.

Of the Sadducees

~2abbvKaCois be ras \j/vxp.s 6 Ao'yos avvac^avi^et rots cnaiiacriv.

Compare Acts

xxiii. 8.

Note 36.
Ibid.
1.

p. 243.
Sr/pois 7ri0az'coraroi

S.

[Ot fyapicraiot] rots

/cat

Tvy\arjj

vovcri, Kal

6-oaa Qela ev\5>v re

iep&i' 7roi?/crea)s e/;y)/<Tet

[T<2i>

eKeivuiv
eis

Tvyx&vovcn

7Tpacra6p.eva.

SoSSovkcuW]

6 Ao'yos

oXiyovi avbpas

cirptKero,

tovs p.evTOi 7rpcorous rots dtcopa<n.

Note 37.
Bell.

p.

243.

Jud.
rjv

vi. 5,

4.

To

8e eirapav
. . .
.

amovs pdAtorra

7rpos tov

noKep-ov,

\pr]ap.bs dpc/n/3oAos

ev rots tepots evpiyxtvos

LECTURE
ypa.jxij.acnv, &>s

VII.

487
cnro tt\s X(opa$ rt?

Kara tov ttaipbv (Kelvov

avr&v apei

ttjs olKovp.4vr]9.

Note 38.
Sueton. Vit. Vespasian.

p.
;

243.

" Percrebuerat
f'atis,

Oriente

toto vetus et constans opinio, esse in

ut eo tempore

Id de Imperatore Romano, quantum postea eventu paruit, prsedictum, Judsei ad

Judaea profecti rerura potirentur.

,,,

se trahentes, rebellarunt.

Compare

Vit. Ociav. 94,

and

Virg. Eclog.

iv.

Note 39.
Tacit. Histor. v. 13
;

p. 243.

" Quas pauei in

metum trahehant

pluribus persuasio inerat antiquis sacerdotum litteris contineri, eo ipso

tempore fore ut valesceret Oriens, profectique

Judaea rerum potirentur."

Note
Leben Jesu, 34;
vol.
i.

40. p. 243.
p. 220,

E. T.

Note
See Philo,

41. p. 243.

De

Legatione

ad Caium,

p.

1022, D. E.

For

the portraiture of Josephus, see above, note 27.

Note
This passage
p.
is

4$J.

p. 245.
Test.

given by Wetsten (Nov.

Gr.

vol.

ii.

563) and

as

Dean Alford (Greek Testament, vol. ii. p. I have not from Xenophon De Rep. Atheniens.

175)
suc-

ceeded in verifying the reference.

Note
Liv. xlv. 27,

43. p. 245.

ad

fin.

Note

44. p. 245.

How
cline,

attractive to strangers

Athens was, even

in

her de-

may

be seen from the examples of Cicero, Germani-

488
cus, Pausanias

NOTES.
and others. (See Conybeare and Howson's

i. pp. 398, 399). On the greediness of the Athenians after novelty, see Demosth. Philipp. i. p. 43

Life of St. Paul, vol.

(?)

l3ov\ecr6c,

eure
rt

fXOL,

-epi'ioVre?
;

avr&v irvdeaOcu Kara yap av

1

Ti]v
7)

ayopav Aeyerai
MafceSwy

kcllvov
;

yzvoiro

tl

Kaworepov

af?jp k.t.A.)
;

Philipp. Eplst. pp.

56, 157; A^lian.

Schol. ad Thucyd. iii. 38, &c. On their 13 compare Pausan. i. 24. 3 (AOqvmois -epicraoTepov u rots dAAois is to. Oeld eon (nrovbijs) Xen. is!^;. Atheniens. m. 1, and 8; Joseph. Contra Apion. ii. 11

Far.

i/is?. v.

religiousness,
?/

(tovs 'AOqvaiovi ewe/Seordrous ray 'E\AtJvcoi> aitavTts Aeyovcny)

;

Strab.

v. 3,

vi.

18;

.Elian. Var. Hist. v. .17; Philo-

strat. Vit. Apollon.

and among
vol.
iii.

3 ; Dionys. Hal. Z><? Jud. Time. 40: later authors, see Mr. Grote^ History of Greece,

pp. 229-232.

Note 45.
See the Life and Epistles of
beare and Howson,
vol.
ii.

p.

245.

St.

Paul, by Messrs. Cony-

pp. 66 et seqq. (1.)

The
title

" Great

Goddess, Diana,

v
'

is

found to have borne that

as her

epitheton iisitatum,

both from an inscription (Boeckh, Corpus

i.

Inscript.

2963 C), and from Xenophon (Ephes.

p.
"

15;

op.vvu> re ri]v iraTpiov i]p.lv Oeov, ttjv pLeyaKrjV 'E(peo"icoy

jjllv).

Apre-

Asiarchs" are mentioned on various coins and inscriptions. (3.) The " town-clerk" (ypap.p.aTevs) of Ephesus is likewise mentioned in inscriptions (Boeckh, No. 2963 C, No. 2966, and No. 2990). (4.) The curious word vewKopos (Acts xix. 35), literally " sweeper" of the temple, is also found in inscriptions and on coins, as an epithet of the Ephesian people (Boeckh, No. 2966). The " silver shrines of Diana," the " courtdays," the " deputies"
(2.)
'

The

or " proconsuls" (dvOviraTot) might receive abundant classical illustration.

The temple was the

still

glory of the ancient

evi-

world

enough
its

remains of the " theatre" to give

dence of
r

former greatness.
;

Plin.

xxxv. 21

Strab. xiv.

Phil. Byz.

De

Sept. Orb. Spectaculis.

LECTURE
Note

VII.

489

46. p. 246.

Compare Luke
and 26;
xxvi.

xxiii. 2
;

John
iv.

xix.
;

12-15
ii.

32

Tim.

17

Pet.

Acts xxv. 12 13 and 17.

;

Note

47. p. 246.

The Roman
by procurators.
consul
consul
in
is

provinces under the empire were adminis-

tered either by proconsuls, or legates, or in a few instances

The

technical

Greek name
8, 11),

for the pro-

av6v-naTo<>
vttcitos.

(Polyb. xxi.

as that for the

is

'AvdvTTaTOL are
xiii. 7),
1

Cyprus (Acts
(ib. xviii.

at

mentioned by St. Luke Ephesus (ib. xix. 38), and at

Corinth
the

2,

office of Gallio).

where the verb avdvuaTiveiv expresses In every case the use of the term is
104 and 108.)

historically correct. (See below, note3

officers are

Other

not so distinctly designated.

Legates do not

occur in the history; and the Greek possessing no term

correspondent to procurator, such officers appear only as

7]yeix6ves (governors),

a generic term applicable to proconii.

suls also.
xxiii.

(See

Luke

iii.

1 ;

Matt, xxvii. 2

Acts
in the

24; xxvi. 30, &c.)

to avoid tumults

The anxiety

may be observed
;

conduct of Pilate (Matt, xxvii. 24) of the authorities at Ephesus (Acts xix. 3541) ; and of Lysias (Acts xxi. 32 xxii. 24). The governors were liable to recall at any moment, and knew that they would probably be superseded,
if

they allowed troubles to break out.

Note 48.

p. 246.
xviii.

See especially Gallio's words (Acts

pare Acts
xxiii.

14-16).

Comi.

29; and xxviii. 30, 31. of the Romans, see Lardner's tolerance
pp. 95 et seqq.

On

the general

Credibility, vol.

Note 49.

p.

246.

[7, 1),

In a Rescript of Severus and Caracalla (Digest, xlviii. we read " Et hoc jure utimur, ne absentes dam-


490
nentur, neque

NOTES.
enim inaudita causa quenquam damnari

sequitatis ratio patitur."

p.

Compare Dionys. Hal.

for

vii.

53,

441.

The odium incurred by Cicero

formal
trial
v. 2, p.

proceeding
conspirators

without
(Jy>.

against
60, b).
is

the

Catiline

ad Famil.

an indication of the value

attached to the principle in question.

Note 50.
Acts
xxii. 28.

p. 246.

Dio says of Antony

iraaw
cos

nap

ihuaTGtv i)yvpo-

\6yrj(T...a\\oi,s

TroktTeiav, aAAot?

dre'Aeiat*

irwkwv.

And

of Claudius
TipoeTtTLpriVTo,

eireibav iv

shrew

ol 'Pco/xatoi

t&v vo>v

iroWoi

re avriov irapa re avrov e/cea'ou tjtovvto,

(lx. iy,

kcu irapa MeaaaXu'rjs xal ton* KatcrapeLcov Civovvto.

p.

676, C.)

Citizenship by birth on the part of a foreigner

(1)
;

might arise
municipium

from his being a native of some colony or

(2)

from a grant of

citizenship,

on account

of service rendered, to his father, or a

tor; or (3) from his father,

more remote ancesor a more remote ancestor,

Dio speaks, a
little

having purchased his freedom.

the passage last quoted, of
prived of their

before
de-

many Lycians having been

were often Jud.

Roman citizenship by Claudius. That Jews Roman citizens appears from Josephus. {Ant.

13, 14, 16,

xiv. 10,

&c.)
51. p. 246.

Note
Acts xxv.
ttones
1
1
.

Suetonius says of Augustus

" Appellaprcetori
(Vit. Ociav.

quotannis urbanorum

quidem litigatorum

delegavit; ac promncialium consularibus viris, quos singulos

cujusque provincial negotiis prseposuisset."

c.

33.)

Pliny probably refers

to cases where the right of

appeal had been claimed, when he says of the Bithynian

Christians

" Fuerunt

alii similis

amentia?, quos, quia cives

Romani

erant, adnotavi in

urbem remittendos." (Ep. ad

Traj. x. 97.)

Note

52. p. 246.
is

The humane treatment of prisoners

of the

an occasional feature

Roman

system. (See Acts xxiv. 23, and xxviii. 16 and


LECTURE
30.)

VII.
p.

491

Lardncr

{Credibility, vol.
I.

i.

128) observes that the

treatment of Herod Agrippa

St. Paul.

closely illustrates that of

Soon

after his first imprisonment,

by the influence

of Antonia, his friends were allowed free access to him,

and permitted
rius,

to bring

him food and other comforts.

7.)

(Joseph. Ant. Jud.

xviii. 6,

On

the death of Tibe-

whom

he had offended, Caligula enlarged him further,

live in

permitting him to return and

Ms own

house,

where

he was

still
1

guarded, but

less strictly

than before. (Ibid.

et^ev ware iv
/cat

IO. top

AypiiTTTav eKe'Aewez' oc rod crTparo-nionv /^eraorj/freti'

77

et? ti)v oiKiav ev

Tiporzpov

i\

heQr\vai btairav

dapcrei. Xotirbv ?)ye

rjf,

ra

irepl avTtjs'

(pv\aKi] fxev

yap

Tr/prjais

pLtra p.(vTOL

uvecrecos

rrjs ets ttjv

hiairav.

Compare the
hiaraf;ap.evos rco

order of Felix with regard to St. Paul

KaTovrap^Q]
rrj

petaOat

avrbv,

e'x eu;

re

aveaiv

k.t.K.

Acts

xxiv. 23.)

Note

53. p. 246.

On
chains

one occasion we find St. Paul " bound with two

11

(Acts xxi. 33);

2

but commonly we hear of his

;

" chain" (aXvcns) in the singular. (Acts xxviii. 20

vi.

Ephes.

20;

Tim.

i.

16.)

Now

it

is

abundantly apparent

10, Epnt. 5) and other writers Ann. iv. 2S, &c), that prisoners were commonly fastened by a chain passed from their right wrist to the left wrist of their keeper. Where greater security was desired, a prisoner had two keepers, and a second chain was passed from his left wrist to the second keeper's right. The keeper to whom a prisoner was bound was called 6

from Seneca (De Tranquill.

{Tacit.

avvbkrqs.

Note 54.
Matt,
]6.
xxvii.

p.

246.
;

27

The Romans is
says, that

military

Acts xx. 6 ; xxiv. 23 xxviii. 1, custody {custodia militaris) of the

of

well known to writers on antiquities. Ulpian when a person was arrested, it was the business the proconsul to determine, " utrum in carcerem recipisit

enda

persona, an militi tradenda, vel fide-jussoribus

492
committenda,
tod, et will

NOTES.
vel

etiam
1.)

11

sibi.

{Digest, xlviii. Tit. 3.

De Cm-

Exhib. Reor.

Examples of the military custody

iii.

be found in Tacitus (Ann.

;

22); Josephus (Ant. Jud.

v. p.

xviii. 6, 7)

Ignatius (Ep.
;

ad Roman,

370)

Martyr.

Ignat.

(ii.

p.

540

v. p.

544), &c.
55. p. 246.

Note
Examining
free persons

by scourging (Acts
spirit,

xxii. 24) or

other torture, was against the

the letter, of the

and indeed against

esse a tormentis

Roman

law.

"

Non

Augustus constituit." (Digest. 48. But arbitrary power often broke this law, both at Rome and in the provinces. Suetonius says of Augustus " Et Q. Gallium, praetorem ...raptum a tribunali,
incipiendum
Tit. 18,

Divus

1.)

Tacitus of servilem in ruodum torsit." (Vit. Octav. 27.) Nero, " Ratus muliebre corpus impar dolori, Epicharim
dilacerari jubet." (Annal. xv. 57.)
in part

This examination was

by scourging.

Note 56.
See Livy
Val.
xxxiii.
;

p. 246.

ofi

(" Verberatos

crucibus

affixit"" )

Max.

<t>\6ypos

i. Joseph. Bell. Jud. ii. 14, 9 (irokXovs 7, 4 paorii irpoaiKio-ap.evos aveaTavpuo-ev eroAp^o-ez; av-

bpa$

Ittttikov

raypharos pacmy (Herat

;

irpb

rod

fii)p.aTos, xal

arav-

pw

7Tpoa-7jAaJcrat)

&c.

These

last notices

shew the practice

on the part of the

Roman

governors of Palestine.
p.

Note 51.

246.

The crucifixion of the Orientals has more commonly been impaling, than nailing to a cross. (See Ctesias, ap. Phot. Bibl. Cod. LXXII. p. 122; Casaubon. Exerc. Antibaron, xvi. 77.)

The Romans

fastened the body to the

cross either by cords or nails. (See Smith's Dictionary of

Gr. and Rom. Antiq. p. 370.)

that nailing was the

It is evident

from Josephus,
(See
8' ol

common

practice in Palestine.
vi.

the last note, and compare Bell. Jud.

npo<n']\ovi>

arrpaTiuTai bi 6pyi]v kol ptlaos tovs akovras,

a\\ov aAAa>

n"X?/~

pari irpbs \\(vr]V, Kal bia to ukijOos x i^P a Te erAet7rero reus

LECTURE
as
if

VII.
St.

493
Augustine speaks

aravpols, Kal aTavpol rois acap-aaiv.)

was the ordinary Roman method. (Tractat. " Ubi dolores acerrimi exagitant cruciatus vocatur, a cruce nominatus pendentes enim in liguo crucifixi, clams ad lignum pedibus manibusque confixi, producta morte necabantur.")
nailing

xxxvi. in Johann. Opera, vol. ix. p. 278

Note 58.
T&v Ko\a^op,evcov

p. 246.
ii.

Plutarch, de Sera Numinis Vindicta;

T(5
<t(s>ia(xtl

p.

554, A. Kal
61.

e/caoros t>v KCtKovpyoiv eK(pepei

tov avTov aravpov.

Compare

A rtemidor.

Oneirocrit.

ii.

"Eolkz Kal 6 (TTavpbs 6avaTu>, Kal 6

Trpurepov avrbv fia<JTa(et.

p.e\K(x>v avr<2 TrpoarjXovcrdai,

Note 59.

p. 246.

The
is

practice of attaching a small board or placard to

criminals, with a notification of the nature of their offence,

mentioned by several writers, and there are many

it in

allu-

sions to

the poets.

The

technical

name

of this pla-

card was in Latin "

xix. 19.)

titulus.*"

(Compare the
" 34;

See Sueton.

Vit. Calig.

rtrAos of John Romae publico

epulo servum, ob detractam lectis argenteam laminam, carnifici

confestim tradidit, ut manibus abscissis atque ante

titulo

pectus e collo pendentibus, prsecedente

10; " Patremfamilias,

qui causam

po?nce indicaret, per ccetus epulantium circumduceretur." Vit.

quod 'Threcemmirmilloni 1 parem, munerario imparem dixerat, detractum spectaculis

Domitian.
$

in

arenam, canibus

objecit,

cum
p.

hoc titulo

parmularius'."

Dio Cass.

liv.

Impie locutus 523; Tov yovv irarpos tov

;
'

Kanrionvos tov p,ev erepof t>v bovkuv tS>v crv^vyovTOiv rw vWi

e\vdep(ocravTos

on

afxvi'ai ol 6vi](tkovtl r\6ikr\ae,

tt/s

nva

be eTepov

tov irpohovTa avTov, did re

tcov
ti]v

ayopas

{xear/s

juera ypa/xjud-

aLTiav

Trjs

av ar (aaeoo 9

avTov

brjXovvT(ov

hiayayovTos, Kal pera TavTa avaaTavptoo-avTos. ovk riyavaKTrjae.

Ovid. Fasti,

vi.

190,

91

Vixit, ut occideret

danmatus

criraine regni

Hunc
Compare

illi

titulum longa senecta dabat.

1,

Trist.

iii.

47.

We

have no

classical

proof that


494

NOTES.

the " titulus" was ordinarily affixed to the cross, unless we

may

view as such the statement of Hesychius

Savls, Qvpa,
a-

\VKu>[xa, iv

at ypacpal W0/]V7]cru> iypdipovro Trpos toi/s

8 e
/ecu

Kovpyovs'

TiOerat

e-n\

(rravpov.

Note

60. p. 246.

Seneca speaks of the " centurio supplicio propositus" as an ordinary thing. {Delra, c. 16, p. 34.) Petronius Arbiter
says, " Mifos cruces asservabat, ne quis

ad sepulturum cor-

pora detraheret." {Satyr,

c.

111.)

Note 61.

p. 246.

So Alford

(vol.

i.

p.

" The 647)

garments of the exe-

cuted were by law the perquisites of the soldiers on duty."

Cf. Digest, xlviii. Tit. 20, 6.

Note 62.
Ulpian
says
"

p. 246.

Corpora eorum qui capite damnantur,

cognatis ipsorum neganda non sunt.

Et

se id observasse
scribit.

etiam Divus Augustus libro decimo de vita sua

Hodie autem eorum,

aliter sepeliuntur,

in

quos animadvertitur, corpora non

si

quam

fuerit

petitum et permissum.

maxime majestatis causa d&mnatoYiun." (Digest.x\\n\.Tit.2^. De Cadao.Piiiiit.^ .) And

permittitur,

Et nonnunquam non

again

" Corpora

animadversorum quibuslibet petentibus

-

ad sepulturam danda sunt. "

Maximian declare

(Ibid. 3.)
11

So Diocletian and

"

Obnoxios criminum, digno supplicio

affectos, sepulturse tradi

non vetamus.

The

practice of

the Jews to take bodies

down from the

is

cross

and bury
kcu,

them on the day of

Josephus
<povs pixj/ai,

their crucifixion,
5'

witnessed to by
dra-

Y]po?j\0ev
kcl'itoi

eh tovovtov

aae/3etas ware

TocravTr]v ''lovbaiw irepi Tas Ta<pds irpovoiav

7TOLOVp.(:l'0>l', 0)(TT

KCU TOVi K K'araStKJ/S' aVCMTTaVpOVpivOVS Tip

ko.1

ovvtos
2.)

7/Atoti

Ka0e\elv

Oo.ttt(ii>.

(De

Bell. .hid.

iv.

5.

LECTURE
Note 63.

VII.

495

p. 247.

Among
noticed
(a)

minute points of accordance

following:
I.

may be

especially

the

The geographical

accuracy.
in

Compare the

divisions of Asia

Minor mentioned

the

Phrygia, Galatia, Lycaonia, Acts with those in Pliny. Cilicia, Pamphylia, Pisidia, Asia, Mysia, Bithynia, are all recognised as existing provinces by the Roman geographer, T writing probably within a few years of St. Luke. (H. JS v.
.

European Greece into the two provinces of Macedonia and Achaia (Acts xix. 2\, &c), accords exactly with the arrangement of Augustus
27 et seqq.)
(b)

The

division

of

noticed in Strabo^xvii. ad

fin.)

(c)

The

various tracts in

or about Palestine belong exactly to the geography of the

time and of no
nitis,

other.

Judaea, Samaria, Galilee, Tracho-

Iturrea,

Abilene, Decapolis, are recognised as geo-

graphically distinct at this period by the Jewish and classical writers.

(See Plin.

//.

N.

v. 14, 18,

23

Strab. xvi. 2,

(d) The 10, 34; Joseph. Ant. Jud. xix. 5, 1, &c.) routes mentioned are such as were in use at the time. The " ship of Alexandria,"" which, conveying St. Paul to

Rome, lands him

(xvii. 1,

at Puteoli, follows the ordinary course

of the Alexandrian corn-ships, as mentioned by Strabo

7), Philo (In Flacc. pp. 968, 969),

(Ejrist. 77),

ton. Vit.

and Seneca and touches at customary harbours. (See SuePaul's journey from Troas by NeaTit. 25.) an exact
parallel to that of Ignac. 5).

polis to Philippi presents

tius, sixty years later (Martyr. Ignat.

His passage

through Amphipolis and Apoilonia on his road from Philippi to Thessalonica, is in accordance with the Itinerary of Antonine, which places those towns on the route between
the two cities
(p.

22).

(e)

The mention

of Philippi as

the

first city

of

Macedonia

to one approaching from the

east (jrpuTr]
since there

tijs jueptoo? rrjs MaKeSowas 7to'Ais) is correct, was no other between it and Neapolis. The statement, that it was " a colony,'' is also true (Dio Cass.
1

li.

4,

2.

Plin. //. K. iv. n p. 445, D; The minute political knowledge,

Strab.
(a)

vii.

Fr. 41.)

We

have already

490
seen

NOTES.
the
intimate
its

knowledge exhibited of the state of

Szo.

Ephesus, with

proconsul, town-clerk, Asiarchs,

similar exactitude appears in the designation of the chief

magistrates of Thessalonica as -nokiTapxai, their proper and

peculiar appellation. (Boeckh, Corp. Inscr. No. 1967.)
(b)

So

too the

Roman

governors of Corinth and Cyprus are given

their correct

the

Roman

titles. (See notes 104 and 108.) (c) Publius, governor of Malta, has again his proper techttjs vijaov),

nical designation (6 np&Tos

scriptions

commemorating the
,

-npcoros

as appears from inMeAircuW, or " Meli-

(See Alford, ii. p. 282.) (d) The delivery of the prisoners to the " captain of the (Praetorian) guard

tensium

primus.''

'

at

Rome,

is

in

strict

time.

(Trajan, ap. Plin. Ep.

accordance with the practice of the " Vinctus mitti ad x. 65

;

prsefectos prsetorii mei

phist,
ii.

debet."'''

Compare

Philostrat.

vit.

So-

32.)

Among
1
.

additions to our classical knowledge, for which

to Scripture,
it

we are indebted

may

suffice to

mention,
as

the existence of an Italian cohort

(a-neiprj 'IraXtx?;)
1.)

early as the reign of Tiberius (Acts x. tion of the

little

2.

The

applicacohort,

term

2e/3u<n-?)

(Augustan) to another

3. The existence of an Altar 1.) at Athens with the Inscription ayvuxrTu 0eio, which is

later (Acts xxviii.

not to be confounded with the well-known inscriptions Scots

ayvMCTTois.
4.

The use

of the title orpar^yoi (Praetors) by

xvi. 20.)
title

the Duumviri or chief magistrates of Philippi (Acts

We

know from Cicero (Be

Leg. Agrar. 34), that the

was sometimes assumed in such cases, but we have no other proof that it was in use at Philippi.

Note

64. p. 247.
vol.
i.

Lardner, Credibility, &e.,

p. 60.

Note G5.
See Acts
xviii.
xiii.
;

p.
;

248.
xvi. 3, 13
;

5,

14

xiv.

xvii. 1, 10, 17

xix. 8

&c.

LECTURE
Note
llepi be
T7] s

VII.

497

66. p. 249.

iepo7ro'Aea)s

rd TTpoatjKOvrd

p.01.

XeKTeov

avrr],

KaOairep

e<pi]V, ep.i] \iev

eort itaTpls, p.f)Tp6iroXis be ov puas \&-

pas

''lovbatas,
eirl

dAAa

/cat

t&v uXeiaTcav, 8ta ras diroiKias as

ee-

irep.\\rev

Kaip&v, eh fxev Tas 6p.6povs Aiyvirrov,

<$>oiviKr]v,

^vpiav
1

rr]V

re dXXrjv nal ri]v kolXtjv Trpoaayopevop.evrjv' els 8e

hui>K.L<jpi.eva$

ras TToppo)

YIap.(pvX(av,

KtAt/aW,

to,

iroXXa,

rfjs

Acrtas a-XP L Biflwtas

/cat

t&v tov YIovtov nvy&v tov avrbv

QerTaXiav,
Bol(i)tl(xv,

rpoTrov

kcu

els
T7]v
'

Evp&nrjv,

MaicebovLav,
-jrAetora
/cat

Ahaikiav,

Attiki]v, "Apyos,

Kopivdov,
ijiteipoi

ra

apuJTa TleXoTTovvijcrov, Kal ov p.6vov ai

baloiv aTtOLKi&v elcrlv,

juearat

t&v

'Iou-

dXXa

kcu

vi]o-(ov ai

80/a^corarat, KvfBoia,

Kvirpus, KpiJTr], Kal auoTiG) Tas irepav Evcpp&Tov.

eot)

YlaaaL yap
ai

jxepovs fipa\eos Ra(3vX&vos Kal

ti)v ev kvk\(i>
yr\v,

t&v aXXiov craTpaTiei&v

dpeT&aav e\ovai
pas' wore,
ttoXis

'lovoatovs eyovviv oIkyjto//

av

p.eTaXaj3r]
p.vpiai

aov

ttjs

evp.eveias

ep.i]

irarpls, ov p.ia
/ca#'

dAAa

/cat

t&v dXX(av evepyeTovvTai

CKaarov

/cAt/xa ttjs

olKOvp.evrjS ihpvQelcrai, to KvQOJTralov, to ''Aaiavbv, to

/cat

AifivKov, to ev r\Tieipois, to ev vrjaois, irapaXov re

yeiov.

p.eao-

(Philo Jud. Legat,

ad Caium,

pp. 1031, 1032.)

Note 61.
'lovbatovs yap bid

p. 249.

iroXvavO puiTtiav
/cat
/cat

x&pa

p.ia

ov \wpet'

?^s

atrtas eveKa tcls irXeiaTas

Kal

evbaipLovecrTaTas

t&v ev Evpcony

A<na Kard

re vrfcrovs

i]i:eipovs eKvep.ovrai, p.i]T poiroXiv

fxev T7}v iepoiroXtv i)yovp.evoi.

(Ibid.

In Flacc.

p.

971, E.)

Note
Joseph. Ant. Jud. xx. 2;
Apion.
ii.

68. p. 249.

De

Bell.

Jud.

vii.

3,

3;

Contr.

36

&c.

Note 69.
Philo frequently mentions

p. 249.

the

synagogues under the

13.

name

of -npoaevyai
p.

{In Flacc. p. 972, A.

E.

Legat. in

Caium,

1014, &c.)
is

Their position by the sea-side, or by

a river-side,

indicated,

among other

places, in the

Decree

RAWLINSON.

K k

498

NOTES.
by Josephus (Ant. Jud. where the Jews are allowed irpoaevxas noiSee also Philo,
i.

of the Halicarnassians reported

xiv. 10, 23),

eladai upbs

TJj

daXdacrr} Kara to iraTptov e0os.

;

Legat. in Caium, p. 982, D.

Tertull.
13.

ad Nat.

13

DeJe-

jun.

c.

16

and Juv. Sat.

iii.

Note
Lightfoot, Hebraic,
et

70.

p.

249.

Talmudic. Exercitat. not. in Act.

ii.

A post.

vi.

Works,

vol.

p. 664.

Note 71.
See Legat. in Caium,
of Transtiberine
''lot/ocuW,
(p.

p.

249.

1014, C. D.), where Philo speaks

itpbs

Home

as KaTe\op.ivr]v nal olKovp.ivr\v

8' i]crav

and then adds, 'Pw^cuoi

ol

irXetovs aire-

\V0 p(i)6VTS.

Note
Annal.
ii.

72. p. 249.
et de sacris iEgyptiis Judaicis-

85
:

"

Actum

que pellendis

factum patrum consultum, ut quatuor millia

ea superstitione infecta, queis idonea
setas,

libertini generis

in

insulam Sardinian! veherentur."

Note

73. p. 250.

vit.

For the tumultuous spirit of the foreign Jews, see Sueton. Joseph. Ant. Jud. Dio Cassius, lx. 6 Claud, p. 25
; ;

xviii. 8,

9.

xx.

1,

&c.

Note
Annal.
years.
xv. 44.

74. p. 251.

Tiberius reigned (as sole emperor)

73.)

23

(Suet. vit. Tib.

His principatus, however,

may date from three years by Augustus. (Tacit. Ann.

earlier,
i.

when he was
vit.

associated

Suet.

Tib. 21.)

Note 75.
If

p. 251.

our Lord was born in the year of Rome 747, (see above, Lecture VI. note 1,) he would have been three

LECTURE
years old at Herod's death
;

VII.

499

commenced

his Ministry, in the fifteenth year

and 32 years old when he from the

This
is

associated principate of Tiberius.

not incompatible

with St. Luke's declaration, that he was about thirty years

of age
(wo-et

zt&v TpianovTa)

when he began
and 327.)

to preach

for

that expression admits of some latitude.

(See Alford's

Greek Testament,

vol.

i.

pp. 323

Note
Joseph. Ant. Jud.
Fr. 5.

76. p. 252.
;

xiv. 7, 3

xvii. 8,

Nic.

Damasc.

Note
Joseph. Ant. Jud. xv.

77. p. 252.

6,

Tacit. Hist.

num ab Antonio Herodi datum,

Note 78.
See Lardner's Credibility,
pare Joseph.

victor

v. 9. (" RegAugustus auxit.")

p.

252.
i.

vol.
i.

pp. 148-15 1
1
;

and com;

De

Bell.

Jud.

27,

29, 2

33, 8

Appian.

De

Bell. Civ. v. p. 1135.

Note

79. p. 252.

The
Great,
6, 7,
is

cruelties, deceptions,
fill
;

and suspicions of Herod the

{Ant. Jud. xv.
1, 3,

many

chapters in Josephus.

&c.

xvi. 4, 8, 10; xvii. 3, 6, 7, &c.)

thus

summed up by
kcll

that writer :
ju.cz/

His character 'Aznjp wjjlos pikv ds

(Ant. Jud. xvii. 8,

TiavTas ojuouos, kcu opyijs

tvxji Se el

ijaauv, Kpeiaauov 8e rod biKatov,

tls erepos Keyj^jueVos evpLevel.

1.)

His arrest of the chief men throughout his dominion,

his

and design that on

cuted
(ibid. 6,

own demise they should

Jud.
i.

all

be exe-

Bell.

33, 6), shews a bloodier

temper than even the massacre of the Innocents.

Note 80.

p.

252.
i.

Strauss, Leben Jesu, 34; vol.

k

p. 222,

E. T.

500

NOTES.
Note 81.
p.

253.

Strauss grants the massacre to be " not inconsistent

with the disposition of the aged tyrant to the extent that

Schleiermacher supposed" (Leben Jem, 1. s. c. p. 228, E. T.), but objects, that " neither Josephus, who is very minute in
his

account of Herod, nor the rabbins, who were assiduous

in blackening his

memory, give the

slightest hint of this

decree."

(1.

s. c.)

He

omits to observe, that they could

scarcely narrate the circumstance without

some mention

of

its

reason

the

birth of the supposed Messiah

sub-

ject

on which their prejudices necessarily kept them

silent.

Note 82.
Macrob. Saturnal.
ii.

p. 253.

4; "

Quum

audisset Augustus, in-

ter pueros quos in Syria Herodes rex

Judmorum

intra bimaait
:

tum jussit
est,

interfici, filium

quoque ejus occisum,

Melius

Herodis porcum [vv) esse quam filium (vlov)." Strauss contends, that " the passage loses all credit by confounding
the execution of Antipater, who had grey hairs, with the murder of the infants, renowned among the Christians :" but Macrobius says nothing of Antipater, and evidently does not refer to any of the known sons of Herod. He believes that among the children massacred was an infant

son of the Jewish king.

It is impossible to

say whether he
simply ori-

was

right or

wrong

in this belief.

It

may have

ginated in the fact that a jealousy of a royal infant was

known
E. T.)

to have been the motive for the massacre.

(See
p. 67,

Olshausen, Biblisch.

Comment,

vol.

i.

p. 72,

note

Note
Josephus says
a-nofpaiveTai,

83. p. 253.
be aKovaas bcaXvei p.ev to

Kaiaap

aweovk

bpiov, okiyttiv be ?][xepu>v

varepov 'ApxeXaov f3aai\ea

p.ev

tov be

iip-iaeois rfjs
. .
.

x^P as
ttjv be

ifoep 'Hpcabrj virei)p.iaei.av vei-

rekei,

eOvdpxrjV Kadia-Tarai,

erepav

p.as bixfh bvalv 'Hpcabov

ncumv
ijre

erepoLS Tiapebtbov, <I>iAnr7ra>

ml

'AvTLTrq

....

kcu tovt<p p.ev

TJepaCa kcu to FaAiXcuov vire-

LECTURE
rzkovv
.

VII.
feat

501
AvpavCrts crvv tlvl
.

BaravaCa be

<rvv TpayjjiViTibi

(xepei o'ikov

rod Zrjvob(6pov Xeyojxevov ^lXCtttt^ .ra be 'ApxeAaw

(cat

crvvTekovvTa 'ISoujuata re
tiq.

louSata, to re 2ap,aptrtKoV.

(An-

Jud.

xvii.

1, 4.)

Compare the
liberi

brief notice of Tacitus

tripartito

" Gentem coercitam,

{Hist.
v. 9.)

Herodis

rexere."

Note
Strauss says

84. p. 253.

" Luke determines the date of John's

it in

ap-

pearance by various synchronisms, placing

Pilate's

the time of

government
;

in

Judsea

rod (Antipas)

of Philip
;

in the sovereignty of Heand of Lysanias over the other

;

divisions of Palestine

in the

high-priesthood of

Annas

and Caiaphas

and moreover

precisely in the 15th year of

the reign of Tiberius, which, reckoning from the death of

Augustus, corresponds with the year 28-29 f our era

With
going

this last
less

and

closest

demarcation of time

all the fore-

precise ones agree.

Even

that tvhich

makes Annas
if

high-priest together with Caiaphas appears correct,

we con-

sider the peculiar influence which that ex-high-priest retained."

[Leben Jesu, 44; pp.300, 301, E. T.)

Note 85.
Joseph. Ant. Jud.
i](rav

p. 254.

xvii. 11,

1.

'Oir6<roi

be

crvyyevels

tov

/^atriAe'cos,

'Ap%e\a<a p.ev ovvTeTayOai bia p.lcros to

7rpbs

avTov

vaTepovv.

Compare

13,

2.

Note
Joseph.

86. p. 254.
1,

De

Bell. Jud.

ii.

3.

Note 87.
Strauss, Leben Jesu, 48
;

p. vol.

254.
i.

p.

346, E. T.

Josephus

says

Note 88.
'Hpw8?;s 6
ijbrj

p. 254.

TeTpapyjjs
itoKvv.

yap.ei

rrjv

'Ape'ra

dvyarepa, nal avvfjv \povov

2reAAojue/;os" b

(m

502
P&j/AT/b'
e/c

NOTES.
/cardyerat ev 'HpcoSoi; dbekcpov ovtos ov\ opop/p-ptW
Trjs

yap

Sip-avos tov dp^cepews Ovyarpos 'Hpwbrjs eyeyovet'

epacrOels
'

be

HpcoStdSos
/cat

tvjs

tovtov yvvaiKos (dvyarrip be

'

i)v

ApMTTofiovhov,

ovtos abekqbbs clvt&v,

Aypitnrov be deA<p?j
yd.p.u)V.

tov fxeyaKov) roApa koycav atirecrOai

p.evrjs,

rrepl

Kal be$ao-ore airb

avvdrjuai ylvovTai fxeroLKLrracrOai irpbs

ambv
1.)

'Pcop.rjs

'HpwStas
p.eydkov
apx.tepews,

-napayevoiTo.
be

(Ant. Jud. xviii. 5,

7/

And

again

avT&v

dbekcpr) y{\p.eTai 'Hpu>bj] 'Hpcabov tov

iraibl,
/cat

bs ytyovev en Maptdppr/s njs tov 2tpcoi>os tov

avTols SaAwpr; ytverai, p.ed
(ppoi>i]o-a<ra
rjs

Tas yovas

Hpco-

bias, 7rt avyxvcrei

t>v

TrarpiW, 'Hpcabrj yap.eiTat

tt)v be

tov avbpbs

to)

6po77arptw abe\(p(p, otaaraaa ((ovtos'

(Ibid. 4.)

Ta-

AtAaiW

TeTpap-\iai' eX^i' ovtos.

Note 89.
Ant. Jud.
xviii. 5,

p.

254.

Ttcri be t>v 'lovbaicav ebonet, 6ko>-

kevat tov 'Hpu>bov crTparbv visb tov Qeov, Kal

Tivvvfxevov (cara ttoivtjv

pdAa

biKa'.eos

^Icadvvov tov

eir

iKO.kovp.evov BaKal

tttlcttov.

KTCLvei

yap tovtov 'HpwS???,

apeTi]v

ayadbv avbpa,
Kal
rjj

tovs ''lovbatovs

/ceAeiWra,

eiraaKovvras

npbs

akkijkovs biKaiocrvw] Kal irpbs tov

/3aTTTCcrp.<^

Qebv

evvefHeiq \p(ap.evovs,

avvievat.
p?/ eiri

ovTca

yap

Kal ttjv fiaitTia-iv

duobeKrqv awra)
)(pcope\j/vxrjs

(paivecrQai,
vcoi>

Ttvcav dp-apTabcav Trapamjo-ei

bi]

w, dAA' e(f ayveiq tov adp.aTos, are

TTpoeKKeKadapp.evr\s.
ijpOrja-av iirl

Kal

Tijs

btKaioo-vvr]
V(i>v,

Kat

tG>v
ttj

dkkwv

o-vmpe(pop.eAo'ycoz'),

(/cat

yap

'ukelo'Tov

a/cpodcret tGsv

beta-as 'Hpcabrjs to eirl

pj/ eitl

Toaovbe mOavbv avTov rot? avdpcoirois

tt)

aTToaTaaei tlvI (pepoi, (irdvTa yap e&Kecrav rmp/SouAr/

eKeivov 7rpdoi>res), Trokv /cpetTTor ?;yetrat, Trptf rt vecoTepov e

avTov yevevdai, irpoka^v avacpeiv,

to.

?/

p.eTaj3okrjs yevop.evr\s els

7rpdyp.aTa

ep-iieaoiv

p.eTavoeiv.

Kal

p.ev,

v-no^rCa

tv\

'Hpvbov, oeapios

els

tov Ma\aipovvTa

Trepcpflets,

to

npoeipt]p.evov cppovpiov,

TavTij KTivvvTai.

The genuineness
it is

Dr. Burton acutely remarks on this expression, that

a covert

allusion to the Christian doctrine of " a haptism for the remission of

sins,"

and shews the acquaintance of Josephus with the tenets of the

i.

Christians. (Eccles. Hist. vol.

p. 199.)

LECTURE
of this passage
48
;

VII.

503

is

admitted even by Strauss. (Lebeu Jesu,

vol.

i.

pp.

344-347, E. T.)

Note 90.
Strauss, Leben Jesu,
difference, are the
1.

p. 254.

s. c.

The

chief points of apparent

motive of the imprisonment and the

scene of the execution.

Josephus makes fear of a popular

insurrection, the Evangelists offence at a personal rebuke,

But here (as Strauss observes) there is no the motive. contradiction, for " Antipas might well fear that John, by
his strong censure of the

marriage and the whole course of

stir

the tetrarch's against him."

life,

might

up the people into rebellion

Again, from the Gospels we naturally imabut Josephus says that prison was at

gine the prison to be near Tiberias, where Herod Antipas

ordinarily resided
;

Machserus

in Persea,

a day's journey from Tiberias.

Here,

however, an examination of the Gospels shews, that the

place where Antipas

and gave his promise, is not mentioned. It only appears that it was near the Now, as Herod was at this time engaged in a war prison. with Aretas, the Arabian prince, between whose kingdom
his feast

made

and

his

own

lay the fortress of Machserus,

it

is

" a probahis

ble solution" of the difficulty, that he

was residing with

court at Machserus at this period. (Strauss, 48, ad

fin.)

Note
Philip
is

91. p. 254.
till

said to have retained his tetrarchy

xviii. 5, 6.)

the 20th

year of Tiberius. (Ant. Jud.

lost his

Herod Antipas-

government

in the first of Caligula. (Ibid. ch. 7.)

Note
Ant. Jud.
'

92. p. 254.
1
;

xvii.

12;

xviii.

Be

Bell. Jud.

ii.

8,

1.

T779 8e

'

ApyeXaov y&pas ds knapyiav

irepiypcKpeiaris,

l-nirpo-

iros tls i7T7rtK7Js irapa 'Pcojiaiois Taeci)s Kanrcovios TTep-ireTai, p.e-

Xpi tov ktlvLv

\<x(3(iiv

Ttapa rod KaLvapos k^ovtriav.

The

procurators for this period, mentioned by Josephus, are

504

NOTES.
Pilate.

Coponius, M. Ambivius, Annius Rufiis, Valerius Grutus,

and Pontius

{Ant. Jud.

xviii. 2, 2.)

Note
Joseph. Ant. Jud.

1 ;

93. p. 255.

xviii. 6,

10, 11;

8,

xix.

5,

Philo,

In Flacc.

p.

968, D. E.

Note
Joseph. Ant. Jud. xix.
XevovTi
Tr\s

94. p. 255.
;

8. 2

Tpirov be eVos avT<2 fiaaieis iroXw avver?)s

oXi]s 'lovbaias 7re7rA?/pcorcu, /ecu Tiapr\v

?/

Kaiadpeiav,
Te'Aei

irporepov SrpaTwvos irvpyos enaXelro'

eis

8e

evravOa 0ecoptas

n)p KcuVapos

Tipr]v,

inrep

eneivov (TtoTripias eopnjv riva ravrrjv eTU(JTap.evos.

Kcu
/ecu

Trap"

avTi]v ydpoiaTo tG>v Kara

l3rjKOToov

tt]v

eirap\Lav ev reXei

irpofte-

els

aiav

ttXtjOos.

ijpepq oroA.7jy evbvcrapevos ef

77

Aevrepq be dpyvpov

r?)s

0ecopias

Treiroir)ij.e vrjv

a cray,

cos

davpa.ai.ov

icprjv

ewai, irapriXdev eis to Qearpov

ap\opvr\<$ ijpepas.

Kv6a

reus 7rpcorcus tG>v fjXianiov o.ktlv(ov

e7n/3oAcus 6 apyvpos KaTavyaaQeis, Oavpao-icos d7re'crriA/3e, pap-

patpoiv tl (poj3epbv nal rots eis avrov arevi(ovcn

0i/s

cppi/ccoSes.

Ev_

8e 01 Ko'AaKes rds ovbe e/ceiVcp 7rpos dya0o{!

dXXos dXXoOev
eirjs,"

cpcoyas avefiooov,

0eoy upoaayopevov res,

/ecu

" evpevrjs re

eiriXeyovres, " ei

pe\pi
ere

i>Sv cos

avQpu>nov
cpuo-ecos

ecpofiijdrjpev, dAAci

rovvrevOev upeiTTova
eire'irA^e
fiovcrav

6vt)tt\s

opoXoyovpev?'
r?/y

Ov/c
dcre-

tovtois

6 /3acriAevs,

ou5e

KoXaitelav

direrpi\\raro'

dvaKV^/as
/cecpa\?]s

be

ovv

per

dAiyoy,

ror
cr^oi-

j3ov[3cava tt/s

eavrou

v~epKade(6pevov elbev e~l

eiiflvs

viov

tiro's'

dyyeAo'r re to{toj>

evo-qae

kcikcoz'

eirai,

roy

Kat Trore rcoy dyaflcoy yevopevov, koi

vrjv'

bianapbiov eo\ev obvTTpoaecjwaev dXyrjpa, perd

dOpovv be cuVco

ttjs

/coiAias
'

(T(ppobp6Tr\ros dpdpevov.

" 'O 6eos vpiv

/3iW,
(f)b>vas

eyco," (pr/mv,
ti)s

AvaOeapcav ovv irpos roi/s (piXovs, " )/S?7 /caraare'epeu' eTrtrdrropat Toy

Trapaxpvpo-

eipappevi]S ras apri pov KaTe\\revo-pva$

/cATitfets
-n er*

eXeyxovaris' nal 6
Ti)v

dfldmros

icp'

ipcoy

?/8?j

c^aycoy
feat
'

d7rdyopar benreov be

poipevnv v Oebs /3e/3ov'A?;Taf

yap

fieftuiiKapev ovbapy
,1

t/>av A cos,

dAA'

e7rt

tt)s

paKapt( 0M e ,, '? s
>

Aap7rpo'T7JTos.

Tarra. Xeyioi-

eirtTai-ret rrji

dbvwjs KaTeirovelTo.

LECTURE
Mera
airovbijs

VII.

505
Xoyos
...

ovv

eis to jiacriXetov eKopLLaOr], /cat 8tf/e

/act''

ets

77airas,

ws e^ot ro5 reOvavai navTairacn

e(p'

oXiyov

2nre-

X&s

be

?/pe'pas

nevTe

ro3

tt/s

yaarpos dAyrjpan

biepyacr$el<i tov fiiov KaTeaTpe^/ev.

Note
Ibid. xix. 9, 2
0-175

95. p. 255.

v
;

E7rap\oy

ow

tt/s

'IouScuas

/cat

r^s a7rd-

/3a<nAeias

ciTre'crreiAe

[KAavSioy] Kow777itw <l>a8of.

Note 96.
Ibid. xx. 5,
title

p.

255.

7,

and
ii.

8, 4.

Agrippa

II.

bore the

of king.

(De

Bell.

Jud.

12, 8.)

Note 97.
Antiq. Jud. xix. 9,
1
;

p.

256.
3.

xx.

7,

The

evil

reports

which arose from this constant companionship are noticed by Josephus in the latter of these passages. They are
glanced at in the well-known passage of Juvenal {Sat.
vi.

55- 59)I

Adamas
In

notissimus, et Berenices

digito f actus pretiosior.

incestse, dedit

Hunc

dedit olim
sorori,

Barbarus

hunc Agrippa

Observant ubi festa mero pede sabbata reges,

Et vetus indulget senibus dementia

porcis.

Compare

Tacit. Hist.

ii.

and

81.

Note 98.
Joseph. Ant. Jud. xx.
<ttvto virb
8,

p. 256.
;

9, 7.

'O fiaaiXevs

e-ne-ni-

KXavbiov Kattrapo?
1,

tt\v eiriyueXeiav

tov lepov.

In

one passage (Ant. Jud. xx.

3)

Josephus says that these

by the descendants of end of the
;

privileges continued to be exercised

Herod, king of Chalcis, from

war.

his decease to the

he forgets that Agrippa

of this monarch.
vol.
i.

But he here uses the term cmoyovoi very loosely or II. was the nephew and not the son
(See the note of Lardner, Credibility,
s.)

p. 18,

note

506

NOTES.
Note 99.
256.
1

p.

The procuratorship
Ant. Jud.
office
xviii. 3, 2,

of Pilate lasted from the

2th year

of Tiberius (A. D. 26) to the 22nd (A. D. 36.) See Joseph.

and

4, 2.

Felix entered upon his

as sole procurator in the 12th year of Claudius (A. D.

early in the
9.)

53),

and was succeeded by Porcius Festus and 8, reign of Nero. {Ant. Jud. xx. 7,
1
;

Note 100.

p.

256.
in

The

vacillation

and timidity of Pilate appear

in

his

attempt to establish the images of Tiberius

Jud.

Jerusalem,
{Ant.

followed almost immediately by their withdrawal.

xviii. 3,
1.)

His violence

is

shewn

in his

conduct

towards the Jews who opposed his application of the

temple-money to the construction of an aqueduct at Jerusalem

(ibid. 2), as well as in

his treatment of the

Sama-

ritans on the occasion

1 .)

which led to his removal.

(Ibid. 4,

vernment
Caium,
777)?

Agrippa the elder speaks of the iniquity of his goin the strongest terms (ap. Philon. Leg. ad
p.
1

034

KaTabeCaavra

p,?j

/cat ttjs

aAAr/s avrov k-nirpo-

eeAe'y;i(a>m tu$ btopoboKLas,

ras
feat

vfipeis,

ras apirayas,

rets

at/ctas,

ras e^peia?, tovs d/cptrovs

/cat

Tra\\i]kovs (f)6vovs, Ti]V

avrjvvTov

dpyaAecordr^y

copo'rrjra

bu^eKOopres.)

Note 101.
Tacitus says of Felix

p. 256.

" Antonius Felix, per omnem

servili

scevitiam ac libidinem, jus

{Hist. v. 9.)

regium

ingenio exercuit.

11

And

again,

"At non

Felix, pari moderatione agebat,

situs, et

cuncta malefacta sibi

pater ejus, cognomento jampridem Juda?a3 impoimpune ratus, tanta potentia

subnixo.""

[Ann.

xii.

54.)

Josephus gives a similar account of his government. [Antiq. Jud. xx. 8.) After he quitted office he was accused
to the emperor,

and only escaped a severe sentence by the

influence which his brother Pallas possessed with Nero.


LECTURE
Note 102.
See Ant. Jud. xx.
TOVTOV
yu>pav
8, S
1

VII.

507

p. 256.
1
;

o,

Bell. Jud.

ii.

the latter passage Josephus says

TT]V

4,

In

AiaSefajueyos 8e irapa

kTTlTp07!7]V

$>r\<TTOS,

TO [AakMTTO. X.VfAaiv6y.VOV T1]V

ZiregrjeL'

t&v yovv

Xr/arSiv avvikafie tovs tt\1<ttovs, koI

'AAA.'
ot>x.

bu(p6eipev ovk oKiyovs.

/xera <Pr}aTov 'AA/3ii>os tov

5'

ovtov Tpoirov

k^rfyi'](TaTo tG>v

irpaypLaTw' ovk eari

ijvrtva a-

Kovpyias Ibiav TrapeXtTrev.

Note 103.

p. 257.

See above, notes 100 and 101.

Note 104. Here the accuracy of

liii.

p. 257.

St.

Luke

is

very

remarkable.

Achaia, though originally a senatorial province (Dio Cass.

p.

503, E.), had been taken into his

i.

own keeping by
le-

Tiberius (Tacit. Ann.

76),

and had continued under

gates during the whole of his reign.

Claudius, however, in

his fourth year restored the province to the senate (Suet.

vit.

consuls.

Claud. 35), from which time it was governed by proSt. Paul's visit to Corinth fell about two years

after this change.

Note 105.

p.

257.

Seneca says of Gallio " Solebam

fratrem

meum

(quern

tibi dicere, Gallionem nemo non parum amat, etiam qui

amare plus non potest) alia vitia non nosse, hoc etiam And again " Nemo mortalium uni tain dulcis odisse."
est,

quam

hie omnibus." (Qucsst. Nat.

(Si/Id.
ii.

iv.

Prsefat.)

Statius

uses the

same epithet

7,

11.

32, 33)

Hoc plus quam Senecam dedisse mundo, Aut dulcem generasse Gallionem.
Note 106.
See Joseph. Ant. Jud.
p.

257.

xvii. 12,

5;

xviii. 1,
rrjs

1.

llapijv

be kcu Kvpyjvios eis Tr\v 'lovbaiav, -npocrd^Kriv

Svpia? yzvo-

508
[i.ivt\v,

NOTES.
aTTOTip.r)<r6p.vos uvtoHv

ras ovaias
Kaiirep to

/cat

airobuxro-

fxevos ra "'Ap^e^-o-ov

xPW aTa

Oi be

kclt

ap-^as ev

beiv<2 (pepovres ti]v ctti tclis

anoypatyals aKpoaaiv, v~OKar4with respect to the time of the

note 119.

p-qaav, k.t. A.

The

difficulty
in

taxing

will

be considered

Note 107.

p. 257.

There was a Sergius Paulus who bore the office of consul Another held the same office in in the year A. D. 94. This latter is probably the Sergius Paulus 168. A. D.
mentioned by Galen. (Anat.
2
;

i.

1, vol. ii. p.

218

De

Prcenot.

vol. xiv. p.

612.)

Note 108.

p. 257.

Cyprus was originally an imperial province (Dio Cass. liii. p. 504, A.), and therefore governed by legates or probut Augustus after a while prietors (Strab. xiv. 6, 6)
;

gave

it

up to the Senate, from which time

(See Dio,
liv.

its

governors
be.ovv kcu
rep

were proconsuls.
ttjv

p.

523,6.

ro're

Kvirpov kcu
cos

Ti]V

YaXaTiav

rrjv

Napfiovrjcrtav cmebtoKe

?/juco,

pybev
TO.

tG>v ottKwv

avTov SeojueVas' kcu ovtws avOv7Te/X77.TC?CH

TiCLTOL

KCU C?

CKCtfO 0Vq

ypgdVTO.)

The

title

of

Proconsul appears on Cyprian

in a

coins,

and has been found

Cyprian Inscription of the reign of Claudius. (Boeckh,

Corp. Inscript. No. 2632.)

Note 109.
Joseph. Ant. Jud.
xlix.
xiv. 13,

p. 257.
; ;

De Bell. Jud. i. 13, 1 3 This Lysanias was the son of p. Ptolemy son of Mennaeus, and seems to have been king of
Dio Cass.

4ii,B.

Chalcis and Itursea, inheriting the former from his father,

and receiving the

sages above cited.

latter

from

Mark Antony.
p.

See the pas-

Note 110.

257.

Lysanias, the son of Ptolemy, was put to death by Antony, at the instigation of Cleopatra (Joseph. Ant. .Jud. xv.
4,

1), certainly before the year of

1.

Rome

719, B. C. 35.

(See Dio Cass.

s.

c.)

LECTURE
Note 111. So Strauss, Leben Jesu,

VII.

509

p. 258.
;

44

vol.

i.

p.

302, E. T.

Note 112.
'

p.

258.

We cannot indeed prove that, had a Ibid. p. 301. younger Lysanias existed, Josephus must have mentioned
f

him,

&c.''

Note 113.
Strauss assumes, without
(or Abilene)
,n

p.

258.
proof, that Abila

atom of

was included

in

the kingdom of Lysanias, the

is

contemporary of Anthony.
of his territories.

It

never mentioned as a part

it

Indeed, as Dr. Lee has remarked*,

seems to be pointedly excluded from them. Agrippa the First received " the Abila of Lysanias" from Claudius, at
the very time

when he

relinquished the

kingdom of

Chalcis,

which formed
(Joseph.

the. special

territory of the

old Lysanias.

De Bell. Jud. ii. 12, 8 ; Ant. Jud. xix. 5, 1.) would appear that Josephus really intends a different Lysanias from the s"on of Ptolemy in these two pasThus
it

sages.

Even, however, if this were not the case, his silence would be no proof that a second Lysanias had not held a
tetrarchy in these parts at the time of John's ministry.

That Abila formed once a tetrarchy by

in the subjoined passage from Pliny

itself
''

seems implied
singula?, et

Intercursant cin-

guntque has urbes

(H. N.
v.

tetrarchice,

regionum instar

in regna contribuuntur, Trachonitis, Paneas, Abila, &c."

1

8,

ad

fin.)

Note 114.
See above, notes
4, 89,

p. 259.

and 94.
p. 259.
i.

Note 115.

Strauss, Leben Jesu, 32; vol.

x See his Inspiration of
I

p.

301, E. T.
2
.

am

indebted to

my

Holy Scripture, Lecture VIII. p. 403, note friend, Mr. Mansel, for my knowledge of this

excellent work.

510

NOTES.
Note

116. p. 259.

See the Zeltschrift fur qeschichtliche Iiechtwissenscha/t vol. vi., quoted by Olshausen in his Biblischer Commentar,
(vol.
i.

p.

125

p.

\6,

E. T.)

On
i.

the general question, see

315.

Alford's Greek Testament, vol.

p.

Note 117.
Ant. Jud.
xviii. 1,

p.

259.

1.

See above, note 106.

Note 118.
Strauss, Leben

p.

260.

Jem,

32

p. 204,

E. T.
1

Note 119.

p. 260.

The
posed
:

following explanations of

Luke

ii.

2 have been proTrpuTrj

(1.) It

has been proposed to take

with

a-no-

ypafyi],
ypacprj,

to regard KvprjvCov as a genitive dependent on airo-

and

riyepovevopros as equivalent to l]yp,6vos or ?/ye-

p.ovevaavTos.

The passage

is

then translated

" This was

Bezay

the

first

assessment of Cyrenius, once governor of Syria."

i.

(See Lardner, Credibility, vol.

(2.)

pp. 173-17,5-)
this is the view of

Only slightly different from

irpa>Tri

and others, which takes

the verse

in

the same way, but regards

?)yp.ovevovTos Kvprp'Lov as

" This

a genitive absolute, and renders

first

assessment was

made when Cyrenius

was governor of Syria." Both these explanations suppose that Cyrenius made two assessments, one before he was The former actual President of Syria and one afterwards. regards Cyrenius as designated by his subsequent title the latter supposes that he may have been called " governor"" when strictly speaking he was not so, but had a certain
;

degree of authority.
1.

Two

objections

lie

against both views.

to take npuTi) with

The ordo verborum does not allow us

y

See Lardner, Credibility,

vol.

i.

p. 171,

note d


LECTURE
cn:oypa(f)ij.

VII.

511

2.

No

writer hints at Cyrenius having been

twice employed to
(3.)

make a

census in Palestine.
is,

third explanation

that

Trpa>Tr]

is

for irporipa,
it,

and that the genitive

tos p-ov
i]v (i.

Kvprjviov

depends upon

the con-

struction used being analogous to that of St. John,

15.)

was made before

Syria."

on irpG>The meaning is then " This assessment the time when Cyrenius was governor of
i.

(Lardner, Credibility, vol.

vol.
is
i.

pp.165 173;

Alford,

Greek Testament^
(4.)

p. 314.)

Finally, it

maintained that kyivtro should be

re-

garded as emphatic
a

and
it

that St.

Luke means, as

have

suggested in the text, that while the enrolment was begun

was never fully executed Both this and the preceding explanation seem to be allowable they are compatible with the Hellenistic idiom, and do no violence to history. As Lardner has shewn, there is abundant reason to believe that an enrolment was actually set on foot
little

before our Lord's birth,

it

until Cyrenius carried

through.

shortly before the death of Herod.

vol.
i.

(See the Credibility,

pp. 151-159.)

Note 120.
See his Short View of Prop. xi. pp. 145-149.
the

p.

260.
the

Harmony of

Evangelists,

Note 121.
Connection of Sacred

p. 260.

and Profane

History, vol.

ii.

p.

505.

Note 122.
Ant. Jud.
as sent from
xviii.
1,

p. 260.

1.

After speaking of Cyrenius

Rome

for the express

purpose of effecting a

census, Josephus adds

'lovbas be FavXaviTrjs avrjp, in tto<$>apioaA,ov

Aeos ovop.a Yap.aAa, SdbbovKOV

?}7Ttye70 67Tt
(XTT

irpoakaixfiavopievos,

<TT &(T 1,

TT\V

O.1T0TLfJ.r](TtV

OvbtV ClAAo

7J

avriKpvs bovkeCav eincpepeLv Keyovrts, kcu

avTiXijyf/ei

rfjs

ekevOepias

eir*

TTapanakovvTes to
efforts,

'iQvos.

He

then speaks of the

of a sect.

success of Judas's

and

his formation

512

NOTES.
Tfj be rerdpTi] tu>v (/hAocto-

which Josephus puts on a par with those of the Pharisees,

the Sadducees, and the Essenes.
(f)iu>v

FaAtAatos ^lovbas

r)yep.<i)V KaTerrTrj.

(Ibid. 6.)

Note 123.

p. 260.

De

Bell. Jud.

ii.

17,

8.

The
to

followers

of
11

Theudas

but those of Judas the Galilsean " were dispersed." (Ibid, verse
nought" (Acts
v. 36),

" were scattered and brought

37.)

It

is

in exact

accordance with

this distinction that

the latter reappear in the Jewish war, while of the former

we hear nothing.

See Dean Alford's note ad

loc.

Note 124.
Antiq. Jud. xx. 5,
1.

p. 261.

Note 125.
lb. xvii. ]o.

p.

261.

4; Ey

tovtco be nal

ere pa fxvpLa Oopvficov

e\6p.eva
kolt

ti]v

'\ovbaiav K.aTe\ap.fiave,

ttoXX&v 7roAAa)(ocre

olKetu>i/'

ekiribas

nepb&v kcu "lovbaCcov e\dpas

em

to iro\e-

p.ew

u)pp.i]p.evu>v.

Note 126.

p.

261.

De Bell. Jud. ii. 13, 5 ; Mei(ovi be raun/s TrArjyf/ "'lovbatovs eKUKcaaev AlyvttTios \\revbonpo(pr}Tr]s. Ylapayevop.evos yap
els
Ti]v

\u>pav,

avOpctrnos

yor)$,

nal

TTpocprJTOv

tticttiv

emdels
Hepia-

eavTu>, TtepX TpiapAjpiovs jxev aOpoi(et tcov i]iraTrjp.ev(i>v.

yayiov be avrovs ex

Tijs epr}\xias

eh

to

'Ekamv
b/]fxov

na\ovp.evov opos,

exeWev
Trjcras

olos re ijv eh-'lepoaoAvp.a TtapeXOelv ^ia(eadat, koI Kpa/cat

Ty$ re Pco^cukt/s <ppovpa$

tov

Tvpavvelv,

XP<*>-

p:evos rot? <rvveLO"!Tecrov(Ti bopv(j>6poL$.

yvt]V <J>?)At,

<l>davei be

avTov

ti\v 6p-

vnai'TLCMras p.Ta tCov

r?/? aixvvrjs'

'

Vcop-dLKun' 6t:\it5)V, koX ttcls 6

bypios

avvefotyaTo

wcrre avp.i3o\i}$ yei'op.evi]S tov

p.ev AlyvTTTiov

(pvyelv pier dAtycof, btacpOapijrat be nal (utypi)tG>v ctvv avT<2'

Oijvai
cr6ei>

irXeiaTOVi

to be Kolttov tt\i)6os aKeba-

em

tijv

lavT&v enacrTOV biakaOelv.

Compare

Antiq. Jud.

xx. 8, 6.

LECTURE
Note 127.
p.

VII.

513

262.
(1. s.

In the parallel passage of the Antiquities

c), Jo-

sephus says, that Felix slew 400 and captured 200 of the
Egyptian's followers.
If

he had really estimated their

whole number at 30,000, he would scarcely have said, that " very many (7rAetcrroi) were killed or taken prisoners,"

when the

loss in

both ways was no more than 600 men.

It

has been sagaciously conjectured that the reading Tpwfxvpiovs should

be replaced by TtTpaKi<r\i\iov$, having arisen from the ready confusion of A with 8, or A with A.
(Lardner, Credibility,
vol.
i.

p. 227.)

Note 128.
Ant. Jud. xx.
2. 6.
xii.

p.

262.
Cassius.
lx.

Compare Dio

pp. 671,

43; Sueton. vit. Claud. 18. Eusebius mentions a famine in Greece during the same reign.
Tacit.

672;

Ann.

{Chronica, pars

ii.

p.

373, Ed. Mai.)

Josephus

calls

the

famine in Judaea, to which he

Jud. xx.
5. 2.)

refers, top fxeyav \i\x6v.

{Ant.

Note 129.
Alford, Greek Testament, vol.

p. 263.
ii.

p.

^.

Note 130.
See an article

p.

264.
in the

" on the Bible and Josephus,"

Journal of Sacred Literature for October 1850.

Note 131.
S.
vol.

p. 264.
cxviii.

Ambrose, Comment, in Psalm,

i.

37.

{Opera,

p. 1206.)

Note 132.
Ibid. Explic. Luc. x. 171.

p. 265.

{Opera, vol.

i.

p. 1542.)

Note 133.
Irenseus, Advers. Hares,
f ii.

p. 265.
1
;

{Opera,

vol.

ii.

p. 6.)

RAWLINSON.

NOTE
LECTURE
Note
1.

S.

VIII.

p. 267.
is

vJF

all

our writers on the Evidences, Lardner

all

the only

one who appears to be at

duly impressed with a feeling

of the value of Christian witnesses.

He

devotes nearly two

volumes to the accumulation of their testimonies.

Credibility, vols.
i.

(See his

ii.

and

iii.)

Paley does not

make any
;

use of Christian writers to prove the facts of Christianity

he only

cites

them as witnesses

to the early existence

and

repute of our Historical Scriptures. Butler in a general way refers to the evidence of the " first converts" (Analogy,
part
ii.

ch.7, p. 291); but omits to enlarge on the point.

And

this is the general spirit of

our Apologists.

Note So Celsus
first

2. p. 268.
iii.

(ap. Origen. Contr. Cels.

44.)

Strauss en-

deavours to diminish the authority of the Apostles, and

preachers of Christianity, by contrasting the darkness
of Galilee and Judaea with the enlightenment of " highly
civilized
vol.
i.

Greece and Rome."

64, E. T.)

(Leben Jesu, 13, sub

fin.

p.

Note

3.

p. 270.
;

vi. p. 770. Stromata, ii. pp. 464, 489, 490; v. p. 677 Clement believes the writer to be the companion of St.

Paul.

(See Strom,
p.6.pTW
i]V,

ii.

p.

489

Ov

p.01

8ei Trketovwv Xoyoiv,

irapadepitvy

rbv 'Attoo-toXlkov Bapvafiav 6 8e

koX

tS>v kfihop.r\KOvra

avvepybs tov riavXov.

He

then

quotes from the extant Epistle.)

LECTURE
Note
Contra Celsum,
p. 140,
i.

VIII.

515

4.

p.

270.
;

63

p.

378, B.

Be

Princip.

iii.

2.

E.

Note

5. p. 270.

Professor Norton assigns the Epistle of Barnabas to

" the middle of the second century" [Genuineness of the
Gospels, vol.
i. but on very insufficient evidence. p. 347) Lardner gives A. D. 71 or 72 as the probable date of its
;

composition.

{Credibility, vol.

i.

p. 2S5.)
it

M. Bunsen,

while rejecting the view that

its

was written

by the companion of St. Paul, puts

time before the close of the
his Age, vol.
i.

composition " about

15 years before that of the Gospel of St. John," or some first century. (Hippolytus and
p. 54.)

The genuineness of the Epistle has been well defended by Dr. Lee, who thoroughly exposes the common fallacy, that, if the work of the Apostle, it must have formed a
portion of Canonical Scripture.
Inspiration of Holy Scripture,

(See his Lectures on the

Appendix E. pp. 472-477.)

p. 270.

Note

6.

See the subjoined passages

'Io-parjA, ko1

Vlepas yk tol bibao-K(ov tov

(rrjixela iroiGsv,
,

Toiavra ripara nal

e/o/pve,
)

nal VTiepT]yait7]<jV clvtov.

"Ore 8e tovs IbCovs

Attoo-t6\ovs
...

tovs /xe'AAoj'ras Krjpvaaecv to evayykkiov avrov, eeAe'aro,

Tore e<pavepa>(TV kavrov vlov

Qeov

etVcu.

( 5
ttjv

p.

5-)

Oi 8e

pavTi(ovTs ircubes, vayyekt.(6pLV0L i]p2v

tlG>v, koX

a<peaLV tS>v ap.ap-

tov ayvLcrp.bv
"

rr\s

Kapbias, ols booK tov EvayyeKtov

els

tt\v k^ovcriav, oven,

benabvo,
>

paprvpiov tS>v
p. 25.)

cpvkoJv,

on

8e-

nabvo at cpvXal tov

ovTdt)

lapai]K.

(8;

Avtos

ijOkKricrev
re'et's

iradeiv ... Ae'yei

yap

6 TrpoeprjTevcav kii avT<2 tols

... Ibov,

OetKa p.ov tov va>rov ets /^dcrnyas,

panCo-paTa.

o-tayovas
tj]

(5;

p. 16.)

"O^rovTai avTov totc

irepl
Ti]v

i]pipq

tov

TTobrjpr]

k\ovra tov kokkivov

ovtos ecrrty ov ttotz
?)jueis

aapKa, <al

epovatV

Ov\

eaTavp(oaap.v e-

ov0vi](TavTes, nal Kara/ceim/o-az'res, Kai ep.i:aiaPTe$. (7<

l!

516
p. 24.)
ijfxas ...
j

NOTES.
'O vlbs tov &eov
erraOev, tva
?/

irkrjyi]

avrov

^o)07rot?/cr?j

aravpcaOels enoTi^ero oei Kal X^V' Kal Ttdkw Mohj-t;? 77otet tutto^ rov 'I^crotr 20, 21.) ( 7 PPon bel avrov 7tadelv Kal avrbv ((ooiroL^a-ai, ov bo^dxrtv dnoKal

aWa

k(akKvat.
nepieaye

( 12

p. 39.)

Tt ovv

Ae'yei

~d\iv

6 77po(/>?/rrjs

p.e crvvaycayi] TTOvrjpevop.ev(DV

eKVKkwadv ae
p.ov

cocrnep p.e-

Aiovrat Krjp[ov

mat

errl

tov ip.ariap.6v

efiaXov

kKtj-

pov.

'Ev aapid ovv avrov p.e\\ovros (pavepovaOai Kal ndcryeiv,

ttclOos.

rrpoecpavepovro to

(6;

p. 18.)
f]

Ato Kal dyop.ev r^v

Kal 6 'Ir/novs dvea-r-q

i]p.ipav tijv oyborjV els

ev<f)poo~vvi)v, ev

Zk

vtKpiov
p. 48.)

Kal

(pavepcaOels

avefir)

els

tovs ovpavovs.

(15;

Note
Lardner, Credibility, vol.
cles.

7.
i.

p. 270.
p.

289

et seqq.

Burton, Ec-

History, vol.
i.

i.

vol.

pp.

336-338

pp. 342, 343 ; Bunsen, H-ippolytus, vol.

p.

Norton, Genuineness, &c.

i.

pp.

44-47

Jacobson, Prcefat. ad S. Clem. Ep.

his

x xvii.,

prefixed to

Paires

Apostolici.

Note

8.

p.

271.

The following are the passages to which reference is made in the text: 'E avrov (sc. toi; 'IaKw/3) 6 Kvpios^lrjaovs to Kara. adpKa. (32; p. 1 14.) To aKijirrpov rijs p.eyaXwavvqs tov &eov, 6 Kvpios i)p.S>v Xpiaros Irjaovs, ovk
y)Kdev ev Kop.iru> aka(oveias, ovbe vrreprjcpavCas,

Kai~ep bvvd-

p.evos,

dAAa

raneivo(ppovG>v.
rjv

(16;
vp.Q>v.

pp. 60, 62.)

Ta

-aOrj-

p.ara avrov
p.ep.vi]p.evoL

npo d(f>6a\p.wv

(2;

p. 12.)

MaAiora
yap eXneV

r&v Xoycav rod Kvpiov 'lyaov, ovs eXdXrjae bibdOvroiS

aK(ov

emeiKeiav Kal p,aKpodvp.iav.

u>s bibore, ovrcos

'EAeetre tva e\et]dr}re, d(piere tva aipeOfj vp.lv

TTOLT^OijaeraL vp.lv

u>s Troielre, ovroi

boO-qaerai

vplv
l

a>?

Kpivere,

ovrios Kpidi)aeraL vp.lv

wj

Xprjcrreveo-Oe,

ovrvs XP r a"raj @''J <TeTaL

vp.lv.

vp.lv

p-erpca

p.erpelre,

ev airw p.eTpr)6r\o-erai

( 13

p. 52.)

^ArevCo~a>p.ev

eh to alp.a tov \piarov,

Aia
rrjv

/cat lba)p.ev

ok

ecrriv rip.iov r<5

0e<5 aXp.a avrov, bid ri]v i)p.erepav

o"&>-

T-qpiav eK\vdev.

(7;

p. 34.)

dydiriiv rjv ecryev

7]p.a>v 'Irjaovs

npos ijpds rb alp.a avrov eba)Kev vrsep

aros 6 l\vptos
ijuiov, ev de\j]p.aTL 0eotS,

Xpi-

Kal ri]v

adpKa

vrtep r?;sN

LECTURE
napKos
p. 178.)
7]ixu)V,

VIII.
t>v \jrv\(ov
?*s rj[xG>v.

517
(

Kal ti)v

\\rv)(j]v

inep

49

Ttjv p,ekkovaav avaaracnv eae&Oai,

t-)]v

ai;ap\r\v
ava-

iiTOLijcraTo

tov Kvpiov

i]jxQ>v 'Irjrrovv

XpurTov,
6

f/c

veKp&v
42

crnyo-a?.

(24;
ol

p. 98.)

'Efe7re/!A</>0>7

Xpiaros ovv
(
;

airb tov

Qeov, Kal

'A7700T0A01 curb tov Xoiotou.

p. 148.)

Mera TTk7)po(pop[as Y\vevp.aTos 'Aytov

(rroAot] evayyeAi^o'joiei'oi r7
<r0ai.

er)kdov [ol'Atioe'/^X 6

V fiamkeiav tov
kt)

Qeov pekketv
pv
<t cr

'

Kara

\copas ovv Kal irokeis

vte

9,

Kadeeis
(ij-

(ttclvov ras aTrapx^as avT&v, boKLpAaavTes

r<3

Flvevjoian,

ttlo~k6itovs Kal btaKovovs. (ibid. pp. 148, 150.)

Ata

kov Kal (pOovov ol p.yio~Toi Kal StKatorarot arvkoi

(a\8riaav Kal ecos Oavarov i)kdov. Aaftupiev irpb 6(p9akp.u>v

ebt-

r/p-cov

rows ayaOovs 'A-rroo-Tokovs.

Ylerpos bia

(rjkov abtKov ov)^

oi/'rco

eva oibe bvo, akka irketovas virf]veyKev ttovovs, Kal

papTvprjo-as eTropevOrj 619 to 6cpei.k6p.evov tottov ttjs bor]s.
{rjkov Kal 6
FI

Ata

a? A os

v7iop.ovr\s

/3paj3eTov imeo-^ev,

eirT&KLs

beap.a (popeaas, (pvyabevdels, ki6acr9els, Kr]pv yevofxevos ev re

rfjs

rrj

avarokfj Kal ev
to Tepp.a

Tjj

bvcrei, to yevvalov

Trior ecos

avTov /cAeos ekafiev, biKaioavvr]V bi,baas

Kal
errl

okov

tov Kocrpiov

ttjs
k. t.

bvcreu>s ek6a>v, Kal

p.apTV-

pijo-as eirl tG>v yyovp-evcov,

A. (

pp-

24 28.)

Note
Ep. ad Cor. 47;
,

9. p. 27

p. 168.

'AmAa^ere
Ti

ti]v

e7riaroA?/v tov

ptaKapiov Ylavkov tov

A-noaTokov.
eir'

Trpu>Tov vp.lv ev o\p)Q] tov

evayyekiov eypaxfrev

akrjOeias wevpiaTiK&s eireo-Teikev vp.LV

us pi avTov Te Kal

K.rj(pa re Kal 'Atto'AAg), Sia

to Kal roVe

TTpocr-

Kkio-ets vp-as TieTToiijcrdat.

Oomp.

Cor.

i.

10-12.

Note

10. p. 272.

See Burton's Ecclesiastical History of the First Three

Centuries, vol.
i.

pp. 197

and 357.
11. p. 272.

Note
Ibid. vol.
ii.

p. 23.

Anno quo

8. Ignatius a Trajano Jntiochice

in

Compare Pearson's Disputatio de ad Bestias erat

Dr. Jacobson's Patres Apostolici

condemnatus (printed

518
vol.
ii.

NOTES.
pp. 524-529.)

Pearson places the Martyrdom

in

in

A.

D.i 16; M. Bunsen

i.

A. D. 115.

(Hippotytus

and

his

Age, vol.

p. 89.)

Note

12. p. 272.

and the MSS., and were printed at Paris as early as A. D. 1495. Burton says of them, " Two Epistles to St. John and one to the Virgin Mary, which only exist in Latin, do not deserve even to be mentioned." (Eccles. Hist. vol. ii. p. 29, note.) So far as I
of these Epistles are addressed to St. John,
third to the Virgin Mary.

Two

They

exist in several

know, they are not now defended by any one.

Note
Lardner, Credibility,
Hist. vol.
vol.
ii.

13.
i.

p.

272.
;

vol.

pp. 314, 315

Christl.

Burton, Eccles.

ii.

pp. 29, 30; Schrockh,

;

Kirch. Geschichte,
Christl.

p.

341 et seqq.
ii.

Neander, Geschichte der

Re-

ligion, vol.

p.

140

Kiste in Illgen's Zeitschrift fur

pp.

histo-

rische Theologie, II.

lici,

ii.

47-90; Jacobson, Patres Aposto;

vol.

ii.

pp.

262-470

Hefele,

Patrum Apostolicorum

Opera, 3rd edition, Prolegomena,

p. lviii.

Note

14. p. 272.

E useb
(Op.
vol.

Hist. Eccles. ii i 3 6 ;
.

H ierony m
The

Be Viris Illustr. c x vi
.

ii.

p. 841, ed. Vallars.)

brief account given in

the text of a very complicated matter, requires a few words

of elucidation,

and perhaps,

to

some extent, of

correction.

The twelve

Epistles in their longer form exist both in

Greek, and in an ancient Latin version. Eleven Epistles out of the twelve are found in a second Latin vorsion, likewise ancient ; which presents numerous important variations from the other,

and

is

in general considerably shorter.

Of these eleven

Epistles, the first seven,

and a fragment of

the eighth, were found in Greek in the famous Medicean

manuscript, which evidently gave the original text of the

shorter Latin translation.
of the

The seven

(complete) Epistles

Medicean MS.

arc nearly, but not quite, identical

; ;

LECTURE
rome.

VIII.

519

with the seven Epistles mentioned by Eusebius and Je-

They

consist, that

is,

of six out of the seven (viz.

the Epistles to the Ephesians, Magnesians, Trallians, Philadelphians, Smyrnasans,

ter to a Christian
also in the

and Polycarp), together with a letwoman, Maria Cassobolita and there is

;

MS.

a fragment of the Epistle to the Tarsians.

The

Epistle to the

Romans, which
is

is

placed at the end of

the shorter Latin recension,

not in the Medicean

MS.

but this
ment.
version,

is

explained by the fact that that

it

MS.

is

a frag-

As

observes the exact order of the shorter Latin

and seems to be the text only somewhat corrupt from which that version was made, we may conclude, Thus that it contained originally the same eleven letters. we cannot base any argument on the identity of the Eusebian and Medicean Epistles. It is not an exact identity and the approach to identity is perhaps an accident.

Note

15. p. 273.

xxxiv

See Dr. Cureton's Corpus Jgnatianum, Introduction, pp. lxxxvii. ; Bunsen, Hippolytus and Ms Age, vol. i.

pp. 98-103.

Note

16. p. 273.

See Dr. Jacobson's Preface to the third edition of his

Patres Apostolici,
p. liv;

Hefele's Prolegomena,

1. s. c.

Pro-

fessor Hussey's University Sermons, Preface, pp. xiii-xxxix.;

Uhlhorn

in Niedner's Zeitschrift
;

xv. p. 247 et seqq.

Review, No.
sion
is

viii.'p.

fur Mstorische Theologie, and Canon Wordsworth in the English 309 et seqq. The shorter Greek Recenin the University of Oxford.

also regarded as genuine by the present itegius

Professor of

Hebrew

Note

17. p. 274. of the Ignatian

The subjoined are the most important

testimonies to the facts of Christianity
7ncrra,
koli
:

kv

~'\r](Tov

y.ta SiwepX 60"^ rw Kara adpKa e/c ytvovs Xptorw, vlio

Aa/3t5, Tw

t/l<5

apdpuTTOV kal

eov. (Ep.

ad Eph.

xx.

520
p. 302.)

NOTES.
'O yap 060?
/car'

7]fxm' 'Ir/axws o

Xpiards (KVOcpopi'jOi]

vtto

M apt as,

oiKovop.iav (~)eov, *k cmepp.aro'i p.ev Aafilb,

eyevvijOrj, Kal efiaT,ria6i], k.t.K.

n^e^paros
tovtov
f]

8e 'Ayioir 0$

(Ibid, xviii. pp.

296298.)

"Ekadev tov dp\ovTa tov aiwros

Kal 6 tokctos avrov, Kal 6 OavaKpavyr/s.
;

napdevia Mapia?,
pi.v(TTi)pia

tos tov Kvptov, Tpia

(Ibid. xix. p. 298.)

Ha)? ovv e(pavepu>0)] rots amcriv

\}rev irnep

'A<rT7jp ev ovpav<2 ekap.(pais avroi/

TtavTas tovs dorepas, koI rd

i]

dt'CKAd-

krjTov
p.

rjv,

Kal gevtcrp.bv 7rapti\ev

KawoTrjs avrov.

(Ibid. xix.
e/c

300.)

Tov Kvpiov
1

i]p.Q>v ...

yeyevrjp.evov akrjd&s

rrapde-

vov, fie l3aTTTi.ap.evov vtto 'lojavvov,

tva 7ikr)p(o6r) iraaa

biKaioavvi) vn" avrov,

(Ep. ad

aArj^cSs

em

YIovtiov Ylikarov
vrrep yp.S>v ev (rap/a.

Kal 'Hpcabov Terpap-^ov KaOi] Acoperoi'

Smym.

i.

p.

416.)

Kal robs

7rpo<p?/ras ayaTiS)p.ev, bia

to Kal avTobs

eh

to evayyekiov KarriyyekKevat. Kal

ev

eh avrov
eo~u>6rj(rav

ekni(eiv, Kal avrov avap.eveiv

Kal rncrrevTavTes

ev evoTrfTi'lrjCTOv Xpiarot;, ovres aiayam]rol Kal aio6avp.ao-TOL

ayioi,
(jE/j.

vtto

T-qaov

Xpio~Tov
v.

p.ep.aprvpr]p.e voi,

k. t.

A.

ad

Philadelph.
errl rrjs

pp. 394396.)

Aid tovto p.vpov

Iva
Trveij
rfj

ekaj3ev

K6(paA?/s

avrov

K^pios,

eKfcA^rrta acpOapcrCai'.

(Ep. ad Ephes.

xvii.

p. 296.)

'AAr/#cos

eiraOev wj koI a.\i]da>s aveo-TrjOii.

ev eavrov. (Ep.ad Smym.

p.

S.)

MtjkcVi aafifiariCovTes,
f]

Qovres, ev

Kal
ix.

i]

a>?/

i]p.G>v

dAAd Kara KvpLaKi]v (.w'V dvereikev bi avrov. (Ep.

us btbda-Kakov avrbv
avepevov, Trapojv ijyetc
)

ad Mapnes.
pev avTovs

p. 324.)

Oi

rrpocpyrai
SiKaicos
1.

npoareboKOW Kal Sid tovto ov

e

veKpuv.

(Ibid.

8.

'Eya> yap Kal p.era

Ti}v avaxTTacriv

ev aapKi avrbv olba Kal -lo-reva) ovra.

e<\>r\

Kal ore

TTpbs

robs irepl Herpov fjkOev,

:

avrols, AajSere,
curdparov.

\l/r)\a<pi]

TaTe

p.e,

Kal Ibere,

on ovk

eipl baip.6vi.ov

Kal evOvs avrov iJKJ/avro, Kal enidTevrrav. (Ep. ad

iii.

Smym
tw
e77t-

p.

420.)

Merd
cos"

be ti]v avaa-rao-iv
1.

crvvecpayev airois Kal

'T/rordyr/re

ovveruev
o-Konii)

aapKLKOi. (Ibid.

s. c.)

koI aAA?p\oiv,

wv I/juor? Xploros rw arpl xard aapKa,

Kal ol 'A77o'<r7oAot

tw Xpioraj
xiii.

Kal

rw Harpt

/cat

tw Hvev0S1'

pan. (A^.
...

flrf

Mannes.
tiZ

p.328.)

'A^ayKaiov
<L?

eVra^
ts.

vnoTdcraea-OaL

7rpe<TJ3vTepLia,

rots

d7ro(rrdAo

[Ep.ad. Trail. W.

p.

334.)

<^x ws nerpos'icat riai"Aos

LECTURE
ad Rom.
iv. p.

VIII.
-/u>

521
Karoxptros. (Ep.

otaTaatropai vfUV e/ceti'oi airocrTokoi,

368.)

Note

18. p. 274.
;

M. Bunsen's Hippolytm,

See Dr. Cureton's Corpus Ipnatianum, pp. 227-231 vol. i. pp. 9 2-9 8.

and

Note

19. p. 274.

See Jacobson's Patres Apostolici^

This work
is

admitted to
i.

484 512. be genuine, even by M. Bunsen.

vol.
ii.

pp.

(Hippolytus, vol.

pp. 223227.)

Note

20. p. 275.
:

See especially the following passages

o'pefot

Ai&kovol

...

-noptv-

Kara

ti]v ahi]Qeiav

tov Kvpiov, os

tyevero oianovos

7t&vtg)v.

Mvrjjj.ovevovTes be &v eXirev 6 Kvptos (5; p. 494.) bibaaKwv, Mjj KpCvere, iva pr/ KpidrJTe' dcptere, Kal
(p e Qr\ ere ret
t

a.

vp.'iv ekeeae, Kal

'iva eket]9rJTe'

evu

perpu) perpetTe,
/cat

ai>Tt[xeTpi]d{]o-eTai vp.lv

on

pa/coptot ot tttm^oI,
?/

oi

Stco-

Kop.evot

evenev biKaioavv>]s, otl avT&v irrrlv

;

fiacrikeia tov

Qeov. ( 2
i)p,SiV tcls

Xptaros TrjcroCsv, os dzn/^ey/cey pp. 488 490.) dpaprtas ru totco crwpart eirl to $vkov' oj
r<3

dpapnW
dAAd
p.
ot

ova eiroirjaev, oibe evpeOt] 80'Aos ev

?)p.ay,
l

ardpari avrotr
;

tW

>/(rwpey ey aircS,

Tra.VTavnep.eive. ( 8

502.)

Os av

[xi]

oixoXoyrj to p.aprvpiov
;

tov aTavpov,
ecos

e/c

row biafickov eori. ( 7

p.

500.)

Toy

K^ptoz> ?/p,wy 'hjcrovv

Xptoroz/, os virejxeu'ev vrrep

KaTavTfjo-at.'

t&v dpaprtajy ^pco^

Oavdrov

ov ijyeLpev
XpiaTov

&eos, kvaas rds

cooiVas tov qbov.

p. 486.)

nicrTevo-avTes
e/c

i]p.G>v

'irjaovv
e/c

veKpcov,

eh tov eyeipama tov Kvpiov Kal bovTa avTip boav Kal

?

Qpovov
\ovTa,
(

be^tu>v avTOV. ( 2; p. 486.)

ei>

12 (sc.

rw Kfptco)
veKpiav.

ed^ ewapecrT7/(7cop,ev
Kadios
p. 496.)

rai

yiw at&wi,
7jp.iv

airokrixj/opieOa

Kal tov pe'Ae/c

vireay^eTo

eyelpat.

i)p.as
...

riapaicaAco ouv 7rdyras vpds

aaKeiv Traaav

v7Top.ovr)V, rjv Kal i'8ere /car' 6(f)6akp.ovs, ov p.6vov iv rots

pa/captots

Iyyanw,
/cat

/cat

Zctxxtpu), /cat 'Potlcpw,

/cat

dAAd

/cat

eV dAAots
d-77u-

rots e vp.G>v,

er

avrw flayAw

rois AotTrots

522
cttoAois"
...

NOTES.
TXi.Treicrp.ivovs

on

ovtol iravres ovk els kcvov ebpap.ov,

elcrl

Kal

on

eis

tov 6cpiX6p.evov avTols tottov

-napa rc5 Kvpia),

<o Kal avviiradov. (9; pp. 502504.) Tov iianapiov Kal tvboov YlavXov os yev6p.evos ev vp.lv Kara tt pocnoTrov

t&v Tore avd piaiaav

a.Xr]9eias

bibaev
Kal aTTtav

aKpifi&s koX fiefiaioos tov irepl

Vfj.LV

Xoyov

os

eypaxj/ev tirio-ToXas,

K.T.X.

(3;

p. 49O.)

Note

21. p. 275.
in

See the Epistle of Irenteus to Florinus, preserved

bius's Ecclesiastical History (v.
i< iraiboiv p.adijo-is avvavovaa<.

Euse;

20
Ti]

At pp. 359, 360) ^/v\fj kvovvrai avrfi, wore p.e

;

vol.

i.

bvvaadai

elirelv Kal

tov tottov ev
tcls

u>

Kade6p.wos SieAe'yero 6

[xaKaptos YloXvKapiros, koX

irpoobovs avrov Kal tus eiaobovs,

Kal tov \apaKTrjpa tov (3lov, Kal Ti]v tov crw/xaros Ibeav, Kal ras
8iaAe'eis a? Zttolzlto irpbs to ttXijOos, Kal ttjv

/cara 'laavvov

avvavaa-Tpo(p7]V

a>?

cbn/yyeAAe, Kal rrfv juera

t&v

XolttS>v
tovs Xo-

tu>v ttopaKOTcav tov

yovs avT&v, Kal
Kal irepl
(ijs

Kvpiov

Kal

cos aTTep.vi]p.6vev

irepl

tov Kvpiov Tiva

r)v

trap'

ZkgCvwv aKi]Koei,
tijs

t&v bwd/xetav avTov,

ws irapa t&v avTo~Tu>v

tov Xoyov TrapeiA^cb? 6 TloXvKapKos aiTijyytXXe iravTa

avpLcpwva Tals ypa<pcus\

Note 22.
Euseb. Hist. Eccles.
iii.

p.

275.
i.

vol.

p.

147

Hieronym. De

Viris Illustr. x. p. 831. ed. Vallars.

Compare Origen, ad

Rom.

xvi. 13.

Note
See the "
tates Italia;

23. p. 275.

says,

Canon" published by Muratori in his AntiquiMedii JEci, z where the writer (Hegesippus ?) " the book of the Shepherd was written very that
our own times, by Hernias, while his brother

lately, in

Pius presided over the

Roman Church
ii.

as bishop."

And
;

compare Burton,

Eccles. Hist. vol.

;

p.

104; Alford, Greek

Testament, vol. ii. p. 44' Bunsen, Hippolytus, vol. i. p. 184 and Norton, Genuineness of the Gospels, vol. i. pp. 341,342.
*

Vol.

iii.

pp. 853, 854.


LECTURE
Note 24.
p.

VIII.

523

276.

Hernias mentions the mission of the Apostles

sunt qui crediderunt Apostolis, quos
rnisit
;

" Tales

Dominus

in totum

orbem prcedicare."
vels

(Past.

iii.

9,

25

p. 122.)

Their tra-

throughout the world

" Hi

duodecim montes quos

vides,

duodecim sunt gentes quce totum obtinent orbem.

Preedicatus est ergo in eis Filius Dei. per eos quos ipse
illos

ad

misit."

(Ibid.

17;

p. 120.)

dicated in the following passage

Their sufferings are in" Dico ei Domine, vel:

lem

scire quae sustinuerunt.

Audi, inquit

/eras bestias,
(Ibid.
i.

flagella, carceres, cruces,

causa nominis ejus."

3,

2;

p. 78.)

Note 25.
See Burton's Eccles. Hist.

p.

276.
ii.

vol.

p. 73.

and

p.

496.

Note 26.
Ap. Euseb. Hist.
ZcoT?/pos i]ix>v to.

p.

277.
vol.
i.

Eccles. iv.

3;

p.

230;
r\V
ol

Tov

epya ael naprjv

e*c

d\rjdrj

yap

Oepanev-

0VTs, ol avacrravTes
TTtvopievoi,

veKp&i', ol ova oxpOijcrav fxovov depa-

ml

avLarap-evoi.,

ak\h

Kal del irapovres' ovbe

Kal

Tub~rj-

fxovvTos fxovov tov ScoTjjpos,

d\\a

auaWayivTos,

rjcrav eirl

\p6vov iKavbv, a>ore Kal

as tovs

?//xerepoj;s

xP 0V0V s

rt ~

VS aVTU>V CMpLKOVTO.

Note 27.
Burton, Eccles. Hist.
vol.
ii.

p. 277.
p.
1
1 1

Norton (Genuineness

i. p. 126) says A. D. 150. So the BeneBunsen and others date it eleven years earlier, A. D. 139. (See Hippolytus and his Age, vol. i. p. 216. Compare Bishop Kaye, Account of the Writings and

of the Gospels,

vol.

dictine Editors.

Opinions of Justin Martyr, pp. 11, 12; who, however, declines to decide

between the

earlier

and the later date.)

Note
Burton, E. H.
vol.
ii.

28. p. 277.

pp. 128, 129.

According to

its


524
title,

NOTES.
the second Apology was addressed to the Senate only
rr\v

(irpos

'Pco/xaiW avyK\r}Tov)
it

but

it

contains expressions

which imply that

sebius tells us that

it

was addressed to an emperor, and Euwas actually offered to M. A melius.

Note 29.

p. 277.
i.

Kayo, Writings and Opinions of Justin Martyr, ch.

p. 3.

Note

30. p. 277.
vii. p.

remarks " From these works of Justin might be extracted

a brief account of the
life

Paley, Evidences, parti, ch.

75.

Professor Norton

and doctrine of Christ, correin

sponding with that contained in the Gospels, and corresponding to such a degree, both
signed to

matter and words, that

almost every quotation and reference

its

may

be readily as-

proper place

in

one or other of the Gospels."

p.

Note 31.

279.

The
I.

following are
:

among
Napiav

the most important of Justin's

testimonies
'Ico(n)c/>

be,

tijv

p.c-jj.frjiJTevixevo'i,

(3ovkri6els irpo-

Tepov
avriyj

e/c/3aAeij> Tr\v p.v>]iTTi]v

e/c

amy
r?/t>

Ma/na/x,

vop.i(ii>v tyK.vp.ove.lv

avvovaias ai'bpbs, TovreaTiv airb TTopveias,

p.rj

bi

bpdp.aclvtui

tos KeKekevaTo

eK^akelv

yvvaiKa avTov, eluovTos

'

tov (pavevTos ayyeAov otl k Ylvevp,aTo$ Ayiov b eyei Kara ya(Trpos ecru
<Prjs
1

(/w/^?/0ei<?
tjj

ovv ovk eKfi(fi\r\Kev

ai'Tipj,

akka auoypa-

ovTijs ev

TotjOcuo. Tore TTpidTrjs eirl Kvpr]viov, aveki]AvOeL

u>/<ei.

arrb

Na^aper, evda

eh

Brj5A.ee/Lt,

bOev

ijv, airoypdxjfacrdai.'

airo
?)V.

yap

ttjs

KaToiKovcrrjs ti]v yi)v Kivr]V (pvkrjs 'lovba to yevos

Kal

avrbs'

upa

77/

Maplq KekeveTai e^ekdelv eh

avroh
be.

Atyvitrov,

Kal eivai eKel ap.a

tw

iraiSiw, a\pi9 o.v

aTroKakvcpOij eirav-

eAdelv

eh

Ti\v 'lovbaiav.
, v

TevvriOevTos

Tore tov natbiov ev

eKeivrj ttov

Br]dKeep., eireib)]

Ia>fr; ;c/>

ovk et\ev ev tv

kgj/j.?/

KarakclI

kvaai, ev be

o"irr]kaio)

Ttvl

avveyyvs
1)

r?/s

Ka>p.r)s

Karekvae'

Tore ainGiV 6vt<j)v eKei, ereroKei

(paTinj

Ma/n'a tov XpicrTov, koX ev

avTov eTedeLKti'
...

oirov
'

ekOovres oi airb 'Apa/3ias p.dyoi

p.i]

evpov avrov

Hal

llpwbiis,

eiravekOovT^v Trpbs clvtov

(xvtovs
Troifjrrou,

t&v

dr,b

'Apa^ta? pAyav, ok

?/ui><rr

aAAa

LECTURE
Kara Ta KeXevnOei'Ta avTols
aTiaXXaytvTav,
/cat /cat
ot'

VIII.

525
ywpav avr&v
7ratS/,'w, cos

aXXris obov eis ti\v

tov

itocn/c/)
ijbrj

apa

ti]

Mapta

Kal t<2

aureus dzoKeKaXviTTO,

eeX06vT<ov els Atyvirrov, ov yiTipoa~Kvvr\a~ai.

vo>(TK(s)i>

tov iralba bv eX-qXvOeicrav

ol

pdyot, ~nav-

ras anX&s tovs ircubas tovs ev Bi]6Xeep. eKeXevaev avaipedvp'ai.

(Dialog,
2.
At)//,

cum Tryphon. 78;

777s

p. 175.)

Ylaviraadai ebei [rds 0t/crtas] kutcl Ti]v tov Ilarpos /3outs toj> oid

dzro

ro?7

yevovs tov 'Afipaap, Kal

</>uAj/s

Ioi!8a, /cat

Aaj3lb irapOevov yevvr\QivTa vlbv tov

p. 139.)
e-i~eX9ovo-a
r?/

Qeov

Xptardi'.

(Ibid.
3.

43;

Avvapus eov

irapdevte eneaKiao-ev avTi)v,

Kal Kvoabopricrai napOevov

Trpbs

ovaav
/car

ireiroiriKe,

kcu 6 diroaraAets 8e

ami]v

ti]v

irapOevov

eKelvo tov Kcupov ayyeXos 0eo>,

(rvXXi]\j/j}

evrjyye\[aaTO avrrj

etiribv,

'18ou
/cat

ev yaorpt

e/c

n^ej;/cat

paros Ayiov, kcu Tey

/caAecret?

i>ioj>,

ftos 'Tyj/iaTov /cA?^?/crerat,

ro ovopa ovtov 'hicrovv' ovtos yap (Turret roy AacU* av-

to a7ro

tw

ap.apTi.SiU avTcav.

(ApolofJ.

i.

13

p. 64.)
ecpjj,

4. Kat 6 Tpv(a>v,
TrtpLeTpijOri, Kal to,

2i)

yap

ct>uoAoy?/cras
to.

T/pty,

on

/cat

dXXa

tcl

vopupa

bia

Mwtrews biaTayOlvra
re
Kat

ecpvXa^e.

Kayo; aireKpLvap^v,

ilpoXoyrjaa

cpoAoya).

(Dial,
5.

cum Tryphon. 67;

p. 164.)

Kat yap

otiros 6 fiaaikebs 'Hpcoo^s,

paQ&v
irpos

cntb tG>v irpecr-

fivTepcav tov

Xaov vpm>, roVe eX96vT<av

/cat

ovtov t&v dub

7(5

'Apa/3tas pdycav,

eiTrovroiV

ecf

aarepos tov ev
ty\

ovpavu

(fravivTos eyvtoKevaL 6Vt fiacnkevs yeyevrjTai ev

\u>pq vpwv,
irpecrfiv-

Kal ijXOopev Tipoo-KWiyrai avrov.

Te'pcjy elirovTtov,

Kat e^ B?7#Aeep ray

7rpocp?/r?j

otl

yiypainai Iv rw

oi/rcu?,

Kat

crv,

B?]0Aeep.,

/c.

r.

A.

Tc5v euro 'ApajStas

0S2'

paycoi'
/cat

IX06vtu>v els

BrjdXeep, Kal upocrKW^rravTiov to iraibCov,

ai>T<2

TTpoarjveyKai'Tcov
e7ret8i]

8<Spa,
...

xpvaov, Kal Xlfiavov, Kal apvpvav,

eKeXevadrjaav
pi]

kot a7roHpiabr}i>.

KaXv\\nv
(Ibid.
6.

eiraveXdeiv

upos tov

78;
Kaxet

pp. 174, 175.)

(sc.

ev Atyv77rcp) rjaav cmeXdovTes [6

6 enro/crea-as tcl

'Ia>cn)t/>

Kal

?;

Mapta] axpts av aireOavev

'I2s 8e Kat Arjcreti*

ev BrjdXeep iratSta

'Hpco8^s, Kat 'ApxeXaos ovtov biebe^aTo. (lb. 103; p. 198.)

7.

epeXXe tovs aXXovs avOpuvovs yevvr}Strep Kal

i.

dels 6

XpiaTos axpts avbpuOfi,

yeyovev, aKOvaaTe tu>v

',

TTpoeiprjpevcav els tovto.

(Apolog.

35

p. 65.)

526
8.

NOTES.
'EkOovTOS tov
*\t]<tov
eirl

tov ^lopbdvrjv, Kal vop.i(op.evov

... /cat

'I&xnjcp tov reKTOvos vlov vitdpyeiv

tIktovos vop.i(op.evov.

ravra yap
Kal (vyd,

to.

tzktoviko. epya elpyd(eTO ev avdpamois ojv, apnrpa

k.

k. t.

{Dial,

cum Tnjphon.
'Irjaov eitl

88; p. 186.)

9.

Kat Tore ekOovios tov

'Iwdi^yrj? efidirTL^e,
ctinj(j)6r]

tov ^opbdvrjv TTOTapibv.

'Irjo-ov
eirl

evOa 6

KarekdovTos tov

to vbojp,

Kal TTVp

ev

t<2>

"'lopbdvi], Kal
"

dvabvvTos avrov airb tov

eirL-miivai
eir

vbaTos,

<u?

TiepicrTepdv to

Ayiov V\vevp.a
(Ibid.

avrbv

eypa\\/av ol dirocTToXoi avrov. 10. 'loodvvov

88;

pp. 185, 186.)

yap KaOe(op.evov
perafotas, Kal

em

tov ''lopbavov, Kal Krjpvabepp.aTt.vrjv

aovros

j3aT7TLa-p.a

(cavrjv

Kal evbvp.a

ajrb Tpiyjav Kap.r\kov p,6vov (popovvros, Kal p-r/bev eaOiovros irkijv

aKpibas Kal p.eki dyptov, ol avdpomoi vr:ekdp.{3avov avrbv elvai

tov KpiaTov.
dkka.
iKavbs
<pG)vi]
to.

Y\pb$ ovs Kal avTos efioa,

/3o<3jrrav'
?)et

Ovk
s. C.

etpt 6
p-ov,

Xptaros-,

yap 6 la^vporepos
(Ibid.
1.

ov ovk etpt

vTTobi]p.aTa /3aaTarrai.

p. 186.)

11. 'Ore yap avOpwnos yeyovev [6 Xptrrros], TrpoaijkOev avr<2

6 5ta/3oAo9, Tovrecniv
i]

bvvap.is eKeivi]

?)

Kal ocpis KeKkrjp,evrj Kal

Saravas, TTipd((ov avrbv, Kal dyoivL(6p.evos Kara(3akelv, bia to

awvv

TTpoaKvvr]o-aL avrov.
Trovrjpos

'O be avrbv Karekvae

Kal KarefSakev,

ekeyas otl
a>s

eon, uapa
r?]S

ri]V ypa(pi]v a^Ltov irpoo~Kvveio-9ai

yva>p.r]$

&ebs, aTToaTaTris

tov &eov

yeyevrjp.evos.

''Atto-

Kpiverai yap avr<2, TeyparrraL, Kvpiov tov

aeis, Kal

Qeov aov

Trpoa-Kvvq-

airy

p.6viy>

karpevaeLs.

(Ibid.

125;

p. 218.)

12.

"On
be

be Kal Oeparrevaeiv irdcras vocrovs, Kal veKpovs dveTrpoecprjrevdri, aKovcrare t6>v kekeyp.e-

yepetv 6 i)p.erepos Xptaros

vw
<f>os,

ecm

Tama'

Tfj irapovalq avrov dkelrai ^ojAos

ok eka-

Kal Tpavi] carat

ykwaara p.oyikdk(s>v Tvcpkol dvafikexj/ovm,

Kal keTrpol KaOapio-drjcrovTai, Kal veKpot dvaaTijaovTat, Kal -nepi7:aTi]aovo-tv.

On

be rowra

eTtoir\crev,

Ik to>v enl YIovtwv ritAai.

tov yevop-evdiv

o.ktu>v

padelv bvvacrOe. (Apolog.

Ir/crovv t>v per'

48 &v

p. 72.)

13- Kat eK tovtcov tov

avTov

yevr)crop.ev(j&v

TTpoyvbiorrjV e7iLaTdp.edu, Kal ef dkkoiv be irokku>v

-npoeliie

yev/]aeo-Oai toIs TTio-Tevovm. Kal

6p.okoyovmv avrbv Xptoro'y. Kat

yap a
ijp.lv

itdo~)(pp.ev

irdvTa dvaipovp.evoi vtto tow oiKeiwv, TipoelTrev

fxekketv yeveaOai, ojare Kara p.i]beva Tpoirov emkij\jJLp.ov

(\yaiveo-Qai.

uvtov koyov
14.

(Dial,

cum Tn/phon.

Kat yap vlbv &eov Xpiarbi'

koto, tijv tov

35; p. 133.) Flarpoy avrov

LECTURE
aTTOKaXvyjnv

VIII.
rG>v p.adr]ro)v avrov

m>
^ip.iova
p. 195.)

emyvovra avrbv eva

irporepov KaXov/xevov, eTran'o'pacre Ylirpov.

(lb.

IOO

15.

To

iieroi>vop.aKevai

avrov Tlerpov eva

ru>v airoaroXayv ....

pera tov kcu aXXovs bvo abeXcpovs viobs Zefiebatov

6'vras pera>-

vofxaKevat ovofxaTL rod Boa^epyes, 6 ecrriv viol fipovrrjs, arjp.av-

tlkov

i]v

tov avrbv eKelvov etvai.

(Ibid.

06;

p. 201.)

16.

ricoAos Ti? ovov etarr/fcet ev tlvl elcrobco KcopTjs 7rpos a\x~

bebep.evo<s,

neXov

bv eKeXevo-ev ayayelv avrio tot tovs yvoptaxOevros itu/Bas

i.

ixovs avrov, not

ejca^tcre,

kcu elaeXyjXvdev

eh

'Iepoao'Avpa.
17.
y\ao~iv,

(Apolog.

32

p. 63.)

Ot

airSo-Tokoi ev rots yevo\xevoi<$ vir

avr&v

airoixvr]p.ovev-

a /caAetrat evayyeXia, ovt(o$ rrapebcoKav evreraXOat av-

rots tov 'Irjaovv' Xafiovra aprov, ev\apio-rr}a-avra elirea>'

iTOieire
ets

Tovro
/cat

rr)v ava\xvr\o-'w

poir rovreari to a&/xa fxov

to

iroTijpLov

opotws Aa/3oVra Kal evxapio-Tijaavra eiTTelv ToSro' eari

kcu poVots avrots jxerabovvat.

aljxa p.ov

(Ibid.

66

p. 83.)
p.aQy]rG>v

18. Tfj i)p.epa yrrep epeAAe aravpovcrOaL, rpets

t&v

avrov irapaXafiihv
[xevov evOvs
ei

ets

to opos to Xeyop.evov EXai&v, rtapaKetev 'lepouo-aAr/pj r\vyero

tm

z>ac3 rc5

XeywV
an'

llarep,
Kal

Suuaroy

eari, TrapeX6ero>

to

TTorr/ptoy

roi^ro

e/iov'

pera. tovto evy6p.evo$ Xeyei, Mt) w? eyw /3ovAopat, dAA' ws cv

tfe'Aets.

(Dial,

cum Tryphon.
lo-yypov avrov
[xrjKerL

99; p. 194.)

19.

*H row

Xoyov bvvapus

...

eTTOx}]V ecr-^e ...

o-tyTjo-arros

awrov xat

em

Ylovrlov ritAarou arroKpLvaaOai

;

fxrjbev p:r]bevl (iovXop.evov .

(Ibid. 102

p. 1 97.)

20. 'HpcoSou 8e tov ''ApyeXaov 8taSeapeVou, Xafiovros rr\v

egovatav

rrjv anovep.r]6elrrav

avru,
k. t.

&>

Kal FIiAaros yapi(6p.evos

bebepevov tov 'lrjaovv

enep.\\re,
;

A.

(Ibid.

103

p.

198

compare Apolog.
,

i.

40

p. 67, C.)

21. 'Itjo-oCs be Xptoros e^eTaOr] rets \elpas, crTavpcaOeU v-nb

Tu)v Iovba((i)v...tos elnev 6 irpo(priTr]s...Tb be "lpvav

pou x e 'P a ?

Kal nobas, e^yrjacs tG>v ev

xat rots TToa-tv a^rou 17'Awy

rw

arai'pa)

irayevTcav ev Tats

X^*71
;

rjv.

Kal

pi.eTa

ro oraupwcrai avrbv,

e/3aXov KXrjpov

eirl

tov tparto-poy avrov.

;

{Apolog.

1.

$$

p.

65

compare 38 22. Mera ovy ro

;

p. 66.)
o-Tavp(a8r\vai avrbv, Kal
ot

yi-wptpot ai/roS

7rayres aireo-Tricrav, apvr)(rap.evoi

avrov

varrepov be, eK veKp&v

avao-ravTos, Kal d<p6evros avrots, *at rats 7rpo(pjretats evrv\eu',

528

NOTES.
yevi]cr6p.(.va,

ev als TavTCL iravra i:poeipi)VTo

bcba^avTos,

kgli els

ovpavbv avepyop,evov ibovres, kcu

Tn.o~TevcravT'i >

/cat bvvafj.iv

eKet-

6ev avTols nep.ipOelo'av Trap avrov kafiovres, Kal

avOpioTToov e\66vTes,
6r](rav.

els r.av

yevof

ravra ebibaav, Kal airoarohoL Ttpo^yopev-

(Ibid. 50 ; p. 73.) 23. Kal yap a-nobtbous to -vevp.a enl no orau/jcS, tine' ndYep,

els

xelpds o~ov TiapariOeixat r6

-nvevp.6. p.ov.

[Dial,

cum

Tri/phon.

05;

p. 2 CO.)

24. Kal yap 6 Kvpios a^ebbv pe^pis ecnrepas e/xavev e~l tov

vkov, Kal TTpbs ecnrepav eOa^av avrov' eira avecrrr)

7/pipa.
97; Ovbe ev yap 6'Acos

tt)

rpiV?/

(Ibid.

p. 193.)
ecrrt

25.
pa)z>,

ro ye'ros av6pu>-oov, elre /3ap/3a-

eire
r)

EAA?/!'^)^, etre clttX&s carwiovv dv6p.aTt TTpocrayopevo-

fxiviav,

apao/3iW

?/

oloikuv Ka\ovp,ev<>)V,

?;

e^ a~Kr]vaxs kttjvo-

Tp6(po)i> OLKOvvroiv,
lr)(rov

ev

oh

fxr)

bia tov ovofxaTos tov GTavptadevTos

ttou]tjj

ev^al Kal ev^aptcrriat rw Tiarpt Kal

(Ibid.

t&v oXwv

yi-

voinai.

117;

p. 2ii.)

Note 32.
See pages 264 and 265.

p. 280.

Note 33.
See especially Baur,
logie,

p.

28

in the Tubinger Zeitschrift fiir Theo-

1836, fasc.

iii.

p.

199

838, fasc.
des

iii.

p.

149

and

in

pamphlet Ueber den Ursprung

Episcopats, Tubingen,

1838, pp. 148-185

ischen Brie/en

Also compare his work, Die Ignatianihr neuester Kritiker, eine Streitschrift ge8vo.,

und

gen

Hemn

Bunsen,

Tubingen, 1848.

Schwegler and

others have followed in the same track.

Note 34.
I

p. 281.

refer especially to the labours of Signor

Mons. Perret

the

former

in

his

Marchi and Mormmenti delle Arte

work Les Cata-

Cristiane Primitive nella Metropoli del Cristianesimo, (4to,

Rome, 1844), the

latter in his magnificent

folio, Paris,
little

combes de Borne (6 volumes,

our own country two useful

1852-1857). In works have appeared on

LECTURE

VIII.

529

the subject, Dr. Maitland's Church in the Catacombs (London, 1847), and Mr. Spencer Northcote' s

Roman Catacombs

(London, 1857). An able Article in the Edinburgh Review to which I must here express for January 1859, (Art. iv.)

myself as under considerable obligations

blished by

has

made the

general public familiar with the chief conclusions esta-

modern

inquiry.

Note
in

35. p. 282.

See Bishop Burnet's Letters from Italy and Switzerland

1685 and 1686, (Rotterdam, 1687), pp. 209-21

1.

Note 36.
Spencer Northcote,

p. 284.

Roman

Catacombs,
p. 284. p.

p. 4.

Note 37.
See note 4 on Lecture VII.

475.

Note 38.
Edinburgh Review, No. 221,

p. 284.

p. 106. p. 284.

Note 39.

The grounds upon which Mr. Spencer Northcote bases calculation are these 1. The incidental notices in the

his

old

missals and office books of the

scriptions given
sixty different

Roman

church, and the de-

by ancient writers, mention no less than Catacombs on the different sides of Rome, bordering her fifteen great consular roads. Of these about
Father Marchi has measured a portion of the Catacomb of St. Agnes,

one-third have been re-opened, but in only one case has

there been any accurate measurement.

carefully

and. has

which he calculates at one-eighth of the entire cemetery, found the length of all its streets and passages to
be about two English miles.
miles to the St. Agnes'

This gives a length of 16

;

Catacomb

and as that
smaller than

is

(appa-

rently)

an average one

certainly

some as

some the 60 Catacombs would con900 (960) miles of streets. 2, The height of the passages varies in the Catacombs, and the layers of graves
well as larger than
tain above
KAwr.ixsox.


530

NOTES.

are sometimes more, sometimes less numerous, occasionally

not above three or four, in places thirteen or fourteen.

There are also interruptions to the regular succession of tombs from the occurrence of chapels, and monuments of some pretension (arcosolia). Allowing for these, it is suggested that we may take an average of ten graves, five on each side, to every seven feet of street and this calcula;

tion

it

is,

which, applied to the 900 miles of street, pro-

duces the result of nearly seven millions of graves.

Note 40.
Spencer Northcote,

p. 285.
vi.

Perret, Catacombcs de Rome, vol.

p.

10 J et

seqq.

Roman

Catacombs, pp. 29, 30.

For
in the

arguments to the contrary, see Maitland's Church

Catacombs, pp. 142-15 1.

Note

41. p. 286.

Thus we

find such inscriptions as the following:

Tem-

pore Adriani Tmperatoris Metritis adolescens dux militum

qui satis vixit

dum

vitam pro Cho cum sanguine consunsit in

et

pace tandem quievit benemerentes cum lacrimis

erunt
est
i.

metu posuhtalis (Ibid,

d. vi.

(Maitland,

p. 128.)

And, Non unda

coronam.

ansa Constants ferre

quam

licuit ferro

p. 129.)

And

again,

HCrwPAHANTCrAAAHENTNCHTC HTrTAATTCnPw^HAECTM^AMHA HATcoTAQTHECCTNTHNnAKE

rEo><I>HAAANCHAAA<f>ECHT
which may be thus explained
6t]C

Tioph-qavvs

TaWrje
(prjhe

vvvcr]vs
$a//?/A-

rfvyvXarvs TTpa
rja
TtoTCt,

cvfj.

qvrjiacvvT

t]V

Trane

Teoxp-qka avcrjXXa

<pCr\T.

Hie Gordianus,
Jugulatus pro

Gallice nuncius,

fide,

cum famil(Perret, vol.

vi. p.

ia tota, quiescunt in pace.

Theophila ancilla fecit.

152.)


LECTURE
Note
VIII.

531

4#. p. '286.
:

The entire inscription runs as follows Alexander MORTVVS NON EST SED VIVIT SVPER ASTRA ET CORPVS IX HOC TVMVLO QUIESCIT VITAM EXPLEVIT SVB ANTONLNO IMP QVIVBI MVLTVM BENE F1TII ANTEVENIRE PR.EVIDERET PRO GRATIA ODIVM REDDIDIT GENVA ENIM FLECTENS VERO DEO SACRIFICATVRVS AD SVPPLICIA DVCITVR O TEMPORA &C. See
Dr. Maitland's Church in the Catacombs, pp. 32, 33.

Note 43.
" Dormit," " quiescit,
11
'
;

p.

287.

depositus est," are the terms

and from the same idea burial-places are called by the name, which has since become common in Christian 11 lands viz. Kot^r?/pia, " cemeteries or " sleeping-places.
used
;

11

See Marchi's Monumenti

p.

delle

Arte Cristiani Primitive, &c.

p. 162.

63

Spencer Northcote, -Catacombs,

occurs, either at the beginning or at the

tion,

In jiace" end of an inscrip-

"

almost as a necessary formula.

Note 44.
Northcote's Catacombs,
spect between Christian

p. 287.

The contrast in this and Heathen monuments of

p. 163.

re-

the
the

same date

is

very striking.

See Maitland's Church in

Catacombs, pp. 42, 43.

Note 45.

p. 288.

Northcote's Catacombs, pp. 50-64.

(almost without

Compare M.

Ferret's

splendid work, Les Catacombes de Rome, where these subjects

are

exception)

represented.

The

subjoined are the most

of

important references.
v.

Temptation

Eve
i.

(vol. iv. PI.

3
ii.

PL

2)

Moses

striking the rock

(vol.

PI. 34, 57;

PI. 22, 27, 33; hi. PI. 2, 6; iv. PI. 28);

;

Noah welcoming the Dove (vol. ii. PI. 53, 61 Daniel among the lions (vol. ii. PI. 42, 61
M
in

iv.
iii.

PI. 25,

&c);

PI. y, 36)

; ;

532
the Three Children
(vol.
;

NOTES.
ii.

PI. 36,
ii.

39

iii.

7)

Jonah under
;

the gourd (vol.

2,

i.

PI. 67

vol.

PL

22, 28,

39

vol.

iii.

PI.

5; &c); Jonah and the whale (vol. iii. 16, 22; vol. v. PI. 40, 57) Adoration of the Magi (vol. v. PI. 12); Magi
;

before
(vol.

Herod

(vol.

ii.

PI.

48)

Baptism of Christ by John

(vol.
ii.

iii.

PI. .52, 55);

Cure of the paralytic

PI. 34.

48)

Turning of Water into Wine (vol. iv. PI. 28, No. 67) Feeding of the five thousand (vol. i. PI. 27 iv. PI. 29, No. Raising of Lazarus (vol. i. PI. 26 vol. ii. PL 61 vol. 73)
;

7, 36 Last Supper
iii.

PL

vol. iv.
(vol.
i.

PL PL
;

25, 31,

29);

32 Peter walking on the sea

;

vol. v.

PL

15; &c.)

(vol. iv.

PL

16,

No. 85)

Pilate washing his hands (Mait-

land, p. 260).

To

the historical subjects mentioned in the

following
:

text
vol.

may be added the iv. PL 16, No. 84)

;

The Nativity (Perret,

Woman

the conversation with the

;

of Samaria (ibid. vol.

vol.
i.

PL

10

vol. iv.

PL 81) and the Crucifixion (ibid, PL y^, No. 103.) The only unhistoi.

rical

scenes represented, besides the parabolic ones, are

26),

Tobias and the Angel (Perret, vol. iii. PL charming the Beasts, which is frequent.

and Orpheus

Note
Tacit. Annal.
lvii.
ii.

46. p. 289.
;

p.

613, C.

Dio Cass, 39, 40; Suet. vit. Tib. 25 Tacitus indeed says, in speaking of the
" credebatur

claim

made by Clemens,
belief,

Romse

;"

but

it

was

which Tiberius thought of allowing to die away of itself. And though his constitutional timidity prevented him from taking this course, he shewed his sense of
a faint

the numerical weakness of the dupes, by bringing Clemens

to

Ostia.

Rome, when he might have had him assassinated at Nor did his execution cause any tumult, either at
or in the provinces.

Rome

Note

47. p. 290.
vol.
i.

Norton's Genuineness of the Gospels,

p. 100.

LECTURE
Note 48.
Martyr. Ignat.
(klckottcov
teal

VIII.

533

p.

292.

3, p.

542

'Ebe^tovvTo tov dycov bid tcov

Acrias iroAeis
it

TrpevfivTepcov Kal biaKorcov al rrjs

kcu iKK\r]<Tiai, ndvTcov iiretyofxivoiv irpbs ovtov, ei

cos

p.ipos

\ap[ap.aTos kdficoai

wev p.aTiKov.
49. p. 292.

Note

So Eusebius, who had the works of Papias before him, Eccles. iii. 39, p. 224. Nenpov dvdaTacriv kcit avTov yeyovvlav iaTopel [6 nomas], Kal av irdkiv ererelates. Hist.

pov irapabo^ov
cos

Tizpl

"\ovutov tov kinKknidivTa Bapaafiav yeyovbs,

<al p.r bev dj/oes bid Ti]v tov t

brj\r]Ti]piov cpdpp.aKov ip.Tn6vTos

Kvpiov \dpiv vTroixea'avTwi.

Note 50.
Dialog,

p.

292.

cum Tryphon. 88;

p. 185.

Kal

Trap' r)puv

ZlttIv

Ibzlv Kal Q-qketas Kal dpaevas, yapio-p,aTa drrb tov

Ylvevp.aTos
Aaip.ovi.orrj

tov Qeov cyovras.

A?/7ttovs
7ro'Aet,

Compare Apolog.
ircivTa

ii.

6;

p. 93.

yap irokkovs /cam

tov

Kocrpiov, Kal

iv

i/xerepa

nokkol

tcov 7jp.eTeptov dvdpcoiicov tcov Xpiartavcov. tTiopKL'\r\o-ov

(ovtzs Kara tov 6v6p.aTos

XpioroS, tov aravpcoOevTos

ZttI

Uovtlov UtXaTov,

VTib tcov
ju?/

dkkcov TtdvTcov tTtopKiaTcov Kal iiraiaOevTas IdaavTo, Kal

<Ltl

cttcov Kal <papp.aKVTcov

vvv

IcovTai,

KaTapyovvTts Kal tKbicoKOVTes tovs Kare>(oj>ras tovs dvOpcoirovs

ba(p.ovas.

See also Tryphon.

39, p.

136

76, p.

ij$,

and

85.

p. 182.

Note

51. p. 292.
v.

Miltiades ap. Euseb. Hist. Eccles.

17

pp. 351, 352.

Note
Adoersus Hcereses,
ii.

52. p. 292.
i.

32, 4 (vol.

pp. 374, 375)

Aio

Kal iv t<2 Klvov 6vop.aTL 01 dkrjdcos avTov p-aOr^al, Trap

amov
av-

\af36vTes
dpconcov,

Ti]v

%dpiv, iiiLTekovo-iv Zn^ evtpytcriu tcov koiircov dvels

KaOws

ckootos avrcov

Ti]V

bwpedv

u\r](pe

"nap

Tov.

01 akv

yh(>

bainovas Zkavvovai /ScjSaiws

x.o.1

dkrjOcos,

... ol

534
8e kcu TTpoyvdintv e^ovtri
rreis TTpcxprjTiiios.

NOTES.
twv peWovroav,
kcu

o-Taaias Kal pq-

AAAoi
kcu.

5e tous KapvovTas 8ta n^s

.

t&v yjEtp&v
be,

TTi6eareiii$

Icovrai

vyul<i anoKaOtcrracnv

"H877

kaOus

kcf)apev, kcli vtKpot, t]yep6t]aav, kcu.

Ireo-t.

~apip.zivav avv ijplv iKavols

Kal

And

v.

6
Trj

(vol.

ii.

p.

334); Ka0a>s
to.

ttoWmv

cikovokcll

ptv

abe\(f)G)v ev

iKKkrjaia TrpocfirjTiKa \apiap.aTa c\6vtu>v,

iravToha-iraii

AaAotW&)> yXuxracus, kcu

KfW^ia avOpcavuiv

ets

(pai'fpov ayoi'Tcov e-i

tm

crvpc^epovTL.

Note

53. p. 292.
;

ii.

Theophilus, Ad Autohjc. See Tertullian, Apolog. 23 CD.; Minucius Felix, Octav. p. 89. These 8 p. 354,
;

passages affirm the continuance of the power of casting out

devils to the time of the writers.

On

the general question

of the cessation of miracles, Burton's

p.

remark

[E.

H.

vol.

ii.

233) seems just, that " their actual cessation was imperceptible, and like the rays in a summer's evening, which,

when the sun has

country beneath."

set,

may

be seen to linger on the top of

fall

a mountain, though they have ceased to

on the

level

Note 54.

p.

293.
is

The

vast

number of the Christians

;

strongly asserted

by Tertullian, Apolog. 37 " Hesterni sumus, et vestra omnia implevimus, urbes, insulas, castella, municipia, conciliabula, castra ipsa, tribus, decurias, palatium, senatum,
forum.
idonei,

Sola vobis relinquimus templa.

Cui bello non

copiis, qui

non prompti fuissemus, ctiam impares

si

tarn libenter trucidamur,

magis occidi

liceret

non apud istam disciplinam quam occidere. Potuimus et inermes

in-

nee rebelles, sed tantummodo discordes, solius divortii

vidia adversus vos dimicasse.
in

Si eniin tanta vis

hominum

aliquem orbis remoti sinum abrupissemus a vobis, suffu-

disset utiquc

dominationem vestram, tot qualiumcunquc

;

amissio civium

immo

etiam et ipsa destitutione punisset.

silen-

Proculdubio expavissetis ad solitudinem vestram, ad

tium rerum,

et

stuporem quendam quasi mortui orbis;

plures hostes

(jusissetis quibus imperaretis;

quam

cives

LECTURE
vobis remansissent
;
1

VIII.

535

nunc enim pauciores hostes habetis See also Justin Martyr, pro multitudine Christianorum/ Dialog, cum Tryphon. 117 (pp. 210, 211), quoted in note

3'>

25

P-5 28

Note

55. p. 298.

The attempts

of Strauss to prove valuations in the story

differences

irreconcilable

different Evangelists

between the accounts of the appear to me to have failed signally.

See above, note 33 on Lecture VI. pp. 468-470.

Note 56.

p.

299.

Strauss himself admits this difference to a certain extent

{Leben Jesu, Einleitung, 14; vol. i. p. 67, E. T.) ; and grants that the Scripture miracles are favourably distin-

guished by

it

but he finds in the histories of Balaam, Joshua

from the marvels of Indian or Grecian fables (!), and

;

Samson, a
Scripture,

similar,

though

less glaring, impropriety.

is

Cer-

tainly the speaking of the ass

a thing sui generis in

and would be grotesque, were it not redeemed by the beauty of the words uttered, and the important warning which they contain a warning still only too

much needed

against our cruel

creation.

and unsympathetic

treat-

ment of the brute

Note 57.
Strauss, Leben Jesu,

p.

300.

144; vol. iii. p. 396, E. T. given in note 26 on Lecture entire passage has been

The
I.

ADDITIONAL NOTE TO LECTURE

V.

On

the Identification

of the Belshazzar of Daniel with

Bil-shar-uzur son of Nabu-nahit.

Since the foregoing sheets were

culty in the

in type,

my

attention
diffi-

has been called by an anonymous correspondent to a

proposed identification of Belshazzar with

If Nabu-nahit

Bil-shar-uzur, son of Nabu-nahit, arising from his probable

age at the time of the siege of Babylon.

,

(Nabonadius), as suggested in the text a married a daughter of

Nebuchadnezzar

after his accession to the throne, as

all,

he only reigned seventeen years in

than sixteen years of age, when
at Babylon.
This,
it is

Bil-shar-uzur, sup-

posing him the son of this wife, could have been no more
left

to administer affairs

said, is too early

an age for him to

have taken the chief command, and to have given a great

feast to " his princes, his wives,
difficulty

and

his concubines^."

The

here started does not appear to

is

me

very great.

In the East manhood

are not uncommon.

attained far earlier than in the

West'', and husbands of fourteen or fifteen years of age,

Important commands are also not

,

unfrequently entrusted to princes of no greater age

as

may be seen by made governor

a

the instances of

Herod the Great, who was

d
;

of Galilee by his father at fifteen

b

of

Page 171.

Dan.

v. 2.

"

He

had now become

rt

a 7a//," says Mr. Layard of a

teen years old."
.hul. xiv. 9, 2.

young Bedouin, "

p.

for

he was about fourJoseph.

.Int.

(Nineveh and Babylon,

295.)

ADDITIONAL NOTE TO LECTURE

Alexander Severus, who became Emperor of
teen 6
;

V.

5J37

Rome at

seven-

and of many others. There

is

thus nothing unusual

in the possession of regal dignity,

and an establishment of

wives, on the part of an Oriental prince in his sixteenth or

If Nabonadius married a daughter of Nebuchadnezzar as soon as he came to the throne, and had a son born within the year, he may have associated

seventeenth year.

him
in

have been

government when he was fourteen, which would own fifteenth year. This youth would then, the seventeenth and last year of his father's reign, have
in the

in his

entered on the third year of his

own
f
.

joint rule, as

we

find

recorded of Belshazzar

in

Daniel

Another way of meeting the

gested.
to

difficulty

has been sug-

Nabonadius,

it

is

said,

may have been married

a daughter of Nebuchadnezzar before he obtained the

It is only an inference of Abydenus, and not a statement of Berosus, that he was entirely unconnected

crown.

inference, which

This is undoubtedly true. But the Abydenus drew from the text of Berosus, seems to me a legitimate one. Berosus, who has just noticed the relationship of Neriglissar to the son of Nebuwith Laborosoarchod.

chadnezzar,

whom

he supplanted, would scarcely have failed

to notice that of

Nabonadius

to his grandson,

if

he had

known

of any relationship existing.

At any

rate he would

not have called the new king, as he does, u a certain Na-

bonnedus of Babylon" (Naj3opijb<i> tlvI tu>v Zk Bafivk&vos), had he been the uncle of the preceding monarch.

My

attention has been further

drawn

to a very remark-

able illustration which the discovery of Belshazzar's position as joint ruler with his father furnishes to an expres-

sion twice repeated in Daniel's fifth chapter.

The promise
was impossible
second
1
,

mades and performed

11

to Daniel

is,

that he shall be the

it

" third ruler11 in the kingdom.

to explain this, or to understand
ruler, as
e
i

Formerly

why he was not the

he seems to have been under Nebuchadnezzar

Fall, cb.
vi.

Gibbon, Decline and

viii.
ii.

vol.
16.

i.

p. 182.
h

Dan. Dan.

1.

Verse

Verse 29.

>

28.

538

ADDITIONAL NOTE TO LECTURE

in

V.

and as Joseph was

It

now

appears, that,

Egypt J, and Mordecai in Persia k as there were two kings at the time,
.

Belshazzar, in elevating Daniel

to the

highest

position

tenable by a subject, could only

make him
is

the third per-

sonage in the Empire.

This incidental confirmation of

what was otherwise highly probable,

and weighty evidence.
J

a most valuable

Gen.

xli.

41-43.

Esth. x. 3.

Specification of the Editions quoted, or referred

in the

to.

foregoing Notes.

A.

Abydenus, Fragments
ed. Didot, Paris,

of, in

C.MiQler's Fragm. Hist, Gr.

vol. iv.

1851.
1.

^Elian, Hist. Var. ed. Liiuemann, Gottingen, 181

Alexander Polyhistor, Fragments

vol.
ii.

of,

in the

Fragm. H. Gr.

Paris, 1848.
-

Alford, Dean, Greek Testament, London, Rivingtons, 1849, & c Ambrose, S., Opera, (Benedictine Edition), Paris. 1686.
Appian, Opera,
ed. Tollius,

Amsterdam, 1760.
ed. Tauehnitz, Leipsic, 1829.

Aristotle, Opera,

ed. Tauclmitz, Leipsic, 1831, &c.

Arrian, Exped. Alex. Magn.

Artemidorus,
Athanasius,

Oneirocritica, Paris, Morell, 1603.

Asiatic Reseai-ches, Calcutta, 1788, &c.

S.,

Opera, (Benedictine Edition), Paris, 1698.

(translated

Auberlen, Prophecies of Daniel,

burgh, Clark, 1856.

by Saphir), Edin-

Augustine,

S.,

Opera, (Benedictine Edition), Antwerp, 1700.

B.

Barnabas,
ed. 2da,

S., Epistola, in Cotelerius's

Patres Apostolici (vol.

i.),

Amsterdam, 1724.
Leipsic, 1802.

Bauer, Hebraische Mythologie,

Baumgarten, De Fide Libri Esthers?, Halse, 1839. Beaufort, Incertitude de l'Histoire Romaine, Utrecht, 1738.
Bengel, Archiv, Tubingen, 1816-1821.
Berosus, Fragments
1848.
of,

in the

Fragm. Hist. Gr.

vol.

ii.

Paris.

Bertheau, Comment on
burgh, Clark, 1857.

Chronicles, (translated

by Martin). Edin-

Bertholdt, Einleitung
|)hisclic

in sammtliche kanonische

und apncrv

Schriften des Alt.

und Neu. Test., Erlangen, 1812-1819,

540

Birks, Horse Apostolicse, attached to his edition of Paley's Horse

Paulinas,

London, 1850.

Bochart, Geographia Sacra, od. 4ta, Leyden, 1707. Boeckh, Corpus Inscriptionum Grsecarum, Berlin, 1 828-1 843.
Bouhier, Recherches sur
l'histoire

d'Herodote, Dijon, 1746.

Brandis, Rerum Assyriaruin Temp. Emendata, Bonn, 1853.

Buddeus, Historia
1744-1752.

Ecclesiastica Veteris Testamenti, Hala?

Magd.
by

Bunsen, Egypt's Place

in

Universal

History

(translated

Cockerell), London, 1848, &c.

,

Hippolytus and his Age, London, Longman, 1854.

Philosophy of Universal History,

London, Longman,

1854.

Burnet, Bishop, Letters from Italy and Switzerland and 1686, Rotterdam, 1687.
Burton, Canon,
Eceles. History of the First

in

1685

Three Centuries,

Oxford, Parker, 1833.

Butler, Bishop, Analogy of Religion, Oxford, 1833.

Buttmann, Mythologus,

Berlin, 1828, 1829.

et

Buxtorf, Lexicon Hebraicum

Chaldaicum, Basle, 1676.

C.

Calmet, Commentaire
1721.

Litteral, Paris, 17

24-1 7 26.

Carpzov, Introductio ad

libros

eanonicos Vet. Test., Leipsic,

Carwithen, Bampton Lectures, Oxford, 1809.

Casaubon,
I.,

Exerc. Antibaron., folio edition, London, 1614.

Precis

Champollion,

du Systeme Hieroglyphique des Anciens

Perse,

Egyptiens, Paris, 1828.

Chardin, Voyage en
Cicero, Opera,

Amsterdam, 1735.
London, 181 9.

ed. Priestly,

Clemens Alexandrines,
(

ed. Potter, Venice, 1757.

'lkmkns

b'o.M

wis,

in

Jaeobson's Patres Apostolici, Oxford, 1840.

1

Clinton, Fasti Hellenici, Oxford,

(

830-1 841.

'iimmncii

s,

Adversar. Chronolog. in Gravius's

Ultraj. 1701.

Syntagma

vari-

arum Dissertationum rariorum,

i.)

Constitntiones Apostolie;e, in Cotelerius's Patres Apostolici,

(vol.

Amsterdam, 1724. Conybeake and Howson, Life and Letters

ed. 2da,

of St. Paul,

London,

Longman, 1850.

541

C'oRRODi.Veisuch einer Beleuchtung der Geschichte des jiidischen

und

cliristlichen

Bibelkanons, Halle, 1792.

of,

Cratippus, Fragments
1848.

iu the

Fragm. Hist. Gr.

vol.

ii.

Paris,

Ctesias, Fragmenta, ed. Bahr, Frankfort, 1824.

Cureton, Canon, Corpus Ignatianum, London, Rivingtons, 1849. Cyrillus Alexandrinus, ed. Aubert, Paris, 1638.

D.

Dahlmann,

Life of Herodotus, (translated

ed. Dindorf,

by Cox), London, 1845.

Demosthenes,

Oxford, 1846-1849.

Des Vignoles, Chronologie de l'Histoire Sainte, Berlin, 1738. De Wette, Einleitung in das Alt. Testament, 7th edition, Berlin,
1852.
,

translated

by Theodore Parker. (See Parker).

Archaologie, 3rd edition, Berlin, 1842.

Digesta seu Pandecta, Florence, 1553.

Dio Cassius, Hist. Roman., Hanover, 1606. Dio Chrysostom, ed. Morell, Paris, 1604. Diodorus Siculus, ed. Wesseling, Bipont. 1793, &c
Dionysius Halicarnassus,
Dius, Fragments
of,

folio edition,

Oxon. 1704.

in the

Fragm. Hist.

Gr., vol. iv. Paris, 1851.

Dodwell,

Dissertat. in Irenseum, Oxford, 1689.

E.

Eichhorn, Allgemeine
,

Bibliothek, Leipsic, 1787-1800.

Einleitung in das Alt. Testament, Leipsic, 1787. Einleitung in das Neu. Testament, Leipsic, 1804-18 14.
ed. Schweighseuser, Leipsic,
1

Epictetus, Dissertationes,

96-1 800.

Epiphanius, Opera,

ed.

Schrey et Meyer, Cologne, 1682.

Ersch and Grtjber, Algemeine Encyclopadie der Wissenschaft

und Kunst,
Leipsic, 181 8, &c.
ed.

Eusebius, Chronica,
,

Mai, Milan, 1818.

Historia Ecclesiastica, ed. Burton, Oxford, 1838.

Praeparatio Evangelica, ed. Gaisford, Oxford, 1843.

Ewald, Geschichte
1851-1858.
,

des Volkes Israel, 2nd edition, Gottingen,

Propheten des Alten Bundes, Stuttgart, 1840.

542
F.

Faber, Horse Mosaic&e, Oxford, 1801.

Feilmoser, Einleituug
bingen, 1830.
in die Biicher d.

Neues Testaments, Tu-

Fergusson, Palaces of Nineveh Restored, London, Murray, 185 1. Ferrier, General, Caravan Journeys, London, Murray, 1856.
Forster, Mahometanism Unveiled, London, 1829.
Fritzsche, Aechtheit der Biicher Mosis, Rostock, 181
G.
4.

Galen, Opera, ed. Kuhn, Leipsic, 1821-1833. George, Mythus unci Sage, Berlin, 1837.
Gesenius, Geschichte der Hebraische Sprache und
sic,

Schrift, Leip-

18 1 5.
,

Lexicon Hebraicum, (Engl. Translation), Cambridge,

1852.
,

Hebrew Grammar,

(Engl. Translation), London, Bag-

ster,

1846.
,

Scriptural Linguaeque Phoenicia?

Monumenta,

Leipsic,

i857-,

Thesaurus Philologicus Ling. Hebr. Leipsic, 1829.

Gibbon, Decline and Fall of the

Roman Empire,

3rd edition,

Lond. 1777-1788. Gladstone, Homer and the Homeric Age, Oxford, 1858.

Grabe, Spicilegium Patrum,

dell,

editio altera, Oxford, 17 14.

Graves, Lectures on the Pentateuch, 2nd edition, London, Ca1815.

la

Grosier, Description de

Chine, Paris, 18 18-1820.

1

Grote, History of Greece, London, Murray,

H.

846-1 856.

Hales, Analysis of Chronology, London, 1809-1 8 12. Hartmann, Forsclmngen iiber d. Pentateuch, Rostock, 1831.

Haevernick, Handbuch des

historisch-kritischen Einleitung in

das Alt. Testament, Erlangen, 1837. Introduction to the Old Testament, (English Transla,

tion),

Edinburgh, Clark, 1852.

Introduction to the Pentateuch, (English Translation).

Edinburgh, Clark, 1850.

54ii

Hecat^us Abderita, Fragments

vol.
ii.

of, in

the Fragm. Hist. Gr.

Paris, 1848.

Heeren,

Asiatic

Nations, (English Translation), Oxford, Tal-

hoys, 1833.
,

Manual of Ancient History, (English Translation), Oxedition,

ford, Talboys, 1833.

Hefele, Patrum Apostolicoruni Opera, 3rd

1847.

Tubingen,

Hengstenberg, Aegypten
,

unci

Mose, Berlin, 1840.

Egypt,

<fcc.

(translated

by Mr. Bobbins, with addi-

tional notes
,

by Dr. Cooke

Taylor), Edinburgh, Clark, 1845.

Authentic des Daniel und Integritat des Secherias,

Berlin, 1831.

Herbst, Historisch-kritische Einleitung

Karlsruhe,

in d.

heilig.

Schriften

des Alt. Testaments, (published by Welte after his decease),

1

840-1 844.
Apostolici, (vol.
i.),

Hermas, Pastor, in Cotelerius's Patres 2 da, Amsterdam, 1724.

Hermippus, Fragments
1849.
of,

ed.

in the

Fragm.

Hist. Gr. vol.

iii.

Paris,

Herodotus,
,

ed. Bahr, Leipsic,

830-1 835.

by the Author) with copious Notes and Appendices, London, Murray, 1858-9.
(translated

Hesychius, Lexicon,

ed. Albert,

Leyden, 1746.
in

Hincks, Dr., Translation of Black Obelisk Inscription,

University Magazine for October, 1853.

Dublin

Hieronymus, Opera, Benedictine

Hitzig,
,

Edition, Paris, 1693.

De Cadyte urbe
Iliad, ed.

Herodotea, Gottingen, 1829.

erklart, Leipsic, 1838.

Zwolf Kleinen Propheten

Homer,
,

Heyne,

Leipsic, 1802.

Odyssey, ed. Lowe, Leipsic, 1828.

Hooker, Ecclesiastical Polity, ed. Keble, Oxford, 1836. Hooper, Palmoni, an Essay on the Chronological and Numerical
Systems of the Jews, London, Longman, 1851. Horne, Introduction to the Critical Study and Knowledge of the Holy Scriptures, 6th edition, London, Cadell, 1828. Hue, Voyage dans la Tartaric, Paris, 1853. Hussey, Sermons mostly Academical, Oxford, Parker, 1849.

544

I.

J.

Jablonsky, Opuseula, Leyden, 1804. Jackson, Chronological Antiquities, London, 1752. Jahn, Aeclitheit des Pentateuch, in Bengel's Archiv,
part
,

(vol.

iii.

i.)

Tiibingen, 18

16-182 1.

Einleitung in das alte Testament, Vienna, 1792.

S.,

Ignatius,
1840.
Inscription,

in Jacobsoh's Patres Apostolici (vol.

ii.),

Oxford,

Behistun, in the Author's Herodotus, vol.

ii.

(See

Herodotus.)
of Tiglath-Pileser
linson,
I.,

as translated

by Sir Henry Raw-

Mr. Fox Talbot, Dr. Hincks, and Dr. Oppert, published

;

by Royal Asiatic Society

,

London, Parker, 1857.

Nebuchadnezzar's Standard, in the Author's Herodoiii.

tus, vol.

(See Herodotus.)

on the
(See Hincks.)

Nimrud

Obelisk, translated by Dr.

Hincks.

Inscriptions of three Assyrian Kings, translated by

bot.

Mr Fox

Tal-

(See Talbot.)

Inscriptiones Grsecse, Bockh's Corpus Ins. Gr.

(See Boeckh.)

Josephus, Opera,
,

ed.

Havercamp, Amsterdam, &c, 1726.

translated

by Dr.

Traill,

with notes and essays, pub-

lished in parts,

London, 1847.

Iren^eus, Advers. Hsereses, ed.

W. W. Harvey, Cambridge, 1857.

(See Ptolemy.)

Itinerarium Antoninum, in Bertius's Ptolemy.

Justin, Epitome of Trogus Pompeius, ed. Gronovius, Leyden,

1760.

Justin Martyr, Opera, Hague, 1742. Juvenal, ed. Ruperti, Leipsic, 181 9-1820.
K.

Kalisch, Historical and

Critical Commentary, English edition. London, Longman, 1855, Arc. Kaye, Bishop, Account of the Writings and Opinions of Justin

Martyr, 3rd edition, London, Rivingtons, [853.

,

Ecclesiastical History of the

illustrated

Second and Third Centuries, from the Writings of Tertullian, 2nd edition, Cam-

bridge, 1829.

545

Keil, Commentar
,

Liber das Buch Josua, Erlangen, 1847. Commentary on Joshua (translated by Martin), Edinburgh,

Clark, 1857.
,

Apologetischer Versuch iiber die Bticher der Chronik, Ber1833.

lin,
,

Commentar iiber die BUcher der Konige, Berlin, 1846. Commentary on tbe Books of Kings (translated by Mur-

phy,) Edinburgh, Clark, 1857.

Kenrick, Ancient Egypt under the Pharaohs, London, 1850. Phoenicia, London, 1855. Ker Porter, Sir Pi., Travels, London, Longman, 1821-1822.
,

Kitto,

Biblical

Cyclopaedia,

(Burgess's

edition),

Edinburgh,

Black, 1856.

Knobel, Der Prophetismus der Hebraer, Breslau, 1837. Kugler, Handbuch der Kuustgeschichte, Stuttgart, 1842.
L.

Lacroze, Lexicon ^Egyptiaco-Latinum, Oxford, 1775. Larcher, Histoire d'Herodote, Paris, 1786. Lardner, Dr., Credibility of the Gospel History, Works, London,
1815.

L'Art de verifier

les

Dates, 8vo edition, Paris, 181 9- 184 4.

its

Layard, Nineveh and

,

Remains, London, Murray, 1849.

Nineveh and Babylon, London, Murray, 1853.

Lee, Dr., Inspiration of Holy Scripture, 2nd edition, London,

Rivingtons, 1857.

Lepsius,
i837-

Dr.,

Lettre

sur

1'

Alphabet

Hieroglyphique,

Rome,

Lewis, Sir G. C, Credibility of Early

Parker, 1855.
,

Roman

History, London,

Methods of Observation and Reasoning in

folio edition,

Politics,

London, Parker, 1852.

Lightfoot, Dr., Works,

Livy,
ed. Twiss,

London, 1684.

Oxford, Talboys, 1840.

Lobeck, Aglaophamus, Regimont. 1829. Loftus, Chaldoea and Susiana, London, Nisbet, 1857. Longinus, De Sublimitate, Edinburgh, 1733.
Lucian, Opera,
ed.

Hemsterhuis, Bipont. 1789, &c.

edition,

Lyell, Sir C, Principles of Geology, 4th

ray, 1835.

London, Mur-

RAWLINSON.

11

546

Lynch,

Capt., Narrative of the

United

States'

Expedition to the

River Jordan and the Dead Sea, London, Bentley, 1852.

Lysimachus, Fragments
ris,

of,

in the

Fragm. Hist. Gr.

vol.

iii.

Pa-

1849.

M. Macbride, Dr., Mohammedan Religion Explained, London, 1857. Macrobius, Saturnalia, ed. Gronovius, Leyden, 1670.

Maitland, Dr., The Church man, 1846.

in the

Catacombs, London, Long-

Manetho, Fragments
ris,

of, in

the Fragment. Hist. Gr. vol.

iii.

Pa-

1849.

Mansel, Bampton Lectures for 1858, London, Murray, 1858. Marchi, Monumenti delle Arti Cristiane primitive nella Metropoli del Cristianesimo, Rome, 1844. Marsh, Bishop, Authenticity of the Five Books

of Moses, in his

Lectures on Divinity, London, 18 10-1823.

Marsham, Canon Chronicus, folio edition, London, 1672. Martyrium Ignatii, in Jacobson's Patres Apostolici, (vol.
Oxford, 1840.

ii.),

Memoires de l'Academie des

Inscriptions, Paris, 1729, &c.

Menander, Fragments
85 1. *Michaelis,
ris,
1

of,

in the

Fragm. Hist. Gr.

vol. iv.

Pa-

J.
,

D.,

Orientalische

und exegetische

Bibliothek,

Frankfort

1771-1783.

Michell, Bampton Lectures for 1849, Oxford, Parker, 1849. Minucius Felix, Octavius, Oxford, 1627.

Moses Chorenensis, Armenian

and Latin), London, 1736.

History, ed. Whiston (Armenian

Mosheim, Historia
,

Ecclesiastica, editio altera, Helmstadt, 1764.

De

rebus ante Constantin. Magn. gestis, Helmstadt,

1753-

Movers, Die Mueller, C.

Phtinizier, Berlin, 1849, &c.

O., History of

Greek Literature, completed by Dr.

Donaldson, London, Parker, 1858.

Muratori, Antiquitates Italica? Medii JEvi, Milan, 1740. Mure, Col., Literature of Ancient Greece, London, Longman,
1850, &c.
,

tory of Greece, London,

Remarks on Two Appendices Longman, 1851.

N.

to

Mr. Grote's His-

Neander, Allgemeine Geschichte d. Christliche Kirehe, 4th edition. Hamburg, 1847, &c.

Religion

und

Neumann, Versuch
Leipsic, 1836.

einer Geschichte der Armenisch. Literatur,

Newman,
Newman,

F.,

History of the Hebrew Monarchy, London, Chap-

man, 1847.
J.

H.,

The Arians

of the Fourth Century, London,

Rivingtons, 1833.
,

Essay on Miracles, Oxford, Parker, 1843.

Newton,

Sir

I.,

Chronology of Ancient Kingdoms amended,

the Fragm. Hist. Gr.

London, 1728.

Nicolaus Damascenus, Fragments

vol.
iii.

of, in

Paris, 1849.

Niebuhr, B.
lation),

G., History of
1

Rome, (Hare and Thirl wall's

trans-

Cambridge,
,

831-1842.

Kleine Schriften, Bonn, 1828.

Lectures on Ancient History, (translated by Dr.

Schmitz), London, 1852.

,

Life

and Letters

of,

London, Chapman, 1852.

Berlin, Reimer,

Vortrage

iiber Alte Geschichte,

1847.

Niebuhr, Marcus, Geschichte Assurs und Babels

Berlin, 1857.

seit

Phul,

Northcote,
Norton,
2d

J.

Spencer, The

Roman

Catacombs, second edition,

London, 1859.
Professor, Evidences of the Genuineness of the Gospels,

edition,

London, Chapman, 1847.

O.

Ockley,

Life of

Mohammed,

in his History of the

Saracens,

London, Bohn, 1847.

Offerhaus, Spicilegia Historico-Chronologica, Groningse, 1739. Olshausen, Biblischer Commentar iiber sammtl. Schriften d. Neuen Testaments, 3rd edition, Konigsberg, 1837. Commentary on the Gospels (translated by Fosdick),
,

3rd edition, Edinburgh, Clark, 1857.

Oppert, Dr., Rapport d'une Mission

Paris, 1856.

scientifique en Angleterre,

Origen, Opera, Benedictine edition, Paris, 1733-1759Orosius, Historia adv. Paganos, Cologne, 1536.

Ovid,

ed. Soc. Bipontina, Strasburg, 1807.

54-S

P.

Paley, Evidences of Christianity, 25th

,

edition,

Glasgow, 1816.
vol.
i.

Horse Paulina?

Works, edited by Rev. R. Lynam,

London, 1828.

Parker, Theodore, Enlarged Translation

tung in das
Alt. Test., Boston, 1843.

of

De

Wette's Einlei-

Patrick, Bishop, Commentary on the Historical Books of the

Old Testament, 4th

Pausanius,

edition,

ed. Siebelis, Leipsic,

London, 1732. 1822.

S. Ignatii,

Pearson, Vindicise Epistolarum

Duker, Utrecht, 1736.

Cambridge, 1672.
altera,

Perizonius, Origines Babylonicse et iEgyptiaeae, editio

Perret, Les Catacombes de Rome,

folio,

6 volumes, Paris, Gide,

1851-1855.

Petronius Arbiter, ed. Burmann, Utrecht, 1709. Philo Jud.eus, ed. Hoeschel, Frankfort, 1691.
Philostratus,
Plato, Phsedo,
ed. Olearius, Leipsic, 1709.
ed.

Photius, Bibliotheca,
Pliny, Hist. Nat. (ex
1669.

Hoeschel, Rouen, 1653.

Dublin, 1834.
Hack.), Leyden and Rotterdam,

ed. Stanford,

Officiis.

Pliny the younger,

Epistolae, ed. Cortius,

Amsterdam, 1734.

Plutarch, Opera,
Polybius,
ed.

ed.

A. Stephanus, Paris, 1624.

Schweighamser, Oxford, Baxter, 1823.

ii.),

Polycarp,

Epist., in Jacobson's Patres Apostolici, (vol.

Ox-

ford, 1840.

Poole, R. Stuart, Horte yEgyptiaea;, London, Murray, 185 1.

Powell, Professor, Order of Nature considered

in

reference to

the Claims of Revelation, a Third Series of Essays, London,

Longman, 1859.
Prichard,
Dr., Physical History of

Mankind, 3rd
Ancient

edition,

Lon-

don, 1836.
,

Historical

Records

of

Egypt,

London,

1838.

Prideaux, Dr., Connection of the History of the Old and

Testament, 4th edition, London, 17 18.

New

Procopius, Opera,

in the

Corpus Hist. Byz.,

ed.

Dindorf, Bonn,

1833-1838.

Ptolemy, Geograph.,
,

ed. Bertius,

Amsterdam, 1618.

Magna

Syntaxis, Basle. 1538.

549
R.

Rask, Professor, Egyptian Chronology,

Ancient Egypt.
(See Prichard).

in Prichard's

Records of

Rawlinson, Sir H. C, Memoir on the Persian Cuneiform Inscriptions, published by the Royal Asiatic Society, London,
Parker,
,

846-1 849.

Commentary on

the Inscriptions of Assyria and Ba-

bylon, London, Parker, 1850.

-,

Notes on the Early History of Babylonia, in the

vol. xv.

Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society,

Parker, 1856.
-,

part

ii.,

London,
(See

Notes and Essays in the Author's Herodotus.

Asiatiques, Paris, 1829.

Herodotus).

Remus at, Nouveaux Melanges

Rennell, Geography of Herodotus, 4to edition, London, 1800. Rosellini, Monumenti dell' Egitto, parte prima, monumenti storici, Pisa,

183 2-1 841.

in Vet. Test., Leipsic, 1821, &c.

Rosenmueller, Scholia

Rossi, Etymologise ^Egyptiacse,

Rome, 1808.

S.

Scaliger,

De Emendatione Temporum,

folio,

Geneva, 1629.

Amsterdam, 1672. Simplicius, Comment, ad Aristot. De

Seneca,
ed. Elzevir,

Ccelo,

folio,

Venice,

1526.

Smith, Dr. W., Dictionary of Greek and

Roman

Antiquities,

2nd

edition,
,

London, 1853.

Dictionary of Greek and

Roman

Biography, London,

1850.
,

Dictionary of Greek and

Roman Geography, London,

1854.

Smith, G.Vance, Prophecies relating to Nineveh, London, Long-

man, 1857.
Socrates, Hist. Ecclesiastica, Cambridge, 1720.

Sophocles,

ed. Valpy, London, 1824. Spanheim, Introductio ad Chronologiam Amsterdam, 1694.

et

Historiam Sacram,

Spinoza, Tractatus theologo-politicus, 2nd edition, (no place or

publisher's name), 1674.

Stackhouse, History
man, 18 1 7.

of the Bible, Gleig's edition, London. Long-

550

Stanley, Professor, Sinai and Palestine, London, Murray, 1856.

Statius, pocket edition, Amsterdam, 1624.

Strabo,

ed.

Kramer, Berlin, 1847-185 2.

Life

Strauss, Leben Jesu, 4th edition, Tubingen, 1840.

,

The

of Jesus, translated

into English, London,

Chapman, 1846. Stuart, Professor, History and Defence of the Old Testament Canon, edited by the Rev. P. Lorimer, London, 1849.
Suetonius,
ed.

Baumgarten-Crusius, Leipsic, 18 16.

ed. Gaisford,

Suidas, Lexicon,

Oxford, 1834.
ed. Dindorf,

Syncellus, in the Corpus Hist. Byzant.,

T.

Bonn, 1829.

Tacitus

(Brotier's), ed.

Valpy, London, Whittaker, 1823.

Talbot, H. Fox, Assyrian Texts translated, London, 1856. Tatian, Oratio adv. Graecos, (-with Justin Martyr), Hague, 1742.

Taylor, Transmission of Ancient Books, London, 1859.

Tertullian, Opera,
,

ed. Rigaltius, Paris,

1675.

Bishop Kaye's, Ecclesiastical Hist., illustrated from

(See Kaye.)

Tertullian.

Theile, Zur biographie Jesu, Leipsic, 1837. Theophilus, ad Autolycum, (with Justin Martyr), Hague, 1742. Thucydides, ed. Bekker, Oxford, Parker, 1824.

Trench, Dean, Notes on the Miracles, London, Parker, 1846.

V.

Valerius Maximus, Leyden, 1670. Vater, Commentar iiber den Pentateuch, Halle, 1802- 1806. Vatke, Religion des Alt. Testaments nach den kanonischen Biichern entwickelt, Berlin, 1835.
Vestiges of Creation, 10th edition, London, 1853.

Vitringa, Observationes
Vitruvius,
ed.

Sacra?, Franequerae, 17 11, 1712.

De

Laet,

Amsterdam,

Elzovir, 1649.

Von Bohlen, Alte Indien, Konigsberg, 1830. Von Lengerke, Kenaan, Konigsberg, 1844.
,

Das Buch Daniel, Konigsberg, 1835.

W.
Wetstein, Nov. Testament. Graecum, Amsterdam,
1

1752.

Whiston, Short View

(

of the

Harmony

of the four Evangelists,

iambridge,

702.

551

White, Bampton Lectures

1841.
,

for 1784, Oxford, 1784.

Wilkinson, SirG., Ancient Egyptians, London, Murray, 1837Notes and Essays in the Author's Herodotus.
(See

Herodotus.)

Wilson, Professor H.
London, 1850.

H,

Translations from Kig-Veda-Sanhita,

Winer,
1848.

Biblisches Realworterbuch, 3rd edition, Leipsic, 1847,

Woollston, Six Discourses on the Miracles

London, 1727-1729.
X.

of our Saviour,

Xenophon, Opera,

ed.

Schneider et Dindorf, Oxford, 18 17, &c.

Albemarle Street, London.

June, 1859.

ME. MURRAY'S

GENERAL LIST OF WORKS.

ABBOTT'S
(Rev. J.) Philip Musgrave ; or, Memoirs of a Church of England Missionary in the North American Colonies. Post Svo. 2s. 6d. ABERCROMBIE'S (John, M.D.) Enquiries concerning the IntelFifteenth Edition. lectual Powers and the Investigation of Truth.
Fcap. Svo.
.

6s. Qd.

Philosophy
Edition.

of

the

Moral Feelings.

Tenth

Fcap. 8vo.

4s.

Pathological and
Diseases of the Stomach,
(fee.

Practical Researches Third Edition. Fcap. Svo. 6s.

on the

ACLAND'S

(Rev. Charles) Popular Account of the Customs of India. Post8vo. 2s. 6d.
Notes.

Manners and

ADDISON'S WORKS.
By
Rev.
(J.

ADOLPHUS'S
Post Svo.

A New Edition, with a New Life and Whitwell Elwin. 4 Vols. 8vo. In Preparation. L.) Letters from Spain, in 1856 and 1857.
Agamemnon and
Peile, D.D.

10s. 6ct

.&SCHYLUS.
Notes. each.

(The

Choephoroe.)

Edited, with
Svo.
9s.

By Kev. W.

Second Edition.

2 Vols.

.ESOP'S

FABLES.
J.

A New
Wolf.
(The)

Translation.
Post Svo.

With
2s. 6d.

Historical

Preface.

By Rev. Thomas James, M.A. With

26th Thousand.

100 Woodcuts, by

John

Tenniel and

AGRICULTURAL
AMBER-WITCH
craft ever

Journal.
10s.

Of the Royal Agricultural

Society of England.

Svo.

Published half-yearly.

The most interesting Trial for Witch(The). Translated from the German by Lady Duff known.
2s. 6d.

Gordon.

Post Svo.

ARABIAN NIGHTS ENTERTAINMENT.

ARTHUR'S

Translated from the

Arabic, with Explanatory Notes. By E. W. Lane. A New Edition. Svo. 42s. Edited by E. Stanley Poole. With 600 Woodcuts. 3 Vols.

Eighteenth Edition.

By Lady Callcott. (Little) History of England. With 20 Woodcuts. Fcap. Svo. 2s. Qd.
;

AUNT

IDA'S Walks and Talks

a Lady.

a Story Book for Children.

By

Woodcuts.

16mo.

5s.

AUSTIN'S
With

(Sarah)

Fragments

from

German Prose
10s.

Writers.

Biographical Notes.
2 Vols.

Post 8vo.
24s.

Translation of Ranke's History of the Popes of

Third Edition.
Svo.

Rome.

LIST

OF WORKS
;

ADMIRALTY PUBLICATIONS
1.

Issued by direction of the Lords

Commissioners of the Admiralty:

A MANUAL OF

H.M. Navy and Travellers

Edition, revised.
2.

SCIENTIFIC ENQUIRY, for the Use of Officers in in General. By Various Hands. Third
Woodcuts.
4to.

Post 870.

AIRY'S ASTRONOMICAL OBSERVATIONS made at Greenwich.

1836 to 1847.

Royal

50s. each.

ASTRONOMICAL RESULTS.
3.

1818 to 1856.

4to.

8s.

each.

APPENDICES TO THE ASTRONOMICAL OBSERVA.

TIONS.
1836. I.
II.

Bessel's Refraction Tahles.

1837.

I.

II.

Tables for converting Errors of RA. into Errors of Longitude and Ecliptic Logarithms of Sines and Cosines to Seconds of Time. Table for converting Sidereal into Mean

and

N.P.! '.D.

U
v8j.

P.D. every Ten')

Solar Time. J

1842.Catalogue of 1439 Stars. 8s. 1S45. Longitude of Valentia, 8s. 1S47. Twelve Years' Catalogue of Stars. 1S51. Maskelyne's Ledger of Stars. 6s.
1852.
I.

14s.

Description of the Transit Circle. 5s. II. Regulations of the Royal Observatory. 1S53. Bessel's Refraction Tables. 3s. 1S54. I. Description of the Zenith Tube. 3s. II. Six Years' Catalogue of Stars. 10s.
4.

2s.

MAGNETICAL AND METEOROLOGICAL OBSERVATIONS.

1848
1840 to 1847.
4:o.
8s.

Royal
each.

4to.

50s. each.

MAGNETICAL AND
to 1S55.
5.

METEOROLOGICAL RESULTS.

6.

ASTRONOMICAL, MAGNETICAL, AND METEOROLOGICAL OBSERVATIONS, 1S48 to 1854. Royal 4to. 50s. each. REDUCTION OF THE OBSERVATIONS OF PLANETS,

7.
8. 9.

1750 to 1830.
to 1830.

Royal

4to.

50s.
4to.

- LUNAR OBSERVATIONS.
50s. each.

1750

2 Vols.

Royal

BERNOULLI'S SEXCENTENARY TABLE.

BESSEL'S AUXILIARY TAHLES FOR HIS

London, 1779.

4to.

ING LUNAR DISTANCES.

METHOD OF CLEAR

Svo.

10. 11.

BIRD'S

FUNDAMENTA ASTRONOMIC: Begiomontii, ISIS. Folio.60s METHOD OF CONSTRUCTING MURAL QUADRANTS

4to.
2s. 6d.

London, 1768.
12.

13.
14.

METHOD OF DIVIDING ASTRONOMICAL INSTRUMENTS. London, 1767. 4to. 2s. Sd. COOK. KING, and BAYLY'S ASTRONOMICAL OBSERVATIONS,
I
1

B2.

4to.

21s.

EIFFE'S
4to.

ACCOUNT OF IMPROVEMENTS
2*.

IN

CHRONOMETERS
Svo.

15.
16.
17. 17.

ENCKE'S BERLINER JAHRBUCH,

for 1630.

Berlin, 1819.

9s

GROOM BRIDGE'S CATALOGUE OF CIRCUMPOLAR STARS 10s. 4to. HANSEN'S TABLES DE LA LUNE. 4to. 20s.
HARRISON'S PRINCIPLES OF HIS TIME-KEEPER.
1767.
4to.
5s.

Plates.

18.
19.

HUTTON'S TABLES OF THE PRODUCTS AND POWERS OF NUMBERS. 1781. Polio. 7&6d. LANS TABLES FOB FINDING THE LATITUDE AND LONGITUDE.
1S21.

Svo.

10s.

PUBLISHED BY MR. MURRAY.

Admiralty Publications
20.

continued.
1783 to 1819.

LUNAR OBSERVATIONS at GREENWICH.

with the Tables, 1821.
4to.
7s. 6d.

Compared

22.

21.

MASKELYNE'S ACCOUNT OF THE GOING OF HARRISON'S WATCH. 1767. 4to. 2s. 6d. MAYER'S DISTANCES of the MOON'S CENTRE from the
PLANETS.
2s. 6d.

1822,3s.; 1S23, 4s. 6d.

1824 to 1S35, Svo.

4s. each.

23.
4to.

THEORIALUN^E JUXTA SYSTEMA NEWTONIANUM.

TABULAE MOTUUM SOLIS ET LUN^E. 1770. 4to. 5s. ASTRONOMICAL OBSERVATIONS MADE AT GOTfrom 1756 to 1761.

24. 25.

TINGEN,
26.

1826.

*Folio.

7s. dd. 2s. 6d.

NAUTICAL ALMANACS, from

1767 to 1861.
Svo.
5s.

8vo.

each.

27.
28.

SELECTIONS FROM THE ADDITIONS

1834-54.

up

to 1S12.

8vo.

5s.

SUPPLEMENTS,
Svo.
1781.
2s. each.

1828 to 1833, 1837 and 1S3S.

29.
30.

TABLE
Svo.
5s.

requisite to be used with the

N.A.

POND'S ASTRONOMICAL OBSERVATIONS.

each.

1S11 to 1S35. 4to. 21s.

31.
32,
33.

RAMSDEN'S ENGINE
4to.
5s.

for

Dividing Mathematical Instruments.

4to.
5s.

ENGINE
SABINE'S
Royal
of the Earth.

for

Dividing Straight Lines.

to
4to.

PENDULUM EXPERIMENTS
1825.
40s.

Determine the Figure

1772.

34.

SHEPHERD'S TABLES
4to.

for

Correcting Lunar Distances.

of 1787.

21s.

35.
36. 37.

TABLES, GENERAL,
from the SUN, and 10

the

MOON'S DISTANCE
5s. 6d.

STARS.

Folio.

TAYLOR'S SEXAGESIMAL TABLE. 1780. 4to. TABLES OF LOGARITHMS. 4to. 31.

TIARK'S ASTRONOMICAL OBSERVATIONS
of

15s.

38. 39.

for the

Longitude

Madeira.

1822.

4to.

5s.

of
40. 41.

CHRONOMETRICAL OBSERVATIONS for Differences Longitude between Dover, Portsmouth, and Falmouth. 1823.
5s.

4to.

VENUS

and

JUPITER
4to.
21s.

Observations
2s.

of,

compared with the Tables.

London, 1822.
1777.
42.
4to.

WALES' AND BAYLY'S ASTRONOMICAL OBSERVATIONS.

WALES' REDUCTION OF ASTRONOMICAL OBSERVATIONS

MADE
10s. 6d.

IN

THE SOUTHERN HEMISPHERE.

17641771.

178S.

4tO.

BABBAGE'S

(Charles)

Economy
6s.

of

Machinery and Manufactures.

Svo.
9s. 6d.

Fourth Edition.

Fcap. Svo.

Ninth Bridgewater
and on some of its Causes.
4to.

Treatise.

Eeflections on the Decline of Science in England,

7s.

6d.

Views of the Industry, the Science, and the Government

of England, 1S51.

Second Edition.

Svo.

7s.6d.

LIST OF

WORKS
up the Eivers

BAIKIE'S (W.

B.) Narrative of an Exploring Voyage Quorra and Tshadda in 1854. Map. 8vo. 16*.

BANKES' (George)
to the

Story of Corfe Castle, with documents relating

Wars, &c.
Woodcuts.
Post Svo.
10s. 6d.

Time

of the Civil

BASSOMPIERRE'S Memoirs
England in
1626.

of his

Embassy
Svo.

to

the

Court of
including

Translated with Notes.

9s. 6d.

BARROWS

(Sir

John)

Autobiographical

Memoir,

Reflections,

From Early Life to Advanced Age. Voyages of Discovery

Observations, and Reminiscences at Home and Abroad. Portrait. 8vo. 16s.

and

Research

within

the
ar-

Arctic Regions, from 1818 to the ranged from the Official Narratives.

present time. 8vo. 15s.

Abridged and

(Sir

George)

Ceylon;

Past

and

Present.

Map.

Post Svo.

6s. 6d.

their Gallant Deeds, Daring Adventures, of the British Navy. 8vo. 14s.

(John) Naval Worthies of Queen Elizabeth's Reign, and Services in the infant state
Life

and Voyages of Sir Francis Drake. With numePost 8vo.

2s. 6d.

rous Original Letters.

BEES

AND FLOWERS.
(Sir Charles)

Essays. By Rev. Thomas James. Reprinted from the " Quarterly Review." Fcap. Svo. Is. each.

Two

BELL'S

Mechanism and Vital Endowments

Sixth Edition.

of the
7s. 6d.

Hand

as evincing Design.

Woodcuts. Post Svo.

BENEDICT'S

(Jules) Sketch of the Life and Mendelssohn Bartholdy. Second Edition. Svo. 2s.

Works
6d.

of Felix

BERTHA'S
Edition.

Journal during a Visit to her Uncle in England.

Containing a Variety of Interesting and Instructive Information. Seventh Woodcuts. 12mo. 7s. 6d.

BIRCH'S (Samuel)
2 Vols.

History of Ancient Pottery and Porcelain

8vo.
42s.

Egyptian, Assyrian, Greek, Roman, and Etruscan.

With 200 Illustrations.

Medium

BLUNT'S

Principles for the proper understanding of the Mosaic Writings, stated and applied, together with an Incidental Argument for the truth of the Resurrection of our Lord. Being the IIulsean Lectures for 1832. Post Svo. 6s. Gd.
J. J.) - Undesigned Coincidences in the Writings of the Old and New Testament, an Argument of their Veracity with an Appendix containing Undesigned Coincidences between the Gospels, Acts, and Josephus. Sixth Edition. Post 8vo. 7s. 6rf.
:

(Rev.

History of the Church in the First Three Centuries.

Second Edition.
-

Svo.

9s. 6i.

Parish Priest; His Duties, Acquirements and ObligaThird Edition.

.'//..
.,/.
'-. .I.

tions.

Post 8vo.

7s. 6<7.

Lectures on
riain
Second Edition.

the
i;.-

Right Use

of

the

Early Fathers.

Sermons Preached
2 Vols.

to a

Country Congregation.

Post Svo.

7s. 6d.

each.

BLACKSTONE'S

(Sir William) Commentaries on the

Laws

of

England. A New Edition, adapted to the present state of the law. E. Malcolm Kerb, LL.D. 4 Vols. 8vo, 42s.

By

(The Student's Blackstone:) Being those Portions of the above work which relate to the British Constitution and the Eights of Persons. By R. Malcolm Kerr, LLD. Post Svo. 9s.

BLAINE

(Roberton) on the Laws of Artistic Copyright and their

8vo.
3s. 6d.

Defects, for Artists, Engravers, Printsellers, &c.

BOOK OF COMMON PRAYER.

BOSWELL'S
8vo.

With 1000

Blustrations of

Borders, Initials, and Woodcut Vignettes. 8vo. 21s. cloth, 31s. 6d. calf, or 42s. morocco.

Neio Edition.

Medium

(James) Life of Dr. Johnson.

the Hebrides. Edited by Mr. Croker.

10s.

Including the Tour to Third Edition. Portraits. Royal

BORROWS

(George) Lavengro
Portrait.

The Scholar The Gipsyand

Post Svo.
30s.

the Priest.

3 Vols.
;

Romany Rye
Edition. 2 Vols.

Sequel
21s.

to

Lavengro.

Second

Post Svo.

Bible in Spain;
Imprisonments
16mo,
-

or the Journeys, Adventures,

and

of an Englishman in an Attempt to circulate the Scriptures in the Peninsula. 3 Vols. Post Svo. 27s., or Popular Edition
6s.

Edition,

Zincali, or the Gipsies of Spain ; their Manners, Customs, Religion, and Language. 2 Vols. Post Svo. 18s., or Popular 16mo, 6s.

BRAY'S

(Mrs.) Life of

Thomas

Stothard, R.A.

With Personal

Reminiscences. Illustrated with Portrait and chief works. 4to.

60 Woodcuts of his

BREWSTER'S
Galileo,

(Sir David) Martyrs of Science, or the Lives of Tycho Brahe, and Kepler. Second Edition. Fcap. Svo. 4s. 6d.

More Worlds than One.

sopher and the Hope of the Christian.
:

The Creed

of the Philo-

Seventh Thousand. Post Svo. 6s.

Stereoscope its History, Theory, Construction, and Application to the Arts and to Education. Woodcuts. 12mo.
5s. 6d.

Xaleidoscope:

its

History, Theory, and Construction,

Second Edition.

with its application to the Fine and Useful Arts. Woodcuts. Post Svo. 5s. 6d.

BRITISH ASSOCIATION REPORTS.

8vo.

York and Oxford,

1831-32, 13s. 6d. Cambridge, 1833, 12s. Edinbnrgh, 1S34, 15s. Dublin, 1835, 13s. 6d. Bristol, 1836, 12s. Liverpool, 1837, 16s. 6d. Newcastle, 1838, 15s. Birmingham, 1S39, 13s. 6d. Glasgow, 1840, 15s. Plymouth, 1841, 13s. 6d. Manchester, 1S42, 10s. 6d. Cork, 1843, 12s. York, 1844. Oxford, 1S47, ISs. 20s. Cambridge, 1S45. 12s. Southampton, 1846, 15s. Swansea, 184S, 9s. Birmingham, 1S49, 10s. Edinburgh, 1850, 15s. Ipswich, 1851, 16s. 6d. Belfast, 1S52, 15s. Hull, 1853, 10s. 6d. Liverpool, 1854, 18s. Glasgow, 1855, 15s.; Cheltenham, 1856, 18s; Dublin, 1857, 15s.

LIST OF

WORKS

BRITISH CLASSICS.

Series of Standard English Authors, printed from the most correct text, and edited with elucidatory notes. Published occasionally in demy Svo. Volumes.
Already Published.

A New

GOLDSMITH'S WORKS.
Vignettes. 4 Vols. 30s.

Edited

by Petee

Cunningham,

F.S.A.

GIBBON'S DECLINE AND FALL OF THE

Edited by

ROMAN EMPIRE.
8 Vols. 60s.

William Smith, LL.D.

3 Vols.

Portrait and Maps.

JOHNSON'S LIVES OF THE ENGLISH POETS.

Cunningham, F.S.A.
22s. 6d.

Edited by Petee
6 vols.
45s.

BYRON'S POETICAL WORKS.

Edited, with Notes.

In Preparation.

WORKS OF POPE. Edited, with Notes. AVORKS OF DRYDEN. Edited, with Notes. HUME'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND. Edited, with Notes. LIFE, LETTERS, AND JOURNALS OF SWIFT. Edited, with
by John Forstek.

Notes,

WORKS OF SWIFT. Edited, with Notes. By John Foestee. WORKS OF ADDISON. Edited, with Notes. By Rev. W. Llwin. BROUGHTON'S (Lord) Journey through Albania and other Provinces of Turkey in Europe and Asia, to Constantinople, 1809 10.
Third Edition.

Maps and Woodcuts.

:

2 Vols. 8vo.

30s.

ITALY
the

Eemarks made
Second Edition.

in several Tisits from

Post 8vo.
18s.

Year 1S1G

to 1S54.

2 vols.

BUBBLES FROM THE BRUNNEN OF NASSAU. By

Man.
Sixth Edition.

an Old

16mo.

5s.

BUNBUR Y'S
;

(C. J. F.) Journal of a Residence at the Cape of Good Hope with Excursions into the Interior, and Notes on the Natural History and Native Tribes of the Country. Woodcuts. Post 8vo. 9s.

EUNYAN

(John) and Oliver Cromwell. Robert Southey. Post Svo. 2s. Gd.
Brother Joseph, sometime King of Spain.

Select Biographies.

By

BUONAPARTE'S (Napoleon)
26s.

Confidential Correspondence with his

Second Edition.
2 vols. Svo.

BURGHERSH'S
latter

(Lord) Memoir of the Operations of the Allied Annies under Prince Schwarzenberg and Marshal Blucher during the
end of 181314.
Svo.
21*.

Early Campaigns of the

Portugal and Spain.
8vo.
8s. 6d.

Duke

of Wellington in

BURGON'S
BURN'S
BURNS'
BURR'S

(Rev. J. W.)
Post Svo.

Portrait of a Christian
Os.

lirof the l*te Patrick Fraser Tytler, author of

Gentleman a "The History of

:

Scotland."

(Lieut-Col.) French and English Dictionary of Naval and Military Technical Terms. Third Edition. Crown 8 vo. 15s.

(Robert)
(G. D.)

Edition.

Life. Fcap. Svo. 3s.

By John Gibson Lockhart.

Practical

Fifth

Instructions in

Surveying, Topogra-

phical Plan Drawiiv,', and on sketching ground without Instruments. Third Edition. Woooxuts. Post Svo. !

PUBLISHED BY MR. MURRAY.

BUXTON'S
BYRON'S

(Sir Fowell) Memoirs.

With

Correspondence. By Iris Son. Edition. Post Svo. 8s. Gd.

Fifth Edition.

Selections from his 8vo. 16s.; or, Popular

(Lord) Life, Letters, and Journals.

Plates.

By Thomas Moore.
18s.

Cabinet Edition.

6 Vols.

Fcap. 8vo.

Edition.

Life, Letters, and Journals. By Thomas Moore. Popular Portrait and Vignette. One Volume, royal Svo. 12s.

Poetical Works.

Library Edition.
Cabinet Edition.
People's Edition.
9 s.

Portrait.
Plates.

6 Vols.

Demy Svo.
Fcap. 8vo.

45s.

Poetical Works.
30s.

10 Vols.

Poetical Works. Engravings. Royal Svo.

Portrait

and

Steel

Poetical Works.

Travelling Edition.
Portrait.

Printed in small
9s.

but beautifully clear type.

Crown Svo.

Poetical Works. Poclcet Edition, Containing Childe Harold; Dramas, 2 Vols.; Tales and Poems; Miscellanies, 2 Vols.; Beppo and Don Juan, 2 Vols. S Vols. 24mo. 20s. Or, separately, 2s. 6^ Each volume,

Childe Harold's Pilgrimage.

printed Edition.
Illustrated,'

New and beautifully with "Wood Engravings, from original

Fcap.4to.
21s.

Drawings by Peecival Skelton.

With 30 Vignette Engravings on

Crown
8vo.
10s. 6d.

Steel.

BYRON

Beauties.

Poetry and Prose.

3s. Gd.

A Reading
15s.

Book

for

Youth.

Portrait.

Fcap. Svo.

CALVIN'S

(John) Life.

With Extracts from

Portrait.

his Correspondence. of

By Thomas H. Dyer.

8vo.

CALLCOTT'S

18th Edition.

(Lady) With

Little

Arthur's

History
2s. Gd.

England.

20 Woodcuts.

Fcap. Svo.

CARMICHAEL'S
Irregularities,

(A. N.) Greek and Defects. Second

Verbs.
Edition.

Their
Post 8vo.

Formations,
Ss. 6d.

CARNARVON'S
CAMPBELL'S

(Lord)

Portugal,
6s.

Gallicia,

and the

Basque

Provinces. From Notes Third Edition. Post 8vo.

made during a Journey

to those Countries.

(Lord) Lives of the Lord Chancellors and Keepers

of the Great Seal of England. From the Earliest Times to the Death of Lord Eldon in 1S38. ith Edition. 10 Vols. Crown Svo. 6s. each.

Life of Lord Chancellor Bacon. Fcap. 8vo. 2s. 6d. Lives of the Chief Justices of England. From the Norman Conquest to the Death of Lord Tenttjrden. Second Edition.
3 Vols. 8vo.
-

42s.

Shakspeare's

Legal

Acquirements

Considered.

8vo.

5s. Gd.

(George)

Modern

of Civil Government. With Institutions. Second Edition.

Sketch of the System India. some Account of the Natives and Native
Svo.
16s.

India as it Government and Policy.

may
8vo.

be.
12s.

An

Outline of a proposed

LIST OF

WORKS
With an

CAMPBELL'S

(Thos.) Short Lives of the British Poets. Essay on English Poetry. Post 8vo. 6s.

CASTLEKEAGH
life.

(The)

DESPATCHES,

from the commencement

14s.

of the official career of the late Viscount G'astlereagh to the close of his

Edited hy the Marquis of Londonderry. 12 Vols. Svo.

each.

CATHC ART'S

(Sir George) Commentaries on the "War in Russia and Germany, 1812-13. Plans. 8vo. 14s.

- Military Operations in Kaffraria, which led to the

Termination of the Kaffir War.
Second Edition.
8vo.
12s.

CAVALCASELLE

(G. B.) Notices of the Early Their Lives and "Works. Woodcuts. Post 8vo.

Flemish Painters
12s.

CHANTREY
cocks.
Sister.

(Sir Francis). Winged Editedby Jas.P.Mcirhead.

;

Words on Chantrey's WoodEtchings.

Square8vo.

10s. 6d-

CHARMED ROE
CLARENDON

(The) or, The Story of the Little Brother and By Otto Speckter. Plates. 16mo. 5s.

(Lord Chancellor) ; Lives of his Friends Contemporaries, illustrative of Portraits in his Gallery. By Theresa Lewis. Portraits. 3 Vols. Svo. 42s.
Translated from the

and
Lady

CLAUSEWITZ'S
CLIVE'S (Lord)

(Carl Von) Campaign of 1812, in Russia. German by Lord Ellesmere. Map. Svo. 10s. 6d.

Life.

By Rev.

G. R. Gleig,

M.A.

Post 8vo.

6s.

COLERIDGE

(Samuel Taylor).
Portrait.

Specimens of his Table-Talk.

6s.

Fourth Edition.

Fcap. 8vo.

(Henry Nelson)
the Greek Classic Poets.

Introductions to the Study of

Fcap. 8vo.
5s. 6d.

Third Edition.

COLONIAL LIBRARY.

[See

Home and

Colonial Library.]
of

COOKERY

(Domestic).

Founded on Principles

Economy and
New
Edition.

Practical Knowledge, and adapted for Private Families. Woodcuts. Fcap. 8vo. 5s.

CORNWALLIS
CRABBE'S

Peace of Amiens.
Second Edition.
Portrait. Edition.

(The) Papers and Correspondence during the American War, Administrations in India, Union with Ireland, and From Family Papers, &c. Edited by Charles Ross.

3 Vols.

Svo.

63s.

(Rev. George) Life, Letters, and Journals.

Fcap. Svo.
Plates.
3s.
:

By his Son.
Cabinet

and Poetical Works.

Fcap. Svo.
24s.

8 Vols.

and Poetical Works. Popular

Edition.

Plates.

One Volume. Koyal

Pursuit
of
Post Svo.
12s.

Svo.

10s. 6d.

CRAIK'S
New

(G.

L.)

Knowledge

under

Difficulties.

Edition.

2 Vols.

CURZON'S

(Hon. Robert) Visits to the Monasteries of the Levant.

Woodcuts.
Post8vo.
15s.

Fourth Edition.

Armenia and Erzeroum.

Year on the Frontiers of

Post Svo.
7s.

Pussia, Turkey, and Persia. Third Edition. Woodcuts.

Cd.

CUNNINGHAM'S
Svo.
42s.

(Allan) Life of Sir David Wilkie. With his Journals and Critical Remarks on Works of Art. Portrait. 3 Vols.

CUNNINGHAM'S
lected

(Allan) Poems and Songs. Now first coland arranged, with Biographical Notice. 24mo 2s. 6d.
(Capt. J. D.) History of

the Sikhs.

From
Hand-

the Origin of the Nation to the Battle of the Sutlej.

Second Edition.

Maps.
hook

Svo.

15s.

(Peter)

London

Past
16mo.

and Present.

to the Antiquities, Curiosities, Churches, "Works of Art, Public Buildings, and Places connected with interesting and historical associations. Second Edition. Post Svo. 16s.

Modern
Visitors to the Metropolis.

London.
Map.

A
5s.

complete Guide

for

Westminster ALbey.
and Associations.
Notes.

Its
Is

Art, Architecture,

Woodcuts.

Fcap. Svo.

Works
Vignettes.

Edited with of Oliver Goldsmith. 4 vols. 8vo. 30s. (Murray's British Classics.)

Lives of Eminent English Poets.

Johnson,

By Samuel
(Murray's

LL J).
W.)

Edited with Notes.

3 vols.

Svo. 22s. 6d.

British Classics.)

CHOKER'S

(J.

Progressive
Is. 6d.

Geography

for

Children.
of

Fifth Edition.

18mo.

Stories for Children, Selected from the History England. Fifteenth Edition. Woodcuts. 16mo. 2s. 6d.

- Boswell's Life of Johnson.

Hebrides.

Including the Tour to the

Royal Svo.
15s.

Third Edition.

Portraits.

Lord Hervey's Memoirs

Second, from his Accession to with Notes. Second Edition. Portrait.

of the Reign of George the Edited the death of Queen Caroline.

2 Vols.
8vo. 21s.

- Essays on the Early Period of the French Revolution.

Reprinted from the Quarterly Review.
Svo.
15s.

Historical Essay on the Guillotine.

Fcap. Svo.

Is.

CROMWELL
Post Svo.

(Oliver) and John Bunyan.

2s. 6d.

By Robert Southey.
Painters
;

CROWE'S

A.) Notices of the Early Flemish Lives and Works. Woodcuts. Post Svo. 12s.
(J.

their

CURETON
DARWIN'S
DAVIS'S

(Rev. W.)

Remains

of a very Ancient Recension of

the Four Gospels in Syriae, hitherto Edited, and Translated. 4to. 24s.

unknown

in Europe.

Discovered,

(Charles) Journal of Researches into the Natural

Histoiy and Geology of the Countries visited during a Voyage round the World. Post 8vo. 8s. 6d.

(Sir J. F.) China and its Inhabitants, down Post8vo. 14s.

:

General Description of that Empire

1S57.

to

Kew

Edition.

Woodcuts. 2 Vols.
;

DAVY'S

(Sir

Humphry)

Consolations in Travel
Woodcuts.

or,

Last Days
6s.

of a Philosopher.

Fifth Edition.

Fcap. 8vo.

Salmonia ; or, of the Habits of Fishes belonging to the genus Salrno. Woodcuts. Fcap. 8vo. 6s.

Days of Fly Fishing. With some Account

Fourth Edition.

DENNIS'

(George) Cities and Cemeteries of Etruria ; or, the extant Local Remains of Etruscan Art. Plates. 2 Vols. 8vo. 42s.

10

LIST OF

WORKS

DOG-BREAKING

the Most Expeditious, Certain, and Easy Method, whether great excellence or only mediocrity be required. By Lieut.-Col. Hutchinson. Third Edition. Revised and enlarged. Woodcuts. Post 8vo. 9s.
;

DOMESTIC MODEEN COOKERY.

Founded on Principles of Economy and Practical Knowledge, and adapted for Private Families. New Edition. Woodcuts. Fcap. Svo. 5s. DOUGLAS'S (General Sir Howard) Treatise on the Theory
and Practice
of

Gunnery.

Fourth Edition.

Plates.

8vo.

21s.

Treatise on the Principle and Construction of Military Bridges, and the Passage of Rivers in Military Operations. Third
Edition.

Plates.

8vo.

21s.

Naval Warfare with Steam. Woodcuts. Svo. Ss. Qd. DRAKE'S (Sir Francis) Life, Voyages, and Exploits, by Sea and Land. By John Barrow. Third Edition. Post Svo. 2s. 6d.

DRINKWATER'S
DRYDEN'S
Walter

(John)

History of

1779-1783. With a Description and Earliest Periods. Post Svo. 2s. 6d.

the Siege of Gibraltar, Account of that Garrison from the

Edition,
Svo.

(John) Works.

A New
Svo.

based

upon

Sir

Scott's Edition, entirely revised.

In Preparation.

DUDLEY'S

(Earl

of)

Letters to the late

10s. 6d.

Bishop of Llandaff.

Second Edition.

Portrait.

DUFFERIN'S

(Lord) Letters from High Latitudes, being some Account of a Yacht Voyage to Iceland, &c. in 1S56. Fourth Edition. Woodcuts. Post Svo. 9s.
Capt.

DURHAM'S
DYER'S

(Admiral Sir Philip) Naval Life and Services. By Alexander Murray. Svo. 5s. 6d. (Thomas H.) Life and Letters of John Calvin. Compiled
Portrait.

from authentic Sources.

8vo.

15s.

Europe. From the taking of of Modern Constantinople by the Turks to the Close of the War in the Crimea. 4 Vols. Svo. In Preparation.
History

EASTLAKE
From

The Schools of Painting in Italy. (Sir Charles) the Earliest times. From the German of Kxgi.er. Edited, with. Illustrated from the Old Masters. 2 Vols. Notes. Third Edition. Post 8vo. 30s.
(W. H.) Voyage up the River Amazon, including a
Post Svo.
2s. 6d.

EDWARDS'
EGERTON'S

Visit to Para.

(Hon. Capt. Francis) Journal of a Winter's Tour in India; with a Visit to Nepaul. Woodcuts. 2 Vols. Post 8vo. 18s. ELDON'S (Lord Chancellor) Public and Private Life, with Selections from his Correspondence and Diaries, liv Horace Twiss. Third
on.

Portrait.

2 Vols. Post Svo.

21s.

ELIOT'S (Hon. W. G.
Gerai.

of the Crimea. Being a Narrative of an Embassy from Frederick the Great to the Court of Krini
C.)

Khans

Translated from the German.

Post Svo.

6s.

ELLIS

(Mrs.)

On

the Education of Character, with Hints on Moral

7s. Gd.

Training.

Post Svo.

During 1853,-54, (Rkv. W.) Three Visits to Madagascar. and -56, including a Journey to the Capital, with notices of Natural llist'-ry, and Present Civilisation of the People. Fourth Thousand. Map and Woodcuts. Svo. lCs.

PUBLISHED BY MR. MURRAY.

ELLESMERE'S
(Lord)

11

Two

Sieges

of Vienna
2s. 6d.

by the Turks.

Translated from the German.

Post Svo.

- Second Campaign of Eadetzky in Piedmont. The Defence of Temeswar and the Camp of the Ban. From the German.
Post 8vo.
Fcap. Svo.
6s. 6d.

Life
6d.

and Character of the Duke of

Yv

ellington

Campaign
of General Carl

of 1812 in Russia, from the

German
4to. 2is.

Von

Clausewitz.

Map.

Svo.

10s. 6d.

Pilgrimage, and other Poems.

Engineering.
Svo.
12s.

Crown

Essays on History, Biography, Geography, and

ELFHINSTONE'S
ELWIN'S

(Hon. Mountstuart)

History of Indiathe

Hindoo and Mahomedan Periods. Map. Svo. 18s.

Chancer

Fourth Edition.

With an

Index.

(Rev. W.) Lives of Eminent British Poets. 4 Vols. 8vo. In Preparation. to Wordsworth.

From

ENGLAND
down

of Versailles, 171383. By Lord Svo, 93s. or, Popular Edition, 7 Vols.

;

(History of) from the Peace of Utrecht to the Peace Mahon. Library Edition, 7 Vols.
Post Svo. 35s.

From
to the 11 th year of 9Sth Edition. Woodcuts.

the First Invasion by the Romans, Queen Victoria's Reign. By Mrs. Marshal:.
12mo.
6s.

it 19th Century.

As

is

Social,

By W.

Political, Johnston. 2 Vols.

and Industrial, in the

Post 8vo.
18s.

and France under the House of Lancaster.

Introductory

With an
15s.

View

of the Early Reformation. Second Edition. Svo.

ENGLISHWOMAN IN AMERICA.
RUSSIA
ERSKINE'S
:

Post Svo. 10s. 6cl. or, Impressions of Manners

Fifth

and Society during a Ten Years' Residence in that Country. Thousand. Woodcuts. Post Svo. 10s. 6d.

(Capt., R.N.) Journal of a Cruise among the Islands of the Western Pacific, including the Fejees, and others inhabited by the Polynesian Negro Races. Plates. Svo. 16s.
in the Arctic Regions.

ESKIMAUX (The) and English Vocabulary, for the use of Travellers

16mo.
3s. 6d.

ESSAYS FROM "THE TIMES."

2 vols.
Fcap. Svo.
8s.

Being a Selection from the Literary Papers which have appeared in that Journal. 7th Thousand.

EXETER'S

(Bishop of) Letters to the late Charles Butler, on the Theological parts of his Book of the Roman Catholic Church; with Remarks on certain Works of Dr. Milner and Dr. Lingard, and on some
Second Edition.
Svo.
16s.

parts of the Evidence of Dr. Doyle.

FAIRY RING
Persons.

(The),

Collection of Tales

and Stories
Illustrated

for

Young

From

the

German. By

J.

E.Taylor.
for the

by Richard

Doyle.

Second Edition.

Fcap. Svo.

FALKNER'S

(Fred.)

Muck Manual

Use of Farmers.

Treatise on the Nature and Value of Manures. Second Edition, with a Glossary of Terms and an Index. Fcap. Svo. 5s.

FAMILY RECEIPT-BOOK. A
and Useful Receipts.

Collection of a Fcap. Svo. 5s. Gd.

Thousand Valuable

12

LIST OF "WORKS

FANCOURT'S

(Col.)

to the Close of the 17th Century.

History of Yucatan, from With Map. 8vo.

its

Discovery

10s. Gd.

FEATHERSTONHAUGHS (G. W.)

FELLOAVS'
Svo.

Tour through the Slave States

of North America, from the Kiver Potomac, to Texas and the Frontiers of Mexico. Plates. 2 Vols. Svo. 26s.

(Sir Charles) Travels and Researches in Asia Minor, more particularly in the Province of Lydia. Few Edition. Plates. Post
9s.

FERGUSSON'S

(James)

Palaces

of

Nineveh

and

Persepolis

Restored : an Essay on Ancient Assyrian and Persian Architecture. With 45 Woodcuts. Svo. " 16s.

Handbook

of

Architecture.

Being

Concise and Popular Account of the Different Styles prevailing in all Ages and Countries in the World. With a Description of the most remarkable Buildings. Fourth, Thousand. With 850 Illustrations. Svo. 2Cs.

FERRIER'S

(T. P.) Caravan Journeys in Persia, Affghanistan, Herat, Turkistac, and Beloochistan, with Descriptions of Meshed, Balk, and Candahar, and Sketches of the Nomade Tribes of Central Asia. Second Edition. Map. 8vo. 21s.

History of the Afghans.

Map.
Svo.

Svo.
Trials.
12s.

21s.

FEUERBACH'S
FISHER'S
Schools.

Remarkable German Crimes and

German by Lady Duff Gordon.
ISmo.
Is.

Trans-

lated from the

(Rev. George) Elements of Geometry, for the

Fifth Edition.
Gd.

Use of

- First Principles of Algebra, for the Use of Schools.

Fifth Edition.

ISmo.

Is. 6d.

FLOWER GARDEN
FORD'S

(The).

An

Essay.

By Rev.
Fcap. 8vo.

Thos. James.
Is.

Reprinted from the " Quarterly Review."

(Richard) Handbook for Spain, Andalusia, Ronda, Valencia,

Third Edition.

2 Vols.

Catalonia, Granada, Gallicia, Arragon, Navarre, &c. Post Svo. 30s.

Gatherings from Spain.

Post 8vo.

6s.

FORSTER'S
I.

(John) Historical & Biographical Essays. Contents The Grand Remonstrance, 1641. IV. Daniel De Foe.
well.

II. III.

The Plantagonels and the Tudors. The Civil Wars and Oliver Crom2 Vols.

V. Sir Richard Steele. VI. Charles Churchill. VII. Samuel Foote.

,

Post Svo.

21s.
:

FORSYTH'S

(William) Hortensius, or the Advocate

Office

an Historical
12s.

Essay on the

and Duties of an Advocate.

at

Post Svo.

History of Napoleon
Letters and Journals of Sib 8vo. 45s.

Hudson

St. Helena. the Lowe. Portrait and Maps. 3 Vols.

From

FORTUNE'S

(Robert) Narrative of

Two

Visits to China, between

the years 1&13-52, with full Descriptions of the Culture of the Plant. Third Edition. Woodcuts. 2 Vols. Post Svo. 18s.

Tea
the

Residence

among
From

Coast, and at Sea, during 1*5:3-56.

the Chinese Inland, on Woodcuts. Svo. 16s.'

:

FRANCE
cuts.

(History
12mo.

Death

of). of Louis Philippe.

6s.

the Conquest by the Gauls to the

56th 1'housand.

By Mrs. Maekham.

Wood-

FRENCH

(The) in Algiers The Soldier of the Foreign Legion and the Prisoners of Abd-el-Kadir. Translated by Lady Duff Gordon.
;

Post 8vo.

2s. 6d.
;

GALTON'S
cuts.

(Francis) Art of Travel

or,

Contrivances available in Wild Countries, Post 8vo. 6s.

Hints on the Shifts and Second Edition. Wood-

GEOGRAPHICAL

(The) Journal.
8vo.
of).

Published by the Royal Geothe Invasion by Marius, to the

Ninth Thousand. Woodcuts.

graphical Society of London.

GERMANY
12mo.

(History
6s.

From

present time.

On the plan of Mrs. Markham.

GIBBON'S (Edward)
Nw
Edition.

by Dr. Wm.

Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire. Preceded by his Autobiography. Edited with Notes Smith. Maps. 8 Vols. 8vo. 60s.

The Student's Gibbon; Being the History of the Decline and Fall, Abridged, incorporating the Researches of Recent Commentators. By Dr. Wm. Smith. Sixth Thousand. Woodcuts. Post
8vo.
7s. 6d.

GIFFARD'S (Edward) Deeds

the British Navy.
2 Vols.

of Naval Daring
Fcap. 8vo.

or,

Anecdotes of

GISBORNE'S
Post Svo.

(Thomas) Essays on Agriculture.

(\V. E.) Prayers arranged Second Edition. 12mo. 2s. 6d.

Tliird Edition.
for

GLADSTONE'S
Family Use.

from the Liturgy

GOLDSMITH'S
GLEIG'S

(Oliver) Works.

A New

Edition.

Printed from

the last editions revised by the Author. Edited by Peter Cunningham. Vignettes. 4 Vols. 8vo. 30s. (Murray's British Classics.)

(Rev. G. R.) Campaigns of the British

Army

at

Washing-

ton and

New

Orleans.

Post Svo.

2s. 6d.

Story of the Battle of Waterloo.

and Authentic Sources.
Post 8vo.
5s.

Compiled from Public

Narrative of Sir Robert Sale's Brigade in Afghanistan, with an Account of the Seizure and Defence of Jellalabad. Post Svo. 2s. 6d.
Life of Robert
Life
8vo.
5s.

Lord

Clive.

Post Svo.

5s.

and Letters of General Sir Thomas Munro.

Post

GORDON'S

(Sir Alex. Duff) Sketches of

German
:

from the

War of Liberation. From

(Lady

the

German.

Life, and Scenes Post 8vo. Gs.

Trial for Witchcraft ever known.

Duff) Amber- Witch the most interesting From the German. Post Svo. 2s. 6d.
in
Algiers.
of
1.

French
Legion. Post Svo.
2.

The

Soldier of the Foreign

The Prisoners

Abd-el-Kadir.

From
Trials.

the French.

2s. 6d.

Remarkable German Crimes and

German
of Fuerbach.

From

the

8vo.

12s.
;

GRANT'S

(Asahel)

Nestorians, or the Lost Tribes

containing

Evidence of their Identity, their Manners, Customs, and Ceremonies ; with Sketches of Travel in Ancient Assyria, Armenia, and Mesopotamia ; and Illustrations of Scripture Prophecy. Third Edition. Fcap 8vo. 6s.

14

LIST OF

WORKS
Being the Public and Private

GEENVILLE

(The)

PAPERS.

Correspondence of George Grenville, his Friends and Contemporaries, Including his DiARr of Political during a period of 30 years. Events while First Lord of the Treasury. Edited, with Notes, by J. SiiiTn. 4 Vols. 8vo. 16s. each. W.

GEEEK GRAMMAR FOR SCHOOLS.

By
the Bishop of London.
3s.

Abridged from Matthias.

Ninth Edition, revised by Rev. J. Edwards.

12mo.

GREY'S GROTE'S

(Sir

George)

Polynesian
the

Mythology,
Zealand Race.

and

Ancient
Post

Traditional History of 8vo. 10s. 6 d.

New

Woodcuts.

(George) History of Greece.

From

the Earliest Times

to the close of the generation contemporary with the death of Alexander the Great. Third Edition. Maps and Index. 12 vols. 8vo. 16s. each.

GROSVENOR'S
the

(Lord Robert) Leaves from

of 1S51.

my

Journal during
3s. Gd.

Summer

Second Edition.

Plates.

Post 8vo.

GUSTAVUS VASA
HALLAM'S

(History

from his Correspondence.

of), King of Sweden. Portrait. 8vo. 10s. Gd.

With Extracts

(Henry) Constitutional History of England, from the

History

Accession of Henry the Seventh to the Death of George the Second. Seventh Edition. 3 Vols. Svo. 30s.

of

Europe
8vo.
30s.

during

the

Middle

Ages.

Tenth Edition.

3 Vols.

Introduction to the Literary History of Europe, during the 16th, 17th, and 18th Centuries. Fourth Edition. 3 Vols. 8vo. 36s. Literary Essays and Characters. Selected from the
work. Fcap. Svo. 2s. Historical Works. Containing the History of England, The Muldle Ages of Europe, and the Literary History of Europe. Complete Edition. 10 Vols. Post 8vo. 6s. each. HAMILTON'S (James) Wanderings in Northern Africa, Benghazi, Cyrene, the Oasis of Siwah, &c. Second Edition. Woodcuts. Post Svo. 12s. (Walter) Hindostan, Geographically, Statistically,
last

and Historically.

Map.

2 Vols.

4to.

94s. Gd.

HAMPDEN'S
from
its

(Bishop) Essay

on the Philosophical Evidence of

Christianity,

or the Credibility obtained to a Scripture Revelation Coincidence with the Facts of Nature. 8vo. 9s. Gd.

HARCOURT'S (Edward
and Plates.
Post Svo.

Vernon) Sketch of Madeira; with Map

8s. Gd.

HART'S ARMY LIST. {Quarterly and Annually) Svo. HAY'S (J. H. Drummond) Western Barbary, its wild Tribes and
savage Animals.
Post 8vo.
2s. Gd.

HEBER

or Sixth Edition.

(Bishop) Parish Sermons ; on the Lessons, the Gospel, the Epistle, for every Sunday in the Year, and for Week-day Festivals.
2 Vols.

Post8vo.

16s.

Sermons Preached in England. Second Edition. 8vo. 9s. 6c?. Hymns written and adapted for the weekly Church
Service of tin- Year.
Twelfth Edition.

l6mo.

2s.

Poetical
7s. Gd.

Works.

Fifth Edition.

Portrait.

Fcap. Svo.

Journey through the Upper Provinces of India, From

vinces.

Calcutta to Bombay, with a Journey to Madras and the Southern Pro2 Vols. Post Svo. t2s.

PUBLISHED BY MR. MURRAY.

15

HAND-BOOK OF

TRAVEL-TALK;
Map.
Post8vo.

or,
18rao.

Conversations
3s.
6rf.

in

English, German, French, and Italian.

the Rhine to Switzerland.

NORTH GERMANY Holland,

10s.

Belgium,

and

SOUTH GERMANY Bavaria,

Austria, Salzberg,

the Austrian and Bavarian Alps, the Tyrol, and the Danube, from Ulni to the Black Sea. Map. Post 8vo. 10s.

PAINTING the
Schools.

German,

Flemish, and Dutch

From the German of Kiiglbr. A New Edition, Edited by Dr. Waagen. Woodcuts. Post Svo. (In the Press.) SWITZERLANDthe Alps of Savoy, and Piedmont.
Maps.
Post Svo.
9s.

FRANCE Normandy,
SPAIN Andalusia,

Brittany,

the

French

Alps, the Pavers Loire, Seine, Rhone, and Garonne, Dauphine, Provence, and the Pyrenees. Maps. Post Svo. 10s.

Ronda,

Granada,

Valencia,
9s.

Catalonia, Gallicia, Arragon, and Navarre. Maps. 2 Vols. Post Svo. 30s.

- PORTUGAL, LISBON, &c. Map. Post Svo. PAINTING Spanish and French Schools.
Sir

By

Edmund Head, Bart.

"Woodcuts.

Post 8vo.

12s.

Sardinia, Genoa, the Riviera, Venice, Lombardy, and Tuscany. Map. Post Svo. 2 Vols. 12s.

NORTH ITALY Florence,

Map.
Post Svo.
7s.

CENTRAL ITALY South

Papal States.
8vo.
2s.

Tuscany

and

the
Por-t

ROMEAND
Vesuvius, &c.

ITS

ENVIRONS.

Map.

SOUTH ITALY Naples,

Map.
Post Svo.
10s.

Pompeii, Herculaneum,
(In the Press.)

SICILY.
man

Map.
by

Post Svo.
Sir

PAINTING the
of Kugi.er. Edited 30s. 2 Vols. Post Svo.

Italian Schools.

From the GerCharles Eastlake, R. A. Woodcuts.

(A Short Biographical
6s. 6d.

ITALIAN PAINTERS:
Dictionary
-

of.)

With
Maps.

a Chart.

Post 8vo.

GREECE the

Ionian Islands, Albania, Thessaly,

15s.

and Macedonia.

Post Svo.

TURKEY
the Pyramids,

Malta, Asia Minor, Constantinople,

Maps.
Post Svo.

Armenia, Mesopotamia, &c.

EGYPT Thebes,
Mount
Sinai,

SYRIA
Sinai,

AND
24s

the Nile, Alexandria, Cairo, &c. Map. Post 8vo. 15s. PALESTINE; the Peninsula of
Maps.
2

Edom, and the Syrian Desert,

Vols.

Post Svo.

24s.

INDIA. Part
2 Vols.

1.

Bombay and Madras.

Maps.

Map.
Post

Post 8vo.

DENMARK
Svo. 8vo.
15s.
12s.

Norway and Sweden.

Baltic and Finland.

RUSSIAThe

Maps.

Post

16

LIST OF

WORKS
and Present.
16s.

HANDBOOK OF LONDON, Past

arranged.
Second Edition.
of interest in the Metropolis.

Alphabetically
all

Post Svo.

MODERN LONDON. A
Map.
16mo.

Guide to
5s.

objects

- ENVIRONS OF LONDON.
30 Miles round
St. Paul's.

Including a Circle of
{In preparation.)

Maps.

Post Svo.

Svo.

WILTS, DORSET,

DEVON AND CORNWALL. Maps. AND SOMERSET.

KENT AND SUSSEX.
SURREY,

Post Svo.

Map.

Post

HANTS,
7.

Map. Post Svo. 10s. and the Isle of Wight.

Art,

Maps.

Post 8vo.

7*. 6

WESTMINSTER ABBEY its

and Associations.
Preparation.

Architecture,

Woodcuts.

16mo.

Is.

CATHEDRALS OF ENGLAND.
PARIS.
Authors.

Post Svo.

In

Post Svo.

(In Preparation.)
Chiefly

FAMILIAR QUOTATIONS.
Third Edition.
Fcap. Svo.
5s.

from English

ARCHITECTURE.
By James Fergussox.
Svo.
26s.

Being a Concise and Popular

Account of the Different Styles prevailing in all Ages and Countries. Fourth Thousand. With 850 Illustrations.

ARTS OF THE MIDDLE AGES AND REnaissance.

By M.

Jules Labarte.

With

200 Illustrations.

8vo. 18s.

HEAD'S

(Sir Francis) Rough Note3 of some Rapid Journeys across the Pampas and over the Andes. Post Svo. 2s. 6rf.

Descriptive
2 Vols.

Essays
Post Svo.

contributed
18s.

to

the

" Quarterly

Review."

Bubbles from the Brunnen of Nassau.

Sixth Edition.
.

By an Old Man.
2s. Qd.

16mo.

5s.

Emigrant.
Railway.

Sixth Edition.
;

Fcap. 8vo.

Stokers and Pokers

Post 8vo.

or,

the

London and North- Western

Post Svo.
12s.

2s. 6J.

Defenceless State of Great Britain.

Faggot
.

of

French

Sticks

or,

Sketches

of
8vo.

Paris.
12s.

New Edition. 2 Vols. Post Svo. 12s. Fortnight in Ireland. Second Edition.
(Sir George)
Second Edition.

Map.

Forest Scenes and Incidents

10s.

in Canada.

Post Svo.

Home

Tour through

the

Manufacturing Districts of
and the

England, Scotltmd, and Ireland, including the Channel Islands, Third Edition. 2 Vols. Post Svo. 12s. Isle of .Man.

(Sir Edmund) Handbook

and French Schools.
Shall and Will
Verbs.
;

of

Painting

the

Spanish

With
or,

Illustrations.

Post Svo.

Two Chapters on Future Auxiliary

Fcap. Svo.
4s.

Second Edition, Enlarged.

PUBLISHED BY MR. MURRAY.

HEIRESS
By
(The) in

17

Her Minority

or,

The Progress
2 Vols.

the Author of

"Bebtha's Journal."

of Character. 12mo. 18s.

HERODOTUS.
Svo.

New English Version. Edited with Notes, By Rev G-. Rawlinson, assisted by Sir Henry and Essays. and Sib J. G. Wilkikson. Maps and Woodcuts. 4 Vols. Rawlinson,
ISs. each.

HERVEY'S

(Lord) Memoirs of the Reign of George the Second, from his Accession to the Death of Queen Caroline. Edited, with Notes
by Mr. Croker.
Second Edition.
Portrait.

2 Vols. Svo.

21s.

HICKMAN'S
HILLARD'S

(Wii.) Treatise on the Courts Martial. Svo. 10s. 6d.

(G. S.)

Law and

Practice of Naval

Six Months in

Italy.

2 Yols.

Post Svo.

16*.

HISTORY OF ENGLAND AND PRANCE under the House View of the Early Reformation.
of Lancaster.
Second Edition.

With an

Introductory

Svo.

15s.

HOLLAND'S
Is. 3d.

(Rev. W. B.) Psalms and Hymns, selected and adapted to the various Solemnities of the Church. Third Edition. 24mo.
G.)

HOLL WAY'S (J.

Month

in

Norway.

Fcap. Svo.

2s.

HONEY BEE
HOOK'S

(The).

An

Essay.

By Rev. Thomas
Fcap. Svo.
Is.

James.

Reprinted from the " Quarterly Review."

(Rev. Dr.) Church Dictionary.

Eighth Edition.

Svo. 16s.

Discourses
Svo.
9s.

on the Religious Controversies of the Day.

Life.

(Theodore)

By J.

G. Lockhart.
Is.

Reprinted from the

" Quarterly Review."

Fcap. Svo.

HOOKER'S
HOOPER'S

(Dr.J.D.) Himalayan Journals ; or, Notes of an Oriental Naturalist in Bengal, the Sikkim and Nepal Himalayas, the Khasia Mountains, &c. Second Edition. Woodcuts. 2 vols. Post Svo. ISs.

(Lieut.) Ten Months among the Tents of the Tuski ; with Incidents of an Arctic Boat Expedition in Search of Sir John Franklin. Plates, Svo. 14s.

HORACE
:

(Works

of).

Edited by
Svo.
21s.

Dean Milman.

With

300

Woodcuts.

Crown

(Life of). Borders. 8vo.

By Dean Milman.
9s.

Woodcuts, and coloured

a Lady. Fcap. 8vo.
of

HOSPITALS AND SISTERHOODS. By

3s. Gd.

HOUSTOUN'S
Mexico.

(Mrs.)

Yacht Voyage
Post Svo.

to Texas

and the Gulf

Plates.

2 Vols.

21s.

18

LIST OF AVORKS

HOME AND COLONIAL

Post 8vo,
2s. Gd. each, or

LIBRARY.

Complete in 70 Parts.
cloth.

bound iu 34 Volumes,

CONTEXTS OP THE SEEIES.

THE BIBLE

IN SPAIN. By George Borrow.

Mangles.

JOURNALS IN INDIA. By Bishop IIeber. TRAVELS IN THE HOLY LAND. By Captains Ibby and

THE SIEGE OF GIBRALTAR. By John Drinkwater. MOROCCO AND THE MOORS. By J. Drummond Hat, LETTERS FROM THE BALTIC. By a Lady. THE AMBER-WITCH. By Lady Duff Gordon. OLIVER CROMWELL & JOHN BUNYAN. By Robert Southey.

NEW SOUTH WALES.

By Mrs. Meredith.

LIFE OF SIR FRANCIS DRAKE. By John Barrow. FATHER RIPA'S MEMOIRS OF THE COURT OF CHINA

A RESIDENCE IN THE WEST INDIES. By M G. Lewis. SKETCHES OF PERSIA. By Sir John Malcolm. THE FRENCH IN ALGIERS. By Lady Duff Gordon. VOYAGE OF A NATURALIST. By Charles Darwin. HISTORY OF THE FALL OF THE JESUITS.
LIFE OF LOUIS PRINCE OF CONDE. By Lof.d Mahon. GIPSIES OF SPAIN. By George Borrow. THE MARQUESAS. By Hermann Melville. LIVONIAN TALES. By a Lady. MISSIONARY LIFE IN CANADA. By Rev. J. Abbott. SALE'S BRIGADE IN AFFGIIANISTAN. By Rev. G. R. Gleio.

LETTERS FROM MADRAS. By

a Lady.

HIGHLAND SPORTS. By Charles St. John. JOURNEYS ACROSS THE PAMPAS. By Sir F. B. Head. GATHERINGS FROM SPAIN. By Richard Ford. SIEGES OF VIENNA BY THE TURKS. By Lord Ellesmere. SKETCHES OF GERMAN LIFE. By Sir A. Gordon. ADVENTURES IN THE SOUTH SEAS. By Hermann Melville. STORY OF BATTLE OF WATERLOO. By Rev. G. R. Gleig. A VOYAGE UP THE RIVER AMAZON. By W. H. Edwards, THE WAYSIDE CROSS. By Capt. Milm MANNERS & CUSTOMS OF INDIA. By Rev. C Acland. CAMPAIGNS AT WASHINGTON. By Rev. <5. R. Gleig. ADVENTURES IN MEXICO. By G. F. Ruxton. PORTUGAL AND GALLICIA. By Lord Carnarvon.
usr.

LIFE OF LORD CLIVE. By Rkv. G. B. Gleig. BUSH LIFE IN AUSTRALIA. By IF. W. Havcat-.ti:. THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF HENRY STEPPENS. SHORT LIVES OF THE POETS. By Thomas Campbell.

HISTORICAL ESSAYS. By Lord Mahon. LONDON & NORTH-WESTERN RAILWAY. By Sir F. B. Head. ADVENTURES IN THE LIBYAN DESERT. By Bayle St. Joiix. A RESIDENCE AT SIERRA LEONE. By a Lady. LIFE OF GENERAL MUNRO. By Rev. G. R. Gleig. MEMOIRS OF SIR FOWELL BUXTON. By his Son.

PUBLISHED BY MR. MURRAY.

19

HUME

History of England, from the InBased on Hume's History, and continued to 185S. Woodcuts. Post8vo. 7s. Gd. (Uniform with The Student's Gibbon.)
vasion of Julius Caesar.

(The Student's).

HUTCHINSON"

(Colonel)

on

Dog-Breaking;

the

most expe-

ditious, certain, and easy Method, whether great Excellence or only Mediocrity be required. Third Edition. Revised and enlarged. Woodcuts. Post 8vo. 9s.

IRBY

AND MANGLES'

Travels

in

Egypt,

Nubia, Syria, and

the Holy Land, including a Journey round the Dead Sea, and through the Country east of the Jordan. Post8vo. 2s. Gd.

JAMES'

(Rev. Thomas) Fables of ^Esop.

A New

Historical Preface. With 100 Woodcuts Twenty-sixth Thousand. Post Svo. 2s. Gd.

Translation, with by Tenniel and Wolf.

JAMESON'S

(Mrs.)

Memoirs

of the Early Italian Painters,

Tenth Edition.

and
With

of the Progress of Italian Painting in Italy. 70 Woodcuts. Fcap. Svo. 6s.

JAPAN AND THE JAPANESE. Described from the of Recent Dutch Travellers. Mw Edition. Post8vo. 6s.
JARDINE'S
Edition.

Accounts

(David) Narrative of the Gunpowder Plot.

Post Svo.
7s. Gd.

New
Use of

JERVIS'S

Officers.

(Capt.) Manual of Operations in the Field, for the Post Svo. 9s. Gd.
;

JESSE'S (Edward) Favorite Haunts and Rural Studies

to Spots of Interest in the Vicinity of Post Svo. 12s.

Windsor and Eton.

or Visits Woodcuts.

Scenes and Occupations of Country Life.

lections of Natural History.

With RecolFcap. Svo.

6s.

Third Edition. Woodcuts.

Gleanings in Natural History.

Sagacity and Instinct of Animals.

With Anecdotes
Fcap. 8vo.

of the
6s.

Eighth Edition.

JOHNSON'S

(Dr. Samuel) Life : By James Boswell. Including the Tour to the Hebrides, with Notes by Sir W. Scott. Edited by the late Me. Ceoker. Third Edition. Portraits. Royal Svo. 15s.
Edition.

Lives of the most eminent English Poets. Edited by Peter Cunningham. 3 vols. Svo.

A New
22s. 6d.

(Murray's British Classics.)

JOHNSTON'S

(Wm.)

Industrial, in the

England as it is Social, Political, Middle of the 19th Century. 2 Vols. Post Svo.
:

and
18s.

JOURNAL OF A NATURALIST.
Post 8vo.
9s.
6,2.

Fourth Edition.

Woodcuts.
to

JOWETT'S
JONES'

(Rev. B.)

Commentary on

St. Paul's Epistles

the

Thessalonians, Galatians, and Second Edition. 2 Vols. 8vo.

Romans. With Notes and

Dissertations.

(Rev. R.) Literary Remains. Consisting of his Lectures and Tracts on Political Economy. With a Prefatory Notice. By Rev. W. WniiWELL, D.D. Portrait. Svo. 14s.

KEN'S

(Bishop) Life.
2 Vols. 8vo.
18s.

By A Layman.

Second Edition.

Portrait.

KEN'S

(Bishop) Exposition of the Apostles' Creed. Extracted from his "Practice of Divine Love." Xeiu Edition. Fcap. Is. 6d.

Approach
of
1*. 6d.

Extracted from his " Manual to the Holy Altar. Prayer" and "Practice of Divine Love." New Edition. Fcap. 8vo.

KING'S

(Rev. S. W.) Italian Yalleys of the Alps ; a Tour through all the Romantic and less frequented "Vals" of Northern Piedmont, from the Tareutaise to the Gries. With Illustrations. Crown
8vo.
18s.

KING EDWARD Vim's

to the

Latin Grammar;

or,

an Introduction
3s. 6d.

Latin Tongue, for the Use of Schools. 12tt Edition. 12mo.

First Latin Book ; or, the Accidence, Syntax and Prosody, with an English Translation for the Use of Junior Classes. Third Edition. 12mo. 2s.

KNAPP'S
KUGLER'S

(J.

A.)

English Roots

and

Ramifications
Fcap. Svo.
4s.

or,

the

Derivation and Meaning of Divers Words.

(Dr.

Franz) Handbook to the History of Painting

(the Italian Schools). Translated from the German. Edited, with Notes, hy Sib Charles .Eastlake. Third Edition. Woodcuts. 2 Vols. Post 8vo. 30s.

(the

German,

Dutch,

and

Flemish
Heady.

Schools). Translated from the German. A New Edition. Edited, with Notes. Ey Dr. Waagen. Woodcuts. Post Svo. Nearly

LABARTE'S LABORDE'S
Sinai,

(M. Jules) Handbook of the Arts of the Middle and Renaissance. With 200 Woodcuts. Svo. ISs.
and the Excavated City of Petrrea,

Ages

(Leon De) Journey through Arabia Petrcea, to Mount

the Edoni

of the Prophecies.

Second Edition.

With

Plates.

8vo.

18s.

LANE'S

(E.

W.) Arabian Nights.

Translated from the Arabic,

witli

Explanatory Notes. A New Edition. Edited hy E. Stanley Poole. With 600 AVoodcuts. 3 Vols. 8vo. 42s.
(Kisio

LATIN GRAMMAR
of Schools.

Edward the
12mo.
3s. 6d.

VIth's.)
or,

For the Use

the

Twtlfth Edition.

First

Book (King

Edward

VI.)

Accidence,

Syntax, and Prosody, with English Translation for Junior Classes. Third Edition. 12mo. 2s.

LA YARD'S

(A.

H.)

Nineveh and

its

Remains.

Being a Nar:

rative of Researches and Discoveries amidst the Ruins of Assyria. With an Account of the Chaldean Christians of' Kurdistan the Yezedis, or Devil-worshippers; and an Enquiry into the Manners and Arts of the Ancient Assyrians. Sixth Edition. Plates and Woodcuts. 2 Vols. Svo. 36s.

Nineveh and Babylon

being the Result.

Thousand.
Plates.

of a Second Expedition to Assyria. Fourteenth Svo. 21s. Or Fine Paper, 2 Vols. Svo. 30s.
-

Popular Account of Nineveh.

Post 8vo.
5s.

15th Edition.

With

Woodcuts.

LESLIE'S

tions.

(C. R.) Handbook for Post Svo. 10s. 6d.

Young

Painters.

With

Illustra-

Life of Sir
of his

Joshua Reynolds.

With an Account
Fcap.
4to.

Works, and a Sketch of

his Cotemporaries.

In the

PUBLISHED BY MR. MURRAY.

LEAKE'S
on
(Col.

21

W. Martin) Topography

of Athens, with

Remarks
Second

its

Edition.

Antiquities; to which is added, the Plates. 2 Vols. Svo. bus.

Demi

of Attica.

Travels in Northern Greece.

Ma^s.

4 Vols. 8vo.

60*.

Disputed
Svo.
6s. 6d.

Questions

of

Ancient

Geography.

Map.

Hellenica. A Catalogue of Greek Coins. With Map and Appendix. 4to 63s. Peloponnesiaca A Supplement to Travels in the Morea.

Numismata

Svo.

15s.

Thoughts on the Degradation of Science in England.

Svo.
3s. Gd.

LETTERS FROM THE SHORES OF THE BALTIC.

Lady.
Post8vo.
2s. 6d.
;

By

Manners in

India.

Madras or, First Impressions By a Lady. Post Svo. 2s. 6d.

Sierra Leone, written to
Post 8vo.
6s.

of Life

and

Friends at

Home.

By

a Lady.

Edited by Mrs. Norton.

Head Quarters;
in the Crimea. Post Svo. 6s.

or,

The

By

a Staff

Officer.

Realities of the "War Popular Edition. Plans.

LEXINGTON
of

(The) PAPERS ; or, Some Account of the Courts London and Vienna at the end of the 17th Century. Edited by Hon. H. Manners Sutton. 8vo. 14s.
(Sir G. C.)
12s.

LEWIS*

Essay on the Government of Dependencies.

8vo.

Glossary of Provincial Words used in Herefordshire and some of the adjoining Counties. 12mo. 4s. 6d.

(Lady Theresa) Friends and Contemporaries of the Lord Chancellor Clarendon, illustrative of Portraits in his Gallery. With a Descriptive Account of the Pictures, and Origin of the Collection.

Portraits.

3 Vols. Svo.

42s.

(M. G.) Journal of a Residence

among

the Negroes in the

West
to the

Indies.

Post 8vo.

2s. 6d.

LIDDELL'S

(Dean) History of Rome. From the Earliest Times Establishment of the Empire. With the History of Literature and Art. Library Edition. 2 Vols. Svo. 28s.

- SCHOOL HISTORY OF ROME.

the Larger
7s. 6d.

Abridged from
Post 8vo.

Work.

Tenth Thousand.

With

100 Woodcuts.

LINDSAY'S

of the Lindsays ; or, Houses of Crawford and Balcarres. With Extracts from Official Papers and Personal Narratives. Second Edition. 3 Vols. Svo. 24s.
(Lori>) Lives of the
Balcarres, to the
Folio.
15s.

a Memoir

Report of the Claim of James, Earl of Crawfurd and Original Dukedom of Montrose, created in 1488.

LITTLE ARTHUR'S HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

Callcott.
2s. 6d.

By Lady
Fcap. 8vo.

Eighteenth

Edition.

With

20

Woodcuts.

22

LIST OF

WORKS

LIVINGSTONE'S

(Rev. De.) Missionary Travels and Researches

in South Africa ; including a Sketch of Sixteen Years' Residence in the Interior of Africa, and a Journey from the Cape of Good Hope to Loanda on the West Coast thence across the Continent, down the Thirtieth Thousand. Map, River Zambesi, to the Eastern Ocean. Plates, and Index. 8ro. 21s.
;

LIVONIAN TALES. The

By

Disponent. The Wolves. The Jewess.

Post Svo.
Is. 6d.

the Author of " Letters from the Baltic."

(J.

LOCKHART'S

Historical G.) Ancient Spanish Ballads. Romantic. Translated, with Notes. Illustrated Edition. 4to. 2ls. Edition. Post 8vo. 2s. 6d. Fopular

and
Or,

Life of Robert Burns. Fifth Edition. Fcap. 8vo. 3s.

LOUDON'S
Edition.

Directions and Calendar of Operations for Woodcuts. Fcap. 8vo. 5s.

(Mrs.) Instructions in Gardening for Ladies. Every Month.

With
Eighth

Modern
LOWE'S

Botany:

Popular

Introduction
Woodcuts.

Natural System of Plants.

of Napoleon at St. Helena. 8vo. 45s.

Second Edition.

to the Fcap. 8vo. 6s.

(Sir Hudson) Letters

and Journals, during the Captivity By William Foksyth. Portrait. 3 Vols.

Written for Friends
6d.

LUCKNOW A
:

at

Lady's Diary of the Siege. Home. Fourth Thousand. Fcap. Svo. 4s.

LYELL'S

(Sir Charles) Principles of Geology; or, the Modern Changes of the Earth and its Inhabitants considered as illustrative of Geology. Ninth Edition. Woodcuts. 8vo. 18s.

Manual

of

Elementary Geology

of the Earth and its Inhabitants illustrated Fifth Edition. AVoodcuts. 8vo. 14s.

or, the Ancient Changes by its Geological Monuments.

MAHON'S

-Visits to the United States, 184146. Second Edition. 4 Vols. Post 8vo. 24s. (Lord) History of England, from the Peace of Utrecht to the Peace of Versailles, 1713 S3. Librarr/ Edition. 7 Vols. 8vo. 93s.
Plates.

Popular Edition.
" Forty-Five
land.
"
;

7 Vols.

Post 8vo.

35s.

a Narrative of

the Rebellion in Scotits

Post8vo.

3s.

History of British India from

of 1783.
Edition.

Origin

till

the Peace

Post 8vo.

3s. 6d.

History of the War of the Succession in Spain. Second Map. 8vo. 15s. Spain under Charles the Second or, Extracts from the Correspondence of the Hon. Alexander Stanhope. British Minister at
;

Madrid from 1690 to 1700. Second Edition. Post 8vo. 6s. 6d. Life of Louis Prince of Conde, surnamed the Great.
Post 8vo.
6s.

Life of Belisarius.

Second Edition.

Post Svo. 10s. 6d.

6s.

Historical and Critical Essays.

Post Svo.

Story of Joan of Arc. Fcap. 8vo. Is. Addresses Delivered at Manchester, Leeds, and Birmingham. Fcap. Svo. Is.

CULLOCH'S
Works.

(J.

R.)

Collected

Edition of Rioardo's Political

Second Edition.
Svo. 16s.

With Notes and Memoir.

PUBLISHED BY MR. MURRAY.

23

MALCOLM'S
Post Svo.

(Sir John) Sketches

6s.

of

Persia.

Third Edition.

HANSEL'S

(Rev. H. L.) The Limits of Religious Thought Examined. Being the Bainpton Lectures tor 1858. Third Edition. with a Preface. 8vo. 12s. (Gideon A.) Thoughts on Animalcules; or, the MANTELL'S Invisible World, as revealed by the Microscope. Second Edition. Plates.
16mo.
Officers
6s.

MANUAL OF
Maps.
sion

SCIENTIFIC ENQUIRY, Prepared

for the

Use

of

and Travellers.
Post Svo.

By various Writers. Third Edition revised. [Published hy order of the Lords of the Admiralty)

MARKHAM'S
Reign.

(Mrs.) History of England. From the First Invaby the Romans, down to the fourteenth year of Queen Victoria's
98th Edition.

Woodcuts.

12mo.

6s.

History of France.
to the

From the Conquest by the

584ft Edition'.

Gauls,
65.

Death of Louis Philippe.

Woodcuts.

12mo.

History of Germany.
to the present time.

6th Edition.

the Invasion by Marius, Woodcuts. 12mo. 6s.

From

School
Times
Art.
of the

Roman

By

Dr.

Wm.

From the Earliest Greece. Conquest. With the History of Literature and Smith. Sixteenth Thousand. Woodcuts. 12mo. Is. 6d.
History of
25.)

(Questions.

12mo.

School
12mo.

History

of

Rome,

from the

Earliest

Times to the Establishment of the Empire. With the History of Literature aiid Art, By Dean Liddell. Eighth Thousand. Woodcuts.
75. 6d.

MARKLAND'S
Edition.

(J.

H.) Reverence
25.

due to Holy Places.

TJdrd

Fcap. Svo.

MARRYATS
Svo.

(Joseph) History of Modern and Mediaeval Pottery and Porcelain. With a Description of the Manufacture, a Glossary, and a List of Monograms. Second Edition. Plates and Woodcuts.
315. 6d.

MATTHIjE'S

(Augustus) Greek

Grammar
Blomfield.

from the Larger Grammar. Edwards. 12mo. 35.

By

for Schools. Ninth Edition.

Abridged
Revised by

MAUREL'S
of the

(Jules) Essay on the Character, Actions, and Writings

Duke

of Wellington.

Second Edition.

Fcap. 8vo.

15. 6d.

MAWE'S

(H. L.) Journal of a Passage from the Pacific to the Atlantic, crossing the Andes in the Northern Provinces of Peru, and descending the great River Maranon. Svo. 12s.
Fishing.

MAXIMS AND HINTS

for an Angler, and the Miseries of By Richard Penn. New Edition. Woodcuts. 12mo. 15.

MAYO'S (Dr.) Pathology of the Human Mind. Fcap. MELYILLE'S (Hermann) Typee and Omoo; or,

8vo. 5s. 6d.

Adventures

amongst the Marquesas and South Sea Islands. 2 Vols. Post 8vo.

MENDELSSOHN'S
Svo.
25. 6d.

(Felix Bartholdy) Life.

By Jules Benedict.

MEREDITH'S

(Mrs. Charles) Notes and Sketches of

to 1844.

New
25. 6d.

South

Wales, during a Residence from 1839

Post Svo.

24

LIST OF

WORKS

MEREDITH'S

Nine Years.

(Mrs. Charles) Tasmania, during a Residence of With Illustrations. 2 Vols. Post Svo. ISs.
(Mrs.) on the Arts of Painting in Oil, Miniature, Gilding, Dyeing, and the Preparation of Colours Gems, described in several old Manuscripts. 2 Vols. 8vo.
;

MERRIFIELD
and
30s.

Mosaic, and Glass

Artificial

MILLS

(Arthur) India in 1S5S

Administration Political, Fiscal, and Judicial with Laws and 1'iiblic Documents, from the earliest to the present time. Second Edition. With Coloured Kevenue Map. Svo. 10s. 6d.
;

A Summary

of

the Existing

MITCHELL'S
Notes.

(Thomas) Plays of Aristophanes. "With English 8vo. 1. CLOUDS, 10s. 2. WASPS, 10s. 3. FROGS, 15s.
(Dean) History of Christianity, from the
Birth of
3 Vols.

MILMAN'S
Svo.

Christ to the Extinction of Paganism in the

36s.

Roman Empire.

-History of Latin Christianity ; including that of the Popes to the Pontificate of Nicholas V. Second Edition. 6 Vols. 8vo. 72s.

Character and Conduct of the Apostles considered as

an Evidence of Christianity. 8vo.
Life
10s. Gd.

and Works of Horace.

2 Vols.

With 300 Woodcuts.

Fcap. Svo.
ISs.

New

Edition.

Crown

Svo.

30s.

Poetical

Works.

Plates.

3 Vols.
Is. or,

Fall of Jerusalem.

Fcap. Svo.
;

(Capt. E. A.) Wayside Cross

the Raid of Gomez.

Tale of the Carlist War.

Post Svo.

2s. 6d.

MODERN DOMESTIC COOKERY.

Economy and

Founded on Principles of

New

Edition.

Practical Knowledge, and adapted for Private Families. Woodcuts. Fcap. Svo. 5s.

MOLTKE'S

(Baron) Russian Campaigns on the Danube and the

Plans.
Svo.
14s.

Passage of the Balkan, 1S2S 9.

of "Sunlight through the Mist."

MONASTERY AND THE MOUNTAIN CHURCH.

Woodcuts.
16mo.
4s.

By Author
Cabinet

MOORE'S
With

(Thomas)
6 Vols.

Edition.

Life and Letters of Fcap. Svo. 18s.

Lord Byron.

- Life

and Letters of Lord Byron.

Popular Edition.
Svo.
l.'s.

Portrait and Vignette.

One Volume. Royal

MOZLEY'S

(Rev. J. B.) Treatise on the Augustinian Doctrine of

Svo.
14s.

Predestination.

Primitive Doctrine of Baptismal Regeneration. Svo.

7s. Gd.

MUCK MANUAL (The) for the Use of Farmers. A Practical Treatise

on the Chemical Properties, Management, and Application of Manures. By Frederick Falkner. Second Edition. Fcap. Svo. 5s.

MUNDY'S
MUNRO'S

(Gen.)

Pen and

Pencil Sketches
Post 8vo.

during a

Tour

in India.

Third Edition.

Plates.

7s. 6d.

(General Sir TnoMAs) Life and Letters.

Post Svo.
6s.

By

the Rev.

G. R. Gleig.

PUBLISHED BY MR. MURRAY.

25

MUECHISON'S
Mountains

(Sir Roderick) Russia ia Europe and the Ural Geologically Illustrated. With Coloured Maps, Plates, Sections, &c. 2 Vols. Royal 4to.
;

Siluria

or,

taining Organic Remains.

a History of the Oldest Rocks conTJiird Edition. Map and Plates. Svo. 42s.

MURRAY'S
Philip

(Capt. A.) Naval Life and Services of Admiral Sir Durham. 8vo. 5s. 6d.

MURRAY'S RAILWAY READING.

For

all classes of

Readers.

[The following are published .] Mahon's Joan of Arc. Is. Wellington. By Lord Elle3mere. 6d. Head's Emigrant. 2s. 6<2. NlMRODONTHE CHASE, Is. Nimrod on the Road. Is. Essays from "The Times." 2 Vols. 8*. Wilkinson's Ancient Egyptians. 12. Music and Dress. Is. Croker on the Guillotine. Is. Latard's Accountof Nineveh. 5*. Hollwav's Norway. 2s. Milman's Fall of Jerusalem. 1*. Maurel's Wellington. Is.Cd. Mahon's "Forty-Five." 6s. Campbell's Life of Bacon. 2s. Prf. Life of Theodore Hook. is. The Flower Garden. Is. Deeds of Naval Daring. 2 Vols. 5s. Lockhart's Spanish Ballads. 2s. Gd. The Honey Bee. Is. Lucas on History. Gd. James* ^Esop's Fables. 2s. 6d. Beauties of Byron. 3s. NlMROD ON THE TuRF. IS. 6d. Taylor's Notes from Life. 2s. Oliphant's Nkpaul. 2s. 6rf. Rejected Addresses. Is. Art of Dining. la. 6rf. Hai.lam's Literary Essays. 2s. Penh's Hints on Angling. Is.

MUSIC AND DRESS. Two

the" Quarterly Review."

Essays, by a Lady. Fcap. 8vo. Is.

Post Svo.
10s. 6d.

Reprinted from

NAPIER'S
War.

(Sir Win.) English Battles

Third Edition.
Portrait.

and Sieges of the Peninsular

Life

and Opinions of General Sir Charles Napier

chiefly derived from his Journals, Letters, and Familiar Correspondence. Second Edition. Portraits. 4 Vols. Post Svo. 4Ss.

NAUTICAL ALMANACK (The).

by Authority.)

Royal Svo.

2s. 6d.

{Publislied

NAVY

LIST

(The
2s. Gd.

Quarterly).

{Published

by

Authority.)

Post Svo.

NEWBOLD'S

(Lieut.) Straits of Malacca, Fenang,

26s.

and Singapore.

2 Vols. Svo.

NEWDEGATE'S
NICHOLLS'

(C.

N.) Customs' Tariffs of

to

all

Nations; collected
:

and arranged up

the year 1855.

4to.

30s.

(Sir George) History of the British Poor an Historical Account of the English, Scotch, and Irish Poor
4 Vols.
8vo.

Being
:

Law

in

connection with the Condition of the People.

TIte work may be had separately : History of the English Poor. 2 Vols. Svo. 2Ss.

the Irish Poor. the Scotch Poor.

Svo. Svo.

14s.
12s.

Historical and Descriptive Account G.) of the Forest of Dean, derived from Personal Observation and other Sources, Public, Private, Legeniary, and Local. Woodcuts, &c. Post Svo. 10s. 0d.

(Rev.

H.

NICOLAS'
biting,

(Sir Harris)

Historic Peerage

of England.

Exhi-

under Alphabetical Arrangement, the Origin, Descent, and Present State of every Title of Peerage which has existed in this Country since the Conques\ Being a New Edition of the " Synopsis of the Peernge." Revised. Corrected, and Continued to the Present Time. By William Courthope, Somerset Herald. 8vo. 30s.

LIST OF

WORKS
Road.

NIMEOD On
from the

the

Chace The Turf and The

Review."

Reprinted

" Quarterly

Woodcuts.
;

Fcap. Svo.
or,

3s. Gd.

O'CONNOR'S

(R.) Field Sports of France and Fishing on the Continent. "Woodcuts.

Hunting, Shooting,
7s. 6d.

12mo.

OLIPHANT'S
the

(Laurence)

Journey

to

Katmandu, with Yisit

Fcap. Svo.
2s. 6d.

to

Camp

of the Nepaulese

Ambassador.

OWEN'S

(Professor) Manual of Fossil

Mammals.

Including the

substance of the course of Lectures on Osteology and Palaeontology of the class Mammalia, delivered at the Metropolitan School of Science J ermyn Street. Illustrations. Svo. In the Press.

OXEXITAM'S
PAGET'S
PARIS'

(Ret. W.) English Notes for Latin Elegiacs

designed

for early Proficients in the Art of Latin Versification, with Prefatory Rules of Composition in Elegiac Metre. Third Edition. 12mo. 4s.

(John)

Hungary and Transylvania.

With Remarks on
Third Edition.

Condition, Social, Political, "Woodcuts. 2 Vols. Svo. ISs.

their

and Economical.

(Dr.)

Philosophy

in

Sport

made

Science

in

Ear-

nest; or. the First Principles of Natural Philosophy inculcated by aid Eighth Edition. of the Tovs and Sports of Youth. "Woodcuts.

Post Svo.

'9s.

PAEKYNS'
PEEL'S

(Mansfield) Personal Narrative of Three Years' Resi"Woodcuts.

2 Vols.

dence and Adventures in Abyssinia.

Svo.

30s.

Left in MSS. Edited by Earl Stanhope and the Right Hon. Edward Cardvtell. 2 Vols.
(Sir Robt.)
7s. 6d.

MEMOIRS.

Post Svo.

each.

PEILE'S (Rev. Dr.) Agamemnon and Choephorce of /Eschylus. A New Edition of the Text, with Notes. Second Edition. 2 Vols.
Svo.
9s. each.

PENN'S

Maxims and Hints for an Angler, and the To which is added, Maxims and Hints for a Miseries of Fishing. Chess-player. 2?ew Edition. Woodcuts. Fcap. Svo. Is.
(Richard)
(Rev. John) Faith and Practice
;

PENROSE'S

an Exposition of the

Principles and Duties of Natural and Revealed Religion. Post Svo. 8s. 6d.

(F. C.) Principles of Athenian Architecture, and the Optical Refinements exhibited in the Construction of the Ancient Buildings at Athens, from a Survey. With 40 Plates. Folio, bl. (Published under the direction of the Dilettanti Society.)

PERRY'S

With Extracts (Sir Erskink) Bird's-Eye Ar iew of India. from a Journal kept in the Provinces, N'epaul, &c. Fcap. Svo. 5s.
(John) Memoirs of William Smith, LL.D. (the GeoPortrait.

PHILLIPS'

logist).

Svo.

7s. 6d.

Geology of Yorkshire, The Yorkshire Coast, and the

Mountain-Limestone District.
Plates 4to.

Part

I.,

20s.

-Part

II., 30s.

of Yorkshire. Rivers, Mountains, and Sea Coast With Essays on the Climate, Scenery, and Ancient Inhabitants of the
Country.
Second Edition, with 3G Plates. Svo.
las.

PUBLISHED BY MR. MURRAY.

PHILPOTT'S

27

(Bishop) Letters to the late Charles Butler, on the Theological parts of his " Book of the Roman Catholic Church " with certain Works of Dr. Milner and Dr. Lingard, and on some parts of the Evidence of Dr. Doyle. Second Edition. 8vo. lGs.
;

Remarks on

PHIFPS' (Hon. Edmund) Memoir, Correspondence,

8vo
In
the Press.

Literary and Unpublished Diaries of Robert Phvmer Ward. Portrait. 2 Vols. 8vo. 28s. POPE'S (Alexander) WOEKS. An entirely New Edition. Edited,
with Notes.

POETEE'S
.

(Eet.

J. L.)

Five Years in Damascus.

Sites.

Palmyra, Lebanon, and other Scripture 2 vols. Post Svo. 21s.

With Travels to Map and Woodcuts.

:

HANDBOOK EOE SYEIA AND PALESTINE

including an Account of the Geography, History, Antiquities, and Inhabitants of these Countries, the Peninsula of Smai, Edom, and the Syrian Desert. Maps. 2 Vols. Post Svo. 24s. Schools and for for (Mrs.) Eational Arithmetic

Private Instruction.

12mo.

3s. 6d

PEAYEE-BOOK
ders,

(The Illustrated), with 1000 Illustrations of BorInitials, Vignettes, &c. Medium Svo. Cloth, 21s.; Calf, 31s. 6d.;
Exhortations to
Extracted

Morocco, 42s.

PEECEPTS FOE THE CONDUCT OF LIFE.

PEINSEP'S

a Virtuous Course and Dissuasions from a Vicious Career. from the Scriptures. Second Edition. Fcap. 8vo. Is.

on Indian Antiquities, Historic, (Jas.) Essays Numismatic, and Palffiographic, with Tables, illustrative of Indian History, Chronology. Modern Coinages, Weights, Measures, &c. Edited by Edward Thomas. Illustrations. 2 Vols. Svo. 52s. Gd. EAST. An Historical SumPEOGEESS OF EUSSIA IN mary, continued to the Present Time. With Map by Arrow-smith. Third Edition. Svo. 6s. 6d.

THE

PUSS IN BOOTS.

With 12
r

By Otto Speceter. A New

Edition.

Illustrations; for Old 16mo. Is. Bd.

and Young.

QUAETEELY EEYIEW
EANKE'S

(The).

8vo.

6s.

(Leopold) Political and Ecclesiastical Flistory of the

Popes of Rome, during the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries. Translated from the German by Mrs. Austin. Third Edition. 2 Vols. 8vo. 24s.

EAWLINSON'S
Version.
8vo.

(Eev. George)

Herodotus.

A New

English

Assisted by Sir Henry Edited with Notes and Essays. Rawlinson and Sir J. G. Wilkinson. Maps and Woodcuts. 4 Vols.
18s. each.

Evidences of Eevealed Eeligion. Historical Being the Bampton Lectures for 1859. Svo. Nearly ready.

REJECTED ADDEESSES
With Biographies

(The).

By James and Horace Smith.

of the Authors, and additional Notes. New Edition, w\th the Author's latest Corrections. Pcap. Svo. Is., or Fine Paper, with Portrait. Fcap. Svo. 5s.

EENNIE'S

(James) Insect Architecture.

To which

are

added

Chapters on the Ravages, the Preservation, for Purposes of Study, and the Classification of Insects. New Edition. Woodcuts. Post Svo. 5s.

EICAEDO'S

(David)

Life and Writings.

Political Works. By J. R. M'Culloch.

With a Notice
Xew
Edition.

of his
16s.

8vo.

28

LIST OF

WORKS

EIPA'S (Father) Memoirs during Thirteen

Years' Eesidence at the Court of Peking, in the Service of the Emperor of China. Translated from the Italian. By Fortunato Prandi. Post Svo. 2s. 6d.

ROBERTSON'S

(Rev. J. C.) History of the Christian Church, From the Apostolic Age to the Pontificate of Gregory the Great, a.d. 590. Stcond and Remised Edition. Vol. 1. Svo. 16s.

Second Period, from a.d. 590

"Worms,
a.d. 1123.

to the

Concordat of

Vol.

2.

Svo.

ISs.

ROBINSON'S

(Eev. Dr.) Biblical Eesearches in the Holy Land. Being a Journal of Travels in 1S36, and of Later Kesearches in 1852. With New Maps. 3 Vols. Svo. 36s. ** The " Later Researclies" may be had separately. Svo. 15s.
(Sir Samuel)
Third Edition.

EOMILLY'S
Sons.

Memoirs and
2 Vols.

Portrait.

Political Diary. Fcap. Svo. 12s.

By

his

BOSS'S

(Sir James) Voyage of Discovery and Research in the Southern and Antarctic Regions during the years 1S39-43. Plates.
2 Vols. Svo.
36s.

RUNDELL'S
RUSSIA
;

(Mrs.) Domestic Cookery, founded on Principles of Economy and Practice, and adapted for Private Families. New and Revised Edition. Woodcuts. Fcap. Svo. 5s.

Memoir

of the

Remarkable Events which attended

the Accession of the Emperor Nicholas. By Baron M. Korff, Secretary (Published by Imperial Command.) Of State. Svo. 10s. 6d.

RUXTON'S
among
tains.

the

(George Wild
Post Svo.

F.) Travels in Mexico; with Adventures Tribes and Animals of the Prairies and Rocky Moun6s.

SALE'S (Lady) Journal

Edition.

of the Disasters in Affghanistan.

Eighth
of

Post Svo.

12s.

(Sir Eobert) Brigade in Affghanistan.

With an Account

the Seizure and Defence of Jellalabad. ByREV.G.R.GLF.io. Post8vo.2s.6d.

SANDWITH'S
and

(Humphry) Narrative of the Siege of Ears of the Six Months' Resistance by the Turkish Garrison under General Williams, Seventh Thousand. Post Svo. 3s. 6d.
(G.

SCOTT'S

Gilbert)

Remarks

on

Secular

and
8vo.

Domestic
9s.

Architecture, Present and Future.

Second Edition.

SCROPE'S (William) Days of

Days and Nights

Deer-Stalking in the Forest of Atholl ; with some Account of the Nature and Habits of the Red Deer. Tfiird Edition. Woodcuts. Crown Svo. 20s.
of

Salmon Fishing

in the

Tweed

with a short Account of the Natural History and Habits of the Salmon. Stcond Edition. Woodcuts. Royal Svo. 31s. 6d.

(G. P.)

Memoir

of

Lord Sydenham, and

Portrait.

his Administra-

tion in Canada.

Second Edition.

8vo.

9s. 6d.

Second Edition, revised and enlarged.

Geology and Extinct Volcanos of Central France. Illustrations. Medium Svo. 30s.
Students.
;

SHAW'S

(Thos. B.) Outlines of English Literature, for the Use of

Post8vo.
12s.

Young

SIERRA LEONE
quities.

Home. By A SMITH'S (Wm., LL.D.)

Described in a Series of Letters to Friends at Lady. Edited by Mrs. Norton. Post Svo. 6s.
Dictionary of Greek With 500 Woodcuts.

and Roman AntiSvo.

42s.

Second Edition.

PUBLISHED BY MR. MURRAY.

SMITH'S (Wm, LL.D.)
Antiquities.

29

Smaller Dictionary of Greek and Roman Abridged from the above work. Fourth Edition. With

200 Woodcuts.
thology.

Crown

Svo.

7s.

6<1.

Dictionary of Greek and

Eoman Biography and My8vo.

51. 15s. 6d.

With

500 Woodcuts.

3 Vols.

Dictionary
2 Vols.

of Greek
8vo.

and Eoman Geography.

4to.

"With

Woodcuts.

80s.

Atlas of Ancient Geography.

[In preparation.

Classical Dictionary for the Higher Forms in Schools, Compiled from the above two works. Fifth Edition. With 750 Woodcuts.

Svo. 18s.

Smaller
above work.

Classical
Fifth Edition.

Dictionary. Abridged from the With 200 Woodcuts. Crown Svo. 7s. 6d.

Latin

English Dictionary.

Based upon the

Svo.
21s.

Works

of Forcellini and Freund.

Fifth Thousand.

Smaller Latin-English Dictionary.

above work.
Twelfth Thousand.

Abridged from the

7s. 6d.

Square 12mo.

English-Latin Dictionary.
B.A.
Svo. and 12mo.

Assisted by John Robson,

[/ preparation.

Mediaeval Latin-English Dictionary. Selected from the great work of Ducange. Svo. Uniform with Dr. Smith's " Latin[

English Dictionary."]

Dictionary of Biblical Antiquities, Biography, Geography, and Natural History. Woodcuts. Vol.1. Svo. [In the Press.

Roman Empire.
60s.

Gibbon's History of the Decline and Fall of the Edited, with Notes. Portrait and Map. 8 Vols. 8vo. (Murray's British Classics.)
Student's Gibbon
;

being the History of the Decline

and

Incorporating the Researches of Recent ComAbridged. mentators. Sixth Thousand. Woodcuts. Post Svo. 7s. 6d.
Fall,

History

of

Greece

from

the

Earliest

Times to

the Roman Conquest. With the History of Literature and Art. Sixteenth Thousand. Woodcuts. Crown Svo. 7s. Qd. (Questions. 12mo. 2s.)

Student's

Hume.

History of England from the

Invasion of Julius Cresar. Bn=ed on Hume, and continued to 185S. Eighth Thousand. Woodcuts. Post8vo. Is.Gd.

History of Rome ; from the Earliest Times to the Establishment of the Empire. With the History of Literature and Art. By H. G. Liddell, D.D. Tenth Thousand. Woodcuts. Crown 8vo. 7s. 6d. [Uniform with Smith's " History of Greece."],

(Wm. Jas.) Grenville Letters and Diaries, including Mr. Grenville's Diary of Political Events, while First Lord of
the Treasury.

Edited, with Notes.

4 Vols.

Svo.

64s.

(James
Edition.

& Hokace)
Is.,

Rejected Addresses.

Twenty-third

Fcap. Svo.

or Fine Paper, with Portrait. Fcap. Svo. 5s.

SOMERVILLE'S (Mart)
Portrait.

Physical Geography.
of

Fourth Edition.
Sciences.

Post Svo.

9s.

Connexion
Edition.

the
9s.

Physical
;

Ninth

Woodcuts.

Post 8vo.

SOUTH'S
.

(John F.) Household Surgery

Seventeenth Thousand.

cies.

Woodcuts.

or, Hints on Fcp. Svo. 4s. 6c 7

Emergen.

30

LIST OF

WORKS
;

SOTJTHEY'S

(Bobert) Book of the Church

with Notes containPostSvo.

7s. 67.

ing the Authorities, and an Index.

Seventh Edition.

Lives ofJohnBunyan& Oliver Cromwell. PostSvo. 2s.6d.

(Otto) Puss in Boots, suited to the Tastes of Old

SPECKTER'S
and

and Young.
Sister.

A New Edition.
Charmed Roe
Illustrated.
;

With
or,

12 "Woodcuts.

Square 12mo.

Is. Gd.

the Story of the Little Brother

16mo.

STANLEY'S

(Rev. A. P.) Addresses and Charges of the Late Bishop Stanley. With a Memoir of his Life. Second Edition. 8vo.
10s. Gd.

Sermons preached in Canterbury Cathedral, on the Unity of Evangelical and Apostolical Teaching. Post 8vo. 7s. Gd.

Commentary on
thians, with Notes 8vo. iSs.

St.

and Dissertations.

Paul's Epistles to the CorinSecond, and revised Edition.

- Historical Memorials of Canterbury. The Landing of Augustine The Murder of Becket The Black Prince The Shrine of Becket. Third Edition. Woodcuts. PostSvo. 7s. Gd.

Sinai
Fifth Edition.

and

Palestine, in
8vo.
16s.

Connexion with

their History.

Map.
Post Svo.

ST.

JOHN'S

(Charles) Wild Sports and Natural History of the

6s.

Highlands.

(Bayle) Adventures in the Libyan Desert and the

Oasis of Jupiter Amnion.

Woodcuts.
Life.

PostSvo.
Svo.

2s. Gd.

STEPHENSON'S
STOTHARD'S
STREET'S
By Mrs. Bp.ay.
(G. E.) Middle Ages.

(George)

The Railway Engineer.

Portrait.
16s.

By

Samuel Smiles.

Fifth Edition.

(Thos., R. A.) Life.

With Personal Reminiscences.

4to.

With
Plates.

Portrait and 60 Woodcuts.

Brick and Marble Architecture of

Svo.
21s.

Italy, in the

STRIFE FOR THE MASTERY.

trations.

Two

Allegories.

With

Illus-

Crown
8vo.

Svo.

6s.

SWIFT'S
-

(Jonathan)

Life,

Letters

and Journals.

By John
Svo.

FOESTEE.

In Preparation.

Works.

Edited, with Notes.

By John

Fokster.

In Preparation.

SYDENHAM'S

(Lord) Memoirs. With his Administration in Canada. By Gr.PotrLErSCEOFE, M.P. Second Edition. Portrait. 8vo. 9s. Gd.
Svo.
14s.

SYME'S (Jas.) Principles of Surgery. Fourth Edition. TAYLOR'S (Henry) Notes from Life. Fcap Svo. 2s.

Collection of Stories for Young (J. E.) Fairy Ring. Persons. From lie German. With Illustrations by Richaed Doyle. Second Edition. Woodcuts. Pcap. Svo.
t

TENNENT'S

(Sir J. E.) Christianity in Ceylon. Its Introduction and Progress under flic Portuguese, Butch, British, and American .Missions. With an Historical Sketch of the Brahmanical and Buddhist
Superstitions.

Woodcuts.

8vo. 14s.

THRE&LEAVED MANUAL OF FAMILY PRATER;

to

arranged

save the trouble of turning the Pages backwards and forwards.

2s.

Royal Svo.

PUBLISHED BY MR. MURRAY.

TICKNOR'S
(George) History of Spanish Literature. With Criticisms on particular Works, and Biographical Notices of Prominent Writers. Second Edition. 3 Vols. Svo. 21s.
1789,

TOCQUEVILLE'S
Esq.
8vo.

(M. de) State of France before the Revolution, and on the Causes of that Event. Translated by Henby Reeve'
14s.

'

TREMENHEERE'S

in its

(H. S.) Political Experience of the Ancients, bearing on Modern Times. Fcap. Svo. 2s. 6d.

Notes on Public Subjects, Tour in the United States and Canada. Post Svo.
Constitution
with our own.

made daring
10s. 6d.

of the United States

compared

Post Svo.

9s. 6d.

TWISS' (Horace)

with Selections from his Correspondence. 2 Vols. Post 8vo. 21s.

Public and Private Life of Lord Chancellor Eldon,

Portrait.

Third Edition.

TYNDALL'S

(John) Glaciers of the Alps.

Being a Narrative of

various Excursions amoiig them, and an Account of Three Years' Observations and Experiments on their Motion, Structure, and General Phenomena. Post Svo. In Preparation.

TYTLER (Patrick
J.

Fraser), A Memoir of. By his Friend, Rev. W. Bup.gon, M.A. Svo. 9s. UBICINI'S (M. A.) Letters on Turkey and its Inhabitantsthe
Moslems, Greeks, Armenians, &c. 2 Vols. Post 8vo. 21s.
Translated by

Lady Easthope.

VAUGHAN'S
8vo.

(Rev. Dr.) Sermons

preached in Harrow School.

5s.

10s. 6d.

New

Sermons.

12mo.

VENABLES'

(Rev. R. L.) Domestic Scenes in Russia during a

Year's Residence, chiefly in the Interior.

VOYAGE

Second Edition. Post Svo. 5s. to the Mauritius and back, touching at the Cape of Good Hope, and St. Helena. By Author of " Paddiana." Post8vo. 9s. 6^.

WAAGEN'S

(Dr.) Treasures of Art in Great Britain. Being an Account of the Chief Collections of Paintings, Sculpture, Manuscripts, Miniatures, &c. &c, in this Country. Obtained from Personal Inspection during Visits to England. 3 Vols. 8vo. 36s. Galleries and Cabinets of Art in England. Being an Account of more than Forty Collections, visited in 1S54-56 and never before described. With Index. Svo. 18s.

WADDINGTON'S
Greek Church.

(Dean) Condition and Prospects New Edition. Fcap. Svo. 3s. 6d.
J.)

of

the

WAKEFIELD'S
Island.

(E.

Adventures

in

New

Zealand.

some Account of the Beginning Map. 2 Vols. Svo. 28s.

With

of the British Colonisation of the

WALKS AND TALKS. A

Portrait.

Story-book for

Young

Children.

Aunt Ida. With Woodcuts. 16mo. 5s. WARD'S (Robert Plumer) Memoir, Correspondence, Literary and Unpublished Diaries and Remains. By the Hon. Ediicnd Phipps
2 Vols.

By

8vo.

28s.

WATT'S

Incorporating the most interesting passages from his Private and Public Correspondence. By James P MuiPvUead, M.A. Second Edition. Portraits and Woodcuts. Svo. 16s.

(James) Life.

32

LIST OF

WORKS PUBLISHED BY MR. MURRAY.

WATT'S

Illustrated

(James) Origin and Progress of his Mechanical Inventions. by his Correspondence with his Friends. Edited by J. P.
Plates.

Muirhead.

3 vols.

8vo. 45s., or Large Paper.

3 Vols.

4to.

WELLINGTON'S

(The Duke

of)

Despatches during his various

Campaigns. Compiled from Official and other Authentic Documents. By Col. Gurwood, C.B. New Enlarged Edition. 8 Vols. 8vo. 21s. each.

Supplementary Letters, Despatches, and other

Papers relating
Orders.
to India.

Edited by his Sox. his

8vo.
18s.

4 Vols.

Svo. 20$. each.

from By Colonel Gurwood.

Selections

Despatches and General

2 Vols.
8vo. 42s.

Speeches in Parliament.

WILKIE'S
on

(Sir David) Life, Journals, Tours, and Critical

of Art, with a Selection from his Correspondence. Portrait. 3 Vols. 8vo. 42s.

Works

Remarks By Allan

Cunningham.

WILKINSON'S

(Sir J. G.) Popular Account of the Private Life, Manners, and Customs of the Ancient Egyptians. New Edition. Revised and Condensed. With 500 Woodcuts. 2 Vols. Post 8vo. 12s.

Dalmatia and Montenegro ; with a Journey to Mostar in Hertzegovina, and Remarks on the Slavonic Nations. Plates and Woodcuts. 2 Vols. 8vo. 42s.

Handbook

for

andria, Cairo, the Pyramids,

Egypt. Thebes, the Nile, AlexMount Sinai, &c. Map. Post Svo. 15s.
;

On Colour, and on the Necessity for a General Diffusion of Taste among all Classes with Remarks on laying cut Dressed or Geometrical Gardens. With Coloured Illustrations and Woodcuts. 8vo. 18s.
(G. B.)

Working Man's Handbook

to

South Aus-

Farmer, and Detailed Information for the several Classes of Labourers and Artisans. Map. 18mo. Is. 6d.
tralia: with Advices to the

WOOD'S

(Lieut.) Voyage up the Indus to the River Oxus, by Kabul and Badakhshan. Map. 8vo.

Source of the
14y.

WORDSWORTH'S
Tour.

(Rev. Dr.) Athens and Attica.

Plates.

Journal of a

Third Edition.

Greece: Pictorial, Descriptive, and Historical, with a History of Greek Art, by G. Scharf, F.S.A. New Edition. With 600 Woodcuts. Royal 8vo. 28s.

Post Svo.

8s. 6d.

King Edward Vlth's Latin Grammar,

12mo. 3s. 6d. First Latin Book, or the Accidence, and Prosody, with English Translation for Junior Classes. Edition. 12mo. 2s.
12th Edition, revised.

for the

Use of Schools.

Syntax
'

Third
:

WORNUM (Ralph). A Biographical Dictionary of Italian Painters

with a Table of the Contemporary Schools of Italy. Post Svo. 6s. Gd.

By
;

a Lady.

Epochs of Painting Characterised

ment from the

a Sketch

of the History of Painting, showing Its gradual and various developearliest ages to the present tiuir. \. w Edition, Woodcuts. Post Svo. 6s.

YOUNG'S (Dr. Tnos.) Life and Miscellaneous Works,edited

Peacock and John Leitoh.
BRAIIBt'ni

by Dean

Portrait and Plates. 4 Vols. Svo. 15s. each.

AM) EVANS, PRINTERS, WUITEFRIARS.